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Las diagrammes suivants illustrant la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 /*>/' MB 1 The House the state o: jurisdictior the Ameri thctn in th< Mr. FARj lows : Mr. Chaif expressed y( from Masse; this and othe gon should b acted on the body some t' for us to pui we think is ri the Senate. I nothing with responsibility ter. This b( tions." The in other hanc measure relat ceed to the which, the firs of no avail for he bill befoi t measures iction of the know that ac olutions," ha tainly reflect theiii. It has been bill that shal Oregon, parti( the latitude ol I think, shoul »<*»'^..; SPEECH MR. JAMES J. FARAN, OF OHIO, .. .., ; , ..^ ... ,, ^^ I • THE BILL TO PROTECT THE RIGHTS OP " ' AMERICAN SETTLERS IN OREGON. ' • '^ ■ DELIVERED ' '' IN THE HOUSE OP BEPBESEN7'ATIVB8, TCESDAY, APKIL U, 1*10. The House being in Committee of the Wiiole on the state of the Union, on the bill to extend the jurisdiction and laws of the United States over the American settlers in Oregon, and to protect them in their rights — Mr. FARAN addressed the committee as fol- lows : Mr. Chairman: I cannot concur in the oninion expressed yesterday by the venerable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Adams,] that action on this and other important measures relating to Ore- gon should be deterred until the Senate shall have acted on the "notice resolutions" that passed this body some two months ago. The proper course for us to pursue, in my judgment, is, to do what we think is right, without looking to or waiting on the Senate. Let us do our duty; we shall then have nothing with which to reproach ourselves, and the responsibility of failure will rest in the proper quar- ter. This body has acted on the "notice resolu- tions. '* They have passed from before us, and are in other hancls. Having disposed of the leading easure relating to the Oregon territory, let us pro- ceed to the other importiuU measures, without ivhich, the first — that or the notice — will not only be f no avail for good, but will be positively injurious, ""he bill before us is eminently one of these impor- t measures, and should not be delayed for any .ction of the Senate; and particularly when we know that action in that body on the " notice res- olutions," has l)een delayed by matters that cer- tainly reflect no credit on the body influenced by theia. It has been proposed to insert a provision in this bill that shall define the limits of the territory of Oregon, particularly its northern limit — assigning the latitude of 54° 40' as the northern limit. This, 1 think, should be done, if for no other reason tlian x^ii.yju to settle what country we mean when speaking of the Oregon country; for an effort has been made, in a certain quarter, to create the impreiision that, by the Oregon territory, is meant " Ae coimtry on the Columbia r'.' er and south of it, all lying below the line of 49°."— (Hon. W. H. Hatwood's Speech.) This I consider incorrect. By the Ore- gon territory, I understand all the country on the northwest coast of America, lying betweei the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific ocean, and the parallels of 42° and 54° 40" of nortli latitude. That is the country that is ;. tiaily, generally, I may say universally, meant byUrt^itn, when it is spoKcn of by the people, the press, nd the Gov- ernment. There is no Government ii.^t pui. forth any claims or pretensions between tJ'.ese parallels on that coa: , adverse to the title of the United States, except Great Britain. And I mention 54° 40' as the northern limit or boundary, because, in our treaty with Russia in 1824, we in effect agreed that no settlement should be made by citizens of the United States north of that latitude, on said coast, or the islands adjacent thereto. "The line of 54° 40' has not been run or marked, but that which ciin be made certain, is in law held and considered as sufficiently definite to be enforced. I witS highly gratified yesterday that the pro- ]>osition to limit our rights to 49° received but two or three votes. The adoption of such an amend- ment would have been an acknowledgment that the United States had no right to any portion of Oregon north of 49°. The consequence of such a declaration would have had an unhappy influence upon the settlement of this question. Aside from such a declaration not being warranted by the his- tory of our title, it would have confined our claims to limits that we could never have passed with any '-■* showof propriety, ami wo\ild Imve retarded rnthrr llinn advtiiicf'il n proper selilemtnt of the f[iicstioii. The considerntions llint induced the rfjertion of that nmendmont .ire HufTicient to answer the clamors that have been raised ngiiinst tiie Pn side nt for not disclosing to the world what lie i.s wiilin^' to do in this controversy, and how lie is willini; to settle it. For the President, in the present slate of this conlroversy, to make any other dtrlaratir)n on this subject than what he made in his Annual Messofje, and has repeated more than once since, would lie nn act of criminality to the country, that could scarcely be palliated or excused. Some persons seem to be fearftil that, unless the President ac- knowledges that ho is willina; to settle on the forty-ninth parallel, the thunders of the British cannon will urcak on our ears before wc arc aware ; and they are in misery because the President does not speak out. Why don't they ask Great Britain to speak out ■* Has Great Dritaui declared liow she is ready and willing to settle this controversy? The last definite proposition wos made by the Uni- ted States. Why not clamor against Great Britain instead of their own Government? The only an- swer I can give for such conduct is, that it is tluir fashion. Again: the adoption of such an amendment would be a good deal like aibilralitig. To arbi- trate, would be to give Great Britain the chance of getting something south of 49°. An ofl'er to divide the country by the parallel of 49° was promptly rejected by Great Britain. After some time, she proposes arbitration. What for? In order to settle on the line of 49'-'? Not at all. She had refused that flatly. She offered arbitration for two reasons. One, to try the chances of getting something south of 49°, supposing that, as it had been offered to her once by the President, if the aflTair should come to the worst, :;he could get the line of 49° at any time she would say the word, without arbitration. The other, to present to the world the appearance, on her part, of an anxious desire to settle this matter; knowing, however, at the same time, that arbitration had been previously refused, and that it could not be entertained by the United States with any sort of propriety. A ^reat effort has been made to produce the im- pression throughout the country, that the forty- ninth parallel of latitude ought to be and is to he the line dividing the possessions of the United Slates and Great Britain in the Oregon territory. This has been attempted in several ways. It has been attempted, by asserting, that in offer- ing to settle on the line of the 49th degree of lati- tude, the President admitted by that act that we had no just claim north of that line. Is this asser- tion true ? This offer was made as a compromise. The idea of a compromise supposes the yielding of some right or claim of the party making the offer. The President claims the whole country to 54° 40'. And when he offered to compromise at 49", no just inference can be drawn from that act, that he con- sidered we had no just claim north of 49°. Had we no just claim north of 49°, and had the Presi- dent so viewed it, it would have been no compro- mise to ofTer to settle by that line. Not only so, but the President would have justly subjected him- self, under such circumstances, to the charge of duplicity; and those who claim to be the friends of the President put him, in my opinion, in a very improper position by this sort of argument. Tlie assertion is also wrong in n'ljard to the facts and history of this controversy. On various occa- sions, in making offers of compromise, our Gov- ernment, through its proper agents, entered its solemn protest, that such oilers should not lie held or considered as diminishing or woakcning our claim o the whole of the country. And when our last oflcr of compromise was rejected, it was with- drawn; and, in the language of the President, "our title to the whole Oregon territory asscrtcci, and as is believed maintained, by irrefragable fuels and argiiments. " I'his impression has also been attempted to be produced by a.sscrliitg, that by entering into the conventions of 1818 and 1827, the United States acknowledged that Great Britain had rights in the Oic^'oii territory eq'.uil lo their own ; and such be- ing the case, an equitable division of the country would assign all south of 49° to the United States, and all north to Great Britain. If those conventions acknowledged anything at all, they acknowledged tacitly that neither parly had the disposition or ability, at the times they were entered into, to maintain by force the claims advanced by it to any part of the territory on the northwest coast of America. Their npemtion went to exclude acknowledgments of any just claims in either party, and to ])ostpone to a future period the investigation and settlement of any claim that might be made to that country by either of the conlmct- ing parties. This, I think, is evident from the third article of the convention ofl818, which reads as follows: " Art. .'i. It is mrrced, thnt nny country that may lie clnlin- ed by cillior jiarly on tlic imrtliweBt coaat of Amoricn wt'«t- warti or tile ilioiiy Mountains, sliall, togetlicr with iu har- bors, bayH, and irwks, -id thcnavlgntionof all rivora within thi! fame, be free and I'lu'ii, fiir the term of ten yearn ft-oni Ihi' date of th(! Kignaturu or the nrot'Knt conv«nlion, lo the VHssiN, citizims, and Buhjeoti or tlie two Powers : It being well understood lliat this agreement i» not to he coiiBlrucd lo Die prejudice of nny claim which either of the two . hiith eontructing parties may hnre to any part of the said ' country, nor slihll it be taken to affect the claims of nny '' other I'uwcr or Slate lo any part of said country ; the only obji!ct of the hii(b ronlracliiig parlii'H in that reipccl being, lo prevent disputes and diflerence.s amongst themselves." And also from the third article of the convention of 1827, which is as follows: " Art. 3. Nothing contained in this convention, or in the tbinl article of the convention of the 20Ui of October, 1818, hen.'by continued in force, shall bo construed to immiir, or in nny nminier affect, the claims which eithiT of the con- trnctiniz parties may kave to any part of the country wext- ward of the Stony or Rocky Mniinlains." Now, it must be apparent from the wording of these articles, that the United States acknowledged this, and no more, that if Great Britain had any claims to any part of the country westward of the Stony Mountains, the entering into these conven- tions should not operate to tne prejudice of any such claims; but triat the same, if any cxisteu. shoidd be in as good a state at the termination of the convention, as when the convention was form- ed . The parties to these con vcntions at their dates did not want to have any disputes or differences amongst themselves, as to who had the best claim to the country; they dropped that for the time 9 he tlic friftnils of iiiion, in a very