.0^, \^ ^o. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) V /. :/ 5r wi/s 1.0 I.! 1.25 ■6 3 ^ 1^ 1.4 M 2.2 1.6 V] <^ /a A "ci^l cf: ^? y >^ Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4503 iV iV ^^ ^9) V r^ 6^ ^ CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut canadien de nicroreproductions historiques Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques T t( The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibliographically unique, which may alter any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checked below. n n Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur Covers damaged/ Couverture endommagee Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaur^e et/ou pellicul^e Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la m^thode normale de filmage sont indiqu^s ci-dessous. I I Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur □ Pages damaged/ Pages endommag6es □ Pages restored and/or laminated/ Pages restaurdes et/ou pelliculees Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages d6color6es, tachet^es ou piquees 1 P f I I Coloured maps/ D Cartes g^ographiques en couleur □ Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) □ Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ Reli6 avec d'autres documents I I Pages detached/ D Pages d^tach^es Showthrough/ Transparence I I Showthrough/ I I Quality of print varies/ Quality inegale de I'impression includes supplementary material/ Comprend du materiel supplementaire n Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La reliure serree peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge int^rieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajout6es lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6t6 film6es. D D Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partiellement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, etc., ont 6t6 film^es d nouveau de facon i obtenir la meilleure image possible. □ Additional comments:/ Commentaires supplementaires: This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est film6 au taux de reduction indiqud ci-dessous. lOX 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X J 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks to the generosity of: IMa^ional Library of Canada L'exemplaire film6 fut reproduit grdce d la g6n6rosit6 de: Bibliothdque nationale du Canada The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impression. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol — *► (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les images suivantes ont 6x6 reproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et de la nettet^ de l'exemplaire film6, et en confoi-mitd avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en papier est imprimde sont filmds en commenpant par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la dernidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont filmds en commenpant par la premidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernidre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — »► signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbole V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Stre filmds d des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est f\\tn6 6 partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche 6 droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n^cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m6thode. 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^iM^tXf^kAiea. 1 XE ''j ^'^^1 ^^^1 H F( rE EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS CANADIAN / HISTORY READINGS EniTEn AND Published BY GEORGE U. HAY, Editor of Education ii. Review. ■■f» I FOR SCHOOLS, LIBRARIES, ANL^ GENERAL READERS ; ExMBRACING SEVENTY-TWO TOPICS, TREATED BY TWENTY-SIX WRITERS, INCLUDING WELL-KNOWN SPECIALISTS. VOL. 1. Saint John, N. B., Canada, Barnes & Co., 84 Prince William Street, 1900, ■.^^■r'i . X'-'^^xK^^ r ' * Copyright 1898-1900. By George Upham Hay. Printed in Quarterly Numbers. First number, March, 1898. Twelfth number, December, 1900. .|»->-r"T EDITOR'S NOTE. > . r The first series of readings in Canadian History, consisting of reive numbers, is now complete, and is issued in a bound volume^ ^titled, "Readings in Canadian History, Vol. I." The subjects jated belong, in great part, to the early periods of discovery and bquest of Eastern Canada. Should there be a sufficient demand |r the first volume to warrant the continuance of the publication, second series will follow, dealing with events in the history of itario, the North-West and British Columbia, and also with later rents in Canada generally. The publisher desires to express bis warm thanks to those who ive assisted him by contributing to the series. Especially are his [kiiowledgments due to Prof. W. F. Ganong, Mr. J. Vroom and jv. W. 0. Raymond, who, in addition to their ever-ready sugges- ms and valuable advice and criticism, have kindly assisted in the iding of proofs. In short, they have shared the responsibility so ply that he is in doubt whether their names should not appear the title page as co-editors. i '"'.'■ * ■ ERBATA. [Readers are advised to write these errata (in ink) in tlieir proper places in tlie text.] Page 28 — In third line of second paragiaph add the name of G. R. Parkin. Page 53 — A few minor inaccuracies occur in this article, partly through misprints of ti' two letters. These may all be corrected by comparison with the account Canadian Archires Report, 1H44 , p, 3.)9, et seq. i. Page 74 — In first line of article begun on that page " 1872 " should be " 1672." -"^ Page 79 — In the opening paragraph of this article an unintentional injustice is done , the editor of Calnek-Savary's History of Annapolis. The 1897 edition of tli^ ; word, edited by Judge Savary, co'itains a full and complete copy of the anloi)' J • graphy of Lieut. Moody, instead of portions " ([uoted at second-hand fn ; Sabine's History of the Loyalists.' V . Page 83— Omit " Saint " and " St." from tirst line of footnote. (J. V.) Page 105 — Omit " Viegas " in description of map. ii Page 107 — Instead of " made by Harley " read " known as the Harleian " in descriptij of map. Page 128— For " British West Indies " read " British Dominions." Page 162— Third line for " Euuatinger" read " Ermatinger". Page 190 — Line 5, for "regime" read "regime;" and line 9 from foot of page re "directly" for "direct." Page 197 — Fourth paragraph, for "McDonall" read " McDouall" ; also same correct! ... on pp. 198, 200 (Is. 7, 30) and 201. Page 201— For " FoUis " read " Folles." Page 299 — 9th line from foot of page for "area " read " era." Page 313 — Line 10 from foot of page for " them " read " then." Page 315— At the close of Mr. Paltsits' article on the " Captivity of John Gyles," it \\\ intended to add the following note which was accidentally omitted : ; ; " " It will interest our readers to know that a new edition of Gyles' Nan utiva . • ■" edited by Mr. Paltsits, to be fully annotated and illustrated by new biogruplucil and other material, is announced as in preparation, by the publishing firm/ ., r: Dodd, Mead & Co., of New York. This work will be treated in the nioderj . ^, scientific bibliographical spirit of which Mr. Paltsits is a master, and whicliij so well illustrated in his ' Journal of Captain William Pote, jr.,' publishecUJ ' the same firm. The new edition will give a verbatim re-print of the orhj'm 1 ' . printed edition of 1736. All re-prints hitherto made are corruptions of the tesa founded on Samuel tJ. Drake's distorted text in his ' Indian Captivities,' (B( storj ~ - " 1839). There will also be printed for the first time a cruder account from] contemporary manuscript (not in autograph of Gyles, but no doubt from memoranda). The two accounts supplement each other. The book will ha an introduction, bibliographical note, appendices, an itinerary, and a full indeij Illustrations made from photographs taken in Nevv Brunswick, and from oth(| sources, will embellish the book." isprints of ti| le account i 72." lice is done ; idition of tliJ )f the antobil iid-haiul fii in descriptkj )f page rea le correcti' [yles," it wi Nari:itivij [biograiiliioj ling ijvmi [the nioderj Lnd wliicliij published 1 [the oriiji'K of the tesij 3S,' (B(.stol junt fromf Ibt from \k will hav full indeij from oth(j ILLUSTRATIONS. ra^e. [logical Sket<:h-map of North America 4 Mtasioii De L'lle Ste. Croix 16 of the Cape Breton Island Landfall 35 , Royal 40 est House at Nantucket . . 60 tuguese Map before 1534 . ] 05 made by Jean Rotz, dated 1542 106 known as the Harleian, 1542 107 made by Desceliers in 1546. . . 108 aimile of Signatures — Pennfield Colony 127 Illustrating Boundaries of New Brunswick 130 of Nova Scotia showing Acadian Occupation 244 bable Route of Father LeClerccj 247 • -, J.. INDEX OF WRITERS AND SUBJECTS. :':i M ' I' Bailey, Prof. Lorino W. — Geological History of the Bay of Fundy BouRiNOT, Sir John (I. — Story of tlio Loyalists of the American Revolution Siege of Louiaburg in 1758 Cruikshank, Lieut. -Col. Ernest — The Capture of Mackinac in 1812 The Defence of Mackinac in 1814.. The Early Postal Service in Briti.sh North America The Combat at the Mill on Lacolle Fronsac, F. G. Forsaith de — Canadian Nobilitj^ of the French Epoch Ganon(i, 1'roe. William F. — Jac(iues Cartier's First Voyage to the Eastern Coast of Canada— (Cartier-* Nari-ative) The Fort Cumberland Summons and Reply, 177(5 . A Description of the River St. John, before 1672 (Nicolas Denys) On the Study of Ancient Maps — Illustrated by four of those of the (iulf of St. Lawrence. . . History in Boundary Lines — Illustrated by New Brunswick Inheritances from Our Historic Past The New England Movement to Nova Scotia Father LeClerc'on(iueat of Canada in 174tt 109 First Siege and Capture of Louisburg 190 [Captivity of John Gyles 311 Harry— [The Cabots and Their Voyages 31 D'Anville's Expeditio-. (W Tlie Foundation of Fialifax In2 [mono, Rev. William O. — jA ('hapter on Names 49 [Story of the Big Beaver (A Maliseet Legend) 83 [Founders of Fredericton . 163 Traits of Indian Character 179 (ieneral Campbell's Muster 220 The Loyalists in Old Nova Scotia 245 Notes on Madawaska, No. 1 279 The First Martyr of the Canadian Mission 304 Notes on Madawaska, No. II 334 [mono, William O., .ir. - I Death of DeNoue (First Martyr of the Canadian Mission) 307 SRTsoN, William J.— [The Battle of Lundy's Lane (Commanders' Reports) 119 5R, Arthur P. [Tlie Maroons of Nova Scotia 183 ni. Rev. T. Watson — [Slavery in Canada.. 317 TK, Benjamin — [Explorers of Canada 227 iTl'HER, CaPT. GeORUE E. — iThe Acadian Land in Louisiana 225 )m, James — jHow Glooscap Found the Summer 7 |Th« Siege of Penobscot 55 [French Canadian Life and Character (Roberts) 95 The Pennfield Colony 126 [War Song— A Passamaquoddy Legend 151 JThe Hessians 156 [Return of the Acadians (Calnek-Savary's Annapolis). 238 N, William J. — [The Physiography of New Brunswick 137 [Printed with Number One of the Series, March, 1898. INTRODUCTION. .■)•*'■ The history of Canada is full of incidents of romantic interest, the details of personal bravery and heroic self-sacrifice, of the strugglJ of individuals to found for themselves homes amid the wildcrnel and to obtain that measure of self-government which helps to establiJ character and independence. The records of these events, so stimJ lating and full of interest to the youthful imagination, have not boej available to the extent that one might wish. The ordinary schc text-book of Canadian history is shorn of much of that interest' attractive to the young. It is crowded with details of facts, tin have to be condensed in order to provide a book of a certain nunibtj of pages, to sell at a moderate price. There are many excclleij books which present, with more fulness and with greater interest, tl events of the Story of Canada, but they do not come within the reaij of the children in our schools. To make up for this want, a series of Leaflets will be publislit by the Educational Review, which will present the leading events persons in our history in such a graphic way as to secure interest aol at the same time give instruction. It is hoped that the effort I provide, at a low price, supplementary reading in Canadian history tJ schools will meet with encouragement at the outset, so that successii series of leaflets, covering all periods of our history and all sectioij of the Dominion, will be the result. Many leading writers of Caua^ have promised assistance for the present series, and the names of the who are contributing to the first number should be a guarantee] what may be expected in the future. The aim, first of all, will be to make history instructive. Therel no need to sugar-coat such history as ours by trying to make it fnscij ating as a story. That is only an attempt to deceive children. (2) JfSfe^EcoraTn^To Act oi the l^iuliument of Canada,. inT,he year 1898, by G. U. Hay, at tho Ijei)artment of Agriculture. Educational review supplementary readings. ( nterest, H i strugglfl| wildcrneM establiiH , so stimiH CANADlArK HISTORY. e not boeH arv sclioS NUMBER ONE. interest fl facts, tliH INTRODUCTION. n nunibfH PHYSICAL GROWTH OF CANADA, G. F. Matthezvy D.Sc. iterest, ttiH 1 the reafl THE LEGEND OF GLOOSCAP, Jas. Vroom. events aoH terest aiiH I effort iH successiiH CARTIER'S FIRST VOYAGE, W. F. Ganong^ Ph.D. WINTER AT ST. CROIX ISLAND, G. U. Hay, Ph.B. THE STORY OF LADY La TOUR, James Hannay. THE STORY OF THE LOYALISTS, ' of Cauafl J. G. Bourinot, C.M.G., LL.D. aranteeH - , ' it .,J March, 1898. »■■ 1 ISS UED QUARTERLY. PRICE 15 Cent?. , -■ .1 ,' '■ ■ARNE8 A Ca, PHINTER*, ST. JOHN, N. B< INTRODUCTION. The history of Ciinacla is full of incidents of romantic interest, of; the details of personal bravery and heroic self-sacrifice, of the struggles i| of individuals to found for themselves homes amid the wilderness, and to obtain that measui-e of self-governmo!it which helps to establish iJ character and independence. The records of these events, so stimu- lating and full of interest to the vouthful imaij-ination, have not been available to the extent that one might wisli. The ordinarv school text-book of Canadian liistory is shorn of much of that interest no attractive to the young. It is crowded with details of facts, that have to be condensed in order to provide a book of a certain number of pages of an unbroken uniformity. There are many books which present with more fulness the events of the story of Canada, but thev do not come within the reach of the children in our schools. To make trp for this want, a series of Leaflets will be published by the Educational Revieav, which will present the leading events aud persons in our history in such a graphic way as to secure interest and at the same time give instruction. It is hoped that the effort to provide, at a low price, supplementary reading in Canadian history for schools will meet with such encouragement at the outset that a series of Leaflets, covering all periods of our history, will be the result. Many leading writers of Canada have promised assistance, and the names of those who are contributing to the first number should be a guarantee of what may be expected in the future. The aim, first of all, will be to make history instructive. There is no need to sugar-coat such history as ours by trying to make it fasciu- ating as a story. That is only an attempt to deceive children. Let (2) srest, of; ruggles lenicss. Ill 1)0 presented with histoiy as history. Let tlie events tell their I story. Let ehiklren, when possible, he bronglit into contact with iiial documents, with the historians of the past, and there will II 1)0 a change from the passive hearer of a dull history recitation lio earnest, diligent enquirer after further light. This iSeries will make it possible for schools with limited library ,i legos to do history work in the spirit and method of our best ippcd institutions, by introducing them to the original sources of history, and by awakening a spirit of thoughtful investigation, not y in this study, but in literature and science as w^ell. The passages 11 original authorities will be so selected as to excite the interest stablidli ii^l l»i(Hio the curiosity of intelligent boys and girls, and stimulate ) stimu- :li|iii to further research in the sources of our surpassuigly rich collec- Lot beei. ;ioii ni historical material. Thus, an enthusiasm will be aroused, a r school ■(> f()rCana lirst, accretions from the southeast, and then added the great domiiin the west, so in the earliest geological ages we find an almost contincn- area in the north as the nucleus to which additions were made on ti southeast and the southwest, until a large extent of land was rescut from the inroads of the sea. Sketch Map of North America (after Dana), showinfrthe " V "-shaped area of Laurentian Mcks this is unshaded. Horizontal Hnes represent the sea and lakes; vertical lines, the portion of the continent submerged in Laurentian and Hurouian times. The great physiographic features of Canada are the follo^^'id Ist, The continental nucleus of the northeast ; 2nd, The low^ plain tli surrounds it ; 3rd, The high plain sloping up to the foot of the Boob Mountains ; 4th, The corrugated region of the Atlantic Slope : ol The corresponding mountain region of the Pacific Slope. (4) t? The continental nucleus, which was in the form of a broad V, with its apex southward, consisted of old crystalline, and more or less altered rocks, Laurentian and Huronian, along whose southern shores were deposited, in Cambrian times, the sand and mud swept into the ocean ,1 I liv the rivers which flowed from the incipient continent. Over the ffi 0^^ 1 11 i •• _ sands along these shores crawled crustaceous animals, some of large size,' which left their tracks on the surface of the sand, to be covered ;iiid preserved by other layers of mud brought in by the flowing ride. After being buried for ages, these tracks have been exposed to view by the removal of their covering, revealing to the curious gaze of man the evidences of the existence in ages long past of creatures of whose form and habits we know nothing save what these tracks reveal. At intervals over the eastern parts of Canada there are exposed ancient marine mud beds of this same Cambrian age. Some layers are replete with the skeletons of myriads of small creatures, some of which '^ were like the king crabs, others'' like the lamp shells of the modern ocean. Similar skeletons are found in mud beds in the ancient strata of the Rocky Mountains. Thus we know that not only the borders of the continental nucleus were being added to in the old Cambrian times, but that at the same time a strip of country in the Rocky Mountain area was near the sea level, and very probably part of it was above the sea, because such animals live along the seacoast. In the next period the western area sank beneath the sea, and for ii long extent of time played no important part in the physiographic history of Canada. Thus the centre of interest was transferred to the eastern borders of Canada, where contraction of the earth's crust and other disturbing influences ridged up various mountain itmges against the continental nucleus, until the whole eastern border was replete with rugged mountains. A Canadian Mediterranean was exempt from these disturbances, and remains to our day as the Gulf and River St. Lawrence. Just as the present Mediterranean Sea is now partly and was once entirely itian 1 r separated into two basins, so our placid interior sea of the Silurian and Devonian ages was nearly cut in two by the encroachment of the ollov'iiiJB mountain ranges, leaving the gulf area as the eastern limb, and the lake plain tliH region as a western part, connecting with a shallow sea of great extent, he EociB where now the basins of the Mississippi and the " Red River of the 3pe : otl ^orth " exist. Around the eastern limb of this ancient Canadian ' Protichnites. '•' Trilobites. " Brachiopods. (5) M edi terra 11 ofln were spread the marshes which gradually, through the Carhoiiit'erous ages, entombed the beds of peat and carbonaceous mud, whicli now exist as the coal beds, from which our precious stores of fossil fuel are derived. All the coal basins in which these deposits of coal are contained phjsiographically face toward the Gulf of St. Law- rence, except those of Cape Breton, which are just south of its outlet. In the ruxt chapter of our history the geological events of the eastern region soon become subordinate to those of the west. First, however, the east shows some striking features in the volcanic erup- tions which pnxluced the picturesque North Mountains of Nova Scotia. These mountains rest upon an old surface of red sandstones once spread over ihe area now occupied by the Bay of Fundy and the part of the Gulf of St. Lawrence where the fertile Prince Edward Island now lies. It is in the west of Canada, however, that the deposits of this secondary, or Reptilian age, show the Avidest extent and greatest variety. The vast western plains and the Pacific borders show great areas overspread by deposits produced at this time. The Rocky Mountains were upheaved and a great continental belt was formed *;n Canada, against which were pressed up on the Pacific side rugged mountain ranges corresponding to those which in the preceding ages had been upheaved on the Atlantic side. There is this difference, liowever, that while the eastern ridges are separated from the old continental nucleus only by the width of the Gulf and Valley of the St. Lawrence, the western mountains are divided from the same nucleus by the great space of the western plains now forming the provinces and territories of Manitoba, Assiniboia, Alberta, etc. In the Tertiary, or Mammalian age of geology, we still find the western regions those of greatest interest. In all Eastern Canada, from Lake Superior eastward, there are no deposits to tell us of what was transpiring here or in other regions of the earth at this time, and of which so wide a history has been garnered in other parts of the earth ; but on the western plains, and between the Rocky Mountains and tlie Pacific, many an event of that old time has left its record — peaceful on the western plains, but marked by volcanic eruptions and violent disturbances of the earth's crust on the Pacific slope. In this period the Rocky Mountains and the western ranges received the impulses of elevation by which they came to dominate all the mountain ranges of Eastern Canada. The closing chapter of the great events of the earth's history, known (6) ; J as the Glacial epoch, is written with great distinctness on the surface ot Eastern Canada. For many ages the continental imcleus had had no records inscribed upon it such as tell elsewhere in Canada of the history of the earth, or at least no such records remain ; hence we infer that it Avas through all this time a continental area raised above the sea. .V : was protected from the deep oceans by the buttresses of mountain chains which had been built up around it ; and so around its borders within the mountain ranges there were low, level tracts, where in shallow, warm seas there had been deposited in early geological times beds of calcare- ous mud. These beds, hardened to limestone and shale, in later times were elevated above the sea to form low plains of fertile soil. As though this were not sufficient to give fertility, extensive areas of these plains became the sites of great fresh-water lakes, far more exten- sive than those that now exist. The black, peaty mud of these lakes, when they in turn were drained of their covering waters, became the rich, peaty bottom lands which cover extensive areas in Ontario, Manitoba, etc. These rich lands, produced at the close of the Glacial period of the geologists, are the rich heritage of Canada which lies around the borders of the old continental nucleus, and are destined in the future to sustain a vast population. HOW GLOOSCAP FOUND THE bUMMER. By J as. Vroom. The "Wabanakis of Acadia, before the coming of the French mis- sionaries, had little or no conception of a Great Spirit ruling over all things. The chief object of their superstitious regard — we may hardly say of their worship — was the mighty Glooscap, whose name, we are told, means the Liar. Such a name, though directly opposed to our usual ideas of a deity, is not surprising to those acquainted with American mythologies. Glooscap, perhaps, was originally a weather god, and therefore very uncertain in his doings, and not always faithful to his promises. A similar being in western legends is known by the name of the Deceiver. In tlje Passamaquoddy myths, Glooscap created himself, or came up out of the swamp — which is the Wabanaki notion of chaos. Notwithstanding hii evil name, the Wabanakis looked upon him as (7) their friend and protector. He first called man into being from the heart of the ash tree. He changed and adapted to man's use the already created beasts and birds of the Acadian forests. He was ever on the watch to shield his people from the unseen powers of evil that tilled their hearts with dread, and to him they ascribed the regularity of the seasons and the return of migratory birds and fishes. He is the hero of many poetic legends still rep'^ated around the Indian cam}) iires, of one of which the following is a literal translation : In the long ago, When people lived always in the early red morning Before the rising of the sun, Before ohe land of the Wabanaki^ was peopled as to-day, Glooscap went very far north, where all was ice. He came to a wigwam, Therein he found a giant, A mighty giant, whose name was Winter. Glooscap entered. He sat down. Winter gave him a pipe. He smoked. And the giant told tales of the olden time. The charm was upon him ; The giant talked on, and Glooscap fell asleep. He slepi^ for six months, like the toad ; Then the charm tied, and he awoke. He went his way home. He went toward the south ; and at every step it grew warmer : And the flowers began to come up and talk to him. He came to where many little ones^ were dancing in the forest. Their queen was Summer. I am singing the truth ; it was Summer, The most beautiful one ever born. The faii'ies surrounded their queen ; But the Master deceived them by a crafty trick ; He cut a moose hide into a narrow strip and bade them hold one end ; Then, running away with Summer, he let the end trail behind. The fairies of light pulled at the cord ; Glooscap ran on ; the cord ran out ; And, though they pulled, he left them far away. 1 ' ' The tribes of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Northern Maine. ^ The flower spirits. (8) So hoi returned to the lodge of Winter ; I lilt now he had Hummer in his bosom. And Winter welcomed him again, I'or he hoped to freeze him again to lileep. I am singing the song of Summer. But this time the Master did the talking ; This time his magic was the stronger ; And the sweat soon ran down Winter's face. And he and his wigwam melted more and more, I'ntil they had melted (juite away. Then everything awoke ; '11 le grass grew ; the fairies came out ; The melted snow ran down the rivers, carrying off the dead leaves, And Glooscap left Summer with them and went home. .CQUES CARTIER'S FIRST VOYAGE TO THE EASTERN COAST OF CANADA. Edited by W. F. Ganong, Ph.D. During the half-century which followed the discovery of America Columbus, in 1492, many expeditions were sent out by European lonarchs to explore the shores of the newly-found land, and to try to a passage to the East Indies. For Canada and Newfoundland |ese voyages resulted only in the discovery of the outer Atlantic [ast, and none of the old maps of the time show clearly either the ill of St. Lawrence or the Bay of Fundy. It was not until 1584, lion King Francis I. of France sent out Jacques Cartier, one of the lest and most experienced of French navigators, that the Gulf of L Lawrence was iirst made known to the world and appeared upon [(' maps. Happily, the narratives of Cartier's voyages have been reserved, and, although his maps have been lost, we possess partial h»ies of them in maps by others which still exist. The narrative of |e first voyage is not only historically important as the earliest account lown to us of the exploration of any part of our eastern coast, but at the same time of the greatest interest for its simple and faithful (9) ffff' >!, description of the places he visited and the natives lie saw, and tor explanation of the origin of many names of places which we nsi this day. A few years ago onr historians were in d()ul)t as to 1 exact route in some parts of the Gulf, for the different versions ntj narrative do not agree, and all arc obscure in places; hut in itn years several scholars have examined and <'ompared the differenl v. sions so critically, and have com}){U'ed them with the old majis carefully, that almost the entire subject is now [>erfectly clear. Cartier left St. Malo, with two tiny ships, April 'lOth, Ify-'A, a- sighted Cape Bonavista, ^Newfoundland, May 10th. On May I'i he reached the Strait of Belleisle, ami later entered the Gulf x coasted along the shores of Labrador as far as the place now cal: Cumberland Harbor. lie was repelled by the rocky l)arrennc->< I^abrador, which, he says, " must be the land allotted by God to C:ii: He crossed to Newfoundland, which lie explored to near the j)ii^. Cape Anguille, whence he crossed to the Magdalene Islands. Ai' exploring tliis group he sailed away, on June 29th, to the westwar From this time on we shall lot him tell his own storv. The next day, being the last of the month save one, the wind blew s and by east. We sailed westward until Tuesday morning at sunrise, tin- iii of the month, without knowledge of any land, except in the evening touai sunset, when we discovered a land which seemed to be two islands^, that w. beyond us west-southwest about nine or ten leagues. All that day- tillt next morning at sunrise we sailed westward'* about forty leagues, and (uii way we perceived that the land we had seen like islands was main-land lyi south-southeast and north-northwest to a very fine cape of land called Cnl Orleans* (Cap d'Orleans). All of the said land is low and flat, and the fairest that may possihiyi seen, and full of beautiful trees and meadows ; but we could find no hail there, for it is a low land all ranged with sands. We, with our boats, weil on shore in many places, and among others we entered a goodly river, but ve| shallow, w^here we saw boats full of savages, who were crossing the river, win on this account we named the River of Boats (ripuiere des barcques)^. M 1 The high land near Grenville, Prince Edward Island. 2 Night is meant. "AH of Cartier's directions are by the compass to the magnetic meridian, whicii i- the Gulf considerably west of the true meridian ; hence Cartier's westward means suiiti westward on our maps. This must be kept in mind for the other directions he mentioa ■•Now Cape Kildare. The original French name is given in brackets. It was nanil in honor of the father of the king of France. "Now Richmond Bay. (10) V westAvitP, blew soir ise, tlic i ini; to Will ', that \\>l lav- tillt'j and (HI tj land lyiii ailed Ca:| possililv no liail' boats, wed r, but verj ver, wlii] les)^ ti' had no further acquaintance with these savages, for the wirjd came up from •u- sf>n and so beat us against the shore that we were constiained to retire witli %\w boats to our ships. Till the noxt morning at sunrise, being tiie fiist of Inly, we sailed northeast, in which time there arose great mists and stormi, ^iid therefore we struck our sails until dbout ten of th(^ clock, when it became llcar, and we recognized the said Cape Orleans, and a?iotiier which lay from it tliout seven leagues north and by east, which was named Cape of the Savages |('a[) des Sauuaiges)'. On tlie northeast of this cape, for about half a league) llii ic is a very dangerous reef and bank of stones. While nv(> were at this cape saw a man running after our boats that were going along the coast, who \\:[iU' signs to us that we should retuiti towards the said cape again. We, •iing such signs, began to row towards him, but he, seeing u , come, began to Ice and to run away before us. We landed in front of him, and set a knif«^ tiid a woollen girdle on a staff for him, and then came to our ships again. That joy we ranged along the said land nine or ten leagues-, hoping to find some lood harbor, but it was not possible, for, as T have said alieady, it is a low uid and shoal. We went that day on shore in four places to see the trees, liich are marvellously beautiful and sweet smelling ; we found them to be eflars, yews, pines, white elms, ash trees, willows, and numy other sorts to us iknown, but all without fruit. The grounds, where no woods are, are very iir and all full of peas, white and red gooseberries, strawberries, black rasp- ?rries, and wild wheat, like rye, which seemed to have been sown there and iltivated. This land is of the best climate that can possibly be, and very hot. jhere are there many pigeons and ring-doves and other birds ; there wants )thing but good harbors. The next day, the second of July, we discovei-ed land to the northward of b, which joined on to the said land continuously, and we saw that it formed Ihay of about twenty leagues in depth and as much in breadth. We named |ie l)ay Saint Lunario (Sainct Lunaire)^. We went to the cape on the north^ itli our boats and found the shore so shoal that at more than a league from 1(1 there was only a fathom of water. On the northeast of the said cape, bout seven or eight leagues, there is another cape'"', and between the two there a bay, in the shape of a triangle, which is very deep*', and which, as far as Now North Point. The French lea<.nif was .somcwliat over two-and-a-half of our which i^ leans -nutl 16 meiitioa bwaS) II ami - Aloni^ the northwest coast of Prince Edward Lsland to near ('ape Wolf. •' This bay was the head of Northuniherland Strait, the triangle between North |»iiit, West Point and Cape Escuminae. As Cartier did not know tie land he liad lieen Bitiiiif was an island, his mistake was a natural one. It was named foi' the Saint whose Ist-day it was. M'ape Escuminae. •'• The cape near Neguac Island. ^ Not deep as to its water, but as to its extension into the laml. This was Miramichi (11) we could see, lies nuitlieast ; it is all rangecJ with sands, a v(M'y low land. A; ten leagues from land there are twenty fathoms of depth. From the said ln«,t mentioned cape to the .said bank and cape of landi there are fifteen leaj^utv When we had pa.ssed the said cape, we perceived other lands and a caiic- which, as far as we could tell, lay north by east all in view. That night il^ weather was bad, with great winds, and we bore small sail until the mornini,' the third (tf July, when the wind came from the west, and we sailed toward the north to examine the .said land, which is higlr*, wliich lay from us noitL northeast beyond the low lands. Between these low and the high lands tlin extends a great bay and opening', where there are fifty-five fathoms of d('|itl in some places, and about fifteen leagues of breadth. And because of tli. just-mentioned depth and breadth, and change in character of the land, we Imi; hope to find there a passage like that of the Castles'*. This bay lies ciht northeast and west-.southwest. The land on the south side of the said bay !> as beautiful and as good land, as easy to cultivate, and as full of goodly ficlil- and meadows as any we have seen, and level as a pond ; but that on the noitl, i.s a high land, mountainous, and all full of forest trees of many .sorts ; aiiioii.