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^^^1

rE EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS

CANADIAN

HISTORY READINGS

EniTEn AND Published

GEORGE U. HAY,

Editor of Education ii. Review.

■■f»

FOR SCHOOLS, LIBRARIES, ANL^ GENERAL READERS ;

ExMBRACING SEVENTY-TWO TOPICS, TREATED

BY TWENTY-SIX WRITERS, INCLUDING

WELL-KNOWN SPECIALISTS.

VOL. 1.

Saint John, N. B., Canada,
Barnes & Co., 84 Prince William Street,

1900,

■.^^■r'i .

X'-'^^xK^^

' *

Printed in Quarterly Numbers.

First number, March, 1898.
Twelfth number, December, 1900.

.|»->-r"T

EDITOR'S NOTE.

> . r

The first series of readings in Canadian History, consisting of

reive numbers, is now complete, and is issued in a bound volume^

^titled, "Readings in Canadian History, Vol. I." The subjects

jated belong, in great part, to the early periods of discovery and

bquest of Eastern Canada. Should there be a sufficient demand

|r the first volume to warrant the continuance of the publication,

second series will follow, dealing with events in the history of

itario, the North-West and British Columbia, and also with later

rents in Canada generally.

The publisher desires to express bis warm thanks to those who

ive assisted him by contributing to the series. Especially are his

[kiiowledgments due to Prof. W. F. Ganong, Mr. J. Vroom and

jv. W. 0. Raymond, who, in addition to their ever-ready sugges-

ms and valuable advice and criticism, have kindly assisted in the

iding of proofs. In short, they have shared the responsibility so

ply that he is in doubt whether their names should not appear

the title page as co-editors.

i '"'.'■

* ■

ERBATA.

[Readers are advised to write these errata (in ink) in tlieir proper places in tlie text.]
Page 28 — In third line of second paragiaph add the name of G. R. Parkin.

Page 53 — A few minor inaccuracies occur in this article, partly through misprints of ti'
two letters. These may all be corrected by comparison with the account
Canadian Archires Report, 1H44 , p, 3.)9, et seq.

i. Page 74 — In first line of article begun on that page " 1872 " should be " 1672."

-"^ Page 79 — In the opening paragraph of this article an unintentional injustice is done

, the editor of Calnek-Savary's History of Annapolis. The 1897 edition of tli^

; word, edited by Judge Savary, co'itains a full and complete copy of the anloi)'

J • graphy of Lieut. Moody, instead of portions " ([uoted at second-hand fn

; Sabine's History of the Loyalists.'

V . Page 83— Omit " Saint " and " St." from tirst line of footnote. (J. V.)

Page 105 — Omit " Viegas " in description of map.

ii Page 107 — Instead of " made by Harley " read " known as the Harleian " in descriptij
of map.

Page 128— For " British West Indies " read " British Dominions."

Page 162— Third line for " Euuatinger" read " Ermatinger".

Page 190 — Line 5, for "regime" read "regime;" and line 9 from foot of page re
"directly" for "direct."

Page 197 — Fourth paragraph, for "McDonall" read " McDouall" ; also same correct!
... on pp. 198, 200 (Is. 7, 30) and 201.

Page 201— For " FoUis " read " Folles."

Page 299 — 9th line from foot of page for "area " read " era."

Page 313 — Line 10 from foot of page for " them " read " then."

Page 315— At the close of Mr. Paltsits' article on the " Captivity of John Gyles," it \\\
intended to add the following note which was accidentally omitted :

; ; " " It will interest our readers to know that a new edition of Gyles' Nan utiva

. • ■" edited by Mr. Paltsits, to be fully annotated and illustrated by new biogruplucil

and other material, is announced as in preparation, by the publishing firm/
., r: Dodd, Mead & Co., of New York. This work will be treated in the nioderj

. ^, scientific bibliographical spirit of which Mr. Paltsits is a master, and whicliij

so well illustrated in his ' Journal of Captain William Pote, jr.,' publishecUJ
' the same firm. The new edition will give a verbatim re-print of the orhj'm

1 ' . printed edition of 1736. All re-prints hitherto made are corruptions of the tesa

founded on Samuel tJ. Drake's distorted text in his ' Indian Captivities,' (B( storj
~ - " 1839). There will also be printed for the first time a cruder account from]

contemporary manuscript (not in autograph of Gyles, but no doubt from
memoranda). The two accounts supplement each other. The book will ha
an introduction, bibliographical note, appendices, an itinerary, and a full indeij
Illustrations made from photographs taken in Nevv Brunswick, and from oth(|
sources, will embellish the book."

isprints of ti|
le account i

72."

lice is done ;
idition of tliJ
)f the antobil
iid-haiul fii

in descriptkj

)f page rea

le correcti'

[yles," it wi

Nari:itivij
[biograiiliioj
ling ijvmi
[the nioderj
Lnd wliicliij
published 1
[the oriiji'K
of the tesij
3S,' (B(.stol
junt fromf
Ibt from
\k will hav
full indeij
from oth(j

ILLUSTRATIONS.

ra^e.
[logical Sket<:h-map of North America 4

Mtasioii De L'lle Ste. Croix 16

of the Cape Breton Island Landfall 35

, Royal

est House at Nantucket . . 60

tuguese Map before 1534 . ] 05

made by Jean Rotz, dated 1542 106

known as the Harleian, 1542 107

made by Desceliers in 1546. . . 108

aimile of Signatures — Pennfield Colony 127

Illustrating Boundaries of New Brunswick 130

of Nova Scotia showing Acadian Occupation 244

bable Route of Father LeClerccj 247

• -, J..

INDEX OF WRITERS AND SUBJECTS.

:':i

' I'

Bailey, Prof. Lorino W. —

Geological History of the Bay of Fundy

BouRiNOT, Sir John (I. —

Story of tlio Loyalists of the American Revolution

Siege of Louiaburg in 1758

Cruikshank, Lieut. -Col. Ernest —

The Capture of Mackinac in 1812

The Defence of Mackinac in 1814..

The Early Postal Service in Briti.sh North America

The Combat at the Mill on Lacolle

Fronsac, F. G. Forsaith de —

Canadian Nobilitj^ of the French Epoch

Ganon(i, 1'roe. William F. —

Jac(iues Cartier's First Voyage to the Eastern Coast of Canada— (Cartier-*
Nari-ative)

The Fort Cumberland Summons and Reply, 177(5 .

A Description of the River St. John, before 1672 (Nicolas Denys)

On the Study of Ancient Maps — Illustrated by four of those of the (iulf of St.
Lawrence. . .

History in Boundary Lines — Illustrated by New Brunswick

Inheritances from Our Historic Past

The New England Movement to Nova Scotia

Father LeClerc<i's Voyage in 1677 from Nepisiguit to Miramichi (Nouvellc
Relation de la Gaspesie)

Suggestions for the investigation of Local History

Hannay, James —

Story of Lady LaTour

An Acadian Marchioness

Fort Cumberland .

The Acadian People

Expulsion of the Acadians

Nicolas Denys

Villebon and Fort Nashwaak

Before the Loyalists

Responsible Govei'nment, No. I

Responsible Government, No II

Harvey, Rev. Moses —

Newfoundland As It Is (Stewart's Quarterly)

The Newfoundland of To-day. .

Hay, Georcje U.—

Introduction

The Winter at St. Croix Island, 1604-5 (Champlain's Narrative)

Settlement of Port Royal (Champlain's Narrative)

Incidents in the Life of Lieut. James Moody (Calnek-Savar3''s Annapolis). . . .
Frontenac and His Times (Parkman)

Jack, I. Allen —

General Coffin

Johnson, George —

Place-Names j

History of Fruit Culture in Canada

Jordan, William M. —

An Old Time Conflagration

LeMoine, Sir James M.

The Heroine of Vercheres (Stewart's Quarterly)

The Assault of Montgomery and Arnold on Quebec

MacKay, Alexander H. —

Physiography of Nova Scotia

INDEX OF WRITERS AND SUBJECTS.

Page.

ILkan, Annie Marion—

[Location of the Acadians in Nova Scotia 244

jiKAY, Frances Elizaheth —

[Story of Laura Secord 98

5ITS, Victor Huco —

Ia Scheme for the (>'on(iueat of Canada in 174tt 109

First Siege and Capture of Louisburg 190

[Captivity of John Gyles 311

Harry—

[The Cabots and Their Voyages 31

D'Anville's Expeditio-. (W

Tlie Foundation of Fialifax In2

[mono, Rev. William O. —

jA ('hapter on Names 49

[Story of the Big Beaver (A Maliseet Legend) 83

[Founders of Fredericton . 163

Traits of Indian Character 179

(ieneral Campbell's Muster 220

The Loyalists in Old Nova Scotia 245

Notes on Madawaska, No. 1 279

The First Martyr of the Canadian Mission 304

Notes on Madawaska, No. II 334

[mono, William O., .ir. -

I Death of DeNoue (First Martyr of the Canadian Mission) 307

SRTsoN, William J.—

[The Battle of Lundy's Lane (Commanders' Reports) 119

5R, Arthur P.

[Tlie Maroons of Nova Scotia 183

ni. Rev. T. Watson —

[Slavery in Canada.. 317

TK, Benjamin —

[Explorers of Canada 227

iTl'HER, CaPT. GeORUE E. —

iThe Acadian Land in Louisiana 225

)m, James —

jHow Glooscap Found the Summer 7

|Th« Siege of Penobscot 55

[French Canadian Life and Character (Roberts) 95

The Pennfield Colony 126

[War Song— A Passamaquoddy Legend 151

JThe Hessians 156

[Return of the Acadians (Calnek-Savary's Annapolis). 238

N, William J. —

[The Physiography of New Brunswick 137

[Printed with Number One of the Series, March, 1898.

INTRODUCTION.

.■)•*'■

The history of Canada is full of incidents of romantic interest,
the details of personal bravery and heroic self-sacrifice, of the strugglJ
of individuals to found for themselves homes amid the wildcrnel
and to obtain that measure of self-government which helps to establiJ
character and independence. The records of these events, so stimJ
lating and full of interest to the youthful imagination, have not boej
available to the extent that one might wish. The ordinary schc
text-book of Canadian history is shorn of much of that interest'
attractive to the young. It is crowded with details of facts, tin
have to be condensed in order to provide a book of a certain nunibtj
of pages, to sell at a moderate price. There are many excclleij
books which present, with more fulness and with greater interest, tl
events of the Story of Canada, but they do not come within the reaij
of the children in our schools.

To make up for this want, a series of Leaflets will be publislit
by the Educational Review, which will present the leading events
persons in our history in such a graphic way as to secure interest aol
at the same time give instruction. It is hoped that the effort I
provide, at a low price, supplementary reading in Canadian history tJ
schools will meet with encouragement at the outset, so that successii
series of leaflets, covering all periods of our history and all sectioij
of the Dominion, will be the result. Many leading writers of Caua^
have promised assistance for the present series, and the names of the
who are contributing to the first number should be a guarantee]
what may be expected in the future.

The aim, first of all, will be to make history instructive. Therel
no need to sugar-coat such history as ours by trying to make it fnscij
ating as a story. That is only an attempt to deceive children.

(2)

JfSfe^EcoraTn^To Act oi the l^iuliument of Canada,. inT,he year 1898, by G. U. Hay,

at tho Ijei)artment of Agriculture.

Educational review supplementary readings.

(

nterest, H
i strugglfl|
wildcrneM
establiiH
, so stimiH

CANADlArK
HISTORY.

e not boeH
arv sclioS

NUMBER ONE.

interest fl

facts, tliH

INTRODUCTION.

n nunibfH

PHYSICAL GROWTH OF CANADA,

G. F. Matthezvy D.Sc.

iterest, ttiH
1 the reafl

THE LEGEND OF GLOOSCAP,

Jas. Vroom.

events aoH
terest aiiH
I effort iH

successiiH

CARTIER'S FIRST VOYAGE,

W. F. Ganong^ Ph.D.

WINTER AT ST. CROIX ISLAND,

G. U. Hay, Ph.B.

THE STORY OF LADY La TOUR,

James Hannay.

THE STORY OF THE LOYALISTS,

of Cauafl

J. G. Bourinot, C.M.G., LL.D.

aranteeH

- , ' it

.,J

March, 1898.

»■■ 1 ISS

UED QUARTERLY. PRICE 15 Cent?. ,

-■ .1 ,' '■

■ARNE8 A Ca, PHINTER*, ST. JOHN, N. B<

INTRODUCTION.

The history of Ciinacla is full of incidents of romantic interest, of;
the details of personal bravery and heroic self-sacrifice, of the struggles i|
of individuals to found for themselves homes amid the wilderness,
and to obtain that measui-e of self-governmo!it which helps to establish iJ
character and independence. The records of these events, so stimu-
lating and full of interest to the vouthful imaij-ination, have not been
available to the extent that one might wisli. The ordinarv school
text-book of Canadian liistory is shorn of much of that interest no
attractive to the young. It is crowded with details of facts, that
have to be condensed in order to provide a book of a certain number
of pages of an unbroken uniformity. There are many books which
present with more fulness the events of the story of Canada, but
thev do not come within the reach of the children in our schools.

To make trp for this want, a series of Leaflets will be published
by the Educational Revieav, which will present the leading events aud
persons in our history in such a graphic way as to secure interest and
at the same time give instruction. It is hoped that the effort to
provide, at a low price, supplementary reading in Canadian history
for schools will meet with such encouragement at the outset that a
series of Leaflets, covering all periods of our history, will be the
result. Many leading writers of Canada have promised assistance,
and the names of those who are contributing to the first number
should be a guarantee of what may be expected in the future.

The aim, first of all, will be to make history instructive. There is
no need to sugar-coat such history as ours by trying to make it fasciu-
ating as a story. That is only an attempt to deceive children. Let

(2)

srest, of;

ruggles

lenicss.

Ill 1)0 presented with histoiy as history. Let tlie events tell their

I story. Let ehiklren, when possible, he bronglit into contact with
iiial documents, with the historians of the past, and there will

II 1)0 a change from the passive hearer of a dull history recitation
lio earnest, diligent enquirer after further light.
This iSeries will make it possible for schools with limited library
,i legos to do history work in the spirit and method of our best
ippcd institutions, by introducing them to the original sources of
history, and by awakening a spirit of thoughtful investigation, not

y in this study, but in literature and science as w^ell. The passages

11 original authorities will be so selected as to excite the interest

stablidli ii^l l»i(Hio the curiosity of intelligent boys and girls, and stimulate

) stimu- :li|iii to further research in the sources of our surpassuigly rich collec-

Lot beei. ;ioii ni historical material. Thus, an enthusiasm will be aroused, a

r school ■(> f()rCana<la, for its history, for its institutions, and a keen sympathy

li tlio perils and sufferings of those who have helped to make it.

tory so studied will be a happy mean between the delightful

nsement of a "fascinating story" and the dry husks of details to

memorized from text-books. If history has not suffered from the

lor, it has certainly suffered from the latter, in consisting too

n of a dreary mass of facts, dates and events with no more

eronee than beads upon a string.

Another point that the Series has in view, aside from the value

he historical matter contained in it, is the advantage to students of

ing in (;ontact with the style of some of our best Canadian

ters, and of historians like Champlain, Parkman and others, thus

gestiug to them the true way of writing, as well as studying the

Tits of history.

It is upon these lines, then, that the present Series is to be issued,

to take the place of any text-book, but for subsidiary use in our

cols, and to aid teachers and students who have limited access to

ks and documents relating to the history of Canada.

G. U. Hay.

crest 80

its, tliat

number

■5 which

a, but

Is.

jlished

nts and

est and

fort to

history

that a

be the

stance,

umbor

nere is

Ifasciu-
Let

(3)

THE PHYSICAL GROWTH OF CANADA.

By G. F. Matthew, D.Sc.

A 5 in the political history of Canada one can trace the growth
the country as a political reality from the two provinces of old Cniuii
to its present state of expansion, so in its physical history the Dorninii
exhibits a like enlargement. As the two provinces drew to thems(l\>
lirst, accretions from the southeast, and then added the great domiiin
the west, so in the earliest geological ages we find an almost contincn-
area in the north as the nucleus to which additions were made on ti
southeast and the southwest, until a large extent of land was rescut
from the inroads of the sea.

Sketch Map of North America (after Dana), showinfrthe " V "-shaped area of Laurentian Mcks
this is unshaded. Horizontal Hnes represent the sea and lakes; vertical lines, the
portion of the continent submerged in Laurentian and Hurouian times.

The great physiographic features of Canada are the follo^^'id
Ist, The continental nucleus of the northeast ; 2nd, The low^ plain tli
surrounds it ; 3rd, The high plain sloping up to the foot of the Boob
Mountains ; 4th, The corrugated region of the Atlantic Slope : ol
The corresponding mountain region of the Pacific Slope.

(4)

The continental nucleus, which was in the form of a broad V, with
its apex southward, consisted of old crystalline, and more or less altered
rocks, Laurentian and Huronian, along whose southern shores were
deposited, in Cambrian times, the sand and mud swept into the ocean

,1 I liv the rivers which flowed from the incipient continent. Over the

ffi 0^^ 1 11 i •• _

sands along these shores crawled crustaceous animals, some of large
size,' which left their tracks on the surface of the sand, to be covered
;iiid preserved by other layers of mud brought in by the flowing
ride. After being buried for ages, these tracks have been exposed to
view by the removal of their covering, revealing to the curious gaze
of man the evidences of the existence in ages long past of creatures
of whose form and habits we know nothing save what these tracks
reveal. At intervals over the eastern parts of Canada there are
exposed ancient marine mud beds of this same Cambrian age. Some
layers are replete with the skeletons of myriads of small creatures,
some of which '^ were like the king crabs, others'' like the lamp shells
of the modern ocean. Similar skeletons are found in mud beds in
the ancient strata of the Rocky Mountains. Thus we know that not
only the borders of the continental nucleus were being added to in the
old Cambrian times, but that at the same time a strip of country in the
Rocky Mountain area was near the sea level, and very probably part
of it was above the sea, because such animals live along the seacoast.
In the next period the western area sank beneath the sea, and for
ii long extent of time played no important part in the physiographic
history of Canada. Thus the centre of interest was transferred to the
eastern borders of Canada, where contraction of the earth's crust and
other disturbing influences ridged up various mountain itmges against
the continental nucleus, until the whole eastern border was replete
with rugged mountains.

A Canadian Mediterranean was exempt from these disturbances,
and remains to our day as the Gulf and River St. Lawrence. Just as
the present Mediterranean Sea is now partly and was once entirely
itian 1 r separated into two basins, so our placid interior sea of the Silurian

and Devonian ages was nearly cut in two by the encroachment of the
ollov'iiiJB mountain ranges, leaving the gulf area as the eastern limb, and the lake
plain tliH region as a western part, connecting with a shallow sea of great extent,
he EociB where now the basins of the Mississippi and the " Red River of the
3pe : otl ^orth " exist. Around the eastern limb of this ancient Canadian

' Protichnites. '•' Trilobites. " Brachiopods.

(5)

M edi terra 11 ofln were spread the marshes which gradually, through the
Carhoiiit'erous ages, entombed the beds of peat and carbonaceous mud,
whicli now exist as the coal beds, from which our precious stores of
fossil fuel are derived. All the coal basins in which these deposits of
coal are contained phjsiographically face toward the Gulf of St. Law-
rence, except those of Cape Breton, which are just south of its outlet.

In the ruxt chapter of our history the geological events of the
eastern region soon become subordinate to those of the west. First,
however, the east shows some striking features in the volcanic erup-
tions which pnxluced the picturesque North Mountains of Nova Scotia.
These mountains rest upon an old surface of red sandstones once spread
over ihe area now occupied by the Bay of Fundy and the part of the
Gulf of St. Lawrence where the fertile Prince Edward Island now lies.

It is in the west of Canada, however, that the deposits of this
secondary, or Reptilian age, show the Avidest extent and greatest
variety. The vast western plains and the Pacific borders show great
areas overspread by deposits produced at this time. The Rocky
Mountains were upheaved and a great continental belt was formed *;n
Canada, against which were pressed up on the Pacific side rugged
mountain ranges corresponding to those which in the preceding ages
had been upheaved on the Atlantic side. There is this difference,
liowever, that while the eastern ridges are separated from the old
continental nucleus only by the width of the Gulf and Valley of the St.
Lawrence, the western mountains are divided from the same nucleus
by the great space of the western plains now forming the provinces
and territories of Manitoba, Assiniboia, Alberta, etc.

In the Tertiary, or Mammalian age of geology, we still find the
western regions those of greatest interest. In all Eastern Canada,
from Lake Superior eastward, there are no deposits to tell us of what
was transpiring here or in other regions of the earth at this time, and
of which so wide a history has been garnered in other parts of the
earth ; but on the western plains, and between the Rocky Mountains
and tlie Pacific, many an event of that old time has left its record
— peaceful on the western plains, but marked by volcanic eruptions
and violent disturbances of the earth's crust on the Pacific slope. In
this period the Rocky Mountains and the western ranges received
the impulses of elevation by which they came to dominate all the
mountain ranges of Eastern Canada.

The closing chapter of the great events of the earth's history, known

(6)

;
J

as the Glacial epoch, is written with great distinctness on the surface ot
Eastern Canada. For many ages the continental imcleus had had no
records inscribed upon it such as tell elsewhere in Canada of the history
of the earth, or at least no such records remain ; hence we infer that it
Avas through all this time a continental area raised above the sea. .V : was
protected from the deep oceans by the buttresses of mountain chains
which had been built up around it ; and so around its borders within the
mountain ranges there were low, level tracts, where in shallow, warm
seas there had been deposited in early geological times beds of calcare-
ous mud. These beds, hardened to limestone and shale, in later times
were elevated above the sea to form low plains of fertile soil. As
though this were not sufficient to give fertility, extensive areas of
these plains became the sites of great fresh-water lakes, far more exten-
sive than those that now exist. The black, peaty mud of these lakes,
when they in turn were drained of their covering waters, became
the rich, peaty bottom lands which cover extensive areas in Ontario,
Manitoba, etc. These rich lands, produced at the close of the Glacial
period of the geologists, are the rich heritage of Canada which lies
around the borders of the old continental nucleus, and are destined in
the future to sustain a vast population.

HOW GLOOSCAP FOUND THE bUMMER.

By J as. Vroom.

The "Wabanakis of Acadia, before the coming of the French mis-
sionaries, had little or no conception of a Great Spirit ruling over all
things. The chief object of their superstitious regard — we may
hardly say of their worship — was the mighty Glooscap, whose name,
we are told, means the Liar. Such a name, though directly opposed
to our usual ideas of a deity, is not surprising to those acquainted with
American mythologies. Glooscap, perhaps, was originally a weather
god, and therefore very uncertain in his doings, and not always faithful
to his promises. A similar being in western legends is known by the
name of the Deceiver.

In tlje Passamaquoddy myths, Glooscap created himself, or came
up out of the swamp — which is the Wabanaki notion of chaos.
Notwithstanding hii evil name, the Wabanakis looked upon him as

(7)

their friend and protector. He first called man into being from the
heart of the ash tree. He changed and adapted to man's use the
already created beasts and birds of the Acadian forests. He was ever
on the watch to shield his people from the unseen powers of evil that
tilled their hearts with dread, and to him they ascribed the regularity
of the seasons and the return of migratory birds and fishes. He is the
hero of many poetic legends still rep'^ated around the Indian cam})
iires, of one of which the following is a literal translation :

In the long ago,
When people lived always in the early red morning
Before the rising of the sun,

Before ohe land of the Wabanaki^ was peopled as to-day,
Glooscap went very far north, where all was ice.

He came to a wigwam,
Therein he found a giant,
A mighty giant, whose name was Winter.
Glooscap entered. He sat down.
Winter gave him a pipe. He smoked.
And the giant told tales of the olden time.

The charm was upon him ;
The giant talked on, and Glooscap fell asleep.
He slepi^ for six months, like the toad ;
Then the charm tied, and he awoke.

He went his way home.
He went toward the south ; and at every step it grew warmer :
And the flowers began to come up and talk to him.
He came to where many little ones^ were dancing in the forest.

Their queen was Summer.
I am singing the truth ; it was Summer,
The most beautiful one ever born.

The faii'ies surrounded their queen ;
But the Master deceived them by a crafty trick ;

He cut a moose hide into a narrow strip and bade them hold one end ;
Then, running away with Summer, he let the end trail behind.
The fairies of light pulled at the cord ;
Glooscap ran on ; the cord ran out ;
And, though they pulled, he left them far away.

' The tribes of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Northern Maine.
^ The flower spirits.

(8)

So hoi returned to the lodge of Winter ;
I lilt now he had Hummer in his bosom.
And Winter welcomed him again,
I'or he hoped to freeze him again to lileep.

I am singing the song of Summer.

But this time the Master did the talking ;
This time his magic was the stronger ;
And the sweat soon ran down Winter's face.
And he and his wigwam melted more and more,
I'ntil they had melted (juite away.

Then everything awoke ;
'11 le grass grew ; the fairies came out ;

The melted snow ran down the rivers, carrying off the dead leaves,
And Glooscap left Summer with them and went home.

.CQUES CARTIER'S FIRST VOYAGE TO THE EASTERN

COAST OF CANADA.

Edited by W. F. Ganong, Ph.D.

During the half-century which followed the discovery of America

Columbus, in 1492, many expeditions were sent out by European

lonarchs to explore the shores of the newly-found land, and to try to

a passage to the East Indies. For Canada and Newfoundland

|ese voyages resulted only in the discovery of the outer Atlantic

[ast, and none of the old maps of the time show clearly either the

ill of St. Lawrence or the Bay of Fundy. It was not until 1584,

lion King Francis I. of France sent out Jacques Cartier, one of the

lest and most experienced of French navigators, that the Gulf of

L Lawrence was iirst made known to the world and appeared upon

[(' maps. Happily, the narratives of Cartier's voyages have been

reserved, and, although his maps have been lost, we possess partial

h»ies of them in maps by others which still exist. The narrative of

|e first voyage is not only historically important as the earliest account

lown to us of the exploration of any part of our eastern coast, but

at the same time of the greatest interest for its simple and faithful

(9)

ffff'

>!,

description of the places he visited and the natives lie saw, and tor
explanation of the origin of many names of places which we nsi
this day. A few years ago onr historians were in d()ul)t as to 1
exact route in some parts of the Gulf, for the different versions ntj
narrative do not agree, and all arc obscure in places; hut in itn
years several scholars have examined and <'ompared the differenl v.
sions so critically, and have com}){U'ed them with the old majis
carefully, that almost the entire subject is now [>erfectly clear.

Cartier left St. Malo, with two tiny ships, April 'lOth, Ify-'A, a-
sighted Cape Bonavista, ^Newfoundland, May 10th. On May I'i
he reached the Strait of Belleisle, ami later entered the Gulf x
coasted along the shores of Labrador as far as the place now cal:
Cumberland Harbor. lie was repelled by the rocky l)arrennc-><
I^abrador, which, he says, " must be the land allotted by God to C:ii:
He crossed to Newfoundland, which lie explored to near the j)ii^.
Cape Anguille, whence he crossed to the Magdalene Islands. Ai'
exploring tliis group he sailed away, on June 29th, to the westwar
From this time on we shall lot him tell his own storv.

The next day, being the last of the month save one, the wind blew s
and by east. We sailed westward until Tuesday morning at sunrise, tin- iii
of the month, without knowledge of any land, except in the evening touai
sunset, when we discovered a land which seemed to be two islands^, that w.
beyond us west-southwest about nine or ten leagues. All that day- tillt
next morning at sunrise we sailed westward'* about forty leagues, and (uii
way we perceived that the land we had seen like islands was main-land lyi
south-southeast and north-northwest to a very fine cape of land called Cnl
Orleans* (Cap d'Orleans).

All of the said land is low and flat, and the fairest that may possihiyi
seen, and full of beautiful trees and meadows ; but we could find no hail
there, for it is a low land all ranged with sands. We, with our boats, weil
on shore in many places, and among others we entered a goodly river, but ve|
shallow, w^here we saw boats full of savages, who were crossing the river, win
on this account we named the River of Boats (ripuiere des barcques)^. M

1 The high land near Grenville, Prince Edward Island.

2 Night is meant.

"AH of Cartier's directions are by the compass to the magnetic meridian, whicii i-
the Gulf considerably west of the true meridian ; hence Cartier's westward means suiiti
westward on our maps. This must be kept in mind for the other directions he mentioa

■•Now Cape Kildare. The original French name is given in brackets. It was nanil
in honor of the father of the king of France.

"Now Richmond Bay.

(10)

westAvitP,

blew soir
ise, tlic i
ini; to Will
', that \\>l
lav- tillt'j
and (HI tj
land lyiii
ailed Ca:|

possililv
no liail'

boats, wed

r, but verj
ver, wlii]

les)^

ti' had no further acquaintance with these savages, for the wirjd came up from
•u- sf>n and so beat us against the shore that we were constiained to retire witli
%\w boats to our ships. Till the noxt morning at sunrise, being tiie fiist of
Inly, we sailed northeast, in which time there arose great mists and stormi,
^iid therefore we struck our sails until dbout ten of th(^ clock, when it became
llcar, and we recognized the said Cape Orleans, and a?iotiier which lay from it
tliout seven leagues north and by east, which was named Cape of the Savages
|('a[) des Sauuaiges)'. On tlie northeast of this cape, for about half a league)
llii ic is a very dangerous reef and bank of stones. While nv(> were at this cape
saw a man running after our boats that were going along the coast, who
\\:[iU' signs to us that we should retuiti towards the said cape again. We,
•iing such signs, began to row towards him, but he, seeing u , come, began to
Ice and to run away before us. We landed in front of him, and set a knif«^
tiid a woollen girdle on a staff for him, and then came to our ships again. That
joy we ranged along the said land nine or ten leagues-, hoping to find some
lood harbor, but it was not possible, for, as T have said alieady, it is a low
uid and shoal. We went that day on shore in four places to see the trees,
liich are marvellously beautiful and sweet smelling ; we found them to be
eflars, yews, pines, white elms, ash trees, willows, and numy other sorts to us
iknown, but all without fruit. The grounds, where no woods are, are very
iir and all full of peas, white and red gooseberries, strawberries, black rasp-
?rries, and wild wheat, like rye, which seemed to have been sown there and
iltivated. This land is of the best climate that can possibly be, and very hot.
jhere are there many pigeons and ring-doves and other birds ; there wants
)thing but good harbors.

The next day, the second of July, we discovei-ed land to the northward of
b, which joined on to the said land continuously, and we saw that it formed
Ihay of about twenty leagues in depth and as much in breadth. We named
|ie l)ay Saint Lunario (Sainct Lunaire)^. We went to the cape on the north^
itli our boats and found the shore so shoal that at more than a league from
1(1 there was only a fathom of water. On the northeast of the said cape,
bout seven or eight leagues, there is another cape'"', and between the two there
a bay, in the shape of a triangle, which is very deep*', and which, as far as

Now North Point. The French lea<.nif was .somcwliat over two-and-a-half of our

which i^
leans -nutl
16 meiitioa
bwaS) II ami

- Aloni^ the northwest coast of Prince Edward Lsland to near ('ape Wolf.

•' This bay was the head of Northuniherland Strait, the triangle between North
|»iiit, West Point and Cape Escuminae. As Cartier did not know tie land he liad lieen
Bitiiiif was an island, his mistake was a natural one. It was named foi' the Saint whose
Ist-day it was.

M'ape Escuminae.

•'• The cape near Neguac Island.

^ Not deep as to its water, but as to its extension into the laml. This was Miramichi

(11)

we could see, lies nuitlieast ; it is all rangecJ with sands, a v(M'y low land. A;
ten leagues from land there are twenty fathoms of depth. From the said ln«,t
mentioned cape to the .said bank and cape of landi there are fifteen leaj^utv
When we had pa.ssed the said cape, we perceived other lands and a caiic-
which, as far as we could tell, lay north by east all in view. That night il^
weather was bad, with great winds, and we bore small sail until the mornini,'
the third (tf July, when the wind came from the west, and we sailed toward
the north to examine the .said land, which is higlr*, wliich lay from us noitL
northeast beyond the low lands. Between these low and the high lands tlin
extends a great bay and opening', where there are fifty-five fathoms of d('|itl
in some places, and about fifteen leagues of breadth. And because of tli.
just-mentioned depth and breadth, and change in character of the land, we Imi;
hope to find there a passage like that of the Castles'*. This bay lies ciht
northeast and west-.southwest. The land on the south side of the said bay !>
as beautiful and as good land, as easy to cultivate, and as full of goodly ficlil-
and meadows as any we have seen, and level as a pond ; but that on the noitl,
i.s a high land, mountainous, and all full of forest trees of many .sorts ; aiiioii.|
others there are many cedars and fir trees, as fine as can possibly be seen, ti;
for nuists for ships of thi-ee hundred tons or more. Nor did we see there anv
place without woods, except in two spots of low land, where there were iiicn
dows and very fair ponds. The midst of the said bay is in forty-seven a ml ,
half degrees latitude and seventy-three degrees of longitude".

The cape of the said land on the south was named the Cape of Hope (C;i;
d'Espe'rance)", becau.se of our hope of finding there .some passage**. The foiirt:
day of the month, the Day of St. Martin, we coasted along the land on tli'
north to seek a harbor, and we entered a little bay and creek, altogether uyK
towards the south, where there is no protection against the wind. We nauirt
it the harbor of St. Martin (La Couche Sainct Martin)". We remained their
from the fourth day of July until the twelfth, and whilst we were there \vf|
went, on Monday, the sixth, after mas.s, with one of our boats, to discover;
cape and point of land which lay seven or eight leagues to the west of us' ", t'
see which way the land trended. And when we were half a league from tlw'
point, we saw two companies of boats of savages, who were crossing from mit

' The point near Neguuc Island to North Point.

'■* Probably on Miscou. '.

'•* The mountains of Gaspe ; the New Brunswick coa.st is everj'where low in this vf/\oi .;|
■• Bay Chaleui'.
■"■ Strait of Belloisle.

" Longitude was then reckoned fioni one of the Canary Islands.
^ Miscou or North Point. It is probable that this name, corrupted and renioveiiS
survives in Cape Despair, Gaspe.
" A passage to the West.
** Now Port Daniel.
*•' Paspebiac Point.

Mid.
said

rid to the other, more than forty or fifty boats. One of the said eompanies
^f boats came to the said point, and a ^Mcat number of men hindecj on tlie shore,
nd made a ^reat noi.se, and made sij,'ns tliat we should eome on shore, showinj^
s skins on pieces of woofl ; anrl i)ec'ause we had but one boat we wouM not ^^o
niglit 111 , ^^ j|n,„j^ V)ut we went to the other company whicli was on the sea, and they,
ecint; that we fled, prepared two of their hir<,'('st l»oats to follow us, with which
ilsD five othei's of those cominj; from the sea united, and they came close to our
)(i;it. dancing and makinf^ many si<;ns of wishing our friendship, saying to us
n their language, Niipon ton r/innnn nnurtnr, and other words we understood
ot. Hut because we had, as has Insen said, Ijut a single boat, we would not
rust in tlieir signs, but made .signs to them to (haw off, which they would not
o, l)ut came towards us in such great force that they completely surrounded
s with their seven V)oats ; and, since they would not (h-aw off for any signs
hilt we could make, we shot off two piece.s among them, and they made haste
return to t'^e said point, and they made a wonderfully great noise, after
liich they commenced to return towaids us as before, and when they were
lose to our boat we discharged two s(juibs at them, which passed among them
)e seen, "'^j^d astonished them greatly, so that they took to Hight in great haste, and
Mowed us no more.

The next day a part of the said savages, with nine of their boats, came to

(' point and entrance of the creek where we were at anchor in our ships,

nd we, being informed of their coming, went with oui- boats to the said point

,n(l entrance where they weie. l-Jut the moment they .saw us they began to

ee, making signs that they had come to trjide with us, and showed us skins of

ttle value, with which they clothe themselves. We made then> signs likewise

at we wished them no ill, and two of our men went on land to go to them to

rry them knives and other iron wares, and a red hat to give to their chief,

,ik1 seeing this, a part of them came on shore with their skins and traded with

s, and showed a great and remarkable joy to have and to obtain the said iron

ares and other things, dancing and making many ceremonies, pouring the sea

ater on their heads with their hands, and giving us everything they had, so

at they went back altogether naked, without a single thing upon them, and

ey made signs to us that the next day they would come again with other

ins.

On Thursday, the eighth of the month, since the wind was not good for
ing out with our ships, we set our boats in order to go to discover the said
y, and that day we went about twenty-five leagues within it ; and the next
ay, in the morning, we had good weather, and travelled until about ten o'clock,
it which hour we recognized the end of the said bay, at which we were very
rryi. At the end of the said bay there are over the low lands other lands
ith high mountains 2. Seeing there was no passage we began to return.

' Because they had hoped it was an open passage to the west.
' That is, mountains to the southward, as well as the northward.

(13)

I lea^iii

a ca]!!'-

morn in
d toward'

us IK mil

mds tlici
s of d<'|iti
ise of tlif
id, we liiic

lies east
iaid bay i>
odly liclil'

the nortt.

there anv
were inca
3ven and

lope (Ca;

he foui'tl

luid on til'

ther oi":

e namec

ined tliei>

there W'

disco\ er i,

f us"',t(

from thai

from oitti

this rej,Moii.j

reniov

Makinj^ our way alorij,' the coast, we saw the sairl savap(es on the banks (.f
pond in low land', wlicro they were making' many fires and much smoke. \\.
went thither, and t'()uri<l that there is a channel of the sea that enters into th.
said ponri, and wo plaeiul oui' hoats at one entrance of the said channel. Th.
savages came in one of their boats and l>rou;,'ht iis pieces of seal already conk en
which they placed on pieces of wood, and withdr<'w, making signs to us tlm
they gave tlieni to iis. VVe sent two men ashore with hatchets and knist-
beads and other merchandise, at which they showed great joy. And then tht,
came in a crowd in tlunr boats to the shore where we were, with skins aiKJ
whatever they had, to obtain our wares, "^rhey were in number men, woiiicn
and children more th m three hundred, of which a part of the women wh^
did not come over danced and sang, being in the water up to their knees. Th^
other wonien, wlio had crossed to th(! other coast where we were, came verv
friendly to us and rubbed our arms with their hands, and would lift the joiiicfl
hands to heaven, making many signs of joy. And in such manner they icas
sured us, so that finally we traded hand t(» hand with them for all they possessed
w Inch is but of small value. We saw that they are people wliom it would \\>-
easy to convert ; they go from place to place, living by capturing fish at tlii
fishing season. Their country is in climate more tempei-ate than Spain, ain:
the most beautiful it is possible to see, and as level as a pond. There is n
spot, however little, which, when without trees, does not bear wild wheat, wiiiil:
has an ear like rye, and the corn is like oats, and peas are as thick as if tlifv
had been sown and cultivated ; and there are gooseberries white and red, straw ^;
berries and raspberries, red roses, and other herbs of pleasing and abundaii!
odor ; also there are many goodly meadows and good grass, and ponds witi:
great plenty of salmon. I believe, more than ever, that the people will be casv
to convert to our holy faith. They call a hatchet in their tongue cochy, and a
knife hacan. We named the said bay the Bay of Heat (La Baye de Chaleiir)- :
Being certain there was no passage through this bay, we made sail, and left!
the harbor of Saint Martin on Sunday, twelfth of July, to go to discover bevonrtl
this bay, and we went to the eastward along the coast.

Here we must end Cartier's narrative. He visited Gaspe. crossedi
to Anticosti, visited the strait between that island and the Quebe(|
coast, and thence returned through the Straits of Belleisle to Fraiicei
The next year he returned to the gulf and ascended the St. Lawrence|
to Montreal, and wintered near Quebec. His narrative of this jouriioyJ
too, is preserv^ed, and is filled with interesting incidents. No otlier|
explorer, not even Charaplain, did more for the exploration of Oanu
than did Jacques Cartier.

' Tracadiguash Point.

■^ Often printed incorrectly, as Baye des Chaleurs.

(U)

iiinks (if
)ke. W.
H into tli.
iiel. Tl.
ly cookcii
to us Ilia'
1(1 kni\(-
then tilt".
skins iiim
m, wo men
omen wli>
ees. Tin
came very
th« joiiii'ii
they rras
possesscii,
; woulfl li'-
ish at til'
i^pain, ain;
'here is w
leat, whiil '
as if tlicv
ed, straw
ibundan:
onds witi;
I be easy
hy, ami a
haleur)-
, and Itfi
er beyoiin

crossciJ

Qu(l)ei

France]

aw re nee]

journey

To other|

Oanu

rilK WrNTP:R at «T. CROFX island, 1()04-1HO.k

Editkd by G. v. Hay, Vn.B.

Samiit'l de Charnplaiii aocompanied the Sieur de Moiits in tlie expedi-
JMii to found a settlement in Acadia in lt)04, with the coniniand from
lie King of France tliat "he should prepare a faithful report of his
bxTvations and discoveries." From Champlain's vivid narrative of
lu' discovery of the Island ot St. Croix, and its occupation by the

icnch during the following winter, the following extracts are made:

I'lorn the river St. John we went to four islands, on one of which we landed,
lit! found i>veiii numbers of birds, called inai,'piesi, of which we captured many
iiiiall ones, wiiich ai'e as jjjood as [)i;j;cons. , . Fai'thei- west ar(M)thci' islands
.iiioiiU them one six leaj,'ues in len^'th, called by the savages Manthane-, soufeh
►t' which there are amon<^ the islands s(!veral <;t)od harbours foi' vessels. From
he Majipie Islands w(i proceeded to a river on the main-land, called tlu; Kiver
>f tlu' i'^techemins-', a tribe of savages so called in their country. We passed
ly M) many islands that we could not ascertain their number, which were very
liie. Some were two leagues in extent, others three, others more oi- less. .\ll
ft' these islands are in a bay*, having, in ray estimation, a circuit of more than
it'tccn leaLjues. There are many good places capable of containing any numl)er
If vessels, and abr)unding in fish in the season, such as codfish, salmon, ba.ss,

^erring, halibut, and other kinds in great numbers. Sailing west-northwest

nice lea^'ues through the islatuls, we enterefl a river almost half a league iri

iieafith at its mouth, sailing up which a league or two we found two islands:

iiie very small, near the^western bank, and the other in the middle, having a

ircuinference of perhaps eight or nine hundred paces, with rocky sides three

■Sr four fathoms high all around, except in one small place, where there is a

Hiiidy point and clayey earth, adapted for making brick and other useful articles.

'li(>re is anothej' place, forming a shelter for vessels from eighty to a hundred

IIS, hut it is dry at low tide. The island is covered with firs, birches, maples

Jml oaks. It is by nature very well situated, except in one place, where, for
Ibout forty paces, it is lower than elsewhere ; this, however, is easil}'' fortified,
le hanks of the main-land V)ein<r distant on both sides some nine hundred to a

' Man/oi, Mag})ies. The four islaiuls \viii(,'li Chainplain iiaine<l tlie .Magpies are now
illrd The Wolves, and are north-east of (Jrand Manan.

^ -Manan. Known as the (xrand Manan in contradistinction to Petit Manan, a small
^laud further west.

•' The St. Croix Rivei', sometimes called the Scoodic. The Etechemins we now call
pjiss!iiiia(|uofldie8.

' I'aswimaquoddy Bay. From the bidian Pes-kut-um-a-iiuali-dik, meaning, Phiee
jtht'ie ix)llock are.

(15)

HABITASION I)K LILK STK. CROIX.

(From " Cliamplaiii's Voyages,'" published in Paris in 1613. Reduced to four-flfths the size

of the original).

A. Lodjiiiiujs of thf Sii'ur de Monts. ().

H. (itjuenil nieetinti- house, wliereiii tlic P.

time is passecJ in niiiiy weiitlier.

( '. The stoie-house. *^

1). Lodirini,^ of the Swiss.

E. The foiye. li.

F. Lodii'iii^' of tlie (nirpeuters.

(;. Tlie well. T.

H. 'I'he oven where the hread is lUiide.

I. The kitchen. V.

L. (Jardens. ^^•

M. Other irariUins. ^ .

N. Open phiee, in the midst of whieii is a
ti'ee.

Palisade.

Lo(i<,nn<rsof tlie Sieursd'Orville, Cliaii;

])lain and Cham]»dore.
Lody:in<;sof the Sieiir Boulay and i>\\\>'

workmen.
i>odiringsof the.Sieui-s(Jenestou,Snuri!i3

and other workmen.
Lodyinirs of the Sieurs Heaumoni, b

Sjotte Boiuioli and Fouji'eray.
Lodfiinij- of our pi'iest.
Other oardens.
The river which Hows around tli

island.

( 16)

;"/'■ 1

I he size

•illf, ('ii.iii:

Iv and "ill'

l;tou,Siiiiiii

Itiumont. li|
Leia '•

Irouiui

tliel

iliMUsaiid paces. Vessels could pass up the river only at tiie mercy of the catinoii

l.ii iliis island, and ^ve deemed the location the most advantageous, not only

)ii account of its situation and good soil, hut also on account of the intercourse

.vliich we proposed with the savages of these coasts and of the interioi', as we

liniild be in the midst of them. We hoped to pacify them in the course of

i[]ic, and put an end to the wars which they carry on with one another, so as

(I (Iciive service from them in the future, and convert them to the Christian

liili. This place was named by Sieur de Monts the Fsland of St. Croi.x^

"aithei- on there is a great ba}-, in which are two islands, one high and the

iilier flat ; also three rivers, two of modei'ate size, one e.xtending towards the

ast, the other towards the north, and the third, of large size, towards the west.

"lir latter is that of the Etechemins. of which we spoke before. Two leagues

Y tliis there is a waterfall, around which the savages carry their canoes, some

vc hundred paces by land, and then re-enter the river. Passing afterwards

rmii the river a short distance overland, one reaches the rivers Norumbeguc

11(1 St. .lohn. But the falls are impassable f(»r vessels, as there are only rocks

mlhut four or five feet of water- Not finding any more suit-

l.le place than this island, we commenced making a barricade on a little islet

short distance fiom the main island, which served as a station for placing our
aimoii. All worked so energetically that in a little while it was put in a state
f (Ict'ciice, although the mosquitoes (which are little Hies) annoyed us excess-

tlv in our work, for there were several of our men whose faces were so swollen

y tlieir bites that they could scarcely see. The barricade being finished, Sieui-

(■ Monts sent his liarque to notify the rest of our party, who were with our

esse! in the J)ay of St. Mary, to come to St. Croix.

Some days after, our vessels having arrived and anchored, all disembarked.

lien, without losing time, Sieur de Monts proceeded to employ the workmen
n l)uil(ling houses for our abode, and allowed me to determine the arrangement
f our settlement. . . Then all set to work to clear up the island, to go to
lir woods, to make the frame-work, to carry earth and other things necessary
01 the buildings. . . On the "ind of October . . each had fini.shed his

' Tlie Holy Cross, Saliirfc Croi.r. From the tiu-t that tUv location of the island on
liirii the expedition wintered has been disputed we give Chani{)lain",s deseriptiou in full.
It IS now called Doohet Island.

'•'The desciiption of the environs of the Mand of St. (.'roix, given in tlie text, is

itirt'ly accurate. Some distance ahove, and in view from the i.'sland, is the fork, as

is called. Here is a meeting of the waters of Wavveig Creek from the ea.st. Oak Bay

roni the nortli, and the St. Croix from the west. Tliese are the three rivers mentioned

by ( 'li.implain. Oak Bay being considered as one of them, in which may be seen the tM'o

Blands mentioned in the text, one hi^^h and the other low. A little above Calais is the

atcifall, around which the Indians carried their bark canoes, when on their journey up

ic river tiirough the Chiputnaticook Lakes, from which by p]el River they reached the

It. .luhn on the east ; or on the west, passing through the Mattawamkeag, they reached

Noruiubegue, or I'enob.scot River.

( 17 )

■f i

place of abode. Winter came upon us sooner than we expected, and prevented
us from doin^ many things which we had proposed.

The snows began on the 6th of October. On the 3rd of December we ^aw
ice pass which came from some frozen river. The cold was sharp, more sevciv
than in France, and of much longer duration, and it scarcely rained at all th^
entire winter. I suppose that is owing to the north and northwest winds ]l;ls^.
ingover high mountains alwaj's covered with snow. The latter was from tlnci
to four feet deep up to the end of the montii of April, lasting much longti. [
suppo.se, than it would if the country were cultivated. During the wintn
many of our company \ve\v attacked by a certain malady called the mnl rA /,;
fn-7'>' — otherwise scurvy', as T have since heard from learned men.
so that out of seventy-nine who composed our party thirty-five died and mmhv
than twenty were (m the point of death. The majority of those who lemaiticii
well also complained of slight pains and short breath. We were unable to linii
any remedy for these maladies. . . . Our surgeons could not help suffei in.
themselves in the same manner as the rest. Tho.se who continued sick \\i !•
healed by spring, which conmiences in this country in May. That led us in
believe that the change of season restored their health rather than the remedit-
prescribed. During this winter all our lic^uors froze, except the Spanish w itn
Cider was dispensed by the pound. The cause of this loss was that there weiv
no cellars to our storehouse, and that the air which entered by the cracks \va<
shai'per than that outside. W"e were ol)liged to use very bad water, and diinkf
melted snow, as there were no springs nor brooks, for it was not possible to 1:1
to the main-land in consefjuence of the gi-eat pieces of ice drifted by th>^
tide, which varies three fathoms between low and high water. Work on tlifj
hand-mill was very fatiguing, since the most of us, having slept poorly, ;u
suffering from insufficiency of fuel, which we could not ol)tain on account (ii|
the ice, had scarcely any strength, and also because we ate only salt meat ann
vegetables during the winter, which produce bad blood. The latter circumstamf!
was, in my opinion, a partial cause of tliese dreadful maladies. All this )iii>|
duced discontent in Sieur de Monts and others of the settlement.

It would be very difficult to ascertain the character of this region witliuutj
spending a winter in it ; for, on arriving here in summer, everything is \t'ivj
agreeal)le, in consequence of the woods, fine country, and the many varieties ntj
good fish which are found there. There are six months of winter in this countrvj
The savages who dwell here are few in immber. During the winter, in \>\A
deepest snows, they hunt elks and other animals, on which they live most >i\
the time ; and, unless the snow is deep, they scarcely get rewarded for their j
pains, since they cannot capture anything except by a very great effort, wliic

' It follows exposure to damp, cold, mul impure atmosphere, iiccompanied by Iniij."!
<;oiitinued use of the same kind of food, particularly of salt meats, with had water. Ali|
of these conditions existed at the Island of St. Choix.

(18) _ •

reveiitcil

the reason for their enduring and suflFering much. When they do not

lunt they live on a shell-fish called the cockle. They clothe themselves in

lintor with good furs of beaver and elk. The women make all the garments,

Lit not so exactly but that you can see the flesh under the arm-pits, because

lit>y have not ingenuity enough to lit them better. When they go a-hunting

v use a kind of snowshoe twice as large as those hereabouts, which they

Ittajh to the soles of their feet, and walk thus over the snow without sinking

the women and children as well as the men. They search for the track of

[niinals, which, having found, they follow until they get sight of the creature,

lien they shoot at it with their bows, or kill it by means of daggers attached

the end of a short pike, which is very easily done, as the animals cannot

?alk on the snow without sinking in. Then the women and children come up,

|r(H't a hut, and they give themselves to feasting. Afterwards they return in

Barch of other animals, and thus they pass the winter. In the month of March

allowing, some savages came and gave us a portion of their game in exchange

)r bread and other things which we gave them. This is the mode of life in

nnier of these people, which seems to me a very miserable one.

We looked for our vessels^ at the end of April, but as this passed without
leir arriving all began to have an ill-boding, fearing that some accident had
jfalien them. . . . But God helped us better than we hoped, for, on the
|5th of June ensuing, while on guard about 11 o'clock at night, Pont Grave,
iptain of one of the vessels of Sieur de Monts, arriving in a shallop, informed
that his ship was anchored six leagues from our settlement, and he was
Welcomed amid the great joy of all.

On the 17th of the month Sieur de Monts decided to go in quest of a place
?tter adapted for an abode, and with a better temperature than our own ; so
. . on the 18th of June, 1605, Sieur de Monts set out from the Island of
Croix.

These had been sent back to France the previous autumn.

THE STORY OF LADY La TOUR.

By James Hannay.

Acadia can fairly claim to have produced one heroine who, from

ir character and achievements, is worthy to be compared with any

those whose names are embalmed in the world's history. She wap

( 19 )

■^

not, it is true, a queen, like Semiramis,' Boadicea, or the Raneo o-
Jhansi ;' neither was she a religious enthusiast, like Joan of Arc ; nor
was she a woman enamored of the din of battle, like the Maid o;
Saragossa.^ There is no reason to believe that war and combat liaii
any attractions for her. She is rather to be compared to Maria-Theresa,
the Empress-Queen, who became a leader of her people for the sak.
of her husband and her children. It was to preserve their interest
and to save them from ruin that she assumed the part of a warrior
and commander, and undertook the defense of her husband's stroiii:
hold, Fort La Tour.

Very little is known of Lady La Tour's family, or of the time of
her coming to Acadia. Her name was Frances Marie Jacqucliiii,
and it is stated, in a volume published by the Charnisay family, tha'
she was a native of Mons, in France. She was a Huguenot. Her
husband, Charles de St. Etienne, Seigneur de La Tour, had come ti
Acadia with his father in 1609 when a mere boy. The LaTour>
were people of property in France, but had been ruined by the civi
wars which afflicted that country prior to the reign of Henry TV
The elder La Tour was a Huguenot, but his son, the husband of Ladv
La Tour, seems to have been in his latter years, nominally at least, a

IfL'''
SI,.

' Wife of Ninus, founder of the AHsyriiiii Kingdom, a woman of extraordinary heaiit}
passion and military prowess, who flourished nearly 2,200 years B. C, survived im
eclipsed her husband, and after a reign of forty-two years abdicated in favor of her sw.
Ninyas. Much that is written of her is admitted to be mythical.

2 The ranee, or chieftainess, of Jhansi, a district and walled town of North-wt^tti
India, put herself at the head of a body of mutinous townsmen, June 4, 1857, lunl;
massacre of Europeans took place at her instigation. During her brief career w lii'
followed, this mail-clad amazon led her forces with masculine valor and ferocity. Sii
was slain in battle, June, 1858, a few days before the storming of (xwalior.

" Agustina, the "Maid of Saragossa," greatly distinguished henself during tht
of that town by the French in 1808-9, and died at a very advanced age in 1857.
was called la artilhra from having snatched the match from the hands of a dyin;
artillery man, and discharged the piece at the invaders. She was made a lieutenant i;
the Spanish army and received numerous decorations. Byron extols her in Chihfe Hnrili
oanto 1, stanzas 54, 55, 56. We quote the last :

" Her lover sinks — she sheds no ill-timed tear;

Her chief is slain — she fills his fatal pust ;

Her fellows flee— she checkfi their base career ;

The foe retires — she heads the sallying host ;

Who can appease like her a lover's ghost 1

Who can avenge so well a leader's fall ?

What maid retrieve when man's flushed hope is lost ?

Who hang so fiercely on the flying Gaul,
Foiled by a woman's hand, before a batter'd wall f "

[Byron saye that when he was at Seville she walked daily on the Prado, decor«tr|
With medals and orders, by command of the Junta.]

( 20 )'

[laneo o-
i.YC, ; nor
Maid o;
abat \m
-Theresa,
the sake
interest-

I warridr
's strotiir-

'. time <it
icqueliiH',
nily, tha'
lot. Iltr
come tf
La Tour<
' the eivi
^enry IT

II of Ladj
at least, a

uiiy Ikmu!\
irvived aiv

of her -I'!

irth-\vt-tr:

isr)7, iiii'i.

iU'eer «lii'
locity. si

lig the -if:
1857. Si,-

|of a (lyiii.
mtenaiit

\ifife HnnM

decdrfttP

ueinber of the Church of Rome. This question of religion becomes
matter of some interest, because the fact that Lady La Tour was ^
^rotestant was one of the means used to effect her husband's ruin by
M-ejiidicing the Court of France against him.

Ill 1635 La Tour and his lady were residing in a fort at the mouth
1 the River St. John, which is usually spoken of in histories as Fort
a Tour The site of this fort has been a subject of controversy; some
listorical works represent it as having been at Jemseg, but the mort-
rai^e of the fort and territory, made in 1645, proves conclusively that
t was somewhere about St. John harbor. The site which is generally
Lceepted as the correct one is that piece of ground on the west side of
he harbor which lies immediately opposite Navy Island, and which is
low known as the " Old Fort." This fort was rebuilt and garrisoned
the English after the capture of Louisbourg in 1758, and was named
ort Frederick.

La Tour's fort at St. John was occupied b}-^ a large force of his re-
amers, its garrison sometimes numbering as many as 200 men. It
ivas the centre of the large trade in furs which he carried on with the
Indians, and there he lived, like a feudal lord, with his wife and family,
ihe absolute master of half of Acadia, and holding a commission
s lieutenant-general for the King of France in that portion of his
ominions. He was likewise the holder of a large grant of territory
[1 Acadia which had been obtained by his father from Sir William
xander, who held it under a concession granted by the Kingof Eng-
nd, James I. The connection of the La Tours, father and son, with
ir William Alexander led to their both being made baronets of Scot-
nd by Charles I., and that is why we call the woman who is the
>je('t of this sketch Lady La Tour, and not Madam La Tour, as some
riters of history have done. Lady La Tour was the first woman of
tie to live at St. John, and there seems to be no good reason why
e should not receive the proper designation due to her rank.
Unfortunately for La Tour, he was not without rivals and enemies.
t Port Royal, th ^ name then given to the modern town and district
Annapolis, Hved Charles de Menou, Sieur d'Aulnay Charnisay,
ho sought to compass La Tour's ruin. Charnisay was also engaged
the fur trade, and he looked with envious eyes on the vast territory
liieh was controlled by La Tour, from which every year he obtained
out 3,000 moose skins, besides large quantities of beaver and other
rs. Charnisay's fort was on Voft Royal Basin, six mileti from the

( •-'! )

modern town of Annapolis, and there lie lived in state, in the nanif | ^ "
fashion as La Tour, and had even a larger force of soldiers and retainer
to carry out his orders. At that time the life and the njanners aivi J '"'"
customs of feudal France were reproduced in Acadia. 1 '

Charnisay was a relative of the great Cardinal Richelieu, who tlid | ''"'
governed France as the minister of Louis XIIL, and he succeeded ii 1 '"'"
so poisoning the mind of the French Court against La Tour that ii I '"
February, 1641, an order was issued requiring him to return to Fraiio ^ '"""
to answer the charges which had been preferred against him. Cliar
nisay was given authority to seize La Tour's person if he should disoln v
this order, and to take an inventory of his property. La Tour refuseii
obedience, and Charnisay, having no sufficient force to ooerce liiii]
went to France to obtain assistance to carry out the King's ordor^
In the meantime La Tour had been communicating with his friends ii
Rochelle with a view to obtaining assistance in the struggle which h
knew to be near at hand.

Early in the spring of 1643, Charnisay, with two ships and a <i:a
Hot and four small craft, manned by five hundred men, attacked For
LaTonr, and, being unable to carry it by assault, proceeded to blockatl-
it. This blockade had lasted several weeks, and supplies were runiiin.
low, when a vessel, named the Clement, from Rochelle, appeared (i
the coast. This ship had been sent out by La Tour's friends in Fraiin
and she had on board abundance of ammunition and 140 men. For |
tunately her presence was not discovered by Charnisay's blockadiiii
fleet, and La Tour and his wife succeeded in boarding her in the niuli!
and set sail for Boston, where they hoped to obtain assistance agaiib
their enemy. The authorities of Boston refused to grant La Tour an
help officially, but they permitted him to hire ships and men to enalil
him to return to his fort in safety. Taking advantage of this pennisl
sion. La Tour hired, from Edward Gibbons and Thomas Hawkins o!;
Boston, four vessels, with fifty-two men and thirty-eight pieces ot
cannon, and he also enlisted ninety-two soldiers to augment the force
on board his vessels. When this little fleet made its appearance off|
Partridge Island Charnisay's ships promptly hoisted sail and stood
right home for Port Royal. La Tour and his allies pursued ami
attacked them, and inflicted considerable loss on the enemy.

Soon after this Lady La Tour went to France to obtain more ]io][
against Charnisay, who was more determined than ever to bring alDiit
her husband's ruin. Charnisay went to France also to pursue his

( 22 )

Tiias
A(a(
('liar
Aiac

to in
Enn-l

^>o til
Mn FO

^In tin
ilii'ony;

ftlic Sl.

K>n t]]i

]»lan8 of vengeance against his enemy, and wliile there sought to secure
the arrest of Lady La Tour, wliom he accused of being the cause of
licr liusband's disobedience of the orders of the King. Fortunately
slie was warned in time, and was enabled to make her escape to Eng-
land, where she freiglited a ship from London with provisions and
ammunition for Fort La Tour. She set sail in this vessel for her fort
early in 1644, and it is an interesting fact that Roger Williams, the
I'ounder of the Providence plantation, was also a passenger. The
charter required the captain to sail direct for Fort La Tour, but the
master of the ship disregarded its terms, and lingered on the coast of
.Vcadia trading, so that several months were lost. In the meantime
(Miarnisay liad become aware that Lady La Tour was on her way to
Aradia, and had stationed ships at the mouth of the Bay of Fundy
to intercept and capture her. lie was fortunate enough to' meet the
English ship, but Lady La Tour and her people were concealed in the
[hold, and the master pretended that he was bound direct to Boston,
I so that the identity' of the vessel was not discovered. But the voyage
,t() Fort La Tour had to be abandoned, and so Lady La Tour, late in
{September, found herself in Boston instead of her proper destination.
Ill this emergency she proved herself equal to the occasion, for she
hiioiightan action on the charter party against the persons who freighted
ithe ship, and obtained a verdict of two thousand poutids damages.
[On this judgment she seized the cargo of the ship, which was valu(M"l
fat eleven hundred pounds, and, hiring three vessels in Boston to con-
|V(y her home, at length arrived safely at Fort La Tour, from which
ho had been absent more than a year.

Early in the winter of 1644-45, La Tour found it necessary' to go to
Boston for supplies, leaving his wife in command of Fort La Tour.
'he garrison of the fort was known to be very weak, and, in February,
liiarnisay made an attempt to carry it by a coup de main. AVith a
leavily armed ship he entered the harbor of St. John, and laid his
ressel in front of Fort La Tour, in the expectation that its flag would
)e lowered at his summons. But Lady La Tour inspired her garrison
ith such courage that Charnisay was repulsed, and his vessel so much
hattered by the cannon of the fort that, to prevent her from sinking,
10 had to run her ashore jIow Sand Point. Twenty of his men were
billed and thirteen wounded. Two months later Charnisay made
mother attempt on Fort La Tour, with a much larger force, and suc-

(23)

Irst

ceeded in capturing it. The final scene in its story, and the death
Lady La Tour, are thus related in Ilannay's History of Acadia : ^^^

It was on the 13th April, 1045, that Charnisay hogan his last attack on"

Fort La Tour. The Lady La Tour, although hopeless of making a successt'u

resistance, resolved to defend her fort to the last. For three days and tin

nights the attack proceeded, hut the defence was so well conducted that tin T(

l)esiegers made no progress, and Charnisay was compelled to draw off his foi

with loss. Treachery finally accomplished what force could not effect. Cliai ^

nisay found means to hribe a Swiss sentry who formed one of the garrison, ntid

on the fourth day, which was Easter Sunday, while the garrison were at prayciN

this traitor permitted the enemy to approach without giving any warning. Tlicy

were already scaling the walls of the fort before the garrison were awart- (it

their attack. The Lady La Tour, in this extremity, opposed the assault at tli. *Jf '^^'

head of her men, and repulsed tl^o besiegers with so much vigor that Charnisay |

— who had lost twelve men kihed and many wounded — despaired of taking f

the fort. He therefore proposed terms of capitulation, offering the ganisdi |(

life and liberty if they would consent to yield. The Lady La Tour knew tlia; ^

successful resistance was impossible, and she desired to save the lives of tlinv. j

under her command. She therefore accepted the terms which Charnisay offtivii fjni^ ■^^,

and permitted him to enter the fort. No sooner did he find himself in posses , '

sion of the place, to the capture of which all his efforts had for years '"'" -k i.' i

directed, than he disclosed the full baseness of his nature. He caused all tli. ^ ^

garrison, both French and English, to be hanged, except one man, to whom li' "^

gave his life on the dreadful condition that he become the executioner of lii- ^'

" ' 'i ni

,d wit:

comrades in arms. But even the murder of these poor soldiers did not sati-tv
Charnisay's desire for vengeance. No doubt he would have assassinated t||.i«*i''"i'^ f
Lady La Tour also had he only dared, but the Court of France, venal as it \\a '"^ iDrnij
would scarcely have tolerated such an outrage as that. But he did what wa pl^ \\ t^ro,
almost as bad. He compelled the heroic lady to be present at the execution ;UODi^fs "
her soldiers, with a rope round her neck, like one who should have been executr ists. Ir
also, but who by favor had been reprieved. But it mattered little to her \\lii lire in tlie
furtiier plans of vengeance her great enemy might design ; they had little po''^' he ]!un '
to touch her. Her great heart was broken. She was severed from the husband IqJ^ a
whose fortunes she had been so faithful, and could scarcely hope to see his taitMi.
again except as a captive like herself. She felt that her work in life was doiie.^B., .
for she was not born for captivity. So she faded away, day by day, until lier
heroic soul left its earthly tenement, and in three weeks from the time wluii
she witnessed the capture of her fort she was laid to rest by the banks of the^^
St. John, which she loved so well, and where she liad lived for so many yc'ir^Bp ^"*^
Thus died the first and greatest of Acadian heroines — a woman whose nant^ ii^Bthf'ni

M'lr
t;i t('S \
and re

as proudly enshrined in the history of this land as that of any sceptred Queen^BfJ — ot
in European story. As long as the sons and daughters of this new Acadia takf^«i«lers (

(24)

eatl

1 (It

1- iiiilile wifp and inotlier left l)ehiiul her a little jfirl, whieli vvu.s sent to France in
mt one <if the lady's (gentlewomen. What became of this unfortunate infant is
ko0^* '>. '"'t as no further mention is made of it in the genealogies of the family of
,1 jiroiialily died young.-

Hannay's History.

list in their country'.s early history, they will read with admiration the
)ll^i"iv of the constancy and heroism of the Lady La Tour. ^

ttack Mil
ucces-t'ui
,nd tliii'
that tli.X
tiis foni ^
fc. CIku.
'ison, anil
b pray< r\

ig. 'J'l"'}
aware of

ult at th. '^

3harni-^iiy

of takiii-

s gariisdii

knew tliat

3S of tliusi-

say offi'ii'il,
in pos-^t"-

STORY OF THE LOYALISTS OF THE AMERICAN

REVOLUTION.

By J. G. BouRiNOT, C. M. G., LL.D.

^ears

llCfl;

,sed all tin
whom 111
aner of lii^
not satisfy I
inated tlf
as it was
what \va^
;ecution ul
executi'ii
her Nvluit
ttle powfi
Imsbaiiil ti
e his t'ii^^*'

was (Inlle,

until liH|
ime wlu'ii
ks of ill'''
ny year
e nan It' i^
'cd Queen'
adia tab'

|e niii^ration of that large body of people who sought refuoje, at

Kc of the euccessful American Revolution, in the possessions

Fiiidand still owned on the shores of the Atlantic and in the

of the St. Lawrence, was in many respects one of the most

able that ever came into any country. Its members were im-

ith many qualities that were calculated to lay deep and firm the

idiis of stable institutions and of moral and conservative habits,

formative period of the Canadian nation's growth. These

were, as some American writers now justly call them, the

lists "' of those days, just as the revolutionists were the " seces-

.'* Til other words, they were the champions of a united British

ill the eighteenth century. They comprised the larger portion

iiu'ii and women of culture and wealth throuurhout the old

As Professor llosmer has written, the majority " were people

[tancc, and their stake in the country was greater than even

li«'ir opponents, and their patriotism was to the full as fervent."

itates were amongst " the fairest in the land ; they loved beauty,

and refinement ; but the day went against them, and they had

d into ships with the gates of their country barred forever

liem." At the outbreak of the war they represented at least

— others think a majority — of the people of the colonies.

ii'iers disapproved, in the great majority of cases, of the iudis-

(25)

<>i

^;i

v.'

crcet and ill-ju(l«^'('(l iiioasiiros <»f the English govenimcnt, but
believed that tliere slioiild l)e a recoiisideiation of the relations bot
the eolonies and the jtarent wtatc, and tliat eonstitutional inci,
alone should be ibllowed until the peojde attained a redress of
anees. They were not prepared to raise the Hag of rebeHim
suft'ered and fought lor the maintenance of one free, indushiit
pacific empire.

Men and women were treated with great cruelty, even at I In
when the questions at issue were still matters for argument and d
and not for tarring and feathering or mob violence. Some allcv.
might be made for the heat of passion during the civil wai-. I
extenuating circumstances ai)peared at a later period when tli<'
tions of the treaty of peace had to be carried out, and the hm
were expected to receive just and humane treatment. At ]ii>t,
ever, in the United IStates themselves, writers deplore the tiv;n
which forced these people to seek other lands.

No less than sixty graduates of Harvard, Yale and other Ami
colleges, men who had occupied the highest [(ositions in tl
colonies, descendants of the J'liritans of New England, of tlit.
Hers of Virginia, and of the Huguenots, found their way to tli
of the Atlantic. The venerable rector of fehelburne, in Nova:
is the youngest son of one of these men, Gideon White, \vl
the grejit-grandson of the first born of New England. Jose[ili|
was the son of one of the owners of the Boston News-Letter, tl|
permanent paper of America. Miner Huntington, the fatliei
eminent liberal and friend of Howe, was a member of the Cn(
family. The name of Bayard will be recognized as that ot ai
of Huguenot descent, which has given not only a learned jil.
and philanthropic citizen to St. John, but also an eminent staij
to the neighboring republic. The Robinsons, Tisdales, Merrir
other founders of well-known Ontario families, went first til
Scotia, and then at a later date to the West. In the recoidd
Maritime Provinces we find for a hundred years the names of ll
Putnam, Billop, Oliver, Tyng, Botsford, Peters, Winslow, Cli|
Byles, Stockton, Leonard, Chipman, Wetmore, Parker, Wiinl
Upham, Scovil, Robinson, Saunders, Haliburton, Wilkins,
Jones, Marshall, Cunard, Blowers, Bliss, Odell, Inglis, and n.anjj
almost as distinguished. In the St. Lawrence valley we fin(
Stuart, Robinson, Tisdale, Keefer, Hagerman, Ryerson, Cart^ Ministei

(26)

(I. R\

.■II, I

n lo (

Ijic lirs

til.' f

r (';iiu

ulxuit

isis. u

li.'irc i

ill til

fliis \^

atioM t

s, witli

• 1 acc(

Can a

ers, w

ndoub
'cction
if^ts prei

Pl»er
h Caiiju
al eouri-

from t
lit, and

party,

of pub

Mly attei

.SOS of ]

tliroatei]

e doscei

at 7:}0,(

1j, and a

■ations (

niportar

, niatei

have gi'

'Justices,

iji. Riittan, Macaulay, Kirhy, Ljunpinan, Ynnk()n«rlmot, McXab,
rdl, Donison, B()wl))y, (.arscalloii, and very many otliers well
rn to Tajiadian and even Imperial fame.

|}i(' first evidences of the influence of the Loyalists in tlie Dominion

till' formation of the two i)rovin('e8 of New Brunswick stud

ir Canada, and a l{iru;e extension of British sentiment immediately

[nhnut British North America. ])uring the war of 1812-14 the

lisis. who could not save the old colonies to Enujland, did their

lliiirc ill maintaining her supremacy in the countries she still

1 ill the valley of the St. Lawrence and on the Atlantic seaboard.

this war the history of the Loyalists, as a distinct class, i)rac-

• closed. Their children were absorbed amouirst the mixed

liition that Howed into the country from 1815 to 1830. Political

^s, with all their alnises, now formed themselves, and the j)eople

?(1 accordingly. In Lower Canada it was a war of races ; in

|r Canada largely a contest between a selfish ])ureaucracy and

RTs, who pressed for responsible government. The grievances

undoubted, but not such as to justify the ill-conducted and rash

k'ction that followed. In the Maritime i'rovinces, where the

jists predominated, and tliere was not such a mixed population

L'p])er Canada, or a conflict between Frencli and British as in

Ih Canada, the political controversy always took a strictly consti-

|al course, and tlie result was favorable to public peace and public

from the outset. Joseph Howe, the father of responsible gov-

^iit, and other able descendants of Loyalists, were leaders of the

]tarty, and they believed in constitutional metliods for the

Is of public grievances, and not in the establishment of a republic.

Idly attempted in old Canada. As soon as the revolt broke out

lesos of loyal Canadians rallied to the support of English supre-

jthreatened by a few rash men, aided l)y American raiders.

le descendants of the Loyalists of 1776-1784 ma}^ now be esti-

at 7'}0,000 souls, or about one-seventh of the total French and

1), and about one-fifth of the English-speaking people. In all

lations of life for a hundred years or more they have filled the

important positions and exercised a powerful influence on the

1, material and intellectual development of the whole country.

jhave given to Canada sixteen Lieutenant-Governors, eighteen

[Justices, three Prime Ministers of Provinces since 18H7, and

Ministers of the Dominion government, including four Finance

(27)

Minirtterfl. Of tliiH nuniber seven liave been Lieutenaiit-GoveJ
eince Federal union — E. B. Chandler, L. A. Wilniot, R. D. \Vi
Sir S. L. Tilley, Joseph Howe, Sir R. lIod^Hon, G. 13. Robinson.
Finance Ministers are Sir S. L. Tilley, Mr. Foster, Mr. Fieldiiis;!
Sir R. Cartvvright. Hon. J. W. JohiiHton, for so many years ihtj
leader of tlie Conservatives in Nova Scotia, a life-lona; op}>oiie:i
Joseph Howe, was to have succeeded that distinguished statisinj
Government House in Halifax, but he died in Europe before lie
assume tlie responsibilities of ottice. Mr. Hardy, Prime Minis
Ontario, is of Loyalist stock on the side of both his parents,
names of the Cabinet Ministers, in addition to those just nuiitil
are these : J. H. Rope, W. 13. Vail, Alfred Jones — who beloiij
a family whicli has given several distinguished men to Western CJ
as well as to New Brunswick — L. Seth Huntington, J. Coffiii
Macdougall, Joseph Howe, R. D. Wilmot, C. Colby, D. TisdiiiJ
C. H. Tui)per — on his mother's side only — and 1). Mills, presuiil
since his family came first to Nova Scotia during the war. l|
various legislative bodies of Canada there are now sixty inti
claim the same honorable lineage.

In literature, science and education we find the names of Clias.|
Roberts, James Hannay, Bliss Carman, Dr. Theal, G. F. Mati
Barrie Stratton, W. O. Raymond, G. U. Hay, W. F*. Ganoiigj
belonging to New Brunswick ; Sir William Logan, Charles Saiij
A. Lampman, W. Kirby, T. C. Keefer, Rev. Dr. Bethune, G*
Denison ; Chancellor Burwash and Professor Badgley of V
University ; Professors Bain and Welton of MacMaster ; Cliiti
Harrison of New Brunswick L^niversity; and Rev. Dr. Carman, Gtj
Superintendent of the Methodist Church of Canada. The ri
meritorious performance in law, divinity, medicine and coiniiitj
too long to be given here. It shows, also, how large and iiitiii
is that element of the Canadian people who take a pride in tlii
that they are connected by ties of blood with the loyal exiles i
last century.

Such questions of taxation, such ignorance of colonial com
as precipitated an American revolution in the days when the roll
of the parent state with her colonies required readjustment, <m
understandings and blunders as aggravated the political 0\m
which existed in Canada until the concession of responsible go\ oriij
can never again occur under the wise colonial system which ha

(28)

Lilopted (luring tlie present reign, and gives every possible expansion
olonial energy and aTn})ition. It took Britisli statesmen more than

li;ilt' a century, from the independence of the thirteen <'olonies to the
•oiM'cssion of re8ponsil)le government, to learn by experience of colonial
•oinlitions the best system to apply to countries which liad reached
errlain high stage in their material, political and social devcl-

Liiiicnt. Canada's position in the empire is one of which her people

|ii.i.v be justly proud ; but as Canadians review the past, with its many
jviilcnces of devotion to the empire, of capacity for self-government,
)t' statesmanlike conception and action in the administration of ])ublic
illairs, they must not forget how much they owe to the men who laid,

[inn and deep, the foundations of the national structure. To some of
[lie eminent makers of Canada monuments have been raised, but the
^•lst majority lie in quiet cljurchyards, where the finger of time has
)l)literated even their names from the moss-covered stones where once
[hey were rudely chiselled. But, though they are no longer here,
Ihi'ir spirit still survives in the confidence and energy with which the
[k'{)|i]c of this Dominion are laboring to develop the great natural
^ciitage which they possess on the American continent, and in the
)yalty which they feel for the British crown and empire. Though
ley are no longer here, their memory should be ever cherished in the
lonntry which owes them so deep a debt of gratitude. In the words
if an eloquent son of a Loyalist, Joseph Howe, poet, orator and states-
ban :

" Not here ? Oli, yes, our hearts their presence feel,

Viewless, not voiceless, from the deepest shells,

On memory's shore harmonious echoes steal,

And names which, in the days gone by, were spells,

Are blent with that soft amsic, if there dwells

The spirit here our country's fame to spread,

While every breast with joy and triumph swells.

And earth reverberates to our ineasured tread.
Banner and wreath will own our reverence for the dead."

5^1

(29)

Knler

liDl

ISSl

Kiitci'i'd iiccoidiiiy to Aft of tlic I'ailiaineiil of (yiinuda, in the yrar ISDS, 1>\'<!. U. Hay,

at tlir Dcpaitineiit of Af^'ricultiiit;.

EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

CANADIAN
HISTORY.

NUMBER TWO.

THE CABOTS ANDTHEIR VOYAGES,

Harry Piers.

THE SETTLEMENT OF PORT ROYAL,

G. U. Hay, Ph,B,

PHYSIOGRAPHY OF NOVA SCOTIA,

A. H. Mac Kay, LL.D.

AN ACADIAN MARCHIONESS,

James Han nay.

A CHAPTER ON NAMES,

Per. IV. O. Raymond, M. A.

THE FORT CUMBERLAND

SUMMONS AND REPLY,
W. F. Gammg, Ph.D.
THE SIEGE OF PENOBSCOT,

J as. I'roogn.

June, 1898.

ISSUED QUARTERLY.

PRICE 10 Cents.

DARNE8 i. CO., PRINrERS, ST. JOHN, N. B-

TO THE READER.

The encouraging reception that Number One of tlii.s series of histoiiea
readings has met with is sutHcient inducement to the pubHsher to issue tli'
remaining numbers. These will be published (juarterly until th(; set of twcK.
numbers is completed. It is hoped that the attempt to present the leadin.
events and incidents in Canadian History in such a neat form and at such ,
low price will lead to the general adoption for supplementary reading in scIukiK
The general reader also will be interested in the recital of those stirring seem.
and romantic incidents that make the history of Canada such a deliglitfi;
subject of study.

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Contents of Number One.

INTRODUCTION,

PHYSK'AL GROWTH OF CANADA, - - - (/. F. Ma f their, /A>j

THE LEGEND OF GLOOSCAP, Jas. Vnmi

CARTIER'S FIRST VOYAGE, ----- W. F. Gnnony, Ph.
WINTER AT ST. CROIX ISLAND, . - - - (i. U. Hay, Ph.

THE STORY OF LADY La TOUR, James Ha mi

THE STORY OF THE LOYALISTS, - - J. G. Boiiruwt, C.M.G. LL\

THE CABOTS AND THEIR VOYAGES.

Harry Pikrs, Asst. Lii'.kakian', Lk<;islativk Lihkary, Halifax, N. S.

How often wo find that genius re(3eives its full recognition only
after the lapse of many years, when the death-stilled pulse cannot
(^nicken, even at the winding of Fanae's far-reaching trumpet! The
qinidri-centennial celehration of the discovery of the mainland of
America by John (^abot was but a tardy act of justice to the memory
of ilie man to whom Great Britain is primarily indebted for her claims
iof sovereignty in the New World. Until recently not even a tablet'
[commemorated his name and deed : and almost nothing was definitely
known of his life. Everything connected with his career has been
associated with the greatest uncertainty and confusion, and it is on]y
[after much controversy that we are enabled to unravel some of the
[tangled threads in the many perplexing stories regarding this fifteenth
[century voyager.

For a long period it was assumed that John Cabot was a native of

iVcnice, the town in which he spent some of the early 3'ears of his

life. Recently, however, documents have been discovered which tend

to show that he was a Genoese by birth, but that when young he had

noved to the chief city of the Adriatic.

The first definite information we have of his life is the record in
the Venetian archives that on March 28th, 1476, Joannes Caboto had
)oen naturalized a citizen of Venice. Most of his spare hours were
pven to the study of cosmography and navigation, and at an early
ige he was filled with an intense desire to roam to distant lands,
narvellous stories of which were on the tongue of ever^' traveller.
.t one time he visited Mecca, and there heard many remarkable tales
)f travel and adventure from the Eastern merchants who fiocked
Hiither. Such recitals greatly increased his enthusiasm.

8ome years previous to 1495, Cabot removed with his family to

[lie old English town of Bristol, and became a British subject. This

)ort was then famous for its maritime enterprise, and even at that

[>enod it had considerable trade with Iceland. Such a place was weU

accord with his adventurous spirit.

' At ii meeting of the Royal Society of Caimda, held in Halifax in .June, IS1)7, a
llilet was placed in the Province Building in commemoration of Cabot's discovery.

( 31 )

V iiiim

iiiier i

ei'ciso

tc'iiteei

The whole civilized world was then ringing with the fame of what
has proved to be the greatest deed in the whole annals of geographir M ^' ^i
discovery. The paramount genius and courage of the illustrious 3 . j
Columbus had just planted the banner of Spain on the islands of a
new continent across the dreaded Dark Ocean. It was then thouijlit 3.i . „

that the East Indies had been reached, and the news stirred to a M^ ,, , <-

H|e c;i>r,

remarkable degree the speculative and intrepid navigators of the ago,
W'hose great aim was the discovery of a new road to the rich land of
India. Even at the English court, saith Cabot's son, "all men affirmed
it to be a thing more divine than human to sail by the west to the
east."

The long dormant theory of the roundness of the earth and thv M^^ ,^,^j
possibility of a westerly route to India were accepted by the keen- ^i„.,iiti(-
witted Genoese at Bristol, and he longed to emulate the achievements ^^.^ ^^^ j
of his countryman, and to test practically certain bold cosniograplii; :^^^ ^j^j
theories which had been developed in his own contemplative ami | --pj^j^
daring mind. The passion for discovery was in possession of him wlm i^,^,], Qj
had so long been dreaming of marvellous lands beyond the sea. j^^ ,),jg ^

Cabot probably was poor and uninfluential, and consequently h' ^^ ,.,, ^^
desired a patron who would assist his designs financially and givt i^f„,,.|y r^j
them suitable authority. Naturally he looked to his adopted sovereign | j,^ j^j,
for such support. Henry VII. was then on the throne of England: ^alnoincri
and it would be difficult to find a more penurious monarch, or one in a^om-.
temperament more unfitted to become the patron of sucii a nol>l< j^q,] tinalh
undertaking as Cabot had in view. Channel a

In 1495 the Bristol navigator laid before the throne proposals l.'i atcssel e
discovery which rivalled those of Columbus, and craved royal approva ^., m^^jj^
of the project. The petition was as follows : fac,. ^ j,p ^

" Please it your Highnes of your most noble and habundant grace to grauir eiglileeii n

unto John Cabotto, citizen of Venese, Lewes, Sebastyan and Sancto, his sonnty^ 'p])p u

your gracious l^^tters patentis under your grete sele in due form, to be mad- ^Mglj,- i.p„

according to the tenour hereafter ensuying^ .... and they shall during ^B^' ^ ,

their lyves pray God for the prosperous continuance of your most noble and ^B

Royal Astete, long to enduer " ^B ttt,

... B Wheth

Such is the quaint wording and spelling of the earliest docunn^it

extant definitely connecting England with the New World.

The Kine; was evidenllv jealous of the glorious achievement ofB ,. ,

Columbus under the patronage of Ferdinand and Isabella; and '^'^HtIi^I

' This portion of the document is lost. ^B Other s^

( 32 )

litv made him ready to sanction a rival expedition, but only so long
ii(> demands were made on the privy purse, and only on condition
at lie should receive a good share of any profits that might accrue.
ttt'i's patent, dated March oth, 149G, were accordingly granted to
hot and his sons permitting them to sail to any country or sea of
th( cast, west and north, under the English flag, with five ships and
aD\ number of men — but all at their own expense — to look for lands
#lii.li were unknown to Christians. They were to raise the Roval
banner in any land they might discover, and to take possession and
excitisc jurisdiction iti the name of the King of England. The
patentees were given the exclusive right to visit the countries discov-
ered and to trade wnth them. One-fifth of the net income from the
! keen- ejj„.(lition was reserved to the crown. The Cabots and their heirs
ement^ ^j>,.^, ^^^ have the lands they found and occupied in perpetuity as sub-
ject > and vassals of the King.

Tills was the substance of the Latin document under authoritv of
wliicli Cabot sailed, and whereby he received from his royal patron
not one copper in assistance of an undertaking the praise of which
wa^ to echo down the centuries, coupled with denunciations of Henry's
miM rly aid.

In June, 1496, Columbus returned to Spain from his second voyage,
brill si'ing further reports of islands discovered. This increased Cabot's
ardour. After some delay the English expedition was ready for sea:
and tinally, about the end of Maj', 1497, Cabot sailed down the Bristol
Chiuiiiel and stood for the open sea. lie was in command of a bit of
av( ssel, called the " ^Matthew," of about fifty tons, being only as large
aaa medium-sized schooner of the present day. It was a tiny craft to
fact' the dangers of such a perilous voyage. The crew consisted of
iteen men.

The "Matthew," after passing Iceland, sailed northward, and then

lly headed toward the west — that region upon which was then

ectod the gaze of the civilized world, and which was associated in

ry man's mind with no little superstitious dread.

Whether Sebastian accompanied his father on this voyage is not

itively known ; but if he did he was too young to have taken any

minent part in the planning or direction of the expedition, and

refore the entire glory must be bestow^ed upon the elder Cabot.

The log-book of the "Matthew" is not believed to be in existence,

other sources of information are exceedingly meagre and confused ;

( 33 )

one 11.

nolilt-

o grauir
soniU'Vv

.)e iiiiui'
duiiiv-

>ble and

cunitMitj

nent of
ind his

ics

mill

consequently we know almost nothing of a vo^'age which was destlia
to become one of the most famous in the history of maritime discox er
At early morn on June 24th — being St. John the Baptist's diiy-
after having been about fifty-three days out of Bristol, the " Mattliow
first sighted land. Cabot thought he had reached Cathay, in the ca
of Asia, and visions of India and its riches rose before him. Grcau
however, was to be his renown than if he had merely found a wcstor
passage to the East, for he had fathomed the marvellous and well k.
secret of the Occident — he had opened to the Old World the mainlai
of a new and boundless continent, the very existence of which li;
never been dreamed of by the most imaginative cosmograplicr
mariner of the fifteenth century.

Cabot landed and erected a cross, and beside it unfurled the bann
of St. George and St. Mark, and took formal possession in the ii;tr.
of Henry of England. On that day began the claim of Britain
the New World.

The location of the landfall has been the subject of much vehein
controversy. Portions of the coast of Labrador and of Newfoundla:
have each had their advocates ; but I think most writers now iv:-
that some portion of the Island of Cape Breton is the right situaii
and there cannot be a doubt but that such evidence as we now 1::
points to that locality. Dr. S. E. Dawson, whose exhaustivr ,
able articles have done very much to clear awa}' the uncertainty wi
attaches itself to nearly every particular of the Cabot A^oyagcs.
siders that Cape Breton, on the eastern side of the island of that na:
is the exact situation of the landfall.

One of the documentary evidences in favor of the Cape Broil
Island landfall is an engraved mapponoiide now preserved in ! [
Bibliothoque Nationale at Paris. It bears the date 1544, and tlitW^*^'*^- -^^^^
are reasons for believing that Sebastian Cabot was indirectly rotipi^P^'"' '^'^^^
sible for some of the information it contains. At or near the extioiiiiB^ ^'y ^
of what is evidently intended to represent the present Island ol Ca^F^'^'' ^^^
Breton are inscribed the words Prima tierra vista (first land t^oe^j'|''-
and an inscription elsewhere on the chart informs us that this IfiH^^"" ^r
was discovered by Cabot. If the authority of that map is m fl|^ ' ^"•^ '^
main unquestioned, there can be no doubt regarding the appro dni^^^'^^'^^'^^ J
location of the landfall. All, however, do not admit its claimsB^^^'- ^^^
accuracy, although the balance of opinion is in favour of the tlioorW^ "^' '^^^^
supports. It must be remembered, though, that the claims ol Ci^f ^ii'K)t f

jr. !( n can be advocated by arguments entirely aside from this mup.

iitil some new document is discovered, the controversy must rest,

itii by far the strongest evidence pointing to the Cape Breton Island

iid'hll, and with the probability of its having been at or near the

i< inmost cape of the island. The Newfoundland and Labrador
[corics cannot stand the test of such arguments as have been brought
ruiii.^t them.

There is another question coifnected with the hindfall that must

ntcrred to. On the day on which land was sighted, Cabot also
scovered an island over against the landfall. This island he called

John, in honour of the saint on whose anniversary it was found.
)r some time it has been considered that this island was the present

Ma[) of the ('upe Breton Islaiul Laiulfiill.

loe Edward Island, an error that has been creeping into our his-
e.s and guide-books. Dr. Ganong and Dr. Dawson have pretty
ctively shattered this idea. If the Cape Breton landfall theory is
rect, Cabot's island of St. John was most likely the present Scatari
kii.l

jSooii after landing on prima tierra vista, Cabot's provisions ran

rt, and he was obliged to turn homeward. About the beginning

aii;ust he sighted England, and soon after cast anchor before

8tul. liaving been absent about three months.

'he news of the discovery spread with great rapidity, and for a

Cahot found himself a very famous man. It must be remembered,

(35)

liowever, that not even tlie voyager himself then suspected that tli
mainland of a new continent had been reached. He reported thai 1,
had landed on the seaboard of Cathay, and a contemporary docuinci;
speaks of the King having ac([uired a great part of Asia without
stroke of the sword. It was only in later years that the full impoi
anee of his achievement became manifest.

Though the whole of Europe rang with Cabot's praise, Henry Al
showed but little gratitude toward the bold navigator. In tlie ])rivvj
purse accounts of Henry — still preserved in the British Museum
we find the following curt entry: ''August 10th (1407), To hyn;
that founde the new Isle, ,£10. " No other official recognition of tl
great deed exists. "The stingy monarch," as one author writes, "i
doubt considered that he had amply rewarded Cabot, little thinkiii
that the etitry referred to would post his own niggardliness for tl
scorn of posterity." It is true that at a later period Henry thouir
fit to further reward the discoverer with an annual pension of cl\
but this was to be paid from the funds of the Bristol Custom Hon
It has l)cen rightly said that the discovery of a continent was, iift
all, cheap at such a price.

In February, 14!*8, John Cabot obtained new letters patent autli
izing a second and more extensive expedition of six ships. T;
intention was to colonize the new lands and to barter with the nativ.
and also to endeavour to find the much-desired route to India. T;
expedition sailed in the spring of 1498, about the time when Colunitj
departed on his third voyage. John was in command, and with
were his son iSebastian and about three hundred other men. Fni
thenceforth John Cabot is lost to sight, and we hear only of Sebasti;
No man knows how, when or where the discoverer of the Amerk;
mainland met his death or where his body rests. Some think hv iii
liave died during the voyage. It is to be hoped that future resea
may bring forth definite particulars of the end of this worthy iiiaii

It is fairly certain that the second voyage was in a northoiii ;ii
northwestern direction, to a region of ice and continual dayliii'lit.
which case the second landfall was probabh' somewhere on the La!
dor coast. It seems that the presence of ice forced the ships to toi
and they coasted southward until they reached the vicinity of
present Cape Hatteras. Failing to discover the desired passage
the land of silk and jewels, and provisions being low, they set sail
home, and arrived there some time after September, 1498.

( 36 )

signal
<Ieserv
to post(
to the

Earb
^He Bay

WMlId fo

eoinino- V
Oinmpla

Weet
^hich two

We !«ub«equently find Sebastian in command of another expedition
ill search of the western route to the East, for which purpose he sailed
to tlie northwest. In 1518 he was made pilot-major of iSpain, and in
].')'J6 he sailed from San Lucar, with the intention of followintr Magel-
lan's route to the Maiuecas. Subsequently he returned to England,
and engaged in various commercial enterprises. His death occurred
ahout 1557, and, like his father, he reposes in an unknown grave.
S('l)astian's character was not free from vain-ijrlorv, and he has been
iliargcd, and apparently not without justice, with detracting from the
iionour which properly belongs to the elder Cabot in order to magnify
liis own achievements.

The Cabots were both deep thinkers, and they possessed the courage
and enthusiasm necessarv to carrv out their bold and novel projects.
111 this respect the father surpassed the son, for it was the former who
Hrst grappled with the stupendous cosmographical questions of the
aue, and wdio bent his energies to test the advanced theories he held.

The discovery of the mainland of America was accomplished in
June, 1497, when the Bristol navigator first discerned the land on his
western horizon ; the foundation of British dominion in the New
World began on the same day with the raising of the English "Jack "
oil tliese shores ; yet the man to whom we arc indebted for these two
signal deeds has hitherto received but a small part of the honour he
deserves, and even the spot in which his l)ones repose is utterly unknown
to posterity. "He gave a continent to England, yet no one can point
to the few feet of earth she has allowed him in return."

THE SETTLEMENT OF PORT ROYAL.

Ad.M'ted fkom Chami'Lain's Xahuativk, ifv (!. U. Hav, Ph.B.

Early in the summer of 1604, de Monts and Champlain entered
tlie Bay of Fundj- (Baye Fran\'oise), looking for a place which they
could fortify, and on which they could build a secure shelter for the
coming winter. They sailed along the northwest coast of 'Nova Scotia.
Cliamplain, in his narrative of the expeditioji, says :

We entered one of the finest harbours I had seen alonj; these coasts, in
[Which two thousand vessels might lie in security. The entrance is eight hun-

(37)

drod paces broad ; then we entered a liurl)onr two k'u<(ue.s long and one broail,
which r have named Port Koyal ' . Three rivers empty into it, one of which is
very large, extending eastward, and called Riviere de riv|uille-, from a little
fish of the si/e of an eHp/an, which is caught there in large numl)ers, as also tlic
herring and sevei-al other kinds of fish found in al)un(iance in their season.
This I'iver is nearly a (puirter of a league broad at its entrance into the basin,
where there is an island'', perhaps half a leagui; in circuit, and covered with
wood, like all the rest of the country, as pines, firs, spruces, birches, aspens,
and some oaks, although the latter are found in small numbers in comparisnn
with the other kinds. There are two entrances to the above river, one on tlif
north, the other on the south side of the island. That on the north is the
better.

Between the mouth of the river and the point to which we ascended
(about fourteen or fifteen leagues) there are many meadows, which are flooded
at the spring tides, many little streams traversing them from one side to tiie
other, through which shallops and boats can go at full tide. This place was
the most favorable and agreeable for a settlement that we had seen. There is
another island^ within the port, distant nearly two leagues from the former.
At this point is another little stream, extending a considerable distance inland,
which we named Riviere St. Antoine''. . . The i-emaining river is only a
small stream filled with rocks, which cannot be ascended at all on account of
the small amount of water, and which has been named Rocky Brook. "

No Kettlement was made at Port Koyal this year (1604) by tin-
de Monts' expedition. After exploring the harbour of Port Royal
and a portion of the Annapolis River, the voyageurs sailed along the!
Ba}' of Fundy' to Cape Chignecto, which they called the Cape of Two
Bays — that is, where the bay is bifurcate^ . Their object was to seek
a place for a permanent settlement, and also to find the copj)er mine|
which was said to have been discovered a year before by a " certain j
Prefert of St. Malo, by aid of the savages of the country.
We found none, nor did we recognize any resemblance to the descrip

' The name of the Basin, not the place of habitation, afterward so called.

■'Now the Annapolis River, called hy Lescarbot Riviere du Dauphin. Equill' . ^^
local name in Northern France of the fish called lancon.

■■* Now called (Joat Island, about nine miles from Dio'bj-. Champlain on his \my
gives it no name, but Lescarbot calls it Biencourville.

^ Bear Island. Lescarbot calls it Claudiane. It M'as sometimes called He d'Helt it.
and Imbert Island, (pronounced eem-bare). Laverdiere (editor of Champlain's Voviiit'^il
suggests that the present name is derived from the French pronunciation of tin li
syllable of ImVtert.

^' Bear River. Lescarbot calls it Hebert, and Charlevoix (Jesuit missionar\ inm
historian) Imbert.

® Moose River. It is a few miles east of Bear River.

»lne(,f til,,

(38)

brnail.
licli IS
I littlf
Iso till-
leasdii.
basiti,
!tl wiili I
iispeiis,

on till'
\ is the

5cen(li<l
rioodrd
e to thf
ace NMi^
Tliert' i-
fornnr.
! inluiiil,
is only n
count lit'

by the
t Royal
iiig the'
of Two I
to seek
T mine!
certain j

Idescrip-

Eqiiil!

' . i'

I his

iiuqi

d'Hrl

.,.■11.

Vovi

■S<"''

•f th.

la«!

)niu\

tioii of the harbour ho liad given tin." This vvus lu-ar the eiitraiice to
thi' '" Bay of Mines " (Miiias Cliaiinel and l*>}isin), whieh tliey ])ur-
iio^cd to visit ufterwards and investii;'ute more conndetely. They
jrctiaced their stejis, and, roundinji; tlie " eapo of tlie two hays,"
(•ro.-sod the other ])ay (Chiii;neeto), to wliere "■ tliere are two rivers"
|((^iinihorland Basin and Shepody Bay). Thence they sailed west to
(^iiiaco River and Cajte. Chami)lain mentions the mountain (Tlieobald),
a short distance inland from (^iiaeo, having the sha[)(! of a cardinal's
hat {Lfi C/uipcdii (If Cdrd'ntdl). Sailing southwest they eatne, eight
leagues fartlier on, to " a fine bay running up into tlic mainland . .
at the mouth of the largest and deepest river we liad yet seen, whieli
we named the River St. Jolm, because it was on this saint's day that
we arrived there. By the savages it is called Ouygoudy ." ' Chamiilain
|(li(l not explore tlie river farther up tlian the islands at the liead of
Ithe Falls, but continued his westerly course to Passama([Uoddy Bay.
[[Ilis description of finding the Island of St. Croix and wintering there
given in Leaflet No. I. of this series].
The spring and summer of 1605 was spent in exploring the coast
)t' New England as far south as Cape Cod. Finding no jdace suitable
[for a settlement, and determined to seek another location after their
suft'eriiigs on the Island of St. Croix, de Monts transported the frame-
work of the houses to Port Royal. After a careful search no place
was found more suitable than that on whicii they had encamped for a
few days the previous summer, being slightly elevated and with good
Springs of water around it.

When most of the preparations had been made for winter, 'de Monts
|*etunied to France, leaving Pont Gravt', his lieutenant, in command.
Phe winter of 1605-6 proved milder than the previous one, and the
|utferings from t-old and sickness much less ; although, out of the
lumber of forty-five, twelve died from scurvy {raal de l<i terre). The
[ollowing is Champlaiii's brief reference to the events of the winter :

On the 20th of December it be«,'an to snow, and some ice passed along
lofore our settlement. The winter was not so sharp as the year before, nor
lie snow so deep, nor of so longf duration. Among other incidents, the wind
^as so violent on the 20tli February that it l)lew ovei' a large numl)er of trees,
Its and all, and broke off many others. It was a remarkable sight. The
litis were very frequent, which was the cause of the mild winter in comparison

' The true Indian nauw. of tlu; St. .\o\u\ is Woo/fts-tooL: Oiiygoudi (or VVigudy)
)i':ms sim|)ly ii camping-ground oi- villai^e .site. ('hani|»lain must havo nii.staken thi.s
^iiif (if till.' Indian village at St. John for the name of the river.

(39)

with the past one, altlmuj^h it is only twenty-five leagues from Wnt lioyal to
St. Croix.

In July of the following Hnninier the coniiKiny, reduced by sii k-
ness and in need of yupplios, ntartt'd to return to Fraiieo, leaving tun
men in charge of tlie Hottlenient at l\)rt Royal. On reaeiiing ('him
Sable they met Ralloau, the secretary of (b> Montp, wlio infornicil
them that the Sieur do routriiu^ourt, hh lieutenant general, was on lii.
way to Fort Royal with fifty men. On returning to Port Roviii,
Cliamplain and his men, to their great joy, foiind them already th(i(

PORT ROYAL

(.'ham plain's DksCKII'TION UK TlIK Mai'.

A. Our habitation [on the present site of M. K(|uille Kivei'.

Lower (iranville]. N. Seaeoust of Port Roj^al.

B. (Jarden of Sieur Champhiin. O. Ilanyes of mountains.

C. Road through the woods that Sieur de i*. Island near tlie River St. Antoinc

Foutrincourt had made. (^>. l^ocky I>rook.

D. Island at the mouth of E(]uille River. R. Another t»rook | Morris River].

E. Entrance to Port Royal. S. Mill River [Allen River], sometini''* iij

F. Shoals, dry at low tide. correctly oalled L'Eiiuille.
(i. River St. Antoine [the stream west of T. Small Like.

St. Antoine is .Jo(^<rinir River]. V. Where savaj^es eatch herring in m

H. Place under cultivation for sowing season.

wheat [site of present town of An- X. Trout Brook [Shilfer's Brook. Tlrtii]

napolis]. on the west is Thoriums, ami t!''

I. Mill that Sieur de Poutrincourt has second Scotield's Brook].

made. Y. A lane that Sieur de ('haniplaii n*

L. Meadows overflowed at highest tides. made.

( 40 )

toy 111 t(

airk-

i»K t\v„ 1

jr (!i,l„. ,

foniicii

< on li'h :

UoVili, '

ytluTf

1.^'.,

^^l'

toinr

■1-

iiio; 1

1 tl-

. Tl

,'lil-

S, iU'

1 V-

iiplii'

1 ll.t

As it wart too lato in tlic sciiso!! to seek juiothcr site for a settlement,
I'ontrini'ourt decided to remain tlie cominuj winter at Port Royal, lUid
sent laborers to work on tlie land about a league and a half farther
iipthe Annapolis River, wli'vc the French had first thought of making
ilu'ii' abode. A second voy.^o ot discovery was made along the New
Kn^dand coast' as far south as Martha's Vineyard. Champlain's
(1( scription of the voyage, and their meetings with the Indians, some
ol wlioni proved hostde, and his invaluable record of the character,
iiiitniicrs and customs of the aborigines, are full of interest.

On tbeir return to Port Royal- they made preparations for the
iwiiifcr, which proved milder than that of the two preceding years,
laltln'iigb the sprir was backward. " On the 10th of May it snowed
11 night, and towards the end of the month there were heavy hoar
rosts, which lasted until the lOtli or 12th of June, when all the trees
hvcre covered with leaves, exce^jf the oaks, which do not leaf out until
lalxmt the ir)th."''

Although seven died from the scurvy during the winter of 1006—7,
iltle company spent the time much more happily than during the
cvious winters, as the following extract from Champlain's narrative
ay show :

W'c s{)(>nt this wintei- very pleasantly, and fared geneiously by means of
»■ OifDUK DK 1)UN 'I'kmi's, wliifli 1 introduced. This all found us<'ful for their
■iillli, and more advantageous than all i\w medicines that could have been
iscil. P.y the rules of the order a chain was put, with some little ceremonies,
It the neck of one l our company, commissioning him for the day to go
•Inmiiiig. The next day it was conferred upon another, and thus in succes-
iiii. All exerted themselves to (he utmost to see who would do tlie best and
iiig home the finest game. We found tiii.s a very good arrangement, as did
ls(» the savages who were with us. ^

lie

' ('liiniipliiiii r(?<ii'ets the decision (if I'out i iriconrt to t^o over the f^round pii.ssed by
■ Miiiits the yeur before, instciul of sailiii<^' (liiucLly to CiipuCod, and thence continuing
iiir f'X|iloiiitions southwurd.

' bc.-carbot an<l tlie otheis w lio had stayed there welcomed them with a huinoroiiH
iititaiiinient, at which u play - //*• Thinin i/r Xijifinu' — composed by Lescurbot, was
:'t.Ml.

■' It would })e inteiesting to compare the spiing of 1607 with that of 1S98. This
tai. iivei' a fortniirht before the dates mentioned by Cluimi)laiii, the valley of the
iiMa|M)lis was white with a|)i)le ])lossonis. But seasons vary; and there is no good
'a-(iii lu suppose that any niarke<l ehanffe of climate has occurre<l.

' "The fifteen gentlemen who sat at the tal)le of I'oiitrincourt, the governor, com-
ri-iiiu tlie whole number of the order, took turns in perfornung the duties of steward
111 <iiterer, each holding the otiice for a single day. With a laudal)le ambition, the

(41)

PHYSIOGRAPHY OF XOVA SCOTIA.

Hv A. H. M AcK \v, LL. I)., H amk.w. \. S.

