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ETHNOLOGICAL RESEARCHES,

RESFECTINQ

THE EED MAN OF AMERICA.

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HKSI-Kl TINC, TIIK

HISTORY CONDITION AND PROSPECTS

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INFOKMATION

BESPEOTINO THE

HISTORY, CONDITION AND PROSPECTS

n F T II r.

INDIAN TKIBES OF THE UNITED STATES:

COLLECTED AND PREPARED UNDER TUB DIRECTION

or TnE

BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS,

PER ACT OP CONGRESS OF MARCH 3d, 184 7,

BY HENRY R. SCHOOLCRAFT, LL. D.

ILLDSTRATED By 8. EASTMAN, CAPT. U. 8. A.

I^uhlisfieb bij liit[ioritij of Congress.

PART II.

PHILADELPHIA:
LIPPINCOTT, GRAM BO & COMPANY,

(SUCCESSORS TO GRiaO, ELLIOT & CO.)

1852.

ruQtod \y T. Ji. t 1'. U. CoUmi.

MILLARD FFLLMORK,

PKKSIDKNT OI-'TIIK ITNITKI) .STATKS,

Tin: (iUKAT FATiiKR OF Till] im:i) max.

Tins VOLCMK IS UKSl'KCTFl'LLY INS(JKI|{KIJ

liY THE

COMMISSIOXEIl OK INDIAN AFFAIRS.

NOVEMHKU 12, 1851,

M^.

INTRODUCTORY DOCUMENT.

Washington, Augnst 14///, 1851.
Hon. Luke Lea,

Comminsloner of Indian Affairs.

Di'iKvtment of the Interior.
Siu :

I linvo the honor to submit for your consideration, tlio (Second Part of my
investigations respecting the statistics and condition of the Indian tribes of the United
States, made in conformity with the provisions of an Act of Congivss of the 3d of
March, 1847.

The statistical tables, to which I invite your attention, taken in connexion with
those heretofore published, indicate some facts of leading imiiortance to tlie welfare of
the Indian tribes. The principles of the census, wherever thej- liave been a|)i)liod,
denote, that a huntor-population does not reproduce itself at a ratio, which can be,
even in the most favorable circumstances, accurately appreciated and relied on ; wliile
it is subject to sudden fluctuations, such as do not pertain to a fixed conuinniity.
The rate of reproduction is so small, and the causes of depopulation so great, that,
initil the period of their colonization, neither to increase, nor decrease, but barely to
keep up their numlwrs, is the most favorable view that can be presented. In a survey
of two hundred years, so far as facts can be gleaned, many of the bauds and siib-
tribes have most rapidly declined, and yet a greater number of them have become
entirely extinct. The policy of pursuing the chose is so destructive to human life —
so subversive of every principle of increase and prosiwrity, that it is amazing that
the Indians themselves have not peroeived it. But when this fatal delusion is
coupled with the policy of petty, predatory, tribal warfare, as it has been for all

( vll )

viii

INTRODUCTORY DOCUMENT.

the period that wi> have been in proximity to them, it is only wonJorfnl, that of the
trilx'H who were in North America in IGOO, theiv i.s a descendant left to recoJUit
their history.

The republic of the United States has had charjio of these people three (piarters of
a century, (dating from 177G.) During this jx'riod, it is demonstrated, that the
estimates of numbers for the old area of the Confederation have Ix-en either greatly
exaggerated, or the decline of the tribes in immediate contact with civilization, has
been extraordinary. In most cases which have been examined, both causes have
manifestly o|ierated. But as these seventy-five years constitute the era of their greatest
disturbance from frontier wars, and as the details from wliieh we nuist judge, are still
very imperfect, the statistical facts cannot 1x5 thrown into ivgular periods with tlie
exactitude of inference which is demanded.

In 17G4, when the efficient Cohmel Bouquet crossed the Alleghanies with an army,
which brought the hostile tribes of the Ohio Valley to tenns, he estimated the strength
of the Indian triljcs of tlie British Colonies of North America at fifty-six thousand five
hundred fighting men. Estimating five souls to each warrior, which is found to be a
reliable ratio, tlie entire Indian population within British jurisdiction, at that day,
was two hundred and eighty-three thousand souls. No fiart of the tribes of Texas,
New Mexico, California, Oregon, or Utah, was included in his estimates; but it
embraced Hither Louisiana and the remote tribes north and west of the Mississipjii,
known to the French and English tradcr.s, as is perceived by the details of the
schedule. The preliminary estimates, including partial returns of the aboriginal
census, begun in 1847, submitted in my first re[)ort, (Part I., p. 528,) denote the
entire population of the trilx's, at this day, in the present enlarged area of the Union,
to be about four hundred thousand. From this aggregate, it is essential, for the
puriHise of comparison, to deduct twenty-four thousand one hundred for the accpiisitioii
of Texas — ninety-two thousand one hundred and thirty for New Mexico — thirty-
two thousand one hundred IVir California — twenty-two thousand seven hundred and
thirty-three for Oregon, and eleven thousand five hundred for Utah ; making an
oggregate, for the newly acquired territories, of one hundred and eighty-two thousand
fi\e hundred and ninety-four. These numlx>rs deducted fiiim the gross estimates of
1850, before referred to, give a population of two hundred and five thousand six
hundred and thirty-five, for the same area embraced by Bouquet, — denoting the
number of deaths in the trilx's to exceed the births by seventy-seven thousand three
hundre'd and sixty-five, in a period of eighty-seven years : — a ratio of decline, which,
if it could Ix* taken as absolutely reliable, and continued to be equally depopulating,
would extinguish the entire Indian population of the United States in about two
hundred years. These figures are but approximations to the actual state of decline
in the hunter-life, and may be adduced to show the importance of statistical data.

The permanent causes of Indian decline cannot, however, lie mistaken. Their

I; I

INTRODUCTORY DOC UM E N T.

progiTss of detorioration ih (soimi to have liceii linked, sis by an indissoliildi- iliaiii. willi
tlieir scanty means of subsistence and non-industrial habits and character, whtivver
they have been h)cated, and however they have wandered.

Tiie cultivated field, the jdough, and the bow, lire not more luunistakeably ninrkid,
iis tyjies of habit and condition, in the Indian than the Euroi)ean races. And these
causes are .seen to be fundamental. They exist so stroiifrly in the minds of the Indian
triJK^s generally, as to have led them to llee lx>fore tiie ai)[)roaches of civili/ation,
as if it were a pestilence. On the contrary, the influences of agriculture and fixity
have Ik'cu, in a marked manner, suited to promote the growth of those bands wiiich
have iK'taken themselves to tliem — to foster the Ix'st capacities of the man, and
to protect him against the arts of cupidity and the allurements of indulgence. Aljove
all, it has been a ixjlicy from the foundation of the government, tiiroiigii the eras
of thirteen Presidents, beginning witli Washington, to demonstrate to the tril)es the
folly of their internal and external wars, as well as the waste of their energies in the
chase; and to preserve jieace on the frontiers. The first twelve sections of "the
Intercourse Act," may lie singled o>it, in an esi)ecial manner, as designed to protect
their rights and interests again.st the whites on the frontier; and the colonial history
of the most humane nations does not furnish a body of treaties, laws, and public acts.
to protect an aboriginal people, which have been pursued, through every adverse
mutation, .so perseveringly and successfully. Fixity of haltits and industry have at
length crowned the.se efforts with the elements of success, so far as i-espects the mon;
immediate tribes operated on, who have been removed to positions favoring the
practice of agriculture, letters, and morals. This is, it may Ije afllrmed, the position
of the colonized tril)es, the first steps to the policy of which were taken in 1S*J4. It
was a result not to be compas.sed in a short period, and it is a iH)int deserving the
attention of the nation; and he must shut his eyes to the evidences of the benign
eflects of civilization upon aboriginal barbarism, who does not see in this policy, that
it has been, to the e.xtent stated, successful. The Cherokees, the Chootaws, the
Chickasaws, and the Mu.scogees or Creeks, are the living monuments of rescued nations,
who are destined to take their places in the family of man. The statistics which
belong to this subject, have been sought with diligence, and notwithstanding obstacles
yet existing, ai"e in the process of successful collection, and will be in due time laid
before you. Thus far of the colonized tribes.

With res]iect to the wild hunter-trilK's of the forests and prairies, additional inform-
ation is presented in section V. B. The first part of this relates to the predatory and
mounted trilx; of the Co.manciikes or Niiiine — a tribe which, by the vocaladary printed
in section IX. A., is perceived to belong to the wide-spi-eading Shoshonee stock — a
group of tril)es whose home appears, at least from the sources of the Mi.s8ouri,' to have

licw'iB and CInrkc,

Pr. II. — I

X INTRODUCTORY DOCUMENT.

been, from an early tiino, the Rocky Mountains. It is perceived, that it embraces the
tk'gradod Bonacks or Root-diggers of Utah and the Snakes and Shoshonces of Oregon,
s[)reading also through parts of Texas, New Mexico, and California. It is probable
tliat the cognate dialects of this language cover a larger area, though much of it is
barren and mountainous, than any other stock of tribes in the United States.

The second part of the information now submitted relates to the large and widely-
spread tribe of the Ojibwas or Chipjxjwas, of the Algonquin group of our history, and
secondly, to the great Prairie group of the Dacotas west of the Mississippi. These two
important groups of tribes have, from an early epoch, occupied much of the central
and up[)er parts of the Mississippi Valley ; and the former have furnished, by cession,
a large part of the territorial area of the Western States, as will fully appear from
statement A. in part III. of section XII. of Statistics and Population, B., herewith
submitted. The Sioux, or Dacotas proper, have but just (1851) entered into general
treaties with the United States, ceding an imjxjrtant area in Minnesota, which must
become the theatre of several new States.

That the hunter and non-industrial tribes still cling with great tenacity to their
native forests and native habits — that they view with distrust, and even contempt,
the promises of labor and letters — that they glory in a wild independence and
i'reedom from restraint, and are fascinated with all the i'allacious allurements of the
chase, your recent journey to Minnesota must have given 30U abundant means to
observe ; and the fact of their attachment to forest-lifo is not surprising to the mind
that contemplates human history with enlarged views, nor does it ofl'er ground for
discouragement. We are but required to persevere in our eflbrta, and to make them
broader and fuller. Years will be demanded to reach, with practical inlluenccs, the
roving bands, who arc still strongly fascinated with the wilderness, and who now hover
fitfully around the broad bases of both sides of the Rocky Mountains, the high table-
lands of New Mexico, and the Sierra Nevada. Many of these tribes will probably
perish ; but the question of time, which must develop results, cannot alter our duties as
a nation entrusted with the highest tjpe of civilization, to collect the data of their
vital statistics and condition, and to spread them before the people of the country
and the world.

The subject is one that requires to be viewed from exalted points, and with
expansive feelings. Facts before us denote that the Indian ran be reclaimed. No
new principles arc necessary to be eliminated — no old ones to be obliterated. lie is
alike amenable to that law, which governs the races of white and of red men, and of
whoni we have the divine sanction for saying, " In the sweat of thy face, thou shalt
eat bread." The sound and practical experiment of one noble man, in 1740, were
there no other on record, would demonstrate this.'

Fiscal and vital statistics denote that it is not the curtailment of their territory that

' Hraiiionl. Works of .Toiintlian EJwnrds, Vol. X.

INTRODUCTORY DOCUMENT.

has led to Indian depopulation. It is the ruinous policy of the trilx\s of keepin<i large
area untouched by the plou<rli and in a desert state, that these territories may-
produce wild animals. Tliey have, therelt)re, perished rather from the rcjilttiou
than the diminution of territory; and from the excess of indulgence, resulting from
mal-application of their large fiscal means. If any fact is beyond dispute, it is tiiis.
It is the standard by which, like the fluctuations of the thermometer, the momentum
of Indian pi-osperity or depopulation may Imj measuix'd. By the statistics published,
it is shown that the payment of heavy annuities in coin to the non-industrial tril)Os
has been detrimental. The small tribes, with large annuities, have constantly
declined, as is witnessed in the Miamies; while large tribes, wiiose funds are invested,
or tribes of equal ninnbers, with minll, or no aiinitificn at all, wlio have not ielt the
depressing eflects of the jwriodical atUuence of these payments, have kejjt uj) or
increased in their nnmlx'rs: for, of all things hurtful to our hunter-tril)es, read^-
money is seen to bo by far the greatest — as if invested by it, with the iK)isoned shirt
of Nessus, they seem tormented mitil relieved from it.

Next to the want of industrial habits, in the inter-forest and prairie tribes, nothing
has had so great an influence, in keeping them at the zero of human society, as the
neglect or non-appreciation of education. The statistics of sciiools, including the
facts embraced in the Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Indian Aflairs, are too
incomplete and fragmentary to permit the details to be as jet submitted; but the
importance of the subject may be deemed a sufficient reason for referring to some
of the results indicated. Indian education is, perhaps necessarih', expensive. If my
data are correct, the average expense, owing to the want of avidity for knowledge,
which causes a thin attendance on the schiwls, exceeds very greatly that ol' tiie same
kind of instruction in civil life. From the number of pupils taught, in the boiirding-
schools, compared with the sums expended, it is perceived that the average amount
per scholar has nearly equalled, in some cases, that required annually to carry our
students through an academic course.

The statistics of occupation embraced in my first report denote few natives as
having embraced any of tiie learned professions, or as teachers of prinniry schools, or
mechanics: but we cannot decide that this ratio will not increase, nor that tho
elofiuence which has connnanded admiration for centuries, in their primitive convoca-
tions, is not destined to make itself felt in the forum and the pidpit. The highest
talents, united to decision and jjractical energy of character, are doubtless required,
on every ground, in the superintendents of academies and beneficiary institutions
located in the Indian country ; but it would promise more fiivorable rcsidts from
these nurseries of labo\u" and letters, if we could see tiie red man himself entering
more fully than he does, into all the departments of mental action essential to the
reformation and reconstruction of Indian society. What the triljes most retpiire is,
steady personal exertions and a deep personal interest in the great probk'm of their

XII

INTRODUCTORY DOCUMENT.

reclamation. No tribes can be substitutionally taught the arts of life. Individuals
from amongst themselves must not only take the ferule, and occupy tlie de.sk, but
they are required to take hold of the plough and hammer. It is perceived, in those
ti'ibes which have taken the lead in civilization, and who hold a high pre-eminence
over, and ofl'er a noble example to the rest, that these results, so far as we have Ix-en
able to procure the facts, are unmistakeable, and worthy of all commendation ; while
nt the same time, it is lamentable to contrast them with the state of the erratic and
hunter-tril)e.'», who raise no grain, and keep no cattle, but continue to waste their time
and energies in the precarious toils of the chase and in plans of ferocious warfare —
struggling without substantial recompen.se, and pa-ssing throngh life without a rational
object.

Other facts relative to the present condition, prospects, and history of the triljes, are
herewitli jHVsented. Tliey are suggestive, in some cases, of tlie remedy for admitted
(It'leots. Often the c[uostions rocpiirc wisdom to adjust; and there are points respecting
wliicli, indeed, it would i)erliai)s be premature to form plans, until the body of infor-
mation to l)e SK'ted on, has assumed greater nuiturity and been rendered more full,
conipreliensive, and complete. The character and idio.syncracies of the Indian tribes
aie required to be better understood and appreciated. Modes of thought and action
on their part, wiiich have Ik'ch the growth of centuries, with the habits under which
they were superinduced, require to Ix) overthrown; — and we err, doubtless, in our
estimate of the period in wiiich a nation of high progress can practically accomplish
reforms in the minds of a barbarous people, so peculiar in all their moral and
intellectual organization and forest-training as the Indian race.

My former report indicates the utter fallacy of Indian tradition on almost every
concrete point of their history, which aspires to anti(juity, except that emliodied in
the picture-writing of Mexico. Among the United States triljes, the period is almost
entirely hypothetical beyond a few hundred years. As a proof of which, it may 1h>
mentioned, that tiie exi)edition of De Soto, whitih was, by its striking incidents,
.'io well suited to impress the Indian mind, has wholly perished from the traditions
of tiie large Appalachian group of tribes — a stock of people, who are shown to have
ever possessed a<'tive, energetic minds, and determined courage. Their cranial develo|)-
nients, as denoted by a memoir on the physical type of the Indians, herewith i)ublished,
(vide section VIII. A.,) ai'e demonstrated, by the most careful admeasurements made
by the late Dr. Sanuiel George Morton, to l>e suiMjrior to those of the Toltecs, Aztecs,
or Peruvians. The same conclusion of intellectual vigor is sustained by their powers
of numeration, which are introduced in the section on Intellectual Capacity, (vide
section VI. IJ.)

In order to construct the ancient history of our triljes, and thereby to arrive at some
determinate tiiecjry of their origin, it is deemed essential to arrange them into generic
groups of iamili((s, between whom analogies of words and syntax nuiy be pointed out.

!HIP

INTRODUCTORY DOCUMENT.

nil

Tliis six?cics of research lias coinniantled my deoiicst attention for a loiiji periiKl, anil
a coinnicncenicnt of the publication of the materials collected on the sulyect is made
in section IX. A.

In submitting the tables of Statistics and Population (vide section XII. B.) one
remark on the expanding iniluence and fi.scal imiwrtance of our Indian system may Iw
oflercd. It is, the striking progress of it, shown by the number of tribes with whom
the intercourse is held; the (juantity of lands which have Ix't'ii acquired by treaties;
the amounts paid to them, and the gross amount of departmental expenditures.
For the purpose of comparing the expenditures of the oflice, the year liSlid has been
selected. In this year, the amount of annuities paid to the tribes, according to a
statement of the Secretar}' of the Treasury, (Period II., Statistics IJ., p. 54-"».) was one
hundred and fifty-two thousand five hundred and seventy-five dollars per annum ;
and the whole sum i)aid for pulilie lands, from the Declaratitm of Iiidi'peiidence, is
shown to have 1x;en twenty-four millions two hundred and twenty-seven thousand
dollars. Taking a period of thirty years, sul)se(iueiit to this time, as tiie era of
compari.sou, which brings us to 18-j(), it is shown, that the natural growth of tiie
country and its demand for new cessions from tiie tribes, had so increased, (vide
Period I., Statistics, p. 503) that the regular Indian annuities for the fiscal year
ending 30th June, 1851, reached tiie large amount of eight hundred and sixty-nine
thousand four hundred and forty-five dollars, besides special estimates, asked of Congress
to comiilete the payment of treaty obligations of prior periods, amounting to two millions
four hundred and twenty thousand seven hundred and twenty-two dollars and sixty-six
cents. The sum vested for Indian account is shown to be two milliims two hundred
fifty-one thousand one hundred and fifty-nine dollars and eighty-eight cents.

In the tables of Period III. (Statistics, p. GOl) attention is called to the quantity of
land which has been purchased from the aborigines since the establishment of the
government; the several tribes from whom purchases have l)een made, and tiie
compensation awarded. It is shown, that from 1780, when the present ccmstitution
was formed, and when, indeed, the demand for Indian lands, other than such as had
been po.sscssed by the British colonies, commenced, there has been purchased, up to
the year 1840, where the tables stop, four hundred and f<n'ty-two millions eight
hundred and sixty-six thousand three hundred and seventy acres; for wliicli tlie
aggregate sum of eighty-five millions eighty-eight thousand eight hundred and three
dollars was paid.

The twelve years that have passed since these returns were submitted, have added
largely to the amount of the cessions and the pa\ineiits for the fee of wild lands
purchased, stretching, as they do, widely into the area of the West ; and they have,
probably, somewhat increased the projmrtloii of funds vested to those paid to the
tribes. But taking the years 1840 and iS-'iO as the respective epochs of comparison,
j_lie proportion of money vested to the amount received, is (omitting fractions of

Ji i

XIV

INTRODUCTORY DOCUMENT.

inilliuns) as two are to eighty-five — denoting but little forecast in the Indian race, or
disposition to hoard their means. Even this ia far more favoral)le than at any
other period, and the majority of the funds belong to colonized tril)es.

In directing my investigations to the subject of impulation, attention is given to its
varying phases, under the plan of colonization west of the States and Territories,
commenced in 1824, and to the interesting problem of the ancient state of Indian
population in America at the earliest periods.

The whole body of facts and researches brought together, in the papers now
submitted, are commended to your attention and examination. In preparing tiiem,
the introiluction of full Roman figures and letters, at the heads of the several primary
sections, into which the work is divided, will denote the serial and general j)lan
which connects the whole, and ensures the preservation of the order of discussion.

It is designed to submit an authentic body of materials, illustrative of the history,
manners and customs, languages, and intellectual capacity and character of the whole
number of tribes now within the territorial lx)undaries of the United States; with
their numbers, means, condition, and prospects. It is intended to form them into great
family and ethnological groups, on the basis of their languages and grammars. Order
is thus sought to be restored, in an enlarged sense, where there has heretofore been
little but confusion ; and the grouping of these generic stocks will impart a degree of
unity to the subject which is, on all hands, very desirable. The idea of covering the
United States, and indeed, the whole continent, with an endless multiplicity of diverse
languages, which has been advanced, is one which has served to obscure, rather than
to elucidate their history; and is not sanctioned by the philosopliy of history.
Already, it is perceived, that a few stocks have originally overeprcad the entire
range of the Atlantic coast, — the elevations of the Appalachian and Alleghany
moiuitains, — the great Lake basin.s, — the Mississippi Valley, — and the vast prairies
extending to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, the plains of Texas, and the banks
of the Rio del Norte.

I am, sir.

Very respectfully.

Your ob't serv't,

IIeNUY R. SrilOOLCRAtT,

Agent Statistics, JfC. of the Indian Tribes of t/te United States.

CONTENTS.

1. GENERAL HISTORY.

SYNOPSIS.

A. Track of Migration rAOE 10

B. DisTRiniTioN OF Tribes 33

1. Appalftcliians 33

2. Aclialaqucs 3")

3. Cliicorciin Group 3-,

4. Algonquins 3(j

5. Iroquois 3(j

6. Dacotas 37

7. Shoshonccs 37

C. Physical Traits 38

II. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

A. Generic View 44

1. Barbarism a lapsed state of Man 44

2. Definition of the term Race 44

3. Antique IJeas of the Barbaric State 45

4. Hebrew Idea of it 4;^

5. Noaohian Epoch ^r^

0. Ideas of Historians and Travellers on this Subject 45

7. Purport of this Review of Opinions 4t^,

8. Era of Decline 4,j

9. Influence of the Continent on the Aborigines 41]

10. Unity of Manners, Customs, and Opinions 47

B. The Constitution of the Indian Family 43

1. Marriage — the Family Group 4sj

2. Tics of Consanguinity 4^

3. Totem — its Uses 4,,

(JV)

x\i CONTENTS.

4. Goncal();ty — AflV-ction for Cliiltlivn 4!>

/). Self-sacrifice of ISiunswah 41*

t>. Transitive Character of Names .OO

C. FoREfT Teachings .10

7. ChiKlrcn Early Instructed in the Arts of Hunting anil Fishing .lO

8. Instance of the Early Use of the Snare oD

0. Hunting at large .W

10. Spearing the Muskrat (Plate) .11

11. Fishing through the lee (Plate) .11

12. Setting Nets through the Ice al

1;?. Fish-ilams of Poles .'>-2

14. Niimi-kow-a-guns, or Stone Dams .12

l'». Fishing with Scoop-nets ,12

10. Shooting of Fish (Plate). Ilook-fishing .12

D. Art of Huxtino ,1.S

17. Knowledge of the Habits of Quadrupeds .LS

18. Doer-hunting ,1.3

10. Fur-hunting ,V\

20. Ingenuity of Tracking .14

21. Success of Noka in One Day ,14

22. Fight with a Moose ,14

23. Strength of lawba in the Chase 54

24. Encounter with a Grizzly Bear 5.1

E. Sioar-Makixo fi,1

25. Sugar-making a Carniv.il 5,1

26. Average Product of each Wigwam 55

27. A Time of Hilarity and Enjoyment 50

F. War and its Incidents 50

28. Its Fundamental Importance to the Barbaric State 50

20. Popular Opinion directed to this End ,17

30. Scalping (Plate) .17

31. Preparation and Dancing of the Scalp (Plate) 57

32. Feather of Honor (Plate) 57

3,3. Scale of Merit in its awards 57

84. Trait of Wisdom in Excusing Acts of Want of Courage 58

35. Bands on the Frontiers brought to a High State of Courage by Appeals and Ad-
dresses 58

,30. War Parties are Volunteers 50

37. How Enlisted. Strong Appeals to Military Glory 50

38. Character of the Addresses ,10

•!0. War-Sungs actually employed 60

CONTENTS.

G. The Wigwam and its Mates 03

40. How Order is Preserved in its Circle <'>;$

41. The Bride and her Husband l>3

42. Division of Labor *>;$

43. Domestic Character of the Man 04

II. Birth and its Incidents 65

44. Lightness of Parturition 0.5

45. The Bestowal of Names 05

46. Infancy in the Wigwam (Plate) 00

I. Death and its Incidents 67

47. Pictographic Memorials of Adults 67

48. Eulogy of the Dead 67

4S>. Dressing the Corpse 08

.50. Belief in Immortality 08

51. Address to the Dead 68

.52. Indian Burial-places 68

.53. Barrows and Heaps of Stones 09

54. Former Custom of Burial among the Mississippi Valley Tribes 69

55. Burial among the Prairie Tribes 70

50. Veneration for the Dead 70

57. Forests and Valleys favorable to Civilization 70

58. Horrid Instance of Sepulture among the Chinooks 71

K. Games of Chance 71

59. Kun-ta-soo, or the Game of Plumb-stones 71

60. Pugasaing, or the Game of the Bowl 72

L. The Indian on his Huntino-qround 74

61. The Social State of the Hunter 74

62. Potriarchal State of the Chiefs and Heads of Families 74

63. Feasting 75

64. Topics of Kemark at Meals 75

65. Modest and Moral Conduct of Females 76

66. Feasts for the Young 7(3

67. Severity and Suffering in Winter in High Northern Latitudes, and Hard Condition

of Women 70

68. Mother's Care for her Children 77

69. E.\trerae Wretchedness produced by Hunger 77

70. Attachment to the Habit of Smoking 77

71. Trust in Providence 77

Pt. TI— 2

xviii CONTKNTS.

M. MiscELLASEoi s Traits "S

72. Ball-playing T*^

73. Moving Camp 7!>

74. Dog-dance 7!)

III. ANTIQUITIES.

1. Floridian Tcocalli, or Elevated Platform Rcsidcncca of the Native Rulers and PrieAts. . . . 83

2. Antiquities of Lake Eric Rr>

A. Ancient Eriea 85

B. Antiquities of Cunningham's Island 8()

C. Sculptured Rock or Eric Inscription 87

3. Archivological Articles from South Carolina (Plate) 88

4. Archneological Relics from Western New York (Plate) 00

5. Antique Aboriginal Embankments and Excavations at Lake Vicux Desert, on tho

Boundary of Wisconsin and Northern Michigan (Plate) 91

IV. PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

1. Notices of the Natural Caves in the Sioux Country, on the Left Bank of tho Upper

Mississippi River. By N.J.Nicollet 95

2. Physical Data respecting tho Southern Part of California incluiled in tho Lino of

Boundary between San Diego and the Mouth of the River Gila; with Incidental
Notices of the Diegunos and Yuma Indian Tribes. By Lieutenant Whipple,
U. S. A 99

V. TRIBAL ORGANIZATION, HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

1. The Naiini or Comanches of Texas. (One Plate) 125

2. Oral Traditions respecting the History of the Ojibwa Nation. (Two Plates) 135

3. Contributions to the History, Customs, and Opinions, of the Dacota Tribes. (Six

Plates) 108

VI. INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY AND CHARACTER.
A. Numeration 204

1. Choctow 204

2. Dacota 206

3. Cherokee 209

4. Ojibwa of Chegoimegon 211

5. Winnebago 214

6. Chippewa 21(1

7. Wyandot 218

8. Hitchittee 220

9. Cumanche 221

10. Cuchan or Yuma 221

CONTENTS.

xiz

B. Art of Recordino Ideas 222

1. Pi(i..i;raphy 222

a. ludian Census Roll 222

h. Magic Song 223

c. Mrilii'ine Animal of tho Winnebagoes 223

d. Ilaokah — a Pacota God 224

e. Indian Signatures 22G

/. Mnemonic Symbols for Music 226

2. Alphabetical Notation 22«

a. Cherokee Syllabical Alphabet 228

C. Oral Imaginative legends 221>

1. Transformation of a Hunter Lad 220

2. Origin of the Zea Maize 2:50

3. The Wolf Brother 232

4. Sayadio 235

VII. TOPICAL HISTORY.

1. Mandans 239

2. Pontiac Manuscript : Journal of the Events of the Siege of Detroit by the confi'doratoJ

Indians, in 17G3 240

3. Anacoana, Queen of the Caribs 309

VIII. PHYSICAL TYPE OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS.

I. Physical Characteristics 31C

a. Osteological Character 316

h. Facial Angle 317

c. Stature 317

d. Fossil Remains cf the American Race 319

e. Complexion 320

/. Hair .321

g. Eyes .. 323

A. Artificial Modifications of the Skull 323

1. Tho Natchez 324

2. The Choctaws 324

3. The Waxsaws 324

4. The Muscogecs, or Creeks 325

5. The Catawbas 325

6. Attacapas 325

7. Nootka- Columbians ,325

8. Peruvians 326

1 I

I <

i\ ^

zx CONTENTS.

I. Volume of the Brain 828

1. Mexicans 329

2. 'ihe Barbarous Tribes 830

II. Admeasurements of the Crania op thb Principal Groups of Indians of the

United States. By Mr. J. S. Phillips 331

Iroquois 335

Algonquin 335

Appalachian 335

Dacota 335

Shoshonee 335

Oregonian 335

IX. LANGUAGE.

I. Indian Languages op the United States. By H. R. Schoolcraft 840

II. Plan of Thought of the American Languages. ByDr.FRANCis Lieber 346

III. Essay on the Grammatical Structure op the Algonquin Language. By II. R.

Schoolcraft 351

IV. Remarks on the Principles of the Cherokee Language. By Rev. S. N.

Worcester 443

VI. Vocabularies 457

I. Algonquin Group 458

Ojibwa of Sault Ste Marie 458

Ojibwa of Grand Traverse Bay 458

Ojibwa of Saginaw 458

Ojibwa of Michilimackinac 458

Miami 470

Menomonee 470

Shawnee 470

Delaware 470

II. Iroquois Group 482

Mohawk 482

Oneida 482

Onondaga 482

Cayuga 482

Miscellaneous Vocabularies 404

Comanchce 494

Satsika or Blackfeet 494

Cushna (California) 494

Costanos (California)... 494

CONTENTS. XXI

X. STATE OF INDIAN ART.

II. Modern Art 511

a. Existing Handicraft Skill 511

1. Pipe Sculpture 511

2. Ornamented Pipe-stems 512

8. Canoes of Bark 512

4. War-clubs and Hatchets 513

5. Cradle 513

6. Musical Instruments 514

7. Various Domestic Arts 514

8. Apccun 515

9. Muskrat Spear 515

10. Dressing Skins 515

11. Forest Embroidered Sheaths and Cases 515

12. Wooden Implements: Ball Sticks 516

XI. FUTURE PROSPECTS.

I. Importance of the Pastoral State on Races of Men. By II. R. Schoolcraft 519

II. Means of Melioration. By John Johnston, Esq 522

III. Moral Questions relative to Practical Plans for Educating and Civilizing the Abori-

gines. By Rev. D. Lowry 52G

IV. Present Geographical Position, Number, and Means, of the Iroquois. By W. P.

Angel, Esq 538

XII. STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

I. Period of 1850. Official Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for

1850 547

A. Statement of the Amount of Investments for the Indian Tribes in Stocks drawing

Interest 501

B. Statement of Interest appropriated by Congress for the several Tribes, of which

the Government is trustee, in lieu of Investments 504

C. Estimate of the Current Expenses of the Indian Bureau at the Seat of Govern-

ment 504

D. Estimate of the Funds required during the Fiscal Year (1st July, 1851, to 30th

June, 1852) for the Payment of Annuities and Fulfilling Treaty Stiiulations
with the Indian Tribes 5G5

E. Estimate for Sums required during the present Year (to Juno 30th, 1851) for the

Service of tho Department 570

II. Period of 1820. Letter op Hon. W. II. Crawford, Secretary op the Treasury,

1820 581

A. Annuities due to Indian Tribes in 1820 584

I",

xxii CONTENTS.

B. Appropriations and Expenditures for the Survey and Sale of Public Lands 590

0. Schedule of Sales before the Organization of Public Land OflSces 590

D. Statement of the Amount of Sales iVom the Opening of the Land Offices to the

30th September, 1819 591

E. Estimate of the Number of Acres of Public Lands which have been Surveyed and

Sold, and the Number which remained Unsold 30th September, 1819 592

F. Estimate of the Quantity of Land purchased from the Indians, to 15th October,

1820 593

in. Topic of Lands Purchased from the Indians 596

A. Statement of Purchases of Land made from each Tribe since the Establishment

of the present Federal Government, chronologically arranged 598

B. List of Tribes, alphabetically arranged, who have ceded Territory since the Estab-

lishment of the present Government 602

C. Aggregates of Lands, Compensations, Exchanges, and Names of Tribes, from the

Origin of the Government to 1840 605

Appendix to Statistics. — Population of the United States, — Tenth Census 607

LIST OF PLATES.

<M/vvww^/v^/^AAAl^/' .

1. Landing in Virginia. 1584 Page 22

2. Interview of Ilendrick Hudson with the Indians. 1609 24

3. Interview of Massasoit with the Pilgrims. 1620 20

4. Ethnographical Map 28

5. Spearing Muskrats in Winter 51

6. Spearing Fish in Winter 53

7. Shooting Fish 55

8. Spearing Fish from a Canoe 57

9. Indian Sugar Camp 59

10. The Death Whoop 61

11. Scalps Dressed for the Dance 63

12. Scalp-dance 63

13. Feathers of Honor 65

14. Indian Woman dressing a Buffalo Skin 67

15. Indian Cradles 69

16. Indian Burial 71

17. Game of the Bowl 73

18. Indian Woman playing the Game of the Bowl 73

19. Ball-play on the Ice 75

20. Ball-play on the Prairie 75

21. Indian Travelling 77

22. Dog-dance of the Dacota Indians 80

23. Winnebago Wigwams 80

24. Valley of the St. Peters 174

25. Transporting the Wounded 180

26. Indian Woman procuring Fuel 183

27. Indian Council 185

28. Dacota Encampment 190

29. Dacota Village 102

31. Map of the Dacota, Ojibwa, Menomonee, ond Winnebago Country 137

82. Combat between the Ojibwas and the Sacs and Foxes 142

33. Emigrants attacked by the Comanches 133

34. Map of Cunningham's Island 84

36. Earth Works on south side of Cunningham's Island 84

36. Earth Works on north side of Cunningham's Island 84

( Lxiii )

i '

xxiv LIST OF PLATES.

;t7. Antiquities from Cunningham's Island 8t>

88. Antiquities from Cunningham's Island 86

30. Antiquities from Cunningham's Island 86

40. Inscription on Rock north side of Cunningham's Island 88

41. Inscription on Rock south side of Cunningham's Island 88

42. View of Inscription Rock south side of Cunningham's Island 88

43. Antique Clay Pipes 90

44. Antiquities from South Carolina 90

4o. Antiquities from New York and South Carolina 90

46. Antiquities from South Carolina 90

47. Antiquities from New York 90

48. Antiquities from New York 91

40. Antiquities from New York 91

50. Antiquities from New York 91

51. French Antiquities from Western New York 91

.52. Earth Works on Vieux Desert Island 91

.'■)3. Ruins of Old Fort Mackinac of 1763 242

54. Census of a Mille-Lac Band of Ojibwas 222

55. Magic Music, Medicine Animal of the Winncbagoes, and Ilaokah 224

50. Indian Signatures 226

57. Dacota Written Music 228

58. Indian Burial-ground 97

50. Skull of a Chinook (side view) 318

60. Skull of a Chinook (front view) 320

61. Skull of a Chinook 322

62. Skull of a Winnebago 324

63. Skull from Columbia River 326

64. Skull from Columbia River 328

65. Skull from Columbia River 330

GH. Skull of a Flathead (side view) 332

67, Skull of a Flathead (back view) 334

68. Skull of a Californian 335

60. Dacota Pipes 512

70. Pipes 512

71. Pipo-stcms 512

72. Canoes 512

73. War-clubs 514

74. War-clubs 514

75. Musical Instruments 514

76. Fish Spears, Hair Adze, Skin Dressers, Ice Cutter, and Burden Strap ; 616

77. Implements 616

78. Implements 510

A. Cherokee Alphabet 228

B. Specimen of its Application 228

n
I'

I. GENERAL HISTORY. B.

Pt. II. — 3

(17)

'hi

'H)

i;'t

I l!

GENERAL HISTORY. B.

A. TRACK OP MIGRATION.

1. WiiKN St'bastian Calwt rcachod the North American coasts in 1497, the Indian
Race was spread through the present area of the United States whercver he touclied.

That intrepid navigator made the land in hititude 5G°, and ran down the coast to
about the latitude of Albemarle sound, 3G°, where the crew mutinied.' lie thus con-
nected the field of oceanic discovery, generally, with the primary track of Columbus
five yeai"s earlier. Cabot did not land frequently, but his discoveries had the eflect to
make known to Europe the development of the continent in the North Atlantic, as
that of his contemjwrary, Americus, did in the south.*

Those who followed him, in the career of discovery, found the race of Red men to l)o
divided into an infinity of tribes ; living in disunion, speaking ostensibly difl'crent
languages and dialects, and, so far as there was anything like government, acting on
the maxim, " Let him take who has the power, and him keep who can."

2. The sctircaptains of a bold maritime age, finding that the newly-discovered race
seated along the North Atlantic were wild men, without laws, l>olity, or arts, and
degraded to the level of the lowest hunter state, treated them as mere animals on two
legs, and irritated them exceedingly, and oflended their native sense of justice at almost
every point of their first landing, by capturing and carrying off persons. A flagrant
instance of this kind hajjpened on the New England coasts six years before their settle-
ment. John Smith (of Virginia notoriety) had been sent out in 1014 to those coasts

' Memoir of Richard Biddlo, p. 80-80.

" Americus Vcspucius discovered the coast of Paria the same year. Ten years afterwards, namely, in IflOT,
tliis skilful navigator first publisbed at Vieenza, in Italy, his collected voyages, under tho title of " The Now
World, and Countries newly Discovered." It was never disputed that he had made the voyages and discoveries
recorded by him, and his name was applied by readers as a generic to tho now continent to which, generally, he
thus called public attention.

(19)

lit

. I', '

If. '

1 f

•20 GENERAL HISTOIIY.

by tlie English comi»;uiy fur establiMliiii};; a settleiiu'iit iiii<l trailo. On returning to
KuroiK", he k-tl one of his voswls in connnand of one Kent, an Englishman, a man of
a half buccaneer ciiaracter, who, after procuring a cargo of fish, set sail to disixjse of
it in the Mediterranean, whither he took twenty Indians, who had been decoyed on
board his vessel, and sold them a.s slaves. " This avaricious and jKU-nicions I'elony,"
says Cotton Mather, " laid the foundation of grievous annoyances to all English endear
vors of settlements, especially in the northern parts of the land, for several years
ensuing. The Indians would never forget or forgive this injur}-, but when the English
aftenvards came ui^n this coast in their fishing voyages they were still assaulted in an
hostile manner, to the killing and wounding of many poor men by the angiy natives
in revenge for the wrong that had been done them ; and some intended plantations
were thereby entirely nipjied in the bud." ' This mistaken jxjlicy was proiluctive of
hatred on the part of the Indians, and served to inciva.se their natural distrust and
suspicion when the country came to Ix' colonized. A still more hoiTil)lc act of kidnaj)-
ping was jx^qietrated by Vasquez on the coast of Chicorea, now South Carolina, who,
having traded amicably with the natives at the mouth of the river Cambahee, at last
invited them to view his two vessels, and when the holds were filled, ordered the
hatches closed and sailed for San Domingo. One of the vessels foundeix»d on the way ;
the natives in the other were taken to work the mines, but were sullen and gloomy,
refused food, and most of them died of despair or voluntary starvation.'

3. England, it appeal's, had no thought of availing lier.«elf of Caljot's discoveries for
nearly a century afterwards. Meantime, Spain founded lier vice-royal empire
throughout South America, with Portugal, France, and Holland only as rivals for part
of the continent, and for the Caribbean group of islands. The rage for the precious
metals, and for the discovering of an open passage to the East Indies — the original
thought of Columbus — had setP]urope in a blaze, and animated every adventure fitted
out for the New World.'

Not only the equinoctial and torrid zones were left by England to the intlucnce of
this type of civilization, bat North America seemed destined to Ijc thus exclusively
colonized. Mexico was invaded in 1519, and finally conquered in 1521 ; and the
Floridian coasts, which were known in 1512, became the object of two notable expedi-
tions of discovery, both of which eventuated in discomfiture. The first of these, led
by Pamphilo de Narvaez in 1527, resulted most disastrously to him and his followers.

' Magnalia Chriati Americana. B. I. ch. 2. Fol. cd., London, 1702.

' De la Vega.

' Tlie French, when they first get out from the bead of Montreal Island to explore the St. Lawrence and tho
interior westward, were animated with the hope of reaching Cliina, and have left a testimonial of that opinion in
the name they bestowed on " La Chine," their parting encampment, which it still bears.

GEN K II A L 11 I S r R Y ,

TIic osciiix' of De Viica witli tluve or four companions, ami tlioir wanilcrinjrs west tor
eight years across tiie whole con >nl, till they reached the (Jiilfof Californiii. furnishes
one of the most adventurous of inrratives.' His account denotes a reniarkahle ajrree-
ment in the character and customs of the North American Indians, till he came anionji
the trihes of the present area of New Mexico, to whom he applies the nanu' of
"Jumanos." Among these he observed the "cotton blanket," and found "houses."'

In luo'J, De Soto reixnited the attempt to exploiv Florida, with more ample means.
His exploring army had not only every ap^Hjintment to ensui-e success, but was animated
by the highest spirit of chivalry, heightened by the thirst of conrpiest, Avealth, and
glory, which had made Cortez and Pizarro the prominent heroes of Mexico and Peru.
He had, himself, been one of the most celebrated captains of the latter. But the ex-
pedition melted away, month after month, amidst the dense and tangled forests of
Florida, and along the magniliceut rivers and mountain peaks of Georgia, Alabama,
South Carolina, Mississippi, and Tennessee. It wended its way, with giant strides,
irom river to river, leaving relics which are symbolized by vague tradition. The
Indians did not rally in bodies to oppose De Soto by pitched battles, but glided aside
with iwlicy, to let the "monster jxiwer" ])ass. It weakened itself, as there is sufficient
evidence to show, by detaching sub-exploring parties, who penetrated to surprising
lengths, and i)erformed herculean laljors; and this vaunted expedition, which struck
the tribes with fear and amazement, after suflering all the evils of a defeat at
Mauvila, finally reached the Mississippi river, alwut the present site of the town of
Memphis. Such an expedition, in its amount of sntVerings, feats of daring, and wan-
derings, America, and perhaps the world, had never seen, and it has prol)al)ly furnished
food for some of the most striking imaginative tales of our tribes, who have veiled the
appearance of mail-clad men under the name of the " Stone Giants "'

4. There are archaeological evidences that the death of De Soto did not cpiench the
daring spirit of discovery which had animated his extraonlinary descent into Florida,
under its ancient limits ; and that the country northwardly was extensively ransacked,
at subsequent dates, in the delusive hope of finding gold and silver mines, both by
the channels of the Mississippi and its tributaries, and along the open Atlantic coasts,
as far, at least, as north latitude 42°. It is these archaeological evidences, mingled in
some antiquarian fields of the true aboriginal antique, and, in a few instances, with an
apparently chler epoch of it, that have served to puzzle antiquarians, and to generate
theories of civilization hi these latitudes, which there are no sound reaMins for supposing
to have existed. They are, if attentively scrutinized, found to be the vestiges of an

' The "Narrative of Abar Nunez Cabaca do Vnca" hjis just (1851) been given to the public, in a translation
by Mr. Buckingbam Smith, through the enlightened liberality of Geo. W. Kiggs, Jun., of Washington, D. C, iu
a handsome quarto volume, with plates.

• Notes on the Iroquois.

tJENEKAL HISTORY.

I'xtraiiCDUrt era of arts, not hoinogcnwms or t<ui-goiuTis with tlio-so of the true aiitliiiiu
aboriginal ixn'ujd.

5. The first iH^ici'ablc interview of tlie French with the North American tribes took
place in 1535, on the waters of the St. Lawrence, under the same tiiple thii-st for con-
quest, tlie discovery of the precious metals, and a false belief in a western pa.ssage to
China and India. This was four years prior to the descent of De St)to on the coasts
of Florida ; but although twenty degives further t<j the north, it did not exhibit triU'S
at all inferior, but rather suiK'rior, to the native Floridians in energy, expertness,
courage, and forest arts. And the two exiK'ditions of Jacques Cartier to these northern
watens, though crowned with no golden discoveries, had the effect to make Francis I. a
rival of Charles V. for the division of the new continent, and laid the foundation of the
future viceroyalty of New France.

6. It was not till 1584, when ninet}-ono years had elapsed from CaJJot's discovery,
and forty-five years after the expedition of De Soto, l/it England, under the grant to
Raleigh, visited and named Virginia, and thus a.ssert.ii lier title, by right of discovery,
to the present area of the United States. Sir Francis Drake was, a year or two later,
engaged in his haU-frcel)ooting operations on the Pacific : the banks of Newfoundland
were also, at this era, well known to the maritime states of Euroiw, and freely visited
by adventurous fishermen. Laudonniere had, in 15C4, debarked in Florida, on his
celebrated plan of colonization, and, by these and other means, North American dis-
covery had reached a ixjint at which several other nations jjegan earnestly to put forth
plana of colonization.

The landing in Virginia (Plate 1) took place at the Island of Wococon, in July,
1584. The emigrants aftcr^vards took possession of, and founded their infant colony on
Roanoke Island. The Indians, who, from fear of kidnapping, had fled away, kept
aloof for three days, at the end of which, three persons in a canoe ventured furtively
near, and suffered themselves to be taken. They were treated kindly, loaded with
presents, and permitted to depart. The next day brought many Iwats, with forty or
fifty men, among whom was Granganimo, " the king's brother." Leaving his canoe at
a distance, he came with his train to the first interview with captiiins Amidas and
Barlow. His attendants spread a mat on the ground, npon which he fearlessly seated
himself, and evinced perfect self-ixjssession, though the Englishmen were completely
armed. He made gesticulations of friendship by stroking his head and breast with his
hand, and repeating this ceremony on his visitors.' He then arose and addressed them

' Hackluyt.

' This custom of passing the hand on the face and breast was noticed by Do Vaca in tribes west of Arkansas,
about 1536. To rub the band on an admired surface, as is done on fine cloth, is a generic trait. Jacques Cartier
also found this custom, in 1534, in the tribes who visited his ships in tho St. Lawrence.

'fo*,

1^ 1

-?.

'■■i

GENERAL HISTORY.

in a "long speech," all Iuh .ittendants standing in silence. Presents were now laid
before him, and beftire tour other persons who appeaivd to Ir^ oflicials, which, at tlie
close of the interview, he diircted to be taken away, as uU belonging to himself.

An Englisli artist, named John Wyth, accompanied the exijcdition, by direction of
Queen Elizabeth, to draw the to^wgraphy, dress, and customs of the natives ; from
whose pencil we have the earliest designs on the subject. De Bry, of Frankfort-on-tlie-
Main, who was, aljout this time, preparing the celebrated work which he began to
publish in 1590, went to London in 1587, and procured copies of Wyth's drawings.
How truthl'ul these are to the forms of the Lidians it would be diflicult now to inquire.
There is a fulness of muscle and development of limb in tlie figures which are not
characteristic of the present race north and west, but really existed in the southern
tril)es ; and, with one exception, namely, the woman eating, tlie iM>stures conform to
present ui^'^ge, wliile the articles of dress, arts, and employments, leave no reastni to
suppose that they are not entirely faithfid transcripts frem scenes pre\sentcd on the
first interview with the Virginia Indians.

In the latitude of Roanolce Island, and during the month of July, the Indians were
nearly nude. The men of most note wore moccasins and leggins, the azean, shell neck-
laces, copper ear-rings, and a head-<lress of some sort. A robe of skins, the nnittatos
of the Algontpiins, was thrown alH)ut the chiefs. The wome.i are drawn without
imx-casins or leggins, and depicted with a not ungraeelul leather-fringed kirtle or
matchicota which I'eaches half-tliigh. Tlie hair is left to How untied ilown the neck,
(a doubtful point) with a head-band areund the forehead, and a necklace of sliells.

7. Twenty-live years later, namely, in UlOll, the United States of Holland determined
to share in the sovereignty of the new continent, by despatching a single ship of dis-
covery, uniler llendriek Hudson, to the new field of enterprise. This vessel entered
the noble river now bearing his name, sailed through the Highlands, and is thought to
have reached, and made her final anchorage, alK)ve tlie present city of Hudson, and in
plain view of the magnificent Catskill range. (Plate 2.)

The natives had manifested very marked hostility on the lower i>arts of the river,
particularly the Manhattanese, who kille<l one of the seamen with an arrow ; conse-
quently, Hudson could not land on that island. Ihit tlie people encountered aliovc the
Highlands, were of a diflerent temper, and an amicalile interecmrse ensued. Hudson
hud no s(M)ner cast anclior in this part of the river, and landed fi-om his Iniat, than he
held a friendly conference with the natives on shore. (Plate 2.) According to the
notions of the hospitality of his times, he ofleivd them a [xitation of ardent spirits ;
which produced a stare of iistimishment. To show them that he diil not intend to give
them what he would not taste himself, he drank oil" a cup of the litpior, and it was
then filled and passed round to the Indians; but tiiey merely smelled of it, and passed
it on. It liad nearly gone round tiie circle untasted, when one of the chiefs, Inilder

24 GENERAL HISTORY.

than the rest, made a short harangue, saying it would be disresiwctful to return it
nntastcd, and declaring his intention to drink the jxition, even if he should l)e killed
in the attempt, he drank it off. Dizziness and stujwr innnodiatelv ensued : lie sank
down and fell into a sleep — tlie sleep of death, as his companions thought — hut in due
time he awoke, declared the happiness he had exiun-ienced from its effects, asked again
for the cup, and tlie whole assembly followed his example. Thus tlie physical powers
of *he mighty chiefs of the wilderness were at first prostrated by an element truly
fascinating, a.s it led them into hallucinations so consonant to their own mythology, —
the Indian Elysium — the land of dreams.'

8. Eleven years after this exploratory trip, the English Pilgrims set sail from Hol-
land, and reached the coast in one of the involutions of Massachusetts Hay, to which
they gave the name of Plymouth, nt a sjwt which, if there be truth in Icelandic
Sagas, that nation of lx)ld mariners had visited some centuries l)efore.'

The landing took place on the 22d of December, 1()20, in a severe season, when snow
coveivd the shore, when the forests were leailess and divar, and sickness, which had
swept with gR>at mortality among the natives, so<m carried off many of the colonists.

.ft.

I', I

9. No colonists had heretofore reached the shores fnnn Europe with the views that
actuated this people. Cortez, Narvaez, and De Vaca, De Soto, Laudonniere, and Cart ier,
had exhibited to the Indian race what may 1k^ called the Romaic element of European
civilization. Tiiey were now to iK'hold the English tyjK' of civilization as seen in the
cognate colonists at Roanoivc, Plymoutii, and Manhattan — to encounter, indeed, the
old Gothic, under the sterner stamina of which Rome itself had fallen. The minds
of the pilgrims had been Ibrmed in tlu^ s<'hool of adversity. Poverty had sharjiened
wit, and suffering made tlie tyrainiy of royalty hatefid. They were, in trutli, the
unsubdued residuum of the connnonwealth under CroniweH. They had fled from the
religious intolerance of the Stuarts, to take slielter in the forests of the New World.
It was a crusade on nobler principles than that preached »ip by Peter the Hermit.
They were cemented together by the closest principles of Bible obligation.

With the notions of English liberty which were the result «)f tlio Avoi'kings of the
British government through centuries, with such examples in patriotic energy as
Hampden, with the current literature of England, in which the names of Bacon and
Boyle, Newton, Shaksjiearc, and Milton were household wonls, they set up the frame-
work of a political scheme, founded on strict i^rsonal morals and ascetic mannei's,
which offers a striking and instructive phenomenon in the history of colonies.

' This tradition of the Mohcgans hnit been miHplaccd nnd postdated by Mr. Hcckcvcldor, who, from Indinn
tradition, rclutcs tho drinking scene an having tukon pinco on the inlnnd of Manhnttnn. It was not until the noxt
voyngo that tho Dutch gained u footing there. Hist, and Lit. Com. Phil. Trans., Vol. 1. I'iiil. IHIO.

' Antiquitatcs Americana.

;

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■"W j f ' l ' •-

-ILifc^ii 'i'in''ji-..-

i;j.;it.-atvji,ii=^s^.W,j4iL^j.^-,A^JK^:.,.'-Atja£^^

GENERAL HISTORY.

Unlike the cuIoiul's of Liljya, Carthage, and Rome, it was not based on a hive of the
fine arts, or the reliiiements of philosophy and manners. Instead of tiiis, the columns
which tliese persecuted colonists desired to erect were those of faith, hope, and charity.
Their principles of government were not those recognized by Herodotus, Livy, smd
Tacitus, but those of Moses and the prophets — Paul and the apostles. They were
careful to cultivate a just and friendly ixilicy with the Red race, who received them
kindly.'

The first meeting took place a few days after their arrival, near the spot of landing.
(Plate 3.) Massasoit, the celebrated chief of the Pokanokets, came to visit them.
He was received by Governor Carver and his retinue with every attention. There was
military music and a salute of nnisketry ; mutual embraces followed. They then sat
down side by side; "ajwt of strong water" was brought forward, from which both
drank. The chief, not knowing how to graduate his draught from ignorance of its
strength, was thrown into a violent perspiration, which lasted during the interview.

These initial ix)inta of landing among a pecidiar variety of the race of men who
were destined to be our neighlx)urs, and one of the chief objects of our humanitarian
exertions for centuries, have been described for the purpose of calling attention to the
character, affinities, and subdivisions of that race, as they then existed. The two
hundred and fifty years which have elapsed at the date of writing these sketches, have
nniltiplied in an almost infinitismal degree the number of the interviews and occasions
of conference with the new race found by Cabot, by which our knowledge of them
has been determined. Grecian and Roman history has told us nothing resjiect ng
their breaking ofl" froni the old races of men. We have examined the few and incon-
clusive points of their own traditionary evidence on this head in the prior pages (Part
I. p. 19.) They are dim and shadowy; abounding in the necromantic and grotes<iue,
and often bearing the unmistakeable impress of the symlwlic. Their mytholog}', unlike
that of what we may call the Japhetic type, too often contents itself with the droll,
and never holds its gods responsible for higher principles of truth, honor, and humanity,
than mere men.

11. Regarded as a Race sjiread through the United States, the ethnological tie which
binds the Vctpcric^ tribes together jiossesses a singular unity. An Indian on the Gulf

' In a sermon proiielicd soon uftcr tbc landing by the Ilcv. Mr. Cuslinian, he says, " The Indians are said to be
most cruel and treacherous in these parts, even like lions, but to us they have been like lambs ; so kind, so sub-
missive and trusty, as a man may truly say, many Christians are not so kind or sincere." Boudinot's Star in
the West.

" The want of a more precise yet generic term to employ when it is necessary to speak of a division less than
America is severely felt. Amc-ica and Americans have indeed, from early times, been used to moan, par excel-
lence, the territory and people of the Republic of the United States; but the term becomes imprecise in pursuing
chains of investigation like this. P]ven the term of North Americans cannot be adopted without the strict
I'T II. — 4

\-Ml

. t

26 GENERAL HISTORY.

shores of Florida, as depicted by De Vnca, in 1527, and on the Gulf of the St. Law-
rence, as he apiJcars in the narratives of Cartier, in ir):}4, agree so completely in their
leading traits, that there can be no hesitation as to their general afKnities as a liace,
though they are separated by two thousand miles of forests, lakes, and mountains.
p]\amine the man, as seen on the coasts of Virginia in 1584, on the l)anks of the Hudson
river in IGO!), or on the shores of New England, as found by the pilgrims in 1020, and
in what generic trait do tliey differ, save variations of languages, which av" however,
generally dialectic, or in jwiuts of minor customs, ofTten purely geographical? Tlie zea
maize, a tropical plant, was raised incidentally throughout all this distance — cotton, in
no part of it. A wigwam of poles, with sheathing of mats or barks, characterized the
whole area. The Ikjw and arrow, and the spear and club, were the arms ; and canoes
of wood or bark furnished the means of navigation. It was not till reaching the broad
table-lands and mountain valleys of New Mexico, that De Vaca found houses of stone,
and the cotton blanket. Tliis forms a strong line of demarkation between tiie hunter
and semi-agricultural stocks — between the cotton-growing Toltec and the skin-clad
Vcsperic genera.

12. The tribes seated along the Atlantic, and spreading across the Alleghanies, at
the respective dates of the settlement of Virginia, Nova Belgica, and New England,
were found to be identical in their general cli. " -er, and their low state of arts, in
their notions of government, and in their means of subsistence. They were small
independent chieftaincies, raising a little Indian corn, hunting the deer and other
animals, at war continually with each other, and having, as a general fact, in their
vital statistics, just births enough to replace those annually lost in battle and by natural
death: occasionally ri.sing and falling a little in numbei*s, but their stationary population
forms one of the peculiarities of their history. Proud, cunning, (rather than brave,) idle,
generous to their friends, and cruel and perfidious to their enemies : a celebrated divine
of the early settlement of New England, calls them — "the veriest ruins of mankind."'

Here, then, is a great truth, a starting point which links them to the stocks of the
Old World, and which imparts to the problem of their condition, history, and improve-
ment, all its vitality. Low as they were in the scale of mankind, they were still men ;
they had hopes and fears ; they were subject, in most things, to like passions with our-
selves, and they present an object for the noblest humanitarian exertions.

13. The centres of general migration from which the North American tribes pro-
ceeded to the places occupied by them about the close of the fifteenth century appear

liability to include the tribes of Panama, Mexico, &c. Poetry has relieved herself by adopting the words
Columbia and Hcsperia ; but history and ethnology are likely to be left, as at this day, to the toils of circum-
locution.

' Cotton Mather.

. I

f r*

GENERAL HISTORY. ST

plain. Those tribes who penetrated the northern conUllern of the Rocky Mountain.^
]>y the Unjiga nnd other passe.**, reaching quite to the terniination of this chain in tlie
Arctic Ocean, in hititudo 70°, to whom tlie generic apiK'lhition of Atiiapa.xcas has In-en
applied by Mr. Gallatin,' migrated continually from their starting i)oints on the Pacilic
towai-ds the east and south-east (Plate 4.) On the settlement of New France, and
particularly on the new vigor which geographical discovery assumed after the lull of
Queljec, when the fur trade began to be pushed north, they had reached the jlividing
grounds or water-shed (Wiuiser-c/iieil) separating the rcmotest tributaries of the Arctic
Sea from those of Hudson's Bay. The Missinipi, Great-water, or Churchill river, (not
to be confounded with the Mississippi,) is stated, by Sir Alexander Mackenzie,' to bo
their ultimate eastern limit, where they were met by an opposing wave of migration,
namely, the Crees or Kenistcnos, the van of the Algonquins, who had a widely different
starting point.

14. The different tribes who compose this northern genus or family of triljes (Atlia-
pascas), speak cognate dialects (all except the band of Loo-choos, or Quarrelers). The
most nviraerous trilxj occupying the denuded and sterile plains luitween lat. G0° to G5°
and loug. 100° to 110°, are known by the Algonquin name of Chepix'wyans (not to be
mistaken for the radically different trilx; of Chippewas), but who call themselves, with
a more correct allusion to their geography, Sii-cKf«ii(-i}i)iHch, or Ea-stmeii. Next in
numerical importance rank the Dogribs, the Coppermine Indians, the Beaver and Roi'ky
Mountain Indians, of Peace River, and the Tacullies and their congeners, of New Cale-
donia. Numbers of the minor tribes are very small, not exceeding forty or fifty men,
or about 200 to 250 souls. They raise nothing, and depend solely for subsistence
and protection on the bow and arrow, the snare and net, the gun and trap. They are
stimulated to glean these vast solitudes for the small fur-bearing animals, which are
exchanged for European fiibrics by the tradera. They do not, from the best data we
have, number, north of the Churchill River, more than 2500 huntci-s, or about 13,000
souls, exclusive of the Esquimaux, and cannot be said to average, probably, one soul to
fifty square miles.

ESTIMATES, DKAWN CHIEFLY FROM MACKENZIE.

Men.

Chcppcwyans 800

Coppermine Indians 139

Dogribs 200

Edchautawoot, Strong-bows 70

Mountain Indians 40 ,

Souls.

4,000
695

1,000
350
200

' American Ethnological Transactions, Vol. I.

' Voyages from Montreal, through the Continent of North America.

GENERAL HISTORY.

Blen.

Ambatawwoot 40

Kancbo, or Hare 50

Deagothcc Loochoo, or Quarrelers 70

Nobaunics 40

Tsillawadoot, or Bnisbwood 60

Beaver and Kocky Mountain Indians 150

TacuUics

Sieaunies

Nateotctains, and all the tribes of New Caledonia west of tbc Roeky
Mountains

■ 1,000

8ou]<.

1,300

750

5,000

2,659

13,295

15. The Esquimaux, who constitute the extreme northeastern and northwestern
group of British America, ofler the singuhir problem of the migration across the arctic
fringe of the continent from east to west. They are traced from Baffin's Bay, Labrador,
and even Greenhmd, to Behring's Straits and the continent of Asia, where the sedentary
Tchuktchi are found to s^x'ak a dialect of their language. But this language is not
traced farther among the Asiatic tribes of that coast. This group, whose motle of
sul)sistcnce, stature, and customs, constitute the minimum point of depression of the
Indian race, and who offer the most extreme example of the effects of latitude and
longitude on manners and the physical type, is confined to a Ijelt of Home hundred
miles wide, on the arctic coasts ; and they have their extreme southern point of location
within the Straits of Belle Isle, on tb.o Gulf of St. Lawrence, lat. about 50°. Tiiey
are doubtless the Skra'Uings, or dwarfs, observed on the contiguous Island of New-
foundland, the ancient Ilellueland, by the Scandinavians.

16. A very different starting-jwint must be assigned to the migrations of the multi-
tude of comparatively populous tribes to whom we have applied the generic terra
of Vesperic or United States Indians. This large genus of the race who exist in sepa-
rate groups of languages, but who are assimilated liy a peculiar syntax and a coinci-
dence of mental and physical t^i)e which very unequivocally marks them as a homo-
geneous race, occupy the entire area of the United States east of the Rocky Mountains,
and east of the tribes of New Mexico, to whom De Vaca applies the term " Jumanos."
(Ilumanos.) These latter inhabit the outer northern edge of the circle of the semi-
civilized tribes of New Mexico. They retained at that era, (about 1530,) and continue
to retain at the present day, the two striking elements of that tyjw (the Toltec type)
of civilization : namely, the zea maize and the cottf)n plant. We have no knowledge
how the latter was fabricated. There was no indication then, nor is there now, that the
distaff" (one of the most ancient implements of mankind) was employed to form the thread.
It is only said that they possessed blankets of cotton, and that they cultivated fields

ilti-
ji'in
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Inci-
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ins,

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I the
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GENERAL HISTORY.

of "corn." Some amelioration of manners and customs was the consequence of this
fixity of pursuits ; and we find that De Vaca was escorted on his way to the Pacific
without the rude, savage manners that he had encountered in Florida and Arkansas,
and was uniformly attended by a retinue. Both the condition and position of the
modern Navahoes and Moquies concur in favoring the sujiposition that they ai-e
descended from the ancient Jumanoos.

17. A limit, rather than a startlng-iK)int, is thus furnished for the wild hunter tribes
whom both De Vaca and De Soto found in the Mississippi Valley, and in the present
area of Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas. The evidence of these
tribes coming from the southwest is found in their ^wssessing the zea maize, which they
carried with them, and cultivated to some extent wherever they went ; and it con-
stitutes one of the best evidences of the track of migration. Like confluent rivers
pouring from the west, the stream of migration which passed into and across the Mis-
sissippi may have rcceived, at successive eras, new and fresh accessions by way of the
several passes of the Rocky Mountainr. south of latituue 42°, and extending to 30°, or
even 25° ; but it is by no means probable that in any such migrations the zea maize
was brought over the bleak pass of 42°, where the plant was not raised ; nor from the
banks of the Columbia, where neither Capt. Grey, Lewis and Clarke, Ross Coxe, or the
agents of John Jacob Astor, found a kernel of it as the product of aboriginal industry.

Li 1527, De Vaca found the zea maize in very limited quantities in Florida, after he
had got away from the mere Gulf bands, who lived mainly on fish, moUusca, wild fruits,
and nuts. De Soto, who struck deeper into the country in his march twelve yeai-s
later, found it abundantly among the ancestors of the present Muscogees, Cliactaws,
Chickasaws, and Cherokces. In 1702, Avhen Bienville was put to straits in sustaining
the infant colony of Louisiana, this grain was so abundant among the Chactaws, who
were the original occupants of the country, that the governor quartered the soldiers for
months on that tribe.'

18. The Virginia tribes literally sustained the colony planted at Jamestown with
supplies of Indian-corn from their own fields, and one of the prominent services which
Capt. John Smith mentioned in his letter to Queen Anne, in recounting the friendliness
of Pocahontas, was her leading these "conductas" of grain herself to the suflbring
colonists, without which they nuist have perished. Tiie track of its spreading among
the tribes along the Atlantic coast is clearly traced along the shores of the Atlantic
into Massachusetts and all New England, where they raised the small and nutritious
variety of white and yellow flint corn, and where their no-kio-ldk constituted the
sustaining food of their v, arriora.

' Oiiyurrc's Louisiana. Wc quote this bonk for nn isolutcd fiict.

GENERAL HISTORY.

1; >

t ;

^ I

19. The Gulf of the St. Lawrence may be named as the most northerly latitude to
which the Indians had carried this plant ; but there is no evidence, that I have seen,
of its having been cultivated, at an early date, on or near its shores. Cartier, in his
voyages in 1534 and 1535, found none.

20. On ascending the St. Lawrence, by its rapids, into Lake Ontario, and penetrating
into the country of the Iroquois, about IGIO, the cultivation of the zea maize wa«
found, by the French, to be practised in all the cantons ; and the reliance placed on it
is one of the unniistakeable causes of the progress to political power, made by this
celebrated group of tribes. By means of it, they could sustain a more heavy popu-
lation, and live in larger villages.

21. On proceeding to the ultra-montane regions west of the Alleghanies, this native
cereal was found, by the earliest French and English explorers, in possession of all the
tribes. It was cultivated, in small quantities, by the hunter communities of the Ohio,
the Wabash, the Miami, and the Illinois ; and by the nations along both banks of the
Mississippi ; for this river, in its descent from the Wisconsin and Illinois, where Mar-
gucttc had reached it, was the reflex course of discovery to the respective points Avherc
De Vaca and De Soto had first found it. La Salle and Tonti followed it quite to the
point in its delta where the level of the arable alluvial land sinks beneath the dominion
of the waters on the Gulf of Mexico.

22. It is quite evident that the cultivation of the zea maize gave the ancient mound-
builders the capacity of concentrating their numbers, and living tt)gether in large towns,
which at once created a necessity for, and enabled them to construct and defend those
antique works, the remains of which are still found in many places in the West.
Nothing is clearer (if we admit some intrusive antiquities due to civilized sources before
the fifteenth century) than that this ancient development of increased numbers and
power had produced no very fixed general confederacies, or led to consolidated dynasties,
like those of the Olmecs, the Toltecs, the Aztecs, and the Auricanians ; that the tribes
lived in continual political discord ; that no high advanced state of civilization, mannera,
and iiolicy had been reached ; and that the failure of their partial and verbal compacts
threw them back into the type of barbarism, leaving the remains spoken of, not only
as monuments of the conflicts of opposing tribes, but of the state of mid discord that
prevailed among them. If European or Asiatic science and art had furnished elements
in this, they gave way to barbaric power. He must, we think, be an observer of a very
imaginative temperament who perceives in these archax)logical remains a more exalted
origin than has been denoted. We cannot say that the Syrian, the Carthaginian, the
Scandinavian, or even the Cimbrian or Jew, were not here. Tliere arc rather vestiges
than proofs of such a population ; but it appears alike to have lost its arts and

GENERAL HISTORY, 31

its religion. Look where we will between the bunks of Lake Snperior and the Gulf
of Mexico, there are few traces of the origin of the arts which denote a high civiliza-
tion. There are no indications of the use of the iron hammer, the art of soldering,
the use of the lathe, the jwtter's wheel, the art of glazing, or the distaff. The carving
of pipes, from generally soft minerals and stones, was carried to considerable iK'rfection,
but will not, for an instant, bear comparison with the supix)sed contemi^raneous arts
of the Roman and Grecian, or even the Egyptian chisel. The greatest evidence of
combined lalwr was not in the numlier of cubic feet of earth piled up in the western
tumuli, and in evidences of corn-culture, but in the attempts at mining in the basin of
Lake Superior, wb'ch have been developed since 1844. But even here, the hammers
used were mMi> A' stone, and the power of artificial disintegration was the alternate
application of nio and water to the surface of the rock. The mechanical i)owers of the
wedge and the lever were, it is true, to some extent employed, and tlie operation of
cutting masses of native copper was effected by means of chisels of the same material,
hardened by an admixture of tin,' or in some way not exactly apparent. Pieces of
native copjier, in a state of rude manufivcture, were scattered, at very early periods, in
tumuli and graves, not only throughout the basins of the upper lakes and the valley
of the Mississippi, from this prolific source, but over more than half of North America.*
These ancient labors were manifestly due to the predecessors of the Vesperic trilies,
whose vestiges are scattered in the Valley of the Mississippi. But even here, the
element of the zea maize, and perhaps a sjwcies of bean,' must have lx?en relied on to
a considerable extent, as an article transported from contiguous southern latitudes. It
was less than an hundred and fifty geographical miles, in aline south from the Michigan
antique copper-beds referred to, to the Fox river valley of Green Bay, where the zea
maize is known to have been cultivated by the natives from the earliest arrival of the
French.

This cereal was rai.scd on the ancient Winnebago fields, on the inner shores of Green
Bay, and perhaps extended to the banks of the Menomonie river. The plant was not
carried in that longitude, in its northern distribution, beyond the latitude of Wakanuk-
kizzie, or the point called L'arbre croche by the French, on the eastern shores of Lake
Michigan. In the valley of the upper Mississippi, its geographical dissemination was
higher; and in proportion as that river was ascended westward in its discovery, at
considerable distances above the Falls of St. Anthony, the climate favored its growth.
I found this grain at Cass Lake, on the sources of the river, in 1832, and it was the
current tradition of red and white men, that it had been rai.sed, and came to perfection,
so as to preserve seed, from a very early period, at Red Lake, near latitude 49°, and in

' It is confosscd, we have no locality of tin iu the United States, unless it bo in the valley of the Kansas,
referred to in Part I., p. 157.

* Vide Part I., p. 95, where a general view of this question is given. ' Part I., p. 54.

GENERAL HISTORY.

II ■<

i f

the valley of Reil River of the North. To these remote points it had Ix^en carried in
the migrations northwestwardly of the Ojibways, the Kenistenos, and the Assinaboines ;
and in these latitudes it ceases. The great Athapasca family, starting from an opposite
centre of migration, did not possess it.

20. If the family of the widely diffused United States or Vesperic tribes, whose
track of migration hius now been sketched by the imi^rtant element of the zea maize,
be compared by general manners and customs, modes of living, and principles of syntax,
there will l)e found a striking and close resemblance. Food and climate have created
developments in the southern and western tribes which were rare, or comparatively
unknown, in the extreme northciastem and nortliwestem stocks. The tribes who
chased the buffalo, and lived almost exclusively on animal diet, were of a more vigorous
physical and mental character than those bands which were confined along the northern
searcoasts to fish.' Ilence it was that the interior tribes everywhere defended them-
selves more valiantly than those on the coasts. Even in Florida, where the natives
stood courageously by their arms, on the first invasion by the Spaniards, under De Soto,
in 1539, they had not proceeded thirty leagues before they encountered expert lx)wmen,
who could drive an arrow nearly to its head through the breast of a horse.'

The brave inhabitants of Aidiazea and Copafi, who were clearly of the extended
family of the Muscogee group of tribes,' were possessed of a muscular jjower which made
them to be feared by the most brave and chivalric cavaliers. These tril)es, as the
narrator observes, only killed deer enough to answer their puqioses as food ; but they,
at the same time, raised the zea nuiize in such quantities, that Dc Soto's army, on one
occasion, marched through fields of maize for the distance of two leagues.

' Morton's Crania Americana.

• Vide De Vega, as quoted in Theodore Irving's Conquest of Florida.

' Mr. Albert James Pickett, in bis newly-publisbed (1851) History of Alabama, states, in a note (p. 22,
Vol. I.) tbat the Muscogecs migrated from SIcxico into Alabama, &c., after the invasion of Do Soto; and
that they conquered the Alabamas, Ockmulgees, Oconecs, and Alachces. By reference to the traditions of
Se-ko-pe-chi, an aged Muscogee, now in the Creek nation, west of the Mississippi, which is recorded in "The
History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States," Vol. I. p. 266, it is perceived
that the Muscogecs formerly called themselves " Alabaniians," and were called by other tribes "Okechoyatte."

The Uchecs, like the Natchez, have ever been deemed as speaking a language radically distinct from the
Muscogee ; and there is an admission, in a fact mentioned by Se-ko-pe-chi, tliat the Creek nationality is not very
ancient. Wo have no Ockmulgce or Oconee vocabulary, and cannot, therefore, speak authoritatively; but the
names thcmsehes, and certainly those of the surrounding country, bear evidence of Muscogee origin.

GENERAL HISTORY.

B. DlSTRIBUTIOxN OF TRIBES.

At the close of the fifteenth century, the Indian trilx^s of the present area of the
United States were spread out, chiefly, in seven principal groups or generic families of
trihes; each of which consisted of numerous sul)-tril)es, hands, or large toteniic circles.
Each of these .subordinate tribes spoke a language or dialect differing, in some respects,
from the others, and sometimes having a vocabulary entirely at \ ariance. Each circle
had also some tribal peculiarities in customs or manners, which might be noticed by
other trilje.s, or by European.s living among them, who had paid particular attention to
these minutia,', but which would pass unnoticed Ijy tlic general ob.^erver.

These groups, in the order of discovery, froni south to north, and from east to west,
were the Appalachian, Achalaque, Chicorean, Algon:^uin, Iroquois, Dacota, and
Shoshonee. There appear to have been some fragmentary tribes, as the Natchez and
Uchees in the south, and the Chyennes, &c. in the west and northwest, who cannot,
perhaps, be arranged under these genera; but the present state of our aboriginal
researches will not permit us to include them in either of the seven groups. There is,
possiblv, a Toltecan element in the Api)alachian group: nor are we entirely prepared,
at the distance of nearly three centuries from the time stated, and with the imperfect
information and vocabularies now possessed, to determine, at that ej)och, the exact
ethnological relations and boundaries of the tribes of Texas, Oregon, New Mexico,
California, and Utah — countries respecting which, it is hoped, the progress of this
work wdl hereafter enable us to piosent a chart to bear the date of 1800.

1. Ai'1'Ai..vciiiANS. — The several groups are placed, on the subjoined map, in the
order of their discovery. The Spanish, who discovered the peninsula of Florida, were
not backward in their attempts to explore it. It would not appear that the Gulf of
Florida is of a breadth and character to have prevented the natives from passing to
Cuba, either by a bold traver.se in the halcyon montlis, or by the way of the Bahama
Islands ; and such an origin has been conjectured, by some early voyagers,' for the
Carrihean tribes, but without physiological jtroofs. On the contrary, the Spaniards of
Cuba, when they landed in Florida, found their island interpreters entirely at fault :
they could not understand a word of tlie language; and Pamphilio de Narvaez, who
landed in 1527, old style, at what is now called Tampa Bay, was obliged to employ the
vague language of signs. This want of an interpreter w ,.s, it is believed, at the bottom
of all his misfortunes, lie perpetually misunderstood the Indian.s, and they him.
The next error, was the then prevalent notion, that no terms were to be kept with

]'T. II.

Davis.

111

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sir

GENERAL HISTORY.

heathens, — who worshipped the sun and moon; who wore under the guartlianship of
demons ; and who recognized a Gotl in ahuost every natural phenomenon. A fit
eommentary on this notion, which freed him from moral accountabiUty, and even the
laws of humanity, was his tearing to pieces, l)y blood-hounds, the mother of the chief
Hirriliigua, whoso implacable resentment to the whole Spanish race no future eflbrts
of either this vain and vaunting cavalier, or of Do St)to, who followed his track ten or
eleven years after, could ever apiK'ase.

These several landings were in the wide-spreading circle of what we denominate the
Appalachian group, of which the Creek or Muscogee, the Choctaw, and Chickasaw,
form the tlirec leading trilxs. Tlie names of places recorded, though often imprecise,
and always aft«r the old scholastic system of Spanish orthography, render them
demonstral)le. There appears evidence also, wliile the main trilies were homogeneous,
in the name of the friendly and placid chief " Mocoso," (Little Bear) of the existence
of the Shawnee dialect of the Algonquin element of language, at this time, in the
Floridian peninsula ; and tlieir present tribal name (Southerners) and recorded traditions
ivceive 8upix)rt from this coincidence.

De Soto was enabled, with the aid of the interpretership of Juan Ortiz, a soldier left
by Narvaez who had learned the Appalache language, to carry on his communications
with the several tribes until he reached and crossed the banks of the Mississippi. This
appears evitlent, for it is said although the languages diftered, this difference was not
radical, so that ho coidd communicate with them. The Appalaches evidently spoke
the Muscogee, but it is evident that, in the wild search after gold-mines, De Soto
crossed his own track. After his return from Cofatcliique, a Creek name, he crossed
a part of the Cherokee country, again entered the territory of the Creeks, and after-
wards of the Choct.aws, (called Mavilians, or Mobilians,) and, at his highest point on
the Mississippi, the Chickasaws.

The names of Alibamo, Cosa, Talise, Chicaza, and Tascaluza, are scarcely distin-
guishable, in their i^pular pronunciation, from the mmlern words, Alabama, Coosa,
Tallisee, Chickasaw, and Tuscaloosa; the latter of which is pure Choctaw, meaning
lilack Warrior.'

After crossing the Mississippi, one of the gi-oatest perplexities which De Soto felt
arose fnnn the want of interpreters. lie here encountered a totally different stock of
languages, of which Ortez was wholly ignorant. The words had to go through eight
or ten voices after passing from them before an answer was returned, and this could
not 1)0 I'elied on. Judging that the same class of tribes have continued to occupy the
right bank of the Mississippi, he was now among what is denominated the Dacota, or
wild prairie trilx^s. It is difficult, in this part of the narrative of Garcillisco de la
Vega, U> recognize existing names, or our vocabularies of the most ancient native

' Tufca, warrior, and loosa, black.

GENERAL HISTORY.

terms liiivt- not lieen sufficiently scrutinized. The bold adventurer Imd no idea that
the Kooky Moiuitains divided him, by a breadth of at leaot 2000 miie.s, from the " South
Sea" — a word continually u.sed for the Pacific. He was evidently at his most westerly
point, in the range of the Quappas, the Kansas, and the Osajros, or Waslibashas.
lie pursued his way westward to the hill country running north and south from the
Merrimack and Giusconade to the Wa.shita, which is significantly called the Ozark
Mountains. He reached the saline formations, and after his death Muscoso, his
successor, in proceeding to the province of Le Vasqueros and coming in sight of the
mountains, had evidently reached the buffalo plains of the far West. There is some
evidence of the intrusion of the Illinois into the northern limits of De Soto's marches,
and, consequently, of the Algonquin group west of the Mississippi ; between whom and
neighlwring Indians a violent feud existed.

2. AriiALAQUES. — In the march of De Soto westward (1540)froinCutifachiqiii, which
is thought by Mr. Pickett' to have been on the Savannah river, he passed through the
southern portion of the territory of the Achalaques — the Cherokecs of our day ; a
region which is branded as "barren." He was now among the foot-hills of the Appa-
lachian range. The name of Achalaque represents, indeed, the sounds of the term for
this group more fully than the English term of Cherokee. It is known that the sound
of r is wanting in this language. David Brown, the brother of Catherine,^ a native
(Jherokee, calls it " the sweet language of Tsallake." The boundary of the territory
posses.sed by this tribe appeare to have been less subject to variation than that of any
other tribe with whom we have been in intercourse ; not excepting the Iroc^uois, whose
domains grew, however, by accessions from conquest.

3. CiiicouKAX Group. — The genera of triljos to which we apply this name claim the
States of South and North Carolina as the peculiar theatre of their occupancy-, at the
earliest era. We first hear of them about 1510. The credulous governor of Porto
Rico, Ponce de Leon, rendered himself memorable by his early discovery of, and
adventures in Florida, which he named : but he was mortally wounded in a conflict
with the natives. An adventurer by the name of Diego Meruelo, being aftenvards
driven on the coast, received a small quantity of the precious metals. This inllamed
the golden hopes of a company engaged in mining at San Domingo, who fitted out three
ships for a voyage thither. The leader was Lucas Vasques de Ayllon, whose object
was kidnapping of Indians to work in the mines. In this nefarious olyect he was
driven eastwardly along the coasts of what is now called South Carolina. At Combaliee
river, he traded with the Indians, (Yamasees) and after completing his trailic, invited

'Hist. Alabama; Clinrlcston, 1851.

"Life of Catherine Brown, by Rev. R. Anderson.

(J E N E 11 A L HIS T U U Y

them on iMjanl of liis vi'ssols, iiiid wlioii a siilTlcii'iit iiiiiiiluT luul goiio into the liohk of
his sliips, lie eloseil the liiitehes, and -sailed liaek to San Doniin}!,o.

The Vamasees spiead along the sea-coasts of South Carolina. Tlic midland and
interior portions were coveivd hy the Catahas and Cheraws, artful and valiant races,
who extended into North Carolina, and who have signalized their liistory hy their
friendslii|) for the whites. The Catahas were not an indigenous pettple in S)nth
Carolina, having Ix-on driven from the north hy the Iroquois, who continued to Ix; their
deadly enemies.' The mountain region and uplands were dehateahle ground, which
was made notorious hy the contending Cherokecs and Inxjuois. The hitter, in the
Tuscarora hranch, spread across North Caiolina, and prcsei'\ed a point of approach for
their kindred in western New York, and the lakes. They maintained a war of
extniordinarv violence against the Cherokce.s and Catahas, which was conducted,
generally, l)v small parties. There is rea.son to sujjposo, that the Cherokees were the
"Tallagewy" of the Lenapcs," who were defeated in the north, smd driven down the
Ohio hy that ancient trihe in alliance w ith the Inxpiois. This group ahsorhs the small
sea-coast trihes of North Carolina. It extends into southern Virginia, south of
^AllxMnarle Sound.

4. Ai.GOXQriN'^=- — We meet with scnue traces of this language in ancient Florida. It
fii'st assumes importance in the sulvgenus of the Powhattanese circle in Virginia. It
i,s afterwards found in the Nauticokes ; assumes a very decided type in the Iamuu
Lenapces, or Delawnres; and i.-! afterwards traced, in various dialects, in the valleys of
the Hudson and Cimnccticut, and throughout the whole -cngnipliical area of New
England, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia.

The term apjK^ars to have heeu first employed, as a generic word, hy the French for
the old Nipercinians, Attnwr.s, Montagnies, and their congeners in the Valley of the
St. Lawrence. It is applied to the Salteurs of St. Mary, the ^Faskigoes of Canada, and,
as shown hy a recent vocabulary, the Blackfect of the upper Missouri, the Saskatchewine,
the Pillagers of the upper Mississippi, and the Crees or Kenistenoes of Hudson's Bay.
Retuniing from these I'cmote ix)ints, where this hroad migratory column was met hy
the Atlmpasca group, the term includes the Miamis, Weea.s, Piankashaws, the
Shawnecs, Pottawatomies, Sacs and Foxes, Kickapoos, and Illinois, and their varieties,
the Ka,ska.skias, &c., to the junction of the Ohio aiul Mississippi.

5. Iroqt'Ois. — Within this widely spread groii]) the Five and afterwards Six Nations
(called Iroquois) planted themselves in western New York, and on the shores of lakes
Ontario and Erie, at a point where they would appear to have l)een in danger of Ix'ing
crushed hy the surrounding nations ; but they had the wisdom to see that the small

' MSS. from the Sec. of State's Office, S. C.

' Trans. Hist. fom. I'liil. Soc, Vol. I.

GENERAL HISTORY.

lii.liaii tiilK\s (lestroyoil themselves by discord, and they organized tliemselve« inU) a
confederacy, in which the principles of military glory and union were carried to the
acme of the hunter man. They conquered, and then made allies of the Mohican and
Hudson river trik's, reaching to Ijong Island. They suWued, in a similar way, the
Mon.seos, and the Lenapi themselves, who had long occupied a central prominence in
Pennsylvania, and also extended their conquests ea«t and west, and north and south.
Thev drove away the AUegewy, in alliance with the Delawares, k-foro the end of the
fifteenth century, and kept o\m\ a road of conquest, in the direction of the Alleghany,
to South Carolina. The Wyandots are of tliis stock. It is clear, from Lc Jeune, that
this trilx! was located on the island of Montreal when the French first settled in Canada ;
but, owing to their alliance with the French and the Algoiuiuins, they were exixdled
from that valley alwut the middle of the si.vteenth century.

G. Dacotas. — Th' Misrissippi river .Drmed a line of demarcation, at the earliest
dates, between the .'' ppalaci;ian an t the Algonquin, and the Dacota tril)e.s. De St)to,
when he crossed it in l.j41,!ii latit'.ce alwut o2°, landed among a class of tribes, one of
whom, namely, the Quai)pas, (GiMuana,) is clearly n.imed. De Vaca, ten years earlier,
mentions the Aouas (lowas). I use the t' m Dacoia in a generic sense, for a stock of
languages, and not as designating the Si' rv only, as it embraces a very large number of
tril)es west of the Mississippi. Such an the Quapp \ Ka.«as, lowas, Osagcs, Pawnees,
Otoes, Missourias, Omahaws, A' . n ■ ..rees, Minnitare . Mandans, Winnebagoes, and many
others, who fdl the wide spa e b<;!'.veen the foot of the Eix-ky Mountains and the
Mississipiii : they are lords of the prairies. It is not conteri'.' - that the.se ten trilx>s
can converse understandingly together; but that they are coiniected by one ethnological
chain, which i.s distinctly traced, sc far as it has been compared by vocabularies. From
this large family of tribes there arc to be abstracted tiie elements of one, if not two,
additional groups, which we ar^; iu hopes satisfactorily to designate in the progress of
the investigations which wo are now making.

The course of the tide of migration of the Dacotas appears to have been north,
until the advanced tribes reached the sources of the Mississippi, and the western shores
of Lake Superior. The Winnebagoes had, at the time the French first entered the
country, reached Green Ba\-, and the Sioux of the Miiniesota t'M'ritory were tluu
already on their >' tn .^rade nuurh back on their track. Tra<'<'^ of their ancient villages
and hieroglyphics liave been noticed at Leecii Lake, at Mille Lac, and other interior
positions intermediate between Lake Superior and the east bank of the Mississippi.
They had b'. yun to retreat before the northwestern rush of the Algonquins, who appear,
from remcie dates,' to have been most expert woodsmen.

7. SnosHOXEES. — This genus of triljcs pos.>iess the Rocky Mountajns. They
appear, as far as history extends, to have held its Iieights and pas.ses from the sources

' ColJeD.

GENERAL HISTORY.

of the Missouri, in latitude about 44°, to the southern rim of the Great Salt Basin.
Their own traditions represent them to have lived in the valley of the Siustatehewine,
from which they were driven by the Blackfeet. They occupy the Lewis fork of the
Columbia river, as far down as latitude about 44° '60'. It is clearly appnn'ut, that
they were situated on the summit of the Rocky Mountains, — in the territory of
Utah, — and in the plains and hill-country of Texas ; but it can, by no means, be
affirmed that these tribes had their present [wsitions at the date we assign to our chart,
tla-ee centuries ago ; while the consideration of this subject is connected, and would
inevitably require the classification of the newly-annexed tribes of the United States on
its southern and western boundary. It appears, from vocabularies, that they are the
same iwople as the Comanches of Texas. West of the Sierra Nevada, a tribe of them,
called Bonacks, or Root-diggers, extends into California. Their track of migration
appears to have been south, branching into California, and southeast into Texas.

The geographical position of these American tribes at large, and their diifu-sion over
the present area of the United States and of the British jiossessions north of it,
extending to the Arctic Oceai:, as they werc found at the commencement of the
sixteenth century, when North America began to Ije settled along its Atlantic borders,
is denoted by the subjoined Ethnological Map. (Plate 4.)

C. PHYSICAL TRAITS.

The physiology of the United States Indian tribes is fully descril)cd in a subsequent
paiwr, (No. VIII.,) by the late Dr. Samuel George Morton. This is the last literary
labour of his pen, and presents the subject in its most profound and philosophical
asjH'cts.

The observatioi's which have now been ofleivd on the general history of the tribes,
will prepare the way for our taking up t!ie topic, understandiiigly, in its details
lesjwcting the several stocks of the race who have occupied the colonies and states from
tlie. . earliest planting ; a task which will Ixj urged forward in the subsequent volumes of
tliese investigations, with every [M)ssible degree of speed consistent with its pro^jcr
consideration.

11. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. A,

(30)

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MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. A.

SYNOPSIS.

A. GENERIC VIEW.

1. Barbarism a lapsed state of Man.

2. Definition of the term Race.

3. Antique Ideas of the Barbaric state.

4. Hebrew Idea of it.

5. Noachian epoch.

6. Ideas of Historians and Travellers on this Subject.

7. Purport of this Review of Opinions.

8. Era of Decline.

9. Influence of the Continent on the Aborigines.
10. Unity of Manners, Customs, and Opinions.

B. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE INDIAN FAMILY.

1. Marriage — the Family Group.

2. Ties of Consanguinity.

3. Totem — its Uses.

4. Genealogy — Affection for Children.

5. Self-sacrifice of Bianswah.

6. Transitive Character of Names.

C. FOREST TEACHINGS.

7. Children Early Instructed in the Arts of Hunting and Fishing.

8. Instance of the Early Use of the Snare.

9. Hunting at large.

Pt. II. — C («)

■1 1.1

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

10. Spearing the Musk-rat. (Plate.)

11. Fishing through the Ice. (Plate.)

12. Setting Nets through the Ice.

13. Fish-dams of Poles.

14. l^ami-kow-a-guns, or Stone Dams.

15. Fishing with Scoop-nets.

16. Shooting of Fish. (Plate.) Hook-fishing.

D. ART OF HUNTING.

17. Knowledge of the Habits of Quadrupeds.

18. Deer-hunting.

19. Fire-hunting.

20. Ingenuity of Tracking.

21. Success of Noka in One Day.

22. Fight with a Moose.

23. Strength of lawba in the Chase.

24. Encounter with a Grizzly Bear.

E. SUGAR-MAKING.

25. Sugar-making a Carnival.

26. Average Product of each Wigwam.

27. A Time of Hilarity and Enjoyment.

F. WAR AND ITS INCIDENTS.

28. Its Fundamental Importance to the Barbaric State.

29. Popular Opinion directed to this End.

30. Scalping. (Plate.)

31. Preparation and Dancing of the Scalp. (Plate.)

32. Feather of Honor. (Plate.)

33. Scale of Merit in its Awards.

34. Trait of Wisdom in Excusing Acts of Want of Courage.

35. Bands on the Frontiers brought to a High State of Courage by Appeals

and Addresses.

36. War Parties are Volunteers. '

87. How Enlisted. Strong Appeals to Military Glory.

88. Character of the Addresses.
39. War-songs actually Employed.

MANNERS AfJD CUSTOMS.

G.-THE WIGWAM AND ITS MATES.

40. How Order is Preserved in its Circle.

41. The Bride and her Husband.

42. Division of Labour.

43. Domestic Character of the Man.

H. BIRTH AND ITS INCIDENTS.

44. Lightness of Parturition.

45. The Bestowal of Names.

46. Infancy in the Wigwam. (Plate.)

I. DEATH AND ITS INCIDENTS.

47. Pictographic Memorials of Adults.

48. Eulogy of the Dead.

49. Dressing the Corpse.

50. Belief in Immortality.

51. Address to the Dead.

52. Indian Burial-places.

53. Barrows and Heaps of Stones.

54. Former Custom of Burial among the Mississippi Valley Tribes.

55. Burial among the Prairie Tribes.
66. Veneration for the Dead.

57. Forests and Valleys Favorable to Civilization.

58. Horrid Instance of Sepulture among the Chinooks.

K. GAMES OF CHANCE.

59. Kun-ta-800, or the Game of Plumb-stones.
GO. Pugasaing, or the Game of the Bowl.

L. THE INDIAN ON HIS HUNTING-GROUND.

61, The Social State of the Hunter.

62. Patriarchal State of the Chiefs and Heads of Families.
68. Feosting.

64. Topics of Remark at Meals.

i'1

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j^^BVEf iC

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V^Htn'

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

65. Modest an<l Moral Conduct of Females.

66. Feasts for the Young.

67. Severity and Suffering in Winter in High Northern Latitudes, and Hard

Condition of Women.

68. Mother's Care for her Children.

61). Extreme Wretchedness produced by Hunger.

70. Attachment to the Habit of Smoking.

71. Trust in Providence.

M. MISCELLANEOUS TRAITS.

72. Ball-playing.

73. Moving Camp.

74. Dog-dance.

A. GENERIC VIEW.

1. HiSTOUY, as viewed in the earliest and most autlientic record, namely, the
Pentateuch, represents m.an as having been created, not in the savage, but in the
industrial or civilized state. It lays down the fact of this creation and of the unity of
the species as a grand moral truth, upon which all its subsequent history is based, and
without which, it would fail of its great aim, namely, to teach the world what it did
not before know, or had forgotten, that the Creation was of divine origin.

Commencing his career aa a horticulturist, the highest form of the agricultural
type, he is next presented to our view as a shepherd and grain-grower, or a " tiller of
the ground." If these views are correct — and we jjresent them with the full conscious-
ness of their being so, and, at the same time, of their running counter to the philosophical
theories of tlie origin of the human race, of Greece and Rome, so long the enchantresses
of ancient history — then it ir-iy be declared, that the huntc-r state is a declension from
the industrial, and that barbarism assumes its character, not only as the antagonistical
point to civilization, but as a falling from it, and a direct consequence as the neglect of
its higher and sublime principles. God did not surely send a man, in the person of
vvn (interpreted Moses,) to tell mankind a falsehood.

2. By Race, when employed in its generic sense, is meant the entire human species ;
but the first family of man had not passed its primary ordeal, when it is .seen that
separate types, such aa are regarded by physiologists and theologians as essential moral
and physical races, arose. At any rate, for sixteen centuries and a half, there is the
most careful and exact genealogical distinction kept up in the narration l)etween the two

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

primary Alcanic ' and Alscthic ' types ; and it is from the latter, so fur, at least, as the
male line is concerned, that the new or Noachian ty[)es are derived.

3. It is also perceived, from the same record, that agriculture and fixed industry was
the state of the Noachian or diluvian epoch ; and it is not till a century later, agreeably
to sound chronologists, that we hear of the hunter state, and of the general dispersion of
mankind. How soon any of the sub-races or re-developed types declined (after departing
from the unity of language) into barbarism, we know not. Grecian history calls all
tribes and nations " barbarians" below their type of civilization.

4. Hebrew history regards as such, under the cognomen of "Gentiles," all who did
not possess the Hebraic moral type of knowledge. Not to be, genealogically, a direct
descendant of the Abrahamic head is deemed, by the sacred penmen, to have been
bom out of the physical and moral pale of tlie type ; and it is not till Anno Domini 1,
when the foretold Shiloh came, that we perceive, that, from the beginning, all the types,
races and families of men were comprehended, for the purposes of this advent, as
a perfect rtnity in dicersity, — without respect to the differences of nations, civil condition,
languages, lineage, or physical character, but with a sole view, which is repeated line
upon line, to the moral character and elevation of man. This Avas Shiloh's office.

5. It is unquestionably to the Noachian epoch that the ethnologist is to look for
those primordial types of race which are regarded as having furnished the original
progenitors of the present species. The different stocks are to be viewed as having
received physiological and intellectual laws of development, which gave them, at once,
the capacity to reproduce their ethnological likes during ages.

lies ;
that
loral
the
I two

C. The endurance of physical tjpe, as observed in the features, manners, and customs
of different nations, is, indeed, one of the most striking characteristics of the human
raee. Observers have manifestly, from the very earliest ages, thought so ; for if there
be not supposed to be some generic traits to look for in different races, what reason can
the philosophic traveller or historian assign for at all noticing them. Physiology has
ceased to regard these generic differences as the mere effect of climate, and is disposed
to speak of certain developments as generally fixed in this or that type ; we do not
examine a North American Indian to discover a Grecian, a Celtic, or a Gothic
physiognomy, nor refer to a German, who, at this day, has exactly the traits described
by Tacitus, for the coarse straight black hair of an Iroquois or an Algonquin. These are
not the types of Race in which to seek for resemblances ; the admitted theory of type
drives us elsewhere.

From Cain.

' From Seth.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

7. Those observations will not be mii^apprehcndetl in proceeding to make some
remarks on the manners and cnstoms of the North American Indians, who have been,
more or less, the object of historical investigation and knowledge for throe centuries
and a half: for it seemed like covering up, or leaving out of view, a great fact, to speak
of a race of very marked savages as if the erratic and hunter life was not the natural
result of neglecting a fixed agricultural state ; and as if mankind had not been origi-
nally created in the highest and noblest type — the type of labor. In other words,
that it did not, originally, include all races and kindreds and tongues, who may imite,
on the Shilonic principle, however diverse at this era, and who are yet, at all ages, and
in all places, spoken of and described, in the Hebrew oracles, as Iwing derived from one
creation and one original race.

It was thought best to moot this question directly, in an age of much moral
shullling ; and there seemed to Ix; the le.ss excuse for not making the appeal, when the
testimony is not only the most ani;ient known to the learned world, but is of a character
iuid dignity the most noljle and irn'fragable. Viewed in this light, the Indian tribes
are entitled to the most exalted moral sympathies.

Archbishop Usher represents the Babylonic disi^rsion of mankind to have taken place
in the fifty-seventh 3 ear of the eighteenth century, anno mundi, and exactly one hundred
3 ears after the debarkation of Noah.

8. We advert to this era of the general dispersion, as exhibiting the true historical
and philosophical eix)ch, not only of the rise of diverse powers and languages, (in which
mankind were still left, as at the beginning, to the exercise of a free choice and
will,) but also as the true and most antique point, in the rise and history of barbarism,
with its concomitants, previously developed, namely, idolatry and the worship of
■prlnvlplca, elements, and men. From this era, which is presented to us as a bold,
striking, and genuine one, in tlie Hebrew chronicles, we drop down the lapse of actual
history, casting out Asia, Africa, and EuroiKi from our horoscope, to the year anno
Domini 1492, a period of 3725 years. During this long vista of time, authentic
admitted history is silent as to all actual knowledge of the American tribes. We do
not purposely advert to the possibility, nny, probability, of the continent being visited,
at an earlier date, by one or more European nations ; that is a question of our archaeology
which is not here under discussion ; nor to ask, with what elements of the Old World's
knowledge, if any, they landed on the coasts ? nor, at what epoch of our history ? These
are also questions of our archajology, which are just beginning to be discussed on broad
principles.

9. Whatever those eras of landing on the coasts were, or the type of knowledge or
barbari.sm they possessed, the continent itself presented features Avhich were calcu-
lated to lead the mind from the intellectual, the mechanical, and the industrial, to the

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

erratic, physical, and gross. Wandering in the attractive scenes of the temperntc and
tropic zones, the very vastness of its rivers, lakes, and mountains, must have proved
a iwwerful stimulus to erratic and barbaric notions. If we as.sign but three thousand
years for its occupancy, and this is not too long a period, it would appear to have
produced a greater diversity of every kind than we actually oJjserve. A tribe that is
separated by territory soon insists on dialectic difl'erences. Where there are no books
to fix the standards of pronunciation, there cannot be, for a long time, absolute identity.
The vowel sounds melt into eacli other, and it is chiefly the harsher and guttural
consonants, (and some of these are known to be interchangeablcs,) that stand out,
like headlands, to resist the ocean of change in articulate sound. The plan of thought
is not, however, so easily encroached on, and we accordingly find that, even where the
vocabulary is entirely different, the synthesis and syntax are still essentially preserved
for immense periods.

10. Their manners and customs, their opinions and mental habits, had, Avherever
they were inquired into, at the earliest dates, much in conunon. Their modes of war
and worship, hunting and anuisements, were very similar. In the sacrifice of prisoners
taken in war; in the laws of rctaliation ; in the sacred character at t.iched to public
transactions solemnized by smoking the pipe; in tlie adoption of persons taken in war,
in families ; in the exhibition of daJices on almost every occasion that can enlist human
sympatliy; in tlie meagre and inartiricial style of music; in the totemic tie that binds
i-elationships together, and in the system of symlxils and figures cut and marked on
tlieir grave-posts, on trees, and sometimes on rocks, there is a perfect identity of
principles, arts, and opinions. Tlie mere act of wandering and petty warfare kept
them in a savage state, though they had the element of civilization with them in the
zea maize.

It is remarkable, that the open seiircoasts of America were adverse to civilization.
On the contrary, remote interior positions, surrounded )jy mountains, as the Valley of
Anahuac, or the basin of Titacaca, favored the germs of Indian civilization. This was
not successfully developed, it is true, without bloody wars, and the effects of extravagant
and dreadful superstitions,leading to dynasties in which the liberty of the individual was
lost. It was, however, less these acts of power than the stationary habits of the people —
those habits that permitted la))or to be applied in local districts — that mainly fostered,
it is conceived, the true germs of civilization.

The tendency to a central power was also developed among the Iroquois, at a remote
jwint from the sea-board, and they were surrounded by hostile tribes, against whom
they maintained the most bloody wars. But it was also on elevated and advantageous
table-lands, which poured their surplus waters, down large and prominent rivers, to
the distant sea. They had, also, the element of the zea maize, all which, however,

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

might have proved inefTectual to their rise, hud they not fallen on the policy of tribal
confederation.

If tlie United States tribes be compared with one another, there is found a coinci-
dence of a striking character. Take a Muscogee from tlie plains of Red Kiver or
Arkansas, an Algonquin from the hanks of Lake Sujierior, and a Dacota or Iowa from
the plains of the Missouri or the Mississippi, and it will require an interpreter to make
tlicm understand each other: but regard their leading features and expressions;
ascertain their thoughts and modes of acti(m in war and peace; their customs of
hunting, war dances, and ceremonials; strive to get at the texture and philosophy of
their minds, and the coincidences are so striking that they must impress every
beholder, — there is a character, sui-genoris, which nolxjdy can mistake.

" Not Iliniloo, Afgnn, Cutliito, or Pcrsoe ;
Tlie Indian his own prototype must be."

B. CONSTITUTION OF THE INDIAN FAMILY.

1. One of the most striking, universal, and jK'rmanent customs which distinguishes
the American triljos, and, more than all, commends them to our hmnanities, is that
which exists in connexion witli the family tie. It is tliis trait, indeed, that di.sarms
barbarism of half its ropulsiveness, and gives to this erratic and l)enighted branch of
the si^cies, their Ix^st claims to our symi)athies and benevolence. Without this tie,
society would degenerate into utter confusion, and lea\e l)ut a step between man ana
the brute creation. Species woidd Ije dismissed with the maturity of the season; and
with its close, all parentage be forgotten, and all aflinities of blood Im obliterated.

Sunk as some of the more northerly and high Pacific coast tribes may Ije, (and they
are depicted as " excessively low,") we have in this institution, supported, as it is, by
a tenacious memory of the tie of lineage, a basis for connnencing our investigations
and comparisons; and a pi"oof, indeed, that the obligations of the tie itself, or the
family relation, are inherent in the nature of human society, and were implanted in
the breast of man to uphold the laws of purity and virtue.

2. Ages of wandering, and deep degeneracy of manners, and habits of the darkest
dye, have done little, in fact, to shake the laws of consanguinity. The niarital
rite is nothing more, among our tribes, than the pei-sonal consent of the parties,
without requiring any concurrent act of a priesthood, a magistracy, or witnesses, the
act is assumed by the parties, without the necessity of any other extraneous sanction,
except parental consent ; presents are, however, often made, if the parties l)e al)le. It
is also disannulled, and the wife dismissed from the wigwam, whenever the husband

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

pleases, or the marital state is c""tinued under the evils of discord or a state of
jK)lygamy : the latter is, however, the usual method among the hunter and prairie trilwa.
But the ties of consanguinity are still strictly acknowledged ; children become possessed
of all their natural rights, and family tradition traces these ties to their remotest links.

3. At this point, the institution of the totem comes in to strengthen and confirm
domestic tradition ; for this is acknowledged as proof, even where family tradition fails.
The totem is a symbol of the name of the progenitor, — generally some quadruped, or
bird, or other object in the animal kingdom, which stands, if we may so express it, aa
the surname of the family. It is always some animated object, and seldom or never
derived from the inanimate class of nature. Its significant importance is derived from
the fact, that individuals unhesitatingly trace their lineage from it. By whatever names
they may be called during their life-time, it is the totem, and not their personal name,
that is recorded on the toTub or ailjedatitj that marks tlie place of burial. Families
are thus traced when expanded into bands or tribes, the multiidication of which, in
North America, has been very great, and has increased, in like ratio, the labors of the
ethnologist. The Turtle, the Bear, and the Wolf, appear to have been primary and
honored totems in most of the tribes, and bear a significant rank in the traditions of
the Irwpiois, and Lenapls, or Delawares ; and they are believed to have more or less
prominency in the genealogies of all the tribes who are organized on the totemic principle.

4. This point, therefore, namely, the sacred tie of families, is the great fulcrum ujwn
which the lever of hope, in doing anything to raise this people from barbarism, rests. No
savage tribes on the face of the earth, so far as geographical discovery extends, are more
tenacious of their relationships. No earthly calamity causes such deep grief to them as
the loss of a promising son, at his entrance into life. Instances have been known where
the father has redeemed his son from the stake, and actually been burnt in his stead.

5. A notable instance of this kind occun-ed in the history of the war in the 17th
century, between the Chipiiewas and the Foxes, after the latter had allied themselves,
in the west, to the Sioux. In this war, the Foxes captured the son of a celebrated and
aged chief of the Chippewas, named BUms-ivali, while the father was absent from his
wigwam. On reaching his home, the old man heard the heart-rending news, and
knowing what the fate of his sou would be, he followed on the trail of the enemy
alone, and reached the Fo.x village while they were in the act of kindling the fire to
roast him alive. He stepped boldly into the arena, and offered to take his son's place :
" My son," said he, " has seen but a few winters ; his feet have never trod the war-
path : but the hairs of my head are white ; I have hung many scalps over the graves
of my relatives, which I have taken from the heads of your Avarriors : kindle the fire
about me, and send my son home to my lodge." The offer was accepted, and the old
Pt. II. — 7

MANNERS AND CUS'tOMS.

man, without deigning to utter a groan, was ' -
severities of Bavage warfare, amidst which the fan, '
which haa no panillel in civilized life.

; at the .stake. Such are the
.«; ;< maintained with a heroism

6. But whatever were the plans of separation which the original families and clans
adopted to preserve the lineage, they are all found to have distinct and appropriate
names for the different degrees of relationship. In one respect, these names have a
peculiarity, — they denote, by their orthography, whether the person be an elder or
younger brother or sister, an aunt by the father's or mother's side, or some other like
distinctions, which apjwar to have their origin in the very transitive nature of the
language.'

C. FOREST-TEACHINGS.

7. Hunting and war divide the cares of the man. The arts of both are carefully
taught to the young, and enforced, and daily applied, by constantly repeated influence
of precept and example. The male children are early instructed in the arts of the
chase. It begins as soon as they arc capable of Avalking and running about. A tiny
bow and arrow is given to the little a-b^n-o-jce ' as a plaything : as soon as he acquires
strength, he is encouraged to fire at small birds or squin-els. The first evidence of
success is extravagantly praised, and the object killed, however small, is prepared by
the females for a feast, to which the chiefs and warriors are ceremoniously invited.

8. Sometimes the triumph that attends the initial success, in learning the hunter's
art, is gained by the snare that children set to catch little animals. An instance of this
kind came to my notice in the basin of Lake Superior. A hunter having observed the
snare of one of the younger members of his family, secretly put a rabbit into the
noose. The next morning, as usual, the youngster went out to the spot, and his joy
was perfectly unbounded at his success in catching a rabbit. A feast of soup waa
prepared with very great ceremony, in honor of the youthful Nimrod, to which old
and young were invited ; and their applauses resounded throughout the lodge. The
facetious Indian who had played the trick kept his secret, and only revealed it after
many years had passed away.

9. Skill in killing large quadrupeds is the result of years of effort, but the art so
acquired is as carefully taught, and its principles as anxiously impressed on the rising
generation, as are the elements of reading, writing, and arithmetic, in civilized society.

' It is not sabstantiTes and verbs only whicb ezbibit this character, but pronoons and other parts of speech.
' Child.

f f

»( '

S^*■

■'■IS

h i

I' f 1

'.'ii'.

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MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

The T idian youth, r.a he advances in the principles of the hunter's art, is instructed by
the : (tivo priesthood to believe that this art can be facilitated by unseen spiritual
agency; and a subtle system of medical magic, which is exhibited in connexion with
devices and figures of the principal animals hunted, is drawn on bark. To these great
attention is paid ; and the secrets respecting them are treasured up, and its knowledge
cultivated by an association called the Meda, whose rites and ceremonies are scrupu-
lously guarded and respected.

10. Winter, in all the northern latitudes, brings with it the necessity of a peculiar
kind of hunting, which is perfonncd through the ice. When the ponds and rivers,
where the musk-rat harbours are found, their houses are perforated with a strong and
peculiarly shaped spear, (Plate 7G, Figs. 1 and 2,) by which the victim is transpierced,
and the animal brought out upon its point. Tiiis act is perforaied while the scenery
is covered with the garb peculiar to the winter solstice, and is represented in the ac-
companying sketch, (Plate 5.)

11. In a region abounding in lakes and streams, fishing also becomes an art, taught
to the young. There are some modes of fishing through the ice which are very inge-
nious; one of the most conmion is, to play a decoy through holes perforated in the
ice, by an instrument which is called uhhhin, by the Algonquin tribes. It consists
of a species of stout cliisel of iron, attached firmly to a pole. (Fig. 11, Plate 70.) The
decoy is generally the image of a small fish. The Indian, placing himself Hat on his
stomach, covers his head with his blanket, supported by branches, in order to exclude
the light. By excluding the extraneous glare, the vision is extended into the waters
below, luid the watcher stands ready with his spear to dart the point into his victim,
as soon as it approaches to seize the l)ait. In this manner, which is depicted in Plate
6, the Indian is able to supply his family with food, at the most inclement and pinching
seasons.

12. Another mode of taking fish in the winter, is by making a series of orifices,
through the ice, in a direct line. A gill-net is then pushed, by its head-lines, from one
orifice to another, until its entire length is displayed. Buoys and sinkers are attached
to it, and it is then let down into deep Avater, where white fish, and other larger species,
iv.sort at this season. The ne.xt morning the net is drawn up, the fisheniuin secures
Ills prey, and again sets his net as before. By this mode, which is very common
throughout the lakes where deep water aljounds, these si)ecie8 are captured at the
greatest depths, while sheltering themselves in their deepest winter recesses.

Fish are sometimes brought up in the inunediate vicinity of Michillinuickinac, from
', depth of eighty fathoms.

The Indiiuis' ingenuity in capturing the finny tribes during the prevalence of the
severities of winter, may be quoted as an evidence of ^heir resources, in sustouiing

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

themselves. But this ingenuity and resource has its fullest development in the open
season of summer, when the streams are freed from the ice, and the forest is clothed
with verdure, to shelter and conceal its various species.

1 3. The streams whicli traverse the Indian country are often barred near their out-
lets with stakes securely bound together, with transverse poles extending from bank
to l)ank. Tiijse poles are so close as to prevent sturgeon and all the larger species
from ascending except by a single aperture Avhich is purposely left. Through this the
fish ascend in their frequent attempts to force their Wcay up stream for the purpose of
depositing their spawn ; but in descending they are arrested by the poles of the dam,
and forced against them. The Indian walking on the transverse poles, with a hook at
the end of a pole, which is placed on the upper side of the dam, sees and feels the
pressure of the descending fish, and, by a quick jerk, brings up his victim.

14. During the low waters of the summer solstice, lines of stones are placed from
each bank, where the river has a marked descent pointing downwards at an acute
angle, until they meet, within three or four feet. Tliis space is filled with stones of a
less height, over which the pent-up and dammed water rushes and falls on a platform
of poles. This platform, which performs the purpose of a gross longitudinal sieve, lets
through the water, leaving the fish to flounder and be picked up — ad libitum. This
contrivance is sometimes called tiamehrncagan, or sturgeon's yoke.

•if

15. At the foot of rai)ids and falls, the lish are followed up in their continued strug-
gle to ascend, l)y fishermen in a canoe, who provide themselves with a scoop-net attached
to the end of a long pole, and they then capture their victims by a dexterous swoop
of the implement. This act requires great care, activity, and exei'tion, as the canoe,
being made of bark, and almost as light as an egg-shell, is liable, the moment ho
stands on tiie gunwales, to Ik; tipped over into the boiling, foaming waters. In order
to prevent it from shooting from under liim, a man sits at the stern with liis paddle to
keep the boat headed, and the fisherman stands watching his opportunity as the school
of fish pass ]^\ ; then babmcing himself with the manoouvering and consummate skiU
of a wire-dancer, he lifts his prey into the canoe.

This species of fishing may be seen to be practised, in the most striking manner,
during the fishing seasons, at the falls of St. Mary's, on the straits between lakes Huron
and Superior, which have long been noted for the abundance and fine flavor of the
white fish.

Iv.

IG. Sometimes fish are shot with an arrow, by a watcher sitting on the banks of the
river, when tlie fish approacb. the land in their vernal track of migration. (Plate 7.)
The fish-hook is employed chiefly in deep waters, and is intended for the larger spe-

neT"

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III

MANNEKS AND CUSTOMS.

ciea. The white fish, so common to the Avhole line of hikes, never hitea at a hook, and
is captured solely hy nets or spears. Tlie ordinary trout and cod hook has Ix-en
supplied by commerce since the discovery of America ; but the ancient Indian hook
of bone was shaped much like it, and its use was every way similar, as is seen by an
antique bone-hook, found in the mounds on Cunningham's Island, Lake Erie. (Plate 38,

Fig. 4.)

Fish are also speared from a canoe, usually in the morning, when they are close
in-shore, lying under the leaves and rushes that grow on the banks of streams. An
Indian woman or boy paddles the canoe gently along the shore, while the man stands
up in the bow or on the gunwales of the canoe, holding his spear ready to strike the
fish when seen. The spear or gig is represented in Plate 7G, Figs. 3 and 4. The mode
of operating is represented in Plate 8.

D. ART OF HUNTING.

17. This ingenuity in the taking of fish evinces a degree of skill which challenges
admiration. But it is far inferior to that art which is demanded for the hunter in his
nobler pursuit of game on the land. To him are known the habits, ranges, and food
of all the quadrupeds which constitute objects of the chase. Not only is it essential that
he should know the species of food which each quadruped covets, but also the time
most favorable to his sallying out of his coverts to obtain it, together with the various
precautions necessary, in order to elude the quick ear and instincts of his victims.

18. The simplest of all species of hunting is perhaps the art of hunting the deer.
This animal, it is known, is endowed with the fatal curiosity of stopping in its flight,
to turn round, and look at the object that disturlsed it ; and as this is generally done
within rifle-range, the habit is indulged at the cost of its life ; whereas, if it trusted
unwaveringly to it.s heels, it would escape.

19. One of the most ingenious modes of hunting the deer is that oi fire-linntbig,
which is doi!e by descending a stream in a canoe at night with a flambeau. The habit
of this animal of resorting to streams at night has been mentioned. In the latter part
of spring and summer, the Indian hunters on the small interior rivers take the bark
of the elm or cedar, peeling it off" whole, for five or six feet in length, and turning it
inside out, paint the outer surface black with charcoal. It is then pierced with an

'lice to fit it, on the bow of the canoe, so as to hide the sitter; then a light or torch
is made by small rolls two or three feet long, of twisted birch-bark, (which is very in-
flammable,) and this is placed on the extreme bow of the boat, a little in front of the
bark screen, in which position it throws its rays strongly forward, leaving all behind in

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

darkness. The deer, whose eyes are fixed on tlie light ns it floats down, is thus brought
within range of the gun. Swans are hunted in the same way.

20. Tlie mazes of the forest are, however, the Indian hunter's peculiar field of action.
No foot-print can be impressed there, with which he is not familiar. In his temporary
journeys in the search after game, he generally ciicamps early, and sallies out at the
first peep of day, on his hunting tour. If he is in a forest cou-try, he chooses his am-
bush in valleys, for the plain reason that all animals, as night approaches, come into
the valleys. In ascending these, he is very careful to take that side of a stream which
throws the shadow from it, so that he may have a clear view of all that passes on the
opposite side, while he is himself screened by the shadow. But he is particularly on
the alert to take this precaution, if he is apprehensive of lurking foes. The tracks of
an animal are the subject of the minutest observation ; they tell him at a glance, the
species of animal that has passed ; the time that has elapsed ; and the course it has
pursued. If the surface of the earth be moist, the indications are plain ; if it be hard
or rocky, they are drawn from less palpable but scarcely less umnistakeable signs.

21. One of the largest and most varied day's hunt, of which we are apprised, was
by a noted Chippewa hunter, named Nokay, on the upper Mississippi ; who, tradition
asserts, in one day, near the mouth of the Crow-Wing river, killed sixteen elk, four
bufliiloes, five deer, three bears, one lynx, and a porcupine. This feat has doubtless
been exceeded in the bufliilo ranges of the south-west, where the bow and arrow is
known to have been so dexterously and rapidly a})plied in respect to that animal ; but
it is seldom that the chase in forest districts is as successful as in this instance.

<\^ll<

22 On one occasion the celebrated chief Wabojeeg went out early in the morning,
near the hanks of Lake Superior, to set martin traps. He hatl set about forty, and
waa returning to his wigwam, armed with his hatchet and knife only, when he
encountered a buck moose. He sheltered himself behind trees, retreating ; but, as the
animal pursued, he picked up a pole, and, unfastening his moccasin-strings, tied the
knife firmly to the jx)le. He then took a favourable position behind a tree and
stabbed the animal several times in the throat and breast. At length it fell, and he
cut out and carried home the tongue as a trophy of his prowess.

23. In 1808, Gitshe lawba, of Kewywenon, Lake Superior, killed a three years old
moose of three hundred pounds weight. It was in the month of February, and the
snow was so soft, from a partial thaw, that the agim, or snow-shoes, sank deep at every
step. After cutting up the animal and drawing out the Ijlood, he wrapped the flesh in
the skin, and, putting himself under it, rose up erect. Finding he could bear the
weight, he then took a litter of nine pups, in a blai ket, upon his right arm, threw his

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MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

wallet on the tq) of his head, and, putting his gun over his left shoulder, walked six
milea to his wigwam. Thia was the atrongest man that has appeared in the Chippewa
natitm in modem times.

24. In 1827, Annimikens, of Bed Biver of the North, was one day quite engrossed
in looking out a path for his camp to pass, when he was startled by the sharp snorting
of a grizzly bear. lie immediately presented his gun and attempted to fire ; but, the
priming not igniting, he was knocked by the animal, the next instant, several steps
backward, and his gun driven full fifteen feet through the air. The bear then struck
him un one cheek, and tore away a part of it. The little consciousness he had left
told him to be passive, and manifest no signs of life. Fortunately, the beast had
satiated his appetite on the carcase of a buflalo near by. Having clawed his victim at
pleasure, he then took him by the neck, dragged him into the bushes, and there left
him. Yet from such a wound the Indian recovered, though a disfigured man, and
lived to tell me the story with his own lips.

Relations of such hunting exploits and adventures are vividly repeated in the Indian
country, and constitute a species of renown which is eagerly sought by the young.

E. SUOAR-MAKINO.

As the spring season approaches, and the sap begins to ascend the still leafless
trunks of the acer saccharinum, or sugar maple, the Indian families, throughout all
the northern and middle latitudes, repair to their sugar^amps, and engage in preparing
that, to them, favorite luxury. The sap is carried in bark buckets, and boiled down
in kettles of iron or tin. This labor, which devolves chiefly on the females^ is shown
in the accompanying sketch. (Plate 9.)

25. It forms a sort of Indian carnival. The article is profusely eaten by all of
every age, and a quantity is put up for sale in a species of boxes made from the white
birch bark, which are called mococks, or mokuks. These sugar-boxes are in the shape
of the lower section of a quadrangular pyramid. They are of a light brown color, or,
if new, a nankeen-yellow.

26. While the oaref\il and industrious wife prepares and fills these boxes for sale,
the children and youth carry sap from the trees, and have a grand fW>Iio among
themselves ; boiling candy and pouring it out on the snow to cool, and gambolling
about on the fVozen surface with the wildest delight. Their mothers supply them, too,
with miniature mokuks, filled with sugar flnm the first runnings of the sap, which
makes the choicest sugar. These little mokuks are ornamented with dyed porcupine

t: 1
11

M MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

quills, BkilfuUy wrought in the shape of flowers and figures. The boxes designed for
sale are of all siies; from twenty to seventy pounds weight. They are sold to the
merchants at six cents per pound, payable in merchandize. The number made in a
single season, by an industrious and strong-handed family, is known to be from thirty
to forty, in addition to all the sugar that has been consumed. It is seldom less than
a dozen or twenty boxes to the family ; and the average yield, comprising the extremes
of careless and extravagant, and of the most thrifty wigwams, may be put between
twenty-five and one hundred and fifty dollars in trade.

27. The heyday iscenes of the Seenatbaukwut, or sugar-making, crowns the labors of
the spring. The pelt of animals is now out of season, winter has ended with all its
rigors, and the introduction of warm weather prepares the Indian mind for a season
of hilarity and feasting, for which the sale of his "golden mokuks" gives him some
means.

It is now that religious observances are in order. The Medawin, the Jesukawin,
and the Wabeno societies assemble. Feasts are given as long as their means last. The
drum and the rattle are heard to echo through their villages. The streams, now
loosened from their icy fetters, pour a deeper murmur ; the forests are decked with
their leafy clothing, which fit them for concealment, and the Indian mind prepares
itself for renewing its darling schemes of war : for, whatever other cares and employ-
ments may demand his attention, it is to success in the war-path that the Indian looks
for his prime and crowning glories.

F. WAR, AND ITS INCIDENTS.

28. Success in war is to the Indian the acm^ of glory, and to learn its arts the
object of hia highest attainment. The boys and youth acquire the accomplishment at
an early period of dancing the war-dance ; and although they are not permitted to join
its fascinating cirole till they assume the envied rank of actual warriors, still their
early sports and mimic pastimes are imitations of its various movements and postures.
The envied eagle's feather is the prize. For this, the Indian's talent, subtlety,
endurance, bravery, persevering fasts, and what may be called religious penances and
observances, are made.

. The war-path is taken by youths at an early age. That age may be stated, for
general comparison, to be sixteen : but without respect to exact time, it is always after
the primary fast, during which the youth chooses his personal guardian or monedo, —
an age when he first assumes the duties of manhood. It is the period of the assumption
of the three-pointed blanket, the true toga of the North American Indian.

the
at

aeir

lety,
and

for
I after

Iption

l(s«jt-»i»i»s»mvr^

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;

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n

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MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

29. The whole force of public opinion, in our Indian communities, in concontrntcd
on this point, its early lodge teochingn, (such as the recital of adventures of brnverj',)
its dances, its religious rites, the harangues of prominent actors, mode at public
assemblages, (such as is called " striking the post,") all, in fact, that serves to awaken
and fire ambition in the mind of the savage, is clustered about the idea of future
distinction in war.

30. Civilization has many points of ambitious attainment, — the rewards of letters,
triumphs in the forum and the legislative hall, the diplomatic bureau, the honors of
the academician, the sculptor's chisel, the painter's brush, the architect's design. The
Indian has but one prime honor to grasp ; it is triumph in the war-path ; it is rushing
upon his enemy, tearing the scalp reeking from his head, and then uttering his terrific
e(i-earkuon, (death-whoop). For this crowning act (Plate 10) he is permitted to mount
the honored feather of the war-eagle, — the king of carnivorous birds. By this mark
he is publicly known, and his honors recognized by all his tribe, and by the surrounding
tribes whose customs assimilate.

31. When the scalp of an enemy has been won, very great pains are taken to exhibit
it. For this purpoet;, it is stretched on a hoop and mounted on a pole. (Plate 11.)
The inner part is painted red, and the hair adjusted to hang in its natural manner.
If it be the scalp of a male, eagles' feathers are attached to denote that fact. If a
female, a comb or scissors is hung on the frame. In this condition, it is placed in the
hands of an old woman, who beors it about in the scalp dance, (Plate 12,) while
opprobrious epithets are uttered against the tribe from whom it was taken. Amidst
these wild rejoicings the war-cry is vociferated, and the general sentiment with old and
young is, " Thus shall it be done to our enemies."

32. The feather of the eagle is the highest honor that a warrior can wear, and a
very extravagant sum is sometimes given to procure one. The value of a horse has
been known to be paid. The mode in which a feather is to be cut and worn ia
important to be noticed.

33. The scale of honor, with the several tribes, may vary, but the essential features
are the same. Among the Dacota tribes, an eagle's feather with a red spot (Plate 13,
Fig. 1) denotes that the wearer has killed an enemy, a notch cut in it and edges of the
feather (Fig. 2) painted red, indicates that the throat of an enemy has been cut.
Small consecutive notches on the front side of the feather, (Fig. 3,) without paint,
denote that the wearer is the third person that has touched the dead body. Both
edges notched, (Fig. 4,) that he is the fourth person that has touched it; and the
feather partly denuded, (Fig. 5,) that he is the fifth person that has touched the slain.

Pt. II. — 8

I.l

,'l

r »

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

Fi}^. G »lom)U'.s tliat tlie woaivr htiH rccoivwl Hcnrs fnnn the Iiniiil of an enomy. The
foatlior cli|)|)i-il oil", ami the edj^os painted red, are alw) iiidieative of tlie cutting of an
eneniVH throat.

Fig. 14. On the blanket or bufl'alo nilnj worn by tlio Dacota Intlian a red or black
hand is often wen painted. The red hand (Fig. 15) indicates that the wearer has k-on
wounded by his eneni}-; the black hand, (Fig. 1(5,) that he has slain his enemy. Fig.
8 indicates a male prisoner, and Fig. 10 a female prisoner, both captured by Fig. 9.
P'ig. 11, a female killetl. Fig. 12, a male killed. Fig. 13, a girl killed; and Fig. 14,
a boy killed.

Fig. 17 is a representation of the thunder-bird, and is frequently seen worked with
porcupine quills, as an ornament, on piiie stems, knife sheatli!*, belts, and other articles.

(Such arc the oistoms of the Dacotus who dwell on the St. Peter's, and alwut the
Falls of St. Anthimy. The warlike triljc of Chipixjwas on the sources of the
Mississippi, who, fmm a national act in their history, bear the distinctive name of
Pillagers, award a successful warrior, who shoots <lown and scalps his enemy, three
feathoi-s; and ii)r the still more dangerous act of taking a wounded pris«mer on the
field, five, — for they conceive that a wounded enemy is desjR'rate, and will generally
reserve his fire for a la.st act of vengeance, if he died the moment after. Those of the
war-party who come up immediately and strike the enemy, so ns to get marks of blood
on their weajwns, receive two feathers ; for it is customary for as many as can to
jK-rfonn this act. It is considered a proof of braver}', and it enables them, in their
future assem)>lics for the purpasc of ^'striking thepoai" to allude to it. All wlio can
rise in such assemblies, and declare the performance of such a deed, in the presence
of the warriors, are ranked as brave men.

They go one step farther in the formation of military character. Those who have
been of the war-party, and merely see the fight, although they may have no blood
marks of which to boast as honors, and may even have lacked promptness in following
the leader closely, are yet allowed to mount oiie feather. These honors are publicly
awarded ; no one dares to assume them without authority, and there are instances
where the feathers falsely assumed have been pulled violently from their heads in a
public assemblage of the Indians.

34. They never, however, blame each other for personal acts denoting cowardice or
any species of timidity while on the war-path, hoping, by this elevated course, to
encourage the young men to do better on another occasion.

35. Their war and civil chiefs use the most careful and studied expressions on the
topic at all times, — the principle of warlike deeds being apix?aled to; and the tone
and temper of a band on an exposed frontier i)osition, subject to l)e constantly attacked,
and, in turn, to attack their enemies, is thus broiight to a high state of personal daring

[•my. The
ttiiii' of nn

cd or black
er linn In'on
einy. Fig.
by Fig. 9.
nd Fig. 14,

•orkod with
lier iirticloH.

I alxjiit the
rcca of the
'c name of
noniy, three
mer on the

II geneniUy
riiose of the
rks of blood
y as can to
em, in their
A.11 who can
he presence

sc who have
ve no blood
in following
arc publicly
re instances
■ heads in a

cowardice or
d course, to

ssions on the
md the tone
itly attacked,
rwjnal daring

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MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

and heroic courage. Such is the present position of the Mukundua or Pillagers just
referred to, — a band who form the military advance westward of the great Algonquin
family. Before their high state of warlike skill the Sioux tribes have been forced to
abandon the western shores of Lake Superior and the sources of the Mississippi, and
this tribe ventures with fear even twenty miles north of the Minnesota River.

36. All war-parties consist of volunteers. The leader, or war-captain, who attempts
to raise one, must have some reputation to start on. His appeals, at the assemblages
for dancing the preliminary war-dance, are to the principles of bravery and nationality.
They are brief and to the point. He is careful to be thought to act under the guidance
of the Great Spirit, of whose secret will he affects to be apprized in dreams, or by some
rites.

37. The principle of enlistment is sufficiently well preserved. For this purpose, the
leader who pro^wses to raise a war-party takes the war-club in his hands, smeared with
vermilion, to symbolize blood, and begins his war-.song. I have witnessed several
such scenes. The songs are brief, wild repetitions of sentiments of heroic deeds, or
incitements to patriotic or military ardor. They are accompanied by the drum and
rattle, and by the voice of one or more choristei-s. They are repeated slowly,
sentcntiously, and with a measured cadence, to which the most exact time is kept.
The warrior stamps the ground as if he could shake the universe. His language is
often highly figurative, and he deals with the machinery of clouds, the flight of
carnivorous birds, and the influence of spiritual agencies, as if the region of space were
at his command. He imagines his voice to be heaiHl in the clouds ; and while he
stamps the ground with well-feigned fury, he fancies himself to take hold of the
"circle of the sky" with his hands. Every few moments he stops abruptly in his
circular path, and utters the piercing war-cry.

38. He must be a cold listener Avho can sit unmoved by these appeals. The ideas
thrown out succeed each other with the impetuosity of a torrent. They are suggestive

of heroic frames of mind, of strong will, of high courage, of burning sentiment.

'-♦^

Hear my voice, ye warlike biixls! ,

I prepare a feast for you to batten on;

I see you cross the enemy's lines;

Like you I shall go.

I wish the swiftness of your wings ;

I wish the vengeance of your claws ;

I muster my friends;

I follow your flight.

Ho, yo young men, that are warriors,

Look with wrath on the battle-field.

p.
I**

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

Each warrior that rises and joins the war-dance, thereby becomes a volunteer for the
trip. He arms and equips himself; he provides his own sustenance ; und when he steps
out into the ring and dances, he chants his own song, and is greeted with redoubling
yells. These ceremonies are tantamount to " enlistment," and no j'oung man who thus
comes forward can honorably withdraw.

39. Whoever has heard an Indian war-song, and witnessed an Indian war-dance,
must be satisfied that the occasion wakes up all the fire and energy of the Indian's
soul. His flashing eye, his muscular energy, aa he begins the dance, his violent gesti-
culation as he raises his war-cry ; the whole frame and expression of the man, demon-
strate this. And long before it comes to his turn to utter his stave or part of the chant,
his mind has been worked up to the most intense point of excitement. His imagina-
tion has pictured the enemy, the ambush and the onset, the victory and the bleeding
victim, writhing under his prowess. In thought, he has already stamped him under-
foot, and toni off his reeking scalp. He has seen the eagles hovering in the air, ready
to pounce on the dead carcass as soon as the combatants quit the field.

It would require strong and graphic language to give descriptive utterance, in the
shape of a song, to all he has fancied, and sees and feels on the subject. Physical
excitement has absorbed his energies. He is in no mood for calm and collected descrip-
tions of battle-scenes. He has no stores of measured rhymes to fall back on. All he
can do is to utter brief and often highly symbolic expressions of courage, of defiance,
of indomitable rage. His feet stamp the ground as if he would shake it to its centre.
The inspiring drum and mystic rattle communicate now energy to every step, while
they serve, by the observance of the most exact time, to concentrate his energy. His
very looks depict the spirit of rage : and his yells, uttered quick, sharp, and cut off by
the application of the hand to the mouth, are startling and horrific.

Under such circumstances, a few short and broken sentences are enough to keep
alive the theme in his mind ; and he is not, probably, conscious of the fact, that there
is not enough said, in the theme of his song, to give much coherence to it. Such a
song is, indeed, under the best auspices, a mere wild rhapsody of martial thought,
poured out, from time to time, in detached sentences, which are, so to say, cemented
into lines by a flexible chorus and known tunes.

The sentiments of the following song were uttered by the celebrated Wacbojeeg, aa
the leader of the Chippewas, after a victory over the combined Sioux and Sauks and
Foxes, at the falls of St. Croix, during the latter part of the seventeenth century.

Hear my voice, ye heroes!

On that day when our warriors sprang

With shouts on the dastardly foe,

•^wMMfeirMMiafi

!cr for the
n he steps
•edoubling
who thus

ivar-dance,
e Indian's
)lcnt gesti-
m, demon-
the chant,
is imaginor
18 bleeding
lim under-
: air, ready

nee, in the
Physical
;ed descrip-
in. All he
)f defiance,
> its centre,
step, while
lergy. His
i cut off by

igh to keep
, that there
it. Such a
al thought,
Y, cemented

IUB0JEE6, aa
i Sauks and
entury.

;

. ;.i.

■I

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; i

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 61

Just vengeance my lieart burned to take
On the cruel and treacherous breed,
The Bwoin' — the Fox — the Sauk.

And here, on my breast, have I bled!
See — see! my battle-scars!
Ye mountains, tremble at my yell!
I strike for life.

ni.

But who are my foes? They shall die,
They shall fly o'er the plains like a fox;
They shall shake like a leaf in the storm.
Perfidious dogs! they roast our sons with fire!

IV.

Five winters in hunting we'll spend,
While mourning our warriors slain,
Till our youth grown to men
For the battle-path trained,
Our days like our fathers we'll end.

Ye are dead, noble men! ye are gone,

My brother — my fellow — my friend!

On the death-path where brave men must go,

But we live to revenge you! We haste

To die 08 our forefathers died.

In 1824, Bwoinais, a Chippewa warrior of lake Superior, repeated to me, with the
appropriate tunes, the following war-songs, which had been uttered during the existing
war between that nation and the Dacotas.

Oshawanung undossewug

Penasewug ka baimwaidungig.

From the south — they come, the warlike birds —

Hark! to their passing screams.

' A Sioux.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

Todotobi penaise

Ka (low wiawwiaun.

I wish to have the body of the fiercest bird,

As swift — as cruel — as strong.

Ne wawaibena, neowai

Kagait ue minwaindum

Nebunaikuinig tshebaibcwishcnaun.

I east away my bod}- to the chance of battle.

Full happy am I, to lie on the field —

On the field over the enemy's line.

The following stanzas embrace detached sentiments of other chaunts from several
sources.

The eagles scream on high,
They whet their forked beaks;
Raise — raise the battle-cry,
'Tis fame our leader seeks.

The battle-birds swoop from the sky.
They thirst for the warrior's heart;
They look from their circles on high,
And scorn every flesh but the brave.

DEATH SONG.

I fall — but my body shall lie

A name for the gallant to tell;

The Gods shall repeat it on high,

And young men grow brave at the sound.

f.l

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MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

G. THE WIGWAM AND ITS MATES.

40. It has often been mode a question how order is obtained in so confii^ed a space
as an Indian wig>vam, where so many persons seem +0 the looker-on to be huddled
together in confusion. We have had occasion to make particular inquiries into this
subject. Domestic order and domestic rights are of such a character, that they would
seem, in savage as in civilized life, to demand rules that all should know and respect.

The wife of the hunter has the entire control of the wigwam and all its tempo-
ralities. To each person who is a member of the lodge-family is assigned a fixed seat,
or habitual abiding-place, which is called Abbinos. To the master and mistress of
the lodge belongs the chief location. To each of the adult and grown children is
also assigned their particular abbinos. The very infant, or abbinojee, soon learns to
know its place, and hastens to the mother's abbinos. Indeed, the term for a
child — abbinoje — appears to be derived from this radix: the termination o/ee, which
is affixed to it, is a diminutive word of endearment ; as we observe it in their terms
for a fly, oj'ee; wa-wa'begunrojee, &c.

41. If the son is married and brings his bride home, (one of the commonest modes
of assembling the lodge-circle,) the mother assigns the bride her abhinoa. This is
prepared by spreading one of the finest skins for her seat, and no one besides her
husband ever sits there, A visitor who is a neighbor is welcomed to the highest seat
temporarily. Inmates of the lodge have their bed, mokuk, wallet, &c., placed behind
their own abbinos, and generally war-clubs and arms, if he be a warrior, are placed
within reach. In thin manner the personal rights of each individual are guarded.
The female is punctilious as to her own, so that perfect order is maintained ; and it
would be as much a violation of their etiquette for an inmate to take possession of
another's abbinos at night, as, in civilized life, to intrude into a private bed-chamber.
By these known rules of the wig\vam an Indian's notions of propriety are quite satis-
fied; while, to the European stranger, who casually lifts up the lodge door (a bit of
cloth or skin) and peeps in, its interior appears to be appropriated with as indiscri-
minate a "communism" as if it were occupied by so many pigs, sheep, or bears.

42. The division of labour between the man and wife in Indian life is not so unequal
while they live in the pure hunter state as many suppose. The large part of a hunter's
time which is spent in seeking game leaves t^e wife in the wigwam, with a great deal
of time on her hands. For it must be remembered that there is no spinning, weaving,
or preparing children for school ; no butter or cheese making, or a thousand other
cares which are inseparable from the agricultural state, to occupy her skill and
industry. Even the art of the seamstivss is only practised by the Indian woman on

IsUfi

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

a few things. She devotes much of her time to making moccasins and quill-work.
Her husband's leggins are carefully ornamented with beads. His shot-pouch and knife-
sheath are worked with quills. The hunting-cap is garnished with ribbons. His
garters of cloth are adorned with a profusion of small, white beads, and colored worsted
toasels are prepared for his leggins.

In the spring the corn-field is planted by her and the youngsters in a vein of
gaiety and frolic. It is done in a few hours, and taken care of in the same spirit. It
is perfectly voluntary labor, and she would not be scolded for omitting it; for all
labor with Indians is voluntary.

The dressing and preparation of skins for certain parts of clothing is carried on at
seasons of convenience. It is done by removing the hair and fleshy integuments with
implementa of stone or iron. (Plate 7G, Figs. 6, 7, and 8.) The skin is fastened for
this purpose to two stakes, as shown in the drawing, (Plate 14,) where it undergoes a
species of currying. The present state of the Indian trade nders it more thrifty for
the hunter to purchase his coat, shirt, aziaun,' and leggins of cioth, and employ his time
in hunting the small furred animals to pay for them ; making a change in the condition
of the Indian female which relieves her, in a great measure, from the dressing of
skins; which was formerly quite a labor.

43. The character of the man in domestic life has some redeeming traits. His
experience of hardship and suffering appears to have made him forbearing. He is not
easily vexed, but almost habitually passive. He does not scold old or young. The
spirit of endurance, self-respect, and a species of forest stoicism, have given him a
philosophy far above it. When he returns from the chase with a load of meats and
throws it down at the door of the wigwam, not a word is said to the wife ; or if but
a tongue of the animal killed be brought to testify to his success, he is nearly aa
taciturn. She comprehends at once her part of the duty in both cases ; and whatever
that duty is, he never states or alludes to it. He is not a fault-finder at his meals, but
eats whatever is placed before him.

Roasting and boiling are simple operations with the Indian. There is no condiment
to be used; no salt, no pepper. Soups are their great resource; particularly in
seasons of want, or where the food would not admit of division by any other method.
A squirrel, or a small bird, will answer to season or qualify a gallon of soup. And when
there are many stomachs to satisfy, there would not appear to be any other method so
well suited to answer the purpose of division. In times of great straits a few old
bones will serve to flavor the liquor, and the ingenuity of the wife is constantly on the
stretch to provide a meal. When there is absolutely nothing, and the severities of the
season have, for a time, cut off every resource, there is a dignified endurance in the
Indian's mind that rises above complaint. Th': . ■■; '"\ no one to blame, in his belief,

lirccch-cluth.

Liill-work.
ind knife-
9n8. His
d worsted

a vein of
spirit. It
it; for all

rried on at
mentfl with
fafitened for
indergoes a
; thrifty for
loy his time
le condition
dressing of

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traits. His
;. He is not
young. The
given him a
if meats and
fe ; or if hut
is nearly as
,nd whatever
is meals, but

lo condiment
irticularly in
Ither method.
Ip. And when
Jier method so
lits a few old
^tantly on the
irerities of the
irance in the
in his belief,

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MANNERS AND CUSTO>

unless it be the Great Spirit ; and he is far from impnt blame 1» rtim. He has
exerted his art, but without success. The next day in; ljrti,r him relief, and he
consoles himself in this hope. The children are sometimes put to sleep by telling them
tales to stop their crying for hunger. If there be but a morsel in the wigwam, it is
given to them ; and the father of the lodge shows the strength of his affection and the
quality of his endurance by rigid abstinence from food, and by uncomplaining silence.
He indulges himself in the use of the pipe and native weed, or kinnikinic, which is
attended with some sort of stimulus to the nerves that keeps them in a state of
equilibrium. Such is the North American Indian, whom I have observed in the forest
countries of the great lakes and great valleys of the Upper Mississippi.

H. BIRTH AND ITS INCIDENTS.

44. Parturition, with the Indian female, is seldom attended with severe or long-con-
tinued suffering ; it is generally very much the contrary, and leads to but a slight
interruption to her ordinary pursuits. To linger back a few hours on a journey in the
forest, is often the whole time required by the confinement ; and there appears in most
cases to be but little, if any premonition. A wife has been known to sally into the
adjoining forest in quest of dry limbs for fire-wood, and to return to the wigwam with
her new-bom child, placed carefully on the back-load. (See Plate 26.) The wife of
Saganosh was passing with her husband and family in a canoe, along the precipitous
sand-cliffs of Lake Superior, which are called Orandea Subles. There is, in general,
but a strip of beach between the precipices and the water, and the scene is nearly
as denuded of trees or bushes as the deserts of Arabia. But she landed in haste, and
descried a few bushes in a depressed spot, which sufficed for her accouchement cham-
ber, and in a few hours was in her canoe again with the new-boni babe.

Their exemption from the usual sufferings of child-birth may be said to be the
general condition of the hunter state, and one of the few advantages of it which the
female enjoys above her civilized sister. But it will be seen to be the simple result in
obstetrics of the continued exercise in the open air of the Indian woman, and her
consequent hardihood.

45. Names are generally bestowed by the mindemoia, or nocomiss, of the family ;
that is, by the matron, or the aged grandmother, who generally connects the event
with some dream. If the child be a male, the name is generally taken from some
object or phenomenon in the visible heavens. The returning cloud, (kewanoquot,) the sun
in contact with a cloud, {kortche-toah,) the bright cloud, (na-geezhig,) the little thun-
derer, (an-^e^na-kem,) a bird in continued flight in the higher air, (ka-ga-osh,) are
common names. If it be a female, the imagery is generally drawn from the surface
Pt. II.— 9

V i

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

of the earth, the vegetable kingdom, or the waters. The woman of the passing Htream,
the woman of the green valley, the woman of the rock, are not uncommon names.
The tlexible character of tlie language renders these compound terms practicable. In
this respect, the syntax of the language bears a strong resemblance to that of the
Hebrew — that is, in making fragments of words stand for whole words in these amal-
gamated derivations. But the Indian languages are without that frequent fragment in
the Hebrew of el, which conveys the whole meaning of Alohim, Emanuel, or some
other descriptive t«rm for the deity. The Indian deity docs not at all appear to enter
into such compound names. Instead of this, the distinctive fragmentary elements are
taken from the radices for sun, sky, air, wind, sound, &o. There is no rite of any kind
analogous to baptism, nor a thought of it; but the name thus given is considered
secret — it is indeed deemed sacred, for it is not generally revealed, and it is one of
the hardest things to induce an Indian to tell his real name. Instead of this, and in
order, it would seem, the better to conceal it, men are called by some common nick-
name, as little fox, wolf, red-head, bail boy, bird, and such like soubriquets, which are
generally given by the mothers to infants, as terms of endearment.' It is these
secondary names, which continue to be borne in adult life, that we constantly hear,
and the real name is studiously concealed, and frequently not even revealed by the
Ajedatic, or grave-post ; for upon this, the totem of the family is deemed to be sufficient.
The true cause of the concealment of names must be ascribed to their religious and
superstitious dogmas, which will be hereafter described.

46. Children are, immediately after their birth, tied with feminine care on a flat
piece of carved wood, or structure, called Tikkinagmi, which has a small hoop to
protect the head, and a little footrpiece to rest on. ( Fig. 1, Plate 15.) Moss is placed
between the heels of female infants, which makes them in-toed ; in males, the adjust-
ment of the moss is designed to produce a perfectly straight position of the foot. The
" one-point" blanket of trade wraps it, and a bandage of cloth, if the mother be able
to get it, is bound around the whole person, giving it some resemblance to a small
mummy.

It is the pride of the mother to garnish this cradle band with ribbons and beads.
From the hoop some little jingling ornament is generally suspended to attract the
child's notice. (Fig. 2, Plate 15.) An apekun or carrying-strap is securely fastened
near the head of the infant, by which the mother can swing it to her back and carry
it without injury throughout the forest (Plate 15.) Indeed, she can hang it up by the

■The perfect identity of opinion entertained on this sabject by the Indians of the present day (1851) with
those held by the Virginia Indians in 1584, is shown in the double name of Pocahontas. " Her true name,"
says Furcbas, " was Matokes, which they concealed from the English, in a superstitious fear of hurt by the
English, if her name was known." — Pilorimb, Part V., Book 8, Chap. 5.

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MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

strap on the limb of a tree, or in the lodge, and the fixtures are so ingeniously
contrived that, even if it falls down, the child cannot be hurt. Meantime, the little
abinojee itself seems perfectly contented, and rarely if ever cries ; and in this confine-
ment it learns its first lesson in endurance.

I. DEATH AND ITS INCIDENTS.

47. The character of the devices which are placed on the grave-post of the Indian
has been described under the head of Pictography, Part I., p. .354. Such devices are
appropriate for adults who have trod the war-path, and made themselves conspicuous
for bravery or heroism.

Children and youth generally pass away from the scenes of Indian life without any
such memorials ; but their loss is often bewailed by mothers with inconsolable grief
and bitterness. It is the intensity of this grief which lies at the foundation of the
practice of adopting white children stolen from the settlements on the frontiers. Such
cases are generally, if not in every instance, traceable to a request of the Indian
mother to replace the child of Avhich she has been bereaved by death. A grief that is
indulged under the hopeless darkness of the aboriginal mind may be supposed to have
no more natural or reasonable mode of assuagement. But v is grief, when the object
is a son, is often deeply partaken of by the father, especially if the lad be grown, and
lias develojied forensic talents to succeed him in the chieftainship of the band. We
have mentioned the noble sacrifice of Bianswah under these circumstances.

(, :

48. The son of Gel Plat, a noted chief of the Pillagers at Leech Lake, on the
sources of the Mississippi, was killed on the enemy's border, west of that point, while
lie was bathing in a lake with a companion. The father, who was about sixty, and
contemplated leaving this son as his successor in that large and warlike band, laid the
Ions deeply to heart, and dwelt ujwn the hardness of his fate many years. He then
turned his hojies on a younger son whom he desired to instal in his place with this
band ; and in order to let them know his wishes on the subject, he sent out formally
an invitation to all the band to attend a feast. He prepared for this, by employing
hunters who brought him the carcasses of many animals ; and he staked his utmost
means with the traders to purchase such articles of food as the forests in that quarter
did not fumisli. There were eigliteen kettles of eatables prepared. He then brought
out his young son, dressed in the best manner, with fine clothes, and bearing five silver
medals hung with ribbons around his neck, being all his regalia. He then arose and
uttered his lost son's eulogy, speaking, in glowing terms, of his capacities for the
hunter life and the war-path, and ended by presenting to their notice the tiny candidate
for their future chief.

fl ■

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i- '

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

49. Black is the universal sign for mourning ; it is the symbol for death, and is taken
from night. In their pictography, the image of the sun is represented to stand for, or
symbolize night, for Avhich purpose it is crossed and blackened.