| others there are many cedars and fir trees, as fine as can possibly be seen, ti; for nuists for ships of thi-ee hundred tons or more. Nor did we see there anv place without woods, except in two spots of low land, where there were iiicn dows and very fair ponds. The midst of the said bay is in forty-seven a ml , half degrees latitude and seventy-three degrees of longitude". The cape of the said land on the south was named the Cape of Hope (C;i; d'Espe'rance)", becau.se of our hope of finding there .some passage**. The foiirt: day of the month, the Day of St. Martin, we coasted along the land on tli' north to seek a harbor, and we entered a little bay and creek, altogether uyK towards the south, where there is no protection against the wind. We nauirt it the harbor of St. Martin (La Couche Sainct Martin)". We remained their from the fourth day of July until the twelfth, and whilst we were there \vf| went, on Monday, the sixth, after mas.s, with one of our boats, to discover; cape and point of land which lay seven or eight leagues to the west of us' ", t' see which way the land trended. And when we were half a league from tlw' point, we saw two companies of boats of savages, who were crossing from mit ' The point near Neguuc Island to North Point. '■* Probably on Miscou. '. '•* The mountains of Gaspe ; the New Brunswick coa.st is everj'where low in this vf/\oi .;| ■• Bay Chaleui'. ■"■ Strait of Belloisle. " Longitude was then reckoned fioni one of the Canary Islands. ^ Miscou or North Point. It is probable that this name, corrupted and renioveiiS survives in Cape Despair, Gaspe. " A passage to the West. ** Now Port Daniel. *•' Paspebiac Point. Mid. said At rid to the other, more than forty or fifty boats. One of the said eompanies ^f boats came to the said point, and a ^Mcat number of men hindecj on tlie shore, nd made a ^reat noi.se, and made sij,'ns tliat we should eome on shore, showinj^ s skins on pieces of woofl ; anrl i)ec'ause we had but one boat we wouM not ^^o niglit 111 , ^^ j|n,„j^ V)ut we went to the other company whicli was on the sea, and they, ecint; that we fled, prepared two of their hir<,'('st l»oats to follow us, with which ilsD five othei's of those cominj; from the sea united, and they came close to our )(i;it. dancing and makinf^ many si<;ns of wishing our friendship, saying to us n their language, Niipon ton r/innnn nnurtnr, and other words we understood ot. Hut because we had, as has Insen said, Ijut a single boat, we would not rust in tlieir signs, but made .signs to them to (haw off, which they would not o, l)ut came towards us in such great force that they completely surrounded s with their seven V)oats ; and, since they would not (h-aw off for any signs hilt we could make, we shot off two piece.s among them, and they made haste return to t'^e said point, and they made a wonderfully great noise, after liich they commenced to return towaids us as before, and when they were lose to our boat we discharged two s(juibs at them, which passed among them )e seen, "'^j^d astonished them greatly, so that they took to Hight in great haste, and Mowed us no more. The next day a part of the said savages, with nine of their boats, came to (' point and entrance of the creek where we were at anchor in our ships, nd we, being informed of their coming, went with oui- boats to the said point ,n(l entrance where they weie. l-Jut the moment they .saw us they began to ee, making signs that they had come to trjide with us, and showed us skins of ttle value, with which they clothe themselves. We made then> signs likewise at we wished them no ill, and two of our men went on land to go to them to rry them knives and other iron wares, and a red hat to give to their chief, ,ik1 seeing this, a part of them came on shore with their skins and traded with s, and showed a great and remarkable joy to have and to obtain the said iron ares and other things, dancing and making many ceremonies, pouring the sea ater on their heads with their hands, and giving us everything they had, so at they went back altogether naked, without a single thing upon them, and ey made signs to us that the next day they would come again with other ins. On Thursday, the eighth of the month, since the wind was not good for ing out with our ships, we set our boats in order to go to discover the said y, and that day we went about twenty-five leagues within it ; and the next ay, in the morning, we had good weather, and travelled until about ten o'clock, it which hour we recognized the end of the said bay, at which we were very rryi. At the end of the said bay there are over the low lands other lands ith high mountains 2. Seeing there was no passage we began to return. ' Because they had hoped it was an open passage to the west. ' That is, mountains to the southward, as well as the northward. (13) I lea^iii a ca]!!'- morn in d toward' us IK mil mds tlici s of d<'|iti ise of tlif id, we liiic lies east iaid bay i> odly liclil' the nortt. there anv were inca 3ven and lope (Ca; he foui'tl luid on til' ther oi": e namec ined tliei> there W' disco\ er i, f us"',t( from thai from oitti this rej,Moii.j reniov d. Makinj^ our way alorij,' the coast, we saw the sairl savap(es on the banks (.f pond in low land', wlicro they were making' many fires and much smoke. \\. went thither, and t'()urirou;,'ht iis pieces of seal already conk en which they placed on pieces of wood, and withdr<'w, making signs to us tlm they gave tlieni to iis. VVe sent two men ashore with hatchets and knist- beads and other merchandise, at which they showed great joy. And then tht, came in a crowd in tlunr boats to the shore where we were, with skins aiKJ whatever they had, to obtain our wares, "^rhey were in number men, woiiicn and children more th m three hundred, of which a part of the women wh^ did not come over danced and sang, being in the water up to their knees. Th^ other wonien, wlio had crossed to th(! other coast where we were, came verv friendly to us and rubbed our arms with their hands, and would lift the joiiicfl hands to heaven, making many signs of joy. And in such manner they icas sured us, so that finally we traded hand t(» hand with them for all they possessed w Inch is but of small value. We saw that they are people wliom it would \\>- easy to convert ; they go from place to place, living by capturing fish at tlii fishing season. Their country is in climate more tempei-ate than Spain, ain: the most beautiful it is possible to see, and as level as a pond. There is n spot, however little, which, when without trees, does not bear wild wheat, wiiiil: has an ear like rye, and the corn is like oats, and peas are as thick as if tlifv had been sown and cultivated ; and there are gooseberries white and red, straw ^; berries and raspberries, red roses, and other herbs of pleasing and abundaii! odor ; also there are many goodly meadows and good grass, and ponds witi: great plenty of salmon. I believe, more than ever, that the people will be casv to convert to our holy faith. They call a hatchet in their tongue cochy, and a knife hacan. We named the said bay the Bay of Heat (La Baye de Chaleiir)- : Being certain there was no passage through this bay, we made sail, and left! the harbor of Saint Martin on Sunday, twelfth of July, to go to discover bevonrtl this bay, and we went to the eastward along the coast. Here we must end Cartier's narrative. He visited Gaspe. crossedi to Anticosti, visited the strait between that island and the Quebe(| coast, and thence returned through the Straits of Belleisle to Fraiicei The next year he returned to the gulf and ascended the St. Lawrence| to Montreal, and wintered near Quebec. His narrative of this jouriioyJ too, is preserv^ed, and is filled with interesting incidents. No otlier| explorer, not even Charaplain, did more for the exploration of Oanu than did Jacques Cartier. ' Tracadiguash Point. ■^ Often printed incorrectly, as Baye des Chaleurs. (U) ! iiinks (if )ke. W. H into tli. iiel. Tl. ly cookcii to us Ilia' 1(1 kni\(- then tilt". skins iiim m, wo men omen wli> ees. Tin came very th« joiiii'ii they rras possesscii, ; woulfl li'- ish at til' i^pain, ain; 'here is w leat, whiil ' as if tlicv ed, straw ibundan: onds witi; I be easy hy, ami a haleur)- , and Itfi er beyoiin crossciJ Qu(l)ei France] aw re nee] journey To other| Oanu rilK WrNTP:R at «T. CROFX island, 1()04-1HO.k Editkd by G. v. Hay, Vn.B. Samiit'l de Charnplaiii aocompanied the Sieur de Moiits in tlie expedi- JMii to found a settlement in Acadia in lt)04, with the coniniand from lie King of France tliat "he should prepare a faithful report of his bxTvations and discoveries." From Champlain's vivid narrative of lu' discovery of the Island ot St. Croix, and its occupation by the icnch during the following winter, the following extracts are made: I'lorn the river St. John we went to four islands, on one of which we landed, lit! found i>veiii numbers of birds, called inai,'piesi, of which we captured many iiiiall ones, wiiich ai'e as jjjood as [)i;j;cons. , . Fai'thei- west ar(M)thci' islands .iiioiiU them one six leaj,'ues in len^'th, called by the savages Manthane-, soufeh ►t' which there are amon<^ the islands s(!veral <;t)od harbours foi' vessels. From he Majipie Islands w(i proceeded to a river on the main-land, called tlu; Kiver >f tlu' i'^techemins-', a tribe of savages so called in their country. We passed ly M) many islands that we could not ascertain their number, which were very liie. Some were two leagues in extent, others three, others more oi- less. .\ll ft' these islands are in a bay*, having, in ray estimation, a circuit of more than it'tccn leaLjues. There are many good places capable of containing any numl)er If vessels, and abr)unding in fish in the season, such as codfish, salmon, ba.ss, ^erring, halibut, and other kinds in great numbers. Sailing west-northwest nice lea^'ues through the islatuls, we enterefl a river almost half a league iri iieafith at its mouth, sailing up which a league or two we found two islands: iiie very small, near the^western bank, and the other in the middle, having a ircuinference of perhaps eight or nine hundred paces, with rocky sides three ■Sr four fathoms high all around, except in one small place, where there is a Hiiidy point and clayey earth, adapted for making brick and other useful articles. 'li(>re is anothej' place, forming a shelter for vessels from eighty to a hundred IIS, hut it is dry at low tide. The island is covered with firs, birches, maples Jml oaks. It is by nature very well situated, except in one place, where, for Ibout forty paces, it is lower than elsewhere ; this, however, is easil}'' fortified, le hanks of the main-land V)ein\\\>' workmen. i>odiringsof the.Sieui-s(Jenestou,Snuri!i3 and other workmen. Lodyinirs of the Sieurs Heaumoni, b Sjotte Boiuioli and Fouji'eray. Lodfiinij- of our pi'iest. Other oardens. The river which Hows around tli island. ( 16) ;"/'■ 1 I he size •illf, ('ii.iii: Iv and "ill' l;tou,Siiiiiii Itiumont. li| Leia '• Irouiui tliel iliMUsaiid paces. Vessels could pass up the river only at tiie mercy of the catinoii l.ii iliis island, and ^ve deemed the location the most advantageous, not only )ii account of its situation and good soil, hut also on account of the intercourse .vliich we proposed with the savages of these coasts and of the interioi', as we liniild be in the midst of them. We hoped to pacify them in the course of i[]ic, and put an end to the wars which they carry on with one another, so as (I (Iciive service from them in the future, and convert them to the Christian liili. This place was named by Sieur de Monts the Fsland of St. Croi.x^ "aithei- on there is a great ba}-, in which are two islands, one high and the iilier flat ; also three rivers, two of modei'ate size, one e.xtending towards the ast, the other towards the north, and the third, of large size, towards the west. "lir latter is that of the Etechemins. of which we spoke before. Two leagues Y tliis there is a waterfall, around which the savages carry their canoes, some vc hundred paces by land, and then re-enter the river. Passing afterwards rmii the river a short distance overland, one reaches the rivers Norumbeguc 11(1 St. .lohn. But the falls are impassable f(»r vessels, as there are only rocks mlhut four or five feet of water- Not finding any more suit- l.le place than this island, we commenced making a barricade on a little islet short distance fiom the main island, which served as a station for placing our aimoii. All worked so energetically that in a little while it was put in a state f (Ict'ciice, although the mosquitoes (which are little Hies) annoyed us excess- tlv in our work, for there were several of our men whose faces were so swollen y tlieir bites that they could scarcely see. The barricade being finished, Sieui- (■ Monts sent his liarque to notify the rest of our party, who were with our esse! in the J)ay of St. Mary, to come to St. Croix. Some days after, our vessels having arrived and anchored, all disembarked. lien, without losing time, Sieur de Monts proceeded to employ the workmen n l)uil(ling houses for our abode, and allowed me to determine the arrangement f our settlement. . . Then all set to work to clear up the island, to go to lir woods, to make the frame-work, to carry earth and other things necessary 01 the buildings. . . On the "ind of October . . each had fini.shed his ' Tlie Holy Cross, Saliirfc Croi.r. From the tiu-t that tUv location of the island on liirii the expedition wintered has been disputed we give Chani{)lain",s deseriptiou in full. It IS now called Doohet Island. '•'The desciiption of the environs of the Mand of St. (.'roix, given in tlie text, is itirt'ly accurate. Some distance ahove, and in view from the i.'sland, is the fork, as is called. Here is a meeting of the waters of Wavveig Creek from the ea.st. Oak Bay roni the nortli, and the St. Croix from the west. Tliese are the three rivers mentioned by ( 'li.implain. Oak Bay being considered as one of them, in which may be seen the tM'o Blands mentioned in the text, one hi^^h and the other low. A little above Calais is the atcifall, around which the Indians carried their bark canoes, when on their journey up ic river tiirough the Chiputnaticook Lakes, from which by p]el River they reached the It. .luhn on the east ; or on the west, passing through the Mattawamkeag, they reached Noruiubegue, or I'enob.scot River. ( 17 ) ■f i place of abode. Winter came upon us sooner than we expected, and prevented us from doin^ many things which we had proposed. The snows began on the 6th of October. On the 3rd of December we ^aw ice pass which came from some frozen river. The cold was sharp, more sevciv than in France, and of much longer duration, and it scarcely rained at all th^ entire winter. I suppose that is owing to the north and northwest winds ]l;ls^. ingover high mountains alwaj's covered with snow. The latter was from tlnci to four feet deep up to the end of the montii of April, lasting much longti. [ suppo.se, than it would if the country were cultivated. During the wintn many of our company \ve\v attacked by a certain malady called the mnl rA /,; fn-7'>' — otherwise scurvy', as T have since heard from learned men. so that out of seventy-nine who composed our party thirty-five died and mmhv than twenty were (m the point of death. The majority of those who lemaiticii well also complained of slight pains and short breath. We were unable to linii any remedy for these maladies. . . . Our surgeons could not help suffei in. themselves in the same manner as the rest. Tho.se who continued sick \\i !• healed by spring, which conmiences in this country in May. That led us in believe that the change of season restored their health rather than the remedit- prescribed. During this winter all our lic^uors froze, except the Spanish w itn Cider was dispensed by the pound. The cause of this loss was that there weiv no cellars to our storehouse, and that the air which entered by the cracks \va< shai'per than that outside. W"e were ol)liged to use very bad water, and diinkf melted snow, as there were no springs nor brooks, for it was not possible to 1:1 to the main-land in consefjuence of the gi-eat pieces of ice drifted by th>^ tide, which varies three fathoms between low and high water. Work on tlifj hand-mill was very fatiguing, since the most of us, having slept poorly, ;u suffering from insufficiency of fuel, which we could not ol)tain on account (ii| the ice, had scarcely any strength, and also because we ate only salt meat ann vegetables during the winter, which produce bad blood. The latter circumstamf! was, in my opinion, a partial cause of tliese dreadful maladies. All this )iii>| duced discontent in Sieur de Monts and others of the settlement. It would be very difficult to ascertain the character of this region witliuutj spending a winter in it ; for, on arriving here in summer, everything is \t'ivj agreeal)le, in consequence of the woods, fine country, and the many varieties ntj good fish which are found there. There are six months of winter in this countrvj The savages who dwell here are few in immber. During the winter, in \>\A deepest snows, they hunt elks and other animals, on which they live most >i\ the time ; and, unless the snow is deep, they scarcely get rewarded for their j pains, since they cannot capture anything except by a very great effort, wliic ' It follows exposure to damp, cold, mul impure atmosphere, iiccompanied by Iniij."! <;oiitinued use of the same kind of food, particularly of salt meats, with had water. Ali| of these conditions existed at the Island of St. Choix. (18) _ • . reveiitcil the reason for their enduring and suflFering much. When they do not lunt they live on a shell-fish called the cockle. They clothe themselves in lintor with good furs of beaver and elk. The women make all the garments, Lit not so exactly but that you can see the flesh under the arm-pits, because lit>y have not ingenuity enough to lit them better. When they go a-hunting v use a kind of snowshoe twice as large as those hereabouts, which they Ittajh to the soles of their feet, and walk thus over the snow without sinking the women and children as well as the men. They search for the track of [niinals, which, having found, they follow until they get sight of the creature, lien they shoot at it with their bows, or kill it by means of daggers attached the end of a short pike, which is very easily done, as the animals cannot ?alk on the snow without sinking in. Then the women and children come up, |r(H't a hut, and they give themselves to feasting. Afterwards they return in Barch of other animals, and thus they pass the winter. In the month of March allowing, some savages came and gave us a portion of their game in exchange )r bread and other things which we gave them. This is the mode of life in nnier of these people, which seems to me a very miserable one. We looked for our vessels^ at the end of April, but as this passed without leir arriving all began to have an ill-boding, fearing that some accident had jfalien them. . . . But God helped us better than we hoped, for, on the |5th of June ensuing, while on guard about 11 o'clock at night, Pont Grave, iptain of one of the vessels of Sieur de Monts, arriving in a shallop, informed that his ship was anchored six leagues from our settlement, and he was Welcomed amid the great joy of all. On the 17th of the month Sieur de Monts decided to go in quest of a place ?tter adapted for an abode, and with a better temperature than our own ; so . . on the 18th of June, 1605, Sieur de Monts set out from the Island of Croix. These had been sent back to France the previous autumn. THE STORY OF LADY La TOUR. By James Hannay. Acadia can fairly claim to have produced one heroine who, from ir character and achievements, is worthy to be compared with any those whose names are embalmed in the world's history. She wap ( 19 ) ■^ not, it is true, a queen, like Semiramis,' Boadicea, or the Raneo o- Jhansi ;' neither was she a religious enthusiast, like Joan of Arc ; nor was she a woman enamored of the din of battle, like the Maid o; Saragossa.^ There is no reason to believe that war and combat liaii any attractions for her. She is rather to be compared to Maria-Theresa, the Empress-Queen, who became a leader of her people for the sak. of her husband and her children. It was to preserve their interest and to save them from ruin that she assumed the part of a warrior and commander, and undertook the defense of her husband's stroiii: hold, Fort La Tour. Very little is known of Lady La Tour's family, or of the time of her coming to Acadia. Her name was Frances Marie Jacqucliiii, and it is stated, in a volume published by the Charnisay family, tha' she was a native of Mons, in France. She was a Huguenot. Her husband, Charles de St. Etienne, Seigneur de La Tour, had come ti Acadia with his father in 1609 when a mere boy. The LaTour> were people of property in France, but had been ruined by the civi wars which afflicted that country prior to the reign of Henry TV The elder La Tour was a Huguenot, but his son, the husband of Ladv La Tour, seems to have been in his latter years, nominally at least, a IfL''' SI,. ' Wife of Ninus, founder of the AHsyriiiii Kingdom, a woman of extraordinary heaiit} passion and military prowess, who flourished nearly 2,200 years B. C, survived im eclipsed her husband, and after a reign of forty-two years abdicated in favor of her sw. Ninyas. Much that is written of her is admitted to be mythical. 2 The ranee, or chieftainess, of Jhansi, a district and walled town of North-wt^tti India, put herself at the head of a body of mutinous townsmen, June 4, 1857, lunl; massacre of Europeans took place at her instigation. During her brief career w lii' followed, this mail-clad amazon led her forces with masculine valor and ferocity. Sii was slain in battle, June, 1858, a few days before the storming of (xwalior. " Agustina, the "Maid of Saragossa," greatly distinguished henself during tht of that town by the French in 1808-9, and died at a very advanced age in 1857. was called la artilhra from having snatched the match from the hands of a dyin; artillery man, and discharged the piece at the invaders. She was made a lieutenant i; the Spanish army and received numerous decorations. Byron extols her in Chihfe Hnrili oanto 1, stanzas 54, 55, 56. We quote the last : " Her lover sinks — she sheds no ill-timed tear; Her chief is slain — she fills his fatal pust ; Her fellows flee— she checkfi their base career ; The foe retires — she heads the sallying host ; Who can appease like her a lover's ghost 1 Who can avenge so well a leader's fall ? What maid retrieve when man's flushed hope is lost ? Who hang so fiercely on the flying Gaul, Foiled by a woman's hand, before a batter'd wall f " [Byron saye that when he was at Seville she walked daily on the Prado, decor«tr| With medals and orders, by command of the Junta.] ( 20 )' r [laneo o- i.YC, ; nor Maid o; abat \m -Theresa, the sake interest- I warridr 's strotiir- '. time je('t of this sketch Lady La Tour, and not Madam La Tour, as some riters of history have done. Lady La Tour was the first woman of tie to live at St. John, and there seems to be no good reason why e should not receive the proper designation due to her rank. Unfortunately for La Tour, he was not without rivals and enemies. t Port Royal, th ^ name then given to the modern town and district Annapolis, Hved Charles de Menou, Sieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, ho sought to compass La Tour's ruin. Charnisay was also engaged the fur trade, and he looked with envious eyes on the vast territory liieh was controlled by La Tour, from which every year he obtained out 3,000 moose skins, besides large quantities of beaver and other rs. Charnisay's fort was on Voft Royal Basin, six mileti from the ( •-'! ) modern town of Annapolis, and there lie lived in state, in the nanif | ^ " fashion as La Tour, and had even a larger force of soldiers and retainer to carry out his orders. At that time the life and the njanners aivi J '"'" customs of feudal France were reproduced in Acadia. 1 ' Charnisay was a relative of the great Cardinal Richelieu, who tlid | ''"' governed France as the minister of Louis XIIL, and he succeeded ii 1 '"'" so poisoning the mind of the French Court against La Tour that ii I '" February, 1641, an order was issued requiring him to return to Fraiio ^ '""" to answer the charges which had been preferred against him. Cliar nisay was given authority to seize La Tour's person if he should disoln v this order, and to take an inventory of his property. La Tour refuseii obedience, and Charnisay, having no sufficient force to ooerce liiii] went to France to obtain assistance to carry out the King's ordor^ In the meantime La Tour had been communicating with his friends ii Rochelle with a view to obtaining assistance in the struggle which h knew to be near at hand. Early in the spring of 1643, Charnisay, with two ships and a o til Mn FO ^In tin ilii'ony; ftlic Sl. K>n t]]i ]»lan8 of vengeance against his enemy, and wliile there sought to secure the arrest of Lady La Tour, wliom he accused of being the cause of licr liusband's disobedience of the orders of the King. Fortunately slie was warned in time, and was enabled to make her escape to Eng- land, where she freiglited a ship from London with provisions and ammunition for Fort La Tour. She set sail in this vessel for her fort early in 1644, and it is an interesting fact that Roger Williams, the I'ounder of the Providence plantation, was also a passenger. The charter required the captain to sail direct for Fort La Tour, but the master of the ship disregarded its terms, and lingered on the coast of .Vcadia trading, so that several months were lost. In the meantime (Miarnisay liad become aware that Lady La Tour was on her way to Aradia, and had stationed ships at the mouth of the Bay of Fundy to intercept and capture her. lie was fortunate enough to' meet the English ship, but Lady La Tour and her people were concealed in the [hold, and the master pretended that he was bound direct to Boston, I so that the identity' of the vessel was not discovered. But the voyage ,t() Fort La Tour had to be abandoned, and so Lady La Tour, late in {September, found herself in Boston instead of her proper destination. Ill this emergency she proved herself equal to the occasion, for she hiioiightan action on the charter party against the persons who freighted ithe ship, and obtained a verdict of two thousand poutids damages. [On this judgment she seized the cargo of the ship, which was valu(M"l fat eleven hundred pounds, and, hiring three vessels in Boston to con- |V(y her home, at length arrived safely at Fort La Tour, from which ho had been absent more than a year. Early in the winter of 1644-45, La Tour found it necessary' to go to Boston for supplies, leaving his wife in command of Fort La Tour. 'he garrison of the fort was known to be very weak, and, in February, liiarnisay made an attempt to carry it by a coup de main. AVith a leavily armed ship he entered the harbor of St. John, and laid his ressel in front of Fort La Tour, in the expectation that its flag would )e lowered at his summons. But Lady La Tour inspired her garrison ith such courage that Charnisay was repulsed, and his vessel so much hattered by the cannon of the fort that, to prevent her from sinking, 10 had to run her ashore jIow Sand Point. Twenty of his men were billed and thirteen wounded. Two months later Charnisay made mother attempt on Fort La Tour, with a much larger force, and suc- (23) Irst ceeded in capturing it. The final scene in its story, and the death Lady La Tour, are thus related in Ilannay's History of Acadia : ^^^ It was on the 13th April, 1045, that Charnisay hogan his last attack on" Fort La Tour. The Lady La Tour, although hopeless of making a successt'u resistance, resolved to defend her fort to the last. For three days and tin nights the attack proceeded, hut the defence was so well conducted that tin T( l)esiegers made no progress, and Charnisay was compelled to draw off his foi with loss. Treachery finally accomplished what force could not effect. Cliai ^ nisay found means to hribe a Swiss sentry who formed one of the garrison, ntid on the fourth day, which was Easter Sunday, while the garrison were at prayciN this traitor permitted the enemy to approach without giving any warning. Tlicy were already scaling the walls of the fort before the garrison were awart- (it their attack. The Lady La Tour, in this extremity, opposed the assault at tli. *Jf '^^' head of her men, and repulsed tl^o besiegers with so much vigor that Charnisay | — who had lost twelve men kihed and many wounded — despaired of taking f the fort. He therefore proposed terms of capitulation, offering the ganisdi |( life and liberty if they would consent to yield. The Lady La Tour knew tlia; ^ successful resistance was impossible, and she desired to save the lives of tlinv. j under her command. She therefore accepted the terms which Charnisay offtivii fjni^ ■^^, and permitted him to enter the fort. No sooner did he find himself in posses , ' sion of the place, to the capture of which all his efforts had for years '"'" -k i.' i directed, than he disclosed the full baseness of his nature. He caused all tli. ^ ^ garrison, both French and English, to be hanged, except one man, to whom li' "^ gave his life on the dreadful condition that he become the executioner of lii- ^' " ' 'i ni ,d wit: comrades in arms. But even the murder of these poor soldiers did not sati-tv Charnisay's desire for vengeance. No doubt he would have assassinated t||.i«*i''"i'^ f Lady La Tour also had he only dared, but the Court of France, venal as it \\a '"^ iDrnij would scarcely have tolerated such an outrage as that. But he did what wa pl^ \\ t^ro, almost as bad. He compelled the heroic lady to be present at the execution ;UODi^fs " her soldiers, with a rope round her neck, like one who should have been executr ists. Ir also, but who by favor had been reprieved. But it mattered little to her \\lii lire in tlie furtiier plans of vengeance her great enemy might design ; they had little po''^' he ]!un ' to touch her. Her great heart was broken. She was severed from the husband IqJ^ a whose fortunes she had been so faithful, and could scarcely hope to see his taitMi. again except as a captive like herself. She felt that her work in life was doiie.^B., . for she was not born for captivity. So she faded away, day by day, until lier heroic soul left its earthly tenement, and in three weeks from the time wluii she witnessed the capture of her fort she was laid to rest by the banks of the^^ St. John, which she loved so well, and where she liad lived for so many yc'ir^Bp ^"*^ Thus died the first and greatest of Acadian heroines — a woman whose nant^ ii^Bthf'ni M'lr t;i t('S \ and re as proudly enshrined in the history of this land as that of any sceptred Queen^BfJ — ot in European story. As long as the sons and daughters of this new Acadia takf^«i«lers ( (24) eatl 1 (It 1- iiiilile wifp and inotlier left l)ehiiul her a little jfirl, whieli vvu.s sent to France in mt one . '"'t as no further mention is made of it in the genealogies of the family of ,1 jiroiialily died young.- Hannay's History. list in their country'.s early history, they will read with admiration the )ll^i"iv of the constancy and heroism of the Lady La Tour. ^ ttack Mil ucces-t'ui ,nd tliii' that tli.X tiis foni ^ fc. CIku. 'ison, anil b pray< r\ ig. 'J'l"'} aware of ult at th. '^ 3harni-^iiy of takiii- s gariisdii knew tliat 3S of tliusi- say offi'ii'il, in pos-^t"- STORY OF THE LOYALISTS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. By J. G. BouRiNOT, C. M. G., LL.D. ^ears llCfl; ,sed all tin whom 111 aner of lii^ not satisfy I inated tlf as it was what \va^ ;ecution ul executi'ii her Nvluit ttle powfi Imsbaiiil ti e his t'ii^^*' was (Inlle, until liH| ime wlu'ii ks of ill''' ny year e nan It' i^ 'cd Queen' adia tab' |e niii^ration of that large body of people who sought refuoje, at Kc of the euccessful American Revolution, in the possessions Fiiidand still owned on the shores of the Atlantic and in the of the St. Lawrence, was in many respects one of the most able that ever came into any country. Its members were im- ith many qualities that were calculated to lay deep and firm the idiis of stable institutions and of moral and conservative habits, formative period of the Canadian nation's growth. These were, as some American writers now justly call them, the lists "' of those days, just as the revolutionists were the " seces- .'* Til other words, they were the champions of a united British ill the eighteenth century. They comprised the larger portion iiu'ii and women of culture and wealth throuurhout the old As Professor llosmer has written, the majority " were people [tancc, and their stake in the country was greater than even li«'ir opponents, and their patriotism was to the full as fervent." itates were amongst " the fairest in the land ; they loved beauty, and refinement ; but the day went against them, and they had d into ships with the gates of their country barred forever liem." At the outbreak of the war they represented at least — others think a majority — of the people of the colonies. ii'iers disapproved, in the great majority of cases, of the iudis- (25) <>i U ^;i v.' crcet and ill-ju(l«^'('(l iiioasiiros <»f the English govenimcnt, but believed that tliere slioiild l)e a recoiisideiation of the relations bot the eolonies and the jtarent wtatc, and tliat eonstitutional inci, alone should be ibllowed until the peojde attained a redress of anees. They were not prepared to raise the Hag of rebeHim suft'ered and fought lor the maintenance of one free, indushiit pacific empire. Men and women were treated with great cruelty, even at I In when the questions at issue were still matters for argument and d and not for tarring and feathering or mob violence. Some allcv. might be made for the heat of passion during the civil wai-. I extenuating circumstances ai)peared at a later period when tli<' tions of the treaty of peace had to be carried out, and the hm were expected to receive just and humane treatment. At ]ii>t, ever, in the United IStates themselves, writers deplore the tiv;n which forced these people to seek other lands. No less than sixty graduates of Harvard, Yale and other Ami colleges, men who had occupied the highest [(ositions in tl colonies, descendants of the J'liritans of New England, of tlit. Hers of Virginia, and of the Huguenots, found their way to tli of the Atlantic. The venerable rector of fehelburne, in Nova: is the youngest son of one of these men, Gideon White, \vl the grejit-grandson of the first born of New England. Jose[ili| was the son of one of the owners of the Boston News-Letter, tl| permanent paper of America. Miner Huntington, the fatliei eminent liberal and friend of Howe, was a member of the Cn( family. The name of Bayard will be recognized as that ot ai of Huguenot descent, which has given not only a learned jil. and philanthropic citizen to St. John, but also an eminent staij to the neighboring republic. The Robinsons, Tisdales, Merrir other founders of well-known Ontario families, went first til Scotia, and then at a later date to the West. In the recoidd Maritime Provinces we find for a hundred years the names of ll Putnam, Billop, Oliver, Tyng, Botsford, Peters, Winslow, Cli| Byles, Stockton, Leonard, Chipman, Wetmore, Parker, Wiinl Upham, Scovil, Robinson, Saunders, Haliburton, Wilkins, Jones, Marshall, Cunard, Blowers, Bliss, Odell, Inglis, and n.anjj almost as distinguished. In the St. Lawrence valley we fin( Stuart, Robinson, Tisdale, Keefer, Hagerman, Ryerson, Cart^ Ministei (26) (I. R\ .■II, I n lo ( Ijic lirs til.' f r (';iiu ulxuit isis. u li.'irc i ill til fliis \^ close atioM t s, witli • 1 acc( Can a ers, w ndoub 'cction if^ts prei Pl»er h Caiiju al eouri- from t lit, and party, of pub Mly attei .SOS of ] tliroatei] e doscei at 7:}0,( 1j, and a ■ations ( niportar , niatei have gi' 'Justices, iji. Riittan, Macaulay, Kirhy, Ljunpinan, Ynnk()n«rlmot, McXab, rdl, Donison, B()wl))y, (.arscalloii, and very many otliers well rn to Tajiadian and even Imperial fame. |}i(' first evidences of the influence of the Loyalists in tlie Dominion till' formation of the two i)rovin('e8 of New Brunswick stud ir Canada, and a l{iru;e extension of British sentiment immediately [nhnut British North America. ])uring the war of 1812-14 the lisis. who could not save the old colonies to Enujland, did their lliiirc ill maintaining her supremacy in the countries she still 1 ill the valley of the St. Lawrence and on the Atlantic seaboard. this war the history of the Loyalists, as a distinct class, i)rac- • closed. Their children were absorbed amouirst the mixed liition that Howed into the country from 1815 to 1830. Political ^s, with all their alnises, now formed themselves, and the j)eople ?(1 accordingly. In Lower Canada it was a war of races ; in |r Canada largely a contest between a selfish ])ureaucracy and RTs, who pressed for responsible government. The grievances undoubted, but not such as to justify the ill-conducted and rash k'ction that followed. In the Maritime i'rovinces, where the jists predominated, and tliere was not such a mixed population L'p])er Canada, or a conflict between Frencli and British as in Ih Canada, the political controversy always took a strictly consti- |al course, and tlie result was favorable to public peace and public from the outset. Joseph Howe, the father of responsible gov- ^iit, and other able descendants of Loyalists, were leaders of the ]tarty, and they believed in constitutional metliods for the Is of public grievances, and not in the establishment of a republic. Idly attempted in old Canada. As soon as the revolt broke out lesos of loyal Canadians rallied to the support of English supre- jthreatened by a few rash men, aided l)y American raiders. le descendants of the Loyalists of 1776-1784 ma}^ now be esti- at 7'}0,000 souls, or about one-seventh of the total French and 1), and about one-fifth of the English-speaking people. In all lations of life for a hundred years or more they have filled the important positions and exercised a powerful influence on the 1, material and intellectual development of the whole country. jhave given to Canada sixteen Lieutenant-Governors, eighteen [Justices, three Prime Ministers of Provinces since 18H7, and Ministers of the Dominion government, including four Finance (27) Minirtterfl. Of tliiH nuniber seven liave been Lieutenaiit-GoveJ eince Federal union — E. B. Chandler, L. A. Wilniot, R. D. \Vi Sir S. L. Tilley, Joseph Howe, Sir R. lIod^Hon, G. 13. Robinson. Finance Ministers are Sir S. L. Tilley, Mr. Foster, Mr. Fieldiiis;! Sir R. Cartvvright. Hon. J. W. JohiiHton, for so many years ihtj leader of tlie Conservatives in Nova Scotia, a life-lona; op}>oiie:i Joseph Howe, was to have succeeded that distinguished statisinj Government House in Halifax, but he died in Europe before lie assume tlie responsibilities of ottice. Mr. Hardy, Prime Minis Ontario, is of Loyalist stock on the side of both his parents, names of the Cabinet Ministers, in addition to those just nuiitil are these : J. H. Rope, W. 13. Vail, Alfred Jones — who beloiij a family whicli has given several distinguished men to Western CJ as well as to New Brunswick — L. Seth Huntington, J. Coffiii Macdougall, Joseph Howe, R. D. Wilmot, C. Colby, D. TisdiiiJ C. H. Tui)per — on his mother's side only — and 1). Mills, presuiil since his family came first to Nova Scotia during the war. l| various legislative bodies of Canada there are now sixty inti claim the same honorable lineage. In literature, science and education we find the names of Clias.