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H 1^ y> ...^ • •y ' t M 'im ■I: ~ J— I I II I •' tk'itif of I IM■■»..:■ ^ ■.^*-.. »H ,., f^ ■ t'-XM ..-.- ^ '' iU- ., •^^Kt. ■ '*'\ ' — ■<.- ...jr. ,...:»! ■'• ...pjj'.'fr ''*' •I,, Ml. ■'"* ^/" ■.1'^, ■i«... V E A T S I a H L ^ ITD ibotaftiu l%!tJ»< Pli^VTuTTl. 4 Drauohf of .-^i-a^,^^. Lat*? jt'. io.:North, r YaiM6.43Wefterly. ' «(A M i W ' ' . I m \ '/■r. / / fc ACCOUNT O F SIX YEARS RESIDENCE I N H U.D S O N»s-B A Y, From 1733 to 1736, and 1744 to 1747. ^' By JO S E P H R O B S O N, Late Surveyor and Superviibr of due Buildings to- th( Hudfon's-Bay. Company. Containing a Variety of Facts, Observations, and Discoveries, tending to (hew, I. The vaft Importance of the Countries about Hudson's Bat to Great Britain, on Account of the extenfive Innproveinencs that may be made there in many beneficial Articles of Com- merce, particularly in the Fvas* and in the Wh.a(.e and Seal Fisheries. JI, The intercftcd. View* of the Hadfoa*s-b^ Company* and the abfolutc Neceffity of laying open the Trade, and making it the ObjeA of National Encovragembnt, astheonl/ Method of keeping it out of the Hands of the French. * To which is- added, an APPENDIX; containing, 't. A Aort Hiftory of the Difcovery ^ *" Hudfi>n's-bajr ; and of the ProeeeJInM of the Englifli there fince the Grant of the Hudfon's-bay Charter : To- gether with Remarks upcjjnke Papers and Eridence produced by that Com- pany before the Committee of the Honourable Houfe of Commons, ir. the Year 1749. II. An Eftimate of the Expence of building the Stone Fort, called Prince of Wales's Fort, at the Entrance of Churchill-river. HI. The Soundings of Nelfon-rivcr. IV. A Survey of the Courfe of Nelfon-rlver. V. A Survey of Seal and Gillam's Iflands. And, VI. A Journal of the Winds and Tides at Churchill-river, for Part of the Years 1746 and 1747. The Whole illuftrated. By a Draught of Nelson and Hayes's Rivers; a Draught of Churchill-river } and Plans of York-fort, and Prince op Wales's-fort. LONDON, Printed for T. JEFFERYS, at Charlni-Crofs. MDCCLIX. X Trice Three Shillings and Six-pence Bound. /'V' \ 4Bl • * ' w fi :,-*. t:.''. 1 V i' < » 1 J The Reader is defired to correal the following Errata* occafioned ^ ... -w by the Author's diftance from the prefi. j '. >. Page 3. 1. IS. 16. 17. for Hajf md Hoy. . ' ' -^V ' •* '''- aa. 1. s I . for tigbt read J!x, 97. 1. 17. and page 28. 1. 19. for Allen ttzAAlfon. 99. 1. 5 and 6. for /^ i^ /wo thirds than, lead /^ /j^ivi inoa tbiras (/*. 30. Note at the bottom, for fig. 3. read fig. X. 39. I. ai. dele«//. 46. 1, 11. for them, renda/reg. 1. is. and 13. for titm read ■* t/, and 1.14. for they iveref re&Ait'wat. jo. 1. 29 and 30. forCockapockOf rczdCockaeapo, 54. 1. 19. forPocathuJko, read Pockaracifco. rr. 66, I. 94 and 15. dele, tf many tow, and 1. 17. for ftMl-fiiitf read fea-horfe Jkin. €7. ]. IX. after ov^o, add, know the couattyp tm4 ^ . i 68. 1. 10. for «rM/« read ^rM/«r. ,.._.; , ,. i ', ■ ■' • ■ ■ ' ^ APPENDIX. Page IS. 1, 35. for fittred, midjbetred. -. ' ' '- " ' .? 13. 1. 7. dele oik/. ► I J. 1. a< and 29, for /or/ read ffTtk ^ ' fc ■ ■■; ^'ifi' ..!.'•.. . ■. v/ n <;2,'/y¥ T O The Right Honourable ' ^ i » n- E O R G E t .* r '■ *■ js ' . ^ ' > 'irft Lord Commissioner ,t*. A *♦♦'"* r r*^'->f -tv I.' f-H JT "> 'Trade and Plantations, , i "• t. ' ' % V"* ■■'• • \ My Lord, -, : OUR Lordftiip is the on- ly perfon in the kingdom to whom I ought to dedicate the Following Iheets. I was prompt- a ed %^^ ( ii ) cd to write them by a ftrong de- firc to ferve my native country; and I flatter myfelf, that your Lordfhip will look into them at a leifure hour, and find, at leaft, fome amufement from the facSts, though reprefented in a homely drefs. The opening a new channel for trade to a vaft country, a- bounding with inhabitants, and with many beneficial articles of commerce, is a work that highly merits the attention of our wifefl and sreateft men. -' ^ ^'^ ^ There are furs, my Lord, on this large tract: of land, fufficient to fupply all Europe ; which yet are locked up by a few t t t t t de. ry; our at a aft, as, nely nnel ',. a- and es of ighly vifeft i>.< k Lord, land, rope ; by a few ( 1" ) few men, from the body of the people of Great Britain, though not from the French. The poor inhabitants are clad in the (kins of wild beafts, which they part with freely for our woollen and iron manufactures, on fuch amazing low terms, as will fcarcely be credited by thofe who have not tafted of the fweets of the Hudfon's- bay monoply. Whales and various other fifli are fo plenty in the Bay, and in the inlets leading from thence to the weftern ocean, that the natives catch more than are neceffary for their fub- fiftence, with their own firnple <^,v: ' a 2 con- (iv) contrivances. The land a-, bounds with mines and miner-^ als, and is alfo capable of great improvement by cultivation j and the climate within the country is very habitable. If the able poor or the convi£l:$ were fent thither^ with fuitable encouragement, they would very foon become happy themr felves and yfefvil to the pub^ lie. ' : :;dr :■'. . r ■ Your Lordftiip's wife and fteady conduct: fince you ap- peared at the head of the board of trade, has drav/n upon you ^lie^eyes of every trader in the natidri} even the lowell manu^^ fadlurers now fay^ ^^ They are ( V ) " happy, fince Halifax: pre- " fides ; He knows the true in^ " tereftofthe nation, that it de^ ** pends upon trade and manut ^' fa6iures ; that we have now ^^ more rivals than everj that ^' navigation is our bulwark, " and colonies our chief fup- ^* port 5 and that new channels *^ of trade fliould be induftri- oufly opened : therefore, he furveys the whole globe in '^ fearch of frefti inlets, where *' our (hips njay enter and ^« traffic." . These are the fentiments that are uniyierfally entertained of your Lordfhip, and I am abundantly convinced that they are c... -^ --J!*.-- .r^MA. ■A* •-'^'^. ■* '>^.„»:;.;: f >*v vV',. tV." iMh- . A.I'. '-- ■ ' ■ — ^ ■''" ,..A. -Jaw-- ■^■' ';>Mi ■■*>■'' . , i. I ! ' il' ] '1' i i!; :| 'ft II ' * h 7- If ',1 i). ^ \A DrauQ'btof Chfrchill River, Lat.^9^oo.l^ordi, Yar.i6!'40 .WefV . /','. ^■' aw" (9) '■-"! I. ' l ' tm A N ACCOUNT O F Six Years Residence IN H UD S N's-BA r. I N the year 1733 I embarked on board the Mary frigate, commanded by captain George Spurrell, bound for Churchill-river in Hudfon's-Bay. We failed from Gravefend the i6ch of May, put into Tinmouth the 24th, touched at Carftown in the Orkneys the 7th of June, and arrived at Churchill- river the 3d of Auguft. I was ordered diredlly to Eflvimaux- point at the entrance of the river, where I found feveral per- sons employed in laying the foundation of a ftone- fort. The principal workman was an old man, named Tuttie, who had been a labourer to mafons in London, and knew nothing of the theory of building; and the perfon whom the go- vernor had appointed overfeer, was one Thomas Giddins, formerly a common foldier, but lately a hofier near London, who failing in his bufinefs, was taken into the Company's fervice and fent to Churchill-river, not as a tradefman, but as a com- mon, fervant. Under fuch infiuencc was the build- ■ - ing ■I < li : |;I ■•;' ! ii !' I ff (10) ing carried on, as if it had been the firfl: attempted to be made by the nation to whom it belonged. I N thefe circumftances it was natural to con- clude, that the governor would be pleafed to find a man capable of condufting the buildins pro- perly ; and accordingly I ventured to interfere in the direftion. But upon the gc^^ernor's firft vifit, who, as it was the feafon for the coming in of the (hip from England, was obliged to refide chiefly at the old factory five miles diftant, I found myfelf egre- gioufly miftaken. He Ihook his horfewhip at me, and aiked. Who made me a direftor over thefe men ? But notwithftanding this difcouraging check, I ftill applied diligently to the v/ork ; for I was young and fond of fhewing my abilities, and was befides much grieved to fee a building of fuch con- fequencQ ruined thro' ignorance and want of care. Th e next time the governor came, he offered me a dram, and told me I muft do nothing with- out firft acquainting him. But as he lived at fo great a diftance, I thought it wrong to retard the work by fending to him for inftru6bions which I knew he was incapable of giving ; for he was an abfolute ftranger to the rules of building, having been brought up from a boy in Hudfon*s-Bay, where nothing is to be learned but the language and manners of the natives, and the methods of trading with them. The ftones we made ufe of being of the pebble kind, could only be hammered into (hape. The choofing out thofe which were moft proper for the purpofe was the firft ftep, the laying them near the place where they would be wanted the next, and the fixing them to the bcft advantage, and with leaft hammering, was the third and principal. The fecond only was the province of our overfeer, who in every tiling elfe afted under my direction as mafon : \n ■ ittempted iged. to con- d to find ing pro- leifere in irft vifit, ►f the Ihip fly at the felf egre- lip at me, ver thefe ng check, or I was and was fuch con- want of le oflfercd ling with- ved at fo retard the 5 which I le was an r, having bn's-Bay, language cthods of y of the ito Ihape. oft proper j^ing them 'anted the itage, and principal, r overfeer, ire£lion as mafon : mafon: and. being piqued at receiving orders from a ftrangcr, who, perhaps, examined too narrowiy and reproved too freely for his intereft, he took every opportunity of fccretly oppofing my plan, and often ordered the labourers to lay the (Vones down wrong. This retarded the work exceedingly ; for I was determined to redlily ail miftakes, whe- ther they proceeded from ignorance or malice. In- deed after I left the country the building proceeded in the old way, without any ufeful guidance or in- fpeftion i and every error pad uncorredled. This was evident upon my return in 1 746 ; for part of that which they conducted had tumbled, and much more of it bulered : and I am convinced that if the cannon upon the rampart had been loaded and fired for fervice, much ot it muft haye fallen upon the firft or fecond difcharge. We left off^ building in the beginning of Sep- tember, and repaired to the old fadory five miles up the river-, and when winter fet in, the fervants were ordered abroad to their feveral works, fome to fifh, others to the woods, and fome to hunt and trap. The filhers go up to the lakes, as well as up the rivers. There arc fome particular places, where filh are only to be caught when the river is frozen over, as at the foot of a deep ftream, or the mouth of a creek. They fometimes make large openings in the ice, where they angle with a hook and line, and catch falmon, pike, mothy, titemag, &c. Sometimes they cut feveral fmail holes in a right line, at fuch diftances as they can pafs a line at the end of a (tick, from hole to hole, and hawl a net through under the ice ; but in the beginning of winter when the ice is not very thick, they cut a larger opening, and fet nets. By fome of thcle mctnods fifh arc taken 'till after ChriUmas. • ' Those i r^ V ' \^t ' \ ( 12 ) Those that are Tent to the woods, cut down trees,, or fquare the timber that was cut down the former winter, or faw it into planks ; and after Chriftmas hawl it upon fleds to the river fide, fet- ting it up near the fire wood that is intended to be rafted to the factory in the fummer. The hunters and trappers fhoot partridges j pheafants, and other game for the fubfiftence of the factory ; and fet traps in their walks made of fmall fliakes, and a pretty large log, that fa'ls up- on ermines, martins, foxes, or any beaft- that hap- pens to take the bait. They are obliged to carry all the furs they get to the fadtory^ to be fent home in the Company's cargo, for which they are al- lowed the half of what they produce at the Com- pany's falc J but I know by experience, that this of late has turned to very little account. In this manner v/e fpend the autumn and winter. We had brought over in the Ihip a bull, four heifers, two oxen, and a horfe j there was zu Orkney bull and cow there before : fome of the heifers after- wards calved, and I think with care they would have increafed and done well -, tho* this place i$ in 59 deg. and the moft northerly fettlement in the Bay. In the fprlng 1734, all hands were employed to hawl down neceflfaries on a large fled upon the ice, and to prepare materials for the building a- gainft the weather would permit us to work. By this time I difcovered in what manner affairs were managed in the Bay, having contracted an inti- macy with the furgeon, who had lived in the coun- try three years. . As the wind fuffered very little fnow to lie on the hill where the fort was to be ere<5ted, upon the firft thaw I began to examine whether it was laid out conformably to the plan ; but finding it very ill executed, I altered the piquets, and had the ,'■1 •^ L*= ( '3 ) the foundation dug afreflii and the governor fcemed pleafcd, and fecretly offered me fuch tri- fling i^vours as they beftow upon the Indians. We contended, however, about many points ; and with Ibme difficulty I obtained mortar, which tho' not very good was yet better than none. I was foilicitous for the perfedtion of the building, and therefore oppofed every ftep which I thought not calculated to anfwer the end •, while he, on the contrary, feemed more defirous to have much work done, than to have it well done. As loon as the fecond fummer was over, and we were fettled again in our winter quarters at the old fadory, the governor fent for me to inftruft him in dialling. I had the preceding winter taught him numbers and drawing, for which he paid me at the rate they pay the Indians for their furs, with a dram now and then, which I refufed almoft as often as it was offered. But the indignity he put upon me at my firft arrival, the difputes that con- tinually fubfilled between us in relation to the build- ing, the tyranny of his temper, and the poverty of his underftanding, had at length created in me mch a diflike of the man and his converfation, that I now refufed to be with him. This he refented highly, and ordered me out to hawl the fled, and do other drudgeries of a common fervant. I obeyed his capricious commands with feeming chearfulnefs, becaufe I would not give him any pretence for complaining to the Company : but my mind was fo embittered and depreflfed by this treat- ment, that in the fummer 1735, 1 was unable to carry on the building with any fpirit. This lie perceived j and being bent upon a voyage to England when the fliips returned, and fo well con- v-inccd of the incapacity of the other workmen, as not to be willing to leave the building to their ma- nagcmenr, he endeavoured to footh me by promifes .. .... of c/r. ' i ( '4 ) of favour, which, as I knew the man, 1 did not rely on j however, as he made feme conceffions which I thought I had a right to expeft, I aflured him I would exert all my Ikill and care in directing the building while I ftaid, but that I was deter- mined to go home at the expiration of the time Ipecified in my contraft. And accordingly I gavei notice of my refolution to the Company by a lettei* in which I could not help complaining of the go- vernor's behaviour to me^ and remonftrating that the fort would bfe fpoiled if it was left to his ma- nagement. Soon after this he embarked for Eng* land } and at his return next year, 1736, we learnt that he had given the Company fuch a favourable reprefentation of his condudb as to procure very high commendations, clofed with a promife of an advanced falary of 20/. per ann. for five years,' if he would ufe all his application to expedite the building of the fort. The bringing this to a fpeedy conclufion, was the point that engrofled all their attention, and the encouragement was well adapted to that end ; but, taking the governor's Want of fkill into the account, it was no lefs calcu- lated to render the building totally uielefs. What was the real effed, the reader will fee in the courfe of this work, for whofe fatisfaftion I have inferted in the appendix an eftimate of the expence the Company have been at in ruining this fort. * After three years of vexation and almoft in- effeftual labour, 1 left the people at the Bay to purfue their own meafures, and fet fail for London 5 where I had no fooner arrived than I Went to pay my refpefts to the Company. But inftead of tak- ing notice of my fervices, they did not Cvtn afk me a fingle queftion about the fort, but treated me as a troublefome and refractory fellow. For this I am fenfible I was indebted to the governor, who had fo grofly impofed upon them in every - » refpe^, ) -/■iS"^ C was well ( ij) refped, that they aflced a mafon who was going over in their fervice whether a wall built with or without mortar was the ftrongeft ; and by the event they were made to believe the latter, as no mortar was ufed for the fort after I left the coun- try. ' y\ Though every intelligent man in the Bay be- lieved that the Company was averfe to the making difcoveries, I could not for fome time help con- troverting an opinion that charged them with fo much weaknefs and inattention to their intereft; but 1 was obliged at laft to fubmit to the evidence of fafts, among a variety of which they told me the following : • Governor Knight and captain Barlow being well affured that there were rich mines to the northward, from the accounts of the Indians of thofe parts who had brought fome of the ore to the factory, they were bent upon making the dif- covery ; and the governor faid he knew the way to the place as well as to his bedfide. When they re- turned to England, therefore, they importuned the Company to fit them out a fhip and floop to go in queft of thefe mines ; but meeting with no encou- ragement, they told the Company, with a becom- ing fpirit, that // they did not cbufe to equip them for this fervicCy they would apply to thofe that zvould do it chearfully. Upon this the Company complied ; and they fet out upon the expedition, but were unhappily loft in the Bay. Thofe who told me this affured me, that fome of the Company faid upon this occafion, that they 4id not value the lofs of the fhip and floop as long as they were rid of thofe troublefome men ; and that it was fome time after, chat they fent Scraggs to the northward to difcover if they or any of the crew were alive. My infor- mants could not mention this circumftance withouc indignation •, and juftly obfervsd, that as it was poffible ■ii !;ii I* ■ ■ • 1 ;•' ■ - ii '; '• i if r I !l 'I .. ■-■-."*JIi.uiii ( i6) poflible tliefc unhappy fufFercrs might have go^ lafely to land, where they could have liipported thcmfelves with the lliip*s provifions, the Tending a floop diredlly in fearch of them might have laved their lives. The fettlements which the French had made about the Bay were alfo a fubjed of difcourfe among the fervants: but as no notice was then taken of the French being at the head of Nelfon- river, as there is now, it is probable, -that they have puihed on to Nelfon-river fince that time ; and they will extend their fettlements *till we have not the power of diflodging them, if fome fpeedy methods are not taken to prevent it. The Com- pany had done many things, they obferved, par- ticularly the fending a floop to Whale-cove, tu quiet the importunities of a gentleman in London who had charged the Company with being afieep. Sir Biby Lake indeed, they added, had cloletted this gentleman, and endeavoured to remove the charge j but they were of opinion it was too juftly founded, or they would not tamely fuffer the French to make fuch dangerous encroachments. It was then the general opijiion of the fervants at the Bay, that the Company thought the difco- very of a north-weft paffage inconfiftent with their intereft ; and accordingly all who have attempted the making- this difcovery are confidercd by the fervants as the Company's worft enemies. While I was in the Bay, the Churchill- floop went twice or thrice to YorK- fort, and I heard much abouc Whale-cove and the floop's fiaving been there ; par- ticularly, that the tioop having once a hawfer faftened round a large ftorie on the Ihore at low- water mark, about high water a black whale got foul of the hawfer, forced it from the ftoncs, and towed the floop to fea. Many things were alfo told about the natives atWhale-cove, and of Scragg's floop i ve gof sported nding a t have \ made ifcourfe as then Nelfon- at they t time; we have £ fpeedy le Corn- ed, par- Dve, tu London g ajleep. clofetted love the 00 juftly iffer the lents. fervants he difco- ith their tempted by the While nt twice h abouc. ;rev par- hawfer at low- ^hale got ncs, anci_ l^ere alfo Scragg's floop ( '7 ) floop that was l*ent after Knight and B:irlow : hue in all the difcoiirfes about thefc and other expedi- tions, there was no mention of the Company's in- clination to difcover a north- we ft paflTage, nor of any attempt that they had ever made for that pur- pofe. To converfe with an Indian is a great crime, but to trade with him for a fldn is capital, and pu- nifhed by a forfeiture of all wages. If a fervant is guilty of theft, or any adh that would be deemed grofs felony by the laws of England, and fubjeft him to capital punifhment, the governor only whips him, and afterwards fends him home to be prolecuted by the Company : but from a miftaken lenity, or for fome fecret reafons, they proceed no farther than a quiet difmilTion from their fervice. There are inftances of this within my own know- ledge, and I never heard of a fingle one to the contrary. But men are generally tenacious of their own interefts, and if they are worthy members of the community, muft fhrink at admitting into it one whom they know to be a villain, and fuffer- ing him to live at large when the law has put it in their power to cut him off, or at leaft to ftigma- tize him with marks of public infamy. The natu- ral conclufion, therefore, is, that the Company are unwilling to try the iffue of a legal procefs, left by any accidental mention of their tranfadions in the Bay, their whole condudt ftiould be too nicely fcru- tinized, and their right to an exclufive trade ex- amined and fet afide. Many other important obfervations were made by me during my firft abode in this country, and many well-attefted accounts given me by the Company's fervants : but as they will be more fuitably con- nected with what happened to me in the time of my fecond refidence there, I have chofen to incorporate C them I > ( i8 ) them with the relation of thoib events which' I fhall enter upon immediately. ■ , ; /n,a.:. :». • ■■t, "i In the year 1 744 I embarked aboard the prince Rupert, George Spurrel commander, bound firft to Churchill-river, and afterwards to York-fort. I lived with the captain upon very good terms, andj converfed freely with him about the affairs of the Hudfon*s-Bay Company. Speaking one day of the new aflfociation for finding fhips to the Bay for the difcovery of a north- weft paffage, he told mc, tliat it was his opinion the Company would not have entertained me a fecond time, ii it had not been to kr*p me from Mr. Dobbs. I repliec'v.I was not fenfible that I could be of any fervicc fo thofe gentlemen. Yes, rejoined he, you know the nature of the country, and how to lay down a fort. .i-,-fv '■ ' ,■ ,1 ,r. •'.?;;..-..(; ./i:i '•i>r.r' i .■The French fettlements'were alfo a fubjeft of our converfation •, upon which occafion I exprefled my furprize, that the Company did rot fendEnglilh- men up the rivers to encourage and endear the na- tives, and by that means put a ftop to the pro- grefs of the French. The captain admitted the expediency of fuch a ftep* but urged the hazards an Englifliman was expofed to, and the hardlhips he mull fuffer, in going up the rivers with goods. To this I anfwered, that the Freaich came many hundred miles over land from Canada, carrying goods at their backs, and furmounting every diffi- culty, 'till they penetrated to the very fources of thofe rivers upon which we might carry up all the conveniences both for fubfiftence and traffic with little hazard and lefs toil. So far from controvert- ing this, he laid, that he believed the French would have all the country in another century : To which I could not help immediately replying, that fuch an alienation could only be .effcfted thro' the rcjniffncfs of the Englifli. In all that pafled be- tween ^.hk :h'I fhall ^e prince id iirft to :-fort. I •ms, and. rs of the B day of : Bay for told me, rould not t had not repliedv.I fervkc fa know the r down a n" ■ i fubjeft of exprefled dEnglilh- ir the na- I the pro* nitted the le hazards hardihipti th goods, ime many , carrying very diffi- fources of up all the raffic with ;ontrovert- iie French itury : To ying, that li thro' the palTed be- tween ( '9) twcen us upon this fubjefl, I did not hear a finglc' reafon that in any tolerable manner accounted tor the Company's condudt. The ftone-fort at Churchill-river was once men- tioned ; and the captain informed me, that it was very badly executed after I left it ; for fome parts i had fallen, which were obliged to be rebuilt} and; others were ready to fall : but that which 1 had/ conducted, he faid, flood Hrm, and he believed; would continue to (land. I was willing to difcover the true^aufe of this mifmanagement, and, there- fore, faid, that I greatly wondered the Company, did not take more care of a building of fuch im-- portance. But I foon perceived that the fubjedl was too tender to dwell upon i for the captain an- fwered me with great referve. He faid enough, however, to convince me, that the Company had not the well- building of the fort at heart, but de-^ fired the name more than the thing itfelf, which they might furely have purchafed at a much cheaper rate. I hope I Hiall not lofe the good opinion of the reader, by mentioning thefe things, which would not have efcaped me, if I did not think that the making known every teflimony I could procure in confirmation of thefe fa(5ts tended to tlie good of my country, my obligations to promote which fu- perfede the rights of private converfation, if they are not made facred by a promife of fecrecy. Off Cape- farewell we difcovered feveral fail of fhips, and gave chace to a veflel larger than the reft, (for we were four in company) which afterwards proved to be a Dutchman. When we were got near the Savage-Iflands in Hudfon's-ftraits, the Efki- maux for feveral days came off to us in great num- bers, and gave us, in exchange for whatever we thought fit to offer them, whalebone, fea-horfe- teeth, feal-fkins, furs, and even the apparel they had on. A few days after we thought we had J ■ jC 2 dif. Sfi m r |i ! ( 20 ) difcovered a commodious harbour, and a confulta- tion was propoled about lending off boats to ex- amine it i but 1 heard our captain declare, that they were not permitted to fend a boat afhore in the iVraits upon any account. At Cape-Diggs the captain expedtcd more lilkimaux •, but none ap- pearing, be conjectured that the Indians from the taft-main had cut them off. Here two boats were ordered alhorc to look tor a harbour, and found a good one. When \vc had run almoft acrofs the Bay, and were got near fome banks to the north- ward of Churchill- river, the captain expreffed his regret that they were not tried for cod ; for it feemed highly probable to him, he faid, that there was almoft as many to be taken there as at New- foundland. However, he did not ftay to make the experiment, but made the beft of his way for Churchill- river, where we arrived foon after. I went afliore immediately, for I was impatient to fee the fort •, and at the firft view the effefts of the extraordinary falary allowed the governor for expedition, were eafily perceived, Inftead of a detenfible fort capable of refilling the force of an enemy, it had in many places yielded to its own weaknefs and the attacks of wind and weather *, and was not only unworthy of the name by which it was diftinguiflied, but even of the perfons at whofe coll it was built. I haftened back to the fliip, grieved to fee fo excellent a plan fpoiled *, and convinced, that for the fame money as was expended upon this fort, though far Ihort of the fum of thirty or forty thoufand pounds, at which it was rated by a gentleman belbre the houfe of commons, upon a very wrong information given him by fome of the Company, who could have expended no more than eight thoufand pounds * ; ; ., * See the efliinatc, Appekdix, IJ^o. II. , i ■ ' ( 2> ) T fay, tliat even for fo fmall a fum, a good fort nii^jlu have been crcdttd, cii^able of Itcuring the liibjt'ds and i\\c trade of Britain i'mm the attacks and incroachmc ts of her word tncinie*:. We failed out ol Churchill-river, and foon ar- rived at York-fort upon Hayes*s river, wliere tlie fliip was to deHver her cargo and take in another. After her departure for England, 1 applied myfelf to the fetting uj) beacons in order to make a chart of the river. The governor, who had refided in the country twenty years, was perfedl mailer of the traditional hiftory of it, even from the firfl: fettlemcnt of the Knglini •, and being a free and communicative man, he uftd frequently to entertain us with a regular account ot all the principal events and difcoveries \ to v/hich the linguifts fel- dom failed to add the information they had ga- thered from the natives. By their means I foon obtained a general knowledge of the country, as well inland as upon the coafts. When the feafon approached for going abroad, I mentioned to the governor a defign I had long entertained of travelling up the country, not only to confirm what I had heard, but to make new difcoveries. This brought on difmal tales of the difHcultie? to be encountered in fuch an expedition : and when I talked of going up the rivers, I was told of ftupendous heaps of ice and dreadful water- falls, which would not only obllru^t my pafTage, but endanger my life. To confirm this he faid, that governor Maclilli, in company with him and one or two more, once attempted to go a little way up Nelfon- river to look for timber, in order to build a faifloi'y : that when they had crofTed the idand, they found fuch heaps of ice in the river, that thty were difcouraged from proceeding any higher: the governor, therefore, returned, fay- ing it svas fo fatiguing and dangerous, that he C 3 would i ill -wftuld venture no farther ; arid that if they^cift as high as he intended, they plight perhaps meqt with no timber. He added other accounts to in- timidate me, and drive me from my purpofe ; antl the reft of the people alfo, of whom I did not fail to enquire, related exadly the fame (lories : but I could not find th^t a fingle man among them told thefe things from his own experience, but only from the repoits of others, which, as they might have a weaker foundation the higher they were traced, I refolved not to credit, but to be de- termined folely by the evidence of my own fenfes. Accordingly, I acquainted the governor, that iNith his permiflion I would fet out immediately for Nelfon- river, which I had a ftrong inclination to go up. He gave me his confent indeed, but with fuch evident marks of difpleafure, that thp* a guide is always fent out with a ftranger even to ,the moft trifling diftance, lefl: by the weather's proving hazy he fhould be loft: ; and tjio* it was eight niles from York-fort to Nelfon- river, thro' woods and plains where I had never been ; I was fuffered to go alone expofed to all hazards : how- ever I found tl>e way, and got home again fafp and well. •? : -•-.;> fV^"^'':' ■ That parjt of the river where I took my firft view appeared to be about four miles broad. The ice was then driving about in great quantities, and the weather was very thick and fnowy. This form- ed a dreadful profpejft, and had fuch aneffedl upon me, that I could hot help feeling fome impreflion from the ftpries I had heard \ vyhich perhaps my being aiojie and a ftranger, did not a little Con- tribute to ftrengthen : I dierefore relinqiiifhed my iirft defjgn, and contented myfelf the remainder of that winter with making a chart of Hayes's- river, Puring this employment, I learnt that Nelfon and )riayes.V|:i\;<;rs wer? bi;t different branches of thp fame ill) vCii tyvfet{t ps meqt ts to in- ife; an^ not fail s: but I em tolci ut only y might :y were ) be de- 1 fenfes. r, that lediately clination sed, but hat thq* even to weather's o* it w^s r, thro- i I was s : how- gain fafp /> .: ■ N ",- my firft d. The ie?, and lis form- edt upon npreflion haps my ittle con- ifhed my ainder of s's- river, >lfon and S of thp fame (23 ) fame river, which divided about one hundred miles above York-fort, forming an ifland betwixt them. The greater part of the natives that trade at York- fort, I \s(as tokl, came down the branch called Hayes's- river -, it being reckoned by them much the Ihorter way, and not fo wide and dangerous as Nelfon-branch. But upon examining the inter- preters more clofL^ly, they could not make it appear, that the natives lound much greater difficulties in coming down or going up the one than the other; and the only fubltantial reafon I could find for the preference, was, that as York- fort lay upon Haycs*s- river, and Nclfon- river was very broad below, they rculd not bring their furs round by fea below the point cf ti;e iOand which divides the branches, v.ithout great danger, nor conveniently carry them by land acrofs the illand. BLit with regard to tlie dilliculties of navigating the different branchi^-s, which were fo mJigniiied on the Nelfon fide, I ar- gued thus : They both proceed from the fame level of water at the head ol the ifland, one hundred miles above the fadory ; and at the fea are again up- on an equal level; if then there were greater falls or fljarps upon Nelfon-river (as they allow it was longer in its courfc) than upon Hayes's river, there mult be more upon Hayes's-river ; and the dif- tanccs betwixt fall and fall upon Nelfon, muft be greater and the waters more level, than upon Hayes's-river; as a fall of three feet in ten, muft be twice as fliarp as a fall of three feet in twenty : therefore 1 concluded, that there was as good going up and down Nelfon-river as Hayes's-river j which upon examination I afterwards found true. In the year 1744, on occafion of a French war, the Company thought it expedient to winter the .Sea-horfe frigate, captain Fowler, in the Bay. He accordingly v/intered in Churchill-pver , but as foon as the river was open, and the ice was cleared C 4 from ' ^ I ;» II river. 