rgunwrU. trarcl to the f;vr,ts )ii various occa- iiiiise, our Gov- nlH, entered its mid not 1)C held wfcikcning our And when our cd, it w(\8 with- Presidcnl, "our y nsNcrtrd, nnd ngiible fuels nnd nttcmptcd to be ntcrin^ into the c United StiUos lud rights in tlic n ; nnd such be- 1 of the country 16 United Slutes, Iged anything at nt neither party the times they force the claims territory on the ir opemtion went ny just clnims in future period the claim ihnt might of the contmct- vident from the 818, which reads y tliBtmnyheclnlin- Bt of Amoricn west- (Ctlicr with iu Imr- n of nil rivLTs within III of ten yenrs fVriiii I convention, to Ihc ro Powers : It being not to be cuiistrurd either of the two riny part of the «niU t the claima of any 1 country; tlie only 1 that roprct bfiii(5, ngat themselves." of the convention onvention, or iit the mi of October, 1818, strued to impiiir, or h cither of the con- )f tlie country went- -n the wording of cs ncknowledgcd Britain had any westward of the ito these conven- prejudice of any , if any existed, he termination of ention was form- ions at their dates es or difference.' !id the best claim hat for the time being, nnd agreed upon n sort of free trnde tn the country. And to confirm this impression on the pntilic mind, it lias been seriously argued that ihe nnralltl of 4lK' was cstablishctl by the treaty of Utrecht, cnn- rluded between Great I3ritnin nnd France, April, 1713. I believe the civilized world hns yta to make the discovery that either France or Great Britain, at the date of that treaty, made any, the lenst, pre- tension to the ownershin of a single fool of land on the northwest coast or America. France never has. And the idea of two Powers cstnblishing a boundary line for themselves in a country in wluch neither of them had nny pretensions of ownership, is to my mind ridiculous. Great efforts have also been made by some to create doubts as to the jiisti'-e of our claim to any pnrt of the country north of 490. And these doubts arc all resolved in favor of England. They go on the principle that if wc cnnnot make nut a perfect title in ourselves, Great Brimin should have the benefit of what is weak in us; not that she cjtn make out in herself a title better, or even ns good as our own, but because they think ours is not as strong ns it might be. It is sufficient for me to know that our title is the lictter of the two, and that no other civilized Power pretends to have nny claim to Ihe country. Indeed, all kinds of arguments have been made, nnd positions nssumed, to convince this nation that the |>arallcl of 4n° ought to be, nnd is to be, the dividin*; line in Oregon between tlie United States nnd Great Britain. One good may result from these efforts, and that is, the conviction that Great Britain has not the scintilla of a title south of 4fl°. For to convince us beyond doubt that 49° ought to be the line, it was ansohilcly necessary to show that our title up to that line is clear nnd unnucs- tionable. Very few, however, have undcrtaKcn, "on the floor of tliis House, or in the Senate, to prove that tire British claim to the whole country 18 better than our own. But in some instances this has been done, and I must confess, thous;h with a burning check, that they succeeded in the effort much better than any British Minister has ever done. But after all these efforts to show that the United Sli\les oueht not to p,ess any claim to the country north of 45P — that tiial line ought to be the bounil- nry — what reason is there for believing that Great Britain will agree to that lino any more re.idily than the line of 54° 40' .' All these efforts seem to have been made on the supposition that nil that is to be done to have such a settlement nindo, is for our Government to indicate n di.spositioii to settle in that way, and Great Britain will readily acqui- esce. Let us see if this be so, and look at the probabilities of Great Briinin giving uji all iireten- sions south of the 491 h parallel. Ann in calcula- ting these probabilities, we must look nt the iinpe. rious character of that Government, nnd keep in mind the declaration of Lord John Russell, that " it cannot be a matter of indifference that the tone of the character of England should be lowered mi any transaction wc [they] may have to carry on with the United States.'' Let us first examine the offers that have been made and rejected by the parties respectively in their negotiations on this subject, in order to see how far Great Britain has ronimittcd herself in maintaining any particular position in this contro- versy. Brithih orrERs. — Orlohtr 6, 1818. " Th«t JO isiiieh of the n»m,\vi',>i conM of Aincrlcn a« lie* lietwren the forty-fif^h niiil forty-ninth iKimllels of latitude, with itx hiirliorn, he, ^llolllll Ik' free and n|M'n to the citl- /.eiiH and Kiilijei U) of the two Tnwi ri< rei'|H:rtively, for Uie piir|wive» of traile iiiid eiiiiiini Tee. Tlij» iigreeuient not to iirejiiilice tlie el.'iinv> of either party to any territorial nutlior- Ity within those limit-"." Rejected by our Government. Jubi 13, 1624. " TImt the boiindniv of tlie two Powem he derlKnated by extetidiiie the line of tlierorty-ninUi jmrallel to the nurtlieaHt liraneh of the C'lilunibia, theiiee down the Kiime to llie Pn- eitt< . The imvisiiiioii nfthe dluinbia to be free to the citi- zin. mill suhjects of both Powers." This was rejected. Ihctmbtr 1, 1826. " That, in ndditi'm to the fureeirinc, the ponneivijon of Port nir^eovery, in the fonthern coant of Ih- Fiiea'n Inlet, nnd n «mnll Mrip of country to b<.. annexed iliereto. AIho, that no work nhould lie eftablished uii tlie Columbia to impede or hinder the free iiaviiation iliervof." This was rejected. Aitgust 26, 1844. " In addition to ilie previmi.', oITers of July 13, 1924, nnd Oecemiier I, 1^9fi. to make free to the ITniti'd States any port or port.< that the I'nited Ptat-s niiirht desire, eiOier on thi! main land or on Vancouver'* litand, aoulh of latitude 49°. This was rejected. Offers by tub United States. — Srpl. 17, 1818. '< To exiend the fortj-ninth parallel of latitude to the Pa- cific Ocean, with lb' iiaviitation of all Ktre.imB intersected by Ihi-i Hill' and tlowinz into Ilie Parillc, to Ih) o|)un and free to the eiii/eiK and ruhjeets of l.iitli Powers." This was rejected by the British. .Ipril 2, 1824. " .Mr. Runh proposed to e.mtiiiue the tliird article of tlio tre.ity nfdeiolii'r -20. l^l", with the additional clause that no Kettbment should he made by .Aineriean citizens nortli of the nny-lir.''t jiartllel of latitude, luir by Ilriti.oh subjects cither siiulli ni'the tifiy-tirrt degruu or iioi-tli of the fifth-flfUi degree of iiorilHatitude.'" This was rejected. My 13, 1824. " Mr. niHh proposed to modify the forenoinE by ^tibstitu- tin^tthe lurty ninth parallel of laliiludv for Uie Afly-flrsl." This was rejected. Xawnbtr 15, 1826. "To extend tile fony-iiiiith parallel to the Pacific, and if iliiilerseet' J any lir.anch of tin' (.'iilunihia navigable to Ihe neeaii, tlii^ n.ivii; ilimi of sueli branch to be free to the citi- zens and >iihjoit« of both Power.-."' This was rejected. Jaly 12, 1845. « To divide tlic (Ireeon terrif'^y by Ihc forty-nintli paral- lel of iiiirtti latiiiide, from the Itoeky MounlaiiiH In the Pa- eitie Ocean, and to make free to Great Brit-tin any port or ports nn V'nnronver's I-land, south of this parallel, which Great Briinin iiiicht desire." This was rejected. To recapitulate the main offers and rejections. Great Britain has twice rejected the line of 49° with the free navigation of the Columbia; nnd once rejected the line of 49° with free porta on Van- couver's Island south of that line. She offered, 1st, that the country between the parallels of \aP and 499 be jointly occupied for the purposes of trade and commerce — Great Britain to have all south of 45*^ and all north of iSP to her* self. fel S(l. Great Britain to have all north of the Colum- bia by its northenst branch; the United States to have all south — the navigation of the Columbia to be free to both. 3d. The United States to have, in addition to the above, the possession of Port Discovery, and a strip of country annexed thereto. 4th. The United States to have, in addition to the two foregoing propositions, the freedom of any port or ports south of 49°. In all these offers and rejections Great Britain has not moved from the position of claiming the Columbia for the boundary line. And it is easy to see how few privileges she has at any time otter- ed us north of the Columbia. In addition to these, let us look at the declara- tions of the British plenipotentiaries during these negotiations. Messrs. Gallatin and Rush, in their letter of October 20, 1818, to the Secretary of State, say, ■' that the British plenipotentiaries declared they ' would not agree to any proposition that did not • give them the harbor at tne mouth of the Colum- • bia in common with the United States." Mr. Rush, in his letter to Mr. Adams, Secretary of State, August 12, 1824, says, " that the British • plenipotentiai'ies declared that, in proposing the •offer of July 13, 1824, they considered Great < Britain as departing largely from the full extent • of her right, and that the boundary marked out • in their own written proposal was one from ' which the Government of the United States must • not expect Great Britain to depart." At the conference of December 1, 1826, the British plenipotentiaries declared •' that the offer ' now made was considered by the British Gov- • ernment as not colled for by any just comparison ' of the grounds of those claims and of the counter » claims of the United States; but rather as a sacri- ' f.ce which the British Government had consented • to make with a view to obviate all evils of future • differences in respect to the territory west of the 'Rocky Mountains." At the conference of September 24, 1824, the British plenipotentiary declared that '« he did not , feel authorized to enter into discussion respecting the territory north of the 49th parallel of latitude, ' which was understood by the British Govern- " ment to form the basis of negotiation on the side ' of the United States, as the line of the Columbia ^formed that on the side of Great Biitain. " Mr. Pakenham, in rejecting Mr. Bu-hanan's proposition of July 12, 1845, said " he trusted that • the American plenipotentiary would be prepared • to offer some further proposal for the settlement « of the Oregon question more consistent with fair- • ness and equity, and with the reasonable expec- • tations of the British Government. " This proposal, in fact, offers less than that ten- 'dered by th- American plenipotentiaries in the • negotiation of 1826 and rejected by the British ' Government. On that occasion it was proposed « that the navigation of the Columbia should be • made free to both parties." Such is the nature of tiie declarations made by the British Government during ihe negotiations on this aubiect. A high tone was assumed at the start, ana has been maintained ever since. She started out witli extravagant pretensions — such as she has always assumed whenever she has hud anything to do with a Power that she supposed tu be weaker than herself— and of these extravagant pretensions she has scarcely yielded an iota. Let us look a little further. Soon after 'he ar- rival of the President's Inaugural Address, in which he asserted that our (t(/e to the whole of Oregon was clear and unquestionable. Lord John Russell, in the course of his remarks in the House of Commons, used the following language: " The Presidpnt nfthn UiiUimI Btatni) has iiiiitic, ns I havi' nirciuly read to tlie Houd);, a iHTi'mptory ciniiii to tlii! whole of this territory. He haa cFniiiicci tlic whole poHM^asInn ot it Tor tlie Uiiili'il Statei), anil Iiiih, in iin unusunl inniiiu'r. cuIIimI upon tin? pooplc of tli(^ UiiitctI States, witli their uivrs and cliildrcH, to occupy that territory. Thai ilinlrict !.