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f
THE N-ATIVE RACES
OF THR
PACIFIC STATES.
THE
NATIVE RACES
or
THE PACIFIC STATES
OF
NORTH AMERICA.
BY
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
VOLUME V.
PRIMITIVE HISTOHY.
NEW YORK:
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY.
1876.
r
fiM77(J
Bnterod according to Act of OonBram in »i.-
^"ZLV^IT, '""' *'"'"*»"'^ «'«" hundred
HUBEBT H. BANOBOPT.
in the Offloe of the Librarian of Oongres,. .t W«hington.
and
PEEFACE TO VOLUME Y.
This volume concludes the Native Races of the
Pacific States. During the year in which it has
been going through the press, I have received letters
of encouragement from the most eminent scholars of
Europe and America, and flattering commendations
from learned societies. None but an author can
know the value of such cheering words. This, my
first attempt, was made in a new field; the scope of
the work was very extensive; the system and ma-
chinery by which alone it could be accomplished were
untried; and the subject was not one of great popular
interest. It was not, therefore, without misgivings
that I sent it forth.
That the work had been so planned as to embody
practically all information extant on what I had
come to regard as an important subject, and that the
plan had been faithfully executed, I thoroughly be-
lieved. But that others would, to any great extent,
share my opinion; that the subject would interest
so many classes of readers; that mine would be so
quickly and cordially recognized by men of science
and letters throughout the world as a work worth
doing and well done; and that it would be at once
VI
PUEFACE TO VOLUME V.
accorded a place in literature, I had not dared to
hope. The leadinj*' journals of England, France,
Germany, and the United States, have deemed the
volumes as issued worthy of extended reviews; and
criticism for the most part has been liberal, and just —
save a tendency to what might seem, to a mind less
prejudiced than mine, extravagant praise. Minor
defects have been fairly pointed out; and in the few
instances where fault has been found, either with the
plan or its execution, one critic condemns what an-
other approves, so that I am led to believe no serious
error of judgment has been committed.
I cannot here make proper acknowledgments to all
to whom they are due; but let those who have
manifested their kind good-will, and those who have
not, so long as they feel it, accept my grateful
thanks.
San Francisco, November, 1875.
o
CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.
38
>r
w
le
1-
is
.11
re
/e
ul
CHAPTER I.
ON THE ORIOIN OF THE AMERICANS.
PAGE.
Spirit of Inquiry in the Middle Ages — Unity of Origin— Flood Myths
— Aboriginftl Traditions of Origin— (Culture Heroes China- -
Japan — Hindustan — Tartary — The Egyptian Theory— The PlKuni-
cians — Votan'a Travels — The Carthaginians— The Hebrew Theory
— The Mormon Story — The Visits of the Scandinavians — Celtic
Origin — The Welsh — Scotch — Irish — The Greeks and lionians —
The Story of Atlantis — The Autochthonic Theory 1
CHAPTER II.
INTRODUCTORY TO A130RIGINAL HISTORY.
Origin and Earliest History of the Americans Unrecorded— The Dark
Sea of Antiquity — Boundary between Myth and History — Primi-
tive Annals of America compared with those of the Old World —
Authorities and Historical Material — Traditional Annals and their
Value — Hieroglyphic Records of the Mayas and Nahuas — Spanish
Writers— The Conquerors — The Missionaries — The Historians —
Converted Native Chroniclers— Secondary Authorities- Ethnology
— Arts, Institutions, and Beliefs — Languages^Material Monu-
ments of Antiquity — Use of Authorities and Method of treating
the Subject 133
CHAPTER in.
THE PRE-TOLTEO PERIOD 01" ABORIQINAI, HISTORY.
Subdivision of the Subject — Tzendal Tradition of the Votanic Empire
— Votan's Book and its Contents as reported by Nunez do la
Vnga, Cabrera, and Ordonez -Testimony of Manners and Cus-
toms, Religion, Languages, and Monuments of the Civilized
Nations respecting the Primitive Maya Peoples — The Quiche
Record, or Popol Vuh—Civilizing Efforts of Gucumatz and his
FoUowers^Exploits of Hunahpu and Xbalanque — Conquest of
Xibalba— Migration from Tulan Zuiva, the Seven Caves — Meaning
of the Quiche Tradition — Nahua Traditions— The Toltecs in
viu CONTENTS,
PAGE.
Tamoanchan according to Sahagnn— The Codex Cliinialpopoca—
Pre-Toltec Nations in Mexico- -Olniecs and Xicalancan The
Qiiinaines — Ciioliila and Quetzalcoatl — Tiie Totonacs — Teotiliuaoan
— Otomls, Mi/tecs, Zapotecs, and HuastecH — The Toltecs in
Huehue TIapallan — Migration to Andhuac— The CliichiniecM in
Amaquemccan — Ancient Home of tlie Nahuatlacas and Aztecs —
Primitive AuuaU of Yucatan — Conclusions 156
CHAPTER IV.
THE TOLTEC PEniOD.
The Nahua Occupation of Mexico in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries
— Condition of Andhuac — Tlie Mixcoliuas and Chichimcc Culhuas
— The Toltecs at Tulancingo and Tollan— Establisiinient of a
Monarchy and Choice of a King, 710-720 A. D. — Kingdoms of
Culhuacan and Ijuauhtitlan — The Teoamoxtli — I'ropiiecies and
Death of Huenian— Hirth of Quct/alcoatl— Foundation of the
Empire, 85() A. D. — Alliance between Culhuacan, Otompnn, and
Tollan — licign of Toi»iltziu Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl at Tolhm -Ex-
cesses of Hucmac II., or Tcei)ancaltzin — Xochitl, tlie King's
Mistress — Fulfillment of the Prophet's Predictions Toveyo's
Adventures — Plagues sent upon the Toltecs -Famine and Pesti-
lence — Reign of Acxitl, or Topiltzin — Debauchery of King,
Nobles, and Priests —Tokens of Divine Wrath^Foreign Inva-
ders—Final Overthrow of the Toltec Empire '2'M
CHAPTER V.
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
The Chichimccs in Amaqueniecan — Migration to Andhuac under
Xolotl — The Invaders at Chocoyaii and Tollan — Foundation of
Xoloc and Tenayocan -Xolotl II., Emperor of the Chichimccs —
Division of Territory — The Toltecs at Culhuacan — llule of Xiuh-
tcmoc and Nauhyotl III. — Pochotl, Son of Acxitl — Conquest of
Culhuacan — Death of Nauhyotl — Huetzin, King of Culhuacan—
Migration and Ueceiitiou of the Naluiatlaca Tril)es — Tl- .\co11iuas
at Coatlichan and the Tepanecs at Azcapuzalco — > i.iohuacatl.
King of ('ulhuacan — Revolt of Yacanex— Death of Xolotl II. —
Nopaltzin, King of Tenayocan, and Emperor of the Chichimccs —
Reigns of A'chitometl and Icxochitlanex at Culhuacan — Teiulen-
cies toward Toltec Culture 289
CHAPTER VI.
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD. — CONTINUED.
Migration of the Aztecs — Nations of Andhuac at Beginning of the
Thirteenth Century— The A^ztecs submit to the Tepanecs— Reign
CONTENTS.
ix
PAQE.
of the Emperor Tlotiin— Quinuntzin, King of Tezouco and Clii-
otiiinec Eini>oror- -Truiisfor of tlic Capital — Tenaiu'ttcaltziii UHiirptt
the Imperial Throne nt Tenayocon — The Usurper defeated by
Tepanecs and Mexicans — A(;o]naliuacatl proelninied Emperor —
(juinantziu's Victories— llaltic at I'oyaulitlan- (jiiinantzin again
Emperor — Toltcc Institutions at Tezcuco — Events at C^ulhuacan —
Mexicans driven from Chnpultepec— Alliance between Mexicons
and Culhuas— Ileligious Strife — Foundation of Mexico — Reign of
the Enii)cror Techotl— Political (;iiangcs— Ruin of the Culliua
Power — Tezozonioc, King of Azcapuzabo— Separation of Mexicans
and Thitelulcas — Aeamapichtli II., King of Mexico — Qnaquauh-
pitzahuac, King of Tlatelulco 321
CHAPTER VII.
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD — CONCLUDED.
Aztec History — Rcigus of Acaniai)iclitli II. and Quaquaulipit-'u uac —
Rebuilding of Culhuacan — Huitzilihuitl II., King of ,,;,>xico -
Tlacatcotzin. King of Tlatelulco — Chiuiali>opoca Succeeds in Mex-
ico — F'" '' of Techotl — Ixtlilxochitl, Emperor of the Cliiclii-
mecs — Symptoms of Discontent — Plans of Tezozonioc, the Te-
; :vnec King — Secret (Council of RcIhjIs — Religious Tolenxtion in
Tezcuco — Conquest of Xaltocan and Cuitlahuac— Birth of Nezahu-
alcoyotl — War between Tezcuco and Azcapuzalco — Victories of
Ixtlilxochitl — Siege and Fail of Azcapuzalco -Treachery of Tezo-
zomoc— Fall of Tezcuco — Flight and Death of Ixtlilxochitl — Te-
zozonioc proclaimed Emperor — Rc-orgunization of the Enii)ire— Ad-
ventures of Nezahualcoytl — Death of Tezozonioc— Maxtla usurps
the Imperial Throne— Murder of the Mexican Kings — Nezaliual-
coyotl's Victory — Itzcoatl, King of Mexico — Acolhua and Aztec
Alliance— Fall of Azcapuzalco — The Tri-partite Alliance, or the
New Empire ST/J
CHAPTER VIII.
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
Outline of the Period — Revolt of Coyuhuacan — NezahualcoyotI on
the Throne of Tezcuco — Conquest of Quauhtitlan, Tultitlan, Xo-
chimilco, and Cuitlahuac— Conquest of Quauhtitlan— Destruction
of the Records — Death of Itzcoatl and Accession of Montezuma I.
New Temples at Mexico— Defeat of the Chalcas — Troubles with
Tlatelulco— Conquest of Cohuixco and Mazatlan — Flood and Six
Years' F'amine — Conquest of Miztccapau — The Aztecs conquer
the Province of Cuetlachtlan and reach the Gulf Coost — Final
Defeat of the Chalcas— Caini>aign in Cuextla" — Birth of Neza-
hualpilli — Improvements in Tcnochtitlan — Embh:<4y to Chicomoz-
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
toe — Death of Montezufna I. and Accession of Axayacatl — Raid
in Tchminteiiec — Chiitialpopoca succeeds Totoquiliuatzin on the
Throne of Tlacojian — Nezahualpilli succeeds Nczahualcoyotl at
Tezcuco — Revolt of Tlatelulco — Conquest of Mutlaltzinco — Defeat
by the Tarascos — Death of Axayacatl 400
CHAPTER IX.
THE AZTEC PEIIIOU — CONCLUDED.
Ucip;n of Tizoc — Nezahualpilli defeats the Ilnexotzincas — Ahuitzotl,
King of Mexico — Campaigns for Captives — Dedication of Huitzi-
lopochtli's Temple — Seventy Thousand Victims — Totoquihuutzin
II., King of Tlacopan — Mexican Conquests — Conquest of Totona-
capan — Aztec Reverses — Successful Revolt of Tehuantc[>ec and
Zapotecapan— Conquest of Zacatollan — Anecdotes of Nezahualpilli
New Aqueduct, and Inundation of Mexico — Montezuma II. on the
Throne — Condition of the Empire — Montezuma's Policy — Unsuc-
cessful Invasion of Tlascala — Famine — Conquest of Miztecapan —
Tying-np of the Cycle in 1507 — Omens of coming Disaster — The
Si)aniard8 on the Coast of Central America — Trouble between
Mexico and Tezcuco — Retirement and Death of Nezahualpilli —
Cacania, King of Acoibuacan— Revolt of Ixtlilxochitl — Final Cam-
paigns of the Aztecs — The Spaniards on the (jlulf Coast — Arrival
of liernan Cortiis 4.3G
CHAPTER X.
HISTORY OP THE EASTERN PL.\TEAU, MICHO.VCAN, AND OAJACA.
Early History of the Eastern Plateau — The Chichimec-Toltecs — Arrival
of the Tco-Chicbimecs in Antihuac — They Conquer and Settle the
Eastern Plateau — Civil Wars— Miscellaneous Events — Wars l)e-
twcen Tlascala and the Nations of Analniac — Early History of
Micboacan- -Wars between Wanacaces and Tarascos — Founding
of Tzintzuntzan — Metamorphosis of the Tarasco Princes — Encroach-
ments of the Wanacaccs — The King of the Isles — Murder of Pa-
wacume and Wapeani — Reigns of Curatame, Tariacuri, Tangaxoan
I., Ziziz Pandacuarc, Zwanga, and Tangaxoan II. — Origin of the
Miztecs and Zapotecs — Wixipucoeha — Rulers of Oajaca — The
Huavcs and Mijes — Later Kings and History of Oajaca— Wars
with Mexico 483
CHAPTER XI.
THE QUICHE-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE IN OnATEHALA.
No Chromdogy in the South — Outline View — Authorities — Xba-
lanque at Utatlan— The Migration from Tulau — Balam-Quitz^
CONTENTS.
XI
PAGE.
and his Companions — Sacrifices to Toliil— The Quichda on Mount
Hacavitz — The Tainub and Ilocab — First Victories — Qocavib
Founds the Monarchy at Izniachi — Tlic Toltec Theory — Imag-
inary Empire of tlio East — Different Versions of Primitive Hist-
ory — The Cakcliiquel Migration — Juarros and F'uentes — Lists of
Kings — Cakchiquels under Hacavitz— Reigns of Balam-Conachc,
Cotuha, and Iztayul, at Izniachi — War against the Ilocab — Tl»e
Stolen Tribute — Gucumatz, Quiche Eniiieror at Utatlan — ("hanges
ill the Government— Ueigns of Cotuha II., Tepepul, and Iztayul
II. — Calvchiquel History — Conquests of Quicab I. — Revolt of the
Achihab — Disrnemberinent of the Empire — Cakcliiquel (^onquests
—Reigns of the last Guatemalan Kings — Appearance of the Span-
iards under Alvarado in 1524 540
CHAPTER XII.
MISCELLANEOUS TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
Scarcity of Historical Data — The Tribes of Chiapas — The Founders
and Heroes of tlie Cliiapanec Nation — Wars with the Aztecs — The
People of the Southern Coast — They are vanquished by the 01-
mecs — Their Exodus and Journey — They settle and separate —
Juarros' Account of the Origin and later History of the Pipilcs —
Pipile Traditions — The Founding of Mictlaii — t^ueen Comiza-
hual — Acxitl's Empire of the East — '^v^ Cholutecs — Various
Tribes of Nicaragua — Settlements of the Isthmus 603
CHAPTER XIII.
HISTORY OP THE MAYAS IN YUCATAN.
Alwrlginal Names of Yucatan — Tlic Primitive Inhabitants from the
East and West — Zanina the Pontill-King — The Itzas at Chichen —
Rules of Cukulcan at Chichen and Mayapan — His Di.sappearaiice
on the Gulf Coast — The Cocomc Rule at Mayapaii — Appearance
of the Tutul Xius— Translation of the Maya Record by Perez and
IJrasseur— Migration from Tulaii — Conquest of IJacalar and Chi-
chen — Itza Annals — Tutul Xius at l^xmal — Overthrow of the
Cocomc Dynasty — The Confederacy, or Empire, of Tutul Xius,
Itzas, and Chclcs — Fable of the Dwarf- -Overthrow of the Tutul
Xius — F'iiial I'eriod of Civil Wars 614
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THE NATIVE EACES
PACIFIC STATES.
PRIMITIVE HISTORY.
CHAPTER I.
16
14
ON THE ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
Spirit of Inquiry in the Middle Ages— Unity of Obioin— Flood
Myths— Aboriginal Traditions of Origin— Culture-Heroes—
China— JAPAN-HiNnosTAN-TARTARY— The Egyptian Thkorv
—The Phcenicians- Votan's Travels— The Carthaginians—
The Hebrew Theory— Thk Mormon Story— The Visits of thb
Scandinavians— Celtic Origin— The Welsh— Scotch— Irish—
The Greeks and Romans— The Story of Atlamtis— The Au-
tochthonic Theory.
When it first became known to Europe that a new
continent had been discovered, the wise men, philos-
ophers, and especially the learned ecclesiastics, were
sorely perplexed to account for such a discovery. A
problem was placed before them, the solution of which
was not to be found in the records of the ancients.
On the contrary, it seemed that old-time traditions
must give way, the infallibility of revealed knowledge
must be called in question, even the holy scriptures
must be interpreted anew. Another world, upheaved,
as it were, from the depths of the Sea of Darkness,
was suddenly placed before them. Strange races,
P"
a oUKilN OF THE AMEUKANS.
speak i n£f stranpfe tonjifucs, peopled the new land; curi-
ous plants covered its surface; animals unknown to
science roamed tlirou<i^h its immense forests; vast seas
separated it from the known world; its houndaries
were undeKned; its whole character veiled in ohscurity.
Such was the mystery that, without rule or prece-
dent, they were now required to fathom.
And what were their (pialifications to orrapplo with
such a suhject? Learninj^, such as it was, had hith-
erto heeii almost the exclusive j)ro])erty of the Church,
which vehemently repudiated science as ahsolutely in-
compatible with its pretensions; now and then fleams
of important truths would flash up in the writinj^s of
some heretical philosopher, illuminatint? for a moment
the path of intellectual projj^ress; hut such danjj^erous
fires were speedily quenched, and that they might not
spring forth again to endanger the religious ecjuilib-
rium of Christendom, their authors were generally
destroyed. The literatuie of the age consisted for
the mosu part of musty manuscripts emanating from
musty minds, utterly devoid of thought and destitute
of reason. The universally adopted view of the struc-
ture of the universe was geocentric, of the world, an-
thropocentric. To explain sucii ordinary phenomena
as that of day and night, preposterous schemes were
invented, like that of Cosmas Indicopleustes, who as-
serted that in the northern parts of the flat earth
there is an immense mountain, behind which the sun
passes and thus produces night.* Any assertion to
the contrary was heresy meriting death. Independ-
ent thought was an iniquity, ant almost unknown.
Holy writ and th writings of the early Fathers
1 ' He affirms (in a work
to the true orthodox svsti :
plane, extending four dun
naif as much north and smn
the sky rests; that one on tin
ce|)tin<; the rays of the sun, p.
is not set exactly horizontally,
hence the Euphrates, Tiyris,
rapid; but the Nile, having t(
ntitled Christian Topograpfti/) that, according
of }5eo};raphy, the earth is a quadrangular
'l days' journey east and west, and exactly
that it is inclosed by mountains, on which
'irtli side, liuger than the others, by inter-
luces night; and that the plane of the earth
ut with a little inclination from the north:
ind other rivers, running southward, are
un up-hill, has necessarily a very slow cur-
rent.' Draper's Conflict between Religion and Science, p. 65,
SCIENCE IN THE MIDDLE ACES.
8
forined tlio all-sufficient inunual of scionco: in tiioin
was contained all that it was fit foi* man to know; to
seek t'arthor was impious;' to thum all intricate sub-
jects were turned over for solution, and the riddle
must bo made to fit tlie answer, if the answer would
not fit the ridiUe. Learnin<if consisted not iit the ac-
quisition of knowledjjfe, but in the blind and meanintj-
less repetition of prescribed maxims, in forms of
rhetoric, in catechistical ceremonies, in anythini^ ex-
cept that wliich would enlii>fhten the mind and impart
true wisdom; it was, in short, a systematic course of
leadinjj^ men as far as possible away from the truth,
and leaviuLf them lost and bewildered in a labyrintli
of reli'^'ous doijmas.^
When, therefore, the questions arose, Avhonco wore
these new lands j)eoplod? how came those strani^^o
animals and plants to exist on a continent cut off by
vast oceans from the rest of the world? the wise men
of the time unhositatinsjcly turned to the sacred scrip-
tures for an answer. These left them no coui'se but to
believe that all mankind wore deseonded from one pair.
This was a promise that must by no moans be dis-
puted. The original home of the first pair was gen-
erally supposed to have been situated in Asia Minor;
the ancestors of the people found in the New World
must consequently have originally come from the Old
World, though at what time and by what route was
an open question, an answer to which was diligently
* In answer to tlie question: ' What was God Joinj; Iteforc he made th?
licavon and the eurtli? tor, if at any partictihir moment he hc^an to eni|doy
liimself, that means time, not eternity. In eternity nothinj; happens tiic
whole is present.' St Aii^nstine eaiistieally remarks: ' 1 will not answer
this question by saying that he was preparin<; hell for pryers into his mys-
teries.'
3 The teachin};*^ of the Church were iKjyond controversy, the decisions
of the Church were final; and not only in reli<;ion hut in legislation and in
science 'the pervading principle was a blind unhesitatin;^ credulity.' See
liiifklc's Civilization, vol. i., p. ,307. The Bishop of Darien once quoted
Plato in the presence of Las Casas. "IMato," Las Casas replied, "was a
Gentile, and is now burning in hell, and we are only to make use of his doc-
trine as far as it is consistent with our lioly Faith and Christian customs."
//c//«' Life of Las Casas, ]>. 120.
4 ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
sought for both in the sacred prophecies and in the
historical writings-of antiquity.*
But if the more modern writers on this subject
have been less hampered by unanswerable and im-
passable dogmas; if they have been able to believe
that there may be some difficult questions upon
which the Bible throws no light; if they have felt
themselves free to discuss, without impiety, the pos-
sibility of all mankind not having sprung from one
pair, their theories are scarcely less wild, their rea-
soning is but little sounder, their tendency to estab-
* Ah an example of the intolerance displayed by thewe early writers,
and of tlie bitterness witli whicli tiiey attacked those few thinkers who
dared to tlieorize without Icttin;^ tlieolojjical dogmas stand in their way, I
translate tlie following passage from (iarcia, who is one of the most com-
prehensive writers upon the origin of the Aniericuns: 'We would like not
even to remenilicr the unworthy opinions of certain veritable blasj)licmer8,
more barbarous than the Indians, which do not even deserve the name of
o])inions, but rather of follies: namely, that, jterhaps, the iir.st Indians
might have been generated from the earth, or from its putrefaction, aided
by the sun's heat, as (Avicena allowing this production to be easy in men)
Andres Cisalpino attempted to make credible, giving them less perfection
than Kmpedoi'Ics, who said that men had been born like the wild amaranth,
if we believe Marcus Varron . . . .Of the formation of man, though of straw
and mud, the people of Yucatan, hail light; which nonsense is not inferior
to the attempts or those who made men by means of chemistry, or magic
(described by iSolori^ano) giving it to be understood that there may be others
l)esideH the descendants of Adam, contrary to the teachings of scrijjture:
for which reason Taurelo feels indignant against Cisalpino, whose attem))t
would be reprehensible even as a paradox. Not less scandalous was the
error of the ignorant Paracelso, according to Reusnero and Kirchcro, who
left to posterity an acTount of the creation of two Adams, one in Asia, and
another in tlie West Indies; an inexcusable folly in one who had (though
corruptly) information of the Catholic doctrine. Not less erroneous is
the opinion of Isaac de La Peyrere, who placed people on the earth be-
fore Adam was created, from whom, he saiil, descended the heathen; from
Adam, the Hebrews; which folly was punished with eternal contempt by
Feli])e Priorio. Juan Hautista Morino, Juan Hil])erto, and others, I)an-
havcro giving it tiic tinisliiiig stroke by an epitaph, as Dicterico relates:
although some of the i)artics named state that La Peyrere became repent-
ant and acknowledged his error, and did penance, which the Orientals, from
whom he took that absurdity, have not'done. These, and others of tlie
same nature, may not be held as opinions, but as evidences of blimlness
publisheil by men of doubtful faith, wise, in their own esteem, and deceiv-
ers of the world, who, with lies and fraud, o))pose the divine word, as St
Clemens Alexandrinus says, closing their ears to truth, and blindfolding
themselves with their vices, for whom contcm^)t is the best reward.' OrUjrn
de Ion Iiid., p. 248. tJarcia spent nine years in Pt-ru, devotinij himself to
the study of three ])oint8: the history of the natives before tlie arrival of
the Snaniards, the origin of the natives, and the question as to whether the
ajMistles preached the gospel in America. On his return to Spain, he con-
cluded to write only upon the second toidc, leaving the others for a future
time.
SPIRIT OF INQUIRY. S
lish maxims by which any given problem may be
solved is no more satisfactory.
Theories in themselves are good things, for they
lead us to facts; it is often through tlie doubtful or
the false that we attain the truth; as Darwin says:
"False facts are highly injurious to the progress of
science, for they often long endure; but false views,
if supported by some evidence, do little harm, as
every ono takes a salutary pleasure in proving their
falseness; and when this is done, one path towards
error is closed, and the truth is often at the same
time opened."® But the value of inquiry dej)ends
much upon the spirit in which it is made, and there-
fore it is that the manner in which most of the
writers who have speculated on the origin of the
Americans have conducted their researches, is greatly
to be deplored. Their work does not impress one as
being a steadfast striving to develop unstable postu-
lates into proven facts, but rather as a reckless rush-
ing, regardless of all obstacles, to a preconceived con-
clusion. They do not offer a theory as a suggestion
of what might possibly be, but as a demonstration
founded upon an unassailable basis. Each imagines
that he has hit upon the truth, the whole truth, and
nothing but the truth; he asserts that the Aztecs
were of HebrcNv^ descent — that is settled; to prove
this he clutches at the lightest straws in the way of
analogies, and if tlio facts obstinately refuse to fit his
theory, then — taut ^>/.s' pour les faits — he war{)s them
till they do fit.
But analogies, even when fairly drawn, are by no
means contkisive evidence. So much depends upon
the environment of a ])eople, that a similarity in that
particular is of itself sufHcient to account for most of
the resemblances which have been discovered be-
tween the customs, reiigion, and traditions of the
Americans, and those of Old World nations."
5 Descent of Man, vol. ii., p. ,Sf>8.
* The vuluc of proof by aimlogy Iiuh been ijiiestioncil by many eminent
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
For my own part I have no theory upon the sub-
ject — would have no theory. The problem of the
origin of the American aborigines is, in my opinion,
enveloped in as much obscurity now as it ever was;
and when I consider the close proximity of the north-
western and north-eastern extremities of Amci'ica to
Asia and Europe; the unthought of and fortuitous
circumstances that may at any time have cast any
peoj)le upon the American coasts; the mighty con-
vulsions tiiat may have changed the whole face of
the earth during the uncounted years that man may
have dwelt upon its surface; and lastly, the uncer-
tainty, perhaps I might say improbability, of the
descent of mankind from one pair;— when I think of
all these things it seems to mo that the peopling of
America may have been accomplished in so many
ways that no more hopeless task could be conceived
than the endeavor to discover the one particular
manner of it.
In the following resume I wish neither to tear
down nor to build up, l)ut simply to give an account
of what has been thought and written upon the sub-
ject, and to show, with as little criticism as possible,
the foundation upon which each theory stands. Of
authors. Ilimiboldt writes: 'On n'est pas cii drnit de .siijiposer des com-
nniuiciitions [liirtoiit oil I'oii troiive, chez di's lu'iiplos a deiiii barliares, lo
iMilto du .solcil, on l'iisa<;e de .sacrilier ik's victiiiR's Imiiiaiiies.' l^ur.i, toiii.
i., [I. "J.'tT. 'Tlic iiistuiicos of customs, iiioroly arhitrary, coimnoii to tlio
inhaliitaut.s of l)otli liemisphcres, arc, indeed, so few and so equivocal, tliat
no tiieory concerniii},' tiie population of the New World ouj>lit to lie founded
iipou tlicni.' As rej;ards relij,'ious rites, 'the human niiud, even where it.s
o[icratious apjicar most wild and caiiricious, hoMs a course so rej^ular, that
in every a;;e aiul country the <lonnnio*i of ])articular passions will he at-
tended with similar ellei'ts.' Jio'irrlsnii'a Uisl. .!///'■/•., vol. i., p. 'it)!). War.
den remarks that nations known to he dis.'inct, to have had no intercourse,
breed similar customs— these, therefore, f^row from physical and moral
causes. Ilir/inr/ics, p. '20."). 'In attemptiiijj to trai'e relations lietweeu
them and the rest of mankind, we cannot expect to <lis('over proofs of their
derivation from any particular trilie or nation of the < lid Continent.' J'rich-
oril't Xdt. Hilt. Mmi, vol. ii., p. 494. 'To tell an inquirer who wishes to
deduce one jiopnlatiou from another that certain distant tribes a;;rec with
the one under discussion in certain ])oints of resemblance, is as irrelevant
as to tell a lawyer in seari'h of the next of kin to a client deceased, that
thon;;h vou know of no relations, you can liml a nuin who is the very pic-
ture of him in person — a fai't vood enon;:h in itself, but not to the pur-
pose.' Lulhainn Mail ami his Miijritliuiis, pji. 7t-o.
DESCENDANTS OF NOAH. 7
the comparative value of the opinions the reader
must be his own judu^o. Of the vahie of this dis-
cussion of the subject there is this to be said ; as a
curiosity, showing- the coh)r given to mind by its en-
vironment, showing the bhnd and ahnost frenzied'
efforts of different men of different epochs, creeds,
and culture, to fathom a hitherto unfathomable mys-
tery, — ^this, together with the collateral light thrown
upon the subject of aboriginal America, if there be
no other advantage in it, will amply repay the in-
vestigation.
The earliest writers required three propositions
to be taken for granted:* First, that the entire
human race are descended from one original pair,
and from Noah through Sheni, Ham, and Japheth;
second, that America was peopled from one of three
sources — Asia, Africa, or Europe; third, that all
knowledge arises from one of four sources — knowl-
edge pure and absolute, from a knowledge of causes;
opinion more or less uncertain; divine faith, suie and
infallible, leased upon the holy scriptu)'es as inter-
preted by the Church; human faith, dependent upon
the statements of men. The first of these four
sources of knowledge tlirows no light upon the sub-
ject; the third is equally useless here, since the
scrijitures are silent after the time of Noah, though,
as we shall presently see, iiuge endeavors have been
made to make them s}>eak; as for the fourth, Euro-
peans, even if they conjectured the possible existence
of an undiscovered continent, wore certain that it
was not inlial)ited,'' while the Americans were en-
'' Certainly niiiny of tlic writers must liave l>eoii either fools or dc-
menteii, if we .iii(l;,'e them by their work uiiil arfjumeiits.
8 Iriirriii, Oriijiii dr /os Intl., pii. 7-1-.
9 When Dctijima estaliiished tlie ;;l(ihiilar form of the earth by liis voy-
ajje round theCajieof (iood Hope, in 141(7-S, 'the ))olitieaI eonseiiuenees
that at once ensued ]daeed tiie I'apal (iovernnient in a position of fjreat
emiiarrassment. Its traditions and policy forhade it to admit anv other
tlian tiie Hat li^ure of the earth, as revealed in the Scriptures.' In liV.'O
Magellan discovered the Ktrait which now bears his name, and 'henceforth
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
tirely ignorant of the part of the world from which
they sprang.
The first of the three propositions mentioned
above, namely, that all mankind are descended from
one original pair, seems to have been taken for
granted by almost all the writers, ancient and mod-
ern, who have had some theory to sustain respecting
the origin of the Americans.^" The question of the
unity of the human race, as considered without bias
by modern scientific men, remains, however, unde-
termined; though it may be fairly said that the best
the theological doctrine of tlie flatness of the earth was irretrievably over-
thrown.' Draper's Goufliri, j>j). 163-5. St An<;ustiu atlinned tiiat the
world beyond the tropic of cancer was nninluibited. 'Ea vero veteruni
sententia, pcrspicua atqne inuictu, vt ipsis videbatnr, ratione nitebatur.
Nam vt quii'(iue rcj^io ad meridiem propius acccdit, ita solis ardoril)us
niiifjis expositam aniinaduerterant, id(|ue aueo verum est, vt in eadeni
ItaliiU proiiincia Apnliam Li<^nria, & in nostra Hispania ISieticam Canta-
bria vsque adeo feruentiorem nota re Hceat, vt per gradus vixdum octo
grande frigoris & ii'stns discrinien sit.' Acosta, l)e Nalfra Novi Orbis,
lol. 27. 'Lactautiiis Firmianus, and St. Anstin, who strangely jear'd
at as ridicnious, and not thinking tit for a Serious Answer tin; Foolish
Opinion of Antipodes, or another Habitable World beyond the Eijuator:
At which, Lactantius Drolling, says, what, Forsooth, here is a fine Opin-
ion broacii'd indeed; an Antipodes! heigh-day! I'eople whose Feet tread
with ours, and walk Foot to Foot with us; their Heads downwards, and
yet drop not into the Sky! There, yes, very likely, the Trees loaden with
Fruit grow downwards, and it Hains, Haii.s, and Snows upwards; the i!oofs
and Spires of Cities, tops of Mountains, ])oint at the Sky beneath them,
and the Rivers revers'd topsi-turvy, ready to tlow into the Air out of their
Channels.' 0<jilh>fs America, pp. (J-7. The ancients believed a large por-
tion of the globe to be uniiduibitablc by reason of excessive heat, which
must have greatly deterred discovery.
10 Touching the question whether the Americans and the people of the
old world are of common origin, see: lirasnnir ile Jioiirlwurg, tlist. Nat. ■
Civ., tom. i., pp. 1-31; Ti/lor's AiKi/iiinc, p. 104; Clarigero, Storia Ant. del
Mes.iiro, tom. iv., pp. 14-24; Torqurmada, Mniainj. Ind., tom. i., pp. 1-31;
Rainirrz, in Soc. Mi:r. (h-og., Bolitin, 2da i'])oca, tom. iv., p. M; WVid-
loh's lifscarchc.i on Amcr., pp. 175-8; Mayi'r'n Mix. tin it iVa.s; p. 200;
DomcnrrlCs Jkscrtu, vol. i., j)p. (!()-80; Prcsrott\'i Max., vol. iii., p. 389;
Bradford's Amrr. Aiitiq., j)p. 237-40, 351, 354, 420-,'{5; Charlcroix,
quoted in Carrcr's Trav., pp. 15)7-8; Fontaine's How the World was Peo-
pled, ]>. 17, et .se(i,; Crowe's Cent. Amer., p. (51; William.'i' Enquiry into
Trailition; C/iera/irr, Mexique, j>. 134; Wilson's Pre-Iiist. Man, pp.
611-14, 485-0; Carli, Cartas, pt i., p. 16; Chamis.w, in Kotzebue's I'oi/at/e,
vol. ii., pp. 405-0; Priehard's lie.iearrhe.s; v(d. v., ])p. 541-0; Ilianlnddt,
Viies, tuxH. i., pp. 22, 31 Innumerable other speculations have been made
on this point, but in most cases by men who were but ]>oorly <|ualilied to deal
with a subject recpiiring not only learning, but a determination to investi-
gat« fairly and without bias. Adair's rea.soning in this connection will
serve lO illustrate: 'Ood employed six days, in creating tiu) heavens, this
earth, and the innumerable- species of creatures, wherewith it is so amply
furuished. The works uf a being, inliuitely perfect, must entirely answer
UNITY OR DIVEUSITY OF ORIGIN. 9
of the arfjument is on tlio side of those who maintain
tlie primitive diversity of man. It happens that
those who are most earnest in upholdinc^ the bibhcal
account of the creation, and consequently the unity
of man, must, to be consistent, also uj)hold the bib-
lical system of chronolos^y, which teaches that man
has not existed on the earth for more than six thou-
sand years. Tiiis is unfortunate, since it is evident
that the higher we believe the antiquity of man to
be, the easier it is for us to admit the unity of origin
of the strony:ly marl<ed varieties that now exist."
The honor of peopling America has frequently been
given to Noah and his immediate descendants. But
even were we sure that the tradition recorded in the
Bible of Noah's strange doings is accurate in every
respect, the narrative does not throw any definite light
upon his subsequent proceedings, and we nuist invent
wonders to add to wonders if we make anything more
out of it. The subject cannot bo discussed intelli-
tlie (li'sijjn of them: licnee llicre potild l)e no necessity for a second crea-
tion; ortJoil's creiitiii;; iniiiiy ))!iirs of the liuinan race (litlerini^ from each
otiicr, and fitted for diflerent climates: hecaiise, that implies imiierfection,
ill the ^(raiid scheme, or a want of power, in tlie execution of. it- Had there
Itecn a prior, or Liter formation of any new class of creatures, they imist
materially (liH'er from those of the six days work; for it is inconsistt'iit with
divine wisilom to make a vain, or unnecessary repetition of the same act.
Rut the .American Inilians neitiier vary from the rest of mankind, in thi-ir
internal construction, nor external appearance, except in colour; which, iiH
liath heen shewn, is either entirely accidental, or artificial. As the Mosaic
account declares a completion of the manifestation of (iod's inlinite wisdom
and power III creation, within that s|iace of time; it follows, that the In-
dians have lineally ilesceiided troni Adam, the first, and the ^'reat parent of
all the liiiman species.' Ainrr. Jik/., pji. Il-ll!. To the works of those
modern scientists, such as I.ycU, Darwin, and others, who have treated of
the unity of the iinnian species at larj;e, 1 need not ref(!r the reader here.
An excellent resume of the subject will, liowever, he found in Fontcr's
I'rc-llisf. liarvs, ])ii. :i."»;{-(>7.
" 'Weliiid4)n tlie earliest K^typtian monuments,' says Sir .John Luh-
hock, '.some of which are ••ertainly as ancient as 'J4(M> ii. c, two f;reat dis-
tinct types, the Arab <iii the east and west of K;,'ypt, the Ne^jro on the
south. These distinct types still predomiiiate in K^ypt and the ni'ij,'hI)oiir-
iii;; countries. 'I'liiis, then, says Mr. I'oole, in this immense interval we
tlo not find "the least chan;re in tiie Nei,'ro or the .Arab; and even the type
which seems to be intermediate between them is virtually as nnaltered.
Those who consider that len^jth of time (-an change a type of man, will do
well to consider the fact that three thousand years f?ive no ratio on whicii
a calculation could he founded."' Crawfiird, also says: the millions ' "of Af-
rican Negroes that have during three centuricu beeu transported to the New
10
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
gently, but I will give some of the opinions that have
been held on the subject.
Noah's ark, says Ulloa, gave rise to a number of
such constructions; and the experience gained dur-
ing the patriarch's aimless voyage emlwldened his
descendants to seek strange lauds in the same man-
ner. Driven to America and the neighboring islands
by winds and currents, they found it difficult to re-
turn, and so remained and peopled the land. He
thinks the custom of eating raw fish at the present
day among some American tribes, was acquired during
these long sea voyages. That they came by sea is
evident, for the north, if, indeed, the continent be con-
nected with the old world, must be impassable by rea-
son of intense cold. ^'^ Ulloa, although he would not
for a moment allow that there could have been more
than one general creation, does not attempt to ocount
for the presence of strange animals and plants in
America; and I may observe here that this difficulty
is similarly avoided by all writers of his class." Les-
World aiul its islands, arc tlio same in colour as the present inhal>itants of
the parent eonntrv of tlieir forefathers. The Creole Spaniards, wlio have
for at U'ast as Ijjn;; a time heen settled in troi)ieal Anieriea, are as fair aa
the jieople of Arraj^on and Andalusia, with the same variety of colour in
the liair and eve as their pro^jenitors. The pure Dutch Creole colonists of
the Cane of tJood Hope, after dwellin;,' two centuries an- nj; hlack Catl'res,
aiul yellow Hottentots, do not dill'er in colour from the i)eople of Holland."*
I'tr-Hist. Times, pp. 587-8. We lind 'upon Ejjyjitian nionunients, mostly
of the tliirteenth, fourteenth, an<l lifteenth centuries before the Christian
Era. representations of individuals ot numerous nations, African, Asiatic,
and European, diHeriiif; in physical characteristics as widely as an,v equal
numher of nations of the present ajie that could be grouped together;
among these being negroes of the true Nigritian stain]>, deiiicted with a
lidelity as to color and features, hardly to be surpassed 1)v a modern
artist. That such diversities had heen produced bv natural means in the
interval between that remote age and the time of >'oali, prolmbly no one
versed in the science of anatomy and physiology will consider credible.'
Fos/rv's Pir-llist. liners, j). '.iiil.
li Xofin'ds Aiiirricniiii.s', p]). ,391-5, 405-7. On pages 280-304, he has an
argument, backed by geological evidences, to show that America is tho
oldest continent.
iJ 'Were we to admit,' say some ethnologists, 'a unit.y of origin of such
strongly-markeil varieties as the Negro and European, dilfering astheyilo in
colour and bodily constitution, each fitted for distinct clinuites, and exhibit-
ing some marked i)eculiarities in their osteological, and even in some details
of cranial and cerebral conformation, as well as in their average intellectual
endowments, — if, in spite of the fact that all these attrilmtes have been faith-
fully handed down unaltered fur hundreds uf generations, we are to believe
i!l(
NOAirS DESCENDANTS.
11
carbot cannot sec wliy "Noah should have experi-
enced any difficulty in reaching America by sea, when
Solomon's ships made voyages lasting three years.""
Villa<»'uticrre," on the contrary, thinks it more
probable that Noah's sons came to America by
land; an opinion also held by Thompson, who be-
lieves, however, that the continents were not dis-
connected until some time after the flood, by which
time America was peopled from the Old World. ^"^
(.)rrio remarks that many have supposed that Noah,
in order to be able to people the New World as well
as the Old, must, during his three hundred and fifty
years of post-diluvian life, have had more children
than are mentioned in the bible; but in his opinion
there Avas no necessity for more progenitors, since one
woman can in two hundred and ten years become the
ancestor of one milli<jn six hundred and forty-seven
thousand and eighty-six persons. He thinks that Ham
was the father of the American race.^^ Alontanus con-
siders it quite in accordance with Noah's character and
mission that he should have attended to the peopling of
the world during his long life.^** J^'Estrange is of
opinion that 8hem and his children, who Avere not
auiong the builders of Babel, moved gradually east-
ward, and were, further, forced in that direction even
to America, by the })rogeny of Ja])hetli.'" We read in
one of the Abb6 J)omenech's works, '^"^ that ( )p]ur, one
of Noah's descendants, went to Peru and settled there.
tliiit, in the course of timo, they have all ilivcrjj;e(l from one coininoii stock,
how shall we resist the argumrnt of the traiismutalioiiist, who eouteiids
that all closely allied species of aiiiiiials uihI |ihiiits have in liiie iiiaiiiier
spriiii'^' froMi a eoiiinioii ])areiita,ne?' Li/i/Ts AnUq. uf Man, pp. 4,"3-4.
'1 Lr.si'iir/io/, Hist. Xuiiv. France, lih. i., cap. iii.
'•■i Jfi.i/. Com/. Itzii. ])p. 'iC.-S.
" i'aiii/i/ilr/rrr, 1S15. Thompson calculates the s|)rea(lin.Lj of Noah's
chihlreii up to the time of I'elcj:, when the I5il>le declares the earth to have
heen divided. Ho also shows that this division happeneil earlier than is
generally sui>|)osed.
" Orn'u, S(i/wion, p. 41, et sen. Torqueniada also believes Hani to
have heen the father of the race. Monarq. Intl., toni. i., pp. "Jl-.SO.
•^ XiiuiiY U'lrirlil, p. 'M.
" L'Estntiujr, Amcricuns no Jcurs.
io Uincrts, \ol. 1., p. 20. 'The Peruvian language,' writoa Ulloa, 'is
12
OUIGIN OF TIIK AMERICANS.
rulintf those who went with him. Sijjruenza and Sis-
ter Af^nes de la Cruz, conjectured that the Americans
were descended from Naphtuhim, the son of Mizraim
and grandson of Ham, whose descendants left Egypt
for America shortly after the confusion of tongues."
Pineda thinks the same.^ Clavigoro considers it
proven by the native flood-myths and traditions of
foreign origin that the Americans are descendants of
Noah. He quotes the tradition of Votan,^' who is
declared to have been closely connected with the
Babel-builders, the originator of that enterprise being
his uncle, ^*
Let us see, now, what these flood-myths are. This
I may say first, however; boijjg of them are doubt-
less spurious, and few have escaped the renovating
touch of the Spanish priests and chroniclers, who
throu'rhout their writings seem to think it their
bounden duty to make the ideas and history of the
New World correspond to those of the Old. And
what the old writers have added or invented, the
modern writers are, in most cases, ready and glad to
accept as genuine, without doubt or question. "It is
impossible," says Viscount Kingsborough, " when read-
ing what Mexican Mythology records of the war in
heaven, and of the fall of Zontemonque and the other
rebellious spirits ; of the creation of light by the word
of Tonacatecutli, and of the division of the waters;
of the sin of Yztlacoliuhqui, and his blindness and
nakedness ; of the temptation of Suchiquecal, and her
disobedience in gathering roses from a tree, and the
consequent misery and disgrace of herself and all her
posterity, — not to recognise Scriptural analogies. But
the Mexican tradition of the Deluge is that which
something like the Hebrew, and Noah's tongue was doubtless Hebrew.'
Nolicias Amcricanas, p. ,384.
81 Ctavigcro, Sloria Ant. del Messieo, torn, iv., p. 17.
** In Soc. Mcx. Gcog., lioletin, lAa. 6poca, torn, iii., p. 343.
»' See vol. iii. of this work, p. 450, et seq.
*< Storia Ant. del Mcssico, toni. iv., p. 15. Hcredia y Sarniicnto follows
Clavigero. Sennones, p. 84.
ABORIGINAL FLOOD-MYTHS.
13
bears the most unequivocal marks of having been de-
rived from a Hebrew source. "''''
We have seen in a preceding volume how, accord-
ing to the common version of the Mexican flood-
inytli, Coxcox and his wife Xochiquetzal were the
only human beings who escaped from the great deluge
which covered the face of the earth in the Age of
Water. How, Avhen the waters went down, the ark
in which they had saved themselves — the hollow
trunk of a bald cypress — rested upon the Peak of Cul-
huacan; and how the dumb children that were born
to the rescued pair were taught many languages by a
dove. We have also read the reputed Tarasco
legend of Tezpi, which so closely resembles the bib-
lical legend of the deluge that it cannot be discussed
as a native tradition at all, but must be regarded sim-
ply as the invention of some Spanish monk who
thought it his mission to show that the Hebrew tra-
ditions were fiimiliar to the Americans.'^'' In Guate-
mala, among the Miztecs, and in Nicaragua there were
also traditions of great and destructive deluges.'^''
The Pitpagos tell of a mighty Hood that destroyed
all life on the earth, except the hero-god Montezuma
and his friend the Coyote who had foretold the del-
uge. Each of these made for himself an ark, and
when the waters subsided and they met on the small
l)atch of dry land that first appeared, Montezuma dis-
patched the Coyote four times to find out exactly how
the sea lay.^' Very similar is the Pima legend which
relates how the prophet who would not heed the thrice
repeated warnings of the Eagle was destroyed by a
25 Mcx. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 40L Priest, Amer. Aiifiq., j)]). 142-.*?, thinks
that an ivory image renresentiiig a mother and chihl found in Cincinnati,
may have heen taketi to Uritain by the ( ireeks or Komans, who knew of tlie
prophecies concerning the Virgin and Chihl Jesus, and thence brought to
America. See, also, concerning religious belief, baptism, circumcision, and
other Christian-like rites in the New World: Ti/lor\i Anahuan, \t\^. 27!>-80;
PrcurntCs Mcx., vid. iii., pp. 378-85; Srhoolcrnffs Arch., vol. L, pp. 17-18;
M'Viilloh's Researches on Amer., pp. 111-40; Lnti'ohe's Rambler, pp. 205-0.
26 See vol. iii., pp. C6-9, and comments in accompanying notes.
" III, pp. 72-5.
«8 f,i^ p. 70.
u
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
flood, and liow Szeukha, tlie sou of the Creator, saved
liimself by floating on a ball of gum or resiu.'^" The
Mattoles of California regard Taylor Peak as the
])oint on which their forefathers took refuge from a
destructive flood.^ Other Californian tribes have a
tradition of a deluge from which the Coyote, with his
usual good-fortune, was the only living thing that es-
caped, if we except an eagle who was nuraculously
formed from a single feather that floated on the face
of the waters.^* Lake Tahoe was formed by a flood
which destroyed all mankind but a very small rem-
nant.^'^ The Thlinkeets relate that many i)crsons
escaped the great deluge by taking refuge in a great
floating l)uilding, which, when the waters fell,
grounded upon a rock and was split in twain. From
this moment men spake in various tongues, for there
remained in one fragment of the divided ark those
whose descendants speak tlio Thlinkeet language, and
in the other those whose tlescendants employ a differ-
ent idiom.^^ The Chipewyan dehige covered all the
earth except the liigh mountain- tops, upon which
many of the peo[>le saved themselves.^* The Isthmi-
ans believed that the world was peopled by a man
w'ho with his wife and children escaped the great
flood. The Peruvians had several flood-myths. One
of them relates that the whole face of the earth was
changed by a great deluge, attended by an extraor-
dinary eclipse of the sun which lasted five days. All
living things were destroyed except one man, a shep-
herd, with his family and flocks. It happened in
this Avise. Some time before the flood this shepherd,
while tending his flock of llamas, remarked that the
animals appeared to be oppressed with sadness, and
that they passed the whole night in attentively
i I
» Ir/., pp. 78-9.
30 III, p. 86.
31 LI., p. 88. , '
s*/./., p. 89.
33 I(L, p. 10.3.
3* Mackenzie's Voyages, p. cxviii.
PEltUVIAN I'LOOD-MYTHS.
15
Avatching the course of the stars. Filled with aniaze-
iiicnt, he iiiterro<j^ated the llamas as to the cause of
their concern. Directing his attention to a group of
six stars, massed closely together, they answered that
that was a sign that the world would shortly he de-
stroyed hy a deluge, and counseled him, if he wished
to escape the universal destruction, to take refuge
with his family and flocks on the top of a neighhoring
mountain. Acting upon this advice, the shepherd
hastily collected his llamas and children and proceed-
ed with them to the summit of mount Ancasmarca,
where a crowd of other animals had already sought
safety. The warning had not come a moment too
soon, for scarcely had they reached the mountain-top,
Avhen the sea burst its bounds and with a terrible
roaring rushed over the land. But as the waters rose
higher and higher, filling the valleys and covering the
plains, behold, tlie mountain of refuge rose with it,
floating upon its surface like a ship upon the waves.
This lasted five days, during which time the sun hid
himself and the earth was wrapped in darkness. On
the fifth day the waters began to subside, and the
stars shone out on the desolate world, which was
eventually re-peopled by the descendants of the shep-
herd of Ancasmarca.
According to another Peruvian legend, two
brothers escaped from a great deluge Avhich over-
whelmed the world in much the same manner, by
ascending a mountain which floated upon the flood.
Wlien the waters had retired, they found themselves
alone in the world; and having consumed all their
provisions, they went down into the valleys to seek
for more food. Whether they were successful in
their search, the tradition does not say; but if not,
their surprise must indeed have been agreeable when
on returning to the hut which they had built on the
mountain, they found food ready prepared for them
by unknown hands. Curious to know who their
benefactor could be, they took counsel together and
T
16
OUIGIN OF TIIK AMERICANS.
finally aj^rccd that one should hide himsolf in the
hut, while the other went into the valley. The
brother who remained concealed himself carefully,
and his j)atience was soon rewarded by seeinj]^ two
aras with the faces of women,"* who immediately set
about preparinjj^ a meal of bread and meats. But it
was not lonjjf before the aras became aware of the
presence of the concealed brother, and they instantly
essayed flight; but the man seized one of them, and
she afterwards became his wife. By her he had six
childien, three sons and three daughters, from whoso
union sprang the tribe of the Canaris, whose descend-
ants to this day hold the ara in great veneration.*'
"The Peruvians were acquainted with the Deluge,
and believed that the rainbow was the sign that the
earth would not again be destroyed by water." Tliis
somewhat startling announcement is made by Lord
Kingsborough, and he shows that there can be no
reasonable doul>t on the subject in an eminently char-
acteristic manner. "This is plain," he says, "from
the speech which Mango Capac, the reputed founder
of the Peruvian empire, addressed to his com-
panions on ])eliolding the rainbow rising from a
hill; which is thus recorded by Balboa in the
ninth chapter of the third part of his Miscellanea
Antarctica: 'They traveled on until a mountain, at
present named Guanacauri, presented itself to their
view, when on a certain morning, they beheld the
rainbow rising above the mountain, with one ex-
tremity resting upon it, when Manco Capac ex-
'^ 'On plutot (Iciix femnies, portant '.o nom d'Ara,' says Brasseur do
Boiirbourg; I i)rcfL'r, liowevor, the. '\i,.''.ial reading. Tlic Ara is a kind of
pariHHiuet, roniniou in South Aincru'ii. and .so called because it continually
rojHMt.s tiic cry am, ova. lieinj^a half bird, half woman, are as likely to
ti;,'ure in .such a Ic^^cnd as the above as not. Besides, shortly afterwards
the narrative speaks of ' les deux oiseaux,' rcferrin;; to the aras.
36 For both of these flood-myths see: Brnsscuvdc Jionvbourq, in Landa,
Rdacioii, pp. xxx-xxxii. llerrera, Hist. Geii., dec. v., lib. lii., cap. vi. ,
"ivcs a native tradition whi';li relates that lon<; before the time of the
fncas there was a great deluge, from which .some of the natives escaped by
fleeing to the niountain-top.s. The monntain tribes assert, however, that
only six persons escaped this Hood in a balsa.
THE TOWKU OF BAUKL.
17
claiincd to liis companions, Thin is ii propitious H\*fu
tlijit the earth will not ho ajj^ain destroyed hy water.'
....Proof havin<; heen atloi-ded in the passage
quoted from the History of IJalhoa, that the Peru-
vians were acMjuaiiited with the iiistoiy of tlu; rain-
how, as yiven in the ninth chapter of (Jenesis, it may
he interesting; to add, that accordiiiL;' to the ac(,'ount
of an anonymous writer, they helieved tlu? rainl)o\\'
was not only a ])assive si^-n that the earth would not
be destroyed hv a second deluiie, hut an active in-
strument to ]irevent the rei'urrence of such a catas-
troplie: the latter curious notion proceeded u|>on the
assumj)tion that as the water of the sea (which, like
the Jews, they helieved to encircle the whole earth)
would have a tendency to rise after e.xcessive falls of
rain, so the pressure of the extremities of the rain-
how ui)on its surface would prevent its exceedini^ its
pro])er level."'"
Many of tliese Hood-myths are supplemented with
an account of an attempt to })rovide a^'ainst a second
''eluge, hy huildiniL>' a tower of refu|L»"e, resend)ling'
more or less closely the hihlical legend of the tower
of Jjahel. Thus a Cholultec legend relates that all
the ginnts who inhahited the country, save seven,
were destroyed hy a great flood, and adds that when
the waters were assuaged, one of tliese seven ))egan
to build an artificial mountain. But the anger of
the gods was aroused, and they slew many of the
builders, so the work was stopiJcd.^" In like man-
ner, in the Papago legend to which I have re-
I'erred, Montezuma, after he and the Coyote had
been saved from the flood, so incensed the (xreat
Spirit by his ingratitude and presumption, that an
insect was sent tlying to tho east to bring the Span-
iards, who, when they came, utterly destroyed Mon-
tezuma. After the deluge s})okeu of in the Lake
Tahoe myth, the few who escaped built up a great
" Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 25.
38 See vol. ii!., p. 67.
Vol. V. a
18
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
tv>Aor, the stron<if nuikinj^ tlio weak do the work.
This, it is distinctly stated, tliey did that they mij^ht
have a phice of refuge in case of anotlier Hood. But
the Great Spirit was filled with anyer at their pre-
sumption, and amidst thunderings and lightnings,
and showers of molten metal, he seized tlic op-
pressors and cast them into a cavern.'"'
These myths have led many writers to helieve that
the Americans had a knowledge of the tower of
Babel, while some think that they are the direct
descendants of certain of the builders of tliat tower,
who, after the confusion of tongues, wandered over
the earth until they reached America.*"
Many of the tribes had traditions through which
they claim to have originally come from various direc-
tions to their ultimate settling-place in America. It
will be readily seen that such traditions, even when
genuine, are far too vague and uncertain to be of any
value as evidence in any theory of origin. To each
tribe its own little territory was the one important
point in the universe; they had no conception of the
1-ea.l size of the world; most of them su])posed that
after a few days' journey the traveler could if he chose
jump otl' the ciUj;c of the earth into nothingness.
What their traditions referred to as a 'country in the
far east,' would probably mean a prairie two hundred
miles away in that direction. Nevertheless, as these
traditions have been thought to support this or that
th'Oij, it will be well to briefly review them here."
" Sep vol. iii., \m. 77, 8ft.
<» .Vci'ortliiij; to IxtlilxoohitI, tlic Toltoc trndition relntcs diat. after the
eonfiision of toiifrucs the seven faiiiilieK who s|i4>ke the 'I'oltec lan;.niiij;e set
out for tlie New World, Miiiuleriiij; one huiidreii and four years over lar;;e
extents of laud and water. Finally they arrived at Mueliue 'ria|)allan in
the year 'one Hint,' live lunidred and twenty years after the Hood. 7i(7(r-
rioiirs, in Kiiiiishnniwj/i.s J/, a*. Aiilii/., V(d. ix., ]). ',i'2'2. See also another
account, i). •!.")(); Jloturiiii, ('run. Mi. v., ])t ii., |»|). ■'i-S; /(/., Jilrti, iip. 111-27;
Vii/fia, ni.if. Anf. Mij., toui. i., pp. 24, 145, 2rj-i;{; Mniifirfa, lli.st. Krlm.,
jt. 145; Ili.it. y Aiifiif., iu Soc. Mi:i: I'cuif., Jlo/rtiii, toni. i., |). 2SI; Jiinno.s,
Hist. Glint., ^(lUttt. i8.')7^ toui. ii., |)p. fl5-(>; Dclujirli/'.i Aiitu/. Aiiirr., ]■>. ,'14;
lliimlmhlt, Viirs, toin. i., ])p. 114-1."); J'ri:irutl\i Mtx., vol. iii., pp. HSO-j;
Davis' Aiic. Aiiicr., p. .11; Ti//or\i Ana/uiae, n. 277.
<> They hud altio, us v c huvu seen in the tiiird volume, a great nuiny eu-
ORIGIN OF THE TOLTECS.
19
The tradition of the Tolteos re<T^ai'dinaf their travels
before they reached Huehiie Thipalhm lias been the
theme of much speculatit)n, especially as connected
with their descent from the l>abel builders. Ixtlil-
xochitl writes of this tradition as follows: Thev sav
that the world was created in the year Co Tecpatl,
rictus ideas as to tlie way in wliicli man was croaU'd, and as in atfcniptinf;
to jiidvi' tlu'ir tiu'orii's many writi-rs are apt to draw aiiali>;;ics in (iiis itar-
t.ailar. I j;ive a luit'f rosunK- <if tiie oreation-niyllis licrt- for tlii" reactor's
convenience: Tlie j;rossest coneeptioiis of the mystery of the l)e;L;lnnin;{
of man aie to l)e found anion<; tiie rude savaj;es of the north, who, how-
ever, as liiev are ciuite content, in manv instances, to believe that their
ear
iiest proj;enitor was a doi;; or a coyote, seem entith'd to some sympatliy
from tiie latest sciiocd of nioch'rn pliilosophy, thouj;ii it is true that their
jtroeess of (U'vciopment was ratiier ahrupt, and tiiat they clid not rec[uire
very many liniis 'ii tlieir chain of evohition. lint as we advance far-
tiier sKutii, the attempts to scdvc the |)roltlein <;rc»w less simple and the
direct instrumentality of the ;;'ods is riM|nirecl for the formatnm of man.
The Aleuts ascribe their origin to the intercourse of a cloj,' ami a hitch, or,
aceordin;,' to another version, of a hitch and a certain cdd man who came
from the north to visit his hrnte-hride. I'r nn them spran;,' two creatures.
lie
d female, each half nnin, hah' fc
d from these two the huniai
race is descended. Otln
>f the .\leuts lielieve that their can
le pidj^en-
itcu' fell from heaven. The Tinneh also owe their c)ri;,'in to a doj;; thoujrh
they heiieve that all other living creatures were called into existence Ity an
immense hird. 'I'he Thliid<eet acecnmt of the creation certainly docs not
admit of much ca\ ilin;,' or dispuic ••oneerninj,' its ehromdo;;y, method, or
freueral ]iroli.iliilily, since it merely states that men were "]dacecl on the
earth," thou_L;h when, or liow, or liy whom, it does not presunu' to relate.
Accordinj,' to the 'I'aenlly cosmo;;'oiiy, ii niusU-rat formed the dry laud,
which afterwards hec-anie jteopled, thou}i;h whether liy the a;ienc\ of that
industrious rodent <M' not, is not stictcd. Darwinism is reversed liy many
of the Wasliin;;t')n tribes, who hold that aninuils and even scune ve;;etable«
are descended from man. The human essence from which the lirst .Vhtw
were formed, was lU'liiinaliv eontaiiu'd in the bodies of animals, who
pon
bein;,' suddenly stampecled from their dwellinjfs left this mysterious matter
behind them. Some of the .Mits ecmtend. however, that they are the direct
descendants of a shadowy )iersomi^e named t^tnawteaht ami a j;i;,'antie
Thunder Bird. The I'liinooks were
ited bv a Covote, whc,, hov
did
his work so badly and pr nluced >. uh imperfect specinu'iis of hinnaidty.
thtit but for the beiu'licenl intervi'ntion ai'ii assistance of a spiiit called
II
kaiiam tlie race must liave em
th;
dec!
I- soon as
It he^an
.f the Wash-
iiii,'ton tribes ciri.yinated from t'le riii;.;ments of a lin;,'e leaver, which was
slain and cut in pic-ces by four ^la'ils at the reipiest of tn.'ir sister who was
liinin^ away fiu' some iteaver-fat. 'I'he lirst ."sbasta w.is the result of a
union between the dau^ihl'r of th" (ireat Spirit and a jirizzly bear. 'I'he
('ahioc> heiieve that Chareya, the Old .Man .\bove, i reated ihc- wurld, then
the riches and lower animals, and laHilynian. The I'oloyantcs wcie slowly
developed from Coyotes. The Iti.a Man of the ?dattoles created lirsi the
earth, bleak ami naked, and placed but one m;in upon it; then, on a sud-
den, in the midst of a mi;j:hty wh'iiwind and chick darkness. In- covered |lic>
desolate >,'lo!u' with all manner of life and verdure. One of the myths of
Soulhi' ' aiifornin attributes the creation cif man and the wm-hl to two
diviiu ' .!<,'«. The I,os Aiijjcdes tribes believe their one i;od l^naoar bicnif,'ht
fcu'th the world from eliiios, set it upon the sli nilders of «even jiianls. peo-
pled if with the lower fortiic. of uiiiiuul life, o»!<l liiiully crox» uocl his work
ao
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
and this time until the deluj^e they call Atonatiuh,
which means the ajjfe of the sun of water, because
the wond was destroyed by the delude. It is found
in tlie histories of the Toltecs that this ajj^e and first
world, as they term it, lasted seven hundred and
sixteen years; that man and all the earth were
destroyed by t>^reat showers and by lii>htnini*'s Iron-
heaven, so that nothing- remained, and the most lofty
mountains were covered up and submeru^ed to the
depth of Ciwtohnoh'tltli, or fifteen cubits;" and here
they add other fables of how men came to multiply
again from the few who esca])ed the destruction in a
by crcatiiifi; a man ninl ii woiiimi out of I'lirtli. Still further south, tlic Co-
cliiiiiis lu'lifvc ill a sole creator; tlio IVriciiis rail the maker of all lhiii<{s
Ni|>araja, ami say that the heavens an; his thvelliii;,'-|>la('e; the Siiialoas pay
revereuee to Viriseva the mother of N'ainihi, the lirst man. Aectording to
the N'avajos, all mankind ori^finally dwelt under the earth, in almost per-
])etnal darkness, until they were releaseil hy the Moth-worm, who hored his
way up to the surface. Throu|:rh the hole thus made the people swarmed
out on to the face of the earth, the Xavajos takin<r the lead. Their first
act was to manufacture t'u? sun and the nu)on, and w-ilh the li;;hf came con-
fusion of ton^fues. The vireal Fatiier and Mother of the .Moiiuis created
men iu nine races from all manner of ])rinu>val forms. The I'ima creator
made man and woman from a lump of clay, which he kneaded with the
sweat i<f his own hody, and endowed with life hy lireathiii^' upon it. 'I'he
(rreat Spirit of the l'iipa,Ltos matle lirst the earth and all livin;;; tliin;;s, and
then men in };reat nuinhers from potter's clay. The Mi/tecs ascril>e their
origin to the act of the two mi^^hty }j;ods, the male Lion Snake and the
female Tijjer Snake, or of their sons. Wind of the Nine .Snakes and Wind
of the Nine Caves. The Tezciican story is that the sun cast a dart into the
earth at a certain spot in llu> laml of Aculma. From this hole issued u
man imp)>rfectly fornu-d, and after him a wonum, from which pair mankind
are descendcil. The 'I'lascaltecs asserted that the world was the ellect of
chance, while the heavens had always existed. The most common Miixi-
can helief was. that the lirst human liein^s, a hoy and a ;;irl, were produced
from the hlood-hespriukled fra.i;ments of the hone procureil from hades )>y
the sixteen hundred fallen },'«»ls sj)run;; from the llint-kuife of which the
fjodiless t'itlali(-ue had heeu delivered. Accordin;; to the Chimalpopoca
manuscript the creator produced his work in successive epochs, man hein;;
made on the seventh day from dust or ashes. In (inatcmala there was a
helief tha» the parents of the human race were created out of the earth hy
the t wo younp-r smis of the divine Father and Mother. The tiuiche crea-
tion was a very l)uu;.'liu<.' allair. Three times and of three materials was
man made hcfore his makers were satislie<l with their work. First of clay,
hut he lacked inteljijjencc; next of wood, hut he was shrivcded and use-
less; linally of yellow and white mai/e, ami then he (iroved to he a noble
work. Four men were thus made, and afterwarcis four women.
