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I am moreover perfonally fdlicitous, to take an opportunity of giving to thofe friends who have honored mc with a parliamentary truft, an early and explicit account, of my own conduct, during the lail four years j a period, which has produced fuch unexpected and momentous events. In this IHort period oi four years, by much thegreateft and moft encreafing parts, of the Britifh dominions are lofl: i The lives of many thoufands of our fellow-fttbjedls have beenfacrificed j thirty or forty millions of national property have been thrown away; an hundred fhips offeree, and near an hundred thoufand men by fea and land, are cut off from the force of this coun- try, at a time, when a war with the Houfe of Bourbon is brought upon us. We are come to a full and experiinental conviftion, of the folly and imprafticability of the Ameri- can war. That chapter therefore is finally clofed, by the total lofs of America. Here it is then, that I wi(h to make an appeal to my Conftituents, and- to explain to them, that I have in no degree b:^cn inftrumental, or concurring in thofe meafures, which have produced thefe misfortunes. It is faid that fhort accounts make long friends, foE which reafon it is, that I wifh to difcharge my mind to you now; with refpedt.to what is. paft, and at the. fame time to advcrtife you, of the alarming profpedb of your afFaics, as being juft upon the opening of a war, with the Houfe of Bourbon joined to America. The inflexible obftinacy of an Adminiftration, who would hearno reafon, . and who have fecretcd every information' from Parliament, and the Public, till the event too fatally proclaims itfelf, has wafted your men and millions ; has alienated your Colonies, and driven them into thb arms of France ; has not only brought you into a..ftate unprepared for war, againft the natural enemies, and rivals of this country, but has confumed your beft relburces»< previous to ' the outfet. If a minifter of the Houfe of Bourbon. had dictated every meafUre, that has been purfued for the laft four years, he could not Kdve deviled^ more fyftematical plan, for renewing with advantage to our rivals, the antient conteft between us, of national grcatncfs and power. What various events may await us, in the renewal of this , B. contcfti. ■ '■'"■WPWHf p«!J«J,.lbl4 i' ( 2 )' conteft, no man can forefee > But fome confequences are too plain not to be forefeen. The millions which we have thrown away, and the taxes with which we have loaded ourfclvcs, and our pofterityt muft be doubled by other millions, and other taxes, added to accumulated 'public debts, and declining credit. The d?ftru6lion of thole men both by fea and land, who have been facrificed to death and captivity, together with thou- fands more, who are at this moment cut off from our domcftic ftrength, muft be fup- plied at home, by the beft blood of this Country, who may perhaps be called upon, in their own perfons, to defend their native Ihores. Whatever future events of this kind, may be prepared forus, will aH owe their origin, and will all be chargeable, to the account of the advifers, and condudlors, of this fatal American war. The money and men already confumed, might have ferved as a bulwark and defence, againft any " foreign wars, and what ftill adds to the misfortune, is, that it is the folly, of having confumed our refources beforehand, and of having quarrelled with thole who might have been our beft friends, which has brought foreign wars upon us. I know when the farther demands of enormous taxes, and fupplies, with the continued load of perfonal fervice, and with all other burdens, and calamities of war, come upon us, that t^ie deteftation, and refentment of the nation, will purfue the authors of the public dif- trefsi and therefore I defire for one, to ftand clear in the judgment of my country, and particularly in the opinion of my Conftituents, as not having been acceifary, or confenting to any of the meafures which have fevered America from us j and which having cut off fo great a proportion of our refources, in men and money, by a civil war, with thofe who once were our fellow fubjedls, has at length plunged us, into the general confufion, and chances of foreign wars, in which, no man can give any pre- fumptive, or definite calculation, of its coft, or of its duration, and leaft of all of the event. I hope that I need not make any apology, for fpeaking thus perfonally of myfclf, becaufe I am writing an addrefs to my Conftituents, whofe favour and good opinion, is every thing to me; but I wifh to be underftood, as not confidering my perfonal vote or condud, to be an objeft calling for a public difcufllon, but that having formed my own judgtnent upon the cafe, with a free and unbiaffed mind, and having been fupported, and ftrengthened in that judgment, by the opinions and public arguments, of many perfons of the higheft charader, for abilities, integrity, and experience, who have uni- formly oppofed the principles, and continuation of the American war, I have afted with them i and therefore, it is upon the arguments, of their juftification to the public, that 1 wifh to reft my claim, to the confidence and good will, of my Conftituents. Having premifed thus much, I (hall enter a little, into the general arguments, in the cafe before us, becaufe, although the vindication, of a private individual, may be a trivial confi- deration to the public, yet it is not fo with great bodies, and parties of men, afting in the public eye, and claiming the firft rank, and importance in their county. The public ought to know, who thofe men are, who have driven their country to the brink of ruin, who have difdaincd all temperatq counfel, who have vilified every prudent fuggeftion, and the authors of them ; They ought likewife to know, the principles upon which other men, have advifed meafures of difcrction, and fafety. The difference, may perhaps be nothing lefs, than the very cxiftcnce, or dcftruftion of the Sute. ,, , / Mitt' ( 3 ) Si I 'fi [I c I* d ir >e at That America was ours at the opening of the firft fefllon of the prefcnt parliament, is as undoubtedly true, as it is now true, that it is no longer fo. The American difputes, doubilefs had their foundation a long time antecedent to that period. But this is nothing to the prefent queftion, by whofe advice, and by what meafures, America has been fevered from us ; for at the beginning of the prefent parliament, America not only was ours, but might have been retained in unity and affedion to us, if meafures, the reverfe of thofe which have taken place, had been followed. Since that time, two pe- titions from America, offering to remain attached to this country upon the terms which exifted between us in the year 1763, have both been rejefted. Therefore conciliatory terms, and a return to the llatcof 1763, might (1111 have retained them ours •, but war with America and not conciliation, was predetermined before the eleftion of this prefent par- liament i and indeed it has been avowed, that the diiToIution of the late parliament, and the eledion of a new one, a twelvemonth before the expefted term, was a preparatory ftep to coercive meafures with America. Here it is that the two roads divide. Whatever deceptions may have been ufed, or whatever pretexts may have been held out, coercion and not conciliation, was, from the very firft, the lecret and adopted plan, and has been fyftematically and inflexibly purfued ever fince. I will now Hate to you in order, the proceedings of the fevcral fefllons of this prefent parliament ■, and fhall begin with that fyftem of fallacies and pretexts, which were art- fully held out to the public, in the firfl: fcffion, to lead them infenfibly into the adoption of coercive meafures, and thereby to lay the foundation of the American war. The firit fefllon of this parliament began on the 29th of November 1774, and ended on the 26th of May 1775. The highefl: authority of government was made ufe of, to inculcate opinions, which when put to the teft, have proved totally unfounded •, we were told, that the diilurbances in America, were only the tumults of a deluded mob, mifled by a few defigning per- fons ; that the appearance of a flight military force, to fuftain the civil power, would foon quell all difl:urbance ; and that as foon as the King's lUndard was fet up in America, the whole country would flock to it, in fupport of the meafures of the Adminlftration. and of their avowed principles of government. However improbable it was in itfelf, cofuppofe that thirteen provinces fhould rife like one man, and join a military force, in fupport of the minifterlal claims, of taxing without reprefentation, of blocking up harbours, and confifcating charters unheard, of garbling juries, and penfloning judges during pleafure, with a fong lift of other complaints, ftiled by Minifters pretended griev- ances i yet all this was confidently aflerted, in the declarations of Minifters in Parlia- ment, who were in pofleflion, of the moft authentic correfpondencies with the feverai provinces in America. Parliament and the public gave credit to their authority, and af- fertions; and afted upon their prefumption of their proving uue. We were told, that the Americans were totally unarmed, and unpreparedi (and with the moft infolent con- tempt of their courage,) that five hundred men with whips, would drive all America be- fore them. The expence likewifc of the undertaking was treated as trifling, or next to nothing. If you were to give credit to the firft refolutions of parlhiment, upon this head, the expence was to be lefs than nothing j the number of feamen was reduced, to a lower eftablifhment, than they had been at for the four pi^ceding years i a y^te for a * • .■■«'.• ,-.'•- three 1 { 4 ) three (hilling land-tax was pafTed before Chriftmas in the firft fefllon, though the bill was not brought in till after i e holidays ; this proceeding can admit but of one con> ftruftion, viz. to footh the landed gentlemen, in an early and unfufpeded (late of the bufmefs, into a confidential adoption of the minidenal fydem, by throwing out falla- cious aflurances beforehand, that no additional expencc (hould fall upon them. To car- ry on the deception out of doors, a million of the national debt was paid off, out of the fupplies of the firft fefTions -, though in the fame breath, we palTed a vote of credit to the King, upon which a debt of double that fum was incurred, in the very fame year. Official aflurances have likcwife been thrown out from time to time, of the good faith and forbearance of foreign courts, which have been calculated likewife, to lead us inta the fnare, as they came from perfons who had every means of information, and who ought not to have been credulous. However a parliament always compliant with the fenfe of the Minifter, and a deceived public, have unfortunately for us, all been over- reached into the adoption of the war, under thefe fallacies. The contrary to all thefe fallacies was reprcfented, and urged In argument, by the op- pofers of the American war. The fatal effeftsof a civil war with our Colonies, upon our trade, manufadVures, finances, public credit, external (lrength,and internal profperity„ were ftated over and over. When the three (hilling land-tax was voted, the country gentlemen were reminded, that in all probability this would be the laft year, in which they would ever have the land-tax, as lew as three (hillings in the pound ; and that they were craftily lead, into a eoncuri-ence with the war, becaufe they were not in the fird in- ftance, to bear any part of the burden. The final interference of foreign powers, was univerfally foretold, by every oppofer of th: American war, but all thefe warnings were of no avaik The Mrniftpy had by artful mifreprefentations, and pretexts, got the ear of parliament, and carried every thing before them j contemning every fuggeftion of prudence and reafon* Many propofitions of conciliatian were in this fefTion made in both Houfes of Par* liament, but they were all over-ruled. The late Earl of Chatham on the 20th of January I775» moved ** That an humble addrefs be prefentcd tohis Majefty,that in or* •* der to open the way towards an happy fettlement of the dangerous troubles in Ame- *« rica by beginning to allay ferments and foften animofities there, immediate orders *« might be fent for the removal of the forces from Bofton i" to this he added on the ift of February 1775, another propofition of *' A provifional a6t for fettling the «* troubles in America, and for afTerting the fupreme legiQative authority and fupcrin- «« tending power of Great Britain over her Colonies;" thefe motiake laws and ftatutes to bind the people of the Colonies, in all cafes **■ whatfoever. And whereas reiterated complaints and moft dangerous diforders have «* grown, touching the right of taxation claimed and exercifed over America; to the «* difturbuice ci peace and ^ood order therej and to the a Mr. Burke, whofe ta- : lents, experience in public bufincfs, and integrity, have been tor many years approved, in the public parliamentary fervice, propofed a fet of refolutions, for the relloration of peace, founded upon the antient policy, fubfifting between the two countries; not truft- ing to fpeculative experiments or hazardous innovations, but treading in the antient path, of found and approved experience. Hear a few of his own words, that you may conceiveajuft opinion, of his plan and principles, *' The propofition is peace; not *' peace through the medium of war; not peace to be hunted through the labyrinth of in- ** tricate and endlefs ncotiations; not peace to arife out of univerfal difcord, fomented ** from principle, in all parts of the empire; not peace, to depend upon the juridical ** determinations, oi perplexing queftions, or the precife marking, the (hadowy bound- *' aries of a complex government. It is fimple peace, fought in its natural courfe, and ** in its ordinary haunts. It is peace fought in the fpirit of peace, and laid in principles " purely pacific. I propofe, by removing the ground of difference, and by reftoring the former unfufpedling confidence in the Mother Country, to give permanent fatisfadion to your people, and (far from a principle ruling by dilcord) to reconcile them to each other, in the fame a6l, and by the bond of the very fame intcrcft, which reconciles them to the Britifh government. The following are the refolutions which he moved. . ;. ... i: m , :\? *< I. That the Colonies and Plantations of Great Britain in North America, confifl:- ing of fourteen feparate governments, and containing two millions and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had the. liberty and privilige of ele£bing and fending any *' knights and burgeffes, or others, to reprelent them in the high court of parliament. *' Previous queftion put. «' 2. That the faid Colonies and Plantations have been made liable to, and bound *' en by, feveral fubfidies, payments, rates and taxes given and granted by Parliament, ** though the faid Colonies and Plantations hatre not their knights and burgeffes in *« the high court of parliament, of their own eleftion, to reprefent the condition of ** their country, by lack wh' '■eof they had been oftentimes touched and grieved, by *' fubfidies given, granted, and aflented ro in the faid court, in a manner prejudicial to *■* the commonwealth, quietnefs, reft and peace of the fubje^ls inhabiting the faid Co- «* lonies. Prev. queft. *• 3. That from the diftance of the faid Colonies, and from other circumftanccs, no method has hitherto been devi&d, for procuring a reprefentation in parliament for the faid Colonies. Prev. queft. .'; if >:<;u .; i ' ^v •, ^ 1 .: •* 4. That each of the faid Ccloijics hatfi, within itfelf, a body chofen in part, or in the whole, by the freemen, freeholders, or other free inhabitants thereof, com- «* monly called the general aflembly, or general court, 'with powers legally to raife, Ic- ** yy, and afTefs, according to the feveral ufage of fuch ColonicSt duties and uxes tO' V- wards defraying all forts of jjublic fcrvices. Prtv. gu^, n t.'^i^Qx :.>ia r.fM . , f , ** S' That <> .«« <( ft cc - The following is a copy of the propofed letter of requifition : His Majefty having nothing fo much at heart, as to fee every part of his dominions " put into a ftate of fecurity, both by fea and land, againft any attack, or even appre- henfion of attack, from foreign powers, has therefore particularly taken into his con- *' fideration, the neceffity of keeping up a refpedlable marine eftabliftiment ; as well for the aftual protection of the commercial interefts of Great Britain and America ; as to maintain undiminiflied the power and pre-eminence of the royal flag of Great Britain, and to preferve that navy, which has 'n the time of war, carried us triumphant over all our enemies, from falling into negled or inaftion, in the time of peace. The na- *' yal power of Great Britain, is more efpecially necefl"ary, for the proteilion of his Ma- *' jefty's American fubjcds, from the fpecial nature ot their cafe; who have indeed each of them, by their refpeclivc militias, a provincial fecurity by land, but from the want of a fimiiar eftablilhment at fea, are particularly unguarded on that element. 7 heco- lonin:s are dependent upon the fecurity of the fea, not only for their own trade, but likewife for that fupply of Britifli manufadlures, which, if they were under the ne- ceffity of providing for themfelves, would draw themoflF from thofe objefts of their colonization, which are more beneficial to them, the pofieflTing, and bringing into cul- ture, the extenfive and fertile lands of America. It is therefore the peaceable purfuit and enjoyment of all and every one of thefe advantages, for which they are beholden to his Majefty*s royal navy for prote-flion. •* His Majefty has likewife taken into his confideration, the ftate of the American Colonies, with refpeft to their military defence by land. The glory of all the Ame- rican conqueftsin the late war, was accompliftied by the adive zeal, and ftrennous ef- forts, of the Britifh and American united arms ; in the profe^ ution of which, his Majefty has repeatedly had experience, that his faithful and loyal fubjefts of America, •' have contributed more than their proportion. His Majefty is therefore well pleafed, ** that his American fubjtdts (hould reap, upon the fortunate termination of that war, *' the advantages of fecurity moft peculiarly beneficial to their fituation. He confiders this *' fecurity, as no more than a juft and adequate recompence, for their liberality, and zeal, •* and the courage of their exertions, in the conqueft of all thofe hoftile provinces, and ** in the extirpation of all thofe foreign European interefts, which had for many years ** been hovering, with an evil alpedt, over the Britilh American Colonies, and circum- ** Icribtng their early growth. ** His Majefty confiders, that the eftabliftiment and confirmation of his newly* ** acquired dominions, for the peace, fafety, and tranquility of his ancient and loyal ** colonies, requires the fame union of mind And meafures, between all his fubjeAs on ■;■;■ :•■■ "•-'"■ '''■'■ ". each IC (( (t «c <( «( y « thrown out to his enemies, to didurb the glories of his reign j fo fee the unhappy cii- «' vilions of thiskin-dom againil itfelf, giving courage to their iccrec relcnui.cnis,. cw..l «< temp. mg them, in an evil hour, to rc-afiumc thole hoftiie purpofcs againft his Ma- «' jefty's dominions, which the united and c .ir.pacted powers of the wiiole Houfe oi «' bourbon, were unable, in the Lire glorious war, to a.complifli, againfl: the ihtn *' united and compared arms of Great Britain ".nd America. His hLij-lty's moft ear- »' nell an'J i\v'\ anxious wiflies are, to fee unanimity refto-'d am.ongit aii his lubjeds, «* that they may long enjoy in peace the fruits cf thofe loir.mon vid; )nes which have *♦ hererofore cemented them in one general caule •, that living in harmony and brotherly " kindiiefs, one towards another, and in one common obedience to ti^.e lupreme legiUa- «* ture, they may join all hands with one he.irt, to fupport the dignity ot his Crown", *» the juft authority ot Farliiment, the true and combined interefls of Great Britain and «» America; and thus tranfmic to poftenty, with everlafting honour, the united empire «' of thefc kingiioms." I think I may venture to fay that if this propoficion had been accepted, it might have laid the foundation of peace, becaufe thofe very terms were drawn v.p by the Con- grefs, in their petition to the King, and addrefs to the People of England, a few iiionths after, and were propofed by themfcives as the terms of pacification. You will obferve that in all thefe cautious propofitions, there was nothing novel or hazardous, nothing derogatory to the honour of this Country, no mean conceflions of any confti- tutional rights ot this country, but only compromifing Ipeculative and difputed points, fey recurring to the old accuftomed and fate way, in which both countries had been united in profperity and peace. Our friend Sir George Savile took up another propofition, which was charafteriftical- ly fuited to his well known uprighinefs and Jove of juftice. The American Congrefe had prcfented a petition to the throne. Hating their grievances and applying for redrefs. His Majefly had ref( rred this petition to the confideration of parliament. Sir George Savile on this occafion, viz. on the 26th of January 1775, prefented a petition to the.- Houfe from the American Agents, concluding with thefe words* *' Your petitioners do, *' with intent to promote a reftoration of the cordial union, that fo long and happily '* fubfifted between Great Britain and the Colonies, moft humbly pray that they may be *' heard at the Bar of this honourable Houfe, in fupport ot the faid petition,, when it *' fhall come under confideration." Could there poflibly be a propofition more con- fornable to natural juftice and equity, than to have heard thofe who were at that time your tellow fubjeds, before you devoted them and their country to fire andfword? Could there have been dcvifed a more probable way to have reftored a rational and laft- ing peace, than to have difcufled the articles of their petition with equity and candour, inllead of giving a flat negative to ihis, and to every other motion of a fimilar kind, and then infulting that very petition which they would not hear or difcufs, as containing nothing but pretended grkvances t When one comes to refled a little upon things that are pafled, and not at prefent the objeft of contennon, it is almoft incredible to conceive, how a parliament could be brought to rejed a petition from three millions of their fellow fubjeds, to decide , the moft important points without enquiry, and to condemn whole provinces to fire And fword. unheard. Thefc which I have explained tp you were the pra- £ pofuions^ C 14 ) I '-^1 (11 Ui^ii li- pofitions offered by the oppofers of the American war m the very beginning of this conteft, forefeeihg too truely the unfortunate and defperate ftate of things, which a civil war nnift infallibly bring on. But parliament was deaf to every propofition which did riot come with minifterial recommendation. Lord North did indeed in this firft feflion make what has been called his conciliatory propofition, wlrich however cannot well be looked upon in any other light, than as a mere pretext calculated to amufc the public, with the name of having maxk an ofFir to Ame- rica ; and a very (hallow pretext 1 think it was ; This propofition was conceived in the following terms, viz. •' That when tne Governor, Council, or Aflfembly, or general ** Court of any of his Majefty's Provinces or Colonies in America, (hall propofe to ** make provifion according to the condition, circu 'lances, and fituation of fuch province ** 'Or colony, for contributing their proportion to i j common defence (luch pioportion *' to be raifcd under the authority of the general Court, or general Aflcmbly, of Inch ** province, or colony, and difpofable by parliament) and (hall engage to make provi- *' fion alfo for the fupport of civil government, and the atiminiflration of juftice in fuch " province or colony, it will be proper, if fuch propoial fhall be approved by his Ma- ■" jefVy, and the two Houies of Parliament, and for lo long as fuch provifion Ihall be *• made accordingly, to lorbear, in refpedl of luch province or colony, to levy any duty* *' tax or aflcffinenr, or to impofe any farther duty, tax or afleffment, except fuch duties *' as it may be expedient to continue to levy or impofe, for the regulation of commerce, ** the nett produce of the duties laft mentioned, to be carried to the account of fuch ** province or colony refpedtively." This refolution was moved by Lord North in a committee, on the 20th of February 1775, and agreed to by the Houfe the 27th of Fe- bruary 1775 Tliis propofit' on fecms to prefume, that there was no other matter in con- teft, but the right of taxation. It palTes by the recital of all the grievances reprefented in that petition to the King, which parliament had refufed to confider or to hear j fuch as blocking up their ports, and confifcating their charters unheard, the penfioning judges, the garbling juries, and many others ; and with rcfpeft to that only grievance, to which Loid North's propofition does pretend in any degree to apply, viz. taxation without repre- fentation. It is a mockery to expert people to be contented, with a mere fufpenfion of the excrcife of that right, juft as long and no longer, than they give as much as the mi- ffi feLgJ p parliament thinks proper to be fatisfied with. They were not to judge of the occ^noQf nor to determine the amount of the funi •, they were to have no right of ap- propriating their gifts, nor any title to enquire into the application ; no confideration in ballance was even hintsd at in that propofition, of the then fubfifting monopoly of the American trade. The abfolute right of unlimited taxation, without any other meafurc than the moderation of a Minifter's demands, was cxpcdted to be given up by America, (which was the whole of the diipute refpefting tnxation) while the exercifc of this tre- mendous claim, was to be held over their heads like a fword fufpended by a thread, and •upon any difcontent or demur, to have been carried into execution by military force. The infinccnty of this propofition (bands confefled, not only by the infidious nature of the terms in which it was drawn up, but by the firft a<5l of hoftility in fliedding civil blood, which was executed on the 19th of April 177,5, before this propo- fition could pofilbly have been referred to the confideration of America. This is there- fore ( 15 ) fore a full and irrefiflable pruof of its infincerity, and that war and not peace was the determined purpofc from the very firft. The Americans you may be fure refufed this as an infidious offer, and as being merely the pretext of minifterial infincerity. But they did at the fame time repeat their declara- tion, of their willingnefs to contribute upon free requifitions, as they had done before the year 1763. They addrefled the King with thefe words, ** Your Majefty will find *• your fubjefts on this continent, ready and willing at all times, as they have ever been, ** with their lives and- fortunes to aflert and maintain the rights and intercfts of our mo- «* ther country." Thus you fee if the ways of peace had been followed, if any one of the plans offered by the oppofersof this fatal war had been accepted as a ground of treaty, we might at this moment have been united in affeftions, and in a perpetual intercourfc of common intereft, with this great and growing people. My objeft in endeavouring to ftate thefe things to you, is, to draw out this clear truth, as the vindication of thax fet of men with whom I have afted, and of m- lelf ; that the oppofers of this mad war have been the real friends to their country, and that thofe who have advifed the war, and have fo inflexibily perfifted in it, have led their country to ruin i and are therefore refponPble to their country, for all the difgraces which we have fuf- taincd, in the deflruftion of lives, the wafting of bur money, the exhaufting our re- fources, the decline of our commerce, arid navigation, the weakning of public credir, the accumulation of our national debt, the fevering of our dominions, and the alienation of the hearts, afFeftions, and fuppbrt of three millions of people, who once were ours. Thus much for what is paft, for your prefent flate and profpedl of things, hear the laft words of friendly caution from the American Congrefs to the People of England three years ago, viz. on the 8th of July 1775, '* Should you prove unfuccefsful, fhould that •* connexion which we wi(h moft ardently to maintain be diflblved, fhould your minillers *• exhaufl your treafures, and wafle the blood of your countrymen in vain attempts on our liberty, do they not deliver you weak and defencelefs to your natural enemies ?'