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' > -' H O USE OF C Q M M O N S, On TUESDAY, Dbcbmbe* 16, 1788. Containing, the S^««c HI « of Mr. pit T, Mr. F 6 X, &c. &c. w 1 T li ^ Corre<3; List of the Division thereon. 'M 1 -"^^ FOR JOHN 8TOC!;DAtB» OPPOSITE BURLlNOtOM-ljOWE, PICCADILLY. MDCCLXXXVIIU f 1 \ 1' .'iM;,;* I i i: i^ ■i '. *; I* ■ '0 r:^... ' \ ; 11 1*» ■ *. ■f I ^ IN THE DEBATE HOUSE OF COMMONS, On Tuesday, Dec. i6th, 1788. AS foon as the Chancellor 0/ t^e Exchequer had taken his feat, he moved, that the Order of the Day for ** the Houfe to refolve itfelf into a Committee on the confideration of the State of the Nation," be read, which being done accordingly, together with the Order for referring the Report of the Committee appointed to take and report the examinations of the King's Phyficians, and the Report of the Con^roittee appointed to fearch for, examine and report Precedents, Sec. to the faid Committee, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved, *' that the Speaker do now leave the Chair," which having been on the queflion put, and agreed to, Brook Watfon, Efq. took the Chair at the Table. The Chancellor of the Exchequer be^an his fpeech with declaring, that the Houfe were^tKen in a Com- mittee to take into confideration the State of the Nation, under circumilances the mod calamitous and important that had ever befallen the country at almoft any period. It was then a century ago fince any thing of equal importance had engaged the atcentien of that A 2 Houfe. '•'"*■" ■ -■-■- •■-" m [( k I. [ 4 3 Houfe. The circumftance that had then occurred was the Revolution, between which, however, and the prefent circumftance, there was a great and eflential difference. At that time the two Houfes had to provide for the iilling up of a Throne that was vacant by the abdica- tion of James the Second ; at prefent they had to provide for the exercife of the Royal Authority, when his Majefty's political capacity was whole and entire, and the throne confequently full, although in fa£t all the funftions of the executive government were fuf- pended, but which fu^penfion they had every reafon to expeft would be but temporary. There could not, he faid, be bat one fentiment upon that head, which was, that the moll fanguine of his Majefty's phyficians could not efFeft a cure more fpeedily, than it was the anxious wilh of every man in that Houfe, and every defcription of his Majefty's fubjefts, that his cure might be effected, and that he might thence be enabled again to refume the exercife of his own authority. During the temporary continuance, however, of his Majefty's malady, it was their indifpenfible duty to provide for the deficiency in the Legiflature, in order that a due regard might be had to the fafety of the Crown, and the interefts of the People. The firft Re- port before the Committee eilabliihed the melancholy fadl, that had rendered their deliberations necefTary ; the fecond contained a colledlion of fuch Precedents, felefled from the hiftory of former times, as were in any degree analogous to the prefent unfortunate fitua- tion of the countjty, although he would not undertake to fay that ftill more Precedents might not have been found, yet fuch as tlie Report contained, would ferve to throw a confiderable degree of light on the fubjeft, and point out to the l^iou(e the mode of proceeding moli: •• ii ■|. ■•*t>* v?i. » i nBH( i M »i Jn i»>g.., j r «< l» i > u #>--^ ^r 7; Its, in :ua- lake leen ^rve [ing lOlt moll proper to be adopted. NotwIthHanding the mag- nitude of the quellion, what provifion ought to be . made for fupplying the deficiency, thei% was a qucftion of a greater and flill more important nature, which muft ■ be difcuiTed and decided firft, as a preliminary to their future tranfadions, with a view to the prefent exl> gency. The quellion to which he alluded, was, Whe* ther any perfon had a right, either to alTume or to claim theexercifc of the Royal Authority, during the incapacity and infirmity of the Sovereign ; or, whether it was the right of the Lords and Commons of England to provide for the deficiency in the Legiflature refult-. ing from fuch incapacity ? On a former day, he had ftated, that in confequence of an aflertion having been made in that Houfe, that a Right attached to his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales, as Heir Appa- rent to exercife the Sovereign Authority, as foon as the two Houfes of Parliament declared his Majelly, from illnefs and indifpofitlon, incapable of exercifing his Royal Funflions ; it appeared to him tc be abfo- lutely and ir.difpenfably necefTary, that the quellion of Right ought to be firfi: decided by the Committee, before they took a fingle ftep to provide for the defi- ciency of the third Eftate of the Realm. By the afler- tion of the exiilence of fuch a right, no matter whether a right that could be afliumed in the firil inflance, or as a right which attached after the declaration of both Houfes of Parliament, that his Majefty was incapable, a doiibt had been thrown upon the exiftence of what he had ever confidered as the moil facred and impor- tant rights of the two Houfes, and it became abfo- lutely neceflary for them to decide that doubt, and by fuch decifion afcertain whether they had a right to deliberate, or whether their proceedings muft be ex- ♦ , 9 ceedingly r " L ' ■■ I • t « ] ceedingly (hort, and they fliould have only to adjudge, that fuch a Right as had been mentioned was legally veiled in his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales. He mentioned the difficulty and embarrafsment that had been thrown upon their proceedings by the aiTer-* tion, that fuch a claim exiiled ; and although he wa« free to confcfs, that the alTer'-'ou had not been made from any authority, and that they had fince heard, though not in that Houfe, that it waj not intended that the claim fliould be made* yet having been once ilated, by a very refpeftable Member of that Houfe as his opinion, it was an opinion of too much import- ance to be pa/Ted by ; he defired it tc be remembered, however, that he had not ftirred the Queftion of Right origiaally ; if, therefore, any ferious danger were ac- tually to be dreaded by its being difcuiTed and de- cided, that danger and its conf;.^ .ences were folely imputable to the firft ilirrer of the Quellion, and not to him. Had the doubt never been raifed, an exprefs declaration on the fubjefl had not been neccfTary; but, as the matter flood, fuch a declaration mufl be made one way or the other. He begged, however, that it might not be imputed to him, that he was defirous of wafting time in bringing forward any abftra£l, or fpe- culative, or theore'.lcal Queflion. An abftraft Quef- tion, in his conception of it, was a Queftion wholly unnecefTary, the difcufTion of which could anfwer no end, nor could its decifion afford any light to guide and affift them in their proceedings. Of a very diffe- rent nature was the Queftion of Right, it was a Queftion that ftood in the way of all fubfequent pro- ceeding, the refolving of which muft necelTarily decide upon the whole of their conduct with regard to the prefent important bufinefs ; they were not free to de- liberate a I ^ '■ L>^ «.: • iV. Uti: *^?' -.•'IUNL: i ; f: ■■'■., •K [ 7 1 liberate and determine while the doubt of an exifting right or claim hung over their heads, they could not , fpeak intelligibly or to any purpofe until they knew their proper charafters, and whether they were exer- cifing their own rights for the fafety of the Crown and the interefts of the people, or whether they were nfurping that which had never belonged to them. On that ground it was, that he had declared the Queftion of Right not to be an abllraft Queftion, a fpeculative Queftion, or a theoretical Quellion. The firft in- formation the papers that had been referred to tho Committee afforded, was that which he fhould make the iirft refoluiion, viz. a refolution of fa£l, as the ground of thofe that were defigned by him t > follow it; i refolution ftating, that which the language of Ml his Majefty's phyficians afforded fuflicient proof of, that his Majefty was incapable from illnefs of coming to his Parliamv .t, or attending to any public bufinefs, whence arofe the interruption of the exercife of the Koyal Authority. To that refolution of faft, he con- ceived there could not be any objection, Hiv next re- folution would be the refolution of Right, couched in part in the words of the Bill of Rights, and Aating» ♦* That it was the right and duty of the Lords Spi- ritual and Temporal, and of the Hoiife of Com- mons, as the rightful reprefentatives of all the eftates , of the pe6ple of England, to provide for the de- ficiency in the Legiflature, by the interruption of the exercife of the Royal Authority in confequence of his Majefty's incapacity through indifpofition." He renewed his arguments in fupport of the claim of the two Houfes of Parliament, declaring that jinder the prefent circumftances of the country, it fyas his ^rm and unalterable opinion, that it was the ' " abfolute ■ \ # '''/ i. !. r 8 J abrolute and undeniable Right of the two Houfes on tiie part of the people to provide for the i-evival of the third eftate. He declared he would ftate the point at iffue between him and the Right Honourable Gentle- man oppofite to him fairly. He wifhed not to take advantage of any fliades of difference between them, but to argue upon the folid and fubilantial difference of their opinions. If he had conceived :he Right Honourable Gentleman properly, he had afTerted *» that, in his opinion, the Prince of Wales, as Heir Apparent, upon the incapacity of the Sovereign to exercife the Sovereign Authority being declared, had as clear, as perfect, and as indifputable a Right to take upon himfelf the full exercife of all the authorities and prerogatives of his father, as if his Majefty had undergone an a£lual demife." If it could be proved to exii^ by any precedents, drawn from hiftory or founded in law, or by the analogy of the Conftitution, he wifhed to have been told what thofe precedents were, becaufe in that cafe the ground would be nar- rowed, and the proceedings of the Committee rendered /liort and fimple, as they would have no power nor oc- cafion to deliberate; the only ftep they could take would be to recognize the claim of Right. That claim of Right, however, he flatly denied to have any ex- iftence, capable of being fuftained by fuch proof as he had mentioned ; the right of providing for the defi- ciency of the Royal Authority, he contended, relied with the two remaining branches of the Legiflature. He profefTed himfelf exceedingly happy to hear that a declaration had been made in another place from high authority, that the Right ftatcd by the Right Hon, Gentleman in that Houfe to have exigence, was not meant to be urged by a great perfonage. He faid, he came H n. ! V^ '. . ff' 'r» iiitf^-v ■f' Wj [ 9 ] came that day confirmed in every opinion, that he had before dated, confirmed in that opinion that no fuch Right or Claim veiled in the Prince of Wales, as Heir Apparent, to excrcife the Royal Authority during the incapacity of the Sovereign coi'Id be proved, neither from precedents drawn from hillory, nor from the law, nor from the fpirit of the Conftitution. He reminded the Committee that when the Right Hon. Gentleman iirll mentioned the Right of the Prince of Wales in this particular, the Right Hon. Gentleman had de- clared he was willing to wave the Motion for a Com- mittee to fearch for precedents, becaufe that he was perfuaded, and the Houfe muft allow, that no prece- dent could be found that bore upon the particular cafe of a Prince of Wales, the Heir Apparent to ths Crown, being of full age, and capable of taking on himfelf the exercif^ of the Royal Authority unde"- fuch circumltances as the prefent. There certainly was no cafe precifely in point undoubtedly, but though their Committee above flairs could not find a cafe precifely in point, they had furnilhed the Houfe with many precedents from which analogies might be drawn. He called upon the Right Hon. Gentleman oppofite to him to point out a fingle cafe analogous to the infancy, infirmity, or illnefs of a Sovcreijn, in which the full powers of fovercignty were exercifcd by any one per- fon whatever. If the right attached to his Royal Highnefs under the prefent circumftances, in the fame manner as on the demife of his Father, an Heir Pre- fumptive would lucceed a? perLaly as an Heir Appa- rent, and agreeable to that dodrine, thofe Precedents thar would attach in the one cafe, would attach in the other. For Precedents that were analogous, he would refer the Committee to the Report on the Tf ble, the B pre- ^ >*ii,^i-^ fjgmmmmm .:.'• ^ ^ 1 1 1 t 10 ] cedents in which, though they nitght not throw all the ^.!ght on the fubjedl that could be wilhed, certainly ten- ded to elucidate it confiderably. He faid, he would refer to fome of thefe precedents, and convince Gen- • tlemen that their refult formed clear, undeniable proof, that no fuch Right exifted as had been pretended. The firfl: Precedent was taken from the reign of Ed- ward the Third, when no Heir Apparent had claimed the exercife of the Royal Authority. The Parliament of thofe days, (whether wifely or not was no queftion before the Committee) provided a Council about the King's perfon to aft for him, a clear proof that they conceived the power exifted with them to provide for the exercife of the Royal Authority. • The next prece- dent was in the reign of Richard the Second, when Coanfellors were alfo appointed to exercife the regal Power. The third Precedent occurred in the infancy of Henry the Sixth ; at that time the Parliament were called together by the young King's fecond uncle, the iiift being Itill living, but out of the kingdom, an4 that Aft was ratified by Parliament, they not confider- ing it fuiHcient that it was done by the authority of the Duke, in that inilance, again, it was clear that the Regency was carried on by the Parliament. Thefe three inftances were the principal of thofe ftated in the Report of their Committee; fubfequent prfecedents would prove that no one indance could be found of any perfon's having exercifed the Rpyal Authority during the infancy of a King, but by the grant of the two Houfes of Parliament, excepting only where a pre- vious proviiion had been made. Having thus far mentioned the power of Parliament du.ing the infancy of a King, he faid he would next fiate their power during the King's abilnce ; and if '\r\ ' ' ' ' ■ • ' ihaj 1^ l'^ ■PPI mrnmmmm ...iwrnmnmrnmn'im that cafe it rtiould be aflerted, that the Heir Apparent had a Right to excrcife the Royal Authority, let the Committee confider how that afTertion would (land. It had been faid, that in the majority of fuch cafes» the power had been given to the Prince of Wales. If fuch cafes could be adduced, they would, he owned* be cafes irf point ; but then to prove what I To proves that fuch Heirs Apparent poffefled no inherent right. If a right exifted to reprefent the King, it muft be a perfeft and an entire right, a right admitting of no modification whatever, becaufe if any thing ihort of the whole power were given, it would be lefs than by Right could be claimed, and confequei tly an acknow- ledgment that no fuch Right exifted. But could any fuch cafes be pointed out ? By a i-efsrence to the An- cient Records, it would be found that the Cujlodes Regni, tit Lieutenant for the King, had never been invefted with the whole Rights of the King himfelf. The powers given to the Cuftodes Regni had been different under different circumltances ; a plain and manifeft inference thence arofe, that the Cujtodes Regni did not hold their fituation as a Right, but by appointment. The powers of beftowing benefices, and doing other afts of Sove- reignty, had been occafionally given to the Cujioa'es Regni, which (hewed that their powers had been always fubjeft to fome limitation or other. After dwelling upon thefe proofs, that no Right to reprefent the So- vereign in his life-time had ever exilled, as far as our Records could teftify, he obferved, that in modern times Lords JuUiceb had been frequently appointed to the exercifeof foverejgn authority, during the relidence of a Prince of age in the country. ' ' Another inftance that occurred to him was, where the exercife of Royalty had been interrupted by fevere B a illnef«. > 7" !