■< he coniing, on account oltiic I'ortt on thH- sible to allow the present undefined and unnettled state of relations Iwtwccn the two cnuntriea to continite, without Aiiiger that the people of the United States, acting upon the suggestion of Uie I'resident, may endeavor to disturh nritish sulijects in rights which they hold in virtue of nx- Isting treaties, and may protering announce ment on the part of the President of the United States. Ii cannot be matter of indifl'erencc that the communicatfon between that country west of the Kocky Mountains and China, the East Indies, and the whole of South Amerira, should he surrendered at once to n foreign Power; but, above all, it cannot he a matter of indifference that the tone ofttie character of England shoiild he lowered in any transactioii we may have to carry on with the United States." The reply of Sir Robert Peel to these remark» of Lord John Russell arc decided. He said : " As this subject has been brought under disi'iission, I trust not improperly by the noble Lord, I feel it my im|)era- tive duty, on the part of the British Government, to state, in language the most temperate, but, at the same time, the most decided, that we consider wc have rigUs respecting the tcr ritoryof Oregon, which areclearand irresistible. VVe trust still to arrive at an amicable adjustment of our claim; but having e.\liausted every clfor t for the settlement, if our rights ahall he invaded Wii arc resolved and wc are prepared In maintain them." In the House of Lords, Lord Aberdeen, oftet expressing tlie hope that an amicable odjustmeiit might be made, remarked, " I can only say that ' we possess riff/ito which, in our opinion, are clear ' and unquestionable; and, by the blessing of God, ' and your support, these rights we are fully pre 'pared to maintain." Such is the ground on which Great Britain has planted herself in this controversy, and appears in the eyes of the world. What reason is there for supposing that she will, at this day. after having, on three several occasions, rejected propositions to make the 49th degree the dividing line— two of them embracing the free navigation of the Colum- bia—after her repeated declarations that the Cn- '■ liimbift sho' I navigation ( and that tl ! must novel jiliat positir ' believinj,' tl innkiiiff tht • should likn j m-j,'ument oi I urged, with ! tween the 41 I Oregon cou '; that they wi ^ inch to Grei ; have given i Brilnin will ; boundary, a It has, indee is so strong •wise ofjuall that pnrnllcl Great Britaii merous instai of justice ha relies on thai •fxperience of that nil lier pointed to he jodds nt what iiiith of ireatii plish this grc! l)lood nearly « ffontstool of ti Her ciiarnc ecrned, was own writers ii Review, in 181 Jier sub.sequer < " To interfere Intioiis ; to regu like pan in ever rif assisting him »g him ; to get Jball rob them I liiMghbors, and p ^vlint wc call Ki iliey ill any par •Id Hie stakes to lut Ihe bemiKph 'lat whoever los ling. Is there n i'hile Tippiio is i le Nizam is dcsj lolkarisdespoile desiioiled (or l« ■lied by befricnt Who but En Another of ] fnger, in J809 le," as applie [c says: ^" Wheiievor cir nr tone towards conduct even [e continent; evi lirope, has but ai; ■nsperity we hiiv It so well with u iiguage and iiiiwi lie any hopes in |)iii u.^. But ilisa le negotiation wi inliiieiit has sine ir i ondesccnsioH- she has hud ! Huppoaed tu ! cxtraviigmn III iotu. lifter 'he m- Address, in the whole of e, Lord John in the Houm; ;ungc: iiiHilo, ns I tmvi' lini to llie wlioli- [)|o poKKrssinn ot iiiiHUitl iimiini'r, Willi tlicirwivi's HI ilixlrut iK I"' iiiliin rivr> itales." these remarks Ele said : cr diwussioii, I icl it my im|>erii mcntjtoetate, in lie time, the most spcrtinK the tcr tible. We trust our claim; but ient,ifourriifA»> are prepared to )ei'deen, aftei e adjustment only say that lion, are clcaf Bsing of God, [tre fully pre ,t Britain has* id appears in n is tnere for aAer haTing, ropositions to line — two of if the CJolum- that the Co S Itimliin should be tlie dividing line, that the free ■m navigation of the ColiimbiH could not lie yielded, 1 and thnt the Government of the United States ' must never expect Great Britain to recede from jiliat position — I repeat, what reason is there for ■ lielievini,' that Great Britain will now settle by making the 49th parallel the dividing line ? I shoiilif like the 49*^ gentlemen to give us some 4 arpimeni on this stiliject. They have repeatedly I urpcd, with some few' exceptions, that our title be- ' tween the 42d and 49th parallels of latitude in the I Oregon country is clear and indispttlalile, and * that they would never consent to surrender one f inch to Great Britain south of that line; but they » have given us no reason for supposing that Great I Britain will now agree to the 49th parallel as a 5 boundary, after having so repeatedly rejected it. ■' It has, indeed, been said that our title below 49° is so strong and irresistible that Great Britain's .lense ofpistict will induce her to yield readily to that parallel as the boundary. Sense of justice of Great Britain ! Her history presents us with nu- merous instances of the manner in which that sense of justice has operated on her. The nation that relies on Ihal, relies on a broken reed, as tlie dear <'Xperience of many can attest. Her history shows that all licr energies, her object and aim, have pointed to her own power and aggrandizement, no fiiUla at what sacrifice of national or maritime law, faith of treaties, justice, or humanity. To accom- plish this great object, she has tnarked with human tilood nearly every green spot and arid plain on this (footstool of the Almighty. Her chnrnctcr, so fur as a sense of jiL-stice is con- eerned, was very well described by one of her own writers in the sixth volume of the Edinburgh Review, in 1805, and it has lost none of its force by lier subsequent history. He says: ■ " To inlcrfi're actively in the doniootic nfliiirs of all other jntioiis ; to reuulnte tile Hurcesiiian of their governors ; to (ake part in every quarrel ; to claim the laiiils of one party flit OKxirtUng him, and seixc the lands r.f the other for heat- ing him ; to get allies liy force, and take care that nobody ►hall rob Ihein but onrselves; to (]nnrter troopa upon our iieiahliors, and pay them with our neii.'lilior!i' poods; this is >vliat we call Roman policy ! VVbeilier it he the Kiielish iilicy in any part of the gloiie, let the world jiidac. Rome leld the stakes to every game of war that wa.< played Ihroiigii- lut the hemispliere ; and the sinipicioiis circumstance is, lint whoever lost or won, she never failed to ijnin some- ling. Is there no • ilnr ground of suspicion in the East? V'liiloTi|ipooia des|...iied for befriending til" French; and le Nizam is despoiled for tiefriendiiig the Kiiglish ; while 'idkar isdcKpoiled for bentiiiuUie Peishwa, and Ihi; Peishwa deKiiniled tor being beaten by llolkar, nho ia it thnt is en- •hed by befriending and heating them all .'" Who but England. Another of her writers in Bell's "Weekly Mcs- ^nger, in 1809, thus describes this " sense of jus- ;c," as applied to this country, by Great Britain. | [e says: j^' Whenever circumstances have in any way Bdniittcd it. | njr tone towards America has always been insulting, and I Ir conduct everyihiiig but friendly. Rveiy new hope on ] le cinitinent ; every straw to the ilrowning cx|iectntiona of : iirope, has but nagrav.ited this unworthy senlinient. In our ! Tosperity wu have iHillied America; and when things are i bt so well with us, we have vented our strife in injurious piguiige and unworlby conduct towards her. Whilst tlieie | jin' any liop.s in Spain, America could get nothing direct |)iu us. Hut disappointnient broiitlit ns to mir senses, and ' le negotiatiim was renewed. The cnnlilion war on tin' ■ Inlinent has since broken out, and we begin to rcp.nt of ; Ir condescension. " In this manner has the American negotiation been on I and oil', during some yenrs. Our deniniids rising with our I hopes and prosperity, Hiid our moderaiion coexistent witli our n rnnopivrrt with ninloin, utriKliljr piir- aui-d, nnd hn\i! bpcn well Kornniird hv thiir Onviriiint-nt, nml the Micviwa liiwiivtin coiiipli'le; unil, williniit lii'lii)( iililu to plinrKP nil tlit'iii niiy wry griwa vjiHiiliiiiK nl'llii' cxi^tiiiii trfiitirH,a few yi'nrx w ill innketlicruiiiilry we^tof the iiiniin- tiiiiiH iH coiiipli'tely Kii||ll>li iik tlii'y I'liii ili'i-lri'. Alnmilv thi> Anierirnna iin- iinknnwn im u imlioii, mid iik iii^liviiliinU their iHiwcr i» iU'iiiiImmI by the niitid'K of ilie hind. \ |iii|i- uliition Ih itriiwiiiK mil of the occupniicy nf Ihi' niuiitry, whom! iirrJiHJici'H lire not with im ; nnd Ix-fore iiiiiny yrnre, tlicy will di'i'iilr to whom llii' lOinuryKhiill lie Icmv, iiiiIp>h, in tliR nipnntiuip, tlie Aniprioiiii liovcriinient iiiiiku their |hiW"| felt nnd nucn to h greater degreetliuiilnuyii Iwen theeiigu." This company, so powerful and influential, is well known to be opposed to a settlement of this controversy on any other terms than making the Columbia the diritling line — ihe navigation nf that river to be always free. The British Government will have to overcome the power and influence of this company, before it wrnild accede to a settle- ment on the 49th parallel of latitude. It does seem to me, in looking at all these things, ihot those gentlemen who seem to take it for grant- ed that all we have to do in order to have this con- troversy settled is to say we arc willing to make the 49th parallel the dividing lino, have not sutfi- ciently studied the subject in all its bearings. And I apprehend that they themselves, after awhile, will acknowledge that they labored in vain in taking the position they have, and that we 54° 40' incn pursued the wisest course. But there are other considerations that cannot be overlooked in the discussion of this subject, that will go very far indeed, in my estimation, in preventing any settle- ment at all, unless wc yield entirely to British terms. The first of these to which I shall allude, is the indecision nnd want of unanimity in the action of Congress respecting the notice. This notice should have been authorized without a dissenting voice. The crisis was one that demanded firm and decided action. No odds how this crisis was brought about. It was on us, and had to be met. We should have marched up to it without hesitancy or faltering, without division, without calculating who would be pleased or displeased, without looking to the right hand or to the left, without inquiring if there was a lion in the way. The crisis demanded de- cision. To hesitate was an evidence of weakne.ss. There was hesitation; and hesitation from fear of giving offence to Great Britain — for fear of war with a Power, armed, as was represented, at ail points, while we were represented as weak and powerless. And all this by men of hi^h and com- mandins intellect, and great influence in the coun- try. What effect would all this necessarily have on Great Britain .' What, but to render h-r jpf'lf- fcrent about a speedy settlement of the question, nnd embolden her in