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Maps, plates, Ctorv^ 'c, "^ay be filmed at different reduction i ' ^. Those too large to be entirely included in one expOi'^ure are filmed beginning in the upper left haiid corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent 6tkB filmis A des taux de reduction diffirents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est filmd A partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas. en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m«3thode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 / 4* 1 V. ,1 f '^ gC I r^^- "> •v!? -,'rt WORKS ISSUED BY XLbc Ibaklu^t Society. -f)- DANMSH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605 TO 1620. BOOK I.— EXPEDITIONS TO OREENEAND, 1605 TO 1612. No. XCVI. H DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605 ^^0 1620. IN TWO BOOKS: BOOK I.-THK IMXISIf EXI'EDITIONS TO CKKKXF.AX !) IN 1605, 160O, AND ,^7; TO WHICH IS AI.I.KI, CAITAin James Ha.i.'s Vovack tc Cki.i.M.AM, in ,612. HOOK II.-THK EXI'EDITION OK CAI'TAIX JKXS MLXK TO H II. sons liAV IN SkaRCH OK A NoRTH-WksT I'assac.k in 1619-20. iBUctcD. iuitfi Hotru anlr imroDurKonB. BV C. C. A. GOSCH. BOOK I. LONDON: I'KINTEI) FOR THE HAKLIVT SOCIETY. M.DtCC.XCMI. ^'^~ Si^o LONDON ; I'RINTI'.D M' TIIK llHDKORl) I'RKSS, .tO ANU 31, IIBDKOKUUUKV, W.t. ■ COUNCIL THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. SiK Cl.F-MKNTs NFakkmam, K.C.B.. F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S., \ RKSIDKVT. TiiK ki<;nr IIuN. Till.; I OKI) Stani.ky ok Ai.df.ri.kv, \'i( i;-l'Ki;sri)i;NT. SlK WlI.r.lAM WllA KTON, K.C.H., \'l( K-I'KKSIDKNT. ''. K AV.MoM) |{i;a/i,i;y, !•: SI'.. M.A. < iM.dNKI, (J. KAKI, ClIL'Kf 11. I'm; Kiiiiir Hon. ciKoui i{i;i; N. CiKzoN, .\l.p, .\i.ni:iM Cray, K.sq. Ai.iKi II IIak.\i>\\()1mii, i;n(.i. I'm. kiciir lldN. LoKii II.wvkksiu kv. I'JiUAKI) Hk.wvood, Ivsy., M.A. AliMIRAr, .SiK .\\llloNV U. IIOSKINS, (l.C.n. Ki;ak-.\i>mikai. .\i,hi;kt II. Makkiiam. A. ['. Mai nsi.Av, Ksq. 1'.. Dii.MAR MoKcJAN, Ksg. C.M'T.MN N'AIIIAN. \<.V.. AdmiKAI. SlU !•:. (J.MMANNKV, C. H. , I\R..S. CiTiiHKKi I'",. I'i:i;k, h'.sv. v.. (J. k.w iiN.MKiN, Esq. Howard Salndkrs, Esq. •llAKl.KS W'KI.CII. E.Sl.1., I'.S.A. WlI.I.lAM FOSTKK, ICSQ., M. A. , lloiu irary Secri'lary. COXTKXTS ()!• HOOK I. P:i»itors I'rkkack • * • • Introduction : j! I.— On the Original Accoimts of the XOyagrs to {;icfnland in 1605, 1606, i(>o7, nm\ 1^,12 . .^ 1 1. -Preliminary Remarks 011 the X'oyages to (Mccnland in 1605, 16c/), 1607, anti 1612 . . . . Postscript KM'IDITIons to Cki.ini.ani.. iCkj,. fny,, iC^;, and 1612: A Report to King Christian IV of Denmark on the Danisli Expedition to (ireenland, under the (ornmand of C aptain John Cunningham, in 1^,05. I'.y James Hall, ( iiief j'ilot Another Account of the Danish Expedition to (ireenland, under the command of Captain John CumiinKliam, in 1605. |{y James Hall. Chief I'ilot : as abbreviated 1)\- the Rc\. Samuel I'urchas .... An .\ccount of the Danish Kxpethtion to (ireenland, under the command of Cajnain (wxlske Lindenow, in 1606. IJy James Hall, Chief i'iiot: a> abbre\ialed by tiie Rev. Samuel I'urchas ..... An Account f)f the Knj^lish Kxpedition to (Ireenland, under the command of Captain James Hall, in 1612. Ily John (latonbe, Quartermaster , » Another Account of the latter part of tlie English Expedition to (Ireenland, under the tommand of Ca])tain James Hall, in 1612. liy William Haftln ; as abbreviated by the Rev. .Samuel I'urchas ..... Appen'DICKs : Appendix .\.— On the " Stockholm Chart". By C. C. A. Coscli Appendix B.— On " Busse Island". By Miller Christy VAC.E IX XXIV cxiii 54 120 '39 164 Inkkx :o^ fF i»^- LIST OF MAPS IN HOOK I. Map of (Greenland and Davis Strait, showing the Courses followed on the Expeditions of 1605, 1606, and 1612 facing I lall's Map of his " Kinge Chiistianus Forde" (Itivdiek) Facing Halls Map of his " CiininKhani's Forde" (The Southern Kan- Kerdkiarsuk) . .. . . Facing Hall's Mail of his " Urade Hanson's Forde" (Serfortak) Facing Hall's Ma|) of the portion of the West Coast of (Greenland • » . Facing explored by him Reproduction of the " Stockholm Chart'" Reproduction of Sellers Map of" iUiss Island" In ihk Text. Map of Itivdiek Map of North and South Kangerdkiarsuk . Map of part of Arfersiorfik with Serfortak 111 18 18 18 iS Facing Facine •39 164 Iv Ixi Ixvii EDITOR'S PREFACE. N several previous volumes, the Hakluyt Society has j)ublishecl new editions of the orijj^inal ac- counts of all the Knj^lish voyaj^es in search of a North- West Passaj^e to India which were undertaken between 1576 and 1632, when, after the return of Foxe and James, the search was discontinued for a considerable period. These voyaj^es form a distinct and connected series. Between the years indicated, only one ex[)edition was sent out with the same object from any other country thnn E no land, e-z.:., the Danish Expedition to Hudson's Bay under Jens Munk in 1619-1620; and inasmuch as that expe- dition was piloted by Englishmen and was intend xl to follow up the results obtained upon some of the English voyages, it may fairly be looked upon as closely connected with the latter. It seemed de- sirable, therefore, to complete the Society's series of works relating to the exi)editions in question by r X EDITOR s i'rp:fa(:e. adding an English version of Munk's narrative of his voyage. There appeared so much the more occasion for doing so, as Munk's book, which was published in Danish in 1624, had never been translated into any other language, and its contents, which are interesting in many respects, were kn»)wn to the world at large only through incomplete and un- reliable abstracts. On the initiative of Mr. Miller Christy, the editor of the last English voyages, vi.":., those of Ft)\e and James, it was accordingly arranged that an I{nt^lish version of Minik's Naz'^i^aiio Scp- tentrionalis should be issued by the Society under the joint editorship of Mr. Christy and Mr. K. Del- mar Morgan, as was announced at the time." At a very earl\' stage, however, the last-named gentle- man offered to retire ; after which, I was invittxl by the Council to take his place, which I had much pleasure in doing. Shortly after, it was decided to join to Munk's narrative the accounts of James Hall's voyages from Denmark and England to Creenland in 1605, 1606, 1607, and 1612. New editions of at least the first two of these voyages were, indeed, called for by the fact that a very consitlerable amount of fresh material for the elucidation of Hall's discoveries had come to light, but had, as yet, been utilised only to a small extent. In one respect, the arrangement adopted was not altogether appropriate: viz., in so far that the voyages 1 See Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe and Jniiws, p. liii, note. w KHITOU S PKEr- ACK. XI in question had totally different objects from that of Munk, and could not be reckoned amon!:^st those undertaken in search of a North-West Passai>e ; but, from several other points of view, there aj)j)eared, nevertheless, to be not a Httk; connection between at least the first three of these voyages to Greenland and that of Munk. They were in some respects fore-runners of Munk's expedition, and form with it a notable chapter in the history of Danish Arctic enterprise. Nor were these Danish voyages to Greenland without connection with Enij^land and the Enj^lish expeditions in search of a North-West Passajj;"e, seeing" that the chief pilot, James Hall, to whom the credit o( the discoveries made mainly belongs, was an I'^n^lishman ; and that one of the vessels of the expedition was commanded by another I^nnlishman, John Knight, who in the followinjj;' year commanded one of the I^nj^lish voyages just alluded to. It may be mentioned, too, that the expedition of 1605 was commanded by John Cunninj^ham. a Scotchman, who afterwards commanded one of the v(!ssels on the .second voyage. As regards Hall's own voyage in 161 2, its inclu- sion in tin: present work ma\' seem less justifiable. It was neitluM" a Danish voyage nor had it for its object (like the three prt!ceding ones) the discovery of the lost ccjlonies in GreeMiland. It was a |)urely English voyage, undertaken solely for commercial purposes. Moreover, portions of the two accounts we have of this voyage have already appeared in ¥ ?!^^i Nil EDITOR S PRKFACK. one of the works issued by the Hakluyt Society.' Nevertheless, it was felt that a new edition of these two narratives would not be out of place in connec- tion with those of the Danish voyages. Not only did Hall on this occasion supi)lement his discoveries made on the previous voyages, but the accounts of the voyage of 1 6 1 2 will be found to assist materially in elucidating those of the expeditions of 1605 and 1606. In many respects, the voyage of 161 2 was a continuation of the earlier ones, and the accounts of the former are only in part intelligible to readers who are not familiar with the accounts of the latter. I'Lirthermore, by joining together the accounts of all the voyages to Greenland in which Hall took [)art, it has been possible to collect in one place all that is known of the life and work of a man who occupies a very honourable place amongst early English Arctic explorers. The present work consists, therefore, of two distinct parts, or " Books", each constituting a volume, with its own index, and so far complete in itself Book I contains rej)rints from PuvcJias his Pil- grimcs ( 1 625), of Hall's own accounts of the voyages of 1605 'iii^^^ 1606, and of Baffin's account of the voyage of 161 2; as well as a reprint, from Churchill's Collections of Voyages and Travels, of Gatonbe's account of the latter voyage. To these are added ' The lovdffes of William Baffin, edited by Sir Clements Markham (Hakluyt Society, iSSi). r.DITOR S I'REKACE. XIII another account of the voyage of 1605 ^' V\d\\ himself, accompanied by maps, now printed for the first time, from a manuscript in the British Museum ; and translations of two Danish accounts of the voyages of 1605 and 1606. There are also two Appendices, treatinjr respectively of an old chart ("The Stockholm Chart"), which is of much interest in connection with Hall's Voyai^es, and of " Buss Island". Book II contains a translation of Jens Munk's Navigatio Scptcntrionalis, made from the edition of 1624, corrected by means of Munk's original manu- script. This is followed by a Commentary, contain- ing, partly, explanatory matter which would otherwise have had to be given in footnotes of inconvenient length, partly a discourse on Munk's map, which has not hitherto received the attention it may justly claim. That the work, thus extended in scope, now appears under my name alone is due to the fact that Mr. Christy, who had initiated it, decided to withdraw from participation in the (iditorshii) before the completion of the work. As the latter, however, was far advanced at the time, it becomes my agreeable duty here to record the part borne by Mr. Christy during the time of our joint editorship. Partly by mutual arrangement, partly by force of circumstances, the main part of the literary work fell to my share, whilst Mr. Christy was Liood enough to imdertake the more technical business of seeing the work through tlio press, XIV f:ditok s pkekack. jirrani^inf»' the execution of the illustrations, etc. But he has not by any means confined himself to this. Besides Ap()endix li containing an exhaustive dis- course on the imaj^inary "Buss Island". Mr. Christy has contributed to Book I that part of the Intro- duction which treats of the EnLj^lish expedition of 1612 (pp. cii-cxi), as well as most of the notes to (iatonbe's and Baffin's accounts of that voyage, and a number of notes to other portions of the book, mostly containing information on questions of biogra[)hy and natural history, or referring to obsolete words and various defects in the texts of Hall's narratives, which were reprinted from Pur- chas under Mr. Christy's s[)ecial suj)erintendence. To Book II Mr. Christy has contributed the second chapter of the Introduction, containing a Notice of the English Voyages which preceded Munk's (pp. Ixviii-xciv) ; furthermore, the map of Churchill Harbour, and some notes. To Mr. Christy's active incjuiries are due besides several interesting extracts from English records. With these exceptions, the editorial matter is my own work ; at the same time, it is a matter of course that, in what each of us has written, we have benefited by mutual assistance in minor matters, in which resj)ect my indebted- ness cannot but be the greater considering the proportionate bulk of our parts. It may be mentioned in this connection that the ,'^e chart of Hudson's Bay and Strait j)laced at the end of Book 1 1 was originally prepared for, and used in, Mr. Miller Christy's Voyaors of Foxe and EDITOR S PREFACE. XV fames ; but as it equcilly well serves our purpose here, it is used au^ain, with slioht alterations, Munk's route beino- revised. Several English correspondents, whose names are mentioned in the proper places, have kindly afforded information and assistance. It will be easily understood that a considerable proportion of the information required for the elucidation of the voyaj^es edited in these volumes had to be obtained from Denmark, and that I am, consequently, much indebted to friends and corre- spondents there. I have much pleasure in recordinq; my best thanks to M. P»ruun, Princij)al Librarian of the Royal Library at Copenhagen, for the loan to London of a copy of the rare first edition (1624) of IMimk's b(3ok ; to Dr. Hirket Smith. Principal Librarian of the University Library at Copenhagen, who kindly made arrangements for me to copy Munk's original manuscript at a time of the year when the Library was closed to the public ; to AL Jiirgensen. Keeper of the National Archives in Denmark, for special facilities of research ; and to Count Snollsky, Princi|)al Librarian of the Royal Library at Stockholm, for permission to have a copy executed of the interesting old chart which I have described as "the Stockholm Chart". I am, more- over, beholden to all these gentlemen, as well as to Dr. Wieselgren, Sub- Librarian at Stockholm, and others, for information and kind assistance of various kinds. F"inally, I am under great obligations to XVI EDITOR S PREFACE. i Capt. J. A. Jensen, of the Danish Royal Navy, who. during- the years 1878, 1879, 1884 and 1885, pardy executed, partly superintended, the mapping of the West Coast of Greenland between lat. 64^ and 68'', and has kindly placed at my disposal a large number of maps and map-sketches of various localities on that coast, which were visited by Hall. These have been of very great use, and, with Capt. Jensen's permission, three of them have been repro- duced in the first volume. C. C. A. GoscH. i'l August, 1897. CCAGOSCH'S "DANISH ARCTIC VOYAGES 69 , showing THE ROUTES OF THE VOYACffiS fron DENMARK AND ENGIAND GREENLAND Ju ChrwlraTVu IC VOYAGES, 1605-1620'! BOOKl [HAKLUYT S0C.1897) 9i grj w >■ — * 68" ^7 6r 65' tr* f r? f i f iii I f f i r r I "' flfi *^ * ,Tuh/// Jwly\fHn,. \ 6I-' Frobisher Bay Resokitiaii I. Hudson Strait '1. i? \ \ \ t^ \ \ \ / (D / 4. \ \ \ / n. . — — ^ M \\ r, ^J July 23 J I a / / \ \ M — -^.4,/v^. uf- \ \ V V \ \ \ \ \ June / I JWayiV' I t \ A hjf /On j Ik AtaM O.PhOxpJi San.JZ Flee^S'K.C -Ui.- i -UH- '^fmmim THE DANISH EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, IN 1605, 1606, AND 1607 ; TO WHICH IS ADDED CAPTAIN JAMES HALL'S VOYAGE TO GREENLAND in 1612. [From Purchas His Pi/grimes, Churchill's Collection of Voyages and Travels, and a Manuscript in the British Museum.] J INTRODUCTION. I. — On the Oi-iginal Accounts of the J'oj'a^es to Green/and in 1605, 1606, 1607, an(t 1612. NTIL within the last fifty years, very Httle was known about the Danish Expeditions to Green- land in 1605 "^^^^ 1606, beyond what could be learned from the accounts of James Hall (who acted as pilot), which were published in Purchas his Pilgrimcs} In several respects, however, these narratives are defective, notably as retrards the ^geographical exploration of the coast ; and, if it is now possible to give a fairly-complete account of these voyages, this is due to the fact of important fresh material having come to light within the period named. ^ " Hakluytiis Posfhumus, or Purchas his Pi /grimes ; Contayn- ing a History of the IVorid, in Sea Voyages and Lande Trauel/s, h Englishmen and others" * * * By Samuel Purchas, ?>.!). (London, 4 vols., fcp, fol., 1625), vol. iii, pp. 814-826. vi DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-T62O. The foremost place amongst these new sources of knowledge must be conceded to Hall's original Report to the King of Denmark on the voyage of 1605, of which a copy is preserved in the British Museum.' The chief importance of this document lies in the fact that it is accompanied by four maps, drawn by Hall, which constitute the earliest attempts at anything like accurate mapping of any portion of the west coast of Greenland, and which, as such, are extremely creditable to Hall. These maps not only illustrate the Report, but, as regards one portion of the voyage, they really repre- sent nearly all the information concerning it that we have from Hall himself After having reached a convenient port in Greenland, where the com- mander of the expedition might wait for him in safety, Hall set out in a smaller vessel in order to explore the coast northwards, as far as he could in the course of three or four weeks ; but, in the " Report", he gives no description at all of this portion of the voyage, or of its result, referring merely to his maps, from which alone, therefore, the reader is left to gather where Hall went and what he discovered. These maps do not accompany the accounts published by Purchas : hence the great importance of their having come to light. It was Mr. Clements Markham who, in 1881, first drew attention to the existence of this manuscript and the 1 MS. Bibl. A'et^'., 17A, xlviii, p. 261. EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. VU maps in his work on William Baffin^; but, as they came under his notice only in connexion with the fact that Baffin served under Hall in 1612, Mr. ]\L;rkham did not enter further on the subject. His observa- tions, however, led to the manuscript and the maps being copied for the use of the Danish Commission for the Exploration of Greenland, and the maps were reproduced (though mostly on a reduced scale) in an interesting paper by Mr. K. J. V. Steenstrup, on the ancient Scandinavian settlement in Greenland, published in 1889.^ Hall's report itself was not then published, and is now printed for the first time in the present volume, accompanied by full-size reproductions of the maps.^ 1 The Voyages c/' William Baffin, 1612-1622 (Hakluyt Society, 1 881), pp. xxi, 17, id 23. - Oni OsteH>\gde/i, in Meddelcher om Gronland [Reports on Greenland], vol. ix (1889), p. 1-5 1. These Meddeher (which will he often quoted in the sequel) constitute the regular organ of the Commission for the Exploration of Greenland, and contain a vast amount of information on that country. ^ The manuscript consists of 21 leaves, small quarto, and is bound together with others of a similar size. The watermark of the paper, as far as visible, represents two towers. Tlie leaves have no original numbering or pagination, but the second to the twentieth leaf have subsequently been marked in pencil, i to 19, by some librarian. All the pages are bordered all round by fine red double lines, which extend beyond the corners where they meet to the edges of the i)aper, except on the pages prepared for maps, on which the border-lines are not so continued. The first leaf has no writing on it, and the report commences on the front page of the second leaf, without any title-page or heading. I'he text is closely and very neatly written in the same hand all through, but whether by Hall himself, or by a professional scribe Ill 11^ viii DANISH ARCTIC EXl'EDITIONS, 1605-162O. How this document (which, one would think, would naturally have found a place in some Danish — which latter seems to be the more probable — cannot be decided in the absence of even the smallest authenticated scrap of Hall's own handwriting. The text extends over 1 1 pages, ending at the foot of the front page of the seventh leaf, the back of which does not exhibit any writing. On the front page of the eighth leaf is written in red : -" The Demonstration of the fordes, rivers, and the coste", and on the reverse of this leaf the first map is drawn. The description of, or key to, that map occupies the opposite page (viz., the front page of the ninth leaf), on the back of which the second map is drawn. The tenth, eleventh, and front of the twelfth leaf arc similarly occupied by maps and their descriptions, but the back of the last-named folio contains nothing 0/ the kind, though it is prepared for a map, as are also the back pages of the remaining leaves, excepting the last. As, however, they have not been utilized, the manuscript ends virtually on the twelfth leaf. On all the pages intended for maps (13 in number), the rectangle formed by the border-lines is divided into quarters by black lines, and a compass is drawn — rather carelessly — in the centre. On all of tnem, the fleur-de-lys (or "fly") of the compass has been originally drawn pointing to the right, but subsequently erased. On the eight last map-pages, it has been redrawn in the same position, over the erasure ; but, on the first five of these pages, it has been replaced by another, pointing upwards. As regards the maps themselves, we refer the reader to our reproductions. As, however, these have had to be done in black only, in order to save expense, it should be noticed that the originals are coloured. They appear to have been origi- nally drawn — the outlines at least — with a lead pencil, and afterwards blackened with ink. The water is tinted a pale dirty blue ; the land, light green ; the mountains, dark brown. In addition to the border-lines, the reference-letters on the maps, as well as the corresponding letters in the descriptions, and the headings of the descriptions, are in red. The compasses of all four maps are coloured red, blue, and yellow ; and the Royal Arms of Denmark on the fourth map are roughly, but, as far as it goes, correctly, blazoned in colours. KXPEDITIONS TO (iRKENLAND. IX Archives) came to this country and found its way to the Royal Collection of MSS. is not known ; but more than one way can he imajrined in which this may have come about. The most probable ex- j)lanation is, j)erhaps, indicated by the fact that the MS. is pre|)ared for more maps than the four we have. The Rej^ort announces itself as written in the year 1605 — as, indeed, Hall's original account must have been, because the King" would require an immediate report on the exploration of the coast, which formed a primary object of the voyage. But, as it is not at all likely that Hall would have had time then to elaborate a document like the one before us, the probability is that he submitted a jireliminary account, accompanied by some sketches sufficient for the purpose, and that he afterwards, at his leisure, prctpared a finished copy for presentation on some future occasion. Sup[)osing (which is by no means improbable) that the sk(!tches brought home fn^n the first voyage were not quite sufficient for the purpose. Hall may, on the second voyage, have sup- plcmenti^d them, as far as the localities then visited were concerned ; and he may have postponed the execution of the remaining maps until he should have; visited the other places a second time, for which he would naturally expect to have an oppor- ttiiiity in 1607. ■^^^' however, in that year, he was ordered to proceed to a different part of Greenland, and as, after that, the expeditions were discontinued, 1 1 all may never have b(;en able to finish the maps ; and, when his enoa<>cment in Denmark ti^rminated I' i DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS. 1605-162O. (H |: !l< soon after, he may have carried the document with him to England and even finished it here.^ Whether a similar report on the second voyage ever existed is not known, but it is not probable, because the geographical exploration of the country was not, on that occasion, further extended. A comparison between Hall's Report to the King and his account of the first voyage, as printed in Purchas his Pilgrims, shows that the latter, upon the whole, is fuller, containing a number of details which would interest a general reader, but which would not be in their proper place in a Report to the King, such as the names of the ships and their com- manders, many details of navigation, etc. The principal addition is a so-called '* Topographical Description of Greenland", evidently written as an entirely separate piece, a kind of appendix to the 1 This is Mr. Gosch's view. It seems to me more probable that an official report to the King of Denmark would be made in 1 )anish, rather than in English, even though the reporter was an Englishman, and though the King is known to have had many other trusted English servants, who could at any moment have translated the report for him. I cannot, therefore, regard the interesting MS. in the British Museum as the actual original Report to the King. It appears to me more likely that the MS. was either Hall's first draft, from which a translation intended for the King (and now lost) was made, or a copy of his Report to the King which Hall retained for his own private use. It is quite possible, as suggested by Mr. Markham ( Voyages of Baffin, p. xxi), that, whatever this MS. is. Hall retained it, and brought it with him to England, and presented it to King James ; or it is just conceivable that it is a copy sent by the King of Denmark (Christian IV), as a matter of courtesy, to his brother-in-law King James. — M. C- i f EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. XI account of the whole vovaoe. which the editor, in an extremely clumsy manner, has thrust into the middle of it — viz., in the place where Hall's account of his excursion in the smaller vessel would have stood, if he had given one. It seems as if Purchas had felt that something was wanting here, and had tried to fill up the gap by means of this piece. It has a separate heading and commences quite abruptly, without any connexion with the preceding ; but the conclu- sion is worked up with the continuation of Hall's account of the voyage. Apart from these differ- ences, and the one other particular point alluded to above, the agreement between the two accounts with regard to what is told, how it is told, and, not least, with regard to what is not told, is so close that the account printed by Purchas may properly be described as an amplification of the Report, done of course by Hall himself from his notes, and so far equally original, but with a view to publication, and very likely intended to be entrusted to Hakluyt, from whom Purchas most probably ob- tained it at the death of the former in 1618, as he (lid many other narratives.^ There is, however (as already mentioned), one very im})()rtant difference between the account in Purchas and the Re|)ort, viz., that the former is not accompanied by maps, nor is there any mention of, or reference to, any such. If the two narratives had not, in other respects, been so closely alike as they are, there would have been * See Purchas his nigrimes, vol. i, Preface to the Reader. ^ n \ 'i II xii DANISH ARCTIC KXl'KDITIONS, 1605-162O. nothiiio- j)articiilarly notttworthy in this fact. But, under the circumstcinces. it is remarkable that Hall, in this later account, should have, as' it were, skipped his exploring- excursion in the pinnace, exactly in the same maniUT as h(; docs in tht: K(;port to the Kino-, and yet not have referred his read(;rs to maps, as h(i does in the Rej)ort. If he had not intended the account printed in Purchas to be accompanied by the maps, surely he would have oiven a description of this excursion, as of course he could easily have done. It is true that Purchas himself says that the account which he prints is " abbreviated" from the original, and in m.uiy places there is evidence of this abbreviation havinj^ been done with too little care. Hut it cannot be supposed for a moment that who- ever executed this abbreviation would have left out what ct)uld not but be reoarded as one of the most important jwrtions of the narrative. It seems, there- fore, most probable that Hall intended his account to be accompanied by copies of the maps with which his Repori to the; Kino' was illustrated, and that his account originally contained references to thcMii, similar to those contained in this last-mentioned document, but that Purchas (or whoever arranged th(! narrative for publication) suppressed the allusions to the maps, as he did not intend to publish the latter. It is, of course, quite possible that Purchas may n(;ver have come into possession of the maps ; but, in that case, we believe it must be assumed that the abbreviation of the accounts was not done by EXI'KDITIONS To (iRKKNLAN'l >. Xlll him, becaust; it seems to be j)rovecl by a certain j)assaoe in a note ap[)endecl to the account of the second voyage that the person who brought Hall's narratives into the shape in which we now have them in Purchas was acquainted with the maj)s. The note in question (see pp. 79-80) consists of disjointed statements, evidently culled from Hall's unabbreviated narrative by somebody who appears to have considered that they ought not to have been omitted from the abstract, and. there- fore, added them at the iini\. One of these state- ments is the followino- : " l^redaransies Ford is most northerly." Now the locality here alluded to was visited by Hall on his exploring excursion in the [)innace in 1605, and was shown on his map under the name of " Brade Ranson's Ford" ; but it is not mentioned in his narratives, because in that of the first voyage nothing is said about the geographical results of the excursion, and on the second voyage the place in question was not visited. Whoever wrote this note must, there- fore, have seen the niaps ; and, if any proof were wanted that this was not Hall himself, we have it in the corruption of the name, which can not reasonably be attributed to Hall. If Purchas wrote the note, he must have had this information from the map (IV, k) ; and, as he is known to have suppressed Baffin's map,^ he may have sujipressed ' See Purchas /lis Pii}^nines, vol. iii, p. 847, note : also Mark- ham's I Wages of IVilliam Baffin, p. liv. . u M i if: j 1 ' [\ 1 L ' ' XIV DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. Hall's also. At the same time, in favour of the sup- position that he received the narrative in the state in which he printed it, we may adduce the consideration that, if he had himself collected these additional statements from Hall's original MS., he would probably have inserted them in the abstract in their proper places, instead of presenting them to his readers in such a crude form. In any case, whether Purchas or another wrote the note, this much is certain : That, not only was the abbre- viation made and the note written, but the accounts of Hall, in their present form, and his maps were seen by persons interested in Arctic Research before 1612, because several of Hall's local names mentioned in these accounts (and particularly also " Bredrans's R.") appear, more or less corrupted, on the map published in 161 2 by Hessel Gerritsz. The date may even have been earlier, because Gerritsz's map is generally (and no doubt rightly) supposed to be, in the main, a reproduction of Hudson's "card", which (apart from the portions discovered by Hudson himself) may be taken as representing his ideas of the results of arctic explorations previous to his own setting out in 1 6 10. If those names were found on Hudson's "card" (as is quite possible), he must have had access to Hall's accounts, or to information derived from them. We have, however, no means of knowing whether those names were on the " card" ; and it is, perhaps, more probable that Hessel Gerritsz put them on his map from informa- EXFKDITIONS TO (;kEKNLAND. XV tion of his own, as the names mostly appear in a corrupted form, which can scarcely have been derived from Hudson's "card". The misspelling ' Bredrans R." of course points to the above- mentioned note as its source ; but another of the names (*' Romborts R." for Ramelsfjord — on Hall's map " Romlesford") does not occur in Purchas. In Purchas' work, Hall's accounts are accompanied by numerous side-notes, nearly all merely intended for reference. Of these, some seem due to Hall, be- cause of the employment of the first person, as : " Our departure in the pinnace" ; " We meet again with the Lion\ etc. ; but we have reproduced only a few of them, which convey additional in- formation. Next in importance to Hall's Report to the King of Denmark on the expedition of 1605, and the maps belonging to it, stands the manuscript Journal of Alexander Leyell, who was one of the crew of the pinnace in which Hall made his excursion north- wards, Leyell's notes, short as they are, supple- ment, in a most fortunate manner. Hall's narrative, as will be shown more fully in the proper place. A Journal similar to that of Leyell, but relating to the second voyage in 1606, has also been preserved. It was kept by Hans Bruun, who was in command of one of the vessels employed on that occasion. A third contemporary manuscript, which refers to the expedition of 1605, gives a short account of the Greenlanders who were at that time brought ssssm tl Xvi DANISH ARCTIC KXI'EDITIONS. 1605-162O. down to Denmark. It is anonymous, and is of little importance for our present purpose. Finally, we have to mention a manuscript chart of the beginning of the seventeenth century, which is of interest in connexion with these expeditions, because all the principal names bestowed by Hall on various localities in Greenland in 1605 ^""^ inserted upon it, even such as are not mentioned either in the accounts printed by Purchas, or on Hessel Gerritsz's map, but only appear on Hall's own map of the coast explored by him. We shall allude to this chart hereafter as the " Stockholm Chart" ; but, as the observations we have to make on it are rather lengthy, we have printed them in form of an Appendix (A), to which we refer the reac ir. It is curious that these four documents, like Hall's Report to the King, are not preserved in Denmark. They all belong to the Royal Library at Stockholm, forming part of a volume of manuscripts which is generally supposed to have been carried away from Denmark, together with other literary treasures, by King Carl X Gustaf during his war with Denmark in 1658-59.^ ^ The four MSS. above mentioned are bound, together with several others, in a parchment cover dating from the seventeenth century (Catalogue-mark, K. 29). This is marked on the side "JVo. 75". On the back, near the top, is written : Karl Knuds[o]us I Och Groniands \ histori[e\ mscr. \ II. Farther down, is written : Antiquitets Coll. s. sign K 2g, which latter inscription is thought to be the only portion dating from the period subsequent to the removal of the volume to Sweden. On the first flyleaf is written : Antrox Lymvicj Citnhrj 8j, apparently indicating that the volume ^^^fwrw^wi^ I ;■ EXPEDITIONS TO GRKENLAND. XVli The three first-named documents were made use of for the first time by Dr. C. Pingel, and published in 1845 in his valuable paper entitled Nyere Reiser til Grimland (Modern X'^oyaf^es to Greenland).^ Complete translations of the Journals will be found in the following pages, partly in our general account of these two voyages, partly in our notes to Hall's accounts; but, as they consist entirely of '^hort disconnected entries, it has not been thought necessary to print them separately and as a whole amongst the texts. Nor have we seen sufficient reason for translating the account of the Green- landers. The Stockholm Chart was brought to (or, at any rate, the first manuscript contained in it) once was the [jroperty of a native of Jutland, named Anders Lemvig, which is a Danish name. Leyell's Journal consists of six leaves (21 by 16.5 cm.), of which the first only contains the following title : Sandjerdigh Beretningh um thetm Groenlandesz reise soiii Ktiiiiig. May. 2, Skiff giorde Anno i6os^. Alexander Leyell. ("A truthful .-Vccount of the Voyage to Greenland which three of H.R.M. Ships made in the year 1605. A. L") This is repeated as a heading to the Journal, which commences on the second leaf. The last leaf contains only four and a half lines of text, besides a note signed Wylhn Hendricks ij Egebeck. The handwriting is the same all through, neat and firm, excepting the note at the end and another in the margin of the second i)age of the fourth loaf, which are both in the same, much inferior hand. Bruun's Journal is written on three leaves (20.7 by 16.8 cm.), in a less good hand than Leyell's. It has neither title-page nor heading, iiie anonymous notice of the Greenlanders occupies three leaves. With regard to the Stockholm Chart, we refer the reader for parti- culars to Appendix A. * In Gronlands historiske Mindesnuerker, vol. iii, pp. 625-794. (.openhagen (The Royal Society of Antiquaries), 1845. C i i', f Xviii DANISH ARCTIC EXI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O. light in 1886 (though the bare fact of its existence was known before) by Mr. K. J. V. Steenstrup, of Copenhajren, who wrote an article on it in the periodical Vmer,^ accompanied by a reproduction of the Chart. As, however, this periodical will not be accessible to the majority of our readers, we have caused a new facsimile reproduction to be made for the present volume. Until the discovery of Hall's Report and the pub- lication of his maps and the two Journals above- mentioned, the history of the two first Danish expeditions to Greenland was, as already stated, chiefly known from Hall's accounts in Purchas's work ; but it must not be inferred that no contem- porary Danish accounts were known to exist. As a matter of fact, two were known : one by Jens Bielke and the other by C. C. Lyschander. both of them well-known Danish authors, and both of them unmistakeably supplied with information by persons who had taken part in the expeditions. But, un- fortunately, both of these narratives are popular compositions in verse, aimino- rather at the enter- tainment of the reader than at conveying; accurate information ; and, thouoh the i>eoi>Taphical explora- tion and mapping- of the coast are mentioned, no details of a precise nature are given. We have, of course, adduced whatever these treatises contain that 1 Ymer, 1886, Stockholm (6'z;^«j/'benha7vn \ Aff Benedicht l.aurentz. 1608. 8". Title, two prel. leaves, A-Z lij ; unpaged. The full title reads thus in English: — The Greenland Chronicle: In which is briefly described how that land in olden time was first discovered, was settled by inhabitants, 7t'as appropriated to the larder of the Kings of Nonvay, received the Christian Faith, was subject to the Archbishops of Trondhiem, and had its 07vn particular Bishops ; together with a clear and orderly list of many Kings of Nonvay and of all the Bishops of Greenland, and other Norioegian and Icelandic events and such of the South Islands \Suderoerne or Syderoerne (the South Islands) is the ancient Danish and Norwegian name for the Hel)rides] | referred to their proper times and years, as much as ■ine may gather from the ancient antiquities and records of Denmark, Xitrway, England, Scotland, Fri stand, Iceland, the Isle of Man, C 2 ■MlilfcJBI Y i'/ 't XX DANISH ARCTIC EXrKDITIONS, 1605-162O. 1726.^ In this work is narrated the ancient history of Greenland to the cessation of communication with it, as well as the voyages undertaken for its redis- covery (amongst them Frobisher's) down to, and including, the three Danish expeditions of 1605-6-7, of which there is a full account. The last-mentioned circumstance is very fortunate, because no other account of the third expedition — that of 1607 — is now known to exist. Purchas, after recounting the events of the second voyage, merely 'ays •} "I have also Master Halts Voyage of the next yeere, 1607. ^'^ Groenland from Den- >narke, written and with representations of Land- sights curiously delineated by losias Hubert of Hull \ but the Danes (envious, perha})s, that the and of other neighbouring^ kingdoms and countries ; and further- nior'', the three successful expeditions of the most mighty, highborn Prince and Lord, King Christian the Fourth, King of Denmark, Nonvay, the Gothes and Vandnls, etc., the two frst being made to the South- JVestern part of the country in the years i^o^ and 1606, the third directed towards Eriltsfiord and the ancient Nonvegian route in i6oy. Printed for the honour and remembrance of all Dams and Nortvegians at Copenhagen ly Benedict Laurentz, 160S. The author's name ap[)ears only under the preface. This first edition is so rare that we know of no copy existing in England. Our references to the work will, therefore, be to the second edition. ^ This is a reprint with modernized spelling. The title has the additional words : Og nu paa nye trykt udi Hans Kgl. Majestrirts privil, Bogtrykkerie, J/ 26 ("and now printed anew in H. R. M. privileged Printing-house, 1726"). The work is an octavo, and consists of four preliminary leaves, including title, and 144 jjages. Pages 139-144 are occupied by different matter. 'I'he account of the expeditions of 1605-1607 occupies pp. 93-139. - Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iii, p. 827, 'I i wem EXTEDITIONS TO GRKENLAND. XX! irk, to 606, iaii )f all 160S. tirst unci. tion. glory of the Discovery would be attributed to the English Pilot), after the Land salutec' mutinied, and, in fine, forced the ship to returne for Island. For which cause, I have here omitted the whole." That Hall should not have written this account himself, as he wrote the others, seems rather stranoe ; but it may very well be that he did not think it worth while, as the voyage really was a failure. In any case, there is no reason that we are aware of, for thinking- otherwise than that Josias Hubert wrote it from Hall's notes, and that the "land-sights" (which Hall, as we know, was very capable of drawing) were his work. There is, as far as we are aware, no further indication that Hubert accompanied Hall on any of his voyages.^ ' Josias Hubert (otherwise Hubart and Hubbert) was, like Hall, a Hull man. Unless the above may be taken to indicate that he sailed with Hall in 1607, we know nothing of him till the year 1612, wiien he sailed under JUitton, probably as ni"le or pilot of one of the vessels. Some observations of his, made on this voyage and printed by Luke Vosg {Nort/t-icest Fox, p. 120; see also Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe and James, \). 171), show that he was both a skilled scientific observer and a very intelligent man. He made a chart of the western coast of Hudson's I5ay (see rior/ias /lis /'//gr//>/es, vol. iii, p. 848; North-west Fox, p. 16 r ; and Voyages of Foxe and James, pp. 163 ;/., 178^/., and 241) which is now lost. He seems to have been of the opinion that a passage from Hudson's liay to the Pacific should be sought in Churchill Hay, whence that Hay came to be known as " Hubert's Hope " (see Voyages of Foxe and James, \). x-jS /lote, etc.). He probably sailed with l>ylot and Haffin to Hudson's Bay in 1615, and is known to have accompanied them on their remarkable voyage to Baffin's liay in 16 16 {North-7vest Fox p. 151;, and Voyages of Foxe and James p. 231) I wiiitiigigieaB mBmmmmmm i H 1 1 . 1 Xxii DANISM ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. Lyschander's Chronica has — as, indeed, is na- tural — never been translated into any other language J but the main contents of it have become widely known through Isaac de la Peyrere's Relation dn Grocnlande. This writer accompanied Mons. de la Thuillerie on his embassy from France to Denmark and Sweden in 1644-45, and utilized the opportunity for collecting- information on the countries of the extreme North, which he embodied in two treatises. Relation de t Islande and Relation dit Groenlande. The latter was published anonymously at Paris in 1647. About one-half of it consists of an abstract of Lyschander's Chronica, which is alluded to as the "Danish Chroni- cle", Lyschander's name being scarcely mentioned. It obtained extraordinary currency on the Continent through numerous reprints and translations, and exercised a very considerable influence on the ideas of educated people concerning the far-away countries in question. Unfortunately, however, La Peyrere's accounts are far from reliable. He did not under- stand the Scandinavian languages, and had to trust largely, not only to translations, but to verbal communications, which he evidently often misunder- stood. Many and serious mistakes thus arose, and regrettabU; errors concerning the matters treated of in his book obtained, in consequence, wide accept- ance. As it is more particularly in connection with iMunk's voyage that the different translations of this book have interest, we refer to our bibliographic notice on that voyage for further information on the subject, and content ourselves with mentioning those EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. XXIU which have appeared in this country. The earliest of these was published in 1704 in Churchill's Collection of Voyages and Travels (vol. ii, pp. 447-477). Next followed a very full abstract of those portions of the book which treat of the early history of Greenland proper, and of the voyages undertaken for the rediscovery of it, mainly from Lyschander, which appeared in 18 18 in the second Enc^lish edition of Hans Egede's Description of Greenland} Finally, a complete translation of the Relation du Groenlande was published in 1850 by the Hakluyt Society.- Of Hall's own expedition from Enoland to Greenland in 161 2, there are two accounts: one, comprisino- the whole voyaoe, by John Gatonbe (or Gatenby), which was not published till 1732^; the other, by William Baffin, which only commences on July 8th, 16 1 2, and was published — in an " abbre- \iated" form as usual — in Purchas his Pilp^rimes} The former is the fuller and more complete of the two, and has the advantaj^e of various illustrations and a map, but several details are g-iven only in Baffin's narrative. The latter, as well as that of Gatonbe down to July loth, 161 2, were reprinted 1 In Hans Egede's Description of Greenlami .... with an Historical Introduction . Second edition, London, i8r8, 8vo, pp. xiv-lxxxvi. - A Collection of Documents on Spitzhergen and Greenland .... Edited hy Adam White. (London, 1850, Svo), pp. 175-249. •' In Churchill's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. vi (1732), PI). 241-251. * Op. cit. (1625), vol. ill, pp. 831-836. f l ^ i' i I II i ' lP^^iw^^f-gB ijllfllWiirilW lil'i Xxiv DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, l605-Ib20. and annotated by Mr. Clements R. Markham in his work on Baffin.^ We have reprinted them both in full, but we have not reproduced the map which accompanies Gatonbe's account, for reasons which will be found explained hereafter, in our preliminary remarks on the voyage of 1612. Finally, it should be mentioned that the accounts of all four voyages published by Purchas were abstracted in 1635 by Foxe, in his North-West Foxe.' ;'! :■ II. — Preliminary Remarks on the Voyages to Greenland in 1605, 1606, 1607, ^'^^ 161 2. The discovery of Greenland by Icelanders in the tenth century and the subsequent fate of the Scan- dinavian colony planted there have been told so often that there is no occasion for us here to enter at length on that subject. Suffice it, therefore, to remind our readers that Greenland, like Iceland, became, in the thirteenth century, subject to Norway, and, with that Kingdom, subsequently became a part of the dominions of the King of Denmark ; but that the communication between Greenland and the Scandinavian countries, after having been kept up for five centuries, entirely ceased in the course of the fifteenth century, owing to various causes. 1 The Voyages of IVilha/n Baffin, 1612-1622. London (Hakluyt Society), 1881, pp. 1-37. - Op. at., pp. 50-61. See also Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe and James (Hakluyt Society, 1894), pp. 86-101. EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. XXV IS. Of these, the principal one was, perhaps, the fact that, the revenue from Greenhmd being specially allotted to the Royal household, the trade became a monopoly and was neglected when more pressing affairs took up the attention of the King. The existence of this distant dependency was, however, not forgotten ; and, during the sixteenth century, the question of re-opening communication with it was mooted several times, partly on account of the interest felt by well-informed persons in the fate of the Scandinavian colonists there (who had so long been left to their own resources, but who were still supposed to exist), and partly, no doubt, on account of the commercial and financial advantages to be expected, the land being described in many old accounts as fertile and well-to-do. Nothing, however, was effected till the matter was taken up by King Christian IV. This able and energetic young Sovereign, who took every opportunity of extending the trade and shipping of his subjects, sent out three well-equipped expeditions in the years 1605-6-7 for the purposes of ascertaining the best route to Greenland, of exploring the land, of searching for the old colony, and of re-establishing the dominion of the Danish (or, rather, Norwegian) Crown there. No copy of the Letter of Instructions given to the commanders of the expedition in 1605 '^C)w exists ; but in what light the King viewed this undertaking, and what it was intended to effect, may be gathered from the expressions used in the Sea- Bf XXvi DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O, passport, or Letter of Credence, with which the commanders of the vessels were furnished. In this document, which is dated April i8, 1605, ^^ i*^-^^*^^ as follows : — " We, Christian the Fourth [etc.] Inas- much as the sailing-route to and from our land of Greenland has become somewhat doubtful and uncertain, because, for a long space of time, it has not been frequented by our people, and inas- much as we have thought it a part of our duty of government to ascertain the state of that our dominion, in order that we may in future provide for it whatever may be necessary in respect of Religion and the administration of Law and Justice : We have sent our Captain .... with orders to investigate the route to this our aforesaid dominion of Greenland and the harbours of it, in order that, when those have been found and report has been made to us upon them, We may take such measures as we shall think advisable and required by the circumstances . . . ." etc., etc.^ The expedition consisted of three vessels called Trost, Den Rode Love (or simply Loven), and Katten. The first of these names is a German word meaning " Consolation", and the vessel was probably so called from some canine favourite of the Queen, who was a German princess. Both Bielke and Lyschander continually refer to the vessel as Hmi- ^ Sjcellandske Register [a calendar of letters, etc., issued from the Danish Chancery] for 1605. ^ EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. XXVII de7i (the Dog), or Skjodehunden (the Lap-dog) ; and. as might be expected, they indulge in a good deal of punning on the name in connection with those of the two other vessels ; for the English equivalents of the names of the two last-mentioned vessels would be the Red Lion (or simply the Lion) and the Cat.^ The vessels mentioned all belontred to the I3anish Navy, and were probably amongst the best of their class, as they are frequently mentioned as being in commission. In a list of vessels employed in 1610 and 1 6 1 1 , Trosi and Katten are classed amongst the newer ships, Loven amongst the older ones. The first had been built by David Balfour, a Scotch- man (b. at St. Andrews, 1574), who during the greater portion of the period from 1597- 1634 was employed in building ships for the Danish Navy. She was a fast vessel, as also was Katten ; but Loven is described as rather slow iind unhandy when sailing close to the wind. There does not ^ As we shall often have to mention these and other Danish ships' names, we may observe in this place that, in Danish, the names of ships do not take the article as in English. One would not, in Danish, say, thk Sultan, thk Victoria, but simply Siittaii, Victoria. The article is used only when the name is really an appellative, as in the case of Liwen and Katten, and then it forms an integral part of the name, being affixed to the last syllable and inflected with it (unless an adjective is added). As the article, therefore, in such cases, cannot be separated from the substantive and translated by itself, and as it would be surplusage to say riiK den Rikie Love, or thk Katten, we cannot, in these cases, use the English article, unless the whole name is translated. We may say the Trost, and we might say the Rode Lim, but we must say Loven and Katten, or else T/ie Lion and T/ie Cat. T ..i^' fi XXviil DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-I62O. appear to be any official record of their sizes, crews, or armaments ; but Hall states in his account of the first voyage (see p. 20) that Trost and Loven were of the burthen of 30 or 40 Lasts, while Katten was of 1 2 Lasts ; and, in the note at the end of his account of the second voyage (see p. 80) it is stated that Trost was of 60 tons, Loven of 70 tons, and Katten of 20 tons, which statements agree fairly well, the Danish Last, formerly used for the measurement of ships in Denmark, being nearly equal to two English tons. Hall also states (see p. 80) that, on the second voyage, their respective complements were 48, 48, and 1 2 men ; and on the first voyage it was most likely about the same. According to a list of 1648, on which Trost is still mentioned as an old vessel carrying 16 guns (which, if the figure be correct, must have been of small calibre), Loven appears to have carried only six. Katten was probably only armed with a couple of small pieces. Vessels of her class served only as tenders, and she was, in this case, no doubt chiefly intended for the exploration of bays, harbours, etc. She appears afterwards to have gone by the name of " The Greenland Cat'\ John Cunningham, a Scotchman of notable family, was Captain of Trost and Chief Com- mander of the expedition.^ He is said to have ^ In Denmark, he was generally called "Konig", hut the name was corrupted in various ways. Lyschander, in one place, calls him " Hans Keymand". EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. XXIX travelled much and far, before he settled in Den- mark, where he became a Captain in the Navy in 1603. He left the service in 16 19, when he was made Lehnsman of Vardohuus, that is, Governor of the Province of Finmarken, in the North of Nor- way. This post he retained until 1651, and he died soon after at an advanced age. The name of Cunningham's lieutenant* (who appears at the same time to have been " skipper", or navigating officer) is stated by Hall to have been Arnold, but nothing further is known of him. Cunningham's first-mate, who acted as "pilot" of the expedition, was James Hall (in Denmark called "Jacob Hall" or " Hald"), the author of the accounts already often referred to. He was a native of Hull, and may have belonged to a family of that name settled there, and of which several members are known to have been brethren of the Trinity House at Hull in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.^ 1 The word " lieutenant" is not used here to denote a particular class of officers so called, which did not exist in the Danish navy previous to 1620. It is used in its general sense of a person empowered to take another man's place in case of need. A sea- captain's "lieutenant" might be another captain, a navigating otificer, etc. - We are indebted to Mr. E. S. Wilson, Secretary to the Trinity House at Hull, for the information that, in the course of the sixteenth century, a Hugh Hall (afterwards Sheriff of Hull), a Walter Hall, and two men of the name of John Hall, were members of that Corporation, as well as a Samuel and a Roger Hall in the seventeenth century. The accounts show that, for one of them, a pair of fur-lined breeches, very suitable for an Arctic Expedition, were made in 16 10, but his name was John. Ill t'l'i ^' ^i XXX DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. Althoujrh we have made careful enquiries in Hull and elsewhere, we have failed to obtain a single scrap of information as to Hall's family history, antecedents, and personality — as to which absolutely ncjthinj^ appears to be known. That an Englishman should have been thus selected for the post of Pilot of a Danish Arctic Expedition is easily explained when it is taken into consideration that, whilst ancient sailing- directions for the voyage from Norway (more esjiecially from Bergen) to Greenland existed in various old writings and were well known (such as those of Ivar Bardsen^), the generation of Danish or Norwe^fian mariners who. of their own experience, knew anything about Greenland or its coasts, had long since died out ; and, as the most notable recent voyages of discovery (such as those of Frobisher, Davis, and Weymouth) to that region had proceeded from England, it was from thence that a competent pilot was most likely to be had. Nor was Hall the first Englishman who had been employed by a King of Denmark to re- discover the lost Danish Colonies in Greenland. Captain John Allday had commanded an Expedition with that object in 1579"; but, on that occasion, as on several others, though the land was sighted, it could not be reached for ice. ^ See B. !•'. Decosta's Sailini:; Directions of Henry Hudson, . . . from the Old Danish of Ivar Bardsen. Albany (N.Y.), 8vo, 1869. -' See Dr. C. I'ingel, jS'yere Reiser til Gronland, \>\). 639-650. fc. EXPEDITIONS TO (IREKNI.AND. XXXI In what manner, or through what channel, Hall came to be engaged is not known. Perhaps a hint in this direction may be afforded by an order, dated May 1606, to the Custom House officers at Elsi- nore (a copy of which is still extant),^ in which the King commanded them to stop the first F^nglish mate, suitable for the King's service, that should arrive there, and to send him to Copenhagen, where the King would cause negotiations to be opened with him. It is not at all impossible that King Christian IV may have obtained the services of Hall the year before in this manner. At the same time, being brother-in-law to James I of England, Christian I\' may have been able to hear of a suitable man direct from England. Moreov^er, one of his most trusted servants was a Scotch- man, Andrew Sinclair (b. 1555; d. 1625; from 1607 a Councillor of the Realm), who conducted his English correspondence, and was frequently sent on business to England, where he was in high favour with James I. His first recorded embassy was in 1 6 10, but he may, nevertheless, have been the inter- mediary in this affair. Howbeit, all writers agree that Hall was engaged on account of his real or supposed knowledge of the regions to be visited. Lyschander says- that he had been before "to Frisland and other neighbouring lands towards America", but nothing is known from ' Sjall. Regist, 1 606. - Den Gronhindske Chronica, ed. 1726, p. yO. "; ill ■I If XXxii DANISH ARCTIC EXI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O. Other sources about his previous Arctic experiences. Nowhere in his accounts does he refer distinctly to any such, hut his lanjruaj^e throu<)^hout (especially in the Report to the King) is that of a man who has a practical, and not a merely theoretical or hear-say, knowled^^e of the navigation of Davis Strait. On several occasions, when the Danish officers expressed doubts as to the route he was following, he told them confidently that, if they would follow him, he would conduct the fieet " to a jjte of the land without pester of ice"; and, more- over, he gave the mate on board Loven "directions, if he should lose us, to gett [to] that pte of Groine- land cleare without ice" (see pp. 6, 7, and 27). Later on (see p. 8), he encountered the great ice-bank, which is well-known to lie in the middle of Davis Strait, " which banke [says Hall] I knewe verie well to lye in the mid-streeme between AmeHca and Groine- lantr\ Then, having reached the termination of the ice-bank, and " pfectlye knowinge myselfe [says Hall ; see p. 9] to be shott in the latitud. of the cleare jjtes of the coast of Groineland, I directed my course E. by N. for the lande, the whiche .... we fell withall the next daye." On the whole, we think that anyone reading Hall's narratives will be inclined to believe that Hall had accompanied some earlier Arctic explorer, though it may have been in a subordinate capacity ; and, as he appears to have had particular knowledge of Davis Strait, whilst no earlier voyages to that region in which he can have taken part are known to Kxi'i.nrrioxs to c.rki'.m.ani). xxxiu have been undertaken, except those of Davis, it seems that, it Hall had been there before, it must have been with him. Of course Hall may not really have known more than what he could jj^ather from the published accounts of Davis's voyaij^es, especially concerning' the ice alono- the coast of Cireen- land. But, on the other hand, the conclusion that he had been with Davis is not a little strenc^^thened by the only reference to Davis in connection with Hall's knowledt^e of the ^eoL^raphy of (Greenland which can be adduced. We allude to John Gatonbe's statement, in his account of the voyai^e of 1612 (see p. (Sg), that, on the 14th of May, they had sij^ht of land, " and our master made it Cape Farewel, so called by Captain Davids at the first finding- of the country in anno 1 585, because he could not come near the land by 6 or 7 leagues for ice." There seems to be about these words a smack of personal knowledge ; at the same time, they do not read as if they were intended to convey Gatonl)e's own information, but rather appear to be a repetition of what he had heard from Hall on the occasion referred to. But, if so, whence had Hall this knowledge ? Certainly not from Davis' accounts of his \oyaoes. The only passage in these which can refer to this matter is the following-, in the account of Davis' second voyage (1586)' : " And the 15th June, ^ Hal vt's F({vt known; but it appears ihat. on his voyage in that year to Denmark (probably after having been provisionally engaged before), he ' Luikomm Breve til Owcellict (Communications received In- the Chancery), 16 19. ^ d2 s ,;| r^^mm n 11 1l fl y) K' i i \\\ XXXVI DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. travelled by way of Norway, because there is amonq^ the Danish State Papers an Order to the Treasury, dated February 26, 1606, to repay the local authorities at Bergen the sum of 45 Rix dollars, by them advanced to Hall for board and other expenses, "when he had been summoned by Us to this Realm".