•■ 1 ■/ # -'^^, [ 12 ] ' 'V il'nefs, and which appeared to him to be more a caft in point than any other to the prefent melancholy mo- ment ; this was the Precedent of the reign of Henry the Sixth, where the Heir Apparent was not of full age J it would then, to fupply the dcfeft of that Pre- cedent, be neceflary to have recourfe to the principlei of the Conflltution, and to the laws of the land; ic would be found, that though the Parliament of that day provided for the moment, that they were not con- tent with fuch provifion, but that they looked forward to the time when the Heir Apparent fhould attain full age, granting him a rev»rfionary patent, the fame pre- cifely with the Regent's, to take place when he flioald come of age. Thus, though they provided for allow- ing him at that period more confiderable powers than they had fufFered him before to polTefs,' they had ftill not granted him the full powers of Sovereignty, but had made fuch limitations that proved their moil poii- tive denial of any Right exifting. That inftance, though a iingle one, and where the Heir Apparent was not of full age, was fufficient to fhew the fenfe of Parliament in thofe days, as much as if the Heir Apparent had been of full age. If no precedent contrary to thofe he had Aated to the Committee could be advanced, he fliould prefume that it would be evident to the Committee, that no Right exifled with an Heir Apparent, or an Heir Prefumptive, to affume the functions of Royalty on the temporary incapacity of the Sovereign, nor any Kights but thofe delegated by the two remaining branches of the Legiflature. He fcrupled not there- i.;e to declare, that no pofitive law, nor no analogy from any law, iould be adduced to fupport the doftrine of Right. A record had indeed been quoted elfewhere (allvtding to the Houfe of Lords) to prove that the King !i'*'tl * *l,l [ 13 1 King and the Heir Apparent was one and the fame perfon, and that it followed of courfe, that on the incapacity of the King, the Heir Apparent had a legal and clear Right immediately to exercife the fame powers that the King had poHefled ; but there was a different opinion held of that record, by perfons of great eminence and authority in the law, and by their opinion, a far different conclufion was drawn fr'^m the fame record, the metaphorical expreflion of which was not to be taken literally. \ \ ; Another opinion which had been darted was, that if Parliament had not been fitting, that then the Prince would have had a right ^o affume the Royal Authority, and fummon Parliament ; that he alfo exprefsly denitd, Thofe, he faid, who were like him Handing up for the Rights of Parliament, and through Parliament for the Rightsof the people, were peculiarly fortunate in one particular : they were as fortunate as mofl of thofe, who had truth and juftice on their fide, generally were ; for little was left them to do, but to controvert and »'-uercomt their antagonijis, hy Jlat'ing to them, and com- paring their own arguments and aJJ'ertions, made at dija- rtnt timet, and as the occajion fuitcd* . It had been faid clfewhere by a learned Magillrate, (who had chofen to force his own conilrudlion on their filence,) that our anceilors, if they had entertained any doubt of the Right of an Heir Apparent, would, in their wifdom, have provided forfo polTible a cai'e as the prefent. So far from leaving it to that learned Lord's wifdom to interpret, it mull, he faiJ, be believed by the Com- mittee, that they would have provided for it in plain. ■% * See a pamphlet juftpubli died by StockJaL*, intituled •« Psli- TICAL Blo$som3 of the RigLt Hon, Charla Jama Fox." 4 di/tiua, ,}, --»>»-^,,^vA, H«* - li* - ?.• diftindV, clear, and cxprefs words, and would fiot have left it liable to be differently underllood, as diiFerent men chofe, for different reafons, to fay it ought to he tindefftood ; the wifdom of our ancellors, however, he conceived, was better proved by their having faid no- thing upon it, but left fuch a queltion to be decided where it ought to be decided, whenever the occafioil required it, by the two Houfesof Parliament. That the Committee might affert the fame, he meant, in the Rcfolution he Ihould offer, to quote that dodtrine from the Bill of Rights, and affert that it relied witk the Lords and Commons as the rightful Reprefenta- tives of the people, if the contrary doftrine was (o, evident that it mull be true, if the Heir Apparent, or Heir Prcfumptijve, had a clear right to affumc th« Royal Prerogatives, on the interruption of thofe powers, he faid» he defired to afli every Gentleman in the Com- tnittee, whether they would wiih to adopt fuch a doc- trine as a doftrine applicable to the f^fety of the Crown, which had been long glorioufly worn by his Majefly, and which it was the ardent, the fmcere wifh of his people, he might long continue to wear, until it fhould in due time, and in a natural manner, defcend to his legal and his illuftrious Succeffor. ile deprecated the idea of avoiding the difcuffion of what limitations might be neceffary for enfuring the fafety of the Crown on the head of its prefent Poffeflbr, on account of the many virtuous qualifications of the Prince, or out of refpeft to any other motive whatever. It would not have been wifdom in our anceftors, had they faid, that the care Of the perfon of the Sovereign ought to be veiled in the Heir Apparent. He hoped in this decla- tation not to be mifundoiflood, for he was ready to acknowledge the greatell and bell qualities in the pre- fent r— .» [ 'S ] ftfnt Heir Apparent ; but he would rather prefer what lie faid to be mifreprefenied in any manner, and any where, than facrifice the duty he owed to the fafety of his Sovereign, and to the interefts of the people. The Right Hon. Gentleman oppofite him had faid, on a former day, that his Royal Highnefs had as clear a right to the exercifc of Sovereign Authority, as he would have had in cafe of the naturaJ demife of the Sovereign, and that he conceived the prefent to be a civil death. Could the Committee confider his Ma- jefty's indifpofiiion, which was not an uncommon cafe, and generally but temporary, — could they conceive that his Miijefty had undergone a civil death ? Kc was fure they would not. If fuch a thing exifted at the prefent moment, as a civil death, his Royal Highnefs would immediately afcend the Throne, with the full exercife of Royal Prerogative, and not as a Regent j for a civil death, like a natural death, was permanent. He • ftatcd, from Mr. Juftice Blackllone, that there were but two cafes in which a man could undergo a civile ^eath ; the firft of which was, his being banifhed from the realm by procefs of common law, or by his having entered into religion, and become a monk profefTed, thereby taking himfelf for ever away from all fecular concerns. The firft was an aft which cut off a criminal from all fociety within the realm, and the other was the voluntary aft of retiring from the world. Woul4 any man pretend, that either of thoft; caies was ana- logous to the prefent unfortunate incapacity of his Majefty ? Would any perfon fay, that his Majefty had by procefs of law been difabled, or by his own volun- tary aft rendered incapable of wearing the Crown ? Would they affert, that afts of perpetual difability were analogous to the vifitation of God, a ftroke in* ilftc4 \ 1 ^. I r 'A •>■, -i [ i V- r n L-i [ i6 ] flifted by the hand of Providence, which might, and probably woulii, b^ but temporary ? Could it be pre- tended, that fkfy oaght to be adduced as adls to prevent his Majpfty from in future exercifing thofe powers which he had never forfeited, which he had never re- nounced r— After having' advanced fo much in contra- didion to the Claim of Right, he believed no one would think of aflerting it. -The only quellion then was, and to which what had paiTed before was but pre- liminary. Where did the right exifl? If no prcvifion in precedent, in hiftory, or in law, was to be found for the cxercife of fuch authority on the difability of the Sovereign, where was it to be found ? It was to be found in the voice, in the fenfe of the people : with them it reded ; and although in extraordinary cafes, in mofl countries, fuch an event as the calamity they all deplored would have gone near to difTolve the Con- ilitution itfelf, yet in this more happily tempered form of government, equally participating the advantages, and at the fame time avoiding the evils of a Democracy, an Oligarchy, or an Ariftocracy, it would have no fuch effedl ; for though the third eftate of the Legifla- ture might be deficient, yet the organs of fpeech of th» People remained entire in their Reprefentatives, by the Houfes of Lords and the Commons, through which the ff nfe of the people might be taken. The Lords and he Commons reprefented the whole eflat€s of the people, and with them it refled as a Right, a conftitu- tional and legal Right, to provide for the deficiency of the third branch of the Legiflature, whenever a defi- ciency arofe : they were the legal organs of fpeech for ^ the people, and fuch he conceived to be the true doc- trine of the ConlHtution. He faid, he would not merely ftate thefe as his own opinions, but he would flatc ^'^^' as-Nj* ^■r I uuLwviuv^.ip «p«.ui.|i I n«^i \ — "ip;^- -T-'^TTUT^V, ■ '^■ t >7 ] ftate them to be the opinions of thofe who had framed the Revolution ; who had not, like the Committee, to provide for the interruption of regal powers while the thron'^ wa? full, but to fupply the deficiency of the third branch of the LegiHatare, which was wholly vacant. Whenever the third branch, however, of the Legiflature was wholly gone, or but fuffered a fufpen- fion, it was equally neceffary to refort to the organs of the people's fpeech. Agreeable to the laws of the land, to the records of Parliament, to precedent, and to the conftitution, the political capacity of the King, except in cafes of abfolute forfeiture of the Crown, wai always confidered as legally entire ; and during that political capacity, according to the fpirit of the Con- ftitution, if any natural incapacity ihould caufe a fuf- penfion of the Royal Authority, it then relted with the remaining branches of the Legiflature to fupply fuch defedl. In every proceeding of the Parliament in the reign of Henry the Sixth, they had a£led upon fuch power, and declared who, and in what manner, the Royal Authority was to be exercifed, for and in the name of the King. In that reign, the Duke of Glon- cefter claimed the Regency, and applied to Parliament for the fame as his right ; but the anfwer of Parlia* ment to fnch claim was, that he neither had by birth, nor by the will of his brother, any right whatever to the exercife of the Royal Authority. They, however, appointed him Regent, and intrufted him with the care of the young King. Here was an inftancc of the Claim of Right having been aftually made ; and an inftance likewife that it had been fully decided upon by the then Parliament, that neither from the law of the land, nor from precedent, any fuch right exiftcd. The Rights of Parliament were, he faid, congenial with C the l^, '^fi- I .8 ] t;' H'i [■*"' i ■'V- U: '' the Conftitution, He referred the Committee to every analogy that could be drawn from the principles of the Conftitution, and the onljr Right, he faid, it was clear, would be found to exift in Parliament, —a Right capable of fo efFedtually providing for the deficiency of th<( third branch of the Legiflature, as to enable them to appoint a power to give fandlion to their proceedingSj in the fame '. nner as if the King was prefent. Ai (he power of tailing the Throne refted with the people at the Revolution, fo at the prefent moment, op the fame principles of liberty, on the fame Rights of Par- liament, did the providing for the deficiency reft with the people. He declared, he felt himfelf inadequate to the great talk of ftating the rights and privileges of the Conftitution, and of Parliament ; but he had made it app.ear,^as plainly as he could, tha^ no . Right exifted any where, to exercife the whole or any part of the ^oyal Prerogatives, during the indifpofition of the Sovei-eign. He had alfo proved, that, from the necef- fity of the cafe, it refted with that and the other Houie of Parliament, to provide for the deficiency in the LC" giflature. He fuppofed, that doubts might be ftatedj as to the propriety of coming to any deciiion on the. c[ueftion, and thai; he might be charged with having ftirred notions dangerous to the ftate ; but fuck quef- tion!!, he begged it to be remembered, ie had not ftirred. When queftions concerning the Rights of the people, the Rights of the Parliament, and the intereft of the nation, were ftarted, it was neceftary, if the Houfe had a right on the fubjed:, to exercife that right ; it was their duty, it was a matter that could by no means be lightly given up. If it was their duty, in the prefent calamitous ftate of the nation, to grant ppvyery they ought to knour ie,m they granted fach power: KSfM»" ^hr ^ ■«mm^-j 1^ IK, l|l>* ( 19 ] ' power: they mart decide cither in (He nianiier of A choice> or as aAIng judicially to recognize a Claim of Right; and if they recognized foch claim, it would be an acknowledgment that they had no power to de- liberate on the fubjcft. If they did not come to fome . deciHon, they would confound their own' proceedings, and it would be highly dangerr us to pofterity in point of precedent ; they were not, therefore, to confulc their own convenience. He remarked, that originally the Claim of Right had been aflerted by the Right Hon. Gentleman in ftrong and lofty terms, but that the tone had been fince fomewhal lowe:ed. He noticed ' a declaration that had been made elfewhere, of no intention of aHerting a Right; but it had been made in words, and there was no parliamentary ground to go upon, that a Right would not be, at fome future period of our hiftory, attempted to be either afTumed* or aflerted. He declared, he could fee no poflibility of the Committee proceeding a fingle ftep further, without knowing on what kind of ground they pro- ceeded, and therefore it became indifpenfibly necefiary to have the Queftion of Right decided. The danger of the queftion originated in its having been ftirred, not in ita being decided. The danger of the ftirring would be done away by the decifion ; but the leaving it undecided, and equivocal, would be highly dan>- gerous. The decifion of both Houfes could be at- tended with no diflention ; but if the Right of Parlia- ment was not confirmed, the meafures of both Honfet would be imputed, he feared, rather to motives of per-' fonal intereft and convenience, than to a due regard for the intereft of the country. The meafures he meant to propbfi;, were dictated from no other mo^ivea than an anxious defire, in conformity to his duty, to' C 2 provide c ■"4 -, --■WWM^«**^l*'*-»*»* ^>It»l1 [ ao ] , provide for the fafety of the King, the Rights of Par- liament, and the interefts of the People. The Right Hon. Gentleman in the courfe of hia fpeech took notice of the opinions fiated by a noble : Xord in another place, in contradiction tp hisaflertion, ^ that the Prince of Wales bad mo mart right to ajumt tbt Rtgtnej) than any ether indivUual fuhjeSI. He faid, he nnderftood that in arguing that matter, fome very ex< traordinary modes of reafoning had been reforted to. Among other proofs, that the Rights of the Prince of Vfales were different from thofe of other fubje£ls, it had been faid, that the Prince of Wales was in an old Record quoted by Lord Coke, pronounced one and the fame njuith the King. Thefadt certainly was fo, but to draw from fuch a circumftance, an argument, that the Prince had a Right to exercife the Sovereign Autho- rity under the prefcnt circumftances of his Majefly's unfortunate incapacity, was an inference fo (nonilrous, that he ftiould think he deferved cenfure for fporting with the gravity of the Houfe, if he fuffered himfelf to treat it with any thing like ferioufhefs. In truth, a very different conclufion might be drawn from the \vhole of that Record, the metaphorical language of . which was not to be taken in a literal fenfe, in that or any oiher point of (o much importance. Another portion laid down at the fame time and in the fame ' place, was, that the Prince of Wales, as Heir Apparent, %nd being of full age, could aflume the exercife of the Sovereign Authority, if his Majefty's infirmity had occurred when Parliament was not fitting, but that dodtrine had been fo exprefsly contradicted in that Houfe by the Right Hon. Gentleman oppofite to him, when the fubjeCt was lafl agitated, that it was needlefa Ipr him to fay a fy liable more upon it. A third arga- \. J " ,. ,• nient ■.X.