The face of the mourner is smeared with some simple black mixture that will not
readily rub off. On occasions of deep affliction, the arms and legs are cut or scarified,
an oriental custom with many nations. The corpse is dressed in its best clothes. It
is wrapped in a new blanket, and new moccasins and leggins put on. The crown-
band, head-dress or frontlet, and feathers, are also put on. His war-club, gun, and
pipe, are placed beside him, together with a small quantity of vermilion. The corpse
is laid in public, where all can gather around it, when an address is made, partly to
the spectators, describing the character of the deceased, and partly to the deceased
himself, speaking to him as if the Ocliicliag or soul was still present, and giving
directions as to the path he is supposed to be about to tread in a future state.

If it is a female that is about to be interred, she is provided with a paddle, a kettle,
an apekun or carrying strap for the head, and other feminine implements. The
Pawnees, and other prairie tribes, kill the warrior's horse upon his grave, that he
may be ready to mount in a future state, and proceed to the appointed scene of rest.
Th^ mode of burial is represented in Plate 16.

50. The idea of immortality is strongly dwelt uix)n. It is not spoken of as a
supposition or a mere belief, not fi.\ed. It is regarded as an actuality, — as something
known and approved by the judgmtnit of the nation. During the whole period of
my residence and travels in the Indian country, I never knew and never heard of an
Indian who did not believe in it, and in the reappearance of the body in a future state.
However mistaken they are on the subject of accountabilities for acts done in the
present life, no small part of their entire mythology, and the belief that sustains the
man in his vicissitudes and wanderings here, arises from the anticipation of ease and
enjoyment in a future condition, after tlic soul has left the body. The resignation,
nay, the alacrity, with which an Indian frequently lies down and surrenders life,
is to be ascribed to this prevalent belief He does not fear to go to a land which, all
his life long, he has heard abounds in rewards without punishments.

51. I was present with an interpreter in upper Michigan in 1822, when the inter-
ment of a warrior and hunter took place, at which the corpse was carefully dressed, as
above described, and after it was brought to the grave, and before the lid was nailed
to the coffin, an address was made by an Indian to the corpse. The substance of it
relating to this belief waa this : — " You are about to go to that land where our forefar
thers have gone — you have finished your journey here, before us. We shall follow
you, and rejoin the happy groups which you will meet."

52. When the speaking and ceremonies were concluded, the coffm was lowered into
the trench prepared to receive it, and thus " buried out of sight." This mode of inter-

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MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

ment is common to the forest tribes of the north, and appears to have been practised
by them from the earliest periods. They choose dry and elevated places for burial,
which are completely out of the reach of floods or standing water. Often these spots
selected for the burial of the dead are sightly and picturesque points, which command
extensive views. They bury east and west. They are without proper tools, and do
not dig deep, but generally make the place of interment secure from the depredations
of wild beasts, by arranging the trunks of small trees in the form of a parallelogram
notched at the angles, around it, or by stakes driven in the ground. In other instances
a bark roof is constructed, which will shed the rains. Such is the mode of the various
Algonquin and Appalachian tribes.

53. The raising of " heaps" of earth over the grave, in the form of small mounds or
barrows, appears to have been a practice in ancient periods as a mark of distinction for
eminent persons. But whatever was its prevalence at other epochs, while they were
in the west and south-west, and before they crossed the Alleghanies, it fell into almost
entire disuse in the Atlantic and Lake tribes. There are some traces of it in Virginia,
Pennsylvania, and Western New York. Rarely the resting-places of Indian heroes
were marked by heaps of stones. In Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, this species
of tumuli, fonned of earth, is found to be common ; and the tradition of the Mnscogees
respecting the custom is well preserved.' But by far the most striking theatre of this
rude mode of .sepulture is the Mississippi Valley, whose plains and alluvions have been
literally sown with the dead. Vide tumuli proper, or sepulchral mounds. Part I., p. 49.

54. The tribes of the Mississippi Valley, where the population was more dense, and
the means of subsistence more abundant, were not satisfied that their great warriors
and orators should be so quickly " buried out of sight." And the small sepulchral
mound, as well as the more lofty village or public tumulus, were, at the epoch of the
maximum of their power, frequently erected. They also, by dwelling in large commu-
nities, had occasion for the altar mound, and the redoubt mound, the latter of which
was used exclusively to defend the entrance or gates, through walls and picketings,
which enclosed an entire village. We have called attention to this point in Part I., p.
49, and endeavored to show that there is no mystery in the origin and present appear-
ance of these ruins or remains ; that the various species of mounds and defences were
perfectly adapted to the former condition and populousness of the tribes ; that their
pipe sculpture, and other evidences of art, are not typical of a higher degree of civili-
zation, or social condition, and that their manifestations of incipient skill, power,
and civilization, resulted from the flush of barbaric success and ample compensative
means, which marked the ancient Indian confederacies of this valley, before later and
fiercer hunter hordes drove them from their seats, and scattered them. We have also

' History of Aliibama, Georgia, and Mississippi, by Albert James Pickett, 1851. Vol. I., p. 164.

if i

■

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

withdrawn from this consideration those apparently intrusive evidences of " old world
art," which are anomalous, and can by no means be deemed as elements of ancient
Indian civilization. We should not consider it extraordinary that the ancient trilx's
who dwelt on the fertile bottom-lands of the Mississippi and the Ohio, should have
erected the rude defences, mounds and tumuli, which are now found to be overgrown
by the forest in various places. Tliousands of persons of these tribes, who raised the zea
maize, and hunted the deer, elk, and buffalo, to fill the wig^vams with signs of gladness,
could live and flourish at a single village or location ; and when their chief died, two
or three hundred hands could Ix; employed to carry sacks of earth for a sepulchral
" heap" or mound. It was not so among the northern bands, who shivered in cold and
storms half the year, and could raix>ly sustain themselves if numbering more than
twenty heads of families at a place.

55. Burial among the wild hordes of the prairies assumes a feature that marks it
as a peculiar habit of the tribes. They scaffold their dead on eminences where they
may be descried afar of!'. The corpse, after it has received its wrappings, is placed in a
rude cofhn, which is generally garnished with red pigments, and rendered picturesque
to the eye by offerings to the dead, hung on poles; and, if it can be got, a flag.
(Plate 59.) Burials, or deposits of the body in caves, were often resorted to.

56. No trait has commended the forest tribes of the old area of the United States
more to the respt t and adminition of beholders than the scrupulous regard with which
they are found to remonilx?r the burial-grounds of their ancestors ; the veneration and
piety they exhibit in visiting, at all jwriods, these sjwts; and the anguish of their minds
at any marks of disrespect and disturbance of the bones of their ancestors. Gifts are
made at graves so long as it is supposed there is any part of the perishable matter
remaining; aiid oblations are poured out to the spirits of the departed after other rites
are discontinued

57. These sepulchral and the defensive ruins of more populous and advanced tribes
are found alone in the forest country. The prairie tribes, west of the Mississippi river,
erected no tun uli or works of defence. They never remained in one location long
enough to surround themselves with the feelings and cireumstances of a home ; and
when the Spaniards introduced the horse, an element was prepared which operated as
fuel to their erratic habits, and confinned tliem in their Indo-Arabic traits of roving.
The forays by which this animal was first obtained of the Mexican Indians by the
prairie tribes, constitute a new feature in their history. A coterminous country extends
from the plains of Texas and New Mexico, east of the foot of the Rocky mountains,
till the prairie country embraces both banks of the Missouri, and reaches to the plains
of Red river, and the Saskatchawine, west of the sources of the Mississippi river. No
tumuli occur in this region ; no remains of ancient ditches, or attempts at rude casira-
metation. The latter are, in all the region of North America, north of the Gulf of

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MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

Mexico, the disclosures of forests and valleys ; and it is hence that it becomes manifest
that forests and valleys are most conducive to arts, agriculture, and civilization.

58. The prairie, by its extent and desolateness, appears to exert a deleterious influ-
ence on the savage mind. Some of the grosser and more revolting customs of the
prairie Indians respecting interments, are no doubt traceable to their wild and lawless
habits. Nothing that I have observed respecting burials among them reaches so abso-
lutely a revolting point, as a custom which has been noticed among certain of the
Oregon tribes, and Avhich is perhaps not general. An eye-witness, writing from the
mouth of the Columbia, describes it as follows : — " I have just returned from a visit to the
Chinook Indian countiy, where I witnessed a most revolting ceremony, that of burying
the living with the dead. One of the chiefs lost a daughter, a fine-looking woman,
about twenty years of age. She was wrapped up in a rush mat, together with all her
trinkets, and placed in a canoe. The father had an Indian slave bound hand and
foot, and fastened to the body of the deceased, and enclosed the two in another mat,
leaving out the head of the living one. The Indians then took the canoe, (which was
employed in lieu of a coffin,) and carried it to a high rock and left it there. Their
custom is to let the slave live for three days; then another slave is compelled to
strangle the victim by a cord drawn around the neck. They also kill the horse that
may have been a favorite of the deceased, and bury it at the head of the canoe. I
was desirous of interfering and saving the life of the poor victim ; but Mr. Hirris,
the gentleman Avith me, and the two Indians, our companions, assured me that I
should only get myself into serious trouble ; and as we were at a great distance from
the settlements, and our party so small, self-preservation dictated a different course
from the inclinations of our hearts."

K. GAMES OF CHANCE.

59. One of the principal amusements of a sedentary character, which our tribes
practise, is that of various games, success in which depends on the luck of numbers.
Those games, to which both the prairie and forest tribes are addicted, assume the
fascination and intensity of interest of gambling ; and the most valued articles are
often staked on tha luck of a throw. For this purpose, the prairie tribes commonly
use the stone of the wild plum, or some analogous fruit, upon which various devices
indicating their arithmetical value, are burned in, or engraved and colored, so as at a
glance to reveal the character of the pieces. Among the Dacota tribes, this is known
by a term which is translated " the game of the plum-stones." [KuN-TAit-soo.]

In order to show the scope of this game, five sets of stones are represented, in Plate
17, luider the letters A, B, C, D, E, F. Each set consists exactly of eight pieces.

Ella

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

In set A, numbers 1 and 2 represent sparrow-hawks with forked tails, or the forked-
tail eagle — falco furcatus. This is the so-called war-eagle. Numbers 3 and 4 are the
turtle ; which typifies, generally, the earth. If 1 and 2 fall upwards, the game is won.
If but one of these figures falls upwards, and, at the same time, 3 and 4 are up, the
game is also won. The other numbers, 5, 6, 7, and 8, are all blanks.

B denotes the reversed sides of A, which are all blanks.

Set C shows different characters with a single chief figure, (5,) which represents the
falco furcatus. This throw indicates half a game, and entitles the thrower to repeat
it. If the same figure (5) turns up, the game is won. If no success attends it by
turning up the chief figure, the throw passes to other hands.

D is the reverse of set C, and is a blank throw.

In set E, No. 5 represents a muskrat. The three dots (7) indicate two-thirds of a
throw, and the thrower can throw again ; but if he gets blanks the second time, the
dish passes on to the next thrower.

Set F is invested with different powers. No. 1 represents a buffalo, and 2 and 3
denote chicken-hawks, fluttering horizontally in the air. The chief pieces (5, 6, 7)
have the same powers and modifications of value as A.

To play this game, a little orifice is made in the ground and a skin put in it. Often
it is, also played on a robe.

The women and young men play this game. The bowl is lifted with one hand abou'u
three or four inches, and pushed suddenly down to its place. The plum-stones fly
over several times. The stake is first put up by all who wish to play. A dozen can
play at once, if it be desirable. Plate 18 exhibits a view of this fascinating game.

60. A more complicated mode of reliance on the luck of numbers is found in the
Chippewa game of the Bowl, called Puggesaing. It is played with thirteen pieces ;
nine of which are formed of bone, and four of brass, all of circular shape. (Plate 18,
compartment G.) The right side of the eight pieces of bone arc stained red, with
edges and dots burned black with a hot iron ; the reverse is left white. The brass pieces
have the right side convex and the reverse concave. The convex surface is bright, the
concave dark, or dull.

The first piece, (fig. 1,) called inbieea, or ogima, represents a ruler. Number 2
typifies an amphibious monster, and is called gikhy kindbik, or the great serpent.
Number 3 represents the war-club. Number 4 is a fish {kenozlia.) Number 5 are
small discs of brass, and number 6 a duck (shceaJiecb.)

The game is won by the red pieces ; the arithmetical value of each of which is fixed ;
and the count, aa in all games of chance, is advanced or retarded by the luck of the
throw. Any number of players may play. Nothing is required but a wooden bowl,
which is curiously carved and ornamented, (the owner relying somewhat on magic
influence,) and having a plain, smooth surface.

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Ist lucky throw. When all the pieces turn up red, and number 1 stands upright on
one of the brass disc's bright side, the count is 158. This is the highest possible
throw.

2d lucky throw. When the bone pieces turn up red, and the gitchy kindbik,
number 2, stands on one of the brass disc's bright side, the count is 138.

3d lucky throw. When all the bone pieces turn up red and lie smooth, the count
is 58, whether the brass discs lie bright or dull side up.

4th lucky throw. When number 1, both pieces, and number 2, both pieces, and
numbers 3, 4, and 5, turn up white, the count is also 58, without respect to the brass
pieces.

5th lucky throw. Where all the bone pieces turn up white, it counts 38, irrespective
of the position of the braas pieces.

Cth lucky throw. When the ogimas (1) and Gitchy kinabik (2) turn up red, and
3, 4, and 6, white, the count is also 38, irrespective of the metallic pieces.

7th lucky throw. When one of the pieces, No. 1, stands up, the count is 50, without
regard to the position of the pieces on tlie board.

8th lucky throw. When either of No. 2 stands upright, and the other pieces lay
flat, no matter which side up, the count is 40.

9 th lucky throw. When all the bone pieces turn up white but a single one, and
the brass discs turn up on the reverse, tlie count is 20.

10th lucky throw. When all the bone pieces come up red but one, and the brass
pawns are bright side up, the count is 15.

11th lucky throw. When all the men turn up white but one, and the pieces
numbered 5 are bright, the count is 10.

At this stage of the game, the throws sink below the decimal point.

12th throw. If the brass pawns turn up reversed, and No. 1 and two pieces of No.
2 red, the count is 8.

13th throw. The same condition of the pieces exactly, but the brass discs bright
instead of dark, the count sinks to 6.

14 th throw. When all the bone pieces turn up red but one, and the brass come up
dark, the count is 5.

15th throw. When one of the pieces No. 2 and one of No. 1 are turned up red,
and the Iwass discs show the convex side, the count is but 4.

16th throw. When all the pieces, Gitchy kinabiks, sheesheebs, &c., but one of the
Ogimaus, turn up red, and the brass discs dark, the count sinks to 2. All throws
below this are blanks.

In this game, hours are passed by the players with the utmost fixity and intensity
of interest. If the game be but fixed at 300, (and this is a point of mutual agree-
ment,) it will be perceived that the strife to reach it may not only be verj- prolonged,
but become most intense and exciting. The stakes are always put up, and the winner
Pt. II.— 10

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MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

carries away hia prizes. It is often so fascinating that a player will stake any thing
of value ; and the spirit of gambling becomes as demoralizing in savage as it is in
civilized life.

L. THE INDIAN ON HIS HUNTING GROUNDS.

61. The social state of the Indians, when viewed by the eye of unprejudiced candor
and benevolence, is far from being as revolting as it has sometimes been represented.
In situations where they have good means of hunting, trapping, and fishing, and where
the pressure of the expanding settlements and frontier views of antagonistical race do
not strongly and immediately press on them, their simple institutions of the forests
insure them means of social enjoyment on which, in their condition of hunters, they
set a high value.

When the season of hunting returns, and they have reached their wintering grounds
and placed a wide margin between the frontier towns and themselves, the tense
cautious reserve and suspicion of harm which marked the man while in the settle-
ments, trafficking off his furs, and gliding with easy steps through the, to him, mazes
of strange civilized society, is relaxed. He softens into something like assurance to
find himself iigain surrounded exclusively by his own peojilo; and he sinks back to
the natural state of the Indian sociability, and it is not often that the most prudent
and reflecting elders do so without recounting the scaiths and losses that they have
encountered on the frontiers. The conflicts of the savage and civilized state are,
indeed, in a moral sense, terrible. He has parted with the avails of his la«t year's
hunts, and received his exchanges on such terms as he had not the means of
prescribing, and he generally feels under obligations to those who have transacted his
commercial matters, and who are his most sympathizing white friends ; but he feels,
under the best state of things, as if he had been plundered. If his family and
himself have completely escaped the perils of debauchery and other frontier vices, he
is happy : it is more than he can generally expect ; and his best resolve for the future
seems to be, that another season he will stay a shorter time about the towns, and try
to come back with less cause of reproach to himself.

62. The circle of wild foresters, to which he has again returned, look up to him with
the utmost respect and trust. They hang upon his words as the maxims of wisdom.
He counsels and he feasts them, and is regarded as their oracle and guide.

In this periodical reunion of aboriginal society the most perfect sincerity and
cheerfulness prevail, and their intercourse is marked with the broadest principles of
charity and neighborly feeling. The restrained and ever-watchful suspicion which

my thing
,8 it is in

ed candor
)resented.
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they evince at the post on the lines, or in other situiitions exposed to the scrutiny and
cupidity of white men, is thrown aside, and gives way to ease, sociability, and
pleasantry. They feel a security unknown to their breast in any other situation. The
strife seems to be, who shall e.\cel in offices of friendship or charity, or in spreading
the festive board.

G3. If one is more fortunate than the other in taking fish with the net or spear, or
killing a deer, or any other animal, the spoil is set aside for a feast, to which all the
adults, without distinction, are invited. When the time arrives, each one, according
to ancient custom, takes his dish and spoon, and proceeds to the entertainer's lodge.
The victuals are served up with scrupulous attention that each receives a portion of
the best parts, according to his standing and rank in the village.

While at the meal, which is prolonged by cheerful conversation, anecdotes, and little
narratives of personal adventure, the females are generally among the listeners ; and
no female, excej)t the aged, ever obtrudes a remark. The young women and girls
show that they partake in the festivity by smiles ; and are scrupulous to evince their
attention to the elder part of the company. Conversation is chiefly engrossed by the
old men, chiefs, and middle-aged men. Young men who are desirous to acquire a
standing seldom offer a remark ; and when they do, it is with modesty.

64. The topics discussed at these public meals relate, generally, to the chase, to the
news they have hoard, to personal occurrences about the camp or village, or to deeds,
real or fabulous, of " auld lang sync." But these matters are discussed in a lively,
and not in grave style. Business — if we may be allowed that term for what concerns
their trade and intercoui-se with white men — is never introduced, except in formal
councils, specially convened and opened by smoking the pipe. It seems to be the drift
and object of conversation in these sotej- festivities (for it must be recollected that we
are speaking of the Indians on their wintering-grounds, and beyond the reach —
certainly beyond the free or ordinary use of whiskey) to extract from their hunts and
adventures whatever will admit of a pleasing turn or joke, or excite a laugh. Eidicu-
lous misadventures or comical situations arc sure to be applauded in the recital.
Whatever is anti-social or untoward is passed over ; or, if referred to by one of the
company, is parried off by some allusion to the scenes before them. Religion, (we
use the term for what concerns the Great Spirit and the medawin,) like business, is
reserved for its proper occasion. It does not, as with us, form a free topic of remark,
at least, among those who are connected with their medicine societies, or entertain a
proper veneration for what the Indians call " the master of life."

Thus they cheat away the hours in pleasantry, — in free, but not tumultuous mirth;
and are as ardently bent on the enjoyment of the present moment, as if the Royal
Preacher of old were present, to urge a proper use of God's gifts, and to exclaim, " Eat,
drink, and )» merry."

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65. When the feast is over, the women retire to their lodges and leave tlie men to
smoke. On reaching home, they commence a conversation on what they have heard
the men advance, and thus amuse tliemselves till their husbands return. The end of
all is generally some good advice to the children.

In the feasts we have described, the company is as general, with regard to the rank,
age, or standing of the guests, as the most unlimited equality of rights and the broadest
principles of good feeling can make it.

66. There is a feast instituted at certain times during the season, to which young
persons only are invited, except the entertainer's wife, and generally two other aged
persons, who preside at the feast and sidminister its rites. The object of this juvenile
feast seems to be instruction, to which the young and thoughtless are induced to listen
for the anticipated pleasure of the feast. When the meats are ready, the entertainer,
if he be fluent in speech, and if not, some person whom he has invited for that
purpose, gets up and addresses the youth of both sexes on the subject of their course
through life. He admonishes them to be attentive and respectful to the aged, and
adhere to their counsel; to oliey their parents; never to scoff at the decrepid or
deformed ; to be modest in their conduct ; to l)e charitable and hospitable ; and to fear
and love the Great Spirit, Avho is the giver of life and of every good gift. The precepts
are dwelt upon at great length, and generally enforced by exanplos of a good man and
woman and a bad man and woman, and after depicting the latter, it is customary, by
way of admonition, to say, " You will be like one of these." At the end of every
sentence, the listeners make a general response of Itaa. When the advice is finished,
an address to the Great Spirit is made, in which lie is thanked for the food before
them, and for the continuance of life. The siwakcr then says, turning to the guests,
" Thus the Great Spirit supplies us with food ; let your course through life be always
right, and you Avill ever be thus bountifully supplied."

The feast then commences, and the elders relax their manners a little and mix with
the rest; but are still careful to preserve order and a decent respectful behiuiox".

67. Let it not be supposed, however, that the Indian's life, while on his wintering
ground, is a round of feasting ; quite the contrary. Their feasts are often followed by
long and painful fasts ; and the severity of the season^, and scarcity of game and fish,
often reduce the Indian and his family to starvation and even death.

When the failure of game, or any causes, induce the hunter to remove to a new
circle of country, the labor of the removal falls upon the female part of the family.
The lodge utensils and fixtures of every kind are borne upon the women's backs,
sustained by a leather strap, called A-pe-kun, around the forehead. On reaching the
intended place of encampment, the snoAV is cleared away, the lodge set up, cedar
boughs brought and spread for a floor, the moveables stowed away, wood collected, and

•Svi-:

'i^

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

a fire built ; and then, and not until then, can the females sit down and warm their
teet and dry their moccasins. If there be any provisions, a supper is cooi<ed ; if there
be none, all studiously strive to conceal the exhibition of the least concern on this
account, and seek to divert their thoughts by conversation quite foreign to the subject.

08. The little children are the only part of the family who complain and who are
privileged to complain ; but even they are taught at an early age to suffer and be silent.
Generally, something is reserved by the mother, when food becomes scarce, to satisfy
their clamors, and they arc satisfied with little. On such occasions, if the family have
gone supperless to rest, the father and elder sons rise early in search of game. If one
has the luck to kill even a partridge or squirrel, it is immediately carried to the lodge,
cooked, and divided into as many parts as there are members of the family. In such
emergencies, the elder ones often make a merit of relinquishing their portion to the
women and children.

69. If nothing rewards the search, the whole day is spent by the father upon his
snow-shoes, with his gun in his hands, and he returns at night fatigued to his couch
of cedar branches or rush mats, but he does not complain either of his fatigue or want
of success. On the following morning the same routine is observed, and days and
weeks are often thus consumed without bringing food sufficient to keep the body
in a vigorous or healthy state. Instances have been perfectly well authenticated
where this state of wretchedness has liecn endured by the head of a family until he
has become so weak as to fall in his hunting path, and freeze to death.

When all other means of sustaining life are gone, the skins the hunter has collected
to pay his credits, or purchase new supplies of clothing and ammunition, are eaten.
They are prepared by removing the pelt and roasting the skin until it acquires a certain
degree of crispness.

70. Under all his suffering, the pipe of the hunter is his chief solace, and it is a
solace very often repeated. Smoking parties are sometimes formed, when there exists
a scarcity of food, — the Avant of provisions not tending, as might be supposed, to
destroy social feeling and render the temper sour. On these occasions, the person
soliciting company sends a message to this effect : " My friend, come and smoke with
me ; I have no food, but I have tobacco, and we can pass the evening very well with
this."

71. All acknowledge their lives to be in the hands of the Great Spirit, feel a
conviction that nil things come from Him, that He loves them, and that, although He
allows them to suffer, ho will again supply them. This tends to quiet their apprehen-
sions. Fatalists as to good and ill, they submit patiently and silently to what they

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II!

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

believe their destiny. When hiniger and misery are past, they are soon forgotten ; and
their minds are too eagerly intent on the enjoyment of the present good, to feel any
depression of spirits from the recollection of misery past, or the anticipation of misery
to come. No people are more easy or less clamorous under suffering of the deejxjst
dye, and none are more happy, or more prone to evince their happiness, when
prosjjerous in their affairs.

M. MISCELLANEOUS TRAITS.

72. Ball-playing. — This game is played by the north western Indians in the wnter
season, after the winter hunts are over, and during summer, when, the game being
unfit to kill, they amuse themselves with athletic sports, games of chance, dances,
and war. The game is played by two jiarties, not necessarily equally divided by
numl)ers, but usually one village against another, or one large village may challenge
two or tliree smaller ones to the combat. When a challenge is accepted, a day is
appointed to pl.ay the game ; ball-bats are made, and each party assembles its whole
force of old men, young men, and Iwys. The women never play in the same {i,ame
with the men. Heavy bets are made by individuals of the opposite sides. Horses,
guns, bliukets, buffalo-robes, kettles, and trinkets, are freely staked on the result of
the game. When the parties are assembled on the ground, two stakes are placed
about a quarter of a mile apart, and the game commences midway between them ; the
object of each party being to get the ball beyond the limits of its opponents. The
game commences by one of the old men throwing the ball in the air, when all rush
forward to catch it in their ball-bats before or after it falls to the ground. The one
who catches it throws it in the direction of the goal of the opiwsing party, when, if it
be caught by one of tlie same side, it is continued in that direction, and so on until it
is thrown l)eyond the limits ; but if caught by an opponent, it is thrown back in the
opiJosite direction. In this way, the ball is often kept all day lictween the two
boundaries, neither party being able to get it beyond the limit of the other. When
one has caught the ball, he has the right, Ijefore throwing it, to run towards the limits
until he is overtaken by the other party, when, being compelled to throw it, he
endeavors to send it in the direction of some of his own party, to be caught by some
one of them, who continues sending it in the same direction.

Pl.nte 19 represents a ball play on the ice. The young man has the ball in his ball-
bat, and is running with it toward the limits of the other side, pursued by all the
players.

Plate 20 represents a ball play on the prairies in summer. The ball is on the ground
and all are rushing forward to catch it with their ball-bats, not being allowed to touch
it with their hands.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

The ball is carved from a knot, or made of baked clay covered v,ith raw hide of the
deer. The ball-bat, Fig. 10, Plate 78, is from three to four feet long ; one end bent
up in a circular form of about four inches in diameter, in which is a net-work made of
raw hide or sinews of the deer or buffalo.

73. Moving Camp. — The hunter life is one of almost perpetual travel from spot to
spot. This results from the plan of periodical change from the summer to winter encamj)-
ments ; sometimes from superstitious notions, an unhealthy location, the migration of
animals, or mere whim. To Indian minds, a change of location is pleasant ; it infuses
new life into the whole family group, for there is always an expectation that a new
location Avill furnish game and other means of subsistence in greater abundance, or
some advantage of living which is often indefinite : for tlie far off and the unknown in
space is the perpetual theme of an Indian's hope, and he is ever fond of the changing
adventures of travel. The following sketch (Plate 21) exhibits a scene of tliis sort in
the region of the up^ier Mississippi, where the horse has been, to some extent, intro-
duced. It shows the labor to devolve, as in all changes of camp, essentially on the
women and horses.

74. DoG-rMNCE OF THE Dacota Indians. — This dance is peculiar to the Dacota tribe,
and takes its name from the fact that the raw liver of the dog is eaten by the per-
formers. It is not often performed, and only on some extraordinary occasion. The
performers are usually the bravest warriors of the tribe, and those having stomachs
strong enough to digest raw food.

When a dog-dance is to be given, the warriora who are to take part in it, and all
others who desire to witness it, assemble at some stated time and place. After talking
and smoking for awhile, the dance commences. A dog, with his legs pinioned, is
thrown into the group of dancers by any one of the spectators. This is despatched by
one of the medicine-men, or jugglers, with a war-club or tomahawk. The side of the
animal is then cut open and the liver taken out. This is then cut into strips and liung
on a pole about four or five feet in length. The performers then commence dancing
around it; smacking their lips and making all sorts of grimaces; showing a great
desire to get a taste of the delicious morsel. After performing these antics for awhile,
some one of t'lem will make a grab at the liver, biting oft' a piece, and then hopping
off, chewing and swallowing it as he goes. His example is followed by each and all
the other warriors, until every morsel of the liver is eaten. Should any particles of
it fall to the ground, it is collected, by a medicine-man in the palm of his hand, who
carries it round to the dancers to be eaten and his hands well licked.

After disposing of the first dog, they all sit down in a circle, and chat and smoke
awhile until another dog is thrown in, when the same ceremonies are repeated, and
continued so long as any one is disposed to present them with a dog. They are

:Ji

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

required to eat the liver, raw and warm, of every dog that is presented to them ;
and while they are eating it, none but the medicinc-mcn must toueh it with their
hands. Women do not join in this dance.

The object of this ceremony is, they say, that those who eat the liver of the dog
while it is raw and warm, mil become possessed of the sagacity and bravery of
the dog.

The Ojibwas, the inhc bordering on the Docotas, and their hereditary enemies, look
with disgust on this ceremony. (Plate 22.)

Plate 23 is a representation of the wigwams of the Ojibwas and Winnebagoes.
These tribes make their huts of birch-bark, or mats made of grass. Saplings are lirst
stuck in the ground, somewhat of a circular form — the tops bent over to the centre
and tied ; the bark or mats are then thrown over these, leaving a small hole for the
smoke to escape. The fire is made on the ground, in the centre of the hut.

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SYNOPSIS.

1. Floridian Tcocalli, or Elevated Platform-residences of the Native Rulers and Priests.

2. Antiquities of Lake Erie.

A. Ancient Erics.

B. Antiquities of Cunningham's Island.

C. Sculptured Rock, or Erie Inscription.

3. Archajological Articles from South Carolina. (Plate.)

4. Archaeological Relics from Western New York. (Plate.)

6. Anti(iue Aboriginal Embankments and Excavations at Lake Vieux Desert, on the Boundary
of AVisconsin and Northern Michigan. (Plate.)

t'l

1. FLORIDIAN TEOCALLI, OR PLATFORM-RESIDENCES
OF THE NATIVE RULERS AND PRIESTS.

The record from which American archaeology is to lie judged, is continually being
enlarged, and it would be premature to indulge in generalization, while the field of
observation is so rapidly expanding, and the facts so steadily accumulating.

Garcillttsso de la Vega informs us, that the dwelling-houses of the caciques or chiefs
of Florida, in 1540, during De Soto's march through the pa>sent area of Florida,
Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, were generally erected on large artificial mounds,
or a 8i)ecie8 of teocalli. These artificial platforms were sometimes eighteen hundred feet
in circumference at the base, and from twenty to fifty feet high. They were capable
of furnishing space for the houses of the chief and his family and their attendants.
The sides were steep, and ascended by steps cut in the earth, and cosed with wood.
This structure for the micco or chief is stated to have constituted the centre of every
newly laid out village or town. Around it was drawn a large square, where the prin-

(8»)

ANTIQUITIES.

cipal and subordinate persons and commonality hod their residences. It was the first
object erected on the selection of a town-site — the earth was brought to the spot.
The chief and his priest, who were often one in their functions, were thus not only
placed in a position of greater security, but one from which they could overlook the
whole town.'

It is perceived from Mr. Pickett's History of Alabama,' that remains of such struc-
tures are found in many places in the extensive area of the United States denoted by
de la Vega. They are clearly distinguished from the mass of remains called, indis-
criminately, tumuli and mounds, by being flat at top, sometimes square, and assuming
the character of precipitous raised plains or platforms, while the tumuli proper are
conical, often acutely so, and carried up sometimes to the height of ninety feet.' When
they are not terminated in a cone, the horizontal area is small, and appears by its
reduced size to have been rather suited to the temple-wigwam than the micco's
residence.

These remarks appear to be dcser\'ing of attention. At an age of our Indian popu-
lation, when every few hundred men constituted a separate nation, who lived in con-
stant hostility, such platforms of elevated earth afforded vantage ground, not only for
residence, but for a battle; and it wa-i quite natural that afterwards, when they com-
bined into confederacies, as the large Muscogee stock is known to have done, the
use of these select places for the rulers should have been forgotten in the lapse of
centuries, or concealed from the curiosity of inquirers.

The observation of these ancient plateaux throws light on this class of our antiqui-
ties. It is not only the earliest light we have on the subject north of the Gulf of
Mexico, but it reveals one of the purposes of these antique tumuli which are scattered
so profusely over portions of tlie ancient area of the western and southern parts of
the United States.

The Muscogees, under several cognate names, trace their origin to the Mexican
empire ; * and these plateaux appear to have had their prototype in the more imposing
Mexican teocalli ; and thus we may perceive that the United States, and indeed all
North America, was overspread in its native population by religious rites and notions,
which became, indeed, fainter and fainter, as they spread northward, and escaped from
a species of sacerdotal tyranny, but were yet of the same general character.

It is something in all archaeological investigation, to reach a period where wonder
and speculation end, and reality begins. It is perceived that in the extension of these
artificial heaps of honored earth, from the Gulf northward, they became teocalli or
platform pyramids of less area and greater acuteness ; but they were in all instances
of this kind, truncated, or had a level area at their tops. We allude here exclusively
to the " tumuli proper," and not to the " redoubt mounds" or " the barrows," or to small

■ De Ii Vega.

• P. 104, Vol. I.

' Ibid.

« Pickett's Ala., Vol. I., p. 78.

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ANTIQUITIES.

" altars of sacrifice." Yet this summit plateau was fully developed in the chief mounds
of the Mississippi Valley and its tributaries, as at Cahokia in Illinois, which has a base
of six hundred and sixty-six feet; and at Grave Creek flats; Miamisburg, and other
noted pointa of central antique native power in the West, at all of which places the
priest had room amply sufficient for his residence and official functions on the summit.

2. ANTIQUITIES OP LAKE ERIE.
A. Ancient Eries.

The occupation of the shores and islands of this lake by the ancient and extinct
tribe of the Eries, who were once the acknowledged pacificators of the neighboring
Indians, and who preceded the Iroquois in warlike and civic power within that basin,
^ves a melancholy interest to whatever, in the existing archoiological remains of the
country, serves to restore the memory of their power.

The recent discovery of ancient earthworks, and two inscriptions in the pictographic
character, on Cunningham's Island, in the archipelago of islands in the western port
of this lake, gives birth to the idea that these islands were one of the strongholds of
that tribe when attacked by the Iroquois. They appear to have been in all the
plenitude of their power and barbaric boast of strength and influence, at the period
of the first discoveries of the French, in the beginning of the seventeenth century.
The Wyandots, who afterwards were kno>vn to have exercised a controlling influence
on the contiguous waters of Sandusky Bay and the Straits of Detroit, had not yet
been disturbed from their ancient seats in the Valley of the St. Lawrence. Le Jeune,
who published the first account of the Iroquois, in Paris, in 1G58, mentions the angry
negotiations carried on at Hochelago, the site of Montreal, by which the Iroquois
attempted to control that tribe ; and during which they commanded them, on pain of
their highest vengeance, to break their league with the French : and when this threat
was put into execution in a few years, and the Wyandots were defeated in the St.
Lawrence Valley, they fled west through the country of the friendly Algonquins, into
the basin of Lake Huron, where they first located and lived ; and not till a later
period to the basin of Lake Erie, where the canoes of the vengeful Iroquois were
already prowling in their adventurous thirst for military renown.

The Eries present one claim to remembrance which cannot be urged by any other
American tribe, namely, as the ancient kindlera of the council-fire of peace for all the
tribes prior to the rise and destruction of this institution, and before the origin of the
Iroquois confederacy.

There can be no question, from the early accounts of the French missionaries, that
they were at the head of that singular confederation of tribes called the Neutral

ANTIQUITIES.

Niitiun, which cxtt'iidt'tl from the extreme went to the extreme eoxtem »hore8 of this
hike, including the Niagara V^iUey, and of whom the Kaiikwnx, of Seneca tnidition,
were manifeutly only one of the i)owen<. We muHt modify Indian tradition by Indian
tradition.

The Jiistory of this people, — their rine, their spread, and final foil, is involved in a
degree of obscurity which is the more stimulating to curiosity fnmi the few gleams of
light which tradition gives. There is no doubt that an instituti(m which must always
have been subject to a very delicate exercise of, and often a fluctuating jiower, woa
fiiudly overthrown for some indiscreet act. The power to light this pacific fire is
represented as having been held by female hands, before its final extinction in the
area of western New York.' It is equally clear that, after it began to flicker, it was
finally put out in blood by the increasing Iroquois, who appear to have conquered some
of the bands in battle, and driven others, or the remnants of others, away.

The present state of our traditions on this sultject is interesting, and adds new
motives to research. It is afTirmed by traditions recently received from the Catawbas,
that this trilx; originated in the extreme north, in the an>a of the lakes, whence they
wci-e violently expelled. This supplies a hint for research, which, it must be confessed,
is thus far without fruits. The Catawba language has no resemldances to the
vocabulary of either dialect of the Iro«|uois, or to the Algonquin ; while it differs tut
much from those of all the Appalachian tribes, and it must lx> reganled in the present
state of our knowledge, as being jK'culiar.

While, therefoiv, the search for the history of this triln? in the lake basins api)ears
to be blocked up, the fact of the expulsion or extirpation of the Eries, by the Innpiois,
reninins well attested ; and the prolonged war kept up against the Catawbas and their
confederates the Chcrokecs, by that confederacy, favors the i<lea of an ancient, as it is
ct)nfessed to have been, a very extraordinary and bUxMly feud. At least the announce-
ment of the fact of the Catawba tradition, throws a renewed interest around the
history of that struggle of the Eries with the predominating Iroquois power, and it
gives a new impulse to inquiry to find archosological traces like those disclosed on
Cunningham's Island, which appear to attest the former Erican power.

B. Antiquities of Cunningham's Island.

These remains have been accurately surveyed, and are illustrated in the several
maps and sketches from the pencil of Captain Eastman, U. S. A., herewith furnished.

In Plate 34, the island is topographically depicted, with the Irwalities of several
antiquarian objects. It consists of a basis of horizontal limestone of the species common

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ANTIQUITIES.

to that lake, rising about fifteen feet above the water-level. The surface where it is
exposed discloses the polish created by former diluvial or glacial action — a trait which
is so remarkable on the rocks of the adjoining shores at Sandusky. This is covered
with a fertile limestone soil, and at the earliest periods all except the old fields bore a
heavy growth of hard wood timber. Much of it is still covered by this ancient forest,
in which it is probable future discoveries of an archaeological character will continue to
be made. The inland is now readily, accessible by a steamboat wharf, which has been
erected on its southern shore by Mr. Kelly, the present proprietor.

Plate 35, denotes a crescentrshaped and irregular earth-work, on the south side of
the island, which has the general appearance of an embankment, or circumvallation
intended to enclose and defend a village. The gates, or sally-ix>rts, which were
probably constructed of wood, occupy the east side and the extreme north-western
angle. The embankment is twelve hundred and forty-six feet around the crescent-
shaped part, and about four hundred feet on the rock-brink of the island.

Plate 36, represents a second enclosure, marked by a circumvallation, situated at a
short distance west of the former, fronting like it, on the rocky and precipitous margin
of the lake. This front line is G14 feet. The embankment, which is wholly without
gate or sally-port, is 1243 feet around.

Within these enclosures have been found stone axes, Figs. 1, 2, and 3, Plate 37, and
Figs. 2 and .S, Plate 38 ; pipes. Figs. 5 and 6, Plate 38 ; perforators, Fig. 1, Plate 38 ;
bone fish-hooks. Fig. 4, Plate 38 ; fragments of iwttery, Figs. 7 and 8, Plate 38 ; arrow-
heads, vide group. Fig. 1, Plate 39 ; netrsinkers. Fig. 2, Plate 39 ; and fragments of
human bones. The arrow-heads were found in a fissure of the rock in large quantity,
and were apparently new, and had been concealed in this kind of rude armory. With
them was found the largest species of axe, figured, which has also apparently been
unused. These vestiges of art correspond entirely with the general state of knowledge
and wants of the surrounding aborigines.

Five small mounds on the southern and western part of the island, (Plate 34,) are
of the kind denominated barrows, (vide definition. Part I., p. 49.) On a bay on the north
shore of the island there is a brief pictographic inscription, on a limestone boulder,
which has been reversed by the action of tempests on that shore. This is depicted in
Plate 40.

C. Sculptured Rock — Erie Inscription.

The interest arising from these evidences of former occupancy in tne aboriginal
period, is inferior however to that excited by a sculptured rock lying on the south
shore of the island, about two hundred feet from the west angle of the enclosure.
(Plate 35.) This rock is thirty-two feet in its greatest length, by twenty-one feet in

88 ANTIQUITIES.

its greatest breadth. It is a part of the same stratification as the island from which it
has been separated by lake action. The top presents a smooth and polished surface,
like all the limestone of this quarter when the soil is removed, suggesting the idea that
this polish is due to glazial attrition. Upon this the inscription (Plate 41) is cut. This
cutting is peculiar. The figures and devices are deeply sunk in the rock, and yet
present all its smoothness of surface, as if they had been exposed to the polishing or
wearing influence of water. Yet this influence, if from water, could not have been
rapid, as the surface of the rock is elevated eleven feet above the water-level. Its base
has but a few inches of water around it.

Plate 42, exhibits a perspective view of the relative position of this natural monu-
ment; also of the lake itself, and of the quiet picturesque beauty of the adjacent
shores ; and the entire scene is characteristic of Lake Erie in its summer phase. The
sculpture itself has been referred, for interpretation, to the same aboriginal pictographist
who interpreted the inscription of the Dighton Bock, Part I., page 112. It would be
premature, therefore, to attempt its reading in the present state of the question. Of
one thing, however, a definite opinion may be expressed. It is by far the most exten-
sive and well sculptured and well preserved inscription of the antiquarian period ever
found in America. Being on an islet separated from the shore, with precipitous sides, it
has remained undiscovered till within late years. It is in the pictographic character
of the natives. Its leading symbols are readily interpreted. The human figures —
the pipes; smoking groups; the presents; and other figures, denote tribes, negotiations,
crimes, turmoils, which tell a story of thrilling interest, in which the white man or
European, plays a part. There are many subordinate figures which require study.
There are some in which the effects of atmospheric and lake action have destroyed the
connexion, and others of an anomalous character. The whole inscription is manifestly
one connected with the occupation of the basin of this lake by the Eries — of the
coming of the Wyandots — of the final triumph of the Iroquois, and the flight of the
people who have left their name on the lake.

3. ARCH^OLOGICAL INDIAN REMAINS IN SOUTH CAROLINA.

V !

The vestiges of aboriginal occupancy in South Carolina have not been examined in
the field — or, but cursorily and incidentally.

If the investigations of a recent observer in Alabama ' be correct in the opinions he
expresses of the eccentric line of march of the expedition of De Soto, the site of the
ancient " Cofitchiqui " was on the South Carolina banks of the Savannah River. It

■ Mr. Pickett. Hiit. Al*., lit vol.

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ANTIQUITIES.

was here that a dagger and several coats of mail were found, in 1540, by that adventu-
rous discoverer, which were believed to have been brought from the sea-coasts of
Carolina, where the Signor Ayllon had lost his life in a prior period of Spanish
adventure.

Nor is it unworthy of our archaeological records in this state, to notice, in connexion
with its aboriginal remains, the ruins which we apprehend exist of the fort first erected
by France, in her attempts to found a Protestant colony in Carolina, near the ancient
town of Beaufort. The head-waters of the Broad river and its tributaries appear to
have been the residence of a heavy Indian population, who found a reliable means of
subsistence at all seasons in its fish and Crustacea. The antique mounds of oyster-
shells, which line the banks of the principal streams, tell this story in a manner not
to be mistaken. The raising of cotton on these rich alluvial lands for so many years
has not been sufficient to obliterate this species of aboriginal monument of occupation.

Upon the waters of the Pocotaligo there are known to be seated a number of
mounds of earth of a form and dimensions which appear to commend them to a minute
archaeological survey. Indeed, the entire seaboard of the State, with the valleys of its
principal rivers, demand examination, and appear to promise the development of facts
important to a correct understanding of its Indian history. This it is intended to
make in season to have the results incorporated in a subsequent part of this work.
In the mean time, the following notices of objects of antiquarian value from this State
are given, from an examination of the cabinet of the late Samuel George Morton, of
Philadelphia :

Plate 43, Figs. 1 and 2, are drawings, of the full size, of a species of clay pipes found at
Kershaw with the remains of Indian sculpture. Figs. 1 and 2, Plate 44, exhibit pipes
sculptured from stone, from Camden. Fig. 3, Plate 44, represents the stone crescent-
shaped blade of an antique battle-axe, from the same district. It has an eye for
fastening a wooden handle. Fig. 4, Plate 45, is, apparently, the partially mutilated
part of an idol-pipe, curiously sculptured Ccom green serpentine rock. Fig. 5, Plate
46, is a stone mortar and pestle ; not unlike a similar instrument used by the Toltecs
and Aztecs for making tortillas.

Vases of pottery were made by the tribes of this State with a degree of skill equal
to the best specimens obtained from the countries of the ancient Appalachians. These
are exhibited in some entire vessels, marked 1 and 2, Plate 46, from Camden. It is a
compact terracotta figure ; one having a handle formed of the head of an animal which
represents, apparently, a cat. Fig. 3 of the same plate depicts a vase from Alabama,
and shows conclusively a parity in this art among the southern tribes extensively.
Fig. 4 represents e stone amulet found at Camden, South Carolina.

Pt. II. — 12

ANTIQUITIES.

4. ARCHAEOLOGICAL RELICS FROM WESTERN NEW YORK.

Toe ensuing descriptions relate to articles deposited in the State Collection at
Albany :

Fig. 1, Plate 45, from Washington County, is, apparently, a sacrificial, or a flaying
knife. It is carved from a compact piece of green serpentine — a material analogous,
in every respect, to the idol-pii)e from Camden, So. Ca., Fig. 3, same Plate.

The several articles grouped in Plate 47, Figs. 1, 2, 3, and 4, from Ellisburgh,
Jefferson County, exhibit the same ready tact in moulding images of the human face
and the distinctive heads of animals on the plastic basis of clay pipes, which is found
extensively in that area ; and in the Iragments of vases. Figs. 5 and 6, the ornaments
are of the same description Avhich characterizes 'q entire vase-pottery of this state
of the Indian period.

Plate 48, Figs. 1 and 2, exhibits stone axes, Avrought, apparently, from silicious slate,
with great exactitude. This has Ijeen also employed for all the antique stone crescent-
shai)ed tomahawks which have been examined over a wide surface of territory.

Plate 49, Fig. 1, is labelled, in the State Collection at Albany, "war-club." This
is believed to be correct, although it has the general character of the stone net^sinker.
Fig. 2 is regarded as a pipe amulet; it impresses the obser\'er strongly, as being
analogous in its use to the anomal">us instrument Fig. 1, Plate 50. Fig. 4 represents
an im])lement found in Lc Roy, Gi^iesee County. The fragment of a tube (Fig. 5)
of the material of the ancient lapis oUaris is taken from an antique tumulus in Ohio.
Tlie moccasin needle, Fig. 3, Plate 49, was commonly made, as is here depicted, of the
tibia of quadrupeds or other species of bone. The chief interest is however excited by
the articles figured on Plate 50. It seems difficult to account for the nse of the
octagonal stone implement with an orifice and cover, Figs. 1 and 2, without supposing
it to be some implement or contrivance used in the sacerdotal function. Equally
anomalous are Figs. 3 and 4, unless we may conjecture that their uses were
.scmpstresscal, and that they were designed for smoothing down seams of buckskin.
In Figs. 5 and G we behold very clearly the mutilated blade of a battle-axe of silicious
slate, Avliich was perforated through its head to admit a handle. It is, Avith imprecision,
labelled "a pipe."

To these notices we subjoin the articles of antiquarian interest of Plate 51, in the
" i^wsse.ssion of Mr. Keeler of Jamesville, Onondaga, all being of the periofl of the French
attempt at colonization in that section of the coimtry, about 1GG6. De Moyen had, in
1G53, visited the Onondaga country, and it appears in ten years afterwards the .Jesuits
were permitted to establish themselves in the country. After the close of the
Revolution, which threw open this r-j^iou as a military grant, Mr. Keeler came into

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ANTIQUITIES.

possession of the subdivision which contained the ruins of the old fort, that had once
covered this premature attempt at colonization. Figs. 1, 2, 3, and 4, depict a brass
pocket<;ompass, the broken nonus of a dial-plate, and an iron horse-shoe, which were,
together with other articles, ploughed up by him at various times. The period which
had elapsed after this event had not completely covered the original site of the fort
with a forest, but it had allowed these intrusive relics to be mingled with those of the
true Indian period, and they excited wonder while the historical fact of the antique
French colony remained unknown.

5. ANTIQUE ABORIGINAL EMBANKMENTS AND EXCA-
VATIONS AT LAKE VIEUX DESERT, IN WISCONSIN,
AND NORTHERN MICHIGAN.

The remote position of Lake Vieux Desert, its giving rise to the Wisconsin river,
and its having a large island in its centre, which fits it for the cultivation practised by
the Indians, appear to have early pointed it out, as a retreat and stronghold of the
interior Indians.

No enemy could approach it except by water, and its natural capacities of defence
were strengthened by an elliptical embankment in its centre, whicli appears to have
served as the basis of pickets. There were small mounds or barrows Avithin the
enclosure, together with some cross embankments, and two large excavations without
the embankment, all which are shoAvn in Plate 52. It appears to have been the most
northwestwardly point fortified east of the Mississippi River. The boundary which
separates Wisconsin from Michigan cuts the island into nearly equal parts.

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IV. PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY. B.

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! I

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

SYNOPSIS.

1. Notices of the Natural Caves in the Sioux Country, on the Left Banks of the Upper

Mississippi River. By N. J. Nicollet.

2. Physical Data respecting the Southern Part of California included in the Line of Boundary

between San Diego and the Mouth of the River Gila ; with Incidental Notices of
the Diegunos and Yuma Indian Tribes. By Lieutenant Whipple, U. S. A.

1. NOTICES OP THE NATURAL CAVES IN THE SIOUX
COUNTRY, ON THE LEFT BANKS OF THE UPPER
MISSISSIPPI RIVER. BY N. J. NICOLLET.

,^l

CoijONTir. John J. Abert, chief of the Topographical Bureau, luis kindly put into my
hands, with the privilege of selection, the posthumous papers of Mr. Nicollet, resulting
from his reconnoissances, in the service of the government, among the Indian trihes of
the West, from which it may be found expedient to make further selections in future
portions of this work. The following remarks embrace notices of a former custom of
burial, in connexion with the cavernous rooks of the Upper Mississippi, near St.
Anthony's Falls. The disturbances and disunion which the approach of civilization
and the introduction of the fur trade produced ; the disuse into which the custom of
general burial fell, and the great decline in their population caused by the temptations
of commerce and the introduction of ardent spirits, commend them to attention.

Tlie reminiscences of the old Dacota sachems, to whom Mr. Nicollet refers, appear
also to have affected in some, but a lesser degree, their forest neighbors — the Chippcwas
of the sources of the Mississippi, among Avhom these baneful influences are being
daily developed.

, . --•ftriTTjfii -#lflTnaTi- I'^T

PUYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

It is appreliondcd that this observer's deductions, made in local districts, where two
hunter and antagonistical tribes, still exist in very much their aboriginal state of
aversion to all fixed industry and arts, and who are wedded by the customs of ages to
the fallacies of the erratic hunter state, only require to be extended to other portions
of the vast interior of North America, lying beyond the Mississippi River, to render
these remarks equally applicable to by far the larger number of the unreclaimed tribes.

H. R. S.

NOTICES.

The first cave is four miles below the St. Peters. On descending the river, one
sees on the loft, at about the termination of the four miles, a beautiful rivulet passing
out of a deep ravine : pursuing its wanderings a short distance, you encounter a
beautiful vault, hollowed out of the free-stone from which issues the rivulet spoken of.
The water is pure, transparent, and cool in summer, in comparison with that of the
Mississippi.

On descending the Mississippi to arrive at this cave, it will be observed that the
calcareous beds which rest upon the free-stone, and which characterize the geological
formation of the country, gradually diminish in thickness, showing themselves only in
fragments, and then totally disappearing. Alxjve the vault of the cave there are no
longer any traces of the calcareous formation, and there is seen only deposits of sand
and of pebbles. If the prairie is examined for about a mile towards the north, one
will find depressions in the soil, forming those marshes and morasses so frequent in
this region, and which are the receptacles of the surroiuiding waters, and of aquatic
vegetation, here so abundant and vigorous. It is these Avaters which have made a
passage through the friable free-stone of the formation, and which issue in a stream
from the vault which they have formed. The stream therefore is not long, nor
probably deep, as it runs over a bed ujion the general level of the affluents of the
river.

The second cave is four miles lower down, and on the same side of the Mississippi,
that is to say, about eight miles below the St. Peters. It is half-way up the hill
which borders the stream. It is however closed by the crumbling down of the upper
beds of friable calcaire, in which it is hollowed. Carver visited and described this
cave, and gave it celebrity by attaching to it the description of a custom of the Sioux
of his time, who at certain periods of the yeor, carried their dead thither with great
solemnity.

According to information which I gathered from the oldest living men of the
nation, who had not merely seen these ceremonies, but had also borne a part in them,
the cave itself formed no essential feature of the ceremonies ; and its picturesque and

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PHYSICAL GEUiiRAPIIY.

Bentimontiil effect U) the eyes of the whites, was with them purely accidental, and did
not enter into the idea upon which the custom was founded.

Formerly, and even during the first years of the present century, the Sioux, who
constituted the tribe of lake people, the Mendewahantons, were united in three large
and populous villages. The first village, the principal one of the tribe, and which
gave them their name, was situated east of the Mississippi, and some four miles from
the St. Peters, upon the borders and environs of a large and beautiful lake, not as yet
found on our maps, and of which the name was, and still is, Mendewacanton. The
second village was the village of the Grand Marais, tahohantauha, and was situated
upon the river a short way \x\o\v the cave in question. The third village was upon
both sides of the river St. Peters (the Minnisota), six miles from its mouth, and
where there is at this day the small village of Psnishon. A number of living persons,
as well among the Sioux as among the mixed races, and also old traders, remember
these three villages, and speak of the third as having been during their time very
flourishing and populous ; the cabins of the Indians extending in several lines on both
sides of the St. Peters, on a height of from one to two miles. The common intersection
of the roads of communication between these villages, was precisely on the spot of
the cave described by Carver. The low grounds and the marshes are near the site
where the sugar maple and the wild rice grow in abundance. It was upon this large
flat where the inhabitants of the three villages met in spring to make sugar, and in
autumn for the wild rice harvest. It is well known, that among all the Indian
nations, these causes of reunion gave rise to the obser\aiice of feasts, ceremonies, and
practices founded upon their ideas and customs. It is known also that these nations
place their graves in places most obtrusive, and exposed to the veneration of their
people, and that at the same time these graves or tombs must be so near families, that
they can watch over their preservation, and continue the attentions they owe to the
dead ; such as to make offerings to them ; to give them something to eat, to smoke,
and to talk with them from time to time. Under these' considerations, no place could
better meet the sentiments of the Mendewakantons, than that of the plateau, or level,
or flat, above the cave. (Plate 58.) Therefore it was that the three villages carried
thither their dead, placing them upon scaffolds constructed at an elevation out of reach
of the wolves, and of profanation from animals. But they never placed their dead in
the cave, which was merely esteemed a place for the sports of their children, and in
which they could display their courage by daring each other, as to who would
penetrate the farthest into it, which would never have been permitted if the bones of
a single person had ever been placed there.

The cave is long, and without water. The crumbliug of the vault has closed the
entrance of it many years since. If this accident had had the least influence upon
their sentiments of respect and of recollection of the dead, it is not to be believed that
Pt. II. — 13

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PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

they would have remained ns indifferent to it as tliey liave ; for they have not
attempted to reoix'n it, no. have they taken any note in tlieir memory of tlie event.

More recently, when the \>i\T Wtween England and the United States, and circum-
stances of the fur trade, had involved the Sioux in their disastrous consequences, the
grand tribe of Mendewakuntons lost peace, hannony, and independence. Policy, com-
merce, spirituous liquors, and the vices and crimes of civilization, not only broke the
ties which united the different trilx's of the same nation of powerful people animated
by the same spirit, but their consequences tended to increase the hatred so apt to Ix)
generated between savage nations, associated them with interests not properly their
own, and involved them iii wars with each other.

Then the wars between the Mendewakantons and the Chippewas, east of the Mis-
sissippi, became more frequent. Then the traders, who had for a long time held their
factories at the grand village of the lake, were obliged for greater security to establish
themselves at the St. Peters ; and the Indians, whose condition had Iwcome dependent
on the traders, were themselves also obliged to change their habitation.

The tribe became disunited. Each family recovered the bones of their ancestors,
and went off to establish themselves elsewhere. The three large villages disapiwared,
and the grand cemetery common to all disappeared also. The triljc of Mendewakan-
tons, once so celebrated for its hospitality, its fine population, and its strength, exists
now only in increments, and presents itself only in fragments, collected in small and
poor villages, scattered uixm the Mississippi, the St. Peters, and the lakes in the
environs of the falls of St. Anthony. Governed by inferior cliiefs, ambitious that the
traders should second their interests — but witli wiioni, except in the regrets and
profound grief of the old men, there is no longer any notion of n-spoet for the character
of the nation, or any recollection of the traditions which established its union, its
strength, its cutjtorus, and its glory. Some of these old men have often communicated
to me their bitter reflections at the present degiaded condition of their people. They
said that there were no longer as many old men iis formerly, and the few who remained
were without consideration or moral influence ; that they often conversed with each
other on these sad subjects ; and when they turned their recollections to times not far
removed, they were utterly confounded at the diminution of their population, the
destruction of their institutions, and the loss of all their ancient national virtues.

The Chippewas of the lakes of the sources of the Mississippi, who have not yet
had immediate contact with the whites, and upon whom the effects of the civilization
which is approaching them have been felt only at a distance, make the same remarks
in reference to their nation. Flat Mouth, in the evenings which I have passed with
him, has frequently exhibited his anxiety on this subject.

The old men of other nations are equally afflicted in reference to their condition.
It is a singular fact that all the Indians with whom I have had occasion to converse
on the vast decline of their people, and on the grand facts of the humanity of the

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY. M

present nge, have iiMiuired if I could explain to them the causes of their degeneracy ?
My answer was as aftlicting to them a» it would lie useless to modern iH)liey and
modern Christianity.

Of the two caves, formerly accessible, these remarks demonstrate that there remains
but one practicable to the curious, the one about four miles below the Saint Peter.
Since the one descrilx^d by Carver has Ijeen closed, it has l>een lost sight of; and when
travellers arrive, and desire to visit the cave which they have heard so much spoken
of, they arc carried to the small cave, which does not in the least degree meet tlie
marvellous accounts which they have previously received.

Featherstonhaugh, in his Geological RejKjrt of 18.3G, says, in 8i)eaking of his visit
to this small cave : " I followed this ravine alx)ut two hundred paces, and found that
it led to the cave which Carver had so acvitnikli/ descriUd." There is but a small
difliculty to explain here. Carver never saw or had any knowledge of this cave ; how
then could lu so accurately give a description of it? The description which he gave
l/clongs to this closed cave. Featherstonhaugh, in his rejiort, frequently refers to the
li'ithor'*}' of Carver, and nearly always as happily as in the pre'sent instance. There
was jnuch negligence in Featherstoidiaugh, in not having taken more pains to establish
a juugment ui '-i facts which more recent works and pei^wms on the spot could have
furnished ev^^r) u. -sired explanation of All the old re'sidents of St. Peters could have
cleared up i',\t matter n*" Carver's cave.

PHYSICAL DATA RESPECTING THAT PART OF SOUTH-
ERN C ALT FORN I A LYING ON THE LINE OF BOUNDARY
BETWEEN ST. DIEGO AND THE MOUTH OF THE
RIVER GILA, WITH INCIDENTAL DESCRIPTIONS
OF THE DIEGUNOS AND YUMAS INDIAN TRIBES.

The following diary of Lieuteiuint Wliipple's survey of the line of lx)undary
between San Diego and the jwint opjMJsite the junction of the Gila with the Colorado
River, which was executed under the orders of Major Emory, lias l)eeu cominuiiicated
for this work by Colonel J. J. Ai>» rt, chief of the Toix)graphical Bureau, U. S. V

Its notices of the topograpliical features, latitudes. temi)erature, heights, and
distances, and the general physical g"ography of that hitherto unexplored section of
the country, are of high value. The incidental notiix.>s given of the Diegunos and
other Indian tribes of that part of California, their manners and customs, and some
specimens of their languages, arc the most recent and authentic v.nich we posso^

The languages being the true key to their history, the printed formula of words aud

100

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY,

numerals has been distributed extensively among gentlemen having military duties to
execute on those distant frontiers ; and promises have been made, both by the head of
the Bureau, and several of the subordinate officers who are favorably situated to
pursue these inquiries, which lead me to hope that I shall be placed in a position to
acknowledge future favors from this source.

H. B. S.

PHYSICAL DATA.

Br LT. WHIPPLE, D. 9. A.

Having engaged Tomaso as guide and Indian interpreter, on the 11th day of
September, 1849, we started from the mission of San Diego for the junction of the
Rio Gila with the Colorado. Tomaso is chief of the tribe of Indians called Lligunos,
or Diegunos ; whether this was their original appellation, or they were so named by
the Franciscans from San Diego, the principal mission among them, I could not learn.
According to Tomaso, hi;; tribe numbers alxjut 8,800 persons ; all sjicaking the same
language, and occupying tiie territory from San Luis Rey to Aqua Caliente. They
possess no arms, and are very peaceable. Crimes, he says, are punished — theft and
bigamy by whipping, and mu.'der by death. They profess the greatest reverenci) for
the Church of Rome, and, glorying in a Christian name, look with disdain upon their
Indian neighbors of the desert and the Rio Colorado, calling them miserable Gentiles.

The Mission of San Diego, about five miles from the town, and two from the Plaza
of San Diego, is a large pile of adolie buildings, now deserted, and partly in ruins.
There remains an old Latin library, and the chapel walls are yet covered with oil
paintings, some of which possess considerable merit. In I'ront there is a large vineyard,
where i^ot only delicious grapes, but olives, figs, and otlier fruits, are produced
abundantly. In the days of their prosperity, for many miles around the valleys and
plains were covered with cattle and horses be"u);iging to this mission ; and the padres
boasted that their yearly increase was greater than the Indians could possibly steal.
But in California the sun of their glory is set for ever. Near by stand the thatched
huts of the Indians — formerly serfs, or peons; now the sole occupants of the mission
grounds. They are indolent and filthy, with more of the vices acquired from the
whites, than of the virtues supposed to belong to their race. Some of them live to a
great age ; and one old woman, said to be far advanced in her second century, looks
like a shrivelled piece of parchment, and is visited as a curiosit}'.

Many of their Indians, men, women, and children, assembled on the bank of the
stream, apparently to witness the novelty of a military procession ; but a pack of cards
Avas produced, and, seating themselves upon the ground to a game of nionte, they were
80 absorbed in the amusement as to seem unconscious of our departure.

Our route leads o\or steep hills, uncultivated and barren, excepting a few fields of

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY-

101

wild oats — no trees, no water in sight from the time of leaving the mission, imtil
we again strike the valley of the river of San Diego, half a league from Santa Monica,
the rancharia of Don Miguel de Pedoriva, now occupied by his father-in-law the
prefect of San Diego, Don Jose Antonio Estedillo. The hill-tops are white with a
coarse quartzose granite ; but as we approach the rancho of Don Miguel, the foliage
of the trees that fringe the banks of Rio San Diego formed an agreeable relief to the
landscape. Here the river contains a little running water, but before reaching the
mission it disappears from the surface, and at San Diego is two feet below the bed of
shining micaceous sand. Maize, wheat, barley, vegetables, melons, grapes, and other
fruits are now produced upon this ranch in abundance : with irrigation, the soil and
climate are suitable for the cultivation of most of the productions of the glolje. But
the mansion-houses of such great estates in California are wretched dwellings, with
mud walls and thatched roofs. The well-trodden earth fonns the floor, and although
wealth abounds with many luxuries, few of the conveniences and comforts of life seem
known. From fifty to one hundred Indians are employed on this ranch, in cultivating
the soil, doing the menial household service, and attending to the flocks and herds.
Their pay is a mere trifle, and Sundays are allowed to them for holiday amu.sements,
attending mass, riding, gaming, drinking.

Sejif. 12th. — From Santa Monica to Santa Maria, five and a half leagues, the steep
hill-sides .showed scarcely the vestige of a road, and night overtook us mid-way. For
the first league we follow a cafiada, through which extends a row of live-oaks, with
here and there a pool of water. We cro.ss a range of barren hills, and pass a ravine
with magnificent oaks, a little grass, and indications of water. Another ridge brings
us into a valley, rendered beautiful by a liberal growth of wide-spreading oaks ; and a
long, winding, and gradual descent leads to a wooded glen, »vhere the thick foliage of
intertwining branches throws a shade over a spring of limpid water, and seems
inclined to shield from mortal eyes a treasure sacred to the sylvan deity. But here
the road was bad, and as we cut the trees to mend the way, it seemed like sacrilege.
Another league, with here and therc a tree, brings us to Santa Maria. This is the
rancho of the hospitable Don Jose Maria Martin Ortega. It lies in a fertile basin,
many miles in extent, and contains an excellent mineral spring. The mountains
surrounding are covered Avith bleached masses of coarse granite, and the principal
ranges have a general direction from N. W. to S. W.

Rancho de Santa Maria, Sejit. 15//*, 1849.

O" A. M. 12" M. 3" P. M. C P. M.

Green's Syphon Barometer 28.715 in 2H.719 in 28.G81 in 28.033 in.

Fttlironheit's Attached Tliernionietcr 80° 8(i°.00r) 83°.005 07°.05

Fahrenheit's Detached Thorinometer 82° 8(5°.005 84° C7°.05

Magnetic inclination ns determined by observations with Fox's Magiictio DipK;ircle.
Magnetic intensity, 58° 42'.

102

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

Si'2)t- l&th. — The preceding night has been very cool, and the thermometer at
sunrise stands at 50°.05, Falirenheit. Finding the spring water warm, the thermometer
was immersed, and immediately rose TC.S, twenty degrees higher than the temperature
of the surrounding atmosphere. The water is highly impregnated with sulphur, but
clear and delicious to the taste. Large bubbles of gas are constantly rolling to the
surface of the spring from the moving sand below.

Pursuing our journey, we were surprised to find pools of water standing in the
road, although there had been no rain probably for months. The road crosses the
basin, and for several leagues scoops along pretty little valleys, with patches of grass
and trees. This day brought to view the cotton-wood or alamo. It so much
resembles the Lombardy poplar, as at first to be mistaken for it. Found much
feldspar, containing crystals of garnet and tourmaline. As we approach Santa Isabel,
which is seven and a half leagues from Santa Maria, a change comes on the face of
the country. Nature apfiears more smiling, the valleys teem with grass, and the oaks,
though small, are creeping from the canadas to the hill-sides.

Santa Isaljel is a charming sjMjt, surrounded by gentle hills, and watered by a rapid
and never-failing mountain stream. It was a flourishing place during the prosperity
of Catholic missions in California. There still remain the ruins of a church, and mud
walls of other dilapidated houses. A collection of miserable straw huts serves as a
home for about three hundred Indians, who, from having Ijcen the slaves of the priests,
appear to have succeeded to the inheritance.

They irrigate their fields, and cultivate maize, wheat, and barUn'. Their vineyard
is very flourishing. The most delicious grains are in great abundance. Peaches, figs,
and apples, are beginning to riiwn, while we feast uiwn melons and pears. Many of
the Indians are shrewd, and evidently not wanting in natural capacity ; but they are
in that stage of civilization in which man seems most degraded. They have acquired
a knowledge of, and a taste for, the vices of the oppressors of their race, but know
nothing of the virtues which might serve as an antidote. Now that they are freed
from bondage to the Franciscans, and from the equally exacting Spaniards, it remains
for the United States to render that freedom a true blessing, by establishing among
them schools where they may be taught their duties as Christians and as men. Their
ideas ujion religion are few and simple. There is a God in heaven. Their tribe, and
all who have been marked with the sign of the cross, are (.'hristians, and when they
die they will go to the happy regions. All others are Gentiles and outcasts from
heaven.

The geological formation here consists of quartzose granite, mica, schist, and talcose
schist, with tourmaline and hornblende. Some indications of metal. Silver is said to
e.xist in this vicinity ; but where, the Indians do not pretend to know.

Dr. Parry thinks he felt the shock of an earthquake this evening.

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

103

Santa Isabel, Sept. 11th, 1849 —

9' A. M. 12' M. S" P. M. C P. M.

Orecn's Syphon Barometer, No. 222 27.232 in 27.250 in 27.253 in. . .27.189 in.

Attached Thermometer, 4 70''.5 84°.5 80° 71°.5

Dctaclicd thermometer, 4 74° 81° 8C° 71°

On the morning of Septemljcr 18th we took an early start, and as the short cut of
sixteen miles to San Felipe is not passable for Avagons, we proceeded in a northerly
direction toward Warner's ranch. The valleys throngh which onr route leads are
really charming for California. The groves of oaks are filled with birds of song, and
morning is made joyous with the music of the lark and blackbird.

Having traversed the long valley of Warner's ranch, eight miles from Santa Isabel,
we struck the much-travelled emigrant road leading from the Colorado to El Puebla de
los Angelos. In a ravine of superb oaks we stopped to gather grapes ; for here is an
Indian village, a mountain stream, and a vineyard.

Upon entering San Felipe, twenty miles from Santa Isabel, we found several parties
of emigrants, some of them destitute of provisions. They tell us that, \\\>on the
desert, we shall find many in a condition bordering upon starvation. They also
confirm the rejwrts of the emigrants at San Diego concerning the hostilities committed
by the Indians at the mouth of the Rio Gila. One party pretended to have had a
pitched battle with them, and showed an arrow with which one man had been
wounded. The number of the Yumas at the mouth of the Gila was estimated at five
thousand, and it was feared that they would utterly destroy the emigrant parties in
their rear.

The village at this place contains probably fifty Indians, part of whom are Diegunos,
and acknowledge the authority of Toraaso ; the rest belong to the tribe of the desert
called Como-yei or Quemeya, speaking a different language, and totally ignorant of
Spanish. To my surprise, the women Avere neatly dressed in calico frocks, and, not-
withstanding the streaks of tar with which they paint their fiices, some were quite
good-looking. Their Zandias were all " verde," and they had nothing else to sell. As
at this place we take leave of the Lligunos, it may be well to record such words of
their language as have been gathered from Tomaso, their chief, and others of their
tribe.

"IfS'""*' GnglUh.

mo-quuc, or hut horse

ah-hut, or moolt mule

ay-cootcht xavn

s"" woman

nile father

'"e mother

Dlfgunoi. Ingllih.

hainato body

cstur head

wa face

lioo nose

n-ycn eyes

a wuo eyes

104

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

I>ieguno«. KnglUh.

ah mouth

gclh'l hand

a sac'l fingers

cuwis arms

cwith'l leg

toon kneo

ha-uiul-yay foot

hil-c-tar hair

el-mam boy

en yat'l to-day

mat-in-yat'l to-morrow

hoon night

han, or hanna good

a-wah house

tay hutb, or cuchao blanket

a pl-eu hat

hind ono

ha-wuc two

ha-mook three

cha-pop four

suap' five

coo-quit hue money

iris eoquit'l hue

poot wurris eoquit'l hue he wants money

n'yah I

Dlei!uno«.

CnglUh.

.ho
.am
.here

poo

twa

peo

n'ya-pcc-tawa I am here

poo-cc-pa-a he was there

ach-a-ma-cba fruit

aha water

me-yut'l bread

as-a-o to eat

ay-sail to drink

ha-niat'l car

n'ya-aha a say I drink water

n'ya-coquago asaho I cat meat

quarquue brandy

asu-muaye to be drunk

n'ya quar-quao asu I drink rum

omuc'l, or omaho nothing

ho yes

n'ya hub n'yay pilyay I have a home

{I had a horse
yesterday

y'ayo

C I shall have a

n'y'a hut mcton yri,'l ninia i horse to-mor-

(_row

n'ya-hut pour yayo

Sept. 19. — Left Sail Felipe at 8 A. M. Trees and grass gave place to rocks and sand.
About two and a half leagues from San Felipe we entered the dry bed of an anoyo
which traversed for nearly a league a winding ravine produced by a fault in the
mountains.

The wid*h in some places was barely sufficient to admit the passage of our wagons,
while the perpendicular height of the rock on either side was at least fifteen feet. The
rock, at first coarse granite, with tumuli of Pedrigal, passed into an indurated shale,
talcose or mica slate. Veins of quartz were still numerous.

Encamped at El Puerto. Three and a half leagues from San Felipe, we found
springs of water, a little grass, but no wood. Here were many emigrants, who gave
the same dreary account of the desert as was told us last night ; much sand and no
grass. One of the men showed me a piece of lead-ore, apparently containing silver,
found at this place.

' According to Tomaso, the Dicgunos have but five numerals, although others of the tribe gave me, hesitatingly,
ten : viz., huic, hawoe, bamook, chaypop, shucklcakayo, sumhook, suap sahook, (hiphook, and yainat, apparently
arroneously taken from the Yumas.)

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPIIV.

105

Left El Puerto at 8 A. M., Sept. 20tli, crossed a steep hill, and entered the basin of
Vallieito. Here abounded cacti, maguey, fonguiera spinosa, and wild sage, but not a
blade of grass. Wading the sand for a league, the hills close in, to form a narrow
valley where we find grass and excellent springs of water impregnated with sulphur.
Here we encamp ; near us are the ruins of adobe huts, indicating the decline of the
Indians. There remain a few naked and miserable wrct«lie.s who have a garden of
green melons, but nothing to eat except the roots of wild maguey.

This day we first met with the mizquite bean, upon which the prosperity of our
horses and mules, and the success of our expedition, are expected to dejwnd. The
accompanying sketch represents a branch of the mizquite screw-bean.' These screw-
like pods grow in clusters of eight or ten upon the same stem. Both the screw and
the pod of the mizquite contain much saccharine matter, and are very nutritious.
They ripen at difl'erent seasons of the year, and are very abundant, each tree producing
many bushels.

Vallicito, Sept. 20th.

1 M. 3" P. M. 6" P. M.

Green's Syphon Barometer, 28.511 in 28.492 in. 28.439 in.

Detached Thermometer, 99°.50 96°.05 96°.05

Detached Thermometer, 99" 99° 98"

Vallicito, Sept. 2lsf.

6- A. M. 9" A. M. 12" M. 3" P. M.

Green's Syphon Barometer, 28.400 in 28.461 in 28.484 in 28.443 in.

Detached Thermometer, . . 61°.05 96° 100°.05 ^".05

Detached Thermometer, . . 62° 101° 99° 99°.

Sejit. 21s/. — The day was so warm that we were compelled to lie by at Vallicito
until about 5i P. M., when we pursued our route down the valley which soon stretched
out into a plain. The road followed a bed of sand, in which the feet of our horses
sunk below the fetlock at every step. Six miles from the springs of Vallicito, a semi-
spherical hill in the midst of the valley separated two roads, the right-hand one
leading directly to Cariw Creek, the left by a circuit of half a mile, taking you by the
way of a mineral spring of drinkable water. T! '■ .-jcener}' here by moonlight was
beautiful. The hills in the back ground, with angles sharp and sides perpendicular,
were singular in the extreme. By the dim light it was hard to believe that they were
not ruins of ancient works of art. One hod been a temple to the gods ; another a
regularly bastioned fort. The fine large trees which mark the course of the run have
furnished the name by which it is known, " Palmetto Spring."

Vegetation in the valley remains unchanged. Cacti, maguey, kreosote lurrea
Mexicana, dwarf cedar, and the fonguiera spinosa, are abinidant.

' This sketch, and those alluded to in pages 107 and 108, did not accompany the manuscript.

Pt. II. — 14

106

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

Many meteors are seen shooting from the zenith to the S. W. A cloud arose in the
East, with frequent flaslies of lightning, hut the night passed without rain.

Arrived at Cariso Creek, fifteen miles from Vallecito, eight from Palmetto Spring, at
midnight. Found the water of the creek quite brackish. Mules and horses would
scarcely taste it, thirsty as they were; of food for them, there was none. The
emigrants had consumed every blade of grass, and every stick of cane, so that our
sorrowful animals are tied in groups to the wagons to ponder their fate upon the desert.

Saturday, Si'pt. 22(1. — The sun was perhaps half an hour high, when our hungry
animals were again put in harness. At camp, the creek appears fifty feet wide and
nearly a foot in depth ; but a mile or two below, it is entirely lost in the thirsty sand.

Our route was through the valley of the Carazul. Its banks are of clay, worn by
rain into fantastic shapes, and occasionally mountains appear beyond.

Tlie road is strewn with emigrants winding their way to the " placers." No rocks
were visible cave masses of iwdrigal, stately in structure, and containing large
ferruginous nodules. Two leagues from camp we passed a steep ridge, seemingly
formed of g3'psuni clear as glass.

Noon. — We are now fairly upon the desert; sandy hills behind, a dreary, desolate
plain before us, far as the eye can reach. An undulating surface of sand, with pebbles
of j.osper, is sprinkled with small green clumps of Laurea Mexicana.

Thermometer 108°, Fahrenheit, in the shade. S"" P. M. Twelve miles from Cariso
Creek; stopped to dig for water, but in vain. Thermometer 100° in the shade.

There appeared in the east a cloud, which soon assumed that jjcculiar appearance
which often precedes a violent storm. A dark mass approached ; a hurricane was
upon us, and we were enveloped in a cloud of sand. The mules were driven from
their path, the canva.ss covers were torn to shreds, and the wagons themselves in danger
of being upset. For fifteen minutes we were blinded, when a torrent of rain quieted
the dust ; a shower of hail succeeded, and the men, throwing themselves upon the
ground, hid their faces in the sand for jjrotection. There was neither flash nor reimrt
of lightning for an hour. It came, at length, as night was closing in, to add sublimity
to the scene. P<h)1s and streams of water appeared in every direction ; and spots uixm
the parched desert which, two hours before, seemed never to have been kissed even by
a gentle dew, now aflbrdod buckets-full of water for the thirsty mules. It was dark
when one of the party returned, sayijig that the road led into a lake which he had Iwen
unable to find his way across. Our destination for the night was what the emigrants
call New Lake ; the nearest point at which we expected to find water. But now we
had letl the sandy soil of the upper desert, and were traversing a lower plateau whose
clayey bed retained the copious shower like a cup. At this time our parties were
greatly scattered; some far in advance, others far behind. With us were neither tents
nor provisions ; to encamp was, hence, impossible. Thinking that the extent of the
inundation could not be great, we entered the water and puslied onward. For a mile,

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

lOT

at least, we traversed this lake-like sheet of water ; the mules wading to their knees
at every step, and still the chains of lightning that seemed to encircle us showed, far
as the eye could reach, nothing but water. Yes, there was one spot of land visible —
Signal Mountain, about five miles distant — and, after a brief consultation, we turned
towards it. Wandering about at night in an unheard-of lake, not knowing into Avhat
gulf the next step might plunge us, would have been sufficiently romantic, without
the storm, which still raged unabated, the lightning, which blinded, and the thunder,
which stunned us. At length the camp-fire of the advanced party was discovered, and
served as a beacon to lead us safely into port. The tired mules loudly expressed their
gladness at reaching terra firma, and finding, twenty-five miles from Cariso Creek, a
resting-place at camp. Tliere is no grass here, but a rank growth of what is called
careless weed is very abundant. This affords little n 'triment. The hungry animals,
however, prefer weeds to nothing. At 11 P. M. the stars were shining brightly, and
scarcely a cloud was to be seen. Lieutenant Coiuis, commander of the escort, thinks
that during the storm he felt an carth(piakc.

Morning, SejU. 23(/, showed our encampment to be upon the banks of a lx?autiful
little sheet of water, called, by the emigrants, " New Lake." Kearney's route, Cooke's
and Grahcam's trails, must all have been north of this lake, or this body of water would
have been seen. The water is fresh, but in position it is far from the Salt Lake laid
down upon Emory's map.

The prominent mountain lying .about four miles south and ten degrees east from
camp, and apparently two thousand feet in height, must serve as a beacon to travellers
crossing the Colorado, and may probably be found a convenient point from which to
flash gunpowder for the detennination of the difference of longitude l)etween San
Diego and the mouth of Rio Gila. Hence it may be called " Signal Mountain," and
this lake so near its fort, " Signal Lake." The accompanying hasty sketches give
rough views of both lake and nioimtain.' The former is aljout a quarter of a mile in
length, and a hundred yards wide, depth not ascertained. Mud-hens were the only
navigators visible. The southern bank is high, and sprinkled with mizquite trees.
Upon the north is marsh, with careless weed. At its eastern extremity, the lake
communicates with a little bayou, the course of which is distinctly marked toward the
southeast Avith mizquite. This is a portion of the stream which has been termed by
the emigrants " New River."

Left Signal Lake at 8 A. M., hoping to find grass at our next stopping-place. There
is a trail ufron each bank of the bayou. Proceeding in a general E. S. E. course, we
crossed the stream at a distance of five or six miles from the lake. At this point, the
banks were steep, the bed of the stream from ten to twenty feet in width, and ten feet
below the surface of the surrounding plateau. The depth of the water was less than
a foot; and there was no current, for, in many spots above, the channel was dry, A

Viilo note, p. 105.

108

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

J .1

I'' M

few miles beyond tlie bayou, we struck the Ijorder of a large grove of niizquite, where
we found great quantities of beans. Here were first found shells of the fresh-water
muscle. Hares and many partridges were seen. The deep channel of New River
again appeared with more water than before. Twelve miles from Signal Lake, we
again struck an angle of the river, where the banks were low and the stream nearly
fifty yards wide. The water was sweet, apparently deep, and silvery fish, as large as
l^erch, were seen in it. The scene from this place is roughly represented in the
accompanying sketch.' As we approached our destination for the night, the sands of
the desert ga^e place to green patches of grass. At sunset, we encamix-d about
eighteen miles from Signal Lake, at a jwint on this river called, par excellence, New
River, the oasis of the desert, where sweet water and excellent grass are abundant.

Monday, Sept. 2\tli, half an hour after sunrise. Thermometer, 72°, Barometer,
30.119 inches. The grass here is good, and so abundant that we will be enabled to
wait here for our remaining trains, and recruit the weary animals. We are now in
the midst of the desert, and at the recruiting place of all travellers. The white tents
of the numerous emigrants give the place quite the air of a village. The grass upon
the plains is short, green, and tender. Upon the banks of the stream it grows tall and
thick. Dr. PeiTy, the Iwtanist, thinks the grass a new species, which he proposes to
call " Chrondrosium Desutorum." Although the river bears no marks of being new —
as its name implies, the grass which grows in its vicinity has probably but lately made
its appearance upon the desert. A change seems passing over this region, rain becomes
more abundant, niizquite grows, nnd careless weed springs up, soon to give place to
more tender herbage.

New RivKR Jokn-ada, Sei^t. 2^)fli, 1849 —

G" A. M. 9" A. M.
Green's Syphon Barometer, No. 222. . .29.935 in.. . .30.014 in.

Attached thermometer 68°..5 94°.5

Detached Thermometer 09° 98"

]2''M. .'J" P.M. CP.M.

.30.000 in. . . .29.908 in. . . .29.880 in.

lOO'.S 104°.5 95°

,104° 108° 98°

(Observed with Fox's Dip Circle for Magnetic Inclination and Intensity.)

Sept. 2Qtk. A sunri.se. Thermometer, 75° ; barometer, 29.880 inches. This day
made a reconnoissance in the vicinity of New River. Three and a half miles S. S. E.
from camp, crossed the bed of New River upon dry ground. Careless weed and grass
very luxuriant. The bank of the mizquite grove was gay with the songs of small
birds. South, the mountain range, patches of green grass, with here and there a
kreosote plant, appeared. All else was hard clay, baked and cracked in the sun to
appear like a pavement of wood. Every where, near the banks of the stream, the
Planorbus and other fresh-water shells have been found in abundance ; and here small
volutes covered the ground, and in some places were heaped up in such quantities as
to appear like snow. The heat was intense. An astonishing mirage often presented

' Vide note, p. 105.

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

109

to view the appearance of water ; as we api)roache(l, there seemed to be a bank of
trees reflected distinctly from the smooth surfiice below. The illusion faded away as
we drew near, to reapiiear in the distance. Eight miles from camp, the river inii^ded
further progress, being fifty yards wide, and apparently deep. Mud-hens were swim-
ming on its surface, and herons with their long bills were dipping for fish.

Dr. Parry went to the mountains tonlay, by taking a course nearly S. W. lie
crossed no streams except the one at camp. The foot of the hills was .sprinkled with
locust trees, but the mountains seemed destitute of vegetation.

St'pt. 21th, at sunrise. — Thermometer 70°, Barometer 29.814 in. At Sf' P. M.
recommenced our journey. Two miles from New River our route lay over a level
plain, green with the characteristic grass, and the Laurea Mexicana. Grass by
degrees gave way to drifting sand ; and buttes covered with green shrubs alone broke
the monotony of the desert. Five miles from camp we crossed the dry bed of an
ancient stream, with steep banks, and a sandy level bed ten feet below the surface of
the desert, and one hundi-ed and eighty feet wide. Mizquite lined its banks, while
kreosote and wild-sage s[)rinkled the valley.

Eight miles from New River we encamped at the " Lagoon," where we found water,
but no grass or beans for the animals.

Si'j^t. 2St/i. — Left the " Lagoon" at 4'' A. M., and by the aid of Venus, whose light
was so strong as to cast a decided shadow, we ascended a bank to the upi)er desert,
leaving in the valley upon our right, one and a half miles from camp, the " Second
Wells." We moved on east over the desert, covered with pebbles of jasjjer or deei>-
drifting sand, and without g'wells ; with no green thing to relieve the eye save the
Laurea Mexicana, which covets solitude. Twenty miles brought us again uiwn the
steep sand-banks which long hatl bounded our horizon. We descended eighty to one
hundred feet, into a muzquite-covered cafiada, or valley, extending from this jwint about
twenty miles in width to the Rio Colorado. Upon this lower plain, where were found
the same fresh-water shells as distinguished the region of New River, we pursued a
N. E. course, parallel to the bank which bounds the desert proper, for seven miles,
to the three " Wells." Here we encamped, twentj-seven miles from the Lagoon.
The wells are dug ten feet deep, at the bottom of a small natural basin, which seems
scooped from the plain.

At the camp of the " Three Wells," twelve miles west from the crossing of the Rio
Colorado, 1849, September 28th, at S^ l-j"" P. M., there occurred an earthquake. The
oscillatory motion was from east to west. It shook the tents, spilled water from a
nearly full bucket, awoke those who were a.Hleep, and frightened many of those who
were awake. The rocking motion continued about two minutes.

Se2)t. 20 th. — At 5i^ A. M., left "Three Wells," and kept along the foot of the
sand-banks, a little N. of east, for eight miles. Met many emigrants with women and
children, facing the desert with cheerful looks. Frank says " that the happiest set of

110

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY,

fellows he lias ever seen uix)n the desert, was that encamped at ' The Wells' last night
with their wives and children."

At the fork of the road we were met by our old guide Tomaso, who had l)ecn
despatched to warn the Indians of our approach. He was accompanied by Santiago,
chief, and the principal men of the band of Yumas, which occupies the village at the
lower crossing of the Colorado. Santiago wore a blue great-coat, and a fancy cotton
handkerchief bound his head. His legs and feet were bare ; otiiers were clad in the
simple breech-cloth. All weix» mounted on spirited horses. The road up to the bank
to the left, is the emigrant trail over the dceiMlrifting sands of the desert. Taking
the more circuitous route to the right, we were escorted by the Indians a short
distance, to their village in the cauada, luxuriant with maize and melons. We were
at once surrounded by great numljers of Indian men and women, evincing friendliness,
curiosity, and intelligence. The women are generally fat, and their dress consists of a
fringe made of strips of bark bound around the hips, and hanging loosely to the
middle of tlie thighs. The men are large, muscular, and well-formed. Tiieir
countenances are pleasing, and seem lighted by intelligence. I doulit whether
America can boast of a finer race of Indians. Their warriors wear the white breech-
cloth, and their hair hanging in plaits to the middle of their backs, is adorned with
eagle -feathers and the rattle of a rattlesnake. They are excjuisite horsemen, and
carry their Ijow and lance with inimitable grace. A dozen of these warriors conducted
us beyond their village three miles, through fields of maize, and groves of alamo and
willow to the Rio Colorado, where we encamped ; twelve miles Ir'Iow where the Rio
Gila unites its "sea-green waters" with the rigiitly-named Colorado.

Until October 1st we remained at the lower crossing of the Colorado, waiting for a
road to be cut upon the right bank, five miles to the emigrant crossing. Our Indian
neighbors were very sociable, bringing us grass, Ix'ans, melons, and scpiashes; for
which they received in return, tobacco or money. Old Santiago, their chief, could not
speak Spanish, and so our guide Tonuiso was made interpreter. There were also here
a few of the Co-mo-ya Indians from the desert or San Felipe, and they could
converse with us. Santiago and his people professed great friendship for Americans
in general, and us in particular. They had never stolen from the emigrants, nor
maltreated them in any way ; but the Indians higher up, near the mouth of the Gila,
they represented as being a desperate set of rascals. They plundered the emigrants
of what they could not steal. The day before, a German had been decoyed away from
his part}^ and murdered. They had even come to oiwn hostility with some parties of
the emigrants, and fouglit pitched battles ; and, as they numbered from five to ten
thousand people, they were always victorious. These accounts seemed the more
probable, as they agreed with those given by the emigrants themselves. Santiago
concluded by requesting us to remain Avith him, as we were, as he said, too few and
too weak to cope with those at the mouth of the Gila.

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

Ill

The ja«i.s of our road along the bank of the Colorado, was an Indian foot-path,
which Avoiind around every tree that time had thrown across its ancient track,
doubling the true distance.

Piuising through a ft)rest of cotton-wood and willow, we came to the foot of " Pilot
Knob," and having crossed a spur which extends to the river, found ourselves ui)on
the bank at the emigrant crossing. Here we encamjied. Pilot Knob is an isolated
mountain, and rises nl)ove ns to the height of about fifteen hundred feet. We ascend
the highest peak to fire rockets, and watch for signals from the Sierra beyond the
desert.

Tuesday, Od. 2il, 1849. — Left the foot of Pilot Knob, and travelled on through
groves of miz([uite, upon the banks of the Colorado ; not an Indian had we seen since
leaving the village of Siintiago; but Tomas^o, with some alarm, pointed out fresh foot-
prints in the path we followed. We emerged up<jn the river. The branching paths
were soon after li)st. A densely-wootled ravine rendercd it imjwssiljle to follow the
immediate bank of the ri\er. In search of the way, I soon found myself separated
from the escort, and alone following a well-trodden path. Eager to reach my
destination, I pushed on for an Indian guide. At length the winding path led me into
a village of the Yumas. As I rode to the principal hut, without an interpreter, I felt
it was imprudent thus to throw my.self into the power of these savages. They at once
surrounded me. One, with an emerald iwndant from his nose, held the bridle of my
mule, some placed with my pistols, others handled my sword. Seeming to put
perfect confidence in their honesty, I nevertheless watched them narrowly, while I
endeavored to explain, in Spanish, the object of my visit. Ilim with the jewelled
nose I found to be Anton, a petty chief, or captain of his village. lie understood but
little of Spanish. Soon there rode up upon a .spirited horse, an Indian, whom I found
to be a Comoya from San Felipe, called " Mai Anton," and with him I could conver.se.
They having consented to guide me to the mouth of the Rio Gila, I shook off the
curious men, women, and children that nearly buried my mule, and rode on ; I passed
through large patches of maize, melons, zandias, and squashes, leaving villages to the
left and to the right. Lost in the maze of paths, and being unable to elicit a Avord
from the grim-looking Indians I met, I turned for my guides. Soon they appeared,
coming at full run ; the chief in advance, armed with a musket, and Mai Anton
followed upon his wild pony, gracefully swinging over his head the noose of his lariat.
The chief then led the way, while the other followed me through deep ravines and
rude plantations. At length, having no fancy for sharing the fate of my namesake in
Mexico, I ordered Mai Anton with his lariat in advance. " Tuirc v un bon
Corazon ?" he inquired as he passed. I assured him of protection as long as Americans
werc well-treated by them. They led me two miles, to the junction of the Rio Gila
with the Colorado, where I found a hill, excellent for an astronomical ob.icrvatory.
Eating a melon Anton hatl gathered for me, I returned and conductetl the whole party

112

PIIYSU'

KOrrllAI'll Y.

liithor; i'iK'niii|X'»l, pliunl tlio transit .^ "c i.u'ridiaii u|M)n a ti'inpornrv stand of stone,
and ohsorved tlie same ni^lit tlio passiigu uf lx>tl> limbs of tlie m<" " , and several
mcKin culniinatin<; stars.

Wednesday, ()ft. Hd. — To-<lay came Pablo, grand chief of the Yumas, with his
pcarlet coat trimmed with {fold lace, his ejianlettes of silver wire, and, to crown all,
green goggles. His legs and feet wen* bui-e. but he did not allow that to detract from
the dignity of his manner. Tomaso nshered him in and acted as interpreter, translating
my Spanish into Indian for him, and his Indian into Spanish for mc. I explained to
him, that their territory now la-longed to the United States; that the government took
nn interest in the welfare of the Indians who were honest and well-disjiosed ; that we
were disfjosed to live in amity with them, but were ])repared to chastise those who
were inclined to evil. He promised that his jK'ople should not steal from, or otherwise
hijure Americans, and I gave him those j)resents that I had prepared. Having taken
a gliiss of agna-ardiente, his tongue was loosed, his dignity was overcome, and he no
longer needed an interpreter. Pablo spoke Spanish better, by far, than I could.

Oi't. 4t/i, 1841). — Many Indians in camp; all, as I ever expected to find them, most
peaceably disposed. Bows, and arrows pointed with jasper, guns and pistols, (mostly
broken and diseanled by the emigrants,) are constantly brought into camp. There is,
however, perfect confidence among all parties.

Friday, OrL iitli, 1849. To-day the Indians of the Yuma tril)e held a grand council
in honor of our arrival ; and as Pablo Coelum, the great chief in epaulettes and green
goggles, had been chosen under the Mexican reign, they determined to show their
adherence to the United States by deposing their old chief, and, in a republican
manner, electing a new one. The successful candidate was our old friend Santiago,
captain of the band of Cuclmns at the lower crossing. He seems a good old man, and
worthy of his honors. Upon his election, he was escorted to my tent for the customary
presents, and promised good faith towards all Americans.

Tomaso soon returned with three minor chiefs, or "Captaines de los Cuchancs,"
Anastasio, Anton, and Pasqual. The band of Anton lives eight or ten miles alx)ve us,
and is famed for theft, robbery, and murder. Anton is one of their orators, and
replied to me in a sjwech of half an hour's length : but Tomaso pretended that he did
not understand the Cuchan language, and would not translate it.

Oct. 1th, 1849. — Took a walk into the villages to see how the Indians live. They
all knew mc, and received me kindly enough into their family circles, composed of
about a dozen men, women, and children, sitting or lying upon the ground, under the
shade of a flat roof of branches of trees supported by posts at the four comers. The
women, dressed in girdles of bark stripiwd into thongs, and, partially braided, hanging
in a fringe to the thighs, and ornamented with many strings of shell or glass beads,
were making a mush of zandias, (water-melons,) or grinding grass seed into flour.

The men, with breech-cloths, or jxjrhaps a shirt cast off" by the emigrants, were

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

113

ornamented with rings in their noses and eagles' feathers in their hair. Tlie children
wore no covering except what nature gave them, but were decked witli loads of heads
upon their necks, and small strings of the same were inserted through their cars.

The lalxjrious part of their toilet, that in which all their taste and skill are put in
requisition, consists in painting. Warriors dye their faces jet black, with a strip of red
from the forehead, down the nose, and across the chin. Women and young men
usually paint with red, and onuunent their chins with dots or stripes of blue or black.
Around their eyes are circles of black. Their bodies are generally of a dark ix'd, and
IKjlished with an oily substance, so as to resemble well-cleaned mahogany. The fiico
and bo«ly are sometimes fancifully striix'd with bhick. Of their hair they are quite
proud, and take great care in dressing and trimming it. It falls naturally from the
crown of the head, and is neatly and squarely trimmed in front to reach to the eye-
brows. The rest is nuitted into plaits, and falls upon the back, reaching nearly to the
ground.

Strings of broken shells called "pook," are highly valued among them. These
consist of circular pieces of sco-shell, with holes very nicely driven in the centre.
They are very ancient, and were formerly used as money. A string is now worth a
horse. An Indian dandy is never dressed without them, and the nnmlwr of strings
worn indicates the wealth of the iwssessor. Tlie figure of the young dandy, though
large, is so faultless in its proportions, that, when I have seen him dressed in his clean
white breech-cloth, with no other covering to his carefully p.aintcd person, except the
graceful plume upon his head, and the wide bracelet of leather, with buckskin fringe,
and bright brass buttons, which serve as mirrors, upon his left ami, I could but
applaud the scorn with which he looked upon European dress, and the resolute firmness
with which he refused the profiered gift of pants.

The Yumas, or as those near the mouth of the Gila call themselves, Cuchans, api)car
to be skilled in none of the arts. They have neither sheep, cattle, nor poultry. Horses
and a few pet lap-dogs, are the only domestic animals found at their ranches. The
men are warriors, and occasionally fish and hunt. The women not only attend to their
household duties, but .also cultivate fields of maize and melons, and collect grass-seed,
which they pound to flour for bread.

Returning to camp, I found the deposed chief Pablo Coelum, and his friend. Captain
Anton, loaded with presents of melons, for whicl' in return was expected tobacco, red
flannel, &c.

Learned from Pablo many words of the Yuma language. Rio Colorado is in their
tongue " Hahwith-e-charwhut," meaning as in Spanish, red river. Rio Gila they call
" Hah-quorsu-ethel," meaning salt river. The water is indeed brackish, and salt-water
plants grow upon its banks.

Oct. 12th, 1849. — To-day large numbers of Yumas have started upon an expedition
against the Mar-i-co-pas. They are mounted on good horses, which they stride without

pt. n.— 15

114

PHYSICAL GEOGRArilY,

a saddle, and manage with a lialter. Their coal-bhick faces, and striped liodies and
legs, give them a fierce aspect. Their hair is no longer suffered to hang l(X)sely, hut is
bound with strips of scarlet woollen cloth, with long ends streaming behind. They
are led by their famous war-chief, " Caballo-en-Pilo," and, with bow in hand, and
quiver of arrows at their back, they look quite formidable.

Monday, Oct. Ibth. — Arrived Colonel Collyer, Collector of the jiort of San Francisco,
escorted l)y Captain Thorne, with thirty dragoons. Under their protection is also a
party of emigrants comnumded by Mr. Audulxm the youuger, naturalist, and Lieutenant
Browning of the Navy.

Mr. Langdon Haven, and a son of Commodore Sloat, were with this party, which
Avas suffering for the want of provisions.

Oct. \f>tli. — This evening has furni.shed a sad occurrence. Brevet Captain Thorne,
son of Mr. Herman Tliorne of New York, while superintending the transportation of
his party across the Rio Colorado, just below the junction of the Rio Gila, was thrown
into the river l)y the upsetting of hii'. heavily-laden boat, and was drowned. The
current of the river was so rapid, that all exertions, even those of tlie Yuma Indians,
the best swinuners in the world, were unavailing. Captain Thorne was succeeded in
the connnand of the escort by Lieutenant Beckwith.

Oct. Vdtli. — Mr. Ingraham has just informed me that the wtwden 1x)X in which is
kept Chronometer No. 710, cracked into pieces last night wliile used in keeping time.
This is another proof of the exceeding dryness of this climate, and I regret that I
have no hygrometer to determine it. All the lH)xes in which the instruments were
packed are being destroyed. The nicely-seasoned and well-finislied cashes made in
England many years since for instruments of Troughtou and Simms, have shrunk so
as not to admit tiie original contents.

A few nights since, while I was reading the micrometer of the zenith sector, the
horn with which my reading lens was incased suapj)ed, and flew from my fingers in
thi-ee pieces. The peculiar state of the atmosphere was the only cause assignable for
such an occurrence.

Oct. 2t)(h. — C«)ntinued the survey at the junction of the two rivers. The Rio
Gila, a short distance from its mouth, is so shallow tliat the Indians wade across it.
Tlie Colorado at the ferry, a short distance below the junction, is about twelve feet
deep. Tlie waters of the Colorado are almost opaque with cliiy tinctured with the red
oxide of iron. But the water is sweet, and when allowed to rest, liecomes limpid.
The waters of the Gila are covered with a' sediment nearly black, and have a bracltisli
taste; making oppropriate the Yuma name for it — Tlarfjunrsiul — meaning "salt
water."' Both rivei-s are rapid, and their junction forms a distinctly marked luid
nearly straight line, leading from the east bank of the Gila to the channel of the
Colorado. They unite, and, singularly enough, contract to one-fiftii the width of the

Oct. 7tli, p. 1 1.1, lliis river is ciiUrd " nuli-qmi-BU-ctlicl." — II. 11. S.

w.;<'^

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

Colorado, above, in order to leap through a narrow gorge, which some convulsion of
nature htis torn through an isolated Iiill. Upon this hill, eighty feet jierpendicularly
almost al)ove the water, stands our observatory.

Ckt. 27//*. — Pasqual, one of the war-chiefs, and Captain Anton, tell me that thoy
are in daily expectation of an attack from the Maricopas. The Yumas deserve chastise-
ment; for, in their late expedition, they surprised their enemies and brought ofl' captive
two Indian boys, wliom they afterwards sold as slaves to the Mexicans.

Oct. 28th. — Thronged, as usual, with Indian visiters. Tiiey say that tlie Maricopas
came in sight of camp yesterday ; but, seeuig United States ti\)ops, dared not attack
the Yumas.

Oft. SOt/i. — This morning at about four o'cl<x;k there was great alarm among the
Ouchans (Yumas) who live up on the left bank of the Colorado. Our whole camp was
aroused l)y their siiouting and firing. By daylight they were swinuning the river in
crowds; men witii their horses, and women with their <'hildivn ; all crying out lustily
"Maricope — Mar-i-<'ope ! " Every hill-top was crowded with armed warriors, and
others were riding hither and thither; why or wherefore, nono seemed to know. At
length, Anton told me that nnmy Maricopes had attacked them, and killed one Yuma.
By ten o'clock A. M. our camp was deserted by the Indians, and for the rest of the
day not one has Iteeu seen.

The soUliers tiiiuk the whole story of Maricopes a ruse, and apprehended an attack
t(Hiiglit. Dr. Coutts has increased the number of sentinels for tiie night.

Oct. 3l.s/. — Indians have been to-day sociable as formerly ; each chief Itringing
preseuts of excellent melons. Among them <'aiiie, for the first time, the great
war-chief, " Cabelliven-Pilo." I made him a small present, which secured his
friendship.

Nov. 2d. — Among my early Indian visiters this morning, is one; whom the whole
trilH! calls an hermaphrodite. She is gigantic in size, nuiscular, and well-i)ro|)ortioned.
Her bivasts are not developed like tiiose of a woman, but she dresses like one of the
gentler sex, and it is said she coiialiits witii a man. Slie is in dispositiou mild, and
otlen hangs her head with a mental l)lush at tlie jokes ol' iier companions.

From Pablo Coelam, l,y birth a Comogei, but formerly chief oi" the Vinnas, or
Cuchans; from Jose Antonia, whose father was a Mexican, l)ut born of a Yuma
mother, and always living with the tribe; ironi Tonuiso, chief of the Diegunos; from
Antonia and Mai-Antonio, intelligent Indians from San Felipe; and I'roni otiier Indians
with whom I could conver e, I have collected all information possible ivgarding the
tribes of which they \new.

The term "Yuma" signifies ''sons of the river." anil is a])plie(l oidy to those born
upcm the banks of the Uio Colorado. Tlie Yumas are diviih'd into live lesser trilies or
bunds : namely,

1st., Cnvltaiifi ; numljering about fivv thousand persons, and living in villages upon

116

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY,

i;} '/

if III

both banks of the Rio Colorado, witliin about twenty miles from the mouth of the
Rio Gila. They are a noble race ; well formed, active, and intelligent.

2d., Mah-horos. They are a great nation, and live upon the right bank higher
up the Colorado, seven days' journey from the mouth of the Rio Gila. Being very
poor, they wear only the breech-cloth. They are warriors, and well armed with bows,
arrows, and lances.

3d., Hah-ical-coes. This great nation possesses the left (east) bank of the Colorado,
eight days' journey above the junction of the Rio Gila. I have been shown to-day,
by an Indian, a very good blanket, black and white checked, said to have been made
by the Ilah-wal-coes.

Atli. Yiim-paio is the name of the tribe which occupies the left bank of the
Colorado, six days' journey above the junction with the Rio Gila.

These four nations speak the same language, differing from the Cuchan, and Pablo
says he can understand none of them, except the Mah-haros. They are, notwithstanding,
firm friends and allies of the Cuchai .'ways assisting them when at war with their
perpetual enemies, the Maricopas. ±n hese wars, captives are made slaves, and are
for ever degraded. The mother will not own her son after such a misfortune has once
befallen him.

At the mouth of the Colorado, aljout eighty miles IjoIow the junction of the Gila, is
the tribe called '■ Co-co-pah." According to the previous definition, these also must be
Yumas ; but they are enemies of the Cuchans, and no intercourse exists between them.
The Gila Indians call it but three da} s' journey to the country of the Co-co-pahs, and
yet tliey seem to know them less, and fear them more, than any other Indians.

There are upon the desert west of the Colorado two tribes of Indians, called
Cah-wec-os, and Co-nio-yah or Co-mo-yei. Tiie Co-mo-yahs occupy the banks of the
New River, near the Salt Lake, and the Cah-wec-os live farther north, ujwn the head-
waters of the same stream. Pablo himself is a Co-nio-yah ; he was born upon the
banks of New River (" Hah-withl-high") of the desert, emigrated hither twenty-five
years ago, and when I arrived he was Captain General of the Cuchan tribe. Several
Co-mo-yahs are here, and they can generally Ije distinguished fiom the Cuchans by an
oval contour of the face.

Pablo says that New River was formerly a running stream ; that it rose north of the
country of the Cah-wee-os, and flowed into the Colorado one day's journey below the
lower crossing of the village of Captain Santiago: but, for some twenty or t''"rty years,
the wat/'r in it was merely in pools, until the past season, Avhen abundant rains restored
its former dimensions, and again water flowed from the salt lakes to the Colorado.

One month lias now elapsed since my arrival at this place, and I have spent all my
leisure moments in studying the character of the Indians. I have visited their
ranchos, and have daily admitted tliem freely into my ti'iit. Upon the table are
always many little things curious and valuable to them, and men, women, and

\ ill 1^'

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

117

VtA

children, arc permitted to examine and pass them from hand to hand without being
watched, and never, to my knowledge, have I lost the value of a penny. With men
shrewd as are the Cuchans, this might result from policy; but if thieving were
tolerated among them, it seems strange that children should not be tempted by the
many curious things they hau„.'ed to recur to the habit.

Sunday, Xov. ISl/i. — The day was exceedingly pleasant, like our Indian summer.
Thermometer, at three o'clock P. M ., 82°. For a long time, I have endeavored to
a.scertain what were the superstitions of the Cuchans ; what was their substitute for
religion ; what their modes and oljjects of worship. All the reply I could get from
Tomaso, and other Indians who glory in the name of Christians, was " EUos-saben-
nadiiruada," (They know nothing at all ;) and when I made them interpret for me,
with the pure Yumas that knew no Spanish, the reply was still " nada." " The Yumas
had no god, they worshipped nothing, and went no where after death." At length, a
woman appeared with a brass medal bearing the image of the Virgin Mary, wlieu
some one knelt to it with clasped hands ; all looked on in silence and apparent awe,
and afterwards expressed their approbation by saying " ah-hote-kah" (good).

To-day, chief Anastasio took up a French prayer-book, and listened evidently with
reverence at hearing it read. lie then made a long dissertation in his own language,
of which I understood little, except that after death the body of a Yuma is buried, and
his ashes ascend to heaven ; that he himself had a good heart, and hence was worth
any Christian.

Thursday, Xoc. 22(1. — The rising sun dispelled the clouds and brought a charming
day. At 12 M., the barometer, by a sudden fall of about an half inch, indicated the
approach of one of our periodical storms, which soon swept over us. The wind, as is
usual at such times, nearly precipitated our tents from the cliff into the river Inflow.
However, at sunset the wind moderated, the moon ])eeped from the clouds, and we
obtained good lunar observations,

Friday, Xar. 2mI — Having been employed so steadily in observing at night, and
computing all day, my health begins to suffer, and last nigiit I was too nervous to
sleep; hence the wail of the poor dog, that nightly howls the requiem of liia
drowned master, seemed morc sad to me tiian ever. When Captain Thorne was lost
in the Colorado some weeks since, a Mexican l)oy shared the same fate. He left a
faithful dog, wlio has declined the alluring invitations of emigrants and soldiers,
preferring rather to lick the gi-oiuid his nuister last trod, than accept the daintiest fare
from a stranger's hand.

Saturday, Z)ec'. ht, 1849. — Having determined, witii all the accuracy which two
months' time could admit, the latitude (;52°.4:]'..'U". (i. N.) and longitude (lll°.3;i'.
04". W. of Greenwich) of the monument near the junction of the Rio Gila witii (lie
Colorado, and from thence measured 8o°.;54'.10". 2 W. of S., the azinmth of the
line of iwundary leadi: .• to the Pacific Ocean; and also having settled with the

'«.;

118

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

Mexican commission, which arrived yesterday, all questions relating to the boundary
at this point, from which any difficulty could be apprehended, we left the Mexican
gentlemen in charge of our fixtures, and turned towards San Diego.

Of late my time has been so much occupied with professional pui-suits, that I have
had less intercourse with the Indians than formerly, but my opinions of them are
little changed from those previously expressed. I will merely add, that to this day,
among the Yumas, I have never seen anger expressed by word or action, or known
one of their women to be harshly treated. They are sprightly, full of life, of gaiety
and good humour.

I will add a vocabulary of the Yuma (or rather Cuchan) language. Great pains
have been taken to render it correct. We endeavored, and some of us succeeded to a
certain extent, to con\ersc with the Indians in their native tongue.

In the words of the vocabulary the sounds of the vowels are as follows, viz :

a, like ah.

e, as in mc, and e, as in met, and h like a in fate.

i, as in pine, and I, as in pin.

o, as in note, and 6, as in not.

u, as in flute.

The syllable over which the accent is placed should be very strongly pronounced.

The language of the Yumas seems wanting in none of the sounds we have in
English, and they pronounce, with great ease and distinctness, any English or Spanish
word which they hear spoken.

VOCABULARY OF ABOUT TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY
WORDS iN YUMA AND ENGLISH.

YiiDia (Cuchan.) EukUhIi.

i-patch (oi) (J-pah inau.

8CCD-}'ack woman.

o-sliurcbe, or o-so* wife.

n'a-v^rc husband.

L^r-uial* boy,

me-str-b(ii* girl.

huil-pit infant.

lotli-uio-cul fatbcr.

n'taiu* motbcr.

niet-v-pdic'*' Indian.

e-cout-such-O-rutV-o bead.

oom-wbeltbo* bead.

<M!6u-o* bair.

Yuma (Cuchau.) Englivh.

c-etebc bair.

enlutcbe fuce

ec-yA* t'.tce.

0fc-yuK!al6cjue* forebead.

Hmytb'I (or) esiin-ilc car.

ho-iu4ic* son.

m'-chaic* daugliter.

Bocbe* brother.

am yfick* sister.

B-tuc-8i'ib-o, or oc-a-tuc-HUche chin.

o-pulche, or oo-p«ilche tongue.

are-di5ciie teeth.

yab-bo-iueh beard.

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

119

Yuma (Cuchan.) English.

n'3'etb'l neck.

ce'-8cth'l (or) e-seel arm.

ce-\r(!e slioulder.

cc-ealcho hand.

co-salclio a^rap fingers.

ce-salche-calla-botohe finger-nails.

ee-nii'it«;ho body.

ta-wa-wiim* b<xly.

inee-sith'l big.

^vmetob-slip-a-slap-yab foot.

6-inetcli scrap toes.

e-mce-oas-sas* toes.

a-tan* back.

a-pcc-arpe* bat.

ce-6ie* bcart.

a-w'but* blood.

be-paitb-la'-o* town-village.

ce-pa'b-ban ricb man.

co-hdte chief.

i>-dotcbo-6o eye.

ce-yu-suno-yd-o* eye.

ii-bdtebe (or) ee-bcSs nose.

ce-yu-qua-6fe* nioutb.

n'yec-pab-ey-.sah-bo arrow of wood.

a-ta-ciirte* hatcbet.

nV'-nia-ro* knife.

^-cal-b(ir* canoe.

ba-witb'l, or ba-wdel river.

ho-wccl-cba-wboot Rio Colorado.

ba-qua-si-oel Rjo Gila.

n'hum-an-6cbo sboes.

a^rbe tobacco.

nra-ni"' sky-heaven.

n'yattb sun.

t'l-rup wliLskey.

li;ith'I-ya (or) hull-yi^r moon.

klu,n-wa-taio (or) ImtKibar star.

no-ma-sup (J.^y.

n'yc-as-cup night.

ii'yat-a-so-arpe midnight.

mc't-n'-yiini ligbt.

n'yat-col-sC-o darkness.

esta-no-sup morning.

n'yat-an-naie evening.

buo-n'a-pin noon.

"o^'ic spring.

o-mo-ca-ehe-pile summer.

Yuma (Cuchan.) EnglUh.

ha-ti-ol autumn.

con-niee* warrior.

hon-o-wai* parents.

n'yet'l* friend.

matro-bab<5e-6* compadre.

n'ye-valyay bouse.

een-ou-wa* bouse.

ecn-ou-niiit* hut.

ar-tim* bow.

o-tees-a bfiw.

n'yc-piVh arrow.

n'yee-pah-tdb arrow of reed.

sho-kine ice.

o-mut bind.

a-ha-tblou-o sea.

ha-sba-cut lake.

ha-mut-ma-tiirre valley.

wee-fiua-taie (or) ba-beo bill or mountain.

ha-mut-raa-tarre quel marm island.

o-wee stone.

e'-sith'l salt.

n'ycr-ma-ro iron.

e'-cesh tree.

e-ee or e-cetcb .' wood.

ee-atcb-a-berrbccrrch leaf.

ta-soii-o meat.

huts horse.

lioo-w<;e dog.

n'ya-pin winter.

mit-bar wind.

mit-har-c'o-no thunder.

n'yiv-col-see lightning.

way-mah-coutcbe breceh-cloth.

mu-b(e rain.

ha-lilp snow.

n'awo-crfpo bail.

d-d-w6 fire.

a-ha , water.

n'yat I.

manto tbou.

ba-britzk ho.

co-bar-ro (or) cobarque no.

ah-fih (or) oh yes.

epallquo much.

lueel-yoh to-day.

tcn-igh yesterday.

qnal-n-yoquc to-morrow.

120

niYSICAL GEOGRAniY.

M'^^'

'i'*)^^

]

Vumn (Cuchun.)

Bin (or) asii'Utio

ha-niuk (or) ha-vick

lia-niook

cha-p<tp

Bc-mp

huiu-linok

puth-cnyc

L'hip-liook

Iium.ha-inouk

sah-hook

a-licr-iiiah ,

(''s-patch

sor-tiu'h

sab-with'l

a-cliee

liaur-arlk

fiuin-cle (or) n'yiilk

n-olia-whut

lia-woo-surchc ....

at-so-woo-surcbe

a-qiu'cque

o-tair|Ui>

o-n()e-6rj lie

a li6*';-kali (or) a-liotk

lia loolk

c-liauo (or) o-hrm-ac

co-pall

Inits-uclc

op-colk

<HU'-iliqfie (koriloek) or n'yuc-a-yuc .

a-woo-noorch

n-woo-s6rclic, or n'you-a-nik'k

alKite'k

a-ah-ochc ...

n'yo-piko

as-a-o (or) atcli-a-m;Vm

n-SL>o (or) ha-siie

ro-nii

n-licae (or) cheo-ninfl

>t- 11118

n yats-lipr-sailk

ateli-ar-scc-vii) ' i.

a-acc-niah

a-cc-p6re

(jucr-quAr, (or) akh ali-qucrck

Kngllsh.

one.

two.

tliree.

four.

fi\'e.

sis.

seven.

eight.

nine.

ten.'

bird.

eagle.

eagles' feathers.

feutiiers.

fish.

white.

black.

red.

Hue.

green (same as
blueO

yellow.

, great.

, small.

, good.

, bad.

, handsome.

• ugly-

, cold.

, warm.

, to come.

, to desire.

, very bad.

. good.

. a light.

, I have none.

, to cat.

, to drink.

. to run.

. to dance.

. to wash.

. I wi.sh.

. to sing.

. to sleep.

. to be sleepy.

. -to speak.

Yumn (Cuelmn.)

0-dok

a-moo-hun

au-ou-oiic

au-uiic

a-botlck

n'ycc-moom (or) aUco-bdr-quie .

mauiirke

ac-cotirt

ac-court-n'ya-mooma . .

a-ho-mak (or) marrico-tah

-1

fiui-yay-vay-may-deek

yam-a-barquo ?

mc-cham-pau-cc-ka

cc-yah (ce-yaht.'i, plural) ■!

ho-wo-ddwk

cs-m<''-deek

(i-pailque-n'ya-mdok

ehi-nict-a-quis

ehe-mct-a-han

ch6-met-ou-ya <

ehe-met-toh j

nee-ca-cbain

as-ce-puo

ac-corquc

a-b(Ue'k-a-hau-ac

b.a-lulk-a-hau-ac

ehiui-^n-yuch

c'yoem-cot-a-bar-bah

ba-bec-co-hd

ha-bce-co-aK;his

ha-beo-to-ciio

ha-be-co-U

que-you-so-win-a and ha-bee-quou- )

yeera J

At-co-ben-fiui6-n 'yc-val-yay-yce- ")

mooni J

niel-ec-k(!ot-iV

n'yc-moom

e-eesso ]

mc-tuc-a-dcck

Bcen-yac-n'yc-hau-ao . . ,

■•{

Engllnb.

to see.

to love.

to kill.

to sit.

to stand.

to go.

paper.

shortly.

I go shortly.

beans, (small)
with black
spots.

how do you do ?

who comes there?

I am hungry.

mezquitc long-
bean.

you have some.

who knows.

very great.

musk-melon.

good melon.

water-melon,
(zandia.)

water melon or
zuudia.

cigar.

to smoke.

far off.

very good.

very bad.

scissors.

river's bank.

Kmory's bill.

Pyramid hill.

capital dome hill.

I'ilot knob.

Pilot range.

lam going home.

chimney rock.

I am going.

mezquitc screw-
bean.

lam /joingabovo.

the woman is
baudsomo.

In counting above ten tliey have no now terms, but combinations of the decade are used.

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

121

at-co-bcrquie-n 'ya-ral-yay-me-moom-
ak-bote'k

{"l

Tuma (Cachan.) EnglLili.

ce-pih-n'''i-a-iii^o the man is ugly.

is well that
I am going
home,
n'ya-hap California.

n'y&-hap-m^ye-moom | ^ ^™,if^°j,"^ *"

cobarrque he is not here.

mas-tam-h($re devil.

coo-coo-mdh-at God.

en-carque give me.

o-oobe-<'ncarque give me tobacco.

sa-cool beads.

roezqueeno stingy.

Tuma (Cuchan.) EnglUh.

marikiue (mareck) white beans.

t^r.ditch maize.

no-py-am ? have you none ?

n'yo-pcke I have none.

HeMoh Mexicans.

Pain-gotc-sah Americans.

ac-o-tdie

pook ,

beads made of
small pieces of
sea-shells with
holes in centre
and strung

que-diquo (ker-d^k) come here.

$&" The words marked with an asterisk (*) were learned from Pablo ; some of them were found to be of his
native tongue, Comoyei, and probably nearly all are. Those not marked have been tested by a reference to the
native Cuchans. The phrases given were in daily use among us, and were well understood to convey the mean-
ing given.

Pt. TI. — 1G

i •'!

:fH:

V. TRIBAL ORGANIZATION, HISTORY,
AND GOVERNMENT. B.

(128)

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION, HISTORY,
AND GOVERNMENT.

SYNOPSIS.

1. The Naiini or Comanches of Texas. (One Plate.)

2. Oral Traditions respecting the History of the Ojibwa Nation. (Two Plates.)

3. Contributions to the History, Customs, anil Opinions of the Dacota Tribes. (Six Plates.)

1. THE NA-iJ-NI, OR COMANCHES OF TEXAS; THEIR
TRAITS AND BELIEFS, AND THEIR DIVISIONS AND
INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS.

i'l

BY ROBERT S. NEIGHBORS, ESQ.

Sir:

I HAVE given the subject-matters contained in your book of inquiries
respecting the several tribes of Indians of the United States, as much attention as
circumstances would admit, and have the honor to enclose for your consideration, this
sketch of the Comanches, which was obtained from the best sources of information
we have in regard to them.

Owing to the difficulty in finding time to give this subject the attention it requires,
this sketch is very imperfect, but in the general questions answered, I have obtained
all the information I could get.

Our intercourse with this tribe is .so limited, and they have so little confidence as
yet in the whites, together with the great difficidty in finding interpreters who fully
understand their language, has rendered it impossible for me to obtain more
information on the subjects referred to, than this slight sketch. I have had no leisure

(l-'5)

^^,^

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.0

I.I

>tt lii |22
Z Uo 12.0

Iffl^^B

1 — IIIIIM ^

►

Fhobgraidiic

Sdences

Corporatton

23 WBT MAIN STMIT

WnSTH.N.Y. 14SM

(716) •72-4503

■<l J!

Nil

126

TRIBAL OllGANIZATION,

to o1)tain information from any trilw but the Comanches, l>ut would respectfully refer
the Commissioner to a coinmunication of the lion. David G. Burnet,' to the Com-
missioner of Indian afTaii-s, which is a very jK^-fect sketch of the condition of the small
tribes of Texas Indians.

I liave the honor to he Ik",

Very ivs|Kvtfully, your oltedient Servant,

Houkht S. NKiriiinous, Hjienul Agent.

The Comanches know nothing positively of tiieir origin, and their traditions on this
point are very vague and unsatisfactory. They iK'lieve they have always lived near
the .same country they now occupy, and they know of hut one migration of tlieir tribes;
this took place many ycai"s since, when they travelled from the west, and met with
what they term the '■Mountain Spaniaiils" in the mountains of New Mexico. They
lived with tiiem nuiny years, and intermarried with each otiier. The first chief they
recollect was named *' Ish-shu-ku," (Wolf-hou.>'e) ; he was a groat and wise chief. At
the time he lived, they still resided in Mexico. Fiwn thence they visited the prairies
for the purjiose of hunting, and intennarried with the other tril)es inhabiting tiiose
i-egions. These were the Wncos. Tah-wac-car-ros. Toriuash. and branches of the
Pawnee tnl)es.

They call themselves " Na-iini," which signifies — first alive, or live people. The}-
are called Comanche by the Mexicans, Nar-ii-tah, by tiie Wacos, Tah-wac-car-ros, &c.,
Par-to(vku by the Osages, and Sow-a-to by the Catldoes. When they came from the
west, there were no people living on the lands they now occupy. The first white
people they saw were on the west side of the Kio Grande or Del Norte. They lived
there at tiiat time, and nn\de a treaty with tlie white traders that they met. The first
guns they ever saw they got fi"om tiie Spaniards; they were common shot-guns. The
first ritle. they saw with American traders. Tiie first cloth or dry goods was bought
from the French " many years since." They had never heard of it until that time.
They got the first tobacco from the Wacos, who raised it themselves ; but they are
ignorant at what time this took place. Afterwanls, they Itought from the French who
traded them, the cloth, &c.

They have an imperfect tradition that another race of people inhabited this coimtry
before them, and that there was a great flood of waters which covered the whole earth,
and that the inhabitants, who they suppose were white and civilized, were metamor-
phosed into " white bii-ds" and flew away ; by which means they saved themselves
from being destroyed. After this, they believe the Great Spirit made the Comanches
on this continent.

They have never heard of any animals except those which are generally known in
this region ; neither are they aware of anything connected with crossing the large

' Vide PBrt I., p. 229.

•^

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

127

waters. The first war they recollect was with the Lipnns, a branch of the Apaches.
They believe in and venerate several deities. They worship one Supreme Being, who
they think inhabits a country above the sun. The Sun, Moon, and Earth are their
principal objects of worship — the Sun, as the primary cause of all living things ; the
Moon as the God of night, and the Earth as our common mother.

They believe that the will of the Great Spirit is supreme ; that he dispenses good
and evil at his will, also life and death. They think if they lie to the Great Spirit, he
will cause them to die ; and many other punishments are inflicted if they displease
him. All their success in war or hunting is derived from Him whom they worship :
it is called "making medicine."

They use many charms, and are very superstitious. All charms are supposed to be
derived from the Great Spirit, which they buy from their " medicine men." They
offer Him many sacrifices. The first puff of smoke is offered to the Supreme, the
second to the Sun, the third to the Earth, and after these, to whatever they venerate.
The first morsel of what they intend to eat is presented to the Great Spirit, and then
buried in the ground. All their implements of war are made by, or undergo charms
from, their priests or magicians, who practise charms for the purpose. Their shields
are made in imitation of the sun, and before going to war they are stuck upon their
lances, facing the rising sun ; and no i^Mii'son is permitted to handle or touch them
except their ownei-s. They believe that they were made by a secondary spirit, who
was sent down to the earth by the Supreme. When he first made them, they were
imperfect. The spirit returned to the Supreme, and told what he had made. He was
then directed to return and complete his work by giving the beings he had created
sense, and instruct them how to live. He taught them how to mckc bows and
arrows, and gave them horses, &c. &c.

They have no name for the country they inhabit, or for the whole continent. They
know of no great changes in their tribe, but they have increased greatly in numbers
since they left Mexico, by their connexion with other small prairie bands, and the
numerous captives taken in their wars — principally from Mexico.

They are at present divided into eight distinct bands, each ruled by their own
chiefs, and appear to have a strong connecting link in the similarity of habits and
language, and frequently they unite in war or council ; occasionally one band is at war
with a nation, and the others at peace. The eight divisions of the tribe are classed
and named by themselves as follows :

Ist. Ho-is, or Timber people, because they live in a timbered country. They are
also called " Pine-takers" or honey-eaters, being fond of honey.

2d. " No-ko-nies," because they always live and travel in a cirele ; their country
that they claim being cireular.

8d. " Teu-a-wish," or Liver-eaten, because they eat the liver of all game they kill
in its raw state.

■#i

^■1

128

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

4th. " No-nnrum," because they live in the high prairie where there is no timber or
running water, and never leave that kind of country.

5th. " It<:hit-a-bud-ah." Cold people, or the northern band, because they live in a
cold country.

6th. " Hai-ne-na-une," or Corn-eaters, being fond of com.

7th. " Koo-che-ta-kers," or Buffalo-caters.

8th. " Par-kee-narum," or Water-people ; because they always camp as near the
waters of lakes or creeks as they can get.

A large number of them speak Spanish imperfectly, and some few understand a
little English. All their business is transacted in their own language, for which an
interpreter is sufficient. There are at the present time very few pure-blooded Coman-
ches, having intermarried as previously stated. They have not changed their location
since their emigration, and tlieir territory in Texas has diminished by the continued
encroachments of the whites. The principal chiefs that are known are " Pa-ha-yu-ca,"
or one who ha.s connexion with his uncle's wife; " Mo-po-cho-co-pie," or Old owl;
" Pochan-arquarhiep," or Bull-hump, commonly known as Buffalo-hump ; " Santa Anna;"
" Sali-vi-artee," or Small Wolf; " Tuna-cio-quasha," or Bear's Tail ; " Moora-ke-toph,"
or Mule-dung — Hois chiefs — " Po-hu-ca-wa-kit," or Medicine-hunter; " O-harWOrkit,"
or Yellow-hunter, Ten-a-wish chiefs ; " Chip-es-se-ah," or Growing-chief, Koo-chi-ta-ku ;
"Oho-is," or Naked-head, No-ko-nie. They assume the pre-eminence of all prairie
Indians ; but this is only allowed by the small tribes, who live on the borders of their
country. Tlioy have no proof, by monuments, &c., of any other race having existed
where they at present live, previous to themselves ; and the few traditions preserved
by the old men are very imperfect. They believe that the earth is a plain or flat
surface.

The principal rivers in their country are the head-waters of the Brazos, Colorado,
and Red Rivers ; all emptying into the Gulf of Mexico. There are no lakes known,
but there are large spiings, affording great water-power on the heads of the principal
rivers. The surface of the country is generally hilly, which is sterile ; but there are
many beautiful valleys, abounding in vegetation, and susceptible of the highest culti-
vation. Wotnl is scarce, but a sufficiency for future settlers. The prairies are covered
with a species of grass, called, by the whites and Mexicans, " musquite," which is
highly nutritious.

The constant firing of the prairies checks the increase of timber, and visibly impo-
verishes the soil. There are no marshes or swamps of any extent in the country, and
the only obstacle to roads is the rocks, through which passes can be found with little
difficulty. No volcanic eruptions exist at the present time, and no signs of any at a
former period, as far as ha« yet been discovered.

The climate is usually very dry. The heat of the weather varies greatly ; changing
with a rapidity unknown in any other latitude, the thermometer frequently descending

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

129

from 05° to 45° in tlio space of a few niiniites. Tliis is in consoqiu'nco of ii wind
BUtldenly iiriMinjr, termed, \ty the Texians, " Xortliers." Tlio sontli and .southwest
winds ftenerally pixnail. Tiie (ioiintry i.s sultject toseveixi tlinnder-stonns, accompanied
by violent rains, whicli (ill tlic stri'ams to overflowing. Tliere are several valiialde
salt springs, from wliicli salt can Ik; easily maiuifactnred. Tliere aix' evidences of
stone-coal and many vahmble mineral pr(Mlnctit)ns, lint hitherto, the country Ix'ing
dangi'rons of access, no white person is acquainted with the exact localities or the
probable richness of the mines. Some silver and lead mines, snp{)o.si>d to be
exceedingly valuable, have lately Ixvn discovered. There are no Indian traditions or
evidences of larger animals having previously lived in the world. Their old men are
ignorant, except from their imiH'rfect traditions, of everything that transpired previous
to their own generation. They cannot recollect how long since they used utensils of
stone, or, if they ever did, what was their sha|H' or use. There are none remaining
among them at present. They iK'lievc the earth is stationary, and that the stars are
inhabited, but have no idea of their movements. When an eclip.se occurs, they
suppose that some planet has intervened Ix-tween the earth and the sun. They have
no computation of time beyond the seasons. They coimt them by the rising height of
the grass, the falling of the leaves, and the cold and hot season. They very seldom
count by new nuKms. One sun is one day, and they denote the time of day by
pointing to the |)osition the sun has attained in the heavens.

They Ixlieve the Indian Paradise to be beyond the sun, where the Great Spirit sita
and rules.

Ninncnifion. — They count by decimals, from one to one thousand, as I am informed
by the principal ('hiefs, but they now frequently count by the Caddo mode — from one
to ten, and by tens to one hundred, &c.

Pt. II

COXANCUE NU.MEnATION.

One Si>m-mus.

Two Wa-ha.

Three Pa-hu.

Four Ila-yar-ooli-wtt.

Five Mo-warka.

Six ...... Nah-wa.

Seven Tah-a-cho-te.

Kight Nah-wa-wa-tdio-te.

Nine . . . . . , Sem-mo-man-ce.

Ten Shur-num.

Eleven Shuin-me-ma-to-e-cut.

Twelve Warho-ta-ma-to-e-cut.

Thirteen Tiv-hu-ma-to-e-cut.

— 17

180

TRIBAL OIIUANIZATION,

\'\\

Fourtoen .
Fifteen
Sixteen .
Seventeen
Eigltteon .
Nineteen
Twenty .
Tliirty

Iln-yiir-ook-wa-niarto-e-cut.
Moo- w link nrina-t(M;-cu t.
Nah-wa-nio-to-e-out.
Tali-ii-eli()-te-nm-to-e-cut.
Nah-wnrwii-elio-te-nia-t(HMMit.
Suu-nio-w nsh-t a-ma-to-e-cut.
Warliiirmarniu-nia-tcMMJUt.
Pa-ha-ma-mn, &c.

They have no accounts ; all their business transactions are simple trade and barter.
They are ignorant of the elements of figures; even of a i)erix'udicular stroke for 1,
11, &c. They make no gmve-iH)st8 or monuments indicating the rank of a deceased
jHirson. There is little known of their medicines. So far as has been discovered, they
aiv confined to simple roots and hcibs. They trust more to incantations made by the
medicine-men. who also l)leed in fevew by scarification on the part afl'ected, and not in
the veins. Their principal treatment in di.seases is starvation. They do not understand
amputation, but bind up a broken limb with splints. Their litters for conveying the
wounded or sick are comiM)sed of simply two poles, with skins stretched across them,
and long enough to Ije suppcjrted by a horse in I'ront and rear.

The ix)sition of a chief is not hereditary, but the result of his own sujierior cunning,
knowledge, or success in war, or some act or acts that rank him according to his merits.
The subjects mider discussion in council are at all times open to popular opinion, and
the chiefs are the main exponents of it. The democratic principle is stnnigly implanted
in them. They considt, principally, the warrior class, and the weaker minds are
wholly inlhienccd by popular oi)inion. Pkch man endeavors to obtain as high a
])osition a.s their merits allow. War chiefs commit hostilities without consulting the
other tribes. Any pi-oixjsiticm or treaties proposed by the whites are (li.»<cu.'<sed privately,
and the answer given by the chief as the unanimous voice of the tribe. In deliljcrar
tions in coinicil, they consult each other, and one addresses the meeting. The council
is ojiened by passing the council pii)e from one to the t)ther, and invoking the Deity to
pre-side. It is conducted with great prepriety, and cbwcd in the same manner. There
is one appointed as crier or messenger, whose duty it is to fill the ])ipe, &c. Questions,
especially of imiwrtance, are deliberately considered, and considerable time frequently
elapses Iwfore they are answered ; but they are all decided on the principle of apparent
unanimity. Capital punishments are rare; each party acting generally for hinuself,
and avenging his own injuries. Each chief is ranked acconling to his popularity, and
his rank is maintained on the same principle.

He is deprived of his ofllce by any mislbrtune, such as loss of many men in battle,
or even a signal defeat, or being taken prisoner, but never for any private act uncon-
nected with the welfare of the whole trilje. They have no medals except those lately

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

131

given them, wliieh are worn more as symbols of iK*ace than as marks of distinction
among themselves. Eaeh tril)e has no definite numlxr of chiefs, every one being
ranked according to his followers. The i»riesthood appear to exercise no influence in
their general government, but, on war being declared, they exert their intluencu with
the Deity. The females have no voiin- or even influence in their councils. Any
principal chief has a right to call a general council of his own trilx', and a council of
all the trilHJS is called by the separate chiefs of each tribe. They acknowledge no
legal summons from the whites to council on any subject, except it coincides with their
own views; and always inquire into the subject of consultation Ix'fore attending.

There are no sulxlivisions of land acknowledged in their territory, and no ex(!lusivo
right of game. lie who kills the game retains the skin, and the meat is divided
according to the necessity of the party, always without contention, as each individual
shares his footl with every memlx'r of the tribe, or with strangers who visit them. No
dispute ever arises Ixjtween tribes with regard to their hunting grounds, the whole
Ijeing held in commtm.

The intercourse laws of the United States Indians, never having been extended
over tiiose in the state of Texas, no conclusions can Ix; drawn fnnn their cflect.
Negotiations can be carried (m with Ix'tter results in their own cotnitry than at the
scat of govenunent, as absent chiefs do not place much reliance in what they are told
by others, but at the same time, an actual intercoui'se with tlie head of the government
gives the tribe a decidedly Ix'tter view of its character and influence. The principal
chiefs have shown every disix)sition to advance in civilization, and only require the
co-operation of the Americans, to influence their followers in the same course.

No individual action is consideretl as a crime, but every man acts for himself
according to his own judgment, unless some superior power, for instance, that of a
popular chief, shoidd exercise authority over him. They believe that when they were
created, the Great Spirit gave them the privilege of a free and unconstrained use of
their individual faculties. They do not worship any Evil Spirit, and are not aware
of its existence, attril)utiiig every thing to arise fix)m the Great Spirit, whether of good
or evil. They use fire in all their religious observances and dances, or Medicine-
making, but I am unacquainted with the estimatitm in which it is held.

They Ixdieve in the immortality of the soul, in their happy hunting-grounds, but
have no definite idea of its transit from this life to another, or in what manner they
will i-e-appear hereafter. The ties of consanguity are very strong, not only with
regard to their blixMl relations, but extends itself to relations by marriage, &c., who are
considered as, and generally called " brothers " — all ofl'ences committed against any
memlx.>r, are avenged by all, or any memlxT connected with the family. In this
nation a hunter will generally sujjply a sufficiency of fcxxl and clothing for a family.
The marriage state only continues during the pleasure of the parties, as a man claims
the right to divorce himself whenever lie chooses. Polygamy is practised to a great

^s^saii^iiMt

189

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

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extent — some chiefs having more than ten wives, but inconstancy is the natural
result of it, which is frequently punished by cutting off the nose of the transgressor,
and sometimes even by death ; but more frequently the woman escapes unpunished,
and the seducer is deprived of all his available projwrty, which is yielded to the
injured partv, by custom, without resistance. The women jierform all manual labour,
war and hunting being all the occupation of the men. Jealousy is fixHiuently a great
cause of discord, but tlie husband exercises unbounded authority over the person of his
wife. Their lodges are generally neat, and on the entrance of a stranger, the owner
of a lotlge designates the i-oute he shall pass, and the seat he shall occupy. Any
infringement of this rule is liable to give offence.

They are formal and suspicious to strangers, but hospitable and social to those they
consider their friends. They have no regular meals, but eat when they feel hungry,
each party helping himself, and joining in the meal without invitation or ceremony.
The parents exercise full control in giving their daughtei-s in marriage, they being
generally purchased at a stipulated price by their suitors. There is no marriage
ceremony of any description — they enter the marriage state at a very early age,
frequently before the age of puberty. The children are named from some circumstance
in tender years, which is fivquently changed in after life by some act of greater
imixjrtance. Whatever chililren are stolen from their enemies, are incorporated in the
family to whom they belong, and treated as their own children, without distinction of
color or nation. There is considerable respect shown by the younger branches of the
community to iue patriarchal chiefs of the tril)e.

When they make a sacred })ledge or promise, they call ui)on the givat spirit as their
father, and the earth as their mother, to testify to the truth of their asseverations.
Their talk in council is short, and their oratorical powere consideix'd of little value ;
but good judgment is held in high estimation. The childix'n arc practised at a very
early age to the use of the l)0\v and arrow, but the chiefs and principal braves are now
accustomed to the use of the shot-gun and rille, without disjwnsing with the bow and
arrow, which are always carried rind used in war. When a chieftain wishes to go to
war, he declares his intentions, and the preliminaries are discussed at a war-dance.
When the affair is agreed uiron, a certain place is designated near the {Mint of action,
where to congregate at a specified time, to which place the chiefs repair, the warriors
proceeding separately in small bands by various routes, in onler, if discovered, to
deceive the enemy as to the point of attack, and to procure subsistence, each party
living on the produce of the chase ; no provisions being carried for public use. They
fight on horseback with whatever arms they can procure ; but their principal reliance
is on the bow and arrow.

They are the most expert riders in the world. Men are never taken prisoners by
them in battle, but killed and scalped in all cases. The women are sometimes made
prisoners, in which case their chastity is uniformly not respected.

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HISTORY, AND OOVEIINMENT.

133

They have dnncos of viirious dosoriptioiiM, iiIwnyH cliiiriicti'iistii' of tlio swl>joft.
Fi'inulo.x aiv fit'<jut'iitly iidinitU'd to the dance, hut tliewe daiicoH aiv entirely dintinet
fnun tliose of the men. Tliey liave contests in racinjr, and several >.'aiues of chance.
Their principal jranie is tlie .same as all tlie northern hantis, called " l)nllet," " hutton."
&c., which consists in changing a hnllet rapidly from one hand to the other, accompanied
hy a song to which they keep time with the motion of their arms, and the op|N)site party,
guessing which hand it is in. Tlu'y sometimes stake all they jxis.se.ss on a single game.

When pressed hy hunger from scarcity of game, they subsist on their young horses
and mides. The lle.sh of the young wild-horse is consideivd a delicacy.

Their common dress is the l)R'ech-cloth and moccasins, with a hufl'alo roln' flinig
Icxwely over the shoiddei"s ; hut wmie have now la-gun to imitate the more civili/.ed
trilK's. They have a gtx'at variety of ornaments, numy of which are of pure silver,
principally fa.shioned into large hnnH-hes. Their decorations aix! derived fiiim birds
and shells which are bartered to them by the traders. The hawk and eagle feathers
ttiv the most esteemed of the bird. They use several native dyes, ])nMlnced from roots,
but I am ignorant of the names or the i)nK-e,ss of nuiiud'acture. Vermilion, indigo, and
venligris, ari' sold them by the tradei-s. They also paint with white and ivd clay on
particular cK'casions. They are of a light character, with a gay ca.st of nund, and
rather fervid temiK>rament. Fiimi observation I am induced to lu'lieve that their
minds aiv susceptible of a considerable tlegree of cultivation. Christianity has nevi'r
lK>en introduced anumg them. This tril)e is subject to many tresi)assers, not only from
the whites, but also fittm the neighl)oring trilx's of Indians, who hunt through i)ortions
of their country, destniying givat quantities of game.

The scarcity of fire-arms, and their incctmplete knowledge of that weai)on, renders
them iniecpial to c(»ntend with the fnnitier trilms, who have ttbtained e.\i)erience from
contact with the whites. Their burials aiv strictly private. AVhen a man dies, his
hoi"ses aiv generally killed and buried, and idl liis principal efl'eets biu'ut. The first to
carry him to his paradise, and the latter for his use on his arrival. They formerly
also killed their favorite wife, hut this custom has Iktm done away with, from
interconr.se with the nutre civili/ed Fudians.

The death of a chief can.ses givat tribulation to the trilx; — on such occasions they
a.ssemhle without distinction, and bewail his death with extreme lamentation, until
they receive from the relatives of the deceastnl, suflieient presents to cause them to
stop; for instance, if a man wants a favorite horse Udonging to the bmther of the
decea.sed, he continues crying till he obtains it. When they are killed in battle, it is
a cause of nuich greater lamentation than fi-om a natural death, and a much greater
number of nunirners Ix'wail the loss. The presents given hy relatives aro also
much more valuable. The deceased is packed ujuju a hoi-se as sotin as he expires, and
taken t© the highest hill in the neighlx)rho«wl, and buried privately, without any
monument to note the place, as far as has been discovered. The wives of the deceased,

134

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION, ETC.

I' k"' 111

after he is buried, assemble around the dead horses, with a knife in one hand, and
whet-stone in the other, and with great hunentations, cut their arms, legs, and body in
ga.shes, until they are exhausted by the loss of blood, and frequently commit suicide
from extreme grief on the occasion.

from the liberality with which they disjwse of their eflects on all occasions of the
kind, it would induce the belief that tliey acquire proiicrty merely for the yuriiose of
giving it to othere."

Plate 33 is an illustration of the mode of attack by the Comanches on the emigrants,
when crossing the western prairies, en route for Now Mexico, Utah, Oregon, and
California.

When tlie emigrants are suddenly attacked by these tril)os, (all of whom are
mounted) they drive their wagons together, forming a circle, with the heads of the
aninials towards the centre, and the fore-wheel of one wagon locking in with the hind-
Avheel of the next, thus forming a compact and strong enclosure, from which they are
enabled to defend tliemselves with eduiency and safety to themselves and animals.
If a growth of wood be near, the wagons are driven into it, and the wheels locked
against the trees, thus preventing the animals from running off with the wagons.
The attack is made without much order, but every effort is made to frighten the
animals, by whooping, hallooing, and wounding them with their arrows, so as to produce
as much confusion as i^ssible among the emigrants. Often the animals l)ecome so
furious, that thty break away from their teams, and are then captured by the Indians.

For their language, which is found to lie cognate with the Shoshonee group, refer-
ence is made to the article Language, No. IX. Tliis vt)cabulary is derived from Mr.
Neighlxturs.

Their numeral tenns, to thirty, have been given in the preceding pages.

II. R. S.

2. ORAL TRADITIONS RESPECTING THE HISTORY OF

THE OJIBWA NATION.

BY WILMAM H*. WARREN.

[The following traditions arc given, ns being entitled to the highest rospi'ct, hut
without cndoifing the opinions incidentally expre-s.sed, or the particular arehaH)logical
dates. Mr. Warivn is himself the descendant, by the maternal side, of one of the
most n'siK'ctable Indian families of the ancient capital of this nation, to which he
refers; and his sources of oral information are the best. He is a graduate, I think, of
Union Theological Seminary, N. Y., and is well ver.sed in the Djibwa language, as
well as with the traditions and manners and customs of this imj)ortant and far-stretch-
ing tribe of the Algonquin group. — II. R. S.]

The ancient history of the Ojibwas consists in oral traditions, which partake
mostly, if not altogether, of the marvellous and supermitural ; and the writer is not
prepared, at this early stage of his inquiries and studies, to give a decided opinion,
deduce<l fi-om these fabulous triulitions, of their origin and history prior to the landing
of the Pale-faces in America.

He is, however, collecting every tradition that p-^vtains to, or can throw any light
on this subject ; and he hojies, at some future da}-, to Im able to place the fniits of his
inquiries in abler hands, who are better qualified to handle the subject.

Through a close acquaintance with their religious rites and beliefs, I have formed
an opinion which I will offer at this time, leaving it to those who have studied the
Red Race, their rites and traditions, much more closely than myself, either to nyect or
more fully carry out the idea. The Ojibwa believes that his soul or shadow, after
the death of the hotly, follows a wide beaten path which leads toAvanls the west, and
that it goes to a country abounding in every thing that the Indian covets on earth —
game in abundance, dancing, and ivjoicing. The soul enters a long lodge, in which all
his relatives, for generations past, arc congregated, and they welcome him with gladness.
To ix^ach this land of joy and bliss, he crosses a deep and rapid water, &c. From this
universal belief I am led to think, that formerly, ages past, these Indians lived in a
land of plenty — "a land flowing with milk and honey" — towai-ds the west; that they
have, by coercion or otherwise, emigrated east, till the broad Atlantic arn'sted their
further progi-css, and the white man has turned the faces of trilx»s and i-emnants of

(18fl)

13G

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

tribes again in the direction whence they originally came. It is natnral that this
event in their ancient history should, in the course of ages, have merged into the
present belief of a Mcstern home of spirits.

It is believed by some eminent men and writers, that the Red Race of America aixj
the descendants of the lost tribes of Israel. I mention this belief here to say, that I
have noted much, iii the course of my inquiries, that would induce me to fall into the
same belief, besides the general reasons that are adduced to prove the fact. I have
noticed that in all their principal and oldest trailitions and lodge tales, twelve brothera
are sjwken of: they are the sons of Ge-tulMi, a name nearly similar to Jacob. The
oldest of these brothers is called Miijclictc'w, and the youngest Wa-jccg-e-wa-hon-ay,
named after his emit of fishor's skins, with which he resisted the machinations of evil
spirits. He was the Moved of his father and the Great Spirit ; the wisest and most
powerful of his twelve brothers.

Tlie tradition also in which originated the Ke-na-hiij-tcttsl; or snake-i-oot, which forms
one of the four main branches of the Me-da-win, is similar in character to the brazen
serpent of Mo.ses, that saved the lives of the unbelieving Israelites. In the Indian
tradition, the seqient is made to show to man a root, which saved the lives of a great
town, which was being depopulated by pestilence.

Not only in these instances is the similarity of the Ojibwa oral traditions, and the
written history of the Hebrews, evident and most striking. It is out of place herc, to
particularize further, as I consider this a subject deser\nng separate attention, and
closer investigation than ever it has received. Of late years the Ojibwas have been
progressing westward, and from their traditions, it is evident they had com-
menced it before the white man landed in America. They were probably driven
from the east by more powerful triljcs, till they made their final stand, above two
centuries and a half ago, on Lake Superior, and made their central town on an island
in the lake (Lapointe), where the}- were found by the first whites, who visited them in
tlie attitude of an encroaching and invading trilx?, surrounded on all sides by enemies,
whom they denominate Nodowaig, or Iroquois, Odugameeg, or Foxes, Alx)inug, or
Sicjux, and Omameeg.