<* 'This nice ajjreenient with the Mosaic account of the heij,'ht which
the waters of the Delutje attained above the summits of the hi;;lic.st moun-
tains is certainly extiaordiuary; since we read in the twentieth verse of
the seventh eliapter of (ienesis: " Fiflii'ii vnhiln umronl <iid the waters
])r*]vail, and the iiiuiintains were covered."'' Kingxlmrumjlis Mi-x. Aiifii/.,
vol. viii. , p. 25.
I
TRADITIONS OF QUICHE OIUGIN.
21
latiuh,
lecause
found
id first
>d and
\ wore
r.s Iron'
U lofty
to the
id Uorc
iniltiply
,iou in a
111, tlu' Co-
f all lliiii;;s
iiiiiloiis \)iiy
icortliii}; to
almost piT-
lio lioicd his
Ic swariiieil
Tlieir liiHt
1* laiuo coii-
luis I'lH-atotl
tuna « roator
il willi the
Hill it. The
thill^'s, anil
^sciiIh; thoir
ako ami the
and NViiul
111 I into the
;:<Hiit'<l a
niaiiKiixl
„ elVf.-t of
moil Moxi-
.i; pro(liu'i;il
111 hades hy
whirh the
iiiiullioi>ot''^
, man hoin^
there \\as ii
he earth hy
Jniehe erea-
ateiials was
irsl of elay,
.ed and use-
o he a nohle
'cialit whieh
jihest iiiouii-
Tih verse of
the waters
iMcx. Antiq.,
.^
toptUpetlacaU; which word very nearly Hig^nifieH a
closed chest; and how, after multiply in,i»-, the men
built a zacnali of threat heij^ht, and by tiiis is meant
a very hi<,'h tt)wer, in which to take refiig'e when the
world should bo a second time destroyed. After this
their tongue became confused, and, not understand-
ing* each otlier, they went to ditierent parts of tlie
world. The Toltecs, seven in number, with their
wives, who understood each other's speech, after
crossing great lands and seas, and undergoing many
hardships, finally arrived in America, which they
found to be a good land, and fit for habitation ; and
they say tliat they wandered one hundred and four
years in difi'erent ]iarts of the earth before tbey ar-
rived at Huehue Tlapallan, which they did in the
year Ce Tecpatl, five hundred and twenty years — or
five ages — after the Hood."
The Quiche traditions 8j)eak of a country in the
far east," to reach which innnt'iise tracts of land and
water must be crossed. There, they say, they lived a
(juiet but imcivili/A'tl life, l>aying no tribute, and
speaking a conunon language. There they worshiped
no graven images, but observed with respect the rising
sun and ])oured forth their invocations to the morning
star. The principal names of the families and ti'ibes
at that time were, Te})eu, Oloman, Cohah, Quenech,
and Ahui.*' Afterwards, continue the tfaditiitns,
tlu y iei"'^ their primitive country under the leadership
of ' 'i'iaiu chiefs, and finally after a long joui'ney
irai iud a j>lace called Tula. Where this Tula was is
ii;'<'er mm but Biasseur de Bourbourg places it on the
'ntlu''. ; ide of the sea,' and asserts that it was the
region from which the wanderers came, from time to
*' Urhirinurx, in Kiiin^lioroiii/fi's }fr.r. Aii/ii/.. v<d. ix., ])[». .T21-'2.
** 'I'll (U'ient lointain,' says nrassenr <h' noiirhoiir^'; hnt he must either
iiii'iin wii.it we call in Kiij^lisji the Orient, the Kasi, or eoiitradiet hiniself
vvliicli, hy the W!i\-, he is very |irone to do hecaiise he afterwards asserts
lat Tula is the [ilaee 'on the other side of the sea,' from which the Qiiiehe
> 'iiderers came to the north-west coast of .America.
••' Urassrur tk liuurlKiiinj, Jlist, N<(t. Cic, toin. i., jip, l(),'>-<5.
22
OUKJIX OF THK AMEHICANS.
! l!
time, to the nortli-westeru coasts of Amoricji, and
thence .southwards to Analuiac and Central America.*"
The Yucatecs are said to liavo had a tradition that
they came orii^inally from the far cast, ])assinL,^tlir()Ui,''h
the sea, Avhich (Jod made dry i'or thcm.*^ An ( )kana-
j^an myth relates that they ^vere descended iVoin a
white c()Uj)le who had heen sent adrift from an island
in the eastern ocean, and who floated ashore on this
land, Avliich has <j;r()wn larger since then. Their lon<»-
'>xj)osiP'0 on the ocean hronzed them to the color of
wind
sert th
f!i
r <lcscen(
lant
s now i
ire.*** The ('hilians a.s-
ir ancestors came fi'om the west. The
liave a tradition that they came from a
distant land, where a had ])eoj)le lived, and had to
Ch
lenow
crc^ss a
lari;-
e narrow lakt;
ie(
I with islands, wlu'ro
ice and snow continually existed.*'' The Al^onquins
preservi' a tnulition of a foreign oi'i<4'in and a sea voy-
age. For a lono- tiuKs they offiM'ed an annual thank-
otferin^- in honor of their happy arrival in America.*^
Accordiui^- to ( 'areri, the Olmec traditions relate that
they came hy sea from the east.^'
I !
The native traditions concerninijf the several cul-
ture-heroes of America have also been l)roui>]it
forward hy a low writers to .show that American
civilization was exotic and not indigenous; hut,
tlicu^h these ti'aditions are I'ar more worthy of seri-
ous consideration, iuid present a far more fascinatiniif
held I'or study than those which relate merely to
the ori.i'in or travels of the people themselves, yet,
sirann'i'ly enou'^h, they seem to have excited less
conunent and s|>eculation than any of tho.se far-
fetclu'd and trivial analogies with which all orii^in-
theories ahound.
4G
1" t'll., ]>]>. M)7 .*<.
<' ('i)iiiillit(lii, llisl. Yiir,, |). 178; Monianus, Nicuicc WrrrchI, ]i. "J.'iS.
••' />Vv.v" .iihrii., ).|). 'JH7 S.
*■> U'lin/ni. H<rl„,rli<:s, |). I'M).
■'" Diiiiiitirr/i'it Ihsrrts, vol. ii., ]). 4; SrhoulrrafCs .Irc/f. , vol. i., ]). 11).
51 Warilai, Ucdieirhix, p.'J13.
AMERICAN CULTUUE HEROES.
23
Althougli bearinuf variouH names and appeariniu^ in
different countries, tiie American culture-heroes all
present the same tjeneral characteristics. They are
all descril)ed as white, bearded men, i>enerally clad in
lonyf rohcs; appearinj^ suddenly and mysteriously
upon the scene oi' their labors, they at once set about
improviuL'' the ])oople by instructin_i( them in useful
and ornamental arts, .icivini^ them laws, exhortinu^
them to practice brotherly h)ve and other Christian
virtues, and introducing' a milder and better form of
reliijfion; havin<^ accomplished their mission, they
(lis;i|t[)ear as mysteriously and unex])ectedly as they
came; and finally, they are apotheosized and held in
great reverence by a grateful ]»osteritv. In such
guise or on such mission did Quetzalcoatl aj)pear in
C.'holula, Vcttan in Chiapas, AVix'pecocha in ()ajaca,
Zanui;i, and Cukulcan with his nineteen disci j)lei«,
in Yucatan, (Jucumatz in ( Juat^-mala,"- Viracocha in
J*eru/'' Sume''* and l*uye-Ton>e''"' in Brazil, the mys-
•'•2 'I'lic rciidcr will rccdllcct (Imt the story of cacli of tiicsi' linocs lias
li(>i'ii toll! :it Iciiulli in vol. iii. of tliis work.
■'^ 'I'lic 1('l;i'Iii1 of N'iriK'oclia, or Ticcx irai-oi'lia, as lie is soint'tiiiics calli'd,
mill liis Mn-i('s>or, is, iicconliii^ to lli'rrcra, as follows: '('iiciitaii taiiiliicii
los Iinlios, si';,'uii lo tii'iu'ii por Iradicioii dc siis aiitc|iassados, y parccc iior
SMS caiitari's, <|U(' cii sii aiili;;U('dad csliiuicron iiiiirlio lit'iiijio sin vcr Sol, y
(iiic |ior Ids ;.:raiidcs votos, y |il(>i;arias qnc lia/ian a sus dioscs, salio el Sol
ill' la la;_niua 'I'ilicara, y dc la Isla. i|ii(' csta en ell i. (pices en el ( 'oilao. y
c|iie [laiecio lii(';4o por la parte de medio dia vn liulur lilaiieo de jjran eiierpo,
y cle veiieranda preseiieia, (luc era Ian podeioso, one lia\anii las sierras,
erecia los valles, y sai'ana fneiiles tie las piedras, a) <|nal por sn ;,'iaii po-
der llaniaiian: I'rineipio de todjis las eosas eriadas, y )iadre di 1 Sol, porc|iu'
diosrra los lionilires, y aniiiiales, y por sii iiiaiio les \ino nolalile lienelicio,
y i|Me oliraiido estas niaraiiillas, fiie de laru'o lia/ia el Norte, y de eaiiiino
yiia dando ordeii de \ iila a las ^^eiites, lialdaii<lo eon iiinelio anna', aiiioiies-
tan lo (|iie fnesseii Inienos, y se aniasseii \ iios a otros, al <inal liasta los
vIliiMos tienipos de los liiuMs llainaiiA Tireiiiraeoelia, yen el t'ullao 'I'lia-
jiaca. y en otras jiarles Aniana, y i\\\v le liiziercni ninelios Teniplos, y Indtos
en ellos a sii seine janea, A. los ijiiales sacriliiaiiaii. Di/en tainliien, i|iit!
jiassailos al^iiiiios tienipos oyeroii de/ir a siis nlavo|■e^, cpie pareeio otro
Iioinlne seiiiejaiile al referido, i|iie saiiana los enferinos, daiia vista A los
eie;;os, y (|iie en la pnniiniia tU-. los ('anas, i|iii'rieiiilo loeanienle apedrearle,
lo vieroii liineadu de rodillas, iili^'adas las iiianos al Cielo, iiinoeando el
iliiiino faiior, y ipie pareeio vn fiie'^o did < 'ielo i|iie los espanto lanto,
i|iie eon ^'laiides ^ritos, y (daniore.-: le [ledian, i|ne los lilnasse d<>
aijiiel iiidi^ro, piles las viMiia aipiel easti^o por el peeado, <|ne aiiiaii
I'oineliilo, y ipie liiepi eesso el fiieijo, <|neilando aluasadas las piedras, y
oy dia se veil i|neiiiadas, y tan liiliiinas, ipie aiini|ne ^.'I'undes se lenaiitan
(OHIO einelio, y di/en. i|iie desde alii se fiie i\ la mar, y entraiiilo en idla
solne sn iiiunto teiulido iiuneti uxui se vio, [mr lo <inal le llamaroii Vi-
24
ORIGIN OF tup: AMERICANS.
terious apostle mentioned hy Kosales, in Cliili,'^ and
Boehica in Columbia." Peruvian legends speak of a
nation of giants wao can;e by sea, waged war with
the natives, and erected splendid edifices, the ruins
of man}' of which still remain.'* Besides these, there
are numerous vatjue traditions of settlements or na-
tions of white men, who lived apart from the other
people of the country, and were possessed of an ad-
vanced civilization.
The most celel)rated of these are Quetzalcoatl and
Votan. The speculations which have been indulged
racochii, fine (luicre (U'zir cs](niiia de la mar, iiObre que despues nnulA
sigiiiticiK'ioii, y <|iu! lui';io le liixiLM'on vii Teinplo, en el |iiiehlu <le Cacliii, y
ul<j;un()s Castcllanos solo por su disciirso lutu <liclii), <|U(! este deiiia «le ser
al<^iiu A|Mi>-t">l: pero ins mas eiierdos li> ticneii por vaiiidad, pornue en todoH
estoH Temp;i)» we saeiilicaiia al deiuonio, y liasta que los CastcllaiiD.s eiitra-
rou en los Keyiios del I'iifl, no fue oido, ni [iredieado el santo Kuaiigeliu,
ni vista la Suntissinia sefial de la ('rnz.' Hist. Gen., dec. v., lib. iii., cap.
vi. ; Avont ■, Hist. <!>• la^ VikI., \i. S2.
^* Snnu' was a white man with a thick l)eard, who came across the
ocean from the direction of the rising; snn. He had ])ower over tiic ele-
ments, and could ciunmand the tempest. .\t a wor<l from him the trees uf
the densest forest receded from their places to make a path for him; the
most ferocious animals crouched submissive at his feet; the treacherous
surface of lake and river presented a solid footing:' to his tread. He tan<{lit
the people aj;riculture, and the use of nuiize. The Caboclos, a lira/ilian
nation, refused to listen to his divine teachinjj;s, and even sought to kill
liim with their arrows, but he turned their own weapons af,'ainst them.
The jiersecuted apostle then retired to the l)anks of a river, and liualiy left
the country entire!", The tradition adds that the jirints of his feet are
still to be seen on the rocks and in the sand of the toa.st. Wunkii, Jic-
chcrr/ir.iy p. 189.
^5 I'aye-tome was another white apostle. His history so closely re-
sembles that of Same that it is probable they are the same ])erson. Iif.
i' 'In former times, as they (the Chilians) had heard their fathers say,
ft wonderful man had c(une to that country, weariuf; a lonj^ beard, wiili
shoes, and a nnintle such as the Indians carry on their shoulders, wiio jier-
formed many miracles, cured the sick with water, caused it to rain, and
their ero]is anil grain to grow, kindled fire at a breath, and wrought other
marvels, healing at once the sick, aiul giving sight to the blind,' and so on.
'Whence it may be inferred that this num was some ajmstie whose name
they do not know.' (.Quoted from Uosales' inedited liistori/ of Vliili, in
Kiiiifnlioroii<i/i's Mijc. Aiiti'/., v(d. vi., ]>. 41i).
" Boehica, the great law-giver of the Muyacas, and son of the sun, a
white num. lu-arded, and wearing long robes, a])j)eared suddenly in the
iieople's midst while they were disnuting concerning the choice of a king.
lie advise<l them to ap)M>int Huncaniui, vt'hich they innncdiatelv did. He
it was wlu) invented the calendar and regulated the festivals. After living
aiming the Muyscas for two thousand years, he vanished on a sudden near
the town of Hniu'a. W'unlni, 11 iliirtlns, p. 18"; Klimni, >.'ii//iir-(irsr/iir/if(\
toni. v., p. 174, quoting S/nrnson's Tnirrfs in. South Aiiicriro, v(d. i., p. '.VM.
^' Tovquimoiln, Afoiiiir'/. linl., foni. i., p. 3"); Acusia, Hist, dc las i'liil.,
pp. (57-8; MuatuHua, Nicittcc Wccnld, p. 13.
CMULSTIAMTY IN AMERICA.
a5
ill regarding the identity of these mysterious person-
ages, are wild in the extreme. Thus Quetzalcoatl has
heen identified by some with St Thomas, by others
with tlie Messiah. Carlos de SigUenza y Gongora*"
and Luis Becerra Tanco,** in support of their opinion
that he was no other than the apostle, allege that the
hero-god's proper name Toj»iltzin Quetzalcoatl closely
resembles in sound and signification that of Thonuis,
surnamed Didymus; for to in the Mexican name, is
an abbreviation of Thomas, to which ■pilciii, meaning
'son' or 'disciple,' is added; while the meaning of
Quetzalcoatl is exactly the same as that of the (J reek
name Didymus, 'a twin,' being compounded of </>u't-
ta/li a plume of green feathers, metaphorically signi-
fying anything precious, and coati, a serpent, meta-
phorically meaning one of two twins. Boturini tells
us that he j)Ossessed certain historical memoranda con-
cerning tiie preaching of the gospel in America by
the 'glorious apostle' St Thomas. Another proof in
his possession was a painting of a cross which he dis-
covered near the hill of Tianguiztepetl, which cross
was I'lbout a cubit in size and painted by the hands of
angels a beautiful blue color, with various devices,
among Avhich were five white balls on an azure sliield,
'without doubt emblems of the five precious wounds
of (Hir Savior;' and, what is more marvellous, although
this relic had stood in an ex})osed j)osition from the
days of heathenism up to the time when it was dis-
covered, yet the inclemencies of tlie weather had not
been able to affect its gorgeous hues in the least. But
this is not all. Boturini also possessed a painting of
another cross, which was drawn, by means of a ma-
chine made expressly for the purpose, out of an inac-
cessil)le cave in Lower ^lizteca, where it had been
deposited in the pagan times. Its hiding-place was
discovered by angelic music which issued from the
mouth of the cave on every vigil of the holy apostle.
^ In a work entiUed Fentx del Occidente.
«'/(7u7(/«(/(/i; .Vy", Mux. 1G85, fol. 55. ■
20
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
Besides this, the saint has left tlie tracks of his holy
feet in many parts of New Spain. There is also a
tradition that at the time of his departure he left a
proi)hecy that in a certain year his sons would come
from tlie east to preach amoni;' the natives; which
prophecy, Boturini, followino* the track of the native
calendars, discovered to have been 'verified to the let-
tei'.'"^ After this who can doubt that St Thomas
preached the gospel in America?
Foremost — as being most modern — among those
who have thought it possible to identify Quetzalcoatl
with the Messiah, stands Lord Kingsborough, a
writer and enthusiast of whom I shall speak further
when I come to the supjwsed Hebraic origin of the
Americans. To this jmint he has devoted an incredi-
ble amount of labor and research, to give any ade-
quate idea of which would require at least more
space than I think, as a question of fiict, it deserves.
In the first place it is founded mainly upon obscure
passages in the Pro])het and other parts of Holy
Writ, as compared witii the e()ually obscure meanings
of American names, religious rites, ancient prophecies,
conceptions of divinity, etc. Now, the day is past
when the earnest seeker after facts need be either
afraid or ashamed to assert that he cannot accept
'1 lloliirini, Cdffiloffo, in /(fi'o, pp. 4^, 50-2. Altliou;;Ii the opinion tliat
Quetzalcoatl was St Tiionias, 'appears to lie rather hazardous, y(!t one ean-
not help liein",' astonished at the extent of tin; re;,'ions traversed liy St.
Thomas; it is true that some writers ilo not allow of his havinj^'^one heyond
Calaniita, a town in India, thusiteof whieh is doulitfnl; hut others a.ssert that
he went as far as Meliapour, on the other side of the (,'oronuindel, and even
untoCentral .Vnieriea.' DoinoHi-li's Iksi'rts, vol. i., p. .")(). 'Apud laiaoha- In-
dos in (teeidenti Iradita jier avos vi>,'et nienioria S. .\postoli Thonia', i|uani
retiuent a transitu ejus per illas |ilaj,'as, eujus non levia extant indicia: pra'-
cipue (jua'dam semita in illis solitudinihus haetenns perseverat, in ijuil non
oritur tierha nisi valdo htiniilis et jiarvula, euni utruini|ue latus herheseat
ultra niodum; eo itinere dieunt Ajiostoluni ineessisse, et inde profectuni in
Peruana re^^ua. .Aimd Hrasilienses (luoipie traditio est, ihi iira'dieassc.
A|>nd alios harharos, ctiam in rei,'ioneni I'arau'iiay veuisse, ])ost<|uam des-
ecndit per lluviuui l<rinizu, delude iu I'arauam per .Vrafaiuni, uhi oh.sorva-
tur loens in (jno sedit defessus Ai)ostolus, et I'ertur pra'dixis.se, ut a niajori-
l)us ac-eeptuni est, )M)st ne illue adventnros homines qui jiosteris eoruni
annuntiareut lidein veri Dei, (^nod non leve solatium et animos faeit nos-
tra- reliy;iotiis jira'dicatorihus, mp'Utes lahores inter illos harharos jiro tlila-
tione Eeclesiie peiputientihu.s.' Nicnmbenj, llistoruc \(itur(c, lib. xiv.,^
cup.
cxvii.
VOTAN THE CULTrilE-lIEUO.
27
the scriptures as an infallible authority upon the
many hurninu^ questions which continually thrust
themselves, as it were, upon the present veneration
for immediate and fair consideration; nor need his
respect for traditions and opinions lon^- held sacred
be lessened one iota by such an assertion. It is
needless to state that the analo<j^ies which Lord
Kin_iLfsbe'ou,i»li finds in America in support of his
theory are based upon no sounder foundation."^
Votan, another mysterious iJersonage, closely re-
seml)lini^ Quetzalcoatl in many points, was the sup-
posed founder of the jSIaya civilization. He is said
to have been a descendant of Noah and to have as-
sisted at the building- of the Tower of Babel. After
the confusion of tongues ho led a portion of the dis-
(i' Followinjf arc ji few i)oiiits of Lord Kiiifjshorou^iirs elaborate ar;rii-
meiit: 'How tnilv sur|irisin;,' it is to liiiil tliat tlic Mexicans, wiio seem to
have liecii ([iiile imai'.iuaiiitiMl witli tiie tlnetriTies of the iiii;;ratioii of tiie
soul ami the lnetein|)syehosis, should liavo lielievcd in the inearnation of
tlu? (//(/(/ sou of their supreme god Tonaeateeutle. For Mexican niytlnd-
iij;v speakin;,' of no other son of that ■,'imI except i^ui'calcoatle, who was
horn o
aiul
f Ci
iinianuan
tile Vir;
'f Tula, without <'onnection with num
his hreath alone, (1)V w'
\ niav he siLinined his irord
(I or 1
lis wi
II.
luneed to Cliiinal.
liv word of niouth of the celestial l
nessenj;er,
whoni he dispatched to inform her that .-he should conceive a son,) it must
he presumed tliat t^necalcoatle was his only son. Uthcr ar;,'nmi'nls mii;ht
Ite adduced to show, that the Mexicans helieved that </necaleoatle was liotli
<;od and man, that he had previously to his incarnation existed from all
eternity, that he had created liolh the world and man, that he descended
from heaven to reform the world hy penance, that he was l)orii with tho
]ier.'ect use of reason, that ho preached a new law, and, heiiig king of Tula,
was t lucilied for the sins of mankind, as is oliseurtdy insinuated hy tiie in-
terpreter of the ^'atican Codex, ]ilainly declared in the traditicnis of Viica-
laa, and mysteriously represenled in the Mexican )iaiiitinj,'s.' If tho
](r(iniise of tlie aiigel (Jahriel to the \'irgin Mary,- The Holy (Ihost shall
come upon tlice, and the ])ower of the Highest siiall overshadow thee:
therefore also that holy thing which shall he horn of thee shall he called tho
Son of (iiiil he eonclieil iii tlie language of ancient ])rophecy, 'it is not
improhahle that the head of the dragon wiiich forms tlie crest of three of
the female )igures(in one of the Mexican ])ieces of sculpture), as it may also
he presumed it did of the ftuirth when entire, (if it lie not a symho' wiiicli
Chimalnian horrowed from her son's iitinir,) was intended to denole that
she had heeli overshadowed liy the jiower of Huitzilopuchtii, whose ilevice,
as we are informed hy Sahagnn in the lirst chapter of the lirst Iniok f his
Histiiry of New Spain, was the head of a dragon.' KniijxIturiiiKili'n Mex.
Aiifi'i.. vol. vi., ](i). r)(»7-H. See, more especially, his elahorate discussion
of (^'iietzah'oatl's crueilixioii and identity with the Messiah, vid. viii., pp.
.")-.")!. .\s we have seen in a preceding volume, (.Quetzalcoatl is compared
with the heathen deities of the old world, as well as with the Me.s:.iah of
the Christians. See vol. iii., chap. vii.
28
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
i
I
persed people to America. There he established the
kingdom of Xibalba and built the city of Palenque.*'^
Let us turn now from these wild speculations, Avith
which volumes miij^ht be filled, but which are practi-
cally worthless, to the special theories of origin, which
are, however, for the most part, scarcely more satis
factory.
Be^-inning with eastern Asia, we find that the
Americans, or in some instances their civilization only,
are supposed to have come originally from China,
Japan, India, Tartary, Polynesia. Three princi])al
routes are proposed by which they may have come,
namely: Bering Strait, the Aleutian Islands, and
Polynesia. The route taken by no means depends
upon the original habitat of the emigrants; thus the
people of India may have emigrated to the north of
Asia, and crossed Bering Strait, or the Chinese may
have passed from one to the other of the Aleutian
Islands until they reached the western continent.
Bering Strait is, however, the most widely advo-
cated, and perhaps most probal)le, line of communica-
tion. Tiie narrow strait would scarcely hinder any
migration either east or west, es})ecially as it is fre-
quently frozen over in winter. At all events it is cer-
tain that from time innuemorial constant intercourse
has been kept up between the natives on either side
of the strait; indeed, there can be no doubt that they
are one and the same people. Several writers, how-
ever, favor the Aleutian route."*
<" Sec vol. iii., p. 450, ct scq.
M ThoufiU the preKuinptioii may be in favor of coininiinication l>v Re-
riiijj Strait, vet the jiheiioiiieiia in the jiresent state of our knowledfje,
favors tlie Atciitiaii route. Liilluiins Voni/i. I'/iil., ]i. 384. The Aleutian
archipehif^o is 'probably the main route by which the old eoiitinent
must have peojiled the new. Rehrinj^'s Straits, thou;;h. , . . they were
doubtless one channel of communication, just as certainly as if their jdace
had been oi'cui>ied by solid land, were yet, in all likelihood, only of snlior-
dinatc utility in the premises, when compared with the nu)re accessilile and
commodions bridjje towards the south. Siiii/).ioii\^ Xar., vol. ii., p. "ii").
'There is no improbability that the early Asiatics reached the western
shores of Ameri(?a throu^di the islands of the Pacific' The trace of the
proy;ress of the red and partially civilized man from Oriental Asia was left
DIFFUSION OF ANIMALS.
ae
• But there is a prohlom which the possihility of
neither of these routes will help to solve: How did
the animals reach America? It is not to bo sup-
posed that ferocious beasts and venomous reptiles
were brou<(ht over by the inmiiiifrants, nor is it more
probable that they swam across the ocean. Of course
such a ([uestion is raised only by those who believe
that all livinyf creatures are direct descendants of the
animals saved from the flood in Noah's ark; but such
is the belief of the jj^reat majority of our authors.
The easiest way to account for this diffusion of ani-
mals is to believe that the continents were at one time
united, thouofh this is also asserted, with ii^reat show
of probability, by authors who do not think it neces-
sary to find a solid roadway in order to account for
the ]>resence of animals in Ameiica, or even to be-
lieve that the fauna of the New World need ever in
any way have come from the Ohl AVorld. Ajj^ain,
some writers are inclined to wonder how the tro[)ical
animals found in America could have reached the con-
tinent via the ])olar re»,nons, and find it necessary to
connect America and Africa to account for this."'^
on these islaiitls. U'illso)i\i Ainrr. Hint., pp. 02-.S. The first (lisonvories were
iiiuile aliiii;; the coast iind from ishiiiil to island ; the American iniini^'rant.s
would have come by the Aleutian Isles. JSnt.furiir dc JSiiKr/iiiurif, llial. \tit.
dr., toni. i., 1). 10. To come hy Aleutian islands ])resents not nearly so
iitvAXt a dilliculty as the mij;rat.ions arnon<r I'aeitic Islands. Pir.irotfs Mrx.,
vol. iii., p. 374. IniM)i;;ration from Asia 'ai)pears to have taken jilaco
mostly l>y the Aleulhian i.slands.' S/iiith's llmiKin S/irrir.i, p. '2',iS.
«* Some of the early writers were of course i^'iioraiit of the e,\istence of any
strait se^)aratinJ,' Anu^rica from .Vsia; thus .\costa — who dares not assume,
in oj)position to the IJihle, that the Hood did not extend to America, or that
a new creation took place there — accounts for the great variety of aninial.s
hy supjiosin}^ that the new continent is in close i)roximity to if not actually
connected with the Old World at its northern and southern ends, and that
the people and animals saved in the ark spread {jrailually hy these routes
over the whole land. Jlisf. i/c Ins Yiiff., ](p. tiS-TS, 81; ])'cst mid O.it
Inili.vhfr Liinfffnrt, r>t i., pp. S-0. See also Montftiiiis, iXieuirc Wcrrcla
Y\i. :<H-4-2; (litilfriatt, Xnrc U'rff, ]).4; Villiujiilicnr, Hist, t'ontj. Jf~„,
j)]). 2(i-8. Clavif^ero ])roduces instances to show that upheavals, enj;ulf-
ings, and separations of land have heeii quite comuion, and thinks that
.\nierican traditions of destructions refer to such di.sasters. He al.so shows
that certain animals could have i)as.sed only hy a tropic, others only hy
an arctic road. He accordingly supjjoses that America was formerly con-
iiected with Africa at the latitude of the Cape Verde islands, with Asia
in the north, and perhaps witli Europe hy (Jreenland. Storia A lit. rfrl
Mcssico. toni. iv., pp. 27-44. The great objection to a migration byway
80
OUKilN OF THK AMKIIICANH.
The tliuory tliat Anu-rica was peopled, or, at least
partly peopled, tVoin eastern Asia, is certainly more
widely advocated than any other, and, in my opinion,
is moreover based upon a more reasonable and logical
foundation than any other. It is true, the Old
World may have been orit^nnally peopled from the
New, and it is also true that the Americans may
have had an autochthonie ori»ifin, but, if we must
suppose that they have oriu^inated on another conti-
nent, then it is to Asia that we must first look for
proofs of such an orii^in, at least as far as the j)eo-
ple of north-western America are concerned. " It
a])pears most evilent to me," says the learned
Humboldt, "that the monuments, methods of com-
puting' time, systems of cosmot^ony, and many myths
of America, otfer strikin;^ analogies with the ideas of
eastern Asia — analoi^ies whicli indicate an ancient
communication, and are not simply the result of that
uniform condition in which all nations are found in
the dawn of civilization.""" Prescott's conclusions
are, first: "That the coincidences are sufficiently
stronjj^ to authorize a belief, that the civilization of
Anahuac was, in some deijfree, influenced bv tliat of
Eastern Asia. And, secondly, that the discrepancies
of the rold ]atitn<lo of TSprin':; Straif, says a writer in tlie ITisforical Maqa-
zinc, vol. i., ]). I'S."), is that tropic iiiiiinals never coiihlliave passutl tliat way.
He ai)|)arently rejects or has nt-ver heard of tiie tiieoryof chanj,'e in zones.
See fartlier, concerninij; joininj; of continents, and cuninuinicution l>y IJerinjj
Strait: Warden, Jiir/tcrr/irn, |ij). '202, 221; Huiiihuldt, Eu-ani. Cril., toni.
ii., J). ()8, et se(|.; Siioin/tn's lli.st. N. <iiid S. Amcr., ]). l'J8; Tdijhi); in
('((/. Fanner, Sept. 12, 18G2; Prient's Aiiier. Aiitiq., pp. G2-3, 82-U; Valois,
Me.ri'/iie, ji. 197; Adairx Ainer. Iiid., p. 219. l>ra<lford denies eni])liat-
ically tliat there ever was any connection hetwecn America and Asia. 'It
has lieen supposed,' he writes, 'that a vast tract of land, now suhiner^'ed
beneath the waters of the I'acilic Ocean, once connected Asia and America
Tile arfjumcnts in favor of this opinion are jirediiuitcd n|)on tliat ))ortiou
of the Scriptures, relatin<^ to the "division" of the earth in the days of
l'ek% which is thoutiht to indicate i. physical division,— upon the anal-
o<^ies between the Peruvians. .Mexicans and Polynesians. . . .and upon the
dilliculty of accounting in any other n\anner for the presence of siiine kinds
of animals in America.' After demidishin<r these three bases of opinion,
he adds: 'this conjectured terrestrial eoniniunicatiou never existed, a con-
clusion substantiated, in som'5 measure, by }j;eolo;:ical testimony.' Anirr
Aiitiq., pp. 222-8. Mr Bradford's nr;;unient, in addition to bein<j; thou<j;ht-
ful ami inj^enious, is supported by facts, and will amply repay a perusal.
'''' Ex'iin. frit., tom. ii., p. OS.
ASIA AM) AMKUICA.
31
are such as to carry hack the communication to a very
remoter period; so remote, that this tbrei<i^n intlueiico
has heen too I'eehle to iiiterlero materially with the
•rrowth of what may he reijarded, in its essential
features, as a peculiar and indigenous civilization.""^
"If, as I helieve," writes l)r Wilson, "the continent
was ]X'o[>led from Asia, it was necessarily hy younger
nations. But its civilization was of native j;ro\vth,
and so was far younger than that of E^^ypt."'^ Tluit
"imini<4ration was continuous for aufes from the east
of Asia," is thou^'ht hy Col. Smith to he "suificiently
indicati'd hy the j)ressure of nations, so far as it is
known in America, heini>; always from the north-west
coasts, eastward and southward, to the he^amiinj^ of
the thirteenth century."™ "That Amei'ica was peo-
j)Ied iVom Asia, the cradle of the human race, can no
loiiL,^er he douhted," says Dupaix; "hut how and
when they came is a prohlcni that cannot he solved."'"
Emiij^ration from eastern Asia, of which there can
he no douht, only "took j)laco," says Tschudi, "in
the latter part of the fifth century of the Christian
era; and while it ex[)lains many facts in America
which lonjj^ perplexed our arclueolo<^ists, it hy no
means aids us in determininf^ the (n"i|L(in of our earli-
est population."'^ "After making every proper allow-
ed ^^(•x., vol. iii., p. 418.
6'^ I'lrhist. Man, p. (U.").
<>'■* /[iniiiiii Sjirrirs, j). 'i.'JS.
'" /;'•/. . Jilc i.c/)af., p. '.'S.
■| I'lriiriiin Aii(i>/., \t. '24. .\incriciv was probaldy first j)ooplc(l from
Asia, Imt tlie iiieinory of tliat aiii'iciit iiii;;rati((ii was lost. Asia was \it-
ti'ily unknown to tlu; anciiMit Mexicans. Tin' ori;;inal .scats of the ("liiclii-
mcch were, as they tliouu'ht. not far to tiie north-west. They plaeed .A/tlaii
nut in a remote country, hut near.Michoacan. (lalluliii, in Aiiirr. Kllnin. Sar.,
Trmisiift., Vol. i., ])p. l.W-!), 174. There are strong; re.semhlanees in all thin;,'s
with Asiatic nations; less in lan^'uav'e than other respects, hut more with
Asia than with any other ])art of tiie worhl. Anatomical resemhiances
iioint the same way. (.'tirlxiinf Exjiiiiinid, Hint. Mr.r., torn, i., pp. lilO-.O.'t.
i'he Americans most ])rol)ahly came from Asia soon after the dispersion and
contusion of tonj^ues; hut there has Iteeu found no clear notice amon^'
tiiem of Asia, or of their ])assa;je to this continent. Nor in Asia of any
sucli mii;ration. The Mexican histories do not pndiahly p) so far hack.
\'i 111(1(1.1, Xotirin <lc la I'al., torn, i., pp.7'2-.3. If a conf{re;,'atioii of twelve
representatives from .Malacca, China, Japan, Mongolia, .Sandwich Islands,
Chili, I'eru. lira/il, Chickasaws, ("(unanches, &c., were dressed alike, or
undressed and unshaven, the must skillful unutonuBt could not from their
32
ORIGIN OF THE AMEUICAXS.
ance," says Gallatin, " I cannot seo any possible rea-
son that should have prevented those, who after the
dis[)ersion of mankind moved towards the east and
northeast, from having reached the extremities of
Asia, and passed over to America, within live hun-
dred years after the flood. However small may
have been the number of those tirst emigrants, an
e(jual number of years would have been more than
sufficient to occupy, in their own way, every ])art of
America."" There are, however, writers who find
grave objections to an Asiatic origin, the principal of
which are the absence of the horse, the "paucity .and
the [)overty of the lactiferous animals, and the conse-
quent absence of pastoral nations in the New World."
appearance .^epai-nte tlicin. Fontaine's How ffir Wortd vns Peopleif, ]ip.
147-0, 214-5. 'iiic i)e((piu of Asia st't'ir. to liave liceii tlie only nicu who
could teach the Mexicans and Peruvians to make bronze, and could not
teach them to smelt and ^vork iron, one thousand or one thousand live
hundred years before the Spanish t'omiiiest. Ti/ltirx licsearchcs, p. 20!).
It is almost nroved that Ion;; before Columbus, Northern India, China,
Corea, and 'lartary, had communication with America. Chatranliritunl,
Litirr (iit.f Aii/rin:<, ]). S7. See also: Smithsonian lic/it., 18(ir>, ]>. 345;
Vi'f/ti(t, Hist. Ant. MiJ., toui. i., j). 20; Jlnissinr dr Honrlxiiir;/, /list. Nat.
dr., torn, i., ]>[). 2:5 4; Sim/i.ton's Xai:, vol. i., j). liM); (trififf's Com. I'rai-
r/rs, vol. ii., \)]t. 2.")it-l ; Mar/ir's Vinn: /.v/., ))p. 42t5-7; Sainl-Antant, Vol/-
ar/rs, 1). 24."); .\[t(llc-ltn(n, J'n'ris ilf la (I'riii/., turn, vi., i)p. 2!H), 2'.)r)-(i;
U'anlrn, Jirr/inr/irs, pp. IIS-.SO; Mac(iri'(jor\i J'roffrrss 0/ Amcr., vol.
vol. ii,, |(. oli); Mitfliilt, \\\. Annr. Aiitii/. Sor,, Transact., vol. i., p|), 325-
32; ]'/i/ni\f Tniirfs, vol. ii.. j). 3(); Lut/iam's Man and his Miijrations,
p. 122; Sam/iSDn, in /fist. Maij., vol. v., p. 213. /Idhcrtsiin's /fist. Amn:,
vol. i., ])]). 2S0-1; Sniiin/iii's ffisl. X. and S. Amfi:, yt. 200; Sfratton's
Monnd-i!iiil(/)rs,}i\^.; Jlradf'ord's At
'ardrn, Jirrhnrhrs, pp. 118-.3(); Macijinidr's J'roffrrss 0/ Amcr., vol. i.,
24; Midilrntifnrdt, Mrjirn, tom. i., )). 230; fhiilifr, in Ind. Aff. liept.,
l(i'.>, 1>. 5',)(»; ii'hi/mprr's Ala.f/,a, pp. 278-85; I'rir/iard's Nat. l/i.st. Man,
I mcr. A ntiq., i)p. 208, 215-1(), 432; I'ir]:-
irinij's /tiwrs of Man, in U. S. Ex. /v.r., V(d. i.\., j)!). 287-8; Carrrrs Trar.,
])p. 20!t-13; /}trniirdi/'s Vrolia'dc Orii/in; JIari.i' JUsrorcry of Niir Knij.\
//illwatd, in Smith.s-onian lir/it., 18(»(), p. 331. Ilerrera argued that as there
were no natives iu America of a color similar to those of tiie ]ioliter nations
of Km'ope, they must be of Asiatic origin; that it i.s unreasonable to sup-
]>ose them to have been driven thither by stress of weather; that the na-
tives for a lon^ time had no kinj;, therefore no Jiistorio^'rapher, therefore
they arc not to be believed in this statement, or in any other. The clear
conclusions drawn from these iioiutcd ar;;unienls i^., that the Indian race
descended from men who readied .V.iierica by the nearno.ss of the land.
'V asi nnii, verisimiliiU'Ule se concluye ipie la ;;eneracion, y |>oblacion tie
los Indios, ha |)rocedido dc hombres ipie passarou 11 las ludias Ocideut-
ales, por hi ve/indad de la tierra, y se fuerou cstendiendo poco u jmco;'
but from wliencc they came, or bv what route the royal historiographer
offers no conjeettire. Ifist. Gen., dec. i., lib. i., cap. vi.
''^ Amcr. Jitfino. Sue, Transact., vol. i., p. 170.
THEORY OF ORIGIN FROM CHINESE.
83
For, adds a writer in the QuarterU) Review, "we can
liiirdly suppose that any of the pastoral hordes of
Tartars would emig'rate across the strait of Behring
or the Aleutian Islands without carrying with them
a supply of those cattle on which their whole sub-
sistence depended."''*
The theory that western America was originally
peopled by the Chinese, or at least that tlie greater
[)art of the New World civilization may be attributed
to this people, is founded mainly on a })assage in the
work of the Chinese historian Li yan tcheou, who
lived at the commencement of the seventh century of
our era. In this passage it is stated that a Chinese
expedition discovered a country lying twenty thousand
li to the east of Tahan, which was called Fusang.''*
Tahan is generally supposed to be Kamchatka, and
Fusang the north-west coast of America, California,
or Mexico. As so much de})ends uj)on what Li yan
tcheou has said about the mysterious country, it Avill
be well to oive his account in full: as translated bv
Klai)roth, it is as follows: In the first of the years
youii(j yuan, in the reign of Fi ti of the dynasty of
'■'hsi, a cha men (buddhist priest), named Hoe'i chin,
arrived at King tcheou fi'om the countiT of Fusansj:
" Quarfrrfi/ Rrrinr. vol. xxi., i)|). S-'U-f). The conununicatioii between
AiiiihiKie and llie Asiatic continent was merely the contact of some few
isolated Asiatics who iiad lost their way, and from wlunn the Mexicans
drew some notions of science, astrolo{,'y, and some cosnioj,'onic traditions;
and these Asiatics did not return home. Ckcntlivr, Jlr.riijiic, nn. 59, 5(i-8;
Viol/ct-lf-I)iir, in Cliarnaij, Jiidiics Aiii'i:, ])\). 87-0; Fdux'';/, Jle.riqnc, pp.
l'2()-l; Dcniocnt/ic Jirricir, vtd. xi., ]>. (il7; l.afnnil, Viiiiitijrx, ]i. 133.
'* De^tui^nes writes: 'Les Chinois ont iicnctre dansh;s iiays tres-eloignes
du cote de I'orient; j'lii examine lenr mesiircs, et ellcs ni ont C(mdnit vers
Ics cotes dc la Californie; j'ai conclu dc-lh tprils avoient connu rAmcrinne
I'an 458 J. C lie also attributes IVruvian civilization to the Chinese.
llcdicrclica sur Irs NiivifjntioHS (h'H Cliiiiois dii cute tlr VAiitrriipir, in M6-
moires- (Ic VAeademic ilex Inserip/ioiin, toni. xvii. I'aravcy, in 1844, at-
tempted to prove that the province of Fonsan;; was Mexico. J>omeiiee/i'ii
l)eirr!.i, vol. i., ji. 51. 'In ("hinese Iiis'ory we tind descriptions of a vast
country '.'0,0(K) le to (he eastward across tiic ^'.vat ocean, which, from the
description K'ven, must be California iind Mexico.' Tai/lor, in t'ni. Farmer,
Sept. 12, ISCi'J. 'L'histoire posterienre des Chinois donne a i)enser (in'ils
lit en autrefois des llottes cpii ont pit jmsser an Mexiiiuc par les I'liillip-
pines.' Farey, Discours, p. 40, in Auliq. Mcx., toni. i., div. i.
Vol. V. 3
84
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
of this land; he says: Fusang is situated twenty
thousand li'^ to the east of the country of Tahan, and
an equal distance to the east of China. In this place
are many trees called fusan(/,'"^ whose leaves resem-
ble those of the Thoumj (Bignonia tomentosa), and
the first sprouts those of the bamboo. These serve
the people of the country for food. The fruit is red
and shaped like a pear. The bark is prepared in the
same manner as hemp, and manufactured into cloth
and flowered stuffs. The wood serves for the con-
struction of houses, for in this country there are
neither towns nor walled habitations. The inhabit-
ants have a system of writing and make paper from
the bark of the fusang. They possess neither arms
nor troops and they never wage war. According to
the laws of the kingdom, tliore are two prisons, one
in the north, the other in the south; those who
have committed trifling faults are sent to the latter,
those guilty of graver crimes to the former, and de-
tained there until by mitigation of their sentence they
are removed to the south." The male and female
prisoners are allowed to marry with each other and
their children are sold as slaves, the boys when they
are eight years of age, the girls when they are nine.
Tlie i)risoners never go forth from their jail alive.
When a man of superior mark connnits a crime, the
" A Chinese li is iboiit one tliinl of ii mile.
'6 'Fdusniiff, en chiaois et iselon la jirononciiition jnponaise Fouts s6k,
est rarltiisseiiii que nous noinnions Jiibi.fcii.i ro.sn rhhioisiti.' Klaproth, Ilo
chrrrln's Hur Ir. jutys tic Foil Sanij, \\\ XnnvrUis Annales des Voy,, 18.3),
toni. li., p. 5.5, note. Others 8U]i])osc the fusiin)» to be the niajjucy, ami,
indeed, it wiis used for niueli the same iiurjjoses. It was, liowever, most
probably, the mulberry; fii-mh, the Jajiane.se equivalent for the Chinese
jfiisdiiff, iM'in;; coin]H>un<led of /it, to aid, aiul suh, the mulberry, a tree
wliitli abounds in a wild state in the province of Yosso, and whieh has
been cultivated by royal coiiiniaud in other parts of Japan, where, as the
reader will presently see, l'"usanj» was probably situated. Mr IJrooks,
Japanese Consul in San Francisco, also tells me tliat Fu San^ is a name
used in Chine.se poetry to mean Japan. In Japan it is also thus used, and
also used in trade marks, as 'lirst quality of l'"u Sang silk cocoons,' mean-
ing Jnjianese cocoons.
"' I follow l)e>fuif;i:c8 in this sentence; Kla])roth has it: 'Ccux qui ponv-
cnt rec(!voir leur grace sont envoy(?s i\ la jiremiere (meridionalc), cenx au
contrnire auxquels on ne vent pas I'accorder .^ont detenns flans la pris«m dii
uord.' Ucchcrches, in Nouvelles AnnalcH dea Voy., 183i, tor,». li., p. 65.
I
i
'!>
THE COUNTRY OF FUSANG.
35
bwenty
m, and
s place
reseni-
a), and
;e serve
, is red
[ in the
to cloth
he con-
lere are
inhabit-
3er from
tcr arms
rding to
jons, one
ose who
le latter,
and de-
nce they
female
ler and
len they
are nine,
lil alive,
rime, the
Fouts sU;
laproth. Be-
Voy., 1831,
a{,'ucy, ninl,
wever, ihdhI
the ('hineso
)crry, a tree
1(1 which hiis
•here, lis the
Mr Brooks,
is a iiiiinc
\in used, ami
oons,' iiiean-
ux q»ii 1)0"V-
ilc), ceiix an
la prison <l>i
ii., p. 65.
people assemble in great numbers, seat themselves
opposite the criminal, who is placed in a ditch, par-
take of a banquet, and take leave of the condemned
person as of one who is about to die. Cinders are
then lieaped about the doomed man. For shght
faults, the criminal alone is [)unished, but for a great
crime his children and grandchildren suffer with him;
in some extraordinary cases his sin is visited u])on his
descendants to the seventh generation.
The name of tlie king of tliis country is Yit klii;
the nobles of the first rank are called Toui lou; those
of the second, 'little' Toui lou; and those of the
third, Na tu cha. When the king goes out, he is
accompanied by tambours and horns. He changes
the color of liis dress at certain times; in the years
of the cycle kia and i/, it is blue; in the years ping
and timj, it is red; in the years ou and ki, it is yel-
low; in the years kern/ and sin, it is white; and
lastly, in those years which have the characters jin
and koHci, it is black.
The cattle have long horns, and carry burdens, some
as much as one hundred and twenty Chinese i)()unds.
Vehicles, in this country, are drawn by oxen, horses,
or deer. The deer tare raised in the same manner
that cattle are raised in China, and cheese is made
.'Vom the milk of the females.''^ A kind of red [)ear
is found there which is good at all seasons of the
y(.'ar. Grape-vines are also j)lentiful.''" There is no
iron, but co[)per is met with. Gold and silver are
not valued. Commerce is free, and the i)eojtle are
not given to haggling about ])rices.
This is the manner of their marriaires: When a
■3 Dprrni^rncs translates: 'ties habitants dlbvcnt iles 1)it'lics cominc en
Ciiiue, et ils en tirent (l\i l>enrrc.'
"' '11 y a ilans I'ori^inal 7V> I'hon ihao. DeKuijjnes aynnt (leronipnse le
mot Phou ((to, tradiiit: "on y trouvc unc )rran(ic (|nantile (lt'f,'layenlH et do
|K'clics." Cependant le mot I'hou senl ne si^Miilie jamais ijlayful, c'est Ic
nu\\\ des joncs et antres cspfecea de roseanx dc marais, dont on se scrt jionr
(aire des nattcs. Thao est en effet le nom dc la pCclie, mais lo mot com-
jHiso Phou (no si^rnitic en cliinois la viKne.' Klnprolh, Hechcrclics, in Nou-
vdlcn Annalcs lies Voy., 1831, toni. li., pp. 57-8.
'
■f-'r
^
i
^
86
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
man wishes to wed a girl, he erects his cabin just
before the door of hers. Every morning and evening
he waters and weeds the ground, and this he con-
tinues to do for a whole year. If by the end of that
time the girl has not given her consent to their
union, liis suit is lost and he moves away; but if she
is willing, he marries her. The marriage ceremony
is aluKJst the same as that observed in China. On
the death of their father or mother, children fast for
seven days; grandparents are mourned for by a fast
of five days, and other relations l)y a fast of three
days' duration. Images of the spirits of the dead*"
are placed on a kind of pedestal, and prayed to morn-
ing and evening.'*' Mourning garments are not worn.
The king does not meddle with aflairs of govern-
ment until lie has been three years upon the throne.
In former times the religion of Buddha was un-
known in this country, but in the fourth of the years
ta miiKj, in the reign of Hiao wou ti of the Soung
dynasty (a. d. 4.') 8), five pi kJiieou or missionaries,
from tlie country Ki pin, went to Fusang and there
diffused the Buddhist faith. They carrietl with them
sacred books and images, they introduced the ritual,
and inculcated monastic habits of life. By these
means they changed the manners of the people.
Such is the account given by the liistorian Li yan
tcheou of the mysterious land. Klaproth, in his cri-
tique on Deguignes' theory that America was known
to the Chinese, uses the distances given by the monk
Hoe'i chin to show that Fusang, where the laws and
institutions of Buddha were introduced, was Japan,
and that Tahan, situated to the west of the Vinland
of Asia, as Humboldt aptly calls Fusang,*^ was not
"" 'Les iiniiffos <lcs Esprits,' S:<'.; I(L, p. 59.
1' ' I)o;;uijj;iu'H tiailuit: 'I'ciicliiiit leur« i)rieres ils cxpoHcnt riiiiii};*! dii
dufiint.' \m texte piirlc tlo chin on jjcnich ot iion jias dcs aiiius ties dii.
fimts.' lb.
8* 'C'o8t line aiutli*<<io ciirioise qn'ofFrc Ic piiys ^ vigiies dc Fotisan;;
(I'Aineriijue cliinoiKt' de I)i't,'iii>,'iios) avf(! lo Viiilaiul dcs l>r(!llli^rcs ducou-
vertt's HcaiiiliiiavcM sur les uotes oriuiitulcH do rAmt'ri'|iu;. ' Juxnn. C'rif.,
tuin. ii., p. 03, uutc.
CHINESE EXPEDITION TO AMERICA.
87
a just
rening
3 con-
r that
their
if she
emoiiy
I. On
fast for
r a fast
f three
dead*"
J morn-
»t worn.
govern-
throne.
was un-
le years
3 Souug
iouaries,
lul there
th them
ritual,
y these
o.
Li yan
his eri-
s known
10 monk
aws and
Japan,
V inland
was not
liiiL's <le» tl6«
Idc Vousang
liit'TCs ilecou-
Ijxavt. Crit.,
Kamchatka but the island of Tarakai, wrongly
named on our maps, Saghalien. The circumstance
that there were grape-vines and horses in the discov-
ered country is alone sufficient, he says, to .show that
it was not situated on the American continent, since
both these objects were given to the New World
by the 8[)aniards, M. Gaubil also contradicts De-
guignes' theory. "Deguignes' paper," he writes to
one of his ctml'reres in Paris, "proves nothing; by a
similar course of reasoning it might be shown that the
Chinese reached France, Italy, or Poland."'*^
Certain allusions to a Chinese colony, made by
Marco Polo and Gonzalo Mendoza, led Horn, Forster,
and other writers to suppose that the Chinese, driven
from their country by the Tartars about the year
1270, embarked to the number of one hundred thou-
sand in a rteet of one thousand vessels, and having
arrived on the coast of America, there founded the
Mexican empire. As AVarden justly remarks, how-
ever, it is not probable that an event of such import-
ance would 1)0 passed over in silence by the (Jhinese
historians, who rendered a circumstantial account of
the destruction of their fleet by tiie Tartars about the
year 127H of our era, as well as of the reduction of
their country by the same peo[)le.*'*
The strongest proof upon which the Chinese theory
rests, is that of physical resendjlance, which, on the
extreme north-western co.ast of America, is certainly
ver
y str
OUiT,
85
1 tliink there can bo no doubt of the
"' X'liiii'. Jour. Addtiqitc, 1832, p. 3lW, niiotcil l)y llunilmlill, E.ernii.
Crit., toni. ii., pji. (!.")-('>.
M Wnvilni, Jlrr/„ri-/i(:i, p. 12.'l.
'^'' It is ('ii((iij,'li t(i look lit iiii Aleut to r('('(i;,'iii/(' the Miinj;(il. Wrainfil,
\\\ Xiiinrl/cs Ajiiiiifr.f (/(.s I'lii/., IS.");{, tinii. cxxwii.. p. "JKt. 'Tlic ii'scin-
lilaiicc? Ix'twccii luirtli-wcMt cuast Indians ami Cliincsc is ratlicl' icinark-
iililc' Ikdii.s' liriiiiiiii.s in II. ('ill., Ms. ' L liave n'|icatt(ily seen instani'i's,
liiitli men anil wiMucn, who in San I^'rancisco ('i>\il(| readily W. niistaiicn
for Cliinese tlieir ainiond-siiaped eyes, li^flit eoniplexiiin an<l lonj; liraided
lilack liair },''^'"^' them a. nnirKeil similarity ... .An experience of nearly
nine years anion;.; the coast trilies, with a close ol)servation and study
of llieir characteristics, has led nu( to the conelnsioii that these northern
trilies (H. Col. and surrounding' rejiion) are the only evidence of any
exodua from the Asiutic shore ever having reached our borders.' Tiiy-
88
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
:
;li
presence of Monf^ol blood in the veins of the in-
habitants of that letrion, thouijfh it is i)ro!)ably Tartar
or Japanese rather than Chinese. Indeed, when we
consider that the distance across Berinjj^ Strait is all
that intervenes between the two continents, that tliis
is at times conn)letely" frozen over, thus })ractically
connectino^ America and Asia, and tliat, both by sea
and by ice, the iidiabitants on both sides of the strait
are known to have liad connnunicati(^n with each
other from time innnemorial, a lack of resend)lance,
physical and otherwise, would be far more strange
lor, ill Cal. Former, July 25, 1862. Grant, Orcnn fn Ocraii, ]). .'104,
says tliiit tlii> ("liiiii'se ami liiiliiiiiH rcsiMiilile one aiiotlu'r so iniicli tliat
iv it iKit for tlif i|iii'iit' ami dross tiiey would In' dilliciilt to distiii^^iiish
'I'lic rucilic Indian is .Mom'^oHh
of tilt' fiii'i', ;
of tJK! Kastt
hid
lie di
dtlr
d
ail 111 si/e and t'oiii|il('\iciii, in tin- siiapo
lie wants inaiiv nt tiio man
ilv el
larai'teristics
liidi
M ilot, Voi/(it/i\ toiii. i., p. 14S, savs of tlie
iii'atan
liur ti'iiit fuivrc' ct queliiiu'fois jiuinatro ]>n'soi)ti'
I' caracti'rcs iiui raiiproflie sin-'uliereiiient leur race de (•(
laiis,
(die
des trilms crori;;ine inon^joje.' 'J'liis point of |)hysi('al roseiiildance is,
denied l>y several writers; thus Kiieeland, U';jiif/»rx, p. M, says
that tliou'di Anierieaiis have ''eiierallv heen iieee
f idai'fd side 1
'.' I
IV side \vi
ith r
pted
as
M<
oii<roliaiis, vet
iiiiese, lianllv aiiv resenililanee w
ill I
10
found ill iiliysical eliaiaeter, except in the ^'eiieraf eoiitour of their fares
and in their straij.'lit li!a<d\ hair; tlieir mental eharaeterislies arc en-
tirely opposite. .\dair writes: 'Some have supiiosed the .Vinerieaiis to be
descended from the I'/iiiir.sr: Imt neither their reli;;ioii, laws, (iistonis, \-c.,
a'l^'rei! in the least with those of the Chinese: wliieli siillieiently proves that
not of that
Me -.1
111 til
lav that dist;i
lek of mari-
time skill, etc., all disprove the theory. He also remarks that the |irevail
in.i; winds Mow with little variation from east to west, and therefore iuiiks
could not have lieeii driven ashore. A iiiir. liid., \)\t. 12-IH. 'Could we
hope that tin- !'"iiiiiiiienls of Central and South America iiii<,dit attract the
attenliou and exi'ite the interest of more .American scholars than hitherto,
the theory of the Mon^rol ori;,'iii o.' the lied-meii would soon he nuinhereil
anion;,' exploileil hypotheses. \>i/f niii/ (•'/iifi/t»i',s Iiitliij. lians, p. 1S8.
'.MM. .Snix et .Marlins out renianiiie la ressemlilance extraordinaire nui
exisle en
tre la physionomie des colons Chinois et celle des liidieiis.
ti;,'ure des Chinois est. il est vrai, ]iliis jietite. lis out le front jiliis laifje,
iiies, et en ■general les traits plus didicats et plus doiix <|iie
■".\nii'ri([ue. Cepeiidant, en considerant la eonforina-
lesl
evres plus li
ceux (les saiiv;
tioii de leur tele, i|iii n'est pas ohlon^^'ue, mais aii;,'iihiire, et iilutot pointliu
leiir cniiie Iar;,'e, les sinus fronlaiix )iroeiniiients, le front lias, les os des
join's t res saillants, leiirs yeux pelils et otilic|ues, le lie/ proportioiiiielle-
menl pelit et epali', le pen de poils j;ariiissant leur meiilon c^ les aiitres
parties (111 corps, leur clie\idiire iiioins lou^'ue et plate, la coiileiir jannatre
on cuivri'e de leiir peaii, on retrouve les traits jiliysiiiiies eommiins aii.\
deux races.' W'urtlin, liri'liirrlii's, ]>. \'1',\. The .Americans certainly ap-
proach the Mon^'ols.and Malays in some respects, hut not in the essential
jiarts of cranium, hair, and iirolile. If we rej,'iird tlieiii as a .Moii;;ol hrancli,
we must suppose that the slow action of diniale has chaii^'ed them tliii.s
materially durin;,' a nuinher of centuries. Mullt-Jiriin, J'nrin i/e la diinj.,
torn, vi., p. "JS'J.
MONGOLIAN ANALOGIES.
39
than its presence. In ii\nto of what may be said to
the contrary, there can be no doubt that the jSIonu^o-
Han type ij^rows less and less distinct as we <?o soutli
from Alaska, thourjh, once orant the ^fotiirols a foot-
ini; on the continent, and the influence of their religion,
languages, or customs may, for all we know, have ex-
tended even to Cape Horn.
Analogies have been found, or thought to exist,
between the languages of several of the American
tril>es, and that of the Chinese. But it is to Mexico,
Central America, and, as we shall hereafter see, to
Peru, that we nnist look for these linguistic affinities,
and not to the north-western coasts, where wo should
naturally expect to find them most evident."" The
similarity between the Otomi and Chinese has been
remarked by several writers.**^ A few customs ai'e
"'■' 'I'liis will lie iK'st sliown l>y refcrriiij; to Wariloii's (■nin|>aris(mof Amcr-
ic;m, riiiiiesi', ami Tiirtar wonln. Jiic/ivrc/ir.i, iip. I'J.Vti. 'I'lic llaiilalis. arc
.Slid. liiiwcviT, to have iise<l wmils known to the Chinese, /trims' Ji'i miiiii.s
ill li. ('ill.. .MS. .Mr Taylor writes: 'The ('hiiies<' aceent e;ui he (laeed
tliniiii,'h(iiit the Indian (hi<;).'er) lanj;ua<4e,' anil illustrates his assertion
with a cniiijjarative vocahnlaiy of linlian and Chinese. Cnl. Furmn;
Sept. I'-'. ISti'J. The Chiiu'se in Calit'ornia 'are known to he ahle to eon-
verse with ilu'Mi (the IiuUans) in their res|ieelive lan;;na;,'e.>i.'I Criiiii-ii'.s
Culi/iiiiiiii, |i. 'M.
•*" Warilen. Itir/trrrfiis, j)]). l'27-O, ;;ives a Ion;; list of these reseni-
hlances. .See also Aiii/iiir, J'rniii. ni Aiinr., toni. ii.. ]). HOI; /'nsioft'ii
3/(.r., V(d. iii., ]>. .T.KJ; Fn/irs, F.liulis Hi.it. .iiir /is ('iriii.inlinii.s; loni.
i., ]ip. .'WO-I. .Molina fonnd (in Chili?) inseriptions reseinldiiif,' Chi-
nese. ^/'('ll//ll/l\■^ Jii-siiirr/ii.i on Aiinr., pp. 171 -'J. Ho.ssn found some
fiinilarily hetween the lan;,'na;;e of the S'ati'hez of Louisiana, aiul the
Chinese. Xiiiinaii.r ]'iii/aifi:s Kii.r Jiii/ix Ui-iii/iii/n/i.i, toni. i., let. xviii.;
cited liy ]]'(iri/rii, /trr/nir/ir.t, |i. I'JI. The last nu'iitioneil author also
ipniles a loll;,' list of aiialou:ies hetween the written laii;,'iia;;e of the Chi-
liese and the ;j;esture laii;rna;;(' of the northern Indians, from a letter
written liy Win Dnnharto the I'liilosophieal Society of rhiladel]>hia, and
('oiiinients thereon. Itir/nrc/iis, \i. I7(). Of tlie\alueof these iihilolo;;i,'itl
jiiiMil's the reader may .jud;,'e hy the follow jni;- fair saiiipli-: 'ilie Chinese
eall a slave, shiin.1,'0; and the Naiidowessie liidinis, wlmse laii;;ua;;e from
their little intereoiirse with the Knropeans is the least eorni)pted, ,erin a
do;.', sliiiii;,'usli. The former denominate one speeies of their leu, .shou-
scMi;;; the latter e;ill their tohaeeo, slionsassau.' Ciirrrr'n '/'nii:, p. '214.
The supposition of Asialie derivation is assumed hy Smith li.irtoii on the
slreii;;thof certain similarities of words, lint X'ati-r remarks, these prove only
]>arti,il 111 i.Ljrat ions. Mullr-liriDi, I'nrisi/r In (liuij., tom. vi., p. 'J'.M). 'On the
whole, more aiialo;,'ies (etyinol. ) have heen fonnd with the -dioins of .Vsia,
than of any otheri|iiarter. Hut (heir aniouiit istoo iiieoiisiderahle to halanee
the opposite conclusion iiiferre<l hy a total ilissimilarity of strneture.' I'irs-
riilt'.t Mix., vid. iii., ji. H!Ki. Itarton, Siu- I'inr.s; (,'ives a comparative voeah-
ularlv to show that Asiatic traces have heen disctvvercd in the lan;,'iia;5es of
Soutii as well as Nortii Aniericu. l..athain, Man and Jlis Majnitioiis, p. 185,
40
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
II
.»
mentioned as being common to both Chinese and
Americans, but they show absokitely nothing, and
are scarcely worth recounting. For instance, Bos-
su, speaking of the Natchez, says, "they never
pare their finger nails, and it is well known
that in China long nails on the right hand are
a mark of nobility."*^ "It appears plainly" to
Mr Carver "that a great similarity between the
Indian and Chinese is conspicuous in that particu-
lar custom of shaving or })lucking off the hair, and
leaving only a small tuft on the crown of the
head."'^" M. du Pratz has "good grounds to believe"
that the Mexicans came originally from China or
Japan, especially when he considers "their reserved
and unconmiunicative disposition, which to this day
prevails among the people of the eastern parts of
Asia.""" Architectural analogy there is none."^
The mythological evidence upon which this and
other east- Asiatic theories of origin rest, is the simi-
larity between the more advanced religions of Amer-
ica and Buddhism. Humboldt thinks he sees in the
snake cut in pieces the famous serpent Kaliya or Ka-
linaga, conquered by Vishnu, when he took the form
lias proofs tliiit 'the Kntnskndiilc, the Koriak, the Aino-Japnncsc, and the
Koroaii are the Asiatic hiii^uajjes most like th(we of Aiiierioa.' 'Dans
(jiiatre-viiijft-trois laiij,'iics americaines exaiiiiiiees iiar MM. Hartoii et
Vater, on en a reoonnu environ ocnt soixante-dix dont h's racines sem-
blcnt otre kvs nii'ines; et il est faeile de se convaincie ijue cello aiialor;ic
n'est pas accidentelle, qn'oUe nc repose ])as siiiiplenient sur I'liarnionie imi-
tative, on snr ectte ej;alite de conformation dans k's orj;aiies, qui rend-
j)res(juc identii|iics Ics premiers sons articules i)ar K's ciifans. Snr cent
suixaiite-dix mots qui ont dcs rapports cntre enx, il y en a trois ciiKpiit^nics
ffiii rappellent le niantehon, le tnnj,'onse, le n>on;;ol et Ic samoiede, et denx
cinqniemes qui rappeUent les hm^riics ccltique et tschoiide, le hasque, le
copte et le con}»o.' llintiboldt, Viies, torn, i., pj>. '27-8. Prichard, Nat. Hist.