-,:*i: 't I of Pm- of hii ^ a noble aHertion, %Jfunu the faid, he very ex- erted to. Prince of ibje£ls, it in an old ne andtht fo, but to , that the rn Autho- Majelly's [nonIlrous« >r fporting sd himfelf In truthj 1 from the mguage of fe, in that Another \ the fame Apparent J -cife of the rmity had , but that !d in that ite to him, as needlefa liird argu- ment [ II 1 ment urged in fupport of the Prince's rights was, that* Prince of Wales, when he came to the Crown, could fue outanexecuiion as King inacaufe in which he bad ob- tained a judgment as Princeof Wales. But what was there in that ? The reafon why the Prince of Wales ^ad thia advantage over otherfuhje^ls was obvious, if the fon of a Peer, whohad maintained a fuitin the Courts in Weftr miniler Hall, and obtained ajudgment, fuccceded to his father's honours before he had fued out an execution, he could not fue out an execution without previoufly iden- tifying himfelf, and convincing the Court that he woa the fame perfon who had profecuted the fuit, and obtained the judgment. And why was not the Prince of Wales obliged to do the fame \ For this plain rea- fon, the Courts of Weibninfter Hail are held in the Dame of the King, and therefore in hit own Courts, it mull be a matter of notoriety, that on the demife of the Crown, the Prince of Wales had fucceeded to ir, and become King : But were thefe arguments multi- plied ten times over, what did they prove \ Merely that the Prince had rights of fome fort or other, pe- culiar to himlelf ; but did they prove, tbat he had a right toexerciie the Sovereign Authority on his Father's incapacity, without the confent and declared approba- tion of the two remaining brancnes of the Legiflature ? No more than a proof that a man had an eitate in Middlefex, was a proof that he had another in Cora- wall, and a third in Yorkihire. In fadl, all thefe ar- guments put together, regarded and confidered with a reference to the point in difpute, viz. Whether the Prince of Wales, as Heir Apparent, had a right to exfrcife the Sovereign Authority, during the Incapacity pf his Majeily, were fo irrelevant, fo foreign to the I , , Qutftion, • \ ^iiSit '■■w m r " ] Qjeftion, and fo p»!rfeftly tbfurd, that they were not to b« relied on as Law, tvtn f they came from iht mtuth of a Judgi. In a fubfequent part of his Speech, the Chancellor of the Exchequsi, talking of the flroiig and lofty aflfertion that had been at Aril made of the Right of the Prince of Wales, as Heir Apparent, to mjfumi theexercife of the Sovereignty faiJ, :1.4t do£lrine had been ritraQed, — he begged to retra£l the word, not retraced, but difavowed. This reminded iiim of the Precedent in the reign of Henry the Sixth, during which the Duke of Oloucefter quarrelled with the BiOiop of Winchefter, which difagreement rofe fo high, And was carried fo far, that at length the Duke brought s crittiinal charge againft the Bifhop, accufing him of having in a former reign advifed the Prince of Wales (afterwards Henry the Fifth) to aiTurae the Sovereign Authority in the life-time of his father, Henry the Fourth. Though this charge, if proved, would have been High Treafon, the Bifhop defired that it might goto the Judges, andjthe validity of it be enquired into. The quarrel, however, was compromifed on grounds of perfonal convenience, and the charge never came to a legal decifion. Towards the conclufion of hit fpcech, after having eftabliflicd the right of the two Houfes of Parliament to provide the means for fupply- ing the defeft in the cafe of the King's incapacity to exercife the Sovereign Authority, the Chancellor of the Exchequer took care to imprefs the Houfe with a convi6tion, that if they had a right they had alfo a duty, and that a duty, which neither their allegiance nor their affeftion to their Sovereign would allow them to difpenfe with. It was their duty at this time not only unequivocally to declare their Right, fo that it might xemaia afcertained, and beyond the poflibilit/of all queftion .*i,*ni^«i- ■"Vfj.'iji'l'i iiiftiiigigiliSMfc, i iiii r njifi i :j o." [ »> 1 . qucOioD hereafter, and be fecared to poUerity, bat to proceed without delay to exercife their Right, and provide thff means offupplying the defeft of the ptr- fonalexercife of the Royal Authority, arifingfrom hit Majefty's Indifpofition. He reafoned againft the pro- bability of their decifion either cau/ing adiAention be- tween the two Houfei of parliament or producing any mifchievous confequeace* of any kind. Oo the con- trary, if the Right were not declared as well a< decided, it would appear that the two Houfei had mad* a com- promife unbecoming themielvea, and had aAed upon perfonal motives rather than a due regard to the true interefis of their Country. The CkaiKiUar of tit fxeitfiur here read kif two Rcfoiutions, aa follow ; and after he had read the two, he moved the iirft, which was agreed to lum. eon, I. That it is the opinion of this Committ^, '* That his Majefty is prevented, by his prefent in- difpofition, from coming to his Parliament, and from attending to public bufinefs, and that the perfonal ex- ercife of the Royal Authority is thereby for the prefent interrupted." . ^ '*^iu ip eoijj;^ -iv i" kt^'{nfff>:v. . JI. That it is the opinion of this Committee, J''" -' «• That it is the right and duty of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of Great-Britain now a/Tembled, and lawfully, fully, and freely reprefenting all the eftates of the people of this realm, to provide the means of fupplying the defedl of the perfonal ex- ercifc of the Royal Authority, arifing from his Ma- jelly's faid indifpofition, in fuch manner as the exi- gency of the cafe may appear to require." -' ^■ Refolved, *' That for this purpofe, and for maintaining en- tire the Conflitutional Authority of the King, it is neceflary •-?srm^^ .^ ^"^^"IP k [ 24 ] neceiTary that :he faid Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of Great*Britain, ihould determine on the means whereby the Royal Aflent may be given in Parliament to fuch Bill as may be palTed by the two Houfes of Parliament, refpediing the exercife of the powers and authorities of the Crown, in the name, and on the behalf of the King, during the continuance cf his Majeily's prefent indifpofition." The Mafter of the Rolls followed the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and began upon the legal view of the qucftion with declaring, that till within the laft ten days, he never had heard of there exifting any right in his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales, either to alTume (as it had been firft ilated) or that attached (as it bad been fince explained) upon the declaration of the two Houfes of Parliament of the temporary incapacity of the Sovereign to exercife the Royal Authority during fuch incapacity. Sir Richard quoted a great variety of legal authorities to prove the reverfe to be the fait. He calleJ upon the learned Gentlemen of his bwn profeilion to point out the flatute that cont.'^ined any recognition or declaration of fuch a right's exiltence, or any law-book whatever, and he referred to feveral ftatutes and law-books that were likely to have noticed it, if any fuch right had exifted, but which were all' of them completely filent on the fubjetit. Sir Richard alfo obferved upon what had fallen from a Noble and Learned Lord in another place, liift Thurfday, refpetting tiie Prince of Wales and his Majclly being deemed one and the fame perfon in a particuhir reco'd. He faid he had read the Record, and he explained to the Houfe what its fubjeft was, by quoting an extradl from it. After a great deal of legal dif:uflion, Sir Richard con- fidered the precedent in the reign of Henry VL and rcafoned .•tr. 'iJ- ^ n il I I I ii mm ii n i *~^,. mm^v [ 25 ] reafoned upon it, laying great ftrefs upon its pointel analogous reference to the prefent cafe. Before he fnp down, he declared, he had no doubt whatever, but that it was the Conftitutional Right of both Houfes to provide for the interruption of the Royal Authority during the continuance of his MajeHy's illnefs. Sir Richard fpoke very refpeftfully of the Prince in the courfe of his argument, and gave it as his opinion* that the bell way to teftify a proper refpe£l for his Royal Highnefs, would be by deciding in favour of the lights of Parliament, on the prefervation of which the wel- fare of the Crown, and the interefts of the people, (o eflentially depended. ,' • , v';-j. < Mr. Loveden profelTed himfelf a llrong friend to unanimity, thinking it a mod defireable obje£l to be attained in the condud of the prefent truly important proceedings. Mr. Loveden begged to be permitted to aik the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer two queftions ; one, whether by the Refolutions that had been juft read, he meant to preclude his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales from being Regent and fole Regent ; the other, whether by the words towards the end of the Right Hon. Gentleman's fpeech, relative to motives of private intereft or convenience, the Committee were to underfland, that fuch Gentlemen as would not fubmit to vote for the Refolutio^, would have their votes imputed to private interelt and private convenience. The Cbanteller of tht Exchequer faid, he fliould be exceedingly happy to give any Gentleman the fuUeft fatisfaftion, if he aj.peared to have mifunderflocd any part of what he had faid. With regard to the firft of the two qucftions, vi:i. Whether he meant by the Re- foiuticQS to preclude his Royal Highnefs the Prince of D Wales '.:*■ 1 I » > 'Si C 26 ] W«Ies from being Regent, and fole Regent ? hf ^be« lieved Gentlemen knew, that he bad on Friday laft very fully intiinated his individual feotiments on the fubjecl, and had declared, in exprefs terms, iiat it wo/, in hit 9piniei$, highly deftreahltt that nubaUvtr fart of the rigal pcmer it tuas ntctjfary Jhauld beexerci/id' at aU, during this unhappy interval, Jhould be With regard to the Hon. Gentleman's conceiving that he had faid, thofe who would not fubmit to vote for the Refolutions, would have their votes imputed to motive) of private intereft and convenience, he fliould bo heartily alhamed if he could have been indecent enough to have been guilty of fo much rudenefs to that Com- mittee, or any individual members. In mentioning the coaftruftion the world might poffibly put upon their conduct at that moment, and under the peculiar cir- cumflances of the cafe, he had faid, that if when th« efTential conditutional rights of the two Houfes wero quellioned and doubted, they refufed to vote Reiblu- tions that would decide upon them, and infure them to their pofterity, they would render themfelves liable to have their conduA imputed rather to motives of perfonal intereft and perfonal convenience, than to a due regard of their duty, and that attention to the honour and iafetyof the Crown, as well as to the pre- Arvation of their own clear and invaluable Conftitu- tional Rights which they owed to the country and to thfjaftlves. , . ' '■ Mr. » If w t *7 1 Mr. Baftard faid, he had no view la riling, b>C mtttlf a wi(h to promote the poblic good i he rofe^ therefore, without looking to the right or to the left, cquaHy indifferent to both parties, earneflly to intreat Minifters before theyprelTed the Committee to come to a vote on the Qjieftion, to confider the confequences it might poffibly produce. He prof *ed himfelf anxiouily defiroas that there (hoald be nnanimity in the progrefs of fo important a bufinefs ; and by uoanimity he did not merely mean unanimity within thofe walls, bat unanimity between the two Houfes of Parliament. Should the Houfe of Lords decide differently from that, (iich confequences might arife, as he could not reflect on without horror. He afked what poffible ad- vantage could refult from prefling the Refolution ia its prelent form ? He had heard a declaration made in another place, from the higheft authority, that his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales never had made any Claim of Right whatever on his part, and that he felt too much fincere regard for thofe facfed Principles which had feared the Brunfwick family on the Throne of thefe Realms, ever to aflume or exerclfe any power. h iit claim what it might, not derived from the will of the people, expr-'ifled by their Houfe of Lords and the Reprefentatives of the people in Parliament aficm- bled. Why then fhould a Refolution be pre/Ted, where no claim had been made, and an afltirance had been given, that no claim would be made ? Mr. Baftard advifed the leaving out the word rigit, and confining the Refolution to the words, " that it was their dutj to provide," which, he faid, would, in eSeEt, anfwec the fame end, and at the fame time avoid the rifque of provoking a difagreement between that and the other Houfe of Parliament. He faid, at prefent he D 2 . heUevfd %■ i .