^ Leaving Hall's subsequent career in Denmark and elsewhere until his death in 161 2 for notice in the proper place, we may briefly mention the officers of the other vessels composing the Expedition of 1605. £)en Rode Love was commanded by Godske Lindenow, a well-known Danish officer, who after- wards became chief of the Dockyard, besides seeing a good deal of actixe service before his death in t6i2.'- His lieutenant was Karsten Mannteufel, vJ 1 Sj(cllandsl\' Tcgiichcr (another Calendar of Chancery Letters), XX, fol. 6c^a. - Isaac de la Peyrere states (AW. dii Groenl., p. 160) that Linde- now held the supreme command of the Expedition, and this error has been repeated hy many writers, sucii as Forster ( Voyages and Discoveries in the North 1786, p. 467) and Barrow {Chronological History of Voyages into tlic Arctic Regions^ 1818,]). 170). Linde- now, as a native and a nobleman, would, as such, according to the custom of the time, no doubt, take precedence over Cunning- ham, a foreigner ; but, as Hall, the Pilot of the Ivxpedition, was l">nglish, and very likely knew but little Danish, it was no doubt tliought better for Cunningham, a Scotchman, to be placed in command. On the second voyage, however, when Lindenow had gained experience and Hall had probably become familiar with Danish, their respective positions were reversed, and Lindenow held the su[)renie command. EXrEDITIONS TO GKKKNLANI). XXXVll fas ro iar lid who had been page to Christian IV, and after- wards became a captain, as was often the case at that time, both in the army and in the navy. He belonged to a still-llourishing German family. In Denmark, his name seems to have been generally translated into iMandicffitcl {^\cU\-([ii\n\). Lindenow's mate was Peter Kieldsen, of whom Hall implies (see p. 32) that he had served, eight years before, on some other Arctic exploring expedition, and had, on that occasion, shown want of pluck and enterprise. This seems, however, to rest on some mistake. No Arctic expedition in which he could have serxed is known to have been made about the year 1597 ; and, although he is known to have served as skipper or navigating officer in 1596 on board a vessel which was sent to the north of Norway, no discreditable conduct is reported of him. Kieldsen may, however, have been out on whaling exi)editions. He became afterwards a Captain in the Nav'\^ ^ 'y ^ That he was afterwards considered a man of Arctic e\[)erience may be inferred from the circumstance that his name ap[)ears, together with that of another Slyninvni and a certain IJiscayan, under a written opinion, dated May 6, 1619 (amoni^st the pa|)L'rs referring to Munk, Iiidk. Bnvc til Caiic, l6u/), concerning tin' best route t(» be taken on some voyage, not further specified. It is to the effect, that it would be l)est to make for "Terhafftii or MadeHn Hay, on the coast of Greenland". From this it may be concluded that the voyage was probably a whaling expedition, undertaken or contemplated by the ("ireenland Company, which was founded in 16 ly at Copenhagen. That Maudlin IJay is described as being situated " on the coast of (.Ireenland", is, of course, accounted for by the fact that Spilzbergen, at that lime, was believed to form part of Greenland. XXXviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. f 'I i i M The pinnace Katten was commanded by an Eng- lishman, John Knit^ht. With reg'ard to him also, it is stated by some writers that he had been eng^a^ed on account of his knowledge of the Arctic Regions ; but of his antecedents nothing is known^ He is not reported to have had any permanent engage- ment in Denmark ; P'nd, whilst Hall remained there until at least 1607, Knight returned to England after the first voyage in 1605, and died in the following year on an English expedition for the discovery of a North-West passage, of which he had obtained the command, very likely on the strength of his having been employed on the Danish expedition of 1605. On board Katten was Alexander Leyell, who wrote the Diary already mentioned (see p. xv). In the first entry, after mentioning the names of the ships, Leyell says : " and Katten carried with her this truthful report". In what capacity he took part in the expedition, is not known. At the end of his journal, is a note in another hand- writing, signed " Wyllm Hendrichs ij Egebeck", to this effect : " The elevation on the line is not indicated in this Rep(3rt : whether on purpose or by neglect, I do not know ; but the mate ought to ^ Some seem to have mixed him u with Hall, ascribing to him the position and work of the latter, as, for instance, the author of the Historical Introduction to I\^ede's D'scriptioii of Gtrcii/aiiti {in\. 181 S, p. Ixv). l.a Poyrcre did probai)iy the same, because he does not mention Knight, i)Ut describes Hall (whose name he does not give) as "Captain and I'ilot" (p. 150) or as " the English Captain" (p. 155). EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. XXXIX have noted it." From this it may, perhaps, be inferred that the writer of the note (who, from another annotation of his, appears to have been a contemporary) thoucrht that Leyell had occupied the post of mate. Nothino^ further seems to be known of him ; but a certain Villom Leyell (perhaps a relative), who was employed in the Danish navy in the early part of the seventeenth century, is stated to have been a native of Elsinore\ The expedition sailed on the 2nd of May, takin^r, not the course recommended by the ancient Scandi- navian Sailing- Directions, but that which had been followed by English explorers starting- from the East Coast, namely, between the Orkneys and Shetland, past Fair Isle, and thence, as straight as circumstances would allow, for Davis Strait, the entrance of which is but little to the north of Fair Isle. The voyage across the Atlantic was uneventful. Lyschander says that they came within sight of America, and thence steered into Davis Strait-; but, as neither Hall nor Leyell mentions this, the statement is probably founded on some confusion with the second voyage, on which they really went so f^ir West that they sighted America. As he passed near the sp(3t where the imaginary Island of Buss (a few remarks on which will be found in Appendix B.) was then commonly supposed to be, he kept (see p. 24) a 1 According to H. D. Lind, Kong C/irisitan den Fjerde og haus Aland pan Bnnierho/ni (Copenhagen, 1889), p. 260. '-' Dt'n Gron/andske Chronica, 1726 Rd,, p. 98. i ROP 'J • ' 11 xl DANISH ARCTIC KXl'EDITIONS, 1605-162O. I: I 1 !! !;! sharp look-out for it, but, of course, without success. When not far from Greenland, the vessels became separated in a thick foL;", and this caused the captain o( Love' u and his mate to recjuest Hall to furnish them with a chart by which they mii;ht proceed on the voyage {or, at any rate, return home) if such an eventuality should again occur. Hall says that he thereupon gave them "a Sea Chart for those coasts", together with necessary directions (see pp. 6 and 27). The Chart thus given was presumably a copy of the one by which Hall himself was sailing, and the interesting question arises : What Chart this can have been ? The marine charts of that time are but little known ; but it has been suggested that it may have been a copy of thc' "Stockholm Chart" (see p. xvi), with regard to which we refer our readers to Appendix xA.. Some days after this occurrence, Godske Lindenow, with his ship Den Rode Love, separated himself from the other vessels, and endeavoured to reach his destination by a different course. Hall's account of this matter leaves the impression that, already when Lindenow and Kieldsen asked him for a chart, he suspected that they intended to render themselves independent of him, and that he yielded to their re- quest only after receiving from them the most solemn promises to the eflect that they would not do so. When they eventually stood oft, he a[)pears to have thought that they did so [jartly out of fear, being alarmed at the dangers of naviuation amono- the ice, and partly out of sheer perversity, feeling themselves KXI'KDITIONS TU (JRKENLANI). Xll li independent with the chart they had ootained. The Danish chronicler, Lyschander, however, puts a somewhat different complexion upon the affair. We have alreatly remarked that the course taken by Hall w.is different from that recommended in the old sail ■ inii-directions, of which the tradition had survived. Lyschander alludes to this matter in mentioning- Hall's engagement, adding that nobody could tell for a certainty whether the route proposed by Hall really was the better one. but that "the Norwegian" {Baggeii) knew for a perfect certainty that it was n(;t the one by which (ireenland had formerly been approached, this old route lying further to the north. ^ Whether Lyschander, in speaking of "the Nor- wegian", alluded to the fact that the ancient commu- nication with Greenland was chiefly from Bergen in Norway, or was thinking of Peter Kieldsen (who may have been a Norwegian), is not clear ; but, in any case, it appears that a strong difference of opinion had shown itself at the very outset. Hall, following his own ideas, had sailed up Davis Strait to the north, out of sight of land, hoping (with good reason, as it turned out) that he should be able to get round the :iui thern end of the great icebelt, which prevented access to the south-west coast of Oreenland ; but, whether it be that he had not ex- plained himself sufficiently to the Danes, or that they did not consider his reasoning conclusi\e, they a[)pear to have feared that, by following Hall's course, they ; Dm Groniandske Chronica, ii2(i Ed., p. 96. "T"" I % if i 1; ,'! xHi DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. should only oet farther away from the ooal of their voya<;e. It must be remembered that they were not merely to find Greenland, but particularly to find the old settlements, which were at that time univer- sally believed to have been situated near the southern- most point of Greenland, and on the east coast, opposite Iceland ; in which case, of course, they could not be reached by the route Hall was folio w- ino-. It was, according- to Lyschander,^ for this reason that Lindenow left the Admiral. At the same time, his expressions seem to disclose a certain amount of national jealousy : " The Dane," he says, " is also able to effect something, when he is obliged to do without the foreigner"; and it is unmistakeable that the Danes were strongly inclined to rely upon Kieldsen, who seems to have been an enero-etic and self-confident man, rather than upon Hall. That the matter was afterwards hotly discussed, and that opinions were divided, may be concluded from Bielke's mode of dealino; with it. Where he mentions the separation of the ships, he merely says that those on board Loven were tired of always being left behind, their vessel being slower than the others ; and, after narrating the exploits and the return of Lindenow, he adds, diplomatically enough, that whoever wishes to know why the ships did not remain together may learn it by asking some one who was present ; that it was difficult to write about such matters so as to please all ; but that ^ Op. cit., 1726 Ed., p. 98, I KXI'EDITIONS TO (JRKKXLAND. xliii I ir he did not doubt they all had wished to do the duty. Hovvbeit. on the nth of June, in the mornino-, Lindenow and his companions in Den Rode Love stood off with a partino- nun, steering S.E. before the wind, in order, if possible, to force their way to the coast. As Hall, of course, does not mention the subsequent doinos of Lindenow. we may here briefly narrate them, following Bieike and Ly- schander. He succeeded soon in coming near the coast, and Mannteufel went off in the ship's boat to explore it, Lindenow awaiting his return at anchor in some comparatively sheltered place. Mannteufel, however, seems to have lost his way, and to have rejoined the ship only after several days' absence, during which he and his men had incurred great danger and hardships. Meanwhile, a gale had supervened, and the Lion had lost her anchor and nearly all the cable. They were oppo- site an inlet, which they named " King Christian's Harbour",^ but there was so much ice that they could not enter, and they had to sail a consider- able distance southwards along the coast without being able to effect a landing. At last they found a good harbour without ice. This they called "Godske Lindenow's Harbour", and there they remained three days, i)urchasing from the natives ^ ;! 1 This harbour (which cannot now be identified) must not be confused with the one Hall subsequently (see p. lo) named " King Christian's Fjord". I k ■ 1 . \ '■ I • ' 1 xllv DANISH ARCTIC EXI'KDITIONS, 1605- 162O. great quantities of fur and other articles, after which they left for Denmark. Lindenow arrived at Copenhagen on the 28th of July, after a seventeen days' sail, and was received with oreat enthusiasm. We have no means of Identifyini>- the place where he landed. In the short treatise above-mentioned, describing the Greenlanders who were brought home in 1605, it is stated that Tros^ and Katten came to land 60 Uc\iier slics to the north of the place where Lindenow landed ;' and, as these ancient Danish sea-miles are supposed to have been equal to Danish geographical miles, of which 1 5 make a degree, this would imply that Lindenow landed somewhci''^' between lat. 62^ and 63°. Bielke states that Lindenow sailed something like 80 miles south- ward before he found a harbour, but these state- ments are too loose to be of any practical value.- Before his departure from Greenland, Lindenow secured and carried away two of the natives against their wish. It seems as if the Home Authorities had ordered the commanders of the vessels to brini^ home some of the inhabitants, an order which is easily understood when it is remembered that it was confidently expected that descendants of the old Norwegian settlers would be met with. The com- manders appear, however, to have thought that they ^ See C. Pint^el, Gronl. hisl. Mi/tdcsm, iii, p. 68g. - The Ilua River (in lat. 60' 10') is called Lindenow s Fjord in his honour, but there is no reason for thinking that he ever was there. EXPEDITIOXS TO GREENLAND. xlv ■ were, in any case, to bring some of the natives, and did it by stratagem or force, as they could not converse with them. The captured men, when they realized their position, were at first very violent, but had to put up with their fate. Their countrymen, who, to the number of 300, attacked the ship, were easily frightened away by the dis- charge of a cannon. The captives arrived safely in Denmark.' That Hall afterwards was ill-pleased with Linde- now and Kieldsen for thus having succeeded in being the first to return to Copenhagen with the news that Greenland had been reached, and thus, as it were, to skim the cream of the affair, is very natural, and, very likely, accounts for the tone of his narratives with reference to them. However, he and Cunningham executed work of much more permanent value. Whilst Lindenow had contented himself with reaching the country and proving the possibility of re-opening commi-nication with it, they had exerted themselves in carrying out that further part of their orders, which bade them examine the coast and harbours of the country. After the departure of Lindenow, Cunningham and Hall, with the two remaining vessels {Trost and Kattcn\ continued their course towards the N.W. Lyschander says- that Hall sighted and sailed along the American coast until he had sight of Jacl^- ^ Lyschander, op. cit., pp. 99-107. - De/i Groiilandske Chronica, 1726 Ed., p. 107, xK'i DANISH ARCTIC KXPEDITIONS, 1605-T62O. man's Sound, on which he bestowed the name of Fretilin Dania-, whereupon he turned eastwards. As neither Hall nor Leyell mention anything^ to which this could refer, the statement probably rests on som(; misunderstandinc^ ; but it is of interest in so far that, whereas Lyschander elsewhere appears to share the common mistake that TVobisher's Strait was on the east side of Greenland, the passai^e ref(!rred to implies an appreciation of its true position on the western coast of Uavis Strait, provided that he was aware that Jackman's Sound was on the southern coast of Frobisher's Strait. According to both Hall and Leyell, the expedi- tion ultimately reached the coast of Greenland on the 1 2th of June; and, after having spent a week in examining the bay to which they had come (and which they named King Christian's F"ord) and its vicinity, Hall set out in the pinnace on June 20th in order to explore as much of the coast to the northward as he could in the time at his disposal. This exploring excursion, from which he returned on July 7th, after an absence of two weeks and a half, ajjpears to have been very successful, a con- siderable extent of coast having been examined ; but (as we have already had occasion to point out ; see p. vi) Hall does not give any account of this excursion, either in his Report to the King or in the fuller narrative published by Purchas. In his Report, he refers to the maps with which it is illustrated, and we have adduced reasons for be- lieving that copies of those maps originally accom- i EXPE[)rriONS TO GREENLAND. xl Vll paniccl the fulkT nurrativc. I^ut, even with them, Hall's brevity is very disappoiiuiii"^". It is not only that, without the written account, one loses the historical interest which cannot but be felt in following- closely the steps of a notable explorer ; but (although the ma[)s, no doubt, express Hall's ideas of the configuration of the coast in general, and of the localities specially explored, faithfully enouj^h, and better than any lengthened descrip- tion) it would have been almost impossible to identify many of the places visited, if we had not been able to obtain from other sources some of the information which Hall omits to jj^ive. At the same time, it does not seem difficult to explain Hall's comparative brevity with regard to this part of the voyage, even supposing that it is not due to accidental causes, as it well may have been. A primary object of the voyage was to solve the question as to the best route to Greenland ; and materials for judging of this could be afforded only by a circumstantial account of the voyage from Denmark to Greenland with special regard to the navigation. But, once arrived there, the expedition had a different object before it — viz., to supply the Home Authorities with as accurate information as could be obtained concerning the harbours, road- steads, convenient landing places, etc. ; and this could be conveyed far more clearly and concisely by means of maps than by means of lengthy d(,'scriptions. An abstract of the log-book kept on Hall's excursion northwards would have had much interest for us, ffr wm W r i 1 li xlviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. but would have been of little use to the Authorities in Denmark, whilst it would ha\e (extended the Rf'.port to a much oreater length, it is not, there- fore, very surprlsini;- that 1 lall in this, document, should have been content to refer the K'uv^ to his maps. At the same time, it luuj t be admittt;d that these considerations ^^■^Hlld not api)ly to the account published by Purchas, which is evidently written for different readers. Here a somewhat detailed account of that excursion would have been in j>lac(; ; but its absence seems to be sufficiently accounted for when it is remembered th:it most likely ihis narrati\e was wriittm later, after Hall's return to I'^noland, when he may hvv^e been quite able to amplify the Report from m(;mory, l)ut may not have preserved his notes sufficient!)' con^iplete to be able to write out a d(.;tailed description of the: excursion in the pinnace. In point of fact, there would be nothin'4 unreasonable in supposini^ that Hall's notes taken down on that excursion had been lost soon after the event, wherebv, of course, he would have been prevented from givinj^ a detailed account of it, either in the Report or afterwards. There is one item which Hall does not meniioii, either in that document or in the fuller account of the voyai^c;, and with regard to which a s])eci;il c:\})!ana- tion may seem neces.sary. It is known fVo)n Hall's account of the expedition of 1606, as \m 11 as from other sources, that, on the excursion in 1605, some member of tlie |)arty whetiier Hall himself or another is not known disco\t!red what was 1 e]ie\ed 1 FXrFDITIONS TO CREENLAND. xl CllX to be valuable silver ore. That Hall does not speak of this in his Report to the Kini:;^ is easily understood, though of course he mij^ht have men- tioned this discovery without giving a description of the other events of the excursion in question, just as he might have given the latter very fully without alluding to the ore. But it was a matter of whicii the King would be informed by other persons whose duty it was, whilst it lay entirely outsitle 1 1 all's department, which was the navigation and matters connected therewith. Nor is it surprising that it is not mentioned in the account published b\' Purchas, inasmuch as the latter has the character of an amplification of the Report ; but it is strange that we read nothing abcnit it in the "Topographical Description of Greenland", where it would have found a very natural ))lace. Consid'jring that the account has been abbreviated by Purchas, this may be accidental ; l^ut. If it was intentional on the part of Hall, an ex{>lanati()n may be found in th(; fact that Hall (as apj^ears from Gatonbe's accoint of the voyage of 1612 ; see p. 105) continued to believe in the reality of the discovery ; for which reason he may. wIkmi writin'j the account of tlic xoNam-, of 1605, li/// Gronhxnd, vol. viii (1889), pp. 44-45. w I I I 1 i!ii' llv DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 605-162O. which at once attracts attention, rises to a height of 3,250 ft."' Further on, he says^ :— " In comparing the map [i.e., Hall's] of King Christian's Fjord with the map which I have executed of the Fjord of Itivd- lek, important points of similarity will at once be noticed. Among them, I would particularly draw attention to the shape of the fjord, which terminates inland with a slight turn towards the south ; to the large bay, directed towards the N.F., on the north side ; to the small bays, marked d and f, on the south side ; to the decided advance of the coast, with a large bay on the west side, opposite Mount Cunningham ; to the very peculiar, long, narrow island on the south side, separated from the mainland by a narrow sound ; and, finally, to the small island^ — ' Trost Island' — near the entrance of the fjord." Several other points might be adduced if necessary, one of which may be mentioned. Hall states that the entrance of the fjord is ii. lat. 66" 30', but that their first anchorage inside was in hit. 66° 25'; and, although these figures are slightly too low, and the diiTerence too great, yet they imply an important peculiarit/ of the fjord : viz., that the westernmost portion ol" the southern shore trends somewhat to the S. E., which is a very rare fejature ' He adds, in a note, that mountains ir enland bearing this name, even if not particularly high, ahvays ... very conspicu- ous, on account of their being isolated ; for which reason he found them very useful for the triangulation. - L. c., [). 45. EXPEDITIONS TO CIKEKNLAND. Iv In Greenland fjords south of Disko, nearly all of them havinj^ a decided main direction towards the N.E. In illustration of this, we subjoin an outline r i Kekertarsuatsiak o of hivdlek, traced from an unpul>lish(!d map by Caj)t. J. A. Jensen, made during- his survey for the Danish (loxernment, and drawn to about the same w ^K" •^^w HiF^P" -JUt«L J. ; If ii \-\ ^'; Ivi DAMS[I ARCTIC EXl'EDITIONS, 1605-162O. saile as Hall's map. In order to facilitate com- parison, this outline is drawn (as, also, are those of the two followinir maps), as nearly as may be, in the same position as Hall's map of Itivdlek (Map I), for comparison with which it is mainly intended. The latter is not drawn north and south, thouj^h it j)retends to be so. The true north is indicated on the outline-map annexed.^ Mr. Steenstrup, who has been in Greenland, in his paper already quoted, entirely endorses- Capt. Jensen's view that the " Kin<^ Christian's Fjord" of Hall is the Itivdlek Fjord, and there can be no doubt of its bein^r correct. An important starting-point is, therefore, gained for the identifica- tion of the other places mentioned by Hall. The various localities within the Fjord which are marked with letters on Hall's special map of King Christian's Fjord (I) will be referred to in connection with Hall's account of his visit to each of them re- spectively. It was on the 20th of June, in the evening, that 1 It should be observed that only the western half of Itivdlek Fjord is represented within the border-lines of Hall's map (I). The inner portion, which has a more decided S.E. direction, was never explored by Hall himself; but, on his return from his excursion to the North, he learnt from the officers of the Trost, who had examined it m his absence (see p. 46), that it was not, as they had first thought, a gruat river, but a closed bay ; and this fact he has apparently indicated by a slight addition to his draw- ing, outside the border-line of the map, which only encloses the portion examined by himself. - In Mcddclclscr oin Groiiland, vol. ix (i88y), j). 46. EXI'p:niTIONS TO GREKNLAM). Ivii Hall set sail from King Christian's Fjord (Itivdlck) on his excursion northwards in the pinnace Katteu, steering north (see p. 42). Leyell's entry for the 2 1st is as follows: "21. The wind East; their course N. by E., and they came into a harlxnir which they called Captain KonniniL^em's Harbour." This is, of course, what Hall calls Cunningham's r'ord (see Map H and pp. 66 and 80) ; and, on the first night, they no doubt remained in the place on the south side, not far from the entrance, which on the special map is marked a, and described as " The first place of ancoring in this ford," Leyell continues: "22. The wind S.W. ; their course S.E. They came into a harbour which they called Kattvigh, where they remained until the 24th of June." The course indicated shows that they had been sailing up Cunninghams Fjord, in con- firmation of which we find, marked b on Hall's map, a place higher up, which he describes as " Catt Sound or Weike."^ The name, Catt Sound, may be derived from the name of the pinnace,^ but ('] ^ The last term is, doubtless, the Danish word Vi^, meaning a creek or small inlet, which Hall has adopted. It is very cf)m- monly used in combinations, and is the same which occurs so frecjuently in the form of " wich", in the names of Danish settle- ments in England. That Hall uses the alternative of "sound" seems to imply that he was not quite sure whether it was a sound or merely a bay. ''■ We may take this opportunity of alluding to another name which may have been derived from this vessel, though not men- tioned in any of our accounts of this voyage, viz., " The Catt's Chance", which occurs on Hessel Ciciril/'s m.ip. True, I.e places - I^i Iviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIOXS, 1605-1620. I'! ifli f may, perhaps, have an orifj^in similar to that of an- other name afterwards mentioned by Leyell. namely, Pustervig, in connection with which we shall refer to it again. The small creek marked c, and named "Green Sound or Weike", is not mentioned in anv of the texts. It was near the anchoras^e marked d on Hall's map, and named " Mussel Sound ", that he stopped on the return journey, and discovered what he thouu^ht to be silver ore (see p. xlix), for the sake of which he again visited the place in 1606, and which also was a main object of th(^ Expedition of 161 2. Hall's account of this second visit, in 1606, enables us to identify his Cunning- ham's Fjord. He says {see p. 67) that, on th(; morning of August 3rd, they rowed five or six leagues up the fjord, and, " seeing it to bee but a Bay" — an expression which implies that they at first supposed it to be the lower reach of a river^ — they returned to the islands at the mouth of the fjord, which are described as being very numerous, and after supper they rowed some three leagues up another fjord, where they passed the night. In the morning, they set out early to return to their ship, but had difficulty in reaching her, on account of a strong southerly wind. From this it follows that \ ' it in 62 30' — that is, in a locality which Hall never visited ; hut it would not be surprising if he had made a mistake in that respect. It is clear from other evidence that Oerritz had in- formation from persons who knew about the voyage of 1605 ; and the name is so peculiar that this is the source from which he most reasonably can be supposed to have obtained it. « EXPEDITIONS TO (IKKENLAND. lix .1 Cunningham's Fjord was a river-like, inlet, sufficiently long to allow of their rowing up it more than fifteen miles, but not longer than that, by so doing, they could ascertain it "to be but a bay"; moreover, that close by, to the north of it, there was another similar inlet more than nine miles long ; finally, that the sea outside was studded with islands. In addition to this, Hall gives the latitude as 67^ 25', from which we may conclude at least this much : that it was not far north of the present Holsteinborg ; and, as, on this portion of the coast, there arc only two fjords answering the above description of Cunningham's Fjord and its northern neighbour — viz., the two Kangerdluarsuks,^ just to the N. of Holsteinborg — we have no hesitation in identifyingthe more southerly of these with Cunningham's Fiord. In this respect, we may further point out that, according to I.eyell, they steered S.E. in sailing from their first anchor- age near the southern shore to Catt Sound on the northern shore ; and, even making due allowance for the variation of the needle (which Leyell may not have taken into consideration), it is evident that this statement necessarily implies that the main direction of the fjord — or that part of it — ^was decidedly S. of E. This, as we have already observed, is a very rare feature in the fjords in this part of Greenland ; but it is unmistakeable in the western portion of the ^ This word really means "fjord"', and it occurs in numerous combinations ; but many fjords in Greenland have no more par ticular name. \ ■ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // :o 1.0 I.I 1.25 '' '^ III 2-2 1.8 U. Ill 1.6 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80 (716) 872-4503 ^ iV \\ <^ c.^ 4. (/. >; Ix DVNISH ARCTrC ZXPRHITIONS, 1605-162O. I 1 i\- '. 1 ' Southern Kangerdluarsuk. The inner half of the fjord turns northerly, but Hall has not drawn more than the lower part up to this bend, which, however, is plainly indicated in his map (II). Catt Sound and Green Sound may, with ^••reat probability, be identi- fied with two of the sounds between the islands which here narrow the fjord very considerably, and almost fill a semi-circular bay on the northern shore ; from this bay, too, a creek turns off in a northerly direction, which very likely may have rendered Hall doubtful whether he ought to describe these places as "sounds" or " weikes". These details will be easily recoj^nized on the subjoined outline of the two Kangerdluarsuks, traced from the same map of Capt. Jensen's from which that of Itivdlek was borrowed. It will be observed that, in this case. Hall':; scale is considerably larger than in his map of King Christian's Fjord. The similarity which wiil be observed on comparing Hall's map with the above is, perhaps, not quite so striking as in the case of Itivdlek, but we think it unmistakeable. At any rate, nothing can be pointed out in the way of difference that could invalidate the conclusion, to which we have come by the considerations above detailed. It was, then, in the Northern Kangerdluar- suk that Hall's party passed the night of the 3rd of August 1606, after having rowed there amongst the islands ; and a glance at the map shows at once that, in the face of a strong southerly wind, they may very likely have had much trouble in regaining their ship, which was anchonid south of the entrance of the mm ■iV KXI'EDITIONS TO GRHK«*LANn. Ixi Southern Kangerdluarsuk, particularly when they lost for a time the protection of the numerous islands. Our identification of Cunningham's Fjord with the Southern Kangerdluarsuk agrees perfectly with the various statements in the texts with regard to the position of this fjord in relation to others ; but it Kaagarsuk will be more convenient to postpone the demonstra- tion of this, and to resume (or the present the further consideration of Hall's excursion in the pinnace. After remaining in Cunningham's Fjord two days— no doubt employed in exploring the inlet and preparing his map of it- Hall continued his excursion towards the North. Leyell's next entry is as follows: "(June] 24. The wind W.S.W. ; Ixii DANISH ARCTIC KXPKDITIONS, 1605-162O. their course S.E. to E. They came into a large fjord which they called Pustervich, and remained there still for two days." This name does not occur in Hall's list of fjords, harbours, etc., but there can scarcely be any doubt of its signify- ing the same place, which is marked on Hall's General Map under the name of " Prince Chris- tianus ford" (IV ^). It is as little probable that Hall would have omitted a large fjord where he spent two days, as it is that Leyell would have omitted a fjord of so great importance as this one must have been, to judge from Hall's map. The latitude given by Hall {viz., 67° 30') corresponds nearly to that of Nagsugtok; but we believe that another large fjord, Isortok, is really meant, although the entrance to the latter is in lat. 67° 10'. Hall's General Map is not, of course, to be taken as intended to give an accurate delineation of the different capes, bays, and fjords, but rather as indicating their relative positions. At the same time, a glance at King Christian's Fjord and Cunningham's Fjord, as thereon represented, shows that the outlines are not by any means fanciful or carelessly drawn, but are meant to convey a notion of some of the principal features, such as the peculiar small island to the right of the entrance of Itivdlek and the small islands narrowing the passage in the Southern Kan- gerdluarsuk. Bearing this in mind, we would point out that Prince Christian's Fjord is drawn on the map with a branch on the right side from the en- trance, having a decided southerly direction, which EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. I ... 1X111 may very well represent the similar branch of the Isortok, called Isortuarsuk, whilst no such feature is ^ound in Nagsugtok. The main continuation of the fjord is not represented on Hall's map, though its existence is indicated by the absence of an outline closing the bay ; from which circumstance, we may fairly infer that it was in this southern branch that they stayed. This would also explain Leyell's otherwise unintelligible statement that their coursti was S.E. by E. ; because, although this cannot apply to the day's sail as a whole (the coast trending, as it does, from south to north), it would correctly apply to the last portion of their sail that day, if this brought them to an anchorage in Isortuarsuk. Moreover, there is another instance (see p. Ixxvi) where Leyell's statement of the course sailed unquestionably applies only to the end of the journey. In favour of identi- fying Prince Christian's Fjord with Isortok, we might adduce the fact that, according to Hall's statements, the difference of latitude between Prince Christian's Fjord and Cunningham's Fjord, was only 5' ; but, as the figure given by Hall for the latter place is erroneous, if our interpretation be right, we cannot attribute any great weight to that point. As against our interpretation may be mentioned that Prince Christian's Fjord, on Hall's map, is repre- sented as having a decided south-easterly direction for some distance from the entrance, whilst both Isortok and Nagsugtok, in their lower portions, run very decidedly N. to S.VV. ; but, as Ley ell expressly describes Pustervich as a large fjord, and as Hall ^^ : i I Ixiv DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. has drawn Prince Christian's Fjord as such, it seems that the choice must, nevertheless, remain between those two — the only large fjords on this part of the coast — and that, the circumstance in question must be attributed to some incompleteness of the notes, etc., by means of which Hall drew his map — a defect which would also explain why no special map of it was given. Finally, the names require a few moment's attention. Hall would naturally wish to choose for the newly-discovered localities names of Danish origin or form. Lyschander expressly states' that certain places in Greenland were named after locali- ties in Denmark to which they bore some re- semblance, though his grandiloquent words ill accord with the few instances of such naming which we find in our accounts of the voyage. It would seem that Hall, on this expedition, being himself insufifi- ciently acquainted with Danish, left the suggestion of names to some Dane on board, whose taste in this respect was not of the best. Pustervich, the name given by Leyell for this fjord, is the same (only spelled in the old-fashioned way) as Pustervig, a name still borne by a street in Copenhagen, which occupies the site of an ancient creek or watercourse, formerly outside the town ; and, if some native of Copenhagen amongst the crew was allowed to propose a name on that occasion, that of Pustervig may very well thus have been suggested for the 1 ! ' C7ir(>//iiti, 1726 Jul., p. EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. Ixv to he Greenland fjord. One is the more inclined to think of this origin because the name " Catt Sound", in Cunningham's Fjord, recalls that of another street at Copenhagen {Katiestindet), so called from an ancient branch of the harbour now filled up ; whilst a third name among those mentioned by Leyell equally reminds one, as we shall see, of another locality in the Danish capital. In any case, nothing would be more natural for Hall, when, after his return, he worked up his Report, and had become acquainted with the original Pustervig, than to change this vulgar ap- pellation for the far more genteel one of Prince Christian's Fjord, in honour of the infant Crown Prince.^ After remaining in Prince Christian's Fjord (Isortok) over the 25th of June, they continued their voyage northwards, and arrived on the following day at another fjord, which, Leyell says, was called " Romsciefjord". This name is not mentioned by Hall ; but, as the next halting-place mentioned by Leyell, where they stopped on the return journey, is marked on Hall's General Map as the most northerly but one of the localities visited (not counting Christen PViis's Cape), Romsoefjord must be identi cal with the northernmost of the fjords indicated on Hall's map, which, in the explanation of the General Map (IV, k), is called " Brade Ranson's ^ Prince Christian of Denmark, son of King Christian IV, had been born two years earlier, namely, in 1603. He never came to the throne, dying in 1647 before his father. / it i HP Ixvi DANISH ARCTIC r.XI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O. Ford". Hall states that this fjord was in lat. 68^ near which parallel there are two lar^e fjords, the Atanek and the Arfersiorfik ; and, but for Hall's special map( I H ), it would be difficult to say with much probability which of them is meant, in spite of the difference which they really exhibit. The Atanek— the more southerly of the two— opens direct on the sea with a wide mouth, and is continued a consider- able distajice inland, gradually diminishing in width, without exhibiting anything remarkable in its con- figuration. Arfersiorfik, the more northerly of the two inlets, consists of an outer portion of very irregular shape, bounded on the northern side hiostly by islands, and an inner portion, of the usual Greenland type, which is entered through a narrow sound of very peculiar shape, called Ser- fortak, and this, we think, is easily recoi^nised in Hall's map of Brade Ranson's F"jord (HI). The latter is evidently intended to represent only a fragment of the fjord, but the sharp headland pointing northwards, the narrow sound winding round towards the S.E., and exhibiting a deep round bay pointing N.E., are, as it seems to us, readily identified on a map representing Ser- fortak on a sufficiently large scale such as the subjoined outline copy of a sketch drawn on the spot by Capt. Hammer, who accompanied Capt. Jensen in his exploration of this coast in 1879.^ It * On this sketch, we have put in the north point only approxi- mately. KXrKDITIONS TO (IKKKNI-ANH. I.wii is true that, on Hall's special map, the bay on the west side of the heacllanJ is drawn too deep before taking- a westerly turn, and that the northern shore of the fjord is continued westwards directly from the round bay (whilst in reality it trends away in a northerly direction for some distance) ; but this dcjes not seem sufficient to outweigh the strong points of agreement ; and so much the less as, on the General Map, where these features are clearly indicated, the coast in question is drawn in this respect exactly as it really is. On the General Map, the part repre- sented in the special map is drawn disproportion- ately large, and the outer channel is much shortened ; but this need not surprise us if we remember that Hall spent only one evening and one morning in the locality. From Isortok to Serfortak is a sail of some ninety miles ; but, as the wind Ixviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. t was W.S.W., it was favourable all the way; and, as the shortness of the midsummer night in those latitudes would permit an early start, this is by no means more than what they may have accom- plished in one day. The coast from Isortok north- wards is flat and uninteresting, and would not tempt them to stop on the way out, whatever they might do on the return journey if they had plenty of time. As regards the name : we may observe that it may very well be that the place was originally called Romsoefjord, as Leyell has it, and that Hall afterwards changed it ; in which case, it would be derived from Romso, a local name which occurs at least twice in Norway ; but Romso may also be a mistake for Ranson. This, in its turn, is very likely a corruption. Rane is a Scandinavian name, and there may have been a Brade Ranson on board; but the probability is that Ranson is meant for Rantzau, and that it was intended to name the fjord in honour of Breide Rantzau,' a distinguished member of the Council of the Realm, like Henrik Ramels and Christen Friis, after whom other localities were named. Bielke says expressly that several localities were named after Councillors. On his special map of Brade Ranson's Fjord (III), Hall marks and names three places : — a, Shoulde Vik ; b, Henrik's Pass ; and c, Cliffe Road. The last of these names clearly means a roadstead near . 1 '• ':! * Breide Ranszau, of Rantzausholm, was born in 1566 and died in 1618. EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. Ixix a cliff ; of Shoulde Vik (which seems to be meant for a Danish name), we can offer no explanation ; but the meaning of '* Henrik's Pass" may be gathered from Leyell's entry for the 26th, which is to this effect : — " 26. The wind the same, with some fog. They came into a fjord, which they called Romsiiefjord. There they put on shore a disobedient son, by name Hendrich Hermansen, for the chance of his keeping himself alive as a pedlar." In the margin is added, in the same handwriting as the note at the end of the journal, alluded to above (see pp. xvii «,, and xxxviii) : — " His father lives at Elsenore and is called Herman Roos." No doubt " Henrik's Pass" indicates the spot where this unfortunate man — probably under sentence of death — was given this miserable chance of life. In ordering him and another convict (see p. 49) to be left in Greenland, the Danish Authorities (who, of course, were quite ignorant of the state of things there) were no doubt inlluenced by the idea that descendants of the old Scandinavian settlers were still to be found, and imagined that the two outcasts would have a better prospect than they really had. Very likely, too, it was thought that, in the future, they might prove useful intermediaries.^ The place where, according to Leyell, Hall's party ^ It will be remembered that Frobisher, in 1577, was similarly taking out some "condemned men", but that he jiut them on shore at Harwich in consequence of instructions received from the Queen. rr I : 'J Ixx DANISM AKCTIC KXI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O. Stopped at the end of the following day (June 27th) is marked as Bauhoiise Sound on Hall's General Map (IV.y), and as it is to the south of Brade Ranson's Fjord, it follows that it was on that day that they turned back, after havinj^ been as far as Christen Friis's Cape. In his report to the King of I )enmark, Hall implies (see p. 1 4) that this Cape was in 69° ; but, in the explanation to the General Map (IV, /), the latitude is stated to be 68^ 35.' That the latter figure is the more correct, is evident from the consideration that, in order to reach a point on the coast of Green- land in lat. 69", Hall would have had to travel a very considerable distance round the Bay of Disko ; but no such thing is indicated in Hall's accounts or on his map ; nor could he possibly have reached so far and returned to lat. 67" 56' in the course of one day. The Cape is clearly marked on the General Map as pointing to the W., on the same line of coast as the places until then visited. In lat. 68" 35' there is no particularly noticeable promontory or cape ; but, from about that point, the coast begins to trend eastwards, into the Bay of Disko, and this circum- stance may well have been the cause both of Hall singling it out amongst other capes and of his having turned back at this point. According to Hall's account, he turned back in deference to the wishes of his companions, who feared to proceed further (see p. 46), and the circumstance which we have mentioned affords a plausible explanation of his so doing. Sup- posing that they did advance far enough to see the vast bay open out towards the east, this sight may I ■< . KXI'EDITIONS TO (JRKKNLANP. Ixxi I's of ay very likely have calU'tl forth Hall's eaj;erncss as an explorer so forcibly as to render his companions stronifly sensible of the danj^er in venturing too far. The situation in which Hall found himself must, in that case, have been very like that of Hudson. Fortunately Hall was wise enonjrh not to insist, but to content himself with lookinjj^, as it were, round the corner and, perhaps, across to the big Island of Disco, and thus, in a measure, extend- ing his examination t-^f the coast as far as lat. 69^, which, as we have seen, he claimed to have done. Indeed we do not see how he could have expressed himself to that effect, unless he had advanced far enough to observe the entrance of the Hay of Disco. Our view that he did so appears to be not a little confirmed by the fact that on the Stockholm map, the turn of the coastline into the Hay of Disco is indicated, though it is not continued far, and the name of the cape is |)laced so as to refer rather to a point looking N,, just inside the bay. From this we may, at any rate, conclude that the information of the jKTson who inserted Hall's names on this maj) was of a nature to suggest that Hall had rounded the southern shoulder of the bay. In fact, we believe that we may claim for Hall the discovery, or rather the rediscovery, of the Hay of Disco. This was doubtles: known to the ancient Scandina- vians, and perhaps even to later navigators whose observations were not published ; but Davis, the only more modern explorer who is known to have passed the locality (in I5rolonged stay was made. As, however, he states that the wind was S.S.W., it would, of course, be unfavourable to their i)nj- gress southward. Leyell's next entry is the fi)llowing : " [July] 4. A light northerly wind in the forenoon ; in the after- T : Ixxiv DANISH ARCTIC KXl'KDITIONS, 1605-162O. noon, a gale from the S.W,, with rain. They came into a harbour which they called Mussel Har- bour and stayed there two days. There they found in a mountain precious ore, which they carried home with them." This is, of course, the " Mussle Sounde", already alluded to (see p. Iviii) as being marked on Hall's special map of Cunningham's Fjord (H, d) and situated just south of the entrance of the latter. All accounts agree that it was here that the supposed silver ore was found. Leyell continues : " 6. The wind as before ; their course N.N.W. ; and they came into a large fjord, which they called Rommel's T^jord, and on the same day into another fjord, which they called Skaubo- fjord, and there they set up three beacons." Ramel's Fjord (as it is correctly spelled in the account printed by Purchas, whilst on Hall's list it is called "Henrik Romle's ford") was no doubt so called after Henrik Ramel, a wealthy and influential Danish nobleman, who was member of the Council of the Realm, ;ind much interested in trade and shipping. vSkaubofjord may have been called so from some Skaubo, that is, nativeof Skagen(theScau), on board. At the same time, as two other localities have had names given to them identical with those of places in Copenhagen (see p. Ixv), we may fitly mention that there is at Copenhagen a Skoubo Street, which forms a corner with Kattesimdet, and the name of which is often pronounced very nearly as Skaubo. In Hall's explanation of his General Map, he places Ramel's Fjord (IV, c) in lat. 66'^^ 35', from which it KXl'EDITIONS TO GREKNLANl). Ixxv follows that the two names Ramelsfjord and Skaubo- fjord must refer to two of the three broad inlets be- tween Holsteinborgand Itivdlek. The latitude given for Ramel's Fjord would, of course, suit the southern- most best ; but, as Skaubo Fjord must be understood to be south of Ramel's Fjord, the latter name cannot mean any place south of Ikertok, the second of these inlets; and, as a matter of fact, Ikertok itself has, though on different grounds, been considered to be Ramel's Fjord. But Hall's account of his return from Cunningham's Fjord on the second voyage (see p. 68) does not agree with this identification. He says that, having brought Ramel's Tjord E, by N. of them, they towed on with their boats until they came to and entered a bay, which conse- quently must have been to the south of Ramel's F^jord. This bay, which he calls F^oss Bay, he de- scribes as a river — that is, as comparatively narrow and long. As regards this latter point, we may note that, on the first night, they proceeded a considerable distance up the fjord— farther than Hall thought advisable. In the course of the night, one of the vessels drifted several miles further up, followed on the next day by the other vessel, and, from this anchorage, they rowed up as much as lo leagues, or 30 Fnglish miles. The fjord in question must con- sequently be one which penetrates far into the main- land ; and the description, therefore, seems applic- able to no other fjord, between Holsteinborg antl Itivdlek, than Ikertok. If, then, T'oss Hay be Ikertok, Ramel's Fjord, which is north of Foss Ixxvi DANISH ARCTIC KXrEOITIONS, 1605-162O. ( i\ ii i' Bpy, must be Amerdlok. Hall's map is of no use for determining this question, because Foss Bay was not visited on the first voyage, and is therefore not put down on his map, which only shows one inlet between Cunningham's Fjord and Itivdlek. Our identification of Ramel's Fjord with Amerdlok of course implies that the latitude (66° 35') ascribed to the former in Hall's explanation of the General Map is too low^ ; but, as we already have noted several instances in which his latitudes are undoubtedly erroneous, and in what follows shall have to point out others, each of them must be dealt with on its own merits, and the circumstance cannot be held to outweigh the considerations adduced. It remains to identify Leyell's " Skaubofjord", in reference to which we may recall his statement (see p. Ixxiv) that the course was N.NAV. when they arrived at Ramel's Fjord, a statement which (as in another case already mentioned ; see p Ixiii), can be understood only of their final course. The only other fjord into which they can have arrived, under these circumstances, is Ikertok, viz., through the narrow sound connecting it with Amerdlok. Leyell's Skaubofjord must, therefore, be identical with Hall's Foss Bay ; and, in this case, as in that of Pustervig, Hall must be supposed afterwards to have changed the name originally given. We stated above (see p. Ixi) that our identi- ffin, in his account of the voyage of 161 2 (see p. 126), gives 1 tvnich is as much too northerly as Hall's figure is too southerly. EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. Ixxvii fication of Cunnino^hrim's Fjord with the southern- most of the two Kanjrerdkiarsuks, just north of Holsteinborjr, would be found to aj^ree very well with what mij^ht be ^rathered from the various accounts as to the position of Cunninj^ham's Fjord relatively to other localities; and, as these indications refer primarily to Ramel's F^jord (Amerdlok), they may be suitably mentioned here. In his account of the voyage of 1606. Hall says (see p. 65) that in the morninir he had sioht of the coast and found himself thwart of Ramel's Fjord, when he decided to [pro- ceed to Cunningham's Fjord, where he arrived in the afternoon. On the 6th of August, they left the latter and came to an anchor the same night in Foss Bay, south of Ramel's Fjord, but we learn from Bruun's Journal that they did not leave Cunningham's Fjord till towards evening. Baffin states, in his account of the voyage in 161 2 (see p. 125), that, on the day when Hall died, they buried him and after- wards set out rowing in the shallop for Cunningham's Fjord, where they arrived in the morning, after having passed the night on some island. They set out on their return journey in the evening, and arrived early next morning at their ships, which were at anchor on the south side of Ramel's T'jord. He states that the distance was about 12 leagues, which would place the entrance to Cunningham's T'jord, where the supposed mine was, about 15 miles N. of Holsteinborg. All of this is in keei)ing with our view that Cunningham's Fjord is the Southern Kangerdluarsuk. r mtmfirwmmm I. '' l u Ixxviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. There remain tor identification the two "capes", Queen Anne's Cape and Queen Sophia's Cape. These are shown not only on Hall's General Map (IV, a and IV, d), but also in the sketch of the coast which is inserted in Hall's Report to the King of Denmark (see p. 9), and which is well worthy of attention, especially in this connexion. We see Mount Cunningham (Kakatsiak) in the middle, the point of view being just opposite the entrance of Itivdlek, so as to exhibit the mountain to its base ; on both sides of this, the coast is seen stretching away north and south, the mountains diminishing in the perspective, apparently ending in a low point towards the north as well as towards the south. Captain Jensen says' that, from whatever position out at sea this coast is viewed, the mountain of Kangarsuk (1,730 ft.) to the north, and the island of Simiutak (930 ft.) to the south, present themselves as limiting the visible line of coast, and therefore appear as promontories. From this, it is a fair con- clusion thatrf;hese are the two points indicated to the extreme left and right of Hall's sketch. But we think it is a mistake when, on the strength of this, Queen Sophia's Cape has been identified with Kangarsuk, and Queen Anne's Cape with Simiu- tak. There is no necessity to refer these two names, as inserted over the sketch, to the two extreme points, and Hall's references to them in his text (which have not hitherto been taken into considera- 1 Meddekher o/ii Gronland^ vol. viii (1888), p. 46. EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. Ixxi.K tion for the solution of this question) prove, we believe, that they refer to points inside the two extremities. On Hall's map, Queen Sophia's Cape is placed between Cunningham's Fjord and Ramel's Fjord, which is in keeping with all the statements concerning it in the different accounts. Neither in his own account of the first voyage, nor in that of Leyell, is the passing of the cape mentioned, either in going north from Itivdlek or in returning ; but in his account of the second voyage. Hall states {see p. 68) that, when they returned from exploring Cunningham's Fjord, and the other one close by (to the north of it), the wind being against them, they sailed along the land amongst the islands until they came outside the latter at a point which he says was about three leagues to the north of Queen Sophia's Cape, which implies that the Cape was south of Cunningham's Fjord. Baffin, in his account of the voyage of 1612, also states (see p. 125) that they passed Queen Sophia's Cape in going from Ramel's Fjord to Cunningham's T'jord. It follows that, if the latter is the southern of the two Kangerdluarsuks, just north of Holsteinborg (as we consider that we have proved). Queen Sophia's Cape cannot be Kangarsuk (which is to the north of that fjord), but must be a point on the pro- jecting part of the coast north of, and near to, Holsteinborg ; and, as it must have been very con- spicuous in the landscape as seen from the sea, it cannot be anything else than the Pra;stefjeld, which rises just north of Holsteinborg to a height of :7S.:-:.'x mm IxXX DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O I ■•' ; !.l : I , .1 I ! 