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This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est filmd au taux de reduction indiqud ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X y 12X 19X 20X 26X SOX 24X 28X 3 32X Stalls >s du nodifier >r une ilmage 98 The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks to the generosity of: Library of the Public Archives of Canada The images appearing lere are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impression. 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Hall, May i, i%ou Dear Sir, I Have taken a few days to confider the . .1, f ?. . ''°"'' P""'^'* Letter of the 14th of March, becaufe it is of great im! penance to the Kubiic, that a National Op- pofit on to the meafures which have proved /o calamuous, and to the abufes which have fo nearly deprived us of all Conft.tutional Freedom, fhould be formed ; but not of lefs importance, dm it (hould be formed on grounds which appear moft likely to afford the means of fuccefs. When a Natbn wh.ch ,s .ntitled by its Conftitution to D- ^ ^ berty, C 4 ] berty, is forced by ufurpatlon or opprcfTioii to relort to extraordinary meafiires tor the redrefs of grievances, the importance of the end purfued certainly flioiild hear fomc fair proportion to the magnitude of the means employed. To call forth the exertions of a whole Nation, the object fhould be adequate; nothing lefs than the attainment of fuch a redrefs of grievances, fuch a corredion of abuies as may fecure the future enjoyment of Liberty, fliould be propofed; it ought to be a Radical Reform, on the Principles of the Conftitution ; and there ought to be a rational ground to hope it might be attained by regular and pacific means. On this point, I conceive there is an entire concurrence of fentiment between us ; and confidering the end thus limited to be the objed: we have in view, I (hall take it for the foundation of my Anfwer to what you have offered in the Letter alluded to. 1 would obferve, then, that no Union of fuifRcient extent to deferve the name of a National Oppofition, or to infure fuccefs in the way defired, probably can be formed on the principle you have laid down. The objedtions of the Rich to Univerfal Suffrage appear to remain in full force ; and power- ful as your reafoning is, in the latter part of your Letter, 1 conceive it will be unable> in •1 t 5 ] in any fenfible degree, to diminllh their fears. By adhering to thit principle there- fore, in the propofed AfTociation, you will exclude a great majority of the well-dirpofcd perfons of that clafs, and oblige them either to range themfelves with the Supporters of a harfh and corrupt fyflem of Admini- ftration, or to remain inadive, and loft to the Public Caufe. This, I finccrely think, will he the confequence of confulting Tht« cry alone, inftead of combining Theory, a;-; I wi(h to recommend, with what Experience may teach to be practicable. If you will ad- here to Speculation, without admitting any prudential modification, on account of fub- fifting prejudices, in that cafe the profped before you will be a gloomy one. It will be, on the one hand, a fcene of fruitlefs commotion, followed by the blood of many worthy, but rafli and unfortunate perfons, fhed upon the fcaffold, and the final efta- blifliment of that Tyranny you wifh to avert ; or, on the other hand, granting for argu- ment that it might prove a fucccfsful effort, what will the refult of it be, but the over- throw of the Conftitution, efFe<^ed by the violence of an irritated Democracy, over- coming, in this terrible ftruggle, the united power of the Crown and Ariftocracy, and their numerous adherents in the moll opu- lent ..Ji: [ 6 ■] lent clafles of the monied and mercantile in- terefts ? And what will this be, but a renewal of all the horrors of the FrCiich Revolution in this unfortunate Country, ap;gravated by the bitter rcfledion that they might have been avoided by more moderate meafures, by a plan more cautioufly limited at the outfet of your enterprize. Such, as 1 con- ceive, are the conlcquences you have to ex- pert, if you take grounds of Oppofition too extenfivc to be yielded by any compromife, and on which you cannot hope to be joined by the great majority of the Opulent. But if you will confcnt to blend Theory and Praftical Prudence together, and dc- monfirate to the Kich, by the very principle of your Affociaton, that you arc equally careful to protect Property and to I'ecure Liberty, you will probably be iupportcd by that part of the Rich who ftill retain an af- fcdionate attachment to Liberty ; and you will even leiTcn the violence of oppofition on the part of thofe Men of ( )pulence who are hoftile to Liberty, either from prejudice or corruption. And you will gain thtfe ad- vantages without lofing any part of your flrength among the lower claffes of the People. For although the propofed Aflb- ciation fhould not extend the Right of Suf- frage beyond the line drawn by Mr, Fox and [ 1 \ and Mr. Grey, it ftill would be the intercil of the 1-^well ClafTes to fupport that plan; and I doubt not, they adually would liip- port it to the utmolt extent of their ability. 1 he principle adopted by VI r. Fox and hi^ Friend, viz. to extend tde Right of Sutfrage to I loufeholders not receiving alms, as I think, molt judicioufly manifefts a due regard to Property, united wilfi the ne- celfary fecurity of Freedom. Itv is per- haps the neareft approximation to theo- retical pcifed;ion which could conjfiil with the inability of Property as it is now en- joyed in this Country. By adopting it, as the principle of your Aflbciation, you will fecure the greatcft probability of fucccfs in your pacific « ntcrprize, and be inftrumenral, I trufl, in procuring the grcatefl poffible Good to youi Country, with the iLaft mix- ture of Evil. You will act with the wifdoui of Solon, who being inuufled with power to »N ef(^rm the State, gave the Athenians not ihe befl Laws in Speculation, but the beft v\ hich they could bear. I'he Englilli Nation, by their morals, or by the diftri- bution ot their property, are not well fnted to receive Univcrlal Suffrage. It is a pri- vilege which they could not pofFibly acquire