^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1.25 |50 ■^" 1^ m 2.5 2.2 lis M 1.4 1.8 1.6 # ,\ M ;\ y \ ^\ Canadian Ins CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ECMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 1980 Technical Notes / Notes techniques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Physical features of this copy which may alter any of the images in the reproduction are checked below. n Coloured covers/ Couvertures de couleur Coloured maps/ Cartes gdographiques en couleur L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exempla're qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Certains d6fauts susceptibles de nuire d la quality de la reproduction sont notds ci-dessous. 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The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes ou les planches trop grandes pour dtre reproduites en un seul clichd sont film6es d partir de Tangle supdrieure gauche, de gauche d droite et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. Le diagramme suivant illustre la mdthode : 1 2 3 1 6 >mi^**"|'"nv* PAPERS AND ADDRESSES UY LOED BEASSEY ^.. PAPERS AND ADDRESSES By LORD BRASSEY, K.C.B., D.C.L. NAVAL AND MARITIME 1871 to 1898. Arranged and Edited by Cai'tain S. Eai!];ley-Wilmot, E.N. 2 vols, crown Svo. lO.s. WOEK AND WAGES. Edited by J. IVrTER, and with Introduction by Geobge Howell, M.P. Crown Svo. 5,s'. MEECANTILE MAEINE AND NAVIGATION, from 1871 to 1894. Arranged and Edited by Captain S. Eardley-Wilmot, E.N. Crown Svo. London : LONGMANS, GREEN, .V CO. New York : 1 5 East 16"' Street. PAPERS AND ADDRESSES-^''? BY ^^M;3'>^i'SSEY, K.C.B., D.C.L. if. IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND COLONISATION FROM 1880 TO 1894 ARRANGED AND EDITED BY ARTHUR H. LORING and R. J. BEADON, M.A. ^ " ^«^ •' >;Q LONDON LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. AND NEW YORK : 15 EAST IG'h STREET 1895 All right* rctervtd Pi ■■■I J EDITOllIAL PEEFACE The present volume contains a selection of Lord Brassey's Speeches, Lectures, and Articles on laiperial Federation antl Colonisation between the years 1 880 and 1894. Of Lord Brassey's intimate acquaintance with all that relates to the Colonial Empire of Great Britain, or of the authority of his utterances on the subjects here dealt with, there is no need to speak. But as this volume contains, besides the text of Lord Brass. ^ ' ^n\ productions, a considerable amount of matter written Ly the Editors, it is due to the reader to say that their qualification for the work they have undertaken rests upon knowledge of the subject matter gained during several years of otiicial connection with the Imperial Federation League, as Secretary, and as Editor of the Journal, respectively. It has been their endeavour to supply, in connection wmmmmmmm VI EDITORIAL PREFACE with each 8peech or Address, not only a sketch of the cir-- cumstancos of its delivery, but some account of the posi- tion of the Imperial Federation movement at successive periods. In doing this they have been enabled, with Lord Brassey's concurrence, so to expand their part of the letterpress as to weave round his speeches something in the nature of a history of the Colonial Question during a period of rapid and very important development. A. H. L. Ft. J. n. Februunj ISDo. TABLE OF CONTENTS In the hcndnotrs to tin- rhn/>tcrs collected in t/iu Tabic, the Ju-ari/ tjijw refers to the matter of Lord lirasxeifs own .yjcechcs, .^V., the comtiion type to Editorial matter. ClIAPTEU I. Introductory General Statement— The Imperial Federation Question and an Account of the Movement. ClIAPTKU II. 1.S80 Lord Brassey's wide Acquaintance with tlie itritish Knipiij: Address at Bradford on 'Our Colonial Empire' — The Subject of Imperial Federation comprehensively Treated — The Leading Place given to Defence -Subsetjuent Activity of Ciiambers of Commerce in the Movement— Coalinj2^ Stations and Lord Carnarvon's Defence Commission. Chapter III. 18S()-7 Events between 1S80-86— Formation of Imperial Federation League iti 1884 — Lord Brassey's Connec- tion with it -His Speech on introducing League Deputation to Lord Salisbury in 1886— The Prime Minister's Reply — Resuits— Imperial Conference, 1887 — Jubilee Year at Melbourne — Speech at Imperial Federation Banquet at Melbourne The Colonies and Imperial Defence. l'A(iK 1 28 50 Chapter IV. 1888 Return to England -Address on Coaling Statiwns, London Chamber of Commerce -Strategical Points in Imperial Defence— Local Defences not truly 70 m ■amni! HSP IPH Vlll CONTENTS I'AOK Imperial —Prof I'HSor Seoley and Lord J'.rasscy at Cambridge - Address there before the University Branch of the League Citation of Views of Colonial Statesmen Lord Itosrhery and Lord Bnussey at Glasp^ow— Address at the Merchants' House, Glasgow- Relative Advantages of Unity to Colonies and Mother-country—Lord Itosohery at Leeds — ' Our F'orcign rolicy is a Colonial I'olicy ' — Other work done by Lord Brassey in 1888. Chaptkii V. 18S9-J)1 Address at Keighley Chamber of Commerce -League Dinner— His Speech in Reply to • The Navies of the Empire ' — The Duke ol' Westminster and Lord Brassey at Chester — Lecture on * Our Colonial Empire' there— All-importance of Lnperial System of Defence — The Colonies should be invited to join — The League and a Second Conference — Correspon- dence between Lord l{os(ibcry and Lord Halisbiiry — An Imperial Council of Defence- Speech at a Leagfue Meeting in Liverpool, 1890— Resolution moved by Lord Brassey at Annual Meeting of League— Lord Houghton and Lord Brassey at Leeds, LS'.tl — Cir- cumstances of Time, Behring Sea, Newfoundland Fisheries, Australian Federation - Speech at Leeds —A Colonial Council— Defence Question Ripe for Settlement— Not so that of Customs Union— Con- ferences and Commissions— Sir Bevan Edwards's Report on Australian Defences —Speech in House of Lords on Military Contributions of Crown Colonies — Lords Knutsford and Kimberley and ]Mr. Stanhope on same Subject— Article in ' Nineteenth Century ' — Speech at Public Meeting at Brighton. Ill Chapter VI. 1891 {Contimied) Motions in Parliament advocating Second Conference — Important Utterances of Lord Salisbury and Mr. Goschen — Action thereon of Council of League — Deputation to Lord Salisbury— Speech of Lord 172 CONTENTS IX I'\(1K Brassey on introducing Deputation— Tlio rrimo Minister's Ueply Speech from Chair at Annual Meeting of League -Appointment by League of Comniitteo to frame Report — Lord Brassey Cluiir- nmn. ciiAPTEu vn. 1892 Congress of Chambers of Coniraerce of the Empire- - Resolutions relating to Commercial Union— Speech on moving Resolution in Name of London Chamber Resolution purposely Non-contentious Review of the Imperial Trade Question -Non-committal Character of the Resolution — His Declaration against Tiirilf-niongcring — ^Discussion — Result of Voting -' ('ommerci;il I'nion ' condenmed- Extract from Speech at Canadian Dinner on ' Dominion Day '—And at City of London Branch of League Article in ' Lloyd's "Weekly Newspaper.' Chapteu VI n. 1 Sit 2- 3. 190 210 I'ublicatioii ill November 1802 of Report of Special Committee of League presided over by Lord Rrassey Summary Council ISIeeting to consider Report — Its Adoption Sir Charles Tnpper and the Com- mittee—Letter of Lord Brassey to Canada dis- claiming Sir Charles Tupper's Imputations- Report laid before Government by Deputation to Mr. . Gladstone Lord Brassey 's Speech— Mr. Gladstone's Reply to the Deputation — Dissolution of the League. APPENDICES I Paper on ' Work and Wages in Australia' read before the Royal Colonial Institute, Feb. 14, 1888 — Lord Dun- raven's Speech in Discussion on the Paper . . . 236 cy '-'' It trt f (Q mmmm m X CONTENTS II l'A(iK Speech on ' State Colonisation ' at Manchester, Feb. 2S, 1888 — Paper on same Subject at Liverpool, Nov. 15, 1888— Letter in • Times,' Jan. 23, 1«91, on ' A Colonisa- tion Scheme at Work ' - Speech on Colonisation Scheme before ^Manitoba Board of Trade at Winnipeg, Sept. 25, 1894 251 III List of the Council of the Iraperial Federation I^eague IV 283 Text of the Report, issued November 1H92. of the Special Committee of the Imperial Fedorntioii Len cue, presided over by Lord Brassey 289 Letter in 'Times,' Sept. 8, 1891, on ' The Proposed ^lail Route to Australia tvV?('anada ' .302 Index 307 IMPERIAL FEDEEATION AND COLONISATION CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY General Statement — Tmjwrial Federation Question and Account of the Movement. In spite of tlie difllculty of realising, by tlie aid only of maps and handbooks, the extent and varied resources of the British Empire, the subject once taken up is one from which it is difficult to turn, so absorbing is tlie theme and so fascinating to the imagination, are the prospects which it hokls out. To tliose who have been fortunate enou^^h to make even a brief excursion from these islands, and to see with their own eyes something of the countries oi which Creator Britain is composed, tlu' charm of the subject is greatly enhanced. The possibilities which such an ac- quaintance unfolds to the minds of those who are also disposed to look into the future are of such a beneficent character that it seems to become a positive duty to seize the opportunities which offer, and to endeavour to do something towards the attainment of some, at least, of the great and high ideals which present themselves. B / \o INTRODUCTORY CHAl' I i That Lord J3rassey, who has enjoyed not once but many times that ' liberal education ' afforded by a visit to the outlying portions of the Empire which has l)een laid down as necessary to all future English statesmen, should be found taking an active and prominent part in all that concerns its present interests and its future destiny, is not therefore surprising. It was equally natural that Lord Jjrassey's lively interest in the welfare of tiie Empire at large should take the ft)rni of an ear)iest desire for some means of assui'ing its continued unity, and the advocacy of any measure tending in that direction. In the speeches and papers which form the staple of this volume Lord J^rassey has de\ "t^d himself mainly to this subject, inti- mately allied as it is in his mind with that of the mari- time defence of the Empire a su])ject with wliich also his name is closely identified. It is a common saying that in these days events march with a terrible and increasing rapidity. It has probably been a common saying at all times. The truth is that we compare the rush of tlie smaller and, S'.) to speak, domestic events of the present day with the progress of the really important events of past times which liave left their mark upon history, and whose eti'ect is felt up to the present moment. These are necessarily of rarer occurrence, and have ro(iuired many years of minor events to V)ring about. The movement for the Federation of the Em})ire, in which Lord Brassey has played so conspicuous a part, may well, in time, result in one of those great events which make the history of the world, but it will not come as a bolt from the blue — it will not ' happen' as an acci- dent. It will follow from the patient efforts of tliose who lie undef a sense of duty to do what is in their P) iiiAP r INTRODUCTORY power for the good of the country in which they live and for the Empire with which it is connected, aided by such circumstances as may occur conducing to the same end. These efforts may seem trivial, they may at times even appear to be abortive ; but the work honestly done leaves its mark, and the seed sown, if sound, will bear its fruit in time. It was about the year 1880, perhaps a little before that date, that the British Empire began to be 'dis- covered ' by speakers and by writers as a subject worth discoursing upon, and by readers and listeners as one demanding their attention. Not that the subject was then an absolutely new one, but until about this period it had not come into general discussion. As early as the forties ' the future of the Empire ' was beginning to exercise the minds of some few thinkers and public men. In 1844, Robert Lowe — Lord Sherbrooke — then a member of the Legis- lative Council of New South Wales, expressed, in a striking passage, the hope and belief that some day Great Britain would form with the Colonies ' one mighty confederacy, girdling the earth in its whole circuriference, and confident against the world in arts and arms.' A few years later Judge Haliburton — ' Sam Slick ' — was advocating like view^s ; and not long afterwards Mr. Joseph Howe, Mr. Edw^ard Blakf , and Sir John Macdonald in Canada, and Sir Henry Parkes and Sir Julius Vogel in Australia and New Zealand, were giving voice to the same aspirations. In 1857 the Australian Association in London— the germ of the Royal Colonial Institute— distinctly declared for an Imperial Represen- tative Assembly ; and in the year that followed the members of this body were endeavouring to bring their ideas under the public notice. In 1871 an article by Mr. B2 INTRODUCTORY iiiAP r Edward Jenkins appeared in the * Contemporary Review ' under the actual title of Imperial Federation ; and among others who, during this period, were writing and speaking on the subject -wore Sir Frederick Young, Sir Jolin Colomb, and Mr. F. P. de Labilliero ; Lord Bras- sey's name appe.'irs in direct association with the subject in the year 1880.' But these voices still cried in the wilderness, thej were few and far between, and tliey met with little or no response. The country was still held by the official assumption that the Colonies having attained to the ' For t'ullisr paiticulais of the history of the idea during this period and still earlier the reader is referred to a paper read before the Royal Colonial Institute in January, 180;}, by Mr. V. do Labilliere, on ' British Federalism ; its Rise and Progress ' — ProcecdhiffS of the lioyal Colonial Distiiiif(',vo\. sxiv. pp. 95-120. References to the genesis of the movement will also be found scattered through the pages of the Jovrijal of the Imperial Federation League — ' Imperial Federation ' — its early history being specially dealt with in the issue for October, 1892— vol. vii. p. 227— and in a then recent article (there cited) in the Atlantic Motdhhj. It is interesting to note that, though the idea of the unity of the British Empire as it has existed since the earlier decades of tli3 present century is of such comparatively late growth, tlie views that have since become current had presented themselves to the minds of thinkers and statesmen before the loss of so large a portion of Britain's first Empire by the American Revolution. Twelve years before that event Governor Rownall, in a work on The Administration of the Colonies, had proposed msikirg of Great Bi-itain and her Dependencies ' a grand marine dominion . . united into a one Empire, in a one centre, where the seat of Government is.' And every student of the history of the Empire and of Colonial administration is familiar with Adam Smith's chapter on ' Colonics " ( Wealth of Nations, book iv. chap, vii.), in which the great thinker anticipated nearly every argument that has been used a century later. The Revolutionary War was then in progress. Even if the politicians of that day had been guided by the wisdom of the political thinkers, it was already too late. Absit omen / I cn\r I INTRODUCTORY position of self-government could only proceed thence to independence. It was not to be supposed that great self-governing Colonies, with millions of population, would consent to remain for ever under the tutelage of the Colonial Office ; national life was essential to every British community, and to this, as Colonies, they could not attain. The obvious course open to them was to cease to be Colonies and to declare their independence. It was merely a question of time and of their prosperity when they would take this step ; until it suited them to flo so the United Kingdom would be content to do what it could for them in Imperial matters. At the time referred to the Colonies, especially Australia, were advancing by the proverbial ' leaps and bounds ; ' independence, colloquially expressed as ' cutting the painter,' was freely discussed in Australia, and con- templated with much equanimity in En;.^land. The times were prosperous with the Colonies, "!roung Aus- tralia was getting anxious to try its wings, and England was resigned to the inevitable. There were, however, a handful of men who, with the Royal Colonial Institute as a rallying point, hud for years been patiently and resolutely endeavouring to stem the tide which was thus setting so strongly towards the disintegration of the British Empire. They clung doggedly to the spirit of their monthly toast, ' The Queen and United Empire,' but it was with difficulty that they held their ground against the almost universal tendency to regard disintegration as inevitable. They were without an alternative proposal, and they lacked a leader. It was felt that there was much force in the argu- ments of the Manchester school, the effect of which still lived in the pubUc mind. The Colonies were to the 6 INTRODUCTORY CHAP 1 Mother-country - in addition to being her pride and glory— a burden to the taxpayer, a heavy responsibility and a, frequent source of friction with other Powers, and consequently a danger. These were the facts put forward by the Manchester school, and their truth can hardly be denied even at the present day, although the inference then drawn from them would not now be accepted. The Manchester school was able to see but one conclusioji resulting from these facts, namely, that the best interests of the United Kingdom required that she should be rid of her Colonies as cjuickly as possible after they had attained self-government. The alternative t)f bringing the Colonics into a Federation in which all parties should bear their proper share of burdens, responsibilities and dangers, as well as their share of advantages, privileges and authoi'ity, does not seem to have occurred to the Manchester politicians, and it had yet to be put forward as a feasible project by any responsible statesman, at the time of the inception of the Imperial Federation movement. Here, then, was the alternative solution wanting, to counteract both the process of disintegration, feared and resisted by the Royal Colonial Institute, and the active policy of separation advocated by the Manchester school. The required leader was shortly to bo found. Since the years which he spent at the Colonial Office — 18G5 — Mr. W. E. Forster had never ceased to occupy himself with those questions involving Colonial interests which are inseparable from the responsibilities of Empire. At times the heavy burden of his duties in the service of the State absolutely precluded him from giving atten- tion to these matters, but with anything approaching to leisure, he was readily accessible to all who had the interests of the Empire as a whole at heart. CHAP I INTKODUCTORY I In 1875, tor exiiniplc, Mr. Forster dolivered .an adrlress at Edinburgh on 'Our C(»lonial Empire,' wlucli, coming from a man in his position, had the effect at the moment of calling the attentiitn of a wider public to the serious importance of the subject. The following tribute to this side of his character was paid by Lord Knutsford when s[K'aking as Secretary of State for the Colonics, two years after JVIr. Forster's death: — 'Mr. Forster was a man whose lead upon all Colonial (juestions it was safe to follow. No man had a more ke(>ii interest in the Colonies. No man had a keener sympathy with their wishes and aspirations ; and I will venture to say this, that his sound judgment, his varied and extensive knowledge, and his kindly heart, gave him a position on all Colonial matters, in and out of the House of Commons, which none of us can hope to attain.' The possibilities of good to the world at large, and to his own countrymen in particular, proceeding from the maintenance of the British Empire as a whole had greatly impressed Mr. Forster, and tlumgh from the first he recognised very clearly tlie ditiiculties which would beset the enterprise, he felt that it was a goal worth striving for ; but to let such an Empire go to pieces without even propounding the question of the possibility of coming to an arrangement whereby it could remain united upon equal terms, w^ould involve this country in lasting disgrace ; and he accordingly determined to make the attempt. At his suggestion a Conference was held in July 1881 at the Westminster Palace Hotel. Mr. Forster presided and stated the ol)ject of the meeting in these words : — ' We are hei-e to-day because we wish to pre- serve the unity of the Empire by binding the s^tveral 8 INTRODUCTORY tHAl> I parts together, and also because we think the time has come when those who liavc that wish should meet together to see how they can attain it,' The n)eeting was attended by a largo number of persons whose names were prominent in Imperial affairs, and the list included the Right Hon. W. H. Smith, the Earl of Roscbcry, Sir Henry Holland, Mr. James 13ryce, the High Com- missioner for Canada, and the Agents- (jleneral for New South Wales and New Zealand. The outcome of this Conference was shown in the following resolutions which were adopted : — 1. That, in order to secure the permanent unity of the Empire, some form of Federation is essential. 2. That, for the purpose of influencing public opinion, both in the United Kingdom and the Colonies, by showing the incalculable advantages which will accrue to the whole Empire from the adoption of such a system of organisation, a Society be formed of men of all parties, to advocate and support the principle of Federation. A provisional committee was appointed and the Conference adjourned until November, when another meeting took place at which the following resolutions were passed : — 1. That a society be now formed to be called the ' Imperial Federation League.' 2. That the object of the League be to secure by Federation the permanent unity of the Empire. 3. That no scheme of Federation should interfere with existing rights of Local Parliaments as regards local affairs. 4. That any scheme of Imperial Federation should combine on an equitable basis the resources of the Empire for the maintenance of common interests, and •^ ClIAV I INTRODUCTORY 9 adequately provide for an organised defence of common rights. The Imperial Federation League was thus established, and during the year 1885 it made rapid piogress. Mr. Forster was elected Chairman of the League, and devoted much of his time and personal attention to its affairs. Articles from his pen apppared in the ' Nineteenth Century ' early in the year, and were discussed in the press throughout the Empire. In these arti'^les he met the objections and doubts of his critics, answering the inquiry, ' How can the Mother-country be kept united to her Colonies ? ' with the rej)ly, ' By an organisation for common defence and a joint Foreign Policy.' To the question, ' Why not leave matters alone ? ' he replied, ' Self-government will end in separation if there be no such organisation.' Several statesmen of the iirst rank took an active part in the work of establishing the League, notably Mr. W. H. Smith, the Earl of Rosebeiy, Lord George Hamilton, Mr. Edward Stanhope, Sir Henry Holland, now Lord Knutsford, and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. The General Committee included a large number of influential men of all political parties, belonging both to the United Kingdom and to the Colonies ; and mercantile men, distinguished lawyers, Naval and Military officers, and dignitaries of the Church became members.' Lord Brassey was at this time cruising in the Southern Seas, and was therefore precluded from taking any part in these fundamental operations. He lost no time, however, in giving his countenance and support to the movement as soon as lie heard of it ; and upon his ' A list of the Council of the League in 1888 is given in Appendix III. 10 INTRODUCTUliY CHAP I I i I return to Engldud in 1S8G he iicceptecl the oiKce of lion. Treasurer to the League. The work of tlie Imperial Federation Liuiguc, dealing as it did with the .sul)ject of defence in conjunction with the great que.stion of the future of the Empire, possessed a natural attraction for Lord Brassey, and he threw liiniself fully into the movement. As will he seen in the following pages, liis utterances upon the subject (luring the last ti.'n years have Ijeen very frerpient, jtnd tlu^y form a coniprelu^isive summary of the history of the movement. Tluiy were often undertaken at considerable inconvenience to himself and at very short notice ; but they by no means represent the sum of his (;xertions (m behalf of the cause. He was a constant attendant at the meetings of the League's Council and Executive Committee ; much, of his time was given to the study of tlie question, and it was his pleasure to entertain prominent men from the Colonies, with whom he would discuss the (piestion of Federation as it affected their interests, gathering their views, co-ordinating them with those of others, and comparing them with his own experiences gained during the ' Sunbeam ' cruises and his tenure of otHce at the Admiralty. In April, 1S8G, the movement for Imperial Federa- tion suffered a hea\y loss by the death of its first leader, Mr. W. E. Forster, a loss which was keenly felt by all its friends throughout the Empire. There were not wanting, however, men to take his place and lead the movement in the direction which he had pointed. The Earl of Rosebery and Mr. Edward Stanhope were elected President and Vice-President, on the understand- ing that the one who should hold othce in the Govern- ment should for the time be Vice-President and inactive, CHAP I INTRODUCTORY 11 thus in8urinr(>d many addresses upon the Fedm'atioii fjuestioii duiing the ycvirs li^SS \)^ and more than one from the same platform with Lord Rosebery. A host of other speakers followed suit, and the subject was under dis- cussion from one end of tlu; kingdom to the other. The monthly journal of the League, 'Imperial Ktulera- tion,' did excellent work in collecting and focussing all these expressions of opinion, and its volumes form a complete book of reference uj)on the sul)Ject. In iSSi) ^Iv. a. R. Parkin, an elocpient Canadian, undertook on behalf of the League a \isit to the Aus- tralasian Colonies, and delivered addresses in every Colony except Western Australia, with excellent eflect. The League in Canada gn;w and tlouiished and branches of its organisation wei'(^ established from one ocean to the other. Cenerally it may be said that at this period the question of Imperial Federation was undei' discussion throughout the British Empire, aiul that, although scepticism and criticism wore plentiful, no- where was considei-ation refused to it. ScluMues were suggested in all quart(MS ; Fiuleration i: ' Mip.wwivp'n* vipi 16 INTRODUCTORY CHAP I li; IL was declared to be indissolubly bound up both with Home Rule and with Fair Trade, while tlie advocates of marriage with the deceased wife's sister insisted that Imperial Federation only needed the assimilation of marriage laws of the Empire to insure its success. It need hardly be said that the League was re- peatedly called upon to produce its plan. * Where is your scheme ? ' ' How are you going to do it ? ' was the constant inquiry. But the League was reluctant to be drawn. The task which it had set itself was not that of framing a new constitution for the British Empire, but that of directing public attention to the necessity for making such changes in the constitution as would provide a place for the Colonies in the administratioii of the common affairs of the Empire. To many tliis seemed a nice distinction, almost too subtle for public consumption, and murmurs began to be heard as to the impossibility of going on without some more definite object than the two words, ' Imperial Federation.' In ^)rder to meet in some degree that not un- natural demand for an immediate objective, it was de- cided in 1880 to press upon the Government a repetition in the following year of the Conference of 1887. An important mes'ting was held at the Mansion House in November, 1889, presided over by the Lord INIayor, in which Lord liosebery. Lord Carnarvon and Cardinal Manning took part. Lord Rosebery declared tliat since the Conference of 1887 'he hatl always felt that tiio existence of what was called Imperial Federation depended upon th- periodical con- tinuance 0,nd renewal of such Conferences.' The follow- ing resolution was added to tlu Constitution of the League : — 'That the establishment of periodical Confer- ences of Representatives of the self-governing Com- «p<«i ciiAr r INTRODUCTORY 17 munities of the Empire should be the first aim of the Imperial Federation League.' In June, 1891, Lord Salisbury again received a deputation from the Imperial Federation League. As l)efore, the deputation was introduced by Lord Brassey: the Earl of llosebery, who was President at that time, was travelling on the Continent, and, for domestic reasons, taking no part in public affairs. Lord Salis- bury's reply to the rec^uest of the deputation, ' that the Government should convoke, at the eai'liest timely date, a Conference of the self-governing countries of the Em- pire, to consider the (juestion of securing to them a real and effective share in the privileges and responsibilities of a United Empire,' was to the effect that until a definite proposition had been made as to the manner in which Imperial Federation might be carried out, it would not be reasonable to summon a Conference to consider the subject. He added : — * I think we are almost come to the time when schemes should be pro- posed, and that without them we sliall not get very far.' " . By the nature of this reply the League found itself compelled to make a further departure from the lino which it had laid down for itself, by undertaking the task of preparing a scheme. It was committed to the })olicy of advocating periodical conferences, but was now told that such were impossible unless a definite scheme of Federation were placed upon the table. The Council of the League, however, lost no time in taking action upon Lord Salisbury's very pointed sug- gestion, and an important and representative committee was appointed and drew up the report which is printed in the Appendix. At the first meeting of this committee Lord Brassey c 18 INTRODUCTORY (IIAP I r * ill was elected chairman, and throughout its sittings, which extended over nearly a year, he took an active and per- sonal part in its deliberations. This report, which was unanimous, followed closely the lines of the original resolutions upon which the League was founded, placing the combination of the resources of the Empire for the purposes of defence in the forefront of its recommendations. It declared the essentials of a United Empire to be : — (a) That the voice of the Empire in peace, when dealing with Foreign Powers, shall be, as far as possible, the united voice of all its autonomous parts. (b) That the defence of the Empire in war shall be the common defence of all its interests and of all its j^arts, by the united forces and resources of all ita members, and it laid down as a leading principle ' that as all parts of the Empire enjoy the benefits of Imperial Defence, they should contribute to its cost.' Lord Brassey's knowledge of Colonial sentiment upon the subject of contribution to Imperial expenditure led him to take some pains to present this side of the matter in the manner likely to be tlie iP.ost palatable to the Colonies ; and though he has always, as will be seen from his speeches, recognised that such a share of Im- perial taxation must inevitably follow upon the increasing influence in Imperial atiairs which the Colonies are rapidly assuming, yet he has more than once asserted that the time for asking of them such Imperial contri- butions has not yet arrived. How long it will be possible to maintain this position, in view of the heavy demands upon the British taxpayer for tlie increase of the Navy, he has not attempted to define. Those who look forward to a united future for the Empire can only regard it as a matter of time when this question will ha\e to be faced. CHAr T INTRODUCTORY 11) It is undeniably the crux of the question of Federation, and its satisfactory solution probably depends upon its Ijeing taken in liand when time and circumstance admit of its beinij; dealt with deliberately and dispassionately. If it is left to be settled upon the spur of the moment in view of some great Imperial expenditure, such as that involved by a war wK.h a first-class Power, or if it should come up for settlement after such an expenditure has been incurred, as in the case of the American Colonies, it seems almost inevitable that the result should be as unsatisfactory as in that memorable instance. The Report of Lord Brassey's committee embodied a scheme calculated to provide a gradual solution of this dilHculty, and intended to afi'ord a basis for discussion at an Imperial Conference, in compliance with Lord Salis- })ury's demand for some definite scheme to lay before such a conference for discussion. The scheme contem- plated a council of the Empire, charged primarily with tiie respuMsibility for Imperial defence — the United Kingdom and the self-governing Colonies being directly represented in that council. Contributions for Ijuperial purposes were to be raised by the Governments concerned, each in its own way, and the projDortion to be paid by each country to be determined at periodical conferences held for this and other purposes. The first step recom- mended by the conniiittce towards ( arrying out this scheme was tin; issue to the Colonies of a complete static ment, showing ' the general necessities of the Empire in the matter of defence ; the means by which defence has hitherto been provided ; and the proposed means and estimated cost of providing it by joint action in the future.' The self-governing Colonies would then be in- vited to send representatives to a conference for the purpose of ascertaining ' the views of the difl[erent c2 mm m ii 20 INTRODUCTORY CHAP I 1 f I'l 5 Colonies enjoying responsible government as to securing the unity of the Empire and meeting the responsibilities of Imperial defence, and for the purpose of determining the basis upon and the method by which contributions should be raised.' This report was adojDted unanimously by the Council of the League, though it is probable that opposition would have been offered upon some points but for a laudable desire for unanimity upon such an important occasion. Such opposition would have been dictated in !eomc cases by a desire to see a more prominent place given to the subject of commercial union, and ax others by the fear that a proposal involving contributions to Imperial expenditure would be unpopular in the Colonies. As regards coumiercial union, the committee had rele- gated it to the class of subsidiary measures, ' which, if not at first practicable, might become more so with the growth of a feeling of permanent unity,' a course amply justified by the rejection of Sir Charles Tupper's resolu- tion in its favour by the Chambers of Commerce of the Empire assembled in London in the same year. The sharing of Imperial expenditure is of course directly in- volved in any scheme of Federation, for it is hardly possible to contemplate a federation in which the common expenses are borne by one country of the federation only. The report met with an unusually consentient approval from the Press of this country, while the feeling in the Colonies seemed to be one of disappointment that the steps advocated were not of a more sweeping character. The League, being now armed with a definite propo- sition which, in its opinion, might be laid before a con- ference, renewed its efforts to induce the Government to repeat the successful experiment of 1887 by holding a second Imperial Conference. A change of Government CUAP I INTRODUCTORY 21 having taken place, Mr. Gladstone was asked to receive a deputation from the League to formally lay before Her Majesty's (Jovernmont the report of the committee, and to press upon it the desirability of summoning a conference, at which the recommendations of the report might form a basis of discussion, Mr. (Gladstone re- ceived the deputation in April 1893 ; it was headed by Mr. Edward Stanhope, who had succeeded Lord Tiosebery as President of the League upon the change of Govern- ment. Lord J3rassey, for the third time, addressed the Prime Minister on behalf of the League, and on this occasion he was at pains to call attention to the strongly- expressed desire of Canadians for a system of preferential trade within the Empii-e, thougli ho could not express himself as in favour of its adoption. Mr. Gladstone, in his reply, specially referred to the Canadian proposals in order to give the following reply to them, conclusive so far as his Government was concerned : — ' I do not think I should be dealing fairly with you if I held out any expectation that, so far as I am myself concerned, and so far as my political friends are concerned, we should ever be prepared to pro- pose the consolidation of the Empire by means of reversing again the principles of our commercial rela- tions, and introducing preferences into the terms upon which commodities imported over sea are received in the ports of the United Kingdom.' With regard to ' unity of defence,' he said that, * while I must not dis guise from you that it is attended with enormous diffi- culties on every side, yet I certainly conceive that the attainment of that end w^ould be the attainment of an end of enormous value.' Upon the summoning of a con- ference Mr. Gladstone felt that 'the public mind of the country was too largely occupied at the present moment r 22 1NTH01JUCT0K^■ CUAP 1 with very great questions of Imperial interest and domestic interest to allow it to be supposed that any iiinnediate step could bo taken.' The League was thus thrown back upon its own resources, and it became necessary to consider what should be its course of action in tiie future. Having definitely adopted as its first aim 'the establishing of periodical conferences of representatives of the self- governing communities of the Empire,' and having in the last five years approached governments on both sides of politics with a view of obtaining a repetition of the con- ference of 1887 without success, the question was raised whether it was possible to continue to work with that as the first aim, and whether some more immediate and practical object was not essential to any furtlier progress of the movement. The whole question of the future action of the League was referred to a very influential small committee for consideration. This committee reported that while on the one hand it seemed impossible to carry on the movement efTectually without a more defined and immediate })olicy, on the other hand, the variety of opinions held as to which were the really essential elements of a federation would prevent any practical direction being given to the work of the League as then constituted. The situation was thus described in the report : — ' It is not in the power of the League either to summon the pi'oposed conference or to prepare the complete official statement, declared to be an essential preliminary to such a conference, showing the general necessities of the Empire in the matter of defence, the means by which defence has hitherto been provided, and the proposed means and estimated cost of providing it by joint action in the future. All that the League could do towards CHAP I INTnoDlTTORY 23 these ends would be to continue pressing successive governments to take the steps admitted to bo desirable, if not essential, and having regard to the character of its organisation it is more than doubtful whether such pressure would be likely to be effectual. When a ques- tion has reached the stage thus indicated it would seem more expedient to lea\e the practical issue to the play of the political forces by which government is carried on. . . . On the several grounds that have been indicated it appears that the existing organisation has reached the limits of its effective action. The special report laid before the Prime Minister in Apiil represented the maximum of political principles and opinions attainable, as a homogeneous body, by all the numerous and diverse elements of which the League is composed.' The secretary of the League, in a statement made to the Council at its last meeting, indicated the principal divergences of opinion upon practical points which existed among thosfe who were entirely at one in their desire for Imperial Federation. He said : — ' There is a party within the League which holds that a Commercial Union of the Empire is essential to any Federation, and there is a party which holds that such a union would not constitute a Federation, or that, in any case, a change in the fiscal policy of this country would be too great a price to pay for it. Again, thei'e are those who hold that the combination of the resources of the Empire for defence is the hrst and main point in the Federation, and that no permanence of unity can exist without it ; and there are those on the contrary who hold that to increase the influence and representation of the Colonies in the United Kingdom is good, but that any addition to the responsibility of the Colonies in this matter is undesirable and unnecessary.' 24 INTRODUCTORY CHAP 1 I The recommondation of tho Committee was that the League should be dissolved at the end of the year, free play being thus given to the various schools of thought as to the most efl'ectual course of action for bringing about the desired Federation. Tiiis course was recom- mended to the Council in the best interests of tlie cause of the unity of the Empire, as more prudent than the alternative of attempting to impose upon the menil)ers of the League a definition of Imperial Federation to which the League as a whole had not hitherto assented. There was considerable opposition to this step among those who, having worked long and earnestly as members of the League, were very naturally loth to witness its dis- appearance. On the other hand, there was much truth in the contention that the League was formed for the puri)Oso of advocating ' Imperial Federation ' in the abstract, and that, as it had now become necessary to define more precisely what was aimed at, a fresh start should be made. This view was heM ])y Mr. Stanhope, the Pi-esident, by Loi'd Roscbery, the late President, by Lord Brassey, the Vice-President, and by the other oflicers of the League. After several months devoted to the considera- tion of this and alternative courses, the report was eventually adopted by the Council, and its recommen- dation was acted upon at the end of the year 1893. Lord Brassey was at the time in India with the Opium Commission, of which he was the President, but he sub- sequently expressed his full concurrence with the action of the Council. Thus was brought to an honourable close the career of the Imperial Federation League, and with it the first stage of the movement for the federation of the Empire. Its useful work in directing public attention to the CHAP I INTRODUCTORY ^6 desirability of making an effort for the perpetuation of the unity of the Empire is generally admitted ; it was not allowed to survive the period of its effective action ; its existence was not prolonged, as in many instances of such hodies, from sentimental or interested individual motives ; having served the purpose for which it was foun? aimed at, during these years. The part which Lord l>rassey played in placing this difficult subject l)efore the public in the United Kingdom, in Australia and in Canada, and the earnestness of his desire that the whole Eni}>ire should have before it materials for arriving at ii satisfactory solution of the 'Problem of National lenity,' will l)e gathered from th«< chapters which follow. rr CHAPTER TT 1880 Lord Brasse}''s wide Acquaintance witli the British Empire : Address at Bradford on ' Our Colonial Empire'— The Sub- ject of Imperial Federation comprehensively Treated -The Leading Place given to Defence— Subsequent Activity of Clianibers of Commerce in the Movement — Coaling Stations and Lord Crrnarvon's Defence Commission. On January 21, 1880, Lord Brassey (at that time Sir Thomas Brassey) delivered before the Bradford Chamber of Commei'oe the very important address on ' Our Colonial Empire,' reproduced in the i)reseiit chapter. The occasion, as well as the character of the address, was of exce})tional interest, in that it was shortly after his return fiom one of those world- voyages which have nuide the 'Sunbeam' famous that Lord Brassey thus de- livered himself, for the first time in a public manner and in any comprehensive form, of the vast stores of informa- tion laid up by him in his travels throughout the Colonies and dependencies of Great Britain, and of the ripe o])inio!is which his unique experience and opportunities had enabled him to form upon the nifiny great questions att'ecting the social, political and material condition of the various communities ooniatituting the British Empire. It would be an exaggeration to say, in the sense which a literary cant use has given to the phrase, that Lord Brassey CHAP IT l.n^O 29 ' discovered ' the British Empire as it exists in this generation, if for no other reason than that Sir Charles Dilke had ah-eady in 1868 published his work on ' Greater Britain.' But it is the truth that Loi'd Brassey had in 1880 been grappling, by means of personal travel and observation, with those ' problems ' of the Empire as a whole, which the author and statesman just referred to came to deal with ten years afterwards in his further work given to the public in 1890. Even if chronological sequence had not placed it first, no expositioii of the general subject could have been found, wheiewith to op<'nthe sei'ies of LordBrassey's speeches and writings on Colonial (juestions and Imjierial Federation, more suitable than this Bradfoid address of 1880. It contains an admirable sunnnary of the pro- gress and existing condition of Colonial ilevclopment, and fuither passes in review all those problems that make up what is succinctly deiined as the 'Colonial Question,' the solution of which is believed to lie in some form of Imperial Federation. Two points are es}>eciaily worthy of note in any general observations upon this i)aper. The one is the evidence afforded by it of the complete gi'asp of tlu! whole ([uestjon which Lord Brassey had accjuired at the time it was written -four full years, be it remembered, befon^ the Im})erial Federation League was founded. The facts of tln' situation and all the (elements of the pioblcm, the necessities of the case, the precise object to be aimed at, the difHculties in the path, and the conditions of success, are Jiere all understood and appreciated. It is scarcely too much to say that, great though the progress and spread of the idea of Imperial Federation has been, and far as we have ti'avelled (it maybe hoped) towards its practical realisa- tion since this paper was written, neither Lord Brassey 30 1880 CTIAP II I h V himself nor otliors wlio have; been takinj^ part in tlie same movement ever since have added very much to the knowledge <»f facts or recognition of principles to he seen in this paper. The other striking point about it is one that is inij)licitly involved in the observations just made. It is that, as the founders of the League in 1884, so Lord Brassey in 1880 already giounded the case for Imperial Federation on the necessities of Imperial Defence, and recognised as an axiomatic truth the piin- ciple that what is the connnon interest of all should bo the connnon concern of all. In these days, when a dis- position shows itself in some quarters to escape from the practical results of the conclusion to be drawn fiom these ])renusses, and when any insistence upon that conclusion is resented as though it were some new depar- ture, it is especially important to note the proof given by this paper of Lord Brassey 's that the principle of combining the resources of the Empire for common and united defence, and of the duty of all parts of the Empire to contribute their quota, was treated as long ago as 1880 as the essential element of Imperial Federation. Address delivkup^d before the Bradeord Ciiamuer OF Commerce, January 21, 1880. You have asked me to address you this evening on the subject of our Coloni.il Empire. It is indeed a noble theme. AVould that it were in my power to treat it worthily ! In the course of many wanderings upon the seas I have visited Newfoundland ; I have seen the magnificent scenery of the St. Lawrence, and the thriving cities of Montreal, Quebec, and Toronto. In a recent voyage round the world we touched at (H.vr II 1880 81 'o' ngnpore, Aden, Malta, and Gibraltar. Withiji the memory of the present generation Hong Kong was a barren rock, from which a band of GOO pirates set forth on their lawless expeditions. It has now 124,000 inhabitants, including a civil European population of 3,000 persons, and the annual imports of English merchandise alone are not less than 3^ millions sterling. At Singapore, where the English population numbers not more than 1,400, we have established a trade of collection and distribution equal in importance to that ca)riecl on from Hong Kong. The native vessels from every creek and harbour of the Eastern Archipelago collect together at the Straits Settlements, and are supplied from our well-managed counting-houses witli European manu- factures. Aden, which may be compared to a huge cinder lying on tlie arid coasts of thirsty Arabia, has become, under the benelicent inlluence of British ad- ministration, another great emporium of trade. Its commerce extends on the east to the shores of the Persian Clulf, and southwards to Zanzibar, and far down tlie eastern shores of Africa, Mocha has been deserted bv the Arab merchants since we have esta- blished ourselves at Aden. An axerage number of 800 laden camels daily enter the gates, and the total exports and imports are nearly three millions sterling a year. It is not necessary, however, to draw upon personal recollections in order to appreciate the fact that, with- out our Colonies and our foreign possessions, England would fall to the second rank in the family of nations. Maritime States have in all ages of the world exhibited the same desire to establish colonies. Phounicia, Carthage, and Greece were great colonising States in ancient times. ^rm- -a-F ,ma mmm 82 1880 CHAP II r !»' I P 1 }i i In the Middle Ages the lion of St. Mark exhibited the symbol of Venetian power over the whole coasts of the ^Mediterranean. The discoveries of Vasco da Gama op'^ned an era of incredible prosperity for Portugal ; and Spain was not less indebted to the discoveries of Columbus. Wo have followed those illustrious pioneers of colonisation ; Ijut we have known better how to use our new sources of wealth, and our conquests have been more enduring. Trade, as we know, tends to follow the Hag. iJuring the period of commercial depression through which we have lately passed, and from which we are now very gradually emerging, it has been in the British posses- sions alone that the export trade has displayed any growth and elasticity. Tji a paper by Dr. Forl>es Watson, read at the Colonial Institute in February 1878, a comparison is made of our export trade in 1876 and 1869. I propose to bring the figures down to 1878, the last year included in the Statistical Al)stract. The iigures disclose a significant change in tin) direction of our external trade. While the exports to foreign countries had risen from 141,900,000/. in 1869 to 195,700,000^. in 187l*, and had fallen again in 1878 to 126,611,000/., our Colonial and Indian trade has steadily grown in the same inter\al from 48,000,000/. to 66,237,000/., or from 25-.'