| Roberts, James Hannay, Bliss Carman, Dr. Theal, G. F. Mati Barrie Stratton, W. O. Raymond, G. U. Hay, W. F*. Ganoiigj belonging to New Brunswick ; Sir William Logan, Charles Saiij A. Lampman, W. Kirby, T. C. Keefer, Rev. Dr. Bethune, G* Denison ; Chancellor Burwash and Professor Badgley of V University ; Professors Bain and Welton of MacMaster ; Cliiti Harrison of New Brunswick L^niversity; and Rev. Dr. Carman, Gtj Superintendent of the Methodist Church of Canada. The ri meritorious performance in law, divinity, medicine and coiniiitj too long to be given here. It shows, also, how large and iiitiii is that element of the Canadian people who take a pride in tlii that they are connected by ties of blood with the loyal exiles i last century. Such questions of taxation, such ignorance of colonial com as precipitated an American revolution in the days when the roll of the parent state with her colonies required readjustment, \'j THE LEGEND OF GLOOSCAP, Jas. Vnmi CARTIER'S FIRST VOYAGE, ----- W. F. Gnnony, Ph. WINTER AT ST. CROIX ISLAND, . - - - (i. U. Hay, Ph. THE STORY OF LADY La TOUR, James Ha mi THE STORY OF THE LOYALISTS, - - J. G. Boiiruwt, C.M.G. LL\ THE CABOTS AND THEIR VOYAGES. Harry Pikrs, Asst. Lii'.kakian', Lk<;islativk Lihkary, Halifax, N. S. How often wo find that genius re(3eives its full recognition only after the lapse of many years, when the death-stilled pulse cannot (^nicken, even at the winding of Fanae's far-reaching trumpet! The qinidri-centennial celehration of the discovery of the mainland of America by John (^abot was but a tardy act of justice to the memory of ilie man to whom Great Britain is primarily indebted for her claims iof sovereignty in the New World. Until recently not even a tablet' [commemorated his name and deed : and almost nothing was definitely known of his life. Everything connected with his career has been associated with the greatest uncertainty and confusion, and it is on]y [after much controversy that we are enabled to unravel some of the [tangled threads in the many perplexing stories regarding this fifteenth [century voyager. For a long period it was assumed that John Cabot was a native of iVcnice, the town in which he spent some of the early 3'ears of his life. Recently, however, documents have been discovered which tend to show that he was a Genoese by birth, but that when young he had noved to the chief city of the Adriatic. The first definite information we have of his life is the record in the Venetian archives that on March 28th, 1476, Joannes Caboto had )oen naturalized a citizen of Venice. Most of his spare hours were pven to the study of cosmography and navigation, and at an early ige he was filled with an intense desire to roam to distant lands, narvellous stories of which were on the tongue of ever^' traveller. .t one time he visited Mecca, and there heard many remarkable tales )f travel and adventure from the Eastern merchants who fiocked Hiither. Such recitals greatly increased his enthusiasm. 8ome years previous to 1495, Cabot removed with his family to [lie old English town of Bristol, and became a British subject. This )ort was then famous for its maritime enterprise, and even at that [>enod it had considerable trade with Iceland. Such a place was weU accord with his adventurous spirit. ' At ii meeting of the Royal Society of Caimda, held in Halifax in .June, IS1)7, a llilet was placed in the Province Building in commemoration of Cabot's discovery. ( 31 ) V iiiim iiiier i ei'ciso tc'iiteei The whole civilized world was then ringing with the fame of what has proved to be the greatest deed in the whole annals of geographir M ^' ^i discovery. The paramount genius and courage of the illustrious 3 . j Columbus had just planted the banner of Spain on the islands of a new continent across the dreaded Dark Ocean. It was then thouijlit 3.i . „ that the East Indies had been reached, and the news stirred to a M^ ,, , <- H|e c;i>r, remarkable degree the speculative and intrepid navigators of the ago, W'hose great aim was the discovery of a new road to the rich land of India. Even at the English court, saith Cabot's son, "all men affirmed it to be a thing more divine than human to sail by the west to the east." The long dormant theory of the roundness of the earth and thv M^^ ,^,^j possibility of a westerly route to India were accepted by the keen- ^i„.,iiti(- witted Genoese at Bristol, and he longed to emulate the achievements ^^.^ ^^^ j of his countryman, and to test practically certain bold cosniograplii; :^^^ ^j^j theories which had been developed in his own contemplative ami | --pj^j^ daring mind. The passion for discovery was in possession of him wlm i^,^,], Qj had so long been dreaming of marvellous lands beyond the sea. j^^ ,),jg ^ Cabot probably was poor and uninfluential, and consequently h' ^^ ,.,, ^^ desired a patron who would assist his designs financially and givt i^f„,,.|y r^j them suitable authority. Naturally he looked to his adopted sovereign | j,^ j^j, for such support. Henry VII. was then on the throne of England: ^alnoincri and it would be difficult to find a more penurious monarch, or one in a^om-. temperament more unfitted to become the patron of sucii a nol>l< j^q,] tinalh undertaking as Cabot had in view. Channel a In 1495 the Bristol navigator laid before the throne proposals l.'i atcssel e discovery which rivalled those of Columbus, and craved royal approva ^., m^^jj^ of the project. The petition was as follows : fac,. ^ j,p ^ " Please it your Highnes of your most noble and habundant grace to grauir eiglileeii n unto John Cabotto, citizen of Venese, Lewes, Sebastyan and Sancto, his sonnty^ 'p])p u your gracious l^^tters patentis under your grete sele in due form, to be mad- ^Mglj,- i.p„ according to the tenour hereafter ensuying^ .... and they shall during ^B^' ^ , their lyves pray God for the prosperous continuance of your most noble and ^B Royal Astete, long to enduer " ^B ttt, ... B Wheth Such is the quaint wording and spelling of the earliest docunn^it extant definitely connecting England with the New World. The Kine; was evidenllv jealous of the glorious achievement ofB ,. , Columbus under the patronage of Ferdinand and Isabella; and '^'^HtIi^I ' This portion of the document is lost. ^B Other s^ ( 32 ) r litv made him ready to sanction a rival expedition, but only so long ii(> demands were made on the privy purse, and only on condition at lie should receive a good share of any profits that might accrue. ttt'i's patent, dated March oth, 149G, were accordingly granted to hot and his sons permitting them to sail to any country or sea of th( cast, west and north, under the English flag, with five ships and aD\ number of men — but all at their own expense — to look for lands #lii.li were unknown to Christians. They were to raise the Roval banner in any land they might discover, and to take possession and excitisc jurisdiction iti the name of the King of England. The patentees were given the exclusive right to visit the countries discov- ered and to trade wnth them. One-fifth of the net income from the ! keen- ejj„.(lition was reserved to the crown. The Cabots and their heirs ement^ ^j>,.^, ^^^ have the lands they found and occupied in perpetuity as sub- ject > and vassals of the King. Tills was the substance of the Latin document under authoritv of wliicli Cabot sailed, and whereby he received from his royal patron not one copper in assistance of an undertaking the praise of which wa^ to echo down the centuries, coupled with denunciations of Henry's miM rly aid. In June, 1496, Columbus returned to Spain from his second voyage, brill si'ing further reports of islands discovered. This increased Cabot's ardour. After some delay the English expedition was ready for sea: and tinally, about the end of Maj', 1497, Cabot sailed down the Bristol Chiuiiiel and stood for the open sea. lie was in command of a bit of av( ssel, called the " ^Matthew," of about fifty tons, being only as large aaa medium-sized schooner of the present day. It was a tiny craft to fact' the dangers of such a perilous voyage. The crew consisted of iteen men. The "Matthew," after passing Iceland, sailed northward, and then lly headed toward the west — that region upon which was then ectod the gaze of the civilized world, and which was associated in ry man's mind with no little superstitious dread. Whether Sebastian accompanied his father on this voyage is not itively known ; but if he did he was too young to have taken any minent part in the planning or direction of the expedition, and refore the entire glory must be bestow^ed upon the elder Cabot. The log-book of the "Matthew" is not believed to be in existence, other sources of information are exceedingly meagre and confused ; ( 33 ) one 11. nolilt- o grauir soniU'Vv .)e iiiiui' duiiiv- >ble and cunitMitj nent of ind his ics mill consequently we know almost nothing of a vo^'age which was destlia to become one of the most famous in the history of maritime discox er At early morn on June 24th — being St. John the Baptist's diiy- after having been about fifty-three days out of Bristol, the " Mattliow first sighted land. Cabot thought he had reached Cathay, in the ca of Asia, and visions of India and its riches rose before him. Grcau however, was to be his renown than if he had merely found a wcstor passage to the East, for he had fathomed the marvellous and well k. secret of the Occident — he had opened to the Old World the mainlai of a new and boundless continent, the very existence of which li; never been dreamed of by the most imaginative cosmograplicr mariner of the fifteenth century. Cabot landed and erected a cross, and beside it unfurled the bann of St. George and St. Mark, and took formal possession in the ii;tr. of Henry of England. On that day began the claim of Britain the New World. The location of the landfall has been the subject of much vehein controversy. Portions of the coast of Labrador and of Newfoundla: have each had their advocates ; but I think most writers now iv:- that some portion of the Island of Cape Breton is the right situaii and there cannot be a doubt but that such evidence as we now 1:: points to that locality. Dr. S. E. Dawson, whose exhaustivr , able articles have done very much to clear awa}' the uncertainty wi attaches itself to nearly every particular of the Cabot A^oyagcs. siders that Cape Breton, on the eastern side of the island of that na: is the exact situation of the landfall. One of the documentary evidences in favor of the Cape Broil Island landfall is an engraved mapponoiide now preserved in ! [ Bibliothoque Nationale at Paris. It bears the date 1544, and tlitW^*^'*^- -^^^^ are reasons for believing that Sebastian Cabot was indirectly rotipi^P^'"' '^'^^^ sible for some of the information it contains. At or near the extioiiiiB^ ^'y ^ of what is evidently intended to represent the present Island ol Ca^F^'^'' ^^^ Breton are inscribed the words Prima tierra vista (first land t^oe^j'|''- and an inscription elsewhere on the chart informs us that this IfiH^^"" ^r was discovered by Cabot. If the authority of that map is m fl|^ ' ^"•^ '^ main unquestioned, there can be no doubt regarding the appro dni^^^'^^'^^'^^ J location of the landfall. All, however, do not admit its claimsB^^^'- ^^^ accuracy, although the balance of opinion is in favour of the tlioorW^ "^' '^^^^ supports. It must be remembered, though, that the claims ol Ci^f ^ii'K)t f jr. !( n can be advocated by arguments entirely aside from this mup. iitil some new document is discovered, the controversy must rest, itii by far the strongest evidence pointing to the Cape Breton Island iid'hll, and with the probability of its having been at or near the i< inmost cape of the island. The Newfoundland and Labrador [corics cannot stand the test of such arguments as have been brought ruiii.^t them. There is another question coifnected with the hindfall that must ntcrred to. On the day on which land was sighted, Cabot also scovered an island over against the landfall. This island he called John, in honour of the saint on whose anniversary it was found. )r some time it has been considered that this island was the present Ma[) of the ('upe Breton Islaiul Laiulfiill. loe Edward Island, an error that has been creeping into our his- e.s and guide-books. Dr. Ganong and Dr. Dawson have pretty ctively shattered this idea. If the Cape Breton landfall theory is rect, Cabot's island of St. John was most likely the present Scatari kii.l jSooii after landing on prima tierra vista, Cabot's provisions ran rt, and he was obliged to turn homeward. About the beginning aii;ust he sighted England, and soon after cast anchor before 8tul. liaving been absent about three months. 'he news of the discovery spread with great rapidity, and for a Cahot found himself a very famous man. It must be remembered, (35) liowever, that not even tlie voyager himself then suspected that tli mainland of a new continent had been reached. He reported thai 1, had landed on the seaboard of Cathay, and a contemporary docuinci; speaks of the King having ac([uired a great part of Asia without stroke of the sword. It was only in later years that the full impoi anee of his achievement became manifest. Though the whole of Europe rang with Cabot's praise, Henry Al showed but little gratitude toward the bold navigator. In tlie ])rivvj purse accounts of Henry — still preserved in the British Museum we find the following curt entry: ''August 10th (1407), To hyn; that founde the new Isle, ,£10. " No other official recognition of tl great deed exists. "The stingy monarch," as one author writes, "i doubt considered that he had amply rewarded Cabot, little thinkiii that the etitry referred to would post his own niggardliness for tl scorn of posterity." It is true that at a later period Henry thouir fit to further reward the discoverer with an annual pension of cl\ but this was to be paid from the funds of the Bristol Custom Hon It has l)cen rightly said that the discovery of a continent was, iift all, cheap at such a price. In February, 14!*8, John Cabot obtained new letters patent autli izing a second and more extensive expedition of six ships. T; intention was to colonize the new lands and to barter with the nativ. and also to endeavour to find the much-desired route to India. T; expedition sailed in the spring of 1498, about the time when Colunitj departed on his third voyage. John was in command, and with were his son iSebastian and about three hundred other men. Fni thenceforth John Cabot is lost to sight, and we hear only of Sebasti; No man knows how, when or where the discoverer of the Amerk; mainland met his death or where his body rests. Some think hv iii liave died during the voyage. It is to be hoped that future resea may bring forth definite particulars of the end of this worthy iiiaii It is fairly certain that the second voyage was in a northoiii ;ii northwestern direction, to a region of ice and continual dayliii'lit. which case the second landfall was probabh' somewhere on the La! dor coast. It seems that the presence of ice forced the ships to toi and they coasted southward until they reached the vicinity of present Cape Hatteras. Failing to discover the desired passage the land of silk and jewels, and provisions being low, they set sail home, and arrived there some time after September, 1498. ( 36 ) signal }isin), whieh tliey ])ur- iio^cd to visit ufterwards and investii;'ute more conndetely. They jrctiaced their stejis, and, roundinji; tlie " eapo of tlie two hays," (•ro.-sod the other ])ay (Chiii;neeto), to wliere "■ tliere are two rivers" |((^iinihorland Basin and Shepody Bay). Thence they sailed west to (^iiiaco River and Cajte. Chami)lain mentions the mountain (Tlieobald), a short distance inland from (^iiaeo, having the sha[)(! of a cardinal's hat {Lfi C/uipcdii (If Cdrd'ntdl). Sailing southwest they eatne, eight leagues fartlier on, to " a fine bay running up into tlic mainland . . at the mouth of the largest and deepest river we liad yet seen, whieli we named the River St. Jolm, because it was on this saint's day that we arrived there. By the savages it is called Ouygoudy ." ' Chamiilain |(li(l not explore tlie river farther up tlian the islands at the liead of Ithe Falls, but continued his westerly course to Passama([Uoddy Bay. [[Ilis description of finding the Island of St. Croix and wintering there given in Leaflet No. I. of this series]. The spring and summer of 1605 was spent in exploring the coast )t' New England as far south as Cape Cod. Finding no jdace suitable [for a settlement, and determined to seek another location after their suft'eriiigs on the Island of St. Croix, de Monts transported the frame- work of the houses to Port Royal. After a careful search no place was found more suitable than that on whicii they had encamped for a few days the previous summer, being slightly elevated and with good Springs of water around it. When most of the preparations had been made for winter, 'de Monts |*etunied to France, leaving Pont Gravt', his lieutenant, in command. Phe winter of 1605-6 proved milder than the previous one, and the |utferings from t-old and sickness much less ; although, out of the lumber of forty-five, twelve died from scurvy {raal de l Montp, wlio infornicil them that the Sieur do routriiu^ourt, hh lieutenant general, was on lii. way to Fort Royal with fifty men. On returning to Port Roviii, Cliamplain and his men, to their great joy, foiind them already th(i( PORT ROYAL (.'ham plain's DksCKII'TION UK TlIK Mai'. A. Our habitation [on the present site of M. K(|uille Kivei'. Lower (iranville]. N. Seaeoust of Port Roj^al. B. (Jarden of Sieur Champhiin. O. Ilanyes of mountains. C. Road through the woods that Sieur de i*. Island near tlie River St. Antoinc Foutrincourt had made. (^>. l^ocky I>rook. D. Island at the mouth of E(]uille River. R. Another t»rook | Morris River]. E. Entrance to Port Royal. S. Mill River [Allen River], sometini''* iij F. Shoals, dry at low tide. correctly oalled L'Eiiuille. (i. River St. Antoine [the stream west of T. Small Like. St. Antoine is .Jo(^ ■1- 'I 1 iiio; 1 1 tl- . Tl ,'lil- S, iU' 1 V- iiplii' 1 ll.t As it wart too lato in tlic sciiso!! to seek juiothcr site for a settlement, I'ontrini'ourt decided to remain tlie cominuj winter at Port Royal, lUid sent laborers to work on tlie land about a league and a half farther iipthe Annapolis River, wli'vc the French had first thought of making ilu'ii' abode. A second voy.^o ot discovery was made along the New Kn^dand coast' as far south as Martha's Vineyard. Champlain's (1( scription of the voyage, and their meetings with the Indians, some ol wlioni proved hostde, and his invaluable record of the character, iiiitniicrs and customs of the aborigines, are full of interest. On tbeir return to Port Royal- they made preparations for the iwiiifcr, which proved milder than that of the two preceding years, laltln'iigb the sprir was backward. " On the 10th of May it snowed 11 night, and towards the end of the month there were heavy hoar rosts, which lasted until the lOtli or 12th of June, when all the trees hvcre covered with leaves, exce^jf the oaks, which do not leaf out until lalxmt the ir)th."'' Although seven died from the scurvy during the winter of 1006—7, iltle company spent the time much more happily than during the cvious winters, as the following extract from Champlain's narrative ay show : W'c s{)(>nt this wintei- very pleasantly, and fared geneiously by means of »■ OifDUK DK 1)UN 'I'kmi's, wliifli 1 introduced. This all found us<'ful for their ■iillli, and more advantageous than all i\w medicines that could have been iscil. P.y the rules of the order a chain was put, with some little ceremonies, It the neck of one l our company, commissioning him for the day to go •Inmiiiig. The next day it was conferred upon another, and thus in succes- iiii. All exerted themselves to (he utmost to see who would do tlie best and iiig home the finest game. We found tiii.s a very good arrangement, as did ls(» the savages who were with us. ^ lie ' ('liiniipliiiii r(? with an average width of about sixty miles. This ridge, iiuerrupt'T by the Strait of Cnnso, falls suddeidy from a height of over a thousaii. feet above the water at Ca})e North to as much below in Cabot's Stiai!' before it reappears in Newfoundland beyond. The submarine valK separating this ridge from the more elevated ridges forming the mail. land is seen in the Bay of Fundy, the Gulf of St, Lawrence, and tl. Strait of Belle Isle. When the crinkled surfaces of the contineii;? rise too high above the general level of the surface of the globe, tremendous pressure causes them to sink, with the inevitable buluir.f out of another })art of the surface to the same extent. From siid causes the various wrinkles of the earth's surface are constantlv eitln'l rising or tailing for vast periods of years, the higher lite rise the nrari' sei'ved. At a i;'iv«'n sij^nal the whole company nmivli into the dinin>^ hall, the (J rand Mastei' at the head, with his napkin over his .sheiiMt his stall" of oHice in his hand, and the ri while tile other mendters bort; each in his hand a dish loaded and smokinji; with sonn p of the delicious repiist. A ceremony of a somewhat similar character was obseiMii the In'intfint^ in of thi! fruit. At the close of the day, when the last meal hail I"-! served and 'i j)ean civilization. When .Membertou, the veneral)le chief of the tribe, or othei' saOrV. I led an a largH h as \v. e poiiit>^ rO mill'"'.] errupt'jiif tliousaiKl :'s Straitl ne valic; :lie WM.\ , and tlii ■ontinontij u!;lobo, ill e bnl gills; Ironi >uri| :ly I'itlui le urart.1 lit in 11, and l!J O. illl'l I'l ice aii'l "1 t' coiikiii:! iMiiiiinu iiy iii:iivli-| ( lii.- 11'" h soiiii I' itl)«f|\i''l ,1 h:v\ 1- yltyi'l:"''-* itin<:' '"' U.-.SS. Tl'^ •11, I'"''' ''1 Ion • iirraliiiti'i'i the period of renewed falling-. What is now the province of Kova votia was more than once a part of the rnainlatid, a peninsula, an sland, and a submarine bank. Its area now is about 21,000 square lilcs in round numbers, or over 13,000,000 of acres, and it changes nri-v dav. The sea and the runninji; streams are lessenina: the land ;v(iv hour, and the tides in opposition are in many places building up iiarsh lands. But there is another power, more mysterious than either, Milling the whole peninsula down beneath the water, and it is going,. r()\]ivr — slowly, and we don't know for how long, or whether it may [jliange its rate, or plunge. The Sunken Forest. On the southern side of the isthmus connecting the province with u'W Brunswick and the continent, tlie stumps of trees — spruce, beech, ^iiie and tamarac — forming forests are found from twenty to thirty H't below high-water mark, where thev could never have grown under Ircseiit conditions. In the excavations for the Ghip Railway across the btlniius, I have myself seen the stumps of large trees at a depth of roiity feet below the surface of the land, and below the surface of [iuii water, and I have dug around such a stump until I reached the iver of soil which formed the surface of the land into which its roots I. lul those of its fellows grew long before even the Acadian was in land. Although tliis evidence of modern subsidence is the most triking, it is not the only evidence. Tlie sunken forests evidently leloiig to the present order of things, although they antedate history 1(1 tradition. The Pleistocene. But there is l)clow the sunken forests, and spread in var3'ing degrees thickness over the planed, scratched and sometimes gravel-polislied 3(k which lifts the province out of the water, what we call the soil. [Ills is an older formation still, when no forest could have grown, foi- re tiiid great banks of clay, with huge l)oulders baked up in them, fitlioiit any order, just like what we find glaciers making at the PcMiit day, when tliey shove belbro them masses of powdered stone mud. Then we find banks of stratified gravels, sands and clays, iv result of the action of the water on the seashore or of the rivers 1<1 streams in the valleys and })lains. In some of the beds we find c Arctic sea shells Tellina or Saxicava, which sliow that thej' were filled originally under the sea with an Arctic temperature. That ( +.*i ) also helps to explain the rubbing away ot the rocks by glaciers stream- ing slowly down the mountain sides, as well as the carrying of rocks from the coast of Labrador to be dropped over the sea bottom where Prince Edward Island now rises, as well as on Nova Scotiiin land. Tt also indicates how some of the minerals from the Blomidon range should be found scattered over the province in a broad band out to the Atlantic coast. In manv places these masses of srravel^ and boulder clays were cemented into loose conglomerates, or evti; rock. Sometimes they filled old ravines gouged out of the solid rmk by the action of glaciers which appeared to have vanished, only to In- succeeded by another glacial age when oidy a portion of the old vallev was scooped out, the later ravine to be filled in with a different grave: of another retreating glacial period. But even in this age there wen times and places where forests were growing, for the huge Americai; mastodon was at some portion of this period browsing in the woods otj Cape Breton, before he lay dowMi to die in the valley of the Middlej River near Baddeck. One of his thigh bones wanting only an iiiclil of four feet is now in the Provincial Museum at Halifax. The Triassic. e'lJl Going another great step back in time we come to the rock wlii could not be rolled around and mixed up again and again, no\\' hv river action, now by sea, and now^ by glacier ; and we find the i»rnv ince lying lower in the water than it is now, but practically of the snnitj general form, although an island. The Bay of Pundy opened rl«ir into the gulf, and the arms of the Minas Basin extended wider easi and west from the Salmon River to Annapolis Basin. On its botron; w^as deposited the red sandstone material which was later raised nf above the water and again mostly worn down by the action of strcan; and river and open gulf water until on the Northumberland Strait tlif| soft deposit was washed away, leaving the red sandstone only on tk\ elevated bank which became Prince Edward Island. It was duriiiii this time the shrinking earth crust cracked along the North Mountaii; range and belched forth the volcanic ash and lava forming the so-callrt trap of to-day. This was the last of the volcanic eruptions whit convulsed the foundations of the province so often before. The Carboniferous. Many milleniums before this last period the whole province w lower still in the water. The whole coast line from Cumberlaiul i\ (44) ''lt'. er el' a kvho wii' anotliir. as c-V'' Acadui! ativc . : nipaiiii' Caiiail;;. Chaitir. Joil'fVt.| ,ges aiiiii ■tbntaini li tc tlii ipoi iitod Hi received the surrender of Fort Jcinseg, on tlie St. John river, on the tweiitv-seventh of August, 1670, and of Port Royal on the second of Sei'tenibcr of the same year. The old fort at the mouth of tlie River St. -lolm appears, at that time, to have been in a ruinous condition, Ihiit early in 1 he named Soulanvernor of Acadia, but in the same year he died, and his widow and liliildren returned to Canada, where tliev had intlueiitial relations. The i'utuie marchioness was only five years old when this change in her 'c^i(lence took place. From that period her career was identified laiiily w^ith the province of (Quebec. We have no details with regard the life of Louise Elizabeth de Joibert from this time until the date 1" her marriage with the Manpiis de A'audreuil, which was celebrated n the twenty-first of November, 1690, when she was only seventeen oars old, the Bishop of (Quebec officiating. She had been educated y the ladies of the Convent of t'le Ursulines. She was then a very (47) ■!i| beautiful woman, and of a superior understaiuling. She is descrihecl by a contemporary as a person of " solid virtue and noble spirit, witl all the graces which would charm the highest circl s, of rare sagacity and exquisite modesty." The Manpiis de Vaudr.uiil, at the tinion; his marriage to Mile, de Joibert, had been several years in Canuda He had distin2:uishcd himself as an officer in the wars of France ji Europe, and when he came to Canada it was to assume high commaini ]Ie was nearly thirty years older than his wife, but their marriai'- seems to have been a happy one, and in his latter years she was a iiio> j valuable assistant to him in his work as governor of Canada, li Vaudrouil aspired to be governor-general as eai-ly as 1699, on th death of Frontenac ; but he was disappointed in his desire, for M de Callieres was then made governor. De Vaudreuil, hov^^ever, receive some compensation b}' being made governor of Montreal. De Call ion died in 170-'», and then the claims of de Vaudreuil could not be ignoroii | and he became governor-general of New France. The chief objectioi urged against his appointment was the fact that his wife was a nativj (Canadian, It was thought that his connection with a leading Canmlia family might [)revent him from performing, with strict impartiality, liij duties as governor. lie continued, however, to be governor until tlJ time of his death, twenty-two years later, and it never appeared tlia his conduct gave reason to justify those fears which had retarded li| promotion. The marchioness de Vaudreuil had no less than twolvj children, and she seems to have been an exerni)lary motlier, as well; a true helpmeet of her husband. The time when he was governor New France was one of much anxiety, for at that period Acadia tJ into the hands of the P]nglish, and it was already evident that tlj sparse population of New France, as compared to the English coloiiie would soon place French jyower in America in great danger. Madame de Vaudreuil saih-d for France in 1708, but the. vessel ij which she took passage was captured by the English. She was, m ever, treated with distinction, and was allowed to proceed to lit destination. She attracted much attention at the Court of Versuil and became a favorite both of Louis XIV. and of Madame de \Iiii| tenon. She remained in France for several years, and did not \vm to Canada until 1710, her husband having in the meantime gont ovj for tlie purpose of escorting her home. Such long separations bci \v( husband and wife vrere then less thought of than they would Ix no^ because it was sometimes necessary for high officials in New Frai ( 48 ) 10 liiivo a friend at court to look after tlieii- interests. Madame de 'undivnil trequeiitly acted as her husband's secretary wlien lie was |()i iv.-|io>iding with the Frencli government, and there is a letter of HTs in existence, written in 1724, in which, on her own behalf, she [hiiiiicd for her hns})and a larger compensation than he was then jtM (•i\ ing. The claim is based on the great expense of living in (^nehec It thai time. A coj)}' of this letter is among the arcliives of Canada, Lil tlie arcliivist says of it that it " is curions as to details, and tlio irtliuLrraphy is exoeedijigly quaint — for a person in her position." Hiis. we suppose, means that the marchioness did not spell very well ; [lit it so, there were at that time many high-born laassed into the hands of the English. A CHAPTER ON NAMES. By Rkv. W. O. Ravmond, M. A. 1. — The Old County of Siniury. There is a popular impression that tlie County of Sunbury once Ichided the entire Province of New Brunswick. Thi> is a mistake. Xova Scotia was tirst divided into counties in the year 1759, and iinberland, now the most northerly county of tlie peninsula, then jt'liided all the territory of Nova Scotia north of the Isthmus of niecto. The vast limits of *^he original County of Cumberland [I'' curtailed in 1765 by the erection of the territory bordering on ^t. John River into a new county called Sunbury. The bounds ( 49 ) IL^ !-• wore MotdcHiitMl ; it was merely resolved hy the Governor and Coiintil. at a meeting lieid in Halifax, April -JO, 1705 : That St. John's llivor should he ercrtcd into a county hy the nanu' '<( Sunhury ; and likewise tliat Capt. llichai-d Smith siiould he appointed a.Iusti'v of tlie Peace for tlie C-ounty of Halifax. ' The hounds of the new eoiinty were not detincd until on the 4th nt May, 1 770, From the description then given, wo learn that it extended from the western houndary of the province as far east as a line runnii dne north from (^uaco Head to the Canadian ])onndary. This woul leave all tlie eastern part of what is now tlie Province of New Urui wick still a })ortion of the Count}' of Cumberland ; and that this wii- actually the case is indicated by tlie fact that when word was received from England in the montli of August, 1784, that the province was to be divided at the isthmus, the newspapers mention, as rather :i curious circumstance, that by this division Fort Cumberland and the largest part of Cumberland County are placed within the new provineo. a thing contrary to the desire of the g;)vernment of Nova Scotia. Prior to the division, the jurisdiction of the county seems to have been confined to the townships and settlements within the bounds of what are now Westmorland and Albert counties. The provost marshal and other officials at Halifax exercised tlieir authority when necessnrv at Miramichi and the Bay of Chaleur. At the time of the division the territory nortli of the Isthmus of Chignecto seems to have had five representatives in the Nova Scotia House of Assembly, namely two for the County of Sunhury, two for the County of Cumberland and one for the Township of Sackville. 2. — Parr-Town. The name of Parr, or Parr-town, as applied to St. John, should \m regarded merely as a passing episode which has received a great deal more attention than it deserves. In tlie first place the name \\aj| never applied to the city as a whole, but only to that part on the ea;^ side of the harbour south of Union street ; and in the second place tliij period in which it was so applied was only of about eighteen monili-^ ' This is {rood! Appuieutly in the eyes of His Majesty's Conncil a Halifax jn-t:" of the peace was as impoitant as the whole County of Sunltniy. It is prohahh- the Nova S 10 cast UH ' the lOlllil-l : J n-ti'' M.il'! duration. " St. John " l»aa been the time-lionorod name, with this liii'f exception (if exc'ej)ti()n it can be called), ever since the menior- aMr 24th of June, 1G04, when Chaniplain first entered the harbour — ji jH'jiod of almost three hundred years. There came into my hands, not very long ago, a fragment of a lottiT written on the 2«ith December, 1784, by Va>\. Edward Winslow to Sir John Wentworth, in which the former speaks of the dissatisfac- tion with which the Loyalists regarded the name of "' Parr-town '' (owing, evidently, to Governor Parr's unpo[)ularity). lie says : Tlic pi'opnsod plan of incorporating the new towns at the inoutli of the river, and foi-niing a city by the name of St. John, fia.s prevented a serious rr|piisrntation fioni tlie people. The town oti the east side was cliristened by i\hij all concerned. 3. — Some Proposed Names. Sir Guy Carleton had proved himself so true a friend to the Loy- llists in the hour of their adversity that there was a general desire to lonor him by giving his name to some place which should be settled )y them. Major XJpham, later a Judge of the Supreme Court, was an Enthusiastic admirer of Sir Guy, and he wrote Col. Winslow, Sept. 12, 7s4 : I beg you will use your influence that the district of country to be settled ^y tlic Provincials (or lioyalist regiments) be erected into a county and called (51) M l)y tlie name of CdrlcUnt, and that the principal town on the lliver St. John in- caUed (rni/. Surely no man has so effectually contributed to the settlement ut that country as Sir (Juy Carleton. Tlio name of Carleton was given to the town oti the west side of 8t. Jolm harbor in lionor of Sir Guy — not, as is common]}' supposed, in honor of Col. Thos. Carleton, the first Governor of the Province. Respecting the suggestion of Judge Upham, that the principal city of New Brunswick should bear the name of " Guy." we can only he devoutly thankful that wiser counsels prevailed. It was at one time seriously proposed to call our good city of St. John "Clinton," after Sir Henry Clinton, the formercommander-in-ehief of the forces in America. Wheti Xova Scotia was about to be divided there was some specu- lation and many suggestions with respect to the name that should In given the new province. Col. Edward Fanning (afterwards Governor of Prince Edward Island) wrote to Lord Sidney suggesting that i; should be called " Pittsylvania," in honor of Lord Chatham, whosi character he and all other Loyalists regarded with enthusiasm, (^uiu early in the year 1784 the British government had practically decidn! on the division of Nova Scotia, and it was understood the name (>: the province to be created should be " New Ireland ;" but soim political complications caused the matter to be delayed, and wlici Governor Thomas Carleton came out in the autumn, it had been agrtrd that the name should be New Brunswick. 