* Thefe were prophetic words ; and thofe minilters have much to anfwcr for, who have brought you into this flruation. ' i ' *s; I have now flated to you fhortly the proceedings of this firft felTion of the prefent parliam„ent, which more immediately laid the foundation of the war with America, by refufing every reafonable ground of treaty with thert. It was a felTion of pretextSi to feel the pulfe of the nation, and to lead them infenfibly into the fnare, till they were roo far gone to recede, which in the next fclfion of parliament, was ftampt with the argu- ment of a very noted phrafe •, viz. " That we had pafTed the Rubicon, and could not ** retreat." ^uppofe that before we had pafled the Rubicon, the miniflerhad with can- dour, wlfdom and forefight, laid before parliament the real flate of things, and the pro- bable expedation of confequences ; this country would have owed him ineflimable obli- gations. Speaking as I do now after the event, it canno: however be thought unreafon- able, to fuppofe that a wife and welldifpofed Minifter, might have foreieen thofe events, which many prudent perfons forefaw and foretold at the time, and which have fince proved true. He might have reprefented to us, that uj^on the right of refiftance to tax- ation without jeprefentation, America had for many years been unanimous. That the parliamenrary claim of confifcating their charters^ had doubled all tbieir alarms, and ce- ■'■ mcnted <( I PI' w III m i {■it .■^i r •(': if C 16 ) hicnted their unanimity to refid, by malting the caufe of MnfTjclnircts Bav, to be the common caufe of the whole continent. -He might have repielented to us, thac three millions of people at the dillance of three thoufand miles, carrying on a tiettnfive war in their own country againft invaders, coulu not promife an eaiy conquefl:. He might have reprefented to us, that the Americans were like other men, and that their cour.i^e would rife as occafion and times of trial might call it out j that althoiifi,h they might be unprepared as not having had any premeditated refiftance in their thoughts, yet that a few fliip-loads of arms and ammunition, would be fufficient to enable three millions of people to refill with certainty pf fuccefs. He might have reprefented to us, that the trade of a defolated and ruined country, (even in the cafe of our fuccefs) mufl be of no value, and that a poflible pittance of revenue, thus to be extorted, could not pay the expence of a military collc6tion. He might have reprefented to us, that the expence of the firft rhree orfour years of the war, would probably amount to 30 or 40 millions. He did indeed in the year 1776, condefcend to tell us, that the expence would be enormous; but lit- tle thanks were due for fueh a piece of information, when it flood as a notorious fadt, tipon the journals of the Houfe ; and when we had pafled the Rubicon i when he was fo ftudious to throw out to the public the vote for the three Ihilling land-tax before Chrift- mas 1774, and before we had pafled the Rubicon) Did he then declare to the landed gentlemen, that, fo farfrom ever expedling to fee a three flii'ling land-tax again, the ex- expence of an American war would prove enormous ; when the loweft peace eftablifli- ment for navy and army were voted before Chriftmas 1774, did he then forewarn us, that if an American war fliould take place, it would require 60,000 feamen, and as many land forces, and that the expence and deftruftion of lives would be in the fame enormous pro- portion ; When in the firft fefllon of this parliament, he amufed the public with paying off a million of the nadonal debt ; Did he then throw out a fuggeflion, that if we went into a war with America, many and many more millions would be accumulated to the debt in its place ? Did he then reprefent it as a poflible expectation, that 29,000 men might be loft to this country, by death, defertion, and captivity in America, before the end of the third campaign ? Yet this is a faft which has been fully afcertained by the Duke of Richmond in the Houle of Lords. Did he then reprefent it to us as a poflible event, that in a fourth campaign in the year 1778, the remainder of our bafiled force in America, would think themfelves well ofi^, if they could efcape from Philadelphia to New-York, between an American army on one fide, and a French fquadron on the other? Had he forwarned us, that it could poflibly enter into the hearts of minifters, inflexibly to perfift: in every vindiftive and ruinous meafure, till the connexion between Great-Britain and America fliouId be totally diflblved, that the fame minifters would exbauft your treafures, and wafte the blood of your countrymen in vain^ and then deliver yen weak and defencelefs to your natural enemies i Had he reprefented thefe things to us-, fliould we nor have paufed at leaft before we pafled the Rubicon. When private men by the name of minifters are fet at the head of Kingdoms, they are refponfible to lead their country to fafcty, and not to ruin. That all thefe events were to be confidcred from the beginning as poflible, or even probable, is no unreafonable degree of refponfible difcern- ment to require of minifters. They were foretold by prudent men ; minifters were luf- ficicntly advcrtifed, and in time But they would oSftinately perfift at all hazards. tm M\ 17 ) We were in pofrcfllon of peace, union, and profperity with our Colonies, which joint- ly with our domeftic faculties, had carried the united empire of thcfe kingdoms, to the higheft pinnacle of human glory. The united fyftem has flood for many years upon the firmell grounds, and had given to this little ifland the afcendant throughout the world. The paths of profperity and deftruftion lay open to our choice, but the fatal and uncon^ troulable influence of miniftershas driven this country headlong to perdition. . 1 have nothing farther to fay with refped: to this firft feflion of parliament, in which the foundation of this war was laid, but, that I hope I have explained to you, that nei- ther myfelf, nor any of the friends with whom I have aded, were acceflary to it, and that we did every thing in our power to forewarn the public of the confequences, and to have prevented them in time. The journals of parliament will bear us witnefs of this, by all the negatives that were put upon every motion that we made. And I run no haz- ard in faying, that if any of thefe motions, had been taken by parliament as a foundation for treaty, America would at this moment have been ours. They were all founded on the policy exifting before 1763, to which the colonies had repeatedly in the moft explicit terms declared their concurrence. 1 now come to the next (late of the proceedings of this parliament, which was open and profelTed war. War, not for any fpecific terms or conditions with America, but for general and unconditional fubmifllon. The fecond feflion of this parliament began on the 26th of Odlober 1775, and ended on the 23d of May 1776. A more avowed fyftem of open war was now held out in the adminiftration of meafures. A new American minifter was appointed, and every thing put on the face of the moft deter- mined and unrelenting perfeverance. With refpeft to this new fyftem. Lord North's concilia- tory propofition of the preceding fclTion, had a capital blot, as it betrayed the very fun- damentals of it. The new American Minifter profefledly u.^.Jertook his office, upon the ground of holding no treaty whatfoever with fubjedls in arms ; whereas Lord North's propofitions did certainly profefs the very contrary, and his conduft had upon many oc- cafions bet.^ayed fentiments not confonant to the new fyftem. If this noble Lord did in- deed at that time feel any fecrct mifgivings, or difpofition to relent in this fatal buflnefs happy had it been for his country, if he had taken a manly part, and had ftood boldly our, an advocate for the peace of the united dominions i it was in his power at one time to have done this fervice to this country, that time is now paft, and I fear never to be regained. ^ ^^ In the fummer of the year 1775, the laft petition from the American Congrefs to the King, was brought over by Governor Penn, together with their declaration and laft ad- drefsto the people of England. Pofterity will hardly believe that there ftiould be found a minifter fo hardy, as by one fingle felf-didated aft, to difmember the dominions of his country forever v by giving it as his advice, that no anfwer ftiould be given to the hum- ble,' dutiful, affeflionate, and conciliatory propofitions contained in that petition from the American Congrefs to the Crown. Who that minifter was who gave that advice I do not know j but it was that acT:, and the fyftem which followed it, that decided the Americans in their declaration of Independence. The refufal of an anfwer to this peti- tior, was in point of time before the acceflion of the new American Secretary j it was ( i8 ) t } t It ». '.; upon the eve of Wis acceilion to that office. I hope it will lome day be an objeft of par- ll.uiicntary enquir}', to know who did advife his Majclly, that no anlwer fliould be given. What had the AnKiicans to look to after that, but to feek for flicltcr in their own ftrcngtU and in independence ? They were by that lingle adl cut off from all pofliblc comunmi- cation with their fovcrcign, and their mother countiy ; and ' -aft this ftiould not be fuf- ficient to cft*e(^t their alienation, the firft ads of this fccond feflion, were to calt them ab- folutely out of all national and parliamentary protection, tj fend 20,000 German mer- cenaries againft them, to incite an infurredlion of negroes upon their mailers, and to let loofe the Indian favages, upon the innocent and unarmed back feitlers, and upon dcfencclcfs vromcn and children. The whole of the land force deftined againft Ar^ rica for the year 1776 •was not lefs than 50,000 men. What refuge was there left for America but in independence and foreign alliances ? I'hey had petitioned and addrefTed in the fummcr of tiie year 1775, they had molt explicitly offered to return to the ftatc of 1763, they had difclaim- ed every idea of independence, and as a proof, they claim fome merit in no/ havivg called to their flffijlance the rivals of your grandeur. In return for which, the new fyftem ol ad- miniflration fends an army againft them of 50,000 men. This could not fail to drive them to independence, although at that time it was certainly a premature and a hazardous ilep. They had made no preparations for it •, they were unprovided with arms, or am- munition, or allies, or any forces by land or fea, which were all pledges to this country, of the fmccrityof their offers in the year 1775, of returning to their antient conftitu- tional flate of connexion and dependence. AH the world forcfaw, that a continuation cJf war mud fooner or later drive them to independence, unlefs they had been fubdued, but the new fyftem brought the point to immediate ifllie ; no time was given for them ro de- liberate, and to make preparations, but while they were waiting for an anfwer to their petition, and to their propofitions for peace and dependence, an army of 50,000 men was raifed againft them, together with an hundred (hips of force to block up all their ports. All thefe inexorable minifters of vengeance and death, were let loofe upon them, where they were thought to be the moft vulnerable, and the leaft prepared, viz. in New York, Carolina, and by the way of Canada. The Americans were taken very much by furprizc, and in confequence of it without any farther time given for premeditation, they iwere driven into an immediate declaration of independence, and to the feeking of foreign aififtance and allies, as the counterpart to the proceedings of our adminiftration here, who had refufed to receive their petitions, or to have any treaty whatfoever with them j and who had at the fame time called in the afllftance of 20,000 foreign mercenaries. - When the Americans heard that all Germany had been ranfacked to procure foreign mer- cenaries againft them, they immediately applied to foreign powers, and difpatched Mr. Dean to Paris. With refpeft therefore to the queftions of the independence of America, and of theif entering into foreign alliances j the matter ftands plainly and Ihortly thus : The newminifter of the American department, at the opening of the fecond fefTion of this parliament, was in poflcffion of the moft explicit and authentic offers from America, for entering into a treaty of peace, upon the old conftitutional ground between the- two countries; and this not only from the Congrefs, but individually fVom the affemb lies of the fcveral colonies. I fay this with refpeft to the aflTemblies of the feveral colonies, be- caufe I did myfelf in the Houfe produce the proofs, from the Houfes of AfTcmbly of New Yor](, New Jerfey, Penfilvania, and Virginia, though the authentic documents were ( 19 ) were rupprefTtd from partiament. With thcfc grounds of a cei;ta*n conftitutional recon- ciliation and re-union with Ai.icrica in his hands, the new AnH-riran Secretary threw them all afide, and declared inexorable rclentlefs war, calling in xcreu,u alfiftance at the fame time. He did not lay a fingle iota of evidence before pariiameni, .- Ipefting the tranf- adions in America during the fummer of the year 1775» which was the period of the laft petition, nor of the difpofitions of the feveral colonies, or of the people at large, nor any of the many propofitions, which were indeed unlverfal in that year, for a return to the old fyftem. Parliament therefore in this ftate of ignorance, was induced to concur with eve- ry fanguinary meafure propofed. By the aft called the Prohibitory Aft, which was one of the firfl: afts of this fecond fefiion, they cut off all intercourfe with America, they caft them out of the national proteftion, and gave up their property to military plunder, and adopted the meafure of employing foreign forces to fubdue them to unconditional fub- milUon. Thefe caufes operated (as they could not fail to do) to produce the declaration of independence, and the application to foreign courts for afliftance, upon the principle of fclf-defence. It was a cafe of compulfion upon America. They had no choice left, but felf- defence or unconditional fubmiflion. Thus the minifter of this fefTion took upon himfelf, by a felf-diftated refolution, to throw away a certaiti foundation for a conftiiu- tional peace with America, and without condefcending to communicate to parliament any one document, or a fingle fcrap of information from America, (either then or ever fincej to plunge his country headlong, into this ruinous , dcftruftive and fatal war. We had now palled the Rubicon indeed, and had cut off from the Americans all retreat but by the road of refiftance in arms, as an outlawed people, driven to the neceflity of hazarding the eftablifhment of a fudden and premature independence for themfr-Ives, and thus in their infant (late, compelled to take refuge in foreign courts for their proteftion. Having dated to you the temper and fyftem of thofe violent and unrelenting meafures, which refufing proferred peace, drove America to defpair, by every vindiftive and fan- guinary aft, I will give you fome account of the ftruggles that were made in this fecond ftageof the bufinefs, by the friends of peace and reconciliation, to foften animofities, to re-unite the two countries in the bonds of afFeftion, and particularly to prevent that fatal reparation and difmemberment, which it was then foretold, muft drive the Americans by inevitable neceflity, into independence and foreign alliances. The prohibitory aft, as it was called, was moft particularly oppofed upon the confideration, that its inevitable tendency was to make every thing defperate, and to drive the Americans into in dependence. I Ihall quote to you a few words out of the proteft of the Houfe of Lords upon the occa- fion of this prohibitory aft, (viz. on 15th Dec. 1775 ) to Ihcw you that it was not for want of advice, but fi ^m the utmoft degree of obftinacy, that the miniftry would perfift in driving America to defpair and independence. " Bijfentient ; Becaufe this bill by confidering the co- *« lonies in America as a foreign nation, and declaring war on them in that charafter, has a «' direft tendency to effeft an entire, and we fear permanent feparation, between the two " capital parts of this empire; We are by this aft preparing their minds for that inde- " pendence which we charge them with effefting, whilft we drive them to the neceflity «« of it, by repeated injuries." Thus much to fhew you that the oppofers of the iyftem of American nreafures, did every thing in their power, to forewarn their country in time againfl: thefe proceedings, which have driven the Americans to independence. I fliall now K v^ cite ■i;\ i fYP- «( <( «( •V. . -. .:.-.-■■ ^■.- ( 20 ) cite a few words from awj^'.tr proteft, upon a debate relating to foreign troops, (viz. on 5th March 1776) *' We have moreover juftreafon to apprehend, that when the colonies come *' to underfland, that Great Britain is forming alliances, and hiring foreign troops for their deftrudtion, they may think they are well juflified, by the example, in endeavouring to avail themfelves of the like affift^ncci and that France, Spain> Pruflia, or other powers of Europe, may think they have as good a right, as Heffe, Brunfwick, and Hanau, to interfere in our domeftic quarrels ; and if the flames of war, from thefe *' proceedings, fliould be kindled in Europe, which we fear is too probable, we refledt *' with horror upon the condition of this country, under circumftances in which (he may ** be called upon, to refill the formidable attack of our powerful enemies, which may ** require the exertion of our whole force, at a time when the ftrength and flower of the ** nation, is employed in fruitlefs expeditions on the other fide the World." I have drawn thefe two objects into a clofe point of view.j from the molV authentic records, viz. Protells in parliament, to fhew you, vnat there were not wanting prudent and difcerning men in parliament, who have difcharged their duty to their country, having flood guard, and lefifted ruinous meafures, to the utmoft of their power. The hoflile independence of America, and their being driven into the arms of the Houfe of Bourbon, were the great evils that th^y then forefaw and feared ; thefe events are unfortunately come upon us } our country require an account of them from other hands. The fpecific propofitions which were made on our fide in parliament for peace, wf-e fuch as could not fail to lay 5;he furefl: foundation of perpetual reunion with the colonits ; becaufe we knew beforehand of their confent, from the terms of the petition of the Congrefs to the King, and of their addrefs to the People of England, which accompa- nied that petition. In the Houfe of Lords, the Duke of Richmond moved, on the joth of November 1775, " That the petition from the Coi.iinental Congrefs to the *• King, was a ground for the conciliation of the unhappy differences at prefent fubfifl> *• ing between Great Britain and America." It was not to be wondered at, that fuch a motion as this fhould be rejected iii the Houfe of Lords, when the original petition had been fpurned from the throne with difdain. In the Houfe of Commons, Mr. Burke moved, on the i6th of November 1775, •* That leave be given to bring in a bill for compofing the prefent troubles, and for •' quieting the minds of his Majefty's fubjefts in America." The fubftance of this bill was likewife to renew peace with America upon the antient conftitutional ground, giving fatisfaftion to the Colonies upo/i the article of taxation, and a genera! redrcfs of their grievances i confulting iu svery point the freedom of America, the dignity of Par- ' liament, and the rights of Grea«: Britain. '. The following is a copy of the bill : *« Whereas, by thebleffing of Almighty God, and the indufry, entcrprize and cou- •» rage of feveral of the people of this realm, cxtenfive and valuable territories have ■ ** been acquired in America to the Crown of Great Britain, which are now inhabited by ! *• gfcat multitudes of his Majefty's fubjefts, who have cultivated and improved the "fame, for the moft part at their own charges, to the great encreafe^of the commerce _ •« and naval ftrength of this kingdom, and have alfo, of their own free gift, made pro- vifion for the'fupport of the civil government within their faid plantations, have . " maintained «c ■^ftlfc'^- ( 21 ) re d ^'i-i If <« <{ iC tc «c (( «( t( (< (C (( t( cc (( (C (( (t tc 4< ic (( iC (( t( C( tc (I C( (< (( <( it (• tc tt C( tc cc maintained many expehflve wars againfl the Indian nations, and have at Aindry times* granted large funis of money, and other very confiderable aids to his Majefty, and his royal predecefTors, to fupport t^em againfl: the enemies of this kingdom, notwith- ftanding which, the inhabitants of the faid colonies have been made liable to feveral raxes given and granted in parliament, for the piirpofe of raifmg a revenue, when they have had no knights or burgefTes, or others of their own chufing, to reprefent them in parliament; and from the great diflance of the faid colonies from this land, and other impediments, are not able conveniently to fend reprefentatives to ihe faid parliament, whereby the faid inhabitants ot fhe Britiih Colonies have conceived them- fclves to be much aggrieved, and thereby great troubles have arifen and are likely to continue, if a fitting remedy be not provided ; Wherefore, we pray your Majcfly, that it may be enafted and declared, and it is hereby enaded and declared, by, &c. &c. ** That no aid, fubiidy, tax, duty, loan, benevolence, or any other burthen or im- pofition whatfoever, (hall be granted, laid, aflefled, levied, or collefted upon the in- habitants of any colony or plantation in America, by the authority, or in virtue of any aft of parliament, or in any other manner, or by any other authority, than the. voluntary grant of the general affembly, or general court of each colony or planta- tion, and which (hall be affented to by his Majefty's governor, and otherwife confirm- ed according to the ufage of each province refpedlivcly, any law, ftatute, cuftom, right, prerogative, or any other matter whatfoever, to the contrary notwithftanding. Saving to his Majefty, his heirs and fuccelTors, his right of referving and collefting. quit-rents, and other his antient dues and revenues, and all other duties and taxes by this a6t not repealed, and faving and referving to all proprietories and charier-compa- nies, their antient rights, privileges, and pofTefllons. " Provided always, that nothing in this aft (hall extend, or be conftrued to extend, or reftrain the future impofition, and levy of duties and taxes for the regulation of trade and commerce in all the dominions, to the imperial crown of this realm belon"inr'. *' And in order to remove all doubt and uneafmefs from the minds of his Majefty's fubjeds in the Colonies, it is hereby further cnaded, that if any aft of parliament (hall be i^.ereafter made for the purpofe of fuch regulation of trade, the produce of the duties thereby laid, (hall be held by the colleftors or receivers of his Majefty's cuf- toms, io\- the difpofal of the general aflemblies, as if the fame had been levied by the authority of the feveral general aflemblies in the faid Colonies. " And wh°rcas, during thefe troubles, the aflemblies, or inhabitants of the faid Co- lonies, have formed a general meeting, which faid meeting was not authorifed by law to make any order or refolution, or to do any other a€l of force, to bind his Majefty's fubjeds ; And whereas it may be neceflary, that the faid Colonies ftiould Have authori- ty to d'j certain afts by common confenr, which flx)uld conclude the whole body of the laid colonics. Be it therefore enafted, that it fliall and may be lawful for his Ma- jefty, his heirs and fucceflbrs, to give authority to his governors in America, to re- quire the :'M feveral afl(?mblics to fend deputies to a general meeting, with full powers to bind their faid fc\^eral provinces, to Ml afts done by a majority of voices in the faid general meeting, which meeting, and the powers thereof, fhall ceafc and determine on ■ ' ' — if not further continued by parliament. ....-...,...,.. . G- . . . . ^ - « And. 1 "M :m I 3; It, in '- 'i in n it 4t ( 22 ) . . r • . " And whereas, in confcquence of the late troubles, feveral ads of parliament have been made for the purpofe of coercing and reftrainihg the colonies, of which an ad- vantage has been taken to rcprefent the fame, as if a defign had been formed to de- prive the people of the faid colonies, of feveral rights, benefits, and advantages of *' nature, and of the Britifh conftitution, which hath greatly cncreas'd the difcontents of ♦' the colonies, and fomented the troubles in America -, In order therefore, to quiet the •' minds of his Majefcy's fubjefts in America, and to reclaim the difobedient by that le- •' nity, which ought to have the ftrongeft operation on the minds of free fubjefls. Be it *• enadted, &c. [Here follow the titles of four adls of parliament as propofed to be re- pealed, commonly called the Tea aft; the Boftonport aft ; the aft for regulating trials of pcrfons queftioned in the execution of the law in cafe of riots, &c. and the Mafla- chufet's charter aft] be hereby feveraJly and refpeftively repealed." *' And the King's moft excellent Majefty, taking into his gracious confideration the great troubles, difcords, and wars, that have of late been in fome of his Majefty's colonies in America, and that divers of his fubjefts are, by occafion tliereof, and otherwife, fallen into, and be obnoxious to great pains and ptnalties, out of a hearty and pious defire to put an end to all fuits and controverfies, that by occafion of the late diftraftions in America, have arifen, or may arife, between his fubjefts-, and to the intent, that no crime whatfoever, committed againft his Majefty, flrall he»eafter rife in judgement, or be brought in queftion, againft any of them, to the leaft en- damagement of them, either in their lives, liberties, or eftates, or to the prejudice of their reputations, and to bury all feeds of future difcord and remembrance of the for- mer, as well in his own breaft, as in the breafts of his fubjefts, one towards anotherj is gracioufly pleafed that it may be cnafted, and be it enafted, &c. dec. " That all and all manner of treafons, mifprifions of treafons, murders, felonies, offences, crimes, contempts, and mifdemeanors. counfelled, commanded, afted or done fince the •« by any ptrfon or perfons in America, and before the — by virtue, " or colour of any command, power, authority, commiflion, ^varrant or inftruftion from *' his Majefty, or from any other perfon or perfons, deriving or pretending to derive autho- " rity, mediately or immediately, from his Majefty, or of or from any aflembly, council, «' general court, convention, congrefs, or meeting, in any of his Majefty's colonics in «' America, called or reputed, or taking on them the name of the aflembly, council, or ge- *' neral court, of any of his Majefty's Colonics in America, of a General Congrefs, or Provincial Congrefs ; or any other name or ftyle whatfoever, or by virtue or colour of any writ, commiflion, or inftruftions of or from any perfoa or pcrfons, reputed, or taken to be, or claiming or exercifing the power qf commander in chief of the continental army in America, or of any provincial army, or commander of any army, or body of troops whatfoever, within any of his Majefty's Colonies in America, by feaor IJand, or of any magirtrate or officer, within any of the faid Colonies, or by any pretence, warrant, or command whatfoever, from them, or any of their, or their refpeftive counfel or counfels, or from any perfon or perfons whatfoever, deriving, or pretending to derive authority from them, or any of them, be pardoned, relcafed, indemni*^;d, difcharged, and put in utter ^' oblivion. And tt (C V n M (C IN I Mi*^. t 43 ) " And that all and every the perfon and perfons, afting, advifing, aflifting, abetting, *« and counfeJling the fame, they, their heir:, executors, and adminiflrators, be, and are *' hereby pardoned, releafcd, acquitted, indemnified and difcharged from the fame; *« and of and from all pains of death, and other pains, judgments, indictments, informa- " tions, convidtions, attainders, outlawries, penalties, efcheats, and forfeitures, and every »* of them, and all grants thereupon made, and all eftates derived under the fame, be *' and are hereby declared and enadted to be henceforth null and void ; extinguifhing all *' aftions, fuits, demands, and profccurions, civil or criminal, public or private, except *' for the rcftoration of fuch eftates, as have been or fhall be, feized from the owrera *' during the troubles -, and for reftoring to the faid owners the mean profits of the fame, '♦ Provided, that arms not taken up by his Majefty's authority, Ihall be laid down by our '* fubjedls in the faid provinces, within ." I did likewife myfelf on the 7th of December, 1775, in the number of th^ moftear-' neft well wilhers for peace, make a motion for the celTation of hoftilities in .