} per cent, to 34'-4 per cent, of our total connnerce. When we pass from the aggregate iigures to examine our Colonial trade in detail, we discover additional evi- dences of its great importance to the industrial prosperity of our country. The populations of the British Empire in the parts beyond the seas are, in proportion to their numbers, by far the most extensive consumers of our manufactures. It appears from a table prepared by tHA]' II 1880 Mr. Frederick Young • tliat the annual consumption of our merchandise per head is represented by the following figures : - United States, 7s. ; Germany, 9.s\ '2d. ; France, 7s. Sd. ; North American Colonies, 2f. 2s. dd. ; Australia, 8/. lO.s'. f^d. A more elaborate anrdysis by Dr. Forbes Watson brings out this striking result, that Australia actually consumes per head of population a larger quan- tity of English manufactures than we recjuire ourselves. (')ur Colonial trade is the more valuable because, as Dr. I'orbes Watson points out, it is largely composed of articles in an advanced stage of manufacture. Of our exportations of apparel, l)lankets, flannels, books, cutlery, and other articles of domestic consumption, the Colonies take 10,800,000/., or about 70 per cent, of the total ex- ])ortation. The proportion in 18<)!) did not exceed .18 percent. Of the cotton trade, which forms about one- third of our total exports, two-fifths were taken by the British possessions. Between 1869 and 1870 they in- creased their consumption of our- goods by 6,300,000/. ; while our exportations to foreign countries dimini hcd by 4,;"00,000/. Not only was ilie agur<'gau- Muantity increased, but the goods were move highly tinishe I than those we supply to many foreign countries. The Colonies take 40 per cent, of finished cotton manufactures ; they take only iMl) per cent, of cotton yarns. They take •23"4 per cent, of our woollen and worsted manufactures, and only -3 per cent, of yarn, They take 40" 1 per cent, of manufactured, and otdy :]-G per cent, of pig, iron. They take 17"7 per cent, of wiought and unwrought steel, and 400 per cent, of our exportations of hardware and cutlery, and 5IJ'2 per cent, of our exports of imple- ments. Having shown the importance of our Colonial trade, ' NoAT Sir Fredeiick Voung, K.CM.G. TW mm ¥. ai 1880 CJI.VT- II i let us turn to tlio growth of the Colonies tlieniselves. The statistics of New Zealand have recently been col- lected by Sir Julius \%)gel. In the tifteen years, 18G1- 1M70, gold was exported of tlie value of 32,117,000/., and wool of the value of i' 7, 7 1 9,000/. Since 1870, 1,000 miles of railway and 2,-?00 miles of road have been constructed, 3,200 miles have been added to the t(!legraph wires, and 90,000 emigrants have been intro- duc(Hl. I may complete this statement by (juoting from a speech of Sir James Fergusson, at a meeting of the Colonial Institute, in Marcli 1877. Referring to the successive results of the public works policy of Sir Julius Vogel, he said that the population had increased from 237,000 in 18()9 to 400,000 in 187G, and the value of the wool annually exported from 1,771,000/. to3,39(),000/. The revenue had risen from 1,787,000/. in 1867 to 3,r)00,000/. in 1870. The rise in the value of private proi)erty had been enormous ; and he affirmed, from the experience of his high official connection with the Colony, that all this was no ephemeral prosperity, but a final, solid, and enduring progress. Wool is the st;i,ple trade of New South Wales. TIk; numlier of sheep has increased tenfold in ten years, the number in 1876 exceeding 21,500,000. South Australia with only 237,000 inhabitants has 6,000,000 sheep, and exports nearly 5,000,000/. of produce annually. JNIore than a million acres are under wheat cultivation. "SVlieat is the great staple of the Colony, and it fetciies the highest price in the world. Queensland, though founded so recently as 1859, has a population of 200,000 scattered over her 430,000,000 of acres. Upwards of 700 miles of railway have been made. The general exports in 1876 amounted to 3,740,000/. Between 1860 and 1875 tlie exports of gold from the Colony amounted to 7,000,000/. (HAP II 1880 35 The Statistical Abstract prepared by ^Ir, (^.iffen furnishes ample means for com pari n;L,' our own possessions with foreign countries. In hSTT) tlie average yield of wheat per acre was 11: 7 busliels in New South Wales, 1. ")•.") in A'ictoria, 12 in South and Western Austi'alia, ;)1'5 in New Zealand, '2'2 in the Province of Ontaiio iu Canada, 1l'"3 in the l^'nited States, a-f) in Russia. Canada a century ago contained less than ir)0,0(»() people ; it has now 4,0UO,000 inhabitants. 18,000,000 acres ai-e already under cultivation, and the great prairie or corn-growing region is at least 1,000 miles square. It is intei-sected by streams descjribed, in tlie glowing lanifuage of Lord DuU'erin, as Ix'autiful and vai'ied in their scenery, fervid in the volume of their waters, and flowing for their entire length through alluvial plains of the richest description. Professor INracoun, a botanist, recently connnissioned to investigate the subject, has re- l)orted that no h'ss than 1(50,000,000 acres are availabh' in this region alone for farming and grazing, and that one-half of this area was considerfd fit for cultivation. So destitute of population is this vast region that it has been estimated by jNlr. Sandfoi-d I'leming that not more than 20,()00 or :)0,000 iidiabitants can be found within a very considerable distance of any part of the o,000 miles of railway which have been projt^cted to unite the oldest proxinces of the Dominion with Jiritish Columbia. 'Such,' says j\[r. Young, in summing up these marv(>lIous statistics of our Colonial development, * such is that British Empire which has been so truly described by Lord Carnarvon as the most magnificent picture of administration that the labours of man ever created, or the eyes of man have ever seen.' We have seen the importance of the Colonies as the D2 30 ISSO riiAr ir consumers of our manufactured products ; they are not less essential to us for the supplies of food which they furnisli to the t«^erning population of these islands. Mr. Bourne has shown that we cannot expect in tliis country a nwiterial increase in the life-sustaining abilities of the land. Half of our food already consists of foi'eign im- portations. It has been estiiiated by Mr. Bourne that the demand for imported food and raw material will increase every year by considerably more tlia)i six mil- lions sterling. AN'e must proportionately increase oui- exports in oi'dor to pay for tliesa evergrowing importa- tions. AVe have seen the stagnation in tliC Continental demand, and the growth in the consun^ption of our goods in our own possessions. If some of that capital so recklessly squandered in mushroom States had been carefully and gradually expended iu our own Colonies, the investors would liaxe obtained a steadier return, and i\\e. commerce of this country would have receive d a more lasting benefit. The Colonies offer an inviting field both for the industrious labourer and the small capitalist. In our own country there is already an ample population, and the openings are few for men of moderate resources. IMen without capital, even when gifted with abilities beyond the average, experience a delay of years before they can cover the ordinary cost of living from a pro- fessional or a commercial income. Mr. Bourne, in his recent paper, has urged the duty of colonisation, Imth on economic and on still higher grounds. By cimquest, by discovery, and from motives of philan- thropy, we liave appiopriated a wide .space upon the earth. We cannot evade the responsibilities of our acquisitions. We must give to these countries the free- dom that we enjoy, the commerce and the agriculture that we have organised, the civilisation under whicii we cH\r u 1880 37 live, and the religion with which wo ourselves arc blessetl. It is only by emigration that this beneticent mission can be accomplished. We have now passed in review some of the salient facts of our Colonial development. We have just reason to be i)roud of our wide and growing Empire beyond the seas. It may not always be possible to preserve a com- mon centre for such an Empire, although we hav(! simplified our task to the utmost by yielding to the Colonies aii.absolute independence intlieir internal aflfairs. In this we shall all aijree that our noble confederation shall not be broken up for the sake of a paltry reduction in the Navy or the Army Estimates. We have lately expended large sums for objects of very inferior iniportance to that of providing for the defence of our Colonies. Captain Colomb reminds us that we have erected costly barracks in the very centre of England in pursuance of a somewhat tlieoreiical plan of military reorganisation, while all our coals for our war and merchant ships are left unprotected throughout the world. In his ' Recollections and Suggestions,' that great statesman lately departed. Earl Russell, says : — ' It may be a matter of doubt whether or no to build up a Colonial Empire ; but it is evident that if Cr^at Britain gives up her supremacy from a niggardly spirit of parsimony, or from a craven feeling of helplessness, other Powers will soon look on the Empire, not with the regard due to an equal as she once was, but with jealousy of the height she once held and without the fear she once inspired. To build up an Empire extending over every sea, swaying many diverse races, and combining many forms of religion, requires courage and capacity. To allow such an Empire to fall to pieces is a task which r^ It I ,! 1 38 1880 CHAP II may be pcrforiiicd by tlu^ poor in intellect and the pusillanimous in conduct.' The cost to tlie IJritish Exche([uer of the most valu- able Colonies has been brought down to a nominal charge. There is no reluctance on the part of the wealthier Colonies to Ijear the cost of local defence. Sydney alr(!ady possesses a turret-ship, the 'CerlxM'us.' Melb(jurne has a small navy. At Adelaide an ironclad has been talked of. At Sydney a force of 300 regular artilleiymen, a torpedo corps, and a naval Ijrigade of 100 men has been organised. New Zealand possesses an ethcient militia as a protection against the jNlaories. Tasmania has a corps of 800 Volunteers, described to me by Lieutenant l>ower of the ' Wt>lverine,' from whose correspondence these details have been derived, as badly organised, hut full of zeal. Both Sydney and Melbourne have been partially fortified. It has lately been detei'- mined by each of the Ciiovernments of Victoria and New South Wales to expend 350,000?., besides an additional annual outlay of 73,000/., in providing a force of ships, guns, and torpedoes. The resources of our Colonies are, indeed, ample for every purpose of self-defence. The iisheries of the Dominion of Canada, according to a statement of Mr. ]*'iederick Young, give em])loymcnt to 1,000 shijis, 17,000 smacks manned by 7,000 sailors, and 26,000 lishei'men. I am informed by Sir Bryan Robinson, for twenty years Judge of the Supreme Court of Newfound- land, that these figures ai-e inadequate. Speaking of the Colony with which he has been himself connected, he says that the male population in 1874 numbei-ed 82,693. Deducting one-half for old men, young chil- dren, and a few persons who do not follow a sea-faring life, there would remain ■11,317 sailors familiar with CHAT II ISHO 89 S({u;irc-rig,iiitain, tlic I'nitcd States, Norway, and Italy, but before Gei'ir.any and France. Turning from Canada to the AutijHxh^s, the naval resources of the Australasian Colonies may be ap[)re- (uated when we consider the immense seaboard of New Zealand, and the distance of a thousand miles which separates it from the Australian continent, and which must inevitably lead to a great development of maritime enterprise and power. In a ])aj)er ]>nblished in lf572 in the 'Annual of the .School (»f Na\al .\rchitecture,' Mr. Iiarnaby rightly urged that tlu; JJritish Empire, if eirecti\('ly organised as a maritime confederacy, would be enabled not only to maintain itself in security from attack, l)ut that it would be a guarantee of maritime i^eaco to all the way- farers on the seas. Organisation, however, was then wanting, as it still is, and it is a work which essentially belongs to a time of peace. The initiativi; must come from the Mother-count i-y from our experienced states- men and our numerous body of iiighly-traincd oflicers, who have leisure for the consideration of these things. The task befoi'C us is dithcuU, because it lias "(jeeii too long neglected. In a speech at the Crystal Palace in IST'J, Loid Beaconsti<'ld expressed his regret that tlu! means and responsibilities by ^vhich the Colonies should be defended, and by which, if necessary, this country should call for aid from the Colonies themselves, had not been considered and detined at the time wiieu self-government was conceded. I lind an identical expression of opinion in the 'Telegraph,' a Jbisbane jouinal, in an article on a pamphlet on 'A Colonial Na\al Volunteer Force,' which 1 published in 1878, ■T • >' 40 1880 CHAP It ) The question still (leinands solution. Sitting in tlio chair at ii mooting of the Royal United Service Insti- tution, during a discussion on Captjiin Colomb's paper, * On tht Naval and Maritime Resources of the Colonies,' T remember to liave lieard Mr. Strangways, late Premier of South Australia, declare that the iirst and most important subject for consideratio' ""s that of Imi)erial unity. lie asked whether, if , j called nixm the Colonies to join with England in a general advance of the whole Empire, they were j)r('pared to give; to those Colonies a \ oice in the question of peace or war ? That was the veiy essence of the question. If lOngland became involved in a great war, it would have on(! of two eirects in connection with her relation to the Colonies. It would either bind England and her Colonies into one vast Empire such as the world had never seen, or it would entirely separate her from those Colonies. Which was the end thsvt they should seek after ? Was it not that of nniti ogether into one vast whole the enormous reso,.. of the whole English Empire ? Mr. Strangways recommended a Federal Council, which should be consulted on ques- tions of external policy. Sir Julius Vogel, another ex- Colonial ^linister, expresses the opinion that there is nothing impracticable in this proposal, because there is a complete identity of thought in the British })eople. The Colonies aie sensible of the weakness of isolated action. They know that each Colony is too jealous of the rest to admit of a formidable combination under any other supremacy than that of the Mother-country. They know, to use the words of the leading Sydney journal, that it would cost the Colonies no more to have their naval defence under Imperial thun under local control, while they would get much more for their money in the (IIW II 1880 11 \ sli;ij)(! of security. The proposal of Mr. I'anialty, tliat v.nch iiKMiiber of till! I>ritisli ('oiifcuU'ration should contribute towards tho national licet in ])roportion to the volunn^ of their exports, may be made the basis of an «*(|uitabh' arrani,'ement. It may bo that some more indejiendent ])!an in the nature of a p(^r{)etual and friendly alliances may be adopted. \\'hat(!ver may be the tinal settlement, th(! indefinite adjournment of this (|uestion, simply lie- cause it does not hapjion to bo pressed forward by a;Li;ita- tion out of doors, is most earnestly to be dei)recated. lUtter indeed will be the reproaches heaped u{)on the statesmen or the party which should be held responsible for having, from mere neglect, brought about the disin- tegration of the Empire. The apportionment of responsiltility, as between ICngland and her wealthiest and most populous Colonies, is the only ditliculty with which we have to grapple. With regard to the points to be defendei and the methods of defence, there are no ditl'erences oi opinion. Few words can be necessary in order to establish the importance of providing for the defence of our coaling- stations or the lines of communication with our Aus- tralian Colonies and with India and China, Since tin; introduction of propulsion by steam, of iron ships and iron armour, outlying naval stations are more than ever requisite for supplies of coal and for repairs which can only be eftected in port. A steam navy, and more especially an ironclad navy, if depi-ived of its coaling- stations, is practically helpless. The 'Alexandra,' our Hagship in the IVIediterranean, at her maximum speed does not carry coal enough for three days ; at the slower speed of 1 3 knots she burns 200 tons a day. The limit of her range at full speed does not exceed the distance from Plymouth to Lisbon or, perhaps, Gibraltar. ^'i(irond)ay and Aden; Simon's Jiay at the Cape of C!ond llojte ; Port Louis, Mauritius, a harbour in Ceylon, Singajiore, J long Kong, and some other ports are, in niilitaiy language, the strategical Itases for onv foreign S(|uadrons.' A'igorous etfbits were lately made, under the ajv prehension of a war with Russia, to extemporise de- fences. Until a recent period Galle, Singapore, and JlongKong on the line to India and China, and St. Helena, the (Jape, and the Falkland Islands on the Aus- tralian route, were practically undefended. 1 ha\o already stated that steps had been taken by the Colonial ClI.Vl' II 1880 43 legislatures to erect uefences for Sydney and Men)()urne. ] am not aware what progress has hitherto been n)ade, and a letter lately received from a naval coi-respondent gives a somewhat humiliating ])icture of the state of afTairs so recently as 1878. At that time, he writes, there was one never-failing topic that would excite and interest a Colonial community. It was necessary merely to nuntion the words ' Kushian i)rivateer,' and anywhere in the towns of Sydney, Mell)ourne, or Auckland the audience would start an animated discussion. W.ink managers would ex})lain that there was constantly a reserve of three millions in the Sydney baidvS, ;ind in other towns a pro})ortionate amount. Otlins would dilate on the useless expense of iniule(juate (UsfcnsiNO works. A strong patriotic feeling existed ; and, as a consecjuenee, torpcido corps were extemporised, tor})edoes ordered, guns mounted, and every preparation made for a passive defence; ; hut, from first to last, in these I'ng- lisii communities, amongst the most enterprising ix-ojile in the world, nowheie, except in Melhoui'ne, Mas a single pi'e})aration made for active oflensi\(; warfai'e. If we have been remiss in not ])roviding for the defence of our Colonies and coaling-stations, we have bcc'ii e(jually sujtinii on the scarcely less important (|uestion of dock acconnnodation. In the last session of I'arli.imcnt, the First Lord of the Admiralty was pc^rseveringly (pu>s- tioned by Colonid Arbuilmot, who succeeded iis eliciting the admission that none; of the Colonies have availed themselv-es of the Coloriial Docks Loan Act of 18().j, and that, in point of fact, except at INIalta, Bermuda, Ilong Kong, and perhai)s in Australia, we have no dock accommodation for largo ironclads away from England. Iteturning to the unprotected cojiditioji of our ti 44 1880 CHAP II ■ !l J H', i ( ( 1} '!' foreign naval stations, it may be asked, By wliat means is the defence to be secured ? Not by the sea-going lleet. The main object of our naval policy, i-ays Captain Colomb, should be to maintain our communications by sea- by means of sea-going ships, which should be em- ployed, not in the defence of the coaling-stations wiiich are their base of operations, but in cruising on the great sea routes to and from the heart of the Ejiipii'c, and in blockading the enemy in his own seaports. Fortification, as it has been said by Major Parnell, is merely a form of economy, it secures our ports, and allows our ships to be used more advantageously in oHV'nsive fighting. It is as a fence round a field. The farmer could keep oil" intruders by emidoying wat(dnnen. A fence is the ciieaper method. Fortifications need not be costly. Booms, torpedo boats, earthworks, a few guns judiciously i)laced, will protect a port from isolated cruisers. In America, where, in the long struggle with the Southern States, naval operations for the attack and defence of harbours were carried out on a scale of unprecedented magnitude, it is considered that large ironclads are unnecessary, and that heavy guns, rams, and tor[)edoes are sutticient to make a good defence against a modern fleet. Where a military force is reqnircd to man works, the Colonial tJovernments will doubtless be i)ron the model of the Royal Navy Artillery A^olunteers. A force like our Naval Reserve would also be required to man the crews of sea-going vessels. Mr. Marshall Smith, an experienced master in the Colonial merchant service, reports to the 'Nautical Magazine 'of CHAT II 18H0 45 May last that the crews of tlie merchant sliipping of Australia number 5,300, of whom he anticipates that 2,000 would be ready to enrol in the Naval Reser\'e. If the Colonial seamen could be induced to join, the Mother-country could readily furnish the officers and instructors. These are proposals which require fore- thought rather than money. In a harbour of great commercial importance, such as Singapore or TFong Kong, a small charge upon the tonnage would )>rovid(» Ihe necessai'V funds. A\'h(M-e the trade is small, as in the Falkland Islands, the Home (lovernment must pay, Just as it now does for Gibraltar and Malta. I regret that I have occupied so larg*^ a share of your time with topics which may appear irrelevant in addi'cssing a Chamber of Commerce. 1 plead the im- portance of the subjects I have brought before you, and th(! necessity of arousing the (Jo\ernment to action. The annual value of the foieign connnerce of this country, as shown by the Board of Trade Returns, exceeds 600 millions sterling. To this should be added for the shipping a sum which would bring the total amount at stake, in the event of war, to more than 650 millions sterling. If it could be shown that, with an expenditure of less than a million, our coaling-stations could be n.ade secure, could any (xovernn.ent stand excused before the country which would hesitate to apply to Parliament for the funds required for such a purpose '< Under our popular system of (Government nothing is done except in deference to external pressure. Agitation is too often the necessary preliminary to all administrative or legislative action. In appealing to the Chamber of Commerce of Bradford, I seek to make use of my present opportunity for a patriotic and a practical purpose. We are here to day on a neutral 1 It 40 1880 CHAT' II J i I i\ \ t t platform in the centre of a great liive of industry. We acknowledge our dependence on our foreign commerce, and we think it our duty to arouse the Government to a sense of tlieir responsibility for the security of our trade. We desire to proclaim to our sons and our brethren who liave gone forth from our shores to settle in the distant dependencies of the Crown, that we admire and are thankful for the energy tliey iiave displayed in turning wildernesses into gardens, and in spreading tlieir flocks and their herds over the prairies of North America and the })oun(lless plains of tlie Antipodes. They are rapidly forming themselves into new nations ; but we trust that they may long be content to live together with us beneath the mild and equal sway of our beloved and constitutional Sovereign. Let us send it forth as a message from Bradford that we claim no right of interfei-ence with their concerns, while, on the other hand, we are evei ready to obey tlieir call for help. We think that the union of the Anglo-Saxon race is a mutual benefit to all the members of the family. Within a period of time so recent that it seems but the yesterday of history, we have seen the Italians and the Germans united under one Government. AVe recognise the accession of influence which these nationalities h.ave gained. More lately still, we have felt the press.ure of Sclavonic ambition. We have watched the pi'ogress of tliese events without apprehension for ourselves, because we have had confidence in one another. Our communities may be scattered over all the earth, but while we remain united by cne deep national sentiment and England is still a home to all her sons, there is not weakness, but strength, in the wide extent of our Colonial Empire. 1 niAi' 11 IHSO 47 The extraordinary growtli and progress of tlie Colonies and the value of their trade to the United Kingdom, dwelt upon in the eai-lier portion of this address, are more widely as well as more fully recognised nowadays than at the time when Lord JJrassey ad- dressed the Chamber of Commerte in so important a centre of a great manufacturing industry as Jiradford. The seed thus sown fell on fruitful ground. ><'ot oidy at Dradford, but at almost all the principal manufacturing and connnercial towns in the tliree kingdoms, including the metropolis itself, tlie Chand)ers of Commerce have warudy taken up the cause C)f Imperial Federation as one intimately associated with the commercial prosperity of the United Kingdom. And though in some cases there has at times been a tendency among the mem- l)ers of such bodies to become entangled in the meshes of those fiscal controversies and theories that ha\e grown round the parent stem of Imperial Federation pro- perly so called, and at times threatened to choke; it altogethei', nevertheless it is extrenudy satisfactory to Hnd that Chaiid)ers of Connneivc have more and more come to recognise the truth of the dortriiui inculcated l)y Lord Brassey further on in the same address, that the primaiy interest of Conmierce is that its channels may lie kept open and its connnunications safeguaixled in war as w(dl as in peace — that abo\(! all (juestions of Free Trad<' or Fair Trade stands that of Safe Trade, ;ind that conset[uently the Unification of the Empire for pur[)oses of common defence is the one primary and essential (dtject to be aimed at. Li later years we shall lind liord Brassey defining in very clear tei*ms his own position on that question of tariffs and preferential treatment of Mritish goods in the Custom Houses of the Lnipire that have led many away from the (piest of the ■Mmtf^MMi •f^^ammmm' m I" 1 1 18 1880 y's travels had i)re\ented his taking the j)art he otherwise would undoubtedly ha\e taken in the formation of that society ; but \ery shortly after its formation lie conunenced to take a prominent share in its work and l»ecame one of the Honorary Treasurers, a post he held until he was elected to the Vice-Presi- dency. The existence of the League .served to focus the aims of tho.se who had been individually thinking and writing and speaking on the subject, and to concen- trate and organise their work. The Colonial and Indian CHAP HI 188G-7 51 In- Exliii)ilion held in iSSIJ proxcd a t'urthci' i)Owerful sliimilus to the IinjM'rial idea ; and the presence in this country ot" so many of our CVtlonial f('llow-sul)j('cts, in- cluding among thoiu numerous well-known and exi)eri- enci'd politicians, not only gave opportunity for ample discussion of an informal character, hut atlbrdcd means foi" the more organis(>d interduuige of opinion in the Conferences that were held by the League within the liuilding at South Kensington during the continuance of the Exhil)ition. In this year the Connnittee of the League decided to take up a deputation to the Prime Minister to ui-ge the Government to call a foi-mal Conference of the Empire or to appoint a Ivoyal Commission, rei)resentative of the United Kingdom and of the self-governing Colonies, to suggest means of concerted action for placing the defence of thepoi'tsandconnnerceof the l']mpii'e on a satisfactory basis in time of war, and for other jiurposes calculated to secure the closer federation oi; union of all parts of th(^ l^]m])ire. Shortly before this deputation was re- ceived, the League had Ixhmi holding, in July, a sp<'cial tMi) (lays' CV)nference at the Exhibition undi'r the j»re- sidency of the Earl of llosebery, Chairman of the League ; and this Conference had been followed by a largely attended and most successful banquet, undei- the same presidency, at which H.ll.jl. the Duke of Cam- l)ridge. Lord Chancellor Herschell, Cardinal Manning, Lord Wolseley, and many other eminent public men weri! present. In the unavoidaljle absence of Lord Kosebery in Scotland, it fell to Lord Brassey to introduce the deputation, the V ice-Chairman, the lit. Hon. Edward Stanhope, being at the time a mend)er of Lord Salis- bury's Cabinet, and present with the Prime Minister, as Secretary of State for the Colonies, to receive the depu- E 2 ^ 52 1HH{] 7 (II \y Ml ti. fl !■' I I ( tiiUtni.' It is worth wliilc to ])liun imi iciuid tlif iiiinics ot" imiiiy of those who took juii't in this iiitrrostiii,;^' aiul iiiijioitiint orcasion, us they fornicd uii iiiilui-iitial and j'OMiarkal)ly rei)r('S(!ntati\ e asseiiiblagr. Th(^ dt'imtatioii inuliided : Loi-d Strathi'dcn and Cam)>l)oll, C'olonel Sir Chailo.s Nui^fMit, Mr. James A. Youl, Kcn. Canon Dalton, Sir ]>ani('l Cooper (New Soutli \Vah!s), Sir ll(Miry JJarkly, ]\lajor-Cen( nil Sir Levis Pelly, ISI.P., Sir ]{awson llaw- .'■on, Colonel C. 1*'. Jlowaid Vineent, M.l*., Uaroii J)iins- dajo, J\r.P., Sir Samuel Da\i'n}»ort (late Commissioner of l*ul>lic A\'orks, South Australia), General Sw W. Cioss- man, M.P., :Mr. A. Staveley Jlill, M.P., Mr. U'Altou McCarthy (Presiilent of the fmi)erial Federation League in Canada), Sir Julian (jloldsmid, ]\[.P., Captain Cotton, JNl.P., Lieut.-Colonel Myles Sandys, M.P., Mi-. R. Cent- Davis, M.P., Mr. L. L. Cohen, M.P., Alderman Sir Pohei-t Powlei-, M.P., Colonel Courley, M.P., Mr. H. Kiniber, M.P., Lord Lewisham, M.P., Mr. ]l. L. W. Lawson, M.P., Mv. David Duncan, M.P., Sir John Simon, M.P., Sir Poper Lethbiidge, ISI.P., Mr. ]I. Seton-Kari-, INF. P., JNIr. O. \' . iMorgan, M.P., Cai>tain ,). C. R. Coloml), M.P., Mr. J. Ilenniker lleaton, M.P,, Sir Charles Nicholson (late Speaker, New South Wales), Mr. AVilson Noble, M.P., Sir Samuel Wilson, M.P., Sir Francis \ . Smith (kite Chief Justice of Tasmania), Loid Castletown of Upper Ossory, Mr. A. Cameron Corbett, M.P., Mr. W. Ewart, M.P.', Mr. J. Home Payne (re- l)reseiiting Kensington Branch), Genei'al Sir John AVat- son, V.C. (late Political Resident at Baroda), Mr. W. Mackinnon, Mr. Alexander Turnbull, The Hon. Murray ' Lord Salisbury had resumed oflice on August .3, 1886, after Mr. Gladstone's six months Administration, and received the deputation on the lltli of the same month. ■« cnAP rii 1880-7 na FiiKh-IIatton, M.P., Th(! Hon. UiiroM Finch- 1 fat ton, Sir Charles Clinbrd (hite of N«'w Zcahmd), Mr. John Sweet Distin (delegiite from linpciijil iM'ch'iatiun League; in Soutli Africa), Lord Fife, Mr. II. A. Terry, Mv. Sand- ford Fleniin^(deh'<.,Mte from Im})frial Kedei'at inn League in Canada), JVfr. M. II. Lyman (TrcMisuicr of rmpcial Federation League in Canada), M". Alfred Sinnnuns, Mr. C. W. llusden, Mr. A. Mel Join (Secretary of Tm- )it>rial Ftnlei'ation Leagiu; in Canada), Mr. If. O. Arnold Forster, Mv. C. Washington I'aos, Mr. P. Kalli, Mr. William .1. lirowno, Mr. S. V. Moigun, Mr. Charlcu Percy Davis, Mr, F. Young (late lion. St'cretary Hoyal Colonial Institute), ^^r. (lishorno Molineux, Mr. F. P. Labilliere (lato of Victoria), Mr. James L. Ohlson (Soc- i-etary West Tmlia Connnittee), Mr. (}. 11. 11. Cockhnrn (delegate from lmj)erial Federation League in Caiuida), Mr. P. \'(>rnon Snuth (representing Paddington Branch), Mr. 11. N. Moseley (Cambridge Branch), Mr. J. Staidey Little (Ifaslemeio l>ranch, Lord Tennyson, President), Piofossor A. S. Napier (Oxfoi'd Branch), Afi*. P. S. N'iindeihyl (Cape of (Jcod llo})e), Mr. P(!tei' lledpath (lei)rcsentativo in l^ngland of Imperial Federation League in Canada, rei)resentati\e of Canada at Confer- ence of Chand)ers of Commerce), Mr. W. McMillan (President of Chand)ers of Connneice, Sydney, New South Wales), Mr. H. llolhrook (late Minister liritisli Colund)ia), INEr. P. E. T. Hemelryk, Mr. W. S. Sebright (li'een (representing Liverpool Branch), Mr. R. C Web- ster, INLP., and Mr. A. II. Loring (Oi'ganising Secretary to the League). 51 ISHC. > / ( IIAI' III I It Si'KKCII T'I'OX 1\TR0I)U('IN<; A DhPUTATIOX OF TIIK ImPKIM AL FkDKKATIOX LKAfiUK TO TIIK MAI{(iUIS OF Salishuuv as Primk INIimsteh, Aufjusr 11, ISSC. Loud Biusskv, in iiitroduring tlic (l('i>ututioii, said : — 'My ]j01-(1 S:disl)ury, — I ha\(' tho honour to iiitro(liK'(> to you ii deputation of tlio Iniporial Federation League. Tlie League was founded under the presideney of the late Mr. Forster, and it now ineludes scNcnty-foui' Members of Parliament, of all shades of political opinion, and .several distinguished (JoA'ernoi's, ex-GoNcrnttis, and Ministers of the Colonies. Among those distinguished statesmen 1 may mention that mc include Sir John Mac'donalil. The object of the League is to secure by Federation the permanent unity of the Empire. We desire to carry out the j)olicy of Federation under |iropcr and j)i"udent safeguards, and i may call your Tjordship's attention to the two first j)ro\isions of the constitution of the League. They ai-e these :—" That no scheme of Fedei-ation should interfere with the existinir rights of local Parliaments as regards local atl'airs ; " and "That any scheme of Tmjx'rial Federation should eondnne, upon an equitable basis, the I'esources of the Empij'e for the maintenance of eonmion interests, and adecpiately provide for an organised defence of common riirhts." * We attend heio to-day, by your Lordshii)"s kind peninssion, in i>ursuanco of a resolution of the League to the following effect: — "That a dejaitation of the League shall attend upon the Prime Minister or Colonial Se^-retary for the pui-pose of nrging him to call a Con- ference or to appoint a Iloyal Connnission, to be composed of aco'edited repicsentatives of the United Kingdom, and of eacli of the self-goveniing Colonies, for the CHAT HI 1880-7 55 jmipos*' of su)jf^('.stinj[j somo }ii'ivcti<';il mouiis whoivby conc(ut('(l .ictioii may ho takon, (1) foi- placin*^ uiion a satisfactoiy Itasis tlio defence of tlu' ports and tho coin- moj'ct' of tlu' Empire in time of war ; ('J) for piomotiii^ direct iiitci-couisc, commercial, postal and teli^grapliic, hetweeii (he seNcral coiinti'ies of the Empire in time of peac'% and any other means for securing the elos«M* Federation or union of all parts of the Empire. ' ' My Lord, prohahly no deputation has over waited H[toK the Prime Minister of this country whicli is so rei)resentative of all paits of tho Empir«'. Tn proof of that, I may say that our deputation includes Sii- Samuel l)avon]iort, late Conunissioner of Puhlic Works in South Australia ; Sir Daniel Cooper, of New South Wales ; Sir Lewis Pelly and (ieiieral Sir John Watson, repi-esenting the Civil Service in India ; Sir Ifenry Darkly, late (lovernorof the Cape of (lood Hope ; Sii- Charles Nichol- son, late Speaker of New South AV^ales ; Sir Charles Clifford, Ntnv Zealand ; Mr. Archibald McCoun, Secre- tary of the League in Canada ; and Mr. W. McMillan, President of the Chaml)er of Connnerce of Sydney. Tho ^Fanpiis of Normanhy canu> to town yost of attending this deputation, hut is unfortu- luitely prevented, hy ilhu'ss, from Inking piesont. ' In conclusion, my Lord, I desire to say emphatically that we do not expect from youi- Lordship any expres- sion of opinion in favour of any particulai* solution of the difficult ju-ohlem of Impei'ial E»*deration, hut we do desire to impress upon the GovermntMit the desirability of appointing a Conference or a Royal Connnission to inquire into the subject. We belie\'e that this is tho most efFecti\e and practical step which could be taken at the present juncture. The speakers who will address you on behalf of the deputation are tho Hon. Mi\ w, m •ftmm T 56 188G-7 CHAP III Hervicp, late Premier of Victoria, who has taken such an inipoitant pait in Federation in the Soutli Pacific ; Mr. Petei- l^edpatli, rei>resenting the Imperial Federa- tion League in Canada ; and jNIr. Vandeiliyl, of thf Cape of ({ood Hope.' I 1 - In additioi\ to the gentlemen referred to, Caj)tain (now Slr.I(ihii) C-oloml) also spoke, and stated that the ])rincipl(' of discussing ' the }>ractical business of the defence of the Em})ire' in a Confcience with the sclf- govei'ning (Colonies had appi'oved itself to the late JVFr. W. E. Forster as the iirst ])ractical str^j to be taken. He pointed out that theie had never been direct con- sultation with the Colonies, communications being tilteivd through officials and Government departments ; and that though there had been an innnensity of corre- spon(h'nce and a Royal Commission on Defence, veiy little had hitherto come of it. It is fair, however, to remember that though but little actual work had been done upcn the recommendations of Lord CarnaI•^•on's Connnission (which had not at that time been made public), the ultimate outcome of it was to place the coaling-stations and na\al bases oi the Iilin})ire in a far better condition of defence than they had e\"er been before. Lord Salisbury's I'cply was sympathetic. He said it would be (litHcult to oxfrrate tlie importance of the deputation and the cause it had in hand ; remarked up.on tlie astonishing growth of the Imperial sentiment in recent years ; and observed that it would be a gieat mistake to iitiagine, because no definite propositions were laid down, tliat the movement was on that account I J ■ n CHAP III 1880-7 57 shadowy or iinroal. On the contrary, wliilst fully recognising the eiiornious difficulties in tlie way, he expressed his belief that the force of the sentiment that had been growing up nuist find an outlet by souio means. He congratulated the dei)utation that the matters on which it proposed that action should lie taken were (unlike such delicate (picstioiis as that of renu)\ing fiscal baniei'S and some others that had been referred to) of a limited and piactical character, and such as had already advanced far towards matuiitv, so that thei'c was probably a good deal to be done in con- nection with them within a reasonable space of time, especially the ' somewhat urgent (piestion ' of Imperial Defence. That question, he reminch d the deputation, had been under the considei-ation of the ("olonial (tOnci n- ments and of the Home GoNernment for some time. But the difficulties inherent in it weie eminently of a natnie that could b;^ overcome by communication between the Colonies and the Mother-country, as was pio})osely were very g(Mierally approv(>d in the pul)lic Press, The results of this aetion of the League, and of Hie deputation introdueed hy Lord Hrassry to the Pi'ime Ministei", ai-e matter of history. As the journal of tlio League, 'Imperial Fedeiation ' (then in the first yeai- of its existence), pointed out at the time, what ha})pened at the deputation was importajit, l)ut what did not ha})ppn was more important still. The old otlielal platitudes were not produced, the old otiirial fornudas were omitted. ' The peiiod of government l>y snubbing is at an end. . . . The Prime Minister of England and the Secretary of State for the Colonies not only »-eceive the advocates of Fed(M-ation with cordiality, but speak with unmis- tnkabh' warmth and sincerity of their deep interest in tlie question, and of their d< termination to further tli' cause. "J'hree years ago tlie whole scene would ha\c been impossible. Tt is no atl'air of ])arties, scarcely even of men. The happy change is meicly the outcome of that tiansformed public opinion which, with in- credible rapidity, the League has half creat(>d and half revealed.' ' The Government were not long in making up their minds to act upon the i-ecommendations of the League^, conveyed by the deputation that went up in August, iJ^Sn. It was decided to convene a Conference in London early in the following year. It fell, a{)pro- priately enough, to th(! late Mr. Edward Stanhope, then Vice-Chairnian of the League, to issue the invitations for that Conf(M'ence as Secretary of State for the (Vjlonies ; and on April 4, 1887, the Conference met uiukn' the presidency of Sir Henry Holland (now ' Imperial Federation. \'ol. i. pp. 2-15-G. CHAT III 1880-7 59 Loi'd Kmitsfoid), wlio liad by tliat tlnio suocootlod jNli'. Stanhope at tlio Colonial OHico, on the latter beconiing Sccretaiy of State foi- "\Vai\ The importance of tlio step taken hy the League, and its inrtuence on the Governments of the Empire, gave to the League itself a pi'estige and position not previously accorded to it. A general review of the sentiments of the London and provincial Press on the assembly of the Conferenco shows this. Th(> claim of the Li'ague to be the originator and founder of the movement in its practical shaj>e was fidly I'ccognised -though, as has been seen. Lord Brassey and otluMs who helped to build up the League had, individually, before its actual formation, already recognised the ne(Mls of the situation and anticipated the main j)rinciplcs on which the question should be dealt with. The League v/as credited with the only authorised piogrannne on the subject, aiul was established in the eyes of the world as the head and front of a great political nu:)vement, as the pivot and ' official ' centre »»f everything done by those interested in the Federation of the Empire. Of the actual proceedings and outcome of the C<»n- ference it would be too long to speak here. J>y the terms of Mr. Stanhope's despatch, proposing that such .1 Conference should be held 'for the discussion of those ((uestions which appeal' more particularly to demand attention at liie present tinu',' the discussion thej-e of 'any of the subjects falling within the range of what is known as Political Fedeiation ' was depi-ecated on 1 lie ground that no basis had as yet been accepted by the (Jovernments concei-ned. l>ut nevertheless, tluMclea of Lnpei'ial Unity and hn}>erial Union so ]>ervaded the w hole of the speeches and discussions that anyone who should fail to recognise tlie principle of Imperial r M GO 1880-7 cn\r III 1 d I Federation in tlie proeeedings of the Cunfeieiue would )>e as one who could not see the wood for the trees. The ijtt'at question set l>efore the Confeienc<> as the one, in the opini<>n of JTei' Majesty's Govei-nnuMit, at once most urgent and most j-ipefor imuiediate consideration, was tliat of luiperial Defence. The examination of thewholesuhject hy L<>rd Cai-narvon'sConnnission had led to the exeeutiou of extensive and important defensive works in vaiious parts of thi) l']m])ire. ]>ut much i-emained to he done : and the time had airived for attainiui^ a better under- standing as to the system of defence to he established thioughout theEm})iie. The cordial co-operation oHered by the (Colonies in carrying out the })oiii-y of Lord Carnarvon's Commission, recognised by Her Majesty's Covernment, seemed to indicate their readiness to arrive, so far as immediately i»iacticable, at a connnon basis of action. Tlu^ result, to a gi-atifying extent, justified the expectations entertained by Her Majesty's (iovernment of the advantage to be gained by the Con- ference. The question of ])ef(Mice in all its ))earings (excepting that of tlie sup})ort of the Navy itself) was veiy fully discussed, and an undeistanding was ai-rived at on sever.al points of im]>ortance, including the ef)ntribution since made by tlu' Australasian Colonies towards the cost of the additional ships plaiu'd on the .st;ition. Various other matters, especially ];ostal and telegraphic connnunicat ion, also came in for much useful discussion. On the whole it was f<'lt that the cause of Inqierial lu'deration liad been substantially forwardi^l by the meeting of this first Conference of the Empire. Eve:, had less definite and inimediate lesults been attained, tlu^ establishment of th(^ principle of such confeiences would in itself Imve been an achievement of the highest value and pronnse for the future of the cause. ntAT' III 188r)-7 fil Tho same ytur, ISST, whs signalised jis the Jubileo year of the reign vi Her Majesty (.