^f -*^^ *' ■A-'fvf'' .,l*t.,- «**'• • -J^:i : i\ t t believed the Rigkt Hon. Gentleman at the head of tktf Exchequer, ftood higher in the efteem of' the people than the Right Hon. Gentleman on the fide of the. Hou(e on which he then fpolce ; he hoped to God, therefore, a regard to his own credit and the favour ia which he Hood with the public, would induce him to alter his Motion, and prevent the poiTibility of pro- voking that danger which he had defcribed, in the early part of his fpeech : he faid, he urged this the more earneilly as he faw not the fmallell poflible ad- vantage that could refult from preffing the Queftion, worded as it was, on the Committee^ , . ' Lord Nortb begged leave to rife thus early in the evening, becaufe he found the difculTion would keep the Committee i-tting late, and he was afraid that his infirm ftate of health would not permit him to flay much longer. He rofe not, however, to anfwer the Queflion of the Hon. Gentleman who had jull 'fat down, and who had aflced what poflible advantage could be ex- pefted from prefling the Queftion on the Committee ? For one, his Lordihip faid, he knew not what anfwer could be given to the Hon. Gentleman's queftion, be- caufe he faw no polfible advantage that could refult from it. On the contrary, he agreed with the Hon. Gentleman, that deciding the quellK \, might lead to confequences, which it ought to be their ftudy to avoid incurring ; it appeared to be a dangerous and pernici- ous queftion. Having defired to have the queftion read, his Lordfliip faid he felt moft objeflion to the fecond part of this queftion, though he likewifc felt much objection to the iirftpart as well as to the fecond. The RigKt Hon. Gentleman had faid, he was afraid, ■nlefs the Committee decided on that queftion, and that in. the way that he thought right, that the country wouIdF ' they had no power, they ought tnerefore immediately to proceed to fill the vacancy that unfortunately exifted, and not enter into a difcuffion of abftraft and fpeculative queftions, which tended only to diflenfion and roifchief. What good could arife from deciding the prefent qucftlon ? And if no good waa likely to refulc from.it, he hoped the Committee would go along with him in preventing the mifchief, and pro- ceed immediately to the bufinefs, the only buflnefs be« Ibre them> the filling up the third branch of the Le- ^ature. He faid, he would give his vote for filling up the deficiency without faying what the rights of the two Houfes were, or what they were not. An exprefa declaration had been made elfewhere, that it never waa the intention to urge the Claim: Where then exifted the danger to the Rights of Parliament when no plea was offered in bar ? He fuppofed, however, the queftioa MftLS only introduced to be over -ruled, and that, as they agreed as to the two great eflential points, the Right Hon. Gentleman was determined they fhould not proceed from the firft, to that which ought truly tabe the fecond, without feme altercation by the way. If there had been any queftion, as to who ought to be en- truded with the Regency f the Queflion of Right -might have been with fome plaufibility brought for-' Ward. They were unanimo'us upon the principle, why fiiould they fall out about the forms ? They ought to go ftrait to their objedl, about which they were all agreed. Another objeflion his Lordihip made, was this; the Motion, he obferved, called upon him to de- clare the Rights and Duty of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal. What right had that Houfe to interfere with the Rights and Duties of the other Houfe? In the econd part of the qoeftion he faw a projeft for paffing aBilU ^,,,.4*yv--.,;. ;_.^^; ^; -y^y,,-' j: ■ •I r 31 J « Bill, a projeft direAIyr violating tht faQdamental ' principles of the Conftitation, and which for that rea* fon he could not agree to. What right ha4 that Hoaft to make \wt% i To pafk a Bill, was to do an aft of Le- gislation, and to afftime into the hands of the two Houfes powers that did not belong to them ; powers that the Conftitution had placed in the hands of King, Lords, and Commons, in Parliament atkmbled, and in their hands only. The plain road of proceeding was eafjr and (hort ; proceed dlredly to nominate a Regent, and then when the third branch was reftored, and the Legiflature was compleat, they would become a Parliament perfeft in all its Conftita«> tional forms, and they might legally pafs any laws either of limitation, reftriAion, or of any other kind. Bat to attempt to proceed otherwife was to intrench on the prerc^atives of the Crown, while they lay at their mercy. His LordHiip faid, howerer refpeftable hb Right Hon. Friend's opinion were, it was making him of more importance than he would wiHi to have annejt- cd to him, to ground a public proceeding of that Houfe c> any opinion of his. His Lordfhip added a variety of other forcible and appofite remarks, and then moved that the Chairman ** Report progrefs and leave the Chair." Mr. Povoys ieconded the Motion of Amendment, and alTerting that in fo critical a moment as the pre- fent, every Gentleman ought to avow his opinion, proceeded fliortly to ftate, that he was adverfe to a de- claration of the Rights of that Houfe, when no claim had been made, that rendered fuch a declaration necef- {itj. Mr. Powys, in the courfe of his fpeech noticed the rafhnefs of afTerting, that the Prince of Wales had no more Right to the Regency, than any other indi- vidual fubjeft, and made feveral obfervations on the danger >. ■i- % i; hA ■ft -J, S;!' ? Gentleman's conduft hitherto had been fuch as to entitle him to the confidence and applaufe of his country, which had gained him a preference in the public opinion and wiflies to his opponent (Mr. Fox). He had rellored our commerce, and exalted the na- tional charafler, both of which were in a ftate of ruin and degradation when he was placed by his Sovereign, with the general voice of the people, to conduft the moft important trufts of the country. On the prefent occalion he appeared to be afluated by an anxious and ^ardent wifli to preferve the Rights of the Crown fafe and entire, in a moment of Angular calamity and mif- fortune, therefore his honell endeavours fhould have his moft zealous and Hncere fiipport. Mr. Rolle pro- fefled the higheft refpeft for the Prince of Wales, de- claring no perfon wiihed more fervently for his real fi intereft \ ,1."- fk i m f-\:^r- [a: JBi tW^'^'' mV '^'' /t1 Rp t 34 J intereft and happinefs than he did; notwithdandinf he would never allow him the inherent Right indepen- dent of the two Houfes, yet he was ready to admit that a Prince of Wales, of full age and capacity, was the properefl perfon to be appointed the Regent, pro- vided he had not by any illegal or unconftitutional aft forfeited fuch pretenfions. However brilliant might be his virtues, or illuilrious his charaAer, it ihould never fo far dazsle his eyts as to make him lofe fight of the duty he owed to a lawful and much be- loved Sovereign, and to the People of England. If the Prince fhould be the Regent, Mr. Rolle faid, he Ihould ever find him firmly attached to his true inte- reds, and ever loyal and dutiful to himfelf and fa- mily. When the great queilion comes, he would en- deavour to difcharge the great truft delegated to him by his cenflituents, to the befl of his judgment, faith- fully, and confcientioufly, without fear or partiality cither on the one hand or the other. The Attorney General then rofe and faid, thi:t as his. duty required of him, he had ufed fome induftry in looking into the fubjedl of the prefent debate, and had adverted to the arguments of the noble Lord, with the refpedl due to his ability and experience ; but he mufl: at the fame time fay, that the noble Lord's acute dif- ccrnment never appeared to him to have failed fo much as on the prefent occafion. The objedls which the noble Lord was anxious to attain, were the very ob- jects of the prefent motion— Expedition and conftitu- tional certainty. No lofs of time could be incurred by determining that it was the right and duty of the horde and Commons to provide for the prefent exigency ; on the contrary, that fuch a Refolution was a necen*ary foundation for all their future proceedings, as well as t* r "' 1 -■- - » ' : ■■; -f' ^■■ f i m ^i^y n ^ fi j^ I ,-»'^Vav*5~.»4^. ^'y^.v^^.'S^- . _W*-\i» *« -£.:„:v'' ■^ M'SifftVW'- . 7 «N [ 35 J to vindicate the rights of the whole community. He dcfired that the diftindlion between the feli/ie or official capacity of the Crown, and the natural and human capacity of the perfon of the King, might ever be kept feparate, for upon that diilinAion the whole rec- titude of their proceedings depended. The politic ca- pacity was invulnerable, the natural capacity not fo, The former required no fupply, the latter only unfor- tunately did. The mode in which the latter was in ancient times fupplied, Iny in fome obfcurity. Whe- ther in tender infancy the exprefpon of the King's will by his Great Sea! was directed by his Privy Coun- cil, his great' Council of Peers, or his ftill greAter Council of Parliament, was a matter of fome obfcurity« but 'hat it was fo manifeded is certain, and that mani- fef^ation by the Great Seal is proved by the Rolls of Parliament, uniformly to have been deemed necefTary. In what fhape it was to be manifefted in the prefent jnftance would be the fubjeft of future consideration. He admitted with the noble Lord, that to a£t, and not to determine abllraft queilions, was the duty of the Committee ; but that it was impoffible to confider the explaiu.ng the principles upon which the Committee afted tQ the Community at large, as an abftra£l qaef- tion, or fo to confider it, with a view to condiiftwhicha for the benefit of that Community, they were boasd to oy : That although the neceflity of fome government amongft hu- man beings is as apparent as that of food or cloathing, yet that the powers of Government mufl be derived from the Community at large, and that it mull be clearly and diilindlly fhewn, that they have parted with any fpecilic power claimed even by the Crown, much more by its fubllitute. The evidence of this could only be by ufage or written law ; and he challenged the Gentle- men of his own profeiHon to maintain, whether there €;(i(led one Angle document, diHumt or fyllable, which main- :i. ' .# •>«i rM [ 38 ] Ihaintained the prefent dodrine, and whether there did not exift the moll profound authorities to the contrary. He then enlarged upon the feveral fpecies of pro- perty, in order to Jhe- ^ that nothing could bs derived fionx analogy to them, whether it confifted of perfonal or real property, of ohices, or dignities, which could fupport the argument againft the prefent queilion. He then conjured the Houfe not to Jkulk from the real and fubftantial queftion of their Rights, under the fhelter of a fort of previous queftion, but manfully to recolle£t that they v ere themfelves afting, not for themfelves personally, but for the people of Great Britain, and for the fubjefts of the empire, from the higheft to the loweft. The Attorney General obferved, that the dead nience of the whole law upon tlub common law right of a Regent, was a ftrong proof that it was unknown. If there were fuch a common law officer, he aflced how our anceftors, wheu framing the Coronation Oath, the counterpart of the oath of allegiance, had not direfted that it fhou d be adminillered to Regents as well as to Kings ; wheveas, according to the doflrine of the day, a Regent was to ftep into the Throne without fuch pledge given to the people of the land for the enjoy- ment of their rights, civil and religious. This dead jllence as to common law right was however inter- rupted b', the powerful language of Parliament, when it granted a reverfionary patent to the Prince of Wales, then a minor, when he Ihould come of age. It feem^d as if this had been done to preclude any Claim of Right for ever, and hoped we fhould profit by that lefTon this day. Mr. Fox faid, after what had pafled, it wa . impol- fible for him to fit filent, although it had not been his intention to have troubled the Committee with much that '^■^ **f ,^f* J ' . •mm-am^lffwrr^ _:,wrm'^^rfinmm' ^■■m^Hiiiiiiuiiii n|^,^wi.i [ 39 1 that day; and indeed if he had thought it necefTary, after what th& Houfe had before heard from him oa the fubjc£t« to inter into any farther j unification of his opinion, which he did not, he was not from perfonal indifpoiition capable uf doing that juftice to its defence which he was fure it deferved. Not thinking it i.e- ceiTary to make fuch a defence, he fhould treat the quellion only in a collateral way, and thereforr (hould not have occafion to detain the Committee very long, nor was there danger of his injuring that caufe which he had engaged in, by uny deficiency of reafoning re- fulting from his pre'en^ bad ftate of health. After an exordium to this eS:'e(i, Mr. Fox faid, any man would imagine that from the weaknefs of the i rguments ad- vanced on the other fide, thofe who had ufod thofe arguments wifhed to provoke hira to debate the Jiigh of his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales to cxercife the Sovereign Authority, during the incapacity of the Sovereign. From the extreme futility of their reafon- ing, from the glaring abfurdity of their inferences, the falfe premifes that they had laid down, and the ir- relevant and inapplicable precedents which they pre- tended to rely on, they perhaps thought thQ he was an abfolute tyrant; in others the Barons poflefled it, and held both King and Commons in the mod ilaviih fubjedion; iometimcs the democracy prevailed, and all the oppreffioni of a democratical government were prafUfed in their fulleil enormity. No Precedent, therefore, drawn from tim^s fSa variable, where right and wrong were fo often con- founded, and where popular freedom had neither an exiftence nor a name, ought to be relied on. Amidft all the Precedents, he defired to know if they had found one of a Prince of Wales, of full age and fall capacity, who had been denied the exercife of the So- vereignty during the known and declared incapacity of the Sovereign? One of the Precedents the Right Hon. Gentleman had mentioned leant rather that way; he meant the Precedent in the reign of Edward the Third, where the Prince of Wales, though a minor, was declared Regent in the abfence of his father. With regard io what the Right Hon. Gentleman had Hated of the quarrel between the Cardinal de Beaufort and the Duke of Glouceller, was that at all in point to the cafe to which the Right Hon. Gentleman had [o invidioufly applied it ? What was that charge ?-— A charge that Cardinal de Beaufort had, in the reign and during the liftfrtime of Henry the Fourth, advifed the Prince of Wales (afterwards Henry the Fifth) to take upon himfelf tuc exercifeof the Sovereign Autho- rity. Was there the fraalleft degree of analogy be F twees M -i Wf mm fmwp '^m/F frnm I f t 42 1 * tween the illntfs of Henry the Fourth, and the known Caufc of the incapacity of our prefent Sovereign? Henry the Fourth was afflifted with a languor, the naturdl concomitant of agtf, and, in his cafe, the con- fequence of a fever, and long ficknefs i but was Henry the Fourth therefore incapacitated from the cxercife of the Sovereign Authority ? By no means ; he might not be able to meet his Parliament, but moil undoubtedly he was not difabled from executing public bufinefs of any other kind. He was in full poflcifion of his mental faculties, could iiTue his orders, and inilru£t his Mi> nilt'^'s, juil as well as he could do either in the fulled vigo. '"s youth. To advife the Prince of Wales, therefoi ^der fuch circumfiances, to take upon him< •felf theexercife of the Sovereign Authority, was to advife him to be guilty of High Treafon, and had the Prince of Wales been fo advifed, and followed the advice, he had no fcruple to fay, the Prince would have been guilty of High Treafon, and have fubjefted his life to forfeiture. It was no wonder, therefore, that Cardinal de Beaufort, feeling the weight of fuch an accufation, as that urged againft him by the Duke of Gloucefter, and knowing the ferious confcquences it led to, Aiould fuch a charge be proved agair.ll him, afted wifcfy in avowing his innocence, Handing upon his defence, and defiring that the matter might be referred to the Judges, that he might be purged of the guilt imputable to fo foul an oiFence. On the prefent occafion there had been, he obferved, two affertions of pofitive Right on both fides iheHoufe; on his fide, the aflertion of the Righ of the Princ* of Wales, being Heir Apparent, and of full age and capacity to exercile the Sovereign Authority during his Majelly's infirmity; on that of the Right I^on. Gen- tleman, ^^ 1.. Zi ',«4k^ tisammm T'P5W'l|IB|!«f!