\merica, which was feconded by Sir George Savile ; I took my ground from a recital of feveral of the palTages in the petition of the Congrefs to the King, profefling their duty, affec- tion, and attachment to their Sovereign and to their Mother Country; to reprefent to his Majefty, ♦* That however well difpofed his Majefty's fubjeds in America may be, ac- *' cording to their moft earneft profeflions, to return to their formf-r obedience and confti- tutional dependence, yet, that the horrors of war and bloodflied raging in their country, muft drive them to dcftru(5lion and defpair; and f-irther to beg leave to reprefent to his Majefty's parental confideration, that a return to their duty of their own free mind and voluntary compliance, would enfure a more cordial and permanent reconciliation, than any reludtant fubmiflion, which through much bloodflied of his Majefty's fub- jedts, could be enforced by the fword j Therefore moft humbly to befeech his Majefty, that he will be gracioufly pleafed, to give orders for putting a ftop to the further profe- cution of hoftilities in America, thereby to prevent the further deftruftioh of the lives *• of his Majefty's fubjeds, and to afford the wiftied for opportunity to his Colonifts, of ** evincing the fincerity of their profeflions, by every teftimony of devotion, becoming ** the moft dutiful fubjedls and the moft aFc* feech your Majefty, that the moft folcmn, clear, diftind, and unambiguous fpe- cification, of thofe juft and honourable terms, which your Majefty with both Houfes of Parliament mean to grant to the Colonies, may precede the dreadful operations of your armaments. Every colour and fufpicion of injuftice and oppreflion will then be removed, from the proceedings of the Mother Country, and if thofe juft and honor- able terms are not fubmitted to, your Majefty will undoubtedly be able to meet, what will then be rebellion, with the zealous hearts and hands, of a determined, loyal, and united people." I think if any one fafl: can more unequivocally bring to teft, the vindic- tive relentlefs and inexorable fpirit, which dictated the fanguinary meafures of adminiftration againft America, it is the non-compliance with a propofition fo equitable as this was. the refufal was the cleareft declaration for unconditional fubmiffion or no peac-*. It is that vindiftive fpirit which condemns without trial, confi.'catcs their public charters and pri- vate property unheard, rejefts their petitions and remonftrances, contemns their offers of peace and conftitutional dependence} fends an army of 50,000 men to cut their throats, with negroes and fa.vages to affaflinate and murder them ; It is that vindftive fpirit, which devoid of every human feeling due to fellow creatures as well as to fubjefts, will not even deign to tell them, what fubmiffion it is that is required of them. I have mentioned to you the aft called the prohibitory aft, which v^as one of the ftrft afts pafled in this fecond feflion. Every claufe in this aft except one, is fraught with vengeance and deftruftion to the people of the Colonies, and to their property. They were cut off from all intercourfc with their Mother Country, they were totally caft out from its proteftion, and their property was given up to military plunder. AM th'" was obvioufly calculated to inflame their minds, and to make them defpecate. But there was one claufe at the end oi this aft. enabling the King to appoint commiffioners. The very name of commiffioners, implies or pretends at leaft to fome purpof^ of treating for the redrefsof grievance!, and for peace j but it was nothing lefs, it was merely a fallacious ^etcxt, for it only gave a power tq the commiflioners to grant pardons upon uticondi- ... tional cc tc IC «( tC «{ C 25 ) tional fubmiffion v without any offer of redrefs of grievances. A propofed grant cf par- don implies fome crime. What crimes then had the Americans been guilty ot ? They had been condemned unheard, all their civil rights had been iubverted, their judges had been pcnfioned during pleafure, their juries had been garbled, the free debates of their afi'em- blies had been controuled, their charters had been confifcated, and their property had been taken by violence from them. They had prefumed to reprefent thefe grievances, and to crave redrefs of them, by petitions, addreffes, memorials and remonftrances, to the three branches of the legiflature. When all their petitions were rejefted unheard, and they were attacked by force of arms^ they did likewife prcfume, according to the firfl: law of nature, to refill in their own defence. The prohibitory aifl offers no remedy to all the fuf- ferings of America, it only offers a grant of pardon '• n unconditional fubmiflion ; and without any the leaft affurance or even prefumption, that the grievances of which they had complained, fhould not be repeated and aggravated. I Ihould not have called the appointment of commiffioners upon this occafion a mere pretext, if »he adt had enabled- them to offer redreisof grievances; but their hands were exprefsly tied, from every thing but granting pardons upon unconditional fubmiffion. The conftruflion therefore of this il claufe decides upon itfelf as being a mere pretext. But even granting for a moment that it were not a pretext, and allowing to the miniftry all the pretenfions of peace which they would claim from this ciaufe ; the confideration which puts their infincerity out of dif- pute is, that, although the aft paffed the two Houfcs and received the royal affent before Chriftmas 1775, yet the commiffion was not fealed till the month of May 1776. The departure of the Commiffioners was delayed for five months, with every adlof merciiefs vengeance intervening, on the part of thofe minifters who pretended to feek for peace. Immenfe armaments at land and fea were fent againft the Americans, with 20,000 fo- reign mercenaries, which could not fail to drive them to defpair, and in their own de- fence, to independence and foreign alliances. If the Commiffioners had been appointed,, and had been ready to fail five months fooner, although the terms of their commiffion, under this a<5t, might not have been fufficient finally to fettle peace, yet the very offer of any thing pretending to treaty, might have brought forward Ibme negotiation, which might have led to peace. What can that Minifter fay to his country, who was entruftcd by Parliament, with a commiflion under this aft, containing every power which he had applied for as neceffaryto rellore the peace of the empire, for having delayed and fup- prcfi'ed, for five months, every Hep and proceeding under that commifTion ? I call this the higheft breach of trufl: to his country. If that commiffion had been fealed nnd fent out with all due and convenient fpeed, inftead of having been delayed for five months it muft have arrived in America, fome months before their declaration of independence, and their negotiation with foreign powers, in which cafe an offer of treaty might have been of fome avail. Kut war with America and not peace has been at the bottom of every meafure from the firfl: to the lafl:. If the proceedings of the Minifter had but been malked with any ambiguous modera- tion, fuch decifive and defperate events, as independence and foreign alliances, would at lealt have given fome gradual notice of their approach ; every rub and delay would have been fo much in favour of reconciliation. There are at leaft (hades and gradations be- tween humble petitions, and an- hoftile declaration of irrevocable independence, with H- foreign.^ :%? I "i i, ■ 1 I I ^l m ( 26 ) foreign alliances. The Colonics had been for ages bound to this country, by every tie of common intereft, and by all the natural habits of affeftion ; they were at this very period waiting with anxiety, for the event of their laft petition, and for a parental afliirance of protedlion, in return for their proferred allegiance -, they were unapprizcd, and unpre- pared either with men, arms, ammunition or allies, for fuch a defperate ftep, as a final revolt and declaration of independence. They mud have entertained at that time great doubts of their fuccefs, in an undertaking premature and unconcerted, but defperate in us confequencs, Ihit they were driven, by every accumulated act of terror and de- (Irudlion, to madnefs and dcfpair. They were compelled to take tlieir inflant choice, of unconditional fubjcrtion, or independence. Nothing elf:: was left to them. An head- ftrong Miniftcr had refolved, fword in hand, to pafs the Rubicon, and to throw away the fcabbard. I am row coir.e to the third feffion of this Parliament, which commenced on the 3ifl: of Odober, 1776, and ended on the 6th ot June, 1777. In this third /llTion nothing very ma:erial paffed, in any degree to affect either the princi- ples, or the mode of conduct which had been adopted, in the preceding feflion rirJpedtihg the American war. It amounted to but little more than making proviiion (at a mod enor- mous expence indeed) for the continuance of the war. All j^oflibility of reconciliation had been made defperate, by the meafures of the adminiltration in the preceding year, and in its place, an unconditional redudtion of America was detern-ined \ipon, and undertaken by force of arms. 'Ihe King's fpeech at the opening of this third felfion told us, that we muji at ?II events prepare for another campaign. The minillerial demand of unconditional fubmifiion by force of arms, on the one fide, had produced the declaration of indepcnd- rnce on the othri- -, and the fword alone could decide the ccnteft. The friends of peace and reunion who had forwarncd their country of this fatal al- ternative, faw with regret their melancholy forebodings realized in thefe events. They Jiad been unwearied in their endeavours, to have prevented tilings from coming to this defperate ftate ; but in v.iin. Yet even in this ftate, if the faintelt ray of hope did but dawn upon them, they were ever upon the watch, not to let flip even the molt diftant poflibility of bringing the parties to an accommodation. 1 have told you that the new American Minilter had never communicated any fingic document of information to Par- Jiament. The rcprcfcntatives of the nation were left to the chance of picking up in- formation, where the fate of the empire was at (lake, from news papers or vulgar re- ports. A very important proclamation figned by Lord Howe, and General Howe, had been publifhed in America on the ipth of September 1776, declaring on the part of his Majefty, t/jai be ivas tvil'iug to concur in the revi/al of ell his rt^;, iy ivhicb his fuljetls in America might think ti^'nifclvcs cggricvcd. This propofuion lirll made its appearance in England in a common daily news-paper, having been copied froni fomc American prints. Lord John CavendiHi, into whole hands one ofthele ncws-jiapcrs hi'.d fallen, being ever watchful for the pcvice and profpcrity of his country, leizcd the occafion without delay; ' I moved in the lloufe of Commons (on the 6th of November 1776) conformably to . ? terms of the proclamaiion > '• That this Houfe will rcfolve itfi-lf into a commiite-j to '= •- Dnfider of the revifal of the acfls of parliament by. which his Majefty's fubjeds in ->•* America think themfelvcs aggrieved." A miniiterial negative was put upon this mo- tion ■m i tijiil^H don, by a large majority. 1 call it a miniderial negative, becaufe the miniiters thetn> felves who advifed the proclamation in America, fpoke in this debate, againft the motion of Lord John Cavendilh, for complying with the terms promifed to America in that very proclamation. It is worth while to dw-!l a little upon this tranfaftion in its feveral parts, and to con- fider the effect which it muft naturally have upon the minds of the Americans; becaufc iheii- convidion of the duplicity and infincerity of the adminiftration, has had greater cifect in deciding the alienation of America, than all other meafures put together. A motion had been made by the Duke of Grafton in the Houfe of Lords, (on the 14th of March 1776) to addrefs the King, *' That he would be gracioufly pleafed 10 ifllic a pro- " clamation in America, promifing that if the Americans would by petition to the Com- *' mandcr in chief, (to be tranfmitted to his Majefty) ftate what they confider to be their *' juft rights, and real grievances, that his Majefty hath authority from his Parliament, to " afllire them that fuch their petition Ihall be received, confidered, and anfwered." A negative was however put upon this motion. But upon the 19th of September of the fame year, (1776) a proclamation was iflued in America, promifmg the very thing which had been negatived in Parliament. What is an American to think of this ? Would he not fay to his countrymen, truft not ; here is treachery. This proclamation can be con- fidered in no other light but as infidious, and calculated to amufe us into fallacious ex- pedtations -, had the miniftry been fincere in the intentions declared in this proclamation, they would not have put a negative upon this very propofition when offered in Parliament. To confirm thefe fufpicions, and to put their duplicity and infincerity out of doubt, the miniftry again refufe, when brought to the telV, to adhere to the promifes of theii' own proclamation. It is to this combined fyflem of relentlefs violence, and vindidtive duplicity, that the difmemberment and independence of America are owing. In vain did the friends of peace deprecate the fury of an headflrong miniflry -, in vain did they pro- pofe any terms of conciliation ; they ftrove to the laft, but they were cruflied in every attempt. The declaration of independence had already taken place, but if there was any meafure above all others, which could have been devifed, to add rage to defpair, and to make the act of independence irrevocable; it was the refufal of this motion ; h •was a convi6ted a6tof minilterial duplicity -, it put an end to all confidence, and left no arbitration but the fword. '- The King had told us at the opening of this third fefllon, that we iftuj at all events prepare for another campaign ; Parliament accordingly voted above an hundred thoufand men for this purpofe by fea and land j with an enormous bill of expences attending them. Many millions have already been incurred and paid, and many more are at this moment oiuftanding and unpaid, which you will hear of and feel but too foon. HaviBg my- felf been for ibme years converfant in matters of fupplies and grants, I have never failed, in each fcnion, to give as accurate an cftiinate in that branch, as 1 coulddraw out. Thofe eltimatcs have never proved fallacious. I only mention this in a tranfient manner, upon the fuhjecl-, that my Cotiftituents mhy know, that I have not been inatentive or filent upon that important article. ' ■ With refpea: to the American independence, thofe who had a foreboding that the force of this country wou'd be bafHed in America, when put to the trial, mig^u very confitt- % .1. .'Via Ml ( 28 ) I ■ J, cnriy for the honour of their country, have been difpofcd to give way upon that head j asforefceingthatif it was not done with good will, neceflity would at laft compel us to compliance. This I confefs to you from the very firft was my firm conviction. There- fore, to refcue the honour of my country from being brought to difgrace, by the attempt of impoflibilities, I did at this period, (^viz. in May 1777) venture to give it as my ad- vice, in point of opinion, to make a gift (rf" indepondence to America, while you might fey that you had any thing in your power to give. I would not prefume to prcfs a point of fuch magnitude and importance, upon my fingle opinion, to a public queftion in Parliament, aye or no ; but I drew up the arguments, upon which in point of opinion I would have advifed the meafure, in the fliape of an addrefs to the King, and read it in my place in Parliament. 1 have never been the propofer or the abetter of innovations ; all that I have wifhed, has been that we might ^ftill go on in peace and profperity, ac- cording to the antient and conftitutional fyftem of connexion, between the two countries. I leave to others, by felf-didtated opinions, to fhake edablilhed fundamentals, and to plunge their country into all the confcquences of the difmemberment of our American- Colonies, terminating in their hoftile independence. The principles of a federal alli- ance, in which the dignity and interefts of this country might both have been preferved, appeared to me to be the only fafe plan. The following is a copy of the pro- pofed addrefs : " To the King : Your faithful Commons have taken into their moft ferious confi.- " deration, the very alarming ftate of this nation, from the prefent unhappy difputes with *' the American Colonies, and are mofl heartily deftrous, according to the example of ** their anceflors, to encourage, fupport, and maintain, the true principles of liberty, " and through them to eftablifli peace and profperity throughout every part of your Ma- ** jefty's dominions. We cannot but exprefs our fears, that in the prefent unhappy dif- '* putes, your Majefty has been much mi'"iiformed, as to the true ftate of America by ** ignorant, and, perhaps, ill-intentioned informers, who have reprefentcd to your Ma- ** jefty, that the difturbances there were excited by a few individuals only, but that the *' general fenfe of the continent of America was totally averfe to them, and ready to ** fubmit, if but a few troops, with fome degree of countenance from this country '* were to be fent over. Your faithful Commons therefore finding from the fubfequent " events, fuch informations to have been groundlefs and dciufive, are led to fufpe(5l, that •* the caufes likewife'of the difttirbances may have mon.* ferious and deep foundations than " have been reprefented. They are, moreover, led upon this occafion to confidcr, that all good government is eftabliflied for the fafety and content of the people, as exprcfT- ed by the general voice, and common confent, of the members of any community; and that, whatever fuperintending power or controul a parent -ftate may be entitled to,, in the infancy of any colony, as for the common good of any fuch colony in its infan- ** cy i yet that the ultimate end of all colonization is, and ought to be, to eftablifh kin- ** dred and derivative communities into perfedt focietics, in the fullnefs of population, " fettlement, profperity, and power. Thefe principles are not only founded in the na- «* ture of mankind, but are peculiarly applicable to our own colonifts, who carried out " with them, into their foreign fettlements, the feeds of the Britilh conftitution, which " we flatter ourfclvcs to be the happieft and moft free in the world. Thefe colonies, undcPi it (t c. r:: ^1 lie ( 29 ) «t (( (( tc « C( <( i( «( ** under the aufpicious and friendly eye of the parent-ftate, have at length out-grown the imbecilities of their infant- (late, and approach to the maturity of fettlement and population, and all the arcs of life, and thereby are become capable of that glorious inheritance of perfed freedom, which their parent-ftate has in former times refcued out of the hands of tyrants, with a view to afTcrl: it for the common good and ufe of mankind, and particularly to tranfmit it entire to their own defcendants. As no country can arrive at its full perfedlion, while it is confined in the powers of a free legidation ; and as thetranfition of colonies from the controul of a diftant parent-ftate, to the ab- folute poflellion in full right of all their legiflative powers, muft inevitably (at a cer- tain period of connexion between the parent-ftate and its colonies) difturb, or at leaft for a time fufpend, the harmony of afFcdion and mutual correfpondence of interefts v and as the courfe of the prefent difputes between Great Britain and her Colonies has led to that dangerous point of contention, which being originally inherent in the rela- tion of parent-ftate and colony, now fliews itfelf fo ferious in ifs afped, as perhaps to »• threaten, if not amicably adjufted, the ruin of one or both countries 4 Your Com- ** mons, therefore, think it wife and prudent, to follow the apparently natural and una- voidable courfe of things, and to beftow upon the Colonies an entire freedom of their legiflative powers, hoping thereby to lay a foundation for a perpetual and indiflblubic bond of affeftion and alliance, in every refpcd -as beneficial to both countries, as the connexion which has hitherto fubfifted between them, in the mutual relation of parent- ftate and colony ; and with this additional hope of permanence, that according to all human prudence, fuch connexions in which there is no latent principle of future dif- cord, may be trufted and relied upon, for the cordial reftoration of peace, &nd for all the blefllngs of reconcil-iation between this country and the offspring of its own Ijbcr- •' ty, formed in the perfedl refemblance of its own conftitution, and tranfplanted into ** the new world of America. Your faithful Commons, therefore, humbly befeechyour Majefty, to order an immediate fufpenfion of hoftilities in America, for the fake of pre- venting any farther effufion of blood, and to concur with your Parliament, upon the ground-work of the foregoing principles and confiderations, in laying a foundation " for reconcilement and perpetual peace between this country and America." The unfortunate events which have happened fince I firft fuggefted the foregoing pro- pofition, which was in May ijyjfi make me regret that fomething of this kind was not then accepted. I think that thofeperfons confult "the beft for the honour of their coun- try, who in an inevitable cafe, forefee it in time, and accommodate tliemfelves to it with the beft grace, and who do not hang back with an ungenerous and reluftant delay, until they are compelled by defeat and with difgrace to comply. I have long forefeen this to be the cafe with refpefit to the independence of America. I call it an inevitable cafe, be- caufe it is generalJy confidered as an event which would bedetrimental, and difhonourable to this country. My own opinion is far otherwife. I think the friendft)ip of America which is now the rifing world, and which will irt a few years be multiplied an hundred fold, would be an infinite recompence, in exchange for an irkfome dominion, onerofe to them, and barren to us ; and as for the diflionour, I fear that we are running headlong to create it for ourfelves, by our haughty and fuperci ious conduct, which will only bring '■}3poQ us -defeat and difgrace. If inftead of a fufpicious and felfilh fyftem of admmiftration I towards (( tc cc (C <( (( C( M M fill li ■m 4 l(yi V: =,1 .:-t '1: m Si ( 30 ) ¥■ ■ 'i H V'- ■i- in. cowards oiir Colonies, we had from the firft taken them by the hand, to lead ihem with parental affedion to national greatneis and independence at the time of their maturity ; we Ihould have fixed the heare of America to ourlelves for ever. W hat have we now before us, but the profpeft of defeat in our attempt to fix an irkfome dominion perpetu- ally upon them, with the lofs of their affeftions, and ©f all thofe peculiar advantages^ which this country alone of all European ftates, has derived, from free and flourilhing Colonies, and which w.ould have been daily growing in magnitude and importance, ia proportion to their boundlefs increafe in the new world ? Towards the end of this feiTion, viz. on the 30th of May 1777, *"^ j"^ before the opening of the unfortunate campaign of that year. Lord Chatham, who had been in a very ill ftate of health for fome months, came to the Houfe of Lords, to give his voice againfl the farther continuance of this mad and impracticable war. He urged that there might ftill perhaps be a moment left, to arreft the dangers that furrounded us, before France fhould join in an explicit treaty with America. He foretold that the Britilh force in America would be totally inadequate to the conqueft of that country, and that what- ever were the promifes of minifters in the Spring, the Autumn would bring their dilap- pointment. And fo it proved, for before the following Winter, one army in America were taken prifoners, and the other baffled, in every profpefl of conqueft. His motion was drawn up in the following terms i ** That an humble addrefs be prefented to his " Majefty, moft dutifully reprefenting to his royal wifdom, that this Houfe is deeply *' penetrated with the view of impending ruin to the kingdom, from the continuation " of an unnatural war againft the Britilh Colonies in America, and moft humbly to ad- " vife his Majefty, to take the moft fpeedy and efFeflual meafures, for putting a ftop to fuch fatal hoftilities, upon the only juft and folid foundation, namely, the removal of accumulated grievances -, and to alTure his Majefty, tl>at this Houfe wili enter upon *' this great and ncceffary work with chearfulnefs and difpatch, in order to open to his *' Majefty the only means of regaining the affedions of the Britifh Colonies, and of ** fecuring to Great Britain the commercial advantages of thefe valuable pofllflions *, " fully perfuaded, that to heal and to redrefs, will be more congenial to the goodnefs '• and magnanimity of his Majefty, and more, prevalent over the hearts of generous and ** free-born fubjedls; than the rigours of chaftifement, and the horrors of civil war, " which hitherto have only ferved, to ftiarpen refentments, and confolitlate union, and " if continued, muft end in finally diffolving, all ties between Great Britain and her *' Colonies." This warning, though coming from fo great and refpedtable a charadter, was fet at nought. The miniftry had got all tlut they wanted from Parliament, that is to fay, 100,000 men, and ten millions of money. They were confident in their owrx conceit, and in the fuccefs of their meafures, and would attend to no rcmonftrances ot reafon. Thus the die was irrevocably caft. The honour and incerefts of this country,, without any alternative by treaty, were fet at ftake, upon the decifion of the fword, up- on the felf-didlated confidence of a miniftry, who had uniformly wicheld every document of information from Parliament, but whofe refponfibility can afford no adequate compea- fation to their country, for the deftruftion and dtfgrace into which they have plunged it, ■. In the account which I have given you of the propofitions and arguments which have been offered on oiir fide for peace, I have confined myfelf to fuch as ftand either in tli9 t( (C ( 3' ) the fliape of rrotions or protcfts in Parliament. But mary others have been oflTere'i h-j the friends of their country in the counc of parliamentary debates, of whicii n-.iniflr-rs might have availed themfclvcs, if they had been difpofed to liften to wife and ttmpsr- atccounfcls. Lord Shelbiirnc ar a very early period in thefe troubles, a'.l-.'ifeJ, " To *♦ meet the Colonies upon the ground of their iaft petition to the King, as being the *' fureft- as well as the moft dignified mode for this country -, To fufpend all hoftilines; ** To repeal the adls immediately diftrefling to America ; and To refer others to a temperate *' revifal j but above all things, To confider the principles of the aft of nr./-cration, as *' the palladium of this country." Again. That moft beautiful metaphor of Lord Camden, '* That every bladeof grafs isreprcfented in Great Britain," comjrehfnds inone word all that could be faidin a thoufand volumes upon the fubjedl of Amcjican taxation. Another emphatical phrafe of his, *'• Peace with America, and then come var with all the world -," breathed the true fpiiit for Britilh counfels. Thtfe will be remembered. Numbcrlefs other iplendid and pathetic fpeakers in their country's caufe have likewifc pleaded in vain. All thefe Pearls have been thrown away. I have now ftated to you the lubttance of the miniilerial and parliamentary proceed- ings, during the three firft fcffions of this Parliament, which were the deciiive periods j the firft which laid the foundation of the war, the other two which threw away the pearl of peace, when it was in their hands, and drove America to the irrevocable extremities, of independence and foreign alliances. I muft once more remind you of my motive for being fofolicitous to explain thefe matters to you, and to fliew to you, that neither my- felf nor any of the friends with whom I have adled, have cither been confenting or con- curring, with thofe headrtrong meafures, which have brought fuch enormous expences, fuch fatal deftrudtion of the lives of our fellow fubjedls, fo much national difgrace, and perhaps the profped of national ruin. It is, becaufe I value and cftecm the confidence of my Conftituents, and becaufe I wifh the continuance of it; for which reafon I deiire to lay my heart open to them, and to explain every motive of my conduct. Thefe difputes with j^merica, however (lightly they may havc been treated by fome perfons, in the be- ginning, did, Cas you knowj appear to me, in the earlieft dawn of them, to carry the moft lerious and fatal afpedl. When a great majority of parliament has taken its bent, to adopt with a blindfold confidence the meafures of an adminiftration, you cannot conceive the difadvantages which a fmall minority, or a few individuals meet with, in ftruggling and buffeting againft the torrent. The miniftry give what garbled evidence they pleafe, they fupprefs evidence likewife at their difcretionj if any documents are moved for, which might be explanatory, of the views, tempers, forces, connexions, public proceedings, number anddifpofition of the perlbns difcontented, and inarms ; any fuch motion is furc of meeting with a negative. It a hint is dropt that the Americans are cowards, that they are wretched and helpk-fs, that they are difcontented with the tyranny of their lead- ers, that two or three regiments would fubdue the whole continent, that the King's ftand- ard being once fet up, the whole body of the people would flock to it, or any other of the many fallacies which have led us into difappointments and difgrace ; a confident ma- jority will not brook any doubts. '1 he omnipotence of Parliament is not to be queftion- ed, till it is defeated, and the national honour laid in the duft. No fuggeftiun of pru- dence is tolerated, till it is found by fatal experience, that fo far from two or three :il m regiments '. ■' .