^ueen Vietoiia an occasion wliicli stine I the h»yal and patriotic feelings of hei" subjects thi'oughout the Empire to an extraordinary degi-ee. Lord Jirassey was. cruising in the 'Sunbeam' in that year, and it was natural that whi'n he found himself called u])on, in the month of June, to deliver an address virtually on linpei'ial Federation -in Mel- boui'in , hu should have felt himself inspired by the at Ii il its that at the ti ^ j>eriai events mat were passing a Great Britain, which gave occasion to tin' cele1>rations in which he was ])rivileged to take part in Australia. In the following speech it will l»e observed Lord Brassey speaks as an olHcer and on behalf of the Lnpei-ial Federation League : the occasion being a banquet given by the Imperial Fedei'ation League in N'ictoria to him as Treasurer of the general body. The complimentary dinner took jdace in the Town Hall. Mr. U. Downes Carter, President of the League in Victo. ia, aiul since Preniiei* of the C(»lony, was in the chair, and among those j)r'esent were the Pi-emier (Mr. Duncan (Jillies), the Postmaster! leneral of Queensliiud (Mr. McDonald Peterson), the iNfayctr of Melbourne, the Pr'csident of the Legislative Council (Sir James MacBain), Mi-. Justice Webb, Mr. N. Fitzgtiald, M.L.C., and a large nund)er of jtrominent citi/.ens. l^l'KLCH AT TmI'EUIAI, FliDEUATION HANgUKT, MELBOUUNB, Jink 25, 1887. LoKi) BuAssEY, who was received with hearty and con- tinued applause, said : — Mr. Chairman and Centlenien, — As the Treasurer of the Imperial Federation League 1 62 1886-7 ( HAV ill / V: I) ('stiil)lislu'd ill London, it allords me tlio girati'tit piciisurc and <>r;itiliL'ati()ii to Ix* your i^ucsl tliis cNcnin^". ( >ur Moi'k ill the old coimlry would be of li(tl(> valiu; uidcss it were apjiiovcd and sup^jortcd hy public o|tinioii in theso gro.'it and ;j;i'ONving Colonies. »Sj)t»ukin;4 on Itclialt" of ihv ImiMMial lA'doration L('a anxious to put forwai'd. \Ve see the great ditlieuUies with which we shall have to con- tend in arriving at any solution of the ipiestion of Federation. ^\'itll their growth in ]»opulation, in wealth, and in resources, we anticipate that we shall see more and more displayed a manly and an indejxMident resolve on the part of the Ctjlonies, not oidy to niakti provision for their own deftnice, hut to share in the lesponsibility of the defence of the united I'Jiipire. AVith your increased jiarticipation in tlu^ burdens, you must necessarily receive an increased share in determin- ing the policy of the Empire. J leiue we see looming in the not far distant future the necessity for some further apj)roach to a settlement of the problem of lA'deration. Wo do not desire a hasty solution. We shoultl dei)r(! cate a hasty solution. We believe that the wisest solution will be of a gradual and pi(^cemeal character, dealinii" with circumstances wisely as they arise. For wise action when the necessity arises we wish to pave the way by timely and tenn)erate discussion. The views of the founders of the Imperial Federation League were very well put in one of his latest speeeches by a grand statesman of the old country, I\h'. A\'. E. Forster, the first President of the League, lie said : --*TJie idea of the permanent unity of the realm, the duty of pre- serving this union, the blessings w hich this preservation will confer, the danger and loss anil disaster which w ill OIAV III 1880-7 63 follow fidiii (lisiiiiioii, an; tlioii^'hls wliicli posses;? Iho niiiids of EiiijflisliiiKMi Imtli lieic^ tmd over llio soas. These llionghts are expressing tliemselves in deeds ; lot this exiiression coiitiuiK; ! At present it helps our cause fur iiiore eneeUuilly Ihan any possible scheme.' I am not one of those who ever doubted thii loyalty of the Colonies to old l^iijland, mikI, if any I'iiiglishman were in doubt as to the feelin*^ of the Colonies towards the JMother-eountry, the events of tlu; past week in this noble city of jNlelbourne would have done much to dispel, and dis))el eirectually, any doubts in that respect. On Tuesday last we saw your noble forces and militia march past like a wall, to the tune of * TIk; Old Folks at Home.' That may be a somewhat homely melody, but it had a touching .sentiment to the spectator from the old country. There follo\v(Ml a. ball given at Covernment House, an entertaimnent the splendour of which could hardly have; been exceeded in any cai»ital in lOnrope. That entertainment owed its character not merely to the graceful hospitality of the host aiul hostess on the occasion, but to the eager desire of those who weri! ])re.sent to seize the occasion for showing that, along with their pk^asure, there was an undying sentiment of attachmcMit to the (,)u(!cn in whose lionour and in whos(! name that ball was given. On the following day the hall of your Parliament buildings, wliicli by the beauty of their design and the amplitude of their proportions express your greatness in the present a,nd anticipate your growth in the future, was dedicated, with a gene- rous spirit of loyalty, to the name of the Queen. On the evening of the same day we attended a concert of colossal proportions, in which on four seveial and .sepa- rate occasions the National Anthem was sung, and on each occasion with increasing fcr\ our. ( )n the following ,11^ I w^mmmtHmmm mm 188ri-7 CHAP III 1 '\ »i day 30,000 children wore brouglit together, trained to utter the sentiments of tlieir parents in tliat National Antlieni which they sung so well. In journeying in some of the remoter i)arts of this Colony it was touching to hear the same anthem sung at every opportunity hy the little children, who are thus early trained in this sentiment of loyalty. If we pass from these momentary incidents of the week to circumstances of a more permanent, and per- haps more serious, character, what are tiie conclusions which an intelligent traveller from the old country may draw with reference to the ties which hind the Colonies to the Mother-country ? If he looks at your society and your family life, he tinds the same manners, the same habits, the same ways of viewing circumstances and things. Your English tastes are shown in the houses which you build, the clothes which you wear, the food which you eat, and in the goods you buy. The national character of the Anglo-Saxon race is shown as strongly here as in the Mother-country in your spirited de\ otion to manly sports and pastimes ; and when we thitdc of the other ties that bind us a common faith, a connnon literature, the same dear mother tongue it seems to me that scarcely any other conclusion can be drawn by the intelligent traveller than this, that the ties which bind the Colonies to tho Mother-country are stronger than those which any legislature or any states- manship could contrive, and that they are inherent in the innermost life of the people. Gentlemen, you may call the union which binds us an Empire, you may call it a Federation, you may call it an otlensive and defen- sive alliance of the closest kind — you may call it what you will ; the name is of subordinate consequence while mutual sympathy and sentiment retain that binding CHAP HI 1880-7 65 force which, as we have seen in this Jubilee week, you are all so generously prepared to encourage in regard to your relations with the old country. Perhaps I may say a few words on this occasion with reference to the mutual advantages which are afforded by our remaining together as memljers of a united Empire. There was a time when the connection was less valued than it is at present, at any rate by some of the eminent statesmen of the old country. Since the days of which I speak great changes have taken phice. The map of Europe has been recon- structed on the principle of the recognition of nation- alities. The Germans have made themselves into a nation ; the Italians have made themselves into a nation. Our tight little island is small indeed in area in comparison with the great territories of Continental Europe, It is small in area, but if we and the children descended from us — these great English-speaking nations which have overspread the world — remain united to- gether, we are the first of the nationalities of Europe. There are some indications that the maintenance of the unity of the British Empire may be less difficult than might, perhaps, in former days have been anticipatetl. Science has done much to shorten distances ; it has given us the electric telegiaph, an improved and im- proving steamship, and the railways. As the Colonies grow in importance, it must necessarily follow that the Imperial policy will be concentrated more and more upon objects which are common to the Colonies and to the Mother-country. Our foreign policy will be directed to the maintenance in security of the communications between the Mother-country and the Colonies, as an object which is of common interest to yourselves and to ourselves. Looking forward to a not very distant time. « ou 1S8()-' c'liAr III '/ t / 'J * iu I. ' ( I it is Gvidont that your growth in populution and })()Wt'r will 1)6 such that you will have a dominant iniluencc in the waters adjacent to your own shores. With your growth in trade, vour relations with . ndia will l)econie closer and closer. You will be in a position not less stroni^ than that occupied l»y the ^Mother-country. Your interest will be as great as that of the Mother-country in preventing the hoisting of any flag hostile to your own upon the ports (tf India. I believe that all the countries that are now parts of the British Empire will hold together, because it will be for their advantage to do so. Looking at it from the point of view of a citizen of the old count rv, have we not found in the recent move- nients of conuiKM'ce a stronger and stronger illustration of the maxim that trade follows the Hag 1 AVhile other branches of our foreign trade have been languishing, the trade with the Colonies has remained dourishing and elastic. Looking at it from your point of view, there are some considerations which are obvious. We lend you our capital on much easier terms than we would ask from you if you were under a foreign flag, and we hold before you in your external relations the shield of a great Empire. The advantages of the present arrangement from a Colonial point of view were happily put, a short time ago, in a speech from Sir John Macdonald, from which I will ask leave to quote two or three sentences. Speaking at Montreal, he said : — ' We want no independence in this country, except the independence that we have at this moment. What country in the world is more independent tluiTi we are 1 We have perfect independence. We have a Sovereign who allows us to do as we please. We have an Imperial Government that casts on ourselves the responsibilities 5 CH\P iir 1880-7 G7 i as well as the privileges of self-government. "We may govern ourselves as we please ; we may misgovern our- selves as we please. We put a tax on the industries of our fen<)w-sul)jeots in England, Ireland, and Scotland. If we are attacked, if our shores are assailed, the mighty powers of England on land and sea are used in our defence.' There are, perhaps, some who think that the union of the Empire cannot be maintained, because itisdiHicult to reconcile the impetuosity of youth with the prudence of old age. They think that you may be inclined to make a rush for an object in the impetuosity of youth, and that you will resent the, perhaps, excessive prudence Nvith which the Mother-country holds you back. T ven- ture to say that, upon a wise view of it, we find, as we recognise the chai-acteristic qualities -each ((uality having, of course, its conespouding det'ect — of youth and age, one reason more why it may be prudent for you, who are young, to remain in one common bond with the more aged Mother-country. Now the father of the philosophy of history, Thucydides, has put into the mouth of Alcibiades words which contain a great truth ; — ' Consider that youth and age have no power unless united ; but that the lighter and the more exact and the middle, sort of judgment, when duly attempted, are likely to be most etlicient.' I hope that that philosophic view of the great Greek writer will be illustrated now by the wise policy with which the atfairs of the British Empire may be conducted by the mutual and combined influence of the young Colonies and of the dear old Mother-land. I feel deeply grateful to you for having invited me to be your guest on this occasion, and I most particularly appreciate the presence of so many eminent men at your p 2 08 i8H(;-7 CHAP Ml Ci I A: ',1 4;' table. They have not assembled here merely to pay a compliment to me as an unworthy individual. They have come here in order to express the deep interest they feel in the imiKntant (juestion upon mIucIi the Im])erial Federation Lea<:jue is enj(af,'e(l. I shall go back to old England deeply touched by the love which I have seen the people of these Colonies show to that Mother-country, that dear old England, whose greatest piide it is to have been the mother of mighty nations. II n f f t; I It is worth noting that Lord Brassey, here, speaking in the capital and to representatives of the governing classes in one of the most imi)ortant Colonies in the Empire, did not hesitate to put the case for Imperial Federation before his hearers with a directness and on grounds that some peoi)le seem afraid to em])loy. A notion has got abroad in this country, founded, no doubt, upon the utteiances of some of those who most oft«'n speak and wi-ite among us on behalf of the Colonies, and in suppoit of what they themselves hold to be the Colo- nial view of these questions - a notion has got abroad that che Colonies are averse to the idea of Imperial Federation because under it they would be called upon to take their fair share in the burdens and respe»nsibilities of Empire. Whatever some of their spokesmen may say, there is happily abundant ground for the conviction that the people of the Colonies generally an; neither so selfish nor so unreasonable as to object to take their fair share of Imperial burdens, though opinions will no doubt differ as to what a fair share may be. Lord Brassey, at any rate, felt the ground sufficiently sure under his feet— CUAP HI 1880-7 09 and no man had more ample opportunities of knowing the real mind of the people he was among — to declare oi)enly, as in this speech, the confident anticipation of the League that, with their growth in population, wealth, and resources, the people of the Colonies would display a manly and iude})endent resolve, * not only to make provision for their own defence, but to share in the responsil)ility of the defence of the United Empire.' The corollary of a share in power he, of course, did not lose sight of, and later on he points to the extent to which tlu! aims of Imperial policy are in fact becoming, as time goes on, more and more concentrated upon objects of Colonial interest. The controlling inHuence of Colo- nial considerations on the Foj-eign j)olicy of the Empire is a subject to which fui'ther reference will have tt) be made in connection with the reply of Lord Salisbury to a de})utation of tlu^ League, again introduced to him hy Lord Brassey, four years later. ■ . v«««s:aiwesr"j»-.'Si!CSi- CHAPTER IV 1888 . Return to Knf^lnnd: Address on Coaling-stations, London Chamber of Commerce Strategical Points in Imperial Defence -liOcalDcffUCi'snot truly Iniprriiil — Professor Socley and Lord Hrassey at Caml)ri(lf,'e : Address there before the Universi* Branch of the League— Citation of Views of Colonial Statesmen 1 .ord lloscbcry and Lord Urassc^y at Glasgow: Address at the Merchants' House, Glasgow - Relative Advantages of Unity to Colonies and Mother- country Lord Rosebery at Leeds — • Our FonMj^^n Policy is a Colonial Policy '— Other woik done by Lord Brasscy in 1 S88. The year 1888 wasalntsy ono for Lord lirasscy, in speak- ing on Oulonial subjects on lii.s i-eturn from a voyage of 30,000 miles (e(jual to one and a half times rouiul the globe, let it be remembered), in the course of which ho had visited nearly every place of importance in the J^ritisli Km]>ire lying in tlu; eastern h(Mnis}>liere, north arul south of the line. The Conference of 1887 had been held during his absence ficm England, but he had been in Australia long enough to hear tlie opinions con- eerniiig it expressed there l)y some of the delegates on their return to their own Cohmies, and he refers to some of these in a speech at Cambridge reported in this chapter. Having been in distant parts of the Empire at such a time, as well as during tlie celebrations at- tending tlie Queen's Jubilee, Lord Brassey had the opportunity of seeing ihings at this period with an (Mvr IV 1HH8 71 EngHsliniairs vya but from tho [mint of \\v\v of tlio Au.straliaii colonist ; find this ciicuinstauoo, coupU'd witli tlic firshiiess of tho infoi-inatioii contained in thcni, gives an especial interest and x.iluo to the speeches of this year 18S8. The iirst of the three adch'ossos tho texts of which ai'e printed in the j)resent chapter is devoted to al)ranch of the (piestion of Imperial lA'deration with which l.ord ih-assey is i)ai'ticidarly (|ualitied to deal. JJoth from his intimate knowledge of naval matters generally, and from the personal and tirst hand character of his accpiaintancn with the strategical points in the geogra})hy of the liritish Empire, ho was entitled to speak with authority in tho following address on our coaling-stations. iVnuRKss I)Klivi;i5i:d iiKroRE xni; London ('iiamiu;u ok COMMKKCi;, JANLAUV LT), ISHS. It is almost superlluous to say that it will not he s<»ught to ahuso the conlidenct! of the great hoily under whose auspices we are met ))y an endc.i\ our to mak(! political capital out of the occasion. All th(T this or that position is indispensable as a base of naval operations ; but, as to the methods of def(uice, it cannot b(» (juestioned tliat the most costly and the least (>l!ectivo is the detention in port of our cruisers, which should be employed in hold- ing the ocean higliways and in blockading tlu^ shij)S of the enemy. Not only are fortifications an economy in that they reduce largely the numbers reijuired to hold a position : they are an economy in regard to tho descrip- tion of force which is necessary. The strong works by which our naval arsenals at homo are nowdefene warded oti' by naval means. A few li^dit guns, manned by volunteers, would secure the position from capture by a stray cruiser. At Port Darwin a similar slight defence is recjuired. The harbour is of great cajiacity, in an isolat(»d situation on the line of trade between Australia and the Straits Settlements. Port Darwin is the landing-place of the cal)le connecting Aus- tralia with the whole civilised world. It is the northern terminus of the railway, already commenced, which thc^ South Australian (JoNernment intend to carry across the continent. A\'hen the line is completed, it will probaldy be the best route for the Australian mails. We cross from Poi-t Darwin to .Mauritius. At this admirable harbour and most convenient coaling-station the additional works recommended by the Royal Com- mission are advancing to conjpletion. The Imperial Government will supply the guns. For the manning of the works a local artillery force should be organised, led by officers aiul non-commissioned olHcers of the Royal Artilhny. The torpedo defences are complete, and a tor- pedo service corps is being organised, recruited from the dock-labourers, boatmen, and stevedores, and connnandcd by thirteen non-comnjissioned oiiicers of the Royal Engineers. At the Cape the works for the defence of Simon's Bay were undertaken by the Imperial Governmerit, and are nearly completed. For the defence of Table P.ay the Colonial Government are responsible. The works have not yet been commenced, and, as convict labour will be ciiAr IV 1888 ■i) employc'l, somo delay must be auticipited. We may rely that in the end the engagement entered into by the Colonists will be fulfilled. As to armaments, at the date of my visit apprehensions were felt by the local authori- ties at the Cape that the number of breech-loading guns to be supplied by the Imperial Government would not be sufficient. It was in contemplation to mount the old pattern guns in the newly constructed forts. I trust that the War Otlice will be supplied with the means of giving a satisfactory armament for all the defences of the Cape. Following the line of communication between the Cape and England, the nece.'jsary works both at St. Helena and Sierra Leone are being vigoiously pushed forward. For the manning of the additional works sup- plementary local forces should be organised, as suggested for other similar stations. At Ascension we have a small na\al establishment, a stock of coals, and naval stores, which may be valued at 50,000/. There are no effective defences, and it must be a serious (juestion for the Admiraky whether their establishment should not be transferred to St. Helena. Having now made the circuit of the important points on which the security of our commerce with Australia and with the East depends, I proceed to sum up the various onussions which have been pointed out in the great scheme of defence which is now in course of execution. They are as follows : — 1. At Aden, dredging operation.s. 2. At Bond)av, additional monitors, and the orjirani- sation of crews for the harbour-dr^;.nce flotilla. 3. At King George's Sou.id, Thursday Island, and Port Darwin, armaments of suflicient force to deny the harbour and the coal supply to light cruisers. T' ■'• 80 1888 CHAP IV ■", 4. At tlie Cfipe, additional heavy breech-loading guns. f). At Colombo, Singapore, Mauritius, St. Helena, and Sierra Leono, a local artillery militia. Australia may be depended upon to raise an adequate force of artillery volunteers. This enumeration will scarcely alarm the most zealous guardian of the public purse. A very moderate expenditure, judiciously applied, would fill up all the gaps in our armour, to which your attention has been invited. Having dealt with the fortifications, it is an obvious remark that they are but a means to the end. In order to give additional support to the Navy in all important positions, the means of repairing injuries sustained in action should be provided. I am not about to suggest additional dockyards. I urge that we should encourage private enterprise to make provision for naval require- ments in the emergency of war. The principle has received the sanction of the Legislature in the passing of an Act which empowers the Treasury to make grants towards the construction of graving-docks on foreign stations. IJy small subsidies, in addition to the large expenditure of private capital, graving-docks, suitable to the needs of the Navy, have been completed at Hong Kong and Vancouver. Private enterprise should receive encouragement fi'om the Admiralty to provide a graving-dock for Gibraltar, where no docking facilities at present exist. A grant should be made for the enlargement of the existing docks at Bond)ay by the Indian Government, and for those at Singapore and Mauritius by the Impe- rial Government. By this plan of co-operation with private enterprise, the means would be provided, at the ^^ CHAP IV 1888 81 lowest possible cost, of docking ironclads ut every naval station of the lirst-class which we possess on the line of coinuiunication between EngUmd and the East. 1 need not remind this meeting that the facilities which we should create for the Navy would be most useful for commercial purposes. The docks being in private hantls, the skilled workmen re([uired would be mainly ('mph)yed in mercantile work. Their wages W(nUd be a charge on the public only when their ser.ices were actually recpiired to execute repairs for the tleet. Foreign nations look with envy on the splendid resources which liritish commerce creates at no cost to the taxpayers. ])uring tin; war in China, until the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Act were enforced, the French lleet was maiidy dependent on our private ship-repairing yards at Hong-Kong ; and Mr. Weyl has told us of their conspicuous suj)eriority over the limited re.s(airces which were found to exist when the French squadron was compelled to fall back on the national establishment at Saigon. The Dutch s(iuadron in the East is equally dependent on private docks at Singapore ; and when I visited Sydney, 1 found the German cruiser 'Albatross,' which had been stationed for some years at Samoa, hauled up on the i)atent slip in the yard of a private shipbuilder. In this connection it is proper to refer to the splendid enterprise of the Colonies as an example to the Imperial Government. At Sydney, Melbourne, and the Cape, the Colonial Governments have constructed graving-docks of dimen- sions suliicient for the largest ironclads in those waters. It should be our policy to take full advantage of the resources created as it were spontaneously, by the mari- thue enterprise of the country. Let us avoid the great and costly error of duplicating at the public expense the G IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) k A {./ A t/j 1.0 I.I 1.25 ■fills |50 "^* ^ 1^ M 2.2 tut IIIIIM lA IIIIII.6 P % <^ /i ^ nV ^ % J^ -^ z;^ 7 fV ,v 4- \ :\ "ij)^ iU "T 62 1888 CHAP IV means and instruments which lie rccicly to our hand, if only we will use them and look for them, in the vast and splendid organisation of the mercantile marine. I have shown how effectively this principle has been applied in the case of docks. It is equally applicable to the creation of a reserve of cruisers in the mercantile marine. The present (jlovernment deserves the hearty acknowledgment of the nation, and specially of the representatives of commerce, for the statesmanlike decision they have taken to give subsidies for the reten- tion of certain selected ships for the service of the Navy in case of war. In Jill contracts for the ocean mail services conditions should be imposed, which would secure that the shij^s to be employed, or at least a certain number, should be adapted, by their high speed and internal arrangements, for conversion into cruisers. The officers and crews should belong to the naval reserve. The armament should be carried on board. In the case of Australia, two ships, in receipt of liberal subsidies, are at all times lying in Sydney harbour. An additional ship arrives every week. If these vessels were effective for conver- sion into cruisers, we should possess the means of impro- vising without delay an efficient squadron for the pro- tection of trade. It is idle to talk of providing for the complete defence of our commerce without the assistance of the mercantile marine. In time of peace the public is impatient of taxation. Chancellors of the Exchequer are anxious to propose popular budgets. The power of the Treasury, as the custodian of the public purse, can never be withstood by the Admiralty and the War Office, except when war is imminent, or a scare has been raised, which is certain to subside when the public have I i CHAP IV 1888 83 becoin(3 tired of reading sensational articles in the nt ,vs- papers. What, however, we cannot accomplish by those extravagant methods, which are alone available in the case of a maritime power not backed by a strong mer- cantile marine, we can accomplish, and at comparatively small cost, by the elective methods which I have brietly sketched. Time fails me, and I must not pursue this fruitful and sufence. Another rather unpleasantly significant passage, having an historical interest, is that in which Lord Brassey tells his hearers that at the Cape oi Good Hope lie found the fortifications at Simon's Bay, which had been 86 1888 CHAP IV m iiudortaken (exclusively l)y the Imperial GoverniPdit, 'nearly completed/ while tliose liai-d by at 'Jal)le Bay, undertaken Ijy the Government of f Jape Colony, were * not yet connnenced.' It is to l)e feared that cNcn at the present time things at Ta])l(^ l>ay are not advanced to the position they ought to have reached. The object of these fortifications, it is to be remembered, is not to withstand an attack in force, but to repel hostile cruisers only. The general defence of all parts of the Empire alike is to be looked for in the Navy ; and under the arrangements that now exist, while the Colonies assist in erecting and manning the fortifications that pi-ovide the minor defence, they as yet take no part at all in supporting the Navy, without which the partial and provisional safety afforded by the forts would be of Jio value whatever, since without the i-estraining i)ower of the British Navy there would be nothing to prevent an enemy from attacking in force. The fortifications at Gibraltar stand on a different footing, being designed to withstand an attack in force, and to afford protection to ships against all comers. The responsibility for this rests with the Home Government, and the want of accommodation at Gi])ral tar— still un- fortunately existing— for repairing, coaling and refitting H,M. ships in time of war lies at their door. In this respect, at any rate, some of the Colonies have showii the Home Government a good example, as in the complete- ness of the fortifications and harbour defences at Sydney and Melbourne. Few men have done more for the cause of Imperial Federation than the late Professor of Modern IHstory in the University of Cambridge. By his invaluable work on ' The Expansion of England,' and by nume- rous other writings, Sir Jolin Seeley has done more CHAP IV 1888 87 than any other man to open the minds of the reading public to the facts of Empire, and to educate them in the lessons which a far-sighted patriotism would incul- cate in applying the tea<;hings of history to the political problems of the day. To Professor Seeley's influence at Cambridge was mainly due the interest taken there in the subject, and the formation and nuiintenanco of a well-supported University Jh-auch of the Imperial Fede- ration League. It was fitting, therefore, that it should bo by Professor Heeley that Loi-d Brassey was welcomed when he went to Cand)ridge to deliver the following address there before the Uni^'e^sity Branch of the League at its aniiual general meeting in February 1888. The meeting was held in the Guildiiall, under the Presidency of Pi'ofessor Seele}', with whom there were on the plat- form, besides Lord IJrassey himself,theMaster of Trinity, Dr. McAlister, Canon Dalton, and Mr. J. N. Langley, whilst many distinguished members of the University were among the audience. Professor J. II. Seeley said that Lord Brassey, in appearing before them, sacriticed private inclination and paid the penalty of being far wiser than other men on the subject before them. Tiieir President, Lord Rose- bery, had said that he thought English public men ought to make themselves acquainted with the Empire by actual travel, and that he found his colleagues scared by this expression of opinion. But it could not have scared Lord Brassey. As to the cause they had at heart, there was scarcely any cause about which it was so easy to be sanguine. The dithculties might be great in themselves, but they seemed as nothing compared with the mighty forces which made for it. ' There are causes,' he con- tinued, ' which have reason on their side, but are ex- tremely ditlicult to explain or to commend to the multi- JL .L J.-> . ■ ^FT mmmmm^ $8 1888 CHAT IV tucle. Wise men say "this cause ought to win, but un- fortunately, such is tlie stupidity of mankind, it will not win." Again, there are causes of an opposite kind which are popular enough, but popular delusions. They are mere bubbles, which burst as soon as they are roughly handlofl. Public meetings may applaud, crowds may tlirow up their ca})s, l)ut serious men, ros])ous'ble poli- ticians, turn away and hold aloof. Now, T think we may say that Imperial Federation l)elongs to neither class. It excites enthusiasm everywhere, and more and more the longer it is considered. But it excites also the serious attention of statesmen. Those who turn away from it are not so often practical men as academic theorists. Look over our list of names ; our founder was Mr. Forster, our actual President is Lord Rosebery, and our Treasurer is here — I invite you now to listen to him — Lord Brassey.' Address to the University Branch of the iMrERiAi. Federation League, CAMBRinaE, FEimuARY 1, 1888. Lord Brassey said : — It can easily be understood that I should have been glad to postpone the public appear- ances which I have lately made in connection with the subject of Colonial Federation and the defence of the coaling-stations. Public duty compels me to make use of the opportunity which presents itself now, and which may not i-ecur. I am particularly glad to obey the call of Professor Seeley and to come down to Cambridge. I appreciate the work which Professor Seeley has done as one of the great apostles in the cause of federation, and if I can do anything to help the Professor, I shall be glad to give my services to the good cause. It is unnecessary for me to urge upon your attention CHAP IV 1888 89 the various considerations winch make tlie subject of our Colonial relations so important to Englishmen. I might give startling statistics as to the comparative growth of population during Her Majesty's reign, but those interested could got this information from a re- markable penny publication issued by the imperial Fede- ration League in connection with the Queen's Jubilee, As Jbitons, we must bo proud of the greatness of our country, the INIotherland of many nations in a high and rapidly advancing stage of civilisation. If it is a great achievement to liave founded these nations, we should sustain a loss of greatness if our splendid Empire were dismembered. What are the prospects of holding together the various parts of our great British Empire ? That is the question for consideration. Lord Rosebery has so fully explained the position and policy of the Imperial Federation League that little remains to be said bv sue- ceeding speakers. The aim of the League at the present time, as he truly said, is not to formulate proposals for constitutional ch' in the relations between the Colonies and the ]\. . uer-countrv, but to cultivate a sentiment. And what is that sentiment ? In the old country it means a growing feeling of pride in the splendid achievements of her sons, who have gone forth to the waste }>laces of the earth to raise up new nations of English-speaking people. Old England feels the aftec- tion of a mother for the Colonies, and she holds before them, in the face of the world, the shield of a great Empire. And what is the sentiment which we wish to cultivate in the Colonies ? It is the deep and abiding sense that they are one with us, and that to remain in union with us is the surest means to expand trade, to maintain a command of the sea, and to wield the influence of a T 90 1888 CHAr IV I. ! j first-class State. Union with England secures the abun- dant supply of capital and at the cheapest rate. Union means a common and an equal share in the glories of our history in the present and the past. 1 am glad to knov\' that the policy of the League is thoroughly approved by responsible statesmen in the Colonies. When I lately visited Australia T was enter- tained, as an officer of the parent society, by the mem- bers of the branch established at Melbourne. Amont; the guests present on the occasion we had the privilege of seeing the Premier, Mr. Gillies, and this is what ho said : — ' Although many persons may, perhaps, think that Lord Bi'assey may not be as elocpient as Mr. (iladstone, I venture to think that the sentiment which he has ex- pressed this evening has found an echo in the heart of every gentleman seated at thesv tables. That sentiment is not simply to be recorded in the words " the unity of the Empire." We must add some other words to them before we can completely indicate the sentiment con- tained in Lord Bi\assey's address. It is the unity of the Empire truly, but it is also a protest against the dismem- berment of the Empire. For any one to say that the unity of the Empire can mean nothing, while the dis- mend^erment of the Empire might me.'in something, would be to me an utterly unmeaning sentence. To me the unity of the Empire means no possibility of dismem- berment ; and while that is my conviction, the view en- tertained by the League in London for the federation of the Empire is one thnt not only commends itself to me in sentiment, but is o.ie that 1 will do everything in my power to give effect to. I agree with Lord Brasseythat any attempt to mark out the absolute lines and limits upon which this should be done would be extremely rash and unwise ; and that what we are more imme- . s cnw IV 18H8 91 f M ' diatoly desiring to do is to endeavour to create, and to be convinced that we have created, one united and. Unity is acknowledi^'cd always to be strengtli, and I have no doubt that it' this Colony were polled to a man to-morrow there would l)e a very small percentage indeed, if any, who would tolerate, as far as their judgment and voice could control it, any dismembermeut whatever of th(> liritish Empire. Once })!'oplc are all ch-arly convinced that some particular thing is unattainable! and impossible, like children in lik(! circumstanc(>s, they soon give up the ganus Now I say that, so far as I know, any attempt at dismem- b;>rment of tin; Bi'itish l^]mj)ii'e at the present hour is absolutely and utterly hopeless. If any one entertains that idea, the sooner he gets it out of his mini'ession of rv I, 1 , 92 1H88 CHAP IV opinion throu<;hout the whole of the Empire than that urne, I desire to complete the representation of Colonial sentiment in Australia by quoting from some sjieeches delivered at about the same date in Sydney, at a (lijiner given by the Premier, Sir Henry Parkes, to the surviving members of tht; first Legislative Assembly of New South Wales. All tlie speeches l)reathed the same sentiment. The Speaker of the Legislative Assem- bly, Sir John Hay, said that 'they indeed felt the full advantages of union with the Mother-country, and recog- nised that they could only by maintaining it reap the benefits of the independence wdiich they had obtained. Such was the feeling of the first Legislature of the Colony, of which they were the living representatives, and such had continued to be the feeling of Australians ever since. , . . 1"he union of the Empire was not merely a sentiment ; it was a necessity, if not for tlie mere existence of the Empire, certainly for its greatness. That Great Britain should remain in intimate union with its Colonies of Canada and Australia was absolutely necessary for its expanded trade, for its command of the sea, and for its influence as a first class State ; and that the Colonies sliould remain united with Great Britain was almost necessary f r their safety, and entirely so for their rapid extension in commerce and wealth.' Sir John Ptobertson, a former Premier, ' hoped and prayed that the Colonies might so build up themselves that they might be a credit to our race ; that they would so build themselves up that they would not sever them- selves f jm the old country by any paltry rubbish — such. CHAP IV 1888 98 fur instance, as the federation of the Colonies to the exclusion of the old land . Wliat did we owe to the other Colonies 1 Nothing ! What did we owe to the Mother- country 1 Everything ! ' I will (juote from one more speaker, Sir W. Manning, a distinguished judge. In proposing the toast of the Union of the Empire he said : — ' Union we have at present between Creat Britain and all her existing Coloiiies, in every sense short of that intiniate federation which has been so much discussed of late under various forms. . . . Perfect unity may Jiot be attainable with l)odies of people so remote from each other and having each its local interests ; but Cod grant it may be the Empire's happiness to have as much of it as can be won and kept by patriotic feeling, by national pride, and the ties of race and blood, and by wise statesmanship and well-governed temper, both at home and in the Colonies. For my own part — old colonist as 1 am— I have never for one moment felt myself to be other than as a unit in the Great British Empire, and have never conceived of this country as other than an integral part of it.' Turning to the state of public opinion at home on the subject of federation, the change that has taken place was described by Lord Derby in a speech delivered at Edinburgh. ' For years,' he said, ' after I entered Parliament, in 1849, the doctrine which found most favour was that a Colonial Empire added nothing to real strength, involved needless expense, and increased liability to war. But now everybody is for holding the Colonies which we have got, and many people are in favour of founding new ones.' The mutual advantages of union were powerfully urged by Mr. Deakin at the Colonial Conference : — ' We cannot imagine any description of circumstances by %: 94 1888 C lAP IV !i I I )i' which tho Colonies should be huiuiliated or woakoued, or their ))()\ver lessened, under whieli the Eni})ire would not 1k> itself liuiuiliiited, \veal<ei'ial functions N\hich it would be desirable to deal with bv the establishment of a council which Avoukl in- elude representatives from the Colonies. In assisting the joint contribution for common objects, whether for naval defence, for harbour defence, for postal subsidies, for ocean telegrai»lis, or for any other Imperial object, the (Joveriunent at home is hampered, and the several Colonies are hampered, by the fear of opposition, prob- ably raised for party purposes. These ditliculties were brought into view by the Confei"enc(i ; but the meeting of that Conference was a j)roof of the mutual confid«>nco and the deej) aft'ection which bind together the Mother- country and her children. ^^mmmmtmrnm' ^m mt 96 1888 CHAP IV ■I i Though we have not arrived at a stage when plans for tlie purpose can be formulated, the problem of federa- tion is constantly in the contemplation of statesmen both at home and in the Colonies. Speaking in the Sydney Parliament on November 20, 1887, on the second reading of the Australasian Naval Force Bill, the Premier, Sir Henry Parkes, made use of these words : — ' Now, whatever might be the future of these Australian Colonies, he for one did not believe it would be a copy of anything that had gone before. He did not believe that at any time these Colonies would copy the constitution of the United States. He did not think they woultl copy any of the ancient republics. He believed it was within the range of human probability that the great groups of free connnunities connected with England would in separate confederations be united to the Mother-country — not by any scheme which had been called Imperial Federation, but by the Empire being a compact central power, and the groups of free communities, such as the North American Colonies, these Australian Colonies, the African Colonies, and the settle- ments of India, would be great groups of independent peoples connected by one new bond with the parent State. And he also thought that in all reasonable probability, by some such distinct bond, even the United States of America would be connected with this great English people. He believed the circumstances of the world would develop some such new complex natioiuility as that, in which each of the parts woukl be free and independent while united in one grand whole which would civilise the globe. That was the hope he had of the nation and its future progress and civilisation. ' He believed that England at this moment was the greatest and most influential governing Power on the CHAP IV 1888 97 it (', id fit le id of .he the face of the earth. He said the most influential govern- ing Power l)ecause she had a gi-eater and wider-spread moral influence in the affairs of the world than Germany, or France, or Russia, or the United States : and because she wielded that power and influence with consummate skill, and exercised it more beneficially than any Power which had exercised its influence in any period of human history. She had been the great civiliser throughout this century.' While we have no plan to propose, the Imperial Federation League may justly claim some credit for having initiated the first great Conference of represent- atives of the Colonies in London, When the present Government took office, a deputation from the League laid a proposal before Lord Salisbury for a Colonial Conference, which was favourably received. The happy results are equally appreciated in the Mother-country and in the Colonies. In the absence of a plan, we have seen in recent instances what sentiment can accomplish. We have seen it in the raioing of a regiment in Canada to help us in the Crimean war. We have seen it in the despatch of a contingent to the Soudan. We have seen it in the complete success of the Colonial Conference. I was in Australia at the time when the representatives of the several Colonies were returning to their homes, and saw the enthusiastic welcome which was accorded them. I should like to conclude with a few woixls taken from a speech delivered at the time to which I refer by Mr. Deakin to his constituents in Victoria. Referring to the Conference, he said, * Of all the signs of the times within recent years among English-speaking people no sign has been more important than that Conference with closed doors. And what sign of the times has II *r ( 08 1888 CHAr IV appeared wliicli has expressed and syndxilisod as that meeting did the greatness, the extent, and the magni- tude of the British Empire 1 What a stoiy of enter- prise, what a romance of the energy of the race, what a iiile of the past, and what a promise for the future is written in that Confei-ence ! ' I I The reference is intei'esting to the speech made hy Mr. Duncan Gillies, as Premier of Victoria, at the han- quet in Melbourne given to Lord Brassey in the previous year, his own speech on the occasion having already been printed. Tt was not only very natural and appropriate but it was distinctly serviceable that he should take this opportunity, shortly after his return from Australia, of letting peojile at home hear, l)y means of actual quota- tions from their speeches, the sentiments expressed by leading men in the Colonies when addressing gatherings of tiieir own people in their own Colonies. This Lord Brassey has done here, not only in the case of Mr. Gillies, but by quotations from many other leading politicians of Australia. A meeting in connection with the Glasgow and West of Scotland Branch of the Impeiial Federation League was held on October 24, 1888, in the Merchants' House, for the purpose of hearing an address by Lord Brassey. Amongst those present were : — Lord Rosebery, Sir James King (Lord Provost) ; Mr. Hozier, M.P., Sir Charles Tennant, Sir J. Gibson- Maitland, Sir J. Bain, Sir Frede- rick Young, Sir Hugh Montgomery, Colonel Harrington Stuart, Professors Gairdner and Ramsay, and the Rev. Dr. Marshall Lang. CTIAP IV 1888 99 Letters of apology were read from the Marquis of Lome, the Earl of Glasgow, President of the Branch, and others. Lord Rosebery, having been invited to take the chair, said : -My duty is a very simple one. It is that of introducing liord Brassey to a Glasgow audience on the subject of Imperial Federation. We are perpetually told that Imperial Federation is a noi'le dream, but nothing more, and that it must be put in a more concrete form before it can recommend itself to men of business. Now Lord Brassey is not a dreamer of dreams. He is no visionary philosopher ; he is no random rhetorician. He is a man of business ; but he is more than a man of business, he is probably the greatest amateur traveller at this moment. Lord Brassey has travelled through the British Empire, not ii\ the simple, broad manner in whidi some of us perform that task for want of time, ])ut he has, so to speak, looked into every nook and crevice of the British Empire, into every part of it, and this man of business comes back to you and will tell you that he is convinced that Imperial Federation is a necessity for this Empire — a necessity of the nc ar future. AUDBESS DKLIVERED AT THE MeRCHAKTG' HOUSE, Glasgow, OcTonER24, 1888. Loud Bhassey, who was received with applause, said : — I appreciate very highly the honour of being inxited to address a meeting in Glasgow in the short interval of rest which the day of business affords. Appearing here as one of the treasurers of the Imperial Federation League, I have a subject of great importance to bring before you. It is a subject which, if not yet ripe for legislation, is certainly ripe for the discussions which, h2 If 100 1888 CHAP IV i |l> I i I li under a popular Government, must precede legislation. What is the t)bjeet of the League which I represent ? Broadly stated, it is to preserve that noble British Empire which Scotchmen have done so much to build up and to maintain. What is the foundation upon which the maintenance of the union must rest ? Upon the natural and mutual affection of the Mother-countrv and the Colonies. It is the tirst aim of the League to cultivate that sentiment ; and it is with deep satisfaction that we note the many indications both at home and in the Colonies of the growth of that sentiment. It is striking its roots more deeply, and spreading more widely, day by day. At home we have had the Colonial Exhibition, and the cordial interchange of kindnesses to which it gave occasion. More recently we have had that suc- cessful Colonial Conference, the fii'st, but not the last, of those deliberations which must gradually lift us up to the establishment of a standing council of advice on the external policy of the Empire. I have recently had an opportunity of gauging the public feeling of the Colonies towards the Mother-country. I witnessed the celebration of Her Majesty's Jubilee in several parts of Australia. At Melbourne I saw a Colonial army — 8,000 strong — march past to the tune of ' The Old Folks at Home.' Again and again, on every public occasion, I heard ' God Save the Queen ' sung by young and old, with an inten- sity of feeling which gave to our grand old National Anthem a deep political significance. To our Colonial fellow -subjects the Queen is the personal emblem of that unity of the Empire which they value with patriotic devotion and are firmly resolved to maintain. The Colonies have lately had an opportunity of showing their loyalty to the cause of Imperial union in a practical !..rni. At the Colonial Conference they were invited. CHAP IV 1888 101 and agreed, to bear the cost of a special squadron for Australian waters. This is an earnest of their willing- ness to share in the buidens of taxation for Imperijil defence. In sev^eral of the Colonial Parliaments the Australasian Navy Bill passed through all its stages by acclamation in a single sitting. Let us briefly pass in i-eview the advantages which the unity of the British Empire offers to all its members. We have seen within the span of a single generation the map of Europe completely reconstructed. Dynasties have succumbed to nationalities ; Germans, Greeks, Slavs, Italians, are coming together. How shall we hold our own in face of this new adjustment of politic;),! power ? Is it not clear that, if we wish to retain our high place among the nations, we Britons must stand shoulder to shoulder, as members of one united nationality ? The uni(m of the Empire is a source of strength to the (.