They date with certainty their first acquaintance with the whites, eight generations
ago, and for a long time before this, they agree in stating that MoningAvunakaun
(Lajwinte) had formed their central seat and town. Many of the chiefs, and less
thinking old men, even affirm and believe, that this is the spot in which their ancestors
have lived since " the world was new." It is only by a study of their varied and
numerous fable-like traditions, that I can trace them as coming from an easterly
direction, prior to their residence on the island of Lapointe. From these traditions we
learn that they once were familiar with the great salt ocean — again, that they once
lived on a great river, — again, on a great lake, where they exterminated a powerful
tribe they call the Mundau ; at last we find them on Lake Superior, from which place

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HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

137

they have still pressed westward for the past two ccnturicr. till they occupy all the
country about tlie head-waters of the Mississippi ; and stand, one foot on the edge of
the vast western prairies, and the other in the dense forests of Eastern America.
(Plate 31.)

With the same progressive advance they have been making for two hundred years
pa.«t, it has taken this trilx; eiglit hundred years, fnnn the time they left the eastern
sea-board of the Atlantic, to assume their present local i)osition on this continent.
Tliis time and pix)gress, however, are only assumed, as they may have been driven west
to Lake Superior, with much more celerity than they have advanced, since our
acquaintance with them as a trilx\

In the inipiiries set on foot by the Indian Department of our Government, respecting
the history of the Indian tribi'S, facts only are sought ; for tliis reason we do not
introduce fabulous traditions that pertain to tlieir histor\-, but will connnence from the
time they relate events with any truth and certainty, and tliis is from the time they
first became acquainted with the white nu\n. For a long time prior to this event, the
Ojibwa branch of the Algoniiuin stock, of the aboriginal race of America, had been
living on Lake Superior; their principal town was on the island of Mo-ning-wun-a-
kan-ing, and covered a space of ground more than three miles in length, and two miles
wide, judging from the vestiges still plainly visible — especially to be seen in the small
growth of trees now covering tlio spot, compared to trees growing on other parts of the
island ; and also in deei)-l)eaten paths, that a few yeai-s since were still visible in
different parts of the island.

Besides the main body on the island, bands lived on different points of the lake
shore, at the bays of SlM(i-v'aum-e-1con(j, Kulc-e-tca-on-aiin, Ka-jmk-ica-e-kd, and other
places ; but it was in fear and trembling, for in those days the Ojibwas had many
enemies that sought to exterminate them.

They practised the arts of agriculture, and raised on the island large quantities of
corn and potatoes. They lived also by hunting. The main land opposite their village
abounded in moose, bear, elk, deer ; and the buffalo, in those days, ranged in herds
within half a da^'s journey from the lake shore. Every stream that flowed into the
lake al)ounded in beaver, otter, and muskrat. The waters of the lake also afforded
them fish of numy kinds. The trout, sisquoet, white fish, and sturgeon, which, in
spawning time, would fill their rivet's, where, making racks across the stream, they
would spear and hook up great quantities as the fish came down after spawning. They
made nets of cedar and basswood bark, and from the sinews of animals.

The ribs of the moose and buffalo made materials for their knives ; a stone tied to
the end of a stick, with which they broke sticks and branches, answered the purpose
of an axe ; the thigh-lHMie of a muskrat made their awls, clay their kettles, and bows
of wood, stone-headed arrows, and spear heads made of bone, formed their implements
of hunting and war.
1>T. 1I._18

188

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

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Fire was iniulc from the friction of two stirks. Their shirts and leggins were made
of finely dressed skins. Bhmkets of beuver-skins, eight of which sewed together
formed the robe of a man.

It is a fact worthy of reconl, that copjKM', though abounding in their country on the
lake shore, they never used or formed into implements for use. They considered it,
and still do, at the present day, in the light of a sacred article, and never used it but
OS ornaments to their medicine-bags.

If ancient tools have Ix'en found, and marks are discovered showing that cop|x*r was
worked on Lake Sui)erior ages ago, it is not at all probable, on this account, that the
race now living there were the workers of it.

At this era, there was maintained at Mi>-mng-icunHV-1caii-'niij, the central town and
power of tlie Ojibwas, a continual fire as a symliol of their nationality.' They main-
tained also a civil lM)lity, which, however, was much mixed up with their religious and
medicinal beliefs.

The totem of the Ah-dic-tca ' ruled over them, and Muk-wali, or Bear Totem, led
them to war.

The rites of the Me-da-tve-wln, or their mode of worshipping the one Great Spirit,
and the lesser spirits, that fill earth, sky, and water, was prsK'tised in those days in its
purest and most original fomis.

They say that a large wigwam was erected on the Island, which they called Me-da-
wig-wam, and in which all the holier rites of their religion were practised. Though
probably rude in its structure and build, and not lasting in its materials, yet it was
the temple t)f these primitive sons of the forest. And in their religious phraseology,
the island of their ancient temple is known to this day as Mc-da-w'uj-tcam, or Me-do-
we-lodge.

In tho.se days their native and prin>itive customs were in full force and rigidly
adhered to. Neither man nor woman ever passed the age of puberty without severe
and protracted fasts. Besides the one great and overruling spirit, each person sought
in dreams and fasts his particular guardian, or dream-spirit.

Many more iMjrsons are said to have lived the full temi of life allotted to mankind
than do at the present day.

When a person fell sick, a small-jjox lodge was immediately made, purposely for him,
and a medicine-man called to attend and cure. Only this jwrsonage had any
intercourse with the sick.

If a person died of a severe or violent disea.se, his clothing, the Itarks, and even the
poles that formed his lodge, were burned by fire. Thus did they of old guard against
pestilence ; and sickness appears to have been more rare than at the present day.

' This opinion agrees with a tradition mentioned in the Notes to Ontwa, an Indian poem, published about 1822.
' Ah-aw-wa, Mo-awh-wauk, and Mong, arc nearly synonymous, and mean the Loon, which is the totem of the
royal Ojibwa family.

>«

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

139

The old men all agree in saving that before the white man found and n\<sided among
them, there were fewer nuirilers, tliefts, and lying; more fear and devotion to the
Great Spirit; more obedience to their pairnts, re.si)ect for old age, and eha«tity in man
and woman, than exists among them now. The council of the Mi-ila-ice initiators
partook, and partakes still, of the spirit of the ten commandments, that was given to
the children hy the great Jthuvuh, amid the lightnings and thnnderings of Mount
Sinai.

In thase days the ties of blood were stronger among them. Tliere was more
good-will, hospitality, and charity, practised towards one anotlier; and the widow and
orphan were never allowed to live in poverty and want.

In the traditionary emigration of the tribe from the east, a portion of them moved
in the direction of the North of Lake Sujx'rior, and are now known as the Muskegoos
and Sinj-imHn-<Iiii)-uh-win4i)e-wug, or "Thick Wooilsmen." Other portions of the trilje
stopped at Sault Ste-Marie, which has also been one of the oldest towns they now
tell of

In the Straits of ^^ Mc-sJw-ni-mirk-uMitik-oiig,"' or "Great Turtle," they parted from
their relations, the Ottawa and I\Mla-waud-um-ee(j.^ Witli these two trilx-s, together
with the 0<li«h-(pi(uj-um-€e(j,^ or Algoncpiius, they to tliis day claim the closest
allinity.

The confederation of the six nations, whom they denominate Xod-o-waij-fic-wiKj,*
from Nod-o-icuji, " The Adder," appears to have Ix'cn their most inveterate foes, and
who, having been first discovered by the whites, and armed with guns, succeeded in
driving west the remnant of these Ojibwa tribes, that had remained Ix'hind their
main body, who were at this era already living on Lake Superior. With them went
the Wy-iin-dot, Po-tla-wand-um-ee, Ottawa, and 0-tlislwpiag-umee.

The old men of the Ojibways claim, that before this event happened, the main IkmIv
of their tribe had already found their way to Lake Superior, and were living at
Lapointe. With the jwrtion of the tribe stopping at St. Marie, Saganaw, and the
Muskegoes, I claim no close acquaintance, and will mention them only as they are
connected with the general history of the tribes. That portion of the trilie that made
their town at Lapointe, as it were, formed the advance guard, or van of the Algic
stock. They now numl)er eight thousand souls, spread over a large extent of country.
At the time they were hemmed in by their enemies at Lapointe, they say that they
numbered more : and it is natural to suppose, that their bloody, exterminating wars,
in connexion with pestilence, that has twice visited them within the past hundred

' The original Ojibwa name for tho Islaud of Mackinaw.

' Pottawattouiies.

' Broad Waters; i. e., Lake of the Two Mountains, Canada.

* liy tliis name they Bomctiincs call the Sioux, (meaning enemy.)

140

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

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years, would greatly losson their mimborH ; it is therefore within bouiuls to estimate
the trilie living at Laix)inte and different jKirtions of the lake, eight generations ago, at
alx)ut twenty thousand. The marks they have left, alone, on tiie island, in space
would accommodate nearly that numlx^r.

Their extennination of the Minuliia trihe is a traditionary event, ivlated to me hy
the Sandy Lake chief, and others, and which I liave thought proper to introduce here,
as an answer in part to the query resjK'cting the lost trila» of Eries, and as an event
happening many hundred years ago. Tiiere was at one time, living on the shores of
a large lake, a grand and powerful tril)e of (leople called Munduas. They wei"o
congregated in one single town, which was so large, that one standing on a hill in the
centre, could not see the limits of it. Tiiis tril)e werc fierce and warlike; tlieir hand
was against every other tril)e. Tiieir prisonei-s tiiey burned witli fire, as offerings to
their spirits. All tlie surrounding trilx's live<l in great fear of them, till their Ojii)wa
brother called them to council, and sent the wampum of war to collect the "arriors of
many tribes together. A war-party was raised, wiu>.«e line of warriors extended as far
as the eye could reach. They marched against tiie great town of the Mundua, and
attacked it on all sides that it could be approaclied by land. Though the numlKn-s of
their assailants was overwhelming, the Mundua had such full confidence in their own
prowess aiul numerical strength, that the first day of attack they sent only their l)oys
to repel the invaders. The lioys being driven in, they on the second day tunied out
their young men to fight their foes, while the rest of the town were leii.sting and
dancing. Still, however, the Ojibwas and their allies gradually Ijeat them back, till
on the eve of the second day's fight, they found themselves in ixjsse.«sion of half of the
great town. The third day dawned, and the Mundua bt»ginning to think it a serious
business, their old and tried warriore, " mighty men of valor," sang their war-
song, put on their paints and ornaments of war, and sallied out to drive back their
invaders.

Tiiis day, the fight was hfind to hand and fierce as fire. There is nothing in their
traditionary accounts to equal the violence of the struggle in this battle ; the bravest
warriors in America hud met : one fighting for vengeance, glory, and renown ; the
other for every thing that is dear to man, even their very existence. The Mundua
were o1)liged at last to give way, and, hotly pressed by their foes, men, women, and
children, threw themselves into the lake. At this juncture their aged chief, (who was
also a medicine-man,) seeing the dead bodies of his bravest warriors covering the
ground, called with a loud voice for the assistance of the Great Spirit, but no answer
being made to his prayer, he called on the evil spirits of earth and water, and suddenly
there arose fi-om the lK)som of the lake a dark and heavy fog, and covered in folds of
darkness the scene of the bloody fight.

The old chief gathered together the remnants of his slaughtered tribe, and, under
cover of the evil spirits' fog, they left their town for ever. For a day and a night,

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

Ill

tlioy travflk'd onwanl, ami woro coiijrratiilatiii}^ theinsdves on their escaiio, when a
gale of wind that the inoclieiiio-Tiicn of tlio Ojibwa.s had caiisod tlie Oirat Spirit to
raiso, di^iKTrwd the evil fog, and the Murpri.xe of tlie Mundiia waa astoiniding to fmd
tlieniselves .standing on a hill back of their devoted town, and in full view of their
enemies. '' It is the will of the Gri'at y|)irit that we ishould ix>riHh," exclaimed the
aged ciiief, and once more they dragged tlieir weary limbs in lligiit. They tied into a
forest, where they buried their women and children in the ground, leaving them but a
bix-athing hole. The men then returned, and beguiled the pursuers by leading them
in a diflerent direction. A few escai)ed, who afterwards returned and dug up their
women and children. This .small renuiant of the once iK>werful Mundua was the ne.\t
}ear attacked by an Ojibwa war-party, taken prisoners, and were incorfwrated into
tliis tril)e. Individuals are pointed out, to this day, as descended from them, and have
the marten totem.

We will now relate events hapj)ening a few years prior to their acquaintance with
the whites. The exact time, however, is uncertain.

One prominent reason why the Ojibwas chose to live on an island, is evident ; and
that was, for more security IVom their numerous foes. The Nmlowa war-parties did
not hei-e wach them, as they came no farther than the Sault at the foot of the lake.
But they had as powerful and inveterate enemies in the Odugaumeeg and Alxiinug,
into whose country they were encroaching.

The OiJiiij-diiiiKeij occupied a country towards the southwest, about the waters of
Wisconsin, on Ton-a-gun and Chippewiiy Rivers.

The Sioux lived alx»ut the waters of St. Croix, Mississippi, and St. Louis Rivers.
Sandy Lake, Mille Lac, and Yellow Lake, being then the sites of their principal towns.

A tribe also, called 0-man-ee, is told of as their earliest enemies. They are spoken
of as living at Mille Lac in earthern houses, and were in a general battle exterminated
or driven oil".

The Ojibwas were most harassed by the Odug-aum-eeg and A-boin-ug, or Sioux and
Foxes.

The lake shores of Superior were familiar to the war-parties of these tAvo warlike
tribes.

At one time, a war-party of Sioux found their way from the nearest ]M)int of the main,
to the island of La Pointe, and during the night two of their warriors crossed on a
log, a distance of two miles, and returned in a canoe, with four scalps they had taken
on the i,sland.

On another occasion, a large party of Foxes floated down the Ontonagun in their
small inland bark canoes. They landed in the night on the island of their foes, and
early in the morrung captured four women that had gone to gather wood ; the spot is
still pointed out.

The revenge of the Ojibwas was quick and complete ; as the Foxes, by their

142

TRIBAL OIUiANIZATION,

exultant voUs, discoviTiHl to tlu-ir I'lu'inii-H the course of their lliglit, and liunilretls of
tlie Ojihwii waniora euihaiked hastily in their large lake canoes in jmrsiiit. A dense
fog covered the lake, and, deia'nding on this for eventual eseajK', and confident in their
numbers, the Foxes, intoxicated with their success, kept up a continual yelling and
singing. Thus guided, the Ojihwas. silently and swiftly jiursued them, keeping
puriKtsely in tiieir wake, till they arrived opjMtsite a line of steep nnky coast, a mile
alx)ve the mouth of Montreal Kiver and eight leagues fi-oni La l\»inte ; hen' they fell
on the Foxes with great fury, — fighting in large canoes which sat (Irndy in the water,
they nearly desti-oyed to a nuin the party of four hundred Foxes, who, Ix'ing in snudl
canoes, weiv upset, and most of them drowned and dispatched in the water (IMate •\'2).
This is the only naval engagement the old men of this trilw tell of

Soon after the alH)ve occurrence, a party of Foxes fell on a camp of Ojibwas at
Kah-puk-wa-ka, while the men were out himting. They cajjtured two youths, having
driven them into lK)ggy ground. One of these prisoners was the son of a principal
Ojihwa chief named BUinx-irnli, and ludonging to the A/i-iiir/i-intii/i family.

A tale was told me by a direct descendant of this Ah-<iirh-imiik family connected
with the eajtturc of this youth, which deserves a place in the R'conls of the tribe.
At the time the capture was made, the father of the young man was out on a hunt.
Ketuniing home, he heard the heart-rending news, anil know ing that his .«on's fate
Avould Ix; the stake, lie immediately pui-suetl the returning captoi^s singly and alone.
Following in their trail, he arrived at one of their principal villages while the Foxea
were in the act of burning his son with fire. He stepjK'd boldly int») the midst of his
enemies, and offered to take the jdace of his son. " My .sm," said he, " has seen but
a few winters ; his feet have never trod the war-path : but the hairs of my head are
white, and over the graves of my relatives I have hung numy .scalps that I have taken
from the he.ids of your warriors." The old chief's oiler was accepted by the Foxes, —
his son released, and him.self burnt at the stake with all the tortures that savage
ingenuity could invent. The .«on i-eturned to his jH-ople, and was aftenvards known
by his father's name. He Ijecame a noted man in his trilx\ and, in the course of his
history, we will have occasion to notice his deeds in after life.

The act related aljove was terril>ly avenged by the Ojibwa trilx*. A large war-
party was collected and nuirched against the towns of the Fo.xes, on the Chippewa
river ; and they returned not until six villages of their enemies had l)een laid waste,
and their inhabitants destroyed. After this event the Fox tribe retired fmm the
country lx)rdering on Lake Superior, and fell back on the Mississippi.

The war between the two tribes wa.s bloody in the extreme, and carried cm with all
the cruelty of savage warfare. Captives wei-e taken and burnt by fire. This custom
originated in the following manner.

A noted warrior of the Ojibwas was once taken captive by his own nephew, son to
his sister, who had been captured and married among the Foxes. The nephew, to

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HISTORY, AND GOVET NMENT.

143

show his people his utter disrcganl to any tie of relationship M-ith the Ojibwas,
planted two stakes in the grountl, and taking his captive by the arm, tied his feet and
hands to the stakes, remarking " that he wished to warm his uncle by a good fire," he
then built up a large fire, and after roasting one side of his victim, he turned the other
to the blaze ; when the naked lx)dy had Ijeen bnnit to a blister, he untied him, and
letting him loose, told him " to go home, and tell the Ojibwas how the Foxes treated
tlieir uncles." The micle recovered from his fire-wounds, and in a future excursion
succeeded in capturing his nephew. He ttK)k him to the village of the Ojibwas,
whore he tied him to a stake, and taking a fresh elk-skin, on which a layer of fat had
purposely been left, he placed it over a fire, until it became one immense blaze, and
then thi-owing it over the naked shoulders of his nephew, remarked, " Nepliew, when I
was in your village, you warmed me before a good fire ; now I, in return, give yon a
mantle to warm jour back." The elk-skin, covered with fat, burnt furiously, and
crisping, lighted aroinid the body of his nephew a dreadful mantle, that soon
consumed him. This act was again retaliated by the Foxes, and death by fire soon
became customary with both tribes.

Soon after their lake fight with this tribe, a war-party of Sioux, numbering one
hundred and fifty men, found their way to the extreme }K)int of Shitg-uh-xcaum-Uc,
directly opjwsite the town of Lapointe, one mile distant, llere they laid in wait, and
one morning attacked two joung men who hiul gone to the point to look for ducks.
The spot being in those days covered with numerous sand-hills, they defended
themselves till the village opposite Ijecame alarmed, and the Ojibwa warriors, <piickly
collecting, ran to the southern extremity of their town, and at Gooseberry creek
embarked in their canoes, and paddled straight across to the little portage, a place
where Shag-ah-waum-ik is but a few rods wide — once in possession of this spot, the
Sioux were entirely cut off from retreat. The van of iKjth parties arrived there at the
same moment, and a severe fight for egress was maintained by the Sioux ; they were
however driven back, and being caught as it were in a trap, were to a man killed,
except two who swam into the lake, and as their Iwdies were not found, it was
supposed that they had performed the almost superhuman act of swinuuing three or
four miles in fresh water.

Tlie particles of bones still strewn over the whole point are said to be the remains
of the slain warriors.

An anecdote is told of a warrior of the Crane family, Avho, being left l)y his fellows
in the hurry of embarking, laslied his bow and cpiiver of arrows to his back, and swam
to Shag-ah-waumick, over a mile distant ; so eager was he for the fight. lie arrived
after the battle was over, and was so enraged by disappointment, that he struck,
indiscriminately, his fellows, for having left him iR'hind.

The encoimters which I have briefly mentioned are related by the old men with
great minuteness, and interspersed with anecdotes. Happening before their intercourse

144

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

with the whites, they fought with their priinitivo weapons; spears, hows and arrows,
and war-chibs.

We now come to the period wlien the white man first became known to them. The
tradition of this important era in their liistory is briefly as follows:

A principal man of the Mc-ila-irc-wlii, named Mase-ioa-pc-ga, dreamed a dream, in
which he beheld spirits in the shape of men, but having Avhitc skins, and their heada
were covered. They appro.ached him with a smile on the face, and the hands
extended.

This dream he told to the principal men of his tribe, in a council, and over a feast
to his dream-spirit. lie informed them that the spirits he had seen in his drcam
resided in the east, and that he would go and find them.

For one year Mi(-sc-wa-j>c-ya prepared for liis journey. He made a strong canoe, and
dried meat for his wappo, and, with only his wife as a companion, he left Lapointe to
go and find the spirits he had seen in his dream.' He went down the dreat Lake,
and entered into a river that flowed towards the rising of the sun. He passed through
tribes of the red man that spoke difleivnt languages.

At last, when the river had become wide, and like a lake, he found on the banks
one night, as he encamped, a hut built of logs, and the stumps of large trees tiiat had
been cut by other and sharper instruments than their rude axes.

The signs thus discovered were apparently two winters t)ld.

Much encom'aged, Ma-nc-wa-pe-ya continued his course down stream, and the next
day again came to another deserted log hut.

The third day he saw another log hut, from the chinmey of which arose a smoke.
It was occupied by the white spirits of his dream, who came out and cordially
welcomed him with a shake of the hand.

When he returned to his jieople, he brougiit tiie presents he had received of an axe,
a knife, beads, and some .scarlet doth, which he had carefully secured in his medicine-
bag, and brought safely to M<j-}tu)gicim-a-kaun-w<j.

Collecting his people to council, he showed them the sacred presents of the white
spirits.

The next season numbers followed Mase-wa-pe-fja on his second visit to the whites.
They carried with them many beaver-skins, and returned with the fire-arms that from
this time made them the terror of their enemies.

From this time the dispersion of the tribe from La Pointe can be dated. The
Indians say, eight generations or " string of lives" ago, which, estimating an Indian
generation at thirty-five years, would make two hundred and eighty years ago.

One cause has been given to me, in the course of my inquiries, by persons of tho
tribe, which is said to have led to their dispersion from the island.

Even in the prcBcnt day the Indiuns have nearly the same belief in their fust dreams as the Hebrews of old.

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

146

Poisoning, in those days, was a common mode of revenging an injury These
Indians, on a small scale, have had their ages of Medicis, Borgias and poisons, as well
as the whites ; and it is t<}ld that it required hut the slightest cause for a person to
draw down uiwn himself the displeasure of a medicine-man, and die of his poison.
Instances occurred, where the [wisoners are known to have dug up their victims, and
invite the relatives to a feast on the body.

This horrid ceremony was got up in utter darkness, and not till the friends of the
deceased had received their share of the feast were torches suddenly lighted, and they
became aware of the nature of the banquet. Fear of the poisoner's power and
vengeance would constrain them to eat what was placed before them. This was a
usual sacrificial feast to the spirit of the jTOi-son.

At this period, the tribe lived in great awe of one another, and especially of their
medicine-men : the fear of whom has not yet quite died away, and which is the secret
of the power of this body among them.

At this period, it is also affirmed tliat it was customary to offer to their different
Me-dorwe spirits, human sacrifices of one another, and of their children. This sacrifice
is said to have been made at the roots of a huge pine-tree that stood somewhere in
the centre of the island, which reaivd its branches far above other trees.

The virgin feast of human flesh, which we sometimes hear spoken of, and read of,
was also in full practice ; and there was an old woman alive at La Pointe a few years
since, who could tell tales on tliis head (her own experience) that would make the
bbxHl run cold.

To such an extent were these evil practices carried, that at last fear fell on the
inhabitants of La Pointe; the weeping and wailing o^ je-bi-ug or ghosts were heard
nightly ivsounding through their town, till at last they fled, and a general dispersion
took place, which left their island entirely deserted.

I liave asked old Bc-fihe-ke and Ttitj-imug-aun-ay, chiefs at La Pointe, and old men
of other bands, for corroboration of this tale I have here related ; and though not
denying it altogether, they are unwilling to acknowledge the fact, which is but natural
they should, from respect to the memory of their ancestors.

My information was derived from old half-breeds of the Cadotte family, who were
informed of the above facts by very old Indians, who, thirty or forty years since, were
still living at La Pointe, some of them over a century old, and who could remember
the tales their immediate fathers related to them.

It is a fact also worthy of mention, that before traders came and made their
residence on the island, no Indian, it is said, dare sleep over-night on the site of their
old town, for fear of the Je-hi-wj.

The first traders that built on the island, during the old French domination, found
their gardens overgrown with many years' growth of trees, and it is comparatively
Pt. IL — 19

Vi'

146

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

lately, that the hand living on the opposite hay of Sha<j-ah-\caum-lk, returned to live
on the island.

Being hard pressed by their enemies, or in time of great famine, such a thing as
eating human Hesh might have been adopted to save life — as even at the present time
it often happens among the Indians north of Lake Suiwrior. This, together with the
fact of their poisoning one another, might have given rise to the above story, and might
have conduced in some measure to their dispersion, wliich I am inclined to believe took
place naturally, as they prevailed against their enemies, and became possessed of a
larger extent of country.

After this, Ix'ing aware of the white man's presence on the continent, the next
occurrence of importance was the taking of the Sioux village of Sandy Lake, on the
Mississippi.

Bi-ans-tmh, the young man whose father had died for him at the stake, became,
after this occurrence, a fierce and inveterate enemy of the Sioux and Foxes, taking
every opiwrtunity, and indeed making it the business of his life, to revenge the death
of his brave father.

With a large Ijand of his tribe, he pushed on up the lake, and made a stand at Fond
du Lac, Wi-tt-qmih-he-che-ijiim-e. At this point Di-itns-uaU collected a large war-party,
from the different villages of the Ojibwas on the lake shore, at the head of which he
proceeded in canoes up the St. Louis, and attacked with great success the then large
Sioux town of Sandy Lake. They destroyed numljers of their enemies, and drove
them forever from the lake. Here Bi-ans-wah, with his band, eventually made thei
abiding-place and village. It is at this point that the Ojibwas, in t)\eir western
conquests, first came on to the Jussissippi. They made this tlieir central point and
rallying-place, where parties collected, who marched against and wrested from the Sioux
Leech, Cass, Winnipeg, Mille Lac, and Red lakes. It is from this point that the
different bands, now living on and over the head-waters of the Mississippi, radiated.

Bi-ans-iDiih, besides his deeds in war, is also noted as having put a stop to the
inhuman custom of burning prisoners by fire. This he effected by a treaty of peace
with the Sioux, and though the peace was soon after broken, yet both parties mutually
refrained from the above practice. From this time prisoners Avere seldom taken, and
if taken never burnt.

Besides the large band tliat pushed their way to the head-waters of the great river,
other bands left the lake shore, and made their towns at Courtoreille, Lac du Flamljcau,
and on the St. Croix river ; conquering, at the expense of much blood, the country
as they advanced.

One morning a party of young men going out from the Bny of Sliag-d-wdum-ik to
spear fish through the ice in the fore part of the winter, discovered a .smoke arising
from the eastern extremity of the then unfrequented island of tlieir old town.
La Pointe. They proceeded thither, and found, in a rude cabin made of logs, two white

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

147

men in the last stages of starvation. They had evidently been driven on the island
by ice, late in the fall, where they \im\ remained for some time, suffering the pangs of
hunger. At the time denoted, they had been reduced to the extremity of roasting
their cloth and blankets over the coals, and thus eating them as a last means of
sustaining life.

The Indians carefully conveyed them to their village, and fed them with judicious
kindness. But one, however, survived ; who, after remaining with them through the
winter, returned to Quebec, where he came from.

The above story is invariably given by the old men of Laiwinte on being asked the
question, " Who was the first white man that found the Indians at Lajwinte after they
were known to be on the continent?"

The events narrated happened seven string of lives ago.

Of Fathers Marquette and Alloez, whom Mr. Bancroft states as having, one hundred
and eighty-two years ago, found their way to the Bay of Shtg-ii-tcdum-ik, and there
opened a mission among a large band of Indians, I cannot obtain from them
corroborative testimony sullicient to invalidate the fact that they were the jjccple thus
visited.

Unless tliey were the white men found as the above story relates, the Indians have
no knowledge or account of them.

An old antique silver crucifix was, in 1847, found by an old woman in her garden,
near Lapointe, after its having been ploughed up. This circumstance would go to
prove that the fearless and enterprising Jesuits had lx!en of old about the spot.

The first white men that made a permanent residence among them were traders.
During the old French domination, a jwst was built on the Island of La Pointe, at the
mouth of a creek or slough lietween the present site of the American Fur Company's
post and the Prcsbyterian mission.

The buildings wei-e surrounded by palisades of cedar, and cannon are said to have
been mounted on guard.

A tragedy happened here which is minutely spoken of by the Indians, and which
caused the dismantling and evacuation of the post.

The trader in charge, whose name was Joseph , was murdered, with his wife

and two children, in cold blood, by his hircd man. Two causes are given for this
outrage : fii-st, the man, l)eing discovered pilfering goods from his master, was afraid
to be denounced and punished in the spring, on the arrival of the master, or governor,
and for this rea.son he determined on his death ; and second, he had become enamoured
with his master's wife, and wished to get possession of her. After killing her husband
he tried t«> force her to his wishes, but she defended herself in such a manner with an
Indian spear, that he Avas obliged, in self-tlefenco, to despatch her, and afterwards her
two children. lie buried the Ijodies in a pile of chips and shavings heaped up in one
corner of the fort.

148

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

"if

This act was jierpetrated in the spring, while the Indians were all camped in their
sugar bushes on the main shore, and the ice was become weak and rotten.

The murderer told the Indians who inquired for their trader, the plausible story that
his master had gone witli his family on a dog train, to visit them at their sugar camps.
The ice being bad, all sujjposcd that he had broken in, and drowned in the lake. A few
dajs after, when the bay Ix'came free of ice, the Indians turned out to hunt for the bodies
of their trader and family along the shores of the island and main, but without success.

In the course of the spring, a light canoe arrived from Quebec with a partner of the
trading company that owned the iwst. At first, the story of the murderer was
believed, but spots of blood, afterwards discovered on the door and walls of the apart-
ment where he had nuirdered the trader's wife, led to suspicion, and the man was
ordered to Ik? bound and confined. A day or two after this, the partner, walking round
the place endeavoring to find further traces of the supposed murder, stuck his swoi-d
into the pile of rubbish lying in the corner of the fort. The stench arising from the
point of his cane told, that there the Iwdies were concealed. They were immediately
dug up in presence of the murderer, who thereupon confessed his crime.

The fort was razed to the ground, and the cannon and iron works thrown into the adja-
cent pond, where, the bottom Ix'ing deep and miry, the}' have never been discovered.

The culprit was taken to Quelx?c for punishment, but, as some have it, escaped on
the way, and was afterwards tomahawked by an Indian warrior, while boasting of his
deed of blood at the red pole, where warriors were telling of their feats in war.

It had become customary, during the French domination, for the Ojibwas of Lake
Superior to visit jearly Mackinac, Montreal, and even Quebec. They were well
treated by the French, who had, at this time, already intermarried with them, and
thus formed a link that made them, ever after, their fast friends.

In their wars with the British, the Ojibwas took active part with the French, and
numbers of their warriors, headed by their chief, Ma-mo7ig-e-«;-iJa, were present at the
battle and fall of Queltec, where the two great captains, Wolfe and Montcalm, fell.

The Ojibwas also joined the league of their rclative, the great Ottowa chief, Pontiac,
and were mainly instrumental at the taking of Fort Mackinac, through the stratagem
of playing ball for the amusement of the fated garrison.

After the conquest of Canada by the British, the different French trading-posts were
dismantled, and but a few of the old French traders and voyagers remained in Lake
Superior. Among these, they mention Ke-chcsuh-ud-tse, or John Baptist (^adotte, who
was in the vicinity at the taking of Fort Mackinac, and massacre of the garrison by
the Ojibwas and Ottowas. It was this man's Indian wife who is said to have saved
the life of Alexander Henry, the only Englishman that survived the massacre.'

['Besides Henry, two Knglisliiiien, named Solomons and Clark, escaped. One crept up a chimney; the other
hid himself under a heap of corn. Vide my Personal Memoirs. Two officers and ten men were also saved.
Vide Parkman's I'ontiac, p. r)9C. — II, H. S.]

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

149

Cadotto, in partnership with Henry, were the first traders "^er the fall of the
Frcncli, who came into the coinitry of the Ojilnvas. They w-.tei-cd two years at
Nii-(wfi-i/>-lk-o»(j, a point of sand-rock in the bay of Slmg-a-waum-il; and for two years
are said to liave worked tlie mines of C()i)per on tlie Ontanagun river.

Cadotte was the first permanent white settler on the Sault Ste. Marie, where he
died at an advanced age, leaving a family of children and grand-children, half-
breeds, spread over the whole Ojibwa country.

It is alK)iit the pcriotl of the taking of Fort Mackinac, that the last fight Iwtwecn
the Ojibwas and Iro^iuois is told of, as having happened. The St. Marie Indians
know probably this circumstance Iwtter than old Besheke of Lapointe, from whom I
obtained it. As the story goes, a war-party of Ojibwas were collected to march into
the X<j<I-o->ra country-, in search of scalps. When arrived a short distance Ixilow the
rapids of Ste. Marie, on encamping, they heard yelling, singing, and much noise on the
river below them, and sending out scouts, they soon learned that it was a party of
Notl-o-tcay^, Ijound on a war-excursion into their country. The enemy had also
encamped, and were making merry on licpior, stolon, probably, fmm white traders.

The Ojibwa,i, waiting until they had drunk themselves asleep, fell on them, and
nearly destroyed the whole party.

The spot from this circumstance was named Point Iroquois. This is the last war-
party that the Nodowas are said to have sent against the Lake Superior Ojibwas.

Some years after this occurred, a man aro.'*e among the Ojibwas of La Pointe, who
became a renowned war-leader, and toiik up with great success the quarrels of his
tribe with the Sioux and Foxes. Waub-o-jeeg, or White Fisher of the Reindeer,
Totem, was the son of Mu-montj-esc-da, the chief that led the Ojibwa warriors under
Montcalm, at the taking of Quebec. He was by blood partly of Sioux extraction, being
related to old Waljashaw, chief of a band of Mcn-da-%vdk<tn-ton, Sioux, living at the
foot of Lake Pepin.

When arrived at the full age of maturity, he collected a war-party of three hundred
warriors, and floated down the St. Croi.x river at their head, into the country of their
enemies.

At the mouth of Snake river they were to meet a party collected fi'om Mille-Lac
and Sandy Lake, to join them on their-war excursion. Not finding the party as
expected, and confident in his numbers, WaulM)-jeeg pursued his way down stream,
leaving marks, however, by which the other party would be guided.

Arriving early in the morning at the head of the portag" that leads around the falls
of St. Croix, the men had already lifted their light canoes on their heads, to carry
across the fwrtage, when the scouts came in with the news, that a large lx)dy of Sioux
and Foxes were landing at the foot of the portage. The Ojibwas put on their war-
paints and ornaments, and in the middle of the portage they met their enemies, who
Avere bound on the same errand as themselves. The combined Sioux and Fox

150

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

warriors were much iiion» nunierons than the Ojibwas, so much so, that it is said that
the Foxes, confident in their nmnlxTs, recjuested the Sioux to stand hy, and see how
easily they could rout the Ojibwas. The Sioux therefore stood, or sat on the n)eks at
a distance, quietly smoking their pipes.

The fight is said to have J)een fierce and hardly contested. About noon, the Foxes
commenced to give grounil, having lost some of their leading men. At last they
turned and fairly Hed, the Ojil)\vas after them. They would probably have l»een killed
to a man, and driven into the water, had not, at this moment, the Sioux, eager and
fresh for a fight, raised their war-whoop, and rushed to the rescue of their defeated
allies.

The Ojibwas resisted their new enemies manfully, and it was not till their ammuni-
titm had failed, that tliev, in turn, showed their backs in Hight.

But few would have escaped to tell the sad tale of their defeat, had not, at this
juncture, the party from Sandy Lake, who were to have met them at Snake River,
arrived at the head of the portage, and, seeing their friends driven over tlie rocks into
the water, they jumjjed out of their canoes, and sixty warriors, fresh for the contest,
withstood the onset of the Sioux and Foxes till their friends rallied again to the fight.

The allied Sioux and Foxes, being out of annnunition, are said to have, in turn,
fled, and their slaughter to have been great. Many were driven over the steep rocks
into the boiling rapids below; and every crevice in the ix)cks contained a dead or
wounded enemy.

From this time, the Foxes retiivd south, and gave up the contest with their
victorious enemies.

Wau-bo-jeeg, who led the Lake Superior bauds in this battle, often aftc '.tards led
his warriors with great success against the Sioux, and became noted for his bravery
and wisdom. He swayed the influence of a nuister-spirit o^•er his whole tribe. He ia
one of those that the Ojibwa of the jjresent day speak of with pride.

Bi-ans-wah and Wau-bo-jceg fought for their people and for conquests ; Ma-movg-cse-iJa
for the French, and An-diuj-irmn, another chief, cotemiwraneous with Waub-o-jeeg, was
justly noted for his peaceable disposition, and unwavering friendship for the whites.
He was a chief of the Ah-itiiJi-tcmtk stock, and had great influence with his people,
who were, in those da3s, wild and untameable, and required a strong hand to check a
propensity for pillaging from white traders, to whom An-ihnj-iccos was as a guardian
spirit. He was the grandfather of the present old chief Bc-nhc-lr of La Pointe.

We will now return to the northern wing of the trilie, who, under their chief
Bi-nns-w<ih, had pushed their way t<j Sandy Lake. From this place we have said that
they harassed the Sioux till they drove them from Leech, Cass, Winnipeg, Red, and
Mille Lakes, which last Avas a large and favorite village of their enemies. These
lakes, in ever}- way adapted to their mode of living — abounding in game, wild rice,
fish, maple to make sugar, and birch bark for canoes, were occupied by detached bands

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

Ifi'

of the Ojibwas. Tlu-y lived in fear iiiid ti-einbling, and, for more safety, at first I(m':i1
on islands in the dilTeivnt lakes.

From the time, now over a eentnry ago, wlien they first eonquered these places, nut
n year has passed but their bUKxl has Ix'en spilled in their defence; and man}-, very
many, have lost their lives : notwithstanding which, they have hung on, uii} iehling
and tenacious, till they have eom[H'lled their enemies to retire west of the St. Peters,
and Red Kiver of the North ; and south, to the mouth of the St. Petei-s.

Their hunts are made altogether on the hunting grounds of the Siou.v, and it was a
common Iwast of their late war-chief Iloli-lii-thc-ihii/, liiKjon-ii-h-c-shiii, that had not the
white man interfered, and at the treaty of I'niirie-ihi-Cfiun drawn the lines l)etween
tlu'Ui, his people would now be dwelling at St. Peters.

The bands now living on and over the head-waters of the Mi.ssissippi, now live over
a country embraced within the area of four hundred miles north and south, and two
hundred east and west, from Mille-Lac to Pembina, and from Sandy Lake to the Red
River of the North.

They numlwr between three and (bur thousand .souls.

On the tract of country they (x;cupy, many spots are pointed out where the warriors
of these two contending trik's have met in battle, and their blood flowed freely. More
fights, massacres, and surprises are told of, than would, if detiiiled, fill a large lxx)k.
In this condensed account, however, we shall only notice their principal battles.

A few years after the smoke of the Ojibwa lodges had first arisen from Sandy Lake,
one of their war-parties met a party of their enemies the Sioux, on a point in Lake
Winnipeg, where a considerable fight ensued, the consequence of which was the
eventual evacuation of the lake by the Siou.v.

The Ojibwa.s note this fight, as having killed in it a one-footed Sioux, the other
having lx;en either cut or froze off.

About ninety years ago, as near as we can compute from Indian time, a party of
about three hundred Sioux warriors ascended the Mississippi in their canoes, went up
the Crow-wing, made portages across to Leech Lake, and floated down the Mississippi
through Lake Winnipeg, capturing and killing straggling Ojibwas as they went. They
arrived at Sandy Lake, and attacked the village of the Ojibwas. The men being away
on a war-excursion, the Sioux with ea.se killed and captured their women and children.
The Ojibwa warriors had left their fated village, to the number of sixty warriors. On
arriving at the confluence of the Mississippi, they discovered the traces of their
enemies, who had gone up the Crow-wing. Too late to return to the defence of their
village, they laid in wait a short distance below the mouth of the Crow-wing, for the
descent of their enemies.

The}' dug hiding-holes on the high eastern bank of the Mississippi, where the river
nuikes a sudden curve, and the whole force of the current flows under the bank. They
hod not waited long before the Sioux came floating in triumph, with many scalps and

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152 TIII15AL OKU ANIZATIUN,

pristmers. Tlu'v lumk'tl ()i)|M)sitt' tlio iipiRT mouth of tlio Crow-wiiifr, to o«M)k tlii-ir
nioiiiiiig iiK'iil lit'iv, ill plain vii'W of tliiir aiiilju!<lic'il enemy. Tliey beat tlie drum,
u!i«l (liineed the seuliwhinie.

The Ojihwas, jierfeetly ennified at tlie si^dit, impatiently waited till tiieir more
numerous Uh's had again embarked, and came lioating down within a few feet of and
inider them. In the can<K'» of their enemie.s they recognised their wives and children,
tiiat had Ix'en taken captive, and it was with a ix'rfect phrcnsy of rage that they let
ily their bullets and arn»ws with unerring aim, picking out the n>ost prominent figures
and plumed heads of the Sioux. In the suri)riso and excitement which ensued, the
prisoners purposely tripjted over the canoes of their captors, and many escaju'd to the
shore, from which their husbands were, with dreadful yells, dealing out the death-
winged bullet and arrow among their enemies. Many Sioux were killed while they
were within range of the Ojibwa missiles, and some were drowned in the deep current.
The ifmainder, still more than doubly outnumlxring their enemies, landed about half
a mile below, and returned l)ravely to give battle to the Ojibwas, and revenge the
warriors they had lost. They fust tied their remaining captives to trees.

The fight is said to have lasted three days with great fierceness. The Ojibwas were
only saved from annihilation from their more numerous foes by being posted on a hill
where they had dug holes, from which, entirely concealed themselves, they let fly their
bullets and arrows on their less hidden enemies.

The ammunition of both parties is said to have failed in the earlier part of the
fight, and the Sioux digging counter holes, they fought with stones, knives, and war-
clubs.

The Sioux were the first to retreat, taking with them their remaining prisoners.

This occurrence nearly deiwpulated the then flourishing village of Sandy Lake.
Their numlx'rs were, however, gradually increased by families from the Great Lake ;
and forty years after, they had regained their fonner numbers and consequence. At
this time, they were again almost cut ofi" to n man.

Headed by their chief, this band would, in the fall of the year, move their camps
about Mille Lac and Crow-wing river to hunt the deer, l)ear, buflalo, and elk, that
alx)unded in these regions. While thus encamjwd in force, the Sioux never dared to
attack them, though straggling parties and hunters were often set upon and never
returned.

One season, however, the Sioux mustered their warriors in force, and with four
hundred men, they followed the return trail of the Ojibwa camp, as they returned to
their village in March, to camp in their sugar bushes.

The Ojibwas were encamped, when attacked, at Sii-sub-a-gum-<t, or Cross Lake,
alwut thirty miles northeast from the mouth of Crow-wing river.

A day before the attack, a part of the camp had separated from the main body and
moved ofl" towards Mille Lac ; and early in the morning, before the attack was Ijegun, a

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

number of women had gone on ahead witli loads to leave at the next t'uniping ground :
the lives of all these were saved.

Till- camp numlx^red alK)ut twenty lodges, eight of which wore long, and averaged
twenty jHisons in a ItRlge; the whole numljer probably between two and three
hundred, men, women, and children.

The eamp was located on a long point of land running out into the lake, and was
approachable only by the ice on the lake. The scouts of the Sioux were discovered
early in the morning, and the ()jibwas gained a short time to prepare for defence. The
attack was bravely made by the Sioux, in o|)en day, and in a long line on the ice.
The Ojibwas, on seeing their enemies thus advance, dancing and yelling, straight
against their lodges, two of their bravest warriors (Bednd and Shesheeh) sallied forth,
and, meeting their foes on the open ice, commenced the engagement. Their fellows
following their example, the Ojil)wa warriors formed a barrier of their bodies on the
ice, for the shelter of their women and children. They sustained the unequal fight for
a long time ; many lives were lost, for they had no shelter to protect them. The snow
on the ice is said to have melted with the blood of the slain and wounded.

The remnant of the Ojibwa warriors at last retreated to their lodges, where they
maintained the conflict a long time in defence of their helpless families ; not a lodge
pole, or shrub, or tree, but what was perforated with bullets, in the area where they
made this last stand.

To make our story short, when the Sioux had silenced the last yell and gun of their
enemies, they killed the women and children, taking a few captive.

Some of these captives i-eturned, and are still living — others, among whom was a
grandson of the famous Bi-ans-icah, is said to be still living ; now, an aged man among
the Sioux.

Soon after the second almost entire annihilation of the Sandy Lake band at Cross
Lake, the Pillagers received a severe blow in the loss of a number of their bravest
warriors, in a hard fight with the north, or Sisseton Sioux.

This band of Ojibwas had fearlessly pushed their way westward from Sandy Lake,
in the footsteps of their retreating foe, till they came to Leech Lake, which place,
finding that it was adapted to their mode of life, and defence against the war-parties
of the Sioux, they made the site of their permanent rallying-point or village.

The name of the Pillagers, or Mitk-un-chiarwin-!»-e-u-ti(/, pillage-men, was given to
them by their fellow Ojibwas and whites, on account of their having taken away the
goods of a trader, about eighty years ago, at the mouth of a creek still known as Pillage
creek, emptying into the Crow-wing inver.

The band is also noted for their wilduess, and as having on several later occasions
acted to the letter of their name in their dealings with traders and missionaries.

Out of the numberless occasions of bloodshed, in which this band have been engaged
with the Sioux, I will relate a fight wherein they lost many of their bravest warriors ;
Pt. IL — 20

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154

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

lii

/^ 1

sal

their conduct on tliis occasion is but a fair sample of the fearless fool-hardy spirit, with
which they are possessed, and which they retain to this day.

A party of forty of their best warriors left Leech Lake on an excursion against the
Sioux. Arriving in the vicinity of Jjcaf Lake, the head-waters of Jjcaf river, which
empties in the Crow-wing, they heard the occasional report of guns in the direction
of a distant hill ; early in the morning they approached the place where they expected
to find the enemy. The Sioux had just decamped, leaving their fiivs still buniing.
Their trail led in the direction of Leaf Lake, and though appaivntly numerous, the
Ojibwas recklessly followed them.

In a wide, open prairie, they discovered three of their enemies ahead of them, and
though still a quarter of a mile off, one of their numlier urging on the rest, the Pillagers
commenced the chase. The Sioux instantly jwrceiving them to l»e enemies, ran for
their lives, and kept their distance ahead, occasionally stopping on a hill for a moment,
and throwing up their blankets, in order to lurc their pursuers on. In this manner
the chase was followed up a long distance at full speed, when they at last came on to
Leaf Lake. The Pillagers were strung along for over a mile, the fleetest of foot
keeping ahead. The Sioux still led the chase around the sandy beach of the lake, till
they at last disappeared into a ravine, thickly wooded. Fearless of consequences, the
foremost Pillagers rushed after them ; on running up a hill, a sight burst on them, that,
for the first time, made them think of turning back.

On a smooth prairie, there stood a camp of over three hundred Sioux lodges ; the
inmates had been alarmed by the pursued, and figures were running to and fro in wild
disorder, and warriors were collecting at the beat of the dvum. The poor Pillagers,
viewing all this from a distance, turned back, out of bivath, and in the centre of their
enemies, who were supplied with horses ; they covdd do nothing but sell their lives as
dearly as possible ; this they detennined to do, and when half of their number had
collected, they laid an ambush for the coming of their foes.

On the shores of the lake, near a ravine which led to the Sioux camp, was a low
narrow piece of ground, covered witli high grass : cm one side -was the lake, and on the
other, a watery marsh, which extended some distance inland. This pass the Ojibwas
occupied, hiding in the tall grass ; while their numbers kept increasing from the
stragglers behind, till nearly their whole party was thus collected.

The Sioux had, by this time, gathered their warriors and put on their war-ornaments,
and appeared from the ravine in a dense body of painted warriors, whooping and
yelling. At their head ran backwards ond forwards a prominent figure, who held in
his hand the war-flag of feathers, and on his breast shone a large white medal. IIo
wore a blue garnished coat, and being a prominent mark, at the first fire of the
ambushed Ojibwas he fell dead.

At the fall of their leader the Sioux, reganlless of the usual Indian mode of fighting,
of dodging up and down, and behind trees, rushed on in a body to over\vhelm at one

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

155

blow their enemies. The bullets of the Pillagei's mowed them down in numbers, yet,
utterly regardless, tliey grappled with them, and silenced, b}- main foree, tlie firing and
yelling. Some of the Pillagers threw tliemselves into the marsh, where they lax-ame
a mark for their enemies' bullets ; others retired from the pass into the wot)ds, and, from
behmd trees, kept up the unequal fight. The whole of their party had now arrived,
and the last one was he who had urged them on to the mad pui*suit of the thive Sioux.
On arriving at tlu> scene of the fight, he had heard the reproaches of his remaining
comrades in silence ; and now, telling those that could to save themselves by fiight, he
rushed forward to attract the attention of the Sioux, in order to give his friends a
chance for escaiw. The few that thus got oft", for a long time heard the ivpcated volle\ s
fired at their devoted comrade, which were answered by his single gun and solitary
Stis-aiik-uxiy, as lie for a time maintained *^he unequal fight. At last, the loud and
exultant yells of the Sioux told that they had killed their brave foe.

Not ono-thiixl of those forty warriors ever returned to Leech Lake. A few years
since, the leaders, KnkumJiaiciHln and Wcnotuja;/, were still alive, and it was the Ijoast
of the latter, when he struck the war-pole to relate his exploits, that in this fight he
shot down seven Sioux, and brought home their scalps. At this I'ate, the slaughter
among the Sesseton ranks must have been great.

In relating the aljove fight, I have gone ahead of my narration, as some important
battles happened prior to this time.

From the best Indian information, I have calculated scvent}-five years as the time
since the Ojibwas first visited the St. Peters River.

This was on an occa.sion when a large war-party was collected by the Ojibwas to
revenge the sacking of Sandy Lake, and the fight at Crow-wing. In imitation of the
Sioux, they pierced into the heart of their enemies' country, and attacked a village
a short distance above the mouth of the St. Peters. This daring party was led by
N(t-kaif, a celebrated warrior in his time, and grandfather of the present noted chief
WmdMhjceg.

From this time, the Ojibwas on and over the head-waters of the Mi-ssissippi, made
the broad current of this river their chief war-trail. They found it an easy matter to
embark in their canoes, and float down to the vicinity of their enemies' villages;
where, after securing one or more scalps, they returned home by land.

This practice they have kept up to the present day with great success, and it is only
the interference of the whites, and the rapid increase of civilized ixijiulation about St.
Peters, that has saved the Men-ila-imk-au-Um (Sioux) from being driven oft' or
annihilated.

The course of the streams, the head-waters of which the Ojibwas have secured by
conquest, flowing down to the haunts and villages of their enemies, has given tliem an
advantage, which, in searching ibr the causes that have conduced to their grenit
success against the warlike and numerous Sioux, should not be forgotten.

til

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156

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

The Ojibwas innately respect the bravery of the Da-lco-tas, and call them strong-
hearted men. It is only by hard, unremitted fighting, and much loss of life and
blood, that the Ojibwa holds the position he now does, as the conquering tribe.

Shortly after their first incursion to St. Peters,' under No-kay, the Ojibwas again
collected a war-party of one hundred and twenty men, and embarking in their canoes,
floated down the Mississippi.

In floating down a river on a war-party, one canoe is always sent in advance, and
scouts are sometimes sent ahead by land. This is to guard against ambush on the
river banks, which, in their warfai-e, has been much practised.

On this occasion, when the party had arrived near the mouth of Elk river, the
scouts in the foremost canoe, as they were silently floating down, close to the eastern
bank of the Mississippi, heai'd Sioux talking and laughing on the bank immediately
above them.

Instantly turning their canoe up stream, they stole along the bank, and escaped
behind a point, unseen by their enemies. Here meeting the foremost canoes of their
friends, the alarm was quickly but silently spread from canoe to canoe, which were
strung along for half a mile. They happened to be opposite an extensive bottom,
thickly wooded. Tlie Ojibwas sprang to land, and pulling their canoes after them,
rushed through the woods to attack their enemies.

Emerging from the wood on to the open prairie, they saw a long line of their
enemies, equal in number to themselves. They were leisurely walking along, bent on
a war-excursion ; Ijeing out of bullet range from tlio wood, the Ojibwa warriors rushed
on as if to a feast, " fii-st come, best served." Their war-yell was answered by the
Sioux, and bullet and arrow were returned for bullet and arrow.

For a short time the Sioux stood the eager on.set of their enemies, when seeing
warrior after warrior emerge from the woods, on a line of half a mile, the idea must
have seized them, that their enemies many times outnumliered them. Under this
impression tliey turned and fled, occasionally turning and firing at their pursuers; thus
a running fight was kept up for upwards of three miles, when the Sioux, at the mouth
of Elk river, met a large party of their fellows, who had come across the country from
the St. Peters river, to join the war-party. With this addition, they outnumbered the
Ojibwas nearly double, and the chase was turned the other way. The Ojibwas ran up
and along the banks of Elk river, and when tired of their long run, they stopped in a
fine grove of oak trees, determined to make a stand.'

Here the fight was sustained for some time, — the Ojibwas firing from the shelter of

' In the Ojibwa tongue this river ia called Osh-ke-bug-e-se-be, (New Leaf River.)

' Through this place the main road up to the Missisciippi now passes. The holes in the ground are still
visible, and some contain particles of bones.

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

15T

trees, and the Sioux digging holes in the ground, and in this manner graduidly
approaching the covert of their enennes.

Wlion all hopes of dislodging the Ojibwa force had failed, the Sioux set fire to the
dry prairie grass, and the wind blowing against them, the Ojibwas were effectually
made to run. Their foes, making their approach in the smoke of the fire, again
renewed the chase. They were at last driven on to an island, where the Sioux not
daring to molest them, the fight ended.

The Ojibwas lost eight killed, and many wounded. Among the killed was a bravo
warrior, Ke<hc-wauh-ish-asli . Three of their numlx'r were burnt by the fire.

The Sioux are said to have suffered a greater loss ; as they themselves concede that
the Ojibwas in battle are better shots than they are.

The following summer, after the above engagement, another fight took place at this
point, by the adverse parties again accidentally meeting. The place of these figlits
is now known as Me-yaud-c-w'm-ing, or the battle-ground.

The Sioux never advanced far within the lines of country occupied by the Ojibwas,
after the noted fight at Crow-wing ' river.

Short intervals of peace have occasionally happened in the course of the bloody feud
between these two tribes.

One peace is mentioned as having occurred during the lifetime of the great-grand-
fathers of the present generation.

It was brought about by the chief Bi-ans-tcah, who in this place proposed to the
Sioux the discarding of their old custom of burning captives by fire. This peace was
broken by the Sioux again, about fifty years ago, and another short peace was effected
between the two tribes in the following manner:

A large war-party of Sioux was discovered by the scouts of an Ojibwa camp on
Platte river. The Ojibwas, on account of their women and children, fearing the
result of an attack, determined on a bold manauivre, which, should it fail, they were
to fight to the last.

A flag was attached to a pole, and a brave warrior sallied out singly to meet the
Sioux. lie discovered them as they were stealing along to attack their camp. He
shouted to them, and, as the whole party were preparing to rush towards him, he threw
down his gun, and with his flag he fearlessly ran into their midst, when he was caught
in the arms of two stalwart warriors ; many blows were aimed at him with war-clubs
and knives, and he expected every moment to sufler death ; but a tall Sioux took his
part, and defended him, warding off the blows that were aimed at his head. After
the excitement in the Sioux ranks had in a measure subsided, one of their warriors
stepped up, and taking hold of the Ojibwa, offered to wrestle with him. lie was easily

' The Ojibwa naino for thia stream is Kag-any-e-we-gieon, mcaniug Crate's Feather. This is also the naiuo
of their bravest warrior now living.

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158

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

1/ 1

thrown ; gottiug up, he again took hold of his opponent, and was again prostrated : on
this, the discomfited Sioux lighted his pipe and smoked with him (the sign of peace.)
He gave him also, as presents, his pipe, gun, and clothing. On this, the brave Ojibwa
led the party to his camp, where the two hostile tribes saluted one another with firing
of guns, &c. The pipe of peace was smoked ; the pipe-dance danced ; and they eat
out of the same dish.

The war-club for a little time was buried.

During this peace, a party of thirty Ojibwas, headed by Kuh-ihi-wauh-e-ila, or Broken
Tooth, chief of Sandy Lake, and grandson of BUma-wah, made a peace visit to St.
Peters. They floated down the Mississippi, and arrived at the mouth of the St. Peters
river, as the Sioux were preparing a war-party against the Ojibwas, intending to
surprise them during the lull of iwace.

The British flag, that hung over the prow of the Ojibwa chief's canoe, was pierced
with biilk't-hole.s, as the Sioux saluted their landing. There was great excitement
among the Sioux ranks — chiefs ran to and fro to prevent their warriors from
murdering the small peace party. Their trader also i-cmonstrated with them, and they
were at last prevailed upon to welcome the Ojibwas in peace.

Shortly after the return of this par* ' in safety to their homes, the Sioux broke the
peace, as it has ever been their prtu^tice to do.

The injuries that the Ojibwas have heaped on them, in conquering the lauds of their
fathers, are such, that they never have rested in peace for any length of time. Tiie
Sioux constantly brooded over their injuries, and frecpiently the Ojibwas, lulled into
security by peace, have been surprised by them when they were unprepared for
resistance.

Even within the last few years, the Sioux, caring little for the interference of the
whites, in an outrageous manner have broken their faith, and sullied the soil of their
Great Father with tlie blood of helpless women and children, and in a time of
profound peace. The fourteen Ojibwas thus killed on Apple river, furnish but a
sample of Sioux faith for the past two centuries, with their enemies.

On the occasion of the peace mentioned alxive that was broken, the Sioux reached
Gull Lake on a war-party, and at the entry of Gull river killed an Ojibwa. The body
was much mangled, and a war-club was left sticking in the body — a fit token that war
was again declared.

The Ojibwas of the Mississippi, under their chief Bn-bc-8e-f)Ui.Jih^x, quickly
collecting, and floating down the Mississippi, arrived at the mouth of the St. Peters
nearly as soon as their returning enemy. On the low point beneath the clifl", upon
which Fort Snelling now stands, the Ojibwas hid their canoes and laid in Avait.
Towards evening a long can<xj load of young women, dressed and painted in their liest
style, floated down the Minnesota, on their way to join the scalp-dance that was being
danced every night (at Little Crow's village Ix'low,) over the Ojibwa scalp recently

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

159

taken. As they came merrily laughing and padiUing clown utreamj close to the point
M'here their enemy lay concealed, a volley was fired into them, and their long flowing
locks were made to dangle in the belt of the Ojibwa.

The war-club which the Sioux had left sticking in the mutilated body of the Ojibwii
they had killed at Gull Lake, was now left sticking, Avith peculiar marks, in the body
of one of the Sioux women, to teach them that the vengeance of the Ojibwa was (juick
and sure.

It is needless to notice every engagement of the kind that happened Ix'tween these
two tribes : we have mentioned enough to give a sample of the deadly feud that has
existed between them for the past two centuries.

The actors in the fights I have thus far related have all now passed away.

The few old men of the trilxj still living have also passed through the same dangers
and the same fire, and their blood has flowed as freely as did that of their fathers.

The men of middle age also now living can boast of having extended the conquests
of their ancestors. Their heads are decked with eagle plumes, which have Ijcen won
in many a hard-contested struggle.

If possession gives a right, nearly all the country north and east of the Minnesota
river belongs to them.

About fifty years ago, bands of the Ojibwas from Sandy Lake, Leech, and Mille
Lakes, commenced to reside permanently on the Lower Mississippi at Gull Lake, Crow-
wing river, and down as far as Little Rock.

These bands soon formed under one chief, and became known as the "Great River
men." Their chief was Ke-cJic Hi-h'se-ffiin-iUb-a, or Big Curly -head.

About this time, an event of importance in their history happened, viz., the fight at
Long Prairie ; some of the actors in which, though old men, are still li\ ing.

This fight occurred in the fidl of the year, between forty and fifty years ago. A
party of one hundred and sixty warriors was collected by BuJjese-ffuu-iUlHj, chief of
the Mississippi men, and Esh-ke-btuj-e-cmh, or Flat-mouth, chief of the Pillagers.

At the head of their warriors they marched against the Sioux. In passing through
Long Prairie, (which was then Sioux countrj-,) they fell on a large trail of their
enemies ; following it up, they discovered a camp of about forty of their lodges, a short
distance below the Pine Bend. Early in the morning, this large camp, situated on
Long Prairie river, was attacked by the Ojibwas. The whole party repeatedly fired
Into the lodges from a short distance, and Ix'fore the Sioux warriors had prepared to
resist, many must have been killed. They at last sallied out to the number of sixty-
six men, and resisted manfully. The battle lasted the whole day, and but seven of the
Sioux were seen to continue the fight, and they were apparently determined to die on
the spot. Miraculously, they escaped the numy missiles aimed at them, till the
Ojibwas, being entirely out of ammunition, and fearing their foes Avould be reinforced
from neighboring camps, retreated.

'hit

l i

160

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

The losa of the Sioux in this attack was great, and probaM^' equalled the loss they
inflicted on the Ojibwas on a former occasion, at Cross Lake. From this time, the
Sioux fell back from the woods on to their western prairies, and after receiving reiieated
blows from the late Btuj-on<i-lie-fihiij, iSo»g-uI,--um-ig, and others, they eventually
altogether evacuated that jwrtion of their fonner country lying north of Sac river and
south and east of Leaf river to the Mississippi.

The attack on Long Prairie was made by the Ojibwas, in reven-e of the massacre
of two of their bravest warriors and their families, while camped out huntin;g. These
were Wauh-o-jeeg, namesake of the noted chief of that name, and SliesJtcvb. These
two men had fought side by side at Cross Lake, and other fights. When attacked,
Waulho-jccff was killed at the fii-st fire, but She-ahech fired one shot, killing one enemy
and wounding another. Wauh-o-jeeg was a head man, and much loved by his tribe;
his death was therefore a common grief, and quickly revenged. His relics were
scattered on the bloody battle-ground of Long Prairie, and his ammunition served to
kill his murderers.

Long Prairie is noted as having been on four different occasions wetted with the
blood of the two hostile tribes — Crow-wing three times, Elk river three times, Gull
Lake twice, Sandy Lake thrice, Mille-Lac, and indeed every place of any note on the
present border of the two tribes between Selkirk's settlement and Wisconsin river, has
been freely baptized in blood.

We have now pursued the different events of imiwrtance connected with their wars
in the history of the upper Mississippi branch or wing of the Ojibwa trilje, to the time
of men still living ; or would be living, had the Great Spirit allotted them the full
term of life.

Before we come to relate events happening in the days of Strong Ground, or Siiiig-
uh-um-eg, and Ilole-in-the-ahj, or Bug-on-a-ke-ahi'g,' who but lately, still in their prime,
departed for the land of spirits. We will mention a few names that have been noted
in the history of this important jiortlon of their tribe.

Birans-imh, as I have mentioned, may be called their pioneer to these regions.
Here he laid the foundation of a dynasty or chleftaindom, which has descended to his
children, and the benefits of which they are reaping after him. His grandson, Aa-
ihi-wd-be-ila, became a noted chief of the Sandy Lake bands — not so much for prowesa
in war, as for the great influence he exerted over his bands ; to whom he was truly a
father. He was a warm friend to the whites, and the traders of the country loved
him. These were of the old North- West, Astor, and other minor companies, that at
different times in his day, sent clerks with goods to Sandy Lake and the Mississippi.
Their presents to the hunters were given through the hands of Ka-da-wdrbe-da. He

' Bug-on-a-ke-shig literally means, Holc-in-tlic-sky. The war-aong of this chief was addressed to his guardian
ppirit, seen through a hulc in the sky.

t i

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

161

was noted for the spaciousness and neatness of his wigwam. On his mat table he
used the knives, forks, and dishes of the whites. He also kept his liquor-case, which
was ever well supplied, and from which he indulged but sparingly; occasionally
enjoying with his friends a "good comfortable smoke." On his death-bed, at an
advanced age, he requested that liis body should not be buried in the ground, but
hung up in the air on a scaflblding. His wishes being complied with, it became a
custom of his family thus to dispo.se of their dead. His totem wa.s the royal Ah-auh-
loauk. He left four sons and four daughters. One of his sons, Mong-o-zul, or
Loon's-foot, is a well-kno\/n chief of the Lake Superior Indians, and resides at Fond du
Lac. He has one of his father's original medals (English) and two of his own.

Another of his sons was taken prisoner by the Sioux at Cross Lake when a child,
and is n?siding still amongst them. His thii*d son, Kah-tcin-flum-a-toiuso, is present
chief of the Sandy Lake band. Of his four daughters, one married Captain Charles
Ermitinger, a noted Canadian gentleman : he took his wife to Montreal, where she
died. Another daughter married Samuel Ashmun, E.sq., one of the most respectable
citizens of Ste. Marie. She is the mother of a fine family of men and women grown.
The other daughters, one was wife to the celebrated chief and warrior, IIole-in-(/ic-sky,
and became the mother of the present first chief of the Mississippi bands. This
family are thus interlocked by the strong ties of blood with the Siixon race.

Another noted chief of tlie Mi.ssis.sippi bands flourished contemiwraneously with
K(ih-do-icauh-c-i1a. His name was Ke-<:lie-ki-bc-xe-<jnn-dib-a, (Big Curly-Head,) and was
chief of the lower and more hardy bands, who followed clo.se in the retreating
footsteps of the Sioux on the Mississijjpi. This chief is aptly spoken of, as the
vanguard or bulwark of his tribe. His is a name that will long be cherished in the
memory of the Ojibwas. In the words of one of their principal men, " He wa^ a
father to our fathers, who looked on him a.s a parent : his lightest wish was quickly
obeyed : his lodge was ever hung with meat ; and the traders vied with each other
who should treat him best : his hand was oi^n, and when he had plenty, our fathers
wanted not." He was noted not only for his charity and goodness of heart, but also
for the strength of it for bravery.

Three times he led his warriors with success against their enen)ies. Each time he
returned with them with bloody knives and reeking scalps. At Long Prairie figlu, he
led on the warriors of the Mississippi, Mille Lac, and Sandy Lake; while Flat-mouth
led on the Pillagers. He was leader of the party that so quickly took back the war-
club that the Sioux had left sticking in the body of one of their men at Gull Lake.

Twice the brave chief was attacked in his hunting camp by Sioux war-parties, and
both times he, with his warriors, repulsed them.

Strong Ground and Holc-'m-the<l(vj ' were in their youth his pijie-bearers, and waited
on him till the day of his death.

Pt. IL— 21

' Called Biig-on-a-ge-zhig.

162

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

He died on the road, returning from Prairie-du-chien to his own country, after the
great council of Indian trilwa convened at that place by the United States Government,
to the end that lines dividing their several countries might be marked out, and that
peace miglit reign between them.

In this coimcil or treaty, Jii-hese-fjini-dib-a almost singly represented the great body
of his tribe, living on and over the head-waters of the Mississippi.

The firm, unyielding front which he presented to the Sioux, and the force of his
deeds and reputation, gained for these bands the advantageous lines that, for their
trilje, were drawn.

lie may well be said to have secured, by a lasting ti-eaty, the concjuests of his
people. Had he ))een aided by the presence and voice of his cotemporary chiefs,
Flat-mouth and Kah-ilo-waiih-e-ihi,^ probably much more might have been done.

Not being used to a southern climate, many of the Ojibwas present at this treaty
died from sickness.

A number of their best chiefs Avere among the victims. Bci-he-sc-fjtni-cJ lb-ay was of
the number ; who died much lamented by the triJje in general, and all those that had
known the many gootl qualities of this native-bred chieftain.

Strong Ground and Ilole-in-theski/ attended him to Prairic-du-chien, and assiduously
cared for his wants during his last illness.

Just before he expired, he called these two young men to his bed-side, and counselled
them on their future course of life. He left in their charge his Mississippi bands, and
this circumstance laid the foundation of the chieftainship of these after\vards noted
men.

Ri-he-se-gnn-dil)-a had l)een three times given a medal.

He loft no childi'cn to reap the fruits of his name and actions, and indeed there is
none now living on the great river, of close aflinity to the deceased chieftain.

His totem was a crane, one of the oldest families in the tribe now residing mostly at
Lake Suiwrior.

N()-1m was a noted warrior, and flourished in his prime alniut eighty years ago.

In revenge for the great Sioux excursion to Leech, Winnipeg, and Sandy Lakes,
(which resulted in the three days' fight at Crow-wing,) he collected a war-party, which
was the first to penetrate to the St. Peters river : a little above the mouth of which
river, they attacked a camp of Sioux with great slaughter.

He, at another time also, with a small party of fearless spirits, penetrated into the
very heart ot' the Sioux country.

This party returned from the Pipe-stone river, which runs into the great Pn-go-no
or Missouri.

No-ka was noted as l»ing in all the fights of any consequence during his lifetime on
the Mississippi liorder.

' Ka-dc-wau-be-da tens present. Vide Treoty Prairic-du-cliien, 1825.

r' •

HISTOllY, AND GOVERNMENT.

163

lit' wiiH also noted as a hunter, and the fruits of one day's hunt is wortli mentioning,
as well to show the abundance of game in those days, as his jjrowess in tlie chase.

Starting from his lodge at the mouth of Crow-w ing, he in one day killed, on the first
snow, si.xteen elk, four buflUlo, five deer, three bears, one porcupine, and one lyn.\.

The fruits of this day's hunt he gave to his trader, who was wintering at this place.

A story is also told of this hunter ; that he fought a mad bufl'alo bull (in rutting
time,) for half a day, with only his tomahawk-pipe ; he used a small pine-tree for
shelter.

The Noka river is said to have been named after this man, who used to live much
about the lake from which it takes its rise.

Punk river, emptying from the west into the Mississippi, is named, in like manner,
after Sng-ut-aug-itn, father of the present chief Ka-diirwaulMxh, who hunted in the
vicinity, and on the said river, during his lifetime.

No-ka left a son, named Ik<liul, who distinguished himself in the feud of his tribe
with the Sioux. JIc with She-tiheeh (another brave character, who was killed at
Mille Lac with Wauh-o-jeeij,) were the two who went out at Cross Lake, on the open
ice, to meet four hundred Sioux warriors as they were advancing to attack their village.
Their brave example instigated their fellows to follow tliem ; and one of the most
bk)ody fights told of in their history was here fought.

This man was in ten different fights, where blood flowed freely. He was ever in
the van, — the wadding of the Sioux's guns often burning his clothes.

It was his lioast, that he had passed the ordeal of over one bag of bullets aimed at
him during his lifetime.

He is buried at Tj<mg Lake, near the Mississippi.

His son, the third Wauho-jccg, is now a noted chief of the Mississippi bands, fully
sustaining the name of his two ancestors and two illustrious tmmesnlccs, though he has
turned his attention more to peace than war.

Through an intimacy with the Sioux in his early days, he talks their language
freely. He has passed through many hairbreadth escapes during his lifetime, and
will bear to the grave nine wounds inflicted by the Sioux. By their hands he has lost
two favorite children and five brothers and sisters. His biograpliy, however, more
properly comes under a more modem era in the history of the tribe.

Another noted character, in his day, lived cotemporary with Be<hid, and equalled
him in bravery and note.

Wush-uah-lcocon (Muskrat's liver) was the chief in his time of the Mille Lac band,
under Rx-hc-fte-gun-tHb-a.

The numerous fights and hairbreadth escajies, wlierein this man earned a name and
rank among liis fellows, would fill a took as they are related by the present gene-
ration.

Ne-gan-e-kcshig, (Day-ahead,) had he lived the full tenn of human existence, was a

ft !

U 4

I f

164

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

man who would have become a noted and remarkable character. Even during hia
Hhort lifetime, on two remarkable occasions, he earned the name of the ''bravest of
the brave" among his fellow Indians.

On one occasion he singly followed the trail of a large Sioux war-jjarty, who had
been to Gull Lake and killed an Ojibwa. The party encamped at the mouth of
Noka river, and early in the morning the first riser in their camp received the bullet
of Xe-ff(in-e-hsfii(j. The Sioux, suspecting an ambush of their enemies, did not chase
him far. A day or two after he pursued the same party to the St. Peters river, and
was one of those that killed the women, at the mouth of that river, within the hearing
of the drums of a large Sioux village.

On the occasion of his death, he had left Gull Lake (where he usually resided) to
go to the mouth of the Crow-wing to hunt deer by torch-light.

There he found Wush-UHh-kofMn and another Indian. They encamped a short
distance above the entry of the river. After dark, Ne-yan-e-lce-ahiij, with his wife to
steer his canoe, started on his hunt. The current brought them silently to the island
that lies at the mouth of the Crow-wing, causing it to divide into two mouths or
entries.

Ilei-e he discovered the prow of a wooden canoe, that had lx?en drawn partly ashore.
On .searching, he discovered that he had fallen on the camp of a Sioux war-party. lie
blew out his torch, and stept noi.-'elessly ashore to reconnoitre. In a few moments he
returned, and requested his wife to make the Ix'si of her way to their friends at Gull
Lake, (fifteen miles distant,) telling her that he intended, after giving her sufficient
time to make her escaiw, to stab as many Sioux as he could, in their sleep, with his
knife, and when discovered, to fight them wiUi his gun, calculating in the darkness to
be able to make his escape by jumping into the river.

His wife, whom he hiid but lately married, refused to leave him, and used every
endearing epithet to induce him to forego his mad intent. He was at last, through her
tears and entreaties, prevailed upon to embark and return to his camp ; telling his
wife, however, that now he would rim into more danger than if she had allowed him
to have his own will — for he intended to fight tie Sioux in open day, to jirevent their
further advance into the country.

Sending his wife early in the morning to Gull Lake, Ne-gan-c-l-esliij, Wush-ush-lo-
Icon, and their comrade, laid in wait on the east bank of the Mississippi, opiwsite a
sudden bend in the river. The Sioux betimes embarked in their canoes, and com-
menced their course up the river. They numbered about one hundred canoes, averaging
three in each canoe.

The three Ojibwa warriors allowed the main IxKJy to pass their ambush, and picking
out their victims in warriors, whose heads were most Ijcdeckcd with plumes, they shot
down three as they passed within a few steps of their hiding-place. After their first
fire they jumjwd up, and ran on to the hill in their rear. Here We^an-e-keshlg stopped,

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT,

165

while Ilia comrade ran on; he loaded hia gun, yelled his war-whoop, and returned his
single bullet for the hundreds that were now flying past him. lie stood his ground
till all hope of escape was cut oft" by his being surrounded and wounded in the foot.
He fought to the death.

His companions, who narrowly escaped, said, that for a long time his single yell
and report of his gun was heard, before silenced by the repeated AoUeys of the Sioux.

His enemies, out of resixjct for his bravery, did not scalp or mutilate the body, but
left it in a sitting jwsture, decked with plumes — all the honors of Indian warfare.

From this sjwt the war-party returned, and the object for which Ne-gan-e-ke-ahiij
died was thus fulfilled.

This man waa father to the Little Curly IJeail, chief of the Gull Lake band, which
numbered during his lifetime three hundred souls. He was killed during a time of
peace by the Sioux four years ago, and has been succeeded by hia half-brother, Que-
wesansish, or Bad Boy.

We-non-ga (Turkey-Buzzard) distinguished himself at Leaf Lake and Long Prairie
fights, and also at the late massacre on Lake St. Croix. When he was an old man, he
was at last scalped by his enemies. Besides the above, he was prfjsent at three minor
engagements. He was the principal or head-warrior of the chief Big Curly Head.

Ke<Jie-v7att1j-ish-a8Ji (Big Marten) was also a noted brave. At Ntch-o-je-wun-ong, a
few miles below the mouth of Rabbit river, on the Mississippi, he singly fought and
n^^lled an attacking party of Sioux, or Sissetons. They often joined the Kit'tH-ten-o
and Assineljoins in their excursions. They boast among their brave warriors of old
Muk-uiUi-chib, or Black Duck. This man, with forty braves, attacked a Si.sseton
camp, and killed great numljcrs. Being warned by a friendly Assineljoin from the
camp, that three hundred Sioux warriors were coming to the rescue from an adjacent
village, the Ojibwas retreated ; but on a wide open prairie their enemies (all mounted)
caught up with and surrounded them, i liey kept them at a distance as long as their
ammunition lasted; and w'len this failed, the Sioux closed in with them, and the
battle was hand to hand. But one of this band of forty heroes ever returned to tell
the sad tale of their fate.

The above hapiiened alx)ut forty or fifty years ago.

Aissance (Little Clam) is the name of one of their noted chiefs and braves, who was
killed at Spirit Lake about forty years ago ; and the Red Lake band have still living
some warriors who have distinguished themselves by noted acts of great bravery.

Of the Pillagers : Avhcn you ask them, who were their most noted warriors and
men ? the answer is — " They all fought alike ; not one of our fathers passed through
life without seeing the shedding of blood."

As a war-leader, Mons-o-mo was distinguished ; — and the names of Muk-ud-a-wmin-
(hquwl (Black Cloud) and Sha-wa-lceshlg, as warriors, ought to be recorded in the
annals of their history.

l(i(i

TUIUAL OIIGANIZATION,

f J1

■•

It cca.xc-s to Ih.- a matter of Hiir|>riso, tliat a ])lialanx of nikIi inoti ooiilil coiuiuor and
hold the eouiitry they have Iteqiieathetl to their oUspriiifr.

We now eoiiie, in tlie course of our hintory, to tlie noted eluiracterw and events in
the days of a generation not yet passed away. Tliese events (so far as their relations
with the whites arc concerned) arc within the rcach of all who arc curious to know.
1 will, thercfore, hut cursorily- s|H'ak of the »lifl'erent treaties, in which they have sold
the iK'st jjortions of tlieir hlood-i'arned country.

The first treaty was at St. Peters, in 1837; again, at La Pointe, in 1842, and at
Fond du Lac and Leech Lake, in 1847.

To give an idea of the condition of the Mississii)|)i hands for the past thirty-five
yeai-s, it will he necessary to mention hrietly the noted characters that figured at
their head.

The deeds and life of Song-ulc-um-ifi, of Biiij-ou-kcsJi!;/, litrbc-fte-ijnn-iliJt-nncc, Ki-<'he,
SIkkj-o-Ihi , J'^Ji-ki'-f>iir/-(-rmh(', and of Waiilt-o-Jir;/, recpiirc in telling much more space
and time than is permitted me in this present account.

Siiiif-iili-uiii-ii/ and his younger Ijrother, Biiij-on-it-h'-nh'i<j, were the piiK>-l»earcrs and
warriors of tlie chief, lii<j Curly Hnul, who, on his death-l)ed, left to them his chief-
tainship and bands.

They distinguished themselves in the warfare of tlieir trilte with the Sioux ; and by
their deeds olitained an iniluence over their fellows of the Mississippi.

During their short career, they earned a name that will lie long rememlx>red.

Sonfj-uk'Um-iij Avas as fine a specimen of an Indian as ever proudly trod the soil
of America. He was one of those honor-loving chiefs, not only by name, 'at by
naturc also. He was noted for his untlinching bravery, generesity, and solidity or
firmness; the last of which is a rare ((uality in the Indian, among whom but one out
of ten is possessed of any firmness of character.

As an instance of his daring, on one occasion, he fought singly, by the side of a
mounted comrade, with seven Sioux, and drove them off with loss.

His first fight was, when a mere Ijov, at Long Prairie battle. Aga'ii, he was
present on an attack of a Sioux camp at Poplar Grove, on Long Prairie, where they
killed many of their foes. Again, he led a night attack on a camp at Crow river.

At Round Prairie, also, he with an Ottowa cut off, from a large Sioux camp, three
boys Avhile they were sliding on the ice, in plain' view of their friends.

At Fort Snelling, he was the one who fearlessly wont into the guard-house, and led
out four Sioux prisoners, armed with their knives, who had shot into their camp, (as
usual in time of peace,) and killed four Ojibwas. These prisoners Song-iik-uni-nj took
out of the fort, and in jiresence of the officers and garrison of the fort ' and a large
assembly of Sioux; he bade them run for their lives from the bullets of the Ojibwas,
whose relatives they had killed.

'This was done by order of Col. Snelling. — H. R. S.

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

167

lie wn.** present on many other occasions tlmt tried the nmn's heart. He ilied hut a
few years since, at alwnt the age of forty-<Mjriit.

liiHj-oiHi-b-*ihS<j, his younj,'er hrother, was ecjiially l)rave at the moment of trial, hut
8ome of hia cotemporary warriors say of liim, that his extreme hravery did ?iot hist.
" At the moment of e.xcitement he could have thrown liimself into the fire." Ti;esc
ai"e the words of one of liis noted hraves who often foufiht at liis side. He had not the
firmness of liis brother S>»<j-iik-tiii'-iij, but was more cunninjr, and soon came to under-
stand the policy of the whites perfectly. He was ambitious, and, thi-ough his cunninjr,
stepjKxl alx)ve his more straight-forward brother, and became head chief He was a
proud and domineering spirit, and loved to be implicitly obeyed. He had a (piick and
impatient temiK-r. A spirit like this is little calculated to Ijc loved and obeyed by the
free wild sons of the forest, who U)ve liljerty tiw well to become the slaves of any man.
liii(j-on-a-h-Kh!(j was more feared than loved by his bands, and had it not been for the
stron}? supiH)rt of his more intlucntial brother, he could never have been really chief
over his bands.

On one occasion, he turned out and dispersed a whole camp of his fellows with a
wooden paddle. The Indians were drinking licpior, and fighting among theni.sclve.",
after Bnijon-n-kc-nhiij had twice loudly ordeird them to drink in quiet. He struck with
his paddle promiscuously, and on this single occasion mortally ofl'ended some of his
best warriors.

Notwithstanding his harsh and haughty temiK'r, therc was in the breast of this man
much of the milk of human kindness ; and he had that way alx»ut him that induced
the few who really loved him to Ijc willing even to die for him.

During his lifetime, he distingui.shod himself in eight different fights, where blood
was lively shed. At St. Peters, he was almost mortally wounded — a bullet passing
through his right breast and coming out near the spine. On this occasicm, his daughter
was killed ; and from this time can be dated the bloodthirstiness with which he ever
afterwards pursued his enemies.

Ilis bravery was fully proved by his crossing the Mississippi, and witli but two brave
comrades, firing on the large Siou.x village of Jui-jxj-aia below the mouth of the St.
Peters. They narrowly escaped the general chase that was made for them by many
Sioux warrioi-s, crossing the Mississippi under a shower of bullets. There is nothing
in modern Indian warfare to equal this hardy exploit.

■flf^

3. CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY, CUSTOMS, AND
OPINIONS OF THE DACOTA TRIBE.

BY PUILANDER PRESCOTT.
TRANSMITTED FROM THE ST. PETERS A O G N C Y.

[The following responses to interrogatories drawn up by the Indian Bureau of the
United States in 1847, are from Mr. Philander Prescott, U. S. Interpreter at St. Peters.
Tlie respondent is himself allied to the Sioux tribe; of whom he records the
customs and trsiditions, speaks their language fluently, and has lived many years
among them in various situations and positions. His means of personal observation
have, therefore, been ample ; he is, moi-eover, a man of entire integrity of character,
and unimpeachable veracity. A plain man, without pretence to education, he records
simply what he has seen and heard. There is no attempt to assimilate the native
words he employs to any plan of orthography. It has been deemed better, in all
respects, to leave his paper in its original garb. The testiuioiiy it bears to the actual
state of Indian opinion and tradition is important ; and its manifest truthfulness
commends it to respect. The question of the jwpular division of the Sioux trioe into
six or seven bands, he discusses himself, more at length, in a note. Tlieir numbers,
according to the most recent count, oh given by him, will be found under the
statistic d head. — H. R. S.]

Answer to Memorandum of Topics from the Government op

THE United States: 1847.

2. " By what name are they called among themselves ; and by what name, or
names, are they known among other tribes; and what is the meaning of these
resjwctive names?'

Dacota is the word generally used for the Sioux nation, but they have different
names for separate bands or villages.

Mendawahkanton .
Wahkj)at«ns
Wahkpacoota .
Sussetonwah

People of sacred or spirit lakes.

" the loaves.

" who shoot in the leaves.
«

(1B8)

Eyank-ton-wah
Tetons '

HISTOllY, AND GOVERNMENT. 169

People of sacred or spirit lakes.

' These bands having been usually represented to be seven, vhoreas the writer states them to bo but siz, this
point was ngiiin referred to him. Ho discusses it, as follows:

Saint Pktkhs Sub-Agencv, February 2ilh, 1851.

Sir, — Yours of the 25th January came to hand seven days since.' Since that time I have been collecting
what iiiforniatiun I could in reference to the grand divisions of the Sioux.

I will give you Little Crow's definition of the term Seven Fires, which language is often used among the
Sioux. Seven Fires or Seven Divisions, Little Crow says, means seven difTorent nations of Indians, ns follows, viz.:

The Sioux, 1st; the Indians west of them, 2d; Chippewas, 3d; Winnebagoes, 4th; Menomonccs, 5th; Fox
and Sauks, 6th ; lowas, 7th.

This is Little Crow's interpretation of the Seven Fires or Seven Divisions. Singular as this appears, yet
there may be much sense in it.

Bad Hail says he has often heard the Indians talking of the Seven Fires or Divisions, but he could not make
out but six, viz. :

Mcndawakantons, Ist; Wahkpatons, 2d; Wahkpacootas, 3d; Sussetons, 4th; Yanktons, 5th; Tetons, 6th.

The Seventh he did not know where to find, nor who.

The Bad Hail says there are divisions amongst the Yanktons ; but still they arc one people as much as
the Mondawakauton Sioux arc ; they are one division, yet there are several bands of tlicni, and so it is with
the Yanktons.

Mock-pu-wc-cliastah is the next one that I called on for information. He says that Wabushaw, the first
acknowledged chief by the English, went to Quebec, and when he (Wabushaw) was about to start back for
home, the governor asked him how many large medals he wanted, and he says Wabushaw told him seven, —
wanting one large medal for each chief or village that were his friends. Here is where the Seven Fires or
Divisions took its rise from, according to Mock-pu-wc-clia.itah ; and the fullowitig, he believes, are the bands
which Wabushaw called Seven Fires, for which he wanted seven medals, viz. :

Wabushaw, Ist; Red Wing, 2d; Little Crow, 3d; Little Six, 4th;* Good Road, 6th ; Little Rapids, Cth ;
Traverse de Sioux, "th.

This is Mock-pu-wc-chastah's interpretation of the Seven Fires or Divisions.

Tom-o-haw sjiys the Yanktons are divided into bands for the purpose of hunting, but they arc all one people ;
one parly is c.ilted the South, and the other party, the North Vauktons ; but there is no difierence in dialect,
and he considers them all as one people or division.

The next and most reliable iuformatiou is Mr. Ilazeu Moocr's Indian form for Blackdog's band of
Mcndawakanton Sioux.

Mr. IMoocr says ho has lived in the Yankton ?'nintry sixteen years ; he says the following are the bands that
he always considered to bo one division of the Yanktons, viz. :

Ku-ux-aws, 1st; Pah-bax-ahs, 2d; Wah-zu-cootas, 3d; Ilcn-ta-pah-tus, 4lh, or Yank-ton-us, or South
Yanktons.

The three first named bands roam and hunt over the country from Lake Traveise to the Devil's Lake and tho
Missouri. Tho Ilen-tee-pah-tecs, or Yank-ton<!es, roam and hunt south of the Coutoau de I'rairic ; but in
chasing the buffalo these different bands meet together; and art nearly relatcil to each other; and he considers
them all one division.

Mr, Moocr says that if ho was a going to make a severth division, he should call the ^ssinaboins the seventh.
Ho says ho believes they speak the original Sioux dialect.

The Assinaboins probably are a band of tho Yanktons, b'lt they have become entirely alienated from tlicni,
and are at war with the Sioux ; therefore, they cannot now be considered a division of the Sioux, notwithstanding
they speak a similar dialect. So after all, I believe I am right in making only six grand divisions of tho Sioux
nation. — If any thing more should bo wanting, lot mo know, and I will answer as far as I can.

Hoping this will satisfy you, I remain your most obedient and humble scrv't,

P. Phescott.

* Good Roid should be btfort Llttl* Six, tad ihould lie 4th, and Little Six 5th.

Pt. II.— 22

170

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

. ;-'l

Supposed to bo eiglit thousand inhabiting the Mississippi, St. Peters, Shiane, and
Devil's Lake. These are the great divisions; but the tribe is still separated into
smaller bands and villages, numbering from fifty to one thousand soids.

Of the eight thousand Dacotas inhabiting the Mississippi and St. Peters country,
also Shiane and Devil's Lake, we will say two thousand are men, who hunt more or
less ; and we should average them at one fourth of a pack each, of furs and peltries.
This would make five hundred packs, which I think is a full average for several years.
Some seasons they come short of this average, and at others overrun it. Last year,
1847, there were over five hundred packs taken from the Sioux country.

Some of the Sioux interpreters interpret the word Dacota to mean confederacy or a
nation united, which no doubt is correct.

The word Sioux is given by old French traders ; what it was taken from, no person
knows. The Indians know not what it originated from. If you talk about Sioux,
among those Indians who are not acquainted with the whites, they will not understand
you; but the moment you mention Da-co-taa, the whole nation know who you
mean.

9. "Does the tribe speak one or more dialects, or are there parts of several
languages spoken, or incorporated in it, requiring more than one interpreter in
transacting business Avith them?"

The Men-da-workan-ton — Eyankton (Yanktons) — differ somewhat in dialect; but
they are readily understood by the other bands. No separate interpreter is wanted
for a Da-co-ta to pass through and converse with the whole nation.

1 1)3

10. " What rank and relationship does the tribe bear to others ?"
Each nation thinks or considers itself superior to other nations of Indians.
The traditions of other trilies or nations do not admit that any nation of Indians
is superior or more humane than their own. The mode to settle discordant preten-
sions to original rank, &c., is, to give them law, and a protection of rights and
property.

11. "Are there belts of wampum, quippas, or monuments of any kind, such as
heaps of stone, &c., to prove the former existence of alliances, leagues, or treaties
among the tribes?"

The Dacotas rear no monuments, &c. ; all the proof that I can find is tradition.

12. "What is the totemic system of the tribe; or, if it consist of separate clans or
primary families, what is the number of these clans, and what is the bodge of each ?
And, do these totems or badges denote the rank or relationship which is sought to
be established by these queries?"

/ i

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

171

The bodge or name of a village is generally taken from the position or place in which
it is situated, as in the following instances, viz. : Wi-atfa-clie-clutfi, or Bad ; Ohnh-liam-
hih, situated on a long reach of the river; Ilaminc-cJuiii, from the mountain of rocks
above Lake Pepin; Wahk-pafoiis, from their being settled where there is a large
quantity of foliage; Kah-po-sia, from the Indians having gone on a hunting tour.
Some of them took up their burdens, which were said to Ikj heavy, and walked oflf
lightly, and made long marches, which gave rise to the name Kah-po-sia, which means
light.

As for clans, there are many, and there are secret badges. All that can be noticed,
as to clans, is, that all those that use the same roots for medicines constitute a clan.
These clans are secretly formed. It is through the great medicine-dance, that a man
or a woman gets initiated into these clans. Although they all join in one general
dance, still the use, properties, &c., of the medicine that each clan uses is kept entirely
secret from each other. They use many roots of which they know not the properties
themselves; and many of them have little if any medicinal properties in them.
These clans keep up constant feuds with each other ; for each clan supposes that the
other possesses supernatural powers, .vnd can cause the death of any person, although
he may be living at a remote distance from it. These clans have been kept up from
time immemorial, and are the cause of most of the blood shed among the Sioux. If a

s( .1 uies. it is laid on some one of a different clan ; and from that time, rcvenge is
si T t by the relations of the deceased, and all the supernatural powers are set to work
to destroy the supposed offender. If this fails, then medicine is tried ; and if that
does not succeed, then the more destructive weapons, such as the knife, axe, or gun,
are made use of, and often prove effectual. When the Indians are drinking strong or
spirituous liquors, and are intoxicated, revenge is sought after with avidity. After an
Indian has succeeded in killing a supposed murderer, the relatives of the deceased seek
to retaliate ; and so their troubles arc kept up from one generation to another. It is
as much an impossibility to get one of the members of these clans to divulge any of
their secrets, as it is to get a freemason to disclose those of his lodge. They pretend
to have the power to heal as well as to kill ; and if a conjurer cannot heal a sick
person, he says at once, some one of another clan is opposing him ; and the nation
never will have peace and happiness until these superstitions and juggleries are
broken up by civilization and by sending physicians among them.

13. "Have geographical feature's, within the memory of tradition, or the abundance
or scarcity of game, had any thing to do with the division and multiplication of trilies
and dialects, either among the Atlantic or Western States ? Are there any remcmlx'red
feuds, family discords, or striking rivalries among chiefs or tribes, which have led to
such separations, and great multiplication of dialects?"

Tradition informs us that the Ducota or Sioux were much more numerous ou the

1 i^U'

172

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

lower part of the St. Peters river than at present ; that after the traders came into
the country, and purchased furs and peltries, &c., the wild animals began to recede,
and a large number of the Sioux kept pace with the game ; that they were in the
habit of killing for food, and for the peltries. The territory now claimed by the Sioux
nation is about nine hundred miles in length, and from two to five hundred miles in
breadth.

The Sioux have suffered much for w.ant of food, and have been compelled to divide
into small parties, to enable them to embrace a larger circuit of country to find food.
Notwithstanding, they have been compelled to eat those that had died of starvation
and cold. The different villages and bands have arisen mostly from feuds amongst
the clans.

14. " What great geographical features, if any, in North America, such as the
Mississippi River, Alleghany Mountains, &c., are alluded to in their traditions of the
original rank and movements of the tribe ; and was the general track of their migra-
tion from or towards the North or the East?"

The Sioux migrate, at this time, from the North to South-west. Tradition informs
us that they once inhabited the head-waters of the Mississippi. They used to go
to war to the Lake of the Woods and Lake Suijerior ; and when they went on long
hunting excursions, they came down the Mississippi to hunt. At that time there were
different nations of Indians on the St. Peters and Mississippi, below its mouth.

16. " What are the chief rivers in the territory or district occupied by the tribe ?"
The principal river is St. Peters, which is three hundred miles in length, navigable

for steamboats, in high water, about one hundred and twenty miles, to Traverse de
Sioux. There is one rapid aliout thirty miles above Fort Snelling, which is not
perceived in high water. The St. Peters takes its rise in the Coteau de Prairie. The
Chiane river is a large stream ; it empties into the Red river of the North. Goods are
landed at Traverse de Sioux from Mackinac boats and small durhams, and from these
taken to all parts of the Sioux country in carts.

17. "Are there any large springs or lakes in tlie district, and what is their
character, size, and average depth ; and into what streams have they outlets ?"

There are large springs at the commencement of the Big Wood on the St. Peters,
the largest of which can be seen only at low water. At this place there is an Indian
village, the chief of which told me he hod found mineral of a yellow colour. Thero
was also a spring which possessed medicinal properties. There are many lakes in the
Sioux country, varying from one mile to ten in length, and from half a mile to two
miles in width. The valley of St. Peters river alx)unds with springs of the finest
water in the world. Many of the streams have good water-power.

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

173

18. " What is the general character of the surface of the country occupied by the
tribe ? Is it hilly or level, fertile or sterile ; abundant or scanty in wood and water ;
abounding or restricted in the extent of its natural meadows or prairies ?"

The Dacota country is generally level, and very fertile ; scanty in wood ; abounds
with water. There are a great many natural meadows. The Indians raise small
quantities of com. The agricultural advantages are good throughout the Dacota
country.

19. "Are cattle and stock easily raised? Do the prairies and woods afford an
abundant supply of herbage spontaneously ? Are wells of water to be had at moderate
depths, where the surface denies springs or streams ; and is there a practicable market
for the surplus grain and stock?"

Cattle and stock are easily raised by cutting wild grass for the winter's hay. The
prairies and woods furnish a spontaneous growth of herbage that millions of cattle can
graze upon. There is no market for any great quantity of produce at present. '

20. " Has the old practice of the Indians, of burning the prairies to facilitate hunt-
ing, had the effect to injure the surface of the soil, or to circumscribe, to any extent,
the native forests?"

The practice of firing the prairies is generally condemned by the Indians; and
many of them will not do it. They say the fires destroyed a large amount of game.
The fire does much injury to the soil, and destroys large quantities of timber, particu-
larly pine.

21. "Are there extensive ban-ens or deserts, marshes or swamps, reclaimable or
irreclaimable, and what effect do they produce on the liealth of the country ; and do
they offer any serious obstacles to the construction of roads ?"

There are but few barrens in the Dacota country. There arc many marshes and
swamps, some reclaimable and others not. Some seasons, particularly when the water
is low, the Indians are more or less sickly. The summer of 184G and 1847, they
suffered severely from sickness. Some of the swamps will be serious obstacles to the
construction of roads.

22. " Is the quantity of arable land diminished by large areas of arid mountain, or
of volcanic tracts of country, with plains of sand and cactus ?"

There are no visible signs of volcanic tracts in the Dacota country.

23. " Is the climate generally dry or humid ? Does tlie heat of the weather vary
greatly, oris it distributed through the different seasons with regularity and equability ?
What winds prevail ? Is it much subject to storms of rain, with heavy thunder, or

' [The subsequent incorporation of Minnesota Territory from the Sioux country, and the ascent of steainboiits
to that point, on the Upper Mississippi, must soon render this remark no longer applicable. — II. R. S.]

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

tornadoes, and do these tempests of rain swell the streams so as to overflow their banks
and destroy fences, and injure the crops?"

The climate is generally dry. The heat varies, in summer, from temperate to rising
of 90° Fahrenheit, in two or three days, and then falls a^ much in the same time.
The winds are about equal from all points of the compass. Southeast, east, and north-
east, are the prevailing winds for rain and snow. Some winters, we have not more
than two inches of snow at a time, and no sleighing at all by land during the whole
season ; and then again, the snow is a foot and a half in depth. The thermometer
ranges from freezing to 40° below zero. However, the intense cold does not last but a
few days at a time. Very heavy rain storms are not frequent, neither are very heavy
peals of thunder common. Tornadoes are seldom heard of. The low grounds of the
St. Peters sometimes overflow in the spring freshets and injure the Indian corn. The
valley of the St. Peters is from one to two miles wide. This is the only part that
overflows. The prairies are from fifty to one Innidred and fifty feet above the valley
of the St. Peters. (Plate 24.) Tlie Indians say " that a number of years since there
came a great freshet in July, tluit destn>ycd all the corn in the Mississippi and St.
Peters valley.

24. " Does the district produce any salt-springs of value, any caves yielding saltpetre
earth, or any beds of gypsum, or plaster of paris ; or of marl, suitable for agricultural
purposes ?"

The Eyankton (Yankton) country in the neighborhood of Devil's Lake abounds
with salt lakes. '

25. "Has the country any known beds of stone-coal, iron, lead, copper-ore:' or any
other valuable de^Kisites of useful metals or minerals?"

The country in the vicinity of Lake Pepin is said to contain lead-ore on the half-
breed tract and Indian lands. I once saw a lump of lead-ore that a Sioux Indian said
he found near Lake Pepin, but never could be persuaded to show the place where he
found it, on account of a superstitious notion that some persons of his family would
die if he should cause a mine to be opened on their lands. There is said to be copper-
ore on Rum river, that enters into the Mississippi, above the falls of St. Anthony.
Something like slate is found on Red-wood river by the Indians. It possibly may be
coal ; if so, it will be of great value, as wood is scarce.

2C. " What is the general character and value of the aninud productions of the
district ? What species of quadrupeds most abound ?"

There are deer, but this animal is now scarce; bears, beavers, raccoons, otters,
minks, muskrats, weasels, wolves, (large and small,) foxes, (gray and cross,) red fox,
lynx, badger, ground-hog, (wood-chuck,) porcupine, red squirrel, three kinds of striped

' [TLis fact may prove one of high importance in the future history of that remote, high, and arable tract
of country. — II. 11. S.]

..-^ - - ■,■■, -...— ^.-i-k:,-^.-

)

■L,

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

175

squirrel tliat burrow in the f^round, no gray or blntik wjuirrel, some rabbits or conies.
Of all these animals the niuskrat is the most numerous ; bufl'alo, elks, and deer, arc
next in quantity. Tradition says tliat most of the above mentioned animals were
very numerous before the fur-traders came into the country; but they iK'giui to
diminish as soon as traps and fire-arms began to be used to collect furs and jR'ltries for
the traders. I have heard old hunters say that there are thousands of bufl'alo killed
for the hide and tongue. The liear, the Indians say, Ixjgan to decrease fn-st, and then
the buffalo.

27. " Do the Indian traditions make any mention of larger or gigantic animals in
former periods?"

The Indians say that large animals had existed once in that country', of which they
have pieces of bones that tliey use for medicine. They lussert that formerly there was
a giant who could stride o\er the largest rivers and the tallest pines with ease, but he
was pacific in his natiu"e, lived on the fat of animals, and carried a large bow and
arrow. The Indians have a tune tliat they sing to the giant, particularly when they
have done something they wish to boast of There arc still giants of great jxiwer, it
is believed, l)ut where they are they cannot tell ; but they are sure these giants can
destroy the thunder, and hill all Iciiuh of aninnds hy a look of the eye.

29. " Have they any peculiar opinions or striking traditions respecting the serjwnt,
wolf, turtle, grizzly Ijear, or eagle, whose devices are used as symbols on their arms or
dwellings, and how do such opinions influence their acts on meeting these species in
the forests?"

These animals are held in great veneration by some of the Indians, owing to the
clan-system spoken of in No. 12. The men, when initiated into the great medicine-
dance and clan, have some animate object of veneration, which they hold to, as sacred
through life. Whatever it may be, they cannot, or dare not kill it, or eat any part
of the flesh thereof Some fix on a wolf, some a bear, some a deer, a bufl'alo, an otter;
others different kinds of birds, or different parts of animals ; some will not eat the
tail or rumi>picc(!, others the head, the liver, and so on. Some will not eat the right
wing, some the left, of a bird ; the women also are prohibited from eating many of the
parts of the animal that are forbidden. When they enter into the clan, any person
that breaks any of these rules, by eating any thing forbidden, brings upon himself
trouble of some kind, llie offence is the same, even if accidentally committed. If
an Indian has bad luck in hunting, he at once says some one has been breaking their
laws, either by eating some parts of the animal forbidden, or they have stepped over
it, or on it, particularly a woman ; if she steps over any of the things held sacred, a
great trouble is soon expected in the family ; therefore precaution is taken, as soon as
possible to appease the animal held in veneration, for they think that diseases arise
from some animal entering in spirit into their system, which kills them.

^muiiiui

:£ii.

176

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

'I -i

« ;' »

31. "Are Muy exiK-rt in dniwiiig maps or charts of the rivers, or Bcctions of
country which they inliiibit ?"

Their capacity is very limited. All their drawings or figures are very inaccurate.
They have no knowledge of the rules of proiHjrtion.

33. "What is generally thought, by men of reflection, to Iw the probable origin and
])ur|M)sc of the western mounds?"

Mounds are not common in the Dacota country. There arc a few about seven
miles west of Fort .'-duelling, in which human Ixnies are found. The Indians say the
lowas once inhabited this c(mntry, and that it is very probable the.se mounds were
made by them. The mounds are in the vicinity of St. Peters river ; there arc some
also at the mouth of the St. Croix river, but they are low, running east ond west.
The oldest Indians know nothing alxjut the structuiv, neither have they been ojiened
to sec what they contain. They are some fifteen or twenty in number, round in form,
and from ten to twenty feet in diameter. I am informed there are more mounds in
the Sioux country.'

40. " If pii)es are found, what is the material; is it stone, steatite, or clay — how
arc they formed — to admit a stem, or to be smoked without, and what are their
shapes, m.QH, and ornaments?"

Pijw-stone is found at the Coteau des Prairie, of a deep and pale red colour. It is
similar to slate in substance. It is imbedded between two strata of sand and lime-
Tovk, from five to ten feet deep. It is suri)rising to see what work the Indians have
performed to got this stone : the}' make with their knives beautiful pipes from it.
The stone is quarried with axes and lioes. There arc no forests here. The Indians
have to carry wood from twelve to twenty miles to cook with, wlule quarrying. The
pi[X!-8tone quarry is about twelve miles from Big Sioux river, its nearest point. Mr.
Catlin claims to be the first white man tliat visited the pipe-stone, but this is not so.
In 18.30 I found a Gib. cannon-ball there.

41. "How many kinds of cooking utensils were there? Describe them."
Tradition informs us that the Dacotas once used the skin of the animals they killed

to cook in. This was done by putting four stakes in the groinid, and fastening the
four corners of the skin to the stakes, so as to leave a hollow in the centre, into which
was poured water — from one to two gallons. Then a quantity of meat was cut very
fine, and put in with tlic Avatcr. Then stones were heated and thrown in. They say
three or lour stones, the size of a six-pound shot, cooked the meat and made a good
dish of soup.

42. " What was the process of manipulation of their darts ?"

' [These small tumuli have heen the subject of fanciful description. The larger piles have been pronounced
geological by Mr. R. D. Owen. — H. R. S.]

f i

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

177

The dartH, in former times, were worn down on a coarse snn<lstone. This stone is
very iianl in its natural state, hut they bum it, which softens it, and makes a very
sharp grit, which will wear away iron very fast l)y constant rubbing. In this way, the
arrow-iK)ints were made, and some few are still manufactured in the same way of iron.
The arrow used for hunting is differently shaped from that they use for war. The
arrow-heads arc fmm two to four inches in length, formerly made of bone, and deer
and elk horn, and sinews from the necks of buffalo.

44. "How many kinds of wampum were there? What shells were employed?
What was the value of each kind ? IIow was it estimated ?"

Wampum has been in use only since the whites commenced trade with the Indian
tribes, and is valued as white people value })i'oper. •. Wampimi is manufactured by
people on the searcoast, from shells found in the '.jean. Traders foruierly sold from
two to five strings for an otter. At the present tiwie, ten to twesity strings are given
for an otter's skin.

48. " Have they any idea of the universe, or other creations in the f 'd of space,
which have, in their belief, been made by the Groat Spirit?"

The Dacotas believe the Great Spirit made all things except rice and thunder.

52. "How many moons or months compose the Indian yes i", &c. \"

The Dacotas count time by seasons — spring, summer, autumn, and winter, which is
counted one year. Twenty-eight days or nights are counted one moon. They can
tell, pretty well, about what time the new moon will appear.

53. " Do they notice the length of the summer and winter solstices, and of the vernal
and autumnal equinoxes?"

The Dacotas count three months for spring, three for summer, three for fall, and
three for winter, and each month or moon has a name, viz., January, the seven^ or
hard moon, February, the moon in which raccoons run, March, the moon of sore eyes.
April, the moon that the geese lay. May, the moon for planting, June, the moon for
strawberries and hoeing com, July, midsummer, .tn .iist, the moon that corn is gathered,
Septeml)er, the mc'on that they make wild rice, Octolx>r and November, running of the
does, December, the moon when the deer shed their horns.

55. " Have they any name for the y^av, as contra-distinguished from a winter?"
No.

Hi'

56. "Have they names for any considerable number of the stars?"
The Dacotas have a few names for stars.
Pt. II. — 23

^*#^?'$S«'r

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

60. " In what part of the heavens or the phmetary system do the Indians locate
their paradise, or their happy hunting grounds and land of souls ?"

The Ducotas have no particular place in the heavens for their departed souls.
They say there are large cities somewhere in the heavens, where they will go to, but
ptill be in a state of war with their former enemies, and have a plenty of game.

61. "Docs the tribe count by decimals?"

The Dacotas' count commences 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. Then they commence
again and double the count, by saying ten and one, ten and two, ten and three, ten
and four, and so on to two tens ; then it is two tens and one, two tens and two, two
tens and three, and so on to three tens, or thirty. They keep on counting tens, until
they arrive at ten times ten, which is a hundred. Some can count a thousand very
readily. Others can count ten million, but they cannot understand anything about
the quantity, without saying it."

63. "How wore accounts formerly kept?"

Accounts were formerly kept in skins. A buck-skin was the standard currency.
After the beaver failed, five to ten bucks was the price of blankets of different
qualities. Five muskrat-skins were valued as equal to one buck-skin. A beaver or
an otter was called a plue, the French for furs. Buffalo-robes are taken so many for a
blanket, from two to five at this time. Where Indians receive annuities, their
accounts are kept in dollars and cents by the traders. The Indian mode of trading
among themselves is merely an exchange of articles ; for instance, an Indian wants a
horse, a lodge, or a canoe ; he will take what he thinks is the value of the articles
wanted, and carry it to some person that he believes most likely to strike a bargain
with him. He then tells him what he wants, and although what he brings may not
be sufficient in the estimation of the other, to purcho^ what he wants, still the offer
or price is not refused; because it is understood tliut such refusal might cause his
horse to be killed, or his lo<lge to be cut, or his canoe broken, or some kind of mischief
might happen to him.

05. " Did a single perpendicular stroke stand for one, and each additional stroke
mark the additional numlxr ?" &c. &c.

Their count is by one single stroke. For a hundred they make one hundred marks.
Their ages are not accurately known. Some of their grave-posts are marked by
characters of the number of persons killed. Although an Indian may never have
actually killed one of his enemies, he may count with tliose that do kill. After an
enemy is killed, or shot down, four of the first persons of the war-party count it an
honor, or can wear an eagle's feather, and lie entitled to as much honor as the man
that shot the enemy.' Therefore there is great strife amongst the warriors to see who

■[See Dacota Numeration, § VI. B.]

' [See Manners and Customs, ante, § II. A.]

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

179

shall touch the body first, to gain a feather, which is a great distinction, or mark of
bravery. Sometimes, however, they are sadly disappointed ; as if the enemy is not
dead, the first one that approaches is apt to get shot, and then a pair of them die
together.

66. "What is the general character of their medical practice?"

Their sick are attended as well as could be expected by a people so ignorant and
superstitious. Children and youth are better nursed than the old and decrepid. The
Indians say that many years ago, the E-yankton of the plains had an old man that
could scarcely walk, and his sons and relations got tired of handing him about, and
therefore told the old man they were going to leave him, but not to suffer a lingering
death ; that they would give him a gun, and put him out on the plain to be shot at by
the young warriors, that he might defend himself the best way he could, and that if
he succeeded in killing any one of them, it would be an honor he could take with him
to the land of spirits. The young warriors, however, wei-e quite too active for the old
man, who could not hit one of them, before he himself was shot.

67. " Have their professed doctors and practitioners of medicine any exact know-
ledge of anatojny, of the theory of the circulation of the blood, or the pathology of
diseases ?"

None.

68. " How do they treat fevers, pleurisy, consumption of the lungs, obstructions of
the liver, deranged or impeded functions of the stomach, constipation, or any of the
leading complaints ?"

By charming, or singing over the sick, and shaking a gourd-shell over them. (Plato
46, Part 1st.) The gourd-shell has beads in it, to make it rattle. They also stuft' the
patient with meat and strong soup.

69. What species of plants or other roots are employed as emetics or cathartics ?"
They have many plants and roots that they use, but know not the properties of but

few of them. Some of them use old bones of a large animal that they say once existed
in the country, and others use pieces of stone for medicine. They dig the roots and
dry them, to preserve them, and then pound them when they want to use them.
They have one root that is very powerful, and used as a cathartic; but it often
operates as an emetic also.

70. " Do they bleed in fevers ? and what are the general principles of the application
of the Indian lancet ? Is the kind of cupping which they perform with the hom of
the deer efficacious, and in what manner do they produce a vacuum?"

I 'i

ai««l<«MB««-»*>^.»aifUl>.a»»SS

.; i

180

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

The Indians bleed in the arm, but not when they are very sick. When they bleed,
it is generally before they get very low. They cup sometimes for the headache. The
Indian's knife or lancet, in these cases, is a piece of flint. A scale of the common flint
is knocked off", generally with the fire-steel, which is very sharp, and a piece of this is
used for scarifying and fof cupping. Sometimes they tie a small piece of wood, six
or eight inches long, to the flint, and use it like a phlegm. The point of the flint is
laid on the vein, and struck a light tap with a small stick ; the blood then runs very
freely. They most generally use the tip-end of a buffalo horn for cupping.

71. "Have they any good styptics, or healing or drawing plasters?"

They have some roots that heal new Avounds very easily. Bandages and lint are
not skilfully applied, nor removed in time.

72. " Is the known success with which they treat gun-shot wounds, cuts, or stabs,
the result of the particular mode of treatment, or of the assiduity and care of the
physicians ?"

The healing-art of gun-shot wounds is mostly in nature itself.

73. "Do they ever amputate a limb, and how, and with what success? Are
the arteries previously compressed?"

They seldom amputate a limb. They have no surgical instruments. They are not
skilful in splints. If a limb is broken, it is almost sure to be crooked afterwards.
The mode of carrying the sick or wounded is in a litter on two poles lashed together,
and a blanket fastened on to it. (Plate 25.) Two men carry it, one at each end of the
litter, by his head-strap, v/hich he fastens to each side of the litter, then brings the
strap over his neck. It is wonderful to see how far two Indians will carry a heavy
man in this way.

74. "What is the state of the Indian Materia Medica?"

They have some medicine, that is, roots and plants. They iiave no metallic
medicine. Their compound decoctions are simple, but no reliance can be placed on
them. They have some roots that are healing to wounds. They all use one kind of
medicine for cathartics. They have also medicine for injections ; but the principal
catholicon for all diseases is the gourd-shell, or a shell mode of birch-bark, by which
they charm away sickness and pain. Tliey say the sick person has been afflicted by
some quadruped, biped, or amphibious animal. The remedy to remove the animal
from the body of the sick is for the doctor or conjurer to get the shape of the animal
cut out of bark, which is placed outside of the lodge near the door, in a small bowl of
water with some red earth mixed in it. The juggler is inside of the lodge, where the
sick person is, making all sorts of noises, shaking his shell, ond gesticulating in every

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HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT,

181

way. The animal made of bark in the vessel outside is to be shot : two or three
Indians are in waiting, standing near the bowl with guns loaded with powder and
wad, to shoot the animal when the conjurer makes his apiwarance out of the lodge.
But to be sure that the conjuring shall have the desired effect, a woman must stand
astride of the bowl, when the men fire into it, with her dress raised as high as the
knees. The men are instructed how to act by the conjurer, and as soon as he makes
his apjjearance out of doors, they all fire into the bowl, and blow the little bark animal
to pieces. The woman steps aside, and the juggler makes a jump at the bowl upon
his hands and knees, and commences blubljering in the water, and singing, and making
all manner of noises. While this is going on, the woman has to jump on the juggler's
back, and stand there a moment ; then she gets off, and as soon as he has finished his
incantations, the woman takes him by the hair of his head, and pulls him along into
the lodge from whence he emerged. If there are any fragments found of the animal
that has been shot, they are carefully buried, and then the ceremony is over for the
present.

If this does not cure the sick, a similar ceremony is performed, but some other kind
of an animal is shajied out and shot at.

75. " IIow do they treat imijosthumes and eruptions of the skin ? Do men evei
interpose their skill in difficult ca.ses of parturition ; and what is the general character
of the medical ti-eatment of mothers and children? Do they employ vapor-baths
efficaciously for the health of their patients?"

There is aot much done for eruptions of tlie skin except greasing it with such soft
fat meat as they can get. Small-pox is a disease they know nothing about the treat-
ment of; and in fact any diseases that are dangerous and difficult they have no idea
of a remedy for. In cases of parturition the men seldom, if ever, are called upon to
assist ; but if a man and his wife should be on a hunting excursion, and such a thing
should happen, then of course he is forced to do what he can to assist her. The
women crack many jokes at the men for their unskilfulness in such matters.

It is seldom they have a difficult case in parturition, owing, I suppose, to the women
being accustomed to hanlships. There have been instances known of women going
out after a load of wood, and returning in a short time with the wood on their backs
and a new-ljorn babe on tiie top of the load. (Plate 20.) There is seldom any thing
done to the mother in these ca.ses, as she is generally well enough in one or two days
to do any ordinary work. The child is wrapi>ed in a new blanket, and kept very
warm a few days. Then they begin to lash it on the cradle for carrying about on the
back, by a strap attached to each side of the cradle, and then brought over the
forehead. (Fig. 2, Plate 15.) In this way they will carry a child half a day, and
Bometiines a wliole day, and the child appears perfectly at ease.

They have no ta'atment for paralysis but shaking the shell and singing, and

I M

I J, J

182

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

shooting the animnla that the jugglers think have caused the disease. Vapor-baths
are used by them, but not frequently. The manner of preparing this bath is to set
four sticks in the ground, and bend them oil inward, which makes them cross, and
become round on the top. This enclosure is three or four feet in diameter, and about
three or four feet high, with two or three blankets thrown over, which excludes the air
all round. In the centre of this is placed a red-hot stone, that would weigh from six
to eight pounds. The patient's posture is half-sitting or stooping over the stone.
Another Indian is inside, and pours water over the stone. The steam arising from it
is very oppressively hot, and causes great perspiration in a short time. After the
patient has endured it as long as he can, he goes with the other man, and they both
plunge into the water, which ends the vapor-bath.

76. " Does the tribe consist of one or more clans or subdivisions, &c. ?"
See No. 12, for clans. See No. 2, of this book.

78. " Were the chiefs originally hereditary or elective ? If hereditary, is the descent
in the male or female line, &c.?"

Tlie chieftainship is of motlern date ; that is, since the Indians first became acquainted
with the whites. Tradition says, they knew of no chiefs until the white people began
to make distinctions. The first Sioux that was ever made a chief among the Dacotas,
was Wah-barshaw, and this was done by the British. Since that time, chieftainship
has been hereditary. There are small bands existing that have no recognized chiefs.
The females have nothing to do with, nor any rights in the chieftainship. There is no
particular ceremony to instal a man chief, only the father, before he dies, may tell the
band that he leaves his son to take his place. The son generally presents himself to
the Indian agent, the principal soldier speaking for him, saying to the agent, " Our
former chief has left this his son to be our chief." This is about all of the ceremony.

79. " To what extent is an Indian Council a representative assembly of the tribe,
and how far are the chiefs invested with authority to act for the mass of th^»
tribe, &c.?"

The chiefs have but little power. If au Indian wishes to do mischief, the only wi y
a chief can influence him is to give him something, or pay him to desist from his e\ il
intentions. The chief has no authority to act for the tribe, and dare not do it. If
he does, he will be severely beaten, or killed at some future time. Their office is not
of much consequence as chief, for they have no salary, and are obliged to seek a
livelihood in the same way that a common Indian docs ; that is, by hunting. A chief
is not better dressed than the rest of the Indians, and often not so well. The chief is
sustained by relationship. The band of which au Indian is chief is almost always of
a kin totem, which helps to sustain him.

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HISTORY, AND GOVEUNMENT,

183

81. "Do the chiofi*, in public coiinci], Hpesik tlio opinions ai.:. wiitiiiioiits c»f the
warrior claws, previously expressed by the latter in their separate or home councils ; or
«lo they particularly consult the old men, priests, warriors, and young men comixising
the tribe, Ac?"

The democratic principle is implanted a little too deep in the Indians in general.
They all wish to govern and not to ])c governed. Every Indian thinks he has a right
to do as he pleases, and that no one is better than himself; and he will fight before he
will give up what he thinks right. No votes are cast. All business is done by the
majority of the band assembling and consulting each other. Some one will set up for
or against a motion ; and the one that apiwars the best is adopted by general consent.
The voice of the chief is not considered decisive until a majority of the band have
had a voice, and then the chief has to be governed according to tliat voice or opinion
of the tribe.

82. "In what manner are the deliberations opened, conducted and closed, &c.?"
Councils are generally oixined by some chief. When the subject-matter concerns

the soldiers or " braves," the first or principal soldier is authorized to speak or act as
orator for the party a-ssembled. There is most generally some remark made about
the weather, as an omen that the Great Spirit accords with or opposes their wishes.
Questions of a grave character, that is, with the white people, are deliberated upon by
all interested ; and cases of revenge octed on precipitately. (Plate 27.)

1*1

83. " Are decisions made by single chiefs, or by a body of chiefs in council, carried
implicitly into effect, &c.?"

Decisions made by a delegation are considered lawful and binding, but the acts of a
single chief are binding only upon his own village. In cases of murder, the parties
aggrieved generally seek revenge themselves, although there are some instances w!iere
a murderer is put to death by the authority of the council. An instance of this kind
happened near this place in 1846, at Little Crow's village.

An old chief had three wives, and also had children by each of the three, who were
always wrangling with each other, although the father had taken great pains to bring
them up to be good men. After the old chief's death, the eldest son of each of these
three sets of children, set up claims to the chieftainship, although their father had
previously given it to his first son. The younger brothers were very jealous, and
made an attempt to kill him, and very nearly succeeded. They shot him with ball
and shot; both his arms were broken, and he was also wounded in the face and breast.
After this heinous act, the young men mode their escap?, and a month after^vards
returned home again, got drunk, and threatened to kill other persons. The village
called a council, and resolved to put the young men to death. One of them had fallen
asleep, the other was awake. The three appointed to kill them, one of whom was a

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184

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

half-brother, went to the lodge where they had been drunk, and shot them. No
notice, or time, or place, was given them. The executioner seeks the most favorable
opportunity be can find to kill the man. Guns are generally used for this business,
although the tonuihawk or clubs sometimes are preferred. Messengers are sent out for
the restoration of property. Tlie most of the pilfering among themselves is done by
women and children. The men say it is too low a practice for them to live by.
Stealing horses, however, from an enemy, the men regard as an act of bravery and
right. The women have severe and bloody fights on account of stealing from each
other. The men scarcely ever interfere in tiiese quarrels. Polygamy also generates
bloody battles among the women, and the strongest generally keeps the lodge. The
men attend to their own difficulties, and let the women settle theirs.

84. " Is the succession of a chief to tin office vacated by death, or otherwise debated
and decided in council, or may a person legally in the right line of descent, forthwith
assume the functions of office?"

At the death of a chief, the one nearest of kin, in a right line, has a right to set
himself up as chief If there are no relatives, a chief is made by a council of the
band. It seldom Jiappens that a chief is dejwsed. There is but one chief in each
band or village. Some villages have a second chief, but his functions are very limited.
The custom of wearing medals is modern, and from the whites.

85. " Wliat is the power of the priesthood as an element in the decision of political
questions, &c. ?"

The power of the priesthood is very great. The priests or jugglers sit in council, and
have a voice in all national aiTairs. They are the per::ons that make war, and they
also have a voice in tlie sale or ctssicm of lands.

86. " Define the power of the war-chiefs."

The ix)wer of a civil and the power of a war chief is distinct ; the civil chiefs scarcely
ever make a war-party. The war chiefs often get some of the priests or jugglers to
make war for them. In fact, any of the jugglers can make a war-party when they
choobo. The war chiefs are generally distinguished from the other officers of the band.
The young men often sit in councils, but seldom speak before they are twenty-five or
thirty years old. Matrons never appear in council, but the women express their opinion
at home ; in fact, I liave seen cases where the wishes of women have been carried.

8C. " State what is the law of retaliation, or the private right to take life."
Any one, two, or three, may revenge the death of a relative, and it sometimes
happens that two or three are killed for one. A compromise is frequently made by
the offending party giving large presents. Fleeing, too, from justice has saved the

ill

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

185

life of a murtlercr for years, and lie sometimes escapes altogether, and dies a natural
death. Other murderers are killed years after the offence; when they think all is
forgotten, revenge is taken in a moment, and they are killed. They have no particular
place of escape, as the people of old had. In feuds arising from jx)lygamy, if a death
occurs, the rtslatives of the deceased almost always seek revenge.

90. " What are the game laws, or rights of the chase, &c. ?"

Each village has a certain district of country they hunt in, but do not object to
ftimilies of other villages hunting with them. Among the Dacotas, I never knew an
instance of blood being shed in any disputes or difficulties on the hunting grounds.
The Seseiona and Yanktons have sometimes objected to the Mendawahhantons hunting
on their lands, but they can obtain pcnuission to do so by giving some small presents.

91. " Are furs surreptitiously hunted on another man's limits subject to be seized by
the party aggrieved, &c. ?"

All furs and game are held in conmion. Tlie person that finds and kills game is
the rightful owner. Tlicre are instances of great contention over the carcase of an
animal, and some get severely cut ; but this only occurs when the Indians are starving.
The furs they seldom quarrel about, unless it is from stealing from each other which is
the cause of quarrels among some of them. The chief I'arely meddles in these
contentions.

92. " Are warnings of local intrusions frequently given ? or is injury to property
redressed privately, like injury to life?"

Injury to proi)erty is sometimes privately revenged by destroying other property in
place theraof. Indians sometimes kill each other for killing horses.

93. "If hunting parties or companions agree to hunt together for a special time, or
for the season, what arc the usuiil laws or cuf-toms regulating the hunt?"

The rules of the hunters are, to divide the meat of the animal they kill. There are
many instances where an Indian kills u deev, luui reserves ohly the hide and the very
.miallest portion for himself If four or five otheix sliould come up while he is dressing
the deer, they must all get a piece. As soon as a deer is killed, the Indians kindle a
fire and commence roasting bits of it, so that they generally make a good meal in a
few minutes. While the deer is being dressed iind divided out, if an Indian wounds
another deer, and it runs a considerable distance, and then another Indian kills it, he
claims the animal and gets the hide, but the first man, if he conies up in time, will
get a part of the meat. Stealing from each other's traps is a *'requent occurrence.
The loser satisfies himself by doing the same thing to the oue that he suspects, or
some one else.

Pt. II. — 24

!i :

186

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

Li ^i .J

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94. "If a tribe or band pass over the lines, and hunt on the lands of another tribe,
and kill game there, is it deemed a jiist cause of war?"
Yes, but they remonstrate first with each other.

i 95. "Has commercial intercourse promoted the general cause of Indian civilization?"
We Ijelieve that commerce has done nothing towards civilizing the Indians, but
rather retarded it, and many of the traders oppose civilization, because they say it
will stop the Indians from hunting, and the trade will decrease on that account. The
traffic in furs and skins is carried on by companies, and by individuals. The goods,
most of them, come from England to New York, then are re-shipped, with a pii)fitaljle
tariff, west to Mackinac and St. Louis. At these places the traders assemble once a
yeai", and take their outfit.*', with another tarilf put upon the g(K)ds. These outfits are
taken into tLo iiidiiui countrj', and petty traders and voyagers are furnished or
outfitted iiiiain ^o it is tariff upon tariff, and when the goods get into the Lands of
the Indians, tli ■ blankets coft from eight to fifteen dollars a pair, and somotinies that
mo. II i'nr single Mankets. The risk in trade is considerable; first, failures in hunting-.
aiHi secoiid, ir.'.'iiular iirices in furs. A trader in the wilderness is guided l)y his last
ye. .rV= pricos, and pays the Indians accordingly. Being so far from market, he docs
no; l<;aru lu tliK'tiiations, and then when he makes his return of furs, he \A\\ probably
finci i.hat tbf y ^ re not Avorth half as much as the jciiv before. So the Indians are
benefited by the high price, and the actual trader 'uis to Ije the loser; while the
equippcrs at New York hoard up immense fortune>=. Look at John J. Astor, for
instance, as equipper.

t • I

9G. "Are the chiefs and hunters shrewd, cautious, and exact in their dealings,
making the purchases wuth judgment, and pa\ ing up their debts fiuthfully ?" &c.

The chiefs and hunters are shrewd enough in dealing and bartering. Many people
say the jxjor Indians are impo.'^ed uiwn, but it is a rare cu.se that the trader gets the
advantage. Competition is so groat, that an Indian can go from one trader to another
until he gets a fair price lor ills lurs. In fact I iuive known iistances where an Indian
has got one-third more for his furs than they were worth. TJiey rely on memory to
keep their accounts, but sometimes an Indian notches on his pipe-stem, to keep an
account of the amount '..e gets on credit. Some Indians are punctual in paying their
debts, but many of t''om fail. I have known some of tliein to fall short four and five
hundred dollars, Aviuch amounts stand on tb^' traoi" s books until the next year. But
the trader does not often get any of the old debt paid; for ?!>o I.idians, owing to their
improvidence, are alike every year needy, consecpiently the trader is compelled to give
as much credit the following year, and the old del)t stands unpaid for jears, and
probably never is paid at all. Furs diminish sometimes, owing to low water or drought,
and only a snudl quantity of snow, so that the ponds and lakes freeze to the bottom.

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT,

187

and all the animals perish in the ice. The Indians seldom make any opposition to
having the old debts charged, but seldom pay the amounts, or any part of them.

97. " Is it necessary for the trader to send runners to the Indian hunters' camps, or
private lodges, to collect their debts, &c. ?"

It is frequently necessary to send runners after debtors, because some other trader
might come along and purchase the furs, or a part of them, and so the proper claimant
lose his debt. The runners are generally Canadians, emplojed by companies or indi-
viduals. Floods do not affect the animals only for the better. Seasons of abundant
rain and higli water are considered good years for furs, but dry seasons are always the
contrary.

98. " Is the tariff of exchanges such as generally to protect the trader from loss?"
The tariff of the traders would protect them from loss if the Indians would

punctually p.ay. but many of the traders make shipwreck in Indian trade, owing to
the many bad debts. Those debts are hardly ever thought of by the Indians after the
first year, .and the .actual Indian trader becomes bankrupt, of which there are many
instances. It is customary for the trader to give large quantities of provisions to
hungry Indians, particularly to the D.ocotas, who are always hungr3^ The sick also
got a considerable quantity of necessaries. These are seldom paid for : in fact, the
Indian thinks the white man ought to give him all he asks for, because they have an
idea that a white man has only to ask in order to get what he Avants at the very
lowest rates. The trader seldom makes a charge of provisions, unless an Indian wants
a large quantity. Three and four, and sometimes as many as ten, arrive at a trader's
house, with furs to sell or to pay a debt. They .all get supper and breakfast, and even
sometimes stay two or throe days, without any charge being made. I think a small
trader gives away as many as a thousand meals a year in this way, and, in many
instances, saves families from sufl'oring by such liberality.

99. " Iiave the purposes of connuerce, since the discover}' of the continent, had the
effect to stimulate the hunters to increased exertions, and thus to hasten the diminution
or destructiou of the races of animals wliose furs arc sought ?"

The iutroduotion of fire-arms, and traps, and commerce, has caused all kinds of
animals, whose furs and peltries are souglit by the white people, to decrease.

100. " What animals flee first, or diminish in the highest ratio, on the opening of a
new district of the remote forest to trade ? Is the buftalo first to flee ? is the beaver
next ?"

It is difficult to tell wliicli diminishes first, the bufialo or the beaver. The bufl'alo is
more abundant in the Dacota country than the beaver, at the present time.

mji

188

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

101. " Are the lands, when denuded of furs, of comparatively little value to the
Indians while they remain in the hunter gtate ? Is not the sale of such hunted lands
beneficial to them ?"

An Indian's land, without game, is of little value to him, for he cultivates but a
small part of it — say from onivfourth to two acres is about the extent of the farm of
any one family ; and Indians drawing an annuity of fifteen to thirty dollars jjer capita,
is more than most of them make by hunting at pi'csent, or for many years past.

102. '• What quantity of territory is required to be kept in its wilderness state, in
order to aftbrd a sufficient number of wild animals to sustain an Indian family?"

The territory required to .sustain an Indian family would be two thousand and two
hundred acres of land, or thereabouts.

103. '" What are tlie ultimate effects of the failure of game on the race? Does it
not benefit by leading the native tribes to tuni to industry and agriculture ? And is
not the pressure of conmierce on the boundaries of hunting a cause of Indian civiliza-
tion? Has not the introduction of heavy .and coarse woollen goods, in place of valual)le
furs and skins, as articles of clothing, increased the means of subsistence of the native
tribes?"

Tlie faiku'e of wild animals has, in some instances, led the Indians to believe in
planting corn as a safeguard against want ; but tlie greatest obstacle to the success of
agncultural life among them is the untpialified laziness of the men and the boys, who
will not work. They have a haughty spirit of pride, and I dare say you would as
soon see a president or a king working with the hoe, as a young man of the Indian
race. The men hunt a little in siunmer, go to war, kill an enemy, dance, lounge,
sleep, and smoke. The women do e\ory thing — nur.se, diop wood, and carry it on
their backs from a half to a wh(ik> mile; lioe the ground for planting, plant, hoe the
corn, gather wiki fruit, carry the lodge, and in winter cut and carry tlio poles to pitch
it with ; clear off tlie snow, kc, &c. ; and tlie men often sit and look on. Commerce,
I Ijelieve, does little towards tlie civilizatiim of the Indians. I have resided among
them twenty odd years, and I do believe they are more filthy and degraded than when
I first came. I cannot observe that the introdu-tion of woollen goods increases civiliza-
tion in the least, or aids tliem inaterialh' in subsisttMice.

104. " What are the moral consequences of civilized intercourse, &c., &c. ? Has not
the introductiim of ardent spirits been by far the most fruitful, general, and appalling
cause of the de})opulation of the tribes?"

The evil cHects of whiskey-traders is immense, but the moral effects of Indian trade
by lawful traders in the Indian country lias not been detrimental, especially when
carried on In tlie American pc()[)le. The Indians complain bitterly of the white people

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

189

Bettling down on the lines with hirge quiintities of wliiskoy. They say they believe it
is done on ])urpose to ruin them, and they have often in eouncil called the attention
of the President to this faet, and hoped their great fatiier would take i)ity on them,
and stop the white peoi>le from bringing the spirit-water so near their settlements.
Some of these whiskey-shops are within a half mile of Indian camps ; in fact, all they
hiive to do is to cross the Mississippi, and they can get it by barrels full. The intro-
duction t)f fire-arms does not ajJiKMir to have ch.inged their condition, only by making
the game more scarce. As to their moral character, fire-arms do not appear to have
changed them any. The war-spirit, one hundred years ago, was as great as at present.
They make peace and smoke and eat together, but break the peace the first opportunity
they can get of surprising one or two persons alone. The prominent cause of discord
and war, from time immemorial, is aggressions upon the rights of their hunting grounds.
Trade and commerce has had but little to do with the Indian wars. Its influence has
been exerted to try and make the nations live in peace with each other; for these wars
are ver}' injurious to trade and eoiinnerce, and therefore it is to the interest of the
traders that there should be peace among the Indians.

105. " Arc there any serious or valid objections on the part of the Indians to the
introduction of schools, agriculture, the mechanic arts, or Christianity?"

The Indians think all people are bad except themselves, and they have no fiiitli in
the whites. They say the white people cannot l»e irusted; that if tliey make a treat}'
with them for land, the stipulations are not fulfilled ; and that Indians are always
imposed on l)y the white people, (which is not the case.) The Indians make strong
opposition to schools, but the money is the cause of this. The traders want the money,
and they encijurage tlie Indians to oppose schools, by telling them that the school-fund
would be paid over to them if there were no schools, and that the money would do them
much more good than the schools ever would. The Indian, fond of idleness, would
like to drink and smoke away the remainder of iiis days, and let his family look out
for themselves.

Our government ought not to listen to the Indians, but go on and establi.sh good
schools; and then, when the traders find the funds are appropriated, and there is no
chance of getting hold of the money, the op|)osition will cease. Agricultur(> is an art
that tlie Indians are as fond of the proceeds of, as any human being. The most of
them are tiie greatest gormandizers that ever lived. The only way to nnike tiiem till
the soil, and become civilized, is to take from them all their war-implements, and stop
their jugglers, aid give then' -'.y.sicians in the place thereof. The jugglers or Indian
doctors are a curse to the nation, and help them on to ruin as fast as any thing else
can. They o,iposo the schools on account of this system. The jugglers say schools
will break up the system after a time, and cause their ruin. Christianity they acknow-

190

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

a H

ledge to be good for wliitc jK'ople ; 1)ut tliej say they cannot resist temptation like
white people, therefore it is useless for them to adopt tlie system, as they would soon
break the commandments, and Iw worse than ever. They also say many of the white
men are worse than they are. As much as Indians are opposed to religion, I never
heard them scoffing or making a mock of Christianity.

lOG. "Are the existing intercourse 'aws of the United States, as last revised,
efficient in removing causes of discord, and preserving peace between the advanced
bodies of emigrants or settlers on the frontiers and the Indian tribes?"

The existing laws have very little practical efl'ect on the Indians or the white people.
All that keeps the Indians in subjection is the troops stationed in the Indian country.
I have heard them say, "If it was not for the stone walls at Fort Snelling, they would
have fine times." The laws now existing have no influence between tribe and tribe.
The Iiulians set all laws at defiance, and go to war, and murder or kill whenever they
clioo.'c. They say the white people nuike war when they please, and they will do the
same. It is of no use to make laws for Indiiins, ludess they are carried out. It only
makes the matter worse. The late law respecting the whiske3-trade the Indians say
is all a humbug, and can avail nothing. The most contemptible of the whiskey-traders
laugh at the law, and sell as much, if not more, than if there was no law on the
sul)ject; because there is no one to enforce it. The late law of making Indian
testimony lawful in the Indian country, is also of no eftect at all, l)ecause the Indians
go to the ceded land for the whiskey. The whiskey traders are very careful about
crossing the Mississippi with whiskey; when they do so, it is at a time when no
per.son can see them. In fact, it is almost impossible to get any testimony against
them, under the now existing laws. The Indians came and reported the white people
for .selling whiskey to Indians on the ceded lands, and they were told that their
testimimy was good only in their own country. They laughed, and said such laws
were of no use.

107. " From whence do causes of difficulties and war usually arise, and how are
they best prevented?"

The sources of discord have existed from time immemorial. One of the causes is,
that the different nations canr.ot understand each other ; another is revenge ; and
another the evil and wicked propensities of the heart. The only way to prevent,
Indian wars, is to liang the guilty. It would require only a few examples to put a
stop to them, within any reasonable distance of a military force. Some might say
this would be hard usage, but by hanging a few guilty ones, you may save the lives of
many of the iiniocent, and establish a i)ermanent peace amongst the tribes and the
nations.

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IIISTOUY, AND GOVEllNMENT.

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108. " What provisions of oxistiiig laws apijoar siisccptihk', in yowv opinion, of
anicMKlniont, in onler to socuro more oflectnally the rights or wt'lfan« of the Iiulians?"

Tlie e.\istin<r laws protect the Indians from the intrusion of white people niK)ii their
rights, and also keep the white ix>ople from entering their country or purchasing their
land. Of course the white man can take no advantage, unless sanctioned by the
government. In order to secure moi-c eflectually the rights of Indians among
themselves, give them law, and help them to enforce it, until they are capable of
doing it themselves. Give to each family or individual a tract of land, to Ije held for
life, and then for the heirs to inherit in succession, but never allow them to sell it.
This would give them a permanent home and protection of i)roperty, and would lead
them to industry ; but as it now is, the Indians are in villages of from two to five
liundivd souls. The children steal every thing in the vegetable line Itefore it is half-
grown, and the owner seeing the fruits of his or her lalxmr taken away from him in
this way, feels discouraged fmm planting — when if they were scattered, say a half
mile or a mile apart, it would Ix* a great preventive against pilfering children.

100. "Could imixirtant objects be secured by the introducticm of any modifications
of the provisions respecting the payment or distributi(m of annuities, the subsistence
of assembled bodies of Indians, or the investment or applieatiim ot trer ty funds?"

We perceive that annuities facilitate the means of the Indians getting whiskey,
particularly the money part. If the Covernment would give the Indians goods in lieu
of money, the whiski'y-<lealers would have but a small inducement to give as much
liqimr to the Indians. Their annuities could then Ixi applied to lietter purposes, for
farming and houses, and stock, and schooling; but Government would have to control
the whole business for several years ; but this might Iw done at the expense of the
Indians. The investment of the treaty fund could Ije advantageously employed by
laying ofl' farms for the Indians, and employing farmers to instruct them by families,
say one farmer for four families, and keep them at least half a mile apart, and have
g(H)d plain warm houses built for them, for they sufTer very much in the winter from
cold in their o])eu lodges.

The Docotas have two kinds of huts or wigwams; one of a conical fonn, made of
dre.ssed buflalo-skins, which are easily transjiorted. This kind of wig^vam is used in
the winter season, and when on their hunting excursions. To erect one of them, it is
only necessary to cut a few saplings about fifteen feet in length, place the large ends
on the ground in a circle, letting the tops meet, thus forming a cone. The bufliilo-
skins, sewed together in the form of a cape, are then thrown over them, and fiistened
together with a few Bplints. The fire is made on the ground, in the centre of the
wigwam, and the smoke escapes through an aperture at the top. These wigwams are
warm and comfortable. (Plate 28.)

The other kind of hut is made of bark, usually that of the elm. A frame-work for

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192

TRIBAL OUGANIZATION,

the walls and rixif is first inudo of saplings, fastoni'd tofrothor liy witlu's, or sinews of
the buflalo. On this frame the hark is laid, wiiich is kept in its place hy saplings laid
over it, and fastened to the nnder frame. There aiv ojx'nings for entrance left at
each end. The fire is made on the ground, apertuivs Ijeing left in the roof for the
smoke to escajjc. These huts are used in the sinnmer season, when they are raising
corn, and forms their }K'nnanent villages. (Plate 29.) — E.

110. '* Is there any feature in the present laws which could be adapted more exactly
to their present location, or to tl>'' advanced or altered state of society at present
existing in the trilx;?"

Keep up the intercourse law, or else forl)id the Indians from pa.s.'<ing over into the
ceded country, and he sure to punish any of tiiem who pa.ss over the boundary. Give
them tradei-s who will supply their wants as far as their money will go, and ensure the
trader or traders their payment. In this way the Indians will have no excuse for
crossing into the ceded territory for goods.

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111. "What provisitms would tend more efii'ctually to shield the triljes from the
introihiction of ardent spirits into their territories, and fnmi the pressure of lawless or
illicit trafiic?"

There is but a small quantity of alcoholic drink carried into the Indian country by
white men. It is done mostly by the Indians themselves. Stmie of the Indians travel
as many as four hundred miles, and come into the ceded territory where the whiskey-
traders arc, and get whole barrels of whiskey, and carry it off to the 8is.setou country.

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112. "Is there any feature in the present system of negotiati(m with the tribes
susceptible of amendment and improvement ?"

The chiefs prefer going to Washington to treat, but the Indians, in general, would
prefer tre^ating in their own country. It would lx> easier to treat with the Dacotas at
Washington than in their own country, on account of the influence of the traders and
their relatives. The exixMises would Ik? alx)ut the same either way. The Indians
often speak of the President, and say his views or orders are not carried out ; that they
l)elievc their great father wishes to do them justice, but his officers will not do as he
tells them.

II )

113. "Are the game, and wood, and timl)er of the tribes subject to unnecessary or
injurious curtailment, or trespass from the intrusion of emigrating bands, abiding for
long periods on their territor'.ts ?"

The principal complaint is against other nations destroying their game. Chipiiewas
and British half-breeds are the ones they complain of most.

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HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT. 193

114. "Are any of the trilx'H Muffieiently advanced in your district to liave their funds
paid to a treasurer of tlie tribe, to be kept by him and disbursed, agreeably tu the laws
of their local legislature ?"

No; there is none.

115. " Are payments of annuities to chiefs, or to separate heads of families, most
beneficial ? Should the principal of an Indian fund be paid in annuities to the Indians
at the present iwriotl, under any circumstances, and are members of the trilx; generally
capable of the wise or prudent application of money ?"

It is best to pay aiuuiities to separate heads of families; and it is far more beneficial
to the Indians to receive only the interest of the principal. A large number of tho
Indians sjiend their money for the Ixjnefit of their families.

lie. "IIow is the elective franchise expressed and guarded, &c. &c. ?"
In giving a vote, no (pialifications an; irquired, no individual rights are surrendered.
Murder, and the otiier crimes, are sometimes punished by council ; and, frequently,
individual murderers stand as high in oilice as the Ix?st of them. No lioon is ofl'ered
as security for life.

117. "Have original defects ])een remedied by adapting them more exactly to the
genius and character of tlie people than they were, apparently, iu the first rough
drafts?"

This is what is very much wanted, but it has never been tried by this jK'ople.

118. " Have the legislative assemblies adopted a practical system of laws for the
enforcement of public oi"der, the trial of public offences, the collection of delits, the
raising of revenue, the erection of public buildings, and ferries, and school-houses, and
churches ; or the promotion of education, the 8upix)rt of Christianity, and the general
advance of virtue, tennierance, and the public welfare, &c. &c. ?"

No ; but could such a system as this Ije established, it would, no doubt, save this
nation from ruin.

119. "What ideas have the Indians of property? IIow do they believe private
rights accrued ? Have they any true views of the legal idea of pniixjrty, &c. &c. ?"

Private rights are held and respected by this people. Purchase, conquest, or labor,
give private or national rights as k)ng as life lasts. The starting of a deer, and
pursuing it, gives no right if another Indian kills it ; but if the man that first started
the deer wounds it, he naturally claims it, even if another should kill it, but they
generally divide the meat, the skin going to the first shot. The fact of an Indian
going and planting on another [H-Tson's field gives him no right to the land. Instances
Pr. II.— 25

194

TRIBAL ORtJANIZATION,

i *

of tliix kiiul liiivc taken |ilii<-(>; miini'tiiiK'M tlu> liiml Ih ^iv«>ii up with ii little r(>iii|H'nr<a-
tidii fur iiM' niid IuImii-; nt iillur tiiiii>?<, tlir rni|i Iiii« In-cii ili>iilf<l. 'I'lic Iniliiiim
iiiiil('r!«tan<l wliat i^* ri^'lit ami \vi-i)ii<; aiiioii^' tli<-in^-ivf<<. as mcII a." wliitc |n-ii|iIi> liti.
Am to till' ri^riits of ilclitor and t-rctlitor, the follow in); is a Muninarv f\ iilcnce.

Two hmtlicrs weiv Indian traders. One was tradinf! with the Daootas, the other
with the ('hi|i|H-was. The del)tors of the Diu'ota trader went to war. and killed one
of the (U-litors of the ('lii|i|H-wa trader, (who was hunting and stealing on th«> Dacota
hiintin}^ gn>un<ls.) and tiMik his furs that he had <'oilected, and hrou^ht them to the
Dacota trailer in pavinent of his deht«<. The ('hi|)|M-wa trader elaiined the Inn*, and
applied to his lirother. the Dacota trader. t<>r theni, hut his hrother refused to jrive
them up. on the frround that he eanie lawfully l>y them. The Indians highly approved
of the decision, as they wen' taken li\ concpiest, and the ('hip|N'wa had Iteeii stealing
uflf of the Dacnta hnntinff ^niiund.

120. •• Was the rijrht of a nation to the tract of coinitry ori^dnally ih»ss«'sso<1 hy it,
acipiired hy its m-cupancy of it hy them, to the exclusion of all others. &c. ki'.t"

They helieve the (irt'at Spirit ^'ave them their land, and that iio other nation has n
right to hunt within the circle or territory that they <Mrupy fiimi time to time. They
have no idea in w hat way they came in |M>s.s»'ssion of the land they formerly |M)s.s«'ss«'d.
Each nation thinks it is doin<r itself justice in taking from the enemy's land all the
game it can kill. The Indians <lo not pi-«'t«>nd to own or claim any ciMnitrv hut that
they occupy in huntinjr. As to the rights of invasion of territory, the Indians acknow-
ledge the claims of each nation to the country they travel over in hunting; ami the
munlorous war w Inch is carried on they say is right, Itecanse oacli nation should stay
within their hunting iHxnidaries.

121. *• I.s the descent of pro|H'rty lixe«l? Is the eldest son entitle<l to any gri'ater
rights or larger share of pi*o|K'rty than the other children ? D(K's a jmri'iit expn'ss his
will or wishes )x>fore death, a.s the descendant of Unciut did, how his pntiH-rty slioidd
be disposed of, &c. &c. V"

As to projR'rty among the Dacotas, there is raivly any thing <if any consiHpience
left at the death of n paivnt. All the proiR'rty is most generally used up in employing
jugglers to .*ing, or charm, or drive away the disease hy magic.

Orphan childivn among the Indians are veiy miserahle, although th«>ir relations do
all they can for them. The eldest son of the chief in entitled to his father's olFice.
Sometimes a chief is suddenly killed in war, or hy accident, cm which «H'cttsion the
Ijand or village make his eldest mn chief. The general usage, when a parent dies, in
that the other Indians step in and take what little pro|>erty is let) without any sort of
ceremony, and the childivn consetpiently an> tlm>wn ujKm their ivlotions, to get a

i ^a

IIKSTOUY, AND (JOVERNMEXT.

19f

living the U-nt way tlwy rnii. Am to lii'irHliip in pnifHTly. tlii-y fwiii l<> know iiotliing
lit all iilioiit it, or if tlii'V ilo, IJu-y hiivo no rlinnri* to K-iivc it to tlu'ii cliilUivn.

TJ'J. " What an* tlir olilivation* li'il hy tlio Imliaiis |4> jmy lUlit? I)<hs time ^rrfatiy
• liiiiiniMli, ill tlifir view. tlicMf olili;:iitioiiM, and liow ? IKn-s the Imliaii liiiun that ill
hick ill iiitiitin^ is a <li'«|N-n;<atioii rniiii the (iifat S|iirit, and that lie is cxoiii'iatcd
tlicn>hy t'nini tlic> ohlipition of |myinfr his dchtH, &c.?"

Tiiiu' d<K'H diiiiinisji, in thfir \iv\v, the oMifralion to pay n ik'bt, Ijocauso they »ny
lh«' whiti- iH'o|ilt' can p-t jroo<is hy iiH-i-cIy ;.'oinf; artcr thcin. or writinjr for thi-ni. and
that when a trader ohtjiins a new sii|i|ily of ^(knIs, lii> is not in want of tin* dcbtn
dii«> liini, and that the Indian is in greater need of the anionnt than the trader is.
Thcn'lon' they ofti'ii cheat the trader l»\- sellin;r his furs to wiine jhtsoii they do
not owe.