insisting on her own terms ? This is the natural effect of sui;h faltering, and in- decision, and inactivity, as was shown in relation to the notice. And those who pursued this course have much to answer for to their country. Thoy want pence above all things, but timidity never secured to a country peace, but invited aggression, and aggression only. Anotlicr of these considerations, and as powerful ■ as any other, .irises outside of the Halls of Con- ; gress: I allude to the efforts of commercial and ' other presses, to censure the course pursued by the j Adminietri nnd to ext There sc try who th ,was nlwa} with liny i of Great B; that this is .cases, wit! j constantly ihoni)r, jua j mands too I views of in ^ continually ii from fear of <3V fear of war resented, at all I as weak and hiirh and com- c.e 111 the coun- Bcessarily have inder l""r \v(''><'- the question, er own terms ■ Itering, and in- )wn in relation ucd this course )untry. They timidity never ted aggression, nd as powerful Halls of Con- ommerciftl and pursued by the Adminifitrntion in reference to the Oregon qurstion, and to extol that nursued by Great Britain. There xvcms to ue a class of citizens in this coun- try who think and act as if their own Governnietil was always wrong when it has any eonlrnvcrsy with i\ny foreign Power, and eMpvcially with that of Great Britain. It is unfortunate for the country that this is so; yet il is too painfullv true. In these cases, with such persons, the Administration is '•constantly doing something inconsistent with |'honi)r, justice, and right — our Government de- j nmnds too much — is loo grasping — takes wrong I views of matters — in fine it is wrong, and wrong '' continually, except when it humbles itself toothers. .^ On the other hand, the British Government is laud- ' cd as being conciliatory, mild, dignified, niagnani- ( mous, Christian-like— such as becomes, in their ' estimation, a great and powerful nation, Every jialliation and excuse is made for the conduct of our adversary; no mercy for tlic conduct of their own country. Such persons — and they constitute a powerful class — have always existed among us. I had hoped that they had become extinct, but the history of the times in relation to this controversy indubitably shows that that hope was a vain one. And I have not the least doubt but that, in case this country «hould get involved in a war with any foreign Power, this class will denounce their own Govern- ment, tjike the mwt of our adversary, and do all they can to make the war result disastrously to American arms. We have had numerous instances of the mani- festation of this feeling by this class of our citizens, , in the history of our Government; and it may not be uninteresting or uninstructive, on the present occasion, to refer to some of the most prominent of them. The similarity of sentiment and lnn:ruagc >'m the past and the present expression of the feeling I to which I have alluded, is very striking. I The first of these instances to which I shall J allude is that of impressment by English vessels of ' war of Americttj; leamcn from American vessels. This practice of the English , so outrageous to the personal rights of our sailors, so insultini; to our inutional chnrncter, so destructive of the rights of |an independent nation, and so adverse to humanity, found apologists in American citizens holding "irominent positions in society. Timothy Pickering, who had held distinguished lositions under the Government, in 1808 declared. In reference to this practice of the English, that — " It is perfectly well known thnt tircnt Drit.iin de-sirus to ibtain only tier own cnbjccti." I " Tlic evil wc complain of ari«c» from the impnt'ihilUif of ftictttfi dittin;(uUhinf the jiertotit of lii-o natiitu, wlio n tew *enrj t,inut: wi're one puoplu, wl'io exliiliil tliu siiiiic iiiiiii- lierH, speak tlie tame mnijiiujie, ami po:rAiiniiis, flwd of JclT.raon, continue to take tome of the I'ritiah icamen Jjfound on ^orii of our merchant vesseli, and Willi tlii'in a ^BMALI, NUMBER or OUra, from the IMPOSBIDILITY or DISTIN- i<1UI8IIlNO E.NOLIBIIMEN FROM CITIZENS Or THE INlTED Htateb." After this manner was this odious, insulting, and ; tyrannical practice justified, not only by Timothy Pickering, but by hundreds of others claiming to bo Amerirnn citizens, while our own Government was derided and abused for endeavoring to sup- iiress it, mid obtain n-drcss for injuries that had l)rcn sustained under it. Timothy Pickering was but one of a class who, during that struggle for our rights as well as during ihc war, were the mo.qt bitter, violent opponents and abusers of Jelt'erson's and Madison 's Adminintrations, and of ihf war, nti J who not only highly lauded Qre»<.t Britain, but went so far, as I expect hereafter to show, as to attempt a dissolution of the union of these States. The next instance to which I invite attention was what wos known as the Enkiiu ammffement. Shortly after Mr. Madison's inauguration, in 1809, Mr. Erskine, the British Plenipotentiary, proposed negotiations for the settlement of tho dif- ferences between iho two countries. This pro- posal was promptly acceded lo by our Government, and in a very tow days after, negotiations termi- nated in n friendly and satisfactory arrangement. This arrangement was highly applauded all over the country, particularly by the Federalists and their presses. I make some ouotations from tho Federal news- papers of that day, and from other sources, for two reasons: one, to show how strongly ])artial this class of our citizens felt for England ; the other, to show what a similarity of language and ideas there is Ijetween the comments of some of the presses of the present doy on the Oregon contro- versy and the Federal presses of 1809; '< Wc owe It In Mr. Madison and hid Cabinet to my, and wt^ dii it with prid.! unit pliinauro, that they have coiiiu for- ward with n ilogreo of promptitude and manliness wliirli reflecbi iiiueli honor on them and the country. Mr. Afurf- iion Aiu »o:'' done what Mr. jErrERMON was REi^i'ExTcn DV THE DRITIHII GOVERNMENT TO DO IN THE NOTE AP- PKNIU:n TO THE TREATY RETURNED BY IIIM."— (/luicd .Stales Gu:ette, ^pril -ii, ISIK). " The niin-inlcrcourse with France — which ('oiii»reag threnti'iiod Novcinlicr 'i2, 1808, iind really enacted Mnreli 1, I80y, to take place on the tiuih May next— this measure auainat France produced what no mearurc mjniiiKt England alone cimlil olitain. Enelmul uiu to be uon idlAri^iu ofjuilire tind imjtnrtinHtijy .itirf yieUe.1 to fhe\e considerations what she iMiiiW iiof tiield either lo threul» or force." — Boiton Rejierton, >f,n/9, IfOU. "' We Hhnll not stop lo inquire whether the 8piri..cd and vignrnu:! measures of New Eiicland — their detennineil pub- lic declarations thnt they would not suhniit to nn unneces- sary and destructive war, lins induced tho AdniinialniUon to lUtm lo the tiimc tenn» iihich Greut Hritain hiu ulwain hem rciidy to ojf'er, andio trhich ire hare uniformly cor.'tenJdetl sAe uat'nnucre!y disposed." — Boiton Oasette, .ipril, UtttJ. " liook at tlio (ilea of this paper for a twelvemonth. You will find it in>i>tcd upon thiit Great Btitain vHthtxl for an ndjuHtment of fUjf'rrcnreSf and u-otiM cometo an aecotn-modation the moment u-e i^ave her chance to do so, bij placing her on an ciiuai fooling with France. Mr, Erskine very promptly lie- iriii» liy Ktatiiift, on our Government's placing England on a footini; with France, England will make reparation. Jiut jrrrct'e'y what I hare said a hunhred timet over in thit paper ihc icoi/'H rery Uadly do." — New York Erenine Pott, Itutt. " Sincere and ijenernl as lias been the joy spread by the return ofn good understandint with England, will be tlie in- digimilon which, at no distant day, a calm review of the tnarcs vhich have heen liid to entrap our peace and extin- s«i«A our , 'v, uiU appear." — Federal Repuhiican, July 4, 1H09. " Pence with England. — The war party anl French parti- inns arc Ihr3u-n into complcle confusion." " With the mit'^ianimily and frankriett charncteristie of a t^eat and entizhtcned nation, En'^land m^ule a second attempt lo renew the terms of amihi and penrc hcliieen the tivo nations." " It proves what we liuve so often repeated, oiirf uliich hat ever been ttn'hornly denial loj Ihc Democrats, thnt Great Britain teas alxay^ influenced I'nj a sincere denre to accommodate her tmlorhmnlf iHjrrmm iHth ^mrrirn. Ttio pmnrvmlnn nf ili« t'liiiiiirv liii' iiriitvii cjiii III' till' I'lrirlK m' tln' inliiorliy in C'liiniri'"."— *Vi/cTiiJ Hi'ffiWiVuH, i/l/.ri/ 'Jl, l"«). I will Ntop c|untiiii; fi'om tlie |ircH(ieit. I linvc civt'M ciiotii;!) to iliiiw llic Rpint lliiU nrliinlrd tlii^in, I will now K've mi cxlmct fioiii iinn ur two Hpccrlivii mnilc in CoiiKreas on tliin Huliji'ct. Mr. U. Unrdinier nuiil, nnion^ otlirr tilings, that — "At liMt thut uliilt of Ihiutt, iiKliilN«l.i.T rnoi-iiaKli ^.y (iHKAT ilHiTAiN, liim livt'ii liriiiiiilil iiIhiiiI." <'^m/ U U ii mrliiiuholy/iiil, III lliin r> h|i ' lliiri' iii'Vrr wiilllil linvi' Iiitii I'l iiii;""iriiiriit, ir Ihl.-i (I'livi rjiiiii lit liail liirii kUIUiig III ilu i>ri||iiiHlly nliiil it lui« nt Inut ciinai'iiliil to dii," " And It la now in prnot'lii'riiri' iia, nii I linve nlivnya anlil nnil I'linlt'iiiltxl, tliiil tmlhinn um iniiiUnt kiil u jirnper tjihil of fOttrillu'lon — >u)M(iii! '"'' /''"■ '""' honoiMe ihiitini! on Ihc jiarl of riiiH rounlni, to Mtig to a Anii/ii/ Ittiiir nil IhrfirliHoiu iHlldinim htlirmitnlt country iinil itrrni Hrilain ; niiil Unit ill now arli Fiinlniid, we nro .l!is'Ur<-d timt lliu conduct of Mi. Eriiliinc 1^ cniidi'inni'd hy nil partica in thnt country ; tliiit tlic li'in|icr of ilic piililic i* fur beyond tlint of tlic iniiiistry. A very Kcncrnl opinion prci'Hiia there that it will be vi^ry dilHi'iill'lo keep any leriiia with this country ; that we arr gorrrneil hy men ilerolvd to lite intercitt of Frunrr, vho iirc hlrriiiinrd to in'Ut on trrma from lOnnlatuI vltirh never can lie oUaineil," — Uohton Pulla- ' ilium, ^ugtut 11,1809. " The pcopli have been flapranthi Jerciied nnd Kroat'ly abused. Tlu matler reitt between Mr. Brtkinc and our Ad- mininlralion. '• In thort, Mr. Brtkinc BttrrenJered every thing and got nolhinis in return. ' For our piirt we have had Init one opinion Jrom thecom- ' hit tnystcrioua affair, mill w " to expri-aa it. It la, that Mr. Erakinu nctcd cnntrnry to Ida mrncenient of thii myslcrioua affair, nnd wc have inndc iKild instructions, and that Secretary Smith knew what tlieae in Btructioiia were.'"— ^Wcra/ Rt/mi/icii!, July 31, 1809. '■ Ilia proved beyond n doubt Uintllin Uo'vernincnl nii<(ht, witli jiiKl na much propriety, have cajnU.'d Willi General Hinith or any other individual ; concluded nconviMition, pro- ceeded to carry it into execution on their (mrt, and then raiacd a clamor oijaiiial the Guviriiue'ut of Great Uritnin, and iicciiHed them of peril. ly ;ind breach of fnitli for not re- cognii^inK nnd I'ullilliug llic stipulntiona." — (/. S. Gatelte, Dcffinier**, 1H09. " If, aa asaertcd by Mr. Erakiiic, Ilia powers wore coinniu- nicaled to our Cabinet ill auliatunce, il llie heada of depiu't- nient' did early coininunicate to the leadiiuf ineniliera of K'th branches of their own poiilicH the incoinpetcncy of hia powers, and the prolinhililyof the rejection of the nureenient by Great Dritain, tin a lliat iidjUi^tineiil, so far from beliiK a p'roofofa disposition to makepeace uiid settle our differ- ence«, (i He ttrongetl nidrnre of n hottilr temper ; hreiui«p Mr. Miiiliaiiii knew Hint the revulrlon nnd Ihe dlanppolnt- liieiil in'eiininnnd by il niiiong our eili/.i'n> wiiiild eieilii new elainora, and wnnid break to pleeea that fiirinlduhle phiilnni of men who, durins our euibnrrnaainenK, hnd learned to "peak nnd tliiiik uiorit nivornbly, nnd of eourae iiiiiri' Jiially, of(;riat llrlUlln. '•—{/. S. tlutrtte, l)ereiiil,er \), IWW. " If aueli has bi'on hia nliii, (and perhaiH n deeper |Ndl lleian diH'aiint exiat,) il haa been eoniplitelv attained. Ilia own party are n«aln roiiaed lo a war pileh. f.'ii-n Minii t'nleriilisli ureoyeii In their retuurc oj (Ireat ilritnin fnt doint her tlulu to hertilf, and exereii-iiiK a riKliI we have nlwaya elalmi'd and reeelved ; and other Pederaliata are in iliaihl, neil III laviirol w*'lini( to hear Mr. KruKlne'a explanation, and tlill iirotion' to tduce un iU deirrred confulrme In ifr. .Mu//t«)n.''