^olonies not less than to ourselves. As independent governments, their representations might be unheeded at Berlin and at Paris. As members of a great Empire, they connnand respectful attenti(»n. Our diplomacy will be more and more effective as it is seen that we mean to stand together, regarding the interests of the Colonies as our interests, and theii" concerns as our concerns. In relation to naval defence, union with the Empire gives to the Colonies the protection of a great Navy, at the least cost, and with an efficiency not attainable in a small service without traditions and without experience. While the Imperial connection is helpful to the Colonies, it secures a valuable addition to the maritime lesources of the Empire. The mercantile marine of Canada ranks fifth in the merchant navies of the world. The maritime population, owing to the great development of the fisheries, is numerous, out of all proportion to the great I 102 1888 CHAP IV tonnage of the shipping. No country in the workl otters such .'i splendid field for the recruitment of a naval reserve. Australian shipping enterprise is less extensive than in Canada, but the appropriation of public money is exceedingly liberal for the purposes of naval defence. In relation to military strength, by preserving the unity of the Empire we receive a valuable reinforcement ; in fact, the same principle applies to military matters as to naval. We provide the standing army of the Empire. The Colonies give us a force in reserve. The census of 1881 showed that the North American Colonies con- tained more than 450,000 men of the military age, and I believe I am correct in saying that one-fifth of the number have been trained to arms. In Australia the organised force of militia, including a large proportion of most efficient cavalry, may be reckoned by thousands. In New Zealand the Volunteer force is over 10,000 strong. Looking to the geographical position on the flank of India, it is evident we may rely for effective support from Australasia in the defence of the Eastern Euifire. If we consider the Colonies as customers for British goods, the connection is surely well worth preserving. The Colonies and India take 35 per cent, of the whole value of our exports. Our trade with the American dependencies has increased more than twentyfold, and with Australasia tiftyfold, within the term of the Queen's happy reign. Our Colonial trade has shown growth and elasticity at a time when trade was shrinking or stationary in every other quarter of the globe. It has been our policy in the past to give to the Colonies an unrestrained freedom in their fiscal legislation. They have, for the most part, adopted a strong protectionist policy, but they have put the Mother-country on the CUAP IV 18H8 108 tootin*,' of tlie nuist favoured nation. Tlu; vjiliu' of that, position is suHiciently attested by a comparison of the volume of our exports to North America north ami south of the Canadian fi'ontier. Tt is ditHcult to see how tlu; interests of any Colony would be advanced by union with another Stntc which would treat them with leas liberality than the Mother- country has displaycMl. In Canada proposals have been made for a connncrcial union with the United States. L;^t us trace the probable consequences of such a policy. They have been very clearly pointed out by the veteran Premier of Canada, Sir John Macdonald. Connnercial union with the United States would mean a hostile tariff to Great Biitain. A hostile taritl' would make us less disposed than we now are to defend Canada. Hence, commercial union with the United States would lead to separation from the Mother-country. Aiuiexation to the United States would be the next step, and submis- sion to tlu! fiscal laws of that country— to conditions laid down in the interests of the Pennsyb,anian iron- masters and the New England manufacturers— would mean certain ruin to the rising Canadian industries. Passing from trade and connnerce, the financial benefit to the Colonies from the Imperial connection is sufiiciently obvious. It enables them to raise the loans they require for the development of their resources on terms which would certainly not be accepted if they came to us as independent States. Unity In'ings to the Empire yet another source of strength. It enlists in the common cause the abilities of the rising statesmen of the self-governing Colonies. The power of these men made itself felt, and was most fully recognifced, on the occasion of the Cohjiiial Con- ference. The unity of the Empire is worth preser\ ing, { > r » 104 1888 CHAP IV not alone tor tlio niaterijil advantages which it gives. Citizenship of our far-extending Empire gives to each of us an ennobling sense that we share in all that makes the British Empire great — in its commerce, in its power, in its literature, in its history, and in all the work it has done and may yet do in tlie cause of freedom. The passionate desire to keep the Empire together is a senti- ment at which the cynics may smile ; but it is a senti- ment, as the Master of Trinity so well said in his elocpient speech in London, that statesmen will turn to account. Having urged the advantages of the Imperial con- nection, I may make the admission that there is a party in the Ct)lonies, not formidable, however, in numbeis or inllueuce, who are in favoui- of severing the connection with the Mother-country. They argue that, as indepen- dent States, the Colonies would be better able to follow the path of peaceful progress along which they have been moving. They think they would be more free from the risks of war for dynastic interests, or for adjustments of boundaries in distant regions of the earth with which they have no concern. The course which has been pur- sued in recent years by our Foreign Ministers under successive Governments must tend to allay the appre- hensions of an aggressive policy. The objects chiefly in view in the direction of the foreign affairs of the British Empire at the present time are to guard India from external foes and to make our communications with our Colonies secure. These are objects of connnon interest to the Colonies and to ourselves. Already the influence of the Colonies is a guiding force in the external policy of the Empire. But we shall arrive in due time at something more than a tacit understanding, and the Imperial Federation League is not without a policy, in relation to the inevitable changes of the future. That ■m^-'" ^ \ T ^stsmsKsgBifsfm warn CHAP IV 1888 105 policy was iiulicated in the iuluiiiabk' .spct'ch by Lord Roseljery at Leeds. It is tlu; aim of the Imperial Federation League to prepare the public opinion of this country for the admission of the Colonies to a lai-ger share than they have yet obtained in the direction of the external affairs of the Empire. The first step to Imperial federation is Colonial federation. In Canada tlie Government has been remodelled on the pi'inciijle of federation, and we may look in the near future to a federation of the Australian Colonies. In the interval which must elapse before a scheme of Impi'rial federation is matured, tlu^ Colonies will be growing in wealth and population and culture. With their growth we must be prepared for a demand for a larger share of control. Most thoroughly do I concur with Lord Rosebery, that it will be wisdom to make some sacrifice of our insular freedom of action on behalf of our giant offspring abroad. I hope I have given sufticient leasons for the exist- eiici^ of our League. It was oi'ganised under our lirst president, Mr. Forster — a name never to be mentioned without veneration by Englishmen — to help in the great cause of the unity of the Empire. Under another statesman of great power and promise, we are stead- fastly labouring to-day with the same lofty aim. As an old yachtsman and a man of many voyages, I will ex- press the hope that I may sometimes be able to carry to the Colonies the assurance of the regard in which they are held at home, and bring back some messag(; of reciprocal affection. If this, the most cherished aim of my life, be in any degree fulfilled, 1 believe that I shall be doing the best service to my country which it is in my power to render. niJjfio 10() 1888 tllAl' IV i 1 I » ^ ( i: Tlio speech made l)y Lord liuscbcry at Leeds to which Lord Brassey refers in the above address was an im- portant one. It had been delivered by T^ord l{osel)ery only a fortnight or so before the Glasgow meeting, in reply to an address presented to him l)y the Leeds Cluimber of Connnerce. After alluding to the supremo interest of commerce in this country, Loi-d Uosebery took occasion to point out the ext(;nt to which our Foreign policy has become a Colonial j)olicy. * A great change/ he said, ' has come over the whole of our Foreign policy during the last twenty years. I think you will see a gi-eater change in the next twenty years. Our Foreign policy has become more of a Colonial policy, and is becoming every day more entwined with our Colonial interests. Formei-ly our Foreign policy w'as mainly an Indianpolicy ; it was mainly guided by considerations of what was be&^ for oui* Indian Empire. That brought us into many complications which we might othervvis3 have avoided, but which we felt were rightly faced to save so splendid a possession ; but now, owing to causes which I will point out to you. Colonial influences must necessarily overshadow our Foreign policy. ' In the first place, our Colonial comnnmities are rising to a pitch of power which makes it natural for us to listen to them whenever they make representations on their own behalt— and they do make constant repre- sentations on their own behalf. In the next place, we find that the other Powers are beginning a career of Colonial aggrandisement. We formerly did not have in our Foreign affairs to tmuble ourselves much with Colonial questions, because we had a monopoly of Colonies. That monopoly has ceased ; but consider for a moment, as matters stand now, how largely our Foreign policy is a Colonial policy. tr « CHAP IV 1888 107 ' Why, our principal (pu'stioii of Foreign policy at tliis luoniont may he said to lie llio Fi.shoiics dispute hctween Canada and tluj Unit«>d States. Tt is diHicult for some of us- it isdirticult at any rate for myself - to consider the United States as a Foreign Power, but the l^'nited States in these Colonial (piestions has interests totally diilerent from ours or those of Canada, and in dealing with Canadian questions it is ch.'ar that the voice of Canada must sound loud in the councils of the Foreign OtHce. If you look a little further you find a constant source of irritation in Newfoundland in regard to the Fisheries (juestion which rendered it impossible to ratify a Convention made on the subject with France. That, again, shows the extent to which Colonial policy has become Foreign ])olicy. When you look at Africa you find a similar change. If you l<»ok at some of the maps that arc published you will seethe whole continent jiortioned out among the various Powers ; which means that instead of your policy being an insular Forei.Hi policy, you are now a Power with boundaries adjoining those of three or four Eui'opean States on the continent of Africa. We pass now to Asia, we pass to Thibet. You have alluded to the question of trade with Thibet. I confess I am in favour of a pacific solution of that question, of the extension of commerce, by cari-ying it forward peacefully and not by force of arms. But in Asia, again, we do not find ourselves free from this Colonial trouble. France has got a great territory there. We are adjacent to French territory in Asia, which again makes us almost a co-terminous Power with France where we used not to be. 'Pass on to Australia. In the Pacific you have two spheres of influence, of England and Germany, as accurately marked out as the diAision between York- 108 1888 CHAP IV shire and Lancashire. You are a co-terminous power with Germany in the Pacific. In questions relating to the Pacific the voice of your Colonial connuunity in Australia must be loudly heard, the voice of Australia must be almost paramount in the councils of the Foreign Office witli regard to these questions. Take another instance of what I mean. The two ([uestions which we had to regulate with Grermany, in 188G at any rate, were questions relating to Zanzibar and Samoa, questions relating to the Colonial development of Germany and quite outside ordinary European diplomacy. When you come to approach almost every foreign question at this moment you find the Colonial interest inseparal)le, and in future your Colonial policy must be a preponderating factor in your Foreign policy as well. Just think what a wide inter\al separat(>s the Foreign policy I liave endeavoured to describe from the Congress of Vienna, when w(- were engaged as our sole concern in apjiortion- ing the map of Europe.' These coiisidei'ations. Lord Rosebeiy went on to say, led him to another ))oint of our policy on which he thought Chambers of Connnerce shoult^ assist in foi'ming public opinion. 'The people of this country,' he said, * will, at a not too distant time, have to make up their minds wliat footing they wish their Colonies to occu])y with respect to them, or whether they desire their Colonies to leave them altogether.' This question, he said, was worthy of the consideration of our great com- mercial counnu lities on the gi'ound of connnercial interest alone, if on no other, and that consideration should be prompt, because the question of the retention of our Colonies might be si)rung upon us at any moment by some unforeseen accident. And then he came to the particular point to which Lord Brassey allud(?d. ' You ll CHAP IV 1888 101) cannot/ he told his hearers, 'obtain the great lioon of a peaceful Empii-e, encircling the globe with a bond of commercial unity and peace, without some sacrifice on your part. No great benefit — no such benefit as that — can be obtained without a sacrifice. You will have, as I think, to admit the Colonies to a much larger share in your affairs than you do at present. You will have to give them a right to prompt the voice of England when it speaks abroad to a much greater extent than at pi-esent. You must ])e prepared for demands, some- times unreasonable, such as spoiled children nuike. You must be prej)ai'ed in some respects to dinn'nish your own insular freedom of action on behalf of your giant ofll- spring abroad. But to my mind the sacifice is worth it. 'The cause which we call Imperial Fedei-ation, for want of a better name, is worthy not merely of the attention of Chambers of Commerce, but of the devotion of the individual lives of the people of this country. For my part, if you will forgive me this little bit of egotism, I can say from the bottom of my heart that it is the dominant passion of my public life. Ever since I traversed those great regions which own the sway of the British Crown outside these islands I have felt that it was a cause which merited all the enthusiasm and energy that a man could give to it. It is a cause foi* which anyone might be content to live ; it is a cause for which, if needs be, anyone might be content to die.' Lord Ilosebery's speech at Leeds, as well as Lord Brassey's address at Glasgow, evoked considerable com- mei\t, almost always favourable in tone, in the public press, and so fai" fulfilled in themselves the aim of the League, prepaiing public opinion for the constitutional changes necessary to carry out the policy of Imperial Federation. 110 1888 cifAr IV n In the same year, 1888, Lord Brassey made some other important contributions to the discussion of Colonial questions. In February he read a paper before the Royal Colonial Institute on ' Work and Wages in Australia.' In the same month he delivered an address in the Free Trade Hall in Manchester on the subject of State Colonisation, and followed this up in the follow ing November with a paper on the same subject in Liverpool. These papers are not, perhaps, sufficiently germane to the gonei-al subject of the speeches printed in this volume to find a place among thein in the body of the work ; but they are of consideiable interest and value in themselves, and, as bearing expressly on Colonial questions gejierally, iilthough not directly on the ' Colonial Question ' specially so-called — viz. the Imperial rela- tionship of the Colonies witli the Mother-country and with each other— are clearly entitled to a place within the covers of this volume. These matters are accordingly placed in die Appendix. To the paper on ' Work and Wages in Austialia ' has been appended a thoughtful speech, made by Lord Dunraven, from the chair, in the discussion that ensued upon the reading of the paper. There is added to the papers on State-aided colonisa- tion a very instructive letter upon tlie results of an experi- ment in Canadian colonisation, addressed by Lord Brassey to the ' Times ' two years later, in 1891. CHAPTER V 1889-91 Address at Keighley Chamber of Commerce Loiio-no Dinner: His Speech in Reply to ' The Navies of the Empire '-Tho Duke of Westminster find Lord Brassey at Chester: Lecture on ' Our Colonial Empire ' there— AU-importanco of f mperial System of Defence— Tlie Colonies should be invited to join —The League and a Second Conference— Correspondence between Lord Hosebery and Lord Salisbury—An Imperial Council of Defence : Speech at a League Meeting in Liver- pool, 1890— Resolution moved by Lord Brassey at Annual Meeting of League -Lord Houghton and Lord Brassey at Leeds, 1891 — Circumstances of Time, Belirlng Sea, Xevvfound- land P'isherles, Australian Federation— Speech at Leeds— A Colonial Council- Defence Question Ripe for Settlement— Not so that of Customs Union— Conferences and Commis- sions—Sir Bevan Edwards's Report on Australian Defences — Speech in House of Lords on Military Contributions of Crown Colonies -Lords Knutsford and Kimberley and Mr. Stanhope on same Subject -Article in ' Nineteenth Century ' —Speech at Public Meeting at Brighton. ADDBESS DELIVKUED J5EF0RE THE KbIGHLEY CJHAMBEK OF COMMEIICE, MAKCfl 8, 1889. Lord Brassey began by observing that the Imperial Federation League, with whiclihe was closely connected, had been doing its best to collect statistics as to trade, and a work dealing with this question had been pre- pared by Sir Rawson Rawson. The statistics compiled showed how elastic was British trade. British and - I I n « m « ^mmmmm Bj> 112 1880-01 CTIAP V i ft! I i^ I '■; Irish exports grew from 12 J millions in ISoT to 221 millions in 1887. After dealing with questions of trade depression, Englitre to hold our own against the fleets and armies of our powerful neighbours, it seemed essential that the British nation should remain undivided. Every step to consolidation and unity strengthens the defences of the Empire. The offers of assistance which we have from time to time received from Canada, the co-operation of her voyageurs on the Nile in the sad expedition to Khartoum, the profTered help from South Australia in a time of difli- CHAP V 1889-!)1 IH) culty ill South Africa, tl. contin^ont sent from Sydney to the Soudan, the services of the native troops of India in the field in K;^ypt — all these are incidtnits which have shown to the world the wide I'esources at our connnand. In all the En^dish-speaking Colonies the ^'^olunteer movement is popular, and considerable forces have heen (Mirolled. When I was in Australia at the period of the Queen's Jubilee, I was deeply impressed with the military l)earin,i( and the great numerical strength of tlui forces which were nniewed by the governors of the Colonies on that occasion. In Aus- tialasia an ert'cctive commencement has been made in the organisation of naval forces for coast and harbour defence. Canada, which has a seafaring population of -1:7,000 men inured to the hardships of oiu^ of the most turbuletjt ocefvns of the world —admirable recruits for a powerful naval reserve — unfortunately has done little in th«^ way of naval preparation. As yet the Colonies have not looked beyond their local self-defence. Hereafter they Avill do more. iVustralasia will be the connnaiiding Power in the Pacific and the South Seas; and in the defence of India slie will be aide in coming years, from lier advantageous strategical position, to render invaluable aid to the Mother-country. Turning from the Imperial to the Colonial stand- point, it is obvious that serious loss would ensue to the Colonies from separation. Taking first the material interests of the Colonies, it is evident that they would suffer seriously. Separation would mean a much higher charge for those abundant supplies of capital which have beeji hitherto furnished by the Mother-country on such easy terms. Over one hundred and fifty millions of British capital have, it is computed, been directly advanced to the Australasian governments. Canada 120 lRRO-01 CHAV V has bonowed some sixty millions. Thoso loans have ])oeii indispcnsiihle for the material advancement of the Colonies. Tliey have been expended on railways, canals, and pu))lic works ; and Ihe extension of these essential facilities to the development of our Colonial prosperity, it is evident, would be seriously injured by any chanije which made it more diflicult to })OJ'it)w mon(^y from London. Ceitain it is that the (Jolonies would not borrow in London on tlu? easy terms now accorded if they appeared as external Powers, and not as members of the great British Kmi)ir('. The value of the Ln]»crial connection may be put on higher and noljlcr grounds than those which are con- nected with material intciest. Sir Alexander Calt, the late Canadian High Connnissioner, in a speech delivered in Scotland, expressed himself as follows :' Canada should not desire separation. What is the future it would give iis ? We would become an insignificant independent country. At present we behmg to the greatest Empire in the world. It is our pride and our boast that we do so ; but if we separate and drift off, we exercise no influence on liuman affairs.' It will be interesting to note some other recent declarations from men whose position entitles them to be regarded as representatives of public opinion. Canada is at present most ably represented in this country by her Higli Connnissioner, the successor of Sir Alexander Gait, Sir Charles Tupper. He is a member of the Imperial Federation League, and he has boldly advocated in the meetings of the League what I may call a forward policy for the League, on the lines approved by his predecessor in office. There is good reason to believe that the voice of these I'epresentatives, these High Commissioners whom we so cordially welcome to this country, is truly the CIIAI' V 1889-IH 121 voice of the Canadian pooplo. An artido recently pub lislu'cl in the *Quaiteily Review/ and attrihutecl to a writer of ^reat authority and experience in Canadian affairs, jL^ives much encourai^enient to the friends of federation. He tells us that the people of the Dominion of Canaderation too much on grounds of utility and necessity. Let me, in conclusion, commend federation as a grand idea. Eveiy one of us is greater individually by retaiiiing his citizen- ship in the noblest Empire upon the earth, i-'ngland, the univei'sal l\lother-land. does not limit her affec- tionate interest and her care to the inhabitants of these tight little islands. She feels — England feels — the instinctive love of a mother for those stalwart younger sons who ha\'C gone forth to rear up other Englands in the parts beyond the seas. Let, then, ta« same patriotism animate us all. i ^dtH^^i ^^imm^^f-Mtm, mmm. 128 1880-91 CHAP V In the foregoing address it is again to be remarked that after a brief introduction Lord Brassey at once conies to the absorbing question of Defence, and points to the mutuality of the advantage that would accrue both to the Mother-country and the Colonies if tlie defences of the Empire were conducted upon a common system and l)y joint effort, instead of separately and independently. Great v^due also attaches to tlie review of the opinions of Colonial statesmen and political leaders as to the Imperial connection. Such men as Gait and Tupper in Canada (Sir John jNIacdonald had been referred to in a previous speech), Parkes and GiHies in Australia, Hofmeyr and Sprigg in South Africa, are cited as witnesses to the recognition by the leaders of politics in every group of Colonies of the advan- tages of union, and of tlie readiness of the people of the Colonies to retain their places in the Empire and do their duty by it. Many such men are committed in a sense to the principle of Imperial Federation, and to be consistent with their professioTis they should not shrink from giving practical effect to that principle by showing their readiness when called upon to join actually and sub- stantially in that coml)ination of the resources of the Empire for the maintenance of common interests and for the provision of an organised defence of counnon rights which it is the object of Imperial Federation to eftect. Lord Salisbury, who is also quoted, spoke of the Conference of 1887 as to be 'the parent of a long progeniture.' The Colonies have not as a matter ot f;i.ct been as yet formally invited to attend a second Imperial C<-)riference in London. Special circumstances have no doubt intervened to place obstacles in the way of the assembling of such a Conference ; but there is no reason CHAP V 1880-91 129 to doubt that successive Governments have shrunk from issuing an invitation, in part from the knowledge that it might not have been altogether readily accepted in every quarter ; or, if the invitation were accepted, that the beginning of a joint system of Imperial Defence made in 1887 might not, as yet, be materially advanced. It would be distinctly discouraging to have to con- clude that any reluctance to attend a Conference in London might be due to the nature of the propositions which would naturally be made on the part of the Imperial Government for extending the principle of Colonial co-operation in providing the means of Imperial Defence. The difficulty of leaving their own Govern- ments, which has sometimes been suggested on this side of the water as a reason wliy Colonial statesmen should hesitate to accept such an invitation, is olwiously some- what overrated ; since it has not been found to place any obstacles in the way of a Conference of some of the leading politicians of the most distant Colonies of Australia and South Africa being assembled recently at Ottawa, to discuss projects in which the Colonies them- selves were specially interested, and to the furtherance of which they decided that the United Kingdom should contribute. Lord Brassey refers specifically in this speech to the attempt made by the Imperial Federation League, again, in that year, 1889, to induce Lord Salisbury to summon another Conference at an early date, and to tlie latter's friendly reply, in which he expressed the opinion that for the present such a proposal was premature, and his desire to see a move on the part of the Colonies them- selves. The Conference desired by the League was for the purpose of reporting on 'the possibility of establishing closer and more substantial union between the Mother- K ytm 130 1889-91 CHAP V country and the Colonies, to the advantage of the whole Empire.' This, Lord Salisbury, in the reply he addressed to the request conveyed to him by the President of the League (Lord Rosebery), said it was 'not within the province of Her Majesty's Government ' to do. ' If the Colonies desire to consult together for this purpose ' (the reply continu. d), 'they can select representatives to do so without any summons or assistance from us. The intervention of Her Majesty's Government in a matter where their assist mce is not required would only lead to misapprehension.' In this somewhat inverted doctrine of Imperial responsibility, Lord Rosebery expressed (in a further letter) the inability of himself and the League to concur. 'We think,' he said, 'that meetings of the Colonies on this subject without the intervention, and under a presidency other than that of Her Majesty's *^)!overnment, should be deeply deprecated. We cannot holp feeling that that view requires reconsideration, both from the point of view of Imperial unity and the supremacy of the Crown.' At Chester Lord Brassey asked if the time were not ripe for action on this great question. In answering his own question he acknowledges that the existing relations between the Mother-country and the Colonies left little to be desired, if managed with tact and judgment. But looking a few years ahead he foresees that changed con- ditions will require new adjustment of these relations, and concludes that we cannot much longer remain under the present loose arrangement. Lord Rosebery virtually gave expression to the same opinion in the reply just quoted from, addressed by him, on behalf of the League, to Lord Salisbury. ' It is not any Government of Canada or Australia,' he went on to say in that letter, written a few months before Lord Brassey spoke at CHAf V 1880-91 IVA Chester, * that can summon a Conference to bring about the realisation of the " growing desire to draw closer in every practicable way the bonds which unite the v.irious portions of the Empire ; " it is only the Government of Great Britain. We would further remind you that five years ago the Right Hon. W. H. Smith ' (a member of Lord Salisbury's Cabinet) ' moved a resolution that " in order to avert disintegration and to secure the permanent unity of the Empire, some form of Federation is indis- pensable.'" That was the resolution moved at the 1884- Conference when the League was started, which, being passed with some modification of its terms, })ecame the formal expression of the reasons which called the move- ment into existence. Lord Rosebery's letter concludes : — ' We therefore cannot think that we are premature in urging on Her Majesty's present JNIinisters that a subject so recognised and so pressing, which was excluded from the Conference of 1887, should be considered at a further gathering of the various States of the Empire.' That further gathering has yet to come about. The brief examination of some of the proposals made for giving effect to the principle of Imperial representa- tion with which tl '> speech concludes is of interest for purposes of comparison with the idea of an Imperial Council of Defence, put forward in the Report of the Special Committee of the League of which Lord Brassey was chairman, issued in 1892. That Committee had before it all the materials on which to form a judgment, provided by the proposals here referred to and number- less others of varying importance. The tentative cha- racter of the propositions laid down by that Committee affords some measure of the inherent difficulties of the problem. But in making such a comparison it is to be remembered that a body consisting, as for the most part K 132 1889-91 CHAP V that Connnitteo did, of responsible public men, was not likely to commit itself either to so definite or so advanced a programme as individual thinkers acting on their own sole responsibility. The Report itself will come to be dealt with in a subsequent chapter. Early in the following year, 1 890, Lord Brassey pre- sided at a meeting held in Liverpool in connection with the Imperial Federation League, at which the principal address was delivered by the League lecturer, Mr. G. R. Parkin. Lord Brassey, as chairman of the meeting, made the opening speech. Spkech delivered at Liverpool, January 23, 1890. He commenced by referring to considerations which would be appreciated by men of business. The value of the over-sea Imperial trade, he said, was computed at 1,200 millions a year. One-third of that total was carried on between the Colonies and India, and the Mother-country. Of our exported manufactured goods —the most important branch of our trade, because it gave employment to the teeming millions of our indus- trial population- -one-half was consigned to those countries. It was justly remarked in a recent article in the ' Times ' : — ' We are proud of being partners in a business of dimensions without parallel and difficult to realise, and we are resolved to keep whole and undivided the family that has created it, and in whose hands it is desirable that the business should remain.' It was obvious that to the Colonies separation v. ould mean a higher charge for those abundant supplies of capital raised in London almost as cheaply by Colonial Governments as by that of the Mother- country. That CHAP V 1889-91 133 money had been usefully spent in the Colonies in the construction of 15,000 miles of railways, in forming canals, on water- works, schools, public buildings, defences and harbours. Consolidation on the basis of .a common nationality had been in active progress in recent yours ill all parts of Europe. If they were to hold their own against the fleets and armies of powerful neighbours, the British nation must remain undivided. AV'as the time ripe for action on that great question ? Were they ready at home for Imperial Federation ? Were they ready to accept the conditions on which Imperial Fede- ration depended ? Were they ready to admit the Colo- nies to a voice in the direction of those afiairs of foreign policy in which they had a common interest with them- selves ? It was certain that they could not always remain where they were. As the Colonies grew in wealth, in population, in commerce, we could not bear the sole responsibility of defence, even though the task were limited to the naval defence of the Empire. The appeal already made and promptly answered by Australia for contributions towards the charge for tlie naval forces in their waters must some day be renewed. With larger contributions to the expenditure would come the stronger claim to representation. We did already in effect consult and consider the views and interests of the Colonists with more solicitude than before. There was a growing anxiety in Downing Street to avoid commit- ments which would not be approved by Colonial opinion. It would be a step further in the same direction to create a Council of Advice in which the Colonies would be represented, and to which, as to the Senate of the United States, the consideration of foreign relations would be specially entrusted. wm 134 1889-91 CHAP V Various proposals had been put forward. Earl Grey suggested the appointment of a Federal Committee selected from the Privy Council, representation being given 3very part of the Empire in proportion to the severL contributions to the expenses of Imperial Defence, It was not, however, the business of the League to formulate schemes of Federation. When public opinion w/is ripe it would be for responsible statesmen to exchange views and to arrive at a settle- ment. Lord Rosebery had not gone further, as yet, than the enunciation of general principles. ' The Federation they aimed at,' he said, ' was the closest pos- sible union of the various self-govcrnijig States ruled by the British Crown, consistently with that free develop- ment vhich was the birthright of British subjects all over > world — the closest union and sympathy in extern, action, and in defence,' Lord Rosebery would limit the. direct action of the Imperial Government for the present to Conferences summoned at frequent intervals. The task of those Conferences would be, not legislation, but the free and full discussion of common interests. He had himself lately been much engaged in dealing with labour disjmtes, and his experience had taught him to appreciate even more highly than before Llie exceeding virtues of a Court of Conciliation. Unres- trained discussion between the representatives of con- flicting interests had been most effective in preventing strikes and lock-outs. The frequent meetings of the representatives of the Mother-country and the Colonies would, in the same way, prevent the dismemberment of the Empire. Lord Brassey proceeded to say : — ' I desire, in con- clusion, to express my deep conviction that Federation, under a well-considered and statesmanlike scheme, fltAV V 1889-91 135 should not be conclminecl as an inipracticaLlo dream. The mechanical improvements of the age in which we live are; potent factors in Imperial Federation. The Colonies and the Mother country are hound by the closest ties. Facility of intercourse is making England more and more the intellectual centre of the Empire ; our ancient Universiticis are thronged with Colonial students ; the decisions of our Courts of Law are every- where accepted as precedents to be followed in the Courts of the Colonies ; the bonds of unity are cemented by those old memories and traditions which make every Colonist speak of the Mother-country as " home," and which till us in the old cimntry with pride as we watch the splendid growth and enterprise of the Colonies. It may be that, in ordinary times, unity will chiefly consist in the external f :rms throughout the Empire, and all government will be carried on under one flag and in the name of the same Sovereign. But even so, we shall, every one of us, be the greater individually by remaining citizens of an Empire on which the sun never sets, and when the hour of trial comes, if it ever does come, our unity will be more than an idea : it will be a League of mutual Defence against external foes. ' Li May of the same year Lord Brassey moved a resolution on a subject of some historical interest at the iifth annual meeting of the Imperial Federation League, presided over by Lord Rosebery, the Chairman of the League. In the previous January the House of Coniiuons of the Dominion of Canada had passed a loyal address to the Queen for the purpose of re- I' hi 13G 1889-91 CHAP V pudiating the aspersions upon Canadian loyalty that had recently been so freely cast about b(jth in the United States and even in Canada itself. At the meeting of the League in London, Lord Brassey moved the follow- ing resolution: — 'That this meeting expresses its profound gratilication at the terms of the loyal address adopted '"'y the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada, and congratulates the Imperial Federation League in Canada upon the effect which is being pro- duced in the Dominion by means of its exertions.' Speech at Annual Meeting of the League, May 22, 1890. In moving this resolution Lord Brassey said : — After the interesting speech of the noble Chairman, who never fails to put something attractive before us when he pleads the i;ause of Imperial Federation, and after the adn.'irable ami full speech that you have just heard from the chosen representative of Canada, it is not necessary that I should detain you with more than a few words in moving this resolution. I am particularly desirous to call attention to recent expressions in Canada of loyalty to the Mother- country. In December last. Sir John Macdonald, the British Prime Minister of Canada, made an important declaration. He said : — ' There is nothing to gain, and everything to lose, by separation. I believe if any party or person were to announce or declare such a thing— either by annexation with the great Republic to the south of us, or b^' declaring for independence — I believe tliat the people of Canada would say "No." ' This speech of the Prime Minister was followed a month later by the resolution moved in '^mmmmmmm m^ CHAP V 1889-91 137 the Canadian House of Commons by Mr. Mulock. It was seconded by a French Canadian Member, and was carried unanimously in a full House. These are the terms of the address : — ' We have learned with feelings of entire disapproval that various public statements have been made, calling in question the loyalty of the people of Canada to the political union now happily existing between this Dominion and the British Empire, and representing it as the desire of the people of Canada to sever such connection. We desire, therefore, to assure your Majesty that such statements are wholly incorrect representations of the sentiments and aspirations of the people of Canada, who are among your Majesty's most loyal subjects, devotedly attached to the political union existing between Canada and the Mother-country, and earnestly desire its continuance. We feel assured that your Majesty will not allow any such statements, emanat- ing from any source whatever, to lessen your Majesty's confidence in the loyalty of your Canadian subjects to your Majesty's person and Government, and will accept our assurances of the contentment of your ]Ma)esty's Canadian subjects with the political connection between Canada and the rest of the British Empire, and of their fixed resolve to aid in maintaining the same.' The noble Chairman referred to the circumstance tliat our Report contains no new proposal of a specific character touching the great problem of Imperial Federation. I do not consider that it is necessary that such proposals should be made in order to justify the existence of our League. The work which this League is practicrtlly established to carry forward — the work which it is essential we should always be carrying forward — is the cultivation of a feeling of attachment between the Mother- country I iIlWiiwiiii «■■«« f 138 1889-91 CHAP V and the Colonies. If that feeling of attachment did not exist, Federation would be useless ; but if that feeling does exist, the British people — who are always remarkable for their aptitude as practical men — depend upon it, will never fail to find means by which to give expression to that seiitinient. At the present time the work we have to do in connection with the Colonies relates chiefly to the Defence of the Empire. I am glad, and I am sure we are all glad, to know that the Colonies support with more enthusiasm than heretofore the measures proposed for self-defence ; and, depend upon it, many years must go by before the safe-guarding of the great routes from the Mother-country to the Colonies can be done by any other force than that of the great British Navy. I myself have been a wide traveller through the British Empire, and I have before me visions and living im- pressions of the greatness of those new countries which have sprung up from our race, and I have at all times the greatest satisfaction in doing anything which it is in my power to do to promote and strengthen the con- nection which exists between the Mother-country and the Colonies. 1891. On March 13, 1891, a large and influential meeting in support of its movement was organised by the Imperial Federation League at Leeds. The chair was occupied by Lord Houghton, and among those present were a large number of representative men from various parts of the West Riding interested in the subject and favourable to the object of the gathering, namely, the formation of a branch of the League at Leeds. Lord Brasscy was present and made an important speech. CHAP V 1889-91 139 Many events had contributed to bring the whole subject much before the minds of the public in this country during the preceding twelve months. The difficulties between Canada and the United States in the Behring Sea had tended to some exacerbation of feeling between the peoples of those two neighbouring countries, whilst party feeling ran very high in Canada itself, and gave rise to much heated discussion upon the value of the Imperial connection. The occurrence <»f grave international difficulties on either seaboard of British North America had brouglit into prominence the Imperial responsibilities devolving on Her Majesty's Ministers and the peoiik; of the United Kingdom, from purely Colonial questions. In their Annual lloj)ort issued in 1890, the Council of the League had called attention to this feature in the following paragraph : — - ' The questions arising out of the claims of the United States over the sea fisheries in the Behring Sea, and the encroachments of the French beyond their fishing rights on the shores of Newfoundland, have accentuated to some extent the question of the relations of the various parts of the Empire to its foreign policy, which the League has always been anxious to see placed on a more sound and definite footing.' At the gi-neral meeting of the League at which this Report was presented, Lord Rosebery, who presided, had called especial attention to this paragraph, which, he said, tersely as it was put, and so framed as to avoid controversial matter, he believed to indicate in a compendious way the incon- venience of our present arrangements. He pointed to the informal nature of the control which the Colonies were able to exercise over the conduct of affairs specially affecting their interests, and summed up the i)urpose of the League in a single sentence, saying that ' we seek oHtfiimmmmmmm jaoB 'i s 140 1889-91 CHAP V to base our Empire upon a co-operative principle. At present the Empire is carried on — it is administered — successfully owing to the energies of the governing race which rules it, but in a haphazard and inconsequential manner.' The strong movement then going on in Australia for intercolonial federation had also the effect of setting men's minds on the wider problem of Federation, which it was hoped would be facilitated by such local grouping. Unfortunately, the hope that Australia would soon be federated has not yet been realised, nor does the prospect appear any better, if so well, now as then. But, as Lord Brassey has observed in one of these speeches, we must not judge of the course of events and the periods of time they occupy by the standard of the life of an individual, so brief in comparison with the life of nations. Speech delivered at Leeds, Marcu i;}, 1S91. Loud Buassev said he rejoiced to have been able, as a treasurer of the Imperial Federation League, to accept the invitation to attend that meeting held in the good cause of the unity of the Empire. He was not ashamed to admit that he did not come with a cut and- dried plan of federation. He was content with a more modest mission ; and he believed the League could do something to stimulate affection towards the Colonies. With regard to the mutual advantages which would accrue from pre- servation of our Imperial unity, it was unnecessary to enlarge upon them. The Colonies provided us with wider markets for our industries, a wide field for emigration, and large opportunities for the profitable employment of ■P CHAP V 1889-91 141 our resources, and all this without any restriction upon their liberty of self-government. The sea power of Great Britain — an invaluable in- strument for peace and civilisation — was as necessary for the Colonies as for the Mother-country. The Colonies had done their part ; they had made their forts secure by powerful fortifications, and their Volunteer force might be numbered by tens of thousands. Tliey had begun to provide a flotilla for coasts and harbours, and at the present time a powerful fleet was about to be placed in Australasian water.s, to the cost of which the Colonies had made a handsome contribution. United the Mother-country and her Colonies had a power for defence which was irresistible. Separated, we in our small and over-peopled island, our Colonies scattered abroad all over the face of the globe, would present a painful contrast to the weight, dignity, and power which we possessed as a united Empire. The questions to be asked were, whether the circum- stances of the time were such as to call forth serious changes, whether fiscal or of a constitutional nature ; and supposing such changes were called for, what should be their nature and extent. These questions were never more important than to-day. Our difticulties Avith France in respect to the Newfoundland coast, the embittered feelings evinced by the Canadian elections, and the pro- posed plan of Australasian Federation, were things which no statesman or political party could pass unlieeded. He was not afraid of the prospects of the future. Old and staunch Liberal as he was, he should not shrink from saying that, in the department of foreign afljiirs, we had at this time a skilful pilot at the helm. The time seemed to him to be ripe for the serious consideration of the relations between the Mother country 142 1889-91 CHAP V I' it U and our Colonies. Many scliemes of federation had been propounded, and many degrees of federal union were possible. A proposal had been brought forward for the admission of representatives of the Colonies into the House of Commons. France and Spain admitted repre- sentatives from their Colonies into their Chambers of Deputies. Personally, he was prepared for such a step. But it was obvious that such a proposal as that had not yet been put before the country in such a way as to demand and to have received adequate consideration. Another proposal was that there should be constituted a great Council of the Empire which would have functions similar to those of the Committee of the Senate of the United States — duties which embraced advice on foreign affairs. For such a proposal we were less prepared than we were for the admission of representatives of the Colonies to the House of Commons. It was clear that such a proposal as the constitution of a great Imperial Council would take something away from the power of the existing House of Commons, and he doubted whether we were at present ready for such a constitutional change. There were other similar proposals deserving attention, but it was clear that they were not ripe for treatment, either in Parliament oi* at a Colonial Conference. The appointment of a Colonial Council to adWse with tlie Secretary of State for the Colonies, as the Indian Council advised with the Secretary of State for India, was a more limited proposal, and for this the time was near at hand, if it had not already come. As an example of what it seemed practicable to do, he might refer to the recent Presidential decree under which a Colonial Council iiad been created in France, with provision for the representation of the Colonies, in association with other members possessing special knowledge and qualifi- I CHAP V 1889-91 1-113 cations. The great Departments of State — science, finance, and commerce - had their representatives on the French Colonial Council. Another proposal which had been warmly advocated, and especially by the Protectionists, was that for a Customs Union between the Mother-country and the Colonies. It could not be said that at the present time proposals for a Customs Union were ripe for settlement, or even for discussion, at a conference of representatives from all parts of the Empire. The Mother-country had been committed for more than a generation to a policy of Free Trade. By our policy of free imports of food and raw materials we had so cheapened production tliat we were able to compete successfully with all comers in the neutral markets of the world. Half the broad which was eaten in this country w.