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OF all the objeds', which have fince the revolution, engaged the attention of the legiflature, the proper method of adjufting our prefent quar- rels with the Americans is undoubtedly the moft important. For as the riches and power of Britain depend chiefly on trade, and that trade on her co- lonies; it is evident that her very exif- tence as the firft of commercial nations, turns upon this hinge. It cannot therefore be impertinent in any one modeftly to offer his fentiments on this topick ; that by the confronta- tion of different opinions we may ftrike B out t 6 3 out truth, as we do fire by the coUi- fion of flints ; and that as much Hght as polTiblc may be afforded to our le- giflators to guide them through fo dark and intricate a labyrindi. This is the more ncceffary, as there can be found no fimilar cafe in all the records of hiftory to ferve as a prece- dent, or clew, to diredl their fteps ; and all they can do is to grope their way by their own induftry, and to employ their reafon, as the only compafs which can fleer their courfe aright to this land unknown. Without any fiirther preamble, there- fore, I fhall proceed to difcufs this point, and to ftate the cafe fairly be- tween the two contending parties, that thofe, who having like myielf, no par- ticular interefl: concerned, have con- fequently little prepoffcflion for either fide, may be enabled to form an ade- quate idea of the fubjcdt. While the colonies were under any apprehcnfions from the encroachments of the French and Indians, they fub- mittcd m1' e le '7 :h id I 1 ■W [ 7 ] mitted to the Britifli leglllature with- out rdudance; becaule they were fen- fible of their inability to defend them- felves, and of the neceflity of taking fhelter under the wings of their mo- ther. But no fooner were the French kites and Indian vultures feared away, than they began to ftrut and to claim an independent property to the dunohil. Their fear and their natural affedion forfook them at one and the fame time. They now boaft that they owe their prefent happy ftate to no power on earth but themlelves; that they worked out their own falva- tion by their own right arm : forget- ting that, had we not conquered at Louilbourg, at Quebec, and many other places ; had we not conftantly protected and defended them, the French and Indians would have long ago reduced them to the fituation of the ancient Britons, and we fliould ere now have received fome fuch letter as |:his, infcribed, The groa?is of the AmC'- B 2 rkam. f 8 ] ricans. The barbarians^ en one handy drive us into the fea ; the fea on the other ^ forces us back on the barbarians : fo that we have only the hard alterna- tive left us^ of perifhing by thefword^ or by the waves. Their infolence is arrived to fuch a pitch that they are not afhamed to af- fume to themfelves the merit of bring- ing the laft war but one to a period. According to them, what obHged the enemy to liften to terms of accommo- dation was not our fuccefs by fea, not the ruin of the French navy, not the total flagnation of their trade, not the march of the Ruffian auxiliaries; but the reduction, in a couple of fhort days, by a couple of little cannon, of a little ifland hardly difccrnable in a map, called Cape-Breton. This undutiiul, this difobedicnt be- haviour of Britain's children abroad, owed, no doubt, its origin partly to the caufes affigned above, and partly to the murmurs and difcontent ot thofe at home J e i 9 ] home ; the Sacheveril in London pro- duced another in Bofton ; the fpirit of difafFcdlion and mutiny, which the ha- rangues of a general railed in the cyder counties, thofe of a colonel conjured up in New-England. Out of one hydra many more arofe, and there wants a Hercules to crufli them. But who has the courage and fkill to wield his club ? In hopes that fuch a hero will arife, I will endeavour to furnifli him with weapons, and to fliow him how to pierce the vitals of the monfter. The moft effcdtual way, in my opi- nion, of laying the fpirit of difaffeftion among the colonifts, and of quieting the prefent difturbances to the mutual fatisiadlion of each party, is to con- vince the Americans that they ought to be taxed rather than the Engli{h| and to prove that the intereft of both is beft promoted by leaving the power of taxation in the hands of the Britifli legiflature ; I fhall therefore addrefs myfelf now to this tafk. In •i ,1 I [ ^o ] In this age all the kinp^dcms in Eu- rope maintain a Ptanding military force, which may be ready on all occafions. to defend themfelves, and to feize every opportunity of annoying their foes; Great-Britain therefore is obliged to keep, tho' contrary to the genius of its conftitution, a large body of regu- lar troops in conftant pay : and as America muft have a confiderable (Iiare of thefe for its fafeguard, on whom ought the burden of fupporting them to fall, but on the Americans, to whom they prove an immediate bene- fit ? Great-Britain is fufRciently ex- haufted already ; fl:ie has fpilt plenty of her blood in their caufe, fhe