•:V ( 3* ) |( :" regiments over- running all America, that 50 or 60,000-men have been baffled for two yean together} one entire army taken prifoners, the remainder retreating and befieged. Then we regret in vain, theheadftrong folly of minifters, who have betrayed the unfurpefling confidence of Parliament, by their ignorance, arrogance and mifreprefentatlons. The experiment has coft us the lofs of America, with 30 or 40,000 men dedroyed, and thirty or forty millions of money walled, which even if it had procured fuccefs, would have been little 4}etter than ruin -, but the final defeat after all, has brought the nation into dif- grace, and has delivered us ftript of our men and money, and of our bel friends and refources, in almoft a defencelefs ftate, to the antient rivals of our profperity and honour. Thefe fentiments have made a deep impreflion upon my mind, and con- du(fl. Zealoufly attached to the honour of my country, I have lamented to fee it fall a Sacrifice, to the gratification of an ill-judged pride. Moderation and judice, are the trueft guardians of national honour. |:.^ I am. With the greateft Rcfped and Confideration, Gentlemen, « Your much obliged, and faithful humble Servant, '^.A(.c/^ _ - SODBURy, ■ 5ept, 13, 1778 I I! To the Right Worjhipful the Mayor and Corporation^ To the Wcrjhipful the JVardens and Corporation of the Trinity-houfe, AND To the Worthy Burgejfes Of the Town of Kingston upon HuLt.. fH^: \ ( 33 ) 't'i •It' 'i' ^a^/Oii^atl l'ii til s^^^ E R II. \_. GENTLEMEN, ^,,,^.,,,,,. ,.,,..,■, ,:^:-.£: ;;,.>.,^„,, ^. . ■ I HAVE now traced the minlflerial and parliamentary proceedings down to the end of the third feffion of this Parliament, ending in June, 1777. The difaftrous events in the fucceeding campaign in America, which trod upon the heels of that confident feffion, were fo many unfortunate proofs, that an headftrong Miniftry, who had afted for many years by no other rule than their own prefumption, had led the honour, the national intereft, and the arms of this country into difgrace, deftruftion, and defeat. All thefe events had, upon the moft deliberate inveftigations of reafon, been foretold, and all the meafures which have produced them, had been mod earneflly deprecated, but in vain, by the friends of juftice, reconciliation, and peace. *'"•'" ' ' The fourth feffion of this Parliament began on the 20th of November, 1777, and fended the firft week in June, 1778. *'• , -''W ■^- - ^' i. < -i.: >> , -v . The King's Speech, at the beginning of this fourth feffion, continued ftill in the de- claration of the neceffit) of preparing for further operations of war, though the prece- ding fummer's campaign had given very little encouragement to expeft fuccefs ; and now, for the firft time, the armaments of the Houfe of Bourbon made their appear- ance in the King's Speech before Parliament. Thefe two objefts together conftituted a double argument for encreafing our military force by fea and land. The language of Adminiftration was become more violent and vindictive, in proportion as they feemed to fail in point of fuccefs. Fifteen thoufaud additional men were raifed in Scotland, Manchefter, &c. Many fubfcriptions of private perfons were fet on foot, for the far- ther fupport of the American war, and to make the exafperation more general. Lord North, indeed, threw out hints in debate, that he had thoughts of making fome propo- fitlons of accommodation. Yet ftill the mark of fincerity was wanting at the time of this declaration; for the late Earl of Chatham, on the firft day of this feffion, had made a motloi. in the Houfe of Lords, (which was negatived as ufual) to lay the ground of accommodation by treaty ; refting the great ftrefs of his argument upon this point, that the Houfe of Bourbon was upon the eve of breaking with us ; that they had abetted the caufe of America •, that they had done a great deal in an underhand way, but not fo much as the Americans wifhed j that if this moment was feized, while America was I m > 111 "m ,:#-# ^■'1 ■•:•/ &. ■M 'I ■; ( 34 ) in ill-humour with the backwardnefs of the Houfe of Bourbon, they might be detached from that conne<5Hon, if reafonable terms were held out to them ; that this opportunity, if once loil, would never be recoverable again. I did likewife myfelf, in the Houfe of Commons, throw out the fame arguments, in ccnfequence of information which had . dropped into my hands. I ftated, that I thought fhere was one ray of hope ftill left, if we had wifdom to feize the opportunity, of opening a treaty with the Ameri- cans, while they were dlfcontented with the cool and dilatory proceedings of the Court of France. My words were, Do it before you Jleep j but they flept and did it not. I will now recite to you the laft motion made by the Earl of Chatham in the Houfe of Lords, viz. on the 20th of November, 1777, t^i^t the advice therein contained may fpeak for him, in contrafl: to thofe ruinous meafures, which he oppofed to his laft breath. " That this Houfe does moft humbly advife and fupplicate his Majefty, to be " pleafed to caufe the moft fpeedy and efFedual meafures to be taken, for reftoring " peace in America ; and that no time may be loft in propoiing a ceflation of hoftilities *' there, ir. order to the opening a treaty, for the final fettlement of the tranquillity of " thofe invaluable provinces, by a removfil of the unhappy caufes of this ruinous civil " war, and by a juft and adequate fecurity againft a return of the like calamities in " times to come. Aiid this Houfe defires to offer the moft dutiful aflurance to his " Majeftv, that they will, in due time, co-operate with the magnanimity of his Ma- " jefty, for the prefervation of his people, by fuch explicit and moft folemn declara- *' tions, and provifions of folemn and fundamental and irrevocable laws, as may be *' judged neceflary for afcertaining and fixing, for ever, the refpedlive rights of Great- ** Britain and her Colonies." ,.% ;»,iMA '.^Ai ■*>, Thefe are the laft words of falutary counfel from that great man, who, to the irre- parable lofs of his country, is now no more. This counfel was offered in vain ; inftead of feizing the opportunity of negociutinj^ with America, while they were unengaged from France, the Parliament, after having fet about twenty days to vote the ways and means of carrying on the war, was adjourned for fix weeks. Within the period of thij fatal adjouinment, the treaty between France and America was nsgociated. The Mi- niftry could not poflibly be ignorant of v/hat was tranfading at Paris, for they had at that time a Minifter at the Court of France : and befide this, common report could not fail to inform them. All the letters and correfpondencies from Paris announced the approaching event; every ftock-johber was upon the watch j none were afleep but the Miniftry i they would not ftir a ftep : as if the adjournmei t of fix weeks was not a fuf- ficient allcvvance of time for complciiting the treaty between France and America; The conciliatory propofitions, which had been promifed before Chriftmas, were ftill farther de- laved for four weeks more, after the meeting of Parliament in January, 1778 ; and it was not till after certain information v.'as come, that tht treaty was comple.itcd and adually firrncd, that the conciliatory bills were brought into parliament. The dates of thefe fads ftand in order thus. The intention of making fome conciliatory propofitions to America^ ■J/ ' ( 35 ) Amcricaj was announced by the Minlftcr early in this fourth fefllon, before the ad- journment for the Chriftmas holidays. Without any farther notice taken of thek in- tended propofitions, parliament was adjourned from the loth c5 December, 1777, to the 20th of January, 1778. The preliminaries of a treaty between France and Ame- rica were delivered by Monfieur Geraro, to the American Commiflioners ut Paris, on the i6th of December, 1777. The Parliament met on the 20th of January, 1778, after the Chriftmas recefs. The treaty of Paris between America and France was figiied on the 6th of February ; and the conciliatory bills were prefented to Parliament eleven days after the treaty was figned, viz. on the 17th of February, 1778. Thcfe are the fads ; what conftrudtion can be put upon them ? "What meafures could have been calculated more effedtually to throv/ America into the arms of France than thefe ? They feem as if they had been ftudloufly concerted, feverally and ccnneftedly, to produce fuch an event. Ihe menacing language of the King's Speech, declaring the neceflity of prepa- ring for fuch further operations of war^ as the obflinacy of the rebels might renc:r expedient j. together with the fatisfadion cxprefl'ed by the addreflts of the two Houfes, in concurring with fuch m>"afures j the orders given out immediately after the adjournment, to raiie ten regiments in the highlands of Scotland, together with the Live-pool and Manchefter volunteers : the private fubfcriptions which were fet on foot, and earneftly fuppc rtea by the minifterial party, to raife men for the American war, were all calculated, by ihewing the continuance of a vindiftive fpirit againft the Americans, to irritate and tO; urge them into a treaty with France. The throwing out hints, that the Minifter had it in his intention to make foine offers of conciliation £0 America, was calculated to ope- rate upon the Court of France, to enlarge their offers, and to accelerate their pace in driving the treaty with America to a conclufton. The delay of laying thefe conciliatory propofitions before the Houfe for three months, vi?. from the 20th of November, 1 777, tT the 17th of February fjllowing, gave the fulleft time for the negociation, and final fettlement of the trcity •, and more particularly, what I am juftified to call the diftin- guifhed and pofitive adl of witholding thefe propofitions, for one month after the meet- ing of Parliament, in January 1778, when the treaty between America and France was known to b; far advanced, and to be upon the point of conclufion, can admit of no rational interpretation, but upon fome fuppofed pre-dctermination to delay the conci- liatory offers in Pirliament, till the treaty between France and America fliould be figncd and fcaled. If any other rational interpretation can be given to fuch condud, it is very fit that the perfons concerned fhoula give that fatisfadion to the public. There was nothing complex in the offers when they appeared. They might have been reduced into the proper forms, and all neceffary provifions might have been concerted, in three days, as well as three months. If the Minifters of the cabinet had been fincere and unani- mous to enter into a treaty of peace, the bills might have paffed through both Houfes,. and might have received the Royal Affent, before even the preliminaries between France and Ar.ierica had been fet on foot. If there were any of the efficient miniflcrs of Wii I ■P 'S !'^ ■i 1 ■.ri», i;-'' ^' ( 36 ) of his Majefty's cabinet, who oppofed or delayed the IntroduAion of the cdnciliatory propofitions, knowing what they muft have known, with refpedl to the negociations then on foot at Paris, it is fit that fuch perfcns should be declared to the public, and that they fhould give in public the reafons of their condud. If no other rational ex- planation of thefe meafures can be ftated, the convi6led inference will be obvious to all the world, that, whatever occafional appearances there may have been of relenting, or whatever pretexts may have been thrown out, yet that at the bottom, the fundamental principle has always been one and the fame, viz. either to conquer America by force of armo, or to cut it off from the Britifh Empire and conne£lion j but at all hazards, to prevent the dangerous retrofpedl into the conduA of Minifters, which reconciliation with America muft lay before the public. There is a long and heavy account out-ftanding and due to the public, for which Mi- nifters are refponfible. Parliament has been kept in profound ignorance, not only of the conduft of the war -, of all intelligence tranfmitted by the commanders of the Britilh forces, as to the ftate of the country, the ui.animity and general difpofition of the people i of all demands which have been made by the commanders themfelves for fuc- cc'irs and reinforcements ; of fuch opinions and advice as they may have fent to their employers at home, as to the prasiticability of the war j the probable duration of it ; whether there was any profped: of conquering the country, or any rational plan of maintaining fuch fuppofcd conqueft if it could have been made, &c. &c. Informations upon thefe and -♦iher heads might poflibly have guided the counfels of Parliament to the adoption of other meafures. In an uniform fyftem of failure and difappointment, in every pretended expedation, year after year, it is not pofllble to conceive, buf, that the Miniftry muft have had fome warning given to them, by the commanders, and other perfons employed by them upon the fpot ; and here it is that the fufpedled prin- ciple recurs again and again ; if we cannot conqueror deftroy, we may at leaft produce a.i irreconcileable breach betweea the two countries, ai'd perhaps an implacable hatred, which may prevent all future inter-communication, and the chance of any hazardous difcoveries. Confidcr how ftudioufly every propofition for pccice on the part of Ame- rica h?a ocen evaded ; coiifider that the cleareft and moft explicit offers from them of dependence have been reje6led unheard, while the moft effedual meafures have been taken by Minifters, at the fame time, to drive them inevitably to Independence; con- fider the refufal of the propofition of the City of London, in their petition to the King in March, iyy6, which was calculated to put the teft of finccrity, by a diftind, clear, and unambiguous fpecification of jiid: and honourable terms, to be offered on our part to America, which might have laitl the foundations of peace; confuier th(' uniform rejection of every propofition of peace made in Parliament for three years together ; recclled>, upon a fimilar occafioii, about two years before, when an adt had be';n paffed before Chriftmas, 1775, appointitig Commiilloners to treat with America, that the de- parture of thofe Comniiliioiiers was delayed for five months, viz. till the month of Mny, _; ■( j7 ) ■ ;,. , : :'• - 1776 i and that, in confequence of that delay, no offers were even made to America under that commiffion, till after the declaration of Independence ; recolle(5l the fame uniformity of condudl in the earlieft period of thefe troubles, viz. in the fpring of the year 1775, at the time of what was called Lord North's conci'iatory propofition : No civil biood had then been fhed ; but, under the infidious mafic of that propofition, the firft civil civil blood was fhed before that propofition (fuch as it was) could pofTibly be offered, either to the General Congrefs of America, or to the confideration of any affembly upon the continent. Compare all thefe things together, and then apply the refulting inference to the final confideration of this lafl aft, of witholding the concilia- tory bills for three months, notwithflanding the fullefl parliamentary warning g^en of the confequences, and the certain knowledge of a treaty adbually in ncgociation be- tween France and America. Coiifider all thefe things, and then let anv man judge whe- ther the fufpicion of a fecret defign to fruflrate every pofllbility of peace be an unftip- ported charge. I flate it as a matter of prefumption, not as proof pofitive. But there would be an end of all the fafety of human life, if every fuperficial pretext were to be fuffered to pafs unqueftioned, and to have its full fcopft and operation, till it could be confronted by convidling proof. The jufl alarms upon violent prefumption are the guards of life. If men uniformly perfifl in refufing every ai5t which plain and fimple fin- cerity would didlate, and in afFedting every pretext which duplicity and infincerity would fimulate, the difculpation, and the proof of motives, is to lie upon them. Every BritifK fubjed, at the outfet of this war, had an interefl in the American colonies, not only as a part of the Britifh dominions and dependencies, but likewife in the commerce, in the fhipping, in the productions of the country, in the affedlions of the people, in the common ties of interefl and confanguinity. What then is to be the condu(5t of any member in Parliament as a reprefentative of the people, who have fo many complicated and combined interefls in America, as well as the dominion ? Is he to ftand by, the mere flupid and credulous dupe of pretexts, while Miniflers, in the rage of pride and difappointment for the lofs of their only objeft. Dominion, and per- haps to hide the fecret deeds of darknefs, are fuffered, with impunity, to overwhelm every other national interefl and concern in one common ruin ? — No. The friends of their country have not been fo duped, nor will they be filent. Believe me. Sirs, for one, if I could even be diverted of every other fentiment of my heart and private feel- ing, I woul'i not difgrace the trufl which you have repofed in me, by fuch a flupid and treacherous apathy to the nearefl and dearefl interefls of my country. It is hardly worth while to flate to you the terms, if they can be called fo, of the conciliatory bills ; they amounted to but little better than a furrendev at difcretion of all the principles and matters which had been for many years in contention, and rhis when we were evidently difgraced and defeated into a reluftant compliance. Terms adequate to the honour, and to the utmofl rights of this country, had been propofed over and over, by the friends of juflice and peace, and as conflantly refufed to the very^ ' K hfl 3 Wl Cd •'iy m * b( '■I I (li ill' J/3! ( 38 ) 'Kill hour, that it was poflible even for the weaked men to dream of unconditional con- queft ; and I beg of you to remark, that by the teftimony of thefe Adts of Parliament themfclves, we who fat on the other fide of the Houfe, and have been the conftant ad- vocates for peace, ftand moft fully juflified to the public, as having never propofed any terms of mean fubmiflion, derogatory to the honour, or deftrudlive of the conftituti- oiial rights, of this country. The fubftance of all our propofitions had ftood upon much higher ground, than that taken by the conciliatui y bills ; which enable the Commifll- oncrs to treat of all regulations, provifions, matters^ and things, which evidently meant the furrender of the aft of Navigation, and of all the commercial advantages of this country. Dominion was the objedl of minifterial purfuit. As for the beneficial and commercial rights of this country, a flight account was made of them, in comparlfon with the objed of acquiring an influential patronage and dominion. The ad of naviga- tion, which I take to be the chief intereft that my conftituents had in America, was hardly worth a tranfient thought. But the right of appointing Governors was provided for by the longefl: claufe in the bill. 1 : '■'"''e was wafte paper and waflie words. If half the t;.rms had been offered to Americ. ue time, that were furrendeaed in thefe bills, an honourable, beneficial, and permanent ^-eace might have been eftabliflied. But thefe bills having been delayed till after the treaty between France and America was figned, it became fruitlefs to offer any terms fliort of Independence ; for America could have no other objeft in their treaty with France, but to eftablifli that Indepen- dence. Had reafoiaable terms been offered to the Americans, before their treaty with France was figned, and had fuch terms been fupported by tokens of good faith and fair dealing, it is by no means impofliblc that they might have compromifed the article of Independence, by fome honorary conceffion, perhaps fome titular dependence, as they had always profeffed to feek no reconciliation inconfiftent with the dignity and welfare of Great-Britain. But a reconciliation they always had fought, though the Minlfters of this country feem to have had no other view, but to prevent that reconciliation, after the profpedt of conqueft became defperate. The Duke of Richmond, however, was not to be turned off from his inflexible per- feverance in the caufe of reconciliation. He propofed a bill to enable the Commifli- oners to enter into the queftion of Independence in the way of treaty, and at leaft out of that ground to negociate a foederal alliance with America. The following is a copy of the propofed bill : s . '- , ■ A BILL tc explain and amend, and render mere effe£!ual„ an AB pajfed in the prefent Seffton of Parliament, intituled, " An aft to enable his Majefty to appoint Com- ** miifioners, with fuflicient powers to treat, confult, and agree upon the means ** of quieting the diforders now fubfifting in certain of the Colonies, Plantations, " and Provinces of North America. ** WHEREAS, by an a6t paffed in this prefent feffion of Parliament, Intituled, * An Aft to enable his Majefty to appoint Commlffioners, with fufficient powers to * treat * treat, confult, and agree upon the means of quieting the diforders now fubdiling ia * certain of the Colonies, Plantations, and Provinces of North America,* it is enadled, * That it fhall and may be lawful for his Majefty, from time to time, by letters patent * under the Great Seal of Great Britain, to authorife and impower five able and fuffi- * cient perfons, or any three of them, to treat, confult, and agree with any body or * bodies politic and corporate, or with any aflembly or aflemhlies of men, or with any * perfon or perfons whatfoever, of and concerning any grievances, or complaints of * grievances, exifting, or fuppofed to exift, in the government of any of the fiid co- * Ionics, provinces, or plantations refpediveiy, or in the laws and flatutes of this realm * refpedling the fame. . • *' And whereas the faid colonies have, on the 4th of July, 1776, declared that the ** faid colonies were free and independent ftates, and that they were abfolved from all * allegiance from the Britifh Crown, and that all political connection between them and the ftate of Great-Britain was, and ought to be, totally diflblved : " And whereas doubts may arife, whether the faid Commifhoners, by virtue of the powers given them by the faid Ad of Parliament, are enabled to treat, confult, and a^ree with any body or bodies politic and corporate, or with any aflembly or rflem- blies of men^ or with any perfon or perfons whatfoever, of and concerning the power and authority of the King and Parliament of Great-Britain over the faid co- lonies, or any of them, or of and concerning the Independency of the faid colonies on the King and Parliament of Great-Britain, as the cafe may require : " And whereas the want of fuch powers in the faid Commiflioners may render the faid A«5t of Parliament inefFeftual for quieting and extinguiftiing the jealoufies and *' apprehenfions of danger to their liberties and rights, which have alarmed many of *' his Majefty's fubjefts in the faid colonies, provinces, or plantations, and for reftoring *' peace between Great-Britain and the faid colonies : " And whereas any dependence of diftant colonies on a free country can have no *' juft foundation, or any permanent continuance, but in the co.ifent and good-will of *' fuch colonies : *' Be it enadted, by the King's moft excellent Majefty, by and with the advice and *' confent of the Lords fpiritual and temporal, and Commons, in this prefcnt Parlia- " ment afl^embled, and by the authority of the fame. That it fhall and may be lawful *' for the faid five Commiflioners, from time to time, authorifed and empowered by his Majefty, by letters patent under the Great Seal of Great-Britain, or any three of them, to treat, confult, and agree with any body or bodies politic and corporate, or with any aflembly or aflTemblics of men, or with any perfon or perfons whatfoever, of and concerning the power and authority of the King and Parliament of Great-Britain over the faid colonies, and of and concerning the independency of the faid colonies on the King and Parliament of Great-Britain, as the cafe may require. "And (C j thefe have always been the influ- ential motives of my condud, and of thofe with whom I have afted, throughout the whole of this unfortunate difpute, which we have endeavoured to the utmoft of our limited powers to prevent from coming to extremities. Reconciliation with America is the laft ftakc that we have to contend for. I have ( 41 ) i have now brought down this fketch of parliamentary tranfaAions to the end of the laft fefllon, founded upon parliamentary documents, of inconteftible and recorded fa<5Vs, by which you may judge of the condudl of the two parties, who have taken oppofite fides in refpe<5t to the American war ; in which I plead for myfelf, and for thofe with whom I have afted, that the plan and fyftem adopted on our parts would have fecured the ancient and conftitutional connexion between the two countries, with every benefi- cial advantage thence arifing, in peace and profperity ; and that, if the meafures of conciliation had been followed, we fhould, at this moment, have faved many thoufands of lives, many millions of the national revenue and refources, and that we fliould have been in the full enjoyment of the commerce, navigation, friendftiip, and affedtion or the new and rifing world. With refpec5t to the conduft of the Adminiftration, I have only ftated fa£ls. Let them fpeak. If any thing that I have hitherto faid can be conftrued into an arraign- ment of their condudt, it is not I who arraign them, but their own aftions. However, I have not quite done with this fubjeft. I will now examine into their motives. As any imputation of motives muft always be more problematical than a mere relation of re- corded faifbs, I give you this notice of the ground that I am going to take, and that you may be upon your guard to watch this part of the inveftigation of motives, and judge what degree of evidence and proof I adduce of thofe motives which I fhail impute. The motives which I impute to them, and of which I think I can bring proof pofitivc, are, a defign to eftablifh an influential dominion, to be exercifed at the pleafure of the crown, and to acquire from America an independent revenue at the difpofition of the crown, uncontrouled, and not accountable for to Parliament. I am fo confident that I can bring this to proof pofitive, that I would fet the decifion of the whole charge, upon the recital of one fingle claufe in that American revenue adt, (commonly called the Tea A6t, 7 Geo. III. cap. 46.) which is the ground-work of all the prefent contcft. and troubles, yind be it enaSfedy by the authority aforefaidy that his Majcjiy and his fuc- cejfors/hall be^ and are hereby impowered^ from time to time^ by any warrant or warrants, under his or their royal Jign manual^ orfigns manual^ count er-figned by the High Treafurer^ or any three or more of the CommiJJioners of the Trea fury for the time i 'ing, to caufe fuch monies to be applied out of the produce of the duties granted by this act, as his Majejly or his fiic- ceffors fhall think proper or neceffary^for defraying the charges of the adminiftration ofjuJiicCy and the fupport of the civil government y within all or any of the faid colonies or plantations^ This claufe enables the crown, by fign manual, to eftablifh a general civil lift throughout every province in North America, to any indefinite extent, with any falaries, penfions, or appointments, to any unlimited amount, even to the produce of the laft farthing of the American revenue ; and this without any controul or account to be given in Parlia- ment. Now you may know what we have been fighting for. It is this claufe, thus eftabli(hing, at one ftroke by the fign manual, an univerfal dominion of the crown throughout the whole continent of North America, through the means of an American revenue, furrendcred at difcretton ".nto the hands of the crown, viz. as his Majefty or L hii \'t :f;< Ml 43- iiy :?m his fuccejfors fliall think proper and necejfary. This ciaufe has coft to the nation thirty or forty thoufand lives, thirty or forty millions of money, the lofs of your aft of navi- gation, and of the whole continent of America, and is now plunging us into a war with the Iloufe of Bourbon. ; , ; , . The public have b i a lu'^c' w'th the expeftation of deriving a revenue from Ame- rica as the ohjeft r^ this c .