-is made from imported flour ; half the products of our looms were sold in foreign mar- kets. Vast as was its volume, our trade was sensitive in the highest degree to the smallest alteration of condi- tion. It was only by a small percentage that we had an advantage over our compttitors in cheapness of price ; and if we were to lose that advantage, the consequences would be fatal to a large section of our industrial popu- lation. It would be impossible to entertain the idea of a reversal of our fiscal policy, in however restricted a sense, without the most careful and exhaustive inquiry. It might be alleged by those who argued for a Customs Union that some readjustment of our fiscal system in favour of the Colonies would be attended by no appreci- able or permanent enliancement of price in this country ; while, on the other hand, we should be far more than compensated by the monopoly which we should enjoy in the Colonial markets. These were questions of the greatest ditficulty and gravity, in relation to which N flpw mmmmm I 144 1889-91 CHAP V " 1 British statesmen might well hesitate to take a leap in tlie dark. When we turned from changes of tariff to Imperial defence, we had before us a problem wliich had reached a more advanced stage, and the consideration of which it was not desirable much longer to postpone. Lord Salisbury had recently stated his objections to tlie pro- posal .'idvanced by Lord Dunraven for a conference of Colonists to meet in London with a view to a re-appor- tionment of the cost of naval defence as between the Mother- country and the self-governing Colonies. The friends of Imperial Federation would agree that it was idle to ask the Colonies to make a pecuniary contribution to the cost of maintaining the army and navy, unless we were prepared to give a proportionate representation in Pailiament, or in a new Imperial Council to be created for the purpose of dealing with defence and controlling the external relations of the Empire. It might be long before such a proposition was seriously entertained. We might, however, take concerted action for defence without the necessity for constitutional changes which it would be difficult to carry out. It was undoubtedly most desirable that such action should be taken. In an able paper recently read before the Royal Colonial Institute by Sir Bevan Edwards, who had re- cently returned from an official visit to Australia, we were reminded that, when considering great questions of international defence, we were met at the threshold by an insurmountable difficulty. We had it on the authority of the Royal Commission on the administration of the Admiralty and the War Office that * no combined plan of operations for the defence of the Empire in any given contingency has ever been worked out or decided upon.' Before proceeding to concert any plan, we must first be I CHAP V 1889-91 145 informed as to the share which the Colonies would take in the responsibility for their o\v]i defence. To maintain themselves in security it would not be sufficient for the Colonies to work with a narrow view merely to the pas- sive defence of their own ports. If the communications between the Australian Colonies and the Mother-country were interrupted, the consequences would be not less fatal to the Colonies than to ourselves. It was as much their concern as our concern that the defence of the coaling-stations should be secured by adequate garrisons, works, and guns, and that the Imperial fleet should be of sufficient strength to give security to the trade of the Empire. With their growing population and wealth, and their improved military organisation, we might look for help from the Colonies in furnishing garrisons for the coaling-stations. They might help us at Halifax and Vancouver, at the Cape, in Mauritius, at Singapo^ j, and Hong Kong. The Colonies might further help us in the protection of the trade in which we had a common in- terest, by the equipment of cruisers. The costly fleets of battle-ships and their auxiliaries required for oflensive operations in European waters could not for many years be sent forth from the Colonies. Auxiliary cruisers could be provided by the disposition of the Colonies to aid in an emergency. We had some signal illustrations in the time of the Crimean War. The 100th Regiment was raised in Canada in a few weeks ; and in 1878, when war was supposed to be imminent, large oflers were made from Canada to furnish a contingent. When it was thought that we were hard pressed. New South Wales sent, at its own cost, a tine battery of tield artillery and a splendid battalion of infantry, to stand shoulder to shoulder with the forces of the Mother- country in the burning deserts of the Soudan. . f! f h 140 1880-91 nrAV V Hitherto it had not been necessary or desirable to ask the Colonies to come to our aid under any definite engagements. Circumstances were in the process of change. The Colonics were more able to bear their shar(; of burdens, and we might fairly claim that they should come to our relief. They might contribute to a common purse to be held by an Imperial Council. They might contribute to the; Imperial Exchequer, the administration of the army and navy remaining as at present. Thay might, and probably would, prefer to add to the forces under their immediate control, agree- ing with the Mother-country as to their sphere of action in certain contingencies, which might be anticipated and discussed at a Colonial conference. Now, as to the time when a conference such as we proposed might with advantage be called. Lord Salis- bury had, in a recent speech, properly reminded us that the statesmen at the head of affairs in the Colonies could not without grave inconvenience quit their posts for the purpose of meeting in conference in London. It was evident that such conferences must be rare, and that they must not be called unless we had clearly in view an adequate subject, and one which was ripe for settlement. The subjects which were ripe for immediate consideration seemed to be three— (1) Concerted action for Imperial defence between the forces of the Mother-country and those of the Colonies ; (2) establishment of a Colonial Council to work with the Secretary of State ; (3) inquiry into our trade re- lations. The two former might be referred to a Colonial Conference, and the time for the summoning of such a Conference would have arrived when the Convention now in session at Sydney had completed its task. The ■;! I «■ <> niA'" V 1880-01 147 inquiry into our trade relations might be more appro- priately entrusted to a Royal Commission. He had endeavoured to confine himself to the princi- pal aspects of one question. It was difficult to discuss it without an appeal to the noble sentiments which should be aroused in the cause of the unity of the Briti, h Empire. As individuals, we were each the greater — whether living in the Mother-country or in the Colonies because we belonged to one great dominion, on which the sun never set, and which, with the fullest privileges of self-governm«;nt in local affairs, was united under one Queen, had one aim, one lan- guage, one literature, one code of laws, one history, and was secured from attack by one army and one navy. It had been by gallant efforts that the Empire had been built up. Wo should be unworthy of the privileges which we inherited if, for want of timely care and thought, or from lack of sympathy and indifference, we suffered it to fall to pieces. His Lordship concluded by moving the following resolution : — ' That in the opinion of this meeting the question of the consolidation of the Empire demands the im- mediate and continuous attention of all responsible statesmen, and that an earnest representation be made to the Prime Minister to urge upon him the con- vocation at the earliest timely date of an Imperial Conference for the purpose of considering the possibility of creating an Imperial Council, or of otherwise arrang- ing a scheme of constitutional representation by which the self-governing Colonies shall share with the Mother- country in the management of Imperial affairs in general, and in particular of our joint foreign and l2 ■5""W 111 148 1889-91 CHAP V coininercial reliitions, means of defence and methods of communication, and by which the burdens, benefits, and responsibilities of the Empire shall be more e(}ually distributed.' In this address Lord Brassey very clearly recognises that the time was at hand for some step forward. He shows himself not afraid to face the necessity for formu- lating some kind of scheme whereby the objects of Imperial Federation may be carried into practical efl'ect, tliough, for the moment, nothing more revolutionary is proposed than the creation of some such Council as that of the Secretary of State for India. The tenor of Lord Salisbury's reply to the next deputation that waited upon him, (»nly a few months after the date of this speech, is thus in a manner adumbrated, as well as parts of the Ileport of the Special Committee following upon Lord Salisbury's speech. But these matters, and Lord Brassey "s own important share in them, will come in for fu}l treatment directly. Meanwhile, there are just two or three points in particular which it is important to note in the present speech. One is the clear and unmistakable enunciation of the speaker's attitude towards those schemes of tariff-reorganisation which would, whatever their object or the intention of their framers, have the effect of re-introducing the principle of Protection into the fiscal policy of this country. As a lifelong Free-trader Lord Brassey will have none of them. Another point is one which is found in almost every speech in this collection — the paramount importance of Imperial Defence. 'That,' Lord Brassey said at Leeds, ' was a problem which had l.i i «p Bssssav^ BB^ CHAP V 1889-91 149 IS „101l of I the this all Ithe lad reached a more advanced stage ' (than others he had lieen refeiTing to), ' and was one the consideration of which it was not desirable much longer to postpone.' Uesides Lieut. -General Sir IJevan Edwards, whose paper before the ]loyal Colonial Institute is referred to in the speech, other high authoiitios had within the course of the preceding twelve months been dealing with the subject. Not to mention the ofticial Report on the Defences of the Australian Colonies made by Sir Bevan Edwards himself, the general question had received very full and ii'forming treatment in Sir Charles Dilke's 'Problems of Greater Britain,' published in 1870 ; and Lord Carnarxon, who had presided over the Defence Commission appointed in 1882, had read an instructive paper before the London Chandler of Commerce. The Defence Committee of the League, which included men of no mean authority on the subject, had also put out a valuable report during the same period. On the occasion referred to in this speech at Leeds, when Lord Salisbury stated his objec- tions to a proposal advanced by Lord Dunraven for a Colonial Conference for the purpose of re-apportioning the cost of naval defence between the Mother-country and the self-governing Colonies, the Prime Minister had expressed the opinion that if the Colonists were invited to confer for this purpose they might answer : — ' Impe- rial Defence gets on very well now : the money comes from somewhere ; ' and that, if they were to be a^ked to contribute, they would say, ' We should like to consider the matter at home for some time before we join your deliberations.' Lord Salisbury's view is perhaps not altogether without the justification of prescience. It is true the Colonies have not since been actually invited in a formal manner to attend a Conference for the purpose 150 1889-91 CHAP V i indicated. JBut there is at the same time some reason for believing — as has been already noticed— that the chief reason they have not been so invited is that Her Majesty's Ministers had pretty broad hints that an invitation for such a purpose would not (as Lord Salisbury put it) 'excite that enthusiasm throughout the Empire ' which Lord Dunraven seemed to suggest. Lord ilrassey, nevertheless, than whom no one has proved himself more tender to Colonial susceptibilities, while admitting that hitherto nothing of the sort had been necessary, declares categorically that we may fairly claim no /, in the altered circumstances of the time, that the Colonies should come to the relief of the British taxpayer by contributing to a common purse to l)e held by an Imperial Council or otherwise. These subjects Lord Brassey then thought were ripe for dis- cussion : — Concerted action for Imperial Defence, and the establishment of a Colonial Council to work with the Secretary of State — to be referred to a Conference ; and the subject of inter-Imperial trade relations, more appropriately to be entrusted to a Royal Commission. It will be interesting to note the development of these views in the period of the Imperial Federation League's history immediately following the speech at Leeds. Before passing on, however, to those important steps in the movement it may be noted that two or three days before delivering the above address at Leeds, Lord Brassey had taken part in the discussion that ensued on Sir Bevan Edwards's paper at the lloyal Colonial Institute already referred to. In July of the same year, also. Lord Brassey, from his place in the House of Lords, called attention to a question having a very close bearing on the general subject of Imperial Defence, viz. the con- tributions made by some of the Crown Colonies to the .__«. ■I mmmm CHAP V 1889-91 151 cost of fortifications and of the maintenance of garrisons subserving general purposes of Imperial Defence. SpEKcn IN TUB House op Lords, July 24, 1891. Lord Brassfa' rose to call attention to the increased military contribution demanded by the Imperial Govern- ment from the Colony of the Straits Settlements for the maintenance of the garrison. He said, in calling atten- tion to the increased military contribution which had Hicently been demanded from Singapore, his chief desii-e was to give to the Straits Settlements Association, on whose behalf he spoke, the satisfaction of being heard by their Lordships, and of receiving from the Secretary of State an explanation of the reasons which had guided the action of the Government. As an impartial Court of Appeal for every dependency of the Crown wiiich con- sidered that it had a grievance, Parliament was a power- ful link to bind the Empire together. He would begin with the admission that the Straits Settlements owed their prosperity to the protection afforded by England, and might rigiitly be called upon to contribute to the cost of Imperial defence. The grievance alleged was that the amount asked was ex- cessive, and that the demand was made without previous warning or consultation. It was not necessary to dwell on the importance of Singapore as a link in the chain of fortified stations which gave protection to our trade with the East. The importance of the possession had been greatly enhanced by the opening of the Suez Canal and the increase in the number of steamers. Tlie defences of Singapore were carefully considered by the Royal Com- mission on the defence of the coaling-stations. The addi- u I ■ II t ■ 1 I! [l II 152 1889-91 CHAP V tioiial works recommended had been constructed by the Colony at a cost of 81,000/. The Imperial Government liad provided the armaments. In addition to the cost of the defensive works the Straits Settlements had paid a military contribution, amounting for the year 1868-9 to 59,000/., and for the subsequent years to 50,445/. per annum. Up to this point the Colony had cheerfully given the co-operation which had been asked by the Home Government. The complaint which it was his duty to submit ai'ose out of the despatch received from the Secretary of State in 1889. The Colony were suddenly called upon to contribute 100,000/. per annum out of a total military expenditure estimated at l.S6,000/. In addition they were to pay 60,000/. for barracks ; and they maintained a fine body of armed Sikh police for local defence and the maintenance of public order. The Colony objected to the demand which had been made on the ground that the garrison and the defences were mainly for the pro- tection of stores of coal kept at Singapore for the general purposes of Imperial defence. The Straits Settlements complained that tlie charge which had been laid upon them was heavier than any which had been demanded from any other Crown Colony. It was true the revenue was considerable, but it was precarious, depending, among other sources, upon the opium farms, which were becoming less and less pro- ductive. The Governor of the Straits Settlements, under orders from home, was compelled to exact the payment required from the Colony, but he did so under protest. In his despatch of February 1890, he stated that he was wholly unable conscientiously to support the claims which Her Majesty's Government had made, and that every member of tlie Executive Council, in voting for the aff! ^aimmmm it m\ii lumnw^*^ rmtrwmmHm CHAP V 1889-91 153 payment demanded, voted against liis conscience. He lioped that the Secretary of State, in his reply, miglit be able to announce some modification of the present demands, or at least to give explanations which might remove the sense of injustice which at present existed. In conclusion, it was scarcely possible to deal witli a particular case apart from the general question of the distribution of charge for Imperial defence as between the Mother-country and the several Colonies and de- pendencies of the Crown. The subject called for a fuller inquiry by a commission. It was desirable to establish a standard of strength at which the navy and the naval stations should be maintained. It was desirable to dc;- termine the share of the burden which the Mother-country ought to bear, the mode in which the self-governing Colonies might best co-operate, and to fix the basis on which the contributions of the Crown Colonies should be assessed. The subject was too grave to be taken up at the fag-end of a fatiguing session, but he hoped it might be entertained at a later and more favourable oppor- tunity. The relation of the Crown Colonies to this question is an aspect of it thjit has been too much left out of sight. The people of the Crown Colonies, as well as those of the United Kingdom, are sufl'erers by the unjust burden imposed upon them, through the immunity from r-ontri- bution hitherto extended to the people of the self- governing Colonies. It will not be out of place to print here the oliicial reply of the Secretary of SUite for the 154 1889--91 CHAP V Colonies, as well as the observations of Lord Kimberley, who subsequently held that office. Lord Knutsford said : — A suggestion has been made of reference of the whole subject of Imperial Defence to a Commission or Committee. Such Commission or Committee might }>e useful in reporting upon the whole question of Imperial Defence, and in laying down prin- ciples which might guide Her Majesty's Government in deciding what contributions might be fairly looked for from the Colonies. Jt might, for example, report whether and how far the British taxpayer should be relieved from the payment of the whole Naval Defence of the Empire, or how far the fact of the naval expenditure being undertaken by the Mother-country should be considered in deciding what military contribution a Colony should be called upon to pay. But it is manifest that such a report, uidess supported by evidence given by Colonial statesmen qualified and authorised to give evidence upon the question, and to explain the views of Colonial Goverji- ments and Legislatures, would not carry much weight in the Colonies. Nor, again, could such a report, even if supported by such evidence, be held l)inding on our great responsibly-governed Colonies. It might be of some assistance to Her Majesty's Government as laying dowji general principles, and it would tend to strengthen their hands both in this country and perhaps in the Colonies when they were seeking assistance ; but it would not relieve the Government of the day from an inquiry into each particular case, as the amount of contribution which can fairly be demanded must depend upon the special circumstances of each case — as, for example, upon the financial position of the Colony, its revenue and expenditure, trade, and other local considerations. He then proceeded to explain that the Straits Settle- -»T^ :?!i= SB CHAP V 18SI)-!)1 155 ments in 1867 made a good bargain for itself, when, in order to get rid of the heavy military and naval charge imposed upon it by its connection with India, it was transferred in its own interest and at its urgent desire to the Imperial Government, which only agreed to take it over on the express condition that no additional expen- diture should be thrown on the Imperial Exchequer by the change. The Home Government, in now asking for a larger contribution, were not bearing hardly or unfairly on the Colony, which, if its military expenditure had continued on the Indian scale, would now have had to pay 236,000^. a year instead of the present sum of 100,000/., or only 15 per cent, of its revenue. The popu- lation of the Colony paid 3a'. Gd. per head, while the corresponding charge amounted in the United Kingdom to about 1 (\s. per head. Lord Kiniberley thought that the Colony in that case had no good reason for complaint, and that it was only just to the British taxpayer that it should bear its fair shareof an expenditure by which its own extensive trade was protected. The same matter had been the subject of a regular debate about the same time in the House of Commons, when its bearings on the general question were more fully brought out. INIr. Stanhope (Secretary of St.o,tr for War), referring to the Cape, said he thought that Colony ' ought to contribute more largely than it did, but the House of Commons couM not conipel the Cape to make a larger contribution.' As a private member put it, speaking later in the debate, ' there was this ele- ment of shabbiness about it — that the Government would not persist in the demand on Colonies which could resist it,' but only did so in cases like that of Singapore, a Colony unable to offer any effectual resistance. The question is K'/l Ji'i I ^ 15G 1889-91 CHAP V now, .IS it was tlion, whether the time has not come — not for ' insistinif ' on contributions from the self-jrovernins: Colonies - that cannot and should n . 162 1889-91 CilAP V liold that tho League fully justified its existence, if it could contribute in any (legr(>e to foster and to spread a feeling of afTection for the Colonies in tho Mother- country, and could send across the ocean from time to time to our Colonial fellow-citizens a message of good- will. Many schemes of federation have been propounded, and many degrees of federal union are possible. Lord Kosebery has not gone further, as yet, than the enuncia- tion of a general principle : — * The federation we aim at (he has said) is the closest possible union of the various self-governing States ruled by the British Crown, consistently with that free development which is the birthright of British subjects all over the world — the closest union in sympathy, in external action, and in defence.' A proposal which has been warmly advocated, especially by the Protectionists, is that for a customs- union between the Mother- country and the Colonies. It cannot be said that at the present time proposals for a customs- union are ripe for settlement, or even for discussion, at a conference of representatives from all parts of the Empire. The Mother-country has been committed for more than a generation to a pf)licy of Free-trade. By our policy of free imports of food and raw materials we have so cheapened production that we are able to compete successfully with all comers in the neutral markets of the world. Half the bread which is eaten in this country is made from imported tlour ; half the products of our looms are sold in foreign markets. Vast as is its volume, our trade is sensitive in the highest degree to the smallest alteration of condition. It is only by a small percentage that we have an advantage over our competitors in cheapness of price ; and if we v/cre to lose that advantage the consequences cHvr V 1889-1)1 103 would be fatal to a largo section of our industrial popu- lation. It would 1)6 impossihlo to entertain the idea of a reversal of our fiscal policy, in liowover restricted a sense, without caioful and exhaustive incjuiry. It may be alleged by those who argue for a customs-union that some readjustment of our fiscal system in favour of the Colonies would be attended by no appreciable or permanent (enhancement of price in this country, while, on the other hand, we should be far more than compen sated )>y the monopoly which we should enjoy in the Colonial markets. Tlie late Sir John JNfacdonald believed that some form of customs-union was not impracticable, and that a duty too small to afllect the retail price of bread in England might confer immense l)enefits on wheat-growers of Canada. Sir Charles Tupper asserts that a duty of ten shillings a quarter on corn imported from foreigii countries would not add a lialfpenny to the price of the four-pound loaf. A duty of five shillings would give an enormous advantage to the Colonies, and would never reach the consumer. Colonial statesmen are not in a position to form a wholly unbiassed opinion. The difliculties of the case were clearly stated by Lord Salisljury in his reply to a deputation of the United Empire Trade League : — ' If you give preferential treatment to your Colonies it must be that you tax the similar goods to the rest of the world, and that the Colonies are to command a better price for their goods than they would obtain under restricted competition. A better price for the vendor means a more disagreeable price for the consumer ; and we have yet to receive proof that the people of this country are in favour of a policy of preferential taxes on wheat, on corn, and on wool.' Lord Rosebery has recently declared that in his M 2 164 1889-91 CHAP V I I i I opinion it is impracticable to devise a scheme of representation for the Colonies in the House of Commons and House of Lords, or in the Privy Council. The scheme of an Imperial customs-union, ably put forward bv Mr. Hofmeyr at the last Colonial Confer- ence, he equally rejects. Lord Rosebery would limit the direct action of the Imperial Government for the present to conferences, summoned at frequent intervals. Our first conference was summoned }jy the Government at the instance of the Imperial Federation League. It was attended by men of the highest distinction in the Colonies. Its deliberations were guided by Lord Knutsford v/ith admiral>l(i tact and judgment ; it considered many important questions of common inte- r(;st to the different countries of the Empire ; it arrived at several important decisions, and it cleared the air of not a few doubts and delusions. The most tangible, the most important, and the most satisfactory result of that conference was the recognition by the Australian Colonies of the necessity for making provision for the naval defence of their own waters by means of ships, provided by the Governmeiit of the United Kingdom, but maintained by the Australian dlovernments. liOrd Ilosebery holds that the question of Imperial Federation depends for the present on fn^quent confer- ences. In his speech at the Mansion House ho laid down the conditions essential to tlie success of confer- ences in the future. They nuist be held periodically and at stated intervals. The Colonies must send the best men to represent them. The Government of the Mother-country must invest these periodical congress cs with all the authority and splendour which it is in their power to give. The task to be accomplished will not bo the production of statutes, but the production of CHAP V 1880-91 165 recomiiiendations. Those who think that a congress that only meets t(» report and recommend has but a neutral task before it, have a very inadequate idea of the inlluence which would be exercised by a conference r(;presenting a quarter of the human race, and the immeasurable opulence and power that have been garnered up by the past centuries of our history. If we have tliese conferences, if they were allo\. ed to discuss, as they must be allowed to discuss, all topics which any parti(.'S to these conferences should iccom- mend to be discussed, Lord Rosel)ery cannot apprehend that they would be wanting in authority or in weight. Lord Salisbury, in his speeches recently delivered in reply to the Earl of Dun raven in the House of Lords, and in reply to the deputation of the Imperial Federa- tion League at the Foreign ( )rtice, has properly insisted on the chi(;f practical obstacle to a policy of frequent conferences. Attendance at conferences involves grave inconvenience to Colonial statesiiuMi. They slumld not be called away from their important duties unless wo have questions of adeipiate importance, and pro[)Osals fully considered and clearly detined, to submit for consideration. On the other hand, Lord Salisbury admitted that it was impossible to come to decisions on grave (pujiitions affecting the lOmpire as a whoh; without personal conununication with Colonial statesmen. In appealing to the Imperial Federation League for some practical suggestions as to the means by which the several parts of the British Empire may be more closely knit together, liord Salisbury threw out some pregnant hints. To make a united Empire both a ZollvereDi and a KrlcgHvcrcin must be formed. In the exishing state of feeling in the Mother-country a ZoUverein would be a serious difficulty. The reasons i 1,^' ■ I 'I 166 1889-91 CHAP V have been alre.ady stated. A Krier/sverein was, perhaps, more practicable, and certainly more urgent. The space which separates the Colonies from possible enemies was becoming every year less and less a protection. We may take concerted action for defence without the necessity for constitutional changes which it would be difficult to carry out. An inquiry by a Royal Com- mission into the means and requirements for Imperial defence is a first essential step, which has been already delayed too long. We have it on the authority of the lioyal Commission on the Administration of the Admi- ralty and the War Office, that 'no combined plan of operations for the defence of the Empire in any given contingency has ever been worked out or decided upon.' We owe the measures recently taken to secure our coaling-stations to the labours of a Royal Commission. A Commission on Imperial Defence would collect infor- mation from the intelligence branches of the army and navy, and might establish, nt least fov some years to come, the standard of strength at which the British Navy should b(! maintained. With a careful and exhaustive report in their hands, embodying the views of those niost competent to advise, the Covernment could det1 other- country. This point being decided, we could then proceed to summon the Colonies to a conference, at which it would be our duty to submit delinile proposals for consideration. To maintain themselves in security it will not be sufficient for the Colonies to work with a view merely to the passive defence of their own ports. If the communications between the Austral ias and the Mother-country were interrupted the consequences would be not less fatal to CHAP V 1889-91 107 the Colonies than to ourselves. It is as much their concern as our concern that tlie defence of the coaling- stations should be secured by adequate garrisons, works, and guns, and that the ocean-routes converging on their ports should be guarded by a fleet of suflicient strength to give security to the trade of the Empire. To the Australasian Colonies the most probable danger lies neither in territorial aggression nor, so long as efficient land-forces are maintained, in raids upon Colonial ports, but in the loss of mercantile ships in the neighbourhood of their ports. The costly fleets of battleships and their auxiliaries required for defensive operations in European waters could not, for many years, be sent forth from the Colonies. Auxiliary cruisers cou'd be provided. The Colonial naval forces could operate under the general direction of the Imperial naval commander-in-chief of the station. Unity of action and the disposition to provide the ships and the men required would be promoted by conceding the privi- lege, too long withhehl, of flying the white ensign of the Royal Navy on the public vessels maintained )jy the Colonial Governments. In what has preceded, the grave difliculties of the sul)ject have not been ignored ; but Imperial Federation is a problem which may worthily (nigage the best intel- lects and the most accomplished statesmanship for its solution. In the * Halifax Evening Mail ' it has been well said by an able Canadian journalist : — ' It is true there is a great deal tliat is vague md undetermined as to the scope, the constitution, and the consequence of Imperial Federation. The limits of the jurisdiction of Imperial and loc;il legishituros are not settled as yet ; neither is the mode of contributing the I\ ' »•"»•«» ' . I t i .;.ii Ml ! m\ i 168 1889-91 CHAP V proportionate contribution ; neither is the extent of the Imperial liabilities of the partners ; neither is the method of electing Imperial representatives. It is not deter- mined whether a measure of commercial reciprocity between all parts of the Empire will precede or follow Imperial Federation. But there are some things that are pretty clear and easy to understand in connection with Imperial Federation. It means a pooling of the oflfensive and defensive resources of the Empire, the gaining of strength by cohesion, the binding of the bundle of sticks by firm cords, the hooping of the staves of the barrel, of which operations Judge Haliburton and Joseph Howe long ago clearly foresaw the need. It involves the representation of the self-governing Colonies in some Imperial legislative body, and their participation in the Imperial government and Imperial expenses. It means paying our shot and sliouldering our reciprocal responsibilities like Britons. The consummation of this scheme will make us part owners in every Imperial establishment in e^'ery part of the world, peers with our fellow-Britons, instead of Colonists or dependents. It is like going into partnership with one's mother, instead of staying tied to her apron-strings. Our recent troubles with the United States certainly argue that we cannot prudently wait as we are till we are rich enough and populous enough for independence. Federation would force the thoughts of our public men to expand. It would oblige our voters to consider their Imperial as well as their provincial interests. It would V)reed statesmen, instead of parochial politicians. It would not be as costly as independence, and certainly not more costly than union with the United States.' tmmmmmmmmamum mmfmm^mi^immm'im CHAP V 1889-91 169 In December of the same year Lord Brassey presided at a public Imperial Federation meeting at Brighton, organised by Mr. Gerald Loder, M.P. for the borough, at which the principal address was delivered by Mr. Parkin. Speech at Diugjiton, Deoemheu 4, 1891. Lord Brassey said : — This was a question the great im- portance of which was being impiessed on the whole of the Empire. It was not strictly a question of commerce. The English had been called a ' nation of shoi)keepers,' and if by that was meant that the quantity and quality of the goods made and supplied by the British people were better than those of other nations, then he did not sup- pose they would find nmch fault with wiiat was intended as a reproach. But sentiment no doubt entered largely into the question of Imperial Federation. Every subject of the Queen must feel that it was better to belong to one great Empire than for that Empire to be broken up into isolated connnunities, each isolated connnunity being thrown on its own resources. This could only mean the weakness of the isolated conmiunities, whereas there was strength and security in union. An universal Imperial tariti' had been discussed, and also the defences of the Empire. As matters stood, the Mother-country held herself responsible for the defence of the whole Empire. Still, there was a strong disposition shown by the Colonies to share in this defence. The Australian Colonies, in fact, had practically relie^•ed the Mother- country of the defence of their coasts ; Canada had dotie much ; and South Africa had done something. Dealing with the navy, and the necessity for the protec- li!' i!'h 111. 1 fii I.! Il '■ t 170 1889-91 CHAP V tion of our trade routes, Lord Brassev said a real Imperial service could only be organised by the Mother- country, and not by any one of the Colonies, if separated — which he hoped they would never be. There could be no doubt that, for a long time to come, the defence of the Empire would be more effectively secured by one com- bined force than by the Colonies and the Mother-country acting independently of each other. They had a chain of coaling-stations which no other Power had ever had or could ever hope to have. But it was desirable thnt there should be an exhaustive inquiry into the actual condition of the requirements — looking ahead — of our naval defences. It had beeii said that England should have a navy e(]ual to any other two navies in the world, lie accepted that, as applied to tiie line-of battle ships. When they looked to their commerce they did not find cause for comph^te satisfaction. He went on to speak of the need of a Royal Couniiis- mission to thoroughly investigate the (question, and ho recommended that it should be a Roving Commission, so that the statesmen at the head of aflairs in the Colonies might be consulted without the inconvenience of coming to London. This also would create further interest in the questicm in the Colonies, though the Colonies were much more alive to the question of Imperial Federation than perhaps the Mother-country was inclined to think. Referring to the suggested representation of the Colonies in the Home Government, Lord Brassey said it was an old-established maxim that taxation should go with representation. They might have a real Imperial Federation — an Imperial Cabinet of Defence — and help each other very much, without organic constitutional change. Bf; l! I f- I'll CHA>' V 1889-91 171 The principal event in the history of the Imperial Federation movement that to^k place in 1801, the depu- tation of the League inti-oduced by Lord Brahsey to the Prime Minister, will be better dealt with apart in a separate chapter. Ill i^ I w CHAPTER VI 1801 Motions in Parliament advocating Second Conference— Important Utterances of Lord .S;ilisl)iiry and Mr. Gosclien— Action tliereon of Council of League — Deputation to Lord Salisbury : Speech of Lord Brassey on introducing Deputation Tlie I'rime Minister's Reply— Speech from Chair at Annual Meet- ing of League — Appointment by League of Committee to frame Report — Lord Brassc}' Chairman. In addition to the addresses, &c. quoted in the preceding chapter, Lord Brassey took a leading part in 1891 in an event in the history of the Imperial Federation move- ment that demands a chapter to itself. In this year the League again sent up a deputation to Lord Salisbury; and the circumstances attending and following upon that occasion are of very special interest and signilicance. The deputation of 188G had been instrumental in pro- curing the convocation of the iirst Imperial Conference held in the following year. In 1889 it will bo remem- bered the Council of the League had decided again to approach the Prime Minister for the purpose of im- pressing on the Government the desirability of repeating that experiment without further delay ; but after the correspondence referred to in the preceding chapter the matter of a deputation remained in abeyance, for various reasons, until the year 1891. The circumstances that led up to the deputation of this year require some elucidation. . CHAT VI 1891 17B 111 February 1891 motions wore brought forward in both Houses of Purliament, by Lord Dunraven and Mr. Howard Vincent respectively, asking in effect that a Colonial Conference should be called for the purpose of considering the trade relations of the Empire — Lord Dunraven's resolution including also the formation of a fund for certain purposes of Imperial Defence, which he proposed to raise by means of a small duty on foreign goods, upon the lines of the policy associated with the name of Mr. Hofmeyr, of the Cape. These motions elicited utterances of considerable weight and signifi- cance both from Lord Salisbury and from Mr. Goschen, then Chanccillor of th P!|: are unmistakable indicutions that we cannot possibly occupy an exclusive position, whether as buyers or sellers, in the Australasian markets. The trade with India is perhaps the most flourishing branch of our external com- merce ; it is conducted absolutely without check or interference by tariffs. It would be difficult to persuade the Government to depart from that wise policy of non- intervention under which the trade of India has showu a marvellous development. It would boe ■ 1^ 200 1892 CHAP Vlt til Th(f motion ill sui)})oi't of which Lord Brassey was speaking was, it will be observed, of an entirely non- connuittal character, merely asserting in general and abstract terms that closer commercial relations would be desirable, without expressing any opinion as to the means by which such an object should be carried out. But Lord Brassey S(t far anticipated the more conten- tious resolutions to follow as to declare, as he does in the concluding passages of the above speech, wholly and uncompromisingly against tarifF-mongering in any shape or form. This resolution was carried unanimously, and the Congress proceeded to the discussion of the other resolutions quoted above. At the conclusion of two days' debate a vote was taken upon the Montreal resolutioji, which (with slight alterations) was moved by Sir Charles Tu})per as an amendment to that stand- ing in the name of Mr. Medley (Mr. Nevile Lubbock's having been deferred). This amendment was lost by the votes of seventy-nine delegates to thirty-four. Sir Chai'les Tupper having claimed that this vote was not decisive, but that the Congress should also vote * by Chambers,' a further vote, by that method, was taken on the following day, when the amendment was again negatived by the votes of lifty-tlire(i Chambers to thirty- live. Other amendments having been dealt with, Mr. Medley's original resolution was finally carried by considerable majorities in both forms of voting. Mr. Nevile Lubbock's motion was subsequently carried, with the substitution of the phrase ' Freer Trade ' for ' Free Trade.' This vesting was veiry significant. Here is the only scheme of Imperial commercial union pure and simple Cthat is, excluding mixed schemes for raising revenue for defence, like Mi-. Hofineyr's and others of that class) that has ever been brought before the public and attrac- CHAP VII 1892 201 t(,'d to itself any consiclerublc attention and following — th(5 scheme for Preferential Taritls within th(^ Empire, involving the imposition in tiie United Kingdom of now duties against foreign countries — here is this scheme met with a very decided negative by a Congress of the Chambers of Commeice of the I'hnpiro. Nor was it negatived by any means exclusively by the votes of the United Kingdom Chambers. On the; contrary, though nineteen out of twenty-two Canadian Chambeis voted for it, it only received seven other Colonial votes to twenty such recorded against it. The lesson of this, and it may be gathered from the general discussion as well as from the voting, seems most clearly to be that tlie essential and pressing requirements of Imperial Unity, of which Unity for Defence stands fii'st, must not be allowed to wait until tlie apparently irreconcilable ele- ments of commercial union can be harmonised. And that is, in effect, the conclusion reached by Lord Brassey in the speech made by him on this very important occasion. Lord Brassej reverted to this as[)ect of the question when a few days later he was called upon to respond for ' The Services ' at the banijuet held in London to cele- brate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Confederation of the Canadian Dominion. In the course of his rej>ly he said : 'We have been discussing elsewhere this week the mutual interests of the Empire from many points of view. We have been discussing our trade relations, with strong mutual sympathies, but without as yet being able to arrive at an entii-ely distinct conclusion. But what- ever may be our views as to our trade interests, one thing we must all certainly believe : that, for the purpose of defence, there can be no question that by keeping together as one Empire we are stronger than if we are split up into a number of separate sections. How to organise our 202 1892 CHAP VII resources, those which we can muster in this grand old (.'ouiitry, and how to utiHse the ff>rces that are being ra})idly created by the various Colonies, for mutual defence, to the best ad\antage, is one of the most impor- tant problems upon which the constructive statesman- shij) of the Empire can be engaged.' A few months later Mr. Foster, the Canadian Minister of Finance, delivered an address at a meeting specially convened by the City of London Branch of the League. Lord Brassey was present, and made a brief speech in proposing a vote of thanks to Mr. Foster for his address. He congratulated the Colonies on the wisdom, displayed in recent years by their leading men in paying fi'equent visits to this country, saying he felt sure such visits tended in a most essential degree to promote feelings of mutual regard, and aft'orded to those who came a most 'advantageous opportunity of making the Mother-country bettei' accjuainted with the resources of the Colonies ; at the same time that visitors like Mr. Foster could not fail to be imin-essed with the great and growing interest in the Colonies felt by people in the Mother-coujitry.' About this time, Lord Brassey contributed to 'Lloyd's Weekly Newspaperman article designed as a general summary of the whole Colonial question for popular reading — a most useful piece of work. This was in November ; and it was in that month that the report of the Special Committee pi-esided over by Lord Brassey was considered by the Council of the Imperial Federation League and published. It was to be expected under these circumstances that, in an article written at this par- ticular time, there should be found an echo of that report. The aj'ticle in 'Lloyd's' therefore gave to the general public, and perhaps to a public that would not have been reached either by the report itself or by the it CHAP VTl 1892 203 articles elicited by it in other sections of the Press, a suiniiuiry of the question at its latest phase as it pre- sented itself to the minds of the leaders of the Imperial Federation movement. The report itself will be dealt with presently. Meanwhile, this article foi'ins no bad introductio]! to it. Article in • Lloyd's Wekkly NEWsrAPKR,' NovEMnKR 1892. What do we mean, and what do we seek to accom- plish, by Imperial Federation ? A concise statement has been put forth by the Imperial Federation League. It is their primary aim to secure the permanent unity of the Empire by combining the resources of the Empii-e for the maintenance of common interests and for the defence of common rights. It is a fundamental principle that no scheme of federation should interfere with the existing rights of local parliaments as regards local affairs. In our Imperial system, as at present constituted, we recognise two great anomalies, which we seek to remove. On the one hand, our self-governing Colonies — great already, and rapidly growing in power- haAc no recognised voice in the direction of Imperial affairs. On the other hand, the people of the United Kingdom are burdened with the entire cost of naval, military, and diplomatic services all over the world, while the advan- tages of the protection afforded are shared to the full by our Colonial fellow-citizens. The cause of Imperial Federation is not advocated in the Mother-country solely or chiefly with the object of inducing our fellow-citizens in other part? of the Empire to share our burdens. Unaided by the Colonies, the ♦ 'L NH." 204 1892 CHAP VII Mother-country is well able to bear the cost of Imperial defence. It is in contemplation of tJie future, and in view of the expanssion of the Empire, and the increasingly important interests which are being created in distant parts of the globe, necessitating by-and-l>y further pro- visions for defence, that we seek to arrive at some solution of that problem of representation which must be dealt with before the wider distribution of charges can be considered. If we neglect to gi^■e timely attention to the relations between the Mother-country and the Colonies, we run a possible — we need not and we do not say a probable — risk of the dismemberment of the Empire. There is no appearance of danger ; but events might occur which would raise the question. The Imperial Federation League was founded to avert the possibility of a dire catastrophe. During the eight years which have elapsed since its foundation, under the presidency of Mr. Forster, the League has steadily pushed forward the work for which it was constituted. On two occasions deputations have been received by the Prime Minister. The Colonial Conference of 1886 was the sequel to the first interview granted by Lord Salisbury. The most important direct result of that Conference was the agreement to create at the expense of the Colonies a special sfjuadron for the defence of Australasia. The Conference was yet more valuable for the results which it foreshadowed in the future. Every member of the Conference must have returned to the Colony from which he had been delegated, impressed in a stronger sense than before with the conviction that the unity of the Empire ought to be and could be preserved. Under the auspices of the League groat meetings have CHAP VII 1892 205 been held from time to time. I may specially mention the meeting at the Mansion House, memorable for an eloquent speech delivered by Lord llosebery, and the later meeting held at Leeds under the presidency of Lord Houghton ; and the sphere of active eltbrt has not been limited to the United Kingdom. At this stage we may pause to consider the sub- stantial advantages of Imperial unity, apart altogether from the strong impulses of sentiment. We may turn first to the pecuniary advantages. The Cohmies and India, in the aggregate, take one-third of the goods we manufacture for exportation. Our trade with the Colonies in recent years shows a less rate of increase. The annual values have been seriously atl'ected by the general fall in prices. The characteristic feature of greater elasticity, as compared with the trade with foreign countries, is, however, still noticeable. The Colonists are, for the most part, Protectionists. It is, and will long remain, their policy to raise their revenue chiefly by duties on imports. Notwithstanding the barriers raised by their tariffs, the Colonies must long continue to look mainly to England to supply— at cheap prices — rails, locomotives, carriages, glass, earthenware, furni- ture, chemicals, implements, machinery, paper, l)ooks, hardware, and articles of every description demanding much skilled labour in their production. Taking a broader view than that of traders and shop- keepers, we have in the Colonies, as Mr. Froude has truly said, a hundredfold multiplication of the area of our own limited island. Into their vast unpeopled territories the unemployed of our congested cities may overflow. There is space for hundreds of millions in the territories of which we and our fathers have taken possession. Such being the advantage of the Colonial connection 0.