«3lW'f5*''J^. VB^ [ 43 ] • tlctnan, the afitTtion, that the Prince had no more Right to exercife the Sovereign Authority under fuchcircum- llances, than any other individual fubjeft. He did not underlland the invidious dignity he had been ex* alted to on this occafion* nor could he admit what ths Hon. and learned Gentleman, who fpoke lad, had been pleafed to lay fo much ftrefs upon, that any opinion delivered in that Houfe by To humble and infignificant an individual as himfelf, or by any Member of what, rank and degree foever, ought to be made the ground of a proceed i-jj of the Houfe. But fince the Right Hon. Gentleman was determined to make a perfonal Quellion between them, fince he condefcended to con* fider himfelf his Rival, u,\A chofe to have recourfe to his majority, 'why would he not try his opinion, and let the Queflion be, " That it is the opinion of this Committee, that his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales, being Heir Apparent, and of full age and ca- pacity, has no Tffore Right, to exercife the Royal Authority t during his M&jejly^s Incapacity y than any other indivim dual fubjea."" :(;• ■ ■' The Right Hon. Gentleman well knew, he dared not venture to fubjedt fuch a queftion to debate. He well knew, that with all his Majorities, he could not rifque it : he well knew, that if he could have fo far loft fight of prudence as to have hazarded fuck a quef- tion, notwithftanding his high charafter, and hia known influence within thofe \j(^lls, there would not have been twenty Members, vi-ho would have fupport- ed him in it. In faiJt, he well knew, that the moment he let fuch an opinion efcape his lips, it was execrated by all who heard it, and that it had been fince execrat- ed, by all who had heard of it, out of doors. What h^d been the confequence of this ? cqnfcious of bis F 2 error. ,j... '^ trT^fe- ' ' r.'jl"l i i «ii iifc i*" '-*>«**-.» j 'jfli^l mmm f [ 44 ] 'efrrtr, ind confcious that fo monftrous a doftfine as he had (afftred himfelf, in an evil hour, tb deliver, had revolted the public mind, the Ri'ght Hon. Gentleman liad ftiieed on the firft moment that offered, to qualify what he had faid, by unneceflarily coming forward with a declaration that, though he would not admit the Prince of Wales's Right to exercife the Sovereign Au- thority, during the incapacity of his father, yet he conffrfled that on grounds of expediency, and as a mat- ter of difcretion, the perfon to hold the Regency ought to be the Prince of Wales and no other. This mode of argument, Mr. Fox faid, reminded him of what had paf!bd in that Houfe about 13 years ago, between an eminent Crown Lawyer, now the firft Law Charafter in the kingdom [the Lord Chancellor] and himfelf. At the time to which he referred, the argument had been thfe Right of this Country to tax America, when he K?d contended, " that Great Britain had an undoubted Right to tax her American cotonies, but that the ex- ercife of that Right wou' ' s in the higheft degree un- juftifiable on the part o- jieat Britain." In anfwer to this, the great Lawyer, viith a quaintnefs peculiar to himfelf had faid, *' I Ihould be glad to know what that Right is, which, when attempted to be exercifed, be- comes a throng." In the prefent cafe, the Right Hon. Gentleman had a£led upon the converfe of the great Lawyer's maxim, he had pronounced the Right dL'JFrong, and having done fo, hi* had immediately proceeded to exercife it in the moll efFeflual manner. In one point of view, and in one point of view only, could he ima- gine the exiftent-e of a Right, which when exercifed might become a Wrong, and that was this : The three Branches of the Legiflature, confiding of Ring, Lords, and Commons, had a Right to authorize and I a6^ -^^^.Jfii^i r'SS*M8o*lii'".: . .*^"^l&*-■■■.^Av,:^..«.w,i wtm il?pnm!Vfimii>i!r [ 45 3 aft a moral evii. They might fet afide the fucceflioft, : and deprive the Prince of Wales of his Hereditary Right to fucceed hb prefent Majefty, but this enormity codld not of Right be praftifed by the two Houfas of Parliament, independent of the confentofthe Sove- reign, any more than the Minifter could fet himfelf up in competition with the Prince of Wales, and conteft with him as a claimant for the Regency. He repeated hi* opinion, that a Right attached to the Prince of Wales, as Heir Apparent, to exercife the Sovereign Authority, upon the King's incapacity being declared by the two Houfes of Parliament ; the Prince's Right, however, being all along conlidered as fubjeflto the ad- judication of both Houfes of Lords and Commons. This opinion he hi-.d not changed, nor did he feel the fmalleft difpofition to change it ; and indeed the Hon. and learned Gentleman, who fpoke laft, feemed to be fd much of his opinion, that'he had, if he underflood him rightly, exprefsly declared, that in cafe of thede- mife of the Crown, nothing fliott of an Aft of £xclu« fion could prevent the Prince from fucceediiig to the Throne, and that even nothing fhort of fuch condu£l as would defervedly warrant an A£l of Exclufion, ought to fet a Prince of Wales, of full age, and full capacity, afide from the Regency. The counter opinion to his was fraught with fo many, and fuch enormoas evils, that he was perfuaded, no moderate man, who con- fidered the fubjeft with the degree of attention that \X moil; undoubtedly merited, would fdr a moment main> tain it, either on the ground of right, of difcretion, or of expediency. Whatever his opinion was, why {hould that right be difcufTed, which had been neither claimed, nor was intended to be claimed? That thi^ W(is the f recife ttate of thefa^, was not to be doubted, fince s' 3^- . »• * J •i I J^. [ 46 ] fince the declaration that had been (0 gracioafly com- ♦nunicated from the higheil authority in another place. Of the manner in which that communication bad been made, and the cooimendation that was due to the ex> ^Ited perfonage who made it, he would not fay one word, becaufe he would not run the rifque of having what was due to merit, miftaken for fulfome adulation, and fervile flattery. But the claim thus difavow-.d, how muft the preamble of a Bill run, truly to defcribe the cafe as it flood at prefent. *' Whereas his Royal •* Highnefs the Prince of Wales, never having claim- •* ed a Right to the Regency, it becomes neceffary fojf *' the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and for the Com- ** mons of England to declare, that his Royal High* ** nefs has no right, and we therefore do hereby de- '* clare his Royal Highnefs Sole Regent of thefe king* '* doms." Mr. Fox reafoned on the abfurdity of a Bill {0 worded, and contended, that it mqft be fo worded) unlefs they faliiiied the fa£t, and made « courfe of law a ground work of the Bill. He obferved, that ail this difficulty and embarraflTment was created, \^hen there was not the fmailefl occafion for it, fince it was the concurrent opinion of all mankind, that the Prince of Wales fhould be the Regent; why then would the Right Hon. Gpntleman thus agitate the matter unlefs it were for the little purpofe of peKonal. triumph? He condemned the boalling language th^t had been held on this occafion of gratitude to the So< vereign, and the flrong afTertions that had been made, that fuch gratitude fhould be exemplified by the con- duA of thofe, who confefTed themfelves under perfonal obligations to the Sovereign. Perfonal attachment, he cpntended, was no fit ground for public condudl, and tl>ofe \yho had declared they would take c^re of the , , rights a '■*'■ '-•"■^VS^"*" C 47 3 rights of the Sovereign, becaufe they had received fa- vours at his hands, betrayed a little mind, and war- ranted a conclufion, that if they had not received thofe favours, they would have been lefs mindful of theirduty, and have afted with lefs zeal for his intereft, than if they had not been indebted to him for any favours. He owned himfelf indebted to the Heir Apparent for hav- ing been for feveral years favoured with his confidence, but neither that flattering mark of diftindUon had not been made the fubjeft of his fpeeches in that Houfe, nor had he ever confidered it as a proper motive for his public condu6l. Neither on the prefent occafion, nor at any time, if he thought the dbjefts of his Royal Highnefs incompatible with the public interefts, Ihould he think he paid a compliment to the Prince, any more than he fhould think headed confidently withwhat was due to his own charadler, in fufFering the confideration of the terms on which he lived with his Royal High> nefs, to bias himin the fmallell degree, orinducehimto aft contrary to what he, in his confcience, thought moft likely to promote the welfare of the public. Whereas the Right Hon. Gentleman appeared to adt upon a very oppofite principle, and repeatedly introduced the name of tlie Sovereign, though feldom for any other purpofe, than an oftentatious difplay of the confidence repofed in himfelf. To the Houfe of Brunfwick this country ftood in an eminent degree indebted ; indeed, few Princes ever deferved the love of their fubjefts more than the Princes of that Houfe. Since their acceffion to the Throne, their Government had been fuchas to render it highly improbable that there Ihould ever be ground for an Aft of Exdufion to pafs to fet afide one of their Heirs from the fuccefSon, or that fuch a circumflance fhoald 4>r I". ••A.;,^ '■•.\ C 48 3 Aould ever become 3 neccffary fubjetaof contempUtioo. If the Princes of the Houfe of Brunfwick had at any time differed with their (ahjc&s, it had been only on collateral points, which had been eafily adjufled in Parliament. Np one of the Princei of that Houfti had ever made any attempt againft the conftitution pf the country, although had fuch a mifchievous defign been meditated, there had at ir.oft timea been a party exiting that woqld have been ready to abet them in any fcheme the blackefl and moil fatal that ever tyraat devifed againft the liberties or the happineis of his fubje£ls. The love, therefore, of the people was due to ti^e iUuftrious family on the Throne, in fo peculiar and eminent a degree, that every thing that looked as if it could at any diAance endanger the hereditary Right of the Houfe of Brunfwick to the fucceffion, ought to be guarded againft with peculiar jealoufy and peculiar cautiont Exclufive of the concurrence of the public voice, not only the fpirit of the conftitution pointed out the Heir Apparent as the fitteft perfon to be Regent, but the Aft of Settlement might be defeated if his Royal Highn.fs were pafTed by, and the doftrine of the Right Hon. Gentleman carried into effeft. In adhering to the principles of the Aft of Settlement, there could be no ill ; if, as the Hon* and learned Gentleman had faid, there fliould be a Prince of Wales, whofe politic^al principles were fo depraved, that in oppofition to his own natural interefts, he (hould have followed the example of Charles the Firft, and James the Second, either in the one inftance indicating a determination to become a Tyrant, and deftroy the liberties of his fubjefts, by fubverting the Conftitution, or in the other, fliould fo conneft himfelf with France, and the political enemies of his country, that every thing ii>'V- / ^' ^^: ]y^'il ■iit^ S^VV". [ 40 1 thing Fatal was to be dreaded from his Government^ fiich a Prince of Wales ought to be excluded from th« Regency, in like manner as he undoubtedly would be e?tcluded from the Throne, on the natural demife of his father, or predeceflbr. But then the Bill of Ex- clufion to pafs in fuch cafe, muft be the work of the Legiflature complete, and not the Ad: of two branches of che Legiflature only. Let the Committee coniider the danger of making any other perfon Regent befides the Prince of Wales 1 If the two Houfes could cbmft a Regent, they might choofe whom they pleafed ; they might choofe a Foreigner, a Catholic (for the law. defines not the Regent) who, while he held the power of the Third Eftate, might prevail on the other two Branches of the Legiflature to concur with him^ alter or fet ailde the fucceflion, and turn away th6 Houfe of Brunfwick, and put them in the fuuation of the Houfe of Stuart. He faw this doctrine wat deemed extravagant, but he meant to put an extrava- gant cafe ; he had not, however, put an impoi&ble one \ let them turn to the favourite period of our hifliory, favourite at leaft with the other fide of the Houfe thai day, the reign of Henry VL and they would find that Richard, Duke of York, took advantage of his power as ProteAor of the kingbk^.n, aAoally difinherited the Prince of Wales, and the whole line of Lancafter* thuugl' they were more nearly allied, and had much better pretenfions to the Crown than the Houfe of York. The fame difmal fcene that had difgraced our annals at that period might be a£ted over again> ifthel two Houfes of Parliament ever concurred to fabtert the Conftitution, by afluming to themfelres the exer- cife of the Royal Prerogative, and arrogating the right to legiflate and make law in the teeth of the ftatute of ' . Q the ■4 ■■'-« It. ■U: -t.f «.,kl '"11 Pj C so 1 the 1 3 th of C harles tlie Second , whick he had on a fbrmer (ky had occailon to mentioiii and which not only dc- ciaredf that the two houfcs of Parliament could not make laws without the confent and concurrence of the King, but alfo declared, that whoever ihoald prefumc to affirm the contrary, ibould be guilty of High Trea- foft, and incur the pains and penalties of a prtmimirt. To make a law for the appointment of a Regent, he eonfidered, fo far as it went, as a converfion of the ftBcceffion to the Monarchy from hereditary to ele£kive, and what fort of a Conllitution that was, which had an derive Monarchy, Poland, and the mifetable con* dition oi ^ts fubjcAs, fuificiently erinced. The right •o make Laws, refted only in the Legiflature convpleat, and not in the concurrence of any two Branches of it. CTpon that very principle v/as oar Confticution bailt« and on the prefervation of it, did its exiftence depend. Were the cafe otherwiie, the Confticutioti might be eaftly deflroyed, btcaofc if the two Branches could afitinte the power to make Law, they might in that Law, change the genius of the third Eftate. The prefent fituation of affairs had, he faid, been compared to the Revolution, but, in fa£l, it was no ways fimilar. The Throne had then been declared vacant, and the teft of the Conftitution remained ; now the Throne was declared /uU, ^\xt its authority was fufpended. At the period of the Revolution, the Convention that wa» then affemblcd, confcious that they could not make any change in the genius of the Monarchy until tlkey had a head, f(rft reftored the third Eflate and then ddined its power. Whereas the Committee were called oit to proceed in a different way, firft to new-caft the Oftce, and then to declare the Officer. He aiked what muft be the ficuation of a Rtgcnt elefled by that + Houfe i \l. '% ■*".»