1,770 ft. (or, more accurately, an outrunner from it) which, although not really forming a promontory, would appear to do so when viewed from the south. In this case, Hall's indication of the latitude is of little avail, except quite indirectly, as it is manifestly erroneous, being inconsistent with his other state- ments of latitude. It is only in the explanation to the General Map that the latitude of Queen Sophia's Cape is stated ; but the figure (67° 45') cannot be what Hall meant, because Cunningham's Fjord, which, according to his own map, is further to the north, is here stated to be in 67" 25'. The figure 7 is written on an erasure, and though we may pretty safely gyess that 66" 45' is meant, no direct arnfument can be founded on this. At the same time, however. Knight's Islands, which are com- monly (and, doubtless, rightly) identified with the Kagsit Islands, are stated by a similar (no doubt clerical) error to be in 67° 58', — that is to say, rather to the north of Queen Sophia's Cape. This would rightly express the relative position of these localities, if Queen Sophia's Cape be the Praistefjeld, but not if Kangarsuk is supposed to be that cape, their real latitudes being : Kangarsuk, 67° 4' ; Knight's Islands, 66° 59' ; Pr^estefjeld, 66° 55'. For the identification of Queen Anne's Cape, we have in Hall's accounts only two data — the latitude (66°) and the circumstance that it is spoken of in language which seems to imply that it was a notable landmark, not only as seen from the west, as in Hall's sketch, but also from the south, in coming up Davis' EXPEDITIOXS TO GREENLAND. Ix XXI )e, ve de I in j)lc I's lis Strait. Thus it was the first point which Hall "espyed" on his arrival in 1606 (see p. 65). This could hardly apply to the island cf Simiutak, which projects only slij^htly from the coast-line, and attains no (greater elevation than 930 ft., but would be applic- able to the mountain of Kinj^atsiak, just to the north of it, which reaches a hei<^ht of 1,740 ft., and, as it seems, must be noticeable, looming up over the lower land to the south. There is. however, in Gatonbe's account of the voyai^e of 161 2, a passa^^e exactly to the point, viz., the entry for June 23rd, in which he says (see p. 100) that, within a league of Queen Ann's Cape, travelling" northwards, they had to cross a j^reat river, in which the flood caused an exces- sively strong current, by doinj^- which they came to an island, where they rested till the flood was spent, evidently in order to enable them without trouble to cross the other branch of the river, north of the island; after this, resuming thttir journey, they rowed past the Cape. There can be no doubt that the river was the Kangerdlugsuak (Sonder Strtimfjord in Danish), of which the main branch, south of the island of Simiulak, opens in 66^, whilst the mountain of Kingatsiak is just beyond the northern branch. For these reasons, we believe that the inscription, " Queen Anne's Cape " on Hall's sketch refers, not to the extremest southern point of the sketch, which we take to be the island of Simiutak. but to the large knoll just inside those lower rocks, which we take to be Kino^atsiak. If we now turn to the interpretation of H bill's -HW! fP Ixxxii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. sketch (see p. 9), we cannot do better than take Captain Jensen for our guide for the central portion. " The mountains", he says/ " to the left of Mount Cunninjj^hani (Kakatsiak) represent the high land of Akugdlersuak in connection with the mountain of Kakatokak, situated behind ; the lower knoll, to the right of Mount Cunningham, may l)e intended for a mountain called Nagtoralinguak, near the sea, south of the Fjord; and the smaller knoll in front of that must then represent the highest summit of the island Inugsugtusok Behind these two knolls, the high jagged mountains of Tininilik, Kingartak, and others appear, which form a wild Alpine landscape south of the outer portion of the Fjord of Itivdlek. Even one of the very characteristic parabolic valleys which occur here is clearly indicated in the drawing." Captain Jensen does not continue his interpretation to the: lateral parts of the sketch ; but, following our own light, we recognise beyond this group of mountains, to the right, the moun- tain Kingatsiak, which we consider to be Queen Anne's Cape, at the foot of which the lower island of Simiutak appears. Returning to the northern half of the landscape represented in Hall's sketch, we observe, to the left of the mountain district of Akugdlersuak, that the mountains, one behind the other, fall off to some compara- tively-straight fjord, penetrating far into the main- land, which fjord we take to be the Ikertok. The ^ Meddelels(r om Grihi/aud, vol. viii (1888), p. 47. EXPKniTIONS TO ORF.FNLAND. XXXlll The small knoll to the left of this wc take to be the islands of Sarfanguak and Manetorsuak ; behind which, and beyond the intervening^ Amerdlok Fjord, Kj:erlin(;eh:L'tten raises its cone ; behind the small knoll further to the left, would be the entrance to Holsteinboro- harbour; and, beyond that ai^ain, a more distant knoll represents, in our opinion, Pneste- fjeld. To the left of this, a break in the coast-line, as seen from this point, is noticeable, which we con- sider to correspond to the recedintr part of the coast, where the two Kangerdluarsuks enter, which would be hidden behind the Prcestefjeld ; beyond this break, the coast appears ai^ain. and this we consider to be the promontory formed by the lower outrunner from the mountain of Kangarsuk, the summit of which may be covered by the Pra;stefjeld. Before leavint^ this question of the identification of the places visited by Hall in 1605 and 1606, we may observe that, if this has not been solved befon*, it is due to the fact that Hall's maps were not in the hands of the explorers of the country till a few years ago. Capt. Jensen, to whom we owe the first attempt at rational identification [viz., in respect of King Christian's Fjord), exprcisses his regret^ that he was not acquainted with Hall's maps before \u\ went to Greenland to map the coast, as he would then have been able to pay far more attention to details important in that respect. Autopsy is in these matters of very great importance, but we cherish ^ Meddekher om Gronland, vol. viii (1888), p. 45. if- 2 ■ '■9« ■p V, t V * : 1 i hi. Ixxxiv DANISH AR(TI( EXI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O. the hope that future explorers on the spot will ajj^rc-e with the conclusions to which we have come in our study. On the loth of July, Hall returned from his excursion to the north in the pinnace and rejoined the Trost, lyinj^^ in the Kinjr's Fjord (Itivdlek), and from this point he resumes his detailed account. Directly after Hall's return, the expedition sailed for Denmark, carrying away four natives whom Cunningham had captured, acting, no doubt, on his instructions. Lyschander says' that one of them was so violent that Cunningham found it necessary to shoot him, and that the natives in great numbers tried to prevent the departure of the vessels, but were frightened away by the discharge of cannon. The homeward voyage, however, was uneventful. On the loth of August, the expedition arrived back at Copenhagen, where they appear to have met with a very hearty reception. That Greenland had been reached ; that there was no insuperable difficulty in re establishing communication with it ; and that certain valuable commodities could be obtained thence was known already from Lindenow's report ; but (not to mention that some anxiety may have been felt about the ships which had continued their voyage further north) it seems evident that the fact of a large portion of the coast-line having been carefully explored was highly appreciated. Both Lyschander and Bielke state that, when the ^ Den Gronlandske Chrotiica, 1726 ed., pp. 11 2- 113. KXI'KDITIONS TO (IKKF.NLANI). Ixxxv td. Ihe ships sailed into Copenhagen Harbour, a map of (ireenland (doubtless on a very large; scale) was exhibited in the prow of Tros/ ; and they are profuse in their praises of Hall's skill and diligence in pre- paring his maps. From their expressions (which, however, contain no information beyond what is known from other sources), it is clear that copies of Hall's maps had been seen by them, as, no doubt, by many others. Within little more than a month of the return of the Expedition of 1605, Hall was permanently ap{)ointed, by Royal Warrant, dated September 20th,' a mate {Styruiand) in the Danish Navy, with obligation to serve whenever and wherever he might be called upon to do so. There is no mention o{ expeditions to Greenland, or any other particular service ; but that his appointment really was speci- ally for the intended further voyages to Greenland, on which the King intended him to act as pilot, is evident from the wording of the above-mentioned order to the Treasury (of Feb. 26th, 1606; see p. xxxvi), in which he is described as "our well- beloved Jacob Hiill, of Hull, our Greenland mate". By his appointment, he was to have a salary of 500 Rixdollars (about ^85) ei-year, besides free lodging and various articles from the Royal victualling yard (such as an ox, so much barley, bacon, butter, etc.) annually, the [)ay, etc., to commence from September 6th. By way of com- ^ Sjall. Reg., XV, fol. 50'', ^p^am m^mmam ', i -I i' r, I IxXXVi DANISH ARCTIC EXI'KDITIONS, 1605-I62O. parison, it may be mentioned that, according to a pay-list of 1658, the ordinary pay of mates in the Navy, even at that time, was from 50 to 90 Rixdollars annually, and that the pay of his captain, John Cunningham, was only 300 Rixdollars in cash, be- sides the usual emoluments. The officers of the Danish Navy at the time were mostly noblemen of private means, who did not require high pay ; but the proportion sufficiently shows that Hall's engage- ment was on terms highly favourable to him. That Hall's services were again secured and on such terms shows not only that he had given satisfaction personally, but also that, in Denmark, great advantages were expected from future expedi- tions to Greenland. More particularly it appears that very high hopes had been raised with regard to the mineral wealth of the country. Lyschander says' that the ore brought down by Hall was found to contain silver, 36 Lod (18 oz.) having been ex- tracted from a hundredweight of ore ; and, although this statement must rest on some mistake, great expectations were doubtless entertained at the time. In one respect, the expedition of 1605 had not brouii^ht the desired result : the ancient colonies had not been found. The Greenland natives who had been brought home were, of course, objects of great curiosity, but they were not descendants of the ancient colonists. On the contrary, they were evi- dently so-called Skncllinger, which were mentioned ' Den Gr'onlandske Chrotiica, 1726 ed., pp. iio-iii. KXI'KDITIONS TO GREENLAND. Ixxxvii in the old Sat^as as bitter enemies of the colonists. However, in this respect, it was permissible to hope for better results in the future. Meanwhile, the Greenlanders who had been brous^ht down were treated with kindness, in the hope that, when they returned with a subsequent expedition to Green- land, they would prove valuable as interpreters and as intermediaries generally. id It was soon decided to send out a fresh expe- dition in 1606, on a larger scale; and, as this would entail considerable expense, the King (who had defrayed the cost of the first expedition out of his ordinary revenue) demanded from the Danish Parliament, which assembled early in 1606, a special tax, in order to raise the necessary funds. This was granted, and in May a second expe- dition started, under the command of Godske Lindenow. The expedition of 1606 consisted of no less than five ships : viz., the three which had been to Green- land the year before, a fourth called Oriicn (the Eagle), and another smaller vessel, which had been bought in Scotland, and was properly called the Gillijloiocr, but which was generally known as the Gillibraud, Gillbcrt, or Augclibrand. Trostww-^ on this occasion commanded by Godske Lindenow, who also held the supreme command of the ciuin; expedition. Hall was again first mate and acted as pilot to the fleet. Den Rode Love was commanded by John Cunningham, but the name of his mate is ssn m^mmsmmmmmmm :. I ' : 1 . ^Vv III IxXXviii DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-1620. not known. Katten was commanded by Anders Nolk, of Bergen, in Norway, one of the regular mates of the navy, Knight having returned to Engkuid. Omen was under the command of Hans Bruun, according to Hall (who translates his name into Browne), a Norwegian by birth. He was a captain in the navy, and saw much service. In i6io, he commanded Enhid'niingcn, which Jens Munk took to Hudson's Bay in 1619. On the voyage to Greenland in 1606, he kept a journal, which has been preserved, and which has been mentioned above (see p. xv). Though consisting only of short entries, it is of value as a supplement to Hall's account, and the contents of it will be found in our notes to Hall's account. Bruun's lieutenant and first mate was Philip de Foss, a native of Dunkirk. The seamen of that town possessed a great reputation for boldness and ability, but had at the same time a bad name, as being inclined to piracy, smuggling, and similar irregularities. T'oss had been arrested in Norway on some charge t)f this kind, but, as it would seem, not convicted ; for he not only remained in Denmark, but obtained an a{)pointment as a captain in the navy. That he sailed in an inferior capacity on this occasion may, perhaps, be ac- counted for by his own desire to take part in the expedition. Omen is mentioned in several con- temporary lists of Danish men-of-war, and is credited in one list with four, in another with 12 i>uns. She is described by Hall (see p. So) as a vessel of 100 ili EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. Ixxxix 1 tons, with a crew of 50 men. The Gillifiower was commanded by Carsten Richardson, a native of Holstein, who had served in the navy in the reiij^n of Frederick II, and afterwards distinguished him- self as an officer on foreiun service in Poland and Hiini^ary, Accordinij;^ to Hall (see p. 80), the Gilli- fioioer was of 40 tons and carried sixteen men. .She was probably but lightly armed. According to Lyschander, there was a good deal of excitement in Copenhagen in connection with this expedition ; but, says he, none were more eager to start than the Greenlanders, who were permitted to accompany the ships to the intent that they might be useful in the intercourse of the expedition with the natives. Neither Hall nor Bruun report anything very re- markable as having occurred on the outward journey. It is, however, worth noting that Hall kept a sharp look-out for the imaginary Island of Buss, as he had done on the first voyage ; and, on this occasion, he ex|)licitly declares that he sighted some land which he took to be the island. There can hardly be a doubt, however, that he was mistaken in this. The i)oint is discussed hereafter in Appendix B. Lyschander implies^ that the weather was unfavour- able, and only two of the vessels — Trost and Omen — seem to have reached the sh(jres of Cireenland. There they remained from July 27th to August loih, but seem to have been principally concerned about Veil (JroiiiaiiJskc Chronica, 1726, cd., p. 121. I I it \Hi i, I I'l :li' 11 XC DANISH ARCTIC KXl'EDITIONS, 1605-162O. bringing' home as much as they could of the supposed silver ore. The expedition first put into Cunnin*^- ham's Fjord (the Southern Kangerdluarsuk), whence boat-trips were made to the Northern Kangerd- luarsuk and other places in the vicinity. On August 6th the ships removed to Foss Bay (Iker- tok), which they explored, setting sail for home on the roth. Trade with the natives was very s!'\ck, [xirtly because the latter seemed backward in offering their goods, partly (as Lyschander seems to imply) because the ship's crews were so worn out by the toilsome voyage that they thought more of resting and refreshing themselves than of trading. On the day before the expedition left Greenland, a young man who had been servant to Lindenow the year before was sent on shore in order to remain in the country. He was supplied with various requisites, the better to enable him to maintain himself there. This was done by way of punishment, or, rather (as Lyschander implies), by way of commutation of the punishment he had in- curred for some misconduct which is not specified. Lyschander says that he was at once torn to pieces by the Greenlanders, thus receiving his punishment at their hands, after which the Greenlanders tied at once, but he adds that no pity was felt for the man by the Danes, and that these were not inclined to cjuarrcl with the Greenlanders on that account. This explains the fact that, in the afternoon of the same day, several natives came to the ships, of whom five (Lyschander says six) were secured. EXI'EDITIONS TO GRKKNLAND. \CI t. e with their boats, and carried captive to Denmark, probably because the most intellii^i^ent of those which had been brought down the year before had died.^ The homeward vovatre was commenced on August loth, and Copenhagen was reached on October 4th. It may be of interest here to notice the subsequent fate of the Greenlanders bnjught down to Denmark by the two expeditions. According to Lyschander- and the anonymous treatise relating to the Green- landers, the two whom Lindenow captured in 1605, were very different from those afterwards brought down from the West Coast, being of a very savage disposition, coarse in manners, inclined to bite like dogs, and greedily eating anything they could lay hold of. Lindenow, however, succeeded in taming them to some extent, and taught them to run about the ship in obedience to signs from him. When he arrived home, and the Kino- and the Queen came aboard Den Rdde Loz>t\ Lindenow made the Greenlanders show their prowess in propelling their /cayaks, on which occasion they held their own in a race against a boat of sixteen oars. The three brought down by Cunningham were much more tractable ; they soon associated with the crew ; and, when the Trosi entered the harbour of Copenhagen, they outraced the sailors up the stays to take in the topsail. Lyschaiuler narrates I ^ Lyschander, Chronica, 1726 ed., p. 124. '^ Den Gronlandske Chronica, 1726 ed., i)p. 114-118. !?52=SW555S ^m«nnpiiipi '\ Ul I Xcii DANISH ARCTIC KXrKDITIONS, 1603-162O. that, just then, a Spanish Ambassador arrived at Copenhagen, in honou** of whom various fes- tivities took place. On one occasion, he was shown the Greenlanders with their implements, etc., and three of them, in their boats, performed a kind of dance, cutting figures with their kayaks in a wonder- ful manner. The Ambassador was so delighted that he sent them handsome i)resents of money, which they laid out in fashionable clothes, mantles, hats with ostrich feathers, swords, and spurs, in which attire they marched up to the Castle " like Greenland Grandees". They were well taken care of, fed with such things as they were accustomed to, and had very much their liberty. The King, him- self a devoted sailor, took much interest in their performances with their boats, and had one built on the Greenland pattern, but arranged for two men. Thus the winter passed by no means unhai)pily ; but, when spring of 1606 arrived, they availed them- selves of their liberty to attempt an escape in their boats. Whether all of them, or some only, took part in it, Lyschander does not say ; but, in any case, the runaways did not get far. They came on shore somewhere in Skaane, and were detained by the peasants. After that, they were more carefully watched, the intention of the authorities being to send some of them back to Greenland with the next expedition, in the hope that, if they returned to their friends and told them how well they had been treated and what they had seen in Copenhagen, the natives would meet the expedition with confidence. EXPEniTIOXS TO GREENLAND. XClll unci friendly relations would he j^ermanently estab- lished. A difficulty was the lanouai>e, which the Danes could make nothinij of: two words were all that they could catch — viz., Oxa and fudccha, which were thought to be the names of two of them. When the second expedition sailed, at least two of them were put on board— Oxa on Omen, another (whose name Hall oives as Omeu^, possibly the same as Lyschander's Judecha) on board Trost. Unfortunately, they both died on the voyage up, and the intention of the government was thus entirely frustrated. Whether the other vessels had Greenlanders on board is not known with certainty ; but, as they never reached Greenland, this is of no consequence. As it was, the fact of none of the captives returning" could not but be very prejudicial to the intercourse between the expedition and the natives. Some more, however, were secured with the same intention, four of whom arrived safely in Denmark ; but, as the expeditions to W'est Greenland ceased, neither they nor those who had been brought down before, ever had an opportunity of returning. Nothing further is told of them in any contemporary record ; but Isaac de la Peyrere, who came to Copen- hagen nearly forty years later, gives, in his Relation dn Grocnlande, some particulars, based on what was told him, concerning them. He says, what will readily be believed, that, in spite of all care, they did not survive long, though a couple of them lived ten or twelve years in Denmark. Moreover, he nar- rates, but without giving his authority, that, when I Xciv DANISH ARCTIC KXI'EDITIONS, 1605-I62O. only two were left, one of them was employed in the pearl-fishery, and died from exposure, the work havinjr been continued too late in the season. The solitary survivor made a desperate attempt to return to Greenland, but was overtaken and brought back, after which he pined away and soon died.* •I ii'r i As the expedition of 1606 did not visit any locali- ties other than those which had been visited the year before, no fresh geographical discoveries were made ; and, as the ore brought down turned out valueless, the result of that voyage was altogether disappointing. It became clear that, whatever profit might be made by private traders, expeditions like those of 1605 and 1606, sent out at the expense of the State to the parts hitherto visited, would not pay in the long- run. The portions of Greenland which had been visited did not at all correspond to the descriptions given by the ancient writers, which implied the existence of comparatively fertile land, suitable at least for grazing, and upon the whole much more favourable conditions of existence than those dis- closed by the reports of the two expeditions. At the same time, there remained still unsolved the question of the sites of the ancient Scandinavian colonies, of which no vestiges had been found. This negative result, however, was not altogether dis- couraging, as the settlements were generally supposed to have been in the southernmost part of Greenland, I La Peyrere, Relation du Groenlande, pp. 182-185. EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND. XCV not far to the east of its southern extremity, more particularly in the neii^^hbourhood o{ a certain large fjord, called Eriksfjord in the ancient writings. Moved by such considerations, King Christian IV resolved to make one more attempt, and a third expedition was sent out in 1607, with the special object of finding Eriksfjord. It was on a much smaller scale than the foregoing ones — only two vessels, under the command of Carsten Richardson, being employed. Whilst the Letters of Instructions given to the commanders of the expeditions of 1605 and 1606 have not come down to us, an official copy of the corresponding document with reference to that of 1607 is still in existence.^ It is an elaborate and interesting document, dated May 6th, 1 607, but too long to be reproduced here.- After referring to the two former voyages, and setting forth the statement of the ancients concerninfj the Icelandic settlement in Greenland, and especially that on Eriksfjord, the document enjoins those entrusted with the King's commands to sail from Cape Lindesnajs by a W.N.W. course, so as to approach the east coast of Greenland, between lat. 60" and 61°, in which part Eriksfjord was thought to be situated. Having found that locality, they were to examine diligently the condition of the 1 SJa//. Ref^., 1607. 2 The principal portion of it has been printed in Meddclelscr oiii Gnhiland, vol. ix, j)p. 12-14. I I < i ' tJ m f xcvi DANISH ARCTU- Exrr.DiTioxs, 1605- 1620. harbours, to ascertain the movements of the ice and the best time for sailinobisher's Strait were situated, is evident from Capt. Best's account and the map which accompanies it.^ On the latter, Frobisher's Strait is seen extending just north of Labrador, from the eastern to the western coast of America ; but in Frobisher's time it was not known — at any rate, he did not know- that Greenland was separated from the continent of ^ Den Grimlandske Chronica, 1726 ed., p. 129. - See Best's True Discourse (1578), and Collinson's T/iree I'ojtiges of Frobisher (Hakluyt Society, 1867). A wmitmm i ■ 1 1 1 1 ! I 1 1 1 ' i f! . :1; XCviil DANISH ARCTIC KXI'KDITIONS, 1605-IO2O. America by a u^rcat branch of the sea, afterwards ex[)l()red by Davis ; he did not know that Greenland was aught but the East coast of America, and thus it came to pass that he, as he says, judged the land which he discovered and named " Meta Incognita", to be a part of Greenland. To us, with our geo- graphical knowledge, it is clear enough that Frobisher's d(;scription of his " Strait" and other localities near it as being situated in Greenland rested on a mere misnomer. But the geographers of the day clung blindly to the name ; and, when Davis had recognised Greenland as Greenland, they transferred Frobisher's vStrait from the East coast (^f America, where Frobisher had placed it, to the T^ast coast of the real Greenland — first to a position near the southern extremity of the country, and afterwards to a higher latitude more in harmony with Frobisher's statement. Under these circumstances, it was quite natural that, just as Davis (who really followed close in Frobisher's footsteps) had no idea that he was going over the same ground, and, when he passed Frobisher's Strait, thought that he had made a new discovery and called it " Lumley's Inlet", so Hall, when he was ordered to search for Eriksfjorcl on the south-east coast of Greenland, thought that he was going to explore the land where Frobisher had been. The expedition of 1607 left Copenhagen on the 13th of May, and took, according to Lyschander,^ ^ Chronica, 1726 ed., p. 128-139. KMl'EDlTlUiN.S TO GKKENLAM^ XCIX ill, on he ad he the same route as before (stoppinj^ as usual at Flek- kero) as far as Fair Isle ; but then they stood more northerly. On the 8th of June, in lat. 59", they sij^hted the east coast of Greenland, thouj^di at a considerable distance. Approach in j;' nearer, they searched in vain f(jr anchorage. The weather was unfavourable, and storms separated the vessels more than once ; the bark particularly seems to have had difficulty in clearinj^ herself. Adv^uicinu;' to lat. 6^", they ima^rined themselves to be opposite the |)lace where Frobisher had reached land ; but the ice prevented approach. They sailed to and fro, ranj^ini^ as far north as lat. 64^, and at last, on the 1st of July, made a des[)erate effort to force their way through the ice ; but, after incurring great danger, they had to give it up. " There stood the captain and the steersman," says Lyschander, " and looked like Moses into the land of Canaan, but they were forced to remain outside." Meanwhile, the crews had suffered greatly from fatigue and cold, and complained that they could not stand it much longer. At the same time, their fresh- water supply began to give out. A terrible gale then supervened, and Hall (says Lyschander) thought that they were in the samt: neighbourhood whence formerly some .Spanish ships had been driven as far as the Coast of Russia. They at last decided to run for Iceland, in order to refresh the crew, but the tempt st prevented them from reaching it, and they set sail for home. Having reached the southern extremity of Norway, they endeavoured to put into Mandal, but were again /i 2 ft ' ES33ffl3P ^■■■iai «■«« I I' « i' ! (i wmmmmm e DANISH ARCTIC LX I'Kl »riIONS, 1605-I620. prevented by stormy weather, and they arrived back at Copenha mmmf fi^mmFtmmmmftmmmKmi ■• t !■ ■ I i I mi Cviii DANISH ARCTIC EXI'KDITIONS, 1605-162O. described as a wise, ancient, and influential man, who had had charj^e of ships as much as twenty years earlier, and had also held other responsible commands in various parts of Enj^land. Barker was admitted a younger brother of the Trinity House at Hull in 1594, and was elected Warden in the years 1606, 1613, and 16 18. The following- entry concerning him appears in the above-mentioned Register of Freeman (fo. 150) : — "[22 Dec, 40 Eliz. (1597)]. Andrew Barker, eodem die et anno, admissus et juratus est Buri;ensis huius ville per apprenticium Roberti Tailor, Alder- manni, et marin', si resident, aliter non, et quid venit post terminum elapsum etc. solvit pro fine xxs. quos solvit." He placed in a compartment of the east window of the old Chapel of the Trinity House at Hull a stained-Lj^lass figure of St. James-the-less, which, how- ever, has now disappeared.^ He was still living at least as late as 1621 ; for a letter from the Trinity House in London, dated June 4th in that year, and having reference to Harbour Dues, was addressed to " O' loving friend Master Andrew Barker, Collect' of the Duetyes for the Lights and Booyes of Castor and Stamport in the Port of Hull".^ On board the Hearf s Ease was also William Huntriss, who, as a boy, had been with Hall to Denmark and had ^ See Markham's Voyages of Baffin, p. 27, «. '-' Trinity House Transactions, i6og-T62j, among tlic records of the (London) Trinity House. E\I'l•;DH•UJ^^ tu (.ki.LxNLanp. CIX kI accompanied him on his voyai^es thence to Green- land. Huntriss probably held the post of master; for, when, after Hall's death, Barker took charge of the Expedition, he became captain of the Heart's Ease. On board this vessel, too, was young William Baffin, who wrote the account of the voyage of which Purchas printed a portion. He afterwards became famous as an Arctic P^xplorer, but what post he held on this occasion is not known (see p. 1 20, n.). The incidents of the voyage require but brief notice here. Hall, on this occasion, adopted a plan different from that he had followed in 1606. He had then sailed up Davis Strait, as far as lat. 66°, to the westward of the great bank of ice which occupies its central portion, and had then struck eastward for the west coast of Greenland. He now made direct for Cape F"arewell (as he had done in 1605), and kept close along the belt of ice lying off the shore, in order to avail himself of any oppor- tunity of getting through to the land. He was, in consequence, able to examine a portion of the coast which he had not visited on any of the Danish Ex- peditions. He first came to land on May 27th in the vicinity of what is now the Settlement of Godthaab, in lat. 64°, some two degrees south of the southern- most point he had touched on any previous occasion. This locality Hall called the Harbour of Hope,^and , I.. '■^ If, as we believe (see p. xxxii), Hall had been with Davis, he probably was '^iniiliar with this iiaibour; tor Davis (the only man ex HAMSH ARCTIC LXl'tUiTIUNS, l605-lC)20, he also named several other places in the vicinity. Here the Expedition remained several days in order to fit together a pinnace and a shallop ; but they departed on June i6th, and the next day came into a harbour they called " Cockenford", which appears (see p. 99, n.) to have been the Southern Isortok r'jord. Here Hall left his larger shii), the Patience y and proceeded in the smaller, the Hcai't's Ease, on an exploring trip along the coast to the northwards, very much as he had done in 1605. ^^ ^V'^-^ accom- panied by Gatonbe and twenty-two men ana boys. On the 26th, he reached the King's Fjord (Itivd- Ick), the southernmost locality he had visited on the expeditions of 1605 and 1606. By the 26th, he had returned to ihii Patience in " Cockenford"; and, by the 15th of July, he arrived once more in the King's Fjord (Itivdlek) with both his ships. From the King's Ford, on July i8th. Hall again started off northwards in the Heart's Ease, his object being to reach the supposed silver mine in Cunningham's Fjord (the Southern Kangerdluarsuk), the Patience being meanwhile left anchored in the King's Fjord. Halting, however, on the 22nd, in Ramel's Fjord (Amerdlok), Hall was killed by a Greenlander with a dart as he was in a boat by the ship's side. He was buried on one of the islands near the shore, and his men afterwards proceeded to known to have visited this coast previously), in 1585, had named the harbour Gilbert Sound, after Sir Hunifrey Gilbert. EXl'EDITIONS TO GREENLAND. CXI the mine ; but, when the i^oklsmith had tried the ore and [)ronounced it valueless, they decided to return to the Patience in the Kind's Fjord, where they arrived (n\ the 25th. After some quarrellini^, Jiarker was chosen " General" of the TLxpedition, with Gatonbe as his first mate on board the Patience, while Huntriss took command of the smaller ship. Then, Hall being dead, jjreparations were at once begun for the return home, which commenced on August the 4th. On the voyage, the vessels became separated, the Patience reaching London on September 19th, while Heart's Ease arrived (contrary, apparently, to Barker's order; see p. iio) on the 17th at Hull, to which port she doubtless belonged. The following entry relating to her appears amcMig the records in the Trinity House at Hull : — " The Account of Mr. Robert Tailor for his First Quarter ending AIa7'ch, 161 j. " Item. — Of the Patience from northward." Gatonbe's account of the voyage of 1612, as printed in the Churchill's Voyages and Travels, is accom- l)anied by a map of Greenland, on which the names of the places visited, and of a few other places, are inserted ; but, in the text, there is no reference lo such a map, nor is anything stated by the editor as to its origin. The circumstances fairly inter- preted imply that the editor thought that ii belonged to the account ; but, as this was prinictl about 120 years after it was written, we have no means of knowing with any certainty whether or 1 I I Cxii DANISH ARi lie KX I'll H IKjN >, l6u5-l02(J. not it did oriu^iiKiIly bclonj^r t(j it, or by whom it w;is drawn. Two circumstances arc in favour of ascribinn' it to Gatonbc, or to some other member of the expecHtion of 1612— z'iz., that it exhibits some of the pecuHar misconceptions of that time (such as the presence'of Frisland and Busse Island); and, secondly, that amonj^st the names there is one which does not (jccur in any of Hall's accounts of his voyages, nor on any map then published, but only on Hall's unpublished General Map of his discoveries in i6o5,Z'/.:., Prince Christian's Fjord (IV, ^), here trans- formed into "Princeford". Nevertheless, the map is of no use for the identification of the localities, as it is drawn on much too small a scale to pretend to anything;" like accuracy, beyond the most jreneral features ; several names are misplaced (Wilkinson's Islands beini;' far from the Harbour (jf Hope ; the "Silver Mine Su^jposed" far north of Princeford); while the scale of latitudes (very likely added after- wards) is quite erroneous, not at all aoreeinu;" with Hall's statements in the explanation to the General Map, or even with those in his text. Of course these circumstances deprive the map of any ^reat interest as illustratinij^ the account of the voyage, or as a contribution to the history of cartography ; and this is the reason why we have not rej)roduced it. The names appearing on the south and west coasts of Greenland, proceeding northwards, are as follows : Cape White, Cape Farewel, Cape Desola- tion, Cape Comfort, Wilkinson's Islands, Mount Hatcliff, Harbour of Hope, Cape Cheese, Cocken- KXPEDITIONS TO fJRKKNLANn. CXlll ford, Queen Anne Cape, Mount Cunniii_L;hani, KinL,^stbrd, Rombluford, Princeford, and " Silver Mine supposed". For all of these, except Cape White (which occurs on Hessel Gerritsz.'s mai)) and Cajje Cheese (which we cannot explain), the text and our precediniL;" remarks will account. For .some further observations on this map, see Appendix A. p. 1 6 1. The track map facini^ the titlc-paji^e, to which we alluded on p. i, is destined to show the routes taken by the expeditions of 1605, 1606, and 161 2, within Davis Strait ; but it has no reference to the ex- pedition of 1607, which remained on the east side of Greenland, and of which we possess too little information to be able to lay d(jwn the track followed. The red lines on the map arc intended to represent the actual sailing,'- of the expeditions in (]uestion as accurately as the scale of the maj) and the available information permit ; the letter u after the date indicating the places where the latitude was observed. Some portions, however, of these tracks must necessarily be more or less conjectural, owing to the defects of the records. With regard to these conjectural portions, some explanations, which ought to have been given in foot-notes to the corresponding passages of the text, may find place here, together with a few other additions and cor- rections, for which we beg the particular attention of our readers. ^ ^ /ji< m n— *. I I Cxiv DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. If: ■ 1 |: If ; I 'I ADDITIONAL NOTES. Pp. xxix-xxx. As so little is known of Hall personally, it seems worth while to state that, among the marriages recorded in the registers of Holy Trinity, at Hull, are those of Anne Hall with Thomas Haryson on June 3rd, 1594; of William Ramsden with Mrs. Anne Hall (both of Holy Trinity Parish) at St. Mary's Church, on February 20th, 1650; and of William Bysseele with Eline Hall in June 1662. Among the burials recorded in the parish of St. Mary are tho^e of Joshua Hall (ex-Mayor, etc.), on April lyth, 1643; Mrs. Ann Hall, on Jan. 23rd; 1665; and of William Hall (Sheriff), in Octolier 1691 ; while, among the- marriages, that of John Hall (merchant) with Mary, daughter of Mrs. Hoir- on Dec. nth, 1656, is recorded. For this informa- tion we are indebted to the kind researches of Mr. J. Tindal Wildridge, made by permission of the Town Clerk of Hull. As Hall is known to have been a native of Hull, some of these persons may have been relatives of his ; but as the name is far from uncommon, it is, of course, very uncertain. P. xliv, /. 17. The Lion's homeward course, as shown on the track map, is quite conjectural. P. Ixxi, /. 19. For some further remarks on the cuestion of Hair's having noticed the Bay of Disco, and on the i'',dication of the entrance on the Stockholm chart, we refer our readers to Appendix A. See pp. 142-143. P. Ixxvi, /. 19. For "visited", read "explored". The place was visited in 1605, as stated just before, but only cursorily. P. 7, «. I. As stated on p. 152 ;/., the name of Cape Desola- tion occurs on Barentz's Map of 1599, from which source Hall most likely had it. P. 28, /. 4-5. On this passage, see Appendix A., p. 146. P. 30, n. 2. There is no occasion to suppose the latitude 59* 50' erroneous. Sailing, as Leyell says, westwards, on the EXPEDITIONS TO C.REENLANl). CXV Ice lla- xU 3rd, with a N.W. wind and, probably, a strong current from the north, they would be very likely to l>e driven southward, even if they did not actually steer S. of W. Hall's .statement that, wnen they observed on the 4th, they had been steering N. and N. by W. since the morning, and that they had made way \\'. by N. 24 leagues (of course since noon on the 3rd), imply that they had been further S. on the previous day, as shown on the track mai). P. 33, /. 12-16. It should be noted that these statenunts al)out the currents in Davis' Strait are not in accordance with our present knowledge. As is now well ascertained, a strong Arctic current descends through Davis' Strait, following the American shore, past I^abrador, far down the east coast of the United States ; whilst a contrary current flows up the eastern side of the Strait as far north as lat. 63° or 64°. This is the continuation of the Polar current descending along the east coast of (Greenland, whicii sweeps round Cape Farewell, and is very marked along the west coast of Greenland as far as the latitude mentioned, graduallx spreading to the west, until it is neutralised and absorbed by the current from the north setting through the Strait. T'le current flowing northwards round Ca[)e Farewell is of varying extent and force, but does not a[)pear to be wider than from twenty to thirty miles. See Capt. \Vanders hydrographical observations on Davis' Strait {0>n de hydrographiske Forholdi Davis-Stncdet^ in Meddclclser out Grofila/id, vol. vii, 1893). P. 49, n. I. "The Stateholder of Dcnmarke'' was, no doubt, the Stadholder, or (lovernor, of Copenhagen, which post at that time was held by Ikeide Rantzau. This fact seems to corroborate our suggestion (p. Ixviii) that "Brade Ranson", is a corru[)tion of Preide Rantzau, as it would be natural to name from the Stat- holder the fjord where a criminal was left behind by his order. P, 50. n. 2. The statement that they accounted themselves to have made way S. by W. al)Out ten leagues from noon the i ith to noon the 12th, is not compatible with the statement that, during that time, they had dropped from lat. 60' 10' to 62' 40'. At the same time, it is not credible that, however favoured by wind and current, they should have made an actual run of something like ten miles an hour during those twenty-four hours, including a cast N.W. for a couple of hours to avoid the ice. It is strange, too, ' w ! ■ CXvi DANISH ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS, 1605-162O. that, from the 13th noon to the 15th noon, they should have not made more progress than what is imphed by the differences in the latitudes stated to have been observed on those days, viz., 60° 17' and 59°. It can scarcely he doubted that' some confusion has here crept into the text, and the most reasonable conjecture seems to be that the figures indicating the latitudes observed have some- how been inserted under the wrong dates. If we suppose that the figure 60° 17' really belongs to the 14th July, that of 62^ 40' to the 13th, and that the true figure for the 13th was between 64° and 65' (perhaps 64° 40', which might have been confounded with 62° 40', and thus occasioned the mistake), the distances made on these respective days will appear much more reasonably distributed ; and it is on this conjecture — since one had to be adopted — that we have here laid down this part of their track on the map. Their actual run during the first twenty-four hours would, ^n that case, have been quite no miles, which, considering that for some time they were impeded by ice, would be quite enough to excite attention. P. 60, ;/., and p. 62, /. 23. Owing to the absence of any information concerning their sailing from the loth to the 13th of July, it was impossible to mark their progress during these days on the track map otherwise than by a straight line. Something similar holds good with regard to their course between the 14th and the morning of the iSth, during which time they appear to have steered N.E., but really to have sailed N. by W. P. 64, /. 12. North-east is obviously a misprint for north-west, as appears from the entry under 24th. P. 70, «. I. The statement that the tide in Foss Bay flowed S.E. and N.W. would apply to the Kangerdluarsuk between Ikertok and Itivdlek, a portion of which trends in that direction; and it is quite probable that this really is what Hall calls Foss Pay. The figure for the latitude, 66° 25', may in that case be a misprint for 66° 45'. If Foss Bay be this Kangerdluarsuk, the argument on p. Ixxv would have to be modified, but it would not really affect the identification of Ramehford with Amerdlok, or of Skaiibofjord with Ikertok. P. 78, n. 4. This note should be omitted. EXPKMTIONS TO GREENLAND. cxvn to *vest, )\ved ;ion; be a the not )rof P. 78, ti. 5, For "On the 21st, in the morning", read ^^ On the 24th, in the morning", etc. P. 82, n. I. This note should be omitted. See p. cii, ;/. P. 90, /. 5. The word "again" seems to have been repeated by a clerical or printer's error, as no previous sailing to the N.M is recorded. When they stood in to land the day before, they sailed N.N.W. P. 90, /. 17; p. 92, /. 13, and p. ri2 ;/. Gatonbe's state- ment (on p. 91) that, at noon on the 18th, they were in lat. 59° 53' and yet only ten leagues away from the land of Desolation, is not in accordance with the true position of the latter. With regard, however, to this statement, and to the statement on p. 92 that on the 20th, when in lat. 61" 33', they were some thirty leagues northward of Desolation, it should be remembered that (latonbe, as it appears from his entry under Aug. 15th (p. 112), believed the (.'ape of Desolation to be in about lat. 60^ 19'. It is (juite possible that, on this latter occasion, he may have mistaken Sermersok for Desolation ; but his words do not imply that he saw any land, or determined the latitude of any cape, at all on Aug. 15th. The meaning of his words may simply be that, finding himself in the latitude of Go" 19', and believing that Desolation (which he had seen repeatedly on his way out) was in about that latitude, concluded that it bore east of him, twenty leagues. In the same way, Hall, on his return voyage in ifio6, when in lat. 59' 10', states (p. 75), by a mere guess, that Cape Desolation then was bearing W.N.W. \ N. about sixty-four leagues off, at which dis- tance, of course, he could not see it. !*• 93i ^- 7- ^^^ ^''•-' track map we have credited them with a long run due west, on tiie 22nd, although nothing is said about it in Hall's account, because it seemed jxissible only by such a supposition to account for their meeting ice, on the 22nd, fifteen leagues from land, whilst their distance from shore on the 21st was only six to seven leagues; and also for their crossing the f)3rd parallel on the 23rd, only 5 minutes to the north of their latitude at noon 22nd, and sailing N.IC. at the time. f 1 P. 123, ;/. 2. Jvr "(see p. 13.;)", rend "(sec p. 135)". [/' ■• ; EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605, 1606. 1607, AND 1612. A Report to King Christian IV of . Dcwimrk on the Danish Expedition to Greenland, binder tlie Cotmnand of Captain John Cnnningliani, in 1605. Hv JAMES HALL. CniEK Pilot. [From AN Oricinai. Mamsckii'i in tmk r.KiTisii Muskum {MSS. lUbl. Rci:;. 17A, xlviii, p. 261).] OST MKICIITVK, HKKIII, AM) RK- DOVHTED Princk : ffora.smucli as it hath pleased God and yourc hcighnes to appointc me as prititipall pilotcfor the conductinge of joure l\L'iiestic's shippes vnto' settingc with nic as Captaine an honncst and faythfull Gcntlenian, Captaine John Conningham, youre Maicstics scrvante- : Tliercforc I can doe no Icsse but in ductye to certif}' }-our Ilcighncs of ourc procccdinges, to whome of rcight it bclongcth. ^ Sonicthinjr appears to lia\e been omitted here, prol)ably only tlio word " ("irccnland"'. - For anotire of Cunninj^hani, see the IntrcHliH tion. -^^- #1 w ^ l i • iM - tfai jrw 2 EXPEniTIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. Therefore maye it please youre Maiestie to under- stande that we depted from Copemanhaven the second daye oP in this prcsente yeare of oure redemption, 1605 wc cominpjc to an anker that neight at Elsonvre'^ where we ankcred to take in oure water where in the meane tyme, the Captaines and Levetennants, with the other steercmen,^ earnistlye desired me to sett downe some covenantes amongst us for the better keepeinge of companie in this our viage the which thinge I did, gettinge the same translated into the Dannish toung, as youre Maiestie at youre best likeinge maye see more- over they settinge to there handes, swcareinge and protestinge to kcepe the same covenantes so longe as possible they coulde, but how well and trewelye there othes and covenantes were kept and pformed shalbe further declared in place convenient So, haveinge taken in oure water, we depted from Elsonvre the third daye at neight we haveinge not beene 24 howers at sea when y^ Captaine of y^ Lion with his stecrman, Peter Kelson, complayned that they weere not suffitientlye furnished of wood and water earnistlye in- trcateinge both the Captaine and my selfe that wee would putt into some harbor in Norwaye where they meight supplye there wantes thewhich at there earnist desire * The departure took place on the 2nd of May 1605. 2 Elsinore. ' This tcMin (which occurs frequently throughout Hall's narratives) is proliably a literal translation of the Danish Styrnurnd^ which is the ordinary equivalent of the English "mates". The grade of both Hall and Kieldsen in the Danish Navy was that of " Styrmand", and is so described in all contemporary Danish documents and accounts. Hall's position in the Danish Arctic Expeditions would, however, be better described in English as "pilot" (in Danish '■'■ Lods" or ^^ Be- kjendt MinuV). In any case. Hall would hardly ha\ e used the word '"steeremen" in this place as the equivalent of the modern English " steersmen". DANISH KXPEDITION OF 1605. 3 we consented unto, although both the Captaine and my sclfe had a better desire to pcecdeded^ on oure viage. So y' upon the 6 daye at noonc we came into y« harbor of Flocorie^ where we supplied oure wantes of wood and water till the 8 daye in the afternoone at which tymc, haveinge a faire gayle of winde casterlye we put to sea agayne dublinge the Nase of norwaye-' that ncight, at which tyme I dcrtjctcd my course n.n.w. for the Hand of Faireile the which Hand we had seight of the 13 daye, about 9 a'clocke in the morningc, and also of the south head of shotland^ called siviudwrne' head, the which Ilandes showcth, at the first seight thereof, in maner & forme followinge : — thefortiic of the ^ovthertiiost part of shot land Ihayiiiif; niv h it 10 Uns, the forme of fay re lie hearc- iui^ wiiw 8 leags of /^•^^^TWm^V n^ :sire faireile u> h it 5 leagcs the sovth head of shotland nmo 6 legs of The Ilandc of Fayreile lieth in the Latitude of 59 dcgr 20 minuts as I proved by exactc observation it bearcingc at that instant west somewhat northcrlye about 4 leagcs 1 I'lobably " to have proceeded" was intended, 2 Flekkero, a small island with a good harbour on the southern roast of Norway, close to the town of Christiansand. Danish ships l)ound for long voyages seem to have been in the habit of completing their stores at Flekkero, as it is almost invariably reported that they stopped there. ^ Cape Lindesna^s. ' Shetland. * Sumburgh Head, A 2 4 K.XI'KDITIONS TO (;REENLANI), 1605-1612. of so, saylcinge a little to the northvvardes of fayreile about a english Icage from the n.tv. pointe of the same, wc come into a meightie currcnte which did sett n.n.west of. So, leavinge fayreile I detected my course zv. b. n. till I knevve my sclfe shott to the vvestvvardes of y« Lewes which licth on the backe side of Scot/and & also of the ;/. zvcst coast of Ireland when I derectcd my course betweene y' zvest & s.zv. b. s., vntill I brought my selfe into the Lati- tude of 58 degres 20 minuts at which tyme I went avvayc zv. b. n. and zv.n.zu. until ye 28 daye in the afternone when it began to blowe a storme the sea goinge verye hie the which storme continewed till y** 30 daye at noone, when it cleared up, but we had lost seight both of the Lyor/ and the Pinnis' ; ffor in the foresayd storme it grewe so haysie and thicke that we lost one another so that it beinge cleare and seeinge noone of them about 2 a'clocke this same daye we had seight of lande which was pte ot GroiHclande it bcaringe n.n.e. of vs 12 leagcs of beinge a verie hie ragged lande lyinge in the latitude of 59 degres 43 minuts which because it was the first ^te of Groineland that we did see the Captaine with my selfe concluded to name it after youre Maiesties name, Cape Christiamis- ; the ' A little farther down, the Report mentions their nieetinj( the pinnace again ; but, according to Leyell's Diary, the pinnace remained with the leading vessel (see note to the corresponding passage in the account reprinted from Purchas on p. 25). - This passage has sometimes been understood as if by the name Cape Christian, was meant for Cape Farewell. Luke Foxe, for instance, in 1635, declared (see his North-West Fox, p. 51, or Miller Christy's Voyafi^cs of Foxe and James, p. 86): "It can be no other but Cape Farewell." As, however. Hall does not say that the point in question was the southernmost extremity of Green- land, but only that it was the first land they saw, there is no occasion for that supposition, which would imply that Hall either failed to recognise the promontory seen and named by Davis, or intended to propose a new name for it. From Gatonbe's account of the voyage of 1612, we know that on that occasion Hall made out Cape Farewell ; DANISH KXl'KDITION OF 160;. le of. I ch il«« |H 'hi 6 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. and 2V. b. s., till the morninge, when, by the providence of god, we wecre cleared of y^ same, at which tyme we had seight of the Lj'on to seaborde of vs.^ They haveingc esspied us, bore with us. The Captaine, with I'eter Kellson, his stcereman, came aborde of vs, when they did both veric earnestlic entreat and humblelie desire me in youre maiesties behalfe to give them a sea charte, or dcrections whereby they mcight know whether to goe if they shouldc lose vs, or at least wise retorne home agine, Pe^er Kellson both stayingc & swcarcing that yf he did loose vs, he knewe not what waye to take ; wherefore, consideringe that I had geven my faythfull oth and promise to youre Maicstie to be trewe both to you and youres in this action, I therefore bestowed a sea chart upon him,- with derections, if he should lose us, to gett that pte of Groiucland cleare without ycc, p'miscing also unto him that, yf he would followe my derections, I would bringe them, by Gods helpe, saffe and sound to good harbors, without any pester of yce ; he ptestinge agine vnto me by manye and severall othcs that he would never leave me vntill by extranordinarie tcmpaste^ they wcere driven fro vs by forse.^ So, standeinge allongst y*" land to y" south- ward, so nye as we coulde, as y"' yce woulde pmitte ffor all alongst this landc the yce licth verie far of; ffor, assayeinge divers tymcs to kecpc by the yce, and so to stande longst the lande to dubble the Cape Desola- * According to Leyell, it was somewhat later that the Lion re- joined the Admiral (see note to the corresponding passage in the text reprinted from I'urcha i on p. 27). - The other narrative (see p. 27) says it was " a Sea Chart of those coasts", evidently meaning the coasts of Greenland. The question as to what chart this was, and whence Hall can have had it, has been discussed elsewhere (see the Introduction and Appendix A). • ^ Query, "tempest." ^ Concerning the whole of this incident, see the Introduction. DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605. [ion re- in the [)f those Istion as lis been tion/ found- ourc selves often suddenlye compassed aboute with yce ; but that, by the hclpe of Allmeightie god, who delivered us, it was allmost impossible that we shoulde esscape forth of the same ; and also, at that tyme, the weather was so thicke and haysie which doth in these ptcs coinonlie hange upon the yce that we could scarsc se the great and hie Ilandes of yce till we weere allmost upon them ; neyther coulde we se the shore at anye tyme after owre comeinge from C(r/>e cliristianvs by reason of these mistes. Therefore, I thought it conveniente to stand of a more southerlie course to seabord to duble the Cape; all the companie, my selfe and the Captaine onelie excepted, being in dispaire. Peter Kelson also, with his companie, being verie desirous to lurne home againe, sayeingc he thought it impossible to sease upon the lande for yce. But I, still encourageinge them to followe me, jimissinge, as before, to bringe them to a pte of the land without pester of yce. ffor, if my derections at the first had bccne followed, we had dubled the cape at y*= first, w'owt this pester of yce.'* So, standeinge to the south- wardcs, we mett with the pinnis, who had also beene ' Davis, in 1585, named the southern portion of Greenland "the Land of Desolation'', but there is, in his narratives, no record of his having bestowed the name Desolation upon any particular cape. If he had done so, it seems natural to suppose that he would have bestowed the name on the very prominent headland forming the southernmost point of his " Land of Desolation" ; but it is generally held (and we believe with reason) that Davis himself bestowed upon that headland its present name of Cape Farewell (see p. 90, ;/.). Tlie name " Cape Desolation'', therefore, seems to be due to Hall, and it applies, as the text shows (see also p. 28), and as indicated on Hessel Gcrritsz's Map of 1 61 2, to another headland further to the north-west, probably the same which is still so-called, namely, the one on the Island of Nunarsuit, in the Julianehaab district. - Apparently " we" has been omitted. ^ This probably refers to his disagreements with Arnold, the navigating officer of the Trost, to which allusion is made in the account in Purchas (see p. 29;. I > I! S KXI'EDITIONS TO (IkKKM-AXD. 1605-1612. ;imf)ngst the ycc to scckc vs. Thus, by the pvidcncc of (lod, bcin^c at this instant both the shippcs and the />in it is toi^ether, I still encouraged them to jjceed, [)romissinc ) in iited loke Ih of |) hirt fi-O vs, \vc stood all this fforcnoonc lon^^st the ycc till noone ; at which tyme, the yce fallintje awaye, and also pfcctclyc Unoucinfjje my selfe to be shott in the latud. of the clcare ptcs of the coast of Gtoiuclaiid, I derected my course e. /'. n. for the lande ; the which, b\' ^a)ds helpe and assistance, we fell withall the next daye, in the morncinf^e Hcinfje a verye hie ragged land, haveingc the toppes of the hilles all covered with snowc, the forme and ffashon of which is hcarc sette downc to j-oure Maicsties vewc, betwccne two Cape or hadlandes ; betwccne which 2 capes, we first fell withall, they lyingc one of the other s. b. zc. and f/. b. <•., about iS english Icages. The southcrmost of which capes or Hcadlandes we named Quiriic nuns Cape, after the name of yourc Maiesties Ouecnc' ; ipyeitc Sophias (npc moil II tc iTiiiiiiif^haiii iirt-CII< Anns cape The shape ami fashion of the land as it rise lo rv, QT^eeiie Amis Cape /•eareiiii;- sovth \ point easterlye 9- leage<, and Q-reenc Sophias Cape 11. u. 1). n. J a poiiite nortluilye S leg'. and the northermost of the said Hcadclandes we called Ovcene Sophias Cape, after the name of youre Maiesties mother.-' This daye, at noone, we came into a verye great ' Probably the headland rendered prominent by havinj,' upon it Mount Kingatsiak (1740 ft.), in lat. 66 10' (see tlie Introduilion and also Hall's General Map, Wa). Queen Anna, wife of King Christian 1\' of Denmark, was a daughter of Joachim Frederick, Elector of IJrandenburg. .She died in 1639. '■^ This figure appears in the M.S. to have been corrected from 6 to 9, which is undoubtedly the more correct, as more nearly corres])onding to Ha estimate of the direct distance between the two " capes", viz., 18 le; s. ^ 'ably the westernmost of the headlands at the foot of the I'ra leld (the Mount Prieste of the English .-\dmiralty Charts) in III II rti 'iwiiiir iljril^i»il»«*i< lO EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. /il Baye, which we did suppose to be a great rever, and there- fore named it yourc Maiesties ford.^ At the mouth or cntrye in of this Baye, on the north side, standeth a great mountc or hill, riseinge in forme of a suger loafe, the which mounte is the best markc for this place that mayc be ; the which I called Ci^nningehams mounte,- after the name of my Captaine. So, sayle^ this afternoone vp into the forde, about 10 cnglish leages* from the sea, we alhvayes soundeingc afifore the shippe in the Pinnis, about 2 a'clocke, we came to an anker,-"' when the Captaine and my sclfe went a land, we ffalleinge downe on oure knees and thanked God for his goodnes ; the which donne, the Captaine tooke possession of the same in youre Maiesties behalfe, takeinge with him both earth and stones^ ; y« which doone, we wcntc aliongst the Rcver, upon y^ topps of hie mountaynes, have- inge the Bote still to rowe longst the shore with vs, the space of 3 english miles ; when, lookeinge towardcs the Bote from the hillcs, we sawc 4 of them'' with there ■!'' i'\ hit. 66^ 57' (see the Introduction and Hall's General Map, Wd). Queen Sophia, Consort of King Frederick II of Denmark, and mother of King Christian IV, was a daughter of Ulrick, Uuke of Mecklen- burg. .She died in 1612. ' .See Hall's general map (IVY;) and the special map of King Chris- tian's Kjord (I). The Greenlandish name of this fjord is Itivcilek (see the Introduction). - I'rolmbly Mount Kakatsiak (3,250 ft.), in lat. 65' 38' (see the Introduction and Hall's Maps, I a). The name is not given on the Eng- lish Admiralty Chart, but it is found on those of the Danish Admiralty (1866) and of Captain Jensen {Mcddclclscr oiii Gronland^ vol. \iii, , plate ix). ' Query, " sayleing." ' In Hall's other account (see p. 34), the distance is stated to have been 6 or 7 leagues, which is more correct. '•' The anchorage is marked b on map I. " This ceremony was quite superfluous, as the Kings of Denmark claimed the land as an ancient possession. "' The word " them" of course refers to the natives and indicates that, in the original draught, there was a .jrence to them just before. K- ly iii, ivc DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605. I I housses. We soddcnlye comingc dovvnc from the hilles tovvardes them, they prcsentlie fed from vs, one of them takeingc of his Bote. Oure people also in the bote haveinge esspied him, called to him ; but he woulde not come ncere them till the Captaine and I came to them ; and, rovvcing towardes him, shewed him a knife and clappinge oure hand on oure brestes & holdeinge them vp to the Sonne, we called Yitovt. He, doing the same to vs againe, came at length to oure Bote and tooke the knife at the handcs of the Captaine ; and, haveinge gotten the same, rowed prescntlye awayc from vs. The Captaine and my sclfc, goinge a lande into the hovsses or rather tcntes, which stood hardc by the waters . ide, we foundc them a kindc of tentes covered with scale skinnes ; and we foundc within them ccrtaine scale fish boylinge over a little lampc in a kinde of pann, the bottom whereof was of stoone and the sides of whale finncs. The people beinge fled awaye, wee also found ccrtaine of there cotes lined w'in with ffcath^ which we doe suppose to be for the winter, and also vcric large fox skinnes. We, scarchinge further, foundc, in a vessell or panne, the head of a dogge, newlyc boyled ; also we found, lyinge a' dryinge round aboute the tentes, great aboundance of scale fish, with divers other fish, with 2 great botes made of scale skinnes, which had ccrtaine thoustcs- or seates in them for 16 or 20 men, with ccrtaine of there weapons ; all which thinges, ncythcr the Captaine nor my selfe tooke anye thingc, but lefte in there icntes some trifles, and so came abord againe ; when, aboute an howcr after, there came divers of them to oure shippc in there botes, bartering some of there apparrill and weapons for old jTon nayles ; which haveinge donnc, they debited away 1 Query, " feathers." - "Thoiistes" is doubtless the same as "ihouglits", an old word for "thwarts"', the seats in a boat. It is found in Anglo-Saxon, and is still in use in Danish {Tojtc). ^Hl 12 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. \l Ml for that neight, holdcing vp there handes to the Sonne and cryingc Yliovt. They still cofninge vnto vs ccrtainc tymes before I de^}ted awaye with the Pinnis ; in which tymc, the Captaine, haveinge gotten some of there seale fish, cavsd some of the botsmen to make oyle of the same ; and, haveinge gotten a barrill full, leavinge the same that neight ashore some of the people upon pollicy the daye before, helpcinge oure folke not to be susspecteinge came this neight and lett the same out of the Barrill ; yett, notwith- standeinge, the captaine vsed them kindenes,^ shewe- inge no manner of discontente vnto them. But, the 1 5'^ daye of Jvne, I beinge readye to depte in the Pinnis for the discoverie of the coast and harbors, my captaine promiseinge me not to depte awaye homewardes till the end of 3 vveekes or a month, he beinge vcryc desirous to have passed himselfe in the Pinnis with me, but for feare of the mvtenye amongst the botesmen,'' which he did fcare ; which, indeed, woulde have lefte me in the Pinnis and retorned home yf he had not, as an honnest gentleman, ^■■vented there determineations. Nowe, beinge readye to depte, y* \viiide at that tyme beinge not good for vs to goe downe y« ford, but for the Trost to goe further vp to scarche y^ forde, they dcpted fro vs, Icaveinge vs in the Pinnis to pforme ourediscoverye ; when, beinge gone from vs, the Barbarvs people, seinge vs left alone, began, the same neight, for to slingc stones at us from the mountaynes,* * Query, " with kindness." 