Everything jxHiits to tbc conclusion that the earth must liavc hcti,
contracting in its central parts, for its present skin is so wrinkled iiini
tbkled that it must be looked upon as the original covering of a huge
sphere. These wrinklings natiiralh' show a parallclness such as u.
would expect according to !liis hypothesis. The Province of Kovs
Scotia is at present the crest of a low ridge rising (at some i)oiii'-
about 2,000 feet) above the Athuitic for a length of about 370 miK>
with an average width of about sixty miles. This ridge, iiuerrupt'T
by the Strait of Cnnso, falls suddeidy from a height of over a thousaii.
feet above the water at Ca})e North to as much below in Cabot's Stiai!'
before it reappears in Newfoundland beyond. The submarine valK
separating this ridge from the more elevated ridges forming the mail.
land is seen in the Bay of Fundy, the Gulf of St, Lawrence, and tl.
Strait of Belle Isle. When the crinkled surfaces of the contineii;?
rise too high above the general level of the surface of the globe,
tremendous pressure causes them to sink, with the inevitable buluir.f
out of another })art of the surface to the same extent. From siid
causes the various wrinkles of the earth's surface are constantlv eitln'l
rising or tailing for vast periods of years, the higher lite rise the nrari'

<iriui(l Master for tliu tiiiu- bciii}^'' laid tliu t'difst ami the sea iiiidei' eoiitriliiitioii, ami i ;|
table was (roiistaiitly furnished with the most delieati- and well-seasoned f^ame. ami
sweetest, as well as the choicest, \ai'ieties of lisli. The fre(|iient chanye of oHice ami li
in<^emiity displayed, oii'ered at every repast, either 114 the viands or mode of eonkinJ
Honuithinj^ new and tempting' to the ap[)etiti'. At each meal a (;eremony becomin.MlJ
dijj^nityof theonh'r was strictly ol>sei'ved. At a i;'iv«'n sij^nal the whole company nmivli
into the dinin>^ hall, the (J rand Mastei' at the head, with his napkin over his .sheiiMt
his stall" of oHice in his hand, and the <j:litterin<r collar of the order about his u>ri
while tile other mendters bort; each in his hand a dish loaded and smokinji; with sonn p
of the delicious repiist. A ceremony of a somewhat similar character was obseiMii
the In'intfint^ in of thi! fruit. At the close of the day, when the last meal hail I"-!
served and <riace had been said, the master formally conipli;ted his otlicial duty by pliin
the collar of the oi'th'i' upon the neck of his successor, at the same time |tresentin<;' lulil
a cup of wine, in which the two drank to each other's healtli and happiness. I'M
ceremonies were {generally witnessed by thirty or forty .savage.'-, men, women, buy:
girls, who ga zed in i(\spectful admiration, not to say awe, upon this e.xiiibitioii ot \'.r>'i
j)ean civilization. When .Membertou, the veneral)le chief of the tribe, or othei' sa<j mi'
were present, they weie invitccl to a seat at the talile, while bread was giatmtiMii
distributed to tlie rest." — VoyaijvH of Samuel tie Chninj/fdiit.

H'2)

,V0 l>OrV. I

led an
a largH
h as \v.

e poiiit>^
rO mill'"'.]
errupt'jiif
tliousaiKl
:'s Straitl
ne valic;
:lie WM.\
, and tlii
■ontinontij
u!;lobo, ill
e bnl gills;
Ironi >uri|
:ly I'itlui
le urart.1

lit

11, and l!J

O. illl'l I'l

ice aii'l "1

t' coiikiii:!

iMiiiiinu

iiy iii:iivli-|

( lii.- 11'"
h soiiii I'
itl)«f|\i''l
,1 h:v\ 1-

yltyi'l:"''-*

itin<:' '"'
U.-.SS. Tl'^
•11, I'"''' ''1

Ion •

iirraliiiti'i'i

the period of renewed falling-. What is now the province of Kova
votia was more than once a part of the rnainlatid, a peninsula, an
sland, and a submarine bank. Its area now is about 21,000 square
lilcs in round numbers, or over 13,000,000 of acres, and it changes
nri-v dav. The sea and the runninji; streams are lessenina: the land
;v(iv hour, and the tides in opposition are in many places building up
iiarsh lands. But there is another power, more mysterious than either,
Milling the whole peninsula down beneath the water, and it is going,.
r()\]ivr — slowly, and we don't know for how long, or whether it may
[jliange its rate, or plunge.

The Sunken Forest.

On the southern side of the isthmus connecting the province with
u'W Brunswick and the continent, tlie stumps of trees — spruce, beech,
^iiie and tamarac — forming forests are found from twenty to thirty
H't below high-water mark, where thev could never have grown under
Ircseiit conditions. In the excavations for the Ghip Railway across the
btlniius, I have myself seen the stumps of large trees at a depth of
roiity feet below the surface of the land, and below the surface of
[iuii water, and I have dug around such a stump until I reached the
iver of soil which formed the surface of the land into which its roots

lul those of its fellows grew long before even the Acadian was in

land. Although tliis evidence of modern subsidence is the most

triking, it is not the only evidence. Tlie sunken forests evidently

leloiig to the present order of things, although they antedate history

1(1 tradition.

The Pleistocene.

But there is l)clow the sunken forests, and spread in var3'ing degrees

thickness over the planed, scratched and sometimes gravel-polislied

3(k which lifts the province out of the water, what we call the soil.

[Ills is an older formation still, when no forest could have grown, foi-

re tiiid great banks of clay, with huge l)oulders baked up in them,

fitlioiit any order, just like what we find glaciers making at the

PcMiit day, when tliey shove belbro them masses of powdered stone

mud. Then we find banks of stratified gravels, sands and clays,

iv result of the action of the water on the seashore or of the rivers

1<1 streams in the valleys and })lains. In some of the beds we find

c Arctic sea shells Tellina or Saxicava, which sliow that thej' were

filled originally under the sea with an Arctic temperature. That

( +.*i )

also helps to explain the rubbing away ot the rocks by glaciers stream-
ing slowly down the mountain sides, as well as the carrying of
rocks from the coast of Labrador to be dropped over the sea bottom
where Prince Edward Island now rises, as well as on Nova Scotiiin
land. Tt also indicates how some of the minerals from the Blomidon
range should be found scattered over the province in a broad band
out to the Atlantic coast. In manv places these masses of srravel^
and boulder clays were cemented into loose conglomerates, or evti;
rock. Sometimes they filled old ravines gouged out of the solid rmk
by the action of glaciers which appeared to have vanished, only to In-
succeeded by another glacial age when oidy a portion of the old vallev
was scooped out, the later ravine to be filled in with a different grave:
of another retreating glacial period. But even in this age there wen
times and places where forests were growing, for the huge Americai;
mastodon was at some portion of this period browsing in the woods otj
Cape Breton, before he lay dowMi to die in the valley of the Middlej
River near Baddeck. One of his thigh bones wanting only an iiiclil
of four feet is now in the Provincial Museum at Halifax.

The Triassic.

e'lJl

Going another great step back in time we come to the rock wlii
could not be rolled around and mixed up again and again, no\\' hv
river action, now by sea, and now^ by glacier ; and we find the i»rnv
ince lying lower in the water than it is now, but practically of the snnitj
general form, although an island. The Bay of Pundy opened rl«ir
into the gulf, and the arms of the Minas Basin extended wider easi
and west from the Salmon River to Annapolis Basin. On its botron;
w^as deposited the red sandstone material which was later raised nf
above the water and again mostly worn down by the action of strcan;
and river and open gulf water until on the Northumberland Strait tlif|
soft deposit was washed away, leaving the red sandstone only on tk\
elevated bank which became Prince Edward Island. It was duriiiii
this time the shrinking earth crust cracked along the North Mountaii;
range and belched forth the volcanic ash and lava forming the so-callrt
trap of to-day. This was the last of the volcanic eruptions whit
convulsed the foundations of the province so often before.

The Carboniferous.

Many milleniums before this last period the whole province w
lower still in the water. The whole coast line from Cumberlaiul i\

(44)

<jii]H» Breton wa.s submerged, and the waters of the ooean daBliod up

jioiiiust the sides of the Cobequids and the highhmds of Pictou,
Aiiiisi'onish, and the island of Cape Breton, and swept around the
Cdltcquids as far south at least as the County of Halifax, perhaps
t'uitlicr. The x'limate was tropical. Ferns and tree ferns, giant club
ii!(i.-ses, and curious reptiles abounded. Tremendous trojtical freshets
rmc down the mountain sides and laid in the sea the beds of sandstone,

ijiiid sliales, covered up the coral reefs and banks with shell-Hsli, tilled
liiii'nons and lakes with deported vegetation, and covered up now and

jauaiii peat swamps with fathoms of vegetable matter, 'brming the coal
i.nitlncing basins of to-day. The islands and highlands worn away

[bv tlie carboniferous seas were mostly bounded by

Devonian and Silurian

Irocks, the relics of still older seashores which flanked the (Cobequids,

thou a newly-formed range of mountains, and the highlan<ls generally

north of a line drawn from the region of the Amiapolis Basin to

Iciiedabucto Bay, near Canso. As in the Carboniferous, we find a

Bjtocial development of limestones, marbles, gypsum and alabaster,

is well as coal and several other minerals, in the Devonian and Silurian

ro find the special development of iron deposits, as at Londonderry,

rii'tau, Torbrook, East River (Pictou), and so forth.

The Cambrian.

South of the line from Chedabucto Bay to the Annai)olis Basin,
jilu: oldest rock found to a great extent in the foundation of the prov-
ince occupies the surface. If it was submerged and covered with the
ieposits of the periods already mentioned, all such deposits have been
[borough ly scoured off into the Atlantic, except what was left upon
It (luring the Pleistocene ; and extensive regions bear little else than
[tones and great boulders on top of the barren rock. But it is the
[firion of gold, its strata, several thousand feet thick, rose into great
M'iukles or folds parallel to the general folding — no less than eight
[otween the mouth of Halifax harbour and Mount Uniacke in Hants.
Jut glacial action planed them off level, so that in the middle line of
K'h fold, strata, hundreds and even thousands of feet deep in other
la"os, come to the surface. The most of our gold mines are found in
h' proximity of these anticlines, as they are called. But there was

( 45 )

even niore tremendous volcanio action in these earliest times than when
the North Mountains appeared. Vast masses of granite hurst throuuli
the strata at various points from Guysboro and Halifax to Yarmoutli,
covering a great i)art of the interior of the Counties of Kings, Anna-
polis, Dighy, Yarmouth, Shelburne and (Queens, and in some pla( • s
running out to the coast.

AN ACADIAN MARCHIONESS.

Hv .Tamks Hannav.

Not many years ago a steamboat plied on the waters of the St.
John river which bore the unfamiliar name of Soulanges. Many
persons wondered for whom this vessel was named, and some, no doulii.
supposed that it was called after one of the counties of Quebec : \m
the name had a different origin. The Soulanges was named after ;:
man who, more than two centuries ago, was commandant, or act in::
governor, of Acadia, and who occupied the old fort in Carleton, whirl
was consecrated by the heroism of Lady La Tour. Soulanges, himstlt,
made no great figure in Av.adian history, but lie was the father ot' a
woman who became a French marquise, or marchioness, and who w;i^
the wife of one governor-general of Canada and the mother of anotli( r,
a distinction which no other woman born in New France has qvv
enjoyed. The proper name of the person, who is known in Aca<li;i!
history as Soulanges, was Pierre de Joibert, and he was a native .
the little town of Soulanges, in the old French province of Champauiie.
He was an officer in one of the Frencli regiments stationed in Canada.!
and he had married Marie Francoise, one of the daughters of Charritrj
de Lotbiniero, who was then attorney-general of New France. Joihcitj
who at that time had assumed the territorial title of Soulanges aiiil
de Marson, first came to Acadia with the Chevalier de Grand-fontaiiiej
in 1670, when the Acadian forts were restored by the English to tlitj
French under the treaty of Breda. Grand-fontaine had been appointod
governor of Acadia, and Soulantjes was second in conmiand. H^

( 46 )

•to be

)iK' was

irou-h

HOUlll.

Aiiiiii-

tlie N.
Many
o don lit, I

i aftrr a I
ir act i Hi:'

Avllirl.

im>''lt'.
er el' a
kvho wii'
anotliir.
as c-V''
Acadui!
ativc . :
nipaiiii'
Caiiail;;.
Chaitir.
Joil'fVt.|
,ges aiiiii
■tbntaini
li tc tlii

ipoi

iitod
Hi

received the surrender of Fort Jcinseg, on tlie St. John river, on the
tweiitv-seventh of August, 1670, and of Port Royal on the second of
Sei'tenibcr of the same year. The old fort at the mouth of tlie River
St. -lolm appears, at that time, to have been in a ruinous condition,
Ihiit early in 1<!7I Grand-fontaine placed a garrison in it qakI armed it
j^vith the cannon which had been in the fort at Jemseg. Soulanges
JAvas the commandant of both forts, but he took up his residence in
[the fort at the mouth of the river — old Fort La Tour. Here, in
'|!!li7;), was born his daughter, Louise Elizabeth, who was destined to
is'iipy so high a position in Canada. Fronteiuic, the governor-general,
was iier godfather, but he must have taken his vows by proxy, for
rontenac never was in Acadia ; St. John and (^uel)ec were tlien very
ar removed from each other, and communication between them was
iflicult. When Elizabeth de Joibert was an infant, but one year old,
er Acadian home became the scene of a singular event, ^"he Dutch
A'ere at war with the French, and thought that they might win some
(Ivantages in America; so, in ](!74, they sent an armed ship, under
lie command of one Captain Arenson, to attack Fort La Tour, and
le succeeded in capturing it, Soulanges being very ill-prepared to make
suceossful defence. The Dutch did not hold their new conquest
lonuf, and Soulanges was soon again in possession of liis fort. In
ctober, 167(1, he obtained two valuable grants of territory in Acadia;
lie was of the fort or house of Jemseg, with a frontage of two leagues
11 the St. John river and two leagues in depth inland ; the otlier
l^iaiit was at the mouth of the Nashwaak, and com})rised a seignory,
§(> he named Soulan<jes, with two leairucs front on each side of the
'^1. John river and two leagues of depth inland. The.sc two seignories
jliad a combined area of more than one hundred square miles. Soulanges,
^lowever, was not destined to enjoy them long. In "78 he became
|!;<>vernor of Acadia, but in the same year he died, and his widow and
liliildren returned to Canada, where tliev had intlueiitial relations. The
i'utuie marchioness was only five years old when this change in her
'c^i(lence took place. From that period her career was identified
laiiily w^ith the province of (Quebec. We have no details with regard
the life of Louise Elizabeth de Joibert from this time until the date
1" her marriage with the Manpiis de A'audreuil, which was celebrated
n the twenty-first of November, 1690, when she was only seventeen
oars old, the Bishop of (Quebec officiating. She had been educated
y the ladies of the Convent of t'le Ursulines. She was then a very

(47)

■!i|

beautiful woman, and of a superior understaiuling. She is descrihecl
by a contemporary as a person of " solid virtue and noble spirit, witl
all the graces which would charm the highest circl s, of rare sagacity
and exquisite modesty." The Manpiis de Vaudr.uiil, at the tinion;
his marriage to Mile, de Joibert, had been several years in Canuda
He had distin2:uishcd himself as an officer in the wars of France ji
Europe, and when he came to Canada it was to assume high commaini
]Ie was nearly thirty years older than his wife, but their marriai'-
seems to have been a happy one, and in his latter years she was a iiio> j
valuable assistant to him in his work as governor of Canada, li
Vaudrouil aspired to be governor-general as eai-ly as 1699, on th
death of Frontenac ; but he was disappointed in his desire, for M
de Callieres was then made governor. De Vaudreuil, hov^^ever, receive
some compensation b}' being made governor of Montreal. De Call ion
died in 170-'», and then the claims of de Vaudreuil could not be ignoroii |
and he became governor-general of New France. The chief objectioi
urged against his appointment was the fact that his wife was a nativj
(Canadian, It was thought that his connection with a leading Canmlia
family might [)revent him from performing, with strict impartiality, liij
duties as governor. lie continued, however, to be governor until tlJ
time of his death, twenty-two years later, and it never appeared tlia
his conduct gave reason to justify those fears which had retarded li|
promotion. The marchioness de Vaudreuil had no less than twolvj
children, and she seems to have been an exerni)lary motlier, as well;
a true helpmeet of her husband. The time when he was governor
New France was one of much anxiety, for at that period Acadia tJ
into the hands of the P]nglish, and it was already evident that tlj
sparse population of New France, as compared to the English coloiiie
would soon place French jyower in America in great danger.

Madame de Vaudreuil saih-d for France in 1708, but the. vessel ij
which she took passage was captured by the English. She was, m
ever, treated with distinction, and was allowed to proceed to lit
destination. She attracted much attention at the Court of Versuil
and became a favorite both of Louis XIV. and of Madame de \Iiii|
tenon. She remained in France for several years, and did not \vm
to Canada until 1710, her husband having in the meantime gont ovj
for tlie purpose of escorting her home. Such long separations bci \v(
husband and wife vrere then less thought of than they would Ix no^
because it was sometimes necessary for high officials in New Frai

( 48 )

10 liiivo a friend at court to look after tlieii- interests. Madame de
'undivnil trequeiitly acted as her husband's secretary wlien lie was
|()i iv.-|io>iding with the Frencli government, and there is a letter of
HTs in existence, written in 1724, in which, on her own behalf, she
[hiiiiicd for her hns})and a larger compensation than he was then
jtM (•i\ ing. The claim is based on the great expense of living in (^nehec
It thai time. A coj)}' of this letter is among the arcliives of Canada,
Lil tlie arcliivist says of it that it " is curions as to details, and tlio
irtliuLrraphy is exoeedijigly quaint — for a person in her position."
Hiis. we suppose, means that the marchioness did not spell very well ;
[lit it so, there were at that time many high-born la<lies, both in
Enirlatid and France, of whom the same could be said. Her luisband
i('(l on the tenth of October, 1725, and she, within a few days, took
Icr (U'parture for France, where she continued to reside until lier
leath, which occurred at Paris in June, 1740. She was a wcmian of
jroat ability, and the place of her birth has every reason to Ije proud
this Acadi^m marchioness. Fifteen years after her death her son,
herre Frai^ois, Marquis de Vaudreuil, became governor-general of
wuiada, and he continued to hold tliat office until the French posses-
Ions in America i>assed into the hands of the English.

A CHAPTER ON NAMES.

By Rkv. W. O. Ravmond, M. A.

1. — The Old County of Siniury.

There is a popular impression that tlie County of Sunbury once
Ichided the entire Province of New Brunswick. Thi> is a mistake.

Xova Scotia was tirst divided into counties in the year 1759, and
iinberland, now the most northerly county of tlie peninsula, then
jt'liided all the territory of Nova Scotia north of the Isthmus of

niecto. The vast limits of *^he original County of Cumberland
[I'' curtailed in 1765 by the erection of the territory bordering on

^t. John River into a new county called Sunbury. The bounds

( 49 )

IL^

!-•

wore MotdcHiitMl ; it was merely resolved hy the Governor and Coiintil.
at a meeting lieid in Halifax, April -JO, 1705 :

That St. John's llivor should he ercrtcd into a county hy the nanu' '<(
Sunhury ; and likewise tliat Capt. llichai-d Smith siiould he appointed a.Iusti'v
of tlie Peace for tlie C-ounty of Halifax. '

The hounds of the new eoiinty were not detincd until on the 4th nt
May, 1 770, From the description then given, wo learn that it extended
from the western houndary of the province as far east as a line runnii
dne north from (^uaco Head to the Canadian ])onndary. This woul
leave all tlie eastern part of what is now tlie Province of New Urui
wick still a })ortion of the Count}' of Cumberland ; and that this wii-
actually the case is indicated by tlie fact that when word was received
from England in the montli of August, 1784, that the province was
to be divided at the isthmus, the newspapers mention, as rather :i
curious circumstance, that by this division Fort Cumberland and the
largest part of Cumberland County are placed within the new provineo.
a thing contrary to the desire of the g;)vernment of Nova Scotia. Prior
to the division, the jurisdiction of the county seems to have been
confined to the townships and settlements within the bounds of what
are now Westmorland and Albert counties. The provost marshal
and other officials at Halifax exercised tlieir authority when necessnrv
at Miramichi and the Bay of Chaleur. At the time of the division
the territory nortli of the Isthmus of Chignecto seems to have had
five representatives in the Nova Scotia House of Assembly, namely
two for the County of Sunhury, two for the County of Cumberland
and one for the Township of Sackville.

2. — Parr-Town.

The name of Parr, or Parr-town, as applied to St. John, should \m
regarded merely as a passing episode which has received a great deal
more attention than it deserves. In tlie first place the name \\aj|
never applied to the city as a whole, but only to that part on the ea;^
side of the harbour south of Union street ; and in the second place tliij
period in which it was so applied was only of about eighteen monili-^

' This is {rood! Appuieutly in the eyes of His Majesty's Conncil a Halifax jn-t:"
of the peace was as impoitant as the whole County of Sunltniy.

It is prohahh- the Nova S<!otia anthoiitics had decidetl on the fcMination nl tli-
Comity of Sunhury hefore the formal a<U)ption (»f the resolution ahov(! note<l, -imi
James Sinionds had wiitten from Halifax to William Ha/.en, on tlie ISth of M n
"St. Johns is made a county, and 1 hope will make a formidaMe appearance. "

(50)

luia w|

it (leal

\va>

cast

' the

lOlllil-l

: J

n-ti''

M.il'!

duration. " St. John " l»aa been the time-lionorod name, with this
liii'f exception (if exc'ej)ti()n it can be called), ever since the menior-
aMr 24th of June, 1G04, when Chaniplain first entered the harbour —
ji jH'jiod of almost three hundred years.

There came into my hands, not very long ago, a fragment of a
lottiT written on the 2«ith December, 1784, by Va>\. Edward Winslow
to Sir John Wentworth, in which the former speaks of the dissatisfac-
tion with which the Loyalists regarded the name of "' Parr-town ''
(owing, evidently, to Governor Parr's unpo[)ularity). lie says :

Tlic pi'opnsod plan of incorporating the new towns at the inoutli of the
river, and foi-niing a city by the name of St. John, fia.s prevented a serious
rr|piisrntation fioni tlie people. The town oti the east side was cliristened by
i\hij<ir Studhohne and others, in consecjuence of a letter from (Jovernor Parr to
Ahijor S., wlierein he makes the reijuest pointedly, but says ' That the idea
originated in female vanity.' The rude inhabitants of this new country liave
not yet ac(|uired a sutiicient degree of gallantry to indulge that vanity any
fintlicr, and they were evidently uneasy. They are now satisfied.

The earliest mention of " Parr-town " that I have been able to
[discover among the official and other documents of the period, occurs
in the month of August, 1783 ; but the name was not generally used,
en by Major Studholme, until some months later. James White,
ivho had been at St. John since the vear 1764, in a letter to the Col-
lector of Customs at Halifax, dated at Fort Howe, November 1, 1783,
peaks of " the two towns now settling at the Harbour of St. John —
names vnJaioicn -/'' and Major Studholme, as late as January 2, 17(S4,
rites an official letter from the "Town on the east side of St. John's
arbour."

On the 18th May, 1785, the towns of Parr and Carleton were incor-
lorated as the City of St. John, a measure that gave much satisfaction
;(> all concerned.

3. — Some Proposed Names.

Sir Guy Carleton had proved himself so true a friend to the Loy-
llists in the hour of their adversity that there was a general desire to
lonor him by giving his name to some place which should be settled
)y them. Major XJpham, later a Judge of the Supreme Court, was an
Enthusiastic admirer of Sir Guy, and he wrote Col. Winslow, Sept. 12,
7s4 :

I beg you will use your influence that the district of country to be settled
^y tlic Provincials (or lioyalist regiments) be erected into a county and called

(51)

l)y tlie name of CdrlcUnt, and that the principal town on the lliver St. John in-
caUed (rni/. Surely no man has so effectually contributed to the settlement ut
that country as Sir (Juy Carleton.

Tlio name of Carleton was given to the town oti the west side of
8t. Jolm harbor in lionor of Sir Guy — not, as is common]}' supposed,
in honor of Col. Thos. Carleton, the first Governor of the Province.
Respecting the suggestion of Judge Upham, that the principal city
of New Brunswick should bear the name of " Guy." we can only he
devoutly thankful that wiser counsels prevailed. It was at one time
seriously proposed to call our good city of St. John "Clinton," after Sir
Henry Clinton, the formercommander-in-ehief of the forces in America.

Wheti Xova Scotia was about to be divided there was some specu-
lation and many suggestions with respect to the name that should In
given the new province. Col. Edward Fanning (afterwards Governor
of Prince Edward Island) wrote to Lord Sidney suggesting that i;
should be called " Pittsylvania," in honor of Lord Chatham, whosi
character he and all other Loyalists regarded with enthusiasm, (^uiu
early in the year 1784 the British government had practically decidn!
on the division of Nova Scotia, and it was understood the name (>:
the province to be created should be " New Ireland ;" but soim
political complications caused the matter to be delayed, and wlici
Governor Thomas Carleton came out in the autumn, it had been agrtrd
that the name should be New Brunswick.

4. — Old Names that are Disused.
The province was divided into counties and parishes shortly altirl
the arrival of Governor Carleton, and in some instances old histoii
names were supplanted by new on*^^. In certain localities the old
name persisted for years, and only gradually gave place to the new
This was the case at Fredericton, where the old name of St. Ann
was common until after the removal thither of the seat of governiiui!
in 1787. At Woodstock the old Indian name 3Te<hicHc was at Hiv
employed by the people to designate their settlement. Within tli
last few years it has been revived as the name of a flourishing villag
at the mouth of Eel River. Other names, once familiar, have di-iij
peared from, the map altogether, and few to-day know the location '
Aukpaque, Freneuse and Cleoncore, or of New Warrington, Amesbnn
Conway and Morrisania. Respecting these, and other equally intcreftl
ing names, there is a mine of information in Dr. W. F. Ganciigi
^' Place Nomenclature of New Brunswick."

( 52 )

THE

<'oloni

contin

phase

partici

Acadii

Ameri

and til

lander,^

and th

fatlierli

fore, tl

Nie An]

wish to

177f) sc

power 1

the Sta

were a

most lo,

was the

Eddy,

gatherer
Sackvil
French
Cumbei
and mat
Provinc(
woll-arrr
<'f Edd}
J'li assai
'■I'pulsed
his men
Befo
f<'rt, whi
two doci

THP: fort CUMBERLAND SUMMONS AND REPLY, 177(;.

Hv \V. K. (;an<iN(;, I'li.l).

The fiill of (^iel)t't', in 17'>n, broucjlit joy and roliof to the Eui^disli
(oIoiUHts of America, for it heralded tlie end of French power on tliis
continent. It was soon followed by English expansion, of which one
l)hase was a stream of emic-nition from New England to Nova Scotia,
|>articularly to the rich lands left vacant by the expnlsion of the
Acadians in 175'). Hence it came to pass tiiat the o[)enini,^ of the
American Revolution found the present Province of New Brunswick
and tiie contiguous parts of Nova Scotia settled chieily by New Eng-
landers who were bound to tlieir fellow-countrymen of Massachusetts
and the neighboring States l)y the closest ties of kinship, love of
fatherland, and constant intercourse. It was perfectly natural, thert'-
fore, tliat the sympathies of many of these settlers should be with
the American ratlier than with the British cause, and that they should
wish to include Nova Scotia among the colonies in revolt. This in
177(1 some of them tried to do, but without success, for the British
power was too strong. After one attempt, some of them returned to
the States, and the remainder gave their allegiance to England, and
were afterwards, as their descendants are to this day, among the
most loyal of British subjects. * Their one armed attempt at revolution
M'as their attack on Fort Cumberland, under the leadership of Jonathan
P]ddy, in November, 177(3. Colonel Eddy, a brave, but rash, leader,
gathered from Machias, J'assamaquoddy, the River St. John, and
Sackville a force of about one hundred and eighty New Englanders,
French and Indians, all badly disciplined and badly armed. Fort
Cumberland, whose ruins to-day overlook one of the fairest scenijs
and mark one of the most important historic siti'S in all the Atlantic
IVovinces, \a^s strongly garrisoned ])y one hundred well-trained and
well-armed militia under command of Colonel Gorham. Only eighty
<»f Eddy's men were available for an attack, and with these he made
an assault upon the fort on the night of November 12th, but was
repulsed and his forces scattered. He escaped witli the renuiant of
his men to the River St. John, w iice he later retired into Maine.

Before beginning the attack. Col. Eddy sent a summons to the
tort, which, with Colonel Gorham's answer, is given below. These
two documents are amongst the most interesting in our history. Not

(53)

r m

only arc they rnodols of simplo und Ibrcctul c'OiiiiK)sitioii, l)Ut tlu'\
reflect with ureut clearness the ciiHtoiiis of the time and the character^
of their writers. In Coh)nel EcUly's hold snn»n)ons to a larger anil
hetter trained force inside a strong fort to surrender to liis inferior
one outside of it, and in Col. (iorham's calm rehuke of his adversary's
disloyalty and expression of Ids own devotion to Ins Sovereign, wo
can read tlie minds of two very diflerent men. In hoth documents,
also, we note a characteristic of helligerents in all ages — i le effort
to make the enemy appear in the wrong. That in hotli i>apers the
grammar is faulty and the spelling weak, does not detract from tlieir
interest, and they are here printed precisely as tliey occur in the work
from whi(!h they are copied — Kidder's "Revolutionary Operations in
Eastern Maine."

To Joseph Gorham Esq. Lieut. Colonel Ctnnmandt of the lioi/al Fencibles Ameri
cans Conimandiny Fort Cnmherland.

The already too plentiful Effusion of Human Blood in the Unhappy Contest
Ijetween Great Britain and the Colonies calls on every one engag'd on either
side, to use their utmost Efforts to prevent the Unnatural Carnage, hut tin-
Importance of the Cause on the side of America has made War necessary, and
its Conse(|uences, though in some Cases shocking are yet unavoidable. But to
Evidence that the Virtues of humanity are carefully attended to, to temper tlu'
Fortitude of a Soldier ; I have to summon you in the Name of the United
Colonies to surrender the Fort now under, your Command, to the Army sent
under me by the States of America. T do promise that if you surrender Yom
selves as Prisoners ot War you may depend upon being treated with the utnln^t
Civility k Kind Treatment ; if you refuse I am determined to storme the Foi t,
and you must abide the conseijuences —

Your answer is expected in four Hours after you receive this and the Fl.i^

to Return safe,

I am Sir

Your most obedt. Hble Servt

JONA EnuY

Nov. 10, 177C.

Commanding C)tiicer of the United Forces.

Sir—

Fort Cumberland, 10th Nov., 1776.

I acknowledge tlie receipt of a Letter (under coular of a Flagg of Tru( e)

Signed by one Jonan Eddy Commanding officer expressing a concern at the

unhappy Contest at present Subsisting between great Britain and the Colonys

and recommending those engaged on either side to use their Endeavors to prevt iit

(54)

til too Plentiful effusion of human lilood and further Summoning the Com-
1)1,1 iidinj? officer to surrendor thi.s <,'arrison —

From the Coinnjencenient of these Contest T have felt for my deluded
r.i()tlu;r Subjects and Countrymen of America and for the many Innocent
jiiiipie they have wantoidy Involved in the Horrors of an Unnatural Uehellion,
mill entertain every humane principle as well as an utter aversion to the I'nno-
ccssary eff'usion of Cliristian HIcmkI. Therefore command you in his Majestys
name to disarm yourself and party Immediately and Surrender to the Kings
iiitrcy, and further desire you would communicate the Inclosed Manifests to
iis many of the Inhabitants you can and as Spetnlily as possible to prevent tlu'ir
liciii;,' involved in the Same dangerous and Uidiappy dilemma -

Me assured Sir I shall never dishonour ♦^he Character of a Soldier by Sur-
I't'iidering my command to any Power except to that of my Sovereign from
whence it originated.

I am Sir

Your most hble servt

Jos. GoHiiAM, Lt Col. Comat

R. F. A. Comnuinding Officer
at Fort Cumberland.

THE SIEGE OF PENOBSCOT.

Bv Jas. Vhoom.

The siege and relief of Penobscot must always rank among the
most important events in the history of our Atlantic Provinces.
Although the heroic stand made by the defenders and the sweeping
victory of the relief were robbed of their just reward, wlien the Saint
Croix instead of the Penobscot was made the boundary line of the
new repubhc, yet the permanent check there given to the revolutionary
toices saved to us the territory now forming the province of New
Brunswick, and possibly the whole of Canada.

From the commencement of the American Revolution, the Loyalists
of Western Maine had borne the heaviest persecutions that could be
lu'itpod upon them. East of the Kennebec, beyond the boundaries of
the old province of Maine, in the territory sometimes called the District
ot .Vcadia and sometimes the District of Sagadahoc (then claimed by
Massachusetts as a part of the District of Maine, but sending no

(55)

representatives to the general court), there was less violence, and n
larger proportion of the people, to use a cant phrase of the time, were
"well-wishers Oi he government." Especially was this true in the
neighbourhood of Penobscot, and the old fort, or military post, at
that place was abandoned l)ecause its commander, a Loyalist, would
not hold it in the interest of the ^Tassachusctts authorities.

Some time in the s})ring of 1779, orders reached Halifax for the
despatch of troops to IVnobscot Bay to build and garrison a fort at
that place. Brigadier-tieneral McLean, an experienced officer, and a
man of education and refinement, was placed in command of thr
expedition ; his force consisting ot tiie Seventy-fourth Highlanders and
six companies of the Hamilton Regiment, about 700 men. His pro-
clamation, on taking possession of the territory, expressly states that
To afford a jdace of refuge and protection for the friends of the Crown
in Maitie was the principal object in establishing a militar}' post.

A frigate and three small sloops of war convoyed the transport-
from Halifax to Penobscot. The landiiig safely made, the frigate
departed, leaving orders for two of tiie sloo})S to return to ILdifax.

The crest of a ridge on the peninsula of Bagaduce, or MajilnKjUia-
duce (now Castine), lying on the east side of Penobscot River, wjieio
it widens to the J^av, was the site chosen for a fort and town. The
landing took place on the 17th of June. About one hundred of the
inhal)itants volunteered to bel}* in clearing the land of wood, and the
work of }>lanuing and building the fort and outworks was commenced
without delay.

When the people of Boston heard of the occu})ation of Penobscot.
and learned that the British were few in number, they at once resolved
to overwhelm them ^\•ith a superior force.

By great exertion they quickly gathered a fleet of eighteen arnud
vessels, with a larger number of transports and storeships, and em-
barked an army of 3,000 men. This expedition reached Penobseot
on the 2')rd of Julv, just five weeks after the British had laid tJM
foundations of their fort. Confident of success, the New Knglanders
laid siege to the unfinished works, and rejoiced ii' their anticipated
victorv.

General McLean was not wholly unprepared. Timely warnitiir
had caused the retention of the three war sloops for the protection ot
the harbour, instead of only the one that had been allotted to him.
The attack, liowever, had come much earlier than was expected, and
in much lan^'cr force.

As the forty or fifty New England ships paraded before the litilo
harbour, they seemed indeed a formidable fleet. But the British
general was not one to yield to a mere sliow of force. Though lie
had but oue gun mounted, and his walls half raised, he would try to
hold the fort. Changing tlie plan of Ida fortifications, therefore, to

(56)

leet th

A fi

The

llie iiarr

)vci' an

he Xev

ide of t

In the ji

ic dela;

UTV lip

Fidse

ieW Kll;
• hung
\i\y iiass(
)i'tic fro
fi il fully
tr<'iin'tlie
The s
Ifalifa:
?iiit()rcer
lit ret II n
paj-e Sabl
In tin
fciiohscot
inie. Sir
shi].s.
The l)(
|dge of \\
jell, at til
(orld ; an
lit' jojiH.
iat ii larjr
h' eiiciny
pear cnie
'troyed,
On' the
fJ*t a coin
nis fop a

harhor

The dij

rt'fv prejt

•gilt canK

^^ tiiiide I

irnu't

I eni-

)l»SC'Ot

a tl

IIH

Icl'!

>ati'U

irniii.ir
lion ot
him.
ll, and

} littlo

British

gb lie

try to

:)re, to

eet the emergency, and filling the openings in his masonry with logs
11(1 .arthwork, he proceeded to make the best of his defences.

A full account of the siege is preserved in the diary of an officer.^

The three sloops of war were so managed as to hold the mouth of

jhe narrow harbour, and baffte every attempt of the enemy's ships to

rcc an entrance. On the 28th, after being several times repulsed,

K' New Englanders succeeded in effecting a landing on the outer

(Ic of the peninsula. This enabled them to throw up two batteries

II rhc licights above the fort, and thus complete its investment ; but

)(■ delay had given tlie British time to mount several guns, and to

vvy \\\} the most necessary stores from the landing place.

Falsely informed that the garrison was short ot provisions, the
I'W Knglanders, perhaps, refrained from attacking in force, waiting
r liiniijrer to do its work and u'ive them an easier victorv ; vet not a
iv passed without some exchange of sbot and shell, some assault or
itif from the fort, or some movement, either aHoat or ashore, to bi-
iltully met by counter-movement, the defenders still continuing to
rniiitlien their works while thev beld tlie enemv at bav.
The situation at Penobscot was known to the militai'v authorities
Halifax ; but their depleted garrison could furnish no relief until
iiitorccments arrived from England, and the exjiedition then sent
t returned to port with some of its shi[)s damaged in a storm off
lai»c Sable.
Ill the meantime, however, while the brave de'enders of the
lobseot post were looking to IFalifax for the help which never
nie. Sir George Collier bad sailed from New York, with a flei-t of
c >liips, to bring more efficient relief.

The beleaiiruered u:arrison was not entirelv shut off from a know-
lire of what was ""oinsT on bevond the enemv's lines. Secret service
en. at the risk of their lives, kejtt up communication with the outside
ilil ; and deserters from the enemy, at an equal risk, from time to
u' ioijied their ranks. From o)ie of the latter thev had learned
at a large number of the loyal inhabitants had been taken on board
enemy's shi[)8, where they were held as prisoners and treated with
vat erneltv, and that the itronertv of these Lovalists had been

^ Lit. *

strovcd, and their wives and children left destitute.

On the 18th of August there came in some deserters, who said
at a council of war had been held on the commodore's shiit to lav
lis tor a decisive action, and that it had been determined to force
■ harbor at next tide, and take or destroy the king's ships.

The disposition of the enemy's fleet confirmed this report, and
en preparation was therefore made for a desperate resistance.
gilt came on, and with it the full tide ; but no aggressive movement

^ nuide by the enemy's ships, and at daybreak it was seen that the

111. .lohn Ciilef, a Massachusetts Loyalist, surgeon and acting chaplain to the

rriMiii

%''t m

(57)

sudden arrival of Sir George Collier's fleet had disconcerted tlj -ir
plans.

The siege was raised with alacrit}'. In the words of one of tho
detendcTs^ —

Tlie rebel Heet never attempted to make a stand, Init ran u\) tiie rivei in
the utmost confusion. Two of their vessels only were taken ; the rest tli.
rascals ran ashore and hurned before our shipping could get up with them
L'nluckily, they had intelligence of oui- fleet the day before, and in the niulitl
time their army got on board their shipping, and took along with them niosi (jf
their cannon and stores.

The prisoners were set at liberty before the ships were burned, jim
the crews made the hest of their wa}' homeward through the wo(»il,>

Tho way in which the burning of the ships is glossed in a news
paper report of 1779 is curiously interesting, since it l)ears a strong!
resemblance to war news of later date : —

The publick may be assured that only two ships have fallen into the etieinyv
iiands. Admiral Staltonstal has taken effectual care to prevent their takiii;'|
any more.

In spite of such deception, the excitable Americans were deeplyj
chagrined by the defeat at Penobscot, and the Loyalists were equallyj
elated. With the aid of the three sloops of war the king's foicejf
hud been able to hold out for twenty-one days against a fleet and aniiTJ
of more than six times their number and strength. The relievingi
fleet was composed of one ship-of-the-line, two frigates, and thieti
smaller vessels. The British loss was seventy men in all — killcii
wounded, and missing. The enemy lost nearly 500 in battle, besi(k>j
their eighteen war vessels, twenty-four transports, and all their equip
ments and stores. After takins: to the woods, the fuifitives fouuii;!
among themselves, seamen and soldiers accusing each other of co^vf
ardice. Many more lives were thus lost ; others perished of famine:
the remainder reached Boston in a most miserable plight.

Penobscot was held unmolested during the remainder of the war.l
and was the last place evacuated by the British troops after the tnanj
of peace.

An otHcer who took a leading part in the defence'*^ thus suni> iij
the result of the crushing defeat : —

It was positively the severest blow received by the American Naval fnraj
during the SVar. The trade to Canada, which was intended, after the exjx i teij
I'eduction of the Post of Penobscot, to be intercepted by this veiy armaiiu'iitJ
went safe that kSeason. The New England Provinces did not for the remaiiiiiiif
perio<l of the contest recover the loss of Ships, and tiie Expence of titinu hu'
the Expedition. Every thought of attempting Canada and Nova Scotiu "ii
thenceforth laid asiiie, and the trade and Transports from the Banks of Nt'«i
foundland along the Coast of Nova Scotia, Ac, enjoyed unusual Security.

' I.KMitt'iiaiit Moore, of the S2(l, or Hamilton KegiiiiKiit, who litui (listii)gni»Iu'(l liiiiii
self for uei'soiial braverv at the coiiiiiU'iicenK'iit of the sieire ; afterwards Sir John M" i'

who eM<le(l a irlorious niiUtarv career, with a soldier's death, at (

oruniia.

Captain Henry Mowat, R. N., commander of the three armed vessels wlnli

successfully held the harbor.

(58)

CANADIAN HISTORY SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

The Names of the Contributors to this Series should be a guarantee of usefulness.

uanifiit.
iiaiiii

till \\

tv.

lu'tl I mm

riif foUowiii'f lire ii few of the cotnmL'iit.x
it sci'ins tn iiu' til lie a most pi-oinisiii^
lliltii. S. IC. JJitir.sdii, LL.I)., Oltilird.

it i-^iiitfi-fstiiij; and >suioto |)iiivc ln'l|it'iil.
/'/■'//. /'K/lt-rsoii, Movh-tiil.

N of great iiitt'ifst ill coiiiuHJtioii uitli
till' »i inly of Canadian liistoi'y. I shall Ik-
I'lail to assist in any uay possililc to luiny'
Mi|)|iliiM»'ntafyrt -ablings siu-h as t licsrw it liin
icacli of tlic (thildruii in oui- schools. ('Iii< /'
,s'»///. />;•. /;/'•//, A'. Ii.

1 must (.•on<^ratnlatt' yon, not only npon
tilt.' conception of such a cotnincndaltU-
t'litfi prise, but upon the success with which
it lias liccn initiated — A*. A', (lo.'oull , l/ihrn-
WKiii /^< i/ii/iifiri' Lilirnri/, lirilisli Co/iiiiihio.

1 like your [jfoject. - /'/v;/'. (i'lt). /irj/cr,
Wiinii/i< If.

Many thanks for tla; very intt^resting
Miiiplilet on (Janadian history to|»ies whii^li

III were kind cMiough to send uie —I'riit.
'ii'oilii , SI. Auilrcir.s, X. II.

Kept up with the s[»iiit and e'Xcellencc

laractcrizinjr the tirst numlier, it surely

iui>t connnand a lar<^e and appreciative

iii|i|Miit -AVr. Dr. Xfdir'it, I). />., I^r<<.

\I'irriii <!(>//f(f(', (Jinhir.

riic various issiu's of the leatlcts will
iiitaiiily prove an accpiisition to the sclntol
' well as to private lil>i'ari(;s.--,S7. ./<i/ni

1„h,.

Tlicy should \\\\\ on their nu-rit a hearty
riii.riiiti<ui an<l su|tport, not only in Xcw
iiiiiswick, hut all over the Dominion.
''. .Inhil Sini.

Tlit'i'e is room in oin- Dominion for this
'iilualile puhlieation, and we hojie to hear
•I it> lieeoniinj; very sucei-ssful. —tjiiilin'

• rniri/.

Tlicsc six papeis(in No. I. ) cover a wide
riiiil of Canadian history and onyht, to
ivc an extensive circulation. -S/. .lohii

''l"irii/ih.

ltfiitui-(> ninnlHMs have the value ami
tt'icst of thi-"* first, thev will he (le.serve<llv
ipnlai'. — Wood^tork />i.yHt/rh.

If the first number of Canadian his
iiy, edited by Mr. (!. L'. Hay, is a fair

iii|iic of what this publication is to Ik-, wc
'mild advise our readers to take this

pill I unity tokci'p |)ostt'il in local history.

Mointun Tranmri/il.

on [..eaflut N'o. 1 :

Mr. C I'. Mays latest move to pidilish
sii|)plements or leallcis in connection with
the /•Jifiirn/iDii'i/ /{iriiii\ ;;;'iviii<r incident?'
and events in Canadian histoi'V will be
hailed with (h'lioht iiy all persons in-
tt.Mcstcd in such sk<'tches, and tlicif nuudiei'
should be le<;ioii. Truro Snii.

'rh(!y will stimulate an interest in and
love for the fascinating study of history. —
\V< i/iiiiiiilh Fr<i /'/•«.>(.>■.

They will kindl(! in the minds of student.--
a stroiiji' and lively interest in Canadian
history. Siintnicrsidi Jonrnnl.

I think the idea of publishing the.se bits
of Canadian history for supplementary
reading is a capital one, and I hope that it
will receive the support which it ileserves.
— M. (JIuinilxrIain, llnrnird Cnirfrsily.

Their purpo.se is primarily for the .school
room but can be appreciated e«pially by
the g<;neral Viiiidcv. /)l;/l)i/ (Joiirur.

These leaflets are not designed to super-
sede the textltooks now in n.se but to pro
\ ide a supplementary <'ourse of readings by
means of which a more comprehensive
knowledge of the hi.story of our country
may lie brought to the minds of our vonng
people. Ill rn-ich It'ii/lsh r.

The tirst uuml)erjustifiesthe expectations
that the series will prove a valuable aid to
teachers and students who have limited
access to liooks and (hx-nments relating to
till- hist oiyof(Janada. Yitrinniilh 'I'l/ii/rmn.

A publi(;ation that should be reoeive<l
with tlie greatest favor. -.SV. .la/iii I'tron/.

'IMiesc contributions to Canadian history
are Itrief but interesting and valuable. —
/'/•0(//'<.>(x.

We could not jii\e better ad\ ice than to
say that it ought to lind a place in every
home in the Dominion. Kiittvilh W'uli/r.

Dr. Houiinot writes on the l.oyalists,
whose saeritices and privations laid the
foundation of so much of the greatness and
prosperity which are the inheiitance of our
people, —i'liivirslli/ Mmilhly.

1 have read with very great iMtere,st and
bcliexe su(th publications may be of vast
benetit in awakening interest in a subject
too apt to be dull. I'riii. A'. Kim/, Sit.sntx.
A'. Ji.

it; % ! I

itered ac

bUQ

' I

ISSUE

jtered iiCcordiiiK to Art of the I'lirliument of Caimdii, in the year 1S9S, by (J. U. Hat,

at tlie DepiirtiiuMil of Aiunieultuif.

buCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

CANADIAN
HISTORY.

NUMBER THREE.

GENERAL COFFIN,

/. Allen Jack, D.C.L.

FORT CUMBERLAND,

James Han flay.

DANVILLE'S EXPEDITION,

Harry Piers.

NICOLAS DENYS DESCRIPTION
OF THE RIVER ST. JOHN,

W. F. Gauong., Ph.D.

INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF
LIEUT. JAMES MOODY,

G. U. Hay, P/i.B.

STORY OF THE BIG BEAVER,

Rev. W. O. Raymond, M. A.

September^ 1898*

ISSUED QUARTERLY.

PRICE 10 Cents.

MRNft * CO., PRINT IN*, IT. JOHN, N. B>

IMPORTANT ANNOUNCEMENT.

THE EDUCATIONAL REVIEW scries of Leafiets on Cui.adian
HiHtory has been planned with the special object of jj^ivini;
detailed accounts of the leadine^ events and persons in Canadian
historv. The series will present from historians of the past and from
original documents, valuable records tliat are inaccessible to students
and schools with limited library priveleges. The passages trom
original authorities will be selected with a view to excite the interest
and pi(pie tlie curiosity of the general reader as well as the students
of our schools, and stimulate them to further research in the source^
of our surpassingly rich collection of historical material. Leadiiii:
historical writers in all parts of Canada, and some in the United
States, have promised their assistance, and tlie result will be that
nearly one hundred different to[>ics will be presented in this series,
dealing in a simple and interesting manner with the most picturesqiii
and important events of our history. The; result will be of incalcul-
able bencHt to the readers of Canadian history, awakening an enthusi
asm and love of country that dry texr-bi)oks and m^//?f>r?7e/' lessons cai:
never arouse.

The Lealiets, of about thirty }»ages each, will be issued quarterly
until the series of twelve numbers is complete.

The subscription price for the series is ONE DOLLAR. Siiiirli
numbers Ten Cents. To encourage their use for su[)plementary rcail
ing in schools, TEN or more will be sent to one address at FIVE
cents each.

Address EDUCATIONAL REVIEW,
ST. JOHN, N. B.

The topics dealt with in thetirst two numbers of the Leaflets aiv
The Physicial Growth of Canada ; The Legend of Glooscap ; ('artier-
First Voyage ; Winter at St. Croix Island ; The Story of Lady L
Tour; Tlie Story of the Loyalists; The ('abots and their Voyagi'
The Settlement of Port Royal; The Physiography of Nova Scoiial
An Acadian Marchioness; A Chapter on Xames ; The Fort Cuniborj
land Summons and Reply ; The Siege of Penobscot.

1 shall be glad to receive your countenance and support in ti
publication of this series. If you enrol your name as a subscriber no4
it will be a guarantee that you wish success to such a worthy cuttrl
prise; and you may pay the subscription when convenient, or \vln:j
you are satisfied that you have obtained the worth of your money.

AH
J>runsw
filed or
i^ called tc
But yet
tlie (Jem
i except h
Prior
I'arf of JS
liuiJding
'leparted

•'^^Hcrei
wjt't' (»iie o]
until the t
|'i(»\ iiice e^
•"^ts of the
tablet i.s cr

It is t(

to recogij

wife is no

'lature or

disregard

death, wh

i'^Iay, alth<

|of New Bi

' 'riie rer

pel. I, ii beaut

'liNtant from

Jfioiii the i()a<

h' tin; tombs.

G. U. HAY, Publisher,
St. John, N.

Veur the

"I' fioiii the {T

GENERAL COFFIN.

HV I. At.l.KN .Ia. K, I). ('. L.

FIVE

in tl.<
her mA

• r will''.
iuey.

ler,

All the old and many ot the young citizens of Saint .lolin, New
l>rini8wick, have lieard of General Coffin, and few tourists have trav-
t'llod on the River Saint John without having had their attention
(jdlod to the site of the Coffin manor at the foot of the Long Reach.
Bui 3'et there are very few persons, even amongst tliose who live near
the (Jeneral's old home in the Province, who know anything of him
I'Xoopt his name and the tradition as to his place of residence.

Prior to the fire whicli, in June, 1877, consumed the greater
{•art of Saint John, including Trinity Churcli, there was in the latter
huilding a mural tablet which helped to keep the memory of the
departed soldier alive. Upon this was inscribed the following :

Sacred to tlie incniory of "vnenil John Coffin and Amu' .Mattln!ws liis
witV one of the first settlers on he River Saint John in the year !7.'^4 and
until tlie time of his death was a member of the I^e^islative Council of this
liidvince ever endeavouring,' to increase the agricultural and conunejcial inter-
ests of the province : he died May IS. \KiH in the Sf) year of his aji;e. This
tahlt't is erected to his memory by his surviving; children.

It is to be regretted that the writer of this was apparently unable
to recognize the fact that the unity existing between husband and
wife is not generally apparent in the discharge of duties in the legis-
lature or of a public character. The inscription, in addition to its
disregard of grammatical rules, is inaccurate as to the date of tlie
death, which occurred on the twelfth, not on the eighteenth day of
May, although the latter might well have been desired by a Loyalist
ot New Brunswick as a fitting time for entering into rest. '

' The remains of (ienerul (.'ottiii lie in the Church of Eiifrluiul burial t^rouiid, West-
Itit'ld, ii beautiful spot on a hill overlooking the St. .lolui Hiver, about ii ((uarter of a !uile
IfliMaut from the site of tlie Coffin manor. To the left, tm entering th«; burial ground
[fioiu the roa<l which runs close by it, two graves are seen with the following inscriptions
|oii the tombstones :

(jp:neral

J. COFFIN
aged 87.

Near the hejid of the graves is an oak tree, a shoot from which — not more than of
Itwo seasons' growth, when the writer visited it in September of this year — has sprung^
Uji from the general's grave near the head. — [Editor.

(59)

NATH'L COFFIN
aged lo.

The OofHiis wore in poHsessioii of Alwiiigton Nfatior in Devonshire.
Eni^lsmd, from tlie time of tlie Xornian Conquest, and it is still lielij
by tlieir descendants. Many nmnibers ot the taniily have oecupi<'(|
conH|)i(;nous positions or distinguished themselves \u r >,ny ways. In
1520, one Sir William Collin, having discovered that a certain priest
had refused to hury a cor[»se until the only cow of tlie deceased was
delivered to him as a burial fee, caused the cleric to be place<l in the
grave and to be nearlv, if not entirelv, covered with the exhumed soil.
Instead of being punished for this ecclesiastical offence, tlie kniglif
was enabled to effect through his influence in parliament a needed
change in relation to l)urial fees. Upon the restoration of the royal

ai^^^^^go^-^

"%m^

OtAcst House at'nanTutki't Built IWU
U pir TrisTram Coitin.

family, Colonel Tristram Cotiin, then Governor of Plymouth, wln'
had fought against the crown during the war of the rebellion.
embarked for America and settled with his family at Newburyporf.
Massachusetts. He left his only daughter in England, to secure, ill
possible, his inheritance. She married a Mr. Pine, who took the name
of Coffin, and their descendants, the Pine-Coffins, are in occupation otj
the old estates to-day.

(60)

Ill
)rir>'

, \v;i«

n thr
. soil,
iiiirlif

roval

wli
el lion,
yport,
urc, it
nurae
•ion ot

Xatlianiel Collin, of tlio Aincrican braiicli, was a inonliaiit j»os-
M'sscd of sonic nioans, and casliirr of customs at IJoston, Massacliii-
sett-. He took the side of the crown during the American Kevolntion,
>iitrt'rcd fi^reatly from loss of property, and was ni'ver reimhnrscd.
lie liad four sons and sovcral daiiu'liters. The eldest son, Nathaniel,
a siicccHsfnl lawyer, having, with his l>rothcr next to iiim in ai^o,
a»islcd in cuttintj down a liherty pole, was ohli<;ed to seek safety in
tlitjlit from IJoston. The fourth son, Isaac, (lie<l a British Admiral and
r.arnnct in 18.'U), at the ripe aire of eiii"lity-two years.

John, the third son of the elder Nathaniel, and the suhject of this
^k('t( li, was horn in T^)ston in 17")(). lie took to the sea at an early
jiifc, and evinced sucli ajititude for his callini^ that he hecame a
iiiitstcr mariner when he was hut eighteen years old. In 177.") ins
\(-s(l was employed as a transport, and iiaving on i)oard tlie greater
]i;irt of a regiment and also (Jenerai liowe, reached Boston on tiie
liltccnfii of June. Tiie troops were landed under Buid<er Hill, and
tlic hattle, i»earing tiiat name, liaving commenced, tiie ("olonei invited
tlu' young sailor 'Mo come up and see tlie fun." He promptly
arcjited tlH» invitation, and, armed with tiie only availahle weapon, a
tilliT, soon secured the musket ot an American soldier, whom lie had
('11('(1 to tiie eartii, and used it to i:;oo(l effect. Indeed iiis couraire
aiMJ capacity were so conspicuous on tiiis occasion tliat (Jenerai (lago?
t'l whom lie u as presented at tlie dose of tiie action, made iiini an
ensign on tiie field, and soon after lie was promoted to a lieutenaiwy.
IK' liad i)een promised l)y Sir William Howe that, if lie would go to
^^'\v Voric and raise four iiundred men for tiie royal service, tiiey
slioiild he jtlaced under ills command. He raised and commanded a
Cniiipany in tiie King's Orange Rangers altout tiie heginning of tiie year
l"7tl, and iie served in tiiis corps iintii 177H, wiien lie exchanged into
iW Xew York Volunteers. He took part in thehattles of Long Island
111 1777, of German Town and Saint Lucie in 1778, of Briar's Creek in
lull, and of Camden in 1780. Tiicre are no extant details of his
xitloits in these, hut in tlie accounts of tiie liattles of Hampton,
hilikirk's Hill and Eutaw S[)rings in 1781 liis heroic conduct is
Hy recognized and de8crii)ed. In his ohituary notice in a Saint
"liii pa}ier it is also stated tiiat he had taken part in the battle of
iavamiah and in the action at Cross Creek. Coflin's cavalry, which
irived its name from hini as its leader, was generally dreaded and

(01)

often avoided by the revolntionistM, and $10,000 was oiKen'd for tin
head of the obnoxious otHtcr. Tn 17SI, when atteniptinu; (birini; w.u
to enjoy tlie (h'li<i;lits of love at the lionic of William Afatthews.
Saint .folin's Island, ('harleston, he was tracked by the enemy, and
only avoided being ('a|iture(l by eoncealing himself l)enc'ath thelidn]
skirts of the (hmghter of his host, Miss Anne \[atthe\vs, who suh-c
quently be<'ame his wife. On one oceasjion, when making one di;
many forays, he visited a honse where a wedding was about to li
held, and having Ix-en furnished by the proprietor with sujiplies tiiii
liis eorps, on Ixnng invited, renuiined tor the festivities and daiiccMl
with the bride. At the close of the war he had reached no higher
rank than that of major, ami it is supposed that his [iromotion \va-
opposed in ('onse(iuen('e ot his having exposed the cowardice of a
natural son of George II I, and thereby incurred the ill-will of timi
monarch. Lord Cornwallis, Lord William Howe, Lord Uawdon lun
the Manpiis of Hastings exerted themselves to overcome the obstina-v
of the king, but to no jMirpose.

Li May, 17S4, Major Cotfin, with his wife, two children, three black
men and one black woman arrived in New Brunswick and proeeedd
to occupy the pro}»erty alrea<ly mejitioned, which he named Alwingtdi:
Manor after the family seat in England. Here he commenced a career
of usefulness which oidy terminated with his life. He was, at ditl'er-
ent periods, a nicmber of the Assembly and of the Legislativt* Couiieil.
su})erintendent of Indian schools, and chairman of (^>uarter Sessions.
He imported stock aiul seeds and improved agricultural implemeiitN
not only for himself and his temints. but to distribute among hi-
neighbors. Nor were his benetits limited to the Province, for in ]X'3
the Massacliusetts Society for Promoting Agriculture thanked hini fer
"a fine stud horse of the light cart breed," and made him an honoran
mend)er of the association. In 180:i Col. (/otlin went to Euixland aii'i
was presented at Court, where, with his handsome face and tine figiui.
six feet two inches in heigiit, he seems to liave made a lavoraMt
impression upon the mind of the king.-' He was otlered, but declineil

'In the St. .Iitliii (Itr.illt of Apiil 'J(»tli, 17!*!t, is the followiiij: |iiitiij.ria|th : "Cul. Inh
('oHiii, of this I'roviiiee, is appointed a Hti<.''a(liei-j;eneral to cuniinand on the Newt uiii
land Station. "

■■'The St. .lolni (iir.ifli of Deecinher KMli, |S(i:{, has tlic folio\vini_r : " .\inono- tlic hki:'
niihtary pi-oniotions tliat liave lately taken place in IOn<fland, we aie plea.sed to tiii'l li
names of Colonels CoHin anil Armstronjr, hothof this I'rovince, who are advanced titlKJ
rank of Major-general."

(62)

:i iT'^iniont ; but in 181:i li" rainod and ()l)taiiio(l cotniiiand of a l)odv
ot (i'lO nicn wliicli, iiiidor tlio name of tliu Xow lirmiswick Kc'iK'il)K»s,
served to protect tlic iiroviiicc diiriiiif tlie ahscnco ot the l<>4tli lici^i-
loeiit ill Ujipcr (-aiiiida. Prior to 1<S20 lie made several visits to
Kniiliiiid, always rL'tiirnin«^ to tlie Province witli the sjirinic. lie had
ton iliildren, of wlioni oitjlit lived to nuiturity, lii>- chk'st son dyini^
ill Is.'tO, a (.'eneral in tlie Jioyal Artillery, and two of his sons liavini^
atfaiiu'd in tlie Roval Xavv, one to the rank of Admiral, the other to
tliat of Vice-Admiral.

Sahine, in " Notes on |)uelsan<l I)nellinLj," states that in a duel
lictween ('olonel Canii»l»ell, of tlie Pritish service, and Mjijor Cofiin,
ill Xew York, in 1 7S-'}, the laUer was wounded in the ^roin.' In the
same W(trk a cartel IVom the latter forwarded and addressed in iSlS
t(i Pohert Parker, (-omptroller of ('ustoms. Saint dolin, N. P., is set
dill as follows :

''SiK, I liiive tlic lioiioiU' to coiiiimniicate the fidlowiiij; note leeeised from

Ivmir son Ncvil last Sunday inoiiiiiiL,'. I fini not in the liahit <»t' entertaining

yiiiiiii,' ifentleinen at this i iirdiiriiiirnt jtlncr. Iiiit, sir, }i<i rlmri i' ; m> ri mhrfin'

ipsfiihtii'ii/ n(/iiinsf 1/(111, and our a,i;es l)eini( more (Mjual, if voii will attend me

iil">ii a party of pleasure to Moose Island I shall Im^ very happy to ent«'rtain

Vdii. I r<'<,'n;t very nuich that I i-arniot olfer you a passai,'e in tin* schooner

Miiitiii, as she is at pi'csent out of eonnnission.

" F have the honour to lie, sir, with the \itmost consideration,

" ^'our most obedient humlde servant,

"John Coll TAf."

It is interestiiiij to note that Robert Parker's son, to whom the

writer of the above refers, was the late Honorable Neville Parker,

Master of the Rolls, and brother of the late Chief Justice Parker.

J III conclusion, it may be mentioned, as an instance of the (ienertirs

t;;t-treni::tli and couraife, that on one occasion when |)r()eeedin«^ in a

Ipvliale boat to Saint flohn from the manor, with liis youn»^est daui^li-

Itcr, six or eii^ht vears of nuc, and a boatman, he attacked and killed

In bear which had taken to the river to escape its pursuers, the otdy

^voapons l)eing an oar and the sprit or boom of the sail.

'Oil Kctiruarv '-T*! li, I7!>7. a duel was finivrht near KrciU-i ictou l»ftwecii ( 'ol. .Ftdui
"Hill and .lanu'.s (ilciiic, iu \\lii(;li tin; latter was slightly wniiiidcd. The St. .Jolm </'r.»7/<-,
"iiiiiiciitiii^ on the iiieideut, Hays: "Tlie couteudiuj; parties on this occtiMiou hehavud in

f^'iy iMiiiit with the strietoHt honour aud distiu<;uished thuiusolves as ^ruutluiuun and

nii'ii uf valour."

(03)

FORT CUMHKHLANI).

|{\ .Iamks H.wnav.

Fort Cuinborlaiid is t}»e name wliicli \va8 gfivon by tlio Kiiglisli t
tlio Froiicli Fort of Ik'aus.'joiir wlion tlioy cai>tijro(l it in 17'>r), and
1 HC'lecl thii foriiRT iiainc aw tlio title of this article hocaiisc. wliiL
liosiurtt'joiii'only oxistod for about five years, Fort Oiirnberlaiid lias bin
known bv tliat desii^nation for about a eenturv and a balf. Besiiis.^
jour bad its orii^in in tbe claim of Frantx' tliat wben Acadia was cetltii
to Great IJritain in 1 7U3, under tbe terms of tbe Treatv ot I'trccbt, tin
words, " Nova Scotia or Acadia comprebended witbin its ancicn;
boundaries," oidy referred to tbe peninsula of Nova Scotia, and tbat tlii
part of ancient Acadia now known as New Brunswick still belonucil
to Fraiu!e. Tbe same claim ba«l been made on bebaltof (be Englisl,
in l(i(»7 wben Acadia was restored to France by tbe Treaty of Brcdii,
but it was not allowed. Tbe Frencli bad always maintained tbat tin
River Kennebec was the western boundary of Acadia, and this claiii;
was put forward by Governor Villelmn of Acadia as late as tbe yea:
1(11)8 in a letter written to T.ieutenant Governor Stouii^bton of Massa
cliusetts. Tbus, accordinui; to tbe Frencb view of tbe matter, tlie ml
of Acadia depended on its ownersbip, Wben tbey lield tiie title toi:
Acadia extended to tbe Kennebec, but wben it passed into tlie po>
session of tbe Englisb it sbruidv so mucb tbat it only consisted of tin
territory eom[)rised in tbe modern [)rovince of Nova Scotia, and it;
boundary was tbe Misseuuasb.

Any one wbo looks at a map of tbe ^^aritime provinces will seeii
a moment tbat the isthmus which connects the provinces of New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia is a position of great strategic importaiitr
even at the present day. and tbat before the itivention of railways aiiii|
steamboats it was still more commandins: than it is now. F'or nearh
eighty years it bad been the site of a prosperous settlement, which liai
become populous and wealthy and sent out many of its young mo
to establish other settlements in its vicinity. But in 1 749 a chaiii;
came. The French government at (Quebec resolved to erect a ])airuj
on tlie isthmus to resist the advances of the Enijlish : and in tbe autnm
of tbat year M. la Corne, a French ofKeer, arrived at Cbigneeto wit
seventy regular soldiers and a number of Canadian irregulars ain:j

(64)

lirth till
'), aiul|
, wliiifi
is bi'i'i

:ht, til.
[im-ioii;!
liiit tlul
loilU'i'il

Bri'da,

Imt tlk

J claim

he you;

Mas>;i

lie slz

le to'

]\V [HI

oftl,
and

1 scoi:

f XrV

>rtaii*i
;iys ail'
near!;
ich 1)11'

icr nil'!.

cliaiii:'
l)aiTie'
iiutuiiii:
;t() will
[irs anil

lu'iran to establinli liiinr<«'lt' tliore. Nothing of iri»|u)ifaiico was doiio
that year, but in tlie spring of 1750 t}ie erection of Heausi'jom* was
connnenced, and it was hardly completed when captnred hy the Kng-
lisli five years later. The site chosen by the French for this stroiig-
h(»l<l was well chosen, for nature itself would seem to have intended it
for a great fortress. Less than a mile from the month of the Misseguash
River and rising high above the nnirsh is a long hill, a narrow ridge
of land extendinfj towards the north east. On the most southerlv
point of this ridge Beaus»'lour was erected, a fort of tive bastions, star-
slia|»e(l, and capable of accommodating eight iiundred men. It was
provided with casemates, jind mounted thirty guns. In connection
with Heaus«')our, the French constructed a complete system of defences
for the northern jjortion of Acadia.

At Bale Verte, twelve miles distant, they had a small fort, which
they named Fort Gaspereaux. It was close to the sea shore on the
northern side of the bay, and was used as a depot for goods coming to
Beaiisejour from Louisbourg and (Quebec. It mounted six guns and
hail a garrison of from fifteen to thirty men. At Pointe )i Buot,
midway between Beausejour and Bale Verte there wan a block house,
irarrisoned by thirty men, and there were guards at Shepody, IShediac
and one at two other i)oints. At the River St. John there was a
dotachment of seventy or eighty men, besides Indians. This line of
posts formed a continuous chain from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to St.
John; and Beausc-jour could at any time be reinforced, either by way
of the Gulf from Louisbourg or from the River St. John, without the
English at Halifax or Annapolis having any notice of it.

The English authorities at Halifax naturally viewed the erection
of Beaust^jour with extreme disfavor, and it was resolved to meet the
I'lncru-encv bv the buildin": of another fort on the south side of the
Misseguash River. As a preliminary step. Major Lawrence, in April,
17.")0, went to (Jhignecto with a force of 400 men, about half of them
regiihirs, to build a block house in the vicinity of the French village
of Beaubassin. As soon as the English made their appearance the
French inhabitants abandoned their dwellintjs and crossed over to the
north side of the Misseguash, a!ul as soon as they had done this, the
Indians, who were acting under the orders of the commandant of
Beausejour, set fire to the deserted houses, 1-40 in number, and
destroyed them. This forced emigration was ordered by Le Loutre,

{ 65 )

a pr'u'st, w lio was actiiij^ aH the agent of the French government at
(^ue])ec'. Thus were more tlian 1000 persons driven from tlieir hom.s
and compelled to seek shelter inider the walls of Heanst-jour, whi( li
then ami Inter liecanie the rallying \h)\u\ of all the Frencli iiihahitaiii>
who hiid tied t'rom that portion of Acadia whicli tlie Freneli admitttd
to ])elong to England.

As the removal of tl»e Frencli inliahitants of Beauljassin had
rendered tlie hnildinir of a ])lock liouse tliere unnecessary, Lawreinr
returned w'Mi his force to Minas, after eX( hanging communication^
witli LaCorne, the commander at Beausi'jonr, who claimetl all north ot
the Missejruasli as French territorv. lint in tlie ocL'^inning of Sep-
tend)er of the same vear, I.awrence returned to (Miignecto witii a
larger force, consisting of the48tli Regiment and 1500 men of tlie 4;')ili
KeL''inient. The Indians and some of the French inliahitants wcn'
rash enough to oppose the landing of this strong hody of troo[ts, hut
were driven off after a sharp skirmish in which the English lost ahout
liO killed and wounded. On an elevation a short distance south nt
the Misseguash River, Lawrence commenced the erection of a i»icketc(l
fort, with hlock houses, which was named after himself. Here a
garrison of r)00 men was maintained until after the fall of lieaust^jour.
Engliind and France were nominally at peace when Fort Eawreiirc
was huilt, hut there was seUhmi peace in Acadia as long as the Frriuli
had a fo(>thold there.

The English colony in Xova Scotia was very weak, most (»f tlic
inliahitants of tlijit province heing French. The Frencli held Louishouiir
and the whole ishunl of Cape Breton ; they likewise ]>ossessed <^ueh('c
and all Canada, so that the capture of Beau lur soon hecanic a
neeessit}' unless British power in Acadia was wholly to disappear,
Accordingly, in the autumn of 17r)4, steps were taken to recruit a
sufKcient force in New England to ensure the desired result. Lawrenco
was then (Jovernor of Nova Scotia, a'ld he sent Lieut. -Colonel Moncktnii
to Boston to confer with (Jovernor Shirlev of ALissachusetts as to tlic
arrangements necessary to be made. Two battalions of New Frglaml
troops, numbering about 2000 men, were enlisted for the i^roposcd
expedition and placed under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Winslcw
and Lieut.-Colonel Scott. A sutHcient number of vessels was obtained
at Boston to convey this force (o Nova Scotia, and on the 'J8rd Mav,
176;"), it set sail for its destination. At Annapolis -SOO vetenins of tlio
^;)th Regiment wery taken on board, and a small train of artilleiy.

( «(5 )

and Clr

(lay all t

" Fort

ri'ii'iilars
hut seve
the garr
tit' its gn
measure.'
captured
establish
river a n
liiidging
and on t
tfencdies
finued iii
that ther
lie has I
withotit
(lOve
<'uiiil)erli
ifarrison.
the last
toJIowed
America,
Diirin
attacked
Kddy, wl
leii'islaturi
o\' Mauge
./ New Eni
i who wen
177(5, and
ill eommt

illtllOllirJi

Hear Fort
lliially (1;
inarines ii
Thus eiuh
was in vol'
Nova Sco
i's<|ue ruir
never mor

' Siiiiimi

aiul Oiignecto was reached on the 2!id of June. On tlie following

(liiv all the troops were landed and ('arn[)ed ahoiit Fort Lawrence.

Kort Beaus('jour was then under the comnuind of M. du C/lnunhon

,lr N'crger, a great grandson of Charles de la Tour, llis force of

rciriilars for tlie defence of the place was small, not exceeding "JOO men,

Iiiit several hundred Acadians had ])ee»i called into the fort t(; assist

rlic garrison. Heaus«'jour could not he assailed from the front hecause

i>\' its great elevation ai)ove the marsh, so Monckton ]»roceeded to take

iiiciisnres to attack it from the rear. On the 4th dune, the Knglish

caittiired the hlock liouse at I'ointe a Buot, and crossed the Misseguash,

t'staiiiishini!: themselvi's the same eveninir on the north side of that

rivci' a miie and a half Irom the tort. A week was cxjH'uded in

luidiiini' the Missei;ua>h and irettinj; tlii' cannon and mortars across,

ami on the morning of the 13th tire was o[iened on tlie fort from the
iitiiclies at a distance of 700 feet. Cannon and mortar tire was con-
riiiiicd until the l»!th, when Verger surrenderc(l, after having learned
tliai tlieri'was no i>rospect of any help reaching iiim from IiOui>l>oiirg.
Ii!' lias heen much censured hy French writers tor this, hut apparently
witlidut Just cause, for his means of defence were entirely inadecpiate.

(iovernor Lawrence changed the name of Beaust'jour to Fort
Ciniiherland and t'or numy years it was occupied hy an Englisli
L^arrison. A small force of regulars was there until after tlie close of
the last war with the Ignited States, in ISIl'-L'i. Along ))eace
tujldwed that contest : there was no war going on either in Europe or
America, and the garrison of Fort Cumherland was withdrawn.

During tlie war of the vVmerican revolution Fort Cumherland was
attacked hy a party of rehels from New England under Jona'.lian
Ktldy, who had heen a resident of Nova Scotia and a memher of the
li'uislature. He was jissisted in his ai tempt hy twenty-tive residents
ot' Mauger\ille under Ca|»t. (^uinton, all of whom were originally from
Xcw England and symi>athi/ed with their friends in Massachusetts
wiio were in rehellion. Eddy appeared hefore Fort Cumherland in
IT7t!,and summoned it to surrender, hut Iiieut.-(/ol. (lorham, who was
in ('(niimand tliere, treated this summons with contempt.' Eddy,
iiltlioiigli aided hy the Lidians and hy some of the settlers who lived
near Fort Cumherland, was unahle to accomiilish anything, atid was
liiially driven ofl' and compelled to take to tlie woods ])y a force of
marines under Major liatt. which were lamU'd from a British warship.
Tims ended the last warlike operations in which Fort Cumherland
was involved, and with it ihe hopes of those wlio expected to make
NOva Scotia one of the United States. Tlie old fort is now a pictur-
t'S(|ne ruin, and it is to he hoped that the iiorrid sounds of war may
never niore disturh theheautifui and fertile region winch it commands.

' 'SiiniinoMN and iitiswer are ^ivcii in full iii 'in. 2, patfc ').'<, nf tlii^ sciieH (if readiiijjH.

(•i7)

D'ANVILLE'S 3^]XPP:D1TI0X.

By Hakkv I'lKiis, A^s^^t. Liliiiiiiiu) lA'<risl;iti\t' Lilnaiy, Halifax, X. S.

Early in 1745, Governor Shirley of Massachusetts formed a bold
plan to cajtture Louisbourg, atid so strike a telling ])low at French
rule in America. Four thousand New England troo}is, raw, but liill
of courage and enthusiasm, were sent on tliis mission under com-
mand of an untried militia colonel named Pepperell. Commodore
Warren was ordered to support the provincials with the small squadron Ji
under his command.

To one experienced in warfare, this hastily raised exjjedition woul*] j
seem doomed to certain failure, (iood fortune, however, followed the |
New Knglanders ; and the French commandant, Du Ohambon, aft(M'
stnnding a siege of seven weeks, raised the white Hag and asked
for terms.

The news of the fall of the Dunkirk of America threw France into
the utmost dismay, and she also felt keen mortiiication at having thii>
surrendered to a poorly equipped force of undisciplined colonists.
Consternation and chagrin, however, soon gave way to desire for
revenge, and plans for retaliation were (juickly formed. The fortro>-
must be immediately recaptured, and Annapolis and Boston demolished.
It should be England's turn to feel tlie stings of humiliation.

To guard against the least possibility of failure, most elal)oratc
preparations we're n)ade. An iramense fleet was mobilized at Brest,
and, although its destination was kept secret, the British colonies in
America easily surmised that it was to be directed against them, and
conse([uently they were filled with deep apprehension.

This fleet consisted of eleven ships of the line, mounting from fit'tv
to sixty guns each, twenty frigates, and about thirty-four transports,
fire-ships, etc.,- some sixty-five vessels in all. Over three thousand
troops were on board, with large stores of arms and ammunition.
Such an armament had never before sailed for America ; well might
the colonies tremble before so large a force.

The commander was M. de la Rochefoucauld, due d'Anville, lui
experienced naval officer, who had spent the greater part of his lilo
in the service of his king. Throughout the hardships of a naval lite
he had retained the elegance of manner and artistic temperament ot

(08)

the illuf
as a ma

Aft(
winds d
month (
naught

At ]
the dest
and for
lowed b
ning, an
vvounde(

Toil
the over
disease :
most fai
admiral
exhaustc

It W£

America

Isle of Si

from en(

heights.

mingled

of the tn

soul. TV

with und

from the

could rea

a hulk \

abated, a

in compa

The 8

the fleet

constant :

found he

only hop

' The d
'k.> found in

the illiistrions family to which ho belcMiged, and he has been described
as a man made to command and worthy to be loved.

After gathering at lirest, the Heet went to Rochelle, where liead
I winds detained it nntil late in June. At last on the eleventh of that

)oM 'I ni<»'<^l' (old style),' the squadron put to sea. Little did it dream that -

noli i iiiinght but misfortune awaited it. I

\\^\\ I At first rough water was met in the Bay of Biscay, resulting in

'oni- I the destruction of spars and sails. Then a region of calm was entered,
lore I ii'id for days hardly a league's progress was made. The calm was fol-
Irdii i lowed by a thunder storm in which several ships were struck by light-
J ning, ammunition blown up, and a number of men thereby killed or
oultl i I wounded.

til,, I To increase the distress, a most severe sickness broke out among

r^ft(>i flie overcrowded crews and troops, and the men died by scores. The

skill [ I disease is supposed to have been scorbutic fever and dysentery of a

; most fatal character. As the deaths incrensed in number, the

i,)t(» admiral became more and more anxious. Provisions also were nearly

tliii, exhausted, and starvation seemed imminent.

ni^t^ It was not until the beginning of September that the fleet readied

» {•)!• American waters. On the third of that month, when near the dreaded
l^,.j,,.. fslc of Sable, a terrific storm broke upon the ships. Thunder crashed
•In,,! from end to end of the lieavens, and the waves ran to j^rodigious

heights. Soon everything w^as confusion. Wind-drowned orders
mingled with the noise of tearing sails and whistling cordage. One
of the transports dashed into another vessel and foundered with every
soul. When night came the terrors increased, the tempest raging
with undiminished fury. Next morning, only five sail could be seen
from the deck of the frigate " Prince d'Orange," and as far as the eye
could reach the sea was covered with wreckage. A 26-gun ^hip lay
){)rts, i a hulk without spars or rudder. Gradually, however, the storm
abated, and the fleet closed m until thirty-one ships were once more
j,,,i. I in company.

The storm was succeeded by several days of heavy fog, in whicli
the fleet lay off and on, and collisions were only prevented by the \

constant firing of guns and other signals. At length the admiral
8 lifo K found he was accompanied by only two of his squadron. He could
1 lite H only hope that the others were safe. He was now close to the

nt ot ^ ' The dates in this article are old style. New style daten — eleven days later — will

'•0 found in French accounts.

(69)

onitr
Jrcst.

es in
and

fiftv

, !'"

IJay of Cbobuc'to, since known «as TFalifax harbor, wliic^h liad ha-u
chosen as the ronde/A'ous of tlio Hoet. An English prisoner who IkkI
hoasto<l tliaf he was ac([iiaintc(l witli the coast, was forced to act a>
pilot on penalty of hein*^ tossed over])oar(l with a couple of caniicn
halls at his feet. Before nightfall the three ships cast anclior within
the spacions l)ar])or, after a disastrous an<l protracted voyage (
ninety-one days. Only one of his shij)s, a transf)ort, was awaiting hii
when he arrived. Three ships of the line and a frigate that riad hcf
detached some time before to convoy some merchantmen to the West
Indies, had ])een onh'ri'd to rejoin the squadron at Chebucto. Tliey hat
arrived tliere some time j)reviously, but not finding the belated fled.
had sailed for France only a few days liefore.

D'Anville was broken-liearted. His misfortunes and the weiiilit
of responsibility had affected him ileeply, and were now bccoiiu'
unbearable, lie saw about liim but four shattered sliips of that grai
armada that had so confidently hoisted sails at Brest. What liini
become of tlie others, lie knew not. Disease was rapidly unmanniiiL'
his ships. The very curse of lieaven seemed to follow him. lie \\a>
a l)rave man, and an eye-witness says he luid borne the reverses with
manly fortitude. Now, however, only ruin was before him. At twi
o'clock on tlie night of September Ll7th he suddenly died, probably n-
apoplexy. There were those, however, in the fU>et who whisiieir,!
tliat poison had ended his many troubles.

On the afternoon of the same day st^veral sliips entered tlie harboii!
and cast anchor. It was the vice-admiral d'Kstournel with anotli<i
])ortion of the scattered fleet.

On tlie following morning at dawn, a solitarv boat bearini]: a deai!
l)ody and a number of oflicers ])ulled to Isle Ka(|Uette, now Oeorgc-
Island, and there beneath the trees were unceremoniously laid ili'
remains of tlie unhappy "Miimander. His Iieart was removed antl
subse(iuently de{>osited ii. die tomb of his ancestors. The name it
the island was changed to Isle d'Anville, and the Indians wt n
instructed never to sjieak of it save by that name.

A council of war was summoned to meet on the vi^3e-admirar
ship, " Le Trident," on the day succeeding the burial of d'Anville. iii
ordei to discuss the situation and form plans. The frightful condiiiiti
of the fleet was patent to all. Only some seven ships of the liii'
remained, the admiral was dead, and the men were dying by hundrxU

aijifated,
at night
and he w
and mor
Ordering
{•anion
the last f
saying th
' inand of
:' dead.
The c
"f Caiuid;
d'Anville
ahility he
of excel I (
life he ]
enemies
iiiidauiite
For tl
m the th
shore, tJK
tlie deatl

Fo.st

L'l

( 70 )

»eoii
lia*l
;t ib
lion
thin

him
aeon

Vest
•lia.l
fleet.

?ii:'lii
:;oiiH'

;raii'i
t ha^l
mini;-

will.
t tu>
)lv f^t

Mill'

[)tlhr

.1 tin
llic "■

\vrn

liiii ■

lo. ii;

:liii«»i

e liiK'

Aliont twelve or tlnrteen Imiulrod nu-n had heon hnried at sea, and
tlic terrihle fatality still continued. Such a fleet was in no state to
enter upon the work for which it had heen intended, particularly as
the season was now late.

Aiuong^ the papers of the late admiral was found one in the kini^'s
liaiid-writinsc instructiuir d'Anvillc to first direct liis I'orcc aiz'ainst
Loiiishourg. This the council decided was now impossible, hut it
was thought tliat Aniiaj>olis at least might he captured. ])'Estournel,
(loiihtles.s disiiirited l»v the many calamities that lia<l befallen the
cxi'cdition, vehemently opposed such a pntject and recommendc«l they
siiould sail for France alter taking fresh water and provisions. All
the land and sea olMcers considcn-d it dishonorahlc to return thus
without having struck a single hlow. ]| i^ said the debate lasted
seven liours' and ended in the defeat of the vice-admiral's proi>()sition.

A.t the conclusion of the meeting, d'Kstouriicl, exceedingly
agitated, entered his cabin and bolted the door. About two o'clock
at night groans were heard from within. The door was broken down
and he was found lying mortsUly woundcfl. In a delirium of despair
and mortification he had run liimscU through with his dwii sword.
Ordering liis captains on board, he said to them, "(lentlemen, 1 beg
lianhui of God and the king lor what I have done, and I protest to
the last that my only design was to prevent my enemies from one day
saying that I had not executed the king's orders. I resign the com-
iiiaiid of the fleet to M. de la JoiKprK-re." in twenty hours he was
ijcad.

The command now M] upon Marquis <le la doiHiuit're, governor-elect
et' Canada, a man who had si'cn a guod deal of active service. Unlike
tlAuville, La .foiKiuic'rc belonged to a family of little fortune, but })y
aiiility he had raised himself into jn'omineiice. lie was of tall stature,
<it' excellent physi(pie, and had an imposing air. .Mthongh hiter in
lit'o he proved to be unscrrupuious in sonu' matters, yet liis worst
enemies could not accuse him ot beinu' anvthiiiic but a man of
'iiidaunted couras^e.

F(U- the present nothing could be doiu' until the sickness through-
out the fleet had somewhat abated. The men had been encamped on
>li'>re, the sick being jilaced in large tents formed of old sails, but still
tile deaths continued. According to the deposition of an English

' FomUm, all iCiiglisli |ii'i.soiifi', Mtiilt". tliiit til* iiicil was lii-lil (liiiiiij; two (lays,

(71 )

)

jirisouer, 11J}."> men dicil wliilc tlio licit was in tlie harbor. I'lic
Micinacrt, wljo wore enranipcd iioar, bocaine infected and also died in
great numbers. Kresb provisions were sujiplied in abundance by the
Acadians, who, it seems, bad a i)atb\vay across tlie province. Tliciv
is little doubt that the French juiest, Le Loutre visited Chebucto ami
conferred with the commander regarding the condition of the flcot
and the assistance that would be turnished by the French of Miiiii>
atid other parts of the province. Kamesay with a force of nearly
seven hundred men had been sent trom Canada under orders toi
co-operate with d'Anville, and his presence in the c(nintry tended to
eml)()ld(n tlie Acadians, whose animosity tf» the Knglish had bceiij
stimulated to the utmost by Lc Jioutre and his emissaries.

The liritisli by this time had succeeded in gaining knowledge nt|
the presence of tlie Fixncli lleet on the coast. Karly in September a
sea captain reported at Louisbourg that he had seen the squadron.
The Fnglish forts were strengtbctied as much as possible aiid tli.'
garrisons anxiously awaited the attack which was daily expected.

Fiiuilly La .Ionqui«'re decided to move immetliately agaiiis'l
Anna}iolis. Some accounts state that his departure was hurried b\ ii
report that a British squadron under Admiral Lestock was expected
on tlie coast. Only a thousand men were now fit for service siiid
deatlis were occurring daily. One frigate had remaining only oiit-
seaman to a gun. La /onquicre nevertheless gave orders lurl
the embarkation of the troops and made other preparations tiir
sailing.

On October 7th and 8th, the sick were placed on board five vessol>|
wliich were to serve as hospitals, and the following day the healiln
troops were also embarked. On the 11th an Acadian brought W(inii
tliat Annapolis had been reinforced, whereupon a secret council \vii«
held. Tlie same day there arrived a ship from Louisbourg under a tlai'l
of truce. She brought a number of i)risoners for exchange, althoiiirl:
her real mission was to ascertain the number of the French fleet anl
the condition of the forces.

La Jonquicre intended to sail on the 1 2th, but the wind was too hiirl'
On that day " La Parfaite," which seems to have been a fifty-<;unj
ship, was condemned and burned, after liaving been stripped and hanleii
on shore. A prize snow from Carolina, an Antigua prize, and soniej
fishing schooners were also burned after liaving unloaded. It is pro-l

(72)

)

hid.

is pnH

Imlily tlio ronmiiiB of tliose sliips that are in lii'dt'ord Basin near the
Tlirri'-inile lionso, and also close to Navy Island.

Tiie weatlier on the morning of tlie l.'Uh was nion' favoraMe, and
jictordingly the entire Heet, consisting of seven sail of tiic line, twenty-
throi- frigates or transj)orts, two snows, two Itrigs, a dogger, four
Hcliooners and tliree sloops, lioisted sail at sunrise, and soon after stood
for sea, hefore a fair wind from the north. On hoard tlie ships were
lifty Acadians from Minas who were to act as pilots wlien the fleet
approached Annajtolis. Tlie day after tlie fleet put to sea, several
small craft were despatched to France. Deaths still took [dace, and
an eye-witness states that each day he saw a great nuniher of corpses
cast into the waves.

On the 14th, a heavy east-south-east gale hurst ujion tlie flci^t.

The storm was succeeded hy a calm and a thick fog, in wiiich tiie ships

lu'canie separated. During the night of the ir)th a council was held

|!(ii l)(iard the flag-ship, at which the officers, utterly dispirited, decided

itii abandon finally the expedition and return immediately to France.

The tlag of truce witli the exclianged }»risoners, and also the Acadian

jilots, were accordingly dismissed tiie next day. Xo intinuition was

-iven tliem, however, of the alteration in tlie commander's j)lans.

The course of the tieet was tlien changed. Misforfuiu; still toll()we<l

it. and on Octo]>er 24th anotlier storm was encountered and tiie ships

iiiraiii scattered. Deaths were still frequent, and it was even feared

fthat there would not ultimately he enough healthy seamen to work

Ithe ships. The condition of the troops was equally as had, and of

iclovon com})anies only ninety-one men were reported free from sickness.

^ It is said that two of the detached ships entered Annapolis Dasiii

Uvliere thev exitected to meet the rest of the fleet ; hut on not findiiiir

tlic latter, and seeing a British ship of the line and a frigate ancliored

jiii the hay, they imme<liately retired.

Oil Novemher '26tli, after a voyage of forty-four days, a portion
iofthe fleet reached Port Louis on the west coast of France, and found
jtliore several sliips of tlie squadron that had earlier made port. One of
these latter shiiH was tlie friijate "La ralmc/'of whose homeward vovaire
a horrihlc tale was told. When the storm of Septemher ord ha<l
Piihsided tliis ship found lierself alone and with lier provisions alnumt
exhausted. It was decided to return to France immediately. The
suffering on this homeward voyage was terrible. Daily rations were

(73)

rodncod t.) ono and a lialf ounces oadi of biKcuit and salt moat, an!
even rats wero ('a«:^erly devoured. Dt-atli l)y starvation seemed alum.'
certain. Finally, in slieer (les])eration, the crew demanded ol' M
Destralioudal, the eajftain, tliat five 1^-itisli prisoners should li,
hutchcred and tlieir flesh given to the starving seamen. The caj'taii^'
consulted with his otlieers, who seeing it was impossihle to restrai
the frantic crew, ordered tlie shijt's hutrher to kill one of the iirisoncp
and serve out tht; flesh in hits of thn'C ounces eacli. Kortumitch
betore the horrible deed was done, a sail was sighted upon the hori/m
It proved to be a Portuguese ship, which sejit Ave sheep to the starvii
crew, who devoured the flesh uncooked.

kSuch is the tra<;ic storv of d' Anville's ill-1'ated expedition. It Im
sailed from France with unusual ]»romise of success, yet storm aii
shipwreck, separation, pestilence, and lack of ummimity in council. ;i
combiiH'd to ruin utterly the undertaking ; and tlu- remainder ol t'
fleet, shattered and mortified, returned ii::nominiouslv home witlm
having struck u single blow to further the pur[>ose for which it w:
dispatclie<l. Naval history furnishes few such striking instances
disastrous failure.

A DP^SCnilTIOX OF TIIF RIVER ST. JOHN BFFORE TI.

RY NICOLAS DENYS.

l",l»iTi;ii i'.\ W. 1' < ! wovi,, I'll. !».

In 1S72 there was jmblished in Paris a work of the; great'
importance upon the History and Natural History of the Mailii:
Provinces of C'anada. ' its author was Nicolas Denvs, lonu' til
governor under the French K'ing of all the North Shore, from (';i;]
Breton to Gasp'-. Though not always clear in style, nor invaiial*
correct in details, it is nevertheless most valuable for its siiii]
straightforward account of events which he himself witnessed x.
for its descri[)tion of places which he himself sjiw before they w ■
altered by later settlement. His account of the habits and distriimti

( 74 )

>t"aiiiiiiiilfi and [)laiits is of riuich more tliati niorely aiitiquariaii interest
It tiif jiresoiit (lay, wliilo liis cliapters upon the customH of tlie IiMlians
jaiid the modes of lmntin<^ and lisliin<^ then in votruc amoni^ the
JKniM li are the best soureos of information we liave upon tliose
?iii)it'its. Sucli narratives as liis are i^reatiy prized ])y the Idstorian,
^vlio can read between the lines, and throui^h them enter into the very
spirit of the time and place. We i;ive here a translation of the part
li'scriliini^ the St. John River ; and from it one mav i'ather a irood
idea of the book.

CMAl'IKIt II.

|H7n'<7/ Irriits itf fhe It'irci- Siiiiif Jn/iii, (»/' MI)Uls, nf I'orf Ifiii/tif, nt' n// f/iv
lUijI uf l-'mulji : of the .so//, of f/ir icootls, of Ihr hiinfiiK/, and of nil lliat
lilts Diriirrt'tl t/ii'ir,

Tlir ciitniriee (»f ilic Kivcr Saint .lolm is danf^rrous of jicccss, tlic slioi'c

taniiiiii,' cldsc up from both (hrci-tions ; tlif ln'st cntDiiu'c is on tlic starboard or

ri;.'lii liaiid side, not approachiii<{ too near tlif slioir. This i'titraiictt is narrow,

|)ii,iiisc ut' a htth' island' which is to hirltoai'd or (»ri the left side, which Ix'iiii;

piisM'd. tlic river is much larj^cr. On the same side as the island tluMc are larye

li iivlies or llats which ai'c covered at hii,'h tide ;- the l)each is of muddy sand,

whirli makes a point, ' which passed, there is a cove [or creek | ' which nuikes

iiii the said marshes, of which the entrance is narrow, and ther-f- the late

Km Moiisieui' i\v la Toui" had caused to l)e made a weir in which were catii/ht

Ll -iiiil Mumlx'r of those j^aspereaux which wer<! salted foi' winter ; he se\-eral

liiiit^ caii;(ht there so j^reat a (piantity that it was necessary to i)reak the weii-

Hil push them back into the sea, as otherwise they would have ;,'iven a stench

t' ilir weir, and thus would have ruined it. 'J'here were fouiKJ here some-

ItiiiMs also salmon, alewives and l)ass, which is the imiii/n'' of I^a Kochelle,

[viiirh serve all thesprinj,' as a ,i,'i'and mainiafor the inhabitants of this country.

A little farther on, heyond the said weir, there is a little knoll" where

Aimav liuilt his fort, which I lia\e not fouml well pLiced according,' to my
[I'll, t'lir it is connnand(>d by an island" which is very near and hi;,'liei' ;,'i'(»und,
Ui<i licliind which all ships can place thcuiselvcs iinilcr cover from the fori, in

lii'li there is oidv water from pits, which is not V'-ry i^ood, no hetter than

' I'lUtriil^n- Isliiiid.
■Will re now till' Mill|M(iiil is.
' .Niiw called Sand l'i)iut.

' W ilcic tllf nllllrl to till' Mill|inllil lliiw i>.

'il'i. mil-i^MT. 7 hard). Tin- |mi|>ii1.m- ii.iiih «if ;i ti^li (Scinita aijiiila) iidialiit iii^"- the
liitiiranean Sea and the Kast .\tl.iiili<; Ocean. It soniet lines attains the leiijftli uf si.\
>i. .111(1 is iiiiieh s(iu<;ht as a fund lish.
'Where me "Old Fort" stands in ( 'ailclnn.
' Navy Isliintl.

(7o)

tluit (tutnidc' the fort. ft would liiiv«« hpcii in my (t|iiriion hotter iihiccd l)t liin
th« island wIutc vessels iinclior, and wliei-e it would have Iwen liij,'lnT, aiiil,
ronse»|u<'n('e, not contniandiMJ hy other neiyliltourinj,' phu-es, and \v(»uld Imn
liad j^'ood water, as in that which was liuilt l»y the said late Sieur de la 'I'mir
which was destroyed hyd'Aunay after he had wron;,'fully taken |MMsessiuii
it, as he had no i-i^dit whatever to do, and which he would have found :.'!•,
dithculty in accoinplishinj^ had he not heen advised of the ahsence of Sieiii;|
la Tour, who had taken with him a part of his <j[ai"rison, leavinj; oidy his wnj
and the remainder of his people t(» keep the f<»rt. After having' suHtaint<l f
three <lays and three ni<;lits all the assaults of d'Aunay, and having ohlij
him to withdraw heyond icach of her cannon, she was finally ohlij^ed to sini'
der on the fourth day, whi<'h was Master day, having l)een hetrayed Ity a Sw
who was on f^uard whilst she, hopin;^ for some respite, was makin;{ her follnu.
rest. The Swiss, l»ril)ed l»y d'Aunays men, allowed them to mount i"'
assault, which was resisted for some time hy the lady commander at the h.
of her j^'airison. She only surrendered at the last extremity, aiul Ufidci (.
dition that d'Autuiy should spare all, which, ind»'ed, he did not tlo, for at:
makin;^ himself nuisU-r of the plac(!, he thnnv them all into piison alon;,' w
tlu.'ir lady conunander. ThcTi hy advice? of his council, he hun;^ them, wiili •
exception of a sinj^le one, whose life was spared on tlm condition that he wo,
do the han^in^ ; and the lady conunander had to l>e pn^sent at the seal!
with a rope around hei' neck as thoui^h she was the vilest ciiminal.2 Tin
the title wliii-h Le Jiorj^ne has made use of to claim as creditor of tlif v,j
Sieur d'Aunay the proprietorship of the River St. .lohn.

The island of which I hav«! spoken hein^ passed,'* helow which vessels ainl,
in ordtu' to he und«!r shelter, it is only a j^ood cannon shot to the Kails, wlni.
is impo.ssihle to pass except for Ixtats and small vessels at hi^'h tide only. '
l)efore entering.,' farther into the river there is one thin^j; surprisinj^ enou;jli

' 'I'hc site of Fort LiiTour lius liccii iiiattcr of controversy. I tliiuk it stood mi
kiinll at I'oitlaiiil Point. Tin- rcii.son." for t\\'\s are {^iveii in an urti(!li; in tlie Xc« Ki |
wick Mat;a/.ine for .fuly. ISitH. Mr. ,Fanit"< Mannay liclieves it .stuud at "Olil K
Carleton, and ffives his reasons in the wiine nm^a/.ine for Anj^ust.

■■'This is the only early account of the captnie of Fort LiTonr which has m
down to lis, ami alontr with one or two references to the event hy early writers i«i|
hasis for the descriptions j;iven hy the various historians who have recounted it. ."'■^
authentic documents recently (Useovered in ICn^land state that Madame de la Tuin
helieved in Acadia to have been |H)i80ued hy D'Aiuiay. She died three weeks attti :|
capture of the fort.

" Navy Island.

••Not .strictly correct. Vessels cannot pass at high water, hut at a time iM-foiv;
after it, when tlie river and harhor are at the same level. At hif^h water there isai
inward. This remarkahle tall, inward at liigh wat-er, outward at low water, a t;:
phenomenon, has attracted att»'ntion from the earliest times.

le course ^
rence win

nninu' a
lint. In
ater runs
inetimes n
iIhuc the w
is sometiii
lio former
iiilered it
vi\ undece
itjr ancieii
II y attache
|flliil >liarp<Mii
|(ii ^liitw hin
ii'iii. Sinct
niwheads,
\»>red with
iiiisieiir de
If, have assi
ill ten (»are
iiliie to (Jra
Huvirii,' p
•' other on
;'<*, on whi
nks of the
liitli occurs
•liaiis, hy M
''i\ of whii
Lawrence
iti' two or

'Thislml,.

I*' "liile jll>t a
Iji'i'ts liriiiio-lit
*l '"lals (TO (
^kiiaiainjr the

fill.

It i-i not |i

^>i' ate lijirl, „

"iilf and niea

'Tliis is sti

P'iii|ial rivers

( 7e;)

[i»' (•nurse of tlu' full is a ;,'rf'iit hole iihoiit three or four hundri'd fe«it. in circiim-
f\vu>r which is iiuule hy the full of (he wuter in jwissiiij,' lM'twe»'ii two rocks
)rinitii.' u narrow place in the river, which is thus made more rapid at that
(lint. In this hole is a ^^reat upright floatin;,' tree, and whichever way th«
jfiitcr riMis it never j^ets uiit, atid it t)nly ajipears from time to time. One is
[)iiii'iiim's eiyht, ten, or liftei-n days without seeing it. The end which apjicars
[Ihivi- the water is a little larger around than a ho;;shead, and whi*n it appears
io sometimes on one side and soinetimes on the other. All of the Indians
(I t'ornu'rly passed hy lu're, and they are in ;ireat num))ei-s in these parts,
[•iiijt'ird it homa<;e, hut they pay little attention to it at present, having
icii iiii<leceive«l. They culled this tiee the .Manittm, that is to say, the hevil.
hii'ir ancient homa;,'e to it was one or two ltea\er skins or other pelti-y which
hi'V iittached to the top of this tree with an arrowhead made of moose Imiiio
Li sharpened with stones. When they pas.sed hy it and their .Manitou did
|(ii sliow himself, they took it as an evil omen, sayinj,' that he waH an;^iy with
|iiiii. Since the Krench have come to these parts and have j^iven them iron
iidwlicads, they use no otlii'r kinds, and the poor Manitou has his head so
Lt<ri'ii with them that one can scarc«>ly stick in a pin. I have seen it, and
luiisicur de la Tour's men, who were fojinerly with him and uftei wards with
ii; liiive assured me that they once attach(>d ropes to the top of this tree, and
bill ten (jared hoats rowinj^ with ail their strength with tin; current wt're
liiihle to draw it out of the hole.

Ilavin;; pas.sed the falls, th«' river becomes lar^^er, more so on one side than
kf other on account of some islands.'- There are three of these which are
Kiiv, on which tln're are very beautiful meadows, as there are also ahtnj,' both
Inks of the rivei' ; these are flooded every year by the melting of the snows
jliiili occurs usually in spriny. It runs tar- back into the country, and the
Jiiliiiiis, by means of this river, by crfissini,' some land, even p)i,ss into other
i\iis, of which some fall into the Hi\er St. Lawrence, others int»t the (Julf of

Uiwrence and at Nepisiyuit into I lay Chaleur. ' There are alon;.,' each
mitc two oi' three canoe portatjes through the woods, where one finds ])aths

'I'liis hole \Mis witlioiit doubt tliat \vliirl|Muil now known iis "tlie pot." It is on the
£>t Mile jnst above I'nion I'oint, and is torineil onlv on tlie tloinl tide. In it various
Iji'i ts lirouulit down by tlie v'wvr oft«!M are caii<i:lil ioid tioat round nnd lound for hours,
1(1 Uiats jfo out to .see whether auythiuj.' ot value may l»e found, a proees.s r-alleil
pkiiMiiiinj^ the |M)t. " I hav<' never heard of trees (Ittatinj^ in the pot, as Deny.s duH«-rilHjH
mi.

•It is not plain to which islands hu refers unless it be those in tlie KeuuelMiOu.sis ; but
p>i' are hijrh and are not Hooded in spring;. The description which follows applies to
iiiiis and inea<lows farther up the river.

'Tliis is stri«'tly true; branches of the St. .bihn thus eoiuinunicate witli all uf tho
■ill i|>a! rivers thiwin^ north and east.

(77)

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

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1.0 [fi- IIM

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m

12.2

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2.0

1.8

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►

vV^

Photographic

Sciences
Corporation

23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 873-4'>03

iiflJ

whicli run from one river to another which they [the Indians] call Louniguiii-.
Other po: taj,'es are at places alon<j; the rivers where the navigation is inipi (1^;
by falls or rapids caused hy rocks which hold the water back and narrow tli.
passage, thus rendering the current so rapid and making the water fall fru:
such a height that it is necessary to carry the canoes on the shoulders or on th-
head to where the course of the river is smooth. Most commonly those jmi
tages ai'e five to six leagues,^ sometimes even ten, which is uncommon. It ;
those which the Indians call Louniguins and of which they willingly undeitak
the passage because of the ease with which they carry theii- canoes, whicli a;
very light, as may be easily understood from tlie account which I have giw
of them in its proper place. Boats cannot go up this river higher than eigtiii . j

INCH

1 In tl
ii' indebt
Oilier int
ihk man
Sucli
fii'ts ma\

to twenty leagues'' because of falls and rocks which are scattered there ;m I fulness tt
which compel a resort to canoes j g-ioat eve

Besides all the woods which I have already mentioned to you there aic ;i Icadinc* ir
here great numbers of very fine oaks which are excellent for shipbuilding, ;ii
ought to be better than those of the coast to the north,* of which the wodd
too soft. ^ There are also plenty of beeches, very tall and with high braiicln
It also abounds in wild walnuts, of which the nuts are triangular and ditli' '
to open, though when placed by the fire they open easily ; that which is iriM
has the taste of a walnut. •"' There is found here also a great ({uantity of \\i
grapes on wild vines, of which the fruit is large and of very good taste, but tl,
skin is thick and hard. It comes to maturity, and if cultivated and tiaii'
planted I do not doubt it would produce very good wine. ^ This is not a <v:.
that the cold there is so severe nor the snow so deep as everybody savs.
believe there are many parts of France which are not so good as this place
climate, and where many people live not so much at their ease as they vvou
be in these parts, distant though they are.*^

' The Maliseet Indiiuis living on the St. John to this day call a portage oo-ne-i:""''

'^ Some of the principal ones are mnch shorter, only two or three miles.

^ Small vessels can go as high as Springhill, ninety miles from the mouth.

■•The coast of the (}ulf of St. Lawrence, of which Denys was governor ; .still calliili'i
"North Shore."

•* Grati, literally fat.