1 went up much J)igl)ei" than the Cgjiipany vv'/juid have fixed 3. fudory^ ( 25 ) fjii^ory, if one may. judge from their faftories up-; on other rivers j and the trees all the way were of, full fize and growing near the edge on both fides,' Without a fxngle ftuiinp among thqm, or the leaft token of any having ever been cut down: but wheipe there is a fettlement, a great quantity of wood is cut down in one yeaj*s time, and that is taken which is neareft and to be got with leaft labour. Indeed when I was up this river in the winter, I found in a creek on the north fide, a little way a* bove Gillam*s ifland, two or three flumps ol large trees; but I immediately conje<5tured, that they mud: have been cut down many years ago by pcr- fpns who had accidentally tented in that creek ; fpr the flumps were very old and decayed, and tbey do'not decay fail in this country. Befides, if any of the Company's fhips had ever gone up^ this> river, the entrance of it could not have been im-^ known in 1745 : neither would they have left it td^ fettle upon Hayea*sr river, where they had a fettte- ppjent above Hiity years ago whea the French took . pofTe^ion of it, and gave the name of Fort Bourbon' to. what the Company at firft called) Fort Nel%i^ from the mafler of Sir Thomas Button's fhip, but* \ afterwards York-fort in compliment to the duke 1 of York; nor would they have had two faftories' fo near each other. Indeed, either thro* ignorance or defign, the old name of Port Nelfon has beetir fince refloredi the Company's letters in 1688, IJ690, and 1 69 1 being addreffed to governor Geyfer' and council at Port Nelfon-, yet the anfwers to thefe very letters are all of them dated from York-fort. From the whole therefore it is evident, that no- fettlement has ever been made upon the branch called Nelfon-rivcr, fince the date ot the Company's charter. As we walked along the river fide we fa w many flones ip fti^pe and colour like a cannon ball i and upon breaking ■/.'■*■ m I is (t26 ) breaking them againft larger flones we found thatt the infidc alfo looked like iron. Up another rivery called Ship-river, a few miles eaftward along Ihore^ from York-fort, there is a bank abounding with' thefe round ftones. When we had repafled the' itiouth of the river and were got near the fhip, ir being then young flood and a fine afternoon, the' white whales appeared upon the furface in fuch ihoals, that we could look no way round without feeing a company of thirty or forty going mto the> river with the flood. I had feen many atChurchill-< river, but here the number was much greater.' ,We got aboard about feven o'clock. : At the clofe of this year I took a fccond furveyi of Nelfon-river from Flamborough-head upwards, i and alfo of Seal and Gillam's iflands; it being? my opinion that if ever the trade of thefe countries. is improved, Seal-ifland is the properefl place for. the principal faftory and fettlement. It was abouti the end of January 1745 when I compleated thisi psrambulation. The river was frozen fail every \vhere except at Flamborough-head, and where captain Fowler and I attempted to fail up, which I, new found we had almoft effeded when we turned b^ck. However, as thefe ftreams were not frozen,: it was evident that here were the fharpeft falls I had met with.. I faw many rabbet-tracks on bothf f\des the river, in the creeks, and on the ifland. I ihot a pheafant alfo and fome partridges •, and had not the weather been exceedingly fevere, I Ihould have attempted to fifti. But the few days I was out, the cold happened to be more intenfe than it' was at any other time throughout the feafon, and I had no more cloathing upon me than what I ufual- ' ly wore in the warmeft days in winter: this con^ filled of breeches made of thin dcer-flcin not linad^ a, cloth wailtcoat, and Elk-(kincoat, and a pretty tjiick coveripg upon, my todi. :haod5^..kga andi ^,.; .k1 I ' ftet. ( 27 ■) ^et, I fuftered only in my thighs, whlchweie ready to freeze whenever I walked againft the winq, 'and would have frozen. if I haid not rubbed xh£^ very frequently. •- - '■■■■ ■ , • ' .^ ,, . I mist with the fame oppofition, . and heard tjie fame common-placjp ftories, upon propofing th^js fecond vifit to Nelfon-river as I ciid on occcafion of ;he firft ; but I had now acquired more experience, ^nd was therefore lefs likely to forego an expedition wpop which my heart was bent, 1 fhall here relate a few particulars of it, chiefly to give the reader an idea of the method of travelling thro' this country, and to enable him to account for the long journies which it is pretended the natives take when^ lever they come down to our fadoriea. ,[ 1 fet oi4t from the fort in company withonp William Allen, and went to a tent fifteen miles up Hayes's-rivpr, where we lay that night. Next morning it fnowed much, and the weather was fo^ gy : but having a draught of the ifland and rivers thus far up, and both the tent places being markedl ][ thought we might fafely venture to beat a pathacrofs jhe ifland, which would enable our dog to go witj^ ijs more eafily the next day. This dog hawled z a fled with near three quarters of a. hundred weight upon it •, but the fnow being deep, he had no hold for his feet but funk at every ftep. Accordr ingly we fet out, fteering by the compafe ; for the weather ftill continued very thick, and the fnow fell plentifully. We made but fmall progref? \n our fnow- Ihoes, which were three feet and a half long, and one foot and a quarter broad, beating.^ path of the breadth of two feet. When we had travelled about three hours my mate began to feaf that we were loft. He faid he was lure we had gonq ynore than feven miles (for I had told him in the morning that it was above feven miles to Nelfon- fiver^ and it was liis opinion that we wer^ travelling dircdly IV> m V iirii ( 28 ) dire(5lly into th6 inlarjd country, I comforted him by the moft carneft afiii ranees that we were right, and repeating frequently that as the fnuw was deep we advanced but flowly, having gone not half fo far as he imagined : and upon the (Irength of this we went forward an hour longer. It was now my ov/n opinion that we were near the river, and the weather clearing up, I climbed a tail tree to Ic^'yk for it, but could obferve nothing by which to form a judgment of our fituation. It therefore occurred to me that fome accident had occafioned a variation of the needle, and that we had indeed wandered out of the way. However I took no notice of this to my comrade, but endeavoured to keep up his fpirits by chearful converfation. The weither thickened again more t an ever, the fnow fell in greater quantitcs, and the day was far fperrt. Having no mind to take up my refidence where We were, I told Allen that we would only light a fiTiail fire in order to make fome biimbo with itielted fnow, and return immediately to the tent. He complied, tho' with many afleverations that we fhould not reach the tent before dark -, and after having cleared away the fnov/, made a fire, and re- frefhed ourfelves, we turned back in our beaten path, and arrived at the tent in a little more than an hour and a half. We found every thing fafe ; and the next morning, the weather proving very fine and clear, we got all our neceflaries together, and let out with the dog. who now travelled with great eafe. We had good walking till we got to the extent of our path, but then found the fame ob- ftrui-tions we had met with the preceding day. Neverthelefs we kept on our courfe for many hours, till my poor mate was a fccond time driven a! moft to defpair. I bade him climb the next tree we came to, and before he was half way up he dif- covered the river. I then climbed it mvfelf, and law M'' :d him right, IS deep lalf fo 3f this 3VV my ', and :ree to ■which crefore oned a indeed ook no ired to , The e fnow r ipent. ■v^hcre light a with e tent, ris that id after and re- beaten :han an , and !ry fine cr, and h great to the ne ob- g t^ay. hours, almoft :ree we he dif- If, and law { 29 ) (avf plainly that we were (leering right for the tent, where we arrived a little before darl^. This diffi- culty of walking thro* the country renders the computed diftances very inaccurate : I meafured fome of them, and found them lefs by two thirds than what they were rated ^t. Th e natives talk of two moons as th^ fliort- eft time in which they perform their journies to the faAories: but it is to be confidered, that they are an improvident and lazy people, having no concern but for the fubfiftence of the prefent day ;, and that they are perpetually wandering out of the way to hunt for provifions, and loitering when, they have procured them. This, together with? the obftruftions they mull unavoidably noeet with in travelling a pathlefs country, will eafily account, for the length of time they mention, without fup- pofing that they come from places at fevcral hun- dred miles diftance, and that the continent is. of fuch a prodigious extent to the weftward. My mate and I travelled very hard j and yet if we had croflcd the iQand in one uninterrupted journey,, though the diftance between tent and tent is not eight miles, it would have required near eight hours to have performed it in : and even whe» but little fnow had fallen, and it was very good walking without fnow-flioes, I have not been able to accomplilh the fame journey in lefs than fix hours. Ir the reader is ftill doubtful of the fact, let him make the experiment himfelf in any path- lefs piece of coppice, marfli, or heath : let him alfo carry fixty or feventy pounds weight, (for the na- tives always come laden to the fadories ;) and let him travel in this manner for feveral days together ; and then fee how many miles he will be able to go in eight hours, day after day. And yet this would not be equal to the taking long journies in fnow- flioes, and through light fnow, where he mufl: lift his :''\ 1 (30 his Foot at every ftcp as if he was afccnding fleepi ftairs. I was now ordered to a different ftationj but before I leave York- fort, I wiJl give fome ac* count of its fituation and ftrength. * YoRK-FORT Hands above high- water- mark ^ about eighty yards from Hayes's- river, and four miles from the fea. It is built with logs of white fir eight or nine inches fquare, which are laid one upon another. In the fummer the water beats be- tween the logs, keeping the timber continually damp; and in the winter the white froft gets through, which being thawed by the heat of the ftoves, has the fame efFeft : fo that with the water above and the damp below, the timber both of the foundation and fuper-ftrudure rots fo faft, that in twenty-five or thirty years the whole fort muft be rebuilt with frefh timber, which with the great quantity ufed for firing, will occafion a icarcity there in a few years. » ^. ^ l.»U'fl{ioM'nts'Jiti{ltunae«ordiruiiit> i> ^i^> * Y .^rt-^ JnoTVj/Ai^ j^^^ ^ /-^ /^^^ t .' .1 ::. i '**v PLAN^S of YOKK aiul I'RINC'K ofWALK $'$ FOKTS .: .9,^,.. iS^'U'" "^ * * - ■ > F<^^7 >„'■' '^ . ■-.'lies- r^^ ■■ 13 1'. i i t Til ( 3» )■ ^liile thfe fca-liorfc wintered in the Bay it confiftcd of thirty-fix. From this defcription it is plain, that York-fort has not (Irength enough to refill a vigorous attack t the b/inffing only one fix-pounder againft it oii thelahd-ndc, where the batteries on the river could be of no fervice, would be fufHcient to make the men furrender or abandon it; a ftx-pounder planted behind the fort, at fuch a diftance that no gun upon the fort could anfwer it, would pierce it through and through: and furely a prudent hian would not ftay to defend it. in fuch circum- ftances, when the Hrd ball might blow up the magazine, and fort, and all that were near it : the only thing left for refolute -courage to do, ttroiild be to meet the enemy in the field, tho* twice fuperior in number. ; / f When I had been here two or three months^ and the whole mefs were together in the governor's apartment, I faid, that it was ufual in fuch build- ings as the fort, to have a foundation of brick or ftonc i which would preferve the fuper-ftrufture from decaying much longer than if it was raifed only upon logs of wood laid level in the ground. The governor replied, that they would have taken this method if bricks could have been procured ; and every one prefent acknowledged the fuperior advantages of fuch a foundation. I then rejoined, that fmce bricks could not be got, ftones would anfwer the purpofe equally, if not better ; and there was great plenty of them upon the flats on Hayes*s- river. The governor anfwered peevifhly^ that thofe ftones would not make a foundation ; and the carpenter fupported the alfertion, by al- leging the difficulty of levelling the ftones fit for the logs to lie upon (which in faft could be done ai5 eafily here as at Churchill-river -, ) and adding ariother aflfertion, that the driving (pikes into the logs l,r. l.v i ' 'I li ( 32 ) ' logs would Ihake fuch a foundation to pictes j sA if a brick of five or fix pounds could bear more force than a (lone of ten times the weight. The ftones upon the flats are hard and white j and not only fit for a foundation, but for (Irong walls : I have fcen very good walls built with much worfe. But notwithftanding this abundant plenty of good ftone, they have perfifted in building their forts with wood, and upon no other foundation than logs laid level in the grouiid 5 the confequence of which is, that they are reduced to rebuild them every twenty -five or thirty years : whereas if they had laid down a ftone-foundation, the forts would have lafted three times as long, and faved the Company two thirds of the expence. In the year 1745 I wrote a letter to the Company upon the comparative advantages of building their foundations at lead, with ftone rather than wood j in which I reprelented, " That the evil of being obliged to rebuild their " forts every twenty-five or thirty years, could " not be remedied but by laying their foundations in *' a difitrent manner, or making them of difi^erent *^ materials* Logs laid in the ground, tho* of the very- beft oak, muft be fubje6t to unavoidable decay from the wet that continually furrounds them-, and it was well known, that the timber in the upper works of every building will endure many years longer than the timber at the bottom, if it be not raifed high enough to preferve it from the damps of the earth* " TuAr in thofe parts of England where ftone and brick are fcarce, they drive pieces of oak ** into the ground two or three feet deep, whofe upper ends are tenanted into the under fide of the fill or botom of the timber houfe, fupport- ing it a foot or more above the ground, and the fpaces between thefe piles are filled up with flints and cc cc cc «( «( «( <( t( (( C( (C i( ct Ct «( «< (C «( ay be raken out j and new ones may be fixed in their places, without injuring the fuperftrudure. " ThaI" if the eJcpence of building (lone-foun- dations be compared with the advantages, it will be found to be very inconfiderable. Sup- pofe that a wooden fort was to be built in any place in the Bay where ftones are to be got : a mafon in England would get ftones, and lay a foundation for fuch a building as York'fort, for Icfs than twenty pounds •, but allowing for the difference of the price of labour in Hudfon's- Bay, a ftone-bottom raifed a foot or more above the ground would not exceed fifty pounds. Up- on this the fort might be ere<5led j round wliich I would have pieces two or three inches fquare faftened perpendicularly againft the log-waU a- bout a foot afunder, their ends refting upon the ftone- bottom : thefe (hould be well lathed and rough- caft with good mortar j by which means the log- wall would be kept fecure from wet, and would laft as long as the beams or any of the timber within : it is evident upon infpefting any old building, that timber carefully kept from wet will remain found and ferviceable fixty or eighty years. Now if the sexpence of keeping a fort ftrong and fit for fervice fixty or eighty years, be compared with that of rebuilding it twice within the fame time, there furely can be no room for hefitating which method to take ; efpecially if it be confidered, of what impor- tance it is to keep the woods near the fettlements from being cut away, and how great a favihg of timber a ftone-foundatioii would make every time the fort was rebuilt. I remember to have feen rough-caft about the old fort upon Hayes*s-river : but it was laid on in D " fuch ^ ( 34 ) " fuch a manner that the wet got In ^behind, and •* kept there in fpite of fun or wind j Co that tlie '' tiniber rotted as fait, as if it had lain agaijnfl a " bank of wet earth. ** That there is a method to make under-fet- •' tings to buildings of wood, much lefs expenfive *' than an entire ftoneor brick foundation * A fort " of the dimenfions of York- fort may be fupported " by forty-eight ftone or brick piers, one at each ** faiient and re-entring angle j with a pier or two *' under each face and curtain. The interftices *' between thcfe piers may be made of any ftufF •' that can Be got, and repaired at any time with* ^^ out difturbing the fuperftrufture. If lime pan- not eafily be got for thefe purpofes, ftones might be prepared in the Orknies or elfewhere, each large enough to make a pier, and not exceed *' five hundred weight. Forty- eight of thefe ftones ^* would fuftain fuch a fort as York-fort, and the ',* whole would not coft above fix pounds in the " Orknies : fifty of them would be about twelve or *' thirteen tons. Stone or brick piers may be put ^' und^r a building of timber after it is erected, •' which would make it endure many years longer ' then it would without them." The Company took not the leaft notice of thefe remonftrances. In thefummer, 1746, I received the following letter: .^ yiy-H •. .•r:_^fi7Tii Jio//- * •i>iHudfon's-Bay houfe, London April 30th, 1746. C( C( C( t,ic;iMr. Jofeph Roblbn, ji li vilK^'C' ' - -n- V Sir, ** \/y E received your letter of the 5th of Au- •* guft, and obferve the contents ; and alfo *' the fevcral draughts you mentioned •, and have " paid your wife's, bill for ten pounds, as you dc- » M u ** fired. 174^' ( 35 ) ** fifed. We have thought proper to remove yoii •* to prince of Wales's- tort, where you are to adt ** in the fame ftation as furveyor and fiipervifor of *' the buildings: and we expeifl that you exerc *' yourfelf in the repairs^ and \vhatever may be *' necefiary in Jlrergtbcnijig the fort', and that you '* fend us a draught ot the river, 6cc. Werc- •* main your loving friends.** '.I Signed by the governor, depiTty governor, and fix ot tlie. committee. • i " In obedience to this order 1 embarked aboard the Churchill-fioopi — Horner mailer^ which happen- ed to come to York-fort^ and arrived at Churchill- ^c 1 8th of AusuH:. After two or three •o- nvc/ day; I .e jan to corred the erroneous method the men were then taking in building the ftone para- pet •, which brought on the rekntment of the governor, who renewed the cuflomary oppofition againft me^ notwithftanding the unlimited powers given me by the Company. There was among them a man who had been lately fent over under the chara6ter of engineer, in the exercife of which olfice he had juft before I arrived pafled his appro- bation upon the only two embrafllires tliat were finilhed : but when I examined them and pointed out their errors and defeds, he retraced his former opinion, and was as peremptory in his difappro- bation. By this and other proofs, I was foon con- vinced, that 'le knew very little of the theory of military architefture, and lefs of the pradice : however, I made a point of having his concurrence for the fake of order, and he very comphiifantly acquiefced in every thing I propofed. I laid down the lines of an emhralTure upon a floor in full proportion according to the belt modern rules, and *!\ji.'Hu».«; *-' 2 |\(5 ( S6) he rcfiJilutcly fupported the propriety of them agairiil the outrageous cavils of the governor, tell- ing him that my method would bear demonftration, and he would take upon himfelf to anfwer for the event. Thus I hoped I fhould be enabled to keep that part of the parapet which we were to be em- ployed upon that feafon, out of the power of ignor- ance and precipitation. When the froft became fo fevere that we could no longer lay any mortar, I employed myfelf in making coins for the embraf- fures, but without offering to confult the opinion of the governor about them, who I was certain would not tail to be on the contrary fide : and finding by this, that the authority of his office would avail him but little againft fuch united oppofition, before Chriftmas he eftranged himfelf from four of the mefs, the furgeon, the mailer of the floop, the titular engineer, and myfclf. The engineer, how- ever, begining to refled that he had hitherto facrificed his intereft to his complaifance, and that nothing was to be produced by fiding with us but the difpleafure and ill offices of the governor, left us very foon, and lived by himfelf for feveral weeks, waiting, as we could eafily perceive, to be reftored to favour. He fucceeded at laft by dif- avowing all our proceedings j and the governor finding his party ftrengthened, ordered all the coins I had made before winter to be altered to his own method : in confequcnce of which, the following fpring was loft to the building, and the parapet was entirely fpoilcd. When I came to England I follicited a long thne for an opportunity of laying a true (late of this afiair before the Company : at length they fent for me from Procfmouih by the following letter i \.'\^ ' >. y- ■ ■ .;- ' ;-. ■ . ..- ;.;«..' <( c< (( cc C( C( London (37) aji^m. b London, 19th December, 1747. Mr. Robfon, ' <( « 'TPHE gentlemen have received your letter, and cf inot pay your bill until they have " had fome difcourfe with you touching your " draughts, and fome other things that lie before " them J ' and therefore they defire you to attend '•' on Wednefday the 13th of January next at ten " o'clock in the morning.'* ••- "■"..;;'''" ■ , ■ ■ •■ ■ ■■ ' ' '■ *■ ■ r^'^--' :.m.m ,5a -VK • Your humble fervant, ' "^ • ...vdijif'v-*''* vrv^vf ,. ■ -:•]• i^t ri'Aijiuv ; Charles Hay fecretary. - I attended accordingly, and demonftrated by the models in the committee room, that my method of conducting the building was right, and the governor's wrong. The committee acknow- ledged it to be fo : yet fuch is their partiality for their principal officers, that all prefent, except Sir Atwell Lake, treated me with great rigour and diiVefped: : and governor Knap in particular faid, " That they found their fort was fpoiied and ** good for nothing, and that I had a great hand ^ " in building it." This ungenerous fpeech (hock- ed me, as it retraced the aknowledgement they had ' juft before unanimoufly made, and feemed calculated towithdraw the attention of the reft from the demon- ftrative evidence I had given, that my fkill and care had been ufefully exerted. In vain I urged the integrity of my condud, and remonftratcd that by my invariable attention to the Company's intereft, I had expofed myfelf to the refentment and cruelty of the governor, whofe behaviour to me rendered my manner of life almoft intolerable, and that not for a day or a week, but for years 5 my arguments .. D 3 pro- ■i'' i 3,8 ) produced no effed : nor was the Icaft notice taken of any of the reprefentations I had made them, fince my firlt arrival in the Bay •, but I was difmif- fed their fervice as a man who had conftantly ne- ^ledcd his duty. The reader will from hence fee the uncontrol- able influence which the governors in the Bay maintain over the Company j an influence which neither omifllons of duty, pofitive injuries with ijegard to their intereft, oppreflion of their fervants, nor the worft of crimes, is capable of diminifli- ing. The governor at Churchill- river had a thou- fand times remicred himfelf unworthy of fociety : the furgeon, foon after my arrival there, told me of his cruelties to the fervantis with tears in his eyes ; and the account he gate me was then atteftcd by every other intelligent man, and afterwards abun- dantly confirmed by my own cj^perience. The> liurgeon l^d before the Company a fi^lji and clear reprefentation of this man's crimes; apd it was expeded that he would be ordered to England, t-lie year I came away : but he was continued in his ofFice without any diminution either of honour or profit, and the lurgeon treated with unparalleled , negled. . It is not very difficult to afTign the true reafon of this extraordinary policy in the Company with regard to their fuperior officers, and I may here- ajfter take an opportunity of explaining it : nor is the ground of the oppreflive and cruel behaviour of the governors and captains towards the inferior fervants a more impenetrable fecret. Thefe men have generally fea-officers principles, and exert the fame arbitrary comm.and, and expe(5t the fame fl>ivi{h obedience here,, as is done on board ^ fhip. But as this fort of government is not r»eceirttKy, fo it will not be fubmitted to : and the extreme rigour; on one hand, and the impatient fenfe of I ( 39 ) df -it on the other, are a perpetual Source of per- fonaldiiguft; which difcovers itfelf in inefFcdUial complaints and niurmurings from the fcrvants,, and in the moft malicious cruelties and oppref- fions from the officers. But farther, as they have pofitive inftrudions in what manner they are to treat thofe fcrvants, who happen to be too adlivc and inquifitive for the Gompny*s in- tereft •, they go a ftep higher, and ufe the fame rtie«hods of feciirity with regard to their own in- treft i and cither treat with great feverity, or find a pretence for fending home laden with faults, any man whom they fufpedt has fenie enough to detect, and. fpirit enough to ex^ofe any of their unjuft gains, particularly thofe of the overplus- trade. This over-plus trade is big with iniquity; and is no lefs inconfiltent with the Company's true intereft, than it is injurious to the natives, who by means of it become more and more alienated from us, and are either difcouraged from hunting at all, or induced to carry all their furs to the French. The Company have fixed a ftand^rd for trade, as the rule by which the governors are to deal v/ith the natives. According to this they raife upon fome of the goods, which they know the natives muft or will take, a gain of near;^20oo per cent, computing by the value of a beaver^lkin, which is made the meafure of every thing elfe: fo that a beaver- fl^in which is often fold for eight fhillings, is purchafed at the low rate of four- pence or fix- pence. This excravagant gain difcourages the natives, con- fiderably l;ffcus the confumption of Britilh manu- faftures, and gives the French an opportunity of underfelling. the Company, and carrying off the beft and lightefl furs to Canada. Yet not content with this, the governors add to the price of their goods, cxa£fc many more furs from the natives than is required by the ftandard, and fometimes pay them not equally for furs, of the fame value j and I D 4 wiHi p . ( 40 ) wifli it could not be faid, thut taking advantage of thenecelTitics of this abufcd people, who as they have no Other market to go to are obliged to fubmit to any terms that are impofed upon them, they derive fome gains alfo from wciguis and meafures. This they c ill the profit of the over-plus trade ; part of which they always add to the Company's ftock for the fake of enhancing the merit of their fervices, and apply the remainder to their own ufe, which is often expended in bribes to fkreen their faults and con- tinue them in their command. It is this trade that is the great bond of union between the governors and captains, who are fo extremely watchful over their ftrange privileges, that, as I faid before, if there is the lead fufpicion of a man's having un- derftanding enough to difcover their iniquities, and honefty enough to deteft and expofe them, he is lure to be undermined in the Company's efteem; he is kept as ignorant of the trade and nature of the country as poflible ; and when his time is expired, if not before, is fcnt home with fuch a charaAer as will effedually hinder his return. frp:/ ;-},•. J It is certain that the cruel and oppreffive behavi- our of the govenors and captains towards the inferior fervants, not only deters ufeful people from en- gaging in the Company's fervice, a circumftance which they ought to attend to for their own inter- eft*, but furniflies one pretence for the bad charafter that is given of the country. Thofe men that are driven Irom it by ill ufage, come home with minds embittered and liiU of refentment; and finding no reel refs from the Company, they make a point of difcouraging others from going thither, by.magni- fying the diftrefies they have undergone, without mentioning a fmgle circumllance to counter-balance them. But there are others, that from very diflperent motives, give an impreflion of the country not at all to its advantage; who rather than not eftabhlh a chara«5ler for capacity and refqlution, do it at the V ' I! X ( 41 ) expencc of truth •, and they think they fafely do it, as it is not Ukely that they will be foon detefted. A man in Hudfon's-Bay has not much opportunity for fignalizing himfelf : his fphere of action is con- fined within the very narrow limits of carrying large logs of wood, walking in fnow-flioes, fetting traps, hunting and fowling. The being a dextrous hun- ter, and travelling well in fnow-fhoes, are efteemed: the chief points of honour: they, therefore give the. moft romantic account of their journies, magnify every little difficulty into a more than Herculean la- bour, and endeavour to convincf their hearers, that nothing could have carried the>.i through, lefs than the molt confummate ftrength of mind and body j hence people have imagined ^ that it muft be the laft diftrefs that can drive a man to a country, Whtr ' he has fo few chances not only for comfortable fub- fiftance but for life itfelf. It muft be acknow- ledged indeed, that upon his firft arrival in the Bay, *an Englilliman makes a very difadvan-* tageous comparifon between the appearance of that country and his own; and it may be a year or two before he is thoroughly reconciled to the climate and the manner of living; but it is an indifputable fa(El, that thofe who have ftaid there their full time, and hiave lived tolerably under the governor, had rather go back again than enjoy the fame advan- tages in their native country : I myfelf am an inftance of this ; and I have heard the captains frequently atteit the fame of others. This inclination, there- fore, to return to Hudfon's-Bay, when thus founded upon an experimental knowlege of the country, is furely a much ftronger proof of its being very habi- table, than all the ftories which have been propa- gated by the idle or the interefted are of the contrary. For my own part, if I had paid the leaft credit to the frightful tales I heard upon my arrival, I fliould not have ventured fix miles from my place of rcfi- In cenre. px in ! SiS;: ' -IM ( 42 > dcnce. But that the reader may have a more per- fe<5t knowlege ot the country, 1 will give fome ac« count of the toil and climate at York-fort and Churchill- river. i It is not to be imagined, that the mod northerly fettlements in the Bay, fhould have as good a cli- mate as the foutherly fettlements, there being To great a diflference of latitude as from 59 deg. ta 51 deg. 30 min. I was no farther up Lihurchill- river than eight or nine miles; but thofe who have been up thirty miles fay, that there are pleafant mea- dows and good grafs, that the foil is very good^ ^d that there are goofeberries and black and redt currants' growing near the lea, upon points that appear, almoft barren. Thofe that I have feen grow £q low that the grafs covers them. The marfhes and low grounds are full of good grafs ; and there iS' a patch of ground- near the fort on Eikimaux- point which, though expofed to the north and north- eaft winds, produces gooc. radiflies, coleworts, turnips, Anall carrots^ and lettices and other fallading: black- berries alfo grow upon the heath. Upon clearings away the fnow in the fpring, we generally found the under part of it congealed to ice three or four inches thick, lying hollow* from the ground. Whether this was caufed by the fnow's melting and thawing downwards, and then congealing from the coldnefs of the earth; or by the fun's drawing up thawing' vapours from the earth, and moiftening the fnow^ which was afterwards congealed again, I am not able to determine. I am inclined to believe the latter, becaufe the top of the fnow was formed into a hard icy cruft, and within it was heavy tho* foft. However, beneath this arch of ice we found green^ vegetables growing up an inch or two above the ground. The cattle here would live and do well, if the fame care was taken of them as is generally t^en in Enlgand. The horfcs 1 found among them had ( 43 ) had been kqu fcveral years, and wtrc conftantly employed in drawing Hones and other materials^ for tlie ufe of the fort. And if they can fuhfift and. be fit for fcrvice at Churchill-river in 59 deg. they: would furely fubfift and increafe alfo at the bottom of the Bay, lo 51 deg. 30 min. and ia allr the more foutherly fcttlements. The foil about York-fort, which is in 57 deg. loniin. is much better than that at ChurchUl-river. Mod kinds of garden- ItufF grow here to perfec- tion,, particularly peafe and beans, I have fcen a fmall pea growing without any culture ; and am of qpinion that barley would flourifh here, and confe- (^uently in much greater perfedlion at Moofe and Albany-civers, which are in 51 deg. 3a min. and 52 dieg. Goolcbcrries and red and black currants, are found in the woods growing; upon fuch bufhes asj in England. Uip the river are patches of very good ground ^ and battones. undcc banks, fq die- teflded from the north and north- weft winds, that there is a. fine thaw below when the top is: freezing : here whole families might procure a. comfortable fubfiftencev if they were as induftrious as they are. in their own country. Upon Hayes's- river, fifteen, miles from the fort, is fuch. a bank as i have juft mentioned, near which I pitched my tent : after paling in fome ground, foe a coney-warren» and for oxen„ flieep, goats, ^c. I Ihould exped: by no more labour than would be proper for my health, to procure a defirable livelihood ; not at all doubting of my being able to ralte peafe and beans, barley and probably other kinds of grain. The ifland on which York- fort Hands, is more capable qf improvement than can be imagined in fuch a latitude, and fo near the Bay. It is narrow twenty miles up from the fea; fo that drains might be cut tp very ufeful purpofe. 