^.-'%^- ^HiH *-^ ' 200 1892 CHAP VII :■ to the Mother-country, the reciprocal advantages to the Colonies are not less considerable. It is a material advantage to be able to borrow vast sums of money in London on easy terms. The debt of the Colonies to the Mother-country approaches the total of 450,000,000^. Every half per cent, reduction in the rate of interest means a saving of more than 2,000,000/. a year to the Colonies. It cannot be questioned that the rate paid for borrowings would be considerably higher if the Imperial connection were dissolved. While tlie ]Mother- country aids th(i Colonies in their material dev(^lopmont by loans on lilnTal terms, slie otVers them the best market for the sale of the raw produce which is thtnr source of wealth. We give them the further precious advantage of the protection of the Imperial fleet along the great t)cean hig\ways which unite them to America and to Eur()[)e. There remain those supreme benelits which the author of ' Greater Britain ' has described with his own gifted pen, and in appropriate (quotations from other masters of English prose. The sign and symbol of British unity is the Sovereign. It is an inestimable advantage to the Colonies to retain that personal symbol of their ^ arti- cipation in an historic past of great and glorious deeds, and of their inheritance and adoption of an admirable form of Parliamentary government — a noble code of laws and sound principles of justice. The Queen repre- sents, not only in the Mother-country, but in all her daughter States, something more than a system of government and a code of laws. She represents and exemplifies — to use the words of Lord Rosebery — all the English habit of domestic life, and the home happiness on which in reality British society rests. CHAP VII 1892 207 I I It is not necessary to descant further on the benefits of union under one great Empire to the Mother-country and the Colonies alike. Assuming that unity is to be desired, what are the practical steps by which the bonds of union may be preserved and, if possible, more closely drawn together ? We may combine more perfectly for defence. We may become more interdependent in our commercial relations. A committee of the Imperial Federation League has recently been engaged in these subjects. After long deliberation, and wide consultation with distinguished men at home and in the Colonies, the committee found itself able to recommend some practical measures for the purpose of promoting combined action for defence. Their views are presented in their recent report. It is there pointed out that it is in the main- tenance of the sea communications of the Empire that the community of interests in relation to defence is most absolute. The primary requirements of combined defence are a navy and naval forces, under the control of a central body representative of all the parts of the Empire. The committee offered some suggestions for the constitution of such a council. They recommended that direct representation should be given to the tliree great groups of self-governing Colonies in North America, Australasia, and South Africa. The depen- dencies of the Crown should be represented by the Secretaries of State for the Colonies and India, and the Cabinet at home by the Prime Minister, and by those of his colleagues who deal specially with defence and the external affairs of the Empire. The council having been constituted, it would be their primary duty to make provision for defence, and to secure unity of action and .(' WiBiKlf"''?^ ■ in^'w a r ai jw rvwi M II W I M,J il^ H^B^ mw, I 208 1892 CHAP VTl opinion on questions of foreign policy affecting Imperial interests. It was proposed by the committee of the League to refer the consideration of contributions to the cost of Imperial defence to a Conference, Tlie basis of any practical scheme must be found in relative population and resources. A Customs Union, if it could be established on a basis affording reciprocal advantages, would be a bond not less strong than the combination of resources for defence. Some Colonial statesmei? have held that a Customs Union is a sine qiid imu of federal union, and that without a Customs Union there can be no federal union, in the true sense of the term. Desirable as it may be, all proposals for the establishment of a Zollverein within the British Empire are beset with insurmount- able difficulties. In matters of defence our interests are identical. In matters of trade there is a conflict of interests between the Mother-country and the Colonies. We depend for our prosperity, and even for our existence, on our exports of manufactures. Our power to compete with industrial rivals in neutral markets depends essentially on cheapness of production. Our imports from our Colonies consist almost exclusively of food and raw materials. If we impose import duties on corn, wool, and timber we must increase the price of our goods, and an increase of price would diminish consumption and lessen employment for our manufacturing population. It is necessary to conclude ; and enough has perhaps been said to show that if the Mother-country and the Colonies have some conflicting interests, they have many and great reciprocal interests. It is our duty to bring these interests into prominence. Above all, let us CHAP Vll 1892 200 cherish those mutual affections which grow spontane- ously and unsolicited from a common ancestry a common history, language, and literature. Blood IS thicker than water. So long as England and the Colonies retain for one another the sentiments which we of the old Mother-land feel so deeply, and which we know are warmly reciprocated, it will need no binding treaties, no formal engagements, to brin- togetlier for mutual defence, whenever it may be needed'' all the strength of the Empire. ^3r ? ,\ I iii ' ■ i t4U .^ CHAPTER VIII 1892-3 Publication in November 1892 of Report of Special Committee of League presided over by liord Brassey — Summary — Council Meeting to consider Keport — Its Adoption- -Sir Charles Tupper and the Coniinittec : Letter of Lord Brassey to Canada disclaiming Sir Charles Tapper's Imputations- Report laid before Goverinnent by Deputation to Mr. Glad- stone—Lord Brassey's Speech— Mr. Gladstone's Reply to the Deputation — Dissolution of the League. The report of the Special Committee of the Imperial Federation League (referred to in the preceding chapter), over which Lord Brassey presided, was distributed to the members of the Council, and at the same time made public through the Press, in November, 1892 ; and on the 16th of that month it was unanimously adopted at a meeting of the Council specially convened formally to receive it from the hands of the Committee. The full text of the Report being printed in an appendix to this volume, it will be sufficient here to indicate its general character. Summary of the Report of the Special Committee adopted by the Council of the Imperial Federation League^ November, 1892. The Essentials of a United British Empire may be thus briefly defined : — ((() That the voice of the Empire in peace, when dealing with foreign Powers, shall be, as far as possible, the united voice of all its autonomous parts. CHAl' VIII 1892-3 211 (6) That the defence of the Empire in war shall be the common defence of all its interests and of all its parts, by the united forces and resources of all its members. In order that the Empire may speak with the greatest authoi'ity to foreign nations, there ought to be a body in which all its autoromous parts are represented. In oilier that the voice of the Empire may be supported in peace, and the common defence of the Empire assured in war, its resources must be combined. This entails, as regards its self-governing portions, both a representative body and connnon property in the means of defence. Hoio shall a Council of the Empire he constituted? the functions the Without limiting or defining exercise of which a Council might attract to itself in process of time, for practical and immediate puiposes the following propositions are submitted : — The Council should consist of members appointed by the United Kingdom and the self-governing Colonies. The three great groups of self-governing Colonies— North Ameri- can, Australasian, and South African —should be directly represented in that Council. India and the Crown Colonies would be represented through Her Majesty's Secretaries of State at present charged with the adminis- tration of their affairs, and in such other manner as might become desirable. The Council might include — on the part of the United Kingdom, the Indian Empire, and the Crown Colonies — the Prime Minister, the Secretaries of State (for Foreign Affairs, War, Colonies, and India), the First Lord of the Admiralty and the Chancellor t)f the Exchequer ; and — on the part of the self- governing Colonies — of representatives of the three groups. Such a Council, being furnished with adequate in- p2 ■"PT ' 1, 1 1 '■: fcr |j II II 212 1892-3 CUM' viii formation rol.itinj,' (:b matters of foreign policy, should deal with Imperial Defence ; and in matters of Defence should supervise the appropriation of any moneys pi-o- vidcd foi- the defence of tlu; Empire by the connnon contribution of the United Kingdom and the Colonies. Jli/ what means can the resources of the Uinjnre be moi't effectively combined ? The sphere within which combined defence is necessary is confined to those common interests the defciu^e of which cannot be pi/ovided by local means. It is in the maintenance of the sea communications of the Empire that the community of interests is most absolute. The jDrimary requirements of combined defence, thei'efore, are a sea- going fleet and naval bases. It may be laid down as a leading principle that as all parts of the Empire enjoy the benefits of Imperial Defence, they should contribute to its cost. In the case of India and the Crown Colonies the United Kingdom would continue to be responsible for all matters relating to their respective contributions. While, however, in the present and in the near future no large readjustment of burdens is called for, the time must inevitably come, through the rapid development of the Colonies themselves, when furthei- pi-ovision must be made for their defence by naval means. It would be only fair that the self-governing States should make contribution towards the cost of those additional defensive pi-eparations. There is no reason to doubt that if the necessities of the ojtise were made cleai-, the Colonies would be pre- pared to take their share in the cost of the general defence of the Empire, provided that they were given a proper share in the control and expenditure of the common fund. CHAP vm 1892-3 213 In proposing that the self-governing Colonics should bear the eniianced oosc of their own cl(>fenct'S, and thereby share the cost ai the defences of the Empiie in common with the people of the United Kingdom, it is to be pointed out that by so doing those countries would be undertaking an incomparably smaUer iinancial ex- penditure than would be required for their own defences if these did not form part of the general scheme of defence adopted for the P^mpire. The method of raising contributions would probably, by general consent, be left at the outset to the choice of the individual self-governing States. But future developments may disclose a means of raising the neces- sary contributions upon some unifoi-m principle through- out the Empire, by the alloc;ation to this purpose of special sources of revenue or otherwise. The several amounts should be lixed in the first instance for a term of years by a Conference, subject to periodical revisions. There is nothing of the sensational or heroic about those propositions. They are to a great extent tentative and are so moderate as to seem almost connnonplacc, while they involve no constitutional wrench, but grow naturally out of the existing order of tilings, and it is upon these grounds that they should commend them- selves to the minds of responsible statesmen. Although there is no attempt to enter into minute details -which, being capable of adjustment only aftei' exhaustive discussion upon all sides, are left to a Conference to consider, these pi'opositions of the report are neverthe- less not open to the easy criticism of dealing only wi^^h Tr-f 214 1892-53 CltAP VIM vaguo genoiiilitios ' i, On tlio contiaiy, so far as they go, tlioy aj-o marked hy oloariiess and definiteness of con- ception, and display throughout close and reasoned thought and a careful weighing of woids. Theie is a point to be noted in connection with soma of the other mattei* in the rej)ort not included in the leading propositions referred to above. The report states that in the ' opinions ' of which the Committee obtained the advantage, * absolute agreement ' was disi)layed as regards the ubjcct of Federation, and that this could still be correctly expressed in the words of the original constitution of the L(!ague adopted in 1884 : — 'That the object of Federation is to secure tlu^ permanent unity of the Emjarc. . . . By combination on an equitable basis of the resoui'ces of the Emjtii'c for the maintenance of common interests, and by adcijuatcly providing for tlu; organised defence of common rights.' The League had from time to time been supposed to represent sundry policies and ideas of various kinds, but this report, confirndng as it does the proposition upon which the League was originally founded, and making that the corner-stone of its proposals, shows that then, as in 1884, Imperial Federation, rightly undei-stood, meant primarily and pi'incipally the permanent organi- sation of the defences of the whole Empire. At the same time, the Committee show that they recognise tlie far wider extent of the functions which in the nature of things would be attracted to itself in process of time by such a Council as the report contemplates, though they wisely refrain from any attempt to limit or define the scope of such developments. The report goes on to refer to other measures (not included in the above summary) as ' conducive to Federation but not essential to it.' CHAT vm 189'2-3 215 T1k'S(! ai'e divided into two classes- those which would bocoine practicable immediately after the adopticjii of the essential parts of ^^'^leratiou, amon*^ these being the admission of Colonial securities to tlu^ list of authorised investments for JJritish trust funds ; the Impeiial guarantee of local loans raised foi- purposes subservient to Imperial ends ; the actual oi)ening of the Administrative sei-vices of the Emi)ini outside the United Kingdom by local examinations, &c. These are all obviously measures dependent upon the })iior assurance of the })ennanence of th(^ Imperial relationshi]) as regards the Colonies by the jid(»ption of the measures declared essential to Federation and necessary to secure such permanence. The second class of non-essential measures not regarded as immediately practicable even after the fulfilment of the essential conditions, but as possibly growing out of the closer relatiotiship so established, comprises measures connected with a more rapid development of Inter-Impi rial trade. These the report recognises as subjects not to bo handled at the present time. The Committee was well advised in drawing these distinctions. The one necessary desideratum is a union — not a n»ere alliance, but a union with a i)olitical nexus and connnon rights of property — for defending and maintaining the common interests and rights of the Empire against the world. This, and this alone, is rightly regarded as the one measure that affords the kind of unior necessary for safety against our foes, and at th(^ same cixue insures the permanent maintenance of that union among ourselves. . In conclusion, it may be said that though a more sensational report would doubtless have attracted greater passing attention, the sober and business-like ^-^ ■^HBIBSHHIHHHPBBBMSK^PH ' ' 1 r I i m il u 216 1892-3 CHAP VIII nature of this report was calculated to secure for it the serious considerat'on of statesmen and publicists throughout the Empire. Every word in the substantive propositions may be said to have been weighed and to represent a deliberately formed opinion. This is not a document to be hastily read over and pronounced upon. It demands close investigation and careful study, and tliis it is believed its intrinsic qualities as well as the weight of some of the nam<'S attached to it will have insured for it among those whose duty it is to form an opinion upon the subject with which it deals. At the meeting of the Council held on November 16, 1892, to receive the report, the Right Hon. Edward Stanhope, M.P., was in the chair, and the following members of the Council were present : — Lord Brassey, K.C.B., Lord Reay, G.C.S.I., Hon. T. A. Brassey, Sir Henry Barkly, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., Sir Rawson W. Rawson, K.C.lSr.G., C.B., General Sir J. Bevan Edwards, K.C.M.G., C.B, Sir John Colomb, K.C.M.G., Sir Frederick Young, K.C.M.G., Sir William J. Farrer, Sir George I). Harris, Sir Henry Doulton, the Archdeacon of London, H. O. Arnold-Forster, M.P., Gerald W. E. Loder, MP., Henry Kimber, M.P., Professor E. C. Clark (Cambridge), Richard R. Dobell (Quebec), Alexandei- McNeill, M.P. (Toronto), General J. W. Laurie (Nova Scotia), Connnander F. C. Law, R.N. (Toronto) P. H. Nind (British Guiana), General Lowry, C.B., Colonel Ronald B. Lane, Colonel P. R. Innes, Colonel John B. Watts, Ind.S.C, James 1. Fellows (Agent- General for New Brunswick), Peter Redjjath (Montreal), G. W. Rusden (Victoria), O. V. Morgan, F. Faithfull Begg, Mackenzie Bell, S. B. Boulton, C. Freeman Murray, W. Herbert Daw, H. L. W. Lawson, W. Basil W^orsfold, E. W. Howson, Talbot Bainec, Robert ,.,*;• CHAP ■VIII 1892-3 217 In il l-t Beadon, W. M. Acwoith, W. Becket Hill, H. F. Wilson, and A. H. Loring, Secretary. Tliis being the first Council meeting presided over by Mr. Stanhope since his resuniptioji of the office of president, Lord Brassey, upon the chcir being taken, addi-essed to him a few words of welcome in the name of the Council. Mr. Stanhope having replied, and other formal business having been concluded, the Secretary repoi'ted that numerous letters liad been received from membeis of the Council expressing their regret at being unable to be present ; the letters read in jluded the following : — Sir Charles Tupper wrote — ' I am obliged to return to Paris by the club-train to-day, in ordei' to take part in an important negotiation at the Foreign Office there, which takes place at four o'clock to-morrow, in connection with important trade arrangements between France and Canada. I sincerely hope the report of the Committee will be unanimously adopted by the Council of the League, as I believe it will at all events furnish a useful basis for giN ing effect to the imi)ortant objects which the fiiends of Imperial Federation have so much at heart.' M)'. Lyttelton Gell, Balliol College, Oxford, wrote — ' I have read the report with care, and, generally speaking, with the sti-ongest approval and sym])athy. T thiidv its modei-ate and thoroughly pi-actical embodiment of the views floating in many minds will make it a permanent landmark in the history of the question.' Professor Montagu Burrows, All Souls' College, Oxford, wrote — 'I have to preside on Wednesday the IGth at an important meeting here, and cannot possibly cojue ; but I should like to say that I entirely approve of the »* irt ri^ f^ Tit 218 1892-3 CHAP VIll t Coniinittee's report, and hope that no time will be lost in pi'onioting the scheme.' Mr. - R. Coekburn, M.P. (Toronto), wrote — ' I ; .. » tj carefully read the enclosed, and so far concur in it as an instalment toward the solution of tlu; question of Impei'ial Ft^dei'ation wliich must ultimately rest, and can ak)ne securely rest, on the admission of the self- governing Colonies to the full and unqualified rights enjoyed by the Mother-country. All distinction between the Mother-land and Colonies must be forgotten in the Impeiial Federation Parliament, and each inust striveon an equal footing. P(U'haps that is too great a step to take at once, but the people nmst be educated up to it. I do not favour preliminary inquiry by Royal Commis- sion, at least at present. Let the Conference precede it. The i-eport is admii-ably drawn ; wide enough to cover most things.' The President then rose and said : — ' Gentlemen, in inviting discussion upon the report which I hold in my hand, I am not going to anticipate it by any remark of my own upon its contents ; l»ut thei-e are one or two general observations which T am sure you will allow me to make at this stage. Tlie iirstisto call your attention to two or three characteristics of the n^})ort. One of these is that this is tlie unanimous report of a Special Connnitt(?e api)ointed by us. That is a most gratifying cii'cumstance. The Committee, no doubt, was exceedingly carefully selected, and it did its work with extreme care and with very great labour, and it is a most grati- fying result, and tome also a somewhat surprising result, that they have ariived at unanimity, at a j^ractical and entire unanimity, upon the report which they make to the Council as a whole.' Mi-. Stanhope proceeded to point out that it was impossible to regaid the proposals ib — CHAP VIII 1892-3 219 as otherwise than tentative. It was not to bo expected that this report would covei- all the ground which they in the Imperial Federation League hoped that they oi- their successors might cover. The Committee had approached the subject with caution and with great moderation. The success of the League's work was only possible if it carried with it the general feeling of the people of this country, and, at the same time, con- ciliated to a considerable extent the public opinion of the Colonies. Tliis had e\idently be(Mi the aim of the Committee. The adoption of the report having been formally moved by Sir Frederick Young, and seconded by Sir Henry Barkly, a discussion followed. The report received warm commendation, the criticisms made upon it being directed only to isolated passages and expressions, and chiefly to such portions of it as seemed to suggest any delay or hesitation in pi'essing the subject forwaid. In particular, the proposal in paragraph 29, that ' such Con- ference ought not to be formally convoked until Her Majesty's Government have satisfied themselves that the moment is opportune, and that a favourable reception of any proposals they may make may reasonably be looked for,' was strongly animadverted upon — especially as regards the concluding sentence — by Mr. Freeman Murray, Mr. Becket Hill, and others among English members of the Council, and by Mr. Alexandei- McNeill, a Vice-President of the League in Canada. The last- mentioned gentleman also expressed some regret that the subject of the resolution relating to trade and tariffs passed by the Canadian House of Connnons and trans- mitted to Her Majesty's Government had not received a more prominent place. The motion, upon being put to the meeting, was A 1 ) ! I 220 1892-3 CHAP VIII carried without a dissentient voice, and the President coiigratulat(Kl the League upon the report having been thus unanimously adopted. The President then said : — ' I propose that we should pass a cordial vote of thanks to the Committee who have drawn up this report ; I think we ought to do that with acclamation, and 1 shall at once put it to the meeting.' Sir William Farrer : — ' I rise to second that. I ask you to pass a foi-mal vote of thanks to the Committee for the exceedingly able manner iji which they have prepared this report.' The vote of thanks was carried with acclamation. Upon the motion of Sir John Colomb, seconded by Sir Frederick Young, the following resolution was carried unanimously : — ' That copies of the report as adopted be forwarded to Her Majesty's Ministers both at home and in the Colonies.' The issue of this report of Loid Brassey's Committee .and its adoption by the Council of the League repre- sented probably the most important advance made in the history of the Impeiial Federation movement since the establishnKMit of the League in 1884. The report emanated from an admittedly strong Committee ; as an influential pi'ovincial journal said at the time, it would be ditficult to find eleven men better qualified for the work they had in hand. To assist them, they had all the accumulated infoi-mation and experience that the organisation of the League rendered avail.able for their use, as well as the body of opinion (referred to in the report) elicited ad hoc from some thirty gentlemen specially qualified to advise. The sittings of the Com- mittee were spi;ead over a year, and the discussions were full and eai-nest. The report, therefore, was no chance pro- duction, but the outcome of the mature thought of a I mmm CHAP vni 1892-3 221 number of minds, and represented the preponderating opinion resulting froja their differences and their agree- ment. This ?*eport so arrived at was agreed upon unanimously and signed by every member of the Com- mittee ; it was moreover unanimously adoi)ted by the Council in a meeting largely and influentially attended. Upon minor points differences of opinion no doubt existed, not only in the Council, but even in the Special Conmiittee itself ; but as regards essentials the report must be taken to have had the unanimous approval of every member of the Ctmimittee which issued it, a)id of every member attending the meeting of the Council which adopted it. An exception ought perhaps to be made in the case of Sir Charles Tupper — not, of course, that Sir Charles did not approve the report to which he appended his signa- ture ; but because he would scarcely appear to have given his adhesion to it in precisely the same spirit or in the same sense as his colleagues, and because he certainly showed himself afterwards unwilling to carry its recom- mendations to their consistent practical conclusion. The issue of the report was foUow^ed by a somewhat un- pleasant episode which nmst bi> mentioned here, because it became Lord Brassey's part as Chaii-man of the Com- mittee issuing the report to vindicate the position of himself and his colleagues from the cliarges levelled against them by Sir Charles Tupp(>r. A letter addressed by Sir Charles to the Secretary of the League in Canada was read at the annual meeting of that body, and subse- quently published in the ' Montreal Gazette ' and other papers in the Dominion in February, 1893. Attention was called to this letter by Lord Reay in the Executive Connnittee, on account of the following passages which it contained :— FT •222 1892-3 CHAP vni ' Knowing ns I do that the most active members of the Imperial Fedei'ation League were mainly intent on levying a large contribution on the revenues of the Colonies for the sui»port of the Army and Navy of Great Britain, I am delighted to have been able almost single- handed to obtain such a report from such a Committee. Unfortunately they captured Mr. Parkin, and, having used him here, are now using him in Canada to create the false impression that we do nothing to maintain the defence of the Empire, instead of showing, as he truth- fully could, that we have entitled ourselves to the grati- tude of every man who has the interest of the Empire at heart.' According to the report of the proceedings of the Executive Committee at which this letter was read, given by the official organ of the League,^ Sir Charles Tupper stated that the letter addressed to the Secretary of the League in Canada was not intended for publication, liut that he adhered to every word contained in it. The matter was eventually referred l)y the Executive to the Council, and after considerable discussion in that body Sir Charles Tupper finally withdrew the imputation on his colleagues of the Special Committee. It has been necessary to refer, thus biiefly, to these circumstances in order to a proper understanding of the following letter, written by Lord Brassey as chairman of the Committee whose motives were aspersed. The letter appeared in the Toronto ' Empire ' of April 14, and in many other papers throughout the Dominion. Iniperiul Federation for May, 1.M93, vol. \iii. p. HI. CHAP VIII 1892- o O 223 LETTiiii TO Canadian Piijj«s April 181)3 To the Editor of the * Emjnre.^ Sir, — My attention has been called to a statement by Sir Charles Tupper to the effect that the most active members of the Imperial Federation League in England are mainly intent on levying a large contribution vn the revenues of the Colonies for the su]>port of the arniy and navy of Great JJritain. As chairman of the committee to whose report Sir Charles Tupper makes allusion, it is my duty to assure our fellow-subjects in the Colonies that the Federation League was established by its eminent founder, Mr. Forster, for a larger and nobler object than that sug- gested by Sir Charles Tupper. It was established to bring the Mother-country and the Colonies closer to- gether and to unite them by the bonds of mutual affec- tion and good- will, while also seeking to form political ties which should associate the Colonies more directly with Great Britain in the control and maintenance of a common Imperial policy, and to furnish a permanent guarantee against the risks of separation. We are proud of our Colonies. We desire from our hearts that they may grow with the elasticity of youth. We seek no sordid advantage for ourselves from the Colonial connection. Our desire is, on the contrary, to give them every help which it is in our power to afford for the development of their resources and the advance- ment of their social and political condition. Pressed by Lord Salisbury, when Prime Minister, to propose some practical scheme and not to rest content with the cultivation of those sentiments of good-will which are the essential conditions of a better settlement \\ 224 1892-3 CHAP VIH 1 ••' /r i\ i. n of constitutional relations, we have pi'oposed in cur report certain plans for the pooling of resources for the purposes of mutual defence. We do not believe that any members of our body desire to see Colonial funds ex- pended for the benefit of the Mother-country. What we seek to secure is that the resources of all parts of the Empire shall be so combined for common, not English, purposes as to provide a more efficient defence for the outlying parts of the Empire, and especially for the trade of Colonial no less tlian of British ports. No inunediate changes have been advocated. Recognising fully all that the self-governing Colonies have already done in providing for local defence, the committee, in their report, expressly state that these local eflforts ought to be regarded as constituting direct contributions .to Imperial defence. Our proceedings having been confidential, I have not dealt with allegations relating to the deliberations of the committee over which I had the honour to preside. I have said quite enough to indicate the spirit of generous friendship and affection for the Colonies by which we were one and all animated. Yours, &c., Brassey. 24 Park Lane, London, March 30. Apart from the personal grievance of Sir Charles Tupper's colleagues on the Committee, it was very necessary that such a statement as that made in his letter, conung from so responsible and influential a personage as the High Commissioner for Canada in London, should be at once and authoritatively answered. Even if it had been true that the most active members of the League here were 'mainly intent on levying a large contribution on the revenues of the Colonies,' for u> I mm CHAP VIII 1802-3 225' LIS U liii id. 3rs a tor any purpose wliatever, which it was not ; still, the state- ment that the object of such contiibution was for the support of ' the Army and Navy of Great Britain ' puts the matter in a very dangerous liglit. Not only has the true aim of 'the most active members of the League,' referred to by Sir Charles Tapper, been a far higher and nobler one, as Lord Brassey points out, than any question of money ; but when the question of pecuniary support enters into the policy of Imperial Federation, it is not support for the army and navy ' of Great Britain ' that is demanded, but joint support of an Imperial Force by Gieat Biitain and the Colonies alike. To speak of the contributions required being for the support of the army and the navy of Great Britain is entirely to misconceive the whole position. A federal army or navy supported by the contributions of all the countries of the Empire ceases ipso facto to be the army or the navy ' of Great Britain,' and that is the very essence of the policy of Imperial Feder- ation. But the general public, especially peo})lc in the Colonies, because they are accustomed to regard the power of Great Britain as ' Imperial ' — as a power to which they have a right to look for protection without payment or responsibility on their own part — would obviously be most readily imposed upon by this misuse of terms ; and would naturally assume that they were being asked to do what Lord Brassey repudiates the thought of asking them — to make a contribution of funds to be expended for the benefit of the Mother-country. The mischief that would be done to the cause of Imperial Federation if such erroneous views became current among people in the Colonies is incalculable. It is satisfactory to know that Lord Brassey's letter was well received by the Dominion Press, and no doubt did much to dispel I, I I ,11 , i'; V f 226 1802-1) CHAl' VllI the impression cicatod by Sii- Charles Tapper's state- ments. In the course of the same month a deimtation of the League waited on the Prime Minister (the Rt. HonbU;. W. E. Ghidstone, M.P.), with the object of formally laying before him, as head of the (jrovei-ninent, the report of the Special Committee, adopted by the Council in the previous Novend)er, emlxtdying the definite l)roposals called for by Lord Salisbury when in office. The deputation was "ntroduced by the President of the League, the Right Hon. Edward Stanhope, M.P. The Prime Minister was accom})anied l)y Mr. Bryce, M.P., and Mr. Sydney Buxton, M.P. Among the deputation were the following gentlemen : — The Earl of Dunraven, the Earl of Radnor, the Earl of Winchilsea, Lord Brassey, Lord Chelmsford, Lord Lamington, Lord George Hamilton, M.P., Colonel Bridgeman, M.P., the Hon. W. F. D. Smith, M.P., the Hon. Harold Finch- Hatton, Mr. W. L. Jackson, M.P., Sir Charles Pearson, Q.C., M.P., Sir Reginald Hanson, M.P., Sir James Kitson, M.P., Sir Charles Tuppe.-, Sir R. Templ(>, M.P., General Sir J. Be van Edwards, Sir John Colomb, Sir Frederick Young, Sir Alfred Hickman, M.P., Sir John Simon, Sir George I). Harris, Sir Henry Doulton, Mr, Howard Vincent, M.P., Mr. H. Evans Broad, M.P., Mr. Alfred Baldwin, M.P., Mr. George Howell, M.P., Mr. H. L. W. Lawson, M.P., Mr. G. W. E. Loder, M.P., Mr. Heneage, M.P., Mr. Kimber, M.P., Mr. William Dunn, M.P., Mr. John Barran, M.P., Mr. James Rankin, M.P., Mr. Arnold-Forster, M.P., Mr. R. Munro Ferguson, M.P., ^Ir. Charles Bill, M.P., Cap- tain Cecil Norton, M.P., Mr. S. Montagu, M.P. Mr. Alban G. H. Gibbs, M.P., Mr. J. Parker Smith, M.P., Colonel Wyndham Murray, M.P., Mr. Thomas Wright- CHAP VIII 181)2-3 227 R. son, M.P., Professor G. H. Darwin, General Leggatt, General J. W. Laurie, General Lowry, Mr. Stoiy-Mas- kelyne, Mr. Alexander M'Arthur, Mr. Peter Redpath, Mr. F. T. Barry, M.P., Colonel T. Myles Sandys, M.P., Sir T. Powell Buxton, Professor Montagu Burrows (Oxon.), Mr. W. F. Lawrence, M.P., Sir Charles Adam, Sir Charles Nicholson, Professor A. S. Napier (Oxon.), the Bishop of Durham, Mr. J. G. A. Baiid, M.P., Sir Henry Barkly, INIr. J. H. C. Hozier, M.P., Sir Robert Gillespie, Sir William jSrackinnou, INfr. J. Austen Chambcn'lain, M.P., General Sir Jolni Watson, V.C., Major-General Sir Richard Harrison, Sir Daniel Coojxt, the Venerable the Ai-chdeacon of London, Canon G. F. Browne, Professor T. McKenny Hughes (Cambs.), Pro- fessor Raleigh (All Souls', Oxcm.), Mr. James I. Fellows (Agent-General for New Brunswick), Mr. Richard R. Dobell (Quebec), Mr. H. M. Bompas, Q.C., Mv. T. Henry Baylis, Q.C., Mr. C. J. Follett, C.B., Mr. Kenric B. Murray (Sec. London Chamber of Commerce), Colonel Maillard, Colonel P. R. Innes, Colonel John Watts, Ind. S.C, Major H. E. Rawson, R.E., Alderman J. G. Rhodes, L.C.C., Mr. A. Arter, L.C.C., Mr. Henry Harben, L.C.C., Mr. T. Douglas Murray, Mr. P. H. Nind (British Guiana), Dr. W. Culver James, Mr. S. Vaughan Morgan, Mr. F. FaithfuU Begg, Mr S. B. Boulton, Mr. C. H. Ommanney, Mr. C. Freeman Murray, Mr. W. Herbert Daw, Mr. W. Becket Hill, Mr. Robert Beadon, Mr. Geo. W. Gordon, Mr. J. Stanley Little, Mr. H. F. Wilson, Mr. W. M. Acworth, Mr. James A. Game, Mr. W. Basil Worsfold, Mr. C. Camp- bell Finlay, Mr. W. A. Bell, and Mr. A. H. Loring (Secretary of the League). Amongst those expressing regret at inability to attend were the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Reay, Lord Castletown of Upper Ossory, Mr, J. Q2 PT ■h > ) // 228 1802-3 CHAP vni B. Balfour, M.P., the Plon. T. A. Brassoy, Sir William Anson, Sir Richard Webster, Q.C., M.P., Professor Tyndall, and Professoi- Seeley. Mr, Stanhope spoke at some lengtli in introducing the de])utation, and the other members of the deputation selected to address the Prime Minister were Lord Brassey, Sir John Colomb, and Mr. George Howell, M.P. Lord Brassey had recently been elected Vice-President of the TA?agu<^ in the room of Lord Rosebery (who did not desire to retain i\,ny official position in the League while hcjlding political office), and he made the following spee(!h on this occasion. ADDRKSS to the PltlME MINISTER, APRIL 1 .'], 181)3. Sir, — As Chairman of the Committee whose Report wc desire to submit to the consideration of the Government of the day, it is perhaps fitting that I should say a few words. The Report was due to a suggestion which fell from Lord Salisbury on the last occasion when he re- ceived a Deputation from our League. To-day, sir, we have the honour of being received by yourself, the leader of the ditiferent party in politics, but from you we are assured of receiving an ecjually sympathetic reception. Sir, our Report deals mainly with the question of Im- perial Defence, but I think I may appropriately say that the task of formulating schemes of that nature was not the pi'imary or the essential object of our Imperial Federation League. In the view of Mr. Forster, the lamented statesman who was our founder, in the view of Lord Salisbury, and in the view of others who have succeeded Mr. Forster as President of the League, I hold that our association has been chiefly regarded as CHAP. VIII 1892-3 229 ;ue, I ed as an agency for fostering and cherishing the kindest feelings of honest pride, sympathy, and affection on the part of the people of the Mother-country towards their fellow-subjects in the Colonies. Assured as we are tliat these feelings exist, we are not impatient for changes in the federal relations of the Empire. We know that these changes must come in the future as the Colonies grow nearer to "^he Mother-country in population and in wealth; but we leave those changes to be proposed and to be considered by the states- men of the day according to the circumstances of the hour, and we leave them with confidence to their con- sideration as appropriate opportunities arise. Now, sir, referring to the Report which we are here to-day to submit to the Government, there are two ways by which our Imperial relations may be made closer. We may constitute a Zollverein, or we may constitute a Kriegsverein. In Canada, where we have many warm friends, the establishment of preferential trade has been constantly regarded as the strongest link by which any system of Imperial Federation may be welded togetlier. There are wide differences of opinion upon that question. The existence of those differences was brought promi- nently into view at the conference of the Chambers of Commerce of the Empire in the City of London last year. AVe of the Committee, recognising the undeter- mined state of public opinion on this trade question, made no recommendations with regard to it ; but we think that occasional conferences would afford oppor- tunity for discussion ))y responsible persons upon this important subject. Now, sir, I turn to that part of the Report which deals with questions of Imperial defence ; and I may say with Mr. Stanhope, and I am sure that I am repre- 230 1892-3 CHAP. VHI / r> I ! I, I I: ( : (1 senting the general feeling of those standing in this room, that union for mutual defence is a question which is becoming ripe for consideration. Quite recently a squadron has been established for tlie defence of Australasian waters. To the best of our ability, we have suggested in our Report further steps with a view of promoting concerted action foi- Imperial de"°nce. We ofi'er our suggestions, with deference, to the consider- ation of the Parliaments and the statesmen at home and in the Colonies. Sir, there is only one further obser- vation which I desire to make. The members of our Committee did not come toirether having for their first aim the obtaining of further contributions from the Colonies. We recognised what the Colonies had done for their local defence, and we are prepared to accept what they have done as having been, at any rate in the past, a not insufficient equivalent for direct co-operation. No, sir ; I may truly say that the members of our Coiumittee were animated by a nobler and a loftier aim than lijis been sometimes suggested. We desire to do something wliich would bring liome to eveiy Britisii subject, whether living in the Mother-land or living in the daughter States, the truth that separation involves grave disadvantages- and that strength foi- defence and inliuence foi- maintaining tlie peace of the woild would be best secured bv remaining together as one people. It is worthy of remark, as showing the import- ance attaclicd to undoing the bad effect of Sir Charles Tupper's statements as to the objects of the headers ChAP. VllI 18U2-i3 231 of the movement in this country, thut Lord Brnsscy availed himself of this important public occasion once more to repudiate the motives ascribed to them. 'The members of our Committee did not come together having for their first aim the obtaining of further contribu- tions from the Colonies. . . . No, sir ; I may truly say that the members of our Connnittee were ani- mated by a nobler and loftier aim than has been sometimes suggested.' Mr. Gladstone's reply to the deputation was gene- rally I'egarded by the Press as somewhat disappointing. But, as was observed at the time in the 'Journal ' of the League, when looked at more critically and with a full knowledge of the whole situation, it was less disap- pointijig to the friends of the movement than was generally assumed. Mr. Gladstone said the time was not opportune for a Conference, and pointed out that the propositions contained in the report of Lord Biassey's Committee did not amount to a complete and perfect scheme of Federation, even for defence. But boti) these points were fully recognised by men)bers of the League beforehand. Tlie League had g(jod reason to consider it a matter for congratulation that it had secured from the chief of the Liberal Party the same general approval of its aims as it had already obtained from the chief of the Conservative Party. Mr. Glad- stone expressly adopted and associated himself with Lord Salisbury's former deliverance, and, while recog- nising the dangers of the present Imperial relationship, approved the League's principle of getting over these by means of Conferences. He also assented to the propo- sition that union for defence was alone an object of the greatest importance. Thirdly, he made an emphatic statement in the name of his party of the impossibility of ^^^r-^mmf "^"m mmmmm ••^^g^^^msr 232 1892-3 CHAF VllI til f: , i adopting the plan (favoured by some sections of the League but not by its Council or the Special Committee) of cementing the Empire by means of preferential tariffs. And lastly, Mr. Gladstone agreed that the matter was one for the initiative of the Government of the United Kingdom, not of the Colonial Govern- ments. The presentation of this report was the last public act of the Imperi.al Federation League, which was dissolved at the end of the same year, 1893. But it was not from any want of sympathy on the part of the Prime INIinister or of the public generidly that the League ceased its operations. Its enemies were of its own household. As it was put by one of the editors of the present volume, in an account published shortly after the dissolution of the League, the state of things revealed by the discussions which had taken place in connection with the Report made it evident to those familiar with the inner woi'king of the League's or- ganisation ' that a crisis had been reached, threatening the very existence of the Society. . . . The lines of cleavage, it will be observed, are twofold. There was the introduction into the League's policy of schemes of commercial union, and there was the virtual elimi- nation from its policy of the great principle upon which it was founded. It was because they recog- nised that the diffei-ences thus openly disclosed were fundamental and irreconcileable that the leaders of the League were forced to the conclusion that its power for good was paralysed, and so recommended its dis- solution.' ^ Lord Brassey was among the other League leaders ' 'Why the Imperial Fo'leration League was dissolved.' By Kobert Beadon, National Review : February, 1894. CHAP VITI 1892-3 233 who felt themselves constrained to this course of action. The decision of the Council to bring the operations of the League to a close was taken after consideration of a report drawn up by a Committee that had been appoijited, in consequence of the events that have been referred to as taking place shortly before and after the deputation to the Prime Minister, ' to inquire into and report upon the course of action to be adopted by the League in the near future.' Besides Mr. Stanhope, M.P., tlie President, and Lord Bi'assey, the Vice-President of the League, the members of the Committee which issued this report were Lord Reay (Treasurer), Sir J ohn Colomb, Mr. R. Munro Ferguson, M.P., Mr. H. O. Arnold-Forster, M.P., Mr. S. Yaughan Morgan, aivd Mr, J. Gr. Rhodes, all active and leading members, mostly original members, of the League. The recommendations of this Connnittee approved themselves also (as was announced by Mr. Stanhope) to Lord Rosebery (who, though holding no office in the League, remained a member of its Council, and kept himself informed of all its proceedings), as well as to almost all those who had done mo.st work in its central organisation, to those who had contributed by far the largest proportion of its funds, and to those avIio had for years been most intimately acquainted with the working of things within the League. The decision to dissolve the League was arrived at with great regret, and only from an overwhelming conviction that so might the success of the cause itself be best achieved. It was hop(>(l and believed that the movenient the League had fostered would not only continue unabated, but would receive fresh impulse from the greater freedom of action allowed to its most energetic supporters by the removal of those restrictions which membership of a large and ■ '>■«.»