^ Probably the butternut, or white walnut, is meant, though it is incorrect to?
that the nut is triangular. The beech nut has this shape.

^ Wine is often niade from the wild grapes growing along the St. John.

" The description of the river ends here, and he jxisses on to the Bay of Fundy.

p> uith tl
•crioii was
tij()i;<rh it
Lieut.
ijii'l wlien
came a s
pport ui
anted a I
mu 17sr,
otia Leg-
aiiner in
otia and
In his
ities bet)
m "in tl
the love
fe qnesti
iirity wl
illed to se
de, he t
itriotic de
ic most
eiigth aij
tion well
'■ed amol

(78)

gmiK..:

iipcdw:

OW tl:'

ill flo!

• on th-

ose imi

. It i

ideitai

nich iitf

INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF LIEUT. JAMES MOODY.

EuiTKi) iiv (i. I", H.vv, I'li.B.

ve jj;ivii|
ei;_'litee:|
lere ana

ling, ;u:
B wooil :
branclif
i (litlirii
1 is iiiM'
by of vi:
e, l)ut tl.
incl trail
not a ^i:;'.|

says,
s place
wou:

ley

o-ne-

11 calk"! I

irrect tn-i]

FuikIv.

I In the brief sketch here given of Lieut. James Moody, the writer
Is indebted to Calneck's History of Annapolis, which contains, among
btlier interesting notes, portions of the aut(,)biograi»hy of this remark-
)le man quoted at secondhand from Sabine's History ot the Loyalists
Such narratives as this are of great historical value ; for, while the
its may not in themselves be important, they represent with faith-
Iness the daily lives and actions of the men who took part in tliese
reat events. The story, for which we have only space for a few
ading incidents, is told with a wholesome simplicity that impresses
s with the rugged sincerity of the man, who, when once his course of
ictioii was made plain, pursued it without flinching to the end, even
ough it involved sacrifices from which men naturally shrink.

Lieut. Moody was from conviction and sense of duty a loyalist^

ul when the Revolutionary War broke out he left his farm and

eaniea soldier, giving to the royalist cause a faithful and unswerving

pport until its close. In return for his valuable services he was

anted a pension and a tract of land at Weymouth, N. S. Here he lived

oni ITS') until his death in 1809. He was a member of the N(>va

otia Legislature for six years, and testimony is borne to the exact

anner in which he performed his duties. Many families in Nova

|;otia and New Brunswick trace their descent from Lieut. Moody.

In his autobiography he tells us that up to the outbreak of hos-

itios between the colonies and the mother country he cultivated his

rm "in the best climate and happiest country in the world," hajipy

the love of his family and neighbors and seldom thinking much of

te questions. The gathering clouds warned him that the peaceful

urity which he had long enjoyed was at an end, and he was com-

illed to seek the British lines for protection. Once his decision was

de, he threw himself into the struggle with all the ardour of a

itriotic devotion. He was employed by the British commanders on

c most hazardous and delicate missions for which his physical

ength and endurance, his undaunted courage, his integrity and

tiou well fitted him. His prowess soon made him well known and

red among his enemies. When he was known to be near a

(79)

: I-:'

I if this 1
•, jiriiis.

■ tlic [ifn
: liiiii of 1

■ 'Jcor^o,
had tlifi
uas witl
.Ml. .Mo(

tllC IMOU

Ir. t

artiialU'

i'!iai'i,'(' oi
ilill iiio.st

who the 1
was nio.sl

place, guards wore doubled and extraordinary precautions taken t>
capture him or defeat the purpose he had in view.

On one occasion Lieut, (then Ensign) Moody undertook, with f^Lx
men to lil>erate a prisoner, under sentence of death, from the jail (.;
Sussex County, New York. This man was one of Burgoyne's soldier^
charged with crimes of a civil nature, of which he was believed to In
innocent. So great was the sympathy for him within the Briti^i
lines and so evidetit the resentment of his persecutors that it w;i.
determined to rescue him, and to do this successfully recourse wn
had to stratagem. What follows is from Moody's own narrative :

Comiiiu; to the jail, the keeper called out from the window of an u\t\"
room, and demanded what their business was. The ensij^n instantly replin;
' He had a i)risoner to deliver into his custody." "What! One of Moodi
fellows?" said the jailer. " Yes," said the ensign. On his en(iuirinfi; whs
the name of the sui)posed piisoner was, one of the party who was well knowi
by the inhabitants of that place to be with Mr. Moody, personated the charafBdignity ol
ter of a prisoner, and spoke for himself. The jailer gave him a little iB"! love li
language ; but notwithstanding seemed highly pleased with the idea of haviiiBJ would n
so notorious a Tory in his custody. On tiie ensign urging him to come (luwBwi.sh me t
and take charge of the man, he peremptorily refused, alleging that in eoibBa good ca
(juence (,f Moody's being out, he had received strict orders to open his doors tBlwcoines
no man after sunset, and that therefore he must wait till mornin<f. Fin(lii;B|bii.se.st <ru
that this would not take, the ensign now changed his tone ; and in a sterol thank G
voice told him, " Sirrah, the man wlio now speaks to you is Moody ; I liav.
strong party with me ; and if you do not this moment deliver up your keys
will instantly pull down your house about your ears." The jailer vanished
a moment. On this Mr. Moody's men, who were well skilled in tlie Iiidi
war whoop, made the air resound with such a variety of hideous yells as s»
left them nothing to fear from the inhabitants of New Town, which, tiioujl
the county town, consisted of only twenty or thirty houses. "The Indians! t
Indians are come ! " — said the panic-struck people ; and happy were they w
could soonest escape into the woods. While these things were thus goiujju
the ensign had made his way through a casement, and was met by a prisoip
whom he immediately employed to procure him a light. The vanished .i^'Wf}^.(.f },,„
was now again produced ; and most obseijuiously conducted Mr. Moody tutiB i •
dungeon of the poor wretch under sentence of death. "

It may seem incredible, but it is an undoubted fact, that notwithstaii
all the horrors and awfulness of his situation, this poor, forlorn, condeii
British soldier was found fast asleep ; and had slept so sound as to have liei
nothing of the uproar or alarm. There is no possibility of describing the ag(

(80)

This

and he fi

|lie was

oluntar^

Lieut.

■Vrnold,

his seve

xtra pre(

"eniies m

lift the
?■ '"^ drop i
'■"gon t
1111 V . the

ken to

ith six
J jail of
oldiers,
d to be

Briti^l

it wii'
rse wa:
ive :

an up] If
r replif'i
: Moody 'I
•in«i; whir
ell know!
le charac

little
of haviii
ome du*
■, in t.'oii'"':!
is doors t
Fiiidir.,
n a ster:
I have
bur keys,
lanished ;:
le Indii
Is as sti"
ch, thou
(Hans', tj
- they w
going "1
a pri^onel
ished jaiij
3ody to til

ithstandi"
condeiiin'
have heaj
the ag(

of this man, when on hoing thus suddenly aroused, he saw before him a man in
anus. . . . The fii'st and only idea that occurred to him was that
the person he saw was his executioner. On Mr. Moody's n^peatedly informing
him (»f his mistake and that he was come to release him in the name of King
George, the . . . pitch of joy had well nigli overcome him. Never before
had the writer been present at so affecting a scene. In such circumstances it
was with some ditKculty that the ensign got him away. The iunnane reader,
y\v. Moody persuades himself, will not be less affected than he himself was at
the mournful secjuel of this poor soldier's tale.

Ill the course of the war he was again taken, . . . and afterwards
actually executed on the same sentence on which he liad been before convicted.
, . . When he was brought to the place of execution, the peisons who had
charge of rum told him they h.ad authority to promise him a reprieve, and they
did most solemnly promise it to him on condition only that he would tell them
who the loyalists in the country were that had assisted Moody. His reply
was most manly and noble, and proves that real nobility of character and
difjnity of sentiment are appropriated to no particular rank or condition of life.
"I love life," he said, "and there is nothing which a man of honour can do that
1 would not do to save it ; but I cannot pay the price for it. The men you
jwish me to betray must be good men because they have assisted a good man in
[a good cause. Innocent as I am, I feel 'this is an awful moment ; how far it
becomes you to tempt me to make it terrible, by overwhelming me in the
basest guilt, yourselves must judge. INIy life is in your power; my conscience,
jl thank God, is still my own."

This incident Mr. Moody gives on the testimony of an eye-witness,
land he further states that the man siitlered for an offence for which
[lie was charged wrongfully, as was afterwards learned from the
Ivoluntary confession of a less conscientious loyalist.

Lieut. Moody was at one time a prisoner in the camp of General
l;\mold, who allowed him to be treated with the greatest cruelty.
his severity was lessened by the order of General Wasliington, but
extra precautions were taken to prevent his escape. Hearing that his
Enemies were soon to put him to death, he determined, if possible, to
eftoct his escape; and one night (Sept. 17th, 1780) he succeeded in
)reaking his fetters. The narrative continues :

Let the reader imagine what his sensations were when ho found the man-

C5 : "s drop from his hands ! He sprang instantly past the interior sentinel, and

r>< "g on the next, with one hand he seized his musket and with the other struck

pim V . the ground. Tlie sentinel within and the four others who were placed by

(81)

the fence surr()un(ilin<,' the plact' of his connneiiient immediately ^avc the al;ii n
and in a moment the cry was general : " Moody is escaped fiom the provo-i
Tt is impossilile to describe thv, uproai' which i-ow took }»lace thiouichout ll;
whol(! (•amp. In a few minutes cvciv man was in a hustle, every man \\;i
lookinj^ for Moody, and nmltitudes passed him on all sides, little suspect in.
that a man whom they saw deliheratcily mai'ching alon<; with a musket on h;
slioulder could he the fugitive they were in (|uest of. 'J'he darkn(^ss of tl
night, which was also blustering and drizzly, prevented any discriminatin
of his person, and was indeed the great circumstance that rendered his escai
possible.

liut no small ditliculty still remainc^d to be sui-mounted. To picMi;
desertion, whit-h at that time; was very frecjuent, Washington had sun'oiimli
his camp with a chain of sentinels, posted at about foi'ty oi' fifty yards" distant
from each other; h(^ was unac([uainted with their stations; to pass tlim
undiscovered was next to impossible, and to be discovered would ceitaiiih
fatal. In this dilemma Providence again lu^friended him. He had gaim
their station without knowing it, when luckily he heard the watchword pasM
from one to another " Look sharp to the chain, Moody is escaped from iL
provost I " From the sound of the voices he ascertained the respectixc siti;
tions of these sentinels, and thrcjwing iiimself on his hands and knees, he \\ v
happy enough to crawl through the vacant space between two of them uii^n
by either. .Judging that their line of pursuit would naturally be towaid li
British army, he madt^ a detour into the woods on the opposite side. ThiiMi,
these woods he made as much speed as the darkness of the night would pt i n;
steering his course after the Indian manner by occasionally groping and feclin.
the white oak. On the south side the bark of this tree is rough and unplca^i!
to the touch, but on the north side it is smooth, hence it serves the sagati
traveller of the desert by night as well as by da}' for his compass. Tin
the most dismal swamps and woods he continned to wander till the night
the 21st, a space of more than fifty-six hours, during which time he had
other sustenance than a few beech leaves —wliich of all that tlie woods afTmil
were the least pernicious to the health and the least unpleasant to the taste
which he chewed and swallowed to abate the intolerable craving of his Ihihl;

At length he arrived safely within tlie British lines. In the \o\-\
lowing spring he was engaged in two hazardous enterprises — tl
interception of despatches to General Washington — in the lii-t
which he was succeesful, but failed in the second.

The last and most dangerous undertaking in which Lieut. MootlJ
was engaged was an attempt to carry off the most important books anl
papers of Congress at Philadelphia. The projector of this scheme waj

(82)

^diic Add
JMoody's
jtiikeii an
'(lilliciiltv
LM'ict' at t

(ii;

nil'':

I It wa
;tlieBi<rB
t'lld me h

" I was
thi'w when
ill "AC Fi'e(
P'lul " you
•li'd a shor
JIainc. N
|(iiui(lfat}ie
I'uily all
■fills and t
in tlie lum
^utliority a,

Anion,

fliixt .sevei

'illage"

lie last of

lio, at th

' Saliatis

l<iunii(iii nam

||»;il<in;^- |„.,,

■'<\>\v i,s ,I()li

JllJlllll,

■OVd-l

nit tl;.
lilll \\;i-

]K'c1 il,.
, Oil ll ■
H of tir,

liiiiitiui.

JtffVfll'

roiiinlr',

(listUlir.-
,SS tl It'll,

iiiiily 1>
1 <:;aiiii'';
(1 piissii;
from tIr
vc sitiii
, he wr
n uii^it:
vjiid til'
riinui.'
]iii 111.'
(1 t'fflin.
iplcasar

rillnll-

iii.uli'

llU.l II

aft'diil'

tilMc

liiiiiu'
llic t.

'S til'!

Iir>t '•'

Mootl)

Liic Addison, who turned traitor. His betrayal cost the life of Lieut.
'Moody's younger brother, a young man ot great promise, who was
jliikcn and hanged. Lieut. Moody esca[>ed oidy with the greatest

(lilliculty ; while his aged lather was bereft of reason iVom excess of

(M'irt' at the loss of his lavorite son.

STORY OF THE BIG BEAVER.

(A Md/i.scrf Legend).

\\\ Rkv. \V. O. Havmoni), M.A.

It was on the 28th day of September, 1806, that the "Story of
itlie Big Beaver" was told me at Rothesay by Sabatis Paul ;' but first he
told nie his own storv which in substance is as follows :

" I was horn on tlu' Indian canipini,' place, near Woodstock, in ISU ; l(>ft
there when fourteen years of ajj;e and since have lived chieily at French V^illage,
Wiii)\e Fredericton. My fatlier's name was Jauus Paul — ho was the "Mr.
I'aul '" you wiiite people used to read about in the St. J(jhn Daily Suii. He
jdied a short time ago. My mother was INbiry Elizabeth Francis, of Oldtown,
i^laiiie. Noel Paul, the old Indian chief at Woodstock, was my uncle. My
Igiandfather was ,folm Pattis and his father was a Frenchman of (.^)uebec.
f^eaily all the St. John River Indians now have some French blood in their
|(ins and they are losing their old strengtii and endurance. I have woiked
in the lumber woods and at stream-driving. \ drink no ]i(|Uor and have
^|iutli()rity as Indian constable to report all thos<' who sell li<|Uor to Indians."

i Among other facts of interest mentioned by Sabatis Paul he stated
piat several Indian wampum belts are still preserved at "French
|\'illage" above Fredericton, but his father, Louis Paul, was about
the last of the Indians who could read them. It was hi.=* father also
i^lio, at the request of the railway commissioners, gave Indian names

' Siilmtis is a contnictioii of Sniiit ./niii Btiiitintc, or St. .lohii Ba[)tist. It is a
>r)l'S ariilR"""""" '"^'"^ lunoiig the Indians ; aud'thosc who hear it, generally wlieii witli English
■I'lakin^i' |)eo[)le, u.xe " John "" as its ecinivalent. Sabatis I'aul aceoi<linglv with white
erne '^'^•^m.^^A. i, .loh.i Paul

(.83)

A^''\

to the BtatioiKs along the Iiitcrcoh)nial Uaihvay. Some of tliese aiv
real Iiulijiii iianieB hut soiiie were inainiraetured for tlie occasion.'

Under an arrangement with tlie Dominion government a ehiet i-
elected hy the St. John River Indians on the 4th day of Juno even
third year.

Ti)iH much Ijy way of introduction and now for the Stor}' of tli.
Big lieaver. This story is told witli some variety of d(^tail hy ili>
Indians of Passamaquo(hly as well as hy our Sahatis i'aul and hy tin
well-known "Gahe" Acquin, of St. Mary's, York County. (lalic
version was contrihuted hy the late Edward Jack to tlie "Jouiiia!
of American Folk-lore" some years ago.

The Maliseets of the St. ffohn river have many legends respectiiiL'
Glooscap, According to Sahatis Paul he is " a great Indian sent n
long while ago hy the Great Spirit to kill all l>ig had heasts that aiv
in all the worhl." In other words Glooscap is a mythical personai;v,
allied to Longfellow's Hiawatha, possessed of sui)ernatural power
According to the majority of the Indians he is still living and is goin.
to last as long as the world lasts ; he is helieved to he in the suiitl
end of tlie world now.

In accomplishing his mission for the good of mankind, Glooscni
summoned all the animals to appear before him and asked of cad
what he would do if he met a man. When the hear was asked tin
question he trotted oft' a short distance and looked over his shoulder
— as he generally does now upon meeting a human heing. Gloosciij
signified his approval.

The squirrel at that time was as hig ps a lion and when Glooscii]
asked him what he would do if he met a man, he flew at a stiiiiij
furiously and tore it with his teeth and claws, (ilooscap considomi
him altogether too dangerous an animal and reduced him to his prcricii!
size. The Big Beav^er, P'chee (^ua-heet, had been the source of con
siderahle annoyance to the other animals and was cautioned hy Gloosciip
with regard to his future conduct.

' These names were given al)out 185H by tlie railway eomniissioners. Nauwig'ewaiik
Ossekeag, Anagance and Petitcodiac are all old Indian names, hnt others are siiii|l
translations: "Stone's Brook" hecame I'enobstjnis, from the Maliseet /V)/o/^^7', a >{'<u>..
and iSV/As, a brook. Salmon River beeamc Pliimweseeji from the Maliseet P/imi"".-
salmon, and.src/;, ariver. (^)uispamsis was named from thepretty little lake near the st.iliin
qids/tam, a lake, and ^/s, little, (See Dr. W. F. Gunong's " I'lnce Nonienelature of Nt«l
Brunswick," page 2U9).

(84)

In sj

TiTV ohi

(Ictorniir
x'linilied
■call by •
]i!a(;e of
the hoav
l)ay, nov
lieaver li:
"whence
made a d
; evil deed
liai^k to I
iivm Jen
Wliei
lie at one
voi'k at I
/^liundant
jilacc whi
tiieaiis " t
<!'nitracte(
GlooS(
Jfoos-ow-
pback to tl
Idam. Tl
I'ush of w
pient, ace
Itill call
palls Qua
Indians g
plooseap'
ill the dei
iize and I

Gl008(

'elow Bo
'0-day in
iall Gloo
:ried," sai

>se

un.'

•Lie

t i-

3 ev('i'\

111 spite of the warning he luul received, the heaver ma(h' liinisolt
TtTV ohnoxioiis by his behaviour at rassaniaquoddy, and (ilooscajt
ideterniined to drive him away. He came to PaHsannuiuoddy and
;<liiiil>od up tlie liill on the east side ol" Oak Hay, whicli t!ic Indians
call l)y the pretty little name X'nionee-quen-ee-moosa-kesq, or '' the
|,l;i(;e of many sugar maples." From the summit of this iiill he saw
tthe l)caver's houae, Quabeet-a-woosis, a dome-shaped island in Oak
j)av, now (tailed by the white people Cookson's Island. But the
T:ieaver had been warned of iiis danger and fled up the river Waweig
nvhoiice he afterwards went to Men-ah-quesk (St. John) where he
Tiuido a dam across the river at its mouth. He still continued his
^vil deeds and his dam was built so high it caused the water to How
kck to Hampton Ferry and above Fredoricton, and all the country
from Jcmseg to the Keswick became a Jim-quispam or great laki^

Wlien Glooscap heard the beaver was still a source of annoyance
lie at once set out for Men-ah-quesk, lie saw signs of the beaver's
ifsvork at Mon-ha-quatis, or Manawagonish, and at Red Head he liad
ijalmndant evidence of his proximity. Here the beaver had a feeding
Tilace which by the Indians is called Q'uaheet-a-wee-qua-sodek, which
F|iioaiis " the beaver's landing })lace," but the name is now commonly
iiitracted to Q'ua-sodek.

Glooscap explored See-bes-kas-tahgan (the Marsh Creek) as far as
foos-ow-tik, or the "Moose's Path," but not finding the beaver came
ack to the mouth of the St. John river where he found the beaver's
«(lam. This he broke with a blow of his ponderous club and the great
I'asli of water that followed swept a part of it out to sea. This frag-
ment, according to the legend, is Partridge Island, which the Indians
till call Quak-m'kagan'ik, or " a piece cut out," and they call the
'alls Quabeet-a-wee-sogado or " the beaver's rolling dam." Some
ndians say that Split-rock, just below the Suspension bridge, is
looscap's club which he threw away after it had served its purpose
n the destruction of the dam. Jim-quispam was greatly reduced in
ize and became the modern Grand Lake.

Glooscap pushed on up the river in quest of the beaver. A little
elow Boar's Head there is, we are told by the Indians, to be seen
o-day in the rocky cliff the face of a man with curly hair. This they
all Glooscap-sa-kah-beet, or "Glooscap looking out." "I have
ried," said Sabatis, " to show that face to white men and they could'nt

(85)

nee it wlioii they were looking riglit at it. They say that noru' lii;
Indians can see it." Here tlie little Indian boy, standing at his fatiier
side, broke in with the remark, " They say when you throw in a cent yi
can see him better. I tried it but it didn't make much dittereiio
bnt I have often seen Glooscap looking out."

Still seeking the beaver, Glooscap went on and at length lookii:,
up the broad waters of Mah-ti-gek, or Kennebecasis Bay, lie saw !:|
the distance the beaver's house. This is still called by the Luliai j
Q'ua-beet-a-woosis-sec, the beaver's nest. It is nothing less than tl-
well-known clitf on the island opposite Rothesay called the " Ministci
Face." The beaver was at home and his two younger brothers als
The beaver was very big and dangerous but Glooscap seized him i
his brawny arms, strangled him and then iiung him to the foot ot'tl
island several miles away, where the Indians point out certain reddi>i
colored rocks which, according to the story, were stained by tl
beaver's blood.

Glooscap killed t^ e second sized beaver also, but the youngest oi
got away and went up the St. John river. Glooscap followed him .
little way and hurled after him two big rocks — So-bag-wopps •
•'sea-rocks"' which mav still be seen in the river a little below tl.
mouth of the Tobique. The beaver eventually escaped to Toma-sqii;;
tack, or Temisquata lake, where he built himself another house whict
is nothing less than the big hill about 1,000 feet high, opposite tliti
mouth of the Cabano river, commonly called Mount Wissik. Tli«
name is evidently derived from the Indian Woosis-sec meaning ''a|
nest." And so ends our Story of the Big Beaver.

' These rocsks are well known by liimheimen and others as the Tobiciue rockH. Itil
a <;llriou^s fact tliat the rocki< differ fro»n all other rocks in the vicinity and resenihle tliel
black .slate rocks at the Bay Shore, near Carleton, St. John.

(86)

COM/VIENTS OF THE PRESS.

H. E. (iosNKLL, Liln-(iric II Lii/is/afirt
thriiri/, B. C: I must '.oiif^ffatnlute you,
it only on the concepuiou of such ii coni-
tiiilahle enterprise, l)ut upon tlie success
itli which it has been initiated.

I'lioK. <Jko. Brv(;k, Wlnni])tij : 1 like
oui' project.

S. E. Dawson, LL. 1)., Of/awa : It .seems
me to he a most promising idea.

Kkv. 1)h. Mackak, l*rr.ii(liui Movriii

'olh'ijf, (Jiii'hti-: Kept w]) with the spirit

(I excellence characterizing the first num-

r, it surely mu.st command u hirge and

I)|i!eciat,ive .support.

.1. R. Inch, LL. \).,Chh'/Snj>f. I'Jifimifiou,
'. Ii.: it is of great intere.-^t in connection
itli the study of (Janadiau history. I
lall 1)6 glad to assist in any way po.ssihle
l)riiig supi)lcmentar'y readings such a.s
ese within reiu;h of the chihlren in our
IkxjIs.

Toronto (,'/ohi' : The object of the publi-
ition is obviously to popnhirize knowledge
iiiil build up national sentiment.

Quebec M<'rfiiry : The cost of this in-
lesting and useful arljunct to the study
bf 'anudian History is forty cents a year -
[iriee which i)uts the Leaflets within the
icli of all purses.

Halifax /'irshyfenmi \VI/ii"<'<: What we
ould like to see is, schools ordering at
holusale prices copies of the Quarterly for
tilvanced pupils. Mr. Hay would thus
me a jnoneer in a geiuiine iiistorical
form.

■St. John (J/oht : The various issues of the
itlets will certainly prove an accjuisition
the S(;hool as well as to private libraries.

St. John Sun: They should win on their
it-'iit a hearty recognition and support, not
ly in New Brunswick, but all over the
Jominion.

!5t. John Rf.cord : A i)ublieation that
Jhould be received with the greatest favor.

St. .John Till 'I rd fill : These six papers
(in Xo. L) cover a wide period of (Canadian
history and ought to hare an extensive
eircuhition.

Woodstock Dis/inlrh : If futuie nund)ers
iiavc the same value and interest of this
first, they will be deservedly popular.

.\loncton 7'i-aiisrri/it : If the first number
of Caniidiim history, edited by Mr. (i. U.
Hay, is a fair sample of what tiiis pulilicu-
tion is to lie, ue would advise our leaders
to take this opportunity t(» keep posted in
lor-al history.

Truro .S''o/ • Mr. (i. IJ. Hay's latest move
to jiublish su|)|ilements or leallets in con-
nection with the Kiliii-nliniml Rith n\ giving
incidents and events in Canadian history
will be hailed witii delight by all persons
interested in sudi sketches, and their
number should be legion.

Weymouth /'Vrc /'n^s.s : Tii»;y \\ill stimu-
late an intei'est in and for the fascinating
study of history.

Summerside .foiini'tl : They will kindle
in the minds of students a strong and lively
interest in Canaiiian history,

Digby Conrii-r: Their {)urpose is primarily
for the schoolroom but can be appreciated
etjually by the general reader.

Berwick AV^/.s/c/- ; These leaflets aie not
designed to supersede the textbooks now
in use, but to i)rovide a su[)plementary
course of readings by means of svhieh a
mor(^ (•()in[)rehensive knowledg<; of the
history of oui countiv may be .ight to

the minds of our young people.

.VL (JllAMliKHl.AiN, lliiirnril Cini'irsifi/ :
I think the idea of publishing these bits of
Canadian histoiy for sn[)plementary reading
is a capital one, and I hope that it will
receive the support which it deserves.

Yarmouth Tc/iifnun : The first number
justifies the ex[)ectations that the .series
will prove a vahiable aid to teachers and
students who have limited acce-ss to books
and documents relating to the hi.story of
Canada.

lui;

mc^

! ^J

!; !

I- ;

ISSU

PfTOrerrreiiuiuiiiy luhliui me I ariiaiiient <)i Minaau, in tne year i»ya, oy u. v. tiAT,

ub the Department of Af»riculture.

•DUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

CANADIAN
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NUMBER FOUR.

PLACE-NAMES,

George Johnson.

FRENCH CANADIAN LIFE AND
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THE STORY OF LAURA SECORD,

Fra^ices E. Murray,

ON THE STUDY OF ANCIENT
MAPS (Illustrated),

W. F. Ganong, Ph.D.

A SCHEME FOR THE CONQUEST
OF CANADA IN 1746,

Victor Hugo Pal t sits.

December, J 898.

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In a

twelve
Bounties
)ffices ;
btreanis,
;housan(
)rigiri ai
icqnaint
)rovince
)ne and
)ur stori
I It is
|f the hi
Ipproacl]
Ki'owled
mv tong
porpetua
constant
|upplies

The Physical Growth of Canada,
The Legend of Gloofscap,
Clartier's First Voyage,
Winter at St. Croix Island,
The Story of Lady LaTour,
The Story of the I.,oyalists,
The Cabots and their Voyages,
The Settlement of Port Royal,
The Physiography of Nova Scotia,
An Acadian Marchioness,

A Chapter on Names,

The Fort Cumberland Summons and Re})ly

The Siege of Penobscot,

General Coffin,

Fort Cumberland,

D'Anville's Expedition,

Nicolas Denys' Description of the

River Saint John,
Incidents in the Life of Lieut. James Moody,
Story of the Big Beaver.

I shall be glad to receive your countenance and support in tlil
publication of this series. If you enrol your name as a subscriber ??()'f|
it will be a guarantee that you wish success to such a worthy enter]
prise; and you may pay the subscription when convenient, or whetj
you are satisfied that you have obtained the worth of your money.

G. U. HAY, Publisher,

St. John, N. B|

IT.

^anadiai

r' givins
ed witli
ivies wil.
cument?,
ols witl
ities wi!.
curiositji
nd stiri:
nglj rid
1 Canadi
promirioc
differeir
iterestiii;
r history
Canadia'

quarter!;

.. Sing'
;.ary rea^:
at FIVI

LEVIEV

PLACE-NAMES.

By (!kok(;k Johnson, Ottawa.

are:

ind Re|»l,\

aint •Tohn,
les Moody, |

)rt in tlii
riber no4
,hy enter)
or whei|
Qoney.

lishcf

in.

N.B

In a lecture on the " Phice-Names of Canada," delivered about
■R'elve months ago, I stated that in the Dominion there are 3,600
;ounties, townships, parishes and municipalities ; about 9,000 post
iffices ; several thousands of mountain ranges, mounts, lakes, rivers,
treanis, gulfs, bays, coves, harbours, inlets, capes, etc. — in all, many
ihousands of place-names and every name has a meaning. It had an
rigin and has a significance. Too many of us go through life without"
cquainting ourselves with the history of the place-names in our
)rovince and in our country. Yet the study is a very entertaining
me and as agreeable a way of becoming intimate with the history of
)ur storied past as can be imagined.

It is said that there is no royal road to learning. But the study
I )f the history of our country by means of its place-names is a very near
Itpproach to the royal road. One is helped amazingl}^ to retain the
; Iciiowledge gained, by linking it to the names of places frequently on
bnr tongues or seen every day in the newspapers. The name is a
perpetual reminder of the story, and in these busy times wo need
constant reminders. Matthew Arnold in the •' Scliolar CTypsy "
supplies a reason :

" For each day brings its petty dust
Our soon-choked souls to fill,
And .ve forget because we nuist
And not because we will."'

The study of place nomenclature is not encumbered at the outset

bv a lot of scientific terms to frighten the student. Some studies

lave a dictionary of their own. In beginning the study of the

ipplication of electricity to machinery for the purpose of securing

)ower to be converted into heat or into motion, one is apt to find his

;soliition falter and his will weaken when he looks at the dictionary
[f terms employed. Ohms and volts and amperes and farads and

lusses and watts and dynes and joules and coulombs, and all the
Others of the thousands of words which have been added to the

tiiguage because of man's success in harnessing the lightning and

( f^'3' )

■;:i

',: Vi

■■vl:\

compelling it to obedient service, — these bristling words have a
rcpellant look about them. They are a qnick-set hedge surroundin.
the pleasant garden and keeping out all but the very resolute. Tluv
are like che flaming sword the angel flashed in perpetual circle bt'tor-
the gate of Eden's garden. Entrance into the study of electricity i-
rendered greatly diflicult by the terms used.

The study of bugs is all the more difliicult because of the arniou:
of Latin and Greek words with which entomology is encased. Bii'
place-nomenclature has only a very few words requiring definition.

The i)rinciples of place-name giving are gathered up into oiit
word — O/iornatology, which those of my young readers acquaiiiteii
with Greek can easily separate into its two parts: Oiioma., a name:
and ^q(/Oi-, a discourse ; in simple terms, onomatology means "' talb
about names, their derivations, etc." Having mentioned the scientific
name given to place-naming, I may as well mention, here and now,
the fact that the central idea of onomatology — the axiom, like the
axioms of geometry, that must be accepted as something not dis])iit
able, — is that local names are in no case arbitrary sounds. Isaac Taylor,
who is a great authority on the place-names of " Old England," says,
" Local place-names are always ancient words or fragments of ancicii;
words, each of them, in short, constituting the earliest chapter in tlif
local history of the places to which they severally refer."

There are two or three other words that may be deemed to be teclmi'
cal terms. There is the word enchorial. It carries the same meaniiiii' aj
indigenous. Possibly a better word would be autochthonic, moaniii!;
aboriginal.

When I was a boy Rev. Charles Churchill gave me this advire
"Never use a shilling word when a sixpenny one will do." Acting'
on that advice I prefer aboriginal to any of the words used. AVe
speak of the Indians as aborigines, meaning that they belong in a
peculiar degree to the soil, never having been brought into the countrj
from outside countries, or having found their way here so many thousand
years ago (according to Mr. Fiske in " Discovery of America)" tliatl
they may be deemed to be aboriginal in a sense that no white persoiifj
can be so considered. Referring to place-names, the word end" irk
means, of course, the place-name which has been attached :o the plaoel
because of some local peculiarity or by the Indian inhabitants. Otlier|
place-names are imported.

(88)

tet'hiii'
aningiij]
nieaniiH

adviri'

Ac'tiiiil

d. ^Ve

mg in i
country

hourianfl
;a)" that'
persoiif

fcho plae«i
Otlierl

111 tlic month of Ootohor last T was in St. John, and wliilc going
cross the harbor to Carleton I heard tlio word OiKivgoiiJi/ nsod.
his was the name of a ferry-boat that once plied between the shores
11(1 perhaps does so yet. It was, in almost the same form as at
resent used, the original name of the Indian village which hugged
lie reversible falls of the St. John River. "Sam Sli(dv." I believe,
liisspclled the word in his " Tlistorv of Nova Scotia," or else his
tirinter, Joseph Howe, did, and from the book the original ])roprietors
|)ft}ic ferry-boat took the name. Well, the right name, OuvjoikIk it
had been continued as the name of the settlement, would be styled
II enchorial name. St. John is an imported name, having been taken
roni the river to which the name was given by deMonts aiul Cham-
lain in 1004 because they discovered it on St, John the Baptist's
ay, following the very common custom of naming the newly found
lace after the saint on whose dav it was discovered. You could
eep track of such navigators as Columbns and Vespucci by the Saints'
Calendar of the Roman Catholic Church. Cartier was fond of the
me source for his place-names.

Other words frequently employed to distinguish place-names are

miKifopoeai}^ patrovymir and rponynn'r. Any good dictionary will

pply meanings for the first two. The third may be defined to be a

personal name evolved by popular speculation to account for some

i^^raphical term, the true meaning of which has not been under-

ood ; " as the speculation that France takes its nnme from Francus,

son of Hector, and Britain from Brydain, a son of ^Fneas, and

'othaiid from Scotia, a daughter of Pharoah. You know some peojile

V vorv fond of tracins; their ancestors as far back and as near to

oab as they can ; some nations are like some people in that respect.

There are scarcely any other technical words employed in connec-

n with place-nomenclature, and even these or most of them are used

ore or less in association with other branches of study.

The general definition of enehorinl as oi)posed to im/torlrd is subject

>onie limitation. In a strict sense only Indian place-names would

enchorial. But since a great nniny places have been named b}-

five- born whites in honor of native-born whites, or because tlie

mes given are descriptive, it is evident that we cannot draw a hard

(1 fast line. The circumstances surrounding each place-name must

taken into account before we i)ronounce it enchorial or foreign.

( '^*^> )

For itirttuiicc, Dr. Bell, of the Geological Survey, gave to a mountai
in the region south of East Main River, the name of Mount Lauriei
and to a lake the name of Lake Beatrix. The mount's name ^voll!l
be enc!iorial, being after feir Wilfrid Laurier, whose ancestors wor
among the earliest to settle in New France ; the lake's name would 1
foreign, being in honor of Lady Beatrix, daughter of Lord Lansdowi^

Thjre is in Alberta a settlement to wliich the postal departmor
has given the somewhat curious name of Jumping Pond. Years ai;
when the buffalo roamed our North West in millions, the Indiar
used to select certain places fitted by nature for their purpose
having a grand battle of the buffalo — a killing off of the poor anima
on a grand scale. Near what we now call Jumping Pond is a Li^-
cliff. Towards this cliff the Indians by various devices headed tl
selected herd of buffalo, penning them in on three sides. Of eoiir
in their mad rush from the dangers that threatened them, they (ti
quadrupeds and not the bipeds) could not stop in their headlong Hit::
but were forced over the cliff to be killed by their fall. This ci'
the Indians called by a name which meant in their language the san
as in our language is meant by the word "pound" — an enclosure iir
which cattle are driven. After a time the English called the pki
the Jumping Pound and then in process of time, the meaning boii
lost, the name became corrupted into Jumping Pond — the natur
inference being that the pond or lake at the foot of the cliff w
meant. Jumping Pond would be descriptive and might or might ii
be enchorial ; Jumping Pound, being the translation of the Indian iiaiiii
would surely be enchorial, /. e. an aboriginal place-name.

The history of the place-name must be sought before we can deci'ij
whether the name is imported or is home-made. This brings usi
see that liistory is embalmed in place-names.

Some of the oldest names on the northern half of this confine!
have delightful histories connected with them. - A long series '
"stories about place-names" might be written, each of them givioj
sections of the 'history of our country in such a way as to'fix tl
history very firmly in the minds'^of the lads and lasses of Canada ti|
whom I am writing this account.

A very old name is that of Greenland. No doubt many schoi
children, dog-earing their map of Canada, have wondered why thi
white tongue of land which is thrust out from the upper left corni

(90)

[your nj

iTctic C

3a3sed 8(

iVCIlt to {

lole, the

hich in

Kewfoun

5t. John

lookout ;

r ail abu

^all " evei

and Nova

f the ter

here was

legioii giv

Hid ? ' It

Ibout

Leopold ^
K'cause oi

]to whic
lame the
»ow than
|ave mad(
|f place-iu
Gilber
[}' his w
pong," J
iiige the
Hi! find n
In the SOI
pony, the
langing
Ihapcl foi
loither po
Jiisists, o

[your riglit) slioiiUt liave Grcenlaii<l printed on it. Tt is \vit)iin tlio
iFctic Circle. It is away up there in the vast region where Nansen
Dussed some of the very coldest months of liis life ; where Franklin
il(llli^G!it to discover the North West Passage and to find that very elusive
lolo, the North Pole. It is the very crudle of those huge icebergs
rhicli in etemnl procession pass along the shores of Labrador and
i S'^ewfoundland .and keep the sentinels of our shi[)s (as they go from
f: 5t. John and other ports across the North Atlantic) on the constant
ookout ; and yet it is called 6'r^e/?land, a name which suggests

" The tender grass whose verdure clad
Her universal face with pleasant green,"

br an abundant growth of those trees, the spruce and others, which we
lall "evergreen" and which give to the winters of New Brunswick
knd Nova Scotia the briglitness of variety. The P>ench called a part
bf the territory of our neighl)ours Vervioni — " the green mountain."
[here was reason for that, — the pines, spruces, lirs and junipers of the
[egion giving it that appearance all tlie 3'ear round. But why (Jreen-
jiid? It is associated in our minds much more with Ileber's hymn
[bout " icy mountains" than with green fields and murmuring rivulets.
Jeopold Wagner in " Names and their Meaning " sugge^-ts that it was
because of the moss-covering which the first visitor saw in the fiords
]to which his vessel was directed. The great Arago drew from the
kaine the conclusion that the Arctic region must be very much colder
pv than it was when Greenland was first so named, lie would not
iave made such a mistake if he had been acquainted with the vagaries
If place-name givers, especially those of the sailor class.

Gilbert Parker, one of our Caiuidian novelists who has won fame

[y his writings, gives in that powerful novel, " The Battle of the

itrong," an instance " to the purpose quite." lie says, " you may

ange the seas from the Yugan Strait to the Erebus volcano and you

nil find no such landing-place for imps or men as that field of rocks

In the south-east corner of the Jersey coast called, with a malicious

pony, the Banc des Violets. At half tide, when the currents are

langing most, the violet field becomes the floor of a vast mortuary

lapel for unknowing mariners." It is the sort of Bank of Violets

|cithcr poet nor dreaming child would desire to rest on. The sarcasm

Diisists, of course, in giving to this greedy, man-destroying body of

(01)

!:•: I

rocks tlio name of a flcnver wliicli synibolizos innocence. Thenar.
Bcores of similar place-names scattered all over Canada.

However, let us get along with Greenland.

When the Christian era was more than a thousand years yoiiiii:

than it is, the King of Norway and the Jarls (or earls) of Norway hi

a great sea-tight and the jarls came off second-best. The King tlici,

upon insisted that the jarls should acknowledge his supremacy. S)i

of them could not bring themselves to do tliat. It was too humblii

to their pride. They took the lirst opTtortunity and sailed away \vi

their followers, taking diiierent courses. Some turned their vcsst'

bows to Scotland. Some went to join their forerunner kinsmen i;

England and France to do pirates' work, and others wandered ak

the coasts as far as the eastern end of the Mediterranean. Some wen

to Iceland and created ot it a very peculiar country, the subject

poem and prose for many a long day.

" Here eiice o'er furthest ocean's icy path
The Northmen tied at tyrant monarch's wrath ;
Here, cheered l)y soni,^ and story, dwelt they free,
And held unscathed their hiws and libeity."

These Vik-ings, as they are called, (from Vir a baj' and in;j, i<
mes-ning the "sons of the I>ay " or of the Fiord, the latter beiuiiti
Northmen's word for a deep inlet of water) were adventiiro
beings. The rolling deep was their home and the life that chariii?!
them most was life on the ocean wave. A couple of years after tij
migration to Iceland, one of them, Gunnbjorn by name, was <lriv
by stress of weather to the country we now know as Greenland, tli
unnamed. He found his way back after being ice-locked for a wink:
This is the first visit of a European to the western hemisphere
which there is authentic record. We have in " Gombar Scheer,'"— ti.
name of a dangerous reef of rocks, — the corrupted form of the h
place-name bestowed by a European on this continent. Skerrv
which there are several in the British Isles, is Norse for "a cliff' sepnra^oriu;]nj
ing two bays." The original " Gunnbjorn's skerries " was a volcii
mountain isle. But the force of some eruption, when volcanoes w
livelier up north than they are now, shattered the island aiul
nothing but the reef, and time has changed the original place-iiao
into its present dilapidated state.

The Icelanders being good historians as well as good iighter>, tlui
chronicles of those early years are specially valuable and singular;

( i>^ )

' Atte

lawiueut-

trustworthy. From some of the narratives of Gunnhjorn's experiences,
Eric the Red liad learned of the existence of the new fonnd hind of
the (nr north ; and having heen put l;eyond the pale of decent tiociety
for kiilin'g a fellow countryman, he resolved to find out what he could
of Gininhjorn'slan<l. This was in 988, over a century after (Junnhjorn's
misadventure. With his personal Ibllov/ers he explored the coasts of
the country and found at the head of one of the tiords, far within the
water-worn, ice-bound crags of the coast, a spot for a home. It M'as
a grassy plain, a lovely si)ot surrounded by icy mountains; a greev
Inul in the midst of "snaffels ;" an oasis with all around it a desert
of ice. lie was a shrewd fellow was Eric, and he had already sketched
out ill his busy brain a definite purpose and plan. lie would go to
Iceland and tempt away by alluring descriptions of his green fields a
sufficient number of his Vik-iuf; fellows to form a settlement. So he
named it Greenland ; for, said he, it is well to have a pleasant name if
we would succeed in inducinsr men and women to come back with us.
With this story of a pleasant land Eric returned to Iceland and
brought back in due time tlie first colony of European emigrants that
[ever settled on this western hemis})here. His two score and five
vessels, loaded with people, were reduced to fourteen vessels, the
lotliers being lost. With half a thousand people he began the settle-
Imcnt, which in time found the original fiord too narrow, and a new
I settlement was formed in another fiord to which was given the name
I Erics-fiord. Other settlements followed, for this was no transient
Mraft of people from Iceland. The settlements effected lasted for more
tliiiti four centuries, during which time the inhabitants luiilded churches
in which ten generations worshipped the Christian's God and endured
the long winters and rejoiced in the short, hot summers when vegeta-
tion sprung to maturity by leaps and bounds. They tended their
cattle ; thev mowed their ijrass fields and made the hav and carried
on a flourishing trade with the Mother Isle, and the name of Greenland,
originally applied to one fiord, became the name by which all the
settlements were known in Iceland. Savs Fiske, "the name thus
givoii by Eric to this chosen spot has been extended by modern usage
to the wdiole of the vast continental region north of Davis Strait, for
|the whole of which it is a fiagrant misnomer."^

'After an existence of four centuries, they provoked the enmity of those tierce little

haw iiieiit-euters called the P>skini() (our friends the E:'>(|uiniaux under a revised name), and

jtlit'M- attacked the settlements in (Jreenland and uiped them of!' the face of the earth so

that no vestige hut ruined chun-hes and [)iles of stone and a few place-names remain to

|ieiiiiii(l us of the S(!andinavian settlement which gave (ireenland its name.

(93)

In confiiiuiiia: and extendinsr tlio name Grccnlaiul we have Ir
followed the ]>lan adopted in Canada as well as in other counlri
The conntry through which the St. Lawrence River ilows was at t'
called New France ; then as Cape Diamond (so called by Carr
because he picked up a stone which lie thought was a diamond) wa
the great fortress of the region and as the river there become narm
for a short distance, widening out above and below, the place sim
came to be known by the Indian name Kepeo^ a strait or nurrd
passage. It was natural, then, to call the whole region tbe Govcr
ment of Quebec, as* was done in the proclamation of George III uiid
the Treaty of Paris, 1703. In our own day we have seen a siniili;;
extension of a place-name in the case of the place-name " Canadii.
which word was employed in the Quebec Act of 1774 to designate ti
King's French-speaking subjects — '■'All TFis Majesty's Canadian suhjoeti
within the Province of Quebec." Then it came to be applied to tl;
two provinces separated by the Act of 1791 — Upper and Lower Cam
Then under the Union Act of 1841 the two sections were called CaiimJ
East and Canada West, till the word w^as applied by the Union Actf
1 867 to the four provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Ontario aii
Quebec, and is now applied to all the northern half of the contincir
excepting Greenland on the east, Alaska on the west and Xcw
found land.

Having satisfied ourselves about the way in which Greenlaii
became one of the most ancient place-names of the continent we \s\
not have far to search for the meaning of Greenland's place-name;
They are of Scandinavian origin. They come to us from the ol
Vik-ings who gave place-names to the shores and bays and mouiitaii;
and rivers of the British Isles. It is the one bit of Scandinavia tlior:
is in this new world. Here and there are isolated place-names of l^i
same origin. There are ITecla, Ilusavick, Baklur, Thingvalla an
others in Manitoba, named by the Icelanders, whose first setticmeii:
in the prairie province was in 1875, and of whom there w^ere, in 18
according to the census, 3,746 who were born in the Scandinavia!
countries, besides a goodl}^ number born of Scandinavian parents, bii:
whose birth-place is this Canada of ours.

' ii

The (1
•serts n
>rosciit rt
toloiiies,
|() Groat
Canada tc
^ Other
ucli, the
retched
ome ill t
life ; ai
war ai
easn res
eliglits t(
eople an(
To coil

The he
^ide, overh

re woi'n ,'
k1 henche.'
roinen wov
lain room
jreplaoe. (
lone most
Mwrs, and
fell as of I
ifl there w
oaLs raked
|toiies in h(

)', and in

iansion, th

i)Ilo\vinfi; f{

[unci red fee

' Historj

(94)

lavo h

ountrio;

3 at iirv

Curtit'

) narrn:

ace s()(ii

narni.

Gov or;

ri uiKi.

I siriiilia
CJanadii
piate ti

1 SUl)j(M'

id to tl;

rCaiiiidil
il Can mi
m Ad'
tario ail
ontiiiC'!.']

bd ^^

reenlaiij
;, wo Avi.
e-naine;|

the Oil
lountaiii
via therj
es of m
alia aiii
Bttlenieoj

in 189ll
idiiuiviaJ
rents, biii

FREN'CII-CANADIAN LIFE AND CHARACTER.

EdITKI) liV J. \'Kn(tM.

The debt which the empire owes to the French-Canadians, Roberts
sorts in his recent work/ is immeasuraijly greater than we at
irosont realize. By their rejection of the proposals of the revolted
oloiiios, he argues, the northern half of the continent was preserved
Great Britain ; but for them, there would, in all likelihood, be no
iiiada to-day.

Other writers have sketched for us, with more or less friendly
ouch, the French-C'anadian gentleman of rank ; often poor, but not
retched ; at home with his tenants, at home among the Indians, at
omc in the forays of the border wars, yet never forgetting his station
life ; and the simple habitant, poorer still, who followed his seigneur
war and honored liim in peace, made the most of the fleeting
Pleasures of life, and took no thought for the m(»rrow. Roberts
leliglits to fill in the picture with descriptions ot the dwellings of the
p)ple and of their dress and social customs.
PI To condense from his pages :

The houses of the hahifmis were small cabins ; humble, but warm ; with

ide, overhanging eaves. The walls within, to the height of: a man's shoulders,

•p worn smooth by the backs that leaned against them. Sialic! wooden boxes

(1 benches usually took the place of chairs. A clumsy loom, on which the

omen wove their coarse homespuns of wool or flax, occupied one corner of the

liti room ; and a deep, box-like cradle, always rocking, stood beside the ample

replace. Over the fire stood the long, black arms of a crane, on which was

|one most of the cooking; though the " bake-kettle " sometimes relieved its
bors, and the brick oven was a stand-by in houses of the rich hdlntans, as
ell as of the gentry. For the roasting of meats, the spit was much in use ;
fl there was a gridiron with legs, to stand on the hearth with a heap of hot
ills raked under it. The houses even of the upper classes were seldom two
oi'ies in height ; but they were generally furnished with a good deal of lux-

|ry, and in the cities they were sometimes built of stone. A typical country

ansion, the dwelling of a seigneur on his own domain, was usually of the

llowing fashion : The main building, one storey in height, but perhaps a

red feet long, was surmounted by lofty gables and a very steep roof, built

' History of Canada, Chapter XII.

(95)

'ill I

'i:- ^

1 < :

thus to shed the snow and to give a roomy attic for l)('dtliainlR'r.s. The at]
was lighted hy numerous high-peaked dormer windows, piercing the expiiih
the T'oof. Tiie main building was flanked by one or more; wings. Arouni
clustered the wash-house, coach house, barns, stable and woodsheds, Tj
homelike cluster of walls and roofs was sheltered from the winter stoiin
groves of ev(!rgr(Mni, and ginilcd cheerily by orchard and kitchi'n-gardeii. '
one side, and not far off, was usually a village with a church-spii-e glriiiii;]
over it ; on the other, a circulai- stone mill, resembling a little foi tress mtj
than a peaceful aid to industry.

After describing the dresses of ceremony, the tliree-cornerod U
and wide-frocked coats, the embroidered waist-coats, knee-breteJ
and silk stockings, with which we are more or less familiar in pictorl
representations, the writer continues :

Out of doors, and in the winter especially, the costumes of the iioli
were more distinctly Canadian. Overcoats of native cloth were worn, «:|
large, pointed hoods. Their pattern is preserved to the present day iiii
blanket coats of our snow-shoers. Young men might be seen going nl)mi:l
colt))'s that brightened the winter landscape, (lay belts of green, blue, iv\\
yellow, enriched the waists of their thick overcoats : their scarlet leggings w^
laced up with green ribbons ; their moccasins were gorgeously embroidered n
dyed porcupine (fuills ; their caps of beaver or marten were sometinn'
down over their ears witli vivid handkerchiefs of silk. The hd/iifdiis ft
rougher and more sombre in their dress. A black homespun coat, gray lejj;;'iDJ
gray woollen cap, heavy moccasins of cowhide — this grave costume was imi
brightened by a belt or sash of the liveliest colors. The country woiniii;]
to content themselves with the same coarse homespuns, which they wmvl
short, full skirts ; but they got the gay colors, which they loved, in kcii.
for their necks and shoulders.

Of their social life and customs, he tells us :

The country houses of the seigneurs were the scene of many gfiiotl
Driving parties, picking up guests from each manor-house as they pas>;eii
would gather at some hospitable abode. When tired of the stately dances tlj
in fashion, the guests would amuse themselves with games such as now, «t
men seem less light-hearted and more self-conscious, are mostly left to cliildi
" Hide the Handkerchief," " Fox and Geese," " My Lady's Toilet," and vaiKj
games of forfeit, were among those that made life cheerful for the Cana<li;iii<|
old. Then there was riding in the summer ; and in winter sledgiiii.' "*■
the crisp, glittering snow. Baptisms, betrothals, and weddings were nm
occasions of feast ; on May-day the hoisting of the may-pole in front of
seigneur's house was accompanied by much merry making, — eating, drinkii

( 96 )

jfiri's, luid the fii'ini,' of f,'unH. Tliin tVast was tlic aHiiii- of tin- /Hihifmif, who

that (liiy were tlie f^uestH of tlit^ Mel<(iU'ur.
I>inin;,' the eai-ly (hiys of the colony the /uihifiiiix had lived i-hielly on
^ad fitid eeJH. Tlii(»Ui,diout the early part <jf the ei<,diteeiith century they
(I oil salt meat, milk and hi-eatl for the ;,'i'eater part of the N'ear ; hut in
Iter fresh meat was al)und.irit. Travelling was pleasant, and from Christmas
Lv^li Wednesday then^ was a ceaseless round of visits. Half a dozen slci;,dis
lulfl drive up to a hnhifmif's c(jttaji(c, A dozen of his fi'iends would jump out,
l^lilc their hor.ies, and tlock chattering into the warm kitchen. 'I'he liouse-
Ic at this season was always prepared for jt^uests. She had meats of various
ads roasted and {)ut away cold. All she had U) do was to thrust them into

hut oven, and in a tew minutes the dinnei- was icady. At such times
^ail was despised by everybody, and sweet cakes took its place. When the
///o/v, as on .May-day, were feasted by their seign(!ur, the table was loaded
h a piofusion (>f delicacies. Legs of veal and nuitton, roasts and cutlets of
Ifh pork, huge bowls of savory stew, pies of many kinds shaped like a half-
jii, large tarts of jam, with doughnuts fried in lard and rolled in maple
[ar, were among the favored disln^s.

Among the upper classes breakfast was a light meal, with white wine and
ice, usually taken at eight o'clock. Dinner was at midday, and supper at
k'li. Suun was always served at both these meals. On the great sideboard,
id with silver and china, which usually occupied one end of the dining loom

reached to the ceiling, stood cordials to encourage the appetite. In one

[tier stood a watei- jar of blue and whitt; porcelain, at wliich guests might

Kc their hands before going to table. The table was served with great

andance of choice fish and game. Each person's plact; was supplied with

pkin, plate, silver goblet, spoon and fork ; but every one carried and used

own knife. To keep up the cheer of hearts that aids digestion, all the
Dpaiiy sang in turn about the table, the ladies bearing their full share with

men. It was a happy and innocent life wliich sped in the manor-houses of

St. liiiwrence, where the intluence of Uigot and his crew was not allowed to

There must liave been anotlicr side to this picture in the ordinary

of the habitant, a life of privation and toih AVe are accustomed

tliiidv of it with pity, and to contrast it with that of the New
[gland colonist, living in thrifty comfort. But the Canadian hnhitant^

igh generally poor, was not miserable in his poverty. Between

French and the English as he found them in America, Charlevoix^
draws a comparison :

hi New England and the other British colonies, there reigns an opulence

'As ([uuted by rurkman in " The Old Regime in Canada."

(97)

by which the people seem not to know hosv to profit ; while in N(!W IVan
poverty is hidden under an all- of (Mise which appeai-s entirely natural. T'
Knj,'li.sh colonist keeps as nuich and spends as littl«5 as possible: the i'lcn
colonist enjoys what Ik; has ;,'ot, and often makes a display of what Im; h;is n i
^ot. The one labors for his heirs, the other leaves them to get on as they ciij
like himself.

Without (liHpara^ing tho people of liis own race, fbe Eiiul
Bpoakinii; Canadian may yield a generous admiration to the virtue^ ai;
traditions of his fellow-countrymen of another raee and tongue — bravj
and adventurous; submissive to authority, tliough jealous of tlu:j
rights and liberties; faithful in their allegianee ; true to their relJLn
and to themselves; the solid core, as Roberts well says, around win
lias irrown the vast Confederation of Canada.

THE STORY OF LAURA SECORD.

!'i :

^l! "

Bv Fkam'ios K. Mi kray.

"We are now ncaring the close of the 19th century, and o.:
thoughts naturally turn to the many events, the great changes wliicJ
have marked its course. Wonderful inventions have made ligliuj
" toil's heavy chain." Higher education, not merely in youth, k\
continued through life, has broadened our ideas and widened til
horizon of thought. But great as have been the changes, huimi]
nature is still the same. Types of character reappear generation aftt;
generation. The quiet and studious go on dreaming and pondcriiiJ
working out in silence ideas which are to dominate the future. Tl.
impulsive and daring are forever eager to try new fields of action ar.|
enterprise. Poets " hidden in the light of thought " are still " siiigiiJ
songs unbidden " as when Shelley gave us, eighty years ago, tkj
exquisite ode. Home, its sweet duties and pleasures, occupy the saiii|
place in our hearts now as then. We are linked one to another ai
we Jin de siecle people can go back to the early years of our centur
and find models of patience and endurance, of courage, loyalty aiiJ
patriotism, with which we may feel in touch and from which we maj
catch a glow of enthusiasm, may receive a ray of inspiration.

(98)

Fdi" tliirt reuHoii I would recall as vividly as possible the nicniorv ot
)iie whose deed of patriotic courage must now and always he told in
^uiadian histor}* with pride and a trihute of admiration.

For many years Laura Secord's retiring disposition kept lior name
Ifroiii public notice, but since her death Mrs. Curzon's spirited drama'
las interested many in this episode of Canadian liistory which 1 now
^vir*h to repeat once more for tiie benetit of a younger set of readers.

Liiiira Secord was bv birth an Iiiijersoll. Her father, Thomas
[iii^crsoll, was one of the 10,000 United Empire Loyalists who at the
[nniipL't call of duty and honor left their homes and all their eartldy
3()ssossions in the United States to face the dangers and ditKcultios of
|ite in the then almost unbroken wilderness of Upper Canada.

Little Laura Ingersoll was but a year old when her father came,
[1776) at Gov. Simcoe's invitation, to Canada, and founded a settlement
jii the hanks of the Thames, Oxford County. Thus all the young
Ifirl'.s early associations were coiniected with the advvutures, the
)rivation8, the escapes, which marked those interesting years of our
Country's history. When she married, she "mated with one of her
ciud " for James Secord belonged to a large family of New Brunswick
j)valists, some of wliom soon found their wav to Western Canada.-

Mr. Secord owned a lumber mill and store at (^ueenston and there
[he young people settled; there many happy years of married life were
[pent, for they were a most devoted couple, and there four girls and
Mie boy were born.

^"I.niirn Si'conI, tin J/i lo/in of ISI.'" -a Draiuii liy Mrs. Sui-uli Aiuiu Ciii/on, of
fiiKuitii, who (lied Novcnibi'i, ISJfS.

-'Tlie family of Secord was a iiotahlf one. Docuint'iits exist wliich .slio^\ that in the

ei^ii of Louis X, of France, a Mai'(|uis de Sccor was a marshal .if [lis Majesty's hoiise-

lold. A sou of this marcpii- aud some youui^er hrauches ui the family eiuliraeed the

Priit«.Ntuiit faith. Duriu<i' the pei'secutiou of the Huyuniots, mauy of them were liurut

|iiil tlif family estates at La Hoehelle were eontiscated. The survivors escaped the

iiissiK ic of St. Bartholomew hy tliirht to Eujilaud. Kventually five brothers emigrated

Ainiiiea where they settled in New Jersey, purchased land, founding New Rochelle

bid fiinaging in lumbering. On the breaking out of the Revolutionary war the family

lividt'd. the loyalists changing their patronym to Secord by phu-ing the pietix " d " at the

|iid (if their name. These brothers after (as king's men) losing in common witii

tlic loyalists their propert\'and estates, emigrated to New Brunswick where many of

heir descendants still reside. Some members of this family afterwaids moved to Canada

^e^<t, Among those who settled in the Niagara district were three brothers, James

ecoiil, husband of Laura, Major Secord, his older brother, and Stephen Secord the

liiller uf St. David's. —F/'o/u Monoir of Laura Stvord hy Mrs. Cnrzon.

(99)

■1:' I

ii,: '

■.!' 'l
■i-i|

111 1812, the quiet of tliis and many other happy homes was ili-
tiirbedby the sound of war. Ai!:ainst the wislies of New Englandns,
for flags wore hung half-mast in Boston Harbor, against tlie judgmonr
of many of the wisest and best in other parts of the United State-,
President Madison declared warasrainst Emj-land and sent an inva(lillL^
army into Canada. Tliore was an instantaneous outburst of lovaltv
C^tuadian militiamen vied with the regulars of the Britisli army in
their efforts to repulse the intruders. Mr. Secord, who a few montlis
before had resigned his company and left the militia, now offered lii-
services as a volunteer. The Americans were driven back, and at
Detroit were forced to capitulate. At (^ueenston Heights, attorn
hotly contested struggle, the victory was ours, although brave General
Brock was killed. Many were left dead or dying on the battlefield,
among them Laura Record's husband.'^ He would soon have died ol]
his wounds, had not his devoted wife made a long and harrowin-:
search. She found him, wounded in leg and arm and fainting frein
loss of blood. The quiet home became a quieter sick-room where tlif
wounded man was gradually nursed back into life. As soon as pev
sible, the family moved to a farm-house in the country for the benotit
of the invalid, but Mr. Secord never fully regained his health or strength,

The invasion was renewed the next year, 1813, and the American^
for a short time again occupied (Jueenston. A cordon of sentries wa>|
stretched out ten miles from the frontier, and the Secord's farm-house: |
being within that limit, was liable at any time to the entrance of tlic
enemy's soldiers demanding a meal. Once after breakfasting tliroei
men, one remarked, "You have a nice })lace here, missis; Avhen we
come for good to this country we'll divide the land and I'll take thin
here for my share." Mrs. Secord replied sharply, " You rascal, yon,
all you'll ever get here will be six feet of earth." In a few days two I
of the men returned, " You were right, missis, about the six feet oi
earth " — one of the men had been killed. At another time the ]\ou<('
was searched for money. Mrs. Secord had a small store of Spanisli
doubloons which she baved by throwing them into a pot of boiling'
water which hung on a crane over a blazing fire.^

Meantime the lighting went on with varying success. The Anieri-
cans captured Fort York (Toronto) and Fort George (Niagara) l»ut|
were surprised, defeated and driven back at Stoney Creek (Hamilton)

'Fioni note.'* to y\\'t?. Vuvy.ou\ dnimti " Lninn Si-ronl.^^

( 100)

])V Colonel Harvey and liis "green tigers," as the men of the 49th
were called. In retaliation, an attack was i)lanned upon Lieutenant,
F'itzgibhon at Beaver Dams (Thorold). This outpost was guarded by
a detachment of the 49th, a few Indians and a squad of militia, in all
about two hundred men. An American force of live hundred men,
fifty dragoons and two field pieces, under Colonel Boerstlor, was to set
out i'rom Fort George (Niagara; on June 23rd to take Fitzgihbon's
out[)()^*t by surprise. The evening before a noisy party of soldiers
had supped at the Secords. Mrs. Secord, while giving directions to
the Tiiaid wlio waited on the men, was startled by some words dropped
hy one of the i>arty, and listening attentively she soon heard the whole
plan discussed. With a woman's (piick decision she determined at
once to w^arn Fitzgibbon of his danger. But how was it to he done?
Her husband had been crippled by his wounds. Iler brother also was
lying seriously wounded at ^t. David's mill. There was but one way.
She herself must undertake the dangerous walk of twenty miles through
the forest. After obtaining with some difficulty her husband's consent,
she rose befc"^ dawn June 23rd, set the breakfast table so that any
chance visitor might suppose her at home, took a milk pail on her
arm to serve as an excuse to the sentries, and driving the cow away
instead of towards the house she escaped suspicion. Her first rest
was at St. David's mill where her sister-in-law, the widow of Stephen
Secord lived, and where her brother Charles then was. Both tried in
vain to dissuade her from her perilous undertaking.

At home, meanwhile, the children Avere told that their mother
liad gone to visit their sick uncle, but they noticed and wondered at
their father's unusual restlessness and anxietv as the lone: hours of
that weary day dragged on.

After leaving the mill Laura took a path across the meadow and
plunged at once into the forest. This nearly doubled the distance ;
hut on the highway she certaiidy would have been arrested. "We
can scarcely realize the fatigue, the anxiety, the danger of that long,
hot, weary June day. Little rivulets at tliis time of year were run-
ning in every direction, making the mossy ground swampy and the
Hulking heavy ; sometimes her feet would stick in a clayey bank and
I her shoes get clogged with the yellow earth ; then she would have to
stumble for a short distance over a half-sunken corduroy road. She
j climbed over trunks of trees fallen across the path and fought her

?■;

•■A

( 101 )

iif

way through thick, tangled underbrush, while black ilies and mos-
quitoes innumerable swarmed about her. Under such circumstances
a ten-mile walk is considered a good day's work for a man/ but Laura
had covered nineteen miles in that time. At sunset she found herself
on the bank of a swift stream — the twelve mile creek. It grew dark,
wolves howled in the distance; but, nothing daunted, she clambered oti
hands and knees along a mossy log which overhung the stream, and,
crossing, she found herself at the foot of Beechridge, up which she
had a hard, fatiguing climb. When the moon rose she had reacdied
the Indians who formed the vanguard of Fitzgibbon's little force.
The rest of the story must l)e told in her own words: "As I approach
they all arose with one of their war-yells, which indeed awed n;e.
You may imagine what my feelings were to behold so many savages.
With forced courage I went to one of the chiefs, told him I had great
news for his commander and that he must take me to him or they
would all be lost. He did not understand me, but said : ' Woman !
what does woman want here?' The scene by moonlight to some
might have been grand, but to a weak woman certainly terrify in i;-.
With difficult}^ I got one of the chiefs to go with me to their com-
mander. With the intelligence I gave him, he formed his plans and
saved his country."

When Laura reached headquarters, her skirt and jacket were in
tatters, her hood had been lost in the forest, her shoes were worn oH
her feet. Lieut. Fitzgibbon was perfectly amazed at the courage and
darintr of the noble woman who had undertaken and successfully
accomplishcil such a dangerous expedition. But his gratitude .ex-
ceeded liis astonishment when he found what an important service
she liad rendered. Every attention was shown her ; for, he says, "Mrs.
Secord was a person of slight and delicate frame, and made the effort
in weather excessively warm, and I dreaded at the time she must
suffer in health in consequence of fatigue and anxiety, she having been
exposed to danger from the enemy, through whose line of communi-
cation she had to pass." An escort was detailed to conduct her to a
friend's house three miles distant " where [she writes) I slept right oli,
for I had journeyed on feet twenty miles and safely. God be praised. '

The attack the next morning (June 24) on Lieut. Fitzgibbon's out-
post and its defeat are matters of history. The little force was placed

e(|

r»

•

in am

t(^ ma

ad van

woodi'
and h

tliems
liiKJin
foe, c
forty-t

were c
Th

1 1 n 1 1 /I T

See Cottin's C/iroui</e.so/ the War,

(102)

effort
must
been
muui-
ir to a
lit oil",
ised.
8 oiit-
)laco(l

in ambush and on sides of the road, and every precaution was taken
to make it appear that there was a large force in reserve. When the
advance guard of the American riflemen appeared, a volley from the
woods emptied their saddles. Soon firing came from all directions
and l)ugle calls and Indian yells. The bewildered enemy imagined
themselves in presence of a much larger force. Colonel Boerstler
finding that his men were losing heavily from the tiro of the unseen
foe, consented to surrender. By the capitulation five hundred and
forty-two men, two field pieces, and the colors of the 49th U.S. regiment
were delivered over to the Canadians.^

Three days afterwards, Mrs. Secord returned to her anxious hus-
l)nnd in a comfortable conveyance, along the high road, for the enemy
had left the country ; and most thankful she was for the success of her
dangerous undertaking and its great results.

In 1814 war was renewed, but before the year ended the treaty
of Ghent was concluded. "War's tempestuous vultures" had to "fold
their wings and sleep," and peace descended upon the land. During
the three 3'ears of war between the Canadians and Americans there
had been fifteen engagements ; the British and Canadians had gained
eleven, the Americans four of these fights.

Mrs. Secord lived to a good old age in the retirement of her happy
home. She had several beautiful daughters, one of whom was called
the "Belle of Canada." After her husband's death in 1841, she
resided with her grandson, Mr. James Secord of Niagara, who writes,
'"My grandmother was of a modest disposition. She was the very
last to mention the ex[)loit, and unless asked would never say any-
thing about it." There was one exception to this reticence. When
the Prince of Wales visited Canada in 1860 the veteran Canadian
soldiers at the Niagara frontier signed an address to His Royal High-
ness. Laura Secord claimed the privilege of signing also. This was
readily granted as soon as the memory of her brave deed was recalled.

1 Lieut. Fitz<^il)boii belonged to uii old l)Ut im|tn\ eiishcd liish fiunily. His pa.ssioii
for arms was irresistible. At seventeen he enlisted and was at on(;e made a serjj'eant.
At twenty-one he was made sergeant-major. He served Iiefore Copenhagen where the
4ilth acted as Marines. In ISO'i he was appointed to an ensigney and came to ('anjida.
In IS09 he succeeded to a lieutenancy. His exjjloits at Heaver Dam gave him his com-
pany. He thus rose by dint of meritorious service. At the close of the war he settled
ill Canada and filled several offices under the government. He retired on a pension and
let urned to England where in just appreciation of his services he was made a military
knight of Windsor. — Mrs. Cuhzon.

( 103 )

\"''

And not only so but tlie Prince, liearing of the cireiinistanceH visited
liertliat he might learn her story from her own lips, and on his return
to England he sent her £100 as a souvenir of his visit. Iler loyal
heart was much gratified by these acts of kindness, and the Royal
visit was no doubt one of the brightest events of her declining year^*.
In November, 1867, she sank peacefully to rest at the advanced age
of 93, and M-as buried in Drummondville churchyard.

Sleep, Jjaura Secord, resting well,
Serenely pillowed 'neath the grass ;
Tender and reverent be the steps
That by thy green grave pause and pass.
The while across the ages long.
Oh faint, oh far sweeps down a song,
Fi'oni graves of heroes of oui- race.
From many an honored resting place:—
" Numbered with us on glory's roll.
Be this Canadian's dauntless soul."

[From a Ballad of the War of IS I, ^, Inj Ellen Murray.

ilf - li ':

ON THE STUDY OF ANCIELnT MAPS, ILLUSTRATED BY

FOUR OF THOSE OF THE GULF OF

ST. LAWRENCE.

Bv W. F. (iANoN(;, Ph.D.

Very few people have an^' idea of the great abundance of old maps
that exist representing parts of Canada. I was once shown a map ol
New Brunswick dated about 1830, and told by its owner that it was
the first map of that province ever made. I was able to tell him that
there are over two hundred printed maps of earlier date showing tlir
province or parts of it with some accuracy. From the very first discovery
of America, the explorers made maps to show the results of their
voyages, and the professional mapmakers of Europe were busy collect-
ing and compiling their sketches into larger general maps. Thus the
maps reflect with the greatest clearness the successive stages in the
exploration of new countries, and it is a matter of the greatest interest

(104)

that i

them.

space?

cities,

selves

not sh

jireseii

interv

throui

liecaur

])rover

t the e>

exjilor

gradui

H<\yal 8<
iiie tiike
"luitted,

■\vaH

to trace, with the narratives of tlie explorers in liand, tlie gradual
e\olijtion of geograpliy from the stage whore a great hlank space
represents a sea or a continent, through a series showing gradually
iiurcasing accuracy and detail, down to the complete maps of the
present day.*

The earliest maps are very crude and full of errors. The lirst
ex})lorors had neither the means nor the time for making accurate
surveys, and could make their ina})s only hy the aid of general
compass directions and a few crude measurements of the speed of
their ships, — such maps in fact as we now call "sketch maps." Nor
were these maps copied accurately by the professional mapmakers ;
for the outlines were not closely followed and the names of places were
misspelled and in other ways altered with
the greatest carelessness, thus making
cartography, or the study of old majts,
by no means an easy study, nor one in
which all students can come to an agree-
ment. Still, as partial compensation for
this, many of the old maps are most
artisticallv ornamented and colored, so
that it is a delight to possess and study
them. They often also have their 0(bl
spaces filled with pictures of men, animals,
cities, etc., and these pictures in them,
selves are at times of great historic interest and value.

The fact of greatest importance about old maps is this, they do
not show a gradual improvement from the earliest times down to the
present, but the improvement goes by leaps, as it were, with long
intervals between when the maps not only do not become better, but,
through carelessness in copying, become actually worse. Tliis was
l»ecause the mapmakers could gain no new knowledge for the im-
l)rovement of their maps, excepting such as was furnished to them by
the explorers, \v'ho were few in number and far apart. When an
explorer came home, the maps became suddenly better, then
gradually worse until another returned, and so on.

'This lias been dono for New Brunswick in a inonojriuph in the Transactions of the
Royal Society of Canada, vol. in (1897). From this work the accompanying four figures
!iie taken. As these are intended to ilhistrate New Brunswick only, the names are all
omitted, except on the New Biunsw ick coast. All are but {mrts of large ma[)s.

(105)

•^1
i

Fk;

1 — PoKTioi'KSE Mat ok
Vli:(i.\S MKKOKK ir)34.

Some of the most important facts about old maps are illustrated
by the four cjiven herewith, which show the eftects of the voyages of
Cartier upon the maps of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. The reader will
do well to examine them with a good modern map of the Gulf before
him, and also to read in this connection the sketch of a part ot
Cartier's first voyage, already given in No. 1 of this series of readin<:s,

Before the voyages of Cartier, the Gulf of St. Lawrence was shown
on the maps merely as a rounded indentation in a nearly continuous coast
line of Eastern North America, and one of the very best of these majis

I, L!

Fid. 2- -Mai- mad?: nv Jean Rotz, dated 1542; really

I'.ELON(iIN(i TO loSo.

•;: i

is given in Figure 1. Hardly any feature and not a single name
can be recognized ; even the straits of Belle Isle are not shown.
Figure 2 is an early map showing the first voyage, but not the
later ones, of Cartier. Erroneous as it is, it is yet an immense
advance over those that preceded it. L^nfortunately no names ot
places are given in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but these can be supplied
from Figures, which shows the effects of Cartier's second voyage also.
Cartier's narrative makes it plain that y de margaux is what is now
called Bird Islands, and ye de brion is still called Brion Id., while
Allezay is a small island at the southwestern end of the Magdalene

( 106 )

Islands. Both Fitijurea 2 and 3, however, sliow the Magdalene Islands
united to the coast to the southward, a natural mistake, tor Cartier
coasted only along their northwestern side. B. des harrjurs was
Richmond Bay on P. E. Island.- C. ihrngoulesme is another name for
Cape Orleans which is the present Cape Kildare. C. despoir was the
north point of Miscou Island. Figure 2 shows Anticosti merged with
the mainland to the south as Cartier thought it was on his tlrst voy-
age, though he corrected this error on his second, as Figure 3 shows.
It was from the strait north of Anticosti that lie turned hack to

Fl(!. 3 — M.M" MAKK «V HaKI.KV, DATKD 1.542, lilT liEl,ON(ilN(i

AliOlT ir)37.

return to France from his first voyage, and hence the St. Lawrence
river is left blank on Figure 2, but it was explored by him on the
second voyage and hence is shown on Figure 3. The great error on
these tw^o maps, however, is the fusion of the Magdalene Islands with
the mainland, but this is entirely corrected in Figure 4, one of the
earliest maps showing the complete effects of Cartier's voyages. If one,
however, attempts to coi lare the names on this map with those on
Figure 3, he will find sonio differences, partly due to careless copying

See page 10 in No. I of this .series of readings.

( 107 )

and partly to the presence of additional names omitted by the maker
of the earlier map. From this time on until the appearance of Cham-
plain's maps in 1 <)!•>, many maps of the Gulf of St. Lawrence woiv

'^oOYvjwA.n)'

>i»uJ*w"JJ V

\UJL;y|3^o

, (no n a rfti

Fk;. 4 — Mai' mm>k iiv Dksckijkks in \7)M\.

published, but none of them were any better, and most of them wer
worse, than that made by Desceliers (Figure 4). This, of course, ^vll
because there was no map-making explorer in the Gulf durinii- tlia:|
interval. These maps will give some idea of the value and diflieiilt]
ies of the study of old maps, a subject certain to receive from historian-
much more attention in the future than it has in the past.

(108)

A SCHEME FOR THE CONCUTEST OF CANADA IN 1740.

Mv N'liToi: lli(.(i I'ai/isits, ok tiii; Nkw N Hrk I'tni.if Liiikakv.

(ireat Britain's acquisition of th<^ vast domain of Canada, by the
treaty of 1703, was the realization of a hope long cherished. The
reduction of this *' thorn in the side" of the neighboring English
colonies had been attempted in 161)0, under !Sir William l'hii>s, and
in 1711 under Sir Hovenden Walker. The attempt of the former
ended ingloriously, while that of the latter proved a fiasco.

From the treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, until the open rupture in
1744, a nominal peace reigned. The declaration of war between
Great Britain and France in the latter year equally involved their
colonial possessions in conflict. On 17tli June, 1745, Louisburg, the
richest American jewel that had ever adorned the French crown,
capitulated to tlie daring of the New Englanders under General Wil-
liam Pepperrell, aided by a lleet commanded by Commodore Peter
Warren. The successful issue of this enterprise gave the English
entire command of tlie Gulf of St. Lawrence, and thus enabled them
to cut ott' (Quebec from all hope of succor from France. It also
t'aeilitated the conquest of Canada itself.' The victory was hailed
with acclamation throughout the colonies, and a hope was exi)ressed
that no }»eace negotiatiuns should ever be set on foot witli France in
which the restoration of Ca})e Breton should as much as be mentioned, -

The Canadians were apprehensive of a liritish invasion; but made
vigorous preparations to repress it. They learned the English plans
by means of scouting parties, from the Etiglish prints, and more
especially fnmi the English colonists captured on the frontiers by their
various incursions, and whom they lield in contincment at (Quebec.''

In the English-American provinces an expedition against Canada
was looked ujjon by some as a chance for " tine plundering;"^ while
to others it appeared to afford advantages "inconceivably great to
the Crown of Britain."-'' Indeed, the original suggestions of October,

^i^

' MiiKoirs of till /'rhi<l/i<(/ Transiuiiitiis of I Ik Lh^I War. Tliinl edition, liostoii,
IT.'iS ; p. H3.

- hirker's xV. (/•- )'o/7/ /'os/- /}■>;/, No. 1()4, for Mairli 111. 174(5. The article itself is
dated Deoeinhei- 28, 174").

•* The wiiole subject of nmiois and Fiench anticijuitoiy action can be studied from
.V. }'. Col. JJoi.'i., vol. x : and Jounml of C'(i/>((iiii Williain I'ole, Jr., New York-, 189(j.

■t PoM-Boif, No. 17S, for June 10, 174(5.

''Pod-Boy, No. 173, for May 12, 174(5.

( 109 )

i; ;-

1='l '

1745, coiiipreliciidcMl the enlistniciit of 20,000 provincialH, wVio should
be offered, as an induccmeiit, " tlio plunder of the oountry; as well as
the lands of tlie Canadians." In official quarters — and none the less
among the populace — it was judged that the acquisition of Canada
would secure the fish and fur trade, deprive the French of provisions
and lumber for their sugar islands, greatly diminish the trade oi
France, secure the English possessions in America —hitherto greatly
incommoded, ajid put a halt to the building of French war vessels
then carried on in Canada.' Governor William Shirley, in hisspeccii
to the Council and House of Representatives of Massachusetts-Bay
28th June, 1746, told them it was but folly to consider Nova Scotia
in security so long as the French continued to be masters of Canada.-
He but spoke the truth from a bitter experience.

Soon after the conquest of Louisburg, Shirley was called there ti
quell the discontent which had arisen among the provincials. His
mission accomplished, he returned to Boston early in December. Bin
while at Louisburg he had concerted measures with Pepperrell and
Warren, for an expedition against Canada the following year. Tin
project was communicated to the Duke of Bedford, then at the head
of the admiralty, and was well received.

The fighting strength of all Canada, according to the best aval!
able information, was judged not to exceed 12,000 men, inclusive ot
the regulars ; and the Indian allies were computed to be about 9O0.'
The winter of 1745-1746 intervened. On 14th March, 1746, the Duke
of Newcastle,^ then at the helm of the government, wrote to the
various American governors, that "should it be judged advisable to
undertake any attempt upon the French settlements in the New
World, they should take the proper measures for raising a body of

' Chalmerti' Papers reJafiiii/ to Canada, UH)'2\~\)2, in New York l^iblio Library.

' Jonrnal of the, lie}>renentatives of MdKs.-linif, 1740, p. 71.

' Memoirs of Last War, j). 00.

* Thomas Pelham-Holles, Duke of Xewca-stle-upon-Tyue and of Ne\vcastle-iiii(k'i
Lyne, was born 21st .July, 101):^, and died 17th November, 1708. He is descrilud n-
having been "nervous and pompous, always in a hurry, and always behind hand; iirnmani
of common things, and not learned in any sense." He certainly made a great fiasco oi
the plan to reduce Caiuuhi. Lecky says he vastly increased the evil of siiamele.s.'^ cor
ruption in the afl'airs of the goverinnent, "discredited and degraded his [)arty. Mini
left the standard of political morality lower than he found it."' — History of Eixjia ml n
the Eiifhfeeiith Centnvy, vol. ii, pi». 438-40.

(110)

_.iJl

le -111 It It''-
crilifd 11^

e\e»y cor-
tirty. iuiil

lljldllli IN

men ior tlmt purpose."' This waa hut the suggestion of a fact soon
to follow.

On 0th April, 1746, Newcastle despatched letters hy the sloop of
war llk'khujltrook- to the governors of all the provinces from New
Engliind to Virginia. The packet with the royal orders reached Gov-
ernor Shirley on 26th May, and he immediately forwarded the docu-

' nients to the difierent goverments by land expresses. He evinced his
own interest by his personal correspondence, in which lie urged co-
operation, lie was very zealous for the cause, and hoped that the
Massachusetts- Bay government would set a good example to the
others. The ro3'al orders required the several governments to raise
as large a body of men as the shortness of the time would warrant.
The King did not limit the number of men for each province, neither
(lid he require special allotments. But he hoped and expected that
the united levies would not be less than five thousand.^

The scheme concerted in England varied very little from the sug-

P gestions which had been forwarded previously from America. It was
agreed that the land forces should be commanded by Lieut, -Gen.
Sinclair,' while Rear-Admiral Warren was to look after the royal
fleet. The plan of operations was not made irrevocable. Sinclair,
Warren and Shirley were entrusted with such alterations as circum-
stances would require or good judgment might suggest. By the
original instructions the companies raised in New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia were to rendezvous at Albany.
The command of this contingent was given to William Gooch, Lieu-
tenant-Governor of Virginia ; but ho pleaded indisposition, and de-
clined to serve. Governor George Clinton, of New York, who was
virtually responsible for the success of this part of the plan, appointed
Lieutenant-Colonel John Roberts as Gooch's successor. ° From

' CImfmcr.'t' /'tijn r'<, as liefofe.

■ So in il/r»s.v. Joiini((/, '29tli May, 174(5. Also siuilled Hiiichinbrook in Penii.
• To/ks," vol. IV {/'hi/a. 1774), p. S7.

•' Hut(!hinson. Ifl^f. of Mass., 'Svd edit., vol. ii, \). .'Wl.

' <ien. .Tanies Sinclair (also written St. ('lair) was the second son of Henry, eighth
I'Onl Sinclair. He entered the army at an early age, and rose in the ranks, becoming
lieutenant-general on 4th June, 1745, and had command of the British troops in Flan-
•iers, prior to the appointment for this Canadian expedition. He died ,30th November,
1(<)2, while governor of Cork, Ireland.

■'' iV. Y. Col. Docs., vol. VI, p. 314. Roberts was an experienced soldier, having
st'iMd since the days of (ieorge I. He was also connected by his first marriage to the
Karl of Halifax.

(lllj

'■i

Albntiy tlioso tr()0]»H w(M'o to nmkc a doscont iqioii Motitrcal jumI liiv
WRHte the Hottlc'TJients on tlio upper St. Lawrence.

Tlie provincialn of MassaelniHettK-nay, New llanipHliire, Kliddc
Island and Connecticut were to rendezvouH at Louisbur^ aw soon as
poHHi])le, wliere they were to await tlie arrival of (ilen. Sinclair, tlic
eight battalions of rt'i^ularH, and tbe fleet coniniandcd by "Warren,
Tbiw was tlie main guard, wbicb was cliargod with tbe capture oi
Quebec. Wliile tbey proceeded up tlic St. Lawrence, tbe men at
Albany were to march on to Montreal. The })low was to be struck
simultaneously. The plans were well laid, and gave every earnest ot
success. '

So soon as tbe governors bad received the Duke of Newcastle's
instructions of 0th April, they convened their several councils and
legislatures, and urged immediate action. The whole number of fight-
ing men within tbe colonics aggregated .'540,000.'- Massachusetts-
Bay took the initiative, and sigiuilized itself in a manner no whit
inferior to its action in the Louisburg expedition. Although greatly
burdened l)y the loss of about 2,000 men in that campaign, they cheer-
fully and speedily made liberal appropriations, and equipped ^>JM
men in less than six weeks time. Tii 1 71 "2, Jeremy Dunmier had written
a letter in whicli he said: " T am sure it has been the Crv of the whole
Country ever since Canada was deliver'd up to the French : Caiunht e.<'
deleridn ; They always look'd upon it as a Carthage to tbe Nortliein
Colonies, which if they did not destroy, it would in Time destroy them."
These words were singularly suited to the present occasion, and Shirley
read them during the speech with which he adjourned the General
Court on 28th June, 1740.'' It appears that New IIamj)sbire ex-
pected to equip 1,000 men, though some authorities suggest that only
500 took the field. Yet, Gov. Wentworth, in his requisitions to
England for reimbursement, says his province raised 733 men. Rhode
Island voted three companies of 100 men each — a standard for com-
panies required by the royal instructions — and expended more than

' The material for u study of the sclieme is aiiiplc. The chief sources are Cli'iliii"'-
I'aj)ers lielafiinj fo Ctiiiai/it, transcripts from oriunnal documents in the Enj^lish Stati
Paper Office; .4/rv/K)/r.sq/"Lrt.s/ War, i». ()l;Holt. Jin/xtr/inf HeftrfKcntation, vol. iv {/.cmloi'
1750), {)p. .34") and .'UO; Hutchin,son HiM. of Mdis., .3rd edit., vol. ii, pp. .380 and ;W:
N. Y. Go/mii't/ Dor-s., vol. vi ; and the printed J'o^-s, .loinimJs and Haconh of the sivoicl
colonies engaged in the expedition.

-' Chalmers'' l^npirK.

•' il/^ff^-.v. .hinrndl, ITK). p. (17.

(112)

\ 1111(1 >

jLl<>,000 sterling, exclusive of a speoial hount^' to each soldier.' The
(iciieral AHwenihly of Comiecticut, in May, 1746, a^^reed to furnish
♦ji'O men, hut increased tlie nunihor to 1,000 at its June session." A
ci'iisus of New York, taken in 174(5, shows that tlie wliite males
iu'tween the years of 16 and 60 nuuihcrcd hut 12,522, exclusive of
Albany County, which could not he computed hecause of the enemy.*
Xt'vcrtheless this province i)rovided 1,600 men, and also four "inde-
|ic'ii(lent" companies of 100 men each. It also conciliated the Five
Xiitions of Indians, through the instrumentality of Col. William
Johnson, whom the Indians themselves had chosen to he their colonel.'
Xow .lersey voted 500 men, and h}' its ajtpropriations impaired its
iiwn treasury. Col. Peter Sc^lmyler, who commanded the New Jersey
lonipanies, also advanced some thousands of pounds ''out of his own
i-tate"' to keep his men together."' ihit in doing so he reaped the
displeasure of New York's governor, who bitterly complained to the
luotlior country, asserting that Schu^'ler's action had caused desertions
and mutiny among the unjtaid provincials. The legislature of Penn-
sylvania was controlled hy Quakers, who, wnile aflirming allegiance
t(i the King's commands, so far as their religious persuasions would
IHTiiiit, objected to being "concerned in war-like Enterprisee."'^ Gov.
[(Joorge Thomas, therefore, raised 400 men, without an act of govern-
|iiieiit, and clothed, armed and equipped them on his own credit.
Maryland contributed 300 men, who were ready for the field by 25th
-'illy, and its Assembly voted £4,500, currency, on 26th June, and
'MO, currency, and £200, sterling, on 12th November, for tlieir equip-
ment and maintenance. Virginia, though given special honors, in the
h'erson of Gov. Gooch, contributed a very unequal proportion. She
k'tiild raise only 100 men, and even they were not ready before the
Imiddle of August. In October, 1746, this Virginian contingent still

' A'. /. lieconls, vol. V, pp. 17- iiiid "ilili. It iiii^ht bo suii I that all the colonies <^iive
"lial inducements, in one way or another, to favor an enlistment.

-' J'liblir Records oj Conn., vol. ix, pp. "ill and 231.

' -V. Y. Col. Docs., vol. VI, p. .S92. New York'.-< official action in behalf of the
ln-me, can be studied from Joiirnaf of the Vofe-^ and Privffdhif/x of fli<- <ri.n<ral Anscinh///
-Vm/' York; vol. ii (Neir York; 1766).

' X. Y. Col. i)oc.>'., vol. VI, p. 379.

■ N. .7. Votes, 1.3th June, 1746; and 7th Jan., 1748.

" I'enn. Votes, vol. iv (Phila., 1774), p. 3S.

(113)

:1V I

lay encamped within the fort at New York city, waiting to proceed
to Albany, the place of rendezvous.^

Hopes ran high. The men at Albany and at Louisburg eagcrlv
waited for the re/^ulars and the fleet, since their arrival was to sound
the alarm for action. The Indian allies of New York thirsted for
chance to revenge themselves. In England a fleet and many transport-
had been collected at Portsmouth ; but after several embarkations ami
debarkations, the British ministry altered the destination of the English
regulars, for a descent on Brittany in France. **

On 30th May, 1747, the Duke ot Newcastle directed that tlie
Americans be disbanded, save a few hundred who might be requinl
to garrison Louisburg. In October, Shirley and Knowles issued a
proclamation "that the King, flnding it necessary to employ tlie
greater part of his forces to aid his allies and to defend the libertit
of Europe, had thought proper to lay aside for the present the intended
expedition against Canada."''

Tliere seems to have been no disposition of allowing the Americaiid
to make the attempt unaided by the regulars. It does not require ii
stretch of the imagination to ascertain tlu- causes. For the Duke of
Bedford had opposed such proposals when the scheme was flrst siicr.
gested by Shirley ; representing to Newcastle the imprudence of th
idea, " after the expeiience we have had of their conduct and princi-
ples, on account of the independence it might create in those provinet-l
when they shall see within themselves so great an army possesst of s(
great a Country by right of Conquest." He wished to place the chirtl
dependence on the fleet and army to be sent from home, and "to look
on the American- as useful only when joined with others."^ Tlie
adoption hy the home government of Bedford's policy, shows that lii?
view was entertains d by others in authority.

Thus ended a scheme which had been well-concerted, and which i!:ave I
every promise of success. It had, been undertaken at the_expense of the I
mother country, and failure to execute it proved a tremendous waste.

' 'riit'i'e is !i rather ciiustie ci'itioism of N'iiniiiia in ^^iir-York J'oit-Boi/, No. l!tn,
Sept. S, 174(5.

-' Kolt., vol. IV, {). :UV).

•' Clinlnifrs' /'nji< r-<. Tlif pioclainutioii isalso {)riiite(l in llfconlsoj' llliode Island, mjI.u

* Clin/ )H (■)•><■ Papers : and manuscript of vol. ii of Clialnier.s' Revolt of the Cdi'i'"

Both arc in Now York Piihlic IJhrary.

•'' All t'lahoratt' rcpdi't of'tho icspeotive clainis i>y the ('(jloiiios for roiinhinsciiiviii

dated Fchniai'v, 1740-17"><>, ,shi)\v.>< that the total huiii char^fed was i'"J7.'i, 1 *i!) !.-. 1 1 i't I

und the amount actuallv paid out was* €23"), 817 l.s. — Chalmetti' I'a/iers.

(114)

COMMENTS OF THE PRESS.

R. E. (losNBLL, Lllirartan Leijis/ntive

lihrani, B. C: I must congrntulate you

I not oni}' on the conception of such a com-

Iniendahle enterprise, but upon the success

hvith which it hus been initiated.

S. E. Dawson, LL. 1).. Offaimi: It seeins
[to me to be a most promising idea.

Rkv. Dr. Macrae, Pi-i-.-o'dai/ Mnn-'ni
I('o//«,'/e, Quebec: Kept u{) witli the s[)irit
land excellence characterizing the first num-
jkr, it suj-ely must command a large and
|u|>j)reciative support.

J. R. Inch, LL. I)., Chir/Supf. Eihrnition,
X. B.: It is of great interest in connection
hvith the study of Canadian history. I
Ishiill l)e glad to assist in any way possible
Ito liiiiitr supplementary readings such as
Jthetie within read 1 of tlie children in our
Ifohools.

Toronto Globe: The object of the publi-
tciitioii is obviously to popularize knowledge
|ini(l liuild up national sentiment.

Hiilifax Pri'f<}>!itiri(in Wltjuss: What we
rvoulil like to see is, schools ordering at
{wholi.'sale prices cojjies of the (Quarterly for
[all advanced pujjils. Mr. Hay would thus
jliecome a pioneer in a genuine historical
Iriiform.

St. John Globe: The various issues of the
[leaflets will certainly prove au actiuif«ition
jtothe school as well as to private libraries.

St, John Snn: They should win on their
[merit a hearty recognition and support, not
M'uly in New Brunswick, but all over the
jl)ominion.

Woodstock Ih'xpafrh : If future numbers
liave the same value and interest of this
[tiist, they will be deservedly popular.

Moiicton Transcript : If the first number
[oi Canadian history, edited by Mr. G. U.
jHay, is a fair .sample of what this publica-
[tion is to be, we would advise our readers
It'i take this op[X)rtunity to keep posted in
I'icul history.

Weymouth Free Press : They will stimu-
jlateun interest in and for the fasciiuiting
|*tiidy of history.

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111 the minds of students a strong and lively
[interest in Canadian history.

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for the schoolroom but they can be appre-
ciated ecjually by the geneial reader.

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designed to supersede the textbooks now
in use, l)ut to provide a supplementary
course of readings Vjy means of which a
more comprehensive knowledge of the
history of our country may be brought to
the minds of our young- people.

.M. Chamberlain, Harvard University:
I think the idea of {)ublishing the.se bits of
Canadian history for sup{)lementai'y reading
is a capital one, and I liope that it will
receive the support which it <leserves.

Yarmouth Tf/( </r<tt)i : Tiie first lunnber
justifies the exf)ectations that the series
will |)rove a valuiibic aid to teachers and
students who hav" limited access to books
and documents relating to the history of
Canada.

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and should find a permanent place in the
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mended by scholars throughout the land,
and F. B. Meagher, School Inspector, while
not consifiering them always necessary in
teaching, heartily endor.ses them, and thinks
teachers would be making no mistake in
adopting them. They are issued (juarterly
by C. U. Hay, the pulili.sher of that most
excellent teachers' periodical, the fjducu-
tional Review, St. John, N. B.

Fredericton Hfrahl: It is on the whole
a mostexcellent publication, and .should be
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Bras d'Or (C. B. ) Gazette: The Educational
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in Canadian history is commendable.

(■ j

hi if'

Entered

EDU(

ISSl

Entered according to Act of the Parliament of Canada, in the year 1S99, by G. U. Hat,

at the Department of Agriculture.

EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

CANADIAN
HISTORY.

NUMBER FIVE.

THE ACADIAN PEOPLE,

James Hannay.

THE BATTLE OF LUNDY'S LANE,

W, J. Robertson^ M.A.

THE PENNFIELD COLONY,

J as. Vroom.

HISTORY IN BOUNDARY LINES,

W. F. Ganongj Ph.D.

THE PHYSIOGRAPHY OF NEW
' BRUNSWICK,

W. J. Wilson, Ph.B.

March, I899^

ISSUED QUARTERLY.

PRICE 10 Cents.

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PUBLISHER'S ANNOUNCEMENT.

• ^ ;j! -

To our Readers^ —

There has l>een a steadily growing demand for back numbers of this series of Canadian
Historical Readings. Though large editions of the early numbers were issued, the steady
call for tliem lias led to their being rapidly taken up, so that those who wish for the fuil
series should not delay too long in applying for them.

The l>est plan is to subscribe at once for the whole series, and this will insure their
prompt delivery to your address as each number is issued.

I'he series will be completed in twelve numbers, containing about 350 pages of read-
ing matter of the greatest interest to students of Canadian history and geography. The
most stirring incidents in our history have been selected, many of them from original
papers and (hjcuments not accessible to the general reader. The result will be a unique
and interesting collection which will prove of the greatest value to the student and
reader of history.

CONTENTS OF THE SERIES.

Nutnber One.

Introduction (The Editor).

Physical (Jrowth of Canada (Matthew).

The Legend of Glooscap ( Vroom).

Cartier's First Voyage (Ganong).

Winter at St. Croix Island (Hay).

The Story of Lady La Tour (Hannay).

The Story of the Loyalists (Sir John Bourinot).

Number Tivo.

The (Jabots and Their Voyages (Piers).

The Settlement of Port Royal (Hay).

Physiography of Nova Scotia (MacKay).

An Acadian Marchioness . . . . (Hannay).

A Chapter on Names (Raymond).

The Fort Cumberland Summons and Reply ((ianong).

The Siege of Penobscot (Vroom).

Number Three.

General Coffin (Jack).

Fort Cumberland : . . (Hannay).

D'Anville's Expedition (Piers).

Nicolas Denys' Description of the River St. John (Ganong).

Incidents in the Life of Lieut. James Moody ... .(Hay).

Story of the Big Beaver (Raymond).

Number Four.

Place- Names ; (Johnson).

French Canadian Life and Character . (Vroom).

The Story of Laura Secord (Miss Murray).

On the Strdy of Ancient Maps iGanong).

A Scheme tor the Conquest of Canada in 1746 (Paltsits).

Number Five.

The Acadian People (Hannay).

The Battle of Lundy's Lane (Robertson).

The Pennfield Colony. (Vroom).

History in Boundary Lines (Ganong)

The Physiography of New Brunswick (Wilson).

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Educational Review, St. John, N. B.

THE ACADIAN PEOPLE.

By James Hannay.

There are now upwards of one hundred thousand persons of
French origin in the Maritime Provinces, the great majority of whom
are known as " Acadians " because they are the descendants of the
French settlers who were brought out to this country when it was a
colony of France and was called " Acadia." The first settlement of
Acadia took place in 1604, under de Monts and Champlain, but the
place selected, St. Croix Island, proving unsuitable, the little French
colony was removed to Port Royal in the spring of 1605. The colon-
ists consisted of farmers and artisans, men well suited to the business
they had in hand, but the colony was finally broken up by an English
expedition from Virginia, under Argal, in 1613. There does not
appear to have been any further attempt by the French to establish a
settlement at Port Royal for about twenty years. In the meantime.
Sir William Alexander had obtained from James I. of England, a
grant of the country, and had established a colony of Scotchmen at
Port Royal. This colony was, in its turn, broken up when Acadia
was restored to France under the terms of the treaty of Saint Germaiu-
eu-Laye, made in 1632. Some of these Scotch colonists, however,
remained in Acadia and mingled with the French settlers who were
brought out after the country was restored to France.

It does not appear that any of the French of Champlain's colony

remained in Acadia, although one or two of them went to Quebec.

The origin of the Acadians therefore dates from the year of 1633,

when Isaac de Razilly brought out a number of French settlers to

La Have. Between that year and 1638, de Razilly and his lieutenant,

iCharnisay, brought out some sixty families of colonists, most of whom

[ appear to have remained in Acadia. These people were all workers,

[mainly farmers and fishermen, with a few artisans, such as black-

j smiths, carpenters and coopers, who were necessary to do the little

work of the colony. At first they were settled at La Have, but a few

I years later most of them were removed to Port Royal, the name then

given to the region about Annapolis, which must be regarded as the

[motlier settlement of Acadia. '

The French colonists who settled Acadia, came from Rochelle,
liutonge and Poitou, on the west coast of France, a tract of country

(115) ' -- ---■;-■■■■

{

5vs

which has some features in common with Acadia; a country ot
marshes from whicli tlie sea was kept out by artificial dykes. Tliis
fact had a considerable iniluence on the settlement ot Acadia, inr
the French dealt with the marsh lands of Port Royal in the same
manner as they had treated similar marshes in France, and tlicv
depended upon them almost entirely for their sustenance. The
marsh lands of Acadia were so extensive that they were much more
than sufficient to maintain the population for more than a century,
and for that reason the Acadians cleared a ver}' limited area of forest
land during their long occupation of the country. Acadia therefore
remained a land of " forest primeval " until the English began to
settle it, about the year 17G0.

The sixty families of French who came out under de Razilly niul
Charnisay were the true founders of the Acadian people ; for althou^ili
other persons came from time to time to the little colony, there was
no immigration of whole families, and only four women are known to
have come to Acadia after the period of the original immigration,
already mentioned. Therefore, although new names appear from time
to time in the lists of Acadian settlers, they were merely thoso of
individuals, such as discharged soldiers and transient working men,
who had concluded to settle in tlie country and whose wives belonged
to the original Acadian stock. This has given a unity to the Ac&-
dian people such as is hardly to be found in any other community, niid
has caused them to differ very materiall\', in appearance and otherwise,
from the French Canadians of the province of Quebec.

The first census of Acadia of which we have any record was
taken in the year 1671, when there were found to be seventy-live
families, numl)ering four hundred and forty-one persons. The largest
settlement was at Port Royal, where there were sixty-eight families,
numbering three hundred and sixty-three persons. The manner in
which these Acadians lived is very clearly shown by the details of
this census. They depended largely upon tlieir cattle and sheep. Of
the former they possessed eight hundred and sixty-six, or almost two
for every man, woman and child in the colony, and of the latter four
hundred and seven. They had four hundred and twenty-nine aeres
of land under cultivation, and had harvested that year four thousand
three hundred bushels of grain. It is evident that this statement of
land under cultivation could only have referred to the land actually
tilled in that particular year, and did not include the land upon which

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liay was cut or tliat devoted to pasture. The grain produced, assum-
ing it to have been wheat, was fully double the quantity tliat the
little colony could use for food, and the produce of the cattle must
have been much more than Avould be required for tlie support of these
families. The surplus was sold to feed the little French garrison
which w^as always stationed at Port Royal ; and when Acadia passed
into the hands of the English, in 1710, the custom was continued and
tlie Kiiglish garrison of Annapolis had their wants supplied by the
produce of the farms in the vicinity of the fort. The Acadians of
Chigiiecto, Mines, and their outlying settlements, found a market for
their products at Boston and even at Louisbourg, which, after the loss
of Acadia, became the great French stronghold of the Maritime prov-
inces. In this w^ay the Acadians became rich. Tliey produced
everything that was necessary to supply the wants of their families,
and had a large surplus to sell, which they converted into specie and
usually buried, as there were no banks in the country in which to
deposit it. It is doubtful if there was anywhere at that time a
peasantry in more comfortable circumstances or more aflluent than
the Acadians were from the time the English took possession of the
(oantry until their expulsion in 1755.

Another census of Acadia was taken in 168G, just fifteen years
after the one already referred to. It then contained 855 inhabitants,
of whom 592 resided at Port Royal. Two new settlements had in the
meantime been founded, both of which were destined to become
populous and wealthy, and to entirely overshadow the original colony
at Port Royal. These were Beaubassin or Chignecto, the name then
given to the territory about Sackville and Amherst, and Mines which
included the region on the Basin of Minas, the place now^ described
ill the railway circulars as the Land of Evangeline. There were 95
families then residing at Port Royal, 27 more than in 1671 ; but the
land they had under cultivation and their horned cattle had decreased.
Their sheep had almost doubled, having risen from 407 to 627, and
they possessed 351 swine, a species of live stock not mentioned in the
census of 1671. Evidently considerable changes had takeii place in
their mode of living, due to causes w4iich cannot very well be ascer-
tained now. The settlement at Chignecto, although only a few years
[old, was flourishing. It had 127 inhabitants and more land under
cultivation than Port Royal. Its cattle numbered 236, its sheep 111,
(and its swine 189. The Mines settlement had 57 inhabitants and

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possessed 90 horned cattle, 21 sheep, and 67 swine. This was the
humble beginning of a settlement where cattle a few years later were
numbered by thousands. At Chignecto and Mines there were vast
acres of marsh lands capable of supporting great herds, and the people
who went to these new settlements speedily became rich. The pro-
gress of Chignecto was checked for a time by the expeditions from
Massachusetts under Col. Church ; but the prosperity of Mines
encountered no such drawback, and it speedily became the most
wealthy and populous settlement in Acadia.

The transfer of Acadia to Great Britain in 1710 did not at all
affect the progress of the Acadian settlements. A census taken in
1714 shows that the population of Mines had risen to 878, a number
almost as great as that of Port Royal, which had 895 inhabitants.
The settlers of Mines were spreading themselves over the land and
had established new colonies on many of the rivers flowing into the
Basin of Minas, the Pizequid, the Gaspereaux, the Canards and other
streams. The Port Royal colony was also more populous than it ever
had been before ; and, although a few families had left it, the bulk of
the inhabitants continued to cling to the soil on which their fathers
had lived so long. They were in the possession of some of the best
soil in North America ; they were in the enjoyment of peace, and
they had therefore no inducement to seek their fortunes in another
land which might not prove so congenial as that in which they were
living. During the next forty years all the Acadian settlements grew
rapidly, and in 1755, it is estimated that the Acadians numbered
about 10,000 persons, a prodigious increase to take place in so short
a period of time.
:i. The Acadians were a people who lived very much by themselves,
and therefore they acquired characteristics which were the outgro^vtll
of their peculiar conditions. They were a very religious people, and
Were greatly under the influence of their clergy, whose power over
them was felt in every relation of life. "When this power was exercised
in the interests of morality and religion it was a most wholesome
influence and of the utmost benefit, but when it was used for political
purposes it became a source of danger and led to the utter ruin of a
people who might have remained always happy and prosperous.