1 cut a drain near the fort, to dry a piece of ground for a batfery of four can I ? i l! ( 44 ) cannon, which afterwards wore quite a new face j the fnow did not lie upon it near fo long as before* and the grafs flourifhed with new vigor. I ob« ferved alfo, that before the fnow was thoroughly thawed, feveral vesetables were fpringing up be- neath it \ and by the time it had left only a very thin (hell of ice, thefe vegetables were grown up three or four inclies; In Septennber 1745 I tried the froft in the ground, by digging in a plain near the fort. I dug three leet and a half before I came to the froft, which was eight inches thick. I then ftruck an iron bar eighteen inches below the frozen vein, and found the earth very dry, the froft having itopped the pafTage of the water for nine months % ana it might be a month longer before the thaw would enable it to get fo low : it muft thaw every year, or no water would ever penetrate fo deep. This, however, is not neceflary to vegetation j. iince three feet and a half of foil is fufiicient, not only for all kinds of grain, but alfo for timber, which feldom ftrikes its roots fo deep, unlefs it be in the crevices of rocks. As the fioft does not pe- netrate four feet and a half, the water has full three months to thaw it in, and is certainly able to effedl: it in that time ; though perhaps the froft may re- turn again above, before the thaw is thoroughly complcated below; and this, probably, is the cafe with all level and moift grounds : but in dry grounds, or in moift grounds with fouthern declivities, it may be othenvife. It is the moifture that com- municates the freezing quality, and where that fails the froft can proceed no farther ; in fwamps or wet plains, therefore, or in northern declivities where the fun is weak, the froft enters as far as there is any moifture, is very long in thawing, and fometimes continues in the ground the whole year ; but in dry ground it has but little power, and even even (45) even in wet grounds chat have a fouthern decli- vity, the froit does not keep poflefllon fo long ; for the moidure acquires from the fun in the day, a warmth that it retains ail night, and it may be a thaw under ground while the uirface is freezing. Cultivated land alfo thaws much fooner than bar- ren. I perceived that the garden • ground at York-fort and Churchill-river thawed much fooner and deeper in the fpace of one month, than the wade that lies contiguous to itj and the fame ii to be obferved in England. By the heat therefore which the earth here would acquire from a general and careful cultivation, the froft might be ^ foon overcome, that the people might expert regular re- turns of feied-time and narveit. * ' The natural produce of Hudfon's-Bay grows very faft, and comes to perfection much fooner than that of England. The alteration of the weather is very fudden and great : the wind veer- ing perpetually between north and fouth, occafions a perpetual alternate change of fummer and winter, which Ihould prevail upon thofe who go abroad to provide againfl the word that can happen ^ •& ftranger to the climate ought never to venture out alone. Thefe fudden alterations, however, make me conjedure that the climate differs m'^rh in a little way, efpecially in going from north -j:- !l;uth; at York-fort the difference is lefs perceptible than at Churchill-river. In fummer, when the wind is about weft-fouth-weft, it b( "omes fu'* ly •, and if it happens to blow frelh, it comes in hot gufts as if it blew from a fire, and the hardeft gu(ls bring the greateft heat : but this is not the cafe when tht^ wind blows from any other point. In winter, the Iky weft of the fort generally looks with a more thawing afpedl, than in any other quarter except towards the eaft. I noted this in my jour- jial, and concluded that thefe black watry clouds -i-r, muH I 1 ( 46 ) •rTi'jrfl: be generated in places where the waters are i-.ot trozen } for when l obfcived them at welt- by ^ iv'yuth, I twrned imiTjediately to the eaft, where l .4cixw was an open fea, and -found that the clouds in that point had exadtlythe.fame appear* amde. The former is the point where the native* fay IS a deep ftrait, and the copper^ mine. Frogs land fome kinds of fifli are found here frozen in ibhd pieces of ice, which upon tlie thaw recover thedr aftivrty, and appear to have -as miioh life as 'before. This was confirmed by laying them neat a gentle fire : but upon expofing them afterward-s to tihe froft, and bringing them to t!he fire afecond time, tfeey were -dways found dead. I MIGHT here give a particular defcription of aH the animals peculiar to chrs country j but as it does not chter into the nature of my defign, and befides, has been already done by other writers about Hud- ■fon*s-Bay, fiifficiently einough to give a confiplete idea bot!h of t3ie benefits and efvils that arife from them 1 I fhall only relate aft event or two with re- gard to the white bear, and then proceed to an account of the natives. Governor White of York, fort told me that ire and another being abroad together one winter, as they walked up the river, they difcovered an opening in the bank, and upon looking into it found a white bear, which they killed. The beaft in making this den had thrown up the eatth behind her is fhe went in, with a defign, they thoug' ", of obliging herfelf to continue there the Hvhole i».afon of the tVoft, which had fo hardened the earth, that a complete thaw only could deliver her : it was at fea : )d, and i effort Qiindedj ury» he Iton, in the pre- ir being md tho' ifcape at lo beaft d he al- climate* fs, de- lout any linguifh are lefs \tn hav- conver- no hair family x:el, for This •ovoked )on exa- thana of lea- ' fome ley arc they dnd of in their ler him them- out in and at their (49) _ their return will boaft that tbiy have killed him^ telling where they have fet up the painted flick in teftimony of their fuccefs. A tradition prevails among them, thatall the people of the country were drowned except eighty who were faved in a canoe. They make pretenfions to divination ; for the exercife of which they form a fquare clofe tent, by laying (kins upon four flicks cut green from the tree, peeled, and fixed perpendicularly in the ground. Into this they enter, flaying two or three hours ; in which time many future events, they fay, are made known to them. Some of our peo- ple are weak enough to give credit to this pro- phetic fpirit. In the year 1735 the fhip was fo late in coming from England, that the governor very feriouQy applied to an Indian to inform him what was become of her ; and after her arrival he afTured us that the man had told him the exa^ truth. This power o( divination, it feems, is checked, if an Englifhman approaches the tent. They have a generous fenfe of property, and A difdain of opprefTion : the largefl beafts and fowls, they fay, are their own \ and they call all the Com- pany's fervants, except the governor, flaves. They are exemplary in their affeftion to the orphans of the fame family ; for upon the death of the parents the children are divided among the nearefl of kin, who feed and take care of them preferably to their own* When an Indian dies, they ufually bury all he pofTefles with him, becaufe, they think he will want it in the other country, where, they fay, their friends are making merry as often as they fee an Auroraborealis. The corpfe being placed upon its hams, the grave is filled up and covered over with brufh-wood, in which they put fome 'obacco J and near die grave is fixed a pole with «> deer ikin, or fome other flcin, at the top. This method of placing the corpfe is no longer obferv- E cd <« n !\n li ' i* ,1 ( S° ) cd by the people who refort to the EngUfli fadorie?-, but the upland Indians ftill retain their ancient cuftoms. I have heard that the fuperannuated and helplefs among them are ilrangled at their own re- queft 5 which ceremony is always performed by the neareft relations, who, after placing thele vo- luntary vi6lims in a grave, finifli the horrid talk after the manner of the Turkiili bow-ftring. They defcribedays by the times of fleeping, years by winters, and different parts of the year by moons-, as the frog- moon, or the feafon when the frogs (pawn, which is in May or June •, the geefe-moon, when the geefe fly acrofs the country to breed ; and other moons, diftinguilhed by fome ftated appearance. They are fond of the tafle of brandy, and of being intoxicated with it ; efteeming it an honour to ue drunk, and driving who fhall continue fo longeft ; indeed this is a corruption not of their own growth, but introduced among them by the folly and villainy of Europeans. Inflead of ufing water, they cleanfe themfelves with greafe and oil ; and when they have a mind to be ornp.mented, they paint their faces with a kind of red and • yellow oaker, which with a firing of beads hang- ing at the nofe, and a piece of greafy red cloth fixed on one fide of the head, makes an Indian as - fine as he delires to be. , :n •;;t;ii nnL ; :: They ufe for an emetic a herb called cocka- ., pocko, and after the operation another herb called wofhapocko ; and their method of fweating them- felves is to fit in a dole tent by aheapof heated flones. Before the ufe of kettles was introduced among -^.„,them, they drelTed their meat in a wooden or birch- -^^ rind diih, heating the water, and keeping it boiling by conftantly putting in thefe hot llones. They cat as much flelh at a time as will ferve three or . four Europeans j but thea they can faft three or .1 - four V ! adories-, ancient lated and [• own Te- rmed by thele vo- rrid tafk ng, years y moons -, the frogs fe-moon, breed ; le Hated j^, and of n honour itinue fo of their 1 by the of ufing and oil ; nmented, red and ds hang- red cloth .ndian as d cocka- Tb called ig them- sd Hones. ;d among or birch - it boiling , They three or three or four ( p ) four times as long : and thefe habits of voracioufners ^nd abftinence feem to be determined by their natu- ral temper, and their tafte of life \ for they are lazy and improvident, lying in their tents and feafting upon their (lock till they have not a day's provifion left •, and if they are unfortunate enough to fail of a fupply before their power of fading is gone, they jperifli with hunger. This has given birth to many llories of their being reduced to eat the flcins that cover thein, and Ibmetimes their children. Many Families in their journey to the factories have beeri fo near ftarving, that they have fainted by the way, and muft have perifhed, if fome among them had not been ftrong enough to come to the governors for relief. Upon going out to hunt, and at the death, they fing two fongs, the latter at the head of the beaft J a practice that prevails among the more refined, but lefs innocent fportfmen here. If fe- veral different parties of hunters happen to meet in the purfuit, they do not regard who kills the beaft, but Ihare the prey in common. The chief of a family has an appropriated part, which^ by way of diftindion, he drefTes himftilf: a woman is not fuffered to touch it, nor to perform the leaft jpartbf the culinary office, nor even to be prefent at the feaft. When he thinks it is boiled enough, he takes it out of the kettle, and gives the firit piece to the man he refpefts moft, proceeding in this manner through the whole company. Th^y have a maxim very prejudicial to the country, which is, that the more bcafts they kill, the more they in- creafe ; and in confequence of this they deftroy great numbers for the fake of the tongues, leaving the carcafes to rot. The families take down their tents in the morning, and the chief orders where they Ihall be pitched at night. In winter when they can follow his traft in the fnow^ he leaves the 1; ' ' '-' E 2 ■ women ri :\u.i i % f II (i») women to ftrike the tent, and come after him with the baggage; and where they find a long white ftick fixed in the ground, they pitch the tent again till the next morning. At night th6 man comes home and fits down, but without fpealcing, while his wife pulls off his wet cloaths, and cleanfes his face with greafe or oil : he then takes the chief feat, and begins to talk. - - ••; 7' -„v u Iw marrying they have the eaftern cuftorA of a plurality of wives ; though they gene- rally content themfelves with two, which affe as many as they can well maintain by hunt- ing. They are not very fufceptible of the tender palllons ; tor an Indian will gladly lend his wife to an Englifliman for a bottle of brandy. It is cuftomary for the man upon his marriage to leave his own friends, and live with his wife's father, to whofe defence and fubfiftence he devotes himfelf for the remainder of his life, which makes the hav- ing daughters a much more defirable part of their pofTeffions than fons. A woman once in her life feparates herfelf from all kind of converfe, and lives three weeks alone ; in which time, thofe who ad- minifter to her, leave her food in a certain place, and return immediately without fpeaking. I em- ployed a man who underftood the language, and was intimate with feveral of the people of both fexes, to enquire into the nature and end of this ceremony : but with all his art and addrefs he was never able to obtain more than a general knowledge of the fad. At their feafts and merry meetings, when they iare difpofed to dance, the company join hands and fhuffle round the mufician, who fits upon the ground, and beats a kind of drum, the difmal found of which he accompanies with a more dif- mal tone of voice. They fmoke brazil-tobaqco mixed with a peculiar herb, of which both fexes and all ages are forid to excefs. They have even ftated entertainments of fmoakihg j on which 6g- *• '^ cafion as lim with lite ftick again till les home vhile his his face lief feat, cuftoift gene- ich arfe y hunt- e tender his wife jr. It is to leave ither, to himfelf the hav- of their her life md lives ivho ad- n place, I em- and was exes, to emony : * able to jfadl. , when ny join its upon difmal ore dif- tobaqco th fexes ^e even lich 6g- cafion (52) cafion a pipe is produced, ornamented with feathers of. various kinds. This pipe is two feet long, the bowl being made of ftone, and the barrel oi" wood : the principal man has always the privelege of lighting it, who after taking his Ihare of wl^i^s, gives it to the fecond in eminence \ procecdi :g through the whole company with luch equiiable management, that the laft man, who coufhiiirly fi- niflies, has very feldom a larger or fmal'n Ihare than the firft. When thi^bufinefs of traffic is over at the fadlory, they fmoak after the fame manner in the governor's room, always depofitingthe pipe v/ith huu as a kind of pledge for their return the followmg year. This ornamented pipe is what I fuppofe the French call the calumet or peace. The Indid.'is generally travel with one, which they offer to any party of a different nation that they happen to meet with j and their accepting it, and fmoali'ng with them, are confidered as an exchange of peace and friendfhip. The governors make titular officers of thofe who are accounted the beft huntfmen and war- riors, and moft efteemed for their underftand- ing by the reft of the party. To each of thefe they give a coat, a pair of breeches and a hat, appointing him captain of a river. It is the opinion of thofe who live at a great diftance from the fadories, that the Englifti are a kind of creators of all the goods they fell ; and when we nrft ap- peared in the Bay, the people on the coaft believed us to be inhabitants of the water, becaufe they faw us come from the fea, and return thither again. The true character of the inland natives is, that they are plain and ignorant, but very gentle, and difpofed to receive any imprefiion. Their chief vice is lazinefs : but all they have of ill may in a great meafure be removed, and all they want of good be fupplied, by a proper and generous cul- tivation. They behave well to the Enjglifti, but E 3 better I ; i! !i I;'!' Hi ! ( 54 ) better to the French, becaiife the French have taken more pains to civilize their manners, and engage their eftccm. The Indians upon the coafts and in the iflands have cuftoms peciiHar to themfelvcs, very different from thofe of tlic iiplanders on the continent. Of thefe I may pofiibly fpeak hereafter ; but fliall no\y proceed with an account of the many oportunities that flill remain for enlarging difcoveries by fca and land, and for improving many beneficial articles of trade, particularly the filheries. And firft, there are feyeral reafons to fupport a belief, that the land ■which feparates Hudfon*s-Bay from the weftern- ocean, muft be narrow to the northward of Chur- chill-river, if it fhould prove to be continuous, and without a navigable paflage. The rivers north of Churchill, that have yet been difcovered, are very inconfiderable. Seal and Pocathufko are the only ones i the latter in 59 r 30, fmall but well wooded j the former in 60, fomewhat larger, running a confiderable way from the fouth-well. Knapp's-Bay is only a deep inlet; and nothing but inlets have appeared upon the coafls, difcovered by the fliips fent out in fearch of a north- welt- paflage. There arc no rivers near Whale-cove nor Rankin*s-inlet ; nor on the coaft fi'om thence to Wager's- inlet, which terminates in a fmall flream running from an inland fordable lake. Cheftcrfield-inkt has no more title to the charadlcr of a frefli river than Wager- inlet. It is a continu- ed phannel at lead four leagues wide ^ the water is fait and brackifh ; it ebbs eight or nine hours at the rate of five or fix miles an hour, and flows two hours at the rate only of one mile an hour ; and vet it does not fcem to contract even at more than thirty leagues up. The known rivers to the northward, therefore, will not bear a comparifon \vith Churchill-river i nor even with our Thames, Humber, llu the wc fo The icli have icrs, and lie iflands different cnt. Of liall now )rti]nities y Tea and rticles of ft, there the land weftern- ofChur- itinuous, have yet Seal and ^rm 59: in 60, ^ay from ;ep inlet; pon the ieaich of ers near the coafl ates in a 3le Jake, haradlcr :ontinu- le water lours at id flows hour ; at more to the parifon "hames. Limber, ( 5? ) 1- lumber, Tweed, or Tyne. Seal-rlvcr, which is the larger, and which, by the bye, flows from the wcfl: and not from the fonth-weft:, d^es not vent fo much water as the fccond-rate rivers in England. The^e arealfo iewtr withiii the fame diftancc along Ihorj than in England j and tho* many runs of water generally fall into them, they decreale as much in a couifj of twenty miles as our rivers. If then we may compute the breadth of a country, by the length of the courfe of its rivers, and the quantity of water which they difcharge ; it may be fairly prefumed, that as the courfes of the above rivers are not fo long, nor their difcharge fo great, as fome rivers in England, the land where they are fituatcd is not fo broad. But as it is urged that rivers are larger or fmaller, in proportion to the rains that fall on the adjacent land, it may be pro- per to compare the quantity of rain that falls in a y-ear in Hudfon*s-Bay, with the quantity that falls in England. From the beginning of May to the end ol' September, the proportion of rain is pretty equal •, and from the beginning of Odlober to the end of April, the quantity ot fnow in the Bay, which covers the furface about two feet and a half thick, and perhaps more, does not greatly exceed. The inference, therefore, of the breadth of the land from the fize of the rivers ftill holds good. But this is farther confirmed, as in or near the bottom of the Bay, where the continent is known to be broad, the rivers are larger in proportion, and more in number v>?ithin the fame difl:ance, than to the northward-, and when the fnov/ melts, the Indians to the fouthward of York- fort, who are near or within forty miles of the fea, keep their canoes always in readinefs, that they may e- fcape the torrent that pours down from the in- land country, overflowing the adjacent plains, and bearing down the trees. But thefe annual floods E are II t II » iil 1 1 j :t ' )l n \\\ '1 ; ) ■ f .1 : ml' m '■■ ffl kit' (J6) arc not known to the northward of Churcliill-river', and it is eafy in the fummer tq dilcern which rivers are fubjecl to them, from the deep hollows which the ice conftantly plows up on both fides. The in- ference, therefore, ftill remains jiift and natural, that the lands northward of Churchill-river, arc niuch narrower than thofe fouthward, and cannot be far from the weftern ocean. This is farther confirmed in point of teftimony, from the evidence of the Indians dwelling upon Nelfon and Churchill-rivers, who fay, that they have been upon rivers that run a contrary courfe tq thofe in the Bay ; and at the weftern fea on the other fide of the land, where they have feen fhips.. But another natural evidence of there being a fea- coaft tq the weftward not far from Churchill, is that the flights of wild-geefe in the fpring are {ten to the north ward of Churchill, before thofe which come along the Bay from the fouthward are feen at York- fort. It is received as an eftabliflied and con- firmed fadl among the people at the Bay, that thofe flocks of wild-geefe vihich appear in the fpring, come from the fouthward according as the fnow melts, and the marflies and rivers are thawed fufficiently to afibrd them fubfiftence in their flight northward, whither they repair to feek for unfrequented places to hatch and breed their young. But if it happens to freeze again, they fiy back fouthward to get food, and do not renew their flight northward till tb,e thaw is renewed. It is alfo laid, that their courfe is generally parallel to the coaft of the Bay, near the mouths of rivers and along the marlhes •, and that they do not come from the inland country weft to caft, but from fouth to north, being always firft feen ^t the moft fqutherly fadories. But at Churchill, long before the ice is broken up fouthward, there are always flights of geefe to be kcti to the northward, hovering about for a convenient .f"' * place pla ofi inh cer near and being place ( S7) place to fted upon •, which not finding on account of the continuance of the frofl, they fly back again inland to the weftward. It is, therefore, pretty certain, that thefe flights are made from another country, and are not the fame that come from the Ibuthward, which do not appear till a confiderable jime after. Some probably come alpng thecoaft pf the weftern ocean from the fouthward, as thefe in the Bay ', and fome along the ead coafl: of America, and the wcfl: coaft of Europe *, all mak- ing northward to Spitzburg and Greenland, where they breed: while thofe, which I fuppofe come from the weftern coafl. of America, take their flight by California and the coaft northward of it, where there is a great difference of climate at a fmall diftance from the Bay ; and being earlier upon the wing, and flying at the rate of fixty miles an hour, they ftioot into a frozen climate upon the Bay, be- fore they are aware j but finding no food, retreat back to the warmer climate they came from. If it Ihould be urged, that thofe geefe which are feen fo early to the northward, may fly from the inland northward, and happen to light upon the Ihore north of Churchill, and fo be firft feen there ; I anfwer, that if it muft be left to accident, they might as eafily light upon the fhore to the ibuthward, and fo be firft feen at Churchill or York-fort, which has never yet been done. Befides, the flight is always obferved to be made along fhore, and never from the inland country direftly to the fliore. Since, therefore, all other flights of geefe are feen coming from the fouthward in the fpring, and returning to the northward in autumn ; ancj this flight, which is feen firft to the northward of Churchill, is in a direft contrary courfe ; the con- clufion is very natural, that it muft come from a different, country, and a difl^erent fea-coaft, moft probably to the weftward 5 which having a much warmer :1 II i. ,i r « ( 58 ) warmcl" climate on account of an open fca, the flight is taken early, but obflru<5ltd by coming too iuddenly into a frozen climate. Ihis flight may pofllbly be made along the fhore of tiie north- weft paflage : however, the firft fuppofition ftpnds very llrongly fupported, that the continent to the northward of Churchill is very narrow, and the wcftern fea not far diftant from the Bay. I SHALL next endeavour to fliew the probability of entering Hudfon's-Bay much earlier than is done annually by the Company's fhips. The ice from the north part of the Bay drives through Hudfon's- ftraits into the ocean j and the Company's fliips generally enter the ftraits in the beginning of July. At York-fort and Churchill-river I have obferved that the ice did not break off clofe at the fliorc, but gradually; the firft field leaving the fhore-ice two or three miles broad, the fccond lefs, and fo on till it was cleared away. Thefe feveral fields of ice drive through the ftraits ; but as they go ofi^ at intervals, one field may be driven through before the next enters from the Bay: confequently the ftrait is fometimes pretty clear of ice. As the ftraits then arc never frozen over, nor always unnavigable, even when there is much ice in the Bay ; I imagine that a fafe paflage may be often found in the beginning of June : for as the ice en- ters the ftrait at intervals, according as it breaks ofi-', and as the wind and current drive it out of the Bay ; fo the wind may keep the ice back at this feafon as well as any other. Befides, the ice at the bottom of the Bay, and the north and weft ice, will not Jiave had time to reach the ftrait -, but after June all the Bay-ice commonly reaches it. The begin- ning of June therefore feems to be the likelieft time in which to exped a free pafl*age. If fliips ftiould get through by this time, and yet the Bay provd too full of ice to proceed, harbours might be found. a, the \ ig too It may , north- ^^ ftpnds to the ind the ^ability is done e from idfon*s- s Ihips )f July. )bfervcd e fliorc, hore-icc nd fo on fields of ;o off at h before ntly the ver, nor ich ice in be often leiceen- •eaks off, the Bay ; is feafon le bottom will not fter June ic begin- lieft time ps fhould ay pf6v(i ■night be fpund, ( 59 ) found ; and as they would have fmooth water and light nights, fmall boats might be fcnt out upon difcovery. Thefe boats (hould be made of ftrong leather, with the ribs and other timber movcablo at pleafure. They would not then be liable to be broken by the ice •, they would row fwiftly •, and might be let out or contradcd, and fo made fit for Ihoal or deep water. And that the fliips may not lofe the firlt opportunity of a clear paflage, by waiting for the return of the boats j a common place of rendezvous Ihould be appointed, from whence they might purfuc their dilcoveries in con* cert i and either return to England, or winter as they found encouragement. All the evil arifing from this experiment, if it fails, would be only the expcnce of having taken the voyage one month earlier^ but if it fhould fucceed, it would fave the much greater charge of wintering in the Bay, and be attended with all the advantages that can be wiftied for towards enlarging our difcoveries. I KNOW that but a few years ago this voyage was thought very difficult and tedious ; that the Company's fliips almoft always wintered in the Bay; and that they were well fatisfied with that captain who wintered fafely, and returned the fol- lowing year, allowing him a gratuity of fifty guineas. But of late this gratuity is with-held from him, and given only to thofe who go out and return the fame year : fo that what was once re- prefentcd as abfolutely impradicable, is now very cafily r;nd fpeedily preformed •, aftd it is with great reludance that any captain winters in the Bay. If the difcovery of a north- weft paffage was purfu- ed with the fame ardour and encouragement, the fame expedition would take place ; and the reality of fuch a palTage be fpeedily determined. ... ■ . . :..= \ ' Tni ■■h4 I M IH m \ ■ { 6° ) ' The great means of fettling this is a fcnowledgft of the tides ; and therefore proper perfons flioiild try it in ()^ deg. north-eaft of Cary-fwan's-nefl, and afctrtain Middleton's frozen ftrait, and the tide and current there, which he fays is fo great as to fill the Welcome. Others fhould be ftnt at the fame time and for the fame piirpofe to Wh^le-cove, Rankin's- inlet, Chefterfield- inlet. Wager- bay, and Repulfe-Bay •, in one of which the pallage, if there is any, miiftexift. In all thefe places they Iliould be ordered to flay a limittd time, and make repeated experiments upon the tides and currents : and if in any of the inlets the tides do not flow into the Bay^ but meet in the middle of the ftrait; or if the ebb into the Bay exceeds the flood from the Bay, and yet the water continues fait or brackifh ; or if the tide of flood lafts fewer hours than the tide of ebb, and the water ftill proves brackifli ; fuch fymptoms of a frefli river would aflbrd the ftrongeft evidence of a clear paflage. Thefe firft fteps to a difcovery being thus deliberately and accurately made, the people, if they had time, mightventiire to proceed; but if the fcafon fiiould be too far eiapfed, they might at wofll winter in the Bay, and renew the fcarch the following fummer. But ftill much lefs expence would be incurred, more expedition would be ufed, and more certain- ty obtained, by making the experiment over land. And 1 greatly wonder it has not yet been attempt- ed, confidering the repeated teftimonies of the natives thnt come to York-fort, who fay that they have been at rivers which run a contrary courfe to thofe in the Bay, and have feen the fea on the other fide of the country. '.."