Man, vol. ii., pp. .'il'J-l.S, thinks that the Otomi monosyllabic lan};ua;^e
nniy belong to Chinese and Indo-Chinese idioms; but Lathan), Varietirs of
Afiiii. p. 4(KS, doiibls its isolation from other American tonjjues, and thinks
that it is cither anaptotic or imperfectly aj^glutinate.
"8 Xouirdiix ]'<ii/<i(ii:i aiix [tides Occidentalcs, torn, i., Icttrc xviii. Cited
by Wardni, Ucr/inr/ws, p. 121.
89 Trai'., p. '213.
'"' ///.s7. of Louhiava , Loinlon 1774.
9' Speakin^jf of the vuius of Central America, Stephens says: 'if their
(the Chinese) ancient architedurc is the same with their modern, it hears
no res 'mblance whatever to these unknown ruins.' Vent. Amcr., vol. ii., p.
BUDDHISM IN THE NEW WORLD.
41
5c and
o- and
never
known
nd are
ily" to
en tlie
particu-
Lir, and
of tlio
)elieve"
Ihina or
reserved
ill is day
parts of
this and
he simi-
f Amer-
s in the
[v or Ka-
Ithe form
'sc, ami the
jv.' 'Dans
nartoii et
liiriiics scni-
Ittf aniiloRic
irinoiiio iini-
is, tnii reiul-
Sur cent
It'ilo, ot tleux
l>, hiisiiuc, Ic
fl, Not. Hist.
)ic liui};ua};e
J Varictii'K of
I, aud thinks
Ixviii. Cited
lys: 'if their
Icrn, it hears
1-., vol. ii., P-
of Krishna, and in the Mexican Tonatinh, the Hindu
Kri.slina. sunij of in the Bhag^avata-Purana."^ Count
Stolberi'-,''^ is of opinion that the two f^reat rehjj^ious
sects of India, the worshipers of Vishnu and those of
Siva, have spread over America, and that the Peru-
vian cult is that of Vishnu when he aj)pears in the
form of Krishna, or the sun, while the sanij^uinary re-
liL,non of the Mexicans is analoi^'ous to that of Siva,
in tlie character of the Styii^ian Jupiter. The wife of
Siva, the hlack (goddess Kali or Bhavani, symhol of
death and destruction, wears, acc(irdiiij^ to Hindu
statues aud pictures, a necklace of human skulls.
The Vedas ordain human sacrifices in her lionor. The
ancient cult of Kali, continues Humboldt, presents,
without doubt, a marked resemblaUco to that of Mict-
lancihuatl, the Mexican goddess of hell; "but in
studyinjjf the history of the peojdes of Anahuac, one
is tem})ted to regard these coincidences as purely ac-
cideutal. One is not justified in supposing that there
must have been communication between all semi- bar-
barous nations who worship the sun, or offer up hu-
man beino's in sacrifice.""*
52 ITiimliohU, Viifs, toni. i., p. 236. Speaking of tlio Popol Vuh, Viol-
lot-Ic-i)iu^ says: 'Certains |)assa'j;cs <lc ce livre out avt(5 les histoires hero-
ii|ii('s (Ic rinde uno sin.^'iilif're analof,'io.' In Chnrnatj, Jiniiics Aiuii:, p. 40.
Sou also, ISrd'iifiir de lii)itrbmir<i. Qua Ire Lett res, ])|). 212-1.'}, 'iSti— 42.
'J^ disr/iif/ili'. (/<•)• Jir/iijio)t Jcsa Christi, toni. i., i». 42G. tiiiotcd in
Ihimlidldf, ViK'n, toiii. i., p. 2r)(i.
'•" r«c.<, toni. i., p. 257. Tschudi, again, writes: '.As among tlic East
Indians, an nndollned heing, Itraniali, the divinity in general, was shad-
owed forth in the Trinmrti, or as a (!od nnder tlireu forms, viz., lirainah,
(Vs/oN/, and iSV/)V(; so also tiie Snpremo Being was venerated among the
Indians of .Mexico, under the three forms of Hit, UiiitzilnjMrlli, ancl Tld-
/iti\ who formed tlie .Mexiean Triinurti. The attriUutes ami worship of the
Nh'xican godtless MietanihuatI nre.serve the most perfect analogy with those
of the sanguinary ami implaeaolc Kali; as do eipially the legends of the
.Mexican divinity Teayamiciui with the fonnidahle llliivani; hoth tliese In-
dian deities wen; wives -if Siva-Iiudra. Not less surprising is the charae-
teristic likeness whi('h exist.i hetwccn the pagodas of India aud the Teo-
callis of .Mexi(!o, while the idols of hoth temples oiler ii similitude in
physiognomy and ]M).sture vvhieh cannot escape tlie ohservatioii of any one
who has heen in hoth countries. The same analogy is ohserved hetween
the oriental Triniurti and that of Peru; thus Con corresponds to Bramah,
I'achacaiuae to Vishnu, and Miiiracocha to Siva. The Peruvians never dared
to erect a temple to their inctl'ahle (Jod, whom they never confounded with
other divinities; a rcinarkahic circiimstance, which reminds us of similar
conduct among u part of the inhahitants of India as to Bramah, who is the
t^
Mm
42
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
Humboldt, who inclines stronj^'ly toward the belief
that there has been communication between America
and southern Asia, is at a loss to account for the
total absence on the former continent of the ])]iallic
symbols which play such an important part in the
worshi]) of India."® But he renuu'ks that M. Lan-
gles'-^ observes that in India tlio Vaichnava, or
votaries of Vishnu, have a horror of the emblem of
the productive force, adored in the temples of Siva
and his wife Bhavani, goddess of abundance. "May
not we su})pose," he adds, "that among the Budd-
Etcrnnl, the ixbstract (Joil. Eijufilly will tlio study of worsliip in the two
hcinisplicres sIkiw iiitiiiiiito coimcctioii lii'twci'ii the oxiHfi'iico and attriluitcs
of the (Icriulanis (feiiiulc servants ot the Liods) and the I'eruviiin vir^'inx of
the Sun.
All tlieso considerations, and many others, which froni want of s])ace
we must omit, evidently nrove that thef^reater part of the Asiatic roli;,'ions,
such as that of Fo, in Cliina, of liiiitdlui, in .la]>an, of Suiiimoiiij-ViuliiDi,
in India, the Laiiiai.iiiiof Thibet, the doctrine of iJ.ir/iiikdxc/iiioniiiii aiiion<^
the Moii;;(»ls and ("almucs; as well as the worship of Qiutzttlroatl, in Mex-
ico, and of Manijii-Ciipaf, in IVru, are l>ut so many hraiiclics of the same
trunk; whose root the lahors of arcliii'olof,'y and modern philosophy have
not been able to determine with certainty, notwitliHtaiidiuj; all the discus-
sion, |)crseverancc, sa;,Mcity, and inddnessof liyiiothcsis, amonj; the learned
men wlu) have been occupied in investipitin;^ the subject.' After remark-
in<( upon the marvelous aiuilo^ry between Christianity and liuddliism as
found t4) exist by the tirst mis.-^ionaries to Thiliet, he ^'oes on: 'Not less,
however, was the surprise of the lirst Spanish ecclesiastics, wiio found, <ui
roachini,' Mexico, u priesthood as rej,'ularly or;,'anizcd as that of the most
civilized countries. Clothed with a powerful and ellective authority whidi
extended its arms to man in every condition and in all the staj,'cs of his
life, the Mexican i)ricsts were mediators between man and the Divinity;
they brou;,'lit the newly born infants into the reli;;ious society, they di-
rected their training and education, they determined the entrance ot the
youufi; men into the service of the State, they consecrated marria;re by
tiieir ble.ssinj,', t'.icy comforted tli"! sick and assisted the dyiiij,'.' Finally,
Tsi'hudi tinds it necessary to 'insist on this jioint, that t^uetzalcoall and
Man<;o Capac were both missionaries of the worship of liramah or liuddha,
and i)robabIy of dillereut sects.' J'rritriiDi. A/i/ii/., i)]). 17--(l. l)o>;ieuech,
Denrrts, vol. i., ]>. bi, lias this ])assat;e, nearly word for word the same as
Tschudi, but does not mention the latter author's name. There is 'a re-
nnirkable resemblance between the religion of the Aztecs and the ISiuldhism
of the Chinese. ' ({I'lttlrniiDis Mitijitziiii:;i{\wiQA in WoHhitiijloii tilKiidnnl,
Oct. 30, 181)!). In Quetzalcoatl may be recojrnized one of the austere her-
mits of the (ianges, and the custom of lacerating the body, ])racticed by
so numy tril)es, has its counterpart among the Hindoos. I'rie.sf.s Amvr. An-
tiq., p. 211. (juetzalcoatl, like Buddha, preached against luiniuu sacritiec.
llnmooldt, Viics, tom. i., p. 2t)').
9i 'II est tres-rennmiuahle aussi que parmi les hieroglyplies mcxicains
on no decouvre absoluincnt rien qui annonce le syinbole de la ftu'ce genera-
trice, ou Ic culte du liiKjam, qui est rejiandu dans I'lnde et |)armi toutes
les nati<ms qiii ont en des rapports avee les Uiudou.x.' Vucs, torn, i., p. '275.
96 Eechcrches Asiatiqucs, torn, i., p. '215.
PHALLIC RELICS.
43
Jiists exiled to the north-east of Asia, there was also
a sect that rejected the phallic cult, and that it is
this puriHed iiuddhisiu of which we find some slii^ht
traces anionuf the American ])eoples."''^ 1 think 1
have succeeded in shitwinj^, however, in a ])revious
Volume that very distinct traces of j)hallic worship
liave heen found in Ameiica."* An ornament hear-
ing some resemhlance to an elej)hant's trunk, f«>und
on some of the ruined huiidiii^s and imat^es in
America, chit;Hy at Uxmal, has been thought by
some writers to sui»j)ort the theory of a soutli-Asiatic
ori<,'in. Others have thouijfht that this hook repre-
sents the elonsj^ated snout of the tapir, an animal
eonunon in Central America, and held sacred in some
parts. The resemblance to either trunk or snout can
be traced, however, only with the aid of a very lively
imai^nnation, and the ]H)int seems to me unworthy of
serious discussion.'*''' The same must be said of at-
"7 Viirs, torn, i., p. 27t>.
9'* Si'o vol. iii., ]). 501, ct seq. ; .see iilso Ih-asscnr dc liouvbonrg, Quatre
Li-t/irs, pp. M2-S.
'■>'■> See vol. iv., ]). IGU, for cut of this ornament. 'D'ubord j'ai ete frappu
do la lesseniMance <iirollVeMt ees etraniji'H ti^iurcs de.s edilices niayas avcc
la tele do riili'piiaut. Cut appeiidice, ]>la('o ontrc deux yeux, et depassant
la iMiiirlie do ])R'si|ue toute sa lon^;eur, ni'a seiiilde ue pouvoir etre autre
chose (|Uf I'lMia^^e de la troiupe d"un prohoscidien. ear le iiiuseau charnu et
saiilant dii tapir u'ewt pas de cette loM;;ueur. J'ai oliserve aussi (pie les
ediliiM's places a ri''st des autres mines oH'rent, aux i[uatre coins, trois tetcM
synilioiii|nes arnii'es de troiupes tournees en I'air; or, h- tapir n'a nulle-
nient la facultc d'elever ainsi son inuscau alloni,'e; cette dernicre considera-
tion me senilile decisive.' Wnlilrrk, I'ui/. I'ill., ]). 74. 'There is not the
Hli>,'litcst jrniund for sup]>osin,i,' that the Mexicans or I'ernvians were ac-
(piaiiited with any ]iortiun of the Hindoo mythido^'y; hut since their
Kno\vlc<l;;e .i t\en one species of aniniil iicculiir to the Olil Conti-
nent, and not fouuil in America, would, it distinctly jiroved, furnish a
convincing; ar;,'uuu'nl of a conmuinication liavini^ taken jilace in former
a,i;es hctweea the peo|de of the two hemispheres, we cannot hut think
that the likeness to the head of a rhinoceros, in the thirty-sixth ))!ii;e of
the Mexican iiaintin^; preserved in the collection of Sir Thomas IJodley;
the liirnre of a trunk resemlilinj; that of an elepliant, in other Mexican
painlin;,'s; and the fact, recorded l)y Simon, that what resemhlcd the rih of
a camel (la costilla de un camello) was kept for nniny aj^cs as a relic, and
held in f^reat reverence, in one of the jirovinces of Hof^ota,— are deserviuf;
of attention. KiiKjalHiroiDjh'n J/c.r. Aiiliq., vol. viii., \>. 'J7. '<)n croit re-
connoitre, dans le nia.sipic du sacrilicateur (in one of the fjroups repre-
sented in the t'oifrjc liurqiauHs) la tronipe d'nn dlejihant ou de ipu'l'iue
iwchyderme <|ui s'eii rajipntche ])ar la conli<;uratiou de la tete, inais <lont
la mfichoire sui)erieure est pirnie de dents incisives. Lc {jroin du tapir .se
prolonj,'e sans duuto un peu plus que le muscau do nos eochons; niais il y a
1^
44
OKKilN OF THE AMKHKAXS.
too
tempts to trace the mound-huilders to lliiidustaii,
not heeauso coimimnication hotwecn Aincriia and
southern Asia is inipossihle, hut hecause souiethnijj^
more is needed to base a theory of such connuunica-
tion upon than the hare fact that tliore were mounds
in one country anil mounds in the other.
It is very ])ositively assorted hy several authors
tliat the civiUzation of IVru was of Monyfohan orii^in.'"*
It is not, liowover, suitjutscd to liavo hct-n hrou<;ht
from th(j north-western coasts of America, or to have
c»)me to this continent hy any of the more practica-
ble routes of communication, such as Berini^ Strait
or the Akuitian Ishuids. In tliis instam^e the in-
tro(hiction of foreig-n cultui'e was the result of disas-
trous accident.
In the thirteenth century, the ^Tonjifol em])eror,
Kuhlai Khan, sent a formidalde armament a^jfainst
Japan. The exi)edition failed, and the tleet was scat-
tered hy a violent tem])est. Some of the ships, it is
said, were cast u[)on the coast of Peru, and their crews
ai"e su[)posed to have founded the miyhty em|)ire of
the Incas, coiujuered three centuries later hy Pizarro.
Mr John llankinj*', who leads the \ an of theorists in
this direction, has written a g'oodly volume upon this
Iticii loin (le co ftroiii du tnpir h la troin|)e fi;xnr(''0 dims le Cnifr.r Borrflnniis.
Los ]ii'ii]>k's (1 Aztlaii, <iri;;iiiiiiros (I'Amo, avtiicrit-ils ('(iiisorvo <{iii<Ii|ik>s lui-
ticiris va;.'iii'H sur les (''li'-|iliiins, on, «> (|ui iiic |(!Uiiit Www iiKiins |ii'iiliiil)lo.
lours tradilioiiH roimiiitdioiit-olios jiisiiira ro|H»|iie oil rAiiiori([iu' eloit
encore jioiijiloo do cos aiiiiiiaiix iii^antos([Uos, doiit Ioh si|iiolol!''s ]iotrilieH
se troiivent onfoiiis dans los terrains nianionx, snr le dos nienie di's ("or-
dil'ores nioxioainos? I'ont-etro aiissi existe-l-il, dans la partio nord-ouest
du nonvoau oontinont, dans dos oiuitroes ijui n'ont ete visitoos iii par
Ilearno, ni ])ar Mai'konsie, ni par Lewis, nn paoiiydor'cie inooniin, (pii, jtar
la e(Uili;;uratioii do sa tronipo, tient le niileu entre lolephaut et lo tapir.'
Iluinliolill, ]'ii<:i, toin. i., i>p. 2."i4-r>.
'oo Si/iiirr's Ob.irn-(i/ii)ii.s mi Mi'moirs of Dr Zfstcrmnnn, in Amrr. E(hnn.
Sor., Tniiixdii., April, 1851; Atirnlcr, in Atncr. Aiilii/. Sor., Transiict.,
Vol. i., jip. 1!M>~"2(>7.
"" In this, as in all other theories, 1)U' little distinction is made hetween
the introduction of foreij^n cultnr'% and the actual orijiin of the ]>o"ole. •
would he alisurd, howevt-r, to sujipose that a few ships' cro\v~ ■<< f
not ([uitc, without women, cast a''cidentally ashore in Porn in t' iili
century, should in the lifteenih i)o found to have increased to . na-
tion, possessed of a civilization (juite advanced, yet rest-inhliu^; ilioir
mother country so slightly as to utfurd only the most faint and uhed
analogies.
MdNCOL riVFLIZATION IN VFAIV
45
sul)j(>ct, which ci'rt.'iijily, if read 1)V itsolf, oiisjfht to
coiiviiuc the ivaik'i' a^s satist'iu'torily that Anu'rira was
sottlxi by Moni^ols, as Kiui^shorouiji'h's work that it
was reached hy tlie .lews, or Jones' arij^unieiit that
tlie Tyriaus harl a hand in its civilization.
That a Mon^-ol fleet was sent ai^ainst Japan, and
that it was disj)ersed hy a storm, is matter of liis-
tory, tiioui,di historians differ as to the manner of
<)ccurren<'e and <late of the event; hut that any of
the distressed 'ships were driven upon the coast of
Peru can he l)ut mere conjecture, since no news of
such an arrival ever reached Asia, and, wliat is
more important, no rcconi of tlie deliverance of
their fathers, no memories of the old mother-country
from which the/ had heen cut off so suddenly, seem-
inu'ly no knowledge, even, of Asia, were preserved hy
the Pi'ruvians. (Granted tliat the crews of the
wrecked ships were hut a liandful compared with the
aboriginal po])nlation they came amonuc, that they
only taught what they knew and did not people the
country, still, the sole foundation of the theory is
formed of analos^-ous customs and ])hysical a{)pearance,
showiiiii^ that their influence and infusion of hlood
must have heen very widely extended. If, when thev
arrived, they found the natives in a savasj^c condition,
as has been stated, this influence must, indeed, have
been all-j)erva(lin<»" and it is ridiculous to suppose
that the ^lonool father imparted t«j his children a
knowlcdijce of the arts and customs of Asia, without
impivssinti' upon their minds the story of his ship-
wreck and the history of his native country, about
which all ^roii<:fols are so precise.
But our theorists scorn to assiij^n the parts of teach-
ers to the wrecked ^ronj^olians. Immediately after
their arrival they I'-ave kings to the couiifv, and es-
tablished laws. Panking narrates the j)ersonal his-
tory and exploits of all these kin^^s, or Incas, and
even jrocs so far as to jriv^o a s'.eel-cngraved portrait
of each; but then he also gives a "description of two
46
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
! i
I .
living* unicorns in Africa." Tiio n.anie of the first
Tnca > 'as Manjj^o, or Maneo, which, says Rankinijf, was
also tho nanio of the bn)thor and predecessor of Kuhlai
Khan, he who sent out tho expedition ajjainst Japan,
The first Inja of Peru, he behevcs was the son of
Kublai Khiiii, and refers the reader to his "portrait
of Manco (japac,'"^ that he may compare it with the
description of Kuhhii," aciven by Marco Polo. The
wife of jNIanco Capac was named Coya Mama Oella
Jiuaco; she was also called Mamamchic, "as the
mother of her relations and subjects." Purchas men-
tions .a ([ueen in che country of Sheromoij^ula wliose
name was Manchika.'"^ Thus, puttinj'' two and two
to<>fetlier. Ranking arrives at the conclusion that "the
names of Mango and his wife are so like those in
Mongolia, that we may fairly presume them to be the
same
"104
Let us now briefly review some other analogies dis-
covered by this writer. The natives of South Amer-
ica had little or no beard, the Mongols had also little
hair on the face. The IJatu, or head-dress of the In-
cas had the appearance of a garland, the front being
decorated with a flesh-colored tuft or tassel, and that
of the hereditary prince being yellow; it was sur-
mounted by two feathers taken from a sacred bird.
Here again we arc referred to the portraits of the In-
cas and to those of Tamerlane and Tehanghir, two
Asiatic princes, "both descended from Genghis Khan."
The similarity between the head-dresses, is, we are
told, "striking, if allowance be made for the difficulty
the [ncas would experience in procuring suitable mus-
lin for the turban." The plumes are supposed to be
in some way connected with the sacred owl of the
Mongols, and yellow is the color of the imperial family
'0^ Mnnro 'aftorwnrils rccpivpilfroin Iii» sulijeots the title of "rnpiir,"
which means sole Kiiii)t'r»ir, s|(leii(litl, rich in virtue.' Riuikintfs Hist. Re-
smrrhcx, p. .W. He cites for tliif-, 'rVr'v/Zf/.v.vo i/f !a Vcijn, hook i., chap.
XX vi., a work on which he relies lor ..iiost of his iiiformation.
103 ^[ rrtafioii of firo Hii.s.ir C( ssarLi inin-.'ilcs, out of Hiberia to Calay,
&C., ill Purrhan hh I Uqriircs, vo'. iii., p. 708.
^<^ Jtattking'a Hitt Researches, pp. lyl-ii.
h ill
PEIIUVIAN AND ASIATIC ANALOGIES.
47
in r!hina. Tlie sun was held an especial object of
adoration, as it "Jias been the peculiar jjfed of the Mo-
guls, from the earliest times." The Peruvians re-
garded Pachacamac as the Sovereign Creator ; Camac-
Hya was the name of a Hindu goddess; haylli was
the burden of every verse of the songs composed in
prsiise of the Sun and the Jncas. "Ogus, Chengis'
ancestor, at one year of age, miraculously pronounced
the word Allah I Allah! which was the inniiediate
work of God, who was })leased that his name should
be glorified by the mouth of this tender infant."™
Thus Mr Hanking thinks "it is highly prol)ablo that
this {lutf/lli) is the same as the well-known Ilidlelu-
jah." Kesemblances are found to exist l.ctween the
Peruvian feast of the sun, and other similar Asiatic
festivals. In Peru, hunters formed a circle round the
quany, in the country of (Jenghis they did the same.
The organization of the army was much the same in
Peru as in the country of the Khans; the weapons
and musical instruments were also very similar. In
the city of Cuzco, not far from the hill where the
citadel stood, was a portion of land called colcam-
IMita, which none were iiermitted to cultivate ex-
cept those of royal blood. At certain seasons the
Iticas turned up the sod here, amid much rejoicing
and many ceremonies. "A oreat festival is .solem-
ni/Aid every year," in all the cities of Cliina, on the
day tliat the sun enters the fifteenth degree of Aqua-
rius. The emperor, according to the custom of the
ancient founders of the Chir.ese monarchy, goes him-
self in a solenm manner to plough a ft w lidges of
land. Twelve illustrious persons attend and plough
after him."'"* In Peruvian as in (Jhineso architect-
ure, it is noticeable that great care is taken to render
the joints between the stones as neurly imptrcepti-
'"5 Quoted liy Hanking, Hii>t. Umenrchrs, p. 18.3, from Aliiil Ghazi Ba-
Imdiir, Ilixloru of thr Tiiils, Moijulu, and Tartars, vol. i., ]>. 11.
'<w Ihi llatilc, Empire, of China, vol. i., p. 275. Quoted by Ilankiug,
nut. Itesearches, p. 107-8.
mmmm
48
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
ble as possible. A similarity is also said to exist be-
tween the decorations on the palaces of the Incas
and tliose of the Khans, The cycle of sixty years
was in nso anions^ most of the nations of eastern
Asia, and aniono- the JMuyscas of the elevated i)lains
of Bo<i;'t)ta. The qnipu, or knotted reckonings cord
was in use in Peru, as in China. Some other anal-
ogies might be cited, but these are sitticient to show
upon wluit foundation this theory rests. I may men-
tion here that the Incas possessed a cross of fine niar-
l)le, or jasj)er, highly polished, ami all of one j)iece.
It was three fourths of an ell in leui'th and three
fingers in thickness, and was kept in a sacred cliam-
ber of the palace and held in great veneration. The
Spaniards enriclied this cross with gold and jewels
and placed it in the cathcchal at Cuzco; had it been
of plain Avood they would jirobably have burnt it Avith
curses on the emblem of 'devil-worship.' To account
for this discovery, Mr Hanking says: There were many
Nestorians in the thirteenth century in the si'rvict.' of
the Mt)Ugols. The coiupieror of the king of eastern
Beniral, A. D. 1272, was a C'hristian. 'J'lie Mongols,
who were deists, treated all religions with res[)ect, till
they became Moliannnedans. It is very probai>le that
a part of tlie military sent to C()n(|uer Japan, were
commanded by Nestorian officers. The motlier of the
Grand Khan ^Fangu, who was bi'otlu'r to Kublai, and
])ossibly uncle to Manco ( apac, the lirst Inca, was a
Christian, and had in her service \\ illiam Bt)uchier,
a goldtsmith, and Basilicus, the son of an Englishman
born in Hungary. It is therefore highly probable
that this cross accompanied jSfanco Ca]>ac.'"^
ic ( '(iiiccriiin;; till' Aloiijjoliaii ()ri;,'iii (if (lie IVnn iaiis, sec: litnihiuti's
Hist, llrsidirhi.f. Aliiiii'.t all kiIut writt-rs \\\m have ttniilu'd on this «ul)-
jct't, art' iiiili'liti'il li> .Mr Itaiikiii}; for tlicir iiifiirinatinii and ii'cas. Soc
il\>*o lliiiiil)(i/i//, K.iiiin. ( V/7., lam. ii., ]>. Ci", ct si'i|.; Md/lc-l'rii'i, I'ln-is
<lr fif III (III., fiiiii, vi., ]i|i. 'J'.Kl 1; Fittvfrr.i ]'iii/iiiir llniintl tin' Worlil.
(ir'itiii;< thinkn that tlit> i\>nn'iaii»* iniist W tlistiiirt from otlior Aiiicricaii
jn'oplc. since \\\r\ art' so acute
<1 lu'li
th
cm, therefore,
III hi
(le.'icriiilcil from the Chiin'se. Wrecks of Chinese junks have lieen foiiml
on the roast. Jiotli aihrre the .sun, ui.il call the k
"K
fix
>f thi
Hun.' Both use hieroglyphics 'whicit aru read fruiu ulovc dowuwurUs.
PERUVIAN GIANTS.
49
List be-
! Incaa
r voars
eastern
L plains
itr cord
n* anal-
to show
ly men-
nc mar-
ie piece,
id three
d cham-
»n. The
d jewels
1 it Iteen
it it with
o account
ere nuiuy^
evvice ot
,f eastern
;Monj^ols,
Ispoct, till
lt;U)lo that
)an, were
ler of the
iiltlai, and
lea, was a
Boui-hier,
liolishnian
probable
I oil this Huli-
Til i.'fivs. Sof
./;,•!, •!, /';•((■) N
//(-■ W'orl'l-
kior Aim'iiciin
(ii'foro, to Ix'
'sou of ll""
aowuwrtnl».
I have stated above that the Peruvians preserved
no record of havins^ come originally from China.
They had a tradition, liowever, concerning certain
foreigners who came by sea to their country, which
may be worth re])eating; Garcihisso de la Vega
gives this tradition as he liimself heard it in Peru.
They alhnn, he says, in all Peru, that certain giants
came by sea to the cape now called 8t Helen's, in
large harks made of rushes. These giants were so
eno'::»usly tall that ordinary men reached no higher
than iheir knees; their long, disheveled hair covered
Manco Capar was a ("liiiiainau wlio fjavo those sottlora a Rovornmont
fotiudiMl Oil the Chinese system. Mitiitanitii, S'iniirc U'rnrld, |i|>. .■{•_' 3.
De Laet, rcjilyiiij,' to these ar};miieMts, eoiisiihTs that the aeiiteness of
tlie I'eruviaus does not upproaeli that of the Chinese. Nowliere in Peru
liave tlie ennniii}; and artistic works of Chine.^e artitieers heeu seen.
'riu> Chinese junks were too frail to witlistand a storm that could drive
tliem across the Pacilic. And if tlu^ voya;,'e were intentional they wouhl
liave soU'dit nearer hind than the coasts of Mexico or rem. 'I'lie reli''iou
if tlie two countrii'i dlHVrs materiallv; so does their wrillii
.Manco C
pac
as a native I'eruviaii who ruled four hundred years hefore the coniii
f the S])aniards. \tiriis Orhi.i, in Id., |)p. ;W— I. .Nir Crouise, in his yul-
unil Wttilth of ('(di/iiniiii, )i. 'JS, et sei|., is more positive on this suit-
ject than any writer I have yet encountered. 1 am at a loss to know why
this should lie, liecaiise I have hefore me the works that he consulted,
>d
I rertai'.dv Itnd nothiii'' to warrant his very sin
ew |la^^say:es Irom Ins wor
iii'i a>iTtions. I ((note a
llllo;,r|sts who
have stndieil the Hindoo, Chit
The invest ij,'al ions of !•; !ino!o;;;i'*|s and phi-
nesc, anil .LiMaiiese annals dnnn^
Isdi
the pii'seut century, have hrouj;ht to li;jht such a chain of evidence as ti
place lieyond doulit that the inhahitauts of .Me\ico and California, di
lliuiloo, Chinese,
d
cred liy the Spaniards, were of Mongolian ori,i;i
.lapanese annals all aj,'ree that the licet of KuMai Khau,
Khan, was wrecked on the coast of .America. 'There are proofs dear and
if C
-di
cert.'iin, that Maii<;o Caiiac, the founder of the Peruvian nation.
\\v
iif Kitlilai Khau.
till that till
stors of Monte/.nina, of .Mexico, \\\w
I'li' from .\ssatn, arrived alioitt the same titii
!•;
very cnsloin i
i till
Mi'\icans, di'xcrjlicd hy theirSpanish cotii|uerors, pro\es their .\siatic orij,'in.
'I'he stran^re hiero.vrlyphics found in so many places in .Mexico, anil
fi'iim California to Canada, iire till of Mi
in;;olian ori;;in
' llumlioldt.
iiiaiiy years .i^jo. conjectured that these hiero^ilyphics were of Tartar ori;j
It is now positively known that they are. . . .The armor ludon^iin;; to >l
le museum i
Ic/iiina, which was olitained hy Corte/ and is now in tl
diiil. is known to lie of .Asiatic manufacture, tiiid to have lielon^'ed to
on-
it Ma-
if Kulilai Khan's "'etierals.' h is
til further criticise
fi
all
irk
a work so (grossly tin
tiuucccssaiy to multiply i|ttiitations, or
ill'' utiiiiue
sleadi
The follow
assertion is a fair s|ieeiinen of Nir Crouise's vaiiarics when in-adin;; on nil
faiiiiliarnround: ' ".Mta," the ]ire(ix which distin;rtiishes Cpner from Lower
];r
ri
le most
Calilornia, is u word of Mon};olian orij;in, sii;iiifyiti}j •'\n
siipcrlicial knowledf,'e of Spanish or of the history of Califoniin, would
have told Mr Crouise that 'alia' simply iiieaus 'hi>,'li,' or ' upper,' and that
the iiaiiic was applied to what was ori<j;iually termed 'Now ' Califoniin, in
rotitiadisiiiiction to 'Ihija' or 'Lower' Culifuriiio.
Vol. v. 4
Jt---
60
OUIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
M
:!i
their shoulders; their eyes were as big as saucers,
and the other parts of their bodies were of corre-
spondingly colossal proportions. They were beard-
less; some of them wore naked, others were clothed
in the skins of wild beasts; tliore were no women
with them. Having landed at tlie cape, they estab-
lished themselves at a spot in the desert, and dug
deep wells in the rock, wbich at this day continue to
afford excellent water. They lived by rapine, and
soon desolated the whole country. Their appetites
and gluttony were such that it is said one of them
would eat as much as fifty ordinary persons. They
massacred the men of the neighboring j)arts without
mercy, and killed the women by their brutal viola-
tions. At last, after having for a long time tyran-
nized over the country and committed all maimer of
enormities, they were suddenly destroyed by fire from
heaven, and an angel armed with a flaming sword.
As an eternal monument of divine vengeance, their
bones remained unconsumed, and may be seen at the
present day. As for the rest, it is not known from
what ])lace they came, nor by what route they ar-
rived.'"*
There is also a native account of the arrival of
Manco Capac, in which he figures simply a culture-
hero. The story closely resembles those told of the
appearance and acts of the apostles (,'ukulcan, Wixe-
pecocha, and others, and need not be repeated here.'*"
iti
'O^'Tlus relation, says Rankinu, 'has naturally oiioHjjli l)cen consiilerod
by RolK-rtscin itiul others as u ridiculoUH ftible; an<i any render would l)e
inclined to treui it us Hueli, were it not acouunteil for by the invasion of
Japan, and the very nunierous an<l eonvincin)^ proofs of tlie idenlitv of the
Mouf^ols and the Iticas.' Jlint. Jii-xca ir/iri, \\. "m. lie thinks tliat the
{(iiints were the Mongolian invaders, mounted upon the elephants whieh
they hrou<;iit with them. 'The elephants,' he says, 'would, no <loul)t, Vk!
defended hy their usual armor on sueh an extraordinary oeeasion, and the
gpaec for the eyes would appear monstro'.is. The reniurli ulHtitt the Iwards,
ivc, shows that the man and the elephant were considered as one person. It
is a new and curious /o/'o edition of the t'entaurs and Lupitlue; and we can-
not wonder that, on such a novel occasion, L'aiic St, Helen's did not pro-
duce an American Tlie.%U8.' //. , ])p. 53— i.
lOT See Haiiking'ii hist. Rcscarchat, p. 50, et acq. ; IVardcn, Refllierchti,
pp. 187-9.
I I
THE CHINESE FROM PERU.
61
ucers,
corre-
3eard-
lothed
sromen
estab-
(1 dug
iiue to
e, and
petites
t' them
They
,vithout
1 vioUv-
tyvan-
Liiner of
ire from
sword.
■e, their
A at the
vn from
hey ar-
rival of
culture-
1 of the
Wixe-
here.^«'
Mr Charles Wolcott Brooks, Japanese consul in
San Francisco, a most learned gentleman, and espe-
cially well versed in Oriental lore, has kindly pre-
sented nie with a MS. prepared by himself, in which
are coiidensed the results of twenty-five years' study
of the history of the eastern Asiatic nations, and
their posisihie communication with American conti-
nent."" He recognizes many striking analogies be-
tween the Chinese and the Peruvians, hut arrives at
a conclusion respecting the relation between the two
nations, the exact rever.se of that discussed in the
preceding paragraphs. His theory is that tiie Chi-
nese came originally iVom Peru, and not the Peruvi-
ans from China. He uses, to support his argument,
many of the resemblances in customs, etc., of which
Kanking and others have availed themselves to prove
an exactly opposite theory, and adds that, as in those
early times the passage of the Pacific could only
have been made under the most favorable circum-
stances uikI with the assistance of fair winds, it
would 1)0 impossible, owing to the action of the SE.
and NE. trade-winds for such a passage to have been
nia(le, either intentionally or accidentally, from China
to Peru, while on the other hand, if a large craft
were j)laced before the wind and set adrift from the
Peruvian coast, there is a strong i)rol)ability that it
Wduld drive straight on to the southern coast of
Cliina.'"
I consideriMl
|r would hii
InYUHion of
Titiiv of the
tiiiit the
tints which
1) (louht, V)e
Jill, ami <l»e
1 person. It
\\n\ wc eaii-
Id not pro-
iReclurchts,
A Japanese origin or at least a strong infusion of
Jai)anese blood, has boon attril)utod to the tribt's of
the north-west coasts. There is nothing im])robal)le
in this; indeed, there is every reason to believe thiit
on various occasions small parties of Jajianese have
reached the American continent, have married the
^ii Oriffin n/ (he Japanese Earc, and their Relation to the Amrriran
Coii/i'inif, MS.
11 Sci- report of a lecture read >>v <'hnrle.s W(deott Brooks Iwfore flic
('iilifciriiia Academy of Science, in hail;/ Alta California, Maj 4, IH7ri;
.SV(;i Francisco Eecninij liuUetin, sanio date.
I<#-I'
V
^^jI
52
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
women of the country, and necessarily left the im-
press of their ideas and physical j)eculiaritios upon
their descendants. Probably these visits were all,
without exception, accidental; but that they have oc-
curred in f^^reat numbers is certain. There have been
a <»"reut many instances of Jajjanese junks driftiujij
upon the American coast, many of them after hav-
^ini>' floated lulpk'ssly about for many months. Mr
! Brooks jjfives forty-one pariiculai instances of such
j wrecks, bei>imiin<jf in 1782, twenty-eij^-ht of which
(late since 1850."^ Only twelve of the whole num-
ber were deserted. In a majority of cases the sur-
vivors remained ])ermanently at the place where the
waves had brought them. There is no record in
existence of a Ja})anese woman having- been saved
fiom a wreck. A great many Japanese words are to
1)0 found in the Chinook jargon, but in all cases ab-
breviated, as if coming from a foreign source, while
the construction of the two languages is dissimilar.'"
The reasons for the presence of Jaj)anese and the ab-
sence of C/hinese junks are simple. There is a cur-
rent of cold water setting from the Arctic o(;ean south
along the east coast of Asia, which drives all the Chi-
nese wrecks south. The Kuro 8iwo, or 'black stream,'
comnu)nly known as the Japan current, runs north-
wards j)ast the eastern coast of the Japan islands,
then curves round to tlie east and south, sweeping the
whole west ci)ast of North America, a branch, or
"* See report of paper Hultinitted Ity Mr Brooks to tlio Califoniiii Aciid-
ciiiy of Sficuccs, ill .Sim Fmiicisro luriiiiui Jiiil/r/iii, Miircli '2, I87.'>. In
tliis report tlic details and date of eaeli wreck are driven. Tlie aiitliorof the
paper assiin's me tliat lie has records of over one liiiiidred siicli disaster.!,
kvery one of tliese wrecks, when e\aniin(>d, proved to he .lapaiie.se, and
Mot one Cllinese. See al.so frrini/'s lloniiiril/i'.'i Ailrfii., p. 4'J7; Sjtiit/i's
lliiiiiiiii Spcciis, p. 'IW); liiii/iir/iiiit, in Xoiiirtlrs Aniinlrs <k.i Voy., l.S2;i,
toni. xviii.. ]»n. lJIS-!»; Aiidn-sou, in Uixl. Miiff., v<d. vii., pp. 80-1; Lansi'-
jxis, liiija ('(II., ])p. 45-()
"^ //). Lon/'.i .Vii/., vol, ii., pp. '21(>-7. ' I.ookiiif; only at i\ic /i>riii.s and
eiidiii<;s of the words, their rini) a,\u\ .sitntii/.i whi'U uttered, we could not
hut notice the striking; similarity, in these respects, hetweeii tlie pro|M>r
names as found on the map uf ilapun, and many of the names friveii to
places, rivers, etc., in tiiis country. (America.) Hockinil, in Hi,sf. Mitij.,
u. s., vol. iii., p. 141.
JAI'ANKSK WRKCKS ON THE AMERICAN COAST.
53
e m»-
upi)n
i-c all,
,vo oc-
been
liftiiij^
r luvv-
i. Mr
»f svieh
which
) ninn-
10 sur-
3re the
jord in
L saved
4 are to
ises ah-
0, while
Imilar."'
the ah-
a cur-
lu south
the C Hii-
streani,'
^ north -
islands,
)in«jf the
ncli, or
Jriiiii Aoiul-
,, IH7r>. In
lilliorof tlio
li ilisiistfit-
Ikiuosc, luul
WJl; Sill nil's
]() 1; LilHSi'-
fortim iukI
I the l>r<>|M'r
l<rt ^ivcii to
I//.s7. MiKJ ,
eddy, niovinsif towards the Sandwich Islands. A
driltint,'- wreck would he carried towards tlie American
coast iit an averaije rate of ten ntiks a day hy this
current. To explain the frequent occurrence of these
wrecks IVfr 1 honks refers to an old Japanese law.
Ahout the year HVAO, the Japanese ^rovernnient
aclojtted its deliberate policy of exclusion of lorei<;ners
and seclusion of its own i)eo])le. To keep the latter
IVoni visitinjjf foreiy-n countries, and to contine their
voyaij^cs to smooth water and the coastiny- trade, a law
was passed onlerint;- all junks to he huilt with open
sterns and lari;e S(|uare rudders uuHt to stand any
heavy sea. The January monsoons from the north-
east are a[it tt) hlow any unhu'ky coaster which hap-
|tens to he out straight into the Kuro Siwo, the hui»'e
rudders are soon washed away, and the vessels, fallini>;
into the trou<:^h of the sea, roll their masts overheard.
Every Jaiiuarv there are numhers of these disasters
of which no record is kept. Ahout one third of tlutse
vessels, it. seems, drill to the Sandwich Islands, the
remainder to North America, where they scatter aloni'
the coast from Alaska to California. How many
years this has heen sj^oinjj;" on can only he left to con-
jecture. The information ,i,'iven hy Mr Ih'o(»ks is of
ij^reat value, owini>' to his thorough acijuaintaiice with
the subject, the intelliijfent study of which has been
a, labor of love with him for so many years. v\nd his
theory with regard to the Ja[»anese (-arries all the
more weight, in my opinion, in that he does not at-
teiii[»t t() account for the similarities tliat exist between
that people and the Americans by an immigration en
masse, but by a constant infusion of Ja|);inese blood
and customs throULjh a series of years, sutKcient to
mollify the original stock, wherever that came IrotJi.
1 have already stated that traces of the .lapanese
lanmiaii^e have been found amouij^ the c()ast tribes.
There is also some physical resemblance.'" Viollet-
"* TluTc wi'i'o ill Ciilifornia at tln> time of tlu' < 'iiiu|:icHt, Indiiiim of
various riiiosi, mhiic of tlu' tlu|iaui'«t' tyjic. Vallvjo, Hist. LtiL, MS., tticn.
I<
54
okk;i\ of thk Americans.
le-Duc points out some strikiiij'' roscinhlnnoos botwcen
the ti'inplo.s of Jupaii and Central Aniorica."'' It is
nsst'itr*! that tho ]>ooplo of .lapaii had a knowlodyo of
tlu! Anuriian continent and that it was marked down
on their maps, ^rontanus tells us that tliree ship-
ea])tains named Henrik C'orneliszoon, Seliaep, and
Wilhehn Byleveld, were taken prisoners l>y tho Jap-
anese and carried to .leddo, wliere they were sliown a
sea chart, on which America was drawn as a mount-
ainous country adjoininij^ Tartary on the north."" Of
course the natives have the usual tradition (hat stran-
y't IS came amouiic them loiii^ heforo tho advent of tho
b^uropeans."^
The theory that America, or at least tho north-
western part of it, was peopled by the 'Tartars' or
trihes of north-western Asia, is suj>ported hy niany
authors. There certainly is no reason why they
should not have crossed l^erin<»' Strait from Asia,
the passai»-e is easy enouyh ; nor is there any roas,)n
why thev should not have crossed hv the same route
to Asia, and peopled the north-western pait of that
continent. Tho customs, manner of life, and phys-
ical appearance «)f tho natives on both sides of tho
straits are almost identical, as a multitude of wit-
inesses testify, and it sei'Uis absurd to ari>;ue the (jues-
tion from any point. ( )f course, Berinii;- Strait may
have served to admit other njitions besides the pe«)ple
inhabitinu^ its shores into America, and in such cases
there is more room for discussion."^
i,, p. .1; Viillrjo, Rimin. Cnl., MS., p. 6. Tlu> .Moutiiui Islaiidors ivsoinhlo
the .liipaiifsc in various ri'spoct.s. Sim/isoii's Xci:, vol. ii., p. •J'.VS. I'riesl,
Amri: Aiitii/., \t. '.'14, tliinks tlial (^lu't/alvoatl may ln> ro;;aril(!il aM a Ju|)-
uuosc, as i'oiii|)arativfly >viiiti> ami Ix'anlott.
"■' Introilucliiin to ('/idnini/, Jiiiiins AnUr., pp. 28-31.
"« Siniiir Wiiirlil, p. .S!». '
1" I.onl's Stit., vol. li., p. -.'17.
'"'Sec: Anijii'rr, I'rom. cii Aiiirr., toin. ii., jjp. :HX)-4; Atirnfn;\n Aiiirr.
Aiiliij. Soi\, Tniiisact., vol. i., pp. "JPi 14, .'WS Vl; Munlniiux, Sii'iiiir
Wirnlif, pp. ;{.S-r.I; J'rii'st'.i .l/ocr. .I*///*/., pp. .VS-O; lirf'niinH.i Cir.iiinJ
(hist., vol. iii., ]ip. 1-10; liiihir/stni'H llisf. Auirr., vol. i., pp. '277 SI; I'iiiiii^'.i
'" '«, V(' ■' -■ ••■ " " • »• - -• ..•■• '. ■• ■> • -
Trnirl.i, vol. ii., itp. ;i7-8; lint/r'.i \iir Siinri/, p. \&2; Iloiiinirr/i'.i Ihxi-r/s,
il. i., pp. 7-'.l; Farci/, I>is<iiiir.i, in Aiitii/. !Hi.i:, tom. i., «iiv. i., j). 4r>;
Einui Vol., Unix. )., |)p. 70-80; Ailairs Aiiirr. Iiid., jip. lU-l.'l;
Hi
I
t
vo
1 In mho
THE EGYPTIAN THEORY.
55
We mav now oonsidor tij.it theory whieh 8tipposes
the civihzed peoples of Aiiieriea to he oY Eyvptian
(»iii;in, or,. lit least, to have (Urived their arts and eult-
ure from Ky^ypt. This sujtposition is hast-d mainly
on eertain analoi,Mi*s \vhi»'h have heen thoni^ht to
(»xist hetwet'U tlu> architeetiire, hieroijlyphies, meth-
ods of coinputiiiLr tinu% anil, to a less extent, cus-
toms, of tho two eountries. Few of these analoyfios
will, howi^ver, hear close investigation, and even
where they will, they can hardly he said to ])rovo
anythini^. 1 find no writi'r who pu's so far as to
athrm that tlu> New World was a<tually ]H>opled
from Fi^ypt; we sjiall, therefore, have to regard
this merely as a cultme-theory, the oriLi^inal intro-
duction of human lii'e in'o the continent in no way
dependiuij^ upon its truth m- fallacy.
The architectural feature which has attracted most
attention is tlu> pyramid, which to some writ»>rs is of
itself conclusive^ ])roof of an FLTyptian «)rii;in. The
])oints of rescmhlaiK'e, as iy;iven hy those in favor of
this thi'ory, are worth studyini>;. (Jarci'a y ('uhas
claiuis the ft)llowiny" anahti^ies hetween Teotihuacan
and the Foyptian ]>yrami(ls: the site chostMi is the
same; the structures are oriented with slioht varia-
tion; the line throuui'h the centre of the ])yramids is
in tin* 'astronomical meridian;' the c«»nstruction in
ijfratlcs an<l steps is the same; in ht)th cases the larocr
pyramids are dedicated to the sun; the Nile has a
'valley of the dead,' as at Teotihuacan there is a
'street of tlu> dead ;' some monuments of each class
\<inii(ii>\f Rniiililf.') h\i J. ami iiinf ]\'<t/n; ]>]>. 'Jl." Ifi; fT»i,il>i>/il/, ]'nrs,
limi. i.. p. 'J(i7; lufir. I'llitr Aiinr. Iliro/f.iriniii. \>\>. l.'.'i-lHI, citrtl in
Uiniiliiihll, }'iir.i, titlli. i., J). 17">; l.illthire, ('irriiiiiiKir., Iniii. vi., |>. ITHJ;
]\'tirt/()i, lii rlnrchin, |i|i. 'J(U 'J; ./o.v.sc/i/o'.v Tifit I'm/iii/is; fi'i/fiiiiiisiin'x Oh-
.iirriiliiiii.i nil ('liiiiiifr; lli/l'.t Aiilii/. of Aiiifr.; I.i//il.iiir/iifl, Jii/iirioiirs, in
h'iiiijsli<irniiii/i's Mix, Aiitiii.. vol. ix., |)i>. ',V.V2 '.\, 4."iO; Fostir's I'ir-Hisf.
/i'(»('(\, |i|i. ;t,'U-r>; l'ii/iiri/\i }'iiir; liiissii, S'lHin nii.r ]'<>i/.; Sliiffit'.l liiiiinii
Kisriirr/iis; < 'iirirr's Trnv., ]i]i. IS7-'.H!. 'JOS- lit; Foiitniiir's Uinr the Wiirlil
irtis- I'liijiliil, pp. 'J41 "i; Las t'llsiis, lli.il. A/io/oifi liiii, t'up. ccix., i|lli>t('il
in Kiini.slinriiiiijli'.i Mix. A>ili<]., v<il. viii., pp. ;<;(S-0; Ihtnjiilil'.') Aiitii/.
.\iiiii:. ]i|), l:{-l(»l; Mii/li- llrini. I'n'ri.i <lr In (!iimj., loin, vi., pp. 'J'.t.'l— 4;
.Moiift/iii;-. ill Aiiliij. Mix., loin, i.. iliv. i., p. (i(); li >jlijn'.s Cos^moij., ji. !M7;
SiiriiHin'ii liiiitiOliii ill Yur., p. 171.
r
f
66
ORICIN OF THE AMERICANS.
have the nature of fortifications; tlie .smallev mounds
are of the same nature and for the same purpose;
both pyramids have a small mound joinetl to one of
their faces; tlie openiii<(s discovered in the Pyramid
of the Moon are also found in some E*(yj)tian pyra-
mids; the interior arrant«emeat of the pyramids is
analoi^ous.""'
The two {^reat pyramids of Teotihuacan, dedi-
cated to the sun and moon, are surrounded hy
several hundreds of small pyramids. Delafield
remarks that the pyramids of (Jizeh, in Eifypt,
are also surrounded l)y smaller edifices in regu-
lar order, and closely corres[)ond in arrangement to
those of Teotihuacan.*^ The c<Mistruction of these
two pyramids recalls to ^[r llankintji's mind that of
"one of tiie Ei'^yptian pyramids of Sakhara, which
has six stories; and which, according to Pocock, is a
mass of pehMes and yellow mortar, covered on the
outside with rough stones."''* In some few instances
human remains have been found in American pyra-
miils, though never in such a position as to convey
the idea that the structure had been built expressly
for their reception, as was the' case in Egypt. It is
but fair to add, however, that no pyramid has yet
been oj)ened to its centre, or, indt'cd, in any way
properly explored as to its interior, and that a great
many of them arc known to have interior galleries and
passages, though these were not used as sej)uK'hres.
In one instance, at Copan, a vault was discovered in
the, side of a pyramidal si'ucture; on the floor, and in
two small niches, were a number of rod earthen-ware
vessels, containing human bones packed in lime; scat-
tered about were shells, cave stalactites, and stone
knives; three heads were also found, one of them
near
a[tpi
itly rep
3yes oeing
ly
shut, and the lower features distorted: the back of
"9 Ensayo de un Estiidio comparntivo.
•8" Ddafi fid's Antiq. Aner., p. .57.
'2' llankhufs Hist. Itcscarclics, p. .356.
/m
E(iYI'TIAN AND AMKIUCAN PVUAMins.
57
lounds
ono of
y'lauikl
pyia-
uids i»
, dedi-
led l)y
elaticld
Euypt,
I rct^u-
ncnt to
)f these
that of
, which
jck, is a
on the
nstaiices
II pyra-
coiivey
xprossly
It is
l\as yet
iiy way
a oroat
lies and
(uU'hres.
k'orod in
, and in
cn-ware
|io ; scat-
id stone
•f them
iT nearly
back of
the liead symmetrically perforated hy holes; the
whoK' of most ex(piisite workmanship, and cut or
cast fn»m a tine stone covered with tureen enamel."'**
In the j^^cat pyramid of Cholula, also, an excavation
made in huiMini,' the Puehla road, which cut off a
corner of the lower terrace, not only disclosed to
view the interior ctwistruction of the pyramid, hut
also laid hare a tond) containins^ two skeletons and
two idols of hasalt, a collection of pottery, and other
relics. The sepidchre was scpiare, with stone wall-,
supported with cypress beams. The dimensions are
not iriven, hut no traces of any outlet were found. ''^'*
Tiiere are, besides, traditions amonj^ the luitives of
the existence of interior jj^alleries and apartments of
i^-reat extent within this mound. Thus we see that
in some instances the dead were de[)osited in pyra-
mids, thouii;h there is not sufficient evidence to show
that these structures were originallv built for this
purpose.
Herodotus tells us that in his time the great i)yra-
'22 Si'c vol. iv., J1J). 88, O.VC), for further dcscn|)tioii, iil^o ])]aii of ("opiiii
ruins. 1). S.">, for locution of vault, .loiii'.s, coniincutin;; ou the uliovc, re-
uiiirks: ''I'his last .si'uti'ure iuiui^s us to a sin-cinicn of (Jem i'uj,'ra\ in;;. Ilie
most iincii'litof all the antiijui' works of Art. Not only i.s the dciitli •■('hani-
l)cr" iik'utical with that of Kfi.viit, h\it also the very way «if reachiujj; it viz.,
lirst, liy asi't'iHliuj; the pyraniiual hase. ami then tlest'entlinj;, anti so eiiter-
ini; the Seiuilchre! This eouUl not lie acciilcntal, the liuililers of that
|iyrauiiilal Se|iulchre must have hail a knowle(l;;e of Kjiypt.' /li.i/. Am:
Aiiiir.. |i|i. Ilt)-I7. Stephens, who in his lirst vohune of travels in Cen-
tral .Auieriea, 1>. 144, deserilies this vault, writes in vol. ii., ]i|i. 4:{!l-4((: 'The
|)yranii(ls of K;,'yi)t are known to have interior ehamlH'rs. ami, whatever
their other uses, to have lieen iiitemled ami used as sepuhlires. The.so
(.American jjyrainids). on the contrary, are of solid earth ami stone. No
interior chambers hav(> ever heen discovered, and proliahly none e.xist.'
Mr Jones criticises .Mr Sle|iheus very severely for this apparent contrailic-
tiiiu, l>ut it is customary with Mr .lones to tilt l)lindl\ at whatever olistructs
his theories. Stephens douhtless refers in this passiiie to sui'h chamliers
as would lead one to suppose that the pyramid wits liuiit as a token of
their |presence. Lowenstern is very jiositive that the Mexican pyramid
was not iuteiMled for .sepulchral ])uriioses. Mi.vi</iii\ \>. •.'74. ('lavij^ero is
of tiie same opinion: '<iuelli tlej,di Mj^i/j erauo per lo jiiii \uoti; ijuelli de'
Messicani uuissiecj; «[uesti .servivaiu) di hasi a' loro Santuarj; i|uelli di se-
|ciicri de' Ue.' Slurid Anf. del Mcssico, tom. iv., pp. I'.t-'Jtl, Foster, on
the other haml, writes: 'There are those who, in the truncated pyramids,
see evidences of H;{yptiuii ori<i;iii. The pyramids, like the tcmple-inoiiiid.s,
•hist.
were used for sepulclircH, hut here the analogy ends.' I'rc
p. 187.
'« See vol. iv., \^. 474.
liitves.
66 ORIGIN OF THE AMEIUCANS.
mid of ChoopH was coated with polished stone, in
Kiu'li a iiiamier as to present a smooth surface on all
its sides from the hase to the top; in the upper part
of the jtyramid of Cephren the casin»»'-stones have
remained in their j)lat'es to the j)resc'nt day. No
vVinerican pyramid with smooth sides has as yet heen
discovert^d, and of this fact those who nyect the
Eijyptian theory have not failed to avail themselves.*'^*
It is nevertheless prol>ahle that many of the Amer-
ican jnramids had orii»'inally smooth sides, th(>ui»'h, at
the present day, time and the i(rowth of dense tropical
veiifetation have rendered the very shape of the struc-
tures scarcely recotjnizahle.''" It is further objected
that while the American pyramids exhibit various
forms, are all truncated, and were erected merely to
serve as foundations for other huildinufs, those of
Eijypt are of unift)rm shape, "risin<^ and diminishini^
until they come to a point, "*^ and are not known to
have ever served as a base for temple or j)alace. 1 1
is, however, not certain, juds^ini*- from facts visible at
the })resent day, that all the Egyptian ])vramids did
rise to a j)()int. Aui'ain, it is almost certain that the
American pyramid was not always used as a founda-
tion tor a su|)erimposed buildiniu^, but that it was fre-
quently complete in itself. In many of the ruined
cities of Yucatan one or more ]>yramids have been
found upon the summit of which no traces of any
buildinij^ could be discovered, althout,di up(m the pyra-
mids by which these were surrounded portions of
superimposed editices still remained. There is, also,
some reason to believe that jierfect ])yramids were
constructed in America. As has been seen in the
precedini,'' volume, Waldeck found near Palen<pie two
])yramitls, which he describes as havin<»' been at the
time in a state of perfect preservation, stpiare at the
base, pointed at the top, and thirty-one feet hi,i»h,
•M Sfi/i/inis' Cent. Amrr., vol. ii., 11. 440.
"* Tin- ri'iiilcr ciin coinpim! the various iircoiints of ]>yraiiiiilal strui'tures
jjivon ill vol. iv. 011 this puiiit. Sw; hciuliii;; ' iiyramitl,' in Iiitlex.
I'-o Sfiji/irim' Viiit. Aimr., vol. ii., p. 430.
A Hc 11 rr i;< t i: i: a l a n a loc j i es.
59
)ne, in
! on all
iV part
^ have
f. No
ot been
x't the
clves.*'^*
Anier-
»u,u;h, at
tropical
o struc-
olyected
varioiiH
lerely to
those of
linishinj]?
mown to
laee. It
isihle at
nids did
that the
"ounda-
was fre-
o ruined
we been
of any
le pyra-
tions of
is, also,
ids were
!U in the
u^ue two
u at the
e at the
jet hi,i;h,
il structures
their sides lormini,' efjuihiteral trianijfles. DelaHeld'"
remarks that a sinipK; nioiiiid would Hrst suLryest the
j)vraniid, and that from this the more finished and
permanent strueture would jj^row; which is true
tM(»ii<;Ii. But if we are to helieve, as is stated, that
the Ameriean j)yramids <,new fn»m sucli i)ei;inninns
as the ^^ississipl>i mounds, thtiii what reason can there
he in comparint'' the pyramids of Teotihuacan with
those of (lizeh in h^ypt. For if tlie Eufyptian coio-
nists, at the time «)f their emigration to Ameri<'a, had
advanced no furtlier toward the perfect pyramid than
the mound-liuildiniif staLce, would it not he the merest
coincidence if the finished pyramidal structures in one
country, the result of centuries of im])rovement,
sliould resemhU; those of the other country in any hut
the most ireneral features? Finally, pyramidal edi-
ticis were connnon in Asia as well as in Northern
Africa, and it may he said that the American l>yra-
niids are as nnich like tiie former as they are like the
latter.'-'*
In its (reneral features, American architecture does
not otter any stronjjf resend)lanccs to the E;^yptian.
The upliolders of tlie theory Hud traces of the latter
neonle in certain round colunms found a
riv.
Mitla, Quemada, aiul other j)laces ; in tlie _<j;'eii<M'al laas-
siveness of the structures; and in the fact that the
•b'
vermilion dye on nianv
of tl
le ruins was a favorite
color m
Ko
J I
»t
129
Humboldt, speaking of a ruined
'■-'* lluniliiililt reviews tlie points of resriiihliiiu'c and oonies to the eon-
elusion tiiiit they iitrori! no fonnilation upon wiiieii to liast- a theory of
F.,:;v|itiiin ori;:iu. I'ms, loni. i., pp. l'J()-4. ''i'here is much in thesliitpc. pro-
rlicinsaucl sculptures of this jtyraniiil (Xoehiealeol to connect ilsan-Jiilects
with the l'".''Viit
ptiar
M,
in/rr s Mi:r. as i
if ir
18)'). lirailfonl linds that
'ouie 'of the K^'yplian pyraniiils, and those which with some reason it liaH
leen supiMisfd are the most ancient, are iirecisi-Iy similar to the Mexican
Itut I
le only sees
•Wl>t
ian frarrs in this; he shows that similar
jiynimidal structures have heen fnund in very many parts of the world; and
Ik' JK'lifves the Americans to lui\e originated from many sources and sto«;ks.
Sec Aiiiir. AiiHi/., p. 4'_*.'J.
'-"' See vol. iv.. chap, v., vii., and x. (Juotiii<j from M(dina, lH.it. Chili,
toiu. i.. notes, p. KJ'J. Sl't'iilloh writes: ' Hetweon the hills of .Mendo/ii and
l.a I'unta, upon a low ran<;e of hills, is a ))illar of stone one hundri'd and
lifly feel lii^'li, and twtdvo in diameter.' ' Tlii.s,' he adds, 'very much re-
r
m
(H{l<;iN OF Til!-; AMKUKANS.
Htriicturc at Mitla, says: "tlio <lis{,ril)u(i()ii of tlie
apartiiu'iits of this singular cdirico, Uvuvh a strikiiii^
aiialui^y t<» wliat lias lioeii ti'iuarkc*! in tlie in»»mi-
jn.vnts ( t" l'j»|H'i- b<yi>t, <lra\vn l>y M. Dmoii, ami
the savaiis who coiuposo the iiistittitt' of ('airo.''"'
H'jl\voon Auu'rican ami Kii'vptiaii sciilptiiro, there
is, at tirst si«rl>i, a very strikiiiijc .lioiicral ri'semltlaiico.
This, however, alim^st I'litirely disappt-ars upon close
icpre-
exaiiiiiiatioii .iml coinparisoii
hoth
peoj
)lt'S
seiitt'd the hiiiiiaii li'^iire in j)rolile, the Ki>v|)tiaiis iii-
variaMv, the Americans i>enerallv; in the scniptnre
of hoth, nuu'h the same attitudes of the hody jtredoin-
inate, and tiiese ari' hut awkwardly ch'siont«! ; there
is a iLfeneral reseml)lance hetwcen
di
the loftv hea<l-
detail
dresses worn hy the vai'Utus h^iires, thouyh' in (
there is littli' aLrri'ement.''" Thesi' ai'e the j>oints i*\'
iiimls IIS 111' till- |iill;ir 1111(1 iiliciisks of jiinMi-iit I'',u\ |it.' Hi
.1.
//,s7. A,.
.I<
.'{, is M'lV (11
ii|.. i:i •-•.
iilidi'iit alKiiiMlic (iliciisk. lie
iisks: ' Wliiil arc ilic t Miclisks of l'',;,'V|ilV Arc tlicv not sc|iimic coliiiiiiis for
the faiilitv of S('iil|i|i(rc'.' And of wlial form arc tlic is(ilal('(l t'oliiiiiiisat I 'o-
pair; Ai ■ llicy iml s(iiarc, and for liic same |iiir|iosc of facililN in Sciil|i|iii<'
itii wliicli llicy arc covered, and with workinaih lii|i "as Iiiu> as llial of
IWI'f
Til
iiiiiiis of ('(i|iaii stand dctaciicd an
srtlill
till
Olielisks of I'V'VpI do the same, and liotli are sc|iiare (or foin-sidcdi and
(•(iverc(l with tlic art of liie Sculptor. Die ainilo;;y of hciii;^ ilciivcil from
llic Nile is perfect, for in what other IJiiiiis Iml those of l''.;,'ypt, and
Ancient America, is iIk- s(|nare sculptured ('(liiiniii to lie found?'
ii'i /••
/'"/., I.
Iilii
I'
■.'('i,"i. Not w iihstaMiliic.
certain points nl reseiii-
ia\s I'rescott. 'the l'aleii(|Ue architecture has little to remind lis
of the l''.;;yptiaii, or of llic < hielital. It
indeed, more conforinalilc, in
the pcrpciidicnlar clcxation of the walls, tile liKidcate si/e of the stones
and the general arraii;:('iiiciit of the posts, to the Iviio >can It must l»
adiiiilled, however, to ha\(
.1/,
111 'n
.1.
Id
iter of ori;;iiiaiit\ peculiar to itself.
leic is a plate sliowiii'' an A/t
tec priestess in
Didalndd's .tnh'
Aiinr, p (11. which,* if coi rccily draw ii. certainly presents a head ilr
strikin
.'Iv !•
L,'\ ptian.