has expended many millions in their fer- vice, and has by thefe means contradl- ed an immenfe load of debt, oi w^hich flie is never likely to be eafed. Muft flie then expire under her preflures r Inftead of being relieved, muii a new burden be laid on her {Loulders to crufli her entirely ? A tax for the fup- port of American guards and garrifons muft '1 % M [ " ] muft be raifed fome where; elfe all the? labour of the laft war may be loft in a moment; the colonies may be con- quered by our enemies in one cam- paign. What then, muft be done ? Ame- rica muft be taxed. By no means, fays America ; I am fufficiently taxed already ; the many rcftridions and prohibitions, under which I labour ia point of trade, are an ample tax. You gain of me by way of balance about half a million a year ; let this be ap- plied to the defence of America, and it will be found an abundant provifion for all her wants. But why, good America, doftthou not alfo defire us to apply to the de- fence of Spain and Turkey all that we gain by them annually ? The argu- ment will hold equally good, and can- not be abfurd in the latter cafe with- out being fo in the former. Why likcwife, do'ft i] du not throw into the oppofite fcale the many mil- lions, which we have already laid out for for thy prefervation, and fee whether they do not make all, that we have ever drawn from thee, mounC up and kick the beam. Thou fayeft indeed, that we receive in the general courfe of trade all the fpecie, which thou can'ft fpare ; and that it is cruel, nay, impolitick, to exad more than thou can'ft afford ; as exceflive impofts always damp induftry, create a defpondency in merchants, and incapacitate a ftate for furnifhing its ordinary quota of taxes. But let me tell thee that the money raifed by the ftamp adt, being all ne- ceffary for paying the troops within thy own territories, muft center wholly in thyfelf, and therefore cannot pol- fibly drain thee of thy bullion. It is true, this ad will hinder thee from fucking out the blood of thy mother, and gorging thyfelf with the fruit of her labour. But at this thou oughteft not to repine, as experience aflures us that the moft certain me- thod of rendering a body politick, as well I s y f > .A, [ 13 ] Well as natural, wholefome and long« lived, is to preferve a due equilibrium between its different members ; not to allow any part to rob^ another of its nourifhment, but, when there is any danger, any probability of fuch a ca- taftrophe, to make an immediate re- vulfion, for fear o{ an unnatural fu- perfetation, or of the abfolute ruin and deftruftion of the whole. All countries, unaccuftomed to taxes, are at firft violently prepofTefled againft them, though the price, which they give for their liberty : like an ox untamed to the yoke, they fhow, at firft, a very ftubborn neck, but by degrees become docile, and yield a willing obedience. Scotland was very much averfe to the tax on malt; but fhe is fo fir from being ruined by it^ that it has only taught her to double her induftry, and to fupply, by la- bour, what fhe was obliged to give up to the necefTities of the ftate. Can America be faid to be poorer, to be more fcanty of money than Scotla:id ? C No. [ H } No. What then follows ? Amctica niuft be taxed. . It is in vain to pretend that the in- creafe of the American territories, and of the commodities, which they fur- nifli to the Britifh markets, has reduced the price of any article ; or placed the ancient colonifts in a worfe fituation than before the war ; and confequent- ly rendered them incapable of bearing any additional burden. - Europe isftill the fame as in feven- teen hundred and fifty-five, its inha- bitants are as numerous ; therefore as Britons, with regard to it and Ame- rica, are, for the mofl: part, but fad- crs, the demand for American goods muft be as great, if not greater, than formerly ; their value cannot be di- mlniflied, nor can the Americans be vv ife fituated than at the commence- ine.;it of the, war. «;,« j;^diA ■ . It is equally idle to pretend that a tax on America muft prove prejudicial to Britain. rpij. •> <• ^^v.. M f i< 'J d [ ^3 ] A tax for defending it muft, as hinted above, be levied fomcwhere; either in Britain or its colonies : and nothing is more manifeft than that thofe, on whom the tax is laid, or who advance the money, muft be the only fuffcrcrs, as in all dealings be-- tween two, what is taken from the one is added to the other ; it always re- quires fome time to balance accounts, by railing the price of commodities in proportion to the tax, and to reduce every thing by the courfe of circula- tion to a level. What America lofes, Britain gains ; the expences of the former are a faving to the latter. All the world is fenfible of the juftnefs of this maxim, the clamours of the co- lonifts are a ftriking proof of it. If they were not convinced of this truth, why grumble at the impoft? If they did not know that a tax upon them muft prove comparatively detrimental to their country, and ierviceable to Britain, why exclaim againft it ? How abfurd then, is it to advance that