2 From the other accounts (see p. 38), this appears to be a clerical error for i6th. •'" This is a Hteral translation of the Danish word Biutdsiiuend^ nicaninj^ ordinary seamen (sec p. 5, iiotc)^ and is not the equivalent of the modern English " boatsmen". ♦ From the other accounts, it appears that this attack was made on the 1 8th, two days after the departure of the larger vessel, the natives having already on the 17th shown a hostile attitude, and it was not till then that the explorers used their lircarms. DANISH EXPKOTTrOX OF 1605. it of on |i\es till we shotcingc ourc ordenancc at them, but it p'vaylcd nothingc ; for, when they sawe fier geven, they would ducke downe vndcr the ch'ppes^ till the pecces weere of, and then begin to sling stones againe. The next daye, also,- y* wind beinge contrarie, we rod still. The people in the after- noone came to vs to the nvmber of 40 or 50 psons ; who, all this aftcrnoone, did so fcarselye assayle vs with stones from the hilles that there was no man able to stand on the hatches vntill such tyme as I cofnavnded to lase sayles and bonnittes"* a great height rounde about y^ shippe, which did defende vs from there stones, that they coulde in no wise doe vs herte, which they pcciveing haveinge continvcd with vs 6 howers, depted awaye.' The next daye, beinge still weather, I cavsed the companie to lose and to rowe downe the ford with the tyd of ebb. The tyd of flood beinge comd, we came to an anker in a verie"" haven on the south sid of the entrye into the forde ; the which place, for the coiriodiousncs thereof, I called Denmark,,^ Haveff ; the which haven, with other harbors which I have discovered, is heareafter sett downe to your Maiesties vewe, as I did exactci^ c discribc y^ same. The 20 daye, in the morninge, the weather beinge verie fayrc and still, I cavs.sed to weye anker and to rowe forth to sea warde. when, beinge forth of the forde, amongst the Ilandes, there came 100 and od of the people in there botes to vs. I, sccinge • "Clippes" is, no doubt, the Danish word Klippe, meaning a rock, which Hall has here adopted. - The words " the next daye also" refer to the i8th of June. ^ Bonnets were supplementary sails attached to the courses or lower sails. r>y lacing these together, a close screen could easily be arranged. ^ This jirobably occurred in what Hall called, in consequence, " .Slinge Road". Although the name does not appear in cither of his narratives of the voyage, it is found on his Map of King Christian's Fjord (I c). '•' Quer)', " good" or " convenient" is omitted. " Marked //on Hall's special map of King Christian's Fjord (I). 14 EXTEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. I' 'I M ; I !:;'^ them, thought it best at that instantc to offer no inivrye to them ; yett, notvvithstandeinge, I cavssed cveric man to be in readines, if occassion shoulde be ofifcicd. In the meane- tyme, I bartered with them for such coiiiodities as I could gett, they bcingc vcrie desirous to have vs to anker againc in some of the Ilandes, the^ sendcinge certainc men with dartes, and bowcs and arrowcs, and also to gather stonnes, to some of the Ilandes to which they did suppose we would come. But I, pceiveinge there pollisie, kept me of fro the shore without davngcr of ther stones, darts, and arrowes, and so stood to seawardcs. They, pcciveingc that I was not determined to anker, threwe certaine shelles into ourc cok bote, makeinge sines for some of ourc men to fetch the same. The most of them bcinge gon from vs, my bo)'C,- goinge into the l^ote at the intrcatie of the shipp,^ was shott throwc both the Buttockes with a darte ; at which tyme, they rowed all awayc, standeingc vpon the Ilandes, where they did suppose we wouldc have comde, aboue 200 psones. But, god sendeingc vs a gayle forth of the ford at sovthcast, we gott this evcninge to sea, we standeinge to the norwardes, discoveringe the coste and harbors allongst vnto y*" latitud of 69 degres, which Cape we called Christin friesscs Cape, after the name of the Chanceler.* I allso gave name to certainc other fordes. % f * Query, a clerical error for "they". "^ William Huntriss by name (see Introduction). ^ Query, a clerical error for "shipper' (see p. 29, ;/.). See Leyell's account of the occurrence (p. 43, //.). ■• Hall did not really proceed as far 1 th as lat. 69", though he may have been able to see that far. The cape he named "Christin Friesse's Cape" was probalily tlie western extremity of the Island of Sarkandlek, in 68" 35' (see Map IV a). Christian Friis of Horreby was born in 1556. He was a man of considerable .ibility, and is stated to have visited England several times, first as a young man for purposes of educational travel, and afterwards on public business. He became Chancellor of Denmark in 1596, and died in 1616, DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605. 15 Ics, nay slin 1 of el)y I is for soundes, and Ilandes all allongst this coast, so far as we went, it beinge one of the best coastcs for harboringe of shippes in the whole worlde ; beinge, so far as 1 did dis- cover, voide of all yce ; all which cost & harbors, with other matters, I have demonstrated to youre Maiesties vewe.^ When I, havcinge discovered the same, I retorned backe againe to the Trost, coiiiinge to them vpon the 10 of Jvlye, where I found both the Captaine &the rest of the companie in pfitt health, thankcs be to god. But, after oure depting from them, the companie would ncedes have been gone home, and left us in the Pinnis, yf the captaine as an honest and faythfull Gentleman, both to youre Maiestie and also to me had not withstood them and stayed for me. When beinge com to them, I founde the Captaine to have taken these 3 psons which nowe is brought to youre Heighnes.^ So, the next daye, beinge y 1 1 of Jvlye, we tooke oure waye homewardes, thinkeinge to keepe the cost alongst to the southwardes ; but, coiTiinge to the southwardes of Qveeue Arines Cape, we founde great bankes of yce, whcby^ we weere forssed to stand to sea- bord ; where divers tymes we mett with invmerable skvlles of whales. Beinge cleare of the yce, we derected oure course homewardes loseinge oure Pinnis in a thicke, home- wardes, not seeinge her again vnto oure coiiiinge home, haveinge all the waye from Groineland to the lies of Orkeney such continval fogges or mistes that it is wonder- full to reporte ; in which fogges, vpon the 23 of Jvlye, we left the pinis ; and, vpon the first of Avgust, we had * Kor an account of this part of the voyage, based on Leyell's Diary, and for a notice of the maps illustrating it, see the Introduction ; where, also, suggestions have been made which may explain why Hall, in both his narratives, describes his excursion northwards with such remarkable brevity. '^ A fourth was killed in taking them (sec ]). 48), ' A clerical error for " whereby". nr i6 KXPKDITIONS TO CRKKNLAXI), 1605-1612. t i scij^ht of the Ilandcs of Orkney ; and, upon the 5 daye we had seight of the Nase of norxvaye ; when, coniinge into y^ sounde, we arived, by godcs mertifuU pvidencc, at Ehonvrc upon the 10, in the morninge ; and, ankeringe, we went on land. And, hcarcingc of youre hcighnes beinge at Copcmanhaven, we streight weycd and sett saylc for Copc- manhaven, whether we came the same daye, in the after noone. ffor whicli good and pperous viagc, all gloric be to god, both nowe and evermore. Yovre inniesties servant, to /lis po'iOcr James Hall pilot e. \ I aye inge c, at , wc e at jpe- ifter : be THE t>EMONSTRATlON OF Till-: KORDES, R,VKRS, AND THE COASTE. ■ I I! K Ik IP ^ . e-'m. ' 0% ^ <# ^'*' <^lk .">'- ^>/ o 7 ^ Photographic Sciences Corporation V c^ 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4503 ^ ^ ;\ \ ^^^%^.>> <^^< 6^ ) i/.. ^ hmmt^^ n Another Account of the Danish Expedition to Greenland, iindcy the Command of Captain John Cunningham, in 1605. By JAMES HALL, Ciiikf Pilot; as abbreviated by the Rev. Samuel Purchas. From Purchas his PiLGRiMES(Z,0«-> EXPEDITIONS TO (IREENLAND, 1605-1612. Icaffucs off; at which time, I directed my course West North-west, finding the compasse varied 7 degrees 10 minutes to the Eastwards of the true North.^ The thirteenth, we had sight of the Hand of Faire //e, and also of the South-head of Shoiland, called Sxvimborne head, which are high Lands. At noone, the Hand of Faire lie bearing West halfe a point Northerly, foure leagues off, I made obseruation, and found vs in the latitude of 59 degrees 20 minutes. This night, about seuen a clocke, wee came about an English league to the Northwards of the North-west end of Faire lie. Wee met with a great race of a tyde, as though it had beene the race of Portland, it setting North North-west. Being out of the said race, I directed my course West and by North, hauing the winde North-east and by North. This euening \0 ' For the sake of completeness, we may here insert the entries in Leyeil's Diary which fill up the gaps in Hall's account :— "On the 2nd of May, in the year 1605, sailed three of H.M. Ships from Copenhagen to search for (Greenland. Of these Troust was Ad- miral, and him followed thcnn Rode Ldffue and Kattcn ; and Katten carried with her this true report. " On the same day, they came to Kromborg and sailed from there in the evening, at 10 o'clock, with a S.W. wind ; and their course was N.VV. until the 4th. " 4. In the evening the wind became westerly ; then they tacked in the night between the Scaw and Marstrand. "5. In the morning, at 4 o'clock, the wind became southerly, their course W. to .S. "6. The wind E.N.E., their course S., with much fog and rain; and they came that day to Flekkerci and remained there still until the 8th. "8. In the afternoon, at 4 o'clock, they set sail with an E.N.E. wind and came under the Ness in the evening. " 9. The wind was a light N.E. breeze and their course N.W. to W. " 10. The wind E. by N., their course W. by N. "11. The wind northerly, their course \V. by N. "12. Light wind in the forenoon, and they came under Shetland, but in the afternoon the wind was W., their course N. by W," DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605. 23 {Faire He bearing East South-east, fourc leagues ; Sivim- borue head. North-east and by North, eight leagues ; the Hand of Foole} North-east and by East, seuen leagues'-), I found, by exact obseruation, the compassc to be varied to the East-ward of the true North 60 degrees 10 minutes/' The fourteenth, in the morning, the winde came to the East South-east, wee steering West and by North away. This morning, the Island of Faire He did shew in my sight to bee about ten leagues off; at which time, we did descric two of the Westermost Islands of Orkney, which did bearc South-west and by South.* The eighteenth; the winde at North-west and by West, wee laid it away South-west and by West, and sometimes South-west. This day at noone, wee were in the Latitude of 58 degrees 40 minutes. The nineteenth day, the winde at South-west and South-west and by West, wee lying as the night before, being at noone in the Latitude of 59 degrees and a halfe. The foure and twentieth day, the winde at North-east and by East, we steering still with a fresh gale West South-west.^* This euening, wc looked to .'ir ^^ ' Foiila. '•* This combination of beaiinj,'^s bein^f impossible, il seems that those of Koulaand .Sumbiiryh Head liave been inten hanged. I.eyells entry for the 13th is as follows : — " 13. The wind N.W., their course N.N.K. four glasses ; after th;»t their course W. by S., and they passed Kero in the cveningat 6o'clo( k : afterwards the wind became N.K., their course \V. by S." •' This is probably a misprint. 'Ihe variation in the vicinity at the time would have been much nearer 6 10' K. * Leyell's entry is :— " 14. As before until the evening ; at four o'clock they came under Orkney, 3 miles from land. ' The miles are no doubt ancient Danish sea-miles, nearly equal to four nautical miles. '■' The preceding part of Hall's account from the i8th, as here ren- dered, is unintelligible. The words referring to the 19th, "wee lying as the night before", can be understood only as meaning the last- mentioned course— .S.W. by W. and S.W. ; and the expression referring to the 24th, "we steering still . . , \V..S.\V.", taken to- I m^mm^/mmm it Hi 24 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. haue scene Busse Hand, but I doe verily suppose the same to be placed in a wrong Latitude in the Marine Charts.' The sixe and twentieth at noone, wee were in the latitude of 57 degrees 45 minutes.'' The thirtieth day, in j^cther with the preceeding statements, clearly imply that a south- westerly course had been steered with little variation from the 18th to the 24lh. Hut it is evident that, in that case, they would have jfot much too far South ; nor could they, in that case, have been in lat. 58" 48 on the 18th and in 59" 30' on the 19th. The fact is no doubt that I'urchas, in his process of abbreviation, has left out as uninterest- ing some of Hall's statements about the course, not observinjf that, in so doing, he rendered the remaining indications meaningless. Leyell's Diary fills up the gap and explains the apparent contradictions. His entries are : — " 15. The wind N.W. before noon, their course W. by N., but after noon the wind was W.S.W., their course W.N.W. " 16. The wind VV. by N., and they tacked before noon, and in the afternoon, with a N.W. wind, their course was W. by S. " 17. Likewise in the forenoon ; after noon a gale of \V., their course S. " r8. The wind VV.S.W., their course N. by E. " 19. Whitsunday, the wind S.W., their course N.W. by W. " 20-21. The same. " 22-24. A stiff N.K. wind, their course W.S.W." From this it appears that on the 18th they laid away to the North, and that was the course of " the night before", which was continued a part of the 19th, and by which they came back from 58" 40' to 59" 30'. This was continued the two following days ; and, though on the 24th they were "still" steering W.S.W., it was only since the 22nd that they had done so. ' Ikisse Island, it will be remembered, was supposed to have been discjvercd on Frobishcr's third voyage in 1578 in 57 30' ; from which it may be concluded that the expedition on this day was not far from that latitude. Hielke says that they went — that is, of course, imagined that they went- south of Husse and Frisland. On the Island of IJussc, see Appendix H. ■* This does not quite agree with Hall's statement in the Report to the King (see p. 4) that he steered between W. and S.W. by S. unt'I he found himself in latitude 58' 20', when he went away W. by N. and W.N.W., implying that he did not come farther S. than 58° 20'. Hut it must be reniembered that, in the Report, Hall would naturally pay less attention to that kind of detail. Hall does not DANISH EXrEniTION OF 1605. 25 In 111 the morning, betvveenc seuen and eight, the weather began to clcere, and the Sea and winde to vvaxe Icsse. W^ee, looking for the Lion and the Pinnasse, could haue no sight of them, \vc supposing them to bee asterne off vs, we standing still vnder our courses.^ This day, the winde came to the North-east and by East, being very cold weather, we lying North North-west away. Making my obseruation at noone, I found vs in the latitude of 56 degrees 15 minutes,^ our way North North-west fortie leagues. This afternoon, between one and two a clock, we descried Land, it bearing North North-east off vs about ten leagues off North-east and by North off vs about ten leagues^ ; it being a very high ragged land, lying in the latitude of 59 degrees 50 minutes, lying alongst South-east and by South, and North-west and by North. This Head-land wee named after the Kings Maiestics state when he chanj^ed his course for a more northerly one, but Leyell's Diary supplies the defect. His entries for these days are : — "25. The wind N.K., their course W.S.W. until noon, but after noon the course was W. "26-27. A stiff N.E. and E.N.E. wind ; their course VV." * Here, too, it is evident that something has been omitted, as there is no mention in the preceeding paragraph of any tempestuous weather. Tlie Report to the King, however, states (see p. 4) that they were assailed by a violent gale on the afternoon of the 28th. This is also mentioned by Leyell, and all three authorities state that the ships were separated ; but, whilst Hall, both here and in his " Report", says that both the other vessels were separated from the Admiral, Leyell im- plies that only Lbvcn got away from the others. His entries for these days are as foi.v,.,s : — "28. The wind N.E., their course \V. X.W. ; towards evening a storm came upon them. "29-31. As before, so that they could not carry any sail, and to- wards evening their course was N.W. ; at that time then Kikic Loffuc was separated from the Admiral and Knttitt^ in a great fog." ■^ A misprint for "59 degrees 15 minutes', as the matter following shows. ■' These words are repeated in Purchas, apparently through a printer's error. lit It 26 EXrKDITIONS TO (IRKENLANP, 1605-1612. of Dcnmarke, because it was the first part of Groeulami which we did see.' This aftcrnoone, about one a clock, bearing in for the shoarc, we saw an Hand of Ice, which bore West South-west of vs, three leagues off ; so, hauing the wind at East South-cast, we bore in for the shoarc, where we found so much Ice that it was impossible either for vs or any other ship to come into the shoarc without great danger. Yet wee put our se'ues into the Ice as wee thought conucnicnt, being incumbrcd and compassed about with the same in such sort as the Captaine, my selfe, the Hoatswaine, with another of our companie, were forced to goe oucrboard vpon an Hand of Ice, to defend it from the ship ; at which time, I thought it conucnicnt to stand off into the Sea againe, and so, being clecre of the Ice, to double Cape Desolation^- to the North-westwards of which I doubted not but to find a cleer coast ; so, standing away all this night West South-west, to clecre vs of the Ice, which lay farre from the shoarc, being very thicke towards the Land with great Hands of Ice that it is wonderful!. This euening, the Cape Christian bearing North-eas\ and by East, fiue leagues [off], I found the Compasse varied 12 degices 15 minutes to the North-westwards. Moreouer. standing to Seaward from the foresaid Cape, we came in blacke water, as thicke as though it had bcene puddle water, we sayling in the same for the space of three houres.'' The one and thirtieth, in the morning, faire weather, with the winde somewhat variable, wee steering away North-west and by West, betweene foure and fiue in the • With reg.nrd to this landfall, sec the ** Report" (p. 4, /to/t') and our Introduction. Purchas, in a side-note, adds : ''Cape C/in's/i,vt'\ probably finding that the abbreviator had omitted the name and thinking that, without the explanatory note, confusion might arise, as the Cape is mentioned by name later on. - See p. 7, note. ■' This incident seems to have impressed them very much. Hieike also mentions it. It is frequently noted by the early arctic explorers. DANISH EXPKDITION OF 1605. 27 Ind K ' Ind Ins Ike Irs, morning, vvc had sight of the Lion againc, but not of the Pinnasse.' They being a sca-boorcl off and hauing espied vs, they stood with vs, at which time the Captaine, Lieutenant, and Stceremaii came aboord vs, earnestly intrcating mee to bestow a Sea Chart of the Stcerman, and to giue him directions if by tempestuous weather they should lose vs, they protesting and swearing that they would ncuer leaue vs as long as winde and weather would permit them to keepe companie with vs. Hy whose speeches 1 being perswaded, did giue them a Sea Chart for those Coasts, telling them that, if they would follow me, that by (iod's assistance, I would bring them to a part of the Land void without pester of Ice, and also harbour the ships in good Harbour, by God's helpe ; they swearing and protesting that they would follow mee so long as possibly they could : with which oathes and faire speeches I rested satisfied, thinking they had thought as they had sworne, but it fell out otherwise.- So, hauing made an end with vs, about noone, ' In the present account, Hall does not mention the return of the pinnace, but he does so in the " Report" (see p. 7), though without indi- cation of date. In the face of Hall's explicit statement, it is remarkable that Leyell, as already mentioned, expressly says that only Lovcn was separated from the others, which implies that the pinnace was with the Admiral when Lovcn returned. This c\ cnt, according to his Diary, cannot have been earlier than the ist of June ; his entry for the first days of June being simply: "1-2. A light S.W., their course N. by W. ; then they got sight of two large icebergs, and came into nuu h ice ; at that time l.offucn came again to them.' Considering that Leyell does not mention the sight of land, nor the conference on board the Trost, the difficulty may perhaps be sohed l)y supposing that the small vessel was so far separated from the .Admiral as not to have been visible from the latter, while those on board the i)innace never quite lost sight of the Trostj and, as it appears that Lovcn got scparatcil again on the 31st, through fog, the pinnace may have come near enough for Leyell to see her rejoining the Admiral, and he may have thought that she had been away all the time. In itself, of course, this is of no consequence, except as bearing on the respective accuracies of the two accounts. - For observations on this incident, sec the Introduction. I ; ^1 i(' 28 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLANP, 1605-1612. I I ' ?« might heare vs; which' heard of them, they presently stood with vs ; at which time the foggc began somewhat to cleere, we hauing sight one of another, and so stood alongst the shoare, as nigh as we could for Ice. The first of June, wee had a fresh gale of winde at South- west, wee steering North-east and by North into the shoare ; about three in the morning, there fell a mightie foggc, so that wc were forced to lye by the lee for the Lion^ playing vpon our Drum, to the intent for them to heare vs and to kccpe companie with vs, they answering vs againe with the shooting of a Musket ; wee, trimming our sailes, did the like to them, and so stood away North-east and by East, larboord tackt aboord- halfe a glassc, when we were hard incumbred amongit mightie Hands of Ice, being very high like huge Mountaines ; so I caused to cast about and stand to the Westwards North-west and by West. About twelue of the clocke this night, it being still calme, wee found * Query, " being" omitted. - Probably "aboord" is a misprint, and the passage really means (as on p. 51) that they sailed on "larboard tacked" about half a glass. At the same time, according to Smyth {Sailor's If^ord-Book, p. 13), "to haul the tacks aboard" means "setting the courses", in which sense we find it on pp. 33 and 58. DANISM F.XI'EDITION OK 1605. 29 ourselucs suddenly compast round about with ^rcat Hands of Ice, which made such a hideous noyse as was most vvondcrfull, so that by no meanes wee could double the same to the Westward ; wherefore wcc were forced to stand it away to the Southwards, South South-west, stemming the Current ; for, by the same Current, wee were violently brought into this Ice ; so, being incumbred and much to doe to kcepe clcere of the mightic Hands of Ice, there being (as both I and others did plainly see) vpon one of them a huge rocke stone, of the weight of three hundred pounds or thereabouts, as wee did suppose. Thus, being troubled in the Ice for the space of two or three houres, it pleased God that we got thorow the same. The second day, in the morning, about three a clocke, I came forth of my Cabin, where I found that the Shipper,^ whose name was Arnold, had altered my course which I had set, going, contrarie to my directions. North North-west away ; whereupon hec and I grew to some speeches, both for at this time and other times hee had done the like. The Captaine, likewise, seeing his bad dealing with we"^ did likewise roundly speake his minde to him ; for at this instant wee were nigh vnto a great bankc of Ice, which wee might haue doubled if my corrse had not beene altered ; so that we were forced to cast about to the Southwards, South and by East, and South South-east, with the winde at South-west and by South or South-west, till ten a clocke, when we stood againe to the Westwards, lying West North-west and North-west and by West, being at noone in the latitude of 60 degrees 18 minutes, Cape ' The word " Shipper" (which occurs several times hereafter) seems to have been in use in Enghsh at the time as a name for the "master" of a ship, as distinguished from the captain. The particular person here alluded to (Arnold by name) was the navigating officer of the 'frost. He was, in Danish, according to the usage of the time, styled Skipper. '^ A misprint for " me". 'J ill: 30 KXI'KDITIONS Tl) (IRKKNLAND, 1605-1612. Dt'SfllntioH is, I did suppose,' bearing North and by West three or fourc leagues off, the weather being so thicke and hasie that wee could neuer see the Land. The fourth day, betweene one and two a clocke in the morning, it began to blow a fresh gale Easterly, we steering away North and North and by West, we being at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees 50 minutes,- hauing made a West and by North way foure and twentie leagues. This eucn- ing, about seuen a clocke, we had very thicke water, and continued so about halfe an hourc. About nine a clocke, we did see a very high Hand of Ice to the windward of vs ; and, about halfe an houre after, with some drift Ice, they in the Lion, thorow the fearefulnes.se of their Com- manders, presently cast about, standing away larboord tackt, till they did perceiue that I .stood still away as I did before, without impediment of the Ice, they cast about againe and followed vs. The fift, in the morning, being very faire weather, with the winde at East South-east, our course North North- west, some of our people supposed they had scene the Land. Our Captaine and I went aboord the Pinnasse, when, after an houre of our being there, we did see the supposed Land to be an hasie fogge, which came on vs so fast that wee could scarce see one another. But, the Lion being very nigh vnto vs, and it being very calme, wee laid the Pinnasse aboord of her, and so the Captaine and I went aboord of them. The ninth day, about foure a clocke, it began to blow an casie gale at South-east and by South, I directing my ' Probably this should read : " Cape Desolation^ as I did suppose, bearing north," etc. - This is probably an error. If correct, they must have been sail- ing south, of which, however, nothing is said, but Purchas has omitted the events of June 3rd. According to Leyell (see p. 31, «.), their course on that day was West. T ■U" 'xr hAMSn KM'KDITION ol- \(>0^. M course still North North-west, when some of our people would not be perswaded but they did see Liiiul ; and therefore I stood in North and by East and North-North- east, till about three a clocke ir the afternoone, when wee met with a huge and hi}^h Hand of Ice. wee steering hard to board the same, and being shot a little to Northwards of it, there fell from the top thereof some quantitie of Ice, which, in the fall, did make such a noyse as though it had beenethc report of fiue Cannons. This euening wee came amongst much drift Ice, being both' windwards and to lee- wards of vs ; yet, by God's helpe, we got very well through the same ; when, being cleere, I directed my course againe North- North-west.- The tenth day, the winde at South-west and by West, I steering still North-west and by North. This forenoone also wee met with great Hands of Ice, it being very hasie and thicke weather, the which did driue them in the Lion into great feare ; and, calling to vs very fearfully, per- swaded me to alter my course and to rcturnc homeward, saying that it was impossible for vs by any working and course keeping to sease upon the Land ; which did driue ' Query, "to" omitted. - Leyell's Diary has the following in continuation of the last-cited entry (see p. 27, //.) :— "3. A light N.W. wind, their course W. " 4. A stiff E.S.E. wind, their course N. by W. ; and that night they came into much ice. " 5 The wind easterly, their course N. by W. ; a large dark bank appears, which they thought to be the land, and at once the C"a|)tain of the Admiral and his first mate wanted to be landed in the pinnace. "6. A stiff W.S.W. wind, their course N. by \V. "7. The wind N.W. in the forenoon, their course N. by E., and afternoon the wind came northerly ; their course was W.N.W., and they were in much ice. "8. A light northerly wind, their course W.N.W., and they saw much ice. "9. The wind S.S.W., their course N.by W.,and they saw much ice. ■*BS! I 32 EXPKDITIONS TO CRKKNLAND, 1605-1612. Ml i< 'f 1 1 : li i : ! !/ all our companic into such a fcarc that they were deter- mined, whether I would or not, to haue returned home, had not the Captaine, as an honest and resolute Gentleman, slcod by mee, protesting to stand by mc so long as his blood was warme, for the good of the King's Maies-tie, who had set vs forth, and also to the performing of the Voyage. Which resolution of his did mitigate the stubborncnesse of the people ; yet nothing would perswadc those fearful 1 persons in the Liofi, especially the Steerman, who had rather, long before this time, haue returned home then to haue proceeded on the action, as before the said Steerman had done when he was imployed, eight yeercs before, in the said action or discoverie.^ Therefore our Captaine and my selfe, seeing their backwardnesse, now, as before wc had done, went our selucs the same eucning into the Pinnasse, hauing a mightie bankc of Ice of our larboord side, and spake to them very friendly, giuing order, both to our owne ship and to them, that they should keep a Sea-boord of vs (for I did suppose this banke of Ice to lye in the narrowest of the Strcight, betwecnc America and Groenland, as, indeed, by experience, I found the same to be). Therefore I determined to coast the Ice alongst till I found it to bee driuen and fall away by reason of the swift current that setteth very forcibly through the said Strait, and then, by the grace of God, to set ouer for a cleerc part of the coast of Groenhmd ; so, all this night, wc coasted the Ice, as close aboord as we could, East-North- east and North-east and by East, till about midnight, when we found the said banke to fall away. The cleuenth day, being cleere of the Ice, I stood away North-North-east till sixe a clocke, when we met with another great banke of Ice ; at which time, the Commanders of the Lion (being now againe very fearfull, as before) came ' For remarks on this passage, see the Introduction. DANISH EXPEDITION OK 1605, 33 lye and c to ttill the said or a rth- hcn iway I with ^ders came vp to our ship, perswading the Shipper and Companic to leave vs, aud to stand to Seaboord with them. But the Shipper, who was also Licftenant of the ship, being more honestly minded, said that he would follow vs so long as he could ;^ with which answere they departed, vsing many spitcfull wordcs both of the Captaine and mee, saying we were determined to betray the King's ships ; at which time they shot off a peece of Ordnance and so stood away from vs.- I, seeing their peruerse dealing, let them goe, wee coasting alongst the Ice North- North-east, with a fresh gale, it being extreme cold, with snow and hayse, the Sea also going very high by reason of a mightie current, the which I found to set very forceably through this Strait, which, being nigh vnto America side, setteth to the North- wards, and on the other side to the contrarie, as by proofe I found. So, coasting alongst this mayne banke of Ice, which seemed as it had beene a firme Continent, till about elcuen a clocke, when we espyed the Ice to stretch to windward on our weather bow, wee, setting our starboord takes aboord,-' stood away East and by South, with the winde at South and by East, till wee had doubled a Sea- boord the Ice ; at which time, I directed my course directly ouer for thecleere coast of Groineland, East and by North, which course I directed all the Frost to goe,^ wee standing away our course all this night, it being very much snow and sleete.'' * The "Shipper" was Arnold, with whom Hail had formerly quar- relled (see p. 29). - For observations on this incident, and for a brief account of the subsequent homeward voyage of /.otv//, wc refer to our Introduction. •' See p. ;8, note. ^ Thus in I'urchas. * Leyell's entries for these days are quite short :— *' 10. The wind S., their course as before, amongst much ice. "11. The wind S., their course E. with much ice and fog ; at six o'clock in the morning then Rode Loff'ite changed her course, left the others, and tired off a piece." » 34 KXI'KIUTIONS TO f.KEENLAND, 1605-1612. ihil The twelfth clay, in the morning, about foure a clocke, wc espyedthe Land of Groettfattd,hc\ng a very high ragged Land, the tops of the Mountaincs being all couercd with snow ; yet wee found all this coast vtterly without Ice. Wee, standing into the Land, espyed a certaine Mount aboue all the rest, which Mount is the best marke on all this Coast, the which I named Mount Cunninghaui} after the name of my Captaine. We comming into the shoare betwecne two Capes or Head-lands, the Land lying betweene them North and by East and South and by West, the Southmost of which Forelands I named Oueene Anne's Cape, after the name of the Queenes Maiestie of Denuiarke, and the Northermost of the two I called Queene Sophia's Cape, after the name of the Queene Mother.- So, standing into the Land, we came amongst certaine Hands, where, sayling in still amongst the same, vnto the Southcrmost foot of the foresaid Mount, wee came into a goodly Bay, which we did suppose to be a Riuer, being on both sides of the same very high and steepe Mountaines. Wee named the same King Christianus Foord, after the name of the King's Maiestie of Denniarke'-' So, .sayling vp this liay, which wee supposed to bee a Riuer, the space of sixe or scuen Englisit leagues, finding in all that space no anchoring, being maruellous decpe water, till at the length we had sayled vp the l^ay the foresaid distance, at length I brought the Ship and Pinnasse to an anchor in sixteenc fathom, shelly ground ; at which time, our Captaine and I went aland, giuing thankes vnto God for his vnspeakable benefits, who had thus dealt with vs as to bring vs to this ' Probably Mount Kakatsiak (sec ]). 10, note). '■' Sec llic sketch of these Capes in the Report to tlic King (p. y) ; also see Hall's j^eneial niaj) (I\')- •' Itivdlek i'joid isce p. 10, note) ; sec also Hall's general map ^i\'), and his special niai) (1), on which their anchorage is marked /'. DANISH FXPEDITION OF 1605. 35 desired Land, into so fjood an Harbour ;' which done, the Captaine and I walked vp the Hills to see if we could see any of the people, hauing our Hoat to row alongst with us. Hauinff gone alongst the Riuer side vpon the tops of the Hills the space of three or foure Eni^lish miles, at length, looking towards our Boat, wee saw vpon the Riucr-side foure of the people standing by their I louses, or rather Tents, couered ouer with Seale-skins.- Wee comming downe the Hills towards them (they hauing cspycd us), three of them ranne away vpon the Land, and the other tooke his Boat and rowed away, leaning their Tents. Wee, being come downe the Hills, called to our men in the Boat, and, entering into her, rowed towards the Sauage, who was in his lioat made of Seale-skins. I lee, holding vp his hands towards the Sunne, cryed )'oia ;^ wee doing the like and shewing to him a knife, hec ])rcscntly came vnto vs and tooke the same of the Captaine. When lice had presently rowed away from vs, wee rowed a little after him; and, seeing it was but in vaine, we rowed aland again and went into their Tents, which we found couered (as is aforesaid) with Seale-skins ; wee finding by the houses two Dogs, being very rough and fat, like in shape to a l^'oxc, with very great abundance of Scale fish,* lying round about their Tents a drying, with innumerable ([uantities of a little fish like vnto a Smelt (which fish are commonly called Sdn/trncs), of which fish in all the Riucrs are wonderfuU skuls." These fishes also lay a drj-ing round about their Tents in the Sunne in great hcapcs, with other ' HciT.in l'iirclias,\\c lind this side-note : "( )mtirsl landinj,' inCirniii- land." Tills, from the use of the first person, may l)c rej^arded as Hall's. - Here also, in i'uirhas, is a side-note: "Our tirst si^;!ii of ihc pcojjle. " The (ireenlanders are drawn on liall s map (1). •' The same as lV/'iPKI)lTtONS TO CJkKENLAND, 1605 l6l2. sundric kindcs.^ Then.entring into their Tents, wee found certaine Scale skins and Foxe skins, very well drest ; also certaine Coates of Seale skins and Fowle skins, with the feather side inward ; also certaine Vessels boyling vpon a little Lampe, the Vessell being made after the manner of a little Pan, the bottome whereof is made of stone, and the sides of Whales finnes ; in which Vessell was some little quantitie of Seale fish boyling in Seale oyle ; and, searching further, wee did finde in another of their Vessels a Dogs head boy led, so that I perswaded my selfe that they eate Dogs flesh. Moreouer, by their houses, there did lye two great Boates, being couered vnder with Scale skins, but aloft open, after the forme of our Boates, being about twcntie footie in length, hauing in each of them eight or ten tosts-^ or seates for men to sit on ; which Boates, as after- wards I did pcrceiue, is for the transporting of their Tents and baggage from place to place ; and, for a saile, they haue the guts of some beast, which they drcssc very fine and thin, which they sow together. Also the other sorts of their Boats are such as Captaine Frobisher and Master John Dauis brought into England'^ which is but for one man, being cleene couered over with Seale skins artificially 1 This fish was no doubt the Angmaksel of the Greenianders {Mallotus antkus, Cuv.), which is as important as an article of food in Greenhmd as the herring is with us ; but, though it is often called the Greenland Herring, it has no affinity to the Sardine, as it does not belong to the Herring family (Clupcidic). It is closely allied to the smelt, both being of the Salmon family. - " Tosts'' are the same as " thousts" (see p. 11, note), " In I'urchas' Pilgniiics, a note is here inserted in which it is stated : "There is one of these boats in Sir T. Smith's Hall." Frobisher, in 1576, obtained from the natives at least one of their boats (Hest's True Discourse, p. 50, and Three Voyages of Frobisher, Haklujt Socie^' \ pp. 74 and 86), while Davis tells that, on one occasion, he pu • v.d from them no less than five (Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 100, and Markham's Voyages and Work of John Davis, Hakluyt Society, 18S0, p. 8). 11 DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1605. 37 stated : her, in (Best's akluyt xasion, 00, and ociety, dressed, except one place to sit in. being within set out with certainc h'ttlc ribs of Timber, wherein they vse to row with one Oarc more swiftly than our men can doc with ten ; in which Hoates they fish, being disguised in their Coates of Scale skinncs, whereby they decciue the Scales, who take them rather for Scales then men ; which Scales or other fish they kill in this manner : — They shoot at the Scales or other great fish with their Darts, vnto which they vse to tyc a bladder, which doth boy vp the fish in such manner that, by the said means, they catch them. So, comming aboord our ships, hauing left certainc trifles behind vs in their Tents, and taking nothing away with vs, within halfe an houre after our comming aboord, the Sauage to whom wc had giucn the knife, with three others (which we did suppose to be them which we saw first), came rowing to our ships in their Boats, holding vp their hands to the Sunne, and striking of their brests, crying Vofa. We doing the like, they came to our shippe, or^ Captaine giuing them bread and Wine, which, as it did sceme, they made little account of; yet they gaue vs some of their dryed fishes ; at which time, there came foure more, who, with the other, bartered their Coats and some Scale skinncs with our folke for old Iron Nailes and other trifles, as Pinnes and Needles, with which they seemed to be wonderfully pleased ; and, hauing so done, holding their hands towards the Sunne, they dcpartcil. The thirteenth, there came fourtcenc of them to our ship, bringing with them Scale skinncs. Whale I'^innes, with certayne of their Darts and Weapons, which they bartered with our people, as before. This day, I made obseruation of the latitude, and found this Roadsted in the latitude of 66 degrees 25 minutes ; and the mouth of this Bay or Sound lyeth in the latitude of 66 degrees 30 * A misprint for " our." 38 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. minutes. Also, here I made obseruation of the tydes, and found an East and West Moone to make a full Sea ; vpon the Full and Change more/ it floweth three fathome and an halfe water, rij^ht vp and downe. The fourteenth and fifteenth dayes, we rode still, the people comming to vs and bartcrinj,^ with vs, for pieces of old Iron or Nailes, Whale Finncs, Seales Skinncs, Morse Teeth, and a kind of Home which we doe suppose to be Vnicornes Home ; at which time, the Captaine went with our Hoat, to the place where we had scene their Tents, but found them rcmr..ed; and the other fish and the Scale fish lying still a drying. The Captaine, taking a quantitie of the Sea-fish- into the Hoat, caused some of the Mariners to boyle it ashoare, the Sauages helping our men to doe the same, the Captaine vsing them very friendly ; they, hauing made about a barrell and an halfe of Oyle, leauing it aland all night, thinking to bring the same aboord in the morning. But the Sauages, the same night, let the same forth. Yet, notwithstanding, the Captaine shewed no manner of discontent towards them. The sixte':n^h day, I went into the Pinnasse, to discouer ccrtaine Harbours to the Northwards. The wind being at East South-east, I loosed and set saile ; but instantly it fell calme, and so continued about an houre, when the wind came opposite at the West North-west, a stiffc gale, we spending the tide till the floud being come, I put roome againc,^ and came to an Anchor a little from the Frost in twelue fathomes, sandie ground. About one in the after- noone, the Frost departed from vs further vp the Bay, ' Query, a misprint for " moone." - l'robal)ly a misprint for " Seal-fish''. ^ According to Frof. Laughton {Stdte Papers relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada^ vol. 1, p. 7,«.), " To room" = to leeward. It is only used adverl)ially, as "to bear room", "to go room", "room wards", and seems to conceal the same idcaasthestill-lamiliar "to sail large". i;^ -^^ DANISH liXl'EDITION OK \6o- 39 which we did suppose to be a Riuer, promising to abide our returne two and twentic days.^ The seuentcenth day, the wind continuin.ft\ while Koxe in ^^ DANISH KXl'FDITION OK 1605. 47 that they were j^dnc downc" the l'on\. So, the tide of cbbc bcin^ come, it bein^ caline, we rowed downe the l^'oord, findinLj, ii\ the mouth of the same, amonj^st the Ihuicls, many ^ood Sounds and llarbours. 'i'lie tenth day of luly, the wind beinj^ at North North- west, I beeinj^ in a ccrtaine Sound' amon^^st the Ilamls, it bein^ hi^h water, 1 weighed, [and| stootl West, forth of the lM)ord, ^^oin^ to Se.i on the South side, l)etweene a little llantl and the Maine ; which Hand, at our first coinminj,', we called F/vs/ Hand,- after the name of the ship. \Vc espied, on tlie South sides, certaine W^u'lockes set vp ;'' 1631 ( / 'rM'''.i,'i'.V ''/ /■''!'' (I)l(f Jdllirs, |). 90) SCCMllS to ll.lVC U!l(lfl>.t<>(1(l its meaning, 'ind omits the words " of stones". ^7." also, llic dcrixatioii of the word " luimlo( k", whicli is also used by Koxc {of>. c//., p. 330). ' 'IMiis is not indicated on tlic map. Actordinf^ to l.cycll, it was named Kocksimd. Most hkely it was the Soimd l)eliin .See p. 28, 11. * Hruun does not note anything between the 13th (? 23rd) of June and July 1st, when he merely remarks : " On the ist, we saw the first ice" ; but he says nothing about any land having been observed. Probably ne considered what Hall took for land to be only a fog-bank, and rightly so. Hall's mistake is easily explained when it is remembered that he was on the lookout for Busse Island, the existence of which was generally believed in at the time (see p. 24, note). Luke Foxe, for instance, in 1635 {North- West Fox, p. 55), appended to this passage the note : " Ihtsse He again discovered". DANISH EXPKDITION OK 1606. 59 The second day, thicke weather, with the winde at North North-west, we steering West and by North. This afternoone, we were in a great Current setting South South-west ; the which I did suppose to set betwcene Biisse Hand and Frcsiland ovtv with America •} wee steering West North-west with a fairc gale at North. This night, about nine a clockc, the Pinnasse came foule of the Vice- admirall,'"^ where, with her anchor, shce tore out about a foot of a plankc a little above water and broke downe the beakes head."' The sixth, making obseruation, I found vs in the latitude of 58 degrees 50 minutes, contraric to my expectation ; whereby I did see the Southerly Current to bee the principall cause. The seucnth day, the winde at North and by East, we lying West North-west, being at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees 40 minutes, our way North-west two and twentie leagues. This euening, I found the North Point of the Compasse to be varied 12 degrees 5 minutes to the Westward of the true North. The eight day, the winde came vp more Southerly, betweene the South-west and the South-west and by West, with an easie gale, we steering away North-west and by West ; being at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees 30 minutes, hauing, by reason of the Current and Variation, made a West way Southerly about ten leagues. ' It was, no doubt, the East Greenland Current. - This accident Foxe regardcil as " A Ca\ cat for Commanders in Fleets" (see North- West Fo-i; p. 55, and Miller Christy's Voyai^cs of Foxe and James, p. 92). ^ Bruun's next entries after July ist are the following: "On the 4th, in the night, in a great gale, the pinnace sti. ed from us", and " On the 8th, died my cooper". After this, he has nothing till the 13th of July. As there is no further mention of the pinnace in any of the accounts, it would seem that she returned home. Very likely her commander, Nolk, was not provided with means for independent navigation. ;<■ !l ;! i ' I i ■i i < 'j 60 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. The ninth day, close weather ; it being calme all the forenoone, wee percciuing by our ships, which lay becalmed, a violent current setting South-west. This day, at noonc, we were in the latitude of 59 degrees 40 minutes. The tenth, about fourc in the morning, the winde came vp to the North North-west. 1, casting about, stood to the Westwards, lying West with the stcmme, being in the latitude of 60 degrees 16 minutes. We saw the coast of Atiiiica about nine leagues off; at which time, I made obscruation of the variation, and found the Needle varie 24 degrees to the Westwards of the true North. The Hill tops were couered with snow, and the shoare to the Northwards full with Ice ; but, to the Southwards, it seemed clcere. Mere I found a great current to set West into the shoare ; which, about midnight, did bring vs to be incumbred with very many Hands of Ice, hauing much to doe to get clecre off the same without danger ; but, by God's helpe, it being faire weather, with a fresh gale at South-west, wee got cleere of the same, standing East South-east and South-east and by ICast.^ The fourteenth, in the morning, being clcere of the Ice, I went away luist North-east and North-east and by East till eight a clocke, when I directed my course North-east and by North, being at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees, the Cape or Head land which wee saw that night bearing • Hall's account, as here rendered, must naturally be understood as if it had been on the loth that they saw America ; but, in Bruun's Journal, we find the following : " On the 13th, we had sight of America." This date is probably the right one, because Hall's statement as to what happened on the I4lh seems to be an immediate continuation of the next foregoing. As not a little has evidently been left out here by the abbreviator, it is easy to understand how, by careless contraction, the events of the 13th may have been connected with those of the loth, so as to cause a misunderstanding. Purchas here adds in a side-note : "Sight of America in 5S ilrgrccs anil 30 minutes" infornialion no doubt contained in Hall's origmal MS, DANISH KXPEDrnON OF \6o6. 6i West South-west, sixtccne leagues ofif.^ All this afternoone and night following, it was for the most part still weather. Thiseuening, I found the variation 23 degrees 55 minutes. The sixteenth, faire weather, with a fresh gale at East South-east ; our course as before, being in the latitude of 60 degrees 20 minutes ; the ships way North and by East northerly, twentie leagues. This afternoone and the night following, the wind as before, we steering still North-cast and by North.- The eighteenth, also^ thicke weather, being forced to stand away North North-west to double a great banke with great Mountaines of Ice almost incredible to be reported ; yet, by the helpe of God, wee passed the same, sayling all this day by great and huge mountainous Hands of Ice, with the winde at South-west and by South, being at noone in the latitude of 63 degrees 45 minutes. Wee did see our selues beset round about with mightie bankcs of Ice, being forced to make more saile and to lye to and againe all this night » kcepc vs clccre of great and small Hands of Ice, where many times we were in such danger, that we did looke for no other thing then present death, if God had not beene mercifuU vnto vs and sent vs cleere weather, where by his assistance we kept our selues very hardly and with great difficultie cleere of the Ice. The nineteenth day, in the morning, cleere weather, with a fresh gale at South-west, wee plying amongst the Ice to see if wee could get a gut to get cleere of the same ; 1 Probably either Na^rsarektok (Cape (lulch) or Mount Razorbaik (3000 ft.), forming respectively the southern and northern shouKlers of the entrance to Nachvak liay, on the coast of Labnulor. - liruun's ne.xt entry refers to this date. He says : — "On tiie 16th, we saw many wonderful rainbows on the sky." ' This word "also" bears further witness of the carelessness with which Hall's account has been abbreviated, as no thick weather has been recorded before. Probably it happened on the 17th. ::i 62 EXPEDITIONS TO CIREENLaND, 1605-1612. at which time, wee saw the Land o{ America, about the latitude of 64 degrees, it lying next hand South and North, being high ragged Land couered with snow, the shoare being all beset with Ice.^ So. lying off and on amongst the Ice, in great perill till about noone, when God of his goodnesse sent vs to espie a little gut, where we went through, and stood South South-east away, comming still by many Hands of Ice. Heere I did finde, both by my course and reckoning (the variation also of the Compasse respected), that wee were carried withamightie Current to the Westwards ; as, both now and afterwards, wee did probably prooue and see the same. For I, setting my course from the coast of Ain erica, in the latitude of 58 degrees and a halfe for the coast of Grocnland, North North-east, with a compasse whose wyers were placed, more then two third parts of a Point to the Eastwards of the North (the variation being 23 degrees 30 minutes Northwesting and 24 degrees, as by obseruation I found betweene the latitude of 58 and a halfe, and 54 degrees),^ yet I did finde my selfe (contrarie either to mine owne or to any of their expectations which was in the Fleet with me) carried almost foure Points with the Current to the westwards ouer our iudgements.^ • If the latitude named (64° N.) be correct, they must have fallen in with the coast midway between the entrances to Frobisher s Bay and Cumberland Sound. '^ This passage is evidently to some extent corrupted. They had nowhere been near 54° of latitude. There can be no doubt that 64° (the latitude mentioned above) is meant. Purchas appears not to have been able quite to understand the matter, as he adds in the margin the word " Note". ■' In Purchas his Pilf^riines, we find the following note is added here : " Here I did give direction to the other steerman to direct their course to GroeJtland." This sentence (the connection of which with the preceding sentence only appears from the following) is most likely to be understood as conveying a fact which had been DANISH KXI'KDITION OF 1606. ^l The twentieth, wee still sayled to the Eastwards, by many great Bankes and Hands of Ice, being still com- passed in, wee being forced to stand to the Southwards to get cleere ; where, being sometimes becalmed, wee did plainly see and perceiue our selues carried into the Ice to the westward very violently. This Current sctteth West North-west. The twentieth, in the eucning, I found the Compasse varied 23 degrees. The one and twentieth day, in the morning, faire weather, wee espyed a gut through the Ice, it seeming cleere to the southwards of the same ; where, bearing into the same, about noone, wee were cleere of all the Ice by the mercifull prouidence of God. Here I obscrued the latitude, it being 6t, degrees 33 minutes. Now, hauing, the one and twentieth day, at afternoone, caused the Admirall to call the other Captaines and Stcermen aboord, with whom wee might conferre, and hauing shewed briefly my reckoning, with the other events which (contrarie to my expectation) had happened, the cause whereof at that instant they did plainly see and perceive, they confessing the Current (as they did now plainly see) to bee the cause of the same. So hauing done, I gaue to the other Steer- men directions that, being cleere of the Ice, they should goe betweene the East and the East and by North ouer for the coast of Groenlaud, and not to the Northwards of the East and by North, because of the former euents. And now, at this instant, by God's hclpe, being cleere, I called to them, giuing the same directions.' This left out in the process of abbreviation, but which I'urchas (finding, ;i little farther on, what probably is a reference to it) wished to pre- serve. The printer, however, did not insert it in its proper place in the text, but left it in the margin. ' There seems to be a want of clearness in the preceding statement. The fact seems to be that, on the 19th, finding himself out of the ftmmtim titimmmmmmm 64 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. afternoone and the night following, it was calme. This euening, I found the Compasse varied 23 degrees 25 minutes. The two and twentieth day, at noone, I found vs in the latitude of 63 degrees 20 minutes. The three and twentieth, faire weather, the ayre very cold, as with vs in the moneth of lanuarie, the windc variable betweene the East North- east and the South-east and by East, being at noone in the latitude of 63 degrees, hauing made a South-east and by South way eleuen leagues. This day, at noone, I cast about to the Westwards, the other ships doing the like, lying North-east and by North with the stemme, finding this euening the Needle varied to the Westwards 23 degrees 30 minutes. The foure and twentieth, the winde variable betweene the South South-east and the South-east and by South, with raine and fogge. This day, about eleuen a clocke, wee did see much Ice to leeward ; wherefore I cast about to the Southwards, the winde comming to the East North- east, wee lying South-east with the stemme, supposing the ship to haue made a North and by West way halfe Northerly, two and twentie leagues. This afternoone, by reason of the fogge, we lost sight of the Lion and the Gilliflowre, wee looking earnestly forth for them and shooting (both we and the Uriti) diuers pieces of Ordnance, calculated position, Hall explained the fact to his colleagues as a conse- quence of unforeseen circumstances beyond his control, and then ordered them to keep or continue a N.N.E. course for Greenland. Hut, a couple of days after, still finding himself carried out of his right course, he directed them, in order to make necessary provision for the action of the current, to adopt a more directly easterly course, explaining to them, as he had done before, the reasons of his change. We see now why Purchas — or whoever looked over the abbreviated account — found it necessary to make the addition which appears as a side-note to the narrative of the 19th, which records the giving of the order countermanded on the 21st. DANISH EXPEDITION OF l6o6. 65 ice, his for irse, ige. ited sars zing but wee could neither see nor hcare them ;' at which time, the winde came vp Southerly, wee standing away our course betweene the East and East and by North. The fine and twentieth, wee had sight of Groenland^ being about ten leagues to the Southward of Qucene Annes Cape.^ Wee standing away East South-cast, in with the Land, with the winde at South. All this night, it did blow very much, wee steering North by West and North North-west. The seuen and twentieth day, in the morning, was reasonable cleere weather, with a fresh gale at South South- west. This morning, between foure and fine of the clocke, I cspyed Queene Annes Cape to bear East by South next hand of mee, and King Christians Foord South South-cast of me,^ being thwart of Rumels Foord, Quecnc Sophias 1 This incident is mentioned by Bruun, from whose Journal it ap- pears that during these days they were much troubled by fog and ice, the vessels being on that account several times separated. The entries, since the one last quoted, are as follows : — " On the 2oth, Omen and Gillebrandt were separated from Trost and Loffiicn on account of a great fog and much dreadful ice ; but by (iod's help they came together again the same evening. " On the 2 1 St, Ornen was separated from Trost, Lojffuen and Gille- brandt, in a great dark fog. " On the 22nd they came together again. " On the 24th, in a great fog, Ldffuen and Gillebrandt were separated from Trost and Ornen." - Bruun, who has no entry on the 25th, says :- " On the 26th, we had sight of Greenland" ; and this would appear to be the right date, considering that on the 27th they were opposite Rammcl's Fjord, after having been, when they sighted Circenland, only ten leagues S. of Queen Anne's Cape. Sailing, as Hall says they did, all night in a northwesterly directic:- they would nnturally be opposite Rammers Fjord, as he says they were, early in the morning of the 27th, after having sighted Queen Anne's Cape the night before ; but it would be strange if they had consumed two days over so small a distance. ' This combination of bearings is impossible. Queen Anne's Cape being S. of King Christian's P'jord (Itivdlek). Apparently the bearing of the cape should have been given as S. by E., instead of E. by S. U TW-SBS 66 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. Cape bearing North halfe westerly, about fiue leagues off. Therefore I thought it conuenient to put into Cunniughains Foord, where the siluer was, both in regard that I had sworne to his Maiestie as concerning the same, and also because wee were expressly commanded to bring home of the same.i So, hauing a fairc gale at West South-west, wee came into the aforesaid Riuer, anchoring in a very good Sound, hard by the Vre^- in sixteenc fathoms, at the mouth of Cuuuinghams Foord, about fiue of the clocke. There came presently foure of the Countrie people vnto vs, after their old accustomed manner. This euening, about sixc of the clocke, the Vrin anchored by vs. This night, the Admirall, my selfe, and Captaine Bro^vnc went on Land to see the Myne of silucr, where it was decreed that we should take in as much thereof as we could.'' I * Hall here refers to " the silver" as something which his readers might be expected to know all about, although there is no reference to it in the earlier portion of this account, as printed in I'urchas. Pro- bably something was said concerning it in the unabbreviated narrative. The sujjposed silver mine had been discovered on the voyage of iCioj, though there is no m-ntion of it in Halls account of that voyage a somewhat remarkable fact which we have discussed in the Introduction. - This word, though printed with a capital and in italics (probably through confusion with the name of the vessel which I'urchas calls " the l''riii'\ i.e., Onnii), should doubtless have been " vre", that being an old form of " ore" fas used by Gatonbe hereafter), in allusion to the supposed silver ore. •' The gap which here occurs in Hall's account may be filled up by means of Hruun's Journal, from the contents of which we may infer that some of these days were spent mainly in quarrying the supposed silver ore, after which they commenced to explore the neighbourhood on short excursions by boat, several times spending the night away from the ships. He says : - " On the 27th, we came into a good harbour, both 7>v).v/and Oriioi; and, before we had got our anchors in the ground, the (Mccnlandcrs came alongside us ; on the same day, we went on shore to view them. "On the 31st, died one of my sailors. "■ Aiigtisti: On the ist, he was buried in (Greenland soil ; on the s.uiie day we took the last [lot probably of the ore] on board. DANISH EXrEDITION OF l6o6. 