Til
■Mine iiiiu'iil iihiiost lie
d of
a cut 111 vo
of till-, work, p ."iirj. ;iiid, indeed, ot ~cMral otlnr cuts in the same vojnnie.
MrStcphciis. Ciiit. .liii'i-.. Vdl.ii.. p. Ill, ;:ives. for the sake (( conipiui-
soii, a plate rcpresentili'j ti\(> specimens of j'.i^yptiali scnililni' ; one friiin
the side of the '^rcal inoiinnicnt at I'lielics known as the \Hc il Mcniiioii,
(I t
ic other Irom ihc toi ot the
falic
diclisk at i 'arnai
■I tliiik,', li.
writes, ' lis compai i->on with the en^raviii;.rs liefore prcseiite(|, it will In
found that there is no rescmlilaiice
iii'T, it is oiih that the Ii'.
alcvcr. If there he any at all sirik
are in piolile, and this is eijiLilly true of all
^jooil sciilptiiie ill lias ic lief,' lli' happens, jiowcvcr, here, to lia\e s(de(tc(l
Iwc l'.;,'yplian siilijei In w hich ■•ilino^l lind their counterparts in .\iiierica
III the preceding; volniiie of this work, p. Ik'l.'t, is ;^ivcii a cut of what is
called tlic 'talilei of the cross' al l',ilenc|n<'. In this we see u cross, and
perched upon il i\ liird, to which (or to the ciuhn) two liuinan li;.;ur('s in pro-
lih
e. apparently priests, are iiiak
,11 od'eriii},'. Ill Mr Stepheiu' iviire-
SrULPTURK AND niKrioc.i.Yrnic
01
analonfv iiiul they Jiro sufticiontly prominent to aeeount
tor tli(! idea of reseniMiUwe wliieh has been so often
and so stroni^lv expressi'd. J>ut while scMl|)tnro in
Ktrv|)t is for the in<»st part in intaj^'lio, in America it
is usiiallv in rcHef. In the t'oriner eoiintry, the t'aet's
are expressionh'ss, always of tin; same tyjx!, and,
thouti'li executed in profile, the; fidl eye is jdaced on
the side of the head; in the New World, on tlu; con-
trarv. \\v nu-ct with many ty|»esof countenance, some
of which are hy no means lackinuf in cxpi'fssioii.
If tlu-rc were any hope of evidence (',:;t the civ-
ilized pt'oples (»f America wei'e descend, imIs, or de-
riNt'd any of their cidture from the ancient Iv^y|)tians,
we mii^lit sui'cly look for such proof in their hier
;;••>■ pi
(»-
lies.
Vet
we
lool
V in vain.
T.. tl
le most exjH>rt
decipluier of M:4V|>tian liieidL:Iy|»hics, the inscrip-
tions a
t l»a!
d tl
eiKjue are
•lank
and unrea(
laid
V. mvs-
tery, aiul tliey will |)erhaps ever re. nam so,
V.)i
sciilalion ficnii llic Viii';il Mi'iiiiKui we (iiiil almost (lie saiiio lliiiv^, tli(< dif-
Iciriiccs III
mix rtiininis:
\w^. tliat iii^lcail <if an oniaiiii'iiti'il Latin
'(, III- /HihliH/ii/ii; that inslcail -if m
i. \vr liavi! Im'ic a
It' liii'il llii'ic aic two, not,
on till' ri'iiss 'ml iniiiicilialt'lv aliovc it; ami tlial the li;,'nri's, tliciii;;)i in ]ii'o-
lilc ami 111 iilin;.' Ilic saiiu' ;j:iiirial |io>iliiins. aii' ilicssci'
CI, ami all' a|i|ian'nliv liimliiiL,' tli
II
I' (•|il>s w I
I ill a liiU'ci'i'iil man
ill till' iiiiiis iii>.ti-ail of makin
an oHi'iiML,' to it ; in Mr Strii|ii'n>' ifpirsi'iitalion Irom tlif olidisk of ( 'ar-
iiar. Iiowi
Ml', a inii'st is i\ idciil j\ niaUin'' an oH'ciiiiL; ti
hi
liini
M'K'liril ii|ioii an altar, ami liri
;aiii. the linnian li;,'iiics (M'rii|iy tlirsanic
position. 'I'lic liii'ro;:l\ iili-i, tlion;;!! tin' i h.-irarliTs arc of coiiisc (lillcrcnl,
ii'c, it will lie notirol. ili^{ioscil ii|ion tlic sloni' in mni-li the same inaniier
Tile front isliicre iif Slc|ilielis' <'iii/. .1/
vol. II. , (tcscrilieil o
111 p. Xi
rcpnsei
O
Its the lalilcl on the hack wall of the alt.ir. easa No. ;i, at Paleiiiine
nil' iiiori
Ih
ic arc two priests ehul in a
II th
horale uisi'Miia ol Ihcir
iilliie. slamlin;; one on either
>l.
'I a lalilc. or altar, upon w
rhiel
I are
ercilcil two liatoiis. eiossed in siieli a naniier as lo funii a rrii.f i/iriissuln
ml siippiiriin;;- a hi'lcons ma
•Hen
II tills I'liililein they are eai'li making; an
llclalielil. it i- tni.-, ■liseenis a ilistinel aiialo;4y lulwi
■e I till linro-
;:ly|ihs of Ivrypl anil .\mcriea. .Vml the eviileiiee he ailiiiiecs is alisiin
III
Mz; phoiieth'. li;,'uraliM'
It ioL;lypliie wntiii;,'s, lii'sa\H, 'are m ssarily ot llirci
kIIhI
anil svniholie
lie |1
It'll
oil to show at
real leimth, that liotli in lv.;\ pt ami in .\iiieriea all three of these svsleiii.-
were iisei
I;
tl'.i I
'I
•he resemhianec. Aiitni. Aiii'i'.. \'\>
VI
es nioiin-
nulls tin I aleni|ne presentent <les inseriptiolis hiei
laisscnl |ias tliU'crcr ties liiero;.;ly plies ile
'Jyiiliniiies ijiii ne |ia-
Tinlies. Hiiii'luil. If
liiifiii/i /!•<■, |i. ,">7. ilomaitl |iroiioiiiiei's an instiiplion ftMiii>l al (Invve Creek
to he l.vhiaii. till
./,'.v Ih.
nf Ilii' !■•/
I'l'
//'■)v. \>t' iiotiee III tills place,
lll-C.
IS M I)
Says M'C
enoli ill tin pla
ih: -Thi
tcs lo h
I'lavcls in l'^;,'ypt, has j;i\en tin copy of .some li;;uj-cs l.ikcii from the I'. '\ p
tian liiero;,'lypl
rks, which lia\
■very appfuriiiicr nt a similar ilcsi','ii s, r. i
(52
OKIGIN OV THE AMERICANS.
RoscmManoes have boon found Ix 'tween the cal-
endar systems of Ki,^y])t and Anieri«'a, based eliieHy
ujxm the lenLfth anil division of tlit; year, and the
niMiilu'r of intereaUiry and eonipknuentary days.
This, Jiowever, is too h'njjfthy a sul))ect to he fully
dis('uss(Hl here. In a previous volume 1 liave Liciven
a lull account of the An»erican systems, and must
perforce leave it to the reader to compai'c them with
the Kuyi'tiau system. ^^
lliis Mpxii'iiii ainiisciiicnt or roronioiiy. — Tlio Kiniilarity "f (Icvii'c will Ix;
iu|(iiliii;; IIk' |iliitf ;;ivi'ii Ity Cliivi^tTii, willi tlic iKiii. |p|atc)
llCst M'CIl, 1>V Cd
of Di'iii
A III I
[I • I'
Allil.s, \<'.' lii mnir/iii nil Aiiirr.. |i|i. I7tl-I. I'rit'.st. y(/
-■J, j,'ivi's a coiiiharativi' tal'li' of l.\ liiaii rliaiarlt'i-^. ami otli
liii'li lie aH'iniis to liavt> lio'ii fiiiiii>< at (Itciliiiii. nr l'alt'iic|iir: the wIkiIu
slatciiuMil is, liciwcvcr, too a|Mii'r\ |>liai In
lis - - . • .
irtliv of fiirllicr iinticc.
Si'c,
'ttcr Iriiiii I'rof. Kaliiicxi'io In ( 'liaiii|i(illiiMi. 'mi llic < H'a|>liic
Systems III' Amcrira, ami tlif 'Jlyiilisnf (Itdliiiii, or l'aiciii|iii', in Central
Aincriea,' in /'/.
|i|.. l-jn ;• Till' iii
l\ |ilurs o
f I'
lIl'MMMe MIK
I Ttlill
(•iiura;.'e the iileii that tliev were I'oiimleil liv an 1".;,'\ ptian enl.
///,v/. (.'iiiif.. |.. ID. '
'^^ 111 a letter l>v •Fniiianl, (iiinted liv Melatieli
•1 1
lave also
ropo'_'iii/e(l in \ 1)111- inenioir im tin,' iIim
III time aiiiiiii'; the Meviiaii
iiatiiiliH. iiiiii|iaieil with tlinse of Asia, i-.nie very stiikilij;' aualn^ies hi
I we
•n the 'I'l.lli
ee cliaraileis ami iiistitiilinii.s oli^erved on llie liaiiks oi
i)f
the Nile. AiniiiiLr these aiiahiuies there is m
le «
hill
tiiiii
It
eiimiiiisei
I of
.1 at Tl
IS the Use o
I
f tl
It' va;;ile \i ar
if ll
1 IM wiilthv III attcil-
liiinilreil ami si\iv li\e ilavs,
i'<|aal 111
ith
letie^ am
1 .M
true that lln
i;
exiro. a •
hail
ml III I
list,
(ve riiin|ilriiiciilary ilay.M, ii|iia
inre i»f three thniisaiiil lea>.'il''s
illv
It
111- th
liiuatiiiii of the
yptians hail no iiiten iilalinii, while the Me.xiiaiit* iiilcr-
Still liilhi r; iiiteri'al;<' ion «as
^\\ lire, nil till ir ai'ii's-
ei;;ii. Not witlislaiiil-
iit III llie leii;4lli of the
ealatecl tliirleen ilays ex ery litly t wo year-
lirnserilieil in ly:^y|it. to siiih a |iiiint that i
Nion. ne\ir to |ieriiiit it to he eiii|iloyeil iliii i
s liiU'eienie. we liliil a very Ktrikili;^
tr vear. In realitv, the itil< r< alatioii of the .Mi xii'aii.i
lieili;.C thirteen ila\s on eaeli eyi
tliiii'' as that of tiie .liilian i .ileinlar
of litl\l»o veurs, collies to the same
r, wliiili is one
n Iniir \eai>
ll
(Mnsei|MeMtly Kii|i|iiises the iliiratioii of the year to !••' three hiimlieil ami
sixtv live ilavs, Hi\ honi>
Now siieh wax the leni^lli of ll
le \eai anioliij
the r".;,'V|itiaii-, siiiee the siilhir |ieriiiil wa-- at nine one tlioiisaml fniii liiiii'
(Ireil ami sixty solar \ears, anil one tlioiisaml fniii hiimlieil ami sixlNone
' au'iie years; wliieli «as, in some sort, the iiiten alation of a whole year nf
(luce hmiilreil aiiil seventy live ilay- every one tlioiisaml foni hiMiilieil ami
i|ierly of llie ^iillile |ieriiiil that of liriii;.'in- liaiK ilie
■ l\t v ve lis.
'Ih
seasons ami festi\als to the -aiiie |ioint of the >i
fler I
laviii'.' iiiai
le Ih
|ia-s Hueiessively tlirini;j:li e\ery |iiiiiit is iimloiiliteilly one nf the rej
>hie).
Ih
e intel'i'iilatioil
to I
»(• |iroseri
heil,
\v
ll
laii the re|i
ia:ii'<' nf the ll^iy |pliaiis for fiirei;iii iiislitiilions. Now it is reiiiarkalile that
I
the saiiic solar vear of tl
h
ilr
ll sixtv I
IM' ilavs
a Inpteil liy nations ho iliHereMl. ami |ii'rliii|is still nioie remote in their stair
of eivili/atioii than in their ;;eiii;ra|ihii'al ilistanee, relates tn a teal astio.
iiiial |ieriiiil, ami heIon;,'s | iiliarly lo the l'"j,'y|iliaii;
Till taet of ll
iiiteri aliitioii (liy the Mexieans) of thirteen ilays every ryclc, that is. tl
iif
a vear o
f th
hiiiiilreil ami sixtv live ilavs ami a iinarter, is
proof that it was either horruweil fro:ii the K^y|itiaiis, or that tliry
TIIK riKKMCIAN THEOItY.
tiJl
Of course a siiuilaritv of customs has to ho found
to su))|»ort this theory, as in the case of othcsrs.
( 'oMS('(|Uentlv our attention is ch'awn to enihalniinent,
circumcision, and the division ot' tlie peoph; into
cjustes, whicli is n«tt (|uite true of the Americans;
some reseinhlance is h>und, moreover, hetween th*;
rehiiions of Ktryi't and America, for instance, certain
animals were hehl sacred in hoth countries; hut all
such anal(»yies are far too slender to he worth any-
tliinu' as (;vidence; thi-re is scan-ely one of them that
\\"(
)ul(l not a|t|)ly to sevi'ral other nations ecjually as
well as to the Egyptians.
Tnrninjjf n(»w to Western Asia, we Hnd tlie honor
of first settling'" America yivt-n to the adventujous
Plueni. ians. The sailors of CarthaiL,fe are also sup-
li: .1 It ('iiiiinioii (>rif,'in.' Aiili'/ .lun'r., ]>i>. .VJ-3. '(hi tlir Jfllli. nf I'lli
riiiirv, till' Mi'viraii rciiliiiN lir^ins, vxliicli \mim nlcliralril frmii tli
tlllK- 1)
f Nal
ilicinaNscir, srvcii hiiin
hv.l
iiixl tor(\ -si'M'ii \i'ai-
■fcin- < liii^l.
till' l''.;;y|iliaii |iric>l> iniifdiirialilv I" tliciv !i-tiiiiiiiiiii( al iili-
'i liail li\('il llif li(';:ililiili;^ ot tlirii iiiniitli T'l//, aii<l tlx' rniii-
iii'ii: of tlicir year al ikhui mi that ila\ ; lliis was M'lilird li\ ||i
Mi'i'idiaii iif .\li'\aii(lria.
CIITtl'll
ll
lit'"' rcntnnrs atlci
III
it has liccn riniti'inli'd tlin
ail.l
r\lN| llii iliilll
tliat
>f I Ik
nilifoi'iiiit V of till- Mrsiraii \sitli llir K;.'\|>liaii calriHlar, for altliiiu<;li llii;
laltr"' a><M;,'iit'il IwcIm' innhlli> nf thirty 'lays carh to llic year, ami ailclnl
livi' ilavs lii-.icli's, ill nnlcr that the I'irilc of three hiimlreil ami si\t\ ti\e
ila\- shoiilil recoiiiiiieiii !■ from the s,i
oiiit ; \et, liotw itli-taiiiliii'' tir
ilexialioii from the l'!;ry|>t Ian iiioile in In- <li\ isioii nf the iiioiitli> ami ilays,
liielhod was loiiforiiialde theielo.
with this oiih dill'en
that
they yet iiiailitaiiied that tin- Me\i<
on ai'i'oiiiit of I lie superadded live 'l.i>
iijiKii th<'~e the Aiiierii'uiis -ttteiideij to no hiisim ^s, and therefore termed
llieiii Neiiiiiiitenii or useless, wlnreas the l';;.'\ |.tiaiis eelehiatrci. diii'ili;,'
that epoeh, the festival of the Unlii of then ^'ods, ns iiltesleil liy I'hilaieli
tiler hand it is as»erted, that th<ni;,'li
III! < isirid<
|IOII tl
the Me\ii alls dltleied from llie r:;\ (itiails li\ di\ iiliii;: their Near into eijjilt-
ei'ii iiionllis, \i
Ih:
tlle\
f.
Miii'iiv ai
tU
11) d the month Me\ili Moon, they must liavi
lojited the iiiiiar month, a;r<eeahle to the l'!;;y|>tiaii method of
•ar into twelve montlis of thirty da\
lull to slllilio
t Ih
a»erlioii no atteiniil has heei. made to aseeuain the eaii-e why liiis inelhod
was
laid
asiile.
r
le analoMV
emiiirs IS tliiis assiiinei
I to I
['tween the Mevieaii and the K;;y|itiaii
>e iiinleiiia
Me
lteside> wli.ii has lieeii liere in
liirclmei
I. tl
le
inn- is attein|it<'d to I
iroyeil in inula other woi
h I
Ni'.
ver to avoid |iroli\il\. iiiid therefore oniv iiieiition iliat they niav In
(oiiiiil ill llotiiriiii. Ml l.a liicj del rniverHo, hy the ahlH doii I
II.
rvas, |iiililis|ii<d in tin Italian lan^ruaye, in Cluvioe
,oiin/.i ne
lisseitalioiis. ami
III a letter addrcsseit lo iiiin liv ilerv.i^ wliiih he iiilded to the end of his
secoiK
I vol
UIIIO.
also; Ifiliiitltillll. I
I illii-fil, 'Ifiilrii, III K««/'.v Ihsffifitiiiil, |i|i. l((;i-."> Sei'
tiMii. i . |>|i. iUi. MIS; < '/tiiDti III, S/iiriii .ill/, f/i!
toll;, iv , f, -Jll; Mnlh llniti, I'ltvtn (/(■ la (/■ of/. , Inni. \i., \> vWfi.
M
OIUGIN OF Till-; AMKKICANS.
)>()S('(1 Ity sonu! writers to luivo first rojidiod tho New
World, Imt !is the exploits of" colony Jiiid inotlier
i'ountrv nre sijokeii of l»v most writers in the siiine
•■I *-
hreatii, it will l)e tlie simplest ]>lan to comhiiie the
two theoriiis here 'I'liey Jire h.iscd \ip(jii tlio liime of
these ])eople us coloiii/inyf njiviij;'jit(»rs moi'e Hum upon
any actual resend)lances that have heen foun*! to exist
hetwi-'en them and the Americans. It is argued that
their ships sailed heyond tlit; Pillars of" Hercuhs to
the (Canary Islands, and that such adveiitui'ous ex-
jdorers havinjjf reached that jxtint would Ihj sure to
seek farther. The i'ec(»rds of their voyages and cer-
tain passayt's in the works of several of the writers
of anti'|uity are sup|>osed t<» show that the ancients
knew of a land lyini.^' in the far west.'**
TIh' I'lMenicians were employed ahout a tliousand
yeai's hefore the ( 'hristian era, hy Solomon, kin^- of
tho Jews, and Hiram, kiuLf of Tyre, to navii^^-de their
flei^ts to ()pliir and Tarshish. They returned, hy
way of the Mediterranean, to the ])ort of .loppa, uftcsr
a three-years' voyaL;e, laden with ^old, silver, ])re-
eious stones, ivory, (;edar, apes, and ))eacocks. Sev-
eral auth(»rs liavi! helieved that tiiey had two distinct
fleets, one of which went to the land since known as
America, and the other to India. 1 1 net, hishop of
Avranches,''" and other auth(»rs, are persuaded that
Ophir was the m(»dern Sofala, situated ahout 21
S. lat., and that Tarshish comprised all the we'stern
coast of Africa and Spain, hut jtarticularly the ])art
lviui>' ahout the mouth of the Jjotis or (luadal-
(piivir. Accoidinu- to Arius Montanus, ( Jenehi-ardus,
Vatahle, and otlujr writers, ()|>hir is the island of
Jlispaniola. It is said that ( "hristopher (.'olumhus
was induced to adopt this idea hy the immense
caverns which he found there, from which he sup-
it
• fe
)osed that Solomon must have ohtained his ifold.
'■" I follow, cliiolly, M. Wardcin'.s rrsniiK- of tliosc accounts, lis Iwiii^i
111"' fiilli'st anil (•jfiiicst. Ilii-liirrhis, w. llMi, ct nc(|.
I'' llixl. (Ill Cumiiiim , lai). viii.
VOYAfJKS OF THK IMUKMCIANS.
m
Now
)t\\vr- ...
^H
the ^M|
Lino ot" ^~
upon
) exist
(I that
ihs to
us ex-
pire to
1(1 cer-
writcrs
ncieiits
lousiiiid
kin;^ of
te tluir
10(1, hy
)ii, alter
or, ])re-
. Sov-
distiiu't
lowii as
Ishop of
ltd that
l.ut 21
Iwestern
Iho i»art
lUiuikl- 1
luanhis.
Ihutd ol
l»Uinihus
ftlUDOMSC
Hie sup
^1 1
■is j^fohl- A
H,, us Lfiii;; tf
1
^H
1 1
Postel and ()thors havi; ht-lieved that the land ol"
Ophir was rtni.'" Horn'=" claims that the Phov
nicians made tiiree reniarkal'le voyai;ts to Anu-rica;
the first, und<'r the direction of Atlas, son of Nej»-
twne; th(! st,'coiid, when they were driven hy a tem-
jicst iVom the coast of Africa to tht; most rc^noto
parts of the Atlantic ocean, and arrive<l at a lariift!
island to the west of Lihya; and the third, in the
time of Solomon, wlnn tli<' Tyiians went to Ophir
to seek for L;dld. AccordiuL,'' to thos(> M'ho hclieve
that there were two distinct fleets, that of Solomon
and that of Hiram, the first set out from K/ionoehcr,
saili'l down the Ii<'d Si>a, douided (apt; ( 'omorin.
and wctit to Taproltan (( V-ylon), or some othei part
of India; this voyaLfc; occu|>ied one y»ar. The other
licet |»assod through the Mt.'diterranean, st(tjipinn' at
tlie various ports aloiii,'' the coasts of Knntpe and
Africa, and finally, l)assino' out through tht; straits
(if ( J.idcs, contimied its voya>_;c as far is Ann'ri<a,
and jctnrnod after three years to its starting-place,
laden with yold.
'"' Acdsia i'((in|iarcs llic ;,'cilil nf ((j.l;ii- witli tiiat of Ilisi.aii'iila. !Ir cii-
ti'itains till' ii|iiiiiriii thai TaiNlii-li au<l Ojiiiir aic distant iiiia;riiiai'v |i'
iimI not iii>tiiii't riiiiiitiics, liiit. iiiia;;lii('s tlicii.
tc. I
>r siiiiicWiK'i'i
ill till- l'',a<t
lihli
'<'iir aiilciii ill (h'iriitali |iiiMiis liiilia iiiiaiii in liar < tniili'iitali
( lllllll' flll>-<<' I'VlMtllllCIII,
illlKJ
i|piil I'^t. i|iii>il ail
stri.iii I'l'i'ii tiiiii hi
inrniilii I'iiriiitii tota Inilia < Miriitali tV Sinaiinii ir;;iiiiii' i'iiaiii;:ata S.iId
iiiiiiM.i i'la»is |irni('liil'C! |ii>ti'i'ai'.
Iir .\
iii'i (h'lii.i
V
|Mi^ri| til lie ill liiiliu or Atrira. Itnliirlxnii's ilisi. Ai
:«i. l)|,li:i I
'I'
('I'liwi', !'•
I lirllli' nil IlK- W
n\, |>. ().">, riiiisliii'ls
III
I'.
|ii'irlialiility III' < )|iliii' ami Ttir-
est riia-l i(f Allirrira. Till' I'lui'iiiriail 'H/iliir. in'//.
M.
slii-l
wliiili inraiiN, in llifir ainicnl !aii;;na;;<', flu- W'lslirn nnnilrii. was Mr\;i'i>
li <'ciitial Aincri.a, tin' laml id' j,'iilil.' Fuii/iiiin's llmr tin \\'iiiltl uns I'l
./"/, pji. -J-Ml-CiO. On
liiiil, Nlicliarli^'
Mi' li
tliat
ir licst iinllnn
llii'-, \
illirv, Imi
'-.tcr, sii|i|iiis(' ( liiliir to lia\i' lucn -ilnaliil mi llif
nii'ian ( (nliir \\a-< llavti, I'nr ('ip|nnilin> llndi'ilit.
I'lisian Killf. 'I'lir I'lni
lliat III' rinilii trarc tin' fninarrs in wliirli tin- ltoIiI liail
ri c'.v '/';•'(
^iilrlN till' jMi
I I'lillril. '''()••
lil'J. Kin;.'>lMi|iin;,'li, Mt.f. Antu/., \iil. vi., |i|> Is l-.">, run-
-it iiiii nf < hiliir. lint is in
iiliinli'il 1
IS to Its
!■:
'/ "\7 I inli/iilirr l.tisfi/iirl, jip ."i V ilisaijii'i'in;; « itd \ ataMiis ami
11 ist ,1,
Sli'|iliann>
lo tin nrlnsioii that (hiliir lav simirw li
an Mini no n-si'inlilain r to < >n||ir m
llaMi
I or I'lin. ami rmnrs
in till' I'.ast liiili
Inillfili'll, Xlin-
•I'l
lis si'i'ins
to Ih
n till' u|i| Woilil. iiiosi liki'lv
a ;>la''iaiisni of Arosta. Sit also
H'l//, |i. ;< llmnliolill, Hjiiiii. I'ril., toin. ii., |i|i. 40 .">,
i^-nisscs till' |iiisitioii lit Ophii- III \ iia;,'ni
fincila, hr I!' Iiii.s Siiliiniuiiis.
lii'M's Uphir lo liiivf Im'i'Ii Ann-lira. \\'iiri/<ii, lii iln iiln.s, \i. I'.Mi. Si'i
also III.. |.|(. liMi
II' //(• Iti-i'iiiii liciihmm Amrri'^nifinii i.
Vol. V. 5
nil.
I. 11 , rail. VI,, VII., VIII.
1
66
(UilCIN OF THE AMKKICANS.
••I ■
Thc! Pcrijtfus of Hanno, a Cartliu<^ini«an iiavi<»'ator
of uncurtain (iate, contains an account of a voya<^e
wJiich he nia<lo hcvond the Pillars of Hercules, with
a Heet of sixty ships and thirty thousand men, for
the jiurposo of foundinnj the Lihy-Pluenician towns.
He relates that settini;' out from (lades, he sailed
southwards. The first city he f(junded was Thumia-
terion,''" near tlx; J'illars of Hercules, prol)al)ly in
the neii,dil>orhood of Marmora. He then doul)led
the proinontory of Siiloeis,'''" which llennel considers
to i>e the same as Caj)e Cantin, hut other conimenta-
tors to be the same as ('ape Jllanco, in ;3;{ N. lati-
tude. A little to the south of this prtunontory Hvo
mole cities were fouinled.
Aft
I'r passmi,'' the
m<
)uth
of the river JJxus, supposed by llennel to he the
modi-ni St ( 'yprian, he sailed for two days alon«^' a
des(»late coast, and on the third day entei'ed a ^i^ulf in
\\lii<h was situated a small is.ind, which he named
Kcriic, and cdonizi'd. Al'ter continuini^' liis voya^i!
for some days, an<l meetintf with various adventures,
he returned to Kf.'rne, whence he once more tlirected
his course southward, and sailed aloui,' the coast foi"
twelve ditys. Two days more he s|»ent in (l(>u!)liny
ilf
a capi', and hve more m saihiiLC aoout a larne yu
He then cmtinued his voyage for a few days, and
was Htially ol)lii;ed to return from want of provisions.
Tlu- authenticity of Hie Vvnplus has been doubted
by many ciitics, but it aj)pears ])rol)able from the
testimony of several ancient a\itbors that the voyaij^e
was actually performe<l. But be the account true
or false, 1 certainlv can discover in it no i^round for
believing- that Hamio did more than coast aloiiij!' the
Western sIku'c <»
.f Afi
as Sierra i^eone
140
nca, sailniLi;' }ierliai)s as far south
il
Ker.
■'^ 'Sill' 1(> call Mi>||ii1)at, nil pioil iIikiik'I on a ln'ifi I'UHiiito It" viciix Tun
■ . • / ■ \. , 1 . »»• . . . ' i> I . I . 1,.- . .
ilii.ssiliii. riti'l liv NVaiiicii, liiclii rfhis
l<»7
inilc S.
"'' 'l.i' lap S|i;uicl, <|iii t'(ti!iio IVxtri'iiiite ticfideiitalt! <lu dutndt.' Iil
note *».
'♦"The (Ircfk Irxt "f the /'(7V>«'».s is |piiiiti'il in Ihiiitum'x (!
'fHii/
•h,
irfrria Srri/iltiirs (irfiii Xtiiions. It was alMi ]iiil>lislii'il \>\ Falcxiiei', Mill
VOYAGES OF THE PIHENICIANS.
67
jrator
1
with
1
n, for
M
owns.
M
sailed
^
umia-
»
)ly in
'^
jul)lo(l
'li
isidcrs
iiciita-
:M
«4. lati-
m
ry Hve
'■-■..^>'
numth
1)0 the
ilong a
1
oiilf in
named
■ifi
i
V()ya<;e
1
'utures,
lireeted
)ast tor
oublinu'
f{) ,ij;ult".
ys, and
ivisions.
loiibtfd
oni the
V()yaj,'e
nt true
)und tor
;f
()n«j^ the
V
ir south
--
viciix Tiiii
troit." /''
liiiiyriijil"
(lllfl-, v\i'''
Diodonis Sicuhis rehites that tho Plioenicians dis-
covorod a hirijo ishmd in the AtUiiitic Ocean, beyond
the Pillars ot' Hercules, several days' journey from
thu coast of Africa. This island abounded in all
maimer of riches. The soil was exccedini^ly fertile;
the scenery was diversified by rivers, mountains, and
forest.s. It was the custom of the inhabitants to
retire diiriniif the summer to maiL>'niticent country
houses, which stood in the midst of beautit'ul <(ardens.
Fish and ^ame were found in sjfroat abundance. The
climate was delici(»us, and the trees bore Iruit at all
seasons of the year. The Pluenicians discovered this
iurtuiiate island by accident, beinj'' driven on its coast
by contrary winds. On their return they j^ave j^low-
insjf accounts of its beauty and fertility, and the
Tyrians, who were also noted .sailors, desired tt) colo-
nize it. IJut the senate of ( 'arthay;e opposed their
plan, either thrv)Ui;h jealousy, and a wish to keep any
connneivial beiietit that minht be derived from it for
themselves, or, as J)io(l(»rus relates, because they
wished to use it as a place of refuge in case of ne-
cessity.
Several authors, says Warden, have believed tlmt
this island M'as America, anutuir others, Hiiet, bishop
»f A
vraiK'hes.
The statement of J)iodoru.-
writes, "that those w
ho d
iscoverec
1 tl
lis IS
land
were
cast ujioii its sliores by a tempest, is worthy of atten-
tiMii; as the east wind blows almost continually in
the torriil zone, it might well happen tjiat ( artha-
giiuaii vessels, sur[)rised by this wind, should be
carried against their will to the western islands."
Aristotle tells the same story. Homer, IMutarch,
am
1 otl
ler ancient writers, mention islands situated ii
the Atlantic, .several thou.sand stadia from the J'illan
.'III
l!iiuli>li ti'.'iiiNliitioii an<l iiiiiiiv notes svo.. I.uiiil. 1T'.»T. Maiiv irniiiikH
ii|"iii MMiiiiiis V(iyii;;(' arc iiiani' liv ( >>iii|)iiniaiii
/'' In III /iii/i/icii ill- < iiititiio, Macli'iil
.)l'>
r Ai'ikIi iiiir til's I
(i"i'irriji/u'r (/r.i ,1/
. I iifiifio iliii/ Miintimil
•<iii;:ainMl
lA
I iiinirrs (11
iiscrui.'Kiii
s. toll'., xxvi . \xviii.; (iosscliii, liiihirrlnssitr In
lli-iiiifll. r
t(i"irii/)iii/
/ill of ill
'i/iilii
>l.
pp.
ii'.i i:i. S\o. ; iiiiil Htit'i'eu, lUmuivhcn on the Aiicknt Satiuim of Aj'nvu
' i , lip. -Uf-'-SOl.
rT#«n#
i
68
ORIGIN OF THE AMKKICANS.
of Hoicules, hut sucli accounts are too vai»uo atul
mytlueal to ju-ove that they knew of any land went
of the t.'anaiy Islands, Of course they surmised
that there was land beyond the farthest limits of
their discovery; they saw that the sea stretched
smoothly away to the horizon, uncut hy their clumsy
l)rows, no matter how far they went; they i)eoi)led
the Sea of Darkness with terrors, hut they hazarded
all manner of guesses at the nature of the treasure
which tliose terrors jL>uarded. Is it not foolish to
invent a meanin;^ and a fulfillment to fit the vai^uo
surmises of these ancient minds? Are we to hclieve
that Seneca was insjtired by a s[)irit of ])ro|>hecy be-
cause we read these lines in the second act of his
Medea:
" Vcnit'nt iiiinis
SfiM'uIii scris, (|uilms < Iomiiiiim
Viiii'iila rcriiiii hixct, I't iii;,'('ns
I'alcat tcllii.i, 'IMii'l\>«|U(''" iiovos
hflc'jx.it oiIm's; nee nit fcrris
Ultiiiiii Tliulc."
Or that Silomis knew of the cf)ntinent of America
be<'
^iai
UISi'
Eliamis makes him tell Midas, the i*hry-
I, that there was ancjther continent besides E
u-
rojK;, Asia, and Africa? A continent whose inhabit-
ants are lari^er and live longer than ordinarv |)eo|)le,
country
ai
id have different laws and custoinj-
where ij^old and silver are so j)lentiful that they are
esteemed no more than we esteem iron. Are we to
supp
OSt)
that St ( 'lenient had visited America when
he wrote, in his celebrated ej>istle to tlie Corinthians
that there were other worlds beyond the ocean?
Miijfht we not as well arijcue that America was cer-
tainly not known to the ancients, or Tacitus wotdd
never have written:
Trans Sueones aliud mare.
pi^-rum ac^ prope immotum ejus cinufi cludicjue ter-
rarum orbem hmc hdes
Would the theolotrical
view of the flat structure of the eaith have gained
credence for a moment, had antij)odes l)een discov-
ered and believed in ?
1*1 Or Tii)hys(juc.
i
Ui V
■■«?■
VOTAXS TUAVKI.S.
m
The nivsturioiis tnivulei*, Votiin, is onco inoiv mado
to (1(» st'i'viro tor tlie thuorist hciv. In his somewhjit
(loiihtt'iil inaniiscrii»t, entitled "J^roof that 1 am a
S( rpent," Votan asserts that lie is a descendant of
Iniox, of the race of Chan, and derives his oiijji-in
from ( "hivini. "He states that he conducted seven
families irom A'ahim Vt)tan to this continent and as-
sii^nied lands to them; that ho is the third of the V'o-
taiis; that, liavin^^ determined to travel until he
arrived at the root of lieaven, in order to discover his
relations the Culehras (Serpents), and make himself
known to them, lu' made four voyai^es to Chivim;'"
that he arrived in Spain, and that he went to IJome;
that he saw the yreat house of (Jod huildin^;'" that
he went l»y the road wliii'h his hrethrcn the Culehras
had hored; that he marked it, and that ho passed hy
the houses of the thirteen Culehras. He relates
that in returning" from one of his voyages, he found
seven other families of tho Tze(|uil nation, who had
"2 ' Wliit'h is <'X])rt'ss(Ml liy rc]n>atiiif,' four tinips from Vithiiii-N'oliiii to
Valiiiii-Cliiviiii, from X'aliim-Cliivim to N'alum-Votiiii.' t'ttlinni, Tiii/m,
ill liiti's l)rsrri/i/iiiii, II. ;U. ■ \'aliim-\'otUii, on Tcrrc ilr Votan, Kcrait
siiivaiit ( Inliiric/ Tilt' ilc t'ulta. Mais ilaiis inoii d'Tiiicr voya;;t', en roii-
toiirnaiil Ics moiitajriics (|iii rii\ iioimciit li- |ilati'au >'It'vt' oii est sitinWV/r
(/(/'/•A'/'(/ (Ic ( 'liiaiias, j'ai visiti' ilc ^jramlcs ruiiics (|iii |Mirti'iit Ic iiom dc
l'ii/inii-\'iit<ni, a ilt'iix licucs niviroii <lii villa;;t' ilr '{'in/ii.ifn, situc ii 7 I. <lt'
('iiiiiiici-lical, ct oil Niifif/ (ic la \'(';;a ilit avoir ciicori' lroiiv(', i-ii KiiMi. Ics
fainilli's ilii iioiii cic Votan.' lirassinr ih' l>tiiirli<iiirii, I'li/in/ \'iili, y. Iw.wiii.
'" Itrasscur's acconnt. wliicii is, lie says, taken from I'crtain preserved
fraiiiiients of Oriionc/" ///</. ihl I'ir/n, ilill'ers at tliis point; it reads: ' il
alia a N'aliim-I'liivim. il'oii il |>assa ii la ^'ramle \ille, oil il \ it la inai.-^on ile
itieii, cjue I'mii ctait orcupr- h liatir." This 'house of (ioil,' lie remarks in
a note, \v;is, 'sui\ant Ordone/ et Nnne/ de la N'ejja, le temple ipie Salo-
mon etait oecnpe il hatir ii .lenisalem.' .\fter tlii-*, he ;,'oes on. \'olan went
'il la cite antiiine, oii il vit, de ees propres \en\. hs mines (Tun j;raml
ediliie (|ue les homines avaielil eri;,'i'' par Ic eommaiideineiil dc leur aieill
riimmnii. alin de ponvoir par hi arriver an eie!.° In another note he re-
marks, Mhdoncz eoinineiit.'int ee passai,'e y tronve toiil nalnrelh'ment
la tonr de I'lahel: inais il s'indi,L;iie eonire Ics italiyloiiicns, de ec cju'ils
a\aicnt en la maiivaise foi de dire ii \'otan i|nc la tonr avail r\v liiilie par
oiiirc de Icnr an-ul cominnn (Noi'i: "11 faiil rcmanpicr ii'i, ilit il. ipie Ics
r.,ili\ loniciis n'oiit fait qiie trompcr \'otan. I'li ini a^snrant i(nc la loiir avait
(■I ■ idiisirnilc |iar ordre lie lenr aicnl Noi'-, alin d'en t'aire nn ehemin pinir
ariivcr an ei(d: jamais eertainemcnt Ic saint patriarclie n'eiit la moindre
part dans la folic ailoi^aiite de Nenirod " (Miiiinin .l/V. siir J'n/i ii'/iir.)
Nnricz lie la \'c'_'a rapporte la mcme tradition siir N'ol.in el ses voya;,'es
{I'liiisiiliil. Iiiiiris, ill I'licanil)., II. H4).' lini-i.sciir dr Jliinrliiiiiri/, /'o/iot
Vtili, p. Ix.\.vviii.
r
70
ORIGIN OF TIIK AMHUICANS.
joiiuid tho first inlifiUitaiits, iuul rtn-oufnizod in tlu;in
tlio siiiiu; origin us his dwii. tluit is, of thu ( 'ulnhnis.
Hi; sjnaks of the pluc*' wlicn^ they Imilt their first
town, which, from its foiiiulcrs, n'ccivcd the; luiiiu; of
Tzt'(jiiil; ho iifHniis tho liiiviiiLf t.iiiLfht them rofino-
iiioiit of iiiaiiiiors in tho use of tho tiihU;, tahle-clotlj,
(lishos, hasins, cups, and napkins; that, in rotiirn for
tlu'so, thoy taui^ht him i]w. kno\vh'(l<ro of (Jod and
of liis worship; his first ideas of a kiii'j;' and ohedi-
onee to him; and that he was chosen captain of all
these; united famiUes."'"
("a'»r<'v:t supposes ( hivim to l)e the same as llivim
or (livim, whi<-h was tht; name of the country from
which tho Hivites, descendants of lleth, son ol'
Canaan, were expelled hy the I'hilistines some years
hel'ore tlu; departurt; of the llehrews from E<^v])t.
Some <tf these settled ai)out the hase of Mount Iler-
mon, and to them heloni^ed ('aihmis and his wili;
Harmonia. It is prohahly owini^" tt) the I'ahle of
their transfoi-matioii into snakes, lelated hy Ovid in
his Metamorphoses, that th(3 word (livim in tlu;
]'ha'niciau lan'^uaijfe siufiiifies a snake. "^ Ti'ipoli of
^** CiiliiTrfi, Tiiilrii, ill Uin'a Or.irri/ilion, |i. 34. I liavo fiilliiwcd ( 'a-
lircni's arcoiiiil liriaiix', iiiifiirliiiiatclv, t )ril(irii'/.' work in iinl to liu had.
Hia-isi'iir ;;iv('s a liilItT aci'ituiit nf N'otan's ailvfiiliircs tliaii < ';il)r<'ia, Itut
lit' pnifcssi's f(» draw liis iiifiiniiatinii I'nnii l'ra;;iii('iils of Ordoi'ic/' wiiliii;,'^.
and it is iiii|)i)Hsilil<> ti> tell wlii'llici' liin rxira iiit'ornialiini is tlir rcsiiil ot
his nwii iiiia.i.'iliali<>ii or of tliat of ids <-i|iiall\ «'ntliiisiaslii; ori;;iiial. 'I'hi-
h-ariii'd AIiIh' relates that the men with wlioiii Volan eoiiversed I'oiiceriiiii;,'
the tower of iSaliel, assured liiiii 'c|iieret t'diliee ('tail le lien oil |)ieii avail
iloniii- ii elia<|Ue faniille nil lan;.;na'.re |iai'tieiilier. II aHlrnie ijn'ii son retoiir
de la ville dn tein|ile de Itieii, ii retonriia line preiiiit're el iiiii! seeoiid(! fois
n (!\aniiner tons les soiiterraiiis par oil il ava
lit >li
I passe, et les sijfiies ijiii
h'v troiivaient. II dil i|ii'on le lit passer par nii rlieinin soiiterrain ijiii tra
1. A rc;,'ard dt^ ceMe eii
(^onstanee, il ajonte >|iie ee elieiiiiii n'etait autre iiu'iiii Iron dt; seriii'iit oi
il eiitra paice ipi 'il t'lait nil serpent.' /'<)/»// I'li/i, p. Ixxxix. See farther,
versait la terre et si> teriiiinail ii la raeine dii ei(
il
llisf. Mix., tnlii. i.
I'
Km: ,fni&-
S/iir/ii .lilt, ill I Missiii), toiM. i.
I'P
conceriiin;; N'otaii: I'livlinjiil l;'s/
ro-i, lli-il. (liiiit., |(. "JOS; I'liiriifc
|."i(l-l; liiihiriiii. Iilin. p. II.'); l.i'i';/. S ifiiniiiiiii, p. 4; '/'.«•// «'//'.v /'iriirtiin
Aiilii/., pp. Il-iri; I'riinl'.f Aiinr. Aiitii/., pp •24.S-;»; /Irns.siiir i/i' /Sour-
liDiinj, llinl. Xiil. I'll'., toin. i., pp. m ."i, (iH-7t>; hmnnirrh'.s l)i>iiil.l, vol.
i., pp. 10 7. 'I'liis last is iiK-rely a literal eopy of Tselmdi, to wlioiii, how-
ever, no credit is driven.
'*^ 'Orilofiez tire nil ar;riiiiielit dn mot r/iiriiii, (\\\"i\ ei'rit aussi /iiriiii.
pour rappeler \f r/iirim dii pays des llevi'eiis de la I'alesiiiK', d'oii il fail
Mortir les uia-utresi do Vutuii. Duns lu lungnu t/eiidale, qui tituit ixdiu dn
'■L-...
TlIK T/KNDAL TKADITIONS
ft
Syria, a town in the kinjjfdoni of Tvre, was anciently
calk'tl Cliivim. "IJiulur this su|>|H).sitit>!j, when Vo-
tan savs lit' is Cult-hra, Ih'cuuhi! lit; is Chivini, Ik;
clcai-lv sJKiws, that he is a llivitt" ori^-inally of Tripoli
in Svria, which he calls N'uhini ('liivini, whoro ho
iaiidtd. in his voyayi'S to the <»1<1 continent. Hero
i have his assertion. I am ( 'ulehra, heniuso
It'll,
n
tl
I am ('hivim, jintvfd trnc, hy a ilcmtinstration as
t'vidt'iit. as if Ik; had said, 1 am a Hivite, native of
TiipoM in Syria, which is N'alum ('hivim, the port of
niv voya'ji't's to the old continent, and l)elon<,'inij^ to a
natiini famous for liavinLif prodiif-d such a hero as
( 'admiis, wht>, hy his valour and explt>its, was worthy
of hi'iny' cluinufed into a Cnlehra (snake) and placed
amoiii,' the sjctxls; whost; worship, for the .H'lory of my
nation and race, I teacli to tin; seven famihes of tin;
T/t'ipiiles, that 1 loniid, (tn retni'iiinuf from cik; of my
vt)yaj;i's, united to tiie seven families, inhahitants of
the Anu'rican continent, whom 1 conducted froi
N'ahiiii V'otan, aiul distrihnted lands anK>ni,r them.
The most enthusiastic sn|>|iorter ot the IMnenician,
or 'i'yiian, theory, is Mr (leor;.,^!; Jones. This gentle
mail has dttvoted the whole of a ydodly volume to
the suhject, in which he iK>t «»nly susta ns, hut ct»n-
clusively proves, to his own .satisfacti(»n, whatever
propositii»n he pleases. It is of no ust- to tjuestion,
he demolishes hy aiiticijiatiou all ]»i»ssihle oltjections;
he "will yield to none," he .says, "in the con.sciijn-
tit)us helief in the truth of the startling' prt>])(»sitit)n.s,
and the conset|ueiit historic! <'oncliisions." The sum
t»f these ])ropt)sitions and conclusions is this: that
after tho taking of the Tyrian capital hy Alexander,
livro ntfribiu- a Vtitiin, la raciiic dii mot rhirhi jmiirrait I'-tro rhlh on rhitb,
Miii siiiiiilic /iiitrir, on if/iili i|ui vent iliif airiiailillc.' /tru.s.si nn/r /loiirfionri/,
I'll/Ill/ Viih, \\. Ixxxviii., iioic.
^*« Ciiltririi, 'I'lii/ni, in llin'.t Di'srri/itiini , ]>]i, n-'i'.i. It scciiih lliat llit;
Kiipposcil IMui'iiiciaii ilfsi'fiit of llif Aiiicrii'aiis lias scrNcii as an cxcusr for
lilt' t.\ raiiny llicir coiKiiicriirs cxtTfisi'ii over tliciii. 'Ciirscil In- raiiaaii !'
said Noah, 'A wrvaiit of Hi'r\ant:< shall he !«• uiifo his Itrfthrcii,' Moii-
tanus says that it is a iiiisiaki- to icrni tlio I'lio'iiirians (Icst't'iiiluiits of
L'aiiiuiii, for I hey an- a Si-iiiitif |il'o|iI('. Xiiinir. Wni-'hl, |>. •_>,"),
t
IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)
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M
2.2
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1.8
1.25
1.4
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Hiotographic
Sdences
Corporation
23 WEST MAIN STREET
WEBSTER, N.Y. HSaO
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1
72
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
B.C. 332, a remnant of the inhabitants escaped by
sea to the Fortunate Islands, and thence to America.
The author does not pretend that they had any posi-
tive foreknowledgfe of the existence of a western
continent; though he believes "that from their
knowledge of astronomy, they may have had the
supposition that such might be the case, from the
then known globular character of the earth." But
they were mainly indebted for the success of their
voyage to the favoring east winds which bore them,
in the space of a month straight to the coast of
Florida."^ "Tliere arrived in joyous gladness, and
welcomed by all the gifts of nature, — like an heir
to a sudden fortune, uncertain where to rest, — the
Tyrians loft the shore of Florida and coasted the gulf
of Mexico, and so around the peninsula of Yucatan
and into the Bay of Honduras ; they thence ascended
a river of shelter and safety, and above the rapids of
which they selected the site of their first city, — now
occupied by the ruins, altars, idols, and walls of
Copan !"
The more effectually to preserve the secret of their
discovery and i)lacc of refuge, they suljsecpiently
destroyed their galleys and passed a law that no
others should be built. At least, this is Mr Jones'
belief — a belief which, to him, makes the cause "in-
stantly apparent" why the new-found continent was
for so many centuries unknown to Asiatics or Euro-
peans. It is possible, however, the same ingenious
author thinks, that, upon a final landing, they burned
'<^ 'The stront; Galleys, with sails and oars, and always heforc the con-
stant hast-Winil and onward wavc-onrreiit, would aocouipli^h ten uiilos an
hour by dav, and during the ni^fht, without tlie Rowers, six uiiU's an hour,
and, c(iuaily dividing the twenty-four hours, would nuiUu a run of 192
miles per day. Nautieal |(n»ofs will show that in A\c above ealeulation
the power of the Trade- Winds [/. r. the East-Winds] arc iiii(/rrriilci/. The
distance from Teueritle to Florida is about ;W(X> miles, wliidi liy the fore-
gone data they would traverse in seventeen and a ((uarter days. The V^)y-
agc may therefore with safety be said to have been aeeomplished during
an entire mouth, and that, eousc([Ucntly the lirMt landing of a branch of
the human family in Ancient America would be in the last month of
Autumn, three hundred and thirty-two years Inifore the Christian ^Kra.'
ii"4m
MR JONES' KEASONING.
73
their ships as a sacrifice to Apollo, "and having
made that sacrifice to Apollo, fanatical zeal may have
led them to abhor the future use of means, which, as
a grateful offering, had been given to their deity.
Thence may be traced the gradual loss of nautical
practice, on an enlarged scale; and the great conti-
nent now possessed by them, would also diminish by
detrrees the uses of navio-ation.""*
Jones ingeniously makes use of the similarities
which have been thouglit to exist between the Amer-
ican and Egyptian pyramids, and architecture gen-
erally, to prove his Tyrian theory. The general
character of the American architecture is undoubt-
edly Egyptian, he argues; but the resemblance is
not close enou<ifh in detail to allow of its beinsf
actually the work of Egyptian hands; the ancient
cities of America were therefore built by a people
who had a knowlechje of Egyptian architecture, and
enjoyed constant intercourse with that nation. But
some of the ruins ai'e Greek in style ; the mysterious
people must also have been familiar with Greek
architecture. Where shall we find such a people?
The cap exactly fits the Tyrians, says Mr Jones, let
them wear it. Unfortunately, however, j\Ir Jones
manufactures the cap himself and knows the exact
size of the head he wishes to place it on. He next
goes on to prove "almost to demonstration that Gre-
cian artists were authors of the sculpture, Tyrians
the architects of the entire edifices, — while those
of Egypt were authors of the architectural bases."
The tortoise is found sculptured on some of the ruins
'^^ It would 1)0 impossible to givo hero the entire evidence with which
Mr Junes sui>]iort« his theory. S\illico it to say that tiio iinuh);;ies he ad-
(liu'i's arc far-fct<'hcd in the extreme, and that his ])rciniscs arc to a },nTat
extent (,'roundcd u|ion certain vaij;ue utterances of Isaiali tlic j)rophct. His
nnhoiindod do;{n)atisni, were it less 8trouij;lv marked, would ninder his
work oH'ensive and nnreadahle to those who disaj^ree with his opinions; as
it is, it is simply ludicrous. I cannot better express my o]iinion of the
book tiian bvnsinf? the wordsof the distini^uished Amrriruiuxti; ])r Miiller:
'(iaiiz ohne NVerth s(dl die in London 184.S erschienene Schrift eines Kiig-
liiiulcrs, (Jeorge Joinis, Ubcr die Urgeschichto dea alten America sein.'
Aiiicrikaiiisohe Vrniujioncn, p. 3.
7i
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
at Uxmal; it was also stamped upon the coins of
Grecian Thebes and JE^ina. From this fact it is
brought home at once to the Tyrians, because the
Phoenician chief Cadmus, who founded Thebes, and
introduced letters into Greece, without doubt se-
lected the symbols of his native land to represent
the coin of his new city. The tortoise is, therefore,
a Tyrian emblem."''
The American ruins in some places bear inscrip-
tions written in vermilion paint; the Tyrians were
celebrated for a purple dye. Carved gems have been
found in American tondis; the Tyrians were also
acquainted with gem-carving. The door-posts and
pillars of Solomon's temple were S(juare;** S(|uare
obelisks and columns may also be found at Palenque.
But it is useless to nuiltiply quotations; the ab-
surdity of such reasoning is blazoned upon the face
of it.
At Dighton, on the bay of Narraganset, is, or
was, an inscription cut in the rock, which has been
confidently asserted to be Phoenician. Copies of tliis
inscription have been frequently made, but they differ
so materially that no two of them would ai)pear to
be intended for the same design. ^^^
i*^ Joins' Hist. Anc. Amcr., pp. 168-72.
'M According to Mr Jono.s, Solomon's temple waa built by Tyrian work-
men.
li' fJel)cliii iiflirniH cntluisiaaticall}': ' "que cette inscri|)tion vient il'ur-
river tout expri's du nouveau momlc, pour conliriuer sos itiucs sur rori;;inc
(Ics peu])les, et que I'ou y voit, d'liiic niunicre riii/rntf, \m nioiiuineiit
l)lK'nii'ien, uii tableai: (|ui, sur le ilevaut, diisiyiie uiie alliuuce eiitre les
])eiiple.s aint'ricainH ct ia nation ctrangfere, arrivant, jiar dew rrntsilu iiord,
d'uu jiays rii-lie et iiidi.nt.-ieux."' Humboldt, liowever, coniiiienting upon
tills, writes: M'al v;:;iimln<5 avec soin les iiuatre desshis de la fauieuse jiierre
de Taunton Hiver. ..l^iin d'y reconnoitre uu arrangenieiit symetrique de
lettres simples ou de caracteres syllnbiqucs, je n'y vols qu'un dessin i\
peine dbaueliL', et analogue h ceux que Ton a trouves siu' les roebers
de la Norwege.' I'lirs, torn, i., pp. 181-2. 'Tbe history of this inscrip-
tion is scarcely surpassed, in the interest it baa e.xcited, or the novel
iibases it has exhibited at successive eijochs of theoretical speculation, by
any I'erusinian, Kugubine, or Nilotic rnldle. When the taste of .Vnu'rican
antiquaries inclined towariU I'luenician relics, tbe Dighton inscriplion con-
formed to their opinions; and with changing tastes it has proved equally
compliant. In 1783 the Uev. Ezra Stiles, D.I)., I'resident of Vale ('of-
lege, when preaching before the (Jovernor and State of Connecticut, ap-
jiealeil to tbe Dighton Rock, graven, as be believed, in tlic old Punic or
^ ' of
th<
bl(
du
bla
■ wo
vei
lilii^
INSCRIBED TABLETS.
76
In the mountains whicli extend from the village
of Uruana in South America to the west bank of
the Caura, in 7° hit., Father Ramon Bueno found a
l)h)ck of granite on which were cut several groups of
characters, in which Humboldt sees some resem-
blance to the Phoenician, though he doubts that the
worthy priest whose copy he saw performed his work
very carefully."^
The inscribed stone discovered at Grave Creek
Mound has excited much comment, and has done
excellent service, if we judge by the number of
theories it has been held to elucidate. Of the
twenty-two characters which are confessedly alpha-
betic, inscribed u})on this stone, ten are said to cor-
respond, Avith general exactness, with the Phoenician,
fifteen witii the Celtiberic, fourteen with the old
Plid'tiiciaTi charat'ter and language: in proof that the Indians were of the
lU'cursed seed ol Canaan, and were to he disphieed and rooted out hy tiio
Knn)|K'an descendant.s of .lapiiet 1 , . . .So early as KiSO Dr. Danforth exe-
cuted what he eharacteri/e<l as "a faitliful and aeetirate representation of
tliu inscription" on Digliton Itock. In 171- tlie celel)rated Dr. Cotton
Mather tirocured drawings of the same, anil transmitted them to the Sec-
rctiiry of the Hoyal Society of London, with a de.seription, ])rinted in the
I'hildxdjihicdl TfaHsaclioiis for 17-11, referring to it as "an inscription in
which are seven or eight lines, ahont seven or eight feet long, and al)ont u
foot wide, each of them iMigraven with nnacconntable characters, not like
11111/ kiioirn cltiifitrli'v." In 17;{f>, Dr. Isaac (irecnwood, Ilollisian Pro-
fessor at Cambridge, \ew England, communicated to the Society of .\nti-
(iiiaries of London a drawing of the same inscription, accompanied with a
acscri|)tion which jn'oves the great care with which his copy was executed.
Ill 17i»8, .Mr. Stephen .Sewall, Professor of (h-iental Languages at ("ant-
iiridge, New England, took a careful copy, the size of the original, and
dcjMisited it in the .Museum of Harvard University; and a transcript of
this was forwarded to the lioyal Society of London, six years later, by
Mr. James Winthrop. Ilollisian J'rofes.sor of .Mathematics, In 17iS() the
Kcv. Michael Lort, D.I)., one of the Vice-Presidents of the Society of
Antiipiaries of London, again brought the subject, with all its accumu-
lated illustrations, before that learned society; and Colonel Vullency un-
dertook to prove that the inscripliou was neither Pho'uician nor Punie,
hilt Siberian. Subsequently, Judge Winthrops executed a drawing iti
Judge Maylies and Mr. Joseph (iood-
1812; and' finally, in 1830, by a Com-
mission aiipointed by the Uhode Islaiul Historical Society, and eoniinuiii-
catcd to the Antiiiuarics of Copenhagen with elaborate descrijitions: which
duly appear in their Antiquiltitra AimTinnnv, in [iroof of novel and very
rciiiarkahlc deductions'.' Wilsons Prchist. Man, pp. 4().'}-5. See also
Piil'iroil's Tv(kI., ]). "JO.
''*'ll est asscz reinarquablo que, sur sept oaractbres, aucuii ne s'y
trouve rcpih6 plusienrs fois.' Vncs, toin. i., pp. 183-4, with cut of part of
inscription.
iMii .Tioerian. r^uosequeniiy, .Jiitige
178S; and again we have others by J
iiig in 1700, by Mr. Job (Jardner in 1
ii t
h
1 1
I 4 '!
) '.
;; '■
76
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
British, Anglo Saxon or Bardic, five with the old
northern, or Runic proper, four with the Etrus-
can, six with the ancient Gallic, four with the
ancient Greek, and seven with the old Erse.^^
An inscribed monument supposed to be Pha'ui-
cian was discovered by one Joaquin de Costa, on his
'3state in New Granada, some time since. ^^ The
cross, the serpent, and the various other symbols
found ainong the American ruins, have all been re
garded by different authors as tending to confirm the
Phoenician theory; chiefly because similar emblems
have been found in Egypt, and the Phoenicians are
known to have been famihar with Egyptian arts and
ideas. ^^' Melgar, who thinks there can be no doubt
that the Phoenicians built Palenque, supposes the
so-called Palenque medaP^ to represent Hercules in
the Garden of the Hesperides, attacked by the
dragon. Two thousand three hundred years before
the worship of Hercules was known in Greece, it
obtained in Phoenicia, whither it was brought from
Egypt, where it had flourished for over seventeen
thi^usand years. ^"
•53 See Schoolcraft, in Amcr. Ethno.Soc, Tratisact., vol. i., pp. 386-97,
for full account of this stone, with cuts. Sec also Wilmu'is Prehist. Man,
pp. 408, et scq.
'54 l-'oi- this statement I have only ne\vs])ancr authority, however. 'Die
"Amerika,"einin Bogota, NeuCirauada, crsehienenes Journal, kUnili;;teiiu!
Enttleckung an, die so seltsani ist, das .sic <lcr Hestiitigunj; hedarf, ehe man
ilir Glaulten sclienkeu kann. Don Joaquini de ('osta soli danach auf eiueni
seiner tiiiter ein steinerncs Monument entdeckt hahen, das von oiuor
kleinen Colonic I'honizier ana Sidcmia im .lahre 9 odcr 10 der Kcgicruii;;
Hiranus, eincs Zeitgenossen Salomons, ungcfiihr zelin Jahrhunderic vor
der christliclien Acra errichtet wurde. Der Hlock hat eine Inschrift von
acht Linicn, die in schdnen Buchstaben, abcr oline Trennung der Worte
oder Punctation gesohrieben sind. In der Uebersetzung soil die Inschrift
hesagen, dass jene Miiinier des Landcs Canarien sich im Hafen iVjiionga-
ber (Bay-Akulia!) eiiisciijU'ten und nach zwolfmonai-ger Fahrt von dcm
Lande Egyptcn (Afrika) durch Stromungcn fortgcfiihrt, in Guayai|uil in
Peru landctcn. Der stein soil, wic es heisst, die Naiucn der Reiscndeu
tragen.' Ilainbuvri Reform, <.)ct. 24, 1873. See farther, concerning inscrip-
tions: Torqitcmadd, Mottarq. hid., torn, i., ]>. '20; SIratton'a Muinid-
Jiiiifdcrs, MS., p. l.S; rric.if's Aiiirr. Antiq., p. 121.
155 See particularly Melgar, in Sue. Mex. (froff., Boletin, 2da «3poca,
torn, iii., p. 112, et seq.; and Jones' Hist. Auc. Amcr., p. 154, et bc<i.;
Baldwhi^s Auc. Amcr., pp. IS.'j-d.
156 See vol, iv. of this work, p. 118.
15' Melgar, in 6W. Mex, Ueog., Boletin, 2da<Spocu, toni. iii., pp. 110-11.
i
THE CAIiTilAGINiAN THEOUy.
77
Tiie builders of the Cen 'n^ A^ ^^ *^". '^I^^^^-'ds.
are reported by tradition I'ohr'?" ''*'^'' ^^^ '^Y^^
Plexion and bearded. The O.rf l'^ !'""" ^^ ^'^»- ^on^'
with the Indians, practiced h """'""■'' '" ^«"^nion
^^•eat extent; they'wSted fi, ""'"'i '''^^'•^"^^^^^^ *« a
the names of tJ.J anhnitth'' '"^"f .^^'^^*^''-' ^^^dopted
^^•^^"k to excess, tele"m^JdT '^'"' *^^^^.>^ ^^«re,
decked themselves in al7 tvi" 1- ^ "'^''^"^ of fires
poisoned their arrows Hff 7 ^''^'y ^» Som<r to wa
'f tie, used drumr^;^,td1n'b;m ""''''•' ^^^^^^^
«tm a^ems and exercisilVr" h^^'S^^'^ '^^'^'^^^r in
qmnhed The objections a^-elT^^-^^ *^^ ™-
the Indians is not com pt C. fh *^-' ^''^"^"^'^>^« of
have many Imiguac.es Td .u'"""^^"' that 'they
from any one nationT'Sa 1 " T^ ^'^^' «Pr«ng
to learn various languac^^t in^or^'!^ '^'' ^"^^^n^
extension of the true^farth Bn[ I ^' ^^^"^^^'^"^ the
^ans beardless if thev T: ~, ^ 'l^y ''^'•o the Ind-
^;nans? Their bea2 W l^^^^ ^-\ the CartLt
of the chmate as the Aft 'Ins u'" ^'f^ '^^ *^^^ ^^tion
Then why do tliey not W ,h V'^-''^"^^*^^^' '" ^'olor.
why do not the 8iv!n; , f , '''''' ^'"'' as well and
"^ayintime. LSTh7^''' ^^''^' ^^^^^^^^^^
pao.e.^« '^ /^e goes on through page after
de'e^ttae^^,^^^^
^-eater length than anyX 'rl'"?"'^^^^ "^^ '^t
" '•> 1'. J; purcy,
1
1 i
I
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78
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
least those of them who have made orisfinal re-
searches, are comparatively few; hut tlie extent of
their investigations and the multitude of parallelisms
they adduce in support of their hypothesis, exceed
by far anything we have yet encountered.
Of the earlier writers on this subject, Garcia is
the most voluminous. Of modern theorists Lord
Kingsborough stands preeminently first, as far as
bulky volumes are concerned, though Adair, who
devotes half of a thick quarto to the subject, is by
no means second to him in enthusiasm — or rather
fanaticism — and wild speculation. Mrs Simon's vol-
ume, though pretentious enough to be original, is
neither more nor less than a re-hash of Kingsbor-
ough's labors.
Garcia/™ who affirms that he devoted more atten-
tion to this subject than to all the rest of his work,'™
deals with the Hebrew theory by the same sys-
tematic arrangement of 'opinions,' 'solutions,' 't)b-
jections,' 'replies,' etc., that is found all througli liis
book. A condensed resume of his argument will be
necessary.
The opinion that the Americans are descended
from the ten lost tribes of Israel, he says, is com-
monly received by the unlettered multitude, but not
by the learned; there arc, however, some exceptions
to this rule. The main support of tlie opinion is
found in the fourth book of Esdras, according to
which these tribes, having been carried into captivity
by Salmanassar, separated from the other tribes and
went into a new region, where man had never yet
Discours, in Aniiq. Mr.c, toni. i., <liv. i., pp. 43-4: West tind Oxt Iiitli.ichcr
Lnslijart, p. 4; J)nikc\i Aliorig. Races, pp. 20-2; GurrUi, Orif/rii de lus
Jiiff., pp. 41-77, l!)'-'-2.39; Priest's A iiier. Aiifiq., ]>\t. 1V)()-1, 3;«-4; Ailuir's
Amer. Lid., p. 10; Kiiigsboroiiff/i's Mrx. Antiq., vol. viii., J). 84; Fontaine's
Jlow the World iras I'cojilcd, pp. '2.')4-<)l.