■ • ■ A MAN refolved upon the expedition, might very eafily engage a feled number of the Copper- indians, . .: . . ' wilt. knowledge •fons flioiildi fwan's-neft, it, and the J ib great as fent at the !Vh^le-cove, er-bay, and ige, iF there ey fliould be ke repeated s : and if in nto the Bay^ DV if the ebb he Bay, and i or if the tide of ebb, :h fymptoms Teft evidence ) a difcovery f made, the e to proceed ; elapled, they nd renew the be incurred, more certain- nt over land, ^ 3een attempt- I onies of the fay that they rary coiirfe tol :he fea on the n, might very ippL^r- Indians, wilt. ,/ ( 6i ) who come to Churchill-faddry, to condu6l: him u^ the country, upon the offer of fome ihconfiderablfc reward, and making one of their chiefs captain of the undertaking. Nor is it neceflary that he fhould underftand the kngua^, as the linguid, wh6 might be of the party, could communicate every thing to the Indians that it was proper for them t}> know. !By this means the copper-mine at leaft would be difcovered, and probably the diftahce oif the weftern ocean, and the reality of a paflage be- tween that and the Bay. The fame advantages might be as efFe(^ually ob- tained, tho' not perhaps fo immediately, if the Company was to iflue a general order, that the children of all thole natives who would give their confent, fliould be brought up at the faflbrifes, and inilrufted in every part of learning that was necef- fary to fit them for ufeful fervice ; and if at the fame time alfo they would fend over from England a number of indigent children to be educated with them. By fuch connexion and intercourse thefe boys would learn each others language, be accuftomed to each others tempers and manners, be foon able to travel together up the country, and foon capable of underftanding as much of the mathematics as would qualify tliem to obferve the latitudes and keep a journal. And if, in aid of their endeavours, rewards were propofed for thofe who made the moft important difcoveries, all the parts of the countries adjoining to the Bay, would m a few years be intimately known. , ^ / ; ...!, Expedients like thefe muft occur to every man who has the leaft reflexion, and the leaft knowledge of the country i but as the Hudfon*s- Bay Company have not yet made any trial of them, ^ it is to be queftioned whether any trial will ever be made, till the trade and management become the bufinefs of the nation. The Company have had I appren- ? '. ''I i I \ ^hk ,... ( 62 ) apprentices in the Bay, both able and willing to d(f in part what has been juft now propofcd. I have myfelf heard many of their fervants fay, that they would gladly undertake a journey with the natives, if the Company would give them any encourage- ment ; and one of them in particular told me, that he once offered voluntarily to do this without fo- liciting a reward, but was rebuked by the gover- nor for his officioufnefs, and treated ill the remain- der of his time : yet this method of making dif- coveries would not only be lefs exp^nfive, thail any the Company have hitherto taken, but far more certain, and more fuccefsful ; of which they have a melancholy proof from the very formidable encroachments which the French, by the fame means, are continually making upon them. It is univerfally believed among the fervants, that the French travel many hundred miles over land from Canada to the heads of our rivers in the Bay, and that they have eredted huts and fettled a confiderable factory upon a lake at the head of Nelfon- river ; trading with the 'natives for the lightefl and moft valuable furs, which they carry a long way before ihey find a conveyance by water : and this general opinion is not taken up at random, but fupported by particular inconteflable evidences of the faft. I have feen French guns among the natives that come to York-fort ; and once heard Mr. Brady, the furgeon, converfc with one of them in the French language. I have alfo frequently feen in the governor's hand, a letter addrefTed to i.im from the chief fadtor at the French fettlement on Nel^ fon-river. It was written in French and Indian ; antl the purport of it was to eftablifh a trade betvveeh them and the Englifh at York fort, for thofc heavy goods whch the French ftood in great nted of, but could not bring from Canida, fuch as guns, ket- tles, tobacco, &c. and the EngHfh were dcfired to }avc Neli; grcec willing to do red. I have yi that they the natives, Y encourage- old me, that without fo- ' the gover- ithe remain- making dif- lenfiVe, tharl en, but far which they y formidable 3y the fame hem. the fervants, \ miles over rivers in the and fettled a the head of ^es for the h they carry ce by water : 3 at random. Die evidences s among the :e heard Mt, of them in ently feen in to him from :nt on NeU Indian ; anid •adc betvveeii thofe heavy ited of, but guris, ket- ft'cre dcfired to (63 ) to lay, how "rnuch beaver they expefbed in ex- change for tijtle articles. The governor told us, that i'.e had lent a copy of the letter to England ; and added, that if the Company confcnted to fucK a treaty, ^ve fliould get no furs but what came through the hands of the Frerch, who would foon have huts all the way down Nelfon-rivtr. The linguills inlormed me, that they have had a defcription of the French fadory at the head of Neifon-river from different Indians, who all a- grced in the principal circumilunccs, and re- mark ab ly in that the FVcnch have a large boat or ficop upon the lake. Thefe people formerly would have been glad to have had the Englifh ac- rom|,iany them up the rivers ; and were once very follicitous to engage us to go up, that we might head them againil the French Indians : but they are now very eafy and filcnt upon that fubieft : the French by kind offices and a liberality in dealing, which we think of no confcquenci^', have obtained fo much influence over almofl all the natives, that many of them are aduaily turned fad'ors for tlie French at our fettlcmcnts for heavy goods. This the Indians openly acl;nowieds;ed to the linguifl: in the year 1746, juft before I It'l't York-fort. But it is now time to fay fomething of the fifn- erics ; the wretched condition of whicli is not owing to any natural defeat, bi;*- merely to nealip-ence or dtfign in tiiofe who pretend a right to the country And its [ rodu(5tions. The Fflrt a time, there is no filhery was cr diredioii 5 furnifhed er tackling ides to ex- i kind and The ( 67 ) The circumference of the Bay is at lead 2500 miles, with fo many rivers and inlets all round, that a confiderable river or inlet may be allowed to every hundred miles. In the three rivers where I refided, as much oil 6cc. might be pro- cured as would be fufficient to load 150 tons of Shipping annually : confequently, by the fame computation, the whole Bay would employ 1250 tons ; and in a fliort time, I dare fay, many hun- dred more. But the lirft trial mufb be made by thofe who are pofleflcd of judgment, fpirit, and inregrityj or no plan, however excellent, wouid infi.ire lliccels. « it. . , v •- I HAVE attempted to form a plan as well for the improvement of the inland-trade as of the fifhcries, and would have inferted them in this ac- count, if fome prudential reafons did not reftrain me ; one is that the Ccmpany might pofiibly be tempted to Ihut up thofe avenues which 1 fhould point out: but i am ready to give all the private information in my power to any, who I am con- vinced are willing to fend out Ihips, and take other fincere fteps for the advancement of the trade of this country ; and I think I can de- demonftrate, that fhips need not return the fecond voyage from HudfonVBay with a fmali or unprofitable cargo, f -«' ' • ' If it Ihould be objefled, that fmce the wefierly rivers in the Bay are not clear of ice till the be- gining of June, and the fifhcry is over by the middle of Auguft, the fcafon would laft only ten weeks, which would be too Ihort to kill whaies enough to defray the expence •, I anfwe.r firft, that the filheries of Greenland and Davy's- ftraits do not laft longer-, and fecond ly, that the expence in a great meafurc might be faved, if as the Bay-fifhery docs not begm till the Davy's- ftraits filhery is over, the fame Ihips were employ - Ui if t I '^ I ( 68 ) ed in both. If it be farther objc(5lcd, that (hips cannot get into the Bay by the beginning of June, and therefore a great expence would be incurred, by fo many Englilhmen being obliged to winter tliere -, I anfwer farther, that few Englilhmen need be kept in the Bay, fince the natives may be hired upon very reafonable terms to attend the whole time of the fifhery. The home Indians even now, kill geefe for the Company for very low wages, and a much great number offer themfelvcs for this fervice than can be employed, and the feafon of killing geefe is over a week before the filhery-fealbn comes on. Indeed thefe home Indians are tender, dull and inactive ; but they need only be employed in the fifhery while in its infant ftate ; for upon making peace between them and the Efkimaux, thofe native fifhers would carry on the whole bufinefs alone, without any alTiftance from the home Indians, or even from the Englifh who need only adl as fupervifors. But (hould it ht at laft objeded, that the Company long before this would have fet fuch a fiflicry on foot, if it was near fo beneficial as is now reprefented •, the anlWer may be eafily drawn from their whole conduift for many years pad, and the mean and ungenerous motives that have influenced it. Indeed it is to be feared, that all remonftrances, intreaties and perfuafions for the opening a paflage to this extenfive field of trade, will prove in- efFe<^ual, till they are addreflcd to the Legiflature, who by purchafing the right the Company pretend to have to the Bay and all the countries round it, would foon fee how well they have ad:ed un- der the faith of their allegiance to the crown, who granted them a charter only as truftees for the public. Such a purchafe, made even upon the Company's own eftimation of their profits, would I think be as. beneficial a one as ever was made % ^ at (hips f June, icurred, > winter liihmen es may :end the ns even ery low ;mfelves and the L before fe home ley need ts infant em and Id carry ilTillance Englilh [hould it »g before ot, if it ted; the r whole lean and > • (Irances, a pafTage rove in- ^IQature, pretend 25 round fted un- ; crown, iftees for en upon profits, •ver was made ( 69 ) made by a Britilh parliament : for befidcs the fifli- erics and fur- trade, and their being capable of inconceivable improvement, tliere are the ftrong- eft appearances of rich mines in various parts of the country. I have feen pieces of ihining ore which were brought from Knight's- hill about thirty miles eaft-by-{outh from Churchill-river. And it appeared upon the evidence before the Committee, that ore has been brought to the fouthern fadories, of which buckles were made ; that there is a valuable lead- mine upon the eaft- main, the ore of which was produced j and that native cinnabar was found upon the coaft be- tween Churchill and Nelfon rivers, from which quickfilver was extrafted and a fpecimen of it fent over to the Company. There are alfo the ftrongeft probabilities of there being a rich cop- per-mine north-weft of Churchill- river ; I have fecn feveral pieces of this ore; the Indians of thofe parts wear them by way of ornament about their necks and wrifts ; and a man who was pre- fent at making the ^ttlement upon Churchill- river informed me, that the Indians had ice- chizzels, and other implements made of this cop- per, and that the people of the faftory called them the Copper- Indians by way of diftin6tion, as by their own account they came from that part of the country where the mine is fituated. But notwithftanding the cogency of fuch a variety of proofs, the Company have fet it at defiance, and made not the leaft fincere and efFedual effort to pufli the difcovery of thele mines. Nay, for the fake of invalidating the evidences for the copper- mine, their friends have even ventured to aflert, that the copper brought down by the Indians was not the produce of a mine, but broken pieces of brafs guns belonging to a Danifli wreck which they found upon fome coaft ; not F 2 con- ■i; :.'.,• , ( 70) ,. . ^^onndcring that tho' the brafs of whidi cannon Is u)?Ac be indceti copper t ompoundcd with lapis calaminaiis, all tu hanirr-ciing, or any oiiicr metiiod that the Indians were capable of taking, could never reduce it again to pui • copper. Tnji circumftances mentioned in the papers produced by the Company before the Commit- tee of the honourable houfe of Commons in the year 1749, come next to be confidered : but as thofc papers are minutely flated and examiiied in the Appendix, 1 (hall here only make a few curfory and general remarks, and then con- clude with a fliort review of the Company's whole condu(Sb, In looking over the lift of the Company's papers and ktters prefixed to the report of the Committee, I was furprized to find that of all the letters written v*hile I was in the country, one only was inferted, dated 1733. The inferting others, I imagine, waiuld have expofed fome parts of their mana,-j;emcnt that are not fit for the public eye ; the dread of which it is likely forced them to plead hard agairft producing either original pa- pers or ori^ .1 ( 70 they give plaufible inftruftions to amufe the pub- lic, but fend orders direftly the reverfe to prevent the execution. The papers relating to Henry Kelfey, are thoroughly examined in the Appendix; but it is worih obferving here, that by the ac- count of this man, which has been invariably handed down and confidently believed among the fervants ia the Bay *, it appears that either Geyer, • The account I received of Henry Kelfey frorn the fervants in the Bay, is in gen'^ralthis : Henry Kelfey, a little boy, ufedto take great delight in the Company of the natives, and in learning their la guage, for which, and feme unlucky tricks that bojts of fpint are always guilty of, the governor would often correft him with great feverity. He reiented this deeply ; and when he was advanced a little in years and llrength, he took an oppoitunlty of going oif with fome diilant Indians, to whom he had endeared himfelf by a long acquaintance and many little ofHces of kindnefs A \ EAR or two after, the governor received by an Indian a piece of birch-rind folded up, and written upon with char- coal. This was a letter from KeUey ; in which he intreat- ed the governor to pardon him for running away, and tq fufFer him to return with favour and encouragement. Ac- cordingly he came down with a party of Indians, drefled after their manner, and attended by a wife, who wanted tp follow him into the fadory. The governor oppofed this; but upon Kelfey's telling him in Englifli, that he would not go in himfelf if his wife was not fuffered to go in, he knew him, and Jet them both enter. M^ny circumftances of his travels we^e related : that the Indians once left him afleep ; and while he flcpt, l\\s gun was burnt by the fire's fpreading in the mofs, which he afterwards (locked again with hi$ knife : that he and an Indian were one day furprized by two grizzled bears, '.aving but juft time to take melter, the Indian in a tree, ftnd Kelfey among fome high willows f the bears making diredlly tp the tree, Kelfey fired and killed one of them; the other, obferving from whence the fire came, ran towards the place ; but not fii.aing his prey, return- ted to the tree, which he had juft reached when he dropped by Kelfey 's fccond fire. This aftion obt^ned him the name , of Mifs-top-anii(h, or Little Giant. When Kelfey was afterwards made governor of York-fort, X was told that he wrote a vocabulary of the Indian lan- guage, and that the Company had ordered it 19 be fuppreffed. the pub- > prevent fey, are X ; but the ac- "ivariably among lat either Geyer, fervants in jfed to take irning their at bo3i^ of ten correft and when te took an , to whom and many an Indian with char- he intreat- y, and to lent. Ac- is, dreiTed wanted tp )ored this; would not 1, he knew ices of his im afleep; fprea^ing I with his rprized by heltcr, the 1 willows; and killed :e the fire ;y, return- tie dropped 1 the name York-fort, ndian laQ< >preired. ( 73 ) Geyer, who was governor in his time, has grofsly impofed upon the Company, or the Company up- on the public. Geyer pretends, that he fent out Kelfey to make difcoveries ; and a journal of his is produced, dated July i 6q i , before he had even the common requifites of paper pens and ink to make one ♦, for it is not till the September following, that Geyer fays he had received, not a journal^ but a letter from him, (v^ich letter we may fairly fuppofe to be that written with char coal upon a piece of birch- rind) and in re- turn fent him a new commijjion and a fupply of thofe things he wrote for \ including among them, no doubt, the neceflary materials for writing, which enabled him to keep the fame identical journal of 1691, under the date of the following year. But referring the reader to the Appen- dix, I (hall only add, that, from many circum- ftances mentioned in this journal, 1 no more be- lieve that it is Kelfey's than it is mine. There is one particular, that with any man who knows enough of the appearances of the ground in Hudlon^s-Bay to have made them a rule to travel by, muft be fufficient to difcredit the whole. It is faid, 20th July.— -Setting forward again, had not gone above nine miles, but came on the track of Indians, which had pajfed four days before, having feen their old tents. And again, II th September — Now fetting forward, about noon came up with the track, and followed it, and, in the evening, came to with them. Dijlance 16 miles. From hence the writer of the journal would have it believed, that it is a very eafy and common thing, even in fummer when no help can be gained from the fnow, to difcover the track of a particular fet of people, at many miles diftance, and after the lapfe of three or four days. In the Hril inftance, the difficulty is at- tempted \ i» ( 74 ) tempted to be folved by adding, having feen their tents : . but in the other, the way is left naked, with not a fingle token to guide them ; yet after travelling from morn till noon they came by in- ftindl upcn the tracky and followed it. Now would aiiy one in his fenfes believe that man who fiiould lay, that, after fpending fix hours in a long purfuit, he had found out a particular track, where fcarcely any track is to be difcerned ? Admitting that the grafs was long, and continued fo lui n any miles together, which it does not here, would he be able to follow this track from neon till evening, unlefs it was much beaten ? apd if it was much beaten, how fhould he know that his frieni! liaci lat'^ly pafled it ? But Kelfey knew the Indians tra >' and that they only had made it -, computing, 1 fuppofe, the number of men, the weight of their bodies, the fize of their feet, and the angle of each ftep; tho* the ap- pearances would have been exactly the fame, and his opinion the fame, if a herd of deer or buffaloes had gone that way. In winter, indeed, when the fnow lies thick upon the ground, fuch an aflertion as this might gain fome little credit j yet often as I have traverfed the ground in Hudibn's-bay, \ would not undertake to follow any track but a beaten one, as the leaft wind is able effedbually to difTipate all traces of the firft foot-fteps. ,,,„,,„ The Company find the profits arifing from that inconfiderable part of th ; produce of this country which they have monopolized, fo enormous, that, while they are rcfolved to be undifturbed in the pofiefllon, they can have no motive to inciejfe them, but arc rather induced to prevent this, as ap evil that would endanger the jofs of the whole. , . , Fro:.i hence, perhaps, proceeds that vigorous exertion of their art and power to keep all theif fervauts, except tlic chief factorb and th? captains of n 'en their naked, et after by in- Now It man lours in irticular :erned ? ntinued oes not ck from beaten ? le know Kelfey )nly had mber of of their the ap- tne, and buffaloes vhen the affertion Tt often *s-bay, I :k but a Tedlually >s. rom that country us, that, led in the incitiife lis, as a|i hole. .,^ vigorous all theif ; captains ( 75 ) . of their fliips, totally ignorant both of the country and trade : hepce their treatment of the natives j which To far from aiming at inftru6ling their minds, amd reforming their manners, is made up of cruelty to their perfons, impofitions upon their ignorance or their neceftlty, and a. fomentation of afpiritof difcord amjDng them that in time muft deftroy them all : hence alfo their averfioiT to all difcoveriesand improvements, cloaked under the fpecious pretence, that they have already done all that men could do, for the advantage of fo barren a foil, and fo bad a climate: and hence their ftupid inattention, not only to the intereft of Britain, but even of their own immediate fucceffors ; filently and tamely fuffering the French to make fuch iricroachments, as muft fpeedily end in the total alienation of this vaft fource of wealth and power. The abfolute authority over all other fervants, which is invefted in the governor, who is indulged in i\t moft malicious gratification of his own private refentpients, and direcTced to exercife the levereft cruelties upon every man who ieems defirous to pry into the Company's affairs, to culti- vate a friendlhip with the natives, or to difcover the country, and the filent allowance alfo of his grols impofitions upon the natives, particularly in that iniquitous fpecies of traffic the over-plus trade, could only take place from the neceflity of trufting fomebody, and the dangerous evidence which thefe men, when trufted, are capable of giving upon any inquiry into the Company's management. A bricklayer at York- fort, with whom I was well acquainted, being defirous to perfedt himfelf in '*vriting, once inadvertently took down from the place where it was fixed, a well-written bill of orders, in order to copy jt. This was deemed fo jieinous an offence, that the poor bricklayer was f-- ■■•■ • ■ - ^ _i^v„.;^.,. .. . . , in^. ( 76 ) immediately fent home incapacitated for all future employment in the Company's fervicej and the captain who had charge oi him, took care in their paflage to England, to get him prelTed on board a man of war. The inftances of negled and abufe of the natives are fo grofs, that they would fcarcely gain credit, even among civilized barbarians, who never heard of the mild precepts of Chriftianity. Befides the fadts already mentioned, the following one was well attefted by the fervants in the Bay, and was alfo produced in evidence before the Committee: An Indian boy at Moofe-faAory, being taught to read and write, through the humanity and indulgence of a governor there, wrote over to the Company for leave to come to England, in order that he might be baptized; but upon the receipt of this requeft, which any men who had the leaft fenfe of religion, and the lead regard for the fpiritual happinefs of a fellow creature, would with joy have complied with; an order was fent to the governor to take the boy's books from him, and turn him out of the factory, with an exprefs prohibition againft any Indians being inftrudted for the future. This was the fource of much affliction to the poor boy, who died foon after, with a penitence and devotion that would have done honour to his mailers. But from whence can fuch prepoflerous and unnatural behaviour take its rife, unlefs from the apprehenfion, that if the natives were properly inftrufted and made con- verts to Chriftianity, they would all claim the privileges of Britilh fubjeCts, and apply to Britain to be fupported in them ? The Company, therefore, to prevent their fuffering a remote evil as trader^ have violated their indifpenfible duty as men and Chriftians ; have even facrificed their own fervants to their fear, and left the natives fhould beinftrufled and reformed, have hitherto neglefted the finding over a clergy- man m ^ "', (77) clergy- man tokccpup a fenfc of religion at any of their fadtories. Why are the Eikimaux fufFercd to be driven from their native residence, and the Ihore of the Bay to be left defolate, but for the fake of dif- couraging all attempts to eftablifh a filhery ? Or why are animolities and divifions cherilhed among the upland Indians, but to keep the fur-trade with- in a certain value, that none may be tempted to engage in it to the Company's difadvantage? They have made it plam from their own account of Kelfey, that an Englifhman can travel the country as well as a Frenchman; and that an Englifhman has it in his power to reconcile the differences among the natives, and engage them in a mutual endeavour, to encreafe the number ot pelts and furs for the fupply of the factories. And there can be no plaufible objedion to the taking the fame meafures now, except the diftance of the fa<5fcories, and the interruptions from the French : but the firfl may be removed by making a fettlement at the head of Nelfon-river, and other rivers fit for the purpofe; and the fecond, by dealing with the natives only upon the the fame equitable terms, that the French deal with them. The Company have advantages of traffic fuperior to the French, being able to fupply the natives with many heavy goods, which the French, on account of their didance and the want of a water-carriage, cannot fupply them with; the fame generous and friendly behaviour towards them, therefore, which the French fhcw, muft give the Company a fuperiority of advantage upon the whole. 'i HRouGH this abufe, and negledl of the natives, the fource of all important and ufeful difcoveries is cfifedlually flopped. But the Company proceeding upon the fame felfifh principle, have conflantly dif- couraged all difcoveries and improvements ; haveufed their fervants ill for fhewing the 1 ^fl diHant inclination tQ n '(78) tobccortie acquainted with the country and tire people) and have looked with an evil eye upon every dcfign formed in Britain for this purpofe, and exerted their utmoft efforts to defeat it. Is it not aftoni* Ihing and pad credit, that tho* they had a fa<5lory before the year 1688 within fix miles of the mouth of Nelfon- river, which is the fineft river Jn the country for trade, and have been in condant pofleiTion ever fince the peace of Utrecht, they had not in the year 1744 difcovered whether a (hip could go in and out with fafety. As it is the cuflom in the Bay to reprefent every thing in the worft light, it was confidently averted, that there was no fafe entrance, till captain Fowler and I made the attenr.pt in 1 745, and found a very fine one. It is not thirty years ago that a fhip was loft off Hayes's- river, for want of knowing that there was a good harbour and fafe entrance at Nelfon; yet, neceflary as: this difcovery was, if captain Fowler had not been in the country, 1 queftion whether I fhould have had intereft enough with the governor to borrow a boat, and obtain leave to make it. It was alfo confidently aflerted, that there was no timber upon Nelfon- river; but when I went up and viewed the banks and creeks, I found timber in great quantites, and very good. Among the many obftruflions that they pretend lie in the way of all attempts of this kind, they never fail to urge the feverity of the climate, and the danger that life itfelf is expoC^d to from it at certain feafons. But in the coldelt part of winter; I have lain many a night in the open air, with only a fence to the windward made with branches of trees, and a fire upon the ground; and fometimes by the veering of the wind, both fence and fire have been rendered totally ufelcfs : and yet I can honeflly fay, that I was never ill half an hour all the time I ftaid in the country. If it be faid* that . ■ re- (79) refolution only is wanting in the people at the Bay, let them be fl.a-.r.cd out of fo much effeminacy by a neighbouring example : the Danes have been in- defatigable in fettling the country in Davys*s ftraits, which though it lies in a much higher latitude than the mod notherly part of Hudf©n*s-bay, they think well worth poffeirmg and improving. But of how much greater value would they elleem the poffefllon of the country which we abandon through weaknefs, or fomething worfe. This plea, however, of feverity of climate, the Company would be deprived of, if they were obliged to account for their not fettling Moofe and Albany rivers, and others to the fouthward of the Bay; for they cannot pretend that the climate here, which is but in 51 : 28. is not very habitable; or that the land is not fertile enough to yield to the induftrious a comfortable fubfiitence. In this inflance, they muft be reduced to acknowlege, at lead every intelligent man will be ready to do it for them, that a private company has no motive to make fettlements, fince an exclufive trade and monopoly with no more fettlements than are barely neccfTary, muft be infinitely more, ucfitable to the poffeflbrs, than fettling the whole coun'ry, and enjoy- ing the produce in common with people who would claim the privileges of Britifli fubjeds. The Company not only fit down contented at the edge of a frozen fea, when they have it in their power to fettle in a warm climate and fertile country, but fuffer the French to come behind them, and carry ofF the beft of the trade : yet with a fourth part of the trouble and expence that the French are at in making thefe encroachments, it is in the power of the Company, from the many fine rivers of which they have the abfolute pof- ilellion, to ftop their progrefs and recover to Britain all that is loft of the. trade and country. But I 'ill' 1 ( 80 ) But thefc rivers, for eighty years paft, have on'y been made ufe of, for catching a icw Rih for oc- calional fubfiftence, floating down timber for fire- wood, and bringing a few Indians once a year with thofe furs that are too heavy or too bad to be carried to Canada, and fome intelligence of the dangerous expeditions of the French. It is univerfally believed at the * Bay, and I myfelf believe it, as much as I do that there is a King of France, that the French will foon be in pof fefllon of our rivers, and claim the whole coun- try and trade as their property : and then, furely, it will appear, how very confcientioufly the Com- pany have made ufe or a royal grant to anfwer the valuable ends for which it was granted. How dangerous is fecurity when built upon the conduft of felfifli men ! The adl for confirming the Company's charter expired above fifty years ago t i they have not had the alTurance to apply for an'tfi- ^t--'::z r!: c;,;.^, * On the 28th oFdiis laft^ February, 1 752, one Dominic Man- ners, a German, who came from Hudfon's-bay with the laft lhips> informed me, that the French had got to fuch a head, that thev were coming down to attack Prince of Wales's-fort, and were a£tually within a few days journey of it, when the Indians perfuaded them to retam by the account they gave of the ilrength of the piacQ. This, he faid, was confidently believed at all the forts. .., .-,m^ ' *>. ■f- It being alleged in the Committee, that the Company^s charter was confirmed by a£t of parliament, the Lords and Commons journals were infpeAed; in which it appeared, that in 1690 the Company, fenfible that they had no legal title to their monopoly, petitioned the Commons for a bill to confirm their charter, upon account of the great loffes they had fullained from the French, and their having no right t» reflrain Englifh interlopers. Accordingly a bill for a per- petual confirmation was brought into the houfe ; but upon a petition againft the bill from the furriers, and afterwards from the northern colonies of America, fome of which came too late to be heard, at the third reading a rider was pro- pofed to make it temporary; and upon a divifion, whether for feven or ten years, it was carried for th^ latter ^ but the Lords ( 8i ) for a renewal, and yet have been mean enoiif^h to keep the abfolute poflenion of what ihey knew was become the property oF the nation. This could only be done by litcle artifices unworthy the character of men •, and accordingly, the trade has been contraftwl, the country not only unfct* tied and concealed, but ip.duJlrioufly vilified, and charts have been prohibited left the navigation fhould be found fafe and cafy. In the mean time the French are quietly permitted to extend their trade and faftories within land to fuch a len dred tons burden each. The factories are lituated at the mouths of rivers upon a frozen fca ; whilft the inland countries, which are plea* fant, fruitful, and temperate, are fuffered to lie . a ufelefs and unprofitable wafte. The trade con- fifts only of thofc furs which the natives bring down in their birch- canoes, fcarce large enough to contain two men with an uiconfiderable cargo: and as this ahufcd people receive little or nothing in exchange for their furs on account of the ex- travagant fcandard by which Britiih goods are ratet), they bring down no more than will pur- chafe them common neceflaries, and now and then a few trifling toys -, being either reftrained from taking many furs, or induced to leave them to rot at home, from the want of a furc and ad- vantageous market. During the long time in which the Company have been in pofTeTHon, they have not once at- tempted to civilize the manners or inform the un- derftandings of the natives i neither inftrudted them in the great principles and duties of piety, nor in the common arts of fecular life, how to . (83) navigate the rivers and lakes with better velTelsi how to improve their hunting and filhing, hov/ to raife and propagate tame cattle, or draw fleds in winter as is pradtifcd in RufTia. Nor have they ever encouraged their own fervants to navigate the rivers, and carry up goods for the fupply of the natives at home) nor allowed any Britifh fubjedls to fettle, plant, and trade here, as is ufual in other proprietary colonies. On the contrary, ib very infenfible arc the Company to the wel- fare of Britain, that they not only connive at the trade which the French are carrying on about the Bay, but ufe every artifice to prevent the knowledge of the fadt. Indeed the French fup- port this trade at great labour and expence ; yet, on account of the exorbitant price which the Company fix upon their goods, they are able ta underfell them, and, in confequence, to carry off the choiceft and moft valuable furs. And hav- ing thus an undifturbed and improving poffef- fion, they will foon claim a right to the whole country and its productions, as they have already done at Penobfcot, St. Croix, and Chignedo. AkE ^hefe countries and feas then perpetually to be locked up from Britain by a charter which is no longer fupported by adt of parliament ? Is this vaft continent, the due improvement of which would bring immenfe wealth to the nation, to lie uncultivated and unknown ; or to be dif- covered, fettled, and improved, only by the French ? This, indeed, feems to be the alterna- tive chofen by the Company, who either will keep to themfelves an inconfiderable part, or fuffer the French to be in poflefTion of the whole. But as an extended commerce and a for- midable marine, are now the great points aimed at by all the kingdoms and dates in the neigh- bourhood of Britain, it is more than ever become G 2 her ( 84) lier wiHlom antl her duty, riot only to fecure the pofrt'ffions fhe alreatiy hns, hut to lay hold of every opportuniiy to multiply and enlarge them. This and this aione, will enable her to maintain the balance of Europe, and to pic^ferve herfe f ftoni becoming one day a tributary dependent upoii fome mere a6t\ve and vigilr.nt pou-ef. •^'; If what I have fuggefted in thefe flicets proves iri the leaft degree inftrumental towards fecuring the poiTeiTion, and bringing on the univerfai fettlcment and culture of the countries about HudTon'sbay, it will gratify my hrgheft exipsita'ions. With thi* view alone I have laid thefe fadts and obfervations before the public, hoping that the eyes of my country will be opened, before fo large a propor- tion of her beft ir.terefts as a trading niti'Jn ar^ icr ever burred from her f:;;ht. ,^mi: '■■^' , f >• * ^^ ' ^ 1'" P T N 1 S, A '^* .^/^^■•.- >i, <*■ ..-■..I.,..'