67 itive. 605, c a liction. lably calls icing on to up by -r that silver oym7 and Orncii and came the same evening in another harbour ; in the same night, Trost drifted away from us about a mile further u|) the harbour, dragging both cable and anchor '' ■' According to l?ruun, this ha|)pencd on the 7th. In his Journal it is stated, in continuation of the above : " On the 7th, we weighed anchor and sailed up the river to where Trost was lying." As Hruun was Captain of Omen, he cannot l)e supposed to have made a mistake in this respect ; nor is it likely that he would have waited more than a whole day before joining the Admiral. As there is no mention of the 7th in Hall's account, as it stands in Purchas, "eight" may very well be supposed to have been substituted by the abbreviator for 7th, as it probably was in Hall's own MS. f I I 70 EXI^EDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. and North-west, and it standcth in the latitude of 66 degrees and 25 minutes.* The ninth, in the morning, our Captaine, with the Captaine of the [/rm, went with their Boates vp the Riuer, where they did come to see their winter houses,'-^ which were builded with Whales bones, the balkcs being of Whale's ribbes, and the tops were couered \\ ith earth, and they had certaine Vaults or Sellers vnder the earth foure square, about two yards deepe in the ground. These houses were in number about some fortie.^ They found also certaine Graues made vp of stones ouer the dead bodies of their people, the carkasses being wrappet in Seales skins, and the stones laid in manner of a Coffin ouer them. This day, in this place, we set a man on Land, which had serued our Captaine the yeere before ; which, for a certaine fault committed by him, our Captaine left behinde in the Countrie. About noone, our men came aboord againe ; and, after Dinner, some of the people came vnto vs, of whom we caught fine,* with their Boates, and stowed them in our ships, to bring them into Denmarke^ * This figure for the latitude of Fos Kay can scarcely be the one given by Hall, as he always places King Christian's Fjord, which is farther south, in 66" 30'. As this bay was not explored on the first voyage, it is not put down on Hall's map. Where so many in- accuracies seem to occur, one becomes suspicious ; and, even apart from that, it seems strange that the tide in the Ikertok should flow S.E. and N.W., seeing that its main direction is S.W. and N.E. ^ The houses of the natives are, of course, meant. ^ Purchas here inserts in a side-note : "A town found ten leagues up the river", the distance being no doubt obtained from Hall's un- abridged M.S. * See the Introduction for a notice of the subsequent history of these Greenlanders in Denmark. '' Mr. Markham states {Voyages of Baffin, p. 28, note) that: " In the curious old Schiffer-Gesellschu/i at Lubeck, there is an old Kayak, DANISM EXPEDITION OK 1606. 7r to cnforme our selucs better, by their meenes, of the state of their Countrie of Groinclaud, which, in their owne lan^uaj^e, they call Sccauunga, and say that, vp within the Land, they hauc a great King, which is carried vpon mens shoulders.^ The tenth of August, in the morning, the winde being at East South-east, we weighed and came forth of Rotiibcs Foord ;'' but, being come forth to Sea amongst the Hands, the winde came vp to the South-west and by South, the Sea going maruellous high, we lying West and West and \jy North to Sea, doubling certaine Hands and Rocks; where the Sea going so wonderfull high had set vs vpon the Rocks, where we had all dyed, if God, of his mercy, at that instant when wee saw nothing before our eyes but present death, had not sent vs a great gale of winde at hanginj^ from the beams, which appears, from the inscription, to have been l>r()Ught to Europe l)y the Danish Expedition of 1607." As, how- ever, that Expedition never landed at all (see Introduction), the Kayak in question is probably one of those here alluded to. ' Hruun has no entry for the 8th. " On the 9th", says he, " the Admiral and I, with some of our men, proceeded further up the harbour, in order to explore the country, which we did ; and we saw their houses and how they bury each other, and returned on the same day to the ship. On the same day, we took five Green- landers by force into Orncn." Lyschander mentions the setting on shore of the young man, who (he says) was at once torn to pieces by thenatives. - From the preceding, it is clear that they were not anchored in Rammel's (Amerdlok) Fjord, but in another close by, which can scarcely have been any other than Ikertok. When, nevertheless, Hall says that on setting out on their return journey they came out of Rammels Fjoril this may be explained in more than one way. The two fjords being connected by a sound, they may have sailed through this into Amerdlok Fjord ; or they may have kept inside the small islands on issuing from Ikertok so far as to enter Rammers Fjord, from which they may then have sailed out into the open sea ; or, finally, Hall may have used " Rammel's Fjord" of the whole group of fjords between Holsteinborg and Itivdlek, which are all connected and may be considered as one bay partly filled up by islands. 'jenanMBaM 72 KXPF.niTIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. South South-west,' whereby wee lay West North-west away, with a flawne shcat ;- wee, doubling of the Hands and Rocks, were forced to goe betweene certaine little Hands which lye off Queene Sop/itas Cape, fourc leagues into the Sea ; the which Hands, I named the yecre before Knights I lands, after the name of lolin Knight?' So, hauing passed these Hands, not without great danger, wee found betweene them many blindc Rocks, and being clccre in the Sea.* The thirteenth, at noone, we were in the latitude of * That they may have been in great danger of being cast on the lee shore in issuing from Anicrdlok Fjord with a strong wind from S.W. by S. is easily understood, but not how they could have been saved by a g.ilc of S.S.W. wind, unless it be that at the critical moment they had almost reached the corner where the coast turns northerly towards Queen Sophia's Cape, so that a change of only a point in the direction of the wind sufficed for them to shoot clear of it. - The term "a flowing sheet" is used when the sheets or clues of the principal sails are eased off so that the sails receive the wind more perpendicularly than when they are close-hauled, as when the wind is nearly at right-angles with the ship's course. ^ The name of Knight's Islands is often used of the whole " Skjcrri^iKinr of small rocky islands to the \V. of Holsteinborg, wliich is also called in Danish Holsteinborg Rev ; but it applies properly only to the Kagsit Islands, which lie farthest to sea, very nearly at the distance here indicated by Hall. Knight's Islands are marked on Hall's general map (IVV). ^ Here the full stop is placed in the middle of an unfinished sentence, another instance of the rough manner in which Hall's text has been cut to pieces. In the portion cut out, referring to the loth, i ith, and 1 2th of August, Hall most likely mentioned the circumstances that only lYost succeeded in getting to sea, in consequence of which she had to wait for her consort until the 12th or 13th. Lyschander mentions the fact, and appears to attribute it to Lindenow's superior seamanship. Bruun's entries are as follows : " On the loth we weighed anchor and set sail, but when we came to the outermost rocks, the wind came up straight in our eyes, so that we were compelled to turn back into the harbour, but Trost came out to sea that same day." For the i ith, he has no entry, but he must have been lying in the fjord windbound. " On the 1 2th", he continues, " God helped us with a good wind, and DANISH r.XPKDITION OF 1606. ;3 Up. nd up Ihe |he id. Ind 66 degrees 50 minutes, being off Cape Sop/iia, West and by North halfe westerly, about sixteene leagues.' The eighteenth, about foure in the morning, \vc got cleere off the Ice,- steering South and by West away, it being very thicke weather till noonc, when it cleercd vp ; at which tijne, wee saw the shoare rising like Hands, being very high and stretching South and by East and North and by West, about foure and twentic leagues, the shoare being beset all full with Ice, so that, in that place, it is impossible for any ship to come into the shoare. Also, of the Southermost of these two Capes,'* lay such a great banke of Ice, stretching into the Sea, that wee were forced to lye West and by North to double the same. All this afternoonc, wee were almost compast with Ice, we bearing to the same, the winde comming vp to the East South-cast ; we, standing South to the Ice, were forced to loose for one Hand, and to bcare roomr for another till about foure a clocke, when, by Gods hclpe, wcc got cleere off the same ; the winde comming vp to the luth-east and as soon as it was day we weiglicd anchor and came out of the hailjour and afterwards stood to sea. On tlie same day, we saw the first ice." ' Hruun's entry for this day is only the following : " On the 13th, we sailed out of sight of Greenland." Probably on that day the two vessels, having met, started off together on a westerly course, in the hope of finding clear water in the middle of Davis .Strait. - As nothing has been said before in Hall's account, as it stands in Purchas, about troubles by ice (though Bruun mentions that ice was seen already on the 12th), it may be inferred that something has been left out referring to the intervening five days. liruun's Journal also fails here, because his only entry between the 13th and the 26th is this : " On the 16th, one of my (ireenlanders jumped overboard." ^ This expression also proves the abbreviator's carelessness, no " two capes" having been mentioned before in what we read in Purchas. Probably the capes of Queen Sophia and Queen Anne are meant, as they had evidently as yet made very little progress. ; 11 N i\ i 74 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. by South, wee lay South-west and by South of all this night. The two and twentieth, thicke weather, the winde as before. This morning, about .seucn a clocke, wee saw a saile West and by South of vs, we standing to him, for it was our Vice admirall the Liofi, who had beene greatly troubled with the Ice, wee being glad to rneetc one another againe.^ The eight and twentieth, about foure in the morning, the storme ceased,- the winde comming vp to the West South-west. About three a clocke, wee set our sailes, standing South-east away. But, being vnder saile, we epyed great bankes and Hands of Ice to leeward of vs, lying off East '"id by South ; which Ice I did iudge to lye ' It will have been observed that no mention has been made, eitiicr by Hall or by Hniun, of Lbvcn or Gillibrattdt since the 24th of June ; and, as there is no account of their having reached land at all, it seems that they never succeeded in doing so, but spent the time in vain attempts to get through the ice in a more southerly latitude. Uruun does not mention their meeting again with Lihieii, but he records their meeting with Gilliliraiidt, \w\i\ch is not mentioned in Hall's account as we have it in Purchas. " On the 26th," says Bruun, " Gillibrandt a.x\A Ornen cam': together. On the same day, we saw Greenland ag.iin."' As he expre.isly says that Omen fell in with Gillibrandt^ it seems that the squadron had been rather scattered. Very likely, however, that may have been on purpose, as they would naturally look for the missing vessel, anci this latter circumstance may — though it is not mentioned — in some measure account for their having spent 16 days (is it appears they did) in coming down from the neighbourhood of Holiteinborg to the southern extremity of (ireenland. - No storm having been mentioned before, this passage proves that the gap here observable between the 22nd and the 28th is caused by the abbreviation of Hall's narrative. liruun docs not mention it either, but says in his next entry after the 26th : " On the .30th, dui ing tlie night, in a great storm, we were separated from GillibrandtP There is no mention of her joining them again, but she probably did so, as she is known to have come home, and there is no mention of her returning alone. DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1606. 75 that by it off Cape Desolation} about eight leagues off; the which, by reason of the fogge, we could not see. The nine and twentieth, about sixe in the morning, the winde came vp to the North-cast and by North ; we making saile, went South South-cast away till noonc with a stiffe gale, wcc seeing in the morning pieces of drift Ice to windward of vs ; hauing at noonc a shrinke-of the same, I found vs in the latitude of 59 degrees 46 minutes, hauing from noone to noone made a South-cast and by South way eight leagues. The one and thirtieth, the winde continuing, wee holding still cur course, with the winde still at North North-west, with faire and cleere weather, it blowing very much, so that wee stood away vnder a couple of courses low set, the Sea very much growne, being in the latitude of 59 degrees 10 minutes, hauing made an East South-east way some- what Easterly foure and thirtie leagues. This aftcrnoone, after my obseruation, wee saw some Hands of Ice, with some drift Ice, I something maruelling of the same, know- ing, both by my account and my noones obseruation, that wee were shot too farre from any part of Groinland that was described in the Marine Chart ; for the southermost part described therein is not in the latitude of 60 degrees,"' and we being now in the latitude of 59 degrees ten minutes, Cape Desolation bearing West North-west halfe Northerly, about sixtie foure leagues, and Cape Christian (which was the next known part of Groenhmd) North-west and by West westerly, eight and thirtie leagues ; so, holding our course East South-east away, about foure a clocke, we had sight of Land, being very high Land, it lying alongst East ,'; I ' 1 I w Id id of 1 See p. 7, note. ^ See p. 55, note. 3 The meaning of this would seem to be that no part of Greenland reaches so far south as 60° ; but he himself placed Cape Christian in 59° 50', so there is clearly some confusion. 76 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. < 'i South-east, about sixteene leagues ; the westermost part seemed cither to fall away East North-east, and the southermost point bearing East northerly fell away East and by North. This Land is very high, hauing the Hills couercd with snow, the shoare being very thicke with Ice. This place, because I knew not whether it was of the Mayne or an Hand, I named Frost Handy after the name of the ship.^ The first of September, at noone, I made obseruation and found vs in the latitude of 58 degrees, hauing made a South-cast and by South way southerly sixe and twentie leagues. This day, at noone, I directed my course East and by South. This afternoone, about sixe a clocke, it fell calme, and so continued all the night following. This cucning, I found the variation 10 degrees 50 minutes Northwcsting. The fourth day, the winde at East and by South, we lying South and by East, having a shrinke of the sunnc- at about noone, I did suppose vs in the latitude of 57 degrees 20 minutes, hauing made a South-east and by South way southerly about ten leagues. All this day and the night following, we lay as before. The eight day, faire weather, the winde as before, it 1 This passage is curious. No land lies in the direction indicated. What Hall saw must have been a cluster of icebergs and fog-banks. Luke Foxc, in 1635, expressed his belief that the land Hall saw (or thought he saw) nuist have been that he had pre\ iously named Cape Christian (see North-Wcst Fox,"^. 57, and Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxc and Jaiiu's, p. 95). It is strange, too, that Hall should ha\e called it Trost Island, as he had previously bestowed that name on a locality in Greenland, and alluded to it under that name in the preceding account (see p. 47). - Hall elsewhere has spoken of a "shrinke of the wind" (see pp. 52 and 75), and of a "shrinke of the land" (see p. 55). The mean- ing here evidently is that the sun became clouded over about noon, so that he could not get his usual midday observation, but had to be content with making a guess, as may be inferred from what follows. dajsish expedition of 1606. 71 \ay Jht b. it ape ages lave on the being almost calme, wee going away as before, being at noone in the latitude of 58 degrees 36 minutes, hauing made an East North-east way northerly t wen tie leagues, by reason of the great southerly Sea. All this aftcrnoone and the night following, it was for the most part calme. This euening, I found the Compasse varied about two degrees 45 minutes northwesting. The ninth day, also, fairc weather, the windc southerlye, a fresh gale, our course .still East, being at noone in the latitude of 58 degrees 40 minutes, our way East and by North-easterly twelue leagues. This afternoonc, the winde came vp to the South, or South and by East, with raine. This night, about midnight, thickc weather, with raine, the winde comming to the South-east, we lying East North-east and North-east and by East with the stemme. The tenth day, about two in the morning, the windc came vp to the South South-west, wee steering our course East, being at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees 10 minutes, hauing made an East and by North way easterly foure and fortie leagues, wee hauing a fresh gale westerly. This day wee saw one of the Fowlc the which are, on the Hand of Bas in Scotland, called Bas Geese} This euening, I found the variation i degree 4 minutes north- easting. The eighteenth, this forcnoonc, about nine a clockc, wee espyed land, rising somewhat ragged, the Eastcrmost point of the same bearing South-east and by South, and the Wcstermo.st part South and by West, about eight leagues. These Hands, by my account and obscruation. I M "4 (see ::aii- , so be 1 The Gannet or Solan Goose {Stiln bassa/ia) is still sometimes called the Bass (ioose, from the fact that a very large colony breeds on the Bass Rock, in the Firth of Forth, whence also its scientific name. [ : i r r ■ 78 I EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. I found to be the Hands of Fern's,^ being at noone in the obseruation of 62 degrees 5 minutes. The nineteenth, I set a little Rocke, called the Monke^ which lyeth off to the South-east end (it being about fiuc a clocke), East South-east of vs, three leagues off. This night, about ten a clocke, it fell calme. The twentieth, wee did see the streame had set vs to the Northwards. This streame sctteth vndcr the Hands of Farre'^ next hand. East and West. So, casting about, wee stood to the westwards, lying West South-west, and some- times West and by South, and sometimes South-west, it being very raynie weather.* About midnight, it fell calme and so continued all night vnto the morning.'' • The F;i:io group. IJy analogy with the Fioni near the coast of .Scotland, which is called in English Fair Isle, the group in question ought to be called Fair Isles. -' The Monk is the southernmost islet of the F;cro group. ' The F;ero grou]) again. •• Apparently "west" has been five times substituted for "cast" in this sentence, through a printer's error. ■' For the filling up of this gap, we have the following entries in Bruun's Journal, the only ones for the month of September : — " On the i6th, died my cook, by name Niels. "On the 21st, in the morning, we saw two or three islands sur- rounded by the sea, called Rona. "On the 26th we saw in the morning early Fule, and immediately afterwards the S. end of Hetland ; the same day wc sailed in the midst between Hetland and ?";vro, and towards night we sailed out of sight of them. " On the 27th, died one of my sailors, called .\nders Jonsson. " On the 29th, we had sight of Norway, and were outside Ingrtn, six miles N. of Lindesnaes. "On the 30th, we first saw Jutland." The islands called Rona are two small islets, Rcna and Harra, N. of the Hebrides ; Fule is Foula ; "Ingren"is probably meant for Ekerii, outside the town of Ekersund, though that is rather farther from Lindisness than stated, even if Norwegian miles are meant. There is now in the district no place named Ingren. DANISH EXPEDITION OF 1606. 79 The first of October, in the afternoone, about foure of the clockc, we had sight of The Holmes} The second day, wee steered away South-east and by South and South South-east for TJie Col ;^ and, about eight of the clocke this night, wee came into Tiirco;^ where wee rode all the day following. The third day, at night, the winde came to the North-east ; so wee weighed and came into Elsi:uor Road. The fourth day, by the prouidence of God, we arrived in our desired Port of Copen Hauen, \6o6} in iur- blX of |I(), nil * The Holmes may be Erteholmene, at the entrance of the Kattej^at, a short distance inside the Scaw. IJiuun says : "October. On the 1st, we first had sij,dit of Norway again", which would imply that they were tacking, as they would otherwise not have coine near Norway again ; and, if they did so very early, they might, going south- wards, have sighted Erteholmene in the afternoon. At the same time, the vessels may ha\c become separated during the last few da)s of the voyage. 2 The Col means Kullen, which (being about 615 ft. high and isolated) is a landmark widely seen (see p. 55). ^ Turco is probably Torckow, a place on the N . side of the entrance of Skeldeiviken, a bay just N. of Kullen, where they might find an anchorage. ^ Uruun's Journal here differs somewhat from Hall's account, being to this effect : "On the second, we had sight of Skaane : the same night we anchored at Elsenore." Skaane is the province in which Kullen is situated ; but Torckow is some 30 miles from Elsenore, which is not even visible from there. As neither Hall nor Hruun can be supposed to have made a mistake on this point, the explanation is no doubt this : that Bruun managed to reach the roadstead of Else- nore that night, but that the other vessels were embayed behind Kullen and obliged or preferred to stop and wait for a ( liangc of wind at Torckow, whither they would not otherwise have gone. Bruun then waited at Elsenore for the others to come up. " On the fourth", " we sailed from Elsenore, and the same day we anchored he says, we sailed before Copenhagen. I i i VH in 80 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612 The sciierall burthens and numbers of men employed in the ships of the Fleet aforesaid were as followctli} : — The Trust, being Admirall, was of sixtie tunnes, had eight and fortie men. The Lion, Vice-admirall, was of seuentie tunnes, had eight and fortie men. The Vrin, or Eagle, Reare-admirall, of one hundred tunnes, had fiftie men. The Gillifloiure was of fortie tunnes, had sixteene men. The Pinnasse called the Cat, was of twcntie tunnes, had twelue men. Brcdaransics Foord is most northerly.- Cunninghams Foord is next, in si.xtie seuen degrees and odde minutes. The Foord wherein they saw the Towne ten leagues up the same, is two leagues^ to the South of Cunninghams Foord. The Kings Foord is in sixtie sixe degrees and an halfe. William Htintris, of Stowborow, in Yorke-'^xxo., is Master ' As we have already explained in the Introduction, this note was probably not penned by Hall, but by I'urchas. At the same time, the facts mentioned have no doubt been culled from Hall's unabbreviated narrative, though, as it appears, without much care. - This reference to Hrade Hanson's Fjord is very remarkable, because it is mentioned nowhere in Hall's accounts of his voyages, though it is shown on his maps, it having been visited by him on his expedition in the pinnace in 1605 (see pp. 12 and 38). One of two things must be the case : either Hall's unabbreviated narrative must ha\e contained some reference to this fjord, or else Purchas (or whoever made the ab- breviation and penned this note) must have had the maps before him. The first is most improbable, considering the close agreement between the " Report to the King" and Hall's account of the first voyage, especially with regard to the omission of all information re- lating to that expedition. It seems, therefore, to follow that the writer of this note must have had the maps (see Introduction). ' This is of course erroneous. Most likely the statement here re- produced was to the effect that the distance was 12 leagues, which is the distance given by Haflfin (see post) between Cunningham Fjord and Ramels Fjord, which is close to Fos Bay. DANISH EXPEDITION OK 1606. 81 luse ; is in the )nie ab- Ifore licnt Ifirst re- Ithe Hall his man, and is allowed thirtic pound by the yccrc of the King oi Dcnmarke for his skill in Nauigation.' ' According to Mr. Clements R. '\\-i\.x\^\a\\\ {Voyai^cs of Willi, vii lhiffi)u p. 27//), Stowbnrow is most likely an error for Scarborouj^h. The present tense " is\ is rather remarkable, and seems to ha\ e been carried bodily over from the document from which the statement is quoted. Nothing is known from any other source about this grant to Huntriss. The matter is in itself unlikely, and the sum is so lar>je for that time (being the average pay of a captain) that there must be some mistake. Perhaps on some occasion when Huntriss exhibited his dexterity in handling a boat, or something similar, the King may have given him a gratuity of 30 Kix dollars. I Tlir brief reference to the third Danish Expedition lo ihwnland ill 1607, which is found follounn:^ the account of the Second l'oyo\;e in i6oh in '' J'urchas his Pif^rinies" {vol. iii.^ />. .S27), has heen reproduced and discussed in the Introduction. \ VI' re- |h is ird F i An Accoti7it of the Rnglish Expedition to Grccnlmui. miik'r tlic Connnand of Captain James Hall, in 1612.^ Jiv JOHN GATONlilC, Ouartkk.mastkr.' [Froin ChunhilPs CoM.iXTiON ok Vovac.kh and Travels, vol. vi {London, 1732), pp. 241-251.] A Voyage into the North- West Passage, undertaken in tlie year i6i2,'* By the Mcrchant.s Adventurers of London, Sir Geor<^e Lancaster,* Sir Thomas Smith, ' Mr. l^all,'- Mr. Cockcn,^ and Mr James I lull, being Venturer until them, and General of both the ships. To the Right Worship/nil 6ir CllRlSTOriiEk HiLYEARU.S, Knt.^ John Gatonbe ivishethe in this life the contynvance 01 health and prosper itie, loith great increase of worship, and everlasting felicitic in Christ our Saviour:^ PURi'DsiNC icith inyselfe to present this jovrnall, or trains- book, to yon, whieh ts vssally kept of seafiyringc men and mariners, in their navigation of long voyagies and unknoivne ' We have allowed this (the usually accepted) date to stand throu,L;li()ut. although we have, in the Introduction, given reasons for believing that the \()yage really was made in the year 1613. -' ("latonhe (of whom a notice will be found in the Introduction) held the post of '^Quartermaster on board the Patience ; but, after ENGLISH KXI'KDITION OF l6l2. 83 covntrycs ; and having been lett^^ thes tzvo jrares, being travelling vpon the sea to niayntayne my poore estat of ivije tand for lion) lifter Hall's death, he became master's m;ite of the Hcarfs Ease. As stated in the Introduction, we have omitted the map accompanying Gatonbe's narrative. •' This is the heading in Churchill's I'oyagcs. it may be attributed either to (iatonbc (1615), or to the Editor (1732). The voyage had no connection with the search for a North-west Passage, as we now under- stand the term. Its object was to make search in Greenland for mineral ores and other native wealth (see Introduction). It may be the heading is Gatonbe's, and that he considered Davis Strait (to which the voyage was made) to be a North-west Passage — or, rather, the commence- ment of one : otherwise the heading is meaningless and incorrect. ■• Sir James (w^/Sir (ieorge) Lancaster commanded the first voyage of the East India Company, and was knighted on his return in 1603. He died unmarried in 1618. For further information concerning him, see Mr. Clements R. Markham's Voyages of Sir Jaiiies Lancaster (Hakluyt Society, 1877), and his Voyages of William Baffin (Hakluyt Society, 1881). '■ Sir Thomas Smith, the leading merchant prince of his day, was the first Governor of the East India Company, and an active member of most of the great foreign chartered trading com|)anics of the time. He died in 1625. A good account of him is to be found in Mr. Mark- ham's Voyage of William Baffin^ pp. i-ix. " Richard liall, an eminent London merchant, who did much to extend both commerce and geographical knowledge, died about 1620. A notice of him is given in Mr. Markham's Voyages of William Baffin, p. 3. " Alderman William Cockayne (or Cocken), of London, another eminent and wealthy merchant, was Lord Mayor in 1619-20. He was one of the first "Committees" (or Directors) of the East India Company, and "Richard Cockain and Co." contributed the largest single amount sul^scribed on behalf of the first voyage of that Company. Kundall says (l)ul on what authority we know not) that Alderman Cockayne had been the prime mover in the sending out of Hall (Voyages towards tlie North-West, p. 91). He died in 1626. A sketch of his life is also given by Mr. Markham. ** Sir Christopher Hildyard(()r Hilyeards), of Wmesteatl, near Hull, was a member of an ancient and well-known East Riding family, long seated in Holderness. He became a Member of Parliament, and died in 1634. A notice of him will be found in Mr. Markham's work above- mentioned. He does not appear to have been an "adventurer" in the voyage. !-• 2 \\\ «4 KXI'F.DnrON'S TO (iUKi;M.AM>. iTxDj l6l2. ^/;/^ children ; and, this i^'intcr, beiiti^ at home, and reiiiein- In-iu}:; the nianyfold cvrtesies shelved by you to my amiente father, Nicholas (iatonbc, I thou}:;ht good this simple labour, such as it is, to offer vuto you, right ivorshipful, desiring yon to accept it, as a gift that procedcth from such a one who hartily wishcth you xcell, and ivould, if ability sensed, present you ivith a better, seeing and knowing your 'worship and your ancesters have been alzcayes 7vell- wishers to this to'wne and the inhabitants of the same ; wherefor I intreat your worship to pen'se it over. And, First, you shall see the setting out of our voyage, ivhat adventures we had with our generall. Secondly. J'he tyin of our saylling. Thirdly. Our travis upon the sea, with the windes and iveythcr we had. Fourthly. The height of the poll observed. Fifthly. J he ice ice say lied by, with the coldnes of the aire. Sixthl}'. The barrenness of the country, with huge mouii- tayns lying full of snoiu. Seventhly. The nature and conditions of the inhabitants and salvages of the same. Eighthly. 'The (hinges we bought of them for old iron, with that lohich happened vnto vs in the countryc. Lastly. Of our returne homexvard and our safe arrivall. I hvs, craving both pardon for my boldnes, and also re- ■' {/•'roin p. 82.; To this dedication, tlie editor of the sixth volume of Chiiichiil's Voyagcsd/ui 7>^?7v/.vappends tlie following note: — "We have preserved the spelling of this dedication as a specimen of the ortho- graphy of the time ; but we thought it proper, for the sake of the generality of our readers, to accommodate the spelling of the piece itself to the modern way, especially as there was no method observed by the writer." '" {From p. 83.) This old term (meaning, of course, "hindered" or " jjrevented") is now seldom used except in legal phra^.eology. |;N(.I,IMI l-.XI'KDITION Ul- |6|2. 85 (jiu'stiHi^ your favorable acceptiu}:; of uiy siiii/^/e travel/, / cease from further troiibliiii:; your worship i^'ith my ruiUies. prayiuo; (iode to inriche you 'u'ifh the plenty full increase of the gifts of his spirt te. From the poore house of John Gatonbe, this 25/// day of Februarie, 1615. re- e of lave ;h()- the iece ved or III"", loth of .///v/, bcino; (iood Fridaw \\c haled both our ships into ////// road, the one being of the burden of 140 tons, called the Patience, wii beinii 40 men and boys in her ; the other of 60 tons, called the Hearfs-F.ase, con- tainint; 20 men and boys. This day, we cross'd both our yards and entred into pay, makinfr fit to take the first wind to sail withal. Monday, April 20, we set sail in Hull road, the wind at E.S.E., and bore clown to Cleeness^ and .anchor'd ; and, towards nij^ht, the wind came to the X.E., and so wc return'd into Pan f^ road a o'clock in the morning, \vc tack'd about to the southward, sailing VV.S.VV. ; and at noon we did observe the sun, and found the altitude of the pole to be 59 47'. 29. This day, the wind at N.W., we standing to the southward W.S.VV., being thick haz)- weather. 30. This da)', calm and misty from 12 o'clock to C) f)'cIock in the morning ; then the wind came to the S.W., we sail- ing all the da\' after W. and by N. Afajf I, being Iniday, the wind at W.S.VV'., we sailing to the northward, N.W. and by N., being misty and much wind ; and at noon it cleared up, and we did observe the sun, and found the pole rais'd 61 31', we tacking about to the .southward, wending S. and bj- W., having fair w ealher ; and at 8 o'clock at night we tackVl about and stood to the northward, wending N.N.W. 2. This day, stormy weather, with the wind at S.W. and by W., being misty and rain, we standing to the northward N.W. and by W. ; and at 10 o'clock it fell little wind and calm ; and the wind ran to the N.E., we sailing our course W., having a fresh gale of wind at noon. 3. This day we had fair weather, the wind at E S.l*^., we sailing W. This day we did observe the .sun, and found the pole to be rais'd 61 46'; and at 4 o'clock at night the wind came contrary, being westerly, we standing to the northward N.N.W. ; and at 6 o'clock we stood to the southward again. 4. This day, the u ind at N.W., wc sailing W.S.W. ; and it 5 o'clock our vice-admiral sprung her fore-mast, whereby -he was forc'd to take in her top-sails and fore-sails ; and so did wc in the admiral, till such time as they had fish'd it and made it strong.^ This day, at noon, wc tlid ob.serve i ! 1 I ]y V < 1 To " applyin : .1 spar which has been sprung is to strengthen it by it " fishes", or flat pieces of wood, which are placed on Il ' ' ;; ■ !' W i t i; ; ss KXI'KDITIONS TO (iRKKN LAN D, 1^05- iTw 2. the sun, and found the pole rais'd 6\ 8', the wind bein^ come to N.N.I''., we sailing our course \V. 5. This day, the wintl came to W. and b\- S., and bej^an to blow, we statiding to the northward NAV. and by N. 6. This day, the wind at VV. ; and at 6 o'clock in the morning the wind came to N. and by W. ; and so we steer hence W., the altitude of the pole being 61 36'. 7. This day, the wind at N.W. and by N., we sailing W. and by S. ; and at 2 o'clock in the afternoon it came up to the N.K., being cloudy and thick, which turn'd to much rain, we sailing our course west. S. This day, much wind and rain iu 1\.N.E., we sailing W. : and at noon we hatl fair weather, the wind being come to the N. This day we hoped to .see Friesland} yet did not. 9. This day,the wind at N.N.E., stormy weather, we sailing our course W. ; and at noon it grew fair, and we observ'd the sun and found the altitude of the pole to "oe 59 51'. This da\' our master found by his instrument the compass varied I 5 . to the westward of the north, the occasion we had no sight of /•>/V.v/(^/w/,^sailing to the southward .some 1 2 leagues ; so that for our west course we ke|)t, we had made but a W. and b\- S. way ; yet I supptKse it to be the cin*rcnt which doth set to the southwestward, and .so doth set from the westermost part of Fn'fs/fru,/ mto the N.W. Passage.- each side of it ami sfcmi'd 1)\ Ix-iiij; " wH/uldcd", or wound round and round with piett-s of ropt>. ' The existence of Krisland (an inia-^inarx- island taken from the Zeno Chart and sliown on most of the .\tlantie Charts of the periods was, of course, fully believed in by Hail and his contemporaries. - As regards this current, those who are acquainted with the accounts of voyages to the North of .America in the early part of the sixteenth century are well aware that, in estimating the probability of the existence of a North-west passage, or the neighl)ourhood in which it woukl be found, the navigators and g( ographers of that time were mainly intluenceil by consideration of the currents of the sea and the set of the tiilis. in i6r2, many believed tliat the pa>sagc ])racticall\ FN(;l,ISII IXPF'DITIOX OF \6\2. i)f 89 10. This day, the wind northcil}-, uc sailing W. and by N. ; and at noon we obscrv'd the sun and found tlic altitude (if the pole to be 60 4', beini^ very fair wealher. 11. The wind N., aiul at noon we sounded, and liad no l^round of 150 fathom, it being little wind aiul calm, some- times southerly, and sometimes at S.VV., sometimes easterly ; thus it did continue variable all the da)-, being fair weather and smooth sea, we sailing for the most part \V. and by S. 12. This day, calm ; and at 4 o'clock in the morning the wind came to K.N.E., we sailing VV. and by N. This da\- the water ch.mged of a blackish colour ; also we saw man\- whales and grampus's. 13. The wind at Iv, we sailing V\'. and In- X. This (la\-, being hazy, we met with ice, '.he wind being come to N.N.lv Much wind and snow at 9 o'clock at night, so that we were forc'd to take in our sails and stand with our fore- sail to the eastward, wending K. Also, .some of our men spied land, yet we could not well discern it, it snowing so fast. 14. We stood in with the land iigain at 2 o'clock in the morning, wending N.N.W., and had sight of land betwixt 5 and 6 o'clock in the morning ; and our master made it Oifir Fari":cr/,so called b\- Captain Pai'ids at the first find- ■/'//(■ /.uni iiiii risr /////■.■ fidl iif sno rill I iipr 7 /fi!i;//i:f of/, X. \. (I ' 'litis liDtd /.( ///(■ MiittluriniiosI [^oiiit in ( IrciMilaiul, ///<• hcii^litli of llic poli llieiT ing of the countr\- in is uuk h more ncaiK rnricct. t ;■ W : ; '■ V 1 .^1 \i h i1 i 1 ■• ' QO EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. near the land by 6 or 7 leagues for ice ;^ it bearing from us N.N.W.,and we sailing along by the ice W.X.W. all the day. 15. The wind at N.N.W., sailing W. ; and at 4 o'clock in the morning wc tack'd about again to the ice, again sailing N.N.E, ; and at ic o'clock in the morning we tack'd about again, being hard aboard the ice, having sight of the land, it stretching more to the northward. The ice lieth all along it, being as it were a great bay betwixt two head lands. 16. This day, a cold hazy wind, it being at X.X.W., wc sailing W. ; and at 7 o'clock in the morning wc tack'd about, lying N.E. and by N., and at 2 o'clock we met with ice again ; we, lying to and fro, hoisted our shallop out, and, espying seals lying upon the ice, our shallop rowed to them and killed one of them ; the rest tumbled into the water, being 20 in a company. This day, we observ'd the sun and found the altitude of the pole to be 59 30', we being some 70 leagues within the streights, it being 1 1 5 leagues ' As far as we are aware, this passage is the earhest written state- ment to the effect tuai Cape Farewell was so named by Davis. The name is not mentioned in any account of Davis's voyages, nor docs it occur on any map of earlier date than that of Hessel (icrritsz, published in 1612. If this map is, as is generally supposed, in the main, a reproduction of Hudson's, it is most probably to him that the delineation of the coast of Cireenland, and the insertion of Cape Farewell, is due ; but, in any case, the latter must rest on some, till then, unwritten tradition. If Davis did so name this promontory, it is strange that the name does not occur on the Molyneux globe or on the Molyncux map in Ilakluyts work ; but this may be owing to the circumstance that on these F'robisher's .Strait and the localities about it are placed in the southern extremity of (ireenland. When the original author of (lerritsz's map had moved them up to the latitudes assigned to them by Frobisher, the .Southern extremity of Ci'eenland could be drawn properly, and Cape Farewell put in its proper place (see the Intro- duction and page 7, ;/.). ENr.LISII FATEDITION OF l6l2. 91 It sz, in iin on 1st rn z's by rn o- between the coast of America and Greenland in the entrance of this passage.^ 17. The wind at S. in the morning, we sailing N.W. This day we run among the ice, and were inclosed with the ice, so that we could get no passage to the northward ; and so we were forc'd to stand out again, and were glad that God had deliver'd us from amongst it ; it being 4 o'clock in the afternoon before we were clear of the ice, sailing S.W. to the sea. This day, being Sunday, we had sight of the land called Desolation^' it being from us 1 5 leagues N. and by E. 18. This day, at one o'clock in the morning, we had much wind and snow, the wind being westerly ; and at six o'clock in the morning it prov'd fair weather. We, tacking about into the shore, did wend N. and by W., which did* near the land of Desolation ; and at noon we tack'd about and stood back again, being ten leagues from the land, it bearing N.N.E. of us. The ice hindering of us this day, we did observe the sun, and found the pole 59" 53'. 19. The wind southerly, we sailing for the most part N.W. by N. and N.N.W. Then the land of Desolation Cape Desolation rises thus, 15 It'll i^iies of, X.I-:. I'v X. The land c/" Desolation rises thus, 12 leagues of, X.E. fiy/i. This lami so raHed by Captain Diniil';, // beini; sa dtsalal, ttiid eonifarlliss, 7.'//// hiii^e inauntaiin of :)hnK< lyim; upon it.siuhas he ha.t never seen, nor any of his men lej'ore him. ' Hy "this passage" Catonhc refers, of course, to Davis Strait ; hut there must be some mistake in the figures Iierc given, as they cannot be made to agree. datonbc's leagues are very uncertain quantl/.es, as appears from not a few other passages in his narrative. - Davis, in 1585, named the south-western part of (Ireenland "the Land of Desolation" (see page 7, ;/.). 3 Query, " bring us" omitted. jri ■'\ \: M ' \ '■i V ! I ii ; 1 '{I ^ 92 KXPKDITION'S TO ( ; KKKN'I^A \ D, 1605-161 (lid bear off us N'.E. and by K. This da\- uc did meet with t,acat islands of ice. This day \vc did observe the sun, and found the altitude of the pole to be 60 35' : also we had a forceable current, which we went alon^ the coast with till we came to bring Desolation point E. of us. This current set from Desolation into America side, and into Hudson s streights,' being so called by his men, they leaving him behind them in that country, which was his death, in the year 1 6 1 1 . 20. This day, the wind at N. and by E., we sailing E. and by N. to the land, which we had no sight of as this da)'. This day we did observe the sun, and found the altitude of the pole to be 61 33', being to the northward of Desolation some 30 leagues. This day we stood to the westx'ard ; and at lO o'clock at night we stood to the east- ward, again meeting ice. 21. The wind at N.E. and by E. This day we had sight of land at 2 o'clock in the morning ; and our master mate, E. N. E. E. Cape ('omfort risei /hits, Ihr /itii;/i//i iij //it />ii/r /iri)/^' 6:?" jj , ///<■ siihiol/h's/ i,iiuf iiiiif hi'st to look III of alt till' loinitry o) (iu'cnlaiul ; \et 7Vi loiild not loim- iii'iir it for ill'. Join. Hcinslay, ;\\\(\ I called \\. tlic land of Comfort.' And we call'd up our men, and tack'il about our ships, the ice ' Tliis is, of couise, ;i mere surmise. It sliovvs how mucli meivs minds were at the lime impressed by Hudson's discoveries. - The indications here [riven are scarcely si '!':ient to identify the locality with any certainty, unless tlic sketch is so true to nature as to be recognised on the spot— a matter as to which we have no means of judging. It is described as the best land to look at of all the coantry of Cireeniand ; but, in the latitude indicated (62 33'j, the inland ice approaches nearer to the coast than almost anywhere in South Cireen- iand, and presents a wider front to the west than anywhere else. kn(;lisii kxi'Kdition of 1613. 93 IiinJcring us from coming near the land, we sailing; alont;- the land N., and N. and by VV'., being distant from it 7 leagues. And, at noon, we being near the ice, ovn- men went with the shallop to it, and killed four seals, and brought other two aboard quick, we having good sport betwixt them and our mastiff dogs. 22. The wind at N. and b}- K. This da\- we turn'd amongst the ice, meeting with man}' islands of ice, which were very high, like great mountains : some of them, we judg'd to be 30 yards from the water, fleeting upon the seas, being 15 leagues off the land.^ This day we had sight of the land, yet could not come near it for ice. This day we did observe the sun, and found the pole rais'd 62 55'. 23. The wind at N.N.W. This [day], being calm, at lujon, we sounded with our lead, and had no ground of 1 80 fathom, being some I 10 leagues within the passage. This day we found the altitude of the pole to be 63 ,'- sailing N.E. and by E. in with the land. 24. This da)' the wind at N. and by E., we sailing N.VV. and by \V., being thick cloudy weather ; and at 8 o'clock in the morning we tack'd about to the eastward, it being little wind and .sometimes calm. 25. This day, calm, with little wind and variable ; some- times at N., .sometimes at N.VV., we sailing for the most part N.l^. and b)- E. Thi.' day we .sounded by an island of ice with our shallop, and found no ground of i 50 fathom, being off the land 21 leagues; and at lo o'clock at night it was thick and misty weather, so that one ship could not see the other. I; ' ISy " islaiuis'' or •' iiiounliiiiis" of ice, lie of course inciins iccherj^s, uliidi aboiiiul in Davis Strait. - If they were really i lo ieaj^iies within Davis .Strait, it would seem as if they must have been much further north than, a( corclinj^ to this statement, tlu's appear to have been. . 4 ■' ii 1 1 94 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. 26. This day, the wind at N., we sailing E.N.E., sailing in with land, being very thick and misty weather ; and at 2 o'clock in the afternoon it clear'd up, and we saw the land, being some three leagues from it, it seeming as tho' we were hard by it, being a very high land, having much snow lying upon it. Also, two of the savages came rowing to our ships in their boats, we sailing in still with the land, 'JftMitVCTU If/H'TU/J sounding, and having with our lead and line 25 fathom, sometimes 20, 18, 15, 12 fathom, it being rocky ground, coming amongst many dry rocks and islands. This day we look'd for a harbour with our shallops, for the ships to ride in safety, and found one which our general call'd the harbour of Hope ; for here we came to land with our ships ; the which we could not come near [during] the time we sail'd along the land, from the sight of Cape Farexvel until we came to this place. ENGLISH EXPKniTION OK l6l2. 95 27. The 27th day, wo harboured in the harbour of Hope (the islands we call'd Wilhinson islands : t!ic mountain we call'd Mount Hatcii/ey at 2 o'clock in the morning, praising our God for our safe arrival in this unknown country, having been from home $ weeks and 2 days. 28. The 28th day, our general found a convenient place to land the quarters of our pinnace for our carpenters to set together, it being an island hard by our ships. This day, also, our general caused our ship's boat to be mann'd, and our shallop, and went himself to discover the country The fashion of the salvages rowiii!^ in their fioats, the Iwals being made oj seal skins, and elos'd in, all hut the ptaee 7eheie he raws in her, and that is elos'd about hint when he sits in her, from his icuiste dinemiuird. //is oiir hath two icebs, and lie useth both hands to roio with. and what rivers he could find in the main ; the savages ' Hall's Harbour of Hope (which is stated on pp. 99 and 1 1 1 to have been in 64" lat.) was no doubt amongst the islands oft' the Fjords of Godthaab (Ciood Hope), so called from the trading station of that name which is situated there. Davis, in 1585, had named the same locality Ciilbcrt .Sound. The small islands cluster here \ery thickly, the name ap|)arently applying princijjally to the northern portion of them. The ba>' from which (lodthaab Fjords enter is surrounded by lofty mountains, one of which must be Mount Hatcliffe,\ ery likely theKingig- torsuak (Hjortctakkcn, 3,760 ft.). Mr. .Markham suggests {Voytt^cs of II '. Juif/hi, p. 12, //. 2) that Hatcliff may be a misprint for Huntcliffe, a point on the Yorkshire coast (see pp. 86 and 1 18;, and that it was so named from some fancied resemblance. Wilkinson's Islands were, doubtless, named after a Mr. Wilkinson who was with the expedition as merchant or "doer" for liie " adventurers" who had sent it out (see pp. 98, 107, 109, and 126;. One of the islands in the vicinity (hnerigsok) is still called the Island of Hope ; but whether or not this name was derived from the Harbour of Hope, we cannot say. 1: ; ( !l V ' 96 KXI'KDITIONS TO (IKKKNLAN i), 1605-1612. rowing to and fro to our ships, holding up their hands to the sun, and clapping them on their breasts, and crying, Elyot, which is as much to say, in English, Are we friends? thus saluting us in this manner every time they came to us, and we offering the same courtesy to them, making them the more bold to come to our ships, they bringing with them sealskins, and pieces of unicorn horn, with other trifles, which they did barter with us for old iron. -9> 30. 31- These days our carpenters made haste with our great pinnace to get her down,^ the weather being fair, and the wind for the most part easterly ; for our general was minded to make what speed he could for to sail along the coast further to the northward, being as }et not come to the place where he was at afore by 70 leagues.- June I. Our general return'd aboard again,=Miaving found two rivers in the main ; the one he call'd Lancaster river : the other, Ball river ;^ for (ireenland is like Norway, having many islands and rocks along the main. 2. Our master and Mr. Barker;' master of the Vice ' I'mlxihly a misprint for "done", meaning "fniished". '^ The southcMnniost locality visited in tlie previous voyages was the Itivdlek Fjord (King Christian's Fjord), about 54 leagues north of (jodthaab, where they now were lying. •' Hall had been absent in the ships boat sine*; the 2iSth (see p. 95). * Lancaster River is probably the southernmost of the fjords, called in C.reenlandish "Anienilik". It was to the head of this fjord that Nansen and his party descnuled in September 1889, after their memorable journey across (ireenland from the east coast. The northern fjord is generally called "C.odthaab Fjord'', but a part of it at any r.ite has retained Mall's name, Bali's River, with the difference that in Danish it is generally written Haal's River, or Rivier, the s])el!ing Haal e.xpressing in Danish the Knglish pronunciation of 15all. In Cireenlandish,it is called " Kangersunek '. L.iiicnster Riverand Hall's River were, of course, named aftertwo of 1 1 all's "Ad\enturers"(seep. 82). ■'' Andrew Barker was a seaman of good repute in Hull, where (as mentioned elsewhere) he had held the office of Warden of the Trinity House. After Hall's death, on July 23rd. l>arker succeeded him as Admiral, as will be found related further on (see also Introduction 1. KNGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2. 97 hat Icir [he it fee jIn lirb 2). as lity as Admiral, went in the shallop and rowed amongst the islands, and to one of the rivers where they were afore, having their fowling-pieces with them to shoot fowl with, vyhich that country affordeth small store. 3. This day, we employ 'd ourselves in searching the country, which affordeth nothing as yet for the profit of our voyage. 4. At night, one of the savages stole a musket from our men which kept the island where our great pinnace was set up ; they keeping a bad watch, and leaving their musket where they kept ccntry, being at the fire in the coy,' the weather being cold, it was taken away by one of the wild men, they could not tell when. The cause of our watching was for that the savages will steal all things they can come by, but chiefly iron. 5. This day we launch'd our great pinnace, which our general call'd the Better Hope. This day, also, James Pullay catching hold of one of the salvages, another did cast a dart at him, and struck him into the body with it, on the left side, which gave him his death's wound. Also the salvage he took, we haul'd into the ship ; and by him we had our musket again ; for two of the salvages, being aged men and rulers of the rest, came, with great reverence, to know the occasion we had taken one of their men. We, with signs and other tokens, did shew them the occasion, being the best language we all had amongst us, delivering their man, his boat, oar, and darts. Our general gave unto him a coat, a knife, and a seeing-glass ' Tliis word does not appear to Ijc now in use in English, nor can we even trac:e it as an obsolete ))rovincialisin. It is, doubtless, the same as llie Dutch Kooi, which siL;ni(ies a confined jjlace, such as a Ijcchive, a shed, a shelter foi cattle, or a bunk or sleeping-place on board ship. In the latter sense, it is used in Danish, in the form of Koie. " Coy"' may, therefore, be taken as indicating some sort of shelter which they had constructed on the island. (J '1 i I ijH KXI'HDITIONS To (WiKliNLAN D, 1605-1612. I ■' also, to rccjuitc the injury vvc had done ; yet he, with a frownint,^ look, desiring; to be ^one from us, vvc let him ^o out of the ship, and, hclpint; him into the chains, he leapt over-board, and the other two did help him ashore ; and, when he was ashore, the salvages cut off the coat our master gave him from his back, so little did they regard it. It was made of yellow cotton, with red gards^ of other cotton about it. 6. James PulUy departed this life, to the mercy of God, iit three o'clock in the morning, and wc bury'd him at noon upon one of the islands wc rode by. This day, also, we carry 'd the cjuarters of Mr. Barkers small shallop to be set together by the carpenters ashore, that we might have our shallops ready to go with us along to the north- wards. 7, 8, 9. Rainy weather : otherwise our shallop had been done -.nd we gone from hence to the northwards. 10. The shallop was done and launched this day. Mr. Hall, being general of both the ships, did hold a parley with all the company of both ships, strictly commanding that none of us should barter for anything, but Mr. Wil- kiuson (who was merchant for the venturers) and them that were appointed by the merchant, in pain of forfeiting their wages ; which articles were wisely answer'd by the officers of the ships. 11. Wc cross'd our yards and got an anchor home, but the wind came contrary, spending our time in rowing from island to island ; and the salvages came to and fro to our ships, bringing us fresh fish, which we bought for iron naiLs. 13. One of the salvages brought two young seals, which he had kill'd at sea, and our master bought them, and we haul'd them into the ship, vvc wondering he could kill them at sea, it blowing so much wind at S.VV. ' Faciiij^s or irimmingb (Narcs). i:m;m.sii kxi-kditidn or 1612. 99 14. Tliis clii)', bcin<; Smniay, wc came out' with the wind N.N.l^., and the salva^fcs rowed to us, beini,^ C leagues off the hiiid, into the sea; and for that our captain j^Mve one (jf them a kin'fc. This day we observed the sun, and found the pole's altitude to be 64 , being the height of the place we came out of, being the harbour /Io/ie. U'l'/- khisons islaiuls and mount Hatcliff we rowed- under, the>' bearing off us K. 15. The wind at K.S.1'2., we sailing along the land to the northward, N. by E., being fair weather. 16. The wind at N. by W., vvc sailing into the shore N.E. by \\. This day, Mr. Hall and Mr. Barker tooU their shallops, being well mann'd, and rowed into the land to discover the country and to see what traffick they coukl have with salvages. This da)', lying off and on with our ships, they being ashore with the shallops, the wind came out of the sea, and we stood of, sailing N.N.W. The wind being come to west, and the vice-admiral following of us, struck on a blind rock, and took no harm, praised be G(xl ! our shallops not coming to us till we were 5 or 6 leagues off the land. 17. The wind at S.K., we sailing along the land t(j the northward N. by M This day, bei'^.g Wednesday^ we rovv'd with both our shallops into the land, and sounded the harbour we anchor'd in, being the .second harbour we I' i: r came m. i ' That is, out of the llarljour of Hope (probal)ly the roadbteud otf the entrance tt) (iodtliaalj and Ameralik Fjords). - Query, " rode'. 3 As ai)[)cars from dalonlje's entry for August Qtli, when they re- turned to his place, this locaHty was called by Hall " C'ockenford'', in honour of Mr. Cockayne, one of the .\dventurers. liaffin, who calls it Cockin's Ford or Sound, states (see p. 123) that the latitude was 65 20', which is tliat of tin- .Southern Isortok, a large fjord a little to the S. of the present colony of Sukkerloppen, but we have no means of more certain identification. G 2 \\\ lOO lArKDlTIOXS TO GREKNLANI), I605-1612. liS. At S o'clock at ni^ht we had a sore storm off the land at S.lv, with such mighty whirl-winds, which came from the mountains that all our cables we had being new ones we bent to our great anchor, and let it fall to keep us from the rocks. Kj. In the morning, we broke one of our cables, and vvc rode by our great anchor, having much wind and rain. 20. The weather faired, and our general caused our great pinnace to be made ready, and to row along the C(jast, he going with us himself, we being in her 22 men and boys.' This day we rowed some 4 leagues, and came to a great island,- and anchor'd there 3 hours ; and from thence we went into a river' lying E. by N. up the river. 21. We rowed up the river still, and we found nothing in it for any [)rofit, rowing some 3 leagues into it, the ice stojjping that we could get no further. 22. We, being lett by ice, return'd and rowed out again ; and the salvages follow 'd and row'd after us, and so along with us, intending to do us some harm ; for, when we came near any island, they did throw stones at us with their slings. 23. The wind at N.N.W., and \vc row'd amongst the islands to the northward, and so came t(j a great river, which troubled us to row over, there went such a forceable tide of flood, it being within a league of Queen Anne Cape, ' It shdiild be noted th;it what follows, up to the 29th (a period of nine days), recoimts the incidents of the trip northwards, along the coast, which Hall (accompanied, apjjarently, by (]atonbe, among others) undertook in the newly-built pinnace Better Hopc^ in order to . make further discoveries. - This island was ])robal3ly that of Sermersut, which is the largest island on this part of the coast, and is situated 65' 30' and 65" 35'. In Danish, the island is called "Hamborgerland", because it used to be a rciidcz-vous of whalers from Hamburg. ^ The river was, doubtless, the Kangerdlugssuatsiak. ENCMSH KXIM'.DITION OF 1612. lOI ic of the on- to ;obt to and came to an island, and rested us there till the flood was done ; and then wc rowed about the cape and came to an island, whereon was a warlock,' and rowed into it and found it a good harbour for ships. This day wc rowed into a river, as we supposed, but found it to be a bay, we being 3 leagues to the northward of the cape.- This day our men went ashore and kill'd partridges, and spy'd in a valley 7 wild deer ; yet, as soon as they did see us, they did rim away as fast as their feet could carry them. 24. VVe row'd out again, and so along the land. This day we came to a mountain, where we rowed to it amongst the islands, taking it for a river our master had been at afore, yet it was not. The mount we call'd Gabriel mount.