#* ■*■ ^imt^^mimi^''rw^sr-^r \9X. { 5» ] Houfe? He luuil be a pageant, t puppet, a creatare of their own, Jlnt pondtrt corput^ an infult and a mock- cry.infult on every maxim of Government! Hedefined the nature and charaAer of the three Eftatei. The Xonftitutioa fuppofed each of its three branches to be independent of the other two, and adually hoftile, and if that principle was once given up, there was an end to our political freedom. Suppofe that the Crown and Houfe of Lords could make laws without the concur- rence of the Houfe of Commons, or the Crown and the Commons independent of the Lords, or the two Houfei of Parliament without the Crown ; in either cafe, the Conftitution was gone. The fafety of the whole depended on the jealoufy of each of tta« other ; not on the patriotifm of any one Branch of the Legiila- ture, but rather on the feparate intcrefti of the three, concurring throijgh different views to one general good, the benefit of the community. A principle cong lial to human nature, prone to the extcnfion of power> and to the depreflion of a rival. Ail thefe principles and arrangements would be deftroyed by the prefent projeA, which would radically alter the Government, and of confequence overturn, the Conftitation. He cxpl«ined the particular powers of the CrQwnto defend itfelf againft any encroachment on the part )f the Commons, or to reftft any fadlion ii) the Houfe of Lords. In the one cafe, by a DiiTolution, the King might repel the attempt on his prerogative, and by an cncreafe of the Peerage, he might quell the other. He argued alfo on the powerof giving either an ajjent or diJKJtnt from any Bill, apower which operated equally againft the fingle defign of one, or the confederate anion of both Houfes, to trench on the conilitutional , i{ghts of th& Crown, and pointed out the di&dvantage ... ,G a of ii •..v -.1 — ^wi>.i*.,y%^ .ji iw n i i ii i i III** ]; pf fubjefting the Sovereign to fuch dif^culties ^s it Kvould be liable to encounter, were the power of diflb* lution, encreaie of Peerage^ and righi of giving the afleat or difTent to Bills taken away. If there was to be a Monarch, heconcluded that the Monarchical Pow^r ought to be entire, declaring that the name and rank of a King, withont the pofieifion of regal powers, was a being that did not come within the reach of His con- ception. If it appeared to the Houfe that the Roya'. Prerogative ought to be circumlcribed, let them invei& a proper perfon with it, and then openly and manfuJIy contend for the circumfcripticin or diminution of its powers ; but to aim at an adverfary incapable of re- fiftance^ was neither brave nor noble. He pointed out the danger of making the Regency eleflive, and of the two Houses fetting afide the hereditary right to it, iniifting that the pofTeilion of th^c Grown, and of the executive authority, muft, in the nature of things, be governed by the fame principles. In order ' to Jlluftrate this, he put the cafe of a Polander ajScing 9a Englifhtnan wheiher the monarchy of Great-firitain was hereditary or eleSive ? Any man familiar with th2r, to reconcile contradiflions, and explain apparent impoilibilities, very forcibly holding up to ridicule the argument of the gentlemen of the Jong robe, that the political, as w^.J as the natural capacity of t^e King, remained whole and entire, although he was declared incapable of exerciiing his regal fun£tions. If the Crown was to have no fanftions, why there fhould be a King, wa beyond his imagi- nation to difcovcr. The legal metaphyfics which ilif- tinguiihed between the Crown rind its funftions, were to him unintelligible ; they fnould be Schoolmen and rot State/men^ fitter for Colleges of Difputatlon, than a Britifh Houfe of Commons, if a QueAion that fo deeply involved the exiftence of the Conftitution were to be thus difcuffed. He afkevl, where was that famous ^iilum to be found, that declared the Crown to be guarded by fcch fandlity, 2?d left its powers at the Biercy of every aflailaht. After expofing what he termed the abfurdity of legal metaphyfics, and calling Uj^on the Gownfmen to ew him the di^ium th^t fupported the oppofite aiTertion, viz. that the Prince of Wales had no more right to (Bxejcife the Sovt.-eign Authority, during his Majefty's incapacity, than any other individual fubjeft, K'r. Fox proceeded to notice that part of the argument advanced iagabi^ him, that he ha4 deferted the caufe which he had :l r**. f < ./.ii \ /i w [ 5+ 1 had hitherto been Aippofed to claim the peculiar merit of Handing forth on all occafions to defend, viz. the privileges of the Houfe of Commons, againft the fn- croachments of the Prerogatives of the Crows. He faid, his own refiftance of the latter, when it had been thought encreafing unconHitutionally, were well knowq ; th^influence of the crown, had been more than once checked in that Houfe, and he really believed to the advantage of the people. Whenever the executive authority was urged beyond its reafonable extent, it ought to be reiiiled, rnd be carried his ideas oa that head (o far, that he had not fcrupled to declare, that the fupplies ought to be (lopped, if the Royal Ajlent were refufed to a copflitutional curtailment of any obnoxious and dangerous prerogative. Moderate men* he was aware, thought this a violent dodlrine } but he had uniformly maintained it, «nd the public had de- rived advantage from its having been carried intoeffedt. He defircd to aflt, however, if this were an occafton for exercjfing the coaftitutiona! power of refifting the prerogative or the influence of the Crown in that Houfe I He hiid ever made it bis pride to combat with . the Crown in the plenitude of its power, and the full- nefs of its authority ; he wiihed not to trapple ori its rights, while it lay extended at their feet, deprived of its funftions and incapable of refjftance. Let thte Right i Hon. Gentleman pride biml'elf on a vidory obtained againft a defencelefs foe, let him boaft of a triun^h where no battle had been fought, where no glory could be. obtained. Let him take advantage of the calamities of human nature, let him, like an unfeeling Lord of the Manor, riot in the riches to be acquired by pl^nr dering fliipwrecks, by rigoroully aflerting a right to tb« wuifs. ellrays, deodaads, and all the accumulated pro4uQf \- -■ ;^»' >n^ i 5v 1 produce of the varbiu accidents that mlsfortane could throw iiito his fowtr. Let it not be his boaft to have gained fach victories, obtained Tuclr triamphs, or ad- vantaged himfelf of tvealth fo acquired. After putting this, Mr. Fox recurred to the main Argument, and declared, that all the labour of the Committee appointed to fearch for Precedents had iieen fruitlefs, for that not one of the Precedents ap- plied* If they tended to prove any thing, it was to «41abHfti the Prince's Right, fince in all of them the neareft relative to the Crown, if ib the kingdom, had been appointed the Regent, efpecialiy a Prince of Wales. In the reign of Edward the Third, his fon, commonly called the Black Prince, was declared Re- ' gent at only thirteen years of age, during the invafion of France by his father ; and attert»ards, during the abfence of Edward and the Prince, his brother, Lionel Duke of Clarence, was appointed. The Regencies ia the reign of Henry the Sixth, proved the Right of the Prince of Wales the more fully, becaufe in that reigi^ the Right of the Prince of Wales was recognized, (although he was not a year old) in th; very Patent that appointed the T uke of York Protestor. Mr. Fox took notice of the remark made b; .in Hon. Gentleman in his fpeech, (Mr. Ballard,) that the Right Hon. Gentleman oppofite him flood higher in the opi- nion of the public at prefcnt, than be did. He faid, before any '?<^tleman took upon himfelf to pronounce on fuch topics, he ought to be fure he was right in his afTertfon. He had tvety reafon to believe the Hon. Gentleman was miftaken n what he had faid, having lately had an opportunity o{ meeting his conllituents, and having then received the moft unequivqcal and A&ttering ^oofa of their confidence and Wbdnefs. He agreed. msm m ^tti •^'i M f-\ A ^ i. agreed* however, mod cordially with that Hon. Gen- tleman, in every obfervation that he had made of the probable efFedls of the prefent motion, if perfifted in, with regard to Ireland, and the creation of a difference between the two Houfes of Parliament. With refpeft to Ireland, he faid, if the two Houfes of the BritiHi Parliament named the Prince of Wales as Regent of Right, moll probably the Parliament of Ireland wo(ild do the fame : if they fpeculated, the Irifh Parliament would fpeculate. Decide wifely, and their decifion would be held an example. Set the Queftion of Right afloat, and it was impoffible to fay to what extent it might be carried. He once more queiUoned the ne-, ceflity for the prefent proceeding, and urged the fal- lacy of pretending that the opinion ie, a private Member of that Houfe, had delivered, and the opinion a noble and learned friend of his had delivered elfe- where, made it necefTary. He reprobated the inde- cency of feledling the arguments of his noble and learned friend, and falfely applying them, merely for the purpofe of placing them in a ridiculous point of view. The Right Hon. Gentleman muft have known, that the arguments of his noble and learned friend, were arguments met-^ly advanced to prove that the Prince of Wales, as Prince of Wales and Heir Appa- rent, had Rights peculiar and diftin£l from thofe of ordinary fubjefts, and not with a view to proVe his Right to exercife the Sovereign Authority. The man- ner, therefore, in whiwh the Right Hon. Gentleman had anfwered thole argu .icnts, betrayed a narrowne/s of mind that he had nut imagined the Right Hon. Gentleman would have condefcended to have acknow- ledged. Having difmifled this part of the fubjedl, Mr. Fox defired to know the ufe of bringing forward ., , » Qnef- .m A ^^i^p^^'^'ffy^MPiP^twww*' *' ' tw«iiw w ■ I ■■^wii^. rj w n i. wayy ^wpffp*^— "^'^'^ t S7 1 t Qjjfcftion of Ri^ht, when the ejcpedleiKiy of confti- tutiAg the Prince of Wales Regent ww on all hands agreed on. He charged the Chancellor of the Exche- quer with a determination to legiflate, without th^ power to do b effeftuallx* which would alter the ge« ititts of the Third Ellate« without any crime alledge^ againft either the Sovereign, declared for the jpiefent incapable to exercife the Royal Authority, pr the in- tended Regent. He faid« if they could make whom they pleafed Regent, they could appoint the Regent for a day, a month, or a year, turning the monarchy into a republic, at had been the cafe with Rome. And while the Right Hon. Gentleman denied that thp Prince of Wales had any more right than he ha(|, h|e confefled it would be a breach of duty to think of an/ Qther Regent, and all this for the paltry triumph of |i vdS'^bver him, and to infult a Prince, whole favour lie v/ai^^^nicious he bad not defirutd. Mr. Fqy declared;, hS^wa^ ready to admit that the Right Hon. Gentle* man's adminiftration had been in feme refpejfts entitle^ to praife ; hs was ready to fay what were the parts thait moft deferved commendation, and as willing to give them his applaufe as any man could be. What he al- luded to, were the meafures adopted to detach Holland from its connexion with France. The whole condtt.£fc ^f that tranfaflion, as well as its iflue, was wife and vigorous, laudable and efFeAual, and^e was happ) to take that opportunity of deKvieHiig his fentiments upoa it. Of otl^er meafures 6f %hb' prefent adminiftration^ he certainly entertained a very* different opinion. The Right Hon. Gentleman* however, appeared to have been fo long in the poflcffion of power, that he could pot endure to part with it ; he had experienced the full favour of the Crown, and had the advantage of exerto H in« ' ♦ A ■%" >?»• Mi ^hTv^^'^v^^'i^^ mmmm^^ ■«■ !ng all Its prerogatives, and finding the operation of the whole not too much for the fuccefsful carrying on of the Government, he had determined to cripple his fucceflbrs, and deprive them of the fame advantages that he had enjoyed, and thus circumfcribc their power to ferve their country, ab if he dreaded that they would (hade his fame. Let the Right Hon. Gentleman for a moment fuppole, that the buiinefs of detaching Holland from France, or any contingency of equal im- portance, remained to be executed ; he mull knovtr there would be no power in the country to feize the advaniiige, if the Right Hon. Gentleman's principles were right. Mr. Fox called upon every honeft Mem- ber of thar Houfe, not to vote without perfectly under- ilanding what the Queftion went to, as well as the other Refolutions. With regard to the Right Hon. Gentleman's motives, he knew not what they were ; but if there was an ambitious man in that Houie, who defigne'd to drive the empire into confufion, his con- dn&, he conceived, would have been exadly that which the Right Hon. Gentleman had purfued. \ , , , " The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid, in reply to Mr. Fox's fpeech, that the Right Hon. Gentleman had thought proper, particularly in the latter part of his fpeech, to digrefs from the queftion before the Houfe, the Queftion of Right, in order to enter into the Quef- tion of Expedhncy, and that not fo much for the pur- pofe even of difcufling that expediency, as to take an opportunity of intr^jducing an attack of a perfohal nature on him* The Houfe would recollefl, whether the manner in which he (Mr. Pitt) had opened the de- bat^ either provoked or juftified this animofity. The attack which the Right Hon. Gentleman had juft now made, he declared to be unfoundtdj arrogant, and pn- /umptutus. <■< V i*'..i*' t i.i^wii in ^ ^^"•ww^^mmmmmrm BffF'v«»«-*y!i;>p« ifm CIBIpWIi**' * ' ' C 59 1 Jkmptuous. The Hon. Gentleman had charged him as afling from a mifchievous Tpirit of ambition, unable to bear the idea of parting with power, which he had fo long retained ; but not expedling the favour of the Prince, which he was confcious he had not deferved, and therefore difpofed to envy and obftrufl the credit of thofe who were to be his fucceflbrs. Whether to him belonged that character of mifchievous ambition,; which woald facrifice the principles of the conftitutioit to a defire of power, he mufl leave to the Houfe and the country to determine. They would alfo judge, whether in the whole of his condu£l, during this un« fortunate crifis, any confideration which affeAed his own perfonal fituation, or any management for the fake of preferving power, appeared to have had the chief Ihare in deciding the meafures he had propofed. As to his being confcious that he did not dtferve the favour of the Prince, he could only fay, that he knew but one way in which he or any man could deferve it ; by having unifbrmly endeavoured, in a public fitua- tion, to do his duty to the King his father, and to the country at large. That if, in thus endeavouring to deferve the confidence of the Prince, it (hould appear that he in fa£^ had loft it, however painful and morti- fying that circumftance might be to him, and from whatever caufe it might proceed, he might indeed re- gret it, but he would boldly fay, that it was impolTible' he fhould ever repent of it. Mr. Pitt then proceeded to remafk on the Right Hon. Gentleman having an- nounced himfelf and his friends to be the fuccefTors of the prefent adminiflration. He did not know on what authority the Hon. Gentleman made this declaration ; but he thought, with a view to thofe queftions of Ex« pediency which the Hon. Gentleman had introduced, " ' ■ H » both ^X ^tt:: i 60 3 ^th the Homfe «nd the country were obliged to hiin« for this feafonable warning of what they would have to exped. The nation had already had experience of that Hon. Gentleman and his principles. Without sneanipg to ufe terms of reproach, or to enter into any jnputation on his motives, it could not be denied that they had openly and profeiTedly a£led on the ground of availing themfelves of the Itrength of a party, to nominate the Minifters of the Crown. That they main- t^ed it Bs a fundamental principle, that a Minifter oaght at all times fo to be nominated. He would therefore ipcak plainly. If perfons, who profeiTed thefe principles, were in reality likely to be tie advifers §/the Prittu in the exercife of thofe powers which were aeceflary to be given during the prefent unfortunate interval, it was the ftrongeft additiettal reafon, if any were wahting, for being careful to confider What the extent of thofe powers oUght to be. That it was im- poffible not to fuppofe, that, by fuch advifers, thofe powers would be perverted to a purpofe, which it was indeed intpofiible to imagine that the Prince of Wales could, if he was aware of it, ever endure for u mo- ment, but to which^ by artifice and mifreprefentation* he would unintentionally be made aeceflary, for the purpofe of creating a permanent weight and influence in the hands of a party, which would be dangerous to the juft rights of the Crown, when the moment fhould arrive (fo much wifhed, and perhaps fo foon to be ex- pefted) of his Majefty being able to refume the exercife of his own authority. The notice, therefore, which the Hon. Gentleman, in his triumph, had condefcended to give to the Honfe, furnifhed the moil irrefidible reafon for them deliberately to confider, left, in pro- viding for the means of carrying on the Adminiftration 9 during I,--* n'T^'M^: "^ ."*'■.. ■'■'T'T''^^ '""■^' "" •*'w«i?^iw"^ "•'r- >^**»**w--.