If an Indian has had hick in hnntin;!. he says it is cans4-d hy the iniscoiidiict of
Hotnc of his family, or hy some enemy; that is. his family have not pro|HM'ly adhered
t4» the laws of honoring; the spirits of the dead, or some one owes him a spite, and by
sii|M>riiatnral powei*s has caused his lia<l success and misery, for which he will take
ivveiijre on the immnoii he sus|K'cts the lii'st tiiii" an opportunity otleis.

The Indians an*, many of them. ]iunctual in payin<r their debts as far as lies in their
|M»wer. Then- is. I think, a freneral inclination to pay their national debts, which are,
by Indian nile. individual delits of such loii^ standing:, that they cannot pay them
within themsi'lves. They know they all owe their traders, and they an- willing to
make it a national business to ]my them.

Am to the value of pro|H'rty in skins ami fuii». they always over-estiinalo it. Indeed
any kind of pro|M'rty that they ai-e judge)* of. is valued too high, and they often snlTer
by so doing. There aiv ea«e» where Indians have sold the same article twice, but this
rarely hapin-ns.

12.*^. "What constitutes crime? Mas man a right to take his fellow's blood ? Is
the taking of life an oflence to the individual murdered, or to the Cireat Spirit, who
gave him his life. &«•. &c.?"

The Indians say it is lawful to take revenge, but otherwise, it is not right to take
their fellow's bl<HMl ; they consider it a gi-eat crime. When murder is committed, they
ri'gard the victim iw injnretl, and not the Great Spirit, Ijecau.se all have a right to live.
They have very little notion of punishment for crime hereafter in eternity : indeed,
they know very little aliout whether the Great Spirit has any thing to do with their
affairs, present or future. All the fear they have is of the spirit of the departed.
They stand in great nwe of the spirits of the dead, l)ecau.se they think it is iu the
power of the departed spirits to injure them in any way they please ; this superstition
bos, in some measun*. a salutary effect. It operates on them just as strong as our laws

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196

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

of hanging for murder. Iiulecd, fear of punisshinont from the departed npirits keeps
them in greater awe than the white jwople have of being hung.

124. " Can the Deity be offended ? Is a man under high obligations, by the I'act of
his creation, to worship the Great Spirit?"

The Deity, they my, is always offended with them. They do not know by what
means they were created ; and when any calamity befalls them, they do not understand
why. They worship, it is true, but what? — they hardly know themselves. Large
stones are painted and woixhipiied ; these stones they call their grandfathers.' For the
expiation of sins or crimes, a sacrifice is made of some kind of an animal. Some-
times, the skin of an animal dressed, sometimes, ra- i pieces of white cotton and new
blankets, are made use of for sacrifices, all of which are susjiended in the air.

125. "Is falsehood a moral offence, because the Great Spirit abhors it, or because
injuries may result to man, &c. &c.?"

The practice of lying, among the Indians, is considered very bad. In this respect,
every one sees the mote in his brother's eye, but does not discover the beam that is
in his own. They often would like to see falsehood punished, but have not the
moral stamina to speak truth themselves. Many even desire to reward truth, but
have not the ability to do so, often.

126. "Is want of veneration a crime among the Indians? Is an Indian priest or a
chief more venerated than a commtm man, &c. &c.?"

Veneration is very gi'cat in some Indians for old age, and they all feel it for the
dead. Their priests or jugglers, also, are very much venerated, but it is fi-om fear, as
much as any thing else, of some sujiernatural punishment. The Indians ai-e very
remarkable for their fear of uttering certain names. The father-in-law must not cidl
the son-in-law by name ; neither must the mother-in-law : and the son-in-law must not
call his father-in-law or mother-in-law by name. There are also many others, in the
line of relationship, who cannot call each other by name. I have heard of instances
where the forbidden name has been called, and the offender was punished by having
all of his or her clothes cut off of their backs and thrown away. An Indian priest or
juggler is fully as much venerated as a father or mother, but it is from superstitious
fear. Indian children sometimes, but very rarely, strike their parents : the punishment
is generally a blow in return. We have no accounts of Indians having been stoned to
death. I have known Indians killed, however, in a drunken riot, both with stones
and clubs.

127. "What can the sages and wise men of the triliL^ say, in defence of the Indian
code of doing like for like?"

• See Vol. I. p. 129.

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

197

There are ciises where the Indians say retaliation is wrong, and they try to prevent
it, and Hometimes succeed in pacifyinjr tlie parties. If a bad deed is done, and the
offender is punisiied in some way, they say he has got what he gave. A jHTson of
bad character among the Indians, is scorned by them ; but from fear of his cutting
their lodges, killing their horses, or doing some mischief, they are obliged to invite him
to their feasts. A bad man often runs at large amongst the Indians for years, cm
account of the alwvc named fears. Tliey even are obliged to let him join in their ga>at
medicine-dance. The chastity of the women is much more attended to than many
]>eople would supiHwo. There are but few lewd, loose women among them, and only a
few will drink ardent spirits.

128. " Do they Ixdieve that there is a Deity iwrvading the Universe, wiio is the
maker of all things. What ideas do tliey jxissess of the Gi-eat Spirit?" &c. &c.

The Indians believe there is a Great Spirit; his powers they do not comprehend,
nor by what means man was created, or for what puiiiose. They believe the Deity
consists of two persons, or as they themselves express it, " The Great Spirit and his
wife." How man became possessed of the jwwer he now possesses over the animal
creation the}- cannot account for. Tiiey have no knowledge of GikVs having given
any laws for the Indians to follow, and they do not know or believe that they will
have to give an account of their deeds in another world.

129. "IIow docs the Great Spirit manifest his presence on the earth, or in the sky?
In what forms is he recognized? Is thunder considei-ed his voice? Are storms
regarded as his acts? Are cataracts evidences of his ix)wer?"

The Indians say thei-e is t Gixmt Spirit, but where he is they know not. They say
the Great Si)irit did not make the wild-rice, it came by chance. All things else the
Great Spirit made. There are instances where the Indians charge the Deities with
being angry with them, in cases of heavy storms ; and tliey even go so far as to say
the Deity is bad, for sending storms to give them misery.

l.SO. "Is death the act of the Great Spirit? Do war and peace happen according
to his will?"&c. &c.

Some of the Indians say that death is caused by the Great Spirit; others, that it
is caused by the supernatural power of individuals. All evil, they say, comes from
the heart ; but who or what implanted it there, they know not. The Indians know
nothing of the Devil, except what the white people have told them. All the
punishment they expect to receive is in this world.

They fear the iicrsons they have offended, and the spirits of the dead more than
any thing else.

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198

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION,

l.Tl. " lK)\v iiiv tliey oxcusetl from offences ngiiiiist the Great Spirit?"

The Indians make sacrifices to apiwasc tiie spirits, but they hardly know what kind

oF spirits sacrifices are made to. All of their sacrifices are made uixm supposition.

Thev often say after a violent storm, and when nuich injury has been done by it,

'' Now that the storm luus done so and so, it will stop."

1.32. " Have they any idea whatever of atonement, or a belief or expectation that
some great personage was to come on earth and answer for them to the Great Spirit?"

They have no idea of atonement, nor do they show in any of their religious cere-
monies any signs of Christianity. The sacrifice of animals is to appease something
that they suppose is offended with them. We never heanl of but one human sacrifice,
aad that was a father who offeivd up his infant child, but for what cause we never
could learn. The bad treatment of pri.soners is from revenge.

li)il. " Wiuit is the moral character of the Priesthood? Do they Iwar any badge of
office, &c.?"

Tlie Indian Priesthood is made up of the very worst cliiss. They have no badge of
the office. There is but one kind or class. The priest is Ijoth prophet and doctor.
Any person Ijelonging to the great medicine-dance has a right to perfonn its rites and
cerenuMiios. The office of the priests is not hereditary-. Women take part in the
ceremonies; they pretend to foretell events, and also to find lost articles. I once lost
my watch, and told an Indian juggler that I wanted him to find it. lie said yes, but
I must first give him a looking-glass to look through. I gave him a small glass, and
he looked into it for some time, when he asked for a black silk handkerchief, which I
also gave him, together with some other little things. And when he wanted to know
if I could show him pretty near the place where I had lost the watch, I told him I
thought I had lost it in a certain foot-path. He asked me to go along with him there,
so I went. Every now and then he would look in his glass, and keep on walking, and
at last nearly stept on the watch, but did not see it either with his glass or the naked
eye; so I foimd it myself, and showed it to him. He did not appear to care any thing
about it, as he had already got possession of the glass, the black silk handkerchief, and
some other little things, and he walked off. There is a class of Indians that say they
can bring blessings or curses by their own power. This class is called We-chas-tah-
wah-kan, or spiritual men. They attend the sick, and doctor them, when well paid
f«)r it. If an Indian is taken sick, some of the family will go to the lotlge of the
juggler, carrying with him a gun, a new blanket, or some other article; sometimes a
horse. With a j)ipe filled with tobacco, this messenger ap|)roaches the juggler, pipe
and payment in hand. The pipe is lighted, and the messenger presents the stem to
him. Sometimes the messenger nnikes great lamentations while the doctor or juggler
is smoking. He then takes the pa}inent, puts it aside, and goes to see the sick man,

HISTORY, AND GOVERNMENT.

199

but seldom takes any medicine witli liim. When he arrives at the loclji;e lie wall<a in,
and sits down a little distance fnmi the sick. lie never touches his pulse to see what
state he is in, but calls for a rattle, (which is made of a gourd-shell, cleaned out, with
beads put inside.) Sometimes birch-bark is used for a rattle, when gourds cannot Ix;
had. The doctor then strips himself naked, except the cloth around the loins; the
leggins and moccasins are also kept on. In this state of nudity the doctor or juggler
commences to sing, and shake his rattle to charm away the disease. The words of
the song are, hi, le, li, lah — hi, le, li, lab — hi, le, li, lab, uttered in quick succession
for half a minute; then a chorus commences, ha — ha — ha — harha-ha-ha. This is
gone over three or four times, and then the juggler stops to smoke ; after which, he
sings and rattles again, and conunences to suck the parts supixjsed to be diseased.
After he sucks and draws for half a minute, shaking the shell all the time, he rises
half-way up from his seat, apparently almost suffocated, hawking and gagging, and
thrusts his face into a little IjowI of water, gurgling and making all sorts of gestures
and noises. This water is used to wash his mouth with, and cleanse it from the
disea.se that he has drawn from the sick person. Tliey pretend that they can draw
bile from a sick penson in this way ; l)ut a disease that has Ix^en brought on by super-
natural powei-s must be treated in another manner. (See No. 74.) Many of the
Indians have faith in this mode of doctoring; but it had not the desired effect in the
summer of 1847, when about one hundred and fifty of them died of bilious and other
fevers, which they were compelled to confess. Some Indians punctually attend
funerals, and in many instances appropriate addresses are made; the habits of tlie
deceased are narrated ; adxice is given ; the customs of their forefathers they are
admonished to keep, &c. Any of his relations nuiy draw devices on the grave-post of
the deceased. The only device I ever saw on a grave-post was the numlx'r of persons
he had killed or taken prisonei's of his enemies, men, women, and children. For a
person killed, it was represented without a head; for a pris(mer, a full (igui"e with tlie
hands tied ; for a female, a woman's dress was on it.

134. "What general beliefs and superstitions prevail? Are there some pt)ints in
which all agree? Do they believe in angels or special messengers of the Great
Spirit, &c. &c.?"

Sui)erstition piwails throughout the Indian tribes. Tiiey believe in spirits, and
also that if tlie Indians do not live up to the laws or customs of their forefathers, the
spirits will punish them for their misconduct, particularly if they omit to make feasts
for the dead. They suppose these spirits have power to send the spirit of some animal
to enter their botlies, and make them sick. (See No. 74.)

■VVVi

lyi ; '

)l^

h\\

11'

;

■'■'

4i .!"'■

VI. INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY AND
CHARACTER. B.

(201)

Pt. II.— 26

■• i

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY AND CHARACTER.

SYNOPSIS.

We place on record the following additional facts on this topic, and shall continue
to present, in succeeding parts, the accumulating materials, from the consideration of
which, the inductive and inventive faculties of the race may be judged.

A. NUMERATION.

1. Choctaw.

2. Dacotas.

3. Cherokee.

4. Ojibwa of Chegoimegon.

5. Winnebago.

6. Chippewa.

7. Wyandot.

8. Ilitchittee.

9. Cumanchc.

10. Cuchan or Yuma.

B. ART OF RECORDING IDEAS.

1. PlCTOGKAPHY.

1. Indian Census Roll.

2. Magic Song.

3. Medicine Animal of the Winnehagoes.

4. HaOkah — a Dacota God.

5. Indian Signatures.

6. Mnemonic Symbols for Music.

2. Alphabetical Notation.
1. Cherokee Syllabical Alphabet.

C. ORAL IMAGINATIVE LEGENDS.

1. Transformation of a Hunter Lad.

2. Origin of the Zea Maize.

3. The Wolf Brother.

4. Sayadio.

(208)

! ) f,'

204

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

A. NUMERATION.

1. Choctaw.

2. Dacota.

3. Cherokee.

4. Ojibwa of Chegoimegon.

5. Winnebago.

6. Chippewa of the Upper Mississippi.

7. Wyandot.

8. Hitchittee or Chellokce.

9. Comanche.

10. Cuchan or Yuma.

't)(^

1. CHOCTAW.

TRANSHITTED BY JOHN DRENNIN, KSQ., V. 8. IQINT.

1. One Chuffa

2. Two Tuk lo

3. Three Tu chi na

4. Four Ush ta

5. Five Tath la pi

6. Six Han a li

7. Seven Un tuk lo

8. Eight Un tu chi na

9. Nine. Chak ka li

10. Ten Po ko li

11. Eleven An ah chuffa

12. Twelve An ah tuk lo

13. Thirteen An ah tu chi na

14. Fourteen An ah ush ta

15. Fifteen An ah tath la pi

16. Sixteen An ah han a li

17. Seventeen An ah un ttkk lo

18. Eighteen An ah un tu chi na

19. Nineteen Abi cha ka li

20. Twenty Po ko li tuk lo

21. Twenty-one Po ko li tuk lo a^ku «ha chuffa

22. Twenty-two " " " tuklo

II (1

ush ta

« <i

tath la pi

<t li

han a li

« «

un tuk lo

i< It

un tu chi na

a i(

chak ka U

(0 li tu chi

CO li uah ta

AND CHARACTER.

23. Twenty-three Po ko li tuk lo a ku cha tu chi na

24. Twenty-four

25. Twenty-five

26. Twenty-six

27. Twenty-seven

28. Twenty-eight

29. Twenty-nine

80. Thirty Po ko

40. Forty Po ko

60. Fifty Po ko li tath la pi

60. Sixty Po ko li han a li

70. Seventy Po ko li un tuk lo

80. Eighty Po ko li un tu chi na

90. Ninety Po ko li chuk a li

100. One hundred Tath Ic pa chuiTa

101. One hundred and one

102. One hundred and two

103. One hundred and three

104. One hundred and four

105. One hundred and five

106. One hundred and six

107. One hundred and seven....

108. One hundred and eight ....

109. One hundred and nine

110. One hundred and ton

120. One hundred and twenty...
130. One hundred and thirty ...

140. One hundred and forty

150. One hundred and fifty

160. One hundred and sixty

170. One hundred and seventy..
180. One hundred and eighty...
190. One hundred and ninety...

200. Two hundred Tath le pa tuk lo

300. Three hundred Tath le pa tu chi na

400. Four hundred Tath le pa ush ta

500. Five hundred Tath le pa tath la pi

600. Six hundred Tath le pa han a li

700. Seven hundred Tath le pa un tuk lo

800. Eight hundred Tath le pa un tu chi na

900. Nine hundred Tath le pa chak a li

1,000. One thousand Tath le pa si pok ni chufiift

2,000. Two thousand Tath le pa si pok ni tuk lo

8,000. Three thousand Tath le pa si pok ni tu chi na

205

chufiu aiana

tuk lo "

tu chi na "

ush ta "

tath la pi "

han a li "

un tuk lo "

un tu chi na aiana

chak a li "

po ko li "

po ko li tuk lo "

po ko li tu chi na aiana

po ko li ush ta "

po ko li tath la pi "

po ko li han a li "

po ko li un tuk lo "

po ko li un tu chi na "

po ko li chak a li "

sod

INTELLECTUAL CATACITY

4,000. Four thousand Tath lo pa si pok ni ush ta

5,000. Five thousand Tath Ic pa si pok ni tath la pi

6,000. Six thousand Tath lo pa si pok ni han a li

7,000. Seven thousand Tath Ic pa si pok ni un tuk lo

8,000. Eight thousand Tath Ic pa si pok ni un tu chi na

0,000. Nine thousand Tath le pa si pok ni chak a li

10,000. Ten thousand Tath le pa si pok ni po ko li

100,000. One hundred thousand Tath lo pa si pok ni tath lo pa chufia

1,000,000. One million Mil yan chuffa

2,000,000. Two million Mil yan tuk lo

8,000,000. Three million Mil yan tu chi na

10,000,000. Ten million Mil yan po ko li

20,000,000. Twenty million Mil yan po ko li tuk lo

30,000,000. Thirty million Mil yan po ko li tu chi na

40,000,000. Forty million Mil yan po ko li ush ta

50,000,000. Fifty million Mil yan po ko li tath la pi

60,000,000. Sixty million Mil yan ^o ko li han a li

70,000,000. Seventy million Mil yan po ko li un tuk lo

80,000,000. Eighty million Mil yan po ko li un tu chi na

90,000,000. Ninety million Mil yan po ko li chak a li

100,000,000. One hundred million Mil yan tath le pa chuffa

200,000,000. Two hundred million Mil yan tath le pa tuk lo

800,000,000. Three hundred million, &c..Mil yan tath le pa tu chi na
1,000,000,000. One billion Bil yan chuffa

li-'

DACOTA.

.? •.

BY rUILANDER PRE3C0TT,

Transmitted by Nathasiel McLaix, Esq., V. 8. Aoeht.

1. One Wan chah, or Wa je tab

2. Two Nom pah

3. Three Yah mo nee

4. Four To pah

5. Five Zah pe tab

6. Six Shack coope

7. Seven Shack o

8. Eight Shoh en do

9- Nine Nep e chu wink ah

10. Ten Wick o chimen ec

11. Eleven Akka wah ju (ten and one)

12. Twelve Akka nom pa (ten and two)

AND CHARACTER. 207

13. Thirteen Ahka yah rao nco (ten and three)

14. Fourteen Ahka to pah (ten and four, and so on to 20)

15. Fifteen Ahka zah pe tah

16. Sixteen Ahka shack coopo

17. Seventeen Ahka shack o

18. Eighteen Ahka shah en do

19. Nineteen Alika ncp o chu wink ah

20. Twenty Wick chim no no pah (20, or two tens and one, up to

30, when they say three tens ond one, up to 40;
80 they keep adding by saying sampah wah je tah,
which means, beyond or one more than 10, or 20,
or 30, as the case may be)

21. Twenty-one Wick a chimen ne nopah sam pah wah jc tah

22. Twenty-two Wick a chimen ne nopah sam pah nom pah

23. Twcnty-tlircc Wick a chimen nc nopah sam pah yah mo neo

24. Twenty-four Wick a chimen no nopah sam pah to pah

25. Twenty-five Wick a chimen ne nopah sam pah zah pe tah

26. Twenty-six Wick a chimen ne nopah sam pah shack coopo

27. Twenty-seven Wick a chimen ne nompah sam pah shack ko

28. Twenty-eight Wick a chimen nc nompah sam pah shah en do

29. Twenty-nine Wick a chimen ne nompah sam puh ncp c chu wink ah

30. Thirty Wick a chimen nc yah rao nee (three tens)

40. Forty Wick a chimen no to pah (four tens)

50. Fifty Wick a chimen nc zah pc tah (five tens)

60. Sixty Wick a chimen ne shack coopc (six tens)

70. Seventy Wick a chimen no shack ko (seven tens)

80. Eighty Wick a chimen ne shah en do (eight tens)

90. Ninety Wick a chimen ne ncp c chu wink ah (nine tens)

100. One hundred Opong wa

101. One hundred and one Opong wa sam pah wah je tah

102. One hundred and two Opong wa sam pah nom pah

103. One hundred and three Opong wa sam pah yah mo nee

104. One hundred and four Opong wa sam pah to pah

105. One hundred and five Opong wa sam pah zah pe tah

106. One hundred and six Opong wa sam pah shack coopo

107. One hundred and seven.... Opong wa sam pah shack ko

108. One hundred and eight ....Opong wa sam pah shah en do

109. One hundred and nine Opong wa sam pah nop e chu wink ah

110. One hundred and ten Opong wa som pah wick a chimen ne

120. One hundred and twenty.. .Opong wa sam pah wick a chimen nc no pah
130. One hundred and thirty ...Opong wa sam pah wick a chimen ne yah mo nee

140. One hundred and forty Opong wa sam pah wick a chimen ne to pah

150. One hundred and fifty Opong wa sam pah wick a chimen ne zah pe tah

160. One hundred and sixty Opong wa sam pah wick a chimen nc shack coope

,; t

! t

! I

[ 1

fefe

208 INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

170. One bunilrcd and seventy. .Opong wa sam pah wick a chimcn nc shack ko
180. One hnndreil and eight j...Opong wa sam pah wick a chimen ne shah en do
190. One hundred and ninety.. .Opong wa sam pah wick a chimen no nep e chu wink ah

200. Two hundred Opong wa no pah

800. Three hundred Opong wa yah mo nee

400. Four hundred Opong wa to pah

600. Five hundred Opong wa wh pe tah

600. Six hundred Opong wa shack coope

700. Seven hundred Opong wo shuck ko

800. Eight hundred Opong wa shah en do

900. Nine hundred Opong wu nop e chu wink ah

1,000. One thousand Kick ta opong wa wah je tah

2,000. Two thousand Kick ta opong wa nom pah

8,000. Three thousand Kick ta opong wa yah mo nee

4,000. Four thousand Kick ta opong wa to pah

.'i,000. Five thousand Kick ta opong wa zah pe tah

6,000. Six thousand Kick ta opong wa shack o pee

7,000. Seven thousand Kick ta opong wa shack ko

8,000. Eight thousand Kick ta opong wa shah en do

9,000. Nine thousand Kick ta opong wa nep chu wink ah

10,000. Ten thousand Kick ta wick a chincm nah

100,000. One hundred thousand ...Kick ta opong wa opong wa wah je tah .

1,000,000. One million Kick ta opong wa tunkah (big thousand)

2,000,000. Two million Kick ta opong wa tunkah nom pah

8,000,000. Three million Kick ta opong wa tunkah yah mo nee

10,000,000. Ten million Kick ta opong tunkah wick chimen ne

20,000,000. Twenty million Kick ta opong wa tunkah wick a chimen ne nom pah

30,000,000. Thirty million Kick ta opong wa tunkah wick a chimen ne yah mo nee

40,000,000. Forty million Kick ta opong wa tunkah wick chimen ne to pah

50,000,000. Fifty million Kick ta opong wa tunkah wick chimen ne zah pe tah

60,000,000. Sixty million Kick ta opong wa tunkah wick chimen ne shack coope

70,000,000. Seventy million Kick ta opong wa tunkah wick chimen ne shack ko

80,000,000. Eighty million Kick ta opong wa tunkah wick chimen ne shah en do

90,000,000. Ninety million Kick ta opong wa tunkah wick chimen ne nep e chu wink ah

100,000,000. One hundred million Kick ta opong wa tunkah opong wa wah je tah

200,000,000. Two hundred million Kick ta opong wa tunkah opong wa no pah

300,000,000. Three hundred million, &c.Kick ta opong wa tunkah opong wa yah mo nee
1,000,000,000. One billion Kick ta opong wa tunkah opong wa wick e chimen ne

The Indians themselves have no kind of an idea what these amounts are ; the only way they
could form any kind of an idea would be to let them see the amount counted out. One thousand
is more than or a higher number than some of them can count. We hear some of them talk
about thousands, and sometimes a million, but still they can give no correct idea how much of
a bulk it would make; and I believe if a Sioux Indian was told he could have a million of
dollars if he would count it correctly, he could not do it. P. Prescott.

AND CllAUACTER.

•iO!»

8. CHEROKEE.

TIANSMITTID Br Mri.l.lAM Bl'TLER, ESQ., V. t. AUINT.
Jt 9AI STCr. (Nt'KIERAL*).

1. One Sar quoh

'-'. Two Tar li-o

'•\. Three Chaw ie

4. Four Nor kce

•">. Five Ilisk skec

<). Six Su tah Ice

7. Seven Gar le quoh kce

f<. Eight Choo na lah

!♦. Nine Law na lah

10. Ten Ar sko hee

11. Eleven Lar too

12. Twelve Tul too

l;3. Thirteen Chaw i gar too

14. Fourteen Nee gar too

15. Fifteen Skee gar too

IG. Sixteen Dar lah too

17. Seventeen Gar le quah too

18. Eighteen Nai lar too

19. Nineteen So na lah too

20. Twenty Tah lar sko kee

21. Twenty-one So i chaw na

22. Twenty-two Tah le chaw na

2-3. Twenty-three Chaw i chaw na

24. Twenty-four Ner kee chaw na

2r). Twenty-five Ilisk ku chaw na

26. Twenty-six Su tah lu chaw na

27. Twenty-seven Gar le quoh ku chaw na

28. Twenty-eight Nai lar chaw na

29. Twenty-nine Lo nai lar chaw na

30. Thirty Chaw ar sko hee

40. Forty Ner gar sko hee

50. Fifty Hisk skar sko hee

60. Sixty Su dar lee sko hee

70. Seventy Gar lee quah sko hee

80. Eighty Na lah sko hee

90. Ninety Lo nah lah sko hee

Pt. II. — 27

•-(*^

il.);

210 INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

100. One hundred Ar sko hee choo que

101. One hundred a.id one....Ar sko hee choo que ear quoh

102. One hundred and two....Ar sko hee choo que tar lee

103. One hundred and three.. .Ar sko hee choo que chaw ie

104. One hundred and four ...Ar sko hee choo que ner kee

105. One hundred and five....Ar sko hee choo que hisk kee

106. One hundred and six Ar sko hee choo que su tah lee

107. One hundred and seven. .Ar sko hco choo que gar le quoh kee

108. One hundred and eight... Ar sko hee choo que choo na lah

109. One hundred and ninc.Ar sko hee choo que saw na hth

110. One hundred and tcn....Ar sko hee choo quo ar sko hee
120. One hundred and twenty.. Ar sko hee choo que tar lar sko heo
130. One hundred and thirty ...Ar sko hee choo que chaw ar sko hee
140. One hundred and forty.. ..Ar sko hee choo que nor gar sko hee
150. One hundred and fifty ...Ar sko hee choo que hisk skar sko hee
160. One liundred and sixty. ..Ar sko hee choo que su dar lee sko hee
170. One hundred and seventy.. .Ar sko hee choo que gar le quoh sko ho
180. One hundred and eighty.. .Ar sko hee choo que saw na lah sko hee
190. One hundred and ninety.. .Ar sko hee choo que saw na lah sko hee
200. Two hundred Tar le choo quo

300. Three hundred Chaw ie choo quo

400. Four hundred Ner kee choo que

500. Five hundred llisk skee choo .que

600. Six hundred Su dar lee choo que

700. Seven hundred Gar le quoh ke choo que

800. Eight hundred Nai lar choo que

900. Nine hundred Saw nai lar choo quo

1,000. One thousand Sar quoh e yar gar yer lee

2,000. Two thousand Tar lee e yar gar yer lee

3,000. Three thousand Chaw ie e yar gar yer lee

4,000. Four thousand Ner ko e yar gar yer lee

5,000. Five thousand Ilisk kee e yar gar yer lee

6,000. Six thousand Su dar le e yar gar yer Ice

7,000. Seven thousand Gar le quoh ke e yar gar yer le

8,000. Eight thousand Choo nai lah e yar gar yer lee

9,000. Nine thousand Saw nai lah o yar gar yer lee

10,000. Ten thousand Ar sko ho e yar gar yer lee

100,000. One hundred thousand ...Ar sko he choo que e yar gar yer leo

200,000. Two hundred thousand ...Tar le choo que e yar gar yer lee

300,000. Three hundred thousand.. .Chaw ie choo quo e yar gar yer loo

400,000. Four hundred thousand.... Ner kee choo que e yar gar yer lee

1,000,000. One million Sar quoh e you quah te ner ter

2,000,000. Two million Tar le e juu qiiah te ner ter

8,000,000. Three million Chaw ie e you quah te .ler ter

AND CHARACTER.

10,000,000. Ten million Ar sko he e yew quah te ner ter

20,000,000. Twenty million Tar lah sko he e yew quah te ner ter

30,000,000. Thirty million Cliaw ie sko he e yew quah te ner ter

40,000,000. Forty million Ner gar sko he e yew quah te ner ter

50,000,000. Fifty million Ilisk skar sko hee e yew quah te ner ter

60,000,000. Sixty million Su de le sko he e yew quah te ner ter

70,000,000. Seventy million Gar le quoh sko he e yew quah te ner ter

80,000,000. Eighty million Nai lar sko ho e yew quah te ner ter

90,000,000. Ninety million Saw nai le sko ho e yew quah te ner ter

100,000,000. One hundred million Ar sko he choo que e yew quah te ner ter

200,000,000. Tivo hundred million Tar le choo que e yew quah te ner ter

800,000,000. Three hunilred million, &c.Cliaw ie choo que e yew quah te ner ter

211

- H

4, OJIBWA OF CIIEGOIMEGON.

DV WILLIAM W. WARREN.

1. One Ba shik

2. Two Neensh

3. Three Nis we

4. Four Ne win

6. Five Nii nun

6. Six Nin god was we

7. Seven Ninsh was we

8. Eight Slious we

9. Nine Shang as we

10. Ten Me das we

11. Eleven Me das we asho

12. Twelve Me das we ashe

13. Thirteen Me das we ashe

14. Fourteen Me d;is we ashe

15. Fifteen Me das we ashe

16. Sixteen Me das we ashe

17. Seventeen Me diis we ashe

18. Eighteen Me das we ashe

19. Nineteen Me das we ashe

20. Twenty Nish tun d

21. Twenty-one Nish tun li ashe

22. Twenty-two Nish tun n ashe

23. Twenty-three Nish tun d ashe

24. Twenty-four Nish tun d ashe

ba shig

neensh

nis we

ne win

na nun

nin god was e

ninsh was we

shous we

shang as we

ba shig
neensh
nis we
ne win

u. rl

' ; .

212 INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

25. Twenty-fire NisU tun ti ashe na nun

26. Twenty-six Nish tun u nshe nin god was we

27. Twenty-seven Nish tun (i ashe ninsh was we

28. Twenty-eight Nish tun d ashe shous we

29. Twenty-nine Nish tun d ashe shang as we

30. Thirty Nis c me dun d

40. Forty Ne me dun d

50. Fifty Nun im e dun d

60. Sixty Nin god waus im e dun d

70. Seventy Ninsh was im e dun d

80. Eighty Shous im e dun d

90. Ninety Shang as im c dun d

100. One hundred Nin god wuc

101. One hundred and one. ...Nin god wdc ashe ba shig

102. One hundred and two.... Nin god wac ashe necnsh

103. One hundred and three.. .Nin god wac ashe nis we

104. One hundred and four ...Nin god wuc ashe ni win

105. One hundred and five.... Nin god wac ashe na nun

106. One hundred and six Nin god wuc ashe nin god was we

107. One hundred and seven. ..Nin god wdc ashe ninsh was we

108. One hundred and eight.. .Nin god wdc ashe shous we

109. One hundred and nine. ..Nin god wac ashe shang us we

110. One hundred and ten Nin god wac ashe me das we

120. One hundred and twenty.. Nin god wuc ashe nish tun a
130. One hundred and thirty. ..Nin god wac ashe nis e me dun a
140. One hundred and forty. ..Nin god Wi'fc ashe nim e dun u
150. One hundred and fifty ...Nin god wuc ashe naun e me dun u

160. One hundred and sixty... Nin god wdc ashe nin god was e mo dun d

170. One hundred and seventy.. Nin god wdc ashe ninsh was im o dun d

180. One hundred and eighty.. .Nin god wdc ashe shous im e dun d

190. One hundred and ninety.. .Nin god wdc ashe shung us im e dun a

200. Two hundred Necnsh wuc

300. Three hundred Nis wdc

400. Four hundred Ne wdc

500. Five hundred Naun wdc

600. Six hundred Nin god wds wdc

700. Seven hundred Ninsh was wdc

800. Eight hundred Shous wao

900. Nine hundred Shang us wuo

1,000. One thousand Mo dds wdc

2,000. Two thousand Ninsh ing mo das wao or Nish tun oo

8,000. Three thousand Nis sing mo dds wdc or Nis e mo dun do

4,000. Four thousand Ne wing me dds wac or Ne me dun uc

5,000. Five thousand Nun ing mo das wao or Naun im e dun do

; hf

1 1

AND CHARA'; 'R. 213

6,000. Six thousand Nin god wa-. '■• ing mc das wac

7,000. Seven thousand Ninsh wautcL ing me diis wac

8,000. Eight thousand Shoutch ing me das wac

9,000. Nine thousand Shang utch ing me das wac

10,000. Ten thousand Mc datch me das wac

100,000. One hundred thousand ...Nin god wac da ching me das wac

1,000,000. One million Me das wac da sing me das wac

2,000,000. Two million Ninsh ing me diis wac da sing me das wiic

3,000,000. Three million Nis ira e dun lic me das wac

10,000,000. Ten million Me dutch ing me das wac me diis wiic

20,000,000. Twenty million Nish tun ing me das wac me das wiJC

30,000,000. Thirty million Nis im id un ing me das wiic me das wac

40,000,000. Forty million Nim id un ing me das wac me das wac

50,000,000. Fifty million Naun im id un ing me das wac me das wac

60,000,000. Sixty million Nin god was im id un ing me das wac me das wac

70,000,000. Seventy million Ninsh wiis im id un ing me das wac mc das wac

80,000,000. Eighty million Shous im id un ing mc das wac me das wac

90,000,000. Ninety million Shang us im id un ing me diis wac me das wac

100,000,000. One hundred million Nin god wac me das wac me das wac

200,000,000. Two hundred million Ninsh wac me das wac me das wac

300,000,000. Three hundred million, &c.Nis sing me das wac mc das wac
1,000,000,000. One billion Me das wac me das wac as he me das wac

One million is also called Ke che med as wac, which would abbreviate a great deal in counting.
There is no more limit (in thus counting) in the Ojibwa than there is in the English lang\iage.

W. Warren.

OJIBWA COUNTING.

There is another mode of counting the decimals, which is more commonly used by the Pillagers
and northern Ojibwas, as follows :

1. One Nin god juiih

2. Two Ninsh wii

3. Three Nis wa

4. Four Ne wii

5. Five N:in wa

6. Six Nin god was we

7. Seven Nin shous we

8. Eight ....Shous we.

9. Nine Shiing

10. Ten Quetch

From this point, the counting is as interpreted in the printed form. — W. W.

-■ "- i'riiiaiiirtitiiiiiiMtiitifmnini[i!ipi&p|

214

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

5. WINNEBAGO.

I • S

ml \

BY MISS ELIZADETn I.OWRY,
Transuitted by J. E. Fletchkr, Esq., U. S. Aoert.

1. One He zun ke ra

2. Two Noomp

3. Three Taun

4. Four Jope

C>. Yive Sarch

6. Six Ila ka wa

7. Seven Slia ko we

8. Eight Ila roo wunk

9. Nine Tie zun ke choo shkoo no

10. Ten Ka ra pa ne za

11. Eleven Ka ra pa ne za nuka he zun ke ra shun na

12. Twelve Ka ra pa ne za nuka noompa shun na

13. Thirteen Ka ra pa nc za nuka tan e a shun na

14. Fourteen ...Ka ra pa nc za nuka jope a shun na

li). Fifteen Ka ra pa ne za nuka sarch a shun na

IG. Sixteen Ka ra pa ne za nuka ha ka wa a shun na

17. Seventeen Ka ra pa ne za nuka sha ko we a shun na

18. Eighteen Ka ra pa ne za nuka ha roo wunk a shun na

19. Nineteen Ka ra pa nc za nuka he zun ke choo shkoon a shun na

20. Twenty Ka ra pa ne noomp

21. Twenty-one Ka ra pa ne noompa nuka he zun ke ra shun na

22. Twenty-two Ka ra pa ne noompa nuka noomp a shun na

23. Twenty-three Ka ra pa ne noompa nuka tan e a shun na

24. Twenty-four Ka ra pa ne noompa nuka jope a shun na

2.'). Twenty-five Ka ra pa ne noompa nuka sarch a shun na

2G. Twenty -six Ka ra pa ne noompa nuka ha ka wa a shun na

27. Twenty-seven Ka ra pa ne noompa nuka sha ko we a shun na

28. Twenty-eight Ka ra pa nc noompa nuka ha roo wunk a shun na

29. Twenty-nine Ka ra pa ne noompa nuka he zun ke choo shkoon a

shun na

30. Thirty Ka ra pa ne taun

40. Forty Ka ra pa ne jope

.')0. Fifty Ka ra pa ne sarch

GO. Sixty Ka ra pa ne ha ka wa

70. Seventy Ka ra pa no sha ko we

80. Eighty Ka ra pa ne ha roo wunk

90.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
120.
130.
140.
150.
160.
170.
180.
190.

200.

300.

400.

500.

600.

700.

800.

900.

1,000.

2,000.

3,000.

4,000.

5,000.

6,000.

7,000.

8,000.

9,000.

10,000.

100,000.

1,000,000.

2,000,000.

3,000,000.

10,000,000.

AND CHARACTER. 215

Ninety Ka ra pa iie lie zun ke clioo slikoon c

One hundred IIo ko he za

One hundred and one.... IIo ke he za nuka he zun kc ra nhun na
One hundred and two.... Ho ke he za nuka noomp a shun nu
One hundred and three.. .Ho ko he za nuka tan e a shun na
One hundred and four ...Ho kc he za nuka jope a shun na
One hundred and five. ...Ho kc he za nuka sarch u siiun na

One hundred and six Ho ko he za nuka ha ka via. a sliun na

One hundred and seven. .Ho ke lie za nuka sha ko wc a shun na
One hundred and eight.. .Ho kc he za nuka ha roo wunk a shun na
One hundred and nine... Ho ke he za nuka he zun kc clioo shkoon a shun na
One hundred and ten.... IIo ke he za nuka ka ra pa nc a shun na
One hundred and twenty.. Ho kc he za nuka ka ra pa ne noomp a shun na
One hundred and thirty ...Ho ke he za nuka ka ra pa ne tan e a shun na
One hundred and forty.... IIo ke he za nuka ka ra pa nc jope a shun na
One hundred and fifty ...Ho ke he za nuka ka ra pa nc sarch a shun na
One hundred and sixty... IIo kc he za nuka ka ra pa nc ha ka wa a shun na
One hundred and seventy. ..Ho kc he za nuka ka ra pa ne sha ko we a shun na
One hundred and eighty.. .Ho ke he za nuka ka ra pa nc ha roo wunk a shun na
One hundred and ninety.. .Ho ko he za nuka ka ra pa nc he zun kc choo shkoon

a shun na

Two hundred Ho kc he noomp

Tiiree hundred Ho ke he taun

Four hundred Ho ke he jope

Five hundred Ho ke he sarch

Six liundrcd IIo ke he ha ka wa

Seven hundred IIo ke he sha ko wa

Eight hundred IIo ke he ha roo wunk

Nine hundred IIo ke he zun ke choo shoon o

One thousand IIo ke he hhutaza

Two thousand IIo ke he hhutara noomp

Three thousand IIo ke he hhutara taun

Four thousand IIo ko he hhutara jope

Five thousand IIo ke he hhutara sarch

Six thousand IIo ke he hhutara ha ka wa

Seven thousand IIo ke he hhutara sha ko wo

Eight thousand IIo kc lie hhutara ha roo wunk

Nine thousand Ho ko he hhutara he zun kc choo shkoon e

Ten thou.sand IIo ke he hhutara ka ra pa nc za

One hundred thousand ...IIo kc he hhuta ro kc he za

One million IIo kc he "'huta hhu chen za

Two million IIo kc he hhuta hhu chen a noomp

Three million IIo ke ho hhuta hhu chen a taun

Ten million IIo ke he hhuta hhu chen a ka ra pa nc za

H#,

I] I

'^trr^.

■\\

216

20,000,000.
30,000,000.
40,000,000.
50,000,000.
60,000,000.
70,000,000.
80,000,000.
00,000,000.

100,000,000.

200,000,000.

300,000,000.

1,000,000,000.

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

Twenty million IIo ke ho hhuta hhu clicn a ka ra pa ne nootnp

Thirty million Ho kc he hhuta hhu chcii a ka ra pa no taun

Forty million IIo ko he hhuta hhu chcn a ka ra pa no jope

Fifty million IIo ke he hhuta hhu chen a ka ra pa ne sarch

Sixty million IIo ke he hhuta hhu chen a ka ra pa ne ha ka wa

Seventy million IIo ke he hhuta hhu chon a ka ra pa no sha ko tre

Eighty million IIo kc he hhuta hhu chcn a ka ra pa no ha roo wunk

Ninety million IIo kc he hhuta hhu chcn a ka ra pa ne zun ko choo

shkoon e

One hundred million IIo kc he hhuta hhu chcn a ho ke ho za

Two hundred million IIo kc he hhuta hhu chen a ho ke he noomp

Three hundred million, &c. IIo kc he hhuta hhu chcn a ho ke he tnun

One billion IIo kc he hhuta hhu chen a ho ke he ka ra pa ne za

6. CIIirPEWA (OJIBWA) of tue UPPER MISSISSIPPI.

BY SIR. F.VIKDANK8.

■' y>

1. One Ba shick

2. Two Nizh

3. Three Niss wi

4. Four Ni win

5. Five Na nun

6. Six Ning o dwa swi

7. Seven Nizh was swi

8. Eight Nish was swi

9. Nine Shong gas swi

10. Ten Mi das swi

11. Eleven Mi d&s swi a shi ba shick or ba jig

12. Twelve Mi das swi a shi nizh

13. Thirteen Mi das swi a shi nis swi

14. Fourteen Mi das swi a shi ni win

15. Fifteen Mi das swi a shi na nun

16. Sixteen Mi das swi a shi ning o dwa swi

17. Seventeen Mi das swi a shi nizh wa swi

18. Eighteen Mi das swi a shi nish was swi

19. Nineteen Mi das swi a shi shong gas swi

20. Twenty Nizh ta na

21. Twenty-one Nizh ta na a shi pa shick

22. Twenty-two Nizh ta na a shi nizh

23. Twenty-three Nizh ta na a shi nis swi

AND CHARACTER.

24. Twenty-four Nizh ta na a shi ni win

25. Twenty-fire Nizh ta na a shi na nun

26. Twenty-six Nizh ta na a shi ning o dwas swi

27. Twenty-seven Nizh ta na a shi neczh was swi

28. Twenty-eight Nizh ta na a shi nis was swi

29. Twenty-nine Nizh ta na a shi shong gas swi

30. Thirty Nis si mo da na

40. Forty Ne me da na

50. Fifty Na ni me da na

60. Sixty Ning o dwas si me da na

70. Seventy Nizh was si me da na

80. Eighty Nish was si me da na

90. Ninety Shong gas si me da na

100. One hundred Ning o dwac or Ning od wac

101. One hundred and one. ...Ning od wac a shi ba jij or ba shick

102. One hundred and two. ...Ning od wac a shi nizh

103. One hundred and three.. .Ning od wac a shi nis swi

104. One hundred and four. ..Ning od wac a shi ni win

105. One hundred and five.... Ning od wac a shi na nun

106. One hundred and six Ning od wac a shi ning o dwas swi

107. One hundred and seven.. .Ning od wac a shi nizh was swi

108. One hundred and eight.. .Ning od wac a shi nish was swi

110. One hundred and ten Ning od wac a shi ba shicic o me da na

120. One hundred and twenty.. Ning od wac a shi nizh ta na

130. One hundred and thirty. ..Ning od wac a shi nis si me da na

140. One hundred and forty. ..Ning od wac a shi ne me da na

150. One hundred and fifty ...TTing od wac a shi na ni me da na

160. One hundred and sixty... Ning od wac a shi ning od was si me da na

170. One hundred and seventy.. Ning od wac a shi nizh was si me da na

180. One hundred and eighty.. .Ning od wac a shi nish was si me da na

190. One hundred and ninety.. .Ning od wac a shi shong gas si mo da na

200. Two hundred Nizh wao

300. Thi-ee hundred Nis wao

400. Four hundred Ni wac

500. Five hundred Na wac

600. Six hundred Ning od was wac

700. Seven hundred Nizh was wac

800. Eight hundred Nish was wac

900. Nine hundred Shong gas wac

1,000. One thousand Mi das was wac

2,000. Two thousand Nizh ta nock

3,000. Three thousand Nis si mo da nock

4,000. Four thousand Ni me da na nock

5,000. Five thousand Na ni me da nock

Pt. II.— 28

217

\ \

% 'I

Mtf .

n\ I]

i) L:i

218

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

6,000. Six thousand Ning od was si me da nock

7,000. Seven thousand Ncezh was si me da nock

8,000. Eight thousand Nish was si me da nock

9,000. Nine thousand Shong gas si me da nock

10,000. Ten thousand Ke che me das wac

100,000. One hundred thousand ...Ning od wac me das wac

7. WYANDOT.

Br WILLIAM WALKER.

Tra!isiiiitid bt D. D. Mitcokli,, Esq., Supermtiiidiiit or tbk IxniAii Dipahtment, St. Iioun.

9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.

One Skot

Two Tcndeo

Three Schenk

Four N'dauhk

Five Oo weehsh

Six Wau zhau

Seven Tsoo tau rdb

Eight Au a ta r^h

Nine Eh en tr6oh

Ten Auh seh

Eleven

Twelve

Thirteen...
Fourteen...

Fifteen

Sixteen ....
Seventeen ,
Eighteen...
Nineteen..

scot e skau reh'
ten dec ta skau reh
schenk e skau reh
n'dauhk e skau reh
00 weehsh o skau reh
wau zhau e skau reh
tsoo tau reh e skau reh
au a ta reh e skau reh
eh en trooh e skau reh

Twenty Ten dee ta w^u seh

Twenty-one " "

Twenty-two " "

Twenty-three " "

Twenty-four " ««

Twenty-five " "

Twenty-six " "

Twenty-seven " "

Twenty-eight " "

scot e skau reh
ten dee ta skau reh
schenk e skau reh
n'dauhk e skau reh
00 weehsh e skau reh
wau zhau e skau reh
tsoo tau reh e skau reh
au a ta reh e skau reh

' Ten and one over, ten and two over, and bo on to twenty.

AND CHARACTER.

219

29. Twenty-nine Ten dee ta wau seh eh en trooh e skau reh

30. Thirty Schf ' e wdu seh

40. Forty N'dau . e wauh seh

50. Fifty Oo wechsh e wauh seh

60. Sixty Wau zhau e wauh seh

70. Seventy Tsoo tau reh e wauh seh

80. Eighty Au a ta reh e wauh seh

90. Ninety Eh en trooh e wauh seh

100. One hundred Scot ta ma en gau a wee

101. One hundred and one.... " " "

102. One hundred and two.... « " "

103. One hundred and three... " " "

104. One hundred and four ... " " "

105. One hundred and five.... " " "

106. One hundred and six " " "

107. One hundred and seven.. " " "

108. One hundred and eight... " " "

109. One hundred and nine... " " "

110. One hundred and ten.... " «* "
120. One hundred and twenty.. " " "
130. One hundred and thirty ... " " »
140. One hundred and forty.... " " "
150. One hundred and fifty ... » « «
160. One hundred and sixty... " " "
170. One hundred and seventy... " " "
180. One hundred and eighty... " " "
190. One hundred and ninety... " " "

200. Two hundred Ten dee ta ma en

300. Three hundred Schenk

400. Four hundred N'dauhk

500. Five hundred Oo weehsh

600. Six hundred Wau zhau

700. Seven hundred Tsoo tau reh

800. Eight hundred Au a tau reh

900. Nine hundred Eh en trooh

1,000. One thousand Son gwot

2,000. Two thousand Ta hon gwo ych

3,000. Three thousand Schenk hon gwo yeh

4,000. Four thousand N'dauhk hon gwo yeh

5,000. Five thousand Oo weehsh hon gwo yeh

6,000. Six thousand Wau zhau hon gwo yeh

7,000. Seven thousand Tsoo tau reh hon gwo yeh

8,000. Eight thousand Au a tau reh hon gwo yeh

gau

scot c skau reh
ten dee ta skau reh
schenk e skau reh
n'dauhk c skau reh
00 weehsh e skau reh
wau zhau e skau reh
tsoo tau reh e skau reh
au ta reh e skau reh
eh en trooh c skau reh
auh seh o skau reh
ten de ta wau seh
schenk wau seh
n'dauhk wau seh
00 wechsh wau seh
wau zhau wau seh
tsoo tau reh wau seh
au a ta reh wau seh
eh en trooh wau seh
wee

»«',

...:iii«. " " m mk i

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

9,000. Nine thousand Eh en trooh hon gwo yeh

10,000. Ten thousand Au seh hon gwo yeh

100,000. One hundred thousand ...Scot ta ma en gua a wee hon gwo yeh

1,000,000. One million Auh seh ta ma en gau a wee hon gwo yeh

2,000,000. Two million Ten dee auh seh ta ma en gau a wee hon gwo yeh

8,000,000. Three million Schenk auh seh ta ma en gau a wee hon gwo yeh

Beyond this the Wyandots cannot go. — W. W.

8. HITCHITTEE or CIIELL-0-KEE DIALECT.

flPOKEV BY SEVERAL TRIBES Or THE GREAT MVSKOKEE RACE.
Br Captai.i J. C. Caskv, U. S. A., Florida.

1. One Thlah' hai

2. Two To kai

3. Three To chay

4. Four See tah

5. Five Chah' kee

G. Six Ee pah

7. Seven Ko la pah

8. Eight Tos nap pah

9. Nine Os ta pah

10. Ten Po ko lin

11. Eleven Po ko lin thla! ' .vai kan

12. Twelve " tok la wai Isan

13. Thirteen " to che na wai kan

14. Fourteen " see tah wai kan

15. Fifteen " chah' kee pa wai knn

16. Sixteen " ee pah wai kan

17. Seventeen " ko la pah wai kan

18. Eighteen " tos na pah wai kan

19. Nineteen " os ta pah wai kan

20. Twenty Po ko to ko lin

30. Thirty Po ko to che nin or to chay nin

40. Forty Po ko see tah kin

50. Fifty Po ko chah' kee bin

60. Sixty Po ko lee pah kin

70. Seventy Po ko ko lo pah kin

80. Eighty Po ko tos na pah kin

90. Ninety Po ko los ta pah kin

100. One hundred Chok pee thlah' min

AND JIARA'JT R. Mi

200. Two hundred Chok pe to ka Ian

300. Three hundred " to chay nin

400. Four hundred " se tah kin

500. Five hundred " chah kee pan

600. Six hundred " ce pah kin

700. Seven hundred " ko la pah kin

800. Eight hundred " tos na pah kin

900. Nine hundred " os ta pah kin

1,000. One thousand " chok thlah min

Note. — a always as in father; ai like long i in fine; ay like a in famous; a/i like long a
in master; ah the same and guttural, the h being sounded like ch in the Scotch word hch.

J. C. C.

9 . COMANCHE. (Vide p. 129.)
10. CUCIIAN OR YUMA. (Vide p. 119.)

B. ART OF RECORDING IDEAS.

PiCTOGKAPnT.

This mode of recortling ideoH is found to have been very generally practised by tlie
American tribes, from the earliest period. From the accumulating mass of materials
on that head, the following topics are here intixxluced.

Indian Census-Roll.

t M>

TRANSMITTED BY J. C. FLETCHER, ESQ.

(Plate 54.)

The subjoined census of an Indian band at Mille Lac, in the territory of Minnesota,
in symbolic characters, was drawn and given in to the agent by Nago-nalx", a Chippewa
Indian, during the progress of the annuity payments in 1849. It represents, by
pictographic characters, each family of the ban<l, by its name and its numbers.

There is no particular key to it, but it manifests the off-hand ingenuity of the
author of it, in adapting general pictographic symbols to a particular purpo.se. The
Indians generally designate their family names by their particular totem ; but in this
case, as the band are nearly all of one totem, he has designated each particular family
by some symbol denoting their common, or current name. Thus Fig. 2 denotes a
valley, the name of the master of the wig^vam : Fig. 4 denotes a man shooting at a
mark : No. 5 a cat-fish : No. 8 a beaver-skin : No. 9 the sun : No. 1.3 an eagle ; No. 14
a snake; No. 18 the earth cros.sed: No. 22 a buffalo: No. 34 an axe. All of which
are respectively the tribal, but not the totemic names of the individuals.

Although the regular system is thus departed from, those intimately acquainted with
the band and the individuals, can readily read it. No. .35 is easily recogni.sed as the
chief possessing sacerdotal authority. These are the distinctions preserved of thirty-
four families, numbering 108 souls. Mr. Fletcher, the Government Agent, transmits
it as denoting the aptitude of Nago-nabe, the head of the band, for this species of
writing, and his close attention in regarding the interests of each family composing
his village.

The marks in each division indicate the number of persons in each family.

(222)

LV;iMniBM'*******^MM?:iijjjy|^£pi||||n^^

ii i

a I I

8 1 ' i
1 1^1

I I 1 •

%-..

/ o o

f* •

"' \ I

c A T'l ■'5 iJ "i (:;f A ivj Jj.i,'' i.A<^ !*Ani) or cw r;':PA'WA'i

l'lflU,l.;-.-iU'.lJ BY l.ll-tl".(i'i"r. 'HI,\MiHi ,t- <'! l,ia..M-^

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY, ETC.

223

b. Magic Song.

TBANSMITTED WITH THE PRECEDINO.

(Plate 55.)

Fig. 1. A Lynx. The meda sings —

Nail me ba o sa yaun

Neen a ne mail je o sa yaun neen

I walk about in the niglit.

I tliat walk along — 'tis I.
Fig. 2. A human figure, denoting bad siiceches from a medicine-man,

Neen none daun ke tone

Ma ne do we aun.

I hear your mouth.

You that are a spirit.
Fig. 3. A Lynx. He is represented as just having emerged from the ground.
The bar across the neck denotes this. This lynx is a symbol of a first-rate Meda-
man — one deeply versed in the medical mysteries.

Shi equah mo mo ke aun e

Nin bishue

I ah ne aun e.

Now I come out of the ground,

I that am a lynx.
Fig. 4. The Lynx — a symbol of the Meda.

Ben ah, neen bishue

Ah nah ke me nuah bum e nak ?

See ! I am a lynx ;

Do you like my looks?

c. Medicine Animal of the Winnebagoes.

TRANSMITTED WITH THE PRECEDINO.

(Fig. 7. Plate 55.)

The idea of a medical panacea for human diseases, appears to be deeply implanted
in the Indian mind. Equally deep and general is the expression, that this remedy is
to be exhibited in connexion with a supernatural, magical, or necromantic power, of
which the professors of the medical art are the depositories. These professors, in their
supposed order, are the meda«s, or higher proficients of Indian occult knowledge.

The Joasekeed or seer, or what is denominated the prophet or foreteller of future

224

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

events, must be classified as a meda, for he is ever supposed by the Indians to be
conversant with the highest arts. 2. The Mada-ivuirinee, or doctor, practises his arts
of curing on personal experience or knowledge, relying on the material virtues of his
simples.

Sorcerers, wizards, and tricksters, or Wabcnos, arise from one or the other of these
classes, the boundaries between whose arcana of knowledge are of course not very
accurately defined.

As a general belief, animals, to the hunting of which so much of the lives of the
Indians is devoted, are associated with the exhibition of magic medicines; and
individuals, in all portions of the Indian country, acquire a local celebrity for their
skill in this department of Indian traditionary knowledge.

The annexed Fig. 7, Plate 55, was drawn by Little Hill, a Winnebago chief of the
upper Mississippi, west. He represents it as their medicine animal. He says that this
animal is but seldom seen — that it is only seen by medicine-men after severe fasting.
He has a piece of bone, which he asserts was taken from this animal. He considers it
a potent medicine, and uses it by filing a small piece in water. He has also a small
piece of native copper, which he u.ses in the same manner, and entertains like notiona
of its sovereign virtues.

:, a

il. Haokaii — A Dacota God.

(Plate 55.)

To the Indian mind, many of the phenomena of nature, which are familiar to
persons of even the lowest grade of information in civilized life, are invested with the
attributes and functions of a god. Whatever, in fact, is mysterious, abstruse, or
unknown in nature or art, is referred to the power of a deity. It is with him the
short cut to solve every question beyond his depth. Superstition is exceedingly acute
in observing phenomena, in the great area of the forest. Not a sound escapes his ever
quick ear, and if there be any thing in the attending circumstances in which he is
placed, to raise a suspicion, it is immediately set down as of superhuman influence.

It is one of the notions of the ancient poets,' that the spirit of a man might
inhabit a tree, injuries to which were, in such cases of transition, to be regarded as
shocking cruelties. It is not conceived by the Indians, that a mere man could be
thus transformed, without, at the same time, possessing the attributes of a god. The
evidence of the enchantment or transformation is to be drawn from the senses.

If a tempest sweeps the forest, producing a tumult of sounds, there is no cause for
wonder. It is an ordinary event. But should a tree emit from its hollow trunk or
branches a sound during a calm state of the atmosphere ; or what is more probable,

' Virgil. Tasso.

I \i

I !

i.. 11

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.))

■x^

wf^

:m.

■/./ ■,'.*.;,■/ //.A . /.

. ( . I. I 4 ■ t f

.^<V:

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'i'- 1

AND CHARACTER.

225

should an excited niiiid, anxioiiH to accuinulute the iuinil)er of facts iiiwii which the
nuperMtitious reverence of the jjcople relies in their estimate of him, fuiicy an emission
of such sounds, the tree would at once l)c reported, and soon come to be regarded, as
the residence of some local god.

Should he find in peramhulating the prairies, or crossing the table-lands, elevated
alx)ve the present level of the waters, or resting among the Ixudders and drift, still
accumulated along the shores of existing lakes and rivers, a mass of drift in some
imitative form, it is in either case regarded as something out of the common course,
and regarded as the residence, or material form, or exuvia) of some local god. In this
manner the Indian country is found to reveal many jjoints of local allusion by the
natives, where the geologist or the meteorologist would find nothing strange to remark.
The Indian mind creates, in truth, the intellectual atmosphere within which it
dwells ; and in our endeavors to account for its modes of action, we are not authorized
by a summary philosophy, to sweep away his theories.

It is seldom, however, in their deification of geologic and organic monuments, that
we behold the pictographic symbols of these gods of the imagination, such as is
presented in the accompanying figurative device of Ilaokah. This god is presented
under the form of a giant. The following is a complete key of the .separate symbols,
as taken from the lips of a Dacota.*
Fig. 8. The giant.

9. A frog that he uses for an arrow-point.
10 and 11. Birds that he has kept within his court.
12 and 13. Ornaments that he keeps over his door.
14 and 15. His court-yard, ornamented with red down.

16. A deer living in his court.

17. A bear " " "

18. An elk " " "

19. A buffalo " " "
20 and 21. Incense offerings.

22. A rattle of deers' hoofs, used in singing.

23. A long flute or whistle.

24. 25, 20, and 27, are meteors that he sends ont for defence, or to protect him

from invasion.
28, 29, 30, and 31. Lightning which surrounds his house, with which he kills
all kinds of animals.

32. A large fungus that grows on trees.

33. Touchwood. Nos. 32 and 33, are eaten by animals that enter his court,

causing immediate death.

' By Captain S. Eastman, U. S. A.

Pt. II. — 29

220

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

34. Lightnings from the giant's cap.

35. Tiic giant's cap.

36. His bow and ari-ows.

e. Indian Signatures.

(Plate 56.)

The subjoined signatures arc copied from an invoice of Indian goods, delivered by
General William Hull to tlie Indian tribes at Di'troit, in 1809. It embraces some of
the distinguished alxn'iginal actors of the time. What is particularly entitled to notice
is tlie fact, which is however in accordance with popular observation, that the totems
of the signers are not generally the common names of the individuals. Thus No. 1,
Kimi-ke-chawgon, or Big Nose, makes the totem of the bear; No. 4, Aix!che-caw-
Iwway, or the front-standing man, the totem of the wolf, apparently ; No. 6, Skaw-o-
mut, or Black Chief, a tree ; No. 16, Macconce, or Little Bear, a turtle, &c. &c. The
latter signs or sjmbols, standing in each case for the clans or generic names of the
families of the individuals, and not what we should denominate their Christian or
common names.

The exceptions, such as Siginoc, a grain-eating bird ; and No. 7, Miezay, an insect
that walks on the water, are to be regarded as men who had acquired a noted reputation
under their common names, and departed from a rule by employing symbols for
their popular or common names.

Such notoi'iety, tradition affirms, attached to the names of the chiefs No. 3 and
No. 7, namely, Siginoc of Michilimackinac, and Walk-in-the-water of Detroit.

!h':l

, y i

/. Mnemonic Symbols for Music.
(Plate 57.)

Examples of the capacity of the Indian medas for singing their songs and incanta-
tions by means of signs depicting the chief objects of stanzas committed to memory,
have been given in detail in Plates 51 and 52, Part I. The application of this rude
system of musical annotation to magical hunting 8ong.«i, has also been depicted in
Plate 53, Part I. ; and to the leading and most ambitious subject of the Indian mind,
namely, war-songs, in Plate 56, Part I.

A new phase in the philosophy of the human mind in its hunter state, is thus
exhibited. Further evidence of this trait of the Indian mind is given in the
accompanying symbols, Plate 57. This pictographic record, copied from a scroll of

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AND CHARACTER.

8ST

birch-bark, is depoHitcd in the miuccUaneous cabinet of the New Yurk Ilintorical
Six'iety.

It is remarkable that the system of pictography of the North American Indiana
becomes universal to the cof^nate triljes, at the moment that its symbols are committed
to record. Bark, skin, tal)ular pieces of wood, or ;'m<x>th faces, or angles of standing
rock, or l)()ulders, may constitute the material chosen kr inscription. This is a matter
of pure caprice, choice, or convenience. Its interpretation is not a question of
distinctive symlwl language. The system is one of recording — not words, but
concrete idea.s, and this is done by the jxjwer of association. The picture of a iK'ar
recalls the ideas, not simply of a particular kind of quadrujied, but of a strong,
black, clumsy, cunning animal, with powerful claws, whose flesh is deeply coated
with a tender kind of white fat; whose skin is suitable for particular purposes.
These are but jjarts of the ideas recalled by the synilM)l. The animal is fcmd of sweet
fruits and berries, loves certain precincts, and is to be hunted in a certain way. To
capture him, and to foil his natural sagacity, is a prime achievement.

To ent'ure success in this, tJie Indian seeks necromantic knowledge. lie draws the
figure of the animal, depicting its heart, with a line leading to it from the moutli. Sec
Figs. 4. 8, 13, .37, 47, Plate 57. By uttering a certain incantation of charmed words,
he conceives himself to get a necromantic power over this heart. He believes he can
control its motions and desires. He believes this firmly. He raises his song in
confidence. Already he sees his victim in his power. He draws him from his lair.
He leads him into his own path in the forest. He exults in an imaginary
triumph.

With such views this scroll is inscribed. It is a Sioux, (Dacota.) It resem))les in
some resjiects Plate 54, 1st Part. The chief figure. No. 1, is a man named Catfish.
He is represented as completely armed. He begins to recite his arts and exploits.
The leading ideas of the song, dismissing charms, and some verbiage, may be
concentrated thus :

1. Hear my power (alluding to voice, or drum.)

2. My swiftness and vengeance are the eagle's.

3. I hear the world over.

4. The bear must obey the medicine of my lodge.

5. My secret lodge is double; (two divining-stones.)

6. Fear then, man.

7. A snake shall enter thy vitals.

8. Can a bear escape my arrow ?

9. A river — ha! — ha!

10. Can a bear fly from my magic.

11. My medicine is strong.

228

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY, ETC.

•?1

[

1 1

1m ^

III

These boastings of secret supernatural skill and power, are curiously symbolized.
The words may be greatly varied, so that they convey the chief symbol.

In No. 2, the beak of a bird is put for the head of a man, to denote vengeance. In
No. 3, the capacity of hearing is symbolized b}' an extension from the ears. In Nos. 4
and 5, is expressed the magic power that is given over the movements of the bear by
means of the medicine lodge and its arts. The ideas excited by each symbol are
concrete.

2, Alphabetical Notation.
Cherokee Alphabet.

The aged and venerable missionary, Mr. Butrick, whose death has just (1851) been
announced, is believed to have been the earliest teacher in the Cherokee country,
being employed under the society of United Moravian Brethren. The first school
established by the American Board of Couuuissioners for Foreign Missions, was in
1817. Tliese efforts appear, in their development, to have stinuilafed the vital spark
of inventive thought, which led a native Cherokee to give his people an original
alphabet. Sequoia, or Guess, appears to have been some time engaged in perfecting
his invention. About 1824 it was definitely annouuced, and examined by the
missionaries, who found it to be a syllabieal sj stem, and pronounced it well adapted
to teach the Cherokee population. It seemed particularly suited to the adults, who
immediately embraced it, and it lias since Ijeeii taught to all classes, conjointly with
the English. Two of the characters being found honiophanous, have been abolished in
practice. The alphabet, in its most perfect form, is given on the subjoined plate.
It will be perceived, tliat the Indian mind, accustomed to view and express objects
in the gross or combined form, has fallen on this plan for an alphabet. Nearly all
the words of the vocabulary end in a vowel. Each vowel is preceded by thirteen
combinations of the consonant, making sixty-four syllables. To this scheme there
are added twelve characters, to represent double consonants. No other American
language, with which I am acquainted, could be written l)y such a simple scheme.
It cannot be applied to any dialect of the Algonquin,' the Iroquois, the Dacota,
the Appalachian, or the Shoshonee. Consequently its applicatiim is limited. It
provides for the e.xprcssicm only of such sounds as occur in the Cherokee language.
Still, its utility in that language has been highly appreciated, and it ivniains
a striking phenomenon in the history of American pliilology. (Plate A.)'

A s|)ecimen of the application of this alphabet is added in a version of the lesson
of the Prodigal Son. (Plate B.)

' ArcliiBi)logia Aiuericmm, Vol. II.

' By reference to the Rubsci|ueiit pngen, IX. Langungn, A., p. ^50, it will be perceived llmt the number
of Algonquin syllables in 2'i").

I-

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III

'ti ;

C. ORAL IMAGINATIVE LEGENDS.

1. Transformation of a Hunter Lad.

2. Origin of Zca Maize.
8. The Wolf-Brother.

4. Sayadio.

An Allegory of Ovev-fasting.

Three of the following tales were ohtahied from the oral traditions of the Chippewa,
during my residence between A. D. 1822 and 1832, at Sault Ste. Marie, at the foot of
Lake Superior. The fourth legend is derived from the Wyandots, and the narrative
will be seen to be essentially the same as that given by Breboef, the first Catholic
missionary among the Wyandots, who were living, at the period, north of the great
lake-chain between the head of Lake Erie and the eastern shores of Lake Huron.

1. Transformation of a Hunter's Son into a Bird.

AN ALLEGORY OF OVER-FASTING.

i^^

An ambitious hunter had an only son, who now approached that age when it is
proper to fast, in order to choose his guardian or personal spirit ; and he was very
ambitious that his son should show great capacity of endurance in this fast, that he
might obtain a powerful spirit.

For this purpose he gave him every instruction, and when the time arrived, bid him
be courageous, and acquit himself like a man.

The young lad first went into the sweating lodge, and having heated himself
thoroughly, plunged into cold water. This he repeated. He then went into a separate
lodge, which had been prepared for him at a short distance in the forest, and laid
himself down on a new mat made of rushes, woven by his mother. To this place his
father accompanied him, and told him he must fast twelve days, and that he would
come to see him once a day, every morning. The young man then covered his face,
and his father left him. He laid still until the next morning, when his father visited
him to encourage him to persevere in his fast.

This he did, and the same visits were renewed for eight days, when his strength
had failed so much that he could not rise, and the youth lay with nearly the com-
posure and rigidity of one without life. On the ninth day, he spoke to his father as
follows :

280

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

; ( V

" My father, my dreams are not good. The spirit who visits me is not favorable in
the way you wixh. Let me break my fast now, and at another time I '11 try again. I
have no strength to endure any longer."

" My son," he replied, " if you give up now, all will be lost. You have persevered
in your fust eight days. You have overcome the hardest trials. Only a little time
now remains. Some other spirit will come to you. Strive a little longer."

The lad covered himself clo.ser, and lay still, never moving or saying a word till the
eleventh day, when he faintly ivpeated his n'<nK'st. '• To-morrow," answered the old
man, " I will come early in the morning, and bring you fixjd."

Silence and o1x?dience were all that remained. The young man made no reply. lie
seemed as one dead. No one would have known that life was not fled, but by watching
the gentle heaving of his breast. Day and night appeared to be alike to him.

The next morning the father came with tlie promi.sed repast in a little kettle. But
on drawing near to the wigwam, he heard sounds from within, as if from some one
talking. Stooping to l<Mjk through a small opening, he was surprised to see his son
painted, sitting up, and in the act of laying the paint on his .shoulders, as far as his
hands could reach, and nuittering at the same time to himself, " My father has destroyed
me. lie would not listen to my requests. I shall be for ever happy, for I have been
obedient to my parent, e\en beyond my strength. My spirit is not the one I sought,
but he is just and pitiful, and has given me another shape."

At this moment the old man broke in, exclaiming, " Ningwis ! Ningwis ! " (my son,
my son.) leave me not — leave me not." But the lad, with the nimbleness of a bird,
had flown to the top of the lodge, and perched himself on the highest outer pole,
liaving assumed the shape of a beiuitiful robin-red-breast. He looked down on his
father, and said, " Mourn not my change. I shall be hajjpier in my present state than
I could have l)cen as a man. I shall always be the friend of men, and keep near their
dwellings. I could not gratify your pride as a warrior, but I will cheer you by my
songs, and strive to produce in you the lightsomeness I feel. I am now free from
cares and pains. My food is furnished by the fields and mountains, and my path is m
the bright air." So saying, he flew away to the woods.

2. MONDAMIN, OR THE OrIGIN OF THE ZeA MAIZE.
A CHIPPEWA ALLEGORY.

A POOR Indian was living with his wife and children in a beautiful part of the
country. His children were too young to give him any assistance in hunting; and he
had but ill luck himself Bui he was thankful for all he received from the forest, and
although he was very poor, he was very contented.

AND CHARACTER.

281

His elder win inherited the same dispoaition, and had ever been olxdient to bis
parents. He Iiiid now readied the age at which it is proper to make the initial fast,
which the Indian lads all do at about fourteen or fifteen. As soon as the spring
arrived, his mother built him a little fa.sting-l(Klge in a retired s[K)t, where he would
not be disturlx'd; and when it was finished he went in and txi-gan his fast. He
amused him.self for a few mornings l)y rambling alx)ut in the vicinity, looking at the
shruljs and wild-Howei-s, (for he had a taste for such things,) and brought great bunches
of them along in his hands, which led him often to think on the goodness of the Great
Spirit in providing all kinds of fruits and herbs for the use of man. This idea quite
took possession of his mind, and he earnestly i)rayed that he might dream of some-
thing to benefit his people ; for he had often seen them suflering for the want of fcwd.

On the third day he became too weak and faint to walk about, and kept his bed.
He fancied, while thus l^iug in a dreamy state, that he saw a handsome young man,
drest in green robes, and with green plumes on his head, advancing towards him.
The visitor said : " I am sent to ^oii, my friend, by the Great Spirit, who made all
things. He has observed you. He sees that you desire to procure a benefit to your
jK'ople. Listen to my words, and follow my instructions." He then told the ^oung
man to rise and wrestle with him. Weak as he was, lie tottered to bis feet and began,
but after a long trial, the handsome stranger said, " My friend, it is enough lor once ;
I will come again." He then vanished.

On the next day the celestial visitor reappeared, and renewed the trial. The young
man knew that his physical strength was even less than the day Ix^fore ; but as this
declined, he felt that his mind became stronger and clearer. Perceiving this, the
stranger in plumes again spoke to liim. " To-morrow," he said, " will be your last
trial. Be strong and courageous ; it is the only way in which you can obtain the boon
you seek." He then departed.

On the third day, as the young faster lay on his pallet weak and exhausted, the
pleasing visitor returned ; and as he renewed the contest, he looked more beautiful
than ever. The young man grasped him, and .seemed to feel new strength imparted
to his body, while that of his antagonist grew weaker.

At length the stranger cried out, " It is enough — I am beaten. You will win your
desire from the Great Spirit. To-morrow will be the scventli day of your last, and
the last of your trials. Your father will bring you food, which will recruit you. I
shall then visit jou for the last time, and I foresee that you are destined to prevail.
As soon as you have thrown me down, strip off my garments, and bury me on the
spot. Visit the place, and keep the earth clean and soft. Let no weeds grow there.
I shall soon come to life, and reappear with all the wrappings of my garments and my
waving plumes. Once a month cover my roots with fresh earth ; and by following
these directions your triumph will be complete." He then disappeared.

Next morning the youth's father came with food, but he asked him to set it by, for

232

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

a pftrticular ri'ason, till the nun went down. Mi'iintiiiie the Hky-vi^<ito^ ciiiiio for liis
iiniil trial, and although the young man had not partaken of hifl fathers ofl'er of food,
he engaged in the combat with hiw visitor with a feeling of HU{)eniatural ntrength. lie
threw him down. lie then »tripiK'd off his gannents and plumes. He buried his
body in the earth, carefully preparing the gniund, and removing every weed ; and
then returned to his fatiier's lodge. lie kept every thing to himself, revealing nothing
to denote his vision or trials. He partook sparingly of food, and soon recovered his
perfect strength. But he never for a moment forgot the burial-place of his friend.
He carefully visited it, and would not let even a wild-flower gmw there. Soon he saw
the tops of the green plumes coming out of the ground, at flrst in spiral jMjints, then
expanding into broad leaves, and rising in green stalks ; and finally a.tsuming their
silken fringes and yellow tassels.

The spring and sunnner had now passed ; when one day, towards evening, ho
requested his father to visit the lonely sjxit where he had fasted. The old man stood
in amazement. The lodge was gone, and in its place stood a tall, graceful, and
majestic plant, Avaving its taper leaves, and displaying its bright-coloured plumes and
tassels. But what most attracted his admiration was its cluster of golden ears. " It is
the friend of my dreams and visions," said the youth. " It is Mon-da-mhi, it is the
spirit's grain," said the father. And this is the origin of the Indian corn.

3. The Woi.f-Brotiier.

An Indian stood on the borders of a solitary forest, one morning early, during the
summer sea-son. A deep silence reigned around, and there was nothing to break the
stillness and solitude of the scene but the wigAvam that stood near l>y, in which the
hand of death was about to be laid upon the master of the hxlge — his father. Ho
was now prostrated by sickness, and as the barks that covered its sides were lifted up
to admit the air, the low breathings of the dying man could be heard, mingled with
the suppressed moans of the poor disconsolate wife, and thi'ce children. Two of the
latter, a son and daughter, were almost grown up ; the other, a boy, was yet a mere
child.

These were the only human beings near the couch of the lonely and fast-sinking
hunter. As the breeze came in from a neighlwring lake, he felt a momentary return
of strength, and raising himself a little on his elbow, addressed his jwor and
disconsolate family.

"I leave you — you, who have been my partner in life, but you will not stay long
behind me. You shall soon join me in the happy land of spirits. Therefore you have
not long to suffer in this world. But oh ! my children, you have just commenced life,

AND CHARACTER.

288

and mark ine, unkiiulnesH, ingratitude, and every wickedneHs is in the scene before
you. I left my kindred and my tribe to come to thiH unfrequented place ; because of
the evils of which I have just warned you. I have contented myself with tlio
company of your mother and yourselves, and you will find that my motives in leaving
the haunts of men, were solicitude to keep you from bad examples, which you would
inevital)ly have followed.

" But 1 shall die contented, if you, my children, promise to cherish each other, and
on no account to forsake your youngest brother. Of him I give you particular
charge."

Exhausted by the eflbrt, he took breath a little, and then, taking the hand of each
of his elder children, continued : " My daughter, never forsake your little brother ; my
son, never forsake your little bmther." " Never ! never !" responded both ; and the
father sunk back on lis pallet, and soon e* pired. His wife, agreeably to his predictions,
followed him to the '<,nive after the briel lapse of five months. In her last moments,
she reminded her children ol the pledges made to their departed father, and pressed its
fulfilment. They readily n.i owed their promise.

A winter pas.sed awii '. The ^'r\, being ^he eld>'st, dictated to her brothers, and
seemed to feel a tender and sisterly aflec n, particularly for the younger, who was
sickly and delicate. The other boy -•>»• showed symptoms of restlessness, and
addressed the sister as follows •

" My sister, are we always '.o i: e aa if there w>..e no other beings in the world?
Must I deprive myself of the ^ leasuro of associating with my nwn kind? I shall seek
the villages of men. I have determined, and you cannot ,y .vent me." The girl
replied, " My brother, I do not sav no to what you desire. We are not prohibited the
society of our fellow-men ; but we were told to cherish each other, that we should not
act separately and independent! v. and that neither pleasure nor pain ought to draw us
from our licli)les8 little brother. If we follow our own gratification, we shall surely
forget him, whom we are alike bound to support. '

The young man made no answer, but, taking his bow and arrows, left the lodge and -
never more returned.

Many moons had come and gone after his deparTurc, during which the girl
administered t< the wants of the younger brother. At length, she found solitude
irksome, and b..\';>" :o desire society; but, in meditating a 1 inge of life, she thought
only of herself, and took measures to abandon her little brother, as her elder brother
had done.

One dn/y , after she had collected all the provisions she could in the wigwam, and

proi Id' J a quantity of wood for making fire, she said to her little brother, " My

brother, you must not stray from the lodge ; I am going to seek our brother, and shall

soon return ;" then, taking her bundle, she set out in search of habitations. She soon

Pt. II. — .30

234

INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY

t '

>iu (

fuiiiid thcin, and was m uinch taken up witli the pleasiiros anil taniusenients of society,
that hei* little brotlier in the l«)nesome forest was entirely forgotten.

She finally acee[)ted a proixjsal of marriage; and, after this, dismissed all
remembrance of the helpless being she had abandoned. Her elder brother had also
taken a wife, and entered so deeply into the cares and business of life, that he had no
thoughts alwut the distant home where he had drawn his first breath, and where the
object of a pledge made to a dying father, was left to his fate.

As stK)n as the little boy had eaten all the food collected by his sister, he went into
the woods and picked berries, and dug up i-oots, which satisfied his hunger as long as
the weather was mild. But as tl\e winter drew on, he was obliged to quit the lodge,
and wander about in very great distress. He often passed his nights in the clefts and
hollows of old trees, and was glad to eat the refuse meals of the wolves. The latter
soon became his only resource, and he mms so fearless of these animals, that he
would si* ''lose by them while the}' devoured their prey ; and the animals themselves
seemed to pity his condition, and would always leave stmiething. Thus he lived, as it
were, on the lK)unty of fierce wolves, imtil spring came on, and began to enliven the
forest. As soon as the ice melted in the big lake, and left it free, he followed his new-
found friends and companions to its open shores. It happened that his elder brother
was fishing in his canoe in the lake, a considerable distance from shore, when he
thought he heard the cry of a child, and wondered how any could exist on so bleak a
part of the ct)ast. He listened more attentively, and heard the cry refieatcd. He
made for the shore as quickly as possible, and when he reached the land, saAV at a
distance his little brotlier. He heard him singing in a plaintive voice these lines :
Nesia, Nesia, shieg wuh, gushuh !
Ne mien gun-iew! Ne mien gun-iew!
My brother, my brother,
I am turning into a wolf,
I am turning into a wolf.
At the termination of his song, he howled like a wolf; and the elder brother was
s*-ll more astonh "led as he came nearer, to see his little broth»r half turned into a
wolf. He, however, leajwd forward, and strove to catch him in his arms, crying out,
"My brother, my brother, come to me." But the boy eluded his grasp and tied, still
singing, " I am turning into a wolf,'" and howling in the intervals.

The elder brother, conscience-struck, felt his affections returning Avith redoubled
force, and therefore continued to exclaim in great anguish, " My brother, my brother,
come to me." But the more eagerly he approached, the more rapidly the child fled
away, and the change in his body went on until the transformation was complete. At
last he said, " I am a wolf," and bounded out of sight.

The young man, and his sister when siie heaiil it, felt the deepest remorse, and both
upbriiided themselves as long as they lived, for tiieir cruelty to the little Iwy.

AND CHARACTER.

2SC

S A V A D I O .

A WYANIM)T I.KfiEND.

Sayadio mourned for his sistor, for she had died .young and handsome. At length,
he resolved to go to the land of souls and bring her back. His journey was long and
full of adventures, but it would h;.ve proxed of no advantage, if he had not met an
old man just as he was on the point of giving up in despair. Tliis old man gave him
a magic calabiish, with which he might dip up the spirit of his sister, should he succeed
in finding her. He also gave him the young damsel's brains, which he had carefully
kept ; for it turned out that this old man was the keeper of that part of the si)irit-land
to which he was journeying.

Sayadio now went on with a light heart, but was astonished, when he reached tlie
land of spirits, that they all lied from him. In this perplexing exigency' Tarenyawago,
the master of ceremonies, kindly aided him. It so happened that all the souls were
at this time gathered for a dance, according to the custom of the place.

The young man soon recogniz-ed his sister floating through the dance, and rushed
forward to embrace her, but she vanished like a di-eam of the night.

Tarenyawago furnished him with a mystical rattle of great power to bring her back.
At the same time, the deep-sounding Taiwaiegun, or spirit-drum, was Jx'at for i> ivnewal
of the choral dance, and the Indian flute poured forth its softest notes.

The effect of the music was instantaneous, and the throng of spirits became innu-
merable. Among the niunljer, he again saw his sister. Quick as thought, Sayadio
dipiwd up the entranced spirit with his calabash, and securely fastened it, in spite of
all the efforts of the captivated soul to regain its liberty. He then retraced his steps
back to earth, and safely reached liis lodge with his precious charge.

His own and his sister's friends were immediately summoned, and the l)ody of the
maiden brought from its burial-place to be reanimated with its spirit. Every thing
was ready for the ceremonies of the resurrection, when the thoughtless curiosity of one
of the female friends frustrated all. She must needs peep into the calabash to see how
the disembodied soul looked, upon which the imprisoned spirit flew out.

Sayadio gazed with both his eyes, but could sec nothing. Her flight could not be
traced in the air, and he sat with his head down in his lodge, moaning and lamenting
that, through the idle curiosity of one person, all the trials and i^rplexities of his
journey to the land of spirits had come to naught.

TTi'T~niiM

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VII. TOPICAL HISTORY. A.

(237)

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■II Liiiinii

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TOPICAL HISTORY.

SYNOPSIS.

1. Mnndans.

2. Pontiac Manuscript : Journal of the events of the Siege of Detroit by the

confederated Indians in 1763.

3. Anacoana, Queen of the Caribs.

1. MANDANS.

In a prior paper, (Vol. T., p. 257,) we noticed the depopulation caused by the ravages
of the sniall-pox among the Indian tribes of the Valley of tlie Missouri in 1837, and
its particular severity on the Mandans. In the e.vcitement of the moment, this tribe
was rept)rted to have been nearly or quite exterminated. Inquiry, however, denoted
that a remnant survived, who fled from their villages to their nearest neighljors and
friends, the Minnetaries, with whom they resided till their population began to recover.
Their existing population was estimated in our last tables, (Vol. I., p. 023,) at 800.

In February last, the attention of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis,
(D. D. Mitchell, Esq.,) was called to the subject. lie remarked that he was on the
Missouri at the period of their calamities in lb37, and was conversant with the facts.
They were reduced by small-^wx to aljout 145 souls, who fled from the scenes o'' '!icir
disaster to the Minnetaries. They subsequently returned to their old villages, where
he estimates their present ninnbers at about 500.

He describes them as having some peculiarities of character. They formerly dwelt
iji five villages, on a small territory which does not exceed twenty miles square, and
thinks there are archaeological indications of their having formerly had a considerable
jiopulation. Their numbers have been thiimed by the Sioux, their inveterate enemies.
He thinks they do not speak a language cognate with that stock ; a conclusion in
which he is not sustained by the researches of the late Mr. Gallatin. Vide Synopsis
of the Indian Tribes of tiie United States.

(280)

'I i

240

TOPICAL HISTORY.

Wliile arraii^i'iiii'iits aiv on fiKit for obtaining a complete vwabulary of tlie tribe,
and its claims to distinct historical notice, these details are submitted to gratify the
inquiries of the philoh'^ist and antiquarian.

2. PoNTiAc Manuscript.

The fall of Canada effected one of the most important changes which, so far as is
known, has ever occurred in the political condition and intxjmational relations of the
Indian tribes.

For one hundred and fifty years, dating from the reputed colonization of Canada in
1G08, to this celebrated era, consummated by the heroic enterprise of General Wolfe,
and the chivalric death of Montcalm, two rival sovereign powers had been held up to
the Indian tribes for their preference. To them, each of these powers had been
represented by opposing sides, as eml "xcing every element of exaltation, splendor, and
munificence, that could dignify a human ruler.

Each power was depicted to their ever-wavering minds as governed by higher
dictates of love and justice, in the adoption and regulation of their Indian policy, than
the other ; and the fitful and uncertain periotls of peace that existed between the two
shining crowns of England and Franco, were employed by the local oflicials of each
power in strengthening the rival claims of each to the respect, preference, and fealty
of the tribes.

This struggle for the supremacy in the Indian mind and policy was suddenly termi-
nated by the lowering of the French flag on the castle of St. Louis, and the consequent
cession of all New France, save Louisiana, to her old and constant rival.

Only one sovereignty was henceforth destined to sway the aboriginal councils
throughout all the colonies, from the confines of Georgia, the Spanish colony of Florida,
and the French po.ssessions of Louisiana, to the Arctic Ocean.

The northern and western tribes, who had been long accustomed to march into the
colonies on their bloody forays under the sanction of the French power, often led by
its miliUiry officers, and always havinf their natural ferocity whetted by the hope of
plunder and the rewards of cruelty, did not hear this intelligence with pleasure. It
was i-eceived by them as the news of a defeat. They believed the war would be
resumed. To them the French monarch had been depicted as the first and most
glorious of human sovereigns ; unbounded in wisdom, power, benevolence, and love for
them. If fleets and armies were subdued when he sent them against the English, he
had at will, they had been told, new fleets and armies to send.

That such a iwwer, so long held up as the acme of human greatness and govern-
mental authority, should have dropt for ever the truncheon of dominion — or, to
assimilate the term to their phraseology — the war-club in the Canadas, was to them
incredible and inconceivable.

TOPICAL HISTORY.

241

Foremost among those bold ami original men, who iK'lievcd not in this reiK)rt, was
Pontiac, the leader of the united Algom[uin and Wyandot trilK's in Canada and
Michigan. lie saw clearly that the fall of the French in Caimda would Imj the fall of
the Indian supremacy ; that Canada had Ix'en sustained, in a great measure, from an
early day, by the Indian power; and that the defeat of the one would be the defeat
of the other. lie resisted, by every art, their crossing the Alleghany Mountains. lie
had eloquence as well as foresight. To the tribes, whom he addressed in their native
tongue, he made the most popular and persuasive harangues. He appealed to their
ancient prejudices. He told them he wa.s under a divine influence. He related to
them, on a fonnal occasion, the dream of a visit of a Delaware prophet to Paiadi.se, in
a manner to secure the Ixdief of his hearers. He exhorted them to adhere to their
ancient customs, arms, and arts. " Rely," said he, '' on yonr native re.><ources, and
drive tluwe i)0<;s in keo ri-OTUiXd into tlie .sea." To Major Rogers, whom he met on
his way as he marched a detachment destined for the English garrison at Detroit, he
exclaimed in a proud tone, " I stand in the path."

He and his Indian allies had adroitly carried eleven out of the twelve military iM)sts
which the English jKJssessed west of the AUeghanies, and in the area of the lakes.
The most noted of these Indian conquests was the old fort of Michilimackinac, which
was carried on the 4th June, 17G3, by the masque of ;> ball-play; and the garrison
massacred on the spot.' Detroit, the twelfth post, and the l)est garrisoned of all, alone
held out; and he had reserved the conipiest of this as his own work. He assembled a
large body of the Indian tribes near and around it, with all their forest-arms, and at
first concealed his design under the guise of friendly negotiation, and attempted to
take the fort by a coup-de-nuiin. lieing foiled in this, thnnigh the revelations of
an Indian l)elle, he besieged the fort with great strictness. He fiix'd burning arrows
into the ixwfs of the houses. He captured a brigade of boats, sent up the river Iron)
Niagara with supplies. He sent down a burning raft to destroy a public vessel.

He afterwards defeated, at Bloody Bridge, a large and well-appointed party ; which,
muler Captain Dalzell, aid to Sir Jell'rey Andieivt, sallied out at midnight to attack his
canq), and drove them in with a sanguinary slaughter, in which the connnander fell.
Tiie garrison, at one period, wiis driven to the utmost straits. P]very resource was cut
off. Not a soul could venture beyond the walls with impunity. They talked of a
surrender. His auxiliaries committed some great atrocities during the siege, among
which wius the murder of Major Campbell, who went to his camp with a flag of truce :
but this act was decried by Pontiac as being without his knowledge or sanction. The
fort received succour that year, after a tln-ee months' siege.'

' For a vivid and truthful description of this massacre, by an eye-witness, soo Henry's Travels and Adventures
in the Indian Territories, A. D. 1760 to 1770. Now York, 1 vol. 8vo. p)). 330. 1809.

' History of the late war in North America and tho islands of the West Indies. By Thomas Mantc,
Assistant Kngineer, &e., and Major of a Brigade, kc. London, 177i, 1 vol. 4to, 552 pp.

Pt. II. — 31

1 i .

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242

TOPICAL HISTORY.

The following journal, detailing the operations of this siege, was kept in French, by
an inmate of the fort, who was conversant with the daily transactions and rumours.
It is translated literally from the ill-composed original, its historical value consisting
entirely in its authenticity.'

Journal of the Siege op Fort Detroit, by the coxfederate
Indian Nations, acting under Pontiac.

Detroit, May 1th, 17G3.

Pontiac, head-chief of all the Ottawas, Santeurs, Poux, and all the nations of the
lakes and rivers of the north ; a proud, vindictive, warlike, and irritable man ; under
pretence of some insult which he thought he had received from Mr. Gladwin,
commander of the fort; fancied that, being great chief of all the nations of the north,
none but he and his nation had a right to inhabit that part of the earth : (the French,
for the facility of trade, had had a post there for above sixty years, and owing to their
conquest of Canada, the English had governed it about three years.)' This chief of a
nation (whose bravery consists in treachery, and who had acquired liis influence by his
handsome appearance,) resolved, within himself, the entire destruction of the English
and Canadian nations. To succeed in his project, which he had not yet imparted to
any of his Ottawas, he engaged them in his pai*y by a speech. Being naturally
inclined to evil, they did not hesitate to obey him, but as they were not sufficiently
numerous for that enterprise, the chief tried, in a council, to draw into his party the
Poux (Pottowattomie — S.) nation. This nation was governed by a chief named Minivoa,
a weak, irresolute man ; who, recognising Pontiac for his principal chief, and knowing
him to be of a ferocious disposition, joined him with all his band. The two nations
were composed of about four hundred men. The number not being sufficient, Pontiac
tried to bring over the Huron nation, then divided into two bands, and govemod by
two separate chiefs of very different dispositions ; (they were nevertheless directed by
Mr. Potico, a father Jesuit.) One of the chiefs of that nation, Yaka resembled
Pontiac in his disposition; the other a man of great circumspection, consummate
prudence, not naturally inclined to evil, and not easily persuaded, would not listen to
Pontiac's deputies, and sent them back as they had come.' The deputies sent to that

' Thip MS. hag been aptly quoted by Mr. Francis Parkman, in his interesting and comprehensive " History
of the Conspiracy of Pontiac," just published. By placing the original amongst the materials which are
designed to illustrate our general Indian History, it is made accessible to all.

' From this, the date, which is partly obliterated in the original, may be inferred.

* Without answer.

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TOPICAL HISTORY.

248

part of the same nation under Yakiv, were heard, and the war-neckhices ' (wampum-
belt«) sent by Pontiac and Minivoa, chiefs of tlie Ottawas and Poux, were received.
They resolved ujion » * * * * (a customary mode among the Indians,) that a
council should take place on the twenty-seventh of April, at the river Ecorces ; to tix
the day and hour of the attack, and to resolve upon the precautions necessary to
prevent a discovery of their treason. According their usual mode of counting, the
Indians decided, as I mentioned above, that the council should take place on the 15th
day of the moon ; i. e. Wednesday, 27th of April.

On the day fixed for the council, the Poux, conducted by Minivoa, and the Hurons
by Yaka, repaired to tiie rendezvous on the river Ecorces, four leagues below the fort,
towards the S. W. This place had been selected by Pontiac for his camp, on leaving
his winter quarters, that he might not be troubled in his projects ; this step produced
some surprise among the French, who could not find the cause of it, and attributed it
to the whimsical temper common to the Indians.

The council was held between the three following nations ; the Ottawas, the Poux,
(Pottowattomies,) and the wicked band of Ilurons. Pontiac, as head-chief of all
the nations of the north, presided. He exposed as a reason for liis actions,
supposed necklaces, (wampum-belts) which he said he had received from the Great
Father, the King of France, to fall upon the English. He mentioned several
imaginary insults which he and his people had received from the English commander
and officers, as also a blow given by a sentinel to one of his Indians, who was
following his cousin. The Indians listened to him as their chief, and to flatter his
vanity and increase his pride, they promised to be guided by him. This cunning
man, glad to see in those three nations (in all 450 men) so much submission, took
advantage of their weakness to obtain a complete sway over them. To accomplish
this, he related in the council the story of a Loup Indian, (Lenape) who had
made a journey to heaven, and spoken to the master of life. This story he related
with so much eloquence, that it made on them all the effect he expected. The
story deserves a place here, it being as the principal of the blackest of crimes
against the English nation, and perhaps against the French, had not God in his grace
ordered it other\vise. It was thus. An Indian of the Loup tribe, anxious to know
the master of life, (the name given to God by the Indians,) resolved, without
mentioning his design to any one, to undertake a journey to Paradise, which he
knew to be God's residence. But to succeed in his project, it was necessary- to know
the way to the celestial regions. Not knowing any person who, having been there,
might aid him in finding the road, he commenced juggling, in the hope of drawing a
good augury from his dream. The Indians, even those converted to the Christian
religion, are very superstitions, and place much faith in dreams. It is very difficult to
cure them of that superstition. This story is a proof of what I advance.

I !

' In the text is tbo word collier, a necklace.

' Des branches de porcelaine.

1il

.^1

244

TOPICAL HISTORY.

The Loup Indian in hi.s dream imagined that it sufficed to commence his jonmey,
and that by continuing his walk he would arrive at the celestial al)ode. The next
morning very early, he equips himself as a hunter,' * * * * ammunition, and a boiler
to cook, * * * * to perform the jouniey to * * * *. The commencement of his journey
was pretty favorable ; he walked a long time without being discouraged ; having always
a firm (conviction) that he would attain his aim. Eight days had already elapsed
without his meeting any one to oppose his desires. On the evening of the eighth day
at sunset, he stopped as usual, on the banks of a stream at the entrance of a little
prairie, a place he thought favorable for his night encampment. As he was preparing
his lodging, he ^xirceived at the other end of the prairie three very wide and well-
beaten paths ; he thought this somewhat singular ; he however continued to prepare
his retreat, that 1.2 might slielter himself from the weather; he also lighted a fire.
Whilst cooking, he fancied he })crceived that the darker it grew by the disappearance'
of the sun, the more distinct were those paths. This surprised him ; nay, even
frightened him; he hesitated a few moments. Was it bettev for him to remain in his
camp, or seek another at some distance ? While in this incertitude he remembers his
juggling, or rather his dream. He thought that his only aim in undertaking this
journey hiul been to see the master of life. This restored him to his senses, in the
belief that one of those three roads was the one leading to the place which he wished
to visit. He therefore resolved upon remaining in his camp until the morrow, when ho
would at random take one of these three roads. His curiosity, however, .scarcely
allowed him time to take his meal ; he left his encampment and fire, and t(K)k the
widest of the paths. He followed until the middle of the d.ay, without seeing any
thing to impede his progress ; but as he was resting a little to take breath, he saw
suddenly a large fire coming from under ground. It e.xcited his curiosity ; lie went
towards it, to see what it might be ; but as the fire appeared to increase as he drew
nearer, he was so overcome with fear that he turned back and t(x»k t!ie widest of the
other two paths. Having followed it for the same space of time as he had the first,
he perceived a similar spectacle. His fright, which had been lulled by the change of
road, awoke, and he was obliged to take the third path, in which he walked a whole
day without discovering any thing. All at (mce a mountain of marvellous whiteness
burst uiK)u his sight; this filled him with astonishment. Nevertiieloss, he took
courage, and advanced to see what the mountain might be. Having arrived at the
foot, he saw no signs of a road; he became very sad, not knowing how to continue his
way. In this conjuncture he looked on all sides, and saw a female .seated up(m tlie
mountain ; lier beauty was dazzling, and the whiteness of her garments surpassed that
of snow. This woman sp.id to him, in his own language, " You apjiear sur[)rised to
find no longer a path to reach your wishes. I know that you have for a long time

' The stai-a indicate places destroyed or totally obliterated in tLe original.

' Text, oloignmcut.

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SbLj.

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TOPICAL HISTORY.

245

longed to see and speak to the master of life, and that you have undertaken this
journey purposely to see him. The way which leads to his abode is ujxtn this
mountain. To ascend it you must undress yourself completely, and leave all your
iiccoutrements and clothing at the foot of the mountain. No person shall injure them.
You will then go and wash yourself in the river which I am showing you, and after-
w.ard ascend tlie mountain."

The Loup Indian oljeyed punctually the woman's words ; but one difficulty remained.
How could he arrive at the top of the mountain, it being steep, without a path, and
as smooth as glass ? He questioned the woman on the way to accomplish this. She
replied, that if he really wished to see the master of life, he must ii? mounting oidy
use his left hand and foot. Tliis appeared almost impossible to the Indian. Encouraged
however, by the female, he commenced ascending, and succeeded after much trouble.
When at the top, he was astonished to see no person, the woman having disappeared.
He found himself alone and without guide. Three unknown villages were in sight;
they appeared to him constructed on a different pl.an from his own, much handsomer,
and more regular. After a few moments' reflection, he took the way towards the
handsomest in his ci/cs.' When al)out half-way from the top of the mountain, he
recollected he was naked, and feared to advance ; but a voice told him to proceed, and
to have no apprehensions ; thfit having washed himself, (as he had done,) he nn'glit
walk in confidence, lie proceeded without hesitation to a place which appeared to be
the gate of the village, and stopped until it might be opened. While he was consitlering
the beauty of the exterior of the village, the gate opened ; he saw coming towards
him a handsome nuui, dressed all in white, who tooic him by the hand, telling him
that he v>as going to satisf^y his wishes, by leading him to the presence of the nuister
of life. The Indian sufl'ered himself to be conducted, and tliey arrived at a place of
unequalled btuiuty. The Indian was lost in admiration. He then saw the master of
life, who took him by the hand, and gave him for a seat a hat bordered with gold.
The Indian, afraid of spoiling the hat, hesitated to sit down ; but, being ordered to do
so, he obeyed without rejd}-.

The Indian being seated, God said to him: "I am the master of life whom thou
wishest to see, and to whom thou wishest to speak. Listen to that which 1 will tell
thee, for thyself and for all the Indians. I am the maker of the heaven and the earth,
the trees, laKes, rivers, men, and all that thou seest or hast seen on the earth
* * * *. And because I love you, you must do my will, you must also avoid that
which I hale. I dislike you to drink, as you do, until you lose your reason ; I wish
you not to fight one another. You take two wives, c: run after other people's wives ;
you do wrong; I hate such conduct; you should have but one wife, and keep her until
death. When you go to war, you juggle, you sing the medicine-song, thinking you

i'ili

'ruward.s timt whicli appeared to liim tbc Imiidsomcst.

246

TOPICAL HISTORY.

;i i;

speak to me, you deceive yourselves ; it is to the Manito that you speak ; he is a
wicked spirit who induces you to evil, and to whom you listen for want of knowing
me. The land on which you are I have made for you, not for others. Wherefore do
you suffer the whites to dwell upon your lands ? Can you not do Avithout them ? I
know that those whom you call the children of the Great Father, supply your wants ;
but were you not wicked as you are, you would not need them. You might live as
you did before you knew them. Before those whom you call your brothers had
arrived, did not your bow and arrow maintain you ? You needed neither gun, powder,
nor an}' other object. The flesh of animals was your food, their skins your raiment.
But when I saw you inclined to evil, I removed the animals into the depths of the
forest, that you might depend on your brothers for your necessaries, for your clothing.
Again become good, and do my will, I will send animals for your sustenance. I do
not, however, forbid suflering among you, your fathers' children ; I love them, they
know me, thev pray to mo. I supply their own wants, and give them that which they
bring to you. Not so with those who are come to trouble your possessions. Drive
them away, wage war again:*t them; I love them not, they ' . • me not, they are
my enemies, they are your brotlier's enemies. Send them back .o the laud I have
made for them ; let them remain there.

Here is a written prayer which I give thee, learn it b} heart, and teach it to the
Indians and children. (The Indian observing here that he could not re.id, the master
of life told him, that when he returned upon earth, he should give it to the chief of
the village, who would read it and teach it to him, as also to all the Indians.) It
must be repeated, said he, morning and evening. Do all that I have told thee, and
announce it to all tlie Indians, as from the master of life. Let them drink but one
draught or two at most, in one day. Let them have but one wife, and discontinue
running after other jwople's wives and daughters. Let them not fight between
them.selves. Let them not sing the medicine-song, but pray ; for in singing the
medicino-.song, they speak to the Evil Spirit. Drive from ^our lands, added the master
of life, these dogs in red clothing, they are only an injury to you. When you want
any thing, apply to me, as your brothers do, and I will give to both. Do not sell to
your brothers that which I have placed on earth as food. In short. Income good and
you shall want notl'ing. When you meet one another, bow, and only give one
another the * * * * hand of the heart. Abo\e all, I commend thee to repeat,
morning and evening, the prayer which I have given thee."

The Loup promised to do the will of the master of life, and also to recommend it
strongly to the Indians; adding, that the master of life should Ijc satisfied witn them.l

Tlie man who had brought him in, then came and conducted him to the foot of thel
mountain, and told him to take his garments and return to his village, which was
immediately done by the Indian.

Hia return much surprised the inhabitants of his village, who did not know what

TOPICAL HISTORY.

247

liac licome of him. They asked him wheiice he came, but, as lie had been enjoined
to spc ik to no one, until he saw the chief of the village, he motioned to them with
his lu nd, that he came from alx)ve. Having entered the village, he went innnediately
to th(; chief's wigwam, and delivered to him the 2)rayer and laws entrusted to his care
by the master of life.

This adventure was soon spread among the inhabitants of the village. They came
to hear the word of the master of life. The report soon reached the neighboring
villages. Crowds came to see the pretended traveller, and carried their news from
village to village; until it reached Pontiac. This chief, believing it as we do an article
of faith, fixed it to the minds of all the council, who listened to him as to an oracle.
They told him that he had only to speak, for thoy were ready to do ivhatever he
required of them.

Pontiac, glad of the success of his speech, told the Ilurons and Poux (Pottawatto-
mies) to return to their villages, that in four days he and the young men of his village
would go to the fort, and dance the pipe-dance ; ' and during the dance, other young
men would go about the fort to examine every thing; — the number of the English
garrison, that of the traders, and the hou.ses they inhabited. This design he carried
into execution.

On Sunday, 1st '>f May, about three in the afternoon, (the French then returning
from vespers,) Pontiac, with forty chosen men, appeared at the gate, but the
commander, who hi.d learnt .something of the conduct of the Indian.^ hud ordered the
sentinels to prevent the entrance of any of them. This surprised Pontiac and his
troop, as they expected to be admitted as usual. They sent Mr. La Butte, their
interpreter, to tell tiie commander that they came to amuse him, and to dance
the pii)e-daiice. 15y M. La IJutte's desire, their request was granted, and thirty
of them repaired before Mr. Caiiipbell's Louse, (tlie second commander.) They
commenced dancing and striking the post, showing Ibrth tiieir warlike exploits.
From time to time they gave * ''" * ''" to the commander and the ofTicers who
were present. Tiie Indians said to tiicni. to brave tlieiii. that tiiey had several
times struck the English, and would do so again, anil linishing their di.scour.se,
they asked for bread, toliacco, and beer, wlii'li were given tliem. They remained
long enough to give their companions time to examine eveiy thing in the fort.
Neither English nor French mistrusted them, it b(!ing customary for the Lidians
to wander every where without any opposition. The latter, after having gone
round the fort and well examined every thing, came to the dancers, who, witliout
taking any notice, accompanied them to their village, then situated a little
al)ove the fort, (ui the other side of the river, about E. N. E. To this place, according
to Pontiac's orders, all the Indians had repaired on the preceding Friday.

, hi'

Culuinct.

248

TOPICAL HISTORY.

On their rotuni to the vilhige, the spies rehvted minutely to their chief all they had
seen, the movements of the English, and the probable number of the garrison. After
this report, Pontiac sent deputies to the Ilurons and Poux, (Pottawattomies,) that they
might know, through the wampum-belts, what was taking place in the fort.
Mackatepelioit, second chief of the Ottawas, and another Indian of note among them,
were sent to Yaka, chief of the wicked band of Ilurons. Two others, also of note,
M'ere sent to Minivoa, chief of the Poux, (Pottawattomies.) who received them joyfully,
and promised that he and his tribe should be ready at the first warning of their head-
chief.

Pontiac, ever occupied with his project, and who nourished in his bosom a poison
which was to prove fatal to tlie English, and perhaps to the French; sent on the
following da\', May the 2d, messengers to each village, Huron and Poux, with orders
to examine every thing among those tribes ; for he feared opposition in his designs.
Ilis messengers Mere ordered to tell those trilx's, that on Thursday, the 5th day of
May, at midday, hIiouW he held a great council at the Poux village, situated half a
league below the fort at the south-west. Tliat the three nations nuist be there. No
women were to be admitted for fear of a discovery. On tin day appointed, all the
Ottawas, headed by Pontiac, and the Ilurons by their cliiif Yaka, repaired to the
village of the Poux, where the council was to take place. They tcok care to send
away the women, that they miglit not know the result of their deliberations. To
prevent interruption, Pontiac caused sentinels to be placed around the village. These
precautions having been taken, the Indians sat do\\ n, forming a circle, each one being
placed according to his rank, and Pontiac, as chief of the league, spoke to them aa
follows :

It is important, my brothers, tliat we should exterminate that nation which only
seeks our death. You know as Avell as I do, that our wants are no longer supplied as
they were with our brothers, the French. Those Englishmen sell us their goods twice
as dear as the French did, and their merchandise is good for nothing ; scared}' have we
bought a blanket, or any other covering, than we must think of getting another; when
we wish to go to our winter-cjuarter;<, they will not give us credit as the French did.
When I go and see the Englisli cliief, and tell l.im of the death of our friend.s, instead
of weeping as did the French, he laughs at me and you. If I ask him for any thing
for our sick people, he refuses, and tells me that he has no need of us. You may Avell
see that he seeks our death. Brothers, let us unite to vow their destruction, we must
wait no longer, there is no obstacle, their nundxT is small, we can manage them ; all
our friendly tribes are their enemies, and wage war against them, wherefuie do we not?
Are we n-'t men as well as they? Have I !iOt shown you the wampum-belts I have
received fnnn our Great Fathers, the French, to induce us to fall on tlicm ? Why do
we not listen to his word? What do we fear? Do we fear that our brothers the
French, who reside here, may prevent us? They are unac<puiinted with our designs,

' ? .,

ToriCAL HISTORY.

249

and did thoy know them, they could not do it if they wished. Yon know all, as well
as I do, tliat when the English came on our lands, to drive away our father Bellester,
they took from the French their guns, and that they have no arms to defend
themselves. The time is come, let us strike. If some of the French join them, make
war to them, as if they were English. Recollect what the master of life said to our
brother the Lenape Indian, that concerns us as much as it does that tribe. I have sent
wampum-L^'lts and messages to our brothers the Santeur (Chippewas) of Saginaw, to
our brothers the Ottawas of Michilimackinac ; to those of the river a la Franche, to
induce them to join us. They will be here ere long. Before they come, let us strike.
No time is to be lost. When we have defeated the English, we shall see what is to be
done. We shall prevent their returning on our lands.

This speech, pronounced by Pontiac with much energy, had on the council all the
effect he expected. Tliey all vowed the entire destruction of the English.

They agreed, at the end of the council, that Pontiac, at the head of sixty men
should go to the fort to ask the commander for a grand council ; that he and his men
should have arms concealed under their blankets, and that the remainder of the tribe
should follow, armed witli clubs, poniards, and knives, also concealed ; and should also
enter the fort as if they were walking, that they might not be suspected ; while the
others were holding a council with the commander. The Ottawa women were also to
be provided with short guns and other offensive arms, hidden in their blankets, and to
go in the street behind the fort, there to wait the signal, which was to be a war-cry
from the great chief, when all were to fall on the English. They were to take great
care not to injure the French who dwelt in the fort. The Hurons and the Poux were to
form two bands, one of which was to go to the lower part of the ricer to stop all comers,
and the other was to surround the fort at a distance, to kill those who were working
out of it. Each tribe was to sing the war-song in their village that same day.
Every measure being agreed upon, each tribe withdrew to its village, determined
on executing the orders of the great chief. But, however careful they were to
prevent discovery, God did not permit their designs to remain concealed, as / am
yoiiHj to rd'ite.

All Ottawa Indian, called Mahigan, who had entered but reluctantly into the
con.'^piracy, and wlio felt disphasod with the steps his people were about taking, came
on the Friday night without the knowledge of the other Indians, to the gate of the
fort, and asked to be admitted to the presence of the commander, saying that he had
something of importance to tell him. The gates having been opened, they conducted
him to Mr. Campbell, second commander, who sent word to Mr. Gladv.in his chief.
They wished to send for the interpreter, Mr. Labutte, to which the Indian objected,
saying that he (the Indian) spoke French well enough to be understood by Mr.
Campbell, He unfolded to those two commanders the conspiracy of the Indians,
making known their bad intentions, how they had sworn the loss of the English, how
I>T. II. — :!li

b '

t^ J

250

TOPICAL HISTORY.

in the course of the next day they were to fall on them. He advised them to be on
their guard, he afterwards begged the commander not to mention any thing of his
communication with them, either to the French or the English, fearing it would sooner
or later come to the ears of the other Indians, who, on being told of it, would not Itiil
to put him to death, enraged as they would be at their being disappointed. The
commander thanked him, and wished to make him some presents. The Indian refused
them, desiring the commander not to betray him. They gave him a promise to that
effect, and kept it.

The commanders, on that reiwrt, which they saw no reason to doubt, without how-
ever imparting any thing of what they knew, ordered that at daybreak the guard
should be doubled ; that there should be two sentinels at each large gate ; and that
the two smaller ones should be stopped up, which was immediately executed. They
ordered the officers to examine the arms of their soldiers, and have them ready to
appear at the first sound of the drum. They also ordered that all should be done
quietly ; that the Indians, on coming into the fori, should not know that they wore
discovered. These ordera were so well executed that the French perceived nothing
new.

The day which might have proved fatal to the English, and perhaps to the French,
having arrived, (it being the 7th of May and the 20th of the moon as the Indians are
wont to reckon,) Pontiac, who still thought his design undiscovered, ordered in the
morning his people to sing the wi!i-song in his \ iUage, and desiring * * * * and * * * *
to put down feathers upon hi-^ head, the dross used by Indians going to war. P]ach
was to be provided with the necessary weapons, and thus equipped to come alwut ten
in the forenoon, and ask for a council. All his people, sixty in number, prepared for
the council, entered the house occupied by Mr. Campbell, second conmiander, where
they found the comma mler-iiv<hief, Mr. Gladwin, with part of the officers, whom he
had acquainted with tlie rash design of Pontiac. They liad arms concealed in their
pockets. The officers were preparing the troops to appear in the case of need. All
this was done so well, that tlie Indians had not the least suspicion. The council took
place, and 'aieanwhile all the other Ottawas entered, and each took the place which
had beo>i previously assigned to bin .

Pon iac, in the council, thinking the tiiiiC had come for his people to be in the fort,
and ivady to commence the attack, went out to see if all were ready, and also to gi\e
{;.e signal which was to be, as I have mentioned above, a war-cry. He perceived that
some movement was attracting the attention of his people towards the square. lie
wished to see what it vas, ;ti,( jwrceivcd the soldiers under arms and exercising. This
forbode no good for )>". > design. lie S!. ',' that he was discovered, and that his intention
was defeated. ThI.! disconcerted him, and obliged him to re-enter the council-room,
where his people were waiting for him to give the signal to commence the attack.
They were much surprised on seeing him return. They mintntsteil that being disco-

• l'I

fy-'^'^bkt'

! '

TOPICAL HISTORY.

251

vered, and not being able to succeed on tbe present occasion, they must then go and
defer their intention till another da^' Tliey spoke some time among themselves, and
without bidding any one adieu, or uttering a word, they went to their village to take
other steps not to be discovered, and try their success again.

On arriving at the village, Pontiac was agitated by different passions ; anger, fury,
rage, he resembled a lion which has lost its young. IIo assembled his young people,
and inquired of them if they knew who had betrayed him. I see, said he, that the
English have been warned. lie ordered them to make inquiries and endeavor to
discover the traitor, as his death was necessary.

Their inquiries, however, proved fruitless. lie who had Ijetrayed them had taken
care to prevent tlieir discovering him. However, about four in the afternoon, a false
rumor was spread in the village, that a (Sauteuse) woman had betrayed them, and
that she was in the Poux (Pottowattomio) vill.igc. Pontiac immediately ordered four
of his warriors to fetch her. Those jjeoplc, naturally fond of disorder, were not slow
in executing the order of their chief; they crossed the river .and passed into the fort,
with no other things tiian their land and /mires in their hands, exclaiming as they
went along, that they were disappointed. This made the Fivncli inhabitants of the
(Viiat/f, who were unacquainted with their designs, think they had some bad intention
either towards tliem or the English. They arrived at the Poux village, and effectually
found the woman, who was not thiuJiiiig of (hem. They took her, and making her
walk before them, uttered cries of joy, as if they had a victim to satisfy their cruelty.
They brought her to the fort, and led her before the commander, to learn if it was not
from her that he had found out their design. But all this was to no purpose. They
obtained of the commander bread and beer for the woman and themselves, and took
her before their chief, in the village. The question now was, in the village, to invent
some now trick to mask their treason, and execute their bad designs. Pontiac, whose
genius always provided him with new resources, said that he had prepared another
plan, which would be more successful than the first. That on the ensuing day he
would eonnnence on it, and would go and speak to the commander, and try to
persuade him that the information he had received was false, and that he would
nuuuige HO well in proving what he said, that the English, falling insensibly into his
snare, could not fail to be defeated.

But, fortunately, the connnauder and officers who had escaped the danger which
threatened them, but who were secure no hniger than when they were upon their
guard, were not men to suffer themselves to be surprised by tlie flattering speeches of
a traitor. So that all that the cunning of Pontiac might make him assert was sure to
prove useless. lie, nevertheless, feeling confident of success, came to the fort on
Sunday, the 8th of May, about one, acconi[)aiiii'd liy Mackapocelite, Breton, and
Sliawawnon, chiefs of tlio same Ottawa tribe. Tliey brought with them a cuhimet,
(called among them the calumet of peace,) and asked to lie admitted. The commander

l:^ I

If (

I
II

;i, !

Ill

252

TOPICAL HISTORY.

■ I

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■-■i'

gave them a hearing ; and they endeavored by their speeches to deceive him, and
draw him and his troops into the snares they had prepared for them. The commander,
who liad received a recent warning, pretended to Mieve them, notwithstanding what
he had been told. He, however, was on his guard.

Pontiac told him, as a proof of his having no bad design, that he had brought the
calumet of peace, for them all to smoke, as a sign of union and confidence; and that
he intended to leave it in their hands, as a mark of his uprightness ; and that so long
as the commander had it, he should fear nothing from them. The connnander
accepted the calumet, knowing it, however, to be but a small guarantee against the
bad faith of an Indian. After the commander had received it, Pontiac and his
chiefs went away, highly pleased ; believing they had succeeded in drawing the
English into the snares prepared by his treachery; but he was deceived in his
expectations.

They returned to their village, as glad as if their whole enterprise had succeeded ;
they told, in a few words, their young people of their negotiation, and sent deputies
to the wicked band of the Ilurons, to tell tliem of wliat had passed ; as aho that the
next day was to decide the fate of the English, and that they nuist lie ready at the
first warning.

Pontiac, the better to play his part, and show that he Inid abandoned all thoughts
of his bad designs, invited, about four in the aftenuwn, all the Ilurons and the Poux
to come and play at ball with the young people; many French from l)oth sides of the
river came to play also, and were well received by the three nations. The play lasted
until seven, and being ended, every one thought of returning home. The French
who lived on the other side of the river, to return home, were obliged to cross the
river, and in entering their canoes, they uttered cries and saw-saw-quas, (war-whoop,)
as is done commonly by the Indians who conquer in the plays.

The commander, all the time on watch, thought ])v those cries that the Indians
were crossing the river, and coming to the fort to murder them. They ordered the
gates to te shut, and the soldiers and merchants to repair to the ramparts, to defend
them in case of attack. But it was only a false alarm, caused by the imprudence of
the young French people, who knew no better.

Pontiac, who had no thought of their coming to the fort, was at that time occupied
with the Ilurons and Poux, who had remained in the village, when the game was
over. He mentioned to them all the circumstances of tlie negotiation between the
commanders and himself, (with his chiefs,) telling them that, a.s he had agreed with
those gentlemen, he was to return on the ensuing day to .smoke the calumet of peace,
(or ratiier of treason,) and that he hoped to succeed. But he was reckoning without
his host.

On the moon day, (9th of May,) the first day of Rogations, according to the custom,
the curate and all the clergy made a procession out of the fort, \'ery peaceably.

TOPICAL HISTORY.

2S8

The mass was celebrated in the same manner. Every one went home, wondering
what the day would bring forth, well knowing that Pontiac would make some new
attempt. Tlie well-inclined people secretly Ijewailed the sad fate which threatened
the English, whose garrison only consisted of about one hundred and forty men,
including the oflicers, eight in numlier, and about forty merchants, or men in their
service. Tliey had also Ijoats of diflerent sizes, placed opposite the fort, to defend it
on the side of the river. Tliis was little, if, unfortunately, the Indians had been good
soldiers.

Pontiac, who concealed in his heart the murderous htife, which was to cut the
thread of the life of the English, prepared (as he had the day Ixsfore mentioned to
the Hurons and Poux) to come to the fort with fifty men of his tribe. The remainder
were to act in the same way as on the preceding Saturday. He came to the gates
with his people, about eleven, but entrance was refused him, according to the orders
of the conunander. He insisted on being admitted to the presence of the commander,
saying that he and his chiefs came only to smoke the calumet of peace, as had been
promised by the commander. The answer was, that he was welcome to come in, but
only with twelve or fifteen of his principal people, and no more. He replied, that all
his people wished to smell the .smoke of the calumet, and that if his people were not
admitted, he would not come in. This was refused, and he was obliged to return to
his village much displeased." The English, however, cared but little for that.

Pontiac, enraged at the failure of this last stratagem, and that of all his projects,
on entering his village, took a war-club and sang the war-song, saying, that since
he could not destroy the English who were in the fort, he would kill those who were
out of it. He ordered that all his jxiople, men, women, and children, shoidd cross the
river to the same side as the fort, in order the better to harass the inhabitants, and
his camp should be placed on the ricer lelow Mr. Riptide Meloches,"^ half a league
above the fort. This was done exactly. He divided his people into several bands,
to strike in diflferent places. One baiul went twelve leagues from the fort, where
dwelt an old English woman with her two boys, who cultivated about seven or eiglit
acres of their own land, and who had many horned cattle, such as oxen and cows.
These poor people came to their death very unexpectedly ; they were scalped, their
furniture plundered, their house burnt. One would have thought, to behold this
terrible .spectacle, that fire teas on the s'uh- of thr Finl'uDis; for the bodies were more
than half burnt in the house. The Indians killed a part of the cattle, and drove oil"
the remainder ; some of which escaped, and were picked up by the inhabitants of the
coast.

While the first band were committing those murders, the other band went to Hog
Island, where dwelt one Fisher, a sergeant of the English troops. This man and

' The chief desired the French to stay in their dwellings. Two came in and went out again.
' Original.

III!

If i!

'',

254

TOPICAL HISTORY.

family, composed of five or six individuals, were tilling " on halves" a farm which the
English had appropriated to themselves. Those poor people, who were then thinking
of nothing but their labor, became, when they least thought of it, the sad victims of
the fury of the Indians, who first killed the man and scaljxjd him. They wished
to make a prisoner of the woman, because she was pr' tty. She wovdd not follow*
them, saying, that since her husband was dead, she wi-'ted to die fil.so. They
killed her, as also the servant, and took the two little children to make slaves of
them.

A Frenchman called Goslin, who was in the island hewing building-timber, and who
knew nothing of what was to happen to Fislier, hearing the cries uttered by the
Indians as thi-y were landing on the island, wished to secure himself from the danger
which he thought threatened him as well as the English ; he was, however, stopijed on
the Nmk by the Indians, who placed him in a canoe ; they told him to stay there ;
that he had nothing to fear ; that they would not hurt him. He was incredulous, and
would not stay where the Indians had placed him ; his incredulity cost him dear ; for
.as he was running into the middle of the island, the Indians, taking him for an
Englishman, ran after him, and killed him ; and as they were going to scalp him, they
knew him to be French, took his body in their canoes, and gave it to the French, who
buried it in the church-yard. Alx»ut four in the afternoon, an inhabitant of the east
coast, named Deonoyers, who came from the pinery twenty-five leagues a)x)ve the fort,
where he had been cutting building-timber, came back in company with the Sauteura
of Saginaw, who conveyed him. They learnt through him the death of two officers;
one Mr. Robinson, captain of the boats, and the other Sir * * * *, a colonel in the
militia." Those gLUtlemen had been ordered by the commander to go with six soldiers
and sound the cliannels, to find out if the water was deep enough to pass with a barge,
if wanted. Tlio.se gentlemen, who, in leaving the fort, had heard nothing of the bad
design of tiie Indians, went on quietly, believing themselves perfectly secure. As they
were passing by the |)inery, the French, who were working there, and who knew the
bad intentions of the Indians against the English, called them to give them a warning
of it. Those gentlemen went to them, but would not believe what the French said,
observing that when they left the fort every thing was quiet. The French warned
them again, advising them to go no further, for the Indians would attack them, and
their best plan was to return to the fort. They would not listen to these warnings,
and went on ; they met with some Indians camped on a point close to the river.
These seeing them, showed them meat and other food to induce them to come; but
those gentlemen would not go to them. This vexed the Indians, who pursued and
killed them all, except a young man of fifteen or sixteen, and a slave, wliom they
kept as slaves.

' Thoy were killed on the Thursday preceding.

>^ r

TOPICAL HISTORY.

S.IS

The two bands of Indians, (Ottawa,) who had been, according to Pont lac's orders,
to the two j)hiccs mentioned above, returned to the camp and related with emphank
all the circumstances of their cruel exiwditions ; among others the death of Goslin,
whom they had killed by mistake, and wliich caused them a few moments' sorrow.

Pontine, after having heard his young people, assembled all his warriors to consult
with them aljout approaching the fort and attacking it without running any risk.
This was not very dillicult, as there were several barns and stables built alx)ut thirty
yards behind the fort, the property of individuals who dwelt within. On the north-
east side of the fort, alx)ut fifteen yards distance to the right side of the gate, was a
large garden with the gardener's house, belonging to the interpreter, M. La Butte.
All these buildings were as many intrcnelunents, sheltered by wlii'^h the Indians
might approach the fort without incurring any danger. Tln-y had )ool;ed well at all
this, and intended to take advantage of it for some tih. to harass the garrison.
Having made their arrangements, the Indians went to rest, waiting for the mon-ow to
commenc ' i.

While tuc Indians were making the prepsirations to trouble the fort, the commander
ordered the two end gates to l)e closed and fastened, not to be reopened until the end
of the war. However, that on the south-west end was opened twice to admit cows
belonging to some inhabitants of the fort. It was not opened afterwards. The gate
opposite the river was opened from time to time for the public wants, it being guarded
by the barges which the Indians feared much. About six in the evening, M. La Butte,
by the order of the commander, went out several times to ajipease the Indians, and
try to extract from them their secrets. But these, and above all, Pontiac getting
weary of his going and coming, told him to withdraw and not to retuni, as if he did
they would all fall upon him. Not being able to do any thing with them, lie with-
drew to the fort, telling the commander that he hoped that the Indians would be more
accessible on the morrow. The commander in the evening ordered the English who
were in the fort, traders and soldiers, to watch by turns on the rampart, in order not
to be taken by surprise at the break of dity, which is an hour generally chosen for an
attack by the Indians when at war. The commander gave the example, spending the
night on the watch (on the battery) in company with his oflicers.

Tuesday, 10th of May, according to the commander's orders, the gates remained
shut. The Ottawas, who thought that on their attacking the fort, the English would
surrender at discretion, came about four in the morning and fired ; violently running
around the fort, as if they were going to storm it. This rather intimidated the English,
who were not yet accustomed to the manners of the Indians, and who had not time
to make any preparations for their defence. There were, however, in the fort, two six-
pounders and one three-pounder, and a grenade mortar, which was placed about the
gate as a useless article. The three-pounder was on the battery behind the fort,
opposite the woods, and almost concealed by buildings. The other two cannons were

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TOPICAL HISTORY.

on the military square, and useless, there heing no proper place to fix them. The
larger only fired ; but, however, those only protected the rivor-side, which the Indiana
took great care not to approach, keeping themselves always behind the fort, where the
buildings sheltorcd them ; or beyond the hill Avhich overlooked the fort, and at the fof)t
'of which it was built. So that 'tfie place wu» rnther defended bi/ the courage and
intrepidity of the besieged, than attacked by the hemegerit, who continued the violence of
their firing until ten ; only firing allcnvards from time to time, not having much
ammunition, intending to recommence the charge after having obtained more. The
commander, seeing that the firing of the Indians wa« nearly over, ordered M. La Butte
to go out and si>eak to them. M. Chapoton, a resident of the fort, joined M. La Butte
to go to the Indian camp. Several residents of the fort, with the approbation of the
commander, took this opiwrtunity of going out to dwell with the settlers on the coasts,
not to be present at the death of the Phiglish, which they thought would take place.
Messrs. La Butte and Chapoton went on, and took with them M. Jacques Godfrey, who
willingly joined them, aa they were endeavoring to pnmiote public tranquillity, hoping
also that three iiersons, who were known and loved by the Indians, would with less diffi-
culty api)ease them. The two gentlemen mentioned la* t, spoke to the Indians without
letting them know that they wished to favor the English. The Indians api^arcd to
give them a favorable hearing ; this made M. La Butte think that every thing would
go on well, and leaving Messrs. Chaiwton and Gotlfi-oy with the Indians, he returned
to the fort, and told the commander that his affairs with the Indians were in a fair
way, that he had left Messrs. Godfroy and Clmiwton to continue to sjieak, and that he
hojied the end of it would be in a few presents from the English. M. La Butte,
trusting in his knowledge of Indian character, expected no disap]K)intment, as the
Indiana concealed their designs under fair words. Mr. Campbell, the second
commander, wishing for nothing but peace and harmony, desired him, in the name of
the commander, Mr. Gladwin, to i-eturu to Pontioc's camp, to aid Messrs. Godfroy and
Chapoton to complete their work ; stifling the fire of sedition, and replacing peace
between Ixith parties. M. La Butte promised to do all in his j^wer, and returned to
the camp, where he found Messrs. Chai)oton and Godfroy, who had not left Pontiac,
and were endeavoring to bring him over to their views. M. La Butte joined them,
according to the desire of the commanders. The cunning Pontiac dissembled, and
appeared to consent to all the wishes of those gentlemen, and to convince them that
he wished for peace and union, he sent M. La Butte with some Indians to speak on his
part to the commander. lie did this to get rid of M. La Butte, whom he lK?gan to
suspect. Six or seven Indians entered the fort with M. La Butte, and went to greet
the commander and oflieers, who ivceived them well, and shook hands with them.
The Indians sjKtke in the name of their chief, and apjK'ared themselves to listen to

' The obciourity of tliiii Honlcnoe exiHto iu the original.

TOPICAL HISTORY.

257

what tlio conniiaiuU'i' (Iwiri'd M. La IJiittc to tell tliciii. Aftor a few inonu-iitM'
nniviTsatioii, tlioy awkod fur bivad, and rt'ceived as iiiiich a« tln'j coidd carry away.
Wliilu tlif Indians wore in the lort, tl»e Knjilich cxiiibited a nowspniH'r, statinj; that
(-oloni'l lliK|not was coniiii<; with two thon.sind soldici.i. On hearing this fal(<e
statoniont, the Indians wished to go out and carry the news to their ohiel". The gate
lM.'ing ojiened, tiiey returned hy theni.selves to tlie camp, and related this news to
Pontiac, who, without showing astonislnnent, said at once that it was false, and that
the Knglish spi-ead the rejMjrt to frighten them. He desiix'd Messrs. Godfroy and
(Jha|N)ton to leave the camp for a short time, saying that he would call them again,
when he had mentioned to his people what tiiey had told him. This he did only to
have leisure to think of some hail design. Altout five in the afternoon, he sent for
Messi"s. Godfroy and ('iiapoton, as also lor .several other French settlers, and told them
that he had appeased his young people, that they consented to make jM-ace. hut to
concluile it effectually, he would l»e glad to speak to Mr. Canipln'M, second connnander,
in his camp, as he had known him three years, (tlu" time he had conniianded the fort,)
anil he and his peojde l«K»ked on him as on their l)ii)ther. IJut the barbarian concealed
in his l)osom a dagger which was to Ik' fatal to that worthy man.

The French, from whom he concealed his designs, believing he sjMjke with frankness,
told him they willingly engaged to bring Mr. Caniplu'll, if he would pronuse to let
him return witliout molestation after the interview. lie promised it, (pnnnises cost
him no trouble.) and the Ix'tter to cover his malice, he gave them the calumet of peace,
OS a certain proof of his jteople's woi"d and his own. The Fivnch, esjK-cially Messrs.
Gmlfroy and Chapoton, fell into the snare which Pontiac had laid for them and the
English. While the Indians were preparing this new intrigue, a Frenchman called
Gouin, who by chance had seen through the Indian.s' designs, and who, in several
conversations he had had with Pontiac, had seen no favorable symptom towards the
English, and who had had some presentiment of what was going to happen to Mr.
('ampliell; desiivil a Frenclnnan, who was passing Ix'foro his house on his way to the
fort, to warn Mr. Campbell of what was going on in the camp, entreating him not to
leave the ibrt, and not to trust the word of a badly-inclined Indian.

However, the French took their way to the fort, thinking that the mere presence of
Mr. Cainpl»ell would Ik.' sufficient to apjK'ase the Indians. M. Gouin, who saw them
coming at a distance, and who fearod that one warning was not sutlicient, begged M.
Morau, to whom he mentioned in a few words the matter in question, to run to the fort,
and again caution the gentlemen ogainst going out. This was done by M. Morau, who
came at full sjK'cd to rolate word for wonl to the officei-s M. Gouin's information. He
desired, with tears in his eyes, Mr. C'amp))ell not to leave the fort, adding, that if ho
went to the camp, he would never return. In the mean time Messrs. Godfroy and
Chapoton, with several of the FixMich, arrived at the tort, related to the English the
fair words ol" Pontiac, and showed there the calumet of jwaee which they had brought.
Pr. 11. — :;.}

\i4

268

TOPICAL HISTORY.

The cnlumot niul fine wonls lijul all the effect on the En}jliwli that Pontiac exiK>ete(1,
and M. GotiinV two warnings were useles<s. Aftenvartls, when it wiw too late, the
English M-ished they had listened to him instead of the others. Mr. CanijilK'H, »r//<we
toniMr winked for nothing but union and concord, thought that it was in his jiower, hy
going tt) the camp, to api)ea.se the Indians, and that his jjix'sence for a single moment
would more than suffice to i-estore pence In'tween the two jiarties. This, joined to the
inrxirtunities of Messrs. ri(Mlfn)y and Cha]N)t(m, who said they would ventuiv their life
for his, decided him to go to the camp. He went out, accompanied hy Mr. M'Dougal,
an officer, by M. La Butte and a gn-at numlKM* of the French iidiabitants of the fort,
who thought that in fact the ])resence of this worth}- man would put an end to this
cahtl, ami after his return, which was (it was said,) to take place inunediately, they
would Ix? free to see to their ^iffairs. IJut they weix; disapi)ointed in this
exjK'ctation.

Mr. CamplK?ll arrived at the camp. The Indians, seeing him arrive, uttei-ed the
most frightful cries. It recpiiivd all the authority of Pontiac to make them keep
silence. Pontiac went and met Mr. Campltell, t<M)k him by the hand to conceal
his felonious designs; nuide him sit on tli' same .seat with himself, telling him that
he was glad to see him, as he considered him as a Fivnchman ; that he ami ids people
weiv going to s[)eak on business. Mr. Campbell ri'mained a full hour, without the
Indians saying a word to him. Mr. Camplx-U drew a bad augury fivm this. He
connnunicated his thoughts to the French who had brought him ; they told him that
acconling to Pontiac's promi.se he might leave when he pleased. He wished to do so.
As he began to grow a little uneasy, he sent woiil to Pontiac, that as he had nothing
to say, he was going away. P(mtiac, who feared that such a valuable prey might
escajKi him, and who thought that by detaining these two officers in his camp, the
others would accede to his wishes, amiounced that after they had slept two nights
with him, he would send them back to the fort. Thus tho.se gentlemen found
themselves of their own accord prisoners of the Indians. The French who had
accompanied them ivturned more sad than when they had left, judging that it was
a stratagem, by which Pontine hoiied to hold the officers of the fort in check. On
their arrival at the fort, they related to the cimimnnder, Mr. Gladwin, all that had
pas.scd in the camp, and the detention of his officers. This gave him room to think
that he would have done iK'tter to lK>lieve M. Gouin, in preference to all the others.
The Pou.v (Pottawattomies) who, as I have said, had, in concert with the Ottowas,
vowed the death of the English, and who had not yet apijcarod much around the fort,
went, according to Pontiac's onler, in the woods at a distance, on the shores of the
lake and river, to stop all the English who might Ix; on their way to the fort, and
made two prisoners. They were two men, whom the commander of St. Joseph had
BCMt from his fort to bring letters here, to Mr. Gladwin. They were taken and brought
to Pontiac's camp, who caused his people to put them to death. AlM)iit eight in the

TOPICAL HISTORY.

259

evening, Pontine sent messengers to the Ilnrons of the wicked band, and to the Ponx,
to let them know wliat had just happened in his camp, as also his having detained
the two oflieei-s. lie sent them word that on tlic next morning, very early, he and
f<mr of his chiefs would walk along the coast before the fort, to give new orders and
obtain ammunition. lie gave notice to Ninivoan, (Ninivois,) chief of the Potix, to
place twenty of his jieople in an ambuscade near the fort, that no Englishman might
go out without l)eing taken.

11th May. Wednesdtiy, the 11th day of May, Pontiae, as a gmul general, ordered
thirty of his young people to conceal themselves near the fort, and take all the
English who might go out, as also to fiiv from time to time on the little boat; while
he and his chiefs went on the other side, to give orders for the attack of the fort.
His ]H'0|)le did as the}- had l)een desiivd, and came to this effect atid placed themselves
in the sul)in'b. which wa.s built nortiieast from the fort, at a distance of alnuit four
hundred feet; this was a good intrenchment for them. However, Pontiae, followed by
four chiefs, who were Macapacelite, Hreton, Shawawnon (Chavoinon) and his nephew,
went through the W(K)d behind the fort to the coast on the southwest of the fort;
a little 1k'U)w; they entered the houses of all the settlers, esiK'ciall}' those who traded,
and desired them, in a siwech, to give them jwwder and balls, adding ^hat if they
would not give any, they would plunder their g<K)ds and all their jwssessions ; j. iving
them as a (jixvl reason, that they had nothing moiv to fear on the part of the English,
who weixj unable to injure them. They also gave them to understand that all the
trila's, among whom the English had tradei"s or garrisons, woiUd kill them (the
English.) That the Sauteux of Saginaw and Grand river were coming to join them.
That when all were assembled, they would close the way, st> that no more English
mif^nt come and live m\ their lands. The traders, fdved \\y their fair wcn'ds an<l
threats, were obliged, to obtain peace, to give the Indians that which the}' demanded ;
and by thus giving part of their powder and balls, they ])resorveJ their goods, houses,
and families. The Poux, who, in accordance with Pontiac's ordei-s, liad l)een to the
rendezvous, had their share; after which they separated, to return to the camp, and
distribute the ammunition to the warriors, and take nieas\ires for the attack intended
for the next day. During all the day the officers were very cpiiet in the fort, not
Ixnng troubled by the Indians. This induced many inmates of the fort to nsk the
commander's leave to go out ; this was granted, and they went to the coasts, to stay
with the settleix, leaving their houses and part of their g(M)ds, hoping that this tmyiml
ecent woulil only last a few days.

In the afternoon, Pontiae crossed the river with four chiefs, and went to hold a
council with the Ilurons, to induce the good band to join him; if they would not, he
was detennined to fall on them. These Indians, who had not hitherto left their
cottages, and who <lisliked all that was going on, being thus threatened and pressed
closely, and being liesides so few in number, were obliged to do what the others

tli

260

TOPICAL HISTORY.

required. They promisoil that the next day after mass they woidd join the Poiix in
the enterprise, but they eouhl not eonie s»H>ner, it iK'iiig a gn-at festival, and tliey
couhl not tiiink of gtnnjr to liglit witlnait hearing nuiss. Pontiac agived to wait until
then, and onleR'd the attaek to be put oil' until the arrival of the Iluixnis.

I'Jtli May. Tluu-sday, the twelfth of May, it Iwing the festival of the aseension of
our Loi-d, Pontiae, who regai-ded neither festivals nor Sundays, who thought all days
alike, pntfessing no religion, oixleretl in the morning all his young jn'ople to U* ready
by the time the Ilui-ons came, in order to go all together to the attaek ; and fearing
that the Huhhis might not keep their woi-d, he sent to them one of his ehiefs with
several young |)eople, to tell them not to fail, its soon as their missionary had finished,
to come to the Poux, a.s they weix> waiting their arrival to commenee the attaek. The
llumns gave their wonl and kept it. Although Pontiac waited for the llurons to
commence the atttick of the fort, he had however desired his iKH)ple to take their
stations lx>hind the barns and stables, in order that all might be ready at the fnxt
signal, and also that they might i)revent the l)esieged fi-oni leaving the fort.

Peatan and Baby, lK)th chiefs of the g(KKl band of Hui-ons, who had hitherto
remained neutral, and would have wished longer to ivmain so, seeing tluMuselves thus
thivatened, a.s^embled their band, which consisted of alxiut sixty men, anil said to
them, " Brothei-s, you see as well as we do the situation of afl'airs ; our only alternative
is to join our lirothers the Ottawa and Poux, or to abandon our lauds and llee with
our wives and children, a thing not easily ed'coted. Hardly shall we have commenced
the llight when the (Htawas, Poux, and our own llurons, will fall on us and kill our
wives and children, and then oblige us to do as they do. Wherea.s, if we do it now,
we are assuix'd of the safety of our wives and childiXMi in our village. We know not
the wishes of the master of lile; ju'rhaps it is lie who ins[)iivs this war to our bixithers
the Ottawas. If lie do not order it, He will let us know His will, and we shall at
any time lie able to withdraw without spilling the l)liH)d of the English. Let us do
what our brothei-s ix'nuire of us. lA't us not spaix> oui"selves." Immediately after this
sj)eech they took a war-clulj, and sang the war-simg, and invited their jK'ople to do the
same, while waiting for the mass which their wives sang, and which they heiuxl very
devoutly. The mass I)eing over, every one went to his cabin to take the necessary
arms. They crossed the river in twelve caniK's, and went to the Poux, who utten'd
cries of joy on seeing their arrival. These cries warned Pontiac of the arrival of the
Hurons, who Iwcamc more ol)stiuate in firing than all the other Indians put tiMfct/ier.

Ninivoan at the head of the Poux, Takay and Peatan at the head of the llurons,
went, although without onlei"s, and invested the fort on one side. Pontiac, heading
his people, did the same on the other side; end all at the same time commenced
attacking the fort and barges. They kept up a very sharp fire until seven in the
evening, ivmaining all this time shelteivd by the buildings, to avoid the fii-e of the
fort, which could not do them much injury, as they had but one cannon fit for use.

i«,fi

TOPICAL HISTOllY.

261

This \vii8 hut Uttlo sii|)iM)rtod hy tlii' fiiv of tho fiarrison. All tliin firiiifi roultl have
l)ut little I'll'wt oil tilt' oiifsiili'. Tiit; olliivrs iH'iriMvi'il it in tiiiio. To ri'iiii'ily thin,
ami ffivo more ellect to the f^uii-halis, they fastened tojretiier witii wiiv several lK)ltH
which they made ivd-hot and placed in the eaniioii «)f the hattery, and sent this on
two harns which were full and thatched ; they were hiirnt up in less than half an hour.
This cause<l the Indians to remove and take shelter Ix'hind the hill, to he ahle to
continue their liriiig without niniiin;; any risk. The two har<res, during all this, were
not s|mriii<r of tiieir trouhle aii<l powder, tiring with inucli ellect alHive and on iNith
sides of the lint, ojiposito which they were nuxired. There were in this action two
Indians kilted and two wounded ; one of them had his thigh and the other his arm
bniken hy the same shot iK'hind the fort. With regard to the Knglish, they took care
to conceal their dead, for fear the Indians would come to know it. Notwithstanding
their precautions it was known that several weiv killed in the large harge, and many
wounded in the harges and fort. This was s«'en hy all the inhahitants.

Ahoiit seven in the evening, the lire of the Indians having ahated a little, tho
comniander tearing lest the Indians might he favored hy the night, make some attempt
to storm the fort or set it on lire, ordered two things to lie done; first, that tiilis and
harivis should he placed at the liiiir corneiN of the fort, in the streets and on tho
ramparts, and that the French who had voluntarily remained in the fort (tw«'iity in
numlK'r) should draw water from the wells to till those vessels — secondly, as they
were few in iininher, and there was no prohahility that the exja'cted succor might
very soon arrive, and the lack of jieoiile, aminuuition and provisions, would lueveiit
their standing out. Having first «)ixlered the French to withdraw to their hou.ses at
curfci" and put out their fires, they directed the soldiei-s to carry from the fort to the
harges the baggage of the ollicers, their own, and that of the traders; and that every
one should he ready to start for Niagara at the first signal.

Nothing happened during the night; this made the Knglish think that they might
keep the fort longer than they had hoped. They came a little to their nviinci to sustain
the attack which t(M)k place on the next day.

IStli May. Almost all the Indians who inhahit these regions are like the wind,
going only hy pufl's. If they knew they should lo.se some of their warriors in going
to war, they would not go. This often makes them end a war almost when tlu'V
commence it. Sonietiines, however, it only excites them more. These Indians, as I
have said, had some people killed and wounded; this induced them to juggle to find
out how they could manage to lose no more warriors, and to obtain the fort, which
they said must sooner or later come into their hands, consiilering the reinforcement
which, according to their account, was coming in a short time.

The Indians, in the preceding day, had Ix'cii so active that when evening came,
they were overcome with fatigue. They went to rest, and slept all the night and
aluioMt tiie whole of the morning. The commander, who with the dawn of day

TOPICAL HISTORY.

''^

expected an attack, and wlio, with liis oflTicers, had watched all the nif^ht on the
rampart, to give onlers and pix'vent surprise, seeiiifj; the Indians so quiet, ordered that
the intrenehinents of the Indians should proniptl}- be destroyed hy fire. To eflect
this, Mr. Hopkins, captain of a iJew company and a good oflicer, went out at the head
of forty volunteers eonii)letely arnietl, and set fire to the suburbs, which was soon
burnt up, except two houses which tiie fire could not reach. They innnodiatcly
returned to the fort, to give tinie to another olTicer to go on a similar exiK-dition on
another »lde. This was done by Mr. Hays, a lieutenant in the American troops,
who sallied out with thirty men, and set fu-e to two bams and stables behind the fort,
and irametliately returned, thinking that Pontiac and his Indians, seeing these fires at
a distance, might try to prevent their u'treat; but, fortunately, some other thing
occupied him all the morning. There were, however, a few on the watch, but
so few in innnl)er, that they did not dare show themselves, or fire, for fear that if
they were discovered they might be fired at. Thus both parties feare'd each
other.

While the Jlnglisli ollicei-s, with part of their troops, were endeavoring to render
the vicinity of the fort free and clear, all the Indians in Pontiac's camp held a council,
to Avhich the oldest French iidiabitants of the coasts had been called. The Indians
tried by fair words to induce these to join tiiem, to uiufnai tiiem in opening a trench,
which the French did not wish to do; besides, the gre'atest part of them knew not
the way, and those who did, took g»xKl care not to say any thing about it ; on the
contrary, they said they were unactpiainted with such work. Pontiac, seeing he could
make no impression uimhi them, and who did not as yet wish to obtain by force what
he' hoi)ed they would grant by their own free will, (I mean tlieir lalx>r,) attempted a
new trick. He desired Mr. La IJutte to tell Mr. Campbell to write to the connnandcr
what he was aJx)ut dictating, in presence of all his brothers, the French. Mr.
Camplwll, who did not wish to displease a man Avhose wickedness he began to
discover, oljeyed. This letter mentioned that Pontiac granted the commander liberty
to withdraw with all his jK'ople, taking oidy what they actually had about their
persons, as had been the ca.se with Mr. Hellertre ; and that the remainder of their
proi)crty and that of the traders should remain for him. He thought that granting
their lives was doing nnich. He promise I, that iiimself and his people should do
them no harm, and tluit he would answer for the other nations ; and, if the
connnandcr did not consent to their conditions, he would recommence the attack and
storm the fort, and if he took him alive, he would tre'at him as the Indians treat their
prisoners; and that he nujst have a sjwedy answer.

This letter was brought to the commander by a Frenchman. He read it, and,
without caring nuich for an Indian speech, replied, that neither he nor his officers had
any wish to fair off their uoscs to please the Indians, as by leaving the fort he ran
the risk of losing his life in his own country; and, as the king had sent him to

TOPICAL HISTORY.

263

cominiiml the fort, he would remain there until death ; addiiiijr, that he cai-ed very
little for iiis tha'iitfl and tho.se of the other Indians.

Poutiae, who luul flattered himself with the idea of intiinidatiiig the eomniander hy
this letter, and who was in hopes of plundering the nierehandi,se of the traders, was
mueh disappointed in receiving so dry an answer. He learnt, at the same time, the
sallies made hy the English and the destruction of liis intrenchments. lie was ready
to hurtit tcilh xptk. He ordered his people to return to the fort, and recommence the
attack. Tliis they did with as mucli spirit as on tlie preceding day ; hut they did not
come so near, having only two huildings to conceal them, tliey coidd not all stand
Itehind them. Some were farther ofl', firing from beliind the hillock ; their halls often
jtas.sed alwve the fort. Nevertheless, the sharpness of the fire rendered the English
iuR'a.sy, fearing all the time an as.iault. They were as uiM)n thorns, and hesitated,
whether they should remain or escajie hy water. What i"eassureil them a little, was a
Frenchman, who had fm' a long time dwelt among the Erie Indians, and had also gone
to war with tliem. He explained to the English the manner of Indian warfare,
assuring them, on his life, that the Indians would never attempt to storm the fort.
This ass\irance, coming from a man disinterested, aequainted with the ways of the
Indians, witli their manner of nuiking war, (which he explained to the connnander
and officers,) ivndered their minds easy. Tiie firing of the Indians only lasted until
seven in the evening, after which they only fired at long intervals. However, the
commander and officers spent this night like the last, that they might not be
Hurpnxcd.

The Ilnrons knew nothing of what was taking place in Pontiac's camp, not having
been warned to c<mie to tlie council. Thinking that no attack would take place, they
did not come to hara.ss the l)esieged. Having heard the a|)pn)ach of a trader, witli
barges loaded with g(X)ds fin* themselves and the traders of the fort, as also with
rfifreKhmcnts for the officei-s, they went and waited for him down the river. The
traders, not aware of what was going to hapi»en, seeing the Indians on the shore
calling them, tiiought they wanted to exchai>.cre venison, as they sometimes do, and
went to tliem. Tlie Indians took and tie-t l.em with Ik'Us, and sent away all the
French who were in the Jiarges, without hurt: :g tliem. They t(X)k the barges, with
the English traders and tlieir assistants, to their village, where, on their arrival, they
slew a part of their prisoners, and adopted the others.