Among the Acadians it was the custom to marry young, and as a
consequence their families were usually large. Land was so abundant
that a young man could not do better than take to himself a wife and

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set up housekeeping on his own account. Their lives were siniple
and frugal and virtuous, but education was greatly neglected. Very
few of the Acadians could read or write, and the literature of the
world was a sealed book to them. This, however, was a condition
not peculiar to the Acadians, but which also existed among the
peasantry of France from which they sprang. In those days it was
not thought necessary that a mere tiller of the soil should be able to
read or write ; indeed it was not until the present century that the
great awakening took place as to the advantages of education which
has placed that great blessing within reach of the humblest and
made ignorance appear a badge of inferiority aiid disgrace.

THE BATTLE OF LUNDY'S LANE.

W. J. ROBKRTSON, M. A.

The importance of the War of 1812 is not yet fully realized by
Fnglish historians, although there are strong indications that the
British world is at last beginning to see dimly that the future of the
British Empire is deeply involved in the growth and development
of Canada. Had Canada been conquered in the War of 1812, the
whole course of British history would have been changed, and that
for the worse. Had the war not taken place when it did, it is possible
that the process of americanizing Upper Canada, which was then
going on, might have ended as similar processes in Texas and California
ended at a later date. But the result of this war, which has usually
been looked upon as a great evil, effectually checked the tendency of
citizens of the United States to settle in Canada without any intention
of becoming British subjects. On the outbreak of hostilities, those
unwilling to take the oath of allegiance were forced to leave the
country, and never since has American influence been an important
factor in our political development.

Of the many battles fought during this bitter struggle, the Battle
of Lundy's Lane was the most stubbornly and fiercely contested. So
evenly were the antagonists matched that American historians have
ever since claimed the battle as an American victory. Needless to say

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every Canadian writer has described the results as favorable to British
arms. It is possible some of your readers may desire to know the
truth of these rival claims ; therefore, to satisfy a laudable curiosity,
the reports of the British and American commanders, immediately after
the battle was fought, are here presented. For these reports, as well a>
for a mass of other interesting contemporary documents, I am indebted
to a publication known as the " Documentary History of the Campaign
on the Niagara Frontier in 1814," of which Capt. Cruikshank, Fort
Erie, is the learned editor. The italics are my own.

The first account of the battle here given is from a report of Sir
Gordon Drummond, the British commander, to Sir George Prevost :

Headquartkks, Niagara Falls, 27th July, 1814.

Sir, — T embarked on board His Majesty's schooner " Netley/' at York, on
Sunday evening the 24th inst , and reached Niagara the following mornini;.
Finding from Lieut.-Colonel Tucker that Major-General Riall was supposed to
be moving towards the Falls of Niagara to support the advance of his division
which he had pushed on to that place on the preceding evening, I ordered
Lieut.-Colonel Morrison, with the 89th Regiment and a detachment of the
Royals and King's, drawn from Forts George and Missassauga, to proceed to
the same point, in order that with the united force I might act against the
enemy (posted at Street's Creek, with his advance at Chippawa) on my arrival,
if it should be found expedient, I ordered Lieut.-Colonel Tucker at the same
time to proceed on the right bank of the river with three hundred of the 41st
and about two hundred of the Royal Scots and a body of Indian waniors,
supported (on the river) by a party of armed seamen under Captain Dobbs,
Royal Navy. The object of this movement was to disperse or capture a hody
of the enemy which was encamped at liewiston. Some unavoidable delay liav
ing occurred in the march of the troops up the right bank, the enemy liad

moved off previous to Lieut.-Col. Tucker's arrival

Having refreshed the troops at Queenston, and having brought across the 41.st
Royals and Indians, I sent back the 41st and 100th regiments to form the
garrisons of the Forts George, Missassauga and Niagara, under Lieut. Col.
Tucker, and moved with the 89th and detachments of the Royals and King's,
and Light Company of the 41st, in all about 800 men, to join Major-General
Riall's division at the Falls. When arrived within a few miles of that position
I met a report from Major-Gen. Riall that the enemy was advancing in great
force. I immediately pushed on and joined the head of Lieut.-Colonel
Morrison's column just as it reached the road leading towards the Beaver Dam.
over the summit of the hill at Lundy's Lane. Instead of the whole of INIajor
General Riall's division, which I expected to have found occupying this position,

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I fciiiid it almost in the occupation of the enemy, whose columns were within
60<J yards of the top of the hill, and the surrounding woods tilled with his light
troops. The advance of Major-General Hiall's division, consisting of the (ilen-
garry Light Infantry and Incorporated Militia, having commenced their retreat,
I countermarched these corps and formed the S9th Regiment and Royal Scots
detiuhments and 4lst Light Company in the lear of the hill, their left resting
on the great road ; my two twenty-four-pounder brass field guns a little ad-
vanood in front of the centre on the sunmiit of the hill ; the (ilengarry Light
Infantry on the right ; the Incorporated Militia and the detachment of the
Kiiiji's Regiment on the left of the great road ; the s<|uadron of the 19th
Lifjlit Dragoons in rear of the left on the road. I had scaicely completed this
formation when the whole front was warmly and closely engaged. The enemy's
principal eflforts were directed against our left and centre. After repeated
attacks the troops on the left were paitially forced hack and the enemy gained
a momentaty possession of the road. This gave him, however, no material
advantage, as the troops which had been forced back formed in the rear of the
H9tli Regiment, fronting the road, and securing the Hank. It was during this
short interval that Major-General Riall, having received a seveie wound, was
intercepted as he was passing to the rear, by a party of the enemy's cavalry,
and made prisoner. In the centre the repeated and determined attacks of the
enemy were met by the 89th Regiment, the detachments of the Royals and
King's, and the Light Company of the 41st, witii the most perfect steadiness
and intrepid gallantry, and the enemy was constantly repulsed with very heavy
loss. In so determined a manner were these attacks directed against our guns
that our artillerymen were bayoneted by the enemy in the act of loading, and
the muzzles of the enem} s guns were advanced within a few yards of ours.
The darkness of the night during this extraordinary conflict occasioned several
uncommon incidents. Our troops having for a niomnit been pushed back, some
of our guns remained for a few minutes in the enemy s hands ; they ivere, how-
ever, not only qtiickly recovered, but the two pieces, a six-pounder and a five-and-
a-half~inch howitzer which thf enemy had brought up, were captured by us,
together with several tumbrih; and in limbering up our guns at ane period one of
(he memy's six-pounders was put up by a mistake upo)i a limber of ours, and
one of our six-pounders lihibered on his, by which means the pieces were ex-
changed, and thus, though me captured two of his guns, yet, as he obtained one
of ours, we have gained only one gun.

About nine o'clock (the action having commenced at six) there was a short
intermission of firing, during which the enemy was employed in bringing up
the whole of the remaining force, and he shortly afterwards renewed his attack,
but was everywhere repulsed with equal gallantry and success. About this
period, the remainder of Major-General Riall's division, which had been ordered
to retire on the advance of the enemy, consisting of the 103rd Regiment, under

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Col. Hcott, the Headcjuarter division of the 8th (or King'w) flank compnnics,
104th and some detachments of militia under Lieut-Colonel Hamilton, inspect-
ing field otficer, joined the troops engaged, and I placed them in a second line,
with the exception of the Royal Scots and flank companies 104th, with which
I prolonged my front line on the right, where I was apprehensive of the
enemy's outflanking me. The enemy's efforts to carry the hill were continued
until about midnight when he had suffered so severely fiom the superior steadi-
ness and discipline of His Majesty's troops, that he (/ave up the contest and
retreated rvith great precipitation to the camp beyond the Chippawa. On (h
following day he abandoned his camp, threw the greatest part of his bayrjayp,
camp equipage f and provisions into the rapids, and having set fire to Strfiet'i
Mills and destroyed the bridge at Chippawa, continued his retreat in yrml
disorder towards Fort Erie. My light troops, cavalry, and Indians, are
detached in pursuit and to harass his retreat, which I doubt not he will con
tinue until he reaches his own shore.

The loss sustained by the enemy in this severe action cannot be estimated
at less than fifteen hundred men, including several hundred prisoners left in our
hands. His two commanding generals. Brown and Scott, are said to be
wounded; his whole force, which has never been rated at less than^ve thonsnud,
having been engaged.

Enclosed, I have the honor to transmit a return of our loss, which has heen
very considerable. [Total, including officers, 84 killed, 559 wounded, 195
missing, 42 prisoners.] The number of troops under my command did not for
the first three hours, exceed sixteen hundred men ; the addition of the troops i
under Colonel Scott did not increase it to more than ttvo thousand eight hun- 1
dred of every description.

The foregoing statement of General Drummond is very clear and
definite, and is in marked contrast to the hesitating and somewhat
confused accounts given by General Brown (the American commander)
to the United States Secretary of War which follows :

Major-General Brown to the Secretary of War :

Buffalo, 7th August, 1814.

Sir, — Confined as I was and have been since the last engagement witli the
enemy, I fear that the account I am about to give may be less full and satisfactory
than under other circumstances it might have been made. I particularly fear i
that the conduct of the gallant men it was my fortune to lead will not be noticed
in a way due to their fame and the honor of our country.

You are already apprised that our army had, on the 25th ult., taken
position at Chippawa. About noon of that day Colonel Swift, who was posted j
at Lewiston, apprised me by express that the enemy had appeared in consideTable

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force in QuoonRton and on its hoiglits ; tliat four of \\\o enemy's flcot had
nrrivi'd during tho procedin;; nif^dit and wvvo tlion lyinf; tu'ar Fort Niagara, and
that a number of the enemy's ImmiIs were in view moving up the Straight.
Within a few moments after t}''H intelligeiiee Iiad heon receive<I, T was further
informed by Captain J)enman, of the (Quarter Master's D«^partment, t!>at the
enemy was landing at Lewiston, and that our baggage and stores at Schkwser
an<i on their way thither wer(! in danger of immediate capture. Tt is proper
here to mention that having leceived advices as hite as the 20th, from (Jeneral
(iaines, tliat our tle(^t was then in port an<l the Commodor*! sick, we ceased
to look for co-operation from that (juarter, and determined to disencumber
ourselves of baggage and march directly for Burlington Jleiglits. To nuisk
this intention and to draw from Scldosser a small supply of provisions, T fell
hack upon Chippav <,. As this arrangement, und<»r the increased force of the
piipiiiy, left much at hazard on our side of th«> Niagara, and as it appeared by
the l)efore mentioned information that the enemy was about to avail himself of
it, T conceived the most effectual method of recalling him from this object was
to put myself in motion towards (.^uoenston. (Jeneral Scott, with the 1st
Brigade, Towaon's Artillery, and all tho dragoons and mounted men, were
accordingly put in niarcli on the road leading thither, with orders to report if
tlic enemy appeared — then to call for assistance if necessary.

On the (Jeneial's arrival at the Falls, he learned that the enemy was in

force directly in his front, narrow pieces of woods alone intercepting his view

of tlicin. Waiting only to give this infoiniation he advanced upon them ; by

the time Assistant- Adj. Jones haddeliver(>d his message the action began ; and

liefore the remaining part of the division had crossed the Chippawa, it had

hcconie close and general between the advanced corps. Though (Jeneral Ripley

with the second Brigade, Major IFindman with the corps of artillery, and

(Jeneral Porter at the head of his command, liad respectively pressed forward

with ardor, it was not less than an hour before they were brought to sustain

[General Scott, during which time his command most skilfully and gallantly

[maintained the conflict. Upon my ariival T found that the (Tcneral had passed

I the wood and engaged the enemy on the Queenston road and on the ground to

! the left of it with the 9th, 11th, and 22nd Regiments, with Towson's Artillery —

the 25th had been thrown to the right to be, governed by circumstances.

Apprehending that these corps were much exhausted, and knowing that they

suffered severely, I determined to interpose a new line with the advancing

troops, and thus disengage General Scott and hold his brigade in reserve ;

lorders were accordingly given to General Ripley. The enemy's artillery at this

moment occupied a hill which gave him great advantages and was the key to

|the whole position ; it was supported by a line of infantry. To secure the

ivictory it was necessary to carry this artillery and seize the height. This duty

pas assigned to Colonel Miller, while to favor its execution the 1st Regiment,

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under the command of Colonol Nicholas, was directed to men.aco and amuse
the infantry. To my great mortification tliis regiment, after a dischari,'(! or
two, gave way and retreated some distance before it could be recalled, though
it is believed the officers of the regiment exerted themselves to shorten this
distance. In the meantime Colonel Miller, without regard to this occurrence,
advanced steadily and gallantly to his object and carried the height and tlie
cannon. General Ripley brought up the 23rd (which had also faltered) to liis
support, and the enemy disappeared from before them. The 1st Regiment wa-s
now brought into line on the left of che 21st and the detachments of the ITth
and 19th, General Porter occupying with his command the extreme left, about j
the time Colonel Miller carried the enemy's cannon.

The 25th Regiment, under Major Jessup, was engaged in a more obstinate
contest vHh all that remained to dispute with us the field of battle. The
Major, as has been already stated, had been ordered by General Scott at thei
commer cement of the action to take ground to the right; he had succeeded in
turning the enemy's left flank — had captured (by a detachment under Captain
Ketchum) General Riall and sundry other officers — and showed himself again
in a blaze of fire, which defeated or destroyed a very superior force of the
enemy. He was ordered to form on the right of 22nd Regiment. The eneniv
rallying his forces, and as is believed, having received reinforcements, now
attempted to drive us from our position and regain his artillery; our line wm
unshaken and the enemy repulsed. Two other attempts having the same]
object had the same issue.

General Scott was again engaged in repelling the former of these, and the!
last I saw of him on the field of battle he was near the head of his colunial
and giving to its march a direction that would have placed him on the eneuiy*
right. It was with great pleasure I saw the good order and intrepidity oil
General Porter's volunteers from the moment of arrival ; but during tlie la<t
charge of the enemy those qualities were conspicuous — stimulated by the|
example set them by their gallant leader, by Major Wood, of the Pennsylvanui
corps, by Colonel Dobbin, of New York, and by their officers generally -thev|
precipitated themselves upon the enemy's line and made all the prisouenl
which were taken at this point of the action.

Having been for some time wounded, and being a good deal exhausted bjj
loss of blood, it became my wish to devolve the command on General ScottI
and retire from the field, but on inquiry I had the misfortune to learn tliatl«|
was disabled by wounds. I therefore kept my post, and had the satisfaction (
seeing the enemy's last effort repulsed. I now consigned the command tol
General Ripley.

While retiriny from the field I smv and felt that the victory was compl>t'> 'Wj
our part if proper measures were promptly adopted to secure it. The exhmdmi
qf the men tvas, however, such as made some refreshment necessary ; they jmrfw

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Inrly required water — / tvas myself extreviely sensible of the want of this nece^-
saru article. I therefore believed it proper that General liijdey and the troops
shunhl return to cam]> after brinying off the dead the ?vo uncled and the artillery,
and ill' (his I saw no difficulty, as the enemy had entirely ceased to act.

Within an hour after my arrival in camp I was inforjned that General
Riplev had returned witliout annoyance and in good order, I now sent for
him. and after giving him m}' reasons for the measure I was about to adopt,
ordered him to put the troops in the very best possible condition, to give to
thorn the necessary refreshment, to take with him the picquets and camp
I'uards and every other description of force ; to put himself on the field of
battle as the day dawned, and there to meet and l)eat the enemy if lie appeared.
To this order he made no objection and I relied upon its execution ; it ivas not
ixeculed. I feel most sensibly how inadequate are ray powers in speaking of
the troops to do justice either to their merits or to my own sense of them —
nmhr able direction they might have done moi'e and better.

The official report of the American losses was as follows : killed,
171; wounded, 570 ; missing, 117; total, 858. The estimate seems
altogether too low, if we are to believe other and apparently reliahle
statements made by participants in the struggle.

That the Americans were not at all satisfied with the result of this
engagement, is shown very clearly by the following extracts from a
letter written by Major- General Peter 13. Porter (commander of
American Militia), to Governor D. D. Tompkins :

Foirr Erie, U. C, July 29, 1814.
•Sir, — Our Canadian campaign seems drawing to a close, or must at any
rate he suspended for want of reinforcements. After a month spent in march-
jing and countermarching we have got back to the point from which we set out,
much impaired in strength, but, I hope, not disheartened.

Besides almost daily skirmishing we have had two severe general engage-
Inients. ... In the last (Lundy's Lane) we were most unlucky both as to
time and place, the action having been commenced three miles from camp,
alwut sundown, with one-third of our army against a greatly superior force

occupying a commanding position The enemy's battery of seven

bieces of artillery was carried by a charge, liis commanding position occupied,
land four desperate and deliberate attempts to regain it by desperate charges
Buccessfully repelled. Our victory was complete, but alas, this victory gained
[by exhibitions of bravery never surpassed in this country, was converted into
ile/ait by a precipiiate retreat, leaving the dead, the ivoundcd, and captured
irtilli ry, and our hard earned honor, to the enemy Do not under-
stand nie us intending to cast a lieavy censure on General Kipley for the retreat

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/rom Lundys Lanr. He is a very clever fellow, and besides having been In
opinion opposed to General iirown's plan of operations, lie on that night, I am
told by him, receivad a positive order from, Gtnmral Brovnt, at Chippaua, U,
retire.

The above extracts give tlie reader a fair summary of the con-
temporary evidence relating to this famous struggle. To those anxious
for fuller information I would recommend in addition to the work
from which these extracts are taken, the most interesting and attract-
ive volume by Mrs. Edgar, entitled " Ten Years of the War of 1812."

THE PENNFIELD COLONY.

By Jamks Vroom.

"The Loyalists have made many new settlements in the Bay of Fundy:
at Passamaquoddy is a settlement of Quakers."

So says a British officer, writing from Nova Scotia in the autnran
of 1783. The Quaker Loyalists to whom he refers were then estal>
lished at Beaver Harbor, and had given their little settlement the
name of Penn's Field, since contracted to Pennfield.

From the beginning of their history in America, the members ofl
the Society of Friends, commonly called Quakers, had been victim: |
of suspicion and persecution.^ Pennsylvania was an asylum for nuiiiv.
In West New Jersey, however, where, in the early part of the last
century they formed, in some districts, by far the most numerous audi
wealthy part of the population, they were less fortunate ; and vcrv
much of the disaffection and disorder that prevailed in the Jerseys
was due to the ill feeling aroused by the presence of Quakers in tlie|
governor's council and assembly.

The Quakers at that time were accused of being disloyal to tliel
crown, because they refused to do military service and opposcnl tliej

' Iiniuisomueiit, whipping, hraiulinj;, niutilution, baiiislinient and death wcietliel
punirthinents iiillictod, under Massiu-hnsetts' laws, upon the "curbed sect of litretiffj
hitely nnen up in tlio wuilil, which are connnonly called t^KiaUcrs;" and it was nolj
until 1081 that tho death penalty war* aholinhed. Thus have the Pilgrim Fallioi>iif|
MassachuMcttH

" Loft nnniaimd what there they fuund, — freudoni to worship CJo<l ! "

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f^^

'a^£^^c^l^ — — — — -

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levying of taxes for war purposes. For the same reasons, two gener-
ations later, when disloyalty to the crown would have commended
them to popular favor, they were accused of loyalty.

The Philadelphia Friends were suspected of being loyal before the
British forces occupied the city ; and the men were carried off to inland
places and kept under watch until the close of the war, while the
women and children were left exposed to insult and robbery. Joshua
Knight, a man of some prominence, who lived in Abbington, a suburb
of Philadelphia, with some of his fellow sufferers, either before or after
the occupation, had sought protection from the British in New York.
Apparently at his suggestion, a meeting of Friends was held there
early in June, 1783, at which arrangements were made for going to
Nova Scotia ; and a month later the following advertisement appeared ;

'* Notice is hereby given to those of the people called Quakers who liave

♦entered into an agreement to settle together in Nova Scotia, that they are

requested to meet at the house of Joshua Knight, No. 36 in Chatham Street,

& little above the Tea- Water Pump, on Seventh Day next, the 5th of July, at

four o'clock, afternoon, in order to conclude upon some matters of importance

to them ; and those who mean to join the above mentioned body are requested

to call at No. 188 Water Street, between the Coffee-House Bridge ami the j

Fly-Market,^ and have their names entered as soon as possible."
New York, July 2, 1783.

The reduced fac simile of the agreement here mentioned will be
found specially interesting because of the words written large above the
signatures, " No slave-master admitted." This, it must be remembered,
was fifty years before the abolition of slavery in the British West
Indies; and eighty years before President Lincoln's emancipation]
proclamation put an end to slavery in the United States.^

The l*enntield Quakers were ill prepared for the struggle before I
them. Their property had been confiscated by the Whig authorities;
and the most hardy were unfitted for the rough experiences of pioneer
life. After a few years o^hardship and destitution, their village was
swept away by a forest fire, and their colony was broken up, a few
families only, including that of Joshua Knight, returning to beginj
again the settlement at Beaver Harbor.

• ' A corruption of the Dutch name Vaflei Markt, (Valley Market),

* As eiirly as 1727, in Great Britain, the Friends had taken strong fjfrounds i'Lriiiii!<j

the slave trade ; and in 1761, it was resolved to disown any member of the Socitiy wlwl

should have any concern in the traffic. — Oay Andraa in the Canadian Magazine,

( 128 )

HLSTORY IN BOUNDARY LINES — ILLUSTRATED BY

NEW BRUNSWICK.

By W. F. Ganono.

f "i

When I was a boy at school, I used to wonder why the boundary
lines of New Brunswick run so strangely as they do, in such seemingly
lawless courses. I have since found out that there is a reason for
every feature of every line, that the peculiar province boundaries
have had a long and devious history, and that the county lines are
arranged upon an orderly and admirable system. I shall trace briefly
the evolution of these lines for New Brunswick, though no doubt
those of some of the other provinces are not inferior in interest.

The boundaries of New Brunswick are partly natural and partly
artificial, and include the International or Maine boundary, the Quebec
boundary and the Nova Scotia boundary. All three of these have
been much in dispute, referred to commissions for decision, and settled
linally by compromise. Most important in all respects, however, is
the International boundary. But so long and complicated is its
history that a mere outline of all of its vicissitudes would require
many times the space the editor allows for this article, and a collection
of the many books and reports that have been published about it
would form a considerable library, despite which, however, its true
and impartial history has not yet been written. But the actual forward
steps in its evolution may be briefly traced.

In 1621 Xing James the First granted to Sir William Alexander
a great territory, to be called Nova Scotia (including the present New
Brunswick), whose western boundary was to be formed by the river
St, Croix to its westernmost source, and thence by a north line to the
St. Lawrence. This was the real origin of the present boundary, and
the question arises, why was the St. Croix chosen ? It was no doubt
because the St. Croix was the only considerable river known by
name (or otherwise) in that vicinity to King James and his advisers,
and it was known to them only through its prominence on the maps
[and in the narratives of Ohamplain, whose ill-fated attempt with
DeMonts to found a settlement therein 1604 was well-known^to them.

The first boundary then of Nova Scotia followed the St. Croix and
[a north Hue from its westernmost source to the River St. Lawrence.
jSo it remained for nearlj* one hundred and fifty years, and thus it is

( 129 )

■li

marked on numerous English maps of the time, though in this inter-
val the province passed twice into the possession of the French, who
claimed for it, as the ancient Acadia, somewhat di erent limits. In
1763, however, all questions of boundary betw en England and
France in Canada were set at rest forever when New France was ceded
to England, as a result of the victories of Wolfe. In that year Kinor
George III established the Province of Quebec, and made its soutliern

i|v

Map of the

'iilluitrate iti B»on<iaritS
Settle tfMilei

boundar}' "the Highlands which divide the rivers that empty llieni-
selves into the said river St. Lawrence from those which fall inti tlie]
sea"; and in the same year, in the Commission to a Governor of
Nova Scotia, the northern boundary of the latter province is drlined
as formed "by the southern boundary of our Province of Qu(l»oc,'
and its western boundary by the "River St. Croix, by the said Rivcrtol
its source, and by a line drawn due north from thence to the soutlieriij

( 130 )

^,^^^

^■^

Cr'^

y llieiii-
ernor ot

River to
soii'.lierii

hoiind.'iry of our Colony of (Quebec." If, now, one turns to the maps
of that time, he finds that they all show the north line from the St.
Croix crossing highlands separating rivers falling into the St. Law-
rence, from those falling into the St. John und thence into the sea,
i e., the Atlantic Ocean through the Bay of Fundy. In this the
maps were wrong, for really these highlands separate St. Lawrence
and Ucstigouche waters. From 1763 to 1783, all of the maps, practi-
cally witliout exception, show the southern boundary of Quebec
following the highlands [X Y Z on tlie accompanying map], and also
the western boundary of Nova Scotia running north to those high-
lands [the line SN on the map], while all east of it was Nova Scotia
and all west was part of Massachusetts which then included Maine.

In 1776 began the revolution, which ended in 1783 with the
Indei)ondence of the United States. Nova Scotia (then including
New Brunswick) remained loyal to the King ; Massachusetts (then
including Maine) became one of the independent states, and naturally
the line between them became the new International boundary. The
treaty of 1783 describes the boundary thus: "From the northwest
angle of Nova Scotia, viz., that angle which is formed by a line drawn
due north from the source of the St. Croix River, to the Highlands,
along the said Highlands which divide those rivers that empty them-
selves into the River St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the
Atlantic Ocean," and it is noticeable how closely the language used
in this treaty is like that of the earlier boundaries assigned to Nova
Scotia and Massachusetts. Apparently, then, the International line
was unmistakcable ; and it promised, as the treaty hopefully predicted,
Ito prevent for the future all disputes about boundaries. But alas for
hnman foresight ! This boundary was for over half a century a
Bubjeet of bitter contention, leading almost to war, and was only
jficttled finally by the labors of successive commissions and a compro-
Iniise satisfactory to neither party. First of all it was found not easy
Ito settle which of the rivers emptying into rassama(^aoddy Bay was
[the real St. Croix of the treaty, the Americans claiming that the
[Magaguadavic was meant. To settle this point a special commission
pas appointed, which in 1798 decided upon the present river called

5t. Croix, chiefly as a result of the examination of the maps and narra-
tives of Champlain and the discovery of remains of his settlement on St.

)to\x Inland. A (piestion also arose as to which of the two nearly
equal branches of the St. Croix was to be chosen, and this commission

(131 )

',■>■'-
• V

'i'

111

decided upon the one coming from the north, and at its source tlioy
fixed the Rturting-point of the due north line (at S on our map), tlms
finally locating this important point. But two other important
questions now arose, one as to the boundary line between some of the
islands in Passamaquoddy Bay, and another as to the position of tlic
highlands of tlie treaty, and hence as to the length of the due north
line i'rom the source of the St. Croix.

To settle these points another commission was appointed in iSKj I
which the next year rendered its decision upon the former point.
drawing the line as it at present exists among the islands ; but it wa?
unable to come to a decision on the latter. On the one hand tW
Americans contended that the Treaty of 1783 intended to keep the
old boundary between Nova Scotia and Massachusetts, and hence the
north line should run north to the highlands south of the St Lawrence
(to the point N on our map), while the British claimed that no such
extension of the line was intended by the Treaty, since it would thrust
Maine far into British America, cutting of communication between
Nova Scotia and (Quebec, and they claimed moreover that no such
" North-west angle of Nova Scotia" as is described in the Treaty exists, j
They maintained that the north line should stop at Mars Hill south
of the Aroostook (at the point G on our map) and run westward I
along the highlands south of that river. The claims of both natioii«
were urged with great perseverance and immense legal subtlety, but
neither could convince the other, and in 1829 the whole subject was
referred for arbitration lo the King of the Netherlands, who in 1831
decided for neither party, but "split the difterencc " between their
claims by making the north line stop at the St. John and the bouiulan
follow the St. John and the St. Francis to the source of the latter. This
decision was rejected by the United States Senate, and negotiations anil
disputes continued until 18o9 when local contests over lumber iirivi-
leges in the Aroostook valley threatened to bring the two countriej
again to war. The situation had become intolerable to both countries
and in 1842, Lord Ashburton was sent to Washington with instrucj
tions to settle the whole question, and he was met in a similar siiirit
by Webster on behalf of the United States. The result, known as tbel
Ashburton Treaty, was the final establishment of the present line,!
which so far as New Brunswick is concerned, follows precisely thall
suggested by the King of the Netherlands, i. e., the north line stopsatj
the St. John which becomes the boundary to the St. Francis, wliiclij

(132)

TI-.

latter river oontiiinos it. But neither Maine nor Now Brun«\vick
lias ever been satisfied with this settlement, each claiming that it
had ix'en defrauded for the f.ake of the other, both forgetting that in
so complicated and vexed a matter, a compromise or "splitting of the
ditfercnce" is the only safe course. Truly, then, the western bound-
ary of New Brunswick lias had a devious histoiry.

We shall next consider briefly the curious boundar}' between New
Brunswick and Quebec. Starting where the St. Francis river leaves
its lowermost lake, it runs (as shown by the accompanying map) first
a littk' north of east, then a little more northerly, then about north-
east, then north, then east, north again, east again to the Patapedia
River, which it follows to the Restigouche and thence to the Bay
Chaleur. But what is the meaning of these curious lines running so
regardlessly of the natural features of the country? Before 1783 the
boundary between these provinces was considered to be, as shown on
all the maps of the time, the watershed separating rivers flowing into
the St. Lawrence from those flowing southward. In 1784 New
Brunswick was separated from Nova Scotia as a distinct province, and
some attempts were made to settle the boundary between it and
Quebec. Despite considerable discussion, no progress was made until
after the settlement of the International boundary in 1842, but soon
[after that j'ear the subject was seriously taken up. It was found,
j however, that the views of the authorities of the two provinces were
hopelessly discordant, for while New Brutiswick claimed everything
[south of the St. Lawrence watershed, Quebec claimed as far south as
aline starting as Mars Ilill (at G on our map) and running south
and east of the Tobique and ITpsalquitch rivers to the mouth of the
Restigouche. Plainly no agreement could be reached between the
provinces themselves, and in 1846, at the suggestion of the Right
Honorable W. E. Gladstone, then Secretary of State for the Colonies,
a commission was appointed to investigate the claimspf the provinces
[and to recommend a line. After a thorough examination of the
[question, and a consideration of numerous proposed lines, the Commis-
kion recommended a compromise line intended to split the difference
|bet\veen thejtwo claims. This line was to be a continuation of the Inter-
national line between Maine and Quebec, until it intersected the parallel
)f forty-seven degrees, fifty minutes, which it was to follow to the
Sedgwick river, and thence by the Kedgwick and Restigouche to the
% Chaleur. This line is shown in part by the line of sraall^x's on our

( 133 )

map. But. tliis doHfiion ploasecl neither proviiiee, least of all Qiidjor,
and in 1851 the matter was referred to still another Commission whose I
third member was Dr. Stei>hen LuBliington of London. Dr. Lusliing.
ton took the line of the previous Commission as a basis, and tiiidiiicrl
that Quebec was particularly aggrieved because the old Seigniories of |
Temiscouata and Madawaska, which it anciently possessed, had boon
awarded to New Brunswick, he restored them to Quebec, giving new
Brunswick as compensation the land between the Xedgewick and thej
Miscouche or Patapedia. Thus was the first part of the line fixed, it,
the part twelve miles long which crosses the Madawaska at right f\iiLflos,|
this being the precise southern boundary of the old Seigniory. Then I
to give the upper St. John to New Brunswick (though Quebec liail
claimed all west of the continued north line) a line was run approxi-
mately parallel with the river, running to one mile south of Loiijl
lake (to give this lake to Quebec) and thence to the outlet of tlie|
lower lake on the St. Francis. From the eastern end of the Seii,niior
ial line, the boundary was to run north and follow tangent lines o[ tlie|
watersheds separating waters of the Rimouski, Green River,
Restigouche (thus originating the curious angles at Y on our niiip)|
thence along the 48th parallel to the Miscouche River, thence to tlie
Restigouche and to Bay Chaleur. After some further discussion, tliis
line proposed by Lushington was adopted, and is practically thelineas
it runs to-day. It was later found that the Miscouche and Patajtedia
had been confused on the maps, and the latter was adopted ; in 1805,
the boundary was surveyed and thus'closed another complicated chaivl
ter in the history of our boundaries.

The Nova Scotia boundary ha^ a briefer history, but in proportioiil
to its length can show almost as much contention as the olbers,
The Misseguash river had been considered by the French us the
boundary between the Acadia they ceded to the British in 171:5 audi
the mainland which they considered part of New Fran«;e. When Neffj
Brunswick was separated from Nova Scotia in 1784 the Misscguashl
was adopted as the boundary, which was to be followed to its sourcel
and thence run in a straight line to the nearest part of Bale Vertej
(later altered to a due east line from its source). Nova Scotia ws
never satisfied with this boundary, and in 1793 made an attempt tol
have it altered to the head of the Memramcook and thence to Sliediac,!
in order to include all of (he old Cumberland settlements in that proTJ
ince, but this attempt failed, ""jphe Misseguash in its upper cour

(134)

however becomes very diliicult to trace, as it is lost in a maze of lakes
and marshes, nor ^"as it easy to determine from what point the line from
its head was to run. Accordingly, in 1836 a commission was appoint-
ed which later agreed upon the present compromise line, which fol-
lows tlie Misseguash to Black Island whence a surveyed line runs to
the head of the Misseguash, whence a due east line runs to the
iTidnisli River.

Very different has been the history of our county lines, though
Ipropot^als have more than once been made to change even these.
IWhen one looks first at the map of New Brunswick, the counties
leeem to have no relation to any natural features of the country.
iBiit 11 closer inspection shows that they do follow a definite sys-
Item, namely, the natural grouping of the rivers. Thus Charlotte
liiicludes the basins of the several rivers falling into Passamaquoddy
JBay. A row of eight counties follows the St. John, with their inter-
lediate lines usually crossing that river at right angles, whence it
comes to pass that the great curve of the St. John in its lower course
aiakes five of these counties radiate from Charlotte. Westmorland
ind Albert include the Petitcodiac system ; Kent includes the
'veral small rivers, of which the Richibucto is the chief; Northum-
berland covers the Miramichi basin, Gloucester the Nepisiguit and
bmaller streams of the northeast corner, while Restigouche includes
ilie river of the same name with its chief branches.

Thus our chief county lines (excepting the cross lines along the

It. John, and the Petitcodiac) were obviously intended to follow

[lie watersheds, and that they do not do so more closely is due to

lliree causes : first, for convenience sake the lines are best made

itraight, and hence they cannot follow exactly the crooked water-

ilieds; second, in some cases (as the Miramichi) some of our rivers

[lead 80 far across the province towards the valleys of others that it

more convenient to include their sources in other counties ; third,

many cases the geography of the province was very imperfectly

bown when the lines were established by law, so that when they

iirae to be actually surveyed they often ran very differently from

fhat was expected, and in som oases they were later changed.

Allowing for these causes of confusion, we must admit that our

)unties, as a whole, do follow admirably the natural river systems

the province. Why, now, was this system adopted? Why were

M boundaries made to run along the watersheds, where they are

(135)

' i'. »

(lifHcult to find, iiLstead of aloiiu; the rivers theinselve?*, wlien- tliJ
would be ol)vioii8? The answer will he phiin to all who recsill tlA
conditions of travel and settlement in the early days of the provinJ
Until well into this century there were no good roads, and of <(iiiry|
no railroads, and nearly all travel was by water, while the sottl?
nients themselves were grou[)ed about the navigable waters of i'ivor|
and harbors. In establishing counties, therefore, it wvs natui-iil
group the settlements of a natural river system or basin togotln
into one county, and to place the county-town as nearl}' as possiUj
in their centre where it could easily be reached by water This.
course, necessitated ruiming the boundaries along the watcislmH
If, on the other hand, the rivers had been adopted as boundaries,
would have been ni?cessary for many of the citizens of any county
cross an uninhabited and pathless watershed to reach their coiiiiiil
town, even though the county town of another county were
across the river from their homes.

The history of the county lines of New Brunswick shows dearl:]
enough that these were the principles in the minds of Goveri
Carleton and his council when tliey first laid out the province in
counties in 1785, and for his foresight in this, as well as for maul
other wise acts, Governor Carleton deserves our thanks and admin
tion. As laid out in 1785 the province included eight couiititi
Charlotte (the oidy one now retaining its original limits), St. Jn
Kings, Queens, Sunbury, York, Westmorland and North umhorlaiJ
The original limits of St. John are shown on our map, as is till
original position of the line separating the four other river couiitij
from the two North Shore counties (?". e., M P on the map),
line was soon altered in part to the position OR, and still later I
its present position. The other counties were set off later, In
time to time ; and we could have no better tribute to the wisdoi
of Governor Carleton in establishing the original eight counties i
he did than the fact that his successors established the seven aili|
tional counties upon precisely the same principles.

■J
}

(136)

THE PIIYSIOGRAPIIY OF NEW BRUNSWICK.

Bv W. J. WiiJiON, Ph. B., of the (ieologicivl Survey of Cunadii.

Tlic rock formationB of a country have a great influence in deter-
Iniiniiig the character of its physical features. A brief description of
ItlR' underlying rocks of New Brunswick will, therefore, be necessary
[before we can get a clear idea of its mountains, lakes and rivers.

Bci^iniiing at the south we find an irregular belt about thirty miles

Iwido along the coast of the Bay of Fundy, composed of granite and

jcrystalline rocks, which are much disturbed and thrown up into ridges.

[orth of this belt lies a large triangular area of sandstone, comprising

large part of Sunbury, Queens, Westmorland, Albert, Northumber-

iand and Gloucester counties, and all of Kent county. The western

limit of this area is in York county, west of Oromocto lake, from

ftliii'h the southern boundary extends to near the mouth of the

?etitcodiac river, and the northern boundary to Bathurst. These

andstones, for the most part, lie flat as at iirst deposited. Northwest

this sandstone area the rocks are principally slates and limestone

fith large masses of granite appearing in different places. These

)ck8 are much changed and hardened, and instead of lying flat are

Ihrowu up at various angles, forming high ridges and lofty isolated

lieaks.

The sandstones, occupying the middle and eastern part of the

province, were the last laid down, and with the exception of two or

iree small areas, aaat St. Martins and on the Island of Grand Manan,

re the newest rocks in New Brunswick. These sandstones, slates,

te., are sedimentary rocks, that is they were spread out layer upon

|iyer on the shores and bottoms of ponds, lakes and oceans in the

I»rin of clay, sand and gravel, carried down by streams and rivers,

ttd, after the lapse of long ages, they were hardened and became

: rock. Geologists divide the rocks thus formed into periods,

jving each a name. The sandstone referred to above belongs to what

called the Carboniferous Period, because large deposits of coal are

?iind in it. They have also estimated the relative time in which the

Hcks of each period were formed, and they give almost one-half of

fe whole time to the formations tha,t are later than the carboniferous.

Now, as there is only a very small portion of New Brunswick

icupied by rocks newer than the carboniferous, it is altogether

( 137 )

probable that this province was above the level of the sea through tlj
millions of years during which the later formations were formed bl
other placcb, and was exposed to the action of the atmosphere, waterj
heat and cold and all other forces which wear down the earth's surtax
and tend to reduce it to a plane. As a result of this long exposiin
there are no very high mountains, and the rivers have worn out deefj
valleys for themselves, many of them through the hardest rock.

The most marked feature of the southern highlands is a soiuewl
regular ridge, almost continuous, extending from Maine to the
John river in Queens county, and eastward tlirough Kings coiintrl
ending in Butternut Ridge. This ridge rises eight or nine huiidr
feet above the surrounding country and includes some high peaks, i
Bald mountain (1150-1400 feet high). Prospect mountain and
Rock, near the Nerepis river ; Mount Pleasant, Porcupine and Ed
Rock mountains further west in Charlotte county, and Ben Loniooi
and Bloomsbury mountain east of the St. John river. The geiien
direction of this ridge is parallel to the coast and it is cut through J
many places by rivers flowing into the Bay of Fundy, sonietiniij
through valleys not more than 300 feet above sea-level.

East of the St. John river there are altogether five parallel ridj
running in an easterly direction, rising to an average height of W.
feet with river valleys between. The highest of these ridges skiij
the Bay of Fundy and contains Bloomsbury mountain and the Qui
hills. It separates into two or more ridges ending in Albert coub
in Caledonia mountain and Shepody mountain (1050 feet high).

The triangular area of sandstone presents a comparatively leij
surface and nowhere rises above 800 feet, the general level e.^i>eciit
in the eastern part being below 300 feet.

The northern highlands contain the highest land in the provii
West of the St. John river, in York and Carleton counties, tlie
rises in several peaks and ridges to a height of 800 or 900 fa
notably Oak mountain, Carrol Ridge, Sheogomoc Ridge and Dornij
ton Hill, while the general level is about 500 feet.

East of the St. John river the land rises to the watershed dividii
the Tjbique and other tributaries of the St. John from eastwi
flowing rivers where the highest land in the province is situatil
Mountains and broken ranges cross this tract in all directions
reach the St. John valley in the vicinity of Mars* Hill (1688 feet lii
Korthward on this slope the highest summits are Belleville ami Gn

( 138)

lountain and the general level is 800 to 1000 feet. From the height

^f land to the shores of the Gulf there is much variety. About

le head waters of the Tobique, Miramichi, Nipisiquit and Upsal-

Utch rivers there is a rugged and broken country with an average

levatioii above sea level of 1,000 to 1,500 feet, many peaks rising

inch hiirher. Northward the general level varies from 800 to 1,200

eet, and eastward there is a gradual slope from a height of 400 to

|0'i feet to the shores of the Gulf. For a description of the mountains

I8t of the watershed the following is quoted from Mr. R. Chalmers'

pport on this district.*

Bald (Sagamook) mountain, at Nictor lake, is 2,537 feet above sea level.
. . . Numerous other mountains are to be seen in the vicinity
these lakes and along the upper reaches of the Nipisiquit river, their
re red summits often rising 2,000 feet high. One of these, about three
^les above Indian Falls, or fifty miles from the mouth of the Nipisiquit (also
Jied Bald mountain), was found to be 1,922 feet above the level of the Bay
^aleur. From its summit, the Miramichi river and valley, and the Gulf
[St. Lawrence were distinctly visible. On the portage, from Nipisiquit river
Upsaliiuitch lake, several remarkable mountains were noticed, among them
bvmmetiical, dome-shaped one, immediately southwest oi' the lake, stands
conspicuously in the valley, affording a splendid outlook from its summit.
elevation, according to Hind, is 2,186 feet. Upsalquitch lake is surrounded
peaks, no fewer than ten being visible from its surface. Along the Tobique
er, several ranges and isolated mountains also of great beauty were observed.
ild Head, on Riley brook, is one of the most striking ; its elevation, accord-
to Hind, being 2,240 feet above the sea. The Blue mountains form the
Rt prominent feature of the Tobique valley, their highest peak being 1,724
H above sea level and 12.50 feet above the river at their base. The loftiest
jntains in this elevated tract, however, occur, according to Mr. R. W. Ells
other explorers, on the big south branch of the Nipisiquit, that is between
jitor and Nipisiquit lakes on the north, and the right hand branch of the
^i<iue on the south, where some peaks attain a height of 2,600 to 2,700
)ve sea level."

Slate mountain and Squaw mountain, near the mouth of the
Balquitoh river, are about 2,000 feet, and Sugar Loaf at Camp-
Iton, 050 feet above sea level.

[The jtrincipal watershed of the province does not follow either of

ihigh tracts mentioned, but extends from the Isthmus of Chignecto

le southeast to the western part of Restigoucho county. This

I' Puliininary Report on the Surface (ieologj' of New BrunsMtck, 1855, pp. 11, 12.

(139)

■..- f

watershed is a very irregular line. From the Isthmus of Chignectoj
it runs northwesterly, almost to the northern boundary of Kent conntv,
separating the headwaters of the Kennebecasis, Canaan and Salmon i
rivers from those flowing into Northumberland strait. From this
point it runs southwesterly, separating Salmon and Cains rivers. Then I
northwesterly in a zig-zag course dividing the waters of the Mira-
michi river from those flowing into the St. John river. This course I
continues into Carleton County where it is only about nine miles t'roni
the St. John river. The watershed then runs northeasterly between
the Miramichi and Tobique waters into Northumberland County. It]
then curves round again to the southwest into Victoria and Mada-
waska counties where it is again only ten miles distant from tlie St
John river, which at this point is the western boundary of the jirov-
ince. The height of land then runs northwesterly into Quebec. TLisj
watershed or height of land is by no means a prominent and distiiietj
ridge through all its course, for in the southern half it is not easily
distinguishable. The small streams forming the head-waters of niaiiv
of the rivers interlock, and it is impossible in passing over the couiitrrj
to determine to which slope they belong without following ther^ for!
some distance. This is true in a large degree of all watersheds exoepij
in mountainous regions. Another watershed of some importatieel
runs through Charlotte and York counties and separates the nversl
emptying into the Bay of Fundy from those flowing into the Sl|
John. Its direction is northwest and southeast.

New Brunswick abounds in lakes, many of which are the sonrca
of rivers and are so far from the common routes of travel that tlicvan
seldom visited except by the hunter and sportsman, while ou M

fertile shores of others are cultivated farms Gran|

Lake is by far the largest in the province. Its length is al)
twenty-four miles, and for the greater part it varies in widtli fron
three to six miles and covers an area of sixty-eight square mile

Near the height of land separating the Tobique wateH

from those of the Miramichi and Nipisiquit, the highest lakes in tli
province are situated. The height given is above sea level. Giilq"*^
Tobique or Trousers, 1,360 feet ; Long lake, 1370 feet ; Ser[>oiitiu«|
1,450 feet. Then, twenty miles north, Nipisiquit, 996 feci : an
Nictor, 878 feet.

The Saint John is the largest and most important river. It liasj
length of nearly 450 miles and drains an area in the province of 1^

(140)

iignecto
county,]

Salmon I
oni thin I
i. Tlien]
[le Mira-I
8 course 1
les from
between
mty. It
d Mada-I
I the J?t
tho prov-
ec. Tlii'l
(1 (listiiid
not easilv
3 of many
le couiitry

thei'^ for
eds exceplj
mportaiioel
the river»|

tiio St.

sourea

it theyaitl

on tb

Gratf

is alxiOt
[idth frot
mile

I arc

me watei
Ikes iiitl
Gul<H

lO square miles For twelve miles above the Grand

'alls the St. John river is deep, ranging from fifteen to thirt}' feet.

lie Grand Falls, like many of the lakes of the. province, owes its

gin to the Glacial period. The channel, in v/hich the river formerly

wed, was filled with boulder clay, and so a natural dam was formed

icking up the water for a long distance. The water then ran over

le lowest point of its obstruction which happened to be the rocky

lifts. The solid rock has been worn away for three-quarters of a

je to a depth of 150 feet or more, forming what is known as the

irge, through which the waters rush with tremendous force, the

[hole forming a scene which rivals the fall itself. Below Grand

ills the river valley is deep, the sloping banks rising to a height

400 feet in places. Along these slopes are numerous gravel

races rising one above another, forming a very noticeable feature

this part of tlie valley. . . . The river in its lower part forms

lake-like expansion, including the Long Reach, Grand Bay, etc.

out four miles from its mouth it fiows through the Narrows, where

[has worn out a deep channel for itself. Opposite Indiantown it

lin opens out into a broad basin nearly a mile wide, but before it

dies the Bay its waters are forced through a gorge about 200 feet

[le; a ledge of rock extends across this gorge, forming a dam,

venting the free passage of the water so that at low tide there is a

outward and at high tide a fall inward, when the water rushes

with great force and a very swift current. On account of this

itrnction, when it is high tide in St. John harbor, below the "Falls,"

water at Indiantown, above the '" Falls," is at least ten feet lower,

the tide continues to pour in for an liour or more after it is high

Iter outside. It continues to fiow upward till the tide has fallen

irly ten feet, the waters thus reaching a common level when the

aeeof the fall is calm and may be navigated with safety.'

Another physical feature may be referred to. Along the east

it bordering the carboniferous sandstones, in many places, there

e banks or ridges of wind-blown sand ; at some points these

ler\^

}\]m

feet ; an

Incc

1 1 hasj
ofl<(

I' This "common level" occurs twice in every tide, ulunit two hours l)efore and two
safterli' ' t^r, except in times of high spring freshets when iiigh water in the
or just re. he level of the w ter in the river. For further description of the

Ills" see l»ii Denys' "Description of the River St. John,'' edited by W. F.

pg'No. 3o! .—Editor. .

!■

(141)

ridges reach a height of ten or fifteen feet and cover q^uite a large ares,
obstructing agricultural operations.

What are locally known as *' horsebacks " form another promi-
nent feature in many places. These are gravel ridges usually 300 or 400 1
feet wide at the base and rising from five or ten feet to seventy feet
a])ove the level of the country over which they pass. At the top thev
form a sharp ridge. They usually contain boulders and the gravel id
water-worn, mixed with sand and more or less stratified. These ridges
often extend for a distance of two or three miles and sometimes to i
much greater distance ; in other cases they are only a few hundred |
feet in length. They are frequently used as a roadway and servo t
purpose admirably. One of the highest and longest in New Bruiij^l
wick is found in York county, west of Eel river. It forms a tongue
of land in the first Eel river lake and runs northward continiiouslj
for about eight miles where it turns off into the state of Maine.!
Another, a few miles east, is four or five miles long, and forms i
good roadway as does the one from Eel lake. A third gravel ridgel
occurs along the south shore of Bay Chaleur, between Charlol
river and Nash's creek, a distance of about fourteen miles. ^

'I am indebted to the Reports of the Geological Survey for many of the factf* lienj
stated.

♦^■fc^

(142)

COMMENTS.

Toronto Globe : The object of the publi-
Iciition is obviously to popularize knowledge
ami build up national sentiment.

Frtderirton Herald : It is on the whole a

Imost excellent publication and should be

a^erly sought after by students of history.

/'. E. I. Agriculturist : For school use
jthese booklets are most valuable in the way
tof awakening an interest in the history of
lour country.

St. Andrews Beacon : The articles are all
JDf the deepest interest.

Kingnton, Ont. , Whig : A popular series

urely.

St. John Daily Sun: The whole publication

not only useful for the purpose de-

^irned, but contains historiciil studies of

j-wit general value. ♦ * * Love of

oiintry is everywhere held to be a virtue in

|ieople. and love of country should be

iiunded in a knowledge of our country's

iJtory.

Yarmouth Times : These Leaflets are

e^tined to occupy in our schools a position

.mxiliary to the text-books on Canadian

History, amplifying and enlivening the

narratives therein set forth.

/'. E. I. Examiner : Canadians who are
bterested in the history of their country
[ill read them with delight.

ICdrUtonSenfinel: If succeeding numbers

piitinue to increase in interest as they have

111 the first issue, the Canadian History

Wfttrly will become a most popular and

etui publication.

I Truro Times : Number Four is one of the

st interesting and instructive yet pub-

ht!d. ♦ * * "The Story of Laura

cord" is worth the price of the whole

ries for our young folks to read.

1^'. John Olobe : The text-books on Can-
tun history which from time to time have
tn prescribed in the public schools have

proved very successful. They have
til dull and heavy reading and have been
Nded far too full of minor facts and
eless details. The Educational Review

hit upon a happy plan to remedy this
lect. It will issue a series of leaflets
pch will present the leading events and

ons in our history in a clear and inter-
fng manner. The series will be issued
»rt«rly and it is hoped that these sup-

Qentary articles on the country's history

I be easily comprehended by youthful

scholars and inspire in them a desire for
more information, not only on this subject,
but in literature as well. The various
issues of the leaflets will certainly prove an
actjuisition to the school as well as to
private libraries.

Quebec Mercury: There is room in our
Dominion for this valuable publication, and
we hope to hear of its Ijecoming very
successful.

Wtymouth Free Press : Not the least
benefit to be derived from this effort to
supply deficient library facilities, it is
hoped, will be increased love on the part of
the young for Canada, and a better acquain-
tance with the sacrifices enrlured by its
founders.

Victoria, B. C, Colonist : Something more
than a legislative appropriation is necessary
to secure the telling of the story of early
Canada, so that it will impress itself upon
the character of the people. All that can
be done until the skilled narrator puts in
an appearance is to collect as many of the
data of the past as possible.

St. John Daily Telegraph : These papers
cover a great deal of historical ground and
should have a large circle of readers.

Halifax Frc-ibyterian Witness : These
papers ought to be i)laced in the hands of
senior pupils in our schools in order to
accustom them to the pleasing exercise of
looking into the sources of history, and the
study of events as narrated at first hand.

R. E. GosNELL, Librarian Legislative
Library, B. C: I must congratulate you
not only on the conception of such a com-
mendable enter{)rise, but upon the success
with which it has l>een initiated.

S. E. Dawson, LL. D., Ottawa: It seems
to me to be a most promising idea.

Rev. Dr. Macrae, President Morrin
College, Quebec: Kept up with the spirit
and excellence characterizing the first num-
ber, it surely must command a large und
appreciative support.

J. R. Inch, LL. D. ,Chie/Supt. Education,
N. B.: It is of great interest in connection
with the study of Canadian history. I
shall be glad to assist in any way possible
to bring supplementary readings such as
those within reach of the children in our
schools.

Hampton News : It is a pioneer work and
will be a valuable acquisition to any library
or public school.

■ii

■

■'0

■ !

at the Department of Agriculture.

:'4

EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

CANADIAN
HISTORY.

NUMBER SIX.

THE EXPULSION of the ACADIANS,
.* James Hannay^ D.C. L.

FRONTEN/X AND HIS TIMES,

G. U. Hay, Ph.B,

THE WAR SONG, Jas. Vroom.

THE FOUNDATION OF HALIFAX,

Harry Piers.

THE HESSIANS, Jas, Vroom,

THE CAPTURE OF MACKINAC
IN 1812,

Lieut. -CoL E. Cruikshank,

FOUNDERS OF FREDERICTON,

W. O. Raymond, M.A.

June, 1899.

ISSUED QUARTERLY,,

PRICE 10 Cents.

■ARNU * OC, PMNTtllt, (T. MHN N. %>

PUBLISHER'S ANNOUNCEMENT.

'
'

To our Reader H, —

There Iium been a Bteiulily ffrowinj; deniaiid for back iiuinhers of this sericH of CuiuuliaD
Historioul Fieadiiij^.-i. Thoufrh laif^e editions of the early nuinber.s were issued, the .xtetuiv
cull for thcin has led to thoii' beii)^ rapidly taken up, so that those who wish for the full
series nlioidd not delay too lonj; in applying; for them.

The best plan is to subscribe at onet* for the whole series, and this will insure their
prompt delivery to your adibess as each number is issued.

The series will be eompleted in twelve numbers, containiufr about SSO pa^'is of retul
inj;^ matter of the jfieatest iiiteicst to stu<lents of ('anadian histor}' and j^eogiaphy. The
most Stirling incidents in our histoiy have been selected, many of tlietn from nri^rimj
pajKjrs and documents not accessible to the general reader. The result will be n iiniiiue
and interesting C(»llection which will prove of the greatest value to the student ani
reader of history.

CONTENTS OF THE SFHIES.

Ntimher One.

Introduction

I'iiysical (Jrowth of Canada. .
The Legend of (Jlooscap. . . .
Cartiei's First Voyage... .
Winter at St. Croix Island..

..(The i:(btor.

(Matthew).

(Vrooin).

((Janoiijf).

.(Hay).

The Story of Lady LaTour (Hannay).

The Story of the Loyalists (Sir John Boniiiiot).

Number Two.

The Cabots and Their Voyages (I'ier.s).

The Settlement of Port Royal (Hayi.

I'hysiography of Nova Scotia (MacKayi.

An Acadian Marchioness (Hannay).

A Chapter on Names ... (Kaymomli.

The Foit Ciimberland Summons and lleply (({anonj^i.

The Siege of Penobscot (Vrooni).

Nnmber Three.

i General Coffin (Jack).

Fort Cumberland (Hannay).

D'Anville's E.\pedition (Piers).

Nicolas Denys' Description of the Kiver St. John ... .(Canoiig).

Incidents in the Life of Lieut. James Moody . . .(Hay).

Story of the Big Beaver (Raymnnrl)

Nnmber Four.

Place-Names (Johnson).

French Canadian Life ami (Jharacter (Vrooin).

The Story of Laura Seeord (Miss Murray).

On the Study of Ancient Maps (Canon^').

A Scheme for the Conquest of Canada in 1746 (PaUsitn).

Number Five.

The Acadian People (Hannay).

The P.attle of Lundy's Lane ( Robertsnn).

The Penntield Colony (Vroom).

History in Boundary Lines (Ganong).

The Physiography of New Brunswick (Wil-'on).

TEEMS

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Address, G. U. HAY,

Educational Rbvibw, St. John, N. B.

THE EXPULSION OF THE ACADIANS.

By James Hannay, D.C.L.

Longfellow's poem of " Evangeline " has rendered the expulsion
of tlic Acadians more familiar to the world than any other fact in the
history of the country. The story told in this poem, although a fic-
tion, is such as might have happened as a result of the Acadian
deportation, and represents perhaps accurately enough the hardships
ami bereavements suffered by the unfortunate people who were thus
driven from their homes.

The subject cannot be otherwise than a painful one to people
endowed with the proper feelings of humanity; and it must ever be a
source of regret to the people of another race who now inhabit this
land, that it was thought necessary to carry out so severe a measure
as the expulsion of the Acadians one hundred and fifty-four years ago.
At the same time, it ought to be remembered that the expulsion of
tlie Acadians, whether justifiable or otherwise, was a war measure,
and that it should be judged by the standards of morality which pre-
vail when rival nations are engaged in war and their subjects are
striving to slay each other. Not many months ago, we had a very
jioiiited illustration of the code of morality which regulates the opera-
tions of war, when the entire population of Santiago, a city of 30,000
inhabitants, were forced to leave it at a few hours' notice, to enable
the Americans to bombard it. Three times as many people suffered
from tliis act of war as from the expulsion of the Acadians ; yet it was
regarded b}* those who sanctioned it and by the world, quite as a matter
of course; and no doubt many who have wept over the fate of the
Acadians looked upon the bombardment of Santiago as a very proper
act. The lesson of all this is, that as long as wars prevail on earth
[acts of cruelty and injustice will be committed, and that all good men
[and women should lend their infiuence to bring wars to an end.

The immediate cause of the expulsion of the Acadians was their
[refusal to take the oath of allegiance to the British crown. When
[Port Iloyal was captured by the English in 1710, by the terms of the
capitulation it was agreed that " the inhabitants within cannon shot
)f Port Royal shall remain upon their estates, with their corn, cattle,
and furniture, during two years, in case they are not desirous to go
Wore, they taking the oaths of allegiance and fidelity to Her Sacred

(143)

S'2

I
P

Majesty of Great Britni!i." This distance, "within cannon shci of
Port Roj'al," was interpreted to mean within tliree English miles; uml
it was ascertained that tlie number of persons residing in this area
was 481. By the Treaty of Utrecht, Avhich was made in 17 li), FraiUT
ceded all Acadia to Great Britain, and by the fourteenth arti(K' of
that treaty it was agreed that "the subjects of the King of Fihikt
may have liberty to remove themselves within a year to any ctinr
place, with all their moveable effects. But those who are willin- tn
remai?! and to be subject to the King of Great Britain, are to enjov tlio
free exercise of their religion, according to the usages of the (.■hurrlml
Rome, so far as the laws of Great Britain do allow the same." On tlx
23rd June, 1713, nearly three months after the Treaty of Utrechi wa^
signed, Queen Anne wrote to Nicholson, the Governor of Nova S(i)tia.
as follows :

" Wliereas, our good brother, the most Christian king, hath, at our (iisire.
released from imprisonment on Iward his galleys such of his subjects as were
detained there on account of their professing the Protestant religion We,
being willing to show some mark of favor towards his subjects, and how kind
we take his complaisance therein, have thought fit hereby to signify oui will
and pleasure to you, that you permit such of them as have any lands or ttin'
ments in the places under your government in Acadia and Newfoundland, that
liave Vteen oi- are to be yielded to us by virtue of the late Treaty of Peace and
are willing to continue our subjects, to retain and enjoy their said lands and
tenements without any molestation, as fully and freely as other of our subjects do
or may possess their lands or estates, or to sell the same if they shall i.ither
choose to remove elsewhere."

These documents show the terms upon which the Acadiane were
to be permitted to remain in the country, one of the conditions boiiig
that they should become British subjects. This they could only do
by taking an unconditional oath of allegiance to the crown and
becoming, like other subjects, liable to military service for the defence
of their country against all its enemies, whether of their own race or |
strangers. The Acadians refused to take the oath of allegiance : and
while they preferred their willingness to do no injury to Britisli
interests, claimed to be neutral, and as such exempt from all tliose
services to which other subjects were liable. It would be tediou- even
to enumerate the many attempts that were made by the Governor^ and
administrators of Nova Scotia to induce the Acadians to tak ' the
oath of allegiance. All were unsuccessful until the retu n of|

144 )

Governor Phillips to 'he province in 1780. Then all the French
iiili.il)itant8 of Acadia took the oath of allegiance without any
qualification as to not bearing arms. The Aeadians afterwards de-
C'liiii d that when they did this it was with the understanding that a
clau-e was to be inserted exempting them from bearing arms. If
tiiat wa3 the case, it ouly goes to show that twenty years after Acadia
iia<l became a British province, the French inhabitants still refused
to regard themselves as British subjects.

When Cornwallis became Governor of Nova Scotia and founded
Halifax in 1749, one of his first acts was to request the Acadians to
take the oath of allegiance. This they all refused to do ; but they
oiteicd to take the oath of 1730 with an exemption against bearing
arms. They added that if the governor would not grant them this,
they were resolved, one and all, to leave the country. The tinal
(leitiand upon the Acadians was made by Governor Lawrence in the
8urniner ot 1755. Deputies from all the French settlements were
broiiLrht to Halifax and informed that all the Acadians must either
take an unconditional oath of allegiance or leave the country. They
all jiositively refused to take the oath, and Governor Lawrence and
his council at once took measures to expel them. Transports were
hired in New England for the purpose of conveying the exiles to the
phu es where it was intended they should be placed, and troops were
collected at the various settlements for the purpose of carrying out
this most difHcult and revolting duty:

Heausejour, the French fort on the Isthmus of Chignecto, had
heeii captured a few weeks before, and Lieut.-Col. Winslow with a
(letaehment of New England troops was sent to Mines with instructions
to gather the Acadians of that settlement and place them on board
the vessels in which they were to be deported. It is from Winslovv's
diary, which has been published in full by the Nova Scotia Historical
Soeiety, that we can best gather the particulars of the sad story of the
expulsion. All the male inhabitants of Mines, over ten years of age,
were commanded to meet in the church at Grand Pre on the 5th
Sejitember, and they obeyed this summons to the number of upwards
of 400. Winslow informed them that in consequence of their dia-
obeilience, their lands and tenements, cattle, live stock, and all their
other effects were forfeited to the crown, and that they themselves
were to be removed from the province. He told them, however, that
he would take in the vessels with them as large a portion of their

b^!

(145)

t';i

lioiisehold effects aa could be carried, and that families would not bo
separated, but conveyed in the same vessel. Finally, he infornu'd
them that they were to remain prisoners at the church until the time
came for them to embark. At Piziquid, Capt. Murray collected the
male inhabitants to the number of nearly 200, in the same way and
kept them in confinement. Considering the situation in which they
were placed, they manifested but little emotion, and offered no resistance
worthy of the name. The task of getting so many families together
and embarking them with their household effects proved tedious, hut
it was fi.nally accomplished, and about 3,400 of the inhabitants of
Mines and Piziquid were thus carried into exile. At AnnapoHs,
1,664 French inhabitants were embarked, and at Chignecto about
1,100. Altogether the number of Acadians removed from the province
at that time was between 6,000 and 7,000. They were sent to the
British Colonies to the south — Pennsylvania, Virginia, Maryland, and
Massachusetts. A few were sent to England and some to the AVost
Indies. North and South Carolina and Georgia also received somi- of
these unfortunate exiles. They became a public charge in the colonies
to. which they were sent and were encouraged by the authorities of
these colonies to go elsewhere. Many of them hired vessels and ii:ot
back to Acadia, and in one way and another it is supposed that at
least two-thirds of those who were deported succeeded in returning.
Many of them had suffered great hardships, many had died, famiUes
had been scattered, and they were all impoverished — they who liad
been so wealthy and prosperous before their exile. Yet all these woes
and troubles are now matters of the past ; and to-day there are upwards
of 100,000 persons of French origin in the Maritime Provinces, most
of them descendants of the Acadian exiles of 1755.

FRONTENAC AND HIS TIMES.

By G. U. Hay, Ph.B.

Of all the able and brilliant leaders that France gave to the Kew
"World, there was none more remarkable than Count Frontenac. The
first part of his career in Canada may be passed over here, as there is
little to attract our interest in the constant quarrels and bickerings
that occurred between him and the civil and religious authorities at
Quebec. His strong will and imperious character could not brook

(146)

int( ! forence ; but the strength of Bishop Laval and the Jesuit clergy,
eiij)! orted by the intendant Talon, was a force with which even the
eeltwill and courage of a Frontenac could not successfully cope. His
reciill, therefore, after ten turbulent and factious years of rule, was
only ji natural result. But his strong individuality, his marvellous
toiinige and activity, his influence over the Indians and the scarcely
less savage coureurs de hois^ had loft their impress on the country ; and
wlicM seven years of misrule under two succeeding governors hnd
broni^'ht Canada to the verge of ruin, it was felt that the sagacity and
boldness of Frontenac could alone save it for France. The misliai»s
and troubles of this distant colony, torn by internal dissensions, and
harassed from without by English and Indians, was the only thorn in
the side of Louis XIV, whose dream had been to build up a new
eni|»ire in the west. He turned to Frontenac as the only one who
could bring glory to France and restore its all but ruined colony.^

l^'rontenac, now in his seventieth year, readily undertook the task.
Neither his age nor enforced idleness at a brilliant court had dinimed
Ills courage or relaxed his ambition. William Prince of Orange was
now on the throne of England, and all the resources of the French
king were required at home ; so that Frontenac could not hope for
niucii assistance from that quarter. But he trusted in himself and in
his own genius to restore hope and courage to Canada. He had been
told by the king to forget past animosities, but the necessities of the
hour on his arrival at Quebec left no time for quarrels.^ It was just
after the massacre at La Chine by the Iroquois, and the whole country
was [)aralyzed with fear. The first step of Frontenac was to restore
some measure of order and confidence. He next called a council of
the Iroquois, whom folly and the lack of sincerity on the part of
Denonville, his predecessor, had turned from friends, or at least neutrals,
into relentless enemies. The first message of Frontenac to them is
characteristic of the man :

" The great Onontio, whom you all know, has come back again. He does
not l>lame you for what you have done ; for he looks upon you as foolish child-
ren, and blames only the English, who are the cause of your folly, and have
made yt)u forget your obedience to a father who has always loved and never
deceived you."'

But the task of appeasing the Iroquois was difficult, and one that
taxed his resources to the utmost. These wily savages, skilled m

^ Parkman : Setum of Frontenac. * Parkman : Ibid. ■ Parkman : Ibid.

( 147 )

■m

■

diplomacy as well as woodcraft, felt that their existence depended on
successfully playing off the English against the French. They \v. re
the friends of either as long as their own interests demanded it.
Their nearness to the English settlements of New York and Ali):iuy
brought thorn more under the influence of the English, who eag< riv
souglit their friendship for purjjoses of trade, or for an alliance agaiii>t
the French; and the latter just as eagerly wished for their friendshij)
against their English foes. Denonville's lack of knowledge dt'
Indian character, and his treachery, had brought calamity on he
Fre!ich settlements about Montreal, and ijad threatened to estraiiire
the llurons and other Indian allies ot the French in the West. Fion-
tennc had not come a moment too soon. Ilis ilrst design had been to
fall upon the English settlements in New York; but that had Ii'cii
frustrated for want of shi[)s and a sufficient force of men. lie mow
devoted himseU' to winning back the Irocpiois — no easy task siiuo
their appetite for French blood had been whetted — and when he liad
at least secured their neutrality, to strike a blow against the English.
His presence soon had a wonderful influence upon the French. Ilis
energy and hardihood overcame all obstacles, and inspired confidcnn'
among the coureurs de hois and friendly Indians. lie determined to
attack the English to the south ; and for that purpose three war pai tiw
were fitted out, one to strike Albany (which reached Schenectaijy
instead), the second directed against the bf)rder settlements of Now
Hampshire-, and the third against those of Maine. All weresucces.-t'iil.
The barbarous massacres of men, women and children in these doomed
settlements by the French and their Indian allies, will always remain
a stain on the character of Frontenac. Cruelty and bloodshed \\ ore
characteristic of the border warfare of those ys; but it is crediliiMe
that no retaliation in kind was attempted by the New York and
New England settlements for the repeated butcheries of unoffending
and defenceless settlers.'

The triumphant success of his three war imrties, and the failuiv of
Sir Wm. Phips to capture Quebec in theautumn of thefoMowingyiar.
restored confidence to the French and brought nearer to a rsality the
dream of a French Empire in North America. The failure of the
English settlements to retaliate with effect was due to their desirr to
remain at peace, to their scattered condition, and to the want of unan-
imity and of capable leadci's among them. The French were united,

1 Parkinan.

(U8)

traini'il to 8avage warfare, and confident under such a leader as Fron-
tciuu. Tl)e chief object of the war parties against New York and Xew
EiiL^liind liad been to teach the In ^uois that they coukl not trust tlie
Eniiii^li as alHes. Jhit the lesson was lost on these savages. In the
spriiiLf and summer of 1(590 and tbe two following seasons they con-
tiiiiit 1 their dopr'^dations, atid kQ\)t the Freneh settlers on «^he Upper
Saiiii Lawrence in constant terror. In the spring of 1(101, a combined
t'orcr o\' English, Dutch and Irocjuois, under Major Peter Schuyler, num-
l)eriiiLC two hundred and sixty-six men, left Albany and moved toward
Mdiiircal. A French force of between seven and eiglit hundred men
crossed the St. Lawrence to meet them and encamped at La Prairie.
Ihn i\ night attack by the English was completely successful, and
Silniyler slowly retreated towards Chambly, on the Richelieu, where
tlu'ir catioes had been left. The sequel told ])y Parkman' is of great
iiitciH'st :

" A (lay or two before Valrenne, an otlicor of oil tli and al)ility, had Ixum
sent to Chambly, with about a hundred and sixty troops an«l Canadians, a
hody of Huron an^ Irocjuois converts, and a band of Al,i,'onf|uiris from the
OttavMi. His orders were to let the English pass, and then place himself in
their rear to cut them off from their canoes. His scouts had discovered their
lulviiiK e ; and, on the morning of the attack, he set his force in motion, and
iulvance(i six or seven miles towards La Prairie, on the path l)y which Schuyler
was retreating. The country was buried in forests. At about nine o'clock,
the stouts of the hostile parties met with each other, and their war-whoops
;'ake the alarm. Valrenne instantly took possession of a ridge of ground tliat
crossed the way of the opposing English. Two large trees had fallen along
the crest of the acclivity ; and behind the.se the French crouched, in triple row,
well hidden by bushes and thick standing trunks. The English, underrating
the strength of their enemy, and ignorant of his exact position, charged im-
]«'tunii,sly, and were sent reeling back by a clo.se and d«>adly voUey. They re-
jieated the attack with still greater fury, an<l dislodged tlu^ French from their
ainlm-cade. Then ensiied a fight which Frontenac declares to have been the
most hot and 8tul)l)orn ever known in Canada. The ol)ject of Schuyler was to
Ueak through the French and reach the canoes ; the object of Valrenne was to
•Irive l.iin Imck upon the superior force at La Prairie. The cautious tactics of
the liush were forgotten. Three times the combatants became mingled together,
firiii;,' 'oreast to breast, and scorching each other'n shirts by the Hash of their
guns. * * * At length the French were driven from the path. ' We
broke througii the middle of their l)ody,' says Schuyler, ' untjl we got into their
rear, tiampling upon their dead ; then faced about upon them, and fought them

' Frontenao and New France under Louia XIV.

(119)

■If

■

\. i

until we made them give way ; then drove them, by strength of arm, four imn
difd paces before us; and, to say the truth, we were all glad to see them
retreat.' He and his followers continued their march unmolested, can yioir
their wounded men, and leaving about forty dead behind them, along with duf
of their flags, and all their knapsacks, which they had thrown oflf who, th.
fray began. They reached the banks of the Richelieu, found their canoes safe,
and after waiting several houj's for stragglers, embarked for Albany.

"Nothing saved them from destruction but the failure of the French .n l^i
Prairie to follow their retreat, and thus enclose them between two fires."

Frontenac determined by one last great effort to crush tin-
Iroquois. To accomplish that object, be rebuilt Fort Fronti nac.
against llie express orders of the king. Then assembling the \vliole
available force of the colony, amounting to 2200 men, be penetrated
into the country south of Lake Ontario, only to find it deserted iiiid
the enemy bidden in the impenetrable forests beyond. The task had
])een one of incredible difficulty, the route toilsome and dangcMous,
amid the heats of July and August. The indomitable leader, the
aged Frontenac, was carried in a chair; while Callit-res, the second in
command, disabled by gout, rode on a horse, brought for the purpose
in a batteau. After destroying tlje hidden provisions and etatKliiii:
crops, the force returned to Montreal. Frontenac sent an account of
his " victory " to the king who rewarded him with the cross ot the
Military Order of St. Louis.^ Next the news ofthetreaty ofRyswick
reached America, but before peace could be patched up between the
rival tactions in Canada Frontenac had breathed liis last.

" His own acts and words best paint his character, and it is needless to eiihirge
upon it. What, perhaps, may bo least forgiven him is the barbarity of the
waifare that he waged, and the cruelties that he permitted. Yet he wis no
whit more ruthless than hiij times and surroundings, and some of his coriteni-
poraries find fault with him fornot allowing more Indian captives to be tortured.
Many surpassed him in cruelty, none equalled him in capacity and \ij,'or
When civilized enemies were once within his power he treated them according
to their degree, with a chivalrous courtesy or a ge'ierous kindness. If h'' was
a hot and pertinacious foe, he was also a fast friend, and he excited lovr luni
hatred in about equal measure. His attitude towards public enemies was a i ways
proud and peremptory, yet his courage was guided by so clear a sagacity tl ;it he
never was forced to recede from the position he had taken. Towards Indians,
he was an admirable compound of sternness and conciliation. Of the imm* nsitj
of his services to the colony there can be no doubt. He found it under I** non-
ville, in humiliation and terror; he left it in honor and almost in triumpii -

1 Parkraau. "Parkman : Death of Frontenac. ,

( 150 )

THE WAR SONG.

A Passamaquoddy Lecjend.

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All old chief, sinking beneath the weight of years, yet strong in
magic power, had been worsted in battle with the Mohawks and was
in full retreat. When night came on, the enemy encamped ; but tlie
old chief and his disabled braves kept travelling till midnight. Then
tliey stopped for rest, and the old man sang his war song :

I remember the days when I was younj,' ;
T never fled from foar of death, as I do now.

I rememl)er the days when I was young ;
T never fell back before an enemy, as I do now.
Alas ! I have left my best and bravest warriors behind me;
Thoy will be put to torture by the Mohawks.

I remember the days when 1 was young ;
I never left one of my braves behind, as I do now.
Alas ! T have left some of my best and bravest warriors.

I remember the days when T was young ;
I never then did have to sing the .song that \ sing now.
Let all the hearts of the trees hear my poor, weeping song ;
li»^t them arise and help me to rescue the braves I have left behind.
lift all the tops of the trees listen to my song, and come to help me.
Let all the roots of the trees arise, and come to lu^lp me.

T remember the days when T was young.

Tlie song grew louder and louder, until the enemy heard it and
trembled. The old chief's voice was heard even in the most distant
part of his country, and every faithful warrior grasped his tomahawk
lattho call. Before daylight the people from his scattered villages
had come to his assistance, as did also the hearts of the trees, the tops
of the trees, and the roots of the trees, — a mighty army; and the
Mohawks were driven back to their ov/ii land. , / ,

' CoQtrtbuted by J. Vroom.

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(151)

'-CfJ-r

TiIE FOUNDATION OF HALIFAX.

By Harry Pikrh, Assistant Leoislative Librarian, Halifax.

\i'

By the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the British restored Cape Bioton
to France, but retained the mainland of Nova Scotia. It bo(ani(
evident that some change must be made in the condition of the latter
colony, if it was to prosper and remain in British possession. A ^'^reaf
proportion of its inhabitants consisted of French Acadians wliose
sympathies were entirely anti-English, and who could hardly fail lo he
a retarding element in its progress under British rule. Those wlio
gave the subject most thought advised that the strength ol the
Crown be augmented by increasing the population by loyal colonists
from the motherland.

At the conclusion of the late war, many regiments had been broken
or reduced, and England was filled with discharged soldiers and sea-
men, who were looking for new channels in which to turn their
energies. These, it was thought, formed good stock with wliidi to
revitalize and strengthen the transatlantic colony.

The scheme seemed an excellent one, and was approved bv His
Majesty, who referred its execution to the Lords Commissioners of
Trade and Plantations, at the head of whom was the Earl of Halifax.
This gentleman entered into the project with great zeal. An iulver-
tisement was inserted in a London newspaper, offering induceTiients
to dismissed officers and private men of the land and sea service, a^
well as artificers, to emigrate to Nova Scotia. The government prom-
isod a free passage, grants of land in fee simple, free from the payment
of any quit rents or taxes for ten years, as well as necessary arms.
agricultural, fishing and building implements, and food for twelve
months. The grants of land were to vary from fifty acres for 'vcry
private soldier or seaman to six hundred for every officer above tlie
rank of a captain, with additional grants for each member of a family

This offer immediately attracted attention, and in a couple ofj
months' time 2,576 adventurers— men, women and children — were
ready to sail for their new home. Parliament granted £40,000!
to cover the first expenses, and thirteen transports were order h1 to|
embark the colonists.

The new town was to be formed on the harbor of Chebueto, onj
the eastern coast of the province. The excellence of this harbor 1

(152) ^

long '-eon known in England, and it had t're([ueiitly been the resort of
lishii ^^ vessels. No one, however, lived there, save possibly a few
Freii' li families and Indians.

The command of the expedition was given to the lion. Edward
Oornwullis, son of the third Baron of that name, who was to assume
the ^Governorship of Nova Scotia at a salary of a thousand pounds a
year. As subsequent events proved, no better choice of a leader
could have been made.

Without waiting for the departure of the transports, Cornwallia
anil Ills suite set sail from England in the middle of May, 1749, and,
after <i boisterous voyage of one month, sighted the Nova Scotian coast.
Having called at the little French settlement of Malagash, now Lunen-
burg, he coasted along to Chebucto Harbor, where he cast anchor on
the 2l8t of June (old style).' Nothing met his eye but the magnifi-
cent liarbor and ranges of low hills clothed with an unbroken forest
that grew to the shore. Three years before, the remnant of d'Anville's
immense tieet had ridden at anchor in the same waters, and had en-
camjied its dying multitudes upon the beach. No clearings, however,
liad tlien been made, and the country which Cornwallis gazed upon
seemed untouched by the hand of man.

During the last days of June and early in July the transports
arrived with the settlers. Some of the shjps, after discharging their
passengers on George's island, were despatched to Louisbourg to carry
hither Colonel Hopson and two regiments, which, in accordance with
tlie treaty, were preparing to evacuate that town. These troops
reached Chebucto late in July, bringing with them immense quantities
of stores.

Immediately after his arrival, Cornwallis sent a despatch to
Colonel Mascarene, lieutenant-governor at Annapolis Royal, instruct-
ing him to come to Chebucto with a quorum of his council in order
that tlie former might take over the government. Mascarene having
arrived, Cornwallis presented his commission, was sworn in, and a new
council appointed. This council met for the first time on board one of
the transports.^ The fact was proclaimed by a general salute from
the pliips, and in honor of the event the day was given up to amuse-
ment s. One of the first questions discussed by this body was the
[mucli- vexed one regarding the status of the French Acadians, As a

'Eijuivalent to July 2ikI, new s.tyle.

^Tho buble around which this board uut ia utill to l)e seen in tlie I'lovince Building,

Halifax.

(153)

result, a proclamation was iHsiied requiring tlieni to take the oatli of
allegiance to the Britinh Crown and calling upon them to asHist and
encourage the new colonists.

Meanwhile the settlers had heen landed, and without loss of time
they proceeded to hew down the woods and i)repared to erect roiigli
log-houses on the rising ground on the western side of tlie hailtor.
In clearing away the underbrush, a number of skeletons were toiind
beside rust-eaten muskets — sad mementoes of d'Anville's ill-tated
expedition.

By the beginning of August about twenty acres had been cleared,
some wharves and rough storehouses had been built, a saw mil! had
been erected, and time had even been taken to sow grain. A small
house for the governor was built in the centre of the town, and
on completion was defended by a few cannon and a breastwork of
gravel-tilled casks. Timbers and boards for some of the buildings
were brought from Boston, but most of the dwellings were to be
formed of logs rough-hewn on the spot. In honor of its patron, the
President of the Board of Trade and Plantations, the new settloinciit
was called Halifax.

A plan of the proposed town had been prepared by the engineer
who accompanied the expedition, and in August the settlers assem-
bled and drew lots for the land. Each man now knew where to erect
his dwelling and the work of building occupied every hand. From
morn till night the sound of axe, hammer and saw could be hoard
throughout the settlement, wliich rapidly assumed a more town-like
aspect. A ship now arrived with over a hundred new settlers from
England, for whose accommodation two streets were added to the
town.

In order to protect the place in the event of an Indian attark, it
was considered necessary that an enclosing Hue of defence be erected.
The settlers were called upon to assist, but refused. The Imliaiis
hitherto had come to the settlement from time to time on friendly
missions, and a treaty of peace had been made with the tribe that
dwelt near the St. John River. About the first of September, how-
ever, alarming reports were brought in, that the Micmacs and St.
John's Island Indians under the priest Le Loutre were designing to i
molest the new settlement. In all haste the troops were emploved
making a barricade of logs and brush about the town, clearing ii\va)|
the woods for ton yards outside, and in building five stockaded t'orts.i

(154)

A dt achmeiit of troops was setit to the head of Bedford Basin to
erect a fort and keep open the communication with the interior of the
province. Arms were given to those who built without the lines, an<l
also lo such others as could be trusted, and lamps were purchased in
Boston t<> light the streets.

The reports regarding the hostility of the Indians proved true.
I'artit'S were attacked at Canso and Chignecto; and on September 30th
the st'ttlers were startled by newnof the murder of four men who had
been cutting tvood near a saw-mill on the opposite side of the harbor,
wiienf the town of Dartmouth now stands. Thejiiidignant council
refustnl to formally declare war against the savages, and decided they
should be treated as rebels and banditti. A proclamation was issued
ordering all British subjects to capture or destroy the Micmacs, and
ottering ten guineas for each one taken, living or dead, or tJor his
scalp. An additional company of rangers was directed to be raised,
and likewise a company of volunteers. Detachments of irregular
trooi)s patrolled the country everywhere about the town, and work
on the rough fortifications was hastened.

In December the settlers were formed into a militia, and in the
following month a guard of thirty-one men of this corps was ordered
to keep watch every night. The settlers, who had previously been
remarkably careless of datiger, were now alarmed. It was feared that
one ot the store-ships that was moored in a neighboring cove might
be l)(>arded by Indians when the water froze about her, and instruc.
tions were accordingly given to have the surrounding ice broken each
evening.

Although Indian alarms were frequent, and various hostile acts
were committed throughout the more unprotected parts of the pro-
I vinc'i', the winter passed at Halifax without the expected attack.
The rangers and other troops, however, had to be marched from time
to time to keep order and to maintain comnmnication with other
posts. The French had some time {jroviously taken possession of
land ilaimed by the British, and these encroachments gave more real
uneaHiness to Cornwallis than the open warlike acts of the Indians,
of whose power to do harm he had not a high opinion.

Although most of the inhabitants of the town had houses to shelter

them during the winter, there were a few, it is said, who remainecf in

tents, and must have suffered great discomfort. Fortunately the

j winter was mild and favorable. In tlie spring much activity prevailed.

( 155 )

A hospital was erected, and also a school for orphans, and vt'>s«ls
were fitted out for fishing on the hanks. Lots in the town were now
worth fifty guineas. The hastily erected harricade, thrown up dntintr
the first fall, was removed, and a line of palisades carried ahont tlic
town. This formed a much better protection. St. Paul's chiinli.
which still stands in Halifax, one of the few remaining relics of tiic
early settlement, was erected during the summer of this year, the
franie of the building being imported from Massachusetts. Th-'
government also made arrangements for the erection of a dissoniini.'
meeting-house, a court-house, and a prison.

In August a ship arrived with over three hundred emigriuit>.
These were settled on the opposite side of tlie harbor, where flicv
founded the town of Dartmouth. During the following spring a great
number of Germans arrived. Most of these latter were sent in I To;!
to Malagash Bay, where they built the town of Lunenburg; the re-
mainder settled chiefly in the north suburbs of Halifax.

IFalifax was now firmly established, and was rapidly taking \t-
place among the important towns of the new world. As it rose iiito
promineiice, Annapolis assumed a secondary place, save in the invor-
to-be-forgotten annals of history. Settlers were attracted to tlie mnv
town from many directions ; and its commercial, military and iiiival
importance rapidly increased, one of its greatest advantages being tlie
magnificent harbor that had first attracted attention to the shores ot
Ohebucto, and suggested tlieir fitness as the situation of a colony.

THE HESSIANS.

By J. Vkoom.

The name Hessian is too often used as a word of dislike and con-
tempt. A false idea of the ferocity and cruelty of the Hessian tioo\\'f
prevailed among Americans at the time of the Revolutionary War,
Tories were bad enough in their estimation ; and are so still, tlMHirb
it is no longer the fashion to abuse them. But a special antipathy to
the German auxiliaries and their oflScers, which arose from this ill-
founded drerid, has been fostered for a century by /riters of po| iilar
history in the United States ; and no term of obloquy was too atioiig
to apply to the hated Hessians. Even in Canada, there are canless

(156)

nevv-ituper writers who perpetuate the wrong, forgetting that many of
their readers may bo descendants of Hessian soldiers who are tlius
iiiali.:Med. Botli the Loyalists and the Hessians, however, are receiv-
ing tairer treatment from the later historians of the United States.

The troops of Hesse, Brunswick and Waldeck, eniployed by the
Ilriti li government, were merceiuiries, it is true, in the sense that
tlieii rulers or their home governments received money for their
H'rvi' OS in America ; but the individual soldiers were not mercenaries
ill so ilisgraceful a sense as were those New Brunswickers who for the
-akf <»f pay or bounty joined the armies of the northern states in the
war d" the southern rebellion. Many of the Germans wore not soldiore
from choice : none of them had any choice about coming to America
wlu'ii they were ordered to do so. The (ierman officers, without
t'X(ci>tion, were gentlemen by birtli and education, comparing favorably
with the very best in the British or Colonial service ; the soldiers, if not
lu'ttt'i- than the Britisli, were under better control.'

At the close of the Revolutionary War, disbanded German soldiers
obtained grants of land m Nova Scotia. In the township of Clements,
lietwcon Annapolis and Digby, the shore lots were granted chiefly to
Dutch-speaking Loyalists from New Jersey and Long Island. Back
I of these were parallel lines, two miles apart, settled by the Germans,
and still known respectively as the Waldeck Line and the Hessian
Line. These old soldiers proved to be good settlers, and seem to have
li'oii highly esteemed by their Dutch and English neiglibors.

Tlui old church at Moose River was built in part by the contribu-
tions of these people. It stood like a beacon on the hill, a gathering
jjilace for two generations of their descendants ; and kindly thoughts
of them come with the memory of its weather beaten walls. It is
[said to have been originally Lutheran. If so, after a time it was
landed over to the Church of England ; but the Hessians and Wal-
jdeckcTs were still regular attendants, meeting to sing their German
Imniis before the English service began. Their lusty chorals became
pveakcr as time passed on ; and the pathetic group of singers grew
umaHcr, as one after another dropped out under the weight of years,
until at last, two only were left to sing together. These two old men,
Itar away from fatherland, lifting up their broken voices and their

'Ml ly recent writers might be cited in supiwrt of this. For an extended discussion
ftho Mihjeot, see Mellick's "Story of an Old Farm," and Lowell's " Hessians in the
fcvoluiionary War."

(157) > - -

' 'S

; 1

aching lioarts to praise their God in the hymns of their childh mxI,
were the last of the lleHsians whose name had been a terror and a 8( trn.
It is time these Hessians and their doings were better understood,
that late justice may yet take away their undeserved reproach.

THE CAPTURE OF MACKINAC IN 1812.

By LiKiTT-CoL. E. ('hiikshank.

Like a huge natural fortress in the entrance of the long nnirow
strait leading from Lake Huron into Lake Michigan, lies a tortoinc-
shaped rocky islet, some three miles across in its widest part, nine milcH in
circumference, and towering to the height of nearly two hundred feet
above the surface of the surrounding waters. From the Indians it
long ago received the name " Michiliniackinac," which is underHtood
to mean " The Great Turtle," and has since been abbreviated In
droppiig the first three syllables. In most places tlie rugged ( litis
rise sheer from the water's edge, and it seems designed to conuiiaint
the navigation of the channel.

At Point St. Ignace, on the mainland, the Jesuits establisliKd a
mission more than two centuries ago, which was soon followed bv the
inevitable military post and trading station. After the cession of
Canada, this place was occupied by a small British garrison whioh.
within a year, was surprised and massacred by the Ottawas, on the
King's birthday, the 4th of June, 1764. When the rising oi the
Indians, known as Pontiac's War, was suppressed, the post was rebuilt
on its former site, but in 1780, being threatened by a combined attack
from the Spaniards and Americans, the garrison was removed to the
island, at the southern end of which a fort of maspn-work and timber
was built on a bluff overhanging a safe and convenient anchorage.
then called llaldimand Bay, in honor of the Governor-General of
Canada of that day. A small detachment of British regulars was
maintained here until 1796, when the island was transferred to the
Americans, who began at once to enlarge the works witli the inten-
tion of dominating the fur trade which was still entirely in the luiinb
of British nAerchants.

The British garrison was then removed to the island of St. Josopli.
about forty-five miles to the northeastward, where a small storkatle
and barracks were built for its protection.

: .' ,- . (158) " - .

Many British traderH continued their dealingH with tlio Indians in
the ! Hitcd StatcH in wpito of great cftbrtH to cxchide tlioni. Among
tlioHt one of the best known and niOHt inthiential was Rohert Dickson,
wlio liad traded in the region between the MisHiHsippi and tlio MiHsoiiri
M\\(v 178G, and was reported to have ascended both of those great
rivers nearly to their sources. In the autumn of IHll lie once more
rtiiccfoded in evading the vigilance of the Ameri(;an ofhcials and
arrived at liis customary trading station on the Mississippi with a
large .sui)ply of goods. He found tliat tlie Indians there were in great
distn'Srt, as all their crops had failed, owing to the excessively dry
wcatlior during the preceding summer, which had also driven all the
big game of the prairies northward in search of pasture. During the
winter he generously distrihuted among them his whole stock of
goods and provisions, preserving the lives of many and greatly
strengthening his hold on their afi'ections. A great number of the
lico{>le of the plains, however, perished miserably. It is stated that
Red Thunder, a principal chief of the Sioux, living near the Missouri,
wlieii on his way to Prairie du (>hien in the early spring, discovered
that six lodges of his tribe had died of hunger and cold, and forty-five
othern had disappeared and were supposed to have famished on the
phiiiis. The starving wretches had even pounded up for food the dry
bones of buffaloes which had lain undisturbed on the prairies for
years.

On the 18th of June, 1812, as Dickson was returning to Montreal,
he was met at the portage between the Fox and Wisconsin rivers by
a messenger from Oaptair\ Qlegg, Military Secretary to General Brock,
bearing a letter dated at York on the 27th February, informing hira
that war with the United States might be expected, and asking infor-
mation as to the number of " his friends that might be depended on."

In reply Dickson stated that all his " friends," whose numbers he
estimated at 250 or 300 warriors, would assemble at St. Joseph about
the 30th of June. Punctually to the day he arrived there himself,
accompanied by 130 Sioux, Winnebagocs (Puants), and Menomonees
(Folles Avoines), commanded by their principal chiefs. The garrison
of that post then consisted of a sergeant and two gutmers of the royal
artillery, and three officers Jind forty-one non-commissioned officers
and privates of the 10th Royal Veteran Battalion, mostly infirm and
worn-out men who were considered unfit for any service except garri-
isondnty, under the command of Captain Charles Roberts of the latter

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(159)

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Gor|)s, wiio was himself almost an invalid. The station there was
described as "a square consisting merely of high cedar pickristo
enclose the blockhouse and public buildings, the whole in bad li-pair
and incapable of any defence."' It was armed with four very old iron
six pounders, which were honey-combed and nearly useless, and six
small swivels. Very few voyageurs had yet assembled there, as the
British traders had left many of their men with their furs at other
places. On the third of July, Mr. Tousaaint Pothier (afterwards
a member of the Legislative Council of Canada) arrived from Montreal
in the capacity of agent for the Southwest iur Company. Five days
days later, an express came from General Brock, at York, announcing
the declaration of war and directing Roberts to attack Mackinac as
soon as practicable. The voyageurs upon the island and from the
trading stations on the mainland as far as Sault Ste. Marie were
hastily assembled and organized as a small battalion of volutiteers
under the command of Mr. Lewis Crawford. Messengers were even
sent to distant Fort William, at the head of Lake Superior, to seek
the assistance of the agents of the Northwest Fur Company. They
promptly responded to this summons, but arrived too late to render
any service. "Those gentlemen," said Mr. Pothier, "with ij^reat
alacrity came down with a strong party to co-operate, bringing to St.
Marie's several carriage guns and other arms; and altho' the dis-
tance between St. Joseph's and Fort William is about 500 miles, they
arrived at Michilimackinac the ninth day from the date of the express
and found us in peaceable possession."

But Roberts found it quite impossible to equip his auxiliaries from
the government stores, "having but forty guns in the Indian store
and no gunpowder but what was required for the great guns of the
garrison, and ball cartridges for his own men only, not a flint; in short
the garrison was deficient of everything necessary for such an under-
taking." In this dilemma he applied to Pothier who promptly threw
open the storehouses of the company without hesitation, and the
.^orthwest company's brig " Caledonia " was intercepted on her way
down the lake and pressed into service. The next step was to f*ecure
the goodwill, if not the co-operation, of the powerful nation of thej
Ottawas, residing at L'Arbre Croche and other villages near Mackinac.
Roberts stated that it was " a subject of much speculation how these I
people would act." In dealing with them he found a useful ally in |

» Report of Lt. Col. R. H. Bruyeres, R. E.

(160)

the person of Amable Chevalier, one of their chiefs, who was the half-
breed son of Louis Chevalier, a well-known French-Canadian trader.
He was born and brought up among the Ottawas of L'Arbre Croche,
but had for some years resided at the lake of the Two Mountains, near
Montreal, whence he had returned to the " upper country " the autumn
beforo to hunt during the winter. His influence among his mother's
people was considerable, and he made every effort to engage them in
the British interest. On the 12th of July most of the principal chiefs
arrived at St. Joseph's and reported that no reinforcements had arrived
at Mackinac when they had passed that island the day before. Robert
instantly held a council, at which he made known his design ; and
after a long private consultation among themselves, and " much pre-
varication," they agreed to join him, and returned to their villages to
arm their warriors. But even Chevalier afterwards admitted that "he
never could bring himself to have confidence in their fidelity."

By that time another express had arrived from Brock with orders
to suspend hostilities. Three days later, a third express came in with
instructions " to adopt the most prudent measures, either of offence or
defence, that circumstances might point out;" and, being informed at
the same time that reinforcements were expected at Mackinac, Roberts
determined to attack that place at once. He had assembled 230
Canadians and 320 Indians, but among the latter there were only
thirty Ottawas, Amable Chevalier was sent off to their villages to
collect the remainder and join the expedition at the island. At ten
o'clock on the morning of the 16th July the regulars, with two
six-pounders, were embarked on the " Caledonia," and accompanied
by 160 voyageurs, only half of whom were armed, and 300 Indians,
in a fleet of ten batteaux and seventy canoes, set sail for Mackinac.
The lake was calm and the voyage was without incident until mid-
night, when a canoe was seen approaching in the moonlight. It was
pursued and taken. The prisoner proved to be Michael Donsman, an
American trader sent out to reconnoitre St. Joseph's by the command-
j ant of Mackinac, whose suspicions had been excited by the conduct of
[the Ottawas. .'■

" By the almost unparalleled exertions of the Canadians," Captain

[Roberts reported, "we arrived at the place of rendezvous at three

o'clock the following morning." The Ottawas had not arrived, but

[a landing was made at once without opposition, and the prisoner

iBonsnian was sent to the settlement to warn the inhabitants to seek

(161)

-'?

the protection of the invaders before the attack began. The Canadian
volunteers, officered by such men as Crawford, Pothier, Johnson,
Enuatinger, Livingston, Rolette, La Croix and Frank, were set at
work cutting a road and hauling one of the unwieldly iron guns to
the summit of a ridge which overlooked the fort, while the Indians,
directed by Dickson, Askin, Langlade, Nolin and Cadotte, occuj)ied
the adjacent woods.

The fort was a quadrangular enclosure, formed with cedar pickets
twelve or fourteen feet in height, with block-houses at each unglo.
' surrounded by a ditch and containing almost two acres of ground.

Inside were the barracks, store-houses, and a bomb-proof magazine.
iji Seven guns were mounted, and the garrison consisted of three oiiicers

and sixty-one men of the 1st Regiment of United States Artillery
under Lieut. Porter Hanks. Nine small trading vessels lay in the harbor,
whose crews, numbering forty-seven persons, might have been callod
to the assistance of the troops. But Hanks had received no informa-
tion of the declaration of war, and his post was not well prepared for
defence. Most of the inhabitants of the little village of some thirty
houses clustered about the Roman Catholic church, almost within the
shadow of the stockade, had already fled to the west side of the island
to claim the protection promised them by the British commander.
At ten o'clock a summons to surrender was sent in, which Hanks stated
officially was the first intimation he had received of the existence of war,
In a very short time, articles of capitulation were agreed on, by which
the fort was surrendered and the garrison became prisoners of war,
At noon the British flag was hoisted. Four of the schooners taken
in the harbor, the "Mary," "Salina," "Erie" and " Friend's Good
Will," were among the largest of the few trading vessels then on the
upper lakes, and were loaded with seven hundred packages of furs,
being the result of a year's trading of the American Fur Company, of
which John Jacob Astor was one of the principal members.

The Indians were kept so well under control that Captain Roberts |
himself was astonished. "It is a circumstance I believe without
precedent," he said, "and demands the greatest praise for all those
who conducted the Indians, that though these people's minds were|
much heated, yet as soon as they heard the capH,ulation was signed,
they all returned to their canoes, and not one dro^ either of man's orl
animal's blood, was spilt, till I gave an order for a certain number ofj
bullocks to be purchased for them." " ' ?

(162)

'llie results of this bloodless conquest were important. General
Hull attributed his misfortunes largely to this event. " All the hives
of northern Indians," he said, "became hostile and were let loose
upon us." The fear that " a large body of savages from the north "
would be directed against his army seems to have greatly influen(3ed
his mind, and disposed him ultimately to surrender his whole force.

ill

FOUNDERS OF FREDERICTON— THE STORY OF

A GRANDMOTHER.

m SI

I ti

By W. O, Raymond, M.A.

INTRODUCTORY.

During the war of the American Revolution, the Loj^alists were
liy 110 means passive spectators of the course of events. Stung by the
persecutions of their " rebel countrymen," who confiscated their pro-
perty and subjected them to gross indignities, they sought protection
within the British lines. Here many of them enlisted in one or other
of the Loyalist corps commonly known as the British American
re«-iment8.

Tlie number of Loyalists who served their king in arms was greater
than is commonly supposed. At least fifty dififerent Loyalist corps
I were organized in the old colonies, many of which served with marked
distinction and won laurels on hard fought fields of battle. In
addition there were about ten military organizations of Loyalists
under General Haldimand in Canada at the close of the war. The
lifty corps that served in the old colonies comprised about three hun-
jdred companies, including forty-seven troops of cavalry.

At the time of their maximum enrolment, the British American

Iregimonts numbered over 15,000 men, — all ranks included. This,

[however, by no means represents the total number of Loyalists who

[^ere in arms at one time or another, for the personnel of the various

regiments kept constantly changing as the war progressed. Many

lied on the field of battle or in the regimental hospitals, some were

lisabled, some taken prisoners by the enemy, and some — to their

|hame be it said — grew tired of service and returned to their former

(163)

homes. It is certain that at least 25,000 Loyalists (exclusive of t Iiose
in Canada) served the king in arms during the course of the war.

In point of numbers, the foremost of the Loyalist corps was that
known as the New Jersey Volunteers, or "Skinner's Greens." It was
organized in the latter part of the year 1776, by Brigadior-Gi iioral
Cortland Skinner. It comprised at first six battalions commandei]
respectively by Lieutenant-Colonels Elisha Lawrence, John Morris.
Edward Vaughan Dongan, Abraham VanBuskirk, Thomas Barton,
and Isaac Allen. General Skinner's brigade, at the time of its maxi-
mum strength, numbered about 1,400 of all ranks.

While the record of the New Jersey Volunteers on the fivU] of
battle was perhaps less brilliant than that of such corps as the Queon's
Rangers, the 1st and 2nd DeLancey's, and the British Legion, it reii-
dered substantial service at various points in New Jersey, and also in
the defence of Staten Island ; and one of the battalions, under Lieut.-
Colonel Isaac Allen, was conspicuous for its gallantry in the southern
campaigns in Georgia and the Carolinas. In consequence of severe
losses incurred at Staten Island and elsewhere, the first and fiftli bat-
talions were amalgamated under Lieut.-Colonel Barton, and the tliird
and sixth under Lieut.-Colonel Allen. This occurred about Marcli,
1778. A further consolidation took place in the autumn of 1781.
when the companies of Lieut.-Colonel Morris' battalion were attached
to the first and fourth battalions. Thus at the close of the war the six
original battalions had been reduced to three. These were commanded
respectively by Lieut.-Colonel Stephen DeLancey, Lieut.-Colonel Isaac
Allen, and Lieut.-Colonel Abraham VanBuskirk.

Colonel VanBuskirk's battalion contained a very large r)ntcli|
element. It was recruited at New York, Staten Island and in the
neighboring parts of New Jersey. It appears to have been a r< liable I
and serviceable corps, and had as its commander a rough and ready
old soldier. Among the officers were Major Philip VanCortlaud,
Captains William Van Allen, Peter Ruttau, Samuel Ryerson, .Jacob I
VanBuskirk and Waldron Blaan ; Lieutenants '^^rtin Ryerson, Janiea
Sarvenier, John Heslop, John VanNorden, Joost (or Justus) Earl e and
John Simonsou ; Ensigns Colin McVean, Xenophen Jouett, Malcolmj
Wilinot, William Sorrell, and Frederick Handorflt'.

The fleet, with such of the Loyalist troops as had elected to bel
disbanded on the River St. John, left New York on the loth dayofl
September, 1783, and arrived safely at St. John on the 27th of tli«j

(164)

[same month, with the exception of the two ships, "Martha" and

Esther." Of these the former was wrecked on a ledge near the

LSeal Islands, afterwards known as "Sohlier's Ledge," and out of 170

individuals on board more than half were drowned. The "Esther"

jirrived at her destination several da^'s after her sister ships, having

narrowly escaped destruction by getting out of her course. She had

loiiboixrd the third battalion of the jSTew Jersey Volunteers.

As already mentioned, the Dutch element was predominant in
IColojiel VanBuskirk's battalion, and by reason of the settlement of
hn many of the men of this corps in ^ew Brunswick and Nova Scotia,
the same thrifty element that ligures conspicuously in the develop-
ment of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, was planted in
the Maritime provinces. Among those who arrived at St. John in
jthe "Esther" were Lodewick Fisher,^ his wife Mary, and their three
children, Eliza, Henry and Peter, all of whom were born on Staten
[Islaiul (luring the turmoil of events connected with the war.

TLo story that follows does not pretend to be quoted verbatim
from the lips of the good old lady who was the np-^ \*tor, but is based
upon the notes made by one of her granddaughters containing recol-
lections of her grandmother's story of the founding of Fredericton.

THE GRANDMOTHER'S STORY.

Your grandfather, Lewis Fisher, joined the New Jersey Volunteers on the

th of December, 1776, and was taken prisoner by the rebels a few weeks

Iterwards along with his brother Peter and fifteen others. After an absence

pf a year and nine months he returned to his duty October 2, 1778, having

ade his escape from confinement.

When the war closed the New Jersey Volunteers lay encamped at New
own creek near Brooklyn, Long Island. We sailed in the ship " Esther,"
ith the fleet for Nova Scotia. Some of our ships were bound for Halifax,
me for Shelburne and some for St. John's river. Our ship going the wrong
aci( was nearly lost. When we got to St. John we found the place all in con-
sion : some were living in log houses, some building huts, and many of the
Idiers living in their tent.s at the Lower Cove.