-l,/cm. 1 do not deem it necessary to multiply these (juotations from the FedernI presses. What I have ■,'iveii are sufficient to exhibit wliiit I intended. The next lending iuhtance relates to the late war. This country, after hnvinj; sulTered almost every indii^nity, injury nnd insult, thnt could pnsNibly bo put upon us by Great Britain, was coni|K'lle(l, in self defence, tn decl.irc war as^aiiist that Govern- ment. The preservntinn of our ri^^hts aa an inde- pendent nntion, the vindtcntinn of our nntionnl honor, demanded war at our hands; a war well calculated, from the causes thnt produced it, to awaken into activity even the smallest pnrii of patriotism that existed in aii American heart. But, aside fi-om all this, our country, ynunjf in years nnd feeble in power, compared with Great Britain, wns contending for its existence, honor- alilc existence. It needed the nid of every one of its citizens. Suppose the head of a ftimily should be entrnijed in a struggle of life or death, a stiiig- gle entered into to maintain his rights and honor, and some nf the members of his family, instead of nssisting him, should encourage his adversary and try to paralyze his own arm, what place should be assigned them in the scale of infamy .' Yet this country hnd just such children, encouraging tho enemy, nnd trying tn paralyze its own arm, during its struggle with England. And this, too, when these same children hnd repeatedly declared that the Government could not i^ kicked into a wnr, so wenk and imbecile, in their estimation, had it become, nnd so patient in receiving the kicks of tho enemy. I mean to give specimens of their sayings nnd doings at thnt time, tn prove that I state nolhin;;; not wnrrnnted by the history of the country. I shnll refer to the pulpit nrst. I am sorry to do so, but I deem it necessary and proper. From the discourse of the Rev. J. S. .T. Gardiner, Rector of Trinity Church, Bn^Jton, delivered April n, 1812, a short time previous to the declaration of wnr: " The nritiah, after all, save for us by their convoys infl- iillely more property tliaii tliey deprive us of. mire thetj take one ^hip. thnj jrroteet t'rentti. f^here they rommit one oulriitic, they do iniiny actf ofkiiidneu.'^ " Eniiluiul i> uHlling to larrifice everything lo conciliate lu, ex^'Cjit. her honor itntl independence." Fi-om another discourse, delivered July 23, 1812, by the same gentleman, just after the declaration of war: " It is a war unexampled in Ihe history of the irorld; wan- tonly priielaiinedon the mott frivolom ami icrawMca jnrcten- cet, ainiiiiat n nntion fW>m whose friendship we mlithl derive the inosl niKiinl ndvaiitni(C<>. - •" from whose hostility wo have reiuioii to dread the n!' -' :'■■ endr.us bisaea." _" So liir fruiii there belli- I!' .i piutiiiaiis in liilscountry, m !■ Ifinprr i \wtnn** mil Ihr ilianp|Hilii(- • Hlllllll Ol'illl lll'W liiriiililiihli' phnliirit iiK, hiiil li'iiriiiMl III I'liiiriM' inori' Jiinlly, oher U, IWW. liiiw n ili'opcr |Hill- li'ly nilnini'il. Ill" pili'li. f.'iTn Mmii nt Pritiiin /'oriioltif I wi' liiivi' iilniiyn illnlH nri> In ilmihl, iiw'n i'ii|ilnnniliiti, I conJUemc in Ur. I miiliiply ihRKo I. VVhiil I luivo : I iniRiidcd. I to the laio wnr. (1 iilmimt every luld |)(iHHil)ly bo N rom|H'll(;(l, in It tlint Oovcrn- ghtH tia an inde- ■>t our national idfi; R wnr well prodiirrd it, to dicst pnrti ■ of merican heart, intry, young; in ired with Great icistrnr.o, honor- of every one of a ntinily nhoiild ' dcatii, a stni^- i^htH and honor, mily, instead of I aifvcrsary and place Khoiild he liny ? Yet this ncouraKin^ tho vn arm, during this, too, when y declared that ;ed into n war, ination, had it the kicks of tho ir snyin^R and state nolhin;; country. am sorry to do ■>er. J. Gardiner, lelivered April declaration of pir convoys inll- of. H'/irre thnj Ihcy commit one g to concUialc us, July 23, 1812, declaration of the uvrlH ; wan- raimiUcss prctcn- we Mil«ht ili'rivi' OH« lio'tllily wo IWHCI*." j ill tliis country, II la ilinU'ult to fliKi nn iiiillvliliiil raiiillil cnnii|h to ilo itint iliillon I'liiiiiiioii Jimtk'i'." '■ H' rrii )*rf)i'Oi'ii/i')M kilt henioffrre'lto Oreiit Hriitiin on our flirt, •iiul our mrnlmettt Aiu runi In proportion lu the Au< >Aoi(ii n roiU'i/lii/ori/t/ilrU." '■ l.i't nil I'liiixlili'riiiloniiwlintiivnr, my hrpthrnn.ilcliT ynn, al nil tliiii'ii mill III nil jilnri'ii, (ymn vtiM'rntliiii llic |iri-ii<l, r(Millr iniu< he Ineenled hrfnre we nttemji to vTjirett Ihe htaenent of their roiutwt, or ilmirthf the rotteniirtt ofttieir hearts,'' — Oifi>iiirsc ilelirnni nl HijjieUI, ,1]iril 7, I8H. " Villi iiiny an well expeet tlie entnrnrt of Nliurarii to turn it/i eiirrent to \w lieiiil of Biiporior, lu a wirked Cwifreit to make n otitue in the umrk of ilettroyin-; their ivuntry, wliile the iH'ople Hill I'liruiah llie meaiia.''— Same. " riie full viala of ili.'ii|)otisiii are |Hiiirer bliioil, God ha' itlrcn them Mooil to drink. Their men hare fallen, their lamenlationt are loud and deep,"— Same, " Tliia wnr i« a tnoiiKier, which every hour Rornianilir.es a thoii'anil crimen, ami yet crien, " Give, live." In its birth il deiiiiiiuird Ihe riolnlion of alt good faith, perjury of office, the Ku-rifiee of neutral impartiality " — Same, This sermon was repul)lished at Halifax, with the following comments, amonj;; others: " If enerity of expreaaion— if perapicnity of atylc— if elo- aaiiee of i'oni|K>sitloii ever reitaleil the eye, Ihe ear, anil the heart of a ItritLsh Kiiliject, tlieii tlii.i rerinon elainm Ihe auf- Irnge of every iniiil that loves the best of coiiaUtiiUoiiH— naini'ly, that of Old Kndaiiit ! In short, it appenra to lie the moat atreniioiia anil grntenil vlmllitioii of a patriotic, evan- Keliral, and martyr-like apiril." I leave the pulpit, and go to the Federal presses. I .shall pass by the particular dcnunciation.s of the war, and the then exi.sting Administration, and prc- .ailile. • • * • 'I'o what puriaiae hnvti Fedcnlliia eirrted theniaelvea In allow the wii'Kedne i and aingular proaiarity. " lly the macnanlinoiia rnurae |Miinli'd out by (iovi'rnnr Hirong.rof Maxanehusetta,) that la, by withholding ail volun- tary nidui nronecntiiig the wnr, and nianfiill) eipreapiimniir .'.pliiii I ila iiijiihliee and rulnoua lindeney, wu bavu nrn-Hted ils •'• "rreaii, ijn/l drtren ttiirk itt authors la ahandon their nefir i Ariiiri, iiml to look nnriouttyfor pfiue, * • • Hut tome til t, u-ittynuUttherowUryltet^meJiankrujdf No, thccou. ' 1/ 1 Ii iifrer bciome hattkrupt, Bui pray tlo not pre- rent the atniseri of their tnndfrov '/rromini; hankrupt, I)<' not pr. vent lliein '•nni lipeon.ln:.' odioua lo Ihe public, and re- ■ l.ii.-d by better men. Jin;/ f'rderalittuhu lendt money lo (iov- etnmcnt mu^' liO en' ,iutke hunda uith Jntiiet Madisun atui flaimfdtoirthip ■ iln Fetix firuiuUt, T,i't him no more c.H hlmvlfa KdiTiilitt and friiml to hit country. III wil.i. bb (AI.I.Kn HY OTiiKka liiFAMora. "I III the whole, then, lliere are two very atrong P'naona why Fedimliata will not Iriid iiioncy— flrat. U'eauie il would be atia-sc .iliandiinmeiit nf jtotiticnt tnul mor*it i>rinciplei ; and ai'pondly, because it la pretty eertnin they will never la" paid again. " Il U very grateful loflnd i::ai Ihe uiilveraal aentimenl la, that tiilv man u-ho Inuts his motiey to Ih'- f^^u'eniment at the preteitt Umr, vitl forfeit all rittim lo common honi'ttv and com- I man courteninmnn^ nil trill- friemlulo the roun/n/." — Honton I UaTetle,Jlira on thia auhject." — Botlon fAnUinri, I AfiircAM, IMI». I " Our niercliaiita eoimtitute nn honorable, high-minded, I indi'iandeiil, and 'iiteliigi nt eliias of eitizciia. They feel the opprea'-ion, '.njury, and moekery with which Uipy am Ireatiul by their (loverninent. They will lend them money to retrace their atena, but none to iieraevere in tlieii prcaent coiirKe. Let eicry hifihuajinan find hit own pittok." — Boiton Oatette. " We have only room thia evening lo aay that we truat no true friend to bia cinintry will be found nmonr the aub- Bcrihera to the Uailatin loan.''— A'eu? Ktr* fii'cniiij! Foal. " Mij brother furmert, if you have iiionci/ to let, lei it liiy. If the war continiiea. you will purehnae yiiur atock, nt liiur yean old, ehea|H.'r tliaii you cnii raiae it ; ao unjust ia tills ofl°uniiive war, in which our rulers have plunged ua, in the aobei ronaiileraliiin of niilliona, Uial tliey cannot conacien- lioui^ly appriiaeh the OinI ofarniiea for hia bleaaing upon it." — Boston Crntinel, January 13, 1613. I should like to make running nommentaries on these extracts, but time will not allow. They ftir- nish fine precedents for certain persons of the pres- ent day to follow, and they seem not to have Dcen overlooked. Every plan was resorted to to intimidate persona from loaning money to the Government. Those that did so were banished from certain circles of society — circles that assumed to contain all the talent, wealth, and decency of the land. To such an extent was this carried, that loans had to be made in the most secret manner. Gilbert & Dean, Government agents to procure portions of loans, in their advertisement, declared " thai the ninnes of ail nubseribers shall be knoton only to the iiniifrsigneil. " So with Mr. Putnam, another agent. He staled, in his advertisement, that the " name of am applicant shall, al his request, be known only to the sul criber." . _. • 10 The Boston Gazette of April 14, 1814, com- mented upon these and similar advertisements in the following strain : " How lUi^iided mmi our Oovemment be, even in theiron-n etjet, trhrn they re$ort to nich tricks to oUain money which a common Je " l/roker irouM be ashamed of. Thoy must be well aci|uainteil with tho fabric of tile men who nre lo Id.iii them money, whiw nghl well that Me cauie w so sneaking and eite, that nobody uvuld be teen in the broad daylight to lend them money." " No one doubt* of their rancor and ill-will towards Eng- land J that they are willini; to fight her as long as they can get money." "On the whole, we think it no way to get out of the war, V> give money to the Government, when the very thing that prevents Itiem from carrying it on, is the want of money." Opposition to their own country, endeavors to paralyze the arms of patriotic citizens, and ex- travagant praises of Great Britain's generosity, magnanimity, and Christian-like virtues, marked the conduct of the Federal class of our citizens at this period of the history of our country. Even the most infamous of the British officers had to receive «heir praises. The Boston Centinel said of Cockbum, that, " notwithstanding the scur- • rilitv poured on him in the Virginia and Mary- ' land papers, he is a humane and liberal gentle- 'mon." This class of our citizens are not all dead. There are plenty of them yet living. And if a war breaks out between this and a foreign Power, from the indications already given us in this Oregon contro- versy, they will deride their own Govei-nment just as did the Federalists previous to and during the late war. I say from the indications already given; for such have been given of this feeling, not only in Congress, but in the pulpits, and by the press. 