One Jackman, who acted as conductor of a barge, was given by the Hurons to the
Poux, who accepted and kept him among them. Tiie goo<ls re'mained in the pos.session
of the Hurons, and occupied them so nnich that they forgot the fort. Among the
goods were liquors. The Huron women, fearing that liquor would cause their husbands
to commit greater fooleries than those they had counnenced, threw them.selves on the
barrels, burst them o[X!n, and spilt the contents, except a barrel of thirty-two quarts,
which one Indian took from the women and concealed in the woods. It was divided

2ti4

TOPICAL HISTORY.

between tliom ami the Poiix. Very li-w of tliein liowever (IriiiiU iiiiv, for fear it iniglit
cuntaiii poir«oii. Tlie^' had Ih-oii told that tlie Kii^liKli wishi'd to ik)!."!)!! them.

14tli May. Saturday, 14tli, tlie Indian.", who had undergone nuu-li fatigue in firing
at the fort, ^<U'|>t, waiting for tlie time of iveonnnencing hontilities, which was al)out
ten in the morning. The conunander onlered his jK'ople to inijjrove the respite, by
fniishing the work whieh had In-en eommeiiced on the preeeding day. This was done
by a ."ergeant, who went out iit the head of twenty men (volunteers) and burnt two
barns which had escaped fire the jjivcetling day througli the ap])roach of the Indians.
This done, the incendiaries came back, and the vicinity of the fort was free. They
could then see every thing from the posts of euch>sure to the top of the hilbn-k. Tliis
was doing great injury to the Indians, who, j»erceiving this exi)edition, eame to prevent
it, thinking they would arrive .soon enough. Tlie\' weix' di.sap]iointed, and foiuid
nothing to shelter them from the fii-e except the liilhH'k, iK'hind whieh they placed
themselves, and connnenced the same game as on the pivceding days. The English,
who expected it, were not suri>ri.'<ed to see the attack ivconnnenced, as they were
Ijcginning to be accustomed to it. They however dreaded an a.ssault, as in tlie night
they had been advised by a Fivnchman that the Indians were going to storm it ; and
the steps taken by the latter this day, more than the j)receding, showed their intention
to be such. The t)nly resource of the Knglish in such an emergency was to go into
tlieir barges, whei"e their baggage liiul Ix-en ever since the fn-st day, and then to sail
for Niagara. This did not come to pa.ss. They weix' a.ssnix'd that if the Indians did
not storm the fort this day, they would never do it, as they knew well that in so doing
they would lose some of their people, and this they dreaded too much.

i<\ither Potier, a Jesuit missionary of the Ilurons, who, in the (piality anil by the
jiower that he had over them, had brought part of them, particularly the giKxl band,
within the Ixanids of tranquillity by refusing them the sacrament ; and who, to finish
bringing them all to onler, needed aid, desiird Mr. Lal)oi.se, an inhabitant of the fort,
who had then l)een for some time at home, to cross the river, t«> go and entreat in his
name the oldest and most sensible iidiabitants, those whom he knew to 1k> loved and
respected by the Indian.s, to come and join him to stop the storm, which in threatening
the English appeaix'd to thivaten the French. M. Laboise did as he was desired.
The French, who knew and respected the Father Jesuit as a worthy ecelesia.stic, and
considered him as a saint upon earth, went willingly to his residence. They concerted
together the means to be u-oed to soften Pontiac, and the argnments to be used to
induce him to discontinue this intestine war.

The French, after this delil)erati(m, Avent, twelve in number, (the most respectable,)
to Pontiac's camp, who was much surprised to see them, and asked them the cause of
tlieir visit. The deputies, seeing him so ea.sy of access, flattered themselves with a
good success, and told him they came for go«)d afiiiirs ; whereniKm, Pontiac t<M)k them
to M. Baptiste Melodies' hou.se, where they found Messrs. CamplK-ll and M'Dougal, his

TO PICA I- IIISTOUY.

265

two |tris(nu'is. n»' calli'd his (-liivrs to (••mic ami lit-ar tin- pmkI words of tlioir hnttliiTs
llif Fifiu-li. WIk'm tlu'V liuil all arrivi-d, tlio oldt-st oi" tUv Fiviich .s|)okf in tlio iianu'
of all till' M'ttlors, and asknl I'onliac what wtiv his intentions in this war. IK' rt'iiliod
that his intention was to drive the Kn<rlish tVotn tlie fort and tVoni their lands, to nuikc
ro«Mn for the French coinniander, who he had In-en told was to arrive soon.

'I'lie Fi-ench tolil him, that since he so soon e.\|K'cted a Fix'iieh eoininander, he had
iH'tter remain quiet on his nnit. that it would 1h' time en<m<rh to attaek the fort on hi.t
arrival. In vain di<l they tell him that this war mined them, and prevented their
attending to their afl'aiiv, usinp the most touehinff Indian expressions to show him their
distress. Pontiae jK'rsistin;; in the same sentiment.s, and moved by nothing, replied,
that to Ik? s<M)uer five, they had iM'tter join him in driviiifr away the English, and that
afterwanls they would return to their lanils, waiting for the Freneh who were coming.
The French ivplied that this was im|M)ssil»le, as they had promised to l»e faithful to
the Kngli.sh. Thus, nothing Ixsing gained on either side, the French were obliged to
iTturn to Father Potier, who made them an exhortation on their |)ivsent calamity,
desiring them to pray with fervor, that heaven might witliilraw this war which
injured them. This they pi"oniised, and each returned to his hoii.xe, more fatigued with
this useless step, than pleased with his enterpri.^e.

lijth May. Sumlay, l"»th May, the Indiaii.s who had s|M'nt usele.x.x|y the three
])receding days, resolved on remaining still, awaiting the reinforcement which they
exiH.'(ted from the Saulteui-s of (Inuid river, who, they said, would shortly arrive,
hoping that with their help they would more easily achieve their ftxjlish enterprise.
The English, who had pas.sed a ver}- (piiet night, and saw no movement on the part of
the Indians in the morning, hoped that things, with ri'gard to tlie Indians, woidd take
a Ix'tter asjK'ct than it was at fwst anticipated. The commander, who, although
somewhat unea.sy, had never lost courage, ordered that during the inaction they should
destroy M. La Butte's garden. This was executed by the officers at the head of forty
volunteers; they destroyed the garden, of which the enclosure was made of cedar {wsts
ten feet high. It contained a quantity of fruit-tives and the gardener's house, which
the Indians had found of givat service. The jx^sts were torn up, the house burnt, and
the trees cut down and thrown into the river. This was done in a very short time,
and the men returned to the fort without molestation. The Indians, however, saw
them, but, fnuling themselves that it was too late to prevent the destruction of their
retreat, they renniined quiet until one in the afternoon, when they fired a few shots at
the little barge, but this was a mere waste of jwwder on their part.

The English, who hitherto luul scarcely had time to breathe, seeing, that to all
apiKJarances they would not Ixs harassed that day, caused some of their men to take
repose until the evening. The others lalxired to render the two cannons of some use.
They had until now Ix'en of no service for want of a place. The commander ordered
that on each side of the large gate of the fort, which faced the highway on the south-
Pi. II. — 34

flB6

TOPICAL HISTORY.

west side, should be made one port-hole to place the eannoiiH, one of which was to
Hwe<>p the liighwny, and the other to |x>int towanlH the dwelling of M. JiicijiueH St.
Martin on the mime aide.

Ifith May. Monday, IGth May, the commander, who had learnt that the goo<l
band of HiironH had witiidrawn fmm the rahitl, liy the mediation of Father Potier
their nii.s«ionttry, and that, in order to have no mol^' to do with it, they had gone into
anotlier district, rei^olved to give tlie wicked band room to re|KMit their f(K)li(*lineH8 in
sending the large barge to ravage their village with cannon, and burn it up if iH)ssible.
They were also on the way to tlo the same with the Poux. Captain Hopkins had the
command of this e.\i)edition ; Officer Hay, ten soldiers, and one trader went on lM)anl
the large barge. The wind, which hml turned to the cast, appoari'd to favor them in
their exjiedition. They took up their anchor to go down to the right of the two
villages, but had not gone one eighth of a league, when the wind tunied to the south
and increased. The wind was then almost in front of them, and they were obliged
to ttu'k al)out to an'ive at their destination ; tiiis tliey did. Most of the inhabitants
of Ihe coasts, unac(|uaiuted with their manoetivre, were afraid, thinking the Knglish
were going to lire at them, and that the barge merely came down to ravage the coasts,
and burn the houses, a thing which they could not do, having no forge on board.
kSome of the settlers, however, went and concealed tiieir gcKhls in ditches in the middle
of their farms, and some in the wimkIs. Other French inhabitants, who were
acquainted with the movements of the barge, came and quieted them, showing them
that their fears were groundless. An event which most tended to tranquillize them,
was what ImpiK'ned to the barge, and which would have caused its entire destruction
hod any Indians been near. The wind, which went on increasing, was against the
barge. The English, who wished by all means to go to the Indian villages, sailed
against the wind from one coast to the other. As they wished to tack, there came a
puff of wind which took the sails in every direction, and stranded the barge about
twenty feet from the land, and a quarter of a league from the fort ; the barge for
about a quarter of an hour was nearly on its side ; they were obliged, at all hazards,
to go and cost anchor alx)ut sixty yards off the land, to free the barge ; by dint of
labor they succeeded, and returned dripping wet to the fort, very glad to have escaiwd
the claw8 of the Indians ; for certainly, in the situation in which the barge was placed,
ten Indians would have done their affiiira without their being able to defend themselves,
and they would have paid dearly for their imprudence. Some Indians, it is true, saw
them from a distance, and came to fall on them, but they were too late, and might
have repeated the proverb, " While the dog is eating the wolf escapes." They were
so vexed to have so favorable an opportunity, that they fired at the fort from two till
six in the evening, without killing a fly. During that time, the French who had
remained in the fort, were drawing water from the wells and carrying it into the
vessels destined to receive it.

TOPICAL HISTORY.

17th May. On TucHdny. Mny ITtli, Poiitiiir, who in romnionoiiip thin war lind nut
tnkon euro to rolU'ct ])rovisions, was ol)li;.'i'il to I'lnjiloy ciiniiin^ to obtain s<>'h>. He
ami four ofiiis chiefs wont to tho inhabitants of tho coasts to ask for provisions, wliich
they were detonninod to obtain witli or without their consent, tlireatening to kill tlio
cattU>. Tliis tliey lind indeed connnenced doing, althonph many of the wttU'rH fed
even thirty of tliein. which did not prevent their doinji (hiniafre. The setth'rs, who
dreaded K'st the Indians niijrht turn airainst tlieui. ^rranted the <h>nian(ls of tlie ciiiefs,
and every settU'r contriluited in furnishinj^ fo<Ml to those Indians who dwelt on his side
of the river; so that Pontiac and his jieoplo had their sustenance from the north
coast. Ninivona and triU- had theirs from the southwest coast, and the Ilunms from
the east and south. Alntut ten o'cl<M'k. when each nation was ])r()vided with finxl, the
chiefs assembled in Pontiac's camp, and decided in a council amon<r themselves, that no
Frenchman residinj? out of the fort shoidd jio theix\ and that no inhabitant of it
should go out. For, said they, those wlio ri'side within mention all that hap|K'nH
there, and those who reside outside mention all that takes ])lace in the camj); and the
effect of all that is bad. Tlu-ir reasons were gocnl enough, for in effect some of the
Fivnch. under the pretext of restoring harmony l)etween the parties, sowed dissension.
They agreed to place at each end of the tort a guard of twenty fnmi each nation.
They were to prevent all intercourse, and fire on those who attempted to pass. This
was said and done. S>me of the French who tried to pass, very nearly, were the
thipcH of their attempt. In the course of the afternoon, a few shots were e.\changcd
without injury.

18th May. On Wedne,sday, May IStli, the Indians la-ing engaged with a design
they had conceived a few days iK'fore. of sending to M. de Ijcon in Illinois, forgot the
fort during the whole of this day. Pontiac as.sembled the chiefs and most resjH'cted
of each nation to hold a council ; he sent messengers to the oldest French to invite
them to the council, where they admitted the two officers, their prisoners. All luiving
arrived, Ptmtiac took a wur-iranifnim helt,{^) and said, addressing himself to all,
"You are accpiainted with the reasons wliich nuiki me act as I do; I have neglected
no opjwrtunity of showing my wishes; but, a.- I fear our Father may not arrive soon
enough to take possession of the fort, when I have exiK'Ued or killed the Engli.sh, and
that the French having no commander, my brothei-s, the Indians, may insult them :
I have determined, to obviate this difficulty, to send to Illinois mes.sengers from our
brothers, the French, and ourselves, to carry our wampum belts and our words t«> our
Father, M. dc Leon ; to desire him to .send us a French commander to guide us, and
take the place from the English. You, my brothers, will please me by writing to
your Father on the subject, joining your words to mine." lie sent for a writer, in
presence of his two prisoners, and desired him to write to M. de Ij«5on the reasons of
his actions, as I have mentioned them in the commencement of this writing. lie
joined to this a letter from the French, who earnestly bescechcd M. de Leon,

;:68

TOPICAL HISTORY.

considering the circuiiistiinces, to (iiiiet the nations. All those writings being finished,
Pontine, who directed every thing, named the two Frenchmen and the two Indians
whom he wisiied to carry the letters and woiils, desiring them to get ready to start
the next morning; and that those of the French and Indians who wished to go might
speak ; that he wouhl not prevent them, but would make the inhabitants give them
all they needed for the journey.

19th May. On Monday the VJth, Pontiac, who thought that M. de Leon would,
agreeably to his wishes, .send a commander, hastened in the morning to provide for
the wants of his messengers. lie made them go on Iwani a canoe, and told them to
go and wait for him Iwlow the fort, at the mill ; that he was going along the coast to
get them provisions. He went from house to house, to ask of every one, according to
his means, provisions and ammunition for his couriers, in onler idat they might
quietly depart. The travellers, having ivceived the necessary things, departed, about
ten, for Illinois. The mes.fengers being gone, Pontiac returned to his camp, and
ordered his yoimg jieople to go and amuse themselves by firing at the barges, menly
to hnra.ss them, knowing very well they could not injure them. They contiiuied this
until five in the afterntMJU, when, weary of firing, tliey returned to the camp to
repose, after the fatigue they had incurred so uselessly.

20tli May. Friday, May the 20th, the connnander, who intended to send one of the
barges to Niagara, and who wished to hastea tiie arrival of the succor he had daily
expected for a considerable time, orderetl Mr. Legrand, who was ap|)ointed judge
instead of Mr. St. Cosme, to desire the French who dwelt in the fort to pick up the
stones which were in the streets, and carry them to the banks of the river, to serve as
ballast for the barge which was to go. They changed [)laces with the barges, and the
soldiers took the stones to the .smallest. This day passed without any ho.stility on
either side.

21st May. Saturday, May 21st, at eleven A. M., the barge left its station opposite
the fort, to go to the head of Lake Erie tcj discover if the reinforcement expected by
the English was coming. The crdw were ordereil to renniin statiomiry eight days, to
favor the arrival of the reinforcement, and at the end of that time to pi-oceed to
Niagara. The Indians, either through laziness or contempt, neither fired at the fort
nor at the barge. About five in the evening they knew in the fort of a Frenchman
who had gone out of the fort, that Cekaas, great chief of the Saulteurs of Grand river
had arrived, accoixiing to Pontiac's request, with one hundred and twenty men of his
tribe.

22d May. Sunday, May 22d, it being Pentecost-day, a most impetuous wind and
heavy rain obliged both parties to remain quiet.

23d. The weather in the morning (May 23d, Monday) somewhat resembling that
of the day preceding, kept the Indians quiet. The conunander, who mistrusted them,
and foresaw they would not longer remain still, and who wished to use every means

TOPICAL HISTORY.

2C9

of defence against any attempts which might he made, ordered that all the iron and
steel which were in the waivlionse shonld be converted into war-clubs, swords, lances,
and hooks, to arm his soldiers and provide against an assault, in case the Indians
should attempt to storm tiie fort. This was done hy two French blacksmiths who
were in tiie fi)rt. AlnHit four in the afternoon it was rei)orted in the fort tiiat tiie
Indians were going to set the fort on lire, the posts of the enclosure, and the houses
inside ; this was to Ik; done with ignited arrows. This, however, they could not do,
jw luckily they had not the necessary things. But as a measuiv of precaution, and to
prevent surprise, they put on the royal storehouse, and on the houses, ladders, at tlu^
fot)t of which were tul)s full of water, to Ije used if wanted. The conunander ordered
the French inhabitants of the fort to watch during the whole night, and that three or
four should collect in every house, tliat they might be ready at the Hrst warning.
About two in the arternoon the weather became fair. They expected then that the
Indians would make some liiciirnlnn ; this however did not come to pass, and the
renminder of the day elapsed as in the morning.

May 24th. Tuesday, May 24th, tlie Indians, who had been idle the day before,
remained so tliis day initil four, wlien shaking off tiieir .«lothfulness, they reconnnenced
tiring at the fort, and did not stop until midniglit. Tiieir firing had )io more cllect
than if they had remained quiet, having merely wasted powder and balls.

The conunander, who foresaw that this traylral scene might not end very quickly,
and that it might not 1k> ea.sy to obtain provisions from the outside, fearing also a
scarcity of provisions before the return of the barge and the arrival of the convoy
which he daily expected, ordered, that to obviate this, they should make a search in
all the French houses, to take from them every superthious article they might have, in
order to ecnuomUe them for the sustenance of his people. Tiiis was done by ollicer
Hay, the connnissioner of the victualling:, and the judge, who went to every house
collecting wheat. Hour, peas, as also some niaiz.e In'longing to the Indians, and of which
the French had the care, and which the_\ had neglected to take away before com-
mencing their foolish undertaking. They also collected oil, tallow, and every artich'
of food, nniking a list of all, stating every sejjarate thing, and the names of the owners,
to whom they gave bills. The Indian corn Itelonging to tiie Indians was alone con-
fiscated. All the provisi«nis weiv carried to the pulilic storehouse, and were taken care
of against the scarcity with which the English were thivatened.

May 2")th. Wednesday, May 2r)th, the Indians, who, during part of the pivceding
night, had fatigued themselves with using ammunitiini to no purpose, resfed until five
in the afternocm, when they recommenced as the day before. The chiefs and old men
did not fiiv, but while the others were sleeping, walked alnint to examine every thing,
that there might be no surprise. They weiv all the time mistrustful of the Piiiglish.

The inhabitants of the coasts were divided by diflerent sentiments. Some, the truly
worthy iieojile, jienetrated with sentiments of Innnanity and religion, bewailed the

270

TOPICAL HISTORY.

foolish enterprise of the ludinns, and would willingly have given all their possesHions
to stop the nations, and restore jHiace. Othoiv, governed by an ill-founded sentiment
of antipatliy, and over whom submission and i-esiwct had no jwwer, would willingly
have taken the part of the Indians, had they not been afraid of incurring general
contempt. Some were undecided, not knowing what part to take. All were weary
of the war and of the presence of the Indians, and had as.xeinbled several times at
the houses of the oldest inhabitants to concert some plan of stopping the nations.
They resolved to go to Pontiac's camp and ask him for a council, and to try to find
out his views res^K>cting the war. To efl'ect this, fifteen of the most resjiected, being
known and liked by the Indians, went to the camp and asked for a council. Pontiac,
who had not been warned of this visit, wius surprised, and began to susjject there was
some hidden meaning in it which he could not find out. He however received them
well, and asked what brought them, for his curiosity did not allow him to wait until
they should mention it of their own accord. They all replied that they came to si)eak
on business, aiul tjjat tliey would be glad if all the chiefs could hear them. Pontiac,
who longed to know what brought them, .sent messengers to the Pou.x and the Ilurons
of the wicked baud, who came in a short time. When all had arrived, the most
respected of the French, taking Pontiiu; by his hand, said, addressing himself to all :

My brothers, you appear surprised to see us, but we only come heix; to ri'new the
alliance formed between our ancestors and ^ours, which you now destro}- in destroying
us. When you connuenced your attack uiH)n the English, you gave us to understand that
you would do us neither harm nor injury; it is true that you have not hurt our person.s,
but in killing our cattle do you not injure us? When you have killed them all, Iiow
can we plough our lands, to save them and nmke bread for you? Even if IciUiiuj them
you did not waste half of them, they would last you longer, and we should not lose
so many. When you enter our houses, ^ou do .so with uplifted war-clubs, as if you
wished to kill us while asking us for food. Did we ever refuse you food when you
asked for it ? You no longer speak as our brothei-s, but lus our masters, 1)ut you treat
us as slaves. How long have you known the Indians command the Fi"ench ? Is this
the promise you gave your father Bellestre on his departure, that you would love and
support the Fi-ench ? Avenge the insults you have received, we do not oppose this,
but remember that you and we arc brothers and childrcn of your Givat Father the
King of France. You exjK'ct him, say you, when he comes and brings you necessaries
as he used to do, and finds that you have killed us and taken all that we kept for him,
what will he say to you ? Do jou think that he will make you presents to cover the
evil you have done us? No! he will consider you as rebellious children, as traitors.
And far from caressing you, he will wage war against you. Then shall you have two
nations against you, the French and English. See then whether you wish to have
two enemies, or live with us as brothers should live.

Pontiac, who had not lost one word of all this, spoke now in his turn in the name of

TOPICAL HISTORY.

271

all the chiefs addressing the French : My brothers, it has never lieen our intention to
do you either hurt or wrong, nor have we ever wished either to be done to you, but
there are among my young jx>ople, as among yours, some who, notwithstanding all the
care which may be taken, always commit some injury. Besides, it is not for more
revenge that I make war against the English. It is on your account, brothers, as well
as ours. When the English, in the councils we liave held with them, have insulted
us, they have insulted you without your knowing it, and do I not know as well as my
brothers, that the Englisli have taken from you all means of revenge, in disarming
you, and making you write on a paj)er which they sent into their country. This they
could not nuike us do. TheiflbiX' do I wish to revenge you as well as ourselves, and I
swear their death, as long as they remain on our lands. Kesidcs, you do not know all
the rea.sons I have for acting as I do. I have merely told jou what regards you, you
shall learn all witii time. 1 know well, bn)tli<'rs, that many of you think me f(K)lish,
but the fiituiv will show what I am, and wiietlier I am wrong.

I know also, brothers, that some of you take the part of the English, to make war
against us. But I am only sorry on their account, and when our CJreat Fatiier ivturns,
I will name and \nm\t them out to him, then will they see which will be the most
satisfied.

I know, my lirothers, that jou must l)e weary of the war, on account of the
movements of my brothers, who are at all times going to and coming from your
houses. I am sorry for it ; but I do not l)elieve, my l)rotbers, that I am the cause of
the injury which is done you, I am not. Oidy remember the war with the Fox
Indians, and the manner 1 Ix'haved towards you. It is now seventeen jears since the
Saidteiu's and Ottawas of Michilimackinac, and all the nations of the north came with
the Sac and Fo.v Indians to destrov you. Who defended vou? Did I not? Did not
my people? When Mekinak, gi-eat chief of all those nations, said in his council that
he wished to carry to his village the head of your commander, eat his heart, and drink
his blood, did I not take your part, by telling him in his own camp, that if he
wished to kill the French, he must Ix^gin by killing me and my people? Did I not
a.ssist you in defeating them and driving them away? Could I now, my brothers, turn
my arms against you? no. my Itrotliers, I am the same French Pontiac, who, seventccu
years ago, gave you his iiiind. I am Freiu-h, and I will die a Frenchman. I rei)eat it,
I avenge your intea'sts in avenging mine. lA't me go on ; 1 do not ask yon to join
me, as I know that you cannot do so, I mei-ely ask you provisions for myself and
people. Should you, however, wish to aid me, I would not ivfuse your assistance, it
would alTord me plea.surc>, and you would s(M)ner Ix* free ; la'cause I promise 30U, that
a.s soon as the English are killed or exiK>lled, we will withdraw to our villages, according
to our custom, and there await the arrival of our Cln'at Father. These, my brothers,
are my sentiments. Be easy, I .shall watch and see that you receive no moi-e injury
from my people. I hope you will allow oin- wives to mw irhrat, (plant corn,) on your

272

TOPICAL IIISTUUY.

lands and on your cloiiringH; we shall foci oltligod to you for it. All the F'rcnch
replied that they were willing. The council heiiig over, the French returned to their
houses, pleased with their interview with Pontiac. In the same day, the squaws
coninienced to sow the wheat, (plant the corn,) and several of the settlers ploughed
the land for them. Pontiac, in the afternoon, went and gave his orders throughout
the coasts for the sustenance of all the Indians, and also to prevent their taking any
thing by *orcc from the French.

The commander, who, since the departure of the barge, had perceived that the Poux
Indians, whose camp was to the south-west of the fort, came along the river sheltered
by a rise of gi-oimd which runs parallel with it. There were in it two lime-kilns, in
which the Indians hid themselves to firc ujwn the soldiers who were obliged to go to
the river. He orden?d, to prevent the Indians from harassing them on that side, that
a platform should \x made and placed on the bank, to giuvrd and defend the liorder of
the river, in order that free access might be had to it. To effect this, two carpenters
and several persons acquainted with the use of the axe, commenced working at this
etlijice on the military square ; and a.s there was in the fort no framing-timber fit for
this work, the workmen t<x)k the causeway from the front of the houses, and used it
for this building, which was ready to be raised about five in the evening. To carry it
to its destinati(m, it Ix'came necessary to take it out of the fort jiiece by piece. All
the French who were in the fort, and some soldiers who were in the garrison, were
oixlered to do so, and all took out the wood by a port-hole on the side of the river.
All the timlxjr having Iwen carried out, they put the work together and framed it ; it
was then to be raised, which could not bo done easily on account of the weight. But,
every one willing to be of service to the oflicei"s, they attempted to overcome this
difficulty. The work Ijcing put together, they attempted to erect it, but it was in vain,
for two reasons ; first, there were not men enough ; the second and strongest obstacle
was, that the Indians, who were watching in a ditch at a distance of two hundred
yards, had seen some English among the French, and who also foresaw that the
building was going to be an obstacle for to them, made several discharges at them.
This caused them to leave the work on the ground and to put off the raising mitil the
next morning at day-break.

May 20th. Thursday, May 2Gtli, at dawn, the French and some soldiers were
ordered to raise the platform which they hod Ix'cn obliged to leave on account of the
Indians. These being now asleep in their camp, gave time to raise it more early.
This was done with all possible vt'yihiwe, and as they finished and were preparing to
re-enter the fort, a Frenchman wished to take a walk towards the lime-kilns ; he came
very near Iwing wounded by an Indian concealed in one of the kilns, who, as soon as
he had fired, went and hid himself with some others who were further off in a ditch.
The Frenchman, mistrusting that more of them were concealed, withdrew quickly and
re-entered the fort with the othei-s. During this time, a French inhabitant of the fort,

TOPICAL HISTORY.

273

M. Labros,>*o, wlio, on the preceding day, witli the commander's leave, had gone out on
business, came back an'' brought news of the taking of Sandusky by the Indians,
Ilurons of the wicked band, who in fact had tlie day before passed on the other side
of the river, in a canoe witli a red Hag on the stern. Tliis had been noticed by several
per.sons, who not being able to find out what it was, could only suspect that the Indians
had made some new prize. This was verified by the reiwrt of that man, who said
tliat he had seen the conunander of the capturcd place ; that the garrison had been
slain, the fort burnt, and the baggage of the troops and goods of the traders plundered.
The commander would believe nothing of it until he saw a letter from that officer,
who was then a prisoner among the Ottawas, to whom the Ilurons had braught him.
This poor gentleman, on his arrival, was very ill treated by the Indians, who, on his
landing, struck him witli sticks, and made liini sing until he arrived at their camp,
lie was immediately taken by a scjuaw who had lost her husband, and who, having
pity on liim, took him for her second husband, .and thus he was saved.

Pontiuc and the Ottawas, having learned from the llurons that on their return the
little barge was still at the moutli of the river, formed the design of taking it. They
went accordingly early in the morning to the village of the Poux, to whom they
communicated their project. The latter joined them joyfully as if they had already
succeeded. Tlie former had brought with them Mr. Campbell, and his interpreter, M.
La Butte, ho[)ing that the pix»sence of that officer would cause the jieople to surrender
into their power. They were greatly mistaken ; the jieople of the barge would not
listen to their proiH)suls, and only replied with gun and cannon-shots. This made the
Indians wait until night, thinking that they would then succeed better in the dark.
But the crew of the barge, who became every day more and more acquainted with
their mananivre.s, thinking that during the night the Indians would make some new
attempt to capture them, and knowing that their number wa.s too small to resist a long
time two hundred men, resolved to sail at large, thus to fon?stall the liopes of the
Indians, and to save themselves and barge from the talons of the Indians. They
raised their anchor during the night, and went into the lake towards Niagara,
according to the orders they had received from the conunander on their leaving the
fort.

27th May. Friday, May 27th, the Indians, who had undergone much useless
fatigue in their attempt to take the barge, having, fortunately for the crew and barge,
failed, returned to the camp, with Mr. Campbell and the interpreter, and rested all
the day.

28th May. Sunday, May 28th, the Indians remained inactive the whole day, as
they were exi^cting news from the reinforcement which, according to the report of an
Indian messenger who hail arrived in the night, was to come during the day. This
pri'vented their trouliling the fort. But they broke the promise they had made to the
French, and recommenced killing and taking away cattle. About five in the
Pt. II. — 35

ST4

TOPICAL IIISTOllY.

afternoon, there were seen in the woods behind the fort a great number of Indians,
who were returning from the hike, and going to the camp; they carried scali)s.
They uttered twenty death-cries, and then twenty cries of joy, to announce their
having struck in some place. They were the remains of tliose who had taken Fort
Sandusky. In tlie mean while there came a report into the fort, which stated that
all the French who had been engaged by Indian traders to go to Michilimackinac had
been killed by the Saulteure and Ottawas who dwelt there. But this was afterwards
found to be false.

The commiindcr, seeing that the Indians were quiet, ordered Mr. Officer Hay to go
out with twenty men, and destroy an intrenchment which the Indians had erected
during the night, southwest of the fort, opposite the door, one hundred and twenty
yards from it. The Poux and Hurons had come in the darkest part of the night,
without making any noise, to M. St. Martin's enclosure, and had arranged some hewn
timber (nearly twenty feet long) one piece \\\)o\\ another ; they had made two rows
of them breastrhigh, and had driven stakes on l)otli sides, to keep them up ; so that,
being concealed behind the timber, they did not fear the shots of the cannon which
were opposite. This having been seen in the morning by the sentinels, they
immediately informed the commander of it. It was immediately destroyed by the
twenty soldiers, who burnt the enclosure, and placed the timlx?r against the fort ; and
the field remained clear, so that no one could approach the fort without being
seen.

29tli May. Sunday, May 29th, the weather was unsettled all the day, and this
gave rest to both parties.

SOtli May. Monday, May 30th. — The officers had a seine, which had not been
used since the commencement of the fatal scene. Several French young men asked
the loan of it, saying they would bring them part of the fish which they caught. It
was lent to them. Two soldiers, who knew how to manage it, were also sent. But
they had no time to catch a single fish, nor even could they throw the seine into the
river. The Indians, who were concealed in a ditch sixty rods from the fort, and who
saw them without being seen, and who knew that the French did not use a seine for
fishing, thought that the fish was to be jiartly for the officers, and fired several times
at the barge and fishermen, who quickly went towards the shore, and re-entered the
fort as they had left. it. They brought back the seiiie, which has not been used since
that time.

About nine in the morning, a soldier walking the rounds with the sentinel, in the
bastion opposite the river, and talking with him, perceived, at Montreal point, on the
side of the Huron village, some crafts, which appeared to be barges containing people.
This soldier, who, as well as his comrades, knew that the convoy wiw hourly exjxjcted,
and that it was to contain troops and provisions, ran quickly and mentioned the
discovery to the officer on guard. The officer lost no time in acquainting the

TOPICAL HISTORY.

275

commander with it. The latter, witli his officers and soldiers, as also the traders,
came ujion the small bastion, to verily by them.»*olves the report of the soldier.x, and
find out exactly what it might be. They saw, by means of a telescojw, that it was
indeed the long-e.\pected convoy. This caused a great joy ; all Ix'ing in hopes that,
on its arrival at the fort, it woidd intimidate the Indians. But this joy was short,
and stifled at its birth by a number of death-cries, which were heard from the place
where the barges were. This produced sadness, ai they all thought that the- Indians
had discovered the barges, and taken them, after having killed the crew; and this
proved to be the case.

The Ilurons of the wicked band and the Poux, who Lad a few da^s before heard
that the sergeant, who in the preceding April had gone to Niagara, was returning
with provisions and troops for the fort, resolved to destroy all. To this effect, they
went and concealed themselves on the lake-shore. The sergeant, who was unacquainted
with what was taking place in the fort, and who did not mistrust the Indians, was
sailing peaceably and fearlessly on the lake, until he came to the point, eighteen
leagues fmm Detroit, Avhere he encamiwd in the evening, according to the custom of
voyagers, to cook his provisions for the next day. The Iiulians, who were concealed
among the bushes and thick brush in the same place, suffered them to land and
aiTange their camp. They even left them unmolested during the night. The
convoy, thinking themselves perfectly secure, merely placed a guard over the barges,
for fear that the wind during the night might send them adrift ; the remainder slept
quietly.

The Indians, intending to fall on them, took no sleep that night, for fear that their
prey might escape. At break of day, they attacked our travellers, without giving them
time to awake, killed several, and made the othei-s prisoners, except thirty-five men
and an officer, who, almost naked, threw themselves into the barges, and crossed the
lake at all hazards towards Sandusky, without knowing whither to go. The
remainder of the barges, eighteen in number, with from twenty to thirty men,
remained in the hands of the Indians, who took them and brought them to the
river, to convey them to Pontiac's camp. They took them in a file, on the other side
of the river. In the first were four English soldiers and three Indians, and in the
same proportion in the other barges. The number was about even on both sides.
Other Indians followed the barges by land, uttering death-cries, and cries of joy, from
time to time. The four P]nglishmen who were in the first barge, finding themselves
opposite the large barge which wa.s before the fort to guard it, undertook, in spite of
the Indians who were with them, to run away, without considering the risk they
incurred ; they hoped that the barge, seeing their danger, would favor them. It was
80 indeed. The English soldiers turned the barge towards the large one. The
Indians, seeing the danger of losing their prisoners, fell on them to make them take
another route ; but the English pursued the same way, crying out to the barge, from

2T8

TOPICAL HISTORY.

which there came a cannon-ball on the Indians who were on tlie shore, who were
firing on the English in the barge; and another with grape-shot, on the back
part of the bark, where the Indians were placed. These two shots had the
desired effect. The ball put the Indians to flight on the shore, and the grape-
shot caused those Indians in the barge to leave it and throw themselves into the
water; one of the three, in leaping out of the barge, drew with him one of the
soldiers, and both were drowned. The others went to the shore, and taking guns
from the other Indians, fired on the run-away barge, and slightly Avounded one
of the soldiers in the right arm. The l)arge then fired two cannon-shots at the
Indians, who disappeared from the shore, and the barge and three soldiers went
to the shore with difliculty. They took with them several barrels of flour and five
of pork.

The other Indians, who had remained behind and had seen that in spite of their
friends, the first barge and soldiers had escajwd, and fearing the others might escape
in the same manner, took other means to reach the camp. Making the prisoners land,
they bound them ; and they were conducted in this state to the Ottawa village. They
then took them in their canoes, which had been brought by their wives, to Pontiac's
camp. On their arrival, and in pursuance with his orders, they butchered them in a
most dreadful manner. The recital of it makes one shudder. As soon as the canoes
had arrived opposite the camp, these barbarians caused them to land, one after
another, and undressed them completely, and shot arrows into every part of their
bodies. Sometimes these poor creatures wished to turn, or throw themselves on the
ground, to avoid some arrows ; the Indians, who were by their side, made them arise,
striking them with sticks or with their fists. It was necessary to content these tigers,
eager for human blood, that these poor patients should stand until they fell dead, after
which those who had not shot fell on the dead bodies, and cut them in pieces, cooked
them, and fed on them. On some others they exerci.sed other cruelties, cutting them
when alive with flints, and striking them with lances. They cut off their feet, and
left them, bathed in their own blood, to die in suffering. Others were tied to stakes,
and burnt by children, with a slow fire. No cruel invention of barbarity was left
untried on those unfortunate men. To see this terrible spectacle, one would have
thought that the furies were let loose on these poor people. Each one vied to make
them suffer. To crown their tyranny, they left the dead bodies on the highway,
without burying them. Others threw them into the river, which thus became the
sad heir of their rage.

The squaws even assisted their husbands in feeding on the blood of these sad
victims, and inflicted on them a thousand cruelties ; some stabbing them with knives,
as we do when we lard beef. Others cut from them that which forms man. I should
never end, were I to describe minutely the cruel sacrifice and the sorrowful end of
these unfortunate men. Some, however, were spared, being saved to serve as slaves

TOPICAL HISTORY.

277

in the Indian camp. Thus they became spectators of the tyrannical end of their
luifortunatc fellow-citizens.

The lliirons, who had given up their prisoners to the Ottawas, had returned to those
who took care of the barges. They took them to their village, Avith the sergeant
whom they had kept, that they might treat him as the Ottawas had treated the
others, and waited until dark to take the barges unto Pontiac, their head-chief, and to
divide their prize with him and his band.

Their barges were laden with powder and bar-lead : this was a good thing for the
Indians, who had nearly used all they had. They also contained Hour and j)ork in
barrels, each barge contained eight barrels of flour or pork. There were also liquore
and refreshments for the officers of the fort. These liquors caused a great disorder in
the Indian camp ; they got intoxicated, and fought among themselves, reproaching one
another. These reproaches caused, the next day, the death of two of their foolish
young men.

The Indian squaws, who were acquainted with the customs of the Indians when
inebriated, concealed all their offensive arms, for fear they might kill one another, and
also fearing danger for their atlopted prisoners, they placed them out of the sight of
tlieir husbands. The chiefs alone remained solxjr, and ix;rceiving the disorder caused
in their camp by liquor, they broke open the remainder of the barrels, and spilt the
liquor, thus restoring harmony among them.

Pontiac, who did not lose sight of the two prisoners whom he made by his cunning,
caused them to be taken to a distance, in the houses of the French settlers ; that no
harm might hapiien to them, he committed them to the charge of ten Indians of note.

May 31. Tuesday, May Slst; notwithstanding the precautions taken by Pontiac
to prevent disorder among his people, some of them had filled kettles with brandy, and
had gone into the woods to drink more at their ease during the night. Being tipsy,
they began to quarrel with the young jxiople, reproaching them with wanting the
courage which ought to belong to a warrior. The latter, who were a little into.xicated,
were so ve.xed, and their pride M'as so touched, that, to prove their courage, they
imprudently came to seek their death at the foot of the fort, running as if they, (two
in number,) wished to take it by storm. The .sentinels placed alwve the northeast gate,
seeing them coming at full speed, and mistrusting some bad design on their part, fired,
and wounded them mortally, one received a ball through his head, it had entered by
the right eye, and came out above the jaw ; he had also small shots through his body.
This caused him to fall on the sjwt. He was picked up by the soldiei-s of the garrison,
and brought into the fort, where he was exposed to the sight of the public until he
died of his wounds. He was then buried in a corner of the small bastion. The other
Indian had two balls through his body, and went and died five arpcnts from the fort,
where he was taken up by the other Indians, and buried near the camp. The Indians in

trs

TOPICAL HISTORY.

the camp being nick witli the drink they had taken on the preceding day, rested all
tliirt da}-, and did not come and fire on the fort.

A Fi-enchman, who liad remained in the fort to take care of a private honse, and
who did not like thus to be Hlnit up, sought every means of going out, but did not
know how to bring it almut. As he knew that the commander was necking for a
trusty man to be sent to Niagara by land, to impart to the commander of that place
what wa.s taking place heix>, he resolved to apixjar to wish to serve the English
in this, under pretence that he could sjxjak a little English, hoping by this means to
be able to go out. To effect this, he wished to employ the means of an English trader,
to whom he mentioned all that the other French said amongst themselves. This
trader having couvci-sed with him several times, and seeing through him, knowing him
for a kuave, and a traitor to his country, would not present him to the commander.
Lamaiv, (thus was the man called,) finding he could not succeed by means of this
trader, resolved to employ the credit of a lady well-acquainted with the English
commander. This lad}'. Mile, des Rivieres, proi)osed him to the commander, and
praised his talents, saying he could speak Englisli. The commander wi.shed to see
him, and without much examination, deiwnding on the lady's recommendation, he was
received for the message which the commander wished to send. He was provided
with all that could be necessary for his journey, and his days were reckoned from that
time at six livres each, to be paid on his return ; and on the evening he received
letters for Niagara, and was taken across the river by soldiers. This rascal, instead
of taking his way for Niagara, as he had promised the officers, remained in the east
coast during the whole day, divulging all that was taking place in the fort ; he then
went to the south coast, slandering the English, and telling all manner of nonsense
about the French who were in the fort. Several persons, perceiving that he was a
villain, threatened to take him and carry him to the fort, to have him punished.
Fearing they would make their threats good, he went towards Illinois, and has not
returned herealwuts since that time.

The commander having learnt from the same lady that the Frenchman had
repeatedly offered himself, and had endeavored to gain access by means of the traders,
reprimanded the trader for not having mentioned it to him. The latter excused
himself on his not being acquainted with the man, and his not being willing to present
him without knowing him well, trusty and faithful men being needed for similar
errands. As soon as the commander had learnt the villany of the Frenchman, he
praised the conduct of the trader, and blamed the indiscreet zeal of the lady, who
was, if we may so sj^ak, looked upon with contempt. This is the reward she received
for her labor.

June Ist. Wednesday, June 1st, about two in the morning, two soldiers and a
trader, who had been taken and adopted by the Indians, escaped from the camp and
entered the fort. They learnt from them that Owasson, great chief of the Saulteurs of

TOPICAL HISTORY.

S70

Saginaw, hail arrived on the preceding day with two hundred men of his hand ; and
on ]m arrival at Pontiac'a camp, they had decided in a council to harass tiie fort no
more until the paHsagCH were harred, in order that the English might receive no more
assistance; and to effect this, the Ottawas, Ilurons, and Poux, were to start tliat day
and go about the hike and take all the English they would find. What confirmed the
reiMjrt of the escaped prisoners was the siglit of alwut three lunidred men who passed
through the woods Ijehind the fort, and who went down to join the Ilunms and Poux,
whose camp was half a league Ik'Iow the fort. They wished to go all together and
cruise on the lake. The chiefs of each nation remained in the camp to give orders to
the young people who remained with them, and to guanl the environs of the fort, for
fear the English might go about the coasts, a thing that the latter did not wish to do,
knowing well that it was no place for them.

The same day the judge and commissioners made their third visit in the French
houses to obtain food to last until the arrival of the barge, which was shortly
expected.

June 2d. Thursday, 2d of June, it being Trinity-day, a few shots were fired by
the Indians who were guarding the neighlwrhood of the fort. But this was so trifling
that the English did not return them, knowing well it would be using powder to no
purpose. During the night, an English trader's assistant who was among the Ottawas,
ran away rpiitc naked, and came to the fort, bringing a letter sent by Mr. Cainplx'll, a
prisoner in the camp, to Mr. Gladwin. Tliis letter had Ix'en foinid by the Ilurona
among the spoils of the conductoi-s of the barges. Tiiese brought it to Pontiac, who
desired Mr. Campljell to read it, and M. La Butte, his interpreter, to explain it. Mr.
Campbell, to send this letter to Mr. Gladwin, assisted the prisoner in his escaix*. The
letter was from an officer of Niagara to his friend, commander at Miami. lie men-
tioned in it the conclusion of jwace, with every circumstance. This caused in the
evening a concert of instruments as a mark of joy for the gootl news.

June 3d. Friday, June 3d, the Indians were quiet all the day, with the exception
of the guard around the fort, who behaved as usual. The judge was ordered by the
commander to assemble all the French who were in the fort, that he might read
the letter, which he had received on the day preceding l)y the prisoner. This letter
had been translated into French by a trader who spoke French well. It stated that
peace was concluded between England and France, and that by an agreement made
between the two powers, Canada and Illinois remained in the power of the English.

June 4th. Saturday, June 4th. The Indians behaved on this day as they had
done on the preceding day. About four there were heard death-cries from the Indians,
who were returning from the lake by land on the other side of the river. They did
not exactly know the meaning of those cries, but suspected that the Indians had made
some prize on the lakes.

June 5th. Sunday, 5th of June, the Indians fired a few shots at tlie fort, to let the

280

TOPICAL IlISTOUY.

lx>sio<rc(l know the} Iiiul not till gone to tho lake, and tliiit tlu>v liad not given n]) tiieir
rtM)liMh enterpt'iise. Their tihuttf wero ho few that the Engli.sli paid no attention tu
tliem.

Alwut two in the afternoon, there were heard, as on tlie preeeding day, death-cries
on tlie other witle of tlie river. Tliese cries were uttered hy Indians. Si'veral ix-'raons
went on tlie ramparts to find out what those eries meant. Tliey saw a nuniher of
Indians on shoiv, some on foot, othei-s on horseback, making saw-saw-tpiaa and cries of
jo}'. Other Indians were bringing two barges laden with merchandise, witli traders
that they had taken. They wen- going up the river on the other side. The crew of
the barge, hoping to make them leave their prize, sent them several shots, Imt they
were fired tiw higli or t<K) low. The Indians laughed at this, and continued their way
to Pontiac's camp with their prizes.

June Gth. Monday, June Gth, the weather being gloomy, and even a little rainy,
the Indians merely watched in the neighlx)rhood of the fort, without firing a shot.
Others went to the settlers to ask for provisions, which they gave willingly. This did
not prevent the Indians doing them some damage all the time, killing sometimes their
oxen, cows, hogs, destroying their wheat and coming through it, as they did not dare
to walk on the highway on account of the large barge from which shots came whenever
they were in sight.

June 7th. Tuesday, June 7th, the Indian.'^, who had not fired for two or three
days, Ijecoming weary of not using gunixjwder, came about ten in the morning to fire
on the fort, and continued this until alwut seven in the evening; as they had neither
barn nor any other building to conceal them, they fired from behind the hillock, and
often IVom the wo<xl, a distance of ten arpents fix)m the fort; Ix'sidcs, this place was
overlooked by the hillock, so that their shot passed above the fort. Other Indians
were farther off, concealed by the enclosure of the farms, or in barns at a distance,
often out of reach of the shots of the .sentinels, as they were afraid of the cannons
which were on the three principal sides of the fort. About seven they went away, as
well satisfied as when they commenced.

June 8th. Wednesday, June 8th. The Indians came about eight in the morning;
it appeared from their preparations that they intended to fire a long time, but a small
rain made them change their minds, and obliged them to retire to their camp. The
guard remained, according to their custom, to prevent any one going in, or coming
from the fort. However, some one was always going or coming. Those being liked
by the Indians were not mistrusted.

In the afternoon, the officers were told by on inhabitant of the fort, that the
Indians intended to storm it the next night, as the weather was bad. The officers,
who were getting acquainted with the ways of the Indians, answered that they were
ready for them, thinking that the intended enterprise woidd end as had already been
the case. But as prudence is the mother of safety, they were on their guard during the

'f\<

TOPICAL HISTORY.

Ill

whole ni){lil, witli tlioir Holdieiv, to avoid Ix'ing ml^I)^i^^t•»l ; but the nijilit olapwd qiiu'tly.
At Miiisot theiv wore lieanl, in tlic direction of the Huron vilhige. tiiree denth-oricK,
tiie nieaninr-' of whiili wh" unknown.

June !)th. I'huifdny, June Otii. Second Trinity-<lii_v, tlu* Indinns. wlio only ncted
by Ills, \ i-re (juiet all diiy. A)H)ut three in tiie artern(H>u, the Indians utten-d, on tlie
other side <>(' tiu- river, tliiitecii death-ericH; tiiis excited tlio curioxity of many
En^^lish and Fri'uch jH-oph', wlu) got \i\nrt\ the ])ali(*ndes of tlie fort to find out the
meaning of tliose cries. Tiiey pen'eived a great nunil>er of Indiani> on fiH)t and
liorsehack, running and uttering cries of joy, and rei^ating their death-cries in firing
on the hirge barge which was la-fore the fort. Other Indians wore on the water along
the shore with three barges, and prisoners taken on the lake. As they were passing
opjiosite the large barge, the latter sent them five cannon-shots, with ball and grape-
shot. These wounded several of the Indians, Avithout /jiIh)/ ahh to prevent their
pursuing their way. In tlie evening of the same day. they learnt from a Frenchman
that the remainder of the band of Sekakos, chief of the Saulteurs of the river a la
Tranche, arrived during the preceding night, forty-five in number. The number of
the Indians, including this last band, was eight hundred and fifty in the camp and on
the lake. Tliey Indongcd to diflea-nt nations, and were governed by dift'erent chiefs.
Two hundred and fifty Ottawas. conunanded by Pontiac; one hundred and fifty Poux
by Minivoa; fifty Ilurons by Takug; two hundred and fifty Saulteurs byOwasson;
and one hundred and .seventy other Saulteui-s commanded by Sekos. All were under
the authority of Pontiac, their great chief, and quite ready for mischief.

Jime 10th. Friday, June 10th. The Indians, who had remained in the camp,
having heard on the preceding day from a Huron hunter just returned from the woods
behind Little Sandusky lake, that the officer who had escaped with his thirty-five men
was with them in Sandusky islands ; Pontiac said they must Ix; taken, to prevent their
carrying the news to Niagara. He sent fifty men (these passed l)ehind the fort,) to
menti(m it to the three hundred who had Jwen sent on the first day of this month.
Fortunately, Ixjfore their departure, the oflicer and party had left the islands, and
taken his way to Niagara on the south side of the lake.

The Poux of St. Joseph had attacked the English and taken the fort, after^vards
killed a part of the garrison, and made prisoners of the remainder. They gave the
fort to the French who had settled there. They came with their prisoners, seven in
number, to join the Poux at Detroit, and arrived at their village during the preceding
night. Having heard that the English had two prisoners of their nation in the fort,
they came about four in the afternoon, with one M. Gammelin, to treat with the
commander of the foi't, and exchange the commander of St. Joseph for the two Indians
who were in the fort. This did not suit the commander, who wished the Poux to give
them seven persons for the two Indians. They would not agree to this, and went
away, putting off the conclusion of their exchange to the next day.
Pt. II. — 36

• B

TOPICAL HISTORY.

June 11th. Saturday, June 11th. As there still remained in the suburbs a house
and workshop which the fire had not reached, on account of their being situated at a
little distance from the other buildings ; these places served as retreats for the Indians.
An officer and twenty men were sent to bum them and clear the plain. As they
returned from this expedition, the officer and his people emptied and freed the boats
and barges which were a.shore before the fort, and rendered them fit for service, as
they might be needed in case the barge which had been sent to Niagara did not return,
and the garrison were obliged to leave the fort. In such a case, these crafts and t!ie
large barge might have been used to transport them to Niagara. The Indians did not
fire this day.

This day Mr. Laselle, junior, arrived from Montreal, with two canoes full of goods
and liquors, which he took to Widow Gurvain's house, to conceal them from the
Indians ; but he wa.s lx?trayed. The Poux came and asked him for some, threatening
to plunder his goods, if he did not grant their demands. To get rid of them, he gave
two barrels of wine. Pontiac, who learnt his arrival almost as soon as the Poux, and
who heard that these liad obtained liquor, fearing not to have his share, he and his
chiefs crossed the river, went to La.selle, made him go with his liquor to M. Jacques
Compan's, near the camp. His goods were taken safely to Mr. Labadie, uncle to Mr.
Laselle. Pontiac, on making Mr. Laselle change his quarters, gave him to understand
that in the vicinity of his camp he should not be troubled for drink, on the part of his
people. However, to purchase quietness, he gave them five barrels, and the Indians
did not trouble him.

The Poux, who on the preceding day had come to exchange prisoners, came this
day about four, but to no purpose, as they could not bring the exchange to a
conclusion.

June 12th. Sunday, June 12th. This day passed quietly on both sides. About
ten in the forenoon, Mr. Lavallee arrived at Widow Gurvain's with canoes laden with
wines and goods. He said that abundance reigned at Montreal, goods and provisions
being very cheap. About three in the afternoon, the guardians of the barge brought
on shore several of the bodies of those who had been massacred by the Indians on the
preceding day. They were buried on the shore opposite the fort.

June 13th. Monday, June 13th. The weather being rainy, nothing was done
on either side.

June 14th. Tuesday, June 14th. This day resembled the preceding, until four in
the afternoon, when the Indians fired a few shots, which were not noticed by the
English. On this day the Indians went to Mr. Lavall^e's to obtain drink, which he
refused to give. The Indians, enraged against him, plundered his liquors, goods, and
even his provisions, which he had brought for his return, thinking he could purchase
them at a cheajjer rate in Montreal than here.
June 15th. Wednesday, June 15th. The Indians, wl o are geneivJly careless of

TOPICAL HISTORY.

283

things when they obtain them without trouble, having consumed all the provisions
they had taken in the barges of the convoy they had defeated, were obliged to have
recourse to the settlers until they could obtain more provisions. Besides receiving
food from the settlers, they killed their cattle. About ten in the forenoon, the Poux
came for the third time to exchange prisoners, and offered the commander of St.
Joseph for one of the Indian prisoners who were in the fort. They were deceived in
their exchange ; they wanted one called Large Ears, who was much respected among
them ; but they received, instead of him, one No-kan-ong, who passed among them for
a great rogue. But No-kan-ong was the cause of this trick: he sent word to the
commander not to give the Poux the one they wanted, but to give him in place of the
other; because the Poux did not care for him, and as the other enjoyed much
consideration among the tribes, by keeping him, they would obtain fmni the Poux in
exchange all the other prisoners. Although the advice came from an Indian, it was
followed, and Nokanong was given in exchange, and Large Ears kept, that other
prisoners might be obtained for him. The Pou.x went away displeased and
disappointed.

June IGth. Thursday, June IGth. The Indians were very quiet all this day. It
is usual, ill places besieged and blockaded, to observe silence, and not on any account
to ring the bells of the churches, in order that the enemy might not know the time
that people go to church. The bell of the French church of the place had not been
rung since the commencement of the siege. The commander, having inqiiired of the
curate why the bell was not rung, permitted it to be rung ; and it commenced its
function by ringing the Angelas.

About three in the afternoon, the chiefs of the good band of Ilurons, who, since
Father Potier, in order to stop them, had denied the sacraments, had not annoyed the
English, came and asked for an interview. They entered the fort, and asked the
commander for peace, making many excuses about what they had done. The
commander heard tliem, and gave them a flag, which they accepted as a sign of
union. They then went home.

June 17th. Friday, June 17tli. Nothing was done on either side, although in
the council, which had taken place on the seventeenth day of the preceding month,
it had been decided to suffer no communication between the inhabitants of the fort.
Some, however, were favored and allowed egress and ingress when they wished
to attend to their affairs. Through one of the persons, the commander learnt that
the barge was in the lake, at the mouth of the river, having been seen by one
Repus, while he was hunting in that neighborhood. The commander, on the
departure of the barge, had told the one who had charge of it, that as soon as
its approach was known to the fort several camion-shots should be fired, that the
crew might know that the English were still possessed of the fort. The signal
was therefore ordered to be fired, consisting of two cannon-shots at sunset, that

,if

284

TOPICAL HISTORY.

the barge might know the way was clear, and the commander master of the fort
and its neighborhood.

June 18th. Saturday, June 18th, a resident of the east coast opirosite the fort,
crossed the river about two in the morning, to give the commander positive information
about the barge. Whereupon, the commander ordered that the cannon placed upon
the side of the southeast gate should be fired twice, at intervals ; this was done about
five in the morning. On the same day, Father du Jonais, a Jesuit missionary of the
Ottawas of Michilimackinac, arrived with seven Indians of that tribe, and eight
Saulteurs from the same place, commanded by one Kinochamek, son of the principal
chief of those tribes. They brought the news of the defeat of the English of that
post by the Saulteurs, on the 2d day of this month. The Father Jesuit went and took
his abode with his brother, the missionary of the Ilurons.

June 19tli. Sunday-, June 19th, the fort was not attacked. The arrival of the son
of the great chief caused a truce between the Jlnglish and Indians. He pitched his
tent half a league above Pontiac's camp, in a meadow one league above the fort. The
Detroit Indians went to him to greet him on the part of their chiefs ; they met with a
cold reception, and were told that about noon he and his people would go to Pontiac
and hold a council. Upon tliis, Pontiac ordered the Indians of every tribe to remain
on their mats all the day, to listen to the words sent by the chief of the Saulteurs
through his son. While the Indians were preparing for the council, there came to the
village of the Hurons, about ten, two canoes containing some of the Shawanous Indians
and some Loups (Lenape Indians ') from Belle Riviei-e,' who came to sec what was
going on. On their arrival thoy learnt that Nouchkamek was come, and also the
place of his camp. They did not laud, but wont to him to hold a council on tlie
present occiu-rences. Two or three French settlers were called to give information on
all that had taken place since the first attack of the fort by the Indians, as also on all
that Pontiac had done. After this they were sent home. About two P. M., Kcnon-
chamek, followed by his people, by the Shawanous and Lenajx>s, came to Pontiac's
camp to hold a council according to the message he had sent. On his arrival at the
camp, all the chiefs assembled, and formed according to the custom a circle, observing
silence. When every one was seated, Kenouchamek arose, and thus began in the
name of his father, addressing his sfieech to Pontiac :

" While at home, brothers, we were told that you made war in a manner very
different from ours. We also undertook to expel the English from our lands, and we
accomplished our enterprise, but without drinking their blooil. Instead of taking them
as you do, we seized them while they were playing at ball, and knew nothing of our
designs. Our brothers the French even knew nothing of them. The English, 0!i our

' Henry R. Schoolcmft's Algic Ilcsonrciics.

' The French explorers called the Ohio La Belle Riviere.

TOPICAL HISTORY

285

attacking them, surrendered themselves prisoners, mid re by us sent to their father
at Montreal, without our injuring them. The soldiers wished to defend their chiefs :
we slew them, but only during the action. No injury was done by us to the French
as by you ; on the contrary, we entrusted them with our prizes. But you ! You have
made prisoners on the lake and river ; and when they were brought to your camp, you
murdered them, drank their blood, and ate their flesh. Is the flesh of men fit for
food ? You should eat only the flesh of deer, and other animals placed on the earth
by the master of life. Besides, while you were waging war against the English, yor
were injuring the French by killing their cattle and eating their provisions ; and when
they i-efused to supply you, you ordered your people to plunder their property. Our
conduct has been very different ; we did not depend on the French for our provisions.
We took care when we formed the design of expelling the English, to collect provisions
for ourselves, our wives and children. You should have done the same. You should
not have exjKJsed yourself as you have to the reproaches of our great father the king
of France, when he comes. You expect him, say you ; so do we. He will be pleased
with us, but not with you."

Pontiac, at this discourse, was like a child surprised in a fault, who, having no
excuse to give, knows not what to say. When Kinouchamek had finished speaking,
the chief of the Chats (Shawnecs) commenced thus in the name of his tribe and
Lenapes :

" Brothers, we also e.xpelled the English, because we were ordered to do so by the
master of life, through our brother the Lenape. But the master of life forbade our
injuring the French, which you have done. Is that done in accordance with the
message and wampum-belts we have sent you. Inquire of our brothers the Lenapes
about the message which they received from the master of life. It is very well to slay
during the combat, but not when it is over, and you have made prisoners. You should
not eat the llesh of men. You should not drink their blood. As you arc French like
ourselves, inquire of our brothers the French if, after they have been to war, made
prisoners, and brought them home, they kill them ? They do not. They keep them,
and give them in exchange for their jwople, taken prisoners by their enemies. We see
your motives for acting in this manner towards our brothers the French. You did not
commence this war in the right way, and are vexed not to have the English garrison
in your ^wwer, and wish our brothers the French to feel your anger. We intended to
come and assist you, but we will not do it, for you will accuse us with all the wrongs
done by you and your people to our brothers the French, and we do not wish for any
difliculties with our Great Father."

During this council, and for some time after it, not a word was uttered by Pontiac,
who was conscious of being in the wrong; so tliat Kenouchamek, the Chats, and
Lenai)es went away without being answered. They returned to their camp to tak(!
repose.

TOPICAL HISTORY.

-t. i,

About three in the afternoon, news was brought of the defeat of the English
at Misamies (Miami) and Vouilla ( ) by the IndianR of those places.

About seven in the evening, they heard that a large party of******* gone
down to Turkey Island, opposite the place where the barge had anchored. The crew,
seeing many people in the island, fearing le.st some attempt might be made to take it,
raised the anchor, and withdrew to *****, to wait for a favorable wind to ascend
the river without risk.

June 20th. Monday, Jime 20th. About ten in the morning, the Indians came
and fired several shots at the fort, on the northeast side. After this, the officers
perceived the Indians coming fearlessly along the highway. To stop this boldness,
they made a port-hole on that side, that a cannon might fire towards the place where
the suburb was, and thus stop the Indians. About four, news was brought in the fort
that the fort of the Presque Isle (Peninsula) and riviere aux Ikeufs (formerly built
by the French and since three years in the possession of the English) had been taken
by the Indians.

Marginal note. — Departure of Father du Jouais ; council between him and Pontiao
for the liberty of the English.

June 21st. Tuesday, June 21st. Daybreak, a great movement was observed on
the part of the Indians, who pas.sed back and forth behind the fort, uttering cries, as
if they were going alx)ut some enterprise. This caused the English to examine them,
and keep on their gu.ard during the whole day. They tried to find out the reason of
all this. They learnt it during the following night from Mr. Baby, who came about
two in the morning, and told the commander that several of the inhabitants of the
south coast, on the banks of the river, had mentioned to him their having seen the
barge, which appeared well-laden and full of people. Of this the Indians had received
the earliest and fullest information, which had caused their motions. Upon this
rccitfil of Mr. Baby, the commander again ordered that two shots should be fired
towards the southwest, as a signal for the barge.

Marginal note. — Answer to the jireccding connctl,

June 22d. Wednesday, June 22d. The Indians, who, as I have mentioned it
above, had heard of the approach of the barge, did not come near the fort. The
garrison improved this time in destroying the enclosures and cutting down the fruit-
trees, and removing from the neighlwrhood of the fort every thing that might serve
to shelter even one single Indian. In the course of the da}-, the capture of the Presque
Isle was confirmed, as the Indians were seen returning from this expedition. They
'were very numerous, and brought by land their prisoners, in the numlwr of which
were the commander of that fort and a woman : these two were given to the Hurons.

About three, the commander was apprised of the cargo of the barge, and the
numlier of people it contained. At four, the commissary and judge made their fourth
visit to the houses to obtain provisions.

TOPICAL HISTORY.

287

Maigiiiiil note. — Departure of Kenouchiimek for Michiliinnckiiiae.

June 23(1. Thui-sday, June 23d. The Indians did not come to fire at the fort,
being engaged in their project of taking the barge, which was at the head of the lake.
A great number of them passed behind the fort very early in the morning. They
went to join those who had left two days before. They all took a station on Turkey
Island, which fonns a little strait, the river being very narrow at that place. The
Indians in the island made an intrenchment with trunks of trees which they cut down
and laid on the bank, towards the place where the barge was to pass. They also
built a bank with earth and bush ; so that, if they were discovered, they might have
nothing to fear from the cannon-shot. Thus sheltered, they watched the passing of
the barge. About six in the morning, the wind appearing favorable to go up the
river, the crew of the barge wished to improve it, and raised the anclior. When
opposite the island, the wind having gone down, they were obliged to cast anchor, as
they knew nothing of the trap laid for them. The Indians deferred their attack until
night. The crew, however, who knew well that they could not arrive at the fort
without being attacked, kept a good watch, determined to sell their lives dearly. The
Indians in their intrenchmcnts, who, since the time the barge had anchored opposite
them, had not stopt examining it, perceiving only twelve or fifteen men, thought they
might attack it without risk. It conttiined, however, seventy-two men; the commander
having during the day concealed sixty of them in the hold, thinking that the Indians,
who wei-e always wandering about those parts, seeing only twelve men, would attempt
to capture the barge : this proved to be the case. Between eight and nine in the
evening, the Indians entered their canoes, to surround the barge and take it hy storm.
A sentinel, watching on the quarter-deck, perceived them at a distance, rowing slowly,
for fear of being heard. lie gave notice of it to the captain of the barge, wlio brought,
without noise, all his people on deck, and placed them around behind the gunwale
with arms in their hands ; the camions were loaded in silence ; they were told to await
the signal, which was to be a stroke with the hammer on the * * *. They suffered the
canoes to come within gun-shot. The Indians, pleased with the silence which reigned
in the barge, believed it contained only twelve men ; but they were soon undeceived ;
for, when they were within gun-shot, the signal was made, and the discharge of the
cannon and musketry took place in such good order, that the Indians were glad to
return to their intrenchmcnts : they wont back more quickly than they had come.
They had fifteen men killed, and the same number wounded. They did not again
attempt to approach the barge, but fired at it during the whole night, and wounded
two of the crew. There being no wind, the next day the barge returned to the lake,
to await a better wind.

June 24th. Friday, June 24th, the fort was pretty quiet the whole day. The
Indians were engaged in their design of taking the liarge, and forgot the fort for some
time. There remained but a few loiterers, two of whom came near enough to be seen.

288

TOPICAL HISTORY.

.•\Si

Twenty iiu'ii iuid Olio olTicer were «ent out to take tlieiii. Tlie Iiuiiiuis weiiig them,
mitl thinking they wci-e sent for, fired their guns and ran away, and the English came
biick witliout eflecting any tiling,

June 25th. Saturday, June 25th, the weather was unsettled, and nothing was done
on either side.

June 2Gth. Sunday, June 26th, .'<cveral soldiei-s who had, as was the custom, been
watching on the bastion during the night, mentioned to the commander that they had
seen two Indians enter a house ncur the fort at a distance of eight arpents. Where-
uiMjn, at four in the morning, the connnander ordered Captain Hopkins and twenty-four
men of his company to invest that house and take them prisoners. When the soldiers
arrived at the house, they only found the person who had charge of it. They searched
the house, thinking that the Indians might be concealed. They only found two sows
with young. They took them and brought them to the fort. This prize was better
than the one they hoped to seize. The same day, about ten, a Mr. * * * * *,
8ervant.s who had tied their master's horses one ar[)ent from the fort, were seen
at a distance by two Indians. These came stealthily through the grass, Avhich
was very tall, cut the cords, and took away the two horses, which belonged to
two officers.

.June 27th. Monday, June 27tli, the Indians, according to their custom, wandered
around the fort during the whole day, but without firing. Mr. Gammulin, who, since
Mr. Campbell and M'Dougall were prisoners in Pontiac's camp, had paid them a visit
every other day, and sometimes every da}', returned this day about three, and brought
to the commander a letter which Pontiac had dictated, and Mr. Cainpbeh lad written.
This letter i-cquired the commander and his people to leave the fort immediately, as
Pontiac expected, w'thin ten days, Kenouchamek, high chief of the Saultcurs, with
eight hundred of his tribe, for whom he could not be answerable. That on their
arrival they would take the fort by storm. The commander replied that he was ready
for them and for Kin, and that he cared not for them. This answer did not jdease
Pontiac nor his Indians, but this gave no concern to the English.

About eight in the evening they learnt indirectly that the barge had raised the
anchor and was ascending the river.

June 28th. Tuesday, June 28tli, the party of Indians who had gone down the
river to take the barge, having fortunately failed in their enterprise, came back, and
as they passed the fort, fired a salute, which hurt nobody. The Ilurons arrived at
their village. About four in the afternoon, news was brought that the liarge had
weighed anchor; this was the case. The wind liaving turned to the S. W., they
improved the opportunity, and came as far as the river Rouge, one league below the
fort. The wind then failing, the} cast anchor a little below. The barge was seen
from the fort. Alx)ut seven, two cannon-shots were fired from the fort, but the barge
did not reply. This gave room to think that the Indians had taken it i*. n ."CwOnd

TOPICAL HISTORY.

289

attempt. This was said oiwnly in the fort by the judge. The officers nevertheless
IKjrformed a concert of instruments facing the place where it was anchored.

June 29th. Wednesday, June 29th, it being St. Peter's-day, the Indians did not
fire at the fort ; part of them were sleeping. Others went to the houses of the settlers
to make up for their useless trouble. At * * * * in the afternoon they heard behind
the fort about twenty death-cries ; these came from the Indians who were returning
from the capture of the fort of Presque Isle. During the whole of this day the barge
kept its station, there being no wind.

June 30th. Thursday, June 30th, The Indians were quiet all this day, expecting,
as they said, a reinforcement. AIjotI six in the morning they were heard uttering
their death-cries and several cries of joy ; but the meaning of those cries was unknown.
Tlie wind arising from the S. W., the crew of the barge weighed anchor to improve it.
Passing Ijefore the Huron village, they saw the Indians with their anns crossed upon
their breasts, wrapped in their blankets, at the doors of their cabins. The barge sent
them a few grape-shot and balls ; these wounded a few of them, and made them enter
their cabins. Some of them took their guns and fired at the barge imtil it arrived
l)efore the fort, which it reached without accident at four P. M. Tlie barge contained
the thirty-five men and the officer who fled towards Sandusky, as I said above. This
officer landed and brought letters to the commander. These letters mentioned the
conclusion of peace. Canada was to Ijelong to the English. All the expenses incurred
in Canada since the commencement of the war, were to be paid by his Britannic
Majesty.

July 1st. Friday, July 1st. The Indians, who contiinied wandering in the vicinity
of the fort and settlement, having frightened the cattle, one herd came to the fort ; it
consisted of three oxen, three cows, and two calves, and belonged to Mr. Curllerier.
Mr. St. Martin, the interpreter of the Ilurons, who, since the commencement * * * *
had abandoned his house, which was built at a distance of six arpents from the fort,
in a southwesterly direction, because the Indians concealed themselves behind it to
ca * * * * caused the English to fire on it, and he did not feel secure on the part of the
English or Indians ; he had gone to Father Potier's, there to remain imtil the end of
the war; but having had, on the preceding day, a conversation with a Huron, on whom
he could depend, he learnt from him that the Indians wished the French to take arms
against the English, and having not wished to do so, came and asked leave to withdraw
into the fort ; his request was granted. He came with his mother, his mother-in-law,
and all his * * * * he remained one day with Mr. La Butte, and went afterwards to
Mr. Bellastres.

July 2d. Saturday, July 2d. Mr. M'Dougal, who had left the fort in company

with Mr. Campbell, and who had been detained prisoner, escaped with three other

English prisoners. They entered the fort about three in the morning. As they were

on the iwint of leaving, they made their endeavors to bring Mr. Campbell with them,

Pt. II. — 37

890

TOPICAL HISTORY.

but in vain. He wished much to follow them, but being very phort-nightetl, he feared
that in attempting to escape he might fall in with another party of Indians, and come
to an untimely end, and he had no wish to die before his time.

At five in the morning, an officer and twenty soldiers went out to destroy the
inclosure of Mr. St. Martin's farm, and also to cut down the wheat which concealed
the Indians. These latter, seeing that their hiding places were being destroyed, came
in a determinate manner to attack the English, who re-entered the fort more quickly
than they had left it. The Indians fired at the fort during the whole day, without
causing any injury. The garrison kept good watch during the whole day, and placed
four sentinels on platforms outside the fort, on the brow of the hill behind it. Since
this time, four sentinels were placed on the platform day and night. The garrison
and new-comers unloaded the barge, and convoyed the cargo to the storehouse.

About seven, P. M., it was reported in the fort, that the Indians had called on all
the settlers, and brought to their camp all the old men and heads of families, to be
present at a council they were to hold, in order to oblige the French to take arms
against the English. They learnt during the night, that the Indians, when the
council mentioned above was over, had sent the heads of families and old men
uninjured.

* * * * vexed at the fortunate arrival of the barge, and tliat in spite of his
precautions and those of his people, the provisions and ammunition had reached the
English, resolved to cause the settlers to take up arms, and to accomplish this he
invited tlie old men and heads of fiimilies to come to the camp on business which
concerned them. When they had all arrived, Pontiac began to speak, according to
custom, addressing himself to all the French and * * * * a war-belt in the middle of
the council. Brothers, said he, I am growing weary of seeing the vermin on our
lands : such I suppose is also the case with you. I think you wish for their expulsion
as much as I do. We ought to try to remove these troublesome people. I have
already told you, and I repeat that I commenced this war on your account as much as
on ours, and that I knew what I was doing * * * * I know, I say, what I am about,
and during the present year, however numerous they may be, they shall be expelled
Canada. The master of life commands it, and we must do his bidding. Should you,
who know him better than we do, try to appease his will? Hitherto I have said
nothing, hoping you would offer no interruption to our designs. I have not asked you
to join, because I did not know you would assist them against us. You will probably
say that you are not on their side. That I know, but are you doing nothing against
us when you tell them all that we do, and all that we say ? * * * * now you have a
choice to make ; you must be French, as we are, or English like them. If you are
French, accept this belt for yourselves or your young jjeople, that they may join us.
If you are English, we declare war against you. This would be a sad alternative for
us, you being, as well as we, the children of our Great Father. It would grieve us to

TOPICAL niSTORT.

801

wage war against our brothers on account of such dogs. It would give us great
concern to fall on you, as we are all French. I'^ 9 :^hould do it, we should no longer
be so. The interests we defend are those of our i..ihers, yours and our own. Give us
an answer, brothers, wo listen to you ; look at this belt, which is intended for you or
your young people.

One of the most resjiected among the French, who had mistrusted Pontiac's design,
and had taken with him in the council the copy of the capitulation of Montreal and
Detroit, arose, and thus spake in the name of all the others, holding in his hand that
copy, and addressing the Indians : — My brothers, your wishes arc known to us ; when
you declared war against the English, we foresaw that you would desire us to join
with you against them. We do not for one moment hesitate in following you, but
you must in the first place loosen the bonds which our father and the father of the
English have placed uix)n our anns. These bonds prevent our taking your belt. Do
you think, brothers, that we do not grieve in seeing you take oi'r interests, without
being able to assist you ? Our grief is great. Do you not recollect that which we told
you in our last council held on this subject ? The king of France, in giving the lands
to the king of England, forbade our fighting against his children, and ordered us to
consider them as our brothers, and the king of England as our father. You may think
that we say this through ill-will ; not so. Our common father has acquainted us with
his will, by sending us this his writing. lie commands us to remain on our mats
until his arrival, because he wishes himself to luibind us. Without considering all
this, you say that if we do not take your belt, you will make war against us. Our
father has forbidden our fighting, when our brothera * * * * war. Although you call
us English, we shall not fight against you ; but French as we are * * * * always been.
We feel surprised, brothers, you have * * * * when our father left the place, what did
you promise him ? * * * * us our wives and children, and that you would attend to
our welfare. What injury have we done you ? Is it on account of * * * * Did you
not promise our father that you would wait for him ? Have you done so ? You say
you are fighting for him ; wait for him as * * * * and when he comes, he will unbind
us ; we will join you, and all will do his will. Reply in your turn, my brothera.

Pontiac, who was impelled by a band of French volunteers, who, having no fixed
place of residence, had raised the mask and cared for nothing, replied they should do
as he did, and if the old men did not, the young people should.

The French then, closely pressed by Pontiac, asked for one day's delay, at the end
of which they would all come and give him an answer. One of the chiefs of the
volunteers, thinking himself perfectly secure if he joined Pontiac, rose from his seat,
and taking up the belt, said, in add.essing the Indians : Brothers, I and my young
people have broken our bonds and accept your belt. We are ready to follow you. We
will go and seek our young people to join us. We shall find some. We shall soon be
in possession of the fort and all it contains. Such a mean speech, made by people

TOPICAL HISTORY.

who were void of courage and honor, vexed all the old men who had been called to
the council. After having asked one day to consider on the matter, they asked
Pontiac's leave to withdraw. Having shaken hands with all the chiefs, each French-
man went home, displeased with having been witness to such a mean action, which
could not fail .'<iM)ner or later to bring blame on all the French. Those who had
accepted the l)elt renniined in the camp, well aware that after the conduct of which
they iiad been guilty, no one would receive them. This council commenced at * * * *
and ended at eight; so that the day Ix'ing too far gone to * * * * other Indians.

July 3d. * * * * July M. The Indians employed all this day in a feast * * * * to
treat their new warriors. The commander, who had learned in the morning what
Inxd taken place on the pivceding day, onlered the judge to demand the axes and picks
of all the French who were in the fort, and to * * * * those who had arms, and tho.sc
who had none * * * * of all to ser\'e in case of need. About two in the * * * * twenty
men of the garris<in to take down a fence * * * * a fruit^garden. The trees were cut
down, and the posts of the fence taken up and burnt with the trees, and they cleared the
ground, * * * * l)olonged to Mr. Csesar Bourgeois of the fort. * * * * day. Tlje judge
was ordered by the commander to as.semble all the French who were in the fon. before
the door of the church, to reml to them an account of the conclusion of pease. This
being done, an instrumental concert took place, and lasted one hour.

An inhabitant of the fort, who unfortunately had a stm in the nuinlx>r of the
calhilintn, having by his remonstrances convinced his son of his fault, and that of his
friends, the son left the troop and took with him the lx?lt which he gave to his father,
that he might return it to Pontiac. The father went early in the morning to Pontiac,
who had a great regard for him, and thus addrcs.sed him. You are a chief, and I have
hitherto known you as a sensible man ; you appear no longer *«(/, when you believe
these young people ; in a short time, instead of assisting you they will betray you,
and will jjerhaps give you up to the English. You, who command so many men,
suffer yourself to be commanded by i^ople who have no sense, and who, instead of
assisting you in taking the fort, will be the first to run away * * * * you * * * * who
have always despised a man who placed himself • * * * saying that he was a bid
fellow ; and now * * * * have you lost your wits ? Why place * * * * like you,
young people who have no sense * * * " and come and cry to get off from what they
have promised * * * * subject with you because |ierhaps tliey will kill you * * * * are
men, and that you need not lose * * * * make use of these young people. What
obligations will be due to you * * * * come when he knows that you have compelled
the * * * * to take arms * * * • ^yill say to you. You have not driven away the
English, the French dune that but you have merely * * ♦ * take no notice of you,
thus, Pontiac believe me, take back your belt, sent by my son, and think well of what
I have told you.

Pontiac, who, though an Indian, did not lack wit * * * * na well as his Ottawas

TOPICAL History.

• * * * attontivcly what the Frenchmnn hml told him, ♦ * ' are riphf my
brothor. I tliiuik you for your lulvico ; iiiul takiiij; tlie bt'lt, th»'V | ''tl, uiic l< n to
the eiiinp, uud tlie other to return home *•'•** to trouble tb«' rciicli ixi hoajfi-r
nlxnit takinj; up nriiiH. The Stiulteuiti, I'oux, and the wicked band of lluronn,
threatened, however, several times the French with war, as I bIuiU mention
hereafter.

The Ilurons of the wicked band, who were never of any service to the French or
English, knowiii}? that Pontiac, contenting himself with the volunteers, had determined
not to troul)le tlie French any more aJKnit joining him, went with the Poux and
Saulteurs to endeavor to oblige the Fivnch to join with them, tlireatening them with
war, and taking away their young people in spite of their parents. This caused a
gix>at commotion among the French, as they wished to remain neutral. But fearing
lest the Indians might efl'ect their threats, tliey t(M)k arms among themselves, to guard
the roads for fear of a surprise. Those Indians, .seeing the French on the watch, did
not dare attack them, but revenged tliemselves on the stray cattle. Mr. Peter
Beauine, whose farm is opposite the fort, across the river, fearing that the storm
might fall upon him, came and asked leave to withdraw into the fort, which was
granted.

* * * * Keaume, who, during the preceding night, had obtained leave to come to
the fort witii all his family, crossed the river at dawn ''■' * * * furniture, luggage, and
animals, and took up his quarters in a bouse of Mr. Di'tpiindre's, which was then
vacant. The commander * * * * ^\^^, Indians with some volunteers had opened

* * * * night, behind Mr. Baby's house, at a distance of * * * * ari)ents from the
fort, in a north westerly direction ; on this reiwrt the commander * * * •'= to iill the
nocturnal work of the Indians * * * *, Mr. Ilay, an ofiicer in the rojal American
troops, went out * * * * ty men to go and reconnoitre * * * * the commander's
orders. The party who were not * * * * the Indians were concealed, advanced
speedily * * * * they had just come to the place * * * * discovered and attacked
them without wounding them * * * * face animated his people by his example

* * * * to the enemy, and fell on them with his people. The fire * • • • victory
balanced. The commander, hearing the rejiort of muskets upon the rampart * * » *
the action, and fearing the approach of a larger number of Indians * * * * friends
and consequently his party would be too * * * * bold sent immediately relief to Mr.
Ilay. Mr. Hopkins, at the head of forty soldiers, and some Frenchmen of the fort,
went at full sjjeed. The Indians held * * * * first Ix'cause they were intrenched ;
but when the succor arrived, they found themselves too few. The volunteers were
the fii*st to decamp. The Indians contended some time with the English for the
possession of the place. Mr. Hopkins, seeing the obstinacy of the Indians, nuule
a circuit to take the Indians in flank, while his friends attacked them in front. This
mana'uvre succeeded. The Indians abandoned their retreat. The English pursued

TOPICAL HISTORY.

them, and killed two of their number; one of them was Hoalpcd by an English ooldior
who had been a prisoner among the Indians. One soldier was slightly wounded in
the head by the blow from the butt-end of a gun, which he had received from one of
the Indians who was ailenvards killed ; as this soldier had killed him, he took all his
silver ornaments to pay himself for his wound. After the Indians were put to flight,
their trench was fdled up, and all the neighboring fences burned. The exjiedition
being over, the troops re-entered the fort with the French. The commander called
these on the military square to thank them for liaving assisted his soldiers, inquired
if all the French were provided with arms, and ordered some to be given to those who
had none ; he also ordered those which had arms that wanted repairing, to carry them
to the royal stores, to have them repaired at the king's expense, and that he tvishcd to
give them the choice of going out as volunteers, when they thought proper, or to
select an officer to command them in case of need. The French chose Mr. Sterling
for their commander, and altogether went with an officer * * * * the judge who told
him of the choice which the militia had made of him for their commander, and at the
same time * * * * captain of the militia. That worthy man thanked * * » ♦ their
choice, and told them that he hoped when opportunity * * * * room to be displeased
with their choice. Every one * * * * pleased and determined to do his duty * * ♦ *
under such a chief.

About four in the afternoon, an officer who had * * * * from Sandusky, and taken
prisoner by the Indians * * * * ran away as fast as he coidd, from a French house in
which his wife * * * * placed him to conceal him. They were told by him, that the
Indian who had been killed and scalped was a chief of the Saidteurs and nephew of
* * * * chief of the Saulteurs of Saginaw, and that this (hvassa (?) having learnt
that his nephew was slain, went • • • • whom he abused and asked him for Mr.
Campbell. You like those bad people so well, said he, that you take care of tliem : I
will have him now, give him to me. Pontiac suffered Owassa to take Mr. Campbell
to his camp, where he was stripped by his young people, and then killed with war-
clubs. When he was killed, they threw him into the river, and the body floated as
far • * • * where the French had brought him when he left, the fort, before Mr.
Cuillerie's house, where he was buried.

About six in the evening, powder and balls were given, by Mr. Sterling, to the
French militia.

July 5th. Tuesday, July 5th. The Indians did not trouble the fort ; they went
to the settlers, and took all the axes and picks which they could catch, and carried
them to some blacksmiths, to have them mended. These refused to work for them,
saying their forger was in the fort. On this day, the chief of the volunteers who had
joined the Indians undertook to engage in his party the children of the settlers, to aid
him in taking or burning one of the barges. To effect this, he went to those houses
where he knew there were young people, to induce them to join him ; but he could

TOPICAL HISTORY.

S96

not HU(;ce(>il ; uiiil ivhuIvikI on OHcnping tu UlinoiH, an Huiiie uf tlit> si'ttlci'H thivatoiicd to
give him up t4) the commander, who would not have spared him, but rewarded him
according to liis deserts.

July 6th. WednoHday, July 0th. The Indians, who for some days had formed the
design of ***** * the large barge, which annoyed them on the highway and
prevented their approaching the fort in that direction, **»**• li^y to bring it
about, they went to several of the French to find out the way they could manage it.
The settlers told them they did not know, when the Indians went away.

* * * * July. The Indians did not trouble the fort. ***** g^y-e them some
occupation in their camp, in the following manner :***** in the morning, a light
southwest breeze sprung up ; this appeared ***** the English in the design they
had formed to go and pay a visit ******* l^s camp with the large barge. As
they were getting ready to start, the wind went down, and anchor was cast, to wait
for a favorable breeze, which was not long. * * * eleven o'clock, it having increased,
they weighed anchor for a second time, and went up the river, opposite Pontiac's
camp, where they stopjK'd, and saluted it with balls and grenades, without sparing
***** neither he nor his people e.\i)ected such a visit, left the shore and their
goods, which were damaged by the balls and bombs. This diversion lasted from noon
**•**. The barge had cast anchor until four, when she returned to her station.
During all this, not one Indian was wounded.

While one part of the English were thus destroying Pontiac's camp, the Poux came,
with Mr. Gammulin, to sue for iwace. It was granted them, on condition that they
should remain neutral and return all the prisoners. They promised, but did not keep
their word.

On this day, the Iavo bands of Ilurons held a council about coming to the fort and
making peace with the commander. Marginal note partly destroyed — ***♦*»
Indians, having seen that ******** jji the camp, before Mr. * * * * their
prisoners escaping * * * * Mr. Marsac's.

July 8th. Friday, July 8th. The commander, who intended to send the barge
back to Niagara, ordered that, in order to procure ballast, they should demolish an old
building, which had formerly been raised as a powder-house, to obtain the stones.
This was done, during the forenoon, by the French and the English soldiers.

About two P. M., the Hurons came to parley with the commander, as they had
agreed in the council on the preceding day. The commander caused them to be
admitted, and a council was held on the military square, ****** to make peace
with the English. The English replied, that if they were willing to return all the
prisoners and merchandise, and remain quiet on their mats, that all should *****
and what had pas.sed forgotten. They replied, that they would return to their village
and speak with their other brothers, and make them agree to the conditions. They
went away fully resolved to do that which was required of them, and promising to

296

TOPICAL HISTORY.

■1 ■■!

return tho next day. About five, the Ponx came, with Mr. Gamraehn, to promise the
restitution of the English prisoners who were in the village, on condition of obtaining
their friends who were in the fort.

About six, the Ottawas concealed themselves behind Mr. Beaubien's house, and fired
for * * * * at the large barge, which returned their fire, but without injuring them.
On this day, Mr. Maisonville arrived with ***** brandy, lead, salt, and packages,
and reached * * * * with much trouble.

July 9th. Saturday, July 9th. The Ottawas and Saulteurs formed the design of
burning the barge, while at anchor, if possible. To effect this, ***** to make a
small fire-boat to send adrift on the river, ***** barge, when finished. They
were two days about this, during which time they did not trouble the fort. About
four, the Hurons came, as they had promised on the preceding day, and brought with
them seven prisoners. The commander of the Presque Isle, a woman, and child, were
in the number. They gave them to the commander, and asked for peace. lie replied,
that they must return all the goods they had taken from the merchants, even to the
last needle, and that afterwards peace would be granted. They went away, promising
to return all the merchandise they had in their village.

About seven, the commander was told that the Indians were about setting fire to
the fort with arrows, and had joined together small fire-boats to burn the two barges
during the night. They indeed spared no trouble to execute their design of burning
the barges, but could not succeed.

July 10th. Sunday, July 10th, the Indians, who had spent two days in making
their preparations to burn the barges, sent their work about two in the morning.
Their work consisted of two boats fastened together with white wood-bark, and filled
with dry split wood with * * * * the whole of which was ignited. The boats drifted
on the shore about one arpent from the barges, without causing these the slightest
injury. Thus the labor of the Indians became useless, and their time was lost. The
Indians seeing this, commenced another fire-boat, and did not trouble the fort this
day.

At nine in the evening the commander was told by some Frenchman that surely
the Indians intended setting the * * * * on fire favored by darkness, a thinp: which
perhaps * * * * very often these newsmongers were * * * * to be well received, often
supposed * * * • and framed some falsehood, which they came and mentioned to the
oflicers. These often, instead of thanking them, laughed at them. However, as truth
will sometimes be found in a number of falsehoods, the commander ordered imme-
diately * * * * Frenchmen and four soldiers to go and bivouac at a short distance
from the fort at each corner. These were told to fire if they perceived any thing, and
to withdraw under the fort after having fired.

July 11th. Monday, July llth, the Indians who were busy about an undertaking
nearly similar to the other, did not trouble the fort during the whole of this day.

TOPICAL HISTORY.

297

About ten in the morning the Ilnrons came and performed their promise, bringing
back all the goods which had been taken from the merchants on the lake and river,
and peace was made between them and the English.

About six, a Frenchman who dwelt out of the fort came and told the commander
that the st^cond fne-1)oat wa.s ready, and that they intended to send it during the
night. This infornnition was correct.

July 12th. Tuesday, July 12th, at one in the morning, the Indians sent off their
fire-lwat, with us miwh success as the first time. Two cannon-shots were fired from
the fort ; these dispersed the Indians, who were seated on the highway towards the
S. W. They had come on the biink of the river to admire the effect of their works.
Two shots were sent from the barge on the fire-boat ; these broke it, and thus destroyed
the lalwr of the Indians.

About ten, the Poux came, according to their promise, and brought three English
prisoners that * • * * might be granted them. They asked for tlieir man. The
commander replied that when they had returned all the prisoners that were in their
village, their man would be given them, and all should be concluded. The^' promised
to come in the afternoon. About three, the barge which had come from Niagara took
its departure, with orders to bring provisions and soldiers. Alwut the same time the
Poux returned according to their promise, and brought with them seven prisoners, and
asked the commander for their comrade. As he was going to lie given up to them,
one Jacqucmane (Jackman) a prisoner formerly given to the Poux as a present,
and just returned by them, said to the commander in English, that the Poux had
still * * * * their village. This made the commander change his mind and retain
his prisoner, telling the Poux to bring back * * • * and thej' should have what they
wanted. They looked at each other, and formed the design at all hazards to kill the
commander and the officers who accompanied him. An occurrence prevented this.
An Ottawa having entered the fort with them, was recognized by Mr. M'Dougal,
arrested, and put into prison under a safe guard. Tiiis frightened the Poux, who,
though displeased in not obtaining what they wanted, withdrew, determined in taking
revenge the prcrcdiiKj (ensuing) night, [nuit pi-dci^dente, original.]

July 13th. Wednesday, July 13th, the Indians having perceived that sentinels
were placed out of the fort, to detect them in their nightly visits around the fort,
resolved on taking revenge for the refusal they had incurred on the preceding day.
To effect this, they came during the night to discover them ; they fired on them, and
wounded severely a French sentinel who was stationed on the south-west side. The
day was tolerably quiet with regard to the fort. On this same day at noon the Ilurons
asked for a secret council. A lady wished to be admitted, but on the desire of the
Indians she was requested to leave.

July 14th. The Frenchman who had been wounded on the Wednesday morning,
died al)out the same hour as he liad been wounded. He was interred * * * * that
Pt. II. — 38

TOPICAL HISTORY.

those out of the fort might not know that a person had been killed. Notwith-
standing the precaution taken to conceal his death, the French and Indians found
it out.

July 15th. Friday, 15th. Nothing occurred deserving attention.

July 16th. Saturday, July 16th. A slave, belonging to Mr. Beaubien, came * * *
sent by his master, to claim and demand ***** which, having been frightened by
the Indians, had taken refuge. *****. The slave was arrested and confined, it
being said that he had been seen firing with the Indians on the English and
barges.

July 17th. Sunday, July 17th. Several persons, who knew the slave to be a
worthy man, and who had known him since the commencement of tlie war, came to
the mass in the fort, and undertook to justify him, and obtain his ri'lease. But this
favor ***** other witnesses ***** in the evening, Mr. Gammelin came to
the fort with two men ***** Indians intended to attack the French settlers, and
asked for arms and ammunition. These were granted. They were advised to be on
their guard, and to desire the settlers to be on theirs ; and that, at the first shot fired
on the coasts, troops would be sent to assist the settlers. The commander oixlered all
the French in the fort to stay up during the whole night, that they might assist the
settlers. But, fortunately, they spent a quiet night, as the worst of it was their
watching.

July 18th. Monday, July 18th. The gates of the fort, until this day, had been
kept shut, for the greater security of the fort, and through fear of a surprise on the
part of the Indians. This was inconvenient for the oiFicers, who had to cause them to
be opened when wanted, as also to those who wished to go out, and who, fearing a
refusal, or disliking to trouble them, did not like to ask for their being opened. The
commander, having been made aware of these difficulties, ordered, to put a stop to them,
that the gate facing the river should be oi^ened for the public wants, from nine in the
morning until six in the evening ; and that two sentinels should be placed on each
side : these were ordered to suffer no Frenchman to carry any thing out of the fort,
but to suffer all who came to the gate to enter, — excepting, however, the Indians.
These latter, it is true, did not dare come nearer than fifteen arpents, and this with
many precautions.

During this day, the Indians did not approach the fort. At * * * they came, and
told the commander that the Indians (Ottawas) had commenced a work which
appeared to merit attention, and about which they were very busy : this was to be
composed of dry wood, placed on the barge, and bum it. But much time was
necessarily to pass before it could execute what it was intended to do.

About nine in the evening, the Saulteurs came, and fired on the barge, which
returned their fire. After these discharges, the Indians mmj nhuse to the crew, among
whom was an Englishman, who had been a prisoner with the Ottawas and was

i^'^

TOPICAL HISTORY.

tolerably conversant with the Saulteur language. lie gave the Indians an answer in
their own way.

July 19th. Tuesday, July 19th. About two P. M. there came, behind Mr.
Beaubien's * * * fifteen arpents from the fort, about twelve Indians, who commenced
firing on the fort. Tiiey were seen, and two cannon-shots and bombs sent them ; one
of them fell on an apple-tree, on which six Indians were perched. This quickly put
them to flight. They left the field, and went to the camp. There they remained the
whole of the day.

July 20th. Wednesday, July 20th. The commander heard again of the work
of the Indians. He was told again that the Indians intended to bar the river, in
order to burn the barge, which had remained * * * * and prevented their approaching
the fort. But this work was but commenced, and it would take eight days more to
complete it, although they had been working at it four days. They did not intend to
fire at the fort until it was completed. The connnander, hearing this, and wishing to
improve his leisure by sheltering his barge from the fire with which it was threatened,
ordered that two of the boats .should be provided witli a double bidwark of oak, each
one inch thick ; and that the side-planks should be made one foot and a half higher,
and lined, as well as the bottom ; so that the men, standing in their boats, might
have nothing to fear from the fire of the Indians. He caused to be placed, in the
front of each of these Ixiats, a cannon, on a movable frame, which might fire on three
sides. This was tried, in the middle of the river before the fort, uid answered all
expectations.

July 21st. Thursday, July 21st. The Indians, occupied with their projects,
worked at their fire-boats as assiduously as if they had been well-paid. They took
no rest; hardly did they allow themselves time to take a meal.

The two boats being prepared, the commander finding, from the information he iiad
received of the progress of the Indians' work, that he had some time to spare for new
precautions, he ordered four boarding-grapples to be made, two for each boat ; one of
these grapples to be of iron, and about fifteen feet long, and this and the other were
to be fastened to a cable ten fathoms long. The boats, rigged in this manner, were to
go and meet the fire-boats. They were to throw one of their grappling-irons upon it;
the other grapple or half-anchor was to be thrown into the water. By this manoeuvre
they were to stop the fire-lwats, and save the barge from the danger with which it
had been so long threatened, and alst) render the work of the Indians useless.
During this time, the barge wiw to weigh anchor, and go nearer the fort ; and the
cable and irons were to prevent the fire-lwat from approaching it. * ♦ * ♦ evening,
there was a report that the Ilurons of the wicked band had resolved to attack the
settlers of the S. W. coast during the night. This caused them to Iw on the watch ;
but, fortunately, the report was found to be without foundation.

July 22d. Friday, July 22d. This day was quiet on both sides. A report was

800

TOPICAL HISTORY.

II ■:'

spread by an Abenaqui Indian who they said had recently arrived from Montreal.
This stated that a French fleet was coming to Canada to retake it. This rejwrt died
in its birth, there being nothing to confirm it. Although it proved false, it animated
Pontiac, his band, and the Saulteurs, who had * * * * foolish undertaking * * * *
fire-boat, the making of which * * * * wish to finish it.

About * * * * a man in the employ of Mr. Beaume wishing to cross the
river on his master's business. As he had reached the middle, the Indians made
several discharges at him. These made him return with more sjieed than he
had gone.

Alx)ut ten in the evening, as the sentinels were on the watch, two random shots
were fired.

July 23d. Saturday, 23d. Nothing happened this day. Alwut two in the after-
noon, the inhabitants of the fort heard in the direction of the Huron village several
discharges of musketry, as a salute on the arrival of some persons. The English
thought it w.as something concerning them, but they found a short time after that it
was on the account of the arrival of Andre, a Huron of Lorette, who had arrived
with * * * * Lena|je chief of Belle river, and that * * * * Detroit in * * * *

July 24th. Sunday, July 24th. The Indians, who were more anxious * * * *
barge worked faithfully tc accomplish their design * ** * * was finished. The com-
mander, who wished to interrupt their work, ordered a reconnoitring party to go on
the river in the boats descriljed above. This was done. About ten, three officers at
the head of sixty men well armed, went into the boats and a barge, and went up the
river to find out the place where the Indians were at work. The Indians, seeing these
boats in the distance, thought them a prey coming within their grasp. They left their
work, and went, twenty in number, with their arms, in two canoes, to come and meet
the three boats. The crew suffered them to come within gun-shot. The Indians,
unacquainted with the construction of these Iwats, advanced making cries of joy,
thinking the boats were in their power. They were soon undeceived ; for the com-
mander of the boats, seeing they were near enough to give effect to all the shots,
ordered his people to fire immediately with the muskets and cannons. The Indians,
who did not expect this salute, went away quickly and fired from the shore on the
boats, and slightly wounded one man on the head ; a ball piereed his hat, and took
away a tuft of his hair.

The boats and barge returned to the fort about noon, not having been able to
discover the retreat of the Indians, or the place of their work. The Indians escorted
them on the shore as far as Mr. Chauvin's, thirty arpcnts from the fort. The barge
having sent them some cannon-shots, they went away unharmed ; tlie ball, however,
entered the house, which it damaged much, and wounded dangerously two Indians,
one in the arm and the other in the thigh ; the latter died a few days aftenvards.

About one P. M., the Ottawa and Saulteur chiefs went to the Huron village according

TOPICAL HISTORY.

301

to the request of the Eric' and Lenape chiefs, who early in the morning had sum-
moned thetn to the council.

Aljout three, the two hoats and barge, with the same crew, were sent by the com-
mander to the same place as on the morning, to attempt the discovery of the place in
which the Indians were at work ; they did not succeed. The Indians fired at them
from the shore, and escorted them as they had done in the morning. The boats and
barge fired at them, but without effect, as the Indians were concealed behind the
fences. The boats and barge returned to the fort about six.

About ten in the evening the Ottawas fired a few random shots at the fort.

July 25th. Monday, July 25th. The Ottawas, engaged with the council which
was to take place on the preceding day, but which was deferred until this day, forgot
the fort, to go according to the request of the Erie' and Lenaiie chiefs to the Huron
village. Two inhabitants of the fort who some time ago had to go to the north coast
on business, but had lx;cn detained by Pontiac, returned this day and said that the
celebrated fire-boat had been entirely given up by means of two Frenchmen who
* * * * the Indians that the two boats which they had seen * * * * to * * * * the
fire-boat burning the barge, and that they contained * * * * with anchor to fasten it
in the middle of the river, and that thus their work was useless, and could never
succeed. This disconcerted them so much that they abandoned entirely their foolish
enterprise.

About ten, news was brought in the fort of the return of Messrs. Jacques Godfroy
and Mesnilchene, who had been sent to Illinois. This news Avas confirmed the next day.

July 2Gth. Tuesday, July 2Gth. It being St. Ann's day, they learnt early in the
morning that the messengers sent by Pontiac, head-chief of all the nations of the
north, to Mr. De L<5on, commander of Illinois, had returned the preceding evening.
On this rejwrt, there circulated among the French of the fort several reports, which
contained no truth, and were immediately contradicted. The principal of these
stated that the Illinois tribes strongly recommended to the Detroit tribes that no
injury should be done to the French on the coasts, or those of the fort, unless they
took the part of the English.

A great council took place on this day among the Hurons, the Erics', and Lenapes,
the Ottawas and Poux, at the end of the council. Pontiac, in his quality of chief of
all the nations of the north, ornamented with the war-belt, and holding the tomahawk,
sang the war-song against the English, inviting all the chiefs in the council to imitate
him, telling them that he had been commanded by the master of life to make continual
war on the English, and not to spare them, that the place must be free on the arrival
of his Great Father in the autumn. All the other chiefs followed his example, and
sang war-songs with their Indians. At the end of the council, according to the report
of several French settlers who were present, the Erie' chief said : Brothers, we must

[ Chats. — S.]

.! I

TOPICAL HISTORY.

remember that the French are our brothers, and be careful not to injure them,
unless they take the part of the English ; for if we did, our father would be angry
with us.

July 27th. Wednesday, July 27th. This day was employed by the Indians in
singing the war-song. Each tribe sang it in their village with their chief. They
tried to concert new measures to take the fort, but all this was to no purpose. About
two P. M., Andre, Huron of Lorette, who had been suspected by the English with
having meddled in these ^-evolutions, and even of haA "ng been tiie first mover of them,
came to the fort to justify himself and prove his innocence. About six they came
and told the English that the Indians intended to set fire to the two platforms which
were on the hillock behind the fort, and on each of which were daily placed four
sentinels * * * *. Nothing was done by the Indians this day. They ordered the
inhabitants not to visit the fort, and sent word to the inmates of the fort not to visit
the coasts, under pretext of not wishing the design they had made of taking the fort
by storm, to be discovered.

July 29th. * * * *^ jjjiy 29th. During the night the fog had been so dense that
it was impossible to see * * * * paces ahead ; at day-break it decreased a little * * * *
about five in the morning they saw unexpectedly on the river, to the right of the
river Eouge, a large number of barges. This caused a little alarm in the fort, as they
thought this was an Indian party coming to join the Indians in this place. The
English did not know that these barges came to assist them, although they expected
assistance. To find out what they were, they fired a shot towards the S. W. ; the
barges returned the salute, being provided with four small cannon in front, and two
six-jjound mortars. Upon this the commander, followed by Mr. Hopkins, two officers,
and ten soldiers, entered one of the boats I have mentioned, and Avent to reconnoitre
the barges. They were twenty-two in number, and contained two hundred and eighty
regulars and si.x gimners. At the head of these was an aid-de-camp of General Amers,
(Amherst.) The barges passing before the Huron and Poux villages, were saluted by
several discharges of musketry on the part of those two tribes. Fifteen were severely
wounded .n the body ; two of these died. Others were wounded slightly in the arms
and hands. These barges had been guided from Niagara to the fort by Mr. Laselle, a
merchant of Montreal, who traded in these two posts.

As there were no barracks to lodge these soldiers, they were quartered on the
inhabitants until otherwise provided for, according to the size of the dwellings. This
was done punctually. These soldiers, on passing Sandusky, had frightened some
Indians who had encamped in the vicinity of the village. Seeing so many people,
they were afraid, and left their cabins, which were plundered and burnt by the English,
who tore up their corn. When these soldiers had arrived, it was reported in the fort
that four hundred English soldiers were coming from the north. This, however, waa
not the case.

TOPICAL HISTORY.

808

July 30th. Saturday, July 30th. Tlie commander ordered that several caiioea,
which were aground near the shore, should be repaired, to be used if needed. In the
evening, according to custom, all the soldiers repaired on the military square to be
inspected. All the old and new officers were there. It was resolved that on the
following night a sally should be made by about three hundred men, headed by the
aid-de-camp, commander of the newly-arrived troops.

This detachment was to go to Pontiac's camp, and * * * * Indians, and oblige them
to make peace * * * * ammunition was distributed, and the soldiers were ordered to
be ready at the first call for the sally, which was to take phice the next night.

This bame day, at two, the Ilurons, who had heard that a sally was to be made,
made a feint to abandon their village, and burnt at Montreal point, in sight of the fort,
old canoes and useless articles, and embarked their squaws and children, and even
dogs, and went down as if they had been going to their winter-quarters. Several
Frenchmen believed it, and even came and mentioned it to the English, who thought
so too, without, however, wishing to venture to go to the village, mistrusting some
trick on the part of the Indians. This was the case : the Hurons, having gone down
the river out of sight of the houses, had landed in the Avoods, concealing their wives,
children and goods ; they had come through the woods opposite the village, expecting
the English would come to their village, as they had been told. This did not take
place. The Ilurons, however, remained two days in their ambuscade. They then
returned to their village.

July 31st. Sunday, July 31st. About two in the morning, according to the order
issued by the aid-de-camp, every one named for the detachment was ready. They
were lightly clothed, having only their vest, ammunition, and arms, on leaving the
fort. Tliey took their way towards Pontiac's camp, which was then one league from
the fort, on the north, at a place named Pointe-a-Cai-dinal. The English, unfortunately,
had confided their design to some French in the fort, who had mentioned it in
confidence to some of the settlers. Through these confidences, the Indians found it
out, and kept on their guard, and not to be taken unawares. They concealed tlieir
wives and children out of the camp, where they only left their old men, as they knew
the hour appointed for the departure of the Englisli. Thoy came to meet them, in
two bands. One of those came, two hundred and fifty men in number, through the
woods along the clearings, and concealed themselves on Mr. Chauvin's farm, twenty
arpents from the fort. The other band, comprising one hundred and sixty men, came
and placed themselves on Mr. Baptiste Meloche's farm, where they had fonnorly
encamped, and made entrenchments which were ball-proof. They there awaited the
English. These, not knowing that the Indians were aware of their design, were
advancing siieedily and without any order. The Indians, much favored by the moon,
perceiving them in the distance, and observing the route which they t(X)k, went, sixty
in number, into Mr. Francois Meloche's garden, behind the posts opiwsite the bridge.

304

TOPICAL HISTORY.

li^ ..,

When the Indians saw tliat tlie head of the detachment had passed a little the middle
of the hridge, they fired. This surprised the English, who, without making any
manoeuvre

*******

The rest of the manuscript is missing. It has been, manifestly, torn off for waste-
paper, by some one who did not know its importance.

The disastrous result of this sortie is given in the following letter, copied from the
Gates Papers, Avhich are found in the library of the New York Historical Society,
fi"om which it has been kindly furnished :

Detroit, August Sfli, 176.3.

Sir : Enclosed you have a letter, which was forwarded of that date, under cover
to your friend Capt. Dalzell, who received it on Lake Erie, on his way here, where he
arrived on the 29th July. We were agreeably surprised at his appearance, as he had
under his command twent3-four battoes, with a detachment of one captain and eight
subalterns of the Fifty-fifth regiment ; one captain and thirty-nine men of the Eightieth,
and Major Rogers and his brother and twenty men of the Yorkers. They were lucky
enough not to be discovered 'till they got within a mile of the fort, when they were
attacked by a few Indians, on both sides of the river, without any hurt, but wounding
seventeen men. But, alas, our joy, on this occasion, only lasted 'till the night of the
31st, when Capt. Dalzell prevailed upon Major Gladwin to attack the enemy, -ilthough
entirely contrary to the Major's opinion, as well as that of two Frenchmen, (the only
two in this place whoso intelligence might be depended upon, and who well knew the
disposition of the enemy, and the difficulty of surprising them in their camp, and who
told him the disaffected French would apprise the Indians of any attempt against
them.) Notwithstanding thereof, he still insisted that no time was to be lost, and
that they might be surprised in their camp at break of day, and entirely put to rout.
In consequence of that, and other natural arguments he made use of in his earnest
solicitation. Major Gladwin agreed to give him the command ; and at three o'clock in
the morning, marched, with two hundred and fifty men, to surprise Pontiac, the Indian
chief, and his tribes, consisting of four hundred men, in their camp.

We imagined our plan was concocted with the greatest secresy, yet it seems the
enemy were advised thereof by the French, as four hundred of them had fortified
themselves in a pass within two miles of the fort, and being on our march by
platoons, about twenty yards from the enemy they fired a full discharge, by which our
commandant was wounded. This created some confusion in the route, it being then
dark; however, we soon recovered from our disorder, and marching on a little, the
enemy gave way, but it was so dark they could not be seen : soon after, they whooped
on our left, when we understood they wanted to attack our rear at the same time, their
chiefs talking loud in the route, animating their young men to courage, in order to
bring us on, that they might, by that means, have the more time to get in our rear.

■

TOPICAL HISTORY. 305

where tlicy knew mnnj strong stoccadcd orchards niul picqiioted fences were, which
would enable them to cut oft' our retreat from tlie fort ; but dayliglit approacliiug, and
discovring their designs, it was thought advisable to retiiv, and tliat iK'ing done in
good order for half a mile, to a place where the enemy had got round our left, where
they were in possession of breastworks made up of a farmer's fire-wood, and garden
fences very close and strong, besides a cellar dug for a new house, from which
they attacked us very smartly, brought on an engagement which lasted for
an hour, at least, where Captain Dalzell exiH)Hed himself very much, and the
enemy, soon distinguishing him by his extraordinary bravery, killed him. Captain
Grey, who succeeded him, rushed forward and drove them oft' from some of
their strongholds, and was immediately dangerously wounded. The troops then
engaged, took possession of a house, and firing at the renuiining enemy a long
time, under the command of Major Rogers, who had sent word by Lieutenant
Bean, of the Queen's company, to Captain Grant, of the eightieth regiment, who was
then in possession of a very strong orchard within eighty or a hundred ^ards of him,
that he could not retire until the row galleys came to cover his retreat. At the same
time. Lieutenant McDougal of our battalion, who acted as adjutant for the party,
acquainted Captain Grant that the command then devolved on him ; whereupon he
sent an officer and thirty men to reinforce Major Rogers, and drive a party of Indians
which annoyed Major Rogers' and Captain Grant's post; and that Ix'ing done, and
some Indians killed, Captain Grant put an officer and thirty men into the orchard
where he Avas posted, and officers, or sergeants and corporals, with small parties, in
all the enclosures from them to the fort, and sent to acquaint Major Rogers to come off",
that all the places of strength from him to the fort were secured, and his retreat safe,
as Captain Grant had sent an officer and twenty men to take possession of a barn on
a rising ground, which eff'ectually prevented the enem}' from advancing farther. Soon
after, Lieutenant Brown had returned with a row galley from the fort, where he had
been sent by Captain Dalzell with the killed and wounded men, and also to renew a
gun, the one he had having bursted. The row galley now arrived, and was instantly
ortlered to cover Major Rogers' retreat. Every thing being done to secure that, soon
after Lieutenant Abbot of the artillery likewise returned from the fort with another
row galley, which had carried Captain Grey and Lieutenant Brown, with some
wounded men, to the fort, was also ordered to cover Major Rogers' retreat, which gave
him an opportunity of joining the party already mentioned, about eighty or one
hundred yards distant from him, and so on successfully, until the whole were collected
in their march, and came to the fort at 8 o'clock, in very good order.

Our loss is Captain Dalzell killed ; and his not being observed when he fell, his body

was left in the hands of the savages, which I was heartily sorry for. Lieutenants Brown

and Luke were wounded, and thirteen men killed and twenty-eight Avounded, of the

Fifty-fifth regiment. One man of the Sixtieth regiment killed, and six wounded. Two

Tt. IL— 39

806

TOPICAL HISTORY.

men of the light infantry kilh-d and three wonndctl; with two of the Queen's eonipany
killed, and one wounded. The enemy's lo.ss eannot be a.seertained, as tliey alwa}^
conceal that from every body. It is believed to be seven killed and a dozen wounded ;
and if the inhabitants knew any thing else to the disadvantage of the savages, they
are tcx) much interested to reveal it.

I herewith send you Captain Campbell's account. lie wrote me, when prisoner, to
take his papers which are now in my hands, and shall forward them to yon as soon
as I hear from jou. The snbject contained in this and the enclosed letter is as
disagreeable to write or repeat as it can jiossibly Imj for you to read. I beg leave to
participate with yon in jour present distress, and believe me to be, with greatest
sincerity, Sir,

Your most ol)edient and faithful servant,

Jamks McDonald.
Doctor Cami-uell.'

The result of this sortie affords another evidence of that disregard of due precaution
and resjiect to Indian customs and vigilance which led General Braddock, five years
earlier, in the plenitude of the pride of European discipline, to hurl a brave and well
appointed army into the unknown defiles of an Indian ambuscade, where mere advan-
tages of position render num1)ers and discipline nseless. Dalzell re-enacted this folly on
a smaller scene. The actual loss of the sallying party under him is shown to have
been less than popular tradition at " otroit depicts it to have been, but its effects were
most disastrous to the beleaguered fort ; nor was that fortress finally extricated, and
restored to the full liberty of action, witiiout the fear of Pontiac and his myrmidons,
till the next year, 17G4.

The fate of this bold origin d chief is striking. Having failed in Michigan, he
tran.sferred the scene of his ojwrations to Illinois, where a similar course of conduct and
policy marked his movements. He excited the natives to resist the surrender of the
French posts, under the treaty, to the British authority. We are indebted to Mr.
Nicollet' for collecting and preserving the traditions of the old and most respected
inhabitants of St. Louis on this subject. He says: —

" In the meanwhile, the second year after the signature of the treaty of peace had
elapsed, and the British had not yet been able to take possession of Illinois. This
was owing to the opposition made by several Indi.an tribes, who, as alluded to above,
had refused to abide by tlie treaty, and were waging a most cruel war against the
British. These tribes had formed a confederacy under the command of Pontiac, a
bold warrior, who had already become celebrated for his prowess and his devoted
attachment to France during the whole of the war, which the latter had carried on

' New York Hist. Soc, G^itos I'aiKTS.

Report on the Ilydrograpliical Rasin of the Mississippi Valley.

i \

TOPICAL HISTORY.

307

iigaiiist Oroat Britiiin, in Atnorica. The coiifiHlorated Indiiiii army was composed of
Iliirons, Miaiuis, Cliippinvas, Ottawiis, Pottawatomie's, Missouriaiis. &r. &i'. Tlie name
of Pontiac was the terror of the whole ro^tion ol' tlie hiiies, and, by his bands, he
effectnally interrupted the British intereoin-se with the rest of the nations that had
remained friendly to the government. The taking of Fort Michilimaekinac, the
attempt at Detroit, and the attack upon the scluK)ner Gladwin on Lake Michigan,' are
memorable events, evincing a spirit of cunning and daring highly characteristic of the
genius of the Red man.

"In the winter of 1704-5, Pontiac, whilst engaged in liis acts of depredation, learned
that an armed British force was about to start from New Orleans, to take possession
of the left bank of the Mississipjji. He immediately proceeded to the neighlxjrhood
of Fort Chartres, accompanied b}- four lunidred warriors, to opjiose this occupation of
the country ; and finding there some Illinois Indians who had |)laced themselves imder
the protection of the French garrison, he projwsed to them to join him. But these
people, disheartened by recent cdainities, and, as it were, foredcxjmed to a final
extinction, were unwilling to assume a hostile attitude towards their now rulers, frojn
whom interest, if not generosity, would lead them to expect the same j rotection which
they were then receiving. To this refusal Pontiac replied, with characteristic energy,
' Hesitate not, or I destroy yon with the same rapidity that fire destroys the grass of
the prairie. Listen, and recollect that these are Pontiac's words.' Having then
despatched scouts upon the Mi.s.sissippi and the Ohio, he hastened with some of his
warriors to Fort Chartres, where ho addressed Mr. St. Angc do Bellerive in the
following terms. ' Father, we have long wished to see thee, to shako hands with
thee, and, whilst smoking the calumet of peace, to recall the battles in which we
fought together against the misguided Indians and the English dogs. I love the
French, and I have come here with my warriors to avenge their wrongs,' &c. &c.
Mr. do St. Ange was a Canadian officer of great bravery and too nuich honor to be
seduced by this lang.iage. Besides, ho knew too well the Indian character to lose
sight of the fact that the love of plunder was probably at bottom a stronger induce-
ment for Pontiac than his love for the French. This visit, which was terminated
by an exchange of civilities, might nevertheless have brought difficulties upon the
small garrison at Fort Chartres. But news arrived that the Indians of Lower
Louisiana had attacked the British expedition some miles below Natchez, and
repulsed it.

" Pontiac became then loss active in guarding the rivers ; and, as he believed that
the occupation of the coinitry had been retarded again, ho and his party were about
to retire altogether. During the time, however, that the news took to arrive, the
British had succeeded in getting up another expedition on the Ohio; and Captain

' [ Not so. Detroit river. — S.]

TOPICAL HISTORY.

Storlinp, at the licad of a company of Scots, arrived unexpectodly in the Hinnnier of
17G0, taking poawsnion of the fort before the Indiann had time to ofler any resiMtanco.
At this news Pontiac raved,'Hwcaring that before he left the country he would retake
the fort, and bear away Captain Sterling's scalp. But the intervention of Mr. St.
Ange and Mr. Laclede put an end to these savage threats. Pontiac returned to tlic
north, made peace with the British, from whom he received a pension, and seemed to
have buried all animosity against them. But, by his restless spirit, he soon aroused
new suspicions; and, we are informed hy Captain Jonathan Carver, that Pontine,
having gone in the year 17G7 to hold a council in the Illinois country, an Indian, wiio
was either commissioned by one of the English governors, or instigated hy the love he
bore the English nation, attended him as a spy ; and being convince<l from the speech
of Pontiac made in the council, that he still retained his former prejudice against those
for whom he now professed friendship, he plunged his knife into his heart as soon as
he had done speaking, and laid him dead on the spot.

"Captain Carver travelled through the northern n'gion, but was never south of the
Prairie-tlu-Chien ; so that his information is probably incorrect. The celel)rity of
Pontiac, as well as the distinguished part he took in the Indian wars of the West, will
justify me, therefore, for introducing here a somewhat diflerent statement of the
manner of his death, as I have it from two of the most respectable living authorities
of the day — Colonel Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis, and Colonel Pierre Menard, of
Kaskaskia. It is as follows : Pontiac's last residence was in St. Louis. One day he
came to Mr. de St. Auge, and told him, that he was going to pay a visit to the
Kaskaskia Indians. Mr. dc St. Ange endeavored to dissuade him from it, rcminding
him of the little friendship that existed between him and the British. Pontiac's
answer was, " Captain, I am a man : I know how to fight. I have always fought
openly. They will not murder mo ; and if any one attacks me as a brave man, I am
his match." He w^ent off; was feasted ; got drunk ; and retired into the wood, to
sing his medicine-songs. In the mean while, an English merchant, named Williamson,
bribed a Kaskaskia Indian with a barrel of rum, and the promise of a greater reward,
if he could succeed in killing Pontiac. He was struck with a nakamngon, (war-club,)
and his skull fractured, which caused his death. This murder, which roused the
vengeance of all the Indian tribes friendly to Pontiac, brought about the successive
wars, and almost total extermination of the Illinois nation.

" Pontiac was a remarkably well-looking man ; nice in his person, and full of taste in
his dress, and in the arrangement of his exterior ornaments. His complexion is said
to have approached that of the whites. His origin is still uncertain : for some have
supposed him to belong to the tribe of Ottowas ; others, to the Miamis, &c. ; but
Colonel P. Chouteau, senior, who knew him well, is of opinion that he was a
Nipissing." '

' Parkman.

'[He was an Otto-Chippewa. — S.]

TOPICAL HISTORY.

3. Anacoana.

BY REV. HAMILTON W. P1ER80N.

309

The accompanying song woh prcHcnted to me )»y William S. Simoniso, Esq., of Port
au Prince, a native of Charleston, South Carolina, but for many years a resident of
Ilayti, and one of her first lawyers. In my travels upon the island, I have met with
nothing else that profes.scd to be a relic of the language or music of its aboriginal
inhabitants. As to the authenticity of this song, I have neither the knowledge of
music, nor other means of investigation, that would enable me to give an intelligent
opinion upon the subject; I therefore submit it as it came to me.

No one familiar with Irving's " Life of Columbus" can fail to be interested in any
thing that claims to he the product of the mind of the gifted and lx?autiful Anacoana.
No portions of tha*. inimitable work exceed in interest the passages that detail her
character and virtuos, her kindnesses to the whites, and her unhappy fate. I cannot
forlx;ar presenting a few of these passages in this connexion, though the author's
work must be consulted to obtain her full history.

" While Columbus was in Spain, his brother, Don Bartholomew, administered the
affairs of the island, as adelantado. Uix)n the discovery of imjwrtant gold-mines, on
the south side of the island, he established a fortress upon the bank of the river
Oyema, which was first called Isabella, but after\vard8 St. Domingo, and was the origin
of the city which still bears that name." ..." No sooner was the fortress completed
than he left in it a garrison of twenty men, and with the rest of his forces set out on
an exiK'dition to visit the dominions of Behechio, one of the principal chieftains of the
island. This cacique, as has already been mentioned, reigned over Xaragua, a province
comprising almost the whole coast at the west end of the island, including Cape
Tibuen, and extending along the south side as far as Point Aguida or the small island
of Beata. It was one of the most populous and fertile districts, with a delightful
climate ; and its inhabitants were softer and more graceful in their manners than the
rest of the islanders.

" With this cacique resided Anacoana, widow of the late formidable Caonabo. She
was sister to Beheshio, and had taken refuge Avith her brother, after the capture of her
husband. She was one of the most beautiful females of the island ; her name in the
Indian language signified ' The Golden Flower.' She possessed a genius superior to
the generality of her race, and was said to excel in composing those little legendary
ballads, or areytos, which the natives chanted as they perfonned tlii'ir national dances.
All the Spanish writers agree in describing her as iwssessing a natural dignity and
grace, hardly to be credited in her ignorant and savage condition. Notwithstanding

hi I

[•-(

■■4

810

TOPICAL HISTORY.

the ruin with which her husband had been overwhehned by the hostiUty of the white
men, slie apiwai-s to have entertained no vindictive feelings towards them. She knew
that he had provoked their vengeance by his own vohmtary warfare. She regarded
the Spaniards with admiration, as ahnost superliuman beings; and her intelhgent
mind perceived the futility and imiwlicy of any attempts to resist their superiority
in arts and anns. Having great influence over her brother Beheshio, she counselled
him to take warning by the fate of her husband, and to conciliate the friendship of
the Spaniards ; and it is supposed that a knowledge of the friendly sentiments and
powerful influence of this princess, in a great measure prompted the Adelantado to his
present expedition."

" The Spaniards Imd heard many accounts of the soft and delightful regions of
Xaraqua, in one part of which some of the Indian traditions placed their Elysinn-
fields. They had heard much also of the beauty and urbanity of the inhabitants ; the
mode of their reception was calculated to confimi their favorable prej^ssessions. As
they approached the place, thirty females of the cacique's household came forth to
meet them, singing their areytos, or traditionary ballads, and dancing, and waving
palm-branches. The married females wore aprons of embroidered cotton, reaching
half-way to the knee ; the young women were entirely naked, with merely a fillet
round the forehead, their hair falling upon their shoulders. They were Ijcauti fully
proportioned, their skin smooth, and their complexions of a clear and agreeable brown.
According to old Peter Martjr, the Spaniards, when they beheld thoni issuing forth
from their green woods, almost imagined they beheld the fabled dryads, or native
nymphs and fairies of the foimtains, sung by the ancient poets. When they came
before Don Bartholomew, they knelt, and gracefully presented him the green
branches."

" After these came the female cacique Anacoana, reclining in a kind of light litter,
borne by six Indians. Like the other females, she had no other covering than an
apron of various-colored cotton. She wore round her head a fragrant garland of red
and white flower.«, and wreaths of the same round her neck and arms. She received
the Adelantado and his followers with that natural grace and courtesy for which she
was celebrated, manifesting no hostility towards them for the fate her husl)and lijvd
received at their hands ; on the contrary, she seemed from the first to conceive for
them great admiration and sincere friendship.

" For two days they remained with the hospitable Beheshio, entertained with various
games and festivities, &c."

At a subsequent iwriod in the history of the island, Avando was sent by Ferdinand
to administer its afliiirs. It is a dark page that history records during his reign. The
disasters of the beautiful province of Xaragua, the seat of hospitality, the n-fuge of
the suflering Spaniards; and the fate of the female cacique Anacoana, once the pride
of the island, and the generous friend of the white man.

TOPICAL HISTORY.

311

Belieshio, tlie ancient cacique of tliis province, being dead, Anacoana his sister had
succeeded to the government. The marked partiality which she had once manifested
ft)r the Spaniards had been greatly weakened by the general misery they had produced
in her country, and by the brutal profligacy exhibited in her immediate dominions by
the followers of Roldan.'

The Inditans of this province were universally represented as a more intelligent,
polite, and generous, spirited race than any others of the island. They were the more
prane to feel and resent the overbearing and insulting treatment to which they worn
subjected. Quarrels sometimes took place between the caciques and their oppressors.
These were immediately reported to the governor as dangerous mutinies, and maguiOed
into a rebellious resistance to the authority of the government. Complaints of this
kind were continually pouring in upon Avando, until he was persuaded that there
was a deej>laid conspiracy among the Indians of this province to rise upon the
Spaniards. Avando immediately set out for Xaragua, at the head of three
hundred foot-soldier.s, armed with swords, anpiebusses, and cross-bows, rnd seventy
horsemen with cuira.sses, buckler.s, and lances. lie pretended that he was going
on a mere visit of friendship to Anacoana, and to malve arrangements about the
payment of tribute.

Anacoana, in her innocency, unconscious of his designs, gave him the same formal
and cordial reception that she had given the Adelantado. When all her people were
assembled, and in the midst of their national songs, dances, and games, a conceited
signal was given by Avando ; a trumpet was sounded, and at once the house in which
Anacoana and all the principal caciques were assembled was surrounded by soldiery,
and no one was permitted to escape. They entered, and seizing upon the eacicpies,
bound them to the posts that supported the roof. Anacoana was led forth a prisoner.
The unhappy caciques were then put to horrible tortures, until some of them, in tlie
e.\tremity of anguish, were made to accuse the queen and themselves of the plot with
which they were charged. When this cruel mockery of judicial forms had been
executed, instead cf preserving them for after examination, fire was set to the house,
and all the cacitiues perished miserably in the flames.

While these barbarities were practised upon the chieftains, a horrible massacre tcKik
place among the populace. No mercy was shown to any sex or age. It was a savage
and indiscriminate butchery. Humanity turns with horror from such atrocities, and
would fain discredit them; but they are circiunstantially and minutely recorded by
the venerable Bishop Lis Casas, who was resident in tlie island at tlie time, and
conversant with the principal actors in this tragedy. As to the princess Anacoana,
she was carried in chains to San Domingo. The mockery of a trial was given her, in
which she was found guilty, on the confessions which had been wrung by torture from

WusliingtuD Irving'H Culuiiibus.

812

TOPICAL HISTORY.

her subjects, and the testimony of their butchers ; and she was ignominiously hanged
in the presence of the people whom she hod so long and so signally befriended.

" Such," says Irving, in concluding the account from which these extracts are taken,
" is the tragical story of the delightful region of Xaragua and its amiable and hospi-
table people. A place which the Europeans, by their own account, found a perfect
paradise, but which, by their vile passions, they filled with horror and desolation."

Nothing is more prominently preserved by popular tradition than the name,
beauties, and misfortunes of Anacoana, the Carib Queen. The following chant, in
her praise, is given on the authority of the gentleman named by Mr. Peirson in
the introduction of these remarks. The repetitious character of the music is
an aboriginal trait, though it rises to a strain superior to that of the United States
tribes.

gl^lgiii^ll^^^^l

zi^Sl^iP^E^^^gE^

Aya bomba ya bombai (Bis)
Lamassam Anorcoana (Bis)
Van van tavana dogai (Bis)
Aya bomba ya bombai (Bis)
Lamassam Ano-coona (Bis)

VIII. PHYSICAL TYPE OF THE
AMERICAN INDIANS. A.

(in,'!)

Pt. ii._4n

PHYSICAL TYPE OF THE AMERICAN

INDIANS.

BT DB. SAMUEL QEOROE MORTON.

V<M/<M'>Mrv^MMMA'V«n««MMn^«M

SYNOPSIS.

I. Physical Characteristics:

a. Ostcological Character.

b. Facial Angle.

c. Stature.

d. Fossil Remains of the American Race.

e. Complexion.
/. Hair.

g. Eyes.

h. Artificial Modifications of the Skull:

1. The Natchez.

2. The Choctaws.
8. The Waxaws.

4. The Muskogees or Creeks.

5. The Catawbas.

6. Attacapas.

7. Nootka- Columbians.

8. Peruvians.

t. Volume of the Brain:

1. Mexicans.

2. The Barbarous Tribes.

(ni:,)

316

rUYSICAL TYPE OF THE

II. Adiiiuuiiurctncnts of Cruiiiu of the Piiiieipiil Groups of Indians of the
United States. By Mr. J. S. Phillips.

a. Iroquois.

b. Algonquin.

c. Appalachian.

d. Dacota.

e. ShoshoDce.
/. Orcgonian.

il iV

I. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS.

syf-

R' ! t

It is iiii adage among travellers in America, that he who has seen one tribe of
Indians lias seen all ; so closely do the individuals of this race resemble each other,
notwithstanding their immense geographical distribution, and those differences of
climate, which cmbrsice the extremes of heat and cold. The Fuegian, in his dreary
climate .and barren soil, has the same general cast of lineaments, though in an exag-
gerated degree, as the Indians of the tropical plains ; and these also resemble the tribes
inhabiting the region west of the Rocky Mountains, those of the great Valley of the
Mississippi, and those again which skirt the Eskimaux on the north. All possess,
though in various degrees, the long, lank, black hair, the heavy brow, the dull and
sleepy e^e, the full and compressed lips, and the salient but dilated nose.

These traits, moreover, are equ.ally common in savage and in civilized life ; they
are seen equally in those hordes which inhabit the margins of rivers and feed mainly
on fish, and in the forest-tribes that subsist by the chase.

a. OSTEOLOGICAL CHARACTERS.

|..

A simil.ar ccmformity of organization is not less obvious in the cranial structure
of these people. The Indian skull is of a decidedly rounded form. The occipital
portion is flattened in the upward direction; and the transverse diameter, as
measured between the parietal bones, is remarkaljly wide, and often exceeds the
longitudinal line. The forehead is low and receding, and rarely arched as in the
other races; a feature that is regarded by Humboldt, Lund, .and other naturalists,
as characteristic of the American race, and serving to distinguish it even from
the Mongolian. Tlie cheek-bones are high, but not much expanded; the whole

fi t

A M E 11 1 C A N I N D I A N S .

817

iiiiixilliiry iv;j;i<)ii i.s .silieut and pomlorous, with tt-etli ol' ii conospoiidin;^ (*i/,o and
xini-uliuly lico iVoni decay. The orhits are lar-ie and nqiiaml, tlie nasal orifice wide,
and the bones that protect it arched and expanded. Tiie lower iw massive, and wide
between the condyles ; but, notwithstanding the prominent position of the face, the
teeth are for the most p.art vertical.

I have had opportunities for comparing upwards of four hundred crania of tribes
inhabiting almost every region of North and South America, and have foimd the
preceding characteristics, in greater or less degree, to pervade them all. This remark
is equally applicable to the ancient and modern nations of our continent ; for the
(ddest skulls from the Peruv-<n cemeteries, the tombs of Mexico and the mounds of
this country, are of the raai' general type as the most savage existing tribes.

This law of organization hsis some exceptions ; for we find a more elongated form
among the Missouri tribes, and especially among the Mandans, Minctaries, Kickarces,
Assinaboins, Otoes, Crows, Blackfeet, and some proximate tribes, and also among the
iliflerent sections of the Lenape nation west of the Mississippi. The same exception
appears to o))tain among the Inxjuois and Cherokecs, and shows itself in a greater
fulness of the occipital region, and a less inter-parietal diameter. Yet even among
these tribes, and all others I have been able to compare, the typical rounded form,
although not in preponderance, is by no means unfreqnent.

b. Facial Angle.

In my C'ntitld Americana' I have examined this subject in detail, both with respect
to the savage and the civilized nations, and have ascertained that the mean of one
hundred and thirty-eight skulls is within a fraction of seventy-five degrees. Thi.s
measurement is confirmed ))y all my subsequent experiments ; and having pcrlbrmed
these with my own hands, I submit the above result in the belief that it will stand
the test of all future observation.

Since the European angle presents an average of 80°, it will be seen that the
American falls five degrees below it ; and I have reason to suppose that the latter
measurement does not exceed that of the negro race of Africa; althougli on this point
I am not yet prepared to speak with precision. The modification of the facial angle
resulting from artificial distortions of the skull, will be noticed in another place.

c. Stature.

When submitted to the test of anatomical examination, the reputed giant and dwarf
races of America prove to be the mere inventions of ignorance or imposition. Some

' Page 250.

818

PHYSICAL TYPE OF THE

of tlie tribes of Patagonia embrace a remarkable number of tall men, and perhaps their
average .^titure exceeds that of any other of the affiliated nations. But the obser-
vations of the naturalists who have been associated with the modern Exploring
ExiM3ditions, have proved that much that is recorded of these people by the early
voyagers is fanciful and inaccurate ; and that neither among the dead or the living
races of this continent, is therQ any evidence of a tribe or community of giants. The
error has arisen from hasty inferences on the part of unpractised observers.

Whole tribes which possess a comparatively low stature, exist in South America.
Among these are the Powrys and Coroados of Brazil, and the Chaymas of the upi)cr
Orinoco. I know of no analogous examples in North America ; yet Bartram asserts
that at the time of his sojourn among the Creeks, the women of that nation were
seldom above five feet high, although the men were tall, and of athletic proportions.
He adds that the same remarks would in a degree apply to the Choctaws and
Cliickasaws, the confederates of the Creeks. A similar disparity in the stature of the
men and women has also been observed in many of the Missouri tribes.

So much has been asserted with respect to the supposed pygmies of the Valley of
the Mississippi, that I gladly take this occasion to correct some prevailing misconcep-
tions on that subject.

It had long been asserted that these remains pertained to real dwarfs, whose stature
never exceeded four feet, and was often much within that measure. Fortunately I
succeeded in obtaining the greater part of one of them, which was obtained by Dr.
M'Call from a " Pygmy Cemetery," near the Cumberland Mountain, in White county,
Tennessee. These relics were kindly sent me by Dr. M'Call at the instance of the
late Dr. Troost, of Nashville.

The former gentleman, in a letter addressed to me, makes the following remarks from
a personal observation of the facts connected with the disinterment of these remains :

" The coffins are from eighteen to twenty-four inches in length, by eighteen inches
deep, and fifteen wide. They are made of six pieces of undressed sandstone or
limestone, in which the bodies are placed with their shoulders and heads elevated
against the eastern end, and the knees raised towards the face, so as to put the corpse
in a reclined or sitting posture. The right arm rested on an earthen pot of about two
pints in capacity, without legs, but Avith lateral projections for being lifted. With
tliese pots, in some graves are found basins and trays of pipe-clay and comminuted
shells mixed, and no one of these repositories is without cooking-utensils.

" In one of the graves was found a complete skull, and an os femoris, but most of
the other bones were broken in removing them. This is said to be the largest skeleton
ever found in any of these burying-grounds. It has the cranium very flat and broad,
with very projecting front-teeth, and appears to have pertained to an individual not
over twelve or fourteen years old."'

Sec Jour. Acad. Nat. Sciences of Philadelphia, Vol. VIU.

AMERICAN INDIANS.

31it

The bones sent me with this letter indicate a very juvenile siilyect. For exiimplo,
many of the deciduous or fii-st teeth yet remain, while the only teeth of the second
teeth which have ap^Kiared alxjve the jaw, are the first molars and the incisors, which,
as every anatomist knows, make their first appearance alwut the ei^htli year. Of the
other permanent teeth, some have no portion complete but the crown, and are yet
contained within the maxillary bones. The presence of the new incisors, isolated
from the cuspidati which have not appeared, obviously gave rise to Dr. M'Call's
remark respecting the "very projecting frontrtceth," but which, however, are perfectly
naturid in jrasition and proiwrtion. The cranial bones are thin, and readily separable
at the sutures ; nor does the " flat and broad" configuration of the cranium differ from
what is usual in the aboriginal American race. The long bones have tlieir extremities
separated by epipleyses; and every fact connected with these remains is strictly
characteristic of early childhood, or about the eighth year of life. Even the recumlxnit
or sitting posture, as we shall hereafter see, has been observed in,. the aboriginal
cemeteries from Cape Horn to Canada; and the utensils found with them are the
same in form and composition with those taken from the graves of the Indians
everywhere.

Tliese facts are to me an additional and convincing proof of what I have never
doul)ted, viz.: that the asserted Pygmies of the western country were mere children,
who, for reasons not precisely known, but which appear also to influence some
communities of even our own race, were buried apart from the adult people of
their tribe.

d. Fossil Remains of the American Race.

It is also necessary to advert to the discoveries of Dr. Lund among the tone-caves
of Minas Gerdas, in Brazil. This distinguished traveller has found the remains of
man in these caverns, associated with those of extinct genera and s^jecies of animals ;
and the attendant circumstances lead to the reasonable conclusion, that they were
contemporaneous inhabitants of the region in which they are found. Yet even here
the form of the skull differs in nothing from the acknowledged tyjie, unless it be in
the still greater depression of the forehead, and a peculiarity of form in the teeth.
With respect to the latter, Dr. Lund describes the incisors as having an oval surface,
of which the axis is antero-iwsterior, in place of the sharp and chisel-like edge of
ordinary teeth of the same class. He assures us that he found it equally in the young
and the aged, and is confident that it is not the result of attrition, as is manifestly the
case in those Egyptian heads in which Prof. Blumenbach noticed an analagous
peculiarity. I am not prepared to question an opinion which I have not been able to
test by j)ersonal observation, but it is obvious, that if such differences exist,

■J'

sso

PHYSICAL TYPE OF THE

indoi)oiulcntly of art or accident, they arc nt least specific, and co;iReqiiently of tlie
hifrliost interest in Etlinolofry.'

The head of the celebrated Omululoii^ Skeleton forms no exception to the tyi)e of
the race. The skeleton itself, which is in a semi-fossil state, is preserved in the
British ^luseuni, hut wants the cranium ; which, however, is supposed to \)e recovered
in the one found by M. L'llerniinier in Guadaloupe, and brought by him to Charleston,
South Carolina. Dr. Moultrie, who has described this very interesting relic, makes
the following ol)servations : — " Compared with the cranium of a Peruvian presented
to Prof. IIol brook by Dr. Morton, in the Museum of the State of South Carolina, the
craniological similarity manifested between them is too striking to permit us to
question their national idenity. There is in both the same coronal elevation, occipital
compression, and lateral pnituberance accompanied with frontal depression, which
mark the American variety in general."'

e. Complexion.

The American aborigines have Ixjen aptly called the Brown Race; for, notwith-
standing .some variations, the vast multitude conforms to this color, and all other
tints are but exceptions to a rule. Yet these exceptions are very remarkalile, and
ajipear to Ixf wholly independent of atmospheric influences. Among the darkest
tribes are the (Jharruas, who are represented as almost black ; and y*'t tliev inhabit
the southern shores of the Rio de la Plata, in the fiftieth degree of .xouth latitiuU'. 7\n
analogous phenomenon is seen in .>fonie ('alifornia trilies, which are aw dark a.^ tiic
Charruas, witliout the ojH'r.ation of any known local agencies to account for this
exceptional colour ; for these people range h<"tv,ven the thirty-second and the fortiefb
degrees of north latitude. Among the numln'rless tril)es which are geographically
intermediate Ix^tween the Charruas and Californian.s, we find some equally paradoxical
appearances ; for Humboldt has remarked that the Indians of the Ijurning plains of
the Equinoxial region are not darker than those inhabiting the mountains of the
temperate zone. The Batocudys of Brazil, and the Borroas of Chili, are examples of
a comparatively fair tint ; and Ave are told that among the islanders of St. Catharine's,
on the coast of California, young persons have a fine mixture of red and white in their
complexions, thus presenting a singular contrast to the tribes of the adjacent main
land.

When Bartram the naturalist travelled among the Cherokees, a hundred years ago.

' See a communieation from Dr. Lund, in the Memoirs of the Society of Northern Antiquaries for 1844 ; and
also Lieutenant J. G. Strain's letter to me, in the proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of I'hiladel-
phia for 1844.

' Sillinian's Amer. Jour, of Science, XXXII, p. 364.

iff

■

V't

^■i

V ■ .

^^B^ffi^' ' m

i: '

::i

^fflf- ^L •

::ii|.i;; ^1 ^

r.'

AMERICAN INDIANS.

321

he described the men as liaving a lighter and more olive complexion than the
contiguous Muskogee tribes ; and he adds that some of their joung girls were nearly
as fair and blooming as Eurojiean women. Might there not then be, as thei'e certainly
has been since, some exotic mixture to account for this phenomenon ?

Yet the complexion of the Mandans who inhabit the upper Missouri region is yet
more enigmatical. The proverbial fairness of tliese people has probably given rise to
the fable of the Welsh Indians of America, and, in the imaginations of some writers,
they are the remains of Prince Madoe's army. But the Mandans are not only
remarkable for their comparatively fair complexions, but also for the various tints that
gradually merge into the characteristic cinnamon hue of their race.

" There are many of these people," says Catlin, " whose complexions appear as light
as half-breeds ; and among women, particularly, there are many whose skins are almost
white, with the most pleasing symmetry and perfection of features, with hazel, with
grey, and with blue eyes." Lewis and Clark, and all subsequent travellers, agree on
this point, though not to the extent to which Mr. Catlin's observations have gone ; and
in this remarkable example, also, the phenomenon has been conjectured to be the
result of remote though unrecorded associations with Europeans.

The people of Nootka are also comparatively fair when deprived of their accumulated
fdth ; and one of the lightest complexioned Indians I have ever seen was a Chenouk
lx)y from Oregon, who was not darker than an Italian peasant.

/. Hair.

Among the interesting discoveries of Mr. Browne, in the application of the micro-
scope to this tissue, is the invariably cylindrical form of the hair in all American
natives, from the most ancient to the most recent tribes. It thus presents a contrast
to the hair in the Caucasian group of races, in which it is oval, and also to the negro
nations, in which it is eccentrically elliptical.' The texture is equally uniform, being
proverbially long, lank, and coarse ; nor are these characteristics altei-ed by the vastly
diversified climates inhabited by the people of this race. They are the same in Terra
del Fuego and under the equator, in the mountains and on the plains ; so that if
climate or temperature had any influence in producing those remarkable varieties of
the hair so familiar among other races, we ought certainly to find them here. Such,
however, is not the case ; for no native tribe, from Cape Horn to Canada, is characterized
by either Avoolly or frizzled locks.

Mr. Catlin states that the hair of the Mandans of Missouri " is generally as fine and
soft a^ silk ;" and he speaks of seeing among them individuals with hazel, grey, and

' Seo n communication on this subject by Peter A. Browne, Esq., in the proceedings of the Acad, of Nat.
Sciences of Philadelphia, for January and February, 1851.

Tt. it.— 41

* *'9

i L

i' 'I

322

PHYSICAL TYPE OF THE

'if' I'

blue eyes. Yet tlie same traveller adds the extraordinary fact, that there are among
them " many of both sexes, and of every age, from infancy to manhood and old age,
with hair of a bright silvery grey, and, in some instances, almost iierfectly white.

" This singular and eccentric apjicarance is much oftener seen among the women
than among the men ; for many of the latter who have it seem ashamed of it, and
artfully conceal it by tilling their hair with glue and black and red earth. The women,
on the other hand, seem proud of it, and display it often in an almost incredil)le
profusion, which spreads itself over their shoulders, and falls as low as the knee. I
have ascertained, on a careful inquiry, that about one in ten or twelve of the whole
tribe are what the French call cheveux grin, or grey hairs ; and that this strange and
unaccountable phenomenon is not the result of disease or habit, but that it is unques-
tionably an hereditary character, which runs in families, and indicates no inecpuility
in disposition or intellect ; and by passing this hair through my hands, as I often have,
I have found it uniformly to be as coarse and harsh as a horse's mane." '

We must be permitted to differ with this intelligent traveller on the physiological
proposition, for nothing but a morbid state of the hair could permit it to present the
two extremes above noticed ; from the softness of silk, for example, to the coarseness
of horse-hair. The grey color, at least in the early ))eriods of life, is probably connected
with some conditi<m of albini.sm ; and that also is certainly a preternatural condition,
which is wholly unlike the uniform texture of the hair in every other division of this
widely distributed race. Perhaps, therefore, all the peculiarities of the Mandans m.ay be
explained on the supposition that an albino variety has largely intermixed with the
normal members of the tribe; thus giving rise, as in many other instances in tlie
aninuil economj', to strange developments from tlie blending of incongruous elements.

Other exceptions are seen among the Athapascans or Chepewyans, who inhabit the
slope of tiie Rocky Mountains yet further north. Mackenzie describes their hair as of
a dark brown color, inclining to black ; but in proof that this peculiarity is not due to
clinnite, we may cite the Knistenaux, or copper-colored tribe contiguous to the Atha-
pa.soans on the south, and whose hair has the characteristic blackness of the race ; and
again, to the north of them all, are the Eskimaux, in whom it is uniformly as sable as
coal itself

The aboriginal Americans might be relatively staled a beardless race. A small tuft
on the point of the chin is all that is usually observed among them; and this being
assiduously eradicated by most of the tribes, has given rise to a once prevalent opinion
that they are literally destitute of Ijeard. Exceptions to this rule are occasionally met
with; as among the Clmpunnish Indians west of the Rocky Mountains, and among
the Chippewyans and Slave and Dog-ribbed tribes of the northern part of the continent.
This renuirk is also true of the Californians, and also of some yet more southern

Catlii

j:^

III

AMERICAN INDIANS.

323

nations. The extirpation of tlie Ix^ard appearw to Ije a conventional usage of nearly
all the multitiulinous tribes of this people. The rea.son is not evident, excepting that
the beard is not regarded as an ornament ; and perhaps it is not more singular that
they should pluck it out by the roots, than that more civilized nations should shave it
off every day.

g. The Eyes.

The Indian has a low, bushy brow, beneath which a dull, sleepy, half-closed eye
seems to mark the ferocious passions that are dormant within. The acute angles of
the eyes seldom present the obliquity so common in the Malfiys and Mongolians. The
color of the eye is almost uniformly a tint between black and grey ; but even in young
persons it seldom lias the brightness, or expresses tlie vivacity, so common in the more
civilized races.

This sameness of organization amongst such multitudinous tribes seems to prove, in
tlie geographical sense, the origin of one to have been equally the o'-Jgin of all. The
various demi-civilized nations are to this day represented by their li eal descendants,
who inhabit the same ancestral seats, yet differ in no physical respect from the wild
and uncultivated Indians. And with respect to the royal personages, and others of the
privileged class, there is ample evidence to prove that they belonged to the same
indigenous stock, and possessed no distinctive traits, excepting of a social or political
character.

The observations of Molina and Humboldt are sometimes quoted in disproof of this
pervading unifoiinity of physical character. Molina remarks that the difference
between the inhabitants of Chili and a Peruvian is as great as between an Italian and
a German ; to which Humboldt adds, that the American race embraces natives whose
features differ as essentially from one another as those of the Circassians, Moors, and
Persians. But let us not forget that all these people belong to the same group of races,
with which they are readily identified, notwithstanding certain marked differences of
feature and complexion ; and the American nations present a precisely parallel example.

! \

h. Artificial Modifications op the Skull.

The practice of moulding the head into a variety of fanciful forms, was once
prevalent among many of our aboriginal tribes. I have elsewhere ' enlarged on this
singular usage in Mexico and Peru, in the Charib islands, in Oregon, and among some
tribes that formerly skirted the Gulf of Mexico. The acciuisition, however, of some

' Crania Americana.

:: \

".'

-•»''ii

824

PHYSICAL TYPE OF THE

additional materials, has induced me to recur to a custom which is yet extensively
practised within the limits of tlie United States. Within these limits, it is now
restricted to a few cognate tribes on the coast of the Pacific, but was formerly in use
on both sides of the lower Mississippi, as tlie following enumeration will show.

1. The Natchez. — These extraordinary jwople, who were finally exterminated
by the French, A. D. 1730, had flattened the heads of their children from immemorial
time. De Soto and his companions were witnesses of this remarkable fact diu'ing
their invasion of Florida; and the historian of that expedition describes the deformity
as consisting of an upward elongation of the cranium, until it terminated in a point
or edge ; ' and Du Pratz, writing nearly two centuries later, gives a more circumstantial
account of the process.'

Yet who, in our day, would have credited these statements, if they were sustained
by no corrolx)rative evidence ? I'et the burial-places of this singular people afford the
indubitable evidence of a usage which was equally prevalent in Mexico and Peru ; for,
in those countries, some tribes moulded the heads of their children in a precisely
similar manner.

2. The ( 'hcct.^ws. — These Indians were of a totally different stock from the
Natchez, and often at war with them ; yet tlie two nations adopted the same
conventional form of the head. Adair briefly describes the mode of accomplishing
this fancied ornament ; but Bartram is more explicit in his description. " The
Choctaws are called by the traders Fhifs, or Fkit-hcads, all the males having the fore
and hind parts of their skulls flattened or compressed, which is effected in the
following manner : As soon as the child is born, the nurse provides a cradle or
wooden case, where the head reposes, being fashioned like a brick-mould. In this
part of the machine the little boy is fixed, a bag of sand being laid on his forehead,
wliich, by continual gentle compressure, gives the forehead somewhat the form of a
brick from the temples upwards, and by these means they have high and lofty
foreheads, sloping off' backwards.'