Soon after we landed, we joined a party bound up the river in a schooner to
. Ann's. 2 It was eight days before we got to Oromocto, and there the captain
nded us, being unwilling on account of the lateness of the season or for some
her reason, to go further. He charged us each four dollars for the passage.

• After hia Arrival in New Brunswick, Mr. Fisher bore the name of Lewis, the E..g-
^hequivttlent of Lodewick^ ^ ,',,,,.>

' The old name for Fredericton.

(165)

I ^

ilf

■'•T, ■■

Ill

• <

We spent the night on i^hore and the next day the women and childivn pro
ceeded with some of the party to St. Ann's in Indian canoes ; the rest i imcoDi
foot. We reached our destination the 8th day of October, tired with <>ur Ion?
journey, and pitched our tents at the place now called Salamanca, near the shore.!
The next day we explored for a place to encamp, for the winter was ut handl
and we had no time to lose. The season was wet and cold, and we were muolil
discouraged at the gloomy prospect before us. Those who had arrived a
earlier in the fall had made better preparations for the winter ; s(jine hajl
built small log huts. This we were unable to do owing to the lateness of our)
arrival. Snow fell on the 2nd day of November to the depth of six inches.
We pitched our tents amidst the shelter of the woods and tried to cover tliemj
with spruce boughs. Stones were used for fire places. Our tent had no floorl
but the ground. The winter was very cold, with deep snows which we tried tJ
keep from drifting in by putting a large rug at the door. The snow that laTi
six feet deep around us helped greatly in sheltering us from the cold. Hoi I
we lived through that awful winter, I hardly know. There were aiotluMs tliail
had been reared in a pleasant country enjoying all the comforts of life, w'm
helpless children in their arms. They clasped their infants to their bosomJ
and tried by the warmth of their own bodies to protect them from the bitiDjj
frost. Sometimes a part of the family had to remain up during the night tol
keep the fires going, so as to prevent the rest from freezing. Some flestitutfj
people made use of boards which the older ones kept heating before the firel
and applied by turns to the smaller children to keep them warm. Manjl
women and children, and some of the men, died from cold and exposurtl
Graves were dug with axes and shovels near the spot where our party hadj
landed ; and there in the stormy wintry weather our loved ones wei-e laid tol
rest. We had no minister, and had to bury them without any religious servicel
The first burial ground continued to be used for some years until it was nearW
filled. We called it the " Loyalist Provincials' burial ground."

Among those who came with us to St. Ann's, or who were there when wjj
arrived were Messrs. Swim, BurkstaflF, McComesky, three named Ridner, WoolejJ
Bass, Ryerse, Paine, Acker, Lownsberry, Ingraham, Buchanan, Ackerraaul
Vanderbeck, Donley, Smith and Essington, with some few others. ^

iln the muster rolls of the New Jersey Volunteers, nearly all these names are to k
found. I find in Capt. Waldron Blaan's company : — John Swim, Vincent Swim, MoMJ
McComesky, David Burkstaff and Frederick BurkstafF; in Col. VanBuskirk's company:
Abraham Vanderbeck, Conrad Ridner, Abraham Ackerman, Morris Ackei man ani
Marmaduke Ackerman; in Capt. Edward Earle's company: — Lodewick Fislif r, Petal
Ridnor and Peter Smith; in Capt. Samuel Ryerson's company: — Samuel Buchanan;
Capt. Jacob Buskirk's company: — James Ackerman. There is also a Sergeant Elil»
Wooley in another company. Benjamin Ingraham was a sergeant in the King s Arae»
can Regiment. He served in the southern campaign and wa.'i severely wounded i"
Camden and nearly died of yellow fever. He arrived at St, Ann's in arou-boati
Octobers 1783, built a small log house in the woods into which he moved on tlie 6tli(
November, at which time there was six inches of sncw on the ground. W. 0. R

( 166 )

Wh( II the Loyalists arrived there were only three houses standing on the
old St. Ann's plain. Two of them were old framed houses, the other a log
lliouse. [This stood about at the lower gate of the late Judge Fisher's place.]
[he houses must have been built by the first inhabitants, who were French.
There were said to have been two bodies of people murdered here. It could
|i)ot have been long before the arrival of the Loyalists that the last party were
murdered.^

Many of the Loyalists who came in the spring had gone further up the
iver; but they were little better oif for provisions than we were at St. Ann's.
[he supi)lies we expected before the close of navigation did not come, and at
one time starvation stared us in the face. It was a dreary contrast to our
Iformer condition. Some of our men had to go down the river with hand sleds
or tobog^'ans to get food for their famishing families. A full supply of provis-
ons was looked for in the spring, but the people were betrayed by those they
depended upon to have supplied them. All the settlers were reduced to great
litrait8 and had to live after the Indian fashion. A party of I^oyalists who
ame before us late in the spring had gone up the river farther,** but they
rere no better off than those at St. Ann's. The men caught fish and hunted
Doose when they could. In the spring we made maple sugar. We ate fiddle
[leads, 1,'rapes and even leaves of trees, to allay the pangs of hunger. On one
ccasion some poisonous weeds were eaten along with the fiddle heads ; one or
wo died, and Dr. Earle had all he could do to save my life.

As soon as the snow was off the ground we began to build log houses, but
rere obliged to desist for want of food. Your grandfather went up the river
) Captain McKay's^ for provisions and found no one at home but an old colored
Bave woman who said her master and his man had gone out to see if they
Duld obtain some potatoes or meal, having in the house only half a box of
biscuits for themselves. Some of the people at St. Ann's who had planted a
iw potatoes were obliged to dig them up again and eat them.

In our distress we were gladdened by the discovery of some large patches

pure white beans marked with a black cross. They had probably been
riginally planted by the French, but were now growing wild. In our joy at
iiii fortunate discovery we called them at first the " Royal Provincials' bread,"
ut afterwards the " staff of life and hope of the starving." I planted some

these beans with my own hands and the seed was preserved in our family

many years.

'This rrudition is probably connected with the destruction of the French settlement
[St. Anii'.s in March,* 1759, by a compapy of Rangers under command of Capt. Moses
pen, us detailed in the New Brunswick Magazine for July, 1898, pp. 9-10.

*Tlio reference, no doubt, is to the King's American Dragoons, who settled in Prince
lilliam.

^ Captain John McKay of the Queen's Rangers, who lived in the Parish of Queens-
Iry, viliere he was a prominent magistrate. His wife was a sister of Judge Saunders.

( 167 )

" it!'

There was great rejoicing when the first schooner at length arri\ od with {
corn-meal and rye. In those days the best passages up and down the river
took from three to five days. Sometimes the schooners were a week or ten
days on the way. It was not during the first year alone that we sutt( red tor
want of food, other years were nearly as bad.

The first summer after our arrival all hands united in buildingtheir loghoiisK
Doctor Earle's was the first that was finished. Our people had liut few toni
and those of the rudest sort. They had neither bricks nor lime, and cliimnevJ
and fiieplaces were built of stone laid in yellow clay. They covered the rooM
of the houses with bark bound over with small poles. The windows had onlvl
four small panes of glass.

The first store opened at St. Ann's after our arrival was kept by a 111,111 1
named Cairnes, who lived in an old house on the bank of the river whicli ^toodl
near the gate of the first church built in Fredericton. [The site was in fiontl
of the present cathedral.] He used to sell fish at a penny each, and hutter
nuts at two for a penny. He also sold tea at $2.00 per lb., which was to unjI
wonderful boon. We greatly missed our tea. Sometimes we used an aiticlfj
called Labrador,^ and sometimes spruce or hemlock Vmrk for drinkiii:(, hut l|
despised it.

There were no domestic animals in our settlement at first except one blaokj
and white cat which was a great pet. Some wicked fellows who came fioml
the States, after a while, killed, roasted, and ate the cat, to our great re,i,'reti
indignation. A man named Conley owned the first cow. Poor Conlcy after!
wards hanged himself — the reason for which was never known. For ypanl
there were no teams, and our people had to work hard to get their provisionil
Potatoes were planted amongst the blackened stumps in the little clearing
and turned out well. Pigeons used to come in great numbers, and were shot
or caught in nets by the score. We found in their crops some small roiim
beans, which we planted ; they grew very well and made excellent green head
which we ate during the summer. In the winter time our people had sometinia
to haul their provisions by hand fifty or a hundred miles over the ice
through the woods. In summer they came in slow sailing vessels. On om
occasion Doctor Earle and others went to Canada on snow shoes with liain
sleds, returning with some bags of flour and biscuit. It was a hard aa
dangerous journey, and they were gone a long time.

For several years we lived in dread of the Indians, who were sometimes veij
bold. I have heard that the Indians from Canada once tried to murder tU
people on the St. John River. Coming down the river they captured an Indi*
woman of the St. John tribe, and the chief said they would spare h -r if
would be their guide. They had eleven canoes in all ; and they were W
together, and the canoe of the guide attached to the hindermost. As ti«

f Ledum lati/olimn—& heath plant called in the botanies Labrador Tea.

(168)

-rivod with
n tilt' river
k'eel^ or tf-n
3U tic red fori

• lof,' houses.
it few tOdl'.
d cliimneyjl
d tlie roofs
'S had onlvl

■; ]>\ II 11) dill

which stood
vas in fiont
and Imttfr-
was to U'> al
d an ai'ticlfj
ikini;, hut I

pt Cine blikij
) came froml
at )'('^ivt and!

onlcy iifter-l

For ypanl

[r provisionil

le clearings,!
nd weresli

small roiiB

green lieany
id sometiraa
r the ice

Is. On oM
Bs with hM

a hard d

drew near the Grand Falls, most of the party were asleep ; and the rest were
deceived by the woman who told them that the roaring they heard was caused
by a fall at the mouth of a stream that here joined the main river. At the
critical moment the Indian woman cut the cord that fastened her canoe to the
others and escaped to the shore, while the Canada Indians went over the fall
,,nd wcic lost.

In the early days of the settlement at Fredericton, some fellows that had come
from tlio States used to disturb the other settlers. They procured liquor at
Vanliorne's tavern and drank heavily. They lived in a log cabin which soon
ijecanie a resort for bad characters. Here they formed a plot to go up the
river and plunder the settlers — provisions being their main obi«ct. They
agreed that if any of their party were killed in the expedition they i^iould
prevent the discovery of their identity by putting him into a hole cut in the
river. While endeavouring to effect an entrance into a settler's house, a shot
was fired out of a window, wounding a young man in the leg. The others then
desisted from their attempt, but cut a hole in the ice and thrust the poor
fellow under who had been shot, although he begged to be allowed to die in
the woods, and promised if he was found alive he would not betray them, but
they would not trust him.

The narrator of the foregoing incidents, like the majority of the
[old loyalist matrons, evidently possessed sterling qualities which she
transmitted to her descendants. To her son, Peter Fisher, who accom-
panied his parents to New Brunswick in 1783, appertains the honor
of being our pioneer historian. A grandson, the Hon. Charles Fisher,
Attorney-general of the province and Judge of the Supreme Court,
[has left his impress on the pages of our provincial history. Descend-
lants of the fourth generation are now numbered among our most
iflctive and influential citizens.

i£,

'■ - i£l

metiniesver

■

) murder HH

•ed an IndiiH

re h"r if s^H

;y were tH

■

•St. As tlf

'-Mi^-

(169)

COMMENTS.

Moiitreal Oaztth : What we said wome
time iigo of the Old South Leaflets as af-
fecciiiK United States readers, is especially
:i|iplicable to this exj>eriinentof Mr. Hay's,
ati iitractiii^" stutleiits of our own annals.
At ii nominal cost (ten cents a number)
one is favored with a veritable treasury of
tidbits by our foremost historians, dealin<j
inillioiitutively with what is most note-
worthy in the records of the old regime
iimi rho new,

Kingston W/ii;/ : A threat deal of infor-
rmtii)n, valuable in an educational way
iiinl for' storing in the literary archives of
Caimda, is being produced by this series.
CaiiiKla re([uires national spirit and histor-
iciil pride, such as is being coaxed into life.

St. John Ttli'(jraph : Mr, (i. U. Hay is
lioing good work by the issue of these sup-
[lienientary readings, and we congratulate
liiin on their success. * * * The series
may now be considered to be well estab-
lished, and the youth of the Maritime
I'rovinces are to be congratulated on the
manner in which iiistory is now being
taught tln-ough this magazine and similar
piihlications.

Truro Smi: All who are interested in
the choicest l)its of Caiuidian history should
|)rocure these leaflets.

Belleville Intelligencer : The table of con-
tents is an attractive one, and filling as t
loes, a neglected niche in Canadian jour-
nalism, the new (juarterly should receive
generous support.

Quebec Mercury: Number five of the
Canadian History Leaflets is a publication
which one can read through with pleasure
and profit. This pamphlet is growing in
iniportance and value with each issue, and
it ouglit to be taken by all students of
sidelights on Canadian history.

Montreal Herald : The series has been
planned with the special object of giving
interesting sketches on a variety of topics
connected with our country's history. The
result cannot fail to be of great benefit to
the students of Canadian history.

St. Andrew's Beacon : All these gentle-
men (the writers for the leaflets) are well
(lualified by study and experience to write
not only intelligibly, but truthfully, upon
the subjects they have chosen. The histor-
ical accuracy of their contributions may,
therefore, be relied upon.

Charlottetown Patriot : The papers are
very interesting and instructive. All who
desire to know the history of their country

will And the leaflets an up-to-date and
delightful means of attaining thin object.

Victoria, li.C.,Colonif<t: Something more
than a legislative appro[)riation is necessary
to secure the telling of the story of early
Catuula, so that it will impress itself upon
the character of the people. All that can
be done until the skilled luirrator jiuts in
an appearance is to collect as mnny of the
data of the i)ast as possible.

St. John Sun: The whole publication is
not ordy u.seful for the purpose designed,
but cotitains historical studies of great
general value. * * * Love of country
is everywhere held to be a virtue in a
people, and love of country should be
grounded in a knowledge of our country's
history.

Halifax I'reshyterian Witness: These
papers ought to be placed in the hands of
senior pupils in our schools in order to
accustom them to the |)leasing exercise of
looking into the sources of history, and the
study of events as narrated at first hand.

R. E. (iosNELL, Librarian, Le.<ji,<ilat,ive.
Library, Ii. C: I must congratulate you
not only on the conception of such a com-
mendable enterprise, but upon the success
with which it has been initiated.

St. Joiui Globe : The text- books on Can-
adian history which from time to time
have been prescribed in the [)ublic schools
have not proved very successful. They
have been dull and heavy reading and
ha /e been crowded far too full of minor
factsand useless details. The Educational
Rkview has hit upon a happy plan to
remedy this defect. It will issue a series
of leaflets which will present the leading
events and persons in our history in a clear
and interesting manner. * ^r * q^j^g
various issues of the leaflets will certainly
prove an acciuisition to the school as well
as to private libraries.

Toronto Olobe : The object of the publi-
cation is obviously to popularize knowledge
and build up national sentiment.

Fredericton Herald : It is on the whole
a most excellent publication and should be
eagerly sought after by students of history.

Weymouth Free Press: Not the least
benefit to be derived from this effort to
supply deficient library facilities, it is
hoped, will be increased love on the part
of the young for Canada, and a better ac-
quaintance with the sacrifices endured by
its founders.

S. E. Dawson, LL. D., Ottawa: It seems
to me to be a most promising idea.

ill

fll'

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ISSUE

at the department of Agriculture.

EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

CANADIAN
HISTORY.

NUMBER SEVEN.

INHERITANCES FROM OUR
HISTORIC PAST,

W. F. Ganongy Ph.D.

NICHOLAS DENYS,

James Hannay^ D.C.L.

TRAITS OF INDIAN CHARACTER,
Rev. IV. O. Raymond^ M.A.

THE MAROONS IN NOVA SCOTIA,

Arthur P. Silver^ Esq.

THE FIRST SIEGE AND CAPTURE
OF LOUISBURG,

Victor H. Paltsits.

THE DEFENSE OF MACKINAC

IN 1814,

Lieut-Col. E. Crtiikshank.

1
i

September J899.

ISS

UED QUARTERLY. PRICE lO Cer

its.

•ARNia * 0O<, PRi«TCiM,.8T JOHN. N. S.

lit.

PUBLISHER'S ANNOUNCEMENT.

Ui,

There has been Ji steadily growing demand for back numbers of the series of Canii
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tlie full series should send for them at once.

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The series will be completed in twelve numbers, containing about 350 pages of re*i
iag matter of the greatest interest to students of Canadian history, and geogra})li\-. TL.
most stirring incidents in our history have been selected, many of them from origin,,;
[lapers and documents not accessible to the general reader. The result will be u unique |
and interesting collection which will prove of the greatest value to the student of history.
Every reader of Canadian historj^ should secure this valuable addition to his library. X,
teacher should fail to have one or more copies in school for supplementary reading-. They
are prepared with this end in view.

Among the contributors to thi,« interesting and valuable series of historical paper;
are Sir John Bourinot, Jas. Hannay, D.C.L., author of the History of Acwlia, Pro:
Wm. F. Ganong, Rev. W. O. Raymond, Jas. Vroom, Lt.-Col. E. Cruikshank, Victol
H. Paltsits, of the Lenox Library, New York, Harry Piers, of the Legislative Library oi
Nova Scotia, and other well-known writers of history.

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST NUMBERS OF THE SERIES.
NUMBER I. — Introduction — Physical (irowth of Canada — The Legend of (iloiwapj

— Cartier's First Voyage — Winter ut St. Croix Island (Illustrated) — The Storyoil

Lady LaTour — The Story of the Loyalists.
NUMBER II.— The Cabots and Their Voyages— The Settlement of Port Rop

Physiography of Nova Scotia — An Acadian Marchioness — A Chapter on Niim(!*-j

The Fort Cumberland Summons and Reply — The Siege of Penobscot.
NUMBER III.— General Cofhn— Fort Cumberland— D'Anville's Expedition-Niclioli-I

Denys' Description of the River St. John-^Incidents in the Life of Lieut. Jiiiiie!|

Moody — Story of the Big Beaver.
NUMBER IV.— Place-Names — French Canadian Life and Character — The Story ij

Laura Secord — On the Study of Ancient Maps — A Scheme for the Con(|ue8to'|

Canada in 1746.
NUMBER v.— The Acadian People— The Battle of Lundy's Ljine— The Pennfi

Colony — History in Boundary Lines — The Physiography of New Brunswick.
NUMBER VL— The Expulsion of the Acadians- Frontenac and his Times— The Wi:|

Song — The Foundation of Halifax — The Hessians — The Capture of Maokimic :

1812 — Founders of Fredericton.

TERMS:

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Address, G. U. HAY,

Educational Revibw, St. .'ohn, N. B.

'■■hi'iy.":

INHERITANCES FROM OUR HISTORIC PAST.

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By W. F. Gaxono, Ph.D.

A short time ago, a wide-awake Canadian school b( y was told that
a gentleman with whom he was then talking intended to write a his-
tory of one of the provinces. " Sir," said the boy to the historian,
"if you do, I hope you will leave out about ten chapters on consti-
tutional government." This story is true, and it illustrates a striking
fact about history, namely, that its most important parts are often not
at all interesting to young people. Yet those who devote their lives
to its study agree that its most valuable portions are those which investi-
gate the origin and development of our present social and political
surroundings. By such history, they tell us, are we enabled to under-
stand better the conditions under which we live and the problems
which confront us, and hence to act more wisely as men and as
citizens. Such history, too, makes available the lessons of the past
for our guidance in the future. It is less interesting, it is true, than
the stories of discoveries and battles and conquests, but it should never-
theless receive a full share of our attention and appreciation.

Perhaps this introduction may seem not to have much to do with
ray present subject ; but there is at least a connection in this way, that
this article deals with the origin of certain features of cur surround-
ings, while its title may appear so unattractive that I think it best thus
to bespeak the reader's attention. ' -;

Everyone knows that our common customs, language, knowledge,
etc., are derived from various sources in the past ; but we rarely stop
to think to what periods or peculiarities of our history we are indebted
for them. The history of any country falls into periods, and each of
these contributes something to the succeeding ones, and through them
to the present. What do the people of New Brunswick, for example,
possess as inheritances from the earlier periods of their varied and
eventful history ?

In the Pre-historic or Indian Period, New Brunswick was occupied
by two Indian tribes, the Micmacs and the Maliseets, the latter with a
.branch known as the Passamaquoddies. To-day, there remain among
iU8, according to the latest census, 1627 Indians, about one-half of one
|per cent, of our total population, an inoffensive intelligent people, use-

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inl as guides and hunters and as makers of wooden wares. To them
we owe our birch canoe, most graceful of water-craft, and our know-
ledge of the easiest routes of travel through the unsettled parts of the
Province. The snowshoe, moccasin and toboggan we owe not so
much to our own Indians directly as to the Indian tribes in general;
and doubtless they would be in use in New Brunswick had our own
tribes never existed. Most important, however, of all our inheritances
from them, and certainly the one that will endure the longest, is our
attractive place-nomenclature, especially that of most of our rivers, and
of many lakes and islands. Nearly one hundred and fifty naraof
of places in common use in New Brunswick, including those that are
most characteristic and pleasing, are of Indian origin. Who is there who
would exchange them for any other kind, or who does not wish we had
yet more of them ? Aside from names of places, however, we seem to
have adopted very few, if any, Indian words, though no doubt the
language of the Acadian French, who were ever the good friends of
the Indians, contains some such words. Canoe, toboggan, moccasin,
squaw, and a few others which are of Indian origin, were not adopted
from our own Indians directl}', but from other tribes through travellers
and explorers. The only word I can find in use among us that may
possibly have been taken directly from our Indians is bogan, a name
applied by lumbermen and hunters to a still cove by a stream, which
is probably a corruption of the MaViseet pokelogan, applied to the same
kind of a place. We have no custom or sport derived from our own
Indians, for tobogganing, snowshoeing, etc., are not adopted from
them directly. In an indirect way, through the kindness they often
showed to our Loyalist ancestors in the severity of the first dreadful
winters, we owe them much. But on the whole our debt to this period
is not great.

The Period of Exploration in New Brunswick possibly began with
voyages of the Norsemen to Miramichi Bay before 1000 A. I). It
includes I'ortuguese voyages to the Bay of Fundy early in the six-
teenth century, the voyage of Cartier to our North Shofe in 1584,
already fully described in his own words in an earlier number of this
series,^ and the voyage of Champlain ;to the Bay of Fundy in 1G04.
These voyages were of the utmost importance, at the time, in making
this country known to the world, thus opening it up for trade and

* In Number I.

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settlement, but their only recognizable results to-day are a few place-
names — Fundy, Acadia, Chaleur, St. John, St. Croix, and possibly
Miramichi.

The Acadian or Frknch Period began with the settlement by De
Moiits on St. Croix Island in 1604,^ and lasted until after the fall of
Qiiel)ec. To it we owe, first of all, nearly one- fourth of our popula-
tion, the Acadian French, who live along the North Shore, on the
Memramcook, and at Madawaska, retaining largely their own lan-
guage and customs. They are a contented race, a valuable element
in our population, and are likely to play a far more important part in
the history of the province in the future t'lan they have in tha past.
To this period, too, we owe some of the most striking incidents and sad-
dest memories in our annals, such as Madame La Tour's defence of her
husband's fort at the mouth of the St. John, and the Expulsion. From
this period also we derive at least fifty, and probably more, of the
place-names in use to-day; or, if we count those given recently by the
Acadians, two or three times this number. We have, however, adopt-
ed from them but few other words, of which I recall only aboideau^
gaspere.au and perdu (often pronounced budoo), applied much like the
word hogan already mentioned. Portage and a few others are not from
the Acadians directly, but are of wide use. Visible relics of another
kind remaining to us from this period are ruins of old forts in several
parts of the province, and a few other historic objects.

The English Period began with settlements by "tfew Englanders
on the St. John shortly after 1760, and ended with the coming of the
Loyalists in 1783. In this interval there came to New Brunswick
many settlers from New England, Pennsylvania, England and Scot-
land. We have no means of knowing how many there were, but we
may estimate the numbers at about two thousand, and perhaps about
five per cent of our population is descended from them. So like in
character were these settlers to the Loyalists who came later, and so
thoroughly did they mingle with the newcomers, that it is very
ditiSciilt to trace any features of language, government, etc., that we
owe to them directly. From this period, however, we have derived
some seventy of our place-names in use to-day, including the names
of one county and several parishes, Sunbury,. Maugerville, Burton,
(^agctown, Hillsborough, Hopewell, Moncton, Sackville. That part

' Described in No. I. of this Series.

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of the western boundary of the province formed by the St. Croix and
the north line from its source was fixed, at least in theory, in this
period, and the present boundaries of some of the parishes mentioned
above were determined in whole or in part when they were estab-
lished as townships in this period. I cannot trace any custom, sport,
words in our language, or other inheritances from this period.

The next and by far the most important period of New Brunswick
history is the Loyalist Period. The story of the Loyalists has been
told so well by Sir John Bourinot in his well-known book, as
well as in brief in this series,^ that it is needless to repeat it here,
But everybody should know that the American revolution was
due to the short-sighted obstinacy of King George the Third and
some of his ministers. T he Loyalists were those Americans who,
while uniting with all their fellow-countrymen in condemniiis;
the oppression of Americans by the king, differed from them in
their viev>^s as to the proper method of obtaining redress for their
wrongs, holding that constitutional agitation and not armed revolt
was the proper remedy. But when the force-party had succeeded in
sustaining their views by appeal to arms, they stained their great vic-
tory by intolerance and oppression of their more conservative, but no
less loyal, fellow-countrymen, and these had to flee to new homes.
These were the Loyalists, the real founders of New Brunswick, her
Pilgrim Fathers, her priceless a j3 : ^on. The Loyalists were a part of
the flower of the American popr > . m and were on the average better
educated, more regardful of law and ord^r, and more valuable citizens
than the people they left behind in the new states. From twelve to
fifteen thousand of them came to New Brunswick, and it is safe to say
that one-half of our population, including most of the best parts of it
is descended from them. To this period we owe nearly everything
that is best in New Brunswick to-day — the foundation of the province,
its first division into counties and parishes, our laws, language, cus-
toms. In fact we owe to it so much that it is easier to describe our
indebtedness by a process of exclusion, — by describing what we owe
to other periods and attributing all else to this.

Following the Loyalist Period is another which may be called the
Post-Loyalist, extending to the present. In this Period there has
been considerable immigration from England, Scotland and Ireland,

* Number 1.

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and even from the United States. Probably some twenty-iive per cent
ot'oiir population is from these sources, but it has corae so gradually and
been assimilated so well, that, except for numbers, it has hardly pro-
duced any great effect upon our people as they are to-day. In this
period, we have of course, developed some new customs, words, laws,
c'tc, and have developed the province in very many reepectp.

Perhaps in this hapty sketch of our indebtedness to past periods, I
have missed some things of importance, and if so, I hope that others
will properly set them forth.

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NICHOLAS DENYIS.

By Jamks Hannay, D.C.L.

The story of the rivalries and conflicts of Latour and Charnisay
has been frequently told, but comparatively little has been written of
their contemporary, Nicholas Denys, who was certainly a man ot
mark, and who enjoys the distinction of having written a book on
Acadia which even at the present day can be read with interest.
In these volumes, Nicholas Denys speaks to us still, while
Latour and Charnisay are only known to us through the writings of
others. Indeed, we are .indebted in no small degree to Penys for
what we know of the lives and characters of the two men we have
named. Unfortunately the work of Denys is so rare that it is not
available to the general public ; but I am glad to know that a trans-
lation of it by Sir John Bourinot, is shortly to be published.

Nicholas Denys was born in France in the year 1598, and he came
to Acadia with the Commander Isaac de Razilly in 1632, when
the latter took possession of the country on behalf of the French King.
Denys seems to have been well known to De Bazilly prior to
his voyage to Acadia, for he entered into partnership with him for
the prosecutioL of the shore fisheries. De Razilly then dwelt
at La Have, while the principal fishery was at Port Rossignol, the
place now known as Liverpool, Nova Scotia. De Razilly and Denys
had for a partner a Breton merchant of Auray, and a ship load of fish
which was sent to him sold well. Denys afterwards sent the
"Catherine," of two hundred tons, to Portugal with a load of codfish.

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The vessel was under command of his brother Simon, whose title was
DeVitray, and who afterwards became a captain in the French navy.
DeVitray, however excellent as a commander, was not a good tra<ler.
He suffered himself to be defrauded of the proceeds of his cargo by
the Portuguese and a ruinous loss was the result. A still worse mis-
fortune was soon to follow, for Isaac De Razilly died in 1636. There
is no doubt that the death of this man was the greatest misfoitune
that ever happened to Acadia, for it threw everything into confusion
and brought on a civil war. It was particularly unfortunat*; for
Denys ; for it not only deprived him of the capital necessary to cHrry
on his business with success, but also of the protection of a friend
who was the master of Acadia. The colonization of Acadia by Isaac
De Razilly, was under the auspices of that powerful association which
Richilieu had founded, The Company of "New France. De Razilly's
death naturally led to a division of the authority which he had
exercised, and Denys became governor of the whole coast of the Gulf
of St. Lawrence and the Isles adjacent from Cape Canso to Cape
Rosiers. It was a vast domain which the company had entrusted to
his care, but without any white inhabitants except a few fishermen
and the Jesuit missionaries who were bcttled at Miscou. Denys
continued the shore fishery, and in connection with it erected two
small forts — one at Guysboro and the other at St. Peters, in the Island
of Cape Breton. He had also a fishing station at Miscou. Being a
man of enterprise and ability, he soon began to do a profitable busi-
ness, and would no doubt have become wealthy but for the troubles in
Acadia in which he became involved.

We know very little of Denys' career in Acadia for many years ;
for while Latour and Charuisay were making war upon each other,
Denys, who was far from the scene of the strife, was allowed to pursne
his business in peace. But the capture of Latour's fort at St. John, in
1645, made Charnisay master of the situation and left him without
any one in Acadia fit to oppose him. He soon proceeded to turn his
attention to Denys who was occupying territory which he considered
should be his own. Charnisay had obtained a new commission from
the King as Governor of Acadia, and under the authority of this,
captured Denys' forts, seized his goods, broke up his fishing (estab-
lishments and ruined his settlers. Denys and his family had to leave
the countrv and take refuge in Quebec. . :., „

- (176)

Fortunately for Denys as well as for Latour, Charnisay >va8 near
the end of his violent and wicked career ; for in 1650 he was drowned
in the river of Port Royal, by the upsetting of a canoe. There is
little doubt that if he had been anything but the hatr ^ tyrant that he
was he would have been saved, for M. de hi Varenne, writitig from
Louisburg a century later, relates the tradition in regard to his death.
He says that "Mo' sieur D'Aunay, a French captain, with a servant,
beii)<^ overset in a canoe, within sight of some savages, they threw
themselves into the water to save them, and the servant was actually
saved. Butthesavajcro who had pitched upon Mons. D'Aunay, seeing
who it was and reraenihering orae blows witli a cane he had received
a few days before from him, took care to souse him so often in the
water that he was drowned before he got ashore.'^

Charnisay 's death enabled Donys to return to Acadia and resume
the shore fishery at La Have. He also obtained from the company of
New France a grant of all the territory from Caiiso to Cape Rosiers*
This grant was made in 1653, and it was the intentvon of I)enys to
re-establish himself at St. Peters in the island of Cape Breton. But a
new enemy of his interests soon appeareid in the person of one Eman-
uel LeBorgne, who had been a creditor of Charnisay to a very large
amount, and who now came to Acadia to take possession of all the
(lead man's property. As Charnisay had claimed the lands occupied
by Denys, Le Borgne made the same claim and proceeded to disposess
the latter. Denys was busily engaged in founding a settlement at
St. Peters when Le Borgne attacked him. Denys states that his peo-
ple were then on shore clearing land, and that he himself had gone
to St. Annes to see the harbor, when sixty of Le Borgne's men landed
and made his people at St. Peters all prisoners. They also took pos-
session of his vessel and its cargo which was valued at fifty thousand
livres. Then twenty-five of Le Borgne's men were sent to lie in
ambush on the road which Denys would take on returning from St.
Annes, and as he was unarmed he was captured by this detachment
and carried to Port Royal. As they passed La Have on the way back
with their booty and prisoners, Le Borgne's men burnt down the
establishment which Denys had th«re, not even sparing the chapel,
which, with the fort and fcnildings was destroyed. Denys was placed
ill irons and confined in a dtitigeon at Port Royal, but he was liberated
befoio the end of the year and went to France to obtain redress for

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the injuries he had euftered. As a result of his efforts he received
a confirmation of his grant and a commission from the king appoint-
ing him King's governor and lieutenant general "in all the country,
territory, coasts and confines of the Great Bay of St. Lawrence, bet.Mij-
ning from Cape Canso unto Cape Hosiers, the Island of Newfound-
land, of Cape Breton, St. John, and other Islands adjacent." In the
spring of 1654, Denys returned to St. Peters where he found his fort
in charge of an oflicer whom Le Borgne had placed there. This per-
son surrendered the fort to Den^/s on the grant of the company and
the King's commission being produced. This ought to have ended
the troubles of Denys, but it would seem that ill luck pursued him,
for his fort at St. Peters caught fire and everything in it capable of
being burnt was destroyed. His losses were so heavy that he was no
longer able to maintain himself at St. Peters, but settled at tl 9 Ne-
pisiguit near the site of the modern town of Bathurst. We may
assume that the fact that the English had possession of most of Acadia,
from 1654 to 1667, had something to do with his determination to
remove from St. Peters. There he would have been exposed to con-
stant attacks, but at Nepisiguit he was so far from the English colon-
ies that he might hope to escape molestation. This was the case, and
there he lived for many years in peace and comfort.

In his work, Denys thus describes his Nepisiguit property : " My
plantation of Nepisiguit is on the shore of this basin at the distance of
one league at the right of the entrance. At low tide a canoe could
not approach it. I had to retire there after the burning of my fort
at St. Pierre in the Island of Cape Breton. My house is flanked
by four small bastions with a palisade, the pickets of which are
eighteen feet high, with some pieces of ordnances in battery. The
land is not of the best as there are rocks in some places. I have a
large garden." The site of this fort and establishment can still be
recognized. It is on the west side of Bathurst harbor, not very far
from Bathurst village. Deny» also founded a settlement on the
Miramichi and established a fishery there. He returned to France in
1670 and left his son Richard in charge of the property. He was
then seventy-two years old, and the next two years of his life seemed
to have been devoted to the writing of his book, which was published
in 1672. He did not go back to Acadia, but remained in France,
dying there in 1688, at the great age of ninety years.

(178)

TRAITS OF INDIAN CHARACTER.

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By Rev. W. 0. Raymond, M.A.

The incidents here recorded are well authenticated and illustrate
very lairly some of the characteristics of the aborigines of New
Brunswick.

Indian Sagacity.

The following story found its way some years ago into the YoutKs

Companion :

Joshua Upham, of Mahsachusetts, was a prominent Loyalist, and, at the
time of the Revolutionary war, a major in the mounted corps called the King's
American Dragoons. After his arrival in New Brunswick he became one of
the first judges of the Supreme Court.

On one occasion he was travelling through the woods in winter with an
Indian for his guide. The snow was deep, and the Judge became at length so
thoroughly exhausted that, sitting down, he directed the Indian to go on and
get help, while he remained where he was. The Indian at first refused, but
after much persuasion consented, on condition that the Judge should sit on a
stump, which he pointed out, and if he fell off should immediately get on again.
After some remonstrance the Judge promised to do as desired. He mounted
the stump and the Indian disappeared. By and by the Judge fell asleep, and
tumbled off the stump. He climbed up again, again fell asleep, and once more
tumbled off. Then he understood why his Indian friend had made him pro-
raise to sit on the stump — ^namely, to prevent him from going to sleep and being
frozen to death. When the Indian finally arrrived with help, he found the
Judge still sitting on the stump, but with great difficulty keeping awake. He
owed the preservation of his life to the sagacity of the red man.

Indian Superstition.

The late Edward Jack, of Fredericton, used to relate that while
engaged in surveying, on one occasion he encamped with his party
near Porcupine mountain in Charlotte county. One of the hands
named Smith, climbed the mountain in quest of pine timber, and on
his return told Saugus, an Indian, who was one of the party, that he
had seen an old man on the mountain twelve feet high, with one eye,
who called to him, " Where is Saugus? I want to eat him." The
Indian was very badly scared at this intelligence. During the night
an owl began to hoot over the camp, and filled poor Saugus with such

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consternation tliat he woke np Mr. Jack to say that Smith's "old
man " was coming. Next morning Mr. Jack offered Sangns twn
dollars to go up the mountain for a knife which Smith had left ^tick
ing in a spruce tree, but Saugua was not to be tempted by the lirihc
to take so dangerous a journey. '

Indian Enduranck.

A young Maliseet Indian named Peter Loler,- who lived on tlie
St. John river about thirty-five years ago, was noted in his time tor
swiftness of foot and powers of endurance. On a certain occasion he
presented himself to the driver of the old four-in-hand stage coacli
for a passage from Fredericton to Woodstock, the distance being rather
more than sixty miles. TLe driver was the celebrated John Turner,
one of the most accomplished whips of his generation, and popular
with all travellers. The stage coach was pretty well filled, the day
was warm, and Turner after a brief consultation with his passengers
declined the Indian's money, telling him in plain Saxon that "his
room was better than his company." This angered Loler, who replied,
" All right, John ! Me be in Woodstock first ! "

At 8 o'clock, a. m., Indian and stage coach left Fredericton
together, and together they proceeded, and despite Turner's endeavor
to throw dust in the Indian's face, tVie latter was always a little in
advance. He stopped at every place the stage stopped to change
horses (this occurred four or five times on the journey), and took his
diimer with Indian solemnity along with the passengers at the " lialf-
way house." As they drew near their destination, the Indian's savage
nature seemed to assert itself; he ran like a deer, waving his cap
at intervals, as he passed the farm houses, and shouting defiantly.

Turner now began to ply the whip in earnest, for he had no inten-
tion of allowing the redskin to beat him out. The passengers by
this time had begun to wager their money on the result of the race,
and grew wild with excitement. The Indian camping ground, tliree
miles below Woodstock, was passed witli Loler fifty yards in advance:
but the camping-ground was not Peter's destination. He saluted it
with a war whoop and hurried on. It was still early in the afternoon
when the quiet citi?:en8 of Woodstock were aroused in a manner utterly
unexpected. The stage coach came tearing into town at the heels of

'^.^:•^^:'

'See Hannay's Historj' of Acadia, p. 56.

*The Maliseet form of the French name Laurent (English, Lawrence).

. (180)

an Indian running as for his life, John Turner plying the whip in lively
fashion, and four very hot and tired horses galloping at their utmost
I gpccd. The finish was a close one, hut the Indian was ahead. As
soon an he had sufficiently regained his hreath to speak, he walked
over to where Turner was standing and philosophically renoarked,
"John ! me here first !" Turner's answer is not recorded.

Our story should end here; but, alas for poor human nature, it
remaiiiH to be told that the Indian was soon surrounded by a crowd
of friendly admirers, and before the close of the day was gloriously
—or rather irtgloriously — drunk.

Indian Cruelty.

In the year 1745, a party of French and Indians captured a
schooner lying at anchor near Annapolis, and the master of the vessel,
William Pote, and others of those captured, were taken up the St.
John river and carried as prisoners to Quebec. On their way they
stopped at the Indian village of Aucpaque, the site of which is a few
miles above Fredericton, where they had a most unhappy experience
which we shall let Capt. Pote describe in his own words :

" At this place ye Squaws came down to ye edge of ye River, Dancing and
Behaving themselves in ye most Brutish mannt/ that is possible for humain
kind, and taken us prisoners by ye arms, one Squaw on each side of a prisoner,
they led us up to their Village and placed themselves In a Large Circle Round
us. After they had Gat all prepared for their Dance, *.hey made us set down
in a Small Circle about 18 inches assunder and began their frolick, Dancing
Koiind us and Striking of us in ye face with English Scalps that caused ye
Blood to Issue from our mouths and noses In a very Great and plentifull man-
ner, and Tangled their hands in our hair, and knocked our heads Together
with all their Strength and Vehemence, and when they was tired of this Ex-
ercise, they would take us by [the] hair and some by ye ears, and Standing
iiehind us, oblige us to keep our Necks strong^o as to bear their weight, then
Raise themselves their feet off ye Ground and their weignt hanging by our
hair and ears. In this manner they thumped us in ye Back and Sides, with
their knees and feet, and Twitched our hair and ears to such a Degree that I
ara Incapable to express it, and ye others that was dancing Round if they saw
any man falter and did not hold up his Neck, they Dached ye Scalps In our
face with such Violence, that every man endeavored to bear them hanging by
their hair in this manner, Rather than to have a Double Punishment. After
they had finished their frolick that lasted about two hourj and an half, we
waij carried to one of their camps." • V V "

(181)

l'!\>'

..•■'•'■•''•' '^-^ ' ' ''■■■' Indian Humor. ,-"^- vl- • ^-- " ?■■-■■

Doctor Qesner relates the following story as told him in broken
English by a Maliseet Indian, who was a great snufF taker :

" One time I go huntern moose ; night come dark, rain and snow come fast ;
no axe for makum wigwam ; gun wet, no get um fire ; me very tired, me crawl
into large hollow tree ; I find plenty room, almost begin sleep. By and by
me feelum hot wind blow on my face ; me know hot bear's breath. He crawl
into log too ; I take um gun, she no go ; I think me all same gone, all eat up.
Then me thinkum my old snuff-box. I take some snuff and throw 'tm in
bear's face, and he run out ; not very much likeura, I guess. Me lay still all
night, he no come again. Every little while, bear he go 0-me sneezuni, over
and over great many times. Morning come, me fixem gun and shoot em dead :
he no more sneezum, no more this time."

Indian Friendship.

Benjamin Darling/ who was born at Marblehead in 1730, caiiie to
the St. John river in a small sloop some years before the commence-
ment of the Revolutionary war, lie used to trade with the Indians
at Oromocto and also with those on the Kennebecasis. The Indians
used to encamp on Keator's Neck, ^Nauwigewauk, where in early
times they raised corn and tobacco. Benjamin Darling was probably
the first English-speaking settler on the Kennebecasis, and he became
very friendly with the local Indian chief, from whom he bought Dar-
ling's Island for two bushels of corn, a barrel of flour, a grindstone,
some powder and shot, with sundry knives and hatchets, etc. He
built a house, the upper part of which served as a store-room for the
Indian trade. After his wife's death, his daughter, Hannah, became
his housekeeper. She had another young girl as her companion, and
the two attempted to beautify their surroundings by the cultivation of
flowers ; but to this the Indians objecttid, as they also did to any
attempt to clear and cultivate the land. On a certain occasion, Ben-
jamin Darling, the " old white chief," and the Indian chief went
together to the beaver dams, leaving the house in charge of the two
girls. During their absence, an Indian attempted to carry oft' Han-
nail Darling's companion. The girl offered to go with him, but after

*The substance of tliis story was told me by Mr. John Darling, of Nauwigewauk, n
descendant of Benjamin Darling. W. 0. R.

2 The well known pic-nic grounds at Nauwigewauk is on Keator's Neck.

:/ (182)

leaving the house cleverly eluded the Indian, slipped in again at the
door and fastened it. The savage made several diaboKcal threats,
wlietted his knife and seizing a club advanced to batter down the door
only to find himself confronted by the plucky girl with a loaded mus-
ket in her hands. She ordered him off the premises forthwith, and
the Indian after glancing at her determined face slunk away. The
old Indian chief was much incensed on hearing of this incident, and a
few days later brought the culprit before the young woman with his
hands tied and demanded of her, " Will we kill him ? " To which
she replied, "No, let him go." He was set at liberty find chased out
of the neighborhood and forbidden to return under penalty of death.
The heroine of this story afterwards married one Christopher
AVatson, and is said to have attained the remarkable age of 108 years.

'•'5 \i

4 t

THE MAROONS IN NOVA SCOTIA.

By Arthur P. Silver, Esq., Halifax Club, Halifax, N. S.

When the Jamaica Maroons, terrified by the importation of Cuban
bloodhounds, laid down their arms to General Walpole in 1773, they
stipulated that none of their number should be sent off the island.
The Jamaica House of Assembly, disregarding the terms of surrender,
transported six hundred of the chief offenders to the shores of Nova
Scotia. On an eminence eastward of Halifax overlooking the blue
waters of Cole harbor, a few lichen covered rocks and the pit of a
huge cellar mark the spot where for four years these turbulent
negroes were domiciled in barracks, under some semblance of military
discipline.

The authorities of Jamaica acted under the stress of a widespread
consternation and terror, into which a cruel and bloody guerilla war-
fare of nearly a century had plunged the whole colony, and actually
threatened its loss to the empire. They considered that the settling
of the future of Jamaica justified their breach of faith. Who, then,
were these rebels, marked by qualities which do not usually distinguish
the negro race, — courage, endurance, activity, loyalty to their own
kin? qualities which Englishmen never cease to admire, even in their

vA ( 183 ) Vv ^' .

'ijl

. is-

1..

; if 1

;

!»5

foes. The nucleus of this army of marauders was composed of the
freed slaves of the Spaniards, who, when they reluctantly fled from
Jamaica, exacted from the negroes they left behind an oath of etcnial
enmity to the English usurpers. They were re-inforced from tinn! to
time by fugitives of the fierce Coromantee tribe who looked down
upon all other negroes and deeply resented slavery. They fortifiod
themselves in the mountain strongholds whence they sallied forth to
kill and destroy, and almost succeeded in making of Jamaica a seiond
St. Domingo.

To understand their long and successful resistance to formidable
military expeditions, from time to time sent against them, there must
be considered, besides their fierce truculent nyiniv, the inaccessible
nature of the mountain fastnesses where they held their position.
The history of the recent Afridi campaign has illustrated the difficulty
of inflicting punishment on warlike mountaineers carrying on a
guerilla style of warfare, even by a huge and well equipped military
force. The Maroons of Jamaica, sustaining life almost without an
eftort on the exuberant growth of tropical fruits and vegetables,
jealously guarding the only two or three sources of obtaining water,
went to and fro among a maze of mountain paths, deviation from
which meant destruction to their pursuers. On every hand huge
natural pitfalls called " cock-pits," frowning precipices, impenetrable
jungle growths of thorns and twisted "lianas," or rope-like creepers,
assailed the advance of the inexperienced. No wonder that imposing
expeditions sent against them again and again recoiled from the
terrible odds which the tropical heat and the formidable character of
the volcanic rocks cast against them. Repeated ambuscades kept the
invaders in constant alarm. Woe to wounded captives, for whom
there awaited torture and a cruel death at the hands of their ferocious
enemies. Well was it for the white population that in the subsequent
terrible negro outbreak of 1765 the Maroons took part against the
other negroes, from whom they claimed a proud distinction in that
they had never been slaves to the English. They behaved, it is true,
like tigers tasting blood after a long fast, but their fury was haj»]aly
diverted from Europeans. . .

After three or four years of peace, matters had reached a serious
climax in 1773. Two Maroons had been caught red-handed stealing
hogs, and were injudiciously sentenced to be flogged. The executioner

(184)

of the sentence was one of the despised negro plantation slaves.!
With characteristic comradeship the whole tribe made common cause
witli their insulted kinsmen and organized a bloody raid. Lord
Balciirres, the governor of the Island, led out a strong force against
thern. Then there befell the usual deadly ambuscade, and two
colonels, Sandford and Gallimore, with seventy-six soldiers, fell dead
at the hands of unseen foes. Other disasters occurred in quick suc-
cession, when the idea occurred of "letting loose the dogs of war" on
tliese marauders, in the shape of Cuban bloodhounds. There is no
(louht that these fierce animals could have been effectually defied in
their mountain strongholds, but a weak spot had been touched in
tlieir half-civilized Ethiopian minds. With all their courage these
wtirriors were not free from the terrors which superstition and a wild
untrained imagination exercise overall the African race. The mental
picture of pursuit by huge blood-thirsty mastiffs proved overwhelm-
ing. As a matter of fact these dogs were trained never to " savage "
a run-away unless he resisted, but to keep guard over the fugitive
until the pursuers came up. To the delight and surprise of General
Walpole they sent in a white flag and sued for a treaty.

Cowed by their imagination, these tierce banditti, who had kept
Jamaica in a state of terror and ferment for nearly a century, who
had inflicted defeat after defeat on well-equipped forces, laid down
their arms. Sir John Wentworth afterwards said of them : " They
mentioned the Spanish dogs as objects of terror, from the wonderful
representations of them, but admit that they had never suffered by
them, or even seen them ; indeed I rather think they were ashamed
at having been frightened by them, and that they would now be
esteemed a ridiculous scare-crow."

The transportation of some six hundred of their most warlike
fipirits effectually broke their power in Jamaica. The question
whether this desirable end was effected by quite fair means has
long since ceased to haunt any living consilience. To the credit of
General Walpole it is recorded that he disdainfully refused the
costly sword which the Jamaica assembly voted him in reward for
his signal services in terminating the war because of their breach of

ftiith. ■,....,.'. . ■■'-■■'■, ,' . ■■■ . . rJ ■•-■'

The first scene in the drama of the exile of the Maroons opens
with their arrival at Halifax on board the three transports, the

(185)

■:i

ili

1 *

;

■

"Dover," the "Mary" and the "Anne."i It is a bright mid-
summer afternoon. No sooner have the anchors splashed into the
blue depths of the harbor, while the canvas begins to flap idly ntuler
the breath of the languid summer breeze, than they are visited by
Prince Edward, Duke of Kent, curious to see what manner of men
these are who had so long contended successfully with greatly superior
forces. Drawn up in line on either side the whole length of the sliips,
neatly uniformed, His Royal Highness was struck with their soldier-
like appearance, and instantly conceived the idea that such a tine
force of men were well adapted for military service.

As their royal ''""'t:,. departed amid the strains of martial music
and the salute of cannon, they lustily cheered " Massa Prince," or
*' Massa King's Son," whose visit they doubtless deemed a happy
augury for their future.

A practical outcome of Prince Edward's interest in their wcltare
was their immediate employment on the fortification of the citadel
then in progress. The energy and good-will with which they labored
won for them golden opinions, and they were regarded as a valuable
acquisition to the colony. The fortification kno'^n as the Maroon
Bastion still commemorates their zeal and industry. No wonder that
Sir John Wentworth, governor of the province, considered that he
was justified in carrying out the instruction of the Duke of Portland,
secretary for the colonies, "to settle the Maroons in Nova Scotia it it
could be done without injury to the colony." How he subsequently
deeply regretted this course remains to be told.

The Jamaica Assembly were delighted at getting these turbulent
negroes off their hands. Altogether they had voted the sum of
£46,000 for their sustenance, when, withdrawing their agents and
commissaries, they washed their hands of the whole business and left
these black men as a white elephant on the hands of His Excellency
Sir John Wentworth.

Sir John's administration was marked by a restless but often
unwise energy, unrestrained by the exercise of a sound judgiiient.
He was thus often led into contradictory courses of action, and sub-
sequently became involved in grave complications which led to his
retirement. His dealings with the Maroons illustrate the weak side
of his character as an administrator.

iThe date was July 22rKl, 1796.

(186)

In Bpite of the protests of the Commissary of Jamaica, Sir John
insisted on settling the Maroons in a body on an estate within five
iiiles from Halifax. He flattered their vanity by creating captains
and majors, who strutted about with insolent swagger in all the glory
of cocked hats, scarlet cloth and gold lace, profoundly conscious ol
their newly acquired dignity. He sent an order to England for
"forty gross coat and sixt}' gross vest white metal buttons, strong;
device — an alligator holding wheat ears and an olive branch ; inscrip-
tion — 'Jamaica to the Maroons, 1796.'" He asked for an annual
grant of £250 to provide for them a chaplain, whose services they
treated with disdain, clinging to their heathenish Coromantee cere-
monies and degradmg Obeah superstitions.^ In short he succeeded in
raising too flattering hopes in their excitable imaginations, and the
reaction resulting from their disappointment involved him in a painful
aud perplexing situation.

His subsequent disgust, heightened no doubt by the fact that his

salary was attached for expenses incurred in their behalf, is shown in

bis letters to the Colonial Secretary. " From ray observation of them

neither Jamaica nor any other island would be long at peace nor

secure from insurrection were these people among them. In fact

; they do not wish to live by industry, but prefer war and hunting.

One captain complains that he has not a well furnished house and

cellar to exercise hospitality, instead of which he must be content

with a good farm and land to cultivate. Another says neither yams,

[bananas, cayenne pepper or cocoa will grow on his farm. A third,

[that there are not any wild hogs to hunt." They wished to be sent

las soldiers to the Cape of Good Hope, or India. "Give us," they

said, "arms and ammunition, and put us on shore and we will take

[care of ourselves." That is. Sir John explains, " they would murder

' This statement seems capable of modification. Rev. B. G. Gray wrote the Society

[for the Propagation of the Gospel in 1798 : *' The Maroons are in number 467, half of

[whom are Christians. " He had baptized at the close of 1797 twency-six Maroon adulta

«nd twenty nine infants, and reports others the next year. A considerable number of

[Maroon children attended his school and received religious instruction at his hands.

|See Murdoch's History N. S., Vol. iii, p. 158.) However, they were unstable; and Sir

John Wentworth complained in 1799 that some person from Jamaica had poisoned their

niiuls, inducing them not to go to church on Sundays — giving them feast i, liquor, horse

^aces and cock-fights on that day— telling them that the king paid every one for going

) church, and that they were cheated out of this pay by Sir John and their clergyman.

W. O, R.

(187) ^

•ii

t.^

and plunder all the inhabitants if they could only live in the woods
all the year round." He calls the Maroons " a ferocious sangiiinan
people, inflamed with deep malice for the injurious breach of faith
they conceived to have been exercised towards them, and the distresses
they Buftered before their arrival from a country which they supj^osed
they had spared from ruin."

It is a curious picture presented by that huge barrack of moun-
taineer banditti out of employment. To support them in comparative
idleness the slender resources of the struggling colony and the treasury
of the British government are taxed to the extent of £10,000 a year.
The dream that they might be effectively employed as militia, in event
of an attack ever anticipated from the French fleet hovering ott tbe
coasts, has evaporated. Instead of that we read of a force of troops
encamped near at hand to Maroon Hall to guard against mutiny or
raiding. Their chaplain reports that, in spite of his efforts, "they
worship false gods." Sunday is their chosen day for horse races,
cock-fights and card playing. They range the woods fishing and
hunting, and become a terror to peaceful inhabitants. They practice
polygamy ; they bury their dead with strange rites under a cairn ot
rocks, where they provide the ghost with a bottle of rum, pipe and
tobacco, and two days' rations for his journey to the undiscovered
country beyond.

Perhaps serious trouble was only averted by the quailing of their
arrogant spirit under the severities of our northern winter. When
their out-of-door wanderings became restricted by huge drifts of snow.
and the forest trees groaned and trembled under cutting north-easters,
it is small wonder that discontent became rife, and with ])rokeD
spirit they demanded of Sir John, in the language of the Israelites of
old, wh}'^ they had been brought into this wilderness to die. We
read of the unexampled severity of the winter of 1798, when the roadj
from Halifax to Windsor became impassable from heavy snow storms;
when the Prince ordered the troops to assist the magistrates in|
clearing the way ; and on the evening of Sunday, 20th February,
thirty-five head of cattle, that had been detained on their journey I
(forty-five miles) for near a fortnight, reached town in an emaciated
condition. The sufferings of this memorable winter led the Maroons
to look forward to any change as a relief. Fortunately an opeiiingj
for them occurred in the colony of Sierra Leone, of which the authoril

( 188 )

ties were hot slow to take advantage. This African colony, under
the control of a company, had a few years previously received several
hundreds of freed negro slaves from Nova Scotia, who had become
exceedingly troublesome and unruly, and had attempted the life of
their governor. The Maroons, from their proud spirit of independence,
considered themselves the born enemies of all negroes who had been
slaves to the English. Hence they were a desirable element to
counteract their turbulent fellows. Great was the rejoicing in Hali-
fax as the "Asia" sailed away with her freight of black freebooters,
still further deteriorated by four years of idleness and petty strife.
The foolish experiment of attempting to settle them in a compact body
had cost nearly £100,000. On their arrival at Sierra Leone they
found congenial work ready to their hands in the suppression of an
insurrection among the Nov \ Scotia negroes. In a parliamentary
submitted report two years later they are praised for their courage
and activity, and described as proud of the character of their body
and fond of their independence.

Here let us leave this savage but interesting people, where, in the
intervals of cutting the throats of other negroes, they can bask in the
welcome rays of the fierce tropical sun, and can execute the Coro-
raantee war dance on their native heath. Sir John Wentworth
marked it as one of the happiest hours of his life, when he watched
the "Asia" standing out in the offing, bearing his troublesome
proteg«s away to distant Africa, relieving his country from the
Xemesis that in some form never fails to overtake the sin of slavery,
nd the inevitable retribution ever following outrages on humanity,
hite or black.

The sportsman following his game in the autumn woods occas-
ionally stumbles across a few rude heaps of stones which cover their
ead, or the crumbling ruins of Maroon Hall, now nearly concealed
'y the everlasting vitality of nature. These constitute the sol
emorials of the four years' sojourn in Nova Scotia of the Jamaica
laroons.

^A Ifii

(189)

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1 1

THE FIRST SIEGE AND CAITURE OF LOUISBURG.

By Victor Hrcio Paltsits, of the New York Public Library.

In the world's historic annals, the first siege of Louishurg
deserves a place in the first rank of memorable martial achieve-
ments. The greatest event of King George's war, it w^as also the most
signal master-stroke of the provincials during the English- Amcrieaii
colonial regime. For Loiiisburg, fortified at very great cost, was
the richest American jewel that had ever adorned the French crown.'
The source of an enormous annual reverue for France from the Mi-
ery, it was as well advantageously situated for the protection of
Canada, and proved a constant menace to Nova Scotia and New
England. The destructive power of the French aroused the New
Englanders. In a short time the enemy had ruined their fishery.
destroyed Canso, thrice besieged Annapolis, and crippled trado and
shipping.

Louisburg was built on a neck of land jutting out into tla
harbor, on the^ south-east of the island of Cape Breton, and was
secured by ramparts of stone, thirty to thirty-six feet high, aiul a
ditch eighty feet wide. On an island, in the entrance of the liarbor.
the Island Battery was stationed, which w^as garrisoned witli 180
men, and defended with 30 cannon of 28-pound shot, two brass
10-inch mortars, and it had swivel guns upon its breastwork. Tlk-
Grand Battery, with 28 cannon of 42-pound shot and two IS-pouiid
ers, lay direct across the entrance of the harbor. A light-liouse
stood on a cliff opposite the Island Battery, and to the north of it
was a careening place. But, withal, it was not so secure as was at
first supposed. For some prisoners who had been captured at
Canso in 1744, and who had spent some months at the fortress,
reported, upon their return to Boston, that the garrison was mutin-
ous, the provisions and reinforcements delayed, and portions of tliel
ramparts defective.^ The mortar for its masonry had been made
with improper sand.^ Such was the place against which, at a

'Rolt. Impartial Rep^'esentation, vol. iv, p. 6.

^ Memoirs of the Principal Transactions of the Last War, Boston, 1758.

' Pichon. Genuine Letters, p. 10.

(190) ■-■■■''■■■■^■■■'■■'■■'^'y-'--.

8in!i:iilarly opportune time, the English colonists and the royal navy
proceeded. ■ - -*.vr- ...^ .,• ,

Various has been the ascription of the credit for suggesting this
bold undertaking. But William Vaughan, of New Hampshire pro-
vince, was, without doubt, one of the first to suggest it ; and to
Governor William Shirley, of Massachusetts Bay, must be awarded
the lionor of the first official act in the matter. He, with his
oliaraeteristic enthusiasm, laid the plan before the legislatures of the
colonies. The official body of Massachusetts, notwithstanding, and
after some hesitancy, agreed to the expedition by a majority of only
one vote. At least four thousand and seventy men were raised, of
wlioiii Massachusetts contributed 3,250, New Hampshire 304, and
Connecticut 516.^ Maine, then under the Bay government, raised
nearly one-third of this whole army. Rhode Island, too, had equip-
ped 300 men, who were, however, too late for active participation ;
and provisions from Pennsylvania did not arrive until after the
capitulation.

The part borne by Maine evinces the wisdom of the choice

of Colonel William Pepperrell as commander-in-chief. For in so

bazanlous an undertaking, volunteers could be enlisted only under

the auspices of a man whom they loved and respected. Pepperrell

bore an unblemished character, and was popular and resolute.^ The

I day prior to his acceptance of his commission, he sought the preacher

Whitelield's opinion of the expedition. His reply was not very

loptimistic. " For," said he, "if it pleased God to give him success,

I envy would endeavor to eclipse his glory." ^ However, upon entreaty,

he gave to the expedition the motto Nil desperandum, Christo duce,*

land preached to the men from I Samuel, chap, xxit, 2.

' These are the figures usually stated, thoufifh we believe they are below the mark.
! names of many of them are printed in JV. E. Hint, and Gen. Regixter, vol. xxiv,
pp. 367-380, and vol. xxv, pp. 249-269 ; in Coll. oj Masn. Hist. Society, Sixth Series,
^ol. X (Pepf)errell Papers) ; and in Gilmore, Jioll of New Hamp-ihire Men at Lonisbiir;j,
Concord, 1896. Gilmore says N. H. sent 502, of whom he has found 496 ; but Belknap,
^i''^ of New Hampshire, gave 350 men as that colony's quota, while another had sug-
gested 354. A list of the commissioned officers, from the Registry in the British War
ptiice, was printed by the Society of Colonial Wars. The Connecticut records are largely
pserved at the Stat« House in Hartford.

^ There is a charming biography of him, written by Usher Parsons.

Miillies. Memoirs of Whitefeld, London, 1772, pp. 146 and 147.

* Nothing to despair of, if Christ be the leader.

(191)

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The Massachusetts contingent sailed from the mouth of ihe
Piscataqua in transports on March 24th, 1745, accompanie<l i«y
several armed vessels. New Hampshire's quota had set out fmm
Newcastle the previous morning. On April 4, agreeable to appoint-
ment, the fleet met at Canso, in Nova Scotia. But as the sliori' of
Cape Breton lay environed in ice, they lingered at Canso for tline
weeks, until the obstruction was over. These were not idle days ;
for by drilling daily and capturing prizes they redeemed the tiino.
The break in the ice occurred on April 29, and the winds and
weather were propitious for a descent on the island. They, therefore.
immediately set sail, and anchored in Chapeau Rouge, or Gabanis
Bay, between nine and ten o'clock of the following to. ..••••••«^'. "iilioiit

two miles from Flat Point Cove, where, being discovered bv tin-
enemy, a party of about 150 men was detached from Louisburg.
under the command of Captain Morepang and M. Boularderit . to
oppose their landing."* These French were met by about 100 Xcw
Englanders, and, in the engagement that took place, six were killed,
several wounded and taken prisoners, and the rest put to fbiilit ;
while of the English only two were slightly wounded.

Lieut.-Col. William Vaughan, at the head of a detachment of
400 men, marched on May 2nd to the north-east part of the harbor,
behind a range of hills, and, burning the houses and stores of the
enemy, so terrified those in the Grand or Royal Battery, which was
nearly a mile off, that they spiked their guns and deserted tlieir
post the same night. " By the grace of God, and the courage of
thirteen men, I entered the royal battery, about nine o'clock," was
Vaughan's message to the general.^

"Within twenty-three days after their first landing, the Englisli
erected five fascine batteries against the town. Many of tho men
were barefooted and ill-clad, and the nights were cold and ^o^^\\
yet against these odds they carried on their stupendous labor, drag-
ging their cannon through a morass, in mud knee-deep. But in
time many of them became diseased or fatigued, and courago gave
place to murmuring. "If I were well at home, they should never

^ Letter from Shirley to the Duke of Newcastle, London, 1746, p. 4. •■ i

* Quoted in Belknap, Hist, of New Hampshire (1831), p. 277; and also printed i
Coll. of the Mass. Hist. Soc, Sixth Series, yol. x.

(192)

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tind mo such a ibol again," was the \va}' they gave vent to their
feelings.*

The most advanced of the Hve fascine ])atteries was 250 yards oft
from tlie west gate of tlie town, so near that tlie English could load
their cannon only under the fire of French niuskctrj-. Yet, from
this station and the Grand Battery, now held by theitrovincials, the
west ixate of the town was destroved, and a breach was made in the
iidjoining wall. Maurepas gate was shattered ; the citadel was
ilamaged ; houses were demolished, and many French were either
killed or captured.

The English made an ineftectual attempt against the Island Bat-
tery 1)11 May 20. Sixty of their number were killed or drowned,
;iiid 116 were made prisoners of war.^ Nothing daunted, however,
they were determined to become masters of that station, which they
eft'ected by the erection of a battery near the light-house, completing
it by June 11. Cannonaded from this point, the French were struck
with terror, and many of them left the place and ran into the water
for refuge.

The fleet, under Commodore Peter Warren, had blocked up the
[liarhor, and, by despatching ships upon cruises, captured several
hiiizes. Its most valuable capture was the " Vigilante," a French
iiiiiii-of-war, on May 19th, after an engagement of several hours.
[She was a 64-gun ship; was commanded by the Marquis de la
JMaison forte ; and carried a rich cargo of cannon, powder and stores
Louisburg — the whole said to have been valued at £60,000. •'
rim reverse bore hard upon the French governor, Duchambon, who
[ilespatched messengers to Nova Scotia, requesting the immediate
peeorof the aimy of French and Indians, under Marin, which was
pesieging Fort Annapolis Royal.'* Marin endeavored to comply with
[lie governor's orders, but was intercepted in Tatamagouche Harbor
\}' Oapt. David Donahew's sloop and two other ships, which anni-
[ilated those plans." This exploit of Donahew was very material ;
had Marin arrived during the siege, he would have harassed the

-* Orhjhud letter from Thomati Westbrook WcUdron, of New Hamiwhire, to his father,
ftdJune 6, 1745. ■' . •' . ^.., \ ^ •/ .: ? •-.- .

' Shirley to Newcastle, p. 10.

'RoU, vol. IV, p. 20. See also Drake, French and Indian War, pp. 209-211.
' Goll. (h MSS rel. d la Notiv. France, vol. iii, p. 218.
■'■fonnial of Captain William Pole, Jr. New York, 1896, pp. 41,,^!

(193)

New England troops not a little, and Ducliambon distinctly Ht;itc'(l
tliat Marin's failure to appear proved disastrous to him at a liriif
when succor would have meant victory.

Meeting with so many reverses, and having his stock of
ammunition greatly reduced, Duchambon determined to capitiilafe.
lie sent out a Hag of truce on June 15th, requesting an opportiniity
to deliberate upon articles of capitulation. These he sent the follow-
ing day, but being unsatisfactory to Pepperrell and Warren, they were
rejected. They proposed other terms vvhich the French accepted,
and on June 17th Louislnirg surrendered. Throughout the Eiiy'lisli.
American colonies the success of the expedition was hailed with
acclamation. The mother country awarded to Pepperrell the title
and dignity of a baronet, and Warren was promoted to the rank of
rear-admiral of the blue.

Political affairs too often lead into devious ways. The treaty of
peace was signed at Aix-la-Chapelle on October 7, 1748. It was a
" hasty and ill-digested affair, determining none of the points in
dispute."* Cape Breton, the crowning conquest of the English in
America, was returned to France in exchange for Madras.'^

THE DEFENCE OF MACKINAC IN 1814.

By Lieut. -Col. E. Cruikshank.

After the surrender of the island of Mackinac to the British forcejl
on July 17th, 1812, the greater part of the small garrison at St.j
Josephs was stationed there as the most defensible position of the two,j
The powerful tribe of Ottawas in the immediate vicinity had taken
part in the reduction of the place. Even after it was taken they still
seemed to retain a predilection in favor of the Americans. A few daysj
after the surrender of the fort, information was received of the invasion
of Canada by an American army, which rumor considerably exaggerj

^ Wynne. British Empire in America, vol. il, p. 5.

'The historic sources for the first siege of Louisburg are quite fully stated in ti>
bibliographic data of the following works : Bourinot, Hist, and Descr Account of the Ida*
of Cape Breton, Montreal, 1892; also first printed in Trans, of the Royal Soc. ofCami
(1891). Winsor, Narr. and Grit. History of Amenca, vol. v, pp. 434,/!

( 194 )

(ice fror
orwarde
tie princ
pie Win
itely ret

ited. " This," Mr. Pothier wrote, "tended greatly to damp the ardor
)f tlie other tribes, and the vc ry men whom Capt. Roberts appointed
1(0 a village guard were those who held private councils, to which
(they invited the Saulteaux, for the purpose not only of abandoning
Ithe British cause, but eventually to avail themselves of the first
[opportunity of cutting off the fort. This being rejected by the others,
Ithey suddenly broke up their camp and returned to their villages,
kith tl»e exception of a few young and old men of little or no
liniportance."

After the lapse of a few days the principal chiefs again came to
[tiie island where nearly two hundred Indians were assembled who
Rere preparing to go to the relief of 'Amherstburg, and at a special
puiicil called for the ^'irpose they not only declared their intentions
remaining neutral, but '' reproached the commanding officer with
having taken them too abruptly at St. Josephs ; that their eyes were
|llieii shut, but now open, and that without them he could never have
got up there, pointing to the fort ; and from the general conversation at
|kt time gave [him] to understand that the future possession of the
jfort depended on them."

Their arguments, however had little effect upon these Indians,
d)o went away at once under Dickson's command, but arrived too
lato to be present at the surrender of Detroit. That remarkable
kuccess brought the Ottawas to their knees. " The Ottawas of the
I'Arbe Croche village," Captain Roberts reported, " have repented of
|heir errors, and have in the most humble manner implored forgive-
im" He was soon after reinforced by a sergeant and twenty-five
Den of the Royal Veterans, and authorized to enlist a company of
Munteers, which was designated the Michigan Fencibles. In Novem-
p, 1812, a body of mounted men from Kentucky destroyed the
French Canadian village of Peoria, on the Illinois river, and Roberts
letermined in consequence to maintain a body of trust}' Indians upon
Ihe island to resist an attack from that quarter. About the end of
rebruary, 1813, he received an urgent appeal for supplies and assist-
Ince from the British subjects residing at Prairie du Chien. They
orwarded to him a similar application from Wabasha, or La Feuille,
lie principal chief of the Sioux, and an intercepted letter and talk to
Pie Winnebagoes from the American Indian agent, Boileau, who had
ftely returned from Washington with several chiefs, whom he had

( 195) - ^ •

i'\^

induced to visit the president shortly before the declaration of war. l
The number of Indians dependent upon Prairie du Chien for snppliej
was estimated at 5,000 men, and the British traders added; "AVe
join with them to beg that you will do your possible to succour uJ
being persuaded that the British government is not accustomed tol
suffer its subjects here, to the number of about 200, to perish."

Mr. Robert Dickson had opportunely arrived bearing a commission
as special agent among the western Indians, and Mackinac became liisj
base of operations. He lost no time in proceeding to Prairie du Chien j
by way of Chicago and Milwaukee, returning to the island on the 9th of |
June with 623 warriors, having sent another body of 800 from
Chicago overland to Detroit. 'By that time Captain Roberts had
become so ill that he was obliged to apply for leave of abseiue, and
on September 14th Captain Richard Bullock, of the 4l8t ReiciraenU
assumed command. About a month later the brig Nancy, hired asa
transport from the Northwest Fur Company, which had been sent to
Amherstburg for supplies, returned without a cargo, with the alarming
intelligence that the entire British squadron on Lake Erie had been
captured, and that both Detroit and Amherstburg were in the bands
of the enemy. The Nancy had been attacked by a party of
American militia after passing the St. Clair rapids, and was barely
preserved by the presence of mind and skill of her mab«ter, Cap-
tain Alexander Mcintosh. The safety of the garrison was in fact
endangered from want of food, as they had but sixty-eight pounds of
salt meat, and flour enough to last one month ; but by purchasingj
every kind of provisions within reach. Captain Bullock succeeding inl
collecting a supply which he supposed would maintain his men until
the end of February, and by catching fish and exercising severe
economy he hoped they would be able to exist until the middle of!
May, when the usual fleet of canoes for the supply of the fur tradersj
might be expected to arrive from Montreal. After consulting with!
Mr. Dickson, who had arrived on his way to the Wisconsin country,!
wherq he intended to winter, he recommended that six gunboatsl
should be Built at Matchedash Bay for the protection of his supplies,!
and asked for a reinforcement of twenty artillery-men, with four field!
guns and 200 infantry, lie also recommended the construction of »|
blockhouse on the heights in rear of the fort. When this was donej
he thought the island might be defended with the assistance of 300

( 1.96 )

Indians. An officer and twenty-seven men of the Michigan Fenciblea
vvere detached with Mr. Dickson to occupy Green Bay during the
winter, and the garrison was at once put on short rations.

Tiie Governor General of Canada, being fully impressed with the
importance of maintaining possession of Mackinac, lost no time in
making preparations for the relief of the garrison as soon as Lake
Huron became navigable.

"Its geographical position is admirable," he wrote to Lord Bath-

urst. " Its influence extends and is felt amongst the Indian tribes at

J(ew Orleans and the Pacific ocean ; vast tracts of country look to it

for protection and supplies, and it gives security to the great trading

establishments of the Northwest and Hudson's Bay Companies, by

supporting the Indians on the Mississippi, the only barrier which

interposes between them and the enemy, and which if once forced

(an event which lately seemed probable) their progress into the heart

; of these companies' settlements by the Red River is practicable, and

j would enable them to execute their long-formed project of mono-

[polizing the whole fur trade into their own hands. From these

observations your lordship will be enabled to judge how necessary

\\h possession of this valuable post, situated on the outskirts of these

extensive provinces, is daily becoming to their future security and

[protection."

Lieut.-Colonel Robert McDonall, of the Glengarry Light Infantry,

[an officer of experience and tried courage, was selected to command

the relieving force, and went overland from Toronto to the head of

the Nottawasaga river, where it was proposed to construct boats for

the expedition, about the end of February, with a party of ship-

Iwrights and seamen. The remarkable mildness of the season, which

rendered it probable that Lake Huron would be navigable much

learlier than usual, compelled him to abandon the project of building

[gunboats, and his men were employed in the construction of a number

lofvery large batteaux only. A letter from Captain Bullock reitera-

jting his apprehensions of great distress from want of food caused him

jto redouble his exertions to be ready to commence his voyage at the

earliest possible moment. When the ice broke up on April 1 9th he

[began the descent of the river with thirty batteaux of the largest

la88, four of which were armed with a carronade each, and actually

ailed from its mouth on April 25th. His force consisted of eleven

•• I

( 197 )

.iw;;

men of the Royal Artillery, six officers, and 130 men of the Roj
Newfoundland Regiment, many of whom were expert boatmen, andl
a lieutenant and twenty seamen of the Royal Navy. After an
extremely stormy and dangerous voyage he succeeded in reaching tlie
island of Mackinac on May 18th, with the loss of only one boat, th
crew and cargo of which were saved.

" The difficulties which were experienced in conducting open andl
deeply laden batteaux across so great an extent of water as Lake
Huron, covered with immense fields of ice and agitated by violent
gales of wind," the Governor Geucal observed, ''could only have
been surmounted by the zeal, perseverance and ability of the officer
commanding this expedition. For nineteen days it was nearly one
continued struggle with the elements, during which the dangerJ
hardships and privations to which the men were exposed were suf
cient to discourage the boldest amongst them, and at times threatened|
the destruction of the flotilla."

Mr. Dickson arrived soon afterwards with two hundred Indiansl
from Green Bay, and every effort was at once made to strengtlien thel
defences of the island. The Americans were showing unmistakablel
signs of activity in several directions. Early in February a partvl
from Detroit surprised a British trading-post on St. Joseph's river inj
Illinois, where they captured Mr. Bailey, a commissariat officer fronij
Mackinac. A few weeks later they built F«)rt Gratiot at the entrancej
of the River St. Clair, and in May Prairie du Chien was occupied bvl
a strong force which ascended the Mississippi from St. Louis. Inforl
mation of the latter event was received at Mackinac on June 21stJ
and next day a chief of the Winnebagoes, who came to implora
assistance, related that several Indians of his own tribe, a!id tlie wifej
of Wabasha, the Sioux chief, who was then at Mackinac, had been
killed in cold blood by the Americans after being taken prisoners,
This caused an uiiiver^nl outcry for revenge from the Indians on the|
island, who demanded to be led against the enemy.

" I saw at once the imperious necessity which existed of endeavor]
ing by every means to dislodge the American general from his ne\i
conquest and make him relinquish the immense tract of country bd
had seized uptm in consequence, and which brought him into tlieverjj
heart of that occupied by our friendly Indians," said McDonallj
"There was no alternative, it must either be done or there was aa

(198)

end to our connection with the Indians, for if allowed to settle tliem-
selves in place, by dint of threats, bribes, and sowing divisions among
therti, tribe after tribe would be gained over or subdued, and thus
would be destroyed the only barrier which protects the great trading
establishments of the Northwest and the Hudson's Bay Company."
He accordingly decided to make an effort to re-take Prairie du Chien
at the risk of weakening his own position. A company of volunteers
was quickly enrolled on the island for this purpose, to whom Bom~
hardier Kitson, of the Royal Artillery, was attached with a small
field gun. The whole of the Winnebagoes and Sioux assembled at
Mackinac, numbering 155 warriors, were permitted to join the expedi-
tion, which set out on the seventh day after the news was received,
under the command of Major William McKay, a veteran trader. At
Green Bay he was joined by another company of volunteers, which
increased his white force to 120 men ; and during his advance by way
of the Fox and Wisconsin rivers, the number of Indians under his
control was gradually augmented to 450. The journey of more than
500 miles was performed in nineteen days, and on the 17th July
McKay unexpectedly surrounded the American fort, which surrend-
ered forty-eight hours later with its garrison of three officers and
seventy-one men.

Meanwhile a much more formidable expedition was in preparation

I by the American Government for the recovery of Mackinac. This,

consisted of detachments of artillery, and the 17th, 19th and 24th

regiments of United States Infantry, numbering about five hundred

! of all ranks, and two hundred and fifty Ohio militia, commanded by

jLieut.-Colonel George Oroghan, who had gained much reputation

among his countrymen by his successful defence of Fort Stephenson.

Major A. II. Holmes, who had lately headed a successful raid into

Canada, was appointed second in command. These troops were

embarked in five of the largest vessels of their Lake Erie squadron,

pounting sixty heavy guns and manned by five hundred sailors and

barines. They sailed from Detroit on July 3rd, but did not succeed

|in entering Lake Huron until the 12th, when Cotgreave's regiment of

)hio volunteers was taken on board at Fort Gratiot, increasing the
[land forces to 1,000 men. Their course was then shaped for Match-

Jaeh Bay, but having no pilot familiar with those waters, and being
^Dveloped in thick fog for several days, they abandoned the attempt to

( 199 )

fc !

y ■

■^-

'■■>,

1 .

I«

reach that place and steered for St. Josephs, where they arrived on July
20th to find that the military post on that island had been abandoned
some weeks before. A schooner belonging to the Northwest Fur Com-
pany was captured, and the boats of the squadron were despatched to
destroy the Company's trading station at Sault Ste. Marie. On the
26th July the American squadron appeared oft the island of Mac kinac.
An attack had been expected for some time, and McDonall had
completed the fortifications on the high ground overlooking tlie fort,
making his possession, ae he affirmed, "one of the strongest in
Canada." " We are here in a very fine state of defence," he added.
" the garrison and Indians in the highest spirits, and all ready for the
attack of the enemy. We apprehend nothing for the island but from
want of provisions."

Foul weather prevented their ships from approaching tho shore
for several days, but on August 1st a party of soldiers was landed on
Round Island, where they had a skirmish with some Indians. After!
carefully reconnoitring the harbor and approaches to the fort, Crog-
ban finally decided to follow the advice of former residents of thej
island, whom he had brought with him as guides, and land his troop?
on the western side, where there was a break in the cliffs and thej
ships of war could anchor within 300 yards of the shore. From this
place he would be compelled to advance through the woods for nearly
two miles before gaining the cleared ground, where he hoped to
occupy some favorable position from which he could assail the works
by "gradual and slow approaches" under cover of his artillery, which
he knew was very superior in weight, of metal. Upwards of a|
thousand men, including a body of marities, were accordinajly disemj
barked without opposition on the morning of August 4th, and began|
their march through the woods.

McDonall advanced to meet them with 140 men of the Royall
Newfoundland Regiment and Michigan Fencibles, leaving fifty of thej
latter corps to occupy his intrenchments, but taking with him iiearlyj
an equal number of Indians, chiefly Folles Avoines from Wisconsinj
river. With this force he occupied a very favorable position in the
wocds, with a small clearing in front, over which the enemy wa^
expected to pass in their march. It might, however, be easily turnedj
as there were roads on either side which he had not men enough to

■ ■■■'■ .^: .r; • v\v '■■-' ■•-'■•'; ./.. lii^ ;u^'-*.,-^H

(200) • !. ; V ^. .

What followed is thus described by him : . <■"*.

Oil their advance my 6-pounder and 3-pounder opened a heavy fire upon
them, but not with th« effect they should have had, being not well manned
and for want of an artillery officer, which would have been invaluable to us,
as tliey moved slowly and cautiously, declining to meet me on the open
('round, but gradually gaining my left flank, which the Indians permitted even
in the woods without firing a shot. I was even obliged to weaken my small
front by detaching the Michigan Fencibles to oppose a party of the enemy
which were advancing to the woods on my right. I now received accounts
from Major Crawford, of the militia, that the enemy's two large ships had
anchored in the rear of my left, and that troops were moving by a road in that
direction towards the forts. " I therefore immediately moved to place myself
Ijetween them and the enemy, and took up a position effectually covering them,
from whence collecting the greater part of the Indians who had retired and
taking with me Major Crawford and about 50 militia I again advanced to sup-
port a party of the Follis Avoines Indians who, with their gallant chief, Thomas,

commenced a spirited attack upon the enemy, who in a short time lost
I their second in command and several other officers, seventeen of whom we counted
[dead upon the field, besides those they carried off, and a considerable number
wounded. The enemy retired in the utmost haste and confusion, followed by
the troops, till they found shelter under the very broadside of their ships
anchored within a few yards of the shore. They re-embarked that evening
and the vessels immediately hauled off."

Captain Sinclair, who commanded the American squadron, said
[that, "it was soon found the further the troops advanced the stronger
tlie enomy became, and the weaker and more bewildered our force
[were; several of the commanding officers were picked out and killed
wounded without seeing any of them. The men were getting
jlost and falling into confusion, natural under such circumstances,
[which demanded an immediate retreat, or a total defeat and general
Imassacre must have ensued."

They had lost three officers and fifteen men killed, one officer and
%-Bix men wounded, and two missing, while McDonall had not a
nau hurt.
The leaders of the expedition were too much dispirited by the
eult to renew the attempt, but decided to blockade Nottawasaga
id French rivers in the hope of cutting ofli" all sU|^»plies and starving
lie garrison into a surrender. In this project they met with no
«tter success, as both the vessels detached for that purpose were
fentually surprised and captured by a small party of troops and sea-
en from the island. ( 201 )

,*!!

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v7.-(*iv

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At a nominal cost (ten cents a number)
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■ ■ ■ M ■ 1 H C7K X&K ^ A^^VKaW««A «./•

EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

CANADIAN
HISTORY.

NUMBER EIGHT.

SIEGE OF LOUISBOURG IN 1758.
Sir John Bourinot^ K. C. M. G.

VILLEBON AND FORT NASHWAAK,

James Hannay^ D.C.L.

THE EARLY POSTAL SERVICE IN
BRITISH NORTH AMERICA,

Lieut-Col. E. Cruikshank.

THE NEW^ ENGLAND MOVEMENT
TO NOVA SCOTIA,

W. F. Ganongy Ph.D.

GENERAL CAMPBELL'S MUSTER.

Rev. W, O. Raymond^ M.A.

THE ACADIAN LAND IN LOUISIANA.

December 1899.

ISSUED QUARTERLY.

PRICE 10 Cents.

•ARNEI * CO-, PRINTERS, 8T> JOHN, N. B.

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PUBLISHER'S ANNOUNCEMENT.

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missing any numbers. Subscribers in this way can secure back numbers, and future
numbers will be sent to their address as soon as issued.

The series will be completed in twelve numbers, containing about 350 pages of read
ing matter of the greatest interest to students of Canadian history and geography. The
most stirring incidents in our history have been selected, many of them from original
papers and documents nut accessible to the general reader. The result will be an unicjue
and interesting collection which will prove of the greatest value to the student of history.
Every reader of Canadian history should .secure this valuable addition to his library.
No teacher should fail to have one or more copies in school for supplementary reading.
They are prepared with this end in view.

Among the contributors to this interesting and valuable series of historical papers
are Sir John Bourinot, Jas. Hannay. D.C.L. , author of the'History of Acadia, Prof. Wm.
F. Ganong, Rev. W. O, Raymond, Jas. Vroom, Lt.-Col. E. Cruikshank, Victor H.
Paltsits, of the Lenox Library, New York, Harry Piers, of the Legislative Library of
Nova Scotia, and other well-known writers of history.

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST NUMBERS OF THE SERIES.

NUMBER 1. — Introduction — Physical Growth of Canada — The Legend of Glooscap-

Cartier's First Voyage— Winter at St. Croix Island (Illustrated) -the Story of

Lady LaTour— the Story of the Loyalists
NUMBER II.— The Cabots and their Voyages— The Settlement of Port Royal-

Physiography of Nova Scotia — An Acadian Marchioness — Chapter on Names-

The Fort Cumberland Summons and Reply — The Siege of Penobscot.
NUMBER III.— General Coffin- Fort Cumberland— D'Anville's Expedition— Nicholas

Denys' Description of the River St. John — Incidents in the Life of Lieut. Tames

Mi)ody -Story oi the Big Beaver.
NUMBER IV. — Place-Names— French Canadian Life and' Character— The Story of

Laura Secord — On the Study of Ancient Maps- A Scheme for the Conquest of

Canada in 1746.
NUMBER v.— The Acadian People— The Battle of Lundy's Lane— The PenntieW

Colony — History in Boundary Lines — The Physiography of New Brun.swick.
NUMBER VI.— The Expulsion of the Acadians— Frontenac and his Times— The'War

Song — The Foundation of Halifax — The Hessians — The Capture of Mackinac in

1812 — Founders of Fredericton.
NUMBER VII. — Inheritances from our Historic Past— Nicholas Denya— Traits of Indian

Character — The Maroons in Nova Scotia —The First Siege and Capture of Louis

bourg — The Defence of Mackinac in 1814.

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THE SIEGE OF LOUISBOURG IN 1758.

By Sik John Bourinot, K.C.M.U., LL. D., Lit. I). (Laval).

In 1756, what is generally known in America as "The Seven
Years' War " between France and England, was publicly proclaimed.
In Europe, the four powers of France, Spain, Russia and Austria
(combined to crush the famous representative of Protestantism, Fred-
erick the Great, whose sole ally w&e England. The results were most
glorious for England and humiliating for her ancient rival. Fred-
erick's victories prepared the way for the unity of Germany ; while
India, the United States, and the Dominion of Canada are the heritage
of a war which drove France from the eastern and western hemi-
spheres.

The prospect, for some months after the declaration of war, was
gloomy in America. This brief account of a memorable event of the
Seven Years' War is chiefly condensed from my " Cape Breton and
its Memorials of the French Regime," now out of print. The reader
may refer to all the authorities given in that book, which also
appeared in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Vol. IX.,
8ec. 2.

When that great imperial statesman, Pitt, was recalled to office in
July, 1757, it was too late to prevent - the humiliation of England
through the incompetency of Holbourne, Loudoun and Webb, and
the year closed with Montcalm triumphant on Lakes Champlain and
Ontario. While the military genius of Frederick and the inspiring
statesmanship of Pitt were successfully thwarting the ambitious plans
of France and her allies in Europe, the English statesman, now first
rainister, also decided on a vigorous campaign in America. With
that intuitive sagacity which he possessed for recognizing ability in
others, he chose General Amherst, Admiral Boscawen, General
Forbes, Lord Howe and Brigadier Wolfe, as most competent to retrieve
the disaster which Loudoun and Holbourne had brought upon the
English army and navy in America. He was forced, for the time
being, by the strong influences around him, to retain General Aber-
Icromby at the head of one of the expeditions ; but he hoped that the
advice and popularity of Lord Howe^puld keep up the courage and

ill

(' 203 )

confidence of the army on Lake Champlain and prevent any serious
mistakes on the part of the too slow and obtuse commander-in-cliift'.

The plan of the campaign, which opened in 1758, was to send
three expeditions simultaneously against the three all-important \)os\-
tions held by the French, in the Ohio valley, on Lake Champlain, and
at the entrance of tlie Gulf of St. Lawrence. General Forbes was to
march on Fort Duquesnc, General Abercromby was to lay siege to
M Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and General Amherst was to unite

with Admiral Boscawen for an attack from land and sea on the tor-
tress of Louisbourg, acknowledged to be the key to the St. Lawrenco.

Whilst Louisbourg had been in the possession of the French, sinco
the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, the fortifications had bt n
strengthened, and the town was in much better condition to stand a
prolonged siege than in 1745. Fourteen men-of-war, carrying nearly
six hundred guns and manned by nearly three thousand men,
defended the harbour in which they were anchored. The French
Governor, Chevalier Drucour, had under his immediate orders a
a regular force of about three thousand four hundred men, besides
officers, and seven hundred militia, drafted from the inhabitants
of the town and island, besides a considerable band of Indians,
probably exceeding three hundred in all. The town was well sup-
plied with provisions and militar}' stores ; the walls were defended by
two hundred and eighteen cannon and seventeen mortars, with a
considerable reserve of large guns for a time of need.

The English naval and military forces made their appearance oft'
the southeastern coast of Cape Breton in the beginning of June. The
fleet was composed of twenty-two ships of the line, sixteen frigates, a
sloop or corvette, and two fireships ; which carried in the aggregate
eighteen hundred guns, and was under the orders of Honourable
Edward Boscawen, Admiral of the Blue. The second in coniniaiid
was Sir Charles Hardy, Vice-admiral of the White. The army was
made up of over twelve thousand men, including some provincial
rangers, and commanded by General Amherst, who divided it into
three brigades, under the orders of Brigadiers Whitmore, Lawrence and
Wolfe respectively.

Although the fleet arrived off Qabarus Bay on the 2nd June, it
was not until the 8th of the month that a landing was successfully
effected. The artillery and stores could not be safely brought ashore

(204)

for several days later on account of the windy weather and heavy surf,.
As soon as the French found that the English were on land, the}'
(Icritroyed the Grand or Royal !Rattery, on the western Hhore of the
harb< , spiked the ^uns in the lighthouse hattery, and hurned down
all tlio storehouses and other huildings around the port. It took several
weeks to land all the stores, to huild hlockhouses and redoubts, dig
trendies, and make the investment complete. It is only possible ta
give a few leading details of the siege within the few pages at my
comniand. The cannon on Wolfe's batteries at the entrance of the
harbour soon silenced the island defences, and four ships were then
sunk by the French at this important point with their masts fastened
togotber by a strong iron chain. The French fleet was practically of
no use to the town throughout the siege. A few were sunk, several
taken by the English as they were attempting to get out to sea, and
the remainder were all captured or destroyed by naval expeditions of
the English. The French squadron was only redeemed from the
charge of cowardice or feebleness by the signal bravery of Commander
Vauquelain, who at last evaded the English men-of-war and reached
Franco. The sorties made by the French from the town were bravely
conducted, but did little or nothing to weaken the besieging force. The
lire of the besiegers eventually destroyed many of the principal build-
iiiirs. At last, when the fortifications were tumbling in all directions
on the west front, and great gaps were visible in the important bastions,
and not a dozen cannon were reported as really serviceable, the French
governor decided to capitulate. The crisis had clearly come in the
siege, and M. Prucour felt that it was madness to defend the ruined
[town and fortifications against the general assault of the British naval
, and military forces, which was imminent at any moment. On the morn-
|ingof the twenty-seventh of July, the English took possession of the
town, and the cross of St. George was hoisted on the ramparts, of a
I fortress destined very soon to disappear from the pages of history.

England had won her first great success in the campaign commenced

[under the inspiration of Pitt. The news was received in England and

America with many rejoicings, and the eleven stands of colors tliat

here won at this gateway of Canada were deposited in St. Paul's

|Cathedral amid the roar of cannon. Thanksgivings were ofl:ered ta

iven from the Puritan pulpits of New England ; loyal toasts wera

^runk at many a festive board in New York and Philadelphia, and

'\\

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( 205)

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il,

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^even in staid old Boston — probably with smuggled rum ; bells pealed
from the towers and steeples, towns were illuminated from Maine to
Virginia ; and in the English posts of Acadia, in the camp at Lake
Oeorge where Abercromby was fretting under the humiliation of
<iefeat, wherever the tidings came. Englishmen predicted a speedy
end to French power in America.

Wolfe distinguished himself and was the very soul of the enterprise:

" Wolfe, where'er he fought,

Put so much of his heart into his act

That his example had a magnet's force,

And all were swift to follow whom all loved."

The capture of Louisbourg was the prelude to a series of events
which gave Canada to England. Though Abercomby was beaten at
Ticonderoga, and Lord Howe met an untimely death at Lake George,
Forbes drove the French from the valley of the Ohio ; and Bradstreet
won Fort Frontenac and gave the control of Lake Ontario to the
Eng-lish. St. John's, now Frince Edward Island, was occupied by a
detachment of troops from Louisbourg ; and the French settlements ou
the eastern coast of New Brunswick and in the valley of the St. John
river were generally destroyed. In the following year, Amherst
assumed command at Lake Ohamplain, and Montcalm was forced to i
retire to Quebec, where he met his death on the same battlefield ou
Avhich "died Wolfe victorious." Quebec fell in 1759, and Montreal j
Avas surrendered by the Marquis of Vaudreuil in the following year.
Oanada was ceded in 1763 by France to England, who reigned supreraej
on the northern continent of America until that unhappy year when
the old Thirteen Colonies, as a result of successful revolution, entered
the community of nations as the federal republic of the United States.

VILLEBON AND FORT NA8HWAAK.

By James Hannay, D. C. L.

There is a little mound of earth at the junction of the Nashwaakl
■with the St. John, on the north side of the first named river, that fori
rfieveral years was the head-quarters of French power in Acadia.|
This was in the time of Governor Villebon, one of the most enorgetio

(206) ^

\ pealed
laine to
at Lake
ition of
, speedy

terprise :

jf events
beaten at
e George,
kadstreet
:io to the
ipied by a
ements on
J St. John
Amherst
forced to
tlefield ou
Montreal |
viug year.
d supreme!
year when
n, entered
ted States.

lasii

that for]
Acadia,
enorgetii

and able representatives the King of France ever had in this quarter
of the world, and whose grave is here, on the shores of the St. John^
but unknown and unrecognized, like that of Lady Latour, the Acadian
heroine, who died he^e more than half a century before him. Ville-
bon was one of the sons of Charles le Moyne, Seigneur of Longueuil^
near ^[ontreal, and therefore a native of Canada. All his brothers^
like himself, were in the service of the King of France ; and all seem.
to have been men of courage and capacity. One of them, Menneval,^
was governor of Acadia in 1690, when the name of Villebon first
appears in the annals of this part of New France. In that year Ville-
bon, who was captain of a company of infantry, was sent to Port
Koyal to serve as an officer of the garrison there under the command
of his brother, Menneval. He had with him M. Saccardi, an officer
of engineers. But when he reached his destination, on the 14th June,
he found neither governor nor garrison, for the place had been cap-
tured by an English expedition under Sir William Phips, in the pre-
vious month, and Menneval and most of his garrison carried away as
prisoners of war. Here was a difficulty well calculated to show of
what stuff Villebon was made ; for he had become at once the princi-
pal oihcer in Acadia, and the fate of the province rested upon him.
In this emergency he toolc counsel with M. Perrot, a French trader^
and one or two others who had escaped the English, and decided to-
abandon Port Royal as a military station. This was done, and such
of the garrison as remained were removed to Jemseg, on the St. John
river, where there was an old fort which had been occupied by the
French ten or twelve years before. The Jemseg fort was a small
affair, 120 feet long, by 90 wide, and mounting five light guns ; and
it had been abandoned for several years. It was unfortunate that
Villebon, while effecting this removal, had not taken with him the
"Union," the ship in which he came out from France, for almost as soon
as he left Port Royal, two English privateers hove in sight, captured
jtbe " Union " and robbed the people of Port Royal of what was left
jof their property. As all the presents which Villebon had brought
joot for the Indians and all his arms and stores were taken with the
[Union," it became necessary for him to return to France to obtain^
fresh supply. Before leaving, he gathered the Indians about him
d exhorted them to remain faithful to the cause of France, promising,
em that they would be indemnified for all their losses.

it •

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( 207 )

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Villebon went to Quebec, and from there to France, returning to
the former place in July, 1691. He did not reach Acadia until late
in the autumn of that year, but he brought fifty soldiers with him, a
for.'c large enough to defend his fort at Jemseg against any orditiarv
attack. During his absence the Indians had been at war with the
Eiiii^lish, but with little result. Although brave enough, they seldom
accomplished anything substantial unless led by white men, and even
then it was difficult to keep them faithful if they met with losses and
reverses. For the next six years, all Villebon's energies were directed
to the work of directing the Indians in their wars against the people
of New England, and preventing them from making a permanent
peace.

As soon as Villebon returned to his fort at Jemseg, he put himself
in communication with Thury, the priest of the Penobscot tribe, and
arranged for a winter attack on the English settlements. In February.
1692, York was attacked by the savages, and about seventy-five persons
killed, including the venerable Mr. Dummer, the minister of the place,
In the spring of the same year a band of four hundred Indians, com-
posed of the tribes of the Penobscot and Kennebec, Micmacs, and
Malicetes from the St. John, met at Penobscot to attack "Wells : but
their attack Avas repulsed by the bravery of Captain Converse, who
occupied the principal garrisoned house. These attacks aroused tlie
English of New England, and they sent an expedition, under Captain
Church, an old Indian fighter of King Philip's War, to make reprisals,
The main object -of this expedition was the capture of St. Castin, a
French ofiicer who lived at the mouth of the Penobscot, and whose j
word was law with the Indians of that district ; but it failed.

In 1692, Villebon removed his garrison from Jemseg to the mouth I
of the Nashwaak, and there began to erect a new fort on the northern
bank of that river. The reason given for this change was that JoniBog
was subject to inundations when the river was in flood ; but a stronger
reason, no doubt, was the fact that it was less easy for an Englisli
expedition to reach it, and it was nearer the villages of the IndiaiisJ
on whom Villebon so largely relied for the defence of Acadia. Fort
Nashwaak was built on a much larger scale than the Jemseg fort. Itl
was 200 feet square, palisaded after the tnanner of all the Acadian
forts of that day, and witli bastions at each corner on which the guiisj
were mounted. Outside of the line of palisades w&b a ditch, so tha^

( 208 )

lins; to
itil lale
him, a
»r(linary
vith tl\c'
• seldom
,n(l even
sses aiul
directeil
le people
jrnuiuent

t himself
Tii)e, ami
Fe))rnary.
^'■e persons
the place,
iaiif^, eom-
macs, and
^"0118; Init

erse, who
roused the
er Captain
reprisals.
Castin, a

iiid wliose

the moutli
e northern'
at JeniBCg
a stronger!
an Engli^li'
ic IiidiaiiS'
Idia. Korti
ks- fort, l^j
Acadian

Ih the gu"9'
Ich, 80 thai

it was safe from any attack that could be made upon it except by an
enemy possessing heavy artillery.

Nashwaak thus became the headquarters of French power in
Acadia, and the place from which the cruel orders went forth which
ravaged the border towns of New England for several years. It would
be both tedious and unprofitable to relate these atrocities in detail ; so
I will make but the merest reference to them in this article. They
were disgraceful to human nature ; yet they had the sanction and
support of the French author'tics in Canada, and the English who
were thus attacked were not less bloodthirsty and cruel when they had
tlie opportunity of making reprisals. It was an age of cruelty, when
even the ministers of religion encouraged the shedding the blood of
their enemies.

In the summer of 1694, the Indians, who were led by a French
officer named Villieu, were very active in attacking the English
settlements. They captured Dover, where they killed one liundred
persons, and the}' committed depredations at Groton, Piscataqua, York,
Kittery, and other places. Villieu was able to boast in his letter to
the French governor that two small forts and fifty or sixty houses
had been captured and burnt, and 130 English killed. The scalps of the
murdered English were sent to Count Frontenac at Quebec.

Scarcely were these bloody operations ended, when a mysterious
and mortal illness fell upon the Indians of the St. John river. The
Chief of the river died of it, and upwards of one hundred and twenty
members of the tribe, including many of the best warriors. Its ravages
extended to all parts of Acadia, sweeping off* the Indians by hundreds ;
but it was nowhere more severe than on the St. John. One of its
effects was to cause the Indians to abandon their town at Meductic,
and it was not re-occupied for several years. The strength of the
Indians and their ability to wage war was greatly reducer" by this
plague; indeed, it is doubtful if they ever recovered from its
ettects.

In thcHummerof 1696, Villebon gathered together all the Acadian
Indian warriors that he could muster for an expedition against Fort
William Henry at Pemaquid. He was assisted by two French war-
shipg from Quebec, under d'Iberville and Bonaventure, and by all the
tribes of the Penobscot and Kennebec. Fort William Henry was a
oew stone work which had just been erected at a cost of twenty

^' (209)

; t

1 , :

thousand pounds by the government of Massachusetts. It mounted
fifteen cannon and had a garrison of ninety-five soldiers under Captaiit,
Chubb. It was expected to make a brave resistance, but Chubb sur-
rendered it almost as soon as summoned, and it was demolished
and blown up. This was a great triumph for the French; and it \va»
particularly pleasing to the Indians, who had found the fort a great
annoyance.

The New Englanders were aroused to active n: aasures by the fall
of Pemaquid, and Col. Church was again put in commi\nd of an expedi-
tion against the French in Acadia. He had about five hundred men.
including some Indians, and they were embarked in sloops and whale
boats, such vessels being the most convenient for ranging the coast.
Church was rather more disposed to plunder than to attack fortified
places ; and his principal achievement was the sack of Chignecto, where
he burnt down all the buildings, including the chapel, and killed most
of the cattle. He had been ordered to attack the French fort on the
St. John ; but some of his men, who landed on the site of the present
city of St. John, captured two French soldiers, who showed him a place
on the shora where twelve cannon were buried in the sand. These he
recovered, and, thinking he had done enough, Church set sail for
Boston.

In the meantime the people of New England had despatched Col.
Hawthorne, with 200 men in three vessels, to re-inforce Church and
to supersede him. Hawthorne intercepted Church at the St. Croix.
as he was going home, and turned him back to St. John. His object
was the capture of Villebon's fort at Nashwaak, and it is quite possible
that this might have been accomplished if the English expedition had
arrived a few days earlier. But the French had been warned of |
Church's presence on the coast and had gathered all the Indians avail- j
able for the defence of the fort. The English did not reach the fort
until the 18th October, when the weather was cold and disagreeable.
The}' landed on the south side of the Nashwaak river, opposite the I
fort, and at once commenced the erection of a battery on which three
guns were mounted. There was a lively cannonade on that and tbe
following day, but the French fire was the more powerful ; the Englii
guns were disabled or had to be abandoned, and on the night of the I
19th, Col. Hawthorne's men took their departure, after losing tweiity-|
five pien, of whom eight were killed.

(210) ^ ._

This was the last important event in which Fort Nashwaak figured.
In the following year the Treaty of Ryswick ended the war between
France and England, and in the autumn of 1698 Fort Nashwaak was
abandoned and its garrison removed to old Fort LaTour at the mouth
of the St. John.

the fall
expedi-
ed men.
d whale
le coast,
fortified
;o, where
led most
rt on the
e present
m a place
These he
sail for

THE EARLY POSTAL SERVICE IN BRITISH
NORTH AMERICA.

By Lt.-Col. E. Cruikshank.

Shortly before the close of the war of the American Revolution,
General Haldimand, having become convinced of the necessity of
securing an overland communication from Quebec to New Brunswick
and Nova Scotia, caused a trail or footpath to be cut through the
wilderness from Kamouraska to Lake Temiscouata, and thence along
the Madawaska and St. John rivers to the scattered settlements on
the Bay of Fundy, In the summer of 1787, Hugh Finlay, who had
been Deputy Postmaster General for Massachusetts before the revolt
of that province, was sent by Lord Dorchester, who had succeeded
Haldimand as Governor-General, to New Brunswick and Nova Scotia,
to make arrangements for the conveyance of a monthly mail to and
from Halifax by this route, as the communication during the winter
I between Quebec and England, by way of New York, was not con-
jsidered altogether sufe. On October 8rd, Dorchester informed Lord
[Sydney that Finlay had returned and reported that he had made

atisfactory arrangements with ^''e Deputy Postmaster Generals in

[those provinces for the employment of " foot-messengers " carrying

letters. Six mails a year, it was estimated, would pay the expense of

the overland route, and as each province advocated the advantages of
litsown port, he suggested that the mails from England should be sent
jalternately to Halifax and St. John, until experience should demon-
IBtrate which of these ports should be selected as the best. He
|adviaed, however, that the New York route should be also used until
able roads for horse-travel could be cut through the woods, and,

'to prevent disagreements," recommended that the post-offices should
placed unc'er control of a single official to be known as the Deputy

..,..•*•

( 211 )

! I

Postmaster General in British North America. On account of his
previous experience in a sim' ar situation, he nominated Finlay as a
suitable person for this place. About a month later (Nov. 8, 1787).
Finlay was duly appointed ; and Sydney informed the Governor-
General that a monthly mail service had been actually established
between London and Halifax. All expenses were to be under control
of agents of the post-office who were to be solely responsible for tlieir
safe delivery.