4. — Old Names that are Disused. The province was divided into counties and parishes shortly altirl the arrival of Governor Carleton, and in some instances old histoii names were supplanted by new on*^^. In certain localities the old name persisted for years, and only gradually gave place to the new This was the case at Fredericton, where the old name of St. Ann was common until after the removal thither of the seat of governiiui! in 1787. At Woodstock the old Indian name 3Ten, broucjlit joy and roliof to the Eui^disli (oIoiUHts of America, for it heralded tlie end of French power on tliis continent. It was soon followed by English expansion, of which one l)hase was a stream of emic-nition from New England to Nova Scotia, |>articularly to the rich lands left vacant by the expnlsion of the Acadians in 175'). Hence it came to pass tiiat the o[)enini,^ of the American Revolution found the present Province of New Brunswick and tiie contiguous parts of Nova Scotia settled chieily by New Eng- landers who were bound to tlieir fellow-countrymen of Massachusetts and the neighboring States l)y the closest ties of kinship, love of fatherland, and constant intercourse. It was perfectly natural, thert'- fore, tliat the sympathies of many of these settlers should be with the American ratlier than with the British cause, and that they should wish to include Nova Scotia among the colonies in revolt. This in 177(1 some of them tried to do, but without success, for the British power was too strong. After one attempt, some of them returned to the States, and the remainder gave their allegiance to England, and were afterwards, as their descendants are to this day, among the most loyal of British subjects. * Their one armed attempt at revolution M'as their attack on Fort Cumberland, under the leadership of Jonathan P]ddy, in November, 177(3. Colonel Eddy, a brave, but rash, leader, gathered from Machias, J'assamaquoddy, the River St. John, and Sackville a force of about one hundred and eighty New Englanders, French and Indians, all badly disciplined and badly armed. Fort Cumberland, whose ruins to-day overlook one of the fairest scenijs and mark one of the most important historic siti'S in all the Atlantic IVovinces, \a^s strongly garrisoned ])y one hundred well-trained and well-armed militia under command of Colonel Gorham. Only eighty <»f Eddy's men were available for an attack, and with these he made an assault upon the fort on the night of November 12th, but was repulsed and his forces scattered. He escaped witli the renuiant of his men to the River St. John, w iice he later retired into Maine. Before beginning the attack. Col. Eddy sent a summons to the tort, which, with Colonel Gorham's answer, is given below. These two documents are amongst the most interesting in our history. Not (53) r m only arc they rnodols of simplo und Ibrcctul c'OiiiiK)sitioii, l)Ut tlu'\ reflect with ureut clearness the ciiHtoiiis of the time and the character^ of their writers. In Coh)nel EcUly's hold snn»n)ons to a larger anil hetter trained force inside a strong fort to surrender to liis inferior one outside of it, and in Col. (iorham's calm rehuke of his adversary's disloyalty and expression of Ids own devotion to Ins Sovereign, wo can read tlie minds of two very diflerent men. In hoth documents, also, we note a characteristic of helligerents in all ages — i le effort to make the enemy appear in the wrong. That in hotli i>apers the grammar is faulty and the spelling weak, does not detract from tlieir interest, and they are here printed precisely as tliey occur in the work from whi(!h they are copied — Kidder's "Revolutionary Operations in Eastern Maine." To Joseph Gorham Esq. Lieut. Colonel Ctnnmandt of the lioi/al Fencibles Ameri cans Conimandiny Fort Cnmherland. The already too plentiful Effusion of Human Blood in the Unhappy Contest Ijetween Great Britain and the Colonies calls on every one engag'd on either side, to use their utmost Efforts to prevent the Unnatural Carnage, hut tin- Importance of the Cause on the side of America has made War necessary, and its Conse(|uences, though in some Cases shocking are yet unavoidable. But to Evidence that the Virtues of humanity are carefully attended to, to temper tlu' Fortitude of a Soldier ; I have to summon you in the Name of the United Colonies to surrender the Fort now under, your Command, to the Army sent under me by the States of America. T do promise that if you surrender Yom selves as Prisoners ot War you may depend upon being treated with the utnln^t Civility k Kind Treatment ; if you refuse I am determined to storme the Foi t, and you must abide the conseijuences — Your answer is expected in four Hours after you receive this and the Fl.i^ to Return safe, I am Sir Your most obedt. Hble Servt JONA EnuY Nov. 10, 177C. Commanding C)tiicer of the United Forces. Sir— Fort Cumberland, 10th Nov., 1776. I acknowledge tlie receipt of a Letter (under coular of a Flagg of Tru( e) Signed by one Jonan Eddy Commanding officer expressing a concern at the unhappy Contest at present Subsisting between great Britain and the Colonys and recommending those engaged on either side to use their Endeavors to prevt iit (54) til too Plentiful effusion of human lilood and further Summoning the Com- 1)1,1 iidinj? officer to surrendor thi.s <,'arrison — From the Coinnjencenient of these Contest T have felt for my deluded r.i()tlu;r Subjects and Countrymen of America and for the many Innocent jiiiipie they have wantoidy Involved in the Horrors of an Unnatural Uehellion, mill entertain every humane principle as well as an utter aversion to the I'nno- ccssary eff'usion of Cliristian HIcmkI. Therefore command you in his Majestys name to disarm yourself and party Immediately and Surrender to the Kings iiitrcy, and further desire you would communicate the Inclosed Manifests to iis many of the Inhabitants you can and as Spetnlily as possible to prevent tlu'ir liciii;,' involved in the Same dangerous and Uidiappy dilemma - Me assured Sir I shall never dishonour ♦^he Character of a Soldier by Sur- I't'iidering my command to any Power except to that of my Sovereign from whence it originated. I am Sir Your most hble servt Jos. GoHiiAM, Lt Col. Comat R. F. A. Comnuinding Officer at Fort Cumberland. THE SIEGE OF PENOBSCOT. Bv Jas. Vhoom. The siege and relief of Penobscot must always rank among the most important events in the history of our Atlantic Provinces. Although the heroic stand made by the defenders and the sweeping victory of the relief were robbed of their just reward, wlien the Saint Croix instead of the Penobscot was made the boundary line of the new repubhc, yet the permanent check there given to the revolutionary toices saved to us the territory now forming the province of New Brunswick, and possibly the whole of Canada. From the commencement of the American Revolution, the Loyalists of Western Maine had borne the heaviest persecutions that could be lu'itpod upon them. East of the Kennebec, beyond the boundaries of the old province of Maine, in the territory sometimes called the District ot .Vcadia and sometimes the District of Sagadahoc (then claimed by Massachusetts as a part of the District of Maine, but sending no (55) mA 1 representatives to the general court), there was less violence, and n larger proportion of the people, to use a cant phrase of the time, were "well-wishers Oi he government." Especially was this true in the neighbourhood of Penobscot, and the old fort, or military post, at that place was abandoned l)ecause its commander, a Loyalist, would not hold it in the interest of the ^Tassachusctts authorities. Some time in the s})ring of 1779, orders reached Halifax for the despatch of troops to IVnobscot Bay to build and garrison a fort at that place. Brigadier-tieneral McLean, an experienced officer, and a man of education and refinement, was placed in command of thr expedition ; his force consisting ot tiie Seventy-fourth Highlanders and six companies of the Hamilton Regiment, about 700 men. His pro- clamation, on taking possession of the territory, expressly states that To afford a jdace of refuge and protection for the friends of the Crown in Maitie was the principal object in establishing a militar}' post. A frigate and three small sloops of war convoyed the transport- from Halifax to Penobscot. The landiiig safely made, the frigate departed, leaving orders for two of tiie sloo})S to return to ILdifax. The crest of a ridge on the peninsula of Bagaduce, or MajilnKjUia- duce (now Castine), lying on the east side of Penobscot River, wjieio it widens to the J^av, was the site chosen for a fort and town. The landing took place on the 17th of June. About one hundred of the inhal)itants volunteered to bel}* in clearing the land of wood, and the work of }>lanuing and building the fort and outworks was commenced without delay. When the people of Boston heard of the occu})ation of Penobscot. and learned that the British were few in number, they at once resolved to overwhelm them ^\•ith a superior force. By great exertion they quickly gathered a fleet of eighteen arnud vessels, with a larger number of transports and storeships, and em- barked an army of 3,000 men. This expedition reached Penobseot on the 2')rd of Julv, just five weeks after the British had laid tJM foundations of their fort. Confident of success, the New Knglanders laid siege to the unfinished works, and rejoiced ii' their anticipated victorv. General McLean was not wholly unprepared. Timely warnitiir had caused the retention of the three war sloops for the protection ot the harbour, instead of only the one that had been allotted to him. The attack, liowever, had come much earlier than was expected, and in much lan^'cr force. As the forty or fifty New England ships paraded before the litilo harbour, they seemed indeed a formidable fleet. But the British general was not one to yield to a mere sliow of force. Though lie had but oue gun mounted, and his walls half raised, he would try to hold the fort. Changing tlie plan of Ida fortifications, therefore, to (56) leet th A fi The llie iiarr )vci' an he Xev ide of t In the ji ic dela; UTV lip Fidse ieW Kll; • hung \i\y iiass( )i'tic fro fi il fully tr<'iin'tlie The s Ifalifa: ?iiit()rcer lit ret II n paj-e Sabl In tin fciiohscot inie. Sir shi].s. The l)( |dge of \\ jell, at til (orld ; an lit' jojiH. iat ii larjr h' eiiciny pear cnie 'troyed, On' the fJ*t a coin nis fop a harhor The dij rt'fv prejt •gilt canK ^^ tiiiide I irnu't I eni- )l»SC'Ot a tl K' IIH Icl'! >ati'U irniii.ir lion ot him. ll, and } littlo British gb lie try to :)re, to eet the emergency, and filling the openings in his masonry with logs 11(1 .arthwork, he proceeded to make the best of his defences. A full account of the siege is preserved in the diary of an officer.^ The three sloops of war were so managed as to hold the mouth of jhe narrow harbour, and baffte every attempt of the enemy's ships to rcc an entrance. On the 28th, after being several times repulsed, K' New Englanders succeeded in effecting a landing on the outer (Ic of the peninsula. This enabled them to throw up two batteries II rhc licights above the fort, and thus complete its investment ; but )(■ delay had given tlie British time to mount several guns, and to vvy \\\} the most necessary stores from the landing place. Falsely informed that the garrison was short ot provisions, the I'W Knglanders, perhaps, refrained from attacking in force, waiting r liiniijrer to do its work and u'ive them an easier victorv ; vet not a iv passed without some exchange of sbot and shell, some assault or itif from the fort, or some movement, either aHoat or ashore, to bi- iltully met by counter-movement, the defenders still continuing to rniiitlien their works while thev beld tlie enemv at bav. The situation at Penobscot was known to the militai'v authorities Halifax ; but their depleted garrison could furnish no relief until iiitorccments arrived from England, and the exjiedition then sent t returned to port with some of its shi[)s damaged in a storm off lai»c Sable. Ill the meantime, however, while the brave de'enders of the lobseot post were looking to IFalifax for the help which never nie. Sir George Collier bad sailed from New York, with a flei-t of c >liips, to bring more efficient relief. The beleaiiruered u:arrison was not entirelv shut off from a know- lire of what was ""oinsT on bevond the enemv's lines. Secret service en. at the risk of their lives, kejtt up communication with the outside ilil ; and deserters from the enemy, at an equal risk, from time to u' ioijied their ranks. From o)ie of the latter thev had learned at a large number of the loyal inhabitants had been taken on board enemy's shi[)8, where they were held as prisoners and treated with vat erneltv, and that the itronertv of these Lovalists had been ^ Lit. * strovcd, and their wives and children left destitute. On the 18th of August there came in some deserters, who said at a council of war had been held on the commodore's shiit to lav lis tor a decisive action, and that it had been determined to force ■ harbor at next tide, and take or destroy the king's ships. The disposition of the enemy's fleet confirmed this report, and en preparation was therefore made for a desperate resistance. gilt came on, and with it the full tide ; but no aggressive movement ^ nuide by the enemy's ships, and at daybreak it was seen that the 111. .lohn Ciilef, a Massachusetts Loyalist, surgeon and acting chaplain to the rriMiii %''t m (57) sudden arrival of Sir George Collier's fleet had disconcerted tlj -ir plans. The siege was raised with alacrit}'. In the words of one of tho detendcTs^ — Tlie rebel Heet never attempted to make a stand, Init ran u\) tiie rivei in the utmost confusion. Two of their vessels only were taken ; the rest tli. rascals ran ashore and hurned before our shipping could get up with them L'nluckily, they had intelligence of oui- fleet the day before, and in the niulitl time their army got on board their shipping, and took along with them niosi (jf their cannon and stores. The prisoners were set at liberty before the ships were burned, jim the crews made the hest of their wa}' homeward through the wo(»il,> Tho way in which the burning of the ships is glossed in a news paper report of 1779 is curiously interesting, since it l)ears a strong! resemblance to war news of later date : — The publick may be assured that only two ships have fallen into the etieinyv iiands. Admiral Staltonstal has taken effectual care to prevent their takiii;'| any more. In spite of such deception, the excitable Americans were deeplyj chagrined by the defeat at Penobscot, and the Loyalists were equallyj elated. With the aid of the three sloops of war the king's foicejf hud been able to hold out for twenty-one days against a fleet and aniiTJ of more than six times their number and strength. The relievingi fleet was composed of one ship-of-the-line, two frigates, and thieti smaller vessels. The British loss was seventy men in all — killcii wounded, and missing. The enemy lost nearly 500 in battle, besi(k>j their eighteen war vessels, twenty-four transports, and all their equip ments and stores. After takins: to the woods, the fuifitives fouuii;! among themselves, seamen and soldiers accusing each other of co^vf ardice. Many more lives were thus lost ; others perished of famine: the remainder reached Boston in a most miserable plight. Penobscot was held unmolested during the remainder of the war.l and was the last place evacuated by the British troops after the tnanj of peace. An otHcer who took a leading part in the defence'*^ thus suni> iij the result of the crushing defeat : — It was positively the severest blow received by the American Naval fnraj during the SVar. The trade to Canada, which was intended, after the exjx i teij I'eduction of the Post of Penobscot, to be intercepted by this veiy armaiiu'iitJ went safe that kSeason. The New England Provinces did not for the remaiiiiiiif periosuioto |)iiivc ln'l|it'iil. /'/■'//. /'K/lt-rsoii, Movh-tiil. N of great iiitt'ifst ill coiiiuHJtioii uitli till' »i inly of Canadian liistoi'y. I shall Ik- I'lail to assist in any uay possililc to luiny' Mi|)|iliiM»'ntafyrt -ablings siu-h as t licsrw it liin icacli of tlic (thildruii in oui- schools. ('Iii< /' ,s'»///. />;•. /;/'•//, A'. Ii. 1 must (.•on<^ratnlatt' yon, not only npon tilt.' conception of such a cotnincndaltU- t'litfi prise, but upon the success with which it lias liccn initiated — A*. A', (lo.'oull , l/ihrn- WKiii /^< i/ii/iifiri' Lilirnri/, lirilisli Co/iiiiihio. 1 like your [jfoject. - /'/v;/'. (i'lt). /irj/cr, Wiinii/i< If. Many thanks for tla; very intt^resting Miiiplilet on (Janadian history to|»ies whii^li III were kind cMiough to send uie —I'riit. 'ii'oilii , SI. Auilrcir.s, X. II. Kept up with the s[»iiit and e'Xcellencc laractcrizinjr the tirst numlier, it surely iui>t connnand a lar<^e and appreciative iii|i|Miit -AVr. Dr. Xfdir'it, I). />., I^r<<. \I'irriii //f(f(', (Jinhir. riic various issiu's of the leatlcts will iiitaiiily prove an accpiisition to the sclntol ' well as to private lil>i'ari(;s.--,S7. ./ lieeoniinj; very sucei-ssful. —tjiiilin' • rniri/. Tlicsc six papeis(in No. I. ) cover a wide riiiil of Canadian history and onyht, to ivc an extensive circulation. -S/. .lohii ''l"irii/ih. ltfiitui-(> ninnlHMs have the value ami tt'icst of thi-"* first, thev will he (le.servei.yHt/rh. If the first number of Canadian his iiy, edited by Mr. (!. L'. Hay, is a fair iii|iic of what this publication is to Ik-, wc 'mild advise our readers to take this pill I unity tokci'p |)ostt'il in local history. Mointun Tranmri/il. on [..eaflut N'o. 1 : Mr. C I'. Mays latest move to pidilish sii|)plements or leallcis in connection with the /•Jifiirn/iDii'i/ /{iriiii\ ;;;'iviii(.>■. They will kindl(! in the minds of student.-- a stroiiji' and lively interest in Canadian history. Siintnicrsidi Jonrnnl. I think the idea of publishing the.se bits of Canadian history for supplementary reading is a capital one, and I hope that it will receive the support which it ileserves. — M. (JIuinilxrIain, llnrnird Cnirfrsily. Their purpo.se is primarily for the .school room but can be appreciated e«pially by the g<;neral Viiiidcv. /)l;/l)i/ (Joiirur. These leaflets are not designed to super- sede the textltooks now in n.se but to pro \ ide a supplementary <'ourse of readings by means of which a more comprehensive knowledge of the hi.story of our country may lie brought to the minds of our vonng people. Ill rn-ich It'ii/lsh r. The tirst uuml)erjustifiesthe expectations that the series will prove a valuable aid to teachers and students who have limited access to liooks and (hx-nments relating to till- hist oiyof(Janada. Yitrinniilh 'I'l/ii/rmn. A publi(;ation that should be reoeive(x. We could not jii\e better ad\ ice than to say that it ought to lind a place in every home in the Dominion. Kiittvilh W'uli/r. Dr. Houiinot writes on the l.oyalists, whose saeritices and privations laid the foundation of so much of the greatness and prosperity which are the inheiitance of our people, —i'liivirslli/ Mmilhly. 1 have read with very great iMtere,st and bcliexe su(th publications may be of vast benetit in awakening interest in a subject too apt to be dull. I'riii. A'. Kim/, Sit.sntx. A'. Ji. it; % ! I 1^ Nf itered ac bUQ ' I ISSUE jtered iiCcordiiiK to Art of the I'lirliument of Caimdii, in the year 1S9S, by (J. U. Hat, at tlie DepiirtiiuMil of Aiunieultuif. buCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS. CANADIAN HISTORY. NUMBER THREE. GENERAL COFFIN, /. Allen Jack, D.C.L. FORT CUMBERLAND, James Han flay. DANVILLE'S EXPEDITION, Harry Piers. NICOLAS DENYS DESCRIPTION OF THE RIVER ST. JOHN, W. F. Gauong., Ph.D. INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF LIEUT. JAMES MOODY, G. U. Hay, P/i.B. STORY OF THE BIG BEAVER, Rev. W. O. Raymond, M. A. September^ 1898* ISSUED QUARTERLY. PRICE 10 Cents. MRNft * CO., PRINT IN*, IT. JOHN, N. B> IMPORTANT ANNOUNCEMENT. THE EDUCATIONAL REVIEW scries of Leafiets on Cui.adian HiHtory has been planned with the special object of jj^ivini; detailed accounts of the leadine^ events and persons in Canadian historv. The series will present from historians of the past and from original documents, valuable records tliat are inaccessible to students and schools with limited library priveleges. The passages trom original authorities will be selected with a view to excite the interest and pi(pie tlie curiosity of the general reader as well as the students of our schools, and stimulate them to further research in the source^ of our surpassingly rich collection of historical material. Leadiiii: historical writers in all parts of Canada, and some in the United States, have promised their assistance, and tlie result will be that nearly one hundred different to[>ics will be presented in this series, dealing in a simple and interesting manner with the most picturesqiii and important events of our history. The; result will be of incalcul- able bencHt to the readers of Canadian history, awakening an enthusi asm and love of country that dry texr-bi)oks and m^//?f>r?7e/' lessons cai: never arouse. The Lealiets, of about thirty }»ages each, will be issued quarterly until the series of twelve numbers is complete. The subscription price for the series is ONE DOLLAR. Siiiirli numbers Ten Cents. To encourage their use for su[)plementary rcail ing in schools, TEN or more will be sent to one address at FIVE cents each. Address EDUCATIONAL REVIEW, ST. JOHN, N. B. The topics dealt with in thetirst two numbers of the Leaflets aiv The Physicial Growth of Canada ; The Legend of Glooscap ; ('artier- First Voyage ; Winter at St. Croix Island ; The Story of Lady L Tour; Tlie Story of the Loyalists; The ('abots and their Voyagi' The Settlement of Port Royal; The Physiography of Nova Scoiial An Acadian Marchioness; A Chapter on Xames ; The Fort Cuniborj land Summons and Reply ; The Siege of Penobscot. 1 shall be glad to receive your countenance and support in ti publication of this series. If you enrol your name as a subscriber no4 it will be a guarantee that you wish success to such a worthy cuttrl prise; and you may pay the subscription when convenient, or \vln:j you are satisfied that you have obtained the worth of your money. AH J>runsw filed or i^ called tc But yet tlie (Jem i except h Prior I'arf of JS liuiJding 'leparted •'^^Hcrei wjt't' (»iie o] until the t |'i(»\ iiice e^ •"^ts of the tablet i.s cr It is t( to recogij wife is no 'lature or disregard death, wh i'^Iay, alth< |of New Bi ' 'riie rer pel. I, ii beaut 'liNtant from Jfioiii the i()a< h' tin; tombs. G. U. HAY, Publisher, St. John, N. Veur the "I' fioiii the {T GENERAL COFFIN. HV I. At.l.KN .Ia. K, I). ('. L. FIVE in tl.< her mA • r will''. iuey. ler, All the old and many ot the young citizens of Saint .lolin, New l>rini8wick, have lieard of General Coffin, and few tourists have trav- t'llod on the River Saint John without having had their attention (jdlod to the site of the Coffin manor at the foot of the Long Reach. Bui 3'et there are very few persons, even amongst tliose who live near the (Jeneral's old home in the Province, who know anything of him I'Xoopt his name and the tradition as to his place of residence. Prior to the fire whicli, in June, 1877, consumed the greater {•art of Saint John, including Trinity Churcli, there was in the latter huilding a mural tablet which helped to keep the memory of the departed soldier alive. Upon this was inscribed the following : Sacred to tlie incniory of "vnenil John Coffin and Amu' .Mattln!ws liis witV one of the first settlers on he River Saint John in the year !7.'^4 and until tlie time of his death was a member of the I^e^islative Council of this liidvince ever endeavouring,' to increase the agricultural and conunejcial inter- ests of the province : he died May IS. \KiH in the Sf) year of his aji;e. This tahlt't is erected to his memory by his surviving; children. It is to be regretted that the writer of this was apparently unable to recognize the fact that the unity existing between husband and wife is not generally apparent in the discharge of duties in the legis- lature or of a public character. The inscription, in addition to its disregard of grammatical rules, is inaccurate as to the date of tlie death, which occurred on the twelfth, not on the eighteenth day of May, although the latter might well have been desired by a Loyalist ot New Brunswick as a fitting time for entering into rest. ' ' The remains of (ienerul (.'ottiii lie in the Church of Eiifrluiul burial t^rouiid, West- Itit'ld, ii beautiful spot on a hill overlooking the St. .lolui Hiver, about ii ((uarter of a !uile IfliMaut from the site of tlie Coffin manor. To the left, tm entering th«; burial ground [fioiu the roa,ny ways. In 1520, one Sir William Collin, having discovered that a certain priest had refused to hury a cor[»se until the only cow of tlie deceased was delivered to him as a burial fee, caused the cleric to be place' , \v;i« n thr . soil, iiiirlif roval i wli el lion, yport, urc, it nurae •ion ot Xatlianiel Collin, of tlio Aincrican braiicli, was a inonliaiit j»os- M'sscd of sonic nioans, and casliirr of customs at IJoston, Massacliii- sett-. He took the side of the crown during the American Kevolntion, >iitrt'rcd fi^reatly from loss of property, and was ni'ver reimhnrscd. lie liad four sons and sovcral daiiu'liters. The eldest son, Nathaniel, a siicccHsfnl lawyer, having, with his l>rothcr next to iiim in ai^o, a»islcd in cuttintj down a liherty pole, was ohli<;ed to seek safety in tlitjlit from IJoston. The fourth son, Isaac, (lieuarter Sessions. He imported stock aiul seeds and improved agricultural implemeiitN not only for himself and his temints. but to distribute among hi- neighbors. Nor were his benetits limited to the Province, for in ]X'3 the Massacliusetts Society for Promoting Agriculture thanked hini fer "a fine stud horse of the light cart breed," and made him an honoran mend)er of the association. In 180:i Col. (/otlin went to Euixland aii'i was presented at Court, where, with his handsome face and tine figiui. six feet two inches in heigiit, he seems to liave made a lavoraMt impression upon the mind of the king.-' He was otlered, but declineil 'In the St. .Iitliii (Itr.illt of Apiil 'J(»tli, 17!*!t, is the followiiij: |iiitiij.ria|th : "Cul. Inh ('oHiii, of this I'roviiiee, is appointed a Hti<.''a(liei-j;eneral to cuniinand on the Newt uiii land Station. " ■■'The St. .lolni (iir.ifli of Deecinher KMli, |S(i:{, has tlic folio\vini_r : " .\inono- tlic hki:' niihtary pi-oniotions tliat liave lately taken place in IOn4tli lici^i- loeiit ill Ujipcr (-aiiiida. Prior to 1- chk'st son dyini^ ill Is.'tO, a (.'eneral in tlie Jioyal Artillery, and two of his sons liavini^ atfaiiu'd in tlie Roval Xavv, one to the rank of Admiral, the other to tliat of Vice-Admiral. Sahine, in " Notes on |)uelsan ri mhrfin' ipsfiihtii'ii/ n(/iiinsf 1/(111, and our a,i;es l)eini( more (Mjual, if voii will attend me iil">ii a party of pleasure to Moose Island I shall Im^ very happy to ent«'rtain Vdii. I r<'<,'n;t very nuich that I i-arniot olfer you a passai,'e in tin* schooner Miiitiii, as she is at pi'csent out of eonnnission. " F have the honour to lie, sir, with the \itmost consideration, " ^'our most obedient humlde servant, "John Coll TAf." It is interestiiiij to note that Robert Parker's son, to whom the writer of the above refers, was the late Honorable Neville Parker, Master of the Rolls, and brother of the late Chief Justice Parker. J III conclusion, it may be mentioned, as an instance of the (ienertirs t;;t-treni::tli and couraife, that on one occasion when |)r()eeedin«^ in a Ipvliale boat to Saint flohn from the manor, with liis youn»^est daui^li- Itcr, six or eii^ht vears of nuc, and a boatman, he attacked and killed In bear which had taken to the river to escape its pursuers, the otdy ^voapons l)eing an oar and the sprit or boom of the sail. 'Oil Kctiruarv '-T*! li, I7!>7. a duel was finivrht near KrciU-i ictou l»ftwecii ( 'ol. .Ftdui "Hill and .lanu'.s (ilciiic, iu \\lii(;li tin; latter was slightly wniiiidcd. The St. .Jolm tijro(l it in 17'>r), and 1 HC'lecl thii foriiRT iiainc aw tlio title of this article hocaiisc. wliiL liosiurtt'joiii'only oxistod for about five years, Fort Oiirnberlaiid lias bin known bv tliat desii^nation for about a eenturv and a balf. Besiiis.^ jour bad its orii^in in tbe claim of Frantx' tliat wben Acadia was cetltii to Great IJritain in 1 7U3, under tbe terms of tbe Treatv ot I'trccbt, tin words, " Nova Scotia or Acadia comprebended witbin its ancicn; boundaries," oidy referred to tbe peninsula of Nova Scotia, and tbat tlii part of ancient Acadia now known as New Brunswick still belonucil to Fraiu!e. Tbe same claim ba«l been made on bebaltof (be Englisl, in l(i(»7 wben Acadia was restored to France by tbe Treaty of Brcdii, but it was not allowed. Tbe Frencli bad always maintained tbat tin River Kennebec was the western boundary of Acadia, and this claiii; was put forward by Governor Villelmn of Acadia as late as tbe yea: 1(11)8 in a letter written to T.ieutenant Governor Stouii^bton of Massa cliusetts. Tbus, accordinui; to tbe Frencb view of tbe matter, tlie ml of Acadia depended on its ownersbip, Wben tbey lield tiie title toi: Acadia extended to tbe Kennebec, but wben it passed into tlie po> session of tbe Englisb it sbruidv so mucb tbat it only consisted of tin territory eom[)rised in tbe modern [)rovince of Nova Scotia, and it; boundary was tbe Misseuuasb. Any one wbo looks at a map of tbe ^^aritime provinces will seeii a moment tbat the isthmus which connects the provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia is a position of great strategic importaiitr even at the present day. and tbat before the itivention of railways aiiii| steamboats it was still more commandins: than it is now. F'or nearh eighty years it bad been the site of a prosperous settlement, which liai become populous and wealthy and sent out many of its young mo to establish other settlements in its vicinity. But in 1 749 a chaiii; came. The French government at (Quebec resolved to erect a ])airuj on tlie isthmus to resist the advances of the Enijlish : and in tbe autnm of tbat year M. la Corne, a French ofKeer, arrived at Cbigneeto wit seventy regular soldiers and a number of Canadian irregulars ain:j (64) lirth till '), aiul| , wliiifi is bi'i'i :ht, til. [im-ioii;! liiit tlul loilU'i'il Bri'da, Imt tlk J claim he you; Mas>;i lie slz le to' ]\V [HI oftl, and 1 scoi: f XrV >rtaii*i ;iys ail' near!; ich 1)11' icr nil'!. cliaiii:' l)aiTie' iiutuiiii: ;t() will [irs anil I lu'iran to establinli liiinr<«'lt' tliore. Nothing of iri»|u)ifaiico was doiio that year, but in tlie spring of 1750 t}ie erection of Heausi'jom* was connnenced, and it was hardly completed when captnred hy the Kng- lisli five years later. The site chosen by the French for this stroiig- h(»l who hiid tied t'rom that portion of Acadia whicli tlie Freneli admitttd to ])elong to England. As the removal of tl»e Frencli inliahitants of Beauljassin had rendered tlie hnildinir of a ])lock liouse tliere unnecessary, Lawreinr returned w'Mi his force to Minas, after eX( hanging communication^ witli LaCorne, the commander at Beausi'jonr, who claimetl all north ot the Missejruasli as French territorv. lint in tlie ocL'^inning of Sep- tend)er of the same vear, I.awrence returned to (Miignecto witii a larger force, consisting of the48tli Regiment and 1500 men of tlie 4;')ili KeL''inient. The Indians and some of the French inliahitants wcn' rash enough to oppose the landing of this strong hody of troo[ts, hut were driven off after a sharp skirmish in which the English lost ahout liO killed and wounded. On an elevation a short distance south nt the Misseguash River, Lawrence commenced the erection of a i»icketc(l fort, with hlock houses, which was named after himself. Here a garrison of r)00 men was maintained until after the fall of lieaust^jour. Engliind and France were nominally at peace when Fort Eawreiirc was huilt, hut there was seUhmi peace in Acadia as long as the Frriuli had a fo(>thold there. The English colony in Xova Scotia was very weak, most (»f tlic inliahitants of tlijit province heing French. The Frencli held Louishouiir and the whole ishunl of Cape Breton ; they likewise ]>ossessed <^ueh('c and all Canada, so that the capture of Beau lur soon hecanic a neeessit}' unless British power in Acadia was wholly to disappear, Accordingly, in the autumn of 17r)4, steps were taken to recruit a sufKcient force in New England to ensure the desired result. Lawrenco was then (Jovernor of Nova Scotia, a'ld he sent Lieut. -Colonel Moncktnii to Boston to confer with (Jovernor Shirlev of ALissachusetts as to tlic arrangements necessary to be made. Two battalions of New Frglaml troops, numbering about 2000 men, were enlisted for the i^roposcd expedition and placed under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Winslcw and Lieut.-Colonel Scott. A sutHcient number of vessels was obtained at Boston to convey this force (o Nova Scotia, and on the 'J8rd Mav, 176;"), it set sail for its destination. At Annapolis -SOO vetenins of tlio ^;)th Regiment wery taken on board, and a small train of artilleiy. ( «(5 ) and Clr (lay all t " Fort ri'ii'iilars hut seve the garr tit' its gn measure.' captured establish river a n liiidging and on t tfencdies finued iii that ther lie has I withotit (lOve <'uiiil)erli ifarrison. the last toJIowed America, Diirin attacked Kddy, wl leii'islaturi o\' Mauge ./ New Eni i who wen 177(5, and ill eommt illtllOllirJi Hear Fort lliially (1; inarines ii Thus eiuh was in vol' Nova Sco i's<|ue ruir never mor ' Siiiiimi T r aiul Oiignecto was reached on the 2!id of June. On tlie following (liiv all the troops were landed and ('arn[)ed ahoiit Fort Lawrence. Kort Beaus('jour was then under the comnuind of M. du C/lnunhon ,lr N'crger, a great grandson of Charles de la Tour, llis force of rciriilars for tlie defence of the place was small, not exceeding "JOO men, Iiiit several hundred Acadians had ])ee»i called into the fort t(; assist rlic garrison. Heaus«'jour could not he assailed from the front hecause i>\' its great elevation ai)ove the marsh, so Monckton ]»roceeded to take iiiciisnres to attack it from the rear. On the 4th dune, the Knglish caittiired the hlock liouse at I'ointe a Buot, and crossed the Misseguash, t'staiiiishini!: themselvi's the same eveninir on the north side of that rivci' a miie and a half Irom the tort. A week was cxjH'uded in luidiiini' the Missei;ua>h and irettinj; tlii' cannon and mortars across, ami on the morning of the 13th tire was o[iened on tlie fort from the iitiiclies at a distance of 700 feet. Cannon and mortar tire was con- riiiiicd until the l»!th, when Verger surrenderc(l, after having learned tliai tlieri'was no i>rospect of any help reaching iiim from IiOui>l>oiirg. Ii!' lias heen much censured hy French writers tor this, hut apparently witlidut Just cause, for his means of defence were entirely inadecpiate. (iovernor Lawrence changed the name of Beaust'jour to Fort Ciniiherland and t'or numy years it was occupied hy an Englisli L^arrison. A small force of regulars was there until after tlie close of the last war with the Ignited States, in ISIl'-L'i. Along ))eace tujldwed that contest : there was no war going on either in Europe or America, and the garrison of Fort Cumherland was withdrawn. During tlie war of the vVmerican revolution Fort Cumherland was attacked hy a party of rehels from New England under Jona'.lian Ktldy, who had heen a resident of Nova Scotia and a memher of the li'uislature. He was jissisted in his ai tempt hy twenty-tive residents ot' Mauger\ille under Ca|»t. (^uinton, all of whom were originally from Xcw England and symi>athi/ed with their friends in Massachusetts wiio were in rehellion. Eddy appeared hefore Fort Cumherland in IT7t!,and summoned it to surrender, hut Iiieut.-(/ol. (lorham, who was in ('(niimand tliere, treated this summons with contempt.' Eddy, iiltlioiigli aided hy the Lidians and hy some of the settlers who lived near Fort Cumherland, was unahle to accomiilish anything, atid was liiially driven ofl' and compelled to take to tlie woods ])y a force of marines under Major liatt. which were lamU'd from a British warship. Tims ended the last warlike operations in which Fort Cumherland was involved, and with it ihe hopes of those wlio expected to make NOva Scotia one of the United States. Tlie old fort is now a pictur- t'S(|ne ruin, and it is to he hoped that the iiorrid sounds of war may never niore disturh theheautifui and fertile region winch it commands. ' 'SiiniinoMN and iitiswer are ^ivcii in full iii 'in. 2, patfc ').'<, nf tlii^ sciieH (if readiiijjH. U (•i7) D'ANVILLE'S 3^]XPP:D1TI0X. By Hakkv I'lKiis, A^s^^t. Liliiiiiiiu) lA' surrendered to a poorly equipped force of undisciplined colonists. Consternation and chagrin, however, soon gave way to desire for revenge, and plans for retaliation were (juickly formed. The fortro>- must be immediately recaptured, and Annapolis and Boston demolished. It should be England's turn to feel tlie stings of humiliation. To guard against the least possibility of failure, most elal)oratc preparations we're n)ade. An iramense fleet was mobilized at Brest, and, although its destination was kept secret, the British colonies in America easily surmised that it was to be directed against them, and conse([uently they were filled with deep apprehension. This fleet consisted of eleven ships of the line, mounting from fit'tv to sixty guns each, twenty frigates, and about thirty-four transports, fire-ships, etc.,- some sixty-five vessels in all. Over three thousand troops were on board, with large stores of arms and ammunition. Such an armament had never before sailed for America ; well might the colonies tremble before so large a force. The commander was M. de la Rochefoucauld, due d'Anville, lui experienced naval officer, who had spent the greater part of his lilo in the service of his king. Throughout the hardships of a naval lite he had retained the elegance of manner and artistic temperament ot (08) the illuf as a ma Aft( winds d month ( naught At ] the dest and for lowed b ning, an vvounde( Toil the over disease : most fai admiral exhaustc It W£ America Isle of Si from en( heights. mingled of the tn soul. TV with und from the could rea a hulk \ abated, a in compa The 8 the fleet constant : found he only hop ' The d 'k.