C 2 as [ ,6 ] as an argument for the abolition of the tax, which was the principal one for oppofmg it? Indeed, to allcdge that England will gain more by laying the tax on herfelf, is to alledge that a man, who gives his daughter an an- nual peniion, becomes richer than if he received an equal fum. I own, if Britain, by any channel, receives in return a larger portion than file beflovvs, {lie gains by the bargain. But that cannot be the prefect cafe ; for by taxing herfelf flie raifcs the price of provifions, which encreafes that of labour, and manufaftures, not only at home, but alfo in America, and all other foreign markets ; by whic' means all her rivals in trade underieli her ; ilie diminiflies the quan- tity of her exports, the number of her artifans and people, and empoverifhes herfelf in general. Whereas by levy- inor the tax on the colonies, fhe faves a round fum of money annually ; the price of her manufactures continues nearly the fame, and as the wants of the X e a if C n ] the colonifts, cannot be much leflen- ed, her exports are ahuoft equally confiderable -, in fliort, the foregoing profpeft is wholly inverted. But wh) keep any Forces at all in America ? She is fufficiently able to defend herfelf. Every Male above fixteen years of age is enrolled in the militia ; they h? ve arms, they are difciplined, their numbers are great, and ftill upon the Increafe : what more is wanting for her fecurity ? Is fhe in greater danger now, that the French are exterminated, than fhe was before the laft war, when the enemy prefled vigoroufly upon her, and yet hardly any troops were to be found throughout her whole extent ? No ; but left the fame Difficulties fhould recur, left the fame quarrels which bred the laft expenlive and bloody War, fhould return, troops mvift be maintained for her fafeguard. Britain obferves this policy within her- felf : is it not abfurd to imagine fhe would not follow the fame maxim with [ '8 ] tvith regard to her colonies ? She keeps on foot a confidcrablc body of forces to be prepared on every emer- gency, not only to oppofe a public loe, but alfo to enforce the decifions of the civil magiftrate. And notvvith- ftanding the antipathy which mod people have to ftandin^ armies, they have been found to be very ufeful ; and no government, antlent or mo-r, dern, can be named, which was not,,, w^ithout their affiftance, fubjed to bloody riots and infurrecSions. Nor is there any danger to be apprehended from them, while their number is fmallj while the fword is in the hands of the people in general, while, as in America, there is a fuperior well re- gulated militia to check them, if they fliould difcover any iiniftcr delign againft liberty. It is with a view of being ufeful to the mother country, that colonies are firft planted ; this is part of their charter, a tacit condition, on which they are allowed to depart and fettle; there- C '9 ] therefore they are not allowed by the laws of nature and nations to violate this aGfreement, as loner as the mother is able to avail herfelf of it, and treats them with due Lenity and mater- nal affeftion. A few reftridlions on their trade, in order to pay off what debts they contradled, while yet in the nurfery, cannot be con- ftrued into adls of feverity, and as little can a tax intended for their own defence, and appropriated to that fole ufe. . Upon the fuppofition that America is never to be taxed, this country, which now groans, and is like long to groan under the weight of taxes, will in time be left defolate, all its inhabitants will flock to America, to enjoy the benefits of a lefs opprelEve government, and to mingle with a people of fimilar manners, religion and laws. Britain, the aflylum of liberty, the feat of arta and fciences, the glory of Europe, and the envy of the world, will be ruined by her ow^a f 26 j own ungrateful fons, and become ^ defart. What neither Spain nor France, nor all the world combined, could accomplifh, America, the child of her own foftering, will effeft. ^j^os neque lycUdes^ nee LariJpeuS Achilles, ,^,,^^ . ; . . Non anni domuere decern^ non millk - carince^ ' v-- --^ .viun. Fwcentur puQvis. ''''' ^^'^^''^^q no.<^ America will prove a contmual drain upon her induftry and people, an eternal fpunge to fuck up her vital moiflure, and leave her a dry and fap-* lefs trunk, expofed, without branches, without leaves, to the inclemency of the weather. This event may be dif*- tant, but it is in the womb of time ; and muft be brought forth, unlefs we have fufficient fkiil to caufe an abor- tion. ' ^ . ' -^-u >iir, But what does America gain by all this ? A tranfitory independence per- haps, on the moft noble conftitution, which the wic of man has been hi- therto able to invent. I fay tranfitory inde- [ 21 ] independence, for the broken and dis- jointed members of the American em- pire cannot be cemented and confoli- dated into one firm mafs; it is too unwieldy and unmanageable ; it is compofed of particles too heterogene- ous to be ever melted down into one confiftent and well digefted fyftem of liberty. Anarchy and confufion