•; ^. Then take the tea duty for a fample of a Minifter's attent ,in to the pi^iijamentary revenue. Three parts in four of this duty were repealed out ot die old parliamentary duties, and the remaining fourth part was appropriated to the ufes of a royal fign manual, without any parliamentary account. I think the evi- dence of thefe documents, being froin parliamentary record, amounts to proof pofitive j and yet there is more. This adl of 7 Geo. III. cap. 46, is totally unconformable to the preceding American revenue adts. Take the ftamp adl for an example. If that aft had been formed upon principles of conftitutional juftice towards the colonies, (which as laying a tax by parliament upon perfons not reprefented there it could not be) it was not however liable to this objedlion of the lign manual. The duties to arife from that aft were appropriated, in the firft inftance, and without any anticipation by fign manual, or any provifion for the cftablifhment of an American civil lift, to the difpofition of Parliament. The words of the aft itfelf are my authority. And he it enaSted^ by the authority afore/aid^ that all the monies which Jfiall arife by the fever al rates and duties hereby granted, (except the necejfary charges of raiftng, colleiiing, recovering, anfwering, paying, and accounting for the fame, and the neceffary charges from time to time incurred in relation to this a5l, and the execution thereof) /hall be paid into the receipt of his Majefty's Exchequer, and ihall be entered feparate and apart from all other monies, and ftiall be there referved,to be from time to time difpofed of by Parliament towards farther defraying the neceffary expences of defending, protecting, andfecuring the faid colonies and plantations. Another ad impofing duties commonly called the Sugar A<5t, 4 Geo. III. cap, 15, was pafled the year before the Stamp A<5t; was the produce of that aft appropriated to the fign manual of the crown ? — No. This laft-mentioned aft was again modelled, with fome variations, in the adminiftration of the Marquis of Rockingham, in 1766; was the produce of it at that time appropriated to the ufes of a fign manual .? — No. All thefe duties were referved fpecially under the controul of Parliament, and not devoted to the fign manual for the fupport of an American civil lift. This ciaufe then for devoting the American revenue to the fign manual, without account or controul, and for eftabliftiing a fyftematical civil lift in America, through the means of that revenue, was firft introduced into that fatal American revenue aft, commonly called the Tea Aft, which is at prefent the founda- tion of all our troubles. There has been much talk in the world of fome fuppofed fecret influence, which, by hidden fprings ^ad infcrutable motives, controuls the external afts of the oftenfible Minifter for the time being, whatever his private judgment and inclination may be. If there be any fuch exifting influence, the operations of it have been efteemed capricious, comparing ♦^ ( 43 ) comparing different times and occafions. The prefent noble Lord, at the head of the treafury, has expreffed his moft earned wifties over and over, to have returned to the ftate of 1763, which therefore implies the taking this thorn out of his fide, viz. the Tea Tax. Many and many motions have been made in Parliament, during his miniftry, for the repeal of this wretched caufe of fo much bloodflied and deftrudtion, the Tea Tax. If then there does exift fome fecret irrefiftible influence, we are to fuppofc, that when the noble Lord wifhes in his heart to fay Aye, the fecret influence is inflexible, and didates. No. Coft what it will, thoufands of lives, millions of money, tearing whole continents from your dominion, this inflexible fpirit ftill perfifts. No, No. And all this for the poor wretched Tea Tax. Now let us go back a little to the year i ySG^ when the Marquis of Rockingham was minifl:er, at the time of the repeal of the fliamp ad. That noble Lord was at leaft as earned to arrange the fyftem of American meafures to the ftate of 1763, as the prefent minifter can be. What ftood in his way ? — The Stamp Ad; which, upon the mere calculation of revenue, was oftentimes the magnitude of the Tea Tax. What faid this fuppofed fecret influence to the repeal of the Stamp Ad ? To judge by appearances, it feemed to go a little againfl: the grain ; but, after fome ftrug- gle, that noble Lord, who knew how to fet a true value upon the fubftantial interelts, and beneficial connedion, between Great-Britain and America, was at laft permitted to remove the fl:umbling-block, and to reftore his country to peace, and to the fyftem of 1763. Whether any fuch fecret influence as that which has been much talked of does exifl: or no, I will not take upon me to determine; but thus much I think is clear, that the apparent caprice of its operation in fubmitting, with very little ftruggle, to the repeal of the Stamp Ad, and wading through feas of blood in fupport of the Tea Tax, only requires this clue to unravel it. The duties impofed by the Stamp Ad were under the immediate controul and difpofition of Parliament, but the Tea Tax was appropri- ated to the fign manual ; and if fuch a fecret fpirit does exift, its attachment is to a revenue under the fign manual, and not to a parliamentary fupply. It is a ftrange thing to conceive how the public has been made dupes to ihe expec- tation of a parliamentary revenue from America. There has never been any fuch objed in contert between us. The only American revenue ad which has had any exiftence for twelve years, is that of which I have recited the claufc, giving up its produce to a civil lift, and to a fign manual. If the Americans, in the year 1773, inftead of throwii j the tea overboard, had fubmitted to pay the duty, would the piuuuce huve been under the controul and difpofition of Parliament ? This is the teft, and the plain anfwer is, No •, for the fame ad which granted the duty of three-pence a pound upon tea imported into America gave to the crown a right as his Majejly or hit fucccjfcvs fliall think proper and necejfary of appropriating the produce to an American civil lift, by warrant under the fign manual, without any controul or accountablenefs to Parliament, and yet Parliament have been induced to fpend thirty or forty millions o^ the public money, in the pur- fuit of an imagi .ary revenue, which would not have been theirs even if it could have been I \m ^ ^ !^i^^ !-:!fl .1 i i. ■'i i ( 4+ ) been got from America. There is indeed a claufe in the a^, appropriating the re/idue to the difpofition of Parliament, after all fuch minifterial warrants under the fign manual, as are thought proper Qttd necejfarjy fhall be fatisfied. So this mockery of an American revenue proves at laft to be the crumbs that fall from the Miniftcr's table j the re/idue^ indeed, of a royal warrant, counter-figned by the firft Lord of the Treafury. What would my conftituents fay to me, if I were to give my vote for inferting a fimilar claufe into the land-tax, excife, and cuftoms, in this country, to give full fcope to every war- rant upon the revenue, counter-figned by the firft Lord of the Treafury, for the pur- pofe of giving penfions to the judges during pleafure, and for the fupport of an un'verfal civil lift, with appointments to any amount unlimited and unaccountable ? Would they be fatisfied with my anfwer, if I were to tell them, that his Majefty's minlfters had al- ways profefled the moft zealous attachment to the public interefts, and to the conftl- tutlonal rights of their country j that they were beft fitted to judge what difpofitions of the public revenue were proper and necejfary \ and that, when the influence of minifterial munificence had found its ne plus ultra, the rejtdue was referved for the difpofition of Parliament. I fhould be very forry to think that any conftituents in the kingdom would be fatisfied with fuch an account. I aflure you. Sirs, I ftiall never put my friends to this trial. As long as I have the honour of a parliamentary truft, I will never give my confent to a claufe, appropriating an unlimited revenue at the difpofition of the crown, and uncontrouled by Parliament, through a royal warrant, counter-figned by the firft Lord of the Treafury. You may now judge why minlfters have been fo obftlnate in refufing every ofi^er from America, to contribute upon a conftltutional requlfition. No grants upon fuch con- uitlons would have been difpofeable by fign manual. Conqueft alone could give any chance of a revenue fo difpofeable ; but any revenue, obtainable by parliamentary or conciliatory means, would have been out of the reach of the minlfters of the crown ; this brings us back to the foundation maxims of the whole fyftem of the American meafures, viz. conqueft, or no connexion j an Independent revenue for the crown, or no contribution ; unconditional fubmlflion, or no peace. This is the plain truth of the matter, notwithftanding all the plaufible terms, and filver-tongued pretexts, which have been held out of a revenue from America, of the conftltutional rights of Great-Britain, and the dignity of the crown. If a country gentleman aflcs a plain bhmt queftion In Parliament, and prefles It home. What are we fighting for ? are we fighting for a fub- ftantial revenue from America ? Tell us downright. Aye or No. The anfwer given is Aye and No, and yet both anfwers are true. No, means no revenue under the controul of Parliament j Aye, means the fign manual. Thus it Is that Parliament has fuffered itfelf to be amufed by fome paradox, or fome ingenious equivocation, while they have been giving and grai.Jng away thirty or forty millions of the folid money of their con- ftituents, to be fent upon a wild venture, in queft of an independent revenue for the crown, and to purchafe for themfelves the reverfion of a minifter's legacy, the pitiable refidue ( 45 ) rejidue of a vifionary fupply, in the beggarly account of an empty purfe ; a fubftantial parliamentary revenue has been given out in the countenance, but it is the fign manual which has been held clofe in the heart. I hope and truft, that I enjoy fo much of the confidence- of my conftituents, that they would not fufpedl me of an intention to lay any mifreprefentations before them, but in the prefent cafe there is no room even for the moft diftant fufpicion of any polll- ble bias that can pervert reprefentation to untruth. I ftate to you the fimple and unde niable fads, as they ftand recorded in public adls of parliament. Let me now juft bring back to your recolleftion the terms in which I exprefled myfelf, of the motives which I imputed to the Miniftry, in their condudl of American meafures, that you may judge ■whether the evidence thus far produced, does or does not amount to proof pofitlve. The charge which I undertook to prove was this, a defign to eftablifh an influential do- minion, to be exercifed at the pleafure of the crown, and to acquire not a national reve- nue, but an independent revenue from America, at the difpofition of the crown, uncon- trouled, and not accountable for to Parliament. If what I have hitherto faid has not yet had the effedl of proof pofitive, to convince you of the charge, I have one more argument to offer from a feries of a6lually exifting fadls, in the only province in which the Miniftry have had it in their power to afford the evidence of pofitive fafls^ I mean the province of Quebec. At the fame time that the A£l for making more effectual provifion for the government of the province of ^ebec rn North America pafTed, it was attended by an- other aft, to eftablifli a fund^ towards the farther defraying the charges of the adminifiration of jujiice^ andfuppor^ of the civil government, within the province of^iebec in America. Between thefe two adls, 1 chink we (hall bring the point to proof. In the firft place you might exped, that the claufe of the warrant, under the fign manual, would not be omitted j neither is it in effeft -, the only difference is, that the fign manual, required in this in- ftance, is not that of the crown, but that of the Minifter. In this ad, the total revenue of the province of Quebec is configned, in the firft inftance, to a warrant from the firft Lord of the Treafury, for the purpofes of penfioning judges during pleafure, and to fupport a civil lift totally unlimited j and from the pafllng of this ad to this very hour, a firft Lord of the Treafury,' without controul of Parliament, has adually been in pofl*ef- fion of the revenues of one American province, under the authority of an ad of Par- liament, with no other obligation expreffed, than generally to defray the expences of the adminiftratlon of juftice, and to fupport civil government. The re/iduCyZs before^ to be referved for the difpofition of Parliament. The omifllon of the royal fignature, and the fubftitution of the warrant from the Minifter, does not make any eflfential dif- ference in the cafe to be fure, but ftill I cannot help feeling it, as an infult and con. tempt not only thrown upon the province, but a degradation of the dignity of govern- ment in the mother country. If this province fhould ever hereafter be indulged with an houfe of reprefentatives, it may probably be expeded, that they ftiould give and grant ^ ', fii -' ■■'• "■ their J 1 Ivi I' fl their money, :n the firft inftance, to the minifter ; and, as all fciences are in a rapid ftate of improvement, an American province might, in procefs of time, have been ad- miniftered through the warrant of a petty conftable, i'" "e had not loft them all in the courfe of trying thefe curfed experiments. When I refledl upon fuch circumftances as thefc, I feel the dignity of parliament degraded. We know but too well, in the pre- fent conftitution of Parliament, that we are helplefs in the hands of the Minifter of the Crown. We hardly can lift our ambition to a higher point, than to fit down in filence, if we can hope to hide our difgrace. If thfe counties and great boroughs of this coun- try do not ftand in the gap, your Parliament will foon be reduced to a wretched ftate of puLlic contempt. This is come thus incidentally from me, though a little foreign to the fpecial fubject -, but, as a lover of my country, it is a grievance which fits near to my heart. But to return to the minifterial civil !' .. of Quebec. / 3 I deal in vouchers, I will give you the addition made to the civil lift of this province fince the Quebec revenue n&. I have taken it from Mr. Baron Maferes, who was formerly Attorney-General of Quebec, and who has always been the generous patron and advocate of the liberties of that province. {Vide 4dditional Papers concerning the province of ^ebec^ P- 37i-] '^'he total of the civil lift of Quebec is about 20,oool. of which the following bill is a fpe- cimen. You will obferve that many of the articles run in addition to a former falary. Per Annum. ** To the popifti Bifhop of Quebec, a penfion of — —• £• 200 " To the Chief Juftice of the Province, in addition to his falary, — 200 *' To the Lieutenant-Governor, who ufed formerly neither to ad as Lieu- *' tenant-Governor, nor to receive any pay as fnch, during the prefence " of the Governor in Chief of the province, and who, in the abfence of " the Governor in Chief, ufed to receive half the Governor's falary, 600 To the Attorney-General of the province, in addition to his falary. 150 !::■ " To three Judges or Confervators of the Peace, at Quebec, 500I. a year *' each, making together — — — — 1500 *• To three Judges or Confervators of the Peace, at Montreal, 500I. a " year each, — — — __. ;>;*„ — 1500 " N. B. The two Judges of the Court of Common-Pleas at Quebec, and " thofe of the Court of Common-Pleas at Montreal, before the late " Quebec adltook place, had a falary of only 200I. a year each, making togeth er T ism ({ (t (■ 47 ) ^ together 800I. a year; therefore, the increafe of the cxpence in the falaries of the new Judges is the difference between 3000I. and 800I. r, which is — — — a yeak, — — 2200 **' To each of the twenty-three Members of the Legiflative Council of the *• province, a falary or penfion of lool. fterling a year, making together cc N (( (C (( «c •V ■ :■'! X. 11 ( 48 ) y/ohat would a general civil lift and its eftablifhment throughout America, in the courfc of twenty years, amount to, if fuch civil lift and eftabliftiment could have been carried into effeft in the prcfint war ? The anfwer would be, Millions. 1 he courfe of the reafoning is very (hort. America ought to be taxed by Parliament. Therefore Que- bec has been taxed ; and, according to the claufe in the general tax aft, which extends over all America, introducing the warrant by fign manual, the Minifter has improved upon it in this cafe, and lias prevailed upon Parliament to devo*^e the whole revenue fimply, and in the f rft inftance, to himfelf ; in confequcnce of which, the falaries and penfions upon the civil lift of Quebec are increafed in proportion to the increafe of means by the tax a6t. If this does not amount to proof pofitive of the charge that I let cut with, viz. of cftablifhing an influential dominion to be exercifed at the pleafure of the crown, through the means of an independent revenue at the difpofitioi: of the crown uncontrouicd by parliament, I ftiall th'nk that words and fafts have loft all power of convidion upon the human mind. If our only objedl in Parliament were to leek, by every pofllble means, to ftrengthen the hands of the Crown and the influence of the Minifter, all this would be very much to the point ; but what intereft have our conftituents, the people of England, in all tXis ? If they are to judge by the fample of Quebec, they v,'ould not be much the tit.er for an American revenue : "What then are we fighting for ? Is it our bafinefs to bt fpending thirty or forty mMlions of the money of our conftituents, for the pur- pofe »f laying the foundation of an independent crown reveni e, difpofable by fign manua\ or by the Minifter, together with a general civil lift eftabliftiment over a whole co»tinent, an American court calendar unlimited. This may be an objedt for the miniftets of the crown. They have fpared neither arts nor influence, nor the nioilr unbounded p-ofufion of all pofllble ways and means, to obtain (o defperate an end. I will now fta«^ to you the influential powers, a. id abfolute dominion, which have been implicitly furrendxj-ed by Parliament into the hands of the crown, over the province of Quebec, by the ad:-dinances that Jliall^ from time to time, be pajfed tn. the faid province, by the Governor, Lieut enafr- Covernor, and any vine members of the council, all being appointed, penfioned, and re- moveable by the crown. There is no qua\ification whatever required for a feat in the council. A Crown Governor, with nine of the moft profligate perfons in the province^ or even with nine Canadian favages, if the Minifter fliould think proper to recommend them to the crown to U of the council, would have, under the adt of Parliament, a right 49 ) light m one hour's time, to vary and alter every law of the province, both civil and criminal \ and thus a Canadian fubjed, who may think himfelf protedled by an adl of Parliament, may be legally ftripped under that very aft, of every right of man, and of every blefTmg of life. The crown is thus far ftill moft abfolutc, above any laws of the land. The crown can appoint of its own authority, under the aft, any courts of criminal^ civile and eccle/ifijiical jurifdiSfion^ within and for the faid province of ^iebec^ and appoint^ from time to time, the judges and officers thereof, as his Majefty, his heirs, and fiirceffors, fhall think necejfary and proper for the circumjiances of the faid province. There ir no exception of the High Commildlon Court or the Sta^-chamber •, parliament has forgot the horrors of thoie courts, and the tyrannies exercifed by the minifters of the crown under them. Nay, even the Court rf Inquifition itfelf, or the torture, may be introduced by a council of nine, non objiante, any provifion made, or even implied in the aft to the contrary. The province of Quebec has petitioned likewife, as other colonies have done, and have been refufeJ too. They have petitioned for a free go 'ernment, and for a reprefentative aflembly of the people. It has been refufed. Th >y have petitioned againft illegal imprifonments — refufed. The Habeas Corpus — refufed. Right of trial by juries — refufed. In fhort, the crown of Great-Britain is conftituted as abfolute in the province of Quebec, under an aft recommended to Parliament by the MiniPors of the Crown, and Supported by them, as any defpot that ever had exiftence in the world. Every thing that moves is to receive its breath from the crown. The confti- tution of Quebec is given up, unconditionally by Parliament, into the hands of the Crown, ami the revenues and civil lift to the Minifter. Is this the fyftem which we wilh to fpread throughout the whole continent of America ? I know it is not. The Parliament and people of England have been inveigled and deceived, by the crafty pretexts of an infidious adminiftration. If thofe crafty defigns had been - irried into aftual execution, it would be vain to flatter ourfelves, that any remedy would have been in our power. We cannot, at this moment, command the remedy for the pro- vince of Quebec •, we cannot now take them from under the abfolute dominion of the crown, and reftore them to a free government, if we would. The crown has an ab- folute negative, and the power to fruftrate every aft of repentance, when it comes too late. Think with yourfelves what our own Itua'aon would at this moment be, if the povvor of the crown were as abfolute throughout all the other provinces in North America, as \t is over the conftitution and revenues of Quebec. With all the forces and revenues of that continent a*- command, the Crown might perhaps talk in another fliile to Mem- bers of Parliament, from that which its Minifters ufe now. What have we to do with fighting battles to fet the Crown at the head of all the force and revenues of conquered provinces ? It was the fpoil and plunder of conquered provinces, that brought ruin and flavery to the hi.art of the Roman empire. The laft ftruggling pang of expiring liberty in Caftile was crufhed by the weight of power derived from the foreign domi- N niona I ■A i n :(« ■.■■.♦;jij "vim -It I'm , I .. ' \ :^\ •,'!f, ■A A S \K h''> Kiiii i If :■ I ( 50 ) »ion$ of Charles the Fifth} who, by right, was only the limited monarch of Caftile; but the influence of an Emperor of Germany, and of the Lord of the then New World, America, added to Burgundy and Italy, extinguifhed the laft gleam of liberty in Caftile. The t '.n provinces of Burgundy, i" the time of Philip the Second, fell under the weight of an American revenue and power, and the feven Northern provinces, which finally eftablifhed their freedom, paid near a century in bloodfhed for the purchafe. Such events as thefe will now not happen to us. The minifters of the crown of Great-Britain will never have it in their power to eftablifh an abfolute dominion throughout North- America, as they have done in Quebec. But it is evident enough what they would have done, if they had had the power, by what they have done in the province of Quebec, which was in their power. The tree is to be judged of by the fruit. When I fpeak of the Crown, I always mean the Minifters of the Crown. It is the true and conftitutional way of confidering that branch of the legiflature. All Kings fpeeches in Parliament, all proclamations, all anfwers, or refufal to anfwer petitions, are confidered as the adls 01 the Minifter, for which he is refponfible. We are infcnfibly led likewife to fpeak fometimes of acSls of Parliament, as the ads of the Minifter. This is a bad omen. I fear it is too true, that the influence of the Minifter in Parliament is nearly irrefiftible. There are fo many infignificant boroughs which fend members to Parliament, that parliamentary reprefentation cannot be faid to be taken from the mafs of the people. One of my principal reafons for troubling you with thefe long letters, is to teftify the extreme deference that I pay to my conftituents. Having the honour to reprefent a borough of the firft importance in the kingdom, I mean to profefs my duty publicly to them, and to feek their confidence, by opening my heart to them. If fuch an intercourfe were more frequently kept up between the conftituf;nts and the re- prefentative, it would at all times be eligible, and in times when public danger threa- tens, it would be of the utmoft importance. I fear that times of danger are coming upon us, by theobftinate mifcondudt of our minifters. I confefs to you I fee no way clear before me. Are you prepared for taxes upon taxes, year after year, in a war with America and the Houfe of Bourbon ? Are you provided with another thirty or forty millions ? If thefe things come, they will not lie at my door. It is your minifters who have exhaufted your treafures, and wafted the blood of your countrymen in vain, to deliver you, weak and defencelefs, to your natural enemies. This is tht profpe*^ which you owe to them. You may have avoided one rock by the failure of the mini- fterial meafures in America. 7' ^*- danger was at too great a diftance to give immediate slarm, and would probably h" . .lolcn infenfibly upon you ; but for thefe immediate evils which are now prefting upon you, I wifli thefe who brought you into them could fliew you the way out. All re-counedion with America, as a dependent part of the empire, is out of fight. Then what is left but reconciliation ? I am confident, that there is no implacable hatred between the people of England, and the people of Ame- rica. The contcjition has been between the minifters of the crown, and our late fellow- fubjcds mmmmmi^ In ■'> ( 5x ) fubjcfls in America. They know that the people of England have been deceived, and that Parliament has been mifled by minifters. They know the weak part of our con- ftitution, and that when minifterial meafures get the afcendant in Parliament, no re- monftrance or reafon can prevail. They impute their injuries to the malice of the minifters of the crown, and to the deceptions impofed upon the public They believe Britons to be too generous to refufe that freedom to others knowingly, which they have themfelves recovered by refiftance to the minifters of the crown, in their attempts upon Britiih liberty. The road therefore is ftill open to national reconciliation between Great-Britain and America. I am. With the greateft Refped and Confideration, Gentlemen, Your much obliged, and faithful humh'e Servant, » r^f m :. ■, P! l£,./^y fo the Right JVcrJIiipful the Mayor and Corporation^ to the WcrPiifful the Wardens and Corporation of ih^ Trinity -hotife^ / N D To the Worthy Burgejfes Of the Town of Kinosvon upon Hi'li,. SODDURY, Sept. 24, 1778. 4 iff Hi I h ■ 'A f , V . n It ■*■'?'";■ -^"n '-'•■ ( 53 ) i • ' ,' >' T E R III, GENTLEMEN, T THINK I may venture to fay, that I have demonftrated to you the real objefls, in "■• purfuit of which this fatal American war has been undertaken, and fo inflexibly periifted in. As the event of the war has proved unfuccefsful, the minifters find them- felves not only refponfible for a heavy account due to their country, but doubly chi- grined by the difappointment and defeat of their own clandeftine views. Under this charge of refponfibility to their country, and of private chagrin in their own minds, they are feeking about to exonerate themfelves of that refponfibility, by imputing the fatal difgraces and deftrudion, which have been the confequences of their own head- ftrong meafures, to the oppofition of fome party in this country whom they charge with having fomented and encouraged the troubles in America. They fee and confefs the defperate ftate into which they have plunged their country, and, to thofe queftions to which that country now calls loudly for an anfwer, viz. V/ho has torn America from us ? Who has wafted thirty or forty millions of our money ? Who has deftroyed the lives of thoufands of our countrymen ? Who has expofed us defencelefs to our na- tural enemies ? &c. &c. ; they would tell you, that it is the Minority in Parliament. Such fuggeftions iis thefe are thrown out, with no fmall induftry, by the partizans of adminiftration, not I think with much effeft; becaufe, upon theleaft reflcdlion, the caufc afcribed muft be cnfidered as inadequuce ; and becaufe a degree of efficacy is thus im- puted to a fmall Minority, which is contradiAory to the aflertion itfelf. But as I wifti to obviate the infinuations which are implied in this charge, I will meet it diredlly, not as an invidious report, circulated by minifterial agents, but as an accufation which has been brought in chasge by the higheft authority j I mean the royal authority. The King's proclamation of the •23d of Auguft, 1775, aflerts direftly, That there is reafon to iipprchendj that fuck rebellion has been much promoted and encouraged^ by the traiterous cor- refpondence, couufels^ and comfort^ of divers wicked and defperate perfons within this realm. This is a heavy charge, not to be wantonly thrown out, in order to excite civil diflen- tions, and a fufpicion in every man of his neighbour. It is now three years fince this very ferious and alarming charge has been made againft divers (as pretended) traiterous peifons. Not one pcrfon has been convidled, or even tried, nor has any enquiry of no- O torietv I ■•; m "■ ' "• ; ^ f^m fiftlll r v' I ■■U oi'}vu J.:\ t ^- i-t.f +Ui pi §■■{ ' ■if fi '^i r^ ( 54 ) toricty been made ; therefore, I think, I am juftified to fay that it was wantonly thrown our, unlefs his Mnjefty's Minifters think it their duty to fpread the leaven of difcord tliroughout every part of his dominions. .-j, ,i, ,^,^ ,^4^*?^^. -^ ,,«k.,?v , .'