> found in I the illiistrions family to which ho belcMiged, and he has been described as a man made to command and worthy to be loved. After gathering at lirest, the Heet went to Rochelle, where liead I winds detained it nntil late in June. At last on the eleventh of that \ )oM 'I ni<»'<^l' (old style),' the squadron put to sea. Little did it dream that - noli i iiiinght but misfortune awaited it. I \\^\\ I At first rough water was met in the Bay of Biscay, resulting in 'oni- I the destruction of spars and sails. Then a region of calm was entered, lore I ii'id for days hardly a league's progress was made. The calm was fol- Irdii i lowed by a thunder storm in which several ships were struck by light- J ning, ammunition blown up, and a number of men thereby killed or oultl i I wounded. til,, I To increase the distress, a most severe sickness broke out among r^ft(>i flie overcrowded crews and troops, and the men died by scores. The skill [ I disease is supposed to have been scorbutic fever and dysentery of a ; most fatal character. As the deaths incrensed in number, the i,)t(» admiral became more and more anxious. Provisions also were nearly tliii, exhausted, and starvation seemed imminent. ni^t^ It was not until the beginning of September that the fleet readied » {•)!• American waters. On the third of that month, when near the dreaded l^,.j,,.. fslc of Sable, a terrific storm broke upon the ships. Thunder crashed •In,,! from end to end of the lieavens, and the waves ran to j^rodigious heights. Soon everything w^as confusion. Wind-drowned orders mingled with the noise of tearing sails and whistling cordage. One of the transports dashed into another vessel and foundered with every soul. When night came the terrors increased, the tempest raging with undiminished fury. Next morning, only five sail could be seen from the deck of the frigate " Prince d'Orange," and as far as the eye could reach the sea was covered with wreckage. A 26-gun ^hip lay ){)rts, i a hulk without spars or rudder. Gradually, however, the storm abated, and the fleet closed m until thirty-one ships were once more j,,,i. I in company. The storm was succeeded by several days of heavy fog, in whicli the fleet lay off and on, and collisions were only prevented by the \ constant firing of guns and other signals. At length the admiral 8 lifo K found he was accompanied by only two of his squadron. He could 1 lite H only hope that the others were safe. He was now close to the nt ot ^ ' The dates in this article are old style. New style daten — eleven days later — will '•0 found in French accounts. (69) onitr Jrcst. es in and fiftv , !'" IJay of Cbobuc'to, since known «as TFalifax harbor, wliic^h liad ha-u chosen as the ronde/A'ous of tlio Hoet. An English prisoner who IkkI hoasto pilot on penalty of hein*^ tossed over])oar(l with a couple of caniicn halls at his feet. Before nightfall the three ships cast anclior within the spacions l)ar])or, after a disastrous an a l)rave man, and an eye-witness says he luid borne the reverses with manly fortitude. Now, however, only ruin was before him. At twi o'clock on tlie night of September Ll7th he suddenly died, probably n- apoplexy. There were those, however, in the fU>et who whisiieir,! tliat poison had ended his many troubles. On the afternoon of the same day st^veral sliips entered tlie harboii! and cast anchor. It was the vice-admiral d'Kstournel with anotliosited ii. die tomb of his ancestors. The name it the island was changed to Isle d'Anville, and the Indians wt n instructed never to sjieak of it save by that name. A council of war was summoned to meet on the vi^3e-admirar ship, " Le Trident," on the day succeeding the burial of d'Anville. iii ordei to discuss the situation and form plans. The frightful condiiiiti of the fleet was patent to all. Only some seven ships of the liii' remained, the admiral was dead, and the men were dying by hundrxU aijifated, at night and he w and mor Ordering {•anion the last f saying th ' inand of :' dead. The c "f Caiuid; d'Anville ahility he of excel I ( life he ] enemies iiiidauiite For tl m the th shore, tJK tlie deatl Fo.st L'l ( 70 ) »eoii lia*l ;t ib lion thin him aeon Vest •lia.l fleet. ?ii:'lii :;oiiH' ;raii'i t ha^l mini;- will. t tu> )lv f^t « Mill' [)tlhr .1 tin llic "■ \vrn liiii ■ lo. ii; :liii«»i e liiK' Aliont twelve or tlnrteen Imiulrod nu-n had heon hnried at sea, and tlic terrihle fatality still continued. Such a fleet was in no state to enter upon the work for which it had heen intended, particularly as the season was now late. Aiuong^ the papers of the late admiral was found one in the kini^'s liaiid-writinsc instructiuir d'Anvillc to first direct liis I'orcc aiz'ainst Loiiishourg. This the council decided was now impossible, hut it was thought tliat Aniiaj>olis at least might he captured. ])'Estournel, (loiihtles.s disiiirited l»v the many calamities that lia()sition. A.t the conclusion of the meeting, d'Kstouriicl, exceedingly agitated, entered his cabin and bolted the door. About two o'clock at night groans were heard from within. The door was broken down and he was found lying mortsUly woundcfl. In a delirium of despair and mortification he had run liimscU through with his dwii sword. Ordering liis captains on board, he said to them, "(lentlemen, 1 beg lianhui of God and the king lor what I have done, and I protest to the last that my only design was to prevent my enemies from one day saying that I had not executed the king's orders. I resign the com- iiiaiid of the fleet to M. de la JoiKprK-re." in twenty hours he was ijcad. The command now M] upon Marquis li'>re, the sick being jilaced in large tents formed of old sails, but still tile deaths continued. According to the deposition of an English ' FomUm, all iCiiglisli |ii'i.soiifi', Mtiilt". tliiit til* iiicil was lii-lil (liiiiiij; two (lays, (71 ) ) jirisouer, 11J}."> men dicil wliilc tlio licit was in tlie harbor. I'lic Micinacrt, wljo wore enranipcd iioar, bocaine infected and also died in great numbers. Kresb provisions were sujiplied in abundance by the Acadians, who, it seems, bad a i)atb\vay across tlie province. Tliciv is little doubt that the French juiest, Le Loutre visited Chebucto ami conferred with the commander regarding the condition of the flcot and the assistance that would be turnished by the French of Miiiii> atid other parts of the province. Kamesay with a force of nearly seven hundred men had been sent trom Canada under orders toi co-operate with d'Anville, and his presence in the c(nintry tended to eml)()ld(n tlie Acadians, whose animosity tf» the Knglish had bceiij stimulated to the utmost by Lc Jioutre and his emissaries. The liritisli by this time had succeeded in gaining knowledge nt| the presence of tlie Fixncli lleet on the coast. Karly in September a sea captain reported at Louisbourg that he had seen the squadron. The Fnglish forts were strengtbctied as much as possible aiid tli.' garrisons anxiously awaited the attack which was daily expected. Fiiuilly La .Ionqui«'re decided to move immetliately agaiiis'l Anna}iolis. Some accounts state that his departure was hurried b\ ii report that a British squadron under Admiral Lestock was expected on tlie coast. Only a thousand men were now fit for service siiid deatlis were occurring daily. One frigate had remaining only oiit- seaman to a gun. La /onquicre nevertheless gave orders lurl the embarkation of the troops and made other preparations tiir sailing. On October 7th and 8th, the sick were placed on board five vessol>| wliich were to serve as hospitals, and the following day the healiln troops were also embarked. On the 11th an Acadian brought W(inii tliat Annapolis had been reinforced, whereupon a secret council \vii« held. Tlie same day there arrived a ship from Louisbourg under a tlai'l of truce. She brought a number of i)risoners for exchange, althoiiirl: her real mission was to ascertain the number of the French fleet anl the condition of the forces. La Jonquicre intended to sail on the 1 2th, but the wind was too hiirl' On that day " La Parfaite," which seems to have been a fifty-<;unj ship, was condemned and burned, after liaving been stripped and hanleii on shore. A prize snow from Carolina, an Antigua prize, and soniej fishing schooners were also burned after liaving unloaded. It is pro-l (72) r ) hid. is pnH Imlily tlio ronmiiiB of tliose sliips that are in lii'dt'ord Basin near the Tlirri'-inile lionso, and also close to Navy Island. Tiie weatlier on the morning of tlie l.'Uh was nion' favoraMe, and jictordingly the entire Heet, consisting of seven sail of tiic line, twenty- throi- frigates or transj)orts, two snows, two Itrigs, a dogger, four Hcliooners and tliree sloops, lioisted sail at sunrise, and soon after stood for sea, hefore a fair wind from the north. On hoard tlie ships were lifty Acadians from Minas who were to act as pilots wlien the fleet approached Annajtolis. Tlie day after tlie fleet put to sea, several small craft were despatched to France. Deaths still took [dace, and an eye-witness states that each day he saw a great nuniher of corpses cast into the waves. On the 14th, a heavy east-south-east gale hurst ujion tlie flci^t. The storm was succeeded hy a calm and a thick fog, in wiiich tiie ships lu'canie separated. During the night of the ir)th a council was held |!(ii l)(iard the flag-ship, at which the officers, utterly dispirited, decided itii abandon finally the expedition and return immediately to France. The tlag of truce witli the exclianged }»risoners, and also the Acadian jilots, were accordingly dismissed tiie next day. Xo intinuition was -iven tliem, however, of the alteration in tlie commander's j)lans. The course of the tieet was tlien changed. Misforfuiu; still toll()weer 24th anotlier storm was encountered and tiie ships iiiraiii scattered. Deaths were still frequent, and it was even feared fthat there would not ultimately he enough healthy seamen to work Ithe ships. The condition of the troops was equally as had, and of iclovon com})anies only ninety-one men were reported free from sickness. ^ It is said that two of the detached ships entered Annapolis Dasiii Uvliere thev exitected to meet the rest of the fleet ; hut on not findiiiir tlic latter, and seeing a British ship of the line and a frigate ancliored jiii the hay, they immeose for which it w: dispatcliet"aiiiiiiiilfi and [)laiits is of riuich more tliati niorely aiitiquariaii interest It tiif jiresoiit (lay, wliilo liis cliapters upon the customH of tlie IiMlians jaiid the modes of lmntin<^ and lisliin<^ then in votruc amoni^ the JKniM li are the best soureos of information we liave upon tliose ?iii)it'its. Sucli narratives as liis are i^reatiy prized ])y the Idstorian, ^vlio can read between the lines, and throui^h them enter into the very spirit of the time and place. We i;ive here a translation of the part li'scriliini^ the St. John River ; and from it one mav i'ather a irood idea of the book. CMAl'IKIt II. |H7n'<7/ Irriits itf fhe It'irci- Siiiiif Jn/iii, (»/' MI)Uls, nf I'orf Ifiii/tif, nt' n// f/iv lUijI uf l-'mulji : of the .so//, of f/ir icootls, of Ihr hiinfiiK/, and of nil lliat lilts Diriirrt'tl t/ii'ir, Tlir ciitniriee (»f ilic Kivcr Saint .lolm is danf^rrous of jicccss, tlic slioi'c taniiiiii,' cldsc up from both (hrci-tions ; tlif ln'st cntDiiu'c is on tlic starboard or ri;.'lii liaiid side, not approachiii<{ too near tlif slioir. This i'titraiictt is narrow, |)ii,iiisc ut' a htth' island' which is to hirltoai'd or (»ri the left side, which Ix'iiii; piisM'd. tlic river is much larj^cr. On the same side as the island tluMc are larye li iivlies or llats which ai'c covered at hii,'h tide ;- the l)each is of muddy sand, whirli makes a point, ' which passed, there is a cove [or creek | ' which nuikes iiii the said marshes, of which the entrance is narrow, and ther-f- the late Km Moiisieui' i\v la Toui" had caused to l)e made a weir in which were catii/ht Ll -iiiil Mumlx'r of those j^aspereaux which werd by an island" which is very near and hi;,'liei' ;,'i'(»und, Ui. 'il'i. mil-i^MT. 7 hard). Tin- |mi|>ii1.m- ii.iiih «if ;i ti^li (Scinita aijiiila) iidialiit iii^"- the liitiiranean Sea and the Kast .\tl.iiili<; Ocean. It soniet lines attains the leiijftli uf si.\ >i. .111(1 is iiiiieh s(iu<;ht as a fund lish. 'Where me "Old Fort" stands in ( 'ailclnn. ' Navy Isliintl. (7o) tluit (tutnidc' the fort. ft would liiiv«« hpcii in my (t|iiriion hotter iihiccd l)t liin th« island wIutc vessels iinclior, and wliei-e it would have Iwen liij,'lnT, aiiil, ronse»|u<'n('e, not contniandiMJ hy other neiyliltourinj,' phu-es, and \v(»uld Imn liad j^'ood water, as in that which was liuilt l»y the said late Sieur de la 'I'mir which was destroyed hyd'Aunay after he had wron;,'fully taken |MMsessiuii it, as he had no i-i^dit whatever to do, and which he would have found :.'!•, dithculty in accoinplishinj^ had he not heen advised of the ahsence of Sieiii;| la Tour, who had taken with him a part of his e pn^sent at the seal! with a rope around hei' neck as thoui^h she was the vilest ciiminal.2 Tin the title wliii-h Le Jiorj^ne has made use of to claim as creditor of tlif v,j Sieur d'Aunay the proprietorship of the River St. .lohn. The island of which I hav«! spoken hein^ passed,'* helow which vessels ainl, in ordtu' to he und«!r shelter, it is only a j^ood cannon shot to the Kails, wlni. is impo.ssihle to pass except for Ixtats and small vessels at hi^'h tide only. ' l)efore entering.,' farther into the river there is one thin^j; surprisinj^ enou;jli ' 'I'hc site of Fort LiiTour lius liccii iiiattcr of controversy. I tliiuk it stood mi kiinll at I'oitlaiiil Point. Tin- rcii.son." for t\\'\s are {^iveii in an urti(!li; in tlie Xc« Ki | wick Mat;a/.ine for .fuly. ISitH. Mr. ,Fanit"< Mannay liclieves it .stuud at "Olil K Carleton, and ffives his reasons in the wiine nm^a/.ine for Anj^ust. ■■'This is the only early account of the captnie of Fort LiTonr which has m down to lis, ami alontr with one or two references to the event hy early writers i«i| hasis for the descriptions j;iven hy the various historians who have recounted it. ."'■^ authentic documents recently (Useovered in ICn^land state that Madame de la Tuin helieved in Acadia to have been |H)i80ued hy D'Aiuiay. She died three weeks attti :| capture of the fort. " Navy Island. ••Not .strictly correct. Vessels cannot pass at high water, hut at a time iM-foiv; after it, when tlie river and harhor are at the same level. At hif^h water there isai inward. This remarkahle tall, inward at liigh wat-er, outward at low water, a t;: phenomenon, has attracted att»'ntion from the earliest times. le course ^ rence win nninu' a lint. In ater runs inetimes n iIhuc the w is sometiii lio former iiilered it vi\ undece itjr ancieii II y attache |flliil >liarpred with iiiisieiir de If, have assi ill ten (»are iiliie to (Jra Huvirii,' p •' other on ;'<*, on whi nks of the liitli occurs •liaiis, hy M ''i\ of whii Lawrence iti' two or 'Thislml,. I*' "liile jll>t a Iji'i'ts liriiiio-lit *l '"lals (TO ( ^kiiaiainjr the fill. It i-i not |i ^>i' ate lijirl, „ "iilf and niea 'Tliis is sti P'iii|ial rivers ( 7e;) [i»' (•nurse of tlu' full is a ;,'rf'iit hole iihoiit three or four hundri'd fe«it. in circiim- f\vu>r which is iiuule hy the full of (he wuter in jwissiiij,' lM'twe»'ii two rocks )rinitii.' u narrow place in the river, which is thus made more rapid at that (lint. In this hole is a ^^reat upright floatin;,' tree, and whichever way th« jfiitcr riMis it never j^ets uiit, atid it t)nly ajipears from time to time. One is [)iiii'iiim's eiyht, ten, or liftei-n days without seeing it. The end which apjicars [Ihivi- the water is a little larger around than a ho;;shead, and whi*n it appears io sometimes on one side and soinetimes on the other. All of the Indians (I t'ornu'rly passed hy lu're, and they are in ;ireat num))ei-s in these parts, [•iiijt'ird it homa<;e, hut they pay little attention to it at present, having icii iiiily stick in a pin. I have seen it, and luiisicur de la Tour's men, who were fojinerly with him and uftei wards with ii; liiive assured me that they once attach(>d ropes to the top of this tree, and bill ten (jared hoats rowinj^ with ail their strength with tin; current wt're liiihle to draw it out of the hole. Ilavin;; pas.sed the falls, th«' river becomes lar^^er, more so on one side than kf other on account of some islands.'- There are three of these which are Kiiv, on which tln're are very beautiful meadows, as there are also ahtnj,' both Inks of the rivei' ; these are flooded every year by the melting of the snows jliiili occurs usually in spriny. It runs tar- back into the country, and the Jiiliiiiis, by means of this river, by crfissini,' some land, even p)i,ss into other i\iis, of which some fall into the Hi\er St. Lawrence, others int»t the (Julf of Uiwrence and at Nepisiyuit into I lay Chaleur. ' There are alon;.,' each mitc two oi' three canoe portatjes through the woods, where one finds ])aths 'I'liis hole \Mis witlioiit doubt tliat \vliirl|Muil now known iis "tlie pot." It is on the £>t Mile jnst above I'nion I'oint, and is torineil onlv on tlie tloinl tide. In it various Iji'i ts lirouulit down by tlie v'wvr oft«!M are caiii' are hijrh and are not Hooded in spring;. The description which follows applies to iiiiis and ineaa! rivers thiwin^ north and east. (77) A^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /. «>. .<^' ^^ y. L<'/ f/. % 1.0 [fi- IIM I.I u m m 12.2 1^ „„.^ 2.0 1.8 1.25 1.4 |1,6 ■« 6" — ► ^ vV^ v Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4'>03 6^ iiflJ 1 whicli run from one river to another which they [the Indians] call Louniguiii-. Other po: taj,'es are at places alon uith tl •crioii was tij()i;va otia Legislature for six years, and testimony is borne to the exact anner in which he performed his duties. Many families in Nova |;otia and New Brunswick trace their descent from Lieut. Moody. In his autobiography he tells us that up to the outbreak of hos- itios between the colonies and the mother country he cultivated his rm "in the best climate and happiest country in the world," hajipy the love of his family and neighbors and seldom thinking much of te questions. The gathering clouds warned him that the peaceful urity which he had long enjoyed was at an end, and he was com- illed to seek the British lines for protection. Once his decision was de, he threw himself into the struggle with all the ardour of a itriotic devotion. He was employed by the British commanders on c most hazardous and delicate missions for which his physical ength and endurance, his undaunted courage, his integrity and tiou well fitted him. His prowess soon made him well known and red among his enemies. When he was known to be near a (79) : I-:' I if this 1 •, jiriiis. ■ tlic [ifn : liiiii of 1 ■ 'Jcor^o, had tlifi uas witl .Ml. .Mo( tllC IMOU Ir. t artiialU' i'!iai'i,'(' oi ilill iiio.st who the 1 was nio.sl place, guards wore doubled and extraordinary precautions taken t> capture him or defeat the purpose he had in view. On one occasion Lieut, (then Ensign) Moody undertook, with f^Lx men to lil>erate a prisoner, under sentence of death, from the jail (.; Sussex County, New York. This man was one of Burgoyne's soldier^ charged with crimes of a civil nature, of which he was believed to In innocent. So great was the sympathy for him within the Briti^i lines and so evidetit the resentment of his persecutors that it w;i. determined to rescue him, and to do this successfully recourse wn had to stratagem. What follows is from Moody's own narrative : Comiiiu; to the jail, the keeper called out from the window of an u\t\" room, and demanded what their business was. The ensij^n instantly replin; ' He had a i)risoner to deliver into his custody." "What! One of Moodi fellows?" said the jailer. " Yes," said the ensign. On his en(iuirinfi; whs the name of the sui)posed piisoner was, one of the party who was well knowi by the inhabitants of that place to be with Mr. Moody, personated the charafBdignity ol ter of a prisoner, and spoke for himself. The jailer gave him a little iB"! love li language ; but notwithstanding seemed highly pleased with the idea of haviiiBJ would n so notorious a Tory in his custody. On tiie ensign urging him to come (luwBwi.sh me t and take charge of the man, he peremptorily refused, alleging that in eoibBa good ca (juence (,f Moody's being out, he had received strict orders to open his doors tBlwcoines no man after sunset, and that therefore he must wait till mornin< "g on the next, with one hand he seized his musket and with the other struck pim V . the ground. Tlie sentinel within and the four others who were placed by (81) the fence surr()un(ilin<,' the plact' of his connneiiient immediately ^avc the al;ii n and in a moment the cry was general : " Moody is escaped fiom the provo-i Tt is impossilile to describe thv, uproai' which i-ow took }»lace thiouichout ll; whol(! (•amp. In a few minutes cvciv man was in a hustle, every man \\;i lookinj^ for Moody, and nmltitudes passed him on all sides, little suspect in. that a man whom they saw deliheratcily mai'ching alon<; with a musket on h; slioulder could he the fugitive they were in (|uest of. 'J'he darkn(^ss of tl night, which was also blustering and drizzly, prevented any discriminatin of his person, and was indeed the great circumstance that rendered his escai possible. liut no small ditliculty still remainc^d to be sui-mounted. To picMi; desertion, whit-h at that time; was very frecjuent, Washington had sun'oiimli his camp with a chain of sentinels, posted at about foi'ty oi' fifty yards" distant from each other; h(^ was unac([uainted with their stations; to pass tlim undiscovered was next to impossible, and to be discovered would ceitaiiih fatal. In this dilemma Providence again lu^friended him. He had gaim their station without knowing it, when luckily he heard the watchword pasM from one to another " Look sharp to the chain, Moody is escaped from iL provost I " From the sound of the voices he ascertained the respectixc siti; tions of these sentinels, and thrcjwing iiimself on his hands and knees, he \\ v happy enough to crawl through the vacant space between two of them uii^n by either. .Judging that their line of pursuit would naturally be towaid li British army, he madt^ a detour into the woods on the opposite side. ThiiMi, these woods he made as much speed as the darkness of the night would pt i n; steering his course after the Indian manner by occasionally groping and feclin. the white oak. On the south side the bark of this tree is rough and unplca^i! to the touch, but on the north side it is smooth, hence it serves the sagati traveller of the desert by night as well as by da}' for his compass. Tin the most dismal swamps and woods he continned to wander till the night the 21st, a space of more than fifty-six hours, during which time he had other sustenance than a few beech leaves —wliich of all that tlie woods afTmil were the least pernicious to the health and the least unpleasant to the taste which he chewed and swallowed to abate the intolerable craving of his Ihihl; At length he arrived safely within tlie British lines. In the \o\-\ lowing spring he was engaged in two hazardous enterprises — tl interception of despatches to General Washington — in the lii-t which he was succeesful, but failed in the second. The last and most dangerous undertaking in which Lieut. MootlJ was engaged was an attempt to carry off the most important books anl papers of Congress at Philadelphia. The projector of this scheme waj (82) ^diic Add JMoody's jtiikeii an '(lilliciiltv LM'ict' at t (ii; nil'': I It wa ;tlieBi\v i,s ,I()li JllJlllll, ■OVd-l nit tl;. lilll \\;i- ]K'c1 il,. , Oil ll ■ H of tir, liiiiitiui. JtffVfll' roiiinlr', (listUlir.- ,SS tl It'll, iiiiily 1> 1 <:;aiiii''; (1 piissii; from tIr vc sitiii , he wr n uii^it: vjiid til' riinui.' ]iii 111.' (1 t'fflin. iplcasar rillnll- iii.uli' llU.l II aft'diil' tilMc liiiiiu' llic t. 'S til'! Iir>t '•' Mootl) Liic Addison, who turned traitor. His betrayal cost the life of Lieut. 'Moody's younger brother, a young man ot great promise, who was jliikcn and hanged. Lieut. Moody esca[>ed oidy with the greatest (lilliculty ; while his aged lather was bereft of reason iVom excess of (M'irt' at the loss of his lavorite son. STORY OF THE BIG BEAVER. (A Md/i.scrf Legend). \\\ Rkv. \V. O. Havmoni), M.A. It was on the 28th day of September, 1806, that the "Story of itlie Big Beaver" was told me at Rothesay by Sabatis Paul ;' but first he told nie his own storv which in substance is as follows : " I was horn on tlu' Indian canipini,' place, near Woodstock, in ISU ; l(>ft there when fourteen years of ajj;e and since have lived chieily at French V^illage, Wiii)\e Fredericton. My fatlier's name was Jauus Paul — ho was the "Mr. I'aul '" you wiiite people used to read about in the St. J(jhn Daily Suii. He jdied a short time ago. My mother was INbiry Elizabeth Francis, of Oldtown, i^laiiie. Noel Paul, the old Indian chief at Woodstock, was my uncle. My Igiandfather was ,folm Pattis and his father was a Frenchman of (.^)uebec. f^eaily all the St. John River Indians now have some French blood in their |(ins and they are losing their old strengtii and endurance. I have woiked in the lumber woods and at stream-driving. \ drink no ]i(|Uor and have ^|iutli()rity as Indian constable to report all thos<' who sell li<|Uor to Indians." i Among other facts of interest mentioned by Sabatis Paul he stated piat several Indian wampum belts are still preserved at "French |\'illage" above Fredericton, but his father, Louis Paul, was about the last of the Indians who could read them. It was hi.=* father also i^lio, at the request of the railway commissioners, gave Indian names ' Siilmtis is a contnictioii of Sniiit ./niii Btiiitintc, or St. .lohii Ba[)tist. It is a >r)l'S ariilR"""""" '"^'"^ lunoiig the Indians ; aud'thosc who hear it, generally wlieii witli English ■I'lakin^i' |)eo[)le, u.xe " John "" as its ecinivalent. Sabatis I'aul aceoi Indians of Passamaquo(hly as well as hy our Sahatis i'aul and hy tin well-known "Gahe" Acquin, of St. Mary's, York County. (lalic version was contrihuted hy the late Edward Jack to tlie "Jouiiia! of American Folk-lore" some years ago. The Maliseets of the St. ffohn river have many legends respectiiiL' Glooscap, According to Sahatis Paul he is " a great Indian sent n long while ago hy the Great Spirit to kill all l>ig had heasts that aiv in all the worhl." In other words Glooscap is a mythical personai;v, allied to Longfellow's Hiawatha, possessed of sui)ernatural power According to the majority of the Indians he is still living and is goin. to last as long as the world lasts ; he is helieved to he in the suiitl end of tlie world now. In accomplishing his mission for the good of mankind, Glooscni summoned all the animals to appear before him and asked of cad what he would do if he met a man. When the hear was asked tin question he trotted oft' a short distance and looked over his shoulder — as he generally does now upon meeting a human heing. Gloosciij signified his approval. The squirrel at that time was as hig ps a lion and when Glooscii] asked him what he would do if he met a man, he flew at a stiiiiij furiously and tore it with his teeth and claws, (ilooscap considomi him altogether too dangerous an animal and reduced him to his prcricii! size. The Big Beav^er, P'chee (^ua-heet, had been the source of con siderahle annoyance to the other animals and was cautioned hy Gloosciip with regard to his future conduct. ' These names were given al)out 185H by tlie railway eomniissioners. Nauwig'ewaiik Ossekeag, Anagance and Petitcodiac are all old Indian names, hnt others are siiii|l translations: "Stone's Brook" hecame I'enobstjnis, from the Maliseet /V)/o/^^7', a >{'.. and iSV/As, a brook. Salmon River beeamc Pliimweseeji from the Maliseet P/imi"".- salmon, and.src/;, ariver. (^)uispamsis was named from thepretty little lake near the st.iliin qids/tam, a lake, and ^/s, little, (See Dr. W. F. Gunong's " I'lnce Nonienelature of Nt«l Brunswick," page 2U9). (84) In sj TiTV ohi (Ictorniir x'linilied ■call by • ]i!a(;e of the hoav l)ay, nov lieaver li: "whence made a d ; evil deed liai^k to I iivm Jen Wliei lie at one voi'k at I /^liundant jilacc whi tiieaiis " t se un.' k' •Lie t i- 3 ev('i'\ 111 spite of the warning he luul received, the heaver ma(h' liinisolt TtTV ohnoxioiis by his behaviour at rassaniaquoddy, and (ilooscajt ideterniined to drive him away. He came to PaHsannuiuoddy and ;od up tlie liill on the east side ol" Oak Hay, whicli t!ic Indians call l)y the pretty little name X'nionee-quen-ee-moosa-kesq, or '' the |,l;i(;e of many sugar maples." From the summit of this iiill he saw tthe l)caver's houae, Quabeet-a-woosis, a dome-shaped island in Oak j)av, now (tailed by the white people Cookson's Island. But the T:ieaver had been warned of iiis danger and fled up the river Waweig nvhoiice he afterwards went to Men-ah-quesk (St. John) where he Tiuido a dam across the river at its mouth. He still continued his ^vil deeds and his dam was built so high it caused the water to How kck to Hampton Ferry and above Fredoricton, and all the country from Jcmseg to the Keswick became a Jim-quispam or great laki^ Wlien Glooscap heard the beaver was still a source of annoyance lie at once set out for Men-ah-quesk, lie saw signs of the beaver's ifsvork at Mon-ha-quatis, or Manawagonish, and at Red Head he liad ijalmndant evidence of his proximity. Here the beaver had a feeding Tilace which by the Indians is called Q'uaheet-a-wee-qua-sodek, which F|iioaiis " the beaver's landing })lace," but the name is now commonly iiitracted to Q'ua-sodek. Glooscap explored See-bes-kas-tahgan (the Marsh Creek) as far as foos-ow-tik, or the "Moose's Path," but not finding the beaver came ack to the mouth of the St. John river where he found the beaver's «(lam. This he broke with a blow of his ponderous club and the great I'asli of water that followed swept a part of it out to sea. This frag- ment, according to the legend, is Partridge Island, which the Indians till call Quak-m'kagan'ik, or " a piece cut out," and they call the 'alls Quabeet-a-wee-sogado or " the beaver's rolling dam." Some ndians say that Split-rock, just below the Suspension bridge, is looscap's club which he threw away after it had served its purpose n the destruction of the dam. Jim-quispam was greatly reduced in ize and became the modern Grand Lake. Glooscap pushed on up the river in quest of the beaver. A little elow Boar's Head there is, we are told by the Indians, to be seen o-day in the rocky cliff the face of a man with curly hair. This they all Glooscap-sa-kah-beet, or "Glooscap looking out." "I have ried," said Sabatis, " to show that face to white men and they could'nt (85) P J nee it wlioii they were looking riglit at it. They say that noru' lii; Indians can see it." Here tlie little Indian boy, standing at his fatiier side, broke in with the remark, " They say when you throw in a cent yi can see him better. I tried it but it didn't make much dittereiio bnt I have often seen Glooscap looking out." Still seeking the beaver, Glooscap went on and at length lookii:, up the broad waters of Mah-ti-gek, or Kennebecasis Bay, lie saw !:| the distance the beaver's house. This is still called by the Luliai j Q'ua-beet-a-woosis-sec, the beaver's nest. It is nothing less than tl- well-known clitf on the island opposite Rothesay called the " Ministci Face." The beaver was at home and his two younger brothers als The beaver was very big and dangerous but Glooscap seized him i his brawny arms, strangled him and then iiung him to the foot ot'tl island several miles away, where the Indians point out certain reddi>i colored rocks which, according to the story, were stained by tl beaver's blood. Glooscap killed t^ e second sized beaver also, but the youngest oi got away and went up the St. John river. Glooscap followed him . little way and hurled after him two big rocks — So-bag-wopps • •'sea-rocks"' which mav still be seen in the river a little below tl. mouth of the Tobique. The beaver eventually escaped to Toma-sqii;; tack, or Temisquata lake, where he built himself another house whict is nothing less than the big hill about 1,000 feet high, opposite tliti mouth of the Cabano river, commonly called Mount Wissik. Tli« name is evidently derived from the Indian Woosis-sec meaning ''a| nest." And so ends our Story of the Big Beaver. ' These rocsks are well known by liimheimen and others as the Tobiciue rockH. Itil a <;llriou^s fact tliat the rocki< differ fro»n all other rocks in the vicinity and resenihle tliel black .slate rocks at the Bay Shore, near Carleton, St. John. (86) COM/VIENTS OF THE PRESS. H. E. (iosNKLL, Liln-(iric II Lii/is/afirt thriiri/, B. C: I must '.oiif^ffatnlute you, it only on the concepuiou of such ii coni- tiiilahle enterprise, l)ut upon tlie success itli which it has been initiated. I'lioK. f. I'Jifimifiou, '. Ii.: it is of great intere.-^t in connection itli the study of (Janadiau history. I lall 1)6 glad to assist in any way po.ssihle l)riiig supi)lcmentar'y readings such a.s ese within reiu;h of the chihlren in our IkxjIs. Toronto (,'/ohi' : The object of the publi- ition is obviously to popnhirize knowledge iiiil build up national sentiment. Quebec M<'rfiiry : The cost of this in- lesting and useful arljunct to the study bf 'anudian History is forty cents a year - [iriee which i)uts the Leaflets within the icli of all purses. Halifax /'irshyfenmi \VI/ii"<'<: What we ould like to see is, schools ordering at holusale prices copies of the Quarterly for tilvanced pupils. Mr. Hay would thus me a jnoneer in a geiuiine iiistorical form. ■St. John (J/oht : The various issues of the itlets will certainly prove an accjuisition the S(;hool as well as to private libraries. St. John Sun: They should win on their it-'iit a hearty recognition and support, not ly in New Brunswick, but all over the Jominion. !5t. John Rf.cord : A i)ublieation that Jhould be received with the greatest favor. St. .John Till 'I rd fill : These six papers (in Xo. L) cover a wide period of (Canadian history and ought to hare an extensive eircuhition. Woodstock Dis/inlrh : If futuie nund)ers iiavc the same value and interest of this first, they will be deservedly popular. .\loncton 7'i-aiisrri/it : If the first number of Caniidiim history, edited by Mr. (i. U. Hay, is a fair sample of what tiiis pulilicu- tion is to lie, ue would advise our leaders to take this opportunity t(» keep posted in lor-al history. Truro .S''o/ • Mr. (i. IJ. Hay's latest move to jiublish su|)|ilements or leallets in con- nection with the Kiliii-nliniml Rith n\ giving incidents and events in Canadian history will be hailed witii delight by all persons interested in sudi sketches, and their number should be legion. Weymouth /'Vrc /'n^s.s : Tii»;y \\ill stimu- late an intei'est in and for the fascinating study of history. Summerside .foiini'tl : They will kindle in the minds of students a strong and lively interest in Canaiiian history, Digby Conrii-r: Their {)urpose is primarily for the schoolroom but can be appreciated etjually by the general reader. Berwick AV^/.s/c/- ; These leaflets aie not designed to supersede the textbooks now in use, but to i)rovide a su[)plementary course of readings by means of svhieh a mor(^ (•()in[)rehensive knowledg<; of the history of oui countiv may be .ight to the minds of our young people. .VL (JllAMliKHl.AiN, lliiirnril Cini'irsifi/ : I think the idea of publishing these bits of Canadian histoiy for sn[)plementary reading is a capital one, and I hope that it will receive the support which it deserves. Yarmouth Tc/iifnun : The first number justifies the ex[)ectations that the .series will prove a vahiable aid to teachers and students who have limited acce-ss to books and documents relating to the hi.story of Canada. lui; mc^ ! ^J !; ! I- ; ISSU PfTOrerrreiiuiuiiiy luhliui me I ariiaiiient <)i Minaau, in tne year i»ya, oy u. v. tiAT, ub the Department of Af»riculture. •DUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS. CANADIAN HISTORY. NUMBER FOUR. PLACE-NAMES, George Johnson. FRENCH CANADIAN LIFE AND CHARACTER, James Vroom. THE STORY OF LAURA SECORD, Fra^ices E. Murray, ON THE STUDY OF ANCIENT MAPS (Illustrated), W. F. Ganong, Ph.D. A SCHEME FOR THE CONQUEST OF CANADA IN 1746, Victor Hugo Pal t sits. December, J 898. :il ISSUED QUARTERLY. PRICE 10 Cents. BARNES A CO., PWNTERS, ST. JOHN, N. B. PUBLISHER'S ANNOUNCEMENT. ;:i 'I 1 I THE EDUCATIONAL REVIEW series of Leaflets on Canadiai History has been planned with the special object of givinj interesting sketches on a variety of topics connected witl. ev-ents, persons and places in our country's history. The series wi! present from historians of the past and from original document?, valuable records that are inaccessible to students and schools witl limited library privileges. The passages from original authorities wi!' be selected with a view to excite the interest and pique the curiositj of the general reader as well as the students of our schools, and stini ulate them to further research in the sources of our surpassingly rid collection of historical material. Leading historical writers in Canadi and some in the United States have already contributed or promisee their assistance, and the result will be that nearly one hundred differeir topics will be presented in this series, dealing in a simple and interestiii; manner with the most picturesque and important events of our history The result cannot fail to be of great benefit to the students of Canadiai history. Tlie Leaflets, of about thirty pages each, will be issued quarter! until the series of tAvelve numbers is complete. The subscription price for the series is ONE DOLLAR. Sing numbers Ten Cents. To encourage their use for supplementary rea: ing in schools, TEN or more will be sent to one address at FIVE cents each. Address EDUCATIONAL REVIEV ST. JOHN, N. B. The Topics dealt with in the First Three Numbers of the Leaflets are: In a twelve Bounties )ffices ; btreanis, ;housan( )rigiri ai icqnaint )rovince )ne and )ur stori I It is |f the hi Ipproacl] Ki'owled mv tong porpetua constant |upplies The Physical Growth of Canada, The Legend of Gloofscap, Clartier's First Voyage, Winter at St. Croix Island, The Story of Lady LaTour, The Story of the I.,oyalists, The Cabots and their Voyages, The Settlement of Port Royal, The Physiography of Nova Scotia, An Acadian Marchioness, A Chapter on Names, The Fort Cumberland Summons and Re})ly The Siege of Penobscot, General Coffin, Fort Cumberland, D'Anville's Expedition, Nicolas Denys' Description of the River Saint John, Incidents in the Life of Lieut. James Moody, Story of the Big Beaver. I shall be glad to receive your countenance and support in tlil publication of this series. If you enrol your name as a subscriber ??