"When the war with France began six years later, the number of
hostile cruisers rendered it unsafe for the packets to follow their
customary route to New York, and they were sent direct to Halifax
in winter as well as summer, and it is stated, " made their passages
with great ease, performing them in a much shorter time than they
had previously done in the same months to New York."' This
arrangement continued for about two years, after which the Britisli
navy had so effectually secured the mastery of the Atlantic tliat it
was considered expedient to re-establish the New York service.

Packets were occasionally taken by the enemy's ships of war, or
were lost at sea. Others were driven out of their course by gales or
buffeted by contrary winds for weeks and sometimes for months.
The transmission of even the most important despatches was at all
times precarious and uncertain. A letter from Lord Dorchester to
Hon. Henry Dundas, written at Quebec on March 28th, 1791, was
received on June 10th, while another dated June 7th was not received i
until September 20th. His despatches to the Duke of Portland,
dated 1st January, 1795, was not received until April 20th; while
another of April 25th was received on June 25th ; and a third, dated
26th October, was not received until December 7th. Simcoe's des-
patch of 5th August, 1794, to Mr. Dundas, was received on October
17th ; another, of August 13th, was received on December loth ; and
a third, written on September 12th, was received on December 23rd :j
while his letter of October 30th, 1 794, to the Duke of Portland, m
not received until May Ist, 1795, or 182 days afterwards.

On April 5th, 1800, Finlay was succeeded by George Heriot, whol
is now best remembered as the author of a quarto volume of traveld
in Canada published seven years later. The postal service seems tol
have been gradually extended and improved by him, but not rapidlyl

'See George Provost to Lord Bathurst, I'ith August, 1813.

■ * (212)

enough to meet the wishes of certain influential colonial merchants ;
and on January 26th, 1811, a memorial was addressed to the Lords
of tlje Committee of the Privy Council for Trade, reciting their
grievances in this respect, signed by Simon McQillivray, A. Gillespie,
William Hamilton, Charles Idle & Co., Thomas Forsyth, John Inglis,
John Bainbridge, and seven others. They complained that an average
period of three weeks was consumed in the conveyance of each mail
between Quebec and Halifax, although the journey had been accom-
plished by other courses in six days, and that three weeks were
likewise occupied in conveying it between Quebec and York, when
this too might be done in six days. The consequence was that any
person receiving important news could easily out-travel the mail and
"thus derive the most important and unfair advantages in every branch
of trade. North American merchants, particularly in the interior, do
not forward one-tenth of their letters by the post-office, preferring to
take advantage of private and casual opportunities owing to the great
delay of the mails."' They suggested that a surveyor should be sent
to examine the country and ascertain the best routes to be followed.

lleriot remarked that to make the journey between Quebec and
Halifax in only six days was " a very extraordinary and rapid march,
as the distance is 633 miles, during 368 of which neither horses nor
carriages are to be found, and the road can be only travelled in day-
time in safety owing to rapids in the river which it would be danger-
ous to pass even by moonlight ; although a man may go much quicker
from Quebec to Halifax than the other way, as he descends in that
case the St. John, a very rapid river, and in the other has to ascend
it in a birch canoe, much of the way by poling." On April 23rd of
the same year, he made to Francis Freeling a general report on the
entire postal service of the provinces.

'' The mail is carried from New Brunswick to Quebec and vice versa
by two couriers, one setting out from Quebec and the other from
Fredericton once a fortnight in summer and once a month in winter.
The distance is 361 miles ; the cost of conveying the mails, £240.
There is one courier once a week between Fredericton and St. John,
^. B., eighty-two miles, at a cost of £91 os. There are two packets
weekly across the Bay of Fundy, between St. John and Digby, N. S.,
1 thirty-six and a-half miles, at £350. There is one courier twice a
I week between Digby and Annapolis, twenty miles, at £50, and one

(213)

:V- ;

1 • '

it.'.

f'J

ll!:

! I

(jourier between Annapolis and Halifax orice & week, 133 J milen at
£260. A courier leaves Montreal on Monday evening for Swan ton,
Vt, where he waits for the United States mail and returns on Satur-
day night with the latest mail from Boston. (The mails from Eng-
land usually come by this route.) He has a salary of £156 per annum.
From the commencement of the present year a communication hy
post has been opened from Montreal to Kingston. The distance is
two hundred miles. The courier goes once a fortnight and has a
salary of £100. The reason he can do it so cheap is because he car-
ries the newspapers on which he has his own profit. A post to York
is proposed for six months, or during the close of navigation. The
water-communication is so frequent during the summer as to render a
post unnecessary. The expense will be about £80. The post between
Quebec and Montreal is despatched twice a week from each of those
towuR. Couriers leave the offices on Monday evening at five o'clock
and arrive on Wednesday following. They set out again on Thurs-
day evening and arrive on Saturday morning. Between those places
there are three post-towns — Three Rivers, ninety miles from Quebec
and the same distance from Montreal ; Berthier, forty-five miles from
Three Rivers and the same from Montreal, and L'Assomption, twenty-
two miles from Montreal. Eight pence is charged for postage on a
single letter from Quebec to Montreal. The expense for the convey-
ance of the mail for twelve months is £604 stg. On the 5th April,
1800, 1 took charge of the Post-office departm^ent in the British provinces
of North America. The net revenue for twelve months from that date
was £884, and for the last twelve months it was £2,514 sterling.
There are on the road between (Quebec and Montreal about twenty-
seven persons whose houses are seven or eight miles distant from each
other and who keep four or five horses each, not of the best descrip-
tion, and small vehicles with two wheels of a homely and rude con-
struction, hung upon bands of leather or thongs of unmanufactured
bull's hide by way of springs, and these are termed caleches. Tliey
will with much difficulty contain two persons, in front of whom a
man or boy is placed to guide the horse. The rate at which they go
when the roads are favorable is not more than six miles an hour.
Considerable time is wasted by changing vehicles, and travellerF, are
sometimes obliged to wait half an hour, so that fourteen hours might
be lost in this way alone. The legal fare is a shilling a league for a

(214)

8inglc person if he lias one horse, and eighteen pence if he has two.
There are no inns on the road. A person travelling should bring
with him his own provisions and liquors. There are no less than
six ferries to be passed on the road to Montreal. That at Three
Rivers is three miles and that at Montreal three-quarters of a mile
across. The roads are generally in a very bad state, as no pro-
per measures are taken for their repair. There are officers called
Grniul Voyers, whose duty is to enforce the existing laws for the
repair of the roads, but they neglect it owing to the smallness of their
salaries. Any extension of the post or increase of speed," he
affirmed, " must be attended with great expense."

Nearly a year later (16th March, 1812,) Sir George Prevost was
able to state that Mr. lleriot had made arrangements for the trans-
mission of the mails between Quebec and Halifax, designed to remove
all reasonable grounds for complaint ; but to carry them into effect it
would be necessary to open a road through the " unsettled country'
between this place (Quebec) and Fredericton, and that encouragement
should be held out to persons to settle on it. The necessity of a
ready and sure communication becomes every day more obvious
owing to the state of American politics." It was his opinion that the
mails would reach Quebec in winter as soon if forwarded by way of
Bermuda and Halifax as by way of New York, and he recom-
mended that they should be sent by that route in future " to obviate
the risk they are exposed to in passing through American territory."

The establishment of a line of steamboats between Quebec and
Montreal had diminished travel by land and rendered the necessity of
improving the road between those towns less obvious if not less urgent.
Prevost asserted that the mails on that route were carried as rapidly
and regularly as could be expected, and that the extension of the
service " to Kingston, York, and posts more in the interior had been
placed on a footing which will materially promote the intercourse
[between the Provinces."

The ocean packet service seems to have been greatly improved.

I Despatches from Quebec were frequently delivered in London in five

or six weeks. Prevost's despatch, dated at Montreal on 22nd October,

1812, was in the hands of Lord Bathurst on November 26th. But

|in time of war it still remained precarious, as in the vessels employed

|the means of defence were sacrificed in the effort to secure speed.

- (215),

" I have received an account of the May and June packets from
Falmouth to Halifax having been taken, one by the ' PresidcTit '
and the other by an American privateer but afterward recaptured by
the ' Maidstone ' and sent into Halifax ; both mails were sunk before
the vessels were taken," Sir George Prevost wrote on 12th Auguht,
1813. "Several months must elapse before I can receive copies of the
despatches lost. The duplicates of the May despatches being lost in
the June packet, I have received no communication of importuiice
since your despatch of the 12th of May last. I cannot now expect to
receive them till January or February next. The great injury ariwing
to the public service from the want of a more *: j(|uent and regular
communication with your Lordship, during thu winter months, induces
me most strongly to urge the expediency or sending the packets
direct to Halifax during November, December, January and February,
instead of sending them to Bermuda. I have every reason to think,
from every information I have obtained upon the subject, that the
passage during the winter will be equally safe and expeditious as to
Bermuda." ..........

" Should this plan be again adopted, I shall receive your Lordship's
despatches several weeks sooner, and can reply every month."

THE NEW ENGLAND MOVEMENT TO NOVA SCOTIA.

By W. F. (JANON<i. Ph.D.

In the yaritime Provinces of Canada there are living to-day not
far from a million people. They are derived from five distinct sources.
There are, first, a few thousand Indians, once owners of all the land
where now they exist by sufferance of their conquerors. Secoi'il,
there are the Acadians, more than an eighth of the population, best
known to the world through the sufferings they endured under ruth-
less political necessity. Third, there are the English and New
Englanders, concerning whom something is to be said below, who
gave us perhaps a sixth of our population. Next are the Loyalists,
our greatest and most valuable accession, from whom more tlian a
half of our people are descended. Finally, there are the later immi-
grants, mostly from Great Britain and Ireland, who have not yet had
time to make history, but who will be heard from in the future.

(216)

Between 1760 and 1770 there was a large immigration from the
American colonies, principally from New England, into Nova Scotia,
then including New Brunswick, which proved of immense value to
the province. The causes leading to this remarkable movement are
well known. The expulsion of the Acadians, in 1755, left their rich
lands vacant and the province nearly without inhabitants, except for
the settlements at Halifax and Annapolis. But a country without
inhabitants is a valueless possession, for the only true wealth of a
nation consists in industrious, law-abiding and patriotic citizens.
Governor Lawrence, with great foresight, resolved to seek settlers
among the people who had proven themselves the greatest of colon-
izers, — the people of the American colonies. Accordingly, in 1758,
he spread broadcast through these colonies copies of a proclamation
in which he called attention to the richness of the vacant lands, and
invited proposals for their settlement. This proclamation did not,
however, contain information upon matters which the New Englanders
held dearest of all, namely, political and religious liberty. Accord-
ingly, in 1759, Governor Lawrence issued a second proclamation, of
which Nova Scotians have long been justly proud ; for its promises of
religious toleration and political freedom have since been more than
fulfilled. This document,' sometimes likened to a charter of the
province, contains full information upon the size and conditions of
grants and other practical matters, and these passages :

"The Government of Nova Scotia is constituted like those of the neigh-
borinf^ colonies ; the Legislature consisting of a Governor, Council, and House
of Assembly, and every township, as soon as it shall consist of fifty families,
will be entitled to send two Representatives to the General Assembly. The
Courts of Justice are also constituted in like manner with those of the Massa-
chusetts, Connecticut, and other Northern Colonies. That, as to the article of
religion, full liberty of Conscience, both of his Majesty's royal instructions and
a late act of the General Assembly of this Province, is secured to persons of
all persuasions, Papists excepted, as may more fully appear by the following
abstract of the said act, viz. :

' Protestants dissenting from the Church of England, whether they be
Calvinists, Lutherans, Quakers, or under what denomination soever, shall have
I'ree lil)ert; A conscience, and may erect and build meeting houses for public
worship, anu may choose and elect ministers for the carrying on divine service,
and administration of the sacrament, according to their several opinions ;
and all contracts made between their ministers and congregations for the

'It is given'^in ffuU in Huling's,, ", Rhode Island Emigration to Nova Scotia."
(Providence, R. 1., 1889).

(217) ' •

support of their ministry, are hereby declared valid, and shall have their full
force and effect according to the tenor and conditions thereof ; and all sucli
Dissenters shall be excused from any rates or taxes to be made or levied for
the support of the Established Church of England.' "

Convinced by tliese assurances, and attracted by the liberality of
the conditions as to land-grants, settlers from New England began to
arrive in 1760, and came in large nui. bers during the next tew year;!.
As one reads of the many who so willingly left the comforts of the
older settlements for the liardsbips of pioneer life, he wonders what
could have induced so remarkable a migration. But we have only to
recall the race to which they belonged, its ever-present joy in adven-
ture and ambition tor progress, to have at least a part of the exjihina-
tion. A great war had been practically ended with the fall of Quebec,
and that fever of expansion and speculation which always follows
successful wars had set in. At that time, farm life was relatively
far more attractive than it is to-day, and the vision of a rich country
estate beckoned men from afar — as the glitter of gold draws them to
the Klondike to-day. Ko doubt, too, rich as the Nova Scotian lands
really were, their value was greatly exaggerated in the minds of the
New Englanders ; for such is human nature. The destruction of French
power in North America had just made Acadia for the first time a
safe residence for New England farmers. All these reasons, with
doubtless others, combined to start the stream of New Englanders
towards Nova Snotia.

If the reader will open before liim a good map of the Maritime
Provinces he can the better learn what parts of Nova Scotia received
the new settlers. The iirst to come were from Newport, Rhode
Island, and they settled on the rich diked lands of Falmouth and
Newport, near the modern Windsor. A little later, others from the
same colony took uplands on the Tantramar, and founded Sackville,
in what is now New Brunswick. Rhode Island sent the first settlers,
but other colonies soon followed ; and New Ha'^ipshire, Massachusetts,
Connecticut, and, later, Pennsylvania, all sent considerable numbers
during the next few years, who took up lands at Cornwallis, Horton,
Annapolis, Granville, Liverpool, Onslow, Truro and Amherst, in Nova
Scotia, and at Maugerville and on the west side of the Petitcodiac, in
New Brunswick. In all of these cases, except Liverpool and Mauger-
ville, it was the abandoned marsh lands of the Acadians which were
occupied. But the New Englanders did not confine themselves to

(218)

^■■— .

thcBo places, for they settled in considerable numbers in Halifax,
Chester, Barrington, Yarmouth, and scattered to numerous other
plac(?8. In 1762, some 5,000 of these new settlers had reached Nova
Scotia, and by 1767 some 2,000 more, at which time over half of the
total population of Nova Scotia consisted of New Englanders. Tliey
continued to arrive, though in lesser numbers, for some years longer,
and although in the meantime there was considerable immigration
from England and Scotland, the breaking out of the American Revo-
lution found nearly half the population of Nova Scotia of New Eng-
hmd origin.

The distribution of the settlements founded by the New England-
ers shows that by far the greater immber settled in what is now Nova
Scotia. New Brunswick received but a few hundreds, probably not
a thousand in all, who settled at Maugerville, and on the Petitcodiac and
at a few other points. Prince Edward Island received not over a
hundred or two in all. Hence it was that, at the close of the Revolu-
tion, New Brunswick had a much greater extent of vacant lands to
offer to the Loyalists than had Nova Scotia. Therefore the Loyalists
oame in greater rmmbers to New Brunswick, and niade it "T)ie
Loyalist Province." But the Loyalists were not only like the New
Englanders who preceded them in race, customs and character — they
were really the same people. Hence it is that Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick, though with very different proportions of New Englanders
and Loyalists in their populations, have developed alike.

We have seen that nearly half the population of Nova Scotia were
Kew Englanders when the American Revolution broke out. Naturally
these people were bound by the closest ties of kinship and sympathy
to the revolting colonists, and it is little wonder that during the pro-
gress of the Revolution this sympathy was sometimes manifest. That
it did not lead to more trouble than it did speaks highly for the good
management of the British authorities on the one hand ; and on the
other it testifies to the rapidity with which men become attached
and loyal to the country in which they live. In only one locality did the
K^ew Englanders of Nova Scotia take up arms for the Colonists.
A party from Maugerville, aided by their fellow-countrymen of Sack-
ville and Amherst, attempted, in 1776, to capture Fort Cumberland.
But they were dispersed, and many of them returned to live in the
United States. But from that day to this, England has had no more
I loyal, progressive, and serviceable snbjects than these Nova Scotian
New Englanders. ..^^^ (219)

^U!l

i'^

■ ■\jj

,.'.!, ;

GEN'ERAL CAMPBELL'S MUSTER.

,, ' By Rkv. W. O. Raymond, M. A.

Li the Canadian Archives for the year 1884, published at Ottawa,
there appeared for the first time in print, an exceedingly interesting
report on Nova Scotia, by Lieut.-Col. Robert Morse, of the Royal
Engineers. The report was compiled in 1784, by order of Sir (iliiy
Carleton, as we learn from its rather elaborate title :

"A General Description of the Province of Nova Scotia, and a Heport of
the present State of the Defences, with Observations leading to the further
(Growth and Security of this Colony, done by Lieutenant Colonel Morse, Chief
Engineer in America, upon a Tour of the Province in the Autumn of the year
17«S3 and the Summer, 17<S4, under the Orders and Instructions of His
Excellency, Sir Guy Carleton, General and Commander-in-chief of His Majesty's
Forces in North America, given at Head Quarters at New York the 2Hth
Day of July, 1783."

In his report, Col. Morse estimated the number of inhabitant!^ in
Nova Scotia (including New Brunswick) at 42,747. Probably this
estimate is too small, for it takes no account of the native Indians and
reckons the number of Acadian families at only one hundred, whicli
undoubtedly is a long way under the mark. Colonel Morse, however.
claimed to be able to give with precision the number ofiiew inhabitants.
viz.: the disbanded troops and Loyalists, the whole having heen
mustered in the summer of 1784, in order to ascertain the nunilicr
entitled to the Royd bounty of provisions. In his report he iiuliides
an abstract of the number of the new inhabitants, compiled from the
returns of the muster-masters, and the publication of these figures.
in connection with his report, in the Canadian A rchives for 1884, has led
several of our local historians to designate the muster as " Morse's
Muster." ^ This is an error to be regretted and one that should not
be perpetuated. Colonel Morse himself says nothing in his report to
lead to the inference that the muster was made under his dirootion:

»;^

' Amoiig those who have inadvertently fallen into thi* error may be mentioned the
compiler of the Canadian Archives, who in the Volume for 1894, p. 412, apeaks of "Tlie
Muster by Morse in the summer of 1784." Henry Youle Hind makes the same iiiittt. ike
in his History of King's College, Windsor, p. 13. I have myself in several ne\vsjmi«r j
articles help to propagate the errbr. — W. O.-R. *

t.i..'.: hi'. .'::<■ ^'j'iih.yjlrvKi^l/i,:: ,'.'::\'[':-r>f>-: ■ , -".

(226)

)tta\va,

resting
Royal

{eport of
; further
'se, I'liief

the yt'ar
s of His
Majesty's

the -JStli

)itants ill
ably this
lians iiml
;(1, which
lowover.
iibitants.
mg been
number
iiu'bules
from tlie
e fiiruro?.
^,]iartle»l
" Morse's
honld not
report to
direction •.

entioiu'd tk

indeed*, a moment's consideration should satisfy anybody that a muster
of this kind la}^ entirely outside the sphere of duty of an officer of
Eni^nnecrs, and could only be undertaken by order of the General
commanding and under direction of officers customarily employed on
sneh occasions.

1 have in the title of this paper termed the muster of 1784, General
Campbell's Muster, for the simple reason that it was made by his
onlor. If credit is to be given to any subordinate officar, that credit
niidoubtedly belongs to Colonel Edward Winslow, and on the principle
of giving honor to whom honor is due it could scarcely be considered
a? incorrect to speak of the muster as " Winslow'a Muster." A few
words will suffice to show how Edward Winslow came to be tbe
irniding spirit in the matter.

When the Revolution broke out in America, he was in the prime

of life, energetic, talented and popular. However, he was an ardent

Loyalist, and his conduct in acting as guide to the relieving party

under Lord Percy at Lexington, gained for him the enmity of many

of his former friends. Tlie service rendered, however, was an essential

one, saving the British expedition from capture or annihilation. This

lircunistance theenemies of Edward Winslow neitherforgot nor forgave.

At the evacuation of Boston there was for him no alternative but to

accompany the British army. Winslow was too high-spirited to have

remained even if he could have done so with safety. On his arrival at

Xew York he became one of the most active and influential organizers of

corps of armed Loyalists, many of which served with distinction side

by side with the king's troops and were called " Provincial troops,"

or "British American regiments." During the progress of the war

more than forty distinct corps were organized by the Loyalists, and

in these there served, at various times and for longer or shorter

periods, from 25,000 to 30,000 men. ' Edward Winslow was appointed

General Muster-Master of the Loyalist regiments,2 and in that capacity

was called upon to muster them once in two months. In the exercise

of this duty he became very closely identified with them and had

' This estimate is based upon the Muster Rolls of the Loyalist Regiments which at
the time of writing are in my possession.

' Edward Winslow's appointment to this office was thus gazetted :

" Head Quarters, New York. 3Uth July, 1776.
Kilward Winslow Esq., to be Muster- Master General to the Provincial Troops taken into
His* Majesty's pay within the colonies lying in the Atlantic Ocean from Nova Scotia to
i Florida inclusive. 3teph^n Kemble, Deputy Adjutant (Jeneral."

.,.. '"'; (221 )

HI.''

perhaps a better general knowledge of them than any other single
individual.

At the close of the war Winslow was sent by Sir Guy Carleton to
Nova Scotia to assist in making arrangements necessary for the
disbanding of such of the officers, non-commissioned officers and men
as desired to settle there. He made an exploring tour of the River
tSt. John and largely on his recommendation it was decided to fix tlie
location of the Loyalist regiments in that quarter. He was soon
after attached to the staff of Brigadier-General Henry E. Fox,' the
Commander-in-chief in Nova Scotia, as his Private Secretary, and
afterwards filled the same position with his successor, Major General
.Fohn Campbell. General Campbell " arrived at Halifax from New-
York on December 9, 1783.

"We come now to consider the circumstances which rendered it
advisable to hold a general muster of the disbanded troops and
Loyalists at the various places where they had settled upon their
arrival in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia.

Early in the year 1784, it had become evident to the commissariat
officers that considerable abuses existed with regard to the distribution
of the provisions ordered by government for the relief of the new settlers.
The complaints that abounded were of various descriptions. Li some
cases settlers complained of having been overlooked or neglected. Tn a
few instances they were said to have been defrauded by their ai:;ents.
In others it was asserted that certain officers drew rations for nominal
servants ad libitum. In others, that rations were drawn for families
expected from the United States that had not yet arrived. In others.
that rations continued to be drawn for individuals who had abandoned
the settlements where they had been located.

In order to ascertain the exact condition of the various settlements,
a general muster was ordered by Major General Campbell in May,
1784. The details were planned by Colonel Winslow, who seems
also to have nominated the muster-masters who were appointed by

' General Fox was the Ijrother of the celebrated statesman, Charles James Fox ; lie
was offered the position of first (iovernor of New Brunswick, but declined, and tht
appointment went to Col. Thomas Carleton.

' Major General Campbell's Regiment, the 57th, came to Nova Scotia at the '«iiie
time as himself, and was in garrison at Halifax and AnnaiKtlis.

( 222)

ingle

on to
r tlie
1 men
River
ix tlie

i HOOU

{,' the

and

Jeneral
11 New

lered it
ps and
m their

Qissariat
ribntion
■ settlers.
In some
(1. In a

aijonts.
nominal

families
» other!*.
)un(loned

tlenients,
in May,
lo seems
)inted by

i Fox

llht

Lt the !«i"»

Oeneral Campbell. The names of the muster-masters and their
respective districts were as follows :

1. William Shaw, Esq., Provost Marshal to the Forces in Nova Scotia.
District — The settleioeuts on the coast from Halifax eastward as far as
€hedabucto.

2. William Porter, Esq., Commissary of Musters. District — The settle-
ments on the coast from Halifax westward to Port Matoon.

;}. Lieut. Charles Stewart, late Nova Scotia Volunteers. District — The
Island of St. John* in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and the settlements on the
<;oast from Pictou southward to Chedabucto.

4. Capt. George Stewart, 33rd Regiment. District — The settlements on
the road from Halifax to Windsor, at Windsor, Newport, Kentecook, Falmouth,
Horton, Cornwallis, the settlements about Cumberland and the country
adjacent.

'). John Robinson, Lieut. Loyal American Regiment. District — Anna-
polis, Wilmot, Granville, Digby, the settlements on St. Mary's Bay and the
country adjacent.

6. Thomas Knox, Esq., Deputy Commissary of Musters. District —
Passamaquoddy, the River Saint John and Quaco.

The officers appointed were furnished with instructions issued by
Major General Campbell, who is styled " Commander-in-Chief of uU
His Majesty's Forces on the eastern coast of the Atlantic Ocean, etc.,
€tc." The instructions directed " that fair Rolls be prepared of each
Corps or class, specifying the names, sex, age and description of every
individual contained therein, and the said Rolls are to be certified by
two at least of the officers or principal men of the corps or class thus
mustered." It was further explained that the Royal Bounty was
intended as a relief to indigence and as a spur to industry, and the
muster-masters were enjoined to exercise due care that such as were
in situations to support themselves by trade or professions, as well as
those who were dissolute and indolent should not partake of it.
The Imperial Government had promised provisions to disbanded
officers and soldiers who should become settlers in Nova Scotia, but
those who did not comply with the intention of Government by
becoming settlers on the lands assigned them were not to be considered
as entitled to the bounty. The muster-masters were pa.ticularly direc-
ted to enquire if those applying for provisions were actually settled on
the lands assigned them or were making preparations for that purpose.
During the summer the returus k^pt coming in to Colonel Winslow,

1T>

I'rince Edward Island.

.«>»>

*!!

(223)

I W'

and were tabulated under his supervision. Several of the original
returns with copies of much of the correspondence are now in my
possession and are of great interest. The general result as regurds
the number of those mustered will be seen in the following table :

General Return of all the Disbanded I'roops and other Loyalists who have
lately become settlers in the Provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, made
up from the Rolls taken by the several Muster-masters. Halifax, kh
November, 1784.

WHERE SETTLING.

CHILDREN.

-4->

2
<

•o

Halifax Harbour

Dartmouth

Musquadobbin

Jeddore

Ship Harbour

Sheet Harbour

Country Harbour

Chedebucto

Island of Saint John

Antigonish

Pictou and Merrigonish .....

District of Cumberhmd

Partridge Island, N. S

Cornwallis and Horton

Newport and Iventecoot

Windsor

Windsor Road and Sackville. ,
Annapolis, Granville, Wilmot,

and Clements

Bear River ,

Digby

Gulliver's Hole, St. Mary's Bay

and Sissiboo

Nine Mile River

Cliester Boad

At Halifax (Objects of charity)
Between Halifax and Shelburne

Shelburne

Paaaamaquoddy

River St. John

' ""^- i'X'^_ Total,...

175

104

201

580

204

202

192

257

160

150

127

608

483

240

326

146

3401

1823

833

304

4130

1619

12,383

5.486

8
28

7
68
27

8
27
186
31
44
28
23
23

325

216

1420

340

1630

4,671

139

232

. 318

204

120

1279

310

1439

4,575

4S0

^ ,

■ •

151

122

2S1)

1053

•m

120

;524

^56

iss

'I'M

307

278

i;)0

230

is:i0

115

152

1295

i7;i

-.)

208

651

7!>23

1787

441

11 260

1,232

2S,347

(224)

Tiie names of nearly all the localities mentioned in the foregoing table
have persisted to the present time. The Loyalist settlement on
Chcdabucto Bay soon after took the name of Quysborough, and in
the course of time Sissiboo was altered to Weymouth.

A number of observations upon the state of the infant settlements
named in this table were submitted by the muster-masters vvhich are
of great interest and will afford material for another paper, in which
I shall take occasion also to discuss the question of the number of
Loyalists who came to the Maritime Provinces, concerning which
there has been some difference of opinion.

THE ACADIAN LAND IN LOUISIANA.

b 2S,34I

It is only within the past year that mj' attention has been particu-
larly called to a wonderland situated within the confines of my own
State, although in a vague way I have always known something about
it. It is the land of the departed Acadians of whom Longfellow sang.
These sorrowful pilgrims soon found the place of their exile a land of
balmy air, bright sunlight, abundance, comfort and peace. As the
shades of evening fell myriads of wild ducks from the Gulf marshes,
seeking their evening meal on the broad savannas, furnished an epi-
curean feast. The lakes, bayous and bays teemed with the finest fish
in the world — pomp, sheephead, trout, red-snapper and Spanish
mackerel, oysters superior to any that Baltimore can furnish. Droves
[of red-deer skimmed the plain or slept secure in the tall grass. Flocks
and herds multiplied wonderfully in a climate where the air was
cooled by the invigorating sea breezes, and there was grass to eat
winter and summer, where the whole country was one broad, level
hieadow, so level that you could see your neighbor's children playing
lliefore the door five miles away. In the black loamy soil vegetables
Igrcw almost without cultivation in the greatest profusion. Oranges
Icoiild be plucked from the trees even in December. An acre or two
Itarely scratched over and sown in rice furnished the favorite food for
'largo family. No cultivation was necessary. . .'

The editor of the Leaflets ie indebted to a gentleman in Shreveport, Louisiana,
ipt. (Jen, E. Thatcher, for the following description of the land of the Acadif^DS in the
"•th, and the industrial development that has recently taken i)lace there.

f (225>

}■!■

ii
i

( f '■li

■ ■' ' Such was the new home of the exiled Acadians ; here they grew
and multiplied for generations, till their home in the far away cold
is'orth was forgotten. Their herds, the fish and the wild game, and
rice, furnished them a living. Skins and pelts bought ammunition
and clothing ; so long as the roof did not leak they slept comfortably.
Why should they work ? Well, they did not work. They just lived,
ate, drank, frolicked, married, got children and died, and the begotten
reigned in their stead. And this land, the fairest that ever tin* sun
shone on, remained undeveloped, a broad waste of hundreds of
thousands of beautiful meadows supporting a sparse population of idle,
thriftless, happy-go-lucky beings, who had no more conception of tlie
meaning of the word progress than they had of Cordan's rule for
Cubics.

But such a state of things could not last forever. There was only
needed the man and the occasion to effect a revolution. The -cXcadiaii
had depended upon Providence rice.^ Now it occurred to a shrewd
son of the Hoosier State, who had drifted to this country, to be a kind
of Providence to himself; so finding an old engine and pump for sale
cheap, he bought it, set it up on the bank of a bayou that bordered
his little place of one hundred acres, and pumped water on his rice in
July and August. The yield was enormous, as much as 1500 l)ags,
worth $3.25 a bag. This was the occasion, and the needed man was
there taking notes. A revolution in the industrial affairs of this
southern Acadia was impending. Give it water and it would average
from eight to twelve bags of rice per acre, worth from three to fourj
dollars per bag.

I know of no section of the South so unique in its attractions, otj
such peculiar and unusual natural beauty. The broad expanse oil
perfectly level meadow, here and there intersected by streams borderedj
by a fringe of evergreen trees, fann<^d by balmy breezes, — where cattle
live and thrive the year around, where peaches, apricots, oranges and
figs will grow for any one who will merely set out the trees, where!
the rewards of agriculture almost surpass belief, and fill the rainJ
with astonishment.

' * Providence rice — so called because if Providence sent rain the Acadiun tumie(
made a crop, if Providence did not send rain h^ did not make a crop, f , . , , j

(226) ^

y grow
ay cold
ne, and
lunition
ortiibly.
3t lived,
)egott('n
till' sun
iretls of
1 of idk',
n of the
rule for

was only
A cadiau
a Hlirewd
be a kind
p for sale
bordered
lis rice in
500 bags,
niau was I
■8 of this I
d average I
le to four

COMMENTS.

lactions,
^xpanse oti

bordered!
lero cattle
|aiigof^ and
jees, wherej

the minil

Uliuii t"'"^>«t

(irecnwood (B. C.) Miner, R. E. Go«iiell,
Editor: G. U. Hay, M.A., Editor of the
EdnrafionaJ Review, St. John, N. B.. a
(jeiitleman well-known to all New Bruiis-
wickers, is issuinjj^ a series of historical
nt'.idioson Canada. These appear quarterly,
i.iiil have reached No. Seven in the series.
A number of well-known Canadians are
cdiitributinfr, and when completed the series
will contain a va.st amount of reniinis(;ence
eiiacerning the early days of the country
iinw included in the Dominion of Canada.

Halifax Chronicle : The history of Nova
Scotia need not make dry readinj; if the
cliief incidents are well handled. In the
September issue of the Educational Revikw
SipPLEMENTARY RKADiN(is, Mr. Arthur P.
Silver, of this city, j^ivesa most interestinjj
utcount of " The Maroons in Nova Scotia."
The clrisin<]f years of the eighteenth century
-av these fierce Jamaican rebels landed at
Hilifiix, and the failure of the ex])uriment,
a." well as the underlying causes thereof,

'las been .Mr. Silver's good fortune to set
f( most entertainingly. The article is
ciiltulated to arouse considerable interest
itid to lead to some specidation regarding
til-" wisdom and farsightedness of men in
I authority in the "good old days."

Montreal Gazntte. : What we said some

time ago of the Old South Leaflets as af-
I fectiiig United States readers, is especially

applicable to this experiment of Mr. Hay's,
1 8.S affecting students of our own annals.

At a nominal cost (ten cents a number)
ion" is favored with a veritable tniasury of

tiibits by our foremost historians, dealing
jiiiitlmritatively with what is most note-
h'Kthy in the records of the olfl regime
lind the new.

iviiig.ston Whiff: A great deal of infor-
Imavion, valuable in an educational way
Ism! for storing in the literary archives of
lOuiada, is being produced by this series.
lOi'iada retjuires national spirit and histor-
|»l pride, such as is being coaxed into life.

St. John Telegraph : Mr. G. U. Hay is
nfj good work by the issue of these su|)-
I'fmentary !"en dings, and we congratulate
pm on their success. ♦ * * The series
Hiy now be considered to be well estab-
i'hed, and the youth of the Maritime
ovinces are to be congratulated on the
"inner in which history is now being
tajht through this magazine and simihir
"iiHlications.

Montreal Herald: The series has been

"lined with the special object of giving

^teresting sketches on a variety of topics

uneoted with our country's history. The

result cannot fail to be of great lienefit to
the students of Canadian history.

St. Andrews Beacon: All these gentle-
men (the writers for the leaflets) are well
(lualifled by study and exjHjrience to write
not only intelligibly, but truthfully, upon
the subjects they have chosen. The histor-
ical accuracy of their contribution.^ may,
therefore, be relied upon.

St. John Siiu: The whde publication is
not only useful for the purpose designed,
but contains historical studies of great
general value. * * * Love of country
is everywhere held to be a viitue in a j)eopl»'.
and love of country should be grounded in
a knowledge of our country's history.

Charlottetown Patriot : The papers are
v«M'y interesting •inrl instructive. All who
desire to know the history of their country
will find the leaflets an uf)-tn-date and
delightful means of attaining this object.

Halifax PreHhyterian Witnesn : Thcsf
papers ought to be placed in the hands of
senior pupils in our schools in order to
accustom them to the pleasing exercises of
looking into the sources of history, and the
study of events as narrated at first hand.

Toronto (jlohe : The object of the publi-
cation is obviously to popularize knowledge
and build up national .sentiment.

S. E. Dawson, LL. D., Ottawa: It seems
to me to be a most promising idea.

Quebec Meroirij : Number Six is a very
interesting issue of a publication which
increa.ses in value.

Halifax Herald : These papers have
enough in thetn to interest intelligent
pupils, to teach them something of the
.sources of history anrl about authorities,
and to awaken the spirit of research. That
is something like a revolutioruiry advance,
compared with history as it has usually
been taught in schools. These readings
should be in the hands of all pupils of thi;
two advanced grades in all our publi'-
schools, and of some cla.«ses at the acad-
euiies ; and if such were the ca.se the sale
would be very largo and the public benefit
great.

Montreal Witness : The series * ^' *
gains in interest as it reaches the sixth of
the proposed twelve numbers. The matti-r
contained is of great interest to students of
Canadian history and geography. The
most stirring incidents in Canadian history
have been selected, many of them from
original papers and documents riot acces-
sible to the general reader.

til

Entered according to Act of the Parliumont of Canada, in the year 1900, by G. U. Hat,

at the Department of Agriculture.

EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

CANADIAN
HISTORY.

NUMBER NINE.

EXPLORERS OF CANADA,

Befijamin Sulte^ F.R.S.C.

NEWFOUNDLAND AS IT IS,

Rev. M. Hafvey, LL.D.

THE HEROINE OF VERCHERES,

Sh' James M. LeMoine.

THE RETURN OF THE ACADIANS,

J. Vroom.

LOCATION OF THE ACADIANS IN
NOVA SCOTIA,

Annie M. Mac Lean, Af.A.y Ph.D.

THE LOYALISTS IN OLD NOVA
SCOTIA,

Rev. W. O. Raymond, M.A.

THE ASSAULT OF MONTGOMERY
AND ARNOLD ON QUEBEC, 1775,

Sir James M. LeMoine.

March 1900^

ISSUED QUARTERLY.

PRICE 10 Cents.

■ARNEt * CO., PRINTERS, ST. JOHN, N. 6.

■

PUBLISHER'S ANNOUNCEMENT.

This series of Leaflets will be completed in twelve numbers, containing about 3,i"i
pages of reading matter of the greatest interest to students of Canadian history and
geography. The most Btirring incidents in our history have been selected, many of them
from original papers and documents not accessible to the general reader. The result will
he an uni(iuo and interesting collection which will prove of the greatest value to the
student of history. Every reader of Canadian history should secure this valuable addition
to his library. No teaclior should fail to have one or more copies in school for supple-
mentary reading. Tliey are prepared with this end in view. The best way to obtain
them is by subscribing for the whole series. Do not delay as the early numbers may
soon be exhausted.

Among the contributors to this interesting and valuable series of historical pa|)ers
are, Sir John Bourinot, Sir James M. LeMoine, Jas. Hannay, D.C.L., Geo. Ju/uisoii,
Dominion Statistician, Prof. Wm. F. Ganong, Rev. W. O. Raymond, Jas. Vroom, Lt.-Col.
E. Cruiksluink, Victor H. Paltsits, of the Lenox Library, New York, Harry Piers, of the
Legislative Library of Nova Scotia, and other well-known writers of history.

CONTENTy OF THE FIRST NUMBERS OF THE SERIES.

NUMBf]R I. — Introduction — Physical Growth of Canada — The Legend of Glooscap-
Cartier's First voyage — Winter at St. Croix Island (illustrated) — the Story of
Lady LaTour — the Story of the Loyalists.

NUMBER II.— The Cabots and their Voyages— The Settlement of Port Royal-
Physiography of Nova Scotia — An Acadian Marchioness — Chapter on Namea-
The Fort Cumberland Summons and Reply — The Siege of Penobscot.

NUMBER III.— General Coffin— Fort Cumberland— D'Anville's Expedition- Nicholu*
Denys' Description of the River St. John — Incidents in the Life of Lieut. Jame<
Moody — Story of the Big Bearer.

NUMBER IV.— Place-Names -French Canadian Life and Character— The Story of
Laura Secord — On the Study of Ancient Maps— A Scheme for the Contiuest of
Canada in 1746.

NUMBER v.— The Acadian People— The Battle of Lundy's Lane— The Peiinfield
Colony — History in Boundary Lines — The Physiography of New Brunswick.

NUMBER VI.— The Expulsion of the Acadiang— Frontenac and his Times— The War
Song — The Foundation of Halifax — The Hessians — The Capture of Mackinac in
1812— Founders of Fredericton. ;, I u:yM

NUMBER VII. — Inheritances from our Historic Past — Nicholas Denys — Traits of Indian
Character — The Maroons in Nova Scotia — The First Siege and Capture of Loui;
bourg — The Defence of Mackinac in 1814.

NUMBER VIII.— The Siege of Louisbourg in 1758— Villebon and Fort Nashwaak-The
Early Postal Service in British North America — The New England Movement to
Nova Scotia — General Campbell's Muster — The Acadian Land in Louisiana.

TERMS :

Subscription Price for the Series of Twelve Numbers Ib'^j

Price of each number (about thirty pages) 'l"

All orders promptly attended to. Sent post-I'.vid on receipt of price.

Address, G. U. HAY,

Educational Review, St, John, N. B.

EXPLORERS OF CANADA.

By Benjamin Sulte, F.R.S.C, Ottawa.

"The New Fonde Londe quhar men g-oeth a-fisching" wns seen
tirstby John Cabot in 1497, according to written documents of that
diite, l)ut tlie fishing grounds may have been known and utilized by
tlie Basques* a good while before tlien. The merit of Cabot consists
ill the divulgation of his own discovery, whilst the Basques would
keep it secret for themselves. The tablet placed June, 1897, at the
tiitranoe of the legislative building at Halifax describes the fact in
the following terms: "John Cabot first planted the flags of England
and Venice on the 24th June, 1497, on the northeastern seaboard of
North America." This cannot be denied ; nevertheless it cannot be
called the discovery of Canada. We all agree that it was the first
jtep towards the effective attempts of subsequent navigators. The
(ommittee who placed the tablet avoided misunderstandings by tlie
expression "north eastern seaboard of North America," because the
precise locality is a point in dispute — some believed it was Greenland,
Newfoundland perhaps, or perchance Cape Breton — but it seems clear
that Cabot did not know what kind of a country existed beyond the
headlands he visited. The same uncertainty surrounds the voyage of
his eon, Sebastien, in the following year.

Gaspar de Cortereal sailed from Portugal in 1500 and struck
Labrador. He entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence without making much
I of it. Of course he carried back with him a cargo of Indians and
sold them into slavery.

The Normands kept several vessels fishing around Newfoundland
land Magdalen Islands as early as 1504. Jean Denis, alias Rongnoust,
of Honfleur, published a map of the coasts of Newfoundland and
Ineighbouring places in 1506. One of the landing places on the great
lisland was called after him. Lescarbot says that the Basques, the
jNormands and the Bretons were regularly visiting the banks for the
Iparpose of fishing.

Thomas Aubert, of Dieppe, travelled through the Gulf in 1508.
pis said in the " History of Dieppe " that one of his vessels was com-
|inanded by Jean Verazzano, and that it went eighty leagues in the Gulf.

' Compare Port-aux-Baaques, note, p. 231 of this nnmber.

( 227 )

I 1

SylvanuH, in hib map of 1512, outlines the "Square GuU'" —
Golfo f/undrado.

Sebastian Cabot tried to find a passage to the west (1517) liy tlio
strait afterwards named from Henry Hudson, but failing in tliis he
coasted the continent without exploring the "Square Gulf " ; went
south as far as Florida, without landing anywhere.

Verazzano was closely connected with the merchants of Diofipe.
In 1523 the king of France commissioned him to go to aea on his (tlie
king's) account. He spent part of the following year in doing 8o.
From Florida to Newfoundland he looked for a passage, but reported
that the streams flowing into the Atlantic were all small, even tlif
Hudson River, which he saw because he entered the present port of
New York. He says of Newfoundland, that " it was known to the
Bretons in the old days." He styled the country from South Carolina
to Maine inclusively the New FVance. The fact that he had found no
large river caused the geographers to imagine that, behind a narrow
barrier of land and mountains, there was an ocean — the Sea of
Verazzano —a notion which lasted at least eleven years. Vera/zano
may have obtained some confused ideas of the Great Lakes, througli
the Indians of Virginia or Pennsylvania, but he knew nothinu- ot the
Saint Lawrence.

Cartier's mirfsion was to reach the Sea of Verazzano. His narrative
(1534) indicates that Labrador was regularly visited by the Frcncli a>
far as Nataskouan. He speaks of a large vessel from Rochello, which
he met in the Gulf. Coming back, the 3'ear after he passed Anticosti,
he was told by the Indians that higher up he would reach fresh
water. Sailing in that direction he discovered the St. Lawrence
through the whole length of the Province of Quebec.

Sixty years later, Champlain resumed the work at the point where
Cartier had left it (Montreal), and described Upper Canada. The
problem of the sources of the St. Lawrence remained unsolved until
about 1660. The Northwest was penetrated for the first time in 1731,
and we began to form a correct idea of the breadth of the continent
in 1745. Therefore no one man has discovered Canada; this wasl
accomplished by successive adventurers, each one having a certain
share of credit therefor, but Cartier's share is greater than that oi anyj
two expl orers put together.' vfc* ;/t.'M*.^^imsw:. > ^^-'

* All authorities are not in entire agreement with Mr. Suite on several of tlieforej
going points. — Editor.

( 228 )

NEWFOUNDLAND AS IT IS.'

' t

Bv Rkv. M. HARVKY.'St. John's, Newfoundland.

Anchored oft' the coast of North America, at no great distance from
the main land, lies the great Island of Newfoundland. Owing to a
variety of circumstances, very little is known regarding this island
and its inhabitants. Its isolation, the limited amount of its popula-
tion, *liO restricted character of its staple productions and commercial
relations, and the fact that its interior is even yet unexplored, sutH-
(ieiitly account for the ignorance that still prevails regarding it, and
the small amount of notice it has yet attracted. More than seventy
years ago Robert Burns described it as

" Some place far abroad,
Where sailors gang to fish for cod."

It may bo doubted whether, at this day, the bulk even of the
I educated classes, in Britain and America, know more of it than that
its dogs and fogs are on a gigantic scale. Doubtless, during the lant
I few years, Newfoundland has obtained world-wide renown as the spot
where the Atlantic cable finds the first resting-place for the delivery
of messages, as it emerges from "the dark, unfathomed caves of
ocean;"- and also because the recently laid French cable first rises
into the sunshine on the little island of St. Pierre, close to its shores ;
but beyond the fact that it is thus a kind of ganglionic centre for the
nerves that unite the Old World with the New, few know anything
[of it. Yet one might have fancied that its important position, its

' This ia condensed from an article which ap{)eared in Steiraii'H i^uarlerly, April,
1 1869, uiid is reproduced by the permission of the editor. The pleasing style in which it
is written, and the interest which attaches to this isolated colony, warrants its reproduc-
|tion in this series,

Siiirart'n Quarterly published at St. John, N. B., by Geo. Stewart (now Dr. Stewart,
|of the (Quebec Mercury,) for five years (1867-1872), was a magazine of much promise Ijoth
I fromu literary and historical point of view. With the corps of talented and brilliant
jcontributors that the young editor was able to gather around him from all jwirts of
ICanadii, it is not difficult to estimate the advantages that would have resulted to general
jcalture in the country had such a publication been accordetl a more generous financial
|«upport that would have insured its continuance.

' The first Anglo-American cable was laid in 1858, but after being in use for a little
|»hile it proved unworkable. A second attempt to lay a new cable in I8fi5 resulted in
pilure, but a third, in 1866, proved successful. There are now three Anglo-American
nblea between Ireland and Newfoundland.

( 229 )

11^

ii.

;

great extent, its vast undeveloped resources, its inexhaustible fisheries, j
would have prompted a greater curiosity regarding Newfoundland.
and that it would not have remained so long unknown or misknown.

. . . Here is an island considerably larger than Ireland, nearly
four times the size of Belgium, the most ancient of Britain's forty
colonies, lying within easy distance of England, and yet far less is
known of its inhabited interior than that of Africa ; its internal i>laiii,s
lakes, iijountain-rangep, are unmapped, its forests and river courses
are undetermined. About 150,000 people are sprinkled around its
1,000 miles of coast, and live chiefly by the harvest of the sea ; wliile
the interior is left to ihe deer, wolves and beavers. Scenery the!
grandest and loveliest maybe found within its boundaries ; ganje, ton.
for the sportsman in profusion, at certain seasons; together with tlie|
charm of gazing at scenes on which human eye may never have looked j
before; and of making discoveries in natural history, in geology, in j
botany, the importance of which may be very great. . . .

In form it may be described as an equilateral triangle, stretching I
right across the entrance of the great estuary of the St. Lawrence, to|
which it affords access both at its northern and southern extremities.
It reaches out toward Europe much farther than any other Amerieanl
land ; the distance from the port of St. John's, on its eastern shore, to
Valentia, on the west coast of Ireland, being but 1,640 miles. Nature
has thus planted it as the stepping-stone between the Old World aiidj
the New. The northern extremity of the island, which narrows
considerably, approaches within teti miles of the Labrador coast, t'ronij
which 't is separated by the Strait of Belle Isle, fifty miles in length
and about twelve u "cadth. The greatest length of Newfonndlamll
is 420 miles, its breadth 300. Its area may be roughly stated at
38,000 square miles. Thus it is more than twice as large as Nova!
Scotia and Cape Breton together, and greater by 11,000 square milesj
than the Province of New Brunswick. Prince Edward Island, with!
its area of 2,133 scjuare miles, might almost be sunk in Grand Pondi
and Indian Lake, two of Newfoundland's largest sheets of water. It|
is about one-fifth larger than Ireland, with its six millions of inhabit!
ants, and onti fourth larger than Scotland. . . .

. . It is needless to dwell on the commanding geographicalj
position secured by nature to Newfoundland. As a sentinel, fill
guards the entrance of the Gulf of the St. Lawrence ; and the key ofl

( ^SO)

('4'^

both river and gulf must ever be held by the natiou that has posses-
gion of Newf-'undland. Should the day ever come when an unfriendly
power shall occupy this great bastion of British America, a naval
t'orco, issuing from such an impregnable harbour as that of St. John's
could easily be made, would sweep th<^ commerce of the new dominion
from the neighboring seas, and comma id the whole northern Atlantic.
To give security and completeness to the Dominion of Canada, the
possession of Newfoundland is indispensable. Linked to Canada by
a railroad through the island, and a steam ferry across the few miles
of sea that sever it from the mainland,* Newfoundland will thus take
her natural place as one of the most important members of the 3'oung
confederacy," and will speedily rise into that importance and prosperity
which are her due, but which, while an isolated dependency of Britain
—a mere fishing station — she can never attain. To become the great
highway of travel and traffic between east and west, as the eastern
terminus of the Intercolonial railway' and one of the media through
whic'n the treasures of India, China and Japan may one day bo
poured into Europe, seems to be no dream of the imagination, but a
tangible reality'* which the near hereafter will witness, should New-
foundland only be true to herself and accomplish her "manifest

destiny."*

******

The much maligned climate of Newfoundland is, in reality, salu-
brious and invigorating in a high degree. That fog and cold drench-

' This ruilwii}", 5.50 mileM long, is now open fo. traffic, und ^un^ in nn irregular line
throii<,'h the island from St. John's in the south-east to l'ort-aux-Bas<iues in the south-
west corner. A steamer connects this port with Sydney, C. B., the etuitern tiuminus of
the Intercolonial railway — u distance of about eighty-five miles.

■■' Not yet consummated ; but the recent federation of the Australian colonies and
the rapid march of events toward imi)erial federation bring it nearer.

■' The construction of the Caimdian Pacific Railway " from ocean to ocean " anrl the
l'otn|Miny'a fine line of steamers which cross the Pacific from Vancouver to Yokohama
would seem to bring Mr. Harvey's dream nearer a reality. But three water-ways, one
across the Pacific and two on the Atlantic, with two intermeiliate lines of railway, though
Siviii},' ample variety and convenience to the passetiger, are not favorable to freight
traffic. Local considerations alone seemed to inipress the promoters of the pretont
Newfoundland railway, which is a light, narrow gauge system, and describes a semi -circle
throiii^h the island in.stcad of running directly across it. '.- he Trans-Siberian Railway,
that i^igantic project of the Russian government, has now o|tened up complete railway
communication l>etweon Eastern Asia and Western Kuro|)e.

' Here follows a iloscription of the fine harbors, the lakes and rivers of the interior ;
the af^rioultural capabilities of the island, — especially in the west ; the jirobable richnesa
uf itH mineral de|x)sit8, and the value and extent of '\t^ Hsherieo.

( 231 )

ing rains prevail in summer is a mistake, arising from the fact that
far out at sea, where the cold arctic current encounters the warm
waters of the Gulf Stream, fogs are very prevalent ; and voyager> infer
that because such is the case on the Banks, hundreds of miles from
the land, such must be the character of the climate in the island itHelt.
Nothing, however, could be farther from the truth. Newfouii(llan<l
is much freer from fog than either Nova Scotia or New Brunswick.
Only on one portion of the coast — the southern and houthern-wcstern
— does fog prevail, and that only during the summer montlis : the
eastern, northern and western shores are seldom enveloped in fog.
. . . Fogs, however, do very frequently envelop the south-wcstLrn
and southern shores in summer and frequently cause disastrous nljiji-
wrecks. . . . The more northerly set of the Gulf Stream diirini:
summer is the cause of this fog. Then its warm waters are \nn\v(n\
more to the south and west of the island, raising vast volunios of
steam, which spread from the Bay of Fundy as far north as St. JoIiii'h.
N. F., and are seen at sea like a huge wall of vapour, but never extend
far inland. The proximity of the Gulf Stream mitigates the severity
of the climate to such an extent that, as a general rule, the thermometer
rarely falls below zero in winter, aud that only for a few hours. . . .
The climate is insular — the temperature mild, but the weather variable.
The result is highly favorable to the health of the inhabitants, cnablin^f
them to do with open fireplaces in winter and to be much in tlif open
air. Visitors from the neighboring provinces are invariably struck
with the healthy hue of the people. . . . The blooming beauty
of the Newfoundland ladies, so often commented on, is nodoul)t j>artly
owing to this superiority of climate — the Gulf Stream having some-
thing to do with the painting of the delicate hues on their cheeks.

But what of the unknown and unexplored interior, that must be
little short of 400 miks in length and 260 in breadth? All tiiat is
known of this great region is to be gathered from the short narrative
of W. E. Cormack, Esq., a Scotchman, who, in 1822, attended by a
single Micmac Indian, crossed the island from Random Sound in {
Trinity Bay to St. George's Bay. This adventurous journtv was
performed amid great perilo and hardships, and the feat of the darin{;|
traveller has never been repeated by a white man. The narrative of
his journey is very brief, but is deeply interesting. The ditlit ultiesj

( 232 )

im^

may be judged of from the fact that he spent four months of incessant
toil in accomplishing his undertaking; and onl}' a man of iron nerves
ant] unflinching courage could have performed the task. He and his
attendant Indian took almost no provision with them, and supported
themselves on the game they were able to bring down with their
ffiins, encamping each night in the Indian fashion. During the first
ten (lays of the journey they struggled on through dense forests of
pine, fir, birch and larch, at intervals crossing marshes of peat covered
with grasses, rnwhes, etc., their course being due west, and a constant
ascent from the coast. In some of the forests the Kalmia oDgustifoUa
covers whole acres, presenting a most brilliant appearance ; and in
the woods, the jay, the Corvus Canadensis^ the titmouse, and wood-
pecker were heard, and the loud notes of the loon made the lakes
musical at night. At length the dense black forest was left behind,
and the travellers found themselves on the summit of a great ridge*
covered with scattered trees, reindeer moss, and loaded with partridge
and whortle berries. Coveys of grouse rose in all directions, and snipe
from every marsh. The birds of passage, ducks and geese, were fly-
ing to and fro from their breeding places in the interior ; tracks of
ilecr, of wolves fearfully large, of bears, foxes and martins, were seen
everywhere. The scene, on looking back toward the sea-coast, was
magnificent. Says the enthusiastic explorer :

In the westward, to our inexpreshibie delight, the interior broke in sub-
limity before us. What a contrast did this present to the conjecture enter-
tained of Newfoundland ! The hitherto mysterious interior lay unfolded before
us, a boundless scene, emerald surface, a vast basin. The eye strides again
iind again over a succession of northerly and southerly ranges of ^reen plains,
maibled with woods and lakes of every form and ext«mt, a picture of all the
luxurious scenes of national cultivation, recedinpf into invisil)leness. The
iinaj^itiation hovers in the distance, and clings involuntarily to the undulating
liorizon of vapour, far in the west, until it is lost. A new world seemed to
invjti- us onward, or rather we claimed the dominion and were impatient to
proceed and take possession. Primitiveness, omnipotence and trancjuillity were
^tamped upon everything so forcibly that the mind is hurled back thousande of
years. Our view extended more than forty miles in all directioni*. No high
land lK)unded the low interior to the west. We now descended into the bo»om
of the interior. The plains which shone so brilliantly are steppes or savannas^
in the form of extensive gentle undulating beds stretching northward and
louthward, with running waters and lakes, skirted with woods, lying between

( 283 ) ."' ^

&7:
hi-

] I n

them. Their yellow green surfaces are sometimes uninterrupted by cither
tree, shrub, rocks, or any inequality, for more than ten miles. They are
■chequered everywhere upon the surface by deep beaten deer paths, and are, in
reality, magnificent natural deer parks, adorned by woods and water. The
deer herd on them, in countless numbers, to graze. It is impossible todesoril)e
the grandeur and richness of the scenery, which will probably remain lonj;
undefaced by the hand of man.

It took the traveller nearly a month to cross this great savanna
■country, on which but one solitary mountain rises, named after his
Indian, Mount Sylvester. Throughout the whole extent innunierablt'
deer paths were v^bserved, the only species of" deer being the caribou,
a variety of the reindeer, but much finer than that which Norway or
Lapland can boast. Some were brought down by their guns, weigh-
ing six or seven hundred pounds, the venison being excellent and the
fat on the haunches two inches in thickness. Many thousands of
these noble deer were met on their periodical migration. In the
spring they disperse over the mountains and barren tracts in the west
and north-west division of the interior, to bring forth and rear their
young amidst the profusion of lichens and mountain herbage ; and
when the first frosts of October nip the mountain herbage they turn
toward the south and east. And so these countless herds of reindeer
have, for thousands of years, traversed the interior, undisturbed by
the sight of man. . . . Cormack's account presents us with the
picture of a country very similar to the condition of Britain in the
days of the Romans, and equally capable of being reclaimed and
cultivated, and of having its climate ameliorated by drainage and the
operations of the lumberer.

. . . When the richer lands of Canada and the United States
are occupied, we may reasonably hope that the tide of emigration will
take a new direction, and that the untenanted wilds we have been
describing will be transformed into the busy haunts of men.^

* There are other portions of this interesting article that we have not space f"i' liere

— the difficulties and dangers of the cod fishery on the Banks, so wetl illustiutetl in
Kipling's "Captains Courageous ;" the advantages to the Island of a confederation witli
illanada ; its commanding position as an international highway. Enougli has been givn
to arouse an interest in this oldest of English colonies in America. We hope to present
other articles on some of the subjects o}>ened up in this number.

Rev. Moses Harvey, LL.D., F.G.S., F.R.S.C, has been a resident of the iHliiiid for
nearly fifty years, and during that time has, by his writings and lectures, done more
than any other man to draw attention to the resources and capabilities of Newfouiulland.

— Editor.

• ( 234 )

THE HEROINE OF VERCHERES.

By Sir James M. LkMoink.

The early times of Canada teem with incidents most romantic :
feats of endurance — of cool bravery ; Christian heroism in its loftiest
phases ; acts of savage treachery of the darkest dye ; deeds of blood
and revenge most appalling ; adventurous escapes by forest, land and
and Mood, which would furnish the plot for tifty most fascinating
roniiinces. On reviewing which, one can readily enter into the mean-
ing of one of our late governors, the Earl of Elgin, who, in a despatch
to the Home Government, in speaking of the primitive days of the
colony, describes them as " the heroic times of Canada." The expres-
sion was as elo(|uent as it was truthful. The time is not far distant
when the traits of Canadian history will be as familiar to our youth
38 they are comparatively unknown at the present time. D'Iberville,
M'lle de Vercheres, LaTour, Dollard des Ormeaux, Lambert Close,
will yet, we opine, borrow from the magic wand of a Canadian Walter
Scott a halo of glory as bright as. that which, in the eyes of Scotia's
80118, surrounds a Flora Mclvor, a Jeannie Deans, a Claverhouse, or
a Rob Roy.

Let us for the present peer into that bright past, and present to th&
reader's view a youthful figure, which graced one of the proudest
epochs of Canadian history — the era of Frontenac.

It will be remembered that the Marquis de Tracy, in 1663, was
escorted to Canada by one of the crack French corps of the day — the
reginient of Carignan. Four companies (some 600 men) were shortly
after disbanded in New France : the officers and privates were induced,
by land grants and provisions, horses, and other marks of royal
favour, to marry and settle in the new world. One of the officers,
M. de Vercheres, obtained in 1672, on the St. Lawrence, where now
stands the parish of Verchc'res, a land grant of a league in depth
by one in length. The following year his domain received the acces-
sion of He (I la Pnive and He Lomjue^ which he had connected by
another grant of a league in length. There did the French officer

' The author of thin sketch is a well-known historian and naturalist of Quebec, and
i» a (locendant of the Le Moine family, so distinguished in the early history of North
America. The narrative, somewhat amendefl and improved, is substantially the samo'
as tlmt which appeare<l in Stewart's Quarterly, April; 1869, by the sam's author.— Editoe,

( 235)

build his dwelling, a kind of fort, in accordance with the custom of
the day, to protect him against the attacks of the Iroquois, " These
forts," says Charlevoix, " were merely extensive enclosures, surrounded
by palisades and redoubts. The church and the house of the seiiinnir
were within the enclosure, which was sufficiently large to adinit, on
an emergency, the women, children, and the farm cattle. One or two
sentries mounted guard by day and by night, and with small field
pieces, kept in check the skulking enemy, warning the settlers to
arm and hasten to the rescue. These precautions were sufficient to
prevent attack," — not in all cases, however, as we shall soon sec.

Taking advantage of the absence of M. de Vercheres, the Iro(|uois
drew stealthily round the fort, and set to climbing over the palisiides:
on hearing which, Marie Magdelenie Vercht-res, the youthful dauirliter
of the laird of Vercheres, seized a gun and fired it off. Alarmed, tlit
marauders slank away; but, finding they were not pursued, tlioy
soon returned and spent two days, hopelessly wandering round the
fort without daring to enter, as, ever and anon, a bullet would strike
them down at each attempt they made to escalade the wall. Wliat
increased their surprise, they could detect inside no living crouture
except a woman ; but this female was so intrepid, so active, so id)i-
quitous, that she seemed to be everywhere at once. She never ceased
to use her unerring fire-arms until the enemy had entirely disappeared.
The dauntless defender of fort VerchiiPes was M'lle de Verciirros:
the brave deed was done in 1690.

Two years subsequently, the Iroquois, having returned in lariror
force, had chosen the moment when the settlers were engaged in the
fields with their duties of husbandry to pounce upon them, bind tliem
with ropes, and secure them. M'lle Verch»'res, then aged nearly
fourteen, was sauntering on the banks of the river. Noticing one of
the savages aiming at her, she e \ded his murderous intent by rush-
ing towards the fort at the top of her speed ; but, for swiftne- "f
foot, the savage was a match for her, notwithstanding that terror
added wings to her flight, and with tomahawk upraised he gradually
closed o!i her as they were nearing the fort. Another bound, how-
ever, and she would be beyond his arm, when she felt the kcreiiief
which covered her throat seized from behind. It is then all u\) with
our resolute child ; — but quick as thought, and while the exulting
savage raises his hand for the fatal blow, the young heroine tears

( 236 )

asunder the knot which retained her garment, and bounding ike
gazelle within the fort, closes it instantly on her relentless pursuer,
who retains as an only trophy the French girl's kercliief.

To arms I to arms ! instantly rosonnds within the fort , and with-
out paying any attention to the groans of the women, who see from
the tort their husbands carried away prisoners, she rushes to the
bastion where stood the sentry, seizes a musket and a soldier's hat,
and causes a great clatter of guns to be made, so as to make believe
that the place is well defended by soldiers. She next loads a small
tield-piece, and not having at hand a wad, uses a towel for that pur-
pose, and tires off the piece on the enemy. This unexpected assault
inspired terror to the Indians, who saw their warriors, one after the
other, struck down. Armed and disguised, and having but one
soldier with her, she never ceased tiring. Presently the alarm reached
the neighborhood of Montreal, when an intrepid ofticer, the Chevalier
de Crisasi, brother of the Marquis de Crisasi, then governor of Three
Kivers, rushed to Vercheres at the head of a chosen band of men ;
I but the savages had made good their retreat with their prisoners.
[After a three days' pursuit, the Chevalier found them with their
I captives securely entrenched in a wood on the borders of Lake Chani-
j plain. The French ofticer prepared for action, and after a most bloody
encounter the redskins were utterly routed — all cut to pieces, except
those who escaped ; hit the prisoners mere released,. The whole [
I New France resounded with the fame of M'lle Vercheres' court
and she was awarded the name of the " Heroine of Verchi-res,' *
[title which posterity has ratitied.

Another rare instance of courage on her part crowned her exploits,
laml w as also the means of settling her in life. A Frenc!i commander,
M. dt' Lanaudiere de la I'erade, was pursuing the Iro((Uois in the
iieighhorhood, some historians say, of the river Richelieu, others say
lot' the river St. Anne, when there sprang unexpectedly out of the
pndi'ihrush myriads of these implacable enemies, who rushed on M.
|<le la I'erade unawares, lie was just on the point of falling a victim
jiii this ambuscade, when M'lle de Vercheres, seizing a musket and
llieading some resolute men, rushed on the enemy, and succeeded in
pciiing the brave ofticer. She had indeed made a conquest, or
IfatlitM- became the conquest of M. de la Perade, whose life she had
pms saved. Henceforward, the heroine of Vercheres shall be knowa

(237 )

i i

;» - y

by the name of Madame de la Lanaudiere de la Perade, her husltand
a wealthy seigneur. Some years later the fame of her daring actH
reached the French king, Louis XIV, who instructed the Man^uis of
Beauharnaia, the Governor of Canada, to obtain from herself a written
report of her brilliant deeds. Her statement concludes with most
noble sen'jmonts, denoting not only a lofty soul, but expressed in
such dignified and courteous language as eftectually won the admira-
tion of the great monarch. Madelcnie, or Madelon, do Verclitres"
career has been graphically described by the lion. Mr. Justice George
Baby, I'resident of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society ot
Montreal, her distinguished descendant.

Madame de la Perade, ne'e Vercheres, died on the 7th of August.
1737, at St. Anne de la Perade, near Montreal. She is the aneestor
of the late seigneur de L'Industrie, near Montreal, the lion. Gaspard
de Lanaudiere, whoso ancestors, for two centuries, shcie either in the
senate or on the battle-fields of Canada.

M'lle Vercheres' career exhibits another instance of the sentimeiils
which inspired the first settlers of Canadian soil, and by her l)irtli,
life and death gives the lie direct to the wholesale slanders, with
which travellers like Baron Lahontan have attempted to brand the
pioneers of New France.

THE RETURN OF THE ACADIANS.

Edited by J. Vroom.

Sad indeed was the fate of the exiled Acadians ; and the story ttt
their expatriation, to one who has learned it as the author of " Evange-
line" has told it in immortal verse, is hard to unlearn.

Able writers have contended that the presence of the Acadians as
neutrals was a menace to the safety of the English settlern in Nova
Scotia after the renewal of hostilities with France, and that their
deportation, therefore, was quite justifiable as a war measure; yet
such, according to the results of recent research, was not the opinion
of the British governmen at the time. Col. Lawrence, then the
governor of Nova Scotia, and his council, most of whom were Boston- j
ians, were directly resfJofleible for the deed ; which was done with the

(238 )

assistsiiice, if not at the suggestion, of the Massachusetts authorities.
When Gov. Lawrence transmitted to the king's ministers, by the
slow conveyance of that day, his plans for the removal of the French
inliabitants, he was promptly forbidden to put them into execution.
This merciful inhibition, however, came too late. Without authority,
ill tho days of Argall and Poutrincourt, the long series of the English
colonial expeditiouB against the Acadians began ; without due sanction,
Lawrence and Shirley brought about its fearful close ; and the lovely
land of Evangeline must ever bear the shadow of the wrong, though
there is good reason to believe that the English residents of the pro-
vince were as innocent of complicity in the matter, and as quick to
show their disapproval, as were the home authorities who forbade it.
Readers of " Evangeline," some of whom know little else of the
history of Nova Scotia, have learned from it (with the misunder-
standing as to the attitude of the British government, which I have
here attempted to correct,) the pathetic story of the removal of the
Acadians from their homes, that they might be scattered and lost
laiDong the English colonists. The story of the return of the exiles,
many of whom did at length get back to their native land, is not so
widely known. The following extracts are taken from an account of
the overland journey given by Richard in his "Acadia," quoting
Ifrom Rameau^:

When peace was concluded in 1763, out of about 6,500 Acadians who had

I been deported, there remained a little more than one-half. Often had they in

vain begged the authorities to allow them to leave the place of their exile ; but

after the peace their homeward rush was resistless. Divers groups made for

Canada, where they settled

Those who had not been able to join this exodus met together three years
|l»ter, in the spring of 1766, at Boston, with the intention of wending their
Uay back to their lost and lamented Acadia. There then remained in foreign
|l»nd8 only a small minority, riveted to the spot by infirmity or extreme want.

The heroic caravan which formed in Boston, and determined to cross the
Iforest wilderness of Maine on its return to Acadia, was made up of about
Uight hundred persons. . . . No one will ever know all that these unfor-
jtanate people, forsaken and forgotten by everybody, suffered as they hewed
Itheir way through the wilderness ; the many years gone by have long since
htilled the echoes of their sighs in the forest, which itself has disappeared ; all

* Pp. 142-144 of Calnek's " History of Annapolis," in which there is a very full
liKnsftion of the whole subject by the editor, Judge Savary.

(239 )

;

:. *

the woea of these hapless beings are now lost in the shadows of tht* past:
others are joyously reaping harvests on their obliterated camping gromids, and
there hardly remains aught but a few dim traditions of this sublime and sorrow-
ful exodus scattered among the fireside tales of aged Acadians on the l!ay of
Fundy.

Til the wild paths that wound in and out through the interminable forests
of Maine, this long line of emigrants walked painfully on. There were sinall
groups of women and children, dragging the slender baggage f)f nnsery ; while
the men, scattering hither and thither, sought in the chase, in fishini,', aiul
even in wild roots, something wherewith to feed them. There were very small
children, who were hardly able to walk, and were led by the hand, tlu* lari,'pi
children carrying them from time to time. Many of these unfortunate niotlurs
held an infant in their arms ; and the cries of these poor babes were the only
sound that broke the gloomy and dismal silence of the woods.

While this sorrowful caravan advanced, some indeed were found whose
failing strength refused to carry them any farther ; however, all did not
succumb, and one after another a few groups remained along the road to form
the nuclei of future colonies. It was thus that, on the banks of the river St.
John, several families fixed their abode amid the ruins of the settlement'^
formerly occupied by the French in this district

When the column of exiles, thinned out by the fatigues of the journey,
reached the banks of the Petitcodiac, they had been four months on the road,
There, at length, they could taste a few moments of respose and consolation.
The first to come out at the foot of the wooded mountain-range along this river
met there some men, half-hunters, half-husbandmen, who spoke their lan<,'Uiige,
and among whom they were not slow to recognize fellow-countrymen ami
relatives

Unfortunately, after this first burst of joy, they had to suffer great heaviness
of heart. They had cherished the hope that, away on the other side of the
Bay of Fundy, at Beausejour, Beaubasain, Grand Pre, Port Royal, they would
find once more their lands, and, perhaps, their houses ; that they mii,'lit lie
allowed to settle on the farms which were not yet occupied. But they soon
realized that all this was a dream. Everything had been allotted to their
persecutors, or to new colonists. The great and painful journey they luxd just
made was now useless ; they had no longer either home or country

However, a certain number of them could not believe that all was lost. .
Fifty or sixty families, men, women and children, once more set out : they
rounded the innermost shore of the old Baie Franqaise, which had now become
Fundy Bay. Everything was changed ; English names, English vilUvges.
English inhabitants ; wherever they appeared they looked like ghosts come
back from a past age ; nobody had thought of them for a long time. The

( 240 )

children were frightened at \'hem, the women and the men were annoyed, as
by a threatening spectre from the grave, everybody was angry with them, and
the poor wretches dragged themselves from village to village, worried and worn
out hy fatigue, hunger and cold, and a despair that grew at every hulting-
pliice

The wretched Acadians, not knowing whither to go, allowed themselves to
lie led, and so ended by stranding on the shore of St. Mary's Bay, where lands
were 1,'ran ted to them on December 23rd, 1767. Thus, without countir)g the
loiijj tramps they had to undertak(; to meet together in lioston, they had
traversed on foot a distance of about a thousand miles before reaching the end
of thrir journey. '. . .

During many subsecjuent years there were numerous migrations. Acadians
arrived from France, from the West Indies, from Ijouisiana, Canada and the
United States ; going from one settlement to another in search of a father, a
mother, a brother, a relative whose whereabouts they had not yet found.
Often death had claimed the long-sought one ; sometimes, on the other hand, he
timt was supposed to be dead was unexpectedly discovered. Slowly the scattered
nitmlters of one family succeeded, not infrecjuently, in all getting together once
more. Those who were in better circumstances collected their poorer brethren
around them; the bereavements of the past were gradually softened by new
ties, and finally each group took on the aspect of a distinct and homogeneous
I community.

LOCATION OF THE ACADIANS IN NOVA SCOTIA.

By Annie Marion MaoLkan, M. A., I'm. D.

Considerably over a century has passed since the meadow lands of
[Grand Pre witnessed the expulsion of a whole people from the soil
I which they and their fathers had tilled and loved and cherished ; but
the yi'urs as they have gone have not dulled tlie interest of humaiiity
in the pathetic story connected with that expulsion. There is a very
[witoliery of fascination about the old and the new Acadian settle-
ments in Nova Scotia. The romance of the past is slumbering there,
and stores of historic records are in their possession only waiting to
[yield themselves to the earnest investigator.'

Tlie Acadians are not found to-day in their old haunts. The
homes that were theirs before the fateful days of the expulsion are
theirs no longer. Their old lands are now occupied chiefly by

' It might be a matter of inquiry, however, if these records are really in existence,
how tliey could have escaped the scrutiny of Uaudet and other investigators of this
lintere-stine subject. — Editok.

( 241 )

IMAGE EVALUATION
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Sdences
Corporation

23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, NY. 14580

(716) 872-4503

^9>

«^

ii J

descendants of the Kew England immigrants ^ and United Empire
Loyalists, and no living trace of the former dwellers is found. Grand
Pre is as thoroughly English as though it had never been the centre
of French prosperity. Tradition alone remains to tell the tale of the
past. The name itself is very generally anglicized, the French pro-
nunciation being retained chiefly by those who cling to the belief that
the retention of the old names gives more historic interest to the
country. Even Annapolis, the old town at the head of the beautiful
basin which attracted the French voj^agers nearly three hundred years
ago, is wholly English. The placid river no longer knows the paddle
of the Frenchman's skiff; no more are seen the dark-eyed Norman?
going about their daily tasks and singing songs of contentmeiit.

The Cobequid of by-gone days is the bustling Truro of the present,
and the Beaubassin of the past has but few French now. The heart
of the old Piziquid has gone up in flames. In October, 1897, the
historic town of Windsor was swept away by fire, and the old part
left as desolate as it was after the French had fled one hundred and
fifty years before, when the English officers burned the houses and
,barn8 of the once prosperous Acadian peasants. The fertile fields and
dykes of the Canard no longer give forth of their abundance to the
descendants of the first white settlers. Beaubassin, Cobequid, Piziquid,
Grand Pre, Canard and Annapolis are dead to the French now,
though for so long the scenes of flourishing Acadian settlements.
The French villages of the present have been built within the last
century and a half. Between 1768 and 1772 the exiles began to
return to the peninsula, and those who had fled to the woods to |
venture out again. The Acadians live on the lands that cling to the
open sea. Their chief settlements are in Digby, Yarmouth, Antigonieb
and Cape Breton.

In cold, unfriendly places these people dwell ; but they always I
Beem happy and contented and undisturbed by the progress of their
neighbors. The French form a considerable proportion of the popula-
tion of Nova Scotia. Out of a total of 450,396 there are 29,838
French, or about six per cent of the whole, according to the Dominion
census of 1891. It is interesting to note the number of French in the|
counties which were theirs before the expuloion. Annapolis a
Kings have but ten each ; Hants has eight, while Cumberland and

' See Professor Ganong's '* The New England Movement to Nova Scotia." NumberJ
VIII, pp. 216-219 of this Series.

( 242 )

Colchester have sixty-nine and forty -three respectively. Digby has now
8,065, and Yarmouth has 7,169. Shelburne is the only county which
(Iocs not report a Frenchman; Lunenburg has but one, and Queens two.
The largest and one of the most interesting of the Acadian settle-
ments is on St. Mary's Bay, extending along from within a few miles
of it;, head to where its waters are lost in the ocean, in all a distance
of about thirty miles. It is a unique village, stretched out- so many
miles along the sea, and foUovving the indentations and projections of
the shore. There is only one street, the back lands affording homes
to but few. The French, since the expulsion, have never been drawn
to the interior of the province, and all their villages are near the
coast. When they returned, after their wanderings, they moored
their crafts in the friendly coves where they could, unseen, watch the
movements of the British ships, if any chanced to be about.

The whole settlement on St. Mary's Bay is called Clare, though
the various sections of it are known by different names. This is the
best known of all the places where Acadians now dwell. It is the
largest, and in many way« the most interesting of the villages. The
country itself is remarkably picturesque and easy of access. Second
in size to this village, or, rather, series of villages, is the one along
the Atlantic coast in Yarmouth County. This will probably become
better known in the next few years, as the country has recently been
opened up by a railroad. The villages here are about equal in advance-
ment to those of Digby, with perhaps more poverty in places than
can be found even in the backland portions of Clare.

The French settlement in Antigonish is a peculiar one. It is more
isolated than the others. The people are poor and they seldom go
away from home. They live on year after year, never dreaming that
the world holds things they know not of. Tracadie is a barren land,
and the winds from the Strait of Northumberland unfriendly.

Cape Breton is divided to-day between French and Scotch ; and
the former, in all their primitiveness, may be found there. The
French in Cape Breton, of course, were never driven from their lands ;
as the island was French territory in 1755, when "the once prosper
0U8 Acadian peasants " were ejected from the peninsula. One must
always bear this distinction in mind when considering the French
population in the two divisions of the province. In the one we have
new settlements, effected after the return of the exiles ; in the other
We have a people who have lived on practically undisturbed for nearly

(243)

'I; ,;«

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Ur.

IV;;

IIP

»■ I

three centuries. The main interest must always attach to the Acadians
in the peninsula, for the very reason that they have had sucli an
unusual history. They are a unique people in a picturesque setting.
The lands they now occupy are in no way equal to those they tilled
before the days of the deportation ; the latter are rich and fertile, and
most valuable to their owners ; the former, as has been said, are mof;tly
barren shore lands.

Such, then, is the location of the Acadians. The average Nova
Scotian is barely conscious of the coast settlements that have grown
up and support a thoroughly French population ; but those at all

NOVA SCOTIA

Wester Co CMCniums

■ilk.

acquainted with early Acadian history cannot fail to feel an interest in
the remnant of a race which endured so much hardship at the hands
of a conquering one ; and to those the present Acadian lands must
be of more than passing moment. They are on the outskirts of the
province, and one does not ordinarily pass through them; but all can
at least know something about the settlements geography ''ally. An
inspection of the accompanying map and table may serve as »*emiiider
that the Acadians are a people not only of the past, but of thv; present
as well, and that they are a growing force to be reckoned with in the
future development of our loved province.

( 244 )

DISTRIBUTION OF FRENCH.

County.

Inverness . . ,
Victoria . .
Cape Breton,
lllclimond. .
Guysboro . .
Halifax ....
Lunenburg. .
(Queens . . . . ,
Shelburne . .
Yarmouth . .

i>igi>y

Annapolis . .

ivings

Hants

Cumberland
Colchester . .
Pictou

Antigonish

Total ,

Total
Population.

No. of French.

Proportion of
French.

25,779
12,432
34,244
14,399
17,195
71,358
31,075
10,610
14,956
22,216
19,897
19,350
22,459
22,052
34,529
27,160
34,541
16,114

450,396

4,153

207

6,138

156

766

7,169

8,065

2,948

29,838

.16

.004

.006

.43

.009

.02

.OOOOS

.0002

.32

.40

.0005

.0004

.OOOS

.002

.0015

.001

.18

.06 +

' V, V;

THE LOYALISTS IN OLD NOVA SCOTIA.

By Rev. W. O. Raymond, M.A.

For the purpose of this paper we may consider the old Province of
Nova Scotia as co-extensive with the present Maritime Provinces of
Caiiada. .,

Tlie number of Loyalists who came to the old province of Nova
Scotia at the close of the American Revolution is generally stated as
from thirty to thirty-five thousand. This statement admits of some
qualiiication. It is difficult to fix the exact number of those commonly
I included under the term " Loyalists," who were at one time or another
1 resident within the confines of the Atlantic Provinces, for the simple
reason that there was for several years a coming and going, and as a
oonsequence the Loyalists were never all in the country at one and

;

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( 245)

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the same time. Some of the first to arrive grew discontented at the
outlook, and after a few months removed elsewhere, or returned to
the United States ; others kept coming from various parts of the old
colonies, and from England and the West Indies — where they had
sought a temporary asylum.

With respect to the number of Loyalists who came to Nova Scotia,
a few opinions of those whom one might suppose to be competent to
speak with authority may be quoted. Edward Floyd de Lancey, of
the New York Historical Society., a careful and judicious student of
the Revolutionary epoch, made a personal examination of the records
at Halifax^ some years ago, and expressed himself as satisfied that
the Loyalist emigration amounted to at least 35,000 men, women and
children.

Sir Brook Watson states: "In 1783, as commissary general to the
army, it became my duty, under command of Sir Guy Carleton. to
embark 35,000 Loyalists at New York to take shelter in Nova Scotia."

Governor Parr wrote to General Haldimand early in the year 1 784
that the number of Loj^alists who had arrived in Nova Scotia was
30,000. He makes a similar statement in a letter to Lord North.

The most exact statement I have met, however, is that contained
in a letter from a gentleman in England, dated May 24, 1784, to a
friend in Shelburne,^ in which the following paragraph occurs :

I have the satisfaction to communicate the following extract, which at the
request of the General (Sir Guy Carleton) was given to me by the Secretary of
the Treasury : *' Orders are given to victual the Loyalists in Nova Scotia,
being 33,682, whereof 4,691 are under ten years, at two-thirds provisions.
from the first of May, 1784, to the first of May, 1785, and from that period at
one-third allowance to the first of May, 1786, estimating the whole ration at
one pound of flour and one pound of beef, or twelve ounces of pork. The
children under ten to have a moiety of the allowance mad to grow^n persons.

This statement exceeds considerably the figures contained in the
muster made by order of General Campbell in 1784, which gives the
total of those mustered as 28,347, whereof 4,575 were under ten years
of age. In comparing the two statements it must be borne in niinu
that all who came to Nova Scotia are not included in General Carap-
bell's muster, the instructions to the muster-masters expressly stating

* See History of New York during the Revolationury War, by Judge Thomas
Jones, Vol. ii, p. 507.

' See the Royal St. John's Gazette and Nova Scotia Intelligencer of Sept. 9, 1 7H4.

(246)

<■ ■» L ,.~ -T'*

that such as were in situations to support themselves by trade or
professions, as well as those who were dissolute and indolent, should
not partake of the royal bounty of provisions. The muster-masters
found that many were not on the lands assigned them. Some had
engaged in the fishery, others had sought employment in the towne,
and a few were sufficiently independent not to require provisions ;
doubtless some had already left the country, while others expected
had not yet arrived. The general muster would not, therefore,
include all who, at one time or another, came to Nova IScotia. On
the other hand, the figures of the Secretary of the Treasury, 3^),68'2,
;iro liable to exception from the fact, noted by Thomas Knox in his
letters to Colonel Edward Winslovv, that rations were drawn for
families expected to arrive in the country shortly, and for nominal
servants in the families of some of the oflicers. Among those expected
to arrive may have been those Loyalists — and there were a consider-
able number — who, during the war, or at the time of the evacuation
of New York, retired to England to present their claims to the
Imperial government for compensation for losses and sacrifices conse-
tjuent upon their adherence to the crown.

A conservative estimate places the number of those commonly
designated as Loyalists, who came to the Maritime Provinces at the
close of the Revolution, as fully 30,000 souls. The question now
arises : Should all who are included in this number be classed as
Loyalists? Certainly not. The evidence of Major General Campbell's
muster on this head is exceedingly valuable. My analysis, however,
must be imperfect, for the reason that I have not been able to obtain
a copy of the report of Captain George Stewart, by whom the
Loyalists were mustered who settled along the Nova Scotia side of
the Bay of Fundy to the eastward of Annapolis — in number more
than 2,000 souls.

An examination of the returns of the muster-masters available
I shows that under the general designation, "Loyalists Settling in
jNova Scotia," were included at least five distinct classes, namely,
[1. Loyalists who had served in arms in organized corps ; 2. Loyalists
not enrolled in any military organization ; 3. Disbanded British
Regulars; 4. Disbanded Ileasiao and German troops; 5. Negroes.
I A few observations on each class will be in order :

1. The corps of organized Loyalists undoubtedly contained the

(247 )

iii

3 ' '.'■

I*'

:■■■ iiirvvfrv"^

!:«■

ffiii

most pronounced and aggressive element among those who favored
the King's cause in America ; yet even here the element enlisted was
exceedingly diverse in character. For example, the 84th Reginitiit,
or "Young Royal Highland Emigrants,"' was classed among the
Loyalist or Provincial Regiments, although it was raised principally
from among the Scottish immigrants arriving at that time in the
United States or Nova Scotia. The Loyal Nova Scotia Volunteers
were raised chiefly in Nova Scotia. The Royal Fencible AmericaiiiJ
were raised in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland. These corps were
never OLit of Nova Scotia, and were disbanded there at the peace, ])i]t
they are included among the Loyalists. Many of the men of the
Queen's Rangers, the British Legion, DeLancey's first and seooiul
battalions, and other corps, were immigrants, chiefly Irish, enlisted at
New York. The Royal Garrison Battalion was mustered as a Loyalist
corps and disbanded in Nova Scotia ; nevertheless it included compara-
tively few Loyalists, the majority being oflicers and soldiers of the
British Regulars who had been invalided and sent to Bermuda to
recuperate. This will suflfice to show the composite character of the
British American regiments. Doubtless, by far the larger proportion
were natives of America, but there were many and important
exceptions.

2. As regards the second class — Loyalists not enrolled in any
military organization — an analysis of General Campbell's muster
shows that there is even here a small percentage {ojily a small percent-
age, be it observed,) that can hardly come under the head " Loyalist"
as commonly understood. For example, 208 individuals were mustered
at Halifax as " Objects of Charity." Of these unfortunates the follow-
ing account is given by Edward Winslow :

" The good people of England collected a whole shipload of all kinds of
vagrants from the stieets of London and sent them out to Nova Scotia, (h-eat
numbers died on the passage of various disorders — the miserable remnant are
landed here. Such as are able to crawl are begging for provisions at my
door."2

There were included in the muster at the River St. John 23o
individuals who were in reality old inhabitants of the country, but

' See the account of this corps in History of Pictou County, by Rev. Geo. Patterson,
page 119.
' '^ See Murdoch's History of Nova Scotia, Vol. iii, pp. 34. 35. ''

(248) - ■ - ^ ,

'ttvored
ed WHS

ng the
Qci pally

in tlie
luntoers
nerican?
ps wore
sace, but
1 of the
I second
ilisted at

Loyalist
coniy)ava-
rs of the
rmuda to
,er of the
iroportion
mportant

in any
16 muster

I percent-
jLoyalist"

mustered
e follow-

II kinds of

tia. < 'I'Pi^t
pmnant are
Ions at my

Ijohn 233
intry, but

lo. Patterson,

were allowed provisions on account of their indigent circumstances.
However, there are comparatively few in this class of whom there
can be any question as to their right of being considered American
Loyalists, liut with regard to the three classes that are to follow
there seems to be greater difficulty.

3. Rather more than 2,000 British Regulars were disbanded in
N^ova Scotia at the close of the war,^ and these, with their families,
conii)riaing in addition upwards of 600 women and 500 children, were
iiicltided in General Campbell's muster. It is difficult to see upon
what basis this cltiss could be regarded as Loyalists in the commonly
accepted use of the word.

4. General Campbell's muster shows 70 Hessians settled at
Argyle (women and children included), 57 at Shelburne, 12 at Chester,
and 59 Germans at Nine Mile River. The principal settlement of
these foreign troops was, however, at Bear River and Clements, in
Annapolis County, where more than one hundred of them settled
with their families. They were principally Waldeckcrs and Hessians,
and their, settlements were originally known as the ''Waldeck" and
"Hessian" lines. This class of settlers probably did not exceed 500
persons in all Nova Scotia, and was not important, numerically.

5. As regards the number of negroes who came wjth the Loyal-
ists, only an estimate is possible, but their number was about 3,000.

[General Campbell's muster shows there were 1,522 at Shelburne, 182
lat the St. John River, 270 at Guysborough, 211 in Annapolis County,
and smaller numbers at a great variety of places, many of whom were
slaves. Those returned at Shelburne, the River St. John and Guys-
borough were free negroes who had been emancipated by proclamation
[of Sir Henry Clinton, and whom Sir Guy Carleton had refused, at the
|dose of war, to deliver up to their former masters. A considerable
lumber of negroes settled at Digby, and others at Clements and Gran-
Inlle formerly belonged to the Loyalist corps known as the Black
iPioneers.g In General Campbell's muster we find 1,232 individuals
Ireturned as servants. The majority of these were doubtless negroes,

' The locations and numbers (women and children not included) were nearly as
Jollows : Shelburne 833, River St. John 199, Passamatiuoddy 153, Pictou and Meri-
»nish 190, Guysborough 265, P. E. Island 65, Chester 50, besides a considerable number
|l"ng the south shore of the Bay of Fundy, at Annapolis and elsewhere.

Miev. Jacob Bailey, in 1784, speaks of a settlement of 65 families of negroes, oqe

Mle from Digby, and says there were others at AnnajKjlis.

■ - . . •

( 249 )

\ma^i!i

many of them slaves in the families of the more well-to-do amonfj; tho
Loyalists. Doubtless the Black Pioneers who served the King in jiims
had every claim to be considered as Loyalists, and others should be
placed in the same category ; but it is at least a debatable question,
whether all the negroes who availed themselves of the opportunity
afforded by the war to escape from slavery are to be classed as Loyalists.
The question has been asked: "What proportion of the 30,000
Loyalists who came remained as permanent settlers in the Maritime
Provinces?" This is a matter of opinion, and must remain so,
Comparatively few of the old soldiers remained on the lands assigned
them, and many left the country. Of the negroes, 1,200 were trans-
ported to Sierra Leone in 1792. Many of the Loyalists, out of
consideration for the education of their children and motives less
praiseworthy, returned to the United States. The attractions of
Upper Canada — now the Province of Ontario — sufficed to draw-
thither p^me of the best blood of the Loyalists of the Maritime
Provinces. Probably rather less than twenty thousand remained a^
permanent settlers within the confines of old Nova Scotia.

THE ASSAULT OF MONTGOMERY AND ARNOLD OX

QUEBEC, 1775.1

By Sir James M. LeMoink, F.R.S.C.

Every country has in its history particular dates which, after a
lapse of years, become, so to speak, crystallized in the minds of the
people. One may mark a victory ; another may commemorate a
defeat ; a third record a public calamity. Champlain's old fortress is]
no exception to the rule.

It is, therefore of paramount importance that the annalist, in tliej
accomplishment of his sacred trust, should give a true record of pastl
events, sparing neither time nor research in unravelling the tangled!
vv^eb of the occasionally obscure, dry-as-dust documents on which
date may rest.

• This article is re-printed, with the consent of the author, from proof sheets of m
forthcoming volume of the Proceedings of the Royal Society (1899). The full title il
** The Assault of Brigadier-General Richard Montgomery and Colonel Benedict Arnoltj
on Quebec ia 1775. A Red-letter Day in the Annals of Canada." — Editor.

( 250 )

on if; th&
in arms
oulA be
question,
ortnnity
iOyaVists.
e 30,000
Vlantinn!
main so.
assigned
ive trans-
8, ont of
►lives less
ictions of
to tlraw
Maritime
mained a:^

The day when Quebec's brave defenders saved the province to the
British crown, in 1775, is without doubt, by its far-reaching resultn,
one of those unforgettable epochs in its history.

It was accordingly a surprise to me, on perusing Dr. Kingsford's
elaborate work on Canada, to find that so far I had wrongly read
history ; tl)at, in fact, the gallant surviving militia officers, who
aiinnalb for more than twenty seasons comrpemorated within our
walKs by a public banquet (of which such flourishing accounts occurred
in Neilson's "Quebec Gazette,") the repulse of Montgomery and
Arnold at Pres-de-Ville and the Sault-au-Matelot, had seemingly for-
gotten the exact day on which they had fought and won ; that the
glorious date I had taken especial pride in recording in many of my
works was wrong ; that the innumerable despatches, letters, memoirs
and diaries left by eye-witnesses or by reliable writers were also wrong
as to the time of the fight ; that, in fact, the ever-memorable assault
liad taken place, not on the morning of the 31st of December, 1775,
as was generally believed, but on that of the 1st of January, 1776.

The doctor's statement, which had startled many other students
of Canadian history besides myself, caused me to look up the historical
sources on which my opinion was based.

In order to elucidate the subject fully I decided to consult other
writers on Canadian annals, such as Rev. Abbe H. Verreault, of
Montreal, and Dr. N". E. Dionne, of Quebec, both fellows of the Royal
Society. I also resolved to have searches made in the archives and
libraries of the United States.

As a preliminary, it occurred to me to look up the Roman Catholic

arish church register of Quebec, considered so justly a reliable and

ccurate record of marriages, births and deaths '='ince the foundation

f the colony.

I therein read of the burial of a French Canadian, by name Louis

allerand, on the 1st January, 1776; the said Vallerand was killed

the engagement at Quebec the day previous, viz., the 31st Decem-

rd of pastfc 1775.

he tangledB In order to abridge the array of authorities which can be put forth
« the task before me I shall, with Dr. Dionne's permission, confine
yself to quote the leading authorities contained in his able dissertation,
addition to my own.
The doctor, after alluding to the accounts of the banquets com-

OLD 0^^

ich, after a
[nds of the
lemorate a
fortress i*

ilist, in

thel

which

sheets of tbi
le full title
jnedict Arnold

■'m

(251)

, V, .'■»•,•> •-^.''-: J ■>

■•■ %■

memorating the repulse of Montgomery and Arnold, to be found in the
columns of the old " Quebec Gazette," 1776, 1779, etc., says : " Tlie
* Quebec Herald ' of the 14th January, 1790, mentions the uninial
banquet as follows: 'Thursday last, being the 31st December, the
Veterans held their annual dinner.' " He quotes an extract of a letter
written six days after the engagement by General Wooster to Colonel
Warner, both distinguished officers of the Continental army :

" With the greatest distress of mind," writes the general, " I now sit down
to inform you of the event of an unfortunate attack made upon Quebec between
the hours of four and six of the morning of the ."5 1st December last."

Then comes a passage taken from the journal of an Englisb oificor
present at the siege, and inserted in W. Smith's "History of Caiiiula.'
as follows : " 31st December, Mr. Montgomery, with 900 of the hist
men, attacked Pres-de-Ville, and Arnold, with 700 chosen fellows,
attacked at Sault-au-Matelot."

"We have next the statement of an eye-witness, one who saw al'
that took place before, pending and after the assault of December.
1775, viz., an extract of a pastoral letter from no less a personage than
the Roman Catholic bishop of Quebec, Monsignenr Briand. It is
dated 29th December, 1776. This dignitary takes occasion to recall
the memorable engagement as a subject for congratulation to his Hook.
" "What," says his lordship, " are our feelings on the happy and glorious |
event of the 3l8t December, 1775 ! "

Bishop Briand, a resident of Quebec, surely could not have been]
mistaken as to the date in alluding to such a recent occurrence !

Dr. Dionne also puts forth an important document, the text of tliej
inscription on Richard Montgomery's tombstone at St. Paul's Church.
New York, showing "Slst December, 1775," as the date of his deatli.f
This inscription was prepared by Benjamin Franklin. Is it likely tliatj
such an eminent man as Dr. Franklin should have inserted this datel
thoughtlessly and without consulting well-informed persons on thin
subject ?

Among United States travellers who have published books on the
compaign of 1775, Dr. Dionne mentions the following : Sansom,' Sillij
man,* and a well-known American writer on the battles of 1775-81J

* " Sketches of Lower Canada, Historical and Descriptive, with the Author^
Recollections, 1817," p. 631.

' " Remarks made on a Short Tour between Hartford and Quebec in the Anturoin
18191820," p. 284.

(352) v,:-^-^.

10 I

'II

cl ill the

" The

annual

ber, tlio

[" a 1 otter

I Colonel

! sit (lo\vi»
!C between

isb otficcr
CauiuVa."'
f tiu' \wi\
1 fellowii,

ho saw all
Decoiulter.
)nage than
md. ItiJ
pn to recall
his tlock, '
id glorious

have been
ence '.

ext of tlie

Ciuircli.

his (leatli

hkely tliat

3d this date]

ons ontln>

I'B

Henry B. Carrington, who says : "It was not until thti night of the
thirtieth, when but one day of legal service remained for a large portion
of the troops, that the preparations were complete ;"' that is, that the
preparations for the assault were completed only during the night of
the thirtieth, when one day alone remained for the greater portion of
the troops.

[t was, then, indispensable not to wait for the Ist January to
make the assault, as the term of service of a large portion of the
soldiers expired with the end of the year. (Bancroft's " History of
the United States," Vol. VII, p. 121).

Ill-clad, ill-fed, Montgomery's followers were little inclined for a
winter campaign, fought with exposure and suffering. Many longed
to return to their homes.

Perault," Bibaud,'' Smith,* Hawkins," and Gerneau," who wrote
at the beginning of the century, and who could easily collect the
traditions of the past, are unanimous in fixing to the 31st December*
1775, the attack on Quebec.

" Then," adds Dr. Dionne, " all the recent writers on this thrilling
period agree in recording the assault on Quebec as taking place on
the 31st December, 1775 — Charles Rogers,'' who wrote in 1856, Rev.
¥. II. Withrow,« Sir James M. LeMoine,« L. P. Turcotte,^" and
Faueher de St. Maurice."

Ill reply to a communication I addressed to a literary friend across

the border, Mr. Edward Denham, of New Bedford, Massachusetts?

[drawing his attention to Dr. Kingsford's statement, I received a

I voluminous memoir, disclosing considerable research through the

United States libraries and archives. Lack of space compels me to

omit here even the title of the authorities, referring the reader to the

text of the same, fully set forth in the last number of the Transactions

lof the Royal Society of Canada.

ooks on the

Iisom,' "
of 1775-81,^
t

' " Battles of the American Revolution, 1775-81," p. 134.
' " Abrege, Histoire du Canada, 2eme4)artie," p. 117.

4 <l

the Autho^
jthe Aiuumiic

Histoire du Canada et des Cantidiena sous la Domination Anglaise," p. 67.
History of Canada," ii, 161.
'■ " Picture of Quebec," p. 427. . .

* " Histoire du Canada, lere edition, 1848," T. in, p. 436.
^ " The Rise of Canada from Barbarism to Wealth and Civilization," p. 62.
' A Popular History of the Dominion of Canada, 1885," p. 279.
' V. Album de Touriste," pp. 33, 70, et auiv. , '

' Invasion du Canada et Siege de Quebec, 1775-76, 1876,'^ p. 47.

;:t ( 253 ) .

10 I

V:4'

■i'.

i ,■;

" I have already referred to Wm. Smith's oration, in which is the
date, December 31, 1775, and which was published at least twite,
separately. I have never seen either of the original editions, but it h
given in full in Peter Force, IV, pp. 1675-1684. The monument
erected in New York, at the rear of St. Paul's Chapel, gives the date
of his death as December 31, 1775. The inscription upon it is given
in Lorring's 'Field-Book,' Vol. I, p. 201, and blunders in regard to
his age, which it says is ' 37.' As he was born December 3, 1736, he
had just completed his 39th year."

Such are some of the authorities in support of the generally
accepted date of the attack on Quebec in December, 1775, by the
troops of Congress — the date put forth by the eminent historian.
George Bancroft, in his " History of the United States of America,'"
Vol. VII, p. 131.

Let us nee the documents on which Dr. W. Kingsford rests his
theory in Volume VI, page 33, of his " History of Canada." Quoting
Finlay's " Journal," the doctor wrote :

"cllst December. — Wind N. E., very stormy and dark. As Captain Malcolm
Frasei", of the Emigrants, who that night commanded the main guard," etc.

** Caldwell writes : ' They (the Congress troops) remained until the 31st
December. About five o'clock in the morning we were alarmed at our picketj
by Captain Fraser, who was captain of the main guard," etc.

" Mr. James Thompson, who, as engineer, carried on the work of increasing^j
the fortifications, and lived to be 98, dying on the 30th August, 1830, describe,'!
two assaults on the night of the Slst December, 1775, or rather the morninf
of the 1st January, as the time when Arnold approached Palace Gate " (p. 113)j

** Badeaux (Verrault, p. 182) gives the same date. ' Enfin, ne trouvant
aucun moyen pour entrer dans la ville, il forma I'escalade le premier jour de
I'annee 1776, a quatre heures du matin."

•• The error," Dr. Kingsford adds, " apparently has arisen from Sanguine^
having described the event as taking place * le trente el un de decembrc, 7'
a cinq heures du matin.' Sanguinet was, however, at the time at Montrealj
and whatever the expression may mean, he cannot be accepted as an authorii
for what took place during the siege."

Let us now sift the foregoing evidence adduced by Dr. Kingsfordj

Finlay's testimony seems to us anything but conclusive as favouriiij

Dr. Kingford's assumption, especially when read in conjunction witj

the statement of Colonel Cardwell, which immediately follows it, m

been
1775,
ber, V
^vere
not be
on ace
Th
to Ba(

■p.: r<".

■'11

ih IB the
t twice,
but it i&
oiuimc'iit
the date
IB given
•egard to
1736, he

generally
5, by tlie
historian.
A.ni erica,'

d rests liis
' Quoting

tain Malcolm]
uard," etc.
intil the 3 1st I
at our picket

of increasing]

^30, describes]

the mornin?

te"(p.ll3)j

ne trouvand

emier jourdi^

torn Sanguinej

zcemhrc, fi^A

at Montreal

s an authoriij

'. Kings
I as favouniii

notion wit

,lloWs it, an'

which mentions five o'clock in the morning of the Slat December ns
the hour when Captain Fraser gave the alarm.

Old Sergeant James Thompson, stonemason and " overseer of the
works," as foreman, not as engineer, and who lived to be 98, dying
on the 30th August, 1830, who left a diary which he dictated to his
t^oii, James Thompson, jr., on the 31st July, 1828, two years before
his death, can scarcely be accepted as a sufiicient authority ; the
memory of nonagenarians attaining 96 years being liable to become
faulty. This supposition becomes a certainty on referring to another
passage in his diary, dictated also on the 3l8t July, 1828, wherein it
is said that "on the 31st December, before daylight. General Mont-
gomery made an attempt at assault by Pres-de-Ville and Sault-au-
Matelot," etc., " where he and two of his officers and a sergeant were
shot dead by a single discharge," etc.

Guy Carleton, commander-in-chief, in a letter to General Howe,
Quebec, 12th January, 1776, relates the attack as being made on the
31st December, 1775.

The evidence of Henry, a volunteer in the troops of Congress,
taken prisoner on the 81st December, 1775, quoted by Kingsford, is
open to suspicion, as his presumed diary or memoir, instead of being
in his own handwriting, was dictated to his daughter thirty-seven
years later, viz., in 1812, as appears by the following :

" The campaign against Quebec was dictated to his daughter Ann Mary,
the mother of the writer, with the aid of casual notes and memoranda, from
his (Henry's) bed of sickness — his latest years. The manuscript received no
revision at his hands, for he was called away shortly after the pages were
written. His widow gave it to the press in 1812, and it was printed without
even a correction of verbal or typographical errors." ("Account of Arnold's
Campaign Against Quebec," published by Maunsell, Albany, 1817).

Sanguinet, a member of the Montreal Bar, who left what has ever
ibeen held a copious and reliable journal of the siege operations of
11775, and who places the assault on the morning of the 31st Decem-
ber, visited Quebec in May, 1776, when the particulars of the attack
were fresh in everyone's mind. According to Dr. Kingsford he ciiu-
hot be accepted as an authority for what took place during the siege,
|on account of his absence.

The doctor, however, accepts the version of the journal attributed
[toBadeaux, a Three Rivers Notary, though Badeaux no more than

( 255 ) ,

ill

'< 1

I '

I i

- '

; »v

, :

/- .....

i ''i"

1- '[■

; K . :.V;

■' ■ ■,"£'■ ■■'

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!■ ■

mill

COMMENTS.

Montreal Gazette: What we said some
time ago of the Old South Leaflets as aiFect-
ing United States readers, is especially
applicable to this experiment of Mr. Hay's,
as affecting students of our own annuls.
At a nominal cost (ten cents a number e
is favored with a veritable treasury oi ciu
bits by our forenost historians, dealing
authoritativelj' with what is most note-
worthy in the records of the old regime
and the new.

Greenwood (B. C.) Miner, R. E. Gosnell,
Editor : A number of well-known Canadians
are contributing, and when completed the
•eries will contain a vast amount of remin-
iscence concerning the early days of the
country now included in the Dominion of
1 Canada.

Toronto Methodist Magazine and Review:
"Canadian History " is the title of a series
0! pamphlets, published by G. U. Hay, St.
John, N. B., on striking events in the his-
tory of the Dominion. There will be twelve

I of these, issued quarterly. The current
number (8) has an able article by Sir John
Bourinot, K.C.M.G., on the siege of Louis-

[bourg in 1759.