It is a curious fact that among these people tue flattening process was a distinction
reserved for the male sex ; which we shall hereafter see was also the case among the
old Aymara tribes of Upper Peru.

3. The Waxsaws. — This nation, which has long teen extinct, had a similar
custom. Lawson* thus describes it. "They use a roll, which is placed on the babe's

' Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist, do la Florida, Lib. IV. Chap. 13.
2 Hist, of Louisiana, p. 323. ' Travels, p. 517.

* Hist, of Carolina, p. 33, and Crania Americana, p. 1(52.

AMERICAN INDIANS.

325

forehead, it being laid with its back on a fliit board, and swaddled down hard thereon,
from one end of this engine to the other. The instrninent in a sort of preps, that is
let ont and in, more or less, according to the discretion of the nurse, in which they
make the cliild's head flat. It makes the eyes stand a prodigious way asunder, and
the hair hangs over the forehead like the caves of a house, which seems very
frightful."

4. The MtrsKOOEE.?, or Creeks. — These people were originally connected with the
Choctaws into a single great nation ; and some of the Creek trilK?s on the Gulf of
Mexico are known to have flattened the heads of their chiiilren,' although I can find
no notice of the fact in any history of these triljes.

5. The Catawba tribe once occupied the banks of the Santee river, some distance

alMJve its mouth,
speaking.

They, also, are said to have practised the custom of which we are

6. The Attacapas, Indians living on the western shore of the Mississippi, are placed
by some writers in the same category.

7. The Nootka-Coi.umbiaxs are so designated by Dr. Scouler, of Dublin, because of
the affinity of their languages, customs, and physical characters. They comprehend the
tribes of Quadra and Vancouver's Island, and the adjacent inlets down to the Columbia
river and the northern part of New Califor»r;<». The practice of flattening the head
is universal among these people, who thus possess the country between Salmon river,
in latitude 53° 30' north, to the Umpqua river, in the latitude of 46°.*

" These tribes have a great similarity in their habits, language, and appearance ;
and their method of flattening the head is extremel}' simple, and does not appear to
be attended with any disagreeable consequences to the health of the child. As soon
as the infant is born, the head is frequently and gently compressed with the hand, and
this is continued for three or four days. The child is then placed in a box or cradle,
which is rendered comfortable by spreading moss, or a kind of tow made from the
bark of the cypress, over it. The occiput of the child rests on a board at the upper
part of the box, and is supported by tow or moss ; another board is then brought over
the forehead, and tied firmly down on the head of the infiint. The child is seldom
taken from the cradle, and the compression is continued till it is able to walk. A
child alwut three years old presents a most hideous appearance : the compression,
acting chiefly on the forehead and occiput, reverses the natural proportion of the

' See Plate.

* Observations on the Indigenous Tribes of tbc North-West Coast of America. By John Seouler, 51. D.,
F.L.S. P. 9. The most northern of these Flat-head tribes is the IIautzuk.

326

PHYSICAL TYPE OF THE

i: 1.

i I f

head, and causes it to assume the form of a wedge. Tlie eyeballs project very much,
and the individual ever after has the eyes direrted upwards." '

Among these trilKVs, we may enumerate the Nootkans, Chenouks, Clatsaps,
Killemooks, Cliekitatf*, Kalapooyalis, and many others.'

Tlie apparatus, described by Dr. Scouler, for the purpose of producing this distortion,
differs nothing (though some little in form) from the cradle brought me from Oregon
by my friend the late Dr. Townsend, and figured in the Crania Americana.'

8. Peruvians. — I have remarked that if we had no other evidence of this strange
custom than the relation of travellers, we might be disposed to deny it altogether, and
attribute the resulting deformities " not to art, but to some original and congenital
peculiarity." Such has been the opinion of Pentland, Tiedemann, Tcliudi, and Knox,
i-cspecting the Peruvian skulls of this class; and, at the time of publishing my Crania
Americana,* I adopted the same views. The acquisition, however, of a very extended
series of crania from the Peruvian tombs caused me to change my opinion on this point.

I at fu"st found it difficult to conceive that the original rounded skull of the
Indian could be changed into this fantastic form ; and was led to supix).<ie that the
latter wa.s an artificial elongation of a head remarkable for its natural length and
narrowness. I even supposed that the long-headed Peruvians were a more ancient
people than the Inca tribes, and distinguished from them by their cranial configuration.
In this opinion I was mislaken. Abundant means of observaticm and comparison
have since convinced me, that all these variously-formed heads were originally of the
same rounded-shape, which is characteristic of the Aboriginal race from Cape Horn to
Canada, and that art alone has caused the diversities among tiiem.

The simple forms were easily accom pi islied; but the very elongated, narrow, and
symmetrical variety required more ingenuity. A fine series of the heads, recently sent
me by my friends Mr. W. A. Foster and Dr. Oakford, now in Peru, has enabled me to
decide this question conclusively.

It is evident that the forehead was pressed downwards and backwards by a
compress, (probably a folded cloth,) — or sometimes by two compresses, one on each
side of the frontal suture ; a fact that explains the cause of the ridge which usually
replaces that suture from the root of the nose to the coronal tract. To keep these
compresses in pl.ace, a bandage was carried over them, from the base of the occiput
over the forehead; and thof. in order to confine the lateral portions of the skull, the
same bandage was continued by another turn over the top of the head, immediately
behind the coronal suture, probably with an intervening compress ; and the bandaging
was repeated upon these parts until they were immovably confined in their desired
position.

' Idem ID Zoolng. Journal, Vol. IV. p. 306.

' Skulls of all these tribes, excepting the Nootkan.i, are figured in the Crania Americana.

" P. -204. * 1'. !IK.

AMERICAN INlJlANS.

;J27

Every one who is aoqiiaintod with the pliiihlc condition of the cranial Immks at birtli,
will readily conceive how eflectiially this apparatus would mould the liead in the
elongated or cylindrical form; for, while it prevents the foreliea<l from ri.-'infr, and tlie
sides of the head from expanding, it allows the occipital region an entire freedom of
growtii ; and thus, without sensibly diminishing the volume of the brain, merely foni's
it into a new though unnatural direction, while it preserves, at the same time, ii
ivmarkalde symmetry of the whole structure. The
annexed outline of one of these skulls, will further
illustrate my meaning; merely premising that the
course of the bandages (represented by dotted
lines) is distinctly marked on the skull itself by
a corresjKHiding depression of the bony structure,
excepting on the forehead, where the action of a
firm compress has left a plane surface.'

My matured opinion on this subject is most fully corrolwrated by the personal
researches of M. Aleide D'Orbigny. This distinguished traveller and naturalist visited
the table-land of the Andes, once inhabited by the ancient Peruvians, and from his
researches I derive the following conclusive facts.

1. The descendants of the ancient Peruvians yet inhabit the land of their
ancestors, and Ijear the name of Aymaras, which was probably their primitiv«
designation.

2. The modern Aymaras resemble the surrounding Quichua or Peruvian nations in
color, figure, features, expression, shape of the head, (which they have ceased to nioidd
into artificial fonns,) and, in fact, in every thing that relates to physical conformation
and social customs. Their languages differ, but even here there is a resemblance
which proves a common origin.

3. On examining the tombs of the ancient Aymaras, in the environs of the lake
Titicaca, M. D'Orbigny remarked that those which contained the compressed and
elongated skulls, contained also a greater number that were not flattened ; whence he
infers that the deformity was not natural, or characteristic of the nation, but the
result of mechanical compression.

4. It was also remarked that those skulls which were tlattened were uniformly those
of men, while the heads of the women always retained the natural shape, — the squared
or spheroidal form, which is characteristic of the American race, and especially of the
Peruvians.

5. The most elongated heads were found in the largest and finest tombs ; showing
that defonnity was a mark of distinction among these people.

' Sec ray Illustrated System of Human Anatomy, p. 76.

i i

328

PHYSICAL TYl'E OF THE

G. Tlio resoarelies of M. D'Orbignj' confinn the statements made at distant intervals of
time by Pedro do Cieza, Garcilaao de la Vega, and Mr. Pentland, and prove conclusively,
what I have never doubted, that these people were the architects of their own
tombs and temples; and not, as some suppose, intruders who had usurped the
civilization, and appropriated the ingenuity, of an antecedent and more intellectual
race.'

" The ancient «kulls of Titicaca," observes Dr. Scouler, " do not exhibit a greater
amount of deformity than the artificially flattened skulls of the Nootkans and
(Jhonouks ;" and to this fact we may add the personal observations of Cieza and
Ciarcilaso de la Vega, and the abundant collateral testimony of Torqucmad.a, Aguirre,
and various later historians.' It will hereafter be shown that the aljorigines of North
and South America moulded the heads of their children, for the most part, in the same
unnatural and diverse forms, of which four are particularly conspicuous.

1. The conical head.

2. The symmetrically-elongated form.

3. The irrcgulai'ly compiossed and expanded form.

4. The quadrangular form.

Strange a.s these forms are, and contrary to all our preconceived ideas, they are
not more so than two physiological truths that have been satisfactorily established in
connexion Avith tli'in; viz., that the process by which they are produced neither
diminishes the natural volume of the brain, nor appreciably affects the moral or mental
character of the individual.

i. Volume of the Buain.

On former occasions, when treating of the American aborigines, I have divided them
into t\\o great families, the Toltccan nations and the harharoiis d-ifics. The latter
designation is sufficiently expressive. The former one includes the demi-civilizcd
nations of Peru, Bogota, and Mexico. This classification is manifestly arbitrary ; but
e\ery attempt to separate these families into natural and suljordinate groups has
hitherto been signally defective.' Much time and investigation will be requisite for tliis
purpose ; for which an admissible basis has been .already furnished by the researches
of M. D'Orliigny in South, and Mr. Gallatin in North America.

My collection embraces 410 skulls, derived from sixty-four different nations and
tribes of Indians, in which the two great divisions are represented in nearly equal

' L'lloinnic Amcricain, Tome I, p. 306. I corrected my error before I had the pleasure of seeing M.
D'Orbigny's very interesting work. Amer. Jour, of Science, vol. xxxviii, No. 2. Jour. Acnd. Nat. Sciences
of I'liiladelpliia, vol. viii ; and again in my Distinctive C'liuracteristics of the Aboriginal Race of America, p. 0.

' Vide Crania Americana, p. 116, et acq.

' [ And must ever continue to be, until the test of generic groups of language be applied. — S.]

?'i

f. I

I. I!

I 1

AMERICAN INDIANS.

329

proportions, i ; he following details will show. It is necessary to premise, however,
of this numbfc of crania, 338 is the number measured ; the residue either pertaining
to individuals under the prescribed age, or being so nmch broken as to be unavailing
for this purpose .

The Tolt£can family. Of 213 skulls of Mexicans and Peruvians, 201 belong to the
latter people, and have been presented to me by Dr. Ruschenberger, _'r. Oakford, and
Mr. William A. Foster. The latter gentleman visited, on my behalf, the cemeteries
of Pisco, Pachacamac, and Arica, which have been but little used since the Spanish
conquest, and contain the remains of the aboriginal inhabitants of various epochs of
time.

Ilerrera informs us that Pachacamac was sacred to priests, nobles, and other persons
of distinction ; and there is ample evidence that Arica and Pisco, though free to all
classes, were among the most favored cemeteries of Peru. It is of some importance to
the present inquiry, that nearly one-half of this series of Peruvian crania was obtained
at Pachacamac ; whence the inference that they belonged to the most intellectual and
cultivated portion of the Peruvian nation ; for in Peru leai'ning of every kind was an
exclusive privilege of the ruling caste.

When we consider the institutions of the old Peruvians, their comparatively
advanced civilization, their tombs and temples, moinitain roads and monolithic gate-
ways, together with their kn wledge of certain ornamental arts, it is surprising to find
that thiy possessed a brain no larger than the Hottentot and New Hollander, and far
below that of the barbarous hcrdos of their own race. For on measuring 155 crania,
nearly all derived from the sepulchres just mentioned, they give but 75 cubic inches
for the average bulk of the brain. Of the whole number, one only attains the capacity
of 101 cubic inches, and the minimum sinks to 58 ; the smallest in the whole series
of 641 measured crania. It is important fin-ther to remark, that the sexes are nearly
equally represented ; viz., 80 men and 75 women.

1. The Mexican.s. — It is customary to regard Mexico as the primitive hive of the
Toltecan race, and consequently the centre of the indigenous ciA'ilization of this
continent. And such appears to be the fact, provided Central America is included in
Mexico. From these regions were probably derived the arts and institutions of Bogota
and Peru, as well as those of the ancient valley of the Mississippi ; ' but whetiier the
latter preceded or followed in the order of development is yet an unsettled question.
But a strikingly cognate relation, mental, moral, and physical, appears to have
characterized all these nations, which are in turn blended by imperceptible degrees
with the surrounding barbarous tribes.

The occupation of Mexico by successive though alTiliated races, renders it difficult
and almost impossible to designate the true Toltecan crania, excepting in the instance

' See tbo work of Mr. Squier and Dr. ]i:ivis ou the Monuments of the MisHissippi Valley.

Pr. II. — 42

in,
m

380

PHYSICAL TYPE OF THE

)1 CI ! I

)■>

r'lf (•

of six skulls most obligingly sent me by Don Gomez de la Cortina, of the city of
Mexico, and a seventh for which I am indebted to Baron Von Gerolt. Of fifteen others
my information is less precise ; yet the circumstances under which they were obtained
seem to warrant their being classed in the Toltecan series.

The largest of these crania measures 92 cubic inches ; the smallest 67 ; and the
mean of thcni all is 79, or fiye cubic inches above the Peruvian average. The propor-
tion of male and female skulls is 12 to 10.

2. The Barbarous Tribes. — The demi-civilized communities, as we have just
remarked, were hemmed in by sav.age tribes. Garcilaso de la Vega, in formci times,
and D'Orbigny and Von Tchudi in our own day, have given a vivid picture of the
ferocious hordes that skirt the Peruvians on the East. Thus also Mexico continues to
suffer from the incursions of the Apaches and Comanclies — people who personify t' o
remorseless demon of cruelty.

The skulls in my possession of this series have been collected over the vast region
extending from Canada to Auracania, and from ocean to ocean ; and I include among
them all the skulls from the tumuli of the Valley of the Mississippi and other parts
of North America. These remains cori-esiKjnd so entirely with those of the Nomadic
Indians that I have not been able to separate them with any practictd purpose in an
inquiry like the present. The aborigines of the present day continue to bury their
dead in the old mounds ; and when we consider the long period of time that must
have elapsed since the real mound-builders to(jk their departure or became extinct, we
can hardly expect to find and much less to identify their remains. It is sufficient to
add that every skull I have yet seen from the moiuids, caves, and graves of this
country, confonns in all its essential characters to the typical form of the American
race.

Of 211 crania derived from the various sources enumerated in this section, 101 have
been measured, with the following results ; the largest cranium gives 104 cubic inches,
the smallest 70 ; and the mean of them all is 84. There is a disparity, however, in
the male and female heads, for the former are 9G in number, the latter only 05.

We have here the surprising fact that the brain of the Indian in his savage state is
far larger than that of the old demi-civilized Peruvian, or of the ancient Mexican
tribes. How are we to explain tliis remarkable disparity between civilization and
barbarism? The largest Peruvian brain measures 101 cubic inches; an untamed
Shawnee rises to 104 ; and the average difference between the Peruvian and the
savage is nine cubic inches in favor of the latter. Sometlung may be attributed to a
primitive difference of stock ; but more, perhaps, to the contrasted activity of the
brain in tiie two races.

We know that the government of the Incas was of the kind called paternal, and
their subjects, in the moral and intellectual sense, were children, who seem neither to

CI. I),

I'll I, r M II 1 ,\ IM V I- II

Ill

[I i

'■■t' I;
hi *

'!|f

t i

AMERICAN INDIANS.

881

have thought nor acted except at the dictation of a master. Theirs was an absolute
obedience that knew no limit. Like the Bengalees, they made good soldiers in their
native wars, not from any principle of va' . ir, but from the mere sense of passive
obedience to their superiors.

But the condition of the savage is wholly different. His life is a sleepless vigilance,
a perpetual stratagem ; and his brain, always in a state of activity, should be larger
than that of the docile Peruvian, even though it ceased to grow tifter adult age. The
indomitable barbarians who yet inhabit the base of the Andes on the eastern margin of
Peru, may yet prove to have a much larger brain than their feebler neighbors, whose
remains we have examined from the graves of Pachacamac, Pisco, and Arica.

If, in conclusion of this part of our subject, we consider the collective races of
America, civilized and savage, we shall find, as shown in the Table, that the average
volume of the brain, as measured in the whole series of 338 crania, is only 79 cubic
inches.

II.

ADMEASUREMENTS OF CRANIA OF THE PRINCIPAL
GROUPS OF INDIANS OF THE UNITED STATES.

BY J. 8. PUIT.LIPS.

The completion of the preceding paper having been prevented by the untimely
death of its lamented author, at the instance of Mr. Schoolciaft, the following table
has been compiled from the measurements registered in Dr. Morton's manuscript
catalogue of his collection, together with those of the crania brought by the United
States Exploring Expedition, and some others in the Morton collection, now first
measured to complete this table, which contains the results of the measurement of
the facial angle and internal capacity of every accessible Indian cranium known to
tlio author.

Tiii.s table lias been arranged in Races, grouped according to affiliation of language,
as pointed out by Mr. S., and the resulting averages present a number of facts which
appear to be well worthy of notice.

Faci.vl Anglk. — This measurement varies so little in this extensive series, that the
greater number would be found to range within a very few degrees of the common
average, 76 s degrees ; the lowest in the series being 70, and the highest 86 degrees ;
there not being in the whole number more than 6 or 7 crania over 80°, and very few
below 73°. The average angle of the different great groups is strikingly similar,
scarcely any of them varying from the common average more than 1§ degrees; from
all which it may be assumed that the average facial angle of the barbai-ous tribes of
North America is 70S degrees. (The crania artificially moulded are not included in
this average.)

'ill
if

332

PHYSICAL TYPE OF THE

Internal Capacity. — While the facial angle in the different groups varies so little
from the common average, we find the measure of the internal capacity differing very
materially from the mean.

Hitherto our aborigines have been only divided into the barbarous and semi-
barbarous, or into some similar classification of no more value in ethnology. This is
jM-'rliaps the first attempt to group them, on a large scale, into families according to
language ; and the result of the meaaurcment of the volume of the brain is strikingly
ill accordance with the ascertained character of the different groups thus constituted.

a. Iroquois.

The number of crania of this interesting group that could be obtained for measure-
ment was but ten; yet in this small number most of the important tribes are
represented. The average internal capacity of the cranium in this group is about 8i
inches higher than in the lowest types, and 4i inches higher than the average;
being 88 i cubic inches. This result is strikingly in keeping with the fact, that they
were so completely the master-spirits of the land, that at the time of the first
settlement of tliis country by the white race, they were so rapidly subduing the other
tribes and nations around them, that if their career of conquest had not been cut
short by the Anglo-Saxon predominance, they bid fair to have conquered all within
their reach.

h. c. Algonqitin and Appalachian.

These two groups give the same average internal capacity, viz. 83 i inches, exactly
the mean, while the range of measurements does not vary very much in the two
groups, extending from about 70 to 100 cubic inches.

The average internal capacity of the cranium of these two races, approaching so
nearly the common average, agrees well with their character, they both presenting a
fair medium specimen of the barbarous tribes of North America,

d. Dacota.

The tribes grouped together under this name average 11 cubic inches higher than
the two last, viz. 85 inches ; and these appear to possess more force of character and
more of the imtameable violence which fonns the most characteristic feature in our
barbarous tribes.'

' Plate 62 is an accurate drawing of the head of a Winnebago, one of the tribes affiliated to Dacotos by
language.

.1?

:■:'■ ft

AMERICAN INDIANS.

888

e. S II o s n N E E 3.

The Shoshonces exhibit the same volume of brain with the Orcgonians, and though
not affiliated by language, are of a grade not much, if any, superior to them.

/. Oregonians.

The lowest measurements of the internal capacity occur among the tribes west of
the Rocky Mountains, the average being only 801 cubic inches, and the artificially
compressed crania 80 inches ; and this small difference may be owing to the small
number of heads that have been measured not giving a fair average.

These people are known to be the lowest type of all the North American tribes,
and the volume of the brain, about 4 inches less than the average, and 8 iiicbes less
than the Iroquois, is strictly in accordance with their degraded character.

Plates 61 and 08 furnish fair specimens of the unaltered crania of the Orogonian
group. The similarity of outline between Plate 61, a Chenook, and Plate 02, a
Winnebago, is very ng.

It is also remark, . ■ that no effect of consequence should be produced on the
volume of brain by a pressure capable of so greatly distorting its bony case. '

The average volume of the brain in the barbarous tribes is shown to be from
83 i to 84 cubic inches, while that in the Mexicans is but 79, and in the Peruvians
only 75 ; thus exhibiting the apparent anomaly of barbarous and uncivilizable tribes
possessing larger brains than races capable of considerable progress in civilization.

This discrepancy deserves more investigation than time permits at present ; but the
following views of the subject may make it appear less anomalous.

The prevailing features in the character of the North American savage are, stoicism,
a severe cruelty, excessive watchfulness, and that coarse brutality which results from
the entire preponderance of the animal projiensities. These so outweigh the intellectual
portion of the character, that it is completely subordinate, making the Indian what
we see him, a most unintellcctual and uncivilizable man.

The intellectual lobe of the brain of these people, if not borne down by such
overpowering animal propensities and passions, would doubtless have been capable of
much greater efforts than any we are acquainted with, and have enabled these
barbarous tribes to make some progress in civilization. This appears to be the cerebral
difference between the Mexicans and Peruvians on the one hand, and the barbarous
tribes of North America on the other.

' This extraordinary distortion is admirably illustrated in Plates 59, 60, 63, 64, 6."), 66, and 67.

Faeiil Anfle. InlBrDll Capacit,.

Plates 59 and 60, front and side views of same bead, 70 J 95

" 63, from Columbia River 75 80

« 64 " " 76 85

" 65 " " 77 77

" 66 and 67, front and side views of same head, 73 71

IMAGE EVALUATION
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WnSTIR.N.Y. USIO

(7I«) 172-4903

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PHYSICAL TYPE OF THE

The intellectual lobe of tlic brain in the two former is at least as large as in the
latter, the ililTeR'nce in volume Ix'ing chiefly confined to the occipital and basal [jortions
of the ence[)halon ; so that the intellectual and moral qualities of the Mexicans and
Peruvians (at least as large if not larger than those of the other gnjup) are left more
free to act, Ixjing not so sulwrdinate to the proi^nsities and violent passions.

This view of the subject is in accordance with the history of these two divisions,
Harbarous and Civilizable.

When the former were assailed by the European settlers they fought desi)erately,
1)ut rather with the cunning and ferocity of the lower animals than with the system
and courage of men ; they could not be subjugated, and were either extcrmiiuited, or
continued to retire into the forcst, when they could no longer maintain their ground.
Had their intei'cct been in proiwrtion to their other qualities, they would have been
most formidable enemies.

With the Mexicans and Peruvians, the case has been the very reverse. The
original inhabitants of Mexico were entirely subjugated by the Aztecs, who ap^x-ar to
have been a small tribe in comparison with the Mexicans ; and then they were all
conquered and completely enslaved by a mere handful of Spanianls; although the
M((xicana had the advantage over the barbarous tribes of concerted action, some
discipline, and preiwration, in which the latter were greatly deficient.

The Mexicans, with smaller brains, were evidently inferior in resolution, in attack
and defence, and the more manly traits of character, to the barban)us races, who
contested every inch of ground until they were entirely outnumljcred.

And at the present time, the Camanches and Apaches, though a part of the great
Shoshonee division,' one of the lowest of the races of North America, arc continually
plundering and destroying the Indians of northern Mexico, who scarcely attempt
resistance.

Viewed in this light, the apparent contradiction of a race with a smaller brain being
superior to trijjes with larger brains is so far explained, that the volume and distribu-
tion of their respective brains appears to be in accordance with such facts in their
history as have come to our knowledge.

I
(

JHiilf
mil

(

AMERICAN INDIANS.

335

CRANIAL ADMEASUREMENTS OF AMERICAN INDIANS.

OREOONIANS.

UNALTERED BV ART.

Chcnnok

From Culuiubia river

Average

Two lowest in series

Two highest in scries

CRANIA ALTERED BY ART,

From Oregon and California .
Two lowest in scries

Two highest in series

SlIOSHONEES

Ijowest measurements
Highest "

ALGONQUIN

Chippewa
Cotonay
Illinois ....
I^nape ....
Massasauga

Miiisi

Mcnomonee

Miami .

Natiek

Naumkeag

Narragansctt

Ottignmie

Ottawa

Pottawatomie

Quinipiao

Sauk

Shawnee

Average

Two lowest in series

Two highest in series

APPALACHIAN

Cherokee
Choctaw
Euchee

Tlascalan [Aztec]
Muskogee

Miccosaukie
Seminole . .

Average

Two lowest in series .

Two highest in series .

DACOTA.

Assincboin

Dacota

Otomio

Minctari

Maiidan

O.siigc

Otoe

I'uwnce . , .
Kickarcc . , .
AVinut'bago.

Average

Two lowest in scries .

Two highest in scries .

Cayuga .
Huron . ,
Iroquois .
Mingo . ,
Mohawk ,
Oneida . .

IROQUOIS.

Average

Two lowest in scries

Two highest in scries

SUMMARY.

Oregonian

Crania altered by art

Shoshonces

Algonipiin

Appalachian

Dacota

Iroquois

Average of the whole

No. (if rm-i ATpmffif I AviTntca
nin in.'a- fHi'tiil 1 tiili-riinl
Rure.1. m.iilii. | mimi'ily.

1
1

4
4
4
2
3
2

88i

831

7!)

i»7

101
!I0

78
8t>i

8t(

7:ii

85
7(5
7«
04
101

0,1

81
0(5
80
84
05

KSi

102i

80
80
81

81) jj
831
85

The average of 76} degrees facial angle is taken, excluding the flat heads. The three lowest types being mea-
sured separately for illustration, when two at least of them should be united for the common average, makes the
average lower than it really is ; and as Dr. Morton's average was taken without including so many of these lower
types, he not having measured the crania, the common average may be safely fixed at 83} to 84 cubic inches.

IX. LANGUAGE. A

( »•!' )

Pt. II.— 43

)

LANGUAGE.

SYNOPSIS.

I. Indian Languages of the United States. By II. R. Schoolcraft.
II. Plan of Thought of the American Languages. By Dr. Francis Leiber.

III. Essay on the Grammatical Structure of the Algonquin Language. By II. R. Schoolcraft.

IV. Remarks on the Principles of the Cherokee Language, By Rev. S. N. Worcester.

V. Reply to Philological Inquiries in relation to the Ojibwa Language of Lake Superior.

By Rev. Sherman Hall.'
VI. Vocabularies.

I. Algonquin Group: —

a. 1. Ojibwa of Sault Stc Marie.

2. Ojibwa of Grand Traverse Bay.

3. Ojibwa of Saginaw.

4. Ojibwa of Michilimackinac.

b. Miami.

e. Menomoneo.

d. Shawnee.

e. Delaware.
Sub-division —

Natic, or Massachusetts dialect. Vol. I., p. 288.
II. Iroquois Group : —

a. Mohawk.

b. Oneida.

c. Onondaga.

d. Cayuga.

e. Seneca.'

/. Tuscarora.'

g. Wyandot.'

III. Appalachian Group: — '

a. Muscogee East.'
Muscogee West.'

b. Choctaw.'

c. Seminole.'

' Deferred to Part III.

( 339 )

I.ANGl'AGl.'.

IV. Diicota (ir(>u|i: — '

(I. Dacota.'

h. Wiiiiipbago.'

e, Iowa.'

(/. 0»nj»o.'
V. Shoshonci' (iroup: —

a. Conmiu'li(M'.
Miitci'llanctms Vociilniliiric!* : —

Satsika, or Itlackfi'i't.

Ciisliiia. CalifurMia.

CuRtanox. Califuriiia.

I)io;;uiii>!*. LowiT ('alifiiriiia, alitr, p. 104.

CiK'liaii or Yiima. llio tVilurailo, anti', p. 118.

Clioyonnc, or Cliawai.'

Snake. Vol. I., p. 210.'

1. INDIAN LANGUAGES OF THE UNITED STATES.

;l i

No toi)ic lias, fmin tlie first, fxcitt'd a (U-t'iK-r curiosity aiiionji tlio Icariifd tliaii tlio
Ainericaii lanjriiagcs. Tlio clisciis.si()n of tiii-ir priufipli's lias, liowi'vor, prot'i'i'tlt'd
gonorally from writers of tlu'on'tical views, wlio, liowovi-r imbued witii tlie true spirit
of pliilosopliy and leariiinj:, have not tliemsi-lves iK'eii practically acijiiainted with the
dialects, and have, iiioivover, In-eii limited to narrow or imprecise examples. A
IK'oplu who are iwrpetually speakinfr of thin^rs in their concrete nnd pi-oss relations,
could not be exjK'cted to disj'ourse analytically, or to utter elementary names or
phrn.'<es; nor could great certainty of forms Ik; relied on, when it is known that the
vocabularies and examples of these forest tongues have Ix-en committed to pajH'r either
by travellers wholly or measurably ignorant of the languages, or else by native inter-
preters, who, however well-vei-sed with the a))original tongues, have 3 et lieen too ignorant
of the principles of grammatical structure to give the pivcise equivalent of words in
English, French, Spanish, or German, — the four principal modern languagen in which,
during the settlement of America, it has been attempted.

The attention of the author was first called to this particular, and the subject of the
languages generally, in 1822, on his entering the Indian country in an ofllicial capacity,
when he commenced, with excellent inter[)reters, the study of the Algonquin and its
dialects; and he soon felt a zeal in the pursuit, and in the philosophy of languages
generally, which has absorljed much of his time.

I, A N<; I .\(i !•;

:!n

iiifiiKiirs liiivt' iK'fii n'<Ti\fil. Ill aiivwcr

to til

i-<|iii^iti<iii. iVotii |M>i'<))ii>i ill Miriiiiis

(|iiai°t<'rs III' till' rnitcil Stiitc.x. who Iiiinc iiiailc tin* Iniliaii laiiv'na^.'o llicir ^tiiilv ; ami
a larp' coiU'ction ol' ori^iiiial \'<N'al)iilai'irs, and iiiiiiu'riral ami p'M;:rii|i|iiral t<'l'lll^'. lia.'<
Ih-cii inailt'.

A I'oininciK-i'iiiciit to put tlifxi- |iliilolo;.'ii'al ii-corilH in |ii'iiit. Uitli |M'i>oiial ami
roiiiiiiniiiratt'il, in iiiailc in the |ii-i-><«-iit volunic, wliit-li will Ik' continiii-d in llic I'littuv
parts of till'**' in<|niri('H, ax tiiiic and fonvcnii'iici' will |MTniit : tlic tojiic itsrH" luin^'

Olll' w

liii'li, more than aiiv otlicr, ap|N>ai's siiitfd to tliiDW liuht on the oIimiik* or

L'ln

and liictory of the tiiU-s. Of tin* part of tlicw iiivf-'lijration.M whirh arc |iri>oiial,
it is pro|M-r to add, that iioiu' ol' tlic oli^crvatioiis on tlu- Alv'om|iiiii and its tlialcrts '
have, hcrrtoliirc. Utii roininuiiit'att'd. •■xccptiii;: tlir oliscrxatiuns on llu' ^iianiniaticMl
^<trll('tllr(' <■*' the Chippewa noun, which wci-c traiir'latcd liv Mr. |)ii|ioiiccaii li.i

examples whii'li were

also some

the National liiMitiitc of France. I think, in IS'
siihseipii'iitlv inserted in thi" North American Keview. These have received com-
niendatioiis which were decided enonjrh to Hatter the hiLdiest aniliition, had the
latter U'cn limited to a casual lalior, or the coinmendations themselves |)roceeded
I'roin individuals who ha<l not lacked the advantages of jiersonal inipiirv into the
Huhject on the s|Mit.

Nothinfj could, apparently, Ik- farther ifniovetl from the analytical class of lan;ruaj:cs
than the various dialects sjHiki'U liy the American Indians; who invarialily express
their iileas ofohjects and actions pivcisely as the\ are presented to their eyes and lars,
that is, in their c<)ni|Hiund assot-iations. A jn-rson and an act are ever assiK-iated, in
tlu'ir forms of syntax, w ith the ohject of the action. To love and to hate aix>, therefore,
never heanl in their analytical Ibrins. This combination of the action of the speaker
with the oltjects is universal. The substantive, which a|i|M'ars to have In'tii fr«'nerally
anterior in aire to tin' verl». comes under the same rule as the veil); ami the adjective,
which is ri'(juiii'd to perl'orin the same oHice of limitation, is also, within its range,
characterized by this transitive principle.

It will In- sullicient to state this principle of the Indian .syntax, to denote a peculiar
plan of thought, to which attention has been called. It apjx'ars to Ijo tlie result, in

' Tlic chief of those are :
Chippewa or Ojibwa
Oltowtt
I'ottawottaiuio

Fox
.Suuk

MenomoDoe
Mnski>;i)

Kcnistcno or Crce
Kicknpoo
Illinois :

I'curio

Kuskaskia
Miami
Woa

PinnknshQ

Shawnee

Delaware

Muii.sev

.^luhegan

Stoekhridgc, &c.

i',
.^'1

.♦'*^, ,..

842

LANGUAGE.

i d

till' iniiid, of a cimkIo and primitive age. AnalyHiH, goiioralizution, loliiioinent, come from
matured retloctioii. Tlie mind that criticises, adopts or rejects. Redundancies are
dropped, defects supplied, and elegancies intnxluced, as languages are applied to
lettei's, arts, and sciences. Tlie Indian, on the contrary', ajipears to have adhered
to his original motles of distinction ; piling up syllaltle on svllahle, till his forms are
infinitely multiplied, and his actual vocabulary has become a formidaltle mass of
aggregated sounds. The antiquity of the race derives, indeed, a strong support from
this consideration of the originality of granunatical structure.

That the plan itself is homogenous — that it proceeds fnmi a peculiar view of the
use of words, in their concrcte forms, and from a synthesis of tlie same kind and
jiower, appears to me to be a fact established by investigation. The attempt is,
perpetually, to speak of objects in groups. It is a simi)le plan of thought, however
curiously carried out, and every other purpose is made to give way to it. There are
heaps of syllables clustered, as it were, on a polysyllabic stem, brt lothing diver.*<e,
in its grammatical ratiocination — or that leads the mind to douht the oneness of
its synthesis, however varied the mode of accomplishing its end.s, cr crude and
redundant in some of its forms. The devel()i)nieut of this plan may be said to be
recondite, creating the idea of many plans of thought ; l)ut there is, in fact, oidy
one generic scheme, tending to denote compound expression. It is a fixed theor}' of
language, built on radices, which have the singular property' of retaining the meaning
of their original, incremental syllables or vowelic meanings, under every varied aspect
of the compounds. Not only pronouns, verbs, and substantives, are thus denoted
and detected by the etymologist, but adjectives and prepositiims are at once identified,
and the fragtncnts of words are perceived to be CTuploycd as the common woof or
filling of the primitive grammatical web. The term " encapsulated" structure, which
is employed by an acute and learned correspondent, in one of the following papers,
conveys, in a striking and happy manner, the mode of compound structure which
the words assume. They are, indeed, clustered or botryoidal — thought exfoliating
thought, as capsule within capsule or box within box.

Gesenius says " that languages, in their earlier epochs and, as it were, in their
youthful vigor, generally exhibit a strong tendency to the development of forms; but,
in their later periods, this tendency continually diminishes in force, and it becomes
necessary to resort to the constructions of syntax." ' It is also to be inferred, that the
use of the common gender — he, as denoting he and she — of the same word for youmj
man and young looman, as it is found in the Pentateuch, is an indicatiim of the
antiquity and crudity of early languages, particularly of those of the Semitic
stock.'

It will not escape the observer, that this anti-sexual character of the Indian

' Ili'lircw Grainniar, p. 8, Intro.

' Hebrew (Jraninmr, T. J. Coimnt, p. ".'i.

LANGUAGE.

343

pronoun he, and the exact identity of the words for ynuutjer hrutJicr and j/nuiii/er sister,
is, at this day, a stronjr peculiarity of all the groups of Indian languages of the United
States, which havj Iteen examined, except the Inxjuois, which has duplicate forms for
these terms, founded on the distinction of sex ; this sonorous tongue has, also, the
advantage of a dual — two refinements, which entitle it to l)e distinguished as the
Greek of our harharous tongues.

From tiie examination of vocahularies and grannnatical forms, the trihes who
occupied the United States eivst of tiie Rocky Mountains, at the respective eras of the
discovery, may Ije groui^d into seven principal ethnological families, namely :

1. Algonquins.

2. InKpiois.

o. Appalachians.

4. Dacotas.

0. Shoshonees.

<). Achala(|ues (Clierokees.)

7. Natchez.
This classification does net include the small trihes of Texas, who may 1k>,
provisionally, referred to as Texanos. The leading stock of that State — the Niliini,
or Comanche, is Siioshouee, belonging to tlie same grouj) as the Snakes of the
Rocky Mountains and their congeners. Neither does it embrace the small tri))C of the
Chawai, better known as Cheyeiuies, — a people who originated north of the sources
of the Jlississipi)!, — who apjwar, by their numerals and some imperfect vocabularies,
to have claims to in(lei)endent consideration ; nor the Catawbas and Woccons. From
partial vocabularies furnished the late Mr. Gallatin, some yeai-s since, l)y tradei-s at
Fort Union on the Missouri, which aiv however not fully sustained l»y a vocabulary of
Mr. Moncrevie, herewith submitted, the large tribe of the Black-feet are, to our
surprise, denoted to be, although remotely, of the Algonquin stock ; while their char
racter, their alleged I'erocity, and their cranial indices, given herewith in VIII. A., far
more, assimilate them to the Dacota, or most barbarous iiimily of the Prairie tril)es.
The Catawbas have heretofore occupied an anomalous position in our Indian
languages, and have, apparently-, oflered grounds for a separate group. It appears,
however, froiii' a nuuuiscript document, recently obtained by Mr. Thomas from the
Oflice of the Secretary of State of South Carolina, that the tribe originated in the
north, and is not to Ix' cou'-idered indigenous to that State. They fled, according to
this authority, from the region of the lakes, under the fury of their enemies ; and,
after entering into a league with the Clierokees, encountered, together with that trilx',
the undying hatred of the Irocpiois.

We have no vocabulary of tlie ancient Erics ; but it is inferable, from the French
missionary records, that they were a cognate tribe of the Iroquois group — that they
formed a "neutrality," as between the French and Algonquins, on the one side, and

844

LANGUAGE.

.(A

the Iroquois on the other; that this Erie lengiio embraced several other tril)es, as the
Anthistes, Kakwas, &c. ; and that, when the final struggle came, they fell, or Hed, and
disappeared, before the conquering power of the more perfectly confederated and
pi'cdominating Iroquois. The hint, thus furnished by this document, for making
a philological inquiry, may throw light on this obscure point of our Indian history.
No definite allinuation can be made respecting it, however, and the language cannot,
consequently, be grouped, until this prior investigation has been made.

From traditions recently recorded by Mr. Pickett,' the Cherokees, whose traditions
have heretofore been silent as to their origin, ajipear to have anciently dwelt in the
north, probably higher up the Mississippi A'alley, whence they would seem to have been
expelled and replaced by the AUegans or Iroquois. But whatever was their ancient
history, their language, as at present understood, vindicates its claim to a peculiarity
in its scheme of vowels and ccmsonauts,^ while its structure coincides, generally, with
the American aboriginal plan of thought. It u.ses the fragmentary pronouns in
connexion with the verbs ; one of the striking peculiarities of this class of language.

The term " Mobilian" was needlessly, and with a lamentable, but, (considering the
epoch,) excusable ignorance of the languages, introduced by Du Pratz, and it may l)e
summniiiy disposed of The Mobilians of this writer were pure Clioctaws. The
Chickasaws are of the same stock. There is no evidence whatever, that the Alaljanias
spoke any but a dialect of the same generic language. A similar remark applies,
with equal force, to the numerous sulvtribes and bands, who are referred to by various
names in this southern area; l)ut who all eventually fell into either the Appalachian
or Muscogee sul>group of languages, the affinities Ix'twecn which permit them to be
all merged under the general name of Appalachians.

Under this term must also be included the Vamases of South Carolina; and
perhaps, though with less probability, some others of the ancient southern coast tribes
of that State. It is uncertain whether the term Chickorean,' which was applied by
early navigators to the trilws of tiie norlhern Gtonjin ami Caioliiia Ailuufh; cmist/i,
had respect to a language dift'ering from the known Cherokee and " Apalachites" or
Muscogee generally. And if the Catawbas 1x3 withdrawn from the proposed family,*
agreeaoly to a preceding ol)servation, there is no element to found this group upon,
unless we are compelled to do so by examples of a i)eculiar character and idiom
in the e.xtinct dialects of the Cheraws, Waxsaws, and Kershaws. Admitting the
radices of Cher, Ker, and Wax, in these words, to be characteristic of peculiar traits,
the tcnnination in aw is clearly an Algonquin syllable, and carries the idea of people.
And we should Ix! limited, in the inquiries, to the differing bands of the Santees,
Oconees, Waterees, and Pedees.

' History of Alubaiim. ' Vide Cluirokce Alphabet, VI. B.

' Carrol's Historical Collections of SoutL Carolina. 2 vols. 8vo, N. Y. * Vidu I, U. page 35.

LANGUAGE.

345

Another question in the classification of our Indian languages arises from the two
small tribes of the Natchez and Utchees, the remnants of which have coalesced with
the Muskogces. We may suppose that there was some ancient alliance, to lead their
minds to the act; if not, some remote affinitj; but, in the present state of our
inquiries, they must lie separately grouiied.

The languages of New Mexico, California, and Oregon, require several new groups ;
but the labour cannot be satisfactorily attempted until our collection of vocabularies
and grammars is more complete.

Pt. II.

11. PLAN OF TIIOUGIIT OF THE AMERICAN LANGUAGES.

iiY KRAxris i.f.iuf.k, i,r,.i)., mem. op the fr. inst.

Tlio jHM'cc'ptivc organs carrv specific imnfros — iiimgcs of tilings in oV their thousand,
yet, for the single case, peculiarly coinhinecl relations, to the mind. Wc never see a
man, or a horse, but we see a man with hrown hair, calm expression, sitting, one leg
over the other, reading, black pants, near a sopha, &c., &c. ; or a sjiecific horse so or so,
in its thousand relations to the world around. Now it is clear, that if each thing in
nil its individual relations, and each action with <ill its peculiarities, had its own name,
or its own word, no hinguag*^ would be possible, because the object of language is to
arrive, by skilful combinations tA' /:ninni signs, at the (expression of something unknown
to the hearer, (the idea to be conveyed) ; but, in the case tiuit I suppo.^e, each thing
and action would have its own word; and as each singular thing or precise action has
never existed iH-lbre, (for I still speak of totalities.) tiie hearer could not know this
word. Hemember that nothing in the world is in one moment the same it was the
moment iM^'ore, if we speak, as 1 now do. of n/l relations. A piece of rock will l)e
shone ujxui l)v the sun. or rained upon, or hwiked upon by luo or by you, and in each
case that rock and its totality is another; the /'■/»</'■. as comprehended by the e_\(> as
one thing, is a difliM-ent thing every moment, lu <ine word, the world consists of
realitit'fi. and not al)stractions ; l)ut realities are aKva_\s • indiviiluali/ed entities.
Ahfitruilhni tlierefore becomes necessary fur the very possiliility of language. II' 1 say,
the horne in iiii/ sUihle in hroini, I put together nothing but abstractions, in order to
entrench the idea or thing to be expre.s.^ed. Ifinxv, stuhh, hrmni, /.«, nii/, are all
abstractions. I never saw hmini, or c.risfrinr, or »*//, or sfuhk; but I have .seen millions
of brown things, thousands of individual horses, nuuiy stables, have often thought of
things iK'longing to me, and urn all the time jierceiving things that arr, crixt, — I am
surrounded by existences, and am myself one.

On the other hand, imagine that this process of abstraction is carried on ad infinitum.
We have the word ridimj. This is an abstraction, still it means the comprehensive
idea of hwomotion on the back of an animal. The French have no such word, and
must say munter d, chcvnl. Suppose they had no word for chccul, but were obliged to
say (he ueiijhing animah, suppose they had no word lor neigliing, nor for animal, but
were obliged to describe neighing, and to say for animal, breathing thing; suppose n(»
separate words existed for either, hut that you must put together other words more

(340)

••>•«•*#*•>*■*»»

LANGUAGE.

347

gonoializinjf still to iinivc at the ideas of thiiif^-breathing, do n't yon soo that a;j:iiiii
lanf:;iiii<it' oOidd be reduced to zero, to nothing, to an impossibility, as nnieh as in the
previous case of infinite individualization ? All language, therefore, plays between
these two jMjles; every language inclines more to the one or the other; all human
sjieech re(|uires tlie one <»/«/ the other. Tone, vividness, energy, brevity', point-blank
shots with words, require individualizing words, words which throw a volume of
associated ideas, an idea with a hundred adjunct relations, like a shell shot into the
soul of the hearer. Refinement, definition, intentional dilution, transparency, philo-
sophical di.xquisition, on the other hand, re([uire generalizing words.

When I Ijecame acquainted with the Indian languages, I was led to this whole
meditation, and I found that two terms were necessary to indicate these two different
charactei"s. I found that the Indians often say in one word that for which we req\iire
ten ; I then reflected that the Greek language, especially its verb, frequently does the
same; 1 remembeivd that the San.scrit has the same tendency witii our Indian
languages, that is, to Ibnn or to use single words which to us ai)pear like clu.-ters of
gra[)es. On the other hand, I saw that the French often are obliged to use half a
dozen of words where we require but one. I discovered, moreover, that as nuni begins
with itercciciiKj totalities, and then generalizes in his «/<'/«/, so do children and early
nations show the strongest tendency to form and use individualizing words — bunch
worth, words which, indeed, express a main idea, but along with it a hundred other
ideas, Avhich, so long as you wish to express that one idea with those hundred adjunct
ideas, are excellent, — as excellent as a carpenter's word, e. g., lulze, but which becomes
cundjersome and ruinous .so soon as you wish to express something more general, as
udze would be, were there no such words as instrument, shaqi-tool, handle, flat, &c.,
&c., and you were still obliged, each time that you wished to express the idea of
hatchet, to use the term «</;.('. These adhesions are the greatest trouble to our
missionaries.

I found that William von Humboldt called these bunch u-on/s of the Indians
n<j(jlutlnnt'utnn (in-gluings), and Viu\nn\ci>i\\\ imJijsi/iithctic (man}' compound) : but I saw,
at once, that this was beginning at the wrong end ; for these names indicate that that
which has Ix'en separated is put together, as if man Ijcgan with analysis, while, in fact,
he ends with it. And I saw, moreover, that there are three different kinds of bunch
words. Tliis very word has the same defect, but jon will let it pass for the present.
I use it merely epistolarily or conversationally. There are such words which express
what noio to uh expresses a bunch of ideas by one striking word ; others, b^- a variety
of inflections, re-dnplications, changes of vowels, and other transmutations; and others,
again, which express clusters of ideas by real synthesis, with more or less changes of
the eleinents. For all these three classes I wanted one term, and I formed the word
holophniMlc, from »>^i)f, undivided, entire, and <ffa.tu, to say, express, utter forth. For
the opposite, I .selected the term analytical. Holophrastic and anal3tical, used in this

848

LANGUAGE.

Ii! I

l: ':

fuimoxion, luv, of eoiirfo, but ivlativo tonus. Tlie (jiifsstion i.s alnuit inoro or li'.xs. No
laiij^uagi', as I liavo »liuwn, can bo wholly holoplirastir, none wholly analytical ; but I
believe men like yourselves will sustain me, when I say that these, or any similar ones,
were necessary in general philolog}-, and that neither agglutination nor polysynthosis
expre.-^sed what we needed to express.

You have seen those sets of Ik)xc», where one is put into another, to save room in
transj)osing them. These sets furnish indeed the image of some words of the American
Indians, or of Sanscrit. Theiv is occasionally a real process of en-capsulation (of
Ixixing Ik)X within lx)x) — a term which would in fact appear better to me than
agglutination, because the latter indicates merely an incivment from without which is
not always the case by any means. But whether we take en-capsulation, (from
capxula, a l)ox, or little box,) or agglutination or polysyntliesis, we .still cannot dispense
with a term which refers to the imnnbiy of the word, considered in a philosophical
IMMiit of view, and not to the purely etymological process, which is but a means, and a
late one, to indicate the duster-thought b}' the hohijthruHtic iionl. I »ay a hifc one;
because, before 30U agglutinate or en-capsidate, ycm must have the separate elements,
and these elements arc the results of analy.sis or generalization, while holophrasm is
the iK'gimiing. Were it not so, we would have al)S()lute terms for abstractions or
generalities, as direct for the meaning they strive to convey ns rul>a-dub is for
drumming, or moaning for what it signifies, or flanh for sudden bright-passing light ;
while the fact is that all tenus for abstractions are faded metaphors, and these
generally express but very lamely what they are intended to convey — so much so,
that there is no absolute language except in mathematics ; I mean absolute so far as
the thought to Ix) expressed is concerned. As to the etymology of mathematical
terms, they are likewise but faded metaphors, or terms Htrij)ped of their original
physical meaning.

Once more, holophrasm relates to the great logic of the human mind cast into
utterance; en-capsulation, on the other hand, to the grammar only.

One of the leading topics of Bradford's American Antiquities is the hypothesis
that the American red race is of Mongolian origin, and reached this continent by the
islands of the Pacific. He adduces many facts in supjwrt of this supposition, sullicient
to an'?.st the attention of the reflecting reader. Among other things he mentions the
great grammatical similarity of all American idioms, and those spoken by the Islanders
of the South Pacific Ocean. It is with regard to tlii.s point that I believe an additional
fivct may be mentioned.

In a letter to the Honorable Albert Gallatin on the Study of the Ancient Languages,
printed alx)ut six years ago' in the Southern Literary Messenger, then published by
Mr. White in Richmond, Virginia, I said that the American languages distinguished

1843.

hvi„.

LANUUAUE.

ai'J

tlii'iiisL'lves, iimon<^ other thinj^s, by ii slr«)ii}i itrovalt'iici' of fm/itji/ini'ilw wofdi^, as I
took tlie lilxTty of calling thciii. I know that h(ilo[)hra.xtic is a n-hitivo term, yet
when we apply it to «uch words which express an assenihlage of ideas, or a connexion
of two ideas, which must appear even to the least analytic or generalizing mind as
different ideas, or which in very many cases express by one word, ideas, which
nevertheless the same language in other cases expresses hy dillerent words, the term
holophrastic will be of sufficient distinctness to divide languages into holophrastie and
aiudytical ones. If you should think it worth your while to read the letter to Mr.
Gallatin, you will find the reason why I i)refened to call those Avords holophrastic,
and have not followed Mr. Williiim de IlumUddt, who called a part of them at least
agglutinated words.

Now, we do not only find the holophrastic character prevailing in our Indian
languages, as may be seen from a very neat article written by my friend Mr. John
Pickering of IJoston, for the sixth volume of my Americana, but also in the languages
of the Islands of the Indian Archipelago. In llolden's Narnitive, Boston, 183G, page
135, et seq., we find for instance that, in the language of Lord North's Island, the
numeral one is i/uJit ; if, however, they count cocoanuts, mn' is srxj; and if they count
fish, one is expres.sed by the word nccmnl.

Going farther back, to Asia, we find in Father Sangermano's Description of tlic
Burmese Empire, translated by William Tandy, I). D., and published by the London
Oriental Translation Fund, Rome, IS:').'), on page 139, instances of the holophrastic
character of the Burmese language, almost identical with those which Mr. Pickering
gives on page 08!), of vol. vi. of the Americana, of the Cherokee and many other
American idioms. >Sangermano says : " So that for to wash the hands they use one
word; but to wash the face recpiires another; the word for to wash linen with soap
is diflerent from the one signifying to wash it simply with water; and to wa.sh the
body, the dishe.s, &c., are all difierent phrases, each exi)ressing the action to wash by a
difierent verb."

I am well aware that the Sanscrit, and possil)ly */// very ancient languages, express
a great variety of modifications of the original idea — all of which »''e express by
several words — h\ one word only, as indeed the Greek and Latin \erbs alone furnish
numerous exami)les ; l)ut it is to be oliserved that these words, which express what
appears to our analytic minds a whole duster of ideas, are either compounds or
agglutinations, or modifications of the original idea expressed by grammatical modifi-
cations of the original word, and m<n'eover relate to meanings modified by the
additional ideas of number, degree, time, action, condition, intensity, rei)etition, desire,
imprecation, relation, &c. ; (in general they relate to what is called in philosophy the
categos,) but not to the connexion of two or more ideas of distinct ohjertx.

It has appeared to me that this connnon feature of all these languages, which
nevertheless is so peculiar, may deserve attention and invite farther research.

IHRI-

I^H rl '

Urn

i^H^I '

MlM

h.4

III. AN ESSAY ON THE GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE
OF THE ALGONQUIN LANGUAGE.

BY HENRY R. SCHOOLCRAFT.

(361)

SYNOPSIS.

§ 1. Introductory Remarks : Progress of Inquiry respecting the Study of the American
Languages: Scheme of Annotation.

§ 2. Observations on the Substantive — its Char^'os and Inflections.

§ 3. Further remarks on the character and flexibility of the Substantive.

§ 4. Nature ond Principles of the Adjective — its pseudo-substantive character and varied
forms.

§ 5. Principles of the Pronoun — its coalescont character and different forms.

§ 6. The Verb — its fixed classes of conjugation, adaptivenes.s, and tendency to absorb, in
its principles of forming compounds, all the other parts of speech.

§ 7. Further considerations on the extreme flexibility of the Verb, and its capacities for
expressing the various wants and phenomena of tho barbarous state.

§ 8. Non-existence of auxiliary Verbs. Considerations on the existence of a substantive-
verb in the Algonquin. Distinctions which characterize the Language. Duplicate
radices to express the classes of matter and being.

(862)

AN ESSAY

GRAMMATICAL STRUCTUllE

ALGONQUIN LANGUAGE.

§ 1. Introductory Remarks: Progress op Inquiry respecting
THE Study op the American Languages: Articilate
Sounds, and Scheme op Annotation employed in the
PRESENT Paper.

It is within lato years only, that the diHcuswion of the American languages has
excited the lixed attention of Americans. The causes of this neglect it would be
foreign to my purpose to detail ; but it is believed they may Ixj sufliciently found in
the political necessities which have incessantly absorbed the public attention from the
first planting of the colonies, to the close of the American Revolution, and up to the
commencement of the 19th century. The great work of reclaiming a wilderness ; of
protecting feeble and extended settlements from the effects of Indian wars ; and the
great practical duties of providing and establishing a government on solid foundations,
were calculated to give a strictly utilitarian character to the intellectual exertions of
those early times, which left but little room for the investigation of abstract branches
of science, or the cultivation of belle lettres. Other reasons may have existed ; but
these causes may be said to have abated in their force, with the first quarter of the
present century ; and he must have been an indifferent observer of the progress of
philological inquiries withhi late years, on this side of the Atlantic, who has not
Pt. U. — 45 (303J

854

L A N (J U A E .

d ii

pcrccivi'tl tliiit till- (Miriviit of iiitclltrtiiali/.iitiim <>ii this topic i.x frriMitlv clianjrrd. uikI
is rapiilly cliaiiiriiifr.

lMiilol(>;ry !■< not. ]H'i'liups, oiio of tlu' oailicst topic!* to ciiira^'c flic rcscarclicn. cillicr
of 11 lixcd or expatriated people. Ami the inti-ii'st wliicli ha?* lieeii recently excited
nt lioine in a few minds, on the aln^ripinal lanjrnn^'cs of this continent, innst 1h' attri-
liiitcd to the unusual attractions which thoy present, as new prohleins of the uKwle of
thdii.uht. Those individuals wlio have directed their iuijuiries most successfully to
tiu' suliject, have manifestly laliored under great disadvautafri's, from the paucity and
incompleteness of their materials; the vague and unsatisfactory nature of some of
them, and the gn'iit want of uniformity in the orthography, and conserpiently generid
comparative value t)f all. Under these adverse circumstance."*, it is less a nuitter of
Hurprise, that, without such ade(piafe data, .so little has In-en done towards the
det«-rniination and classification of tiie Indian languages, as that, with so slender an
ncrunudation of facts, any valuahle results at all should have lieen ohtained.

It is rather, theivfore, to supply, as far as nmy bo, some of the deficiencies referred
to, Iiy contributing to the stiH'k of nuiti'rials for generalization, than to apply tho
results to the general pinposes of philology, (for which great experience and conside-
ration are required,) that these renuirks are commenced. And it is felt, that even in
this tasiv, some apology may 1k' deemed necessary for entering on a topic, which, it
may he thought, others are more eminently fiualidi'd to discuss. It is no want of
respect for the talents of men removed I'rom the sphere of personal observation ii]ioii
Indian manners and languages; nor is it the want of having duly estimated the lalK)r,
the caution, learning, and peculiar dilllculties which a successful investigation of tho
pubject presupposes, that induces the writer to lay the pre.^^ent papers before the jjublic.

He may plead, in his behalf, tho force of circumstances, which, during a period of
npwards of thirty 3ears, have placed him in the extreme solitude of the forest, in
contact with the alK)rigines, under auspices extremely favorable to the ac»iuisition
of their languages, and to the collection and examination of facts and nuiterials
elucidating their history and condition, j)ast and present. The nundier of journeys
which ho has performed through the portions of country, embracing in longitude the
whole extent of the Mississippi Valley, and the continental region to the Kocky
Mountains and the Ita,sca summit; the public treaties he ha.s attended and made,
under the auspices of the United States government, with tho Indian tribes, and the
situation he has fdled as the ollicial organ of communication between the government
and tho Indians on the northwestern frontiers, have opened sources of information of
which the assertion may 1)0 ventured, it is iK'lieved, witlumt presumption, that he haa
neither wanted opportnnies, disfjosition, nor assiduity to avail himself.

Tho incpiiries which have been addressed to him, while on the fnmticrs, by
distinguished and learned individuals, who have made tho Indian languages a stud}-,
or by persons of enlarged views in the service of the United States government, and

L A N U I* A (J E .

.\r,:t

tlit> iiiciiioii's ami <N-(ar<i((iiiil |iii|ici'h wliicli lie liitx ilniwn ii|i to .^ati^fN iImm' iiii|iiiiifs,
lia\«' soiiirtiiiios .Hcrvt'il to inf<|iin' IVi'sli anior. or to ilirt'ct it to new olijiTt.i. I'mlrr
• •vi'rv ur*|H'( t lilt' Kiilijcct liUM Im'*'1i iiilcri'sliii^'. It lias at vaiions iktmhU. wliilc it
\in>i r<tiinitlat('(l Icai'iiiii^', tuniisliol tlit> liopo ot' tli.xcovcrv. the cliariii ol° novcllv, ami
tlio aiiiii>( fiii'iit of solitmlc.

'I'lint-I has eiiiil/lril jjiiii to text liis remarks at various jNiints, to coiiiiiari' one iilimii
witli uiiotlii-r, anil to jH-rct^iv*' aiialo«,'it's in the ftviiiolojrv niul syntax of a very
coiisiiK-ralilc nnnilicr of diak-cts and lanfrnajrt's, wliicli imlucc a Itrlicl" tiiat the parent
lanfrna;:('s in the I iiited States are lew and 4iiite analojrous in tiieir ^reiieral principles.

lit the several narratives and aeeoinits of travels which he has pnlilished, he has
refrniiit'd, in ti frreat dofjire, Iroiu the «liseimsion of tin- snliject. While jreoirraphy,
^reolo^'v, and natnral liistory were en^rossiii^ to|iics. it did not appear that the Indian
huifrna.uces could he advantajreonsly tri'ated; and. in castinj- a retrospect over the li>l
of travellers who had visited the frontiers, it was evident that they had nut furnished
the highest models lor imitation. Jk'sidcs, the topic had none of the elements of
general jiopnlarity, and, thoui.'h deeply interesting- to a few mimls. it will he no
injustice to American leaders, to say, that this interest was liniiti'd.

1 have deemed this much necessary to satisly [lulilic curiosity, and to justifv , perlia|)s,
graiuiiuitical positions, whii'h, if they are sometimes stated with much conlidenee. art-
tilt' tVHiilt of full eoiivictioii.s, mature iiKjuiiy, and ample up|H)rtunities.

Not to rejrard what has heen done on this sulijecl in past times, would U- to limit
very much the view of what remains to he done at pri'sent. The first translations
which weiv made into the Intlian tongues, on this continent, were undertaki'ii as helps
to the introduction of Christianity among the trihes. This was commenced at very
early periods. The most considerahle and known en()rt of this kind at an early day,
in North America, was made in Massachusetts.

Ill UiS."), the Rev. .loliii Kliot, (who is styled, from his venerable age niid eminent
st'i'vices. The Indian AiKistlo, hy his coiitennKH'aries,) puhlished at Cainhridge a revised
and complete translation of the entire IJihle, in the [irincipal Indian tongue. This is
believed to have heen the greatest literary lalwr in the de[iartiiieiit of the translation
into the aboriginal languages, which has ever been accomplished on this continent.
It gave a great impetus to the .subject; and Cotton iMather, in his letter to Dr.
Lcusden, Hebrew Professor in the University of Utrecht, of July 12, 1087, sjwaks of
it in the highest terms. Prior to this time, namely, in lOlil, Kliot had pnblished a
translation of the New Testament, and in 10G;> the Old Testament in this language.
He also published a grammar.

We arc informed by Mr. Du Ponceau,' that about the year 17GG, more than a
century after Eliot's translation, two eminent pliilosoiihers of France, M. Maupertiiis
and M. Turgot, each published a treatise on the origin of languages.

' Truiislalions of tlie Hist, and Literary Cuininittcc of the American Philosophical Society, p. 370.

356

LANGUAGE.

Mauiwrtiiis, iii his essay, t(X)k great pains to sliow tliu importance of studying tliu
languages of even the niosL distant and barbarous nations, "because," is his expression,
" we may chance to find some tliat are formed on new j'lnns of ideas." Turgot, who
had acquired considerable distinction as a statesnian, instead of approving this, tried
to turn it into lidicule, by the remark that he could not understand what was meant
by " plans of ideas." A new idea was at least thrown out to the philological world
by Maupertius, which has been the cause of thought to grammarians ever since.

Germany, however, but not France, pursued this investigation. In an inquiry
whether America was peopled from the old continent,' Professor Vater of Leipsic, who
had received some examples of the Lenno Lenapee from Moravian Brethren, in Penn-
sylvania, was struck with the richness of their grannnatical forms, and on comparing
them with Eliot's Bible of 1G85, perceived the same philological phenomena.

Professor Rudiger has published vocabularies of the languages of the world, as far
as known, and among tliem gives some of our Indian dialects. It appears from these
that the Swedes, while they occupied Delaware, compiled a catechism in the Lenno
Lenapee, which was published at Stockholm in 1000. These ap^iear to be the
earliest traces of inquiry into the principles of American philology.

In 1703, the Empress Catherine of Ru.ssia directed the collection of vocabularies in
all the barbarous dialects of that P]mpire ; a literary lalx)r in which it is said she per-
sonally engaged with great zeal, and was also assisted by various learned men. The
results ofthe.se investigations were published at Paris in 1715, and doubtless helped to
fi.K the attention of philosophers on the then but little (niderstiKid phenomena of language.

Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia, viewed the existence of the Indians here as
an anomaly in history. This work was written, I believe, in 1778. His mind was
turned to the subject of the Indian languages as the readiest solution of Indian history,
and he gathered a collection of vocabularies, which it is said lie designed to digest
and publish. For this purpose, Mr. Gallatin infonned me, he took his materials along
with him to Virginia, after his election to the Presidency, in 1801, that he might
employ the leisure of his summer retreat in examining them ; but, in crossing the
Rappahannock, he had left the conduct of his baggage to negro servants, through
whose carelessness the house in which they were t(X)k fire, and all his manuscripts
were consumed. He had not the heart to commence his work anew, and, with the
exception of the speech of Logan, which had been published with his Notes on Virginia,
and his just opinions of the importance of the languages, this is all that remains
of his well-directed inquiries. In his Notes, L(mdon edition, 1787, he observes: "A
knowledge of their several languages would be the most certain evidence of their
derivation that could be produced. In fact, it is the best proof of the aflinity of
nations which ever can be referred to. How many ages have elapsed since the
English, the Dutch, the Germans, the Swis ,, the Norwegians, the Danes, and Swedes,

' Mithridi\tc8.

■ I' ^i

LAN(.i L AliE.

have wiHUatod from tlicir coimnon stock ! Yet, how lUiiiiy nioie iiui.st elapse before
the proofs of their common origin, which exist in their several hinguajres, will
disappear! It is to bo lamented then, very much to be hunented, that we have
siiflered so many of the Indian tribes already to disappear, without our having
previously collected, and deposited in the records of literature, the general rudiments,
lit least, of the languages they spoke. Were vocabularies formed of all the languages
spoken in North and South America, preserving their appellations for the most
connnon objects in nature — of those which nuist be present to every nation, barbarous
or civilized, with the inflections of their nouns and ver1)s, their principles of regimen
and concord, and these deposited in all the public libraries, it would furnish
opportunities, to those skilled in the languages of the old world, to compare them with
these, now or at any future time, and hence 'o construct the best evidence of the
derivation of this part of the human race."

Volney, in his View of the United States, reflecting the opinions of Maupertius and
other philosophers of Europe, expres.sed his sense of the iin[)()rtance of collecting
vocabularies, and grammars of the Indian tongues ; and declared tlie work to be m\c
that should engage the notice of government.

The importance of studying the languages, as a guide to history, appears to have
been realized by Dr. Benjamin Smith Barton, Professor in the University of Pennsyl-
vania, whose work on the languages called the attention of American philologists
distinctly, but vainly, it is Ixdieved, to the subject.

This was followed by Dr. Elias Boudinot's "• Star in the West," which revived the
ancient idea of Clrotius, of the Indians being the " Lost Tkihks," or descendants of
Israel. PVeling as a Christian philosopher on this head, he appears to have pursued
the inquiry, rather as an historical and practical, than a purely scientific question.

In 1810, the American Philosophical Society turned its attention to the American
languages, and directed tiie late Peter S. Duponceau to open a ct)rrespondence with
the Kev. John lleckewelder on the sulyect. This forms an era in the home-inquiries
on American philolog}-. The results, in which we are greatly indebted to Mr.
Duponceau's learning, were laid before the Historical Connnittee of that society, and
were published at Philadelphia, in a separate volume of their Transactions, in 1819.

Amongst the materials received by the American Philosophical Society, was a
grannniir of the Lenno Lenape, or Delaware language, l)y Mr. Zeisberger. This,
together with the correspondence, opened up a new field of inquiry. The vnl) was
found to be particularly rich and varied in its inflections and forms. The "transitions,"
as they have since been called, offered a new feature to the mind. " I am inclined to
))elievc," says Mr. Duponceau, " that these forms are peculiar to this part of the world,
and that they do not exist in the languages of the old hemisphere." Trans, p. 370.
He was led to admire the rich and varied forms of the Delaware language. " If," said
he, '• this language was cultivated and {lolished, as those of Europe have been, and if

'1 :

' 1 i

Bit' '

:•!

h'\ '

ffj ■

irR'i

;> ;

358

LANGUAGE.

■^1

the Delaware's had a Homer and Virgil among them, it in iinposs^iljle to say, with such an
instrument among them, how far the langu.age could be carried. The Greek has Ix^en
admired for its comiwundi?, but what are they to tlio.se of the Indians!" p. 415. The
conception of Maupertius of '" new plans of ideas," .seemed to be realized in the Lenno
Leuape. In considering this subject, he finally denominated the American languages
jyolysynthdw, (many-syntheses,) a term which they have since borne among philologists.

It appears from the transactions of the American Anticpuirian Society, that the
Honorable Albert Gallatin furnished vocabularies of the Indian languages to IJaron
Alexander Humboldt in lS2o. These were subsecjuently enlarged, and formed the
basis, as he has indicated, of his Sy.voi'Sis of the tribes, published by that .society in
18;JG. (Vide Archa>ologia Americana, Vol. II., p. 1.)

The writer's attention was first called to the sultject in 1822, when he went to reside
in the capacity of Agent of Indian Aflairs — a semi-diplomatic office, at Sault Ste.
Max-ie, at the foot of the basin of Lake Superior. The advantages of this jwsition,
and his opportunities generally for investigating the languages, have been stated in
the preceding pages. The observations in the following paper on the substantive,
were published in IS.U. (Vide A[)pendix to Expedition to Ita.sca Lake.) They were
suhserpiently translated into French by Mr. Duponceau, and submitted to the National
Institute of France. In 1844, the remarks on the Pronoun were published in the
Miscellaii}' entited Oneota. The entire Essay is now subnutted.

All the examples of Indian lexicography are taken from the Ojibwa, the mother
language of the Algonrpiins, the principles of which have been so long and so justly
the theme of French eulogy. The word Ojibwa, and its anglicized form, Chippewa,
appears to have been developed since the term Algonquin, in its generic sense, was
applied to the people living at Lake Nepissing, (who are hence often called Niper-
cinians,) on the ancient portage, from the Outawais, or Grand river, leading to the
waters fiowing into Lake Huron, near LiirCloche. From this sunnnit they were traced
by early writers into the valley of the St. Lawrence, where, in contradistinction to
the Irocpiois, who lived on the southern shores, they were called Algoncjuens or
Algonquins, a term of doubtful etymolog}', but which seems to mean Ihiple of the
other or ojijtosite shore. (Ethnological Researches, Part I., p. 'itOO.)

Those bands which were found living at the Sault-de-Ste-Marie, on the outlet of
Lake Superior, were called Smilteaiir, or people of the Sault. Others who were
encountered at the Mississagie River, on the north shore of Lake Huron, were called
Mississagies, or people of the wide-mouthed stream. There was, however, no appre-
ciable or stated diflerence of dialect or language noticed, such as nmrks the Ottawa,
Pottawattomie, Kenisteno, Menomonie, and the dialects of various other tribes, who
yet all employ, with slight dilTerence.s, the Algonquin vocabulary and syntax.

Taking it then as the original mother language, and regarding the deviations from
it as dialectic, it becomes important to inouire what are its primary .sounds. For this

LAK

AGE.

359

purpose I have constructed a table of tli syllables employed by them in the formation
of words, which, although probably incomplete, will facilitate the inquiry.

ELEMENTARY SYLLABLES FOUNDED ON THE PRIMARY VOWEL SOUNDS.

AI as A in Fate (1).

A as in Father (2).

A as in Fall (3).

A as in Hat (4).

Only ultered with a Coriioujiiit following.

Aib Bai

Alib Bah

Aub Bau

Aid Dai

Ahd Dah

Aud Dau

Aig Gai

Ahg Gah

Aug Gau

Aih Ilai

Ah Ilah

Auh Hau

Aik Kai

Ahj Jah

Auj Jau

Ail Lai

Ahk Kah

Auk Kau

Ai.j Jai

Ahl Lah

Aul Lau

Aim Jlai

Ahra Mah

Aura Mau

Ain Nai

Ahn Nah

Ann Nau

Aip I'ai

Ahp Pah

Aup Pau

Ais Sai

Ahs Sah

Aus Pau

Ait Tai

Aht Tah

Aut Tau

Aiw Wai

Ahw AVah

Auw Wau

Aiz Yai

Ahz Zah

Auz Yau

Aizh Zhni

Auzh Zhau

EE as in Mc (1).

E as in Met (2).

I as in Fine (1).
Bi

I as iu Pin (2).

Ecb Bee

Ecd Dee

Eeg Gee

Ecli He

Eej Jee

Eel Leo

Eek Kee

Eeni Mce

Ecn Nee

Ecp I'ee

Ecs See

Eot Tee

Eew Wee

Ecz Zoo

as in Note (1).

as in Move (2).

as in Not (4).

Cob Boo

U as in But.

Ood Doo

Oog Goo

Ooh IIoo

Ooj Joo

Ook Koo

Ool Loo

Oom Moo

Oon Noo

Urn

Oop Poo

Oos Soo

Oot Too

Oow Woo

Ooy Yoo

Ooz Zoo

Each of the 17 primary syllables may be changed fifteen times, showing the possible number of ulcmcntary
syllables which arc cmplnyed to be 255 — a fact, significant of the capacity of the language.

860

LANGUAGE,

MS!

1 1

Efli

lifl

ihK

.1
i

HjM

IUb^^kI

HI]

1
1

^hH

nil

m *

Mil

1 1

The language, it will be perceived, possesses all the vowel sounds, as heard in far,
fate, fall ; met, meet ; shine, pin ; not, note, move ; put, nut. It has two labials,
b and p; five dentals, d, t, s, z, and j, or g, soft; two nasals, m and n; and two
primary gutturals, k and g, hard. The letters f, r, v, are wanting. The sound of x
is also believed to be wanting in all the Algonquin dialects but the Delaware and
the old Mohegan of the Hudson valley, in which it is fully heard, as in Coxackie.
The letter 1 is heard in t!ie Delaware, Sac and Fox, and Shawnee dialects, where it
is the transmutative of n. The sound of r, which is observed frequently in the
ancient annotation of geographical terms in the Powhatanic and Abinakie dialects,
and a few of the earlier Algonquin vocabidaries of New France and New Jersey, is
merely dropped in the attempts to pronounce foreign words; or is Ix^lieved, in most
eases, as employed by authors in the ancient geographical terminolog}', to represent the
.sound of ah. To the Normans who came to ('anada, and to the English cavaliers of
Virginia, the sound appears also to have often taken the form of ar. The transmuta-
tive consonants are p lor f, n for b, and b for v. The letter x is uttered as if written
egs. The most common change in the consonantal sounds^, is that which exi.sts
reciprocally tx'tween p and b. Part of this, however, is the rcsult of tense.

These changes occur with regularity in the conjugations of the verbs. Words
commencing with b in the first and second persons, are rendered p in the third. Thus
nim bemaudiz, I live ; ke benuiudiz, thou livest, are changed to pinuiudi/zi, he lives.
When a word commencing with a vowel has the pronoun prefi.xed, it takes a consonant
before it; thus oxtn'ii, a stone, is rendered in the possessive, nin dosseem, my stone;
(ih, a shell, ke daisim, thy shell. The same rule obtair.s, if an adjective is prefixed.
Thus addik, a rein-deer, is changed by tlie prefix of male, to iaid)a waddik, a male
reindeer.

When vowels succeed each other, without tlie intervention of a consonant, their
sounds are broad, as in penjiee, (within,) i-au, (to be.) To this observation the
vowel i permits another to Ix^ added, that when followed by a consonant, it has
uniformly the short sound of i, in pin. The sound of th, as heard in this, that, (the
th or p. of the Scandinavians,) appears to be confined nearly to a certain dialect of the
Algonquin, namely, the Shawnee — a trilje whose history connects them directl}-,
agreeably to their own traditions, and concurrent fact.s, with the extreme .southern
bounds of the United States. Tliere is also an unmistakeable trace of it in the
ancient New York t^pe of the Mohegan — a tril)e between whom and the Shawnees,
there is, agreeably to the traditions of Metoxon, a close ancient affinity. The
nasal sounds are frequent. That of n is heard in moKz (moose), and in the diminutive
termination (ifis. By the use of this diminutive, annemoosh, a dog; muk woh, a
Ijcar, Ijecome annemoijs, a little dog; muk-iiys, a cub. Ng, as in Vuujer, is found
in annung, (a star.) The nasal sound of m appears in m'eew (enough,) and its full
sound as in minnls, (an Island,) minnekwii. (lie drinks.) The letter }• Is heard as

.:i-0»'J.

LANGUAGE.

361

a consonant in yo, 'nyaii, and tyau; tlie two former feminine, and the latter a
maseuline exclamation ; but is never required as a vowel sound. Tho.se dialects
have been denoted, which employ the letters b, r, and x ; and the unusual combina-
tion of th ; but no examples are proposed to be exhibited from either of the.«e
excepted dialects. The distinctive sounds, indeed, fioin which the Aljronquin, in
its entire breadth of dialects throu{5hout the land, is to Ix; excepted, are those of
the letters f and v.

Thus an alphabet of five vowels and thirteen consonants is capable of expressing,
either simply or in combination, every full soiuid of the Ojibwa or Algonquin language;
and it is from this that the examples will be exclusively drawn. In this estimate of
primary sounds, the letters c, and q, and y, as representing a vowel sound, are entirely
rejected. The soft of c is s, the hard sound k. Tlie sound of g is always that of k.

With the sulyect thus simplified, I have been induced to adopt a system of alpha-
betical notation diflerent, in some resi)ects, from what I should have proposed without
tiiis previous information. This system is, in fact, the result of practice rather than
of theory, and has been altered to suit the expressicm of new or unusual combinations
of sounds, as they were presented to me in the course of my inquiries. A practical
method, as little removed as the exact preservation of the sounds would permit from
common usage, appeared to claim preference. To this end, I have introduced no new-
character of notation, and have attempted no new combinations of existing ones.
Without attending to the foreign powers of the Roman letters, I found the English
al[)habet adequate to the representation of every distinct .sound. It was only necessary
to reject its redundancie.«, and to determine the precise powers of the vowels, and of
such of its cousoniuits as were required. The cedilla is used to denote the nasal
sounds ; and the diivresis to mark the long sounds of the vowels in cases where they
could not be otherwise indicated by the establishment of a general rule. Every vocal
lieculiarity I have not attempted, however, to preserve. There are several semi-tones,
both nasal and guttural, for which no certain character exists; and it appeared to me
that more would be lost than gained by endeavoring to convey nice distinctions, which,
after all, the most critical student might find it difficult to pronounce : but I indulge
the hope, that no characteristic or distinctly audible sound has been neglected or
omitted. Walker's key to English pronunciation being in general use, it appeared
expedient to subjoin, that one system may be converted into the other.

It is desirable, as the Indians are to be taught to read English books and English
bibles, and to learn English history, philosophy, poetry, and literature, that they employ
the English system of orthography, after it is pruned of its redundancies, and the inex-
actitude that would result to Indian e i-s from the use of its homophonous vowels and
consonantal combinations ; and that such a scheme of orthograpliy should be pursued in
their elemental teaching that they may not, at a certain point on their path to
knowledge, he necessitated to unlearn the system of their school-bo}' days. For,
Pt. it.— 40

r :. •

LANGUAGE.

however it may apixsar to subserve the purjxwes of elementary philology, by exhibiting
new plana of annotation, the English must be the language of civilization to them, if
they can ever learn one ; and, most assuredly, the English race will not tread back its
steps in orthography to suit the sounds of barbarous dialects, however precisely or
elegantly expressed.

It is believed, also, that its homophones can Ije so limited, defined, and expressed, as
not only to subserve this practical jjurpose, but fulfd the higher uses of scientific
philology. The foundation of English orthography is laid in the letter A, — the common
English sound of A, as heard in fate. To mark this, the diphthongal sound of ai will
be invariably used. Its second sound, as heard in father, is expressed by the sound of
ah ; ' its third sound, as heard in law, by au. The short sound of a, as heard in hat,
(No. 4) will be, by a law of utterance in the Algonquin, always followed by a consonant,
or placed between two cinisonants, as in ad-ik, a reindeer, appah-pe-win, a r' air. This
attention to the syllabication will accurately and invariably disjwse of the foui admitted
sounds of A.

The next vowel e, is uniforndy long, its heard in me, whether preceding or following
a consonant, or placed between two consonants. It is written ee, when under the
accent. The short sound of e is marked with a short accent.

The sound of i in this language is governed by the rule which gives it the long
sound of i, as heard in pine, when uttered by itself, or preceded by the letters k, g, or
n. In all other positions in the syllable, as when preceded by a consonant, or when
placed between two consonants, it is short, and ha.s the und of i in pin, as heard in
the term An-o-ki-win, work, labor.

The sound of tiie vowel o follows a law of utterance, which makes it iniiformly
broau and full, as o in note, and oa in moan, when standing as an indeixMident
syllable, as in o-miJ-de, a bottle ; or when preceded by a consonant, and under the
accent, as in To-tosh, a female breast ; Ah-mii, a l)ee ; Kiin, snow. The sound of oo
as heard in pool, and of ue, as in glue, due, is rejiresented by oo. The short sound
of o, as in not, is followed uniformly by a consonant, as Ot-tiirwa.

The vowel u, as heard in rule, is expressed by oo, as above stated ; leaving this
latter to stand uniformly for its short sound, as u in nut. No instance is known of the
sound of this word in the language, as heard in consuetude, dew, &c.

Diphthongal sounds are heard in limited classes of words, ending in ia, io, and ou.
The most uncommon sounds of this character are those formed of ia, in connexion
with the sound of w, as heard in Shezh-o-daiw, a shore ; and in the change of nouns
indefinite to verbs indicative in the third jierson, as in the change from Moneda, a
spirit, to ne-monedouw, I am a spirit.

' This is believed to be one of the Himplcst, ensicst, and most natural of artic-''pte words. It is uttered the
first thiug by infants. The next is the mixed sound of goo; and the two, pm togiifLor, Ah ! goo! form often,
if not generally, the first attempt to talk to their niolhcrs

>«2»i:n

LANGUAGE.

8G3

The nasal sounds, which atound in tlic hmgiinj^c, are chiefly confined to the letter n,
and the combination ng. The guttnrals are mostly formed by the letters gh and kh.
The hard sound of g, final, which is a characteristic of the language, can be
appreciated by the English orthoepist, by supposing it to be followed by a half
utterance of k, as in the attempt to pronounce gk.

The combinations of ch, sh, and zh, are common, as are also those of bw, dw, g^v,
and hw. The scheme of these simple and philosophical laws of utterance of
articulate sounds, may bo exhibited as follows :

Syllabical Scheme of Vowels and Dh'TUONGS.

Wilkir'i Eer.

Ai. To express the sound of a, in fate 1

Ah. To express the sound of a, in father 2

Au. To express the sound of a, in fall, of au, in auction, and aw, in law S

A. To express the sound of a, in hat 4

EE. To express the sound of e, in me, and ee, in feel .... 1

E. To express the sound of e, in met 2

I. When uttered as a syllable, or when preceded by the
express the sound of i, in pine ....

I. In all other positi;)ns in the syllable to express the mi
O. To express the broad and full sound of o, in note, oa, in moan, when
standing as an independent syllable, or when under accent and preceded
by a consonant .......... 1

Oo. To express the sound of oo, in jwol, of ue, in glue, of o, in move, and of u,

in rule 2

O. When followed by a consonant, to express the sound of o, in not . 4
U. To express tlie sound of u, in nut, and of i, in bird ... 2

letters k, g, or n, to
nd of i, in pin .

Mixed Sounds.

la. The sound of ia, in media.

Oi. The sound of oi, in voice.
Aiw. In converting verbs indicative into different moods.
Ouw. " " " "

Eow. " " " "

Ih. The sound of i, suddenly stopi^d off.
Ooh. The sound of oo, suddenly stopped off.
Uh. The sound of u, roughly aspirated.
Ugh. " " "

Ch. As in English.

864

LANGUAGE.

;^i^f! I -'^

Sh.

As in English.

Zh.

« «

Bw.

As in bwoin.

Gw.

As in Gwiuk. Just.

IIw.

As in Mohwa. A wolf.

As in Wewukwun. A hat

Mw. As in Ava-niwa.
Ny. As in nyau.

Tshw. As in Tshwe — tshwees ke wa. A .^nipc.
The letters C, F, Q, V, and Y as a vowel, are rejected for rea.«ons expressed.

§2. Obsehvation's ox the Substantive: — 1. The Provision of the
Language for indicating the Grammatical avant of Gender.
— Its General and Comi'rehensive Character. — The Divi-
sion of Words into Animate and Inanimate Classes. — 2.
Number — its recondite forms, arising from the terminal
vowel in the word. — 3. The Grammatical Forms avhich
indicate Possession, and enable the Speaker to distinguish
the Objective Person.

Most of the researches which have Iwen directed to the Indian langiiages, have
resulted in elucidating the principles governing the use of the verb, which has been
proved to be full and varied in its intlections. p]ithor less attention has been paid to
the other parts of speech, or results le.'«s suited to create high expectations of their
flexibility and powers, have been attained. The Indian verb has thus been made to
stand out, as it were, in bold relief, as a shield to defects in the substantive and its
accessories, and as, in fact, compensating by its multiform appendages of prefix and
suffix — by its tensal, its pronominal, its substantive, its adjective, and its adverbial
terminations; for conjectured barrenness and rigidity in all other parts of siH?ech.
Nothing could be farther from the truth, although the verb, when it comes to be
considered, will be shown to possess a degree of alHuence in its fonns which is truly
surprising. Intluenced by this reflection, I shall defer, in the present inquiry, the
remarks I intend offering on this part of speech until I have considered the substantive
and its more important adjuncts.

Palpable objects, to which the idea of sense strongly attaches, and the actions or
conditions which determine the relation of one object to another, are j)erhaps the
first points to demand attention in the plans of languages. And they have certainly
imprinted themselves very strongly, with all their materiality of thought, and with all
their local, and exclusive, and personal peculiarities, upon the Indian. The noun and
the verb not only thus constitute the principal elements of speech, as in all languages.

LANGUAGE.

865

l)iit tlipy eoiitimio to perform their first ofliccti, with less direct aid from the auxiliary
j)arts of npeeeh, tlian would apfK" •> l)c reconcilable with a clear expression of the
circumstances of time and place, mii.dK!r and i)erson, ((uality and quantity, action and
repose, and tiie other accidents on which their definite employment dejjends. Ihit to
enable the substantive and attril)utives to perfonn these complex ollices, they are
provide<l witii inliexions, and undergo changes and modifications, by which words and
phrases become very concrete in their meaning, and are lengtiiened out to apjiear
formidable to the eye. Hence the polysyllabic, and the descrii)tive character of the
language, so composite in its aspect and in its forms.

To utter succinctly, anil in as few words as possiljle, the prominent ideas resting upon
the mind of the speaker, api)ears to have Ik'cu the paramount object with the fu'st
speakers of the language. Hence concentratitm became a leading feature; and the
pronoun, the adjective, the adverb, and the preposition, however they may lie
disjunctively em|>loyed in certain cases, are chit-lly usefid as furnishing materials to
the speaker, to be worked up into the complicated texture of the verb and tiic
.substantive. Nothing, in fact, can l)e more unlike than the language, viewed iii its
original elementary state — in a vocabulary, for instance, of its primitive words, so far
as such a vocabulary can now Ix? formed, and the same language as heard under its oral,
amalgamated form. Its transpositions may be likened to a pictin-e, in which the Cf)pal,
the carmine, and the white lead, are no longer recognised as distinct substances, but
each of which has contributed its share towards the full efl'ect. It is the painter only
who possesses the principle by which one element has been curtailed, another
augmented, and all, however seemingly discordant, nuide to coalesce.

Such a language may be expected to abound in derivatives and compounds; to
afford rules for giving verbs subst.antive, and substantives verbid (pialities; to ctmcen-
trate the meaning of words upon a few syllables, or upon a single letter or alphabetical
sign; and t(j supply modes of contraction and augmentation, and, if I may so say.
shortcuts; and bypaths to meanings which are erpially novel and interesting. To
arrive at its primitives, we must pursue an intricate thread, where analogy is often the
only guide. We nuist divest words of those accunudatetl syllables or particles, which,
like the molecules of material matter, are clustered around the primitives. It is only
after a process of this kind, that the I'Uixcu'i,?: of combination, that secret wire which
moves the whole machinery, can be searched for with a reasonable prospect of success.
The labor of analysis is one of the most interesting and important which the subject
presents. And it is a lalwr which it will be expedient to keep constantly in view,
initil we have separately considered the several parts of speech, and the grammatical
laws by which the hui'^uage is held together; and thus established principles and
provided materials, wherewith we may the more successfully labor.

1. In a general survey of the language as it is spoken, and as it must be written,
there is j)erhaps no feature which obtrudes itself so constantly to view, as the principle

3GG

LANGUAGE.

I ,

wliioh Hoparatos all words, of whatever clenoinination, into nniniateH aiul innniinateH,
as they are applied to objects in the animal, vegetable, or mineral kingdom. This
principle has been grafted upon most words*, and carries its distinctions throughout the
syntax. It is tiie gender of the language ; but a gender of so unlraunded a sco[)c, as
to merge in it the common distinctions of a masculine and feminine, and to give a
two-fold cluiracter to the parts of siK'ech. The concords which it recjuires, and the
double inilections it provides, will 1)0 mentioned in their appropriate jjlaces. It will
be sulKcient here to observe, that animate nouns require animate verbs for their
nominatives, animate adjectives to express their (jualities, and animate demonstrative
pronouns to mark the distinctions of jwrson. Thus, if wo say, I see a man, I see a
hou.se, the termination of the verb must Ix' changed. What was in the first instance
waulM-'-mau, is altered to waulj-end-aun. Waub is here the infinitive, but the i"oot of
this verbis still more remote. If the cpiestion occur. Is it a good num? or a gowl
house? the adjective, which, in the inanimate form is onishish-e, is, in the animate,
oni.shish-in. If the (juestion be i)ut. Is it this man ? or this houne ? the pronoun this,
which is maubum in the animate, is changed to maundun in th'- inanimate.

Nouns animate embrace the tribes of quadrupeds, ))inls, fi>-hes, insects, reptiles,
crustacii>, the sun, and moon, and stars, thunder and lightning , for these are personified,
and whatever cither pos.sesses animal life, or is endowed, by the i)eculiar opinions and
superstitions of the Indians, with it. In the vegetal)le kingdom, their number is
comparatively limited, Ix'ing chietly confined to trees, and those only while they are
referred to as whole boilies, and to the various species of fruits, seeds, and esculents.
It is at the option of the speaker to emidoy nouns either as animates or inanimates ;
but it is a choice never resorted to, except in conformity w ith stated rules. These
conventional exceptions are not numerous, and Uie more prominent of them may be
recited. The cause of the exceptions it is not always easy to perceive. It may,
however, generally be traced to a particular respect paid to certain inanimate bodies,
either from their real or fancied properties, the uses to which they are applied, or the
ceremonies to which they are dedicated. A stone, which is the altar of sacrifice to
their manitoes; a Ikjw, so necessary in the chase; a feather, the honored sign of
martial prowess ; a kettle, so valuable in the household ; a pil^e, by which friendships
are .sealed and treaties ratified ; a drum, used in their sacred and festive dances ; a
medal, the mark of authority; vermilion, the appropriate paint of the warrior;
wampum, by which messages are conveyed, and covenants renieml)ered. These are
among the objects, in themselves inanimates, which require the application of animate
verbs, pronouns, and adjectives, and are thereby transferred to the animate class.

It is to be remarked, however, that the names for animals are only employed as
animates, while the objects are referred to as whole and complete sjiecies ; but the
gender must be changed when it becomes necessary to speak of separate members.
Man, woman, father, mother, are separate nouns so long as the individuals are meant;

II fi

LANC. \ \GR.

;?<)7

but hand, f(K»t, heiul, eye, oar, tonj^iie, arc iiianiin -. IJiick ni aiiiiiiuU- noun
wliilo his entire carcase is referredto, whether li\ ii i deiiii : !■ n«"ek, Imck. heart,
windpipe, take the inaninuite form. In like manner. ■ i . wan. d. ivi>. sire di.xtin;j;nislied
as animate.s ; hnt l)eak, wing, tail, are arranged with inaniniatcH. M( oak, pine, ash, arc
animate ; branch, leaf, root, inanimates.

Reci])rt»cal exceptions, however, exist to this rule, the reasons for wliich, a.s in
the former instance, may generally 1h.> sought either in {K-culiar opinions of the Indians,
or in the peculiar (jualitics or uses of the objects. Tlius, the talons of tiie eagle, and
the claws of the Ijcar and of other animals, which furnish ornaments for the neck, sue
invariably spoken of under the animate form. The h<x)fs and horns of all (piadrupeds,
which are applied to various economical and mystic purposes ; the castorinu of the
licaver, and the nails of man, are similarly situated. Tlie vegetable creation also
furnishes .some exceptions of this nature ; such are the names for the outer bark of all
trees, (except the birch,) and the branches, the roots, and the resin of tlie spruce and
its congeners.

In a language which considers all nature as separated into two da.sses of bodies,
characterized by the presence or absence of life, neuter nouns will scarcely be looked
for, although such may exist without my knowledge. Neuters are found amongst the
verbs and the adjectives, but it is doubtful whether they render the nouns to which
they are api)lied neuters, in the sense we attach to that term. The subject, in all its
bearings, is interesting, and a full and minute description of it would prol)al)ly elicit
new light respecting some doubtful points in the language, and contribute something
towards a curious collateral topic, — the history of Indian opinions. I have stated the
principle broadly, without fdling up the suliject of exceptions as fully as it is in my
pow'er, and without following its bearings upon points, wliidi will nK>re properly come
\uider discussion at other stages of the inquiry. A suflicient outline, it is believed, has
been given, and having thus met at the threshold a principle dcei)iy laid at the
foundation of the language, and one which will be jxTiietually recurring, I shall
proceed to enumerate some other prominent features of the substantive.

2. No language is perhaps so defective as to be totally without number. But there
arc probably few which furnish .so many modes of indicating it as the Algonquin.
There are as many modes of forming the plural as there are vowel sounds, yet there
is no distinction between a limited and unlimited substantive plural ; although there
is, in the pronoun, an inclusive and an exclusiv?: plural. Whether we say man or
men, two men or twenty men, the singidar inin-c, and the plural inincwng, remain
the same. But if we say wc, or us, or our men, (who are present,) or we, us, or our
Indians, (in general,) the plural we, and us, and our — for they arc rendered by the
same form — .idniit of a change to indicate whether the objective pers(m or pei-sons
be 1XCI.UDKD or excmdkd. This principle, of which full examples will be given under

868

LANGUAGE.

tlio npprupriiiti' IkmuI, loriiis a »iii>jle nml aiioiiialoiiH instaiico of tlio iiso of particular
plurals. Ami it carries its distinctions, hv means of tlie pronouns, separable and
inseparal)le, into tlic verbs and sniistantives, creatinj; the necessity of double conjuj;a-
tions and double declensions, in the plural tonus of the first person. Thus, the term
for Oiu' Father, which, in the inclusive forni, is Kosinann, in, in tho exclusive,
Nosinaun.

The particular plural, which is thus, by the transfonninfr power of the lanjruiifre,
carried from the jtronoini into the texture of the verb and sui)stiintive, is not limited
to any fixed number of persons or objects: it is not a dual, but arises from the opera-
tions of the verb. The general plural is variously made. But the plurals makinj^
inflections take upon them.selves an additional jxjwer or sign, by which substantives
are distiu;ruisln'd into animates and inanimates. Without this additional power, all
nouns plural would end in the vowels a, e. i, o. u. Hut to mark the jrender, the letter
g is added to animates, and the letter n to inanimates, inakiuj; the plurals of the first
fla.ss terminate in ng, ccg, ig, og, ng, and of the second cla.ss in an, ecu, in, on, un.
Ten modes of forming the plural are thus provided, five of which are animate, and
five inanimate plurals. A strong and clear line of distinction is thus drawn between
the two ela.s.ses of words, so unerring indeed in its application, that it is only necessary
to incpiiro how the plural is formed to determine whether it belong to one or the other
class. The distinctions which we have cndeavoretl to convey will perhai)s \jv more
clearly perceived by adding examples of the use of each of the })lnrals.

Animatk Pluual.

a. Ojibwa a Chippewa.

e. Ojee a Fly.

i. Kosenaim Our Father (in.)

o. Ahmo a Bee.

n. Ais a Shell.

Ojibwaig Cliippowas.

Oj-eeg Flies.

Kosenaun-ig .... Our Fathers (in.)

Ahm-og Ik'cs.

Ais-ng Shells.

1 f

Inanimate Plukal.

a. Shkoda Firo. Ishkodain Fii-cs.

0. Wadop Alder. Wadoi)-een Aldera.

i. Adetaig Fruit. Adetaig-in Fruits.

o. Nodin Wind. Nodin-on Winds.

u. Meen Berry. Moen-un Berries.

Where a noun tenninatcs with a vowel in the .singular, the addition of the g, or n,
shows at once both the plural and the gender. In other instances, as in peena, a
jiartridge; seebe, a river; it requires a consonant to precede the plunil vowel, in

J !

LAN(J U A(JE.

ronforiiiity with II rule piwioiisly ftiitc'd. TIiiih. |H't'iiiii is n-iidcrcd |M'('imi-\vn^'; iiiul
HtM'lM', .si'fl)c'-\viiii. WIkto tilt' iiiiiiM .linjruliir tcriniiiatcM in llic l)n>ii(l iii.xtfiul ol' tlic
loii;^ mmiikI of n, us in o^riiiinii, a cliict'; islipatiiiiiii, a liiii, tlii> plural is o^riiii-aii::. islipa-
tinaiiii. Hut these are iiieri! iiHMlilicutioiis nl' two of the alK)ve i'orins. aixl are In no
means entitled to lie considered as additioiuil plurals.

Coinparativt'ly lew siihstuntives are witliout nunilier. The followin;; may
enumerated :

Missun' Firp-w(Kxl.

I'inj^wi Aslics.

Mejini Food.

Kon Snow.

Mislikwo Blootl.

I'kkukknzha .... Coals.

U.ssaiinuu Tobacco.

Naij^ow Sand.

Akiouii Mist.

Kimmiwun Rain.

Ossoakumiif Moss.

Unitchemin Peas.

Others may Iw found, and, indeed, a few others are known. Hut it is loss an
object, in this enumeratiim, to pursue exceptions into their miimtest ramifications,
thiin to sketch broad rules, apjilicable, if not to every word, to at least a majority of
words in the laiif^ua^o.

There is, however, one exception from the general use of number, so peculiar in
it.self, that not to point it out would Ix' an unpardonable remissness, in giving the
outlines of a language, in which it is an object neither to extenuate faults nor to
over-rate lj<'auties. This exception consists in the want of numlxT in the third
I'KR.soN' of the declensions of animate nouns, and the conjugation of animate verbs.
Not, that such words are destitute of number, in their simple forms, or wlien used
under eircumstances retpiiring no change of these simple forms — no prefixes ami no
inilections. But it will be seen, at a glance, how very limited such an application of
words must be, in a transpositive language.

Thus, mong and gang (loon and jiorcupine) take the plural inflection, wug,
liecoming mong-wug and gaug-wug (loons and porcupines.) So, in their pronominal
declension —

My l(X)n Ne monsj oom

Thy loon Ke mong oom

My porcupine . . . Ne gang oom

Thy porcupine . . Ke gang oom

My loons Ne mong oom ug

Thy loons Ke mong oom ug

My porcupines . . . Ne gang oom ug

Thy porcupines . . Ke gang oom ug

But his loon or loons, (o mong oom un,) his porcupine or porcupines, (o gang oom
un,) are without number. The rule applies equally to the class of words in which the
pronouns are inseparable. Thus, my father and thy father, nos and kos, become my
fathers and thy fathers by the numerical inflection ug, forming nosug and kosug. But
osun, his father or fathers, is vague, and does not indicate whether there be one father
or twenty fathers. The inflection un merely denotes the object. The rule also
applies equally to sentence-s, in which th^ noun is governed by or governs the verb.
Pt. TI. — 47

^.^

070 LANGUAGE.

Whether wc say, I saw a bear — iiingc waubumaii imikwah, or a bear saw me —
mukwah niiige waubuniig, the noun itself undergoes no change, and its number is
definite. But oge waubum-aun muk-wun, he saw bear, is indefinite, although both
the verb and the noun have changed their endings ; and, if the narrator does not
subsequently determine the number, the hearer is either left in doubt, or must resolve
it by a question. In fine, the whole acts of the third person are thus rendered
(luestionable. This want of precision, which would seem to l)e fraught with so nuich
confusion, appears to be obviated in practice by the employment of adjectives, by
numerical inflections in the relative words of the sentence, by the use of the
indefinite article, paizhik, or by demonstrative pronouns. Thus, pai/hik nnikwuN oge
waubiunAiN conveys, with certainty, the information — he saw A bear. But in this
sentence both the noun and the verb retain the objective inflections, as in the former
instances. These inflections are not uniformly un, but sometimes ecu, as in ogeen, his
mother ; and sometimes on, as in odakeek-on, his kettle : in all which instances,
however, the number is left indeterminate. It may hence be observed, and it is a
remark which we shall presently ha\e occasion to corroborate, that the plural
inflection to inanimate nouns (which have no objective form) becomes the objective
inflection to animate nouns, which have no number in the third person.

3. This leads us to the consideration of the mode of forming possessives, the existence
of which, when it shall have been indicated by full examples, will present to the mind
of the inquirer one of those tautologies in grammatical forms which, without imparting
additional precision, appear to clothe the language with accumulated verbiage. Tlie
strong tendency to combination and amalgamation existing in the language, renders it
diflTicult, in fact, to discuss the principles of it in that elementary form which could be
wished. In the analysis of words and forms, we are constantly led from the central
point of discussion. To recur, however, from these collateral iniravellings to the main
thread of inquiry at a.s short and frequent intervals as [)ossible, and thus to preserve
the chain of conclusions and proof, is so important that, without keeping the object
distinctly in view, I should despair of conveying any clear impressions of those
grammatical features which impart to the language its jwculiar diaracter.

It has been remarked that the distinctions of number .are founded upon a modification
of the five vowel sounds. Possessives are likewise founded upon the basis of tli e vowel
sounds. There are five declensions of the noun to mark the possessive, ending, in tlie
possessive, in am, eem, im, om, um, oom. Where the nominative ends with a vowel,
the possessive is made by abiding the letter m, as in maimai, a woodcock, nc maimaim,
my woodcock, &c. Where the nominative ends in a consonant, as in ais, a shell, the
full possessive inflection is required, making nin dais-im, my shell. In the latter fi)rm,
the con.sonant d is interposed between the pronoun and noini, and sounded with the
noun, in conformity with a general rule. Where the nominative ends in the broad, in

LANGUAGE.

;5T1

lieu of the loiif? sound of a, as in oginiau, a chief, the possessive is aiim. The soinid
of i, in the third decK>nsion, is that of i in pin, and the sound of u. in the fifth declen-
sion, is that of u in bull. The latter will he uniformly represented l»y oo.

The possessive declensions run throughout both the animate and inaninuite classes
of nouns, with some exceptions in the latter, as knife, bowl, paddle, &c.
Inanimate nouns are thus declined :

Nomiiialhr, Ishkodai, Fire.

My, Nin Dishkod-aim
Thy, Ke Dishkod-aim
His, O Dishkod-aim
Pimesslve. ■{ Our, Ke Dishkod-aim-inun (in.)
" Ne Dishkod-aim-inun (ex.)
Your, Ke Dishkml-aim-iwau
Their, Dishkod-aim-iwau
Those words Avliich fm'm exceptions from this declension take the separable pronouns
before them, as follows :

Mokomahn a knife

Ne mokomahn .... my knife
Ke mokomahn .... thy knife

O mokomahn his knife, &c.

Animate substantives are declined precisely in the same manner as inanimate,
except in the third person, which takes to the possessive inflections, aim, eeni, im, oin,
oom, the objective particle ini, denotinjr the compound inflection of this person, both in
the singular and plural, to be aimun, eenum, imun, omun, oonnui, and the variation
of the first vowel sound, aumun. Thus, to furnish an example of the second declen-
sion, pczhiki, a bison, changes its form to nim bezhiic-im, my bison, ke bizhik-im, thy
bison, bizhik-imun, his bison or bisons.

The cause of this doid)le inflection in the third person may be left for future inquiry.
But we may a<ld further examples in aid of it. We cannot simply say, the chief has
killed a bear; or, to reverse the object upon which the energy of the verb is exerted,
the bear has killed a chief; but nnist say, ogimau ogi nissaiN mukwux, literally, Ciiikf
HE HAS Kir.r.Ki) him bkau; or, mukwah ogi nissauN ogimarx, Beau he has killed him
nuEF. Here the verb and the noun are both objective in rx, which is sounded aun,
whei-e it comes after the broad mnm\ of a, as in missaun, f)bjective of the verb to kill.
If we confer the powers of the English possessive ('s) upon the inflections aim, eem,
im, om, oom, and aum, respectively, and the meaning of him, and, of course, he, her,
hi.s, hers, they, theirs, (as there is no declension of the primonn, and no nundjer to
the third person,) upon the objective particle un, we shall then translate the alwve
expressicm, o bizhik — eemnn, his bison's — his. If we reject this meaning, as I think
wo should, the sentence would read, literally, his bison — him: a mere tautology.

872

LANGUAGE.

It is truo, it may be remarked, that the noun possessed has a corresiwnding
termination, or pronominal correspondence with the pronoim possessor; also a final
termination, indicative of its being the object on which the verb exerts its influence ;
a mode of cjq)ression which, so far as relates to the possessive, would be deemed
superfluous in modern languages, but may have some analogy in the Latin accusatives
am, um, em.

It is a constant and unremitting aim in the Indian languages, to distinguish the actor
from the object ; partly by prefixes, and partly by inseparable suffixes. That the
termiuivtitm ux is one of these in.separable particles, and that its office, wliile it
confounds the numljer of the third person, is to designate the object, appears probable,
from the fact that it retains its connexion with the noun, whether the latter follow
or precede the verb, or whatever its {wsition in the sentence may be.

Thus we can, without any i)erplexity in the meaning, say, Waimittigozhiwug ogi
SAGi.\c\ PoxTi.\c-ux ; Frenchmen they did love Pontiac him. Or to reverse it,
PoNTi.\c-iN WAiMiTTiGoziinvLG OGI SAGiAUN ; literally, Pontiac he did Frenchmen he
loved. The termination un, in lx)th instances, clearly determines the object beloved.
So in the following instance, Saguxosihg ogi .sagiavx Tecumseii-ux ; Engli.shmen
they did love Tecuniseh, or Teci'mseii-ux SAGUNOsiiirr, ogi sagiaun; Tecumseh, he
did Englishmen he loved.

In tracing the operation of this rule through the doublings of the language, it is
necessary to distinguish every modification of .^ound, whether it is accompanied, or not
accompanied, by a modification of the sense. The particle un, which thus marks the
THIRD PERSox .\XD PERSoxs, is sometimes pronounced wrx, and sometimes yun, as the
euphony of the word to which it is suffixed may require. But not the slightest
change is thereby made in its meaning.

Waubojecg ogi meegaun-aun naudowaisi-wun.

Waubojeeg fought his enemies. Literally; lie did fight them, his enemy or
enemies.

saugi-aun inini-wun.

lie or she loves a man. Literally; He or she loves him, man or men.

Kego-yun waindji pimmaudizziwaud.

They subsist on fish. Literally ; Fish or fishes, they upon them, they live.

Ontwa o sagiaun odi-yun.

Ontwa loves his dog. Literally; He loves him, his dog or doga.

In these sentences the letters w and y are introduced before the inflection un, merely
for euphony's sake, and to enable the speaker to utter the final vowel of the
substantive, and the inflective vowel, without placing Ijoth under the accent. It is to
be remarked in these examples, that the verb has a corresponding inflection with the
noun, indicated by the final consonant n, as in sagiau-n, objective of the verb to love.
This is merely a modification of un, where it is requisite to employ it after broad a,

LANGUAGE.

373

(aw,) and it is applicable to nouns as well as ver))s, whenever tliey end in that sound.
Thus, in the phrase, he saw a chief, waubumau-n giinau-n, both noun and verb
torniinate in n. It is immaterial to the sense which precedes. And this leads to the
conclusion which we are, in some measure, compelled to state in anticipation of our
remarks on the verb; that verbs must not only agree with their nominatives in number,
person, and gkndkh, (we use the latter tenn for want of a more appropriate one,) but
also with their objectives. Hence the objective sign n, in the aljove examples.
Sometimes this sign is removed from the ending of the verb, to make room for the
plural of the nominative person, and is subjoined to the latter. Thus —

O sagiau (wau) n.

They love them, (him or them.)

In this phrase the interposed syllable (wau) is, apparently, the plural — it is a
I'ellective plural of uk — the latter being indicated as usual by tlie sign 0. It has
been observed above, that the deficiency in number, in the third person, is sometimes
supplied " by numerical inflections in the relative words of the sentence," and this
interposed particle (wau) affords an instance in point. The number of the nominative
pronoun appears to be thus rendered precise, but the objective is still indefinite.

When two nouns are used without a verb in the sentence, or when two nouns
compose the whole matter uttered, being in the third person, both have the full
objective inflection. Thus,

Os — (un.) Odi— (yun.)

His father's dog. Literally his father — his dog or dogs.

There are certain words, however, which will not admit the objective in een, or on.

O waubunuui — (u.) Assin — (een.)

He sees the stone. Literally, he sees him — stone or stones.

O wauliumau - (n) mittig o mizh - (een.) Literally,
He sees hiin, tree or trees. (An oak tree.)

Omittig wab (ecu,) gyai o bikwuk - (on.)

His bow and his arrows. Literally, his bow him, and his arrows him or them.

Odya I wau | wau (n,) akkik-(on.)

They pos.sess a kettle. Literally, they own them, kettle or kettles.

The syllable wau, in the verb of the last example, included between bars (instead
of parentheses,) is the reflective plural tiiky, pointed out in a preceding instance.
I shall conclude these remarks with full examples of each pronominal declension,
a. First declension, forming the first and second persons in aim, and the third in

AIMUN.

Pinai, a partridge.
.*inai-wug, partridges.

Noiuinad

iiutttce. < ,^.
( Pi:

374

LANGUAGE.

t.l

\ii'

Ist and 2d Person.

Sd Person

■{

Nominative.

■{

Ist and 2d Person.

Sd Person.

' My. Nim Bin-aim.
Thy. Ke Biu-aim.
Our. Kc Bin-aim inaun. Inclii. plu.
Our. Ne Bin-aiminaun. Exclu. plu.
Your. Ke Bin-aim wau.
His. O Bin-aim, (un.)
Their. Bin-aim wau (n.)
e. Second declension, forming the first and second persons in EEsr, and the third in

EEMUN.

Ossin, a stone.

Ossineen, stones.

My. Nin Dossin-eem.

Thy. Ke Dossin-eem.

Our. Ke Dossin-eeminaun. (in.)

Our. Ne Dossin-eeminaun. (ex.)
, Your. Ke Dossin-eemewau.
( His. O Dossin-eem (un.)
I Their. O Dossin-eemewau (n.)
i. Third ucclcnsion, forming the first and second persons in IM, and the third in

IMDN.

f Ais, a shell.
nnative. { .. , „

( Aisug, shells.

My. Nil! Dais-im.

Ke Dais-im.

Ke Dais-iminaun. (in.)

Ne Dais-iminaun. (ex.)

Ke Dais-iminau.

O Dais-im, (un.)

Their. O Dais-imewau, (n.)

o. Fourth declension, forming the first and second persons in OM, and the third in

OMUN.

Mouido, a Spirit.

Monidog, Spirits.

My. Ne Monid-om.

Thy. Ke Monid-om.

Our. Ke Monid-ominaun. (in.)

Our. Ne Monid-ominaun. (ex.)

Your. Ke Monid-omiwau.
f His. O Monid-om. (un.)
\ Their. Monid-omewau. (n.)

Nominatict

1«< and 2d Person.

Sd Person.

Nomituxiive.

ive. i

1st and 2d Pirson.

3d Pen

LANGUAGE.

375

Nominative

ice. I

Ist and 2il Person.

3d Ihrson.

u, (oo.) Fifth declension, forming tlie first and second persons in oom, nnd the third
in OOMUN.

Moz, a Moose.
Mozug, Moose, (plu.)
My. Ne Moz-oom.
Tliy. Ke-moz-oom.
Our. Ke Moz-oominaun. (in.)
Our. Ne Moz-oominaun. (ex.)
Your. Ke Moz-oomiwau.
f His. O Moz-oom. (un.)
\ Their. O Moz-oomiwau. (n.)

aw. Additional declension, required when the noun ends in the broad, instead of
the long sound of a, forming the possessive in Au.v, and the objective in aumun.

Ogimau, a Chief,
^iniaug, Chiefs.
My. Ne Dogim aum.
Thy. Ke Dogim aum.
Our. Ke Dogim auminaun. (in.)
Our. Ne Dogim auminaun. (ex.)
^ Your. Ke Dogim aumiwau.

f His. Dogim aum. (un.)

I. i . ° _ ^ '

{ Their. O Dogim aumiwau. (n.)
The abbreviations in and ex, in these declensions, mark the inclusive and exclusive

form of the pronoun plural. The inflection of the third person, as it is superadded to

the first and second, is included between parentheses, that the eye, unaccustomed to

these extended forms, may readily detect it.

Where the inseparable, instead of the separable pronoun is employed, the possessive

inflection of the first and second person is dispensed with, although the inflection of

the third is still retained.

Nominative.

f Ogi
lOgi

let and 2d I\rson.

Sd Person.

Nob . . .
Ko8 . . .
Os-un . .
Nos-inaun
Kos-inaun
Kos-iwau
Os-iwaun .

Os: Father.
Singular. S. Plural.

. My father. Nos-ug My fathers.

. Thy father. Kos-ug Thy fathers.

. His father, (s. & p.) Os-un His fathers, (s. & p.)

. Our father, (ex.) Nos-inaun ig . . Our fathers, (ex.)

• Our father, (in.) Kos-inaun ig . . Our fathers, (in.)

. Your father. Kos-iwaug , . . Your fathers.

. Tiieir father, (s. & p.) Os-iwan .... Tiieir fatlicrs, (s. & p.)

'j.i

376 LANGUAGE.

The word ilog, and this word uloue, is declined in the following manner : —

Anninioosh : a Dog.
S. Singular. S. Plural.

Nin Di My dog. Nin Di-ng .... My dogs.

Ke Di Thy dog. Ki Di-ng Tliy dogs.

Di-nn His dog or dogs. O Di-uii His dogs, &c.

Ki Di-inaun . . . Our dog. (in.) Ki Di-inaunig . . Onr dogs, (in.)

Ni Di-inann . . . Our dog. (ex.) Ni Di-inaunig . . Our dogs, (ex.)

Ki Di-iwau .... Your dog. Ki Di-iwaug . . . Your dogs.

O Di-iwaun . . . Their dog, &c. O Di-iwaun . . . Their dogs, &c.

The word di, which sni)i)lies this declension, is derived from indyiaum, mine —
pronoun an — a derivative fonn of the word, which is, however, exclusively restricted,
in its meaning, to the dog. If the expression nin di, or n' di, is sometimes applied to
the horse, it is because it is thereby intended to call him, my dog, from his being in a
state of f-ervitude similar to that of the dog. It must bo borne in mind, as connected
with this sulyect, that the dog, in high northern latitudes, and even as far south as
42 degrees, is both a beast of draught and of burden. He is compelled, during the
winter season, to draw the odauban, or Indian sleigh ; and sometimes to support the
burden upon his back, by means of a kind of drag constructed of slender poles.

A review of the facts which have been brought together respecting the substantive
will show that the separable or inseparable pronouns, under the form of prefixes, arc
throughout required. It will also indicate, that the inflections of the first and second
pensons, which occupy the place of possessives, find thoise of the third person, i"e.sembling
objectives, pertfiin to words which are either primitives or denote but a single object;
as moose, fire. There is, however, another class of substantives, or substantive
exprcssion.s, and an extensive class — for it embraces a gre.at portion of the compound
descriptive terms — in the use of which no pronominal prefixes are required. The
distinctions of person are, exclusively, supplied by pronominal suffixes. Of this
character are the words descriptive of country, place of dwelling, field of battle, place
of employment, &c. The following examples will furnish the inflections applicable to
this entire class of words : —

Aindaud : Home, or place of dwelling.
S. Singular. S. Plural.

Aindau-yaun . . My home. Aindau-^aun-in . . . My homes.

Aindau-ynn . . Thy home. Aindau-yun-in . . . Thy homes.

Aindau-d .... His home. Aindau-jin His homes.

Aindau-yaimg . . Our home, (ex.) Aindau-yaung-in . . Our homes, (ex.)

Aindau-yung . . Our home, (in.) Aindau-yung-in . . . Our homes, (in.)

Aindau-yaig . . Your home. Aindau-yaig-in . . . Your homes.

Aindau-waud . . Their home. Aindau-waudjin . . . Tlieir homes.

LANGUAGE.

377

§3. FUKTHER ReMAUKS OX THE SUBSTAXTIVE: 1. LoCAL, 2. DlMIMTIVE.

3. Dekooative. 4. Texsal Inflections. Mode in wiiirii the

LATTER are E.MI'LOYED TO DENOTE THE DECEASE OK InDIVIDTALS,
AND TO INDICATE THE PaST AND FuTURE SEASONS. T). RESTRICTED

OR Sexial Terms. 0. Conversion ok the Substantive into a
Verb, and the Reciprocal Character ok the Verb, hy which
IT IS converted into a Substantive. 7. Derivative and Com-
pound Substantives. Summary ok the Properties ok this
Part ok Speech.

In the view which has been taken of the substantive, it has been deemed proper to
exclude several topics, which, from their pecuHarities, it was believed, could be more
satisfactorily discussed in a separate form. Of this character are those modifications
of the substantive by which locality, diminution, a defective quality, and the past
tense are expressed ; by which various adjective and adverbial significations are given ;
and, finally, the substantives themselves converted into verbs. Such are, also, the
mode of indicating the masculine and feminine, (both merged, as we have shown, in
the animate class,) and tho.se words which are of a strictly sexual character, or are
restricted in their use either to males or females. Not less interesting is the manner
of forming derivatives, and of conferring upon the derivatives so formed a personality,
distinguished as either animate or inanimate, at the option of the speaker.

Much of the flexibility of the substantive is derived from these properties, and they
undoubtedly add greatly to the figurative character of the language. Some of them
have been thought analogous to case, particularly that inflection of the noun which
indicates the locality of the object: but if so, then there would be equally strong
reasons for establishing an aihective, and an adverbial, as well as a local case, and a
plurality of forms in each. But it is believed that no such necessity exists. There is
no regular declension of these forms, and they are all used under limitations and
restrictions incompatible with the true principles of case.

It is under this view of the subject that the discussion of these forms has been
transferred to a separate paper, together with the other accidents of the substantive,
just adverted to and reserved; and in now proceeding to express the conclusions at
which we have arrived touching these points, it will be an object so to compress and
arrange the materials before us as to present, within a small compass, the leading facts
and examples upon which each separate position depends.

1. That quality of the noun which, in the shape of an inflection, denotes the relative
situation of the object by the contiguous position of some accessory object, is expressed,
in the English language, by the prepositions in, into, at, or on. In the Indian, they
Pt. II. — 48

B !■

11:

378

LANGUAGE.

are

denoted by

nn inflection.

Thus the phrase, In

tlie box

rendered, in

the Indian,

one word,

mukukoong.

Of this word, mukuk

simply

box.

The

termination

OONG denoting

the locality,

not of the box, but of the

obj

ect sought after. The

h '

•iil It

expression appears to be precise, although there is no definite article in the language.

The substantive takes this form most commonly after a question has Iwen put, as
Anendi ne mokomahn-ais ? where is my penknife ? Mukukoong, (in the box,) addo-
powin-ing, (on the table,) are definite replies to this question. But the form is net
restricted to this relation. Chimauning n'guh poz, I shall embark in the canoe;
waki-e-gun n'guh izhau, I shall go into the house, is perfectly correct, though some-
what formal expressions, when the canoe or the house is present to the speaker's view.

The meaning of these inflections has been restricted to in, into, at, and on ; but
they are the more appropriate forms of expressing the tlu'ee first senses, there being
other modes, besides these, of expressing the preposition on. These modes consist in
the use of prepositions, and will be explained under that head. The choice of the one
or the other is, however, with the speaker. Generally, the inflection is employed when
there is some circumstance or condition of the noun either concealed, or not fully
apparent. Thus, muzziniegun-ing is the appropriate term for in the book, and mat
also be used to signify on the book. But if it is meant only to signify on the book,
something visible being referred to, the preposition ogidj would be used, that word
indicating, with certainty, on, and never in. Wakiegun-ii.^ ".dicates with clearness,
IN THE HOUSE ; but if it is necessary to say on the house, and it be meant, at the same
time, to exclude any reference to the interior, the expression would be changed to ogidj

WAKIEGCN.

It will be proper further to remark in this place, in the way of limitation, that there
is also a separate preposition signifying in ; it is peenj. But tlie use of this word does
not, in all cases, supersede the necessity of inflecting the noun. Thus, the expression
pendigain is literally walk in, or enter. But if it is intended to say, walk in the
house, the local, and not the simple form of house, must be used ; and the expression
is Pendigain wakiegun-ing. Enter in the house, — the verbal form which this preposition
peenj puts on having no allusion to the act of walking, but merely implying position.

The local inflection, which in the above examples is ing and oong, is further changed
to AiNG and EENG, as the ear may direct, changes which are governed chiefly by the
terminal vowel of the noun. Examples will best indicate the rule, as well as the
exceptions to it.

Simple Form. Local Form.

a. First Inflection in AiNG.

Ishkodai Fire. Ishkod-aing . . In, or on, the fire.

Muscodai Prairie. Muskod-aing . . In, " the prairie.

Mukkuddai .... Powder. Mukkud-aing . . In, " the powder.

Pimmedai Grease. Pimmid-aing . . In, " the grease.

: .t

LANGUAGE.

379

e. Second Inflection in EENG.'

Sebe River. Selxeng In, or on, the river.

Nebe Water. Nob-eeng In, " the water.

Miskwe Blood. Miskw-ceng .... In, " the blood.

Unneb Elm. Unneb-ceng .... In, " the elm.

Kon
Meen

i. Third Inflcctioti in ING.

Snow. Kon-ing In, or on, the snow.

Berry. Meen-ing In, " the berry.

Chiman-ing . . .

. In,

((

the canoe.

Muzzini egun-ing

. In,

the book.

lection in CONG.

Azhebik-oong . .

. In,

or on

, the rock.

Gezhig-oong . . .

. In,

the sky.

Kimmiwun-oong .

. In,

the rain.

Akkik-oong . . .

. In,

the kettle.

Chimaun Canoe.

Muzzini egun .... Book.

o. Fourth

Azhibik Rock.

Gezhig Sky.

Kimmiwun Rain.

Akkik Kettle.

Throw it in the fire.

1. Puggidon ishkod-aing.
Go into the prairie.

2. Muskodaing izhan.
He is in the elm.

3. Unnib-eeng iau.

It is on the water.

4. Neb-ceng attai.

Put it on the table.

5. Addopowin-ing atton.
Look in the book.

G. Enaubin muzzini egun-ing.
You stand in the rain.

7. Kimmiwun-oong ke nebaw.
What have you in that box.

8. Waigonain aitaig mukuk-oong.
Put it in the kettle.

9. Akkik-oong atton, or Podav/ain.

My bow is not in the lodge ; neither is it in the canoe, nor on the rock.
10. Kauwin pindig iause ne mittigwaub; kauwiuh gia chemaun-iNG;
kauwen gia ouzhebik-oong.

* The double vowel is here employed to indicate the long sound of £ under accent.

iH.r

380 LANGUAGE.

An attentive inspection of these examplea will show, that the local form iXTtuins
either to such nouns of the animate class as are in their nature inanimates, or at most
possessed of vegetable life. And here another conclusion presses uixm us, that where
these local terminations, in all their variety, are added to the names of animated
beings, when such names arc the nominatives of adjectives or adjective nouns, these
words are converted into terms of qualification, indicating LIKE, rkskmiu.ixg, equal.
Thus if we wish to say to a boy, he is like a man, the expression is, Inin-ing i/zhenau-
gozzi ; or if to a man, ho is like a Ix-ar, mukkoong izzhinaugozzi ; or to a bear, he is
like a horse, Paibaizhikogauzh-ing izzhinangozzi. In all these expressions the word
izzm is combined with the pronominal inflection an (or nau) and the animate termi-
nation Gozzi. And the inflection of the nominative is merely an adjective correspond-
ence with izziii — a tenn indicative of the general qualities of persons or animated
beings. Where a comparison is instituted or a resemblance pointed out between
inanimate instead of animate objects, the inflection GOZZi is changed to gwud, render-
ing the expression which was, in the animate form, izzhinaGOZZi ; in the inanimate
form, izzhinacwuD.

There is another variation of the local form of the noun in addition to those above
instanced, indicative of locality in a more general sense. It is formed by oxg or nong,
frequent terminations in geographical names. Thus, from Ojibwai, (Chippewa), is
formed OjibwaiNOXG, Place of the Chippewas; from Wamittigozhiwug, Frenchmen,
is fonned WamittigozhixoxG, Place of Frenchmen ; from Ishpatinii, hill, Ishpatinong,
Place of the hill, &c. The termination ixg is also sometimes employed in this more
general sense, as in the following names of places : —

MonomonikauniXG In the place of wild rice.

MoningwunikaimixG .... In the place of sparrows.

OngwashaugooshiXG In the place of the fallen tree, &c.

2. The diminutive forms of the noun are indicated by ais, ees, os, and aus, as the
final vowel of the word may require. Thus, Ojibwai, a Chippewa, becomes Ojibwais,
a little Chippewa; inin'e, a man, inin-ees, a little man; amik, a beaver, amik-os,
a young beaver ; ogimau, a chief, ogim-aus, a little chief, or a chief of little authority.
Further examples may be added.

Liflectmi in Ais.

smrLE FORM. DimnnTiTK roRV.

A woman .... EekAva Eekwaz-ais.

A partridge . . . Pina Pe-nais.

A woodcock . . . Mama Ma-mais.

An island .... Minnis Minnis-ais.

A grape .... Shomin Shomin-ais.

A knife .... Mokomahn .... Mokomahn-ais.

i- f-

LANGUAGE.

381

Lijlix'lion ill

EES.

SIMPLE rORM,

niMixrTiVK roRH

A stone . . .

. Ossin . . .

Ossin-ees.

A river . . .

. Sebi. . . .

. Selxes.

A pigeon . . .

. Omeme . . .

. Omem-ces.

A bison . . .

. Pezliiki. . .

. Pezhik-ees.

A potatoe . . .

. Opin . . .

. Opin-ces.

A bird ....

. Penaisi . . .

. Penaish-ces.

Inflection in

OS.

A moose .

Moz ....

Moz-os.

An otter . . .

. Negik . . .

. Negik-os.

A reindeer

. Addik . . .

Addik-os.

An elk. . . .

. Mushkos . .

. Mushkos-os.

A hare . . .

. \VauI)os . .

. Waiibos-oH.

A box ....

. Mukuk. . .

. Mukuk-os.

i II

Inflection in AUS.

A bass Ogau Og-aus.

A medal .... Shoniau Shoni-aus.

A lx)wl .... Onaugun Onaug-auns.

A bed Nibaugun Nibaug-auns.

A gun Paushkizzigun . . . Pausslikizzig-ans,

A house .... Wakiegun Wakieg-ans.

In the four la.st examples, the letter n of the diminutive retains its full sound.
The use of diminutives has a tendency to give conciseness to the language. As far
as the>' «an l)e employed, they supersede the use of adjectives, or prevent the repetition
of them ; and they enable the speaker to give a turn to the expression which is often
very successfully employed in producing ridicule or contempt. When applied to the
tribes of animals, or to inorganic objects, their meaning, however, is very nearly limited
to an inferiority in size or age. Thus, in the above examples, jwizhik-ees signifies a
calf, omen-ees, a young pigeon, and ossin-ees, a pebble, &c. But inin-ees and ogim-aus
are connected with the idea of mentsil or conventional as well as bodily inferiority.

1. I saw a little chief standing upon a small island, with an inferior medal about
his neck.

Ogimaus n'gi waubumau nebowid minnisain-sing onaubikawaun shoniasun.

2. Yamoyden threw at a young pigeon.
Ogi pukkitaiwun omeneesun Yamoyden.

3. A buffldo calf stood in a small stream.
Pezhikees ki nelxjwi sibecsing.

88t

LANOUAOE.

4. The little man fired at a young niuuiw.
Ininocs ogi pauMliki/.waun inozusiui.

5. Several diniinutive Icxjking bass were lying in a small bowl upon a little table.
Ad(lo])<)winaising attai onaugauns abl)iwad ogausug.

Some of these sentences afford instances of the use, at the same time, of both the
local and diminutive inflections. Thus the wonl minnisainsing .signifies, literally,
IN THE LITTLE ISLAND; seelwes iug, IN TitE LITTLE STREAM; addopowinais ing, ox THE

SMALL TABLE.

■I- -I

3. The preceding forms are not the only ones by which adjective qualities are
conferred upon the substantive. The syllable isii, when added to a noun, indicates a
bad or dreaded quality, or conveys the idea of iminrfection or decay. The sound of
this intleetion is .'<ometimes changed to eesh, oosh, or aush. Thus, chimaun, a canoe,
Ijecomea chimaiuiish, a bad canoe; eckwai, a woman, eckwaiwish, a bad woman;
nebi, water, becomes neljcesh, strong water; mittig, a tree, beotmies mittigoosh, a
decayed tree; akkik, a kettle, akkikoosh, a worn-out kettle. By a further change,
weljced, a t<Kith, lx*comes welx-edau-sh, a decayed or aching t(K)th, &c. Throughout
these changes the final sound of sii is retained, so that this sound alone, at the end of
a word, is indicative of a faulty quality.

In a language in which the expressions bad dog and faint heart are the sujierlative
terms of reproach, and in which there are few words to indicate the modifications
between positively good and positively bad, it must appear evident, that adjective
inflections of this kind must be convenient, and sometimes necessary, modes of
expression. They furnish a means of conveying censure and dislike, which, though
often mild, is sometimes severe. Thus, if one person has had occasion to refuse the
offered hand of another — for it must be borne in mind, that the Indians are now a
hand-shaking people, as well as the Europeans — the implacable party has it at his
option, in referring to the circumstance, to use the a<ljective form of hand, not
ONiNDJ, but oninJEESii, which would be deemed contemptuous in a high degree. So
also, instead of odauwai winii, a trader, or man who sells, the word may be changed
to odauwai wininiwisn, implying a bad or dishonest trader. I* is seldom that a more
jjointed or positive mode of expressing personal disapprobation or dislike is required ;
for, generally speaking, more is implied by these modes than is actually expressed.

The following examples are drawn from the inorganic as well as organic creation,
embracing the two classes of nouns, that the operation of these foiTOs may be fully
perceived : —

A bowl
A house

Inflection in ISH.
SIMPLE FORM.

Onaugun . . . .

Wakiagun

ADJECTIVE FORM.

Onaugun-ish.
Wakiegun-ish.

A \n[Hi
A boy
A iiiiin .
Water .

A HtOllO .

A potiitoc
A tly . .
A bow

An otter .
A boiivcr
A reiiuleor
A kettle .
All axe .

A foot .
An arm .
An ear .
A luH)f .
A rush-mat

OH«in-ee,sh.
Opin-c'CMii.
()-j.'esIl.
Mittigwaiilv-ccuh.

LANCJUAOE.

SIMI'I.E FOKM. AI)JK( TIVK KOUM.

Opwiuigiwi .... Opwaiigiin-isli.

Kwewezain .... KweweziiiH-iKli.

Inino Ininiw-isb.

Nebi Nel)-i.sb.

Iiijfirtion in EE.^n.

Os.iin

Opin

Ojec

Mittigwaub . . .

LijUctmi ill (xiSH.

Negik Ncfrik-oosli.

Abmik Ahmik-oo.sh.

Addik A(l<lik-oosh.

Akkeek Akkc'ek-<K)sli.

Wagatikwut .... Wagaukwut-uosh.

JiijUctiun in AUSii.

Ozid 0/id-aiisb.

Oiiik Onik-ansb.

Otowug Otowiig-aiisb.

Wnnnussid .... Wunnus.xid-aush.

Appukwa Appiikw-aiisb.

Those forms in ish cannot Ix; said, strictly, to Ik; without analogy in the English, in
which the limited number of words terminating in isu, as saltish, blackish, furnish a
correspondence in soinid with the first adjective form.

It may subserve the purposes of generalization to add, as the result of the foregoing
inquiries, that substantives have a diminutive form, made in ais, ees, os, or aus ; n
derogative form, made in ish, eesh, oosh, or aush ; and a local form, made in aing,
ceng, ing, or ong. By a principle of accretion, the second and third may be added to
the first form, and the third to the second.

Example.

Kinai'bik.

" ens, implying Little serpent.

Serpent,

s, diminutive

s, derogative

((

s, local

8, dim. and der.

s, dim. and lo.

s, dim. der. and lo.

ish,

Bad serpent.

ing,

In (the) serpent.

onsish

Little bad serpent.

onsing

In (the) little serpent.

onsishing

In (the) little l)ad .serpent.

; i

:\''

384 LANGUAGE.

4. More attontion has, perhaps, been be.stowed upon these points than their
importance denianded, l)ut in giving anything like a comprehensive sketch of the
substantive, they could not be omitted ; and if mentioned at all, it became necessary
to pursue them through their various changes and limitations. Another reason has
presented itself. In treating of an unwritten language, of which others are to judge
chiefly from examples, it appeared desirable that the positions advanced should be
accompanied by the data u\wn which they respectively rest; at least l)y so much of the
data employed, as to enable philologists to appreciate the justice, or detect the fallacy
of our conclusions. To the few who take any interest in the subject at all, minuteness
will not seem tedious, and the examples will be regarded with deep interest.

Although we have already devoted much space to these lesser points of inquiry,
it will be necessary now to point out other inflections and modifications of the
substantive, to clear it from obscurities, that we may go into the discussion of the
other parts of speech unencumbered.

Of these remiiining forms, none is more interesting than that whicli enables the
speaker, by a simple inflection, to denote, without directly stating it, that the individual
named has ceased to exist. This delicate mode of conveying melancholy intelligence,
or alluding to the dead, is eflected by placing the object in the pa.st tense.
Aiekid-opun aieko Garrangularbun.
So the deceased Garrangula spoke.

The syllabic HUN, in this sentence, added to the nouii, and oi'iN added to the verb,
place bt)th in the past tense. And although the death of the Indian orator is not
mentioned, that fact would be invariably inferred.

Names which do not terminate in a vowel sound, require a vowel prefixed to the
tensal inflection, rendering it obun or edun. Inanimate, as well as animate nouns, take
these inflections.

P K E S E N T . P A S T F O K M .

Tecmnseh Tecumsi-bun.

Tammany Temmani-bun.

Skenandoah Skenandoarbun.

Nos, (my father) Nos-ebun.

Pontiac Pontiac-il)un.

Wanb Ojeeg Waub Ojecg-ibun.

Tarhc Tarhi-bun.

Mittig, (a tree) Mittig-obun.

Akkik, (a kettle) Akkik-obun.

Moz, (a moose) Mo/xibini.

By prefixing the particle TAii to these words, and changing the inflection of the

aninnite nouns to Ewi, and that of the inanimate to iwuN, they are rendered future.
Thus, Tab Pontiac-iwi, Tah mittig-iwun, &c.

k***" V,

LANGUAGE.

885

Tlio immort for tlio .seasons only come under tlie operation of these rules when
Kpeaking of the year l^'fore the hist, or the year after the next. The hist, and the
ensuing season, arc indicated as follows.

Present. Last.

Spring .... Seegwun .... Seegwuii-oong .

Summer . . . Neebin Neebin-oong

Autumn . . . Tahgwaugi . . . Tahgwaug-oong
Winter . . . Peebon . . .

Next.
Segwung.
Neebing.
Tahgwaugiji

Peel)onoong Peeboug.

I spent last winter in hunting :
Ninge nunda-wainjigai peebonoong.
I shall go to Detroit next spring:
Ninjah izhau Wauwiiiu tunong seegwung.

5. Sexual nouns. The mode of indicating the masculine and feminine having
been omitti'd in the preceding chapter, as not being essential to any concordance
■with the verb or adjective, nevertheless marks a striking peculiarity of the language
— the exclusive use of certain words by one or the other sex. After having appeared
to the speakers or founders of the language a distinction not necessary to be engrafted
in the syntax, there are yet a limited number of words to which the idea of sex so ,
strongly attiches, that it would be deemed the height of impropriety in a female to
use the masculine, and in a male to use the feminine exprcssions.

Of this nature are the words nee.ii and nixdongwai, both signifying my friend; but
the former is appropriated to males, and the latter to females. A Chippewa cannot,
therefore, say to a I'emale, my friend ; nor a Cliippewa woman to a male, my friend.
Such an interchange of tlie tenns would imply arrogance or indelicac}'. Nearly the
whole of their interjections — and they aixi numerous — are also thus exclusively
appr()|)riated ; and no greater breacli of propriety in speech could be committed, than
a woinau's uttering the masculine exclamation of surprise, TiAu! or a man's descending
to the corresponding female interjection, n'yau !

The word neenimosuai, my cousin, on the contrary, can only be applied, like
hus1)and and wife, by a male to a female, or a female to a male. If a male wishes to
express this relation of a male, the term is neetowis; and the corresponding female
term neendoxcwoosiiai.

Their terms for uncle and aunt are also of a two-fold character, though not restricted
lilve the preceding in their use. Neemishomai, is my uncle by the father's side ;
neezhishai, my uncle by the mother's side. Neezigwoos, is my paternal aunt;
neewishai, my maternal aunt.

There an>, also, exclusive words to designate elder brother and younger brother ;
but, what would not be expected, after the foregoing examples, they are indiscrimi-
Pt. ir._49

380 LANGUAGE.

iiately ajjplied to younger bi-othcra and si.stei's. Neengai, is my elder brother, and
neeniissal, my elder sister; neeshemai, my younger brother, or younger sister, and
may be applied to any brother or sister except the eldest.

The number of masculines and feminines and of words to which the idea of sex is
inseparably attached, in the usual acceptation, is limited. The following may be
enumerated : —

Masculine. Feminine.

Tnin'i A man. Ekwai' A woman.

Kwee' wizais . A boy. Ekwa' zais .... A girl.

Oskinahwai . . A young man. Oskineegekwai . . A young woman.

Akiwaizi . . . An old man. Mindimo' ea . . . An old woman.

Nofsai My father. Nin gah My mother.

Ningwis . . . My son. Nin diinis .... My daughter.

Ni ningwun . . My son-in-law. Nis sim My daughter-in-law.

Ni nabaim . . My husband. Nimindiinoiniish . My wife.

Nimieshomiss . My grandfather. Nokoniiss .... My grandmother.

Ogimau .... A chief OgemaukwJl ... A chiefess.

Addik .... A reindeer. Neetshauni ... A doe.

Annimoosh . . A dog. Kiskisshai .... A bitch.

The se.x of the brute creation is most connnonly denoted by prefixing the worda
lAUBA, male, and noziia, female.

6. Reciprocal changes of the noun. The pronominal particles with which verbs as
well as substantives are generally encumbered, and the habit of using them in
particular and resti'icted senses, leaves but little occasion for the employment of either
the present or past infinitive. Most verbs arc transitivos. A Chippewa does not say,
I love, without indicating, by an inflection of the verb, the object beloved ; and thus
the expression is constantly, I love him, or her, &c. Neither does the infinitive appear
to be, generally, the ultimate form of the verb.

In changing their nouns into verbs, it will not, therefore, be expected that the
change should uniformly result in the infinitive, for which there is ko little use ; but in
such of the personal forms of the various moods as circumstances may require. Most
commonly, the third person singular of the indicative, and the second person singidar of
the imperative, are the simplest aspects under which the verb appears ; and hence these
forms have been sometimes mistaken for the ultimate of these moods, and thus reported.
There are some instances, however, in which the infinitive is employed. Thus, although
an Indian cannot say I love, thou lovest, &c., without employing the objective fonns of
the verb to love, yet he can say I laugh, I cry, &c., expressions in which, the action
being confined to the speaker himself, there is no transition demanded. And in all
similar instances, the present infinitive, witli the proper pronoun prefixed, is employed.

LANGUAGE.

887

There are several modes of transforming a substantive into a verb. The following
examples will supply the rules, so far as is known, which govern these cliangcs : —

Chcniaun, a canoe .
Paushkizzigun, a gun
.Tecsedicgun, a broom
Weedjeeagun, a lielper

OjibwUi, a Chippewa

Indicative.
Chemai, he paddles .
Paushkizzigai, he fires
Jeesidiegai, he sweeps
Weedokagai, he helps
f Ojibwamoo, he speaks ]

I M !■ E K A T I V E .

Chiniain, paddle thou.

Pauwlikizzigain, fire thou.

Jeesidyigain, sweep thou.

Weedjoei-wain, help thou,
f Ojibwamoon, speak thou
( Chippewa.

' 1 Chippewa.

Another class of nouns is converted into the first person, indicative, in the fol
lowinff manner: —

Monido . . .

. A spirit.

Ne monidouw .

I (am) a spirit.

Wassaiau . .

. Light.

Ne wassaiauw .

I (am) light.

Ishkodai . .

. Fire.

Nin dishkodaiw .

I (am) fire.

Weendigo . .

. A monster.

Ne weendigouw .

I (am) a monster.

Addik . . .

. A deer.

Nin daddikoow .

I (am) a deer.

Wakiegun .

. A house.

Ni wakicguniw .

I (am) a house.

Pinggwi . .

. Dust, ashes.

Nim Binggwiew .

I (am) dust, &c.

The word am, included in parentheses, is not in the original, unless we may supiwse
the terminals ouw, auw, iew, oow, to be derivatives from law. The.^e changes are
reciprocated by the verb, which, as often as occasion requires, is made to put on a
substantive form. The particle win, added to the indicative of the verb, converts it
into a substantive. Thus —

Keegido . .

He speaks.

Keegidowin . .

Speecli.

Paushkizzigai

He fires.

Paushkizzigaiwin

Ammunition.

Agindasoo . .

He counts.

Agindassoowin .

Numbers.

Wahyiazhiggai .

He cheats.

Wahyiazhiggaiwin

Fraud.

Minnikwai .

He drinks.

Minnikwaiwin .

Drink.

Kubbaslii . . .

He encamps.

Kubbaisliiwin . .

An encampment

Megauzoo . . .

He fights.

Megauzoowin . .

A fight.

Ojecngai . .

He kisses.

Ojeendiwin . .

A kiss.

Annoki . .

He works.

Annokiwin . .

Work.

Paupi . . .

He laughs.

Paupiwin . . .

Laughter.

Pemaudizzi .

. He lives.

Pomiiudaiziwin .

. Life.

Onwaibi . .

. He rests.

Onwaibiwin . .

. Rest.

Annamiau

He prays.

Annamiauwin

Prayer.

Nebau . . .

He sleeps.

Nebauwin . . .

Sleep.

Odauwai . .

He trades.

Odauwaiwin . .

Trade.

888

LANGUAGE.

Adjectives are likewise thus turned into substantives : —

li ''• :■

Keozhaiwaudizzi
Minwaindum .
Keezhaizhawizzi
Kittimaugizzi .
Aukkoossi . .
Kittimishki
Nishkaudizzi .
Baikaudizzi

He generous.
He happy.
He industrious.
He poor.
He sick.
He lazy.
He angry.
She chaste.

Keezhaiwaudizziwin
Minwaindumowin
Keezhaizhawizziwin
Kittimaugizziwin .
Aukkoossiwin . .
Kittimishkiwin .
Nishkaudizziwin .
Baikaudizziwin .

Genero..ity.

Happiness.

Industry.

Poverty.

Sickness.

Laziness.

Anger.

Chastity.

In order to place the substantives thus formed in the third person, corresponding
with the indicative from which they were changed, it is necessary only to prefix the
proper pronoun. Thus, Ogeezhaiwadizziwin, his generosity, &c.

7. Compound substantives. The preceding examples have been given promiscuously
from the various classes of words, primitive and derivative, simple and compound. Some
of these words express but a single idea, as nos, father — gah, mother, moz, a moose
— kaug, a porcupine — mong, a lfK)n — and appear to be incapable of further division.
All such words may be considered as primitives, although some of them may be
contractions of dissyllabic roots. There are also among the primiti , "=■ a number of
dissyllables, and possibly some trisyllables, which, in the present state of our analytical
knowledge of the language, may be deemed both simple and primitive. Such are
neebi, water ; ossin, a stone ; goezis, the sun ; nodin, wind. But it may be premised,
as a principle which our investigations have rendered probable, that all poly.syllabic
words, all words of three syllables, so far as examined, and most words of two
syllables, are compounds.

The application of a syntax, formed with a view to facilitate the rapid conveyance
of ideas by consolidation, may, it is presumable, have early led to the coalescence of
words, by which all the relations of object and action, time and person, were expressed.
And in a language which is only spoken, and not written, the primitives would soon
become obscured and lost in the multiform appendages of time and person, and the
recondite connexion of actor and object. And this process of amalgamation would be
a progressive one. The terms that sufficed in the condition of the simplest state of
nature, or in a given latitude, would vary with their varying habits, institutions and
migrations. The introduction of new objects and new ideas would recjuire the
invention of new words, or what is much more probable, existing terms would be
modified or compounded to suit the occasion. No one who has paid much attention
to the subject, can have escaped noticing a confirmation of this opinion in the extreme
readiness of nur western Indians to bestow, on the instant, names, and appropriate
names, on any new object presented to them. A readiness not attributable to their
having at command a stock of generic poly.syllables — for these it would Ikj very

LANGUAGE.

389

awkward to wield — but as appears more probable, to the powers of the syntax, which
permits the resolution of new compounds from existing roots, and often concentrates,
as remarked in another place, the entire sense of the parent words upon a single
syllable, and sometimes upon a single letter.

Thus it is evident that the Chippewas possessed names for a living tree mitttg, and
a string aiaub, before they named the bow mittigwaub — the latter being compounded
under one of the simplest rules from the two former. It is further manifest that they
had named earth Akki, and aubik (any solid, stony or metallic mass), before they
bestowed an appellation upon the kettle, akkeek, or akkik, the latter being derivatives
from the former. In process of time these compounds became the bases of other
compounds, and thus the language became loaded with double and triple, and rpiad-
ruple compounds, concrete in their meaning, and formal in their utterance.

When the introduction of the metals took place, it became necessary to distinguish
the clay from the iron pot, and the iron from the copper kettle. The original com-
pound, akkeek, retained its first meaning, admitting the adjective noun piwaubik
(itself a compound) iron, when aj^plied to a vesf .1 of that kind, making piwaubik
akkeek, iron kettle. But a new combination took place to designate the copper kettle,
MiSKWAUKEEK, rcd-mctal kettle ; and another expression to denote the brass kettle,
OZAWAUBIK AKKEEK, yellow-mctal kettle. The former is made up from miskowaubik,
copper (literally REi)-METAL — from miskwa, red, and aubik, the generic above men-
tioned) and AKKEEK, kettle. Ozawaubik, brass, is from ozawau, yellow, and the
generic aubik — the term akkeek being added in its separate form. It may, however,
be used in its connected form of wukkeek, making the compound expression ozaw aubik

WUKKEEK.

In naming the horse, paibaizhikiigazhi, i. e. the animal with solid hoofs, they haiO
seized upon the feature which most strikingly distinguished the horse from the cleft-
footed animals, which were the only species known to them at the period of the
discovery. And the word itself alTords an example at once, both of their powers of
concentration, and brief, jet accurate description, which it may be worth while to
analjze. Paizhik is one, and is also used as the indefinite article — the only article
the language possesses. This word is further used in an adjective sense, figuratively,
indicating united, solid, undivided. And it acquires a plural signification by doubling,
or repeating the first syllable, with a slight variation of the second. Thus, Pai-baizhik
denotes not one or an, but several ; and when thus used in the context, renders the
noun governed plural. Oskuzh is the nail, claw, or horny part of the foot of beasts,
and supplies the first substantive member of the compound GAUzii. The final vowel
is from AiiWAisi, a beast ; and the marked o, an inseparable connective, the oflice of
which is to make the two members coalesce and harmonize. The expression thus
formed becomes a substantive, specific in its application. It may be rendered plural
like the primitive nouns, may be converted into a verb, has its diminutive, derogative

' ^1

i. i,

890 LANGUAGE.

and local form, and, in short, is subject to all the modifications of other sub-
stantives.

Most of the modem nouns are of this complex character. And they appear to have
been invented to designate objects, many of which were necessarily unknown to the
Indians in the primitive ages of their existence. Others, like their names for a copper-
kettle and a horse, above mentioned, can date their origin no farther back than the
period of the discovery. Of this number of na.scent words are most of their names
for those distilled or artificial liquors for which they are indebted to Europeans. Their
name for water, neebi, for the fat of animals, weenin, for oil or grease, pimmidai, for
broth, NAUBOB, and for blood, miskwi, belong to a very remote era, although all but the
first api^ear to bo compounds. Their names for the tinctures or extracts derived from
the forest, and u.scd as dyes or medicines, or merely as agreeable drinks, are mostly
founded upon the basis of the word aubo, a liquid, although this word is never used
alone. Thus —

Shomin-aubo . . . Wine . . . From Shomin, a grape; iibo, a liquor.

Ishkodaiw-aubo . . Spirits. . . From Ishkodai, fire, &c.

Mishiniin-aubo . . Cider . . . From Mishimin, an apple, &c.

Totosh-aubo . . . Milk . . . From Tiitiish, the female breast, &c.

Shiew-aubo .... Vinegar . . From Sheewun, sour, &c.

Annibeesh-aubo . . Tea .... From Annibeshun, leaves, &c.

Ozhibicgun-aubo . . Ink .... From Ozhibiegai, he writes, &c.

In like manner their names for the various implements and utensils of civilized
life, are based upon the word jeegun, one of those primitives which, although never
disjunctively used, denotes, in its modified forms, the various senses implied by our
words instrument, contrivance, machine, &c. And, by prefixing to this generic a
substantive, verb, or adjective, or parts of one or each, an entire new class of words is
formed. In these combinations the vowels e and o are sometimes used as connectives.