., .1 A ? P E N"-- are t\\€ >r every This ain the f ffom ; upoii /■- roves iri ing the tlcmcnt n's- bay, ich this rvations of my propor- ii'Jn ara APPENDIX. Numb. I. ■>■■♦■ A A A A. ♦■ < TTTT "'in I iti it ifiiii it iti it * 1. A A A SHORT ACCOUNT O F T HE ' D I S C b V E R Y . ' ■ •> OF HUDSON'S BAT; AND ■ '■ Of the British Proceedings there lince the Grant of the Hudfon%-Bay Charter. Together With REMARKS upon the Papers and Evidence produced by that COMPANY, in the Year 1 749, before a Committ EEof the Honouraole House of C om m o n s, appointed to enquire into the State and Con- dition of the Countries about HUDSON'S- B AT^ and the Trade carried on there. TTTTTTTTTTTTI fTi'TVVTTTtl m V E N'- "■ I',. •K*^*. I \ r \ 1 r "\ ' '\ t^ :i K T ' '^ o ■a"Nv >^ :i V () :.) ;:^ i ci i .1. -.^ / ... -yJ W' < M J!< « t .M » .'J .. 1 J. . i /i) -4 ;i -J O > Al r»^ -! r' t vy.S- i. y IHAKj K &: 1 /i A "i hfx O D 3s-'li x" ^' '' *• .\' t "■ '1 '' nj ^ u y. cO Ji •l J d .t -.i K\ k li:^ i-E ^V^^"^ /-• vf >•' n •.r > - I >■* 1 :. \* *'i * jiOmuQi^^oi ">;;i 1 I* »-* 7 .-^•y -* ^nl oiai 3:si;pi.j u5 li-j'.i^ .'-.Ki ( i. J I )i . ' r,*.,) iJ-^i i iM^ LO. ^ ... t II A^- 1- > < i (I k !i i '5**fY"<'*f' i"!""" ■* '» **"'" 'ii^ f?TVV'i'' iiw*i*<.>>,b.rt*««.i«-#»*»*H'«,'* -w •: ***y' lll»»T»<*< '. •,. V * iij' III ( 3 ) f»m ft Us; A P P E N D I X. :^ . H*?!?- Number I. f„-> .».*.;■.» Containing a Jhort Account of the Difcovery of Hudfon's-Bay, and of the Bniiih Proceedings there Jince the Grant of tloe Hudfon's-Bay . Charter^ &c. ... ! "-' » ' JOHN and Sebaftian Cabot failed from Bri- ftol, and difcovered Newfoundland, or Prima Vifta, in 1 494 ; and Sebaftian failed again, at the expence of King Henry VII, in May 1497, ^" queft of a north-weft paflage to India. He proceeded as far north as 67 deg. 30 min. reurned to 56 deg. and failed along the coaft from thence to 38 deg. being the firft who difcovered the continent of America •, Columbus at that time jiaving only difcovered the Weft-India iflands. Captain Davys in the years 1585, 1585, and 1587, difcovered the ftrait which is. called after him, as far as 73 deg. north; and the coaft from thence along the entrance of Hudfon's-ftrait, which made way for Hudfon*s difcovery ; and from thence the coaft to 55 deg. meeting with a fine harbour and inlet in ^6 deg. two leagues 'wide, with a ftrong tide, where be expedted a pa0%e, and where he alfq faw and caught a great: ftumber of fijijc fiih. a a , Hudson i i (4) Hudson failed in April 1610, and difcovered all the ftrait, and the eaft and fouth coaft of the Bay called after him, and wintered there : but upon his return he was fet adrift by his men, and never heard of afterwards. Sir Thomas Button failed in 161 2, wintering in a river in 57 deg. 20 ipin. which he named Nelfon-river, after his matter who died there : he difcovered all the weflr-fide of that, and Button's-Bay, from Nelfon-river to Ne Ultra in 6^ deg. and Gary's Swan*s-neft. Bylot and Baffine, who had been in both the former voyages, in 1615 difcovered the north-weft part of the ftraits, to Cape-comfort in 6$ deg. ^and BafTme in 161 6 failed to the bay in 78 deg. which is called after him. The captains James and Fox failed in 1631. James difcovered all the fouth-eaft, fouth, and fouth- weft fides of the Bay, from Nelfon-river fouthward, and wintered in Charleton ifland ; and Fox difcovered all the weft of the Bay, from Cape Henrietta Maria in ^g deg. to the Welcome in 64 deg. 30 min. and the eaft of Cary's Swan's neft, beyond Cape Comfort, to lord Weil^n's Portland in 66 deg. 47 min. where the coaft rounded away to the fouth-eaft, ending in a bay. So that the whole Strait, Bay, and Labrador coaft, were difcovered by the Englifli, without any competitors, except Munck, who was fent by the King of Denmark in 161 9, when he wintered in Churchill, or Seal-river -, but I ra- ther think in ChurchilT-river, a brafs gun being taken up there fome years after Hudfon and But- ton had difcovered the Strait and Bay. No farther difcovery was made by fea, of which there is any journal or record, except De Fonte's account of the Bofton fhip under Shapley in 1 64a ; till captain Gillam's, who failed with Rattiflbn and Dc Groifejeiz, in 1668. Thefe Frenchmen, being inCai>ada, in the country of the Outaouas, near the upper { 5 ) upper lake, and hearing of Hudfon's-Bay, formed a Icheme to polTefs it : but meeting with no en- couragement in Canada, where a company was formed, who had got a monopoly of the fur- trade } afnd having no fund of their own to carry on the projcdl, they went to Bofton, and from thence to London, where they were liftened to with plea- fure, and feveral perfons of rank, and wealth, joined in fitting out the Nonfucli ketch, under the conunand of captain Zechariah Gillam, who lived in New-England, and probably had failed north- wards from thence^ and was acquainted with thole northern feas ; and Hattifibn and De Groifeleiz accompanied him. - / V - '• . By Gillam*s journal, he failed from Gravefend the 3d of June i668; on the 4th of Auguft he faw Refolution ifle, at the entrance of the Strait; b^ the iptli he got to Diggs*s ifle, at the entrance or the Bay, without mentioning any difficulty from the ice i on the 31ft anchored at an ifland in the Bay, near the eaft-main, in ^y deg. 49 min.; on the 4th of September got in with the eaft-main, in 55 deg. 30 min. and by the 25th, to a bay near 51 deg, 20 min, and by the 29th to a river then called Nemifco, as running from Ne- mifco-lake, but called by them Rupert's river, where they wintered •, it had eight foot water on the bar, and two fathom and a half witliin, and %was about a mile broad 5 they were frozen up the 9th of December, and the cold was almoft over in April •, in June it was very hot, when they prepared to fail for England. . • , I HAVE been the more particular in abridging this journal, becaufe it has been faid in fome printed accounts of the Hudfon*s-Bay affairs, that after entering and failing thro* the Straits, he had failed up to 7 8 deg. in BaffineVbay, and then re- turned and wintered in Rupert*s-river j which is a ^r } .' a^ ^ falfc ( <5 ) falfe ftatc of the fadt. But from thefe falfe ac- eounts, feveral charts, fince publifhed, have traced an opening north of Nottingham and Salifbury ifles, and eaft of Gary's Swan's-neft, into Baffine*s- bay i and captain Middleton adopts this, having inferted it in his new chart, as an iindifcovered ft rait, to fupport his frozen ftrait •, which has no other foundation but thofe falfe accounts given of Gillam's voyage. ^:..>ai,. The adventurers, iipon their return in i66o» with prince Rupert and feveral other great men at their head, applied and obtained an unlimited charter for ever, of all the land around and beyond the Bay, which was to be called Rupert's landv together with an exclufive trade, in order to make fectlements, as in other American colonies ; and to extend the Bfitifh trade, and find <)ut a paflage to the weftern ocean ; which charter bears date the 2d of May 1670 j and Charles Blayly,. Efq; wa^ fent over governor that year^ in order to begin i fettlement,' and fix a fadory, which accordingly was fixed at Rupert's- river in 51 dcg.* 20 mini where Rattiflbri, De Groifeleiz and Gillam, whd went with Bayly, wintered before. A little to the horthwi^rd is a river called petre-rivfcr, and to the* fouthward another called Frenchman's-^river, and more to the fouthward a third and large river,- called Nodway-river, which; was five mifes over to the falls. In 1674, after coniiiltation, they propofed removing tb Monfebi, or Moofe river, in 51 deg. "i-S min. where., as it was farther from Canada,, they expefted' a;- better trade; accord- ingly the governor failed to difcover it, and from* thence failed to Schatawam, afterwards caHed Al- bany river, in 52 deg. ahd from thence alfo by Viner's iflknd to Cape Henrietta Maria, in 55 deg; going alhore at the river Equam, in about 53: deg. In 1672, a jefuit, a: native of England, was fent life AC'' : traced ili(bury iffine's- having covered ich has ccounts 1660, at men limited beyond s land V o make s ; and paflage iate the "wa* i ly io niin; n, whd t to the to the er, and e river,' ^s over I, they e river, r from accord - d from' ltd Ai- ilfo by 55 deg; out 53: d, was fent begin irding ( 7 ) . fcilt froin Canada over land to difcovet the coun« try, and our fituation, under pretence of fricnd- Ihip ; bringing with him fome letters to captain De Groifeleiz from his friends there^ which gave the governor a fufpicion of his correfponding with the French, ito our prejudice. By the printed account of the proceedings in the Bay, William Lyddal arrived from England, as governor the 17th of September 1674^ in the Prince Rupert, accompanied by the Shaftfbury taptain Shepherd. But by the papers produced by the Company, before the Committee of the honourable houfe of commons in 1 749, it appears, that Bayly was governor in 1676, at which time they wrote to him to fend up men into the coun- try to make difcoveries •, and by a letter from hin) to the Company in 1678, he was then alfo a governor j but whether he was appointed at Moofe pr Albany, when I^yddal was governor at Rupert*s- rivcr, doth not appear, as no place is mentioned in the letters. . Lyddal was afterwards fucceeded by Nixon -, in whofe time they thought of moving to Albany-riverj ._and made Charleton illand the rendezvous of ihej|- Ihips, and a kind of ftorehoufd for their goods. Some time after the Company difmifled Rattiffon and De Groifeleiz from theii^^ fervice, upon which they feturncd to the French in Canada, Monsieur De la Potericj in his hiftory of New •f ranee, fays, that Jean Bourdon* who was out in the year 16 ^6^ was the firft Frenchman who was in Hudfon's-Bay, having failed round from Cana- da, in a bark of 30 tons, by the Labrador-coaft, and Hudfon*s Straits, 7 or 800 leagues j altho* it was only 1 30 leagues by land from Quebec : that he then made an alliance with the natives, and they hearing of a ftrange nation in their neigh-* bpurhoodj fent to Quebec in 1661, to begin a trad?, ( 8 ) . trade, and to defire a miflionary might be fcnt to them ', and accordingly one was ordered, bxit the Indians, upon their return, repenting of what they had done, reFufcd to condu(5t them, fo they went back to Canada : yet he fays they fent again in J663, and prayed the governor to fend them fome Prench, and he fcnt one Coutyre, who proceeded to tlie Bay, and eredted a crofs upon an eminence, and fet up the French arms engraven in copper, taking poneflion of thefe countries for the king of France. This is the foundation of all the claim the French pretend to have to the Bay, which had fo long and fo often before been difcovered, and poffefTed for whole winters together by the fubjed^s of Britain ; and hence Rattiffon and De Groileleiz thought of going to England to take poflef- fion of the Bay for the Englifh : but when thefe men were difmiffed the Company's fervice,^ he fays they repented of having engaged in.it, and obtained their pardon in France \ and upon their return to Canada, they prevailed with the French Company there to join them, and to fit out a bark to take pofleffion of Nelfon- river, which the Englilh Company had not at that time fettled. Whilst De Groifeleiz and Rattiffon were fail- ing round in their bark in 1682, the Englifli Company at the fame time refolved to poflcfs Nelfon-river, and appointed John Bridgar gover- nor, who was to fix afadory there by the advice of captain Gillam ; which letter, as given in to the Committee, was dated the 1 5th of May 1682. But before either of them got there, Benjamin Gillam, fon to captain Gillam, had from New- England made a lodgment there -, but was not left by the fhip above fourteen days, before Rattiflon and De Groifeleiz arrived. The Englilh had fixed at the mouth of Nelfon-river •, and the French had entered St. Therefa, or Hayes's-river, the ( 9 ) the other branch of Nclfon, on the fouth fide of the ifland *, and ten days after Bridgar arrived^ but was ordered away by De Groifeleiz, who had got poflcflion of the river : however Bridsar ftayed, and made a fettlement on the Nellon branch, fevcn leagues frorti the entrance of the ri- ver. The French and he continued good friends till February, when the French furprized them, dnd put the men on board a rotten Ihip, and fenc them down to the bottom of the Bay •, but carried Bridgar and Gillam prifoners to Canada ; leaving De Groifeleiz*s fon, Chouart, and five men, to keep pofTeflion of Fort Bourbon. This is the ac- count given by the Englifli : but there are two more accounts given by the French, different from each other, and from this } one by monfieur Jeremie, who afterwards was governor of Fort Bourbon; and the other by t)c la Poterie j both which I ihall give in their own words, ^h^iyi^i . ' Monsieur Jeremie fays, that De Groifeleiz hearing of Hudlbn's-Bay from the Outaouas, up- on his return to Canada, engaged fome merchants, and fitted out a bark, and failed to St. Therefa, or Hayes's-river where he wintered* During the winter fome of his people hunting upon the ice, found that there were fome Europeans at the en- trance of Nelfon-river, and informing the governor, he went and found fix Englifhmen almofl ftarved with hunger, who fubmitted to him, telling him they were left by a Bofton (hip, which had been forced tb fea. After this fome favages told him, that there were other Englifhmen fixed fevcn leagues up Nelfon-river, upon which he went one feafting night, when they had been drinking freely, and furprized and took eighty, tho* he had but fourteen with him. The following year he left his fon Chouart, with five men, to keep the fort, and returned to Canada : but being difgufted at his ; employers. i'i! ( 10) umployers, who had charged him with concealing part ot his cargo, he fentliis brother-in-law, Rat- tilTon, into France to complain ; but his remon- D-ances not being regarded, he reconciled himfelf to the Engliih, and went to England^ from whence he returned to the Bay, to relieve his nephew^ and give up the polieHion. Monsieur De la Poteric fays, that De Groife' leiz and Rattiflbn having formed a icheme to poflefs Hudfon*s-Bay, went to Bofton, and from thence to London; and afterwards, by the aid of the Engliih Company, ere^ed factories on Ru- pert'si Mooic, and Albany rivers. By the time that this was known in France, and Mr. Colbert was fent to Pefcheneau, it^tendaat of Canada, in May 1678, to conteft the ppffefllon with the Engliih^ De Groifeleiz and Rattifibn had repented of the expedition, and having obtained their pardon from the French court, returned to Canada, wl^ere the French formed a Company for the Bay, and fitted out two fmall veffels under their command, who went to St. Therefa river^ and built a little fort : 9 veflcl from Bofton came three days after with ten men, which they received as friends, permitting them to go to Bourbon, or Nelfon-riyer ; and four days after that a fhip arrived from London, the crew of whom offering to land, were oppofed by the fort, and in the conteft, the ice cutting the cables, the ftiip was loft with fourteen of the men i the reft implored the fuccour of the fort, which they in pity granted, and gave them a bark to carry them to the bottom of the Bay. De Groifeleiz and Rattiflbn, leaving eight men in the fort, took the interlopers to Quebec, who were re- leafed by the governor*, and they being difgufted with their aflbciates returned to Frjin^e, when lord Prefton was there embaflador froiji England, who engaged Rattiflbn to ^o agaii) tQ JLofi^on, and concealing law, Rat- kis remon- [ed himfelf nd« from relieve his De Groile- fcheme to I and from the aid of zs on Ru- e time that )olbert was la, in May le En^lifh^ ted ot the Eir4on from wl^ere the , and fitted nand, who itlcfort: q. er with ten permitting iyer ; and n London, ;re oppofed ice cutting ;(;en of tlie )f the fort, h^mabark Bay. Dc men in the ho were re- g difguited ncc, when England, ondon, and give ^i^e up the fort his nephew Choiiart cornniaftded to the Engl iih Company, which he accordingly did. At the fame time the French Company had fent from Canada two little fhips under Montignie, who when he came to St. Therefa, was furpized to find it in pofTefTion of the Englifli ; he was therefore obliged to winter in a little river near it called Gargoiifle, and returrl next year with a bad trade to Quebec. The Company having fuf** fered the lofs of ioo,oOo' Hvrcs, petitioned the French King to redrcfs thenrt, ^ho on the 20th of May 1684, gave: them' St. Therefa* or HayesV rirer, in property. Which of thde three account^ is g'^nuine, is left t<) the reader to determine. ' In this period of time the Englifh Company fent captain John Abraham with (lores, who tind^ ing Bridgar gone, (layed ihekt, and was made governor in i684» In 1683: governor Nixon was recalledV and twenty Sargeaht was made governor of Albany i they then had a faAory on MaycsV ifland, near Moofc-river, and haid found a river on the eaft main, which they called Ifon*glafs* rivtr, where they alfo fixed a fa(5^ory, expecting gfeat riches ffoih a mine tbey had difcovered, but it turned to no ^count. In 1635 they had five faftories, Albany, Hayes, Rupert, Nelfon, and Severn, and were in a flourilhiilg corxiition ; but in 1686, the chevalier De Troyes in time of peaces Went from Canada by land, and took Rupert's, Hayes's, and Albany fadories j at which time Tho- mas Phipps was made governor at Nelfon-river. Menfieur D'Iberville in 1690 attempted to uke York fort, when Gcyer was governor, but failed of fucccfs-, however he obliged -the Engl ilh to de- lert New-Severn fadbory. In 1693, the Company, by the afllftancc of the CroWn, retook Albany^ Moofcj and Rup^t faftorics, and Knight was ap- pointed governdr-of Albany. In 1694 the French again I 1 r i. ( li ) again recovered them^ but in 1695, by the zttiC- tance of two of the King's fhips, the Bonavcnture and Seaford, they were again recovered from the French, and Knight again reftored to his govern^ ment. In the year 1094, when Geycr was ftill governor, D'Iberville took York-fort: he fet fail with two (hips the Poll and Charente, carrying with him. 120 men from Canada: he arrived at the fort the 24th of September, and took it the 14th of October, and wintered there, leaving; Mr. Foreft governor, the 20th of July 1695. The next year, 1696, it was retaken by the Englifh, with four ihips, and the earrifon carried prifoners to Eng* land, among whom was Monfieur Jeremie, where they remained four months. After their return to France, a fquadron of five fhips was fitted cut, confiding of the Pelican of 50 guns, the Palmier of 40, the Wafp, the Profound, and the Violant : thefe were put under the command of D*Iberville, at Newfoundland; and inHudfon's-ilraits were met by the Hampfhire, and two Hudfon's«Bay fhips, Che Deering and Hudfon's-Bay, which De la Pote* rie fays were of 56, 36, and 32 guns. An engage* ment enfued with the Profound, but without any cfFed, being feparated by the ice. Four of the French afterwards took fhelter in Danifh, or Churchill-river, the Palmier having loft her rud- der in hard weather ; but the Pelican, commanded by Monfieur D'Iberville, arrived at the entrance of Hayes's-river the 3d of September, and next morn- ing the three Englifh fhips arrived. The Pelican h^ fent her fhallop on fhor^, but weighed and fought the three fhips, and by fome unlucky acci- dent the Hampfhire overfet, upon which the two other fhips fteered off*, but he came up with, and took the Hudfon's-Bay : all on board the Hamp- fhire pcrifhed, as the Pelican had no boat to relieve them. A ftorm fucceeding that night, the Peli- can > ttic afllf- navcnture I from the is govern* was Hill he fet fail rying with at the fort ic 14th of VIr. Foreft next year, with four s to Eng- lie, where • return to Btted cut, le Palmier e Violant : ribcrville, s were met Bay ihips, )e la Pote- in engage- ithout any >ur of the anifh, or t her rud- >mmanded intrance of lext morn- he Pelican ighed and ucky acci- h the two with, and he Hamp- : to relieve the Peli- can . ( 13 ) can was driven alhorf y and loft, with part of her crew ; ae Company was in good hands ; the fiobleftien and gentlemen of fortune, who had pro- cured the charter, and promoted the trade to the Bay, ftill continued proprietors, and were con- •fulted in the management, which was made fub- iervient to the national intereft as well as their own. The paragraph of the letter referred to ftands thus : Tou are to uje your utmofi diligence to make 'difcoveries^ both of the coafi and country^ of mineSy ^Htd of all forts of commodities which the country doth produc-e •, giving us notice thereof and of all the dif- €nd time held no- which ons, till Mew-Se- 'ompany 1 at Port f the bsy^ Hh Tho- s a liery ty^ being ;• among ft ion truji- a pledge vife that ) a treaty a difiin- than any i appear lad Seen fried off, »mpany ; I fettled : burchill- 'hurchill ; and his [owever. ( 1$ ) as the Company have produced n6 anlwer to this letter, Ifliall drop all farther obfervation upon it. ' Their next inftruftion is alfo to governor Geyer and Council at Port Nelfon, dated 2 2d of May^ 1690. If any two or three of our fervdnts Jhall fhew their forwardnefs to go upon new difcoueriesj we require you to encourage the undertakings and upon their good fuccefii to allow them fuch advance of wages or gratuity for their pains, as you in your difcretioH Jhall find cowuenient\ which we will, upon your intimation of it to us, allow and approve of Tho* the Company yet kept up the fpirit for making dif- coveries, it is to be obferved, that the encourage- ment which they here propofe is very trifling ; no- thing was to be given the men before they went^ and nothing when they returned, unlefs they were fuccefsful, and then it was left in the power of the governor. Geyer anfwers this letter from York- fort the 8th of September j the fame year 1690, immediately after he received it. This fummer I fent up Henry Ktlfey (who chearfuUy undertook the journey) up into the country of the Affma-poets^ with the captain of that nation^ to call, encourage, and invite the remoter Indians to a trade with us, and am in great hopes of a plentiful increafe of trade from that nation. By the Company's letter in 1688, only two years before, Kelfey was then deemed but a boy* and ordered to be fent to Churchillj which was not complied with* though without any reafon given for that negleft by the governor^ or for his fending him a quite contrary way without orders from the Company. In two yearsj however, he could not be much altered from a boy ; and therefore, as I ihall afterwards hav« occafion to take particular notice of Kelfey's jour- nal, I fhall only now obferve, that the account of his firft going, as handed down by the Company's b 2 fervants 4 I ( 20 ) fcrvants in the Bay ever fihcc, is moft probably the truth -, namely, that Geyer did not lend him lip, but that having feverely Gorrefted him i'ot JTomc mifbehaviour, the boy refented it, and being very intimate with the Indians* took the opportu- nity of running away along with them : lb that Geyer, finding the Company defirous of fending up upon difcoveries, made a merit of l(elfey*s go- ing up -, laying that be had fent him up^ before he received their orders : and this will be farther con- firmed from the other letters and the anfwers about it, and from Kelfey*s journal. The Company in their anfwer to this, dated the 21ft of May 169 1 to Geyer and Council, fay, Jre glad you prevailed with Henry Kelfey to undertake a journey with the Indians to thofe reinote parts^ hoping the encouragement you hm}e given him, in the advance of his f alary ^ will in-^ fiigate other young men in the faElory to follow his example. The Company we fee ftill keep up the rpirit of difcovering the inland countries. Geyer anfwers this from York-fort, the i ath of Sep- tember 1 69 1 , / have received d letter from Henry Kelfey, the young man I fent up lafi year with the Affime-poetSy which gives me to underffand that the Indians are continually at war within land, hut have promifed to get what beaver they can againjl next year j others not before the next fummer tome twelvemonths^ when they prcmife to come down ; but Kelfey I have ordered to return next year, with as many Indians as he can, that being informed of the humour and nature of thefe ftrange people, I may know the better how to manage them at their arrival. I have fent the faid young man a new com-ipfficn, and necefj'ary in- ftruSiions, with a fupply of thofe things he wrote for, that he might the better arcomplifh the end 1 fent him for, and gave him charge to ftarch diligently for mines y minerals^ or drugs of what kind foever-, and to ■ . bring I iiLi|i;iwi.i w) ^iwp^j^a I probably end him him i'ot id being Dpportu- Ib that fending fey's go- Dcfore he :her con- ers about y in their 1 69 1 to 2iled with be Indians ment you , will in-' follow his 3 up the . Geyer of Sep- m Henry ■ with the that the hut have ex t year j vemonthsy ey I have )idia?ts as nd nature etter how fent the eJJ'ary in- he wrote nd Ifent igentlyfor X, and to bring (21 ) bring famples of them dozvn with him i and for other young men qualified to undertake fucb a journey y when I fee their willingnefs, and find it convenient ^ I will not fail tp give them by his example all fuitahle en* cmiragement. Geyer again writes from York-fort September 9, 1692. Henry Kelfey came down with a good fleet of Indians ; and hath travelled and endeavoured to keep the peace among them according to my orders. The Company anfwer the 17th of June 1693, iVe are glad that Henry Kelfey is fafe returned^ and brought a good fleet of Indians down with him^ and hope he has effected that which he was fent abouty in keeping the Indians from warring one with another^ that they may have more time to look after their trade^ and bring a larger quantity of furs and other trade with thev.i to the faEiory ; which you alfo may dijfuade them from^when they are with you ^ by telling them what advantages they may make ; that the more furs they bring-, the more goods they will be able to purchafe of us, which will enable them to live more comfort^bfyy and keep them from want in time of fear city ; and that you inculcate into them better moralsy than they yet underftand i that it doth advantage them nothing to kill and deftroy one another ; that thereby they may fo weaken themfelves, that the wild ravenous beafls may grow too numerous for them, and deftroy thofe that furvive ; befidesy if fair means will not prevail^ you may tell them, if they war and deftroy one another ^ thofe that are the occafion of it, whoever they are^ you will not fell them any more guns, powder y orfliot^ which will expofe them to their enemies, who will have the mafter of them, and quite deftroy them from the earth, them and their wives and children, which muft work fome terror in the^n •, and that you are fent thither to make peace amongft them > and that on the other fide, if they do live peaceably and quietly without war, you v^ill let them have any thing you have for b 3 their \ If' • i| >,, ■l! ft! I 1 It ( 22 ) their fupport, and be kind to them ally and fupply them with all necejjaries^ let their number be ever fo great* Thefe and other arguments you may ufc tQ tbem^ as they occur to your mind and memory. This letter is written >^ith a truly chriflian and Britiih fpirit. But there was no opportunity for executing thefe generous purpofes till after the peace of Utrecht ; the French having taken York- tort the following year, and kept pofTeflion of it for above twenty years together, except the year 1 695. In the mean time, as the Company had only Albany-fa (ftory, and were furrounded on every fide by the French, theii* trade declined very much ', anpl the chief ainong thepi, defpairing of ever feeing their affairs in a flpurilhing condition again, left the management to a kind of unchange- able Committee, who intrpduced a new policy, and afted ^pon maxiips entirely felfilh. I SHALL now confider Kelfey's journal ; but before I abftraft it, I cannot but take notice that jhe Company in the title of N**. XXVII, call it a journal 0/ Henry Kelfey in fhe yefirs 1^91 and 1692, fent by' the Hudson' S'BaLy Company to make difcoveries, and increafe their trade inland from the Bay } and in N**. XXVIIl, ji journal of a voyage and journey undertaken by Henry Kelfey to difcover (ind endeavour to bring to a commerce the Naywa- tainee-Poets 1691 j and then immediately fub- join, A journal of a voyage and journey undertaken %y Henry Kelfey, through God's af/ijlance^ to difcover and bring to a commerce the Najwatamee-Poeti. Duplicate. ' The date in N°. XXVIIl is July 5, 1691 ; and inwhat'is called Duplicate, July 15, 1692; yet the journals are cxaftly alike, excepting only a few trifling variations in the ekpreffion, chiefly ^n the firft paragraphs, and the addrefs at the end; the firfl: concluding^ Sir^ I remain your maj^ obedient and nd fupply >e ever fo ay ufc t9 ilian and unity for after the en York- fion of it the year had only on every ncd very )airing of condition nchange- V policy, )al *, but otice that [I, call it 1^91 and ' io make f from the a voyage dif cover ? Naywa- tely fut- mdertaken '0 difcovex ee-Poets. %ii and , 1692; :ing only I, chiefl^ the end; ^ obedient andf (23 ) and faithful fervant^ as if dircftcd to the gover- nor J and the lecond, / refi^ honourable mafierSt your moft obedient y and faithful fervanty at command^ ' as to the Company. But the Company, furely, could not hope that the Committee would read only the titles of the papers that were laid before thero^ and fo take it for granted that Kelfey had made twv) journals; one !*i 1691 incompliance with the governor, and the other in 1692 in obe^ dience to the Company* It is alfo to be obfcrved, that at the time the Company gave orders that two or three of their fervants mould be fent up to make difcoveries, the bill for an a£b to confirm their charter was before the Commons, which confirmation they expelled would be perpetual. Geyer fays, he fent Kelfey up with the AfTms- pocts, in 1690, along with their captain^ to encou- rage and invite the remote Indians to trade with them ; yet by l^tMsy*^ journal he had not attempted this till a year after he firfl fet out, beginning only the 5th of July 1691, after the governor had fent him, as he himfelf fays, frefh injiruffions and ^ new commiffionj and had fuppUed him with proper prefenis to make to the Naywatamee- Poets. The fub- ilance of his journal is, that he got his fuppUes the ^th of July 1691 ; fent the Stone-Indians ten days before him and fet out from Deering's-point (where the Indians always aflemble when they go down to trade) to feek the Stone-Indians, and after overtaking themj travelled with them and Nayhaythaway-7»- dians, to the country of the t^ayvfSA^imtC'FoctSy and was fifty-nine days in his journey ^ including the refi- ing days. He went firji by wdter feventy-one miles from Deering's-point, and then laid up his canoes^ and went by land three hundred and fixteen miles through a woody country j and then forty-Jtvt through fi plain open country^ having only feen one river in hif journey^ fballowy but a hundred yards over \ and b 4 after J 1 «I1:! ' s ( 24 ) ^//rr croffin^ ponds^ "juoodsy and champain Uinds, for eighty-one miks morey which ai?oundcd ivitb buffaloes and beaversy he returned back fifty-four tnileSy where he met the Naywat^mee-Poets, and made the proper prefents to their chief y telling him, (hat he came to make peace betwixt him and the Nayhaythaway-In- dians and Stone-Indians^ and to invite them to come to the factory with their furs, which he promifed to comply with next fpringy and to meet him at Deer- ing*s- point i but he did not come, bccaufe the Nay- haythaway-/«ii'/tf«j had killed three of his people in the winter, and he was afraid they would have intercepted him on his return home, however be promifed to go down the following year ; addir^g, that the beaver in their country are innumerable^ and would certainly come down every year. . , • , . ! According to ^his jovirnal, Kelfey did not go by land and water above five hundred Englifh miles in two months ; and as it does not appear that he had any compafs with him to knpw upon what point he travelled, he probably did nqt go in all a hundred and twenty leagues in a ftrait fine from Deering's-poiht, apd perhaps much lefs ; for if Kelfey only computed' thefe miles he would take care not to make them lefs than they were. By tliis we may judge of the Indians rate of travelling, which including their days of reft, can very little exceed eight miles a day : Kelfey did not travel more than five hundred miles in 59 days, and yet in all that time he had bup three days rain, and no fnow, froft, or fleet, before the 12th of September, when he doled his journal. But to return : if Kelfey was fent in 1690 by the governor to make difcovepcs and qbfervations, it is very ftrange, that he kept no journal of thjs expedition : but he did not even think of beginning a journal till after he got his fupplies and new commifllon in July 1691 ; ppr from the 12th of §epteipber i6gi to June 1692, 16 he we tW( fon by the beii rtds, for buffaloes ', where >e proper canie to way-In- to come mifed to It Deer- it^ Nay- ple in the tercepted 'ed to go >eaver in certainly 3t gQ by Qi miles ?ar that 3n what p in all e from for if i take By tHis vrelling, ry little travel and yet and no :ember, irn : if ) make i;e, that he did ifter he 1691 ; I June 1692, ( *5 ) 1692, when he returned with a fleet of Indians, did he keep any journal, or make any obfcrvations that we know of, but what are in the journal of his two months expedition in 1691. We muft there- fore admit the truth pf the account handed down by the fervants in the Bay, that he was not font by the governor, but ran away with the Indians upon being corredted; that when he wrote to the goverr nor for pardon and leave to return, telling him at ahe fame time, what fervice he could do among the Indians, upon giving them proper prefents, he had neither pen, ink, nor paper, but wrote with char- coal on a piece of birch- rind 5 and that Geyer find- ing the Company deflrous of making difcoveries upon the profpedt of obtaining a perpetual confirm- ation of their charter, he in 1 691 fent Kelfey in- ftruftions, with goods to give in prefents, and paper pens and ink to make obfervations, which lafted him no longer than the 12th of September in the fame year : for if Kelfey continued his journal and obfervations down to September 1692, the time of his return to the fort, we muft con- clude that the Company have thought proper to fupprefs them, left the making public furh authen- tic teftimonies of a temperate climate, fertile foil, and a trade capable of vaft extenfion, fhould bring too fevere a reproach upon the prefent manage- ment. There are only three letters more contained in N*'. XXVII relative to inland difcoveries after this period ; for the French being in pofleflion of York- tort till the conclufion of the peace at Utrecht, the Company could only fend inftruftions to Albany. The firft i$ to John Fullerton at Albany-fort, dated fo late as the 26th of May, 1708. JVe order you Jo foon as it has pleafed God that you are arrived Jafe in the country to fern word amon^fi the natives^ to give tbetit notice that you are there with a confiderable t .