-' • See p. 46, )t. - The groat river which they had so imuh trouI)le in crossinj,' on account of the stronj^ current caused by the llood tide, cannot have been any other than the j^reat Kangcrdluj;suak (in Danish called " .S(indre Slnini Fjord"), wliich at tlie outfall divides into two brandies, cnch)sing the island of Siniiuiak. Ila\ingwith nuicii laljour crossed the southern branch, which is much the larj^er, they rested on Siniiu- tak till the flood was spent, when they crossed the northern arm and rounded Queen Ann"s Cape, formed by the mountain of Kingalsiak. The southern arm of S. Strom Fjord is in 66 , and the cajjo in 66 7' The supposed river up which they rowed 3 leaj^ues was the Kani^erd- luarsuksuak, which opens into Davis's Strait in about ()(•>' 12'. (]aton- be's estimates of distances rowed are rather liberal all throuLfh. .At the entrance of the last-named fjord are several islands, but on which of them they saw the warlock we have no means of guessing. IJoth Lyschandcr, and IJielke, slate that on the voyages of 1605-1606 Vtirdcr were set up for the information of future visitors wherever good anchorage was found ; but, in ilall's accounts, there is no mention of any beacon having been set up here for that pur|)ose, nor of Hall himself having explored the coast so far .S. Probably the ])lace had been examined and the warlock set up by a ])arty from the Trost during Hall's absence to the North from June 20th to July 7th, 1605. ^ Of course it was Ml. Cunningham they sujjposed that they had de- scried. The land between Kaugerdluarsuksuak and the Itivdlek Fjord is described by Capt. Jensen as a high alpine tract, and several peaks I ji: • i^W^fcif ■ ^ ■M^^» M».^i-^Jri« I02 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. 25. Wc row'cl from thence to an island which h'cth two Ic.afTucs off the land, with many broken rocks about it, that str- cch from the main, and so to the sea-board ; and there wc •csted all chat day, the wind blowinp^ very much at N., it beinj; ac^ainst us. This island our master call'd by the name of ThroKghgood island^ Here wc c^ot great store of mussels, being of a great bign' ss. Here one of our men killed a fox with a fowling-piece, [there] being man}- in this island that run from the main and feed upon fish they get off the island. 26. It being very fair weather, we row'd from thence amongst man\' broken rocks, and so along the land ; and ai noon wc came to the river our master had been at afore, he naming '. ihc Kiiig's-fordr There is amount he named Cinniv/g-/ (VII mount. We had traffick wih the salvages : anii at night wc anchor'd in a haven on the south -side of the ri\er, call'd Dciniiark lia\cn,' there being in the en- trance 40 fathon; deep, and had traffick w ith the salvages for seal skins and some salmon trout. exceed 3,000 ft. in lu'ij^ht. One of tlicse, flail seems to lia\e taken for Mt. C"iinnin^liani,lnil there are no means of <^iiessin;.; with any certainty which it may have l)een. Of the origin of the name Tialiiiel Mount we can offer no exjjlanation. ' 'rhrou;.^h,u(io(l Island is, doiil)tless, the rmanaisiinsiiak of the local drcenlanders, though the distance from the shore is ne.uer two miles than two leagues. It was ])robably called so by Hall, not as .^onu- might think on account of being so very good, liut i>)m some person lieann;.'. this nam(\ wliii h (like sivme other similar ones) is not uncommon in the S( anilinax ian Settlements in f.nglanil. 'J'lie mean- ing (/ it is '* 'fhor's priest. ' - King's Ford is, as we have stated bcfor(; (see ]i. 10, /,■.), the Itivdlek Fjord. The sketch of the coast is taken from a |ioip( fur- ther to the south than Hall's in the Re])ort to the King of Denmark (see p. 9\ in consequence of which Mt. Cunningham .lot's not here p. csent that appearance like a sugar loaf which is so striking in Hall's drawing. •' So named by Hall on June igth, if«5 (see pp. 13 and 41 ; ilso Map \ two nl as ^onu' is not iican- \ ihc fiir- narlc here lalVs also ENGLISH F.XrEinTION OF r6l2. lo- 27. \Vc rowed over to the north-side of the river and soui^ht for a roadstead for our ships, and found one, having 12 fathom deep, meanint^ to brin<^ our ships thither, with God's help. 28. We rowed to onr ships ac^ain.^ having but two days victuals. Xonc could we get, being from our ships. The salvages eating raw meat, do kill with ihcir darts, both fowl, fish, and (Icsh, so that there was little to get but that they brought us. 29. We came to our ships again, being from them nine da}-s, having had much tedious weather, with thicks and snow, as we rowed along the coast, it being some 25 Uin*un.tfAtiin ^/iount.l^f //ei^/i( i'/e/ie P,)^ ^i>'//i^/r<'./. '^ 7fuii&i/ti 'raj C^ /mf HAr^ar Ac iln.Ajrtd in- -a n--/iefi At ntu /'(Aft ly/ tAe ti, »> leagues betwi.vt the shi])s and the Kings-ford. The vice- admiral welcomed us to our ships with a volley of small shot, being all in health, (lod be thanked. 30. We made ready to sail to the ri\cr we h;id been at witli our pinnace, fetching home an anchor and getting our yards across. I. This day, being the ist nf J'ih\ the wind northerly, yet at night it came southerly, and \\v set --ail, hoping to have got to the sea, knit the wind canie wc4erl\ , w ith rain, and so we cani(.' in again. I Tliat is : thry rowan! l)ark f(>u-nn/i thciv ships, wliiili ihcy had left lyiiij; in ihc Soulhern Isortok (Cockin's) Fjord (see jv i/j). ;. J, i \ 4 -,■ 1 ' f. ' '{ .■ ii : I I -WT^ 104 EXPEDITIONS TO CREENT-AND, 1605-1612. 2. The wind northerly, and rain, we riding in this harbour still. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. The wind northerly, we rode still, being wind-bound, and much rainy weather ; we bu}-ing f)f the salvages such things as they brought us, being frc^h fish, namely, salmon-trout, nuskfish, codfish, and butfish, a little quantity serving for our victuals. 9. Being calm, we towed with our boats and shallops the vice-admiral to sea, our great pinnace going with them, our general and 12 of our men being also with them, they towing her astern of them, he leaving his two mates and the quarter-masters in the admiral, and they to come after him in her to the Kiiiifs-ford. 10, IT, 12. W'c were wind-bound ; the which time, we salted 2 barrels of salmon trout, the salvages brought us, we giving them old iron for the same. 13. At night, we turned to the sea, seeing in the offing the other ship, ^^\.\x Vice- Admiral^ which had been put to the leeward of the place with contrarj- winds. That night, wc had much rain. 14. Much wind southerly, so that wc were forc'd to lie to and fro, short of our place, being hazcj- weather and rain. This day, one of our small shallopps broke locjse from our stern, anil we had much ado to get her again. Also at afternoon, it became fair weather, so that it clear'd up and we got sight of land and of the Kittifs-ford^ and went in that night and anchor'd in the roadstead, where \\(> sounded afore with our pinnace, there being 12 fathom and oozy ground ; and we called the roadstead Griivipus-road} f( or Toun many times grampus's came into it. ' It appears from the n iiis other maps. ■' An old and obsolete name for a ships (lay or "colours'. EXr.T.TSTT FATEDITION OF l6l2. 107 l.f he |1. lis slain of one of the salvages, and died the 23d o^ July ; for, being in the ship's boat, and his man Williaut Hiintyiff} and two more, one of the salvages offer'd to sell him a dart, he taking up a piece of iron, in the mean time he threw his dart at him, and struck him through his cloaths into his body, 4 inches upon his right side, which gave his death's wound. Mr. Barker and 20 men more were in the great pinnace, on the other side of the ship ; the which, if the salvages would, they might have killed most of them in the pinnace, there being about them more than 150 boats of them, our men having no muskets ready, nor any other provision to prevent them from hurting them ; for our men did think they had come in a friendly manner to bargain with them ; yet it proved otherwise, to the danger of them all and the loss of our general. This ncwscgming, contrary to our expectation, made us not a little sorrowful. 26. Mr. Barker, master of the vice-admiral, being, by our general, Mr. Hall, lying on his death-bed, authorized to be master and general of the ships, and to dispose of all things, according to his liking, for the good of tiie voyage and safety of the men, yet by these controversies growing amongst the men, in that Mr. rFz7/7//.s-fl//,doer-forthe venturers, and William Gordon, :\.x\(\ Joliu Hemslay, master- mates, being vex'd, and stomaching that he should be master of the admiral and general of both the shi^is, would not consent nor agree to it, they thinking to place one of themselves, but they falling to hard words, Mr. barker leaving them, came afore the mast, and, calling the rest of the company together, discoursed from point to point the will and command of our general, late dcceas'd, shewing ' .Misprint for " Huntriss". [''or ;i iiotiic of Iiiin, sec ilic Intro- duction. Ilall (ifscril)es Huntriss as "my liny" in 1605 (see p. 42). lie also a(:coin|)aniccl Hall in 1606, and had now risen to bo Master. -That is "factor", "merchant", or "trader": the commercial representative of the " Adventurers". ill \i it ,! 1 ii I ^ i ] ill m\\ i L I08 KXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. 1:' US withall the writings and full consents which he gave, with the consent of all the company in the vice-admiral, and some of the chief officers wlio were there in the admiral, as the goldsmith, the surgeon, two quarter- masters, the cockswain, and master of the pinnace, and 10 men more of the admiral's company, who set their hands to it, being his last will and command, they belonging all to the admiral ; yet many of our compan}', respecting neither writing, counsel, nor the consent of our late general deccas'd, cry'd out ''Jo/in IJeuislay shall be our master"; which voice being heard in the ship amongst all, we quartermasters, with the gunner, boatswain, surgeon, trum- peter, and cooper, and other officers of the admiral and vice-admiral, ended the uproar of the rest of the company with this conclusion : that Mr. Barker was better, wiser, more ancient, and more worth}' of the place than the}-, having taken charge 20 years before, knowing by ex- perience many inconveniences which might befall us, besides having been ruler and overseer of many good men in great ships in this town of Hull, besides other places of this realm, and having been one of the chief masters and wardens of the Tri)nty-Jioitsi\ one that was wise, and one that would speak for us amongst our merchants, and other great men, if need did require. Thus, we coming amongst the compan}', persuading them that none had more right than he, the}' presently consented, giving their licart}' good-will. 27, 28, 29, 30. Having put in Williain llioitrissc master of the vice-admiral, in his own place, hc^ went himself master in the admiral and head commander of both the ships, causing them to be made ready for ning home- ward with as much haste as we could mr. hem, taking in ballast into both the ships for to make them bear sail, 1 That is, Andrew Harker. I! \\f* 07 ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2. 109 fiiifliiiLj in the ships two months victuals, which well con- sider'd was little enough to supply our want homeward ; so that, by the last of this month of J/(/j', we were fit to set sail with both (jur ships homeward. 31. Jo/m Gatonbc, one of the ([uarter-mastcrs of the admiral, by intreaty (if Mr. luirkcr and the rest of the company of the vice-admiral, went for master-mate of her ;' also, two of our men more went aboard of the Hcarfs-casc, with our cloaths, in the room of Mr. Barker and two men more that went home in the admiral. 2.- This day, the rst (jf Aui^usf, our general, Mr. Barker, Mr. Wilkinson, John Hcinslay, and Mr. Warindcr, bein^ one of the merchants dci)uti(js for them, came aboard, thinkin^t; to have taken 17 pountl of unicorn horn which was in the vice-admiral, and t(j have carry'd it aboard the admiral ; which the company of us answered that it should not go out of the ship, for we were, to carry it home in our ship, as able as the}" ; which, when no persuasion would serve, they did .sew it up in canvass, and deliver'd it to our master, William HniUrisse, before us all, to be deliver'd by him to our merchants, when (j(jd sent us to London, with tlieir letters, if we sh(;uld be [jarted.'' 2. Our master and I was sent for aboard the admiral to dinner ; where, after dinner, Mr. Barker ijave us articles ' The Editor of Cliun liill's Voydi^cs li.is i)roIj;ibly snniowlKil ullcicd tills passaj^e, for (latonljc would hardly speak thus of himself. - A niispriiil for " i" . '' The horn of the " .Se.i Uniioriv' oi' Narwhal Moiioiloit inmioccros) was, at tlie period in i|uestion, < omnionl)' believed t(j i)e that of the Unicorn of fable, and most extraordinary |)ro|)erties were attributed to it. An enormous value was, therefore, set upon it : hence the care taken of this piece. There has lon^^ been in the Royal Castle of Rosenborg at Copenhagen a ihrono largely constructed of these tusks, which w.is formerly regarded as of prodigious value. 1 \n \ i * V- HO KXi'KDrnoNs To t;REr-:NLANi), 1605-1612. which should be kept betwixt us till God sent us to London, in our way homeward ; also, if we were parted by any storm, then we should not come into any harbour till we arrived at London, except on some ^^eat occasion. 3. Ridin^t; with our yards still across, beint^ ready to take the first wind, for the salvaL,fe people would not come near us, bein^ afraid we should kill some of them for the death of our master Hall; for we rowed up this river, the Kings- ford, and found it but 20 miles up, no salvages coming near us. 4. We came out of the Kvig's-ford, the wind being at E.S.E., and so came to the sea, we turning homeward, committing ourselves, our ships, and voyage to God all- sufficient, who having been our guider hitherto, so he would continue his loving mercy to us still. This day, we had much rain and calm weather, with a great sea that came from the southern-board.^ 5. The Wind at E.N.E., we being 8 leagues off the land, and Mount Ciinning/iaiii, the place we came out of bearing cast of us ; it falling calm, and little wind, and came southerly ; yet, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we had much wind and rain. 6. The wind at SS.IC, thick and rainy weather ; we sailing S.W. from the land ; and at noon we stood into the shore, being fair weather. 7. The wind at E., we sailing S. by \V., and rt .; o'clock it came to north in the afternoon. This day, we observed the sun and found the pole's altitude 66 degrees, being quart off- Queen Anne Cape, it bearing off us E. by N. ' Tills is :i rare, obsolete, and interesting word, nieanin;^, of course, the southern side or i|uarler. Tlie corresponding word, " wester- board'', occurs in the account of 1 lawkridge's X'oyage ii 1617 (see Miller Christy's Voyages of Iukw ,1/1 1/ /diius^ p. 253). - Perhaps a i)ro\in(:ia!isin for "thwart." wm ENGLISH EXPEDITION 0¥ l6l2. Ill Ivj. 8. The wiiul at S.S.lv, \vc standiiiL^ in with the hmd, bciiif^ much rain ; and, at 8 o'clock in the inornin!^^ we tack'd about and stood to the sea again. This da}-, we met with two ishmds of ice. 9. The wind most part southerly, being quart the harbour we rode in the second time we harboured, which we called Cockotford} it being E.S.E. oft' us 5 leagues, tacking about to the sea at 8 o'clock in the morning. 10. The wind at south-west, wc sailing S.S.E. into the land, being much rainy thick weather ; and, at 10 o'clock in the morning, we tack'd about to sea again. 11. The wind southerly, with thick misty weather, we standing off to the sea, and sometimes to shore again. 12. The wind southerly, and rainy weather. This da}-, wc sail'd in to the land, lying at E.S.E. At 8 o'clock in the morning, we stood to the sea again, and at noon it became fair weather, and the wind came to the north-cast, we sailing S.S.W. along the land. 13. The wind northerly, we sailing S.S.W., and at 8 o'clock in the morning we sail'd south ; and at noon we went quart of WilkitisoiCs islands, so called by us, the first place we came to harbour in, when wc came into the country, amongst these islands.- Here was our great i)in- nacc set together. Here was James Pidlay slain with a dart of the salvages.'' The height of the pole is 64 degrees here. This day, at 4 o'clock, the salvages rowed to us into the sea, and kept us company 2 or 3 hours, our ship sailing 6 mile an hour, and then took their farewcl.' This day, also, afore night, we sailed by many islands of ice. ' Probably Ibortok Fjord (sec p. 99, n.). • .Sec |). 95. ■' On June 5lh ; see p. 9;^. ' As iheiu is no mention of ("iiecnlanders havnij^ been Uiken, it was probalily one of these whom Barker canlured and carried home ; ; i M ']> i I I mmmmmm 1 1: EXI'EDITIONS TO r,KE?:NLANI), 1605-1612. 14. The wind continuing still northerly, wc sailing along the land south. This day, wc pass'd by much ice. This day, we observed the sun, the pole's altitude being 62 deg. 1 1 minutes. 15. The wind still northerly, we sailing south. This day, we observed the sun and found the height of the pole 60 degrees 19 minutes, being the height of the cape of Desolation} it bearing off us east, being 20 leagues off, sailing by much ice ; and sailing at noon S.K. brought us into more ice, so that at night wc were forc'd to hale to sea, S.VV. before we got clear of them. 16. The wind came to the north-west, with misty weather, we sailing S.K. This day, it clear'd up at noon, and we did observe the sun and found the altitude to be 59 degrees 20 minutes. 17. The wind came to the south-east, we sailing S.S.W. This day, our admiral took our shallop from us, which we had towed 150 leagues at our stern. This day, wc were clear of the ice, seeing none. 18. The wind at east, we sailing S.S.E., and at noon it was fell misty weather, and little wind. This day, at night, it was so thick that we lost sight one of the other, so that they could not hear us, nor we them, although we for Mr. Markliam says {Voya<^cs of Bafm^ p. 28, //.) that, in the hall of the Trinity House at Hull, there still hangs a A'irydk, with a model of a (ireenlantlcr in it, and bearing this inscription: '"'' Andrew Barker^ one of tlic Masters of this House, on /its 7'oya<^e from Green- land, anno doniini i('ii3, ioolc up this boat and a man in it, of loliieh this is the efii^y." The expenses connected with the carving and painting of the effigy are found entered among the accounts of the Corporation in the years 1619 and 1620. 1 This latitude is wrong. On the Admiralty Charts, Cape Desola- tion lies in 60" 47', and on Gerritsz's Chart (which (iatonbe |)robably knew) it is about the same. Perhaps Gatonbe mistook for Cape Desolation the southern headland of the Island of .Sermcrsok, which lies about the latitude named by him. '.i^ k\c;lish expedition of 1612. 113 n- ch Jul |ie Ih shot muskets, did drum, and hallow to them, and ihcy to us, being all night one from the other parted. 19. The wind at E.N.E., and misty weather, we sailing south-cast. This da}-, we saw our admiral again at 10 o'clock in the morning, wc being 3 leagues to the wind- ward of her, so that we did bear up, lashing with her, having sometimes sight of her, sometimes none ; so that it was 4 o'clock at night before we spoke with her. 20. The wind at N.E. by K. and fair weather. This day, our admiral took the shallop asunder that they had from us, and stow'd her in their ship's hold. This day, the wind came to N.N.E. toward night, being thick 2 or 3 hours, that one ship could not sec the other. 21. The wind at north-east, we sailing E.S.E. This day, being fair, we did observe the sun and found the altitude of the pole to be 56 degrees 36 minutes, being to the southward of Cape Farrwc/l some 75 leagues, it bearing from us N. 22. The wind at N.N.E., we sailing east. This da)-, the pole was rai.sed 56 degrees 42 minutes, being a fair daj-, and the wind came to the north, we sailing E.N.E. 23. The wind at W., we sailing E.N.E. This day, wc observed the sun and found the height of the pole to be 57 degrees, being in. a very temperate air, and hot weather, the like we had not felt the time we were in Grceuhxtid. 24. The wind westerly, also wc sailing E.N.E., being little wind, and at evening calm and rainy weather. 25. The wind variable, sometimes at N., and sometimes at W., being fair weather. This day, we found by observa- tion the pole's altitude to be 58 14'. 26. A fair day. the wind at W.N.W., wc sailing N.E. and by E. and E.N.E.. being little wind ; and at afternoon wc had a better gale. 27. The wind at N.VV., .sometimes at N., sometimes at N.NAV. being variable, with showers, sailing N.E. and bj- 11 I ' 1' 1-. ; \ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) A ^ i^ /,^ JP Ci^ <^' 114 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. E. This day, we did observe the sun, the altitude of the pole being 59" 49'. Hoping to have seen a sight of Fries- landy in our going homeward made us hale the more northerly course than we would have done ; yet we could not see it. 28. The wind southerly, we sailing E.N.E. This day, we found by the sun the pole raised 61^ 5', the height of the northernmost part in Shetland and the southermost part of Friesland, being betwixt them 260 leagues, and Shetland bearing off us E., being from it 220 leagues by my reckoning This day, the wind came to the S.E. in the afternoon, with much wind and rain, so that it increased to a great storm, so that we were forc'd to hand in our sails and lie in try with our main course, and stood to the west- ward ; and, at 10 o'clock at night, it came in a showc of rain to the W.S.W. ; then we stood to the eastward agu'i-; lying S.E. 29. The wind at W.S.W. ; we, making more sail, went our course, E.S.E., having much wind ; and at noon did observe, finding the altitude of the pole to be 61" 13'. 30. The wind southerly and so came to S.E., being much wind and rain, we sailing E.N.E. ; and at noon we had a forceable storm, it being come to the E., we lying in holling^ without sail ; at night, it came to N.W. and so to the W., with extreme much wind and rain, God being our only refuge, 31. The wind at W. ; and, at 4 o'clock in the morning, we set our sails, we going our course E. and by S. and E.S.E., being much wind, with showers of rain, and con- tinued so with us all day. September i. Much wind at S.W., we sailing E. and by S. ; and at noon we made observation of the sun, finding • See p. 88, ;/. - Lying to hull, or lying to. ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2. 115 the heighth of the pole to be 60° 25'. At afternoon, we had little wind, with showers of rain, being come to theS. 2. The wind variable, being for most part southerly, we sailing E.S.E.; and towards night fair and little wind. This day, we observed the sun, and found the pole's height to be 60" 9'. [3.] The wind at N.N.E, we sailing E.; and at 8 o'clock in the morning it came to N., with much wind, and made us shorten sail ; at afternoon, it growing to a vehement storm, so that we laid in with our main-sail; and at 7 o'clock at night we took it in, and our admiral took in her main-sail also, and laid both in holling, having no sight the one of the other all night, being a vehement storm. 4. The storm continued, we lying in holling, the wind being at N.N.W.,we having lost the sight of our admiral; and, being parted from us by this storm, we were a little sorry ; but (seeing we could not help it, seeing it was God's doing) rest content, doing our endeavour to get to our country so soon as we could, God willing ; reckoning Shetland E. of us 65 leagues. The wind lessened at 9 o'clock at night : we set main-sail and fore-sail, sailing N.E. and E., the wind being come to N.W. 5. The wind at N.N.W., we sailing E.N.E., being showers of rain and a fair gale of wind. This day, no sight we had of our admiral, perswading our selves not to see her till such time we came in England, and then hoping in God of a merry meeting.' This day, at afternoon, little wind, and sometimes calm. This day, we sounded with our lead * They do not appear to have met again, as the Patience (the "Admiral") proceeded to London, while \\ic Hear fs Ease (contrary, apparently, to the order of the "General" (see p. 1 10) made for Hiill. Probably she belonged to that port, as Andrew Barker (who was a Hull man) was Master of her before Hall's death. II 2 W I m Il6 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. and line, and had an hundred fathom of line out before we had ground. 6. Also, we observ'd the sun and found the altitude of the pole to be 59" 30'. 7. The wind at S.E., we sailing E.N.E., sometimes N.E. and by E., having fair weather : and, at noon, we had sight of a sail, which came right with us and would have spoke with us, but we bore up from her, thinking him to be a false knave, and we not provided with our ordnance nor our small pieces for him ; and, seeing that we did shun him, he left us and went his course for St. George's Channel, or for the Lewes, or for some part in Ireland. This day, by our observation we found the pole's heighth to be 60 7'. The wind being come to E.S.E., sometimes E., we sailing N.E. and by N., this day, we tacked about at 4 o'clock at afternoon, wending to the sourthward, S. and by E., being some 12 leagues off the land. 8. The wind at E.N.E., we saii'ng S.E. This day, we had sight of Foullay at 6 o'clock m the morning, it bearing from us E. and by N., 5 leagues off, we sailing still S.E. At 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we had sight of Fair-Isle, it Fair-Island. Foul lav. These two islands, the slight of them mode us joyful, };iving praise to Cod tor our i;ood land-fall. bearing off us E. These 2 islands were them we parted from when wc sail'd to Greenland} This day, at night, it became calm, and rain withal, sailing our course S.S.E. 9. This day, thick weather and calm ; and, at 4 o'clock in the morning, the wind came up to S.S.VV., we sailing for ' .See p. 86. ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2. 117 the most part W. S. W., being fair weather ; at afternoon , the wind southerly. 10. The wind southerly, we sailing E.S.E. to the east- ward, being little wind, and sometimes calm, with showers of rain; yet, at noon it came up to N.N.VV., we sailing our course S. and by E. 11. The wind at N.N.W. we sailing S. At 4 o'clock in the morning, we spied a sail that stood in with the land. This day, fair weather and little wind. This day, we did observe the sun and found the altitude of the pole to be sr 13'. 12. This day, the wind southerly, we sailing W.S.W. in with the land, and had sight of the coast of Scotland, being some 5 leagues off, at 4 o'clock in the morning. This day, we sail'd close aboard the shore, being a league from St. Andreiv's Bay;^ and, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we tack'd about to the sea. This day, we spoke with a Scots- man, which told us the harbour we went in withal, was St. Andreiv's. This day, we had sight of many small .sails, some sailing to the northward, some turning to the southward, we being some nine leagues to the N. of Scots Forth'} 13. This day, being Sunday, the wind at S.S.E., we sailing to the land S.W., being small rainy weather ; and, at 5 o'clock in the morning, we had sight of the land, being open of the Scots Forth, seeing the Bass and the May, two islands that lie in the mouth of the river of the Forth ; and, at noon, we had sight of Stag's Head,-' being in the S. side of the Forth. This day, the wind came to the S.W. at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, blowing very hard, so that we took in our top-sails and sprit-sail; and, at ' St. Andrew's liay, at the mouth of the Firth of Tay. •^ The Firth of Forth. 3 St. Abb's Head (see also p. 86). Il8 EXPEUITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. night, we diJ lie in try with our main-sail, it being increas'd to a forceable storm. 14. This day, the wind came to the W., being much wind all night ; yet, at 4 o'clock in the morning, wc set our fore-sail, having sight of Cheviot hills, over Berwick, it bearing W. of us ; and at noon we had sight of Tinmouth castle. Also, this day, at 6 o'clock at night, we were quart of Hunclife, 2 leagues off, we sailing along the land S.E., the wind being come to N.VV. 15. The wind at N.W., r»nd much wind, we sailing S.E. ; and, at 10 o'clock at noon, we met with a shoal, so that we went S. in with the land ; and, at three o'clock at after- noon, we had sight of the land called the Shield, or Crovier^ sailing along the land S.S.E. This day, at 8 o'clock, we came into Yarmouth roads and anchored. 16. This day, the wind at W., we weigh'd and set sail, ajid went through Stanforth'^ and so to Orford-Ness, the tide being done. 17. The wind at W. and by S. This day, wc turn about the Ness. This day, we spoke with our neighbours, William Robinson, master of the Frances, and William Nallaj', master of a bark called the Christopher. 18. This day, being Friday, the wind at W., we turn over the Spits'^ being in company with Carveils and Hol- landers come out of the eastland. This day, the tide being done we anchor'd, having sight of the buoy of the Red-sand.^ ' Cromer (or, perhaps, one of the hills in its vicinity) seems to have been commonly known as "the Shield" at this period (see Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe and James, p. 268, ttotc 6). - The Stanforth, or Stanford, seems to be a passage between the Corton Sand and Lowestoft, on the Norfolk coast. ' The Spits seems to have been the name of the narrow passage between the Uuxey and the (junfleet Sands. ♦ The Red-sand is near the Nore and oflfthe Island of Sheppey. liL. ENGLISH EXl'KniTION OF l6l2. I I9 19- This day, being Saturday, we sail'd up the river of Thames, the wind being easterly ; and so, before London, in St. Katharine's pool, we anchor'd, having our flag and ancient hanging down, in token and sign of the death of Mr. Hali, our general ; giving thanks to our good God for our safe arrival in our own country, who had deiivcr'd us from the cruelty of the salvages, the dangers of the blind rocks in this unknown country, and the noisome cold weather in this waste wilderness, where there are huge mountains without wood, valleys without corn or grass, and the sea with small store of fish : yet snow and ice there are good store in the sea and in the land. 'I i mmmm Another Account of the latter part of the English Expedition to Greenland, under the Command of Captain James Hall, in 1612. By WILLIAM BAFFIN.' As abbreviated by the Rev. Samuel Purchas. [From Purchas his rii.ckiMKs (Lo/uto/i, 1625), vol, iii, pp. 831-836.] 'EDNESDAY, the eighth of July, 161 2, in the morning, I percciucd the sunne and the moone both very faire aboue the horizon, as I had done diuers times before.^ At which time, I pur- posed to finde out the longitude of that place, by the moones coming to the meridian. Most part of this day I spent about finding of the meridian line ; ' It has been assumed that Haffin accompanied Hall in the capacity of I'ilot (>n board the Hearfs Ease, but this is no where stated. It is not easy to see why he should have been selected for this post unless he had previously visited (Irecnland; but, of his having done so, we have no record. Indeed, we know nothing of Haffin before this time; but Koxe says (see North- IVest Fox, 1635, p. 59, and Voyages of Foxe and James, p. 99) : " This was the first Sea- Voyage of this young Art's-man." An admirable account of his voyages is given in Mr. Markham's Voyages of William Jia^/i, /6/2-2^{Ha.kluyt Society, 1881). '■* This abrupt commencement clearly shows that I'urchas abbre- viated this narrative, as he did most of his others. At the time the narrative commences, the ships were lying in Cockin's Sound (the S. Isortok Fjord ; see p. 99, //.). ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2. 121 which I did vpon an Hand neere the sea, hanging at the extreames of my meridian line two threeds with plummets at them, instead o<" an index and sights. Thursday, the ninth day, very early in the morning, I went on shoare the iland, being a faire morning, and obserued till the Moone came iust vpon the Meridian. At which very instant I obserued the sunne's height and found it 8 51' north : in the clcuation of the pole 65 20'.' By the which, working by the doctrine of sphericall triangles, having the three sides giuen (to wit, the comple- ment of the poles elcuation ; the complement of the Almecanter ; and the complement of the Sunne's decli- nation) to find out the quantitie of the angle at the Pole. I say, by this working, I found it to be foure of the clocke, 17 minutes, and 24 seconds. Which when I had done, I found by mine Ephcmeridcs that the Moone came to the Meridian at London that morning at foure of the clocke, 25 minutes, 34 seconds : which 17 minutes 24 seconds, substracted from 25.34, leaveth 8.10 of time for the difference of longitude betwixt the meridian of London (for which the Ephemerides was made) and the Meridian passing by this place in Groen- land. Now the moone's motion that day was 12 7'; which, conuerted into minutes of time, were 48 minutes 29 .seconds ; which, working by the rule of proportion, the worke is thu.s : if 48 minutes 29 .seconds (the time that the Moone commeth to the Meridian .sooner that day then she did the day before) giuc 360 (the whole circumference of the earth), what shall 8 minutes 10 seconds giuc [?] To wit, 60 degrees 30 minutes, or neere there about, which is the difference of longitude betweene the Meridian of London * In the following narrative, degrees and minutes are expressed in most places by the modern signs, instead of being printed in words, as in all cases in the original. This anachronism is due to an over- sight for which the editors are not to blame. I M 123 KXI'EDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. I and this place in Groenland, called Cockins Sound, lying to the Westward of London. This finding of the longitude, I confesse, is somewhat difficult and troublesome, and there may be some small errour. But, if it be carefully looked vnto and exactly wrought, there will be no great errour, if your Ephemerides be true.' But some will say that this kindc of working is not for marriners, because they are not acquainted to work propositions by the table of signes,- and an instrument is not precise enough to find out the houre, minute, and second. For the losse of one minute of time is the losse of 7 degrees of longitude. I answere that, although the most part are not vsed to this worke, yet I know some of the better sort which are able to worke this and the like propositions exactly. And those which yet cannot, and are desirous to learne, may in short space attaine to such knowledge as shall be sufficient for such things. And how necessary it is that the longitude of places should be knowne, I leaue to the iudgement of all skilfull Marriners and others that are learned in the Mathematicks. This afternoone it was agreed by the chiefe of our company that our master, James Hall^ should goe in the smaller Ship'' farther to the Northward. The foresaid Thursday, in the evening, he departed out of the Patience into the Harts-ease, to get forth of the harbor which our Master called Cockins-ford, in remem- brance of Alderman Cockin, one of the Aduenturers ; • As a matter of fact, the longitude found by Hafifin in this place is more than 8' too westerly. Still the result was very correct as com- putations of longitude at the time went. On his voyage in 161 5, Baffin made a similar, and much more successful, observation (see Voyages 0/ Baffin, \i^. 124-126). 2 Sines. ' That is, the Hearts Ease, Vice-Admiral. As already stated (see p. 106), Baffin accompanied him on the trip northwards. i ENCILISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2. 123 which place is in the latitude of 65" 20'. And the variation of the compassc 23 28' to the westward. That cucning was very calmc, and we towed our shippe forth with the shallops and ship's boat. But, within an hourc or two after we were got into the ofFin, the windc being at North, it blew a great storme, which continued all that night. The fourteenth, our Master turned the ship vp to the river againe, toward the riuer where the supposed mine should be. But the tyde was so farre spent that wc could not get to sea, but were constrained to anker in a roade at the south side of the riuer, some three leagues from the Patience^ in which place arc many good rode-steeds to be found.^ Thirsday, the sixteenth day, the winde was at North- west, and blew so stiffe a gale that we could not get to sea that day. That night, eighteene of vs went into the ilands to looke for some deere, but found none. But we perceiued the foote-steps of some great beast, which we supposed to be of some great Elke ; the foote was as biggc as any Oxe foote.2 Tuesday, the twentie-one, the weather still continued in ' This passage is by no means clear, probably on account of the entries for the next foregoing days having been left out. Gatonbe's narrative is fuller. '■' Notwithstanding Purchas's opinion (see p. 134), one would na- turally conclude that the tracks could only be those of the Musk Ox (Ovibos moschatits). It appears, however (see Zoologist^ '895, p. 43), that there is no record of this animal having ever been met with alive on the west coast of Greenland, south of the glaciers of Melville Bay, which appear to have formed a barrier to its advance southwards, as those of Cape Farewell have to its advance round the southern extremity of the country from the east coast, where the Musk Ox is abundant. There is no mention of the animal in the Sagas which describe the old Norse Colonies on the south-east coast. Probably, therefore, the footmarks seen were merely those of the Reindeer, which (as Colonel H. W. Feilden has been good enough to inform us) appear very large in soft wet soil or snow. 124 EXPEDITIONS TO C.KKKNLAND, 1605-1612. such sort that wee could not by any means get to the riucr where the supposed Mync should bee. Wherefore our Master bare roome for Ramels-ford^ beinj^ a river south- ward of another, called Ciotninghains-ford'^ some twelve leagues. And we came to an anchor at the entrance on the south side of the ford, about seucn of the clocke. Wednesday, the two and twentieth day, about nine or ten of the clocke, the Sauages came to barter with vs, being about fortie of them, and continued about an houre and an halfe ; at which time, our master, lames Hall, being in the boatc, a sauage with his dart strookc him a deadly wound vpon the right side, which our surgcan did thinkc did pierce his liuer.^ We all mused that he should strike him and offer no harme to any of the rest, vnlcsse it were that they knew him since he was there with the Danes ; for, out of that riuer, they carried away fiuc of the people, whereof neucr any returned againe ;* and, in the next riuer, they killed a great number. And it should seeme that he which killed him was either brother, or some neere kinsman, to some of them that were carried away ; for he did it very resolutely, and came within foure yards of him. And, for ought we could see, the people are very kinde one to another, and ready to rcuenge any wrong ofifred to them. All that day, he lay very sore pained, looking for death euery houre, and resigned all his charge to Master Amlretv Barker, Master of the Harts-ease, willing him to place another in his room Master of the small ship. Thursday, the three and twentieth, about eight of the clocke in the morning, he dyed, being very penitent for all his former offences. And, after wee had shrowded him, ' Amerdlok Fjord (see Introduction). ^ The Southern Kangerdkiarsuk Fjord (see Introduction). •' Baffin, wlio seems to have witnessed the assauh upon Hall, gives a less detailed account of it than Gatonbe (see p. 107), who only heard of it by word of mouth. * .See p. 48, //. KNdLISM F.XI'KDITION OK l6l2. 125 wee carried him in the shallop, to buric him in some out Hand, according to his owne request while he was liuing.* After we hid buried him, wc went in the shallop to scckc for the mine, which we had expected so long. All that day, we rowed along towards the North, passing by a Cape called Queen Sophias Cape? That night wc staiccl at an iland, some three leagues short of the river. Friday, the four and twentieth, in the morning, wee rowed along and came to the place, which is on the south side of the entrance of Cunningham' s river, and we found diucrs places where the Danes had digged ; it was a kindc of shining stone, which, when our goldsmith, y^/w<'.v Carlisle, had tried it, was found of no value, and had no mcttall at all in it, but was like vnto Moscouie sluddcv' and of a glitter- ing colour. That day, after we had dyncd, wc rowed vp that riuer some foure leagues, where diuers of our company went vp into the mountaines, and found a valley more pleasant than they had scene in the countrcy. That euen- ing, wc returned and came to the place where the Danes had digged their supposed mine, and tooke .some of it in our boate to carry with vs, and returned toward our ship. That night, we rowed and sailed, and the next morning, about nine of the clocke, wc came to our .ship. Saturday, the fiue and twentieth, being Saint lames his day, in the fornoone, we came to our shippc, lying on tho south side of the riuer called Ranie/s Riuer.^ And as .soonc ^1 ' On the U.inish Chart of 1832, Hall's grave is marked, Init only by guess, the spot being really not known. Capt. Jensen and his survey- ing party endeavoured to <)l)tain some chie froui the natives, but in vain (Ati'ddi'lelser out Cironlaini, vol. \iii, p. 48). -' That is, the Pnestefjeld (see p. 9, //.). ■' Mica. Several arctic explorers, in their anxiety to find something to give their geographical discoveries commercial value, have been similarly mistaken. * That is, to the Hearfs Ease, not to the Patience, which \essel had remained in the King's Fjord. I I! 126 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. as our master found that the people came no more to trade with vs, he determined to depart with the shippe into the Kings Ford, to the Patience; and, rowing about the harbour where we lay to finde some necrer way out to the sea, we found among the Hands where many of their winter houses had bin, and some of their Tents were but lately carried away. In which place, wee also found one of their long boates, made of wood, and bound together for the most part with shiuers of whales fins, and covered with scales skinnes, being some two and thirtie foote in length, and some fiue foote broad, having tenne thoughts or seats^ in it. That day, about twelue of the clocke, we weighed anchor, and departed out of Ramels Ford, which lieth in the latitude of 67",' and the variation of the compasse is 24" 16', being a very faire riuer, and one of the most principall which we saw in that countrey, stretching in East and East and by South. This night, about one of the clocke, we came to the Patience^ lying in the Kings Ford. Sunday, the sixc and twentieth, Master Andrew Barker, and our Merchant, Master Wilkinson, with other of the company, were in conference about returning home, be- cause that, since our Master was slaine, none of the Sauages would trade with vs as they were wont. Wednesday, the nine and twentieth, we were likewise occupied about taking in of ballast, for our shippe was very light ; and that evening it was agreed that Andrexv Barker, Master of the Harts-ease, should goe Master of the Patience, which was sore against the minde of William (lonrdon ; and William Huntrice was appointed Master of the Harts-ease ; and John Gartcnby^ one of the quarter- • See p. II, ;/. - This fiyiiie is too hijjh. The northern shore of Ramniel's (Amerdlok) Fjord is in 66" 55'. •' The same as John Gatonbe, author of the preceding account of the voyage. ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2. 127 masters of the Patience, was masters-mate of the Harts- ease} Tuesday, the fourth of August, in the morning, the winde being northerly, a very small gale, we got to sea, where the winde came to the southward, and we tacked sometime on the one boord, and sometime on the other, making small way on our course. Munday \sic\ the tenth,'- was raine and foule weather, as it had continued euery day since wee came from harbour, sauing the seuenth day, which was somewhat faire ; for commonly, while the winde is south, it is very thick and foule weather. We tacked sometimes on one boord, and sometimes on the other, making a South by West way, at noone six leagues. Wednesday, the twelfth, it waxed calme, we being some- what Southward of a cape, called Burnils Cape;'' and, about 1 Gatonljc's narrative shows (see p. 107) that these arrangements were only made after a good deal of quarrelling. ^ The events from the 5th to the 9th (which Purchas seems to have cut out of Haffin's narrative) arc given by (latonbe (see pp. i lo-m). '^ Ciatonbe does not mention Burnil's Cape ; but, as he states (p. 1 1 i),that they passed Cockin's (Isortok) Fjord on the 9th and arrived on the 13th at Hope Harbour ((iodthaab Fjord), whilst IJaffin states that they passed Ikirnil's Cape on or before the 12th, it must have been some Headland on the coast which especially attracted their notice between the two places named. The one most likely to have done so is, perhaps, the mountain of Tookusak, which rises to a height of 1770 ft. on a peninsula, in 64 52', forming, it is said, a very con- spicuous object from the sea. It seems to have l)een named so by Hall (m his voyage up. There is no other clue that we are aware to the origin of the name (supposing it is correctly spelled) than that the cape was named after one or other of two persons of the name of IJurnel amongst the members of the North-West Passage Com- pany (see Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxc and James, p. 646). Mr. .Markham, however, suggests {Voyages of Ihiffin^ p. 29, //.) that it may have been named after Oliver Brunei (known in England as Brownel), a well-known Dutch explorer, who is believed to have been in the Danish service about this time. On some English and Danish Charts, a " Cajjc Hurnitt" appears in lat. 66' 27' or 28', on the Island I f ■MSIM* 128 F.XPKDITIONS TO (IKKKNLAND, 1605-1612. three or foure of the clocke in the afternoone, the vvinde came to the North and by West, an easie gale, with faire weather. The eighteenth,' at noon, we were in 58" 50'. The seuen- teenth day, I tooke the variation of the compasse, finding it to be 1 3 22', contrary to the obseruations of others in this place. And, if any doe doubt of the truth thereof, they may with a little paines prove it. The eighteenth of August, the declination of the Sunne was 9' 58', for the Meridian of London. But, we being almost foure houres of time to the westward thereof, there arc three minutes to be abated from the rest : and so the declination was 9" 55'; and his height aboue the horizon was 24 40' in the latitude of 59 o' ; and his distance from the south to the westward, by the compasse, was ST. And, for truth of the first obseruation, I tooke another shortly after, finding them not differ above 4 minutes. Wednesday, the nineteenth, the winde still continued with thick and hasie weather,- we being at noone in the latitude of 58 degrees 30 minutes, or thereabout, making a South South-east way, about ten leagues. Thursday, the twentieth, was faire weather, the wind at East North-east, wee steered away South-east and South- cast and by cast, making at noone a south-cast and by south way, about thirtie leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 57 degrees 20 minutes. This day, in the after- noone, I tooke the variation of the compasse, and found it about H degrees 10 minutes. of Inugsugtusok, just south of the entrance to Itivdlek Fjord. If this is intended for H.iU's "Cape lUirnil", it is l)oth wrongly spelled and wrongly placed. ' datonbe's narrati\e relates the occurrences from the I3tli to the 17th (see pp. 1 1 1 and 1 12). - Gatonbe's account (see p. 112) mentions bad weather on the i8th. Purchas probably cut out of Baffin's narrative the passage relating to it. ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2. 129 Friday, the one and twentieth day, faire weather, with the winde at North and North by East ; and we made an East South east way, half southerly, some twentie foure leagues, being at noone, by obseruation, in the latitude of 56 degrees 50 minutes.' Saturday, the two and twentieth, faire weather, the wind at North and North by East ; wee made an east way half southerly, some twentie two leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 56 degrees 47 minutes.'- Sunday, the three and twentieth, faire weather, the wind at West North-west, we making an East and East by North way, about twentie four leagues. This day I tooke the variation of the compasse, and found it to be 7 degrees 23 minutes, being at noone in the latitude of 57 degrees 26 minutes.^ Munday, the foure and twentieth, being i)'. Bartliolomexves day, faire weather with a North North-west [wind], wee making an East North-east way, halfe northerly, about twentie seven leagues, and were at noon, by observation, in the latitude of 58 degrees 4 minutes. This day, I obserucd and found the compasse to be varied 7 degrees 20 minutes. Tuesday, the fiue and twentieth, faire weather and calme, the winde at North ; wee made a North-east and by East way, seuentecne leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 58 degrees 30 minutes."* This day, I found the ' From this date, until the 2ncl of September, both (iatonbe and Baffin, as they sailed home togetlier on their respective ships, made and recorded ahnost daily observations of the latitude, ami it is interesting to compare the difference between the two as a test of the reliability of such observations taken at the time. It is impossible to say which was the more correct in each particular case. Of course, if the ships were some way apart, both ini^^ht be correct. For tln' 21st, Clatonbe (p. 113) gives 56' 36', Maffm 56 50'. - (Iatonbe (p. 113) says 56 42'. » Ibid. (p. 113) says 57 o'. ^ Ibid. (p. 1 13J says 58 14'. 1 \ ^ I. 130 EXPEOITIONS TO (iKKKXLAXI). 1605- 1612. common compassc to be varied one point, and the true variation to be 6 degrees 4 minutes. Wednesday, the sixe and twentieth, faire weather also, with the wind North North-west, wee made a North-east and by East way halfe [? northerly], about tv/entie two leagues, being in the height of 59 degrees 10 minutes. Thursday, the seven and twentieth, indifferent faire weather, with a stiffe gale of wind at the North North- west, we making a North-east way about thirtie one leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 60 degrees 10 minutes.' Friday, the eight and twentieth, the wind at South-east, with a stiffe gale, wee made good about noone a North-east and by East way about twentie nine leagues. This day, in the afternoon, it blew so greate a storme that we were in great distresse, the winde at East South-east. But, about eleucn of the clocke, it came to the North-west and North- west by North. And we ranne some twentie leagues. Saturday, the nine and twentieth, it blew so stiffe that wee could beare none but our foresaile, making an East ami by South way, halfe southerly, about thirtie leagues. Sunda)-. the thirtieth, all the forenoone, it blew a ver)' stiffe gale, and about noone the winde came Southerl)' ; and it blew a very great storme, which continued all that day and that night, in such sort that we could not saile at all, but all that night lay at hull. Monday, the one and thirtieth, in the morning, about foure of the clocke, the winde came to the South-west, a very stiffe gale ; at which time, we set our fore-saile. The wind continued all this day and night ; we steered awaj- East and by South, making at noon an East North-ea.st way, about thirtie foure leagues. Tuesday, the first of September, the wind still continued ' Ciatonbc (p. 1 14) says 59" 49', . ^■i kn(;lish kxpkdition ok [612. 13' at South-vyest, blowing a very stifife gale ; we steered away- East and by South, making an East way about fiftie leagues. This day, at noon, we were in the latitude of 60 degrees 45 minutes.* Wednesday, the second, fair weather, with the wind at South-west ; wee made an East and by South way, half a point southerly, about fortic-two leagues, being at noonc in the latitude of 60 degrees 10 minutes.- This day, 1 obserued and found the compasse to be varied three degrees to the Westward. Thursday, the third day, faire weather, the wind at South-west ; wee made an East by North way at noonc, about twentie leagues. This day, in the after-noone, the winde being at North North-west, it blew a very stiffc gale for two watches ; and, toward scucn or eight of the clocke, the storme so increased that our shippe was not able to beare any saile. And all that night wee lay at hull. Friday, the fourth, the storme still continued, and we could beare no saile all that day till about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, at which time we set our fore course and our maine course. The night before, in the storme, we lost the Harts-ease. This day, wee made some twelue leagues East and by North, and wee fell to lee-ward l\'ing at hull some flue leagues South by West. Saturday, the fift, calme weather, but very thicke and close all the fore-noone : the wind continued still at North North-west, we making, from the time wee set our courses the day before, about twentie leagues East half Southerly, beeing at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees 53 minutes. Sunday, the sixt, faire weather, the wind at North North- west, we steering away I'Last North-east, and East and bj- North, made an East by North way, half northcrl)', some ' (latonbc (p. 115) says 60 25' - Ibid. Cp. 1 15) says 60' 9'. I 2 w 132 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. 29 leagues, being at noone in 60° 10'. This day, the com- passe was varied to the East sixe degrees. This afternoone, it was almost calme, and wee sounded and found ground at sixtie eight fathomcs. This evening, about ten of the clock, the wind came to the South-east. Munday, the seuenth, very faire weather, the wind South- east and South-east by East ; wee tacked in the morning to the Northward, and ranne East North-east and East by North vntill seuen or eight in the afternoone, at which time we tacked vp to the Southward, and went away South- west till toward twelve a clocke that night, twentie leagues. Tuesday, the eight, in our morning watch, I found our selues to be in 59^ 20' ; and, about fiue of the clock, I espied land, which wee supposed to bee the Isles of Orkney, as afterward we found them to be the same ; and, toward three of the clocke, we came to an anchor in a channel! running betweene the Hands, where the people came to vs, and brought vs hennes, geese, and sheepe, and sold them to vs for old clothes and shoes, desiring rather them than money. There are about eighteene of these Hands which are called by the name of the Orkneis. Wednesday, the ninth, it was thicke weather, and the wind so easterly that wee could not weigh anchor. Thursday, the tenth, faire weather, and the wind came to the North-west, and about noone we weighed anchor ; and, towarde fiue of the clocke, we were cleere off the lies. The channel, for the most part, lycth North-west and South-east. All that night we stood away South-east. Friday, the eleuenth, faire weather, with the wind at North North-west ; and, about nine of the clocke in the morning, we steered away South South-east, at which time wee had sight of Buquhaui-nesse} and about two of the clocke we were thwart of it. ' Buchan Ness (see p. 86). ENGLISH EXPEDITION OF l6l2. 133 The seucntccnth, we came to an anchor in Hull Road, for which the Lord bee praysed. Here I thinke it not amisse briefly to relate the state and manner of the people of Grocniamf, forasmuch as I could learne ; as also what likelihood there is of a passe into the Sea which lyeth vpon Tartarie and China.^ The north-west part of Gronland is an exceedingly high land to the sea-ward, and almost nothing but mountaynes, which are wonderfull high all within the land, as farrc as wee could perceive ; and they are all of stone, some of one colour, and some of another, and all glistering, as though they were of rich value ; but, indeed, they are not worth anything ; for our Gold-smith, James Carlile, tryed very much of the Vre, and found it to bee nothing worth. If there bee any Mettall, it lyeth so low in the mountaynes that it cannot bee well come by. There are some rocks in these mountaynes which are exceeding pure stone, finer and whiter then alabaster. The sides of these mountaynes continually are couered with snow for the most part, and especially the north sides, and the No[r]th sides of the valleyes, hauing a kind of mossc, and in some places grasse, with a little branch running all along the ground, bearing a little black bcrric ; it runneth along the ground like Three-leaued Grasse heere in Englandr There are few or no trees growing, as farre as we could perceiue ; but, in one place, some fortie miles within the land, in a river which wee called Balls River. There I saw, on the south ' Baffin's views on this subject would have had much interest ; but as the following remarks relate solely to Greenland, Purrhas probably omitted Baffin's observations on the likelihood of a North-west Passage, in order to save space, overlooking this passage. - The plant here alluded to is probably the Crowberry {Empclrtim nigrum\ the only plant in Greenland which has a black berry, but it can hardly be described as a grass. 'I 134 KXF'KDITIONS TO (IRKKNLAND, 1605-1612. side of an hi^h mountayne which wc went vp, and found (as it were) a yong Grouc of small Wood, some of it sixe or seucn foot hij^h, like a Coppice in Etigland that had beene some two or three yeers cut ; and this was the most wood that wee saw growing in this country, being some of it a kind of willow, iuniper, and such like.^ We found in many places much Angelica:- We suppose the people eate the roots thereof, for some causes ; for we haue seene them have many of them in their boats. There are a great store of Foxes in the Hands and in the Mayne, of sundry colours ; and there are a kind of Hares, as white as snow, with their furre or haire very long. Also there be Deere, but they are most commonly vp within the Maync very farrc, because the people doe so much hunt them that come neerc the sea. I saw at one time seuen of them together, which were all that wee did see in the country. But our men have bought diuers coates of the people, made of deeres skinnes, and have bought of their homes also. Besides, we have diuers times seene the footsteps of some beast whose foote was bigger than the ' Extensive tracts of woodland of this description occur commonly in South Greenland, chiefly in sheltered positions among the inner fiords, to which the sea- winds do not penetrate. I^rofessor Lange "Conspectus P'lora; (Iroenlandica'", in Meddelelscr oi/i Gronland, \ol. iii) enumerates five species of Bctula^ six of Salix\ one of Almis, one of Sor/>us, and one oijunipcrus as occurring. The tallest trees (specimens of lictula odorata) only reach a height of eighteen feet. Much interesting information concerning these woods is also given in Professor Warming's paper on the "Vegetation of Greenland" {Mcdii. oin Gronl.^ vol. xii). - Archatigelica officinalis was formerly much grown in England as a garden herb. Like other members of the genus, it has sweet, succulent roots, like celery, and is valuable as an anti-scorbutic. Lange says ("Conspectus Florae Groenlandicic", pp. xxxivand68) that, in Greenland, where it occurs in grassy spots near the coast as far north as lat. 69°, it is called Kuiinck. The natives consider it a great delicacy. kn(;lisii expedition of 1612. \^ J3 foot of a great Oxe.' Furthermore, the inhabitants haiie a kinde of Dogges which they keepe at their houses and tents ; which Dogges are almost like vnto Wolues, huing by fish, as the Foxes doc. But one thing is very strange, as I thought ; for the pizzles of both dogges and foxes arc bone.'- The people, all the summer time, vse nothing but fishing, drying their fish and scales flesh vpon the rockes, for their winter prouision. Euery one, both man and woman, haue each of them a boate, made with long small pieces of firre- wood, couered with scales skinnes very well drest, and sewed so well with sinewes or guts that no water can pierce them through, being some of them aboue twentie foot long, aiid not past two foot, or two foot and a halfe broad, in forme of a weauers shittle [sic], and so light that a man may carrie many of them at once for the weight. In these boates, they will row .so swiftly that it is almost incredible ; for no ship in the world is able to keepe way with them, although shec haue neuer .so good a gale of wind ; and yet they vse but one oare ; who sitting in the midle [sic] of their boate, and holding their oare in the middle, being broad at each end like our oares, will at an instant goe backward and forward as they please. In these boates, they catch the most part of their food, being scales and salmons, morses, and other kinds of fishes. Some they kill with their darts, and other some with angles, hauing aline made of .small shiuers of whales finnes and an hooke of some fishes bones, with which lines and hookes we also have caught very much fish. Also, they haue another kinde of boate, which is very ' I'urchas here adds the note : — " These seem to be Elkes, of Losshes". See, however, the note on p. 123. - Here Purchas also adds a note : — " The pizzles of Uogges and foxes arc bone: so, albo, ib the Morses pizzle, of which I haue by me one of stone." !i '! ! 