IM Uriqen de los IiuL, \^\^. 7?)- 1 28.
160 'Yo liiee {^nwulc (lili<'encia en averigiinr esta verdad, y puedo afirmar,
que he trabajado mas en cIlo, que en lo (lu esciivo en toda la 01)ra; i nsi
«e lo que acercii de esto lie hatlado, pondrc talcs fundanicntos al cditicio,
i maquina de esta senteucia, i u])inion, que puedan niui bleu sufrir mu peso.'
Id., p. 79.
TEN LOST TRIBES OF ISRAEL.
79
lived, throuirh wJuVh +1. • ^^
a half; «ntif fey ami'Zri™r'', '"' » y^-' «"d
to Air? t^'^vte.rr'™ '7 -- <"-•<' »% ^o*
7"- to be, that iVey " dw I "''■'""'""'''''^ "'^-e;
Asw until tl,eyca.„„ to the , f Tf ""'he"'
wlHch they pa.,.ed i„t„ J « U i ' ,f /.■"™'""" "™-
thoy jonrnoyed southward blr,, I '^;"™' *'""><=«
Mexico ,„to Mexico «,d P„^, .'» Tl ^''".'i*'''' ^'''^»'
able to make such a b„,„ i ■ ''"' thoy were
I'roof. Jt is argued tl^it til "'""''.Y" '"'™ historical
»j. through sS mat 'i„' t^i;:;;""'' ""' ''^^-'^i -' f
findmgr a resting-place- b,??„'''' ,«?""'''« without
tl'at when thoy'^S- tZ '?'' '" ""^ Scriptures
yluther they l,a^ ,ree„ ctied"bt% f *''" ^"J-
determine<l to journev bel . 7 ^almanassar, thev
""til thoy oami to a'l X if,,"'," T'"'" "-«" ^
s"me learned men as.s«. t" ^t th '*""'• ^t is true
found m tlie cities of the W I "^ '"'" "''" to be
that disagrees with tl e boo^ "" ? '''"''-■■'■on?
of hohel; though of course . ^"^'"^ '■" "">vorthv
romamed; besides mZ,, ?"t"^*''«"' >"ay have
"• the direct deciaS fa, rf r^f '™ ''° "'^'udod
scatter the Jews over a th '^., *'"" ''o would
that the Americans are of H,l '■"'"■"'■. ^he opinion
.W°rted by similarife t ^^.^;™ ™f "' i^ farther
physical peculiarities, co, diti m T' *■"''• '''"'■''on,
A-"cans are at h^art tr;::^,;:^^!?^"^
•■''--'Jlled Ait-ian '"" ^'"^ »"'^"««n northern rt£ 1 ''^'^^'^''-^ ' ^^"^
,, ''Vi''e worthy Fatl>nr'« America were
SoTa t "-' --Sfl c^^&"".*^?' ^"?-'-'ge was somewhat v
«"«;'<'", viniendo p«r el F«f?'t'''"=""' I""-'' don, em, .'s m •'",' '"""'-•'•<"' ir
T
'^
i I 'is
!h 11
f r;
f
i
! -
1
1"
'■
i
i 1
80
ORICilN OF THE AMEUICAXS.
Jews; the history i)f hoth nations proves tliis.*'^ The
Jews did not believe in the minules of Ciirist, and
for their unbelief v/ere scattered over the face of the
earth, and despised of all men; in like manner the
people of the New World did not readily receive the
true faith as preached by Christ's catholic disciples,
and are therefore persecuted and being rapidly ex-
terminated. Another analogy presents itself in the
ingratitude of the Jews for the many blessings and
special favors bestowed on them by God, and the
ingratitude shown by the Americans in return for
the great kindness of the Spaniards. Both Jews
and Americans are noted for their want of charity
and kindness to the poor, sick, and unfortunate; both
are naturally given to idolatry; many customs are
common to both, such as raising the liands to heaven
when making a solemn affirmation, calling all near
relatives brothers, showing great respect and hu-
mility before superiors, burying their dead on hills
and high places without the city, tearing their cloth-
ing on the reception of bad tidings, giving a kiss on
the cheek as a token of peace, celebrating a victory
with songs and dances, casting out of the i)lace of
worship women who are barren, drowning dogs in a
well, practicing crucifixion. Both were liars, despi-
cable, cruel, boastful, idle, sorcerers, dirty,**''* swin-
dlers, turbulent, incorrigible, and vicious. The dress
I
163 Among several instances given by Garcia to show the cowardice of
the Jews, is this: 'dice hi Sagrada Escritura, i)or grandc incareciniicnto,
qne no Ics qtiiso llcvar Moisos i)or la Tierra <le Philistini, conociendo su
pusilaniniidad, i cobardia, porqiie no teniiescn, viendo los Eiieniigos, que
vcnian en su seguiniiento, i de cobardes sc Ixdviosen a Egipto.' With re-
gard to the cowardice of tlie Americans, he writes: 'Cucnta la Ilistoria,
que entri) Cortes, en la Con([uista de Nueva-Espafia con 550 Espafiolcs, i
de estos erau los 50 Mariueros: i en Mexico tuvo, quando lo gano, 900
Espauolcs, 200,0(X) Indios, 80 ("aballos: murieron do los Nncstros 50, i de
los Caballos 0. Entrb I'i^arro en el Peril con jiocos mas de 200 Esnunoles,
con los qnalcs, i con CO Cal)anos tuvo Victoria contra el Kci Al.'vtiualpa.'
Not only at the time of the Con<iuest, he adds, did the Americans scatter
and run on the discharge of a ninsket, hut even at the present day, when
thev arc familiar with tircarnis, thev do the same. OrigcH de los ind., pp.
85-t>.
16* Immediately afterwards he sjiys tiiat the Jews and Americans were
alike, because tlicy both bathed frequently.
'■"i: JKWS IN AMERICA.
'•■'I';"-- Tho Jews p'knAVl" '"""''^'Wndof
l'ro,„i.,«li.i„d; tl,cAm,.w ^"">™"'y "'am,a and°0 '
'»"» '■•■'ve a f -adition „f1 """'" """"■ 'I'he uj"
«miMiar,d of a <rod.,,l •'"'.■'"'>' ""'lertakon -iMk
ae„lo„.s|y olrtained sl;i>"'f, ''V^'?''^'^'^' "•>•" «
«'0.WI., even ?"""';»."'» «o-callodl„^t '£;"'"■
fe-ent witl, those «1,„ ' *""''' P>-<iI.ablv bo dif
,,«'n,-, .„„,_. . "^ ■""""•-« --a .special
163 TJ •
•""Id not iHi,
f]
1 ['
^ I,
I,
1''
i ^ „
82
(HacJIN OF THE AMERICANS.
act of OckI.*"" In answer to the assertion that the
Ainorii'ans are an interior race, it may be said that
there are many exceptions to this rule; for instance,
the people of Mexico and Michoacan were very in-
i^onious, and excelled in paintinj^, feather-work, and
t)ther arts.
A<»'ain, it is ohjected that while the Jews were
skilled in letters, and indeed are said by some to have
discovered the art of writin*^, the Americans had no
such knowledge of letters as they would have [)os-
sessed had they been of Hebrew origin. But the
same objection would api)ly to their descent from any
race of Europe, Asia, or Africa. It is urged that
the Americans, if of Jewish descent, would have
preserved the Hebrew ceremonie« and laws. It is,
however, well known that the ten tribes from whom
they are supposed to be descended were natuiully
j)rone to unbelief and backsliding; it is not strange,
therefore, that when freed from all restraint, they
should cease to abide by their i)eculiarly stiict code.
Moreover, many traces of their old laws and cere-
monies are t(j be found among them at the present
day. For instance, both Jews and Americans gave
'66 To show Oavcia's style and lo<>ic, wliii-li are, iiidced, but little diflt'i-
put from the style and roasouinj; of all these ancient writers, I translate
literally, and without embellishment of any kind, his attempts to ]irovc
that whatever differences exist at the present day between the Jew and
the American, are due to the s))ecial act of God. 'It was divinely ordained
that men should be scattered throuKJiont all countries, and l>e so tlifferent
frcmi one another in disposition and tem|)erament, in order that by their
variety men should become iwssessed of a dillercnt and •' itinct genius; of
a difference in the color of the face and in the form of . le body; just as
animals are various, ami various the things i>rodueed by tlie earth, vari-
ous the trees, various the |dants and grasses, various the birds; and timilly,
various the fish of the. sea and of rivers: in order that men should see in
this how great is the wisdom of Him that created them. And although
the variety and speeilic ditrerencc existing in these irrational and senseless
1)eings causes in them a Mjtecitie distinctitm, and that in men is only indi-
vidual, or accidental and common; the Most High desired that this variet>
and comnuni ditl'erence should exist in the human sjjecies, as there cotild
be none specific and essential, so that there should be a resemblance in
this between man and the other created beings: of which the Creator him-
self wished that the natural cause should be the arrangement of the earth,
tlie region of tiie air, inliuence of the sky, waters, and edibles. IJy which
the reailer will not fail to Ikj convinced that it was possible for the Indians
to obtain and ac(|uire a difference of mental faculties, and of color of fao'
and of features, such as the Jews had not.' Origfn dv los Ind., p. 105.
•'KWISH .INALOGIES.
Ki
'■enso, ,„u,i„t„i „,^ bX "^^ ofpnesto, l„,„,cd in-
lop' l«n.otu,.l fires on h ..K'''^-'' /^■••;«'"'.ei.sio, ,-
"'•■"a„ck to sleep „itl t| eS "*"■ ^-''^'n^ Wrt'^ and
n^'Se or sexual iiUoreo ,J I ? '"• l"-"''il'it''(l mar
» ".a., to dre».s 1^: f ;«'■«;;. n>«Jo it „„,,„,■, '',
man, put away their l.r^^er;".'"'' " *'"'"'" '""^' •
lost tl,e,r v,r..i„,ty, and ept the "^ '^"'""^ *" ''"ve
o p^'^, mat thuy iji (>.],/- I •"'<^i Various
A»sta „,ses, „„;;;! 4;- -■' V tl,a„ the l,„4t
^'--'-".e%thatth:''t'i;t;xrfr;*^l«'
»-.%forcx„„.,„e,„nu.,,..i,t.e..e«en..
84
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
Gentiles for the express purpoae of keeping their
law and relif^ion, while Americans are o'iven to idol-
atry; which is all very true, hut niif^ht not the Jews
have set out with these good resolutions, and have
afterwards changed their minds?
Such is the manner of Garcia's argument; and
turning now to Lord Kingshorough's magnificent
folios, do wo find anything more satisfactory?
Scarcely. The Spanish father's learned ignorance
and pedantry do not appear in Kingshorough; but
on the other hand, the work of the former is much
m ire satisfactorily arranged than that of the latter.
Garcia does not pretend to give his own opinions,
hnt merely aims to })resent fJiirly, with all their pros
and cons, the theories of others. Kingshorough has
a theory to prove, and to accomplish his ohject he
drafts every shadow of an analogy into his service.
But though his theory is as wild as th(^ wildest, and
his proofs are as vague as the vaguest, yet Lord
Kingshorough cannot he classed with such writers as
Jones, Ranking, C-ahrera, Adair, and the host of
other douinatists who have fousjfht tooth and nail,
each tor his particular hobby. Kingshorough was
an enthusiast — a fanatic, if you choose — but his en-
thusiasm is never offensive. There is a scholarly
dignity al)()ut his work which has never been attained
by those who have jeered and railed at him; and
though we may smile at his credulity, and regret
that such strong zeal was so strangely misj)laced, yet
we should speak and think with respect of one who
spent his lifetime and his fortune, if not his reason,
in an honest endeavor to cast light upon one of the
most obscure sjwts in the history of man.
The more prominent of the analogies adduced by
Lord Kingshorough may be briefly enumerated as
follows:
The religion of the Mexicans strongly resembled
that of the Jews, in many minor details, as will bo
presently seen, and the two were practically alike, to
''4-^J„
'vINGSBoUOUOH-y AliOUMENTS.
a certain extent i"n +] • ^^'
'ho Jaws .u.fc„ow'led,rfT ™|?/';""l--'ti""; '«■■> ««
as th
^M the Ai
;^ ^d>oi^mate person
ones, dominions, and
•no iVlexicaiis acknowJedTve tl
•■^ps of tlieir Jii
erare
'» tlie j)erson of T
worshifj
ezcatl
'J>wa, and at tl
it^^iimtyof thoU
J'owers,
■'ly, so
01
o «n,p a ^^reat nnnd,er of Jti r i •" '^""^' *'"'-'
l>oth {.el.eved in a i.I.n.ni;^ . "^^^ ^. "".^n.ary hoin..s.
Iieved
one Jiead, wJ
I Vhivahty of devils
tiiat the Jews actuall
, - ^»-*^H,i J,
\v'.s .Satan. Indeed
•dry h
«nhordinate""to
^exicans Mictlan-
ifc see
,(t iM>rohal.le tliat tt t'u '^ ^^* tJ^^ir >d of
tl
le SI
of t]
" of the first m
'It the Tolt:
'COS were
tempted Jier ^vith tl
J'l, committed at tl
nis
rjiio-.s
hell.'
'ifquainted with
;c «o,„„„, ],e,.„,, , -— - ;• ' -"«^.»t,„„
^viio was the
wliom death ^ ^
i" tJ"'« ohaj.ter " tl
or/,oin of all
»^' ti-uit of the fori
'<;' .serpent, wl
OMl
)idd
lo
en tiee.
""o. -'"to the Zu«""^h •■""' I'y
world. '«» We /
M-S. ,;;;:ri;:: ";;;t k'v««i--.i
M,
oxicans. Thei
s story to have I
h sun
nive seen
pposes the
-"^•'---^-^^oStirtirS''
to St
;ones
Th
m tJie Aniei
^'•■o are .sti-ikin
<)•
;^'on familiar to tl
he M.
off;
le
ex-
«'niilaritie,s het
creation myths of tl
were fond of appe
heaven mu] fK„ A
ic-ans.;" Jj^th J
le
H
«titiou
^'» and the eai-th."
"">.i^' in their
lU
«, and firm bel
Both
'ifljuj'ations to tl
erino-s
Ween
ehi'ews
oxieans
^\'ore extremel
tor and JUstory of Th ' ^ VT^I-'^'^::' ^l.e eh
«ont certain anaL
tJie KSahhath of tl
y ^^^'iH-ist and HnitWl
alo(Tln« 174 r, . "^'"l/:!!
lo.o-ies
It
'.e seventh dav
IS \erv
.y super-
'lo ehar-
'•»l'"<'htli pre.
l"'<)i)ahle that
J^!'-t« of America.- iCmov''^ '''' ^^'-u.. in soni:
'»^ -'-'■^'" '"^ Mexicans applied the Mood
of
poured it
«acrifiees to th
Wl
170 /,/
l^iiiffsho
Upon th
171
vol
'romjirs Mcx. A
,0 same uses as the Je
'- ^"^"-tli, they sprinkled
VIII
'"■' T./.,
'" Id.,
'■' P- 'il.
■ I'P -'J-7, .W-l.
I', ."id.
I'. r.s.
J;i'. «7, -18-19, 240.
i'. IJu.
«%., vol. viii
WS; tl
it, tl
U
pp. 19-20, vol.
■y
ley
^■'•. 1). r).io.
M
I
m
OUIGIN OF TlIK AMEIUCANS.
marked persons with it, and tliey smeared it upon
walls and other inanimate thini^s/'* No one but the
Jewish his^h-priest mit^ht enter the Holy of Holies.
A similar custor^ obtained in Peru.^" Both Mexi-
cans and Jews renfarded certain animals as unclean
and unfit for food.™ Some of the Americans be-
lieved with some of the Talmudists in a plurality of
souls."" That man was created in the image of (iod
was a part of the Mexican belief.^'*" It was cus-
tomary among the Mexicans to eat the flesh of sac-
rifices of atonement. ^^' There are many points of
resemblance between Tezcatlipoca and Jehovah.*^'*
Ablutions formed an essential ])art of the ceremonial
law of the Jews and Mexicans.'"^ The opinions of
the Mexicans with regard to the resurrection of the
body, accorded with tlioso of the Jews.**'* The Mex-
ican temple, like the Jewish, faced the east."*^ "As
amongst the Jews the ark was a sort of portable
temple in which the Deity was supposed to be con-
tinually present, and which was accordingly borne on
the shoulders of the priests as a sure refuse and
defence I'rom their enemies, so amongst the Mexicans
and the Indians of Michoacan .and Honduras an ark
was held in the highest veneration, and was con-
sidered an object too sacred to 1)0 touched by any
but the priests. The same religious reverence for
the ark is stated by Adair to have existed anjong the
Cherokee and other Indian tribes inhabiting the
banks of the Mississippi, and his testimony is cor-
roborated by the accounts of Spanish authors of the
•'' 'V el Vii;;ii YnpanRUo entnilxi solo, y el inisino por .<» iiiaiio sarri-
ficubu liis ovejas y cordeios.' Jirldiizitx, Ifis/orid </r /i>s Jiir/an, lib. i., ea|>.
xi., qiioteil in Kiiiif.slioriiinih's Mry. Aiiti,/., vol. viii., ]>. 150.
"« hi., iti). I.-.7,' -J.-K!, :m, vol. vi., pp. '273-5.
>'«M, vol. vilL, p. 100.
"*»/f/., p. 174.
•«i f(l., i>. 170.
^^^'^ III., )>p. 174-82. He ]m;seiits ii most elaborate discusBiuu of tlii.s
point. See iilso vol. vi., )ip. .512, .52;i.
"*' /(/., vol. viii., p. 238.
"*4A/., ].. 248.
185M, p. 257.
"^nH.W AX. .MEKrCAN AXA.oarKS.
peatest veracity. TJ,e n,fn... ,
^^^V!"- been oxpiiued it f ". n"^ "''^^" "^ the ark
ff^^-^-^^hthavJt^nZ^::^':^'^ t-'-^- that
declares that the Hebre J a k ' ^^""/' «eriptuie
construction." And aodn/'i^^ f, ^^^^ simplest
|"^^ny jmssac^os of tlie Old Test n ^Z .i'^'^'"'"' ^'•^''"
fheved in the ,v«/ presence of r^i ^^''"\ ^^'^ ^^'^V'S
jo 1 Oman Catholics believe in tt "! ^^'' ^'^' ««
l^m^t ,n the «ac>ranient/fL„ U ?n''-;^ •^^""'"'^^^'^^^^ «^'
tie Mexicans borrowed the L "\ '^ ^"^ Probable
^ ^^ l^eaven of heavens cannot \'^-"' ^'' ^^'»<'m
.^;J<"-v hils all space, couhl be . ^'°"^'"' ''^"^ ^vhose
c".cts of a nam,; S and y r^ ^^''^^^"' t'^^ Pro-
---k a.;^ ^'^--^ Pnests If^the'l T'T 1*^ '"^ -* of
cans had not be'en analogous !. ffff'^'^ ^exi-
Je^vs, the early Spanish mission ,h' °^ f ^' ''"'^*'^^"t
^^\\c expressed their in.lU^TTT''^'^ ^'^'^•^^"■"ly
d^"ty of tJiose who hJu^^^fT^'^!^'!' ^^'>«»i-d cj
fd Hu.tzilopochtli w.^ oanld • ^""'^ ^^'^P^'^'^^^'^f
f^ouhors; bnt of the ark of t1 "m" ^^''^^ "" P'-'-^«ts'
•"t Jittle, fearino., as iTwo.U ^^^'^'^'^"'« tiiey say
^" % on the bui^'int alw^PP^^^N to tread too
„ {iie Yt.catec concc^pttn of T "^""^ ^"*^^'- "'"
Hebrew.-^ It {« pSm. 1\ Vl'''^^^ ^'^«^^^^
nr?- "-"e .si^n^ert,S^..V"^^t.alcoatJ, whose
"ulled after the Iri/m . ^^^'^^^^'^'f^ serpent,' was s,.
;;; ^^- .-wenleltr 1:;K *1 ^^- ^S ,:^
tJ'e rabbmieul tradition tl Vl l^ '^'' ''^""^''"^^ to
.^^'^d sent against the Ismel "'^^ •'^^'''^'^'"ts ^^7.ich
species. '«« ° isiaehtes were of a wiu^Jd
""*{>f., |.. '.'OS •■■
tif ... \ 1
Mr
it
\ 1 1
; i ■:
88
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
The Mexicans, like the Jews, saluted the four
cardinal points, in their worship.**'^ There was much
in connection with sacritices that was connnon to
Mexicans and Jews.^"" It is possible that the myth
relating to Quetzalcoatl's disappearance in the sea,
indicates a knowledge of the book of the prophet
Jonah.^"!
The Mexicans say that they wrestled at times
with Quetzalcoatl, even as Jacob wrestled with
God.^^- In various religious rites and observances,
such as circumcision,^"^ confession,^'''* and communion,*'-'^
there was much similarity. Salt was an article
highly esteemed by the Mexicans, and the Jews
always offered it in their oblations.''"^ Anio'ig the
Jews, the firstling of an ass had to be redeemed with
a lamb, or if unredeemed, its neck was broken. This
command of Moses should be considered in reference
to the custom of sacrificing children which existed in
Mexico and Peru."^ The spectacle of a king per-
forminuf a dance as an act of religion was witnessed
by the Jews as well as by Mexicans.^'"^ As the
Israelites were conducted from Egypt by Moses and
Aaron who Avere accompanied by their sister Miriam,
so the Aztecs departed from Aztlan under the guid-
ance of Huitziton and Tec-patzin, the former of whom
is named l)y Acosta and Herrera, Mexi, attended like-
wise by their sister Quilaztli, or, as she is otbei wise
named Cbimalman or Malinalli, both of which latter
names have some resemblance to Miriam, as Mexi
has to Moses.^'''''* In the Mexican language amoxtli
i89/(/., p. 22'2.
'"0 /(/., !>. 2;\2, ct scq. Kingsborough reaaoiw at .some length on this
iwiut.
191 fif., ]). ;{(!!.
19^ It/., p. 40(i.
19^ /(/., 1)11. 'JTi-."}, .133-."i, .392-3; vol. viii., pp. 121-2, 142-.% 391.
19< Id., vol. vi., pp. .SOO-l; vol. viii., p. 137.
'9i Id., vol. vi., p. r)(t4, vol. viii., p. 18.
196 /,/., vol. vi., p. 125.
197 Id. , p. 4.').
•98 Id., p. 142.
>^/(/., p. 24ti. Diiran suatiiinH the theory that the Indians are the
MUkL
HEIJUEW ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
K9
.or
ixi
tli
sii^nifics flag's or bulrushes, the derivation of which
name, from afl, water, and moxtli, might alhide to
the flags in which Moses had been preserved.'^*' The
painting of Boturini seems actually to represent
"'^'litzilopochtli appearing in a burning bush in the
mountain of Teoculhuacan to the Aztecs.^^ The
same writer also relates that when the ISfexicans in
the course of their migration had arrived at Apanco,
the peo[»le of that province were inclined to op])ose
their further progress, but that Huitzilopochtli aided
the ^[exicans by causing a brook that ran in the
neiglil)orliood to overflow its banks. This reminds us
of what is said in the tliird clia])ter of Joshua of the
Jordan overflowing its banks and dividing to let the
priests who l)()re the ark pass through.'^"" As Moses
and Aaron died in the wilderness without reaching
the land of Canaan, so Huitziton and Tecpatzin died
(U'sci'iKlaiits of the lost ten tribos of Isniel. After ^tivin;,' sovenil roasons
foMiidcil on the Scriptures, he refers to the traditions o1)taiue<l hy liini iroin
tlic olil ]ieo|ih; of tlie country. Tiiey rehvted that their aiu'cstors, wliilst
sufVcriuj; luany hardsiii|)s and ]iersec\itions, were ])revaiU'd u[»in hy a ;.neat
tiiau, who hecanu; tiieir chief, to lice from tliat hind into another, where
tlicy nii;;iit have rest; tlicy arrivecl at the sea-shore, and the diief strucii
liic waters with a rod lie had in his hands; the .sea oi)enc<l, and the chief
and liis f(dlowers marciicd on, hut were soon pursued hy their enemies;
they crossed over in safety, and tlieir enemies were swallowed up hy the
sea; at any rate, their ancestors never had any furtlu'r iiecount of their
persecutors, .\notlier tradition transmitted from ^;ciieration to {jjeiieration,
and recorded in jiictures, is, that wiiih; their lirst ancestors were on their
journey to tlie promised laud, they tarricil in the vicinity of certain hi;.!:h
liilis; iicrea terrihhM'artliiiuaUe occurred, and some wicked ]icople wlio were
wi.h them were swallowed up hy the earth openiu'j; under their feet. The
saiui' jiicture that Father Dnran saw, showed that the ancestors of the
Mi'xican |>eoiple transmitted a tradition, relatinj,' tiiat durin;,' their journey
a kind of sand (or hail) rained upon them. Father Dnran further ;;ives
an account furnisheil him hy an ohl Indian of C'lohila (some 100 years
old) concernin;^ the er<''.;"ion -if the world: The liist men were Ki'H'ts
who, desirous of seeing' ' oi>ie of the sun, divideil themselves into two
parties, one of which r iiKiiyed to the west, and the other to the east,
until they were stopped hy the iiea; they then concluded to return to the
place they started from, called \'. iiii'i-ii/ciii/iiriiiiiiinii; tindinj; no way to
read) tlie sun, whose li^ht and heauty they hi;,driy admired, they deter-
mined to hnild a tower tluit sluuild reach the hea\ens. They huiit a tower;
hut the Lord hecame anj;ry at their ])resumption, and the dwellers of
heaven desceniled like tliuinlerholts and destroyed the editice; the ;;iants
on seein;; their work destroyed, were much fri;;htem'd, and scattered them-
selves throujihout the earth. Dnran, Hist. Indiii.i, MS., toiu. i., cup. i.
w KiiK/.'t/ioroiKjh's Mcx. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 240.
•"' A/.,' p. IMS.
'■"Wf/., p. L'5;3.
■J.
I: if
11 2: !
'i I
1 II
t
ii
00
ORIGIN OF THE AMEHICAX.S.
before the Mexicans arrived in the hmd of Andhuac.^'
The Mexicans liunuf up the heads of their sacriticed
enemies; and this also ai)[)ears to have been a Jewish
practice, as the foHowiiii^ quotation from the twenty-
fifth chapter of Numbers will show: "And the Lord
said unto Mosas, Take all the heads of the people,
and haiir/ them up before the Lord a;jaiiist the sun,
that the fierce ani^er of the Lord may be turned
away from rsrael.'"''"* In a Mexican painting in the
Bodleian library at Oxford is a s3'ml)ol very strong'ly
resemblinj^ the j-iw-bone of an ass from the side of
which water seems to How forth, which mio^ht allude
to the story of Samson slayiniic '*- thousand of tlie
Philistines with such a bone, which remained miracu-
lously unbroken in his hands, and from which he
afterwards quenched his thirst.'^"^ They were fond of
wearini*- dresses of scarlet and of showy colors, as
were also the Jews. The exclamation of the pro})het,
"Who is this that cometh from Bozrah?" and many
other passaii'es of the Old Testament mioht be cited
to show that the Jews entertained a great predi-
lection for scarlet.^' It is impossible, on reading
what Mexican mythology records of the war in
heaven and of the fall of Tzontemoc and the other
rebellious spirits; of the creation of light by the
word of Tonacatecutli, and of the division of the
waters; of the sin of YtztlacoliulKpii, and his blind-
ness and nakedness of the tenq)tation of Suchi-
quecal, and her disobedience in gathering roses from
a tree, and the consequent misery and disgrace of
herself and all her posterity, — ^not to recognize Scrip-
tural analogies.^'' Other Hebrew analogies Lord
Kingsborough finds in America, in the dress, in-
signia, and duties of priests; in innumerable super-
stitions concerning dreams, apparitions, eclipses, and
2«3 7,/., p. 2r)4.
20* fiL, ]>. :u'_».
205 /,/., ,,. ;{(11
2"« /(/.. ]>. :w2.
2»' /(/., p. 401.
ii.ill ''liiL ;i
KIN(JSBOROUGH'S JKWISII ANALOGIES
91
other more coniinoii-place events; in certain festivals
for rain ; in hmial and mournin<i^ cerunionies; in the
diseases most oommon amonj^ the pc()])le; in cer-
tain regularly observed festivals; in the dress of
certain nations; in established laws; in physical
features; in architecture; in various minor observ-
ances, such as offering water to a stranger that he
might wash his feet, eating dust in token of humility,
anointing with oil, and so forth; in the sacrifice of
prisoners; in manner and style of oratory; in the
stories of giants; in the respect paid to Ciiod's name;
in games of chance; in marriago relations; in child-
birth ceremonies; in religious ideas of all sorts; in
res])ect paid to kings; in uses of metals; in treat-
ment of criminals, and punishment of crimes; in
charitable practices; in social customs; and in a vast
number of other particulars. •'•'^
2"'' To enter into details on all these subjects would rc(|^uire volumes
as laifie, r.iid I may aild, as unieadaliie, as tiiose of Lord lviii^'sl)i)i-ou;,'li.
'I'lie reader wlio wishes to investigate mure closely, will lind all the points
to which 1 havt" referred in vidnmes vi. and viii. of the iiohle writer's work,
Mi.iiniii, Aiitiiiiiitiis. Mr .lames Adair, 'a trader with the Indians, ami
resident in their eonntry for forty years,' very warmly advocates the Ile-
lircw theory. As his intercourse with the Aiuerieans was conlined to the
wild trilics, tiie jjenuine "red men' inluihitinj^ tlie soutli-easteru states of
Niirth Anu'rii'a. his ar;^'umeut and analogies differ in manv j)oints from
those of Kingshorou.uii anil (Jarcia, who treated chietly ot' tlie civilized
nations of Mexico and Central America. Here are some of ids compari-
sons: 'Tin? Israelites were divided into Triljcs and had cliiefs over them,
so the Indians divide tlieniselvi's: each trilie forming a little community
within the nation -And as the nation hath its jiarticnlar symhol, so hath
cadi tribe th(> liadgt; from which it is denominated.' If we go from nation to
nation among them we shall not lind one individual who doth imt distinguish
himself hy his family name. Kvery town he.s a state Innis,- or synedrioii,
the same as the Jewish sanhedrim, where almost every night the head-
men meet to discuss pnhlic husiness. The llehrew nation were ordered to
worship .Jehovah the true and living (iod, who hy the Imlians is stviecl
Yiilniriih. The aiKMent heathens, it is well known \\orshiped a |)lurality
of (lods: hut these American Indians ])ay tlieir rcliuioiis devoir to l.oak
lsliloho<dlo Aha, The (iri'at IJeiu'licent Supreme Holy Snirit of Fire. They
do not pay the least pereeptihlc adoratimi to images. Their ceremonies in
ilicir religious worshiii accord uu)re nearly with the Mosaic institutions,
which could not he it they were of heathen descent. The American In-
dians allirm, that there is a certain tixeil time and jilacc, when ami where
every one must, die, without, the ])ossihility of averting it; such was the
belief also of the ancient Greeks ami Konians, who were miu-li addicted
to copying the rites ami customs of the Jews. Their ujtiniou that (iod
<'liose them out of all the rest of nuinkind as his peculiar and beloved peo-
ple, litis btith the white Jew uud thu red Aiuuricuu, with that steady hatred
92
tmiCilN OF THE AMERICANS.
Relics uninistakcjibly Hebrew have been very
rarely found in America. I know of only two in-
stances of such a discovery, and in neither of these
cases is it certain or even j)robable that the relic
aj^aiiist all the world, wliicli roiiders tliein liatod and despised Ity all. Wo
liuvc aliiiiidaiit evidence of tlie Jews lielieviii;; in tiie ministration of anjjels,
daring the (Md Testament disjiensation, tlieir fre<|nent appearances and
their services on eartii, are recorded in tiie oracles, which the Jews them-
selves receive as ^'ven iiy divine inspiration, and St I'anl in liis epistle
addressed to the llehrews speaks of it as their ;;eneral opinion that "anj,'el8
are niinisterini; spirits to the jjood and rijfhteons on earth." The Indian
sentiments an<l traditions are the same. 'I'liey helieve the hi^dier re^'ions
to he inhahited hy j;ood sjiirits, relations to the «lreat Holy (tne. and that
these spirits attend and favor the virtnous. The Inilian laiifrna^e ami dia-
lects appear to have the very idioin and jjenins of the Ilehrew. Tlieir
words and .sentences are expressive, concise, emphatical, sonorous, and
liold, and often hoth in letters and sij,'nilication syncmymous with the Ile-
hrew lannuajje. They count time after the manner of the llehrews, reck-
oninj; years hy lunar months like the Israelites who cmmted hy moons.
The reli;jious ceremonies of the Indian .\mericans are in conformity with
those of the Jews, they haviiij; iheir I'rophets, llij,di Priests, and otiiers of
relij,'ious order. ,\s the .lews had a sanctum sanctorum or most holy place,
so havcall the Indian nations. The dress also of their Ili^'h I'riests is simi-
lar in character to that of the llehrews. The festivals, feasts, and reli-^'ious
rites of the ludiaTi .Americans have also ;i <freat resemhiance to that of the
llehrews. The Indian imitates the Israelite in his religious <iirerinj,'.s. The
llehrews had various ahlutious and anoint in<;s aec(n<liu;,' to the .Mosaic
ritual— and all the li,iian nations constantly oliserve similar customs from
reIi.i,'ious motives. Their fretjuent hathin;;, or dippin;; themselves ami
their children in rivers, even in the severest weather, seems to he as truly
Jewish as the other rites and ceremonies which have heen mentioned.
The Indian laws of nncleanness and |inrilication, and also the al)stainin<;
from things tieemed unclean are the same as those of the llehrews. The
Indian marriaj^es, divorces and punishment.s of adultery, still retain ii
str4>u;,' likeness to the .lewish laws and customs on these jioints. Many of
the Indian punishments resemhle those of the Jews. Whoever attentively
views the features of the Indian, ami his eye, and reflects on his fickle, ob-
stinate, and cruel ilispositiou will naturally think of the Jews. The cere-
monies ])erformed hy the Indians hefore j;oin,i; to war, such as )>urilication
and fastini.;, are similar to those of the Ilehrew nation. The Israelites
were fond of wearing heads and other ornaments, even as early as the
patriarchal a;;e, and in resemblance to these customs the Indian fenudes
continually wear the same, bclievinj; it to he a preventive a<,'ainst nuiiiy
evils. The Indian manner of eurinj;: the sick is very similar to that of the
Jews. Like the Hebrews, they lirmly believe that diseases and wounds
.are occasioned by divine anj;er, in jn'oportion to some violation of the old
beloved speech. The Hebrews carefully buried their dead, .so on any acci-
dent they Slathered their bones, and laiil them in the tombs of their f(n'e-
fathers: thus, all the numerous nations of Indians jierform the like
friendly oiUce to every deceased person of their resiiective tribe. The
Jewish records tell us that the women mourned for tlie loss of their de-
ceased husbands, and were reckoned vile by the civil law if they married
in the space of at least ten nmntlis after their death. In the same manner
all the Indian widows, by an established strict penal law, mourn for the
loss of their deceased husbands; and anion}; some tribes for the space of
three or four years. The surviviu;; brother by the .Mosaic law, was to raise
seed ti) a deceased brother, who left a widow childless to perpetuate his
"kim!i:\v relics.
existed in America l)eforo the P . "'
.^nd best known irKstanee is L ?",^""|*- ^^'^ ^rst
Joseph MernVk Esn nj-n
acter in the du.reh'at' J>itthVM "^ '^'Vftahh char-
aeeount; Tiiat in 1815, ho wa, I 'v'^ir'" *''" ^■'^"•'^^'"'^'
n.H er and near an old v od ^ ed ^l^^^ •^-"^- ^-onnd
'^^ h's, situated on 7;^// '' /i •»'' •t)"''"'^'" *^» --^ I>Iaee
-nvoyed auay old ch ^ ^^f^^rt^; ^^'^^"■^•^'-' -'d
After the work was done wali: ' *" '^'"'^ ^^^i^^h.
e discovered, near wj^ere' tlf I T\ ^^'^ P^<^^,
he deepest, a hhtck s ^p 1%''''^^' ^'^^^ '>oen duc^
'"^•J'os ni leni^th, and o e \nd 'S W"'"""^^'' '^'>""t siv
J^^ont the thickn'ess of' a jJ^fhlV^f -breadth, and
Ho perceived it had at n- i ''"'^^ ^'' '^ ^'^nioss
--I substance, J.roS,^ fw" l.e^f/ ' ^''^^> ^^^' -"-^
't. He conveyed it to hi I. ^ "■^'?'^^ "^ oarrvin<>-
'•^" old tool hoi. He .ft . ^'^•'''^'-'! ^^"d threw it into
^^^^'-,anda^;.^t:;::^^/->;^^
After some time h,^ ih V. , ^'"^' ^ox.
!' but in attempt!;^ t ^['^f^ '- ;vouW
bo'io; he succeeded, J.owee- in A'-' '' ''^•^ ^^'•^'•^ ••'«
found it M-as formed of 'n, ni "'l^",''^' '^ '>I>^''^ 'ind
-;v.da„a,nadewate;t^;:ht'S^; '''"'^ '•'^^^■5''^'-'
'"'.nnal, and .^-umnied over . // ^'iV '"'.^^^^^ "^^ sonie
tuned /o., foiao,, pieces ;,f, i" ^'^^' ^'^^^ ^^'^^ ^-on-
ot a chirk yellow J ue ,n ^''"r^!"'^^"*. TJiey we,-e
-^•'t'"^. Tj^enei. bm-s'^^ P;^"*:^":-^ «ome i^nd of
i^^'-very, tore on? of the '^'' !" ^'' '''' *h^' «t'-anoe
«"^--^ Vandal stWo^'^C-^," ^^J-'Mn the true
Merrick saved, and sent J .""" ^'""^^'^^ P^'eeos .Afr
^bey M-ere examined t ,1 r" *' ^ '^""brid-.o, where
-•tten with a pi;.'' in y^tT 'V'- ''' '^^^ b.:c:n
^bo writing on the lu-ie I'n . ' ^''""- '"^'"^ ^^^^^'■ble.
''-»t, was quotations C,^:'^;;;'^l>;-es of ,S.,h. .
n.m.o ..„,i f •, '"^ ^'d Testament. "210
Tr
M '< !
94
ORRilN OV THE AMERICANS.
|i i
IS p
! ' m
The other discovery Avas nuule in ( )hio, and was
seen by my f'atiier, Mr A. A. Bancroft, who
thus describes it: "About eiiji^ht miles south-east
of Newark there was formerly a large mound
composed of masses of free-stone, which had been
brought from some (hstance and thrown into a heap
Y, ithout much placing or care. In early days, stone
being scarce in that region, the settlers carried
away the mound piece by j)iece to use for building-
purposes, so that in a few years there was little more
than a large flattened heap of rubbish remaining.
Some fifteen years ago, the county surveyor (1 have
forgotten his name), who had foi some time been
searching ancient works, turned his attention to
this })articular pile. He employed a number of
men and proceeded at once to open it. Before long
he was rewarded by finding in the centre and near
the surface a bed of the tough clay generally known
as pipe-clay, which must have been brought from a
distance of some twelve miles. Imbedded in the
clay was a coffin, dug out of a burr-oak log, and in a
pretty good state of preservation. In the coffin was
a skeleton, with quifo a number of stone ornaments
and emblems, and sume open brass rings, suitable for
bracelets or anklets. Those being reiuoved, they
dug down deeper, and soon discovered a stone dressed
to an oblong shape, about eighteen inches long and
twelve wide, which proved to be a casket, neatly
fitted and completely water-tight, containing a slab
of stone of hard and fine quality, an inch and a half
thick, eight inclics long, four inches and a half wide
at one end, and tapering to three inches at the other.
Upon the face of the slab was the figure of a man,
2'" 'Sec Dent., clia]i. vi., frnni 4tli to 0th verse, inclusive; also, cliap.
xi., verse I.'? to 21, iiielusive; ami Kxodiis, eliaj). xiii., 11 to Ki, iiu-lusive,
to wliicii the reader can refer, if he has the curiosity to rcail tiiis most iii-
terestiiij;; discctvery It is said hy Calinet, that tlie ahove texts are the
very i)assa','es of Scriotiire which the Jews used to write on the leaves of
their jiliylacteries. riiese phylacteries were little rolls of parchment,
whereon were written certain words of the law. These they wore ii])on
their forehead, and upon the wrist of the left arm.' /u.
IIKIUIEW TAP.LETS.
95
iipparcntly a priest, with a lonjj flo.vin|2f heard, and a
lobo reaching to his feet. Over his head was a
curved line of characters, and upon the edges and
back of the stone were closely and neatly carved let-
ters. The shib, which I saw myself, was shown to
the episcopalian clergyman of Newark, and he i)ro-
nounced tbe writing to be the ten Commandments
in ancient Hebrew."^"
"1 Antiquities of Lirkiiiff Cnunttf, Ohio, MS.
Biassc'iir lie |{<>url)oiii'j; altlii>ii<{li he rejects Kiii^'NlM)roiiH;ir8 tlieory,
thinks tliiit some Jews may have reached America; he reco;;lliz(^s a .lewisli
tv|ie(»ii certain ruins, anil calls attention to the ])erfectly Jewish dress of
tiie women ut I'aliii anil on the shores of I.,ake Aiiiatitlan. Hist. Xitt. Cir.,
toni. i., p. 17. Cnstoins and relics seem to show that the Americans arc
of llehrew descent, and that they came hy way of the Californias. (wiur-
ilmi, Tilt 11(1 II 1 1 lire, p. .")7. The theory of descent from the ten trihes is not
to he despised. On the north-west there are many beliefs and rites which
rcsenilile the Jewish; circumcision ohtains in Central America, and women
wear Jewish costumes, Father Iticci has seen Israelites in China livinj;
ai'cordin;; to Moses' laws, and Father Adam Schall knew Israelites who
had kept the Old Testament laws, and who knew niithin<; of the death of
the Savior. This shows that the ten trihes took this directtion, and as an
emi;,'ration from Asia to .America is perfectly admissihle, it is likely that
till' Jews were amon<^ the numlter wlio crossed, jirohahly by the .Aleutian
islands. Jios-si, SoiiiTiiirs, pp. '2H'>-1. .Fones, as niij^ht he expected, "will
not yield to any man in the iirni belief that the .Abori<rines of North Amer-
ica!/"'/ Xiirt/i Amrricd oiihf)tu\i\ the ancient Isi olitesare identical, unless
controverted liy the stern authority of superior historical deductions.' Hixt.
Aiir. Aiiiri:, ])]>. '2. I l-'J(!, 18S-'.)lt. I'arkerdoes not accept the Jewish theory,
chietly because of the <,'reat variety ot liistinct lan;;ua;,'es in America, but he
|>oiutsout several resemldances between north-we.st tribes and Jews. Fjr/i/oi:
Tour, pp. liM-8. Meyer linds nuiny rea.sons for re^^ardinj.; the wild tribes
of the north as .lews; such as physical peculiarities; numerous customs;
the number of lan<;ua';es pointing; to a Itabylonian confusion of tongues.
Most Indians have hij,'h-priests' temples, altars, and a sacred ark which
tliey carry with them on their \vanderin;;s. They count by four sea.sons,
celebrate new-moon ami arbor festivals, and oti'er first fruits. In Se])tcm-
ber, when the sun enters the sij,'n of the scales, they hold their feast of
atonement. The name Iowa he thinks is derived from Jehova. They
work with one hand and carry their wcajions in the other. The pillars of
cloud and pillars of lire which guided the Israelites, may be volcanoes on the
east coast of .Asia, by whose aid the ten tribes reached .America. Xnrfi itrin
S'lrrfniinito, pp. '241-.5. If the Toltecs were .lews, they must have visited the
Old World in the year 7i>3of the Uoman era, to obtain the Christian dogmas
apparent in their cult. Wolilrr/,-, ]'iii/. Pilf. , \t. 4'i. The Navajo trailitioii
tiiat they came out of the wafer a long way to the north; their ]ieaceful,
jtastoral manner of life; their aversion to hogs' llcsli; their belief that they
will return to the water whence they canu', instead of going to hunting-
griHinds like other tribes; their |)ro])hets who jn'ophesy and receive revela-
tion; their strict fast-d.iys, and keenness in trade; their comjiaratively
good treatment of women— arc Jewish similarities, stronger than any tribes
can present. 'Scalping ai)pears to have been a Hebrew custom The
most striking custom of apparently Hebraic origin, is the )»eriodical separa-
tion of females, and the stron<; and universal idea of uncleanuess connected
therewith.' Schoolcni/t'n Arch., vol. iii., pp. GO, 02. The Tartars are proba-
r"
I
) 'j
or.
ORIGIN OK THK AMKHICANS.
! I
Thu ju'count given l)y the l3ook of Mormon, of
hly (U'si'iMidi'd from tlic ten tribes; thov iMinst of l)eiii<j Jowh, are ilividcd
into trild's, iiiid jtractice I'irciiiiK'iHioii. Tii«' Kcpariif ion of women at iTitain
timc»i, and tiiu (■\|ir(>!4:4ion llallelnjaii Volu>\vali, arc |iroofs of .Icwisli du-
Bcent; Hi'alpin^ is mentioned in Hil)le ((Wtli I'salm, ver. III). Cnnr/'urt/'it
Essay. Aecordin},' to various nianuscript.'t tiie 'i'oltecs are of Jc:>vi.sii tle-
sccnt. Having' crossed tiie Ked Sea, they aitandoned themselves to idohi-
try, and fearin;,' Moses' reprimand, thev separateii I'rom tlie rest and erossed
tho ocean to tiiu Seven Caves, and tliere foiindetl Tula. Jiiurros, Hist.
Giiiil., tom. ii., ]i|(. 7-8. Juarez, Municipdliihnl dv Lmii, \>. 10, states
that Leon de Cordova is of the same opinion. Km. de Morae/, a Portu-
{juese, in his History of ltra/.il, thinks uothiii;; hut eircumeision wanting
to form a ])erfect resemUlanee hetween tlie Jewn and Hra/ilians. lie thinks
that America was wludly nooided hy .lews and Cartlia;;inians. I'unrr'.t
Tntr., pp. ISS-'.t. Catlin tiiinks the North Americans are a mi.xed race,
who have Jewish lilooil in them. The mixture is shown hy their skulls,
while many customs are decidedly .Jewish. I'rohahly j.art of trihes scat-
tered hy Christians have come over and intermarried, lie ;;ives analoi,'ics
in monotheism, sanctuaries, trilieship, chosen [)eoplc helief, marriaj;e hy
jjifts, war, burial, aiilutions, feasts, sacrilices, and other customs. Any
philolo^^'ical similarity is unnecessary and sni.erlluous. The Jew element
was too feeble to inlluence lan;,'ua<j;e. Vaf/iii s X. Amrr. Intl., vol. ii., pp.
231 .'>. Melj^ar jrives a list of the Chia]>ance calendar names, and linds
f.iurteen aj;ree with suitable Hebrew wm-ds. He cttucludes, therefore, that
ancient intercourse with the Old World is pmven. Sur. Mr.c. (tiiki., Jio/rtin,
'ida epoea, torn, iii., j>. 108. Jarvis, Ri'liij'oii I ml. A.Amn:, pp. 71-87,
eomnares words in llct.rew and American lan;;naj;es. Ktlian .Smith, ]'irirs
of the l/cliiru's, presents eleven arjfuments in favor of the Jewish theory.
Heatty, Joiiriidl of Tiro Mohths' Tour in America, f^ives a number of
reasons why the llebrew theory should be correct. See further, for {gen-
eral review of this theory: Crow's Coif. Avicr., pp. (it-S; JJomoirrh's
Deserts, vol. i., jip. 4(i-!>; Siiiioii's Ten Trihes, which is, however, merely
a cheaj) abridjjcment of Kin^sborou<;h; Dallij, Bnees Iiii/i;/.. ]![>. .'i C;
Thorowgood's Jcices in. Amerien; U'orsleifs Amer. Iiid., jip. 1-185; L'J-J.s-
trnnge, Americans no Jeircs; Sjiizelius, Elevatio lielationis, a criticism on
Mena.tse lien hrael's Jlopc of Israel; Tsehiidi's Penirian Aiiti(/., pi). 8-11.
In o)i]iosition to the Hebrew tlieory wc read that Wolll", the Jew-
traveler, found no Jewish traces amon^ the trilies of North America.
Fontaine's How the World teas J'enplrd, p. 1,")7. 'The stniii;j; trait in
Hebrew compound wonls, of insertinj,' the syllalde el or a .■•;iii;,'le letter in
the names of children, derived from either the primary or sccomlary names
of the deity, does not prevail in any Indian tril)es kiu)wn to inc. Neither
are circumstances attending; their birth or parenta^a', which were so often
u.sed in the Hebrew children's names, ever nieinimied in these conipouiuls.
Indian children are <;enerally named from some atniosiihe.c ])henoiue-
iion. There are no traces of the rites o' circumcision, anointinj^, sprink
linj;, or washinij, considered as consocri
reported as existin;.; anion;; the Sitkas, oi.
ination ])roved it to be a mistake.' Sc'i
The Hev. T. Thorow<,'ood in 1050, pub
America, or Prolmbilitirs that the Amerii
answered in 1051, by .Sir Hamon L'Kstran^
no Jeiccs. L'Estranjfe believes that Amer
dispersion of the Jews, which took ])lacc
strong mixture of Jewish blood would ha
etc.. which are not to be found. The nati'.
be regarded as dreams rather than as true stories. The analogous customs
and rites adduced by Thorowgood, L'Kstrati'je goes on, are amply refuted
bv .\costa and other writers. The occasional cannibalism of the Jews was
ed syniliols. Circumcision was
he Missouri; but a strict exani-
leraft's Arch., vol. iii., j). 61.
led a work entitled Jeircs in
>■• are of that Uarc. This was
in a book entitled, Americatis
. was peopled long before the
lOO years after the flood. A
> l>roduced distinct customs,
traditions as to ori'jin are to
MORMON DOCTllINE OF OliKilX.
97
tlic settlement of America by the Jews, i.s as fol-
lows i-"-"
After the confusion of ton«;ues, when men wore
scattered over the whole face of the earth, the Jar-
e(Htes, a Just ]>eoi)le, liavin;L»' found I'avor in the sight
of the Eternal, miraculously crossed the ocean in
cii^ht vessels, and landed in North America, where
tliey huilt lar^e cities and developed into Ho irishinjij
and hi.ylily civilized nations. But their descendants
did evil before the Lt)rd, in spite of repeated pro-
phetic warnino's, and were finally destroyed for their
wickedness, about lifteen hundred years al'ter their
arrival, and six hundred before the birth of Christ.
These first inhabitants of America were rej)laced
1)V an emioratiou of Israelites, "who were miracu-
ciiuscil liy faiuiiu', l>ut that of the Ainerirans was n ri';,'iilar institution.
Tiio ar;:uiiK'iit Iliat tlic Aiiii'ricaii.s air Jews liucau.se tlicy liavi' not the
•jospci, is woi'tliy only of riilii'ulc, scoinj; that nilllionH of otiicr i>ai;ans arc
111 tlie same condition. Of tlie IIcIji-i'w tln'<ii-y I'aldwin, wIlo tlcvotcH
nearly two j)a<,'i's to it. writ(^s: 'tlii.s wild notion, oalli'd a tlu'ory, scarcidy
di'sfi'vos so nun'h attontion. It is a lunatic fancy, ]>ossildu only to men of
acci'tain class, which in our time docs not nnilti|i!y.' Aiir. Amn:, ]). 1(17.
Tschudi rcj;arils the ar;,'unicnts in favor of the .lewish theory as unsound.
I'criin'ini Aii/i<j.. ]>. II. .\costa thinks that the Jews wouhl luive ]iri;-
servcd their lan;,'ua;;e, customs, and records, in America as well as in other
jilaces. Ili.sf. (/(■ /i(.i Viii/., J)]). 7!) S(t. Mac;;re^'(ir ar^jiics that the .Amer-
icans could not have heen Jews, for the latter ]K'o|ile were aciiuainted with
the use of iron as far hack as the time of 'J'lihal Cain; they also used milk
and wheateii hrea<l, wliicli the -Vmericaiis could and would liave used if
they had once known of them. J'rui/rr.is tif Amn\, vol. i., j). 2-{. Moiitaiitis
hciieves that America was jieonled lonjx hefore the time of the dis|)eision of
the .lewish trihes, and raises oojectioiis to nearly every point tliat has heen
adduced in favor of a llelirew orij^iii. X/'niiir ]l'crrrl(f, p. '_'(!, et seij. Tor-
uucniada ;;ives Las t'asas' reasons for helievinjj that the Americans are of
.lewish descent, and refutes them. Mmitinj. tmf., toin. i., ])]). 22-7. Tlio
ditl'crence of jihysical or^aiii/atiou is alone sullicieiit to set aside the ques-
tion of .lewisli orif^in. That so conservative a ])eople as the .lews should
have lost all the traditiiuis, customs, etc., of their race, is absurd. DrniO'
rnitic liiviiu; vol. xi., p. (>17. Kalinesrine advances, as olijectious to
(lew theory, that the ten trihes are to he found scattered over .\sia; that
the Sahhath would never have fallen into disuse if they had once intro-
duced it into .America; that the Hebrew km .r the use of iron, had plows,
and employed writini,'; that circunicision is practiced only in one or two
localities in America; that the shar]i, strikiajL; .lewish features arc not
found in Americans; that the Americans eat hojis and other animals for-
hiddon to the .Tews; that the American war customs, such as sealpini;,
turttiriii":;, cannihalism, painting bodies and fioinj? naked, are not .Jewish in
the least; that the American languages are not like Hebrew. PriesCs
Amn: Aniiq., ])p, 70-0.
^'2 [ translate freely from Bcrtraiul, Memoires, p. 32, et seq., for this
account.
Vol. V. 7
! I
t i
f iii
I ,,
08 ORI(;i\ OF THE AMERICANS.
loiLsly brouglit from Jerusalem in tlie first year of
the reiijii of Zeilekiah, kiiii:>- of Judah. For some
time they traveled in a south-easterly direction, fol-
lowing the coast of the lied Sea; afterwards they
took a more easterly course, and finally arrived at
the borders of the Great Ocean. Plere, at the com-
mand of CJod, they constructed a vessel, which bore
them safely across the Pacific Ocean to the western
coast of South America, where they landed. In the
eleventh year of the reign of this same Zedekiah,
when the Jews were carried captive to Babylon,
some descendants of Judah came from Jerusalem to
North America, whence they emigrated to the north-
ern parts of South America. Their descendants
were discovered by the first emigrants about four
hundred years afterwards.
The first emigrants, almost immediatelv after their
arrival, separated themselves into two distinct na-
tions. The people of one of these divisions called
themselves Nephites, from the prophet Nej)]n, who
had conducted them to America. These were j)ersc-
cuted, on account of their righteousness, by the
others, who called themselves Lamanites, from La-
man, their chief, a wicked and corru})t man. The
Ne[)hites retreated to the northern parts of South
America, Avhile the Ijamanites occupied the central
and southern regions. The Nephites possessed a
copy of the five books of jVtoses, and of the ])roplu'ts
as far as Jeremiah, or until the time when they left
Jerusalem. These writings were engraved on plates
of brass. After their arrival in America they man-
ufactured similar ])lates, on which they engraved
their history and })ro))hotic visions. All these rec-
ords, ke))t by men ins[)ired of the Holy Ghost,
were carefully preserved, and transmitted from gen-
eration to generation.
(h)d gave them the whole continent of America
as the promised land, declaring that it should be a
heritage for them and for their children, provided
WM
BBi>J''*i'^'k.(..u
NF.PHITES AND LAMANMTKS.
they ko[)t hi
(Inioiits. The Nephltcs, bU
ooninif
l>v (fod, pros{)ered iiiid s])ro<id cast, west, and north.
'I'nev dwelt hi iniiueiise cities, with temples and fort-
resses; they cultivated the earth, hred domestic ani-
mals, and worked mines ot" iL>'old, silver, lead, and
iron. The arts and .sciences flourished amon^' them,
and as lon<>- as they ki'pt CJod's connnandments, they
enjoyed all the henetits of civilization and national
prosperity.
The l^amanites, on the contrary, hy reason of the
hardness of their hearts, were i'rom the iirst deserted
of (lod. Before their buckslidinn* they were white
and I'oniely as the Nephites; hut in conse(|Uence of
the divine curse, they sank into the lowest harharisni.
hnplacahle enemies of the Nephites, they waited war
aL;aiiist that people, and strove hy every means in
their power to destroy them. Ihit they were !»radu-
ally repulsed with iL;reat loss, and the innumerahlo
tumuli which are still to he seen in all parts of the
two Americas, cover the remains of the warriors slain
in these hloody conilicts.
The second colony of Hehrews, mentiont'd ahove,
horo the name of Zavahenda. They also liad many
civil wars, and as they had not brought any historical
records with them from Jerusalem, they soon fell
into a state of atheism. At the time when they
were discovered hy the Nephites they wvvo very
numerous, but liveil in a condition of semi-barbarism.
The Ne])hitcs, however, united themselves with
them, and taught them the sacred Scriptures, so that
before long the two nations became as one. Shortly
afterwards the Nephites built several vessels, by
nuaiis of which they sent ex[»t'ditii»ns towards the
nd ibunded numei'ous colonies. ( )thv'rs emi-
\u<:Ui, a
grateil by land, and in a short time the whole of
the nortliern continent was peopled. At this time
North America was entirely di'stitute of wood, the
t'orcsts having been destroyed by the Jaredites, the
Hr>,t colonists, who came from the tower of IJahel;
f H'f
i I
i ' I
too
OIUOIN OF THE AMERICANS.
but tho Noi)hite.s constructed houses of cement and
brouij^ht wood by sea from tho south; takin<^ care,
besides, to cultivate immense plantations. Large
cities sprang up in various parts of the continent,
both among the Lamanites and the Nephites. The
latter contimied to observe the law of Moses; nu-
merous prophets arose among them; they inscribed
their prophecies and historical annals on i)lates of
gold or other metal, and upon various other mate-
I'ials. riiey discovered also the sacred records of the
Jaredites, engraved on plates of gold; these they
translated irito their own language, by the help of
(»o(l and the Vv'un Thummim. The Jaredite ar-
chives contained the history of man from the creation
of the world to the building of the tower of Babel,
and fron) tliat time to the total destruction of the
Jaredites, embracing a period of thirty-four or thirty-
five centuries. They also contained the marvelous
projthecies which foretold what would hap})on in the
worhl until tlie end of all things, and the creation of
a new he;\ven and a new earth.
The Ne))liites were informed of the birth and
deatli of C'hrist by certain celestial and terrestial
])hen()mena, which had long before been predicted
by their })rophets. But in spite of the numerous
blessings which they had received, they fell at
length from grace, and were terribly punished for
their ingratitude and wickedness. A thick dark-
ness covered tho whole continent; earthquakes cast
mountains into valleys; many towns were swallowed
u]), and others were destroyed by fire from heaven.
Thus perishud the most jterverse among the Nephites
and Lamanites, to the end that the blood of the
saints and ])rophets might no longer cry out from the
earth against them. Those who survived the.se Judg-
ments received a visit from Christ, who, after his
ascension, ai)i)eare(l in the midst of the Ne[)hites, in
the northern ]iart of South America. His instruc-
tions, the foundation of a new Inw, were engraved <tM
i,*iiyii
THE IJOUK OF MOllMON.
101
])latcs of i^'old, iiiul some of thoiii arc to I)c f(»uiul iii
tlio Book of Monnoii; but by far tlio j^roatcr }>ai't of
them will bo rovoalod only to thu saints, at a future
time.
When Christ hjtcl ended his mission to the Ne-
]>liites, he ascended to heaven, and the a|)t)stles desijj^-
uatcd by him went to preach his gospel throughout
the continent of America. In all })arts the Xe[)hites
and i^amanites were converted to the Lord, and ior
three centuries they lived a ji^odly life. Ihit ti)ward
the end of the fourth century of the Chiistian era,
they returned to their evil ways, and once more they
were smitten !)y the arm of the Almi<j;lity. A terri-
hle war broke out between the twi) nations, which
tMided in the destruction of the un^Tateful Nephites.
Driven by their enemies towards the nurtli and
north-west, they were defeated in a fhial battle near
the hill of Cumorah,'-" where their historical tablets
have been since found. Hundreds of thousands of
warriors fell on both sides. Tlie Nephites were
utterly destroyed, with the exception of some few
who either passed over to the enemy, escaped by
fliylit, or were left for dead on the field of battle.
AnKdiy- thes(i last were Mormon and his son ^loroni,
both upright men.
Mormon had written on tablets an e])it<)me of the
aiuials of his ancestors, which epitome he entitled
the IJook of AEormon. At the command of (Jotl he
buried in the hill of Cumorah all the orij^inal records
in liis })ossession, and at his death he left his (jwn
book to his son !Moroni, who survived him l)y some
years, that he mi^ht contimie it. Moi'oni tells us in
his writings that the Lamanites eventually extermin-
ated the lew Ne[»hites who had escajKxl the General
slaughter at the battle of C-umoi'ah, spariuij;" those
only who had t^one over to their side. He himself
csi'jipod by conct.-alment. The conipierors slew with-
itiit mercy all who would not renounce Christ, lie
■'^'^ III thu State of New York.
(■^r
IIT
102
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
t: S
tells, further, that the Lamanites had many dreadful
wars amoiig themselves, and that the whole land was
a scene of incessant nmrder and violence. Finally,
he adds that liis work is a complete record of all
events that happened down to the year 420 of the
Christian era, at which time, by divine command, he
buried the Book of Mormon in the hill of (Jumorah,
where it remained until removed by Joseph >Smith,
September 22, 1827.='"
Much has been written to prove that the north-
western part of America was discovered and peo])led
by Scandinavians l<)nt>' before the time of Columbus.
Altliou<j;'h a great part of the evidence upon which
this belief rests, is unsatisfactory and mixed up with
mucli that is vague and undoul^tedly fabulous, yet it
seems to be not entirely destitute of historical proof
Nor is there any improbability that such daring
navigators as the Northmen may have visited and
colonized the coasts of Greenland, Labrador, and
Newfoundland. 1 find in this opinion an almost
exact parallel to the so-called 'Tartar theory.' It is
true the distance between Europe and north-eastern
America is much greater than that between Asia
*•* The (liscovory Avas in this wise: Tres du village de Manchester,
duns Ic I'otiitc d'Oiitario, Ktat dc Now York, sc troiivi- uno (MniiicnL'e ])lus
considi'rahli' (lue celjc des environs, etqni est dcvonne celebre dans Ics fastes
do la nmivelle E^dise sons le uoin de Cnniorali. Snr Ic llane oceidental
dc cette ('(dline, non loin de son sonnnet, et sons inie jiierre d'nnc ij;van(le
dimension, des Iiunes d'or se tronvaient deposees dans nil eollVe de pierre.
Le (M)uvercle en ttait aniinci vers ses liords, et releve an niilien en forme do
l)')nle. Apres avoir dega^'o la terre, .loseidi (Smith) souleva le eonverclc h
I'uiile il'nn levier, et tronva Ics plaipies, rUrim-Tlinnimim, et le pectoral.
Le cotl're etait forme de jiicrrcs rcliccs cntre ellcs anx an;,des par dn ciiiiciit.
An fond se trouvaicnt denx ]iicrrcs |)lates i)lacees en cruix, et snr ccs pier-
res Ics lames d'or et les antres olijcts. Joseph voulait Ics enlcver, mais il
en fnt enipeehe par I'envoye divin, <ini I'infonna (pie le temps nV'tail pan
en«or(! venn, et (|n'il fallait attcndre nnatie aiis a jiartir dc eette c]mh|1ic.
D'apres ses instructions, Joseph se rcndit tons Ics ans le mcine jonr an lien
dn depot, pour lecevoir dc la hoiichc dn messa;;er celeste, des instrnctioiH
snr la nianicre dont le royaiinie d<! I>icn tlevait ctrc fonde ct fjonveriic diiiis
les dcrniers joui,-:. . . . FiC 'J'2 Hcptemhre 1827, le mcssajicr des cieux liii laissa
prendre Ics plaqiics, rrriin-Tlnimmim et Ic pectoral, ii condition <|iril sciait
responsahlo, ct en Tavertissant (jiril serait rffnni'-/ir, s'il vcnait a pcniii^
CCS olijcts jiar sa nefilijicnce, mais on'il serait proti'-jrc s'il faisuit tons .ses
ell'orts pour lc8 coubcrver.' JJcrtnina, Mimoirvs, i)ih '23-5.
SCANDINAVIAN THEORY.
103
and north-western America, but would not the great
disparity between the maritime enterprise and skill
of the Northmen and Asiatics, make the Noi'th At-
lantic as navigable for the former as Bering Strait
for the latter? It is certain that Iceland was settled
by the Northmen from Norway at a very early date;
there is little reason to doubt that Greenland was in
turn colonized from Iceland in the tenth century;
if this be conceded, then the question whether the
Northmen did actur.lly discover the country now
known as America, certainly ceases to wear any
appearance of imi)robability, for it would be unrea-
sonable to suppose that such renowned sailors could
live for a great number of years within a short voy-
age of a vast continent and never become aware of
its existence. It would l)e absurd, however, to be-
lieve that the entire continent of America was peo-
pled by Northmen, because its north-eastern borders
wore visited or even colonized by certain adventurous
sea-rovers.