«/j:j' cargo \' \ ( «6 ) €arfio of goods of all forts for their fupply^ and to encourage them to come with their commodities as much as you can to trade with you. The fecond is to capuin Anthony Beal, at Albany-fort, dated the 29ch of May 1711, containing the very fame wordSf which need not be repeated. I fhall only obferve here, that if orders to inform the natives that they had goods at the factories to trade with them, can be taken for orders to make difcoveries, the Company may pals what they pleafe upon the Public. The third and laft letter about inland-difcove- ries, as it is dated but thirty-three years ago, may be allowed to be written by the prefent Commit- tee of the Company, if it can be of any fervice to them : it is dircaed toMr. Richard Stanton, or chief, at Prince of WalesVfort, 4th of June, 1719. Ton having one Richard Norton our apprentice under your command^ whom we are informed by captain Knight has endured great hardjhip in travelling with the Indiansy and has been very aSlive and diligent in endeavouring to make peace amongft them, we being always defirous to encourage diligent and faithful fer^ vantSy upon application of his mother in his behalf^ have ordered him a gratuity of fifteen pounds. What proof of inland-difcoveries this letter could afford the Committee, I cannot comprehend. If Norton made any upon his being fent by Knight to the northward, to inform the natives that there were goods at Churchill-river to trade with them, or to learn from the northern Indians whereabout the copper mine was, (as is mentioned in captain Car^ ruthcrs's evidence, which I Ihall hereafter confider, he being the perfon who carried him to Churchill, and put him into a canoe with two northern In- dians to difcover to the northward *,) he either kept no journal of fuch difcoveries, or the Company they have concealed it from the Committee : it ftppeaw and t9 as much id is to ated the e wordSf r obfcrvc hat they iCm, can ies, the ipon the ■difcovc- Lgo, may Commit- fervicc to , or chief, 719. ToH ice under y captain Uing with Hligent in we being thful fef" is behalf^ What Id afford Norton It to the lerc were m, or to bout the tain Car'- confider, 'hurchill, thern la- ther kept [Company ittee : it appears ( »7 ) appears however by Brown*s evidence, chat Nor* toin owned to him that he was at the copper mine. ^ rtcr this trifle of a letter they only (ay, IVbat farther relates to the difcoveries inland is contained in the papers already delivered in to the Commit tee^ puT'* fuant to their order, concerning Richard Norton. Since which time is has been cujtomary for the chief faSlors to give prefents to the leading Indians, to in* vite the far dijlant natives down to trade at the fac» tories, and to make peace amongfi any of the Indians they fhall find at enmity. Herb is a plain declaration, that fince the year 171Q they have never taken the leaft ftep towards making inland difcoveries i nor does their care, or their judgment, at leaft, about the means of im- proving their trade, appear from hence in a more advantageous light : the making prefents to the feading Indians, who come to the fadory, is rather calculated to keep the diftant Indians away •, for ic is evidently the intereft of thefe people to keep the trade to themfelves, and not divide it with others perhaps their eneniies, to whom they are rendered fuperipr by the arms and ammunition which they procure from the Company. The papers referred to about Norton are the let- ters in N^. XX VI, confiding of fiye from Norton to the Cpmpany from 1724 to 1741, and of fix from the Company to him, all relative to the trade ac Churchill and to the northward. The firft letter in 1724, and the anfwer 1725, are dhout A leading upland Indian, who brought a ftrange Indian to the fa£lory,telling them he hadfuppliedhim with tobacco and goods to carry him home again ^ upon which Norton Jupplied the leading Indian with other goods to carry him home, Norton adds, l^hat he returned the fol- lowing year, and upon beir.g afked after the ftrange Indian, he faid, he had heard nothing of him, and was afraid that in returning to his own country be had M J^% \ 1 V ' I (28) had fallen into the hands of his enemies and was de-^ Jlroyed. But it is more probable, that this leading Indian either killed him himfelf to get his own goods back again, or, as he had gained his point by procuring goods from Norton upon his ac-. count, perfuaded him to come no more. Norton's next letter in 1733, and the ^nfwcr in 1734, are nothing to the purpofe, he only fetting forth hisfer-_ vices, and they acknowledging them. In the Com- pany's letter to him in May 1738, they defire him to encourage the Northern-Indians and Efkimaux in order to get oil and whale- bone, and to fend over deer, elk, and moofe Jkins ; which he anfwers in Auguft, laying, That he will fend what deer and elk Jkins he can, and promote the other trade', but com- plains that few Indians came that year, as thofe who came the preceding year were jo near perifhing with hunger in the winter, that they were obliged to eat their deer-Jkins. ! -^ r-'» • - ; -' r- r ;r •, ■ •In 1739, the Company repeat their orders about the northern trade, and order the Jloop / x:-. ^^ ; .,.m\.\ v» \. howledging... was dt^ leading lis own is point his ac- lorton's 34, are ' his fer- lc Com- fire him fkimaux 'end over *wers in r and elk ut com- hofe ivbo ing ivitb 'd to eat its about haiecove '»/. upon cent, to fwers by ihwaxdy fo years |hat thiy that /York- rthward 1740, !/York- to the to expe- count ofs >ch war, , ^41, ac* . vledgins^. ( 29) knowledging the receipt of the Jloofs journal^ and that the trade was fmall, hut mght iticreafe if the Jloop Went out earlier, ^hey difapprove of his laying the Jloop ajide upon account of the war, contrary to their orderS) being defirous of making new difcoverieSy 4nd improving the trade with the Indians that fre- quent thofe parts -, and dire£l him to fend over elks and deers horns. He anfwers in Auguft, that he will comply with their orders in fending the Jloop an* nually to the northward. Thele are the important papers they refer to in farther proof of their en- couragement of trade and difcoveries. The lafl: letter about difcoveries in 1741 was plainly forced from them, upon captain Middleton's being fent that year in the Furnace-bomb upon the north- weft difcovery. I SHALL next extraft from numbers XVI and XX, which relate to the fame fubjed, confidering the papers in each according to the refpedbive dates. N**. XVI is entitled, Copies of inJlru£iions given by the Hudfon's-Bay Company /o/^«> officers abroad, fo far as they relate to the difcovery of a north- weft paftage. And N*^. XX, Copies of orders given by the Hud- fon's-Bay Company to fundry perfons, fo far as they relate to the difcovery of a north- weft pafTage. This laft is an abftradt of their orders and inftrudions to Knight, Barlow (or Berley) Vaughan, and o- thers, about the expedition to the northward, which feems to be very imperfedt. ,.,, To £•«/>/«/;« James Knight, 4/i& e/ June I7r9y Vpon the experience we have had of your ability and conduct in the management of our affairs^ we ^ave upon your application to us^ fitted out the Albany Frigate, captain George Berley, and the Difcovery, mptain David Vaughan commander, upon a difco- very to the northward \ and to that end have given ycu power and authority to a5i and do all things re- lating to the faid voyage, (the navigation of the faid ''I In, M ':% 'i.\\ |;^' % f) I! t 1 I (30) fiip and Jloop only excepted) and have given our /aid two commanders orders and inftruSlions to that purpofe» You are with the firft opportunity of wind and weather to depart from Gravelend, on your intended voyage^ iy God^s permiffion^ to find out the Straits of Anian, in order to difcover gold and other valuable commodities to the northward^ &c. To captain George Berley. idly, Tou are alfo Vfith the firji opportunity of wind and weather^ to fail cur fhip Albany Frigate under your command^ to what place captain James Knight fhall order you to fail to^ that is to the northward and weftward of 64 deg. in Hudfbn*s-Bay ; and to ufe your utmofi endeauours to keep company with the Difcovery, captain David Vaughan, commander 5 but in cafe you fhould he fepa- rated from the Dikovtry by Jlrefs of weather, or other* wife, in your outward-bound voyage, before you enter the flraits, then you are to make towards the ifland Refolution, and ply off thereabouts for ten days, unlefs you meet with himjboner, that you may proceed on your voyage together ; and in all things during the whole term of this your intended voyage, (except the navigation part) you are to obey and follow the direifions and orders of certain James Knight, (^c, ;.->..» To captain David Vaughan. idly, Tou are alfo with the firfi opportunity, &c. (lame paragraph as to captain Berley^ ^dly. But in cafe you have ftaid ten days at the ifiand Refolution, and do not meet with the Albany in that time, you are then to proceed to the latitude 64 deg. north latitude, and from thence north- ward, to endeavour to find out the Straits of Anian ; and, as often as conveniently you can, to fend your boats to the faore-fide, in order to find bow high the tide rifes, and what point of the compafs the flood comes from } and to makefucb difcoveries^ and obtain allfuch trade as you can, &c. Private inftruftions not to be opened but in cafe tf the death of captain James Knight. Ftrfl of all wi ur /aid purpofe, weather voyage^ ian, in dities td we alfo to fail to what fail to^ . deg. in vours to David he fepa- or other* on enter the ijland J, utilefs I on your bole term ion part) orders of are alfo ph as to ftaid ten with the 'd to the :e north- Anian ; j«r boats the tide od comes I allfuch in cafe fi of all we ( 30 we order you to proceed upon your intended voyage to the latitude of 64 deg, and endeavour to find out the Straits of Anian, and to make what difcofveries you ptffibly can^ and to obtain aU forts of trade and commerce for fuch com- modities asfhallbefor the Company* s advantage^ &c. Before I animadvert upon thefe inftrudlions it will be proper to recite fome other paragraphs of letters from N°. XVI, which, as they were written within two or three years of the time of the above voyage, may have fome connexion with it ; parti- cularly the inftru6lions about Scroggs, who was fup- pofed to be fent to know what was become of the fhip and floop. The Hrft in that number is a para^ graph of a letter to captain Henry Kelfey and coun« cil at York-fort, June ift, 1720. H^e alfo order you to fend us copies of all thofe Journals that have been kept by yourfelf and others, and what difcoveries have been made in the voyages to the northward 5 alfo what number of people^ and what fort you have met with } and what quantity of whales have been feen, 0/ what other fort of fifh are in thefe parts \ likewife from whence the flood comes^ and from what pint of the compafsy and how much the tides have flowed up and down. I muft here obferve, that if Kelfey went upon the difcovery of a north-weft paflage, as the title of N^. XVI implies, he doubtlefs kept a jour* nal of the expedition, and obeyed the orders of the Company to fend them a copy of his journal : but as the Company have thought proper not to lay any journal before the Committee, the evident con- clufion is, either that they have fecreted it, or that there never was a journal, nor any attempt made by Kelfey to find a pafTage. The next paragraph is directed to Kelfey, dated May 26, 1721, princi- pally relating to Scroggs, to whom they alfo ad- drefs a letter of the fame date in N^. XX, in which he is only ordered to fail, and keep company with the other fhips till his arrival at York-fort, and to give up » bis n 1 ^j M m m m Hi i \v I II ( 32 ) ids cargo to governor Ktlky, or to thofe he depute Ss and to folhm all fuch orders as he jhall receive from hinip or thofe deputed by him. . ,4^ ..» ^^ V !f. r*!*fi i^^ ■^"' ^;^. The paragraph to Kelfcy fays, Tou acqimnt us of your dejign of wintering to the northward. IFe deftre to know whether you mean at Churchill-river j for we cannot approve of your wintering farther northward at the hazard of your life^ and thofe with yoit j we appre- hending if you go any time in June^ you may make as much difcovery^ both of whales and other commodities* as if you wintered to the northward^ and return by the latter end of 4ugufl. We have fent you this year a V&ffel called the Whalebone, John Scroggs, mafteri which we would have fent upon difcovery next year^ as foon as the feafon of the year will permit^ if you can fpare her to go to the northward upon difcovery ; and let them make the heft of their way towards the latitude of 66 and a half Sir Thomas Roe's "VVelcome* and not to ft op as they go along to view the coaft j . and to make %vhat difcovery they can coming back, hut not to ftay to the northward beyond the 15th of Auguft, fo that fhe may he hack by the beginning of September, we mean by the firfi five days in September j and to deliver in their jour- Tials to you at their return -, with an account what whaled and other extraordinaries they fee \ and not to fpend their time amongft the Indians, but to return to you in ordet to your perfeSiing the tUfcovery the year follow- ing, I prefume it was not Kelfey's intention to winr tcr north of Churchill, but only ^ogp to Churchill to winter; tho' he would have run. no greater riik from the cold in wintering farthei: northward, than the French with Maupertuis did at Tarneo in the Bothnick gulph in 66 deg. The difcovery Kelfej^ was to go upon is here pointed out, namely Whales and other commodities ; and in the indru^ions they fend to him to give Scroggs, they have nothing more in view. It had been always fuppofed, that they fent out Scroggs to enquire about the (liip and ie deputes y cdve from 4-% mint tis of ^nly per^ with re-' I by fea and ( sn and land, after faying that he had quitted theii^ fervice thirty-five years agOy and that it was his opinion that the navigation in the Bay was dan- gerous and troublefome ; adds that he believes no attempts were made to find a north-weft paf- fage, while he was in the country •, that he appre- hends there is no Juch pajfage ; but if there iSy it was impraSiicable to navigate it on account of thi ice ; and that the climate ten leagues within land in Hudfon's-Bay was not much warmer than at the fea-Jhore. But upon being crofs- examined, he owned, that the climate was warmer within land than near the fhore \ and that the ice breaks much fooner up in the country than at the fea-fhore •, fof be had feen the ice drive down the rivers before if broke at the mouth of thofe rivers. He fays far- ther, that Knight was governor of Nclfbn* fadory when he was there ; that he ufed the In- dians well^ and was very inquifitiDe with them a* bout a copper- mine.«or//& of Churchill, which they defcribed fometimes as a gold-mine^ fometimes as a copper-mine. That Knight was very edf'teft alfo about this difcovery^ which was always 'is topic \ and he took all opportunities of making prefents to the natives-, and that he^ thewitn^fs, carried '^ot- ton, who was afterward governor^ and two northern Indians to Churchill^ where he put them in a came ; and the purport of their voyage was to make dif- coveries^ and encourage the Indians to come down to trade, and to bring copper-ore ; that he does not recoiled, that he en^er heard how far it was to this mine, nor whether there was an eafy pajfage to it by land, halving never travelled by land alone, nor heard of any expedition of that kind, except that of Norton and the two Indians. It is evident even from this witnefs on the Company's behalf, that Knight had no intention to find the north-weft pafTaj^} all his thoughts and difcourfe weretal c ? ;nup ^itl> a .t > w I 1 ■/'I ■■'Vr 111 5' * !, n : !■ m ( 56 ) with enquiring afrcr the mine: iliv.l that the (lilps fined one and loll with him were not lent upon (lilcovering any pallage, except tlie paifage to tills copper- mine, vvhicu the Company were pleafcd to call the Straits of Anian.- BuT to riiew inoie particularly the nature and tlcfign ot Knight's • voyage, let us confider the orders and inllrudtions he received about it, al- ready cited. ■-•:/;. v:.\ \.. < -.h V.>U '.., "a ' Caftan Knight had been many years in ihe Company's Icrvice, and one of their . gover- nors, being Tent over to be governor ot Nel- ibn-fadory ibon after the peace of Utrtcht. T here was a Knight made governor of Albany- lort as early as 1693, who probably was the fame perfon, as this man was near 80 years old when he undertook the voyage in^ 1719. It was he liowever, who fixed the fadlory at Churchill- river, in or about the year 1718, and fent Nor- ton with Caruthers to Churchill upon the north- ern difcovery of the copper- mine, &c- By his friendly intercourfe with the northern Indians, he had obtained a pretty exadt knowledge of the, fituation of the mine, which he was confident he ihould find out, having been told that it lay upon a river near a navigable inlet or ftrait, whither veflTels could go trom the Bay, . Full of thefc expcdlations he came to England, to fo- Jicit the Company to fit out two veflels under his command, for the difcovery of thefe rich mines; but the Company, for private reafons, re- fufed to comply, probably 1 "earing that if rich mines were found out, or a navigable paflage to thz American ocean difcovered, they fiiould not be long in pofiTeflion of their invaluable mono- poly. Knight, made more fanguine by an oppofi- tioii which he could nj.t expe<51:, told them, that :he (liips nc upon JTage to s pleafed ture and ider the t it, al- ^^ears in . gov.er- )f NM- Utrtcht. Albany- the fame when he was he uirchill- nt Nor- i north- By his ans, he of the. onfident it it lay llrait. Full to fo- under fe rich )ns, le- if rich Tage to Lild not mono- oppofi- n, that they' ( 37) they were obliged by their charter to make difcoveries and extend their trade j and particularly to fearcb for a north- well paflag. by the ftraits of iVnian to the fouth-fea; but that if they would not fit out Jhips under him and Barlow Jor the difcovery he came about^ he would apply to the crown, and get others to undertake it j and accordingly waited upon one of the fecretaries of (late. When the Company perceived him fo refolute, and that his troublefome zeal, if left to itfelf, mi"ht a<5lually bring on an enquiry into the legality of their char- ter, they thought it neceflary to comply, and fitted out the fhip and floop beforementioned. Knight was fo confident of fuccefs, that he had flrong chefts made, bound with iron, to hold the gold and copper-ore which he expedled : his mind was full of this fingle difcovery ; and it was only to engage the Company in it the more effedtually, that he urged their obligations to find out a north-weft paflage. However, as he did make ufe of this argument, the Company could do no lefs in their inftruftions, than mention the Straits of Anian, either as a paffage to the wefl:- crn ocean, or to the mines i but how (lightly they have done it, and how lame and imperfc(5l their orders are, the reader may eafily perceive. Knight's inilrudions are to find the 11 raits of Anian, in order to difcover gold and other valu- able commodities to the northward. — Barlow is ordered to go where Knight pall fend him \ but is limited cxprefly to the northward and weft-ward of 64 deg. in Hudfon's-Bay. Why they obliged him not to fail to the fouthward of 64 deg. to difcover Anian, which lay in near 50 deg. lat cannot be accounted for, unlefs it was to defeat the difcovery ; nor why wellward of 64 deg. hit in the Bay, when no longitude was mention-id : this fcems to be a blunder j for 1 cannot fuppofe • ' c 2 it M I '•J m s%\ n ■ ijiaiig^ • ( 38 ) U Ignorance. Vaughan*s inftru£fcIons tre the feme, if they kept together ; but in cafe of fepa- ratiott, be was ordered to proceed to f^^ deg. and from thence northerly, to find out Anian: but can any inilrudlions be more abfurd, to conHne him to go from 64 deg. northward, to find a ftrait which lay Ibuth-weft ? TI - inftruflionfi, in cafe of Knight's death, were the fame, to fail to 64 (3eg. It is evident therefore, that theCom$>any had no intention to find out Anian, or a paflage to the weftern American ocean, but only to de- feat knight's fcheme ; and Anian was thrown in- to their inftrudlions for a plaufible pretence : and indeed from fuch trifling paragraphs as were pro- duced before the Committee, it appears plainly, that they made known only thofe things that fet their conduct in a favourablje light ; for they were fenfible that their original books and papers would have opened a very different fcene, and difproved the falfe reprefentations they have given of the country, climate, and trad© of Hudfon's- bay. How far they were difgufled at this voyage, ap- pears from their not interefting themfeives in the fafety of the Ships and their crews, having never fent to enquire after them. When Kelfey only propofed to winter to the northward (as they thought) of Churchill, they were exceedingly anx- ious fpr him and his people; but poor Knight, tube they acknowledge had long ferved them faithful^ h, and whom they would have it believed they had themfeives fent out upon a very advantageous difcoveiy, he was not worth their care: if they |iad felt the leaft regard for him and his people, they would have ordered the governor of Churchill to enquire of the northern Indians iL'aut their fhips, or have ordered out a (loop in fearcfi of them ; bwt tliey did neither 5 and fuch f ruel are the of fepa- deg. and an : bu( confine id a ftrait s, in cafe fail to 64 Conrirpany a paiTage y to de- ^irown in- nce : and fitxt pro- plainly, ngs that for they d papers :ne, and ive given Iudlon*s- age, ap- s in the ng never ^ty only as they giy anx- Knight, faithful^ i^ed they itageoiis if they people, hurchiU i^'out oop in nd fuch fruel ( 39 ) cruel negligence is not very rcconciJeiible with an approbation of his voyage. — At firft indeed it was fuppofed that Scroggs had been fent north- ward to enquire after them ; but, upon producing their inftrudtions to Scroggs, nothing like this appeared. The lad and only fpecious pretence of an at- tempt to difcovcr the north- weft paflage, was their fending Napper and Crow to the northward, in 1737, at the folicitation of Mr. Dobbs : and the in- firudtions they gave for this purpofe were pro • duced jjefore the Committee, confiding of a letter to Norton in N°. XVI, wherein they gave him in- ftruftions to fend them ; and of a paper in N°. XX, which contains the indrudions drawn up for them by Norton, by the Company*s order : but as the indrudlions are long, I fhall only extraA the mate- rial part of them. To Mr. Norton at prince of Wales's- fort, 6th of "Vfrty, 1 736. We do hereby order ^ upon the arrival of captain Spurrel/zW captain Coates at Churchill- river, this year the in- Qrve and 't ivhich '^opofe to and may cafe Jhe ie north- hat dif- COUNt fif thejloip m tire to that the oundittg^ the rife difiance r jour- lory, to loitert r of the in com- death, uirchill nftruc- forms ?rs and voyage 's-Bay. to the ompany f.s long ef lefs ith the fhore^ ( 41 ) fhorts among ijlatids or in bays, ^c. in order to difcover harbour i of fafety forfhipping^ or any thing elfe that may tend to the interefi of the Company. Tou are to fail clofe along the weftcrn fhorc, making difcovery into the Welcome, for a proper bay or harbour for Jhips to lie in., in or as near the Welcome as can bt found, and to pitch a tent on land, making obferva* tions, &c. Thefeyou are to enter in proper journals^ to be delivered to me or the chief of this factory, to be fent to the Company^ Jtgning the original^ the copies to be kept here, which you are to make before you arrive at the faStory. Tou are to trade with all the natives you meet in your voyage, and perfuade them to kill whales, &c. — to the purport of the former inftriidlion. Tou are to continue upon dif" covery in or near the Welcome, //// the 24th July, and then make the heft of your way to Whale- cove, there to wait af}jip*s arrival from England, making there the beforementiond fearch for mines, &c. and trading with //^^ natives //// the 12th of Augult; and if a fhip does not. then arrive ^ you are to confult with Crow and others, either to flay till the 20th of Auguft, or to return to Churchill, as the weather offers^ purfuant to the Company's inftruc- tions ', hut if a fhip arrives in that time., you are to fail with her as far to the northward as pojftble^ and make what difcoveries you can, entering all tranfa^ions in a journal, as before mentioned. I have fhipped on board you thirteen weeks provijion for eleven men. So God fend you a fuccefsful difcovery and to return in fafety. — By order of the honour- able the governor, deputy governor, and committee of the Hutjfon's-Bay Company. Prince of PFales's- fort, July /\.th, 1737. vera copia. Crow's in- ftrudions are the fame, only in cafe offeparation before they get to Whale- cove, after waiting a few days, to return to ChurchilJ- river. Thi T' H ■ H M HI ^ ' • i II ( 40 Tu£ reader, I doubt not, has obrenred a material ^iiiFereDce betwixt (the inftrudions fent by the Company and thoCb given by Norton : whether it was owing to a blunder of Norton's, or origi- lully intended by the Company, I fliall not pretend to aetermifle ; but ^t could do no lefs than defeat the difcovery. The Company order the Jloopi t« go to tie Welcome, and wait for fioips they wiU ^der tp meet them there, /r«» England, whkh they txpe€i may ife hy the 2/^xh. }\Aj^ 1737 -, and if ihey arrive^ to fail with them to t^e northward 4 hut if they do not come hy the aoth /?/ Augufl:, then to make the ^fi ^f their way to ChurchtH: but Norton bids them continue upon difcovery, jn or near the Welcome, till the 24th of July 5 and then to make the befi of their way to Whale- cove, and there to w^t a fhtfs arrival from Eng* land till the 12th of Auguft; and iif the (hip Ihould arriv^ there hy this timet then /^ fail wi^ them to the northward j hvi if Jhe fbould not by that time ^arrivet then to tonfult with Crow and ttherSy whether to wait till the aoJh, or ti9 return immediately to Churchill. But if the Company had adually intended. to order any ,£hip to call from Englandt it muft, in confequence of their own inftru6lion8, have called at the ff^elc'Stne, and not at fFhale-cov£, as Norton has dir€<5^ed, who by changing the place of rendezvous effedtually de- feated the difcovery. Till ftich (hip arrived, they were only direded to faU along the weft-coaft to the Welcome, and there to look ^ut for a harbour \ hut not to fearch for inlets, or make any obfervations but about the bearings of head-Unds, (bundings, and currents •, nor to do any thing more but enmtrage the natives to catch whales, &c. and after the arrival of the fhip, they were to proceed upon the difcovery ; but even then weri limited to fearch to the north- ward of the Welcome, widiout any order to fearcli fouth- material by the whether r origi- pretend 1 defeat Jloofi ti» thej will ], which i and if thward ; Augufr, Kurchttt : ilcovery, tf/ Julys 7 Whalc- om Eng-r the (hip fail with Id not by ^GW and 'tf return [Company to call of their ewey and who by ally de- ved, they ft to the 76uri hut ations but ngs, and wage the arrival fc every ; he north- to fearcli fouth- '>e { 43 ) Southward. Now it is apparent, tbat no fliips weit ordered to kneet thefe people ^m Engiaod^ if they were, the Company could and oug^c toha^ produced th^ir inftrudions for that furpofes which not doing, they tacidy confels tto they never ordered any ihips to meet them, Jior pci> haps ever intended it. It is probable th^erefore^ that private inftru£tions were givon to Norton^ counter to thofe they g^ve pubHdy for die floopsi for the (loops did not at all follow thefe publie inflrudlions. It is plain by their journal, that they had no intention to fail to the WelconK, buc only to Whale-cove, in 62 deg. 30Bnin; nor to fail northward, till after they coxrld procure nd more trade there. They ftaid tUJ the 27th July, pretending they were blocked up by iqe ; tho? Smith in three or four voyages after t^is, tnet with no obftruiEtions from the ice \ and then Ciow fays, the 27th (for Napper was dead) 4here being m more trade, and being limited by our mfiruStions /* return the 24th, we could not fail to 63 deg. ao min. as we were ordered^ but returned to Churchill : they no where mention their expe6tation of a Ihip ; nor was 63 deg. 20 min. whither Crow ^s he was ordered, any part of the Welcome, which lay from 64 to 65 deg. nor have they in their journals made any ob^rvations upon the foil, tides, mines, &c. as direded in the inftrudions which are pub* lifhed. Upon tlie whole it appears, that not any of thefe papers can be depended upon as genuine $- being modelled to fecure a felfifh concealment of . the countries about the Bay, to the prejudice of the intereft and rights of Britain. Having now gone through the Company's orders anu inftrudions for promoting trade and difcoveries, I fhall m:^e fome obfervations upon the other papers produced before the Committee 5 and Hrft upon thofe in No. XXI and XXII, con- :. . 3 taining U4 ) taining the Company's icafons for trebling their ftock, firft in 1690, and afterwards in 1720. Jn September, 1690, ;/ was moved by fever al in fl committee to double or treble their jiock^ as hath been deftgned fome years fince^ and pra£iifed by an- 4>tber Company with extraordinary fuccefs and ad- ffantage^ who upon debate unanimoujly voted it to be trebled. They then confulted the many motives to do it: and being defirous to make the Jiock as diffufive amongft his majefty's fubjeds as poflible, and more and more a national intereft ; to jujiify their proceed- ings y they fet down fome of the grounds and motives which induced them to treble it, viz. Firft, that they bad in their warehoufes above the value of their priginal fiock. Secondly, that they had fent mt in their fhips and cargo that year above the inli of, thfir 'firft ft ocky upon which they expeSledas h, profit. Thirdly^ that their faSiories at Port-Nelfon, and New- Severn, are under an increafing trade, and that their returns that year they expeSled would be worth £ 20,000. Fourthly, their fcrts, fac- tories, guns, &c. and the profpetl of new fettlements and further trade, maybe eftimated at a confiderable value. And Fifthly, the expectation of fatisfaEiion from Vxmct at the end of the war, and reft oring their places and trade at the bottom of the Bay \ which, upon proof, was made out above ^^ 100,000. Upon which motives and other prudential reafons which might be alleged, the cammittee did, and do, unanimoufly refolve and declare, that the original ftock fhall be and is trebled, viz. ^^ 10,500, original ftock Jhall be deemed and computed at j^ 3 1,500 ftpck or credit ; and each intereffent .fhall have his ftock trebled in the Company* s books; and no per/on fhall have a vote who has lefs than £ 300 credit ; jjor be capable of being of the committee, who has not £ 600 ftock cr credit ; and fo proportionably in all other things, according to the charter. — It muft be owned, that -. . ; . fome t! ing their 1 1720. 