1 could give many instances; but must refer to every man's olwervation, who has had his eyes and ears open since this controversy com- menced. I will give a specimen or two, however. I quote first from the New York Journal of Commerce: "The conduet of Great Britain is generous, and such as become* a irrent and Christian nation ; ours, anvthine but vhntit should be." ' "From the h<-ginnin2. ■'/ the gencrositu has come from Great Britain, all the im.cralily from im— all the ^ood ncus from London, all Uie bad neti-s from \Va?hington." " Nobody in all the civilized world doubts the sincerity of Enaland's deKire for peace, while our own citizens credit, wiiii vr;ry slender faith, the repeated professions of our Gov- ernment." The editor of this paper must have had the Rev. Mr. Gardiner's sermon before him, when he wrote what I have quoted from his paper. "Now that the offer of arbitration has been made hy England, so freely and nobly, yet utterly, almost insolently, rej.-et<:d by the President, all tiie world will feel and say, that, If there shfMilrl he war, ours wUl be the injustice and wick- edness of a, imd Bn-land wiU be in the risk."— New Vork EcanftUtt. This is a mild extract from that paper. It con- tained, for a while, the most virulent abuse of the President and his supporters— fully equal to any ever poured out by the Federalists upon Jefferson or Madison, and their Democratic supporters. I shall dismiM it by saying, that I have no earthly doubt but the -ditor would burn at the stake a Christian brother for a difference in creed, and sell nu country for less ilion a bishopric. From the Cincinnati Gazette of February 18, 184G, I take the following extracts : "There is something glorious in watching the mnvcnicnts of good men disinterestedly working for a good cause. The ties and prejudices of country, love of home and iiatred of foes, are nil tbrgotten at such limes; and we turn invnlun- tnrily to the scene wherein is exhibited the beauty of virtue, and the ennobling lolUness of a pure spirit, in wonder ana admiration. "This generous feeling may be indulged in now to our heart's content. When a contfici between llie United States and Great Uritaiii apix.'nred iiicrviudile, u slH>rt time since, a |ii>rti'in of the British (fress, with a large portion of tlie Rrit- ish mercantile interest, prii|iosed nil appeal to the merchants o/the realm urging a pneilic effort, and suggesting besides a friendly address to the nierchaiits of thi! United States, du- clariiig peace, and .the cultivation of the nfUi of peace, ns the only great obji^ets woitby the strife or emulation of two great nations. Englishmen spoke to EiiKlislimeii in this ap- peal, and they spoke like true men. The couulusiun of it is as follows : "■Banish war from your very thougtits; and let your ' peaceful watchword be, (said they,) on oil occasions: Jlr- ' bilratc — arbilriite—arbUriite.' " It was n noble move, and nobly made. Forgetting party pride, overlooking what was considered as a iiationtil in- sult, and burying all exeiteiiient, tlie Britisli merchants, who made and who seconded this ap|H.'al, stood upon the purest ground of nn elevated philanthropy, and a pure Christianity. " And to show the spirit in which they moved, and the. manner in which they were met, we subjoin the following animatetl nddrcss by suhjectt of Great Britain to their fellow- subjects:" [Here follows the address. The Gazette then proceeds:] " ^nd when we turn from this enlursed and bencnotcnt spirit of the merchants of Great Britain to the miskradi.e and NARROW special pleading of t'.ie American Secretary, how must we deplore the difference .'•••• The cinirrf and peremptory refusal of Mr. Buchanan, after the negotiations were reopened, to arbitrate upon any fair terms — no contrary to ecery Christian principle, so utterly at war with the usage of .lations, so openly in violation of every humane and bei\ev- olent feeling, and so adverse to the very spirit of our insti- tutions—stands in sad nnd melancholy contrast with the no- ble conduct of these merchants of Great Britain, nnd gives a deep anrf fatal stab, lo what Americans should regard as first in their thoughts and affections — the character of the Reptiblic." Where would such a paper be likely to be found were we engaged in a contest with Great Britain, with all its sympathies in favor of that Govern- ment, and ita dislikes to the action of the present Administration so strong? I think there could be no trouble in assigning it its proper place. There is a great similarity in many particulars between the sentiments expressed by the British party during the Administration of Mr. Madison, and those who now think that Great Britain is all right, and their own country all wrong in reference to this Oregon controversy. Hear the Cincinnati Gazette of January 28th, 1846: '•Jl pause — the war !— There is a sudden pause at Wash- ington. VVIiat nieiiiis it? Bi'tween the planning and th3 doing of n dread deed, it is sain, there is always a solemn stillness. Cm it be that we nre on the verge— tlic very verge of war .' " Four weeks ago, and there was no holding the majority of the House of Reitrescnlalives. The notire now — the no- tire — iiotliing hut tile notice — tills was what we heard, and all that \vi' heard. But suddenly all is silent. A Florida election case — how Mr. Fremont's hooks shall be diftrib- uted— almost niiytliing is discussed except Oicgon and thu notice. " 111 the Senate, too, where Mr. ^llen figures !— why, he nnd his war men could hardly he kept still, and even as iiitu as tlieSUt, the very remarkable clinirinnn of the Cominittee on ForiMgn Affairs, talked of going 'on our knees to Victo- ria,' uiiU sneered at Mr. Calhouu witli some sharpness. Yet { the next day h to be, " 1. Th.it t'l poxed f)regon "2. That til " Now wags : that there has 11 February 18, the mnvcnicnu (hI cuuHe. The u and hntriMl of turn iiivnlun- lunuty of virtuu. ill wonder ana in noiv In our ic Uiiiti'd Hiatus ft time ^*illcu, n tinn ol'tlie firit- !o the merchants stini{ bi'sidus a iti.'d State-, du- rt-i of puBou, na iiil.ition of two men hi this ap- ucluaiunof it iH nnd let your occonioiiii : ^r- 'orgetting party I n national in- nurulmnliijWho pon tlio purest re Christianity, noved, and the tlie folhiwinii to Meir fellow- Gazette then hencrolent fpirit IIHKRABLE mui Secretary, how rhe cbmird and ie negntialioiiij iiff — so coutrary with the uflOKe lane and benev- rit of our insti- wt with the no- lin, nnd givet a nuld regard as •haracter of the y to be found reat Britain, that Govern- r the present lere could be [ace. y particulars Y the British (r. Madison, Britain is all in reference inuary 28th, nusc nt Wafli- inniiig and th:; cays a tiolcinii orge — tlio very ig the majority I now — tlie no- we heard, nnd nt. A Florida lall be diKtrib- icgnn Olid tlio res !— wliy, he id even as lata he Committee nees to Vieto- Imrpncss. Vel i the next day he qualified, or rather explained his opinions to he, " 1. That tMerc would be no Just cause for war in the pro- poned Oregon nieasmres. " 2. That there would be no war. " Now wags at VVaihiniftnn, and ill-natured folks do say, that there has been nn arrival or so tlroni Europe ; that there ;' are changes in the ministry there ; that tliese changes Imde no continuanee of [lence, if we really want a war ; and tliat the [lowers tliat be, witli the majority in either House at Wa«hingloii, who, from the beginning, meant to have no s wor, only a little noise ahout it, arc ratiier scared— not tliat I exactly— but satisfied that it is time for them to be yrudeiU." X ******* J " But the majority nt Washington nre sobered down j they j have exlmusteil their wild gas; and since this European I news, nre more prudent, and will be more dignified." I Now, what said some of the Federal presses in I 1811 and 1812.' Listen: I " They [the leaders in Congress] have already gone far a enough in war. They are conscious they cannot commence, 1 prosecute, and terminate a war; that the hands which he- < gin, will never finish it. They shrink from it. They already stagger under the weight. " They are frightened as the aspect becomes a little more serious, and wi.-h to go boiueanatliinkofit." — Philadelphia Gazelle, January 10, 1813. " We are flnnly persuaded that the mnjority in Congress do not mean ' ileclare war at present ; that Ihcy dare not ; \ and that all ti.eir tlnents are but conletnjili le laporini;, . which will die away like the vaporings of a drunken man before Ihey Tif(-."— Boston Repertory, Deremher 34, 1811. " We said yesterday, that we did not believe the Oregon question would in any way be mixed up with the Tariff; and we said so, not only because all the organs of the Ad- - ministration were taking extreme ground lutainst Great Brit- '; ain, but because Ml. Buchanan, with Messrs. Allen and Caxs, licsiiles being tlius ultra, seemed desirous of Growing ; as many obstacles in »he way of settlement lu they could. " Is this violence put on .' Are the abuse and bullying we hear against England, only rtoakt to hide the real policy of ■ the CnTiinet, viz : a settlement of the (Jregon question, at the .sacrifice of the Tariff.' If so, the American iiiople will be duped by their own rulers, and Mei/ outwitted by British diplomacy, in tho most shameless manner; duped, too, by the fhlsest show of hate and oj)|K)sitioii on the port of tliese ,. rulers, when, in reality, they felt neither, and were resolved I to havi!, not only no wal, but no dilHculty with England. ,• li We cannot believe, when we look back at Mr. Polk's :; Inaugural threat, or the repetition of it in the Message, at the strong declarations of Mr. Buchanan, nnd yet more at the bluster and bravado of tlicir organs, in nnd out of Con- gress, that such is the fact, or that any party would dare at- tempt such bnrefaced rascality."— Ciiiciniiott Gazette, Feb- ruary 18, 184B. ^^You do n^.*• understand xnhal i« here railed management. There will, as I believe, be no war. The wiu-whoop, the orders in couiioil, the nonimportation, and Presiilential caueusiiing, will vanish before summer. " — Baltimore Federal Giizcttr, Januarti, 1813. " Our tilnl 17, 1810. " The truth is, our tocinbn-n/s love to talk of war, and swaggi^r. anil boast, and vaunt, hut they abhor fighting. When (tni ger approaches they skulk like dastanlly |k>T- troons.'" — If 'orccrfcr S^n/, 1814. It stems, too, that it is a subject of .satire and ridicule, for Democrats nowadays to spciik in the halls ot Congress about national honor. The na- tional honor must be left to the keeping of the Whi£!;s, I suppose. Alluding to those members of Congress who dared to speak of national honcr, in connexion with our rights in Oree:on, the Cincinnati Gazette of March 24, 1846, says: " These men form a distinct class at Washington, nnd they nin up all the lower degrees of the political gamut. We may start with Senator Allen, stop nt Douglass of Illinois, and end with Chipiuun of .