All that is known of the early voyages of the
Xorthmen, is contained in the old Icelandic Sagas.
The geiuiineness of the accounts relating to the dis-
covery of America has been the subject of much
discussion. Mv B. P. De Costa, in a carefully studied
nu)n()gra|)h on the subject, assures us that there can
be no doubt as to their authenticity, and I am
strt)ngly inclined to agree with him. It is true that
no less eminent authors than George Bancroft and
Washington Irving have expressed opinions in oppo-
sition to DeCosta's views, but it must be rememl)ercd
that neither of these distinguished gentlemen made a
Very profound study of the Icelandic Sagas, indeed
living directly states that he "has not had the
nieans of tracing this story to its original sources;"
nor must we forget that neither the author of the
'Life of Columbus,' nor ho of the 'History of the
Colonization of the United States,' could be expected
ti» willingly strip the laurels from the brow of his
m
I
h
ft
i
'i*
'^'.A
^r
11
i d^
104
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
familiar hero, Christopher Cohiinbus, and concede
the honor of the 'first discovery' to ;he northern sea-
kiniL^s, whose exploits are so vaui'uely recorded.''^''
Do Costa's defence of the genuineness of the ac-
counts referred to is simple and to the point. "Those
who imaj^ine," he writes, "that these manuscri})ts,
while of pre-CV)luml)ian origin, have been tam})ered
with and interi)olated, show that they have not the
faintest concei)tion of the state of the question. The
accounts of the voyages of the Xorthmen to America
form the Jramcwork of Sagas which would actually
be destroyed by the elimination of the narratives.
There is only one question to be decided, and that is
the dafc of these compositions." "That these manu-
scripts," ho adds, "belong to the pre-Columbian age,
is as cajiablo of demonstration as the fact that the
writings of Homer existed prior to the age of Christ.
Before intelligent persons deny either of these points
they mus^ first succeed in blotting out numberless
pages of well-known history. The manuscri})ts in
which we have versions of all the Sagas relating to
*i^ Thoufili the question of the Scaiulinavinn discoveries would seem to
merit ('(iiiHidcralde iittentioii froui one who wrote a 'colonial history' of
America, vet Mr (Jeor;^e IJancroft disposes <»f the entire suliject in a I'-.in^jle
paij;e: 'The story of the coloiii/ation of America hy Northmen,' he .vrites,
'rests on narratives, mytholo;,Mcai in form, andohscnre in meaniiif;-; ancient,
yet not contemporary. The chief document is an interpolaticni in the his-
tory of Sturleson, whose zealous curiosity could hardly have nej^lected the
discovery of a continent. The },'eoj,'rai)liical details are too va;,'ue to sus-
tain a conjecture; the accounts of the mild winter and fertile soil arc, on
any modc^rn hyiiothesis, lictitioiis or exa^'j^erated; the description of the
natives applies only to the Esnuimaux, inlial)itants of hy])erl)orean re;;ions,
the remark which should delme the k'n;;th of the shortest winter's day,
has received interpretations adapted to every latitude fnnn New ^'orlv in
Cape Farewell; and Vinland has heen sou^tht in all diiections, from (Jrct'ii-
hiiul and the St. Lawreiu'e to Africa.' Jlmirrofl'.s Jiin/ari/, vol. i., ]ip. ."i-O.
Irving says that as far as ho 'has had experience in tracinjf these stories of
early discoveries of portions of the New World, he has <,aMieialIy found
them very contident deductions drawn from very vague and ((uestionalilc
facts. Learned men are too prone to give snl>stance to mere sluuhtws, wlu'U
they assist some orcconceived llu'm'y. Most of these ncc(Mints, when di-
vested of the ermlile comments of their editors, have proved little hetlcr
than the fraditiomiry faldes, noticed in another ])art of this work, resjicci-
ing the inuiginary islands of St. |{oron<lon, ami of the Seven Cities. Cu-
luiiiltiis, vol. iii., p. -i'.U. All of which would certainly he true enougli nt
most theories, hut that it was erroneous as far as the Northmen's visits arc
concerned, has, I think, been conclusively shown in later years.
THE ICELANDIC SAGAS "
"-; lato»t. This ,Jl„ci™ '':„!;?'■ "^f ' "'■ '«'« "
"'«! execute,! i,, the Iii.^.o" 'st "lo V . ■**™'" '■•'"•'^.
served ,„ its intei.rityi.r' tl,^.-^ 1° "'■'' '" ""W pre-
o-en Tliow,. , •-'"V "1 tJio archives i^f r< ^i
•r*:"j /^^'^^^ "laiiirscripts were for n f .\ ^"l>*^^"''a-
ost, but were ulti.nutely fou' j ^"^1 "TT""^ *«
tlieir ro))ositorv in thr> ,.. "^^ . " «afely loc o-ed i,,
"f f .4 fr„„A"] e te tv w'^ ''"'"■'';"'' «'«»'»"
]'0"lK.gen witi, a lar4 q ™ti)v f '?,"»'^''''ed to Co
tenal colloctoj from ™,.? " 1 •^,".- """"' ^'^•■^V >m-
iiave early l,ecome .i,,,,are,,t\«' ?''""""'■ " ^"'"M
for iletectino- frauds' v.^ti '*'"'" J'"'* moans exist
tl.e «.|,ole .pest^ul^,„Vfir "'"' ''I™ "^■■""' J
validates their histoi-i, ., I f ""^ evidence tJuit in
tl'e.'erore, of rel^ 'S'e' f,^"""'"- . I" ""-.bit ';
we accept it as a fac tint ,""^« '° "'" ""'"'■"■7
America are the nroductio ns f" ^""""' '"'''tin^ to
"' their present WmT'JX t "'? "'!" «"" t^'-"
^"^t^iJ:^i;rtfi:f^™'^'''^'""'''"™"-
"■■'' ■"''m,scri,,ts .■ ro toi"?;;;r "' «"«" "' 'I'c o,-i„i.
'jei-odnced i,', theh- ^ti tvT"' '■","' '""'"^ '" I e
''-"■or to give a rcsuin •''o^f .^^^Z :it '■''''' ^
M
I ■ i
106
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
! :
j^reat extent, an 'abstract of tl>e liistorical evidence
for the discovery of America by the Scandinavians
in the tenth century,' given in the Journal of the
Koyal (j!eoi>raphical Society.^"
Eric the Ued, in the sprinjjf of 980,^"* eniiin^rated
from Icehxnd to Greenhmd, and founded a settlement
there. One of his companions was Heriulf Bardson,
whose son, Biarne, was at that time absent on a
tradintjf voyage to Norway. Biarne, on his return to
Iceland, resolved "still to spend the following' winter,
like all the preceding,' ones, with his father," and to
that end set sail for Greenland. But, owinii^ to the
northerly winds and fo«>s, and to the fact that neither
he nor any of his followers had ever naviijcated these
seas before, Biarne lost his way. When the weather
cleared up they found themselves in si^ht of a
stranji^e I.i'.mI, which they left to larboard. After
two days' sail they again sighted land; and once
more standing out to sea, they, after three days, saw
land a tliird time, which proved to be an island.
Again they bore away, and after four days' sailing
reached Cjreenland.
Some time after this, Leif, a son of Eric the Red,
having heard of Biarne's discoveries, bought his ship,
manned it with a crew of thirty men, and set out
from (Greenland, about the year 1000. The first land
they sighted was that which Biarne had seen last;
this they named Helluland."^ They put out to sea
!" Vol. viii., p. 114, ctscq.
"8 The pxiu't (lutes in these relations I oannot vonrli for; hut the .several
authors who liave written on the suhjei't ililler by only a year or two.
'■3 ' llelliiland, from llrlla, a Hat .stone, au ahumlani-e of wiiich may lie
found in Laltrailor and the re;iioii round ahout.' lie Cuatn's I'n'-Colitmhiitn
Dixr. A iiicr., \). 28. ' From data in the Landnama and several other aneieiil
Icelandic ideographical works, we may ;jalher that the distance of a day's sail-
in}^ was estimat'.'d at from twenty-seven to thirty },'co;,'rai>liical mil(.'s (tlci-
inan or Danish, of which tifteen are eijual to a dejjree; eaciiof these acconl-
in;;ly c(|ual U\ four Kn;ilisli .sea-miles). From the island of lleliuland,
afterwards called l..ittle liellidand, Hiarne sailed to Herinll'snes (Iki^^eit) in
(ireenland, with stronj; sontli-westerly K"li''<> •'* f"'"" days. The distamc
between that cap<! anil NnrfoHmllKiid is aliout lot) miles, which will cor-
respond, when we take into consideration the stron;; j^alcs. In modem
descriptions it is stated that this land partly consists of naked, rocky ll.i!-^.
where no tree, not uvea a, shrub, can grow, ami which are therefore nsualiy
VOYACiES OF THE NOIITIIMEN.
107
and soon came to anotlior land, whitli tlioy naniod
Markland.^^ Aijftiin tlioy sttuxl out to sea, and alter
two days lanie to an island. They then sailed west-
ward, anil afterwards went on shore at a place "svliero
a river, ixsniny- from a lake, fell into the fsea. Brinj^-
in^' their ship uj) the river, they anchored in the lake.
Here they settled for a time, and lindiny' vines in
the country, they named it Vinland.'^'-' \ n the spring*
they returned to (Jreenland.
This expedition to Vinland was much talked of,
and Thorwald, Leif's bn)ther, thought that the new
country had not heen thoroui>hly enough exploi-ed.
Then Leif lent his ship to Thorwald, who set out
ior N'inland ahout the year 1002. Tjjere he and his
Clew wintered, and ahout the year 1004 they set sail
to tlie eastward. On this voyage Thorwald was
killed hy tho natives. At his reipiest his followers
icturned to A'inland and huried his remains theie.
In 1005 they sailed a,<>ain to (Jreeidand, hearini; the
sad news of his brother's death to Leif.
Thorstein, Erie's third son, soon afterwards set out
in the same shij) for Vinland, to fetch his Itrother's
body. He was accompanied hy his wife (ludrida,
ami twentv-tivo stronijf men, but after tossiny* ahout
on the ocean durinu^ the whole smnmer, they finally
landed ai»ain on tho (Ireenland coast, where Thor-
stein died durinyf the winter.
CiiUcil P,nrrni!<\ thus iiUHWcriiij^ comiilctoly to tlio hellitr of tin; ancient
Niiitliiiu'ii, from wliicli llicy naincil tin- coiintiv.' Alis/ract of Hist, luid.,
ill l.iind. (iioij. Si)<\, Joiir., vol. viii.. \t. l'2'A.
''''> '.Mmicliiiiil was situate to tlic soiilli-\\est of llelluianil. distant about
tiiici- days" sail, or al>oiit from eij;lily to ninety miles. It is therefore Xorii
Sri, /ill, of wliieh the tieseriptions jjiven liy later writers answer to that
^'iven l)v the aneient Northmen of NIarklaiid." lii.
"' 'Vinland was situate at the distaiiee of two days' sail, eoiiNe(|Ueiitly
alioiil from lifty-foiir to sixty miles, in a south-westerly direetiiui from
MarKlaiid. The distance from Cajte Nahle to Cajte Cod is stated in nau-
tical works as lieinj; W. hy S. ahout seventy lea;,'ues, that is, ahout lifty-
two miles, liiarne's (U'scri|>tion of the coasts is very accurate, and iu the
island situate to the eastward (iH'twecn which and the iironiontory tliat
Ntictclics to eastward and northward Leif sailed) we recojjnize Nantucket.
'I'lic aiici(Mit Northmen found there many shallows (ijriiuDxn: fiii iiii/.it);
iiiiidcni navigators make mention at th(> same {dace "of numerous rill's and
other shoals," and say "that tho whole presents an aspect of drowned
J,f!
T
i;
'i
f
■1
IH
1
fflpli
i
108
OUKJIN OF THE AMEllICANS.
The next voyage to Viiiland was made by one
Thortinn Karlsetiie, a man of noble lineage, who
occupied hi.s time in merchant voyages and was
thought a good trader. In the summer of 100(j he
fitted t)ut his shij) in Iceland for a voyage to Green-
land, attended by one Snorre Thorbrandson and a
crew of forty men. At the same time another ship
was fitted out for the same destination by Biarne
Grimolfson and Thorhall Gandason, and manned with
a crew of forty men also. All being ready, the two
ships put out to sea, and both arrived safely at
Eriesfiord in Greenland, where Leif and Gudrida, the
widow of Leif's late brother, Thorstein, dwelt.
Here ThorHnn fell in love with the fair Gudrida, and
with Leif's consent, married her that winter.
The discovery of Vinland was much talked of
among tlie settlers, for thev all believed that it was
a good country, and that a voyage there would be
very profitable; and Thorfinn was urged and at
length j)crsuaded to undertake the adventure. Ac-
cordingly, in the spring of 1007 he fitted out his ship,
and Biarne Grimolfson and Thorhall Cilaudason did
the same with theirs. A third ship, commanded by
one Thorward, also joined the expedition. And on
Thorward's ship a man named Thorhall, 'commonly
called the hunter,' who had been the huntsman of
Eric in the summer, and his steward in the winter,
also went.
As this is probably the most important of all the
Northmen's voyages to America, 1 will give it in
full: "They sailed first to the Westerbygd, and
afterwards to Biarncy. From thence they sailed in
a southerly direction to Helluland, where they found
land."' III., p]). 121-2. 'The Icadinj; evidences .serve to attest that ^'i^-
laiid \va.s tlie |iresent very iiiarkeil Heabourd area of New Kii^hiiid. Tlic
nautical fact.s have heeu carefully examined by Profes.sor.s Hafn and Ma;;-
iiu.sen, and the historical data adapted to the conll;;uration uf the eoa^-t
which has ('ape Cod as its distin<ruisliin<^ trait. All this seems to have
been done with surprising accuracy, and is illustrated by the present hi;.'li
state of the arts in Denmark and (ierniany.' tSchoolcrufCs Arch., vol. i.,
p. 111.
VOYAGES OF THE NORTFr^fEN.
many foxes. From thcneo they
109
sailofi
-o,^nnv„ with wo,.l, ,„„, ',J
animal
leavjijcr
'^ country
^•^V. direction f
;L;X'"™'i'^"^«'"':!'«i ^iii;
or a ](
ey continued saiJ
"'S- in a
«t;"-i>oa,.l, until tl ey atl„ .Jr ^'^^^'^"^ ^''^ ^^'cl to
--•e t,.ere ..re t.^ci^et^ttS"':i^,^''^^--^-
and
.saiK
les
len
z/'ii'fe:''vw^v:'s.cr^:!;'"'«-.>en.«.
't-'if ]iad i
yts witli tlieu), HaJvu
"••"•eoiaii Kino- (>j.if"T.\,""''"'^'"^^ I'oceived fmm
■y «^vift of fbot. "IW nut^f '""^''' •^"'' ^^J'- ^vero
:;-fet,.emtoproS/^^^'--j^^^^^^^^
and HeJcia, whom I
the iV
explore th
tli«y returned I
le cou
-;•^eearsof^vheaC^vhich
'.y oontmued their cou
'••"'.i,-"',i,'-.with tJ.em
'Oil, and
•mo of thi-ee day
]»Iace wlie
o-I
some o-ra
'o^y wihl in that
pes and
»"f^e until tl
I'cqion.
-'''■«.o,„o;;i:?l'-;*«'''.d')w;ini7t,;
of it
"I' tie firth. On th
,",'""'>er of eydorducl
^vas an island
'ley oanie to
e counti-y,
» ^vas also tl
past M'hich tl
lere
':.<•■: *i.oi«i™<ithr;r:fL';'-'-
:s, so that it
^vere an inm
I en. so
''^;; ^;> ^^-^^Ik withoutl,;^£^ '' ^^»^ «^-'"vely possi
<?' ^'^l. tJ.e island StraumeW^^." ^^''''\ '^^'- '^^^'^y
^'•tJi Straun.HM,vI.. /cu "'"''•X. ('Stream- f.sle). anrJ ^J.-:.
lumh'ordr (Stream-FirtI
t le .shore of this firtl
tlieir \viutni- ,.,>„;,]-..
').
22.1 rr
winter
J'eautiful. Tl
I'esidence. Tl
'» ''I'ld mad
liev
le count)
"), and tl
J «ey landed
I^i-eparations f
10
on
or
confined their op.^^t
7 was extieniely
^"^ the count.y. T ;l: ;^"' ;>^''^'tions to expl
])i-oceed m a N j- ^^^'^^^ «itter\v.,nJ« ,..:..i,.-.'.
ii'ection in
wi.shed t
>ii.>iieo to
quest of Viuolaml.
i"2 <|- , 1 - w. V iueiand
^='xB^~!^»""^^^^^^
i- 5
f.
m^
■' :'
110
ORIGIN OF THK AMERICANS.
Kurlsofiio chose rather to <^o to tlie S.W. Thorhall,
untl jiloMif with him oit^ht men, (iiiittod them, and
sailed ])ast Furdustrandir and Kiahirnes, hut they
were driven by westerly j»'ales to the coast of" Ireland,
where, accordinj^ to the accounts of some traders,
they W'ere beaten and made slaves. Karlsefhe, to-
f»ether with Snorre and Biarnc, and the rest of the
ships' companies, in all 151 (cxxxi.) men, sailed
southwards, and arrived at the place, where a river
falls into the sea from a lake. Opposite to the
mouth of the river were hum; islands. Thev steered
into the lake, and called the ]>lace Hoj) (/' 116[k').
On the low i^rounds they found fields of wheat u-row-
iny wild, and on the risiinjf grounds vines. While
lookini; about one nu)rninsif they observed a i^reat
number of canoes. On exhibitiui^ friiMidly sit^nials
the canoes aj)i>roached nearer to them, and the
natives in them looked with astonishment at those
they met there. These people were sallow-ccjloured
or ill-lookin<>", had u<,''ly heads of hair, larj^e eyes, and
broad cheeks. After they had gazed at them for a
while, they rowed away again to the S.W. past the
cape. Karlsefne and his company had erected their
dwelling-houses a little above the bay; and there
they spent the winter. No snow fell, and the cattle
found their food in the oj)en field. One morning
early, in the beginning of 1008, they descried a num-
ber of canoes coming from the S.W. past the cape.
Karlsefne having held up a white shield as a friendly
signal, they drew nigh and immediately commenced
bartering. These people chose hi preference red
cloth, and gave furs and squirrel skins in exchange.
They would fain also have bouglit .^'/ords and spears,
but these Karlsefne and Snorre prohibited their peo-
ple from sellinGf them. In exchamje for a skin en-
tirely gray the Skrellings took a piece of cloth of a
span in breadth, and bound it round their heads.
Their barter was carried on this way for some time.
The Northmen then found that their cloth was be-
^-"■nm,o- to grow scarce, wl.oreimon H
}>fc tiic ^^krdlinj,.s <.avo us ' , . "•^'? hvoadth ;
I-- a.s t],ey j.ui fc:;n:^ri; ." " ;;^:^';, ^^r ""^"-•
"• ovo„ n.orc. Kavhein^ also c „ i I'l" ^^^''«^^'' ^"^'^
'ear oi.t miJk soup, and tJ o SI r''^ *''" ^^•^"•<^" to
^-^to of it, t],c.y <lo.sir d to I,uv i '"'"" '^'''^^'^'"^^ ^'»-
everythn,i. else, so tJiey w, S ^" P^'^^^''«"ee to
^'''« traffic was <.oi„.. ?>„ , /^'""" '^f '*'^«- H'J.ilst
->;t o the wood and be Ej I '"?. '"'''' ''""' ^"^"'^e
M<|dhn..s g.ot terrif,c.d a^^ "' t'f ^-r- ,^^. tin's the
'•"! 'owed away soutluv-ul a ' ^'^ ^^^^■»' ^'^-"'oes,
tJio following winter thr^l n- ^'"^ ''eoinnino- of
;--!;.^^-at^ numbers tlSrlh"^' /'""^ '^«-^ ^
lostihty, ,,.ttino- un Jond ':^„'^''''^;V^ ^ynii.ton.s of
- red shield il b^ l^^ ^::"^; , -^-^-^^no caused
tiiey advanced .-ainst e^ J. '^ '^ ^^''''"' ^^^'ereupon
struck terror into the NorU rnen "/'il ''^'^^- '-^'^'i^
the nver. Freydisa can e o u " ' ^^ *^"^ ^^^ '-^^-"g"
•^J'e tJicreui^on excJainie ' W '""'' '^^^^ *^^^'»^ %ini. •
3'<'u % from these n erablo ^ '^^^"^ "^^'^ Jife
JO-' eouJd knock dow hf 'aUJe '' T^f", ^ *^^oufi].t
; tapon, I ween I could fioLr!' ^^ ^ ^^''^d only a
^;ey heeded not her wo^,^' ^^^ ^}--^ -.y of y^^,. '
;'f them, but the advanced f f' J"} *" ^veep^ace
etarded her. She ho v^er f H ' ' ^''^' P^Wnincy
113
OUIGIN OF THE AMKIIICAXS.
This she todk up, tind })repcired to dcfciul herself.
She uncovered her hreasts, and dashed them against
the naked sword. At tliis siyht tlie Skrelhn^s he-
eanie terrified, and ran off to tiieir canoes. Karlsefne
and tile rest now came up to lier and praised her
couraijfo. Karlsefne and his people were now hecome
aware that, althouyh the country held out many ad-
yantayes, still the life that they would have to lead
here would he one of constant alarm from the hostile
attacks of the natives. They therefore made ju'epa-
rations for de^jarture, with the resolution of retui'uino-
to their own country. They sailed eastward, and
came to Streanifirth. Karlsefne then ten k one of
the ships, and sailed in (|ncst of Thorhall, while the
rest remained l)ehind. They proceeded northwards
round Kialarnes, and after that were carried to the
north-west. The land lay to larhoard of them.
There were thick forests in all dii'ections, as far as
they could see, with scarcely any oi>en space. They
considered the hills at Hope and those Avhich they
now saw as forminii" part of one continuous ramu'e.
They spent the third winter at Streamtirth. Karl-
sefne's sou Snorre was now three years of a^e.
When they sailed from Yineland they had a south-
erly wind, and came to ^NFarkland, where they met
with five Skrellin<4S. They caught two of them (two
hoys), whcm they carried away aloniL>' with them, and
tauoht them the Norse lan^uai^e, and ha})tised them;
these children said that their mother Avas called Ve-
thilldi anil tl.Lir t'ather Uva^y-e; they said that the
Skrellin>is were ruled hy chieftains (kin,<>s), one of
whom was called Avalldamon, and the other Valdi-
dida; that there were no houses in the couvitrv, hut
tliat the ]»eo}»le dwelled in holes and caverns. Biavne
(j!rinu)lfson was di'iven into the Irish Ocean, and
came into waters that were so infested hy worms,
that their ship was in consequence reduced to a sink-
intr state. Some of the crew, however, were saved
in the hoat, as it had heen smeared with seal-oil tai',
'*''!U,tJii
VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN.
113
which is a preventive against the attack of worms.
Karlsefne continued his voyage to Greenland, and
arrived at Ericsfiord."
During the same summer that Karlsefne returned
from Vinland, a ^hip arrived at Greenland from Nor-
way, commanded by two brothers, Helge and Finn-
bo'i^e. And Freydisa, she who had frightened the
Skrellings, went to them and proposed they should
make a voyage to Vinland, and she offered to go
with them on condition that an equal share of what
they obtained there should be hers; and ihej agreed
to this. It was arranged between the brothers and
Freydisa that each should have thirty fighting men,
besides women. But Freydisa secretly brought away
five men more than the allotted number. They
readied Vinland and spent the winter there. During
their stay Freydisa })revailed on her husl)and to slay
tiie two brothers and their followers; the women tiiat
were with them she killed with her own hand. In
tlie spring of the next year they re^^'n-ned to Green-
liind.-2*
In the latter part of the tenth century,^'' one Are
Marson, of Iceland, was driven by storms to Hvitra-
maunaland, or Land of the Whitemen. This country,
which was also called Great Ireland, has been thought
to 1)0 "prol)ably that part of the Coast of North
America Avhich extends southwards from Chesapeak
B;iy, including North and South Carolina, Georgia,
and Florida."^^ Here, also, one Biori Asbmndson
is said to have ended his days.^^
^'^* Soo Abstract of Hist. Evid., in Lond. Geoy. .S'oc, Jour., vol. viii., p.
114, ct sell., ami ])c Costa's Pre-Colioiihuin Disc. A,ni:r., ]>. 11, et seij.
-" in tiie .voiir 1)83, uccording to Ahstruct o/ Hist. J-'rid., in J.oiuf. Gcr.rj.
Soc, Jour., vol. viii., p. 125. I)e Costa niuko.i it lt:-'8. Prc-Volumf ian
Disr. Aiiicr., \\. 8fi.
■'-* 'I'liifi'.ssor Kafn in, what .seems to the anthor, his necillLSs anxiety
to li.\ tiie locality of the Whitc-nmn's land in Anioiiia, says tlia'., us this
part of the nianuseript i.s ilithcult to decijiher, the ori;;inal lettors hKti/ have
jjiil chanjied, and vi inserted "nstuad of .\.\, or xi, whieli numerals wonld
allord time for the voya^ ; reaeh the eoust of America, in the vicinity
(if I'lorida. Smith in his Inalogtirs, has even <;oni! so far as to siipvrrss
tlie term si.v altogether, and sulmtitutes, '"by a number of days suil un-
VoL. V. 8
i m
114
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS,
T do not propose to give here all that has been
said about these voyajj^es, as it would not bo perti-
nent to the question which we are reviewing, namely,
the origin of the Americans. Indeed, the entire
subject of the Northmen's voyages and colonization,
might almost l)e said to be without our province, as
it is not asserted that they were actually the first
inhabitants of the New World.
The relics that have been thought to prove their
former presence in ilie continent, are neither numer-
ous nor important. ( )ne of these is the Dighton
Rock, of which 1 have had occasion to speak before,
in connection with the Phoenician theory.^^ In 1824,
a stone engraved with Runic characters was found on
the island of Kingiktorsoak, on the western coast of
(^reenland.^^"
Priest is strongly inclined to believe that a glass
known.'" Tliis is simply trifling with tlin su1)jort. Tn OriinlnuiVx Ilia-
tiiiinlcr Miiiilc.iniifrkiv, cliielly the work of l''nn Mii;L;iiussL'n, no oiit'stioii
is riiiscd on this ]i(»int. The various version.-i all j;ive tlm nnnii)i>r six,
wliit'li limits tlip voyafje to the vicinity of the Azores. Schonin;;, to wliom
wc lire so larf;('lv intlehted for the best edition of lleimskriiiKla, lays tho
scene of Marson's adventure at tiiose islands, and sniri,'osts that they may
at that time iiavc covered a lar<j;er extent of territory than the i)re.sent, and
that they may have sutl'ered from earthquakes and (loodfi, adding;, "It is
likely, and all circumstances show, that tho said land has heiMi a piece of
North America." This is •< l)<)ld, tliouf;h not vervunrea.sonahle hvpothesis,
..„..., .,:..ii.f .w «i,.. ....1..,...:,. ,.1. ,...,. ,.»,..■ „( «!,,. lui..,..!'^ .'u .....II b... ...... * I.. 1UOU
especially as the volcai'-c character of the islands is well known. In 1808,
a volcano rose to the height of H,r)(H) feet. Vet Scliiining's suggest ion is
not needed. The fact that the islands were not inhabited when iliscovcrcd
hy the Portuguese does not, however, settle anything against Schiming, he-
e.aus(! in the course of live hundred years, the people might either have
migrated, or heen swept away hy pestilence. GroiihtniPs llistoriskr Miii-
ilifiiiiirrhr, (vol. i, p. l.")()), says sim])ly, that "It is Ihoui/hf that he (.Arc
M arson) eniled his days in .Xnu-rica, or at all events in one of the larger
islauils of the west. .Some think that it was one of the Azorc islands.'"
Dr ('()ft/ii\t Prr-Vohnnhi(tn Disr. Aincr., p. 87.
s«7 Alislrwt of tlisl. Krid., in Loud. Gcofj. Sor., Jour., vol. viii., p. I'J.');
I)r Cosfn'.'i Pir-Ctihniihiiin Dine. Amcr., p. 8!(, et seq.
'"'* See Si-hiKilinifl'n Arch., vol. i., pi). 110, ct seq., for plate and dis-
cussion of nighton Kock.
SCANDINAVIAN THEORY.
bottle about the siVp ,.r „ ^^^
%'^ ^tovplo iVl^fj^r^-.i-k bottle, '^hav.
with steeJ, the remains o 'a hLr"" ■ 1"^''^''^' ^^^^^
:-"f-y, ()m>nd.,i,u County 11y\''' '^'' ^«^^» «^
(hnavjun orio-in.^ao^ ^' ^^^^ J^ork, are of 8can-
ii'vmeur de Bourbouro- has fonn^
t .0 languro-es of Central T • "^ "''''":^ ^ord« in
oiKT words that as .stronidv^S ^\ ^^''^ ''^^ '"^"y
/^^n.^W.sh, Froncli, and n^u v fT'''"'^' "'^^^t'"' Greek
--■:- -uHtions ^^h'Sr; ^^ --0 of tie
i--, ^". , north-east on^d -'^ v-"n"^*^;" "'-^^'-"^
«t uck ^Mth the siinilari^v t 't ^''^^'V^-'^'-^u^ '"«
'•oi'i^'ous ouston^s and deas of ,.''''''^ '"^^^^^"» the
-^^^'^^^'^^"ieh.sasex;^l:^^.~!:;t^^^^
41"' v.N.rs. J^ ./ """• i'P' ••<".tifv, ).v l„ mt' •*'';■ "•"•• '"' III r (list
'"','" '"'f-'ii'.-illv Im.ii r f,. "\' '"^''" <'<'nv<.,| f,.„„, f, '*"',.''"" ''• «i(|, some
,,„, ■ ".•iiirN III
tic..s,siti,(;,..sai',„.,Y , . 'r
''''^''•^'■'■"''••ni.-.M' pin' :':,•'"«'■'«
' ""■inoiM..s ra ./,,'" "''■•' 'I "«
i
! i
'i
', m
^■ ri
> 7 Bl
116
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
We come now to the theory that the Americans,
or at least part of them, are of Celtic origin. In
the old Welsh annals there is an account of a voyage
made in the latter half of the twelfth century,*^ by
one Madoc, a son of Owen Gwynedd, prince of North
Wales. The story goes, that after the death of
Gwynedd, his sons contended violently for the sov-
ereignty. Madoc, who was the only peaceable one
among them, determined to leave his disturbed
country and sail in search of some unknown land
where he might dwell in peace. He accordingly pro-
cured an abundan- <; of provisions and a few ships
and embarked with i' "-ends and followers. For
many months they ba westward without finding
a resting-place; but at i^agth they came to a large
and fertile country, where, after sailing for some dis-
tance along the coast in search of a convenient land-
ing-place, they disembarked, and permanently settled.
After a time Madoc, with part of his company, re-
turned to Wales, where he fitted out ten ships with
all manner of supplies, prevailed on a large number
of his countrymen to join him, and once more set
278-80; Schoolcrnffs Arrh., vol. i., pp. 110-11, 120-4; Brnsscur de Bow--
Ixinnj, in Nouvellcs An miles dcs Voy., 1855, toin. cxlvii., jip. ir)7-8; Violkt-
Ic-lJtic, in Charnaij, Ruincs Amir., pp. 11, 18-19, 23-4, 42-3; Warden,
Rfcherches, pp. 146-54; Montaints, Nieuwc IFcpjr W, pp. 28-.30, 117; Tschu-
di's Penivkiii Aiifiq., pp. 3-7, 21-2; Malte-Brun, Precis de la Geog., iom.
i., pp. 197-8; Davis Discovery of New England by the Northmen; Bald-
win'' s A nc. Amcr.,\>\\ 279-85; Davis' Anc. Amer., pp. 13-31; T y tor's Ana-
huac, pp. 278-9; M^Cidloh's Researches on Amer., pp. 21-2; Brinton's Abbf
Brassear, in Lip])inco(t's Maq., vol. i., p. 79, et sen.; Smith's Human Spe-
cies, p. 2.37; l>iul)cr, Gcschichte der Schifffahrt; Ilermcs, Eiildeckung von
Amer., pp. 1-134; Foster's I're-IIist. Races, pp. 399-400; Jlill's Ant'iq. of
Amer.; ll'ilson's I'rchist. Man, pp. .394-420; Krugcr's Di.icov. Amer., pp.
1-134; Domenerh's Dr.sert.i, vol. i., pp. 5.3-64, 404, 411-12; Bcaiifoy's Mrx.
lllustr., p. 322; Bras.sritr dc Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. i., pp. 18-22;
/(/., Popot Viih, \)\). li.-Iiv., lxx.\ix.-xt'ii.; Hist. Mag., vol. ix., pp. .304-5;
Gondru, in Prcscott, Hist. Cong. Mrx., toni. ill., p. 15; Humboldt's Exam,
Crit., toni. ii., pp. 83-104, 105-20; Irving's Coliimlms, vol. iii., pp. 4.32-40j
Hmnboldt, Vurs, toni. i., j). 239; Klemm, Cultur-Ge.ichichte, toni. v., pp.
164-71; Rafines'iue, The American Nations; Bras.icur de Bourbourg, Quatrt
Lettrcs, p. 17; Williamson's Observations on Climate; Zcsterman's Colo-
nization of America by Northwestern Europeans; Farcy, Discours, in Antiq.
Mex., toni. i., div. i.. pp. 48-9; Simpson's Nar., p. 159; Schoolcraft, in
Amer. Ethno. Soc, Transact., vol. i., pp. 391-6.
""About 1169-70.
P
A WELSH COLONY IN AMERICA.
«aiJ for the new colony, which ih i. "^
"lore about liini or his JfVi, ' !^'?"S^^ ^^ Jiear no
have reached safely ^ '"*^^^"^«»t' ^e is supposed to
The exact location of Madoc'., . i
been guessed at. Baldwin s,v?ff • """"^ ^''^« ^^^Y
he settled 'somewhere in tirpt ^,' 'V^^'^^^ that
in his histoiy of Wales"^ iL ^^i"''t ^''-^^^^^doc,
country where Madoc ;st.tbl1^h "? ?-"^^ ^^'^^ '^e
Mexico; this he thinks is st^^^^^^^^^^^ fony was
the Mexicans believed that tW ^ T^ ^^"^•'•' ^^st,
a beautiful country afar off i.^'i'*.'*'' "^"^^ ^om
pie; secondly, they Xed tt"* ^^ ^^'^"'^^ f^««-
soveral Welsh nanies a^' f *^5 •''^'^' ''^"^^ thi.dly
Martyr affinns thTf^l f"""^- '" ^^^^-^'^o- PetJ;
well .;s those of Quiets '"^«7^'»^'« ^f Virginia a'
- -eient and ilh^^^ t? tf f '^'^^ ?r^^ "-'"-; o
court, in the preface to fl' '''''''^ ^^'^^^^c. If: ,.
went f...' "J. "',;^.7''" "r '""••''•«'l and fifty vo."' -^•""""<-'" l.a.l ej [
tl'cir vo va.reT to A,. "■"'''*"■ «'^'««f the "f •>?/;. ( \"''V ^"V «ell there
'•"t in that ige tTie K„" r'l'' l*'"^™ «J.en 1.,. ^ V •''' j'!^" P'cvalent i,
r'^^ntie, as neXins l^tf/'?'''!- They „ e of h- ' T^''^'''' ""•••selves
"'■Ish-incii; ami M, ' ' "^ "l^"^'''''' tJiat Aiiierir,." vo .•' *''*' '"•'"'"■S or
J'"'"" "nto ihe N,,a ' ,u''"';'V. '^ "- "'■ rathe '',,>; ,! ''i'^' l-o('le,l u i,|,
^f'"" a fane n.,,tH :„•/'' ""'"• 'i'-^t eoimuii , I , i^ ^^ ■^''■'"•"' ^'''l <f-
'!;,"■'? "everaft^r ir,''!^ T-^n'". "'itl. intent ^o '^ J: "l^"' ^^•'' ' '"taine
'«'i«'' I'.v Uniiipi;;,!;- "I'vy.l,
n
i
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i
ij^m»
L
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118
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
covered and possessed by the Welsh prince, Madoc.
Herbert, according to Martyr, says that the land
discovered by the prince wus Florida or Virginia.^
Catlin is inclined to believe that Madoc entered the
Mississippi at Balize and made his way up the river,
or that he landed somewhere on the Florida coast.
He thinks the colonists pushed into the interior and
finally settled on the Ohio river; afterwards, being
driven from that position by the aboriginal tribes,
they advanced up the Missouri river to the place
where they have been known for many years by the
name of Mandans, "a corruption or abbreviation,
perhaps, of Madawgwys, the name applied by the
Welsh to the followers of Madawc." The canoes of
the Mandans, Mr Catlin tells us, which are alto-
gether different from those of all other tribes, cor-
respond exactly to tlu^ Welsh coracle f^ the peculi-
arity of the!'.- physical a[)pearance was such that
when he first saw them he "was under the instant
conviction that they were an amalgam of a native,
with some civilized race," and the resemblance that
exists between their language and Welsh, is, in his
opinion, very striking. ^^^ There have been several
reports that traces of the Welsh colony and of their
language have been discovered among the native
tribes, but none of them seem entitled to full credit.
The best known report of this kind, and the one that
claims, perhaps, the most respectful consideration, is
that of the Kev. Morgan Jones, written in 1G8G, and
published in the Gcntlemans Magazine for the year
1740. In 16G0 the reverend gentleman, with five
companions, was taken prisoner by the Tuscarora
tribe, who were about to put him to death when ho
^ See W(xrdcn, Rrrhnrhcs, pp. l.')4-7.
*■■"* They are 'iiiiule of mir-hiilcs, tlic skins of buffaloes, stretched under-
neath a frame made of willow.s or other boufjhs, and shaped nearly roiiiid.
like a tub; which the woman carries on her head from iier wijjwain to tlic
water's cdyc, and having 8tepi)ed into it, stands in front, and pro])els it l>,v
(lrip|iin<; her ]>addle fonvanl, and dravnng it to lier, iustcad of paddliii;;
by tlic side.' CatlMs Amvr. Iiiil., vol. ii., p. 261.
iiM See comparative vocabulary. lb.
THE AMERICANS Ol" WELSH ORIGIN.
iia
soliloquized aloud in Welsh; whereupon they spared
hiui and his companions, and treated them very
civilly. After this Mr Jones stayed among them for
four months, during which time he conversed witli
them familiarly in the Welsh language, "and did
preach to them in the same language three times a
weck."='«'
A certain Lieutenant Roberts states that in 1801
he met an Indian chief at Washington, who spoke
Welsh "as fluently as if he had been born and
brought up in the vicinity of Snowdon." He said
it was the language of his nation, the Asguaws, who
'*" As 11 fjood (Iciil of importance 1ms been attached to it, it will be as
well to ^'ive Jones' statement in full; it is as follows: 'Tliesc jjresents
certify all jiersoiis whatever, that in the year KUiO, bein^' an iiihaliitaiit uf
ViruMiiia, and chaplaiit to Major (icneral ISennet, of Mansoman County,
the said Major General Rennet and Sir William Herkoley sent two sliijjs to
I'ort Itoyal, now called South Carolina, which is sixty lea},'ucs southward
(if ("ajie I'air, and I was sent therewith to be their minister. I'pon the
Stli of April wc set out from Virj,'inia, and arrived at the harbor's mouth of
I'ort Itoyal the lOth of the same month, where we waited for the rest of
the licet that was to sail from Rarbadoes and Rermuda with one Mr. West,
who was to be dc))uty {governor of said j)lace. As soon as the (lect came
in, the smallest vessels that were with us sailed \i\> the river to a i)lace
called the (Jyster I'oint; there I continued about eij,'ht months, all which
tiiiK! beiiif; almost starved for want of provisions: I and live more traveled
tliroiijjh the wilderness till we came to the Tuscarora country. There the
Tiiscarora Indians took us prisoners because we told them that we were
bound to Roanock. That ni','ht they carried ns to their town and shut us
up close, to our no small dread. The next day they entered into a con-
sultation about ns, and, after it was over, their interpreter told us that we
must prejiare ourselves to die next niornin;;, whereui)on, bein<{ very much
dejected, I sp(dco to this effect in the Rritish [Welsh] tonjiue: "Have I
cscaiied so many danjjers, and must I now be knocked on the head like n
do;;:' Then jjresently came an Indian to me, which afterward appeared
til lie a war captain belon^'inp to the sachem of the Doc^s (whose original,
1 liiid. must needs be from the Old Rritons), and took me up by the nuddle,
and told me in the Rritish [Welsli] ton^'ue I sho\ild not die, and thereupon
went to the emperor of Tu.scarora, and a,!;rccd for my ransom and the men
that were with me.' They (the I)oe^'s) then welcomed us to their town,
and ciitortained us very civilly and cordially four months, durin;; which
time I had the opportunity of conversin}» with them familiarlv in the
British [Welsh] laufjuage, and did preach to them in the same ian<;ua^'e
three times a week, and they would confer with me about any thin;; that
was dillicult therein, and at our departure they abundantly sutinlied ns
with whatever was necessary to our support and well doin^'. 1 hey are
settled upcm Pontigo River, not far from Cape Alms. This is a brief re-
cital of my travels among the Doeg Indians. Morc.an Jones,
the son of John Jones, of Rasateg, near Newiiort, in the Connty
of Monmouth. I am ready to conduct any Welslinian or others
to the country.
New York, March 10th, 1685-6.' Gentleman's Mag., 1740.
I
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120
OUIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
lived eight hundred miles north-west of Philadelphia.
He knew nothing of Wales, but stated that his
people had a tradition that their ancestors came to
America from a distant country, which lay far to the
east, over the great waters. Amongst other ques-
tions. Lieutenant Roberts asked him how it was that
his nation had preserved their original language so
perfect; he answered that they had a law which
forbade any to teach their children another tongue,
until they were twelve years old.''"
Another officer, one Ca})tain Davies, relates that
while stationed at a trading-post, among the Illinois
Indians, he was surprised to Hnd that several Welsh-
men who belonged to his company, could converse
readily with the aborigines in AVelsh.^*^ Warden
tells a story of a Welshman named Griffith, who
was taken prisoner by the Shawnee tribe about the
year 17G4. Two years afterwards, he and live
Shawnees, with whom he was traveling about the
sources of the Missouri, fell into the hands of a
white tribe, who were about to massacre them when
Griffith spoke to them in Welsh, explaining the
object of their journey; upon this they consented to
spare him and his companions. He could learn
nothing of the history of these white natives, except
that their ancestors had come to the Missouri from
a far distant country. Griffith returned to the Shaw-
nee nation, but subsequently escaped and succeeded
in reaching Virginia.'"' There are many other re-
"' Chambers' Jour , vol. vi., p. 411.
*<2 'TliPHc iiecoiiiits are dipied from manuscripts of Dr. W. O. Public,
who, tojjctlier with Edward Williams (the bard or (iluinor<ran), iiuulo dili-
gent MKiiiirics in America about forty years aj;o, when they eollected lilt-
wards' of one hundred ditlereut accounts of the Welsh Indians.' lb. 'Il is
reported by travellers in the west, that on the Red River. .. .very far to
the southwest, a tribe of Indians lias been found, whose manners, in sev-
eral resneets, re.semble the Welch. .. .They call thoiuselves the McCcdin
tribe, wliich having the Mc or Mac attached to their name, points evi-
dently to a European origin, of the Celtic description. . . .It is well autiicii-
ticatcd that npwanls of thirty years ago, Indians came to Kaskaskia, in
the territory, now the state lA Illinois, who spoke the Welch dialect, ami
were perfectly understood by two Welchmeu then there, who conversed
with tliem.' i'ricst's Atncr. Antiq., pp. 2.10-2.
'♦3 Reclicrchcs, p. 157. Griffitlis related his adventures to a native of
Loh
«COTCH AND inmi THEORIES.
ports of a similar kind h„f ,1.
to show on what manner of 1 1 T'" ^" ^"«^-ent
theory rests, and to justTfy ,f ""^*'^» '^'- Welsh
spoken o])niion of Mr FilJ W '"^'"'^"ro the out
are creatures of f].^- ■^' *^^''^<^ "Welch T,. I'
J n.vl if \°\ V^e imacrmation "2« ^ J^Uians
J-oid .Alonboddo, a Scotr.]„>
seventeenth centur; mfoterr "' /^^^^ ^vrote in the
tJ'at the lan^^uao-e^'of nt ^''"^ "^^^^'^^C'^^ to show
«Poken in America! In to"?/'^ %''^-^^'-s tl
t^ons to discover the Srort,^ P '^^^».^•J'«J^ expedi
yere an Eskimo and a S ' , ^'^"^' ^'^ "-^^^tes, there
%- practice, wer^aL: ^tlitr"' 7'^' ^^^^^-^ ^^w
Ho also states "that the cS? ^''-^^'^I^er rea<Iily
y many of the tribes of FWda'^fr-'^^ ""^ 'l'^^
at the north end of the c^ulf of tr "'^' ''^ ^^'^^'^^ted
J^^« ;vel acquainted with f f/'^' ''^"^^ ^^'^^t he
Hi^Wi ands of Scotland who ,f "^^^''"''"^ ^om the
^^onda, in a public ch.'.o V ^^^ ^''''^''^^ years in
"^'-^"y of the tUes '/b '1"'' •'^"^ ^^^'<> «tat^d th^t
3"-nted,had tirgrea esttffi"V^^' ^''''^ '-eont't
tlieir huio-uao-e/'^^^ * "-^'^""^ ^^^"^ty with the Celticln
Claims have ilcr^ 1
-very of the nZ wTZ'X'V'''. ^^" ^^^^ clis-
laye sent missionaries to tl.orT^^^"'^'^^ ^'^ «^^'"d to
'•^"d early writers have tJll If'' of An,eric,,/-
Kent dlSCUSSGd the ])roba-
"s an,.est,„-.s, m1 , ,» H^it,"" * '-•'^''''"■'•'•<l naj ' i, 7*''"' '"."'^. tl.c vo,"
""^' rrovi„„s toVl n I- "^"'■'"^ ''«^'"ff ^PcntM-' /,'''''''''■ "' ""' anci.. , Iv
n^
122
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
bility of Qiietzalcoatl having* been an Irishman.
There is no j^^reat iniprobabihty that the natives
of Ireland may have reached, by accident or other-
wise, the north-eastern coasts of the new continent,
in very early times, but there is certainly no evi-
dence to prove that they did."^
The nations of southern Europe have not been
entirely forgotten by the theorists on the question of
origin. Those who have claimed for them the honor
of first settling or civilizing America, are not manv,
however; nor is the evidence they adduce of a very
imposing nature.
Lafitau suj)poses the Americans to be descended
from the ancient inhabitants of the Grecian archi-
pelago, who were driven from their country by the
subjects of Og, King of Bashan. In every partic-
ular, he says, the people of the New World resemble
the Hellenes and Pelagians. Both were idolaters;
used sacred fire; indulged in Bacchanalian revels;
held formal councils; strong resemblances are to bo
found in their marriage customs, system of education,
manner of hunting, fishing, and making war, in their
games and sports, in their mourning and burial cus-
toms, and in their manner of treating the sick.^**
Garcia knew a man in Peru who knew of a rock on
which was what looked very much like a Greek in-
scription. The same writer says that the Athenians
waged war with the inhabitants of Atlantis, and
might therefore have heard of America. That the
Greeks were navigators in very early times is shown
by Jason's voyage in search of the Golden Fleece.
Both Greeks and Americans bored their ears and
sang the deeds of their ancestors; besides Avhich,
many words are common to both peoples.**" Like
i" See KingshorougK's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 188-90; De Costa's
Pre-Columbian Disc. Amer., pp. xviii.-xx.
*<8 Mmurs tics Saiivafjcs Amiriiiuains Comparies aux Mceurs des Pre-
■inters Temps. Paris, 1724.
«« Garcia, Origen de los Ind., pp. 189-92.
THE ANCIENT ATLANTIS.
123
Grarcia, Mr Pidgcon also knew a man — a farmer of
Montevideo, in Brazil— who in 1827 discovered in
one of his fields a fiat stone, upon which was en-
in-raven a Greek inscription, which, as far as it was
legible, read as follows: "During the dominion of
Alexander, the son of Philip, King of Macedon, in
the sixty-third Olympiad, Ptolemaios." Deposited
beneath the stone were found two ancient swords, a
helmet, and a shield. On the handle of one of the
swords was a portrait of Alexander; on the helmet
was a beautiful design representing Achilles drag-
ging the corpse of Hector round the walls of Troy.
"From this discovery, it is evident" — to Mr Pidgeon
— "that the soil of Brazil was formerly broken by
Ptolemaios, more than a thousand years before the
discovery by Columbus."^'* Brasseur de Bourbourg
seeks to identify certain of the American gods with
Greek deities. '^'^ Jones finds that the sculpture at
Uxmal very closely resembles the Greek style.^^^
Tlie vastness of some of the cities built by the
civilized Americans, the fine roads they constructed,
tlieir fondness for gladiatorial combats, and a few un-
reliable accounts that Roman coins have been found
on the continent, constitute about all the evidence
that is offered to show that the Romans ever visited
America. ^^^
The story of Atlantis, that is, of a submerged, lost
land that once lay to the west of Europe, is very old.
It was communicated to Solon, according to Plu-
tarch, by the Egyptian priests of Psenophis, Sonchis,
«« Pidffcon'.t Trad., p. 10.
2''' Laiuhi, Rcltu'ion, pp. Ixx.-lxxx.
252 Hint. Anc. A met:, p. 107. In tlio Greeks of Homer I find the cus-
toms, discourse, and nuiiincrs of the Iroquois, Dehiwares, and Miuniis.
'I'lic tra<,'edies of Soplioclos and Euripides paint to me ahuost literally the
sontinients of the red-men, respecting necessity, fatality, the miseries of
iiunian life, and the ri";our of blind destiny. Volnei/s View of the Climate
and Soil of the United States of A merirn. London, 1804.
"3 See Priest's Amer. Antiq., pn. .38.5-90; Torqvemada, Monarq. Ltd.,
toin. i., p. 25.5; Scenes in Roeky Mts., pj). 199-202; Villagutierre, Hist.
i'onq. Itza, p. 6; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 184, 527-8.
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184
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
Heliopolis, and 8ais; and if wc may believe Plato,
Solon did not hear of the events until nine thousand
Egyj)tian years after their occurrence. Plato's ver-
sion is as follows:
"Among the great deeds of Athens, of which
recollection is preserved in our books, there is one
which should be placed above all others. Our books
tell that the Athenians destroyed an army which
came across the Atlantic Sea, and insolently invaded
Europe and Asia; for this sea was then navigable,
and beyond the strait where you ],iace the Pillars of
Hercules there was an island larger than Asia
(Minor) and Libya combin»^d. From this island one
could pass easily to the other islands, and from these
to the continent which lies around the interior sea.
The sea on this side of the strait (the Mediterranean)
of which wc speak, resembles a harbor with a luurow
entrance; but there is a genuine sea, and the land
which surrounds it is a veritable continent. In the
island of Atlantis reiijfned three kinufs with ffrcat and
marvelous power. They had under their dominion
the whole of Atlantis, several other islands, and some
parts of the continent. At one time their power
extended into Libya, and into Europe as far as Tyr-
rhenia, and, uniting their whole force, they sought to
destroy our countries at a blow; but their defeat
stopped the invasion and gave entire independence to
all the countries this side of the Pillars of Hercules.
Afterward, in one day and one fatal night, there
came mighty earthquakes and inundations, which
ingulfed that warlike people; Atlantis disappeareil
beneath the sea, and then that sea became inaccessi-
ble, so that navigation ceased on account of the
quantity of mud which the ingulfed island left in its
place. "^"
It is only recently that any important signification
has been attached to this passage. It was previously
"* See Baldtvin's Anc. Amer., p. 177; Foster's Prc-IIist. Eaccs, jiji.
394-5.
THE ISLAND OF ATLANTIS.
125
rcijarded rather as one of those fabulous accounts in
wliich the Avorks of the writers of antiquity abound,
than as an actual statement of facts. True, it had
been frequently quoted to show that the ancients had
a kiiovvledtje more or less vaij^ue of tlie continent of
America, but no particular value was set upon the
assertion that the mysterious land was ages ai^o sub-
nieri,''cd and lost in the ocean. But of late years it
has been discovered that traditions and records of
cataclysms similar to that referred to ])y the Egyp-
tian priests, have been preserved among the Amer-
ican nations; which discovery has led several learned
and diligent students of New World lore to believe
that after all the story of Atlantis, as recorded by
Plato, may be founded upon fact, and that in bygone
ages there did actually exist in the Atlantic Ocean a
great tract of inhabited country, forming perhai)s
part of the American continent, which by some
mighty convulsion of nature was suddenly submerged
il lost in the sea.
''\)remost among those who have held and advo-
cated this opinion stands the Abbe Brasseur do
Bourbourg, This distinguished Americaniste goes
farther than his fellows, however, in that he attempts
to prove that all civilization originated in America,
or the Occident, instead of in the Orient, as has
alwaj's been supposed. This theory he endeavors to
substantiate not so much by the Old World tradi-
tions and records as by those of the New World,
using as his principal authority an anonymous manu-
script written in the Nahua language, whicli he en-
titles the Codex Chimalpopoca. This w'ork purports
to be on the face of it a 'History of the Kingdoms
of Culhuacan and Mexico,' and as such it served
Brasseur as almost his sole authority for the Toltec
period of his Histoire des Nations Civilisees. At
that time the learned Abbd regarded the Atlantis
theory, at least so far as it referred to any part of
America, as an absurd conjecture resting upon no
>;)||
•M-
,
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i
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1
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^ 'i'.
1 f
'||;
^
126
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
authentic basis. ^^^ In a later work, however, he
more than retracts tliis assertion; from a sceptic he
is suddenly transformed into a most devout and en-
thusiastic believer, and attemi)ts to prove by a most
elaborate course of reasoning tJiat that which he
before doubted is indubitably true. The cause of
this sudden change was a strange one. As, by con-
stant study, he became more profoundly learned in
the literature of ancient America, the Abbe discov-
ered that he had entirely misinterpreted the Codex
Chimalpopoca. The annals recorded so plainly upon
the face of the mystic pages were intended only for
the understanding of the vulgar; the stories of the
kings, the history of the kingdoms, were allegorical
and not to be construed literally; deep below the
surface lay the true historic record — hidden from all
save the priests mid the wise men of the West — of
the mighty cataclysm Vvhich submerged the cradle
of all civilization.'^^" Excepting a dozen perhaps, of
the kings who preceded Montezuma, it is not a
history of men, but of American nature, that must
be sought for in the ^lexican manuscripts and paint-
ings. The Toltecs, so long regarded as an ancient
civilized race, destroyed in the eleventh century by
their enemies, are really telluric forces, agents of
subterranean fire, the veritable smiths of Orcus and
of Lemnos, of which Tollan was the symbol, the
"5 Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. i., p. G.
"<< 'fiiiii^jinuz uri livre i-nticr (crit en calembours, un livre ilont toutos
les phrases, iloiit hi pUipart des mots out tin ilotihlc sens, I'un parfaitenieiit
net et distinct de Tautre, et vous aurez, jusiiuVi un certain jioint, l"i<U'i' dii
travail que j'ai entre les mains. (Vest en eherchant Texplication d'un pas-
Bajie fort eurieux, rehitif a I'liistoire de C^uetzal-Coatl, (|ue jc suis arrive a
ce resultat extraordinaire. Oui, Monsieur, si ce livre est en apparencc
Thistoire des Toltecjues et cnsuite des rois de Colhuacan et de Alexico, il
])resente, en roalite, le recit du catadysmo qui Iwuleversa le monde, il y a
queliiucs six ou so[it niillo ans, et coustitua les continents <iaii'i lenr ctat
nctuel. Ce (jue le Coder linrijift de la I'ropajjande, le Moiiusrrit <t" Drcidc
ct le Manmcrit Troano etalent en inuijres et en 'iieroj;lyplu's, le t'luhx
C/iimril/iopncd en donne !a Icttre; il contient, en Ianj;ue nahuati, I'hisfoirc
du monde, composee par le sape lluenum, c'est-a-<lire par la main |)uissantc
de l>ieu dans lu ^^rand Livri; de la nature, en un mot, e'est le Livre divia
lui-niOrnc e'est le Tco-Amoxtli.'' Jlninscur de liourbotira. Qiiatre Leltrcs,
p. 24.
«:iyLiyi«L..
iniAbSEUR DE BOURBOURG'S THEORIES.
m
true masters of civilization and art, who by the
min'hty convulsions which they caused communicated
to iiicii a knowledge of minerals.'^'''
1 know of no man better qualified than was Bras-
seur de Bourbourg to penetrate the obscurity of
American primitive history. His familiarity with
the Naliua and Central American lan^'uages, his in-
dofatigal)le industry, and general erudition, rendered
him eminently fit for such a task, and every word
written by such a man on such a subject is entitled
to rcs{)ectful consideration. Nevertheless, there is
reason to believe that the Abbe was often rapt away
from the truth by excess of enthusiasm, and the
rL'ader of his wild and fanciful speculations cannot
but regret that ho has not the op[)ortunity or ability
to intelligently criticise by comparison the French
savant's intei'pretation of the original documents.
At all events it is certain that he honestly believed
in the truth of his own discovery; for when he ad-
mitted that, in the light of his better knowledge, the
Toltec history, as recorded in the Codex ChimaJpo-
poca, was an allegory — that no such people as the
Toltecs ever existed, in fact — and thereby rendered
valueless his own history of the 7Joltec jieriod, he
made a sacrirce of labor, unique, I think, in the
annals of literature.
Brasseur's theory supposes that tl.e continent of
America occupied originally the Gulf of Mexico and
the Carribean Sea, and extended in the form of a
peninsula so far across the Atlantic that the Canary
islands may have formed part of it. All this ex-
tendud pt)rtion of the continent was many ages ago
engulfed by a tremendous convulsion of nature, of
wluch traditions and written records have been j)re-
sorved by many American peoples.'*" Yucatan,
«" fi/., p. 39.
'''' In the ("odex C'liinmlpopooii, Brns.«icur reatls tint 'i\ In suit" lio I'l!-
rH|itiiiii lies Vdlciuis, ouviTts hui" toiito IV'tiMulue »lii continent ainiTii'tiin,
il'iiilili' iilors )te I'C qu'il est tiujutinriiui, I'cruptiuii soudainu d'uii immense
foyer uuuu-uiuriu, tit duluter lu inuudu ct abtmo, cntre uu lever ct uii autre
i t
128
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
\
Honduras, and Guatemala, were also submerged,
but the continent subsequently rose sufficiently to
rescue them from the ocean. The testimony of many
modern men of science tends to show that there
existed at one time a vast extent of dry land between
Europe and America.'"'
It is not my intention to enter the mazes of Bras-
seur's argument here; once in that labyrinth there
would be small hope of escape. His Qnatre Lettres
are a chaotic jumble of facts and wild speculations
that would appal the most enthusiastic antiquarian;
the materials are arransifed with not the slightest
regard for order; the reader is continually harassed
by long rambling digressions — literary no-thorough-
fares, as it were, into which he is beguiled in the
hope of coming out somewhere, only to find himself
more hopelessly lost than ever; for mythological evi-
dence, the pantheons of Phoenicia, Egypt, Hindostan,
Greece, and Rome, are probed to their most obscure
depths; comparative philology is as accommodating
to the theorist as ever, which is saying a great deal ;
the opinions of geologists who never dreamed of an
Atlantis theory, are (pioted to show that the Amer-
ican continent formerly extended into the Atlantic in
the manner supposed.
I have presented to the reader the bare outline of
what Brasseur exi)ects to prove, without giving him
the argument used by that learned writer, for the
reason that a })rtrtial resume of the Qtintre Lettres
would ho unfair to the Abbe, while an entire resume
would cH'cupy more space than I can spare. I will,
however, deviate from the system I have hitherto
ol)served, so far as to express my own opinion of the
French savant's theory.
Were the original documents from which Brasseur
drew his data obtainable, we might, were Ave able to
read and understand them, know about how far his
do IV'toile (111 matin, les regions Ics plus riches du globe.' Quatre Lctlra,
p. 45.
•M Id., p. 108.
AUTOCHTHONIC ORIGIN.
129
enthusiasm and imagination have warped his calmer
jud'^ment; as it is, the Atlantis theory is certainly
not proved, and we may therefore reasonably decline
to accept it. In my oi)inion there is every reason to
helieve that his first interpretation of tlie Codex Chi-
in<ili>o/>oca was the true one, and that the 'double
nuaiiing' had no existence save in his own distorted
tancy.'-««
It only remains now to speak of the theory which
ascribes an autochthonic orioin to the Americans.
The time is not long past when such a supposition
would have been regarded as impious, and even at
this day its advocates may expect discouragement if
not rel)uke from certain quarto rs.^"^ It is, neverthe-
less, an opinion worthy of the gravest consideration,
and one which, if we may judge by the recent re-
1». 1.3; Moltc-liniu,
1,'fU'ifr^ lir f frr (r#/f , ii|i. -v i ill,— ( All. . #'(cfiii .i#fr. yi //(' f . . |F. i.», .»if f ( f L- IJ/ fr/f ,
I'l-iri.i i/r hi <lr»f/., torn, i., i)|). 'JS-ItO, 'Jl.S-ir>; WHsoii'.i I'irhist. Miin,
]i|i. ,S',t2-.'}; Kinfi-ilmroio/h's J/i'.c. Aiifii/., vi)l. vi., jip. 181-4; Fns/rr's J'ir-
lliftf. R<ici:i, pp. 3!)t-i); Lit mil II zm; lUi-tami'u, j)p. 8 'I'l; Stnittons MdiiiiiI-
liiiiiilifs. .MS.; I' 'iilforiCs Aiiuf. An/ii/., \)\). '2U> '2'2; Jiiili/wiii's Aiir.
Aiii'i:. pp. 174-84; .)titr/iil/, ill AiiH'r. Aiifiq. Sor,, Trnuxnrt., vol i., p.
810; Fdlirs, F.hiili'.i Ili.sf. siir Ir.i ('irili.sufioii.s, toiii. i., pp. 1S.")-!W, 218;
M'i'iiUiili's llisriirr/iis on Aitirr., ]»p. '2i\ ',\2; lliiiiihuhlt, Kruiii. f'rit., tolii.
i., jip. 4'.', i:tll -JOC), toin. ii., pp. 4(5, 1('>:1-'214; Unn/u, llisl. (int., toiii. i,,
]ip. 14-18, •_'•_•; Moiiijliirr, m Antiq. Mt'x., ))p. .^T-tiO; I'lihrrrn, Tnitro, in
Hi'i's /hsrri/itioii, y. 120; Villtiffiiticrrr, Hint. ('niiq. //r", pp. ">-(!; I'ltirliim
Ill's I'i/i/riiiiiii/r, vol. v., pp. 71M)-8()I ; Tiiiqiin.iiii/n, Miiintrq. liiil., toin. i.,
|i.-'J; Wist mill O.tt Iiiilinvhvr Liixtijiirt, pt i., pii. 4-.'); Muiitniiiis, \iiuiri:
W'liirhl, pp. IS-lIt; t'/uriifcro, Sfnriil Ant. i/if }fissirii, tolii. iv., |i. HI;
lhsji,-iiin.i\ in Miisin Miw., toin. ii., ])p. S4-(i; Mnjitr.s I'riiirr Hnirq, |>.
SS; liii/iiii.i'/iir, in I'rirst'ii Aiiin: Aiitii/., pp. 12H-4; Ihiiiiniirh'-s /hsrrls,
viil. i., pp. 42-(i, 41.S-14; Fi)iitniui:\t Umr tin- World tnis I'ro/iliil, pp.
ii-,i'. -. Ii 11... i /'.,.. 4 ; i:i. ; :; . <'...:ii.'.. // J....
'27){')-~\ liirirrii, Hi.'it. Gni., toin. i., lili. i., cap. ii.
Wcv, p. 8,'t; ,Sor. (ienij., Biilli'tbi, toin. iv., p. '2'XS
Sinilh'.i lliimiin .S/x;-
'"i' Davis, Aiii'. Aiiin:, p. 12, tliinivM that ii nortion of the aniintils of
till' (iii^rinal creation ini};ratiMl went. 'If tiiis iilwi,' lie »iv.v», 'i.s new to
(itiicrs. I hope it ina,y l>c coiiHiilpred more reiisoiiulile than the intiilel opin-
inn, lliat men ami animals were (li.><tinet creutioiiH from tho.se of .Vsiii.'
' riiiniv you,' he adds saj^ely, 'they would have truu8|M)rtud venoiiiuua
serpents from the old to the new world ?'
Vol. V. 9
!
!;!
Ii,
'W
irr
rr
> *
130
ORKHN OF THE AMERICANS.
suits of scientific investigation, may eventually prove
to ho, scientifically correct. In the precedinj^ pages it
will have been reuiarked that no theory of a foreign
origin has been proven, or even fairly sustained.