'everal in as hath ed by an- and ad- \d it to be natives to diffufivc and more ^ proceed- id motives irft, that r of their fent f^nt the *Lab las h, . t-Nelfon, rade^ and ?d would crtSy foe- ettlements nftderable itisfaSiion refioring the Bay\ 100,000. reafons and do, original original ;oo Jlf^ck his Jlock '[on Jfjall \ tjor be ot I, 600 er things^ ed, that fome ( 45 ) fome of their reafons for trebling their ftock ai;e unexceptionably good, particularly thofe of mak- ing it more difFuIive atnongji all his majeftys fub' jeclSy and more and more a national intereft^ and the having as much more- in their warehoufes as their original ftocky provided it was to be ad- ded to their flock in trade to increafe their annual, exports. But how they could urge the.profped: of their gains upon the year's trade, or the money funk in building their faftories, or their future demand upon the French, as additions to their ftock, is not quite fo comprehenfible : • nor is it eafy to account, how their lofles by the French fhould, upon fofmall a capital as^f 10,500, amounc to ;^ 100,000, (or ^150,000, as was fet forth in their petition to parliament, as an inducement to pafs an a£b for a perpetual conBrmation of their charter;) for their whole lofs was confined to the fmall faftories at Rupert, Moofe, and Al- bany, which could not amount to the tenth part of that fum *, unlefs they included in the eftimate, the gain they might have made upon their trade in the time they were out of poilefTion. Neither can I fee, when no new fubfcriptions were taken in, how the trebling their ftock could make it more diffttftve amcngjt the reft of his majejly*s fub' je£ls, which was the only good national reafon for taking this ftep. As the whole was nominal, it could be of no real benefit to the proprietors, nor to the nation, unlefs they had determined to treble their annual exports : it can therefore only be llippofed, that having juft obtained an aft to connrm their charter for feven years, they thought it prudent to make a (how of doing fomething to increafe their trade, that they might be entituled to a renewal when that aft expired •, an expefta- tion, by th- way, not very fubftantially founded, as the aft v/as aitcieJ by the Lords, from t5n years, for 1:4 ,1-1 :(•. M i ( 46 ) fbr which term it! had paflcd the Commons, to feven years *, and as ' the Cotnmons, having been almoft iUrprized into a confirmation of their char- ter for ever, upon their granting it only for a few years, entered a ftanding order, that no petition fhould be received for confirming any charter, unlefs the charter itftlf was annexed to the peti- tion. But it b evident, that the chief motive for tttbling their flock Was, that their dividends would appear fmallet upon a large nominal capi- tal, thirt upon a real fmall capital ; the only good reafbn for trebling their (lock, the making it more diffujive amo^ft his majefty*s fubjeSfs^ and more and ntdre a national interefl, having never taken Elace ; for the (lock is not fet up to public fale, ut confined to about ninety members, as appears by their lift of proprietors produced before the (Committee. No. XXII, contains reafons and refolutions for the Hudfbn's-fiay Company again trebling their (lock ih 1720. At a committee, 29th Auguft, 1720. ^he committee^ furfuant to the order of the general cvurty havhg taken into conftderation the mofl proper method for raijing money for enlarging and extending the Company' j trade to Hudfon's-Bay and Bufs-ifland i and for the more effe^tial putting in execution the powers and privileges granted them by their charter^ do make the following refolutions ^ viz. ^at according to the heft account and calculation that can be made of the juick and dead flock and lands, the fame may be computed to amount to £ 94,500, at a moderate computation. That the joint or capital fiock of this Company he enlarged to ;^ 378,000, and divided into 3780 fhares of £ 100 each-, and that the prefent flock ^^^ £ 31*500, or ^15 Jharesy be made and reckoned 94$ fhareSi and valued at ^f 100 each Jhare, which i 3n8, to »g been r char- r a few petition :harter, le peti- tive for vidends il capi- ly good it more id more tr taken lie fale, appears fore the :ions for ^g their 0. 7'he general the moji ing and )ay and tttting in them by )jSy viz. Iculation ^ock and fount to Company 3780 \nt ftock [reckoned jhare^ which ( 47 ) which amounts to £ 94,500, and to he clear tmA difcharged of all the payments ta be made for enUarg" ing the Jlock to £ 378^00. That the fum of 3^283,500 be raifed by the prefent members^ and to be engrafted on the prefint Jiock^ valuing eack Pare at £ 100, to compleat the faid £ 578,000. That each member for every £ 100 by Mm fubfcribei^ fhall be entituledto one Jhare in the Compaw^s floek* That the times of payment be as follows ^ viz. £ la per cent, paid the 7th of September next \ £ 10 percent, on the 6th of December next-, andfooHy ;i^ 10 per cent, every three months, till the whole is paid in. That a poper inftrument be prepared for thefe purpofes, and the Company* s feal affixed thereto ; and that fuch of the prefent members as are willing may fubfcribe^ obliging themfelves to advice and raife fuch fums as they fhall fet down againfi their refpe£live names. That no member fhall be capable of being governor, or of the committee, who has not in his own name and right £ 1 800, or 1% fhures iti the flock ; and of giving a vote in any eleSHon, or any general court, who has not £ 900, or 9 (hares in the flock ; which refolutions were unanimoufly agreed to, and ordered to be laid before the general court, the next day, — which the court next day con- firmed. At a general court 23d December, 1720. — The governor acquainted the court, that by reafon of the prefent fcarcity of money and deadnefs of credit, the committee did not think it a proper time to proceed upon the fuhfcription agreed to in Auguft kfi i and then ordered the fecretary to read the opi- nion of the committee of this day, viz. — Refolved that it is the Opinion of the committee, that the faid fubfcription he vacated \ and that the Company* s feal be taken off from the faid injlrument. — And, That each fuhfcriber fhall have >f. ^o flock for eacln . £1^ 'n k \\\ ft! \i ( 48 ) C'lO hy him paid iffy -^^ which refolutions were a» greed tc iy this court. -•- In thcfc refolutions of trebling their (lock, the only reafons alleged for it were, the enlarging and extending their trade to Hudfon*s-Bay and Bufs- ifland : fo that the unanimous opinion at this time was, that their trade might be enlarged and ex- tended by increafing their capital and ftock in trade \ and that at lead £, 94)500 might be an- nually employed in trade j for that fum was de- figned aflually to ha 'e been raifed, over and a- bove the prefent flock in trade. But all the late alleeations of the Company before the Committee, tended to Ihew, that the trade could not be ex- tended or increafed -, and that they had done their utmofl for this, by exporting annually goods to the value of three or four thoufand pounds. If this had been the cafe alfo in 1720, and the Company neither intended nor had it in their power to extend the trade, the new fubfcription taken from their own members muft have been defigned as a bubble, to draw in others who were not proprietors ; by which each member would gain in cafli £, 200 per cent, and the Company actually have £ 94j5po paid in cafh, which, ac- cording to their own declaration, could not have been employed in trade. To explain <"his ; the Company, before they took in the new fubfcrip- tion, trebled their nominal (lock by a grofs com- putation of their dead and living (lock, lands, &c. which had in like manner been done before in 1690, by a computation produced, from £ 10,500 to 31,500 i but now, without any com- putation produced, to (, 94,500 : this nominal flock they were to increafe to (, 378,000, by add- ing a fubfcription from their own members of £ 283,500 to be made in payments of >^ lo per cent every three months, till the whole wat; raifed. Now were tf- ck, the ing and id Bufs- his time and ex- tock in t be an- was de- and a- the late imittee, t be ex- )ne their roods to nds. If and the in their fcription ve been ho were r would ompany ch, ac- ot have fiis ; the ubfcrip- jfs corn- lands, before fronfi ny corn- nominal by add- ibers of C lo per raifed. Now I (49) Now If this jf 10 per cent was to be paid upon their newly trebled capital of £ 94,500$ ^9450 would haVe been paid in every three months, and the whole fublcription of ;£ 283, 5G0 completed in feve:. years and a half: but if Only ;C 3150 was to be paid in every three months upon their former capital of j^ 3 1,500, then twenty- two years and a half would have been neceflary to complete the whole fum i which could not an- fwer the end propofed, of extending and improv- ing their trade in any reafonable time : and yet it appears from their increafed capital in No. XVIII, tl' t the £ 10 per cent paid in amounted to no more than ^ 3150; for tho* at the general court the members were allowed £ 30 ftock for each ;^ 10 they had paid in, their capital was increafed 6nly from £ 94,500 to £ 103,500, produced before the Committee as the prefent capital. How then was the fum of jC 283,500, to be raifed in feven years and a half ? Why probably thus,— every member was allowed a ihare o^ £^6 llock for every ;^ 10 he paid in, and confequent- ly L 300 for £ 100. Now by bringing this ^100 fhare to market, he would have have got £0,06, and the purchafer have flood poflefTed of three fliares in the Company's ftock of ;^ 100 each. So that by the time the whole was com- pleted, the original members would have received £ 189,000 for their own ufe, and the Com- pany £ 94,500 to be employed in trade or in any way they -pleafed 1 and this defign feems 6nly to have been fruftrated by the fudden fall of fouth-fea and other ftocks, which deprived them of purchafers : however, they fucceeded fo far as to raife their nominal ftock from ^f 31,500 to £ 103,500. It is fcarce worth mentioning, that one of the refolutions paflTed in this Committee of Auguft 25th 1720, by which every man who : ; d has '/ m •if % .k ■H I* (so) has not nine (hares of £ loo each, is deprived of his right to vote at any eledion or in any general court, is a manifeft violation of their charter ; which exprcfly fays, that each member Ihall have one vote for every ;^ lOO he has in ftock, and fo pro- portionably for more or lefs j ten perfons having only £ 10 each in a joint ftock, to have one vote amongft them. By the ftandard of their trade in No. XIX, wc may fee how vaft a price is charged to the na- tives upon the goods given them in exchange for their furs, which are all valued by the beaver Ikin as the ftandard. Thus for a quart of Eng- lifli fpirits which the Company export at fix- pence, and before they fell it to the natives mix it with one third water, which reduces it to four- pence i they take a beaver fkin, which has been Ibid at the Company's fale, at a medium of ten years f , for fix fliillings three farthings the pound weight, and a btaver fkin generally weighs a pound and half', fo that they get ninre fliillings and one pen- ny for four pence, which is^^ 2700 per cent profit. Upon other articles not fo material they do not gain above £ 500 or £ 600 per cent : but in exchange for martins the profit is double of that upon beaver ; for they value three martins only as one beaver, and thofe, at a medium of ten years, have fold for fix fliillings a fkin. It appears alfo from the ftandard, that one third more is cJiarged upon many articles at Nelfon and Churchiil-fadories, than at Moofe and Albany 5 thole factories being farther from the French, who till within thefe, few years had not intercepted the trade there; and not content even with this extravagant pro- fit, the fadtors are allowed to fell their goods coiifiderabiy above the ftandard, which is called ,..t See NO. XXIV...r [.*.,. . . . j^. ., 4,,,..,, .., ^ ' .; ' h ' ' the irivcJ of general charter *, all have i fo pro- 5 having one vote :IX, wc the na- ixchange e beaver 3f Eng- at fix- s mix it to four- has been 1 of ten le pound a pound one pen- It profit, not gain :xchange at upon as one years, fo from ed upon 'aftories, IS being in thefe, there ; ant pro- goods called ,s the ( 5t ) the profit upon tlie overplus trade: yet wItR all this advance upon thtir goods, the profit of the Company is reduced, by the expcnce of management, fhipping, fa(5Vorics, officers and fcrvaiits, to a little more than £ 200 per cent. For by a medium of ten years trade, (N". XXIV.) their fales amount annually to ,£27,354: 5 : 5 A J and their expences, N^ XXIIJ, to j£ 19,417: S: 6: their nett profit therefore, at the fame medium, amounts to £ 7936 : 16 : 1 1 4 i \vhich upcn £ 3674 : 3 : i 4, their annual ex- j)ort at t'.e fame medium, is about £ 216 pet cent profit upon the annual ftock in trade> and near £ y^ upon the nominal capital of >C 103,950. But this expence woula L** confiderably lelTened, except in the article of frcighi., if the trade was laid open, the countries fettled, and polTeflions fccured without charge •, whilft both the exports and imports would be valtl/ increafed, perhaps to one hundred times the prefent value, as we find it is in other colonies ; and here is a fcope of country fufficient, by proper cultivation and due encouragement to the natives, to fupporc the computation. In the lift of fubfcribers in N". VIII, which are rated at about ninety, the King's name is placed at the head ; but the King was not originally a pro- prietor, merely as King, and confequently can be none now without having been a purchafer : all that is referved by the charter for him, is two elks and two black beavers, as often as he fliall land in thofe countries. However, within thefe twenty years, the Company have made three or four payments, by way of douceur, to her late Majefty, and fince her death to his prefent Majefty : tho* the firft payment was not made till Mr. Dobbs had firft Ibllicited them, and afterwards the admiralty, to fend out fhips for the difcovery of a north- weft ' ' • d 2 palTige ( 50 pafTage •, when being apprehenfive that the legality of their charter might be brought into qucltion, they thought it prudent to endeavour to lecure an in- tereft in the government : they therefore attended Sir Robert Walpolc, and informed him that there was an arrear due from them to the late queen Mary, amounting to feveral thoufand pounds, which they apprehended the prefent queen was entitled to, as no part of it had been paid to queen Anne? alleging that queen Mary was a proprietor j in virtue, I fuppofe, of her relation- Ihip to Prince Rupert, who was an original pro- prietor. Accordingly, a fum, at the rate of two or three hundred pounds per annum profit upon the trade, was paid to Sir Robert upon his Majefty's account j and while he continued in the treafury, another fmall fum was p^id upon the fame account -, and fmce that time two other fmall fums, which the treafury was obliged to re- ceive implicitly j for the Company excufed them- felves from producing their books upon this oc- cafion, tho' urged to do it as the only authentic proof, that his Majefty was entitled to any fliare, and that the fum paid was the exada- mount of it. The circumftances of which be- haviour evidently (hew, with what view they made this facrifice-, and with what view they now place the King's name at the head of the lift of proprietors •, little reflecting, that if at any time their monopoly and charter fhould be proved illegal, and injurious to the trade of Britain, his Majefty would be induced to Ikreen them by any furrendcr that is in their power to make. It was fufpefted, and upon good foundation, that the Committee of the Company, which is eledlive by the charter, had made themfelves abfolute and unchangeable, by engrofiing the 1 lj.q • greater (I \c legality > qucltioM, :ure an in- :tenclcd Sir that there ate queen i pounds, [ueen was n paid to iry was a ;r relation- iginai pro- le rate of uim profit t upon his ucd in the upon the two other iged to re- Lil'ed them- [1 this oc- authentic d to any le exa6la- which be- new they view they ad of the t if at any hould be trade of to ikreen eir power :>undation, which is ihemfelves )(iing the greater ( 53 ) greater part of the ftockj fo that no general court could oblige tiicm to produce their books, nor call them to an account even for the grofleft mifmanagement. At the rcqueft, there- fore, of the petitioners, it was moved, that the Company (hould be ordered to give in a lift of their proprietors, diftinguifhing how many (hares each perfon polTiffed of the (lock, that it might appear in how fev/ hands the bulk of it lay: but this being ftrongly oppofed, from a perfuafion that a compliance with it would expofe the fecrcts of the Company, and that it was a matter of mere curiofity and of no importance to the public, who held the (lock •, and the peti- tioners apprehending, tliat debating thefe points would too much retard the principal bufinefs, this motion was withdrawn •, and alio another motion made to oblige the Company to lodge their original books : by which hil (tep, all the evidence that could be brought againft them, was limited to thofe who either were or had been their fervants ; no others having been at the Bay except the people of the dilcovery-fhips, who had no means of judging how affairs were ad- miniftered there. In N". II the Company give a lift of nine veiTels, which they pretend they had fitted out upon the difcovery of a north- weft paflTage ; but by their inftrudlions already cited, it appears that there were only five fent upon that expedition, two with Knight, two with Napper, and one with Scroggs. Of the four others here mentioned, two were the Profperous-floop under Henry Kelfey, and the Succefs John Hancock ; the firft failed from York-fort, June 1 9th, and the other from Churchill, July 2d, 17 19, and both return- ed the lOth of Auguft. Thefe had no inftrudlions about th-e palTage ; their bufinefs was only to try d 3 to -"'] ( 54) to bring dawn the nnrtherii I;i:li;ins to trade at Churchill, where the Coiiipany the year before had fixed a faftory j and Norcon was fcnt by laud tor the U\mc purpofe, and to enquire about the mine : for it is not probable that they would fend out Kelfey and Hancock the fame year with Knight, unlefs they had given them inllrudions to difcover in concert with him, which they did not. The laft two were the fame floop under Kelfey, who faile.i 26t:h June, 1721, upon the fame account as before, and returned the 2d of September •, and with her, her old confort the Succcfs then under Nappcr, who was loft four days after in the ice near Churchill. So that thefe additional Coops feem to be inferred only to make an ollentatious and falfe fliew of their great zeal for the difcovery of a north-weft paflfage. N". XXV contains offers ^hen by the Hud- fon's-Bay Company to their prefent chief fadors in the Bay, fa far as they relate to the government of the fa(9:orics. I HAVE little to obferve upon thefe orders, and believe that they may be proper enough for the fecurity gf their forts in time of war, confider- ing how very weak they are, and what a fmall number of men there is to defend them. There is one piece of an infl:ru6tion indeed that does them honour, which they firft mention in their letter to Ifbefter at Albany in 1 745, and repeat it to him in 1746, and alfo to Pelgrim at Prince of Wales's- fort in 1747, and to Newton at York- fort in 1748, recommending fohriety to them and their fervants^ that they r,:ny be capable of making a vigorous defence if attacked. But there is a paragraph acklrefied to captain John Newton perfonally, annexed to the inftrudllons fcnt jointly to him and council, 5th May, 1748, which con- ,.. ■ . - - tains tiade at r before fcnt by re about ?y would ^car with Irudions they tlid op under upon the be 2d of nfort thcs loft four So that ted only of their orth-weft he Hud- [adlors in vernment lers, and for the confider' a fmall There hat does in their d repeat Lt Prince It York- hem and ^ making ixt is a Newton : jointly ich con* tains ( J5 ) tains a very extraordinary evidence of tbe refor- mation of the Compnny's Committee ; and is the Hrll inftance, fince the peace of Utrecht, of their fhcwing any concern for the religious welfare of their fcrvants. f -1" : 3'^ ' London, 5th May, 1748. Captain John Newton, • ' • T dlS'TLT^ having repofcd fiich j ccnfJcnce as to „^ place you at the head of our heji fnffoi ;, we expetl that all our fcrvants under yc "■ command^ willy by your esample^ be encoiirag*. ' .'0 a religicns obfervance of the Lord's dny^ t^ rirtue rnd foi '":ty\ and that by your moderation^ /,v,r may mcJ with fuch treatment^ as may maki th^m love as well as fear you^ which will conduce much to your eafe^ and our interefi •, in full hopes of which we commit you to the divine protection. Here feem to be the dawnings of a chriftian fpirit ; and had it ever appeared before, and its ex- cellent didlates been fincerely followed, the caufcs of complaint againft the Company would have been confiderably I'-fened : but never to have fent over a clergy nuin to any of their fadories, nor fhewn the kail concern for the religion and morality of th' ;: fervants, was furely capital. I wou.J not v'lihngly leflen the merit of the exhor- tation lalt quoted ; but for the fake of truth it mud be obferved, that it was not fent over till after feveral hearings againft the Company, be- fore his Majefty's attorney and follicitor-general, upon a reierence made to them by the Lords of his Majefty's moft honourable privy council, of the merits of a petition from the Committee of the d 4 fub- '' ! i> iV ( 56 ) fubfcribers for difcovering a north- weft paflage; in which their barbarity to the natives and their fervants, was proved by fundry affidavits, having never attempted to civilize the one, or fent over a clergyman for the inftrudtion. of the other* nor kept up the leaft appearance of religion in any faftory in the Bay : yet I do not pretend to aflign thefe circumftances of danger as the motive of this new concern for the fpiritiial welfare of their people j nor of the following diredions fent at the fame time to Mr. Ifbefter and council ac Prince of Wales's- fort, viz. — 2 2di As we have nothing more at heart then the prefervation of our fa^ories^ the fecurity of cur people^ and the in- creafe of our tracks therefore we dire£i that nothing may be omitted, that may Jlrengthen the former and extend the latter \ to which end we Jlri£ily order^ that all pojfible encouragement he given to the na^ tives, by treating them civilly^ and dealing jufily with them on all occafions ; and we recommend it to you to life our fervants under your command in fuch wanner t that they may efleem as well as fear you.-^^ If inftrudions like thefe proceed from real com- punftion and a juft abhorrence of their former mifcoadu(5l, part of the end aimed at by the proceedings againft them is obtained : and fhould they be fo fortunate as to lurvive the charge ftill to be brought againft them, by the merclu;nts and manufa&urers of Great Britain, and find intereft enough to keep pofieflion of their charter and invalu- able monopoly i 1 ho[. they will give no room for the application of a ccnfurc, that is due only to the charatfler of the prince of hypocrites : i The devil was fuk-^thc devil a monk would he : The dcvU w^s well-^the devil a monk was he. Thkse are all the papers of confequence laid by the Company before the Committee. There on- ly rcmm^ to be cgnfidered the evidence of the witncifes )aflage ; id their having It over other* ^ion ill itend to motive Ifare of ons fenc uncil at we have t of our the in- nothing ' former ly order^ the na' g j4b md it to in fuch you."—' com- ormer 3y the fhonld rge ftill rchants intcreft invaki- )m for nly to \d he : he. ce laid ere on- of the tncffes ( 57) witncfles which they thought proper to produce in their defence : thefe were only two, captain Caruthers, whole evidence I have already cited ia my obfervations upon Knight's voyage, and Mr. Henry Sparling merchant and furrier, and a pro- prietor of the Company. This gentleman, as fonie perfons have infmuated, was called upon to give his opinion of the furs which the Company imported, and alfo to difcredit the account of the French getting Hudfon*s-Bay furs ; but prin- cipally to fupport his own affidavit, made on the hearing before the attorney and follicitor- general, that Hudfon's-Bay ermines and fquirrels were of /mall value ; and alfo the affidavit made by An- thony Lutkins and Nicholas Lewis, that they were not worth one penny per dozen \ which brought on another affidavit, that upon going to a fur- rier to enquire the price of Hudfon's-Bay er- mines., under a pretence of purchajing fome, the furrier faid, they generally were Ibid for about two (hillings a piece. Upon Mr. Sparling's being examined about fkins and pelts, he produced a deer* s Jkin from Hud- fon's-Bay full of holes., and faid there was not one in ten that was not fo; but when killed at one feafon of the year the defect was not apparent, till they were drejfed in oil •, adding, that the Virginia deer- Jkins are much more valuable. — He faid, that ermine and fquirrel-Jkins from Hudfon's-Bay were not worth faying cujiomfor •, the lafi fquirel-fiins being fold for a farthing apiece^ after paying a halfpenny duty : that he had bought no ermines from the Bay of a long time, the hefi ccming from Siberia. To prove this he produced two ermines from the Bay, one the befi, the other the worfl he could pick cut of a parcel^ and one from Siberia; and faid that the Siberia ermines fold from one JfMling to one /tilling and fix- pence each : he then produced two Siberia fquirrel- /kinSi md two from the Bay. — He fai4 farther, tiuc 111 il i IP ui ( 58 ) that he had annual accounts from Rochelle of what furs the French imported^ which all came there; and that they impcrted three or four hun- dred martins annually^ and with them a fmall quantity of Hudfon's- Bay furs. — This is the fub- ilance of his evidence. It had been ftrongly urged againft the Com- pany, that they did not endeavour to encreafe and extend their fur-trade as they ought ; that the French carried away many of their rich furs from the inland at the heads of their fettlements ; that by not fending up perfons to trade upon the rivers and lakes, great numbers of deer and buffalo Ikins were loft, the natives having no conveyance for them down the rivers but fmall birch-canoes 5 and that a great many other kinds of furs might be had, if the natives were not difcouraged from taking them, on account of the high price of the Company's goods, fuch as white hares, ermines, and fquirrels. Mr. Spar- ling's teftimony was intended to invalidate this charge •, and with that view he produced the deer, ermine, and fquirrel-fkins. The dcer-fkin he produced was probably the vileft he could pick out, full of holes, and kill- ed at an improper feafon; for deer-fkins, like other pelts and furs, have their feafon. At one time of the year they are troubled with an in- feft that eats holes in their fkins, a diforder called the warbles, of which, however, they are perfedlly cured before winter ; but if the deer are killed at this feafon, the flcins muft unavoid- ably have holes in them ; and is that a reafon why the natives fhould not be encouraged to kill them at a proper feafon, by allowing a juft price for good fkins ? Had the nat'ves any rea- fon to expeft that their care wouM ue rewarded, they would never kill deer out of ' ,aibn, unlefs hunger i/r ( 59 ) hunger obliged them ; and if they were civilized * they -vou Id raife tame cattle for their fubfiftence, and hunt only for profit. It is notorious, that a* good decr-fkins have been brought from Hud- Ibn'srBay, as from other parts of America; and the Company in their inllrudions to Norton, have exprefly ordered him to fend over deer as well as moofe and elk-fkins, which they would not have done but from a knowledge of their value. It appears from the Company's own account of their fales in N°. X, that decr-fkins, accord- ing as they were taken in feafon or not, have fold from two {hillings to four fliillings and nine- pence per fkin -, and, at a medium of ten years, at two (hillings and eleven-pence halfpenny: but at a medium of ten years, the number brought over annually was but three hundred forty-fix ; when, if trade had been extended up the rivers and lakes, they might probably have imported two or three hundred thoufand annually, which if killed in feafon, and properly dreJfled by die Indians, would have fold for ten Iliillings per Ikin. Mr. Sparling next produced two ermines from the Bay extremely bad, and one from Si- beria extremely good j fo good, that a RufTia merchant who examined it, faid, that he had a prefent of choice ermines lately fent him from RufTia, and in the whole parcel, which might be prcfumed were not bad, there was not a fkin better than that. The two American ermines were pre- tended to be the bell and worft of a parcel; but then it was a parcel that contained none but bad ikins killed out of feafon, for they were ill colour- ed, fmall, and almoft without fur. The ermines, like the hares and partridges in cold countries,, turn white in winter, except the tips of their ears and tails } and if take^ out of feafon before [ . tliey H ( 6o ) they recover their colour, or the young ones are full grown, they muft neceflarily be fmall, ill coloured, and bare of fur. The fame may be faid of fquirrels, with regard to fize, and good- nefs of fur: and thofe bad ermines and fquirrels are conftantly killed by the Company's fervants and home Indians at improper feafons, who have no encouragement to kill them in the right feafon ; and they are fent over at random, in fmall par- cels, for the fake of what they may accident- ally produce. But to ihew how far his great zeal has carried him beyond the point which it was neceffary for him to keep in view, in order to preferve a confiftency between his own and the Company's account of this matter; we need on- ly look into N". X, which fpecifics the price of furs at their fales, and into N"*. XXIV, which fpecifics the number as well as price; and it will appear that in ten years fale there was only one article of leventeen ermines, which fold at one (hilling and five-pence per (kin, as high as the beft Siberia ermines, which Sparling himfelf acknowledges fell generally from one Jhilling to one jhilling and fix-fence\ and yet thefe are not worth paying cuftom for. The next article he produced of the contents of his budget, was fquirrels, which at the laji fale he fays fold for a farthing a piece^ and paid a halfpenny duty. But from the fame papers it appears, that in a courfe of ten years fale fquir- rcl-lkins were fold for five years, viz. 276 ia 1742 at 4 - « , . > * ( Secondly, it appears, that notwithftanding the unfpeakable advantages to be obtained by planting and fettling thefe countries, th^ climates of which are not 11 mi tbl ( 64 ) Uotworfe than Sweden, Denmark, Riiftia, Pd- land, and north Germany ; yet the Company have not made, nor encouraged to be made, any one fettlement or colony-, haVing only four Imall fadories, in which they keep about one hundred and thirty fervants, and two fm&ll houfcs with only eight men in eachj which is all the force they have provided to keep the poffeflTionj and protedl the trade of a country, equal to one third of Europe.- — That they have not in fifty years fent above one pcrfon to make difcoveries within land 4 which was Norton, who by BroWn*s evidence had been at the copper- mine, tho* his journal was not produced to the Committee j but none to make friendfhips and alliances with the natives, dif- couraging even their fervants from going up into the inland to trade, tho* for their own benefit) nor even to prevent the natives from trading with the French, tho' they are fenfible of their per- petual incroachments, and that they daily carry away the richeft furs.— That notwithftanding there are inconteftable evidences of rich copper and lead mines, and even of cinnabar, out of which mercury has been esttrafted ; yet no encou- ragement has been given, or attempts made, to fearch after them with a view to their improve- ment. — That the annual exports of the Company have not exceeded four thoufand pounds ; and in time of peace their navigation has been con- fined to three (hips of 150 or 200 tons, with two or three fmall floops ftationed in the Bay, that fome years are not fent out of harbour. — 'That no means have been ufed to civilize or convert the natives ; nor even a clergyman fent over to inftrud and take care of the fouls of their own fervants •, on the contrary, the learning the Indian language, or keeping Up any correfpondence with the people, is feverely prohibited under penalty of cc it (C (( ~» >r Ih.L. ir;: '\ri: .1. c a AP- H m I'' ■ i (68 ) APPENDIX. Number II. r I .'i'l, .ill I'! j^n ejiimate of the exfence of building the Jio7je-fort at the entrance of Churchill-river, called Prinqe of Wales's-fort. 7 ^J . • 1 i' I ■li.