\tlcliigan, and we shall find but one song sung— BO that a stranger wouki suppose the indi- viduals to be a sort of chancery court to protect and keep safe the country's honor. Is coirinieree endangered ? The reply is, honor di'iiiands the sacnfice. Is the public peace put in Jeopardy .' It is done to protect tliat honor. In short notiiing is said oracconiplished, planned or agitated, by these men, except on this bai>i8, until now they are known at Washington by tlie name of the ■ National honor niem- beis.'" Well, others of the same stamp have spoken in the same strain in other days. The members of Congress who advocated and sustained the late war, spoke of national honor, and were ridiculed for it by such men as Timothy Pickering, the apologiser for British impressment. In his first letter to the people of Mat sachuaetrs, April 5, 1812, he says: " Abandoning your greateat nnd liett iTiterests, you are to engage in a destructive war for Aonor. You are to fight for honor, for " Ojnipremonal honor ;" not fbr national iionor, but for the honor of n set of men, a majority of whom, to- gether with the Ailminiitration, and Tlionias Jefferson, the master-spring at their bend, have been reviled, nnd. figu- rntivi'ly speaking, cuffed and spit upon by Ilonnparte ; and yet these men now talk of Aonor, and are urging you into a wnr to diifend it." But 1 pass from these things to inquire, what effect will these leading commercial journals, that abuse the action of their own Government, and ap- plaud so highly that of Great Britain in relation to this Oregon controversy, have on its settlement? What effect will the speeches that have been made in Congress depreciating our title to Oregon, and advocating the 'iuperiority of England 's over our own; dilating on tne power and resources of the British navy, and exaggerating our own weakness; holding forth to the country the idea that it is a contioversy about President-making mid the ad- vancement oi" party, which the people care but little about; a country barren and unprofitable, — I say, what effect will these speeches be likely to produce upon the British Government ? Not an increased anxiety to have the mutter speedily set- tled, but tho reverse. And, besides, they will more certainly bring about a war than all the war speeches and war essays that have gone to the public duriiig the session. Similar eflects were produced by the factious op- pr ■•■ n of the Federalists to the Administrations ol . ifferson and Madison, by their denouncing the acts of their own Government, and praisin^ those of Great Britain. They deceived Great Britain, and made her delay doing us justice until war was mcvitiible. The letters of Mr. Henry show conclusively to my mind that the effect produced by the conduct of the Federalists was what I have pointed out: nnd the effect is a very natural one, and will always be produced by like causes. In his letter of March 13, 1809, to Governor Craig, he says: " You will perceive from the accounts that will reneli you in the public papers, both from Washington and Massachu- setts, that tlie Federalists of the Northern Stales have tin - ceeHed iu moAing Congress believe, that witli such an opjioiition a» Ihey wouU make to the General Government, a war must be eoriflni'd to their own territory, and might be too much for that (ioverninent to sustain. « « » * • .\l all events, it cannot be necessary to the preservation of peace tliat Great Britain should make any great coiKesnon at the jirc^ent moment; more esttecially as the more important chanaen that oeatr in Ewrope mtglti rewfer if inronveritentfor her to adhere to any stijiu/otioiu tn favor of neutral maritime nad fluence which may enable ihein to direct the public opin- n, it is not iniprobalile that, rattier than submit to a con- nuance of the dittieulties and distress to which they arc •■^ow subject, they will exert that influence to bring about n yparatian from the general Union. The earliest informa- on on this subject may be of great consequence to our lovcmment, as it may also be that it sliould be informcMl Dw far, in stick an event, they inoitld look to England for as- 'stanee, or he disposei to enter in<.j a conncxi.m iiith i«. "Although it would be highly inexpedient that you should n any mann<>r appear as an avowed aguiit, yet if you could ■oniinue to obtain an intimacy with any ol" the leading par- ", it may not he improper that you should insinuate, though itii great caution, that if they should xrish to enter into any oaununicttl'' uith our Gocemment, through me, you are authorized to receive any such, and unit safely trammil it to me." The first letter of Mr. Henry to his employer (Governor Craig) was dated Burlington, Vermont, February 14, 1809. " I have remained here two days, in order fully to ascer- tain the progiess of the unci^cmcn/i herelofore made for or^ani:^ng an extent rrtposition to tlie General Government. Tlie Governor of the State makes na secret of his delermiiut- tion, as commander-in-chief of the militia, to refuse obedi- ence to any command from the General Gbvcrnmcnt which can tend to interrupt the good uiid(>r9(aniiing that prevails between the citl'Scns of Vermont and iiis Majesty's fubjects in Canada; and in case of war, will u<'e his influence to preserve the State neutral ; if these res ilutions are carried into eftcct, the Slate of Vermont may be ^•onsidercd as an ally of Great Hrllain." The mode of resistance " may in some measure depejid upon the reliance that tlie teadins; men may place upon asstirances of support from his Majesty's repre- sentatives in Gmada; and as I shall be on the spot to tender this u-henever the moment arrtici that it can be done with ef- fcrt, there Is no doubt that all their measures may be made sutmrdinate to the intentions of his Majesty's Govcronient; cverytliini^ tends to encourage the belief that the dissolution of thu Uiiiun will be accelerated by that spirit which now actuates both political parties.'' « Boston, JJfiircA 5, 1809. ' I have sufficient means of information to er^al.le me to judge of the proper [lerioii for offering the co l all ni'nreliensioiis of war, nnd conseiiuenfly lessen all ' pi of a separiitionofihe Slates, I think it necessary to trans.iiit 1^ the mail of each week a sketch of passing events." " Boston, May 2.'), IW)9. " I beg leave to suggest, that in the pn-sent stiite of things in this country, iny irrescnce can contribute very little lo the interest of Great Britain. If Mr. Erskine bi; sanctioned in all he has conceded, bv his Majesty's Ministers, it is unne- cessary for me, a» iudcbd it would be unavailing, to make 14 any nttPinl^t to corn/ into tffed tht oris^nal purjiosea of my mwn'on." The mission of Mr. Henry failed in its object. But it would appear that the idea of producing a disunion of the States, was persevereJ in until 1815. The British United Service Journal of May, 1840, pooje 30, remarks in reference to the Hartford Convention, that its ol)ject " was to separate the ' northern and eastern from the southern and west- ' em States, to establish a limited monarchy in the • first named States, placing one of our princes of ' blood on the throne, and strengthening the new • transatlantic kingdom by un allimice offensive and • defensive with England. The treaty at Ghent put ' a slop to the corrcajtoniknce, which was in active ' progress on tliis subject, but that courespond- ' ENCE IS sTiLt IN existence; and however im- ' probable it may appear to Yankee pride, were a • war to break out again between \is, soninthin" ' similar would occur before the 'United Slates' ' were two years older. The destruction of the ' public buildings at the nominal seat of the Fcd- •eral Go^trnment, it was conceived, would indi- ' rectly, if not directly, forward the views of the ' New England separatists." But though the treaty at Ghent put a stop to this corresjwndenee, it may well be doubted whether it put a stop to the idea in the Briiish mind of pro- ducing a separation of the States of tills Union. That idea, 1 believe, is still harbored , notwithstand- ing all their professions of friendship for us. The British emissary, Henrv, was on his mission in the eastern States to bring about resistance to the laws of the General Government, and a dissolution of our Union, and which would have brought in their train civil war, ichllc negotiations irere pending between the two countries for a settlement of all their differences. In connexion with this, I invite attention to a part of the speech of Mr. Fisk, made on this floor, on a motion to print Henry's letters, as reported in t'.. 12, 1812. Mr. FtsKsaid: " VVhv, Kir, can gentlemen seriously doiiht the truth of Uiu facta Btiited by this Mr. Hi'nry, when we hnve it from thu higliuft iiuthorlty, timt tlie former British Minii-ter. Mr. Ercliine, while here ntthis verj- time, was in tliesnme hnsi- ne.-s this Henry was sent to perfiirm .' Inn letti-r written hy Hint Minister to hi? Qtivernnient, and puMishcd hy its order, he tells Hum: ' I have endeavored, hy the most striet and '(lillL'ent Inquiries into the views am> strength (trn\i> Federal ' party, to iLseertain to what extent !■ ey rioiiW lie ui'd'Mii; and ' able to TcsiJ the meuxurcs q/ tKc puftij in jtover, and how ' far Ihcy conld carry the opinions ol the coinilry almn! with ' them in their attempts to remove the enihaiBo, wilh(Mit < rccniriiin to hostilities against both Great Britain nnd « France.' And again he tells them, in his letters of ISth Febrnary, 1809, when speaking of the divisions which then ngitaled this eoiintry, and tlie opposition made to the laws liv the people of tin: eastern States, 'the nltiinate eonse- ' (|»enees of siieh differenecs nnd jealousies nri'luL' between ' tlie eastern and southern States, wiiuld ineritably tend to ' a dissolution of the Union,uWfA luis Aceii for tome time 'tittkit of, am\ has of late, us I have heard, Wen seriously ' eontuinplated by many of Uie leading people in tlie eastern 'divition.'" How Mr. Erskine ascertained all these matters — whether at his dinner table, or by secret agents — does not appear. Certain, it Bcrnis, from his own letters, that he was feeling how far certain leading persons in the eastern States were " willing and able to resist the meaawes (/tlie jmrty in power. National Intelligencer of March It appears from whai I have adduced, that Great Britain never has had any other feeling for us than that of enmity. I think t can assign plausible rea- sons for her ill will. We resisted her tyranny, and forced her to declare us inrlependent of her power and authority. That humbled her pride as well as her v.inity. In the late war, we encountered her on that clement of which she claimed to be ths mistress, disputed her supremacy, and proved, by repeated victories, that there was a young master abroad. And now, in the peaceful pursuits of com- merce, we are fast rivalling, and bid fair to outstrip her. Great Britain's power is in her commerce. Her seat of empire is not as large as many of the States of this Union, but her dependencies are eveiywhere, and all of them tributary to her com- mercial interests. Sue wants the Oregon territory, that she may have the best harbors on that side of the Pacific, under her own control, to give to her Vessels the command of the rich commerce of that ocean; which commerce, she knows we would, from our geographical position, monopolize to a freat extent, had we the control of those harbors, 'or territory, Oregon is of little value to her; for commercial purposes, in her estimation, it is of great value. I think, too, that the facts I have presented, be- sides