^"' ■pHMH [ 61 J during a fliort and temporary interval, th^ might fu crifice the permanent intereft of the country in future* by laying the foundation of fuch meafures as might for ever afterwards, during the continuance of bit Majefty's reign, obftrufl the juft and faluiary exercife of the conftitutlonal powers of Government in the hands of its Rightful PoiTciTor, the Sovereign, whom they all revered and /oveJ. The Chancellor of the Exchequer then proceeded to fiate what appeared 'to be the refult of the debate. The noble Lord in the blue ribband, he faid, as moft Oentlemen who had fpoken on that fide of the Houie, had argued not againft the truth of the Refolutiona^ Iwt the propriety of coming to them, and had waved any difpute on the Queflion of I^ght. The Right Hob. Gentleman, though he affefted alfo to objedl to the propriety of coming to this Refolution, had dl-> reeled his whole argument (as far as it went) to combat the truth of the Propofition, and to maintain ■his former aiTertien in favour of the exifting Right of the Prince of Wales. That this lin^ of argument, fupported by fuch authority, was itfelf an anfwer to thofe who doubted the propriety of any Refolution. —With regard to the j>articulars of Mr. Fox's argu- ment, he obferved on the manner *n which he (Mr. Fox) fuppofed him to hav»'declined maintaining his former afTertion, ** That the Princ^ of Wales had no more right to the Regency, than ahy other fubjed in the country," ^and had added, that he did fo from l>elieving that not twenty perfons would join in fup- porting that Propofition. The Chancellor of the £x« chequer faid, that he did not retraft Me i«»-^e Right of privat* guardianihip did in ceitaLn circumftances attach upon the neareft maje klnfman -^ mmimm^mm^m m 1 It A e ill C <5 IT K r \t^,u.. '/.^\\ kinfman by the father'i fide, «ge4 ap and in thi tarlier periods of the Scottifti monarchy, little diftlac* tion feeiocd to be mnde between the Etration of a prt* vate ^'tardiana and that of the perfon who afted for the King in hii ^onage, infonittch that ^me law ao- thorities of great refpeAability had* laid it <^. wn, that the powers of a Regent were merely tutorial, and it had been determined by th# Parliament of Scotland, an the reign of James I. that the Dolce of Albany^ when Regent, coald neither reftore a perfon forfeited for treafon, nor grant lands which had fallen to ths Crown by baftardy. It was well known, that the powers of a private gaardian were of the moft confined nature, as going no further than the exigency of the cafe required, and merely for the purpofe of ordinary management ; but he thought it wrong to compare that cafe with the government of a kingdom, where powers of a very different nature were neceflary to be given. A« to the appointment of a Regent, whatever hia powers might be, the fame had always been made in Scotland, as in England, under the fanftion and au* thority of the States of the kingdom, either previoufly given, or afterwards interpofed, and fometimes the next heir of the Croyvn had been chofen, fometimes not* fometimes one Regent, at other times more than one. ' Many of the kings of Scotland having fallen in battle, and fome by the hands of their fubjeds, when the power of the ariftocracy was too great ; there had beea flipre infant fucceflbrs, and more regencies in Scotland, tl|aa in moft other countries ; and the States of the kingdom had repeatedly fhewn, that they did not con- fider auy ^dividual whatever as having a fixed legal ■ri|(hc to that office. When the Maid of Norway fuc< I- eceded 5 K. m^^, 'ii t% C 66 ] ceeded her grandfather Alexander th^ Third fix regents were appointed. In the infancy of James II. of Scot- ]iand, there was a regency of thrf<*. . In that of James 4a (. a regency of feven. In that of James VI. the ].>il!te of Chatel.-ault, next prefumptive heir of the C«x>w»\, claimed, the office upon that ground; but his claim vfM difallowed, and iirfl the Earl of Murray wasi appointed, afterwards others, none of whom were i',t ^Ite fucceffion to the crovAi. It was of more confe- quence, however, to confider how that matter had been underftood by the Legiflature of Great-Britain fmcc the Union; and furely it was impofTible to read the Provifional A£ts of 24 Geo. II. and 5 Geo. III. without feeing clearly that no Ri^ht of Adminiflration was tlien fuppofed to attach upon any individual. As to the idea of a civil Jemi/e, it was totally inapplicable to fuch Wcafc as the prefent. A perfon was held to be civilly dead, vhen he had loft the rights of a citizen, as in the c?fe of attainder ; but was it ever thought that an infant wa& civilly dead ? It would be a little hard, when he was but j ill born. An infant could hold property, could acquire, and had every civil right entire. A perfon incapable, from infirmity, to ma- nage his own affairs, was exaflly in the fame flate ; he could not therefore have a fucce/Tor wl^ile he was alive, and in the full pofleflion of his rights. In a wcid, the Lord Advocate contended, that neither the^ Prince of Wales, nor any other individual, had a legal right on this cafe to bs Regent, though, in point of fitnefs and propriety, he fuppofed not a man in the kingdom would think of any other than his Royal Highnefs. Mr. Milnes (MembT for York) in a ihort but ani- mated fpeech, reprobated the condudl of Mr. Fox and his » # » . . fit- f • -•'«■.■ ,#.'-**- '- f. i i^^vj -i^' */ <>irfi; .!'i liis friends, declaring, that it amounted to an aban- donment of thofe copflitutional principles hitherto the themeof univerfalai .niration, by facrificing the rights cf the two Houfes ot Parliam?nt to the claims of an individual. From the forr of argument (hat they had adopted and maintained on this great and truly im- portant occafion^ therefore, if they did foon come into power, as the Right Hon. Gentleman had that day given the Committee to exped, inftcad of a Whig Adminiil/ation and a mild Government, which it had been their praAice to hold. out as what would be tlieir true charafter and conduA when in office, the country h?d every reafon to dread the mo*l arbitrary and op- prcfllve fyllem of meafures that had ever difgraced Minillers, and harralTed the Subject in the worft periods of our hillory. The Solicitor General rofe. He faid, no man could vote on the prefent queftion, without coniidering his ;allegiance to the Sovereign. We all agree, faid Sir John Scott, that his Royal Highnefs fliould be Regent, but diifer in opinion about the Right requifite. He corroborated Mr. Pitt's argument, by affirming, that with regard to his Royal Highnefs's right, it was no inore than that of any other individual— That it was a gift of expediency granted to him by Parliament— That as we ha"^ ■'' - \ The " **r ■'".•--•■■< ,i|>«.>.'Aj dH nil ^\ V r ^■i The previous qaeftion w4s then jmt "for tlic C^hfift- aaan's leaving the Chair;" when the nambers «V^^ 26$ Ayes — — Noes — — ' ■ Majority for the Minister — 64 Mr* Pitt's Propofitions were afterwards put;, aad fgreed to. * , ■«$■ Tif /'flowing Speech nuat intended to have been delivered hj OH Uenourable Member, ^bad an opfcrtmtity ofjirtd fkr that Furpofe, Ma. Watson/ I have liftened with the moft profound attention to every thing which has fallen from both iid/s of the Houfe during the difcuOion of this very important queftion— ^nd I wifli, in compion with the gentlemen who have gone before me, to ftate upon what ground I give my vote this night, for the Refqiutions moved by the Ri^ht Hon. Gentleman. Allow me. Sir, to fay, that though I have heard much ingenuity from gentlemen on the other fide, yet not oiilS^fin^le argument has been urged which makes the fmallell impreffion on my mind. Indeed the ji^ tice of the Refolutions has been lefs combated than the expediency of them<»but unlcft there is a twift in my underftandin^ both the juftice and expediency of the Refolutions are equally apparent. Mari(, hqw a plain taje will prove the truth ef my ailertion. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Fox) in t^e, ejieare^^ the iooi(, itneq^uiviHial ianj;uagCA ^ted on •' " ■ " "■' ' ' Wed- '^^w -^V«i«((,».,,'.i**.-v.l>"Av --»- -trr -~ "■4^ ■I ■ t ?rf r Wipan'trsJay'ctie Right of the Printe. of WaWs'to be Kefent, as foon as the temporary incapacity of the King was declared.' I thought, and many gentlemen thought with me, that this alTertion was made in the firongefl: terms that could be ufed. It was, I grant you. Sir, the afliertion of an individual ; but I appeal to gentlemen on all fides, and lee them acknowledge the faft, or deny it if unfounded, that the doftrine received ftrong marks of approbation, if v/c may judge by the cry of " Hear, he^ir," whicTi followed the afTertion. But did it reft here? No, Sir, it did not : Another Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Burks) fandtioned the do^rine* talked of the Rights of the Prince of Wales, and confirmed the former Gentle- man's opinion. The next day we met, another Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Sheridan) opened a neW and alarm- ing ground. He faid our debates might provoke a claim not vet made. Is this language to be heard 'with patience? Shall we. Sir, be told of the danger of decifion after fuch language, Mr. Watfon, there is no danger can accrue from the free exercife of our 'privileges, But there would be danger, indeed, in flculking from the moil important conllitutional quef- tion ever agitated within thefe 'valls. Sir, I mufl complain of the injuftice, the grofs injuftice which has been done to his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales. The Right Hon. Gentleman has declared that his opinion as to the Prince's Right, was his own opinion, flated in this Houfe without any communica- tion with his Royal Highnefs. After that declaration^ Sir, it is a libel upon that Illuftrious Perfonage to inil- nuate that he can be in the flighteft degree aifefled by the Commons of Great Brit&in declaring wl^at art their Rights, Sir, if the argument of moderate men goet f « J tx -^^--^ "■v J^ ^> ^ t' [ 71 3 goes to any thing, it is to this. — To be fure, it wai hafty, raOi, and unadvifed in a Right Hod. GentleV nan to broach a doctrine which many think to be an* cunditutional ; but for God's fake let it reft there. Don't ftir the queftion : for there are differences of opinion, and much mifchief will enfue. Sir, I wifh thofe who are of a different opinion to fay fo, and to ftate the grounds uf that opinion. Either this thing is right, or it is wrong. This doftrine is conftitutional or unconftitu- tional.— We have voted the temporary incapacity of the King ; and if the Right Hon. Gentleman's doftrine i« true, every moment we fpeak in debate, we violate the inalienable hereditary Rights of the Prince of Wales. And fhall we, inftead of deciding upon the merits, re- fort to a fubterfuge, and flinch from the queftion ? God forbid we ihould fo negled our duty.. The eyes of the public are apon us. The anxiety of all men is beyond example, and nothing lefs than a deciiion in fuch a cafe will do. But, Sir, this is not the only inftance in which the Prince of Wales has been grofsly libelled. The Right Hon. Gentleman has too clearly ftated an approaching change of Minifters for any man living to mifunderftand him ; but here alfo, I truft in God, he will be difappointed ; and I thank him for fo fair and fo early an avowal as he has r-iade. Sir, To fuppofe for one moment that his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales ought^to give, or will give his confidence to any man but upon public and patriotic grounds, is rank Toryifm. Tell not me of the Rur.nimede Pillar, of Whig Clubs, Blue Coats and BufF Waiftcoats; all the dodlrines I have lately heard, are thofe of Toryifm run mad. It has pleafcd Providence to aiHift us with a very heavy, though a temporary, a&d I truft a ihort ca|a> ; ■ • 9 *- ■' * ••"'■'mity. -¥ ■' ti i: ,^^ c ^p^ I'.n'' f .7 A ] \ f ■,4>V iSlfy. At a time wKen' the KinS; Was t)ie Abit' belov^ tHotaafch that ev^ fkt upon the throne of this or any '' dthh* kingdbtn, at a time when the Miniiler enjoyed the cdnfidence of the Crown, of both Houfes of Par* li^nient, and of at leall nineteen out of twenty through- ■ dot thb ilation-'at a time when the character of Great' Hfitaih throughout Europe, and throughout the world, ' ftbod' higher than at any event of the molt brilliahlf peiiods of our hiftery— at fuch a tiiiie, when the peo- ple almoft univerfally deprecate the moft diftant idea 6f a change of Adfflinlilratioa, to affirm in this HouHs tliift the Miriifter poflefled not, and deferved not to polftfs the confidence of his Rdyal Highnefs, is a libel upon that great and exalted Perfonagc, whtcK ought not to pafs unnoticed.— Sir, it will, it muft, be a ' recommendati(m to a Prince of the Brunrwick line* that the'Mlnide'r is not a gambler, a fwindler, a^ iharpe'r, or a cheat.-- It muft be a recommendation to' a Prince of the Brunfwick Line, that the Minifter ipends not Ms time in gamihg-houfes or brothels, but in the faithful and honeft difcharge of the laborious duties of his office.— It muft be a recommendation to a Prince of the Bruhfwick Line, that the Minifter ^s fupported, as I truft he will be this morning, by a majority of honeft and independent men, whom a pi^- lie notification of his fpeedy removal cannot wlarp— ^ It cannot warp tiiem ; becaufe if it were true, fuch aa intimation, though nt might afiliA, would not in- timidate them; but I for one will give no credit ui it.— It muft "he a recommendation to a Prince of tha li]^uie~of !^run^wick, that men of bold and defperate minds, men bankrupt in fortune and in fame, did not fefort to his ftandard— And I again repeat. Sir, that i6"ini!itiiat^' thus irregulariy any defign in 'the Prince «9 V»: ^^ T r [ 73 3 to difmifs the popular Minilter of his Royal Fa- ther, is grofsly to libel his Royal Highnefs. Have Gentlemen oppofite to me forgot their Whig doc- trines and their Whig principles .'—The Minifter muft have the confidence of the Crown, the confidence of Parliament, and the confidence of the People. Upon thefe grounds he has hitherto been fupported— upon thefe grounds he will continue to be fupported— trulling, as 1 do, that he will ferve the Prince with the fame fidelity and fuccefs that he has fei vcd our be- loved Sovereign, until it Ihall pleafe God to permit his Majefty to reafflime the Government of hij King- dom.— But, without looking to the right or to the left, to the Minifter who now 1:, or to the Minifter who hereafier may be, as an honeft man, afting in behalf of the People, I am bound to aflent to or diflent from a plain, but by no means an abftraft pro- pofition — a propofuion which, in point of fad, not the Right Hon. Gentleman below me, but the Right Hon. Gentleman oppofite to me, has brought under difcuffion ; and I moft heartily give my vote againft your leaving the Chair, and will as heartily vote for the Refolutions. ' • ♦. / il^COR. ■'^- ;*; '"***.1 if,' ■VI '»■ "'» '— 1"^— •«m" *;. i '?te- P''%.%Hi^ ^ ^ illii^ TW^' '/ C 75 ] i CORRECT LIST OF T H I SEVERAL MEMBERS, WITH THE PLACES THEY REPRESENT, ■Who voted ro« and against Mr. PlTT'a Motion, in the H0US£ or COMMONS, in Support of the RIGHTS of the TWO HOUSES •r PARLIAMENT, on Tuesday, Decembkr i6, 178S. London, Alderman Watson, in the Cliair. ' For the ^tjiion. \ liGMf>%v the ^ejiion. Abingdon. j E. L. Loveden, Efq; jlgmondejhnm, William Drake, Jun. Efq; | St, Albans. William Grimfton, Efq; | William Charles Sloper, Efq; Aldborougby Suffolk. IP. C. Crefpigncy, Efq; bamuel iialt, Elq; Aldborough, Torkjhire, Sir Richard Pepper Arden I J. Galley Knight, Efq; Andovtr, William Fellowes, Efq; Benjamin LethieuUier, Efq; Anghfea, Nicholas Bayley, Efq; y K 2 ^ :;4 i 76 3 f n tbt ^ijiion, I A A I N s T /*# Siutjiitn, Appleby. Hon, J. L. Gowcr | Arundel. Thomas Fitzherbert, Efq; Richard Beckford, Kfqi AJhlurtan, Jlobert Mac'';reth, Efq; | Aylejbury. Sir Thomas Halifax | William Wrightfon, Efii; Barnjlaple. William Devaynes, Efq; j John Cleveland, Efq; Bath. Lord Vifcount Bayham | Abel Moyfey, Efq; Beaumaris. Sir Hugh Williams, Bart. | Bedfordjhire. I Earl of Upper Oflbry j Hon. St. Andrew St. Joha Bedford. Samuel Whitbread, Efq; | William Colhoun, Efq; Beihvin, Marquis of Graham I "./i >. > Lieutenant-Colonel Manners | Beeraljlon. I Lord Vifcount Fielding Berkjhire. , George Vanfittart, Efq; Hf nry James Pye, Efq; BerrMick, Hon. General Vaughan Sir Gilb»rt Elliot, Bart.' Beverhy. Sir James Pe»nyraan, Bart, j "* -.