The particulars in which the Americans are shown
to resemble any given people of the Old World are
insignificant in number and importance when com-
pared with the particulars in which they do not
resemble that people.
As I have remarked elsewhere, it is not impossible
that stray ships of many nations have at various
times and in various places been cast upon the
American coast, or even that adventurous spirits,
who were familiar with the old-time stories of a
western land, may have designedly sailed westwaid
until they reached America, and have never returneil
to tell the tale. The result of such desultory visits
would bo exactly what has been noticed, but ei-
roneously attributed to immigration en masse. 'I'lu!
strangers, were their lives spared, would settle among
the i)eo])le, and impart their ideas and knowledge to
them. This knowledge would not take any vciy
definite shape or have any very decided efiiict, for the
reason that the sailors and adventurers who would he
likelv to land in America under such circumstances,
would not be tlu)roughly versed in the arts or sci-
ences; still they would know many things that were
unknown to their captors, or hosts, and would douht-
less be al)le to suggest many imi)rovements. This.
then, would account for many Old World ideas and
customs that have been detected here and there in
America, while at the same time the (litticulty which
arises from the fact that the resemblances, though
striking, are yet very few, would be satisfactorily
avoided. The foreigners, if ado[)ted by the ]H'«)|ile
they fell among, would of course marry women ot
the country and beget children, but it cannot he
expected that the j)hysical peculiarities so trans-
mitted would be perceptible after a generation or twe
of re-
same
ogii's i
be fou
of the
Anicri
caeii o
they a I-
fills ni
than tl
thu Arj
Henc
the Am
good gr(
origin. ^"^
ineaj)ahj(
heh'ef is
aceej.tini
"'• ( Olll-Pl
Aim r., |i, (ij
J'C- filiT; .1/,
h.i.sdi l\,l_^ ,
Aiiin: J/isf.
'•. PI'. ;t-i.
, ;'•' ' I an, ,
"Mhc <,(|„.,. r
mill ill ( liniiici
l"'iit<'il iiiiitiitj
Vol. ii., |(. •>•{
"i'l'lli.. liihii,
•li'I'iciit |i.irtj<
''iiI'I'IuIkiii th
(111' '>li;ri„,,j ^,
'■inViy in (I,,.,
'''I||M',|11,.„( ,.),;,
"< I'IoImMv, ji,
"VMIMI,., Ill,,, „
K''M(l-.llly |,|,„„
'"'•III «l,i,.ll „„
f'.'llllllv ^^.,-,1, ,,|
'"."I "f illlllli.rr;,
'i;i„Tiiii,„i in'v
'!'■" •\'N''ii.a I.I
;>''iiliiT tl,,. 111,.
'.'"" ""Ill lli.< „|
;:'*''-ii~'iiiioii.s. i
""'"'« lii.hiimk
CONCLUSIONS.
181
vo
m
)t-
MM
is.
u\
m
in
•U
Hll
Iv
lie
m
of
I to
IS-
vo
(tf re-niarryinuf with the aboiii^iiial stock. At the
saino time I tliiiik it just as })robablo that the anal-
(t«;i('s rct'erred to are mere foincidences, such as mijj^ht
be tbuiul aiiu>n;j^ any civiUzed or semi-civihzed people
of the earth. It may be ar<;ued that tlie various
Anieric-aii tribes and nations diti'er so materially from
each other as to render it extremely improbable that
tin V are derived from one oriijinal stock, but, however
(Ills Mi;iy be, the difference can scarcely be ij^reater
than that which apj)arently exists between many of
thu Aryan branches.^'^^
Hence it is many not unre.asonably assume that
the Americans are autochthones until there is some
<jooi\ iii-ound ijfiven for believin;^ them to be of exotic
orii^fin.'^'" To exj)ress belief, however, in a theory
iiicajjable of proof appears to me idle. Indeed, such
iHlief is not belief; it is merely accpiiescini;- in or
acceptiuij^ a hypothesis or tradition until the contrary
f'- Coiicpniini,' unity or varioty of the
iirsvvr )■(•/( (\. \ii|. i,, |(. '_MiS, vol. v., Jip
\im'ricaii races, sop: PrirhnnPs
•2Sl), 'XiA, iikl; Mnrloii'x Cntllia
y\iiiir., |i. (I'J; lirotlford'.i .linn: ^liiHt/., i>]). l'.)7!tS: Ilti/i/iriii'.s .Im: Anirr.,
|m. (i('i-7; Mdiiri/, in Xult ninl (iliikltni n Iiuliij. Ri(rrs, p. SI; lliuiiliiildt,
hs.sdi I'd!., toiu. i., 1). S.'l; lluiilhnlilt, ]' urs, toili. i., jip. L'l-.'Ki; W'ill.souH
Aiiiii: Ilixt., )>. 8',>; Jones' Jlin/. Aiir. Aiiirr., j). 4; Sniif/i's lluiiKiii S/icriiw;
p. '_'.")1; ('((//('/('i' .iV. Amcr. Iiid., vol. ii., p. 234; JJuiinHtr/i'n J)isir/.s, vol.
1., pp. ;m.
•'' ' 1 am ooiiipoIliMl <(> licl'u've that tlip Coiitiiipiit of America, anil piidi
of tlic (itiier '"oiuiiieiits, have had their altoriuMiial stock.s. peculiar in colour
and ill (liaiacter and that each of these nali\e . '■locks has niider;;oiie re-
peated iiiiilations. hy erratic cidonies irom aliroad.' Ciitlin's X.Aiinr. Intl.,
vol. ii., |i. ■_»;!'_•; Jtncl/iin/'.i AiiKi: Aii/i'/., ]>]i. '-'•Jl-."», thinks it cmisonant
wiili llie Itilde to suppose 'distinct animal creations, siinnltaneonsly, for
<lillrii'Mt |»irtions of tlic earth.' A eomnientatoron MidlwaM \vhoad\ocate
aiilcMJi.lioii theory remarks that: '(he derivation of these varieties from
tlic oi'i:;iiial stock is )ihilosophically explained on the prii: iple of the
Viiricly ill the oH'sprin;; of the same parents, and the iietler adaptation and
('(iiix'ipu'iit chance (if life.' Siiiil/isniiiiiii Ui/it., IStiti, p. ;u.">. ' I'iiat theory
is piiiliulily, in every point of view, the most tenahle and exact whic!;
iisMiiiio that man, like the plant, a mundane heinj;, made his ajipearaiicr
(.'ciiriiilh upon earth when our planet had reached that sta;,'e of its develop-
iiunl w liicli unites in itself the conditions of the man's existence. In con-
fiiniiilv with this view I re;;arcl the American as an antochton.' The ones-
tiiiii iif iiiiiiiiu'ration to .\merieii has heen too much mixed with that ot the
iiii;:raiioii in .Vnierica, and only recently has the opinion made | roj^re.ss
tliat .America has attained a form of civili/ation hy modes of their own.
Nciiiicr tlie theory of a /i<>/>u/iitiii<] immiiiriilinu or a rifi/iziinj iniiiiiifru-
Ikiii iiiiin the old world in<'et any countenanee from the results of the latest
invest i:,-iil ions. Ilcl/irtilti, in /</., p. ;{;{(). .Ml trihes have siniilarilie.-. ainon^
tliciii w liich nuike tlium (ILstinet from old world. J'.riis.\iiir ili- /liiiiri'i<iiiiy,
nyTS
'■ if
111,
. i > 'i . '!
• Hi ...
■\m
'If
!.
182
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS.
is proved. No one at the present day can tell the
origin of the Americans; they may have come from
any one, or from all the hypothetical sources enu-
merated in the foregoing pages, and here the question
must rest until we have more light upon the subject.
Hist. Nat. Civ., toin. i., p. 2,3. Dr. Morton says the study of physical
(roiiforiiitition alone, cxcliules every brunch of the Caucausiun race from any
ohvioiis ])urticipation in the peopling of this continent, and iKslieves the
Indians are all of one race, uuu that race distinct front all others. Muyer'.i
Ohsrrrnfioiis, ]i. 11. We can never know the origin of the Americans.
The theory that they are aborigines is contradicted by no fact and is
])lausible cnongh. Morlct, Voyage, toni. i., pp. 177-8. The supposition
that the lied Man is a ])rin)itive type of a human family originally planted
in the western continent presents the most natural solution of the prob-
lem. The researches of physiologists, auti(iuaries, philologists, tend this
way. The hypothesis of an immigration, when followed out, is embarrassed
with great ditiiculties and leads to interminable and unsatisfying s])ecula-
tions. Xornuin\s Ruinblv.i ill l'«t". , p. 251. (Jod has created .several couples
o^ human i)eiiigs ditlcring from one another internally and externally, and
these were placed in appropriate clinuitcs. The original character is ]>re-
served, and directed only by their naturtvl y wers they accjuired knowledge
and formed a distinct language. In ])rimilive times signs and sounds sug-
gested by nature were used, but with advancement, dialects formed. Itre-
nuires the idea of a miracle tosuppose that all men descend from one source.
Kaincs, in Warden, Iifrlirrrhv.t, p. 20.'1. 'The unsuccessful search .iftcr
traces of an ante-Columbian intercourse with the New Wcu'ld, snttices to con-
firm the belief that, for unnumbered centuries throughout that ancient era,
the Western Hemisphere was the exclusive heritage of nations native to its
soil. Its sacred ami seuulchral rites, its usages and superstitious, its arts,
letters, metallurgy, sculptiire, and architecture, are all peculiarly its own.'
lVilson\i I'irhist. Man, ]>. 421. Morton concludes 'that the American Race
ditl'ers essentially from all others, not excepting the M(tngolian; u»r do the
feeble analogies of language, and the nu)re obvious ones in civil and reli-
gious institutions and the arts, denote anything beyond casual or colonial
coniniunu-atiou with the .Asi.itic nations; and even these analogies may
perhaps be accounted tor. as Humboldt has suggested, in the mere coinci-
dence arising from similar Wii'itnand impulses in nations inhabiting simi-
lar latitudes.' Crama Aincr , ]>. '260. ' I am lirndy of opinion that (iod cre-
ated an original nutu and woman in this part of the globe, of ditrercntsnccios
from any in the other ])art.s." Jiomuns t'oiiri.ie Natural Hist, iif h. and
W. Florida. '.Altauiirano, the l>est Aztec schidar living, claims that tlie
uroof is conclusive that the .\ztccs did not come here from Asia, as lias
Iteen almost universally believed, but were a race originated in Anu;ii('tt,
and as old as the Chinese thcm.selves, and that China nniy even have licuii
peopled from America.' Ecaiis' Uiir Sister lle/i., j). HH'H. .Swan believes
that ' whatever was the origin of ditlcrent trilies or families, the wliole
race of .Vmericuu ludiuus are native aud iudigeuous to the soil.' N. i^-
Coast, p. '200.
CHAPTER II.
INTRODUCTORY TO AHORICilNAL HISTORY.
Onir.iN AND Earliest History of the Americans Unrecorded—
The Dark Sea ok Antiquity— Boundary between Myth and
History—Primitive Annals of America compared with those
(IK THE Old World — Authorities and Historical Material —
Traditional Annals and their Value HiEiiiHiLvi'iuc Hec-
oKDS ok the Mayas and Nahuas — Spanish Writers— The
CoNQiERORs— The Missionaries— The Historians— Converted
Native Chroniclers— Secondary Authorities — Ethnolooy —
AiiTs, Institutions, and Beliefs— LANouAiiEs— Material Mon-
uments OK Antiquity— Use of Authorities and Method of
Treating the Suuject.
The preceding resume shows pretty conchisively
that the American peojiles and the American civil-
izations, if not indigenous to the New World, were
introduced from the Old at a })eri()d long preceding
any to which we arc carried by the traditional or
iiioiuimental annals of either continent. We have
found no evidence of any populating or civilizing
migration across the ocean from east or west, north
or south, within historic times. Nothing ap[)roach-
in<'' identitv has been discovered between any two
nations separated by the Atlantic or Pacific. No
j)usitive record appears even of communication be-
tween America and the Old Woild,- intentionally
ly commercial, exploring, or Av.arlike expeditions, or
accidentally l)y shi|)wreck,— previous to the voyages of
(i;i3)
<M 'I
'I
m
t
! =1
• 1
!l
if
H
m
1
1
»
I:
a
. , s
I
f
ii
1
134
INTUODUCTOIIY TO ABORIGINAL HISTOUY.
the Northmen in tlie tenth century; yet that sucli
communication did take [)laco in many instances and
at different periods is extremely probable. The numer-
ous trans-oceanic analoi^ies, more or less clearly de-
fined, which are observed, may have resulted par-
tially from this communication, althouj^h they do not
of tliemselves necessarily imply such an aiii'ency. If
scientific research shall in the future decide that all
mankind descended from one ori^'inal pair, that the
centre of population was in Asia rather than in
America, and that all civilization oriijcinated Avith one
Old World branch of the human family — and these
are all yet opeji questions — then there will be no
great difficulty in accounting for the transfer of both
population and culture; in fact the means of inter-
continental intercourse are so numerous and practi-
cable that it will perhaps be impossible to decide on
the particular route or routes by which the transi'or
was effected. If, on the other hand, a contrary de-
cision be reached on the above questions, the phe-
nomena of American civilization and savagism will
be even more easily accounted for.
Resjarding North America then, at the most re-
mote epoch reached by tradition, as already peo])lc(I
for perhaps hundreds of centuries, I propose in the
remaining pages of this volume to record all that is
known of aboriginal history down to the period when
the native races were found by Europeans living un-
der the institutions and practicing the arts that have
been described in the preceding volumes of tliis
work. Comparatively little is known or can ever ho
known of that history. The sixteenth century is a
bluff coast line bounding the dark unnavigal)le sea of
American antiquity. At a very few points along the
long line headlands project slightly into the waters,
affording a tolerably sure footing fin* a time, hut
terminating for the most part in dangerous reefs anil
quicksands over which the adventurous anticpiariuii
may pass with much risk still farther from the linn
THE MYSTERY OV ANTIQUITY.
13.1
land of written record, and gaze at flickering myth-
ical lights attached to buoys beyond. As a rule,
nothing Avhatever is known respecting the history of
savage tribes until they come in contact with nations
of a higher degree of culture possessing some system
of written record. Kesj)ecting the past of the Wild
Tribes by whom most of our territory was inhabited,
we have only a few childish fables of creation, the
adventures of some bird or beast divinity, of a flood
or some other natural convulsion, a victory or a de-
ioat which may have occurred one or a hundred gen-
erations ago. These fables lack chronology, and have
no definite historical signification which can be made
avai!:>blo. The Civilized Nations, however, had re-
corded annals not altogether mythical. The Nahua
annals reach back chronologically, although not un-
interrui)tedly to about the sixth century of our era;
the Maya record is somewhat less extensive in an
unbroken line; but both extend more or less vaguely
and mythically to the beginning of the Christian era,
perhaps nuich farther. Myths are mingled in great
abundance with historical traditions throughout the
Avhole aboriginal period, and it is often utterly im-
possible to distinguish between them, or to fix the
bouiularv line beyond which the element of history
is absolutely wanting. The primitive aboriginal life,
not only in America but throughout the world, is
wrapped in mystery. The clear light of history
fades gradually, as we recede from the present age,
into an ever-deepening shadow, which, beyond a
varying indefinable point, a border-land of myth and
fable, merges into the black night of anticpiity. The
investigations of modern science move back but
slowly this bound between the ])ast and ])resent, and
while the results in the aggregate are immense, in
shedding new light on jjortions of the world's annals,
progress toward the ultimate end is almost inappreci-
al)le. If the human mind shall ever penetrate the
niysterj^ it will be one of its last and most glorious
II
'> i'i
t:1
130
INTRODUCTORY TO ABORIGINAL HISTORY.
I
; i;
.1. t {
triuinj)hs. America does not differ so much as would
at first tliouo'ht appear from the so-called Old World
in respect to the obscurity that shrouds her early
history, if both are viewed from a correspondini^
stand-point — in America the Spanish Conquest in
the sixteenth century, in the eastern continent a
remote period when history first be*^an to be recorded
in languages still in use. Or if we attach greater
importance to Biblical tlian to other traditions, still
America should be compared, not with the nations
whose history is traced in the Hebrew record, but
with the distant extremities of Asia, Europe, and
Africa, on whose history the Bible throws no light,
save the statement that they were peopled from
a common centre, in which populating movement
America has equal claims to be included. To all
whose investigations are a search for truth, darkness
covers the origin of the American peoples, and their
primitive history, save for a few centuries preceding
the Conquest. The darkness is lighted up here and
there by ilim rays of conjecture, which only become
fixed lights of fact in the eyes of anticpiarians whoso
lively imagination enables them to see best in the
dark, and whose researches arc but a sifting-out of
supports to a preconceived opinion.
The authorities on which our knowledge of abo-
riginal history rests are native traditions orally
handed down from generation to generation, the
Aztec picture-writings that still exist, the writings
of the Spanish authors Avho came in contact with tlu!
natives in the period immediately following the Con-
quest, and also of converted native writers who wrote
in Si)anish, or at least by the aid of European letters.
In connection with these positive authorities the
actual condition, institutions, and beliefs of the
natives at the Ctmquest, together with the material
monuments of antiqiiity, all described in the j)re
ceding volumes, constitute an important illustrative,
corrective, or confirmatory source of information.
TRADITION AS AX AUTHOUITY.
137
Oral tradition, in connection with linguistic affini-
ties, is our only authority in the case of the wild
tiihes, and also plays a prominent pnvt in the annals
(tf the civilized nations. Jn estimatinjr its historical
viilue, not only the intrinsic value of the tradition
itself, but the authenticity of the version presented
to us must be taken into consideration; the latter
consideration is, however, closely connected with tliat
of the early writers and their reliability as authori-
ties on aborii^inal history. No tribe is altoi^ether
witliout traditions of the past, many — probably most
^(»f Avliich were founded on actual occurrences, while
a few are wholly imaL(inary. Yet, whatever their
origin, all arc, if unsup})orted by written records,
practically of little or no value. Every trace of the
oirciinistances that ucave rise to a tradition is soon
lost, altliouijch the tradition itself in curiously modi-
fied forms is lonjjf preserved. Natural convulsions,
like floods and eartlujuakes, famines, wars, tribal
niinnitions, naturally leave an inn)ression on tiie
sav;i<,^e mind which is not easily effaced, but the fahle
ill whidi the record is embodied nuiy have assumed a
form so chanifed and childish that we pass over it
to-day as havino* no historical value, seekinjjf infonna-
tion only in an apparently more consistent tale, which
may have oriufinated at a recent date from some very
trivial circumstance. Examples are not wantinjic of
very important events in the com]»aratively modern
history of Indian tribes, th.e record of which has not
apparently been pieserved in son"- or story, or the
memory of which at least has become entirely ob-
literated in little more than a hundred vears. Oral
tradition has no chnmoloyv that is not purelv im-
aojiiary; "many moons ai^o, ' "our fathers did thus
ami so," may refer to antediluvian times or to the
exploits of the narrator's grandfather. Among the
American savages there was not even a pride in the
pedi'i^ree of families or horses to induce care in this
respect, as among the Asiatic hordes of patriarchal
1 1
i
I!
1
i
ii
II
i !
13«
INTUODUCTOUY TO ABORIGINAL HISTORY.
times. But the traditions of s:iv!i<j;os, valueless by
themselves for a time more remote tlwiu one or two
<]feMerations, be<:fiu to assume inijiortani-e when the
events narrated have been otherwise aseertaiiuMl by
the records of some c()ntem|)orary nation, throwinuf
indirectly much li<,''ht on history which they were
powerless to reveal. Three traditions are esj)ecially
prevalent in some form in nearly every section of
America; that of a delutife, of an aboriu^inal mij^ra-
tion, and of giants that dwelt upon the earth at some
time in the remote past. These may be taken as
examples and interpreted as foUows, the respective
inter[>retations being arranged in the order of their
probability.
The tradition of a flood would naturally arise, 1st,
from the destruction of a tribe or ])art of a tribe by
the sudden rising of a river or mountain stream
that is from a modern event such as has occurred at
some time in the history of nearly every people, and
which a hundred years and a fertile imagination
would readily iiave converted into a universal inun-
dation. 2d. From the finding of sea-shells uid other
marine relics iidand, and even on high mountains,
suggesting to the natives' untutored mind what it
proves to later scientific research — -the fact that water
once covered all. 3d. From the actual submt^'sioii
of some portions of the continent by the action of
volcano or earthquake, an event that geology shows
not to be improbable, and which v/^ould be well calcu-
lated to leave a lasting impression on tne riinds of
savages. 4th. From the deluge of the scrij)turiil
tradition, the only one of the many similar events
that may have occurred which makes any claims ti)
have been historically recorded. The accompanyiiiijr
particulars would be naturally invented. Some mu<t
have escaped, and an ark or a high mountain are tl
natural means.
A traditional migration from north, south, east, ci
west may point to the local journeying of a family
INTEKPUKTATroN OK THAD.TIOX.
'"• tnbo, either in s,>nr,.l, ,,f i .. ,
'"■ - ^^ .-ult ot X tt^^': ^•"»tin.-o,,,,.,,,^
■'^ put nation may be ivf^ •," 1 f. T ?^'>«titutin^>-
^-t Mmto impo.s,sil,fe tlutt i f^^nt /""' ^"■^"•>^' '^ ^«
orironomtion8. "^ ^^« survived tiirouo-l, Jiun.Jred«
^^<> with the rri-inf J... 1-x-
;'<.re«.sfnJ enemy, po.s >lv ^f T'"""^' ir'^v-<'rrul, and
tn .0 so valiant that it L . /"-"^ J'''y.si,,„e. ,Vo
'^"^J tJ»e attriI,utin.rof ^ ;f„ ""^ '"^'t with '^0,-.^
tlio descendants tJie stin .•<>?/ *"'' '"""^'^'^'•^ ••""'>"-
2^J- Fro.n the discove, t of i. '"" '"•^"^"•^tors' de/bat'^
"/••••^todons and othJr Ixtino T"'^^ ^^"•^'' '^''"- « '
f •-•^'^'c that sucJi were diemed ^r*'"'- ^' ^' ''^^
tl.o natives yvhen the Snlnh •!"'"" ""^'"^^'"^^ W
honest y believed tl,emTbe t .' l" ^''^'' ^''"^"^ ^'^ve
^'^'ant.c raee. 3d. From th T "^ ^"' ^^^inct
»•'""« >n ,n,„ V parts of •^^•^'«tence of o-,-and
r-^-'^--'- poi".^/J:^ --^'X fJu- beyond the
'"•;^7o.s the work of ..ia.^ts ' '^T' '""'* ^''^'''^''"-'"-^ i»
"''\"y' ^» con.parison wi their f"^ ''''' '''^^'^^^^t-
•*f. iiose who built the r e ' p r '•-"lembranee
^^•'f^; comparatively civi li^ed ,' "'' ?'l "'t-"'-cour.se
-^-tonce in prin.itive ti e sof a ^ f'- ^^'•'^•" '^^o
^("neroi.s ad.lition./l '"'^'^ «^ .i^''^'>t«.
^-^'iti<.ns nn^ht do l:Tr '"' ""^' '^'" ^'-^e
J.;'vc.n snm..e for illnstrati m nd'v^Tf "'' '^"^ ^'^-^
J uy are arrano-ed in each V '• V^'"^^'^' '^marked
^''" "'-'^ural o^der V n ,''r.-!"''^^^^t^^onld seem
'-^- -'n>uld ai^^v^V^^^^ 'The near ;^d
■^•'P<"rnatural; and the f I "''"^ *^* ^^^^^ ^-^'"'"te and
'■^'^.':'- to koahVdelu e 'V-T''""^^^^ '^^'-'^ be
--tence of a ^io^ntt^ S ^f I "'•'^"' -^^ the
"PI'ositions are nrovvr? \ ' T^ ^''^*'» the previous
y ^vuteis on abono-mal America,
I
4:i
;t
H
■it
I
1!^
ill
140
INTUODUCTOKY TO ABORKJINAL HISTORY.
VMur^ their reason only wlien it did not confliet with
their f'aitii, rever.ed the order of prolnihiUtv, and
thus ifrcatly impaired the usefulness of their contri-
butions to history. The suj)position of a }>urely
imaginary oriijfin, oomnion to al)orii,^inal le<»'en«l and
modern romance, should of course he added to each
of the prece(lin<if lists, and generally }>laced before
the last ;:api.osition given.
Passing fr.mi the wild tribes to the civilized na-
tions of M !xico and Central America, we Hnd tra-
dition, or what is generally rcjgarded as such, nuich
more complete and extensive in its scope, less child-
ish in detail, and with a more clearly deHned dlvitliiig
line between history and mythology. TheoreticMlly
we might expect a higher grade of tradition among
a j)artially civilized people; but on the other hand,
what need had the Nahuas or Mayas of oral tradi-
tion when tliey had the art of recording events!' hi
fact, oiu* knowledge of Aztec and ^laya history is
not in any proper sense traditional, although com-
monly spoken of as such by the writers. Previous
to the practice of the hieroglyphic art — the date of
whose invention or introduction is unknown, but
must piijbably be placed long before the C'hristi;ui
era — oral tradition was iloubtless the only guide to
the past; but the traditions were recorded as soon as
the system of picture-writing was sutticiently per-
fected to suggest if not to clearly ex]iress their im-
jiort. .\fter picture-writing came into general use.
it is ditticult to imagine that any historical events
should have been handed down by tradition alone.
Still in one sense the popidar knowU-dge of the past
among the ^[exicans may be called tra<litlt)nal. inas
nuu'h as the written records of the nation were not
in the hands of the people, but were kej)t by a class
of the priesthood, an<l may be supposei to have bi'iii
read by com|iaratively few. The contents i>f tlie
rcconls, however, except ])erhai)S some rehgious mys
'liyi
HIKIIOCJLYIMIIC HECOlins.
141
teries wliich the priests alone oonipreliendol, wore
toleraMy well known to the educati'd classes; and
wlu'ii the records were destroye<l l»y Spanish t'anati-
cisiii. this y;enei'al knowledov hei-ame tin- ehiet" s^nrce
whcnte, tln-onyh the 'talk of the old men,' the eailier
writers (hew their inlonnation. It is in this li^ht
that we must nndersttmd the statement of many al>le
writers, tliat the yreater ]>art of our knowKMJye of
early American liistory is traditional, since tliis
knowledge was not ohtaini'd hy an actual examina-
tion of the records by the Spaniards, hut orally from
the people, the u])per classes of wliom hatl tlu'n>.-
selves lead the ])ii'tured annals, while the masses
were somewhat familiar throui»'h ])opular chants and
plavs with their contents. The value of history
i'aitlifnily taken from such a soui'ci^ cannot he
(louittrd, hut its vagueness and contlictinL;" statements
resjtcctin!4' tlates and details may he hcst appri'ciated
hy ([uestioninjx intelligent men in the liyht of nine-
teenth century civilizati(»n res|K'ctin;^' the details of
modtrn history, withholdiny' the })rivile:L;e of I'efer-
ciice to hooks or iloeumeiits.
( )f the Nahua hieroylyphie system and its ea]m-
hilities cnoMnh has heen said elsewhere.' Uy its aid,
from the heoinnint*- of the Toltec peiiod at least, all
historical events were recorded that were dt cmeil
worthy of heiuL"" preserved. Tlu' popular knowledi^e
of thest' events was ]terpetuated hy means of |toems,
s Hi^s, ami plays, and this knowledm- was natuially
faulty in dates. The numerous dis(re])ancies whieh
students of t!ie })resent day meet at every st( |» lu
the invest i<4"ation of ahoi'iui'inal amials. lesidt «hietly
fi-oMi tlu' almost total destruction of this painted
records, the carelessness of thos(! who atti'mpted to
iiiter|ti'et the few survivino- docmuents at a time
when such a task hy nativi* aid outiht to hav(; heen
feasihie, the neglect of the Spanish priesthood in
allowing' the art of interpretation to he well-nioh
' Vol. ii, , J)]., .v_»:«-.v.'.
; )
fH
:
.;
V,
142
INTUODUCTOIIY TO AHORKUNAL HISTORY.
lost, their necessary reliance for historical information
on the popular knowledge above referred to, and to a
certain degree doubtless from their failure to proj)erly
record information thus obtained.
But few native manuscripts have been preserved
to the present time, and oidy a small part of those
few ai'e Iiisttnical in their nature, two of the most
important having been given in my second volum .*
Most of the events indicated in such picture-writings
as have been interpreted are also narrated by tlie
early writers from traditional sources. Thus Ave see
that our knowledge of aboriginal history depends
chiefly on the hierogly[)hic records destroyed by the
Spaniards, rather than on the lew fragments that
escaped such destruction. To documents that may
be found in the future, and to a nioro careful study of
those now existing, we niay look ])e)liaps for much
corrective information respecting dates and other
details, but it is not pvobal)le tluit newly discovered
picture-writings or new n-atlings of old ones will
extend the aboriginal annals much farther back into
the past. These renuirks ap[>ly of course only to
the Aztec documents; the Maya records i)aintcd on
skin and ])aper, or inscribetl on stone, are yet sealed
books, I'especting tlie nature of whose contents con-
jectuie is vain, but I'rom which the i'uture may evolve
revelations of the greatest importance.
Closely connected with tlie consideration of tradi-
tion and hieroglyphic records as authorities for my
jiresent subject, is tliat of the Spanish and native
writers through whom for the most j)art Americau
traditions, both hieroglyphically recorded and orally
transmitted- in fact, what was known to the natives
at the CoiKpiest of their own past Iiistory -are made
known to the modern student. These were ("atholic
missionaries and their conveits, numerous, zealous,
and as a class hon
est writers. Through an excess of
« jip. r.«4 -».
ij;.
THE SPANISH VVJtITEUs.
'"^'tic; :^eal tli^y Jiad
liar
"I "V ,l,.»tr.,yi,ij; the nati
»"«ed at the first
148
i'»'e|)iirablo
ley
ii'^toi'Kvil JiJionled
.V eollcrt
iii<>-
'IV error.
•s con-
tl
'^ «is IiutI be:
";• I'eojKo. Their work. J
fen
sevei-e enticisni
faii-J
.y IH)inted out
■tiKl the de/e,.ts of
^'•'•lo-mcMlts of
preserved aiiionjr
(J
. ^ mill
.''? P'Y-s^'d ti.e test
",y t;' /he .spi,.; ,f th
exao-o-ernted.
acJi J
the different wort
''r'tie; l.iit tl
"• defended
>'ive been
necord-
'(iff'eient
es J
K-8in ^>-eneruI out J
10 a<rreenient of
"» tiieir e^uts t
that
'•ertaiiie(
institutions of
,'» <lt'tail and tl
"10, and
'^'V J'Vfty bbnuK-rs, ,sl
'"^th:h::t,;;:T";:'f'"--.Mi
even their
low
the d
•^wayt'd like otl
•V'^tlie Xeu- Work,
Its i)eo].]e, their J
l>e a.s-
and t]
'.sc'overy bf the t'l
I'lt'"!..- motive M
"tJi, althouoJi tl
tinier, bv tl
J^^!' )vnters of their ti
le
lis
'ey were
lll^'louis,
!« js])irit of tl
'"o. and all otJ
Tl
le
. -■■- "jMiit or the a-'o in,! i
Arn
ii;;:"; .^:;:r^""'' ^^z-^i!-'
J>i-ovailinrr ^veal.
lees.
ler
re-
enca js well k
'■'!'^' I'lind attaci
n
•'^■^ of Sj.ani.h writ
lown— their id
^■"'W of S(
1
/'.'lent to chureh d
'^•'oiis fiiMati
er,s on
"."^^ of it. con.se(,ne
'•"^t 'Mistaken zeal
lo^'iias, whici
"ees, i.s pronounced'
eisin
1, in
"- i..«c.„t "•;^,r"' .,•,"■;.' '•'■.''-•'"«' '-imH
"I'laeulous int
'oy iH-lieved in tl
le i\
at
'mien of
VlTt!M<
"•^ H'teipositi,,,, ,,f(,,. ;, ," ^"^' tre.iuent
f'^'''ttivepa.an •:.,/" •^''^^^■'"•'^ of V.on-
f'le devil in tl
'':""l>.'est. fu tl
le
pa-ans; U^ the inst
^Pi'itiial dark
'e*ir anti,p,ana„
'""iiientalitv of
"^'^« ]'i-ecedin,o- 'tl
:-";'"- - - ^-<^hiu:7:!;Tr
10
"I'iiiitclv Nti
•'^•••''I'fm'e.l mon
■oii,i,'-er eon vieti,,,, t„ ^|
.'eir minds tl
'-"'".^o;-i:";r'.,;;:'!«'^v'-'-n;;r;
"■'"' ' 'aelu.lic's of tl
^»v of„af„„:. -■,„-^
Til.' (i
ilciii
•■'-■■'/i'.v,.,„|,,i,
'"•iil.ir ,„■,.,./ 1
<•' that tl
!ioir time.' Tl
yt, tl
issao'e
•'■oiio-ht
'•in any
Jiistorical
'ey Wen;
r'-'vvi.i.'r!;i:-;.rr..!:'r'"''''''^''''<irnti
'^* 1 "'e valence" of tl
il <<'llaili rill
I..I
lis
''" "liiili All
iiiiirati Ills -I'l
H's is
••rioiin^li ,,
"-Jifc':rV3K;:'h'-i^:H»Mi
111- III.IV
iiiii-
'"• '|ii'i(iil
K'.V «
:^ ''••■ 'a..[H ;^;Lr:r:::- ^
•'IV NO ill
l-^'lllHxl ,,f „|
■PJIKlicod l)ig„ta
J
""■'•• //((/.
vt'slcl „( ,j
V IUIV(> p;
. P- l!»7.
Iiiiost all tl
l'iiii<i|,|,.s j,
"i-dfl tli.'i„s,.|
IlllMC
ii'ir
M'H
;f
ir
lliii
! i
144
INTUODrCTUUY TO ABOKIGINAL HISTOUY.
relisjfious spirit among the only men who had an
opjHU'tnnity to clear up some of the mysteries of the
American past is to be regretted. They could have
done their work much better without its influence;
but, on the other hand, without such a motive as
rchgious enthusiasm there is little })robal>ility that
the work would have been done at all. It is not
only in American researches, however, that this im-
perfection prevails. As we recede from the ])resent
we find men more and more religious, and leligioii
has ever been an imperious mistress, brooking no
rivalry on the part of reason. Reliance on snj)ersti-
tion and prejudice, rather than facts an<l reason, is
not more noticeable j)erhaps in works on ancient
America than in other old works. The faith of the
Spaniards renders their conclusions on origin and the
eailier periods of primitive history valueless, but if
that Were all, the defect woidd be of slight import-
ance, for it is not likely that the natives knew any-
thing of their own origin, and the Spaniards had no
nieans not now accessi'-le of learning anvthin<>' on
that subject from other sources. We may well
])ardon them for finding St Thomas and his Christian
teachings in the Toltec traditions <tf Quetzalcoatl;
the ten lost tribes ol" Israel in the American abo-
rigines; Noah's H(»od and the confusion of tongues in
an Aztec ])icture of a man floating on the water and
a l)ird speaking from a tree; provided they have left
us a corrt'ct version of the tradition, a true account
of the natives and their institutions, and an accurate
coj)y of the }>icture referred to. But it is not in'-
j>robable that their zeal gave a coloring to some
traditions and suppressed others which furnished no
support to the iJiblical accounts, and were invi'utid
wholly in the interests of the devil. Fortunately it
was chii'riy on the mythological traditions su})po>t(l
to relate to the creation, deluge, connection of I lie
Americans with the Old Woild peoples, and tjtlicr
very remote events that they exercised their faith,
rati
nate
prill
Mich
h
with
TJ,
over
Spaiii
tlie j,
cials
aniina
to abo
co\-ery
seiitiiii
«upj)re;
nianiisc
made h
nrted t
and un
the nati
Sjwtnii
wliich n
thi'reforc
aiithont\
-uid Hon
that tile I
the ordin
iiiiagidarj
»'f the ()
•b»nah sw;
■■^tand .still
'iiodern A]
Mexicans,
^'ii^'stra S
'\i»'<t the J
'"any of ^
ilhuliuiiml ,
to do tile I
■'^^'ivfs boil)
Vol. V
THE SPANISH WRITERS.
145
^i
"™r.sul,..„itt,:d („ a .to,' :;:■:"; '''•''^'.''•" ^-^--o more.
"al'mc, a,„l their zeal » « eht)"'"'," "" ""'' """cM
'"^""'"I'-il't, or tlK«e ivl,,' f "■••"'■" l»-o»erved T
'■'■■;'«l tlieh- ef);,re, a.rl' "''.'"" t'<" co„.s„r, di
••"ithoritv? T),, ' "'"^^I'M'tH tl,,,t r,.,t ,„'.'"' wo
["■V" -^'oxi™„ )n^s , r e";::''"''' ""-■ "'■••"ne„:.l 'r
rv f i '""' ''« <'i>ndaln„e" 1 i ^' "l>l«riti„„ „f
t„ ,1 r '""'""'or and Jiisto.v I- *'"-' »tii< v of
i\
, ■ ;
; ; K
; (• i
14G
INTUODrCTOUY TO ABORIGINAL HISTORY.
the Inquisition to draw scriptural conclusions iVoni
each native tradition? The same remarks a|)j>ly to
the writin*jfs of converted and educated natives, in-
fluenced to a ijreat dei»ree l»v their teachers; more
prone, perhaps, to exanoeiation throuj^h national
pride, but at the sanie time better actpiainted witli
the native character and with tiie inter})retation of
the native hiero<flyphics. To ])ronounce all these
works di'lil>eratelv executed fbri;eries, as a tew mod-
ern writers have done, is too absurd to re([Uire refu-
tation.
The writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-
turies who derived tlieir information from original
sources, and on whose works all that has betu
written sub.secpiently is founded, comprise, 1st, the
concpierors themselves, diiefly Cortes, Diaz del Cas-
tillo, and tlie Anonymous Concpieror, whose writings
only touch incidentally upon a few ju/mts of ancient
history. 2d. Tiie first missionaries who were sent
from Spain to su[»plement the .achievements of Cortes
by s[>iritual con(juests. Such were Jose de Acosta,
Bernardino Sahayim, liartolome de Las Casas, Juan
de Tonpiemada, J)ie<^o J)uran, (Jeronimo de Men-
dieta, Toribio de Benavente (Motolinia), ])ie,ii^o (Jarcia
de Balacio, ])i(laco Valades, and Alonzo de Zurita.
Of these Tonpiemada is tlie most complete and com-
prehensive, so far as aboriginal history is concerned.
furnishin<^ an immense mass of material drawn from
native sources, very ba<lly arranu^ed and writtt n.
Duran also <levotes a larn'e ])ortion of his work^ to
history, continiuL;' himself chiefly, however, to the
annals of the Aztecs. The other authorities named,
although containinij^ full accounts of the natives and
their institutions, devote comparatively little space U>
historical tratliticjus; Saluii^un is the best authnn^y
of all, so far as his observatit>ns ^o in this direct i(»n.
* Ifiiforiii Antliiun de la Xiirrn Fn/iniin, MS. ii( l.WS, folio, .S voliiiiiis.
A ^Mirt of tliis Work lias rt'ci'iitly Ikhmi ]iriiit(><l in Mexico. 1 luivt' :i iiiiirni-
siTipt copy iiinilf liv Mr (". .\. ypoirord from that existing in the Coiijin-s-
iontil ].,il>i-ury in WaHliin{rtun.
tl.llN
■■III' the
„ " .' '.'/'"'. //
"'«■"•", (orn, i
V I'Mi.
i\
1 1 :if
T'lE SPANISH VVHITEKs,
.y'!,'"liI":i-;''''"'"«'.--",er
'"• '"'1 traiKsl.-it
in the
147
'"storieul work-. ';.;''. ^'^^ ^
nut
Works exist
«ri.nrlnal Spanish
•'«••'«.. wJiose o-reat
fv'o wntcTs who after\ .;.."!""''^''''''t- ^d- The
^''»" Sjninish I,
i^MV ].uoj)I,., oith
:':'j'""^^'!^'"» ao,H,i,,,,
.^".^""'t^'-o und wrote on i,''*'''^'
|>anisli or j,, tl
.i^"''ty-f, ein|.|ovin<. f , J" '• ' *"' '
't'U- own J,
J of
:in-
<""\^'rtors, Hiui tl
to tl
yy mimed ^vith t]
' i.-ihet. Most (,f'
l;; «'"no n-iticisni. Jj,
'V"' ^vritin,irs as a cl
;^' '^pi'-it of their
'■' "ol'Io TJascalf
'^'•^'"<h transhit
*oniino-o Afi,
^'•'.. wrote, ahont 158
'«« «iie sn hjoefc
"<>z C'aniar
•"o
las }
'i history ot"
nioc, (1
wr(
<^'>«'en(It'<| f
Ion.
.,, 7^''' Pnl.lished onl
^r ^''^' ••iH-oMi,.i.s^'"vV '""'•r."^^^-'-"]".xai
'■•>ni the
''^t'lndpoint of tl
.o Tel ^*^^""'"> Justorv n
y tn a
'ZOZO-
h-o.
'^■^''^■('on.Mu.st h. Vi .
>in th
tini
le
10
'^f 'vino- of 'I
that
11
\\vre sa\-(.(j of tj
xochiti was .„ ,
;^^^<:'<<;<', fron. whom ]"
i.S Wo|-J,
n;iti\
'«;' i-o<-ords in the puhj
riandson of (1^,
'^' '"horit,.,! all
■ :'!^' --t™--;:;;, ';?,!"''":;• -viuv.
t' writer
"•"^'"'.v, aithono-h t
'•'V^'niio- the whol
i<»se of
'iiiy other
Chu-]
iini(
'<'S Jus
J"oa ti
■I'lccstors.'^
"i,'' inon
" /'""^ c-l.'.ss shonhl I
- ,1,'ioinid of "Xah..
I'-u-tieidarJy of tj,"
Ilia
10
''f"«' I<no\vn writ.
''"=<'•>. T.ideo ,je ,V
;;|^'""a"y manuscripts "l
>e inc)ii,h,,l th
•♦^ported hut
:!S:'";"A;;„L;;"?;':^^:r-i:,>;5^
n-
""f '•L'.searches,and
It to hVht I
,1
\tii;
"ilicrwis,
'":.!,"■" ''■•'s i.,.,.„ n
]>reserved for't)
'V <'oniparative|
'i'lieri! are
•"^t; names
V ro-
il,
• •oil
I'l'i'ill
^'•'■•'•'■l of (|„. i
!"' ■:"i''iVrt „f
10
tiiiiis
'l«'«mlly ,„ ,1,
••mihciitir ,1
'«■'" iliKlh.i
niiicli nil
I Ml llcillv
:Mi;iti/(v
''^<'IV IL
•'""".T "'■ .•l,n.„..|
'"■iiiiiciiis ill I
'''""••^fcl>jirtin tl
■■* ■"'".•'■"IS lo |„, ,,'
"•^■-ll
.■lie I
' '•''■.U.ilidv
"H Ir.irs ;,;i II
I '•••;;<•. J'
vfii Wii^
i-'.v whirl
Ills jMPSSC.
'lit Ik
r.ss
If llliis
lll.l I
''I' '-iirly writ
I'l'S (III t
"/ JA
; ;'ii'N<'ii(.s ,
"". ImK ,;,
\vr,,t,.
re
'-1.,.:: I ;'::,;!:■:""::'. -■ ^Jm; ,r
''.!•.
Mdii.li
•''!"' II ilis|„,si(
y^.r"^>}-rt, iui
','''-•■'■ 'ii. «ii
'',""-'' 'i'fif'i.M
'"?r"7'"'"M.all?|
•^'''nnV,;;:r:y'::.'''.'-i..iy.:x,w;,'
"f III.
"X an
•s ii.iir.il
'">'■; lli.it A]
III)
Ml
tiilll
"/. .?/,
iiiiiuis.
"""-.-;;,,;y::r-"';::;""'^."„
• I'- HI, /,i;i.i.wnf ,;« 7) '■.•"• ' ''
are .)lw,.,val)Je «]
In(» (o ,1
*'■'"• '/« //,;,;/•/;
';;:t'"'^v •:'■'"'•-- ./„/. ,,,
'"V. /A.V/. A7,A r
"'•• '"III. ii.
i'
'!
fu!
T
^ Hi
!
/ 1
I
i
•ii*
148
INTKODUCTOUY TO ABOHIGINAL HISTORY.
Brassour and Aubin collections in Paris. Their con-
tents are unknown except throujjcli the writings of
the Ahbe Brasseur. The Poj)ol Vuh is another ini-
j)ortant document, of which there are extant a Span-
isli and a Freiich translation. 4th. S]>anish authors
who passed their lives mostly in Spain, and wrote
chieHy under royal appointment. Tlieir information
was derived from tlie writers already mentioned,
from the official correspondence of the colonists, and
IVom the narratives of returninj^ adventurers. Most
of them touched upon ahorii^inal history among other
topics. To this class heloni^ed Peter Martyr, Fran-
cisco [jopez de Gomara, Antonio de Herrera, and
Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes. oth. Cath-
olic priests and missionaries who founded or were in
char<»-e of the missions at later ])eriods or in remote
rejifions, as Yucatan, Guatemala, Chiapas, Oajaca,
Michoacan, and the north-western provinces of New
Spain. They wrote chieHy in the seventeenth and
eii^hteentli centuries, and treat ])rincipally of the con-
version of the natives, hut include also in many cases
their historical traditions and their exj)lanations of
the few ahori^inal documents that fell into the pos-
session of the converts. The number of such works
is very great, and many of them have never been
])rinted. Among the most important writers of this
class are Diego de Landa, Diego Lo])ez Cogolludo,
Padre Lizana, and Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor,
on Yucatan ; Ramon de Ordonez y Aguiar,^ Fuentos
y Guzniaii,** F. E. Arana," Francisco (iarcia l*elai'z,'"
ami J)omingo Juarros, on Guatemala; Francisco
Nunez de la Vega," FVancisco Ximenez,''^ and An-
' Jfistoria dc hi ( 'rrarioii dil Ciclo y de la Ticrra, conforme al Sistimn
de III ijnitiUdad Atiiiriruiiii.
>* Uiiopi/iirion h'liifid'i dr. In llistoria del Rcyno dc Guatemala, MS. in
tl)c (iiiatciiiiilaii Ai't'liivt's.
9 Mrmoriid dr Tirpiin-Atitlan, a history of tlic Cakehiqucl KiiiK'l""''
MS. (li.si'dvenMl l»y nriissiMir.
'" Mcmoriiis para la llistoria del Antiguo Rcyno dc Guatemala. <!iiii-
teinaln, 1852.
" (Jonstiliicioucs DiorcinHnx del Ohixpado dr Chinppas. Rome, 17"--
'* Vol. iii. of II History of ('liiapaH ami (iiiat<;iiiala, found l)y Si'Ikm/it at
tiie University of Sun Carlos. See Ximriicz, Hist. Ind. Gual., jip. viii., \iii.
SECONDAilV AUTHORITIES.
— » '"-"Vines,
tonio do Romesal on r-i,; „ ""
AiTicivit,. on the north w f""' ^'''^' Aloc^re a,„l
"■'J tho n,„norou.s lotture twP " "" "'"-' ""ssions
■"■■0.S u. distant ,„.„vi e .3 mi,;"'*/''.""" "'^' """^^on:
preserve, , and Lt a C' ';,[<,/ "h'^'h Lave I,c4
I'l' "eluded in this class tl.l! -l- ^'""'" ""ay also
JIo.v,ean authors, sueh as u,"^!""" "'' »»me latc^
-* were n,ostly LSS'o:^^^'^'''"^ ^l
'"-" ''i ""-'»■ I'redeoessois ul , "-'"''"'"'atlon snn-
anan-o and el, ssify hut h ' .""■•>' <<'<' >"uch ! ,
";;^'".al -.'".orities-'.'.ot ..eSH? '""' ""-- « ' » ,u e
almost uiuversallv siK.k' w.r ' I ''f''- (-''aviiforo is
-''il-'. I.ut it is 'prX t ' t, ,:V''^ '"•»' >""«'■ on o
"'"'^1' "■"■■o to lu's' systemati; ' "''"" '"" 'M'utation
"•"■ratiou of traditi,a,s S h '■''.'T'"'-'''' '""i '•!
-"jl"»c.d, „u<l to the on,ks' !n ^f t ; """ '""" -'■-''
d^,c:''--''"^"'Mha,:^^!:;/-.^.^
■■I'l'lo to later writers Tl,,.^ ■"""""""'' ae,-es.
:;;,;f ''•"" of all that Las r;, «;;.'. » '-,0 heeu the
"Mat has heen develoon,! ,■,"*""<■" »nice, excerit
;7'-.t,fic .«earches 'iTl , ™", 'r"'"''" "»J I er
!;■« autlu.rities ,,uu, ,,'■-■'.''"<,'' ''""iparisons th ■ ,
ff"H- little thev,~, . / '" "'^' St"' V of l,t,
"«■ "f the wi , ■' ihr'V'?'"',"'' '" '""•*•« o'Se
. Si
^4*
.'If
11 '
I-
1
i
; *
1
M
150
INTUODUCTOUY TO ABORIGINAL HISTORY.
may iiHlioituby roHoinldatKiosordissimilaritiosiicoiiiUH;-
tioii or want of it Imtwoou Ihu diHl'iciit <'iviliz»!(l tiiltus,
an<l may thus corroWorato or modify tli<-ir wiittuii an-
nals; it may uvcii throw some li,L;ht on the unity or
diversity of its own orii»'in hy showiuLf the nature of
the conncc^tiou hetween tlie \ahua and Maya cultures,
in which striking;' restsinhlances as well as contrasts
are ohsi-rved. < )utsi(le of the re;L(ions mention(;d, where
there were no tann'ihle reconls, we can only search
amitULj" the wilder tribes for points of likeness hy
which to attach tht^ir past to that of the civilized na-
tions. It may he foicsc-en that the results of such a
search will he hut meagre and unsatisfactory, yet on
several important branches of the subject, such as the
relation borne by the Mound-Builders and Pui'blos to
tlie southern nati»)ns, it furnishes our oidy liji^ht.
Of the historical aids now under considei'ati(tn, eth-
nology proper, the study of ])hysical and mental char-
acteristics, has yi(jlded and ])romises apparently tlio
least important results. In fact, as has been already
pointed out in another pai't of this work, it has hardly
ac<|uir*Ml tlie ri'^dit to Ix; classed amoULf the sciences, so
far as its applicati(jn to the American ])e()ple is cori-
corned. 'riuM)retically it may, in a more perfe<;t st.itc
of development than now (exists, throw some li^ht on
the I'oute and order of Ameri(;an migrations, po.ssiidy
on th(Mjuestion of oriu^in; thus far, however, ethno-
logical studies have been j)ra(;ti(;ally fruitless, Hesults
obtained from a comparison of tii" miscellaneous arts
and (Mistoms of various tribes have iikc'wise furnished
and will continue to furnish but very slight assistiuicu
in historical investi,L(ations. Kesemblances and dis-
similarities in these respects dejjend intimately on en-
vironment, which in c(»m})aratively short periods wt)iks
the most strikino- chanii^es. Strono'ly marked analo-
gies are nt)ted in tribes that never came in contact
with each other, while conti-asts as marked appear in
peoplt! but a short time separated. IJndtjr the saino
circumstances, after all, men do about the same things,
''AN(;i A»;j.; as .\ m
''"'""'"•' «>n,<,'i.mtin.rlij,.
I.STo/J/,,^,^ \,
TJ/OK;tv.
ir.i
III ,'l
I i;i_\
[In
'■[■^ «ni(I ciiNtoniM iinl
,»''nv,;nti„ns; niul
;:; ;'':"■'■ a-^^'^^y '^ttriUutJi
*:f <>'"aM,,xtmon|
/'Iciltify
IV.SIllfilitr /•,.„„»
to
""ny ii.'ifcii
♦''''viionni,..nfc, f,I,,iM t
/"' '"•/(-■/.(■fulent
If.
'"■sf of til
!"■ •••"•"^'••fcioM. Tl,,it I
' int(
<>n-
'■'i;itinj|;iJ
"N<! .S(;(;(
cr
^'"^"•"■.'•'S <"• <liulcct.s .sj
• . -J IKJ lll/kuf «... - •
.stnic(iv,j ,
i''^"; ;'f tnl.os in wIm,,so 1
'lot that til
'»<>U'i;i(r ,.|
<-«'" native tril
•>' ^I'o.ilf tJio Hiim
h:h
1^' most
'♦-'OM U <lisji„,s,-ti
l(J
oori-
\' r'»al sijiiilarit
/"■•"nniont
";V f" »'o/in(;rt tli«j
'll>llS(;
NO/llc (
if v.
li/l
'<;« Hj-o pointed
7^>';i^es .li..|,t ,,,„, ,
out. Th
trend
: ,"*''''''"--o of opinio, al,ont tl r'' ''^ ''^'•^'
lii.it tm. f..;i ' . . "'^ t''o iis(,.,» 't|„. ,.,..1. .
■Sllllll
'» N|)(;aJvi,|,r tl
'^'^'lo uutl
least I
^o,,nintiM..f,j./ "'•'••'''''•'''MonVin. n7. 1
IS (
,:,;""'' '''tn-iately .,„„,.•
":'.';"^''''"t J'ONV far Lark
^ ooinnio,! oil
ii(;ct(!(| in tl,
lor-
•■^ifo-s or
;";'.^'"-^''"'(l, whether it
that
". «"• If.ivo at
/'«i«t, .-IS trihe
.•il;-<'.s
f'> f'i<" first siiImI
«i<'ii of the J
;";'^'V":<^onnoetion
h the
(I
'^';«'<'n '»r thu Anie
"ninan ra(
■^'. or even
;"^/'"t<-< |.;>i..t. Fortnnat V tll"","""; ^'"'''^^'«. '«
;■ ''osud cMicern chicHv fl.
hich loroth,.,- .. "" ny tii
<'tiioi reasons caniw.f v
n
ill III.
I,
(ii;.'cl
''""/,'il.l;,'c.s, 'fill
|>liil<
iisons
inoNt
^ ^ 'liiustion of
'^'"">tyot he .settled."
u
I'lve
orio-in.
— /-''i-al «h..;y:/7i
'';••;. "cidHT is III.
'"' <'"iiiiiii.ii ,,1-i
"t liisloiicil
illst ll
'•■t. l-'ll.'t. /
only wl
ll(!
'<■ WJlllt'of
'"'Htni.hir.. „(• /
|"'<Mllli||.„(^,,f
'"''11 tilt
y 'an I
■"';,'llil;;(.s, 1 1,,
iialiiiiix.
Wlllll tl
v..r-..,|.' /
'';■'"•<■. Ian-,
III-IUI.',.
fill (if
•"'•Ni'iiil.l.ii,,.,. i
«<'"^'i(ij,||i,.,.,|)^
■"'a''>^'V .,f
If
'"• N'-iriic(.
'■r.srti,
'"'v Af,
iiiid lit,
^H;":;;;:;i;::/;rS/^w
v.,l
'atiir.;, Hiiii
y ••\l
ail!
-•'.'■^ flu, |„..Ht
1" '■""liilMV V
••llll)(.,|i,.,|
<;iy .si
••i<llllrrt(M|
'■"";,' J>r.H,f
ll
;;::;;;':::':-''!^'''-Vi;or.:::i :;!.•:■•''-'■
'^:'="- ''".i....b.
'" il. Iiav
•< <>n';,'iM, f\
Vl>
Ui.lrly ,|i
I'llVNinil ,1,;,
v;;^ /^:/"z:! '::; j''r^':-'V aH^::;;.;]
lini,
, vol
-;"""'.V; ll,,.,.,
I'llt il ,1
:7''"- "f iMstori.-al
'"•■S ,11,1
aiir ,-,
fVI-
Xl'.l, ],„.,,] i„„
•NOlis «
!'y
'li« I I sciil..... '•"•'•. I». XVI. 'I.'f,.,.,;. " ""aili,
iniic.
.].. I,
i |)iicl,lo
y '"nfii
;;:;-!^"-"w;'i;ii:i;:
"• 'l<! Ia.s ruzas
'^,"|i«'iilias toil,
iiai'iii,,,.
'■a-'<i iiaila
IIIIIV
•lori.-i I
/'I'/'ar llial ||„
I'liii
IH'C,..
MM
■an ,
IO''().
!.:!;;:"'r^ "i:'-!..-..!.!:
^•••-l"l'M-?l'li'aa.|
'•■III of til.
'iw/i
IIOM
iniiaM
l""0 (lOS CI,
"•"• ''i -sola iia,|..t
!"■ lli- I
■«'na sol)),.
'■"', III .V,
'•■iiKliNr «.|
a."* <'llli;,r,-,„.i„„
lA
fih.il
n7::::z:[Ti^^^u'i]-^^^^
J-. f/
anal
ics
'■'"'^ V III
lai
most
Nficni'i' ,,(• (.,
''•xaii.l I;,
.Sf\(
'••'y fro,,, f
";r"ia;fc aii.i |j
'.'/., /:„/,'
III of (I
'•• •■oiiiiii
.'an;,'!,,,,,,.,, I
iia,-.i ho
■ «?m,;:K;s-:'-';|,i-
".•'"'« Mixf.j
."'•"'"••'• -f Kf/.iioi.,!:.:^ '.'"":'<""'
-J ■•■.-■•-., i^lIlO, 11, , (^. j, . -I ■■H.I ,11
., 1. . . .. '"' <la.s.SI ,..,.( r
NU|lji|
"-"^ II.S witli
'•liolli
■•'•'"<ilir;,fi„„ „f
I
^"•^t-ml in.s(a,i..,,., „.I,
'"'•'1 iiiav
Iktc
'■•©11
i:
5 ■
;
1 ' ■ »
li •' ?
i ii
152
INTKODUCTOKY TO ABORIGINAL HISTORY.
Having thus given a sketch of the sources to wliich
wc may look for all that is known and has been con-
jectured respecting the American past, I shall pro-
ceed to place before the reader in the remaining chap-
ters of my work wliat these authorities reveal on the
suhject. I have not, I believe, exaggerated their
value, but fully comprehend the unsubstantial charac-
ter which must be attributed to many of them. 1
am well aware that aboriginal American history, like
the ancient Egyptian and Hebrew annals, differs ma-
terially in its nature and degree of accuracy from the
history of England since the expedition of William
the Conqueror, or of Mexico since the Conquest by
Hernan Cortes. I do not propose to record such events
only as may be made to conform to the modern idea
of chronologic exactitude, rejecting all else as fabu-
lous and mythic. Were such my purpose, a chapter
on the 8ui)ject already given in the second volume
would suffice, with some contraction for the earlier
epochs, and a corresponding expansion, perhaps, for
Aztec history during the century imnunliately j)re-
ceding the Conciuest. On the contrary, I shall tell
the tale as I find it recorded, mingled as it doubtless
is at many points with myth and fable, and shall i( -
count, as others have done, the achievements of herois
that possibly never lived, the wanderings of tribes
who never left their original homes. It is not in a
spirit of real or feigned credulity that I adopt this
course, — on the contrary, I wish to clearly discriminate
between fact and fancy wherever such discrimination
may be possible, and so far as an extensive study of
my subject may enable me to do so — but it is in ju -
cordance with the general plan of the whole work to
record all that is found, rejecting only what may lio
proven false and valueless rather than what may jxjs-
sibly be so.
one nice adopted the ]an<;ua^c of another. Diflercnt langiia;;cR, theroforc,
may be Hpoken by dillerent raccH; ho that any attempt at wiuariii^' tlie
classification of races and tongues must necessarily fail.' Miillera Scknirnf
Lang., vol. i., pp. 326-7.
l&i
k sea,
an <)C(;u-
TREATMENT „K THE sir^ECT
Iwl'txaroHoatcdbyru,^; >«>V;-J whioh ^.o' font
iKlo and tlioiu the r,r...7- \" ''"""•"'"nation si,„
"« '" H.0 literal acSkL. f expression of a d„Z
lofuse toventnro u„o,h .."'*'-' •*'"'' '■'«' Wil«,„
'■"".witl, all it; roe rds^^ ?''"'' "'" ^'"-'•<-- -/ il zi
"'", venture boldly fV,,,,, IV "■' ^:'»"at». is a s,,eei-
ticnnty of each l.roictZ ,! " ."''"". '■'""'' '" tin' J
-;.v»;ton,e of the roel sf J ""' ."""^ '"''"mvlod. e the
*«l"ie to atteinnt H,' •''''' '""' ''""y» bevo, d I. ^
;"nty The e "P , f 'fi '*'"*r' ''""''"n^" t s
;» -""ch to he sai^ iee" t'tT "' *',"« "■oO.-'d here
'"■ I'oriods, h„t look wS, r ! """»'" "'■ "« later aT
;; '-' a"chime':''-ate'''td'Vr" "»-• "■"^''■™»
a dly see in the fir d Lt . ^'"'"^ epoel,,,. .,,,,1 •
'■.■a there are writers who ,, ^'T'" ">' Xihalh,;
7 have (bund secure l^r,?"'"'"''"^ drean.in ,
»'■-••' '"y sift out surnvH-'-T "^>''' '""^^- n7.y
'••ones, couvertin/them'-Yn : •"''"'""'■"' "» fit " eir
'JS,'
!
w
■I
!J'
i.
i
i
1
■ I
wP
(
L
li
iiitu.i.J....^,
IM
INTUODUCTOIIY TO AnORIGIXAL IHRTORY.
ratliL-r a class l>y himself, perhaps, than the re|)rosent-
ative of a class. This author, to speak with a de«^rec
of (xatj^LreratioM, steps out without hesitation from
rock to re; k over the deep waters; to him the hanks
of sliiftiiii^ (juicksand, if somewhat treacherous ahout
the cdiL^es, are firm land in the central parts; to him
the faintest l)noy-siip|)o;ted stars are a hlaze of noon-
day sun; and only on the Hoatin',;' masses of sea-weed
far out on the waters <i«rhtod up hy dim phosphores-
cent reflections, does he admit that his footin«jf is he-
coinini;;- insecure and the lii^ht fi^rows faint. In other
words, he accepts the facts rec(trded hy prect.dini.,'
authors, arran;jfes them often with jjreat wisdom and
disciimination, in_i,'eniously finds a historic record in
traditions l»y others rc»(ai<led as pure l;iMes, and thus
puslus liis reseanh far hcyond the limits previously
reach('<l. He reji'cts nothing, but tninsforms every-
thint,' into historic facts.
In the jiresent sketcli I wish to imitate to a cer-
tain extent tile writers of each class mentioned,
exct')it perhaps the sptjcialists, for 1 have no theory
to defend, have found no nc;\v hriiLfht sun to illumiiif
what has v\vr hei'ii dark. With the Sjtanish writers
1 would tell all that the natives told as history, aiitj
, that without constantly remindiiii,' the rtiuler tliat
the sun did not ]>n)l»al)ly stand still in the heavens,
that ijiants did not tlourisli in America, that tin;
Toltec kinjTs and jirophets di<l not live to the aiji'e "I
several hundred years, and otherwise warnin,Lf liim
aj^^ainst what lie is in no (lan«,'er '.vliatever of accc|il-
in<^^ as truth. Witii Wilson and his class of aiiti-
(juarian sceptics I wmild feel no hesitation in reject-
iuLT the shallow theories and fancies evolved hy
priestlv fanatics from their own hrain. W!tli(Jall;i-
tin I wish to discriminate clearly, when such dis-
crimination is called for and possible, between tlio
historic and the probably mythic; to indicate tlio
boinidary between lirm land and treacherous «|niik-
sand; but also like ihasseur, I would pass lu vuiitl
TIIKATMEXT OF TUE SIBJECT.
155
tlio firiri land, sprinjr from rock to roc-k, wade tlirout>li
sliil'tiiii;' sands, swim to t!io I'arthest, faintest, lij^lit,
and latih at straws l)y the way; — yet not Hatter my-
si;lf Asliile tlins emitloyud, as the ahlie occasionally
seems to do, that 1 am treadini^ dry-shod on a wide,
solid, and wull-li'dited hi<diwav.
M
*W^w
I f 'i:\
i 1
1 !
1 '.
I S
•
i! ;
i: '
CHAPTEPv ITT.
\
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD OF ABORUaNAL IIISTdKY.
m
Subdivision of tiik Siiukct T/.kndai, TuAniTiox ok tiii: Votank
KMIMKK- VoTAN's HooIv and its CoNTKNTS as UKl'lUtTKI) IIV
Nl SiCZ DK I,A VK(;A, (AllUKHA, AND < tltDoSlCZ -TESTIMONY ill
Manners and Clstoms, Religion, Lanuiaoes, and Mom
MENTS of TIIE CIVILIZED NATIONS RKSl'ECTIN'i THE PltlMIIIVi:
Mava Peoim.ks- The c^riciiE liEroiiD. ok I'<»I'ol Vih -Civii,-
• IZIXU KFFOUTS of (illlMAIZ AND HIS |- OM.OWKKS KXI'I.nllS
OF IlUNAIIl'U AND XUALANyl E -CoNyl EST OF XlIJALliA Ml(.l;\
TION FROM TiLAN Zl'IVA, THE SEVEN CaVKS MEASIN(i OF IIIK
(iiiciiE Tradition - N aiu a Traditions Tiik Tui,te<s in '\'\-
MOANCHAN ACIORDINli TO SaIIAOIN THE <<>DKX ('HIMAIIh-
POCA— TRE-ToLTEt; NATIONS IN MeXKO — Ol.JIW^S il-SD Xir A-
LANCAs- The i^)! inamf;s Ciiom i,a and (/rETZ*r//>ATL -Tmk
ToTONAcs Teotiihaian otiim/s, MiZTErs, Za#'<)Tf;( s, anh
IfiAsTius The Toltk( s in IIieiile Ti.ai'ali.as MKiRArmN
TO AnAhiac The i'mciiiMixs in Am m^i eme< \n Anciim
Home of the Nahiatlaias and Aztkch— TniMiTiVK Annals
OF Yucatan— Conclusions.