«»■ /.'¥'• -\. .-r-^-fli'^ -^— --JR^: >. •.■\-* <4fciB.v..« >>.*■.■ »Svm. .A « f i k i V*'' 11- I it 234 1892-B CHAP VIIl by no means homogeneous Wy entailed upoii their activity. That expectation, it is gratifying to think, IS bemg realised more and more with every month that has passed since the dissolution of the League on December 31, 1893. 1 APPENDICES APPENDIX I ON WOBK AND WAGES IN AU STB ALIA Paper read before the Royal Colonial Institute, Fkbuuary li, 1888. Having dealt with Indian subjects at Bradford, with the defence of the coaling-stations at a meeting convened by the London Chamber of Commerce, and with Colonial Federation at Cambridge, I propose, in con- cluding the public work connected with my recent journey, to refer mainly to the prospects afforded in tlie Colonies to emigrants from the Mother-country. The subject is of intense interest at a time when the sadden- ing appeals of the unemployed are ringing in our ears. The observations and conclusions of a recent traveller will, perhaps, convey a more vivid impression than the generalised facts which are l>rought to the knowledge of the public by Colonial statisticians and by the valuable Labour Bureau Avhich has recently been organised by the Board of Trade. I will give the results of local inquiries as to the rates of pay on the railways, in the coal mines and gold fields, and at the shipping offices of Australia. At the first port at which I touched in Austialia I saw the navvy in a condition of prosperity which has I I; i: 236 APPENDIX I never been reached in the old country. Wages on the Western Australian railways are at an almost uniform rate of lO*'. a day for all classes of workmen. Here lads were earning thi« high pay as platelayers. The general physique was remarkable. The men command in abund- ance all the necessaries of life. They live in the open air, in a climate which is one of the finest and healthiest in the world. Turning to another field of labour, at Newcastle, the great port for the shipment of coals from New South Wales, the wages of the underground men average from lOi*. to 12i.'. for a day of eight hours. This field of employment has been rapidly developed. In 1876, 3,180 men were employed in the Colonies. There are now 5,380. Considerably over 2,000,000 tons of coal are now shipped annually. The goldfields have afforded another well-paid but arduous employment. I visited the mine of almost fabulous richness at Mount Morgan, near Rockhampton. The men employed in quarrying at Mount Morgan are mostly new anivals in the Colony. Their wages may be taken at from 7s. Gd, to 8.s\ 6d. per day. They work on an average eight hours. They work hard, and the climate is hot for a large part of the year. The cost of living is lo*'. a week. Men who save generally invest their money in a gold-mining adventure elsewhere, worked on the co-operative plan. The Croydon and other new and promising goldfields in Northern Queensland are being opened up by bodies of working men with small capital. The Coloiiial seamen share with their fellow-workmen on shore conspicuous advantages in point of pay over the scale accepted in this country. The wages of able seamen in the Australian ports may be taken at 6/. a month. In domestic service, wages are APPENDIX I 237 beyond all comparison in excess of those obtainable in Europe, and servants are treated with the utmost kind- ness and consideration. Thus far I have dealt with artisans and workers in receipt of wages. We may pass on to the case of those who have begun their career in Australia as independent settlers. At Marbui'g, near Brisbane, we visited an interesting settlement, formed within the last twenty years by German emigrants, who, on their first arrival in the country, were possessed of no resources of capital. By the most laborious efforts, the settlers at Marburg have cut down the dense scrub with which this part of the country was originally covered. For years their only foo.l consisted of Indian meal ; their only shelter was such as could be formed with planks and a few sheets of corrugated iron. The reward of the frugality of these people, of their patience under many privations, and their industry, is seen in their comfortable and picturesque homesteads, consisting of little clusters of huts, dotted over the whole face of the country. On the whole, it may be said that Queensland is far better adapted to be a pastoral than an agricultural country. In the case of the German colonists in the Marburg district, their cattle are the most thriving nnd successful part of their business. Our visit to Marburg suggests an interesting com- parison of the qualities and capabilities of the British and the German emigrant. The latter is capable of steady toil, and is able to face privation which the former is little disposed to bear. The great qualities of the Briton are best displayed in situations where dash and boldness in enterprise are the essential conditions of success. The Englishman is more ready to hazard all that he possesses upon a single cast of the die. He 2138 APPENBJX 1 II I ruslies to the gold mine. The patient, laborious, and frugal German is content to make clearings in a dense forest of scrub. Queensland offers a field for emigrants of both classes. She is certainly much indebted to her German Colonists, who are fast assuming the nationality of their adoj)ted country. All the young people talk English ; all the older people retain their mother tongue, Englisli is taught in the schools ; German is used in the churches. Let us turn from the rural districts to the towns. At Sydney I visited Messrs. Mort's engineering works. In busy times employment is given to 1,100 work men at from 8s. to lis. a day, for a day of eight hours. In all industrial establishments in Sydney the wages are on an equally high scale. AVhile those in employment are in receipt of wages which so far exceed the highest rates obtainable at home, it was sad to notice in the crowd thronging the streets no inconsiderable number who bore the marks of penury. Some four thousand of the unemployed had been taken into the pay of the Government, work having been found for them in the public park now in course of formation. Dissatisfaction had been expressed because it had been insisted that the wages thus paid should be below the rates in private industrial establish- ments. The agitators seemed quite unable to foresee that, even on the reduced scale, the burden of main- taining many workers in non-remunerative employment could not long be borne by the Colonial treasury. In New South Wales, as in other countries, poli- ticians have been tempted to give encouragement to a false system. It has been the means of gaining the support of the woi-king classes ; but it has led to the accumulation of a debt which amounted in 1885 to APPENDIX ] 2:10 30,000,000/. Of this, no less than 26,000,000/. huve been absorbed in the railways. The opening up of railway communications, in anticipation of future traffic, is a wise policy, but the immediate result is to throw a heavy burden on the Colonial exchequer. From a surplus of 1,063,000/. in 1882, the Colony found itself confronted with a deficit in the following year amounting to 1,324,000/. A new Government, once more led by Sir Henry Parkes, has come into power, with a settled policy of discouraging further loans. The state of affairs prevailing at Sydney at the period of my visit was exceptional. It is certain that the Colonies offer great advantages to working men, both in the hours and the reward of labour. The favoui-ed lot of the urban populations of the Australian Colonies is established by many e\idences. In walking through the smaller streets and the outskirts of Adelaide it was pleasing to see the long rows of tidy cottages, built of wood, one-storeyed, and each surrounded by its little patch of garden. In the vicinity of the towns the peasant proprietary had evidently attained an almost ideal standard of living. In the outskirts of Adelaide, at short intervals apart, are seen the simple but comfort- able dwellings of small farmers or dairymen, shaded by graceful willow-trees, watered by running brooks, and surrounded by well-stocked gardens. These little home- steads have an air of easy independence which it is truly delightful to see. Melbourne is surrounded by a group of suburbs with a united population considerably larger than that of the city proper. These suburbs consist, as in Adelaide, of extended rows of one storeyed dwellings. In front the ample circulation of air is secured by streets of great width ; in the rear of the cottages the i 1 1 if; i I ' .'!» ' I I 1 210 APPENDIX I space is generally sufficient for a small garden. The great majority of the working class are owners of the houses which they occupy. In Brisbane the masses live under the same happy conditions. From One-tree Hill, a thickly wooded range four miles outside the city, a glorious view is obtained. The wide spaces of garden and the broad roads are in striking contrast with the ovei crowding we see at home, and the extent of which was painfully revealed by the inquiries of the Royal Commission on tlie Housing of the Working Classes. In addition to their high wages, the artisans of Australia command, in no inconsiderable degree, the advantages which we are able to give in the Old World, in the opportunities both of prhnary and of higher education, and in the culture of art and science. Excellent primary schools are maintained by the State. The higher education has been provided for by the establishment of universities at Adelaide, Melbourne, and Sydney. Large numbers of students throng the class-rooms of professors, among whom not a few have won a world-wide leputation. The interest taken in the advancement of learninjr is attested by such gifts as those to the Adelaide University of 20,000?. from Sir Walter Watson Hughes, of 20,000/. and again of 10,000/. from Sir Thomas Elder, and of G,000/. from Mr. J. H. Angas. We must admire the munificence of individual Colo- nists, and their liberality towards public objects, in a Colony not by any means the first for wealth At Melbourne and at Sydney the beauty of the Univer- sity buildings attests the munificence of the State and of individual benefactors. Speaking of Sydney, the late Mr. Anthony Trollope awarded praise justly U' APPENDIX I 241 a t merited when lie wrote, 'The College Hall is the finest in the Colonies. If I were to say that no college, either at Oxford or Cambridge, possesses so fine a hall, I might perhaps be contradicted. I certainly remember none of which the proportions are so good.' The Colonies are devoting their resources liberally to the acquisition of works of art, and to the forma- tion of public libraries. At INIelbourne, in a single building of vast dimensions, accommodation is pro- vided for the public library, picture gallery, and industrial museum.^ The libraiy contains a fine collection of books, and is thronged with readers. Throughout the Colony of Victoria the example of Melbourne is followed, with as large a measure of liberality as the local resources, supplemented by grants from the public purse, permit. No less than 229 libraries and institutes are established in the tovvns and villages. The study of design and of applied science is encouraged by liberal grants in aid of the numerous schools in the Colony. Sydney possesses spacious galleries, containing examples of the most eminent painters of the nodern English school, selected with excellent judgment. The amount provided by private bequests and public contributions for the purchase of works of art has already exceeded 30,000/. With all these resources of civilisation at their command, the reason for the reluctance exhibited by the inhabitants of the great towns to pu.sh their way into the interior is not far to seek. It requires no common effort of fortitude and resolve to leave the populous and well-ordered and well- supplied city, with its refined pleasures and many advantages, and to penetrate into the solitary spaces of the Australian, bush, where the pioneers of the prosperous settler B I b I M ' t ' 212 APPENDIX I iiients of llio future nrc ot' necessity tin own entirely on their own unuiclfd resources. Tlie contrast be- tween th(! conditions prevailing in tlie country and in the towns may be illustrated by a brief description of a Colonial city destined perha})s, in tin; course of a generation, to boast 5,000 inhabitants, but at present possessing scarcely 50. Wolseley, on the borders of South Australia and Victoria, is now a scattered hamlet, with all the institutions of the future in miniature and in the rough. A church, a school, an institute, a post-otiice, alrea, 1S88, I will open the paper which I propose to read with a few general statistics of our Colonial Empire. Ex- cluding India, the area of the Colonies is sixty times that of the United Kingdom. They have a popula- tion which already reaches 18,500,000, of whom nearly one-half ai-e of our own race. Upon the connection with the Colonies our claim to a front rank among the nations of the earth very mainly depends. Our trade with the Colonies is a main element in the material pro- sperity which we enjoy at home. Our Colonies are becoming year by year more important as customers for British manufactures. Taking one or two leading branches of trade, as given in the latest year for which we have complete returns, we find that of cotton manufactures the Colonies and India took 2G,G02,000/. out of a total export of 57,367,235/. Of iron and steel manufactures they took 7,728,41 U. out of 19,255,359/. To sum up, about one- third of the total exports of British manufactures go to British possessions. Our Colonies furnish more than one-quarter of the world's supply of gold. I have said enough to show that the subject of the Colonies is one which, in all its various aspects and phases, may with profit be brought continually under the notice of the British public. APPENDIX II 257 Recently, before a meeting of the merchants of Glasgow, I had the opportunity of representing my views on the subject of what is called Imperial Federa- tion. For to-night I have endeavoured to bring together the latest information which has been presented to Parliament in relation t^ the Colonics as a field for emigration, or for emigration in the better form of colonisation. Taking a broad view, all the inter- tropical Colonies must be excluded as unsuitable, by reasons of climate, for ;i British population dependent on manual labour. Of the Colonies lying within the temperate zone, the vast area of South Africa is suitable only for the farm labourer who is able to provide capital, however slender the amount. In South Africa, considerations of climate, and an abundant supply of native labour at very low rates point rather to supervision than to mere field- labour as the proper sphere for British immigrants. Limiting, therefore, our field of view for the present to Australia and Canada, we may proceed to consider under what conditions the transfer of population, which all must recognise as so desirable, can most advantageously take place. Great efforts are being made at the present time to induce the Government to undertake some scheme of colonisation. I myself belong to a society established with this object. As I shall presently explain, with certain limitations, I give my adherence to the proposals which have been pressed upon the society. By those who advocate a great national effort to colonise, it is assumed, as a postulate requiring no pioof, that colonisa- tion by State aid is a duty of the State. The argument is supported by statistics of the increase of our popu- lation at home. After deductions for emigration, our 258 APPENDIX II numbers are swelling at the rate of 1,000 a day. When we turn from the congestion at home to the Colonies, we see vast areas of land which remain as yet unpeopled ; and the contrast would seem at first sight to atfoid an irresistible argument in favour of the plans which are proposed. The Earl of Meath. president of the State-aided Colonisation Society, has taken a loading part in advo- cating direct action l)y the State. A somewhat similar plan has been pressed on the attention of the Govern- ment by Mr. Kimber, a member of the House of Com- mons. In both schemes it is proposed that a fund be raised by the State for colonisation purposes. Under Lord Moath's plan the charge is laid entirely on the Home Government. In Mr. Kimber's plan the Govern- ment of the Colony to which the settlers proceed is to take a joint responsibility. In both cases the land which the Colonial Government gives to the settler is the security for the advance which he receives. The advances are of necessity considerable. It may be taken that the smallest amount of capital required to settle a group of five persons upon 200 acres of land would be 150?. To this amount we should have to add for a nassage to one of the Australias from 70/. to 90/. To Canada the amount would be proportionately less. Roughly, it may be assumed that the cost of State colonisation would bo 1)01. for every settler who left this country. It is evident that such a charge could not possibly be borne by the State, unless adequate security could be offered. On this point the opinions expressed by our Colonial Governments are far from encouraging. Land can be obtained from the Canadian Government in plots of 160 acres at a nominal fee for registrition. At the l-n. F mm APPENDIX II 259 Cape the Government price is 10;?. an acre ; in Queens- land it is 28. Gd. an acre. The Colonial Governments "express doubts whether the improvements which would be effected would, in the case of unsuccessful settlers, add materially to the value of their allotments. As, therefore, there would be no security for their advances, there is no ground to hope for the co-operation of the governments in any general scheme of colonisation. Without that co-operation it must be accepted that the plans which have been put forward can only be entertained within restricted limits, and as a remedy for the congesticn of [)opulation in exceptional circumstances. A scheme of colonioation for the crofters of the Western Highlands is an undertaking not beyond the resources of the i^' ate. To colonise on a scale of sufficient magni- tude to give substantial relief from the pressure of popu- lation on the means of subsistence, to remove the surplus inhabitants from Ireland to a less crowded land, would burden the State with a responsibility which it would not be able to bear. I believe that the assistance of the State in colonisa- tion may be of much service in opening up a hitherto unsettled country. The begiiniings are always the diffi- culty. The State may render aid to the pioneers of civilloation in the unpeopled wastes of Western Aus- tralia or the north-west territories of Crnada. Beyond that. State colonisation cannot prudently or practically be attempted. If I turn from public to private efforts, colonisation is, I believe, one of the very best channels to which that large and practical philanthropy, which is so noble a characteristic of our age, can be directed. We have before us the animating examples of Lady Gordon Cath- cart and Lady Ossington. In a somewhat different line m H ■^ i: '(■ '! 260 APrENDTX II we have the splendid work which is being done by Baroness Burdett-Coutts. It is my hope that I may be enabled to associate yet another name with efforts of the same kind. It is: needless to add that the utmost which individuals can hope to accomplish is little in comparison with that which ma done by associated effort, and I am glad to know tlu. large schemes are on foot for gathering together capital for the work of colonisation. Having seen how great are the difficulties which beset the efforts of the Stato, it is a relief to the anxieties which we feel to turn to that great movement of emigration from the old country to the new which is happily being accomplished by the spontaneous energy and enterprise of the people. The emigration from Great Britain depends from year to year on the condi- tion of the countries to whicli the main streams are directed. The number of emigrants of British origin only have ranged in the last ten years from 95,195 in 1887 to 320,000 in 1882. The total number of emi- grants from the ports of the United Kingdom, including emigrants from the continent of Europe passing through this country, was in 1886 320,801, and in 1887 396,494. The numbers fluctuate, but the flow of the great stream is never arrested. If the places left vacant were not filled up so largely by immigration from abroad (in 1886 the number of foreign immigrants into this country was no less than 108,879) much would be done to relieve the pi'essure in this country. I will not here suggest any remedy by action of the State. The point on which I desire rather to insist is that that great movement of emigration, of which I have given the statistics, has been accomplished with slender help from Government, and mainly by remittances from A '■ laa ! 11 APPENDIX II 261 successful settlers in the Colonies or in the United States. Prompted by tender and kindly sentiments of family affection, they have liberally provided remittances for relatives and friends at home, for whom, on their arrival in the new country, they have useful employment in view. Emigration, assisted in this natural way, must always be more satisfactory than emigration under the auspices of the Government. The State has to contend with a twofold difficulty. First, care — more minute than the agents of a State department can ever exercise — is required in the selec- tion of emigrants. The second difficulty is the provision of employment, and the creation of some adequate stimulus to exertion for the thriftless and the indolent. These difficulties disappear when the e^.nigrant is selected by a friend who is assured of his personal fitness, and who can place the new arrival in suitable employ- ment. For the guidance of those who are contemplating emigration at their own expense, and wl - have no friends ready to receive them, the Government has recently established an information office, which is doing excellent service. In their last report, the committee by whom this office is managed insist as tliey have insisted in previous repoi'ts — and as the Ministers of all the Colonies under responsible governnient insist when- ever consulted by the Home Government — that farm hands are most wanted, and that the towns in the Colonies, as at home, tend to be over-stocked. The necessity that emigration should be from the class of farm -labourers, and the fact that there is but little room for the immigration of mechanics, may not at lirst sight be obvious, in view of the high rate of wages which prevail, and v/hich range in the Australias from lOs. a \1 m 262 APPENDIX II day for the railway navvy to lis. a day for mechanics in the towns. As the committee of the Emigrants' Information Office find it necessary again and again to point out in their reports, a high rate of wages in the Colonies does not necessarily imply a demand for labour. The struggle for existence is not the same in the Colonies as it is at home. Living is, as a rule, an easier matter. Working men are a stronger element of the community. The net result in many of the Australian towns, at any rate, is that, while wages are high and hours are short, as compared with the conditions of this country, steady, continued, and remunerative work is not always to be had, and high wages on three or four days may be counterbalanced by no wages at all during the rest of the week. It may be a subject of some regret that the stream of emigration from our shores should set so strongly towards the United States. Patriotic sentiment would make us desire that the tsmigrants from the United Kingdom should remain British citizens. Perhaps we should hardly regard the United States of America as a foreign country. We are attached to the United States by the closest ties, and a wise statesmanship, in some future day, may bind the old country and the new together in some form of pan-Britannic federation for the puri)oses of mutual defence. In the meanwhile, the influences are irresistible which draw the main stream of emigration to the ports of the United States. The cost of passage is a point largely in their favour, and the help of friends, on which, as it has been shown, emigrants chiefly depend, is mainly provided from the States. Distance and expense of voyage are the obvious drawbacks of the Australian 111 APPENDIX II 263 Colonies to the intending emigrant. If these can be overcome, I give the testimony of an eye-witness to the felicitous conditions of life enjoyed by the great majority of the people of Australia. Before I close I must turn for a few moments to some other topics of interest in connection with the Colonies. Having recently returned from a voyage specially undertaken with the view to ascertain the condition of defence of those ports and coaling-stations on which the efficiency of the navy as a defence to our commerce so essentially depends, you may naturally like to hear my general conclusions. At all the points which are recognised by our naval and military authorities as the main coaling-stations of the Britisl^ navy, I found the work of fortification, undertaken either by the British or Colonial Governments, well advanced, if not completed. In two places only, King George's Sound and Thursday Island, nothing was being done ; but these have subsequently been added by the Government to the long list of positions for which thoy have undertaken to provide defence. Guns w ere wanting everywhere ; but we have the assurance of Mr. Stanhope, and of his colleague, Lord George Hamilton, that now at last we are making real progress in the matter of armaments. At last we have adopted the only remedy. We have given up the vain attempt to draw everything from Woolwich Aisenal, and we have thrown ourselves on a resource which has never yet failed us — on the ingenuity and enterprise which are to be found in the manufactur- ing industries of our country. In one important particular I found a deficiency, for the supply of which I have not heard as yet that any steps have been taken. I refer to the weakness of the garrisons at all the coaling-stations in the mure distant 11^ ■PlPvppnmnHi RPVnmEm ' 1i *l ^ n ii' 'I 264 APPENDIX II parts of the seas. Partly because of the unfavourable climate, and partly because of the heavy drain which it would involve on our comparatively small army, I should deprecate the attempt to depend wholly on British troops. We should have them everywhere in sufficient numbers to lead and to leaven the native forces with the great military qualities of our race. But we should do well to supplement our British troops with foreign levies. As the author of the able work, recently pub- lished, on the state of the British army has suggested, we have in the Empire vastly more people of one race or another tlian belong to any other of the great Powers. A very large proportion are of specially warlike races ; and if we can succeed in India with the 8ikhs and the Ghoorkas, and in the West Indies with our negro regi- ments, there is no reason in the nature of things why we should not also succeed in making use of Kaffirs and Zulus. The Roman or Austrian plan of shifting from one part of the Empire to another the armies composed of subject races has hardly been tried by us at all. A military organisation on the lines indicated would be economical and, I believe, efficient. What I have said with reference to the manninij of the defences by land is applicable also U> the maiming of the fleet in distant waters. In a letter recently received from my friend Captain Heath, an officer of the Royal Navy, who is the chief naval and nautical adviser of the Government of Queensland, I am urged to press upon the authorities at home the desirability of provid- ing for the seamen of our naval reserve, who are in employments connected with the sea in the Colonies, facilities to go through their annual drill in ships or batteries established by the Colonial Governments. A^ a suitable opportunity I v/ill endeavour to bring this 'Ik ■.*■•': APPENDIX II 265 suggestion forward. It is certainly necessary that we should have bodies of trained seamen in the Colonies ready to man the cruisers which we should fit out for the defence of commerce in the event of war. In the Australias and in Canada there is a seafaring population which offers an inexhaustible field for the recruitment of a naval reserve. And now I turn to the grave question — What are the prospects of holding together the mighty and noble Empire whicii we and our fathers have built up ? It is obvious that the unity of the Empire depends upon the free and large adoption forour distant Colonies, inhabited by people of the British race, of the policy of self- government. We have given to the Colonies the unre- stricted control of their fiscal system. They can tax British goods as they please. In internal administra- tion and legislation their discretion is practically un- fettered. It is only in their external relations that the influence of the Mother-countiy is felt, and then only as a shield and a support. It is difficult to conceive any combination of circumstances under whicli ties so elastic as these can be put to the risk of ruptuie. Here and there, however, a voice is raised in the Colonies in favour of separation. The desirability of being free from a share in the perils resulting from the ' foreign engagements of the Mother-country is the main argument o i wiiich the advocates of separation rely. The argument would have more force if less regard were paid by the Foreign OHice to the conditions necessarily imposed on our policy by the colonial connection. More and more it is being seen that British statesmen are reluctant to commit themselves to engagements in which the interests of the Colonies are not concerned. We are rapidly coming to this, and our foreign %V''»> I I , li i V'l iB! i' , 266 APPENDIX II policy is a purely defensive policy — a policy of defence for the shores of the Mother- country and her Colonies, and for the great highways of the seas, along which the interchange of commerce between the several members of the British Empire is conducted. On the occasion of a recent visit to Australia, at a period when the Jubilee of Her Majesty was being celebrated, I saw with pride, and even with emotion, the patriotic feeling which on all sides was displayed. I make no doubt that the Colonies will become more and more exacting in their demands on the Mother- country in the appointments to colonial governorships as well as in all other matters. They will ask for a more clearly defined position in the direction of external affairs. They will ask that the officers of the Imperial Navy shall be recruited more largely than at present by the nomination of cadets from the Colonies. A wise statesmanship will not lose sight of the duty imposed by these natural and reasonable demands. A judicious compliance will tend to prevent all possibility of the breaking into pieces of the British Empire. Such a dis- solution of the Empire would be a political, and I may add, a moral catastrophe, which all the world would deplore. A COLONISATION SCHEME AT WOEK Letter published in the ' Times,' January 23, 1891. Sir, — At a time when attention is being specially directed to the consideration of proposals such as that put forward by General Booth, the experiences gained by others in carrying out schemes devised for similar objects will probably be interesting to the public. ■ APPENDIX II 267 To transport the surplus population of an old coun- try to the fertile but unoccupied lands of the Colonies, if successfully done, is an obvious and effective mode of relieving distress. Lady Ossington, Lady Gordon Cath- cart, Mr. Arnold White, and the Government, in sending out large numbers of crofters to Canada, have been pioneers in this benevolent work. An association has been formed by Lord Meath for the purpose of pro- moting more ambitious plans at the cost of the State. Addressing you as President of the Canadian Co- operative Colonisation Company, I ofFer a short narra- tive of our proceedings from the foundation of the company in 1889 to the present time. Under the scheme originally proposed we were to acquire pos- session of a suitable tract of land in Canada. A com- mencement was to be made by working a farm of not less than 2,000 acres under the direct control of the company. Labour was to be provided by sending out selected men, with their families, from this country. After working a year or more on the company's farm, during which experience would be gained and savings accumulated, it was hoped that the colonists would take more independent positions on homesteads to be acquired on easy terms, and thus become thriving cultivators of the soil on their own account. The acquisition of land was a first step, and under the advice of Professor Tanner, 45,000 acres have been purchased at an average cost, including buildings, of 1^. 8s. per acre. The estate is in the province of Assiniboia, in the vicinity of the Qu'Appelle Station, on the Canadian Pacific Railway. Having acquired a tract of land suitable for colonisa- tion, an executive committee was appointed, consisting of practical men, and the following advertisement was ; V ■■!•*■ '■^\ APPENDIX II published in several newspapers circulating in agricul- tural districts :— * To Ploughmen, Shepherds, and others. — The Cana- dian Co-operative Colonisation Company (Limited). — The following workmen are required : — Twelve plough- men for horse and bullock tean-s, twelve strong and able ploughboys, one shepherd accustomed to hill sheep farms, two under shepherds, one blacksmith, one car- penter up to wheelwright's work. The costs of journey from home to the company's lands in the Canadian North-west will be provided by the company. The engagement for the men will be for the period of fifteen months from the time of arrival. The wages of the men will be 24*. w^eekly for six summer months and 18s, weekly for six winter months, with lodgings and rations free. A Government homestead of 160 acres of land will be secured for each man, and the costs for securing the registration of the land will be provided by the company. The repayment of costs of journey and the registration fees will be secured by a lien (or mortgage) upon the 160 acres of land.' Over a hundred applicants for employment were received, but it was deemed prudent to make a first experiment on a limited scale, and to adhere to the number as originally proposed. The letters of recom- mendation, for the most part, as might have been ex- pected, from ministers of religion, which were sent in by the applicants, were submitted to the executive committee, and a selection was made of those who seemed most suitable. The party sailed from Liverpool for Quebec in the Allan steamer ' Sardinian ' on April 1 7 last. On their journey through Canada the emigrants were met at various railway stations by agents, who vainly APPENDIX II 2G9 sought, by plausible arguments and tempting offers, to persuade the men to break the engagements into which they had entered. The subsequent history is less satisfactory. As the season of the harvest approached, wages on neighbouring faims rose, though for a short time only, considerably above the standard fixed in the colonists' engagement, and desertions were numerous. The annexed tabular statement gives details of indi- vidual cases in a compendious form. Clearly, colonisation as conducted by our company in 1890 has not been successful. It is necessary to take a new departure, and the plan which commends itself as the most promising may be briefly described. Believ- ing it to be impossible to make a judicious selection when emigrants are being sent out in large numbers, our company has resolved to limit its sphere of action to the performance of the usual duties of a landlord. "VVe are prepared to construct buildings, to make roads and tramways, to drain, to improve the water supply, to plant, and further to lend to approved settlers, on easy terms, a proportion of tlie working capital required, the principal to be repayable, as a rule, in instalments spread over ten years. We are prepared to treat on similar terms for the sale of land. Encouraged by these liberal offers, a company has already been formed to take in hand immediately 2,000 acres, to be worked under the plough. The farming association will require a larger number of hands than would have been employed if the present company had attempted to carry out the work directly ; and, although no emigrants will be sent out from England at the cost of the association, it is certain that a considerable pro- portion of those engaged will have recently emigrated from this country at their own expense. Another '.M n -M ' i i IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) /. 'Y < -. o p in '/■• s O o 6 a u CS a a C4 a A) .® ».« ® *♦— Qfiu_i *-" .S "U •i* m w o a a VI ^ rn • a 03 ii a 0) 3 -is CLi '3 0) c3 c g g s a 5P >-. 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Functions ot somewhat on tin; lines contonjpl.-ited in Ai'ticle 20 of the R(^port of Lord lEartington'.s Commission on Defence, which may be appropriately quoted. Article 20. There might be some advantage in the formation of impciiui defence a Naval and Military Council, which should probably be presided over by the Prime Minister, and consist of the Parliamentary heads of the two services and their prin- cipal professional advisers. In this Council also pos- sibly might be included one or two officers of great repu- tation or experience who might not happen to hold any official appointment in the Admiralty or War Office at the time. This Council might meet in all cases before the Estimates of the year are decided upon by the Cabinet, so that the establishments proposed for each service should be discussed from the point of view of the other, and the relative importance of any proposed ex- penditure might be fully considered. It might also be summoned from time to time to consider and authori- tatively decide upon unsettled questions between the two departments, or any matters of joint naval and military policy which, in the opinion of the heads of the two ser- vices, required discussion and decision. It would be essential to the usefulness of such a Council, and to the interests of such a Council, and to the interests of the country, that the proceedings and decisions should be duly fisi -'I m van 29G APPENDIX IV I- ' 'i Foreign policy Mctliorl of raising con- tributions Amounts to be tixcil 1\V con- ference Comhiniaitiu (if resourcc.-i fo)' defence recorded, instances liaviiig occurred in wliich Cabinet decisions have been differently understood by the two departments, and have become practically a dead letter. 20. The Council might receive such information re- lating to matters of foreign policy as would enable it to deal adequately with questions of defence. 21. In matters of defence the Council should super- vise the appropriation of any moneys provided for tlie defence of the Empire by the common contribution of the United Kingdom and the Colonies. 22. The method of raising contributions would pro- bably, by general consent, be left at the outset to the choice of the individual self-governing States. But future developments may disclose a means of raising the necessary contributions upon some uniform principle throughout the Empire, by the allocation to this purpose of special sources of revenue or otherwise. 23. The several amounts should be fixed in the first instance for a term of years by a conference, subject to periodical revisions. 24. The question of contribution for the maintenance of forces for the genei-al protection of the Empire is a branch of the subject in which the greatest difhculties are involved. It may be considered at the present time with the less hesitation, because there is no inniiediate need for a change in existing arrangements. The chief inducements for keeping the Empire to- gether spring from the identity of the populations of the Mother-country and the self-governing Colonies in all the essentials of a connuon nationality, and from the existence of a common danger which united defence alone can avert. While, liowevei-, in the present and in the neai' future, no large readjustnuuit of buidens is called for, APPENDIX IV 207 the tiMic must inevitably come, through the rapid development of the Colonies themselves, when further provision must be made for their defence by naval means. It would be only fair that the self-governing States should make contribution towards the cost of those additional defensive preparations. Hence arises the necessity for a consideration of the subject of contributions in connection with any revision of the present relations between the Mother-countiy and the Colonies. 25. It may be laid down as a leading principle that as all parts of the Empire enjoy the benefits of Imperial defence, they should contribute to its cost. In the case of India and the Crown Colonies the United Kingdom would continue to be responsible for all matters relating to their respective contributions. 2G. There is no reason to doubt th-.it if the necessities coioiii»i of the case were made clear, the Colonies would be pre- tioas pared to take their share in the cost of the geu'M-al defence of the Empire, provided that tliey wyrc given a pioper share in the control and expenditure of the com- mon fund. 27. In pi'oposing that the self-governing Colonies should bear the enhanced cost of tlieir own defences, and thereby share the cost of the defences of the Empire in common with the people of the United Kingdom, your Connnittee desire to point out that \)y so doing those countries would be undertaking an incompaiably smaller tinancial expenditure than would be reijuired for theii' own defences if these did not form part of the general scheme of defence adopted for the Empire. 28. In all the self-governing Colonies expenditure is Anaiteniii- already incurred foi- providing for loca' defence. The contributiou maintenance of naval and military for(e.s, at a certain I : ri I 298 APPENDIX IV An Imperial fonfereiicH proposed Iloyal Com- uiission sug- gested strength, in a proper condition of efficiency, and gene- rally available for mutual protection and support, might be regai'ded as the equivalent of a direct contribution to the Imperial Exchequer. 29. In order to ascertain the views of the different Colonies enjoying responsible government as to securing the unity of the Empire and meeting the responsibilities of Imperial defence, and for the purpose of determining the basis upon, and the method by which, contributions should be raised, the Governments concerned should be invited to send representatives to a conference sum- moned ad hoc. Such conference ought not, however, to be formally convoked until Her Majesty's Government have satisfied themselves that the moment is opportune, and that a favourable reception of any proposals they may make may reasonably be looked for. 30. The invitation to such a conference should be accompanied by a complete statement showing the general necessities of the Empire in the matter fif defence ; tht; means by which defence has hitherto been provided, anil the proposed means and estimated cost of providing it by joint action in the future. 31. It is possible that a preliminary inquiry by Iloyal Commission may be necessary to supply the groundwork for a comprehensive statement of the complete and authoritative character required. lleaaures conducive but not essential in I'edcration 32. In addition to the conditions specified at the out- set as essential to the maintenance of the permanent unity and integrity of the Empire, there are other mea- sures which, though non-essential, may be recommended as conducive to the same end. APPENDIX IV 299 33. Some of these would become immediately prac- ticable on the fulfilment of the essential conditions ; others might become practicable later, in consequence of the permanent character given by the fulfilment of those conditions to the Imperial relationship. 34. Among the measures that would thus become more immediately practicable are : — Measures more im- mediately (a) The admission of Colonial Government securities after 'fcdeni- to the category of investments in which, under British law, trust funds may be placed. {b) The Imperial guarantee of local loans raised for purposes subservient to Imperial ends, such as immigration, dry docks, strategic cables, rail- ways, &c. (c) The actual opening of the Administrative Ser- vices of the Empire, outside the United King- dom, by holding local examinations for the Indian, Diplomatic, and Consular Services, as now done for the Army and Navy, and the more frequent appointment to Governorships and other high posts of fit persons in whatever part of the Empire they nuiy be domiciled. (d) The selection from time to time of eminent Colonial Jurists to sit upon the Judicial Com- mittee of the Privy Council. (e) Uniformity in certain branches of Statute law, especially commercial law — as, for instance, the law of Bankruptcy and Merchant Shipping — increased facilities for the execution of legal processes, and so forth, (y) Uniform Imperial postage and special arrange- ments for telegraphic service. 35. The reforms contempllited under heads (n), (e), and (/') can only be attained by local legislation at the if) 300 APPENDIX JV I > other mciis- ures— inter- im perial trade Details rc- tiorveil for the cdii- lereace Cuiiclusion invitation of the Council, since these matters are at present subjects of local legislation, with which no scheme of Britannic Confederation should interfere. 36. Among the measures which, if not at first prac- ticable, might become more so with the growth of a feel- ing of permanent national unity, the most important would be those connected with the fuller development of inter-Imperial trade and the removal of existing hindrances thereto due to tariff arrangement. 37. The course of events may remove the obstacles at present retarding the interchange of commodities between the countries which constitute the Empire. The sense of the permanence of the political union would naturally induce the people of the various countries in the Empire to make, for the sake of strengthening the union, fiscal arrangements which, under existing cir- cumstances, they are not prepared to adopt. 38. In concluding this report, the Connnittee wish to add that they have not attemjjted to give effect to all the recommendations with regard to matters of detail contained in the replies which have reached them. Many of these reconnnendations are of great value and of a practical nature ; the Committee believe, however, that the initial step of calling a conference for the specific purpose of organising and strengthening the resources of the Empire for defence is one upon the necessity of which there is a general consensus of opinion, and that it would be to the advantage of the cause advocated by the League to reserve the consideration of points of detail for such a conference. 39. The Committee having thus complied with the suggestion of the Prime Minister to furnish proposals for the consideration of Her Majesty's Government, and having definitely recommended the summoning of a APPENDIX IV 301 conference for the purpose above referred to, desire to place on record their sense of the very grave importance of the questions involved, and their belief that it will be a matter for great regret if the Imperial Government should fail to take, at the earliest fitting opportunity, the initial step of summoning representatives of the United Kingdom, and of the self-governing Colonies respectively, to meet and to discuss the best means of formulating some arrangements for the future government of the Empire which shall make satisfactory provision for the joint protection of its common interests. 