Keeshkebu-jeegun . . A saw From Keezhkeezhun, v. a. to cut.

Seesebo-jeegun ... A file From Seese, to rub off, &c. [&c.

Wassakooiien-jeegun . A candle From Wa-ssakood.a, bright ; biskoona, flame,

Beesebo-jeegun ... A coffee-mill . . . From Beesau, fine grains, &c.

Minnikwad-jeegun . . A drinking-vessel . From Minnekwai, he drinks, &c.

Tashkcebod-jecgun . . A saw-mill .... From Tau.shkii, to split, &c.

Mudwaiabeed-jeegun . A violin From Mudwllwai, sound ; iiiilb, a string, &c.

Sometimes this termination is shortened into gun, as in the following instances : —

Onaugun A dish.

Tikkiuau-gun A cradle.

Nebau-gun A bed.

Puddukkie-gun A fork.

T-r*

LANGUAGE. 801

Piiggiiumaii-yiin A war-club.

Opwau-gim A pipe.

Wassaitshic-gun A window.

Wakkic-gun A house.

Podaliwau-gun A fire-place.

Shcemau-gun A lance.

Another class of derivatives is formed from wian, indicating, generally, an undressed
skin. Thus —

Muk-wian .... A bear-skin .... From Mukwah, a bear, and wyaun, a skin.

Wazhuak-w'' . . A muskrat-skin . . From Wazhusk, a muskrat, &c.

Wabos-win . . . A rabbit-.skin . . . From Wabos, a rabbit, &c.

Negik-wian .... An otter-skin . . . From Ncgik, an otter, &c.

Ojegi-wian .... A fisher-skin . . . From Qjoeg, a fisher, &c.

Wabizhais-ewian . . A marten-skin . . . From Wabizhais, a marten, &c.

Wabiwyan, a blanket, and bubbuggiwyan, a shirt, are also formed from this root.
As the termination wian is chiefly restricted to undressed skins, or peltries, that of
WAiGiN is, in like manner, generally applied to dressed skins, or to cloths. Thus —

Monido-waigin .... Blue cloth, strouds . . From Monido, spirit, &c.

Misk-waigin Red cloth From Miskwa, red, &c.

Nondii-waigin .... Scarlet.

Beezhiki-waigin .... A buffixlo-robe .... From Peezhiki, a buffalo, &c.

Addik-waigin A cariboo-skin .... From Addik, a cariboo, &c.

Ozhauwushk-waigin . . Green cloth From Ozhawushkwa, green.

An interesting class of substantives is derived from the third person singular of the
present indicative of the verb, by changing the vowel sound of the first syllable, and
adding the letter d to that of the last, making the terminations in aid, ad, ced, id, ood.
Thus, Pimmoossa, he walks, becomes pamoossad, a walker.
AID — Munnissai . . . He chops. Manissaid ... A chopper.

Ozhibcigai ... lie writes. Wazhibcigaid . . A writer.

Nundowainjeegai lie hunts. Nundowainjeegaid A hunter.

AD — Neebau .... He sleeps. Nabaud .... A sleeper. [net.

Kwaubahwa . . He fishes with scoop-net. Kwiaubahwaid . A fisher with scoop-

Puggidowau . . He fishes with seine. Paugidowald . . A fisher with seine.

EED — Annokee . . . He Avorks. Anokeed .... A worker.

Jeessake . . . . He juggles. Jossa'-eed . . .A juggler.

Munnigohee . . He pulls bark. Mainigobced . . A bark-puller.

ID — Neemi He dances. Naumid .... A dancer.

Wccsinni . . . He eats, Waussinid . . . An cater.

Pinuiudizzi ... lie lives. Paiinaudizzid . . A living being.

>' )l

LANGUAGE.

rni

OOD — Nuf^timoo . . . lie sings. Naigumood . . . A niiigor.

Keegido .... He speaks. Kaugidood ... A speaker.

Keewoniinoo . . lie lies. Kauwunimood . A liar.

This class of words is rendered plural in IG — a termination which, after d final in
the singular, has a soft pronunciation, as if written jig. Thus, naumid, a dancer, is
sounded naumidjig, dancers.

The derogative form is given to these generic substantives by introducing ish, or
simply sh, in place of the d, and changing the latter to kid, making the terminations
in ai, aishkid, in au, aushkid, in e, eeshkid, in i, ishkid, and in oo, ooshkid. Thus,
naindowainjeegaid, a hunter, is changed to naindowainjeegaishkid, a bad or unprofit-
able hunter. Naibaud, a sleeper, is changed to naibaushkid, a sluggard. Jossakeed,
a juggler, to jossakccshkid, a vicious juggler. Wausinnid, an eater, to waussinishkid,
a gormandizer. Kaugidood, a speaker, kaugidooshkid, a babbler. And in these cases
the plural is added to the last educed form, making kaugidooshkidjig, babblers, &c.

The word nittii, on the contrary, prefixed to these expressions, renders them com-
plimentary. For instance, nitta nalgumood, is a fine singer; nitta kagidood, a ready
speaker, &c.

Flexible as the substantive has been shown to be, there are other forms of
combination that have not been adverted to — forms by which it is made to coalesce
with the verb, the adjective, and the preposition, producing a numerous class of
comiTOund expressions. But it is deemed most proper to defer the discussion of these
forms until we reach their several appropriate beads.

Enough has been exhibited to demonstrate its prominent grammatical rules. It is
not only apparent that the substantive possesses number and gender, but it also
undergoes peculiar modifications to express locality and diminution, to denote adjective
qualities, and to indicate tense. It exhibits some curious traits connected with the
mode of denoting the masculine and feminine. It is modified to express person, and
to distinguish living from inanimate masses. It is rendered possessive by a peculiiir
inflection, and provides particles, imder the shape either of prefixes or suffixes,
separable or inseparable, by which the actor is distinguished from the object — and
all this, without changing its proixjr substantive character, without putting on the
aspect of a pseudo adjective, or a pseudo verb. Its changes to produce compounds
are, however, its most interesting, its most characteristic trait. Syllable is heaped
upon syllable, Avord upon word, and derivative upon derivative, until its vocabulary is
crowded with long and pompous phrases, most formidable to the eye.

So completely transpositive do the words appear, that, like chessmen on a board,
their elementarv syllables can be changed, at the will of the player, to form new
combinations to meet new contingencies, so long as they are changed in accordance
with certain general principles and conventional rules; in the application of which,
however, much depends upon the will or skill of the player. What is most surprising.

LANGUAGE.

893

all thcHe changes and combinations, all those (jualifieations of the object, and distinc-
tions of the person, the time, and the place, do not supersede the use of adjectives,
and pronouns, and verbs, and other parts of speech, which arc here woven into the
texture of the noun, in their elementary and disjunctive forms.

§4. Observations on the Adjective: —

1. Its Distinction into two Classes, denoted by the Presence or Absence of ViUdi/y.
Examples of the Animates and Inanimates. Mwle nf their Conntctiun with
Subsiantices. How Pronouns are applied to these Derivatives, and the Manner
of Forming Compound Terms from Adjective Bases, to describe the various natural
phenomena. The Apiplicution of these Principles in common conversation and in
the description of natural and artificial objects. 2. Comparison. '6. Pjsidve and
Negative Forms. 4. Adjectives always preserve the Distinction of Number.
5. Numerals, Arithmetical Capacity of the Language. The Unit exists in
Duplicate.

1. It has been remarked, that the distinction of words into animates and inanimates
is a principle intimately inter\voven throughout the structure of the language. It is,
in fiict, so deeply imprinted upon its grammatical forms, and is so jwrpetually
recurring, that it may be looked upon, not only as forming a striking peculiarity of the
language, but as constituting the fundamental principle of its structure, from which
all other rules have derived their limits, and to which they have been made to
conform. No class of words appears to have escaped its impress. Whatever concords
other laws impose, they all agree, and are made subservient in the establishment
of this.

It might appear to be a useless distinction in the adjective, when the substantive is
thus marked ; but it will be recollected that it is in the plural of the substantive only,
that the distinction is marked. And we shall presently have occasion to show, that
redundancy of forms is, to a considerable extent, obviated in practice.

For the origin of the principle itself, we need look only to nature, which endows
animate bodies with animate properties and qualities, and vice versa. But it is due to
the progenitors of the tribes who speak this language, to have invented one set of
adjective symbols to express the ideas peculiarly appropriate to the former, and
another set applicable exclusively to the latter. And to have given the words good
and bad, black and white, - reat and small, handsome and ugly, such modifications as
Pt. II. — 50

i-*r

^ ll

394

h A N Ci U A E .

■ !li-

niv pnictioiillv coinix'tont to imliciito tlio j;('iu'r;il iiatinv of tlio dliji'ot.s ivfcnvd to,
whether providotl with, or (K-.'^titute of, tlie vital i)riiu-ii>U\ And not only so, hut hy
tlic figurative use of these forms, to exalt inanimate masses into the ehiss of living
beings, or to strip the latter of the proiK-rties of life — a principle of much imjiortance
to their pnhlic s{)eakers.

Tliis distinction is shown in the followinj^ examples, in which it will I)e oltserved
that the intlection izzi generally denotes the personal, and Ai', ix, and wi'i», the
impersonid forms.

A D J . I N A N I M A T E . A D J . A N I M A T K .

Bad Monaud-ud Monaud-izzi.

Ugly Gushkoonaug-wud . . . Gushkoonaug-ozzi.

Beautiful . . . Bishegaindaug-wud . . . Bishegaindaug-oozzi.

Strong .... Song-mi Song-ozzi.

Soft Nok-un Nok-ozzi.

Hard Mushkow-au Mushkow-izzi.

Smooth .... Shoiskw-au . . . . . . Shoisk-<K)zzi.

Black .... Mukkuddaw-au .... Mukkuddaw-izzi.

White .... Waubishk-au Wauhishk-izzi.

Yellow .... Ozahw-au Ozahw-izzi.

Red Miskw-au Miskw-izzi.

Blue Ozhahwushkw-au .... Oshahwushkw-izzi.

Sour Sheew-un Sheew-izzi.

Sweet .... Weeshkob-un Weeshob-izzi.

Light .... Naung-un Naung-izzi.

It is not, however, in all cases, by mere modifications of the adjective, that these
distinctions are expressed. Words totally different in sound, and evidently derived
fi-om radically different roots, are in some few instances employed, as in the following
examples.

Adj. Inanimate.
Good .... Onishcshin .

Bad Monaudud

Large .... Mitshau . .

Small .... Pungee Uggaushi.

Old Geekau Gitizzi.

It may be remarked of these forms, that although the impersonal will, in some
instances, take the personal inflections, the rule is not reciprocated ; and minno, and
mindiddo, and gitizzi, and all words similarly situated, remain unchangeably animates.
The word pimgee is limited to the expression of quantity; and its corresjiondent,
uggaushi, to size or quality. Kisheda, (hot) is restricted to the heat of a fire;
Keezhauta, to the heat of the sun. There is still a third term to indicate the natural

Adj. Animate.
. . Minno.
. . Mudjee.
. . Mindiddo.

LANGUAGE.

305

heut of the IkkI^ Kr/zizoo. MitMlmu (Inrj^c) is gcnorally applied to countries, lakes,
rivers*, &e.; iniiiiliildo, to the Ijody ; niul gitshee, iiulisciiminiitely. Onishishin, niul it8
correspondent Oni.shi.sii«ha, signify handsome or fair, as well as good. Kwonaiiilj (aa)
and Kwonaiidjewun (ai) mean, strictly, handsome, and imply nothing further. Minno
is the approi)riate jKirsonal term for good. Mudjee and Monaudud may reciprocally
change genders; the first by tlie addition of i-E-E, and the seconil liy altering id to izzi.

Distinctions of this kind are of considerable importance in a practical point of view,
and their observance or neglect are noticed with scrupulous exactness by the Indians,
The want of inanimate forms to such words as happy, sorrowful, brave, sick, &e.,
creates no confusion, as inanimate nouns cannot, strictly s|)eaking, take uiM)n them-
selves such qualities. And when they do — as they sometimes do, by one of those
extravagant figures of speech which are used in tiieir tales of translbrmations, tlic
animate forms answer all purposes. For, in these tales, the whole nmterial creation
may be clothed with animation. The rule, as exhibited in practice, is limited, with
suflicient accuracy, to the boundaries prescribed by nature.

To avoid a repetition of forms, were the noun and the adjective both to Ik? employed
iu their usual relation, the latter is endowed with a pronominal or substantive inllec-
tion. And the use of the noun in its separate form is thus wholly superseded. Thus,
onishishin (ai) and onishishsha (aa) Ijecome wanishishing, that which is go<Kl, or fair;
and wanishishid, he who is good or fair. The following examples will exhibit this
rule, under each of its forms: —

Compound, on Noun-Adjectives, Animate.

Black Mukkuddaw-izzi Makuddaw-izzid.

White Waubishk-izzi Wiaubishk-izzid.

Yellow Ozahw-izzi Wazauw-izzid.

Red Miskw-izzi JVIashk-oozid.

Strong Song-izzi Swon-izzid.

Compound, ou Noun-Adjectives, Inanimate.

Black Mukkuddaw-au Makuddaw-aug.

White Waubishk-au Wiaubishk-aug.

Yellow Ozahw-au Wazhauw-aug.

Red Miskw-au Maiskw-aug.

The animate forms in these examples will be recognized as exhibiting a fnrtl\>r
extension of the rule, mentioned in a preceding pai)er, by which substantives are
formed from the indicative of the verb by a pemiutation of the vowels. And these
forma are likewise rendered plural in the manner there mentioned. They also undergo
changes to indicate the various iwrsons. For instance, onishisha is thus declined to
mark the person: —

896

LANGUAGE.

WoniHiiiHh-oyaiin .... I (am) good, or fiiir.

Waiii.><hiHh-eyiin .... Thou (art) good, or fair.

Wnnishisli-id lie (i.s) gotnl or fair.

Wanishish-oyaiing .... We (arc) gocnl or fair, (ox.)

WaiUMliish-eynng .... We (aiv) giHMl or fair, (in.)

Wani^luHliH'yaig .... Ye (an-) good or fair.

WaniwhiMli-idjig They (are) good or fair.

II Ji, !

i. l»l

The inanimate forms, being without person, arc simply rendered phiral by in,
changing maiskwaiig to maiskwaiig-in. &c. &c. Tlie verbal signification wiiich these
forms assume, as indicated in the words am, art, is, arc, is to be sought in the pcrmu-
tative change of the first s^llaldc. Tlius, o is changed to wa, muk to mauk, waub to
wi-aub, ozau to wauzau, misk to niaisk, &c. Tlic pronoun, as is usual in the double
compounds, is fonncd wholly by the inflections eyaun, eyun, &c.

The strong tendency of the adjective to assume a personal or pronomico-substantive
form, leads to the einployment of many words in a particular or exclusive sense.
And in any future practical attempts with the language, it will lx> found greatly to
facilitate its acquisition, if the adjectives an* arranged in distinct cla.«ses, separated by
this characteristic principle of their application. The examples we have given are
chiefly those which may be considered strictly animate or inaninuite, admit of double
forms, and are of general use. Many of tlie examples recorded in the original
manuscripts employed in these in(|uiries are of a more concrete character, and, at the
same time, a more limited use. Thus, shangwewe is a weak ptisoii, iiokaugunuue, n
weak drink, nokaugwud, a weak or soft piece of wood. Sussagau is tine, hut can only
be applied to personal appearance; beesau indicates fine grains. Keewushkwa is
giddy ; and keewushkwalK'c, giddy with drink, both lx?ing restricted to the third
person. Songun and songizzi are the personal and impersonal I'ornis of strong, as
given above. But mushkowaugumme is strong drink. In like niiiiiiier the two words
for hard, as above, are restricted to solid substances. Sunnuhgud is hard (to endure.)
Waindud is easy (to perform.) SangediUi is bravo ; shaugediiil cowardly ; kcezhinz-
howozzi, active; kizheekau, swift; onaunegoozzi, lively; minwaindiun, happy; gush-
kaindum, .sorrowful ; but all these forms are confined to the third person of the indi-
cative, singidar, Pibbigwun is a rough or knotted substance. Pubbiggoozzi, a rough
person. Kesnwau is sharp. Keenaubikud, a sharp knife, or stone. Keezhawbikeda,
is hot metal, n hot stove, &c. Keezbaugummeda, is hot water. Wubudjeetan, is
useful, a useful thing. Wauweeug, is frivolous — any thing frivolous in word or deed.
Tubbushish, appears to be a general term for low. Ishpimming, is high in the air.
Ishpau, is applied to any high fixture, as a house, &c. Ishpaubikau, is a high rock.
Taushkaubikau, a .split rock.

These combinations and limitations meet the inquirer at every step. They are the

LANGUAGE.

no7

current phnisoH of the liiiigtiago. Tlu'y proseiit short, ready, ami ofton iKMiutifiil modes
ofexpreiHioii. And, as tliey shed lij;ht Iwith upon tlie idiom and genius of tlie hinguiige,
1 siiall not seruple to add further examples and ilhistrations. Ask a Cliipiiewa thu
name for rock, and lie will answer aizhkisik. Tiic generic iniiM)rt of auhik lias been
explained. A.sk him the name for red rock, and he will answer miskwaubik, — for
white riK'k, and he will answer waubauhik, — for hhu'k rock, nud\kuddawaul)ik, —
for yeUow rcK'k, o/,ahwaul)ik, — for green rock, ozahwnshkwauhik, — for bright rock,
wassayaul)ik, — for smooth rock, shoishkwaubik, &c. ; compounds in which the words
iH'd, white, black, yellow, &c., unite with aubik. Pursue this inc^uiry, and the
following forms will be elicited: —

Miskwanbik-ud . .
Wanhaubik-ud . .
Mukk iiddawji id>ik-ud
()/,ak\ nibik id . .
M'assayaul>iU-ud . .
Sh(jiskwaubik-ud .

I M r E R s o N A 1..

. . . . Tt (is) a red rock.

. ... It (is) a white rock.

, It (is) a black rock.

, It (is) a yellow rock.

, It 'is) a bright rock.

It (is) a sm(X)th rock.

Miskwa .••:! i:i\ . .
Waul)a"l)ik-i,'i . .
Mukkuddawaubik-izzi
()zahwaubik-izzi . .
Wassayaulyik-iz'zi . .
Shoiskwaubik-izzi .

Iek .SOX a l.

. . . ir lis) a red rock.

. . . ile (is) a white rock.

lie (is) a biiic'. rock.

lie (is) a 3'oU.)W rock.

He (is) a bright rock.

He (is) a smooth rock.

Add BIX to these ternis, and they are made to have passed awii\', — i)refix TAii to
them, and their futu^^' appearance is indicated. The word " is" in the translations,
although marked with parentheses, is not deemed to be whftUy gratuitous. There is,
strictly speaking, an idea of existence given to these compounds, by the particle au, in
aubik, which seems to be, indirectly, a derivative from that great and fundamental
root of the Language — iau. Bik is, apparently, the radix of the expri*ssion for
" rock."

Let this mode of interrogation be cmtinued, and xtoiuled to other adjectives, or
the same luljectives applied to other objects, and results e(piMlly legubir and numerous
■will lie obtained. Minnis, we shall be told, is an island ; miskominnis, a red island ;
iMitivkuddaminnis, a black island; waubcminnis, a white island, &c. Annokwut is a
cloud ; miskwaunakwut, a red cloud ; mukkuddawukwut, a black cloud ; waubahn-
okwut, a white cloud ; ozahwushkwahnokwut, a blue cloud, &c. Net be is the specific
term for water, but is not generally used in combination with the adjective. The

398

LANGUAGE.

!;ll*'l! \

lit

word guma, like auho, appears to be a generic term for water, or potable lionids.
Hence the following terms : —

Gitshee . . .

Great .

. Gitshig guma . . .

Great water.

Nokun . . .

Weak .

. Nokau guma . . .

Weak drink.

Muslikowau .

Strong .

. Mus<hkowau guma .

Strong drink.

Weeshkobun .

Sweet .

. Weeshkobau guma .

Sweet drink.

Shewun . . .

Sour .

. Sliewau guma . .

Sour drink.

Weesugun .

Bitter .

. Weesugau guma .

Bitter drink.

Minno . .

Good .

. Minwau guma . .

Good drink.

Monaudud .

Bad .

. Mahnau guma . .

Bad drink.

Miskwau .

Red .

. Miskwau guma . .

Red drink.

Ozahwa . .

Yellow .

. Ozaliwau guma . .

Yellow drink

Weenun . . .

Dirty . .

. Weenau guma . .

Dirty water.

Pecnud . .

Clean . .

. Peenau guma . . .

Clean water.

From minno and from n)onaudud, good and bad, are derived the following terms: —
Minnopogwud, it tastes well ; ininnopogooz/.i, he tastes well ; mauzhepogwud, it tastes
bad ; mauzhepogoozzi, he t.astes bad ; minnomaugwud, it smells good ; minnouuuigoozzi,
he smells good; mauzhemaugwud, it smells bad; mauzhcmaugoozzi, he smells bad.
The inflections, gwnd and izzi, here employed, are clearly indicative, as in other
combinations, of the words H and him.

Baimwa is sound. Baimwawii, the passing sound. Minwilwii, a pleasant sound.
Maunwilwa, a disagreeable sound. Mudwayaushkau, the sound of waves dashing on
the shore. Mudwayaunnemud, the sound of winds. Mudwayaukooshkau, the sound
of falling trees. Mudwiikuniigiskin, the sound of a person falling upon the earth.
jMudwaysin, the sound of any inanimate nuiss falling on the earth. These examples
might be cmitinued ixd in'initum. Every niodilicati(m of circumstances, almost every
])eculiarity of thought, is expressed by some modification of the orthography. Enough
has been given to prove that the adjective combines itself with the substantive, the
verb, and tho pronoun ; that the combinations thus produced are numerous, afford
concentrateu modes of conveying ideas, and oftentimes happy terms of expression.
Numerous and pi-evalent as these forms are, they do not, however, preclude the use of
adjectives in their simple forms. The use of the one or the other appears to be
generally at the option of the speaker. In most cases, brevity or euphony dictates the
choice. Usage results from tho application of these principles. There may Ik; rules
resting upon a broader basis, but if so, they do not appear to be very obvious. Pei'haps
the simple adjectives are oftcncr employed before verbs and nouns, in the first and
second persons singular.

Ningee minno neebau nabun .... I have slept well.
Ningee minno weesin I have eaten a good meal.

LANGUAGE. 30!)

Niii'ft'e iiiiuno pimiuooswa I liiive walked well, or a gooil (li.staiici'.

Kiigiit ininnu gee/.liigud It (is) a very pleasant day.

Kwaiiandj ningodalis I have a handsome garment.

Ke minno iau null ? Arc you well V

Aimeende ain deyun ? What alls you ?

Kcezhamoncdo aupiidush shawaineniik . God prosper you.

Aupadush sha\vaiiidaug(K)zzeyuii . . . Good luok attend you.

Aupadush nau kinwaiir/.h pimmaudizziyun May you live long.

Onauneegoozzin Bo (thou) cheerful.

Ne niinwaindum waubumenaun ... I (am) glad to see you.

Kwanaudj kweeweezaifis A pretty boy.

Kagat songsediiil lie (is) a brave man.

Kagat onishishsha She (is) handsome.

Gitshee kinozee He (is) very tall.

Uggausau bawizzi She (is) slender.

Gitshee sussaigau He (is) fine dressed.

Bishegaindaugoozziwug meegwunug . . They (are) beautiful feathers,

Ke daukoozzinuh ? Arc you sick?

Monaudud maundun muskeekee . . . This (is) bad medicine.

Monaudud aindauyun My place of dwelling (is) bad.

Aindauyaiui mitshau My place of dwelling (is) large.

Ne mittigwaul) onisbishsha My bow (is) good.

Ne bikwukon monaududon But my arrows (arc) bad.

Ne niinwaindaun appaukoozzcgun ... I love mild or mixed tobacco.

Kauweekau neezbika ussamau ne sug- ) „ , , . •

> But 1 never smoke pure tobacco,
guswaunausee. j

Monaudud maishkowauguniig .... Strong drink (is) bad.

Kceguhgee baudjcegonaun It makes us foolish.

Gitshee monedo necbe ogee ozheton . . The Great Spirit made water.

Inineewug dush ween ishkodawau bo ogee ) ,

, , > But man made whiskey (nrc-liquor).

ozhetonahwaun. j

These expressions arc put down promiscuously, embracing verbs and nouns as they
presented themselves, and without any effort to supjiort the opinion — which may or
may not be correct — that the elementary forms of the adjective arc most commonly
required before verbs and nouns in the first and second persons. The Jlnglish expres-
sion is thrown into Indian in the most natural manner, and, of course, without always
giving adjective for adjective, or noun for noun. Thus, God is rendered, not " Monedo"
but '" Geezha monedo," mkkciful si'IRIT ; good luck is rendered by the compound phrase
" shawaindaugozzeyun," indicating, in a very general sense, the influence of ktndne.'js
OH BENEVOLENCE ON SUCCESS IN LIFE; " songediiil" is, alone, A khave man, and the word

400

LANGUAGE.

" kilgilt" prefixed is a» adverb. In the expression " mild tobacco," the adjective is
entirely dispensed with in the Indian, the sense being suilicientlj rendered by the
compound noun " appaukoozzegun," which always means the Indian weed, or smoking
mixture. " Ussamau," on the contrary, without the adjective signifies "pure tobacco."
" Bikwukon" signifies blunt, or blunt-headed arrows. Assowaun is the barbed arrow.
Kwiinand kwceweczains means, not simply " pretty boy," but pretty little boy, and
there is no mode of using the word boy but in this diminutive form, — the word
itself being a derivative from ke-we-we (wife) with the regular diminution in ains.
Onaunecgoozzin embraces the pronoun, verb, and adjective, be thou cheerful. In the
last phrase of the examples, " man" is rendered men (inincewug) in the translation, as
the term max cainiot be employed in the general plural sense it conveys in this
connection in the original. The word " whiskey" is rendered by the compound phrase
ishkodawaulM), literally fire-liquor, a generic for all kinds of ardent spirits.

These oljservations on the literal terms will convey some conception of the difference
between the two idioms, although, from the limited nature and object of the examples,
tliey will not indicate the full extent of this difference. In giving any thing like the
spirit of the original, much greater deviations in the written forms must appear. And
in fact, not only the structure of the language, but the mode and order of thought of
the Indians, is .so essentially different, that any attempts to preserve the English idiom,
to give letter for letter, and word for woixl, must go far to render the translation
wholly spiritless.

2. Varied as the adjective is in its changes, it has no comparative inflection. A
Chippewa cannot say, that one substance is hotter or colder than another; or of two or
more substances unequally heated, that this or that is the hottest or coldest, without
employing adverbs or accessory .adjectives. And it is accordingly by adverbs and
accessary adjectives, that the degrees of comparison ai'e expressed.

Pemmaudizziwin is a very general substantive expressitm, indicating the tenor of
BEING OR LIFE. Izzlicwabozziwin is a term near akin to it, but more appropriately
applied to the acts, conduct, manner, op personal deportment of life. Hence the
expressions : —

Nem bimonaud-izziwin
Ke bimmaud-izziwin .
pimmaud-izziwin
Nin dozhewJib-ozziwin
Ke dizhewiib-izziwin .
IzzhewUb-izziwin

. . My tenor of life.

. . Thy tenor of life.

. . It is tenor of life, &c.

. . My personal deportment.

. . Thy personal deportment.

. . His personal dejwrtment, &c.

To form the positive degree of comparison from these terms, minno, good, and
mudjee, bad, are introduced between the pronoun and verb, giving rise to some
permutations of the vowels and consonants, which affect the sound only. Thus: —

LANGUAGE.

401

Ne minno pimmaud-izziwin .
Ke minno pimmaud-izziwin .
Minno pimmaud-izziwin . .
Ne mudjee pimmaud-izziwin
Ke mudjee pimmaud-izziwin
Mudjee pimmaud-izziwin . .

My good tenor of life.
Thy good tenor of life.
His good tenor of life.
My bad tenor of life.
Thy bad tenor of life.
His bad tenor of life.

To place these forms in the comparative degree, nahwudj, more, is prefixed to the
adjective ; and the superlative is denoted by mahmowee, an adverb, or an adjective, as
it is variously applied, but the meaning of which is, in this connexion, most. The
degrees of comparison may therefore be set down as follows : —

Ihaitive. Kisheda . .
Comp. Nahwudj kisheda
Super. Mahmowee kisheda

Your manner of life is good
Your manner of life is better
Your manner of life is best
His manner of life is best .
Little Turtle was brave . .
Tecumseh was braver . .
Pontiac was bravest . . .

Hot, (restricted to the heat of a fire.)
More hot.
Most hot.

Ke dizzhewabizziwin onishishin.

Ke dizzhewJibizziwinnahwudj onishishin.

Ke dizzhewabizziwinmahwowe^ onishishin.

Odizzhewabizziwinmahmowee onishishinin.

Mikkonakons songedaa bun.

Tecumseh nalnvudj songedaa bun.

Pontiac mahwoweo songedaa bun.

3. The adjective assumes a negative form when it is preceded by the adverb. Thus
the phrase songedaa, he is brave, is changed to Kahween songediiasEE, he is not brave.

Positive. Negative.

Neebwaukah . . . He is wise. Kahween neebwaukah-see. He is not wise.

Kwonaudjewee . . She is handsome. Kahween kwonaudjewee-see. She is not

handsome.

Oskineegee .... He is young. Kahween oskinecgee-see, He is not young.

Shaugweewce . . . He is feeble. Kahween shaugweewee-see, He is not feeble.

Geekkau He is old. Kahween geekkau-see. He is not old.

Mushkowizzi . . . He is strong. Kahween mushkowizzi-see. He is not strong.

From this rule the indeclinable adjectives — by which is meant those adjectives
which do not put on the personal and impersonal forms by inflection, but consist of
radically different roots — form exceptions.

Are you sick ? Ke dahkoozzi nuh ?

Are you not sick ? Kahween ke dahkoozzi-see ?

I am happy Ne minwaindum.

Pt. H. — 51

402 LANGUAGE.

I am unhappy Kahween nc minwuinduz-see.

His manner of life is bad .... Mudjee ozzhewabizzi.

His manner of life is not bad . . Kahween mudjee-izzhewabizzi-see.

It is large Mitshau muggud.

It is not large Kahween mitshau-seenon.

In these examples, the declinable adjectives are rendered negative in aee. The
indeclinable remain as simple adjuncts to the verbs, and the latter put on the
negative form.

4. In the hints and remarks which have now been furnished respecting the
adjective, its powers and inflections have been shown to run parallel with those of the
substantive, in its separation into animates and inanimates, — in having the pronominal
inflections, — in taking an inflection for tense, (a topic, which, by the way, has been
very cursorily passed over,) and in their numerous m ^Aiucations to form the com-
pounds. This parallelism has also been intimated to hold good with respect to
number — a subject deeply interesting in itself, as it has its analogy only in the
ancient languages, and it was therefore deemed best to defer giving examples till
they could be introduced without abstracting the attention from other points of
discussion.

Minno and mudjee, good and bad, being of the limited number of personal adjectives,
which modem usage permits being applied, although often improperly applied, to
inanimate objects, they, as well as a few other adjectives, foim exceptions to the use
of number. Whether we say, a good man or a bad man, good men or bad men, the
words minno and mudjee remain the same. But all the declinable and coalescing
adjectives — adjectives which join on, and, as it were, melt into the body of the
substantive, take the usual plural inflections, and are governed by the same rules, in
regard to their use, as the substantive — personal adjectives requiring personal
plurals, &c.

Adjectives Animate.

Singular.

Onishishewe mishemin Good apple.

Kwonaudjewe eckwa Handsome woman.

Songedaa inine Brave man.

Bishegaindaugoozzi penasee Beautiful bird.

Ozahwizzi ahmo Yellow bee.

Plural.

Onishishewe-wug mishemin-ug .... Good apples.
Kwonaudjewe-wug eekwii-wug .... Handsome women.

LANGUAGE. 408

Songediltl-wiig inine-wug Brave men.

Bishegnindaugoozzi-wug pcenasee-wug . Beautiful birds.
Ozahwozzi-wug ahra-og Yellow bees.

Adjectives, Inanimate.

Sitigidar.

Onisliishln mittig Good tree.

Kwonaudj chemaun Handsome canoe.

Mouaudud isbkoda Bad fire.

Weeshkobun aidetaig Sweei; fruit.

Plural

Onisbisbin-tin mittig-on Good trees.

Kwonaudjewun-on tobeinaun-un . . . Handsome canoes.

Monaudud-on isbkod-iin Bad fires.

Wecshkobun-on aidetaig-in Sweet fruits.

Peculiar circumstances are supposed to exist in o ior to render tbe use of tbi
adjective, in tbis connexion witb tbe noun, necessary and propei. But in ordinary
instances, as tbe narration of events, tbe noun would precede tbe adjective, and
oftentimes, particularly wbere a second allusion to objects previously named became
necessary, tlie compound expressions would be used. Tims, instead of saying tbe
yellow bee, waizaliwozzid would distinctly convey tbe idea of tbat insect, had tlie
specks been before named. Under similar circumstances, kainwaukoozzid, .agausbeid,
songaiwnemud, musbkowawnemud, would respectively signify a tall tree, a small fly, a
strong wind, a hard wind. And tbese terms would become plural in jig, wbich, as
before mentioned, is a mere modification of IG, one of the five general animate plural
inflections of tbe language.

Kagat wabwinaudj abbenajeeug, is an expression indicating they are very handsome
chUdren. Bubbeeweezbeewug monetosug, denotes small insects. Minno neewugizzi, is
good-tempered, (be good-tempered.) Mawsbininewug izzi, is bad-tempered, both having
their plural in icuff. Nin nuneenabwaindum, I am lonesome. Nin nun eenabwain-
dawmin. We (excluding you) are lonesome. Waweea, is a term gen^^ ...lly used to
express the adjective sense of round. Kwi, is the scalp. (Weenikwi, his scalp.)
Hence, weewukwon, bat; waweewukwonid, a wearer of tbe hat; and its plural,
waweewukwonidjig, wearers of hats — tbe usual term applied to Europeans, or white
men generally. These examples go to prove, tbat under every form in wbich tbe
adjective can be traced, whether m its simplest or most compound state, it is
susceptible of number.

5. Tbe numerals of tbe language are converted into adverbs by tbe inflection ing,
making one, once, &c. Tbe unit exists in duplicate.

>A'

AIM t"

SI !■

404 LANGUAGE.

Pazliik : Biizlilk . One, general unit ..).,,. -.

. > Aubeding .... Once.
Inguot .... One, arithmetical unit j

Necsli .... Two Neeshing .... Twice.

Niswee .... Three Nissing .... Thrice.

Neewin .... Four Neewing .... Four times.

Nauuin .... Five Nauning .... Five times.

N'goodwaswa . . Six N'goodwautshing . Six times.

Nee.»hwauswa . . Seven Neeshwautshing . Seven times.

Shwauswe . . . Eight Shwautshing . . . Eight times.

Shongusswe . . . Nine Shongutshing . . Nine times.

Medauswa . . . Ten Mcedaushing . . . Ten times.

These decimal inflections can be carried as high as they can compute numbers.
After reaching ten, they repeat, ten and one, ten and two, &c. to twenty. Twenty is
a comiwund signifying two tens, c' irty, three tens, &c., a mode which is carried up to
one hundred, nirgoodwauk. Wauk then becomes the word of denomination, com-
bining with the names of the digits, until they reach a thousand. Medauswauk,
literally TEN hundred. Here the terms twice, thrice, &c. are prefixed to medauswauk,
till reaching ten thousand. Medautch medauswauk, called by the more southerly
bands, iiingoodwak dushing ningoodwak, one hundred times one hundred. This is
the probable extent of certain computation with the masses.

The count, however, is carried on, by placing before the term for ten thousand,
clipped of a member, the term ningoodwauk dusching, that is, one hundred times,
rendering the expression, literally and clearly, one hundred thousand. In this
juxtaposition of words, the mental operation is clear.

Educated men, speaking the Indian language, perceive no difficulty in carrying
forward the numeration to one million, and even a billion, the term for the latter of
which is MEDAUSWAUK — medauswauk — OSHE medauswauk — that is, thousand thou-
sand by one thousand.

We have indicated how far it is thought the masses can realize this scheme, but
regard this doubtful in relation to any fixed sum of money.

Tlie terms first, nittum,' and last, isiikwaudj, are freely and definitely used in
conversation.

' I found the first word in the Hebrew bible (bcrcsbith') had its equivalent in this tongue in the term
Wi-aisli-kiiJ. The nieani.ig of this is exactly the same, but the examples will serve to show how widely the
two languages generally differ in their sounds of derivative words.

LANGUAGE.

405

§5. Nature and Principles of the Pronoun: —

1. Its distinction Into pre/onnadve and auh/ormative classes. Personal Pronouns. The
distinction of an inclusive and exclusive form in the number of the first person
plural. 2. Modifications of the j)ersonal pronouns to imply existence, indict-
dtudity, jMssession, otonership, position, and other accidents. 3. Declension of
pronouns to answer the imrpcse of the auxiliary verbs. 4. Suhfor mat ices, how
employed to mark the j^rsons. 5. Relative pronouns cotisidered ; their applica-
tion to the causative verbs. G. Demonstrative 2^1'onouns ; their separation into
two classes, animates ami inanimates. Examples of their use. 7. Generic
conclusions.

1. Pronouns are buried, if we may so say, in the structure of the verb. In tracing
them back, to their primitive forms, through the almost infinite variety of modifications
which they assume in connexion with the verb, substantive, and adjective, it will
facilitate analysis to group them into preformative and subfomiative classes ; terms which
have alreatly l)tH'ii made use of, and which include li. pronominal prefixes and suffixes.
They admit of the further distinction of separable and inseparable. By separable is
intended those forms which have a meaning by themselves, and are thus distinguished
from the inflective and subformative pronouns, and pi'onominal particles ; significant
only in connexion with another word.

Of the first class are the personal pronouns Nee (I), Kee (Thou), and Wee, or O,
(He or she.) They are declined, to form the plural persons, in the following
manner : —
I . . . . Nee. Mine or my . Neen. We, I and you or ye . . Keen owind. (in.)

Our " "

We, I, and not you or ye Neen owind. (ex.)

Our " «

Thou . . Kee. Thine or thy . Keen. Ye Keen owau.

Your " "

He or she Wee or 0. His or hers . Ween. They Ween owau.

Their " "

Here the plural of the possessive mine, or my, in the inclusive, is made by k the
pronominal sign of the second peraon, and the usual substantive inflection in win, with
a terminal d. The letter o is a mere connective, without meaning. The exclusive
form diflers from it solely in having the pronominal sign of the first person in the
initial syllable.

4U6

LANGUAGE.

The second person is rendered plural by the particle Au, instead of wm. This
particle appears to be derivative from the verb ieau, and is a general personal plural.
The pronominal sign of the third person, w, prefixed to it, is governed by that of the
eecond person K.

Tlie third person has its plural in the common sign of w, in the first and third syllable.

The double plural of the first person, of which both the rule and examples have
Ix'en incidentally given in the remarks on the substantive, is one of those peculiarities
of the language, which may, perhcaps, serve to aid in a comparison of it with other
dialects, kindred and foreign. As a mere conventional agreement for denoting whether
the person addressed be included or excluded, it may be regarded as an advantage to
the language. It enables the speaker, by the change of a single consonant in the first
syllable, to make a full and clear discrimination, and relieves the narration from doubts
and ambiguity, where doubts and ambiguity would otherwise often exist. On the
other hand, by accumulating distinctions, it loads the memory with grammatical fonns,
and opens a door for improprieties of speech. We are not aware of any inconveniences
in the use of a general plural. But in the Indian it would produce confusion. And
it is, perhaps, to that cautious desire of personal discrimination which is so apparent
in tlie structure of the language, that we should look for the reason of the duplicate
forms of this word. Once established, however, and both the distinction and the
necessity of a constant and strict attention to it, are very obvious and striking. How
shall he address the deity? If he say, "ouu father who art in heaven," the inclusive
form of "our" makes the Almighty one of the family. If he use the exclusive
form, it throws him out of the family, and may embrace every living being but the
deity. This question occasioned a good deal of discussion while it was considered
as a purely philological question, and led to the discovery that there was a general
term for father, which avoided the difficulty. The term WAiiSEMiGOYCN, signifying
FATHER OF ALL, or Uuivei-sal Father, seemed precisely the word wanted ; but it was
throwing the object in so general a relation, that philosophy only appeared satisfied
with it.

In practice, however, I found the question to be cut short by natives mIio had
embriiced Christianity. It has appeared to them, that by the use of either of the
foregoing tenns, the Deity would be thrown into too remote and general a relation
to them ; and I observed that in prayer they placed him at the head of tlie family,
and invariably addressed him by the concrete term of NiJSA, my father, 6s being the
radix for father.

The other personal pronouns undergo some peculiar changes, when employed as
preformatives before nouns and verbs, which it is important to remark. In compound
words the mere signs of the first and second pronouns, n and k, arc employed. The
use of WEEN is limited, and the third person, singular and plural, is generally indicated
by the sign, o.

LANUUAtJE. 40T

2. Tlie particle suil, added to the complete forms of the disjunctive pronouiiH,
imparts a verbal seuso to them, and appears, in this instance, to be a succedaneum for
the substantive verb. Thus, neen, I, becomes neensuh, it is I. Keen, thou, becomes
keensuh, it is thou ; and ween, he or she ; weensuh, it is he or she. This particle may
be also added to the plural forms.

Kcenowind suh . . . . It is we (in.)

Neenowind suh .... It is we (ex.)

Keenowau suh .... It is ye or you.

Weenowau suh .... It is they.

If the word aitah be substituted for suii, a set of adverbial phrases is formed.

Neen aitah . . Mine only. Neen aitah wind . We, us, or ours (ex.)

Keen aitah . . Thine only. Keen aitah wind . We, us, or ours (in.)

Keen aitah wau . . Ye, you, or yours.

Ween aitah . . His or hers only. Ween aitah wau . They, them, theirs, &c.

In like manner nittum first, and isiikwaudj last, give rise to the following arrange-
ment of the pronoun : —

Nee nittum I first.

Kee nittum You or thou first.

Woe nittum He or she first.

Kee nittum ewind We first (in.)

Nee nittum o»rind We first (ex.)

Kee nittum ewau Ye or you first.

Wee nittum ewau They first.

ISHKWAUDJ.

Nee nishkwaudj I last.

Kee nishkwaudj Thou last.

Wee nishkwaudj He or she last.

Keenowind ishkwaudj We last (in.)

Needowind ishkwaudj We last (ex.)

Keenowau ishkwaudj Ye or you last.

Weenowau ishkwaudj They last.

The disjimctive fonns of the pronoun are also sometimes preserved before verbs and
adjectives.

NeEZHIKA. I ALONE. (AN.)

Nee neezhika I alone.

Kee neezhika Thou alone.

Wee neezhika He or she alone.

]

408

LANGUAGE.

Kecnowiml neozhika We, or U8, or Gin's alone (in.)

Neenowlnd neczhika We, U8, or ours alone (ex.)

Keenowau ncezhika Ye, or you, or yours alone.

Weenowau ncezhika They, them, or theirs alone.

To give these expressions a verbal form, the verb lEAU, with its pronominal modifi-
cations, must be superadded. For instance, I AM alone, &c. is thus rendered : —

Nee ncezhika nindicau ... I am alone . . . Plural, aumin.
Kee neezhika keedieau . . . Thou art alone . . " aum.
Wee neezhika iieau .... He or she is alone " wug.

In the subjoined examples, the noun ow, body, is changed to a verb, by the intro-
duction of the broad vowel AU, changing ow to Auw, which last takes the letter d
before it when the pronoun is prefixed.

I am a man Nee nin dauw.

Thou art a man .... Keen ke dauw.
He is a man Ween ah weeh.

Ke dauw M'cmin.
Ne dauw we min.
Ke dauw min.
Weenawau ah wee wug.

We are men (in.) . ,

We are men (ex.) . ,

Ye are men . . . ,

They are men . . ,

In the translation of these expressions " man" is used as synonymous with person.
If the specific term inine had been introduced in the original, the meaning thereby
conveyed would be, in this particular connexion, I am a man, with respect to courage,
&c., in opposition to effeminacy. It would not be simply declarative of corporeal
existence, but of existence in a particular state or condition.

In the following phrases, the modified forms, or the signs only, of the pronouns
are used : —

Ne' debaindaun . . .
Ke debaindaun . . .

debaindaun . . .
Ne' debaindaum-in .
Ke debaindaun-in
Ke debaindaum-«wau
debaindaum-ewau

I own it.

Thou ownst it.
He or she owns it.
We own it (ex.)
We own it (in.)
Ye own it.
They own it.

These examples are cited as exhibiting the manner in which the prefixed and pre-
formative pronouns are employed, both in their full and contracted forms. To denote
possession, nouns specifying the things possessed are required to be named ; and, what
would not be anticipated, had not full examples of this s^iecies of declension been given
in another place, the purposes of distinction are not effected by a simple change of the

LANGUAGE.

409

pronoun, oh I to mine, &c., but by n si iiforinntivc inflection of the noun, which is tliuH
mmle to have a reflective ojwration upon the pronoun-speaker. It is believed that
sufficient examples of this rule, in all the modifications of inflection, have been given
under the head of the substantive. But as the substantives employed to elicit these
modifications were exclusively specific in their meaning, it may be projwr here, in
further illustration of an important principle, to present a generic substantive, under
these compound forms.

I have selected for this purpose one of the primitives. — Ie-au' is the abstract term
for existing matter. It is in the animate form. Its inanimate corri'spondent is ie-ee'.
These are two imirartant roots ; and they are found, in combination, in a very great
number of derivative ords. It will be sufficient here, to show their connexion
with the pronoun in the production of a cla-ss of terms in very general use.

Possess! ce.
Ohkctive.

Mine, Animate Fokms.
Sinfjular.

Nin die aum . . Mine.

Ke die aum . . Thine.

O die aumun . . His or hers.

Plural

Nin die auminiiun
Ke die auminaun
Ke die aumewau .
O die aumewaun .

. Ours (ex.)

. Ours (in.)

. Yours.

. Theirs.

Mine, Inanimate Forms.

Singular.

Plural

r Nin die eem . . Mine.

Nin die eeminaun

Ours (ex.)

Possessive.

Ke die eeminaum

Ours (in.)

I Ke die eem . . Thine.

Ke die eemewau .

Yours.

Objective.

die eera . . . His or

hers.

die eemewau .

Theirs.

In these forms the noun is singular throughout. To render it plural, as well as the
pronoun, the appropriate general plurals, cg and un, or IG and in, must be super-
added. But it must be borne in mind, in making these additions, "that the plural
inflection to inanimate nouns (which have no objective case) forms the objective case
to animates, which have no number in the third pereon." The particle UN, therefore,
which is the appropriate plural for the inanimate nouns in these examples, is only the
objective mark of the animate.

The plural of I is naun ; the plural of thou and he, wau. But, as these inflections
would not coalesce smoothly with the possessive inflections, the connective vowels,
I and E, are prefixed, making the plural of I, inaun, and of thou, ewau.

If we strike from these declensions the radix, ie, leaving its animate and inanimate
Ibrms, AU and ee, and adding the plural of the noun, we shall then, — taking the
Pt. II. — 52

410

LANGUAGP

B^^

I i

ANIMATE tleclciiHioii OS an iiiHtancc — have the foil v, ;.,si Fo .-.lulf. of the pronominal
dcclensiona : —

Objective

Plural

Objective

Pronoun,

Place of

Po88C8sivO

Inficction

Connective

Inflection

Plural of

8iiigutar.

the Noun.

luBcction.

to the Noun
singular.

Vowel.

of tbo

Pronoun.

uf tbo Noun
plural.

tbe Noun.

Ne . . .

—

aum

—

naun

—

ig-

Ke . . .

—

aum

—

Avau

—

0. . . .

—

aum

un.

0. . . .

—

aum

—

wan

To render the formula of general use, six vnriation8 (five in addition to the alxne)
of the ixjssessive inflocticm are rc((uirod, corresponding to the si.\ cla.ssesof 8ul)stanliveH,
whereby aum would l)e ohangod to aim, cem, im, om, and oom, conformably to the
examples of the vowel sounds heretofore given in tri'ating of the substantive. The
objective inflection would also l)e sometimes changed to een, and sometimes to oan.

3. Having thus indicated the mo<lc of distinguishing the person, number, '.■elation,
and gender — or Avhat is deemed its technical equivalent, i. e., the mutations words
undergo, not to mark the distinctions of sex, but the presence or absence of A'itamtv,
I shall now advert to the inflections \vhich the pronouns take for tense, or rather, to
form the auxiliary verbs, have, had, shall, will, may, &c., — a very curious and important
principle, and one which clearly demonstrates that this part of speech has not escaped
the transforming genius of the language. Not only are the three great modifications of
time accurately marked in the verbal forms of the Chippcwas, but, by the inflection
of the pronoun, they are enabled to indicate some of the oblique tenses, and thereby
to conjugate their verbs with accura<!y and precision.

The particle gee (G hard), added to the first, second, and third persons singular of
the present tense, changes them to the perfect past, rendering I, thou, he, I did — have
■ — or had, Thou didst — ha.st — or hadst, He or she did — have — or had. If gah \ye
substituted for gee, the first future tense is formed, and the perfect past added to the
first future forms the conditional future. As the eye may prove an auxiliary in the
comprehension of forms wliich are not familiar, the following tabular arrangement of
them is presented : —

First Person — I.

Nin gee I did — have — had.

Nin gah I shall — Avill.

Ningahgee. . , . I shall have — will have.

^^W

LANGUAGE.

411

Second l\;n<tm — Tiiou.

Ke gee Tlioii didxt — hast — hadst.

Ke gah Thou «halt — wilt.

Ke gah gee .... Thou rihalt liave — wilt have.

Third I^rson — He or SiiE.
Ogee lie or hIic did — have — had.

lie or she did — have — had.

He or Hhe shall have — will have.

gah

gah gee . . .

The present and imperfect tense of the potential mood is formed by D.\r, and the
perfect by gee suflRxcd, as in other instances.

First H'rson — I.

Nin dau . .
Nin dau gee.

Ke dau .
Ke dau gee

I may — can, &c.

I may have — can have, &c.

Second Ihirson — Tiiou.
. Thou mayst — canst, &c.

Thou mayst have — canst have, &c.

Third Ikraon — He or She.

dau He or she may — can, &c.

dau gee .... He or she may have — can have, &c.

In conjugating the verbs through the plural ixjrsons, the singular terms for the
pronoun remain, and they are rendered plural by a retrosixjctive action of the
pronominal inflections of the verb. In this manner, the pronoun-verb au.\iliary has
a general application, and the necessity of double forms is avoided.

4. The preceding observations are confined to the pre-formative or prefixed
pronouns. The inseparable suffi.xed or sub-formative are as follows: —

Yaun

. . My.

Yun .

. . Thy.

Id or d

. . His or hers.

Yaung

. . Our (ex.)

Yung

. . Our (in.)

Yaig.

. . Your.

Waud

. . Their.

412

LANGUAGE.

These pronouns are exclusively employed as suffixes ; and as suffixes to the descrip-
tive substantives, adjectives, and verbs. Both the rule and examples have been stated
under the head of the substantive and adjective. Their application to the verb will
be shown aa we proceed.

5. Relative Pronouns. In a language which provides for the distinctions of person,
by particles prefixed or suffixed to the verb, it will scarcely be expected that separate
and independent relative pronouns should e.xist : or if such are to be found, their use
as separate parts of speech must, it will have been anticipated, be quite limited ;
limited to simple interrogatory forms of expression, and not applicable to the indicative
or declaratory. Such will be found to be the fact, in the language under review. And
it will be perceived from the subjoined examples, that in all instances requiring the
relative pronou)' who, other than the simple interrogatory forms, this relation is
indicated by the inflections of the verb or adjective, &c. Nor does there appear to be
any declension of the separate pronoun, corresponding to whose and whom.

Tlie word auwanain may be said to be uniforndy employed in the sense of who,
under the limitations we have mentioned. For instance : —

Who is there? . .

Who spoke? . .
Who told you? .
Who are you? . .
Who sent you?
Who is your father?
Who did it? . .
Whose dog is it? .
Whose pipe is that?
Whose lodge is it?
Whom do you seek?
Whom have you here?

Ahwauain c-mah ai-aud?
Ahwanaiu kau keogidood?
Ahwauain kau weendumoak?
Ahwauain iau we yun?
Ahwanaiu waynonik ?
Ahwauain kos?
Ahwanaiu kau todung?
Aliwanain wai dyid ?
Anwanain dcipwaugunid en-en ?
Ahwauain wai weegewomid?
Ahwanaiu nain dau Avau bumud?
Ahwauain oh omau Ai au waud?

Not the slightest variation is made in these phrases, between who, whose, and whom.

Should we wish to change the interrogative, and to say, he who is there ; he who
spoke ; he Avho told you, &c., the separable personal pronoun ween (he) must be used
in lieu of the relative, and the following forms will be elicited : —

Ween, kau unniinik
Ween, kau geedood . .
Ween, Ai-aud e-mali
Ween, kau weendumoak
Ween, kau to dung. .

He (who) sent you.

He (wlio) spoke.

He (who) is there.

He (who) told you.

He (who) did it, &c.

If we object that in these forms there is no longer the relative pronoun who, the

':U:

-^H

LANGUAGE. 413

sense being simply, he sent you, he spoke, &c., it is replied, that if it be intended to say
only, he sent you, &c., and not he who sent you, &c., the following forms are used: —

Ke gee unnonig ... He (sent) you.

AinniJzhid He (sent) me.

Ainnonaud He (sent) him, &c.

leau e-mau He is there.

Ke geedo He spoke.

Ke gee weendumaug . . He told you.

Ke to dum He did it.

We reply to this answer of the native speaker, that the particle KAu prefixed to a
verb, denotes the past tense; that in the former series of terms in which this particle
appears, the verbs are in the perfect indicative ; and in the latter form thoy are in the
present indicative, marking the difference only between sent and send, spoke and
SPEAK, &c. And that there is absolutely no relative pronoun in either series of terms.
We further observe that the personal pronoun ween, prefixed to the first set of terms,
may be prefixed, with equal propriety, to the second set ; and that its use or disuse is
perfectly optional with the speaker, as he may wish to give additional energy or
empbiisis to the expression.

We now wish to apply the principle thus elicited, to verbs causative, and to other
compound terms ; to the adjective verbs, for instance ; and to the other verbal
compound expressions in which the objective and the nominative persons are incor-
porated as a part of the verb, and are not prefixes to it. Tlis may be shown in the
causative verb, to make happy.

Mainwaindiimeid . . . He (who) makes me happy.

Mainwaindumeik . . . He (who) makes thee liappy.

Mainwaindumeaud . . . lie (who) makes iiiM happy.

Mainwaiiidumeinung . . He (who) makes us happy, (in.)

Mainwaindumeyaug . . He (who) makes us happy, (ex.)

Mainwaindiimeinaig , . He (who) makes ye or you happy.

Mainwaindumeigowaud . He (who) makes them hai)py.
And so the forms might be continued throughout all the objective persons —

Mainwaindumegun . . . Tiiou (wlio) niakest me happy, &r.

The basis of these compounds is minno, good, and ai.ndum, the mind. Hence min-
waindum, he happy. The adjective in this connexion cannot be translated " good,"
but its effect ujwn the noun is to denote that stite of tli > mind which is at rest with
itself. The first change from this simple c nnpound is to give the adjective a verbal
form; and this is effected by a permutation of the \owels of the first syllable — a
rule of very extensive application — and by which, in the present instance, the phni.se
he happy is changed to he makes happy, (muinwaindum.) The next step is to add

;('■■■

^ m ■

K ■

' i-U !'ll

mmi

■■i

<*,-,'

LANGUAGE.

the suffix ijersonal pronouns, id, ik, aud, &c., rendering the expressions he makes me
happy, &c. But in adding these increments, the vowel e is thrown between the
adjective verb and the pronoun suffixed, making the expression, not niainwainduniyun,
but mainwaindumeyun. Generally the vowel o, in this situation, is a connective, or
introduced merely for the sake of euphony. And those who maintain that it is liere
employed as a personal pronoun, and that the relative wuo is implied by the final
inflection, overlook the inevitable inference, that if the marked e stands for me in the
first phrase, it must stand for thee in the second, ue in the third, rs in the fourth, &c.
As to the meaning and office of the final inflections id, ik, &c., Avhatever they may in
an involuted sense imply, it is quite clear, by turning to the list of suffixed personal
pronouns, and animate plurals, tliat they mark the persons I, thou, he, &c.; we, ye,
they, &c.

Take, for example, minwaindiuneigowaud. lie (who) makes them happy. Of this
compotuul, minwaindum, us before shown, signifies he makes iiappv. But as the verb
is in the singular number, it implies that but one person is made happy, and the
suffixed personal pronouns singular mark the distinctior 'tween me, thee, and he,
or him.

Minwaindum-e-ig is the verb plural, and implies that several 2)ersons are made
happy ; and, in like manner, the suflixed personal pronouns plural mark the distinc-
tions between we, ye, they, &c. For it is a rule of the language, that a strict
concordance must exist between the num})er of the verb and the number of the
pronoun. The termination of the verb consecpiently always indicates wliether there
1)0 one or many olyects, to which its energy is directed. And as animate verbs can
]ni applied only to animate olyeets, tlie numerical inflections of the verb are under-
stood to mark the nunil)ei' of persons. But this number is indiscriminate, and leaves
the sense vague, until the pronominal sufli-xes are superadded. Those who, therefore,
contend for the sense of tbe relative pronoun "who" being given in the last-mentioned
piirase, and all phrases similarly formed by a succedaneum, contend for sometliing like
the following form of translation; — He makes them happy — him; or him (who) he
makes them happy.

The equivalent for what, is Waigonain.

What do you want? .... Waigonain wau iauyun.

What have you lost? . , . . Waigonain kau wanetiiyun.

What do you liKjk for? . . . Waigonain nain dahwaubundahmun.

What is this? Waigonain cwinain nuumdun.

What will you have? .... Waigonain kau iauyun.

Wliat detained you ? . . . . Waigonain kau ocmdahme egiiyun.

What are you making? . . . Waigonain wai/hetiiyun.

Wliat have you there? . . . Waigonain e-mau iauyun.

LANGUAGE.

The use of this pronoun, like that of the preceding, appears to bo confined to simple
n terrogative forms. The word auxeen, which sometimes supplies its place, or is used
fi r want of the pronoun wnicii, is an adverb, and has considerable latitude of meaning.
Most commonly it may be considered as the equivalent for iif)W — in what manner, or
fit what time.

What do you say ? Auneen akeedii} un.

What do you call this ? .... Auneen aizheneekaudduuun maimdun (i.)

What ails you ? Auneen ain deyun.

What is your name ? Auneen dizheekauzoyun.

Wliichdoyoumean? this or that (an.) Auneen ah-ow ainud woh-ow gamau ewaidde.
Which do you mean? this or that (in.) Auneen eh-eu ewaidumun oh-oo gamau ewaidde.
Which boy do you mean "i . . . Auneen ah-ow-ainud.

By adding to this word the particle de, it is converted into an adverb of place, and
may be rendered where.

Where do you dwell ? Auneende aindauyun.

Where is your son ? Auneende kc gwiss.

Where did 3'ou see him? .... Auucende ke wau})innud.

Where did you see it ? Auneende ke waubumdununi.

W^hcre are 3'Ob going ? Auneende azhauyun.

Where did you come from ? . . . Auneende ka oonjeebauyun.

Where is your pipe ? Auneende ke dtipwaugun.

Where is your gun ? Aiuieende ke l)aushkizzigun.

By a still further modification, it is rendered an adverb of incpiiry of the cause or
motive.

Auneeshweeu eh eu (o (hiniuii.
Auneeshween cli eu ekeedoyun.
Auneeshween nishkaudizzeyun.
Auneeshween wee nialijuwyun.
Aunoeshwcen mahjiniseewun.
Auneeshween ke pei-zhauyun
Weendumowishin auneeshween.
Aunoeshwcen eh-eu izzhewaibuk (in.)
Auneeshween ke pukketaiwud.

Wh}' do 3C)U do so ? .
Why do you say so ?
Why are you angry ? . . .
Wliy will you depart ? . . .
Why will you not depart?
Why have jou come ? . . .

Tell me why ?

Wherefore is it so ? .
Wherelbre did you strike him ?

0. Demonstrative pronouns ai
as follows : —

c either animate or inanimate, and may be arranged

A M >f .V T E .

This

( Mau-bum (impersonal)
1 Woh-ow (personal) . .

I N .\ X I M A T e .
Maun-dun (inanimate proper).
01 .)o (inanimate and conventional).

I r-i 1

( li

1 .; ^.

416 LANGUAGE.

That . Ah-ow Eh-eu.

These . Mau-mig Mau-min.

J Ig-eu (personal) In-eu (inanimate proper) .

1 0-goo impersonal) 0-noo (inanimate conventional) .

These words are not always used merely to ascertain the object, but often, perhaps
ahmijs, when ♦he object is present to the sight, have a substantive meaning, and are
used without the noun. It creates no uncertainty, if a man be standing at some
distance, to say, Ah-ow, or if a canoe be lying at some distance, to say, Eh-eu ; the
meaning is clearly, that ^Krsou, or that canoe, whether the noun be added or not. Or
if there be two animate objects standing together, or two inanimate objects l^ing
together, the words maumig (a) or maumin (i), if they be near, or ig-eu (a), or in-eu
(i), if they be distant, are equally expressive of the materiality of the ol "octs, as well
as their relative position. Under other circumstances, the noun would bj required, a^
where two animate objects of diverse character, a man and a horse, for instance, were
standing near each other ; or a canoe and a package of goods were lying near each
other. And, in fact, under all circumstances, the noun may be used after the demon-
strative pronoun, without violating any rule of grammar, although not without the
imputation, in many instances, of being over formal and unnccesmri/i/ minute. What
is deemed redundant, however, in oral use, and amongst a people who supply much by
sight and gesticulation, becomes quite necessary in writing the language ; and in the
following sentences the substantive is properly employed after the pronoun.

This dog is very lean Gitshee bukaukuddoozo woh-ow annemoosh.

These dogs are very lean .... Gitshee bukaukuddoozowug o-goo anncmooshug.

Those dogs are fat Ig-eu annemooshug ween in-ecwug.

That dog is fat Ah-ow annemoosh ween in-oo.

This is a handsome knife .... Gagait onishishin maundun mokomahn.

These are handsome knives . . . Gagait wahwinaudj o-noo mokomahnun.

Those are bad knives Monaududon in-euwaidde mokomahnun.

Give me that spear Meezhishin eh-eu ahnitt.

Give me those spears Meezhishin in-en unnewaidde ahnitteen.

That is a fine boy Gagait kwonaudj ah-ow kweewezains.

Those an; fine lx)y8 Gagait wahwinaudj ig-euwaidde kweewezaiiisug.

This boy is larger than that . . . Nahwudj mindiddo wah-ou kweewezains t,. aidde

dush.

That is what I wanted .... Meeh-eu Avaweauyaumbaun.

ThI ' is the very thing I wanted . Mee-suh oh-oj wau iauyaumbaun.

In some of these expression!', the pronoun combines with an adjective, as in the
compound words, ineuwaidde, and igeuwaidde, those yonder (in.) and those yonder

LANGUAGE,

417

(in.) Compounds which exliibit the I'nll pronoun in coalescence with the adverb
EWAIDDE, yonder.

7. Generic conchxsions. — The Algonquin language in in a peculiar sense a language
of pronouns. Originally there appear to have been but three terms, answering to the
three person.?, I, thou or you, and he or she. By these terms, the speaker or actor is
(!lear'y distinguished ; but they convey no idea of sex, the word for the third person
in which we should suspect it, being strictly epicene. In a class of languages strongly
transitive, the purposes of precision required another class of pronouns, which should
be suffixed to the end of verbs, to render the object of the action as certain as the
actor is. The language being without auxiliary verbs, their place is supplied by the
tensal syllables, ge, gah, and guh, which have extended the original monosyllables
into trisyllables. This is the first step on the poly.'^yllaljical ladder. To make the
suffixed or objective pronouns, they appear to liave availed themselves of a principle
which they had already applied to nouns — namely, the principle of indicating, by the
letters g or n added to the plural terms, the two great divisions of creation, on which
the whole grammatical structure is built — namely, the genderic clas.ses of living or
inert matter. As these alphabetical signs, g and n, could be applied to the five
terminal vowel sounds of all nouns and all verb.s, (for they must, to be made plural or
conjugated, be provided with terminal vowels, where they do not, when used disjunc-
tively, exist,) there is naturally a set of five vital or animate and five non-vital or
inanimate plurals. Ten classes of nouns and ten classes of verl)s are thus formed.
But as the long vowels in an and oan require three more varieties of numerical
inflection in each of these vowels, the respective number of plur<al tenns is eight, and
the total sixteen — sixteen modes of making the plural, and sixteen conjugations for
the verb. This is productive of a variety of terminal sounds, and appears at the first
glance to be confused, but the principle is simple and ea.«ily remembered ; so easily,
that a child need never mistake it. The terminal g or n of each word denotes in all
poi-itions, the tv.o great genderic classes of nature, which are the cardinal points of the
irrpniiiiiir.

Allusion is had particularly to the Algonquin language in this observation, in which
this priijciple prevails without laiowing certainly how far it obtains in the other Indian
languages of North and South America.

Agreeably to data furnished in the preceding pages, the regular plurals are
respectively ag, eg, ig, og, ug, and ain, een, in, on, un, with the additional aug, eeg, and
oag, in the vital, and aun, een, and oan, for the long vowels, in the non-vital class.
But two ideas are gained by these thirty-two numerical inflections, namely, that the
objects are vital or non-vital.

In I*]nglish, all this purpose is answered by the simple letter s, or, where euphony
requires it, es; in Latin by a single vowel or dii>hthong; and in Hebrew, in all direct
Pt. 11. — OC

418

LANGUAGE.

cases, by the syllable im. So much ground is travelled over by the Indian to get his
plurals. The pure verbs, the noun-verbs, the adjective verbs, and the projiositional,
adverbial, and compound terms and declensions, are made plural precisely as the nouns,
regard being always had to the principle of euphony, in throwing away or adding a
letter, or giving precedence to an adjective inflection. The suffixed pronouns are
required to be put at the end of these plurals, where they will not always coalesce
without inserting them before the sign of the epicene or anti-epicene.

These suffixed plural inflections, as before indicated, are yaun, yun, id, or simply d.
I, you, he, she ; which are changed to plurals personal by the usual inflections of the
letter g, mailing them yaung, we, us, our (ex.) ; yung, we, us, our (in.), and yaig for
ye. The vital particle are, is placed before d for the pronoun they.

But the speaker is not confined to these, as the pronouns are made plural precisely
as the nouns : he may employ, for distinction's sake, ^he numerical inflections aig, aug,
eeg, ig, og, oog, ug, to express the various senses of we (bis), they, them, and us, ours,
theirs. These fourteen suffixed pronouns eniiMu the si>eaker to designate tlie (ibjectivc
transitive persons, and to designate the reliex action in the first plural, which is
uniform.

Tlie anti-epicene suffixed pronouns lor the same perscms, are ain, cen, in, on, aun,
un, aim, eem, im, om, oam, um; with such changes in their adjustment as usage and
the juxtaposition of consonants have produced.

§6. Principles of tue VEhn: —

'i !<

Imlinn mode of grouphig uleas. 2. Concrete diameter of tcorih. 3. Niimher of
2yrimary smmh of the language. 4. lis radicaUy vwno»yUahic character. 5. The
language lauwjnthetic. 0. Primary suumh. 7. Nature throtcn into two great
cJasses, merging the principle of gciuler. Its rules. 8. Type of barbaric grammars.
Verbs epicene and anti^piccne. Five conjugations in each class, formed by the
jive epicene and jive anti- jpiceiie vowels. 9. Breadth of this rule of classes.

I '•

1. The power of analysis is not a faculty of the Indian mind. It considers pheno-
mena in the gross. The sky, to which the hunter's eyes are directed, is not regarded
as filled with the elements, air and vajwur, light and heat, clouds and sunshine only,
but with corerote iiiinges of the effects of these, upon each other. The river,
which pursues .is way through ;bo forests, is not simply regarded as a diannel of
water moving rnjiidly or slowly, deep or shallow, dark or bright. The rays of light
are not described as elementary pencils; but pencils flashing upon, or reflected from
objects on the earth's surface. An animal is described as possessing some peculiar

1 1

LANGUAGE.

419

properties, as black or wliite; or gifted witli peculiar looks or powers, whether flying
ill the air, living 14)011 tlie cart'-, or Hwiuuning in tlie waters. Sounds are described as
proceeding lioiii the force of winds, from a tree, stone, or man falling on the earth
from a stroke of thunder; or a murmuring of leaves or waters.

2. These images, or ideas, are thrown upon the Indian mind in their concrete
forms, and the first attempt is, to express the phenomena by combined phrases, which
shall embrace syllabical increments or alphalx.>tical signs of all the phenomena.
Hence the terms of the language are compound and iM)lysjllabical. They aim to paint
ideas. To do this, however, recpiires a very exact knowledge of the primary elements
of utterance. The ear must analyze each sound, and recognise its distinctive meanings
in words and terms, wherever they occur, and whatever may be the juxtaposition of
syllables.

3. It has been indicated, that, witli tiie five vowel, there are but thirteen simple
consonantal sounds; that tlie numl)er of primary syllaliles is seventeen, and that
the number of possible changes, which these can be made to undergo, i^ two hundred
and fifty-five. With respect to this, we may perhaps re(iuiie further scrutiny-,
and it is, therefore, but approximate in its character. All that is contended for. in
tills respect, is, that the number of syllabical sounds is fl.xed, and that it cannot be
exceeded, with the natural powers of utterance. Whatever be the actual number, the
child soon learns to know them, together with the principles by which they must be
used. The speaker gives, at all times, the same meaning to the same syllable or
phrase, allowing lor the throwing away of superlluous consonants, when they come
together, or for the insertion of them, when the same want of euphony requires them
to be interposed between vowels in the compounds.

4. It is found that the primary words, wiieii dissected from their a])pen(lages. ai-o
chiefly monosyllabic. Many of the words of its vocabulary still retain their character
of elementary brevity, as ais, a shell ; meeii, a berry ; nioug, a loim ; kaug, a
porcuj ine ; waub, to see ; biiz, to embark ; peezh, to bring ; paup, to laugh ; oomb, to
lift, niiiz, a moose; wauzli, a lair; wauk, a fish-roe. The Indian ear is very nice
in discriminating tlie pronominal and teiisal prefixes and the various inflections for
number, person, place, and other accidents, which conceal the radix both from the
eye and ear of the uninitiated, and also in detecting the least error in its principles
of unity.

'!£ :iH

5. The language appears to be altogether sui generis. There is nothing that baa
the a.spect of behig foreign or borrowed — notliing that .seems like tlie jiutting together
of two plans of thought ; nor the tracing of roots to diverse .sources. The requirements

,1!

420

LANGUAGE.

of its etymology nre so plain, that they cannot be mistaken. Tlie prramniatical
concords are too simple and imique to admit of doubt. It« principles are homogeneous
and philosophical : they are, at all times, true to certain laws of utterance, of combi-
nation, and of concords. The plan of thought, or synthesis, is a unity : it is uniform,
unique, and simple.

? n

0. A whoop, a shout, or a hiss, a cackle, a guttural expulsion of the breath, or any
other modification of human sounds, aided by genelluction, may stand, conventionally
or symbolically, for an act or expression of passion or feeling. But the moment an
Algonquin undertakes articulate utterance, by which language is to be represented, he
employs vowel sounds, compelled, ius they often are, to l)e loaded down with consonantal
appendages difficult of utterance. Tiiat he should found his grammar on these vowel
sounds, with such concords only as are supplied by the distinctions of the grand
phenomena of organic and inorganic life around him, is niitural ; and it should excite
no surprise, if, in carrying out these principles, he is found to have developed
philosophical rules which have escaped other nations.

In this inquiry, it is not asked wlicre the language was first spoken, whether in
Asia, Polynesia, or America. That topic is ulterior in its importance. Wherever
situated, he was evidently surrounded by the great phenomena of wood.s, waters,
organic life, skies, and meteoric displays. He was in a vast wilderne.«s of plains and
forests — not in pent-up cities, witli their thousand intellectual artificialities. This
is clear from the phenomena of language alone.

Complete utterance, in the organs of human speech, finds vent only in the
independent open vowel sounds — a, e, i, o, u. These sounds may each run through
a scale, and are still independent ; but they require to be propped up by consonants
the moment the half-utterances or short vowel sounds are to be expressed. The Red
man has done this by an oral system, which he has no books to explain, and which he
is too ignorant of the laws of orthographical utterance implanted in his ear, to describe.
Languages cannot be spoken of as inventions. No nation invents a language, at leavst,
not in any recognisable compass of years. They are a gift, or proceed to alter them-
selves very slowly by the natural laws of articulation. To comprehend the principles
of the.se American languages, it will facilitate comparison to suppose that the Indian
mind kept ever before it the two grand kingdoms of organic and inorganic matter, or
the world of vital beings and inert objects. This principle has already been indicated,
in the considerations brought Ibrward on the substantive, the adjective, and the
])ronoun ; but it is not to be over-rated in its importance, in relation to the verb:
for the whole language is brought to this test, and, whatever functions other parts of
speech perform, they find the fulfilment of their powers in the verb.

iil ij

In viewing the mass of images and ideas floating before the Indian mind, the

LANGUAGE.

481

first and most generic grammatical law which it proposed as necessary to hoth speaker
and hearer, at all times, was the weparation of all the phenomena of nature and art
into two grand classes, which have l)eon called animates and inanimates. In forming
these, the animal kingdom is obliged to surrender its proud claim to distinction above
vegetable life ; and, what wc should not, i\ priori, expect from barbarism, even man
is compelled to sink his sexuality, and take his place, in the grammatical scale, beside
the bi.son, the wolf, and the Ijear. Gender is sunk in vitality, or mere animation.

To ell'ect this purpose of grammatical concord, two ctmsonantal signs are employed
as terminal letters, in designating the plurals of the respective classes, namely, G and
N — the former of which, added to the terminal vowel of the word, renders it organic,
and the latter inorganic. These terms correspond to the words ei)icine and anti-e])icine.
If the word, in either class, does not terminate in a vowel in the singular, but a
con.'»onant, a vowel is required to bo added, and then tiie rule carried out. This
principle lias been so fully illustrated, in the olwervations on the substantive, and is so
regular and distinctive, that it forms the primary integer to grammatical order in the
language. Not only all the nouns, Ijiit all the verbs, obey it. IJy it, both are formed
into ton classes, which terminate respectively in jlig, eeg, ig, iig, iig, or iin, (in, in, iin, (in.

By adopting the epicine principle, the distinction of masculine and feminine is lost
in a higher law of concord, while the anti<'picine corresponds to the neuter in otiicr
languages. How far this principle prevails in the Indian languages of America caimot
be certainly' aflirmed from the incompleteness of our materials. It is absolute, under
all circumstances, in the various tongues of the Algonquin stock ; and it is l)y far the
most characteristic jirinciple which has been developed, differing as it does from all
the known modern, and (so far as investigated in relation to this principle) ancient
languages. The Hebrew, to which reference has so often been made from the time
of Grotius, as the probable parent language of the American stock.s, whatever other
analogies it nuvy offer, has nothing of this kind. It has been carefully studied, and
the residt is, that so far as its modern compounds can now be traced, the distinctions
of masculine, feminine, and neuter, arc preserved. During the epoch of the Pentateuch,
Gcsenius has shown, that the pronoun hk included she, and that the term for young
man and young woman was the same. It therefore becomes important to philolog}',
hi seeking grammatical forms in order to illustrate the topic of origin, to direct its
investigations to this point.

8. It is not alone in these two great clas.ses of words, which lifive been called the
epicene and the anti-epicene, that the simple and primary vowel sounds are relied on
for principles of synthesis and concord. The vocalic rules pervade the grammar.
The wiiole stock of verbs in the Indian vocabulary is grouped into five epicine and
five classes of anti-epicine conjugations. The conjugations embrace not only the
natural verbs in common nse, but they provide for all the nouns and noun-adjectives

422

LANGUAGE.

V \

of every possible kind ; for these, it must Ixj reinembei'ed, can all be coiiverteil, under
the plastic rules of the language, into verbs.

With a formidable display of vocal terms ami inlloctive forms, thei-e is, tiierefore, a
very simple principle to unravel the lexicography, namely, fidelity to the meaning of
primary and vowelic sounds. If we compare this principle to a thread, parts of which
are white, black, green, blue, and yellow, the wiiitc "nay stand as the syml)ol of five
vowelic classes of wonls in a ; the black in b ; the green in c ; the blue in d ; and the
yellow in c. It creates no confusion to the eye to add, that there is a fdament of red
running through the whole stries of colored strands, wliereby five additional distinc-
tions aro made, nniking ten in all. These represent the two givat classes of sounds
of the AlgoiKpiin granuuar, denoting what has lieen called the epicene and anti-epicene
scheme.

Let me not be misappreliended. The vowel .sounds are fii"st taken as guides to the
Indian ear in forming plurals, making two quintuplicate classes, the first ending in the
epicene g, ami the second in the anti-i'picenc n. The decimal plurals then become the
rule for forming the same number of conjugations for active verbs. If we would know
to what class of conjugations a word belongs, we nuist inquire how the plural is made.
It will be recollected that all verbs, like all substantives, either terminate in a vowel
sound, or, where they do not, that a vowel sound nuist be added in making the plural,
in order that it may serve as a coalescent for the epicene g, or the anti-epicene n.
Thus man, inine, is i-endere<l men, ininewug, not by adding the simple epicene plnral
ug, but l)y tiirowing a w JK'fore it, making the plural in wug. So j)aupe, to laugh, is
rendered jjlural in wug, and not ug; whilst minnis, an i.sland, scIkmis, a brook, and all
words ending in a consonant, take the regular anti-i'piiene plural in un. The rule
that in syllabication a vowel should follow a con.somvnt, is indeed univer.»*al. It is
equally so that a shoit vowel precedes a consonant, or is placed between two conso-
nants, and that a long vowel follows it, or makes a .syllal)le when standing by itself.
Such is the power of vowels and consonant.s, as heard in Mi.ss-is-sippi, and Mau-me,
I-o-wa, Pe-o-ri-a, and Wis-con-sin. These principles were referred to, in forming the
practical scheme of notation herein adopted.

The arrangement of tiic vowelic classes is so inqwrtant to any correct view of the
grammer of the language, and is, at the same time, so regular, euphonious, and
philosophical, that it will inq)re.ss it the better on the mind, by presenting a tabular
view of it.

ConnESPONDiNG Classes op Verbs.

Eincene Suhstautives.

PLl'RAL INFLECTION.

Words

ending in

a . .

. . . ag.

((

a a

e . .

... eg.

« «

i . .

... iff.

l-i

V .V'i^.

LANGUAGE.

423

Words ending

in o

• . «g.

« u

. . .

. . iig.

Aitti-epicene Subatandcca

rmnAi. isfi.ectio.i.

Words ending

in a

. . tin.

" e

. . en.

. . ill.

• . iin.

Epircne T

'^crhs.

. . iin.

CLAMS ny rdlJlOATIIIlI

Verbs

ending

in ti or ilg

. . in class a.

" c or iig

• • •

" c.

((

" i or ig

• • •

" i.

((

" o or iig

• • •

((

" ii or iig
Anti-epiccnc

. . " u.

Vcrha.

CLASS or CONJirGATlOV,

Verbs ending

in ii or iin

. . in class a.

" ij or en

" e.

" i or in

" i.

" o or on

" o.

((

" ii or iin

" u.

I-

;

§7. The Algonquin Language founded on Radices: —

Verba derlced from sulstantlvcs. iDjinUirrn. Wunl-ljuihlin^ chtntckr of the sijtifax.
Its analyms, Li ivhat sense it maj he devincd " lujijlut'mntvd." Nouns precede
Verbs. Examples of the verbs to eat, to run, to walk, to burn, to strike.
Declension of the jircfixed pronoun to form moods. Omjuijation of the verb to love
a person. Its root. Generic classes of nut u re. A trail of concealment of
cJutracter, impressed on the forms of the Indian lamjuage.

The Algonquin language is founded on roots or primary elements having a meaning
by themselves. As waub, to see, paup, to laugh, wa, to move in space, bwa, a voice.
The theory of its orthography is to employ these primary sounds in combination, and

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424

LANGUAOE.

not iw (lisjiiiiftivc! floiiu'iits, wliirli has orifriiinU'il a i»laii of (lioiiglit iiiid coiu-onls quite
pocnliar. It in i-vidi'iit that such jmrticU's as ak, l»o, go, wort" invostod with generic
meanings, U'foiv tliey assumed their coiiprctc fonns of ak-o, earth; ne-l»e, water;
ge-zis, skv. Siil)stantives apiK-ar to have hoen anterior to verhs, for tlie latter are
generally fonnded on them, as eheniai, to paddle, fnnn cheniaun, a canoe. Bnt this
may relate to the modern class of verhs, as we ixMvcive in the same manner, pansh-
kiz-/.e-ga, to fire, made from paush-kiz-ze-giM), a gnn, nnisket, or rifle. In the more
ancient class of verlw, such as strike, pnk-c-tai, wc may snpiwso, however, that the
word war-clul), pnk-e-tai-e-gun, was formed from the verb to strike, for it is literally
descrilx'd as a striking implement. Pnk-c-tai, in this word, denotes the act of striking.
Gun is from je-gun, a generic for implements or instruments. Bnt puk-o-tai is
transitive, and denotes the striking of some person or thing, and cannot be said
infinitively. The true radi.x or infinitive, apj^ars to Ix" paked. Verbs active in the
thiril person, end in Ai. Here we obtain a rule, puketai, chemai, paushkizzegai, &c.
strike, paddle, fire, &c. Without attention to this theory of radices, and to the woixl-
building principle of the language, — to this constant capacity of incremental extension,
and to the mode of doubling, triplicating, and quadruplicating ideas, it is inqxjssible to
analyze it, — tt) trace its comi)ounds to their embryotic roots, and to seize upon those
principles of thought and utterance, by attention to which, there has been erected in
the forests of America, one of the most ixilysyllabic and completely transpositivc
modes of communicating thought that exists. We shall endeavor to bring the
Algonquin languages to this test.

The anatomist woidd never arrive at a clear description of the human system, "so
fearfully and wonderfully made," if he did not examine lx)ne by lx)ne, arter}' by artery,
vein by vein, and nerve by nerve. The system becomes wonderful because it is so
exact, — so comi)licated, and yet capable of Ix'ing so jxTfectly traced by its physiological
oi-der. Something of this species of patience and regard to appreciate the order of
structure is required in sitting down to unravel the threads of a language which
hits, (syntactically', jwrhaps,) been called "agglutinated" by an eminent linguist.'
If by agglutinati<m be meant accretion, and the adhesive principle be its syntax, the
term is certainly appropriate ; bnt for a mass of words or syllables to be aggregated, or
stuck together without a prijiciple of order, is to suppose an anomaly in languages.
Barbarians often stick syllables together in very imgainl}' forms, and with many
redundancies and inelegancies and faults, but not without precise, and often painfully
precise, meanings.

Such is the tendency of the whole transpositivc system common to the Algonquin
language. Whatever is agglutinated in the material world requires gluten to attach
piece to piece, and its analogy in the intellectual process of sticking syllable to syllable.

' Mr. William von Humboldt.

LANGUAGE.

426

and word to word, m the accretive principle ; atid tliia syllabical gluten is precisely
that to which the closest attention is required to trace its syntax.

Waub is, apparently, the radix of the verb, to see, and of the word, light. Waubun
is the ea«t, or sunlight, and inferentially, place of light. Aub is the name of the eye-
ball, hence ai-aub, to eye, or to see with the eye-ball. Waub, it.self, npi^ears to be a
compound of aub and the letter w, which is the sign of the third person. Waubuno
is a member of a society of men, so called because they continue their orgies till
daylight. The simplest concrete forms of the verb, to see, are therefore as follows : —
Ne waub, I see, Ke waub, thou seest, or you see (sing.), O waub, he or she sees. But
all this is vague to the Indian mind, and indefinite in relation to the general use of the
verb, until the transitive inflection is added, whereby the class of objects on which the
action takes place is shoAvn.

This principle was pointed out, in 174G, by the Rev. David Bniineixl, the celebrated
missionar}'. " The most successful method," he observes, "' which I liave taken for
instructing myself in the Indian languages, is to translate English discourses, by the
lielp of an interpreter or Iwo, into their language, as near verbatim as the sense will
admit of, and to observe strictly how they use words, and what construction they will
bear in various cases, aud thus to gain some acquaintance with the root from whence
particular words proceed, and to see how they are thence varied and divei*sified. But
here occurs a very great difliculty; for the interpreters, being unlearned, and
unacquainted with the rules of language, it is impossible, sometimes, to know by them
what part of siicech some particular word is of, whether noun, verb, or imrdcipJe, for
they seem to use participles, sometimes, where we should use nouns, and, sometimes,
where we should use verbs in the English language.

" But I have, notwithstanding many difficulties, gained some acquaintance with the
grounds of the Delaware language, and have learned most of the deficta in it, so that
I know what English words can, and what cannot be, translated into it. I have also
gained some acquaintance with the particular phraseologies, as well as peculiarities of
their language, one of which I cannot but mention. Their language does not admit
of their sjieaking any word denoting relation, such as father, son, &c., ahmhiiehj ; that
is, without prefixing a pronoun jwssessive to it, such as my, thy, his, &c. Hence, they
cannot be baptized in the name of the father, and the son, &c., but they may be
baptized in the name of Jesus Christ, and his father, &c." '

This is a grammatical truth equally applicable to all the American languages that
have been examined ; and it seems closely akin to another, namely, that all active
verbs are likewise precluded from being used in what Brainerd denotes an ubeolute
sense, but must be varied by a particle put at their ends, to denote the object on which
they act. Hence, this class of verbs are all tranaitke.

■ Works of Jonathan Edwards, vol. x., p. 322.

Pt. II. — 54

■ *

426

LANGUAGE.

The Indian idiom in often forced, in translntion, by following scrupulouRly the
order of English thought. I bcc a man, Nc wau bum au pai-zhik-in-in-e ; I sec a
houHC, Ne wau bun daini-pai zhik wa-ki-c-gun.

Here the English order of thought is clearly and precisely expressed, word for word,
in the Indian. But this is not the natural Indian mode of thought, which requires
tiie object generally to precede the verb — as inine ne wau bum au. Man, I see liim.
Wall kie-gun, ne ne wau bun daun. House, I see it. The word pai zhik is not
required at all, being the denomination for one, and not properly an article. The
verb see, also gives information which, as above denoted, is not required by the English
word, namely, that the object seen is of the epicene or anti-epicene (neuter) class. For
this purpose the particle au liaa been already stated to be used in the first class of
words, which is changed to daun in the second, with a corresiK)nding change in the
letters m and n. To sjieak of man, or house, without designating the number, is to
speak of one man, or one house ; and the Indian so understands it. The use of the
word pai-zhik is therefore unnecessary.

Take another radix :

JMiz, to embark: He or she embarks. Tiiis is the simplest form in which flic word
occurs colloquially. But it will at once Ix; iierceivcd to Iw a compound. O/li .ii)iH'ai"s
to be the root of every s[x?cic8 of contrivance designed to float on water, wliitb has
been made by hands. The hitter idea is incori^rated in the word, and appears to be
derived from ozheau, to make, (v. ep.) ozheton (v. anti-ep.) Hence, ozheaud maker,
(ep.) which is changed to wazheaud, the maker.

I Emuakk. — Indicative,

1. Nim . , . . Biiz.

2. Kc , , , . Boz,

3. Pii zi,

4. (in.) Nim , . . . Bo zi min,

5. (ex.) Ke . . . . Bo zi min.
G, Ke .... Bo zim,

7, Pi) zi wug.

Ozh apfieara to be the root of the name for a vessel, (artificial.) Wa mit ig ozli,
the jieople of the wooden-made vessel — this is the Algonquin term for a Frenchman.
Ozh-cau, is the verb to make : in this tenn ozh, is the nautical object on which work
has Ijcen bestowed. Mitig, trees, or timbers, and wa, a plural phrase, indicative of
Iiersons.

I love . . .

I love a pei'son

I love a thing .

Ne,

Ne saug.
Nc saug-e-au.
Ne saug-e-toue.

LANGUAGE.

427

Thus action procoetla from the (irHt iiorson, and Ih iiuniedlHtoly rcnderi'd trnnnitive.
The tcnna au and tone, U8 huiv employed, denote the two givat classes of epicene
and anti-epicene nature.'

Saug is thus seen to be the rudi.\ of the verb to love.

£kid, to HiMiak ; enaik, to think ; naud, to bring ; shingaili, to hate. Persons and
objects immediately convert these radices into i)oly.sylIables.

1. Nin de kid. I say.

2. Nen dc nain dum. I think.

3. Fetch some water. Tngah! nelx^ naudin. Literally, Ho! water bring.

4. I hate my enemy. Ne, shing ai ne man, nan do wai see. Literally, I hate him —

my enemy. (Singular.)
6. I love my friend. Ne, saugeau, nedje ke waizee. Literally, I love him — my

friend. (Singular.)
Adjectives, in like manner, are converted into iK)lyHyllabic phrases : Min, good ;
ittau, able.

6. They were good men, and able hunters. Minno ininewuneeg, gia nittau,

keoo.ssaubuneeg. Literally, ff^A men they, and able hunters, they.
The existence, or being of a iwrson or thing, is some term derivative fixjm the woi-d

lEAU.

7. Have you any meat? Weos, kedianuh? Meat have you?

8. I am a living Ix-ing. Nin, di-e-au. I am a living iK'r,s<m.

These examples will show the tendency of the langiuige to accretion ; but they must
not lead the inquirer away fi-om the track of construction and conjugation : for it is
still seen, that, in the latter, the root of the verb undergoes no changes except such as
are necessary in the euphonious adjustment of the class of prefixed and sutlixed
pronouns — and the formidable array of syllables ari«»H fmm the simple rule of
rendering the verb plural when the noini or pronoun is pliu'al.

1. It is require'd that all active and transitive verbs should Ijc prenominally varied
to suit the jierson and tejise cf the prefixed pronoun. Nothing happens, therefore, in
this process, that does not take place in every grammatical language under the sun ;
and, what is perceived every day in our own language, namely, the number of the
pronoun or noun and of the verb must agree.

Examples: — To Eat; to Run; to Walk; to Burn; to Strike.

I eat Nee wo sin.

Thou catcst Kc we sin.

' The e final in touo is silent, and intended here provisionally, as in English, to give the hroad sound to o.

428 LANGUAGE.

He eats We sin na.

We cat Ke we sa ne min.

Ye or you eat Ke we sa min.

They eat We sin na wug.

I have eat Ningee we sin.

I shall eat Ningtih we sin.

I was eating Ne we sin n'^ waw bun.

It was eat Ke me jim.

I run Ne pirn e but to.

Thou runnest Ke pirn e but to.

He runs Pim e but to.

We run Ke pim e but to min.

Ye or you run Ke pim e but torn.

They run Pim e but to wug.

To walk Pim mos saing.

I walk Nee pim mos sa.

Thou walkest Ke pim mos sa.

He walks Pim mos sai.

We walk Ke pim mos say min.

Ye or you walk .... Ke pim mos saim.

They walk Pim mos say wug.

I did walk Ningee pim mos say.

Thou didst walk .... Kegec pim mos say.

He did walk Ke pim mos say.

We did walk Kcgee pim mos say min.

Ye or you did walk . . . Kegcc pim mos saim.

They did walk . . . . Ke pim mos say wug.

I shall walk Ningee pim mos say.

Thou shalt walk .... Kegah pim mos say.

He shall walk Tali pim mos say.

We shall walk Kegah pim mos say min.

Ye or you shall walk . . Kegah pim mos saim.

They shall walk .... Tali pim mos say wug.

Walking Pim mos saing.

To bum Chaw ge zoong.

I bum Ne chaw giz.

Thou bumest Ke chaw giz.

LANflUAOE.

4t»

lie burns . .
Wo burn . .
Yc or you bum
They bum . .

I did bum . . .
Tliou didHt bum .
He did bum . .
We did burn . .
Ye or you did bum
Tliey did burn

I shall burn . .
Thou shalt burn .
lie shall burn . .
We shall burn . .
Ye or you shall bum
They shall bum

Burn him . . .

Bum them . . .

I am burned . .

Thou art burned .

lie is burned . .

We are burned . .
Ye or you are bumed

They are burned .

I shall be burned .
Thou shalt be bumed
lie shall Ijc burned
We shall be burned
Ye or you shall Ije bumed
They shall be bumed

I strike him . . .
Thou strikest her . .
He strikes him . . .
We strike him . . .
Ye or you strike him
They strike him . .

Chaw gie zo.
Ke chaw gie zo min.
Kc chaw gie ziim.
Chaw gie zo wug.

Ningee chaw gie.
Kegce chaw gie.
Kegcc chaw gie zo.
Kegce chaw gc zo min.
Kegce chaw gie ziim.
Kegce chaw gie zo wug.

Ningah chaw gie.
Ki'gah chaw gie.
Tab chaw gie zo.
Kcgah chaw gie zo min.
Kegah chaw gie ziim.
Tah chaw gie zo wug.

Chaw gie.
Chaw gie zook.
Nin chaw gie.
Ke chaw gie.
Chaw gie zo.
Ke chaw giz zo min.
Kegce chaw gie ziim.
Kc chaw giz zo wug.

Ningcc chaw gie zo go.
Kegah chaw gie zo giim.
Tah chaw giz wall.
Kegah chaw gie zo go min.
Kegah chaw giz zo giim.
Tah chaw giz waw wug.

Ne buk ke tay way.
Ke buk ke tay way.
buk ke tay way.
Ke buk ke tay way nau.
Ke buk ke tay way wug.
O buk ke tay way waun.

LANGUAGE.

I struck her. .
IIo struck her .
We struck her .
They struck her

I shall strike you
Thou shalt strike them

Ningoe huk ke tay wau.
Ogee buk ke tay waun.
Kegi'e buk ke tay waw waun.
Ogee buk ke tay waw waun.

Kcgah buk ke tay un.
Kegah buk ko tay waug.

It will be perceived in these conjugations, that the pronoun prefix, in the absence
of auxiliary verbs, is declined for tense, and the moals are hereby esta)jli.xlied. To
show this point, the following tal)le of the pronominal changes is exhibited: —

Indicative Mood — First Ikraou.

Ne' I.

Nin-ge I did — was.

Nin-gah I shall — I will — have.

Niu-gah-gee I shall have — will have.

Imperative Mood — First I\raon.
Nin-guh I^t me.

Pbtential Mood.

Nin-dali I may — I can.

Nin-dah-ge I might — I could.

Indicative — Second firson,

Ke Thou.

Ke-ge Tiiou didst — hiulst.

Ke-gah Thou shalt — wilt.

Ke-gah-gee Thou shalt have — wilt have.

Imperative — Second Ilrson.
Ke-guh Thou.

Potential — Second Person.

Ke-dau Thou mayest — canst.

Ke^au-gee Thou mightcst have — could have.

Indicative — Third R^aon.

O (pron. sin epicene) ... He or she.

0-ge He or she hath — have, had.

' The sound of e, in the pronominal conjugations, is uniformly long.

LANGUAGE. 431

0-gnh He or she nliall or will.

0-giih-gc lie or she ahull have, &c.

Imperative — Third firson.

(Mau Ho or she shall or will.

0-(lau-ge He or she may have, can have.

There is a subjunctive inotnl, fornieil by prefixing tlie wonl Kishpin to the several
fonns, but not in anywise altering them. The inti-oductiim of the purtii-le .ske at the
end of the verb, renders the conjugation throughout, negative. It has the same effect
that the woixl not would have in English verbs, if placed after the several persons and
voices ; and its display in fonns would seem to be equally formidable and useless to the
leanier, whose ear will readily recognise the particle of negation in the Indian,
wherever it occurs.

It will l)c jH'rceived that the imperfect tense, in this declension of the pronoinis, is
formed by adding ge to the present. That the first future changes ge to gali, and that
the second future is made by adding the imfK-rfect to the fii-st future. There is but
one voice, guli, in the imi)erative. The potential is made in dab, in the present, with
the addition of ge for the imi)erfect. But that we may judge of the forms, and in
order not to anticipate observations prior to the introduction of the proper data, on
which they are ba.sed, it will Ijc suitable at this jioint to submit a full c.injugation of
one of the active verbs, through all its voices. It will be observed in the pronominal
declensions, that in the first person, ne, the long vowel e is invariably changed to
the short i, (as in pin,) in forming the second person ; a rule which, as stated in the
scheme of annotation, requires this sound to be followed invariably by a consonant.
Thus ne is changed to nin, with no other object but preserving a proper euphony in
the sentence in jtixtaiKJsition.

First Ei-icene Conjug/tion in A.

Saug : TO Love. — (A as •> fall.)

Indicative — Pirneul Tcme.

San geau I love a person.

Ne saugeau I love a jwrson.

Ke saugeau Thou lovest a person.

O saugeau lie or she loves a person.

Nenowind saugeau We (excluding you) love a person.

Kenowind saugeau We (including you) love a person.

Kenawau saugeau Ye or you love a person.

Kenowau saugeau They love a jierson.

482 LANGUAGE.

Imjter/ivf Trnne.

Niii gi-e Hniigcnu-biin I liavc IovchI a pcrwMi.

Kct'gu 8augeRu-buii Thou lm»t loved a [kthoh.

Ogt^ Hiuigiui-liun He or nlie lias loved ii {K^rran.

Neenowind Hniigenu inin nu bun . . We (in.) linve lovwl n ixtwhi.

Keenowind xuugenu min au bun . . We (ex.) have loved a ixroon.

Kenowau saugcau wau bun . . . lie or you have loved a )H>r8on.

Wenawau naugeau wau ban en e bun They have loved a person.

Firiit Future Tense.

I nhall or will love a |)cr8on.
Thou Hhalt or wilt love a jKTHon.
lie or she shall or will love a i)erson.
We (in.) shall or will love a jierson.
We (ex.) shall or will love a prson.
Ye or you shall or will love a {wrson.
They shall or will love a person.

Ningah sangeau . . .
Kegah saugeau . . .
Ogah saugeau ....
Nenowind saugeau-naun
Kenowind saugeau-naun
Kenowau saugeau-wun .
Wenowau saugeau waiin

Second Future Teitee.

Ninpabgc saugcau-bun I shall have loved a person.

Kegahgee saugeau-bun Thou shalt have loved a jierson.

Ogahgee saugeau-bun He or she shall have loved a jx^rson.

Nenowind saugeau niin au bun . . We (in.) shall have lovetl a jK'rson.

Kenowind saugeau min au bun . . We (ex.) shall have loved a person.

Kenawau saugeau wau min au bun . Ye or you shall have loved a person.

Wenowau saugeau wau min au bun . They shall have loved a person.

Imperative Mood.

Ningah sageau-binuh Let me love a person.

Sageau-binuh Love thou a jwrson.

Kegah sageau-binuh Let him love a person.

Ninge sageau-dau binuh .... Let us (in.) love a person.

Kege sageau-dau binuh Let us (ex.) love a person.

Saugeik binuh Love ye or you a person.

Ogah saugeau waun binuh . . . Let them love a person.

Potential Mood — Prewnt Tense.

Nindau saugeau I may or can love a person.

Kedau saugeau Thou mayest or canst love a person.

LANGUAGE. 433

Oilaii Hiuigi'iiu IIu or hIic may or ciiii lovt! a jk-ixoii.

Nohow iiul Haiigvmi imuii .... Wc (in.) may or can love a ihtshju.

Keiiowiiid KUiigeaii naun .... Wo (ex.) may or can lovo a ])c-r8on.

Kvnowau saiigeau wan Ye or you may or can love a iM>r8on.

Weenowaii Hatigeau waun .... Tliey may or can love a |)crm)n.

Rr/cct Tense.

N'nvlangc onngi'au bun I may or can have loved a iH'rson.

Kcihtnge Haiigeau bun Thou maycHt or canst have loved a imtsou.

Odaujre 8a>igcan bun ecn .... lie or she may or can have loved a ihthoii.

Nenowind Haugeau min au bun . . We (in.) may or can have loved a iwrnon.

Kcnowind naugeau min au bun . . We (ex.) may or can have loved a perHon.

Kenowau Kaugeau wau bun . . . Ye or }'ou may or can have lovi'd a iK'rs4jn.

Wenowau Haugeau wau bun . . . Tiiey may or can have lo\ed u jK-rson.

Subjunctive Mood — Present Tense.

Kishpin ne naugcaug If I love a ik'I-hom.

Kishpin ke miugeaud If thou love a (lerson.

Kixhpin o saugeaud If he or »he love a jierson.

Kislipin nenowind naugeung ... If we (in.) love a ))er)<on.

Kixbpin kenowind Haugeung ... If we (ex.) love a ikmcou.

Kishi)in keenowau Haugeaig ... If yc or 30U love a iH'rson.

Kislipin weenowau naugcauwaud . If they love a jiorson.

The other tenses of the indicative mood all adnut of this san>e pivfixed term,
Kislipin, the Algonquin if. It will not fail to be observed, that the radix, Saug, is
unbroken. All the changes arc pronominal. There is no change in the radical verb
it«?lf, (the change in ik, in the plural of the third ircrson of the imiwrative, being
explicable on other principles). It maintains its integrity of fonn tlin)ugIiout. While
the ix^rsonal pronoun prefix is constantly declined for tense, there is a parallel declension
of the suffixed pronouns of the verb, for the various objective persons. The infinitive
can only Ix; iiiferivd. It is clearly traced in the word saug. The inflection eau,
meaning a living iwrson, is manifestly derivative from the generic verb lEAU — a
word which appears to lie at the foundation, or at least to found often, the entire class
of epicene verbs. The term eau is made to carry the various senses of person, being,
life, man, in a variety of compound phrases, and appears to be the ready resource of
the language when siieaking of any of the organic classes of the emotions of life. Its
epicene character iwrmits it to be applied, not only to men, without relation to
sexuality, but to all the class of quadrui^ds, birds, fishes, and whatever is invested with
the proprties of life or being. In this manner, it becomes unnecessary, in the course of
the narrative, to mention the specific names of Ijeasts or birds, or human subjects, the
Pt. 11.-5.3

4.'i4

I,AN(i(IA«iK.

iii«Ti* ilcHi;{iiiiti<>ii of tliu griiiiil vital (livittimi (if natiiiv to wliicli tlio^' Ih'Ioiik bt'iiif^
•U'ciikmI Hutliciciit, ami tliii* Im iiiuHt ooiiiinoiil}' iloiu> in tlic iiitlfotioii can, or Hiiiiplu uii.
(Ml tlic niiitrarv, wliat iUh'h imt Ih'Ioii^ to tlii.x clasH of vital «>l)ji>ctH, hut iH appropriate
to tlic };raiul iiivit«ion of iiiorpinic liti>, is as readily ivt'orroil to by tlu> anti-<>pi(-«>ne vorb
IKK, wbieli, tiumt oi'tcii, is iK>iioti><l by the long hoiiikI oI' KK, or Hiinplo K. TIii'ho arc
i'avorito nitNli'i* of allusion by tliu IiuliaiiH, ami it iH rcnuirkabli*, to the nttvutivo
obwrvor, how gn-at a iK-jrri'f of n'K|Minsibility he avoitln liy it, in tho dcwription of
|R-rM)Mal matti'rM involving; blanu*. It is noxt to ini|M>r<r<iblu to induco an Indian to nttiT
lM>rsonal nuini's; the utnioxt he will do, if a iM'i'son ini[)licatcd is present, is to niovo
his lips, without s|H>aking, in the direction of the (lerHon.'

This dis|N)sition of the Indian mind to doubt or eonoeahuent, the habitual want of
frankness of utterance, and the assumption of the res|Minsi))ility «>f aKserlion, has lM>en
snp|)osed impro|HM'ly to form a ]H>enliar nxNHl, for whieh the term ihihiUilirc \n\» lx>en
suggested. These douliling phrases aiv all formed fn)m the simple radix uliulutii, or
uind, mind, and imply meditation or n'wrve of expivssion.' As well might we say,
that the language retjuires an interrogative ukmhI, which is made by placing the particle
tiiih ni\or eiu'h conjugation, In-cause this particle asks a (piestion. So the intrwluctiou
of the fragment of an adjective or an adverb into com|M)und verbs might Ih' pleaded
Ofl creating the necessity for new ukmhIs in an almost endless series: but to what
pnqMise would these forms Ih; exhibited, exc«'pt to spread over (piiivs of pa^)er with
verbal forms of no jK-rtinence to the grammar.

The phra.st>s 1 love jn-rhaps, I hear you ill, or imiK'rfectly, I sec yon painfidly, and
the like, may Ik; conjugated in the Indian, through every mood, tense, an<l voice,
precisi'ly as they can be in English, and with the same uselessness of grannnatical
display.'

' I onco row an Indian (a man under a rcligioii.s sense of obligation) in a court of justice, under oath, whom
tho court tried vuinly to nialcc identify the individual against whom he had unwittingly uttered a charge out of
court ; but tho utmost that could be got from him wok the pu.'<liing out of the lips towards the person.

• natagn's grammar of the Otchipwee.

' This verbal phenomenon may be viewc<I agn-cably to the missionary, Mr. Baragn, as one of the direct cfTects
of the long abuse of truth, by the savage mind.

" This dubitative is peculiar," he remarks, with severity and unjust harshness, " to the Indian mind, and in
siinie rcspcvtH ))eani testimony to the fact, that the habit of lying is a strong trait of Indian character. licing
aware of this habit themselves, they much mistrust others ; and consequently when something is related as
narrated to an Indian by his fellow Indian, or other men, be will indeed remember tho narration, but with tho
idea of possibly being imposed on ; and give the hearer to understand that tho narrative may not be true in all
its parts." p. 90. Between this mental precaution and the habit of lying there is a wide difference. Naube-
suh, It may be so, is the expression which is usually applied to doubtful narrations of this kind, and it is used
in the double sense of doubt and irony; but always, so far as observed, with just discrimination.

LAN(iUA(iK.

4n.'i

§8. Non-existence of Auxiliary Veriis: —

CoiiMulcnttioiiH on ilus exMknce of a tiiil»ilanlir>: vcrh of litmUd iixc In l/ir Ali/i>ni/nln
lantjnaijc. I}iMind'u>n Mii/ijHmud to lie etttiiUlx/nil In tin- /nmjiKii/t' futirim the
ijnvsluni of the vxlMcnci: itf I'AssioN anil Ihr ixlxtincf <>/ timk. I '»/•/> J'ar the latter
reittrieted to the. tIejKtrtmint/t a/ (inhinile nntltir. lit nninh r/xirt reMftrituKj
inoryanic mutter. Fnll eDnJnijtitlnns of Ixith verlm throntjh thr ininHlH and ti nuen
of tiwi Ch!j>2>iii.a i/rannnar. 'JVannlatlon of t/ie third reme <./' the Jirnt elmpt) r if
Qencnis.

It hoH Ir'1'11 hIidwii that the AlfroiKjiiiii lanjriiiiirt^ lias no auxiliary v«'rlis, niiil tliat
tlio past mill future tt-iiwH aii' t'xcliisivtiy (li'imtrd \\\ tciisal snUixcs to tlu' ciim'iit
verl)s. Time is alwayn to Iw iimK'rMt<H)il as jircscnt ; hut llii-re is no inllcctioii to
denote the present tense. A people who are per|K'tnally sayinL'. in tlieir eoUtKiniiil
intereoni'se, " I siek ; I well ; I jrlad ; I sorry," have natin-ally liecn supposed to have
no word in their hin<^na<^e to denote tlie possession or htpse ol" existiMiee, ahstraet or
eonerete. Vi-t this would convey a wronj? inii)ri'ssion of the capacities of tiie
hinguaf^e.

The liahit of thus spealvinjr is iniivei'sul, it is thoufrht, in rehition to every I'Assion
of the human heart; its h)ves, its liates, its sorrows; hut tlie mind dcx-s not ap|H'ar to
l»e thus hinited in its ahility to expivss tiie eone«'ptions of iK-in-r. The niytiiolo<ry of
the i)eo|>Ie is one whieli creates ii frecpient necessity of s|H'al\in^ of s|iiritual and
immaterial existences, which an» 8up[M)sed to inliahit the sky and tiie air, and which
arc invested hy them with the jHjwers of iiuqiity and iMMATKHiAi.iTy. Altiioiifrh tliese
creations are thou<;ht to 1)C often manili-st to the eye, and are typilie<l in clouds,
rainl)ows, lightnings, thunder, and a thousauil varying phenomena on the earth
connected with the exhihition of light anil shade, fliey are also clothed with the
power of ixvisiiiii.iTV. Their materiality as phenomena of the heavens is changed
in a moment to spirituality. The Indian mythology could not e.vist without this
theory. The Great Spirit is snpposvd to inhaltit the heavens, and to walk "on the
wings of the wind." Nohoily can hear an Indian Meda, Proiihet, or Jo.ssikecd sfwak
on the great phenomena amund him, without iH>rceiving this. And the impression of
his notions of spiritual existence hccomes ah.solute when we see him kneel down and
lift up his voice in prater. NosA okiiigong aiikyix showaiximkcovix. My Father in
heaven dwelling, take i)ity on us. This is not addres.sed to the father of a lodge, hut
to the Father of Light.

The participal form of the verh Am, to ahide, namely, abiyun, ahiding, is the equi-
valent tenn for " who art" in the Lord's prayer.

489 LANGUAGE.

Momo is the verb to take, as contrardistinguishcd from odaupin : it signifies the
taking by unseen or spiritual hands, and hence, perhaps, the word moneto, a spirit or
god. Neither of these words appears, however, to embrace roots implying existence, or
disconnected from the materiality of human life. The vocabulary furnishes another
word, when it becomes necessary, it would seem, for the speaker to drop the region of
passion, (where his expressions are perpetually without a primary or auxiliary verb,)
and to describe the immaterial creation, or boundaries of space. For this, the terms
in use are drawn from a verb whose trinal root is lEAu. The vowels in this word are
long, with less stress of voice on the second than the first and third, yet not reducing
the sound to short e. The first is the i in pine, and the third is uniformly broad, as a
in fall, and is expressed in the combinations of the language by an and aw. The
latter is indeed the great particle of universal existence, as well as of possession and
vitality. Is not this the case with the verb for existence in the Hebrew ? Constantly
speaking, us that language docs, of personal emotions, without a verb to denote per-
sonal existence, and yet employing one, when the great truths of eternal existence are
involved. To what extent the sense of existence is indicated in the Algonquin verb
ieiiu, distinct from its operation on created bodies, we shall not in this place inquire,
while it may tend to advance the study by furnishing some examples of its use.

Who is there Wnhow, Ieiiu.

He who is there .... Ween, ai-aud emau.

He is there Ieiiu emau.

Be still ....... Pizaun, leilun.

He is Ke d'ieiiu.

I am Ieiiu.

The whole conjugation of this verb may be exhibited, aa it is employed by the
Chippewas.

Ieau, to be, (v. a.) — Indicative Mood.
1. Present Tense.
Singular — 1. Nindiau I am, do, have.

2. Keediau Thou art, dost, hast.

3. lau He or she is.

Phiral — 1. Keediau-min We are, (including the person spoken to.)

Nindiau-min We are, (excluding the person spoken to.)

2. Keediau-m Ye are.

3. lau-wug They are.

2. Imperfect Tense.
Singular — 1. Ningeeiau-bun .... I was, did, had.

2. Keegeeiau-bun .... Thou wast, &c.

3. Keeiau-bun He or she was.

LANGUAGE.

437

Plural — 1. Koogooiau-min .... We were, (in.)

Ningceiau-min .... We were, (ex.)

Keegeeiaii-m Ye were.

Keeiau-wug They were.

3. Perfect and Pluperfect.

Nhigeeiau-naubun ... I have been or had been.

Keegeeiau-naubun . . . Thou hast been, &c.

Keeiau-bun lie or she hath, or has been.

Keegeeiau-niinaubun . . We have l)een (in.)

Ningeeiau-niinaubun . . We have Iwen (ex.)

. Ye have Iwen.

. They have Ijeen.

4. Firat Future.

Ninguhiau I shall or will Ix;.

Keegiihiau Thou shalt or wilt be.

Tahiau He or she shall or will be.

Kecguhiau-min .... We shall or will be (in.)

Ninguhiau-min .... We shall or will Ije (ex.)

Keeguhiau-m Ye shall or will be.

Tahiau-wug They shall or will be.

5. Second Future.

2_
3.

Singtdar — 1.
2.

3.
Phtral—1.

2.
3.

Singular — 1.
o

3.
Plural— 1.

2.
3.

Keegeeiaum-waubun
Keeiau-bunoij' . .

Singtdar — 1.

Plural— \.

2.
3.

Ninguhgce iau naubun
Kecguhgee iau-naubun
Tahgee iau-bun . . . .
Keeguhgee iau-minaubun
Ninguhgce iau-minaubun
Keguhgee iaum-waubun ,
Tahgeeiau-buneeg . . .

I shall have been.
Thou wilt have been.
He or she will have been.
We shah have been (in.)
We shall have been (ex.)
Ye or you will liave been.
They will have Ijeen.

Interrogative Moon.
(I introduce this mood because I find a peculiar tenuiuatiou for it, in the inflection
>:un.)

Singtdar — 1. Nindiau-nuh
2. Kcediau-nuh

Plural— I.

lau-nuh . .
Keediau-minuh
Neediau-minuh
Keediau-m-nuh

3. lauwug-nuh

Present Tense.

. Am I?

. Art thou?

. Is he, or she?

. Are we? (in.)

. Are we? (ex.)

. Are ye, or you?

. Are they?

438

LANGUAGE.

2. Imperfect Teme.

Singular — 1. Neendiaun-aubunuh . . Was I?

2. Kccdiaun-aubunuh . .

3. lau-bunuh ....
Plural — 1. Keediau-niinaubunuh .

Nccndiau-niiraaubunuh

2. Kecdiau-waubunuh

3. laubuneog-nuh . . .

Wast thou?
Was he, or she?
Were we? (in.)
Were we? (ex.)
Were ye?
Were they?

3. Ikrfect and Pluperfect Tenses.

Singular — 1. Ningeeiau-naubunuh

2. Keegceiau-naubuuuh

3. Keeiau-bunuli . .
Plural — 1. Keegceiau-minaubunul

Ningceiau-minaubunuh

2. Kcegeciauni-waubunul]

3. Keeiau-buneegonuh

4. F,

Singular — 1. Ninguhiau-nuli .

2. Keeguhiau-nuh .

3. Tahiau-nuh . .
Plural — 1. Keehiaii-minuh .

Ninguhiau-minuh

2. Keoguhiaum-nuh

3. Tahiau-wiignuh .

Have, or had I been?
Hast thou been?
lias, or had he, or she been?
Have we been (in.) or had?
Have we been (ex.) or had?
Have or had ye been?
Have they been?

rat Future Tense.

Sliall or will I be?
Wilt or shalt thou be?
Shall, or will he or she be?
Shall or will we be? (in.)
Shall or will we be? (ex.)
Shall or will ye or you be?
Shall or Avill they be?

Singular

-1. Ninguhgeeiau-naubunuh

2. Keeguhgeeiau-naubunuh .

3. Tahgeeiau->unuh . . .
Plural — 1 . Keeguhgeciau-minaubunuh

Ninguhgeciau-minaubunuh

2. Keeguhgeeiaum-waubunuh

3. Tahgcciau-buneegenuh

Second Future Tense.

Shall I have been?
Wilt thou have been?
Will he or she have been?
Shall or will we have been? (in.)
Shall or will we have been? (ex.)
Will ye have been?
Will they have been?

Imperative Mood.

Singular — 1. Ningudiau-binuh . . . Let me be.

2. laun-binuli Be thou, or do thou be.

3. Tahiau-binuh .... Let him or her be.

LANGUAGE.

Plural — 1. laiulaii-binuh Lot ii8 bo. (in.)

Ningiili iamin-binuh Lot ua be. (ox.)

2. lauyuek-bmuh Be ye, or do ya be.

3. Tahiauwug-binuh Let them be.

Potential Mood.
1. Present Tense,

Singular — 1. Nindau-iau I may, or can be.

2. Keedau-iau Thoii muyest, or canst be.

3. Tahiaii He or she may, or can be.

Plural — 1. Keedaii-iaumin We may or can Ik;, (in.)

Nindau-iaumin ^Yc may or can lie. (ox.)

2. Kocdaii iau-m Ye or you may or can be.

3. Tahiau-wug They may or can be.

439

2. Imjwr/ect Tense.

Singular — 1. Nindauiau, koossamau

2. Kcodauiau, koo.ssamau

3. Tahiaii, koos.silmau . .
Pbtrnl — 1 . Keedauiau-min-koossiimau

Neendaiiiau-min-koossamau

2. Kecdauiaum, koossiimau .

3. Tahiau-wug, koossiimau .

I miglit, could, would, or should Ije.
Thou niightst, couldst, wouldst, or
Iloor she might,&c. be. [.shouldstbe.
We might, &c. Ijc. (in.)
We might, &c. Ijo. (ex.)
Ye might, &c. Ije.
They might, &c. be.

3. Perfect and Phiperfect Tenses.

I may, can, might, &c. have been.
Thou mayost, canst, &c. have lx;en.
He or she may, &c. have been.
We may, &c. have l)ccn. (in.)

Singular — 1. Nindaugce-iaubun, koossamau . .

2. Koedahgce-iainiaubun, koossamau .

3. Tabgce-iaubun, koossamau . . .
Plural — 1. Koedaugci'iauminaubun, koo.ssamau

Nindaugeoiauminawbun, koossamau Wo may, &c. have been, (ex.)

2. Kcodaugceiaum-waubun, koossamau Ye may, &c. have Ijoon.

3. Tahgeeiaubuneeg, kossamau . . They may, &c. have been.

Subjunctive Mood.
1. P-esent Tense.

Singular — 1. Kishpin iau-yaun If I be.

2. Kishpin iau-yun If thou be.

3. Kishpin iaud If he or she be.

■!

»•*

440

LANGUAGE.

Plural. — 1. Kishpin iau-yun (in.) If \vc be.

Kishpin iau-yong (ex.) . . . . If we be.

2. Kisbpin iau-yaig If ye or you be.

3. Kisbpin iau waud If they be.

2. Imperfect Tense.
iSiiti/itlar. — 1. Kishpin we iau-yaun If I were.

2. Kishpin we iau-yun If thou wert.

3. Kishpin we iaud If he or she wcrc.

Plural. — 1. Kishpin we iauyung If we were.

Kishpin we inu yaung If Ave were.

2. Kishpin we iau yaig If ye or you were.

3. Kishpin we iau waud If they were.

(The three following tenses of this mood arc conjugated, because I find terminations
of the verb expressing them different from the like tenses of the Indicative.)

3. I\rfect Tense and Pluperfect.
HAVE OR HAD.

Singular. — 1. Ki.sbpin iauyaumbaun If I have been.

2. Kishpin iauyumbun If thou hast been.

3. Kishpin iaupun If he or she hath or has, been.

Plural. — 1. Kishpin iauyung-ebun If we have been.

Kishpin iauyaung-ebun . . . . If we have been.

2. Kishpin iau-yaig-ebun If ye or you have l)ecn.

3. Kishpin iau-waupun If they have been.

4. First Future.

SHALL OR WILL.

. If I shall or will Ije.
. If thou shalt or wilt be.

Singular. — 1. Kishpin we iau yaun baun

2. Kishpin we iau yun bun .

3. Ki.sbpin we iau pun . .
Plural. — 1. Kishpin we iau yung ebun

Kishpin we iau yaung ebun

2. Kishpin we iau yaig ebun

3. Kishpin we iau Maupun .

If he or she shall or Avill be.
If we shall or will be (in.)
If we shall or will be (ex.)
If ye or you shall or will be.
K they shall or will be.

5. Second Future Tense.

SHALL OR WILL HAVE BEEN.

Singular. — 1 . Kishpin keeiau yaumbaun ... If I shall have been.

2. Kishpin keeiau yumbun . . .

3. Kishpin keeiau-pun . ...

If thou wilt have been.
If he will have been.

LANGUAGE.

Plural. — 1. Ki»liijin keeiau yuug obiin ... If we shall have been (in.)

Kishpin keeiau yauug tibun ... If we phall have Ijeen (ex.)

2. Kishpin keeiau yaig ebun ... If ye or you will have been.

3. Kishpin keeiau-waupun .... If they will have been.

Infinitive Mood.

Present T.—lau To be.

I\rfecl T. — laubun To have been.

Participles.

Present T. — laung Being.

Perfect T. — laung ebun . . . Been.
Compound P'rfcd. — Keeiaung-ebun . . Having been.'

441

Xtta,

ro be, (v. i.)

Indicative Mood.

Pres.

7'.— Atta

It is.

Im.

r.— Atta-bun . .

It was.

nrf.

7".— Kee atta-bun .

It has been.

F.F.

T:— Tab atta . .

It shall or will be.

S.F.

T. — Tahgee attorwun

It shall or will have been.

Pres.

T. — Atta-wun . .

They are.

Im.

T. — Atta-buneen .

They were.

Per.

T. — Kee atta buneen

. They have been.

F.F.

7!— Tall atta wun

They shall or will be.

S.F.

T. — Tahgee atta bun een

They shall or will have been.

I N T E R R (> G

ATivE Mood.

Pres.

Tl— Attaruuh ....

Is it?

Int.

T. — Kec-atta-nuh . . .

Was it?

Rr.

T. — Kee-attarbunuh . .

Has it been ?

F.F.

7!— Tah-attarnuh . . .

Shall or will it be?

S.F.

T. — Tahgee attarbunuh .

Shall or will it have been?

Pres.

T. — Atta wunuh . . .

Are they ?

Int.

T. — Kee atta buneenuh .

Were they?

Rr.

T. — Kee atta buneenuh .

Have they been ?

F.F.

T.—Tah atta wunuh . .

Shall or will they be ?

S.F.

T. — Tahgee atta bun ecnuh

Shall or will they have been ?

' This verb was furnished to the pages of the North American Review, twenty-five years ago.

Pt. II. — 5G

I'll

i - M

442 LAN(JUA(j1E.

Imi'euative Mood.

Sing. — Poan ctoan .... Let it be.
Plu. — Poou ctoan inicu . . . Let them be.

Potential Mood. — Singular.
PrtHent T. — Tiih atta koosUraau ... It may be.
Rr/ect T. — Taligec atta koosilmau . . It may have been.

Pluml
Present T. — Tah atta-wun koosamau . Tliey may be.
Pjrfivt T. — Tahgce atttv-wun koossamaii They may have been.

Subjunctive Mood.
Sing. — Prcs. T. — Kii<hpin attaig . . . If it Ix?.
Imper. T. — Kishpin attaig-ebim . If it was.
I\;rf. T. — Kishpin kee attaig-obun If it has been.
F. F. T. — Kishpin wee attaig. . If it shall Ijc.
S. F. T. — Kishpin kee attaig-i'bun If it shall have l)ccn.
This conjugation is rendered plural by i.mki', them, after each of the above.

Infinitive Mood.

Present Tense. — Atta To Ijc.

Pbrfeet Tense. — Attabun .... To have been.

Participles.

Attaig Being.

Attaig ebun Been.

" And God said, l^et there Ije light, and there was light." This sublime passage is
rendered thus : Appe dush, geezhtl, Monedo, aikodood, tah waasai-yau ! ke wi-iaussai,
du.sh ! Literally, And then, merciful Spirit, he said. Let light be, and light was.

Wa.s-sai-au, is the substantive form of light, or shining light, which is converted to
a substantive verb indicative by the particle au, and is changed back from the
indicative to the imperative by the prefixed but independent particle, tah. Intransitive
verbs which are thus comiwunded, do not require this pai tide, however, when placed
in the imperative mood, which is made simply by the inflection ai. Thus, puk-et^ai,
to strike ; che-mai, to paddle ; paush-kiz-zeg-ai, to fire ; the term iausai is changed
from the imperative to the indicative by a duplication of the initial vowel after w.
Thus icau-sai, living light or created light, is rendered wi-ica-si, with the particle ke
(which is not here a pronoun,) for past tense, and dush, a tensal parallel for time j thus
completing the perfect sense of the term, " light was."

These conclusions seem to be inevitable, from an analysis of the terms, and are
suggested to philologists with deference.

IV. REMARKS ON THE PRINCIPLES OF THE CHEROKEE.
IN ANSWER TO QUESTIONS TRANSMITTED UNDER
THE DIRECTION OF THE BUREAU OF INDIAN
AFFAIRS.

BY REV. S. A. WORCESTER.

Cherokee Language.

The following answers to inquiries respecting the Clierokee langnnge are written in
much haste, yet have cost much time and labor. There are many blots and erasures,
but I cannot take time to transcribe. Many blots are owing to my Ix'ing in the habit
of using the Cherokee character, and so beginning to write words in that character
before I was aware.

I have used Pickering's Alphabet, modified to suit the language.

a as \ in fatiiek — short as A in rival.

e " A " hate — short as e in met.

i " I " riQLE — short as I in PIT.

o " o " note, but approaching to Aw in law.

u " 00" .MOON — short as u in i'ull.

V " u " BUT, nasalized, much as if followed by the French nasal n.

g between hard G and k.

« iC J « .( ij a If

Other consonants as in English. Where I have used t before 1, and before or after
s, in many cases d would be more .accurate; but few English ears can make the
distinction. The same is true respecting k in the same circumstances. G in most
instances would be more accurate. No doubt I have made errors in other cases by
using k or t for g or d, and vice versa, for my ear does not distinguish. Other errors, no
doubt, one well versed in the language would detect. I have done as well as I could.

I have num1x;red my answers to particular questions under each general question,
as if the general question were marked (1), and the particular questions (2), (3), &c.
It will be necessary to count, to see to which particular each answer relates.

My principal Cherokee assistant has been the Rev. Stephen Foreman.

Two points before a syllable, below the line, . indicate that the vowel sound of that
syllable is scarcely to be heard.

Aspirates I have sometimes expressed by the letter h, and sometimes by an ' before
an aspirated consonant.

(443)

Sounila

— Vowels .

(»

Consonants

■

444

LANGUAGE.

QuKSTiox ;5l.j. I am not acquainted with the most ancient languageM, except a little
only with the Hebrew. The principles of the Chemkee corres^wnd more with that
than witli modern Euroiwan languages, or with Greek and Latin. Yet the correspond-
ence is slight, scarcely, perhaps, extending beyond the fact, that the grammatical forms
of verbs are made in part by rRONOMiNAL prefixks. The changes of termination have
no reference to jierson, subject, or object. It is manifestly not derived from the

Ilebrow, MEJUDIEE.

310. (I.) Yes, especially verbs. (2.) Not very. (3.) If by the root of a word
be understowl those syllables which are not changed by inllection, there are in
Cherokee verbs, rai-ely three, sometimes two, often one, sometimes none. Whoever
can (ell what is the root of some Cherokee verbs, can do more than I. (4.) No.

317. (2.) Verbs are not comiK)unded with substantives. (3, 4, 5.) It is not a
coalescence of distinct words, but the expression of idea,s by syllables, or by consonants
constituting a part of the verb, which in other languages arc expix'ssed by separate
words. (C.) See 322.

318. (1.) Pronouns, prej^sitions, and adverbs, that is the korce of such. (2.) Yes.
The longest word I have found is, Wi-ni-do-di-ge-gi-nti-li-sko-to-ta-no-ne-li-di-se-sti.
Syllables 17. Translation — "They will by that time have nearly done granting
[favors] from a distance to thee and to me."

Analysis.

Wi conveys the idea of distance.

Ni by that time.

Do denotes that the favors are confen-ed on each person separately, not both

collectively.
Di piiu-ality of things granted.
Ge plurality and third person of agents — they.
Gi-NA duality and second person of recipients — thee and me.
Li-SKO-TO, radical.
Ta is DI in the simplest form of the verb, variously intlected in different tenses and

relations.
No, completion — done granting.
Ne, sign of the dative — to or for.
Li-Di, nearly.

Se-stt, sign of future tense.

I will not vouch for the entire accuracy of this analysis. It is an approximation —
pretty close, I believe.

-i <■

ii ^

LANGUAGE.

44r)

319. (2.) Nouns sij^nifying persoiiH have inflections denoting jwrson and nunilxT.
(3.) Differently in different jwrsons, but by ehanges in prefixes. (4.) Ye.x, in first und
second persons. (5.) Inclusive and exclusive in first and secontl iH-nsons. (C.) Changes
in initials to denote ixTsonality.

320. (1.) There are a few nouns, such aa man, l)oy, which arc in their natine
masculine; and woman, girl, &c., feminine. And there are adjectives signilying male
and female. Otherwise there is no distinction of gender. None by infiections. (2.)
Person and number. ('■].) No. (5.) Verbs have inllections which denote whether
the oiUECT Ije animate or inanimate.

321. (I.) Personal nouns change to denote number and person. Other sul)stantives
have no inllection. (2.) No. (.j.) I think not. (4.) Kitlier. The noun oftener
precedes; but that word is placed first which is most prominent in tlie mind of the
speaker. If there is emphasis on the verb, it naturally takes the first i)lace. (V)
Food civk mk, usually, unless the verb has empha.sjs. But either is g(M)d. ((>.) Nouns
may perhaps be said to become verbs by preli.xing a verbal initial, as So-<iui-li, a hor.xe.
Tai->o-(pii-li, I am a horse. [See 322. (D.)] Some adjectives have ten.-fes. U-tsa-ta,
there is much ; u-tsiv-to-gi, there was much ; u-tsa-te-sti, there will be much.

322. (I.) An immen.se field. (2.) No. (3.) By changes in the initial syllal)les.
(4.) Best .seen in the siK'cimens of conjugation. (•>.) How many modes I caimot tell,
nor decide M'hat forms should lie called modes, and what regarded as new derivative
verbs. Ten.ses I count 18. Voices, active and passive; and, if the reciprocal or
mutual form is to Ixj regarded aa another voice, middle. Toi-ge-yu, I love him ;
V-gi-ge-yu, I am loved ; A-fpiarila-gc-yn, I love myself; de-gi-na-<hi-ge-yu, thou and I
love each other.

(C.) Difterent forms are u.sed in affirmation and negation. In the latter the syllable
yi, or the letter y, is prefixed.

(7.) There is a Ibrm which is used in most ca.ses where the infinitive is used in
other languages, but it has numljer and person. There is also a form more strictly
infinitive, but it seldom occui-s.

(8.) Yes.

(9.) No; except a.s in 321 (G) : and, indeed, I think this can hardly be called
transforming the nouns into verbs. It is simply denoting person and number hy the
same prefixes which are attached to verbs. Tsi-so-qui-li, la horse, rather than I am a
horse.

(10.) Iliirue-ga, he siwaks, Kn-ne-gi, speaker. A-li-ski-ha, he dances, arli-ski-ski, a
dancer. A-tlo-'yi-ha, he cries, A-tlo-'yi-hi, a crier.

(11.) To conjugate even one woukl require, perhaps, months of constant study, and
make a volume. I will give a few siwcimens.

440

LANGUAGE.

fr i^'

Tenses.

Gorlo-i-ha I am tying [an inanimate thing].

Ga-lo-i-ho-i . . . . I tie [sometimes].

Ga-lo-i-ho-gi .... I was tying.

Garlo-i-be-i .... I was tying.

Ga-lo-i-he-sti .... I shall l)c tying.

Ga-lo-tsa I have [just] tied.

V-gii-l(>-tsa . .
A-qim-lo-lo . .
A-fiuttrlo-lo-i . .
A-ciiift-Ki-lo-gi
A-qua-lo-le-i . .
A-«iua-lo-lc-sti
Da-ga-K>-li . .
Di-ga-lo-li-so-i
Dorga-lo-li-so-gc .
Di-ga-k>li-se-i
Di-ga-lo-li-.se-sti .
A-<iuarlo-li-(li . .
A-qua-lo-li-<li-so-i
A-<iua-lo-li-<li-so-gi
A-qu!i-lol i-<l i-se-i
A-ciua-lo-li-ili-sc-sti
A-qua-lo-li-tle-na

(nearly the same.)

I have tied [at some former time].

I have sometimes tied.

I tied.

. I shall have tied.

. I shall or will tie.

. I am sometimes expecting to tie.

> I was exiK-cting to tie [quasi — I was — will tic.]

. I shall Ixj exiwcting to tic.

. I am alK)ut to tie, nearly ready to tie.

. I am [sometime.'*] alxjut to tie.

> I was al)out to tie.

. I shall be about to tie.

. I am on the point of tying.

In those past tenses which have two forms, the first denotes that the sjwaker was a
jxjrsonal witness of what he relates, and the second that he is relating what he has
learned from others. Of course, the second form can be used in the first iwrsou only
in relation to acts done luiconsciou.sly.

Eoeh of these tenses is declined throughout all jiersons and numbers.

CiiEKOKEE Verbs.

Pi^rmiw ami Numhers.

Ga-lo-i-ha I am tying [it].

Ha-lo-i-ha Thou art tying [it].

Ga-'lo-i-ha He is tying [it].

' Ka-lo-i-ha He is tying [it].

' Two forms will be observed where the subject of the verb is of the third person. The second of these forma
implies the presence of the person or persons spoken of, and an intention on the part of the speaker that he or
they shall hear what is said of them.

LANGUAGE.

447

I-na-l(>-i-hii .
()-!<tiv-It)-i-La .
Stii-lo-i-lia .
I-dii-Io-i-ha .
O-tsarlo-i-lm .
I-tHO-lo-l-ha .
A-no-loi-ha .
Da-na-lo-i-ha
Dc-gn-lo-i-ha
Dc-horlo-i-ha
De-ga-'lo-i-ha
Do-ka-'loi-ha
Dc-na-lo-i-lm
Do-8tarlo-i-ha
De-sta-loi-ha
De-da-lo-i-ha
Do-tsft-l()-i-lia
Do-tsa-loi-ha
Dii-nii-lo-i-lia .
' De-<la-na-lo-i-ha
S(iiia-lo-i-lia .
A-qua lo-i-ha
Ta-qua lo-i-ha
Ski-na lo-i-ha
Ski-ya lo-i-ha
Gfwjua lo-i-ha
Kp-qua lo-i-ha
Go-yarlo-i-ha
Tisa lo-i-ha .
» Ti-tsa lo-i-ha
Stoya lo-i-ha
I-tso-ya lo-i-ha
Ge-tsa lo-i-ha
' Ke-tsa lo-i-ha
Tsi-ya-lo-i-ha
' Ka-lo-i-ha .

Thou and I are tying [it].

lie and I are tying "

You two are tying "

Ye and I are tying "

They and I are tying "

Yo (more than two) are tying [it].

They are tying [it].

Thoy are tying [it].

I am tying [them, inanimate].

Thou art tying [them, inanimate].

He is tying " "

lie is tying " "

Thou and I are tying [them, inanimate].

He and I are tying " '•

Yc two are t} ing " "

Ye and I are tying " "

They and I are tying " "

Ye (more than two) are tying [them, inan.]

They are tying [them, inan.]

Tliey are tying "

Thou art tying me.

He is tyuig me.

He is tying me.

Ye two arc tying me.

Ye [more than two] are tying mc.

They are tying me.

Thoy are tying me.

I am tying thee.

He is tying thee.

We two are tying tliee.

We are tying thee.

They are tying thee.

I am tying him.

' See note on p. 446.

* Implying that the person or persons tying are to hoar.

' Implying that the person or persons tied are to hear.

LANGUAGE.

]

mm.

(iii-l(>-i-lia . . .

' Tii-lo-i-ha J- Ho Ih tying liim.

' Ta-nii-l<)-i-hrt or to-loi-hn

K-uii-li>i-lia )

•Ti-mv-Icvi-lm } Thou ami I arc tying him.

0-Hta-I(H-lift 1

.m A 1 •! flic nnil I iiiv tying

F^sta li>-i-lia . .
•Ti-»ta l(vi-lia . .

I<kla l()-i-ha . . .
"Ti-tla l()-i-i»a . .

0-tsa 1(>-i-ha . .
•To-tsa loi-litt . .

E-t»<a lo-i-ha

' Ti-tsa lo-i-ha

A-na l(M-lia

'Go-wa lo-i-ha

' Ko-wa lo-i-ha

' Ta-gu-na-lo-i-ka or ttviia-lo-i-ha

fli-na-lo-i-ha . . dc-gi-na-lo-i-ha

' Ti-gi-na-lo-i-ha de-ti-gi-no-lo-i-

Ge-gi-iia-k>-i-ha . dc-go-gi-no-lo-i-ha 1 _, . , . ,

. ^, . , . , , , . ... > riicy are tying hnn ana me.

' Kc-gi-na-lo-i-ha . dc-kc-gi-narlo-i-ha )

In these just al)ove, and in all that follow, the left hand form implies that the

persons tied are tied fot/ctlicr; the right hand form, that each is tied scpurnteli/.

> You two are tying him.

> Ye and I are tying him.

' > They and I are tying him.

• • • /

' > Ye arc tying him.

They arc tying him.

la . . 1
■i-ha . i

He is tying him and me.

Skina-w-i-ha .
0-gi-na-w i-ha

' To-gi-na-w-i-ha

Ski-na-w-i-ha .

Ski-ja-w-i-ha .

Go-gi-na-w-i-ha
' Ko-gi-narW-i-ha

Sto-ya-lo-i-ha .

Sta-lo-i-ha . .
' Ti-storlo-i-ha .

. de-ski-na-w-i-ha

. dc-o-gi-na-w-i-ha

or do-gi-norw-i-ha

. de-to-gi-na-w-i-ha

. dc-ski-na-w-i-ha

. de-ski-ya-w-i-ha

. do-gogi-na-w-i-ha .1

, , , . . , > They are tvmg him and me

. ' de-ko-gi-norW-i-ha . j

. de-sto-ya-lo-i-ha . I am tying you two.

. de-storlo-i-ha ..■)„.

,,.,,., > He IS tying you two.

. de-ti-storlo-i-ha . . ( J ^ j

Thou art tying him and me.

He is tying him and me.

Ye two arc tying him and mc.
Ye are tying him and me.

■ Sec note (2), p. 447. ' Sec note (3), p. 447.

' Go-wa-lo-i-ha implies tbat the person tied is the leading subject of discourse, and might be rendered :
he is being tied by them. Also, the next form.

M '

L A N (J U A (". E .

44»

Sto-yn-lo-i-lia

l-ts<)-ya-l()-i-Fiii

OL'-Htii-lo-i-lia .
' Ko-Hta-lo-i-lm .

I-gUrlu-i-lia . .
' Ti-j?iv-l(>-i-ha .

Oi'-ga-It>-i-lift .
' Ko-ga-l<)-i-lia .

Ski-ya-lo-i-hft .

0-gnrU>-i-lia
' Tt>-garlo-i-lia .

Ski-ya-lt)-i-lia .

Go-ga-Io-i-lia .
' Ko-ga-lo-i-lia .

I-tso-ya-loi-ha

I-t.s!irl(>-i-lia

• Ti-tsa-Io-i-ha .
I-tH(»-ya-l(>-i-lia
Gt'-tsa-l()-i-lia .

' Ke-tsa-lo-i-ha .
Ga-twi-ya-lo-i-lia

• Ka-tsa-lo-i-lia .
Go-lii-ynrlo-i-ha
Or Ki-ya-loi-lia

' Ge-ta-li>-i-ha .

Dc-ga-lo-i-ha .

' De-ka-lo-i-ha .

• Du-iia-lo-i-ha .
Ge-na-li>-i-lia .

' Ke-na-lo-i-ha .

Go-stiirlo-i-lia .
' Ko-stiV-lo-i-ha .

Gc-Htarlo-i-ha .
' Ke-sta-lo-i-ha .

Ge-darlo-i-ha .
' Ke-da-lo-i-ha .

Go-tsa-loi-ha .
' Ko-tsarlo-i-ha .

(lo-dlo-ya-lfvi-lia .

di'-(H(i-\ ;i-l(H-lia .

fif-go-sta-lo-i lia

dc-kf tta-lo-i-ha .

(le-ga-lo-i-lia

(|(-ti-ga-Io-i-Iia . .

di'-gi'-ga-l(Hi-lia

de-kc-garl()-i-lia

dc-Mki-ya-U)-i-lia .

do-t)-ga-l(>-i-lia .

de-t(>-ga-l()-i-lia . .

do-.ski-}iirU)-i-lia .

de-go-ga-lo-i-ha

de-ko-ga-l()-i-lia

dc-t.xo-ya-lo-i-lia .

di'-tsa-lo-i-lia . .

dc'-ti-t.Ha-lo-i-lia

di'-t.M<)-ya-l(>-i-ha .

de-g('-tsa-l()-i-Iia

ik'-kf-tt*a-lo-i-lia .

di'-ga-t.xi-yivlo-i-ha.

de-ka-tsa-lo-i-lia .

do-ge-lii-ya-li)-i-ha .

or du-ki-}'ivlo-i-Iia .

dc-ge-tarlo-i-ha

de-ga-lo-i-ha

de-ka-loi-ha .

dt'-dsi-na-l(>-i-lia

dc-gc-narlo-i-lia

de-kc-na-lo-i-lia

de-go-sta-lo-i-lia

de-ko-sta-lo-i-ha

do-ge-sta-lo-i-ha

dc-ke-sta-lo-i-ha

do-gc-da-lo-i-ha

de-ko-darlo-i-ha

de-go-tsarlo-i-ha

de-ko-tsarlo-i-ha

Ilf and I ari> tying yon two.
Tlicy and I art' tying you two.

> They arc tying you two.

> lie ia tyuig you (plural) and me.

> Tlii'y are tying you and inc.
Thou art tying tliom and nie.

> IIu is tying thorn and inc.

Yc (two or more) are tying tliem and me,

> They are t^ ing them and me.

I am tying you (more than two.)
^ lie is tying you.

We (two or more) are tying you.
• They are tying you.

> I am tying tiiem.
>Thou art tying them.

>IIe is tying them.

> Tliou and I are tying tnem.

> lie and I are tying them.

> Yc two are tying them.

> Ye and I are tying them.

> They and I arc tying them.

i.1

' See Doto (2) p. 447.

Pt. II. — 57

• See note (3) p. 447.

N 1

450

Ge-tso-loi-ha .
' Ke-tsa-lo-i-hii .
Da-na-lo-i-ha .
Go-wa-no-lo-I-ha
* ' Ko-wariio-lo-i-iia
Dc-darnarloi-ha

LANGUAGE.

de-ge-tsa-lo-i-ha
de-ke-tsorlo-i-lia
de-Orna-lo-i-ha . .
de-go-wa-n arlo-i-ha
de-ko-wa-narlo-i-ha
de-da-na-lo-i-ha .

Yft.

■ They are tying them.

Modifications by Prefixes.
The syllables ni, yi, wi, di, dropping or changing the vowel according to circum-
stances, or two or three of them together, may be prefixed to the verb, modifying its
meaning. And the verb thus modified is varied through numbers, persons, and tenses,
like the simple form.

. I am tying.

. I am in the mean time tying.

. If I be tying.

. I am not tying.

. I am tying on the other side.

. I am tying on this side.

Ga-w-i-ha . . .

Ni-ga-lo-i-ha . . .

Yi-ga-lo-i-ha . . .

Ka-yi-ga-lo-i-ha

Wi-ga-lo-i-ha . .

Di-gOrlo-i-ha . . .

Yi-ni-ga-lo-i-ha . .

Wi-ni-ga-lo-i-lia Combining the preceding These pivfixef

Yi-ni-di-ga-lo-i-ha precede the personal prefixes.

Yi-wi-ni-ga-lo-i-ha .
Modifications by changes in termination, may perhaps be termed "Conjugations."

Garlo-i-ha I am tying. •

Ga-lo-sti-ha I am tying with, (as a string, &c.)

Tsi-ya-lo-e-ha I am tying for him.

Ga-lo-le-ga-ha I am going to tie. I go and tie.

Garlo-li-hi-ha I am coming to tie. I come and tie.

Ga-lo-li-do-ha I go about tying, (in various places.)

Garlo-li-lo-a I tie (am tying) over and over again.

Ga-lo-i-si-ha I tie it anew.

Ga-lo-o-ho-ska I am completing the tying.

Each of tliese forms is conjugated regularly tlimngh number, person, mode and tense.

Pusaive Voire.

V-qua-lo-i-ha I am being tied.

E-tsa-lo-i-ha Thou art.

A-ga-lo-i-ha He is, &c.

Thus through number, person, mode and ten.se.

' See note (.'?), p. 448.

LANGUAGE.

4.51

Reciprocal Forms. {MUhlle Voice.)
[A-qufirSo] (myself) Gardarlo-i-ha I am tying myself.

De-narda-lo-i-ha Thou and I are tying each other, &c. &c.

The same form is used to denote the act of tying without specifying the object

Ga-da-lo-i-ha, I am tying [something or other.]

Imperative Mode.
Gttrlo-tsa or wi-ga-lo-tsa, let me tie ; ha-lo-tsa, tie [thou], &c. &c.
Ga-lo-lo-ha, let me tie; ha-lo-lo-ha, tie [thou] [at some future time.]

Subjunctive Mode.

Most of the indicative forms, perhaps all, except those ending in e-sti, become
subjunctive by prefixing yi [with variations] and throwing back the principal accent.
Those in e-sti by throwing back the accent simply.

Ga-lo-i-ha, I tie; yi-garlo-i-ha, if I tie.

Garlo-i-he-sti, I shall be tying.

Ga-lo-i-he-sti, If, or when I shall tie.

Potential Mode.
Yi-ga-lo-tsa, I can tie.

Go-quarlo-sti, I can tie. A shade of diflerence in meaning.

Another Mode — A-qua-lo-sti. I am to tie — It belongs to me to tie.

Verb with Relative Pronoun.

The syllable tsi, [modified by circumstances,] is prefixed to verbs in the indicative
mode, with the power of a relative pronoun.

Ga-lo-i-ha, I am tying ; a-yo, I ; tsi-ga-lo-i-ha, who am tying.

Verbal Nbnns.

The Agent. Ga-lo-i-hi, I a tier; giirlo-i-hi, a tier; u-lo-lo-hi, one who has tied, &c.
The Object. Ka-lo-lo-hi, what has been tied.

Ga-lo-lo-hi, what I have tied.

Ga-lo-i-to, a tied thing, &c. &c.
The Instrument. Givlo-sto-di, something to tie with.
The Act. Ga-lo-i-ho-i, my tying.

A-qua-lo-lo-i, my having tied, &c. &c.

Adjective Verb.
A-qua-lo-thi-sa-ta, I am apt to tie.

" « " " " to-i, « " « " " [on such or such occasion.]
" « « " " to-gi, I was apt to tie.
" " " " " te-sti, I shall be apt to tie.

462

LANGUAGE.

Infinitive Mode.

A-qunrlo-sti-yi, nie to tio, for example.
A-quo-lo-sti-j i, utiili, he wants me to tie it.

I think there is an infinitive which lacks numbers and persons, but it is seldom
used, and I cannot now recall it.

323. (1.) Not exactly so. But see on. (2.) No such variations in tkrmixation.
But see. (3.) Yes. But some adjectives have personal prefixes, like those of ver1}s,
and WITH those prefixes can only be applied to persons ; or, in the third person, to
animals, exclusive of insects, &c. A few plurals distinguish objects of a solid form
from those of a difierent shape.

0-sto, good.

Go-sto, I [am] good.

Ho-sto, thou good.

PI. A-no-sto, good, [persons, animals, or things of a sound or solid shiijic.]

PI. Tso sto, good [things of other than solid shape]. (4.) No. (5.) By U-tli, more,
followed, in the comparative degree, by e-ska, than. When e-ska is wanting, the
superlative is understood. (G.) See (5.) No want of precision. (7.) No. (8.) Yes.

324. (2.) No relative. That relation is expressed by an iuHection of the verb.
Two personal pronouns, A-j-o, first person, all numbers, and ni-hi, second person, all

numbers. They partake of a demonstrative signification, being used only or chiefiy
when emphatic ; and in the third person only the demonstrative is used.

Two demonstrative, Ili-a, this or these, Nii-ski-or, simply na, that or those.

Also possessive and interrogative pronouns.

(8.) No. (4.) No distinction of number. These answers, except as to gender, do
not relate to pronominal prefixes.

(5.) Only in pronominal prefixes.

(6.) I do not understand this question. In our addresses to the Deity we never
have occasion to include him with ourselves in the first person. If we say " we," of
course we mean " we who are addressing Thee," and as He is not included among those
who address Ilim, or those on whose behalf He is addressed, conseipiently the ejcchtsicc
form must always be used.'

325. (1.) No variations for tense. The pronouns signifj ing self may be considered
as one pronoun with all numbers and persons, distinguished by varying initial syllables.
The possessive pronouns vary to denote the number and person of the possessor, and
the numlier, and, to some extent, the person of the object possessed. A(pia-tse-li, it
mine, Di-quartse-li, they mine, Tsi-ya-tse-li, he mine, U-tse-li, his, [one thing], Tsu-
tse-H, his [things], Go-ya-tse-li, thou mine, &c.

' Tliis is not so in the .\lgonquin. Sec p. 400.

llh

LAN (J 'JAGE.

453

Pronominal syllablcH of \tnbB, &c., both subject and ob^ ot are i)ix'fixed, ntctr
niijjijceil.

32G. No. The relations expressed by them in other hvnguagos arc expressed, in
Cherokee, by the significancy of the vcrl), inflections of the verb, the use of separate
verbs, adverbs, &c. In the water is expressed, in some cases, by a change in the
termination of the noun. A-ma', water, A-nio-hi, in the water. By the rock, near the
rock, Na-ii, adverb. On the tree by the verb in connexion : e. g., U-ki la, he is
perched, he stands up on something ; then add the word tree, and the sense is clearly
expressed. In translating from another language, however, especially scripture, the
want of prepositions is an inconvenience.