136 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612. long ; for wee haue scene one of thern thirty-two foot in length, open in the toppc like our boates, hauing tenne seats in it ; in which, when they rcmoouc their dwellings, they Carrie their goods or house-hold stuffe ; for they re- mooue their dwellings very often, as their fishing doth serve, liuing in the summer-time in tents made of scales skinnes, and in winter in houses somewhat in the ground. Wee could not particularly learn their rites or cere- monies ; but generally they worship the Sunne, as chiefe authour of their felicitie. At their first approach vnto vs, they vsed with their hands to point vp to the Sunne, and to strike their hands vpon ther brests, crying Ilyont ; as who would say : I meane no harmc ; which they will doe very often, and will not come neer you vntil you do the like, and then they will come without any feare at all. They burie their dead in the Out- 1 lands neere the sea- side. Their manner of buriall is this : — Vpon the tops of the hils, they gather a company of stones together, and make therof an hollow caue or graue, of the length and breadth of the bodie which they intend to buric, laying the stones somewhat close, like a wall, that neyther foxes nor other such beasts may dcuourc the bodies, coucring them with broad stones, shewing afar off like a pile of .stones. And neere vnto this graue, where the bodie lyeth, is an- other, wherein they burie his bow and arrowes, with his darts and all his other prouision which hee vsed while hee was liuing. Hee is buried in all his apparell ; and the coldnesse of the climate doth keepe the bodie from smelling and stinking, although it lye aboue ground. They eat all their food raw, and vse no fire to dress their victuals, as farre as wee could perceiue. Also, wee haue scene them drinke the salt-water at our shippes side ; but whether it be vsuall or no, I cannot tell. Although they dresse not their meate with fire, yet thcj' vse fire for other things, as to warme them, etc. fe KNdLlSIl KXI'KDITIOX OF l6l2. 137 Diners of our men were of opinion that they were man- eaters, and would haue deuoured vs, if they could haue cauffht vs. But I do not thinkc they would ; for, if they had bin so minded, they mi^ht at one time haue caught our cooke, and two other with him, as they were filling of water at an Hand a great way from our shi[). These three, I say, were in the ships boate, without cyther musket or any other weapon ; when, as a great company of the sauagcs came rowing vnto them with their darts and other furniture, which they ncucr goe without, and stood looking into the boate for nayles, or any old iron, which they so greatly desire, while our men were in such a fcare that they knew not what to doc. At length, our cooke remem- bered that hee had some old iron in his pocket, and gaue each of them some, as farre as it would goe, with his key of his chest. And presently they all departed, without offering any harme at all : but this I spcake not that I would haue men to trust them, or to goe among them vnj)rouided of weapons. ng f V-^..^' " Danish Arctic Voyages, 1605 -162 O" (Haktuyt Society, 1896") mvoto^raphedj by iyenMraZeitcdbnisLijtograuMkAnstriit/, Sntvidu*im KS. WeJler. fttit, -12, DenmnrkEll, Lttrvdaro,S.£. Hii r 'I J^voti'ffrap/i eil by OaVfralKtubais liitrtgraii/i/uiiAnett'ntt/, •'*'="\.R'P . APPENDICES APPENDIX A. On the Stockholm Ch\rt.' Bv C. C. A. GOSCH. Thk very interesting manuscript Chart, to which we have several times alluded under the name of " the Stockholm Chart",- is, as already stated, now preserved in the Royal Library at Stockholm, to which place it has, no doubt, been taken from Denmark. The earliest mention of it, as far as we are aware, occurs in a list of Danish historical manuscripts preserved in the Library just mentioned, written by the late Professor C. Molbech, of Copen- hagen;''' but it was another Danish writer, Dr. J. K. V. Steenstrup, who first drew attention to it, and pointed out the interest attaching to it, in an article in the Swedish periodical Vwer,^ which is accompanied by a good, though somewhat reduced, reproduction. We have had no opportunity of personally inspecting it, but by the courtesy of Count Snollsky, the Principal Librarian of the Royal Library at Stockholm, and the kind assistance of Dr. VVieselgren, Sub Librarian, we are enabled to lay before our reader^ a full-size photo-lithographic reproduction, which we have every reason to consider satisfactory. To this, therefore, we may refer instead of a detailed description. There are, however, a few- points which cannot be ascertained from our copy, and with regard to which we are indebted for information to the article of Dr. Steenstrup, supplemented by communications from Dr. Wieselgren. The Chart is drawn on paper, the watermark of 1 Mr. Christy, who is unable tu agree with the conclusions arrived at in tlie following remarks, will probably state iiis views regarchng the Stockholm Chart elsewhere. - See Introduction, pp. xvi, xvii, xl, Ixxi, cxiii. •' Daiiike Haaiidikrijtcr . , . i d:i Kongelhjc liibtiotluk i Stockholm in Jiistorhk lidsskrifty tS^j, p. 147 (Copenhagen). * Bcmirrkiiitiger til cl giunmelt yfaninkript Kuarl over Croiilniirl, in Vi/ur, /SSO, pp. 83-88 (Stockholm, Swedish .\nthropological and (jeographical Society). I40 EXPEDITIONS TO GKEENLANU, 1605-1612. which represents a bunch of grapes. The outlines appear to have been drawn first in pencil and afterwards blackened with ink, which is still beautifully black, excepting as regards a few small islands on the west coast of Greenland, which are drawn in an inferior ink. This latter has also been employed for writing the names; but the four numbers placed against certain points of the coast are written in the same black ink in which the out- lines are drawn. I'he two wavy dotted lines in the left-hand upper corner of our reproduction (evidently representing a portion of the coast of (ireenland, in different positions from the line which has been blackened) are, on the original, drawn in pencil and continuous ; but the compass-lines present the same irregular appearance on the original as on the copy. The map is quite uncoloured. It should be observed that the rather uneven marginal divisions indicating longitude are intended to count each for two degrees ; Cape Farewell being very nearly in the right longitude as coni[)ared with Shetland, which ap[)ears farthest to the east on the map. It may be noticed as a curiosity that the letters E. and W., belont^ing to the central compass, have been interchanged. As regards the origin and date of the Stockholm Chart, we do not possess direct information of any kind, and we are left to inference from the contents of the Chart and from other data. Before entering on these questions, we may, however, notice that the expression " the Stockholm Chart" may be taken in a double sense. We may speak of the Stockholm Chart as a cartographic work or composition, of which there may exist or have existed several reproductions, differing, perhaps, in date, and even in cartographic detail ; or we may mean only the particular copy now preserved at Stockholm. If, to begin with, we limit ourselves to this latter point of view, and attempt to determine the origin and date of the chart at Stockholm, we cannot but be struck by the fact that, out of eleven names, which are all that occur on it, ten are names bestowed by Hall on various localities in Greenland on the Danish expedition to that country in 1605. The obvious inference is that this Chart, as it lies before us, is intended to illustrate Hall's discoveries on that occasion ; and it follows that, in its present state at least, it cannot be of older date than 1605. How much later it may be is not so easily determined. Some of these names occur in Hall's accounts of his voyages to Greenland, which were not published till 1625 ; others are not mentioned in these accounts, but are found on his maps, which have only quite lately come to light. As, however, some of these names appear on Hessel Gerritsz.'s map of 161 2, it follows that Hall's accounts and maps must have been accessible in England, where they were preserved after Hall's return from Denmark, and the infor- mation by which the names were put on the Stockholm Chart may, therefore, have been obtained from England at any time APPENDICES, 141 before 1625. It is not, however, probable that, after Hall's return, anybod) in Denmark should have secured from England either the information required for putting on the names, or the map with the names on. The most probable theory, therefore, is that the names were put on the Stockholm Chart in Denmark, while Hall himself was there : that is to say, not later, or not much later, than 1607. It would seem natural to suppose that Hall inserted them himself; but this opinion is open to various objec- tions. It may be observed, in the first instance, that the hand- writing on the Stockholm Chart is very inferior to that on Hall's own maps ; but this argument is not of much force, because there is no reason why Hall may not in either case, or even in both, have employed some other person to put the names on. We do not possess any authentic specimen of Hall's handwriting. A strong argument, however, is afforded by the fact that the names are not all correctly put on. The mis-spellings Cuningatn for Cunningham and Romblesfo. for Romlesford (as Ramelsfiord is called on Hall's map) are easily explicable on the supposition that they were written from verbal communication. But the trans- formation of Queen Ann's Cape into C. St. Ann, as on the Stock- holm Chart, can scarcely be thus explained, and must be due to a person unacquainted with the origin of that name.^ Still more important are the facts that the name of Cunningham's Fjord is inserted North of that of Prince Christian's Fjord, instead of vice versa, and that the name of Cape Christianus is very likely misplaced, as will be shown presently. We may add, though it is of lesser weight, that, if Hall himself had superintended the insertion of the names, that of Queen Sophia's Cape would scarcely have been omitted. The most probable view, therefore, seems to be that, though the information concerning the names must have been derived from Hall, they were actually put on the chart by some person not directed by him, nor well acquainted with the subject. The date of the insertion of the names on the Stockholm Chart may thus be considered settled as nearly as it can he done now, and the outline can, of course, not be of later date than the names ; but the question remains whether the Chart itself, apart from the names, was drawn on purpose, at the same time, or whether the names were inserted on an older map of independent origin. That the latter was the case is plausibly suggested by the fact that the names — as stated above — are written in an ink different from that which was used for drawing the outline. No safe conclusion, however, can be drawn from this fact alone, which, for aught we 1 The names of saints were so much used in forming geographical names that a person hearing of (Jueen Ann's and (jueen Sophia's Capes, but knowing nothing about the royal personages after whom tliey were named, might very naturally fall into such a mistake. Accordingly, we fmd on Messel Gerritsz.'s Maj) the names given as Aiiii's Cape and St. Sofflii's Cape. 142 KXl'EDITIOXS TO C.KKENI.AXI), 1605-1612. know, may be clue to the merest accident. Thf circumstance that some of the small islands on the west coast are drawn in the same inferior ink as the names, rather points to the inference that the draughtsman, having not quite finished the blackening of his pencil-lines, either by accident or compelled by some necessity, used some different ink for finishing the outline and putting on the names. The difference in the colour of the ink does not in the least disclose whether the names were put on a few hours or a couple of years after the drawing of the outline ; and it does not, therefore, assist us at all in determining the date of the map, apart from the names. In order to form a fairly well-founded opinion on this c[uestion, we must, therefore, turn our attention to another set of facts, from which materials for a solid argument can really be drawn, viz., the representation on the Stockholm Chart of the countries concerned. If this does not exhibit any detail but such as we may consider to have been known before 1605, there would be no objection to place the date of the Stockholm Chart, apart from the names, earlier than that year ; but, if in the outline of the coast we find features which are not mentioned in any record earlier than 1605, and which may have been, or even are expressly stated to have been, discovered by Hall in that year, then we are justified in concluding, or even forced to conclude, that the Stockholm Chart was drawn after 1605. In this respect, we may notice, first, that, whilst on the Nt'v Map (1600) the coast of (jreenland, from lat. 66' (the southern- most point touched or observed by Hall in 1605) to lat. 72°, is represented as uninterrupted, a wide opening is indicated on the Stockholm Chart, between lat. 68' 30' and 69° 50'. In lat. 68°, the west coast of (Ireenland, as shown on this map, turns N.E., and in 68" 30' it turns (juite easterly, but is continued only for a short distance in this direction. In lat. 69° 50', another shoulder of land is shown, from which the coast trends northwards as far as lat. 72', and north-westwards for a short space. There can be no reasonable doubt of this oj)ening being meant for the entrance to the Bay of Disco. It is the earliest known representation of it ; and, under the circumstances, we are justified in assuming that this feature was introduced on the Stockholm Chart as a discovery of Hall's. It is true that in the accounts of his voyages there is no mention of the Bay of Disco, nor does he profess to have advanced further than lat. 68 30 or 69'. But it should be remembered that, of Hall's expedition in the pinnace, on which he reached so far north, we possess no account except Leyell's very laconic notes ; and, though he cannot have explored the Bay, he may very well have seen the opening of it from his northern- most point.' In fact, his apparent inconsistency in stating in one ' Sfc p. lx.\-lx.\ii. APPENDICES. 143 place' that he had explored the coast as far as lat. 69°, whilst in another place- he mentions 68° 30' as the latitude of the point where he turned hack, may be reconciled hy supposing that in the former place he reckoned the extent of coast explored by him as far as he had been able to see it (as he did with regard to Queen Ann's Cape), and that, when he put down the figure of 69 , he had in his mind the southern extremity of the island of Disco, which he may then have guessed to be in that latitude, though he may afterwards have corrected that estimate. The view that Hall actually observed the entrance of the Bay of Disco is not a little strengthened by the occurrence of the word "■freet" after the name of Christian l-'riis Cape, on the Stockholm ('hart. It is an abbreviation of the Latin //-<>///;//, and was used at that time both in Danish and in English to signify a strait. In this place, it seems to indicate that something in the nature of a strait had been observed here, and nothing would be more likely than that the bay appeared to them as a strait trending eastwards. In fact, it may really quite properly be described as die wide southern por- tion of the strait separating Disco Island from the mainland. Whether this bay or strait had been seen before by Davis we cannot decide with certainty. It is not mentioned in his narrative, though he must have passed it ; and it should be remembered that the absence of any allusion to it in Davis' account is of more weight than the like omission in Hall's narrative, because we have the former in an authentic and complete form, but we possess Hall's account only as abbreviated by I'urchas ; nor does it appear ever to have contained any detailed record of that part of the voyage, on which the Bay of Disco must have been discovered, if so it was. Moreover, Davis, sailing night and day at some distance from the shore, is more likely to have been prevented by darkness, fog, or other accidental causes, from seeing it than Hall, who sailed close to the shore and lay still at night. We have, therefore, little hesitation in adopting the view already suggested by Dr. Steer.strup that Hall really was the first discoverer of the Hay of I )isco,'' and that the opening in the coastline was introduced on the Stockholm Chart as representing one of Hall's discoveries in 1605. If so, this part of the coastline must have been drawn subseijuently to that year. On the western coast of (Ireenland, between latitude 68 '30 and 66", where most of the names are found, no [)articular 1 See p. 14. - In the explanation of Hall's Cjencnil Ma|) (i'l. iv). •' That is to say, in modfin times ; for the aneii-nt Scandinavian navigators were probably acciuainted with it. The surprisini;l\' true representation of Oreenland on numerous maps of the 15th and i6tii centuries must be founded on informal' >n obtained from the North of luiroju- ; and it is iiuite possible that the eastward turn of the coast, wiiich on many of these maps forms the north-west corner of Greenland, may be the southern shoulder of the hay of Disco, though in a wrong latitude. 144 EXI'KDITIONS TO OREEXLANO, l6o$-l6l2. feature can be pointed out which has a bearing on the (juestion before us. The scale of the map is not so small that the leading features might not have been represented with sufficient accuracy to be recognised ; and, if any such thing had been attempted, it would, of course, at once have removed all doubts ; but that has not been done, probably because the necessary detailed know- ledge was wanting, except as regards a very few localities of small extent. It is merely a schematic or conventional repre- sentation of a deeply indented coast, girt with many islands. The west coast of (Ireenland, south of latitude 66', was not ex- plored by Hall in 1605, and does not, therefore, come into con- sideration in this connection ; but the southern extremity of (Ireenland, as represented on the Stockholm Chart, offers a feature of great importance for settling our problem. A small portion of the east coast, as much as may have been jen by Davis in 1585, or by Moi^an in 1586, is shown, and south of that, a very promi- nent headlaiid appears pointing south, against which one of the numbers before mentioned (10) is placed. As this latter must have been intended to refer to a key, it implies that the locality was well known, and had a name at the time when the map was drawn. The east coast being, at that time, altogether unexplored, and the representation of it on the maps of that period quite fictitious (which we believe is the reason why it is omitted from the Stockholm Chart), the promontory in question cannot be meant for any point on that coast, as might perhaps be imagined, on account of its not being the southernmost point of Greenland shown on the Chart. There can, therefore, in our opinion be no doubt that this promontory, which forms the south-east corner of Greenland, and plainly occupies the position of Cape Fare- well, really is meant for it, as indeed most persons would assume at first sight. West of this promontory, about half way towards Cape Desolation, another still more prominent headland is shown, against which the name of Cape Christianus is written. Whether or not this name is rightly applied is of no consequence for our present argument, which is not concerned with the names at all. The question we have to decide is whether this very pro- minent promontory on the Stockholm Chart is merely an accidental feature of a conventional coastline, or whether it was meant by the author of the map to represent some notable head- land discovered or particularly noticed by Hall in 1605. We have no hesitation in deciding for this latter view, not only be- cause of its marked appearance, but also bectiuse, whilst Cape Farewell is marked (10), Cape Desolation is marked (12); from which we may fairly infer that the author of the map did intend to mark out some point which had been noticed by navigators between those two promontories. No such point between Cape Farewell and Cape Desolation is, however, mentioned in any record earlier than Hall's accounts of the expedition of 1605, and APPENDICES. «45 I the only one he names is Cape Christianus. Against the suppo- sition that this promontory really was meant to represent (!ape (.'iiristianus, two olijections may be adduced. In the first place, it may be urged that on the Stockholm Chart this promontory is represented as the soutliernmost point of (ireenland by ai)Out 30 minutes, whereas Cape I'arewell really reaches ai)out two nunutes farther south than any other headland on that coast, including that which is generally supposed to be Hall's Cape Chris- tianus. 'I'his, however, is of little force, because nobody is known to have determined the latitude of Cape I'arewell till ilall or (lutonbe did so in 161 2. If, therefore, this map is not mui h later than 1607, the author cannot be credited with any know- ledge of the comparative latitude of the two headlands, and, though Hall does not say that Cape Christianus was the southernmost point of ( Ireenland, he may have thought so (without confound- ing it with ('ape I'arewell) previously to 161 2. In the second place, it may be urged that the promontory in question cannot have been originally intended for Cape Christianus, because it is placed at a considerable distance west of Cape l''arewell, whereas the promontory generally -and, for aught that can be said, rightly — supposed to be Cape Christianus lies only a few miles west of Cape Farewell. This objection would be serious if it could be assumed with any certainty that the author of the map possessed any knowledge of the distance between the two pvn- montories. But that is not the case. Davis saw, or may have seen, Cape l'"arewell twice, but left no descri|)tion or indication of its position. Hall was most likely with him on one of these occasions, and probably saw Cape Farewell, when in 1605 '^*-' named Cape Christianus ; but it does not at all follow that he recognised it on the latter occasion. In 1605, he came up with ICggerso, on which both headlands lie, to the S.\V. of the island ; on the former occasion, he may have approached it from a different quarter ; and if we compare Hall's sketch of Cape Christianus as he saw it in 1605 from the S.W'., Cape Farewell coming out behind it, with the sketch of Cape Farewell in (latonbe's account of the voyage in 1612, when Hall did recognise it, seeing it from S.S.IC, no point of resemblance could be pointed out. Uoth Hall himself and the author of the .Stockholm Chart (if they were diflerent persons) may, therefore, perfectly well have imagined that the coast, after re- ceding behind Fggersi), was continued eastwards for a considerable distance to Cape l''arewell.^ It follows that, if there had been no other point on the coast with which the promontory marked Cape Christianus on the Stockholm Chart could be identified, it would ' It may be oliMMvcd in thi> conncctinn that, on a nunilHr of later ninjis, C'apL- C'lirisliaii appears consiilfrably west of Cape Farewell, very much as on the Stoek- hf)lni Chart; proving that the misplaccnient of the name, if so it was, naturally suggested itself. K 146 i:xrEniTio\s to (JKFknlanh, 1605- 161 2. l)e difficult to resist the view that it really was meant for that head- land. There is, however, another [)()int which that [)rojccting headland may be intended to represent. In Hall's account of the ex|jedition of 1605, as we have it in Purchas' work, the following passage occurs : '" Wee being this day in the latitude of 59 degrees 45 minutes, hauing stood all the night before, and this forenoone p'^^o. so nigh the shoare as we could for Ice, the Cape Christian So outh-east and North North- west ; and from the Cape to Cap Jesolation^ the Land lyeth East and by South and West and by North, about fiftie leagues.'"' This |)assage, or rather as much of it as follows the words " for Ice," is evidently corrupted, as there is no sense in the wonls "the Cape Christian South, South-east," etc. In our opinion, there can be little doubt that in the original account there was here a state- ment as to the direction of the whole coast from (!ape Christian to Cape Desolation, the coast being described as consisting of two sections, one from Cape Christian to some Cape of which the description has been cut out or accidentally omitted from the printed text, and a second section from that Cape to Cape Desolation. A glance at the map shows that this coast really does exhibit such a division, into two portions, from the southern- most point of Eggerso to the southern extremity of the island of Sermcrsok, and from the n^ Miern extremity of Sermersok (which from the sea would ar as the base of a hugt; promontory) to Cajie Desol and, moreover, that the directions of these two portions really are very much as indicated in the text. We consider it very probable that the promontory named Cape Christianus on the Stockholm Chart, dividing the coast from the cape marked (10) to Desolation in two parts, is really meant for the island of Sermersok, the southern point of which forms the western extremity of the straight coastline trending N.N.W. from Cape Farewell, and at the same time forms the eastern headland of the wide bay, terminated to the west by Cape Desolation, which is noticed in Gatonbe's account of the voyage in 161 2.- If so, the pro- montory marked (10) must represent Cape Christian, or, rather, the whole island of Kggerso. In either case, whether the promontory in cjuestion was meant for Cape Christian or for the southern extremity of Sermersok, it represents a feature of the coa:.t discovered or first particularly noticed by Hall in 1605, and ccnsetpiently proves that the Chart now at Stockholm was drawn subse(|uently to that year. We have already pointed out tiiat, if the names were put on the Chart between 1605 and 1607, the outline must have been drawn within the same period. If, howev-^r, we attempt, independently of that consideration, to determine, by comparison with other \ Sec p. 2I - See p. 90. M Ari'ENDICKS. '4; dated maps, how much hxtcr than 1605 tlic St(Kkhi)hn Chart may be, we find that only one such comes into consideration. 7'/;., the one pulthshod by Hcssil ( lerrits/. in 1612. With rci^ard to some features (amoiiyst which we may mention the iiromoiitory just treated of, wliich probably is identical with that called JIalls CiXpe on Clerrits/.'s map), the two ma|)s show so remarkable a resemblance as to suggest that the author of one had the oilier before him; no third map that could be looked w\iox\ as a common source being known to exist. As. however, the Stockholm Chart is so much the more comprehensive, correct, and (e\cei>ting Hudson's Strait and Cumberland Sound) complete of tlu' two, it is mure likely that (lerrits/. has borrowed from the author ot the Stockliolm Chart than vice versA. Ha\ing. as we believe, shown by tin- preciding observations that the Chart of which we have a reproduction before us was drawn and the names inserteil on it after 1605. and probablv not later than 1607, we have to consider the (jueslion wliether it is an original or a copy. A clue to the solution of this (juestion is afforded by the numbers, which are place>d against four different })oints in the outline, and which we have already alluded to. There is no reason for thinking otherwise than that they were put on the Chart together with the outline, and refer to a now lost key, but they are evidently only fragments of a long series. These facts seem to admit of but two explanations : — either the person who drew the oiuline intended at first to give the names uf the localities by means of numbers and a key, but abandoned this in t'ri//o/-d and Sd/n/i/rr- si>//\\- Toiccr. We may therefore fairly assume that this coastline (in the Stockholm Chart is intended to start from the northern most f)oint seen by Davis. On the copy preserved at Stockholm no names apjiear along this coast, but on the original there were doubtless many, of which only one (27) is found on the copy. It may be intended for Mount Raleigh, being in the latitude indicated fcjr this place in Davis's account, or it may be meant for 'Totnes Rode, as Dr. Steenstruj) suggests, 'i'hc entrances to Cuml)erland Sound, Lumley's Inlet, and Hudson's Strait arc unmistakeably marked, though about 30' too northerly ; and some few others might be identified. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that, as no actual survey or anything AriM-,\l)I(KS. '5' approaching to it had been made, the detail ot the coast, as shown on the map, is to a very great extent conjectural ; and that, where such an abundance of inlets and headlands is shown, as in this case, it is almost an accident if one does not find some- thing near the proper latitude that may be regarded as intended to represent any given feature of that kind. Of l''robisher's dis- coveries, there are no indications on this coast, except in so far as Davis went over the same ground : the author of the maj) sharing, as will be seen, the misconception which prevailed at the time to the effect that Frobisher's Strait, etc., were situated in (Ireenland. The west const of (Ireenland commences on this chart in about lat. 72°, which corresponds to the highest latitude reached by Davis. The coast is represented at this point as turning east- wards, very much as on the Molyneux Globe and the New Map at Hope Saunderson. We have mentioned already the interru|)- tion in the coastline corresponding to the P>ay of Disco, and also that two wavy i)encil-lines appear on the Stockholm copy, repre- senting the coast of (ireenland between about lat. 6y° and 72", to the west of the black coastline. It will be seen, on comparing these lines, that the one nearest the black line is more like it, while the most westerly line reaches further south, so that the entrance to the Kay of Disco, of which the southern shoulder is marked in its proper latitude, ap|)ears narrower than in the black line. There can be little doubt that these lines rei)resent false starts of the draughtsman, who at first had not allowed sufficient space on that side of the paper for the American coast to be put on ; they ought douljtless to have been deleted. In spite of a certain general resemblance, these lines differ much in detail, as indeed is natural, considering that the coast had not really been surveyed, Davis having but once sailed along it, so that material for an accurate rei>resentation was entirely wanting. It is along the coast of (Ireenland between lat. 68° 30' and 66 that we find nearly all the names which occur on the map. W'c have already alluded to them in another comiection, and full information on them has been given in the Introduction. If we are right in our view, that the chart preserved at Stockholm is a cojjy of another similar one, in which the names were indicated by means of inmibers and a key, we must suppose that, in the jjlaces where names arc inserted on the copy, there were numbers on the original : and this agrees very well witli the fact that there must have Ijclu ten numbers between No. 16 in lat. 65'' on the ("ireenland coasl and 27, which is the northernmost on the American coast. There is no record of Davis iiaving bestowed names on any points on the coast of (Ireenlard north of lat. 66", except Hope Saunderson and London Coast. T'lis latter name api)lied to the very portion of the coast which Hall explored, and was therefore most likely not used by him. North of i\Iount Raleigh (lat. ()6 40), the Molyneux (llobe places two names, i:\pi:i)iT[()Ns To r.RKENi.Axn, 1605-161: 1^ presumably given by Davis. I-^vcn if these had numbers as well as Hope Saunderson, there would be seven numbers, the sig- nificance of which it would be difficult to suggest if they were not employed for Hall's names. Of these, there are nine on the cojjy, and two -^(^)ueen Sophia's Cape and Knight's Islands - have not been put on ; but it may well be that on the original only the more important places were indicated by numbers. On the second voyage, Davis touched on this portion of the coast in lat. 66" 3_^', but gave no name to the locality, which he describes as all islands, perha|)s the islands south of Holsteinborg. On the Molyneux Cilobe the name Lord Darcic's Islands occurs, but it seems to be misplaced, because in the accounts of his voyages he mentions only one place to which he gave a similar name, vi/., on the American coast in lat. 54" 32 '. lietween lat. 66° and 64°, the coast had not been really explored before 1605, though Davis had sailed along it in 1587 : but there is no record of his having named any place there. It is, therefore, difficult to guess what can have been indicated by No. 16, which is placed about lat. 65°. On his last voyage, in 1612, Hall gave the name of Cockenford to a locality in this latitude (pro- bably the southern Isorlok) : Init we do not think that the maji to which the numbers originally belonged was of so late date as 161 2, in which case Hall, of course, could not have drawn il. The neighl)ourho(xl of (lodthaab (Oilbert Sound) in lat. 64^ was visited i)y Davis on all three voyages, and also by the Si///s/ii/ic in 15S6. 'i'he numbers 13, 14, and 15, therefore, most likely referred to [)laces there. 'The coast between lat. 64° and ('a[)e Desolation was not explored either by Hall or by Davis. It api)ears from Morgan's report of the voyage of the Siins/iinc that this vessel sailed along this coast at no great distance from land, but no details concern- ing it are given. It is therefore difficult to account for the indication of a consitlerabk; inlet which ajjpears in about lat. 62 , except by supposing that the aulhor of the maji had some private inform.uion lo the effect that the i)arty in the S/nis/ii/n' thought lluinsclves to have obser\cd such an opening. Like some other notable features of the Stockholm Chart, this opening reappears on llessel (ierrits/.'s map of 161 2, as well as on Catonbcs. It should be noted, however, that the opening, as shown on the .Stockholm Chart, is much wider than an\' inlet really existing on this coast. The delineation of the southern part of (irccnlaiid on the Stockholm Chart is of particular interest with reference to the representation of Krobisher's discoveries ; but, in order fully to explain this, we imist trace the history of the manner in which these were shown on maps of that time a subject which, in spite of all that has been written on it, does not ap|)ear to us to ha\e been fully eliieiilaled. mm APri'.N' DICES. 153 On the ma|)s acconij>anying ("aptain ISest's accounts of l'"robi.shL'r"s voyages, the representation of tlie roimtry which I'rohislier mistook tor I'risland does not . indicate that his exjiloralion b.ad led to any new views concerning it. Best's state- ninit that, "torso niuch of this land as we have sayled alongst coni|)aring their carde, [tliat is, the Zeno map] with y^' coast, we tind it very agreeahlL- "^. I'lohisher's discoveries in .America are shown on I>est"s maps in tlieir |)roper geographical position. It is true that latitudes and longitudes are not inelicated on the niai)s, antl that in the text the latitudes are mostly left blank. .\s, however, liest gives the latitude (6j 50') of Hall's island at the entrance of i-'rohisher's strait,- this sutHices to indicate the position of the latter. The map^, however, are very rudely drawn, and the various parts are rather indicated as to their general position than delineated with any attempt at accuracy. It is net milikely that this circumstance mav have conlributeil to lessen the C(Mifidence with whi( h i'robisher's statements were received. In any case, it is clear, from I )r. Dee's ma|) of r^cSo, that misunderstandings concern- ing i'robisher's Strait existed from the very first, owing ijerhajis to contlicling reports (;f his coni|)any. .As regards the North .\tlantic, this ma|) is, in the main, a mere imitation of that of Zeno, but a \ery curious representation of JMobisher's .Strait is introduced. C!lose to the east coast of .America, between lat. 62' and 64' 30', two narrow slips of land are shown in the .Atlantic, treinliiig S.!'!. and N'.W.. both ending pointedly towards the S. IC, but without any del'mite termination towards the N.W.. or any connection with the mainland uf .America. South of the westermiiosl of ihrm. an island is jilaced. No names are atlached, but there (-aniu)t be the slightest doubt that the cluiniiel between the two strips of land is intended lor I'robisher's Strait. It is not (|uile clear whether this map is not, in spite of the statement on the front, earlier than liest's account, because the inscription on the back of it is so worded that it must have lu'en wiitteii in the spring of 157S, whilst frobisher's third expetlition was bi'ing prejiarcd, ;ind it would seem strange that the inscription should \m\\c been written two years beibn' the map was finished, hr. I )ce is known t) have taken the liveliest interest in I'robislu'r's expeditions, and it would be very natut.il for him to have received early information o\' their results. /\s Irobisher's Strait was discovered in 157O, there would be nothing surprising in I )r. Dee ha\ing been able to give a representation of it on a map drawn in the spring of 157S : and (as his early intbrmation may not have been ipiile perfect) the fact that his representation dift'ers so much irom ilest's would in that lase be less surprising than it would be if the map had bem '1 ' ik'bt, />■//!■ />iuiiiirst-, ntc, Second iiook, pp. ^-6 (Ilaliluyt Soc, ctl., p. I2^| -■ //vi/ , p R ni:il. 154 EXPEDITIONS TO GREEXLAM), 1605-1612. drawn after the publication of Best's Discourse^ which according; to the colophon appeared late in December 1578. In any case, Dr. Dee's map is the earliest on which I'robisher's Strait a|)pears elsewhere than in its proper jilace. On the map which Michael Lock, who was closely connected with Frobisher's e\i)editions, contributed to Hakluyt's Divert Voyages (i5r/dcs IJydr<>\:;rapliical Description, which was publislied three years after the Molyneux Clobe, there is not the smallest direct reference to the subject ; and Davis's language in resjiect of one matter which has an indirect bearing on it is distinctly incom[)atible with the view that Davis is responsible for the drawing of South Creenland on the (Uobe. We allude to his use of the name Desolation. As is well known, Davis bestowed this name on that part of (ireenland which he first saw in 1585.-' Why he did so is not c^uite clear. It is (iiiite possible that, when he first saw (ireenland in iS'^s, he thought it to be a new and hitherto unknown country, which he did not in any way identify with (Ireenland, because this was shown on the ' Till' W'or/d's /Mtiigrafiliicdl l>i\uripfiiiii,U)\. H5.I). (I lakhiyt Sue. edilidii of Unvis's works, p. 211). - The statement, by ;it least one notable author that Davis ,i,'.vve the nanieijf the Island of IlesolatJon to the island cut off from ('ireenland by the imaginary Fro- hisher's Strait, is, to say the least of it, exceedingly misleading. 'I'iie name occurs on some maps, but neither Davis nor the authors of the .Molyneux Cjlobe or the New .Map arc responsible for it. M il 15S Kxi'KuriioNs lo (;ki:i;m.anii, 1605-1612. Zeno map much further to the north ; hut it is ciiually possible that he gave that name to the countrv liefore him sim|)ly because it seemed to him api)ropriate (as ini, ed he says himself), and without wishing to imply that it was not a part of (Ireenland. This latter name was at that time used in a very vacillating manner for want of real knowledge of the country, the communi- cation between (Ireenland and I'airope having then l)cen inler- ru[)ted tor a long time. Although tlie /eno map rightly showed 'ireenland to be bounded towards the west by a great sea, there were those (for instance, Frobisher) who still thought that it was connected with America. Davis may, therefore, have wisiicd not to commit himst'lf. Ilowbeit, if in 15.S5 Davis really thought that the land he had found and called Desolation was different from (Ireenland, he cannot be supposed to have entertained that view for long. In 15.S6, lu' despatched the .S///'/.s7////(' to tlu' sea between Iceland and (ireenlaiul, there "" to si'ek a passage". Henry .Morgan, the purser, who of course hail his information on these regions from Davis, wrote a report on this voyage to .\lr. Saunderson, who.se servant he was, in which he says that on the 7th of July they reached (ireenland, and, coasting along it within a distance of three leagues, they came on the 17th to Desolation' — -expressions which plainly imply that " Desolation "' was a part of or contiguous with ( 'ireenland.-' In the same year, Davis himself, after having left the west coast of (Ireenland in about lat. 64", returned to it in lat. 66' 30', which is a degree farther north than the southern extremity of (Ireeiilantl, according to the /.eno Chart; but he does not at all intiniati' that he thought it to be a different country from that which he had just visited. In 1587, linally, Davis followed the coast of 1 " And the seventli (l;iy of July we did see Grecni.niid, ;uul it was very lii^li, and it looked very blew; we could not come to liaiborougli into the land, hiinj; hindered by a lirnie land, as it were, of iee, which was aionj; the shores side ; but we were u ithin three leagues of the land, coastnii:; the same for divers davrs toijether. The seventei'iuh of Kily we saw the jilaee whicii our Captaine .Mi', jdhn iJavis the yeere Ijefore had called the lanil of Desolation, where we could not .i,'o on shore for ice. After we iiad cleeicd ourselves ihtMcor we rani^ed along the coast of Desolation untill the end of the aforesai, i ;8(), 1). 787. Hakluyt Soc. ed. of Davis's works, p. 135.) - hi his letter to W. Saunderson, of the 14th of October 1 ;86, Davis writes: " tile Si/ns/iiiii came into Dartmouth the foiu'th of this month. She has ' been to Island and from thence to ( iroenland, and so to f.stotiland, from thence toDi^scila- tion'," etc. (see H ikhiyt, /'ri>iii/>al .Wrri^^'alions, 1581), p. 78(1. Hakluyt Soc. ed. of Davis's works, p. ^21. Hut thisdoes not iiiipl)- that I )esolation was not .1 part of ( ireenl.md One might perfectly well say lliat a vessel had been to .\orwa\, thence to I'".ngland, hunher to i'landi'rs, and linally to the Isle of Wight, without implying that the Isle of Wight was not a jiait of faigland. At the time, Davis had evidently very imiJerfect information on the voyage. It appears from Morgan's report that the Suirs/tiiu- had entered the Channel on the fw.^t of October, had sighted the Isle of Wight on the second, coasted eastwards the following three days, and arrived in the Thames on the 6th. She had probably just called at Dartmouth, as sailing ships used to do at one of the western harbours, to report their arrival in the Channel. ArPFN'DirKS. 159 Desolation (which name he extended to the whole of Greenland), as far as lat. 72 10', and recognised it to be (Ircenland : as indeed he could not help doing now, whatever doubts he may have had before. Accordingly we find in his Traverse Book, under June 30th, when he was in the latitude just mentioned, the follow- ing entry: "Since the 21st of this month [that is, since he left (lilbert Sf)un(.l in lat. 64"), I have continually coasted the shore of (ireenland, having the sea all open to the West." The accounts of Davis's voyages were published in 1589.' Nevertheless, we find that, on the Molyneux (ilobe (151)2) and the New Ma|)(i6oo) the name of Desolation is restrictctl to a j)rojecting piece of land fi)rming the south-west corner of ( Ireenland, and placed just north (jf the supposed western outlet of Frobisber's Strait. It is not improbable that the part of the coast to which Davis first applied the name of Dcsulatioit was in this neighbourhood,-' but in i)a\is's account no headland or promontory is s|)oken of ;^ and in liis JIydro:^nif>hical DesLfiptioii, which was published after the Molyneux (Ilobe, in 1595, Davis uses the name exclusively as synonymous with ("ireenland altogether, and expressly says that it was another name for that country.^ This fact is certainly not in accordance with the view that the representation of South (Ireenland on the Molyneux (Ilobe was due to Davis or expressed his ideas. The argument dt.'rived from this consideration may perhaps appear to some as of no very great weight : but it is the only scrap of evidence, direct or indirect, l)earing on tiiis i)articular ([uestion which we possess, and we consider ourselves bound to go by it. In the com|)Iete absence (jf evidence to the contrary, we are entirely of o[)inion that, whatever infiuence Davis may have exercised on the Molyneux Globe, he is not responsible for the representation on it of I'"robisher"s Strait and the South of Greenland. The representation of I'lobisher's Strait on the Molyneux Globe was repeated on the New Map, but did not find niany 1 In H.nkluyl's I'liniipal Xavii^iilion^, p|). 779-792. 'I'lk- 'I'liuor^r i'.doU jlid not, however, appear till 159Q, in the secoiKl edition, vol. iii, p. 1 1.5 - The expressions iist'i! in the aecounts of 1 )avis's first voyage both that of Janit's ami ills own in \.\\k: llydrot^iapliiiiil lh\l. •' 'I'lic name '■ Cape Desol.ition " is not due to Davis ; but it is no doubt founded on a misunderstanding occTsioned by the fact that the name " Desolation " on the (ilobe and the New Map was applied to a |)iece of land terminating in a marked promontory. " < '. Desolation" ()ccur>, we beli<'ve, for the lirst time on l',irriit/s Map of the arctic regions of, 1599 (reproduced in llakluvt Soc. edition of /l.in ///:'. \- ri>v/i,'H. U)\. R 4, H. 5, 1!. 8, (.2. (ilakluM Soc. edition of Davis's works, pp. 209, 210, 217, 219. j 1 1 I \CiO EXPF-niTloN'S TO C.KKKNI, \\ I ), l6o5-f6l2. imitators, douhtlcss l)y reason of its trlnriii!:; incnnsistoncy with coiitcinporary accoiinis. (larlo^rapluTs ccilaiiily contimicd, with few exceptions, down to tlie second lialf of the eii,dUeenlh century to place I'Vohisher's Strait in the Soutii of (Ireenland, hiit mostly in a manner more consistent with IJest'sstatemcnts. On these maps, to whicli we may refer as the second series the soiitlu'rn part of (ireenland is seen traversed hy two straits, of wliich the nortlurn is intended for, and j^enerally descrihed as, i'Vcjliisher's Strait, whilst the southern represents I'Vohisher's "mistaken strait", 'i'lu- south coast of (Ireenland, witii ("ape l''arewell, is shown more or less in its proper place. 'i"he maps of this series, which are very numerous, exhihit a great variety of modilications in detail, l)ut these are not worth discussing, as they are purely hypothetical, the land itself remaining une\[)lored all the time. I'inaliy, in the third plact-, a certain number of early cartographers, while sharing the error of removing l''rol»isher's Strait froiu its |)roper place on the American coast to the east coast of (Ireenland, sto[)ped shdrt of the further error of representing this waterway as opening westwards into Davis's Strait. On their maps, therefore, the south of ( 'ireenland is drawn solid, not cut up into islands ; and I'rohisher's Strait is indicated farther north, as entering from the cast coast, but ending blind in the interior of (Ireenland. The earliest dated map on which this arrangement is shown is that published by Hessel (lerrits/. in 1612, to illustrate Hudson's last voyage. Hut it occurs also on the Stockholm Chart, and, as we consider the latter to be the older of the two, this must be pro- nounced the earliest known map showing I'robisher's Strait in this manner. .As a glance at the ma|) will show, it, is very peculiar. A wavy coastline is laid down trending W. N.\\'., but terminating abru])tly, representing evidently the northern shore of l'"rol)isher"s Strait ; south of that, two other similar parallel lines are shown, connected by a third short line at tlieir eastern extremities, representing together a long narrow jieninsula, and standing clearly enough for I'robisher's " Mcta Incognita": no southern shore of the ''mistaken strait" is indicated, and the whole stamls (juite without connection with the outline of (Ireenland. It is (juite evidently an adajjtation of the 'presentation on Dr. Dee's map ; and it is not diltici'' author ot the Stockholm C tioned already that tlv- m-.'" i unwilling to place a uj*.' m;i necessity ; and we be, ■ that i > for omitted both the hy|)olh( lii al western outlet of Krobisher's Strait, and the whole of the long east rn, or rather eastwards trending, coast of (Ireenland, which then and for a long [jeriod Tter figured on almost all maps. As for Frobisher's Strait and localities thereabout described in the a("counts of Frobishcr' 'yages, he could not but look upon them as having really ' observed ; tile reason why the 11. We have men- ppea's to have been on his map without I hat reason that he has I AIM'KNDK i:S. l6l l)iit the (luestion was how to place tlicm without roiiimitting himself to any doubtful hypothesis about the east coast of (Ireen- land. 'I'he representation on the Stockholm Chart is, we believe, simply a ccjntrivance to ovccome that tlifticulty. 'I'he entrance to I'robisher's Strait is so placed that it woukl be on the east coasl of Cireenland if this were laid down according to the prevailing fashion, but the connection is not made. On the next map of this series, that of Ilessel (lerrits/., the arrangement is very similar. 'The cast c;oast is here laid down in the traditional manner, but I'robisher's Strait and the "mistaken strait" are not actually fitted into it. On the southern side, space is left open for the southern shoulder of the "mistaken strait', and on the northern side, the entrance of another inlet is indicated, datonbe's map, which is not dated, but must be a year or two later in date, is of little geographical value, but interesting in this connection, because on it we see the two straits fully incor- porated with the outline of (Ireenland. 15oth straits are marked on the IManiglol)e accompanying the i.alin etlilion of Ilessel (lerritsz.'s Dctcctio Fnti (1613), and the same mode of represen- tation is seen on several later ma[)s: for instance, Hexham's edition of .Mercator's .\tlas (1636). IJolh James's and I'oxe's maps (1633 and 1^)35) are of this tyi)e. It should be noted thai, on the maps which we have described as of the second series, the C(jnnection which I'robisher suspected between the western extremi- ties of his two straits (probably through what we call the North Bay), is supplied by Davis's Strait, but on : ost maps of this last series there is no western connection between them. It is evident that this last series of maps (on which I'robisher's Strait is placed on the east coast of (ireenland, in the proper latitude, whilst the south of (Ireenland is drawn solid), represents an independent current of opinion, upholding in this latter respect, against the error of the Molyneux (llobe, the delmeation of the Zeno map, which had been rather confirmed than otherwise by Davis's and Hall's voyages. As we have shown before, the authorship of the Stockholm ("hart can scarcely be ascribed to anybody else than James Hall. AVhether he may have found the remarkable rei)resentation of Frobisher's Strait on some older nia[), of which he made use, we cannot, of course, tell ; but that it would be agreeai)le tcj his own views we may fairly conclude from the following considera- tions : — In 1605, he had opi)orlunity of seeing so much of the shore between Cai)e ( 'hristian and Desolation that he may have satisfied himself that no strait o})ened in that part of the west coast of (Ireenland ; at the same time Lyschander expressly states that when Hall, on the third voyage in 1607, found himsell off the east coast in lat. 63", he thought himself opposite the place which had been visited by Frobisher.^ We have shown to what great (i I See Introduction, p. xcix. 'I 162 KXI'KDITIONS TO ( ikI.KN i.AM ). \6o:,-\C)\ 2. extent the authors of Hessel (Icrrits/.'s and (iatonhe's maps drew their information from Hail's narratives and maps, and tlio same und()ul)tedly liolds good with regard to this item of Frobisher's Strait. It was, of course, tiirough Hessel Gerritsz.'s map that it came to he adopted l)y some other cartographers. As far, there- fore, as we are led by the facts before us, we believe ourselves justified ui ascribing this peculiar maimer of representing Fro- bisher's Strait to Hall as its autiior. .\l the same time, it is (juite possible that in this matter he only carried out Davis's ideas. That the latter, at any rate in i5S(), entertained the view that Frobisher's Strait was to be sought for considerably to the north of the southern extremity of Greenland may be inferred with no small probability from his instructions to the officers of the S////- shine when she was despatched on a separate expedition. According to Henry Morgan, their orders were " to seeke a pas- sage northward !)etween Cireenland and Iceland, to the latitude of 80 degrees if land did not let us."' 'I'he meaning of this can only have been that the Sinis/iiiic was to [jroceed northwards in order to seek a passage from the sea between Iceland and (Ireen- land, through or round the north of Greenland. After this, or if they failed, they were to sail round the south of Greenland to the meeting-phu:e in hit. 64 on the west coast. Next year, I )avis himself ex[)lor»d the west coast from 64" up to 72. It is ex- tremely probable that in planning this complete exploration of both coasts of Greenland, Davis had Frobisher's Strait in mind. Unfortuiiately, the Suiis/iinc does not appear to have made much way northwards ; but she did follow the coast round the south of Greenland, and it is by no means imjjrobable that Davis con- cluded, from the observations made, that the |)arts discovered by i''rol)isher were situated in some such wa)' as indicated on the Stockholm Ghart. It remains to consider the manner in which l''risland is repre- sented on the Stockholm Chart, and which, as will be at once recf)gniscd, is the same as the one seen on the New Map. 'I'he island is drawn very much as on the Zeno map, but with a wavy line attached to it, indicating, by way of an alternative coastline, the southern and western coast, as seen by [''robisher. Owing to the larger scale of the Stockholm Chart, the drawing is somewhat more elaborate. Whether the author of the Stockholm Chart borrowed this peculiar representation from the New i\Iap, or from some manuscri[)t map, now lost, wc have no means of saying. There is, however, one feature which may indicate that it rests to some extent on independent information, viz., that a portion of the line along the west coast is drawn cjuite straight, which may mean that while the shi|) was proceeding on that part of her way the coast was not really seen, whilst the two pieces lonnected by the ' lliikluyl, /'/V'/.v/// .\\r,i^,i/ii.in>, 1589, p. 787; ll.il. WHiks, |). J). ^uc. ol Davib's Al'I'KN DICKS, ir.^ straight luu' wore actually observed. The line in quesiion on l.utli inaps IS different from tlie coastline of Frisland on Lock's niai) • • Hit the idea of adding such a Hne to the tratUtional ihawing of thJ island was probably suggested by tiie fact of his liavin- given an entirely new outhne of the island. It may be noted that the fart c)t all early cartographers who placed iM-obisher's Strait on the east coast of Greenland having placed a representation of Frisland opposite It, proves conclusively that they had no notion of Lock's (that IS I'lobisher's) I'Yisland being Greenland : and that their dehneation of (Ireenland was not the result of a combination between /eno's Ivngroneland and Lock's l-'risland. In conclusion, the main results of the preceding inquiry, some of which must neces.sarily be of a hypothetical nature, may be summed up as follows : I. The chart of the North .\llantic, which is now preserved in the Koyal Library at Stockholm, in the same volume with the Danish reports on the expeditions to Creenland in 1605 and 1606, is a codv of another chart, now lost, which we believe to have been executld by James Hall during his stay in Denmark from 1605 to t6o7 (.r perhaps a little later. The names on the copy were not found' on the original, but were inserted by a person not thorou-hly acquainted with the subject. 2 i'or the execution of the original of this chart we believe that Hall made use of an older iMiglish chart, which may not unlikely iiavebeenacopy of Davis's chart, but which Hall niodilied, in regard to (.reenland, in accordance with his own discoxeries and views. 3. The original ciiart, we believe, was brought back to Lngland and was there consulted by Hessel Gerritsz. or an English 'infor- mant ot his- perhaps l)y Hudson, of who.se "card" Hessel Cerrits/ 's map is thought to be, in the main, a rei)roducMon— and also by datonbe. .[. 'i'he representation of l-robisher's Strait on the Stockholm ( hart IS probably due to Hall, but may represent the ideas of Davis, who 111 any case cannot be considered responsible for the reprcsentaton ol Lrobisher's Strait on the Molyneux Globe. L2 -^^■*.^0tmim 164 EXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-16T2. t APPENDIX H. On "Bussk Island". r.Y MILLER ( HKLSTVJ [See Introduction^ pp. .v.wv/.x, l.\\\\\i\\ ami cxii: also /»/«. 24aii(/ s^-] On our very earliest charts upon which the northern portion of the Atlantic is depicted, there were shown several islands which certainly do not now exist (if they ever did so), and which are, therefore, commonly regarded as wholly mythical. The four principal of these islands were those which bore the names of Antillia, Seven Cities, Brazil, and St. Brandan. It is manifestly difficult to prove a negative, and several centuries elapsed before geographical knowledge had advanced sufficiently for geographers to be able definitely to estab- lish the non-existence of these islands. As was the case with many similar errors, cartographers in early days often found themselves face to face with the alternative, either to omit altogether features which were represented on earlier charts or referred to in old books, or to insert them on very insufficient evidence. The former they generally hesitated to do, lest their charts might be thought imperfect. Once inserted, therefore, mythical islands or other misconceptions often, in early days, remained long on the maps, for voyages of discovery were very few and far between, and opportunities for really trustworthy verification were corresjjondingly rare. So far as the Atlantic is concerned, the islands in question remained long upon the charts because, until America had become more or less settled with Euro[)eans, that ocean remained only very partially explored. Indeed, before the time arrived when geographers were able to declare without hesitation that these islands certainly did not exist, .several other islands of more or less doubtful existence had appeared upon the charts ; and these, like those which had a[)peared i)reviously, maintained their posi- tions thereon for a long [)eriod. I'he other so-called islands here alluded to are chieilytho.se which owed their appearance on the charts to misconceptions arising out of the very i)erplexing /eno Chart, which was published in 1558, and which (even if not altogether spurious, as it seems to be) undoubtedly exhibits errors wl.'.ch have confused all ' 1 desire to .ncknowlerlgr tlir vahuiblo help ami .ulvicc as to liu' arranpeinont of the matter in the followinf; treatise wIiIlIi li.is Iteen given me liy Mr. ('. \. (iosch, niv co-editor in the res. if the work. CO an o CO •a: -x: C3 IV''; L4!*' \- CO O a. X CJ r=3 \^ Danish Apxtic Expeditions !60S to 1620. 'Hakluyt Socifty 1836. S stand , BY SS Tiy]oUn Smcr Jiiaro gr:ifkrr / *..\ \^ / / / ./ .V* SfHc-ji/icra.'. *.^; «:jt">. .. R- V U<»n Jl^fi ffidirwt TT^ / ^ACSiMl.t »\ J.HVM r, iONOl^N THE CHART OF From John Sellers (E D 1675 / / / / y y y ^tt**; f «" -. i*^w*^" orkis^*Sand \ \ kirly \ EnaUi CQ,a\xcs ^\ ^^-<5 y ■\" "JMMTrii' **T 7''T''''»1' ^0 RT OF BUSS ISLAND T John Sellers English Pilot. (e d 1673. ?) '.C N.. \ N / OUveryFk \ APPENDICES. 165 who have studied it. Among the more or less mythical islands which owe their origin to it, are those which hear the names of Frislanda, Icaria, Drogeo, Podanda, and Neome. The history — real or legendary— of the " Phantom Islands of the Atlantic" (as they have been called) has been studied with more or less diligence by many writers, among the chief of whom are Terrarossa', Huache^, Eggers"', (lossellin^, Washington Irving^ Humboldt", 'Fhos. Wright", d'Avezac■^ (iaffarel", l-'leurioi de Langle^", Sebillot", and Winsor'-. Mr. F. W. l.ucas is about to publish an exhaustive work on the Zeno Narrative and Chart, and I have in preparation a treatise on the Island of Brazil. In the following remarks, however, I am not concerned with any of the foregoing, but with another etjually-mythical island in the Atlantic, which first appeared upon the charts at a later period than any of the foregoing, and which there maintained its position for close upon three centuries — that is, to a later period than any of its predecessors — even, in fact, to our own time. I allude, of course, to the so-called " Island of Buss", the history of which seems never to have been systematically studied by any previous writer on the Lost Islands of the .Atlantic ; and as, out of the many navigators who sought for it shortly after the first announcement of its discovery. Hall alone, in the narra- tive of one of his voyages printed in the present volume, declares that he saw it, I think that some investigation into its history will not be out of place here. The history of the alleged discovery of this island is as fol- lows : — When Frobisher, in 1578, made his third and last voyage north-westward, he had, among the fifteen vessels of his large fleet. ' Rifflfsione (]ei'.;rii/i,/ie tin a li' trrre inrngnitr ( f'adua, 41(1, 1686). - Mimoire sur /' lie tie Fris/ain/f. In the //istoiiy dr l' Acadcmii- Koyiite di's Siic/im. //I?