will foon prevail, were it to attempt aii union ; and the lofs of liberty will tread faft upon their heels. For a free and extended empire on a continent are incompatible : to think they are not is a perfeft folecifm in politicks. No hiftory furniflies us with an example ; foreign conqueft, or the power with which the magiftrate muft be entruft- ed, are an invincible obftacle in their way. It is in iflands alone, where one part of the people cannot be fo eafily employed to opprefs the other, where the fea feparates them from con- querors and great empires, that liberty can be deemed a native of the foil. What a wretched exchange, then, D would I* ! [• 22 ] would the Americans make! They would barter liberty forflavery. ^^ But, fay they, we are not repre- fented in parliament. i/^ * .u:; True ; you are not ; no more is one twentieth of the Britifh nation ; but they may, when they become freeholders, or burgcllcs: fo may you; therefore complain not ; for it is im- pofiible to render any human inflitu- tion abfolutely perfect. Were the Englifli animated by your fpirit, they would overturn the conftitution to^* morrow. • -*im ,j i ^r »j ' n- i^<*i ' Like the colonies of all other coun- tries, you enjoy the privilege of being governed in the fame manner, as the people, from which you are derived. You have the fame parliament, the fame laws ; you are all deemed free- born Britons, and are intitled to all their immunities. What would you have more ? Would you reduce your protedors, your deliverers, your pa- rents to a ftate of fervitude, by oblig- ing theni to pay taxes for you } It is plain. [ 23 ] plain, too plain, cxceffivc profperity has rendered your heads giddy, you attempt to foar higher than your ftrength will carry you, than your fafety will permit; it is incumbent on us, under whole care you are, to clip your wings. ",/, , , .vi.i^ ... You tell us you are very fobcr and temperate, that you fear the influence of a ftanding army will corrupt you, and introduce profligacy and de- bauchery. ; :jk;V 7 '- {• - ■ rh I '^.i C 30 ] perplexity, as to be quite unmanage- able. • Some of you comlpain that the privileges granted by your charters are invaded. But by whom, pray, were thefe privileges granted ? By a king, who had no power, I mean legal power, to grant you any privileges, which rendered you independent of parliament, no more than he can make a corporation in England inde- pendent of it. Tciik not then, of fuch privileges; the ipirit of the Britifli conftitution could allow you none, by which you did not remain fubordinate to cvzry branch of the legiflature, and confequcntly fubordinate to parlia- ment. The king makes but one mjcm- ber of the legiflature, and it is felf- evident he cannot give away the rights and privileges of the reft. Fie can orrant any body of men a charter, by which they are empov/cred to make bye-laws for their ov/n government, but farther his prerogative does not: C 31 ] extend. He cannot free them front obedience to ads of parliaments. ^ / Another, and a general complaint is, that you are taxed by a body of men unacquainted with your circum- flances. But who can be fo well acquainted with the circumftances of the colonies in general, as the Britifh parliament ? It is compofed of men very well verfed in mercantile affairs, and much ac- cuftomed to the difculHon of intricate queftions ; many of them are mer- chants, and merchants that trade to America and the Weft Indies. They are always ready to receive information from any hand, and never proceed to bufinefs of importance, rill they have made the requifite inquiries. Nothing can be a better proof of this, than their condudt with regard to the (lamp adt. A year before it v/as paffed, the minifters defired you to fend agents over to London, in order to propole your objections to the v/hole, or any part of it ; but you negledted this rca- D 2 fonable C 32 ] fonable requeft ; therefore, if the duty on fome articles {hould be too high,, you have none but yourfelvcs to blame. How then can you pretend to fet wp your own knowledge in competi- tion with that of the Britifti parlia- ment ? Every fingle aflcmbly among you, may, perhaps, be a better judge of its own province than it ; but that is all : a full and comprehenfive idea of the whole they cannot be expected to have ; their ov^n particular intereft they may underftand, but the intereft of the colonies in general is an objed: too large, too complex, to be taken in at one view, and to be perfc£i:iy fcanned by them. It is the Britifb legiflature alone, whofe clofe connec- tion with all the colonies, whofe tho- rough acquaintance with their trade and with commerce in general, is univerfaMy allowed, that is properly qualified for fuch an arduous tafk. Thus have I fhewn that the intereft of both parties, of England and Ame- rica, is beft promoted by adhering re- C 33 ] rellgioufly to the ancient fyftem; that a claim of new privileges by the Ame- ricans, for they have been taxed before by our parliament, will be attended with many immediate difadvantages, and that the remote