327. Besides other adverbs, all such adjectives as in English would l)e formed into
.adverbs by adding ly are used also as adverbs in Cherokee; i. e., tiiey qualily verbs as
Avell as nouns. (3.) No such difference. In " stand up" and " lie down," up and down
are implied in the meaning of the verb. " Tliere" is expressed by a separate adverb.
(4.) V-v is yes, and Tla-v-tla, Tla-kno, V-tlarkno, each is no. Tla is no, and the
other syllables, at least v, add emphasis.

328. No article. Supplied by the demonstrative pronoun when necessary.

329. I know not but conjunctions are nearly as immerous as in English. Ami, a-lo
and hno, the latter of which is used only as a suffix, like the Latin que. Nvr, tld a-lo
and not. NelUwr, nor, would be tla-a-le tla, not and not. But, a-se-hno, a-se-ski-ni,
Urti-na, and others. The phrase ''chronological conjunctions" I do not understand.'

330. I have not noticed any particular redundancy in exclamations, nor any thing
transitive, or much that is anomalous in their character. Some few are peculiar to
women. No difference in "lo" from the object referred to.

331. There is a verb of existence. It is used to denote simple existence, or place
of existence, but never miKle of existence, character, &c. We say, U-ne-la-n^-hi K-iiA,
there is a God, or U-nc-la-no-hi go-lo-la-di E-iiA, God dwells iu heaven. But if we
would say God is this, or that, or such, we cannot use the same verb.

There is also an impersonal verb, i-gi, used in some cases, signifying (V i« — used
only in the present tense; another, also impersonal, verb, used in the past tense,
ge-srt-gi, it ivas [so or so], and future, ge-se-«ti, it tcUl he [so or so]. That used in the
present, and that used in the past and future tenses, seem to be of different roots.

Of the radi.v \KV I know nothing.

A Cherokee says, / am ski; in a single verb — a-gi-tlo-ga; / am nrll, simply an

' In tlio Algnmiuin, ap pk is a oonjimolinn of time.

454

LANGUAGE.

ailji'ctive — do-hi, lidding the pmnoun I, if nccofsary — do-hi a-yo, "ny// /" — am Ijoiiig
implied. Iain ylatl, is, I ri'joicc, in one word; or I feel well, verb and adverb. I am
norry — I feel badly. I use the word feel, here, to denote internal emotions, not
sensation.

332. Tsi-sa-la-di-ha, I lift him ; ^-gi-sd-lardi-ha, I am lifted ; a-gi-sarlo-di-ha, he lifts me.
Tsi-ya-l(vi-ha (tsi-yo-ni-lo-i-ha), I tie him ; a-quiirlo-i-ha, he ties me ; {Mpia-lp-i-ha, I

am tied; a-ga-lo-i-ha (a-go-ni-ha), he is tied.

Tsi-yivni-ha, I strike him ; tW£uo-ui-ha, he strikes me ; {(-(juc^vni-lia, I am struck.

333. No.

334. No. — There are several verbs, such as give, bring, &c., which denote the form
of the object given, &c., such as animal, round (including all things in Avhich length,
breadth, and thickness approximate to equality), long, flexible, liquid. E. g., wc-sa
e-ski-ka-si, give me the cat ; np-ya e-sko-si, give me a stone ; ka-na-sta k-ski-di-si, give
me a rod ; a-knu-wo E-SKI-N9-SI, give me cloth, [this form is applied also to an animal,
iclicn dead,'] a-md E-SKi-NE-iifvsi, give me water.

335. I cannot think of any such.

33G. Yo-no e-ha, n bear exists; tsi-yo-no, I am a bear.

So-qui-li e-ha, a horse exists ; tsi-so-fjui-li, I am a horse.

U-no-la-no-hi e-ha, a God exists.

U-ne-larnr)-hi na-ski, a God [is] he.

A-qua-ne-la-no-hi a-yo, a God [am] I. — The name of God is a verbal noun, and
therefore cannot be changed into a verb by verbal prefix, having that already. In
saying, / am a Gud, we use no verb, but change the name from third to first i^erson,
and add the pronoun /. He k a Owl, add the demonstrative pronoun na-ski.

337. Nothing of all this in Cherokee, unless what I have noted under 334 be
analogous to it.

338. None.

339. " The verb agrees with its subject nomiiiiitlvc in number and person," in
Cherokee AS ix Exgllsii. For in p]nglish walks is singular, and walk in the third
person is plural, if properly considered as elements of agreement.

341. No.

342. A very few interjections.

The word o-gi-lo, my sister, denotes the mutual relation of sisters to each other,
and can of course be used by women only ; and v-gi-ni-li, my elder brother ; v-gi-no-tli,
my yoimger brotlier, with their varied forms, denote the relation of brother to brother.

LANGUAGE.

4r,5

and so are used by men only ; while v-gi-do denotes the relation of brother and sistei",
and so in the mouth of a man means my sister, and in the mouth of a woman my
brotlier.

343. Genesis, Matthew, Luke, John, Acts of the Apostles, Thessalonians, Timothy,
and the Epistles of John and James, have been printed in Cherokee, with other small
portions of scripture. The Baptist Mission may perhaps have recently printed one or
two other whole books. In some of these, at least, I think a good degree of accuracy
has been attained. The epistles, especially some of Paul's, are by no means as easy
to translate as narrative.

We have endeavored to express the sense of the original in good Cherokee, rather
than to translate word for word, which indeed is an impossibility, though much may
Ije lost by attempting it.

Tiie Cherokee word lor maid does not of itself necessarily denote virginity, but
recpiires an adjective to (pialify it.

344. The language is well enough adapted to history, except the awkwardness
with which alone mtmy foreign names can be imitated.

I do not know that there was any thing in the language which could well be termed
poetry, previously to the translation and composition of Christian hymns. In these
there is no rhyme, but meastn-e only. Rhyme cannot be appreciated. But the
language is well adapted to lyric compositions ; and it is vastly easier to sing Cherokee
words so as tt) be understood, than English. In regard to most branches of litkuature,
as distinct from science, I suppose there would be no great difficulty. Many branches
of science would introduce many new terms, which would create a difficulty. Yet the
Cherokees have a pretty good knack at coining names out of the verbs of their own
language, making verbal nouns expressive of the use or of some i)rominent attribute
of the thing to be named. Names of things, too, may be borrowed from other
languages, though it is in fact done only to a very limited extent.

Our Father

Who art in heaven . . .

Hallowed

Thy name

Thy kingdom

Come [make its appearance]

Thy will

lie done [take place] . . .

[Here] on earth

Ah it is done

0-gi-do-<la.

garlo ^a-di-e-hi.

ga-lo-quodi-yu.

gc-se-sti.

de-tsa-<lo-v-i.

tsa-gowi-yu-hi-ge-so.

wi-ga-na-nu-gs-i.

hivda-n(vte-sko.

wi-ni-gi-li-sta.

Orhwi e-lo-hi.

niirski-va tsi-ni-ga-li-sti.

■i

456

LANGUAGE.

In heaven .
Our food
Daily . . .
Give to us .
This day .
Forgive us .
Our debts .
As wo forgive
Our debtors
And do not
Lead us into
Temptation .
But deliver us from
Evil

I ought not to have used hyphens,
more room than fairly belongs to it,

gnrlo-la-di.

o-garli-sta-yo-di.

ni-dardo-dflrqui-so.

ski-v-si.

go-hi-i-ga.

di-ge-ski-v-si-quo.

de-ski-dw-go-i.

narski-ya-tsi-di-ga-yo-tsi-nc-ho.

tso-tsi-du-gi.

a-le-tlc-sti.

Avi-di-ski-ya-di-no-sta-no.

u-diirle-na-sti-yi.

ski-y-da-lc-gi-skc-sti-quo-shi-ni.

w-yo-ge-so-i.

as it makes the Cherokee seem to take much
In printing in the Cherokee character, the
Cherokee occupies much less space than the English in type of the same size ; but if
we used the Roman character, it would occupy much more, on account of its poly-
syllabic character. I doubt whether two dozen monasyllablcs can be found in the
language.

345. (1.) Not very. (2.) See 344. (3.) There are no labials except m, a d that
apjiears to be modern, w having been formerly used instead. The sound of j and of
ch, are not expressed ; as or ts instead. R is not used by the majority of Cherokees,
though a rolling r seems to have been the original sound instead of 1. Those who use
r do not use 1, except as dialects are confounded. V is not used, nor z ; w and s
instead. The number of consonant sounds is not great.

346. See 310. I cannot see ground in the Cherokee language for the suspicion
expressed in 346.

VOCABULARIES

Pt. 11. — 58

(457)

458

LANGUAGE.

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LANGUAGE.

459

460

LANGUAGE.

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LANGUAGE.

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LANGUAGE.

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LANOUAGE.

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464

LANGUAGE.

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LANGUAGE.

46,1

c o i«

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Pr. II. — 5U

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466

LANGUAGE.

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NOTES TO VOCABULARIES.

COSTANOS.

TiiK tril)o» (if Iiulians upon tin; Hay of San FranriHcn, and wlio wore, after its cslaMisIiiiioiif, iiiulcr tlic
suptTvisiou of the mission of Dolores, were live iu iiuiiibor: tlie .'l!t-w(ish-tc.i, Ol-hotifs, (ealloil, in lr<iianisli,
Costaiios, or Indians of tlio Oojist,) Al-tnh-mns, Ro-mi>-nnns, and Tu-lo-mns. There wore, in acklition to tliesc,
n few small tribes, but all upon the laud extending from the entrance to the head of San Francisco Uav, spoke
the same language.

At the time of the establi.Oiment of the mission these tribes were quite numerous.

The information contained in this was obtained from an aged Iinliati at the mission of Dolores, named Pedro
Alcantara, lie is a native of the Ilomonan tribe, and was a boy when the mission was founded ; which, according
to llumbolt, was in 1770. The language of these Indians appears to be entirely irregular, and governed by no
rules or analogies.

' Tliey had no name for any of these, knew nothing of their origin, nor had they any tradition in regard to it.
They knew only they were born, and that they would die.

* The sliin, or lower part of the kg. " All the bones of the foot arc thus named.

* Knife made of stone.

' A sort of raft made of " tule," cr rush ; the only boats used by these Indians.

^ The only clothing worn by these tribes was the breceh-clout ; usually made of rabbit or niuskrat skins.

' The " large stars," or planets ; the small and nebulous stars were called 5Iooch-mooch-miss.

* Ijiterally, sun-set. ° For the seasons there were no names. '" Shc-ka — Dust.
' AH the metals were called by the name of K-rcck — Stone. " Had none.

" These Inrlians knew nothing of agriculture, but subsisted by hunting and fishing.

'* Hiead made of acorns.

'■' The establishment of tlio mi.^sions, in which these Indians havo been taught the Spanish language, is
sufficient reason why the names of animals introduced by the missionaries should be only known by the Indians
iu Spanish.

CUSIINA.

This language was obtained, in general, from the tribe " Cush-na," on the mountains of the So\ith Yuba. It
is, however, common to most of the tribes inhabiting the upper portion of the Sacramento ^' alley.

I have found great difficulty in getting at the true meaning of many of the words. For instance, in sjieaking
of the arm — they call it "yim" o. mus-e-wah — it is difficult to ascertain whether they mean the whole arm by
one of the terms ; if so, which term, or whether they mean the upper or lower part of the arm : so with the leg,
fingers, &e I have never foimd an interpreter who understood much more than enough of their language to
trade with them or do common business with them. I have found several who professed to understand the
language, but none who really did. I have therefore had to obtain this language as I best could, and of course
expect some of it is imperfect. I havo some blanks, and shall endeavor to corrixt any errors iu this as rapidly
as possible.

W, », 'i f\

LANGUAGE.

J07

WORDS AND S i: N T E N C E S.

Kycwinkcrs "Bok bok"

Eyebrow Wis con

Jiittlc boy IIu c no

To sweat Loop kit

Forcbcad Tchim

Elbow "Puc eus CU3"

Belly "Cur do"

Shawl L;iu CO

Smoke "Shook"

Stone-coal "Cot"

Wild onion "Wob ro"

Pine seed "Ton c"

Peppermint "'Ilcsh ah"

Lean "Do lah"

Kaecoon "Och"

Mouse "() oss;iy"

Stiuk "Toe taw"

To sleep "Au co"

Expressions of surprise or astonishment

To labor, travel, or any effort or exertion

Pood Sum mack

To gamble "Hali"

Dead "BIulu"

To cut "Ho na'

To shoot

f " Darco,'
I " Niir wa

or
r wa bah"

This lied dam

This place lied da da

Where Ilab mode

What is it lies hah

What do you say Ha zem

Give Wa ma

Give it to me, or hand it to me ... To po

Take it :Mip

Come hero O lop pa

To buy IVe.alde

Lazy Huek i

Dirt Pitch c

" Ah mo ' ' and '
"Towb hal"

Solam en]

pain

The following must be words of rooont formation, as thoy (•ould not have known any thing about Iho ailiolo?
to which thoy are applied until recently.

Coat Capot4i

(iun Co pattii

Powder Pul pul

Candle Man to ka

Hoards Top la

ISuekot Su wat le

lieads Hoito

Paper Pap pile

Vest Cliar lac co

Shirt Cam o sa

Hat Sonilioi

Saw Har so

Ox horu Mo

N U M D K U S .

Tiiis is the extent to which many of the tribes can count. After this they count by teii.s. If they wi.sli to
count lifty, they count five tens; if one hui-.difd, ten tens, &c.

One Wic tcm

Two Pan im

Three Sap u im

Four Tchu im

Five Mark um

Six Tum bum

Seven Tap u ini

Eiglit Pont chiin

Nine Pol lom

Ten Matcli im

PUOPER NAMES OF A FEW INDIVIDUALS OP TUB T lU It K "C II SUN A."

Ma hi CO Gsh da In aces

Coo die pe

Colin, thc'r chief
Cam mu la

Hock la

Put sha

Pan tu

She col

Mou ac no
Com o liii

ll*

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508

LANGUAGE.

Wo mo te Wis o ma Lu wassio Mat tuck

Sar rap pa Horn pella Whco lock On em po lo

Yap pa Penne wato Draper Oo can no

Mo a wa i Ca bote lum Ya cbu no Will yo

Sbcn do
' In none of the tribes of the Sacramento have I found a single individual who seems to bavc the least idea
of cither God, angel, or Devil.

' Know nothing about it; do not scalp their slain.

' Penis, "Tche km;" Testicles, "Su-ig," or "Su wig;" Female's penis, "Pus scy;" the act of connexion,
"In week ;" Female's Breast or Teats, " Min ney."

* To sit down. ' Know nothing about it.

* Nothing known of these things in the Indian language.

' The females alone wear them. Tlie males are entirely naked, unless where foreigners have con)e around
tbera and given them old shirts, &e.

' The whole of the stars, " I'u eu li les ta."

° In some tribes "Shu," others ".Shushu," and others Coyote.

'° Had neither hog nor horse in California before the establishment of the missions.

" No cows, but milk is " Lee chce."

NoTK. — The vocabularies of the various groups of tribes in the United States are in an adv.anced state jf
preparation; and their publication will be resumed in succeeding volumes, and continued until they are
complete.

t"'

y ! i>

X. STATE O:^ INDIAN ART. A.

609 1

(If

:^'

SYNOPSIS.

I. Ancient Art. (Vide Antiquities, vol. I, p. 70.
ir. MoJern Art.

a. Existing Handicraft Skill.

1. Pipe Sculpture.

2. Ornamented Pipe-stems.
8. Canoes of Bark.

4. War-clubs and Hatchets.

T). Cradle.

C. Musical Instruments.

7. Various Domestic Arts.

8. Apccun.

9. Muskrat Spear.

10. Dressiiig Skins.

11. Forest Embroidered Sheaths and Cases.

12. Wooden Implements: Ball Sticks.

r ♦ :

(610)

II. MODERN ART.

a. EXISTING HANDICRAFT SKILL.

1. Pipe Sculpture.

AiiT, ill the Iiuliivn mind, .appears to have had its germ in the peculiar species of
sculpture which is evinced in the stone carvings of their ancient smoking pipes. The
ancient forms of these arc shown, by the disclosures of their graves and altar-mounds in
the West, to have been very elaborate. The specimens figured by Mr. S<piier from the
Scioto Valley, evince a very close observ.ation of the peculiar and distinguishing
traits of various species of carnivorous birds, quadrupeds, and reptiles. The imitative
l\iculty appears to be very strong in the Indian, in all periods of his histor}-, and has
been brought out with much skill, in connexion with this verj- striking habit. Wc
observe a similar, but not, in this instance, a superior degree of skill, to have existed
among the Toltecs, Aztecs, and native Peruvians. Their ardor seems to have been
(IrMwn oft", in n measure, from the pine-sculpture, to pottery, architecture, picture-
writing, and perhaps pure hirroglyphics, while the United States tril)es continued
to devote their highest skill to pipe-sculpture.

M\. Jiwbank' 1k\s o[,;'ued tlif discussion of the existence of ancient art on this
continent, in a manner tha' curries us backward to the earliest traces of mechanical
skill in the human fiimily ; at the same time we are led to perceive from his investi-
gations, how scanty and inadequate our materials are upon the subject. The distaft'
is apparently of the same early age as the potters' wheel, the art of cutting gems by
whirling disks of stone, and the reed blow-pipe, without the last of which, it is
impossible to conceive of the art of soldering, or any branch of antique metallurgy.
These three processes are, manifestly, antediluvian arts, being directly or indirectly

Patont Oniee .^opnrt for ISSO. Wnsliington 1851.

(511)

512

STATE OF INDIAN ART.

mentioned in Genesis, and tliej would be reproduced, at the earliest periods, among
the Noachian arts.

We expect to illustrate, in the progress of this work, the manner in which the
Moquis and Navahoos form the thread for their processes of weaving, and to detail
the arts which are employed by the females of our barbaric western and northern
tribes, in making their pecidiar fabrics.

We have figured in the preceding volume several antiquities, collected from a wide
range of territory ; which denote, at the same time, the art of the natives in several
fabrics, and the existence of an extensive branch of exchange. First among these
fabrics in the ancient and modern i)eriod, is the art of Pipe Sculpture. For this
])urpo.se the westorn tribes employ various species of soft and fissile stones, such as
scrpontincs, steatites, gypsum, gritstone, &c. The red stratified mineral deposit, found
at the Cotcau des Prairie, and on the Ked-cedar fork of the Chippewa river, which is
pojiularly known as "pipe-stone," is extensively used by the Indians of the present
'la\ fur this purpose. This mineral has been analyzed by D''. Juckson. and called
r;i'i.iiiiie. Figures 1, 2, .3, 4, 5, G, 7, 8 and 0, Plate 09, exhibit various forms of this
i.rti' le. which have been observed among the Dixcotas. In Plato 70, Fijruros 1, 2, 3,
'.ve observe the same capacity of imitation in the tribes of California. No. I is,
liovtver, a group in wood, brought from that coast Ijy the United States Exploring
Espuditiou. Figures 4 and 5 are Cherokee, .Scuiinole, and 7 Chippewa.

2 . R N A M E N T F P I P K - S T E M S .

The Ii.diau pipe has a flat wooden stem, about three feet and a half 1« ng, which is
elaborately and t.astcfully ornamented with native pigments, dyed porcDine-quills,
birds' feathers, colored hair, or pendent feathers. Specimens of these are exhi))ited in
Phite 71, Nos. 1, 2, .3, 4. 5, 0, 7, 8. l), TO, 11. In figure G, which is a plain fiat stem,
the object is to excite wonder how the pitli of the wood sliould not interfere with the
quadrangular perforations. This is accomplished by tracing a waving channel on two
corresponding thin, flat pieces, Mhich are afterwards glued together, and the line of
junction concealed with paint. Sometimes, luvveve ', this stem is made from a single
piece, having a crool:od pitli.

No. 10 represents liie Ciiip])ewa and Dacota pipe-stem, ornamented with the scalp of
the male duck's ht;ad, and having five pendent feathers, with the quill ornamented
with thin split.-- worked with porcupine. This is called the peace pipe. No. 11 is the
simplest kim' of stem.

3 . Canoes of B a k is ,

Another oliject which has stimulated the ingenuity of tlu! norfiiern Indians, is bark
canoes. These are made from the rind of tiie l)etula jjapyracea. from wliich it is

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STATE OF INDIAN ART.

.113

ppclotl in liii'fiP rolls. Tlioso rolls niT brought to (ho jilnce wlicro tlio cjiiuic is to be
constnictt'd. A frame, which is called gabarie bv the Canadiaii Frem-h. is then
siispeniU'd hy four stout jKJsts. This indicates the inner form and length of the ve.-'.'<el.
Gunwales are then constructed of cedar wood, wliich sustain ribs of tlie same material,
that are arranged closely from its Iwws to its stern. (Fig. .'5, Plate 72.) The next
process is to sheathe the ribs with thin. Hat, luid ilexible pieces of cedar, placed
lon;.;itudinally. The sheathing of bark is then adjusted, and sewed together l)y means
of a S(pnire-bladed awl, and thread comjM>sed of the fd)rons r<M»ts ol" (he ci-dar. <'alleil
watab, which are soaked in hot water. The seams aiv then pitched with Ijoilcd and
l)repared gum, fmm the pitch pine, which is payed on wi(h a small swab. The Ijow
and s(<'rn, wliich are ri'curved, are usuidly decorated wi(h figuit's of animals, or o(her
jMctographic devices. This art of canoi>-building of bark is |K'culiar (o the Algoixpiins,
who evince skill and taste in the construction. There arc canoes of all lengths, from
a hunting «:an<.K' of two fathoms (12 feet), nuuiaged by (wo p-r.-'ons. to i\iv <<i not >h'
iiKiitiT, (he largest known («» the fiu' trade, which is ibirty-six leet long, and re(|uiivs
Iburteen paddles. The lightness of this vessel is one of its peculiar properties —
a canoe of the Ibnner kind Ix'ing ivadily carried by one pcr.-on.

Figures 1, 2, ;>, 4, Plate 72, exhibit this fabric in various |K)sitii>ns and conditions.
Fig. 5 exhibits (he ordinary wooden cau(X>, made I'roin an entire trunk, such as is
employed by the more southerly and wes(erly trilK's.

4. Wak-€i. UBS AND Hatchets.

The various six'cies of war-clubs used by the western trik's a( the ])resent time, are
depicted in Figures ], 2, 3, 4, "), 0, 7, S, Plate 73; and 1, 2, "), tl, 7, Plate 74. Figs.
3 and 4 exhibit the forms of two siwcies of hatchet.

5. Ckaole.

The construction of the Indian cradle is the subject of considerable care and
ingenuity. The olyeet is to .spread (he spine of (he child, while i( is tender, on a
stout flat surface, and enclose it with wraj)pings, to prevent hurt or accident in a
forest life, subject to ju'riK'tual danger. To do this, the child is deprived of all nu)ti()n.
It is lM)und down with a band, and its head protected by a wcKxlen hooi», Fig. 2,
Plate 15; and it thus learns its first lesson of that endurance inse[)arable IWmu the
hunter and warrior life. This subject has been mentioned under (he head of iMainiers
and Cus(oms, and is re-introduced here to exhibit the mode in which the skull is
distorted. Figures 3, 4, Plate 15.
Pt. II. — (35

614

STATE OF INDIAN ART.

6. Musical Instruments.

Plate 75 exhibits the various musical instruments of our western Indians. Nos.
1, 2, 3, depict the heavy and light drums used in war, religious ceremonies, and
amusements. The gourd-rattle, the she-slle-g^vun of the Alg(m(iuins, is shown in
Figs. 5, 6, 7, 8, the latter of which is distinguisheil as the turtle-shell rattle.' In
No. 7. the war-dance rattle is shown, which is mode by angidar pieces of deers' hoofs,
Busjiended to a stick.

The pib-lxj-gwun, or pipe, (8 and 9,) consists of semi-cylindrical pieces of ceihir,
glued together. Oflen they are further bound together by rings of i»ewtcr. The
Chippcwos frequently draw a snake's skin over the cedar tube. It is blown as a
flageolet, and has five, si.\, or seven key-holes.'

In keeping time in their songs and dances, a point in which the Indians are very
precise, a notched stick is sometimes drawn on a resisting medium, being supported by
a reversed pan (Fig. 11, Plate 75) or the shell of u gourd.

7. Various Domestic Arts.

In the adaptation of implements to the state of the forest-arts, the Indians
exhibit much ingenuity. Bone, horn, stone, and native cop[jer, which in the
ancient state of the tribes were relied on to give point and edge to implements
requiring hardness, have been suixTscded unifonnly among all the tribes on the
frontiers by the use of iron. Knives, siiears, axes, awls, needles, looking-glasses,
tweezers, and a variety of u.seful fabrics, are as well known to the trade, with even the
remotest tribes, as guns, traps, kettles, ilints, and guniwwder. The tendency of
opinion in the entire race, as a race, is to resist the introducticm of any £uro])ean arts
which require conformity with plans of civic labor. We now see some adaptations very
ingeniously made to facilitate the forest-arts, which were laboriously or clumsily
lierformed at the discovery of America. The currier's knife and block are not intro-
duced in dressing skins, but a species of adze (Figs. 6, 7, 8, Plate 7(5) is resorted to
for removing the liair. The ice-chisel (Fig. 11, idem) is a vast improvement for the
application of manual strength and efficiency on the native aisiikun, which it
supplants. Even the whip, where horses are possessed by the prairie tribes, is
modified to a lash adjusted to the Indian arm, as in Figs. 1, 2, 3, Plate 77.

' This rattle is fastened to the leg just below the knee. The motion of the dancer causes it to rattle.
' The Dacotas make this instrument from a single piece,

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z^OiSL

STATE OF INDIAN ART.

8. Apecun.

515

Horses, which are observed to be an element of civilization in all the tribes
where they are introduced, have not become so general in any of the more favoi-ed
bands as to relieve woman from her toils by the ancient apecun, or carrying strap.
This bodge of a degraded state, the test of barbarism, is still common among them,
particularly as respects the forest tribes. Fig. 10, Plate 76.

9. MusKRAT Spear.

(Figs. 1 and 2, Plate 76,) arc strong iron spears, used in the winter season for
spearing muskrats, (see Plate 5, Figs. 3, 4, 5, and 9,) varying somewhat from the fish-
spear used by the north-western tribes. Figs. 3 and 4 are used for spearing fish from
a canoe ; see Plate 8. Fig. 5 is a short spear used for spearing fish in winter through
a hole in the ice ; see Plate 6. Fig. 9 has a very slender spear, usually a fish-hook
etraightened out, attached to an arrow. This is fastened to the bow by a string. Boys
and young men shoot this arrow into the fish, through holes in the ice, or along the
shore, (see Plate 7,) and draw them in by means of the string attached to the bow.

10. Dressing Skins.

All the native arts depending on the dressed skins of the bison or deer, are
practised with a degree of ingenuity which demonstrates that woman, however long
she may have been parted from civilized society, and subjected to hardship and
degradation, retains many of the domestic arts, even in her lowest state, and is prone
to rise to her original dignity. She provides the hunter, who has determined her
condition in woods and forests, with many little conveniences which serve to reconcile
him to want and hardship, and do much to make amends to him for his dreary lot.

11. Forest Embroidered Sheaths and Gases.

His knife-sheath, (Figs. 4, 5, 6, Plate 77,) is ingeniously ornamented. His looking-
glass (Fig. 7) is imbedded in wood, and provided with a sheath, to carry it conve-
niently with his personal paraphernalia. His choice feather of honor is furnished with
a wooden case, (Fig. 9,) and his garments provided with fringes and beads, by the use
of a little hand-loom, (Fig. 8, idem,) which appears to be the unforgotten germ of the

JlG

STATE OF INDIAN ART.

weaver's art, in a former state of society. This contrivance is formed by the knife
from a solid piece of wood. It embraces a reed of eighteen strands, which i)ermits a
small shuttle to be passed between the warp and woof

12. Wooden Implements: Ball Sticks.

The ordinary domestic implements which are fabricated from wootl are depicted in
Figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, G, 7, Plate 78. Figs. 8 and 9 are instruments employed by youth
in playing a game on the snow which is supposed to represent the motions of the
serpent. Nos. 10 and 11 are ball sticks.

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XI. FUTURE PROSrECTS. A.

(517)

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

SYNOPSIS.

I. Importiinco of the Pastoral Stnte on Races of Men. By II. R. Schoolcraft.
II. Moiin!4 of Melioration. By John Johnston, Es(|.

III. Moral Questions relative to Practical Plans for Educating; and Civilizing the Aborigines.

By Rev. D. Lowry.

IV. Present Geographical Position, Number, and Means of the Iroquois. By W. P. Angel,

Esq.

'W^OMAA^^^^^^^^^WW^A^^^

1. IMPORTANCE OF THE PASTORAL STATE ON RACES

OF MEN.

The cotulitiun mid future prospects of the Indian tribes of tlie United States present
questions of tlie liij^hest moral interest to the government and jK-ople. In many
resjwcts the mon and his prosiK'cts are alike peculiar. The history of the world lias
not had its exact parallel.

Other races of hunter-men, brought into civilization, had an intermediate tyj)e,
namely, the pastoral, between the hunter and the civil state. The wildest Arab trilx's,
the nomades of Asia, had the camel, horse, cow, goat or sheep ; but our Indian trilios
had no dome.stic animals when the continent was discovered. They had formed no
manners resulting from such cares and discriminating duties ; and the ferocity of their
character was not in the least meliorated by this imp<jrtant class of rights and duties.
Nor, 80 far as tradition extends, does it appear to have been thus meliorated in the
remotest times gone by.

The Indian's golden age has ever been the age of hunting. To this period all the
reminiscences of the elders point as the age of aboriginal prosperity and smierlative
happiness.

Agriculture was recognised in the cultivation of limited fields of the zea maize ; but
this was not a reputable labor, and the supply of food relied on, from all sources, was
so essentially of sijontaneous growth, that it repressed the power of reproduction. At

(51»)

520

FUTURE rilOSPECTS.

any rate, a very sparse population spread over immense areas renowned for their
natural fertility and resources. There is reason to l)olieve that the native population
but little exceeded half a million on the same area that has now twenty-two millions
of the descendants of a European race. But the question of numbers has little to do
in ascertaining tiie great duties Iwfore us. It has been well said, in an official paper,
" These rennianls of the people who preceded us in the occupation of this country, and
Avho have yielded to our destiny and their own, although greatly reduced in their
numbers, have yet claims upon the United States which their citizens seem disposed
neither to deny or conceal. Differences of opinion exist concerning the extent and
nature of the aid which shall bo offered to them, and of the interference it is proper to
exert in their conduct and affairs : and it is not easy to foresee how these difhculties
arc to bo reconciled, nor to devise a plan which shall neither attempt too much nor too
little, but which shall preserve a practical medium between their habits and circum-
stances, and jjolitical state of improvement, of which we furnish them an example.
These difliculties are inherent in the subject itself Tiie situation of the Indians, and
the operation of the settlement and improvement of the country upcm them, are
without a parallel in the progiwss of human society."'

Within the last half century, and since our population has been freely poured into
the Mississippi V^alley, from the eastern banks of which, as a consequence, they have
1)een displaced, these difficulties have, in part, received a solution. Hunting, which,
before the discovery of America, was pursued as a means of manly and adventurous
annisement, while it su])plied them, essentially, fmid and raiment, has entirely failed in
relation to these jjortions of the ceded coiuitry. The wide areas which were required
to support an Indian in a state of nature, left the trilx^s with inuneiise surplus territories,
which, when game failed, were no longer valuable for hunting, and which they could
not, by any means, if ever so industrious, employ for agriculturc. The consequence was
the cession of these surplus and exhausted areas to the government for annuities, while
the tribes retained oidy enough arable land to answer the purposes of cultivation, or
retired into remoter regions, where the chase could still be followed. A contest of
races now ensued. The struggle between civilization and barbarism, which had existed,
from the first, eastward of the AUeghanies, was renewed on a wider field west. Habits
so utterly opposed as the lan'opean and the Indian, produced a condition of society full
of difficulties, and adverse to each. History is replete with such conflicts of manners
and opinions ; but the result, however protracted, is seen to be the saftie.

The higher type of race is sure ever to prevail, and the history of America has
disclosed no new fact on the subject. Labor, law, and arts, must triumph, and they
have triumphed in America as in Europe. This conclusion has been vindicated by the
settiement of the Mississippi Valley. The Indian tribes, quailing before the higher

' Doc. 117, House of Rep., 2d session, SOth Congress.

FUTURE PROSrECTS.

521

type of race, have separated themselves into two distinct classes, founded on the
adoption or neglect of the principles of labor and letters. Those who have embraced
labor have already been colonized, in large mosses, where the industrial arts and
freedom from conflicting laws could be most advantageously followed, and submitted
to the superior claims of civilization ; and they may be regarded as reclaimed tribes.
The uncolonized tribes are still nomadic, and pursue the business of hunting, with
little or no permanent advantage from the long years of civic precepts and examples
which have surrounded them. While, to every rational man who regards the wonderful
problem of their stubborn resistance to civilization, the only question, while this resist-
ance lasts, is one purely relative to the time of their destruction and extermination.
If the pastoral state could be introduced among the prairie tribes, and they could be
kept at peace, the best results might be anticipated. •*•

It must be evident that the policy which is appropriate to tlie hunter trilws, requires
modifications, when it comes to be applied to the industrial and partially educated and
reclaimed tribes, who have frames of government, and codes of laws, adapted to
nascent communities, to rely on.

Important questions, respecting their numbers, annuities, and the expenses of
managing Indian affairs, cost and sale of lands, &c., for a series of years, are exhibited
under the head of Statistics and Population in the present volume. Attention is
invited to these details, and particularly to the fact that out of upwards of eighty-five
millions of dollars awarded to them in treaties, since the organization of the present
constitution, but little over two millions has been retained and vested in public funds,
and this is exclusively the property of the colonized tribes.

Pt. II. — 06

2. MEANS OF AMELIORATION.

The follow 'ng letters were addressed by Mr. Johnston to the late Colonel Trimble,
United States Senator from the State of Ohio, — a gentleman of the most elevated
views and feelings, who felt a great interest in the condition and future prospects of the
Indian tribes, and who intended to use his official influence in pro^wsing some plan for
their improvement. For the purpose of the better learning their condition, he visited
the scenes of their principal residence, in the area of the Lakes, in the year 1821, and
extended his visit to the SauU, or Falls of St. Mary's, at the foot of Lake Superior.

The writer of the sketches had become intimately acquainted with their manners and
customs, condition, and languages, having allied himself to the daughter of one of their
most influential chiefs, and resided a great many years among them, at that remote
point. His knowledge of their condition was founded wholly on the basis of actual
observation and experience, and his judgment upon the points he brings into discussion
is unimpeachable. He does not take too severe a view of the evils of intoxication, as
existing at the actual points on the frontiers, where the civilized and savage state come
into immediate contact, nor of the evil tendencies of the Canadian and mixed blood
population, who are without the restraining influences of law and religion.

With all this advantage of observation, the remedy which he holds out, namely,
"missions and schools," recommends itself to the judgment of all judicious observers;
and the suggestion he makes of appealing to the jiopular election of chiefs, with the view
of setting up the framework of a native government, under the tutelage and protection
of Great Britain and the United States, denotes that he had contemplated the problem
of the deep evils and anarchy of the savage state and its remedy, with the eye of an
enlightened philanthropist. H. R. S.

Letter I.

St. Maiija Falls, Jan. 24, 1822.

Sib: — As you did me the honor of desiring I should write to you on the subject of
Indian amelioration, I sit down with pleasure to obey your commands, though not
without hesitation, from a sense of my inability to throw any new light on a subject
you have already so thoroughly investigated. From my long residence in this place,

FUTURK PROSPECT;

523

I have acquired some knowledge of Indian life and m,..iners, their habits and pro-
pensities, and their susceptibility to improvement and instruction. Within these
thirty years, there has been a great falling ofl' in the industry, integrity, and hospi-
tality of the Indians, which I impute chiefly to the facility with Avhich they procure
the means of intoxication. After spending four or five months in one continued scene
of the most brutal excess, they become so enervated as not to be able to pursue their
winter avocations of hunting and fishing, so that many of them die from disease and
want, and many more in the midst of their revels. And yet so inveterate is the
propensity, that neither the prosjjcct of starvation, nor the example of the numerous
deaths that take place every summer, can in the least deter them. So far from it,
they make the death of their friends an excuse for plunging deeper into crime. There-
fore I deem it impossible to reclaim them unless every species of spirituous liquor is
completely shut out from them, both by your goveruTnent and ours, and that so
ofTectually that no evasion can take place, iior no subterfuge screen the transgressors
of the law from infamy.

The late Earl of Selkirk put a istring of questions to nie, when in London in 1810,
nearly similar to those you did me the honor of making last September, and I
remember having answered his Lordship nearly in the same manner I am now doing.
But unfortunately for the cause of huma.ity, the interest of the then North-we.st
Company prevailed, and the measure was given up.

If now that the most friendly understanding has taken place between the British
government and that of the United States, they were jointly to enact laws to the
utter exclusion of spirituous liquors from these outskirts of their dominions, and unite
in establishing missions and .schools along a line that must ever remain in some degree
indefinite, from the nature of the country- and the impossibility of fixing the Indians
to any given spot on a territory they so naturally and justly think all their own, I
have the presumption to think it would redound to the interest and honor of both
nations, and would Ijc less than the dust in the balance compared to the expense of
disputing the right or even drawing the lines through a barren wilderness and inhos-
pitable clime.

The Indians, when young, are gay, sprightly, and acute, and are perfectly capable
of being instructed, and consequently improved; and their parents, whose natural
affections are now sometimes drowned in the stupor of brutifying excess, would soon
be taught to exult in the elevation of their offspring, from the misery and helplessness
of the savage state (as it now is) to that of civilized man.

But when once enlightened by the fiiintcst ray from the fountain of light, truth and
love, what would be their raptures in contemplating that happiness here, and the
assurance of its continuance and increase to all eternity?

The beaver and other furred animals are no longer so numerous in this country as
to furnish the Indians the necessaries of life ; but were they even partially to cultivate

624

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

the spots of land capable of it, habits of industrj' and frugality would, (when once
established,) ensure their continuance, from their good effects ; nor are they so stupid
as not to appreciate the comforts of life, when once instructed in the means of obtaining
them.

The Canadians and half-bloods all over the country are very numerous, and from
want of instruction are, if possible, more the slaves of sensuality than the Indians
themselves. In fact they know not what is meant by morality or religion, and from
the idea that they are good Catholics, would make the task of reforming thorn arduous
indeed, for the prejudices attendant on ignorance are ever the most difficult to be
conquered.

In case you follow up the truly judicious and humane plan you were so good as to
sketch to me last Autumn, I beg leave to offer every assistance in my jiowor, and as
the first object of a missionary must be the acquirement of the language, I can promise
for my wife and children, that they will cheerfully facilitate his efforts to the utmost
of their abilities.

I received from his excellency, Governor Cass, a printed list of queries respecting
the Indians, which I regret much not having yet been able to answer, owing to the
deplorable ill state of my eldest daughter's health, as on her perfect knowledge of the
language I must chiefly rely for correct information.

My family are deeply interested in your success, and join me in sincere good wishes
for your health and happiness, whilst I have the honor to remain,

Most respectfully.

Your very humble and obedient servant.

John Jounston.

Letter II.

St. Mary'8 Rilh, Feb. 3(/, 1822.

Sir : — The more I reflect on the present state of the Indian population of this
country, the more am I convinced, that as long as they remain in their present
uncivilized and insubordinate condition, it will be a M-ork of groat difficulty and labor
to excite any number of them to listen to the truths of the gospel, or become so far
stationary as to cultivate the soil to any substantial purpose or effect. I therefore
moat humbly submit to those who have the jiower and inclination to assist them, and
the information and knowledge requisite to legislate in an affair of such extreme
delicacy, and where the greatest prudence and precaution must be taken, not to appear
to infringe on their natural rights ; that a council should be held in the summer, when
the assembled tribe is the most numerous, and every means of persuasion employed
to induce them to freely elect a chief or civil magistrate, to whom the now nominal
chiefs would be subonlinate, and who, holding his power from the general suffrage,
could neither be opposed or displaced, but by the power of those by whom he was

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

525

nominated : that a few clear and explicit rules should he laid down for their civil
polity, in their new and emancipated state, and whenever their ancient manners or
customs are found to have a pure moral for their base, that they should be incorpo-
rated into the new code, as far as practicable, which Avould be a strong inducement
to their adoption of the constitution contemplated : the United States to confer honors
and rewards on the magistrate, as holding his rank and power under their guarantee
and protection, and according to his firmness and integrity in office ; also aiTording
him the means of rewarding the minor chiefs or head-men, according to merit.

Could this plan be even partially accomplished, we might look fonvard with hope
and confidence that finally the religion of truth, order, and peace, would be adopted,
and its promoters receive the sweet consolation of having, by Divine permission,
conferred the greatest gift that heaven has, as yet, bestowed on mortals, or that man
can grant his fellow-man — civil and religious liberty.

I trust this farther intrusion on your time and patience will find excuse in the
motive ; for, though the scheme should be considered as altogether Utopian, my ardent
wishes for the improvement and happiness of the Indians must ever be the same : and
my hoiie that, through the medium of religion and humanity, the bands of confidence
and friendship might be every day drawn closer between two nations so worthy of
taking the lead in every thing that is great and good.

I have the honor to remain your very humble and obedient ser^■ant,

John Jounston.

3. MORAL QUESTIONS RELATIVE TO PRACTICAL PLANS
FOR EDUCATING AND CIVILIZING THE ABORI-
GINES.

BY REV. D. LOWRT.

Winnebago School, Feb. 15//t, 1848.

Sir : — You have herewith a partial reply to ^-our call in July last for information
respecting the aborigines of our country. I shall continue my remarks on other
questions propounded as the claims of other duties will permit, and transmit them
from time to time.

I regret that this communication has been delayed so long, but my daily duties in
school, in connection with the labor of preparing to preach every Sabbath, covers
nearly the whole of my time.

Most respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

D. LowRT.

Indian Trade.

95. That our commerce with the Indian tribes has at least in some degree tended
to promote the cause of improvement, is unquestionable ; for through this medium
chiefly have they become acquainted with and attached to many of those articles
consumed by the whites as necessaries of life, which are at first to the Indian luxuries
which he is enabled with his surplus skins or money to purchase, and his attention is
readily drawn to the habits which procure those luxuries in abundance. And the
more of the articles of food, clothing, &c., consumed by the whites we can introduce
among the Indians, excepting of course those whose tendency is debasing, the more
readily can we convince them of the propriety and benefit of a corresponding change
in their habits.

That a well-regulated commerce has this effect cannot be doubted ; and though our
trade with them may and does throw obstacles in the way of Indian civilization in
some instances, yet these counteracting influences can be easily removed, and our
government is doing much at this moment to obliterate them.

The trade for the skins and furs is very simple in its operation. The Indian takes

(526)

ii H. T JJ. |i| lg"^^ g(

FUTURE rilOSPECTS.

527

hin pack after returninf; from a hunt to the trader with whom he is accustomed to
deal, and is paid for them in goods or credited on account, if he sliould owe a debt to
his trader, at their value in the fur-market, less say fifteen per cent., the expense of
taking them to the market.

As a general thing, the only criterion of the present value of furs is the latest
intelligence he may have received of a sale in London, where furs are offered for sale
on a certain day in each month, or jierhaps not so often ; for the value of furs is
seldom affected except on one or two articles, by the consumption in this country.
The markets of New York, Philadelphia, &c., can be supplied by the skin-traders in
the Eastern States, so that the Indian trader has to depend upon selling his furs for
the most part in London ; and there the sale of skins is controlled by a monopoly, so
that the business is at l)est a precarious one.

One year the trader who has a large amoinit of furs ma}' realize ton thousand dollars
beyond his expectation, and the next year lose that amount, according as their value
may have in the spring, when he gets them to market, advanced beyond or depreciated
below the rates indicated by the sales in the fall previous.

The principal trading-posts with the Winnebagoes are near their sub-agency on the
neutral ground. As to the chances of profit or loss, judging from the number who
enter and leave the trade every year, we may f\iirly infer that it is not of late years
as profitable as it may have been formerly. This change has been brought about by a
variety of causes, but they are chiefly to be found in the confirmed habits of drinking
among the Indians, in consequence of which they do not pursue their hunts with their
former industry, and are less scrupulous about paying their debts. The whiskey-dealer
on the line reaps a rich harvest from their improvidence and dissipation; but the
licenced trade in the interior of their country is far less profitable than formerly.

96. The Indians are shrewd close traders, so far as a comparison of prices is
concerned. For instance, they will dispute about the price of an article, while at the
same time they will purchase five times as much as they can make use of, or need.
They would be generally honest and prompt in paying their debts but for the excesses
they are tempted to run into by their wasteful and intemperate habits, and a too
numerous competition in the trade. An Indian gets a credit of hi.s trader, and goes
to his hunt or field, and at his return to the agency, especially about the time of the
annuity payments, he meets some ten or twenty now traders, all flattering the
Indian, and giving him unlimited amounts of credit. The Indian know s that these
men do not intend to remain (at any rate a large majority of them) during the year,
takes the goods that ai'e so temptingly and urgently offered him on credit, often to a
much larger amount than that of their hunts and annuities combined, and conse-
quently must cheat. Some of his creditors, and it is almost uniformly those upon
whom he expects to draw for favors in future, may be paid, and the new trade is

528

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

neglected. This state of things renders the trade so precarious, that the Indians
themselves are often the sufferers, being unable to get trusted for supplies when they
are in times of the greatest need.

The Indians waste their skins and money, when they liave them in their possession,
buying articles that are useless or worse, until they are all gone, and are often, two
days after an annuity-payment, as entirely destitute of the means of living through
the year as they were previous to the payment.

A prudent trader, even when he is certain of meeting no obstacle in collecting, will
not credit an Indian for an article which he haa reason to believe will be of no service
to him or that he does not need. A whiskey-trader on the line never trusts an Indian
for a pint of whiskey, and licensed traders in their country do not trust them for
trinkets or wampum, unless for some extraordinary or ceremonial occasion.

In view of the above facts, it is inferred that a system of trade that would protect a
sufficient amount of trading-capital for the district to secure to the Indians a
certainty of assistance in time of want, at a fair profit, would be most beneficial.

The Indian trade, it may be urged, will, like any other, correct its own evils. It
will do so, so far as the traders are concerned, but without reference to the good of the
Indians. The trade will be reduced to a cash one entirely, and the Indians, tempted
by the cheapness of goods resulting from a numerous comi)etition and urged by their
o\<nfi notorious improvidence, will squander their money for ornaments or whiskey, and
suffer for the remainder of the year. The traders withdraw their capital into other
branches of business, until another annuity-payment rolls round, or if one or two
remain with the Indians, they are deterred from assisting them in time of want ; and
the consequence is that many of them beg, starve, and steal, through the winter.

The Indian trade, it is true, is less expensive and more safe, carried on in this way,
than any other ; but is far less beneficial to the Indians than it might be rendered.

98. The trader who lives permanently near the Indians is taxed heavily for objects
of charity. When an Indian dies, who has dealt principally at his house, he is
expected to furnish a shroud, and often the goods or a portion of them for the funeral
ceremony.

100. The different races of animals, of course, are diminished by the hunter. In
the Winnebago country, the beaver is found nearer civilized habitations than the
buffalo, though they are not far apart, and it is believed that this is the case
elsewhere.

101. Indian lands, when stripped of their furs, are of course of little value to the
Indians so long as they remain in the savage state ; but in connexion with this subject
arises the question as to their ultimate destruction — for it is evident that in a few

B ■>

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

629

years they will exhaust the country of game, and in less than ten years there will not
ramain unoccupied country between the two oc i sufficient to subsist our present
Indian population ; and they must before that time adopt the habits of the civilized man
or perish. It is, of course, too late now to correct the error, if one has been committed
by our government, inasmuch as the Indians are all now moved west of the Mississippi
river, and will soon meet the tide rolling eastward from the Pacific.

That oftrrepeated and gloomy prophecy, that they are a doomed people, will be
fulfilled, or they must be civilized. Then do we not hasten their supposed destiny by
driving them from the heart of civilization, and keeping them upon the frontier.
The philanthropist and missionary find, in this system of continually changing the
location of the Indians from year to year as our frontier advances westward, obstacles
insurmountable to human efforts.

The temptation to the Indian, even if he should have made some progress in
improvement, and been "almost pcrattaded" to be a civilized man, af*er his old location
had failed to afford him subsistence by the chase — at his new home universally
abandons his semi-formed habits, and yields to the temptation offered by a fresh
hunting-country to return to a hunter's life. And the missionary or agent of the
government not only loses the assistance given him in his benevolent and arduous
task, by the example of that good order which reigns in the older settlements,
resulting from the operation of wholesome laws, but the dark mind of his pupil is
brought in contact with, and under the mighty influence of all the vice and depravity
of that filthy scum of civilization which everywhere floats upon its border. Dis.
heartening and hopeless is his task, so long as we keep the Indians moving — place
them beyond this influence as far as we will, and like hungry wolves upon the path
of the wearied fawn, it will follow them up.

In keeping the Indians continually in a new country, we do but perpetuate their
savage habits and hasten their doom, by rendering them an easy prey to the avarice
and cupidity of a pack of rapacious wolves, who, unfit to live in orderly
communities, and outcasts from every society where law is known, hover upon the
Indian line.

Facts are believed to be the most reliable arguments on this point, and they exhibit
to us examples of the best farmers in the State of New York, among the Indian tribes
Avho have been suffered to remain at their old homes, while the corrupting, and to the
red man especially, destructive vices of the frontier floated out beyond them; and
uniformly, where the efforts to civilize Indians have been successful, they have been
surrounded and aided by the influence and example of Bible and law observing
communities.

Habits rooted for centuries, and environed by that iron wall of darkness and
superstition, cannot be changed, except by necessity. Mere instruction or argument
will never demolish it. Necessity must do it. Keep the Indians then on their old
Pt. II.— 67

580

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

worn-out liiinting-groundH — surround them by scttlemontH, and wo fumiHii pliiliin-
thmpy with this great lever: the savage hunter is forced to become a tiller of the soil,
and the Avay is opened to the introduction of the arts and sciences. The benign
influences of Christianity are brought to bear upon him, and the superstitious savage
becomes an enlightened man and a Christian.

But, as remarked above, the Indians who still retain their wild habits, are oil
removed west of the Mississippi, and all that remains for our government to do, is now
being done. The withering influence that keeps pace with the border line, nnint Ixi
counteracted and restrained hy the presence of energetic laws.

That foe to which the Indian so soon capitulates, must be conquered and driven
from their country, and the red man's doom may yet be averted, and he take a
position with intelligent beings, assigned by heaven.

104. The moral and physical evils resulting from the trade with the Indians, which
is sanctioned by our present laws, have been referred to in the answer to (95.) The
evils of the whiskey trade are notorious, and are incalculable. Every other obstacU^ to
Indian improvement is in some manner connected with this one, and it is indec d the
most potent and effectual instrument of woe and destruction that diabolical ingenuity
could invent. The physical evils flowing from the licensed trade, as it has been
permitted heretofore, are to be found, for the most part, in the suffering and want
produced by the encouragement which it gives to the prodigality and improvidence of
the savage, who, not able to spend his money when he is in need, is tempted to
squander the whole of it within twenty-four hours afler its reception upon toys and
useless trinkets. The risk is too great for the trader to trust hii.i for goods or provi-
sions when he needs them, and he and his family must starve or steal, while he has
ample means coming to him from the government, if they could be judiciously antici-
pated by him, to subsist and clothe them comfortably through the year. And to this
cause — want — may be referred a large majority of the depredations upon the stock
of the frontier farms, of which complaints are every year made to the government.

It is believed that the introduction of gunpowder and fire-arms among the Indiana
has produced the same result that it has been found to produce upon civilized warfare,
rendering it less frequent and bloody.

It is not known that any definite influence upon their civilization can be traced to
its introduction.

" Finally, can this trade be placed upon better principles, and what are they ?"

It may appear presumptuous to suggest an entire change in the laws which have
been adopted for the government of the Indian trade. But the errors which have
crept into those laws are such os time and experience alone could point out, and it is
impossible for the Avisest legislation to foresee the effects that may result among a
people so little understood from a law good in its operation upon society elsewhere.

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

It is intended, no doubt, in posting laws for the protection ol" th nornnt sfl^ itfc,
and for the regulation of our Indian trade and intercourse, to e.\t • all iiiiHgi.|H»r
persons from any connexion with tiio Indians; and that the iieraous cnrrving <»»« the
trade, as well as the manner in which it is conducted, should, so far as practicable, be
rendered auxiliary to the cause of civilization and moral improvement. The errors in
the present system have been attended to above, and it has been shown that it fails to
render that assistance to the Indians which might be rendered.

To suffer the Indians to anticipate their annuities upon the national (tribal) credit,
without any check upon either the trader or the Indians, has been found to oik'u wide
the door to fraud and corruption, and it has been very properly prohibited by law.

The Indians, having no accountant themselves, may Ix) imjxised upon as to the
amount of their debt ; and even if the chiefs were aware of the fraud, they may lie
induced in many instances to become parties in the imposition upon their own people.
Though the Indians were by this system often enabled to supply their wants in
anticipation of their coming annuities, and thus have less money to spend for whiskey,
the system was a bad one, and it needed correction.

The alternative mlopted has been to distribute the annuity pro rata to individuals
or families, paying no regard to any debts that may have been incurred or obligations
entered into by the chiefs of the tribe ; and it is confidently believed that this system
may be so modified as to make the annuities from the government comfortably clothe
and feed the Indians through the year, and render them as efficient an instrument of
happiness and improvement as the misuse now made of them is the cause of woe and
degradation and destruction.

A modification of the present Indian regulations, something like the following, is
suggested by many years' observation and intimate connexion with the Indians of
the north : —

The agents or sub-agents should nominate to the Indian Department such persons
of unexceptionable moral character as may apply for license to trade with the Indians,
until a sufficient number are licensed to satisfy the wants of the trade, with sufficient
capital to carry it on and iio more.

It should be made the duty of each person to whom license is granted to do every
thing in his power to forward the efforts making by the government to civilize the
Indians, and likewise to use every effort to prevent the introduction or traffic in ardent
spirits in tlie tribe.

Each trader should receive his license to trade at such points in the tribe or tribes,
within the agency or sub-agency, as the agent or sub-agent should designate, upon
condition of his paying five hundred dollars, which sum should go to constitute a
national contingent fund for the benefit of the tribe or tribes included in the agency or
sub-agency.

In addition to paying the sum above mentioned, the applicant for license should bo

: \

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

n>quired to give bond, an heretofore, with security approved by the judge of the district
where he may have resided. And any act in violation of the regulations of the Indian
Department, or in any manner directly or indirectly opposing the efforts to civilize the
Indians and promote the cause of education among them, should subject him to a
forfeiture of license and a penalty of two thousand dollars ; and any oct of this nature,
by agent or employee, or of any other person, by direction of a trader, should subject
him to the same consequences as though the act were done by liimself.

The agent or sub-agent should be required to take a correct roll of the Indians
within his agency or sub-agency at the commencement of their fiscal year, getting the
names of the heads as well as the number of each family, so as to ascertain the precise
distributive share of each individual of the money due the tribe from the government
at the next payment.

The agent or sub-agent, either alone or in connexion with two of the army-officers
of the nearest military post, who may be detailed for this object by the commanding
officer, should form a council to examine the traders' invoices, and fix upon them a
tariff of prices at which the goods should be sold to the Indians. A copy and list of
prices should be kept by the agent, and a copy given by him to the traders ; and any
violation of said tariff should subject the trader to a forfeiture of his license upon
conviction before the authority empowered to revoke licenses.

It should be the duty of the agent, when an Indian needs any article, to give him
an order which should be payable, by either of the traders to whom the Indian should
choose to take it, in the article or articles specified ; and the agent or sub-agent should
by no means be authorized to give an Indian or family such orders to an amount
exceeding that of the distributive share belonging to him or them of the annuities due
from the government at the first ensuing payment, aa shown on the roll.

The agent or sub-agent should keep a correct account with the individual Indians
or heads of families of the orders thus given, so that he may be able to tell, at any
time, how much of his annuity each may have taken up in this way.

The traders shall be required to fill such orders of the agent or sub-agent when
presented by the Indiana in favor of whom they may he dratcn, and keep an accurate
account of their own, corresponding with the one kept by the agent ; and upon his
presenting these orders at the annuity payment, they shall be paid by the Indian
disbursing officer out of the amounts due the several Indians from the government,
and the balance shall be paid to the Indians severally in hand, provided that the
agent or sub-agent shall by no means cancel these orders when presented by any one
other than a licensed trader within his agency or sub-agency.

The agent or sub-agent shall be permitted to select and appoint a person suitable for
a clerk, to assist him in keeping the Indian accounts, who should be paid $600 out of
the national contingent fund provided as above.

The balance of said contingent fund should be applicable to any national purpose

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

683

(losirod by the cliicfn and approved of by the ngciit of tbo triln', and the bulanoe that
iiii^'lit ri'inuiii on band at the end of tlie year should be added to the education funda
for the tribe.

The objectH which it itt confidently lK>Iicvcd would be attained by a change in the
Indian laws in unison with the alxivo HUggcstions, are the following: —

The Indians woid<l lje amply provided for, both in food and clothing, throughout the
year, and, getting their supplies at times when they need them, would not be apt to
diH|M)sc of them for whiskey, and having used up their annuities, would have but little
money to siwnd in this way. The whiskey-traders, getting no money in exchange for
their liquor, would be compelled, in a great measure, to almndon the business, for they
could not even buy their old blankets and trinkets with the prospect of turning them
back again upon the Indians for cash.

At present, a large business is carried on in this way. When the Indian has no
money, ho leaves a blanket or other article, to three or four times the amount of the
whiskey, until he can bring the money, and redeem it after tlic annuity payment.

The temptation to commit depredations ufxin the settlements will be removed in
proportion as the wants of the Indians arc supplied, and thus a fruitful cause of
dilTiculties ujwn the frontier will be removed.

The Indians, no longer goaded by hunger to pursue the deer for subsistence, will
gradually abandon their roving habits, and settle down in permanent villages near
their agency, where the efforts to improve them can be more effectually employed ; and
that very prodigality and thoughtlessness of the futvire may be so guarded by this
system as to induce them to purchase agricultural implements and household furniture
as they may happen to need these articles during the year : for it is known, to any one
acquainted with the trade, that an Indian will purchase anything that may serve his
convenience or pleasure at the moment, if he can do it on credit; and it is believed
that, if the Indians could anticipate their annuities, ploughs, wagons, harnesses, and,
where they are permanently settled, household furniture, &c., &c., would take the place
of wampum, beads, and tinsel trinkets, for which they now squander their money.

It will be seen that the plan suggested is similar to the one in operation in the
army, so far as the security for the trader's debts, as well as the check upon hia prices,
are concerned.

There is no influence exerted among the Indians so potent and universal as that
wielded by the Indian traders ; but the operation of the plan suggested would not only
curtail their number, but would wrest that influence from them by making the Indians
immediately dependent upon the government officer for favors in time of need. And
here lies the Avhole secret of the trader's mighty influence, viz., in his ability to relieve
the Indian when he is in want.

Instead of the Indians and traders being both arrayed against the government, as
heretofore, we shall have them both dependent, the one for protection, and the other

684

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

for assistance, upon the government, and it will be rendered the interest of both to
yield to its wishes.

It is believed that from the success of this scheme there would result a willingness,
on the part of the Indians, to receive goods in exchange for lands which may bo
purchased hereafter, and gradually that the Indians may be induced to change those
treaties already made, so as to receive goods instead of money. No argument of the
government or its officers can ever have the same weight with the prejudiced mind
of the Indian as tangible facts, and the operation of the plan alluded to cannot fail to
demonstrate the advantage of receiving goods judiciously selected, and at such times
as they are needed.

The change suggested would render the duties of the agents and sub-agents more
arduous, ))ut it is believed that a graduation of the amounts paid to them at present
would sufficiently remunerate them. Under existing laws, the agents receive $1500
annually, and the sub-agents, though they have the same duties, and, in some
instances, more, receive but $750. The salaries of each should be fixed at $1200.

It is urged, in conclusion, that the trade, modified as above suggested, will, it is most
confidently believed, promote the happiness of the Indians, and instead of distracting
their minds, and arraying them against every effort to Ijcnefit or improve them, that it
may be converted into a most potent auxiliary to the humane efibrts of the government
to elevate their condition.

Present Condition and Future Prospects.

258. The fact that our use of iron, articles of food, manner of cooking, wearing
apparel, &c., &c., have, to a considerable extent, been introduced among the Indians
with whom we have had intercourse, proves that their original manners, customs, and
opinions, "have been greatly modified" since their acquaintance with the whites.
These changes have all been witnessed among the Winnebagoes, with many others
equally beneficial.

In efforts to improve the condition of the aborigines of our country the same " modes
of treatment and policy" which would be necessary for its in their situation should be
a<lopted for them ; for they are human beings like ourselves, and liable to be affected
by the same causes which operate upon us. To the Christian religion, the influence
of schools and colleges, and common industry, ice are indebted for our national
character : no other causes can elevate and save the Indian. As to the l;sst means or
" policy" for introducing these blessings among them, perhaps no one system would be
equally successful among all the tril>e8. My opinion is, that those sent either by the
government or the church to labor for the benefit of savages, should have full liberty
to adopt such plans, and modify them, as circumstances and experience might require.
No one thinks of trammelling a general in command of an army with specific laws to

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

535

govern Iiiiii in the field of battle. Mind is more difficult to conquer than botly, and he
wlio would mould the former should, like the officer in the fieKl, be allowed to exerci.se
some discretion as to the plans to be adopted. To elevate the condition of the Red
man, our chief concern is with miml and heart. To exert an influence upon these
much often depends upon little things, and a thousand opportunities for making favor-
able impressions will occur which can never be anticipated or provided for by
instructions drawn up a thousand miles from the Indian country. Ijet competent
persons then be employed to labor with and operate ujion the Indians, — persons of
integrity and conscience, and having full liberty to avail themselves of all the
advantages which experience and observation can affi)rd.

Such has been the unsettled state of the Winnebagoes since the commencement of
their school and farm, that no mode of treatment or policy adopted could be fairly
tested by its practical effijctd upon the nation. Many of them have applied for aid
in building houses to live in; but in view of their expected removal, no such
assistance has been affiirded.

259. No beneficial eflbcts, either "physical or intellectual," are perceived by an
"intennixture" of European blood with the Indian. I should suppose about one
eighth of the Winnebagoes possess more or less white blood.

2G0. The numerical strength of this trii)c is advancing, and has been since they
removed across the Mississippi river.

202. A visible change in the cleanliness, both as regards the " costume " and person
of the Winnebagoes, has taken place within the last fifteen years.

203. Females still perform field lal)or, though not without the aid of the men, as
heretofore. The wife of a chief observed, not long since, that it was not now thought
a disgrace for a man to work.

204. The Christian religion exerts but a feeble infiucncc upon this tribe; indeed it
may be said that Christian teachers have never been introduced among them for the
purpose of preaching the gospel. When I first entered their school, no interpreter
could be had to translate religious instruction, and before any of the children learned
the English language in the institution, I was requested by the government to take
charge of their agency. This withdi-cw me from the school, and filled my hands with
other business, though I preached every sabbath to the white community belonging
to the establishment. On accepting the agency, I resolved to appoint persons from
the difierent churches of the country, to teach in the school, labor on the farm, and
have an eye to the religious improvement of the Indians. The object in selecting from

I i

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

the different denominations was to enlist the sympathies of each, and to give
satisfaction to all. The persons thus selected were formed into a religious association
before the Indians, called " The Church in the Wilderness." Never have I seen more
harmony in a Christian community, and the deepest solicitude seemed to be felt for the
Indians. Many of the children of the school became interested on the subject of
religion, and the prospect of influencing their tribe was most encouraging. But, in
the midst of these favorable cirv;umstances, I was removed from office, and an attempt
made by my successor to place the whole concern on a sectarian footing. Against this
course the Indians themselves, connected with the school, remonstrated ; but the plan
previously adopted for religious operations was broken up, and the interest on the
subject of religion among the children, passed away.

Since my return as superintendent of the school, I have not deemed it expedient
to resume the organization of a church, but have preached every sabbath to the white
community and to the Indians understanding the English language, as they were
disposed to attend. We never can succeed, however, in introducing the Christian
religion among the savages without employing Christians to do it. I am aware that
it is a delicate matter for government to act on this subject ; and, to prevent all cause
for the charge of partiality, it was my policy, as before stated, to employ professors of
religion belonging to diffijrent churches, with the understanding, however, that they
could associate in the capacity of one church before the Indians. This policy I would
earnestly recommend noio. It is the only plan that can be adopted, under the
auspices of government, that would not be liable to objections by some religious
denomination. To place the school and farm in charge of any one denomination, and
to exclude the rest, would give oflence. To divide the funds among several Christian
parties, and suffer them to go before the Indians with their denominational distinctions
and predilections, would greatly retard, if not defeat, the object intended. But form
one Christian community before the Indian, drawn from the different churches, and
3'ou have the good feelings of all, and, at the same time exclude those petty distinc-
tions of SECTS, so injurious to religion among the whites. I repeat, this plan is
practicable, for I have tried it.

I am not without solicitude on this subject. Government has placed me among
the Indians with the expectation that I will improve their morals : this I cannot do
without introducing among them the Christian religion, and to succeed in this, I need
the example and aid of all in the employ of the department.

The task of converting savages to Christianity is by no means an eaay one. Think
of the slow progress of religion among our own people, with all the facilities enjoyed ;
yet the obstacles among us, opposing the gospel, are not half so numerous as among
the Indians, while the means of grace among the whites, perhaps, can never be mode
fully to bear upon the Lidians. To convert our own people, we have only to overcome
the objections of a depraved heart to the holiness of the gospel ; but to convert the red

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

537

man, we must first convince him that his own religion is false, and that oura is true.
This being done, we must still encounter the corruptions of the human heart. The
white man who haa no religion is convinced, in judgment, that the Christian religion is
true, and yet for years rejects it, notwithstanding all the Bibles and other books and
religious privileges surrounding him. In view of this fact, what can we hope from
the Indians, with the public means employed for their conversion ? Yet embrace the
Christian religion tlwy must, or perish ; for it is one of the solemn records of inspiration,
that *-the nations and kingdoms that will not serve God shall perish."

265, An effort is now being made, with a prospect of most pleasing success, to
induce the children of the school to sign a temperance pledge. But few refuse. The
cause which operates upon the minds of Indians, leading to intemperance, is simply a
love of excitement — the same that operates upon white men. To reclaim the Indians
from the sin of drunkenness, the same means should be used which prove successful
with the whites. It is not known that any further legislation on the part of Congress
would be of service in checking this vice. The late law, rendering the Indians
competent witnesses against whiskey-sellers, will do much good. It is very desirable
that the States bordering on the Indian country should pass a similar law. If the
change proposed in the system of trade should be adopted, I would have high hopes
from that quarter.

Pt. II. — 68

4. PRESENT GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION, NUMBERS, AND
MEANS, OF THE IROQUOIS.

BY W. P. ANOEI., ESQ.

New York SrB-AGENCT, EllicottviUe, January, 1848.

Sir : — In pursuance of the instructions of the Department communicated to me in
May last, I have procured the census and statistics of the several tribes of the
Iroquois within the limits of this State, so far as the same was practicable, and here-
with transmit the returns to you.

As there are some matters of general interest which the tables do not exhibit, I have
deemed it proper to present tnem in this communication.

The Senegas.

The Senecas are, at present, by far the most numerous branch of the Iroquois. They
now occupy their Reservations in Western New York, and a small party are still
located upon the lands of the Corn-planter, in Warren county, Pennsylvania.

The Alleghany Reservation, belonging to the Senecas, is situated wholly within the
county of Cattaraugus, upon both sides of the Alleghany river, averaging about one
mile in width, and extending about forty miles up the said river from the Pennsylvania
line. An accurate survey, made for the Indians a few years since, gives something
over 33,000 acres as the area of this Reservation. It embraces almost the entire
extent of the level lands bordering upon the river, and a considerable portion of all
that is susceptible of cultivation in the valley. The bed of the river is very much
depressed, and the lands on either side reach a great elevation, and except at occasional
intervals, where small streams find their way through the hills to the river, are so
steep and precipitous as to forbid all attempts at settlement and cultivation. The
lands of the Indians were formerly covered with an extensive growth of white pine
timber, which has been the object of the cupidity of the whites ever since the settle-
ment of the country.

The removal and sale of this timber have heretofore afforded to the Indians a
considerable means of subsistence, and as it has always commanded a ready sale and

(588)

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

539

fair price, they have rehed upon it to the neglect of agricultural pursuits. The soil is
generally of good quality, producing readily large quantities of com and other spring
crops. Winter wheat is not generally successful, though I apprehend this is owing
more to the climate than to the incapacity of the soil to produce it. The more hardy
kinds of fruit are produced in limited quantities, and, with proper attention, might be
greatly increased. The Indians have two large saw-mills upon the river, which they
rent to white people, and which yield them an annual revenue of about six hundred
dollars. Other premises are also leased by individuals for ferries, and for depositing
and rafting lumber, and the entire amount of rents paid for all these purposes must
reach very near the amount of two thousand dollars per annum. The Indians upon
this reservation, with few exceptions, live in circumstances of comfort, and some have
accumulated a considerable amount of property. They may be said to be advancing
steadily in their eflTorts at social improvement, and nothing is wanting but proper
encouragement and protection to render them prosperous, and place them beyond the
reach of want. The present population of this reservation consists of about eight
hundred Senecas, one hundred Onondagas, thirty Cayugas, and twenty Oneidas.

The Cattaraugus reservation, also the property of the Senecas, is situated mostly in
the county of Erie, on the Cattaraugus Creek, and extending from Lake Erie inland
about thirteen miles. It embraces about thirty thousand acres, with a level surface,
and a soil equal in richness and fertility to any tract of land of equal extent within
the limits of the State.

Considerable attention has been paid by the Indians on this reservation to agricul-
tural pursuits, and a very great number exhibit evidences of prosperity, and even
wealth, in the appearance of their houses, barns, fields, and crops, and stocks of cattle,
that would suffer nothing in comparison with a white population of equal extent in
any of the interior counties.

Many of them have of late paid considerable attention to improving their dwellings ;
and on passing through the principal thoroughfare of this reservation, a stranger would
scarcely be reminded of the presence of an Indian population. Large frame houses
painted white, and in many instances furnished with green window-blinds, comfortable
barns, and extensive and well-fenced fields, would be presented to his view in as rapid
succession as in any other farming community. It is true that this state of prosperity
is not universal. As in all communities within the reach of ardent spirits, there are
to be found some who are idle and dissolute ; and there is still another class here who
occupy the remote portions of the reservation, whose pride and prejudice still cause
them to regard the pursuit of agriculture as a condition of servitude and degradation.
Yet the prosperity that universally attends those who are diligent in the cultivation
of the soil is fast overcoming this feeling ; and the example of the thriving and pros-
perous, with their comfortable houses, furniture and clothing, well-filled granaries, and
their horses and cattle, is operating powerfully upon the judgment of the proud hunter

540

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

I' <

to the removing of his prejudice, and stimulating liini to undertake the improvement
of his own condition. In the progress and prosperity of this people the friends of
humanity have every encouragement to persevere in the task of reclaiming them from
their original state of ignorance and barbarity.

The lands they inhabit are capable of producing in profusion all the necessaries and
many of the luxuries of life, and they only need to be made acquainted with the
science of agriculture to Ixicome an important branch of the producing ix)pulation of
this section of the State.

They have now upon their reservation two churches, one council-house, several
school-houses, and one saw-mill u^jon the Cattaraugus creek. Many of the Indians
residing here have received a good English education ; two have regularly studied
the profession of the law, and one is a regularly licensed physician, who practises
among his people, and each of whom is a valuable and useful man. The population
of this reservation consists, in round numbers, of about twelve hundred Senecas, thirty
Onondagas, and one hundred and seven Cayugas.

The Tonewanta Reservation, also occupied by the Senecas, but which is now claimed
by the Ogden Company, under the treaty of 1842, is situated on the Tonewanta creek,
in the county of Genesee, and comprises about fifteen thousand acres. It is in the
midst of a rich wheat-growing country, of a level surface and good soil. Any of the
crops common to this latitude are readily produced, and as the land is easy of cultiva-
tion, the band find no difficulty in supplying their wants, while many families annually
raise a surplus for sale. There is a saw-mill on this reservation, but the possession is
in constant dispute between the Indians and Ogden Company, and neither is able to
derive any considerable benefit from it. The progress of this band of Senecas in
moral and mental improvement is materially retarded by their unhappy difficulties
with the Company, though the necessity they feel resting upon them to sustain them-
selves and meet the expenses of the controversy, has already stimulated them to
considerable activity in all the departments of productive industry. Upon the issue
of the contest this stimulus will undoubtedly be turned to good account, in the benefit
they will derive from the results of their experience, and the demonstration of the
success that has followed their eflforts to make the cultivation of the soil minister to
their comfort and wants. The present population of this reservation consists of about
six hundred and seventy-five Senecas, nine Cayugas, and six Onondagas, including one
of their chiefs.

The TuscARORA tribe occupy a reservation in the county of Niagara, about three
miles easterly from Lewiston, and seven miles northeasterly from Niagara Falls. The
reservation is one mile wide and three miles long. By the treaty of 1838, the Ogden
Company purchased this reservation, but, owing to some disagreement with the Indians
in relation to the valuation of the improvements, the contract remains unexecuted, and
the Indians retain the occupancy of the lands. Adjoining this reservation on the

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

541

south, tl»oy also own and occupy five thousand acres, which they purchased of the
llolhind Company and hold in fee. Both tracts are good quality of wheat lands, and
the raising of winter wlicat is the principal object of cultivation. One of their chiefs,
Mr. John Mountpleasant, informed me that one thousand bushels of wheat were raised
on his farm the past season, eight hundred of which he raised himself, and two hundi-ed
were raised upon lands which he rented to others upon shares. Another of their chiefs,
Mr. V/illiam Chew, informed me that at harvest time, last sununer, he still had in his
barn three hundred bushels of wheat of the crop of the previous year. The principal
chief of this tribe, William Mountpleasant, is a wealthy man, living in a fine stone
house, and besides the farm which he occupies himself, rents to white jxiople some
three hundred acres of improved lands, from which he receives a large amount of rent.
These are by no means solitary cases, and I mention them as exhibiting gratifying
evidence of the progress this band arc making in husbandry and improvement. In
this band, I found not a single person who now adheres to their ancient superstitions,
the entire mass professing or acknowledging the Christian religion. They are sober,
temjjcrate and industriou.s, and in the scale of social improvement occupy a high place
among their alwriginal brethren of the State. They have one meeting-house, which
they also occupy for a council-house, and one school-house. The present population
of the Tuscaroras is alx)ut three hundred, with whom also reside about twenty
Onon.dagas.

The OxoxDAGAS occupy a reservation in the county of Onondaga, about six miles
south of Syracuse. This reservation contains seven thousand acres. It is situated
pi'incipally in the Onondaga Valley, and the soil is of the best quality and well adapted
to agricultural purposes. Wheat and corn are easily produced, and many kinds of
fruit are already cultivated to a considerable extent. The Onondagas also own a saw-
mill, from which, together with some portion of their lands, which they rent to others,
they derive a large revenue. They are generally industrious and in comfortable
circumstances, though their proximity to a populous village, and their facility for
pi-ocuring intoxicating drinks, is manifest in the conduct of many, who indulge in
idleness and dissipation. They have a council-house, school-house, and meeting-house,
with an organized church and a temperance society. The chiefs and principal men
arc making considerable efforts to suppress intemperance among them, with gratifying
success. The present population at Onondaga is about two hundred and .seventy.

The OxEiDAS are located some two miles south of Oneida Castle, in the counties of
Oneida and Madison. There are but a few families remaining there, who own and
occupy their farms in severalty. Their lands are good farming lands, and are
generally Avell-fenced, and under a good state of cultivation. They have a meeting-
house, in which they also hold their councils ; and a school-house, in which a school is
sustained by the Missionary Society, a principal portion of the time. Their present
number is alrout two hundred.

542

FUTURE PROSPECTS.

The St. Regi.s band occupy lands in the northwest comer of the county of Franklin,
N. Y., and in Canada, and upon the islands of the St. Regis river, where the boundary line
between Canada and the United States reaches the St. Lawrence. This line divides
their village, leaving the principal part of the population in Canada. Indians of this
band, who acknowledge the jurisdiction of the United States, and receive annuities
from the State of New York, are on either side of the line, and improve lands both in
Canada and New York. The same is the case with that portion of the band who are
subject to the jurisdiction of the British Government, and who now number about 600
souls. It was impossible to ascertain the quantity of land under their control. It is
mostly of good quality, and bears com and other spring crops in abundance. These
Indians all profess to be believers in the Christian religion, and many of them are
members of the Catholic Church located in Canada, and employ a priest, who resides
among them. They have a good school-house, built with funds furnished by the State,
in which a school is regularly maintained. They are generally sober and industrious,
with occasional instances of intemperate drinkers. The number under the jurisdiction
of the United States, or who belong to what is known among them as the American
Party, is now about four hundred and sixty.

The number of Indians from Canada, or from tribes not belonging to the Iroquois,
now living in New York, is not as gi-eat as is usually supposed. Upon this subject the
New York Indians are jealous and sensitive, and will not permit the intrusion among
them of Indians who are not entitled to partake of their annuities, or occupy their
lands. The few that have been found living here are mostly connected by marriage
with the local bands, and are allowed to remain as a matter of favor.

There are yet remaining on the eastern extremity of Long Island, a few of the old
Montauk tribe, who live principally by fishing and following the sea. In the town of
Southampton, Suflfolk county, there are about fifteen, and twenty in the town of
Easthampton, of the full blood. They have but little property, and seldom anything
beyond a temporary supply for their present wants.

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

W. G. Angel, Sub-Agmt.

Hon. Wm. Medill,

Commiasioner of Indian Affairs, Washington.

Xn. STATISTICS AND POPULATION B.

(US)

SYNOPSIS.

I. Period of 1850. Official Report of the Commissioner of Indian AfTairs for ISfjO.

A. Statement of tlio amount of investments for the Indian tribes in stocks drawing

interest.

B. Statement of interest appropriated by Congress for the several tribes, of which the

government is trustee, in lieu of investments.

C. Estimate of the current expenses of the Indian Bureau at the seat of government.

D. Estimate of the funds required during the fiscal year (1st July, 1851, to 30th June,

1852) for the payment of annuities and fulfilling treaty stipulations with the Indian
tribes.

E. Estimates for sums required, during the present year, (to June SOtli, 1851,) for the

seivicc of tho department.
XL Period of 1820. Letter of Hon. W. II. Crawford, Secretary of tho Treasury, 1820.

A. Annuities due to Indian tribes in 1820.

B. Appropriations and expenditures *br tho survey ond sale of public lands.

C. Schedule of sales before the organization of public land-offices.

D. Statement of the amount of sales, from the opening of the land-offices to the 30th

September, 1819.

E. Estimate of the number ov acres of public lands which have been surveyed and sold,

and the number which riMnain unsold, 30th September, 1819.

F. Estimate of the quantity of land purchased from the Indians to 15th October, 1820.
in. Topic of lands purchased from the Indians. Message of tho President, 1840.

A. Statement of purchases of land mad? frn>n each tribe since the establishment of tho

present federal government, chronologically arranged.

B. List of tribes, alp'iabetically arranged, who have ceded territory, since the establish-

ment of the present government.

C. Aggregates of lands, compensations, exchanges, and names of tribes, from the origin

of the government to 1840.
Appendix to Statistics. Population of the United States — Tenth Census.

(644)

: i
I

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

Skventy-kive years liavc i-liipsi-d since tlic United States, with the assumption of
sovereignty in 1770, In'gan the nianuffenient of the diflieult and complicated siihject of
Indian Aft'airs. In taking up this topic, with the view of exhibiting the several classes
of statistical facts which belong to its consideration on an enlarged basis, it is deemed
proper, as a starting point, to introduce it with tlu Annual Reiwrt of the Commissioner
of Indian AH'airs for iS.jO. This paiti'r denotes, with clearness, after a brief view of
the current tnuisactions with the several tribes, the amount of their vested fund [A] ;
the interest annually payable thereon [li] ; the current official expenses of the Bureau
[C] ; the current expenses of tlie Department at large, and the payment of annuities
and expenses of fuHilling treaty stipulaticms for the fiscal year commencing 1st July,
1851 [D] ; and the estimates of the special sums asked from Congress to complete the
fiscal obligations of the office for the year ending 30th June, 1851 [E].

From these data, which exhibit the point of exiKsnditure at which the Department
now (1850) stands, a vie .• of the same classes of facts, as completely as they have been
obtained, is thrown back for a period of thirty years, when the whole annual sum
asked for, by Mr. Crawford, for treaty expenditures, was but $152,575. The same class
of payments, including special estimates resulting from the operation of former treaties,
stands now at $2,299,272 G5. This is wholly exclusive of the current expenses of the
Department, which amount to $121,500. Notliing could more conclusively show the
progress of this branch of the public business, since the Indian area of the Mississippi
Valley began to enter freely as an element in the estimates, than the liberal sums which
have been paid to the Indian tribes for th«'ir lands; the exact and punctual manner in
which their funds have been managed, and the continually expanding importance of
this department. It is a documentary history of our dealings with the Indian tribes,
Avhich will outlive all accusation ; and must serve to convince the world, that they
have been treated, under every question of the conflicting trii)licate jurisdiction,
lx)tween tiiemselvks, the States, and the United States, with justice, a high regard
Pt. 1I._C9 ^-^^')

646

STATISTICS AND POTULATION.

fur their naturnl rijrlitH, and a tlogreo of patifiit magnaiiiinity, Ik'voiuI the alM)rij,'iiu'H
of any jn'ople whoso liiftory has Iktii preservoil.

The iMjlicy of a removal of tlie tiilK-s from positions within the limits of the States,
where they not only felt the conflicts of jurisdiction, but their e.\|)osure to annihilation
iK'canic evident; nnd the policy of their removal to the west of the Mississippi river,
where they could concentrate in masses under their own laws, and colonize under the
protection of the government; were hrougli forward and suhmitted to Congress in
1S25, by President Monroe. Under this system, many fragments of tribes have been
i-escued from destruction ; others, arrested in a course of rapid de|K)pulatIon ; and entire
tribes transferred to scenes of fertile territory and prosixjrity, where they have
advanced in all the elements of civilization. The statistics ladonging to this topic arc
submitted in tlieir order, and will continue to l)e exhibited in the progress of the work.

The quantity of land sold by the trilx's ; the prices paid for them ; the application
of the amounts in annuities, or otherwise; and the general eflects of the disposition of
their surplus domain, and their concentration on smaller, but ample tracts, constitute
another branch of their statistics, the publication of which is now coinmcnccd.

Connected with these olyects of deep statistical value, aro the data showing their
varying population from the earliest dates.

II. R. S.

I. PElllOl) OF 1850.

I. OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONER OF

INDIAN AFFAIRS.

DkI'AUTMKNT ok the IxTKHUtll,
Office IiitUan Affairs, Xovniihvr 27(/i, 1S50.

Sir: — Before prooooding to submit for yoiu nonsidcration a general view of our
Indian affairs and relations during tlie last twelve months, I would respectfully refer
to the accompanying re[x)rts of the snixjrintendents, agents, and missionaries, in the
Indian country, for moi-e particular information in relation to local operations, and
the condition of the various tribes, than can bo fitly enibodied in a report of this
description.

Among the less remote trilx>s, with which we have fixed and defined relations, and
which, to a greater or less extent, have felt the controlling and meliorating effects of
the jMjlicy and measures of the government, for preserving i)eace among them and
improving their condition, an unusual degree of order and quietude has prevailed. It
is gratifying to know, that amongst this class, comprising a large jKirtitm of the red
race within our widely extended borders, there probably has never, during the same
period of time, l)cen so few occurrences of a painful nature. All have Ixkmi peaceful
towards our citizens, while, with the exception of tlie Sioux and Chippewas, they have
preserved a state of peace and harmony among themselves. These two tribes arc
hereditary enemies, and scarcely a year passes without scenes of bloody strife between
them. From their remoteness and scattered condition, it is difficult to exercise any
effective restraint over them, while their proximity to each other afford.s them frequent
opportunities for indulging their vengeful and vindictive feelings. Each tribe seems
to be constantly on the watch for occasions to attack Aveaker parties of the other, when
an indiscriminate massacre of men, women, and children, is the lamentable result.

(547)

648

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

I *■

During the last spring, niiitiml aggressions of an aggravated character threatened to
involve tliese trilx-s in a general war; hut the acting superintendent, Governor Ramsey,
aided ami assisted hy the connnanding ollicer at Fort Snelling, promptly interposed,
and hy timely and judicious eflorts j)revented such a catastrophe.

Such occurrences are not only revolting to Inunanity, but they foster that insatiable
jiassion for war, which, in combination with love of the chase, is the prominent
characteristic feature of our wilder triljcs, and presents a formidable obstacle in the
way of their civilization and improvement. We know not yet to what extent these
important objects may be accomplished ; but the present and improving condition of
some of our semi-civilized tribes aflfords ample encouragement for further and more
extended effort. p]xpericnce, however, has conclusively shown that there is but one
course of policj', by which the great work of regenerating tlie Indian race may be
effected.

In the application of this policy to our wilder tril»e8, it is indispensably necessary
that they be placed in iMisitions were they can be controlled, and finally compelled, by
stern necessity, to resort to agricultural lalx)r or starve. Considering, as the untutored
Indian does, that labor is a degradation, and that there is nothing worthy of his
ambition but prowess in war, success in the chase, and eloquence in council, it is only
under such circumstances that his haughty pride can Ix' subdued, and his wild energies
trained to the more ennobling pursuits of civilized life. There should I)e assigned to
each trilte, for a permanent home, a country adajjted to agriculture, of limited extent
and well-defnied boinidaries, within which all, with wcasional exceptions, should l)e
comiwUed constantly to renuiin until such time as their general improvement and
good conduct may supersede the necessity of such restrictions. In the mean time, the
government should cause them to )x' supplied with stock, agricultural implements, and
useful materials for clothing ; encourage and assist them in the erection of comfortable
dwellings, and secure to them the means and facilities of education, intellectual, moral,
and religious. The application of their own funds to such puqioses would be far better
for them than the present system of paying their annuities in money, which does
substantial good to but few, while to the great majority it only furnishes the means
and incentive to vicious and depraving indulgence, terminating in uestitution and
misery, and too frequently in premature deatli.

The time is at hand for the practical application of the foregoing views to the Sionx
and ChipiMJwas, as well as to some of the more northern trilx's on the borders of
Missouri and Iowa. Congress ha« made an appropriation for negotiations with the
Sioux for a jiortion of their lands, which should, as far as practicable, be conducted on
the principles laid down in the instructions given to the commissioners appointed for
that purpose last year, and which were comnuinicated with the Annual Report of my
predecessor. Those instructions contemplated the purchase of a large extent of their
territory, and their concentration within narrower limits upon lands remote from the

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

549

white settlements and the Chippcwas — olgects of primary importance in view of the
general }K)liey already stated.

Since the treaties of 1S37 and 1842, with the Chippewas, a considerable portion of

those Indians have continued, by siilTerance, to reside on the ceded lands cast of the

Mississippi river, in Wisconsin and Minnesota, where they have for sonic years been

brought into injurious contact with our rapidly advancing and increasing population in

that quarter. Ilavinsi ample facilities for procuring ardent spirits, they have become

much injured and corrupted by unrestrained indulgence in the use of that accursed

element of evil. To remedy this unfortunate state of things, it was determinad at r.n

early period of the present year, to have these Indians removed northward to the

country belonging to their tribe. Measures for this purpose were accordingly adopted ;

but, in consequence of the very late period at which the appropriation requisite to

meet the necessary" expenses was made, only a small nuniljer have as yet been

removed. Their entire removal, however, will not sufliciently relieve our citizens

from annoyance by them, as they will for some time have the disposition, and be near

enough, to return with facility to their old haunts and hunting-grounds. Nor will the

situation of the Chippewas, generally, then be such as their well-ljeing requires. They

own a vast extent of territory on each side of the Mississippi, over which they will be

scattered, following the chase and indulging in their vagrant Ihabits, until the wild

products of the country, on which they depend for a subsistence, are exhausted, and

they arc brought to a state of destitution and want. Efforts should therefore be made, '

at as early a period as practicable, to concentrate them within proper limits, where,

with some additional means beyond those already provided, effective arrangements

could Ix^ nuide to introduce among them a system of education, and the practice of

.agriculture and the simpler mechanic arts. The best portion of their country for this

purpose is west of the Mississippi river ; but it is not owned by the whole tribe in

connnon — a considerable part of it being the exclusive property of particular bands,

who are not ))arties to any of our treaties, and receive no annuities or other material

aid from the United States. This circumstance not only excites dissatisfaction with

the government, but produces nracli jealousy and bad feeling towards the rest of the

tribe, which may hereafter lead to serious difficulty ; and as the game on which they

mainly depend for tlie means of living must soon fail them, the government will be

under the necessity of interposing to save them from starvation. A wise forecast and

the dictates of a benevoleii t policy alike suggest that timely measures be taken to avert

so disastrous a result. This may easily be done, and at a moderate expense compared

with the importance of the objects to be accomplished.

In order to enable the department to carry out these views in reference to the whole
Chippewa tribe, I respectfully recommend that Congress be asked for an appropriation
at the ensuing session, to defray the expense of negotiating a joint treaty with the
different bands, for the purpose of acquiring so much of their country on the cast side

5o0

STATISTICS AND rOPULATION.

of the Mississippi as we may require for a long time to come ; to provide that the
whole of their remaining lands, together with their present and future means, shall be
the common property of the whole tribe, so that all will be placed upon an equal
footing; and that as large a pro^wrtion of their funds as practicable shall be set apart
and applied in such a manner as will secure their comfort, and most rapidly advance
them in civilization and prosperity. With such arrangements for this tribe, and the
adoption of a like policy towards the Winnebagocs, now located in their vicinity on
the west side of the Mississippi, and the Menomonees, soon to be removed there, the
Avhole face of our Indian relations in that quarter would in a few years present an
entire and gratifying change. We should soon witness in this, our northern colony of
Indians, those evidences of general improvement now becoming clearly manifest among
a number of our colonized tribes in the southwest ; and which present, to the mind of
the philanthropist and the Christian, encouraging assurance of the practicability of
regenerating the red race of our country, and elevating them to a position, moral and
social, similar, if not equal, to our own. There are two evils in the section of country
referred to, operating injuriously ujwn the welfare and interests of the Indians in that
quarter, and our citizens engaged in trade among them, which require prompt atten-
tion, and which must be suppressed before our Indian relations there can be placed
upon a safe and satisfactory footing. These are, first, the immense annual destruction
of the buffalo and other game by the half-breeds from the British side of the line,
generally in the employment of the Hudson's Bay Company ; and, secondly, the intro-
duction of ardent spirits among our Indians by the traders of that company. The
embarrassment and injury to our Indians resulting from the devastation of game by
these foreign depredators have justly occasioned much dissatisfaction among them,
and, if not soon checked, serious difficulties may well be apprehended. The introduc-
tion of ardent spirits among the Indians, by the persons referred to, is not only an
aggravated evil, but is derogatory to the authority and dignity of this government.

Our laws and regulations prohibit the introduction of spirituous liquor among the
Indians, as well as the ingress of foreigners into their country for purposes of trade, or
indeed for any purpose, without permission from the proper authorities. A strict
compliance with these laws and regulations is required of our traders, while the traders
of the Hudson's Bay Company, in contemptuous disreganl of them, frcquently come
over on our side of the line, and, through the nefarious means of ardent spirits, carry
on a corrupting traffic with the Indians, injurious alike to them and to our licensed
and bonded traders. Suitable measures should be promptly adopted to put a stop to
these abuses ; for which purpose, the establishment of a military post and an Indian
agency in Lhat quarter will be indispensable ; and, in the present state of affaii-s, this
cannot be done at too early a period.

It was expected that the Menomonees, for whom a location has been provided
between the Wiiniebagoes and Chippewas, would be removed this year; but before

STATISTICS AND POTULATION.

551

the exploration of their new country by a party of these Indians had been completed,
the season was too far advanced for the tribe to emigrate before the approach of
winter. The President, tl.Lix'fore, in a just spirit of humanity, gave them permission
to rcniain in Wisconsin until the first day of June next.

The Stockbridge and Munsee Indians, residing in Wisconsin, having, in 1848, ceded
all their lands to the government, are expected to settle somewhere in the same region
of country. The treaty which provides for their removal stipidatcs that, in the selec-
tion of a country for their future residence, they shall be consulted ; and they liavc
expressed a preference ft)r a site in the vicinity of the St. Peters river. As soon as a
suitable location can Ije found for them, and their removal effected, Wisconsin, like
most of the other States, will be relieved substantially of the evils of an Indian
population.

As usual with the Winnebagocs, in whatever situation placed, a considerable number
of them have been restless and discontented in their new location on the Upper Missis-
sippi, to which they were removed in the year 1848. This has arisen less from any
well-grounded objection to the country, than from their own reckless disjiosition and
vagrant habits, together, ijossibl}', with an omission on the part of the government to
do all that might have been done for their comfortable settlement in their new home.
There was considerable difficulty in eflecting their removal ; and a portion of them,
eluding the agent of the government charged with the superintendence of their
emigration, remained behind. These, with others who returned to their old haunts in
Iowa and Wisconsin, gave serious annoyance to our citizens by their threatening
conduct and actual depredations. Tlie white population became more or less alarmed,
and strong representations were made to the government of the necessity for their
immediate removal. The urgency appearing to be great, there was but little time to
make the necessary arrangements for the purpose. A resort to military force was
considered inexpedient, as it might have tended to exasperate their feelings and
lead to actual hostilities. And it was gi-eatly to be desired, that they should Ije
taken to their country under circumstances calculated to all.ay their discontent, and
dispose them to remain.

My predecessor, therefore, with the concurrence and approbation of the head of the
department, entered into a contract with a gentleman, recommended for his high
character and great influence o\cr these Indians, to remove them in a kind and
judicious manner, and to make suitable and satisfactory arrangements for their com-
fortable and permanent settlement. It appears tiiat the measure has thus far been
attended with corresjxjnding results, and that the contractor is entitled to credit for his
energy and success in the prosecution of his undertaking.

In examining the reports of my predecessors for several years, I find a measure of
policy strongly urged with reference to the tribes located on the borders of our Western
States, in which I fully ccmcur. It is, by a partial change in their relative positions,

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

to throw open a wide extent of country for the spread of otir population westward, so
as to save tliem from being swept away by the mighty and advancing current of
civilization, which has already engulphed a large jwrtion of this hapless race. To a
large majority of those that have been removed there from the States, we are under
obligations of the highest character, enjoined alike by contract and conscience, to
secure to them their present liomes and possessions for ever ; and, ere it be too late,
wo should make all the arrangements necessary and proper to a faithful discharge of
this solemn duty.

Below the most southern of our colonized tribes, we have an ample outlet to the
southwest ; but another of higher latitude is required, leading more directly towards
our remote western possessions. A beginning will be made in carrying this measure
of policy and humanity into effect by the purchase, as contemplated, from the Sioux
of a large portion of their country ; and it may be fully consummated by the removal
of a few tribes between the Sioux territory and the Kansas river, with whom we have
no treaty stipulations, guarantying in perpetuity their present jrossessions. Suitable
locations may be found for tliem south of that river, where, secure in comfortable and
permanent homes, they would be stimulated by the salutary influence and example of
neighboring and more enlightened tribes.

That the border tribes in question are in danger of ultimate extinction from the
causes indicated, must be evident to every well-informed and reflecting mind ; and it
is equally clear that the adoption of the policy recommended, is the only practicable
means of averting the melancholy fate with which they are threatened. If they
remain as they are, many years will not elapse before they will be over-run and exter-
minated ; or, uprooted and broken-spirited, be driven forth towards the setting sun to
perish amidst savage enemies on the plains, or the sterile and inhospitable regions of
the Rocky Mountains. Such a catastrophe would be an abiding reproach to our
government and people, especially when it is considered that these Indians, if properly
established, protected, and cherished, may at no distant day become intelligent, moral,
and Christian communities, fully understanding and appreciating the principles and
blessings of our free institutions, and entitled to equal participation in the rights,
privileges, Jind immunities of American citizens.

It is among the tribes of our Southern colony that we find the most sati.sfactory and
encouraging evidences of material advancement in civilization ; and we need no better
vindication of the wisdom and humanity of our Indian policy, thus far, than the
gratifying results among a number of these tribes. Surrounded in the States where
they formerly resided by a white population continually pressing upon them, and
without the natural enterprise and energy, or the intellectual culture, requisite to
enable them to contend with a superior race in any of those employments and pursuits
upon which the dignity and happiness of man depend — discouraged and depressed by
their inferior and helpless condition, they, with a fatal and ruinous facility, adopted

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

5r)3

only the vices of the white man, and were fast wasting away. In a few years, they
would have become extinct, and, like other once numerous and powerful trilx's, their
names would have been preserved only in the records of history. Removed from this
unfortunate and to them unnatural position ; placed where they have the assurance
and guarantee of permanent homes ; where they are, in a great measure, free from
those influences arising out of a close contact with a white iwpulation, so injurious and
fatal to them in their untutored state ; and where the elements of civiiizati<m could be
steadily and systematically introduced among them — they are gradually increasing in
numbers and rapidly advancing in prosperity.

Several of these tribes have already abandoned their original and crude fonns of
government, and adopted others, fashioned more or less after the model of our own —
having regularly established constitutions of republican character, and written laws
adapted to their peculiar state of affairs, with proper and responsible officers to carry
them into execution. The} are adopting agricultural and mechanical pursuits ; and,
through the efforts of the government and of various Christian societies, having lx;come
impressed with the necessity and advantages of education, they are making highly
commendable exertions to disseminate more generally its blessings among them.

In addition to the means furnished by government and liberally provided l)y
missionary associations, they make large appropriations from their own funds towards
the establishment and support of manual-labor schools, which have been found efficient
auxiliaries in imparting to them a knowledge of letters, agriculture, and mechanic
arts, and of advancing them in civilization and Christianity. During the few \ears
that institutions of this description have been in operation, they have done much
towards the accomplishment of these great objects ; and, had they effected nothing
more than to excite the desire for instruction now existing among a number of the
tribes, the expenditure th • v have cccasioned would not have been in vain. Introtluced,
however, as an experiment, we were liable to errors in regard to them, which
experience alone could develope ; and after much reflection, I am satisfied that there
are defects in the system as at present organized, which must Ix; remedied in order to
ensure its full degree of officii -icy and usefulness. In my judgment, confirmed by the
experience of others, the great error connnitted has Ixien in establishing most of the
institutions upon too large a scale. In consequence of the heavy expenditures required
to establish and maintain them, they are necessarily limited in number, and so wide
apart as to be at an inconvenient distance from the great majority of those for whose
benefit they are intended. Hence, the advantages and benefits of the schools arc
confined almost entirely to the neighborhoods within which they are respectively
located ; for the Indians at a distance being naturally averse to having their children
taken so far from their homes, it often happens that the full complement of scholars
cannot be obtained. Besides, the congregation of large numbers of Indian children,
by affording them more unrestricted opiwrtunities of indulging in the use of their own
Pt. 11. — 70

li ('

|! 1

554

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

language, seriously interferes with their acquisition of the English tongue, a knowledge
of which is generally a pre-requisite to their civilization. By diminishing the size and
expense of these institutions, they could he multiplied and extended ; there would ho
less difliculty in obtaining the desired number of resident pupils ; while othei-s in the
vicinity could be taught as day-scholars, and the benefits of a practical education be
thus more widely diflused.

The only considera])le number of Indians who have retained any portion of their
original possessions, and survived the jjcrils of immediate ccmtact with a white
))opulation, fast thickening around them, are those remaining in the State of New
York, comprising a mere renuiant of the once numerous and jwwerful Iroquois, or
" Six Nations." After rapidly dimini.*ihing for many years, they seem at length to
have reached the lowest point in their declining fortunes. Having been placed by the
humane legislation of the State in a situation similar to that of our colonized tribes,
they present the interesting spectacle of a once barbarous people in a state of rapid
transition to civilization and prosperity. A striking indication of their progress is the
imjwrtant change the^' have made in their civil polity. Impre.»<sed with the disad-
vantages of their ancient and irresponsible oligarchical form of government, and its
tendency to retard their advancement, a majority succeeded, in 1848, in effecting
an entire revolution. Having formally assembled in convention, they adopted a
republican constitution, and their government and affairs are now well conducted on
principles similar to those on which ours are administered. There are still, however,
individuals among them, who, from their connection with the old system, are opposed
to the new order of things ; but, as the object of the.^e malcontents is to regain their
lost power, rather than to promote the public good, no encouragement has been given
to them either by the State of New York or the general government.

It is much to be regretted that no appropriation was made at the last session of
Congress for negotiating treaties with the wild tribes of the great western prairies.
These Indians have long held undisputed possession of this extensive region, and
regarding it as their own, they consider themselves entitled to comiwnsation, not only
for the right of way through their territory, but for the great and injurious destruction
of game, grass, and timber, committed by our troops and emigrants. They have
hitherto been kept quiet and jjeaceable by reiterated promises that the government
would act generou.sly towards them ; and considerations of economy, justice, and
humanity, recjuire that these promi.ses should be promptly fulfilled. They would,
doubtless, Ije contented with a very moderate remuneration, which should he made in
goods, stock animals, agricultural implements, and other useful articles.

As a further measure for securing the friendship and good conduct of these Indians,
it is earnestly recommended that a delegation of their principal and most influential
men be brought in for the purpose of visiting some of our larger cities and more
densely populated portions of country. These delegates would thus be impressed with

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

sss

an idea of the great suiieriority of our stivngth, which, being imparted to their people,
would have a powerful and most salutary intluence upon them.

Our information in regard to the Indians in Oivgon and California is extremely
limited; but the deficiency, it is hoped, will shortly be supplied by the agents and
commissioners provided for at the la.st session of Congress. Goi)ies of the instructions
given to these officers are herewith submitted, together with a reirort from General
Lane, late governor and acting superintendent of Indian affairs in Oregon, containing
the latest official information, in jiossession of the office, respecting the Indians in
that far distant ix'gion, and received too late to accompany the Annual KejTOrt of
last year.

After the three agents autl^ri/. d by Congress for the Indians in California were
apjwinted, it was found that no appropriation had been made for their salaries and the
necessary expenses of their agencies. Their functions as agents were therefore
suspended; but, sis there was an appropriation for negotiating treaties with the Indians
in that State, they were constituted commissioners for that purpose. They will thus
have an opportunity of acquiring information useful to them as agents, and be on
the spot to enter ujion their duties in that capacity when the requisite appropriations
shall have been made.

Commissioners have, also, been aj)p()inted for the highly important purpose of
negotiating treaties with the various Indian tribes adjacent to the line between the
United States and Mexico. They are expected to accompany the Ixjundary
commission, and are charged with the duty of collecting all such statistical and
other information concerning those Indians as may aid the department in adopting
the proper policy and measures for their government, and to carry out in good faith
the stipulations of our recent treaty with the Mexican republic.

The ruinous conditi<m of our Indian affiiirs in New Mexico demands the immediate
attention of Congress. In no section of the country arc prompt and efficient measures
for restraining the Indians more imperiously lequired than in this territory, where an
extraordinary state of things exists, which, so long as it continues, will be a reproach
to the government.

There are over thirty thousand Indians within its limits, the greater portion of
which, having never been subjected to any salutary restraint, are extremely wild and
intractable. For many years they have been in the constant habit of making
extensive forays, not only within the territory itself, but in the adjoining provinces
of Mexico — plundering and murdering the inhabitants, and carrying off large
quantities of stock, besides numerous captives, whom they have subjected t slavery
and treated with great barbarity and cruelty. Humanity shudders in view of the
horrible fate of such of their female captives as possess qualities to excite their
fiendish and brutal passions. Our citizens have suffered severely from their outrages
within the last two years, of which their attack last fall upon Mr. White's party,

1 }

! it

fi66

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

wiii'iC travL'lliii}^ to .Siiiita Fe, is one of many instanccH. They murdered the whole
party, (nine or icn in number,) except his wife, child, and servant, whom they carried
off. Our only Indian agent in the territory, who is stationed at Santa Fe, on hearing
of the lamentable occurrence, promptly made every effort in his power to rescnc the
captives and bring the Indians to punishment. The military officers in the territory,
also, made commendable exertions for the same purjxjse ; but, unfortunately, with no
other result than the discovery of the dead body of Mrs. White, whicli was foimd by a
military party in pursuit of some Indians supposed to have her in their jmssessiou.
It was evident that she had just Ijeen murdered, as the body was still warm. The
sad duty of interring the coqi.se was performed by the military with becoming decency
and respect. Proiwr efforts have lieen continued to rescue the child and servant, but as
yet without success. Renewed instructions have recently lieen given, directing a large
reward to Ije offered, which, it is hoiied, will lead to a favorable result. But their
atrocities and aggivssions are committed, not only upon our citizens, but ujion the
Pueblo Indians, an interesting semi-civilized people, living in towns or villages called
pHchlm; whence they derive their name. Before the country came into our possession,
they were in the habit of repairing the injuries they sustniued by retaliation and
reprisals upon their enemies, but frnm this they are now recpiired to desist ; and thus,
the duty is more strongly imposed upon us of affording them adequate protection.
The interference of the government is requiivd, also, to secure them against violations
of their rights of person and projH'rty by unprincipled white men, from whose
cupidity and lawlessness, thoy are continually subject to grievous annoyance and
oppression.

To prevent serious disputes between the.se Indians and the white inhabitants, it is
es.sentially necessary that commissioners Ije appointed to ascertain and define the
boundaries of their lands, Avhich they claim to hold under grants from Spain and
Mexico ; and to negotiate treaties with them for the purpose of establishing proper
relations between them and the government and citizens of the United States.
It is believed that by pursuing a wise and liberal policy towards them — which
their peculiar situation indicates and invites — they will in a few years be
fitted to become citizens, and being industrious, moral, and exemplary in their
habits, will constitute a valuable portion of the population of the territory. For a
brief period, however, they will require agents to regulate their intercoui-se and
manage their relations with the other Indians and the whites. The same commis-
sioners could be charged with the farther duty of entering into the necessary
conventional arrangements with the wild tribes of the territory. To manage these
Indians properly, they also must have agents ; and, in order to break up their practice
of committing depredations and taking captives, the}' should be placed in situations
where a proper vigilance and control can be exercised over them. Their forays into
the Mexican territory can only be prevented by locating them at a considerable

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

657

(1i8tancc from the Iwundary line, and the establishing of military posts to prevent
them from crossing it. The boundaries of the country allotted to the several tribes
respectively should be clearly defined, and they should not be allowed to go beyond
them without special permission. Thus situated and restrained, a portion of them
would need the assistance of the government, until brought to apply themselves to
husbandry for the means of subsistence, instead of depending on plunder and the
chase. Tiie adoption of this or some other efficient system of measures would involve
an expense far less than the amount for which the government will othenvise 'ix'come
liable on account of the just claims of our citizens and those of Mexico for sjjoliations
committed by these Indians, while it would obviate the serious evils that must result
from the settlement and improvement of the country being greatly retarded. An
obligation of the highest character rests upon us, to redeem the captives among the
Indians in New Mexico, represented to Ix; numerous ; and liberal appropriations will
have to be made for that purpose.

For interesting and more particular information respecting our Indian affairs in this
territory, and especially in relation to the agency and organization required for their
proper management, I respectfully refer to the accompanying letter (No. 33) from the
Hon. II. N. Smith and the rejiort from agent Calhoun.

We know but little of the Indians in Utah, beyond the fact that they are generally
peaceable in their disposition and easily controlled ; but further and full information
as to their peculiar condition and wants may soon be expected from the agent
recently sent among them. I therefore refrain, for the present, from making any
recommendation in regard to them, except that our trade and intercourse laws be
extended over them.

Our Indian relations in Texas remain in the awkward and embarrassing state set
forth in the Annual Reports from this office for the last five years, and particularly in
that of my immediate predece8,sor. The laws providing for the regulation of trade
and intercourse with the Indian tribes are not in force in Texas ; nor can they, I
apprehend, be extended there without the consent of that State. Thus, while an
unfortunate state of things exists in Texas, similar to that in New Mexico, and
requiring in general the same remedial measures, we have not the power to put them
in full and complete operation. The constitution, it is true, gives to Congress the
jiower to regulate commerce with the Indian tribes; but that it can be rightfully
exercised in such manner as to punisli the citizens of that State for trespassing on
lands occupied by the Indians, or trading with them, unless licensed by the
government, is a proposition that may well be controverted. What is required, in
regard to the Indians in Texas, is full and absolute authority to assign to them a
suitable country, remote from the white population, for their exclusive occupancy and
use, where we can make our own arrangements for regulating trade and intercourse
with them, and adopt other measures for th""r gradual civilization and improvement.

.i?

558

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

With this view, T rcsportfuUy 8upn;ost that a rommiscioiicr or conuiiissionors be
iipjMjiiitoil to confer with the proper luithorities of TexiiH on this important sul)jeet,
for the purpose of effecting tlie conventional arrangements imlis|)eniKable to n
satisfactory adjustment of our Indian affairs in that State.

Tliis measure, I submit, would be fully justified, if recommended alone by tho
consideration that it would probably result in curtailing the immense and compara-
tively useless expense to which the government is now subjected in maintaining the
large military force deemed necessary for the protection and defence of the citizens of
Texas.

The arrangements adopted 'nst year for the removal of the Seminole Indians in
Florida to the country occupied by their brethren west of the Mississippi, failed of
entire success; only a jKirticm were removed, and a niunlx'r still remain within the
district temporarily assigned them, on the gulf-side of the peninsula. These continue,
as heretofore, in charge of the military, and this department has no control or
jurisdiction over them.

Notwithstanding the efforts that have been made, and the heavy expense incurred,
during the last six years, to effect the removal of the Choctaws remaining in
Mississippi, a considerable numlxr still continue indisposed to migrate to the country
provided for the tribe west of the State of Arkansas. Anxiety is felt that the State
of Mississippi shall be speedily relieved of this incmnbrance, and the Indians
transferred to more comfortable homes among their brethren, where they would be
comparatively prosperous and happy. In view of past results, it is evident that more
efficient measures are necessary to accomplish their removal. These, it is hoped, may
be devised and put into successful operation at an early day.

Conceding the general wisdom and justice of the policy, adopted in 1847, of paying
the annuities to the Indians on the jwr capita principle, in my judgment, there are
material objections to the manner in which it has been practically applied. The
regulation on this subject provides that a portion of the annuities may be set apart by
the Indians for national and charitable purposes. These purposes, however, have
never been particularly defined ; rules are not prescribed for determining the amounts
to be provided for them, nor have measures Ijeen taken to encourage the Indians to
make so wise and beneficial a disposition of their funds. They naturally desire to
receive individual!}' the full amount of their respective shares, and, consequentl}-, their
entire annuities have been distributed equally among them. However fair and
equitable this mode of payment may appear, it is not altogether just to the chiefs, nor
consistent with sound policy. It is through the medium of the chiefs that the
government holds intercourse and dealings with the tribes, in the transaction of their
more important business, and it is not unreasonable that they should expect more
from the government than the common Indians receive, in consideration of their
station and the services they perform. But, according to the present mode of pacing

i i

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

660

their niiiiuitieH, the Tiidiniis iiiv all ami aUku plaood on a comiiion lovi-l ; and. as no
disniniiiiation is made in favor of the rhiofs, thoir intlnonco in not only diininislicd,
but a ficlinjrof oontenipt for frovcrnnu'iital authority in general is extensively inspired.
Evils of no ordinary magnitude are tlnis pnxluced, which, it is Ixdieved, nniy ho
remedied by a proper exercise of the discretionary iM)\ver over this subject vested in
the President and the Secretary of the Interior.

Tlic greatest difliculty which the government and individuals have to contend with
in their efforts to ameliorate the condition of om* Indians, is their strong and
nncontrollable appetite for ardent spirits, and the facility with which they can still Ik;
procured, notwithstanding the stringency of our laws and the strenuous efforts of the
agents and military to prevent its intrtKluction among them. It is a deplorable fact
that there are many pt'rsons engaged in the villanous business of smuggling li<pior
into the Indian country, while others, less daring, but equally depraved, are stationed
near their borders for the purpose of carrying on an unholy traffic with them. The
States within which these miscreants talio refuge should be invoked to put an effectual
stop to their abominations.

The W(H"k of collecting and digesting statistical iind other infonnation illustrati\e
of the history, condition, and futiu'e prospects, of the Indian trilx's, has been
uiu'emittingly prosecuted, and the results, it is believed, Avill not only be of mucli
general interest, but highly useful to the department in the administration of our
Indian affairs. Tiie first part of the.se investigations is in press, and will be laid
before Congress at an early period of the ensuing session.

A striking disparity exists l)etween the financial estimates of this offict;, submitted
to Congress at the conunencement of the last session, and those i)repared for submission
at the conunencement of the next. The latter exceed the former by a very large
amount, and, to prevent misconception, a brief explanation mny be necessary.

Estimates are divided into two classes, technically called rajiihtr and fjufiul. The
first class relates exclusively to objects of fixed aiul permanent character, and to
appropriations therefor, to bo expended within the ensuing fiscal year; the latter, to
temporary and miscellaneous objects, and to appropriations therefor, to be expendid
within the currei\t as well as the fiscal year. Heretofore the practice has been to
submit the regular estimates alone at the opening of Congress, and the special estimates
from time to time during the progress of the .session. But in preparing the estimates
for the present year, care has been taken, pursuant to your instructions, to make them
so full and comprehensive .as to embrace both classes in one general estimate, thereljy,
as far as practicable, placing before Congress, at a single view, and at the commence-
ment of the session, every object, of whatever character, for which an appropriation
nuiy 1)0 required. Hence the estimates of tlie present year, thus aggregated and
condjined, exceed the regular estimates of the last 81,423,033 49, and yet they fall
short of tlie actual appropriations, at the recent session, on Indian account, some

CGO

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

IjV

$18,000 — while tlie regular estimateH of Iti-st year exceed the corresixmding claws in
the present general estimate $4,.1i)0, — the tlifference being occaHioned hy the onuHMion
of sundry items and the reduction of otherH.

Great care has also been taken to make the explanatory remarks accompanying the
estimates conformable to law. They succincitly, but clearly, exhibit the grounds on
which the several items are respectively founded; and, although the aggregate is
large, it cannot, in my judgment, be materially diminished without detriment to the
public service.

The present force of this olTice is less than in former years, and inadequate to the
prompt discharge of its greatly augmented and increasing duties. An additional
number of clerks and a thorough reorganization of the department are indisi)en8ably
neces.sary. But as a full and satisfactory exposition of the measures requiri>d in this
connection would involve elaborate detail, they will form the subject of a special
communication.

Respectfully submitted,

Hon. A. H. II. Stuart,

Seo-ctary of the Interior.

L. LEA,

Commissioner.

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L. LEA, Commissioner.
Office Indian Jiffairs, November 27M, 1850.

Estimate of Funds required for the fiscal year, commencing the fir
of July, 18i>l, and terminating the thirtieth day of June, 185
wit : Office Expenses, Compensation to the Commissioner of
Affairs, and to the Clerks and Messengers in the Office of the C

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uses of the ofiGce, to wit :

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One clerk
One clerk

Three clerks

Two clerks

One clerk
Two clerks

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Statement exhibiting the Annual Interest appropriated by Congress to
pay the following Tribes of Indians, in lieu of investing the sum of
money provided by treaties and laws in stocks.

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Resolution of the Senate, May

27, 1836.
Treaty, September 29, 1837.

Treaty, October 21, 1837.

Treaties, November 1, 1837,

and October 13, 1846.
f Treaties, October 21, 1837,
I and October 11, 1842.

Resolution of the Senate, Ja-
nuary 19, 1838.

Do. do. do. do.

Treaty, November 23, 1838.

Treaty, May 20, 1842, and law
of Congress, June 27, 1846.

Treaty, January 14, 1846.

Treaty, June 5, 1846.

Treaty, September 27, 1830, i
and Uws of 1842 and 1845.

Department of the Interior,

Office Indian .affairs, JVovember 2~th, 1850.

MJ)U| J

■paiHIJd
n«niiii«
junouiv

12,000

15,000

8.770
59,250

50,000
7,S75

3,456

17,.500

3,750

10,000
32,150
43,600

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200,000

300,000

175,400
1,185,000

1,000,000
157,500

69,120

350,000

75,000

200,000
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872,000

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Chippewas and da was

Sioux of Mississippi
Sacs and Foxes of Mis-
souri

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SPECIAL ESTIMATE OF FUNDS

Required for the service of the Indian Department within the present fiscal year ending

mh June, 1851.

OIJccls.

1. For fulfilling treaty with the Wyandnts, viz., invostiiicnt in United
States stock — per 1st article treaty 1st April, 1850

Payment of debts, itc. — per 1st aiticle treaty 1st April 1S50

Kxpcnso of negotiations, &c. — per 2d article treaty 1st April, 1850.

2. For fulfilling treaty with the Utflhs, viz., purchase of presents,
agricultural implements, &c. — per 8th article treaty 30th Dee. 1840

Expenses of designating boundaries — per 7th article treaty 80th
December, 1840

3. For fulfilling treaty with tlic Nuviijocs, viz., purchase of presents,
agricultural implements, &c. — per 10th article treaty 0th Septem-
ber, 1840.......

Expense of designating boundaries — per 0th article treaty 0th Sep-
tember, 1840

4. For arrearages of compensation (from 1st October, 1850, to 30th
June, 1^51) of three Indian agents for the Indian tribes of Cali-
fornia — per act 28tli September, 1850

5. For expenses of holding treaties with the various Indian tribes of
California, in addition to the appropriation for the same object made
30th Sejitember, 1850 ."

0. For expenses of removal and subsistence of the Chippewas of Lake '
Superior and the Mississippi, from the lands ceded under the trea-
ties of "iOtli .July, 1S!!7, and 4th October, 1842, in addition to the
appropriation for the same object made 30th September, 1850 ....

7. For expenses of the removal of the sub-ageney for the Chippewas
of Lake .Superior and he Mississippi from the old site at La Pointe
to the new one at Sandy Lake, including the erection r' the
necessary buildings at the latter place

8. For cnnipensation and expenses of the committee of Old Settler
parly of Clierokees, their clerks, &c., for services rendered in jiur-
suauce of the provision contained in the 5th article of the treaty of
17lh August, 1840, in addition to the appropriation made 30th
September, 1850

9. For this sum to enable the Department to ^ati.sfy the claims of the
Creek Indians for mills stipulated to be furni.«hed under the 3d
section of the treaty of 15th November, 1827, and 5th article of
the treaty of 14th February, 1 s.'i3

10. For compensation to the three special agents and the necessary
interiireters for the Indian tribes of Texas, including the purchase
of presents, authorized by the act of 30th September, l85tl

11. For expenses of holding treaties with the wild tribes of the Prai-
rie, and for bringing on delegations to the seat of government ....

12. For collecting and compiling the necessary information, construct-
ing, engraving and printing maps, showing the Indian country and
the position of the lands of the different Indian tribes within the
limits of the United States

8100,000

85,000

2,000

10,000
8,000

6,750

r5,000

25,000

3,000

1,500

5,400

15,000

200,000

10,000

»187,000
18,000

18,000

0,750

75,000

25,000

3,000

1,500

5,400

15,000
200,000

10,000
~"g76

Jli [CONTINUED.]

SPECIAL ESTIMATE OF FUNDS, &c.

Otfjects.

13. For interest on the amounts iiwurded (^lioctaw claimants under
the 14th article of the treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek, of 27th
September, 1830, for lands on which they resided, but which it is
impossible to give them, and in lieu of the scrip that has been
awarded under the act of 23d August, 1842, not deliverable East,
by the 3d section of the said law, per act of 3d March, 1845, for
the half year ending 30th June, 1852

14. For expenses of the removal and subsistence of Choctaws from
the State of Mississippi to the Choctaw country west of that river,
in addition to former appropriations for the same object

15. For payment to the Winnebago Indians of this sum erroneously
charged against the fund of 810,000, set apart (out of the consider-
ation to be paid for the lands ceded) by the 8th clause of the 4th
article of the treaty of 1st of November, 1837 !

10. For payment to the Cherokee nation of the amount due under the 1
Uth article of the treaty of Gth August, 1840, as ascertained by the!
proper accounting officers, pursuant to the resolution of Congress of j
7th August, 1848 ]

17. For the amount paid to agents and others employed by the govern- 1
nient in carrying out the provisions of the treaty with the Churokees |
of 1835-G, and improperly charged to and paid out of the treaty j
fund as decided by the Senate

18. For interest nn the aggregate amount of said sums, viz., 8724,003
37, at the rate of five per cent, per annum, according to the award
of the Senate of September otli, 1850, under the provisions of the
11th article of the above-mentioned treaty

19. For the re-appropriatiou of the following sums (carried to the sur-
plus fund, per warrants numbered 13 and 10, and dated respectively
30th June, 1846, and 30th June, 1847 ) under the following heads, viz. :

" Fulfilling treaties with Kanzas"

" Fulfilling treaties with Wyandots"

" Support of blacksmiths, &c., for Osages"

" Payment of claims for Osage depredations"

" Purchase of cows and calves for Osages"

20. For continuing the collection, and for publishing the stati.'.tics and
other information, authorized by the act of 3d JIarch, 1847, and
subsequent acts

For supplying deficiency in the amount appropriated at the last session
for the same object

21. For the expenses of an agent to collect information to enable the
Department to execute the law of Congress providing for the per
capita payment to Cherokecs under the treaty of 1835-6, so far as
relates to those Indians cast of tho Mii issippi

22. For the removal and sub.-.istence of Indians

23. For liriuidated balance found due the Creek Indians for losses
sustained during the lust war with Great Britain by that portion of
the tribe that wius friendly to and co-operated with the United States,
in i.ocordance with the promise of the government, and pursuant to
the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Committee
on Indian Affairs of the Senate of May, 1850

Office Indi.vn Affairs, Nov. 7th, 1850.

"ptTii. — tT

21,800

20,000

0,228 28

627,603 95

96,999 42

8,707 21

355 28

0,500 ,59

14,375 50

312 10

21,800

20,000

6,228 28

724,003 37

30,256 74

19,301

],.500
52,510 37

110,417 90

81 ,.551, .327 60

L. LEA, Cunimii'sioner.
'577

)

578

STATISTICS AND TOrULATION.

E. — Ileeaj)itulation,

Amount required for current expenses $121,500

<< " fur annuities, &c 747,945

« " for additional items 1,551,327 66

812,420,722 60

Office Indian Affairs, November 7th, 1850.

L. LEA, Commissioner.

EXPLANATIONS TO GENERAL ESTIMATE.

(A.) The items for pay of superintendents and agents are greater by 816,000 than for the same objects the
past year, owing to the employment of one additional superintendent and six agents, authorized by the acts of 5th
of June and 28th September, 1850.

(U.) Item increased 8750 over estimate of last year, one additional sub-ngent being employed within the State
of Talifornia, under the discretionary power vested in the President in the 5th section of the act of 30th June,
18ii4, organizing the Indian Department.

(C.) Item increased 8;!,500 over estimate of last year, additional interpreters being necessary for ew

agencies established.

(D.) Item additional to the estimate of last year, because of there being tlicn a euflicient balance on hand from
previous appropriations. The extension of our Indian relations in California, Oregon, New flexico, and Texas,
makes the appropriation asked for necessary.

(E.) Items for tlic Choctaws less by 832,500 than tlie estimate of last year; that ainount, being for annuity
and education, having expired by limitation with the appropriation for the fiscal year 1850-51.

(F.) Items for the Scminolcs less by 81,000 than for the last year; that amount, being for agricultural imple-
ments, having expired by limitation.

(G.) Item for the Menomonees less by 8000 than for the last year; that amount, being for pay of miller, not
required, the Indians not removing to their new homes as was expected.

(II.) Item for the Quapaws less by 8240 than for last ye.jr, that amount being for an arrearage due to the
assistant smith for the previous year, viz., 1849-50.

(I.) Item for the Stoekbridges less by 82,000 than for last year, it not being required; the payment of this
annuity being conditioned on the removal of the tribe, which has not yet taken place.

(K.) Items for the Senceas less by 8100 than for last year; that sum being for the purchase of supplies for
smith-shop, being reduced in consequence of the re-establishment of the shop for the Senceas and Shawnces,
ai'thorized by the act of 30th September, 1850.

EXPLANATIONS TO SPECIAL ESTIMATE.

Items 1, 2 and 3 are now items under treaties ratified at the close of the last session of Congress.

4. — No appropriation having been made at the last session for the payment of the salaries for the California
agents autliorizcd by the act of 28th of September last, the amount asked for is to cover a deficiency for that
object arising within the fiscal year 1850-51.

5. — It wa.s originally estimated by the Department that the .miount required for holding treaties with the
Indian tribes of California woidd be 8100,000, and that sum was solicited at tlie last session. Congress, how-
ever, appropriated but 825,000; a sum wholly insufficient 'n the judgmoi t of this offi.-e, to cflfeet the objects
contemplated. As the views previously entertained on this subject have umlorgone no change, but, on the con-
trary, have been mucli strengthened by information subsequently derived from reliable sources, tho application is
renewed, and an aprropriation of the difierenco, it is hoped, will be made.

STATISTICS AND TOPULATION.

679

6. — In the cxpliination j^.v i\ to a similar item tor the same object at tlic late session, it was stated that tlio
amount then asked for (and w : :!• was appropriated), 825,000, was based on the best data then in the possession
of the Dt'paiiiiient, and on part al information received from the (iovernor and Superintendent of Indian AtTuirs
for Minnesota Territory ; and tl; :it that office had been written to fur further information as to the sum requisite ;
and if, when received, it should be such as to render a change in the amount asked for necessary, it would be
communicated. The communijatioim received from Governor Kanisey on the subject exhibit an amount far
beyond that entertained by tlie Department for the aecomplislimont of the object, and it is even greatc ban it is
now thought can be requisite. The Department has therefore fixed the amount at 8"jr),000, which, added to that
appropriated by the act of !JOth September last, makes the sum of 850,000 for the purpose.

7. — This is nn expense rendered necessary by the removal of the sub-agency, in view of the removal of i!'e
Indians, and is one-half less than the amount reported as necessary by the sub-agent.

8. — It was found on an examination of the report of the committee, that errors had crept into it, and, on
representations made to the Department by those interested, it was deemed proper to direct that tlie Board .should
be again convened, and a revision be made of their previous acts. It is to cover the expense of this second
Bitting of the Hoard that the amount is solicited.

9. — Tlie treaty of 1S27 with the Creeks sets apart the sum of 82,000 for the erection of four horse-mills —
that of 1833 stipulates for the erection of four railway mills, for grinding corn. Neither of these provisions ha.i,
it appears on examination, been carried out, exeeiit to the extent of building one mill, at a cost of 8000. For
the erection of the four mills under the treaty of ls;i3, it is estimated 81000 will be rcfjuircd. In order, there-
fore, to satisfy these claims, an appropriation of the amount end)raced in the estimate will bo necessary.

10. — As a temporary arrangement, until Congress could legislate upon the subject, appropriations have from
time to time been made for keeping up an agency among the Texas Indians, and at the last session two others
were added. It is proposed to continue the arrangement, as no legislation has yet been had, placing our Indian
relations in that State on a more permanent ba.^is.

11. — This item formed tlie sulyect of a spe !al estimate to Congress at its late sessidu, was passed by the
Senate, and its eonsidoratiim by the proper committees in the House was postponed until the next scssimi — tlie
season having so far advanced, that nothing coidd ' o effected. IJelieving the attainment of the objects enntem-
platcd to be of great, if not vital importance to the peace of the frontier, the subject is again respectfully sub-
mitted, reference being had to the communications that accompanied the previous application.

I'J. — Like the foregoing, this item was endiraced in the estimates of last year, and its consideration by the
proper committees postponed. It is, therefore, re-submitted with the same explanation that accompanied it last
year, which is in the following words: "The constant endjarrassments to which the Department and the Indian
conmiittees in Congress arc subjected, for the want of proper maps, showing the country inhabited by the different
Indian tribes, and the position of their lands, has induced the submission to Congress for its favorable considera-
tion of an item which, though eonjeetund in amount, will, it is believed, be required to accomplish the work in
a satisfactory manner. It is dc.-igned to place the work under the direction of the Topographital Iturcau; and
the maps to endiraco an extent of country running from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean."

13. — The appropriation made at the late session covers the interest due to the 1st January, 'l^o-J. In order
to make the appropriation conform to the fiscal year, the amount required for the last half of the year is endiraced
in the present estimate.

14. — The favorable reports from the emigrating agents induce the belief that the remnant of the trilie yet in
Jlissi.ssippi will soon remove West; and that there may be no impediment in the way fi.r the want of funds to
meet the expense, this further sum, it is deemed essential, should be placed at the disposal of the IVpiirlnient.

15. — As explanatory of this item, a copy of the communication from the then Commissioner of Tiulian Affairs
to the Secretary of the Interior, dated 'Jd March, 1S50, is herewith submitted, marked A.

The Secretary, it will be perceived by his eiidoi'soment on that paper, opened the case and referred it back fnr
the reconsideration of Commissioner Hrown, who decided that the charges against the fund of the Imliaus were
erroneous, and that they were entitled to be reimbursed the amount. Ui\der this decision, an appropriation of
the sum asked for is necessary to satisfy the demand.

It), 17, and 18. — A reference to the accompanying printed copy, marked 15 — of the report of the Commiltco
on Indian Affairs of the Senate, made August 8th last, to which is appended that of the accouving olEccrs, dated

580 STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

3d December previous — will explain, with sufficient distinctness, the fairness of these items, and the propriety
of the requisite appropriations being made.

10. — These amounts were carried to the surplus fund; but having since ascertained that they are needed to
meet objects for whicii they were originally made, re- appropriations are solicited.

The objects to which these sums arc applied are as follows, \iz. :

That for the Kanzas to agricultural assistance, being balances of appropriations made under the 4th article
of the treaty of 30th June, 1825.

That for the Wyandot'' for unpaid claims for improvements arising under the 5th article of the treaty of 17th
March, 1842 ; and those for the Osagos, for tht objects expressed, arising under the 2d article of the treaty of
11th January, 1839.

20. — These sums, as stated in the estimate, are required for continuing the collection, and for publishing the
statistics and other information authorized by the Act of March 3d, 1847, and subsequent acts. The second item
being a deficiency in the amount appropriated 30th September last, for the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1851 ;
the first being the amount rcffuired for the year 1851-52, as follows; —

Salary of person charged with tlic work 81,600

Copyist 720

Drawing materials for draughtsmen, and for travelling expenses in visiting objects connected with the

StatLstics, kc 480

Engraving and printing drawings, liliioi^raphs, and maps for the second part of the work 8,000

Printing, stereotyping, paper, presswork, and binding for the same (1200) copies 4,500

815,300
21. — The object to bo accomplished is fully expres.-!ed in the item. It is to ascertain what Cherokees are east
of the Mississippi river, who arc outillcd to participate in the per capita payments to be made under the treaty
of 1835-3(1.

22. — This sum is requirc<l in order to settle the claim adjudicated by the accounting officers of the Treasury
in favor of 'he Chickasaw nation of Indians, for losses, &c., on provisions purchased in 1837 — thus :

Whole amount allowed 8112,042 f.O

Amount paid out of appro./riiition for removal and subsistence of Indians 58,124 14

Amount in the Treasury applicable 1,408 48 50,532 02

Balance required 852,510 37

23. — As explanatory of this item, see copy of report herewith, and accompanying documents marked C, from
the Commissioner of Indian Affiiirs to the Chairman of the Committee on Indian Affiiirs of the Senate, dated
May 10th, 1850.

11. PERIOD OF 1820.

I. OFFICIAL LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY OF

THE TREASURY.

Treasury Department,

mh Nuvember, 1820.

Sir: — In obedience to a resolution of the Senate of the United State?, of the
3d of Api'ih 1820, directing that the Secrctary of the Treasury "cause to be prepared
and hiid before the Senate, at the commencement of the next session of Congress,
a statement of money annually appropriated, and paid, since the Declaration of
Independence, for purchasing from the Indians, surveying, and selling, the public
lands; showing, as near as may be, the quantities of land which have been purchased;
the numl)er of acres which have been surveyed, the number sold, and the numlior
which remain unsold ; the amount of sales, the amount of forfeitures, the sums piiid
by purchasers, and t!ie sums due from purchasers, and from receivers in each land-
district," 1 have the honor to sulnnit the inclosed letter of the Register of the Treasury,
with tlie documents to which it refers, (marked from A to F, inclusive,) which contain
the several statements required by the resolution.

I remain, with respect.

Your most obedient servant,

WM. H. CRAWFORD.
The Hon. John Gaillard,

President pro tern, of t?ie Senate.

(BSl)

082

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

II. OFFICIAL LETTER OF THE REGISTER OF THE

TREASURY.

Treasury Department,
Register's Office, 8<A Nocemler, 1820.

Sir: — I have the honour to transmit certain statements, whicli have been formed
by the Commissioner of the General Land-Office, under your instructions ; also, by tlie
Second Auditor and the Register of the Treasury, for the purpose of complying with a
resolution of the Senate of the United States, passed the 3d of April, 1820.

The Sci<)ud Auditor of the Treasury, in his statement, marked A, shows the
sum:- A\hi(;h have been paid, and remain to lie paid, under trcatic. made with
the Indian tribes, to indemnify them for their cessions of lands to the United

States, I'lid otherwise, amounting to ... , $2,542,010 00

tatto !cat B exhibits the annual appropriations made by law on
fliv.;. ..t of the surveys of public lands, from the 4th of March, 178l»,
to the .ul of December, amounting to $1,802,140 22

From wliich are deducted so much thereof carried
to suri>lus fund 125,051 14

The payments for the surveys of land, from the Declaration of
Independence to the 4th of March, 1789, were

1,670,489 00

24,227 00

$4,243,032 00

Statement C shows the n mount of land sold, before t'le opening of the land-offices,
and comprises a period from the Declaration of Independenoo to that time, amounting,

in acres, to 1,536,552

in money or publl' debt ....... $1,944,244 00

Statements D ;'.ud E show the total amount
of lands sold, i'c the several land-oli'cc?, from
their institution to 30th Sept., 1819, . . . 18,001 ,930 sold for 44,054,452 00

Total sales, Acres, 20,138,482

$45,998,090 00

— t>l

STATISTICS AND POPULATION. 583

The said statements also exhibit —

The total amount of lands surveyed, in the several land-ofTice

districts, at Acres, 72,805,092

Whereof sold, « 18,001,930

To be sold, « 54,203,162

And that there have been sur\'eyed for military bounties, Acres, 12,315,360

Of the sales made to the 30th September, 1819, there had been

paid by purchasers, $22,229,180 00

And remain to be paid, 22,000,057 00

The Commissioner of the General Land-Office, in his statement marked F, estimates
tlio whole amount purchased from the Indians, under the various treaties and cessions,
at one hundred ninety-one millions, nine hundred seventy-eight thousand, five hundred
and thirty-six acres. This statement exhibits the date of the treaties, and the places
where held, the tribes with whom made ; the estimated number of acres ceded by
each tribe, with remarks in relation to the cessions.
I have the honor to be, sir,
With great respect.

Your most obed't and most humble servant,

JOSEPH NOURSE.
Hon. Wjr. II. Crawford,

Secretary of the Treasury.

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588

Statement of Approprialiont and Erpenditurct on account of the Surveys of Public Laiuh,

from the 4th March, 1789, to the 'ilst December, 1819; furnMid in pursuance of a Jteto-

lution of the Senate of the United State*, of the 3i April, 1820.

Apprnprl»>
tlouK.

Amount npprt>priHteil.

Amount mrrii-I lo
iiur|iluit luiiil.

Balance orai)pro|>rlation.

KxiK'iiilituren.

Amount i'X|N'Iii|«<(I.

17117

»2(-,000

8.:7,O00

1797

85,9f)4 20

1708

10,000

1798

0,tm 4t)

1799

11,519

e.5,731 41

5,780 59

1799

12,7t)9 93

ISOO

4,000

4,00t)

1800

11,910 94

1«01

28,200

2S,200

1801

17,723 27

1S02

42,190 90

42,490 90

1802

18,3S« 3ti

1803

29,743

500

29,243

1803

18,091 74

1804

55,900

13,150 50

42,449 50

1804

27,438 05

1H05

9(i,400

725 20

95,074 80

1805

1)9,187 02

IKOC.

140,400

2,942 17

143,457 83

1800

10«,S!»5 02

1S07

79,580

3,494 18

7I>,0S5 82

1807

98,115 59

1S08

0O,H74

2,315 04

5s,.528 90

1808

73,229 39

11 1S09

34,040

29,711 28

4,928 72

1809

52,903 01

1 islO

30,400

70J 00

3.5,095 34

1810

64,:!50 99

! 1811

14(i,900

303 30

140,530 70

1811

85,031 49

1H12

5S,020

401 10

.57, til 8 90

1812

40,431 71

ISl.J

7O,5()0

13,793 91

5ti,7(iO 09

1813

3.><,370 01

1S14

(i7,000

25,03s tin

41,9til 31

1814

33,770 94

1815

39,700

20,174 70

13,525 30

1815

47,083 98

IHKJ

175,700

! 50

175,.').50

1810

113,099 47

1817

22S,-J00 .32

1-5

228,141 32

1817

232,408 43

1818

177,541

177..i41

1818

175,034 51

1819

175,300

1819

237,418 49

1,585,223 10

Balance unexpended on

1 91,205 98
81,070,4S!) 08

the 31st Dec. 1819

81,802,140 22

8125,051 14

81,t;70,489 08

Treaslry Department, RtgitUr's Ofice, .VoremLer 8, 1820.

JOSEPH NOURSE, Register.

Schedule in relation to the Sales of Public Lands, bifore the Land Offices were opened.

Years.

To whom Mid.

A<Te«.

LatiiU rpTcrtod.

Total fhim aaloa.

1787

SunJry persons at vendue in

AetM.

Anutii ).

the city of New York

72,974

35,457

829,782 65

8117,108 22

9ti4,285

500,0t)0 00
70,455 38

1778

John Clevcs Pyinmcs

Conimonwealtli of Pennsylva.
Sales at Pittsburg and Pbilad.

248,540

1780
1790

202,187

48,500

1,5.!G,552

151,fi40 25
105,040 20

( Specie or public
{ debt.

8944,244 11

Treasury Department, Register's Office, J>rovember 8, 1820.

JOSEPH NOURSE, Register.

590

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Ettiinate of the number of Acres of I'uhlw Lamh which have been turveijcd, the number- gold,
and the number which remained unsold on the 'Mth Sejitember, 1S19, pursuant to a Jtesulu-
tioH of the Senate, dated 3(i of April, 1820.

Murietta

Cliilieotlio

Slo'. Viivillc

('iiR'iniiiiti

Zuiicsvillc

Wonstvr

Dvlawaro

l'i(|ua

VincciiiieH

•Tefforsiinviilc

Tcrru Haute

liroiikville

SImwnri'town

Ku:-kaskia

Kdwartlsvillc

I'alestiiiu

Vund.'iliii

Detiiiit

>St. Louis

Franklin

West of Pearl river

Kiust of Pearl river

Iluntsvillc

Cal.aha

Tuscaloosa , .

( 'oiioeali

OpclousaH

New Orleans

('upc Girardeau

Arkansas

Davidsonvillc, Lawrence Co. . . ,
In Ohio, prior to the year 1797 .

NiimlKT of acrea nurTpywI.

Numbvr of Bcru aolil.

5711,000
2,ll.'S,4!S0

i,o:ii"),atio

:i,70!»,4-IO

i.sm.xso

1,244,100

(<i'iL',480
»i!tl,2o0

5,f);i2,r)O0

2,S<;2,!t20

7(>l,i>00

70!»,00(»

3,018,240

2,18S,XOO

2,(i2ri,!M;o

3!»1,(;ko
1,105,920
2,078,(W0
0,777,700
3,SOI,600
!!,7S7,H40
5,25:i,12(»
5,4<iO,4SO
!!,S!t3,700
3,525,120
0!t,120
1,42S,4K0

53S,240

1,405,440

1,359,300

none for sale

1,53(!,552

Surveyed 72,805,092

Sold 18,001,930

Unsold 54,203,102*

15<i,035
1,02(>,030
l,44(i,018
2,733,088
880,295
889,514
none
none
1,380,771
1,218,757
none
none
502,290
407,027
394,730
none
none
58,450
470,990
002,434
1,124,280
951,131
1,427,407
1,208,319
none
none
none
none
none
none
none
1,530,552

18,001,930

* But subject to various private claims and reservations for schools, &c.

Estimate of Lands surveyed for Military Bounties.

In Ohio for bounties to soldiers of the Revolution
In Illinois do do. do.

In ^lissouri do. do. do.

Id Arkansas do. do. do.

Survoyed.

1,380,000

5,7tiO,O0O

837,700

4,337,000

Rt>niainln{t un-
IcH'atwI.

87,500
2,41 1,520 )
348,440 J
the whole

The lots being too large or
too small, or otherwise unfit
for bounties.

NoTB. The estimate of lands surveyed, includes all surveys received to this day.
" " of lands sold, includes all sold up to 30th September, 1810.

Oenkhai. Land Office, Oct. 15, 1820. JOSIAH MEIGS.

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III. TOPIC OF LANDS PURCHASED FROM

THE INDIANS.

MESSAGE FKOM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
TRANSMITTING, IN GOMPLIANGE WITH A RESOLUTION
OF THE SENATE, A STATEMENT SHOWING THE PUR-
CHASES OF INDIAN LANDS SINCE THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF THE PRESENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.

To THE Skxate of the United States: —

I tiansinit lierewith, in reply t(» tho ivsulution of tlie Senate of 11th March last,
a report from tlic Secretary of War, accompanied hy a commimication and other
documents Imm the Commissioner of Indian Aflairs.

M. VAN BUREN.

Washington, July 20th, 1840.

War Department, Ju/i/ 20//», 1840.
Sir : I have the honour to lay hefore you for transmission, if approved, to the
Senate, in reply to the resolution adopted by that Ixxly on the 11th March last,
requesting to l)e furnished with a statement of the purchases of Indian lands since the
establishment of the present Federal Government, a rt'iwrt from the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs and the accompanying statements.

Very ivsiiectfully, your most obedient servant,

J. R. POINSETT.
The President of the (Tidied States.

( S9(! )

STATISTICS AND POPULATION.

r.'t?

Wak Dki'autmknt,
Offlee IniUitn Affairx, July 2i)lh, 1S40.

Slit: I liiivo the honor to Hiiltinit hort'with, in reply to the n-Hohitioii of the S-iinte
of tlio 11th Mnn-h, n'<iuoHting the ProKideiit "to cniiwf to Ikj <>oiniiuinirati>(l to the
Stniite II (letiiiled eiiroiioloj^ietil Htuteiiieiit of the piirchm^eH of hind niiule from encli
Indian trilH>, within tiie liniitH of the United Staten, Htnce the e^«tn)lli^4hnlent of the
pri'wnt Federal Ooverninent," &c., thii-e Htiifenieiits, marked Nos. 1, 2, and 3, whieh
fnrniHh tiie informiition with as much aeeiniu v as it eonid In> roHeeted within tlie
time allowed.

For the jierifMl U'tween 4th Mareh, IS'JO, and 0th May, IS;{(), the stateuHMit
whieh aeoompanied the Ainuial Report of this Oflice for 18157 has lx;en ndoptctl, with
tho exeeption that it has In'en drawn out into greater detail, ('oniputations have
been made of the eost of the tix'aties made In'tore and since that jH>riod, which arc as
correct a» it has lM>en |)o."sil)l(> to make them. In making these calcnlatioiiK, the
aggji'gates designated in the statement (H) which a(!Companied my rejMirt to yon "f
tho 2d Fehrnarv, lS."i9, npon the resolntion of Ww llonse of Representatives of the
14th of .Taniiarv of that year, have In-en assumeil in all ca.ies, except where they have
been fonnd to Iw erroneons.

\'ery respect fnlly, your most olK'dient servant,

T. IIAIITLKY CUAWFORD.

Hon. J. R. PoixsETT, St'crelan/ n/ War.

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Sbawnces, and
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§ :

a s

.H S

(So
II

606

APPENDIX TO STATISTICS.

POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES.

SEVENTH CENSUS.

Alabuiiia

Arkansas

California

Connecticut

Dclawaio

j Florida

j Georgia

i Indiana

; Illinois

j Iowa

I Kentucky

{ Louisiana

j Maine

j Massachusetts . . ,

I Maryland

I Mississippi

Michigan

Missouri

New Hampshire .

New York

New .Jersey

North Carolinaf .

Ohio

Pennsylvania . , ,

Rhode Islanil . . ,

South Carolina . .

Tennessee

Texas

Vermont

Virginia

Wisconsin

Wliito

Prijuiliitinn.

Frpp rnlornl

i'lipullltli'tl.

Tkhritorif.s.
District of (,'olumbia

Jlinnesota

New Jlcxico

Oregon

Utah

42(!,r)15
12t),(|-l

3r>!i,is9

71,-JS2
47,120
5l:i,(is.3
98:i,t!84
8r)3,()5<»
101, S30
770,001
i!r)4,271
r)Sl,!);20
98r),4!IS
41S,70;!
2!)l,r):!0

a»;i,ir)()

r>!l2,17(i

317,;!.')4

3,04-->,r)74

4()0,2S3

r..V2,477

1,0-) 1,1 01

2,2uS,480

144,012

274,77:')

707,310

]:W,131

.11 2,75(1

804,140

30;i,()00

10,517,885

38,027

0,102

61,032

20,000

t25,000

2,250

.587

1,800

7,415

17,057

020

2,5S0

5,1((0

5,230

202

9,007

15,085

1,312

8,773

73,043

X08

2,517

2,007

477

47,448

22,200

27,271

25,030

53,201

3,543

8,700

0,2S0

020

710

53,000

020

Tolftl Frpp.

428,705
102,058
100,800
370,004
80,239
48,040
515,000
088,734
858,208
192,122
770,728
200,050
5S3,232
004,271
402,700
202,434
305,703
.504,843
317,S31
3,000,022
4s,'i,552
5S0,458
1,077,031
2,31 1,0s I
147,555
2S3,544
773,500
134,057
313,400
04H,055
304,220

itnttvu PupulHtion.

342,S04
4ti,082

2,2S0

30,341

302,000

221,708
230,WO7

SO,SOO
300,410

"8*0*280

110
288,412

384.025

240,510

53,340

'473,626

034,501
100,848
H)0,HOO
370,004
90,012
71,0.50
733,448
0S8,734
858,208
102,122
012,7x8
4(18,440
.5X3,232
004,271
.540,586
472,085
302,703
648,410
317,831

3,000,022
488,023
753,.505

1,077,031

2,311,081
147,555
314,499
023,310
100,0(>4
313,400

1,231,870
304,226

409,200
9,973

10,027,0X5

48,000
0,102
01,031
20,000
25,000

3,175,002
3,087

10,008,730 I 410,173 I 20,087,000 i 3,170,5X0

21,832,021

No. of
lti>|irt<ii.

FrartlnnK.

4
1
1

8
11

10
4
6

33
5
8

10
2
3

13
3

*72,280

3,444

*74,(JO((

•89,408

*77,534
51,714

20,0SO

4,71S

*75,470

33,032

21,020

*57,251

*78,070

4,175

20,x!ir)
*X0,204

30,725
*91,55X

20,113

3,8X0

9,2X0

*02,x:!:!

*53,S53

45,0s!»
*x0,002
*72i3(!2

32,300

13,744

23,120.

233

RKC.\PITULATION.

Free States

Slaveholding States . . .
District and Territories

Tnliil Fri>o
Pi'ltuliitioii.

R<>]>r(>Ni>iititt[vo
I'liiuihition.

13,.533,328

0,303,758

100,824

110

3,17.5,783
3,087

13,533,300
8,209,220

20,087,000 i 3 ,170,589 | 21,832,025

Total Free Population 20,087,000

Total Slaves 3,170'589

Ratio of Representation

23,207,408
03,702

„r^o-7-,'w ."?'?',",",''' "'I"-"""'"''-' popolntion bIvp|., m thi- np»rp«t npproxImBl.- rnllo for 2.1.1 nii-ml^rji. riho numlH-r fixcl l.v Irw.1 i, rnllo
TP,;. si r;. »M H f "" ""'y,--^' inoml».r«-l™Th,jr llio n.ni,iiMl,i,t 1:1 tn 1« a.,..it.n„l lo the Stntfj hHVIng tho lars«t rwiduary lraoliu„«.

1 1 !■ Sliili'j whlrli thus ,miii a mumljer uro de:il|!nat«l hi the above liiblf l.y u *. I so " j

t lilrludliig 710 liiUiuiiK. '

11---.—-

{ Kfitlmntcfl.

(•ill-)

NOTE.

The prepared statistics of population, including the ancient periods of Indian
population in America, which are referred to in my report of August 14 th, are
crowded out of this volume, and are necessarily deferred until the next.

The figures introduced at the head of paragraphs by Rev. Mr. Worcester, in § IX.
A. ; by Rev. Mr. Lowry, in § XI. A. ; and by Mr. Prescott, in § V. B., refer to tho
order of the topics of inquiry mentioned in the original circular of "Historical
Inquiries," &c. issued by the department of Indian Affairs in 1847, and printed at
the end of Part I.

(608)