without a long ferics of calamity, which no pohtical advantage could compenfate to the prefent generation. And were it at •^his mo- *Tient 1 8 :i tncnt an eft.ihlifhcd Right, it would be ill exercifcd by the ignorant and unprincipled part of the Poor; it would be detefted by the proud and timorous part of the Rich ; and at lafl, it would be furrendered by the protiigate corruption of the former, or for- cibly fupprcfTed by the no lefs profligate ambition of the latter. You will do wifely, thertforQ;'^and deferve the warmeft thanks of every^ Friend to Peace and Liberty, as I judge, if yod will ground this new attempt to efPeSt a Reform on the combined prin- ciples of Liberty and Property. Our An- ceftors, in their oppofition to Defpotifm> were always careful to unite thefe two prin- ciples ; and their fuccefs was probably not lels the effedt of their Prudence, than of their Fortitude and Patriotic Zeal. What probably may be gained for the Public, by thefe prudential means, will be entire ad- vantage ; its value will be ineftimably great; and it will be without mixture of mifery refulting from the ftruggle : It will fave this Country from the impending evils of Anar^ chy and Defpotifm : It will complete what was perhaps unavoidably left unfinifhed by the Revolution in the year 1688, and per- petuate the Fnglilh Conftitution by a timely Reform, on the joint principles of Liberty and Property. And by holding forth to the World a noble example of a rational and I i i I paci fie le id ic J! I L 9 3 pacific Reform, it will again endear the name of Liberty to our Species ; the dan- gerous tendency to wild Revolutions will ceafe to terrify mankind ; Military Defpo- tifm no longer will be fought or endured, as a refuge from the rage of Democratic Innovation ; and peaceful Improvement will gradually and univerfilly mark the progrefs of Society to the attainment of the higheft hap pine Is. The moil prominent of thofe Patriots who may have engaged in this enterprize, the Duke of Bedford, Mr. Fox, Mr. trlkine, and their illuftrious F'iends, who have fup-^ ported thefc principles in Parliament, will Undoubtedly receive the loudeft applaui'e of their Fellow-Citizens, and will juftly be clafled by the gratitude of Pofterity among the greateft Benefadlors of their Country, And private perfons, like you, my dear Sir, and myfelf,»retiring to their refpedive homes, in the evening of their days, without place or penfion, without title or profefllonal dig- nity, will enjoy in filence the proud but unenvied fatisfadtion to have ferved the Public with dilintercfted zeal and integrity, while the malignant tongue of Malice could impute no finifter motive to their condu(£t. And lurcly this ground might be taken, without inconfillence, by the moft ftrenuous B Advocate L 10] Advocate of Univerfal Suffrage, In his pub- lications he has maintained, and always will maintain, that mankind by nature are in- titled to equal rights. He finds, Iiowever, that the Knglifli Nation are not now in the (late of Nature, but in a ftate of imperfed Society, in which, though many things arc right, fome are wrong. Indeed, fo wrong they arc, that the utmoft caution will be indifpenfibly ntcefTary to avoid meeting ruin in one horrid form, from that very attempt to corrcd. adeeply-difordered Legiflature, with- out which ruin in a different, but not lefs frightful fliape, mufl inevitably overtake us. — With perfed confiftency, therefore, he might hold his principles, and y :,t in pradice concur in any approximation to hig theory, which the temper of the timc$ would bear. This would be more than mere blamelefs confiflency ; it would be a virtuous and laudable policy, fkilfully avail- ang itfelf of exifting circumfiances, to educe from them the greateft good, and as much as poffible exclude all evil. It would be true Patriotifm, connedted with wifdom; in practice extending the mofl efFedual af- fiftance to the caufe of Refor.Tiation and human happinefs at prefent, while in fpe- culation it held forth thofe principles on Tvhich, in fome happier age of greater Pub- lic r Ih )e id m Ilic C " ] lie Virtue, Society may admit its final improvement. But in the Popular Societies there may be fome dillruft, latent, if not exprefled, to the Statefmen already alluded to, which may difcourage the adoption of their plan. The Nation had been cheated by more than one Pretended Reformer, before the late Mini- fter thought fit to drop the mafque. Warned by repeated experience, the Country will not haftily yield its confidence to the pro- fcflions of Public Men. But caution, pufhed to excefs, may be as pernicious to the Pub- lic Caufe as even credulity has been ; and though groundlcfs diflruft can excite no furprife, after treachery often experienced, it were neither wife nor juft in this inftance to adopt the diftruft of the Societies in que- ftion. The truth of this aflfertion will fuffi- cicntly appear from a (hort comparative view of the circumftances which evidently diftinguKh the character and conduct of Mr. Pitt, from the manly wifdom and vir- tue which intitle Mr. Fox to the confidence of the Public. In the character of Mr. Pitt, when in his early youth • j acquired our good opinion, there was the fuppofed ingenuous candor natural a: that age, with every favourable impreffion from Education and Parental Authority, undefaced by the wear and fric- B 2 tion ■ m: tion of Office, and untarnifKed by the lihh of Corruption, li was right to truft him then, becaufe he had the power, and pro- fefled the will to (erve the Public; and by repofmg truft in his profeffions of zeal, at a time when Peace had cooled the ardour of Reformers, no opportunity to ferve the caufe of Reformation was fufFercd to pafs. But a few years have proved the emptinefs of thofe profeffions, and (hewn that the firm fubftance of a virtuous mind, which could be proof againft every attempt of Power to warp ii from the line of reditude, was wanted there. And where that is wanted, there may be art, there may be eloquence, financial fkill, and every other requifite qualification to form a, Minifter, fit to lead a degenerate Parliament ; but there cannot be that virtuous uniformity of principles and condu