} >'•{ t '! Vi')t,i'l J!, ' • 11 t • PRINCE of Wates's-fort is a (qiiare fort with four buft'ons. But before I be- gin the cftimatr, it may be proper to obferve, that as no labourers were fet apart lor the building, which always was (topped as often as any other kind of bufin^^rs interfered; and as no regular account was kept of thefe frequent interruptions ; it will be difficult to form an efti- matc in any other way, than by taking the quan- tity of work that was done during the three years that I was concerned, and the number of mafons, labourers, and horfes, that were neceffary to perform that work-, and then computing the expence of the whole, in proportion to the ex- •CBce of this part. ' - ' ^' Four X. [69] Four rnafons at / 25 t per annum each for three years Maintenance nf ditto at 5 J per week each Ditto in their paflage out and home, five months Eleven labourers at * ^f 6 per annum each for three years Maintenance of ditto at 5 j per week each Ditto in their p ifllige out and home Four horfes at ;^ 15 each Charges of ditto in the (hip Ditto in the country at 6 ^ per day each for three years Three hundred pounds wt. of gun- powder for blowing up fVones Utenfils for three years, as carriages, ropes, blocks, &c. Iron- crows, great hammers, &c. 1' '1 '' jf. /. d. • 300: 0: i • 156: : ll 20: 0: > 198: 0:0 ■ 429: 0: UH 55:0:0 60 : : 8: 8: • ■ 109: 10: '>'* ' 15: 0: h • 60: 0: 1 1 r ( 1! ■ ' ', t 15: 0: "■1 .1 Total, 1425: 18:0 i i All the flone, lime* (lone, fand, and the wood for burning the lime, was upon the fpot. MoH; of the ftonc and lime-ftonc lay within a quarter of a mile's diflance from the fort, and none ac more than half a mile's diftance. The little fmith's and carpenter's work alfo that was done in thefe three years, for neither lead nor iron was ufed in cramping the (lones, was performed by the Company's common fervants, f I was informed, that, after I came away, rnafons were fent over at j^ 1 8 per annum each. * Thefe men are hired in the Orkneys. ' *• -'' ' C 3 whof \¥:l m ( 7° ) whofe charges are not to be brought into the ac- count, tiil theexpences of building the houfe with- in the tort are rated. So that the expence of the fort in the fiift three years, at a large allowance, does not exceed ;^ 1425 : 18:0. I carefully ex- amined how nnuch of the wall was built in this time, and found that, at the fame expence, and with the fame number of hands, the rampart might have been finilhed in fix years more, and in a tar better manner •, for great part of what was afterwards done has tumbled, but what was then done Hands well. In thefe three years we built two baftion^ and the curtain becween them about feven feet and a halt high •, and alio laid the foundation of another badion, and built a curtain and half a curta n, and one face of the baftion about two feet and a half or three feet high •, which made confiderably more than one third of the meafure- ment of the whole rampart : trebling, therefore, the firll three years expence, and only deducing the price of four horfes valued at £ 60, the charge of the whole rampart could not exceed £4217: 14: o. The next part to be eft i mated is the parapet. This was at firft built of wood i but as the wood was fupplied trom the old demolifhed fort five miles up the river, and as the carpenter put it up in thirteen weeks, with very little afliftance, the expence of it to the Company could not be very large. In the year 1746, I aflifted in building the ilone-patapet J and tho' I had only two mafons v/ith me, and much of my own time was taken up in feledting proper ftones and in furveying, yet the parapet was carried along the flank of a baftion and curtain in one fummer ; and if the governor had not obftrudled the work, but had allowed us a flated mumber of labourers, hav- ( 71 ) having always either too few or too many, wc fhould have been able to have finiflied another flank. Ti-iE two mafons could not do mwch to the pa- rapet after I came away, as they were employed in eredling a battery at Cape- merry on the other fide of the harbour : at the time, therefore, that it was reprefented, that the building had cod the Company between thirty and forty thoufand pounds, very little more than a fifth part of the parapet was completed, the expence of which may be eafily af- certained ; for, if a flank and curtain were made by three mafons, in one fummer and autumn j furely, four mafons and eleven labourers might do as much in one year ; and the expence of four ma- fons, eleven labourers, and four horles, with uten- fils for one year, cannot exceed 460 1. A HOUSE was built within the fort, the length of which, from out to out, was loi feet 6 inches; the breadth 33 feet; and the height of the wall 1 7 feet, making two (lories, with a flat roof co- vered w'th lead : but all the materials, except iron, lead, glafs, and fome large beams, were procured upon the fpot ; and I would undertake to build fi' . ahoufe there, with the advantage of carrying ni- terials from England in theannuid fhip, for Cool. Three of the bafl:ions had arches lor florehoufes 40 feet 3 inches by 10 feet •, and in the fourth ba- flion was built a ftone- magazine 24 iter long, and 10 feet wide in the clear, with a p:ii^d<\c to it thro* the gorge of the baftion, 24 feet long, and 4 tect wide. Now comparing the exptnce cr building thefe, with that of the other parts of the fort ; I think, that two thirds of the expence of the firit three years would be fufficient ; that is, four mafons, eleven labourers, and tour horfe?, &c. for two years, amounting to j^bout 920 i. with 42 1. more for the lead made ufe of to cover the magazine. €4 I HAVE '■>t 'I ;' III I [7M I HAVE rated the expences of the mafons and la- bourers, as It they had been conftantly employed upon the buildirig both winter and ibmmer-, whereas, the building could be carried on only from May to September, and during the remain- ing leven months, the people were engaged in other bulincfs for the fervice of the Company, by which they defrayed, at Icaft, the charge of their main- tenance for this interval, which yet I have placed to the account of the fort. Indeed, in the whole eftimate T have rated every article fo high, that an experienced workman, if he was acquainted with the nature of the country, would not compute the total expence at fo much by fome hundred pounds. It appears, therefore. First, That in the year 1749, the Company could not have expended more than ;^6239 : 14 : o. And, Secondly, That, as a fifth part of the parapet was then finilhed for £ 460, and the reft, confe- quently, might have been done for £, 1 840 more, the whole expence of complcating the fort, and all the buildings v/ithin it, cannot pofiibly exceed £ 8000. . ' . A P P E N- m [73] APPENDIX. I : m '0;1,'V; Number III. The Soundings of Nelfon-River N- MONDAY the 15th of July 1745, fifteen min. paft feven in the morning, fet fail in the Fadory*s long-boat, in company with Capt. Fowler, from on board the Sea-horfe pink, then lying in Five- fathom-hole, to found and difcover Port Nelfon- river. At thirty-eight min. paft feven, a breaft of the be?xon that ftands at Five- fathom- hole, the water fallen one foot ; a neap tide, wind N. E. a frefh gale ^ courfe from the beacon S. E. by E. one mile and a quarter ; founded from four fathom and a half to eleven feet ; the beacon bore W. N. W. diftancc one mile and a half. Nine min. paft eight, altered our courfe, ftecred N, N. W. one mile and a quar- ter, founded from eleven feet to two fathom, being acrofs the channel that leads into Five-fatliom-hole in HayesVriver \ this channel is of a coifiderahle breadth. At this time of tide we found two fathom and a half in the beft or deepeft of the channel, and clofe to the north fand founded three fathom and a half; (hip and beacon in one, bearing S. W, half W. diftance one milcv Twenty-one min. paft eight It !'i ( 74 ) eight, altered our courfe, fleered S. E. by E. three miles, crofT'ng the Fair way iato Mayes's- river ; founded Irom two fatliom to fix feet i luunded two lathom and a half in the belt ol the channel ; the be. on bore W. by N. diftance three miles and a half. Four min. paft nine, altered our courfe, ftcered N. N. W. two miles and a quarter, found- ed from fix fathom to nine feet, being from fide to fiJe of the Fairway into PI ayes's- river*, found a confiderable breadth of channel, where was two and a luilf and two and a quarter fathom at that time of V'\c ; the beacon bore W. S. W. diftance three miiv . Twenty-nine min. paft nine, altered our courfe, fteered S. E. by E. one mile and a quarter i iounded from nine to ten feet acrofs the entrance of Hayes's-river ; founded two and a half and two and a quarter fathom in the beft of the channel •, beacon bore W. diftance four miles. Forty- feven min. paft nine, altered our courfe, fteered N. N. W. five miles ; founded from ten feet to five fathom and three quarters in this courfe. At fixteen min. paft ten, we had three fathom water; being on the north fide of the fand that parts the Fair- way into the two rivers Nelfon and Hayes,from whence we had three fathom water •, the fhip in Five- fathom-hole, bore S.W. half W. diftance five miles : but it t\e end of this courfe where we had five ti'thoni and diree quarters, the ftiip bore S. S. W. diftance fix miles. Sixteen min. paft eleven, altered our courfe, fteerd N. VV. one mile, founded from five three quarters to fix fathom ; the ftjip bore S. by \V. diilance fcvtn miles. Thirty-three min. paft eleven, altered cur courfe, fteered VV. four miles, tried the tide of ebb by bringing the Jolly- boat to a grapnel, the tide run E one knot and a half. At Cv'/elve hove the iogg •, the boat's way was two knots and a hall •, four knots run off the reel ; founded from fix fathom to two and a half; the If three iver i d two i the and a lourfe, bund- fide to )Lind a IS two ,t that iftance altered and a ofs the I a half of the miles, courfc, om ten courfe. water; irts the cs,from Ihip in nee five lad five S. W. altered ed from p bore ree min. /V. four Jolly- not and at's way off the d a half •, the ( 75 ) the fliip bore S. by E. diftance eight miles and a half. At one, "altered our courfe -, fleered S. W. half a mile, to try to deepen our water : it now began to be a thick fog, the wind blowing frelh at N.E i founded from two fathom and a half to eleven feet. Thirty min. paft one, altered our courfe, ftcered N. W. two miles and a half -, founded from eleven feet to four fathom and three quarters. Forty- five min. pad one, altered our courfe, fleer- ed W. two miles, founded from four fathom and three quarters to two and a half* Eleven min. paft two, altered our courfe, fleered S. W. one mile, founded from two fathom and a quarter to eleven feet. Twenty- fix min. pafl two, altered our courfe, fleered N. W. one furlong, founded from eleven feet to eight feet. Twenty-nine min. paft two, al- tered our courfe, ftecred S. half a mile, founded from eight feet to four feet ; we had now a very thick fog, a frelh gale, and a great fea. Thirty- nine min. paft two, altered our courfe, fteered S. W. four miles, founded from four feet (the next caft feven feet, the feconu caft feven fathom, the third caft eight fathom and a half) to four fathom : the fog being gone, we found we were four or five miles within the river. Fifteen min. paft three, altered our courfe, fteered S. two miles, to try the channel, founded from four fathom to fix feet. Forty-five min. paft three, fteered right acrofs the river one mile and a half, from fix feet on fouth-fide, to fix feet on north-fide ; found the channel half a mile broad, from three to three fathom ; in the middle of the channel there is four fathom and a half, a foft clay bottom j we run up this channel one mile and a half, founded from four fathom and a half to two fathom and a half, then three fathom ; prefently we were in five fathom f, then fix fathom j we were now a-breaft of the firft remarkable gully, nearone mile and ahalf above 2 the if P ill I m , 1 ,1 'I > » I L 76 ] the foot of the high land : from five fathom, wc founded very foundings ; one cafl two f; uneven , thorn, the next four or hve tcet, then three teec in che middle of the river j here we were upon the middie ground, the channel being near the north *lnd fuuth fides of the river : then we run near the north iliore j founded trom four feet to two fathom fcveral tires. When we got to Flamborough- hfad, the fLUn^iings were more regular. Three •riiin. palt fi;:, we pafled Flamborcugh-head, found- er i'lm ten feet to three fathom an.i a quarter, and from three fathom and a quarter to two fathom j we ha-:^ thefe foundings near a mile ; now it was firit q'.;^rter flcod From thefe good foundings toSeal- iilan , wij lounded twice from two fathom to fix feet. Within three or four hundred yards of Seal- ifland, the channel is very Ih allow ; clofe to the north end of Seai-ifland there is from tv/o to three fathom water ; neap tides flow here about four feet, fprin^ tides about eight feet. Seal-ifland is a; -out thrve miles and a liait above Flamborough- head hy com lUtation. Thirty min. pad fcven, a breafl oFS^al-ifland, foundcil from two to three fathom. We prJlSeal and Gilhim'h-inands, think- ing to fail up a (heam v/e met there: but it being neap tiue, anw \m not knowing where the deepcft water was, uvA feeing tJK tops of fiones above water, :it flit. en min. pafl tight we returned to S.'al iflaLul, wiiere the water was fallen half a foor j antf landed at forty- five min. pail eight ; pitching our tent on the N. E. point of Gillam's- iiland. I'uefday the i6th, in the m '"ning, Capt. Fowler $nd 1 \7enc roun i Gillam's ifland j we climbed up the wcit end, which is very fleep to look up the river : we imi^^Jued, that if we had got up tha: fiicam, and we were very near the head of it when Wc turii-.d b*ick, we might h%vc failed in the long- boat WO ia- ie feec on the north :ar the 'athom rough- Three found- :r, and >m i we ras firll :o Seal- 1 to fix )f Seal- to the o three it four land is rough- feven, o three thiiik- being eepeft above ^turned half a eight J lum's- "owler Ded up up the p tha: t when : long- boat [ 77 ] boat a great wny farther up the river : at thirty min. pall eight, we returned to our tent. After breaktaft we left two men to take care or the boats, and went down the north fhore of the river to ob- ferve the flats at low water. When we were live miles below Flamborough-head, we climbed up to the top of the bank, where we law the lower ejid of the middle ground, the top o, fome large ftones being above water ; flood at thirty min. pail five this aftcrnotyn. From the jilace where we {{oad to thefe ftones on the lower end of the middle ground, and to the outer point of woods on the fouth fhore, it bore E. lialf N. As we went down the fhore we law plainly there was a channel on the north fide, and an(^ther on the fouth fide of the mieldle ground •, we thought the channel on the north ficie the bell, and it lay clofe to the Ihorc, within half a cable's length of it ; all the way from two or three miles above the lower end of the high land up to Flamborough-head, and from two or throe miles above the foot of the high-land, the channel is in the middle of the river, leading out of the river's mouth. This north fhore lies 42 deg. N. E. and S. W. and is a fand from the height of three quarters fio .d to low water mark ; towards high water mark, clofe under the bank, it is full of large pebble ftones i there are feveral fmall creeks along this fhore, where we found tenting poles left by the. Indians who had lain there to fifli : it thundered and rained much while we were upon thiS journey. Between Sealifland and Flamborough-hea 1, there are large parcels of fine trees growing clofe to the river fide. Fifteen min. pafl eight, we got to our tent, having fuffere'l much from the mufkettos. ■ TheCaptain and 1 ju ging thefe iflands vCi-y pro- per to make fettlements upon, the lefTer iflund being 4LS we apprehended an extraordinary line place for ' ' I ( 78 ) for a fort to fecurc that river, I made a particular furvcy of thefe iflands, as follows i Wednesday morning the 17th, furveyed Seal-ifland, and found its length 21 chains or 1386 feet. Its breadth 4 chains or 297 feet. Its cir- cumference at high water mark 62 chains or 4092 feet. Its perpendicular height 86 feet- Its form refembles a long oval. Its height from low water mark makes an angle of 33 dcg. Length of the flope, 2 chains 40 links. \Vc founded the water round the ifland, from 2 to 3 fathom on the N. W. and N. E. fides : the S. W. and S. E. fides lie to the main river, being flioal water near the ifland •, but at half a mile from the ifland the water is deep : between this and the large ifland above it, there is two fathom and a half and three fathom water, where a veflel may lie fafe both in winter and fummer, and a veflel of eight or nine feet water may get up fafe to this place. At the N. E. end of Seal-ifland, on the main fliore, is a very fine low bottom, where grow a parcel of as fine trees as I have feen in the country, clofe to the river ; we cut our names on the trees in the N. E. end of Seal-ifland. The breadth of the water that parts Seal-ifland from the larger ifland above it is 8 chains or 176 yards ; this larger ifland is about three miles in circumference, the wefi; end being as high as any land thereabouts ; neap tides flow here, about four feet, and fpringtides abouteight feetj but the chart of this river will beft fliew the fituation of thefe iflands. Along the river fide are the ftones al- ready mentioned, round as cannon balls, which when broke look like iron. At forty- five min. pafl: eight, almofl: high-water, we made fail to go down the river; wind S. W. founded from the N. E. corner of Seal-ifland, from three fathom and a half to five feet j from five feet to four fathom and three quarters juit above Flamborough-head, then articular furveyed or 1386 Its cir- i chains 86 feet- ght from Length nded the m on the \d S. £>• ater near fland the rgc ifland and three 'e both in it or nine At the hore, is a •eel of as ofe to the the N. E. vater that bove it is is about i being as flow here, t feeti but tuation of ftones al- ich when Imin. paft go down ;he N. E. (HI and a If fathom |ugh-head, then ( 70 ) then eleven feci:, then thrt'e fiiihom, then two fa- thom jufl below the head -, water lalkn half a foot. From the head downwards, the Ihore lies N. E. by N. and S. W. by S. nearly j the channel lies within half a cable's length of the ihorc ; the le^.il foundings down this channel were ten teet. i"he water fallen a foot about one mile and a half a'^o"e the foot ot tlie high-land on the north fide ol the river : we ftooJ off from the fliore near a mile, founded two lathom, then Ilood in and fiio )ied gra- dually to nine feet : we (lood ofF and on feveral times, and found the bottom near level •, founded off fhore a mile, found twelve feet w.'t'.r, then ftood in ihore ; the water fhoaled gradually to nine feet. At Forty-five min. paft ten, we were a little below the foot of the high- land, an '• ftood acrofs the river •, found the channel in the middle from three fathom to three fathom and a halt, half a mile btoad; in the middle of the channe our fathom and a half, fofc clay. By working down this chan- nel, towards tl e river's mouth, we found it deep on each fide, when we ftood into two fa- thom and a half before put the helm a lee i ere the boat was Itayed, (lie fliot mto ten feet water. Vs^lien we came pretty far -own, feemingly without the river's mouth, we ftood into two tatliom and a half on the foiith fide, then ftood to the northward till we founded four fathom aud a half, then to the fouthward till we founded three ladiom, then to the northward till we founded eight larhom and a half, ,in the belt of the channel. The cliannel is deeper here than farther out, ror as we came up v/e crolfed the channel three mile«5 with- iit this p!a e, and had only fix fathom. From eio;ht f.:t horn and a half, we ftood to the S. eaftw.ivd a'-^out curee miles, law a point or ri.^ge of fto-es oii tho foatii- fide, diftance three quariers of ami ;e, founJed 'tv/iQ fathom : this point of itones dries tour or five leet perpen- i'! : 1 'I [8 O perpendicular, and feemr. to lie two or three mile§ Irojn fhore*, but there are flats r'.utrlry at low- water all the way to the iliore. To that a man may walk from thefe (tones to the land : then we flood north- ward; the watcrdeepcncd little in haif a mile. When we had flood a mile northward, we faw ftones dry on the north- fide, diflance three quarters of a mile ; founded three fathom and a lialf to four fathom, (now we were almofl as far out as when we fleered N. W. a-crofs the channel in going up the river, and had fix fathom) Then we fleered E.S.E. two or three miles. Keeping three fathom, near the fouth flats, towards low- water (it was low- water when we were hereabouts in our pfogrcfs up the river) made a little trip to the northward to deepen our water ; wind at S. W. a frelh gale : hawled up for the fhip, which we faw very plain in Five- fathom- hole, all the way after we had paiTed the point of floncs mentioned above, and got aboard fif^- t«en min. paft feven in the evening. i ' / A % (1 • , V A P P E N- 1 that (See Thei ends, Engl beari { 8i ) e milc§ r- water y walk north- When les dry a mile ; athom, (leered e river, two or e fouth ^hen we river) pen our i up for fathom- le point >ard fit- E N- V ..; .■..< vO i APPENDIX. J.. Number IV. . ' ^ furvey of the courfe of Nelfon-river, taken along the fouth pore at high- water mark. Each courfe fet by compafsj variation 16°, 45', e^nd meafured by a wheel-y with obferva^ tions, . . , . . Firji courfe W, by N. half N. 74 chains. . THIS firft courfe begins at Beacon A, on the point of marfti that parts Nclfon and Hay. s*s rivers \ and goes to Beacon B that (lands on the marlh towaijs Nclibn-rivcr. (See the chart) Second courfe W. by N. 1 go chains. Whaywee -creek is 20 chains on this courfe. There are two other fmall creeks before the courfe ends. At the end is the geefe tent, where the Englifli and Indians in the feafon lie to kill geefe. bearing S. W. Didance half a mile. ^■i Third V>W "^^ v^\^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I l^|2|8 |2.5 Ui lii §22 2f BA ■■ iU 140 1^ 1.25 III U y^ ^ 6" ^ ► V -V' fliotographic Sciences Coiporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MSSO (716)873-4903 ^\^ ^ 5,N •S5 <^ «-- ( 82) Third courfe W, i6o chains. This courfe reaches to a ledge, called at York- fort the ledge of woods, which are generally fmall trees. Fourth courfe W, by S. 430 chains. The end of the Indian path from York-fort to Nelfon- river, is at 240 chains up this courfe. Here the Indians quit the woods, and go up by the river fide. In this courfe are patches of timfaicr-trees. Fifth courfe W, S. IV. 160 chains. Forty chains up this courfe opened Flam- borough- head. Some large trees a little diftant from the river fide. Sixth courfe S. W. by W. 240 chains. Burn'd wood upon this courfe. Now the place begins to look green again. Seventh courfe S. W. 270 chains. A confiderable quantity of tim'*er-trees along this courfe clofe to the river; at the end of it a creek between two high banks, where are many rabbets ; this creek deep ; I imagine fhips may winter in it, but being frozen I could not found it. The firft ftream or fall is at Flam- borough- Head. Eighth courfe S,JV, by W. iio chains. TiMBER-trees along this courfe, and fevcral creeks. Ninth courfe W. S. W. 50 chains. TiMBER-trecs and a marlh all this courfe. Tenth York- tierally fort to . Here le river :rces. Flam- diltant he place ;s along of it ere are ne ihips >uld not t Flam- rts. feveral fe. ' (83) Tenth cdurfe W. by S, 40 chains. Kothi ing remarkable. Eleventh courfe /^. 30 chains A barren fteep bank and Hone fhore all this tourfe. Twelfth courfe U^. by N. 250 chains. j&- Tenth The river runs near the bank which is barren, the Ihore ftony. At 210 chains is a creek with fome timber in it. The end of this courfe abreaft of Scal-iflandf V Thirteenth courfe U^. half S. 160 chains. Sixty chains up this courfe is a creek, where there is a large quantity of timber-trees. Here is a long fall or ftreani of v^ater, where captain Fowler and I failed up in a long-boat, and turned back when we were almoft up it. Fourteenth conrfe Wi S, iV", iSo chainii Runs into a Bay, but the river lyeth W. half S* five miles up from GillamVifland. At the end of this courfe is a creek, where is a good quantity of timber. Fifteenth courfe N. P^. iio chains t The third fall or ft ream of watcn Sixteenth coUrfe W,, by N. 560 chains i At the beginning of this courfe on the north fide jufl: above a point, is an ifland as large as Gill^m*s. Sixty chains higher are four iflands, three fa of i ■M i| \\s 1 ( 84 ) of which arc abrcaft of each other, the largeft lies higher up in i Bay on the fouth fide. Sugar- loaf ifland is the largeft of the three abreaft of each other. Small trees upon all thefc iflands. There are two creeks on this courfe, one on the north fide below the three iflands, the other on the fouth fide in the Bay over-againft the great ifliind. Seventeenth courfe W, N. W. 480 chains. The land is very high ; on this courfe is a creek that the Indians tell us goes quite through to Hayes's-river, where it is called Penny-Cutaway. The Indians are faid to have gone thro* this creek in their canoes from river to river. Eighteenth courfe N. U^» hy W, 390 chains. High land and barren; but in low places by the river-fide there is fine timber, and alfb in the creeks. Thefe two laft courfes I did not mea- fure with the wheel, af^rehending if I did, I fhould not get back to my tent that night; fo only walked theie two courfes, fetting them by compafs. The next day I infpefted the north fide of the river ; oppofite to Seal-ifland is a low plain, where are fomevery fine timber- trees, and near it great ftore of fire- wood. Abreast of GiUam's-i0and on the north fide is a creek, in which we found two or three fhimps of trees that had been cut by Europeans. Three eighths of a mile above Gillam's-ifland is a fine fmall creek, where is a great number of timber- trees ; here we alfo found old flumps cut by Europeans many years ago : there being fo few of thefe («5) thefe, I conjedlured the people had only tented here a few days. There are many trees growing on the north bank from Flamborough-head, and the fame on the fouth bank as far as I went up, which if cut down would fall into the water. In all my furvey I did not fee any thing from which I could infer, that there had been any fettlement on this river. Ill :c " ■ ' V. n •■ * m-'f : ' ' ' >1-. ':h (b ' *_i. ' ^;i*,^,.-?-v' ' A=V" tr> f3 A P ? E N- ..4Wi-f,^i-»,'t- ..r. S r- ( 86 ) •^— ^!"^" APPENDIX. N U M B E Jl V. Be de r\ CV( to 8 in A furvey of Seal and Gillam's iflands, which lie 79 deg. 30 min, S. W> of Flamborough-head ; dijiance three miles. FIRST ftation at a point on the fouth fide of the river clofe to high-water mark. The S. E. corner of Seal-ifland bore %6 dcg, N. W. Flamborough-head and that corner of Seal-ifland made an angle of 86 deg. 30 min, diftance from firft ftation fix furlongs. Second ftation at S, £. corner of Seal-ifland. Flamborough-head bore 74 deg. 30. min. N. E. making an angle with firft ftation of 79 deg. From the firft ftation to a creek's mouth weft- ward, on the fouth fide the angle to fecond ftation is 80 deg. From fecond ftation betwixt the fame creek's mouth and the firft ftation the angle was 72 deg. 30 min. Third ftation at N, £. corner of Seal-ifland, to a point at the lower end of a bottom of woods, * 8 dcjg. 30 min. N, E, diftance 3 furlongs 7 chains. Fourth i' i: ( 87 ) Fourth ftationat S. W. cornerof Seal-ifland, to Beacon A, or fouth point of Gillam*s-iftand, 69 deg. 30 min. S. W. diflance 4 furlongs i chain. Thefe flations were made in fo cold a day, that every time I touched the inftrumcnt it ftuck to my lingers. The breadth of the water from the north ihorc to Seal-ifland, 2 furlongs 8 chains. Breadth of water from Seal to Gillam's-ifland S chains ; the water between Seal and Gillam's- ifland is from 2 to 3 fathom deep at low water, and the fame from Seal ifland to north fliore : the other fides lie to the main river: the length, breadth, circumference, height and Hope I have mentioned in N". III. The beft way up to the top of Seal-ifland is the middle of the S. S. E. fide ^ the other fides being very fteep. The weft end of Gillam*s is four or five feet higher than Seal-ifland ; it has a defcent from thence to the eaflward, over againft Seal-ifland, where it is fo low that Ipring- tides flow over it. The acclivity at the top makes. the dift^nc* there eighty yards more than at the water. I f4 AP- (88 ) "*p| Appendix. N U M B R R VL A jwrnal of the winds and tides at Churchill-river in Hudfon's-bay, fw parts of the years 1 746 and 1747* W 1 1^ t) s. Nm moon, 3 N: Tides height in feet, A ftrong sale 14 7 No rrmark N. W. no remark 4 £. by N. a ftrong gale 5 N. N. W. a ftrong gale 6 W. N. W. moderate 7 W. by S. ditto No remark till the 16 S. S. W. veerable 17S. W.by W. ditto 18 N. W. 19 N. W. by W. moderate to E. a frefh gale 91 N. E. a ftrong gale 22 N. E. by N. a frefh gale 93 N. £, moderate f ^ N. by W. very moderate 14 14 4^ T B I 10 10 II 12 12 12 12 lil 10 Of- at T I T T t ■ I T ■ T - a •V i ( 89 ) Tides height ff^ I N D S, in feet. 174^, 0^0. 25 S. W. by S. very moderate 10 -J. 26 E. by N, a low tide 27 E. by N, a ftrong gdc 9 I- ' 28 E. did not mind the tide 29 S. by W. moderate 30 N. by W. ditto 31 S. W. byW. ditto November i N. N. W. moderate New moon 2 N. by W. a frefh gale 3 W. by N. 4 N. by W. a gentle breeze 5 W. by N. ditto 6N. by W. a frefh gale N. W. moderate N. W. ditto 9 N. W. ditto 10 N. W. by N. a frefli gale 11 W. N, W. a gentle breeze. The ice obftruAs my knowing exaftly the tide's height, but it is a low tide. 12 W. N. W. a low rile 1 3 W, by N. dkio 14 E. by N. the river frozen over v/ithin a mile of the lea, a low tide 1 5 £. moderate ; fo it hath beeh three days pad 16 S. £. moderate, a low tide i7W. S. W. moderate, ditto is S, W. moderate, as near as I could guefs tide 9 feet 19 W, by N. mbderate, tide flowed near 9 uet J50 W. S, W, moderate, a low tide. 10 II II 12 14 14 14 13 14 II II 9 9 « t T ■ T I' (9° ) These ten days paft, the tide has not ebbed fo low as it ebbs in fummer by 2 feet perpen- dicular; and from its not flowing above 9 feet thefe laft fprings, I am induced to Ixrlieve that the (Iraits thro' which it comes into the Bay, mult at this time be full of ice ; and that there- fore thefe ftraits are fhallow and more fubjeft to the froft than Churchill- river j Churchill- river being not yet frozen over near the fea. WINDS. Nov, 1746, 21 S. W. a gentle breeze, the tide is lower than any tide in fummer 22 W. by S. the froft is fo violent, that no obfervations can be made upon the tides till the river is open again, which will not be till June. WINDS. Nov. 23 N. N. W. 24 N. W. 25 W. by N. 26W. N. W. ' 27 W. by N, 28 W. by S. 29 N. W. 30 N. W. Dicem. I W. by N, 2 W. 3 W. 4 W. N. W. 5 W. by N. 6N. N. W. 7 N. W. by W. 8N. W. 9N.W. Decern. 10 N. W. by W. I S. W. [2 E. 3N. W. 4 N. W. by N. 5 N. by W. 6 W. N. W. 7 W. S. W. 8 N. W. by N. 9 N. W. 20 N. N. W. 21 N. W. byN. 22 W. by N. 23 W. N. W. 24 W. N. W. 25 N. W. by N. 26 S. W*' ( 9' ) WINDS. W. Iw. byN. N. W. W. byN. 7 N. Vtcm. 2^ N. W. by W. 28 N. N. W. 29 N. W. 30 N. W. by W. 31N.W. byW. Jan. I W. by N. 1747 2 W. 3N.'W. byW. 4N. W. 5N. W. byN. 6N. W. 7 N. W. by N. 8N. W. oN. W. oN. W. iN. W. 2N. W. 3 s. w. 4 S. by W. 5 N. W. by W. 6 W. N. W. 7 N. by W. 8N. W. 9 W. N. W. 20 N. N. W. 21 W.NW. 22 S. by W. 23 N. W. 24 N. W. 25 N. W. 26 N. by E. 27 N. 28 E. by N. 29 N. N. E. $% N, N. E, 31 N. E. Fek. I W. N. W. 2 N. W. 3 N. N. W. 4N. W. • 5 S. W. 6S,byE. 7 S. by W. 8 S. by E. 9N. * loEafterly, iiN.N. E. 12 W. 13 S. S. E. 14 S. \i isS.by W. 16 W. byN. 17N.W. 18 W.byN. 19N.N. W. 20N. W. 21N.W. 22 N. W. 23N. W. byW. 24 S. by W, 25 N. W. 26 N. W. 27 S. W. 28 N. W, by N, Mar. I S. 2 N. N. W. 3 N. W. c W. N. W. 6 W. by N. 7W.N.W, tw. (92 ) HT I N D S. Mar. 8W. N.W. 1747 9S. by W. 10 N.W. 11 N.W. 12 S. S. W. 13 W.N. W. 14 N.W. 15 S, 16 N.W. 17 N. 18 N. N.W. 19 N. W. 20 N. W. by W. .21 E. 22 S. £. 24 Southerly. 25 N. 26 W. N. W. 27 Southerly. 28 Southerly. , 29 Northerly. 30 Eafterly. 31 Eafterly. ^pril iN.N. E. 2 Northerly. 3 Northerly. 4 Northerly. 5 Northerly. 6 Southerly. 7 Vcryveerablc. 8 N. veerable. 9 S. veerable. 10 N. W. 11 S. veerable. ^^i7 12 Eafterly. 13N.N.E. 14 N. N. W. 15 N. W. 16 Southerly. 1 7 Northerly. 18 Southerly. 19 Northerly. 20 Northerly. 21 Northerly. 22 Northerly, 23 Northerly. 24 N. W. 25 Veerable. 26 E. 27 Eafterly. 28 E. by N. 29 N. 30 Northerly. Mi^ iVeer'dallround . / ■ the compafs. 2 Veer'd in N. E. quarter. 3N.W. byW. 4 Northerly. , 5 Northerly. 6 Northerly. 7 N. N. E. 8 Northerly. 9 E. by S, 10 N. N. W, 11 Southerly. 1 2 Northerly. "^ 13 Northerly. 14 Northerly. 15 S, (93) H^ I N D S. E. W. ;rly. :rly. :rly. ;rly. :rly. erly. erly, Erly. ble. •ly. N. erly. ill round pafs, in N. tcr, .byW. |crly. erly, erly. E. |erly. W, prly. [erly. |crly. ;rly. «5S. May 15 S. 1 747 1 Eafterly. 17 Eafterly. 18 Eafterly 19 Eafterly. 20 N. E by E. 21 E.N. E. 22 N. E. by N. 23 N. 24 N. 25 Northerly. 26 E by N. May 29 N. "W by N. 30 N. N. W. June 31 S. I N. W. a N. W. 3 N. W. 4S. E. 5 S. W. by S. 6 N. W. by N. 7N. W. 8 W. N. W. 9 Eafterly. 27 Weftcrly. P meon 10 W. N W. 28N.W.by W. II W. S. W. Moderate} the river is broke open, tide 10 feet. U^ I N D S. Tides height in feet. 10 June 12 E. afrelh gale 13 N. N. E. ditto. 14N. by E. moderate 12 15 W. veered much 12 16 W. moderate 1 1 Evening tide 10 -'- 17 S. mot'eratc 10 -^ 18 N. by W. a frefh gale 11" The tide ebbs out lower fince the river broke open than any other time a-year. 19 S. moderate 9 4- 20 W. moderate, did not mind the tide's height 21 W. N. W. a low tide 22 N. moderate, tide height not obferved 23 W. S. W. moderate 9 4 The i ( 94) The tide ebbs out now as it generally does all the year. ir I N D S. Tides height in feet. Jm^ 24 N. N. W. a brilk gale 1 1 New moon, 25 N W* by N. ditto 26 W. moderate jj Evening tide ii 4 27 N. W. by N» blows frefh 1 1 28 N. W. by W. moderate 1 1 4. Evening tide 1 2 :v 7^fy ,?'>:^l . Ol Jh 29 Southerly, moderate 30 N. N. W. a brilk gale 1 Northerly, a brifk gale 2 S. W. by S. moderate 3 Northerly, moderate 4 N. E. by E. moderate 5 Eafterly, blows frelh 6 Eafterly, blows hard 7 N. by E. a frelh gale 8 Wefterly, moderate 9 W. N. W. .noderate 10 Wefterly, ditto 11 Wefterly, moderate 12 Northerly, blows frelh 13 N. E. blows hard 14 N. E* moderate 15N. E. byN. afrefh 16 Southerly, moderate 17 Southerly, ditto 18N. E. byN. ig Wefterly. 20 W. by S. a I S. by E. 12 13 13 It II 12 II II II 12 II II Evening tide 13 T I I T I t T 1 ■r 12 I am loe6 alt height in feet. II ii e II II II de 12 12 13 t -r 13 ^ l| II 12 II II II 12 II II 13 H '5 12 I T « T t I » I T T t T I am (95 ) I am employed fo much in other bufinefs that I cannot take the particular height of the tides, but they are moderate. jy I N D S. July 22 Northerly. 23 N. E. 24 N- E. At this time I was engaged in founding Nel- fon-river, 25 N. E. by E. little wind and veered much. With fuch veerable winds the tides are always low here. 26 Southerly, a fine gale 27 Southerly, ditto 28 Wefterly, veerable 29 Eafterly, blows frefli 30 Southerly, moderate * 3 1 S. W. a fine breeze Augufi I Wefterly, moderate and veerable 2 Northerly, blows frefli 3 S. W. a fine breeze and veerable ' ' 4 N. N. W. moderate and veerable 5 Wefterly, moderate and veerable 6 S. W. a fine gale and veerable The Hudfon*s-bay, captain Fowler came into the river. 7 S. W. veerable I was d'.fcharged out of the fort and went on board the Ihip for England. The nights of the 5th and 6th September 1745, the tide flowed higher than tlie proper fpringSi the moon feven days old. 20th Sep- tember 1745, tide flowed 13 feet 7 inches. At this feafon the higheft tides are often five or fix days after the full or change of the moon, occafioncd by hard gales in the N. W. quarter. FINIS,