()'f| it will be a guarantee that you wish success to such a worthy enter] prise; and you may pay the subscription when convenient, or whetj you are satisfied that you have obtained the worth of your money. G. U. HAY, Publisher, St. John, N. B| IT. ^anadiai r' givins ed witli ivies wil. cument?, ols witl ities wi!. curiositji nd stiri: nglj rid 1 Canadi promirioc differeir iterestiii; r history Canadia' quarter!; .. Sing' ;.ary rea^: at FIVI LEVIEV PLACE-NAMES. By (!kok(;k Johnson, Ottawa. are: ind Re|»l,\ aint •Tohn, les Moody, | )rt in tlii riber no4 ,hy enter) or whei| Qoney. lishcf in. N.B In a lecture on the " Phice-Names of Canada," delivered about ■R'elve months ago, I stated that in the Dominion there are 3,600 ;ounties, townships, parishes and municipalities ; about 9,000 post iffices ; several thousands of mountain ranges, mounts, lakes, rivers, treanis, gulfs, bays, coves, harbours, inlets, capes, etc. — in all, many ihousands of place-names and every name has a meaning. It had an rigin and has a significance. Too many of us go through life without" cquainting ourselves with the history of the place-names in our )rovince and in our country. Yet the study is a very entertaining me and as agreeable a way of becoming intimate with the history of )ur storied past as can be imagined. It is said that there is no royal road to learning. But the study I )f the history of our country by means of its place-names is a very near Itpproach to the royal road. One is helped amazingl}^ to retain the ; Iciiowledge gained, by linking it to the names of places frequently on bnr tongues or seen every day in the newspapers. The name is a perpetual reminder of the story, and in these busy times wo need constant reminders. Matthew Arnold in the •' Scliolar CTypsy " supplies a reason : " For each day brings its petty dust Our soon-choked souls to fill, And .ve forget because we nuist And not because we will."' The study of place nomenclature is not encumbered at the outset bv a lot of scientific terms to frighten the student. Some studies lave a dictionary of their own. In beginning the study of the ipplication of electricity to machinery for the purpose of securing )ower to be converted into heat or into motion, one is apt to find his ;soliition falter and his will weaken when he looks at the dictionary [f terms employed. Ohms and volts and amperes and farads and lusses and watts and dynes and joules and coulombs, and all the Others of the thousands of words which have been added to the tiiguage because of man's success in harnessing the lightning and ( f^'3' ) T ■;:i A ',: Vi ■■vl:\ compelling it to obedient service, — these bristling words have a rcpellant look about them. They are a qnick-set hedge surroundin. the pleasant garden and keeping out all but the very resolute. Tluv are like che flaming sword the angel flashed in perpetual circle bt'tor- the gate of Eden's garden. Entrance into the study of electricity i- rendered greatly diflicult by the terms used. The study of bugs is all the more difliicult because of the arniou: of Latin and Greek words with which entomology is encased. Bii' place-nomenclature has only a very few words requiring definition. The i)rinciples of place-name giving are gathered up into oiit word — O/iornatology, which those of my young readers acquaiiiteii with Greek can easily separate into its two parts: Oiioma., a name: and ^q(/Oi-, a discourse ; in simple terms, onomatology means "' talb about names, their derivations, etc." Having mentioned the scientific name given to place-naming, I may as well mention, here and now, the fact that the central idea of onomatology — the axiom, like the axioms of geometry, that must be accepted as something not dis])iit able, — is that local names are in no case arbitrary sounds. Isaac Taylor, who is a great authority on the place-names of " Old England," says, " Local place-names are always ancient words or fragments of ancicii; words, each of them, in short, constituting the earliest chapter in tlif local history of the places to which they severally refer." There are two or three other words that may be deemed to be teclmi' cal terms. There is the word enchorial. It carries the same meaniiiii' aj indigenous. Possibly a better word would be autochthonic, moaniii!; aboriginal. When I was a boy Rev. Charles Churchill gave me this advire "Never use a shilling word when a sixpenny one will do." Acting' on that advice I prefer aboriginal to any of the words used. AVe speak of the Indians as aborigines, meaning that they belong in a peculiar degree to the soil, never having been brought into the countrj from outside countries, or having found their way here so many thousand years ago (according to Mr. Fiske in " Discovery of America)" tliatl they may be deemed to be aboriginal in a sense that no white persoiifj can be so considered. Referring to place-names, the word end" irk means, of course, the place-name which has been attached :o the plaoel because of some local peculiarity or by the Indian inhabitants. Otlier| place-names are imported. (88) tet'hiii' aningiij] nieaniiH adviri' Ac'tiiiil d. ^Ve mg in i country hourianfl ;a)" that' persoiif fcho plae«i Otlierl 111 tlic month of Ootohor last T was in St. John, and wliilc going cross the harbor to Carleton I heard tlio word OiKivgoiiJi/ nsod. his was the name of a ferry-boat that once plied between the shores 11(1 perhaps does so yet. It was, in almost the same form as at resent used, the original name of the Indian village which hugged lie reversible falls of the St. John River. "Sam Sli(dv." I believe, liisspclled the word in his " Tlistorv of Nova Scotia," or else his tirinter, Joseph Howe, did, and from the book the original ])roprietors |)ft}ic ferry-boat took the name. Well, the right name, OuvjoikIk it had been continued as the name of the settlement, would be styled II enchorial name. St. John is an imported name, having been taken roni the river to which the name was given by deMonts aiul Cham- lain in 1004 because they discovered it on St, John the Baptist's ay, following the very common custom of naming the newly found lace after the saint on whose dav it was discovered. You could eep track of such navigators as Columbns and Vespucci by the Saints' Calendar of the Roman Catholic Church. Cartier was fond of the me source for his place-names. Other words frequently employed to distinguish place-names are miKifopoeai}^ patrovymir and rponynn'r. Any good dictionary will pply meanings for the first two. The third may be defined to be a personal name evolved by popular speculation to account for some i^^raphical term, the true meaning of which has not been under- ood ; " as the speculation that France takes its nnme from Francus, son of Hector, and Britain from Brydain, a son of ^Fneas, and 'othaiid from Scotia, a daughter of Pharoah. You know some peojile V vorv fond of tracins; their ancestors as far back and as near to oab as they can ; some nations are like some people in that respect. There are scarcely any other technical words employed in connec- n with place-nomenclature, and even these or most of them are used ore or less in association with other branches of study. The general definition of enehorinl as oi)posed to im/torlrd is subject >onie limitation. In a strict sense only Indian place-names would enchorial. But since a great nniny places have been named b}- five- born whites in honor of native-born whites, or because tlie mes given are descriptive, it is evident that we cannot draw a hard (1 fast line. The circumstances surrounding each place-name must taken into account before we i)ronounce it enchorial or foreign. ( '^*^> ) For itirttuiicc, Dr. Bell, of the Geological Survey, gave to a mountai in the region south of East Main River, the name of Mount Lauriei and to a lake the name of Lake Beatrix. The mount's name ^voll!l be enc!iorial, being after feir Wilfrid Laurier, whose ancestors wor among the earliest to settle in New France ; the lake's name would 1 foreign, being in honor of Lady Beatrix, daughter of Lord Lansdowi^ Thjre is in Alberta a settlement to wliich the postal departmor has given the somewhat curious name of Jumping Pond. Years ai; when the buffalo roamed our North West in millions, the Indiar used to select certain places fitted by nature for their purpose having a grand battle of the buffalo — a killing off of the poor anima on a grand scale. Near what we now call Jumping Pond is a Li^- cliff. Towards this cliff the Indians by various devices headed tl selected herd of buffalo, penning them in on three sides. Of eoiir in their mad rush from the dangers that threatened them, they (ti quadrupeds and not the bipeds) could not stop in their headlong Hit:: but were forced over the cliff to be killed by their fall. This ci' the Indians called by a name which meant in their language the san as in our language is meant by the word "pound" — an enclosure iir which cattle are driven. After a time the English called the pki the Jumping Pound and then in process of time, the meaning boii lost, the name became corrupted into Jumping Pond — the natur inference being that the pond or lake at the foot of the cliff w meant. Jumping Pond would be descriptive and might or might ii be enchorial ; Jumping Pound, being the translation of the Indian iiaiiii would surely be enchorial, /. e. an aboriginal place-name. The history of the place-name must be sought before we can deci'ij whether the name is imported or is home-made. This brings usi see that liistory is embalmed in place-names. Some of the oldest names on the northern half of this confine! have delightful histories connected with them. - A long series ' "stories about place-names" might be written, each of them givioj sections of the 'history of our country in such a way as to'fix tl history very firmly in the minds'^of the lads and lasses of Canada ti| whom I am writing this account. A very old name is that of Greenland. No doubt many schoi children, dog-earing their map of Canada, have wondered why thi white tongue of land which is thrust out from the upper left corni (90) [your nj iTctic C 3a3sed 8( iVCIlt to { lole, the hich in Kewfoun 5t. John lookout ; r ail abu ^all " evei and Nova f the ter here was legioii giv Hid ? ' It u IC Ibout Leopold ^ K'cause oi ]to whic lame the »ow than |ave mad( |f place-iu Gilber [}' his w pong," J iiige the Hi! find n In the SOI pony, the langing Ihapcl foi loither po Jiisists, o [your riglit) slioiiUt liave Grcenlaiiench called a part bf the territory of our neighl)ours Vervioni — " the green mountain." [here was reason for that, — the pines, spruces, lirs and junipers of the [egion giving it that appearance all tlie 3'ear round. But why (Jreen- jiid? It is associated in our minds much more with Ileber's hymn [bout " icy mountains" than with green fields and murmuring rivulets. Jeopold Wagner in " Names and their Meaning " sugge^-ts that it was because of the moss-covering which the first visitor saw in the fiords ]to which his vessel was directed. The great Arago drew from the kaine the conclusion that the Arctic region must be very much colder pv than it was when Greenland was first so named, lie would not iave made such a mistake if he had been acquainted with the vagaries If place-name givers, especially those of the sailor class. Gilbert Parker, one of our Caiuidian novelists who has won fame [y his writings, gives in that powerful novel, " The Battle of the itrong," an instance " to the purpose quite." lie says, " you may ange the seas from the Yugan Strait to the Erebus volcano and you nil find no such landing-place for imps or men as that field of rocks In the south-east corner of the Jersey coast called, with a malicious pony, the Banc des Violets. At half tide, when the currents are langing most, the violet field becomes the floor of a vast mortuary lapel for unknowing mariners." It is the sort of Bank of Violets |cithcr poet nor dreaming child would desire to rest on. The sarcasm Diisists, of course, in giving to this greedy, man-destroying body of (01) !:•: I \m rocks tlio name of a flcnver wliicli synibolizos innocence. Thenar. Bcores of similar place-names scattered all over Canada. However, let us get along with Greenland. When the Christian era was more than a thousand years yoiiiii: than it is, the King of Norway and the Jarls (or earls) of Norway hi a great sea-tight and the jarls came off second-best. The King tlici, upon insisted that the jarls should acknowledge his supremacy. S)i of them could not bring themselves to do tliat. It was too humblii to their pride. They took the lirst opTtortunity and sailed away \vi their followers, taking diiierent courses. Some turned their vcsst' bows to Scotland. Some went to join their forerunner kinsmen i; England and France to do pirates' work, and others wandered ak the coasts as far as the eastern end of the Mediterranean. Some wen to Iceland and created ot it a very peculiar country, the subject poem and prose for many a long day. " Here eiice o'er furthest ocean's icy path The Northmen tied at tyrant monarch's wrath ; Here, cheered l)y soni,^ and story, dwelt they free, And held unscathed their hiws and libeity." These Vik-ings, as they are called, (from Vir a baj' and in;j, i< mes-ning the "sons of the I>ay " or of the Fiord, the latter beiuiiti Northmen's word for a deep inlet of water) were adventiiro beings. The rolling deep was their home and the life that chariii?! them most was life on the ocean wave. A couple of years after tij migration to Iceland, one of them, Gunnbjorn by name, was , tlui chronicles of those early years are specially valuable and singular; ( i>^ ) ' Atte lawiueut- m trustworthy. From some of the narratives of Gunnhjorn's experiences, Eric the Red liad learned of the existence of the new fonnd hind of the (nr north ; and having heen put l;eyond the pale of decent tiociety for kiilin'g a fellow countryman, he resolved to find out what he could of Gininhjorn'slanskini() (our friends the E:'>(|uiniaux under a revised name), and jtlit'M- attacked the settlements in (Jreenland and uiped them of!' the face of the earth so that no vestige hut ruined chun-hes and [)iles of stone and a few place-names remain to |ieiiiiii(l us of the S(!andinavian settlement which gave (ireenland its name. (93) i i In confiiiuiiia: and extendinsr tlio name Grccnlaiul we have Ir followed the ]>lan adopted in Canada as well as in other counlri The conntry through which the St. Lawrence River ilows was at t' called New France ; then as Cape Diamond (so called by Carr because he picked up a stone which lie thought was a diamond) wa the great fortress of the region and as the river there become narm for a short distance, widening out above and below, the place sim came to be known by the Indian name Kepeo^ a strait or nurrd passage. It was natural, then, to call the whole region tbe Govcr ment of Quebec, as* was done in the proclamation of George III uiid the Treaty of Paris, 1703. In our own day we have seen a siniili;; extension of a place-name in the case of the place-name " Canadii. which word was employed in the Quebec Act of 1774 to designate ti King's French-speaking subjects — '■'All TFis Majesty's Canadian suhjoeti within the Province of Quebec." Then it came to be applied to tl; two provinces separated by the Act of 1791 — Upper and Lower Cam Then under the Union Act of 1841 the two sections were called CaiimJ East and Canada West, till the word w^as applied by the Union Actf 1 867 to the four provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Ontario aii Quebec, and is now applied to all the northern half of the contincir excepting Greenland on the east, Alaska on the west and Xcw found land. Having satisfied ourselves about the way in which Greenlaii became one of the most ancient place-names of the continent we \s\ not have far to search for the meaning of Greenland's place-name; They are of Scandinavian origin. They come to us from the ol Vik-ings who gave place-names to the shores and bays and mouiitaii; and rivers of the British Isles. It is the one bit of Scandinavia tlior: is in this new world. Here and there are isolated place-names of l^i same origin. There are ITecla, Ilusavick, Baklur, Thingvalla an others in Manitoba, named by the Icelanders, whose first setticmeii: in the prairie province was in 1875, and of whom there w^ere, in 18 according to the census, 3,746 who were born in the Scandinavia! countries, besides a goodl}^ number born of Scandinavian parents, bii: whose birth-place is this Canada of ours. n\ ' ii The (1 •serts n >rosciit rt toloiiies, |() Groat Canada tc ^ Other ucli, the retched ome ill t life ; ai war ai easn res eliglits t( eople an( To coil The he ^ide, overh re woi'n ,' k1 henche.' roinen wov lain room jreplaoe. ( lone most Mwrs, and fell as of I ifl there w oaLs raked |toiies in h( )', and in iansion, th i)Ilo\vinfi; f{ [unci red fee ' Historj (94) lavo h ountrio; 3 at iirv Curtit' ) narrn: ace s()(ii narni. Gov or; ri uiKi. I siriiilia CJanadii piate ti 1 SUl)j(M' id to tl; rCaiiiidil il Can mi m Ad' tario ail ontiiiC'!.'] bd ^^ reenlaiij ;, wo Avi. e-naine;| the Oil lountaiii via therj es of m alia aiii Bttlenieoj in 189ll idiiuiviaJ rents, biii FREN'CII-CANADIAN LIFE AND CHARACTER. EdITKI) liV J. \'Kn(tM. The debt which the empire owes to the French-Canadians, Roberts sorts in his recent work/ is immeasuraijly greater than we at irosont realize. By their rejection of the proposals of the revolted oloiiios, he argues, the northern half of the continent was preserved Great Britain ; but for them, there would, in all likelihood, be no iiiada to-day. Other writers have sketched for us, with more or less friendly ouch, the French-C'anadian gentleman of rank ; often poor, but not retched ; at home with his tenants, at home among the Indians, at omc in the forays of the border wars, yet never forgetting his station life ; and the simple habitant, poorer still, who followed his seigneur war and honored liim in peace, made the most of the fleeting Pleasures of life, and took no thought for the m(»rrow. Roberts leliglits to fill in the picture with descriptions ot the dwellings of the p)ple and of their dress and social customs. PI To condense from his pages : The houses of the hahifmis were small cabins ; humble, but warm ; with ide, overhanging eaves. The walls within, to the height of: a man's shoulders, •p worn smooth by the backs that leaned against them. Sialic! wooden boxes (1 benches usually took the place of chairs. A clumsy loom, on which the omen wove their coarse homespuns of wool or flax, occupied one corner of the liti room ; and a deep, box-like cradle, always rocking, stood beside the ample replace. Over the fire stood the long, black arms of a crane, on which was |one most of the cooking; though the " bake-kettle " sometimes relieved its bors, and the brick oven was a stand-by in houses of the rich hdlntans, as ell as of the gentry. For the roasting of meats, the spit was much in use ; fl there was a gridiron with legs, to stand on the hearth with a heap of hot ills raked under it. The houses even of the upper classes were seldom two oi'ies in height ; but they were generally furnished with a good deal of lux- |ry, and in the cities they were sometimes built of stone. A typical country ansion, the dwelling of a seigneur on his own domain, was usually of the llowing fashion : The main building, one storey in height, but perhaps a red feet long, was surmounted by lofty gables and a very steep roof, built m Ii ' History of Canada, Chapter XII. (95) 'ill I 'i:- ^ 1 < : thus to shed the snow and to give a roomy attic for l)('dtliainlR'r.s. The at] was lighted hy numerous high-peaked dormer windows, piercing the expiiih the T'oof. Tiie main building was flanked by one or more; wings. Arouni clustered the wash-house, coach house, barns, stable and woodsheds, Tj homelike cluster of walls and roofs was sheltered from the winter stoiin groves of ev(!rgr(Mni, and ginilcd cheerily by orchard and kitchi'n-gardeii. ' one side, and not far off, was usually a village with a church-spii-e glriiiii;] over it ; on the other, a circulai- stone mill, resembling a little foi tress mtj than a peaceful aid to industry. After describing the dresses of ceremony, the tliree-cornerod U and wide-frocked coats, the embroidered waist-coats, knee-breteJ and silk stockings, with which we are more or less familiar in pictorl representations, the writer continues : Out of doors, and in the winter especially, the costumes of the iioli were more distinctly Canadian. Overcoats of native cloth were worn, «:| large, pointed hoods. Their pattern is preserved to the present day iiii blanket coats of our snow-shoers. Young men might be seen going nl)mi:l colt))'s that brightened the winter landscape, (lay belts of green, blue, iv\\ yellow, enriched the waists of their thick overcoats : their scarlet leggings w^ laced up with green ribbons ; their moccasins were gorgeously embroidered n dyed porcupine (fuills ; their caps of beaver or marten were sometinn' down over their ears witli vivid handkerchiefs of silk. The hd/iifdiis ft rougher and more sombre in their dress. A black homespun coat, gray lejj;;'iDJ gray woollen cap, heavy moccasins of cowhide — this grave costume was imi brightened by a belt or sash of the liveliest colors. The country woiniii;] to content themselves with the same coarse homespuns, which they wmvl short, full skirts ; but they got the gay colors, which they loved, in kcii. for their necks and shoulders. Of their social life and customs, he tells us : The country houses of the seigneurs were the scene of many gfiiotl Driving parties, picking up guests from each manor-house as they pas>;eii would gather at some hospitable abode. When tired of the stately dances tlj in fashion, the guests would amuse themselves with games such as now, «t men seem less light-hearted and more self-conscious, are mostly left to cliildi " Hide the Handkerchief," " Fox and Geese," " My Lady's Toilet," and vaiKj games of forfeit, were among those that made life cheerful for the Canainin;,' the eai-ly (hiys of the colony the /uihifiiiix had lived i-hielly on ^ad fitid eeJH. Tlii(»Ui,diout the early part f delicacies. Legs of veal and nuitton, roasts and cutlets of Ifh pork, huge bowls of savory stew, pies of many kinds shaped like a half- jii, large tarts of jam, with doughnuts fried in lard and rolled in maple [ar, were among the favored disln^s. Among the upper classes breakfast was a light meal, with white wine and ice, usually taken at eight o'clock. Dinner was at midday, and supper at k'li. Suun was always served at both these meals. On the great sideboard, id with silver and china, which usually occupied one end of the dining loom reached to the ceiling, stood cordials to encourage the appetite. In one [tier stood a watei- jar of blue and whitt; porcelain, at wliich guests might Kc their hands before going to table. The table was served with great andance of choice fish and game. Each person's plact; was supplied with pkin, plate, silver goblet, spoon and fork ; but every one carried and used own knife. To keep up the cheer of hearts that aids digestion, all the Dpaiiy sang in turn about the table, the ladies bearing their full share with men. It was a happy and innocent life wliich sped in the manor-houses of St. liiiwrence, where the intluence of Uigot and his crew was not allowed to h. There must liave been anotlicr side to this picture in the ordinary of the habitant, a life of privation and toih AVe are accustomed tliiidv of it with pity, and to contrast it with that of the New [gland colonist, living in thrifty comfort. But the Canadian hnhitant^ igh generally poor, was not miserable in his poverty. Between French and the English as he found them in America, Charlevoix^ draws a comparison : hi New England and the other British colonies, there reigns an opulence 'As ([uuted by rurkman in " The Old Regime in Canada." (97) by which the people seem not to know hosv to profit ; while in N(!W IVan poverty is hidden under an all- of (Mise which appeai-s entirely natural. T' Knj,'li.sh colonist keeps as nuich and spends as littl«5 as possible: the i'lcn colonist enjoys what Ik; has ;,'ot, and often makes a display of what Im; h;is n i ^ot. The one labors for his heirs, the other leaves them to get on as they ciij like himself. Without (liHpara^ing tho people of liis own race, fbe Eiiul Bpoakinii; Canadian may yield a generous admiration to the virtue^ ai; traditions of his fellow-countrymen of another raee and tongue — bravj and adventurous; submissive to authority, tliough jealous of tlu:j rights and liberties; faithful in their allegianee ; true to their relJLn and to themselves; the solid core, as Roberts well says, around win lias irrown the vast Confederation of Canada. THE STORY OF LAURA SECORD. !'i : ^l! " Bv Fkam'ios K. Mi kray. "We are now ncaring the close of the 19th century, and o.: thoughts naturally turn to the many events, the great changes wliicJ have marked its course. Wonderful inventions have made ligliuj " toil's heavy chain." Higher education, not merely in youth, k\ continued through life, has broadened our ideas and widened til horizon of thought. But great as have been the changes, huimi] nature is still the same. Types of character reappear generation aftt; generation. The quiet and studious go on dreaming and pondcriiiJ working out in silence ideas which are to dominate the future. Tl. impulsive and daring are forever eager to try new fields of action ar.| enterprise. Poets " hidden in the light of thought " are still " siiigiiJ songs unbidden " as when Shelley gave us, eighty years ago, tkj exquisite ode. Home, its sweet duties and pleasures, occupy the saiii| place in our hearts now as then. We are linked one to another ai we Jin de siecle people can go back to the early years of our centur and find models of patience and endurance, of courage, loyalty aiiJ patriotism, with which we may feel in touch and from which we maj catch a glow of enthusiasm, may receive a ray of inspiration. (98) Fdi" tliirt reuHoii I would recall as vividly as possible the nicniorv ot )iie whose deed of patriotic courage must now and always he told in ^uiadian histor}* with pride and a trihute of admiration. For many years Laura Secord's retiring disposition kept lior name Ifroiii public notice, but since her death Mrs. Curzon's spirited drama' las interested many in this episode of Canadian liistory which 1 now ^vir*h to repeat once more for tiie benetit of a younger set of readers. Liiiira Secord was bv birth an Iiiijersoll. Her father, Thomas [iii^crsoll, was one of the 10,000 United Empire Loyalists who at the [nniipL't call of duty and honor left their homes and all their eartldy 3()ssossions in the United States to face the dangers and ditKcultios of |ite in the then almost unbroken wilderness of Upper Canada. Little Laura Ingersoll was but a year old when her father came, [1776) at Gov. Simcoe's invitation, to Canada, and founded a settlement jii the hanks of the Thames, Oxford County. Thus all the young Ifirl'.s early associations were coiniected with the advvutures, the )rivation8, the escapes, which marked those interesting years of our Country's history. When she married, she "mated with one of her ciud " for James Secord belonged to a large family of New Brunswick j)valists, some of wliom soon found their wav to Western Canada.- Mr. Secord owned a lumber mill and store at (^ueenston and there [he young people settled; there many happy years of married life were [pent, for they were a most devoted couple, and there four girls and Mie boy were born. ^"I.niirn Si'conI, tin J/i lo/in of ISI.'" -a Draiuii liy Mrs. Sui-uli Aiuiu Ciii/on, of fiiKuitii, who (lied Novcnibi'i, ISJfS. -'Tlie family of Secord was a iiotahlf one. Docuint'iits exist wliich .slio^\ that in the ei^ii of Louis X, of France, a Mai'(|uis de Sccor was a marshal .if [lis Majesty's hoiise- lold. A sou of this marcpii- aud some youui^er hrauches ui the family eiuliraeed the Priit«.Ntuiit faith. Duriu| stretched out ten miles from the frontier, and the Secord's farm-house: | being within that limit, was liable at any time to the entrance of tlic enemy's soldiers demanding a meal. Once after breakfasting tliroei men, one remarked, "You have a nice })lace here, missis; Avhen we come for good to this country we'll divide the land and I'll take thin here for my share." Mrs. Secord replied sharply, " You rascal, yon, all you'll ever get here will be six feet of earth." In a few days two I of the men returned, " You were right, missis, about the six feet oi earth " — one of the men had been killed. At another time the ]\ou<(' was searched for money. Mrs. Secord had a small store of Spanisli doubloons which she baved by throwing them into a pot of boiling' water which hung on a crane over a blazing fire.^ Meantime the lighting went on with varying success. The Anieri- cans captured Fort York (Toronto) and Fort George (Niagara) l»ut| were surprised, defeated and driven back at Stoney Creek (Hamilton) 'Fioni note.'* to y\\'t?. Vuvy.ou\ dnimti " Lninn Si-ronl.^^ ( 100) ])V Colonel Harvey and liis "green tigers," as the men of the 49th were called. In retaliation, an attack was i)lanned upon Lieutenant, F'itzgibhon at Beaver Dams (Thorold). This outpost was guarded by a detachment of the 49th, a few Indians and a squad of militia, in all about two hundred men. An American force of live hundred men, fifty dragoons and two field pieces, under Colonel Boerstlor, was to set out i'rom Fort George (Niagara; on June 23rd to take Fitzgihbon's out[)()^*t by surprise. The evening before a noisy party of soldiers had supped at the Secords. Mrs. Secord, while giving directions to the Tiiaid wlio waited on the men, was startled by some words dropped hy one of the i>arty, and listening attentively she soon heard the whole plan discussed. With a woman's (piick decision she determined at once to w^arn Fitzgibbon of his danger. But how was it to he done? Her husband had been crippled by his wounds. Iler brother also was lying seriously wounded at ^t. David's mill. There was but one way. She herself must undertake the dangerous walk of twenty miles through the forest. After obtaining with some difficulty her husband's consent, she rose befc"^ dawn June 23rd, set the breakfast table so that any chance visitor might suppose her at home, took a milk pail on her arm to serve as an excuse to the sentries, and driving the cow away instead of towards the house she escaped suspicion. Her first rest was at St. David's mill where her sister-in-law, the widow of Stephen Secord lived, and where her brother Charles then was. Both tried in vain to dissuade her from her perilous undertaking. At home, meanwhile, the children Avere told that their mother liad gone to visit their sick uncle, but they noticed and wondered at their father's unusual restlessness and anxietv as the lone: hours of that weary day dragged on. After leaving the mill Laura took a path across the meadow and plunged at once into the forest. This nearly doubled the distance ; hut on the highway she certaiidy would have been arrested. "We can scarcely realize the fatigue, the anxiety, the danger of that long, hot, weary June day. Little rivulets at tliis time of year were run- ning in every direction, making the mossy ground swampy and the Hulking heavy ; sometimes her feet would stick in a clayey bank and I her shoes get clogged with the yellow earth ; then she would have to stumble for a short distance over a half-sunken corduroy road. She j climbed over trunks of trees fallen across the path and fought her ?■; f 9 •■A 3 8S i^ ( 101 ) iif way through thick, tangled underbrush, while black ilies and mos- quitoes innumerable swarmed about her. Under such circumstances a ten-mile walk is considered a good day's work for a man/ but Laura had covered nineteen miles in that time. At sunset she found herself on the bank of a swift stream — the twelve mile creek. It grew dark, wolves howled in the distance; but, nothing daunted, she clambered oti hands and knees along a mossy log which overhung the stream, and, crossing, she found herself at the foot of Beechridge, up which she had a hard, fatiguing climb. When the moon rose she had reacdied the Indians who formed the vanguard of Fitzgibbon's little force. The rest of the story must l)e told in her own words: "As I approach they all arose with one of their war-yells, which indeed awed n;e. You may imagine what my feelings were to behold so many savages. With forced courage I went to one of the chiefs, told him I had great news for his commander and that he must take me to him or they would all be lost. He did not understand me, but said : ' Woman ! what does woman want here?' The scene by moonlight to some might have been grand, but to a weak woman certainly terrify in i;-. With difficult}^ I got one of the chiefs to go with me to their com- mander. With the intelligence I gave him, he formed his plans and saved his country." When Laura reached headquarters, her skirt and jacket were in tatters, her hood had been lost in the forest, her shoes were worn oH her feet. Lieut. Fitzgibbon was perfectly amazed at the courage and darintr of the noble woman who had undertaken and successfully accomplishcil such a dangerous expedition. But his gratitude .ex- ceeded liis astonishment when he found what an important service she liad rendered. Every attention was shown her ; for, he says, "Mrs. Secord was a person of slight and delicate frame, and made the effort in weather excessively warm, and I dreaded at the time she must suffer in health in consequence of fatigue and anxiety, she having been exposed to danger from the enemy, through whose line of communi- cation she had to pass." An escort was detailed to conduct her to a friend's house three miles distant " where [she writes) I slept right oli, for I had journeyed on feet twenty miles and safely. God be praised. ' The attack the next morning (June 24) on Lieut. Fitzgibbon's out- post and its defeat are matters of history. The little force was placed e(| r» • in am t(^ ma ad van woodi' and h tliems liiKJin foe, c forty-t were c Th 1 1 n 1 1 /I T ti le See Cottin's C/iroui exjilor gradui H<\yal 8< iiie tiike "luitted, BY ■\vaH i to trace, with the narratives of tlie explorers in liand, tlie gradual e\olijtion of geograpliy from the stage whore a great hlank space represents a sea or a continent, through a series showing gradually iiurcasing accuracy and detail, down to the complete maps of the present day.* The earliest maps are very crude and full of errors. The lirst ex})lorors had neither the means nor the time for making accurate surveys, and could make their ina})s only hy the aid of general compass directions and a few crude measurements of the speed of their ships, — such maps in fact as we now call "sketch maps." Nor were these maps copied accurately by the professional mapmakers ; for the outlines were not closely followed and the names of places were misspelled and in other ways altered with the greatest carelessness, thus making cartography, or the study of old majts, by no means an easy study, nor one in which all students can come to an agree- ment. Still, as partial compensation for this, many of the old maps are most artisticallv ornamented and colored, so that it is a delight to possess and study them. They often also have their 0(bl spaces filled with pictures of men, animals, cities, etc., and these pictures in them, selves are at times of great historic interest and value. The fact of greatest importance about old maps is this, they do not show a gradual improvement from the earliest times down to the present, but the improvement goes by leaps, as it were, with long intervals between when the maps not only do not become better, but, through carelessness in copying, become actually worse. Tliis was l»ecause the mapmakers could gain no new knowledge for the im- l)rovement of their maps, excepting such as was furnished to them by the explorers, \v'ho were few in number and far apart. When an explorer came home, the maps became suddenly better, then gradually worse until another returned, and so on. 