^ ^■ I will endeavour to flievv you, that thofe perfons, who have uniformly oppofed the minifterial fyftem of meafures in America, have neither incited nor encouraged, nor have be'cn inftrumcntal to the fuccefs of, the American refiftance to any of the jufl: claims of this country. I fhall take this queftion in one view, from the period of the Stamp Aft, and fhall confider all the oppofers of American meafures, both within the Houfe and out of it, as one party and clafs of men, without any diltindlion of any dif- ferent points upon which they may feverally have laid the principal foundation of their rcfpedive oppofitions. With refpedl to the general charge, that it is the party, called the Oppofition, which has brought things to the prefent pafs, they ?.re all to be confi- dered in one body, intitled, in the miniftcrial ftyle, divers wicked end dejperate per- fons. Thefe wicked and defperate perfons muft either, in the firtl place, have originally fuggefted to the Americans thofe dodki^ies and principJcs which have led them to re- fiftance ; or, fecondly, they muft have promoted and encouraged their refiftance by trai- terous correfpondencies, counfels, comfort, aj-ras, ammunition, money, or intelligence •, or, thirdly, it muft be owing to a fmall Minority in Parliament, and to a party not very large of wicked and defperate perfons out of doors, that every plan which has been conceived in the wifdom of his Majefty's Minifters, and concerted under their direc- tion for four years together, has proved unfuccefsful, both by fea and land, through- out every a<5t and operation of the war. .r; < ■, The firft point of fuggefting to the Americans the original principles of refiftance ftands thus : The firft fyllable that was ever uttered in Parliament, upon the fubjedt of Ame- rican taxation, as denying the right to exift in this country, was in January, 1766, by the Earl of Chatham, then Mr. Pitt. If I can (hew, two years before this, the univerfal denial in America ofth€ right of taxation thus claimed by Parliament, I think the firft point will be fully proved, viz. that the party called the Oppofition did not fuggeft to the Americans thofe dodrincs and principles upon which they have refifted parliamen- tary taxation. I fhall proceed the true road of proof, viz. by authentic vouchers. The period now in view is the year 1 764, previous to the pafling of the Stamp Ad:, of which notice had been given, that it would bepropofcdto Parliament in the enfuing feffions, in 1765. When this news arrived in America, all the ferious and difcerning men there faw through the whole of the queftion at the firft glance \ and aflerted, in the moft ab- folute terms, the rights of the colonies not to be taxed unreprefented. There were no mobs or tumultuous difturbance^. The proceedings which I am going to ftate were of the Houfcs of Aflembly of three of the moft principal Colonics in America, viz. Mafla- chufct's-Bay, New- York, and Virginia, all in 1764. And firft for Maflachufet's-Bay.-^ On the i3,th of June, 1764, they write thus to their agent, Mr. Manduit. " No agent of this province has power to make exprefs conceflions in any cafe, without exp re fs ( -55 ) " exprefs orders ; and the filence of the provinee fhould have been imputed to any *' caufe, even to defpair, rather than to be conftrued into a tacit ceffion of their rights, ** or an acknowledgement of a right in the Parliament of Great-Britain to impofe du- ** ties and taxes upon a people who are not reprefented in the Houfe of Commons." Again — " If the Colonifts are to be taxed at pleafure, without any reprefentative in *' P*arHament, what will there be to diftinguifh them in point of liberty, from the fub- " jedts oi' the raoft abfotute prince ? If we are to be taxed at pleafure without our " conicnt, will it be any confcJation to us that we are to be afFeffed by an 'undred *' inftead of one ? If we are not reprefented, we are (laves. " Again—" Equity and juftice '* require, that the power of laying prohibitions on the dominions which arc not repre- ** fented in Parliament (hould be exercifed with great moderation. But this had better *' be exercifed with the greateil rigour, than the power of taxing ; for this laft is the " grand barrier ot Britifh liberty, which, if once broken down, all is loft. In a word, *■' a people may be free and tolerably happy, without a particular branch of trade, but *^ witliout the privilege of affeffing their own taxes they can be neither. Inclofed you *' will have a brief account of the rights of the colonies, drawn up by one of onr mem- *' bers (Mr. Otis) which you are to make the beft ufe of in your power with the ad- *' dition of fuch arguments as your own good fenfe will fuggeft. The Houfe reft af- *' fured, that nothing will be omitted that may have a tendency to fave the province *' from impending ruin." Thus far Maflachufet*s-Bay ; who, as early as June, 1764, afterted their claims againft unreprefented taxation in the moft abfolute terms, and that the apprehenfion of being fo taxed threatened impending ruin. The affembly of New- York is the next, who, in an ad i' efs to Governor Colden, ex- prefs the fame fentiments. ** We hope your Honour will heartily join with us in an *' endeavour to fecure that great badge of Englifti liberty, of being taxed only with *' our own confent, to which we conceive all his Majefty's fiibjefts, at home and ** abroad, are intitled." They likewife fent three reprefentations and petitions to their agent, to be prefented to the King, the Lords, and the Commons, which met with the fate of all other American petitions. But what is moft remarkable of all is, that this very colony of New-York, which has been always thought to be the moft moderate, fo far as to be called, on this fide the water, a very courtly and minifterial colony, full of friends to government, was the very firft colony which came in a Houfe of Aflembly to fpread the alarm throughout the whole continent of America, by a cir- cular letter, as early as the year 1764, even before the palling of the Stamp Adl, and merely upon the apprehenfion of fuch an aft taking place ; (o zealous and deter- mined were they, from the very firft, to aftert and fupport their rights of not being taxed in a Britifti Parliament. " Ordered^ That the committee appointed to correfpond " with the agent be alfo a committee, during the recefs of the Houfe, to write to, and " correfpond with, the feveral aflemblies on this continent, on the fubjed matter of the " Sugar ! 1 >' II /y s m n r " n\ ■\ 'A \k M««l i 1: ■I.' ^■^!l • t (( (( ( 56 ) " Sugar A£f, 6?r. and alfo on the fubje^i In the peaceable colony of Pennfylvania, they came to the following unanimous Refolutions.— " In Ajfembly, September 21^ ^7^5- ** Refolved, nem. con. That it is the intereft, birth-right, and indubitable privilege of every Britifh fubjedt to be taxed only by his own confent, or that of his legal t( (( reprefentatives, in conjunAion with his Majefty or his fubftitutes. ** Refolved, nem. con. That the only legal reprefentatives of the inhabitants of this " province, are the perfons they annually eleft to ferve as Members of Aflembly. *• Refolved, therefore, nem. con. That the taxation of the people of this prbvincc by " any other perfons whatfoever, than fuch their reprefentatives in Affembly, is *• unconftitutional, and fubverfive of their moft valuable rights." The lafl articles which I (hall produce upon this head, are two refolutions, among r any others, declaratory of the rights of the colonies, by the General Congrefs of New- York, Oftober 10, 1765, P " Thac '\ : ' *!it' 11 f s i I (( c< ( S« ) That the only rcprefentatives of the people of thefe colonies, are perfons chofei^ " therein by themfelves j and that no taxes ever have been, or can be, conftitu-, " tionally impofed on them but by their refpe£live Legiflatures. .. ,. ^ • , , That all fupplies to the Crown being free gifts of thj people, it is unreafonablc, " and inconfirtent with the principles and fpirit of the Britifh conftitution, for the •' people of Great-Britain to grant to his Majefty the property of the colonifts." 'iii ." ■A M ■m ••I ii ''i I have dwelt the longer upon this point, that I may bring it up to the fulleft proof pofitive, that the perfons who have oppofed the ruinous and deftruftive meafures of adminiftration, in the profecution of the American war, for many years together, have not been the original exciters of the difturbanccs in America ; for I have obferved, that great pains have been taken to difperfe fuch an opinion abroad. When times of public diftrefs come, and minifters are called upon by their injured country to give an account of the confequences of their mifconduft, the violence of party rage will feize any pretext whatfoever, without the leaft regard to truth or juftice ; for which reafon I take this prefent time, while things are tolerably cool, to lay before you the documents of demonftration ; that the party who have uniformly oppofed this fatal American war, did not originally fuggeft to the Americans the principles which have led them to re- /iftance to this country. If the advice of that party of real filends to their country had been followed, it would have beea better for the honour, peace, and profperlty of this nation, though minifters may wifh to have them conftdered as wicked and def- perate perfons. • ^ . •■ • Having faid thus much as to the faft, give mc leave to fay one word as to the juftice of the principles, independent of the qucftion v.hether tl.ey originated in this country, or in America; becaufe, if the principles are juft and conformable to the Britifh con- ftitution, and to the rights of the colonies, I cannot fee that it would have been cri- minal, if we had pleaded the caufe of the Americans upon thefe grounds, as being our then fellow-fubjedls. I beg to explain for myfelf, that in the very beginning of thefe troubles, the great caufe which influenced my conducft was the confideration of the injuftice of the foundations of the war on the part of this country. I did, and do ftill, and ever fliall, conceive it to be unjuft, and contrary to the principles of the Bri- tifti conftitution, to tax unreprefentcd colonies in a Britifti Parliament, who are to fave the money of their conftituents and of themfelves, in proportion as they tax thofe who are unreprefentcd, and this moreover without any confideration of the then exift- ing monopoly of the American trade, which rtood in the place of taxation, and was a full equivalent. I fay this, becaufe I would not have my denial of the fadl attended with a lung fcries of proofs, together with fome apparent induftry in the inveftiga- tion, to imply on my part an admiflion of the criminality of the charge if it had been true. . . ; • I now ( 59 ) I now come to the fecona part of the queftion, viz. "Whether any perfons have pro- *' nioted and encouraged the aftual refiftance of America, by any traiterous corref- *•' pendencies,, councils, comfort, arms, ammunition, money, or intelligence?" This is much too ferious a charge for infinuation, unlefs it can be proved, which it certainly cannot be, becauHj it is notorioufly not true. The very charge would imply the highcft degree of culpablv;nefs in minifters, if in a cafe which Parliament has ftamped with the name of rebellion, and knowing of any fuch things, they have not brought them to proof, or fufpefting, have not made the moft fcrutinizing enquiry. But perhaps without chai _Jng the whole of this black catalogue, a party in this country may have encou- raged the Americans ; to which I will very frankly fay, that I do verily believe it and admit it. The Americans, who laid their firft foundations in thofe principles which I have juft enumerated, have known very well that there were many perfons in this country, who thought thofe foundations to be jufV, folid, and conftitutional. Then what encouragement did thefe perfons give to the Americans ? They encouraged them to perfift by petitions, addrefles, and remonftrances, to the King, the Lords, and the Commons, to (late their grievances^ and claims of rights, and to pray for redrefs. In purfuance of this encouragement-, they did accordingly perfift in petitions, memo- rials, and remonftrances for many years, viz. from, the year 1764 to 1775. All their petitions were uniformly reje<5ted unheard v and when the Americans were attacked with a great armament by fea and land, they then refifted by arms. Then which way did the encouragement which they received from their friends in this country operate ? It operated to make them employ their time in drawing petitions, and waiting for a hearing, inftead of providing themfclvcs with arms and ammunition, and all the means of reiiftance, and therefore fo far from obftru6ling the exertions of this country, has contributed very much to facilitate the operation of them. For inftance, in the yeav: 1^75, when the new Secretary of State for the American department came into, officcj and when all things p«'. on a new appearance,. I. cannot fay of: vigorous meafures, becaufe there was neithe/ judgment nor vigour in any of them, but at leaft of an inflexible difpofition, to do nothing but by fire and fword ; could it be thought of ocherwife, than as an evident advantage to the operation of: his meafures, that the Americans fhould be amufed with expefting,a propitious anfwer to their petition j apd that, in the very next breath to that which told them that they (hould receive no- anfwer to their petition, an army of: 50,000 or 60,000 men fhould be ready to fall upon them. Thus far therefore the encouragement given to America to perfifl in petition^ ipg, and in every conftitutional mode of application for redrefs, was the farthefl'in the world from being criminal, and the beft: calculated to have produced peace and rC" union. When the die was fatally decided for implacable and unrelenting war, who then from this country aided, abetted, comforted, or encouraged America ? If any one did, as I faid before, that fhould.be. proved. Butth&iiext flep on the part of the A'mcri< can9;wast]3£ declaration of Independence, which certainly was not encoitcaged fromthis fide T [HI 4i- uil -if:' '■' I. *fc; '.Tiff" 14 1 ( 60 ) lide of the water. The very charge, as implying an infidious infinuation of felf-inte- xefted views of any party in this country to raife themfeives into power and importance upon the fhoulders of America in this conteft, is contradictory to itfelf •, for what party e'ther did or could think it for their perfonal intereft, that the Americans (hould declare themfeives independent ? None. The declaration of Independence defeated every pofTible means of making an inftrument of America, to rife into power in this country. The very well-known facft is, that there was no party in this country to aid, abet, fuggeft, or encourage, the Independence of America. The very declaration it- felf is therefore proof abfolute, that they had no connexions in this country who co- operated with them. For a conneftion of fuppofed, united meafures, calculated to deftroy all co-operation in their joint efForts and effedls, is a fyftem of abfurdity which has been brought much nearer to perfeAion by the Minifters of the American war in their condudb of it, than by the oppofers of the war in their oppofition to it, on either fide of the water. As to the third point, that all the miniflerial plans and operations fhould be ren- dered uniformly unfuccefsful, becaufe there was a very fmall Minority in Parliament adverfe to them, it is too ridiculous to deferve a ferious difcuflion. Could it be owing to that Minority that General Howe was blockaded in Bofton, and left five months without hearing from his employers at home ^ Was it owing to them, that the campaigns of 1776 and 1777 were not opened till Auguftor September, and that the armaments did not fail in the Spring from Fnglifh ports till (if the war had been a juft one) they ihould have been landed in America r ^^is it owing to them that no efficient plan of co-operation was concerted between the Northern «*• n^y and that under General Howe ? Was it owing to them that the Toulon fleet was permitted to pafs unmolefiied through the Streights of Gibraltar ? Was it owing to them that the conciliatory bills were not broughf into Parliament, till the treaty between France and America was figned and fealed ? Is it owing to them that the remainder of the army in America has nei- ther been reinforced nor withdrawn, but is now left to be befieged, to moulder away, and to languifii in vain for their natives fhores ? The very dating of thefe things is a fufficient confutation. I hope that I have fully vindicated that party of real and difcreet friends to their country ; who, forefeeing the ruinous confequences of the prefent meafures, have uni- formly oppofed them, but who have not either fomented the difturbances in America, or been in any the lead degree the occafion of the misfortunes or difgraces which have fallen upon us. The charge is indeed in itfelf fo abfurd, that it can only have been fuggefted as an engine of party to miflead the public. I hope that I have given a full anfwer to it. If you would fee the true caufes of the prefent misfortunes and difgrace of this country, you muft look for them in the madnefs and impradlicabilit/ of the under- taking of the American war, and in the fcJlly, ignorance, arrogance, and inability of thofe / . ( 6i ) tbofe who have had the condu<*l of it. If you would, on the other hand, fee what It is which has made the Americans, from doubtful and fmall beginnings, become united and profperous ; it has been the firm and univerfal convi^^ion, that their caufe was founded in natural juftice, and in conftltutional principles. They perfevercd for many years in every legal and conftitutional mode for obtaining redrefs of grievances, by pe- titions after petitions, but .ill in vain and rejedled. They were driven at length, in felf- defence, to rcfiftance by arms. They have confidered the v^Ct of rights as the foundation of the Britifh conftitution, and nn inheritance to which they were intitled, and from which they would not depart. They found aflcrted in that adt the right of petitioning the crown, and therefore from thence they Inferred their right to be heard. Their petitions be- ing rejedled unheard, and a force of an hundred thoufimd men being font to reduce them to unconditional fubjeftion, they look again into the adl of rights, and find, that the fubje(5l being proteftant. Is intitled to arms in his defence. Thus driven, unheard and unanfwered, to defpair, who will call a reluftant but compelled refiftance unjuftlfi- able ? The conteft is now over, and the event of that refinance is decided j there is no longer any call for referve in exprefling matters of opinion ; therefore I am very free to declare it as mine, that when petitions are rejefted with difdain, and millions of fubjedts unheard are devoted to the fword, the compadl of protecflion is broken^ and refillance isjuftlfied. But even, independent of all queftlons of compadt of government, and principles of the conftitution, the refif^ance of America, in a war for taxation, ftands juftified upon an aflurance of public faith to the contrary, given to them, and broken. A Secretary of State for the American department, (viz. Lord Hillfborough) in the year 1769, did write' -^^ircular letter to every colony in his Majefty's name, afluring them, In the moft clear, diftmdt, and unambiguous terms, that his Majefty's minilters never had, nor ever would entertain, the idea of taxation in America, for the purpofe of ralfing a re- venue -, nay, farther to guard againft any diftruft, left any chai ge of men or times ftiould affcdt the fecurity of this promife. Lord Bottetourt pledged the King's pcr- fonal honour upon it -, fpeaking of the King in thefe words, " Who, to my certain " knowledge, rates his honour fo high, that he would rather part with his crown, than *' preferve it by deceit." Who could have poflibly believed, after fo folemn and au- thentic an aflurance had been given to three millions of fubjedts, that that very Iden- tical fyftem of minifters, with the fame Chancellor of the Exchequer upon the bench, in the ftiort period of five or fix years, ftiould be engaged with America in a relentlefs inexorable war, for the exprefs purpofe of revenue, viz. in the year lyys, with Lord North's demand of an American revenue in one hand, and the fword in the other. I will now give you the vouchers of this tranfadlion. You will fee by them how indignant the Miniftry were, with fo heinous a charge as they confidered taxation in America, for the purpofe of raifing a revenue, at that time to be, and which they call a mifreprefen- Q. tation it./KR M' ■■■ li :■■ 'Ji i' ^ 1 t. f": ( 62 ) tatioii of f;i6lious and fcditious peifons, who are enemies to the peace and profpertty of Grcat-Biif-aiii and her Colonies. The circular letter is as follows : — May 13, 1769. " I can take .upon me to afline you, notwithftanding infinuations to the contrary, " from men with faftious and feditious views, that his Majcfty's prefent adminiftration " have, at no time, entertained a defign to lay any further taxes upon Anierica, for " the purpofe of raifmg a revenue i und that it is at prefent their intention to propofe, " the next feflion of Parliament, to take off the duties upon glafs, paper, and colours, " upon confideration of fuch duties having been laid contrary to the true principles of " commerce. Thefe have always been, and ftill are, the fentiments of h's Majefty's " prefent fervants, and by which their condu(5t, in refpe«5b to America, has been go- " verncd. And his Majefty relies upon your prudence and fidelity [viz. addrejfed to " each Gozernnr^ for fiich an explanation of his meafures as may tend to remove the " prejudices which have been excited by the mifreprefentations of thcfe who are enemies " to the peace and profperity of Great-Britain and her Colonies, and to eftablifh that " mutual con'idence and affecflion upon which the glory and fafety of the Britifh em- " pire depend." Lord Bottetcurt's fpeech to the AfTembly of Virginia ic a? follows : — " It ma} poflibly be objeded, that as his Majefty's prefent adminiftration are not *' immortrd, their fucceftbrs may be inclined to attempt to undo what the prefent mi- " nifters fhall have attempted to perform -, and to that objciftion I can give but this " anfv/er. That it is my '' m opinion, that the plan which I have ftuted to you will " certainly take ph. .e, and that it will never be departed from ; and fo determined am *' I for ever tiy abide by it, that I will be content to be declared infamous, if I do not, " to the laft hour of my life, at all times, in all places, and upon all occaHons, exert " everv power with which I cither am, or ever fhall be legally inverted, in order to " obtain and maintain, for the continent of America, that fatisfaftion which I have " been auchorifed to promifc this day, by the confidential fervants of our Gracious " Sovereign, Vvh( , to my certain knowledge, rates his honour fo high, that he would " rather part with his crown, than preferve it by deceit." Now hear the anfwer to this fpeech fro:n the Afl'embly of Virginia, which was ac- cepted by the King's Governor, and .nfmitted home to his confidential minifters, and which tht-refore does pofitivcly, under his Majefty's authority, recognize their con- ftrudlion of that promife, and the pledge of the King's Royal word to the perform- ance of it. " We will not fuffer our prefent hopes, arifing from the pleafing profp-'dl your Lord- " fliip has fo kindly opened and difplayed to us, to be daftied by the bitter reflection, *' that any future adminiftration will enteri.J.n a wifli to depart from that plan, which *' affords the furcft and moft permanent foundation of nnl^Iic tranquility and happi- •*' nefs. Nc, my Lord, we arc fiire our moft Gracious Soveieign, under whatever '' changes ( 63 ) " changes may happen in his confidential fervants, will remain immutable in the ways " of truth and juftice •, and that he is incapable of deceiving his faithful fubjedts : and " we eftcem your Lordfliip's information not only as warranted, but even fanftified by " the Royal word." If this be not a folemn public renunciation of the right of taxation, there is no fenfe in words. The repeal, as mentioned in the letter of the then American Secretary, Lord Hilftjorough, took place accordingly in the next feffion, which was a parliamen- tary fandion in confirmation. All the articles of the tax ad: of j 767, were repealed, except the tea duty, which was profefl'edly kept only as a pepper-corn rent for the point of honour. Yet it was out of this very pepper-corn rent, tha, in five or fix years time, the very fame minifters, who had fo deeply pledged the re yal honour and word, becaufe their own reign might not be immortal, renewed their a'tack in arms for a general American revenue. They applied every artifice, and e.^erted their utmoft means, to inflame and to incite the Parliament and the i;aticn in the purfuit of an American revenue. They threw out and circulated the moft inflammatory charges againft: America on this head, viz. That they never had contributed their fliare to the common caufe; that,withoutcompulfion,they never would; and, therefore, that they mud be compelled by force cf arms : and, in fine, they fcnt an hundred thoufand men to reduce the whole continent of America to unreprefentcd taxation and unconditional fubmifiion. Now let any man, of any nation in the world, lay his hand upon his heart, and declare whether, if thefe things had happened in his own country, he fliould, or fliould not, have thought fuch caufe of refifliance to be jufliifiable and julVified. Till men come to renounce all the bonds of fociety, and all the rights of mankind, I am confident that there will not be found one man who will not fay, " If fuch had been my own cafe, I *' would have refiflied." I fpeak thus explicitly out to you, becaufe, I do afTure you, that it has been upon my firm conviclion of the injuftice of the war, and of the breach of the public faith in the attack, that I have mofl: fcrnpuloufly and confcientioufly op- pof;d it, and ever will. Let what authority foever be profiiituted in a proclamation to declare fuch fentiments to be the fentiments of tv/'cked and dcfperate perfons, I will never give my confent to put a fellow-creature to the fword unheard. I fay this only for my- felf, not meaning the lead refledlion upon very many moft worthy and confcientious perfons, who have taken a different part, and that very zealoufly too. I only conclude, that if their fentiments had been as mine arc, thoy would have aded as I have done. In matters of national concern, it is not merely fuflicient that individuals fliould re- main contented with the private confcioufnefs of their own individual integrity , (which however is the foundation of national integrity) it fliould not remain there-, it is fit that the real motives, as juftified in fads, which aduate parties and great bodies of men, fliould be expofed to the public, becaufe it is through the intervention o^ thefe great bodic: of men as parties, that all public operations are carried on. It is fit that fuch thir.gs fliould be enquired into and difcufled, efpccially when charges of fadion, fedition, :i i ''A f r, i, 1 f m ( 64 ) W\ its > ,i fedition, and even treafon, are very generally and unwarrantably thrown out by miniftetial authority, and very intelligibly pointed. The fenfe and import of thefe terms, in the language of minifters, is now explained. In the year 1769, the meaning of the tzvms fatUous, feditious^ and enemies to the peace and profperity of Great- Britain and her Colonies^ were perfons who were accufcd of throwing out falfe infinuations, that the minifters of Great-Britain could ever be fo unjuft as to entertain a thought of taxing the colonies for a revenue. In the year 1775, and fo on, the terms wicked anddefperaie perfons iiithin this realm^ are ufed to denote thofe only who could entertain or exprefs any doubt of the juftice, propriety, and necelTity of Great-Britain enforcing taxation in the colonies. I dwell upon thefe articles, becaufe they were not curfory, or cafual, ol' from mean authority, but in a royal proclamation, circulated throughout Great-Britain, and in a Secretary of State's letter, under the royal authority, circulated throughout the colonies ; proftituting the authority of public ads and indruments, to throw out promifcuoufly the charges of fadion, fedition, r.nd treafon, againft any perfons who^'pre- fume to differ in opinion from minifters, even when they differ from themfelves. "When that important day comes, in which Minifters muft render to their country an account of their deeds, it would be well for them if their account might ftand as fair and as clear as that of the oppofers of this fatal war ; who have no retrofpedive account to an- fwer for, having already endered, from day to day, and from hour to hour, an account of their motives, words, and deeds, before the public tribunal. As I am unwilling to leave any miniftcrial fubterfuge unfearched, there is One point more which I wifti to difcufs. It is faid, that the repeal of the Stamp Ad is the ground of all our misfortunes ; that it gave fuch encouragement to America, as, in its eftefV, to defeat every operation of the prefent war. This ftiould, in the firft place, be pro- ved ; and, when proved, my reply would be, that a wife and confiderate Minifter fhould have weighed this in time \ that if true, it is one additional argument of folly in undertaking the prefent war. If the Minifter, in the year 1775, inftead of ipfti- gating and provoking war, had ftood up in Parliament, and faid, that " It is by no " means fit that the Americans ftiouki throw our tea overboard ; on the contrary, that •' it is very juft and fit that they ftiouKl be taxed by Parliament, and that fuch a mca- " fure ftiouid be enforced by conipulfion, but that the thing was become impofllble ; *' that the repeal of the Stamp Aft had given them fuch fpi'-it-, and fo much en- " couragement, that although five hundred men with whips might have driven all " North America before them at the time of the repeal, yet that an hundred thoufand *' men, with all the artillery of Great-Britain, at an expence of thirty or forty millions, *' could'not enforce fuccefs nov.