Montreal Herald: The series has been

I planned with the special object of giving

interesting sketches on a variety of topics

foiinected with our country's history. The

result cannot fail to be of great benefit to

I the students of Canadian history.

St. John Sun: The whole publication is
hot only useful for the purpose designed,
I but contains historical studies of great
1 general value.

Halifax Presbyterian Witness : These
Ipiipers ought to be placed in the hands of
|»nior pupils in our schools in order to
hccustom them to the pleasing exercise of
jlooking into the sources of history, and the
jstudy of events at first hand.

Toronto Globe: The object of the publi-
Itttion is obviously to popularize knowledge
|»iidto build up national sentiment.

Halifax Herald : These papers have
Enough in them to interest intelligent
Ipupila, to teach them something of the
Murces of history and about authorities,
|uifl to awaken the spirit of research.

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i'-.i

■ti

li I''

IS^

iHmnf^JHScTorThe Parliament of Canada, in the year 1900, by G. U. Hat,
at the Department of Agriculture.

EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

CANADIAN
HISTORY.

.♦

NUMBER TEN.

HISTORY OF FRUIT CULTURE IN
CANADA,

Geo. Johnson.

BEFORE THE LOYAJ ISTS,

James Hannay^ D.C.L,

FATHER LeCLERQ'S VOYAGE IN
1677 FROM NEPISIGUIT TO
MIRAMICHI,

W, F, Ganongy Ph.D.

NOTES ON MADAWASKA,

Rev. IV. 0. Raymond^ M.A.

AN OLD TIME CONFLAGRATION.

June 1900.

ISS

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geography. The most stirring incidents in our history have been selected, manj' of them
from original pupei-s and documents not accessible to the general reader. The result will
be an unicjue and interesting collection which will prove of the greatest value to thy
student of history. Every reader of Canadian history should secure this valuablr luklitioii
to his lihi'ury. No teacher should fail to have one or more copies in school for ^upiile-
mentary reading. They a-e prepared with this end in view. The best way to obtain
them is by subscribing for the \"liole series. Uo not delay as the early numbers niiiv
soon be exhausted.

Among the contriV)utors to this interesting and valuable series of historical paper-
are. Sir John Bourinot, Sir James M. LeMoine, Dr. James Hannay, Geo. Johnson,
Dominioii Statistican, Prof. Wni. F. Ganong, Rev. W. O. Raymond, Jas. Vroom, Lt. -Col.
E. Cruikshank, Victor H. Paltsits, of the Lenox Library, New York, Harry Piers, of tlie
Legislative Library of Nova Scotia, and other well-known writers of history.

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST NUMBERS OF THE SERIES.

,'7UMBER I. — Introdiiction — Physical Growth of Canada — The Legend of Glooscap—
Cartier's First Voyage — Winter at St. Croix Island (illustrated) — The Story of
Lady LaTour — Tlie Story of the Loyalists.

XUMBER II.— The Cabots and their Voyages— The Settlements of Port Royal-
Physiograpliy of Nova Scotia — An Acadian Marchioness — Chapter on Names- I
The Fort Cumberland Summons and Reply — The Siege of Penobscot.

NU.MBEIl III.— General Coffin— Fort Cumberland— D'Anville's Expedition— Nicola-
Denys' Description of the River St. John — Incidents in the Life of Lieut. Jame? I
'vL)v)dy — Story of the Big Beaver.

NUMBPjR IV. — Place-Names— French Canadian Life and Character — The Stnry ofl
Li\ira Secord — On the Study of Ancient Maps - A Scheme for the Con(iiiestof|
Caoiida in 1746.

NUMBER v.— The Acadian People- The Battle of Lundy's Lane— The P<-'uifield
Colony — History in Boundary Lines — The Physiography of New Brunswick.

NUMBER VI. — The Expulsion of the Acadians — Frontenac and his Times— The War!
Song — Tlie Foundation of Halifax — The Hessians— The Capture of Mackinac in'
1812 — Founders of Fredericton.

NUMBER VIL — Inheritances f' m our Historic Past — Nicolas Denys— Traits of Indian j
Character — The Maroons iii Nova Scotia — The First Siege and Capture of Louis-
bourg — The Defence of Mackinac in 1814.

NUMBER VIIL— The Siege of Louisbourg in 1758— Villebon and Fort Nashwaak-Thej
Early Postal Service in British North America — The New Enghind Movement toj
Nova Scotia -General Campbell's Muster — The Acadian Land in Louisiana.

NUMBER IX.— Explorers of Canada— Newfoundland as It Is— The Heroine of Vercheresj
— The Return of the Acadians — Location of the Acadians in Nova Scotia— Thel
Loyalists in Old Nova Scotia — The Assault of Montgomery and Arnold on|
Quebec in 1775.

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Educational Review, St. John, N. B.

HISTORY OF FRUIT CULTURE IN CANADA.

Bv Geohoe Johnson, Dept. of Agriculture, Ottawa.

A sheltered Acadian valley snugly ensconced between two protect-
[ing mountain rangen ; the sloping land to the east of the bold heights
j of the Citadel, Quebec ; the plains which nestle around the Royal Mount
at the confluence of th'3 Ottawa river with the St. Lawrence — these
I were the places selected by the early French colonists to make their
Itirst experiments in horticulture.

Before their arrival in Canada, the Norse mariner, Lief Ericsson,
Ihad visited the Acadian Valley in 1000 A. D., and given it the name
[otVinland because of the grapes which grew there in abundance.

Some of the old Indian names ending in Acadia attest the plenti-
Itblness of various kinds of wild fruits along the Atlantic littoral.

When Cartier visited the River St. Lawrence in 1535, he came to
la spacious green island possessed of such an affluence of grapes that
jlie named it the Isle of Bacchus. When he went up the river to the
hlopes of the mountain, whi'?h he fitly named Montreal, he was greeted
Ik the red men with a feast of corn, pease, beans and cucumbers, and
holaced with an after-dinner pipe of tobacco. In 1541 his men sowed
jturaip seed opposite Cape Diamond.

When 60 or 70 years after Cartier's visit to the New France of
iVerazzano, BeMonts landed at Port Royal, Acadia, he found the
ptives growing corn to which Poutrincourt added wheat, having
jlirought with him the seed from Old France.

Going across the Bay of Fundy (French Bay, they called it), they

re delighted with the clusters of grapes they discovered on the

pines that grew at the base of the limestone cliffs of the St. John river.

When Champlain, in the first decade of the seventeenth century,

ailed up the St. Lawrence intent on colonization, he carried with

some apple shoots which had been provided by the foresight of

DeMonts.

Champlain planted gardens both on the northern shores of the
eautit'ul basin of Port Royal and on the northern banks of the St.
awrence ; the first (called to this day " the French garden") between
(^0 mountain-fed streams that flowed into the beautiful basin, and the
econd in the neighborhood of Cape Diamond. In 1609, Champlain

. ( 257 )

f" ■

k ■

I-

provided a garden at Quebec in which he cultivated maize, wheat, rye
and barley, with vegetables of all kinds ; and he had a small vineyard
of native grapes. To him also belongs the honour of being tha first
to plant gardens in Montreal, which he did in 1611 while wpitiii^—
he tells us — for thri Indians to come down the Ottawa to exchange
their winter gatherings of furs for the white man's goods. He says :
" I planted two gardens, one in the meadows and the other in the
woods, and on the 2nd June I sowed seeds which all came up quickly,
showing the goodness of the soil."

Louis Herbert, before 1617 in Acadie and after 1617 in Quebec, tilled
the ground, supplied himself and family with fruits and vegetables,
and developed, in the neighborhood of the wood-crowned height
overlooking the Isle of Bacchus, a garden which later on enabled the]
garrison to resist the assaulting forces of Kirke for some time, and 1
proved that with more of such gardens to draw upon Champlain need |
not have surrendered.

Thus early were there a few sagacious men clear-sighted enough!
to see that the fur-trade, though lucrative, was not the only branch ofj
industry worthy of diligent prosecution. In fact, very early in the
history of the white man on this continent, contact with Huron and
Iroquois taught him that it was not wise to trust to the products otj
the chase alone for subsistence.

The early Jesuits, like Br^beuf, learned the Algonquin language!
and the art of growing melons simultaneously. In their poor and!
miserably furnished cabin in the meadow opposite Pointe aux Lievresj
on the St. Charles River, they studied the structure of the roots of the
Indian's tongue, and among the pine stumps of their garden they
varied the monotony by planting, weeding and digging up roots ofl
carrots, turnips and other vegetables, bestowing special care upon tha
few fruit trees they had raised from seedlings brought from FranceJ
and the many grape vines they had transplanted from the great island
near by, now known as the Isle of Orleans.

They record having given their dusky Indian friends bits of citronj
telling them by way of explanation that it was the melon of PVancej
thus indicating that the aborigines were acquainted with the raelonj

History here and there gives glimpses of the development of hortij
culture in Canada, chiefly, however, in the direction of wheat-raisini
and corn-growing. It rarely refers to fruit culture as a special ])ranolj
of horticulture. / oco v

( 20o )

We hear of apple trees in 1633, when they are mentioned as grow-
ing on the banks of the Dauphin, the L'Equille, and the L'Orignal
rivers and in the neighborhood of Basin des Mines, along * 1e the
banks of the Riviere des Canards and of the Gaspereaux, where they
had been planted by the early French settlers of Acadia.

Whether the early efforts of Champlain to introduce the apple on
the banks of the St. Lawrence were as successful as his attempts to
grow vegetables, we are unable to say.

Pierre Boucher, in 1664, twenty-nine years after Champlain's
death, wrote : " The soil of Montref^ is better than elsewhere and
produces melons and onions in abundance." lie remarks that in the
country of the Iroquois (south of Lake Ontario) "one sees fruit trees
in abundance." — negative evidence that they were not to be seen in
any great numbers along the St. Lawrence further to the northward
around Montreal and lower down the river. He desciibes the
wild plums of Canada " as very good but not equal to those of France."
"Two kinds of gooseberries are found in the woods." " There are
red and white currants ; also small red cherries of passable flavour."
"The quantity of raspberries and strawberries is incredible, and they
are larger and better flavoured than those in France ; blackberries
also are as good as. in our gardens." " There are blueberries and
many other small fruits whoae names I do not know. Wild grapes,
also, of which wine is made with much colour, very sour at first, but
[better after a year. Some persons have introduced grapes from
j France, which bear large and beautiful fruit." "Not many trees
ive been introduced from France except some apple trees which bear
jvery fine fruit in large quantities, but there are not many trees yet."

Here we have a survey that fairly enough describes Canada at

[that stage in her development which marks increasing attention to

fruit culture. In the Abenaki of the oast, as the Indians called the

Acadian land, the "land of the dawn," the experiment had passed

%ond the tentative stage, and the valleys of the Annapolis and of

Ithe Cornwallis rivers were fringed with apple trees, while in the

[Valley of the St. Lawrence the possibilities of the future had begun

ro be dimly foreshadowed. The adaptability of the country to fruit

jciilture seemed assured by the prolific results of nature's efforts and

Jof man's skill.

Specimens of several of the classes of fruits are to be seen by an

( 259 )

I' V

■■I'.f

observimt traveller like Boucher. The apple represents the pomacious
fruits. The drupaceous or stone fruit are represented by the \^il(l
plum {Prunus Americana) and the sour cherry {Prunus cerasiis). Of
the bush fruits there are the raspberry, the currant, the gooseberry
and the strawberry, and, as Boucher says, " many other small fruits,
names unknown to me."

Of the nut fruit Boucher must have seen many varieties. Curtier
named one of the islands of the lower St. Latvrence Isle aux Coudress,
from the abundance of hazelnuts he saw there. The walnut tree
abounded. The butternut was plentiful and widely distributed ; go
also were the chestnut and the acorn. Further west and later on, La
Salle, on his memorable expedition, of 1678-9, from Fort Frontenac
to the Mississippi, saw along the banks of the Detroit river, connecting
Lakes Erie and Huron, walnut, chestnut aiid wild 'plum trees, and
oaks festooned with grape vines.

The development of fruit-culture must have been very slow, for in
1749, Kalm, the Swedish traveller, says of La Prairie, opposite
Montreal : " There are vegetable and flower gardens, but no fruit

trees For a distance of four miles around the St. Jean, the

country presents another aspect. It is all cultivated and there is a
continual variety of fields of wheat, pease and oats ; we saw no other
cereals."

The limitations imposed by climate, however, begin to appear. The
citrous fruits, as the orange, the citron, the lemon, the lime and others,
we do not grow. The nioraceous fruits, as the fig and the mulberry, will
not take kindly to our clime. The musaceous fruits, as the banana
and the pineapple, we must import, if we want them.

More than a century later the records of the first Agricultural
Society^ established in Canada under the wise and sympathetic control
of Lord Dorchester, the Governor-General, show among the entries of j
the first regular meeting, 1789, the importation of fruit trees from
Europe authorized.

While there does not appear to have been much done during thej

' The Bishop of Nova Scotia, being at the time in Quebec, was made an hniionuy
member on motion of Lord Dorchester. In accepting the honour the Bishop stat' l that I
a plan was on foot to establish a similar society in Halifax. On his return t > Nova
Scotia the project was carried out. The Quebec Society therefore pre-dated the Halifax j
one by a few months.

( 260 )

eigliieenth century to give life to fruit culture along the cotes of the
St. Lawrence, there was much greater activity in the Acadian
vall«'y8.

]n the year 1761, the township of Cornwallis, Nova Scotia, was
settled by New England people. These found apple trees in the
French gardens and homesteads, which the French Acadians before
their banishment had tended for more than a century.

Incited by the success of the Acadiatis, the new settlers planted
feeds and raised apple trees from them in that way, or secured scions
from the sprouts which clustered around the trees they found there.
Fortunately there were far-seeing men among these early English
jettlers. One of them, Col. Burbidge, ancestor of Judge Burbidge,
not content with the comparatively poor fruit he found, planted a
[large orchard, introduced several new varieties and was one of the
first to practise grafting, for which purpose the vigorous trees of the
French period were well adapted. He introduced two varieties which
have maintained their reputation to the present day. One was the
[Nonpareil and the other the Golden Russet.

Rev. Dr. Inglis, first Anglican bishop, about the close of the
I eighteenth century, imported the Yellow Bellefleur from the State of
New York and planted it. It spread rapidly through the two valleys
I and is now generally known as the Bishop's Pippin.

About 1812, the Hon. C. R. Prescott went to Cornwallis and

I devoted his wealth, energy and common sense to the development of

pomological fruits. He introduced the Golden Pippin, the Ribston

Pippin and the Blenheim, and had in his orchard over 100 varieties

of apples and fifty varieties of pears. In 1828 the Baldwin apple was

I introduced.

From these beginnings hav^e t^prung the modern apple orchards
jof the Annapolis and the Cornwallis Valleys to the number of twelve
|or fifteen thousand.

The French discovered the peculiar aptitude of these valleys for
Ifruit-growing. Their English successors extended the area of pro-
Iduction, introduced the best varieties of other lands, and found that
levery acre of the 450 square miles of bottom land and much of the
jfouglier and Idgher laiKl, were admirably fitted by nature to bring to
|i>iaturity the finest apples.

There are now many young orchards of 2000, 3000, 4000 and

( 261 )

10,000 trees which give promise in the near future of proviiling
annually several millions of barrels of thin luscious fruit.

Turning again to the St. Lawrence, it is to be noted that the
religious establii^hments followed up the early efforts, the results of
which have been described by Boucher, and introduced many varieties
of French apples. From their extensive gardens these were piopa-
gated and distributed. From being the exception it became tlu' nile
to have on every holding the orchard plot more or less extensive.

Still, at the middle of the nineteenth century, comparatively little
could be shown as the result of good and conscientious work on the
part of a relatively few men.

One of the great nurseries of the province was at Abbotsford. The
first grafted trees were brought to Abbotsford in 1810, and the first
seeding orchard there came into bearing in 1812. In 1820, Kev.
Joseph Abbott brought scions of the Fameuse from Montreal.

The grafted trees consisted of three varieties, the Blue Peannan,
the Late Strawberry, and a flat graft whose name was lost. TliC!>c
were procured from scions brought from the New England States.

The first regular commercial nursery was established in 1857, and
from that date the Abbotsford trees became the foundation of many
a valuabhi orchard in the Province of Quebec.

The first recorded meeting of a fruit committee in Quebec province,
convened for practical purposes, took place in the winter of l-So4.
The occasion was the then coming Paris International Exhibition of
1855. The desire prompting to the meeting was that the French
growers might show by their fruit what they had done in the Montreal
district of the province in the way of growing apples, plums, pears,
and other specimens of pomaceous and drupaceous fruits.

That exhibition undoubtedly gave a stimulus to fruit-culture.
Large nurseries were established, and extensive importations made
from Great Britain, France, Germany and the United States.

About 1874, Mr. Charles Gibb, a gentleman of education, indeiGnd-
ent fortune and leisure, began to take a lively interest in every;liing
pertaining to fruit-culture, and his example induced many others to|
engage in the same work. The Fruit-Growers' Association of AMiots-
ford was organized in the same 3'ear — the first of the kind in the I
province. Under its fostering care the first fruit list of the province I

( 262 )

roviiling

tluil tlio
results (it
vai'H'ties
re \'ic)[ta-
e tlii' rule
ibivc.
vcly little
rk on the

ford. The
1(1 til*' tirst
1820, Uev.

eal.

s Peannaii,
)8t. Thc>e
I States.

185 7. and
)n of many

c province,
of l.S">-i.
chibitiou of
the French
■le Montreal
urns, I'car?,

vt&f published in 1875. This contained much valuable information
reelecting the best and hardiest varieties ot the apple, pear, plum,
grai^e, cherry, and other small fruits adapted to the climate. It held
itfl lirst exhibition in 1876, and pursued the beneficent work till in
180 '• it was merged in the Provincial Pomological and Fruit-Qrowing
Society of the Province of (Quebec, which society is carrying on the
good work with much energy and success.

( )ne result is seen in the position of fruit-growing on the island of
Montreal. On this island there are about 2400 acres (2600 arpents) in

orcliard, and almost entirely apple trees. The total number of trees
[is about 162,500, of which two-thirds are Fameuse, and the remainder

Diicliess, Strawberry, Wealthy and others. The product is from

250,000 to 375,000 barrels a year, worth on an average $1,250,000

annually.

huit-ciilture.

tions made

les.
i, indev.end'

everything
ly others to

of Ahbots-
Ikind in the

le province

In the Province of Ontario attention was given to fruit-culture in

a desultory way at a very early date in its history. No doubt, the

rnited Empire Loyalists, who " trekked " from the newly established

United States in great numbers, brought with them to their homes on

tiic northern shores of Lake Ontario fruit trees in varietv.

But it was in Ontario as in the other provinces : the planting of

Ifruit trees was simply to give the farmers' families an additional

xnry and a great boon for health. Every farmer planted a few

rees intended to produce fruit enough for home use. If the trees

e\v, well and good, provided they did not call for any great amount

I attention.

Then came the time when a few men saw the possibilities of the

future if fruit-culture was undertaken in a systematic way. George

slie, one of the earliest nurserymen in Toronto, organized a fruit

hibition in 18H2, but a few specimens of apples, some wild plums,

some small fruit were all he could procure. He brought trees

m N'ew York, organized a nursery, and succeeded in interesting

bers in the subject. But even as late as 1848 the best that could

said was that growers were satisfied with a few cultivated speci-

ens of the larger fruits. After the formation of the Fruit-Growers'

ssociation in 1860, information was disseminated, and farmers began

believe that the climate was suitable and not too severe, as they

"1 imagined. "Within the last twenty-five years the development

8 been very marked. ^

- ( 263 ) ''

■i I

js^

It may indeed be said that within a very few years this develop-
ment has been great. In 1 880, Ontario produced eleven and two-
fifths million bushels of apples. In 1896, the yield was fifty-five and
one-half million bushels — and in the following year a report li y the
Government of the province showed that there were 6,100,000 apple
trees, fifteen years old and over, and 3,435,000 under fifteen years old.

From the same report it is found that the vineyards of the province
had increased from 5,000 acres in 1890 to 11,100 acres in 1897.

Some thousands of acres are planted with peach trees, which afford
a good living to many. The fruit is distributed all over the country,!
and is preferred by all who desire a juicy peach to the Califoriiiaj
peach or any other grown on the continent.

lit

In 1899, the development of apple-growing had reached a point in
Canada when the value of the apples exported was equal to the \vhole|
cost of the imports into Canada of all kinds of fruits, tropical aiidj
others, ''.nd more than equal by a million dollars and the profit of th
total export. In a word, we paid for all the imports of pinoapplc^
bananas, oranges, lemons, figs, currants, dates, grapes, peaches, phim
and limes, and all other fruit a fruit-loving people enjoy, and we pai
for all these with the exportable surplus of our apple orchards, an
had three million dollars more than was needed to square the accoun
to spend on other articles or bring home to Canada to increase th
savings bank account or aid in planting more apple orchards.

"We shipped in 1842 — that is, fifty-eight years ago — 856 barrels
apples and a few casks of cider to points outside the present Dominioi

In 1899, we shipped to outside countries 1,075,100 barrels of greej
apples, and over eight million pounds of dried apples, — the former bj
far the best on this continent, bringing an average price higher th
the apples of the United States of North America, their rosy colouj
firm texture, juicy pulp and fine flavour making them prime favourit
among the people on the west side of the English Channel, w
among other excellent traits of character, derived possibly from ti
strain of Norman and French blood in their veins, know a good aj
when they see it, and knowing it are willing to pay for its possessi
and, therefore, give higher prices for Canadian apples than
others. Of course this is not to be wondered at. We take the iiu
fruit from their native lands and we improve on them. We rook tafipy^

■'•'--, ■ ■ • ^ (264) '"■'"'

c
f

Cl£

lia
we

oth
piq
for
and

3d a point in
to the whole
tropiciii and
profit oftli3
f pinoapplc-^
iaches, plu^i:
, and Nve pai(
lorchards, aw
e the aecouni
) increase tb

lards.

856 barrels!
entDominioi

irrels of gree
the former 1)
•e higher M
ir rosy colou
itne favouritl
Channel, ^^
isihly from tl
r a goo^ apl
its possessif
pies than
take the iiw
y(e took']

Bcllefleur from France, gave the young tree a chance to suckle the
rich soil of Canada ; let Canada's bracing air play among its leaves,
and Canada's glorious sunshine paint the ruddiness of its beams upon
the apple's cheeks, and the result is the Bishop's Pippin. Our
neighbours procured an apple from Germany many years ago, and
put their best pomological skill upon it. It grew into the luscious
Gravenstein. Canadian fruit-growers then planted it, with the result
that in the Annapolis and Cornwallis Valleys there is an apple of
medium size, bright orange colour when ripe, dashed and streaked
with red and orange, possessed of flesh — tender, crisp, juicy and
high flavoured, surpassing the Gravenstein of other parts of this
continent as much as the United States apple surpasses the original
Pomeranian apple which is the grandmother of the Canadian
variety.

While the green apple is thus superior to those of other countries,
the dried apple of Canada is just the thing for the making of a first-
class brand of that sparkling fruity beverage which the genius of Paris
has provided — Piquette. Of the millions of gallons used (50,000,000
were used in France in 1898), not one gallon was there made with
other dried apples than those of Canada but would have had added
piquancy and fruitiness had it been made with the Canadian fruit ;
for the slices are white and have a spicy odour, are thin and well dried,
and, therefore, excel for the production of the popular drink in France.

When Canada presented herself among the nations of the earth at
the Paris International Exhibition of 1855, the best she could do was
to send four varieties of the Fameuse apple ; five varieties of Rennets ;
six varieties of Crises and sixty-three varieties of other apples, — all
modelled in wax. Thirty-six varieties of plums, similarly modelled,
completed the pomological exhibit.

In the display of 1900, there will be found the apple, the pear, the
quince, among pomaceous fruit ; the plum, the cherry, the peach, the
nectarine, the apricot, the Atlantic plum and the Pacific plum, among
the drupaceous or stone fruit ; the grape, etc. Among small fruit
mtits fruitier s) there are to be seen the raspberry, black, red and white
currants, gooseberries, strawberries — all of them superiors in ci'ery
respect of those whose superiority was, as we have seen, attested by
[Boudier two hundred and thirty years ago. " •

( 265 )

■11

As an illustration of the development that has taken place, the
following facts are given concerning an establishment at Wiiiona,
Ontario, eleven miles from Hamilton. There are located the Ileider-
leigh Nurseries in the midst of a veritable fruit garden. From the
mountain top one looks down on a lovely plateau extending from tlie
shores of the blue Lake Ontario to the bluff that overlooks the wliole.
The nurseries are situated along the base of the escarpment on alluvial
soil, formed partly from disintegrated rock, and differing greatly in
character; and thus the most suitable and varied soil is available from
which to select that which is especially adapted to each kind of fruit.
In 1882, there were less than 100 acres; in 1899 there were between
400 and 500 acres in these nurseries.

There are 125,000 plum trees now growing, 120,000 pear, 320,000
apple, 100,000 peach trees. Five thousand plum trees are in bearing,
and 6,000 pear trees are planted in orchards for fruiting. There are
50 acres in vineyards. In 1897, the nineteen acres of vineyard yielded
four tons per acre.

In order to meet the constantly increasing demand 300,000 apple
trees, 50,000 plum, 45,000 pear and 40,000 cherry trees were planted
this spring, and 150 bushels of peach pits or stones were deposited
in the bosom of the earth to undergo those changes which Nature
calls for as preliminary to the growth of the peach. I

BEFORE THE LOYALISTS.

By James Haxnay, D.C.L.

The English settlers who made their homes in New Brunswick from
1762 onward, before the coming of the Loyalists, were mainly from
Massachusetts, where their ancestors had settled more than a centuryj
before. Their descendants now include some of the bestknowiil
families in New Brunswick, among the names being those of Siniondsj
White, Hazen, Quinton, Lovett, Atherton, Burpee, Barker, Beckwithi
Coye, Coburn, Dow, Estey, Estabrooks, Qodsoe, Garrison, Glazier!
Hartt, Marsh, Nevers, Peabody, Perley, Pickard, Plummer, Rideouti
Ring, Whitney, Woodman and Woodworth. Some of these naniea
had also representatives among the Loyalists, but most of the }>eopl«|

( 266 >»

now bearing them are descendants of the ante-Loyalist settlers from
Massachusetts.

The principal settlements were at the mouth of the St. John river
and at Maugerville, the former consisting of the trading establishment
of Messrs. Simonds, Hazen & White and the men in their employment.
Their life was lonely enough and full of hardships, for they had no
other connection with the outside world than the occasional trips of
the sloops which made voyages between St. John and Newburyport,
carrj'ing lime, lumber and fish. But even in this respect they were
highly favored in comparison with the settlers at Maugerville, Gage-
town and other points on the river who had no other means of com.
munication with each other or with the people at the mouth of the
river but by boats. For it must be remembered that there were no
roads in the province in those days. As a consequence there were
no wheeled vehicles, except carts, and this state of affairs continued
to the year 1781, or later, for when Jonathan Burpee, one of the
wealthiest farmers in the Maugerville settlement, died in that year
the inventory of his estate shows that he possessed neither wagon
nor sleigh, but only the ironwork of a cart and half the woodwork.
We may therefore infer that this cart was owned by Mr. Burpee
jointly with a neighbor, and was used for the purpose of carrying the
produce of their fields to their barns.

The people of the present day are so accustomed to roads and rail-
ways that they find it difllcult to realize what it means to be without
them. But to the new settler a road is everything, for without it he
can neither obtain the supplies which he needs nor market his pro-
ducts. Happy, indeed, are the people of the present generation who
have not only good roads, but railways. The difference in efficiency
between a road and a railway riiay be judged from the fact that a ton
of goods caimot be moved over a common road for less than twenty-
five cents a mile, while on a long haul, a ton of goods can be carried
over a railway for half a cent a mile. Forty years "go there was no
railway between St. John and Fredericton, and the people of the
latter place had to get their supplies by steamer or schooner in the
autumn before the close of navigation by the ice. A St. John busi-
ness man who had contracted to deliver 500 barrels of flour in Fred-
ericton found himself caught with the flour in his hands in St. John
and the river frozen. The cost of sending that flour by teams over

H'l

(267)

i^fl

t,'

1 h
i h

I ,

:iji^

i':\

[

%'H

he Nerepis road to Fredericton was very heavy, and took all the
profit out of his contract.

These early settlers lived in a very primitive fashion and tin ir
lives were hard. They resided in log houses, most of them of sniiill
size and very scantily furnished. In the inventory of Deacon Jona-
than Burpee's estate, the total value of his furniture is put down jit
£5 7s. 8d. It consisted of four bedsteads, two tables, two large chairs,
ten small chairs, and a looking-glass. There were also two chests and
a pair of andirons. There is here a total absence of articles of com-
fort, to say nothing of luxury. There do not appear to have hcen
either carpets or rugs in this rich farmer's house. There was no sndi
thing as a couch or sofa, and the chairs were no doubt of the old-
fashioned straight-backed pattern, so as to be as uncomfortable as
possible. Our ancestors seemed to have looked upon it as wroiii!;
to be comfortable. There are people even now who act on this prin-
ciple, but they are very much in the minority.

Kitchen stoves had not been invented one hundred and thirty voars
ago, and all the cooking for the family had to be done at an old-fash-
ioned fire-place. The great feature of a fire-place was its capacity lor
consuming fuel without giving out any heat. A quarter o. a, cord ot
wood might be burning in the fire-place while the people at the back
of the roofti were freezing. The kitchen utensils of Deacon Burpoc
consisted of three iron pots, an iron kettle, two iron pans, a frying-pan,
a gridiron, a toasting-iron, and a brass kettle. Cooking at a firc-jilace
WHC done under the greatest difficulties, the heavy pots having to l>e
lifted on to and off a crane which stretched across the fire-place. To
keep one of these huge fire-places in fuel in cold weather took no
small part of the labor of one man. Meat had to be roasted before
the fire and bread was baked in a bake-kettle — a large pot with a Hat
bottom and cover. This was placed among the hot ashes and covertMl
with large live coals from the fire. Wonderful results were obtaiiuHl
from this primitive system of cookery, yet it was wasteful as well us
laborious.

The food of the people in those days was neither varied nor al>nn-
dant. In the Maugerville settlement a good deal of corn was ground
and it was regarded as the staple crop. We do not grow corn \u Kew
Brunswick now, because it can be produced more cheaply elsewhere,
l|Ut some farn^era in Maugerville grew it in lq,rge quantities about the

w ; (268)

7^!»>w

year 1770. David Burpee, whose diary has been preserved, grew fifty
bushels of corn in the year 1775. The price of corn varied from four
sliillings a bushel to nine shillings. Wheat was not much grown in
Now Brunswick at that time. Much of the grain was ground in hand
mills — a slow and laborious method, but the only one available where
there were no grist-mills near the settler.

Wages were low in New Brunswick before the time of the Loyalists.
The ordinary rate was two shillings a day, but 2s. Hd. was given
where the work was more laborious than usual, such as mowing,
farming, hoeing corn and raking hay. Women servants received
10s. a month, or £6 a year. As the currency used was that of
Massachusetts one sixth had to be deducted to bring it to New
Brunswick currency, so that £6 was only equal to |20 of the money
of Canada at the present time. While wages were thus low every-
tliing that had to be purchased in the way of clothing was costly.
Cotton goods cost about ten times as much then as they do now. The
ordinary dress of both men and women was homespun. Sheop were
kept on every farm for their wool. This was carded and spun by
hand, and woven into cloth on a hand loom of which there was one
in almost every home. Flax was also grown and spun on these little
old-fashioned wheels which are now in such request as curiosities.
Every farm was capable of producing the ordinary clothing and bed-
ding of the people who lived and worked upon it. But the converting
of wool and flax into clothing was laborious and placed a good deal
of work upon the women of the farm from which they are now free.
Tlio men might shear the sheep and heckle the flax but the carding,
spinning and weaving had all to be done by the women.

Most of the men wore leather breeches, a garment which, however
fliirable, could hardly have been comfortable. But every man who
aspired to respectability aimed to have one good suit of broadcloth,
wiiich was expected to last him for twenty years. In the note of
accounts of David Burpee we have the particulars of a suit which he
purchased for himself in 1777. There were 3f yards of broadcloth
at 20 shillings, 3 yards shalloon at 4 shillings, buttons, trimmings, etc.,
the whole amounting to £4 ICs. 3d. After the tailor had been paid
this suit probably cost David Burpee £6, or as much as he would be
able to earn in ten weeks by working for others at the current rate of
wages. This fact will serve to show the great difterence in the

( 269 )

.,v*v^U'-

conditions of life between that time and the present, and it also
explains the fact that the clothing of a dead man was valued and
included in the inventory of his effects, and sold as part of the estate.
No one in those days seems to have thought that there was anything
singular in purchasing and wearing the clothes of a deceased neighbor.
The clothing of Deacon Jonathan Burpee, for instance, was valued at
£7 15s. 3d, and it included his best brown suit worth £4 Ss. 6d, and
a beaver hat valued at 10s. These clothes were all sold and worn by
others, most of the purchasers' being members of the family.

It has already been stated that the prices of all articles bought out
of a store were high as compared with what we pay at the present
day, while the prices of produce were usually low. Molasses in 1 772
was 28. 6d. a gallon, and 5s. in 1777, the increased price being no
doubt due to the war, which interfered with trade. Salt was 5s. a
bushel in 1771 and 10s. in 1778. Sugar ranged from Is. 3d. to
Is. 8d. per pound, the latter being the prevailing price. Indigo was
from 12s. to 20s. per pound ; tea varied in price from 6s. to 7s. tid.
per pound; coffee was 2s., raisins, 2s.; gunpowder from 28. 6d. to
58.; tobacco 3s. to 3s. 6d.; rum from 48. to 5s. a gallon. In 1771 it
was lOs. The prices of farm produce varied considerably. In Septem-
ber, 1784, butter was 6d. per pound in Maugerville; in July, 1778,
the price was lOd.; in November, 1788, it was Is., and in September,
1784, Is. 3d. Lamb was 2|d. per pound ; beef ranged from l|d. in
1777 to 3d. in 1780, and 6d. in 1788. Potatoes varied in price from
Is. 3d. a bushel in 1779 to 28. 6. in 1781. Geese cost from 3h. to
3p. j6d. Qach ; fowls, Is.; pork from 5d. to 6d. per pound. The lower
pjrtio€iiB n).entioned above may be regarded as the ruling price, for in
1783 and 1784 the great influx of Loyalists and the increased demand
for provisions raised prices far above their normal figure.

Life in Maugerville one hundred and thirty years ago offered but
little in the way of amusements. Musical instruments were unknown
in the farm houses of that day. Now every farm house has its cabinet
organ or piano. There were few social meetings, and almost the only
events that brought the people together were the services held by
itinerant preachers. Even these were not frequent, and there was no
settled minister until 1774, and he had but a brief career, for hej
turned rebel and fled to Maine in 1777. School privileges wen* tew,
and the teaching was usually done in the winter by one of the stttlersj

• .: "' .n;;-:\"' ^ ' (270)

who was fortunate enough to possess a better education than his
neighbor. Thus David Burpee taught school in the winter of 1778-
19, receiving ^s. 11 Jd. per month for each scholar. So far as liivs
[accounts show he had only seven scholars. The more closely we view
the condition of the people of past generations the more clear it
appears that the "good old times" of which some people talk are
mainly in the imaginations of men, and that there was never a period
[ill tlie history of this province when its people were so prosperous and
happy as they are at the present day.

FATHER LeCLERCQ'S VOYAGE IN 1677 FROM NEPISTGUIT

TO MIRAMICHI.

Translated by W. F. (tanonc;

In these days of swift and luxurious travel, it is not easy for us to
I appreciate its slowness and hardships in the earlier periods of our
liistory. Yet we must take this into account if we would have a clear
[understanding of the conditions under which our forefathers lived
and labored and tnuraphed. The narratives of the early explorers^
and especially of the Jesuit missionaries, abound in descriptions of the
hardships of primitive travel, and to most readers these are among
the most interesting parts of such writings. Probably, however, there
is nowhere a more faithful and vivid accoimt than in the following
narrative. Fatber LeClercq was a missionary of the Recollot Order,
and was stationed at Gaspe towards the end of the seventeenth
oentury. He published at Paris, in 1691, a book of great value to our
early history, and chapter IX. of that work is devoted to the narrative.
The voyage was made in 1077, as he tells us in the preceding chapter.
The narrative is equally valuable for the clearness with which it
Ireilects the devout and devoted spirit witli which these noble mission-
[aries of th Roman Catholic Church performed their laborious and

igerous d ities, a spirit which never has been and never can be
[wrpassed by the missionaries of any other church. Father LeClercq
«ll8 his story not only clearly but humorously, and, to the present
translator at least, it is one of the most delightful chapters in all New

(271) : :

■m'

-«i

Brunswick historical literature. In reading it, one should remomberi
that the distance from Bathurst where Father LeClercci started, to
Burnt Church (near which it is altogether probable the Fort ofl
Richard Denys de Fronsac stood) in less than forty miles, (soc thoj
map), and that by rail and carriage we could easily traverse tluMlis-
tance to-day within six hours.

Acooiint of the laborious voyage of the author' on hisi
way to announce the faith to the Gaspesiensl
[Micmacs] of j)ort Croix [Miramichi],

(From Chapter IX. of LeClerc(i's " Nouvelle Relation de la Gaspesie, Paris, KiDl),

It is very true that it is only God alone who is able to alleviate, l»y tlnJ
unction of his grace, the apostolic labors of the arduous missions of New
France ; also one may as well acknowledge frankly that all the foi'ces vi
Nature serve only to increase the troubles of the missionaries if the cross of;
crucified God does not communicate to them a part of that victorious power
which he triumphed gloriously over all which he suflFered most harsh and iiioslj
sorrowful in the shame of Calvary. It was also without doubt with tliii^
thought that the Apostle Paul said that he could endure everything with tha
favor of him who gave him the power to attempt all things, and to accoinplisH
all for his glory and the salvation of souls.

I have never had an experience more illustrative of this truth than in tlii
voyage in which I undertook to go to administer the sacraments to the FioikB
who lived with Monsieur Richard Denys de Fronsac at Miramichi, and tj
preach the gospel to tlie Indians of Porte Croix, ^ who had hardly evtr ut iil
heard the words of ministers of our holy faith. The charity which I ought tj
feel for all the Indians of my mission urged me strongly to undertake it, aj
though it was in the winter, the most difficult and rigorous season ; and
seemed that God had approved the plan when an Indian, even when we e:j
pected it the least, arrived with his wife at Nepisiguit,^ who told ine fliat
avoid certain differences which had arisen among the Micmacs of Kestii^oiith^
he had left with his wife and child to go to Miramichi in order to liv(! there i
peace with his acquaintances. Since this was for me a sufficiently favoialil
occasion and companionship which would be of very great aid in this joiiiiiej
I requested him to put off his departure for several days to allow me time iiJ
the satisfaction of l)aptizing some Indians whom I had instructed to letvij
the first and most necessary of our sacraments. Our Indian waited for iij

' Tlie Miramichi was called Rlricrc ilr Siiinte Croix, or Forte, Croix, becaiiste ofl
curious reverence for the symbol of the cross which the Micmacs showed esin l)efo|
they were christianized.

'^ The present Bathurst.

( 272 )

sf.-.

jladly : Monsieur Hainaut' d« Barhaucanne.s wished much to join the party,
and cITered in the most obliging manner to keep me company. We prepared
for our purpose our provisions, which consisted of twenty-four little [loaves of]
bread, five to six pounds of Hour, three pounds of butter, and a little bark keg
whicli held two to three pots of brandy : for the rest, I took as a prfoaution a
[l)Ox of hyacinth confection, which the hospital nuns had given me before my
departure from Quebec for Nepisiguit.

Nepisiguit^ is one of the most charming places in all the Gulf of St.

lUwrcnce ; it is distant only a dozen or fifteen leagues from the Isle Percre.

The land there is fertile and abounds in everything ; the air is pure and

hiealtliy. Three beautiful rivers which empty there form a very attractive basin,

»lios(! waters lose themselves in the sea through a strait which makes the

entrance [gives] and the access [to it].

The llecollets of the Province of Aquitaine commenced there a mission in

()i'0, and Father Bornardin,-* one of those illustrious missionaries, died of

Ibnger and fatigue in traversing the woods on the way from Miscou and

|Nppisj,'uit to the river St. John in Acadie, where these Reverend Fathers

Ibi their principal establishment. The Reverend Capuchin Fathers, and

Ipticularl}' the Reverend Jesuit Fathers, have there employed their zeal and

Itlieir ('harity for the conversion of the pagans ; they liave built a chapel

IWicated to the Holy Virgin, and it is .said that one of the fathers who had

Igone from the mission, left his hat above the altar, saying that he would return

I seek it when it pleased him ; [doing thi.s] to make known that his order

y tho right of establishment in this place. The Sieur Henaut de Barbaucannes

pltivates the soil there with success, and harvests wheat more than suthcient

Itor the support of his family. Monsieur Richard Denys de Fronsac is Seignior-

pprietor of it.

It is well to know that it is needful to carry the necessaries of life when
|)ne departs in Canada from the French settlements, and when one undertakes
Jiy considerable voyage; there being neither public-houses nor inns, and housen
«ver being found in these vast forests in which to pass the night, one is obliged
I sleep at the Beautiful Star.^ Convinced as we were of this truth by our pre-
vious experience, each one took his wrap, and loaded his pack in which was a
urt of the provisions whicli we needed for the journey before us.

We took our packs upon our shoulders and set out upon our way with

' Tliis wa.s the Enand or Eiiault often mentioned in the histories of that region.
' Biithuret, properly Bathurst Harbor.

■•' A conspicuous mountain at the head of the Nepisiguit river has recently been
ned iu honor of this missionary.
* A pleasantry of the author, based on the custom of naming inns by such names as
hntifii/ Star ; he means, of course, out of doors under the s^rs, ^e refprs to it again
jlittje later oq.

( 273 ) '

if.

snowshocH on our f(!(;t. The iiigl.t drove u8, aft^r four to five leagues of h(1\ ance
to camp to pass the; night. Tt was necessary in order to make thitii,'s as
comfortable as the country would permit, to dig a hollow four to fivt- fc,.t
deep in the snow, which we had to throw out with our snowshoes, until we
reached the ground which our Indians covered with branches of green lirs on
which we lay during the night. ' Monsieur Henaut took the trouble with tlip
Indian to cut and collect the wood necessary to warm us, and each one took
his refection with as much contentment as if we had been in a gowl inw. Our
only loss was of our brandy, which gave us great chagrin, for despite tlic pie

caution we had taken to gum up the little keg of bark, there was found a littlej
opening through which the brandy had run out along the road without our
knowing it until we wished to take some after the meal. There only nimainefij
very little ; it was immediately divided to console us for our discomfiture and
to put what was left beyond the reach of loss. It is true, nevertheless, tliati
we were deprived of a great solace by the loss of this brandy ; for we founcU
ourselves sometime afterwards in such pressing circumstances that this liquun
would have been without doubt of great aid to us ; but we had to console our-j
selves for this vexatiqus adventure, and we passed the first night, like al|
others of our voyage, at the Sign of the Moon and of the Beautiful Star.

1 This method of camping jn the winter is said to be stiU practised by the Indians,

( 274 )

The next morning, after having celebrated holy mass in a cabin which ray
people made for the purpose with poles covered with branches of fir, and after
we hid breakfasted and adjusted our packs, we continued our voyage, always
ascending along the river Nepisiguit, as far as the rapid called commonly the
'fall i>i the seals [Le Sunt aH.c loups mnriiin] which marks the separation of the
[t*o ways which lead to Miramichi, the one shorter but more difficult through
the liurnt woods, and the other longer but easier by the river.* The great
tdesirt' I had to go immediately to our [Indians of] Port Croix, to commence
there the mission, made me resolve so much the more easily to take the route
by tlu! burnt woods, which the Sieur Henaut and the Indian also had traversed
a short time before ; and thus of one accord we left the river which neverthe-
less would have spared us much trouble and fatigue had we followed it, as
experience made us amply know later.

That you may know what the burnt woods are, I will tell you that the
heavens were one day all on fire, full of tempest and thunder which rumbled
[and made itself heard in all parts ; the thunderbolt fell in a time when the
I liryness was extraordinary, and burnt not merely all the woods and forests
[between Miramichi and Nepisiguit, but also burnt and consumed more than
two hundred and fifty leagues of country, in such a manner that we could see
I only trunks of trees very high and very black, which showed in their frightful
barrenness the marks of a conflagration widespread and altogether surprising.*
[This great extent of country is always covered with snow in winter. One sees
only the young shoots and the little bushes which appear rather as islands dis-
tant one from another from two to three leagues, than like the woods, or
forests of Canada : in a word, this fire was so furious and violent, that the
tlames darted and embraced, so to speak, from one bank of the river to the
other ; whence it comes that the moose and beaver have [re-] appeared only
long after this sorrowful accident. That which gives much trouble to the
voyagers who traverse these burnt woods is that they cannot find places to
jcamp under shelter from the wind, nor wood to warm one's self. It was,
[however, in these sad solitudes, and in these deserts, more awful a thousand
j times than those of stony Arabia, that we lost our way, because we were wil-
I ling to follow the tracks of some Indians who weie hunting beaver: for, wishing
to examine the routes and turnings of the Indians and of these animals, we
took a false route, and d^eparted from that which without doubt was the most

''Mil

'The identity of the Seal Fall is unknown. The distance the author gives above
jButhurat, i. e. over four or five leagues, is rather too great for Pabineau Falls, though
otherwise this would be very probably the Seal Fall. It is much the largest fall below
the (irand Falls. The route to Miramichi turns up (iordon Brook below Grand
Falls (8ee the map) whence there is an easy portage to the Miramichi. Just above
Gordon Brook is the Chain of Rocks, a bad rapid, which possibly may have been the
Sejil Rapid.

^This fire must have exceeded the great Miramichi fire of 182o.

: - (275)

I :;■■"

I -J;

correct and certain. We marched throe days continuously in the midst if this I
desert with incredible trouble, to the extent that we were obliged to stoji thert'j
to rest from so much, so long and so painful fatigue.

The next day we continued our route with new ditHculties, causal by a
great abundance of snow which had fallen the preceding night and whidi well
nigh made us despair entirely; we were obliged to march from moininj,' to
evening in these snows, which made us sink even to the knee at evei y stf'p
This march, extraordinarily painful and fatiguing, added to the dearth of pn).
visions, there being but a small morsel to eat each day, reduced us to ( xtieiiif
misery ; our Indian became tired out ; his wife with her little child .irousH
my compassion ; and I tell you frankly, for my part, that T could do iki more.

The necessity in which we were in every respect, however, obliged us to
continue our route, and it became necessarily march or die. Monsieur llenautj
Sieur de Barbaucannes, was the only one who had much courage; he led the
way ; our Indian followed him, his wife came next, and I remained tiic last ofl
the company, as being the most affected by the road, which, however, I foum
easier and less fatiguing than the others because it was beaten and marked I
out by those who preceded me ; a fact which was without douV)t of <.,'rt at aid
to me, and gave me much comfort. Nevertheless, however hard this march I
was, I declare to you that it lost in my opinion a part of its lough and vexaj
tious power through the hope and thought I had that we were approachingl
the river Sainte Croix ; but indeed it seemed to me frightful beyond what one!
can imagine, when the Sieur Henaut and the Indian told me that for three!
days we had been lost ; that they no longer knew the route nor the way ; and
that it was necessary to abandon ourselves entirely to Providence and to goj
where it pleased God to conduct us.

That news was the more dreadful to me since there was no chance of rctarii-
ing to Nepisiguit, because the snow whi^h had fallen in great quantity sinoej
our departure had filled and covered ali our tracks. In fact it was still snow
ing, and we had to make a virtue of necessity and to march until evening tol
find a place fit to camp.

I do not know how to express to you here, what our anxieties were ;it fiuii
ing ourselves in the midst of these frightful deserts, lacking everything neces i
sary to life, overwhelmed with weakness and fatigue, in the most difficult and!
rigorous part of winter, without provisions ; and what is worse, without guide!
and without a road. To complete our misery, for three days we had eatenj
only a little piece of bread at evening, which then failed us entirely ; so thati
having been obliged to resort to the flour which our Indian had in his pack,
we were reduced to throw two to three handf uls morning and evening into aj
pot of snow water, which we boiled ; which served rather to whiten than tol
nourish us. For consolation, the Sieur Henaut told me that he had tvopairsj

( 276)

was still snow

of Indian moccasins, with a fragment of old skin; and that if th« worst
lmj>f)«ned we could broil or boil them to eat them together. Judge from this
wh' ther we were not truly deserving of compassion.

The night pas.sed with new ditttculties. A wind from the northwest, cold
to an extraordinarily touching and penetrating degree, well nigh froze uh,
because we had not been able to find wood enough to ke(!p us warm during the
nij{lit ; so that in order not to die of cold in our camp we left it before daylight,
with trouble one cannot imagine. I came near falling into a deep pit which
was covered with snow, from which they had much difficulty in drawing me
out ; I can positively state that it had been all up with me, if by singular good
luck I had not struck against a large tree which was across the pit, on which
I remained awaiting the aid which they gave me to escape from this horrible
danger, where I saw myself exposed upon the brink of death.

Scarcely was I a gun-shot from this precipice, when, wishing to cross a little
river, one of my snowshoes broke and I fell into the water up to my waist ;
this compelled Monsieur Henaut and the Indian to seek promptly a place to
camp, [and] to make a fire to warm me, because the cold commenced to seize
me through my whole body ; it was in this camp that the little amount of Hour
which we had hitherto husbanded very carefully, was finished as well as the
bread ; hunger drove us in the early moi-ning to seek what Providence would

glV(! us.

I comprehended from that time perfectly well our evident danger of dying
of hunger, weakness and misery in the woods if the Lord did not give us soon
the means to escape from them ; as I felt the strength commencing to leave
me, and that soon I could do no more, I renewed the first intentions with
which I began this sad voyage, and I offered once more from my heart to our
Lord the troubles and fatigues which I endured for his glory and for the
recompense of my sins. The thought alone of a Jesus Christ dying upon the
cross, abandoned by all the world, giving us an admirable example of the
sacrifice of our lives which we ought to make for the salvation of our souls>
joined to the thoughts I had upon the death of Saint Francis Xavier dying in
his little cabin destitute of all human succour, filled me with joy and consola-
tion in the midst of my troubles ; and it is true that I was then persuaded,
better than ever, that God has a treasure of favours and benedictions which he
reserves especially for the missionaries who trust and abandon themselves
entirely to the loving care of his Providence among the most frightful dangers
and perils of their missions and of their apostolic labors.

We had marched the whole day and advanced but little, as well from my
extreme feebleness as from the difficulties of the road, and whilst I was
entirely occupied by these agreeable and holy reflections, Monsieur Henaut
and the Indian, who were in advance, gave a cry of joy and of cheer for the

: .■^■■'■' ■ , /' ^^ ' ( 277 ) ^- -, ;, .'i-

r^^

I -.!

happy discovery they had made of the fresh track of an Indian who had ; assed
that morning to go to the hunt. They both came back to me to assu^' me
that all our troubles would soon be finished by our happy arrival at th' fort
oi' the river Sainte Croix, which they hoped they would reach very 80(jii. I
was not insensible, any more than the others, to the joy of this happy ( vent,
buii, indeed, as there is no pleasure so pure in the world that there is not pre-
sent some mixture of grief and anxiety, the satisfaction we should have
received was affected by the uncertainty whether we should follow or retrace the
newly discovered tracks ; for we were exposed to the doubt whethei tliis
Indian had gone hunting only, or had commenced one of these consichrable
voyages over a long extent of country, which they often make during; the
winter to visit their friends. Uncertain of the route we should follow, we
resolved at all costs to cross these tracks and to continue our former route in
the hope that God would be our guide and have pity on us. He heard our
vows f.nd our prayers; our Lord, satisfied with our fatigues and troubles,
w'llcd to console us in a manner which makes us admire the wonderful ways
of the divine Providence.

It is a custom usually observed among our Indians not to return to camp
at evening, or at least very rarely, by the same route by which they left it in
the morning to go a-hunting. They take different routes in order to scour tlie
country and to discover more ground for traces of moose and beaver. God
allowed, however, this Indiah whose tracks he had seen, to return upon his
tracks up to the place where we had crossed his way. He was suprised, but
guessing from our manner of marching that those who passed were extremely
wearied, he resolved to follow us, and came after us to help us as much as he
could. A certain dull noise, caused by the agitation of the snowhoes and the
movement;, of the branches across which he had to march, compelled me to
turn my head to see whence it proceded. You can judge of my joy at seeing
this charitable Indian coming towards me, by what you would yourself feel in
such an encounter ; mine was so great that I redoubled my pace, all fatigued
as i was, to tell it to those who preceded me.

The Indian, named Ejougouloumouet, undertook to guide them to
Denys' Fort. They camped that night in the woods with but three
partridg^es to eat. The day after they killed a porcupine and had a
grand feast, and that night reached the Indian's cabin on the bank of
a river. The next day, after a hard march, rendered easier by the
devoted labor of the Sieur de Barbaucannes, they arrived, with the
snow falling in abundance, at the Fort and Habitation of Mon-ienr
de Fronsac, who did everything in his power to make them forget
their past troubles.

(278)

i-v .^-ifE^fi,

NOTES ON MADAWASKA, No. I.

Bv Rev. W. 0. Raymond, M.A.

We New Brunswickers are rather proud of the fact that in our
place nomenclature we have retained many Indian names. We must
conloss, however, that many of these names have suffered at our
i bands, and in their present form are harsh and unmusical, as compared
with their more primitive form. Madawaska, for instance, is much
less musical than the older form Madoueska which is derived from the
[Indian Med-a-ioes-kek.^

Remote as was the situation of the Madawaska country, when
[European explorers first visited our shores, there can be no doubt that
the native races were intimately acquainted with that region in pre-
toric times. The best travelled and most convenient route to the
jSt. Lawrence was by way of the Madawaska river and Lake Temis-
l^uata. Early French explorers and adventurers soon became familiar
[with the route, and even in Champlain's map of 1G12 we find crude
[indications of Lake Temisquata and the River Madawaska. It is not,
Ibwever, until the Franquelin map of 1686 that the name of "Madou-
leska'' itself appears, and even then \t is applied to the lake (Temis-
[•luata), and not to the river. That the name was applied to the river
lat least as early as that time is shown by the concession, dated
IXovember 25, 1683, of the seigniory of Madoueska to Antoine and
|Marguerite Aubert, children of the Sieur Charles Aubert de la
Chesnaye, of Quebec. The concession, or grant, is described as lying
Wong both sides of the river named Madoueska, near the river St.
fohn, with the lake called Cecimiscouata (or Temisquata). The
eigniory of Madoueska was one of the few that did not eventually
«vert to the crown on account of non -performance of the conditions
lipon which it was granted. It descended by successive purchases
^nd these are duly recorded) to Col. Alexander Eraser, v/ho was the
iwner in 1828.2

' See Dr. W. F. Ganong's " Place Nomenclature of New Brunswick," p. 247.
'V\lien the British and American plenipotentiaries were engaged under the conveii-
lof 1S27 in determining the International boundary, the British agent submitted a
fiesot fifteen documents to prove that the fief of Madoueska had always been under
niadiun jurisdiction. The fact that the Quebec government \x»A held uninterrupted
Miccion over the fief of Madoueska had considerable weight in ostablishing the British
Fm to that territory in the settlement of the boundary dispute by the Ashburton
Tityinl842.

(279)

* :• JB:"

lit'

When the intendant of New France, M. Jacques de Meulles,
visited Acadia in 1686, there were less than a dozen French sei tiers
on the River St. John, and scarcely one above the present ciiy of
Fredericton. Bishop St. Valier, of Quebec, visited the River St. John
the same year, and in his journal speaks of meeting some Christian
Indians encamped at the mouth of the Madawaska. This river the
bishop re-named in honor of Saint Francois de Sales. lie, th^' day
following, visited the Grand Falls, or, as he calls it, "Le grand
sault Saint Jean-Baptiste," of which we have in his book the first
published description.

The first reference to the Madawaska region in an English look
is found in the well known narrative of John Gyles. The narrator
was taken captive by the Indians at Pemaquid on the coast of Maine,
in the year 1689, and carried to the River St. John, where he
remained nine years in captivity. During the course of the first
winter he accompanied the savages in their hunting to the head
waters of the St. John, and in the spring came down the river with
them in canoes stopping on the way at the place called " Madawes- 1
cook," where Gyles says, there lived an old man who kept a trading]
house where they tarried several days.

In the course of the protracted conflict between England audi
France for supremacy in America, war parties were constantly passing]
between Quebec and Acadia by way of the upper St. John, and mes
sages were sent by couriers from the French Governor at (^lehecj
to LeLoutre at Beausejour and even to Count Raymond at Louisbourg.j
In ihe time of the Revolutionary war dispatches were sent from Gov-
ernor Haldimandat Quebec to Governor Parr at Halifax by the Iiandsi
of the brothers Louis and Michel Mercure and other Acadian couriers.

Although many of the Acadians had become very familiar withl
the upper St. John region during the troublous war period, iioj
attempt seems to have been made to establish settlers there until tliej
close of the American Revolution. During the French regime Madaj
waska was deemed the meeting place of the jurisdiction of Acadia
and Quebec, although the precise line of demarcation had never heei^
fixed. This condition of affairs existed for years after the Kiiglish
assumed control. la the year 1764, the Indians complained that tli^
Canadians hunted beaver on their lands between the Grand Ym
find Lake Temisquata, " where the French had at all times been fbrbulj

(280)

den to hunt, that privilege {cette chasse) having always been reserved
to tho said Indians." In consequence of this complaint, notice was
printed in the Quebec Gazette of January 24, 1765, prohibiting all
Canadians from interfering with the hunting grounds of the savages
|down to the Great Falls of the River St. John. This prohibition
levifiently was not effective, for in 1767 two well-known chiefs of the
iBiver St. John, Pierre Thomas and Ambroise St. Aubin, went to
[Halifax to make certain requests of the Governor of Nova Scotia.
lAraong other things they asked that traders should not be allowed to
Ijell ardent spirits to the Indians, and that certain of the French who
[lunted on their grounds might be removed. Michael Francklin, the
Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, thereupon wrote to Sir Guy
ICarleton, the Governor of Quebec, that certain Canadians and inhabi-
[tants of Kamouraska came every spring to hunt in the River St.
Ijohn to the great detriment of the Indians of that river by destroying
Itheir beaver. Francklin expressed his apprehension that the remote
iMadavvaska region would become an asylum for the banditti of both
Iprovinces.

The impression very generally prevails that the ancestors of the
Ipresent inhabitants of Madawaska, came from the neighboring prov-
ince of Quebec. Many of the families who reside in Madawaska,
lliowever, claim to be of Acadian origin, and they are undoubtedly
Icorrect.

In order to have an intelligent idea of the circumstances that led
Itothe establishment of a French colony at Madawaska in the year
li86, it will be necessary to briefly consider the state of the French
pnthe River St. John in the pre-loyalist period.

After the sad event known as the expulsion of the Acadians,

ome of the fugitives that escaped the general deportation fled to the

ft. John River where they formed several little settlements, the most

nportant of which perhaps was that at Grimross, near the present

filiate of Gagetown. In 1758, General Robert Monckton with a

bng party, again drove them from their homes, burned their

[ouses and barns and compelled them to seek for situations more

Note. St. Anne's Point, the site of the present city of Fredericton,

eras next to have become their headquarters; but alas for them ! in

lie month of March, 1759, the settlement at St. Anne's was ruth-

«8h destroyed by a party of New England Rangers under Lieutenant

":im

"fill \

im !

(281)

Moses Ilazen.^ Their conduct was disapproved by General Amherst,
who strongly reprobated the killing of women and helpless children.
Moses Perley, the well known local historian, says that win u his
grandfather, Israel Perley, with others, explored the St. John river
in the year 1762, they noticed " the devastated settlements cf the
French and the blackened fragments of their buildings whicti had
been mercilessly burned." On their arrival at St. Anne's Point.
" they found the margin of the river, along the whole of what i> now
the town plot of Fredericton, cleared for about ten rods back from the
bank, and they saw the ruins of a very considerable settlement. The
bouses had been burned and the land was fast relapsing into a
wilderness state."

Notwithstanding the destruction of their village, the Acadiaiis
still lingered near St. Anne's. In their distress their Indian friends I
came to their relief. Their existence evidently was known, for oiii
April 15th, 1761, Lieut. Gov. Belcher reported that there were forty
Acadiaus at the village of St. Anne's who had made no submission, i
In August, 1763, these Acadians petitioned the government of Xova
Scotia for leave to gather their corps and remain on their locations
for the winter. Five years later we find Provincial Secretary, Richard
Bulkeley, directing John Anderson and Francis Peabody, Esq'rs, in
their capacity as "justices of the peace for the County of Sunbiiry,
River St. John," to give notice to all the Acadians there, except ahoiit|
six families (to be named by Father Bailly, their priest,) that theyi
were to remove from the St. John river, and that lands would be|
given them elsewhere.

In spite of all difficulties and discouragements the poor Acadians!
clung to the lands on which they had settled. In the year 1783 Majorl
Studholme appointed a committee of exploration, consisting of two!
loyalists, Ebenezer Foster and Fyler Dibblee, and two old i!ihabit-'
ants, James White and Gervas Sa}'. They found no less than sixty-
one families of Acadians on the river, comprising 357 persons^. Thei
committee thus refer to them in their report :

Above St. Anne's we found a considerable number of French si ttlersj

* Moses Hazen, the leader of this foray, fought against the English in the !!evolii|
tionary War. He tai.sed a corps known as '* Congress' own," or " Hazen's ow ■ ' Ha
rose to the rank of Brigadier-General in the American army and is honoretl by I'liiteiU
States historians as a great patriot, but the memory of this deed tarnishes the ! i?tieon
his name. His brother, William Hazen, Mas loyal to Britain during the '•le\o\n\
tiopary War.

( 282 )

many of whom had been in possession a number of years. They, in general,
appeared to be an inoflfensive people, but few, if any, have a legal title to their

lands.

About a dozen of these families lived near the mouth of the
Keswick stream, on the east side of the River St. John, within the
bounds of a tract of land assigned to a Loyalist corps called the Prince
of Wales American Volunteers.^ All of these went afterwards to
Madawaska. There were two other French settlements a few miles
above St. Anne's, one near the Indian village of Aukpaque and
another called the Upper Settlement — a few miles above,. There was
possibly another small settlement on the lower part of St. Anne's
plain, which at the time the Loyalists arrived was called Mercure's
plantation.^

Major Studholme expressly commends the services rendered the
British during the American Revolution by the Mercures as couriers,
and by several members of the Martin and Cire families.

About the year 1768 a small French settlement was formed at
Hammond River, on the Kennebecasis, in which were included
families bearing the names of Tibideau, Violet, Robicheau, Goodin,
Blanchard, LeBlanc and Doucett. These Acadians traded with the
English settlers, and were employed by them in the year 1769 in
dykeing the large marsh east of the present city of St. John. .

From these little colonies of fugitive Acadians many of the founders
of the Madawaska settlement trace their origin.

•!p

1;;.^

AN OLD TIME CONFLAGRATION. ^

In the autumn of 1784, about one year after the landing of those
Loyalists who came in the month of October, 1783, the first of the
series of great conflagrations with which St. John and the Province
of New Brunswick have from time to time been visited, took place.
In its results it was as unfortunate to a large immber of the inhabi-

' The names of the French settlers, as given on an old plan in the Crown Land
Office, are Paul Muzeroll, Mathura Muzeroll, Francis Aubere, Pierre Pinette, Francis
Goodin, Baptiste Diegle, Baptiste Vienaux, Louis Lajeune, Joseph Roi, Alexis Tibbidoe,
Pierre Muzeroll, Maturin Gotreau.

'^ See Canadian Archives for 1891, p. 28.

■•' We are indebted toW.M. Jordan, Esq., and a relative of his for the facts here given.

( 283 )

1 1^

tants as any which has since occurred. A gentleman who had
obtained a lot in the neighborhood of the spot where the Centenary
Church now stands, had cut the trees and piled the brush into heaps
for burning. The summer had been one of great drought. Every-
thing of a vegetable nature was as dry and as ignitable as tinder.
The brush heaps only awaited the spark to burst into flame. The
morning was calm with the slightest breath of air from the south.
The owner, thoughtless of any dangerous consequences to himself or
neighbours, started the fire. The result was one of those disasters,
such as have too frequently brought ruin and desolation to many of
the fairest and more thriving parts of Canada. About noon the wind
suddenly arose to a gale. The flames spread with fearful rapidity.
Men quickly gathered from all directions, with axe, pick, shovel or
whatever implement was at hand, to make an attempt to stay the
progress of the flames. But the attempt was hopeless. By two
o'clock in the afternoon the fire had spread eastward to Courtenay
Bay and north to what is now known as Jeffrey's Hill. Soon it
leaped across the intervening valley and thence onward until the
flames had lapped the water of the Kennebeccasis River destroying in
their path, several miles in width, almost everything that would
burn with the exception of one house. This was not saved by water,
but by digging trenches around it.

Shortly after this disaster which retarded the progress of the now
prosperous city of St. John, a large number of the Loyalists who had
drawn lots in the city and on which they had built the log houses
which were destroyed, moved to the country and occupied lands
which were soon converted into flourishing farms.

(234)

COZVUWIENTS.

CoUingwood (Ont. ) Bulletin : All who are
interested in the choicest bits of Canadian
history should secure this series.

Rev. M. Harvey, St. John's, Nlid : I
cnrdially congratulate you on the excellent
judgment and good taste with which you
have made your selections. You are render-
\\vy an important public service, especially
to the younger generation of readers, which
I trust will be duly recognized.

Thv Weahyan (Halifax) : A most interest-
ine number (IX) of this exceedingly valu-
able and interesting series of pamphlets.
Mr. Hay is doing his fellow countrymen,
old iuid young, an unspeakable service in
the issue of these eminently readable and
accurately written compounds.

Manitoba Free Press: The complete series
will form a body of really valuable historical

inateriid.

Nelson, B. C, Miner: We do not know
I .iiivthing that will tend more to popularize
laiiiulian history than those bright, clever
[Kipers, as interesting as they ar^ novel.

Orillia, Ont., Pa-'kcf : The plan was ex-
oellently conceived and so far has been

I ilmirably carried out Teachers

ami students of Canadian history will tind

I them valuable, far beyond the trifling cost.

Churlottetown, P. E. I., Guardian: Num-
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if this excellent series.

ClnivlottetoM'n Patriot : Composed of
piipert^, contributed bythe leading historical

I authorities of Canada and devoted to a
pleasing variety of subjects, these "Half
liours with Canadian History " will do much
I to popularize all that is inspiring in the

Ifeirly records of our country.

Halifax Presbyterian Witnens : Of the
I series as a whole we wish to say that we
lare <rnitef ul to the editors and the contribu-

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hnconrage the circulation of these historic
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phich brings so vividly before the reader a
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|ishamed.

Campbellton, N. B. , Events : These his-
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Toronto Canadian Historical Records : M r.
Hay has been fortunate in securing such
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Montreal Gazette : What we said some
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applicable to this experiment of Mr. Hay's,
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At a nominal cost (ten cents a number) one
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and the new.

Toronto Globe : The object of the publi-
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and to build up national sentiment.

Halifax Herald: These papers have
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and to awaken the spirit of research.

Montreal Witness: Tlie most stirring in-
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Toronto BooksclUr and Stationer : Stud-
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Truro Noes : These Readings are filled
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EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READ

CANADIAN
HISTORY.

NUMBER ELEVEN.

NEWFOUNDLAND OF TO-DAY,

J^ev. M. Harvey^ LL.D.

CANADIAN NOBILITY OF THE
FRENCH EPOCH,

F. G. Forsaith lie Fronsac.

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY OF THE
BAY OF FUNDY,

Prof. L. IV. Bailey, Ph.D.

THE FIRST MARTYR OF THE
CANADIAN MISSION ; Poem by
W. O. Raymond, Jr.,

Rev. IV. O. Raymond, M.A.

RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT,

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g twelve in all. A limited number of bound copies of the whole aeries will then
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unique and interesting collection of sketches, many of which have not been heretofore
published, and which are of the greatest interest and value to every student of Canadian
History. Every school library in Canada should have a complete set of these Readings,
Those who wish the bound volume would do well to make early application, as only a j
limited number will be issued.

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST NUMBERS OF THE SERIES.

NUMBER I. — Introduction — Physical Growth of Canada — The Legend of (ilooscap-|
Cartier's First Voyage — Winter at St. Croix Island (illustrated) — The Story otj
Lady La Tour — The Story of the Loyalists.

NUMBER II.— The Cabots and their Voyages — The Settlement o* Port Royal-I
PhysiograT)hy of Nova Scotia — An Acadian Marchioness — Chapter on Names- j
The Fort Cumberland Summons and Reply — The Siege of Penobscot.

NUMBER III.— General Coffin — Fort Cumberland— D'Anville's Expedition— Nicolasl
Denys' Description of tiie River St. John — Incidents in the Life of Lieut. .Taraef|
Moody — Story of the Big Beaver.

NUMBER IV.— Phvce-Names— French Canadian Life and Character — The Story oil
Laura Secord — On tl»e Study of Ancient Mai)s— A Scheme for the Con(|uest ofj
Canada in 1746.

NUMBER v.— The Acadian People — The Battle of Lundy's Lane— The Peiintiek
Colon J' — History in Boundary Lines — The Physiography of New Brunswick.

NUMBER VI.— The Expulsions of the Acatlians— Frontenac and his Times— Tlie Warl
Song — The Foundation of Halifax — The Hessians — The Capture of Mackinac ii>|
1812— Founders of Fredericton.

NUMBER VII. — Inheritance- from our Historic Past — Nicolas Uenys — Traits of India;!
Charactei'— The Maroons in Nova Scotia — The First Siege and Capture of Louivf
bourg — The Defence of Mackinac in 1S14.

NUMBER VIII.— The Siege of Louisbourg in 1758— Villebon and Fort Nashwauk-Tli^
Early Postal Service in British North America — The New England Movement tq
Nova Scotia — General Campbell's Muster — The Acadian Land in Louisiana.

NUMBER IX. — Explorers of Canada —Newfoundland as J t Is— The Heroine of Vercherci
— The Return of the Acadians — Location of the Acadians in Nova Scotia— Tha
Loyalists in Old Nova Scotia — The Assault of Montgomery and Arnold o\\
Quebec in 1755.

NUMBER X.— History of Fruit Culture in Canada— Before the Loyalists—Fathej
LeClercq's Voyage — Notes on Madawaska — An Old Time Conflagration.

TERMS;

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Address, G. U. HAY,

Educational Review, St. John, N. B.

THE NEWFOUNDLAND OF TO-DAY.

By the Rev. M. Harvky, LL. 1).

It 18 curiou3 and instructive to note the contrast between the
comlition of Newfoundland at the opening and close of the nineteenth
century. When the last sands of the eighteenth century were
running out the colony was still under the repressive system which
hail obstructed its growth from the outset. It was regarded by the
Imperial Government as a lishing »tation and a training post for
^eamen for the Eoyal Navy, not as a home for a civilized community.
It was governed by naval commanders who enforced the laws with
the sternest quarter-deck discipline. These laws prohibited settlement
in the island, refused all grants of land for cultivation or building
sites a»d reserved the shores for the use of migratory fjaherraen who
came from England in the spring and were compelled to return at
tlie close of each fishing season. No right of private property in land
was permitted, unless actually employed in the fisheries. The gov-
ernors of those days were in the habit of returning to England each
winter and re-appearing at the opening of summer. If they found on
their return that any one had erected a fence round a piece of ground
(luring their absence, or built a house with a chimney, they issued
orders for their immediate removal. Such repressive measures were
actually enforced by Governor Waldegrave in 1799 ; and the nine-
teenth century was eleven years old before restrictions against the
cultivation of land and the building of dwelling-houses were finally
abolished.

At the date referred to, the total population of the island was
under 20,000 people, who were scattered in small hamlets around the
shores. St. John's, the capital, contained about 3,000 people who
were sheltered in wooden huts, huddled together in such a way as to
jbe in continual danger of fire. The principal thoroughfare was in
jone place not more than six feet wide. All the streets were narrow,
iinpaved and unlighted. The condition of the people in the smaller
I and more remote fishing settlements Avas deplorable. Successive gener-
ations lived and died without education and almost without any reli-
gions teaching. The lives of the people under these cruel and senseless
[laws were rendered hard and often miserable for the express purpose

, .. - . ( 285 ) - . ..

/I'm
■ii ■

of driving them away and preventing a settled population from
growing up. As to the interior of the island, it was reported to be a
great dismal swamp, with hero and there patches of rocks and lin<'s,
and in some places covered with a low scrub — a repulsive region
unfit for the habitation of civilized man.

These bad old times have passed away; and at the close of tlic
nineteenth century what a marvellous change for the better do wo
see ! St. John's has grown into a city of 30,000 inhabitajits. Its
streets are lighted by electricity, and seamed with an electric street
railway. It possesses all the appliances of modern civilization —
railways, telegraphs, telephones, fire-brigades, water and sewoiago.
Its cathedrals, churches and public buildings, its b.inks, shops, stores,
wharves, compare not unfavorably with those of any other city of tlie
same size. A memorial tower in honour of John Cabot crowns Siijiial
Hill, at the entrance of the harbour. The hum of manufacturing
industry is heard on all hands. A busy population throngs its streets.
Its harbour is a forest of masts, and steamships are constantly arriving
and departing. The strutting quarter-deck governors and the
rough old "fishing admirals" — where are they? Gone to the
chambers of oblivion, as will go also all who now walk its streets and
carry on its life activities ere the new century has run its course.
" We are such stuflf as dreams are made of."

But perhaps the change in this great island itself is more striking
than even in its capital. Its winter seems over and gone, and the
voice of the locomotive is heard in the solitudes of the interior. The
great dismal swamp has turned out to be a fair island, with waving
forests, fertile plains, rich in mineral treasures, and containing some of
the finest scenery in this beautiful world. Nearly seven hundred miles
of railway now seam its surface, connecting together its various centres
of population, while a steam ferry links it to the neighboring continent,
thus bringing it within the comity of nations, and rendering its natural
resources accessible. From afar come streams of tourists, travellers,
health-seekers, worshippers of the beautiful, who return to celebrate
the wonders of this newly-found land. The sportsman in pursuit of
the stately deer, and the quiet angler seeking salmon and trout, are
found tramping over its " barrens," or along its lakes and rivers. The
smoke-dried denizen of the great city comes to drink in its health-
giving breezes and restore the iron to his blood. One and all proclaim,
" Here is the Norway of the New World."

( 286 )

^•Pi «f.»7^. IfW' ^"JP^'W

But the colony has attractions for more than healtli and pleasure-
seekers. Capitalists in increasinif numbers are finding their way to
its shores. As a mineral-producing country it has already taken a
high place, ^t can boast of one of the finest iron mines in the world,
which was uiscovered only three years ago on Bell Isle, Conception
Bay, about twelve miles from 8t. John's. A portion of the dej^osit
was sold lately to the Dominion Iron and Steel Company for a million
dollars, and it is estimated by exports to contain forty million tons ol
red hematite ore. The remaining portion is owned by the New Glas-
gow Steel Company, and is probably of not less value. In some
resjiects the mine is unique. The ore, containing fifty-four per cent
o^'i. ■)n, is deposited in horizontal strata extending over an area three
miles in length and nearly half a mile in breadth. The remarkable
feature of the ore is that it is not in solid masses but small rhomboidal
pieces of various sizes, none exceeding twelve inches \\i length. There
k no need of shafts or tunnels or complicated machinery. It is worked
.13 an open quarry, with crow-bars, pick-axes, and occasional charges
ot'dyu'.imite to loosen the masses. When taken from the bed it falls
into these rhomboidal forms, and the cost of putting it on board does
not exceed twenty-five cents per ton. It is not known that there is
anywhere a similar deposit of iron ore. It occurs in the Lower
Silurian formation. Shipping it at the rate of four thousand tons a
(lay would require more than twenty years to exhaust what is now in
sight, and to what depth the deposit may extend is at present unknown.
Geologists are at present divided in opinion as to how this marvellous
deposit took place — some holding that it has been separated from the
Archican parent rock by the action of water, and then cr3'stallizcd l)y
chemical action ; while others think both chemical and mechanical
agencies were combined in its production. Possibly some aticient
eruption may have brought it near the surface.

Among copper-producing countries Newfoundland occupies the
sixth place. Indeed, the commencement of the new progressive era
[dates from 1864, when the first copper mine was opened at Tilt Cove,
ill the northeast of the island, on the shore of Notre Dame Bay. It
was the first, and it has also proved to be the best, copper mine yet
discovered. During the first twelve years it yielded 49,719 tons of
copper ore and 411 tons of nickel, the value being $1,572,154. It has
been worked for thirty-four years and shows no sign of exhaustion.

( 287 )

Last year the shareholders had a net profit of £70,000. A number of
other copper mines were soon discovered in the same neighborliood,
and were worked vigorously, so that at the close of 1879 the total
value of the copper export had reached $4,629,880. The report of
Mr. J. P. Howley, Director of the Geological Survey, shows that tlie
total value of the copper ore exported from 1888 to 1898 was $5,1 'iiT,.
038. The total value of copper ore since its first discovery must
therefore have exceeded ten and a half million dollars in value. Mr.
Ilowley gives $7,829,158 as the value of all minerals exported during
the ten years preceding 1899. Of this $1,602,200 was realized from
the export of iron pyrites.

Magnetic iron ore and chrome iron have been found on the wost
coast under very promising conditions; while there are in various
places indications of silver and lead, and latterly of gold-bearing
quartz. Only the fringe of the mineral deposits of the island has 3 et
been touched.

And it holds not only minerals but other economic materials, which
are likely to prove of great value. One of these is roofing slate, ami
of this the island contains a large;- quantity and a finer quality than
any other country on this side of the Atlantic. A company with a
large capital has recently opened a slate quarry at Smith's Sound,
Trinity Bay. It is pronounced by one of the most eminent geologists
of the day to be one of the finest slate deposits in the world, equal to
the finest Carnarvonshire slate in Wales. The best slate depo^^its in
Wales are now approaching exhaustion ; and slate capitalists are
looking to Kewfoundland, where the deposits are inexhaustible, for
supplies. Of gypsum there are numerous deposits of the finest quality
on the west coast, especially at Romanes' Brook, St. George's Bay,
which is to be soon worked. In Codroy, also, there are immense
deposits.

Lumbering is extending every year and now contributes a large
export. Recently an eminent Scotch lumberer has removed all hi?
men and plant from Sweden, where he had been operating for years,
to Newfoundland, where he has secured 800 square miles of to;ost
lands, and will carry on a very large lumbering trade.

As a pulp manufacturing country the island is destined to taken
high place. Vast areas are covered with the very best materials for
pulp making. Arrangements are in progress for the erection of a

( 288 ) . •

pnlp factory at Grand Lake, on a gigantic scale ; and on T^lack River,
riacentia Bay, a pulp establishment has been worked for some time.
The island may not become a great agricultural country, but there
are millions of acres which will in time become excellent arable and
grazing lands, capable of supporting many thousands in comfort.

The famous fisheries of Newfoundland have long constituted the
staple industry on which the bulk of the people depend for their daily
bread. The average annual value of the shore fishery is about
S-t,500,000. The value of the Labrador fishery is $1,200,000 ; of
the bank fishery, $100,000 ; of the herring fishery, $200,000 ; of the
lobster fishery, $600,000. The total value of the fish products is
$7,000,000 per annum.

The annual revenue of the colony is about $1,500,000 ; the
funded debt $16,485,700. The value of the exports is five to six
million dollars ; of the imports six to seven million dollars.

On the whole, N"ewfoundiand, at the close of the century, can
reckon up her gains with satisfaction, and accept these as pledges and
promises of better things to come. Old things have passed away and
better things have come. The country is one of freedom's homes —
free thought, free speech, free worship. All the marks of adv^ancing
civilization are apparent.

Education is receiving that attention its paramount importance
demands. Religious ministrations are adequate to the wants of the
people. All the great appliances to secure material advance are
multiplying. It can enter on the new era without any misgivings
and with much that is bright and hopeful.

CAIN'ADIAN NOBILITY OF THE FRENCH ErOCII.

By F, (J. FuRSAiTH DE Fronsac.

Nobility in Canada was created by the kings Henry the Great and
Louis XIV., for the purpose of recognizing that merit among the in-
habitants which distinguishes heroic souls, and always is the bulwark
of nationality, order and honour. The first commission by the king,
given to the Marquis de la Roche, Governor and General of Canada,
enabled him to nominate for titles, " gentlemen, and those whom he

, :.. . .»r (289) . ... - •

' ^

I 'l

E.'-

I'''

will judge men of merit, to fiefs, seigneuries, chatelleriea, counties,
viscounties, baronies, and other dignities derived from us, on the re-
sponsibility that they guard in tuition and defence the said country."'
There were two kinds of titles granted. One was territorial only — as
seigneur — corresponding to the English lord of a manor. King
Louis XIV. organized the seigneurs into an order of nobility for
Canada in 1663, from which date every seigneur received his investi-
ture at the castle of St. Louis, at Quebec, promising fealty, and to
maintain the honour of the crown. He was granted for this purpose
the powers of a magistrate within his fief, and the military captaincy
over his tenants, whom he was to drill and lead in the defence of the
c(nmtry. He could sell his seigneury with the king's consent, giving
one-fifth of the purchase money to the crown. The consent of the
next heir was also necessary ; otherwise the seigneury passed here-
ditarily from father to son without any dues to the crown. But it
direct heirs were lacking, the next heir, being a collateral, paid one
year's rent to the crown on his succession. The title of seigneur, or
lord of the manor, passed with the seigneury, or manor. A family,
formerly holding a seigneury only, had the right of adding the name
of the seigneury to the family name, like Le Jardens + de St. Pierre.
And the family always is reckoned as noble or seigneurial ever after.
There were nearly two hundred seigneuries granted by the various
kings of France in Canada from the earliest to the latest time. Tlic
rights and privileges of a seigneur are continued in those places in
Canada where seigneuries yet exist (with the exception of the civil
and military powers), according to the solemn pledge of Great Britain
in the Treaty of Paris of 1763, which ceded Canada on the part of
France to the king of England.

The other sort of title granted by the kings of France in Canadii
was personal and hereditary as well as territorial. There titles are
equivalent to duke (due), marquis, earl (comte), viscount (viconite).
baron and baronet. A list of these will be valuable, as they have
rights of precedence at the court of the Governor-General of Canada.
guaranteed them by the thirty-seventh Article of the above mentioned
Treaty of Paris, of 1763, which are as valid as the charter by wliieli
the Governor-General himself holds power, and more so, because
irrevocable.

' Lareau Hist, du Droit Canadien, Tome I. p. 1 ')9.

( 290 ) : ; .

?'jrf™?*v™'i»**fV?'^"Vf

•i-...

Family Namk.

Title.

pRKSENT Possessor.

Jean Law, Minister of Fi-

Due d' Arkansas, in Louisiana.

Unknown to writer.

nance to Louis XIV.

Francois M. L. d'Albergati

Marcjuis de Vezza,

French and Canadian, 1760.

In Quebec.

Michel Chartier,

Marquis de Lotbiniere and Alain-

Sir H. G. Joli de Lot-

ville, by Louis XVI., 1789,Canad'n

biniere.

IMerro Dandonneau.

Marquis du Sable, 16 — , Canadian.

Unknown to writer.

Philippe de Rigaud.

Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor in
1698, Canadian and French.

(( (1

Pierre de Rigaud.

Comte de Cavagni. 1, 1743, French
and Canadian.

( 1 (<

Jacques .Siniard.

Comte de Ramustjue, 1744, Canad'n

In Province of Quebec.

Louis Lienard.

Comte de Beaujeu,

French and Canadian, 1700.

In Montreal.

Pierre L. de Rastel.

Comte de Rocheblave,

French and Canadian, HaO.

In Montreal.

F. Talon, Canadian Minis-

Unknown to writer.

ter of Louis XIV.

Comte de I'lsle d'Orleans, men-
tioned by Lareau in Droit Canadien

(1 (t

Frangois P. Douglas.

Comte de Douglas,

French and Canadian, 1760.

i( (<

Nicolas Denys,

Vicomte de Fronsac,

F. G. Forsaith de Fronsac.

Governor 1654.

French and Canadian, 1676.

Charles Le Moyne.

Baron de Longiieuil,

Canadian, 1700.

Grant de Longiieuil.

Jean V. d'Abbadie.

Baron de St. Castin,

French and Canadian, 1688.

Bourbon de St. Castin.

Rene Robineau.

Baron de Portneuf and Becancour,
Canadian, 1652.

In Quebec Province.

Baron de Beauville, mentioned in
Lareau's Hist, du Droit Canadien.

Unknown to writer.

Guillaume de Caen,

Baron du Cap Tourmente,
Canada, 1599.

(( ((

Alphonse de Tonty.

Baron de Paludy,

French and Canadian, 1700.

•

(iaspard Chaussegrosse.

Baron de Leiy,

French and Canadian, 1760.

<( (<

Claude Turgis de St. Eti-

Baronet of Nova Scotia,

In the Bradstreet family.

enne de la Tour.

By King James I. of England.

t^m

The pedigrees of these families, with their titles, are found in
Tanguay's Dictionnaire Genealogique du Canada ; Murdoch's History
of Nova Scotia, and Les Grandes Families Canadiennes ; while his-
torical sketches abound in the histories by Garneau, Charlevoix,
Ferland, Dionne, and Le Droit Canadien, by Lareau.

(291)

.'Hy'V^piii'T^ ■ '

THE GEOLOGICAL HISTORY OF THE BAY OF FUNDY

Bv Prof. L. W. Bailey, Ph.D.

Surely no reader of Acadian history, especially no reader of these
historical leaflets, needs to be reminded of the associations which
cluster around the Bay of Fundy. Lying, as a great water-wedge,
between the Provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia , forming
no inconsiderable portion of the borders of each, and receiving on \U
rocky shores the waters of the St. John and other important streams,
it could hardly fail to have been intimately associated with the earliest
events in the settlement of the country, as well as in the subsequent
struggles for its possession and control. The first explorations of
Champlain and his companions, the terrible winter spent on the little
island in the St. Croix, the jovial meetings of the Knights of the
Good Time at Port Royal, the romantic adventures of Madame
La Tour, the conflicts around the walls of old Fort Cumberland at the
head of the Bay, the piratical expeditions of Argall and others, are
topics familiar to every reader of Canadian history or literature.

But, interesting as are the events associated with the Bay of Fumly
during the Historic Period, it must not be supposed that these com-
prise the whole, or even any very large part, so far as time is con-
cerned, of the real history of the bay. When the first Europeans
landed upon its shores they found them already occupied by other
races, destined to play an important part in the struggles to whicli
reference has been made, some of whose descendants still live among
us, and to whose language we are still indebted for the names of many
of our best known mountains, lakes and rivers. Who knows when and
whence they came to this part of America? and, granting that tliev
are but branches of the old Algonquin stock, of which other branches
survive in other parts of the continent, what do we know of the orighi
of these? Again, have we any right to assume that, as regards even
its geographic and climatic features, the Acadia of pre-historic times
was in every respect the same as the Acadia of to-day? And h(»\v
did there come to be any Bay of Fundy at all ? How can we account
for its distinctive features, its form, its depth, its wonderful tidal
phenomena, the contrasts between its northern and southern shores,
the peculiarities of its flora and fauna? Has the Bay of Fundy

■" ■ -v- -... (292) :: ■. ••:.- ^:-

always been essentially as it is at present, or is it the final result of a
process of historical development of which it is possible for us to
decipher some, at least, of the progressive stages ?

To do this, in some small degree, is the purpose of the present
paper ; and though in making the attempt we shall, like the marinei:
upon the present bay, find ourselves not unfrequently enveloped in
well-nigh impenetrable fog, and find it necessary to pause a while for
further light, we must not be discouraged ; for we are not wholly
without a guide. As the pilot of the " Prince Rupert," leaving the
harbour of St. John, when it is hardly possible to see one end of the
steamer from the other, and knowing that he will have to encounter
winds and currents which constantly tend to sway him from his
course, yet points and keeps his w^ay with confidence to the narrow
inlet of Digby Gut, bounded by rocky walls, to strike which would
be certain destruction, so the geologist has also his compass and charts,
and, like Champlain and his associates, is not only not afraid, but
finds a delight in exploring unknown seas, and finding lands unheard
of before.

First, then, let us see whether even in comparatively recent times
the Bay of Fundy has remained entirely unchanged. For if it is
possible for us to prove the fact of such change, and to determine its
causes, it will be much easier for us to recognize the operation of these
same causes in earlier times.

One of the most obvious of the changes referred to is to be found
in the ivaste of the present shores. Who can skirt the latter by sail or
steamer without seeing that the features which determine their variety
and sublimity, the alternation of rocky headland and narrow indenta-
tion, of overhanging bluft' and darksome cavern, of rocky islets and
half submerged ledges, are the result& jf a process of wear, evidences
of the unceasing attempts of old ocean, working through waves and
tides and currents, to invade and to subdue the land ? The conflict is
one which never ceases, and though at any one time we may be
unable to measure the result, we have only to study some limited
area of the coast, especially where the conditions are favorable, to
find that even in the course of a few years very considerable changes
may be brought about. One admirable locality for such studies is
the vicinity of Quaco, or St. Martins, where the soft red sandstones
which here skirt the bay exhibit some wonderful illustrations of sea-

. ( 293 ) .• . ■

^> ''^w zpfr^^-' i"^^

.3 ,

■'..

i i

sculpture, and where the writer, after an interval of only a few years,
found an entire alteration in all the more prominent details of tlie
coastal scenery. The vicinity of IIope\ ill Cape is another well-known
locality. And finally, should one, jmpted by the rich mineral
harvest to be there gathered, venture to walk or sail beneath the
precipitous bluffs of Blomidon, and see the thousands of tons of rock
lying shattered on the shore below, he will probably see also reason to
be thankful that he was not there in the early spring, at which time
these gigantic slides are most apt to fall.

But obviously what is thus gained from the land and contributed
to the sea must be disposed of. And here is another source of change.
To understand this disposition we have only to walk along any
extended line of coast and to mark the deposits which are there in
course of accumulation, great sea-walls made of huge rounded blocks
where the shore is exposed to the full fury of the sea, pebbly or sandy
beaches where the waves have less power, fine muds in sheltered bays
or in oflf-shore shallow soundings. And it is important to notice that
such deposits always tell the story of their origin. They could not he
formed anywhere else than upon a coast line, certainly not in the deep
sea ; and hence the features which they present, once noticed, become
a key wherewith we can recognize similar coast lines, even though
these may belong to the most remote ages of the past. The finer
muddy sediments are especially instructive in this way. As exposed
in the great tidal flats at the head of the modern bay, one cannot hut
be surprised to see what a wonderful record they keep of every
change to which they are subjected : in one place raised in little
ridgelets, marking the advance or retreat of the tide, in another
furrowed with little channels produced by the rills which follow the
breaking of the waves, here honeycombed with cracks, due to the
drying action of the sun when the tide was out, and here, it may he,
covered with little pits, produced by the drops of a passing shower.
Almost everywhere are they marked by the long trails or the vertical
borings of marine worms, to which not unfrequently are to be added
the easily-recognized footprint of a bird, or even of man himself; while
now and then a stranded shell, a bunch of sea-weed, or a half-buried
log, illustrates how such deposits may become the burial place of
what once were living creatures.

But evidently these processes of wear and re-distribution, if un-

.. t ■ ( 294 )

^^^TTT^T^-o^-m^.' W.?*"**^-

Ht.

artected by other considerations, must in time reach their limit. The
land must lose in height and extent ; the bay must shallow or become
tilled up. In one way only can the work be prolonged, viz., by
changes of level in land and sea, the lifting of the one or the sinking
of the other. Have we any evidence of such changes as being now
in progress in or about the Bay of Fundy ? Well, it is said that from
time to time it is found necessary to build higher the dykes which at
the head of the bay are the farmers' sole bulwark against the advanc-
ing sea; but stronger evidence even than this is to be found in the
occurrence of the remains of upland trees which must have flourished
long before any dykes existed at points where, were it not for these
dykes, they would now be daily submerged. Again, upon the coast
of Charlotte County are to be seen the shell-heaps which mark the
site of old Indian encampments, not only in positions which would
now be wholly unsuited for such use, but which in some instances
have been largely removed by the inroads of the sea. Dr. Gesner,
the first prominent istudeut of Acadian geology, thought that one
side of the bay was rising, the other sinking ; but, however this may
be, it is certain that such changes, recognizable only after the lapse of
years, are in progress here as elsewhere, and that in time they must
produce very material difterence in the depth and configuration of
the bay.

One point more and we shall have the data necessary to enable us
to go back from the present and to determine some of the earlier
events in the history of the bay. Fortunately, in this part of the
world, though familiar with the effects of water and of frost, we are
never called upon to contemplate that other dire agent of geological
change, which in such countries, as that of Italy, Mexico, or the
East Indies, is a constant menace to the inhabitants — the agency
of fire. Yet we shall presently see that this part of the world has
not always been exempt from volcanic action ; and in trying to dis-
cipher our past history, we must always be prepared to recognize its
eft'ects. In this liiere is no difiiculty; for the rocks produced by
volcanic eruptions or overflows are widely different in their nature
and arrangement from the rocks owing their origin to the sorting
action of water, and once seen can always be readily recognized.

Now, then, for our story of the history of the Bay. It is a long
story, dating back, according to conservative eetimatep, for at least

( 295 ) .

m ' ^

itii'j

. -I

!■

fifty millions of years ! Obviously we can only deal with great periods
at a time, and even of these give only the most general outline. Tlio
studies of various explorers are daily adding to our knowledge of the
details, but to give anything like a full account, even of one single
period in the history, is, and will ever be, beyond the power of man.
"What was the condition of what we now call the Bay of Fundy
in the first recognizable era of its formation ? Well, it was not then
a bay at all. A bay requires two sides, and of those which now lmi-
close old Fundy it is tolerably certain that one is much older than tlie
other. At least, while we have good evidence that its northern side.
forming the highlands of southern New Brunswick, was determined,
and in very nearly its present site, by upheavals dating back to the
most remote period of which we have any knowledge, it is quite cer-
tain that its southern side, if there was one, did not occupy its present
position, and has nothing to represent it in the present province ot
Nova Scotia. The proof of these statements is easily found. In the
case of the northern side, the ridge, now much lower than it once was.
which stretches east and west from the harbor of St. John, or rather
from the Suspension Bridge, and whose characters may be well studied
in Rockwood Park, or better, in the Narrows of the St. Jolm
river, above Indiantown, is found to be composed of rocks evidently
of aqueous origin, and therefore originally deposited as horizontal
sediments, — sands, clays, and beds of lime, but now folded tind
crumpled in a most marvellous manner, and at the same time showinir
evidences of intense alteration — what were once sands being repre-
sented by hard quartzites, the clays by roofing slates, and the lime-
beds by marbles; while surrounding these same ridges, and enclosing
them as though they were islands, are other beds which, though also
highly disturbed, are much less so than the former, and which show
abundant evidences (the same as have been above explained) that they
are old beach deposits. These are the rocks upon which has hecii
built the city of St. John, and almost anywhere in its streets it is pos-
sible to find the same evidences, in the way of fossil wave marks, rill
marks, sun cracks, and stranded shells, of their littoral origin as are
to be found only a short distance away upon the modern coa^t. Theyj
in<licate very clearly that land was near at the time of their origin; |
and though we cannot now speak with certainty of the height or ex-
tent of that land, we can hardly doubt that the great ridge to which |

r :■ • ( 296 )

--"fr^TT^

■•>*■

I have referred, embracing the larger part of the county
with much of Albert, formed a portion of it. Probably there were
other similar ridges further north, such as that forming the peninsula
of Kingston, and some corresponding to the present highlands of
northern New Brunswick, but around and between these lay the
primeval ocean.

It has been supposed by some writers that the southern, as well as
the northern side of the bay, dates from the same period, and is to be
recognized by the same sort of evidence ; but a careful study, as based
upon recent investigations, tends to sliow that nowhere in the prov-
ince of Nova Scotia, except in Cape Breton, are there any rocks as
old as those which now overlook the waters of the bay along the New
Brunswick shore. Yet rocks which are believed to be the equivalents
of what we have described as beach-rocks around these old ridges
near St. John, do occur in Nova fc?cotia, being those in which gold is
so extensively found along its southern side, and they afford the same
evidences of shallow water origin. It would therefore seem to be
probable that the land which they bordered, and from which their
material was derived, lay to the eastward, abd is now submerged be-
neath the waters ot the Atlantic

Be:ore leaving this chapter of our history it is interesting to notice
that among the dep'>sits which constitute the hill ranges along the
northern border of the bay the abnndance of what are evidently
volcanic materials is especially remarkable. One has only to visit
some of the great limestone quarries near St. John (especially Stetson's,
near Indiantown, or that at Green Head,) to see in what a curious way
and to what an extent what was evidently at one time melted rock
ha- come up through the limestone strata, forming great black ^alls
or dykes, and through the accompanying heat altering" these same
rocks into marbles, or filling them along the lines of contact with
garnets or other crystalline minerals ; while to the east of St. John,
especially about Willow Grove, and in the neighborhood of Loch
Lomond, the country for miles consists of what at one time must
have been the outpourings of lava floods, or the accumulation of
volcanic ashes. It will presently a}»pear that this feature character-
izes; the Bay of Fundy trough in various epochs of its history, and is
no doubt connected with the origination of the trough itself.

We must now drop the curtain to lift it again, after an interval of

( 297 ) ....

fit!

'""jv

1 m

i'*i|

great but unknown duration, upon a condition of things widely dillor-
ent from that which we have endeavored to describe.

So far as mere geography is concerned, the change in New Bruns-
wick was mainly one affecting the height of the land, the old ridge
referred to as forming the northern border of the bay being where it
was, and still is ; but now for the first time, so far as we can clearly
see, were the waters of the latter confined by a southern as well as a
northern barrier, thus causing the trough to approximate more nearly
to its present form and proportions. Yet its southern side was not
the present north coast of Nova Scotia. For the North Mountains,
which now extend from Blomidon to Digby Neck, and shut in from
the waters of the bay the Annapolis Basin and Land of Evangeline,
were not there ; while along the southern side of that basin, along the
slopes of the Soutli Mountains, as at Bear River, Clementsport, Tor-
brook and Wolfville, one can easily gather in countless number? the
shells, corals and other forms of marine life which up to this time had
flourished there. But these fossiliferous strata, belonging to what are
known as the Silurian and Devonian systems, and which, like all
similar strata, are simply old mud and sand beds now hardened into
rock, and whose position when formed must have been nearly or quite
horizontal, are now sharply inclined and folded ; while breaking
through them, and sending here and there into them great veins of
similar material, are the granites which form the back-bone of this
portion of the Nova Scotian peninsula. This back-bone, then, includ-
ing what are known as the South Mountains, dates from the latter
part of the Devonian age; and the elevation of this ridge, with which
the elevation of the Nerepis range in New Brunswick was contem-
poraneous, fixed for tue time being the position of the southern border
of the bay. * Though somewhat wider than now, including, as above
stated, the whole of the Annapolis Valley, the bay was probably
shallower ; and if closed, as seems probable, at its eastern end, would
have had something of the character of an extensive estuary. More-
over, into this estuary, upon the New Brunswick side, there is some
reason to suppose that a stream or river of some size emptied, a stream
which may mark the first beginnings of the River St. John. At
least about the site of the modern Lepreau, the sandstones which
there represent the Devonian age are filled with the now petrified
remains of forest trees, in such numbers and so piled together as to I

. -■ ( 298 ) ■ ■■■"--:'

indicate that they n)ight liave been drifted there by the floods of some
ancient stream and stranded in the sand bars about its mouth.

This latter occurrence suggests another important difference
iictween the age of which we are speaking and that with which we
commenced. In the latter such tracts as lay above the primeval
waters were bare and forbidding, no vegetation, unless it may have
been of mosses and lichens, clothing their rugged surfaces ; and hence,
for want of food, untenanted by any forms of terrestrial animal lite.
Now there was abundant verdure, and though the plants included
none of our ordinary shade and fruit trees, but mainly ferns and
conifers, they probably formed dense forests ; and attached to the
leaves of these, now enclosed in solid rock, may be found, not only at
Lepreau, but on the Ba}^ Shore at Carleton, the remains of the insect
forms which mark the early beginnings of this interesting type of
life.

The next period in our history saw a somewhat different condition
of things. It was at its beginning a time of subsidence rather than
of elevation. Everywhere the land stood lower than now, and much
of what is now above the sea level was then below it. The borders
of the bay, as already defined, v/ere still there j but on the New
Brunswick side the southern hills had so far sunken that only their
higher summits still rose above the waters, while towards the head of
the bay, Shepody Mountain, now having an elevation above tide-level
of nearly one thousand feet, was completely submerged. So, in Nova
Scotia, the waves rose high on the slopes of the Cobequids and South
Mountains, reducing our sister province to an archipelago of low
islands, while Prince Edward Island, the Magdalena, etc., formed a por-
tion of the ocean's floor. It is interesting to notice that in connection
with this subsidence, as in the case of those previously described, volca.
nic activity was a marked feature of the area, the igneous rocks being
curiously intermingled with the clays, sands and limestone strata of
the time, but most abundant towards its close. As in other instances,
the strata are abundantly fossiliferous ; but the forms are mainly
those of the sea, such as corals and shells, the former being of special
[interest as indicating: the sub-tropical temperature of our coastal waters.
With the corals ai shells were also fishes ; and in connection with
these a curious little episode of the era is indicated by the countless
I thousands of these removed, often from a depth of many hundreds of

1^'

( 299 )

feet, during the development of the old Albert mine, near the luad
of the bay, in Albert County. It is ditticult to understand how such
vast numbers of fishes, packed literally like herring in a barrel, cnhiM
thus have been entombed ; but the fact that, within the memory of
the writer, the shore of Passaraaquoddy Bay, about the mouth ot the
Magaguadavic River, was on one occasion so thickly strewed with
dead fishes that the rocks were buried benea.'h them and farmcis lor
weeks hauled them away by cartloads for manure, indicates that suclj
catastrophes are not unknown even in modern times.

I have said that the era of which I am now speaking was tit its
beginning an era of subsidence. But the history of old nidilar
earth is like that of a pendulum — the downward is always followed
by an upward movement, and so the progress of time becomes
recorded. How long the period of depression lasted, we know not.
It may have been thousands or tens of thousands of years. Wo
know that it was long enough to wear away and to re-distrilmtc
many hundreds of feet of rock — those which now form the Ministers
Face, opposite Rothesay, and the picturesque hills in the vicinity of'
Sussex — to say nothing of the great limestone and plaster beds of
Hillsborough and Windsor; but at last the sinking ceased, or rather
the processes of subsidence and of sedimentation became more marly
balanced. Oscillations of level ensued, in connection with whicli
there was a gradual extension of dry land, a partial or compKti'
filling up of the old valleys; and a replacement of marine condition-
by those of low hills and extensive intervening marshes. These
wore the marshes of the coal era, and over their surface spread tlie|
dense vegetation, which, biiried from time to time by floods Uuleiil
with detritus and thus subjected to exclusion of air as well :is to
enormous pressure, were gradually converted into beds of coal. One I
such great swamp covered not only all the still low tract of centnil
New Brunswick, including the counties of Queens, Sunbury, Keiit.l
etc., but probably the whole area now occupied by the Gult ot'St.|
Lawrence ; while across what is now the isthmus of Chigneeti
this was connected with another, occupying much of the Bay ftl
Fundy trough, and possibly extending to eastern Massachusetts
and Rhode Island. It was probably the St. Lawrence, then finding!
its way by many meandering channels to the ocean, that supi^liti
the water necessary for the accumulation of the deposits ; while tli

( 300)

l';ii r tliat the ,u;roat Joe^giiis section upon tlieXova Sootiii coast shows

u thickness of not less than 14,000 feet, inchiding seventy-six seams

ot 'Oal, each of which must liave been successively formed «t the

surface, is at once not only an evidence of the fact of such accumu- ;

hition, hut an indication ot the vast periods of time required in the ||^

iir(i(,'e8s. hi

... . ' 1

It would he interesting, were time and space available, to dwell

:it some length upon the details of the Joggins section, and the infor-
mation wliich it aftbrds of the conditions of the era, as regards its
iTiinate, plants and animals ; but it is oidy possible here to say in a
general way that those conditions were not greatly unlike those to
he found to-day in the great Dismal Swamp of JS"orth Carolina, except •

that no trees higher than the conifers were yet present, and the high- il!
est animals were semi-aquatic reptiles. With their wealth of ferns, .;
including tree-ferns, as well as the ordinary herbaceous forms, there li
was not wanting the element of beauty in the forests of the time,
hut without butterflies, birds, or any of the familiar forms of mam-
malian life, without any flowers more conspicuous than those of
liiiies and yews, with the light largely shut out by the density of
the vegetable growth, and with pestilential vapours arising from
sluggish streams or stagnant pools, one would hardly feel tempttd
to penetrate very far into their gloomy recesses. But they were
not intended for man's habitation, and no member of the human
family was on hand to complain of their solitude. It was for the
heneflt of future races that their work was being done. It was tlien
that those vast stores of solar energy were being laid up, which, in
after times, set free in an infinitude of forms, was to become not
only the support of the hunuui race, but the determining factor in
its development. But other scenes await us and we must hurry oiu
Our next view is one of special interest in connection with the
history of the Bay of Fundy, for if is essentially confined to the
latter, and illustrates one of the most important phases of its growth.
It represents a period immediately ibllowing that of the coal era,
last described ; but between the two an epoch of disturbance inter-
vened, changing the relative level of various tracts, dislocating the ,|
disturbed strata, determining profound fractures, and leiiviug the
coal beds in that tilted position which, more especially in Nova
Scotia, has brought the deeper beds to the surface, and thus euor-

lil;

(301)

■f^Wf^-^

MS'

mously facilitated tlieir removal. But sucli disturbances are usuallv
followed by the escape of heat or heated materials from the earth's
* iterlor, and such escape was the predominant feature of the now
red sandstone era, wliich now claims our attention. Tlie " luw
red " sandstones are those of the Annapolis Valley; but niiiiHltd
with and resting upon them are the black slag-like rocks and ash-
beds of the North Mountains, the great ridge extending iioin
Blomidon to Briar Island, and so familiar to travellers as revealod
in tlie transverse break of Digb}' Gut. These are simply old lava
flows, the results of fissure eruptions in the subsiding trough of tin.
bay, and to the conditions of their origin, at one time soft and iilKd
with tlie vapour of steam and sulphurous gases, are to be ascrilxMl
their vesicular structure and the wonderful variety of beautiful
minerals with which they are charged.