proving the general enmity of Great Britain towards us, also warn us not to put too much con- fidence in her professions of friendship, even while negotiations are pending and amicable relations subsisting between the two countries, and not to trust too far those whom she sends here to repre- sent her in the capacity of Minister. It is apparent to my mind from what I have stated, that Great Britain will not settle this con- troversy by agreeing to 49° as the boundary, un- less from powerful motives of State necessity. She will risk a greal dealratl.er than yield, what I con- sider, her unjust pretensions to the Oregon terri- tory. But her situation at home in relation to her Irish nnd Welsh subjects, and in relation to her manufacturing districts, and her position in regard to France and Russia may be of such a nature, that a war would be too momentous in ita results for her to risk it. I have no allusion to any personal fear in the English people for war, for they have as little of that quality in their composition as any people on the face of the earth , as tneir history well attests. I speak, therefore, not of any apprehen- sions that may be entertained of the simple results of naval or land encounters between their forces and those of this Republic, but of what war might produce, aside ft'om these encounters. Such may be her criticjil and delicate situation at home and with other Powers, that a war might be instru- mental, apart from anything we could do, in break- ing her power, and dissolving her empire. If such be her situation, she will not risk a war for all of Oregon, nor for any part of it, much as her ancient grudges and continued enmity, the position which she has assumed in this controvesy, our own di- visions, timidity, and abuse of our own Govern- ment and disparagement of our own title, might invite her to hostilities. Before I leave those gentlemen who insist on the 49th parallel as the proper boundary, I will refer to another of the positions assumed by meny of 15 iced, that Oreat liii^ for us than n plausible rea- er tyranny, and It of her power r pride as well ve encountered aimed to be ths and proved, by I young master >ursuits of com- t fair to outstrip her commerce. M many of the ipendencies are u-y to her com- regon territory, on that aide of , to give to her immerce of that ws we would, nonopolize to a those harbors. \lue to herj for nation, it is of ! presented, be- f Great Britain t too much con- hip, even while icable relations ies, and not to I here to repre- u what I have settle this con- boundary, un- iiecessity. She :ld, what I con- e Oregon terri- I relation to her relation to her sition in regard h a nature, that I its results for ;o any personal , for they have position as any eir history well any apprehen- i simple results en their forces i?hatwar might rs. Such may in at home and ight be instru- Id do, in break- npire. If such I war for all of » as her ancient position which y, our own di- ■ own Govern- vn title, might 10 insist on the ry, I will refer 30 by many of them. They seemed to argue as if this question were a western question, and they thought it strange that the western people 8!\ould demand that decisive action should be had in its settle- ment, and they taxed their ingenuity to assign suitable reasons for what seemed to them rash pol- icy on the part of the West. Some intimated that it was because the people of the West loved war; others because we would be exempt from ita dangers and calamities; while others attributed it to the liope of increased prices for our produce. Now, none of these inferences are correct. The people of the West appreciate the blessings of peace, as much as any other section of the Union. It is true that the people of the West ore hardy, enterprising, and not enfbeblcd by luxurious habits. These qualities, associated as they arc with a proper sense of justice, while they make us quick to resent wrongs, will never drive us into war for the sake of war. Peace has made the West; but it is that peace, whose foundations were laid on two sangumary wars. Nor is it because the people of the West would be exempt from the dangers and calamities of war. It was not so heretofore, when the West poured out its best blood in defence of the coun- try against the attacks of Great Britain and her savage allies. And I can see no cause for believ- ing that the case would be different were we again unfortunately engaged in war. The other intimation is equally without founda- tion. To whom would we sell our surplus produce? Our foreign markets would be in a great measure cut off"; our home market wtuld be curtailed; for the South that now purchases largely from us, would, in the event of a war, l)e driven to raise its own breadstuff's. If produce would rise it would be because less of it would be raised, and at far greater cost than at present, on account of so many of those now engaged in agriculture be- ing withdrawn from that employment, to engage in the defence of the country. But, sir, I will tell you why it is that the West takes such a deep interest in this matter. It is because we look upon it as a national question, b''"""se we believe that our title to the whole c. V ,cgon up to 54° 40' is good, and because our opponent is Great Britain. The pcofilc of the West love the whole country, and that makes them ardent in its defence; they believe our title to the whole of Oregon good, and that makes them firm in its maintenance; they believe the crisis demands promptitude, and that makes them desire decided action. They do not want to see any foreign Pow- er occupy any portion of American territory, much less Great Britain, whom they are slow to fr)rget. For they cannot but recollect their perpetual ene- my, who has been the instigator of nearly all the Indian outrages that have covered almost every square league of the West with the blood of its men, women, and children. An enemy who even now, to intimidate us from asserting our rights to the Oregon territory, at the same time that he coasts of his refinement and Christian character, as if impelled by the instincts of his nature, open- ly intimates that, should war come, he will incite tlic negroes o'' the South to murder their masters. and will also burn the cities on our seaboard; so that, while the butchery is goin" on with one hand, he can rejoice in the bonfires ofour cities made by the other. It is our rights, the remembrance of wrongs, and I hone a ]iroper appreciation of national honor, that muKe the peoi)le of the West take the part they do in this controversy. I shall say but 'ittle respecting our title to the Oregon country. Its validity has been fully estab- lished by the very able argument of the present Secretary of State. It has also been generally conceded on this floor, except in a few instances wherein the claims of England to the country wa- tered by Frazer's river, were attempted to be es- tablished on the same grounds that our claims to the country watered by the Columbia river rest— - viz., discovery and exploration. It is to this single point, as it has been about the only objection urged to our title in the argu- ments put forth in this Hall, that I shall say all that I design saying respecting our title. Robert Gray, of Boston, was the first Christian discoverer anti explorer of any part of the Colum- bia river. This took place in 1792. In 1805, Lewis and Clarke, under the authority of the Uni- ted States, explored the Columbia river from ita sources to its mouth. Agreeably to the law of na- tions these gave us the country watered by this river. But the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Hilliard] insists that, by the same rule, Great Britain is en- titled to the country watered by Frazer's river; since Alexander Mackenzie, an Englishman, was the first Christipu discoverer of that river. This discovery was made in 1793. There is a very material difference between the two cases, which entirely destroys the analogy. When Gray discovered the mouth of the Colum* l)in, and sailed twenty miles up that river, the United Stales were under no restrictions by any treaty stipulations with Spain, who discovered this shore of the Pacific. They were at full lilierty, by the law of niuions, to mrtA:e the discovatj, and prnfit by it. Tht 'he case was entirely different with Great Brit- ain, when Mackenzie, in 1793, discovered Frazer's river. In 179(1, Spain and Great Britain entered into a convention, called the Nootka Convention, by which Great Britain acquired the privilege of free trade thr'iughout the northwest coast with the natives of the country. While that convention existed, every subject of Great Britain who had anything to do with that country, acted under the authority and protection of that convention. He could not act independently of it. It is plain, therefore, that when Mackenzie discovered Frazer's river, he was in the country by permis.sion of that convention. He could not act adversely to the interests of Spain without violating that conven- tion. He was not at liberty to take any advan- tage of that discovery for his own country, as he might have done had there been no such treaty as that which then existed between Spain and Eng- land. The treaty existing at the time of the dis- covery bars Great Britain firom tr.king advantage of it. The discovery enured to the benefit of whoever, at the termination of the Nootka Conven- •16 tion,waa entitled to the country. The Nootka Convention was terminated in 17% by the declara- tion of war by Spain against Great Britain. The United States having acquired all the title of Spain to the northwest coast, is entitled to the country watered by Frazer's river. But it may be asked, if the United States have the right to the whole country uji to 54° 40', what is there to negotiate about? I will tell ynu. The British, under the convention of 1818 and 1827 have made settlements and improvements in the Oregon country. It will require time to re- move and settle up. Negotiate as to this time. Fix upon a period when the United States shall have the undisputed possession of the whole coun- try. Negotiate about that and nothing else. The bill under consideration is intended to throw the protecti/ig shield of the laws of the United States over the American settlers in Oregon, and to protect them in their rights. This is necessary for the settlers. The good among them need our laws for their protection, the vicious require them for restraint. They are also necessary to impres^i upon the Indians the power and extent of the Union, of which they have at present little or no idea. If the notice be given, and such a bill as the present do not pass, the notice will be positively injurious, for then the whole country would be under British power, authority, and law. If the American Congress, after having autho- rized the notice to be given, shall not have the firm- ness to throw the protection of our laws over our settle 'S in Oregon, I hope that then the people of that country will declare themselves independent of oil Governments, and establish one of their own. I |.:.. '.!'. .-),. , ' ' ' ' ■^!,^:- : , ;< ' .. . 1 ■ r-'U v» •_ . -.. '■ f'n " .( ' ,'. -c;. '"'■*• • . 1 ., „♦> ;, -I-, ij..' '- . ' .!' ,, J' ■ •• .-. M ■ ...-...■■.• •-J 7 ■ .-r- > [. ■■%,■>. 1 Oiegroii, and s is necessary :hein need our 1 require them vry to impress extent oi the int little or no h a bill as the be positively itry would be law. ipving autho- have the firm- laws over our the people of ■) independent one of their