40. It is recognised as possible that such a conference as has been suggested by your Committee may fail to adopt these proposals, or any others, for the better organisation of the Empire ; but until such conference has been summoned, and has either succeeded or failed, British Cabinets and the British Parliament will be fairly open to the reproach of having made no adequate effort to deal with a question which, in the words of the (late) Prime Minister, 'involves neither more nor less than the future of the British Empire.' (Signed) Brassey {Chairman). J. Bryce. John C. R. Colomb. Daniel Cooper. H. O. Arnold-Forster, Lamington. Lyon Playfair. James Rankin. Rawson W. Rawson. Reay. Charles Tupper. Arthur H. Loring {Secretary). July, 1892. t^ttt: APPENDIX V THE PROPOSED MAIL BOUTE TO AUSTRALIA, VIA CANADA Letter published in the ' Times,' September 8, 1894. To the Editor of the ' Times: Sir, — My friend Mr. Huddart has asked me to assist him at the present important juncture in putting before the British public the advantages of an accelerated mail service between England and Canada and Canada and Australia, The project merits public support on many grounds, and chieHy as tending to promote the unity of the British Empire. That is an object desired alike at home and in the Colonies. The difficulty has been to suggest practical steps. On two occasions I had the privilege of introducing to the Prime Minister deputations from the Imperial Federation League. We had no ground to complain of the reception accorded to us. Our first interview was followed by a conference held in London, at which the Colonies were ably represented. The rein- forcement of the Australian Squadron at the expense of the Colonies was the chief outcome of deliberations which were mainly directed to the defence of the Empire. Our second interview with Lord Salisbury elicited the important suggestion that the time had come when schemes of federation should be proposed. The challenge APPENDIX V 30;j of the Prime Minister was answered by the League in a report; the reception of which by the Press and by public opinion was a source of satisfaction to all concerned. But we have not found that action has been taken upon our suggestions. We may claim that they were feasible and desirable. We must acknowledge that there was no immediate necessity for their adoption. It has never been the way of British statesmanship to occupy itself with questions in anticipation of ulterior exigencies. If, however, it is wise to wait for fitting occasions before attempting to alter existing constitutional relations between the Mother-country and the Colonies, all will recognise that whenever opportunities offer we should not neglect them. The practical steps which may now be taken were made clear by the recent proceedings at Ottawa. That second great colonial conference gave its attention espe- cially to the improvement of telegraphic and postal communications. All the delegates who attended were agreed as to the desirability of opening up a new line of communication under the British flag between the Mother-country and Australia through Canada. The recommendations of the conference have been empha- sised by something more than empty declarations. It is proposed to connect the eastern terminus of the Canadian railway system with England, and the western terminus with Australia, by a service of four large 20-knot steamers on the Atlantic and five swift steamers on the Pacific. The cost of these vessels is estimated at 3,000,000Z. The subsidies asked from the Governments concerned amount to 300,000^. a year. Towards this amount Canada has voted 175,000/. The Imperial Government is asked to contribute 75,000/. and Australia 50,000/. If Canada has a special interest in establish- 304 APPENDIX V pi'; ing a new trade and postal route across her vast doniiiiioii, we have interests of liardly inferior magnitude in the development of communications with our Colonies. Tt is a circumstance that should have its due weight that, while Canada finds a large proportion of the money, all the expenditure on the construction of the ships will be incurred in the United Kingdom. Turning to the Australian Governments, if we display a wise liberality they may be trusted to follow. In granting assistance to Mr. Huddart's scheme every care should be taken to insure that the public money is applied to the best advantage. Conditions may be inserted requiring the conveyance at low rates of troops to Hong-Kong, and relief crews to the Australian, Pacific, and China stations. It may be insisted that the specifications and plans for the new ships shall insure their fitness for service as scouts or auxiliary cruisers. In view of the desirability for increasing the means of training the engine-room complements of our ships of war, it might be arranged that the Admiralty should have the option of sending officers and men from the steam reserves for temporary duty in the new ships. We are losing a valuable training service by the decision recently taken to do away with the Indian troopships. The subsidy now asked for may be in part made up by some reduction in the amounts now paid for mail services by other routes. It is in the initiatory stages that the helping hand of the Government is most needed. Once established, a service which meets a real public want may be efhciently conducted with diminish- ing assistance from the Treasury. It has been urged by the representative of the Allan Iiine that the Gulf of St. Lawrence presents special difh- culties to the navigator. The Allan Line has been free APPENDIX V 305 from disaster for many years. If its present proprietors had been men with the same enterprise and the same inducements to face tlie risks of business which animated the founders of their undertaking, they would have put vessels on their line which would have been capable of earning the subsidy which has been granted to a rival. In considering the present demand we may appro- priately ask ourselves how such a proposal would be received elsewhere. With comparatively insignificant commercial interests at stake, lavish subsidies are paid by Italy for a service to India, by France and (Jermany for services to China, Australia, and America, and by Russia for a fleet of volunteer cruisers. The British Government has been able, through the keen competition in our mercantile marine, to make large reductions. Economy should not be pushed to far. High-speed services across the ocean can only be performed by subsidised steamers. In conclusion, I return to the argument with which it was sought to open the case. To preserve our Imperial unity is a primary object of our public policy. We desire to make the value of the connection with the Mother-country felt in all the Colonies. When, there- fore, our co-operation is asked in furtherance of a common object by such a conference as that lately assembled at Ottawa it is not wisdom to refuse assistance. The decision to be taken must largely depend on the report of Lord Jersey. It is earnestly to be desired that no hesitation will be shown if he recommends that the new Canadian services to Australasia should be sub- sidised. I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant, Brassey. Dahiacardoch. N.B, INDEX -•o*- Abkhdeen, Lord and Lady, 280, 281 Adelaide, defences of, 38, 70 ; the Ijosition of laboui' in the city and it8 vicinity, 239, 243, 247; its University, 240 Aden, as a trade emporium, 31 ; as a naval base, 42 ; suf,'gested improvements at, 72, 73, 71> ; Indian troops at, 181 Africa, Sir Henry Parkes on British Colonies in, and their future, 90; England's position in, and the eliect on foreign policy, 107 ' Albatross,' German cruiser at Sydney, 81 ' Alexandra,' Mediterranean flag- ship, 41 Algoa Bay, settlement at, 24.5 America, North, British Colonies in, the defences of, 12 ; trade with Mother-country, 33 Angas, Mr. J. H., his gift to Adelaide, 240 Arbuthnot, Colonel, and the lack of dock accommodation in British Colonies, 43 Army, British, suggested additions to the, for foreign garrison duty, 204 Arnold-Forster, Mr. H. O., his connection with the Imperial .Federation League, 233, 291, 301 Ascension, defences of, 79 Asia, England's dependencies in, and the ef?ect on foreign policy, 107, 18", Assiniboia, emigrant Colony in, 207 ' Atlantic Monthly ' on Imperial Federation, 4» Atlantic coaling stations, 42 Auckland, defence of, 43 Australia, independence contem- plated by Colonists, 5 ; Imperial Federation movement in, 14, 15, 27, 01-08, 90-92; trade with Great Britain, 33, 195, 190, 240 ; progress of the various Colonies, 34, 3;> ; naval and military de- fences and resources, 12, 38, 39, 43, 00, 70, 82, 94, 95, 101, 113, 119, 124, 133, 141, 158, 104, 109, 204 ; defence of coaling- stations and lines of comnmni cation with, 41, 42, 70, 181 ; the creation of a naval reserve in, 44, 45, 205, 200 ; loyalty of colonists to British connection, 03, 91, 92, 100, 100, 200 ; pro- posal regarding naval and nn'li- tary training in, 77, 80, 115 ; graving docks at Australian ports, 81 ; advantages to Aus- tralian Colonies of union with Great Britain, 92, 94, 102, 103, 119, 121, 122 ; future of, as a nation, 90 ; its contingent in the Soudan campaign, 97, 113, 119, 145; intercolonial federation movement in, 105, 140, 141, X2 It 11 1 1 K H 1 III HI • I ao8 INDEX 181, 250 ; En{,'lan(l'8 position in, and the ciTcct on t'oieij^n policy, 107, lOS; Lord Jinirfsey's ' Work and Wages in Australia,' 110, 2i\i)y 247 ; reception in Australia of representatives to Imperial Conference, 112; Sir Bevan Edwards's visit to, 144, 145, 14!), 180 ; Lord Brassey's circumnavigation of, 117 ; future of Australia as a naval power, 110 ; indebtedness to Great Britain, 15(5, 1<)7, 240 ; as a tield for British emigrants, 157, 244, 245, 257, 2(12, 203; secu- rity of, dependent on an efficient navy, 158, l(i(), 107 ; dissatisfac- tion of the Colonies with exist- ing arrangements, KJl, 182; population of, in 1881, 158; Mr. Thomas and Lord Brassey's efforts to develop, 1!)4 ; wages oi the railway navvy, 285, 230 ; coal and gold miners, 230 ; sea- men, 230 ; settlers, 237 ; German V. British colonists, 237,238 ; lifo in the urban districts, 238-240 ; education, 240 ; the Universities, 240,241; libraries, science and art, 241, 242 ; a hamlet in the bush described, 242 ; sugar plan- tations, 242, 243, 245 ; the land question in, 243, 244 ; labour in the tropics of Australia, 245 ; Lord Dunraven on labour in, 247, 248 ; on emigration to, 248 ; wages in, and emigration to, 261-203 ; proposed mail route between Canada and, 276, 302-305. {See also South Aus- tralia, Western Australia, &c.) Australian Association (London), germ of the Boyal Colonial In- stitute, 3 Bain, Sir J., his interest in Im- perial Federation, 98 Ballarat, gold-diggers of, 251 Barkly, Sir Henry, and the Im- perial Fe(leration League, 210 Bariuiby, Mr., on an organised maritime confederacy for Greater Britain, 30, 41 Barnardo, Dr., hisell'orts in coloni- sation, 273 Beaconsfield,Lord, on the defence of the Colonies, 30 Beadon, llobert, on the dissolu- tion of the Iniperial Federation League, 232 Beckett, Mr. E. W., his connection with the Imperial Federation League, 175 Behring Sea Fisheries dispute, 139 Bermuda, defence of coaling-sta- tion at, 42, 181 ; lack of dock accommodation, 43 Bi-metallism and Imperial Federa- tion, 174 Birmingham Chamber of Com- merce, 192 Blake, Mr. Edward, and Federation, 3 Bombay, a naval base, 42 ; sugges- ted improvements for the de- fences of its harbour, 73, 79 ; its dockyard, 73, 80 ; naval and riHe volunteer corps for, 73, 74 ; compared with Trincomalee and Kurrachee, 73, 74 Booth, General, his colonisation scheme, 206 Bourne, Mr., on food imports and colonisation, 30 Bradford, Lord Brassey's address before the Chamber of Com- merce, 28, 30-40 Brassey, Mr. Thomas, his enter- prise in railway construction, 194 ; founder of colony of emi- grants at liosario, 254 Brassey, Lord, his interest in Greater Britain and its federa- tion, 2, 4 ; joins the Imperial Federation League, 9 ; becomes hon. treasurer, 10, 50 ; work on the executive committee, 10 ; ! INDEX 309 UUlress Com- lenter- 3tion, eiiii- it in ^tlera- serial tomes rk on 10; iiitroJuces cloputiition from tlie lit'iiKHJ! to Lord Siilisbury,ll, ni, /»(> ; on Australia n 1(1 tlio mari- time defences of tlie Empire, 12 ; speech on federation in Mel- bourne, 14, (il ()H; speeches, lectures, and papers delivered and issued hy Lord Jjrassey in fjondon and various other places, 15, '28-11I, 71-H4. 88-105, 110- 127, l;}2-i:{8, 140-148, 151-153, 150-170; introduces a second deputation to Lord Salisbury, and efforts following thereon, 17, 148, 17(»-181, 185-188; his work as chairman of the special connnittee of Imperial Federa- tion League for preparing scheme, and speeches and writings during 18SI2, 17-20,131, 132, 188, 18i>, 193-199, 201- 209, 223, 224 ; attends deputa- tion to Mr. Gladstone. 21, 228- 230 ; agrees to dissolution of the League, 24, 232, 233 ; his papers and addresses on work and wages in Australia, 235-247 ; on State colonisation, 251-200 ; letter on colonisation, 2()()-271; address on colonisation, 271-281 Brazil, its coaling-stations, 42 Brigiiton, Lord Brassey's speech at Imperial Federation meeting, 1()9, 170 Brisbane, defences of, 76, 77 ; workmen's dwellings in, 240 Brisbane ' Telegraph ' on Colonial defence, 39 ' Britanm ' Naval Training College, 115 British c/ lonists, characteristics of, 237, 238 British Empire, the, its extent and resources a fascinating study, 1 ; charm of the subject enhanced by travel, 1 ; interest of Lord Brassey in the Empire's welfare, 2 ; separatist movement in Aus- tralia, 5 ; action of the Man- chester school, 5, ; Mr. Forster and the unity of the Empire, 0, 7. 02, 03 ; sketch of th, 87 ; Mr. Duncan Gillies and other Australian statesmen on unity and federa- tion of the Empire, 90-97 ; area of the Empire, 118 ; trcde of the Empire, 132 ; various schemes of federation : Imperial council, Colonial council, customs union, 142, 143 ; the defence of the Empire, 144, 145, 201, 202, 231 ; three subjects ripe for discussion concerning, 140, 147; proposals regarding an Imperial council for defensive purposes, 147-151, 207, 275 ; the Imperial Parliament as a court of appeal in (piestiona affecting the Empire, 151 ; the debt of the Empire, 150 ; the de- fensive forces of the Empire, 157- 159 ; strong and wide-spread sen- timent of unity, 159-102 ; trade relations of the Empire, 102-104, 173, 174, 205, 208, 229 ; a poUcy of frequent Imperial conferences i-ecommended, 104, 105 ; objec- tions to, 105, 100 ; importance of protecting the Empire's trade routes, 100, 107 ; efforts to pro- mote a second conference of the Empire's representatives, 175- 183 ; the German and United States models of a United Empire discussed, 1^4, 185 ; congress of the chambers of commerce of the Empire, 190-199 ; the essentials of a united British Empire defined, 210-213 ; Lord Brassey on the unity of, 265, 200 ipliiiiiii 310 INDEX if Bryce, Mr, Jamea. interest in Imperial Fecleratiou, 8, 175, 261, 301 Burdett-Coutts, Baroness, interest in colonisation, 200 Burmah, its ports, 75 Ikirrows, Professor Montagu, on the scheme of the Imperial Federation League, 217 Cambridge: H.R.II., the Duke of, attends Imperial Federation banquet (1886), 51 Cambridge University, Lord Brassey's address on Imperial Federation at, 70, 87-09 Canada : a century's progress, 35 ; Imperial Federation nioveiuent in, 15, 27 ; agitation for customs union of the Empire, 21, 1C3, 200, 201, 219, 229 ; fisheries and maritime fleet of the country, 38, 39, 101, 102, 117, 159 ; reasons for continued alliance with Great Britain, 60, 07, 92, 101, 102, 120,121,280; Crimean contin- gent, 97, 145 ; intercolonial federation in, 105, 201 ; the fisheries dispute and relations with the United States, 107, 139 ; Lord Brassey on colonisation in, 110, 259, 267; proposed naval college for, 115; part taken by Canada in Nile expedition, 118 ; as a recruiting field for naval reserves, 119, 265, 266 ; pro- visions for local defence, 124, 169 ; loyalty of, to British con- nection, 135-137, 159; the elec- tions in 1891, 141 ; indebtedness of, to Great Britain, 156, 197 ; dissatisfaction with existing arrangement, 161, 182 ; the Halifax ' Evening Mail ' on Im- perial Federation v. union with the United Stales, 168 ; and the defence of our coaling-stations, 181 interest of Mr. Thomas Brassey and Lord Brassey in the development of, 194 ; its trade with Great Britain and the United States, 195, 277-279 ; land in, compared with Australia, 244, 245, 258 ; lumber work in, 251 ; as a field for British emigrants, 257, 258 ; proposed mail route between Australia and, 276, 302-305; union with the United States discussed, 278, 279 ; character of Governors- general, 280, 281 ; the Hon. John Schultz on the future of Canada, 281, 282 Canadian Co-operative Colonisation Company, 110, 267 Canadian Pacific Railway, enter- prise of the company, 276, 277 Canterbury (New Zealand) Chamber of Commerce and the fiscal policy of the British Empire, 192 Cape, the, coaling- stations at, 42, 45, 117 ; defences of the Colony, 78, 80, 85, 86 ; graving- dock at, 81 ; loyalty of Dutch subjects at, 84, 122 ; its contribu- tions to Imperial defence, 155 ; advantages to, of British con- nection, 159, 160 ; settlers and colonists at, 245, 251 ; price of land to colonists, 259. {Sec also South Africa.) Carnarvon, Lord, his interest in Im- perial Federation (1889), 16, 179; on colonial administration, 35 ; on the defences of the Empire, 49, 56, 14i) ; on lovalty of Cape Dutch, 122, 123, 160 Carter, Mr. G. Downes, at banquet in Melbourne (1887), 61 Carthago, a maritime and colonis- ing State, 31 Cathcart, Lady, her efforts on behalf of colonisation, 259, 267 ' Cerberus,' Sydney turret-ship, 38 Ceylon, the harbours of, 42, 74, 117 INDEX 311 iquet on 38 74, Chambers of Commerce, and the fiscal policy of. Great Britain, 20, 48 ; and Imperial Federation, 108, 109 ; Congress, in 1892, of the Chambers of the Empire, 190 ; attendance, 191 ; resolu- tions moved, 191, 192 ; Lord Brassey's speech. 193-199; general review of liie proceed- ings, 200, 201, 229 Chester, Lord Brassey's address at (1889), 116-127 China, trade route to, 41, 42, 78 ; French war against, and the Foreign Enlistment Act, 81 ; communications with Van- couver, 277 Coal contraband of war, 42 Coaling-stations, British, defence of, 41-43, 45, 145, 151, 100 ; ad- dress by Lord Brassey on, in 1888,71; defence of, by fortifi- cations a measure of economy, 72 ; the Mediterranean and Red Sea stations, 72, 73, 79 ; Indian ports, 73-75, 79 ; Australasian defences, 70-79 ; South African stations, 78, 80; prise and dock naval stations, 80, 81 ; use of private docks by foreign fleets, 81 ; government graving-docks at colonial ports, 81 ; the navy and the mercantile marine, 82, 83 ; fortification and manning of, 203, 264 Coaling-stations, Foreign, 42 Cockburn, Mr. G. E., and the Im- perial Federation League, 218 Colomb, Captain (now Sir John), on the protection of coaling- stations, 37, 49 ; on the naval and maritime resources of the Colonies, 40 ; on what our naval polir-y should be, 44 ; his interest in and connection with Imperial Federation, 4, 50, 175, 182, 220, 228, 233, 289, 291, 301 the Mauritius, and other private enter- extension at Colombo, fortifications at, 74, 80 Colonial and Indian Exhibition (1880), 11, 50, 100, 100 Colonial Conference at Ottawa, U9, 276, 277, 303 Colonial (Imperial) Conference, 1887, its work, 11, 58, 59 ; and Imperial defence, 11, 12, 00, 94, 95 ; speeches of Lord Salisbury and Sir Samuel Grilliths at, 12, 13 ; and the fortifications of King George's Sound and Thurs- day Island, 84; Lord Brassey on the results of, 97. 100, 112, 115, 100, 101, 164, 179, 180,204, 302 ; proposals for a second, 20, 128, 144, 140, 149 Colonial Empire, our, Mr. Forster on, 7 ; Lord Brassey's address to Bradford Chamber of Com- merce (1880) : forecast of the address, 28-30 ; personal recol- lections of trade emporiums, 31 ; value to Great Britain of Colonial and foreign possessions, 31 ; statistics of British trade with the Colonies, 32, 33 ; character of exports to, 33 ; growth and trade of the Colonies, 31, 35; value to Great Britain of Colonial food supplies, 30; the necessity for and duty of colonisation, 36 ; defence and resources of Colonial possessions, 37. 38 ; maritime confederacy for defensive purposes, 39-41 ; de- fenceless coal and foreign naval stations, 41, 47; lack of foreign and Colonial dock ac- commodation, 43, 44 ; Colonial militia and volunteer forces re- conmiended, 44 ; the creation of a Colonial naval reserve, 44, 45; annual value of British trade, 45 ; energyofour Colonial fellow- subjects and importai;f *» of unity, '" summary of Lord Brassey's 40 views, 47-49 ; address at Chester in 1889 : qualifications for the 1 '^^0^^ ■ 'r ^•'v'y^.t^^j' '"''i^'^^q!?"^^^^"'-" 1 812 INDEX task, llfi, 117; .growth of Colonial Empire, 118 ; value of Colonial connection from an "^ Imperial standpoint, liw, 111) ; »'alue in connection with (ireat Britain from Colonial standpoint, 119-12i5 ; the Federation League and the Colonies, 12;J-1'27 Colonies, the, and separation, 5 ; and the defence of the Empire, 12, 18, 10,;}'.)- 41, ()2, (5;-}, 80, 101, 102, 144-14(3, 150-150 ; and com- mercial union with Great Brit- ain, 20, 25, 2() ; enterprise of the Colonies in constructing {^raving- docks, 81 ; advantages to the, of alliance with Great Britain, 102-105, 274, 275; defences of the, 141 ; indebtedness of, to Great Britain, 200 ; and state- aided colonists 258 ; and Im- perial Federation, 205, 2()0. {Sec also Colonial Empire,) Colonisation, successful instances of State, 245 ; Lord Dunraven on, 248 ; Lord lirassey at Man- chester in 1H88, 251 ; reasons for State aid, 251, 252; details of the scheme for promoting colonisation, 252, 253 ; success- ful instance of colonisation at Cordova, 254 ; Western Australia as a field for emigrants, 255, 25(5 ; Lord Brassey at Liverpool in 1888, 250 ; trade with the Colonies, 250; suitable fields for British emigrants, 257 ; argu- ments in favourof a Covernment scheme, 257 ; societies for the promotion of, 258 ; amount of advance necessary to each set- tler, 258 ; ditliculties of the State aiding colonists, 258, 250, 201 ; jirivate effort, 259-201 ; emigra- tion statistics, 200 ; a Govern- ment information-office. 2()1. 262 ; farm labourers most re- quired, 201, 202; the United States V. Australia as a field for emigration, 202. 203 ; Lord Brassey on a colonisation scheme at work, 2(j0 ; some pioneers of the movement, 207 ; initial pro- ceedings, 207 ; land accpiired, 207; men required, 208 ; wages promised, 208 ; selection of applicants, 2()8 ; experiences of the party and of the company, 208-270 ; a iiew departure and its results, 201), 271 ; address to Manitoba Board of Trade, 271 ; Lord Brassey's position regard- ing colonisation, 272 ; philan- thropic colonisation at Indian Head, 272-274 Columbia, British, its railway com- munication with Canada, 85 Columbus, his discoveries, 32 Conference, Colonial. {Sec Colonial Conference.) Cooper, Sir Daniel, connection with the Imperial Federation League, 182, 21)1, 301 Cordova, railway and Colony at, 254 Crimean War, Canada and the, 97, 145 Crofters, the, and State colonisa- tion, 259 Croydon (Queensland), gold-mining at, 230 Cuba, Spanish administration of, 190 Daltox, Canon, at Cambridge, 87 Darwin, Port, its defences and posi- tion, 78, 79 Deakin, Mr., on tlie Colonial Con- ference, 97, 98 De Labilliere, Mr. F.P., his interest in, and writings on. Imperial Federation, 4 Derby, Earl of, on union of Empire, 93 ; on State-aided colonisation, 262 Derby, Earl of (formerly Lord INDEX 313 [bridge, Id posi- |l Con- iterest kperial ppire, fation, Lord Stanley of Preston), as governor- general of Canada, 280 Dilke, Sir Charles, his works on ' (heater Britain,' 29, 149 Docks, lack of, in foreign and Colonial possessions, 48 ; docks and graving-docks at coaling and naval stations, 80, 81 Dufferin, Marquis of, on Canada, 35, 280 Duluth, 277 Dunraven, Earl of, his speech on Australia and Imperial Federa- tion, 110,247-250; his proposals regarding Imperial defence, 144, 149, 150 ; motion in Tarliament on trade relations with the Colonies, 1G5, 173, 174 Dutch colonists at the Cape, loyalty of, to British connection, 84, 122, 123, 169, 100 Dutch tieet use Singapore docks for repairs, 81 Er)iNRUR(in, Mr. Forster's speech at, on the Colonies, 7 ; Lord Rosebery on Imperial Federation at, 14, 15 Edwards, Sir Bevan, on Australian and international defence, 144, 149, 150, 158, 180 Egypt, Indian troops in, 119 Elder, Sir Thomas, his gift to Adelaide, 240 Emigration. {See Colonisation.) Engineers, wages and hours of, in Sydney, 238 England. {Sec Great Britain.) Europe, progress of the principle of nationalities in, (iS ; trade route to Australia, 70, 78 Fair-trade and Imperial Federa- tion, 10, 47. {Sec also Free-trade.) Falkland Islands, defences of the, 42, 46 Farrer, Sir William, on the Im- perial Federation scheme, 220 Federation of the Empire. {See Imperial Federation.) Ferguson, Mr. R. Munro, his connec- tion with the Imperial Federation League, 175, 233 Ferguson, Sir James, on the growth of New Zealand, 34 Fitzgerald, Mr. R., at banquet in Melbourne (1887), 01 Fleming, Mr. Sandfr rd, on the population of Canada in 1880, 35 Foreign Enlistment Act, 81 Foreign policy, Lord Rosebery on the effect of Colonial questions on, 100-109 Forster, Mr. W. E., his interest in Colonial questions and connec- tion with Imperial Federation League, 0-10, 54, 50, 02, 03, 88, 105, 101, 179, 204,223, 228,240, 247 Foster, Mr., Canadian Finance Minister, 200 France, trade with Great Britain, 33 ; position of, as a maritime nation, 39 ; use of Hong Kong docks by her fleet during war with China, 81 ; influence of, compared with England, 97 ; and the Colonial question in America and Asia, 107 ; and the Newfoundland fisheries, 139, 141 ; Colonial representatives in Chamber of Deputies, 142 ; creation of a Colonial Council in, 142, 143 ; subsidy to mercantile marine, 198, 305 Free-trade and the Imperial Fede- ration movement, 47, 148, 102, 103. 173, 174, 190, 197, 199, 205 French population of Canada, loy- alty of, to British connection, 159 Froude, Mr. J. A., and Mr. Gres- well's prize essay on Imperial Federation, 120 ; on the Colonies of Great Britain, 205 314 INDEX Gallk, defence of, 42 Gait, Sir Alexander, on Canada's connection with Gnat liritain, l'J9, 128 ; interest in Imperial Federation, 178 Gairdner, Professor, his interest in Imperial Federation, 1(8 Gell, Mr. Lyttelton, on the scheme of the Imperial Federation League, 217 German colonists in Queensland, characteristics of, 237, 238 ; at the Cape, 24") Germany, trade with Great Britain, 33 ; position of, as a maritime nation, 3',) ; unity of, 40, (i"), 101 ; influence of, compared with England, 97 ; influence of, in the Pacilic, 107, 108; as a model for federated British Em- pire, 184 ; subsidy to mercantile marine, lt)8, 305 Ghoorkas as soldiers, 2(54 Gibraltar, a base for naval opera- tions, 42 ; coaling-station at, 72, 117 ; lack of graving-dock, 80 ; the Imperial Government and the defences of, 8(5 Gibson-Maitland, Sir .7,, his in- terest in Imperial Federation, 98 GilTen, Mr., his statistical abstract on foreign and Colonial trade, 35 ; and Colonial indebtedness to Great Britain, 197, 198 ; his statistical eminence, 251 Gillams, Colonel, Boys' Farm scholars as colonists, 271 Gillies, Mr. Duncan, at banquet in Melbourne (1887), (51 ; on Lord Brassey and Imperial Federation, 90-92, 98 ; on the maintenance of an Imperial connection with Great Britain, 122, 128 Gladstone, Mr. W. E., and the Imperial Federation League, 21, 22, 226-232 Glasgow, Imperial Federation League meeting at, in 1888, 98- 105 Glasgow, Earl of, his interest in Imperial Federation, 99 Goschen, Mr., speech on Imperial Federation in the Commons, 173, 174 Great Britain, and the independence of the Colonies, 5 ; separation advocated by the Manchester school, 5, (5 ; position of, as a maritime nation, 39 ; relations with the Colonies in the event of war, 40 ; trade with the Colonies and foreign countries, 45, 132, 194, 205, 277-279 ; Lord Brassey on loyalty of Colonies to, 63-68, 159, 160 ; the Government and Imperial defences, 82 ; Sir Henry Parkes on Great Britain's in- liuence, 96, 97 ; effect of Colonial possessions on foreign policy, 106-109; elasticity of trade. 111, 112; area of possessions, 118; Colonial aid to, in time of war, 118, 119; Colonial indebtedness to, 119, 120, 132, 15(5, 197, 206, 246 ; value of navy to the Colo- nies, 141, 157, 158, 206 ; fiscal policy, 143, 194-199, 208 ; as a market for Colonial produce, 157 ; value of the Colonies to, as fields for emigrants, 157, 245, 260-262, 273 ; military strength, 157 ; the proposed mail route to Australia via Canada, 276, 277, 302-305 Great Lakes of Canada, 277 Greece, as a maritime and colonis- ing State, 31 Greenwich Naval School, 158 Greswell, Mr., his i^rize essay on Imperial Federation, 126 Grey, Earl, his proposals concern- ing federation, 126, 134 Griffiths, Sir Samuel, speech at the Colonial Conference, 13 Hamburton, Judge (' Sam Slick '), on federation, 3, 168 INDEX 815 Halifax, a base for naval opera- tions, 42 ; coalinf^-station, 145 ; Canada and the defence of, 181 Halifax 'Evening ]\[air on Im- perial Federation, 107, 108 Hamilton, Lord George, interest in Imperial Federation, ••) ; and the defence of our coaling-stations, 203 Hay, Sir John, on the unity of the Empire, 92 Heath, Captain, his scheme con- cerning Colonial naval reserves, 204-200 Herbert River, sugar mills and plantations at, 242, 243, 24;"*, 250 Herschell, Lord, interest in Im- perial Federation, 51, 114 Hicks-Beach, Sir Michael, interest in Imperial Federation, Hill, Mr. Becket, on the Imperial Federation League scheme, 211) Himalayas, 117 Hofmeyr, Mr., Dutch leader at the Cape, 122, 128; on loyalty of Dutch population of Cape to British connection, 151); his scheme of Imperial customs union, 104, 173 Holland, Sir Henry. (Sec Knuts- ford, Lord.) Holland, and her possessions in the Eastern Archipelago, 190 Home Kule and Imperial Federa- tion, 10 Hong Kong, as a trading port, 31, 45 ; coaling-station and its de- fence, 42, 117, 145, 181 ; dock accommodation, 43 ; graving- docks at, 80; private ship-repair- ing docks at, 81 Houghton, liord, interest in Im- perial Federation, 138, 205 Howe, Mr. Joseph, his interest in federation, 3, 168 Howell, Mr. George, interest in Im- perial Federation, 228 Hozier, Mr., interest in Imperial Federation, 98 Huddart, Mr., of the Canadian Pacitic Kailway, and the proposed mail route to Australia, 277,302, 304 Hughes, Sir Walter Watson, his gift to Adelaide, 240 IiiPEKi.Ui Federation, Lord Brassey's interest in, 2, 4 ; early history of the movement, 3 ; Mr. Lowe's and other promi- nent men's views on the subject, 3, 4 ; the London Australian Association in 1857, 3 ; official and other obstacles to federation, 4-0 ; Mr. Forster's share in the promotion of federation, (5, 7 ; the movement in 1880 : Lord Brassey's addresses on Our Colonial Empire, 28-49 ; Con- ference in 1884, 0-8 ; formation of the Imperial Federation League, 8,9 ; progress in 1885,9, 10; death of its founder in 1S8(), 10 ; stimu- lating effect of Colonial and Indian Exhibition in 1880, 11, 50, 51 ; banquet of the League and the advocacy of an Imperial conference, 11, 51 ; deputation to Lord Salisbury, 11, 51 ; names of the deputation, 52, 53 ; Lord Brassey's and other speeches, 54-59 ; the Conference and the results therefrom, 11-13, 59, 00 ; Lord Brassey promotes the cause in Australia, 13, 14, 01- 08; the movement in 1888-89, 14-10, 70-110; in 1889-91, 111- 170 ; further deputation to Lord Salisbury in 1891, advocating a second Conference, 17, 170 ; names of the deputation, 170- 178 ; Lord Brassey's and other speeches, 178-182 ; Lord Salis- bury's reply, 182-185 ; conse quent action of the League, 17, r 316 INDEX Wt 18, 185-181) ; the movement in 181)2, 190-20!) ; recommendations of the Special Committee of the League, 18-20, 210-;J1(; ; meet- ing of tlie Council, and names of the same, to receive the lieport, 2!), 21(;-2H<; ; deputation to Mr, Gladstone in 18!)8, and speeches on the occasion, 20, 21, 220-282 ; future policy considered and determination to dissolve the • League, 22-24, 2:52, 233; in- creased activity among its advo- cates consequent on its dissolu- tion, 25-27, 233, 234 ; LordDun- raven on Imperial Federation, 249, 250; the Colonies and, 2(')5, 206 ; list of the Council, 283-288 ; text of the Eeport, 28i)-305 India, the Opium Commission in, 24 ; British trade with, 32, 102, 132, I'JC), 205, 25() ; trade routes to, 41 , 42, 78 ; importance of, to the Colonies, (U) ; the Government and the defences of its coaling- stations, 73, 80 ; England's position in, 84 ; Sir Henry Parkes on the future of, 90 ; Australian aid in the defence of, 102, 119; effect of England's position in, on foreign policy, 100 ; native troops serve in Egyptian Campaign, 119 ; its Council a model for an Imperial Council, 142 ; former connection of the Straits Settlement with, 155 ; native troops at Aden, 181; railway enterprise of Mr. Thomas Brassey in, 194 ; indebtedness to England, 197 Indian Head, experiments in philanthropic colonisation at, 272 ; farming operations at, 273 ; inducements to colonists, 273, 274 Italy, position of, as a maritime power, 39 ; unity of, 46, 65, 101 ; subsidy to mail steamers, 306 Japan, coaling-stations in, 42 ; com- munication with Vancouver, 277 Javanese labour on Australian sugar plantations, 245 Jenkins, Mr. Edward, paper on ' Imperial Federation,' 4 Jervois, General Sir William, duties in Australia, 70; at Imperial Federal ion League deputation (1891), 182 Jubilee of H.M. Queen Victoria. [Sec Victoria; Queen.) Kaffirs as soldiers, 2G4 Keighley Chamber of Commerce, Lord Brassey's address to the, in 1889, 111-114 Khartoum, British expedition to, 118 Kimber, Mr., his efforts on behalf of State-aided colonisation, 258 Kimberley, Lord, on Colonial con- tributions to Imperial defence, 155 King, Sir James, his interest in Imperial Federation, 98 King George's Sound, strategical position and defences of, 76, 79, 84, 85, 263 Knutsford, Lord (Sir Henry Hol- land), tribute to the memory of Mr. Forster, 7 ; interest in Im- perial Federation, 8, 9 ; presides over Imperial Colonial Confer- ence, 12, 58, 59, 164, 179 ; on the contributions of the Colonies to Imperial defence, 154 ; at Con- gress of Chambers of Commerce (1892), 192 Kriegsrcrein, the constitution of a, for the British Empire, 166, 184, 185, 229 Kurrachee as a naval port, 74 LA5tixoTON, Lord, connection with Imperial Federation League, 291, 301 fi«>»ffPBpWBnyi._>W INDliX in? Lang, Ilev. Dr. Marshall, interest in Imperial Federation, OS Lanyley, Mr. J. N., at Cambridge, 87 Lansdowne, Marquis of, as gover- nor-general of Canada, 280 Lascars, use of, to the Indian Government, 73, 75 Laurie, Lieut. -Gen., connection with the Imperial J'ederation League, 17o, 182 Leeds, Imperial Federation League meeting at, in 1891, 14, 1B8-142, 205 ; Lord Brassey's speech, 140- 148, 150 Lion of St. i\lark, Venetian symbol, B2 Lisbon coaling-station, 42 Liverpool, Imperial Federation League meeting at, in 1890 and 1891, 132-135, 138-148; Lord Brassey's paper on State coloni- sation read at, 25(5-2(16 Lloyd's Weekly Newspaper,' Lord Brassey's article on Imperial Federation in, 203 Loder, Mr., interest in Imperial Federation, 169 London Chamber of Commerce, Lord Brassey's address before the, 71-84 Loring, Mr. Arthur H., Secretary of the Imperial Federation liCague, 301 Lome, Marquis of, interest in Imperial Federation, 99 ; as governor-general of Canada, 280 Lowe, Robert (afterwards Lord Sherbrooke), on federation, 3 Lubbock, Sir John, connection with Imperial Federation League, 175 ; presides over Congress of Chambers of Com- merce (1892), 191, 192 Lubbock, Mr. Nevile, mover of resolution at Congress of Chambers of Commerce (1892), 191, 200 McAlister, Dr., at Cambridge, 87 McBain, Sir James, at banquet in Melbourne (1887), (il Macdonald, Sir John, and Imperial unity, 3, 54, 128 ; on the value to the Colonies of union with Great Britain, 66, 136 ; on commercial union between Canada and the United States, 103 ; on the ad- vantages of a customs union with Great Britain, 163 ; on the future of Canada, 283 McNeill, Mr. Alex., on the Imperial P'ederation Ijeague scheme, 219 Macoun, Professor, on Canada as a corn-growing region, 35 Madeira, coaling-station at, 42 Mail route, proposed, to Australia, via Canada, Lord Brassey's letter to the ' Times,' 302 ; the Ottawa Conference and, 303 ; cost of vessels, 303 ; subsidy, 303, 304 ; objections of the Allan Company, 304 ; reasons why a subsidy should be given, 305 Malta, a base for naval operations, 42 ; dock accounnodation, 43 ; coaling-station, 72 Manchester. Lord Brassey's speech at, on State colonisation, 251- 256 Manchester School, its policy of disintegration, 5, (> Manitoba Board of Trade, resolu- tion of, at Chambers of Com- merce Congress, 192 ; the Cana- dian Government and the coloni- sation of, 245 ; Lord Brassey's address to Manitoba Board of Trade on Colonisation, 271-281 ; the trade and produce of, 277, 281 Manning. Cardinal, interest in Imperial I'ederation, 16, 51, 179 Manning, Sir W., on union of the Empire, 93 Mansion House, Imperial Federa- 318 INDEX settlement at, and Imperial coaling- defences tion League meeting at, in 1887, 16, 17!>, 205 Maories, and the New Zealand Government, ;JH Marburg, German 237 Marriage Laws Federation, 10 Mauritius, harbour and station, 42, 117, of, 78, 80 ; dock improvements at, 80 ; Mr. Thomas Brassey's railway enterprise in, 191 Meath, Earl of, efforts on behalf of colonisation, 245, 258, 267 Mediterranean, bases for fleet in the, 42 Medley, Mr. G, W., mover of re- solution at Congress of Chambers of Commerce (1892), 192, 200 Melbourne, Imperial Federation banquet at, 14, 61-68 ; defences of, 38, 43, 76,86, 100; graving- dock at, 81 ; suburban dwellings for working classes, 239 ; uni- versity, library, and art galleries, 240, 241 ; labour market in, 243 Mercantile marine as a naval re- serve, 82, 83 Merchant Taylors' Hall, Congress of Chambers of Commerce at, in 1892, 191-199 Mexico, Gulf of, naval base in the, 42 Miners, coal and gold, wages of, in Australia, 236 j^focha, effect on, of British ad- ministration of Aden, 31 Montgomery, Sir Hugh, interest in Imperial Federation, 98 Montreal, Lord Brassey's visits to, 30, 117; resolution of its Chamber of Commerce at Lon- don Congress, 192, 200 ; import- ance to its trade of efficient canals, 277 Morgan, Mr. G. Osborne, interest in Imperial Federation, 175, 182 Morgan, Mr. S, Vaughan, and the Imperial Federation League, 233 Mort, Messrs., engineers at Sydney, 238 Mount Morgan, gold mining at, 236 Mulock, Mr., his resolution on Canadian loyalty to British con- nection, 137 National Anthem, its popularity in Australia, 63, 64, 100 Naval College, proposed, for the Colonies, 115 Navies of the Empire, Lord Brassey on the, 114; suggestions regarding naval colleges for the Colonies, 115 ; the Colonial navies, 115, 116 Navvy, wages of the railway, in Western Australia, 235, 236, 261, 262 Navy, British, the mercantile marine as an auxiliary to, 82, 83 ; and Imperial defence, 113, 114, 138, 145, 157, 158, 166, 167, 169. 170, 206, 266, 274 ; Colonial reserves for the navy, 264, 265 Newcastle (N.S.W.), its coalfields, 236 Newfoundland, Lord Brassey's visits to, 30, 117, 251 ; fishing industry, 107 ; fisheries dispute, 139, 141, 175 New South Wales, trade and pro- gress of, 34, 35 ; defences, 38, 77 ; and the Soudan War, 145 ; wages in, 236 ; public debt, 238, 239 ; Lord Brassey's visit to, 251 New Zealand, trade and progress of, 34, 35 ; militia and volunteer force, 38, 102 ; seaboard, 39 ; death rate, 157 Nile, Canadian voyagers on the, 118 ' Nineteenth Century,' Lord INDEX 319 Brassey's paper on Imperial Federation in the, 150-168 Norway, position of, as a maritime nation, 31) Nova Scotia, Lord Brassey's visit to, 251 Oliver, Mr., connection with Im- perial Federation League, I?'*) Ontario as a wheat-growing coun- try, 85 ; loyalty of inhabitants to British connection, 121, 159 Opium Commission in India, Lord Brassey's connection with, 21 ' Orion ' at Singapore, 75 Ossington, Lady, efforts on behalf of colonisation, 259, 207 Ottawa, Colonial Conference at, 129, 270, 277, 303 Pacific, coaling-stations in the, 42 ; England's position in the, and the effect on foreign policy, 107, 108 ; future of Australia in, 119 Palmerston, Lord, on patriotism, 116 Parkes, Sir Henry, and federation, 3 ; on the relations between the Australian Colonies and Great Britain, 92, 90, 97, 121, 128, 1(50 ; efforts to federate Australia, 180, 181 ; financial policy in New South Wales, 239 Parkin, Mr. G. R., his efforts on behalf of Imperial Federation, 15, 132, 109, 222 Parliament, Lord Brassey's speech in, on the defence of the Straits Settlements, 151-153 ; motions in advocating a second Imperial Colonial Conference, 173 Parnell, Major, on the value of fortifications, 44 Patriotism, Lords Brassey and Palmerston on, 110, 117 Persian Gulf, British trade on the shores of, 31 Peterson, Mr. McDonald, at ban- quet in Melbourne (1887), 61 Phunicia as a maritime and colonising state, 31 Playfair, Sir Lyon (afterwards Lord), his interest in Imperial Federation, 175, 177, 186, 291, 301 Port Arthur, 277 Port Louis, a naval base, 42 Port Koyal, Jamaica, a naval base, 42 Portugal and the discoveries of Vasco da Gama, 32 Pownall, Governor, on federation, in Privy Council and Imperial Federa- tion, 120, 134 Protection and the Imperial Federation movement. {Sec Free- trade.) Qu'Api'Ellk, colonisation scheme at work there, 207, 271 Quebec, Lord Brassey's visits to, 30, 117 Queensland progress and trade of, 34 ; trade routes to, 70, 78 ; gold-mining in, 230 ; a pastoral country, 237 ; sugar cultivators and manufacturers in, 242, 251 ; price of land in, 259 Eamsay, Professor, interest in Im- perial Federation, 98 Bankin, Mr. James, connection with Imperial Federation League, 291, 301 Rawson, Sir Rawson, his work on British trade, 111 ; awards prize to Mr. Greswell for essay on Im- perial Federation, 126 ; connec- tion with Imperial Federation League, 291 301 320 INDEX H: It 'it ■ |: f 1^? ! < ( >. M 1 It •IK) \m Keay, Lord, interest in Imperial Federation, and connection with the League, 175, 2:}3, 291, HOI Redpath, Mr. Peter, interest in Im- perial Federation, 5(5 Robertson, Sir John, on union of the Colonies with Great Britain, 92, 23 Robinson, Sir Bryan, on the fisheries of Newfoundland, 38 Rosario, railway and Colony at, 254 Rosebery, P^arl of, interest in, and connection with, Imperial Fede- ration, 8-11, 14-17,24,51,87- 89, 98, 99, 105-109, 125, 130, 131, 134, 139, 1(50, 1(52-1(55, 175, 178, 179, 206, 20(5, 228, 233 Royal Colonial Institute, its origin and advocacy of federation, 3, 4n, 5, 6 ; Lord Brassey's paper read before the, on Work and Wages in Australia, 235-250 Royal Commission on Admiralty and War Ottice Administration : Imperial defence, 141, 1(5(5 Rusden, Mr. G. W., connection with Imperial Federation League, 175 Russell, Earl, on our Colonial Empire, 37 Russia, yield of wheat in, 35 ; effect on Australian Colonies of threat- ened hostilities between Great Britain and, 42, 43 ; influence of Russia compared with Great Britain, 97 ; Canadian aid to Great Britain in last war against, 97 ; subsidy to mail steamers, 305 Saigon, French naval establish- ment at, 81 St. Helena, communications with, and defences of, 42, 79, 80 St. Lawrence, Gulf of, the Allan Company on its navigation, 304 St. Lawrence River, 30, 117 St. Vincent, detention of transports at, 42 Salisbury, Marquis of, and the Imperial Federation League, 11, 12, 17, 19, 51, 5fi-68, (59, 97, 123-125, 128-131, 144, 146, 148, 149, 160, 161, 1(53, 1(55, 172-174, 186-188, 204, 226, 228 Samoa, German influence at, 81, 108 ' Sam Slick.' {See Haliburton, Judge.) Schultz, the Hon. John, on the future of Canada, 281,282 Scratchley, Sir Peter, duties in Australia, 76 Seamen in Australia, wages of, 236 Seeley, Sir John, interest in Im- perial Federation, 8(5, 87 ; speech at Cambridge Meeting, 86, 87 Service, the Hon. Mr., interest in Imperial Federation, 56, 95 Sherbrooke, Lord. {See Lowe, Robert.) Sierra Leone, defences of, 79, 80 ; Lord Brassey at, 117 Sikhs, as police at Singapore, 75, 152 ; as soldiers, 264 Simon's Bay, a naval base, 42 ; defences of, 78, 85 Singapore, as a trading port, 31, 45, 75 ; as a naval base, 42 ; defences of, 42, 75, 80 ; docks at, 80, 81 ; the Colonies and the defences of, 145, 151, 155, 181 Slavs, union of, 46, 101 Smith, Adam, his ' Wealth of Nations ' cited, ^n Smith, Mr. Marshall, on a Colonial naval reserve, 44, 45 Smith, Mr. W. H., interest in Imperial Federation, 8, 9, 131 Soudan War, Australia and the, 97, 113, 119, 145 South Africa, local interest in naval defence, 12, 169 ; Australia and the war in, 118, 119 ; as a field for emigration, 257 South Australia, progress of, 34, 35 ; railway enterprise in, 78 ; ]NDEX 321 and the Transvaal War, llK, 11 •> South Seas, AustraHa's position in the, 111) Spain and the discoveries of Cohimbus, :i'2 ; Colonial repre- sentatives in Chamber of De- puties, 1 12 ; administration of Cuba, VM\ Sprigg, Sir Gordon, on the advan- tages of Colonial connection with (ireat Britain, TJ'i, V2H, I'A) Stanhope. Mr. lOdward, his interest in, and connection with, Imperial Federation, W-11, "Jl, 24, 51, .")H, 5!), 171», 217-220, 22(>, 22s, 2;W ; on Colonial contributions to Im- perial defence, !'}'> ; and the defence of the coaling-stations, State colonisation. {Ser Colonisa- tion.) Steamers, Lord lirussey on foreign subsidised, 11)8 Straits Settlements, iMUopean trade with, 31 ; trade route to, 78 ; its contribution to Imperial defence, 1.51 152, 151. l,-)5 Strangways, Mr., on Imperial unity, 40 Stuart, Colonel Harrington, in- terest m Imperial Federation, 1)8 Suez Canal, eilect of the, on Singa- pore, 151 Sugar plantations in Queensland, 242, 245 ' Sunbeam,' the, her famous voyages, 28 Sydney, defences of, iis, 43, 7(», 80 ; private docks, 81 ; graving docks, 81 ; naval reserves, 82 ; conven- tion, 140 ; wages and hours of labour in, 238, 231), 243, 248; University and art galleries, 240, 241 Table Bay, defences of, 78, 8(5 Tanner, Professor, and the Cana- dian co-operative colonisation scheme, 2r)7 Tasmania, its Voluntee. corps, 38 Teck, the Duchess of, and Princess May at Chester, 110 Tennanl, Sir Charles, interest in Imperial Federation, 1)8 Thibet, British eomu'.^rce with, 107 Thucydides (pioted, «)7 Thursday Island defences of, 77- 71», H4, 203 ' Times,' the, on Imperial Federa- tion, 13 ; Lord Brassey's letter in, on colonisation, 200-271 Toronto, Lord Brassey's visit to, 30, 1 1 7 Trincomalee, value of, as a harbour and dockyard compared with Bombay, 73, 74 ; defences of, 74, 75 Trollope, Mr. Anthonv, on College Hall. Sydney, 2 10, 241 Tryon,Sir Cieorgc, on the defences of the British Kmpire, 1>4 Tupper, SirCharles, his connection with Imperial Federation and theories concerning fiscal policy of British Empire, 20, 120, 128, 103, 200, 217, 223-220, 21)1,301 United States, trade with Great Britain, 33 ; yield of wheat in, 35 ; position of, as a maritime nation, 31) ; coaling-stations, 42 ; Sir Henry Parkes on the future of, 1)0, 1)7 ; influence of, com- pared with England, 97 ; com- mercial union with Canada dis- cussed, 103: relations with Canada, 107, 121, 130, 137, 131>, 151), 108, 101) ; as a model tor British Empire, 120, 133, 184 ; connnercial relations with Canada, 11)5 ; Protection in the United States, 11)7 ; land in, compared with Western Austra- lia. 244 ; emigration of British subjects to, 202 ; possibility of {322 INDEX ( t'fdoration with British Empire, 202 Vancouvkij, (lock improvement at, HO ; coalinif-statioii, 145 ; com- municiition with Jupan and China. 277 Vantlerbyl, Mr., interest in Impe- rial Federation, r»() Vasco da (lama, his discoveries, ;J2 Venice as a maritime power in tln" Middle A^es, 32 Verde, Cape de, coaling-station, 42 Victoria, its naval defences, 38, 77, l')H ; Imperial Federation in, 01 ; deatli rate, 157 ; art and educa- tion in, 241 Victoria, H. M. Queen, jubilee cele- brations, 11, (51, 03, 89, 100, IIH Vincent, Mr. Howard, on British trade relations with the Colonies, 173 ; connection with Imperial Federation League, 175 Vogel, Sir Julius, advocates federa- tion, 3 ; on the growth of New Zealand, 34 ; on Imperial unity, 40 Volunteers in the Colonies, 76, 102, Hi), 141 Watson, Dr. Foruks, comparison of British trade in 1870 and 1809, 32, 33 Webb, Mr. Justice, at banquet in Melbourne (1887), 01 Western Australia, yield of wheat in, 35 ; the Government of, and the fortification of King George's Sound, 76, 85 ; Lord Brassey and the development of, 194 ; wages of railway navvies and artisans in, 235, 230, 251.2(»2; land in, and govermnent of, 244 ; su^'gested aid for eniigrants to, 255, 250 ; and State colonisation, 259 West Indies, naval base in the, 42; Cana(hi and the defence of, isi ; indebtedness to Great Britain, 197 ; native regiments, 204 Westminster, the Duke of, at Chester, 110 Westminster Palace Hotel. Im- perial Federation Conference at, 7-9 Weyl, Mr., on Hong Kong private docks. Hi Wheat, preferential tax on, dis- cussed, 103 Wliite, Mr. Arnold, efforts on be- half of colonisation, 207 Winchilsea, Earl of, connection with Imperial Federation League, 175 Winnipeg and the hscal policy of tlie British Empire, I '\2 ; Lord Brassey's address at, oU coloni- sation, 271-281 Wolseley, Lord, attends Imperial Federation banquet (1880), 51 Wolseley, the hamlet of, 242 Young, Sin Frkdkrick, his interest in Imperial Federation and Colonial questions, 4, 33, 35, 38, 98, 219, 220 Zanzij!ar, ti*ade with Aden, 31 ; German influence in, 108 Zollvercin and Krieijsvcrcin, the establishment of a, for the British Empire, 105, 184, 185, 20H, 229 Zulus as soldiers, 2(54 SpoKisuoode Jb Co. I'Hnters, A'fic-.'