-," — it would have been a good argument againft per- fifting in the war ; and fo cogent is the influence of every argument coming in Parlia- ment from the Minifter, that I do believe it would have had the eft'od of putting a ftop to the war, which would have been a blefled effed for this country, from whatever caufc it might have arifen. The minifter might likewife have fuperadded upon this ch apter ... W'Jl ( 65 ) . • chapter of repeals, that he had himfelf propofed the repeal of the year 1770, at- tended with a moft folemn aflurance, never again to feek an American revenue through taxation, which made the cafe ten times more defperate. This part of the argument was forgot, which I now fuggeft to you, only to fhew you, with what an ill grace any objeftion to the repeal of the Stamp Ad comes, from thofe who forgot their own deeds •, who not only had approved, (Irengthened, and fupported the firft repeal by a fecond, but who had fuperadded an exprefs renunciation of the right of taxation for the future. But when people are in a rage with themfelves for their own madnefs, follies, and dif- appointments, they fnatch up any argument that comes to hand, and has an edge with it, although it fhould prove an inftrument to cut their own throats •, foi if the repeal of the Stamp Adt was in reality fuch an encouragement to refiftance as contended for, the repeal of the year 1770 was not only an encouragement upon the fame principle to refift, but the folemn renunciation of the right, for the future, fully juftified that re- fiftance. This I fpeak ad verecundtam, to the modefty of the party from whom the objedbion to the repeal of the Stamp Adl proceeds. But to the queftion itfelf, viz. " Whether the Stamp A£l could have been enforced, " if it had not been repealed in 1766." I think the events which have happened in the laft three or four years amount almoft to proof pofitive, that it could not have been enforced then. I am fure that thefe events do, at this time, fet the wifdom and prudence of the minifters of that repeal in the higheft point of view and approbation. I have fhewn you already, that the dodlrines and principles upon which the American refiftance has been founded, were not fuggefted to them from this fide of the water. Thefe were univerfally adopted throughout America near two years before the repeal of the Stamp Ad. So far then the repeal had no fhare in laying the foundations of refiftance. The quefliion of power to enforce, as referred to the period of 1766, can be now but problematical, as the time for the trial is part, in which, however, the probabilities are extremely againft it, and growing more fo every day, from the fatal conviftion of adtual and bitter experience. Bring this queftion to the tcft-, thus : An hundred thoufand men have fiiiled in an attempt to reduce America by force of arms in the years 1776 and 1777 ; therefore, — what ? five hundred men with whips, or two re- giments, would have completed that conqueft in the years 1766 and 1767. Such an inference, to fay the leaft of it, is very inconfequcntial. There is no appearance of probability in It, efpecially confidering, that the two periods are fo near together, viz. only eight years apart. Had the conteft been brought on fifty years ago, that would have made a moft material difference. But there was no notorious difference in the proportionate ftrengths of the two parties at the two periods of 1760 and 1774. From what circumftances then can the conclufion be warranted, that a projeA totally and experimentally impradicable In 1774, and fo on, ftiould have been very facile in 1766. The game would probably have been played then, as it has been now, for the confident advocates of coercion were certainly as ignorant then as they have been fince. R The \m I- mm h tml 1 I ' ^.fJi \n m i''\ «•!' M ( 66 ) i %\ i'l 4 The fiift year, therefore, two or three regiments would have been fent ; the next year four or five thoufand men, and fo on ; always defpifing the military powers of Ame- rica, and always foolifuly confident, that *^he next and the next campaign would be fuc- cefsful or decifive. The mole-hill w ..1 have grown into a mountain, and we fhould have been walling our men and our millions, till fome foreign power would have inter- fered. America all this while would have been led forwards into the knowledge and pradice of arms, till they had learned to>fepl, and to be confident in their own internal ftrength and exertions j which would have brought the termination of the conteft to the fame refult then as now. The Minifter who prefided at the period of the repeal of the Stamp A(5l, having his ear always open to found information, and to wife counfel, faw at once the immenfity of the undertaking (over and above the juftice and preferable policy of conceflion) and that in a war of attack upon a country, at a dif- tance of 3000 miles, conqueft could be hardly acquired, and would certainly not be maintainable by force of arms. He faw all the horrors of a civil war before him, the deftru(5tion of the lives of thoufands of his fellow-fubjedts, the wafte of millions of their money, the lofs of the navigation, commerce, and afFeftions of America. He forefaw, from tht nature of all wars between the divided parts of any empire, that whether America fhould be driven to the very point of furrendering at difcretion., or fhould be fuccefsful, in either cafe foreign powers would interfere. He forefaw all thefe things, and took meafures of wifdom accordingly. He led his country to fafety, not to ruin. Have thefe perfons who would not fee thefe things led their country to an happier end ? It is they who have aflorded- the fatal proof, that the noble Lord who prefided at the repeal of the Stamp A(5t, had formed a true eftimate of things. I do not fay, that the failure of the miniflerial meafures of war, at the prefent period, is proof pofitive, that any attempt to have enforced the Stamp Aft in the year 1766 muft have failed, but I thitik it comes very near to it, Confider who thofe perfons are, who are now fo confident that the Stamp Adt could have been enforced in iy66. They are the very fame perfons who, four years ago, undertook the enforcement of the coercive ads of the year 1774 upon a three-fhilling land-tax, and upon the lowefl peace eflablifhment both for the army and navy i and, in the year 1778, when every plan, every promife, and every predic- tion, has failed, they come to Parliament, advifing us to tread back all our fteps, and to reverfe all our meafures ; and having in the interim thrown away thirty or forty thoufand men, and thirty or forty millions of money, and thirteen provinces, they tell us very gravely, " We were a little miflaken in our calculations ; the force which has '* been employed on the part of this country has been very great, but the refiftance *' has been much greater than we expeded." Whatever therefore may be the proba- liilities or improbabilities attending this queflion in itfelf, which is now but a fpecula- tive problem, no arguments, at leaft on the fide of power to enforce the Stamp A&. in the ( 67 ) the year 1766, acquire any additional force by coming through the medium of perfons who have been fo grofsly ignorant and erroneous in every conception t- expedlation v/hich they have formed, and thrown out, relative to the conduti or events of the prefent war, into which their headftrong meafures have plunged their country. I fhall not purfue this queftion any farther, becaufe it cannot be brought to pofitlve decifion. But I will come to a fort of compromife upon it ; and I will fuppofe, thot the force which has failed of fuccefs in the prefent war would have fucceeded in efta- blifhing the Stamp A6t in the year 1766', and this is, I think, a full and adequate con- ceflion of the utmoft probability, that the queftion ftands intitkd to, on that fide of the argument; for we are yet a great way from knowing what force of men and money v/ould have been fufficient in the prefent war to have made a conqueft of America, and ftill far- ther from having the leaft comprehenfion of the enormous eftabliflim.ents and expence which would have been neceflary for retaining it in fubjeftion, if it could have been conquered. If I could be juftified in abating ftill more of the argument, I would moll: readily confent to it, that the true wifdom of the repeal of the Stamp Ad: (even allow- ing the poflibility of carrying it through by force) might be weighed and juftified to the niceft fcruple. Taking then the queftion up on the footing of the compromife which I offer, I will concede, that the Stamp Aft might have been enforced at the expence of thirty or forty millions of money, and with the lofs of thirty or forty thoufand of our fellow fubjedls. Is there any man living who will fay, that he would have takea the Stamp A&. upon this bargain, knowing this to have been the leaft coft in men and money by which it might have been obtained ? I am fure there can be no fuch perfon;, and leaft of all can thofe perfons think, that they ought ferioufly and fedately to have confented to the terms of the bargain as I have ftated it, who were circumvented into the adoption of this war in the firft fefllon of this Parliament, by the lure of a three- ftiilling land-tax, and by the eftimates which were then brought into Parliament upon the loweft peace eftablifhment, both for the army and the navy. Thofe votes ftand recorded in Parliament, as the fandlions of that argument which I am now meafurin, out, as the price which Parliament bid for a revenue from America at their difpofition^ as they then apprehended that it was to have been. This bargain, fo meafured out, is far enough from that which, by minifterial flight of hand, has been fubftituted in its place, viz. a farewel to a three-fliilling land-tax, by an everlafting mortgage of four (hillings in the pound for ever ; an expenditure of thirty or forty millions of money in vain ; a defalcation of ,45 per cent, upon all proprietors in the public funds ; the 1 )fs of thirty or forty thoufand men •, together with double this force by fea and land, and an hundred fliips of war befides, cut off" from the national ftrength of this country, either for offence or defence againft our antient and natural enemies. At this price, the Minifter of the repeal, in the year 1766, would not have purchafed the enforcement of the Stamp Adl, even if it had been in his power. But the prefent Minifters have loaded their country with all thefc evils, and all others which ftiall come farther in confc' if vn > ! ill .rl kf^ 8 ( 68 ) confequence, without even any national objeft hi view to plead, but merely in the purfuit of an influential dominion, to be exercifed at the pleafure of the Crown, through the means of an independent American revenue, at the^difpofition of the Crown, by f, and put poignards into the hands of negroes ? Why hav<; they purfued objects through every cruelty, confefledly not even beneficial to their ozvn country, nor fafe to any of the parties^ and which they now proclaim to ali the world, that it would have been the trueft wifdom in their country by choice to have avoided ? . That they have been forewarned of thefe truths by every friend to their country a thou- fand and a thoufand times over, is known to all the world ; therefore they have not the excufe of ignorance or inadvertence to plead. That the numberlefs irrefiftible and irrefragable arguments which have been inceflantly urged to them upon thefe topics, could not fait to produce this convidtion, no man doubted, even before this felf-con- vidling proclamation. We ha*.! ' jU and fufficient proof of this at the time of opening ■ the conciliatory bills to the Houfe ; the arguments for which were ftated upon the very fame dodlrines as thofe contained in this proclamation ; and a parliamentary reverfal of all the meafures which had been adopted at the recommendation of the Miniftry for four years together, was propofed, and julllfied upon the admiffion of the. fo- lidity and tiuth of every principle and argument, which had been urged by the oppofers of the war from the very commencement of it ; but that tranfaftion having {)arted only in loofe words fpokcn in debate,, and in the perfon of a minirter, there was no remain- ing record of the public difgrace. In this cafe the nation is held out zo all the world in the a£t of recantation ; renouncing, by public proclamation, every principle upon which their minifters had pretended to juftify the foundation, or the purfuit of any one avowed ohjeft of the war. This is national penance and humiliation indeed! It may be my misfortune to be too jealous of the honour of my country ; but to- my apprehenfion, the arguments of the proclamation imply no fmall degree of contempt for the dupery of parliament, in having fwallowed fuch grofs abfnrdities as thoie which arc reprobated in the proclamation. The original plans of ftttkmcnt conccivtd to fontroul internal government in the Colonies ; which, in the preamble to the hite Maflachufct's Charter A(5t of the year 1774, were conceived, by that credulous parliament, to be ahfolutely necelfaiy to the internal welfare, peace and good govern- ment of the faid province, and to the continuance of the mutual benefits arifing fnnu Vie commerce and correfpondence between this kingdom and the faid province, are now . derided, as the narrow, illiberal, pedantic follies of dark and ignorant times, and, jwt even beneficial to our own country. The next objed held out in the proclamation for de- rifion, is the minifter's own conciliatory piopolition, and therefore the parliament, who with implicit confidence gave their fupport to it, art arrangement caUulated to form a re- IT xaiue t ■ 1 mmm ( 7« |: 11 m. ■1| '. V 'Venue in Amerua at the difpofition of the PatUamcnt. This can mean nothing bnt Lord North's conciliatory propofition, as comii.only called ; which, if it was any thing in- telligible, was probably an attempt to'vards an arrangement, for it was nr.. a tax direft. The Stamp Adt was a tax. — The Tea Aft was a tax. All A6ts of Pariiament upon this fubjcdl have been taxes, either foi regulation of trade, or for revenue ; but for this propofnion of Lord Nort'i, there could not be found worxls in the language lb per- fedly adapted to draw out the features of derision as thofe of the proclamation, ar- rangements calculated to form a revenue^ and fo forth, in contrail to the produdlive, con- llitutional, and approved mode by free requifitions. This is a new fpedlacie to the world. A Britifli Chancellor of the Exchequer, a Firfl Minifter fet at the head of three kingdoms, and lately of thirteen provinces, is held out to America, and expofed to all the world, ':n a proclamation, under his own authority,, as the calcuhtor of arrangements unfafe for all parties. There are fome words in this proclamation which I hardly know in what fenfe to take; they Teem intended, as it were, to foften and to qualify the abrupt and blunt avowal of the felf-convi{5ting doftrines includer , and evidently betray a confcioufnefs, that this proclama- tion not only furrenders up every pretended principle of Jufticeon the part of the adminiftra- tion, who have carried on this war, but that it will open the eyes of all mankind, to the wil- ful criminality of their conduft, and lead to this obvious inference, that the Britifli Miniftry have knowingly, and againft the convidlion of their own minds, facrificed the true interefts of their own country, and violated all the rights of mankind, in the pur- fuit of their own chndeftine and illicit objefts. The -qualifying words which I allude to are thefe ; in. the prefent frtuation of affairs •, that i5 to lay, the Miniftry having failed in their fecret deiigns, and being beaten. What has their being baffled and beaten, (which they fo delicately exprefs as the prefent fituation of their affairs) to do v/ith the juftice of the foundations of the war. Is freedom of provincial legiflatioii in all cafes of taxation and internal policy, more benefal to our ozvn country, and more Jafe to all par- ties than parliamentary interference and controul, becaufe the Miniftry are beaten ? Are free requifitions preferable to any arrangements calculated to form a parliamentary revenue, only becaiife the Miniftry have been foiled in their attempt of eftablifhing an indepen- dent revenue for the Crown ? No ! There is no coherence in the argument of fuch wretched pleas to qualify their guilt. Tiie blood of thoufan'^s of their fellow creatures, wilfully and premeditatedly flied in an unjuft caufe, w^ll be required at their hands, who thus proclaim to all mankind, that they have not fcruplcd to facrifice the beneficial in- terefts of their country, and the fafcty of its dependencies, till they had Liken their full Itretch of vengeance, in their attempts to deftroy, and to lay waite, to the utmoft of (heir malig'/ant power, the lives, liberty, property, anci all the rights of mankind. — When men are once '•"'merfed in wilful and premeditated crimes, the more they ftruggle the deeper they plungi , every word that proceeds from them, betrays tlieir confcious and • uurepcnting -HKpHlpnilJI 1 I. i<.(l I .iT»' W ( -9 ) onrepenting guilt. Thus it is with thefc fliallow, qualifying words, the prcfent fituat'fon. of ufairSf which are but the flimzy palliauves of confcious guilr, but too furcly they betray the malignant nature of that abundant Ilore from which they proceed, and that it is neceffity, and not remorfc, which has extorted the conceffion. If the difgrace of Minifters had been the whole of the matter, there wculd have bcco but little caufe of regret 1 but unfortunately for us, the irretrievable difgrace o-f having waged a cruel war, for unjullifiabk and dellru6live ends, is fixed upon our cut i ' ry, by a public avowal upon principle, that the terms ofrere;' by A ncrica in tie year 1774, be- fore the war, ought to have been accepted as foundatio '^'' peace, from tlieir own intrinfic equity and merit, as being more beneficial to our own country, and more fafe to all parties. \>:n thoufand proclamations after this will never fct us, in the opinion of mankind, upon the ground.of juftice in this conteft. The truth is plainly this •, when the Minillry had loft their objefts, dominion and the fign manual, they fct rio value upon the prcfxts. Their cloak then became troublefoin-r, and they threw it away. Could there poflibly be any doubt that the real objecls of die war have been dominion and the f'g:! manual, th'-s proclama- tion would clench convi6tion ; for had the often fible objects of the war been the real ones in the view of minilters, the concefTions which are now made, as upon the reafoii and juftice of t\£. cafe, might as eafily have been made at the time when thefe very term? • were offered in the 4th refoiution of the congrefs of the year 1774. If indeed the llied- ing a deluge of human blood be a matter of indiffeience to Minillcrs, they have b, t lit- tle to regret ; for if they tiad been fuccefbful in the utmoil degree, even to ivduce Ame rica under their feet, the argument of the proclamation declares, that they would have voluntarily furrendered every oftenfible object of the war ; which fcrews up the vhlemma clearly to this alternative, either that this war of unexampled barbarity and devallation, was carried on by the Miniftry for no motives at all, 01 that the real motives wciv dii- ferent from thofe which were held out ollenfibly. Dominion, and the fign manual, have been thofe motives, thus purfued in blood. What retnbutiori {hall now be thought due to America, for all the blood of theirs which Minifters have cruelly and wantonly (lied, and for all the devaftation which the\ have committed to the utmoft ftretch of malignant fury '^ If tiie magnaniirity an*? juftice of the Britiih nation be not extinguiflied j if the agonies of childlcfs parents* tlie f'^^folation of widows and the tears of orphans, can touch the feelings of their heart; if the bitter woes of cruel and unmerited injuries, committed upon the defccn- dants of their own blood, can move them to vindicate the violated rights of liumanit\-. againft the devices of wicked Minilleis, and evil counfeliurs; if the ties of comtr.tui intereft and conianguinity were ever dcir to them-, or if the renewalof fricntllhih ai.cl fraternal afledion be ftill grateful to their hearts-, hear the luft and juft appeal of America. " When will our Britifli Brethren open their cars to the cnlls of i-ifticc an;! ^) r'e "caufe of humanity? In vain have we applied to them, to gviaal the:n .-.tjaii.It the ".'1 m ,^f y M ( So ) ** infidious arts of an \dminiftracion, as treacherous in their defigns upon them, as pruel « and vindictive in their ads towards us. All our remonftrances have been reprefented " as faftious and Icditious, and have been perverted to difguft by thofe very Minifters, " whole malignant defigns they were intended to difcloie. But the reality of the " truths contained in them ftands now confeffed. The conteft has been fevere to " us, but the dark defigns of thofc wicked Minifters have at length been defeated " and the redemption of Britifh as well as American liberty, has been purcliafed at " the price of our blood. The common enemy is overthrown ; and in the rage of " che difappoiiitmer.t, they have confcfled their guilt. They have now openly avowed " by public proclamation, that the pretended objefts of their purfuit, would not even have " been beneficial to their own country, nor fafe for its dependencies. Why have you " not believed us, when we have adVertifed you of thefe things, before they were thus " cruelly written and recorded in the charadlers of our blood ? We have repofed the *' higheft confidence in the generofity and good fenfe of the people of England. We " have known that it has been the craft of your Minifters, to urge on their own fccret and " fanguinary defigns,, throu_^h the inftrumentality of a parliament, over which they ♦' have obtained a moft uncontroulable afcendant. They have perfuaded the Britifli " nation to diftruft our moft earneft appeals, to rejeft our petitions, and to turn afidc " from our affeftionate applications to them, with the moft unfeeling indifference. " Yet we may with confidence appeal not only to our words, but to the whole tenor " of*our adions for proof, that, from the very outfet of this conteft with your Miniftry, " whom we have always conftdered as our open and your fecret enemies, we have ftudied " in every part of our condud, to preferve inviolate, the national connedion and " afFedion between us. Your Minifters may have perfuaded you to diftjelieve thofe " profeffions of affedion and attachment which we have made perfonally to you i '• yet if thefe things had not really been fo, why ftiould our own Congrefs have been " fo earneft to remind the people of America of thofe affedions, and to cultivate in " them, the continuance of fuch fentiments towards the parent ftate ? Hear the words " of thefirft Congrefs in the year 1774, in a memorial addrcfled to their conftituents " the people of America, giving an account of the motives which had regulated " their confultations and condud." * Regarding with the tender affl-dion which we ' knew to b.': fo univerfal among our countrymen, the people of that kingilom from ' wliich we derive our origin, we could not forbear to regulate our ftcps by an expec- * tatioM of receiving full convidion that the colonifts are ecjually dear to them. B - * tween thefe provinces and that body, there fubfifts the focial band which we ardently ' wilh may never be diflblved, and which car.not be diflblved, until their minds i\u\i * become indifputably hojiile, or their inatlention ftiall permit thofe who are thus hoftilc» ' to perfift in profecuting with the powers of the realm, the dcftrudive mcafures already * operating againft the Colonifts ^ and in either cafe (IkUI reduce the latter to fuch a fitu- « ation, that they ftiall be compelled to renounce every regard but thatof felf-prefervation.' 3 " Thefe ( 8r ) " Theft were not the hoJlow and infincere profcfTions of wliich we have been, " falfcly accufcd, but the truefl: teftimonies of national finccrity an^l attachment. *' Thefe were the efFufions of our hearts, in the trying hours of danger and dilmay. " Can you find in thefe words, the machinations of defigning leaders, and ambitious " dc nagogues, praftifing upon their credulous country, the infulious arts of deceit, (o "■ well known to BriciHi Minillcrs ? Would men of this defcri[)cion, and with tii^ de- " figns imputed to them by your Minidry, knowing a tender aftcclion towards the * parent ftate to beuniverfal among their countrymen, have thus cheriHied it in the * fond eypeftarion of an equal return ? Would they have recommended to thrir " country the mMt perfevering attachment to thofe principles, until they fhould be " reduced to fuch a ftuation as to be compelled to renounce every regard but that " of felf-prefervation ? Have your Minifters afted in the fame fpirit of reconcilement " of moderation and forbearance? Have they interpofed the peaceful offices of " mediation to palliate mutual offences, to abate refentments, and to co rpofe ani.no- "■ fities ? Have they beei the blcflcd peacemakers, or have they not been falfe calum- " niators, excitors of jealoufy and difcord, and the remorfelcfs Minifters of dark " and fanguinary revenge ? Did they not njcct our petitions unheard, and cafl: us out " from the national protce'tion, thereby driving us to the reluftant neceiTity of inde- " pcndance ? Were they not tlie firit to avail themfelves of foreign alliances, and to " introduce unfeeling mercenaries into this civil conteft, while we had refrained from *' calling in the aid of thofc powers, who were the natural rivals of your grandeur ? " Have they not profecutcd, with all the powers of the realm, every deftruftive meafure " againft us, thereby compelling us finally to renounce every regard, but that of felf-pre- "• lervation ? In addition to all this catalogue of erinics and cruelties, they now proclaim *' before the whole world, that they have done all thefe things, knowing, at the fame " time, t^hat the avowed objefts of their purfuit were not even beneficial to their own " country, nor fafe for its dependencies •, thus infuling their country, and deriding its " credulity, for lendi ig themfelves to their unjuft and fecret defigns. All deception " is therefore now done away. Then let the Briti'h nation roufe themfelves, and vin- " dicate the national honour and juftice. Here let them lay the corner Itone of a '* nati. nal reconcilement with America. War can have no Ihadow of a pretext now, " but henceforth muil become mere revenge. Let the people of Great Britain Itep " forth and arrell the bloody hand of undifguized revenge. Let this be the firll " pledge of future reconcilement, and the token to us th it their minds are not indif- •' putably holtile. All that is now left in their pr-wer to do, can anynintbut to a poor " recompence for thofe numberlcfs miferies, which, ihicugh their inattention, a Britifli " Minillry have been fuflxi^redto heap upon our devoted heads. L.tt it not be recorded of thole who have been the aflertors of the rights of mankind, and who have vindi- cated the violated laws of juftice aguinil the Minifters of ty.'ants, that ihcy ftiould knowingly, and with their eyes open, fuller their own Minifters to proceed in the X violation ' •::il il n t\ ■■"ftl l lli UW 'll , I i„ iuu,. •i-'irr mil if ( 8j ) " violation of all the rights of mankind, on the lives and property of their own bre- " thren and defcendants, after a full and acknowledged conviftion. Be once nriOrc '' yourfelves again, and let juftice lay the foundation-ftone of peace." But who can give us aflurance that thefe are tioiv the fentiments of America ? I reply that you (hould require that account at the hands of your Minifters. That thefe have been the fentiments of America, I have juft now given you the proofs-, and I am confidenr, from the general fentiments of my country, that the apprehenfion of their being no longer fo, is, on our part, not unattended with regret. If then our country does but entertain a fccret wifli, to be refcued from a part of thofe evils, into which tl'.eir MiiiiRers have plunged them ; if they are prepared to receive temperate counfels* and to abandon the fuggeftions of falfe pride, and dark revenge, which their Mi- nifters are at this moment fecrctly inftilling into their ears, the moft diftant chance which can be fuggeftcd, for reftoring the ftate of national