■ ii ■Hi mmmmm -I\ ^ Lord Wcftc«t« • A' C 77 J , "BfiM. tit I^JIien, | Ac A.itiij tifffjf/lictt* Bfwdhj. BiJhop*s Caflk, I William Clive, Efq; I Henry Strachey, Efq; MUcbingly. I John Kenriclc, Efq; Sir Robert Clayton, Bart. Bcdmyn, ; ' 7 .'!.„/. I Sir John Morfhead, Bart. Thomas Hunt, Efq; BoreugHrUgt, Sir Richard Suttonj Bart. | Vifcount Palmerftoa BoJ/tHty, Matthew Montagu, Efq; Hon. Charles Stuart Bojion. I Sir Peter Burrell Bracklej^ Col. Egerton I Timothy Cafwall, Efq; | Bramher, Sir H. G. Calthorpe, Bart. I Major Hobart | •,,••- Breconjhirt. I Sir Charles Gould Brecon. I Charles Gould, Efq; Bridgenortb, J. H. Browne, Efq; | Thomas Whitmo^-e, Efq; Bridgewattr, ^ Sir Alexander Hood, K. B. Rottirt Thornton, Efq; BridporU I Thomas Scott, Efq; Charles Sturt, Efq; 111 V >'. Sit- ^V* b^ [ ?8 1 Wo% tbt ^ftion. \ Ac Aimr tie !^Jth», Brijiol. , , Matthew Brickdale, Efq; | Buckinghamjhirt* Rt. Hon. W. W. Grenville | Buckingham, Edmund Nugent, Efq; | CttllingtOH* John Call, E^q; | Calne. Jofeph Jckyll, Efq; | Camhridgejhire, Philip Yorke, Efq; ) Cambridge Univtrjitj, Right Hon. William Pitt I £arl of Euftom \ Cambridge t Town of Frajicis Dickens, Efq; | Camelfori» I James Macpherfon, Efq; Sir Samuel Hannay, Bart. Canttrburj* George Gipps, Efq; I Charles Robiofon, £fq; | Cardiff. I Sir Herbert Mackworth, Bart. Cardiganfljire. I Earl of Lilburne Cardigan, I John Campbell, Efq; Carlijle. Joha Chriftian, Efq; 1 Rowland Stephenfon, Efq^ , \ Catrmartbeu. I John G. PhUIips, Efqj ^. Iv /. [ 1^ ] Cafih-Ri^Hgt Walter Sneyd, Efa; I Charles Boone, £. Molefworth, Bart. Coventr^f Sir Sampfon Gideon, Bart. Jol^ yrUfflOt, £fc^; > '^ .•jf '•'t p* ■< * ^1 V •f 1 ^ f i ^f mm •> m fiP FoKth^pn^ "'fv Ac MK&T the ^ejlf0>t. ■-^'^S--" Cn'cklaJe, Robert Nicholas, Efq; | John Walker Heneage, Efq; Cumherlar.d, Sir Henry Fletcher, Bart. William Lowther, Efq; Dtirtmouthf Richard Hopkins, Efq; J Denhighpire, , I Sir Watkin W. Wynn, Bart. Denbfghj I Richard Myddleton, Efq; Dtrbjjhire, * 1 Lord George Cavendifli I Edward M. Mundy, Efq; ILord G. A. H. Cavendifli Edward Coke, Efq; Det/onjhire, John Rolle, Efq; | John Pol. Baftard, Efq; Dor/elJhirCt Francis John Browne, Efq; | Dorchejler, Hon. George Darner William Ewer, Efq; Robert Prefton, Efq; Robtrt Shaftoe, Ef4; I J Ken. W. S. Conway Droitnaich, I Hon. Andrew Foley Edwaid Winningion, Ef^ '^W I I ^il 4f. - I 8i ] ¥ OK tie (^ejiion. * ' *f Against the ^e^iog* Dunivich, Barne Barne, Efq; | Sir G. W. Vanneck, Bart. Durham, County of , ^'■^- -^^^^"^-uh^J \ bir John Eden, Bart. Durham, ' -V'^^^^-feSS '"r-^- ' -{ . j John Tempeft, Efq; I Wm. Henry Lambton, Efq; £<«/? Looe, Alexander Irvine, Efq; 1 Lord Vifcount Belgrave | ' • • . , St, Edmund's Bun, Lord Chailes Fitzroy . | Sir Cha. ies Davers, Bart. Efex, - Thomas B , Bramfton, Efq; | ' E'vepam, Sir John Rufliout, Bart. i Charles W. B. Roufe, Efq; | ' ■ Exeter, John Baring, Efc; - | Sir C. W. Bampfylde, Bart. General Phillipfon I Major General Bathurfl: | Flintjhire, , ^ j Sir Roger Moftyn, Bart. Flint, Major W. Williams | Fowey, PhmpRa(hleigh, Efq; I Holl. Richard Edgecum be | ^ Gatten, James Frafer, Efqj |. St. Germain' Sf John James Hamilton, Efq; bamuei Smith, Efq; V.ti i C- m "So^ the ^ejiion. | Ag hiKtT the ^eftion, Glamorganpire, -; •; ■ ^ v t Charles Edwin, Efq; | Ghucefterjhirtt <> Hen. Capt. Berkeley I Thomas Mafter, Efqj | , > Gloucefier, \ John Webb, Efci; Grampoundt Francis faring, Efq; | Grantham, George Sutton, Efq; | Eaji Grimjby, IJohn Harrifon, Efq; Dudley Long, Efq; Eafi Grinjleadt George Medley, Efq; | Guildford, Hon. Thomas Onflow j Hmi. General Norton Hampjhire, Robert Thiflethwaite, Efq; | Jervoife Clarke Je r^oife, Efq; Harwich, John Robinfon, Efqj j Hafumere, j John B. Garforth, Efq; I JohnLowther, Efq; Hafiings, John Stanley, Efq; J ,4| John Dawes, Efq; | lielfion, James B. Burgefs, Efq; ( Roger Wiibraham, Efq; Hsrefordjhire, Right Hon. Thomas Harley | Sir Geo. Cornwall, Bart. 9 . ^1^ -^M' %^ r i ^ [ 83 ] ¥oK the ^ejiien. | AGMHit the ^ejlion, Hereford, I John Scudamore, Efq; James Walwyn, Ef(g[; Hertfordjhire, Lord Vifc. Grimfton | William Plumer, Efq; Hertford, Baron Dimfdale I John Calvert, Efq; | Heydoitf Lionel Darcll, Efq; J • . - Heytejhury^ . I W. P. A'Court, Efq; Highum Ferrers t I Right Hon. F. Montagu Highivortb, Sir C. F. RatcUfFe, Bart. j Will. Evelyn, Efq; Hindon, Will. Egerton, Efq; j Honiton, RtHon. ?irG..Yonge,KB. | Sir Geo. Collier Horjham, . •' Jer.Crutchley, Efq; I Phil. Metcalfe, Efq; | Huntingdon/hire, Lord Vifc. Hinchinbroke | Earl Ludlow Huntingdon, Sir Walter Rawlinfon John Willett Payne, Efq; Benj. Bond Hopkins, Efq; Geo. Sumner, i£iq; llchejier. s^i L 2 [ 84 ] II f: . m '■' F9K i/je ^ejlton. \ Ac must th ^e^ioa, '■ • >- , ■ Ipf'wich, Charles Alex. Crickett, Efq; | William Middleton, Efq; 5/. /vf/, ^ Will. Praed, Efq; | Kent, Hon. Charles Marfliam | Filmer Honeywood, Efq; King's Lynn, I Hon. Horatio Walpole King Jl on- upon- Hull, Sam. Thornton, Efq; I W. Spencer Stanhope, Efq; | Knar e /borough, I Lord Vifc. Duncannoti Lancajhire, John Blackburne, Efq; | Thomas Stanley, Efq; *■ ' . Lancajter, I Sir Geo. Warren, K. B. I Ab. Ravvlinfon, Efq; Launcejlon, Lord Arden | Sir John Swinburne, Bart. Leicejierjhire, John.Peach Hungcrford, Efq; Will. Pochin, Efq; Leicejler, Colonel Macnamara I Charles Lor. Smith, Efq; | Leominfitr, John Hunter, Efq; I .V. Penn A. Curzon, Efq; | Lejkeard, Hon. Edward James Eliot lion. }<3hn Eliot ^■ucJlion. \ hcKimr the ^efiion, Lejiwoithiel, John Thomas Ellis, Efq; | Sir John Sinclair, Bart. Leives, Thomas Kempe, Efq; | Hon. Henry Pelham Lincolnjhire, I Sir John Thorold, Bart. Cha. Anderfon Pelham, Efq; Lincoln, John F. Cawthorne, Efq; j Hon. R. L. Saville Litchfield, j George Anfon, Efq; Liverpool, Bamber Gafcoyne, Efq; | Lord Penrhyn London, • Sir Watkin Lewes I Nathaniel Newnham, Efq; I John Sawbridge, Efq; Ludloiv, Lord Clive Richard P. Knight, Efq; Luggerjhall, Geo. Aug. ;>clwyn, Efq; Nath. W. Wraxall, Efq; LymingtoUf Lyme Regis, . Hon. Thomas Fane Hon. Henry Fane Robert Colt, Efq; George Rofe, Efq; Maidjlout, Matthew Bloxam, Efq; | Clement X^^ylor, Efq; Maiden, John Strutt, Efq; | Sir Peier Parker, Bart. %% % - .. y.^ . ■i-. 3^ # m; h [ 86 1 For the ^eftion, \ AaMt^sT fie ^eptn. Malmejluryt LordjVifcount Melbourne Lord Vifcount Maitland Right Hon. Edmund Burke William Weddell, Efq; Marlhorougbf Earl of Courtown I Sir Philip Halles, Bart. | Mjrlotv, Sir Thomas Rich, Bart. | William Clayton, Efq; St. Maivest Hugh Bofcawen, Efq; I William Young, Efq; I , , St. Michael, Chriflopher Hawkins, Efq; | David Howell, Efq; Midhurji, Henry Drummond, Efq; | Edward Cotsford, Efq; MiddlefeXt William Mainwaring, Efq; | Milbourne Portf Lord Muncafter | Colonel W. Pophara Minehead, Robert Wood, Efq; | Mtttmeuthjhire, Major General Rooke | John Morgan, Efq; MoMmouth, Marquis of Worctfter | • Montgomtryjhire, I William Moll/n Owen, Efq; Kvntgmery, I Whitihed Keene, Efq; ym^ ^ 1^ ? '.■ .,,: :;». ,.- ■^■%li d^ ■*' gm \m^ [ 87 J "Bof^ the ^eJiioK. \ Ac must the ^efiion* Mtrpeth, t IPeterDelme, Efq; Sir James Erlkine, Bart. Newark t Lieut. Coll John Sutton I Lord Mulgrave | Neixiea/iU'under Lyntt ' Sir Arch. Macdonald I Richard Vernon, Efq; | Ne'wcafiU upon-Tjntf Charles Brandling, Efq; | Sir Matt. W. Ridley, Bart, Newoport, Cornnuall, I Sir John Miller, Bart. Newoport, Hants, Hon. John Townfhend | Edward Rufhworth, Efq; Ne-vjtont Lancajhire, Thomas Brooke, Efq; | Thomas P. Leigh, Efq; Ne'wton, HantSt John Barrington, Efq; | • Mark Gregory, Efq; j Norfolk, Sir John Wodehoufe, Bart. | Sir Edward Aftley, Bart. Northallerton, Henry Peirfe, Efq; I - Edwin Lafcelles, Efq; | Northamptonfiire, Sir James Langham, Bare. | TJiomai Powys, Efq; Northumberland, I Sir William Middleton, Baff, Charles Grey, Efq; Nornjuich, Hon. Henry Hobart | Rt. Hon. W. Wyndham 4 y 'A .^*i^Jt^r'^ % '.;-^f',;:'. ««fc *^- ,1 Wi: ni,iiiiiii,ipiiff 1. ^m^^^^'^mfl ^mmmmmm 1 ! M'i [ 88 ] ., For tie SlueJiioH, \ Against //&* ^eftion. \ Nottinghamjfjire, Lord E. C. Cav. Bentinck C. MedowsPierpoint, Ef Nottingham, Robert Smith, Efq; | Dan. P. Coke, Efq; . Oakhampton, Humph. Mincliin, Efq; | Lord Vifc. Maiden Orford, I Hon. G. Seym. Conway OxfordJiAre, I Lord Charles Spencer Oxford, I Lord Robert Spencer Hon. Pereg. Bertie Oxford Vniverjiiy, Sir William Dolben, Bart. | Francis P.ige, Efq; rembroke, I Hugh Owen, Efq; Feurhyn, • ' I Sir John St. Aubyn, Bart. Peterborough, I Richard Benyon, Efq; Hon. Lionel Danger Petersfeld, I Lord Vifcount Downe William JoIlifFe, Efq; / Plymouth, Robert Fanlhaw, Efq; | John Macbride, Efqj . Plympton, John Stephenfon, Efq; I John Pardoe, jun. Efq; ) Pontefra£ly John Smyth, Efq; Wiliiam Soiheron, Efq; '-"( ■.\: ' -■■^i/^': , II ^ v' ' -"i 12£**j -"^'*^-- a ^4 [ 89 ] • foK tht SiueJIioH, I AoAiNir tie ^ejfin. Petit, William M. Pitt, Efq; | Mich. A. Taylor, E% Port/mouthf Hon. W. Cornwallis | Sir Harry Featherftone, Bart. Prtfttn, Sir Henry Houghton, Bart. | Right Hon. Gen. Burgoyne ^ttnberough, George Bowyer, Efq; I John Aldridge, Efq; | Ratinerfltirtt Thomas Johnes, Efq; | Reading, Francis Annefly, Efq; I Richard A. Neville, Efq; | Eaft Retford, Earl of Lincoln | Wharton Amcotts, Efq; Richmond, I Earl of Inchiquiil Sir Grey Cooper, Bart. Rippon, I William Lawrence, Efq; Rochefter, Sir Charles Middleton, Bart. | Nev) Romn^, John Henniker, Efq; I Rich. Jofeph Sullivan, Efql | Rutlandjhirt, • George B. Brudenell, Efq; | Gtrard Noel Edwards, Efq; Ryt, Right Hon. C.W.Cornewail, I William Dickenfon, Efq; Speaker \ Ryegate, , William Bellingham, Efq; I Reginald FoI« Carew, Efq; \ M it % Hi )'/i \v s*, iA* foiitbt^ejlion. \ Aoaikst t^e ^f/tiottt John Kynaflon, Efq; ii^-' . ..,.*i!!: j".i] -.;;7. :-,,■•.; "V ; , .■ . I Major Lemon .3 ' . J' Philip'Stephens, Efq; Charles Brett, Efq; Sandtuich, ■» '• ': '"•" . Hon. W. H. Bouverie Nenv Sarum, 1 William Hijfley, Efq; Old Sarum, Right Hon. J. C. Villiers George Hardinge, Efq; . 1 . ..•■.' Scarborough^ Er.rl of Tyrconnell George Ofbadelfton, Efq; . ■ . , ( - . Seaford, 1 Sir Gc >dfrey Webfttfr] " ' Sha/tejlurvy Hans W. Mortimer, Efq; John Drurnmond, Efq; ' ■ Shore ham. J6hn Peachey, Efq; 1 ■ _ r John Hill, Efq; Shrenujhury, 1 ' Edward Phelips, Efq; Somer/eljhirei 1 * ' John Fleming, Efq; Jame« Ainyatt, Efq; - Southamplont Southnuark, . . ' -, ' ' ' . Henry Thornton, Efq; Paul Le Mefurier, Efq 5 ;■( '■ ■* = *f • f- , . Staffordjhirt, Earl Gow;r Sir Edward Littleton, Bart. • * if ♦ : '.♦ ';t" '- \' . - - *■*, \ \' ^■PP-— '•■'-•^^^iw^i \ ^ 'i .-J .;:: r.,.:.;r; \.? t 91 ] Pox th Siuejlion. \ Against r^J^ ^ejiion, StaforJ. Hon. Edward Monclctdn *''*-^ R. B. Sheridan, Ef^ Stamford, »; •.'U^'^..'s*-!c.'J -x.ll 8ir Geo. Howard, Bart. I Henry. Cecil, ef:> ^^>V Hiotographic Sciences Corporation -S^'^^v'^^.^Ia !3 WEST MAIN STREET VVS"55TEP NY, 14580 (716) 4 J-4503 '*l> i 4b "^ M 4<5 S^ ^*i— Mai !■ I I ■■'■W'li'^^Kmiiaiw^rq^ « '. ' '^)■ [ 9« ] For tie ^ejlion. \ Aoki^tt tb^J^^HtH' > h •■:> '. :',' ■ •. j( * . ■,. t .( Hon. P^€lley Ryder ; J ' Hon.'^Colonel Phipps | Tregony, Robert Kingfinill, Efq; Hon. Hugh Conway Hiley Addington, Efq; J .,^ Colonel fiofcawen | ■ -. Wallingfard. Sir Francii Sykes> 6art. | Thomas Farrer, Efq; | John Calcraft, Efqj Wafuifckfitlre, Sir Robert Lawlcy, Bart. Sir Geo. A. W. Shuckburgh, Bart. 1 Wuriuick. ;•:! I Robert Ladbroke, Efq; Wtlh, Clement Tadway, Efq; J .•.;"-:, Wtndover. / 1 ',: • I Robert Burton, Efq; ' I John Ord, Efq; Wenlock. I Sir Henry Bridgeman, Bart. George Forrefler, Efq; W$obly. Sir John Scott Honourable Thomas Thynne Samuel Eftwick, Efq; ^joha MadockSf £fq; Wtfibury. V '''.'-jn\. -'^i** , ' ' .>K • i.ii^i^iij^iapvfpqi ..<,J^, , ■ --^IJ.JW- ....I T^rmfwir^ ^^•1 ■nnii :"^ V •#' C 95 ] fox tiit ^Jiitn. I Against /^:^4f^«p«* V^tfiminftir, Right. Hon. C.J. Foi- ';j Lord John Townfltend Major John Scott James Adama, Efq; ,•,7 Wtjimortlani. ISir M. Le Fleming, Bart. John Lowther, Efq; Wtytiauth and Melcomh Rfgis. 1 Right Hon. Wellore Ellia I John Purling, Efq; Wbicbturcb,' WilUam Selwyn, Efq; | Lord Vifcount Middlctom Wtgan. I John Cotes, Efq; Orlando Bridgeman, Efq; Wilton. LordHwbert ^^ | Winthelfea. I John Nefljitt, Efq; Wincbtfter, Rich. Gammon, ju». Efq; | Henry Penton, Efq; Wind/or. Earl of Mornington ; | i ' .: * Woodfitci. Sir H- W. Daflxwood, Bart. | ■ ,;• Francis Burtoa, Efq; | Worctfterjbirt. I Hon. Edward FoI«y Wercejler. Samuel Smith, Efq. | W9jmn BaJJfti. Hon. Colonel North Hon. Robert S. Conway ■ ■■':;■{■■ '^^^^ S\ KH- it ' ,*( ,. ■ ■ t ' r O. t 94 1 Clipping Wycmit, , . < Robert Waller, Efq. | ;»7'0 «"4 t'»{nI4 SirJqhnJervis,K.B.."'j* Henry Beaufby.Eni.:g;j « ;.. far mouth. Hfint it %.». xtm. f*«?' •■.. ,. T ,. Philip Francis, Efq. , I , , Thomas Jcr. Clarke, Efq; wbtii*^!^' If^nrjr Duncombe, Efq; j -' - William Wilberforce, Efq; | ^ • ' . Vork, Richard Slater Mllaes, £fq; | Lord GaUvay ^ .«r S C. O.T, LAND. w-c ,i> > • ■. Aoeraetnimrft *" I George Skeen?, Eiqi; ^,^| Aberdeen » i^c, J;*}!'*; vH^H ttna]^ ■ I Sir David Carnagie, 3ar|i .' Argylepiret ' , Lord F. Campbell ■^^o im"^ JSevwickflurtf J|||^ Pat. Home, Efq; - i I i»«|«>wrfkO[ ."% ^>ni;. Llackmannon, '• .;. Burnet Abercrombie, Efq; | y. . Craill, Pittenixjeen, t^c- ,., t: / >.: i. I John Aultruther, Efq; Cupar, Dundee, i^c. ■iK,? I George Dempfter, Efq; V ". *. Pumharton, GLi/goiu, t^c. Hay Campbell, Efq; j 1 i ■\.-' -f ^ '^i' >. ff • n*vii -imi ■ V "W ' h' ( ^i >. i $5 1 ton Ibi ^eftim. | ag kitat jbH^fiitu, Pvmfritsjbirtt I Sir Robert Laurie, Bart. Edinburgbjbirt, Right Hon. Henry Dundas | :.)13 ,9J W'f 'm^K.txsl k Eiinbutgb^ Sir Adam FerguA>iT> Bart. | ,, , . Elgiiififirt, Earl of Fife i,.;.i.,=,. \ '. J j|§a ;^^tM:*sftsja Colonel Wemys ' . | rsD.fioH For/arjbirt, i. Archibald Douglai) Efq; | HaddtHgtoK/birt, John Hamilton) Efq; | iHVirne/sfiire, Lord William Gordon | ly...^, ■••i("-^ i^tl*;' Kincardinejhirtt ,' ^ Rob. Allardice Barclay, Efq; I ^^ " ^ ^irkudbright Stewartryt rj ,. I Alexander Stewart, I(q; Kinghorne, lie. Sir Charles Prefton, Bart. | Lanerijbire, Sir James S. Denham, Bart. | ^1^4;^ ?* Lauder, lie. t! ^ ^ '^ w , I Colonel Fullarton ^im%>M V iif l»^f:M ■1 . ■«.:..:;. il h iii li ilBtfMBMMI s "^ «*. J ■r*.')*^-' t 9<5 ) 90% tht^JHoH. I AC MHiT the ^eflioH. Linlithgonujbiret UirSJ^ ui.4JiaiJo;l'^ JSir William A. Cunnyng- hame, Bart. . jte ^ **•>- v-*uj» ►irf. Alexander Brodie^ Efq; { V, . I f^olonel Dondai ■■*-f-i^«A u'-' PiibUjkiTt, David Murray, E% | t^^.rk>;;,a -^ ' Pmhfltirt» Hon. General Murray | t^iu- ' i *' Renfwwjinrt, ;: ! ' > I John Shaw Stewart, Eiqi ' T> ko/sjbire, • V P v / I Francis H. Mackenzie, Efqi R»xhurgbfi>irtt Sir George Douglas, Bart; | . ' : > - Silkirkjhire, Mark Pringle, Efq; | . ' , * ~ , Silkirk, lie, , ',. Major Moore | - '" Stirlingjhirt, I Sir Thomas Dundas, Bart. Sutbtrlandjhir$, Lieut. General Grant | * JVigtonjonJhtr$t Andrew M'DowalJ, Efq; | Teller for, the Queftion, Thomas Steele, Efq; Member for Chichelter. "; t Teller against the Quef- "on, ^^:,'a..^^v-..i3i:»i^ ^hi WiLLJAM Adam, Efq; Member for Kin ton, BamfF, tf. 'T 'jkH wu'Wiy*^'^ # i.,.' 'f 97 1 •i* v*"^'lSl--- •r-.vA ..*».«• r Paired oiF por the Qaeilion» Bucktngbamt ;^ ,., Right Hon. James Grtriville | ' ' Right Hon. Ifaac Barre | Charles Rofs, Efqj | ', * . . i \ Sbropjhirit v .' . , Sir Richard HUl, Bart | .>,.^U' / • fr > Paired off AGAINST the Queftioili Banbury t I Lord North ■ '• Dumhartonjhire, I Keith Elphinftone, Efq; . WHtoht . I Right Hon. W. G. 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