'This lias been dono for New Brunswick in a inonojriuph in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, vol. in (1897). From this work the accompanying four figures !iie taken. As these are intended to ilhistrate New Brunswick only, the names are all omitted, except on the New Biunsw ick coast. All are but {mrts of large ma[)s. (105) •^1 i Fk; 1 — PoKTioi'KSE Mat ok Vli:(i.\S MKKOKK ir)34. m Some of the most important facts about old maps are illustrated by the four cjiven herewith, which show the eftects of the voyages of Cartier upon the maps of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. The reader will do well to examine them with a good modern map of the Gulf before him, and also to read in this connection the sketch of a part ot Cartier's first voyage, already given in No. 1 of this series of readin<:s, Before the voyages of Cartier, the Gulf of St. Lawrence was shown on the maps merely as a rounded indentation in a nearly continuous coast line of Eastern North America, and one of the very best of these majis I, L! Fid. 2- -Mai- mad?: nv Jean Rotz, dated 1542; really I'.ELON(iIN(i TO loSo. if •;: i is given in Figure 1. Hardly any feature and not a single name can be recognized ; even the straits of Belle Isle are not shown. Figure 2 is an early map showing the first voyage, but not the later ones, of Cartier. Erroneous as it is, it is yet an immense advance over those that preceded it. L^nfortunately no names ot places are given in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but these can be supplied from Figures, which shows the effects of Cartier's second voyage also. Cartier's narrative makes it plain that y de margaux is what is now called Bird Islands, and ye de brion is still called Brion Id., while Allezay is a small island at the southwestern end of the Magdalene ( 106 ) Islands. Both Fitijurea 2 and 3, however, sliow the Magdalene Islands united to the coast to the southward, a natural mistake, tor Cartier coasted only along their northwestern side. B. des harrjurs was Richmond Bay on P. E. Island.- C. ihrngoulesme is another name for Cape Orleans which is the present Cape Kildare. C. despoir was the north point of Miscou Island. Figure 2 shows Anticosti merged with the mainland to the south as Cartier thought it was on his tlrst voy- age, though he corrected this error on his second, as Figure 3 shows. It was from the strait north of Anticosti that lie turned hack to w i f Fl(!. 3 — M.M" MAKK «V HaKI.KV, DATKD 1.542, lilT liEl,ON(ilN(i AliOlT ir)37. return to France from his first voyage, and hence the St. Lawrence river is left blank on Figure 2, but it was explored by him on the second voyage and hence is shown on Figure 3. The great error on these tw^o maps, however, is the fusion of the Magdalene Islands with the mainland, but this is entirely corrected in Figure 4, one of the earliest maps showing the complete effects of Cartier's voyages. If one, however, attempts to coi lare the names on this map with those on Figure 3, he will find sonio differences, partly due to careless copying See page 10 in No. I of this .series of readings. ( 107 ) and partly to the presence of additional names omitted by the maker of the earlier map. From this time on until the appearance of Cham- plain's maps in 1 <)!•>, many maps of the Gulf of St. Lawrence woiv '^oOYvjwA.n)' >i»uJ*w"JJ V \UJL;y|3^o , (no n a rfti Fk;. 4 — Mai' mm>k iiv Dksckijkks in \7)M\. published, but none of them were any better, and most of them wer worse, than that made by Desceliers (Figure 4). This, of course, ^vll because there was no map-making explorer in the Gulf durinii- tlia:| interval. These maps will give some idea of the value and diflieiilt] ies of the study of old maps, a subject certain to receive from historian- much more attention in the future than it has in the past. (108) A SCHEME FOR THE CONCUTEST OF CANADA IN 1740. Mv N'liToi: lli(.(i I'ai/isits, ok tiii; Nkw N Hrk I'tni.if Liiikakv. (ireat Britain's acquisition of th<^ vast domain of Canada, by the treaty of 1703, was the realization of a hope long cherished. The reduction of this *' thorn in the side" of the neighboring English colonies had been attempted in 161)0, under !Sir William l'hii>s, and in 1711 under Sir Hovenden Walker. The attempt of the former ended ingloriously, while that of the latter proved a fiasco. From the treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, until the open rupture in 1744, a nominal peace reigned. The declaration of war between Great Britain and France in the latter year equally involved their colonial possessions in conflict. On 17tli June, 1745, Louisburg, the richest American jewel that had ever adorned the French crown, capitulated to tlie daring of the New Englanders under General Wil- liam Pepperrell, aided by a lleet commanded by Commodore Peter Warren. The successful issue of this enterprise gave the English entire command of tlie Gulf of St. Lawrence, and thus enabled them to cut ott' (Quebec from all hope of succor from France. It also t'aeilitated the conquest of Canada itself.' The victory was hailed with acclamation throughout the colonies, and a hope was exi)ressed that no }»eace negotiatiuns should ever be set on foot witli France in which the restoration of Ca})e Breton should as much as be mentioned, - The Canadians were apprehensive of a liritish invasion; but made vigorous preparations to repress it. They learned the English plans by means of scouting parties, from the Etiglish prints, and more especially fnmi the English colonists captured on the frontiers by their various incursions, and whom they lield in contincment at (Quebec.'' In the English-American provinces an expedition against Canada was looked ujjon by some as a chance for " tine plundering;"^ while to others it appeared to afford advantages "inconceivably great to the Crown of Britain."-'' Indeed, the original suggestions of October, ^i^ ' MiiKoirs of till /'rhi;/, No. 1()4, for Mairli 111. 174(5. The article itself is dated Deoeinhei- 28, 174"). •* The wiiole subject of nmiois and Fiench anticijuitoiy action can be studied from .V. }'. Col. JJoi.'i., vol. x : and Jounml of C'(i/>((iiii Williain I'ole, Jr., New York-, 189(j. ■t PoM-Boif, No. 17S, for June 10, 174(5. ''Pod-Boy, No. 173, for May 12, 174(5. ( 109 ) i; ;- 1='l ' 1745, coiiipreliciidcMl the enlistniciit of 20,000 provincialH, wVio should be offered, as an induccmeiit, " tlio plunder of the oountry; as well as the lands of tlie Canadians." In official quarters — and none the less among the populace — it was judged that the acquisition of Canada would secure the fish and fur trade, deprive the French of provisions and lumber for their sugar islands, greatly diminish the trade oi France, secure the English possessions in America —hitherto greatly incommoded, ajid put a halt to the building of French war vessels then carried on in Canada.' Governor William Shirley, in hisspeccii to the Council and House of Representatives of Massachusetts-Bay 28th June, 1746, told them it was but folly to consider Nova Scotia in security so long as the French continued to be masters of Canada.- He but spoke the truth from a bitter experience. Soon after the conquest of Louisburg, Shirley was called there ti quell the discontent which had arisen among the provincials. His mission accomplished, he returned to Boston early in December. Bin while at Louisburg he had concerted measures with Pepperrell and Warren, for an expedition against Canada the following year. Tin project was communicated to the Duke of Bedford, then at the head of the admiralty, and was well received. The fighting strength of all Canada, according to the best aval! able information, was judged not to exceed 12,000 men, inclusive ot the regulars ; and the Indian allies were computed to be about 9O0.' The winter of 1745-1746 intervened. On 14th March, 1746, the Duke of Newcastle,^ then at the helm of the government, wrote to the various American governors, that "should it be judged advisable to undertake any attempt upon the French settlements in the New World, they should take the proper measures for raising a body of ' Chalmerti' Papers reJafiiii/ to Canada, UH)'2\~\)2, in New York l^iblio Library. ' Jonrnal of the, lie}>renentatives of MdKs.-linif, 1740, p. 71. ' Memoirs of Last War, j). 00. * Thomas Pelham-Holles, Duke of Xewca-stle-upon-Tyue and of Ne\vcastle-iiii(k'i Lyne, was born 21st .July, 101):^, and died 17th November, 1708. He is descrilud n- having been "nervous and pompous, always in a hurry, and always behind hand; iirnmani of common things, and not learned in any sense." He certainly made a great fiasco oi the plan to reduce Caiuuhi. Lecky says he vastly increased the evil of siiamele.s.'^ cor ruption in the afl'airs of the goverinnent, "discredited and degraded his [)arty. Mini left the standard of political morality lower than he found it."' — History of Eixjia ml n the Eiifhfeeiith Centnvy, vol. ii, pi». 438-40. (110) _.iJl le -111 It It''- crilifd 11^ e\e»y cor- tirty. iuiil lljldllli IN men ior tlmt purpose."' This waa hut the suggestion of a fact soon to follow. On 0th April, 1746, Newcastle despatched letters hy the sloop of war llk'khujltrook- to the governors of all the provinces from New Engliind to Virginia. The packet with the royal orders reached Gov- ernor Shirley on 26th May, and he immediately forwarded the docu- ' nients to the difierent goverments by land expresses. He evinced his own interest by his personal correspondence, in which lie urged co- operation, lie was very zealous for the cause, and hoped that the Massachusetts- Bay government would set a good example to the others. The ro3'al orders required the several governments to raise as large a body of men as the shortness of the time would warrant. The King did not limit the number of men for each province, neither (lid he require special allotments. But he hoped and expected that the united levies would not be less than five thousand.^ The scheme concerted in England varied very little from the sug- P gestions which had been forwarded previously from America. It was agreed that the land forces should be commanded by Lieut, -Gen. Sinclair,' while Rear-Admiral Warren was to look after the royal fleet. The plan of operations was not made irrevocable. Sinclair, Warren and Shirley were entrusted with such alterations as circum- stances would require or good judgment might suggest. By the original instructions the companies raised in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia were to rendezvous at Albany. The command of this contingent was given to William Gooch, Lieu- tenant-Governor of Virginia ; but ho pleaded indisposition, and de- clined to serve. Governor George Clinton, of New York, who was virtually responsible for the success of this part of the plan, appointed Lieutenant-Colonel John Roberts as Gooch's successor. ° From ' CImfmcr.'t' /'tijn r'<, as liefofe. ■ So in il/r»s.v. Joiini((/, '29tli May, 174(5. Also siuilled Hiiichinbrook in Penii. • To/ks," vol. IV {/'hi/a. 1774), p. S7. •' Hut(!hinson. Ifl^f. of Mass., 'Svd edit., vol. ii, \). .'Wl. ' JM men in less than six weeks time. Tii 1 71 "2, Jeremy Dunmier had written a letter in whicli he said: " T am sure it has been the Crv of the whole Country ever since Canada was deliver'd up to the French : Caiunht e.<' deleridn ; They always look'd upon it as a Carthage to tbe Nortliein Colonies, which if they did not destroy, it would in Time destroy them." These words were singularly suited to the present occasion, and Shirley read them during the speech with which he adjourned the General Court on 28th June, 1740.'' It appears that New IIamj)sbire ex- pected to equip 1,000 men, though some authorities suggest that only 500 took the field. Yet, Gov. Wentworth, in his requisitions to England for reimbursement, says his province raised 733 men. Rhode Island voted three companies of 100 men each — a standard for com- panies required by the royal instructions — and expended more than ' The material for u study of the sclieme is aiiiplc. The chief sources are Cli'iliii"'- I'aj)ers lielafiinj fo Ctiiiai/it, transcripts from oriunnal documents in the Enj^lish Stati Paper Office; .4/rv/K)/r.sq/"Lrt.s/ War, i». ()l;Holt. Jin/xtr/inf HeftrfKcntation, vol. iv {/.cmloi' 1750), {)p. .34") and .'UO; Hutchin,son HiM. of Mdis., .3rd edit., vol. ii, pp. .380 and ;W: N. Y. Go/mii't/ Dor-s., vol. vi ; and the printed J'o^-s, .loinimJs and Haconh of the sivoicl colonies engaged in the expedition. -' Chalmers'' l^npirK. •' il/^ff^-.v. .hinrndl, ITK). p. (17. (112) \ 1111(1 > jLl<>,000 sterling, exclusive of a speoial hount^' to each soldier.' The (iciieral AHwenihly of Comiecticut, in May, 1746, a^^reed to furnish ♦ji'O men, hut increased tlie nunihor to 1,000 at its June session." A ci'iisus of New York, taken in 174(5, shows that tlie wliite males iu'tween the years of 16 and 60 nuuihcrcd hut 12,522, exclusive of Albany County, which could not he computed hecause of the enemy.* Xt'vcrtheless this province i)rovided 1,600 men, and also four "inde- |ic'ii(lent" companies of 100 men each. It also conciliated the Five Xiitions of Indians, through the instrumentality of Col. William Johnson, whom the Indians themselves had chosen to he their colonel.' Xow .lersey voted 500 men, and h}' its ajtpropriations impaired its iiwn treasury. Col. Peter Sc^lmyler, who commanded the New Jersey lonipanies, also advanced some thousands of pounds ''out of his own i-tate"' to keep his men together."' ihit in doing so he reaped the displeasure of New York's governor, who bitterly complained to the luotlior country, asserting that Schu^'ler's action had caused desertions and mutiny among the unjtaid provincials. The legislature of Penn- sylvania was controlled hy Quakers, who, wnile aflirming allegiance t(i the King's commands, so far as their religious persuasions would IHTiiiit, objected to being "concerned in war-like Enterprisee."'^ Gov. [(Joorge Thomas, therefore, raised 400 men, without an act of govern- |iiieiit, and clothed, armed and equipped them on his own credit. Maryland contributed 300 men, who were ready for the field by 25th -'illy, and its Assembly voted £4,500, currency, on 26th June, and 'MO, currency, and £200, sterling, on 12th November, for tlieir equip- ment and maintenance. Virginia, though given special honors, in the h'erson of Gov. Gooch, contributed a very unequal proportion. She k'tiild raise only 100 men, and even they were not ready before the Imiddle of August. In October, 1746, this Virginian contingent still ' A'. /. lieconls, vol. V, pp. 17- iiiid "ilili. It iiii^ht bo suii I that all the colonies <^iive "lial inducements, in one way or another, to favor an enlistment. -' J'liblir Records oj Conn., vol. ix, pp. "ill and 231. ' -V. Y. Col. Docs., vol. VI, p. .S92. New York'.-< official action in behalf of the ln-me, can be studied from Joiirnaf of the Vofe-^ and Privffdhif/x of fli<- '., vol. VI, p. 379. ■ N. .7. Votes, 1.3th June, 1746; and 7th Jan., 1748. " I'enn. Votes, vol. iv (Phila., 1774), p. 3S. ti (113) :1V I lay encamped within the fort at New York city, waiting to proceed to Albany, the place of rendezvous.^ Hopes ran high. The men at Albany and at Louisburg eagcrlv waited for the re/^ulars and the fleet, since their arrival was to sound the alarm for action. The Indian allies of New York thirsted for chance to revenge themselves. In England a fleet and many transport- had been collected at Portsmouth ; but after several embarkations ami debarkations, the British ministry altered the destination of the English regulars, for a descent on Brittany in France. ** On 30th May, 1747, the Duke ot Newcastle directed that tlie Americans be disbanded, save a few hundred who might be requinl to garrison Louisburg. In October, Shirley and Knowles issued a proclamation "that the King, flnding it necessary to employ tlie greater part of his forces to aid his allies and to defend the libertit of Europe, had thought proper to lay aside for the present the intended expedition against Canada."'' Tliere seems to have been no disposition of allowing the Americaiid to make the attempt unaided by the regulars. It does not require ii stretch of the imagination to ascertain tlu- causes. For the Duke of Bedford had opposed such proposals when the scheme was flrst siicr. gested by Shirley ; representing to Newcastle the imprudence of th idea, " after the expeiience we have had of their conduct and princi- ples, on account of the independence it might create in those provinet-l when they shall see within themselves so great an army possesst of s( great a Country by right of Conquest." He wished to place the chirtl dependence on the fleet and army to be sent from home, and "to look on the American- as useful only when joined with others."^ Tlie adoption hy the home government of Bedford's policy, shows that lii? view was entertains d by others in authority. Thus ended a scheme which had been well-concerted, and which i!:ave I every promise of success. It had, been undertaken at the_expense of the I mother country, and failure to execute it proved a tremendous waste. ' 'riit'i'e is !i rather ciiustie ci'itioism of N'iiniiiia in ^^iir-York J'oit-Boi/, No. l!tn, Sept. S, 174(5. -' Kolt., vol. IV, {). :UV). •' Clinlnifrs' /'nji< r-<. Tlif pioclainutioii isalso {)riiite(l in llfconlsoj' llliode Island, mjI.u * Clin/ )H (■)•><■ Papers : and manuscript of vol. ii of Clialnier.s' Revolt of the Cdi'i'" Both arc in Now York Piihlic IJhrary. •'' All t'lahoratt' rcpdi't of'tho icspeotive clainis i>y the ('(jloiiios for roiinhinsciiiviii dated Fchniai'v, 1740-17"><>, ,shi)\v.>< that the total huiii char^fed was i'"J7.'i, 1 *i!) !.-. 1 1 i't I und the amount actuallv paid out was* €23"), 817 l.s. — Chalmetti' I'a/iers. (114) COMMENTS OF THE PRESS. R. E. (losNBLL, Lllirartan Leijis/ntive lihrani, B. C: I must congrntulate you I not oni}' on the conception of such a com- Iniendahle enterprise, but upon the success hvith which it hus been initiated. S. E. Dawson, LL. 1).. Offaimi: It seeins [to me to be a most promising idea. Rkv. Dr. Macrae, Pi-i-.-o'dai/ Mnn-'ni I('o//«,'/e, Quebec: Kept u{) witli the s[)irit land excellence characterizing the first num- jkr, it suj-ely must command a large and |u|>j)reciative support. J. R. Inch, LL. I)., Chir/Supf. Eihrnition, X. B.: It is of great interest in connection hvith the study of Canadian history. I Ishiill l)e glad to assist in any way possible Ito liiiiitr supplementary readings such as Jthetie within read 1 of tlie children in our Ifohools. Toronto Globe: The object of the publi- tciitioii is obviously to popularize knowledge |ini(l liuild up national sentiment. Hiilifax Pri'f<}>!itiri(in Wltjuss: What we rvoulil like to see is, schools ordering at {wholi.'sale prices cojjies of the (Quarterly for [all advanced pujjils. Mr. Hay would thus jliecome a pioneer in a genuine historical Iriiform. St. John Globe: The various issues of the [leaflets will certainly prove au actiuif«ition jtothe school as well as to private libraries. St, John Snn: They should win on their [merit a hearty recognition and support, not M'uly in New Brunswick, but all over the jl)ominion. Woodstock Ih'xpafrh : If future numbers liave the same value and interest of this [tiist, they will be deservedly popular. Moiicton Transcript : If the first number [oi Canadian history, edited by Mr. G. U. jHay, is a fair .sample of what this publica- [tion is to be, we would advise our readers It'i take this op[X)rtunity to keep posted in I'icul history. Weymouth Free Press : They will stimu- jlateun interest in and for the fasciiuiting |*tiidy of history. Sumnierside Jonrnaf : They will kindle 111 the minds of students a strong and lively [interest in Canadian history. Digby Courier: Their purpose is primarily for the schoolroom but they can be appre- ciated ecjually by the geneial reader. Berwick Rfijisli'r : These leaflets are not designed to supersede the textbooks now in use, l)ut to provide a supplementary course of readings Vjy means of which a more comprehensive knowledge of the history of our country may be brought to the minds of our young- people. .M. Chamberlain, Harvard University: I think the idea of {)ublishing the.se bits of Canadian history for sup{)lementai'y reading is a capital one, and I liope that it will receive the support which it een a steadily growing demand for back numbers of this series of Canadian Historical Readings. Though large editions of the early numbers were issued, the steady call for tliem lias led to their being rapidly taken up, so that those who wish for the fuil series should not delay too long in applying for them. The l>est plan is to subscribe at once for the whole series, and this will insure their prompt delivery to your address as each number is issued. I'he series will be completed in twelve numbers, containing about 350 pages of read- ing matter of the greatest interest to students of Canadian history and geography. The most stirring incidents in our history have been selected, many of them from original papers and (hjcuments not accessible to the general reader. The result will be a unique and interesting collection which will prove of the greatest value to the student and reader of history. CONTENTS OF THE SERIES. Nutnber One. Introduction (The Editor). Physical (Jrowth of Canada (Matthew). The Legend of Glooscap ( Vroom). Cartier's First Voyage (Ganong). Winter at St. Croix Island (Hay). The Story of Lady La Tour (Hannay). The Story of the Loyalists (Sir John Bourinot). Number Tivo. The (Jabots and Their Voyages (Piers). The Settlement of Port Royal (Hay). Physiography of Nova Scotia (MacKay). An Acadian Marchioness . . . . (Hannay). A Chapter on Names (Raymond). The Fort Cumberland Summons and Reply ((ianong). The Siege of Penobscot (Vroom). Number Three. General Coffin (Jack). Fort Cumberland : . . (Hannay). D'Anville's Expedition (Piers). Nicolas Denys' Description of the River St. John (Ganong). Incidents in the Life of Lieut. James Moody ... .(Hay). Story of the Big Beaver (Raymond). Number Four. Place- Names ; (Johnson). French Canadian Life and Character . (Vroom). The Story of Laura Secord (Miss Murray). On the Strdy of Ancient Maps iGanong). A Scheme tor the Conquest of Canada in 1746 (Paltsits). Number Five. The Acadian People (Hannay). The Battle of Lundy's Lane (Robertson). The Pennfield Colony. (Vroom). History in Boundary Lines (Ganong) The Physiography of New Brunswick (Wilson). TERMS Subscription Price for the Series of Twelve Numbers |1 Price of each number (about thirty pages) I*' I Twenty copies or more (for introduction to schools) 5 cents each. l^'All orders promptly attended to. Sent post-paid on receipt of price. Address, G. U. HAY, Educational Review, St. John, N. B. X THE ACADIAN PEOPLE. By James Hannay. There are now upwards of one hundred thousand persons of French origin in the Maritime Provinces, the great majority of whom are known as " Acadians " because they are the descendants of the French settlers who were brought out to this country when it was a colony of France and was called " Acadia." The first settlement of Acadia took place in 1604, under de Monts and Champlain, but the place selected, St. Croix Island, proving unsuitable, the little French colony was removed to Port Royal in the spring of 1605. The colon- ists consisted of farmers and artisans, men well suited to the business they had in hand, but the colony was finally broken up by an English expedition from Virginia, under Argal, in 1613. There does not appear to have been any further attempt by the French to establish a settlement at Port Royal for about twenty years. In the meantime. Sir William Alexander had obtained from James I. of England, a grant of the country, and had established a colony of Scotchmen at Port Royal. This colony was, in its turn, broken up when Acadia was restored to France under the terms of the treaty of Saint Germaiu- eu-Laye, made in 1632. Some of these Scotch colonists, however, remained in Acadia and mingled with the French settlers who were brought out after the country was restored to France. It does not appear that any of the French of Champlain's colony remained in Acadia, although one or two of them went to Quebec. The origin of the Acadians therefore dates from the year of 1633, when Isaac de Razilly brought out a number of French settlers to La Have. Between that year and 1638, de Razilly and his lieutenant, iCharnisay, brought out some sixty families of colonists, most of whom [ appear to have remained in Acadia. These people were all workers, [mainly farmers and fishermen, with a few artisans, such as black- j smiths, carpenters and coopers, who were necessary to do the little work of the colony. At first they were settled at La Have, but a few I years later most of them were removed to Port Royal, the name then given to the region about Annapolis, which must be regarded as the [motlier settlement of Acadia. ' The French colonists who settled Acadia, came from Rochelle, liutonge and Poitou, on the west coast of France, a tract of country (115) ' -- ---■;-■■■■ hi { 5vs which has some features in common with Acadia; a country ot marshes from whicli tlie sea was kept out by artificial dykes. Tliis fact had a considerable iniluence on the settlement ot Acadia, inr the French dealt with the marsh lands of Port Royal in the same manner as they had treated similar marshes in France, and tlicv depended upon them almost entirely for their sustenance. The marsh lands of Acadia were so extensive that they were much more than sufficient to maintain the population for more than a century, and for that reason the Acadians cleared a ver}' limited area of forest land during their long occupation of the country. Acadia therefore remained a land of " forest primeval " until the English began to settle it, about the year 17G0. The sixty families of French who came out under de Razilly niul Charnisay were the true founders of the Acadian people ; for althou^ili other persons came from time to time to the little colony, there was no immigration of whole families, and only four women are known to have come to Acadia after the period of the original immigration, already mentioned. Therefore, although new names appear from time to time in the lists of Acadian settlers, they were merely thoso of individuals, such as discharged soldiers and transient working men, who had concluded to settle in tlie country and whose wives belonged to the original Acadian stock. This has given a unity to the Ac&- dian people such as is hardly to be found in any other community, niid has caused them to differ very materiall\', in appearance and otherwise, from the French Canadians of the province of Quebec. The first census of Acadia of which we have any record was taken in the year 1671, when there were found to be seventy-live families, numl)ering four hundred and forty-one persons. The largest settlement was at Port Royal, where there were sixty-eight families, numbering three hundred and sixty-three persons. The manner in which these Acadians lived is very clearly shown by the details of this census. They depended largely upon tlieir cattle and sheep. Of the former they possessed eight hundred and sixty-six, or almost two for every man, woman and child in the colony, and of the latter four hundred and seven. They had four hundred and twenty-nine aeres of land under cultivation, and had harvested that year four thousand three hundred bushels of grain. It is evident that this statement of land under cultivation could only have referred to the land actually tilled in that particular year, and did not include the land upon which (116) liay was cut or tliat devoted to pasture. The grain produced, assum- ing it to have been wheat, was fully double the quantity tliat the little colony could use for food, and the produce of the cattle must have been much more than Avould be required for tlie support of these families. The surplus was sold to feed the little French garrison which w^as always stationed at Port Royal ; and when Acadia passed into the hands of the English, in 1710, the custom was continued and tlie Kiiglish garrison of Annapolis had their wants supplied by the produce of the farms in the vicinity of the fort. The Acadians of Chigiiecto, Mines, and their outlying settlements, found a market for their products at Boston and even at Louisbourg, which, after the loss of Acadia, became the great French stronghold of the Maritime prov- inces. In this w^ay the Acadians became rich. Tliey produced everything that was necessary to supply the wants of their families, and had a large surplus to sell, which they converted into specie and usually buried, as there were no banks in the country in which to deposit it. It is doubtful if there was anywhere at that time a peasantry in more comfortable circumstances or more aflluent than the Acadians were from the time the English took possession of the (oantry until their expulsion in 1755. Another census of Acadia was taken in 168G, just fifteen years after the one already referred to. It then contained 855 inhabitants, of whom 592 resided at Port Royal. Two new settlements had in the meantime been founded, both of which were destined to become populous and wealthy, and to entirely overshadow the original colony at Port Royal. These were Beaubassin or Chignecto, the name then given to the territory about Sackville and Amherst, and Mines which included the region on the Basin of Minas, the place now^ described ill the railway circulars as the Land of Evangeline. There were 95 families then residing at Port Royal, 27 more than in 1671 ; but the land they had under cultivation and their horned cattle had decreased. Their sheep had almost doubled, having risen from 407 to 627, and they possessed 351 swine, a species of live stock not mentioned in the census of 1671. Evidently considerable changes had takeii place in their mode of living, due to causes w4iich cannot very well be ascer- tained now. The settlement at Chignecto, although only a few years [old, was flourishing. It had 127 inhabitants and more land under cultivation than Port Royal. Its cattle numbered 236, its sheep 111, (and its swine 189. The Mines settlement had 57 inhabitants and 1** i ' '^ f? ^n ,-,^?^. (117) w possessed 90 horned cattle, 21 sheep, and 67 swine. This was the humble beginning of a settlement where cattle a few years later were numbered by thousands. At Chignecto and Mines there were vast acres of marsh lands capable of supporting great herds, and the people who went to these new settlements speedily became rich. The pro- gress of Chignecto was checked for a time by the expeditions from Massachusetts under Col. Church ; but the prosperity of Mines encountered no such drawback, and it speedily became the most wealthy and populous settlement in Acadia. The transfer of Acadia to Great Britain in 1710 did not at all affect the progress of the Acadian settlements. A census taken in 1714 shows that the population of Mines had risen to 878, a number almost as great as that of Port Royal, which had 895 inhabitants. The settlers of Mines were spreading themselves over the land and had established new colonies on many of the rivers flowing into the Basin of Minas, the Pizequid, the Gaspereaux, the Canards and other streams. The Port Royal colony was also more populous than it ever had been before ; and, although a few families had left it, the bulk of the inhabitants continued to cling to the soil on which their fathers had lived so long. They were in the possession of some of the best soil in North America ; they were in the enjoyment of peace, and they had therefore no inducement to seek their fortunes in another land which might not prove so congenial as that in which they were living. During the next forty years all the Acadian settlements grew rapidly, and in 1755, it is estimated that the Acadians numbered about 10,000 persons, a prodigious increase to take place in so short a period of time. :i. The Acadians were a people who lived very much by themselves, and therefore they acquired characteristics which were the outgro^vtll of their peculiar conditions. They were a very religious people, and Were greatly under the influence of their clergy, whose power over them was felt in every relation of life. "When this power was exercised in the interests of morality and religion it was a most wholesome influence and of the utmost benefit, but when it was used for political purposes it became a source of danger and led to the utter ruin of a people who might have remained always happy and prosperous. Among the Acadians it was the custom to marry young, and as a consequence their families were usually large. Land was so abundant that a young man could not do better than take to himself a wife and (118) set up housekeeping on his own account. Their lives were siniple and frugal and virtuous, but education was greatly neglected. Very few of the Acadians could read or write, and the literature of the world was a sealed book to them. This, however, was a condition not peculiar to the Acadians, but which also existed among the peasantry of France from which they sprang. In those days it was not thought necessary that a mere tiller of the soil should be able to read or write ; indeed it was not until the present century that the great awakening took place as to the advantages of education which has placed that great blessing within reach of the humblest and made ignorance appear a badge of inferiority aiid disgrace. 1 I THE BATTLE OF LUNDY'S LANE. W. J. ROBKRTSON, M. A. The importance of the War of 1812 is not yet fully realized by Fnglish historians, although there are strong indications that the British world is at last beginning to see dimly that the future of the British Empire is deeply involved in the growth and development of Canada. Had Canada been conquered in the War of 1812, the whole course of British history would have been changed, and that for the worse. Had the war not taken place when it did, it is possible that the process of americanizing Upper Canada, which was then going on, might have ended as similar processes in Texas and California ended at a later date. But the result of this war, which has usually been looked upon as a great evil, effectually checked the tendency of citizens of the United States to settle in Canada without any intention of becoming British subjects. On the outbreak of hostilities, those unwilling to take the oath of allegiance were forced to leave the country, and never since has American influence been an important factor in our political development. Of the many battles fought during this bitter struggle, the Battle of Lundy's Lane was the most stubbornly and fiercely contested. So evenly were the antagonists matched that American historians have ever since claimed the battle as an American victory. Needless to say (119) ■m i / !' L i. I ; I ; /-\ every Canadian writer has described the results as favorable to British arms. It is possible some of your readers may desire to know the truth of these rival claims ; therefore, to satisfy a laudable curiosity, the reports of the British and American commanders, immediately after the battle was fought, are here presented. For these reports, as well a> for a mass of other interesting contemporary documents, I am indebted to a publication known as the " Documentary History of the Campaign on the Niagara Frontier in 1814," of which Capt. Cruikshank, Fort Erie, is the learned editor. The italics are my own. The first account of the battle here given is from a report of Sir Gordon Drummond, the British commander, to Sir George Prevost : Headquartkks, Niagara Falls, 27th July, 1814. Sir, — T embarked on board His Majesty's schooner " Netley/' at York, on Sunday evening the 24th inst , and reached Niagara the following mornini;. Finding from Lieut.-Colonel Tucker that Major-General Riall was supposed to be moving towards the Falls of Niagara to support the advance of his division which he had pushed on to that place on the preceding evening, I ordered Lieut.-Colonel Morrison, with the 89th Regiment and a detachment of the Royals and King's, drawn from Forts George and Missassauga, to proceed to the same point, in order that with the united force I might act against the enemy (posted at Street's Creek, with his advance at Chippawa) on my arrival, if it should be found expedient, I ordered Lieut.-Colonel Tucker at the same time to proceed on the right bank of the river with three hundred of the 41st and about two hundred of the Royal Scots and a body of Indian waniors, supported (on the river) by a party of armed seamen under Captain Dobbs, Royal Navy. The object of this movement was to disperse or capture a hody of the enemy which was encamped at liewiston. Some unavoidable delay liav ing occurred in the march of the troops up the right bank, the enemy liad moved off previous to Lieut.