affairs, may be entitled to a difpadlonate and calm difcufTion. I do not mean to fpeak in any degree as defponding oi the reftoration of national affairs, under wifer counfels, but lamenting, that whatever change of fyftem may henceforward take place, or what- ever reverfal of paft meafures may now be decided upon, yet, that all future reme- dy mud come too late, to reftore the thoufands of lives, and the millions of pro- perty, which have been facrificcd to the cruelty and pride of Minifters ; or to efface the regret of my country, for having entrufted the powers of the realm, to the moft deftruftive purpofes, into fuch falfe and faithlefs hands. Thnt no confideration of national interefts has animated the Miniftry in any part of then meafures, is no lefs evident in their conctflions ro America, than in their condudlof the war. The furrender of all the beneficial interefts of their country, under the acl of navigation, appears to liave been totally fpontaneous and voluntary on the part of the Miniftry. There is not tlie U'.ift fti.ulow of an attempt to bargain for any equi. valcnt concelTion. Under what claulc of the conciliatory acl can this conduft be juf- tified? The furrender of parliamentary taxation is jiiftified fj^ecially under an adl for that purpofe. The offer of perfcil freedom of legiflation, and internal government, is juftificd by an aft of parliament, evidently leading 'hat way, by die repeal of the Maffachufets charter aft of the year 1774. But witii refptft to the aft of navifration, no inftruftions given by Miniftry to the Commiffioner, can bcjuftified, farther than to authorife tlK-m to treat and coniult, and after fuch treaicy and confultation, to come to any com -^ifewhiili may be neceffary in their judgment and dii(:retion. Unfor- tunately fo, ihis aft of navigation was not a minifterial intereft, it was only a national on' The Miniftry faw very clearly that no objefts were furrendered by this their iudden and voluntary concefilons of the aft of navigation, which were in any degree worthy of their attention ; only fuch trifles, as the navy of England, the ho- nour of the Britifti flag and name, the commerce, manufaftures, revenue, and land- rfiwts of the country, our fift)eries, foreign poffeffions, and domtftic fecurity j objefti, which I ( 83 ) which according to their cftimation, are not to be held in comparifon with the right of appointing governors in America, or the fign manual. I confefs to you that the lofs of this aft of navigation, is a gloomy topic witli me, whenever I ftumble upon the recolleftion of it. I do not know whether I fhould fay too much, if I were flill farther to confefs, that it is the only Britifh intereft in America, which I ever took to my heart -, but it is gone, irrecoverably gone, and hadi not left its fellow behind; though minifters knew not the value of it- I give but little credit to the good will of Minifters, for the pretended relaxation of their conduft towards America ; but 1 flatter myfelf with tiie beft profpefts of fome national reconcilement between the two countries, from the ready and univerfal acquiefccnce of all ranks of people in this kingdom, to the fyftem of concefTion and accommodation, which has been lately profefled by the Miniftry, and which has been fincercly patronized by the public. We are fo fir upon the road towards a national reconcilement, that this country has univerfally declared in favour of an amicable ne- gotiation with America. But ftill there is one rub, which however in my opinion, appears by no means infurmountable. I mean the alliance between America and France. I will endeavour to hy before you what I conceive to be the ftate of the treaties between thofe two parties, and to diftinguifh fuch parts of thofe treaties, as may remain, confiftently with a national reconcilement between Great Britain and America, from fuch other parts of them, as muft neceflarily berelinquiflied, before that reconciliation can take place. There are two treaties lubfifting between them, which h.ivc been announced to the public, by the declaration of the French Court, and by publication of the American Congrefs, viz. a treaty of commerce, and a treaty of alliance. As to the former, the niofl: ftrenuous advocate for the rights and interefts of this cmntry, is no longer entitled to make objeftion unlcfs it fhould contain any exclu- five articles. The Comminioners under the conciliatory afts, have made on the loth of June, 177H, a forma) furrendcr of all the beneficial intcreits of their country under the aft of navigation, by the words " To extend every freedom to trade which cur refpec. tive interefts can v quire." The condition expreftcd in the propofition does not refer to any mutual, combined, or united intereft, but to the refpeSihe intereft of each party, and therefore amounts to an abiolute conceftion. Again, in the proclamation which I have commented upon, in the farmer part of this letter, (bearing no date in any printed copy tliar I have (i:ei\, but appeai iiig by the context to have been iflTued in the latter end of June, 1778) they i.onfirm this furrcnder as more beneficial to our own country tfian " to ri drain the trade of the Colonics." 1 fere the words ftand fimply and unqualified by any reference whatlo^ver. Again, on the 26th of Auguft, 1778, the ComniifTioners reciting in a declaration of that i.ite, the extent of the offers inade by themfelvrs to the Congreis, confirm this offer in the following words viz. " To extend every freedom to trade ■" generally, and without any words of conftruftion or hiv.itation. Therefore the furrender of the ad of navigation is public, abiolute, and uncondiii'jnal, \m 'I'M M ■m ii 1 ( S4 ) vnconditional, through the hands of CommifTioners, afting under an aft of parlia- ment, and according to the inftiuftions given to them from the Adminiftration. This minifterlal furronder of the acl of navigation, as executed in form, under the concili- atory afts, amounts to a national ratification of the commercial treaty between America and France. For this country cannot claim any right to refcind any oj)en commer- cial treaty entered into by A;Tieric;i, having diverted themfclves of all their right and title to oppolc any luch treaty, by the general and unlimited concefTion to America of extending every freedom to trade. Your legal attornies have publicly and folemnly ratified that aft, under national autliority. Minifters in this unconditional furrender of the act^of navigation, luvc; cut ofl' tlie right hand of their country, and we mull fubmit. There is noicdrefs. As to the treaty of alliance between America and France, I conceive it to have been on the part of Ameeica, a rcluftant aft of fclf-defence ; and on tlie part of France, 1 con- ceive it to have been an abi'olute and direft violation of the laws of nations, with re- fpecl to Great Britain. On this latter ground, I tliink my country has a right to de- mand that this alliance be rclinquiflied on the part of France. And if I can fliew caufe to believe, that on the part of America, it was an aft of reluftant neceffity, I fhall liopethat this conclufion maybe then juftified ; that the hearts and wifhes of America would readily concur in peace with Great Britain, upon the terms of the relinquifhment of the treaty of alliance, I mean on the part of France. For undoubtedly they them- felves will never make a facrificcof their honour by breaking a treaty contrafted in their neceflity, how much foever they may regret that necefTity. This treaty, which is now become an alliance between America and France, appears, when it left Europe, not to have been a treaty of alliance, but a treaty oi eventual alliance. My j)roofs of this are, firft, from the declaration of the French AmbalTador, M. de Noailles, on the i ^th of March la'l, in which he fays, that the plenipotentiaries of France and America have ligned a treaty of fricndfliip and commerce, but without Oipulating for any cxclufive advantages for F^rance^ and he adds, that the King of France has in confequence taken eventtuil meaiures in concert with the United States of North America. Again, Monfieur Gerard, who was appointed by the court of France to actend upon tliis treaty in its paflage to America, foon after his arrival, on the 6th of Augull, 1778, introduces it to the Congrefs with thefe words, " The hoftile defigns of the common enemy have " given to enga;:t "leuts pure'ty eventual^ an immediate, pofitive, permanent, and indiflblu- *' ble force." On the fame day the Congrefs return their anfwer in the following words ; " Wc ardently wifh to flieath the fword, and to fpare the flirther effufion of blood ; " but we are determined by every means in our power to fulfil thoit eventual eni^a^emcnis , Sec.'* This eventual treaty v/as figned by the American Commiffioners at Paris, juft in than, period of time while they were kept in I'ufpence as to the nature, extent, intentions, or fincerity of tiie fuTipofed conciliatory propofitions which had been announced by the 4 Minifter. ■i^ ■•1:. ( 85 ) Minifter three months before. Thefe conciliatory propofitions Were ftudioully with- held, while the Miniftry were iifing their utmofl: endeavours to raife 15,000 men from Scotland, Mancheftcr, &c. and to plr.ngc the nation into the general adoption of tb.e war, by entangling private individuals in fubfcriptions of money, to be put ducftly into the hands of the Crown, unconnededly with Parliament, for the purpofe of fupporting the authority of Great Britain over the rcheUioits Colonics. Such were the terms and ob- jedls held our for thefe fubfcriptions. But when the bills therafelvcs made their appear- ance in parliament, which was not till after this eventual treaty was f gned, their contents were found to be an abfolute furrcnder of all the authority of the Parliament of Great Britain over the Colonies, What then is the charge againlT: this evi'ntiid treaty ? It is t'^.is that America, with an evil mir.d, engaged in, and contented to, a treaty of alli- ance with France, having the fullcfl reafon to be confident, that every polliule conceflion ncceflary towards ellabliiliing a fafe and permanent peace, would be made ? Upon what grounds were they to conclude this ? Did the Minifter declare that he was preparing a bill for furrendering every claim of parliamentary fupremacy over the colonies, viz. par- liamentary taxation, parliamentary controul, and the aft (f navigation ? No! — Were they to conclude that the Miniftry in the cabinet were meditating this univerfal furren- der of all the authority of Great Britain, from their public and well-known condudV, in em- ploying all their partizans abroad, with the utmoft: fury, to engage in private fubfcriptions the frienJs to their King and Country, in erder to fupport the authority of Great Britain over her rebellious Colonies F Surely fuch condudlon the ])art of the Minifl:ry could not juftify the conflrudion of any fuppofed amicable and pacific difpofitions towards America. The only authentic manifeftation of the minifterial intentions, was conveyed through the King's fpeech, at the opening of the preceding feflion of Parliament, on November 2oth> *777> ^vhich declared the neceffity of preparing /or fuch farther operations of zvar, as the ohjiinacy of the rebels might render expedient. The addrefles of the two houfcs of Parlia- ment exprefled their full fatisfaftion and concurrence with fuch meafures. Could it then be cxpedted that the Americans fhould conftrue all thefe concurring teftimonies of the continuance of hoftile meafures, as fo many pledges that minifters intended to relin- quifh hoftility, and to proceed by the road of conciliation Cind unlimited conceflion ? It is an infult upon the underftiandings of mankind, to pretend, that an explicit declaration of war from the throne, is to be confidered as a fiction, preparatory to the furrender of every parliamentary claim of legiflation and fupremacy, and of every beneficial intereft; of this country. No one can expeft that the Americans fliould have refigned themfclves with implicit confidence, in thefincerity and good faith of a Minillry, who in every public aft of their own and their partizans, difcovered the certain and unequivocal marks of dupli- city. However, under all thefe juftifiable caufes of fufpicion, they ft:ill did not run head- long into an aSiual ixe^iy of alliance with France ; as long as the terms of the conciliatory propofitions were undivulged, and as long as the mode of the negotiation, carried any pre- tence of being conduftcd unconncftedly with force of arms, they refufcd to bind their Y 'Tountry I ■•.■■;-ir ' "f /, / ( 86 ) country to an aBual alliance ; but tliey tranfmitted to America a treaty purely eventual which was to receive pofitive and permanent force, upon the continuation of ho- flile meafurcs and defigns, on the part of the Britifh miniftry towards America. It is therefore the Britiih Miniftry again, who have given the ratification of force and cffedt, to this eventual treaty of alliance, while the Americans feem, on the other hand, to have been reluftant, to the very laft moment, to ftiut the door to reconciliation. It is no fecret, that the court of France have aded a cold and unfriendly part to- wards the Americans, till they had, by their own exertions eftablilhed their own caufe. There are three millions of people in America as fully convinced of that propofition, as the commilTioners themfelves, who call the Interpofition of France infidious. The fame three millions of people are equally convinced, that there is no other unfurmountable ob- flacle to a national reconciliation with Great Britain, but the fatal interpofition of a Britifh Miniftry, more infidious than the court of France: and, lam confident, that of all the mil- lions of people throughout the French dominions, without excepting the Minifter him- felf who figned the eventual treaty, there is no one who is unapprized or unconvinced of thefe truths. It is folly to fuppofe, that recent, reluftant and felf-interefted obliga- tions, on the part of France, fhould take full and inftantaneous poffeffion, of the hearts and afTei^ions of three millions of people in America, to the exclufion even of regret upon the lofs of ancient hereditary connections and fraternal confanguinity. But there is no road left open for a pacific interviewwhich might lead to reconcilement. There is a Britifh Miniftry polTefling every avenue, and interpofing fire and fword. The catalogue of obligations from the court of France towards America is yet but recent, and little more than a blank. It is the Britifh Miniftry who, by every thought, word and adt, are labouring to fill up the blanks of that catalogue. It was the continuation of the war againft Ame- rica, after the oflfer of the conciliatory bills, which firft gave force and effedt to the eventual alliance with France ; and therefore it is the farther profecution of the fame hoftile and vindidive meafures on the part of the Minifters of this country, which alone can drive America ftill clofer into the arms of France, and cement that alliance for ever. In the whole condud of America, there is univerfally the mark of reludant neceffity. If an alliance with France had been their original choice and preference, they need not have concluded an eventual treaty. Obferve another incident upon the arrival of this eventual treaty in America, which curforily may appear a triflfj light as air ; yet, to my i'.idgmcnt, it bears the mark of deep impreflion — Monf.' Gerard, who attended on the part of his own court, as the anxious candidate for this eventual alliance, introduces it in terms denoting his triumphant fatisfadion : " The connedions formed by the king " my mafter, with the United States of America, is fo agreeable to him, that he could no longer delay fending me to refide among you, for the purpofe of cementing thofe eventual engagements •w\i\chh?L\'Q2iC(]\\\xtA immediate, pofitive, permanent and indijjbluble " force." — The Congrefs return their anfwer in terms of firmnefs and conftancy, but nor jt triumph — " We lament that luft of domination which gave birth to the prefent war. 4« il ( 87 ) " war, and hath prolonged and extended the miferies of mankind : we ardently wiih " to fheathe the fword and fpare the farther efFufions of blood ; hut we are determined *' by every means in our power, to fulfil thofe eventual engagements which have acquired ** pofitive and permanent force." They acknowledge that the eventual engagements are become pofitive and permanent^ but upon the terms immediate and indijfoluble, they are filent ; they neither exult in the one, nor declare their afTent to the other. If any one does not fee in thefe features, the fecret tokens of kindnefs and remaining regret, {yC' teris veftigia flamma) I think it muft be owing either to dirilrefs of apprehenfion, or to unfeelingnefs of heart. I will now enumerate a few plain propofitions, of which I hope that I have given fuf- ficicnt proof : firft, that the people of Great Britain and America are well difpofed to- wards each other, and towards national reconcilement ; Secondly, that th^ conduft of America in the negotiation of the eventual alliance, carries evident marks of reludlance correfponding to that limited obligation, which they acknowledge as due to France, for having affifted them in the campaign fubfequent to the convention of Saratoga -, making abatement, for the coldnefi and ineiBcacy of their profeflions, during the campaign of 1 777, when their affairs v/cre at the fevertft trial. Thirdly, that America is defirous of peace^ or to ufe their own words in the'- anfwer to Monf. Gerard, ardently wijhing to Jheathe *be fword and to fpare the farther effufton of blood. In correfpondence with this wifli ' America for peace, Monf. Gerard declares, on the part of his court, in his addrefs to .he CongreC^ that the procuring peace to America is the obje£l of the alliance. Upon l\..:k grounds, 1 think, without any deep refinement or refearch, onefimple propofition offers jtfelf, which is, To withdraw the Britiih fleets and armies from America, and to make an ofit, of peace to America, upon this condition. That the eventual treaty of alliance fhall be relinquifhed on the part of France. Who will make any objeftion ? Not America ! For if independence an< peace bt their objefts, it can be no grievance to them, to beeman- 01^ "ited from any deper ■ ce upon France, and to be releafed from that eventual treaty into which they have entered th fo murh apparent reludlance. Will France objefl ? In their hearts I believe they will •, hut I think they will be at a lofs for loane fpecious pretext. Will they lay to their new allies, w'lom they treated with coldnels and negledt till after the convention of Saratoga, " We know mat you ardently wifa to floeathe the fword, and ** to fpare the farthc -.ffufon of blood, but we refufe the condition required on our part " for the elt.iblifl:iment if your peace, althoui'i our minifter has declared in our name " to Congrefs, that your repofear d peace were the objects of that alliance; you iiave in- *• curred the penalty of the bond, and we will not relax. We are frelh for the conteft *' of war. You have endured much. Let the Britiih Miniftry continue their ravages *' of fire an:^ I'word throughout your country, if it be thc'r option, as no doubt it will ** be. E'venifO engagements are become pofitive and permanent, and they Ihall remain *' indiffoMk.' if that fliould be the language from France to Amerit let it work. 4 Ihs V I ■ u *i'.' J.i. •t r ^. '^. i;^. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I ^ Ki 112.2 S lit "^ 1.8 L25 i 1.4 i 1.6 6" — Photographic Sciences Corporation 'i3 WIST MAIN STMIT WfN*TI!» N.Y (45M ( 716, li .'2-4903 \ iV ^, ^^ o o^ r. f f' ( S8 ) The very adherence to the treaty on the part of France, muft be a breach of the funda- inntal principle of it ; viz. peace to America. There is noevafion from this dilemma. i. the court of France rclinquilhes the treaty of alliance, the Gordian knot is untied; If they refufe, It is cut. So much for this treaty of eventual alliance. But we are not upon folid ground yet. Minifters are groping and undermining {lill. The Parliament fhall not confent. Tax- ation is gone; legidation is gone-, the aft of navigation (to my bitterefl; regret) is fur- rendered. But Minifters have ftill a pretext left. This pretext has not yet received a name. It is Ibme equivocal creation between dependence and independence, which is obfcurely and vaguely hinted at, on the part of the Commiffioners, in all their proclamations and negotiations with the Congrcls, and fuppofed to be neccflfary to fomething, which they call an utiicfi of force. This ambiguous thing, v/hen dragged out into day-light, will prove to be neither more nor lefs than a fcheme to plunge the nation into three or four more campaigns, at the the additional cxpence of thirty or forty millions, the farther lofs of thirty or forty thoufand of our fellow fubjedls, the general devaftation of America to the utmoft ilretch of minifterial rage, and the final objeft, fuppofed to be attaihable by thefe means, is fliled an uftior} of force. The truth is, that this miott offorce^ which is infinitely more defireable than the dependence of any one nation upon another, might be within our reach, if we would adl wifely and confiftently. But our Minifters are flriving to lead us in this, as they have done in every thing elfe, to the total deftruftion of the very obje6l which they pretend to purfue. An union of force with any nation, can only be fecured by obtaining the good will of that nation : and therefore the principles of a fcederal alliance, founded -ipon mutual affeftion, common intereft, and common confent, mu^ be the only folid bafis for an union of force. Mutual affeftion and com- mon intercfts will bind two nations together, to every effeft of an union of force^ whether they be independent of each other, or one of them dependent upon the other. Obferve the courfe of the reafoning on the part of the Commiffioners. They fay to America, in a letter to Congrefs, dated July 13, 1778, " We are not inclined to dilpute with you " about the meaning of words, but fo far as you mean the entire privilege of the people " of North America to difpofc of their property, and to govern themfelves without any " reference to Great-Britain, beyond what is necejjary to preferve that union of force., in ** which our mutual Hifety and advantage confifts, we think fo far their independency is *' fully acknowledged in the terms of our letter of the tenth of June." The paflage thus alluded to in the letter from the Commiffioners to Congrefs of the tenth of June, is their offer " To eftablifti the power of the refpe<5tive legiflatures in each particular fta^e to fet- *« tie its revenue^ its civil and military cftabliflimcnts, &c." The Commffiioners after this proceed to ftate argumcntativcly tlic grounds and principles upon which this union of force is to be eftablifficd. " In the mean time we aflTure you, that no circumftance will give " us more liitisfadlion, tlian to find that the extent of our futmc connexion is to bede- " tcrmined on principles of mere reafon^ and confiderations of mutual interej^y on which we ■ '"^ll*- i .'f' ( 89 ) " we are llkewife willing to reft the permanence of any arrangements which we may " form." If I can underftand any courfc of reafoning, this amounts to a virtual abdica- tion of American dependence, and reduces the whole point to the principles of a fcedtral alliance. The force of a nation is the command of its men and money. The Britifh Commiflloners have fully acknowledged the independence of America over their revenue and militaiy eftablilhments, which are the only branches confpiring to any union of force ^ therefore they have given U' the article of independence, as far as relates to an umon of force : by that ceffion they have cut off all the claims of this country over the common force, except what fnall arife from the common intereft and common confent of the par- ties. There is therefore no way left to effedt an union offeree between the two couiitriee, confiftent with the folemn furrender to America, of the rights of the purfe and of the fword, but upon the principles of focderal alliance. If I could have lad my choice of all the arguments in the world, to fupport the prc- pofition of giving an offer of peace to America, upon the condition of the eventual treaty of alliance between France and America being relinquiflied, I would have taken thofe very arguments, from the letter of the commilHoners juft now cited. The Commiffioners have, to every fubftantial effeft, fully acknowledged the independence of America. The propofition, therefore, which I have ftated, is only fupplcmentary to this, viz. If Ame- rica is to become fubftantially independent of Great Britain, let them be independent of France and of all the world. Agreed, fay the commiflloners, if we can but fettle this point of the union offeree : and all that w^e require is " that the extent of our future con- *' neElion (hould be determined upon principles o( mere reafen, znd confiderationsofww- " tual intcreJl,on which we are likewife willing to reft the permanence of any arrangements ** we may form." The anfwer then is fhortly this : If America, as the condition of peace, can prevail with the court of France to relinquifh the eventual treaty of alliance, they will then be free to a»S as the principles of mce reafon, and as the conftderations of mutual intereft fhall guide them, which is all that the parliamentary commillioners require. The Commiflloners have, in the moft argumentative and in the mofl explicit manner, abdicated every other claim, and reft all future conncciion with America, and ihe perma- nence of any fuch future connexion, upon the confiderations of mere reafon and mutual interejl. What then have we left to fight for ? Every national intereft, and all parliamentary claims, have been relinquifhed by Minifters long ago. Even that ftumbling- block, of independence is now fwept away. Minifters do not contend, on the part of their country, for any future claim of rights over America. The urmoft extent now propofed by them for any future connexion with America, is to be determined upon principles cf mere feafen and confiderations of mutual interejl^ If thefe are their real principles, why have they not, and why do they not proceed upon the broad and ftraitroad to peace ? There muft be fo.ne lurking motive which we have not yet fathomed. That lurking motive is ftill oneand the fame which has guided thei' counfclsand coundudl in every thought, Z word V'ill I ■' M i.iiiir ( 90 ) (( (( (( «( « M'nrd and deed. They are ftill hankering, to the very laft expiring ftruggle, after that ftnly unconquerable and everlafting attachment of theii hearts, dominion under the royal rame. A very few words to fupply the context, will make the whole fyftem perfectly intel- ligible. Parliament, indeed, iliall make an abfolute furrender of the purfe and of the fword to America, faving and refcrving to the Crown, the command over the money and men of America, as neccflary to an union of force. This fubftitution of the Crown is no ftrain iijion rhe conftru<^ion ; it is always tacitly underftood, unlefs it be expreflly relinquiflied. It emerges, of courfe, upon any queftion of executive or foederal powers. I will now quote to you the words of a proclamation of the Britilh Commiffioners in America, in which (without even a tranfient thought of Parliament) they plead very pathetically ft)r the re-admiffion of royal prerogatives into America. You may then judge whe- ther I have given an unfair or uncandid conftru nor that peace which they have fo infidioufly fimulated. Until they (hall reftore their country to honour, fafety, and peace, they will have no title to fccurity againft its future rcfentments. I fljall now conclude this long chain of fafls and arguments, which I have endeavoured to arrange and to difcufs, according to the beft of my abilities, in the order of their con- nedlion and dependance upon each other. Arguments which are founded upon fafts of deep, and national importance, can never be uninterefting in their refult. If I have in any degree been fuccefsful ia arranging thefe fafts and arguments, towards any refult which may facilitate the reftoration of peace, and of national reconcilcnrient between Great Britain and America, and to the eftabli(hment the honour and permanent interefts of my country, it is the utmod limit of my ambition. The fafts and arguments which I have ftated to you are of fuch interefting importance, as will, by their own weight, claim you^ moft ferious and confiderate attention. I have nothing therefore now left, but to entreat for myfclf your candid interpretation, and the continuation of thofe favourable fentiments, for which I am already fo deeply indebted to you. Believe me, to be a lover of my country, 4 friend to peace, and to the rights of mankind. . • ■' .. , '\ . • ;,-;.. I am. T/.. •I \ .f ^K.,~V.A-.\ with the greateft refpcd and confideration. Gentlemen, your moft obliged and faithful humble Servant . *» ' I to the Right Worjhipful the Mayor ixnd Corporation^ To the Worjhipful thi JVardens and Corporation of the Trinity-Hotifey i - AND to the wortiy Burgejfes cfthe Tozvft ^Kingston upon Hull. rr^, !r..;.rJ-fec- Sodbury, Qff^2o, 1778. ^^i*Ji^^ ' /■■• a •-t --i.^ % .J:^. £-■*£ ■a% '^1