Thus for the first time did the bay acquire its present borders.
Then was determined the beautiful scenery of the Basin of Miims.
Then Isle Haute first lifted its head so boldly above the wator?.
Then also Grand Mti'ian, with its remarkable range of cliffs over-
looking the swirling tides, first l)ecame enveloped in the togs of
which it is reputed to be the breeder.

How difficult to realize, even in imagination, the existence in
this part of the world of these old volcanic fires. And they are tliv
more interesting for the reason that with a single exception tliev
practically close, so far as this part of America is concerned, the
geological record, while between them and the era thus excepted a
greater contrast could hardly be pos8il)le. For while the new red
(or triassic) era was, as we have said, one in which heat was a ]irc-
dominant fsictor, that which remains to be described was an era
not only of exceptional but also of almost inconceivable cold. It
was the glacial era, or great geological winter, a winter so proloiiireil
and so intense that New Brunswick, with much of North Amcnoi,
became reduced to the present condition of Greenland. All vegeta-
tion, except of the very lowest grades, necessarily perished. All
forms of animal life, except such as by migration could reach warmer j
latitudes, shared the same fate. Hills and valleys alike became
buried beneath liundreds, perhaps thousands, of feet of snow ; and
this, by its own weight, became largely converted into ice. More-
over, this ice was in motion, as is the case now with the grejit iii-

(302) / :.

\t was a \n\'-
was an ora
le colli If

proloHgod
\\i Amcru'ii,
All vei^etii-
Ushod. All

ich waruK'f
like becami'

snow ; ami

lice. M<'»'»"
le great ior

cap of Greenland, and in its movement i)rc'ssed heavily on the
supporting surface, sometimes polishing this latter in the case of
hard and lesisting rocks ; sometimes planing, grooving, scoring or
|il(mghing the beds beneath, as may be seen in almost any part of
Xew Brunswick or Nova Scotia ; sometimes again detaching great
blocks to be imbedded in and carried by the ice, and finally dropping
those as boulders, often scores of miles from their parent beds. Of
course the Bay of Fundy was affected by these changes, and jis the
land probably stood much higher than at present, thus shallowing
the bay, it is altogether probable that the ice filled it to its bottom,
iiml that the great glacier of the mainland extended across to and
covered the peninsula of Nova Scotia, its southern or Atlantic edg<i
lieing perhaps not far from Sable Island.

Why there should have been such an era of excessive cold,
when it began, how long it lasted, and what determined its close,
are all interesting questions, upon which much lias been written,
Imt of which space forbids the discussion here. It may, however,
be well to say that the disappearance of the ice, like its oncoming,
was gradual; and that its final removal w\as in all probability coinci-
Jent with the first appearance of man. It is also important to
notice that the return to warmer conditions was coincident with, if
not determined by, a return of the earth's surface to its former level,
or rather to a point considerably below it. As the result of this
ilepression, not only did the ice melt away, and by iiielting give to
our rivers enormously increased breadth and volume, but the sea
again invaded the land, again changing greatly the geograithical
outlines of the continent. Much of the interior of New Brunswick
was now submerged, whales disported in Lake Champlain, the St.
[Lawrence at Montreal was some fifty miles wide, the isthmus of
Chignecto was submerged, and no ship-railway was needed to
allow of free passage from Northumberland Straits into the Bay of
Fimdy. The North Mountains of Nova Scotia, of course, stood
nuivh lower than now, and star-fishes and other forms of marine life
freely traversed the Annapolis Valley, where the writer has gathered
their remains in the vicinity of Middleton. Even at St. John,
pimilar remains are to l)e found in the brick clays, out of whicli
nuuli of the city has been built. The maximum submergence along
jtlio New Brunswick coast was probably about two hundred feet.

( 303 )

m siF'

^? -ti

•■^--if-.-

«nd the fact that marine beds, in the form of elevated boaclios, Hdw
skirt the southern hills to the height mentioned, not only itroves
the submergence, but gives also a measure of the re-elevation wliid,
has since occurred.

I have said that the beginning of these latter movements or osril-
lations was contemporaneous with the first advent of man ; aiul tin-
weight of authority goes to show that that advent was at least
10,000 years ago. A recent article by Dr. Matthew, entitled. -A
Forest Fire in St. John 2,000 Years Ago," is an admirable ill u>t ra-
tion of the method by which computations of this kind arc nuidc.
and should stimulate students to the undertaking of similar
enquiries. But if 10,000 years takes us back, in the history of tlic
Bay of Fundy, only to the dawn of the human period, what >liall
we say of the eras which preceded the latter, and almost any om- ot
which exceeded it by many hundred times?

THE FIRST MARTYR OF THE CANADIAN MISSION.

By Rev. VV. 0. Raymond, M.A.

The year 1632 saw the commencement of the Jesuit mispiou iiJ
Canada and the beginning of the most dramatic period in Caiiadiiiiil
history. True, the Jesuit fathers Biard and Masse were at Port Royalj
at an earlier period (1611-1613), but their sojourn was too britt'
produce any permanent result, and must be regarded largely as oiio
of the passing episodes of Acadian history. Lallement and a fv\\\
companions of the Order of Jesus came to Quebec in 1625, and wera
joined the next year by Noyrot and DeNoue, but the war with Engj
land and the capture of Quebec by Kirke obliged the party to retunj
to France. It was not until the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye tliaj
the way was clear for the establishment on a solid basis of \h
Canadian mission.

It is foreign to this paper to consider the nature and objects o|
the Order of the Society of Jesus — much less to attempt to relioarH
the heroic deeds and sacrifices, of the Jesuit missionaries in the wiKli
of North America. Parkman and others have told the tlirillin
story, witli which all students of Canadian history should be thoi|

(304) . _

-IWTP

oughly familiar — indeed the Jesuits have been their own best
annalists.* Few in numbers but strong in spirit, they penetrated
regions heretofore unexplored, eager at all hazards to convert the
savage races and to propagate the dogmas of their religious faith.
They feared not the hardship of mid-winter journeys. Hunger and
privation did not daunt their resolute hearts; nor did they even quail
before the fierce hate of the dreaded Iroquois, by whose tortures so
inany of their number were doomed to perish. Doubtless Brebeuf,
Gamier, and others of the gallant band had their faults like other
men, — nor need our eyes be blinded by the glowing relation of their
deeds by their Superior of the Order of Jesus, intended for the edi-
fication and inspiration of their sympathizing friends and patrons at
home. Nevertheless, making all due and fair allowance for the cir-
cumstances under which the Relations des Jesuites were written, the
heart must be indeed callous that can read unmoved the story of their
[heroic devotion to duty, as they deemed it.

The first martyr of the Canadian mission was Father Anne de
IXoui', lie was sixty-three years of age, and had come to Canada in
lt)26. An indifterent memory prevented his mastering the language
of the savages ; he therefore devoted himself to ministering to the
JFrench and Indians about the forts, where he was able to avail him-
self of the services of an interpreter. He attended the sick, and in
limes of scarcity fished in the river or dug roots in the woods for the
subsistence of his flock. " Though sprung from a noble family of
Cliampagne," says Parkman, "he shrunk from no toil, however
Ihumble, to which his idea of duty or his vow of obedience called
Ihim."

De None fell a victim, not to the cruelty of the savages, but to
Icold and exposure M'hile engaged in an act of Christian kindness and
|cliarity.

Parkman gives a touching description of his death, which, with a
tie abbreviation, is here quoted :

The perils which beset the missionaries did not spring from the fury of the

|Ii()i|uoi8 alone, for nature herself was armed with terror in this stern wilderness

\>i New France. On the thirtieth of January, 1646, Father Annedj Nout*

ft out from Three Rivers to go to the fort built by the French at the mouth

' See Cleveland etlition " Tlie Jesuit Kelation^ iind Allied Documents," published by
pe Burrows Bros.

, . ( 305 ) , . .

-i

(.3!

-apW«Sl(tt',»V^^V;jT-»!.1!H»5Jl>fl(K5»r:;.V .-

of :he Richelieu. * * * The old missionary had for companions two soldiersl
and a Huron Indian. They were all on snowshoes, and the soldiers dra^'gedl
their baggage on small sledges. Their highway was the St. Lawrence, trans-
formed to solid ice, and buried, like all the country, beneath two or three feet
of snow, which, far and near, glared dazzling white under the clear winter sun.
Before night they had walked eighteen miles, and the soldiers, unused t
snowshoes, were greatly fatigued. They made their camp in the forest on the
shore of the great expansion of the St. Lawrence, called the Lake of St. Peter,
dug away the snow, heaped it around the spot as a barrier against the wind
made their fire on the frozen earth in the midst, and lay down to sleep. A
two o'clock in the morning DeNoue awoke. The moon shone like daylight
over the vast desert of the frozen lake, with its bordering fir trees bowed to th
ground with snow ; and the kindly thought struck the Father, that he niigh
ease his companions by going in advance to Fort Richelieu, and sending bac
men to aid them in dragging their sledges. He knew the way well. H
directed them to follow the tracks of his snowshoes in the morning ; and no
doubting to reach the fort before night, left behind his blanket and his tlin
and steel. For provisions, he put a morsel of bread and five or six prunes i
his pocket, told his rosary, and set forth.

Before dawn the weather changed. The air thickened, clouds hid the moon
and a snowstorm .set in. The traveller was in utter darkness. He lost th
points of the compass, wandered far out on the lake, and, when day appeared
could see nothing but the snow beneath his feet, and the myriads of fallin
Hakes that encompassed him like a curtain, impervious to the sight. Still h
toiled on, winding hither and thithei, and at times unwittingly circling hac
on his own footsteps. At night he dug a hole in the snow, under the shore o:
an island, and lay down without fire, food or blanket. *****

The Indian the next day reached Fori Richilieu, where a handful of iiie
kept watch and ward against the Iroquois. Seated by the blazing logs li
asked for DeNoue, and, to his astonishment, the soldiers of the garrison t
him that he had not been seen. The captain of the post was called ; all wa
anxiety ; but nothing could be done that night.

At daybreak parties went out to search. The two soldiers were readil
found ; bAt they looked in vain for the missionary. All day they were ran
ing the ice, firing their guns and shouting ; but to no avail, and they returnei
disconsolate. ♦ * ♦ q,^ ^jjg jjg^t morning two Indians and a Frenr
soldier resumed the search ; and, guided by the slight depressions in the snow
which had fallen on tha wanderer's footprints, the quick-eyed savages traci
him through all his windings, found his camp by the shore of the island, am
thence followed him beyond the fort. He had passed near without discDverini
it — perhaps weakness had dimmed his sight — stopped to rest at a point

(306 )

■■?rTfi)p.ijjiiii||ijp^ y

two soldieral

lleague above, and thence made his way about three leagues farther. Here
jthey found him. He had dug a circular excavation in the snow, and was
Ibeeling in it on the earth. His head was bare, his eyes opened and turned
liipwards and his hands clasped on his breast. His hat and his snowshoes lay
lit his side. The body was leaning slightly forward, resting against the bank
M snow before it, and frozen to the hardness of marble. Thus in an act of
Ikindness and charity, died the first martyr of the Canadian mission.

like davliKlitJ

THE DEATH OF DE NOUE.

By W. O. Raymond, Jr.

Around him lay the snow, the untravelled wild.

With endless rifts piled up in white array.

Swirled in a dim confusion ; through the sky

Chill blinding flakes fell fast, while far and near

Swift gathering darkness half obscured the view.

On either hand the barren wilderness

Stretched far away. The ice clad pine trees tall,

Like hoary watchman, who in castle halls

All grimly guard the winding entrances.

Stood sentinel o'er all the forest waste.

No howl of wolf, no growl of ravenous bear.

Or warring shout of fiendish Iroquois

Rang through the air. All sound of life was still.

And life itself crushed in the stern embrace

Of savage winter's cold and deadening hand.

Only the icebound rill, the glassy lake,

The frozen tree, bursting with strident sound,

Mixed with the wind and formed a music drear

To echo o'er the land a dirge of death.

Did he hear these 1 His thoughts were far away.

Not near that circle where, in narrow space.

He knelt surrounded by the drifting snow.

Hands clasped in prayer, head bared and eyes upraised.

The wind might rage, the stormy tempest blow.

He felt them not ; before him bright there shone

Angelic forms, and heavenly music played,

Grand organ pealed, and in a roseate glow

Again the sculptured arch, the nave, appeared,

DeNoue was the first martyr of the Canadian Mission. See preceding article.

( 307 )

Where oft in wonder he was wont to bow

Before the sacred bones of Loyola.

And higher yet in heaven's high portal stood

The martyred saints, playing on psaltery sweet,

With crowns of glory — the celestial throng

To whom his earthly vows were oft addressed.

And above all, he heard the blessed tones

Of his great Master, and the sweet " Well done,

Thou faithful servant," pierced his trembling ears,

And in the light divine he pass* 1 away

To realms reserved for those who love their Lord.

RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT.

By James Hannay, D. C. L.

lOl

Responsible government is a term which has been heard mo
frequently on this side of the Atlantic, in the provinces which no
form the Dominion of Canada, than in England, the place of i
origin. The reason of this is, that while in England responsil
government grew up imperceptibly, so that it was hardly possiltle
tell the time when it became fully recognized, in Canada, the won
were the battle cry of a great political party. Under the old syste
that prevailed in Englan i in the early days of parliamentary instit
tions, the king was usually his own minister, and the persons to wl
he entrusted a portion of his duties were simply his servants. T
king was, in theory, absolute, but in practice his powers were limit
because he could not obtain subsidies for the purpose of carrying
his government without the votes of parliament, and under the feiul
system the great nobles were so powerful as to restrain in a la
measure the authority of the crown. The "Wars of the Roses ruin
nearly all the ancient aristocracy of England ; and the result of tliisM
that Henry the Seventh, the first of the Tudors, although he came
the throne with an imperfect title, was more absolute than
previous sovereign had been for many generations. The power of
crown culminated in Henry the Eighth, whose title was perfect.
who had besides graces of person and manner in his youthful <
which made him the favorite of the people. The reign of Edw
the Sixth diminished the power of the crown somewhat : but

- ■- • (308)

^ccessors, Mary and Elizabeth, although they had to bow to the will
[parliament, exercised a considerable amount of power. The great
Higgle which was inevitable between the crown and parliament came
(ahead in the days of Charles the First, who lost both his throne
ml liis life because he attempted to tax the people without the
l^nsetit of the representatives whom they had elected. It was not
mil the days of Charles the Second that something like a cabinet
tgan to be formed ; but the men who composed it still rofrardcd
|emselves as the servants of the king and not of the people. The
s;ession of George the First to the throne strengthened the power of
[irliament, because that monarch had to rely on his ministers, as he
»s unable to transa»;t the business of the country himself, as he
not understand the English language. In his reign and that of
^ successor, George the Second, the authority of the House of
^nimons was fully established, and the principle that no government
exist without the support of the House of Commons was recog-
ied. George the Third, who was at heart as great a tyrant as
brles the i rst, was successful in increasing the power of the crown ;
ft this was done by taking the people's money to purchase members
i parliament who would support his policy. Still, throughout his
Kgn, no government was able to exist for any length of time without a
pjority in the House of Commons, and although the principles of
l^ponsible government were perhaps not fully recognized in theory,
ey were firmly established in practice. The ministers were still
|lled the king's ministers, but for all that they were responsible to
[icople.

The last attempt that was made by a British sovereign to govern

country in spite of parliament was that of William the Fourth in

|?4, when he dismissed the Melbourne Ministry and culled on the

ike of Wellington to form a new government. The new govern-

pnt lasted only 113 days, and the king was exposed to the humiliation

being compelled to recall the ministers whom he had dismissed

|tli ignominy a few weeks before. Greville, in his Memoirs, laments

fact on the ground that it tended to make the government the

nistcrs and servants of parliament, and not of the king ; and this

Itemont sufficiently shows that even at as late a period as sixty-six

b ago, the principles of responsible government had hardly been

fy recognized in England, or at least not to the extent to which

■V.

''4

III

"•i

(309 )

'T^tWT^

'I*

they afterwards attained. It ia easy to eee that the change wbic
was brought about b}' the dependence of the ministers on i)
authority of parliament, instead of that of the king, amounted in
practical sense to a revolution, and entirely altered the balance of tlJ
constitution. The sovereign, from being the first power in the stati
became in fact the last, because practically he was unable to prevent ai|
legislation wliich his ministers chose to enact. If he resisted th(
authority they would leave him without a government, and, therefor
helpless. This kind of pressure was exercised upon George tl
Fourth in 1829, when he attempted to prevent Catholic emancijiatioj
on the plea that to consent to a law emancipating tlie Catholics fro
the disabilities under which they sutler v^d would be a broach of 1^
coronation oath. He was forced to yield, although he did so nir
reluctantly, and even with tears, so that from that time until tl
present it may be considered as thoroughly established that tlie kit
cannot resist any legislation which is demanded by the people.

The system of government which prevailed in all the colonics
North America a century ago was the same. There was alegislatuj
which was elected by the people, and there was a council wliieli \\\
nominated by the crown. Then there was the governor, who was t|
direct representative of the crown and who exercised its authoritj
The House of Assembly which was elected by the people controllj
the public expenditure, as far as it related to the revenues received
the province. Thig gave that body a certain degree of authority, \i
owing to causes which are easily explained, this authority \\i
much less than might have beea supposed. The council, which ^j
nominated by the crown, and the governor, who was appointed by tj
British government, were the great ruling forces at that time,
council then exercised legislative as well as executive functions, ai
absorbed most of the authority which was not assumed 1^' tj
governor. The latter received his instructions from England astoi
manner in which he should conduct the affairs of the province, a|
these instructions, which were very voluminous, embraced nearly cv(
topic on which he was likely to find his judgment exercised. Iij
general way they gave him authority over a great many matters w|
which a governor of the present day has nothing to do. The goverif
virtually controlled the appointments to office, although these ajw
ments were sometimes nominally made with the advice of his eouiij

(310)

fheii, however, there came to be a question between the council and
|ie governor, the former always had to yield. The royal prerogative,
lit was termed, was supposed to be pre-eminent and to override the
fighcs of both the council and the assembly. This condition of
^'airs, so unfavorable to the development of popular government, was

eatly promoted by the fact that the governor had control of a large

Dount of public revenue, quite independent of either branch of the

mlature. The casual and territorial revenues, which were the
jiraes given to the crown revenues derived from the crown lands of
province, and also the imperial duties, which were collected by

leers appointed by the British government, were at the disposal of
governor without reference to the wishes of his advisers. Tiie

nperial government also controlled the post ofHce, and, though it
not a revenue-producing branch of the government, this fact still

[rther emphasized the manner in which our affairs were governed

oni Downing Street.

THE CArTlVITY OF JOHN GYLES, KISP-KiOS.

By Victor Himjo Paltsits, of the New York Public Lihrary.

The narrative^ of the captivity of John G}les is the most authentic

earliest English account of an}' consequence relating to a residence

Ithe province of New Brunswick during the seventeenth century.

ir the historian and ethnologist of those parts it is indispensable.

e experiences and observations which he recounts happened to him

m his twelfth to his twentieth year — a period in every man's life

en the memory is " sticky " and the sense of observation very keen.

ctically living the roving life of a savage ; speaking their language ;

ering their privations, and moreover their maltreatment — his young

was crystallized to an appreciation of the reality of his surround-

s. Although he was not far from sixty years of age when his little

k saw the light of day, in 1730, he had long before recorded his

otions in the form of "minutes," and he was induced to put this

I ' Memoirs of Odd Adventures, Strange Deliverances, &c. In the Captivity of John
«, Es(i. . . Written by Himself. . . Boston, in N. E. Printed and Sold by S. Knee-
IfiH'/ T. Green. . . MDCCXXXVI. Small 4to ; title, 1 leaf; introduction, pp. (2);
ipp. 1-40; appendix, pp. (4).

(311) - •

crude material into shape for publication "at the earnest Request"
his second wife, Mrs. Hannah Heath Gyles, whom he had iniirriod
in ITul.

John Gyles was the third son of Judge Thomas Gyles, of Peinaiiuid
>raine. The lather was a man of considerable influence and stniKlini
in the various precincts where from time to time he resided — at Mcrn
meeting Bay in Maine, at Southold in Long Island, and partit ulr.rl]
at Pemaquid. Pious, energetic, and an upholder of the law, he .-liowtj
himself an invaluable factor in moulding and forwarding theail'airs
early New England. In HJHO he was the owner of a house at oil
Pemaijuid, near Fort Charles, as well as of several scattered larnii
In those days Pemaquid was looked upon as the "the key of all tl^
eastern parts" — the bulwark of English civilization and Protostar
Christianity. Fort Charles had been built in 1077 by instnutir
of Sir Edmund Andros. It was merely a redoubt, and wasinteiidcd
a barrier against Indian incursion and French interference, lint tli
garrison stationed there in 1680 was very weak and of a niutim
temper. Its commander, Lieut. James Weems, w^as not in syni|iatli|
with the authorities of Boston, with whom he exchanged some >\'\
correspondence. Whilst these unhappy conditions prevailed witliii
a greater danger threatened from without. A party of A])enaki at]
Maliseet Indians met in council at Pentagoet (now Castine, MaiiK
and perfected plans for the extirpation of the English at Penia'iuij
Father Pierre Thury, the Catholic missionary at Pentagoet — whol
described as " a zealous laborer and a man of capacity " — was tli
leader and accompanied them in their undertaking. A plau of eaij
paign was laid amidst appeals to heaven for success. All contes^p
many received communion, and the Indians took care that their wni
and children did likewise, in order, as they believed, " to raise juir
hands to heaven while their fathers and husbands were conibattii|
the heretics." Preparations proceeded amidst the orgies natural
Indian campaigning. Their hearts of iron burned with bloody liatrd
The}' proceeded on their course in canoes down tlie coast and reaclij
a place called New Harbor, about two miles from Fort Charles. JIc
they secreted their canoes, and moved stealthily along by laml,
noticed and undisturbed. From one John Stnrkey, who fell in ^vij
some of their spies on August 2nd, they learned that the elder T\m
Gyles had gone, with fourteen of his men, to his farm at Pemaqil

(312)

Falls, about three miles oft"; and that the other men of the town were
" scattered broad about their occasions." Thus credibly informed,
the Indiana resolved on an immediate attack ; distributed them-
selves into two bands — the one going to the Falls, the other to the
jtowii close by. The attack was made at noonday, when the garrison
and inhabitants were ott' their guard, and while there was no scout
labroad. Few escaped ; and of the entire Gyles family, onl}' one,
ISanuiel, a boy nine years of age, got within the fort. Lieut. Weems
jDiade a show of resistance, but capitulated when most of his men were
.'d and he himself had been badly wounded in the face by an
lexplosion. All this tinie the other branch of the attacking party was
Icaiising havoc at the Falls, where they killed several in the lielda,
lespecially the elder Thomas Gyles, and made captives of several
lotliors — young John Gyles among them.

On August 4th the Indians set fire to the houses and fort ; " which,"
ays Gyles, " made a terrible Blast, and was a melancholy Sight to us
|ioor Captives, who were sad Spectators."

The captives, to the number of about fifty, were carried to Penob
cot Fort. Some of them continued there during their captivity, but
ktlicrs were distributed among the various tribes of the attacking
tarty. Among the latter was the lad John Gyles, who had been
aptured by a Malisoet Indian of the St. John river. He was taken
bverliind to Fort Meductic' (now Lower Woodstock), and lived with
hese Indians about six years, enduring untold suffering and fatigue,
h was them sold to Louis d' Amours, SieurdeChaufi\)ur, who resided
[tthe mouth of the Jemseg, from whom he received his release in
iQiie, 1698 ; sailed from the mouth of the St. John for Boston, and
Irrived there on the nineteenth of the month, after an absence of
fght years, ten months and seventeen days. Ilis subsequent services
the Bay government, within the confines of Maine and Acadia, as
ndian interpreter, captain of several garrisons, and otherwise, during
early half a century, are a matter of conspicuous record. The fol-
kiug selections from the printed narrative of Gyles are given to show
ke spirit and character of the work.

' For a charming and painstaking account of this fort, as well as (Jyles' residence
«ie, see " The Old Meductic Forty" by Rev. W. O. Raymond, M. A., in Colleclioiuof
h Brunswick Hist. Society, vol. 1. (1896).

(313)

¥y

His Capture at Pema«^uid Falls.

"But to our great Surprize, aboutThirty or Forty Indians discharged a V(,ll,.y
of Shot at us, from V>ehind a rising Ground near our Barn. The Yelliiij^ (^f
the Indians, the Whistling of their Shot, and the Voice of my Father, whom
I heard cry out. What now I What now ! so terrified me ; tho* he seem'd to l»c
handling a Gun, that I endeavored to make my Escape. My Brother ran one
way and T another ; and looking over my Shoulder, I saw a Stout l-cllow,
painted, pursuing me with a Gun ; and a Cutlass glittering in his Hand, wjiicli
I expected every MonuMit in my Brains : I presently fell down, and the Imluin
took me by the Left Hand, offered me no abuse, but seized my Arms, lift mej
up, and pointed to the Place where the People were at Work about the Hay
and lead me that way."

His Arrival at Fort Meductic.

•'After some Miles travel we came in sight of a largo Corn-Field, and soon
after of the Fort, to my great Surprize : for two or three Scjuaws met \i>, took
off my Pack, and led me to a large Hutt or Wigwam, where Thirty or Forty
Indians were dancing and yelling round five or six poor Captives, who had
been taken some Months Vjefore from Quochoclio, at the time when Majorj
Waldein was most bai'barously butcliernd by them. T was whirl'd in luiioni,'!
them, and we look'd on each other with a sorrowful Countenance : and pn"seiit!y|
one of them was soiz'd by each Hand A Foot, by four Indians, who swuii:,' hii
up and let his Back with Force fall on the hard Ground, 'till they liiulj
danced (as they call it) round the whole Wigwam, which was thirty or Foitj
Feet in length. But when they torture a Boy, they take him up between twid
This is one of their Customs of torturing Captives. Another is to take
Person by the middle with his Head downwards, and jolt him round tiH oiid
would think his Bowels would shake out of his Mouth. Sometimes they will
take a Captive by the Hair of the Head and stoop him forward, and -^irM
him on the Back it Shoulder, 'till the Blood gush out of his Mouth and Nosej
Sometimes an old shrivell'd Squaw will take up a Shovel of hot Embers and
throw them into a Captive's Bosom ; and if he cry out, the other Indians wi
laugh and Shout, and say. What a brave Action our old Grandmother liaj
done 1 Sometimes they torture them with Whips, ikc."

Comedy Mlxed with Tragedy.

** They often had terrible apprehension of the Incursion of the Mohawk^
One very hot Season a great Number gathered together at the Villagi- ; anj
being a very droughty People, they kept James and my self Night and t'Hl
fetching Water from a Cold Spring, that ran out of a rocky Hill about tine
Quarters of a INIile from the Fort. In going thither, we croas'd a larg

( 314 )

^rr^

""V^l^mt^^

Intt'rvHl-Corn-Fielcl, nnd then a Descent to a lower Interval before we ascended

the Hill to the Spring. James being almost dead as well as T, with this

continual Fatigue, contriv'd to fright the Indians: he told me of it, but

conjur'ci me to secrecy, yet said he know that I could keep Counsel. The next

dark Night James going for Water, set his kettle on the descent to the lowest

Inttrval : and ran back to the Furt, putling it blowing, as in the utmost

jSiiipri/ft ; and told his Master that he saw something near the Spring, that

kxik (1 like Mohawks : [which he said were only Stumps — aside] his Master

Ibeini; a most courageous Warrior, went with James to make discovery, and

wjuii they came to the brow of the Hill, James pointed to the Stumps, and

ujtlial touch'd his Kettle with his Toe, which gave it motion c'own Hill, and

lat cvory turn of the Kettle the Bail clatteied ; upon which James and hi.s

Master could see a Mohawk in every Stump on motion, and turned Tail to,

IiikI he was the best Man that could run fastest. This alarm'd all the Indians

lin the Village. They, tho' about thirty or forty in number, pack'd off Hag and

IBngLjage, some up the River and others down : and did not return under

hfteen Days, and the heat of tho Weather being finely [finally] over, our hard

prvice abated tor this Season. I never heard that the Indians understood

Ithe Occasion of the Fright, but James and I had many a private Laugh

|jb()iit it."

Saved hy a Girl fkom Drowning.

" Fishing for Salmon at the Fall of about fifteen Feet of Water, there being
ideep Hole at the foot of the Fall ; the Indians went into the Water to wash
hemselves, and asked me to go in with them. I told them that I could not
^«iin. They bid me strip [which was done] and dive across the Deepest place,
nd if I fell short of the other side they said they would help me. But in-
Itend of diving across the narrowest, I was Crawling on the bottom into the
epest Place : but not seeing me rise, and knowing where-abouts I was V)y tl)e
ohbling of the Water, a young girl dove into the Water, and seizing me by the
iw of my Head drew me out : otherwise I had perished in the Water."

«,f*

(315)

qff;.

COMMENTS.

The Canadian Engineer Toronto ; The
"Educational Review" is now publishing
a valuable series of leaflets dealing with
special features and epochs of Canadian

I history. Such writers as Sir John Bouri-
not, Prof. VV. F. Ganong and Col. Cruik-

I shani are contributors, and these leaflets
will be a most useful means of educating
peo|)le on many more or less obscure points
of Canadian history.

Manitoba Free Press : * * Contain
articles as valuable as they are interesting
on incidents in the early records of our

country.

Canadian Journal of FahricH : This means
I of presenting in u cheap and popular form
plmsos of Canadian history not familiar to
the ordinary reader cannot be too highly
commended, and we trust Mr. Hay will be
well encouraged in his good work.

Kingston (Out. ) Whig: Valuable material
by foremost historians.

Quebec Mercury : No student of history
[should fail to socure these writings.

Weymouth (N. S.) Free Press: Worthy
I the attention of all lovers of historical lit-
I eiuture.

Chatham (N. B.) World : Readable, edu-
[cadonal and useful to preserve for reference.

Yarmouth Herald: Mr. Hay deserves

I'he thanks of theCanadinn ))ubllc for the

httiiis he has taken in compiling such liis-

i'liical and clever papers in sucli readable

I iorm.

Now Glasgow (N. S.) Chronic/t : An in-
Iteiesting collection of history and geogra-

|phy.

Orillia (Ont.) Pac/[-e<.- * * Fully sus-
|t.iiiis our opinion as to their value for use
Im the schools throughout the Dominion.

Atlantic Weekly : The making of a price-
|ies8 volume on the early history of our be-
I loved country.

A. C. Casselman, Normal School, Toron-
|to : Your notes are very valuable, and not
|of transitory value by any means. I am
hure that the whole series will be readily
Isold within u few years to those who col-

lect works on Canada. They contain arti-
cles that cannot be obtained anywhere else.

Rev. M. Harvey, St. John's, Nfld.: I
cordially congratulate you on the excellent
judgment » id good taste with which you
have made rur selections. You are ren-
dering an important public service, osj.iec-
ially to the younger generation of readers,
which I trust will be duly recognized.

Nelson, (B. C.) Miner: We do not know
anything that will tend more to popularize
Canadian history than those bright, clever
papers, as interesting as they are novel.

Charlottetown Patriot : Will do much to
popularize all that is inspiring in the early
records of our country.

Halifax Presbyterian Witness : Brings
vividly before the reader a past, of whicli.
as a country, we need not be ashamed.

Campbellton (N. B. ) Events: The series
is well worth a good binding and promin-
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TQTContoCanadian Historical Records: Mr.
Hay iiiis been fortunate in securing such
scholarly and well informed contributors
as Victor H. I'altsita, \V. F. Ganong, Col.
Cruikshank, Sir John Bourinot and others.

Montreal ila-cttt: What we said some
time ago of the Old South Leailets as af-
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applicaljle to this experiment of Mr. Hay's
as afl'ecting stut'ents of our own annals.
At a nominal cor^t (ten cents a number) one
is favored with a veritable treasury of tid-
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authoritatively with what is most note-
worthy in the records of the old regime
and the new.

Halifax Herald : These papers have
enough in them to interest intelligent
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souices of history and about authorities,
and to awaken the spirit of research.

Edmundton (N. W. T.) Bulletin: The
rticles are interesting and of great value
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St. John Sun: Not only useful for the
purpose designed, but contains historical
studies of great general value.

is:

K-atored accordiiiff to Ait of the HKiliHineiit of (-'unuda, in tliu year 190U, by U. U. Hav,

at the l)e|uu-tineiit of Agiicultuie.

EDUCATIONAL REVIEW SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS.

CANADIAN
HISTORY.

NUMBER TWELVE.

SLAVERY IN CANADA,

Rev, T". W, Smith, D.D.

THE COMBAT AT THE MILL ON
LACOLLE,

Lieut. -Col. E. Cruikshank.

RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT, H,

James Hanuay^ D.C.L.

NOTES ON MADAWASKA, II,

Rev. \V. O, Raymond, Af.A.

SUGGESTIONS EORTHE INVESTI-
GATION OE LOCAL HISTORY,

W. F. Gannno; Ph.D.

December 1900.

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EniTKD AND Puni.isiiKn iiY (J. IJ. Hay, Editor EnrcATioNAi, Kkvikw.

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SLAVERY IN CANADA.

By Rev. T, W. Smith, D.D,

'H,:^

Some well-informed Canadians are incredulous respecting the exist
enee of slavery at any time in Canada. The fact, however, that slaves
were held in various parts of the territories now included in the Dom-
inion is beyond question.

The first slave sale .recorded in Quebec was that of a negro boy
from ^fadaga8car, sold by David Kertke in 1628 for fifty half-crowns.
Indian slaves, known as Panis, belonging to a distant conquered tribe,
wore also sold to French Canadians. In 1689 a royal mandate was
issued by Louis XIV., giviiig permission to Canadians to import
African slaves, a number of whom they brought from tlie West Indies.
[On the transfer of the colony in 1700 to the English crown, it was
stipulated that owners of slaves should still be permitted to liold their
luinian property.

It is not probable that any slaves were held by the French Acad-

lians. That any were brought to the earliest English capital, Aima-

polis, or to Canso, a point of much importance, is uncertain : but

at Halifax slaves were found at, or very soon after, its settlement in

1749. Their presence there is clearly proved by an advertisement in

|tlie Boston Evening Post,m September, 1751 : —

"Just arrived from Halifax and to be sold, ten strong, hearty negro men,
Imostly tradesmen, such as caulkers, carpenters, sailmakeis and ropemakers.
[Any person wishing to purchase may incjuire of Benjamin Hallowell, of Boston. "

In the Nov Seotia Gazette, issued on Saturday, May 30th, 1752,
IHalifax readers found this notice : —

"Just imported and to be sold by Joshua Mauger, at Major Lockman's
store in }Ialifax, several negro slaves, viz., a very likely negro wench, of a»)out
jthirty-five years of age, a Creole born, has been brought up in a gentleman's
ItHniily, and capable of doing all sorts of work belonging thereto, ai needle- work
lof ill! fiorts and in the best manner ; also washing, ironing, cooking, and every
lotluT thing that can be expected from such a slave : also two negro boys of
h^Mmt 12 or 13 years old, likely, healthy, and well-shaped, and understand some
|Kii<,'li8h : Likewise two healthy negro slaves of about 18 years of ag", of agree-
l»l)U' tempers and fit for any kind of business : And also a healthy negro man
[of al)out -iO years of age." , ;. - r .

( 317 ) ; .

.._'i

: r\ 5'

fin

Among several advertiaements of similar character in Tralifnx
papers of that period, but oiie can here be given, under date of
November 1st, 1760 :—

"To be sold at public auction, on Monday, the 3rd of November, at the
house of Mr. John llyder, two slaves, viz., a boy and a girl, about eleven yiiirs
old ; likewise a puncheon of clioice cherry brandy, with sundry other articUs."

With the New England settlers, who in 1760-61 came to take
possession of the fertile lands whence the Acadians had a tew yeuiK
before been driven, came a number of slaves; but a much greater
number were brought by the Loyalists in 1783, at the close of the
Revolutionary struggle. Of these Loyalist slave owners, not a few
sought new homes on the attractive intervales of the 8t. John river;
others settled in the fertile county of Annapolis; vvhile yet others
found at least temporary homes in the new town at the head of the
beautiful harbour of Port Kosewav, on the southern shore of Xova
Scotia. Slaves were also taken by their owners at this period to
several parts of the present counties of Cumberland, Kings and Hants ;
to Halifax and its neighborhood ; to the eastern section of the province,
and to the islands of Cape Breton and St. John. Additions then
made to the lists of slaves in Quebec, as that province is now detiiied,
were not numerous; but to Upper Canada, settled almost wholly by
United Empire Loyalists, bondmen not a few were taken. The num-
ber of these was somewhat increased in Upper Canada through Eng!ii«h
legislation in 1790, intended to facilitate the introduction into the
reniaining British Provinces of persons desirous of removing thither
from the United States.

The value of slaves in the British Provinces varied with time and
locality. At a sale at Montreal, in 1780, of slaves captured from Whig
owners across the border, the Rev. David C. Delisle, the rector, {'aid
twenty pounds, Halifax currency, for "Charles" ; and Samuel JnJah
twenty -four pounds for "Jacob," and sixty for a negro girl. Tlie
sums received for others sold at the same time varied in amount, one
negro man bringing seventy pounds. In Upper Canada, in 1806, the
Hon. Peter Russell, of Toronto, who had previously been Receiver
General of the province, advertised for sale, in the Gazette and Oracle,
two of his slaves. For " I'eggy " the price was one hundred and fifty
dollars; for "Jupiter," her son, about fifteen years old, and "tall and
strong for his age," two hundred dollars, payable in three years; witlij

(318)

interest from the day of sale, and to be secured by bond, etc. For
ready money, one-fourth less would be taken. In Halifax, in 1769,
tlie executors of the estate of John Margerum, deceased, acktiowledge
the receipt of nearly thirty pounds, " net proceeds of a negro boy
sold at Carolina." In their report, in 1770, from the estate of Joseph
Gorrish of Halifax, the executors announce a loss of thirty pounds on
three negroes appraised at one hundred and eighty pounds, but
actually sold for one hundred and fifty to Richard Williams and
Abraham Constable. The executors of the estate of Col. II. D. Den-
son, one of the original proprietors of Falmouth, Hants county, in
1780, stated that for " Spruce " they had received seventy-five pounds,
for "John" sixty pounds, and for"Juba" thirty. Two of these
were disposed of in Halifax. Among the items of the inventory of
the personal estate of the <leceased John Rowland, rector of Shelburne,
made in 1798, were these : "Samuel, a black boy, thirty-five pounds ;
William, a ditto, thirty pounds; a girl, twenty-five pounds." In
December, 1801, Dr. Bond, of Yarmouth, paid thirty-nine pounds for
a man slave, and for a woman slave, a few months later, he gave forty
pounds. The sum of thirty-nine pounds was also paid, in 1807, by
Simon Fitch, of Ilorton, to the executors of the estate of Joseph
Allison, late of Ilorton, for "a certain negro woman named Nelly."
In St. John, N. B., in 1789, Abraham Treadell, surveyor, sold to
John Ward, merchant, also of St. John, " his heirs, executors, admin-
istrators and assigns forever," Toney, a negro boy, for twenty-five
pounds. In Westmorland, in 1804, James Law sold a negro boy to
Titus Knapp for forty-two pounds; and in 1808 Sarah Allen sold to
the same purchaser a mulatto boy named "Bacchus," "in considera-
tion of thirty pounds." From the details of an interesting trial held
in 17»8 in the Magistrates' court at Shelburne, I learned thai: Jesse
Gray, of Argyle, had sold a negro woman to a citizen of Shelburne
for one hundred bushels of potatoes ! The court heard the evidence;
and, concluding that Gray had been the legal owner of the chattel,
confirmed the sale.

Slavery in Canada was of a mild type, like that of the Northern
States. Nevertheless, contemporary history and tradition combine to
produce instances of great harshness and even of absolute cruelty.
On the other hand, however, though Lieutenant Clarkson. on sailing
from Halifax in 1792 with twelve hundred free negroes for Sierra

(319)

■^r*

Leone,' declared that tlie black people were considered in NovaStnTm
"in no better light than beasts," many facts preserved in puii-li
records show tliat they were not by any means excluded from the
ordinances of religion. An interesting incident in the liistory of
St. Paul's Church, Halifax, is the baptism there, on February lltli,
1784, of twenty-one negroes, slaves of John Wentworth, Es(i., later
Sir John AVentworth, whom that gentlemen was about to send to
Surinam, to labor on a plantation thor^ \u which he was interested.
It is possible that in some quarte-s there may have been a certain
disregard of the forms of marriage in cases where the slaves niarry-
iiig were the pr()[ierty of ditferent owners, l)ut several nnirrin^ji;!.'- of
slav-ea, as such, are recorded in old parish registers. One may read
in that of St. Mark's, Niagara, Ont.: "Married, 1797, February '.tli.
Moses and I'lui-be, negro slaves of Mr. Secretary Jarvis ;" and in that
of St. George's, Sydney, C. B.: "Cicsai* Augustus a slave, and Darius
Snider, black folks, married 4th September, 1788." An occasional
record of slave burial also a[)pears in similar old registers. Nor wore
the ministers of the several churches of that day unmindful of tiioir
duty to thene bondmen, in some cases at the cost of severe rebukes.
The attack of the Rev. James McGregor upon the Rev. Daniel Cork.
a slave-holding minister at Truro, and his self-denial to enable him to
purchase the freedom of a slave at I'ictou, have been well described
by the Rev. Dr. Patterson in his memoir of Dr. McGregor.

The causes of the early extinction of slavery in Canada furnisli an
interesting study. In 1793, through the intluence of Lieutciuuit-
Governor Simcoe, a steady opponent of slavery, a bill wan passed In
the legislature of Upper Canada, providing that from the date of the I
passage of the Act no one brought into the province should be subject |
to the condition of a slave ; and giving freedom at the age of tweiity-
iive to every child born after the date of the Act of a negro mother.
Through the early manumission of some, and. the application of the I
provisions of the Act to others, only a very few were under the
necessity of taking advantage of the Imperial Act of 1833. In the
Maritime Provinces several causes combined to bring about the rajiid

' On January l.'ith, 1702, Lieut. John Clarkson, u biotlier of Thomas Clarkson. tlitj
well-known Knglish philantliropit<t, sailed .oni Halifax for Sierra f^one with 'i tleetl
of rifteen vessels, having on hoard l,IMO negroes, from various [)arts of Novj' Scoti:' 'ni'lj
New Brunswick,

( 320 )

kline of slavery. Conscientious scriiples led some while they lived

t'rt'e their slaves, and others to do this in view of death. An ini-
ortant reason also lay in the fact that slavery was ill-adapted to a
Dftliern climate, as well as that the character of slave property in
be iieiglihorhood of tlie sea was most uncertain. In the inventory

the estate of Balthazar Creamer, Halifax, a striking illustration of
Iii3 uncertainty is afforded. The item in the inventory, recorded
ipril, 171)6, of a "tract of land at Preston" is followed hy "one
[lat'lv man by the natne of Benjamin," estimated hy the api)raisers at

[fy pounds ; "one hlack woman hy the name of Mary," sixty pounds;
[one black girl by the name of Sary," thirty jiounds. In a .second
kventor}', required the following year, these items are repeated, with
piiio brief but signiticant explanatory notes : " One black man, forty
oiiixls, earned off in the Raison frigate : one black woman, ran away

Chester; one black girl, died." Ihit most powerful of all the
bses destructive to slavery was the action of the court.s of law. The
Ion. Thomas Andrew Strange, appointed Chief Justice of Nova Scotui
bout 17!)2, had been under the intiuenco of Lord MansHold, the
jtlelirated jurist, whose decision in the famous Somerset case tended

greatly to the overthrow of slavery in Britain ; and Chief Justice
baiige not only infiueiiced his successor in Nova Scotia, Sampson
liter Blowers, but also Sir James Monk, Chief Justice of Montreal,
(liose decision in 17IM), in the "Charlotte" affair, may be said to
ive given the death-blow to slavery in the province of Quebec.
iKo notable slave trials, the one at Frodericton in 1800, the other in
[ova Scotia in 1801, went far to destroy the value of slave property

the Maritime Provinces. About 1806, so Judge Marsluill has
ated, a master and his slave were taken before Chief Justice Blowers

a writ oi habeas corpus. When the case itself, and the riuestion of
livery in general, had been pretty well argued on each side, the
[iet justice decided that slavery had no legal place in Nova Scotia,
bere is, however, good ground for the opinion that this baneful
[stem was nev^er actually abolished in the present Canadian pro-

^ees until the vote of the British Parliament and the signature of

lliamlV.in 1833 rendered it illegal throughout the British empire.

A few of the former slaves may have been taken to Sierra Leone

Clarkson in 1792; some are known to have been sent away and
|U in the West Indies ; a much larger number were either sent to

( 321 )

n i^'^i

'iU

the United States or taken thither by Loyaliets, who found thoir waj
back to former homes after a few years' residence in the Tnitis^
provinces. Descendants of some of the former slaves are yot to h
found in Nova Scotia ; they are probably more numerous in Ne\
Brunswick. A large proportion of the j)resent colored population oi
the Maritime Provinces are descendants of slaves released froiJ
American owners during the war of 1812, and brought norfliward
on English warships : the majority of tVie colored people of the uppej
provinces are the children or grandchildren of fugitive slaves, wh
crossed the Canadian boundary line in search of liberty duriiii( tin
first sixty years of the now closing century.

The story of the " Underground Railroad," as the various jiatlj
ways of the escaping slave, all ending at the Canadian border, wor
called, is a thrilling one. It cannot be told here. It is sutho'uiit
say that it is estimated that, previous to the close of the Anioricaj
civil war, not less than 30,000 escaped slaves had found an uByluiu
Canada. Again and again the American authorities sought by appeal
to the British government to secure some treaty compelling Canadiai
officials to return escaping slaves, but all such efforts were vaiij
When once the hunted fugitive had "shook de lion's paw,'' as
colored rescuer aptly phrased it one day, the power of Britain stoo
between the fugitive and his baffled pursuer.'

THE COMBAT AT THE MILL ON LACOLLE.*

By Lirut. -Colonel E. Crdikshank.

Two days after his check at Chrysler's Farm, General Wilkinsd
retired with his army of eight thousand combatan s to the Frend
Mills on the Salmon river, and about the same time General IIampt(|
retreated from the Chateauguay to I'lattsburg. The presence of
large a force on the frontiers of Lower Canada rendered it necossaj
to retain a greater body of troops in the vicinity of Montreal than hi
been anticipated, to protect ♦^Ijat town from a sudden raid during tj
winter. Between Cornwall and Quebec, fully ten thousand men w(

'This subject of slavery is treated more at len^^th in the monograph of the Huthorl
"The Slave in Canada," published as Vol. X. of "Collections of the Nora Scotia Historij
Society."

' Near Isle aux Noix on the Richelieu. An event of the War of 1812.

( 322 )

T-nj!'

fept under arni8, and it soon became evident that the resources of the

Irovince would be insufficient to feed them. Great efibrts were con-

jiiontly made to draw the needful supplies from the enemy's

|)iintry ; which, in fact, proved more successful than could have been

asonably expected. Larg-e quantities of provisions, forage, and grain

[ere quickly brought across the frontier by American contractors, at

Itinie when their own armies seem to have been sufferinij: considerable

ivation from the lack of ihese articles. Even a much needed supply

'bullion was readily obtained from the same quarter. "The f^uppiy

[gold or silver during the last twelve months," the Governor-General

[rote on the 18th March, 1814, "has been extremely scanty ; such,

pwever, as it has been, it has proved of the greatest utility, many

tides of indispensable necessity to the troops not being able to be pro-

ircd without it ; and I am in hopes that, either from Halifax or the

[nited States, I shall be enabled to collect a sufficient sum during the

esciit year to meet the demands that shall bo made for it, and to

|f8en the amount of army bills now in circulation."

Less than two months later, Commissary General Robiudon
Jported that he had obtained from the United States since the begin-
Qg of the year £150,000 in specie in exchange for bills on the
[easury at various discounts from 17| to 21 J per cent.

It was probably as much a desire to interrupt this extensive
[nmerce with the enemy as thp difficulty of subsisting his own army
the Salmon river, that induced Wilkinson to break up his camp at
at place about the middle of February, sending one brigade to
[ickett's Harbour and removing the remainder to Burlington, Vt.
)n finding that small detachments were insufficient for the purpose,
I determined to establish a cordon of troops along that entire frontier.
March 8th, Colonel Clark was despatched with 1,000 infantry and
mounted rifles to occupy the country between Lake Chf^mplain
|d the Connecticut river, while Major Forsyth was detailed with
riflemen and 00 dragoons to watch the lines west of the lake, as
h'as stated, " with a view to cut up by the roots the smuggling
pcourse which had been carried on to a great extent, besides it
necessary to prevent the constant supply of provisions which were
py passing to the enemy from this state."'
Within a few days Clark received information that an attack was

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( 323 )

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meditated upon his widely scattered force, and General Macoml) wa^
sent to support him with an entire brigade. From Chazy, Maconil
crossed the lake on the ice in sleighs to Isle La Motte and SwantoiiJ
On March 22nd, he entered Canada and took possession of Philip^hurgl
A small field force was at once collected at St. Johns under Sir Sidney
Beckwith for the purpose of dislodging the invaders; but, on Mard
26th, Macomb recrossed the lake and joined the main body of Gcncraj
Wilkinson's division, which had advanced to Champlain.

By this time the American War Department had decided uiion
plan of operations. A body of troops was collected at Batavia, osteiij
sibly for the recovery of Fort Niagara, while five or six thousand mer
had been assembled at Sackett's Harbour. Information had boej]
received from Kingston that the entire garrison did not exceed 1,201]
men : and that the place, with the whole British squadron on Lakj
Ontario, might easily be taken by a sudden dash across the ice. A(
cordingly, on February 28th, orders were dispatched to General Biowi
at Sackett's Harbour to strike at Kingston with his whole force, LiiJ
first to divert suspicion by moving a portion of his troops inland in thj
direction of Batavia and bring them back rapidly in time to take par
in the proposed expedition. At the same time General Wilkinson waj
instructed to create a further diversion and prevent the reinforceineii|
of the garrison of Kingston from Lower Canada by an offensive niovt
ment on the frontier of that province. On March 27th, WilkinsoJ
reported, " my advanced post is at Champlain on this side. I movl
to-day; and the day after to-morrow, if the ice, snow, and frost should iic
disappear, we shall visit Lacolle and take possession of that place. Tlii
is imperiously enjoined to check the reinforcements he (Sir George VA
vost) continues to send to Upper Canada." Before commencing th|
movement the inevitable council of war was held, at which it wa
estimated that the British troops, distributed over a distance o)' niij
miles, consisted of 2,000 regulars and 500 militia; while he had a dij
posable force of 3,999 combatants, including 100 dragoons and 3(
artillerymen with eleven guns. It was decided to attack the post
Lacolle. Orders were issued that the entire division should be supplia
with sixt}' rounds of ammunition and four days' cooked provisiouj
Let every officer and every man take the resolution to return victorioo
or not at all ; for with double the force of the enemy this army nui|
not give ground. . . . An officer will be posted on the right

( 324 )

rfr^

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'«i4

laconiU waa

icli platoon, and a tried sergeant will form a supernumerary rank and
rill instantly put to death any man who gives back." Thus read the
[irders of the day.

As usual, the British force had been considerably exaggerated by

eport. At the bridge over the Lacolle river, a stone mill, a log

[Iwelling converted into a block-house, and a barn, were occupied by

eventy Royal Marines under Lieutenants Caldwell and Barton, a

lorporal and three men of the Royal Artillerj^ with a Congreve rocket-

|abe, Blake's company of the 13th Regiment, and a detachment of

[he Frontier Light Infantry under Captain Lev/is Ritter, numbering

all 180 combatants, commanded by Major Richard Butler Hand-

ock of the 13th Regiment, an officer who had been wounded under

^bercromby in Egypt and had of late years seen some hard fighting

the I'eninsula. At Whitman's house on the Richelieu, two miles

[way on the road to Isle aux Noix, there was a company of Canadian

[encibles; and at Burtonville, on the River Lacolle, two miles to the

Bght, a company of the Canadian Voltigeurs. Isle aux Noix, seven

piles distant, was occupied by 550 men under Lieut.-Colonel Richard

Williams, composed of the flank companies of the 13th, and a detach-

[lent from the first battalion of Royal Marines; an aggregate force of

88 than 900, instead of 2,500, as reported. The nearest supports,

bnsisting of the remainder of the l'Uh,,and a weak battalion of em-

odied militia, were at St. Johns, fourteen miles from Isle aux Noix

nd twenty-one from Lacolle. The difficulty of assembling a suffi-

lent force in time to repel a determined attack on the advanced post

I obvious.

At daybreak on March 30th, a battalion of riflemen occupied Odell-
iwn, and was closely followed by the remainder of Wilkinson's
[vision, composed of the 4th, 6th, 10th, 13th, 14th, 20th, 23rd, 25th,
|th, 30th, and 3l8t Regiments of United States Infantry, a squadron
[dragoons, and two companies of artillery with an eighteen, three
reives, and four six pounders. The advanced guard, composed of
|e riflemen and 30th and 31st Regiments, was commanded by Colonel
ark, who had already reconnoitred the British position and reported
at the mill could be breached by a six pounder. The main body of
American army was divided into three brigades, under Generals
nith, Bissell and Macomb, each consisting of about a thousand in-
Btry. By eight o'clock their advance became known to llandcock.

;..!;?

• i

{ 325 )

••?

V9-^\ .V •vrr.''"W7'flP;;V .■-f

who sent to Isle aux Noix for reinforcements. The invader-s fom
the main road obstructed in a very thorough manner by trees fell^
across it, and were led oft' by their guide on a narrow sleiiib pal
towards Burtonville. They soon came in contact with the outpost
advance of that place, who contested every inch of ground and iiitlict^
a loss of four men killed and seventeen wounded in a very few niinut^
After skirmishing for some time, the guide's mistake was discovere
and the head of the column was countermarched to regain the ro|
to the mill. Nearly three hours were lost in this movement. T]
weather had turned warm, and a rapid thaw set in which soon begj
to impede their movement. Consequently it was after one o'cloj
before Clark appeared before the mill, and the troops were nuil
fatigued by needless exertions. The mill was a three-story buildiij
about thirty-six feet by fift}- feet in dimensions, constructed of lar
stones, with an ordinary shingle roof; and stood on the sloping baj
of the stream at the southern end of the bridge. Its walls were abc
eighteen inches thick, and had been loopholed for musketry and
windows blocked up with solid timbers. On the opposite side, a
house and barn had been converted into blockhouses and surrount
with a breastwork. All trees and shrubs had been cleared away
about two hundred yards, or ordinary musket shot. Beyond this onj
sides there was a dense wood of small trees and shrubs, from whj
the ground dipped rapidly down to the river. The Lacolle was
frozen over nearly to its mouth, but the Richelieu was open every wh^

Clark, with the advance guard, turned oft' at once to the left;
crossed the Lacolle on the ice above the i.iill, keeping out of niuslj
shot ; and was followed by Colonel Miller with 600 infantry. T|
occupied the road to Isle aux Noix, and the adjacent woods oti eit
side, cutting off" the retreat of the garrison, and preventing the adva
of reinforcements from that place by land by interposing a bodi|
at least 1,200 men. The brigades of Smith and Bissell came upi
deployed at the skirt of the woods on either side of the road It
then three o'clock, and the artillery was still far behind. The
intention of the besiegers seemed to be to carry the position
rush ; as the infantry on the eouth side of the Lacolle advanced f
the woods with loud cheers, but were soon driven back with some

Their eighteen pounder had broken down on the road, andl
other guns repeatedly stuck fast in snowbanks ; but by great exertl

(326) '

rf-:

I twelve pounder waa brought forward and unlimbered in the road on
Ithe crest of the ridge, within two hundred yards of the mill, with the
Intention of battering in its gable end. In this position the men work-
Qg the gun were freely exposed alike to rifle fire and rockets from
[that building. About the same time the garrison was reinforced by
jthe flank companies of the 13th, which arrived from Isle aux Noix at
khe mouth of Lacolk in two small gunboats, and made their way
ilo ig that river to the mill without much difiiculty. The gunboats
[hen attempted to aid in the defence by shelling the woods, but with-
fcut any material eflfect. Sometime afterwards a howitzer was brought
ip by the Americans, but both their guns were so badly served that
|uring an intermittent cannonade lasting more than two hours only
bur shots struck the mill, and but one penetrated the wall. The in-
iciency of their fire was mainly due to the exposed position of their
ins and the steady rifle fire maintained upon them. Captain Mc-
pherson, a gallant young artillery oflicer, who was acting as secretary
General Wilkinson, had volunteered to direct their fire. Being
lightly wounded in the chin, he bandaged this hurt and remained at
lis post until his thigh was shattered by a musket ball. Lieut,
arrabee, next in command, was badly wounded ; and of eighteen men
[orking the twelve pounder only two remained. The guns ceased
jring. Ifandcock then directed Captain Ellard with the flank com-
itiies of the 13th to rush out upon the battery, in the hope of disabling
ke guns before the infantry could come to their support. These
pmpanies formed under cover of the bank and advanced most gallantly
line directly upon the guns, but before they could reach them they
[ere assailed by such a storm of musketry in front and from both
^nks that it was marvellous that any of them escaped unhurt. Cap-
ins Ellard and Henry and Ensign Whitefoord were wounded, and
any men killed or disabled ; and all who were able to get away
[treated in great disorder. Captain McPhorson, in his evidence before
(court martial, stated that the " conduct of the enemy that day was
pnguished by desperate bravery. As an instance one company
ade a charge on our artillery and at the same instance received its
[eand that of two brigades of infantry."

lAfter some delay, the guns were manned by infantry soldiers, and
pumed fire with no better effect than before ; although, as the ammu-
fion of the garrison was nearly exhausted, scarcely any reply could

:.^

( 327 )

be made. Two messengers who had been sent to communicate wit
the gunl)oats having been intercepted ard captured, Private litoon
of the Marines, volunteered to make a third attempt. The niessa
was enclosed in lead and placed in his mouth and he succeeded i
running the gauntlet of the enemy's fire.

Meanwhile the Voltigeurs from Whitman's, with a few Indian
had joined the Grenadiers of the Canadian Fencibles at Burtonvil
by a roundabout route ; and the whole force moved down the Lacol
to the relief of the besieged post. But the stream had already tlood
the roads and in several places, they were obliged to wade to the wai
in ice-cold water and mud. However, they moved resolute
forward, and dashed throup-h the gap in the enemy's lines into t
mill about an hour before sunset. It was at once determined to ma
another attempt upon the guns. Lieutenant Barton, of the ^lariii
ottered to lead the charge ; and the remnant of the three companies
the 13tli, supported by the Fencibles and Voltigeurs, was formed int
column of sections under Captain Blake. This attack was so i
successful that they obtained momentary- possession of the guns, whi
were spik* d either by the men serving them or b}' the assailants
they came up. An instant latei' they were swept back by a murderoj
fire from the infantry in the woods. They were rallied, and ag;
dispersed. Lieut. Barton fell beside the guns, where he lay appareii
lifeless until dark, when he recovered consciousness and crept Lack
the mill. The dauntless courage of this small party excited the o
spoken admiration even of their adversaries. A letter published
the American Daibj Advertiser^ of Philadelphia, relates, " sixty of
British made a rush for the artillery and actually got possession ofj
and a grenadier was killed in the act of spiking a gun." Anotl
quoted in the Salem Gazette^ (6th May, 1814,) is still more expli

"About 300 British made a sally with a view to take a piece of artillery
was playing upon the mill, charged upon our troops and they all gave
except one man. He waited until chey advanced within about three feet
then fired the twelve-pounder and made his escape. At the report of thepBtj'
our troops took courage and fired from the flanks and the enemy retired to Jin a
mill again. However incredible it may appear, 120 men charged our army
they gave way, a fact which no one disputes in this place." ^iDor

As the gun he had relied upon to effect a breach was disabjipa
and it was rapidly growing dark, with every sign of a rainy iii

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Wilkinson withdrew his artillery with much ditficulty and hegan
his retieat. The rising floods which impeded this movement pre-
vented any pursuit except by the Indians, who hung on his rear
for a tew miles. All night the rain fell in torrents, and a general
thaw set in which put an end to the proposed attack on Kingston
and rendered any military operations impossible.

The British loss on this occasion was officially stated next day to
amount to eleven killed, two officers, two sergeants and forty-two
rank and fie wounded, and tour missing. Corrected returns consider-
ably increased it. The Grenadier Company of the 13th alone lost
eight killed and thirty-four wounded, and the total loss of that
regiment was thirteen killed and fifty-one wounded.' The Ameritjans
removed twenty-three sleigh loads of dead or disabled men ; and sub-
sequently admitted a loss of thirteen killed, and six officers and 122
non-commissioned officers and men wou tided, besides thirty missing.
The efforts of General Wilkinson, and his successor, General
Izgard, to prevent the introduction of supplies into Canada, proved
equally abortive.

" Fron) the St. Lawrence to the ocean an open disregard prevails

for the law^s prohibiting intercourse with the enemy," Izgard reported

as late as Slst July, 1814; "The road to St. Regis is covered with

droves of caitle and the river with rafts destined for the enemy. The

revenue officers see these things, but acknowledge their inability to put

xcited the oB a stop to such outrageous proceedings. On the eastern side of Lake

er publisbedBCharaplain, the high roads are found insufficent for the supplies of

s " sixty oflBcattle which are pouring into Canada. Like herds of buffaloes, they

i^ossession ofBpress through the forest, making roads for themselves. . . Noching

but a cordon of troops from the French Mills to Lake Memphremagog

could effectually check the evil. Were it not for these supplies the

British forces in Canada would soon be suffering from famine or their

government be subjected to immense expense for their maintenance."

Extravagant as this statement may appear, it is amply corroborated

micate wit
vate r.ro()Tii|
The mos.sac
Bucceeded 11

few Indian
ii Buvtonvil
rn the Lacol
ready ilood
e to tho wai
red resolute
lines into t
nined to ma
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e companies
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ack was so t
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lay appareii
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Ice of artillery
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port of tliepBty the correspondence of the Governor-General himself, who observed,
kemy retired toBin a despatch to Lord Bathurst, on 27th August, 1814 :
reed our arm\ ■ " In fact, my Lord, two-thirds of the army in Canada are at this
poment eating beef provided by American contractors, drawn prin-
I Vi was disaW^P^^b' ^''^"^ the States of Vermont and New York. This circumstance,
lof a rainy ^H

' Cannon, Historical Record.

( .329 )

■4

j-ii

illl

as well as the introduction of large sums in specie into this provineo,
being notorious in the United States, it is to be expected that Con-
gress will take steps to deprive us of tliose resources ; and, under tliat
apprehension, large droves are daily crossing the lines coming into
Lower Canada."

RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT, No. IL

By James Hannay, D.C.L.

The battle for responsible government was fought not in New
Brunswick alone, but in all the provinces of British North America,
for the same evils existed in them all. It was fought not by one or
two individuals, but by a body of enlightened statesmen, who recog-
nized the fact that the country would never be content until tliei
system of government was changed. It was opposed by what has
been termed the family compa t ; which consisted of friends of tlie
governor, old families who had long filled public offices in the colonies,
and who regarded any change in the system which was likely to
deprive them and their descendants of such offices as little short otj
high treason. The governor, who was usually opposed to all reform,
was supported by those persons ; and, as he had the ear of the colonial
office to a much greater extent than any of the men who were agitat-
ing for responsible government, it is easy to see that the difficulties id
the way of obtaining it were very great. At that time the coloniaj
department was usually presided over by men who knew nothini
whatever of the colonies, and who had been brought up under tli
belief that there was some necessary connection between a colonisj
and a colored man, and that all colonists were people of an inferioj
race. There was probably not one man in the colonial office who hac
ever visited the colonies, or who had ever seen a colonist, except soraj
casual visitor in London. To show how affairs were managed,
rather mismanaged, we can refer to the case of Mr. Henry Tayloi
who, when he was very little more than twenty-one years of age, wj
appointed to ar important post in the colonial office, and wrote for
great many years most of the despatches which came to British Nortj

cas
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America. Mr. Taylor knew nothing S colonial affairs prior to his
appointment ; and he does not seem to have known very much ahout
them at any time, for he had no means of understanding colonial
feeling ; yet this man was able to a large extent to dictate the policy
of the government towards the colonies, especially the colonies in
America.

As the whole colonial system of goverment was altogether wrong,
and as responsible government was involved in nearly every change
that was made, it is difficult to describe the contest which led to its
full realization by the Province of New Brunswick. Clearly, so long
as there was an imperial customs department, so long as the British
government retained control of the casual and territorial revenues, so
long as the governor was able to make appointments without even
consulting his council, and contrary to the wishes of the people, the
system of government which permitted such things was utterly
defective and unsuited to the requirements of a free people. The first
movement against the system was to obtain control of the casual and
territorial revenues. An agitation on this subject began as early as
1 8 1 9, in the time of Lieut. -Governor Smyth. The Lieut.-Go vernor was
strongly opposed to the change, and resisted it in every possible way.
The colonial ofiice at first refused to even consider the request of New
Brunswick ; but after Lieut-Governor Smyth's death in 1823 a better
spirit prevailed, for Sir Howard Douglas, who succeeded him, was a
man of enlightened mind and desirous of promoting the prosperity of
the colonies in every way. The casual and territorial revenue, which
was the revenue derived -from the crown land department, was used
by the British government for the payment of salaries of provincial
officials, many of them being out of all proportion to the services they
rendered ; and the remainder seems to have been allowed to accumulate
without being appropriated. The surveyor-general of that day
received upwards of $8,000 by way of salary ; more than five times
the salary of the present surveyor-general. It was not until several
delegations had been sent to England, to represent this matter to the
British government, that success was achieved by the transfer of the
casual and territorial revenue to the provincial authority. By an act
which is known as the civil list bill, which became law in July, 1837,
the casual and territorial revenue became the property of the province,
the legislature undertaking to pay out of it the sum of £13,393 sterling

'Si

■4

(331)

f^^' ^r*,' 'r_v.; #'»■"
' ' ' ■■ , V ■

for the salaries of certain officials, one of them being the lieutenant-
governor, whose salary at that time was $17,500 a year. The suri'iis
of the ' asual and territorial revenue, amouiiting then to the large sum
of £150,000 sterling, was also handed over to the province at the same
time. Thus a very important step was gained in the direction of
responsible government.

Another important step towards responsible government wjis iho
change which was made in 1833 in the constitution of the couih il.
Prior to that date the council performed legislative as well as executive
functions ; but in 1833 the British government came to the conclusion
that those functions should be separate, and accordingly two councils
were appointed, one which was known as the legislative council,
which was abolished about ten years ago, and the other the executive
council, which acted as the adviser of the governor, and which existn
to the present time. The old executive council, however, was a very
different body from the present one, because it was not properly in
touch with the people ; but this beginning made it possible to effect
improvements in its make-up, which were impossible of realization so
long as the council had legislative functions. It enabled a member of
the House of Assembly to belong to the executive council, which \va>
not possible before. The new legislative council consisted of ten
members ; while the new executive council numbered five members, of
whom three were a quorum. This change was not brought about as
the result of any particular agitation in New Brunswick at that time,
but in consequence of changes of a similar character which were nuulej
in the constitutions of all the councils of British North America.

The imperial customs establishment was another grievance whicl
had been long agitated against, but which existed until the year 1848
It seems very absurd that the duties imposed on goods coming iiit
the province of New Brunswick had to be collected by two sets o
custom house officers, one set appointed by the imperial authority amB of t
the other by the provincial government. The imperial customs estabBwhi
lishment seemed to be kept up merely for the purpose of giving a te\Wui)i(
men very high salaries. By a return which was pla,ced before tli«beei
legislature in 1828, it was shown that the imperial duties collected aBmer
the port of St. John in that year amounted to £15,231; of which suJand
£4,135, or almost one-third, was paid out in salaries. At St. Andrew«hav<
the duties collected amounted to £6,007, of which £2,382 was paid iBhapi

( 332 )

'I W.', .

salaries. These figures are in sterling money. The salary of the
collector of St. John was then £1,500 sterling ; or considerably more
than double that paid to the present official, who presides over a port
\vhich collects annually almost a million dollars in customs duties.
This system survived until the year 1818 ; when it was abolished, and
the customs officials, v lio had been appointed by the imperial govern-
ment, were pensioned off.

The Lieutenant-Governor, although he had a council, did not always
take its advice, and frequently acted without consulting it. In 1845
the province was agitated greatly by the appointment of a Mr. Reade
to the post of provincial secretary, an office which had been filled for
sixty years by the Odells, father and son. Mr. Reade was the private
secretary of Lieut.-Governor Colebrooke, and therefore an utter stranger
to tkie province. The appointment was cancelled as a result of the
agitation which it caused ; and thus another step was gained in the
direction of responsible government.

Singularly enough one of the things which stood in the way of the
full realization of responsible government was the reluctance of
members of the House of Assembly to give up the right to move
money grants. Before responsible government was established a
person might rise in his place in the House and move that a certain
sum of money should be appropriated for a certain purpose. Such
a system could not exist when responsible government was established,
because the initiation of money grants by the executive lies at the
very foundation of the system of responsible government. The pro-
vincial government did not take full control of the initiation of money
grants until the year 1855 ; and from that time down responsible
jg.tverment may be said to have prevailed in this province to the iullest
extent.

Under the system now in foice the people have the entire control
lof their own affairs, the government is the creature of the legislature,
which is elected by the people, and no government can exist for a day
unless it has legislative support. The functions of the governor have
been reduced to the formality of signing his name to the official docu-
ments. He does not pretend to take an active part in public affairs;
and so under this system all the old grievances which formerly existed
have been removed, and the people are contented, prosperous and

'ii

,1 i'"'*

:■■!■

(333 )

NOTES ON MADAWASKA, No. II.

. \-

By W. 0. Raymond, M. A.

The AcadiariB living on the St. John river, when the Loyal i'^t-
arrived in 1783, seem to have well merited the term applied to tluiuj
by the committee sent by Major Studholme, the Commandant at Fort]
Howe, to investigate the state of settlement of the river — namely,
that they were " an inoffensive people." They were also an unfortii-l
nate people. From the time of their expulsion from their honioJ
along the shores of the Bay of Fundy, they continued for thirty yoars|
to be the football of fortune.

Governor Carleton and his Council decided that it was not deeiraM
to interrupt the continuity of settlement upon the river by Englislj-
speaking people; and finding the Acadians had scarcely any of tlieiiij
a legal title to the lands on which they had settled, a proposal \\i[<
made — in which they seem to have acquiesced — that they should 1)
removed to the upper St. John, where they would be nearer their
compatriots of the Province of Quebec. One could wish that on tliiij
occasion our government might have been more generous. True]
most of the Acadians had settled on the St. John river contrary to tli(
desire and intention of the government of Nova Scotia,' and they ha(|
no other title to their lands than that of possession. Nevertheless, tlic}
had taken no hostile part against the government during the late warj
and some of them had rendered important services to Major Stiidj
holme. The New Englanders in the townships of Maugervillt
Burton and Gagetown had, in numerous instances, improved landj
to which they had no legal title, and were allowed compensation loj
their improvements, although, as a class, they were less loyal than thj
Acadians ; and in some cases even assisted the Americans.

' See the following extract :

Secretary's Office, Halifax, 20th August, 1768.

Gentlemen,— The Lieut. -Governor desires that you will give notice to all th

Acadians, except about six families whom Mr. Bailly shall name, to remove themselvd

from St. John's River, it not being the intention of the Government that they f<hou^

settle there, but to acquaint them th.it on their application here they shall' have lands i

other parts of the Province. * * * *

,,, ' ,. I am, etc.

Richard Bulkelky,
To John Anderson and Francis Peabody, Esqs.
Justices of the Peace for the County of
Sunbury, River St. John. . / v

(334) '^-

"TT

As stated in a former article, the correspondence between Governor
Ifaldimand and the authorities of Nova Scotia shows that important
dispatches were carried over the most difficult and perilous part of the
route between Halifax and Quebec by trustworthy Acadian couriers,
among whom were the two brothers, Louis and Michel Mercure.
The governors at Halifax and Quebec were quite anxious to establish
a permanent route of communication by way of the St. John end St.
Lawrence, and, in order to further their project, discussed the formation
of an Acadian Settlement in the Madawaska region. Governor
Ilaldimand, in his letter to Governor Parr, dated at Quebec, November
27, 1783, observes that he has been informed by Louis Mercure that a
number of the Acadians wish to come to the Province of Quobec for
the sake of their religion. lie suggests that it would be a good plan
to establish them at Grand Falls whence the settlement would
probably extend to the St. Lawrence. This, he adds, would facilitate
communication between the two provinces.

After the division of the old province of Nova 8cotia, in 1784,
this idea was carried into effect by the government of New Brunf . 'k.

It is related of poor old Jean Baptiste Cyr, who had ly

experienced many vicissitudes, that when he learned that he must
once more abandon his place of sojourn and leave behind him the
fruits of years of toil, he gazed sadly upon the fields his hands had
cleared and tilled and exclaimed, " Est-ce que le bon Dieu ne fait pius
de terre pour les Cayensf" (" Can it be that the good God has no
place in the world for che Acadians ? ")

Mournful traditions of the past still live in the Acadian ballads ;

LD BCLKELKY,

TJn Acadien errant
Bannit de son foyer ;
Parcourait en pleurant
Les pays Strangers,

Ainsi triste et pensif ;
Assis au bord des flots,
Au courant fugitif
II adressa ces mots :

Si tu vols mon pays,
Mon pays malheurenx
Va dire a mes amis
Que je me souviens d'eux.

lit}

( 335 )

To Jean Baptiste Cyr was given the surname or soubriquet of
Crock, ^ and his home is believed to have been at or near Crock's
Point, above Fredericton. The name of Croc persisted in the C\ r
family for some years but has since disappeared.

Governor Carleton seems to have been anxious to keep the Acadiaiif<
under his jurisdiction and they seem to have reciprocated his desire.-'

At this time Madawaska was almost an unbroken wilderness,
but was known to be a promising location. When one compares
the flourishing state of Madawaska to-day and the progress its people
have accomplished and are accomplishing, with the little Frencli
village, eight miles above Fredericton, it is difficult to think that tlio
removal of the majority of the Acadians in 1786 was other than a
providential circumstance. Unfortunately the Acadians were destined
to find their new territory a bone of contention between the Britisli
government and that of the United States (and as such it remained i'or
nearly half a century) ; but the controversy did not interfere very
greatly with their comfort or prosperity.

It is a curious circumstance that we are largely indebted to the
Boundary dispute for our knowledge of the early history of Mada-
waska.

In the year 1831, the United States Congress sent J. G. Deane to
obtain some information about the place. He tells us that he learned,
on inquiry, that in the year 1782, Pierre Lizotte, then but a boy ntl
fourteen years of age, found his way to the Indian Village at tlie
mouth of the Madawaska river. When he returned, his report of tliej
counta'j'^ induced his half-brother, Pierre Duperre, to go back witli
him to trade with the Indians. In 1783 or 1784, they settled on tliel

' Tradition says that Jean Baptiste (Jyr used to manufacture large tiuantities ofj
maple sugar in the disposal of which he used smilingly to ask his French i)atrons : " Vontl
ils en avoir de tjuoi a rroqiit^r ?" Little thinking that the name of Croc would stick to hi^
family. Major Studholme's exploration committee in 178.3 reported concerning .le.uil
Baptiste Cyr that he had been settled on the river fifteen years ; and during the Revoln
tionary war had rendered assistance to Col. Michael Francklin in restraining the savatres
from making war against the English. On his removal to MadaM'aska he wasaccompanieilj
by his nine sons Jean Baptiste, Fran9oi£,, Jact^ues, Antoine, Firmin, Joseph Olivierl
Pierre and Paul.

'■* Lieut. -Governor Carleton wrote Lord Grrenville, the English Secretary of StuteJ
October 9, 1790, stating that fifty Acadian families had settled about thirty miles abov^
the Creat Falls and hearing that it was proposed to place them under the jurisdiction ol
Quebec, had forwtyded a memorial asking to be continued aa a part of New Brunsv ickj

( 336 )

nif

I Acadiaii!?
is desire. -
nlderness,
compares
its people
,le Frencli
ik that tlio
her than a
Te destined
the British
jmained i'or
srfere very

jbted to tlie
y of Mada-

Q. Deane to

he learned,

Hit a boy of

i'lage at the I

eport oftlie

back witli

ttled on the

re ciuantities ot|
fvtrons: " Voi

Id stick to lii^
oiicerning -leuiil
ng the Revoliil

ng the aavatresj
as accompunieiir
Joseph Olivii'1,1

iretary of StauJ
irty miles above
e jurisdiction o|
New Brunsvickj

south side of the river St. John, two or three miles below tho mouth
of the Madatvaska. They weru the first French residents there.
Two or three years later, about 1786, the Acadians near Fredericton^
having been disturbed by the introduction of the Loyalist refugees,
went up the river, and twenty or more families settled just below
Duperre. About 1790, another body of French, formerly settled on
the Kennebecasis, came to Madawaska. Both these little colonies
received grants from the government of New Brunswick. Later, there
came single families. Mr. Deane's account is not far astray.

Li connection with the establishment of the settlement, there is
some further information in a letter addressed to George Sproule,
Surveyor General, by Hon. Jonathan Odell, under date July 14, 1787.
Mr. Odell mentions the settlement at Madawaska as in a state of
formation and including a number of people from the vicinity of
Fredericton and some from Canada. He says : " They have in
general terms been directed to settle themselves so as not to inconven-
ience one another, and in particular so as not to interfere with im-
provements made prior to their respective settlements. A licence of
occupation was given to a number of these people, whose beginning
of cultivation and allotment were reported by Lewis Mercure — and
these had a promise of a grant as soon as a regular survey could be
obtained of the lands — at the same time I apprehend that those who
have made, or are making, settlements in that district, though not
named in the Licence of Occupation, are not the less entitled to the
protection of the government."

There seems to have been some inexcusable delay in making a
survey of the lands, and it was not until October 1, 1790, that the
grant was issued.' The plan of survey in the Crown Land Office at
F»'edericton was made by Hon. George Sproule and on it he has
written : " The tracts represented on this plan being subdivided into
lots by the settlers, and considerably improved before an actual survey
was made, the irregularities of the measurements of the fronts of the
lots could not be altered without great injury to the settlement." In
this grant there are 16,000 acres and about fifty-two grantees. The
grant began just below the Indian reserve, at the mouth of the River

' A grant was made of 213 acres to Pierre Duperre on the Uth June, 1700. This
land lay on the south side of the St. John, opposite the lower end of the inland below the
mouth of the Madawaeka.

! - ' ( 337 ) '^"

iii:

.1* :

:|| ^H

Madawaska, and extended on both sides of the main river down as
far as River Verte, a distance of nine miles.

Another grant of 5,253 acres was made to Joseph Soucier and
twenty-three others on August 2, 1794. It extended from the River
Verte down the St. John river several miles on both sides. Both
these grants lay within the bounds of " the disputed territory " claimed
by Great Britain and the United States, and when the international
boundary was fixed by the Ashburton Treaty in 1842, the inhabitants
found themselves under two separate governments — those on the right
bank being citizens of the United States, while those on the other side
remained under the jurisdiction of New Brunswick.

In the meantime there had been an interprovincial controversy
between Quebec and New Brunswick, which arose about 1787. In
the summer of that year Hon. Hugh Finlay accompanied by Samuel
Holland, the Surveyor General of Quebec, and George Sproule,
Surveyor General of New Brunswick, met at the mouth of the Mada-
waska to survey the boundary, but they difl:ered so essentially in their
ideas as to where the boundary should begin that nothing was
done. Mr. Sproule wished to proceed to the portage between Lake
Temisquata and the St. Lawrence, while the Quebec surveyor wished
to begin at or near the Grand Falls. On this occasion Lord Dorchester,
the Governor-General at Quebec, seems to have been more far sighted
than his brother, the Lieut.-Governor of New Brunswick. lie
observes in his letter of August 6, 1787 : " It is very immaterial in
itself whether a tract of country be called part of this or the other of
the king's provinces ; but when it is considered that the United States
will naturally look upon the termination of our boundary as the
commencement of theirs,^ the subject becomes important.".

The story of the disputes that arose in early times in connection
with the rival claims of Quebec and New Brunswick to exercise
jurisdiction over Madawaska would take more space than can be
afforded in such an article as this. On one occasion Jacques Cyr, wlio
attempted under authority of the government of Quebec to make a
seizure of goods, was himself arrested by a sergeant and four soldiers
acting under direction of the New Brunswick authorities, and carried
to the garrison at Grand Falls. The dispute occasioned much local

' That 18 to the westward between (Quebec and Maine.

( 338)

he right
;her side

ponnection
to exercise
Ian can be

Cyr, who
|to make a

ir soldiers
Ind carried

luch local

excitement, and it is clear that the Acadians — whatever their motive
may have been — strongly resented the attempt to serve processes of
execution from Quebec and showed a decided predilectioa to be
governed by the laws of If^w Brunswick.^

The settlement at Madawaska was not a purely Acadian settlement;
it had its Canadian element even at the first, but the Acadians were
largely in the majority and may fairly claim to have been the founders
of the settlement. In the plan of the first grant, made in 1790, the
names of the grantees are in most cases incorrectly written, while in
the plan of the second grant of 1794 the spelling is better. In the
list of names that follow, the proper spelling is restored. For the
division of the original settlers into two classes, according as the family
origin is Acadian or Canadian, I am greatly indebted to my Acadian
friends, Placide P. Gaudet and Prudent L. Mercure. The first grant,
it must be remembered, included both banks of the river St John from
the mouth of the Madawaska down to Green river. The grantees of
Acadian origin on the New Brunswick side were Louis Mercure,
Michel Mercure, Joseph Mercure, Alexis Cyr, Olivier Cyr, Marie
Marguerite Daigle, Jean Baptist Daigle, Paul Cyr, Pierre Cyr, Alex-
andre Cyr, Jean Baptiste Thibodeau, jr., Joseph Thibodeau, Etienne
Thibodeau. The grantees of Acadian origin on the American side of
the river were Simon Ilebert, Paul Potier, Jean Baptiste Mazerolle, jr.,
Franc/ois Cyr, jr., Joseph T>aigle, sr., Joseph Daigle, jr., Jacques Cyr,
Fran(;ois Cyr, Firmin Cyr, sr., Jean Baptiste Cyr, jr., Michel Cyr,
Joseph Ilebert, Antoine Cyr, Jean Martin, Joseph Cyr, jr., Jean
Baptiste Cyr, sr., Firmin Cyr, jr., Jean Baptiste Thibodeau, sr.,
Joseph Mazerolle. In addition to these there are several grantees,
whose descendants claim to be of Acadian origin, and say their an-
cestors came from the " lower country" {pays-bas); but I am notable to
determine whether the following are undoubtedly of Acadian origin
or not, viz.: Louis Saufa^on, Mathurin Beaulieu, Joseph Ayotte»
Zacharie Ayotte, Alexandre Ayotte.

Respecting the grantees who are undoubtedly of Canadian origin,
those on the New Brunswick side of the river are Jean Tardiff, Jean
Levasseur, Joseph Dumont (or Guimond) and Antoine Gagnier; and
those on the American side, Joseph Sausier, Jean Marie Sausier, Jean
Baptiste Foumier, Joseph Au Clair, Francois Albert, Pierre Lizotte,
Augustin Dube and Pierre Duperrt^.

' See Canadian Archives for 1895 under New Brunswick, pp. 30, 31.

( 339 )

■n

The second grant, made in the year 1794, extended from Grec
river (with many vacancies) to a little below Grand river. Some six-
names that occur in the former grant' are omitted from the enumci-
ation that follows. Several of the settlers in this grant are knowii
to have formerly lived at French Village, on the Kennebecasis. The
names of those Acadians who settled on the east side of the St. John
are as follows : Olivier Thibodeau, Baptiste Thibodeau, Joseph Theri-
anlt, Joseph Theriault, jr., Olivier Thibodeau, jr., Jean Thibodeau,
Firmin Thibodeau, Ililarion Cyr, and there seem to have been but two
Canadians, viz.: Louis Ouellette and Joseph Souci. Those Acadians,
who settled on the American side, are as follow?" : Gregoire Thibodeau,
Louis LeBlanc, Pierre Cormier, Alexis Cormier, Baptiste Cormier,
Fran(j'ois Cormier, Joseph Cyr, jr, Firmin Cyr, Joseph Cyr, Fran(;ois
Violette, sr., and Augustin Violette ; and there are three Canadian-^,
viz.: Joseph Michaud, Baptiste Charette and Germain Soucie.

From the list of names now given, an idea may be formed of the
relative proportions of the Acadian and Canadian element in Mada-
waska. At first the former wae much the larger, but since then
emigration from the Province of Quebec has been so great that pro-
bably the Canadian element is now rather larger than the other.
Some family names recur frequently in the grants enumerated notably
those of Cyr, Thibodeau and Daigle. The Cyr family in Madawaska,
N. B., alone, numbers a thousand individuals who comprise one-twelfth
of the population of the county. By intermarriages^ many families
today are of both Acadian and Canadian origin. The Canadian
families numbered among the founders of Madawaska came from
Kamouraska, Te^miscouata, L'Islet and a small part of Rimouski
county, and chiefly from the following centres : St. Andre, Rivitre
Ouelle and L'Isle Yerte.

' The names are those of Paul Cyr, Etienne Thibodeau, Jean Martin, Joseph Cyr, i;.,
Zacharie Ayotte and Joseph Mazerolle.

* Prudent L. Mercure informs me that an old lady whose maiden naiVie was Margun-
ite Blanche Thibodeau, the wife of Joseph Cyr, was known as the " aunt of Madawaekn, '
or simply " Ma Tante la Blanche." She was the aunt of the Thibodeaus, the Cyrs, the
Theriaults, the Violettes, etc. She was a woman remtirkable for her qualities of mi ml
and heart, and her name has become proverbial, as synonymous with sweetness and
goodness.

( 340 )

11 Green
Jome six
enuraer-
e knowu
ds. Tie
St. John
ph Tbeii-
tiibodeau,
[1 but two
Acadian>,
bibodeau,
Cormier,
, Fran(;ois
;3anadiaii>.

ie.

med of the
t in Madiv
since tbcu
X tbat pro-
tbe otber.
ted notably
adawaska,
one-tweU'tU
y families
Canadian
came from
Rimouski
re, Rivitre

In my article No. I, the statement is made that the families
living on the " French location," below the mouth of the Keswick
stream, removed from thence to Madawaska. Placide P. Gaudet
has since convinced me that this statement is quite erroneous, and
that in fact not one of those living there, so far as known, went to
Madawaska.

Many interesting and romantic incidents in the early history of
this very charming region on the Upper St. John might be given did
the space at my disposal permit. For example, the first recorded
marriage was that of Simon Ilebert and Josephte Daigle. The
marriage was celebrated in an Indian cabin by a missionary pries*
from Canada.

The remarkable progress of the little colony founded on the
banks of the Upper St. John a century ago is seen in the fact that
Madawaska, which had tiien but twenty-four families, has now twenty-
four parishes and missions, and twenty-four thousand souls. I shall
hope some day to deal more worthily with the subject of this paper.

oseph Cyr,

was Margu'i-
Madawaek:,
I, the Cyrs, H'^^'
ilities of ninni
sweetness and

SUGGESTIONS FOR THE INVESTIGATION OF

LOCAL HISTORY.

By W. F. (iANONo, Ph.D.

This series of readings was designed by the editor and the contributors to
aiouse interest, and a desire for further investigation, in local history. If this
object is attained in some marked degree they will feel fully rewarded for their
labors. It seems, therefore, appropriate to close the series by giving some sug-
gestions and advice to those who desire to continue studies in the history of
1 their own particular region, especially to those who would like to make their
work useful to others, and to contribute something of permanent value to the
[history of their native land. .... -. . ' V ■ , _; : , . .

To read history which has been written entertainingly and authoritatively
Iby others is interesting and profitable indeed, but it fails in a great part of its
lvalue unless it stimulates us to desire to make some return in kind for the
Iploasure and profit we have received. Most people, however, have the feeling

j-^

(341)

that there is nothing they can do in original historical investigation, especially
if they are shut off from books and lack the means to buy them. There could
be no greater mistake. The most marked movement in historical, as well as
scientific, investigation to-day, is the tendency to go always to the original
sources of information and to examine those sources with the greatest fulness
and keenness. In local history, actual facts, however trivial, gathered by
observers on the spot, are greatly desired by writers of provincial and count}
histories ; and all such facts about the history of special places, when gathered
carefully r.nd critically, are sure of a much wider and more appreciative audi-
ence than one a^ first has any idea of. Sooner or later such facts find their
proper permanent places in the history of the country, and their gatherer has
the satisfaction of knowing that he has made some permanent, even if small,
contribution to knowledge, and has done something to advance scholarship,
patriotism and education. The present writer has been greatly impressed by
the value of such local information as can be gathered by any local student, no
matter how isolated and limited in facilities, through studies he has carried on
which necessitated the gathering of a large number of facts directl}' hot.:
special localities. He has been greatly surprised by the readiness and accuracy
with which such facts are gathered by local students when once their attention
is directed to the subject, and he has often thought, " how much better it
would be if such students would systematically gather and place on record
these facts for themselves." The present notes are written to help the earnest
local student to know what is important to gather in local history, and how it
can best be made permanent and accessible.

Of course some localities are vastly more interesting historically than others ;
but there is hardly a place in Canada, hardly a county or a parish, in which
there is not a great deal of information to be gathered, which, even though it
may be too familiar to be of interest to residents to-day, will at least interest
their successors in the future. The main need is for critical, careful, truthful
gathering and recording of facts. The investigator should not take as correct
everything he hears, but should seek all evidence and weigh it. He should not
only crave facts, but should crave conviction as to their truth. And when he
places his results upon record, he should be careful to express them in their
proper logical degrees of truth, distinguishing those things which are proven
from those which are only probable, and these from those that are merely
possible. He should seek always confirmation from document**; or, to be more
exact, his study should be as largely as possible documentary, and as little as
possible traditionary. '

The first requisite for any one undertaking such studies is to inform him-
self well upon what is already known and published about the history of his
particular region. He could carefully read, therefore, the best available his-

(342)

lecially
) could
well as
jrigina!
fulness
Bred by
count}
fathered
ve audi-
nd their
lerer lias
if small,
iolarsii»p,
(vessed by
Ludent, no
carried on
ictly {vo...
d accuracy
r attention
ti better it
on record
the earnest
and bow it

ban others ;
jb, in which
n though it
iast interest
cul, truthful
:e as correct
, e should not
ind when he
lem in their
are proven
are merely
., to be more
Id as little as

inform him-
natory of hi*
available his-

tory of his province, which, if too expensive to buy for his own library, should
be bought for the school library or by the co-operation of the local history club
he will form, for it is not well to attempt to study all alone. If the student
does not know which is the best history, he should write for advice to tl*s
secretary of the historical society in the capital of his province. All of the
provinces have historical societies in their capitals, and the secretary, whose
name it ia not necessary to know in writing to him, will usually be found glad
to give full advice to every earnest inquirer. From the same source, also, the
student may ascertain what has been published upon the special history of his
own county or parish, and he should thoroughly study everything of this kind.
It is well for the student, especially at the outset, to select a somewhat limited
region for his studies, such as a county or parish, one which he can readily
travel over in bis holidays, and with which he can make himself personally
acquainted.

The history of any region falls into periods, and, for a country like Canada,
these are somewhat as follows :

First, there is the geographical position, surface features, climate, soil,
natural productions in animals and plants of the region. These features
exercise an immensely important part in determining the future history of any
country, a part whose significance has only of late years been recognized.
Hence any consideration of the history of a region now-a-days begins with a
consideration of the physiography and natural history of the country with
especial reference to their effects upon its settlement and later history. Indeed,
there is no more interesting study than this investigation into the relation
between the natural features and productions of a country and its history,
present settlement, industries and distribution of population ; and the local
student will here find abundant and pleasing material for observation and
reflection. Aside from their historical aspects, however, these subjects are
worthy of the minutest investigation for their own sakes by those of scientific
tastes, and investigators of wider interests always welcome such local studies
if carried out in the proper spirit. The present writer has elsewhere given
such advice as he can upon this particular subject for New Brunswick.^

Second, in nearly all regions in Canada where white men now live, the
Indians dwelt before them. Every fact about these Indians and their lives
and works is not only already of interest and eagerly sought by students of such
matters at the present day, but the facts will become increasingly valued with
time, and are all worthy of record. The student should gather data as to the
situations of Indian settlements, burial grounds, and routes of travel. Most

' Biological Opportunity in New Brunswick.
I Society of New Brunswick, No. XVII, page 131.

(343)

Bulletin of the Natural History

regions have abundant traditions to guide him, and he should find out from old
residents all that they can remember. Then he should visit the sites and cart-
fully map (by aid of pocket-compass and tape-measure) their exact sizes aiii)
positions in relation to neighboring and more lasting o'^jects or places. All
relics in the way of arrow-heads, spear heads, etc., should be collected, descrilxd
and drawn. They will be highly valued by the provincial historical society, to
which they should be presented; and they will bring the donor many a pleasant
acquaintance and perhaps gifts of historical publications. All possible Indian
names should be collected, — from the living Indians when these exist, from the
older settlers if they do not. The Indians can of course point out their ancient
settlement and portage sites when all visible traces of them have disappeared.
Moreover, all Indians have great numbers of legends, some of them strange and
beautiful, such as those which explain remarkable features of the landscape, all
of which should be most carefully collected and written down. The student is
fortunate if he has Indians near with whom he can cultivate confidence and
friendship. They will have a great deal to impart to him that he never yet
suspected the existence of. It will be well to construct a map of the district^
showing it as it was in the Indian period, with their names, settlements, routes
of travel, etc., all marked.

Third, in many parts of Canada, now occupied by English settlers, the
French preceded them and were dispossessed by conquest. All traditions of
this race should be collected, their place-names ascertained, relics of their pre-
sence collected and described, their sites of settlement, dikes, roads, forts, etc.,
worked out and mapped. All such traces, like those of the Indians, are rapidly
disappearing, and should be collected before they are entirely lost.

Fourth, each region had its pioneers, either men of adventurous spirit who
loved to penetrate and subdue the wilderness, or, as in many places in Canada,
patriots driven from their homes by political changes and forced to begin life
anew in the depths of the piimeval forest, or sturdy immigrants from the
crowded lands of the Old World. All traditions about these pioneers should
be carefully collected from their descendants. The places whence, and how,
they came ; why they left their former homes ; the places of their landing and
first settlement ; their early experiences, — all are historically important, or some
day will be. In many cases there are documents relating to these pioneers in
possession of their descendants, — grants, diaries, old letters, etc , which are very
precious for the light they throw upon early times. These should be borrowed
and their important parts copied. One must always be careful to check tradi-
tion by documents whenever possible. Tradition is good as a guide to lines in I
which to v/ork ; it is of little value as a final source of authority.

Fifth, and finally, there are the settlers of the present day who are eitheri
descendants of the pioneers, or else are new immigrants. The leading events!

(344)

ruin olil
lid cart"-
i/,es au'l

es. An
lescribcil
ciety, lo
plea.siint
e Indian
from tilt'
ii- ancient
appeared,
'anf^e and
Iscape, all
student i<
dence and
never yet
he district^
nts, routes

ettlers, the
raditions of
f their pie-
forts, etc.,

are r

apidly

s s'

who

pirit

Canada

begi

life

from the
leers should
and how,
llanding and
int, or some
pioneers in
lich are very
Ibe borrowed
1 check tradi-
to lines in

10 are ei
lading evt

ther

in the history of these settlers should be recorded, including their part in the
development of government, education, transportation, communication, bound-
aries, agriculture and other industries, religious bodies, patriotic movements,
politica,] parties. All of these will interest those who cu .le after us, even though
they n^ay seem too well known to be worth recording at present. The develop-
ment of place names should be followed also, and all obtainable plans and old
maps studied. There is, however, yet another subject of much interest, and
attracting to-day no small share of attention among investigators, the folk-'''re
jof a people, that is, their superstitions, stories, belief in signs and portents, etc.
These are extremely ancient and widespread ; they throw great light upon
important questions of migrations and origins of races, etc., and are all worth
pllecting and recording, 'ihe use of peculiar words or phrases (all such as
re not used by educated people), of curious or unusual names for geographical
leatures, interest philologists and are worth preserving.

Here, then, is an ample field for the activities of the most restless student,
ven in the most out-of-the-way place. But the important question now arises,
ow can the results of such studies be made available to those who will be in-
erested and will make use of them 1 Publishing such local histories in the
brm of separate books would be very expensive, since the market for them is
xtremely limited. But here the aid of the local newspaper may be invited.
ost country newspapers would no doubt be glad (more than one in New
runswick has shown itself willing) to publish good matter on local history,
he student should therefore carefully write up his material, making it broad
lOugh to be interesting and instructive to local readers ; he should begin with
sketch of the geography and natural history of the region, and then treat the
riods in order. Finally he should try to arrange to publish his history in
istalments in the nearest weekly paper. Doubtless, in return for contributing
e matter, the editor would be willing to print off from the type while stand-
ig some 100 copies in pamphlet form, so that when the series is complete, the
thor would have at least fifty copies for distribution, while fifty could be put
sale at a moderate price to pay part of the expenses of engraving maps, etc.
e maps showing the region in different periods, or special historic sites, should
drawn upon a small scale, and reproduced by the cheap but efficient
icess of zincography; while cuts of specially interesting relics of earlier periods
uld also add greatly to the attractiveness and value of the narrative. If
author cannot obtain his copies in pamphlet form, he will at least be able
obtain free, forty or fifty copies of each issue of the newspaper as it appears,
ing this a condition of his contributing. Then his copies of the pamphlet,
else sets of the newspaper, should be sent with the author's compliments to
the prominent historians of the province (whose names may be obtained
the secretary of the historical society), and to several of the leading

nts!

(345)

public libraries in Canada and the United States, and to the British Museum,
all of which will be careful to preserve them. Thus will the history not only!
be brought to the attention of students elsewhere, and ensured preservation, hut
it will bring the author many a valued correspondent and many copies ofl
historical publications from those to whom he has sent his own. He will ex-j
perience the pleasure of entering a new circle composed of men whose acquaint-
ance and appreciation are worth having, and will feel the great satisfaction!
which always accompanies the accomplishment of something of lasting value.l
He will acquire, in consequence of his closer study of them, a deeper interest ir
his fellow countrymen and his native land ; and he will enjoy that stimulusJ
that better understanding of the aims and methods of study, which alwaya
accompanies and is one of the best rewards of investigation. Of course he car
receive no pecuniary return for such studies ; there is no way whatever it
which they can be made to pay in money. His reward must be his love of th^
work itself, his joy in the expansion of his own life, and his 'pleasure in useful
ness to his fellowmen.

(346)

COMMENTS.

London, (Ont. ) Advertiner : * * . The editor has struck a novel idea of combining
he lii^torical and the literary in supplementary reading for Hchools. Tlie material has been
||leiiiied by eminent sf)ecialist8 from sources not easily accessible to the j^eneral reader.

onsiderinj^ the fact that among the contributors are such men as Sir John Bourinot,
|ir James LeMoine and Ceo. Johnson, Dominion Statistician, the venture should not only
ominend itself to those directly interefcted in school work, but to the general retuler

, well.

Orillia (Ont. ) fac/:«<.' Capital selections by competent writers. . . . They ought to
come a recognized part of the curriculum in every Canadian school.

Bookseller and Stationer, Toronto : Teachers, collectors of Canadiana and studenta
fill like to have the series.

Yarmouth, N. S,, Telegram: The series will prove a valuable aid to teachers and
lludcnts who have limited access to books and documents relating to the history of

knada.

Nelson, B. C. , Miner : We do not know anything that will tend more to popularise
knadian history than those bright, clever papers, as interesting as they are novel.

Halifax Presbyterian Witnesfi : Of the series as a whole we wish to say that we are

ateful to the editors an 1 the contributors Teachers especially ought to en-

|)urage the circulation of those historic readings. We hope the young people of the sea-
ovinces will not forget their obligations to Mr. Hay for this publication which brings
(vividly before the reader a past of which, as a country, we need not be ashamed.

The Wenleyan (Halifax): An exceedingly valuable and interesting series of pamphlets.
Ir. Hay is doing his fellow countrymen, old and young, an unspeakable service in the
pue of these eminently readable and accurately written compounds.

Collingwood (Ont.) Bulletin: All who are interested in the choicest bits of Canadian
|L«tory should secure this series.

Manitoba /"ree Press: The complete series will form a body of really valuable histori-
I material. * * Contain articles as valuable as they are interesting on incidents in
! early records of our country.

St. John Sun : The whole publication is not only useful for the purpose designed,
|it contains historical studies of general value.

Chief Supt. Education, Dr. Inch, N. B. : Is of great interest in connection with the
Indy of Canadian history. I shall be glad to assist in any way possible to bring supple-
|entary readings such ap those within reach of the children in our schools.

St. John, N. B., Globe: Will certainly prove an acquisition to the school as well as
[private libraries.

Toronto Globe : The object of the publication is obviously to popularize knowledge
I build up national sentiment.

Montreal Witness: The most stirring incidents in Canadian history have been sel-
many c>f them from original papers and documents not accessible to the general

aer.

Halifax Herald: These papers have enough in them to interest intelligent pupils, to
ch them something of the sources of history and about authorities, and to awaken the
it of research.

Toronto Canadian Historical Records : Mr. Hay has been fortunate in securing such
olarly and well-informed contributors as Victor H. Paltsits, W. F. Ganong, GoL
|iikshank, Sir John Bourinot, and others.
Montreal Gazette : What we said some time ago of the Old South Leaflets as affecb-
I United States readers, is especially applicable to this experiment of Mr. Hay's as
cting students of our own annals. At a nominal cost (ten cents a number) one is
Joured with a veritable treasury of tid-bits by our foremost historians, dealing author-
lively with what is most noteworthy in the records of the old regime and the new.

I 'I'^i:'

>:i:^>'

COMMENTS.

Quebec Mercury : No student of history should fail to .secure these Readingfl.

Chatham (N. B. ) World: Readable, educational, useful to preserve for reference.

St. John Teli'(jritp]i ; When the series is complete it will form a most valuable body
|of Canadian history.

Edmondton (N. W. T.) fiuffcfin : The articles are interesting and of great value
[from an educational point of view.

Truro Xems : The compiler has in view to popularize knowledge, and to build up in
|our young a national sentiment that we should all support.

RelifjioHK Intelligencer, Fredericton : No Canadian school library should be without
|these liistorical papers.

Summerside, 1*. K. I., Jownal : Every teacher and every student of Canadian his-
Itory should be a reader of the serif's.

Digby, N. S., Gonriir : Their purpose is primarily for the schoolroom but they can be
[appreciated e(jually by the general reader.

Weymouth (N. S.) Free Prcm : They will stin»ulate an interest in and for the fascin-
|ating study of history.

Charlottetown Patriot : Will do much to popularize all that is inspiring in the early
[records of our country.

Rev. 1). Macrae, I).l)., President Morrin College, Quebec : Kept up with the spirit
land excellence characterizing the first number, it surely must command a large and
[appreciative supj)ort.

R. E. Gosnell, Librarian Legislative Library, B. C, : I must congratulate you, not
[only on the conception of such a commendable enterprise, but upon the success with
[which it has been initiated.

Hantspott (N. S.) Advance: There is no dry reading in them, and they would be
[a great help to senior pupils in our public school.s.

A. C. Casselman, Normal School, Toronto : Your notes are very valuable and not
[of transitory value by any means. I am sure that the wiiole series will be readily sold
[to those who collect woiks on Canada. They contain articles that cannot be obtained
[anywhere else.

St. Andrews ZJearoH ; All these gentlemen (the writers for the leallets) are well
[iiuahfied by study and experience to write not only intelligibly, but trutlifully, upon the
^ubjeols they have chosen. The historical accuracy of their contributions may thero-
jfore be relied npnn.

The. Ciinndian Enriiiif.er, Toronto : The " Educational Review '' is now publishing a
Ivuluable series of leaflets dealing witii special features and epochs of Canadian history',
ISuch writers as Sir John Bourinot, Prof. W. F. Ganong and Col. Cruikshank are contri-
Ibutors, and these leaflets will be a most useful means of e<lucating people on many more
|or less obscure j)oints of Canadian history.

Canadian Journal of Fabrics : This means of presenting in a cheap and popular form
lihases of Canadian history not familiar to the ordinary reader, cannot be too highly
|commen<led, and we trust Mr. Hay will be well encouraged in his good work.