confcquence will be their own ruin and fiavery. But if, after all, the prejudices of the Americans fhould be fo irreut as to make them rejed: all reaibnable terms of accommodation, fliould they be fo tenacious of what they call their privileges, as to be fully refolved on afferting an abfolute independence on the parliament of Great Britain. Should they be determined, rather than yield to it as formerly, to proceed to the laft extremity, I would, with all due deference to the wifdom of parliament^ advife a certain number of contiguous provinces to be incorporated, and to be allowed parliaments under the fame reftriftion as that of Ireland, If they decline this equitable com- promife, were I a member of either Houfe, I would give my vote for treat- in l^ C 34 ] ing them as the Romans did the Latins, when they attempted by force to make themfelves denizens of Rome. This ftcp, I own, is dangerous, and very delicate in its management, but in fuch a crifis, it is the only one which can, with any dignity and prudence, be taken. Though the partizans of America, in order to throw dull: in our eyes, and ereft a bug-bear to the ignorant, in- linuate that the colonies would, in this extremity, follow the example of the Low Countries under Philip the Se- cond, and call in the affiftance of France and Spain. There is little reafon to be apprehenfive on that fcore; for the cafe is by no means parrellcl: the Flemings and Dutch contended for ancient eftabliilied rights, which had been allowed flich by their oppreilbrs themfelves; the Americans aliert pri- vileges unknown, unheard of before; the Spaniards were ftrangers and fo- reigners to the inhabitants of the Lovv' Countries \ the Britons are brothers and relations [ 35 ] relations to the American.'; the fcven- teen provinces were cruelly oppreffed by the king of Spain, and a few of his counfellors; the colonies are mo- derately taxed by the whole body of the Britijfh legiflature. Is it credible then, that, in order to free themfelves from the gentle tutorage of their pa- rent, they ftould run diredly into the jaws of ruin and flavery? It is more probable that, when they hear of the linal determination of this point againfl: them by our parliament, the weight and authority of that body, the moft auguft in the world, will make them lit down, like the Cyder counties, quiet under their burden. But fiiould they be fo far infatuated as to ad: otherv/ife, it is in our power to prevent any fatal confequence; the Britifli fleet can foon bring them to reafon; all their capital towns lie de- fencelefs on the edge of the fhore, and muft always obey the didlates of the tremendous mouths of cannon. This, however, is the laft argument which ought [ 36 ] oiigiit to be ufcd; for it is always of confcqiience to prcfcrvc the affections of ful-^cfts, to rule thc^m by love ra* ther tlian fear: nothinjv but the ut- moft contumacyj of which, I truft in Heaven, they will never be guilty, can jufiify fuch a violent mcafure. . F N I S. speedily nvill be PuhiiJJjed. In two Volumes Ociavoy Price lo^, fewed, or I2S. bound, AN Authentic Collection of the SPEECHES ami DEBATES in the British Housf of Commons from the Year 1742, to the Peace of Aix-la-Chapclle in 1748. In the Debates of this PcrioJ, are many important Motions arifing from a Variety of iiiterefting Events, both Domcflic and Foreign. Several material Changes in the Aciminiftra- tion, were the Confequcnce of thofe Debates. As the Attention of Parliament was occafion- ally employed upon a lonp^ and expenfivc War with both France and Spai,;, and the Supprei- iion of an unnatural and intcfliiie Rebellion; a Moment's Refledion will (licw this to have been one of the mofl important Periods in our Hiftory. It is therefore to be regretted, that thefe Debates have not been collated and di- gefled before, and that fo ncceffary a Work has been fo long ncgleded ; a \/ork (j effen- tially ufeful to every Member cf Parliciment, and every Lover of Conftitutional Hiflory. 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This excellent Tra'^ has for many Years been very fcarce, although fbverrtl Times ftrongly recommended by the beft Writers om the Englifh Conflitntion; and in particular by the learned and able Author of the Letter upon Libels and Wa'-'ants, &c. As that inge- nious Work treats (■> fully on the Pvights and Privileges of Petit anl Special Juries j this ad- mired Performance, o\\ the Subject of Grand Juries, is thought to be i*s proper Companion : and is therefore printed in the fame Size, and at the fame Price. XIL A LETTER concerning Juries, Libels, Warrants, the Seizure of Pa- pers, and Sureties ibr the Peace or Be- haviour. With 2- View to fome late Pro- ceedings, and the Defence of them by the Majority, upon tht Principles of Law and the Constitution. Fifth Edition. Price onlv is. 6d. XIIL A POSTCRIPT to the fame, fecond Edition. Price is, XIV. A Letter from Candor to the PuBLu: Adverti'^er, on fome late intercfl- ing Trials, and other Points of civil Liberty, Second Edition. 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