-Col. Tucker's arrival Having refreshed the troops at Queenston, and having brought across the 41.st Royals and Indians, I sent back the 41st and 100th regiments to form the garrisons of the Forts George, Missassauga and Niagara, under Lieut. Col. Tucker, and moved with the 89th and detachments of the Royals and King's, and Light Company of the 41st, in all about 800 men, to join Major-General Riall's division at the Falls. When arrived within a few miles of that position I met a report from Major-Gen. Riall that the enemy was advancing in great force. I immediately pushed on and joined the head of Lieut.-Colonel Morrison's column just as it reached the road leading towards the Beaver Dam. over the summit of the hill at Lundy's Lane. Instead of the whole of INIajor General Riall's division, which I expected to have found occupying this position, (120) I fciiiid it almost in the occupation of the enemy, whose columns were within 60at the enemy was landing at Lewiston, and that our baggage and stores at Schkwser an Niagara, and as it appeared by the l)efore mentioned information that the enemy was about to avail himself of it, T conceived the most effectual method of recalling him from this object was to put myself in motion towards (.^uoenston. (Jeneral Scott, with the 1st Brigade, Towaon's Artillery, and all tho dragoons and mounted men, were accordingly put in niarcli on the road leading thither, with orders to report if tlic enemy appeared — then to call for assistance if necessary. On the (Jeneial's arrival at the Falls, he learned that the enemy was in force directly in his front, narrow pieces of woods alone intercepting his view of tlicin. Waiting only to give this infoiniation he advanced upon them ; by the time Assistant- Adj. Jones haddeliver(>d his message the action began ; and liefore the remaining part of the division had crossed the Chippawa, it had hcconie close and general between the advanced corps. Though (Jeneral Ripley with the second Brigade, Major IFindman with the corps of artillery, and (Jeneral Porter at the head of his command, liad respectively pressed forward with ardor, it was not less than an hour before they were brought to sustain [General Scott, during which time his command most skilfully and gallantly [maintained the conflict. Upon my ariival T found that the (Tcneral had passed I the wood and engaged the enemy on the Queenston road and on the ground to ! the left of it with the 9th, 11th, and 22nd Regiments, with Towson's Artillery — the 25th had been thrown to the right to be, governed by circumstances. Apprehending that these corps were much exhausted, and knowing that they suffered severely, I determined to interpose a new line with the advancing troops, and thus disengage General Scott and hold his brigade in reserve ; lorders were accordingly given to General Ripley. The enemy's artillery at this moment occupied a hill which gave him great advantages and was the key to |the whole position ; it was supported by a line of infantry. To secure the ivictory it was necessary to carry this artillery and seize the height. This duty pas assigned to Colonel Miller, while to favor its execution the 1st Regiment, ( 123 ) i: i ■i: :^^ li II 4 !- li i. t 1:1 ■I ^1 If T under the command of Colonol Nicholas, was directed to men.aco and amuse the infantry. To my great mortification tliis regiment, after a dischari,'(! or two, gave way and retreated some distance before it could be recalled, though it is believed the officers of the regiment exerted themselves to shorten this distance. In the meantime Colonel Miller, without regard to this occurrence, advanced steadily and gallantly to his object and carried the height and tlie cannon. General Ripley brought up the 23rd (which had also faltered) to liis support, and the enemy disappeared from before them. The 1st Regiment wa-s now brought into line on the left of che 21st and the detachments of the ITth and 19th, General Porter occupying with his command the extreme left, about j the time Colonel Miller carried the enemy's cannon. The 25th Regiment, under Major Jessup, was engaged in a more obstinate contest vHh all that remained to dispute with us the field of battle. The Major, as has been already stated, had been ordered by General Scott at thei commer cement of the action to take ground to the right; he had succeeded in turning the enemy's left flank — had captured (by a detachment under Captain Ketchum) General Riall and sundry other officers — and showed himself again in a blaze of fire, which defeated or destroyed a very superior force of the enemy. He was ordered to form on the right of 22nd Regiment. The eneniv rallying his forces, and as is believed, having received reinforcements, now attempted to drive us from our position and regain his artillery; our line wm unshaken and the enemy repulsed. Two other attempts having the same] object had the same issue. General Scott was again engaged in repelling the former of these, and the! last I saw of him on the field of battle he was near the head of his colunial and giving to its march a direction that would have placed him on the eneuiy* right. It was with great pleasure I saw the good order and intrepidity oil General Porter's volunteers from the moment of arrival ; but during tlie lat'> 'Wj our part if proper measures were promptly adopted to secure it. The exhmdmi qf the men tvas, however, such as made some refreshment necessary ; they jmrfw (124) I "U Inrly required water — / tvas myself extreviely sensible of the want of this nece^- saru article. I therefore believed it proper that General liijdey and the troops shunhl return to cam]> after brinying off the dead the ?vo uncled and the artillery, and ill' (his I saw no difficulty, as the enemy had entirely ceased to act. Within an hour after my arrival in camp I was inforjned that General Riplev had returned witliout annoyance and in good order, I now sent for him. and after giving him m}' reasons for the measure I was about to adopt, ordered him to put the troops in the very best possible condition, to give to thorn the necessary refreshment, to take with him the picquets and camp I'uards and every other description of force ; to put himself on the field of battle as the day dawned, and there to meet and l)eat the enemy if lie appeared. To this order he made no objection and I relied upon its execution ; it ivas not ixeculed. I feel most sensibly how inadequate are ray powers in speaking of the troops to do justice either to their merits or to my own sense of them — nmhr able direction they might have done moi'e and better. The official report of the American losses was as follows : killed, 171; wounded, 570 ; missing, 117; total, 858. The estimate seems altogether too low, if we are to believe other and apparently reliahle statements made by participants in the struggle. That the Americans were not at all satisfied with the result of this engagement, is shown very clearly by the following extracts from a letter written by Major- General Peter 13. Porter (commander of American Militia), to Governor D. D. Tompkins : Foirr Erie, U. C, July 29, 1814. •Sir, — Our Canadian campaign seems drawing to a close, or must at any rate he suspended for want of reinforcements. After a month spent in march- jing and countermarching we have got back to the point from which we set out, much impaired in strength, but, I hope, not disheartened. Besides almost daily skirmishing we have had two severe general engage- Inients. ... In the last (Lundy's Lane) we were most unlucky both as to time and place, the action having been commenced three miles from camp, alwut sundown, with one-third of our army against a greatly superior force occupying a commanding position The enemy's battery of seven bieces of artillery was carried by a charge, liis commanding position occupied, land four desperate and deliberate attempts to regain it by desperate charges Buccessfully repelled. Our victory was complete, but alas, this victory gained [by exhibitions of bravery never surpassed in this country, was converted into ile/ait by a precipiiate retreat, leaving the dead, the ivoundcd, and captured irtilli ry, and our hard earned honor, to the enemy Do not under- stand nie us intending to cast a lieavy censure on General Kipley for the retreat ( 125 ) & if. ;i| ,1 §'1 t--; ir I. ■ ^ rr '>■ W^.'^iW .• /rom Lundys Lanr. He is a very clever fellow, and besides having been In opinion opposed to General iirown's plan of operations, lie on that night, I am told by him, receivad a positive order from, Gtnmral Brovnt, at Chippaua, U, retire. The above extracts give tlie reader a fair summary of the con- temporary evidence relating to this famous struggle. To those anxious for fuller information I would recommend in addition to the work from which these extracts are taken, the most interesting and attract- ive volume by Mrs. Edgar, entitled " Ten Years of the War of 1812." THE PENNFIELD COLONY. By Jamks Vroom. "The Loyalists have made many new settlements in the Bay of Fundy: at Passamaquoddy is a settlement of Quakers." So says a British officer, writing from Nova Scotia in the autnran of 1783. The Quaker Loyalists to whom he refers were then estal> lished at Beaver Harbor, and had given their little settlement the name of Penn's Field, since contracted to Pennfield. From the beginning of their history in America, the members ofl the Society of Friends, commonly called Quakers, had been victim: | of suspicion and persecution.^ Pennsylvania was an asylum for nuiiiv. In West New Jersey, however, where, in the early part of the last century they formed, in some districts, by far the most numerous audi wealthy part of the population, they were less fortunate ; and vcrv much of the disaffection and disorder that prevailed in the Jerseys was due to the ill feeling aroused by the presence of Quakers in tlie| governor's council and assembly. The Quakers at that time were accused of being disloyal to tliel crown, because they refused to do military service and opposcnl tliej ' Iiniuisomueiit, whipping, hraiulinj;, niutilution, baiiislinient and death wcietliel punirthinents iiillictod, under Massiu-hnsetts' laws, upon the "curbed sect of litretiffj hitely nnen up in tlio wuilil, which are connnonly called t^KiaUcrs;" and it was nolj until 1081 that tho death penalty war* aholinhed. Thus have the Pilgrim Fallioi>iif| MassachuMcttH " Loft nnniaimd what there they fuund, — freudoni to worship CJo■'- • V *i 'i' I 111 i decided upon the one coming from the north, and at its source tlioy fixed the Rturting-point of the due north line (at S on our map), tlms finally locating this important point. But two other important questions now arose, one as to the boundary line between some of the islands in Passamaquoddy Bay, and another as to the position of tlic highlands of tlie treaty, and hence as to the length of the due north line i'rom the source of the St. Croix. To settle these points another commission was appointed in iSKj I which the next year rendered its decision upon the former point. drawing the line as it at present exists among the islands ; but it wa? unable to come to a decision on the latter. On the one hand tW Americans contended that the Treaty of 1783 intended to keep the old boundary between Nova Scotia and Massachusetts, and hence the north line should run north to the highlands south of the St Lawrence (to the point N on our map), while the British claimed that no such extension of the line was intended by the Treaty, since it would thrust Maine far into British America, cutting of communication between Nova Scotia and (Quebec, and they claimed moreover that no such " North-west angle of Nova Scotia" as is described in the Treaty exists, j They maintained that the north line should stop at Mars Hill south of the Aroostook (at the point G on our map) and run westward I along the highlands south of that river. The claims of both natioii« were urged with great perseverance and immense legal subtlety, but neither could convince the other, and in 1829 the whole subject was referred for arbitration lo the King of the Netherlands, who in 1831 decided for neither party, but "split the difterencc " between their claims by making the north line stop at the St. John and the bouiulan follow the St. John and the St. Francis to the source of the latter. This decision was rejected by the United States Senate, and negotiations anil disputes continued until 18o9 when local contests over lumber iirivi- leges in the Aroostook valley threatened to bring the two countriej again to war. The situation had become intolerable to both countries and in 1842, Lord Ashburton was sent to Washington with instrucj tions to settle the whole question, and he was met in a similar siiirit by Webster on behalf of the United States. The result, known as tbel Ashburton Treaty, was the final establishment of the present line,! which so far as New Brunswick is concerned, follows precisely thall suggested by the King of the Netherlands, i. e., the north line stopsatj the St. John which becomes the boundary to the St. Francis, wliiclij (132) TI-. latter river oontiiinos it. But neither Maine nor Now Brun«\vick lias ever been satisfied with this settlement, each claiming that it had ix'en defrauded for the f.ake of the other, both forgetting that in so complicated and vexed a matter, a compromise or "splitting of the ditfercnce" is the only safe course. Truly, then, the western bound- ary of New Brunswick lias had a devious histoiry. We shall next consider briefly the curious boundar}' between New Brunswick and Quebec. Starting where the St. Francis river leaves its lowermost lake, it runs (as shown by the accompanying map) first a littk' north of east, then a little more northerly, then about north- east, then north, then east, north again, east again to the Patapedia River, which it follows to the Restigouche and thence to the Bay Chaleur. But what is the meaning of these curious lines running so regardlessly of the natural features of the country? Before 1783 the boundary between these provinces was considered to be, as shown on all the maps of the time, the watershed separating rivers flowing into the St. Lawrence from those flowing southward. In 1784 New Brunswick was separated from Nova Scotia as a distinct province, and some attempts were made to settle the boundary between it and Quebec. Despite considerable discussion, no progress was made until after the settlement of the International boundary in 1842, but soon [after that j'ear the subject was seriously taken up. It was found, j however, that the views of the authorities of the two provinces were hopelessly discordant, for while New Brutiswick claimed everything [south of the St. Lawrence watershed, Quebec claimed as far south as aline starting as Mars Ilill (at G on our map) and running south and east of the Tobique and ITpsalquitch rivers to the mouth of the Restigouche. Plainly no agreement could be reached between the provinces themselves, and in 1846, at the suggestion of the Right Honorable W. E. Gladstone, then Secretary of State for the Colonies, a commission was appointed to investigate the claimspf the provinces [and to recommend a line. After a thorough examination of the [question, and a consideration of numerous proposed lines, the Commis- kion recommended a compromise line intended to split the difference |bet\veen thejtwo claims. This line was to be a continuation of the Inter- national line between Maine and Quebec, until it intersected the parallel )f forty-seven degrees, fifty minutes, which it was to follow to the Sedgwick river, and thence by the Kedgwick and Restigouche to the % Chaleur. This line is shown in part by the line of sraall^x's on our ( 133 ) f I map. But. tliis doHfiion ploasecl neither proviiiee, least of all Qiidjor, and in 1851 the matter was referred to still another Commission whose I third member was Dr. Stei>hen LuBliington of London. Dr. Lusliing. ton took the line of the previous Commission as a basis, and tiiidiiicrl that Quebec was particularly aggrieved because the old Seigniories of | Temiscouata and Madawaska, which it anciently possessed, had boon awarded to New Brunswick, he restored them to Quebec, giving new Brunswick as compensation the land between the Xedgewick and thej Miscouche or Patapedia. Thus was the first part of the line fixed, it, the part twelve miles long which crosses the Madawaska at right f\iiLflos,| this being the precise southern boundary of the old Seigniory. Then I to give the upper St. John to New Brunswick (though Quebec liail claimed all west of the continued north line) a line was run approxi- mately parallel with the river, running to one mile south of Loiijl lake (to give this lake to Quebec) and thence to the outlet of tlie| lower lake on the St. Francis. From the eastern end of the Seii,niior ial line, the boundary was to run north and follow tangent lines o[ tlie| watersheds separating waters of the Rimouski, Green River, Restigouche (thus originating the curious angles at Y on our niiip)| thence along the 48th parallel to the Miscouche River, thence to tlie Restigouche and to Bay Chaleur. After some further discussion, tliis line proposed by Lushington was adopted, and is practically thelineas it runs to-day. It was later found that the Miscouche and Patajtedia had been confused on the maps, and the latter was adopted ; in 1805, the boundary was surveyed and thus'closed another complicated chaivl ter in the history of our boundaries. The Nova Scotia boundary ha^ a briefer history, but in proportioiil to its length can show almost as much contention as the olbers, The Misseguash river had been considered by the French us the boundary between the Acadia they ceded to the British in 171:5 audi the mainland which they considered part of New Fran«;e. When Neffj Brunswick was separated from Nova Scotia in 1784 the Misscguashl was adopted as the boundary, which was to be followed to its sourcel and thence run in a straight line to the nearest part of Bale Vertej (later altered to a due east line from its source). Nova Scotia ws never satisfied with this boundary, and in 1793 made an attempt tol have it altered to the head of the Memramcook and thence to Sliediac,! in order to include all of (he old Cumberland settlements in that proTJ ince, but this attempt failed, ""jphe Misseguash in its upper cour (134) however becomes very diliicult to trace, as it is lost in a maze of lakes and marshes, nor ^"as it easy to determine from what point the line from its head was to run. Accordingly, in 1836 a commission was appoint- ed which later agreed upon the present compromise line, which fol- lows tlie Misseguash to Black Island whence a surveyed line runs to the head of the Misseguash, whence a due east line runs to the iTidnisli River. Very different has been the history of our county lines, though Ipropot^als have more than once been made to change even these. IWhen one looks first at the map of New Brunswick, the counties leeem to have no relation to any natural features of the country. iBiit 11 closer inspection shows that they do follow a definite sys- Item, namely, the natural grouping of the rivers. Thus Charlotte liiicludes the basins of the several rivers falling into Passamaquoddy JBay. A row of eight counties follows the St. John, with their inter- lediate lines usually crossing that river at right angles, whence it comes to pass that the great curve of the St. John in its lower course aiakes five of these counties radiate from Charlotte. Westmorland ind Albert include the Petitcodiac system ; Kent includes the 'veral small rivers, of which the Richibucto is the chief; Northum- berland covers the Miramichi basin, Gloucester the Nepisiguit and bmaller streams of the northeast corner, while Restigouche includes ilie river of the same name with its chief branches. Thus our chief county lines (excepting the cross lines along the It. John, and the Petitcodiac) were obviously intended to follow [lie watersheds, and that they do not do so more closely is due to lliree causes : first, for convenience sake the lines are best made itraight, and hence they cannot follow exactly the crooked water- ilieds; second, in some cases (as the Miramichi) some of our rivers [lead 80 far across the province towards the valleys of others that it more convenient to include their sources in other counties ; third, many cases the geography of the province was very imperfectly bown when the lines were established by law, so that when they iirae to be actually surveyed they often ran very differently from fhat was expected, and in som oases they were later changed. Allowing for these causes of confusion, we must admit that our )unties, as a whole, do follow admirably the natural river systems the province. Why, now, was this system adopted? Why were M boundaries made to run along the watersheds, where they are (135) ' i'. » f i (lifHcult to find, iiLstead of aloiiu; the rivers theinselve?*, wlien- tliJ would be ol)vioii8? The answer will he phiin to all who recsill tlA conditions of travel and settlement in the early days of the provinJ Until well into this century there were no good roads, and of <(iiiry| no railroads, and nearly all travel was by water, while the sottl? nients themselves were grou[)ed about the navigable waters of i'ivor| and harbors. In establishing counties, therefore, it wvs natui-iil group the settlements of a natural river system or basin togotln into one county, and to place the county-town as nearl}' as possiUj in their centre where it could easily be reached by water This. course, necessitated ruiming the boundaries along the watcislmH If, on the other hand, the rivers had been adopted as boundaries, would have been ni?cessary for many of the citizens of any county cross an uninhabited and pathless watershed to reach their coiiiiiil town, even though the county town of another county were across the river from their homes. The history of the county lines of New Brunswick shows dearl:] enough that these were the principles in the minds of Goveri Carleton and his council when tliey first laid out the province in counties in 1785, and for his foresight in this, as well as for maul other wise acts, Governor Carleton deserves our thanks and admin tion. As laid out in 1785 the province included eight couiititi Charlotte (the oidy one now retaining its original limits), St. Jn Kings, Queens, Sunbury, York, Westmorland and North umhorlaiJ The original limits of St. John are shown on our map, as is till original position of the line separating the four other river couiitij from the two North Shore counties (?". e., M P on the map), line was soon altered in part to the position OR, and still later I its present position. The other counties were set off later, In time to time ; and we could have no better tribute to the wisdoi of Governor Carleton in establishing the original eight counties i he did than the fact that his successors established the seven aili| tional counties upon precisely the same principles. ■J } (136) THE PIIYSIOGRAPIIY OF NEW BRUNSWICK. Bv W. J. WiiJiON, Ph. B., of the (ieologicivl Survey of Cunadii. Tlic rock formationB of a country have a great influence in deter- Iniiniiig the character of its physical features. A brief description of ItlR' underlying rocks of New Brunswick will, therefore, be necessary [before we can get a clear idea of its mountains, lakes and rivers. Bci^iniiing at the south we find an irregular belt about thirty miles Iwido along the coast of the Bay of Fundy, composed of granite and jcrystalline rocks, which are much disturbed and thrown up into ridges. [orth of this belt lies a large triangular area of sandstone, comprising large part of Sunbury, Queens, Westmorland, Albert, Northumber- iand and Gloucester counties, and all of Kent county. The western limit of this area is in York county, west of Oromocto lake, from ftliii'h the southern boundary extends to near the mouth of the ?etitcodiac river, and the northern boundary to Bathurst. These andstones, for the most part, lie flat as at iirst deposited. Northwest this sandstone area the rocks are principally slates and limestone fith large masses of granite appearing in different places. These )ck8 are much changed and hardened, and instead of lying flat are Ihrowu up at various angles, forming high ridges and lofty isolated lieaks. The sandstones, occupying the middle and eastern part of the province, were the last laid down, and with the exception of two or iree small areas, aaat St. Martins and on the Island of Grand Manan, re the newest rocks in New Brunswick. These sandstones, slates, te., are sedimentary rocks, that is they were spread out layer upon |iyer on the shores and bottoms of ponds, lakes and oceans in the I»rin of clay, sand and gravel, carried down by streams and rivers, ttd, after the lapse of long ages, they were hardened and became : rock. Geologists divide the rocks thus formed into periods, jving each a name. The sandstone referred to above belongs to what called the Carboniferous Period, because large deposits of coal are ?iind in it. They have also estimated the relative time in which the Hcks of each period were formed, and they give almost one-half of fe whole time to the formations tha,t are later than the carboniferous. Now, as there is only a very small portion of New Brunswick icupied by rocks newer than the carboniferous, it is altogether ( 137 ) M h probable that this province was above the level of the sea through tlj millions of years during which the later formations were formed bl other placcb, and was exposed to the action of the atmosphere, waterj heat and cold and all other forces which wear down the earth's surtax and tend to reduce it to a plane. As a result of this long exposiin there are no very high mountains, and the rivers have worn out deefj valleys for themselves, many of them through the hardest rock. The most marked feature of the southern highlands is a soiuewl regular ridge, almost continuous, extending from Maine to the John river in Queens county, and eastward tlirough Kings coiintrl ending in Butternut Ridge. This ridge rises eight or nine huiidr feet above the surrounding country and includes some high peaks, i Bald mountain (1150-1400 feet high). Prospect mountain and Rock, near the Nerepis river ; Mount Pleasant, Porcupine and Ed Rock mountains further west in Charlotte county, and Ben Loniooi and Bloomsbury mountain east of the St. John river. The geiien direction of this ridge is parallel to the coast and it is cut through J many places by rivers flowing into the Bay of Fundy, sonietiniij through valleys not more than 300 feet above sea-level. East of the St. John river there are altogether five parallel ridj running in an easterly direction, rising to an average height of W. feet with river valleys between. The highest of these ridges skiij the Bay of Fundy and contains Bloomsbury mountain and the Qui hills. It separates into two or more ridges ending in Albert coub in Caledonia mountain and Shepody mountain (1050 feet high). The triangular area of sandstone presents a comparatively leij surface and nowhere rises above 800 feet, the general level e.^i>eciit in the eastern part being below 300 feet. The northern highlands contain the highest land in the provii West of the St. John river, in York and Carleton counties, tlie rises in several peaks and ridges to a height of 800 or 900 fa notably Oak mountain, Carrol Ridge, Sheogomoc Ridge and Dornij ton Hill, while the general level is about 500 feet. East of the St. John river the land rises to the watershed dividii the Tjbique and other tributaries of the St. John from eastwi flowing rivers where the highest land in the province is situatil Mountains and broken ranges cross this tract in all directions reach the St. John valley in the vicinity of Mars* Hill (1688 feet lii Korthward on this slope the highest summits are Belleville ami Gn ( 138) f lountain and the general level is 800 to 1000 feet. From the height ^f land to the shores of the Gulf there is much variety. About le head waters of the Tobique, Miramichi, Nipisiquit and Upsal- Utch rivers there is a rugged and broken country with an average levatioii above sea level of 1,000 to 1,500 feet, many peaks rising inch hiirher. Northward the general level varies from 800 to 1,200 eet, and eastward there is a gradual slope from a height of 400 to |0'i feet to the shores of the Gulf. For a description of the mountains I8t of the watershed the following is quoted from Mr. R. Chalmers' pport on this district.* Bald (Sagamook) mountain, at Nictor lake, is 2,537 feet above sea level. . . . Numerous other mountains are to be seen in the vicinity these lakes and along the upper reaches of the Nipisiquit river, their re red summits often rising 2,000 feet high. One of these, about three ^les above Indian Falls, or fifty miles from the mouth of the Nipisiquit (also Jied Bald mountain), was found to be 1,922 feet above the level of the Bay ^aleur. From its summit, the Miramichi river and valley, and the Gulf [St. Lawrence were distinctly visible. On the portage, from Nipisiquit river Upsaliiuitch lake, several remarkable mountains were noticed, among them bvmmetiical, dome-shaped one, immediately southwest oi' the lake, stands conspicuously in the valley, affording a splendid outlook from its summit. elevation, according to Hind, is 2,186 feet. Upsalquitch lake is surrounded peaks, no fewer than ten being visible from its surface. Along the Tobique er, several ranges and isolated mountains also of great beauty were observed. ild Head, on Riley brook, is one of the most striking ; its elevation, accord- to Hind, being 2,240 feet above the sea. The Blue mountains form the Rt prominent feature of the Tobique valley, their highest peak being 1,724 H above sea level and 12.50 feet above the river at their base. The loftiest jntains in this elevated tract, however, occur, according to Mr. R. W. Ells other explorers, on the big south branch of the Nipisiquit, that is between jitor and Nipisiquit lakes on the north, and the right hand branch of the ^ioiitiu«| 1,450 feet. Then, twenty miles north, Nipisiquit, 996 feci : an Nictor, 878 feet. The Saint John is the largest and most important river. It liasj length of nearly 450 miles and drains an area in the province of 1^ (140) iignecto county,] Salmon I oni thin I i. Tlien] [le Mira-I 8 course 1 les from between mty. It d Mada-I I the J?t tho prov- ec. Tlii'l (1 (listiiid not easilv 3 of many le couiitry thei'^ for eds exceplj mportaiioel the river»| .0 tiio St. he sourea it theyaitl le on tb Gratf is alxiOt [idth frot mile I arc me watei Ikes iiitl Guleen initiated. S. E. Dawson, LL. D., Ottawa: It seems to me to be a most promising idea. Rev. Dr. Macrae, President Morrin College, Quebec: Kept up with the spirit and excellence characterizing the first num- ber, it surely must command a large und appreciative support. J. R. Inch, LL. D. ,Chie/Supt. Education, N. B.: It is of great interest in connection with the study of Canadian history. I shall be glad to assist in any way possible to bring supplementary readings such as those within reach of the children in our schools. Hampton News : It is a pioneer work and will be a valuable acquisition to any library or public school. ■ii l< n h i i i X ' i 1 ■ 1 ■'0 1 ■ ! 1 1 1 ' 1 1 fl at the Department of Agriculture. :'4 EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS. CANADIAN HISTORY. NUMBER SIX. THE EXPULSION of the ACADIANS, .* James Hannay^ D.C. L. FRONTEN/X AND HIS TIMES, G. U. Hay, Ph.B, THE WAR SONG, Jas. Vroom. THE FOUNDATION OF HALIFAX, Harry Piers. THE HESSIANS, Jas, Vroom, THE CAPTURE OF MACKINAC IN 1812, Lieut. -CoL E. Cruikshank, FOUNDERS OF FREDERICTON, W. O. Raymond, M.A. June, 1899. ISSUED QUARTERLY,, PRICE 10 Cents. II ^i ■ARNU * OC, PMNTtllt, (T. MHN N. %> PUBLISHER'S ANNOUNCEMENT. _ ' ' To our Reader H, — There Iium been a Bteiulily ffrowinj; deniaiid for back iiuinhers of this sericH of CuiuuliaD Historioul Fieadiiij^.-i. Thoufrh laif^e editions of the early nuinber.s were issued, the .xtetuiv cull for thcin has led to thoii' beii)^ rapidly taken up, so that those who wish for the full series nlioidd not delay too lonj; in applying; for them. The best plan is to subscribe at onet* for the whole series, and this will insure their prompt delivery to your adibess as each number is issued. The series will be eompleted in twelve numbers, containiufr about SSO pa^'is of retul inj;^ matter of the jfieatest iiiteicst to stulame you for what you have done ; for he looks upon you as foolish child- ren, and blames only the English, who are the cause of your folly, and have made yt)u forget your obedience to a father who has always loved and never deceived you."' But the task of appeasing the Iroquois was difficult, and one that taxed his resources to the utmost. These wily savages, skilled m ^ Parkman : Setum of Frontenac. * Parkman : Ibid. ■ Parkman : Ibid. ( 147 ) li P ■m m ■ diplomacy as well as woodcraft, felt that their existence depended on successfully playing off the English against the French. They \v. re the friends of either as long as their own interests demanded it. Their nearness to the English settlements of New York and Ali):iuy brought thorn more under the influence of the English, who eag< riv souglit their friendship for purjjoses of trade, or for an alliance agaiii>t the French; and the latter just as eagerly wished for their friendshij) against their English foes. Denonville's lack of knowledge dt' Indian character, and his treachery, had brought calamity on he Fre!ich settlements about Montreal, and ijad threatened to estraiiire the llurons and other Indian allies ot the French in the West. Fion- tennc had not come a moment too soon. Ilis ilrst design had been to fall upon the English settlements in New York; but that had Ii'cii frustrated for want of shi[)s and a sufficient force of men. lie mow devoted himseU' to winning back the Irocpiois — no easy task siiuo their appetite for French blood had been whetted — and when he liad at least secured their neutrality, to strike a blow against the English. His presence soon had a wonderful influence upon the French. Ilis energy and hardihood overcame all obstacles, and inspired confidcnn' among the coureurs de hois and friendly Indians. lie determined to attack the English to the south ; and for that purpose three war pai tiw were fitted out, one to strike Albany (which reached Schenectaijy instead), the second directed against the bf)rder settlements of Now Hampshire-, and the third against those of Maine. All weresucces.-t'iil. The barbarous massacres of men, women and children in these doomed settlements by the French and their Indian allies, will always remain a stain on the character of Frontenac. Cruelty and bloodshed \\ ore characteristic of the border warfare of those ys; but it is crediliiMe that no retaliation in kind was attempted by the New York and New England settlements for the repeated butcheries of unoffending and defenceless settlers.' The triumphant success of his three war imrties, and the failuiv of Sir Wm. Phips to capture Quebec in theautumn of thefoMowingyiar. restored confidence to the French and brought nearer to a rsality the dream of a French Empire in North America. The failure of the English settlements to retaliate with effect was due to their desirr to remain at peace, to their scattered condition, and to the want of unan- imity and of capable leadci's among them. The French were united, 1 Parkinan. (U8) traini'il to 8avage warfare, and confident under such a leader as Fron- tciuu. Tl)e chief object of the war parties against New York and Xew EiiL^liind liad been to teach the In ^uois that they coukl not trust tlie Eniiii^li as alHes. Jhit the lesson was lost on these savages. In the spriiiLf and summer of 1(590 and tbe two following seasons they con- tiiiiit 1 their dopr'^dations, atid kQ\)t the Freneh settlers on «^he Upper Saiiii Lawrence in constant terror. In the spring of 1(101, a combined t'orcr o\' English, Dutch and Irocjuois, under Major Peter Schuyler, num- l)eriiiLC two hundred and sixty-six men, left Albany and moved toward Mdiiircal. A French force of between seven and eiglit hundred men crossed the St. Lawrence to meet them and encamped at La Prairie. Ihn i\ night attack by the English was completely successful, and Silniyler slowly retreated towards Chambly, on the Richelieu, where tlu'ir catioes had been left. The sequel told ])y Parkman' is of great iiitciH'st : " A (lay or two before Valrenne, an otlicor of oil tli and al)ility, had Ixum sent to Chambly, with about a hundred and sixty troops an«l Canadians, a hody of Huron an^ Irocjuois converts, and a band of Al,i,'onf|uiris from the OttavMi. His orders were to let the English pass, and then place himself in their rear to cut them off from their canoes. His scouts had discovered their lulviiiK e ; and, on the morning of the attack, he set his force in motion, and iulvance(i six or seven miles towards La Prairie, on the path l)y which Schuyler was retreating. The country was buried in forests. At about nine o'clock, the stouts of the hostile parties met with each other, and their war-whoops ;'ake the alarm. Valrenne instantly took possession of a ridge of ground tliat crossed the way of the opposing English. Two large trees had fallen along the crest of the acclivity ; and behind the.se the French crouched, in triple row, well hidden by bushes and thick standing trunks. The English, underrating the strength of their enemy, and ignorant of his exact position, charged im- ]«'tunii,sly, and were sent reeling back by a clo.se and d«>adly voUey. They re- jieated the attack with still greater fury, an