/ (P.nris, 410, 1787), jip. 430-453. ^ Ueber dii uuihir La^e G KXI'F.DITIONS TO CRKENLAXn, 1605-1612. one, named the Emmniniel, which was a "buss". A "buss" is a kind of small, strongly-built, two- or three-masted vessel, which was [generally of from 50 to 70 tons burden, and was formerly much used by English and Dutch fishermen in the herring-fishery, but is now almost obsolete. The vessel in cjuestion (which was commanded by a Captain Newton') belonged to Bridgewater, in Somersetshire, and is described as the " busse of Bridgewater", which description most later writers have erroneously taken for her name.-' just before I-'robisher's return home in the month of September, a storm of great severity scattered the ves.sels of his fleet ; and, although the other vessels started safely upon their homeward voyage, the little " buss" Emninmicl was left behind in a very perilous position at the mouth of a rocky sound, within the entrance to what is now known as Frobisher's May. She made her way, however, through this sound and returned safely to I'^ngland, discovering on her way— or, at any rate, claiming to have discovered — the island which has ever since been known as " Busse Island." Tile first published account of the discovery of the island was contained in Best's narrative of I'Vobisher's three voyages, which appeared in 1578, and reads as follows'' :-• The lUisii , of nn'<(>;Y';iia/i'r, ,is .she came liomeward, to )' South Eastwarde ol l-'rculauii, discoured a great Ilande in the laliiude of — Dej^ree-,'' which was neuer yet (ounde before, and sayled three dayes alongst the coast, the land seeming to be fruiteful, full of wood.s, and a champion countrie." "A fruiteful "j new Hand / discouered. J This record, however, probably remained comparatively un- known or little noticed until the year 15S9, wher there was pub- lished, in one volume, the first edition (so-called) of Hakluyt's famous work. In this volume, we find the following more circumstantial account of the di.scovery of Buss Island, written from the report of one who claims to have been on board the " buss" Eiiimaiiue/, of Bridgewater, at the time^ :— 1 T'lT is, according to Host's Triir /'>isaftcr) j;ives the Cnptain's ii.tiuc as I.crchi'. '-' One authority (inislfd, ap])an'inly, by the contraction of the nanio in Best's iiarrativ(>) has n-ccntly written of her as the Emititi ; wliilo, in the account of r-'iohishcr's three voyajjes .appearint,' in I. 1'". Bernard s Riciicil dc ]'oiai;i's an Nord (Uinii- V, .Amsterdam, 1724, p|). 435-4g4), she is spoken of throiigiiout as " le /iriili^i'^uifiT." •' .7 7'n'r /)is(-07'nr of the I. alt- Wtya'^i's of Diuoiurir for Fiiidim; of n /'iiss(!!;y to Cil/idVii I'v t/ir Xoii/i-Widst, ','iid('r tii, ('o),dii(t of Mtiriiii Frobislin-, (niirro/l \ By George Best. ', (London, 4to, 1578), 'I'hird Voyage, ji. 59- See also Collinson's /'/!>•(<• l'o\'y S(ii or o-,rr l.tind i\ ,nni\iin, fo. , 1580), p. ''135, AI'I'KNIJICKS. ir.; "The Report of Thomas Wiars, passenger in the Emanuel (otherwise called the Husse of Hridgewater, wherein lames Leeche was Master, one of the Shippes in the last voyage of Master Martin Frobisher, 1578), concerning the discouerie of a great Island in their way homeward, the 12 of September. "The Busse of Bridge water was left in Bear's sounde, at Mita incognita,'^ the second day of September, behinde the Fleete, in some disiresse through much winde, ryding neere the Lee shoare, and forced there to ride it out upon the hazard of her cables and ankers, which were all aground but two. The !hirde of September, being fayre weather, and the wind North-north-west, she set sayle and departed thence, and fell with Frisltvid"^ on the S day of Septem- ber, at 6 of the clocke at night ; and then they set off from the Southwest poynt of l-'iidaiid, the winde being at ICast and l^ast-sou'h-east; but, that night the winde veared Southerly, and shifted oftentimes that night; but, on ilie tenth day, in the morning, the wind at west-north west, fayre weather, they steered south-east by south, and continued that course until the 12 day of September : when about 1 1 a clocke before noon they descryed a lande, which was from them about fiue leagues ; and the Southermost part of it was South- east by Kast from them, and the Northermost next North-north-east or North- east. The Master accompted that Frislaiid (the South-east point of it) was from him, at that instant when hee first descryed this newe Island, North- west by north 50 leagues. They account this Island to be 25 leagues long, and the lonfjest way of it South-east and North-west. The Southerne part of it is in the latitude of 57 degrees and i second part, or thereabout. They con- tinued in sight of it from the 12 day, at 11 of the clocke, till the 13 day [at] three of the clocke in the after noone, when they left it ; and the last part they saw of it bare from them North-west by north. There appeared two har- boroughs vpon that coast, the greatest of them seven leagues to the North- wardes of the Southermost poynt, the other but foure leagues. There was verie much yce neere the same lande, and also twcntie or thirtie leagues from it ; for they were not cleare of yce till the 1 5 day of September, after noone. They plied their voyage homewards, and fell with the west part of Ireland, about Gahvay, and had first sight of it on the 25 day of September." This narrative is appended to Thos. Ellis's account of Fro- hishcr's third voyage. It was republished in the better-known three-volume edition of Hakluyt's Voyages, which appeared in 1599-1600 (vol. iii, p. 44), wherein was also reproduced (vol. iii, p. 93) Best's brief notice of the discovery of the island, already quoted, but with the latitude ("57 degrees and a half") inserted. It should be noted that, of the two foregoing narratives, that of Wiars (which is much the fuller) is a jjcrsonal narrative of events which he himself witnessed ; whilst that of l^est (although the first published) is merely a brief, hearsay, second-hand account. ' On the north side of l-'robisher's liay. - Thai is, in this case, Creenland. i'^iisland was the name (as will he rememhcredl of a largi" island which was supposed to lie in the middle of the .\tlantie, l)et\veen latitudes (j I ' and 63'. It was first represented on the well-known, but very misleading, /eno (liari of 1558, and was cojiied on to most of the ehaits of the end of the i6th century. Thns it was that I'rohisher, when he encountered a coast lying in aViout lat. Oo . did not identify it with (ireenland (which, on thi- Zeno (hart by which he was sailing, was erroneously shown much luitlier north 1 but with the non-e.\i>lent l-Yisland. mmmmmm 1 68 EXPEDITIONS TO OREENLAN'I >, l<')05-l6l2. and differs from the foregoing in more than one respect. Thus, while Wiars says that they were in sight of liuss Island for only a part of two days, Best says they "sayled three dayes alongst the coast", adding that it seemed "to he fruiteful, full of woods, and a champion countrie*', of which Wiars says nothing whatever. Nor is it at all likely that an island surrounded by such ice-fields as Wiars mentions would appear a fruitful country, full of woods. In short, this part of Best's account is evidently the outcome of his imagination, or of that of his informant, and may therefore be disregarded. The next piece of apparently-original information concerning Buss Island which we meet with is a statement by Luke Koxe in his Nortli-West Fox (published in 1635), in which he reproduces,' in a condensed form, the statements of both Best and Wiars as given above, adding in a side-note the following: — "If this Hand were found againe, there is great store of I'ish about it." This addi- tional i)iece of information was very likely obtained personally by F'oxe from someone who was on board the " buss'" Emmanuel on her homeward voyage — perhaps from Captain Newton liimself ; for we know'' that, for many years before sailing on his own voy- age in iC)3i, Foxe had very industriously sought the ac([uaintance of those who had sailed previously in search of a North-West I'assagc, and had obtained from them all the charts and informa- tion he could which bore upon the search. As regards early mai)s and charts on which Buss Island is shown, it is a somewhat remarkable fact that, although Best refers to the discovery of the Island in his True Discourse (as already mentioned), he does not show it, as he woll might have done, on either of the maps which accompany thai work. The earliest map of any kind on which (so far as I have been able to discover) Buss Island is shown, is that on the celebrated Molyneux (Hobe of 1592, which was published only fourteen years after the reported discovery of the Island." " Buss Ins." is shown thereon as a fair-sized island with a complete coast-line, somewhat elongated to the east and west, and lying in lat. 58" 30' — 59°, long. 356" — 359" IC. from St. Michael in the Azores ( = 30°- -27" W. from Cireenwich), some way to the south-east of Krisland, as described in Wiars' narrative, from which, no doubt, it was laid down by Molyneux. Buss Island was next shown (so far as I can find), two years later, on the chart of 1594 by Peter Blancius, entitled " Orbis Ter- rarum 'J'ypus de Integro Multis in Locis emendatus",-* whereon 1 Of), lit., p. 33. See also Miller Christy's I'lmii^i's of Foxr •^"*^' ''>"K- -3 ^^ • froi" (ircenwich (355^ E. from I'crro), lyin^ to the south-east of I'Vislaiul. In the followinj; year (1595). "I- Uus" was shown on the chart entitled " ICuropa ost Kcrstenrijck", in the Caart T/iresor (\). 21), published at Amsterdam. The island has a complete coast-line, and lies in lat. 58" — 59°, long. 31 — 32° \\. from Greenwich. It is somewhat remarkable that no trace of lUiss Island should ajjpear on the very up-to-date " New Map" published in 1600, nor on any later published map (so far as I have been able to dis- cover) before that of Hessel (lerrits/oon, whicli tirst appeared in 161 2. On this Cliart', the representation of Huss Island (or " I5us" as it is thereon called) assumes an entirely new type, and one (as must be admitted) more strictly in accord with the descri[)tion given by W'iars. The |)()sition remains the same as before, the Island being shown in lat. 57' 40'- -58' 30', long. 26' 30'— 28' 20' W. of (ireenwich, some distance south-east from Krisland. The representation oi the Island itself is, however, (|uite different, the northern coast not being defined. The southern coast (which alone is indicated) trends S. 1-2. and N.W., and shows the entrances to a couple of inlets or harbours. There can be no doubt that this different rei)resentation of the Island was due to a new and more careful study on Cerrits/.'s part of \\'iars"s narrative, which shows (as will be remembered) that the southern coast alone was seen or su[)posed to have been seen, that it trended about as shown, and that a couple of harbours were observed — or supposed to have been observed — in it. derritsz., however, also represents a small nameless islet a little to the N.W. of the main island, and for this 1 do not know how to account. There can be no doubt that, from this Chart, — which went through several editions, and became very widely known, — the particular representation of the island shown thereon was trans- ferred to nearly all the later charts on which it appeared during the seventeenth century. The island is shown as " I. Bus" on Abraham (ioos's (llobe, published by Joh. Jansonnius at Amsterdam in 1621,- whereon it is laid down in lat. 57 , long. 3" E. from the meridian of Mores ( = 28' \\. from (Ireenwich). In 1633, it api)ears in lat. 57 -— 58 , long, about 30 W. from I I li (• |ary in |ip. .ns the title implies, is an :iiiierule(l edition of some foiiiicr map |)ioli,-il)K the Peter I'lancms Ma|) of 15^2, of which no copy is now known to exist (sec Mr. ('. H. Cootc's Introduction to I'art I of .Miiller's Rntidrkdl'l,- Maps of the Xl'lli, .With, ami W'llth ('c)ifiiriis, Amsterdam, 1894I. ' The " Tabula Xantica" in Dc.uriptio ac l)iliiii\iliu 1 ii'('\'>;if>hi<iit;tioiii^ I'nti III' //. Uiidsiiiio liiviiili (Amsterdam, 4to, i()i2). - kepioiluced in MiiUer s h'ciiuirkii/i/c Md/'s. (.Xmsterdaui, 1894), No. 9 IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /. C' /- /a 1.0 I.I ii^ 121 III 2.2 11 1.8 1.25 1.4 — -Hill « 6" — » Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. M58Q (716) 873-4503 ^ 4^ \ iV \\ »v o^ mmr 170 FA'I'F.DITIONS TO CRFCKM.ANH, I^05-l6l2. Clreenwich, on Capt. Thomas James's " Piatt",' whereon, though nameless, it is shown very much as on (lenitsz.'s Chart, Two years later, in 1635, it appeared as "buss" on the chart in Capt. Luke Foxe's work* ; but thereon, though similarly placed (in lat. 57"— 58°, long. 29" — 30° W from (Ireenwich), it is shown as three small islands lying due south from Frisland. After this time, the Island continued to be marked, for many years, on most maps and charts ; but, as the representation of it was copied from one to the other with little variation, it seems unnecessary to cite further instances. Nevertheless, even at this early period, there appear to have been cartographers who rejected the story of the di.scovery of the Island, and disbelieved in its existence. It has been already mentioned that the Island is not shown on the maps in Best's True Discourse : but this cannot have been because Best disbelieved in its existence, as he gives the account of its discovery a place in his work. The fact that the Island is not marked on the "New Map" of 1600 (as also already stated), nor on the Map of the World in Speed's Pr(}s/>ec/{l.on(i., fo., 1631 ), nor on any of the maps in Hexham's (Mercator's) A//ns of 1636, may, however, probably be taken as evidence that their authors did not believe in the existence of the Island, as was most likely also the case with many other early cartographers nf lesser conse- (juence, on whose maps the Island is "'^t shown. There can be little doubt, lioweve ih r ^r> tUo Marine Charts' drawn for the special use of navigatoi.-., ii-ss I'.land was very generally inserted from at least the commenccnieni of the seven- teenth century onwards. We may infer as much from Hall's words in his accounts of his expeditions to (Ireenland in 1605 and 1606 (see pp. 24 and 58), wherein he says that, having looked out for it, he believed it to be misplaced " in the marine charts". Very few of these charts are now in existence, and we can only men- tion one exhibiting Buss Island, namely the "Stockholm Chart" treated of in Appendix A. The Island is shown thereon in lat. 57° 35' N. and (as near as one can reckon, for the degrees of longitude are not numbered) in long. 26" — 27° W. of (Ireenwich. It has very much the same appearance as on (lerritsz.'s Chart — merely a southern coast-line exhibiting three small inlets. The size of Buss Island, as it ap|)eared on most of the charts of the seventeenth century, was considerable. l">om north to south, it extended over a degree of latitude, whilst its width from east to west was about ecpial. In shape, the Island showed little variation, its northern coast being shown as unknown, and its .southern coast exhibiting one or more small inlets. Its position, ' In '/'//(' Sfnnix'i' iiii(/ />iin!,'irip. ,,i!;i< of /•'inr mid .himcs, p. 92. •'' llii- J\iii;/isli Pi /of /ly John Sillir. HyJrogrtipiur to lite A'iiij;, Fourth Jiooi- (Loiulon, fo. , ? 1673), )). 5. The only i'o|)y we have seen of what we believe to he the first edition is that in the Mritisli Museum (Press-mark, 1804, b. 7), which aopears to l>e an incomplete proof. It is undated, havinj; no title-page ; hut the*, atalot^ue assigns it to 1071 , probably because the Koyal (irant of Kxclusive Copyright for thirty years contained in it bears date " March 22nd, 1670-71 ". We believe, however (for a reason to l)e stated hereafter), that it cannot well be earlier than 1673. The maps mentioned hereafter appeared, we believe, only in this lirst ,"■''> cf AIM'ENniCKS. t;.; According to this, the Island was not only seen but partially explored, and a map of it made, in the year 167 1, in the course of a voyage from Dunkirk, apparently undertaken for fishing pur- poses, under the command of a certain Captain Thomas Shep- herd. The astonishing record in (juestion reads as follows : - ^^A Description of the Island Buss. "This Island lieth in the Latitude of 58 det;. 39 inin. Ii bears \V. Iiy \., half a point Notherly, from the Mizen-heaJ, in Ireland, distant about 296 leagues. " This Island was first discovered in Sir Martin Frobisker's third and last Voyage to the North- West, in the V'ear 1578, by one of his Vessels that strai'd from his Fleet in their Home-wardbound Passage, who accidentally discovered it, and called it after the name of the vessel, which was the A'/m.v of l^rid^;- water, and therefore they called it Hms Island ' They judged it to be about 25 Leagues long, lying the longest way S. \\. and N. W. They found two Ilarbours in it; and, according to the account they give of it, that the greatest of them is about seven Leagues to the northward of the Southermost Point of the Island, [and that it is] called l\upcil\ llarhonr : and [that] the other [Harbour isj four Leagues to the N. W. of that, [and isj called Shaftslmry's Harbour. There are two small Islands that lie oft' the l^ast Point of the Island. " This Island was further Discovered by Captain Thomas Shepherd, in the Golden Lion, of Dunkirk, in the year 1671, at the charge of MounsierlsJ Kiel, Spaivlding, and Kiequerts, Lords of that Town. The said Captain Shepherd brought home the Map of the Island that is here annexed ; and [he] reports that the Island aflfords store of Whales, easie to be struck. Sea-horse, Seal, and Codd in abundance ; and [he] supposes that two Voyages may be made in a year. The sea is clear from Ice, unless in Sef'tember. The I ,a.id [is] low and level to the Southward, and [there are] some hills and mountain; on the N. W. end. The Variation was here, in the Near 167 1, 9 degrees west. There lieth a ISank about 12 Leagues to the southward of the Island that hath good store of lish upon it, aiid is about 15 Leagues in length, lying chiefly N.N. \V. and S.S.K., having 40 fathom and 36 fathom Water upon ii. "This Island hath several times been seen by Captain Gillain in his Pass- ages to and from the North- West. "- The narrative is accompanied by a large full-page map showing Buss Island and the Duke of N (jrk's Sand, which niai) is herein reproduced in facsimile:'' Huss Island is also shown, though on a small scale, on the (leneral Chart of the North Atlantic, which edition, tliougl) there are many later editions. I hat of i08(), however, eontains the " I )cseri|Hion " of lUiss Island, the prnited sheets of tile edition f)ein>,', .ipparently. merely a re-issue of the sin plus stoek left over from the lirsl eiliticm, Iml wilh.i new title-page. The tlition ol 1728 and later editions eoalain millier llie " Deseription" nor the map-, in (|iii'slion. ' The .statement iliat it was nan)e, for permission to have copies of this maji printed oh, for use herein, from the stone which had hern prepared for use in his forthcoming work on the /eno tjuestion. ^ 174 i:\l'i:i)ITU>NS T(J (IKEENLAM), 1605-1612. AI'l'ENDiCES. '75 ^ is found in the English Pilot (a portion of which chart is also here reproduced in facsimile), but the names hereon differ some- what from those on the larger map. As this narrative, and the maps accompanying it, will have hereafter to be fully considered in connection with the other records of the reported sighting of the Island, it is only necessary here to point out the significance of the names appearing on the maps. Taking first the larger and more detailed chart, we find thereon twelve names, of which eleven are on Buss Island itself and the two small islands shown to the east of it, while one relates to a sandbank further south. These names, together with the persons from whom they have evidently been derived, are as follows, com- mencing from the south-west and taking them in order : — •••Viner's Point •Rupert's Harbour *Shaftsbury's Harbour •Craven Point •Cape Hayes Kick's Ba y •Robinson Bay •Albermarle's Point •Arlington's Harbour Munden's Island Shepherd's Island Duke of Vorke's Sand Sir Robert Vyner, Kt. and Bart. Prince Rupert Anthony, ICarl of Shaftesbury' William, Earl of Craven James Hayes, Ks(|uire ? Mons. Kicquerts, of Dunkirk Sir John Robinson, Kt. and Bt. Christopher, Duke of Albemarle Henry, Lord Arlington . ■> Capt. Thos. Shepherd James, Duke of York."* On the smaller chart (which does not show the Duke of York's Sand), there are fifteen names of localities. Of these, eight are identical with those already given (namely Arlington's Harbour, Albemarle's Point, Shepherd's Island, Munden's Island, Cape Hayes, Cravon Point, Shaftesbury's Harbour, and Rupert's Har- bour, though the last two are transposed, probably in error); while two of them are new names substituted for those indicating the same features on the other chart ; and five are new names for localities not named at all on the other chart. The only locality which is named on the larger chart, but has no name on the smaller, is Kick's Bay. The changed names appearing on the smaller chart are as follow : — " Warren Bay ( - Robinson Bay) Pt. Carew ( = \yner's Point) The new names are : — " •Griffith's Mount •Kirke Point •Point Carteret Bence Point •Hungerford Bay ? ?" Sir John Griffith, Kt. John Kirke, Esquire Sir Philip Carteret, K». . ? Sir Edward Hungerford, Kt. ' As, in 1671, this nobicniiin bore the title of Lord Ashley, .ind was only created Earl of Shaftesbury in April 1072, the appearance of the latter title here proves that this edition of Seller's Pilot eannot be mueh earlier than 1673. - Afterwards KiiiR James II. I ! ■ 176 KXrKDITloNS TO GUKENLAND. 1605-1612. It will be noticed that, of the nineteen names of special local- ities on Buss Island, given above, those marked with an asterisk (no less than twelve in number) are obviously derived from per- sons who were named as I )irectors in the Charter of Incorporation granted to the Hudson's Hay Company on May 2;id, 1670. Of the remaining seven names of localities, one was named after the then Duke of N'ork, as might very naturally be done : one was named after Captain Shepherd himself; and another (Kick's Bay) probably after the Mons. Kicquerts, of Dunkirk, who is mentioned in the narrative^ ; while I am ((uitc unable to account for the origin of the remaining four names (Munden's Island,'- AVarren Bay, Point Carew, and Bence Point), though some at least of these may have been named after (,'aptain Shei)herd's subordinate officers on board the Golden Lion. Although the narrative clearly slates that Captain Shepherd, at the time when he made the map in cpiestion, was sailing in the service of some French owners residing at Dunkirk, it can scarcely be doul)ted that he was the same Captain Shepherd mentioned by Oldmixon'' as being in the service of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, and in command of the Sha/tesi>ury, a vessel belonging to the Company and spoken of as having made a voyage to Hudson's Bay in or about the year 1673. On that occasion, she sailed in company with another vessel belonging to the Company and commanded by the Cajjtain (lillam who is mentioned by Seller (see above) as having previously sighted the Island. To this statement, I will next direct attention. In the first edition of Seller's Enj^/is/i Pilot, immediately following the " 1 )escription of Buss Island", appears "A Breviate of Captain Zechariah (jillam's Journal [of his Voyage] to the North-West, in \}c\q. Nonsuch Catch, in the year 1668." The voyage in question was the first trading voyage (as distinguished from an exploring voyage) ever made to Hudson's Bay, and it resulted in the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company. The account of it (which also appeared in many later editions of the English Pilot) commences as follows : — "On the third day oijunc^ he weighed from Gravcs-enJ, and on the thir- teenth following, he saw fair Isle bearing N.E. by E., two Leagues olV. . . . " The fourteenth day, Orkmy: boie south, 18 Leagues off, and fair Isle, S. E. by E., eight Leagues from them ; and [he] steered away from Orkneys N.W. somewhat westerly. 1 Oldmixon, however, nientiuns {The British Empire in Ameriea, London, 2 vols., 8vo, 1708, vol. i, p. 409) 11 " Sanuiol Keck, lisq. , ;i nia.stcr in Chancery", who may possibly have been the man after wliom the bay was named. * .\s Mr. I'osler has kindly pointed out, there was a Captain (afterwards Sir Richard) Munden, who, in 1673, when cruising with a scjuadron of the Royal Navy in the seas around St. Helena, recaptured that island from the Dutch (see Mr. I'". C'. Danvers' Report 011 t/ie liidiit Ojjicr h'eeords, vol. i, 1887, p. 130). I am not, however, aware that he had any connection with the Hudson's Hay C'onipany. * lirit. limp, ill Amer., i, p. 400. i AIM'ENDKES. 1/7 English ,onclon, inceiy", irds Sir \\ Navy I see Mr. lini not, Iny. " ( )n the I'lrst day of . lui^ust following, he saw Land bearing west from them, two miles of)°, and juH^ed it to be an island, being dark and foggv weather, hav- ing sailed due we«t 524 leagues and a half, seeing many great Mocks of small lUrds; and, in sounding, [he] fouid 120 fathom Water, the Land or Island (which he rather supposed it to be) bearing west 2 miles from them, iieinii in I. it. 59 dep. 35 min. " Tlie second ui Aui^usl, having still steered away west 528 leagues and a half, he saw a small Island, being then in the L^atitude of 59 deg. 4J min "The third day, he saw the Land bearing from the W.N.SV. to the S.W. by W., with one Island lying about four Leagues from the Main, beine then in the Latitude of 59 deg. 34 mm. . . . After six of the Clixk, he ran \.\V by W. 3 leagues, and then \V. by S. II Leagues, and then found his whole Westing 539 Leagues and a half." Tlicrc can. I think, be very little doubt that the foregoing records one of the " several '' occasions upon which, according to Seller, Captain (lillam sighted (or thought he sighted) Buss Island. Seller himself evidently believed that what (lillam saw on the occasion above described was Buss Island ; for, alluding to the voyage in question, he elsewhere says^ that the ketch, " in her way, made the Land of Buss, lying betwixt Iseland and droenland." Speaking of the island itself, Seller says {loc. cit.) :- " Southwcstward from Isclaud, alxjul 140 leagues, lycth an /j/rt.7'««, in the latitude of 57 degrees 35 minutes, not yet fully discovered, t ml only as il hath been accidentally seen l»y some, who upon other disr-overieN have occasionally passed those seas, as Captain (iiliam in his first voyage to tile North-West Passage had Soundings near unto it." 1 will defer until later any expression of opinion as to what it was that (jillam really saw. After the appearance of Shepherd's narrative and maps in Seller's English Pilot, the curiosity of geographers and the desire of navigators to find the mysterious Island were no doubt con- siderably increased; and, though actual records are not numerous, one cannot doubt that many a ca|)tain, both linglish and foreign, when passing the supposed situation of Buss Island, kept a shar() look-out for it. But no one was fortunate enough to catch a sight of it ; and, before the middle of the eighteenth century (by which time voyages across the Atlantic, to America or Greenland, for [)ur[)oses of exploration, colonisation, commerce, or fishing, had become tolerably and increasingly fre (Aiiislcrdiun, (. 1700.) •' AtUii Soii-.wui, con ten, III/ loiites /e.\ J'tirlies dii Monde, par (iuillauiiie dr I'/iU (AnuitLTdaiii, iinj). lb.,(. 1720). I'lii'ir arc numy later editions. ■» "Hemisphere OccidentMl. I)ress(? en 1720, pour I'usage particuller du Roy, sur les ohserxatioDs nstrc>nuniii|ues et {jeograpliiiiiies re|iort(^es la nu^nie anixV dans I'liistoire et dans les nienuiires de l'.\cadeniic Kle. des .Sciences; I'ar (Juillaunie de I'lsle, premier (jeofjiajtlier deSa Majeste de la meme .Academic. ,\ Amslerdatii; I. Covens et ( '. Morlier, n.d. ." In a later impression ot lliesame map, " c()rrif;(' suivant les dcrnieres ilcconvertcs par (ovens et Mortier," both the island and the inscription are entirely omitted. ion appear- i Atlantic,' itury, Buss U a remark- owed Buss the manner 3, "I- •*"«" :)f elongated :, and lying [Ireenwich); ,s a piece of jse adjacent um terrarum >nal method itroduced by ; year i72o.'' id" therein, rthern coast- long. 350^ K. There can iss Island, in hern, instead lat De lisle sphere Occi- shown as an tending froni 30-23" 30' ce d Del' Isle on the point emained and lars as a land ar southern and a half jnds to from ifi-ifir/fc vtin lie I ilia 11 til !■ lie Nile liculicr (lu kov, i(';me anniV dans Par t juillaiimc A Amsti'iilam; icinap, " c(inij,'r islatitl ami tlir AI'I'KNDICKS. «;y 30' 30' 28' \V. from Ocenwich), and hearing this inscription in i)ut«h,'— "The submer^'ed Land of Buss is now-a-days nothing but sun, a (juarter o. a mile lonj;. with a roii^'h sea. Most likely it was originally the great island of Krisland." On Johan Anderson's Chart (published in the following year-'), the Island is similarly shown in lat. 58 30', but with a much greater east and west extension. In this direction, the land indicated extends over no less than five degrees of longitude and a half (from long. 34^)' to 351A' \\. from Kerro. which corresponds to from t,!" to 2(y\ W. from (Ireenwich). There is also this inscription in I )utch, which is evidently abbreviated from that of \'an Keulcn ■ :— "The submerged Island of Muss is now-a-days nothing but surf, a quarter of a mile, with a rough sea." After this time, the representation of liuss Island on the charts became very uncertain. On some, it was .still shown nnich as Hessel (lerritsz, had shown it in 1612 ; and of this type are the line I'rench charts of J.N. Hellinof 1751 and 1765. Others exhibited the Island much as it was shown on \'an Keulen's Chart. Very many other charts of the period in question (among which we may men- tion those of Sanson, Jeffreys, and I'alairet) did not show it at all, probably either because, as the Island was supposed to have been submerged, it was not thought worth while to show it, or because the greatly-exaggerated representation of \an Keulen had made later cartographers doubtful whether any such island could ever have existed at all. Naturally enough, however, after the impression that the Island had become submerged became prevalent, many navigators pass- ing the spot where it was supposed to have been made observa- tions, by means of soundings or otherwise, to endeavour to obtain some corroboration of the general belief in its submergence, just as earlier navigators had looked out for the Island itself soon after its existence was reported. Among the very earliest to do so was, I believe, the Captain nif^ntioned by Anderson in 1746, of whom he says in German,' — ' "7 virsiiiikcniii I. and ran tlm i.\ /iiifciit/a.i,:,'s al braiidinj; \ iiiijl lam; mil hoi 'Ciitcr. Is wel—efr het tiioate , ijlaiid I-'rrisl,iiid ^n^'''!"'/- - In his Xdiiiriihtiii lan Island, C,ri>iiland. inid davi-i (Haniliur^', 1746, 8v(i|. 'Ilii'ic arc aliti i-diliotis puldisliod in ('idi^i;i' \ Myl ni,t hal loater." ^ X.iitiriilili-n van Idand. iiroiil.ind. und dable hypothesis that there are in the sea-bottom hot springs which cause this elevation and disturbance of the water ?'' Nfessrs. Verdun cle la Crcnne, de Horda, and I'ingro, in (heir account of a voyage made in 1771-72, by order of the King of hVanre, for the purpose of corre<;ting the marine charts of the .\tlanlic, crossed the place where Buss Island (which they helieved identical with Krisland) was |)laced in the charts, but without seeing the slightest vestige of it. Of its existence, they express themselves very doubtfully, as follows :' — " Ndus en doutons, parce (|ue nous ne voyons pas ijue I'exisience de ce^te ile de Muss soit sutlinament constatce ; nous Tavons, cependant, mise sur notre carte.et pour sa position nous nous sommes conformeiis u la carte de 1751 [i.r , Hellin's], position que nous regarderions, nuanmois, comme trcsdouteusc, nid-me en admettant I'existence de Tile." 'i'hey do not actually state that they sounded upon the spot, but they may have done so. Lieutenant R. I'icicersgill, who accompanied C'aptain Cook upon one of his voyages, writing (as may be inferred) between I 776 and his death in or about 1780, declared his belief that both Krisland and Buss Island (which he evidently did not regard as identical) still existed; for, says he,' they could hardly Have become submerged "without so violent a concussion as must have affected the north of Europe". He goes on to say that if the latter Island could be again discovered, it would pro- bably prove " preferable to Newfoundland for its fishery. . . Besides, [he adds] our ships bound to the north might winter there, and it might prove a nursery for hardy seainen." Next he declares his belief that one reason why Buss Island had never been sighted by recent navigators was that, having been marked on V'^an Keulen's Chart (by which, he says, the Green- land voyages were then regulated), " the seamen, in consequence, instead of endeavouring to discover, use all the means in their iulitti, line uiihi-j^riijliclie lUiiiidiiHi^, -wJiin/i das IWissfr thisi'll'st holier, ah auf der .Sir rings uinht'r gcs/undcn, mid eiii griiiiliclies \\\nser iicbst viiicr tn-ibfii- di'ii Affngc von allfrhy grumii Sirkrautf biiiitrki't. 1st nit lit die UHihrschtin-liihstf Vermutliiing das in Griindi- hiisze Spring-Qiiellcn styn tvcrdfn die divsf Erln-hnng and dieses Ciekrdusel des Wassers venirsiuhen f" ' Voyage fait par Ordre dii Noi en ijji tt ijjj (Paris, 3 vols., 4I0, 1778), vol. ii, p. 360. - ./ Coneise Aeeounl of I 'oy ages for the Discinrry of a .Worth- West I'ossiige, . . . Jiy (I .Seo O^eer i\.<>m\(m, pott 8vo, 1782), pp. 32-38. 'I'his nnonyinoiis work wns publisheil posthumously. lly Have as must .ly that d pro hery. . . winter Next md had iig been (Ireen- hofier, ol> ■r tn-ihtii- tin-lichstf l-'.rhchiiiii^ U), 1778), (.11 /;'(■, . . . work w:is AIM'KN'DKKS. 181 power to avoid, it." Finally, in su|)port of his belief in the con- tinued existenth of June, i77'», I-ieutenant l'ickers^;ill himself, when commanding H.M. I5rig Liott on a voyage to I )avis Strait, .sounded (as he thought) on the site of the submerged Island, and obtained depths of from 290 to 320 fathoms. His account of the matter the only authoritative one ever |)ul)lished, so far as I have been able to discover is as follows •} "June 2Sth, noon. — I, it. 56° 38'. Long, by last obseiv,ttion, 17° 44'; by ship !t reckoiiiiig 22° 20'. " lune 29fti, 3 I'. M — Calm. Tried soundings, and got ground at 230 fathoms ; drifted to the N K. about 2 miles, and sounded again in 290 fathoms; fine, white sand. .\t the same time, saw a shag, gulls, and other signs of land not far hence. Hy running about 19 miles N.I-'., by N., lost soundings ; so bore away, calling it the ' I, ion's Kank'." It will be noticed at once that, in the foregoing, nothing is either stated or imj>lied as to the exact position in which these sound- ings were taken. That I'ickersgill did not make any actual observations as to the position may be inferred from the fact that in his work already mentioned, speaking of Huss Island, he says :'-' " I have sounded when near it by computation, and make no doubt but that, if I had had time (as 1 had evident tokens of land), I might have discovered it." Sir John Harrow (who, as Secretary to the Admiralty, had access to Pickersgill's own manuscript journal, from which he prints extracts) says'' that the position was lat. 57" N., long 24" 24' \N'., which cannot be made to agree with I'ickersgill's own published statement, and is rather to the southward, and five or six degrees to the eastward, of what may be called the mean position of Huss Island on the old charts. Shortly afterwards, Dr. Alexander l-isher gave^ (probably on the authority of Harrow, as he mentions no other source of inform- ation) the same figures for the position where I'ickersgill sounded, though he suggests that I'ickersgill was in error as to his longitude, ' P/iiliiso/>/iir(t/ Tninuii /iiiHi. voj, Kviii. pt. 2 (177111, p. 1057. - A ('(iiiiisf Aifi'iiiil, ftf. , (1782), p. 37. •' A ('/in>noliii;iii/i,/ni' ; .... par If CoiUrf-.Xmiral N'icuniti' editions, e trouble ind had atives of Hay, m en land of esirous of 'e altered ininjr the fact. We made all sail ahead, kept a gooil look-out, witli thi' K-ad constantly ^'oiny;; and, at sunset, being near ihe spot, shortened sail und hove to in order to sound, but found no bottom in iSo fathoms. I'his was repeated every lour miles, but with no better success ; and, when the .//. \/;«i/(7 came up with us (bein^r then thirty miles past the spot marked out for this sunken bank), we made sail, but kept the lead constantly K'0'"ii- "The existence of this bank has long l)een doubted by tiie masters of dreenland-men, and certainly it is not io be fouml where laid down in the charts. X'arious stories respecting it were related by j)cople on hoard ; but it appeared, on comparing their testimonies, that no soundinj;s had ever been actually found. I am more inclined to imai;ine that, when ships have been siruck in this ipiarter with heavy seas, the shocks have erroneously been attri- buted to the Sunken Land of Huss. " Early next mornin«^, the wtather was fair.. ..We continued our soundinL;s, but wi'hou' finding ground, and heKl on constantly in the same parallel of latitude." In the year following (1819), Sir William E. Parry, when out- ward bound upon his voyage in search of a North-West I'assage, wrote as follows :'- " (.)n the 27th [of May] we cast off the Griper^ and hauled a little to tiie northward, in order to pass near the spot where Lieutenant I'ickersgill obtained soundings, from 320 to 330 fathoms, on the 2()th of June, I77()"; and, at (> p.m., being in lat. S'j'^Sy' 39', and longitude, by chronometers, 24"" 33' 40", the deep- sea clams were ^>elu down with one thousand and tweiuy fithoms of line, without tmdii'g bottom " ....\t half-past I p.m. [on the 30th], we began to cross the space in which the ■ Sunken Land of Hubs' is laid down in Steel's Chart from Kiii^Lind .'i> Urtinhiiid : and, in the course of this and the following day, we tried for soundings several times without success, the ship's position being as follows : Lat. /.: ",;,'■• /■\lt//,iHIS 5f 4<>' 2C/ 21) I'X) 57° 4'/ 29" 22' 90 58" 02' 29" .^2' 80 58^ 07' 21)" 34' 85 >8' 14' 21,- .,6' 100 S8-' i.V 30" 52' 170." Alexander l-isher, M.D., who also published an account of the same voyage, gives some further information upon thi- subject. He says :'^ "[May 27th, 1819]. "This afternoon, the weather luing almost perfectly calm, we availed ourselves of the opportunity of trying for soundings on the supposed ' Sunken Land of buss', according to its situation by Lieutenant Pickersgill, who, in his passage to Davis' Straits, in the year 177O, struck soundings with a line of 320 fathoms in the very place where we happened to get becalmed this afternoon''; but, strange to s.iy, although we had 1,120 fathoms of line out, we found no \.M:raphic), ■845). London, 1 Journal of a I 'oyoiii' for t/i,- /'iunirrv of a Xort/i- U'l^t /'a\saxr . . . in tiie Wars /iV/v-.'!) (Loiulou, 410, 1821), pp. 4-5. - Soe anti'. p. i8i. •' Journal of a rovai^r of /)isi. 15. ■• lit' asst'its ilia foot-noti" that the position in wliuli Piokcrsi;!!! soiimlcd was lat. _S7, l"Ug' 2.1" 24' W. ; but, as already stated, «e do not kiiou (Icllnitrl) (jii uliat aiuhoritv he savs so. / li I 1S4 KXF'KDITIONS TO CKKKNLAND, I«^05-l6l2. this, however, that the bank on which that olTicer sounded does not exist ; for it is more reasonable to suppose that he might be mistaken in his longitude n( the place than that the existence of the bank itself should be (questioned, more especially as some of our latest charts (by .Steel) lay the Sunken Land of Huss down several degrees to the westward of where we sounded to-day." letter on he says^ that on the 30th and 31st (on the latter date, apparently in lat. 58' 13', long. 30° 20' W.) they sounded again "with 160 fathoms of line, but found no bottom. Tlie object for sounding on this occasion was [he adds] to ascertain whether a bank exists in the place wliere the 'Sunken {.and of liuss' is laid down on Steel's Chart; but our researches here, as on Pickersgill's bank,- have been in vain. So that 1 think the existence of any remains of [the] Huss's [.and (if ever there was such an isle) may now be justly (juestioned. At all events, liydroKraphers may with perfect safety henceforth expunge from their charts all traces of it in either of the places hitherto assigned." In 1828, Captain W. A. draah, when on his voyage from Den- mark to (ireenland in search of the Lost Colonies, passed the reputed site of the Island. He says :"- "On the 25lh [of April, 1828] we passed what is laid down in the charts under the name of the 'Sunken-Land-vanliuss', — a danger made mention of even in the latest Knglish sailing directions, but which mariners may now be assured is altogether an imaginary one." Although Ciraah does not say that he sounded, one may infer that he did so. Finally, Sir John Ross, in his account of his second voyage in search of a North-West Passage, says^ that on the 22nd of June, 1829, *' at an early hour in the morning, we passed the spot marked in the chart as that where I'ickersgill sounded in 3cxd fathoms. The state of the weather did not, however, permit us to repeat this trial at to great a depth." This IS the last occasion, as far as I know, on which anyone made an attempt to discover traces of the lost Island. It is necessary to add, however, that, even after the theory that liuss Island had become l)y some means submerged had obtained general acceptance, it did not at once disappear from the charts, for it lingered thereon (as has been said) right down to our own time. The latest on which I have been able to find any trace of it is that of Europe in the 1856 edition of Keith Johnston's Physical Aflas, whereon it appears, without query of any kind, as a minute speck, in about lat. 57° N., long. 25^ W. It inay, how- ever, be observed that, although the last lingering belief in the existence of any such island as Buss Island has long since disap- I op. rif., pp. 17 1 8. * Which he clearly regards ;is not lying in the position assigned to Huss Iskind. ■' Xarrati-if of on I-l\ptdilion to the A'as/ Coast of dririiloiid. sent hy Order of till' Kiiii^ of Ih'iniark in M'iir,/i of llu lost l\'^o>iie^, iindir t/ir I'oDinntiid of Copt. 11 '. A. Cruii/i, tmnslolid front ///< Ihriiisli (l.ondiiii, Ueniy 8\o, 1837), p. au. •• Aarralivc of o Stwond I 'iMi/v in Searc/i of i. \. 21). \/i iluiliims til lilt' riiv\inil His/tirv ol the lUi'hh islis, etc, 2ii(l rd. ^l.^)|ld(m, Bvo, iHi):;). .. ' w 1 .1 I iH 186 KXPEDITIONS TO GREENLAND, 1605-1612." so that those who he might have been sure would look for the Island afterwards might have the greater difficulty in proving his deceit. Another argument of the same nature may be mentioned in favour of this view. Wiars does not, in his narrative, projxjse any name for the new island which he says he and his compa- nions discovered ; for the name *' Muss Island" the Island the " buss" discovered was a name by which it was spoken of by others afterwards. If the crew of the little vessel had conspired together to spread a false report of the discovery of an island, it seems hardly likely that they would have resisted the tempta- tion of giving that island a name- unless, indeed, we credit them with greater subtlety than they probably possessed ; yet, as we have seen, they proposed no name. Nevertheless, it may be worth while to mention that those on board the " buss", when on their homeward voyage, may have sighted a real island which, though not then marked upon the charts, lies in the Atlantic in almost exactly the latitude ascribed by Wiars to Buss Island. I allude to Rockall, which lies in lat. 57' 36' N. Though now nothing more than an isolated |)yramidal granite rock, rising straight out of the water, with neither soil nor sand around it, there is reason to believe (from the evidence of old charts) that not only was the rock itself con- siderably larger in the seventeenth century, but that it was also surrounded by a sand-bank of greater or less extent. It is not an altogether unreasonable suggestion, therefore, that the sight of this very remarkable islet may have put into the heads of Wiars and his companions the idea of claiming to have discovered an island, and that, in reporting it, they enormously and fraudulently exaggerated its si/e and very erroneously stated its longitude. I do not, however, attach the least importance to this view; for, although I have declared my belief that real land of some kind was sighted, it is quite certain, from the information given, that that land could not have been Rockall. The size, the off-lying ice, and the position assigned to Buss Island, are more than suffi- cient to prove that it can have had no coniiection whatever with Rockall. 'I'here seems no reason, therefore, to doubt the perfectly hoiui fide nature of Wiars's narrative; nor does there seem to be any greater reason to doubt that Hall, on his outward voyage in 1 606, really saw something and that he believed it to be Buss Island ; and I shall hereafter suggest what I believe that something to have been. But, as regards the very remarkable account in Seller's English Pilot, I believe the matter stands differently. This I am inclined to regard as a pure invention, concocted by a rascally cai)tain who hoped to secure either a i)ccuniary reward or meretricious renown by claiming to have actually discovered and explored an island which had long been represented on the (Charts (but of which nothing was otherwise known), and to have APl'EX DICES. 187 3k for the •roving his TJentioiied e, propose is conipa- sland the :en of by conspired island, it t teni|)ta- -'dit them L't, as We those on nay have ipon the ascribed 1 hes in isolated er, with ve (from iclf con- was also s not an sight of )f W'iars red an ulenth e. i \v; for, kind that -lying suffi- ' with any 1 606, ind ; ng to nt in L-ntly. by ivard ered the lave id named after the chief of his employers a number of non-existi-nt headlands, bays, and harbours thereon. It will be noticed that, although no less than nineteen localities were named and depicted on the Chart, nothing is .said as to the rejjorted island having been landed upon ; while the narrative (though in some respects apparently genuine) i.s, on the wholt-, suspiciously bald and uncon- vincing, in which resj)ect it differs widely from that of Wiars. We are not told the precise date on which Shepherd .sighted the reputed island ; nor are we told, from his own observation, its exact position ; while we are left et|ually in the dark as to the circumstances under which Shejjherd came to encounter the island and how long he remained in its vicinity. Ihat, shortly after the first appearance of his narrative, it was suspected to be spurious seems to be proved by the fact already stated that, in succeeding editions of the English Pilots the maps did not appear, though the " Description" continued to form part of the letterpress through several editions, for which the same printed sheets were apparently made to serve, without alteration. Nor did the maps appear in the first edition of Seller's Atlas Maritimiis {\(^^]z^)^ On the whole, therefore, 1 think that Shepherd's account may be dismissed at once from further consideration, as being mainly, if not wholly, spurious. It is just possible that Rockall may have in some way suggested the fraud to Shepherd : a surmise which is to some extent supported by the mention of a bank to the southward with many fish upon it ; but into this it is useless to iiKjuire very clo.sely. (II.) — The su|)position that what was sighted by those on board the little "buss" on September 12th, 159S, was in reality nothing more than an inuiiense ice field, which they mistook for an island, has already been advanced by several writers who have considered the (juestion. Nor is this solution of the difficulty in it.self by any means impossible, for it is certain that such ice- fields are at times met with in the part of the Atlantic with which I am concerned. ])r. Asher, in discussing the subject, says-: — "An immense iceii:ld seems to have tloated out of Davis Strait, down to Ja». 57". The excited fancy of a passenger on board the vessel [that is, the " buis'' Eiinnaiiuel] mistook it for an island, and the island soon found its l)lace on maps and charts under tlie name of /iuss,' /s/ant/.'' Mr. E. J. I'ayne also ap|)ears to regard this hy[)othesis as that ' III sdiui' later editions, lioucvi-r, we tiud "a .\Inpp nl' ilie keijions and C'ountreyes uiuler imd about the .Vortli Pole", on wliieli Muss Isl.md is shown with nine names thereon, much .is it is siiown on the (Jener.il ( hart in thi- /•.«i,Y/>A /V/i'/. This map is undated, hut the date 1670 appears ineidentally thereon. I lielieve, however, that the map was engraved earlier than this, at a lime when Seller believed the story which Shepherd had told him about Muss Isl.md, and we think that the le)j[eiul containing the date above mentioned is a later addition, liiirv HuitsiDi, thr Nir^ii;ii/iir, p. eix (see also p. elix). I] ISS ■■'!/ ■■^■^^■^".T.o.vs ro .,.„:„,,,,„, ,,^^_^^___^ d't(ia,?t"^ "lUwfl "'■''^°'^' on the whole »», k C™ ,r"*'"^''''fi'-'C^ ■" •■" """ '"■••"" "'■■'y have ;- ''•e"o;e';„,Stf,:l;^:..>«V- oeea.o„.., „e. „,„ %'arge sconce ohSJ'v-P"'''' ''^^^''^^ 'he supposed !an/°"^. ?*'«'' f™™ '^^ of which would weSh^'f ' '^r*''"*''' "'''h gravel 2 n^ ^"^' ,""«^ '^°""d it to be attached to the laTd^d TrTn^ °^'-^°" ^S o?l^«^ '^'°"^-^' ««•"' (or. as ,t may be termed ' flo^.?'''^"'^.""'" '='*'"'"• • ThU ? ™"'' •'"'^'^ f>^«^" and .wenty.four feetTh^K^^•''"''^' '^'-^) -as about one m , i^^i ^Tr ""' '" Then tl circumference ''-^"^1 thTt he h^'""" '" ''"^^■^^'■^". '^as been s ' "••'''^■'■'''">' ^^h^'" ■"""•'/ fo .Iwrnr,,, .„,! I ■ .?o. .lis,, /'inrlinshi, /V/, .',•■■''• ''''• «22-'2?. "■^///V'/;//,.>, v„|. iii. p. f^,f^ r-:-!. (Oxfor.l, n-, gvo, ,u. AI'I'ENDICKS. 189 sec imit thi- iiss Ca|)tain William Barron, whom we have already cited, in liis account of his whaling voyage to Davis Strait in 1861, says' : " Durinfj our passive towards Cape Karewell, we fell in with many icebergs in lat. 58° N., long. 44° 10' VV. The day was beautiful and clear, and the clouds near the horizon to the northward appeared so much like the land, with its snow-capped mountains, that any experienced person miyht easily be deceived, although we knew the land to be about one hundred and ten miles distant. When such clouds appear, they are called ' Cape Fly-away' by the sailors." " The Clerk of the California'', in his account of a voyage across the Atlantic, writes as follows- :— "The twenty-ninth [of June 1746] was a clear beautiful day, with sunshine and little wind. In the morning, wehadaFog Hank, I",. N.K,., much resembling land. Several of them arose m other parts ot the horizon in the afternoon. These Banks will stagger a good judgment to discern, in places where Land may be expected, whether ihcy be Fog Banks or the real land, especially as .such Banks will often, from the sun's retlection, appear white in spots, resembling snow on the mountains so usual in these parts. To distinguish whether it be a log Hank or Land, you carefully observe whether there is any alteration of the form or shifting of the outlines ; which, if there is, as it is nut the property ut Land to change the form, you know it to be one of these Banks." The third account to be cited is as follows: Mons. de la IJoullaye le (iouz relates-' that, when approaching the coast of Ireland, between Wicklow and Dublin, on the 14th of May, 1644, "certain vapours" arose from the sea, which appeared like land two or three leagues off, with trees and cattle thereon. He then states that he sought inforntation about this land from a Dutch pilot residing in Dublin, who replied: — " You are not the tirst who has erred in the supposition of these things. The most expert navigators are often deceived by them. That which to us appears land is only a dense vapour, which cannot be raised higher in con- seas le |)remier (|iii a erre dans la s|)eculalion de ees choses. l.es plus experts dans la Naui.i,^ation s'y trompenl soiuient (e (|ui nous semble terre n'est (|u'vne vapeiir ijrossiere <|ui n<' pent estre esleiu'e dauantage a cause de la saison \ de lesloignement du Soleil ; ees arbres i-t eesanimaux ajiparens soiit partie de eette vapeur, laquelle s'amasse plus en vn lieu f' /.'"'/.•(London, demy 8vo, 1819), p. 4. AIM'KNDICKS. Ujt lies, ot Ixrufs, luoit, iV II ic nous ■■'Kc a a If lis costc rto, ft •oduT p ('lie •clii't. Ifiiiy sans nous I OS tic aiioii titles (|UC ;ir la la unit ftto was seen hy ihosi' on hoard the littlt- "l)uss". It is not prol)al)lc that the crew would have continued for the greater part of two days within sight of either an ice-field or a fog-hank which they had mistaken for land, without discovering their error. I see reason, therefore, to entirely reject this hypothesis or, rather, these hypotheses — as wholly untenahle. With Hall's supposed sighting of the island in 1606, however, I think the case may he different. Hall's statement that he saw the island is very cursorily made, proving that, whatever he saw, he saw it imperfectly from a distance ; and I think there can he very little douht that what he saw on this occasion was either an ice-field or a fog-hank, prohahly the latter. 'I'his is the more likely to have heen the case from the fact that Hans Rruun, who was with Hall, says nothing at all ahout the matter in his diary kept on the voyage, except that, on this day, they saw the first ice.^ I'rohahly, therefore, they recognised that whatever they saw was not real land. We know, moreover (as just mentioned"'*), that Hall, on his voyage in the jjrevious year, had actually heen thus deceived, and had mistaken a fog-hank for an island in the very region in which lUiss Island was sujiposed to he. I'his, too, I helieve to he the hyi)othesis upon which it is most easy to account for Ciillam's supposed lighting of lUiss Island. It will he seen from his narrative that, leaving the Orkneys on July 14th, 1668, he ".sailed due west 524 leagues and a half", aiui, on August 1st, in "dark and foggy weather", and in lat. 59' 35', he saw land to the west, two miles off, which he took to he an island. The latitude given is somewhat more northerly than that commonly assigned to Jiuss Island at the time ; hut it was no douht thought near enough. If, however, his statement that he was 524^ leagues west from Orkney was correct, he cannot have heen anywhere near the re])uted sitt' of Buss Island ; for that would hring him into ahout long. 50 W. This, together with his souiulings, may, however, he dismissed from furthiT con- sideration here ; for, whatever he saw, it certainly had no connec- tion whatever with Buss Island. (III.) It is (|uite certain that, if lUiss Island ever did exist in the position assigned to it, it does not exist there now ; hut it does not necessarily follow therefrom that such an island never did exist. In the laci- of such statements concerning the island as those which have heen cited, none hut a very indolent historical student would, at once and off-hand, dismiss as ])ure fahrications the rejKjrts of its di.scovery in 157S, and of its having heen sighted on sevi-ral later occasions. The only safe and proper course in all such cases is to follow the text of any old narrative, and to accept (vo, ' Sec |(. 58, //. 2. Sec p. 188. 192 KXI'KDITIONS TU (IRKtNLAM), 1605-1612. •I I m the statements contained therein, however apparently impr(>lial)le, until more or less clear and direct evidence is obtained eitiier of unintentional error or deliberate deception. I, el us incpiire, therefore, whether any such evidence is obtainable in the present instance. It has been already shown that, when many navi{,Mtors had sought for Buss Island in the place indicated by Wiars and Shepherd, and when all of them had failed to fmd it there, the conclusion generally drawn was, not that the island had never existed, but that it really had formerly existed, and had, in some manner (most |)r(ibably, it was thought, by means of volcanic action), become submerged ; from which it came to be ([uite generally spoken ot as "The Sunken Land of Buss". I have also shown the means by which some of the more intelligent captains sought to put this theory to the test, and the |)resent is the pro|)er |)lace for us to consider the result obtained by their soundings. It should be noticed, in the first place, that, out of the six records of actual soundings already cpioted, no less than four state that soundings were really obtained namely, those of (lillam (1668) 1 20 fothoms ; the skipper nuntioned by .Vnderson (before 1746) 100 fiithoms ; the Knglish captain mentioned by Pickersgill (before 1776) 59 fathoms ; and i'ickersgill (1776) 290- 320 fathoms. Of these four, however, I may at once dismiss two from furMier consideration ; for I ha\"e already adduceil evidence which seems clearly to prove that, whatever (lillam and Pickersgill thought when they made their soundings, those soundings were not really made either on or near the rejjuted site of Buss Island. Of the remaining two, it may be observed that they both give second-hand information. In neither case are we told either the name of the cajjtain conc-erned or the date when he made the sounding in ipiestion ; while we are given no precise information by means of which we may satisfy ourselves that the soundings really were made on or near the reputed site of Buss Island. Both the so-called soundings were, moreover, made in the earlier part of last century, when the means of obtaining accurate •soundings and of ascertaining position at sea were very imperfect. I think, therefore, that one is fully justified in rejecting l)oth of them, and in concluding that some mistake was nuule, either in the sounding itself or in the position in which it was made. It is significant that the careful soundings made in the beginning of the i)resent century by the well-etiuipped expeditions under Ross and Barry could not corroborate the earlier soundings, although the means of taking soundings had been then greatly improved. The evidence of soundings seems to me, therefore, rather against than in favour of the theory of submergence. In addition to these older navigators and geographers, many recent (or comparatively recent) writers of excellent repute have given credence to the reports of the former existence of Buss ■ :\ M APPENDICES. '93 Island, and have accepted the theory of submergence to account for its disappearance. Among the chief of these, I may mention the following : — The nniarks of MM. Verdun de la (.'rennc, de Horda, and Pingre seem to imply that they held this view.' Korster observes- that, " if the IJuss of IJridgcwater really and hoiu) fide found an island ... in 57 deg. ;^o min. N. lat., it nuist have sunk afterwards into the sea, as it has never been seen again in the voyages made since to Hudson's IJay, ( Greenland, and Labrador.'"' Crantz also seems to accept the theory of submergence ; for in speai ing of Krisland, he alludes' to the theory held by some that it "has been swallowed up by an earlhcjuake, and is the same with the Sunken Land of Buss marked on the charts, which is dreaded by seamen from the shallowness of the incumbent water and the furious dashing of the waves." The same may also be said of (Iraah, who says' that, although the danger of the "Sunken Land of Ikiss" is mentioned, even in the latest English sailing directions, "mariners may now be assured [that it] is altogether an imaginary one". I'urdy speaks" of the Island of Ikiss as "sunken near 58' deg. N. and 33' U'.", and includes it among " imaginary shoals, . . . formerly described, but now omitted from a conviction of their non-existence". Wallich, in his important though incomplete memoir on the Atlantic, argues strongly and at considerable length in favour of the former existence of land in the position where lUiss Island used to be marked on the charts. He holds" that the existence of a ridge or elevated plateau in the bed of the Atlantic in the place indicated (then recently discovered, but now well known, and to be noticed hereafter) strongly confirms the old records of the former existence of land (Krisland, as well as Ikiss Island) at the same place. To account for the disappearance of this land, he urges that the subsidence of the tract under notice may have resulted from volcanic action in the region of which Iceland is lough bved. tainsl rany Ihave lUiss ' / 'oyai^e flit piir (h\i>r dii Koi in 1--1 it ijj2, . . . par MM. I '. dr lit C. , ili- /I. , (■//-". fi'aris, two vols., 410, 1778), vol. ii, p. 360. - /'('I'l'^'CA' and Diiiinrriis niadi- in t/ir Aort/i (London, 410, 1789), p. 287. ■'• I'orstfi' was ovidcnlly unacquainted \\ ith tlif reports, cited above, of the alleged sightint; of the island hy Ilall, (lillam, and Shepherd. ■• //istarv of I'lfn-nland (l.onilon, 2 vols., 8vo, 1820), vol. i, p. 251. A similar (but differently worded) passage occurs in the first edition (London, 1767), vol. i, ' i\arrativi' of an /-.xpidi/ion to tlu l:a.