In order to render more vivid than it would <>tln i
wise have l>een a picture oi Nahn.-i and \Taya iiisti
tutions a.s they were tuiuid in the sixtcjenth ci'iitiii\.
I havi! dt'V()t''d oni' chapter of a precediiin" volimu- tn
an outhne \ iew <it' ahorio'inal history; to till in .so t';ir
as [>o.s.sihle its details, is my reniaiiiin^' ta.sk. Tlic
Klietch alluded to will prove convenient here, niii'i'
it will enaltU' nic at various points to refer intelli
gihly and yet i»riefly to events somewhat in advninv
(IMI
>f tl
.si.xtl
it'ir flironol
are
Nil
1 << 'lit HIT i.s tl
Jnvisios OF THE SUnjKC
"U-'"'' order. As h
157
;^^^n-,cd „. the annals of t', ?''''V" ^^'•'^'^^ ^^
a strict sense
le
\vo
as liistoi-ic I
•(■(•(
^verc duul)tle.sH ot]
)rd.s. [
considered
jn
tl
nor to the sixtl
''H're IS little c^vich-n-.j toTr . ''l"*' .'.'•'•t'utness t[-
ftrst annearn...... .-.. ir*^ r ^''^icate that tl,;. '.,
HH-aranee in Mexico of
"•^ Was the
•"'t previous (ievelonn nf " '""'•.^'■''^''^''ve people
■""'l>';inan specdati
■V'f''<'i>.i^li affJ.rdin.r
on.
•'^"i'i'ly iiitei-estin'.r
oc
mutter for
:';■"- ;<"™«'i;™.,::?K,:!!r ^ ^^... *
^V'litral A
rt'c
ird
'nericn, we 1
y heconsidentd
J« niiicl
^■•'•>;ri-aphic;d|
' '""« i« n lie 1 ...sisi ,.vf •
'Hve seen that" tl.T, '.)
lon.-il
tcwc.
tnidit
nii«,-Iitva;
''i'-yt^r and ••*
'''■A'il'.dh.-.'of
"'.i< "s hack
jx-rfect event)
[lire
y as
n-onoir)..,',.
lan in
.''^•'':'«''^''<yoncith..(\ ':'':'^-i'''''<'"'''"'o..ni
'iliin
""IK'.^'st. Vet we]
Iva
liiVi
:ir;i/=?5«"'ti.'.::r'nr"5'''
^nal
and
'"ijiin; in t)
past .,f ii
^-^i' Htaires of Af,
''i^'^tropi.vd lands, „ft|
tiod
even th.'oarl
|ya <"idture, of \
le
J»eriod,s of Sn]
<)
':''''''''''^'''n.u.. tin. ;..R./'*i''^''' '"Hiti
tun.
mu civih*
iza-
^''<- -u-ient ;: :. ''::':':'*'-:'''I ".uterial
w
flic ii
"a,i,'-ination, ]
' i'rovinu- it to 1
acaf,
ifii fhr hn.al
, iiave
)e I
"atioiis at
'^'''^---Ui. of the M
■» "' "e no nien
>^'en desrrilH.d and
leir coi,,.
HK'nuinents of
ert'ation
''">'"'■ <'en(ral A
''3''' empire int
pietnrcd.
I" "..kn„„„ ,,,„,: (,,;';i|
O S(
■ ■ >.iMiai Villi, i-i,, , ^ "•'"
'•'Huinal hi
•P
Old
v an
osely j
'"•'•'sional event, tl
"•eeedin.r tlu- (
and d
oncpi, .st, We 1
iav#
' is pre-
is.
^'^'•^•-i HMhe tradirionsVto'''':r'''"^'''''
^'^^ ^^^"•>'' three nation..
'.'"■ '"-^torv of (1,^. vr .
"^ "^ "•»<«. enihrarricr fK-. • '"^i- "••• Pre T-.W
' ^"•" ">^' more prop.
u.
nl
k.
•^1
'I
.
Ilftlr'
'M
VA
THE rUE-T(»LTE€ PEItlOD.
orly historic annals of the (lirt'crciit nations beifin, and
includinj^ also tlio fow traditions rut'crrinj^ to pro-Tol-
tec nations nf)rth of Tehuantopec. 2d. Tlio Toltec
Period, refcrrinj^ liko the two ftdlowin*^ j)uriods to
Anjlhuac alone, and extundin_L( down to the eleventh
century. 3d. Tiie Chichimec Period, extending; from
the eleventh century to the formation of the tri-partite
alliance hetween the Aztecs, Acolhuas, and Te|»jinecs
in the fifteenth century. 4th. The Aztec Periotl,
that of Aztec sui»reniacy durin<( the century j)reced-
iui^ the Concpiest. .Otii. The annals of such Nahua
nations outside the limits of the Aztec Empire i)roper
as cannot be conveniently included in the ])recediiii,'
divisions, Gth. Historical traditions of the Wild
Tribes of the north. 7th. The Quiche-Cakchi(|Ui'l
nations of Guatemala. 8th. Miscellaneous nations
and tribes of Central America. i)th. The Maya na-
tions of Yucatan.
The first division, the Pre-Toltec Period, to whidi
the })resent chapter is devoted, will include the tin
valine traditions that seem to [)oint to the cradle of
American civilization, to the Votanic empire, to Xi-
balba, and to the deeds of the civilizers, (»r cultiiiv-
heroes, in Tabasco and Chiaj)as. Who can estiniati'
tlie volumes that would be re()uircd for a full narra-
tion (»f all tliat actually occurred within this piiriud,
had the reconl been made or preserved; -the <leveloi)-
ment, from frerms wlutse natun; is unknown, of Aurt-
ican civilization; the strutiyles and misfortunes of
infant colonies; the exploits of native heroes; jdotsof
and Mtion, i^dorious success, utter failure; the rise ami
fall of priiu'es and of empires; wars, triumphs, dc
feats; oppression ami revolt; political c«)mltiiiatiniis
and intrijnriios; relitjcious strife between the fanatic
devotees of rival divinities; seasons of plenty and nt
famine; eartlupiake, Hood, and j)estilence — a tan^Kd
network of events spread over the centuries; — to re-
late all that we may know of it a cha[)ter will sufiit
ice.
]
■• 1 •
im
kikkA
L..
'"■ '^^^'^^^ of- tl.o race of (L '" ^c-' "^^'" ^''-^'"^
ants ur follovvors fo ,U i i r' "' '^''^ ^
-^-•'!^-d in the native tSC'"''^?; J^^' ^^^s n<.t
A.uoru.a; ho found the c nm^^^^^^^ «'-t "'an in
;>'itu.e-J,oroes. I,ut I.v his ! "[''''•'i''^'^'; as did all the
^"--npanions he hJ^J^^I^.^!^ h tho aid ,>r
;vl.,.on and ^.>ve.-n;nent So ' "' '''''' '"''-^■^ -i'
•'•^-.•-'••vc. hy tradition J.e was a ; r ' '"""'"■•^' ^^''"^
tl."^> n.trod,K.er of the ^U^l^ ''''' :'■ ^'^^'l^^yor,
'•^-'•ytfter his disappear n^. "1 '""' ^;''"'t'l»ed n.ore-
•^^•a from the oast n "ith '^' ^' ' "''" "^""*^' '^V
•^tarted I ].ave n<.ti i " t f 1, ^ ^'^-'^^ whence d
'^arv to inchdjre i,. spe?uh ,t ' ';-'^'"'- ''^ ^'^ "^■^'^•«-
f-non. visits wliieli hi/ 7'^i^"^'''^' ^''^' ''""•"'ys-
^•■avely asserted he wa. , 'sJn ..V 'r,'''' ;^^.'^'''^' '^ i«
N ..n.on's te,np]e and saJtl e ! .j s "ii '""'^''"«' "^"
'"•'•;''• His reported aets i th v ''^ *^' t"^^'^'" <•<•
i*'"l''-' ho eanie to civihi w' ^^'^^^'"•'^^ whose
''•"■^""""1^ of the I. I '''~~*''^'<''vidin,.or.,„
rr''^' '" "- -• iit;;;';:;:; .f'" ''"''>'^" •'■--
"•"'■'1^ ,<l.c. n,ct,„,,„|,•^, ■ ,' , *;'■'". '-".v., N."'l,a„, 'art,.,..
^ "'"'- I'. -«.-.(», ,t «,.,,. " '" a .suhterraiican
ir
160
THE PltE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
road or 'snake hole' from the barranca of Zuqui to
Tzequil; tlie deposit of a^roat treasure with tapirs as
Kacred animals in a 'house of jj^loom' at Huehuetan
in Soconusco, protected by guardians called thtpiain's,
at whose head was u Lady Superior; and finally the
writing of a 'book' in which was inscribed a complete
record of all he had done, with a defense or proof of
his claims to be considered one of the Chanes, or Ser-
pents.^
Ibis document is the authority, indirectly, for
nearly all that is known fr<nn Tzendal sources of Vo-
tan and his empire. Fraui.'isco Nunez de la Vega,
Bishop of C'hiapas, claims to hiive had in his posses-
sion'' and to have read this historical tract. He does
not describe it, but from his having been able to read
the contents, it would seem to have been, if genuine,
not the original in hieroglyphics but an interpretation
in Kurojjcan letters, alt]i(»;igh still perhaps in the
Tzjudai language. Of the contents, besides a general
statement of Votan's coming as the first man sent by
(}()d to i»ortion out the land, and some of his experi-
iMices in the Old World, this author savs nothin"
definite. He claims to liave had much knowledge ot
Tzendal antitjuity derived from tlie work meiitiomd
and other native writings, but I>e feared to perpetuate
this knowledge lest it might "confirin more strongly
an idolatrous su])(!rstition." He is the(»nly authority
for the deposit of the treasure in the J)ark House at
Huehuetan, without saying expressly that he derivtd
his information from X'otan's writings. This treasun ,
consisting of aboriginal lelies, the bishop felt it to lie
his duty to destroy, and it was jniblicly i)urne(l in
l()!M. Ft is not altogether in\probable that a genuiin'
Maya document similar to tin; Miuniscrlpt Tvintiio or
Dresden CoJcc,' preserved from the early times, iii.i\
* < Inloru'/ stales in inic |iiiil <if \uh work that lliis iccuni was not writ-
trn )>,v \'iilaii liiiiist'lf, liiil \i\ hi> ilcHcciwIniit in tlii> <'i;^liili or iiiiitli pMirrii-
(ion. llrn.ssnir ilf Ho ii rim my, in I'o/ioi I'lifi, \i. Ixxxvii.
' Ciiii-ifiliiritiHts hiiifisiiiiiiiuhl Ubu/Jiidu lit Chiajipnn. Uttiiie, !70'.J.
* Sfi' vol. ii., )i|>. 771-4.
lis wor
: •^•■•' ^..l. iv
, ' '•^' (111. f„
'■'"/"'"'.rs. i,.
'.'"■;":- AMMTi,,;'
;;."""i >vi„.ti„.r
"'It'll ^iH-i.l.;....
'J»E BOOK OF Vo'iVVN
Jj'ivo found a native ;»* '"^
^rr^t, and hav :. ,T^ ^^ ^'-e tin.o of tl.
Ul
.,.,■■"■ - ""-""Ok It, c„,„
"ii-' iifxt notice of fi •
,. . 'lie t„l,|„, t,.M,..,.|„t|, ,,"' ,7 >".n,i,or, i„
;-ssr— ■ '"""■
"•^N .»);'/;"■'' '""^•""ss . ,"' ""'•"'in .1 :,';';'r"v ••'"*■'''"•
' 11
I
^
HHMMili
I
f
\m
162
THE PUE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
enoe to him; and tliat he was chosen captain of all
these united families."
Ordonez, at the time of Cabrera's visit, was en-
pii^ed in writinj^ his ^reat 'History of the Heaven
and Earth,'" a work, as the learned Doctor predicts,
to he "so perfect in its kind, as will completely aston-
ish the world." The manuscript was never published,
part of the historical })ortion Avas lost, and the re-
maininj^ fraf^ments or copies of them fell into the
hands of Brasseur de Bourl)ouro;', whose writin,i;S
<M)ntain all that is known of their contents; and it
must he confessed that from these fragments little or
iiotliinjj^ of value has heen extracted by the abbe
in addition to what Nufiez de la Ve<>a and Cabrera
liad already made known. Ordonez was familiar
witli the Tzendal lanjiuasxe and character, with the
ancient monuments of his native state, and was zeal-
ously devoted to anticjuarian researches; he had ex-
cellent opj)ortunities to collect and record such scraps
of kno\vledi;e as the Tzendal tribes had preservKl
from the days of their an(;estors' jjfreatness i''' but liis
enthusiasm s(!ems rather to have le<l liim to ])ioHtl(ss
sixM'ulations on tlie ori<j^inal population of the Now
World and "its proijcress from Chnldea immediately
after the confusion of tonifue.s." Even after rejcrt-
in<^ the absurd theories and sj)eculations which seem
tt) hav^e constituted the bulk of his writings, one can-
not help lookiui^ with some distrust on the few tradi-
tional statements respecting Votan n(jt given by other
' IJl.slnrin drl Pirfn // dr hi Tim-fi, MS. See vol. iv., j). 280, for iiddi-
tioriiil iKili-s respectiiiii; tliis iuitliui'.
^ ' I'll t'stuilDxIe iiiiit'lioH ratos (mas (le trciiita anos). . . .acniiiiiariailoili'l'i
coiiHiaiiti' apiiracioii cnii ipie me tlcdiiiue a eiitiMiilcr las frascs <le i|ue iisaioii
los liiilioM en sti jiriiiiitivo ;;entiliHmii, ))riiici|)aliiM'iite en la lii>itoria <|iieili'
811 estalilecimjento en esta region ipie iioHotros llaiiiaiiins Aineriea, escrilii"
Votuii, la eiial coiiHe^ui, dc len iiiisinos IikUos (i|iiieneH me la fraii(|iie,ii(iiil,
y siilire t<i<l<i, la eoiiveiiieneia i|ue resnlta de una pnilixa eoinhinaeion ilu h
hitiiacion de aijuella eiiitlad (I'aleiniue), de la dis]M»Hieion y anjiiitectiiia <lt'
•m« edilicios, de la aiiti}{iiedad de huh };er()<,'lifie(i.s, y linalinente de l.i> ]'i"-
(liiceiones de Mil teireno, eon la.s iiotieias rue, A eosta de iiorliad.iM iiili;jt'ii-
cia.s, iialiia adquirido; ('i'ei(|ue me tenian en estadu de ciesperfar iin si-.i('iiiu
iiuda niicvo, {tero olvidado.' Ordonez, MS., in Jirasscur de liouHioiinj,
Cartas, p. 7.
iloiiej
a/iti(ii
riu
tanic
'II fla
wry (j
flate a
Oi(J(;|-|,
othvv r
the hui
"■i-iters
is inicfi
fcIJowei'
^nid to 1
have be(
tiieir j)oc
P^'i'iiianoi
,i;''t'.'it Ivin
fis tlic'ir
w'kjsc ca|
'""'•■I, ])0S.'
Vet to a ce
I"*''e whose
^'■111 liinisr.'li
«'-'<^'ni to ha
t'> tJiu j)eoj
'^^^'I'/'^'iits, n
^^ '^ noted t
liiia.s and C
^'xa.spcTutin,,
""^-loMo. „.,, "- ^^^^^^"'1 traditions
IM
THE I'UE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
tlie north. ( )r(loi1ez cLiims, however, that the naino
t^uiche, at a later ])eri(>«l that of a (iiiateinahui kiiijif-
doiu, was also in tlnise earlier times applied to Votan's
empire,"
( )f Votan's death there is no tradition, nor is any-
thini,' detinite reported of his successors, save, what is
|»(;rliaps only a conjecture, that their names are n-
(!ordf(l in the Tzendal calendar as the names of days,''
the order heiui'' that of their succession. In this ca;st;
it is nrccssary to 8upj)ose that Votan had two ]»red(!-
cessors, Ij^h and Imox; and in fact Brasseur claims
to Hnd in one (l:cuinent a statement that li^h hrouylit
the Hrst colohy to America." (Jhinax, the last hut
two of the line, a jLjfreat soldier, is said to have Ixcii
piit to death hy a rival of another nation." Nunez
de la Ve,!4a notes the existence of a family of Votaiis
in his time, claiminif dinsct descent from the ynat
founder; and Jirasseur states that a Avild trihe of tlio
region are yet known as Chanes."
Such are the va<>iio memories of the Chiapan jKist
HO far as they were preserved hy the natives of tlie
rei(ion, and collected hy Kuro[)eans. The nature ot"
the traditions themselves, the sources whence tlity
spranii^, the medium throuj^h which they are u^iveii to
us, are not such as to inspire jjfreat c(»iilidence in the
accuracy of the details related, althoui^h some of tlu; tra-
ditions are not improhable and were very likely founded
on actual occurrences. But whatever value may lie
'• nrftxumr ffr lioiirhniirq. Cartas, p. 10.
li* I''i>r list s»'C! vdl. ii., p. 7<i7.
n Ciirliix, |i. 71.
I* I'iiirihi, Ih'Hcrin. C/tin/xm, in Son. Mex. Ofog., lioletiu, torn, iii., i'|i-
.31.1 (i; linissiiir di; Jioinlmimj, Hist. Nat. Cir., loin, i., |i|i. 9,5-7.
i> I'lilinni, 'I'riiiro, p. ■'{(); JSra.s.inir de Hinirlxiiirij. I'liptd Viih,\<. <'ix.,
Ciirliiijiil Ksjiiuiisii, Hint. Mix., loin, i., ]i. 1(J.">; Sri'oii \'<»tiiu ami his I'lnimc,
lH;sitlL'.s till! works that luive liiicii niciitioiici) in litis rliuptiii', ./»'(//'".
Ilisl. (iiiiit., |). "JOH; t'liin't/cri), Sloria Aiit. i/rl .Mcssiro, toiii. i., l)|>. l.'id-l.
toin. iv., |)]». I.") 1(1; Huliiriiii, Idcd, uu. ]14-.">; Jints.siiir ili; lioitrhniir'i,
J'o/iol I'li/i, inti'od; Ji/., A'.vf;«m'c.v; /(/., J'lilriii/iii'; Fontdiiiii's llm" tl''
IVorld iriis J'fii/itii/, ]i. VM'r, 'J'.trhndi'.i I'mifiiiii Aiitiq., ])\t. ll-l.">; Dniin-
nrr/i'.H Prxei't.t, vol. i., p. 10, ct ho<|.; Lrvif, Sirtnuiijitn, ji. 4; I'rif.sCa Aiinr
Anti'/., i)p. V-MH-'t; Itiiiii/oi/'.s }fix. Illust., pp. Ulli-'il; Furry, l)isi-uiirs,'w
Antiq, Alex., toiii. i., div. i., |i. 43.
1,,: tr. >%
"n: voTANic
.iftac
'ir,I to then- dotuilN tl
i;AriMKE.
-th
'<-' tnwIitionH
I*' t'Xiste/i
»"iU' two
Jii
l-MStcJict^, III ilu, ..
1«5
quostjori Iiavo
4-t'»ier,il j.ropusit
rTf;!'-''i'''--"ti.oKzi!''^^^'!^''^K;oat
r|-.(
«>l'liuc/,,t
lOtlN
nd
,i,'''-witi
tun. 7']
'/'"■u tilut th,
:';■""■-'"' ••■■"«i v,2r"'^^ -'- ;''- 1.-. ■,: ,
.S,''<>Wtii of
'^'y I'oi.it el,
'I ,i<»"out I
'^'•'"•'y to t/
'"'^'; "Ut,(,M, or ,Jv-
le
lero Ol-
io
•■'"••■•ifioii.
'|ii<T..r, /bi-ei,,.,,
V<>l>nhitov, ,,,!
',,.. I . ' "tclll. Illflll . .
MJIZt'I
,'<''vih2or,i„i
■^"' >"/ni or nivtl
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16G
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
for a lonr^ time previous to the coming of the Sj.an-
iards. The contrasts observed were attributed to a
distinct origin of the two national groups, or, witli
more probability, to their long separation ; while tlio
analogies were to be referred either to unity of origin,
to the tendency of humanity to like development
luider like circumstances, to frequent communication
and friction by commerce or war, or still better, to the
influence of all these causes combined.
The picture presented in tlie tliird volume of the
myths and languages of the iiame nations favored the
view previously taken. In the religious fancies, di-
vinities, forms of worship, ideas of a future state,
l^hysical, animal, and creation myths, to wliich the
first part of the volume was devoted, the analogies,
it is true, seemed somewhat stronger and the con-
trasts less striking than in tlie characteristics previ-
ously portrayed; this was perhaps because the myths
of any people point farther back into tlieir past thuii
do the so-called manners and customs; but in the
consideration of languages which followed, the con-
trasts between the two groups came out more dis-
tinctly marked than at any previous stage of the
investigation. A very large proportion of the tongues
of the civilized nations were found to belong more or
less closely to one or the other of two linguistic fam-
ilies. Finally, in the fourth volume a study of ma-
terial relics tended very strongly to confirm the
opinion before arrived at respecting the development
of Maya and Nahua culture in distinct channels, at
least during the historic period. I need not repeat
here even en resume the facts exhibited in the pro-
ceding volumes, nor the lessons that have at different
points been drawn from them; but 1 may brioHy
mention some general conclusions founded on the
preceding matter wliich bear on my present purpose
of historical investigation. First, as already stated,
the Maya and Nahua nations have been within tra-
ditionally historic times practically distinct, although
THE MAYAS AND NAHUAS.
167
coming constantly in contact. Second, this fact is
directly opposed to the once accepted theory of a
civilized people, coming from the far north, gradually
moving southward with frequent halts, constantly
increasing in power and culture, until the highest
point of civilization was reached in Chiapas, Hon-
duras, and Yucatan, or as many believed in South
America. Third, the theory alluded to is rendered
altogether untenable by the want of ruins in Cali-
fornia and the great north-west; by the utter want
of resemblance between New Mexican and Mexican
monuments; by the failure to discover either Aztec
or Maya dialects in the north; and finally by the
strong contrasts between the Nahuas and Mayas,
liotli in language and in monuments of antiquity.
Fourth, the monuments of the south are not only dif-
ferent from but much more ancient than those of And-
hiiac, and cannot possibly have been built by the
Toltecs after their migration from Andhuac in the
eleventh century, even if such a migration took place.
Fii'th, these monuments, like those of the north, were
built by the ancestors of the people found in posses-
sion of the country at the Conquest, and not by an
extinct race or in remote antiquity.*® Sixth, the cities
of Palenque, Ococingo, and Copan, at least, were un-
occupied when the Spaniards came; the natives of
the neighboring region knew nothing of their origin
even if they were aware of their existence, and no
notice whatever of the existence of such cities appears
in the annals of the surrounding civilized nations dur-
ing the eight or nine centuries preceding the Con-
quest; that is, the nation that built Palenque was not
one of tliose found by Europeans in the country, but
its greatness had practically departed before the rise
of tile Quiche, Cakchiquel, and Yucatan powers.
Seventh, the many resemblances that have been noted
between Nahua and Maya beliefs, institutions, arts,
"> Oil the Antiquity of Copan, tlie ruins of Yucatan, and Palenque, see
vol. iv., pp. 104, 280-5, 359-02.
168
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
r;^
' •
and relics, may be consistently accounted for by the
theory that at some period long preceding the sixth
century the two peoples were practically one so far as
their institutions were concerned, although they are
of themselves not sufficient to prove the theory.
Eighth, the oldest civilization in America which has
left any traces for our consideration, whatever may
have been its pre-historic origin, was that in the
Usumacinta region represented by the Palenque
group of ruins."
It is not likely that Americanistes of the present
day will disagree materially with the preceding con-
clusions, especially as they do not positively assert
the southern origin of the Nahua peoples or deny
their traditional migration from the north. The gen-
eral theory alluded to of a great migration from north
to south, and the theory of a civilized race of foreign
origin extinct long before the Conquest, will find few
defenders in view of the results of modern research.
It is true that many writers attribute more or less
positively the grand ruins of Central America to the
Toltecs after tlieir migration southward in the eleventh
century; but their decision has been generally reached
without even considering the possible existence of any
other civilized nation in the annals of American an-
tiquity. Their studies have shown them that Palen-
que was not the work of an extinct race, and they
have consequently attributed the ruins to the oldest
people mentioned in the popular version of American
traditional history — the Toltecs, and the more nat-
urally because that people, according to the tradition,
hal migrated southward. Mr Stephens, who arrived
at this conclusion in the manner indicated, admits that
from a study of the ruins themselves he would have
assigned the foundation of the cities to a much more
remote period."
'7 ' The nmniiments of the MissisBippi present stronger internal cvidonec
of great nuti(|iiity tlian any others in America, altliouuii it hy no niuuns
follows that they are older than Palenqne and I'onan.' Vol. iv.. ]>. 7iH>.
'• Yucatan, vol. ii., pp, 454-5. By a careful study of Mr btcphcns'
MONUMENTS AND INSTITUTIONS.
169
Thus the monumental relics of Central America by
themselves and by comparisons with other American
ruins, point directly to the existence of a great em-
pire in the Palenque region; and the observed phe-
nomena of myths, language, and institutions agree
perfectly with such a conclusion, which, however, un-
aided, they could not have established. We may then
accept as a reality the Votanic Maya empire on the
authority of the native traditions confirmed by the
tangible records of ruined cities, and by the condition
of the southern civilized nations in the sixteenth cen-
tury. It is more than probable that Palenque was
tlie capital, as Ordonez believes — the Nachan of the
Votanic epoch — ^and not improbable that Ococingo,
Copan, and some of the older Yucatec cities were the
centres of contemporaneous, perhaps allied powers.^'
crmflusions, it will appear evident to the reader that lie ascribes tlio
Coiiti'ul Aincricuii ruins to tlic Tultccs, simply as tlic oldest iintioiis on
tlio continent of Anierii'ii, of wiiich we have any i<nowlcd<je, and that he
reconciles their condition at tlie time of his exploration witli their recent
ori;,'in, chieHy by a consideration of tlie Yucatan ruins, most of which
douhtless do not date back to the Votanic empire, and nniny of which were
»<till occupied at the coming of the lirst Spaniards.
'5 Althouj^h in the 'general view,' Vol. ii., chap, ii., I have classed the
Tdltccs among the Naliua nations, it will be noticed that the jireceding con-
chisions of the present chapter arc independent of such a classilication,
mill are not necessarily opiwsed to the theory, held by some, that the cities
of ("cnlral America were built by the Toltccs before they assumed a primi-
iient ])osition among the nations of Aniihuac. The following notes i)ear
more or less directly on jioints involved in the preceding text. Mr Tylor,
AiKi/iiim; \)\t. 18!)-93; Jicscnrc/ics, p. 184, lielieves that the civilization of
Mexico and (Jentral America were originally independent althmi'di modi-
lied by contact one with the other, and attributes the Central American
cities to a people who fhmrished long before the Toltecs, and whose descen-
dants are the Mayas. Vet he favoi-s the climatic theory of the origin and
jiTowtli of civilization, according to which the culture of the south must
have i)een brought from the Mexican tierra teniplada. 1 have no objection
til (ilVer to this theory. It is in the Usnunicinta region that the Maya civi-
li/.atiiiii has left its hrst record both traditional an(l numiin.entai; and that
is sutlieient for my present purpose. Orozco y IJerra, Genr/rafin, pp.
r2t-."), etc., concludes from his linguistic researches that the Palentpic
civilization was nnich older than the T(dtec and tlistinct from it. Hell-
wald, ill Smifhmuian licpt., ISfitJ, pp. 340-1, ])nMiouiices the I'alenoue cul-
ture the oldest in America, with no resemblance to that of the Naliuas.
He rejects the theory that the ruins were the work of migrating Toltecs.
I'alenque will probably some day decide the (|uestioii of American civiliza-
tion. It only awaits a Champollion. Cliorimt/, liiiiiics' Aiiicr., p. 439. The
ruins in the .south have undoubted claims to the highest antii)uity. Ilrm/-
/(Dil's A.iici: Aiitiq., p. 19!). The I'Siiniaciiita seems a kind of central
jMiiiit for the high culture of Central America. Miilkr, Anierikunischc Ur-
rdigiouen, p. 430.
170
THE PIIE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
!|
I'll !
111.
I pass next to the traditions of the Quiche nations
as preserved in the Popol Vuh, or National Book, and
known to the Avorld tiirough the Spanish translation
of Xinienez and the French of Brasseur do Bour-
bourg.^ These traditions, the authenticity and gen-
eral accuracy of which there is no reason to doubt,
constitute a hopelessly entangled network of mythic
tales, without chronology, but with apparent although
vague references here and there, to actual events in
the primitive history of the peoples whose descend-
ants were the Quiches and Cakchiquels, and with a
more continuous account in the closing chapters, of tlio
Quiche annals of a much later period, immediately
preceding the Conquest. In the introduction we reacl:
"This is the origin of the ancient history of Quiche.
Here we write the annals of the past, the beginning
of all that has taken place in the city of Quiche,
among the tribes of the Quiche nations. Behold we
bring about the manifestation of what was in obscu-
rity, its first dawning by the will of the Creator and
of the Former, of Him who begets and of Him who
gives being. Their names are Hunahj)u Vuch —
'shooter of the blowpipe at the opossum,' Hunahpii
Utiu — 'shooter of the blowpipe at the coyote,' Zaki
Nima Tzyiz — 'great white pricker,' Tepeu — the 'doni-
inator,' and Gucunuitz — the 'plumed serpent;' Heart
of the Lakes, Heart of the Sea, Master of the Ver-
dant Planisphere, Master of the Azure Surface.
Thus it is that these also are named, sung, and cele-
brated — the grandmother and the grandfather, whose
names are Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, preserver and pro-
tectrice ; twice grandmother and twice grandfather, us
it is stated in the Quich*.' annals; concerning whom
was related all that they did afterwards in the light
of life, in the light of the word, (civilization). Be-
hold that which we shall write after the word of Cod,
and in Christianity; we shall bring it to light because
M See vol. iii., pp. 42-4, note 1, for o bibliographiciil notice of tlic Pojml
Vuh.
TRADITIONS OF THE QUICHfiS.
171
the Popol Vuh, the national book, is no longer visible,
in which it was clearly seen that we came from be-
yond the sea — 'the narrative of our life in the land of
shadow, and how we saw the li^^ht and life,' as it is
called. It is the first book, written in olden times;
l)iit its view is hidden from him who sees and thinks.
Wonderful is its aj)pearance, and the narrative of the
time when ho (tiie Creator) finished everything in
heaven and on earth. "*^
Then follows tn account, which has already been
presented in a condensed translation,'^'^ of a time Avhen
Jill was silent, and there was yet no earth, and no
living thing, only the immobility and silence of a
boundless sea, on the surface of whicJi fioated the
Cieator and his companion deities named above, in-
cluding Gucunuitz, the 'plumed serpent.' Then the
light appeared and the earth with its vegetatii^n was
created by Gucumatz and the Dominator at the word
of Hurakan, Heart of Heaven, the Thunderbolt.
Life and fecundity were given to the animals and
birds, who were distributed as guardians of the for-
ests and mountains, and called upon to speak and
praise the names of those that had made them; but
the poor animals, after efforts twice repeated, could
not obey, and were assigned a position fiir below that
which they had been intended to fill. Two attempts
at the creation of intelligent beings followed, both
failures. First man was made of earth, and although
he could speak, he was intellectually stupid and
physically clumsy, unable to stand erect, and soon
mingled with the water like a man of mud. He was
destroyed by the disgusted creators. The sorcerers,
Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, grandmothers of the sun and
of the moon, were consulted in the second creation,
and the 'chief of Toltecat' is mentioned in addition to
the names already given. Lots were cast, all needful
j)iecautions were taken, and man was made again of
" Popol Vuh, pp. 1-5; Ximenez, Hist. Ind, Otiat, pp. 4-5.
" Vol. iii., pp. 44-7.
r
17a
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD,
r '
■
wood and pith ; but he lacked intelligence, led a use-
less life, and forgot the Heart of Heaven. They
became numerous on the face of the earth, but the
gods were wroth and sent upon them a flood, and a
resinous shower from heaven ; their houses refused to
cover them, the trees shook them from the branches
where they sought shelter, the animals and even the
household implements turned against the poor wooden
men, reviling and persecuting them, until all were de-
stroyed, save a few who remained as a memorial in
the form of apes.*^
At this point the character of the narrative changes
somewhat, and, although an account of a third and
final creation of man, given on a subsequent page,^*
should, in the opinion of Brasseur, be introduced here,
I proceed with a resume of the Quiche tradition in
the order of its arrangement in both the Spanish and
French version, devoting a paragraph to each chapter
of the French translation.
There was sky and earth, but little light; and a
man named Vucub Cakix, 'seven aras, or paroquets,'
was puffed up Avith pride and said, "those that were
drowned were like supernatural beings;^'' now will 1
be great above all created beings. 1 am their sun and
their moon; great is my splendor." He was not the
sun, nor did his view reach over the whole earth, but
he was proud of his riches. This was when the flood
destroyed the wooden manikins. Now Ave Avill tell
when Vucub Cakix Avas defeated and man Avas made.
This is the cause of his destruction by two young
men, Hunahpu (or Hunhunahpu) and Xbalanque,
'little tiger,' Avho Avere really gods, and thought it not
good that Vucub Cakix should SAvell Avith pride and
offend the Heart of Heaven; and they plotted against
his life and wealth. He had tAvo sons, Zipacna and
Cabrakan, the 'earthquake,' by his Avife Chimalmat.
!' Popol Vuh, pp. 5-31; Xir vicz. Hist. Lid. Guat., pp. 5-14.
-'■ Popol Vii/i. ]>. 1!)">, et seq.
«i Or, as lirii88Gur tiunslates, 'the rcniniint of tliose tlmt were drowned,'
etc.
VUCUB CAKIX AND ZIPACNA.
173
Zipacna's work was to roll the great mountains which
he made in a night, and which Cabrakan shook at
will. The death of the father and son was resolved
upon by the two young men.
Vucub Cakix was shot by them while eating the
fruit called name in a tree-top, and his jaw broken,
although in revenge he carried home the arm of Hun-
ahpu, which he hung over the fire. But an old man
and an old woman, Zaki Nim Ak and Zaki Ninia
Tzyiz — divinities already named, in human disguise
— were induced by the two young men to volunteer
their services in curing the jaw of Vucub Cakix, who
seonis to have been a king, for they found him on his
throne howling with pain. They pulled out his broken
teeth of precious stones, in which he took great pride,
substituting grains of maize; they dimmed his eyes,
took away his riches, and recovered the missing arm.
Then the king died as did his wife, and the purpose
of Hunahjiu and Xbalanque was accomj)lished against
him who was proud and regarded not the will of the
Heart of Heaven.
These are the deeds of Zipacna, son of Vucub
Cakix, who claimed to be creator of the mountains.
Batliing at the river-side he found four hundred
young men striving in vain to carry away a tree
which they had cut. Generously he bore the burden
for them, and was invited to join their band, being
an orphan; but they soon plotted against him, cast-
ing a tree upon him in a deep pit they had employed
hiin to dig. He cunningly took refuge in a branch
gallery, cut off his hair and nails for the ants to
carry up to his foes, waited until the four hundred
had become intoxicated in their rejoicing at his
supposed death, emerged from the pit, and toppled
over their house upon them so that not one escaped.
But in his turn Zipacna was conquered by Hun-
ahpu and Xbalanque, who were grieved that the four
hundred had perished. Zipacna, bearing the mount-
ains by night, wandered in the day by the river and
174
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
S I
lived on fish and crabs ; by an artificial crab his two
foes enticed him in a time of hunger to crawl on all
fours into a cavern at the bottom of a ravine, where
the mountain, previously mined, fell upon him.
Thus perished and was turned to stone, at the foot
of Mt Meavan, the self-styled 'maker of the mount-
ains,' the second who by his pride displeased the
deities.
One only now remained, Cabrakan. "It is I who
destroy the mountains," he said; but it was the will
of Hurakan, 'the thunderbolt,' that his pride also
should be humbled, and the order was given to Hun-
ahpu and Xbalanque. They found him at his fiivor-
ite employment of overturning the hills, enticed him
eastward to exhibit his skill and overthrow a partic-
ularly high mountain which they claimed to have
seen, killed a bird with their blowpipe on the way,
and poisoned it with earth before it was given Cabra-
kan to eat. Thus was his strength destroyed; he
failed to move the mountain, was tied, and buried.
Thus ends the first of the four divisions of the Po-
pol Viih;^'^ Next we are to hear something of the
birth and family of Hunaphu and Xbalanque. The
recital is, however, to be covered with mystery, and
only half is to be told of the relation of their father,-^
Xpiyacoc and Xmueane had two sons, Hunhunahpu
and Vukub Hunahpu, the first being as the French
translation unintelligibly renders it a sort of double
personage. The former had also by his wife Xbakiyalo
two sons, Hunbatz and Hunchouen, very wise, great
artists, and skillful in all things; the latter never
married. All four spent the day in playing at dice
and at ball, and Voc, the messenger of Hurakan,
came to see them, Voc who remained not far from
here nor far from Xibalba.'^* After the death of Xba-
««mj. 31-67; Ximeiiez, Hist. Ltd. Gnat., pp. 15-29.
*^ Xinicnez, n. '2d, conveys the idea, however, that it is only from ignor-
ance that so little in told, and not from a desire to he mysterious.
** Ximenez renders tliis word hy 'inliernn,' or hell. No satisfactory
meaning can be derived from its ctymolo;;y.
'« «iid to Iiave
THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION.
175
kiyalo, the two played ball, journeying toward Xibalba,
having left Hunbatz and Hunchouen behind, and
this became known to Hun Came and Vukub Came,
monarchs of Xibalba, who called together the council
of the empire and sent to summon them or to chal-
leML,'e them to a game of ball, that they might be
defeated and disgraced.
Tlie messengers were owls, four in number; and
the players, after a sad parting from their mother,
Xmucane, and from the young Hunbatz and Hun-
chouen, followed them down the steep road to Xi-
balba from the ball-ground of Nimxob Carchah.'"'
Crossing ravines and rivers, including one of blood,
they came to the royal palace of Xibalba, and saluted
two wooden figures as monarchs, to the great amuse-
ment of the latter and the assembled princes. Then
the brothers were invited to a place on the seat of
honor, which proved to be a red-hot stone, and the
contortions of the guests when they sat upon it pro-
voked a new burst of laughter which well-nigh re-
sulted in apoplexy. Five ordeals aie here mentioned
as existing in Xibalba, to the first of which only,
that of the House of Gloom,*' were the brothers
subjected; then they were sacrificed and their bodies
buried together. But the head of Hunhunahpu was
hung in a tree, which at once became covered with
gourds from which the head could not be distin-
guished, and it was forbidden to all in Xibalba to
approach that tree.
But Xquiq, a virgin princess, daughter of Cuch-
umaquiq, heard of the tree, and went alone to taste
the forbidden fruit. Into her outstretched hand the
head of Hunhunahpu spat, and the spittle caused
tlie young girl to conceive, and she returned home,
after a promise from the head that no harm should
result to her. All this was by the order of Hura-
^ Carcliah is the name of an Indian town in Vera Paz.
5" Casa lobrcga, maison tfiicbirnse. It will Iw rcnicni])erecl that Votan
is said to have ciitublishcd a House of Gluoni ut Huehuetau. See p. IGO.
176
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
! m -
1^ 1 a
! I
i : .i
kan. After six months her condition was observed
by her father, and in spite of her protestations that
she had known no man, the owls, the royal mes-
sengers, were ordered to sacrifice her and bring back
her heart in a vase. She persuaded and bribed the
royal officers, however, by the promise of future
emoluments, to carry back to the kings the coagu-
lated sap of the blood-wort instead of her blood and
heart, and she escaped; thus were Hun Came and
Vukub Came tricked by this young girl.
Xquiq, far advanced in pregnancy, went for pro-
tection to the place where Xnmcane was living with
the young Hunbatz and Hunchouen. The old
woman was not disposed at first to credit the
stranger's tale that she was with child by Hunhun-
ahpu, and therefore entitled to protection as a grand-
daughter at the hands of Xmucane; but by calling
upon the gods and gathering a basket of maize
where no maize was growing, the young girl proved
the justice of her claim, and was received by the
great grandmother of her unborn children.
The virgin mother brought forth .twin sons, and they
were named Hunahpu and Xbalanque. From their
very birth they were ill-treated. They were turned
out of the house by their grandmother for crying, and
throughout childhood and youth were abused by Hun-
batz and Hunchouen, by reason of jealousy. They
passed their time shooting birds in the mountains with
their blowpipes, while their bro^^'icrs, great musicians,
painters, and sculptors, renminuu at home singing and
playing the flute. But at last Hunbatz and Hun-
chouen were changed by the young heroes into mon-
keys. Xmucane was filled with sadness, and she was
offered the privilege of beholding again the faces of
her favorite grandsons, if she could do so without
laughing; but their grimaces and antics were too ludi-
crous; the old lady failed in three interviews to re-
strain her laughter, and Hunbatz and Hunchouen
appeared no more. Hunahpu and Xbalanque became
IIUNAHPU AND XBALANQUE.
177
in their turn musicians and played the air of hunahjxi
qoj/, the 'monkey of Hunahpu.'^'
The first work undertaken by the twins was the
clearing of a milpa or cornfield. It was not very
difficult on the first day, for their enchanted tools
worked by themselves while the young agricultur-
ists went hunting, taking care to put dirt on their
faces and to pretend to be at work when their grand -
niotlier brought their lunch at noon. In the night,
however, the wild beasts met and replaced all the
trees and shrubbery that the brothers had removed.
Hunahpu and Xbalanque watched for them the next
iiii,fht, but in spite of their eflforts the beasts all
escaped — although the deer and rabbit lost their *iils
— except the rat, which was caught in a handker 'aef
The rat's life was spared by the youths and in return
this animal r'^^"-'led the glorious deeds of their fathers
and uncles, their games at ball, and the existence of
a ball '^ India rubber with other implements of the
game which they had left about the house. All of
the implements and the ball came into their posses-
sion with the knowledge of the secret.
Joyful at their discovery Hunahpu and Xbalanque
went away to play in the ball-ground of their fathers,
and the monarchs of Xibalba, Hun Came and Vukub
Came, heard them and were angry, and sent messen-
gers to summon them as their fathers had been sum-
uioned to play at Xibalba. The messengers came to
the house of Xmucane, who, filled with alarm, dis-
patched a louse to carry the summons to her grand-
sons. On the way the louse consented, to insure
greater speed, to be swallowed by a toad, the toad by
a serpent, and the serpent by the great bird Voc. On
arrival a series of vomitings ensued, until the toad
was free; but in spite of his most desperate efforts he
could not throw up the louse, who, it seems, had
l)layed him a trick, lodged in his gums, and not been
" A ballet, according to Brasseur, still performed by tiie natives of
Guatemala, clad in wooden masks and peculiar costumes.
Vol. v. 12
178
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
swallowed at all. However, the message was de-
livered, and the players returned home to take leave
of their grandmother and mother. Before their de-
parture they planted each a cane in the middle of the
house, the fate of which should depend upon their
own, since it would wither at their death.
The ball-players set out for Xibalba by the route
their fathers had followed, passing the bloody river
and the river Papuhya ; but they sent in advance an
animal called Xan, with a hair of Hunahpu's leg to
prick the kings and princes. Thus they detected the
artificial men of wood, and also learned the names of
all the princes by their exclamations and mutual in-
quiries when pricked. On their arrival at court they
refused to salute the manikins or to sit upon the red-
hot stone; they even passed through the first ordeal
in the House of Gloom, thus thrice avoiding the
tricks which had been played upon their fathers.
The kings were astonished and very angry, and the
game of ball was played, and those of Xibalba were
beaten. Then Hun Came and Vukub Came required
the victors to bring them four bouquets of flowers, or-
dering the guards of the royal gardens to watch most
carefully, and committed Hunahpu and his brother to
the House of Lances — the second ordeal — where the
lancers were directed to kill them. Yet a swarm of
ants in the brothers' service entered easily the royal
gardens, the lancers were bribed, and the sons of
Xquiq were still victorious. Those of Xibalba turned
pale, and the owls, guards of the royal gardens, were
punished by having their lips split.
Hunahpu and Xbalanque were subjected to the
third ordeal in the House of Cold, but warmed by
burning pine-cones they were not frozen. So in the
fourth and fifth ordeals, since they passed a night in
the House of Tigers and in the House of Fire with-
out suffering injury; but in the House of Bats, al-
though the occupants did them no harm, Hunahpu's
DEATH OF THE TWIN BROTHERS.
179
head was cut off by Camazotz, 'ruler of bats/ who
came from on high.
The beheading of Hunahpu was by no means fatal,
but after a combination of events utterly unintelligible,
inckiding an assemblage of all the animals, achieve-
ments particularly brilliant by the turtle and rabbit,
and another contest at ball-playing, the heroes came
out uninjured from all the ordeals to which they
were subjected in Xibalba.
At last, instructing two sorcerers, Xulu and Pacam,
that those of Xibalba had failed because the brutes
were not on their side, and directing them also what
to do with their bones, Hunahpu and Xbalanque
stretched themselves voluntarily face down on a fu-
neral pile, still in Xibalba, and died together. Their
bones were pulverized and thrown into the river,
where they sank and were changed into fine young
men.
On the fifth day they re-appeared, like man-fishes ;
and on the day following in the form of ragged old
men, dancing, burning and restoring houses, killing
and restoring each other to life, and performing other
wonderful things. They were induced to exhibit
their skill before the princes of Xibalba, killing and
resuscitating the king's dog, burning and restoring
the royal palace; then a man was made the subject
of their art, Hunahpu was cut in pieces and brought
to life by Xbalanque. Finally, the monarchs of Xi-
ball)a wished to experience personally the temporary
death; Hun Came, the highest in rank, was first
killed, then Vukub Came, but life was not restored to
them ; the two shooters of the blow-pipe had avenged
the wrongs of their fathers; the monarchs of Xibalba
had fallen.
Having announced their true names and motives,
the two brothers pronounced sentence on the princes
of Xibalba. Their bidl was to appear no more in
the ftivorite game, they were to perform menial
service, with only the beasts of the woods as vassals,
180
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
and this was to be their punishment for the wrongs
they had done; yet strangely enough, they were to
be invoked thereafter as gods, or rather demons, ac-
cording to Ximenez. The character of the Xibalbans
is heie described. They were fond of war, of fright-
ful aspect, ugly as owls, inspiring evil and discord;
faithless, hypocritical, and tyrants, they were both
black and white, painting their faces, moreover, with
divers colors. But their power was ruined and their
domination ceased. Meanwhile, the grandmother
Xmucane at home watched the growth of the canes,
and was filled alternately with grief and joy, as these
withered and again became green according to the
varying fortunes of the grandsons in Xibalba.**
Finally, to return to Xibalba, Hunahpu and Xba-
lanque rendered the fitting funeral honors to their
fathers who hvA perished there, but who now
mounted to heaven and took their places as the sun
and moon; and the four hundred young men killed
by Zipacna became stars in the skies. Thus ends
the second division of the National Book of the
Quiches.^
The first chapter of the third division relates an-
other and final creation of man from maize, in Paxil,
or Cayala, 'land of divided and stagnant waters,' and
has already been translated in full in another volume."
According to Brasseur's opinion it should follow the
account of the preceding creations,*' and precede the
narrative of the struggle with Xibalba; but was in-
troduced here at the beginning of the Quiche migra-
tions intentionally in order to attach the later Quiche
''* The place whence the brothers started to contend against the princes of
Xi'imlba, seems to have been Utatlan in Gunteninhi— see vol. iv., i)i). 124-8
— for Giiniarcaali the Quiclid name of tliut phice is said to signify 'lioiisc
of old withered canes.' Moreover, Torquemada and Las Casas liavc pre-
served the tradition that Exbnlanquen (Abahmque) set out from litutlitn
for the conquest of licll. Monnvq. Itid., toni. ii., p. 0.3j Ilisl. Apuloijctht,
MS., cap. 125. Xibalba doubtless had the signilication of the inferiinl
regions in the popular traditions.
" Popol Viih, pp. 68-192; Ximenez, Hist. Lid. Guat., pp. 29-79.
" Sec vol. ii., pp. 710-7.
» Sec p. 172.
MIGRATION FROM TULAN.
181
nations more closely to the heroic epochs of their his-
tory. The remaining chapters of the division have
also been translated in substance.^ In them are re-
lated the adventures of Balam-Quitze, Balara-Ag-ab,
Mahucutah, and Iqi-Balam, the product of the final
creation by Gucumatz and his companion deities, and
the founders of the Quiche nations. The people mul-
tiplied greatly in a region called the East, and mi-
grated in search of gods to Tulan-Zuiva, the 'seven
caves,' where four gods were assigned to the four
leaders; namely, Tohil, Avilix, Hacavitz, and Nicah-
tagah. Here their language was changed or divided,
and the division into separate nations was established.
Suffering from cold and endeavors to obtain fire while
they were awaiting the sun, are the points most dwelt
upon during their stay in Tulan, and in connection
witli these troubles the coming of an envoy from Xi-
balba is mentioned,*' which circumstance may indicate
that Tulan was in the Xibalban region. But they
determined to abandon or were driven from Tulan,
and after a tedious journey, including apparently a
crossing of the sea, they reached Mt Hacavitz, where
at last they beheld the sun. Mt Hacavitz was ap-
parently in Guatemala, and the events mentioned in
the record as having occurred subsequently to the
arrival there, although many are of a mythical nature
and few can be assigned to any definite epoch, may
best be referred to the more modern history of the
Quiche -Cakchiquel nations in Guatemala, to be
treated in a future chapter.
The events preceding the rising of the sun on Mt
Hacavitz, are not easily connected with the exploits
of Hunahpu and Xbalanque; but to suppose that they
follow in chronologic order, and that the traditions in
question reflect vaguely the history of the heroes or
tribes that prevailed against Xibalba is at least as
consistent as any theory that can be formed. The
'"Vol. Hi., np. 47-54.
"/'(//;o/ VvJi, pp. 221-'i.
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
I!
chief objection is the implied crossing of the sea dur-
ing the migration from Tulan, which may be an in-
terpolation. A lamentation which they chanted on
Mt Hacavitz has considerable historical importance.
"Alas," they said, "we were ruined in Tulan, we
were separated, and our brothers still remain behind.
Truly we have beheld the sun, but they, where arc
they now that the dawn has appeared ? Truly Tohil
is the name of the god of the Yaqui nation, who was
called Yolcuat Quitzalcuat (Quetzalcoatl) when wo
parted yonder in Tulan. Behold whence we set out
together, behold the common cradle of our rate,
whence we have come. Then they remembered their
brothers far behind them, the nation of the Yaqui
whom their dawn enlightened i \ the countries now
called Mexico. There was also a ])art of the nation
which they left in the cast, and Tepeu and Oliniau
were the places where they remained."**
A Cakohiquel record of what would seem to be tlio
same ])rimitive traditions contained in the Popol Vuh,
exists but has never been published. It is only known
hrough an occasional reference or quotation in the
writings of Brasseur de Bourbourg. From one of
these references^ we learn that the barbarian ITtiu,
Jackal, or Coyote, that conducted Gucumatz to Paxil
where maize was discovered, was killed by one of the
heroes or deities; hence the name Hunahpu Utiu,
* shooter of the blowpipe at the coyote.' The follow-
ing quotation from the same document refers to the
name Tulan, which with its different spellings occurs
so perplexingly often in all the primitive traditions of
American civilization. "Four persons came from
Tulan, from the direction of the rising sun, that is
one Tulan. There is another Tulan in Xibalbay and
another where the sun sets, and it is there that wo
came; and in the direction of the setting sun there is
another where is the god: so that there are four
» Popol Vuh, pp. 245-7; Ximcnes, Hist. Ind, Otiat, pp. 08-9.
'» Notes to Popol Vuh, pp. lx.\.\v, ccUv.
MEANING OF THE QUICHE TRADITIONS.
183
Tulans; and it is where the sun seta that we came to
Tulan, from the other side of the sea where this Tulan
is, and it is there that we were conceived and begot-
ten by our mothers and our fathei-s."*"
Such in a condensed form are the tales that make
up the primitive annals of the Quich<5 nations of
Guatemala. We may be very sure that, be they
marvelous or common-place, each is founded on an
actual occurrence, and has its meaning. That mean-
ing, so far as details are concerned, has been doubt-
less in most instances lost. We may only hope to
extract from the tenor of the record as a whole, a
general idea respecting the nature of the historic
events thus vaguely recorded; and even this would
be perhaps a hopeless task, were it not for the aid
derived from the Tzendal traditions, with monu-
mental, institutional, and linguistic arguments al-
ready considered, and the Nahua records yet to be
examined. 1 1 is not altogether visionary to behold in
the successive creations by Gucumatz, the 'plumed
serpent,' and his companions, as we have done in the
coming of Votan, the introduction or growth of a new
civilization, new forms of government or religion, new
hahits of life in America; even if wo cannot admit
literally the arrival at a detinite time and place of a civ-
ilizer, Gucumatz, or hope to reasonably explain each
of his actions. It is not necessary to decide whether
the new culture was indigenous or of foreign origin; or
even to suppose it radically different from any that
preceded or were contemporaneous with it. We
need not go back to ancient times to see partisans or
devotees attach the great? -jt importance to the slight-
est (i '* noes in government or religion, looking
witii pii,y or hatred on all that are inditterent or
opposed. Thus in the traditions before us opponents
and rivals are pictured as the powers of darkness,
while tribes that cling to the freedom of the forests
and are slow to accept the blessings of civilized life,
" /(/., pp. xci-ii.
184
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
I;
are almost invariably spoken of as brutes. The final
creation of man, and the discovery of maize as an
essential element in his composition, refer apparently
to the introduction among or adoption by the new
people or new sect of agriculture as a means of sup-
port, but possibly to the creation of a high rank of
secular or religious rulers. Utiu, the Jackal, a bar-
barian, led Gucumatz and his companions to Paxil
Cayala where maize was found, but was killed by the
new-comers in the troubles that ensued. Early in
the narrative, however, the existence of a rival power,
the great empire of Xibalba, almost synonymous with
the infernal regions, is explicitly indicated, and a
large portion of the Popol Viih is devoted to the
struggle between the two. The princes and nations
of Xibalba, symbolized in Vukub Cakix, Zipacna,
Cabrakan, Hun Came, and Vukub Came, were nu-
merous and powerful, but, since the history is written
by enemies, they were of course bad. Their chief
fault, their unpardonable sin, consisted in being
puffed up with pride against the Heart of Heaven,
in refusing to accept the views of the new sect.
Consequently the nations and chiefs that had arrayed
themselves on the side of Gucumatz, represented by
Xbalanque and Hunahpu, of several generations,
struggle long and desperately to humble their own
enemies and those of the supreme god, Hurakan.
The oft-repeated struggles are symbolized by games
at ball between the rival chiefs. The ball grounds
or halls are battle-fields. The animals of the forests
often take a prominent part on one side or the other;
that is, the savage tribes are employed as allies.
Occasionally men are for some offense or stupidity
changed to monkeys, or tribes allied with the self-
styled reformers and civilizers prove false to their
allegiance and return to the wild freedom of the
mountains. It is difficult, if not impossible, to de-
termine the meaning of that portion of the narrative
which recounts the immaculate conception of the
nig;
again
aband
nor t
thyo
aftcrv
iiarcjiy
to the
as thi
('ivisio,
one tov
way of
uscript
Yucatai
The
CONQUEST OF XIBALBA.
186
princess Xquiq; but Brasseur, not without reason,
sees in the birth of Hunahpu and Xbalanque from a
Xibalban mother, an indication that the rival nations
became more or less mixed by intermarriage. The
same author conjectures that the quarrels between
the two twins and their elder half-brothers record
dissensions that arose between the chiefs of pure and
mixed blood. After a long series of wars with vary-
ing results, symbolized by the repeated games of ball,
and the ordeals to which Xbalanque and his brother
were successively subjected, the princes of Xibalba
were defeated. From the terms in which the victory
is described in the tradition, the general impression
is conveyed that it was not a conquest involving the
destruction of cities and the extermination or enslav-
ing of the people; but rather the overthrow of a
dynasty; the transfer of the supreme power to na-
tions that formerly occupied subordinate positions.
The chief feature in the celebration of the triumph
was the apotheosis of the heroes who had fallen
during the struggle.
After the triumph of Gucumatz' followers, the
written tradition is practically silent. Of the great-
ness of the newly constituted empire we know noth-
ing; the record only re-opens when misfortune has
again come upon the nations and they are forced to
abandon Tulan for new homes. Neither their defeats
nor the names of their conquerors were thought wor-
thy of a place in the annals of the Quichd nations,
afterwards so powerful in Guatemala; yet we can
hardly doubt that the princes of Xibalba contributed
to their overthrow. Forced to leave Tulan, spoken of
as the cradle of their race, they migrated in three
divisions, one towards the mountains of Guatemala,
one towards Mexico, and the third toward the east by
way of Tepeu and Oilman, which the Cakchiquel man-
uscript is said to locate on the boundary of Peten and
Yucatan.
The Quiche traditions, then, point clearly to, 1st,
186
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
the existence In ancient times of a great empire
somewhere in Central America, called Xibalba by its
enemies; 2d, the growth of a rival neighboring power;
3d, a long struggle extending through several gen-
erations at least, and resulting in the downfall of the
Xibalban. kings; 4th, a subsequent scattering, — the
cause of which is not stated, but was evidently war,
civil or foreign, — of the formerly victorious nations
from Tulan, their chief city or province; 5th, the
identification of a portion of the migrating chiefs with
the founders of the Quich^-Cakchiquel nations in pos-
session of Guatemala at the Conquest. The National
Book, unaided, would hardly suffice to determine the
location of Xibalba, which was very likely the name
of a capital city as well as of the empire. Utatlan,
in the Guatemalan highlands, is clearly pointed out
as the place whence Xbalanque set out for its con-
quest, and several other names of localities in Guate-
mala are also mentioned, but it should be noted that
the tradition comes through Guatemalan sources, and
it is not necessary even to suppose that Utatlan was
the centre of the forces that struggled against the
powers of darkness. Yet since we know through
Tzendal traditions and monumental relics, of the great
Votanic empire of the Chanes, which formerly in-
cluded the region of Palenque, there can hardly be
room for hesitation in identifying the two powers.
The description of Paxil Cayala, 'divided and stagnant
waters,' "a most excellent land, full of good things,
where the white and yellow maize did abound, also
the cacao, where were sapotes and many fruits, and
honey; where all was overflowing with the best of
food, ' agrees at least as well with the Usumacinta
region as with any other in Central America. The
very steep descent by which Xbalanque reached Xi-
balba from Utatlan, corresponds perfectly with the
topography of the country towards the Usumacinta.
The statement that in the final migration from Tulan
to Guatemala, two parties were left behind, one of
XIBALBA THE VOTANIC EMPIRE.
which went to Mexico anH ih^ .u
east, also seems to poL fnfh ""^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^n the
in Xibalba, evidently the in- ' "^^ * ^^^^'^
t;on took place, VlZ t^T *'5 ^"^^ ^'^^r^?
throuo-h Ordofiez we hav«Tn ^ T^endal tradition
Ian, was one of the ZJT^^}^''^ ^ulha, or Tu
finally there L atoffiy no«fi„t ^^^If'^ ^^P^-'
Yh r^*^ *^ ^»y other bcatbn^ '"^ *^' "^^''^^'^^
Aibalba was th^m *;, V • ^'
which tradition ass^n fvoteaf ^^ ^''^'-''' ^
name was applied alSo to its eaD^«? ft>»nder; the same
ably Identical with Palenque?an/T^,^^'^^»' Pr«t>-
the cen re of nations whkTh wlV. "^ ^"^»' ^^ Tulha,
allies, rivals, and conqueror^^^^^^^^
be conjecturally idenS ,,f ^^^^^
or Copan. Vukub Caklx Tbl i f ["'^^^ Ococingo
Xibalban monarchs, was perh/nJ?.* ^"* *^« «^ ^bo
Jbo occupied the sare LS ' '.f "i? ^« ^^"^^ax
dition and calendar. But^wto 'L''' *^ -^^""^^^ ^^a-
Gucumat^, the nations bef^re'ir'' ^^'^ ^«"«^^«^ of
P" and Xbalanque, the prideVxr.^^^'^^' ^"»^h-
and to whom the tradS. f? ""i^^ '^^« humbled,
assigned no name? if is mo ^' ^ f^"<^'«d have
them with theTzequies wrot"^5?'^* *« ^^^"tify
d'tion, arrived dur?n^ Votln^; T''"^'''^ *^ *he tra-
Jowers new ideas ofyvernm^n^ T' ^r^ ^'« ^'ol-
ass'^ned lands, and bfcame a now "^ T^^^'^"' ^^^e
Tu an as their capital tL P?^^^^"^ People with
ditionmuch morefnte ii JfelT^' ^^.T-en^dal tra
much better with the oiichr. ^^^P^?*^' and agrees
«jte one adopted without anv°'^' ^^'^"^ *^^ «PPo-
Brasseur de Bourbourr 17 !.^P^'""* reason by
£bantof lamentation^oS'divt ro^fh *^ .*^^ ^"-^^
Tulan went north to Mexto u h A^ ""^^"^^"^^ ^om
dawn; their g-reatness Th ' ^""^ *^^^ ^^"nd their
^e Nahua nafiontwhich d^^^^^^^^ * V«^"* *-^ard
Mexico during hisUirtfmes Th^^\^ ^^"^^"'^ ^^
.-tednorthwardarecalleS;^ th^A^o^^jf^^^^^^^
i
I
188
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
a name which according to Brasseur de Bourbourg,
has much the same signification etymological ly as
Nahuatl, and was commonly applied by the Maya-
Quichd peoples of Central America to the Mexi-
cans. Moreover, their god, Tohil, was called by
these Yaqui tribes, even while they were yet in Tulan,
Yolcuat Qiiitzalcuat, while the most prominent of
the Nahua divinities is well known to the readers of
the preceding volumes to have been Quetzalcoatl.
Chanes, the only name given to the subjects of Votan
and his successors, is the equivalent of Culhuas, a
word which, especially in composition, is of frequent
occurrence in all the native tongues. Culhuacan was
one of the most celebrated cities of Andhuac, as the
Acolhuas were among the most noted peoples. Again
Tulan Zuiva is defined as the Seven Caves, in the
Nahua tongues Chicomoztoc, which the Aztecs are well
known to have claimed as a former home. One of the
divinities engaged in the creation, or in the propaga-
tion of the new doctrines in the region of Xibalba was
the chief of Toltecat, another name prominent in all
Nahua traditions as that of their most famous nation,
the Toltecs; and finally Gucumatz, the great leader of
Xibalba'.- (Conquerors, was identical, with Quetzalcoatl,
since both names signify equally the 'plumed ser-
pent,' the former in Quichd, the latter in Aztec.
These facts seem significant and naturally direct our
attention to an examination of the early Nahua re-
cords.
The records of the Nahua nations, so far as they
relate to the pre-Toltec period, if more extensive and
numerous, are not less confused than those of the
south. To bring into any semblance of order this
mass of contradictory semi-mythical, semi-historic de-
tails, to point out and defend the historic meaning of
each aboriginal tale, is an impossible task which I do
not propose to undertake. The only practicable course
is to present the leading points of these early tradi-
I
THE NAHUAS IN TAMOANCHAN.
189
tions as they are given by the best authorities, and to
draw from them, as I have done from the Tzendal and
Quiche records, some general eonchisions respecting
the most probable course of primitive history; for
conclusions of a very general nature, and bearing on
probabilities only, are all that we can expect to roach
respecting pre-Toltec America. Sahagun, justly es-
teemed as one of the best authorities, speaks in sub-
stance as follows:"
Countless years ago the first settlers arrived in New
Spain. Coming in ships by sea, they approached a
northern port ; and because they disembarked there it
was called Panutla, or Panoaia, 'place where they
arrived who came by sea,' now corruptly called Pan-
tlan (Pilnuco) ; and from this port they began to follow
the coast, beholding the snowy sierras and the vol-
canoes, until they reached the province of Guatemala;
being guided by a priest carrying their god, with
whom he continually took counsel respecting what
they ought to do. They came to settle in Tamo-
anchan, where they remamed a long time, and never
ceased to have their . ise men, or prophets, called
amoxoaqiie, which means 'men learned in the ancient
paintings,' who, although they came at the same time,
did not remain with the rest in Tamoanchan; since
leaving them there, they re-embarked and carried
away with them all the paintings which they had
brought relating to religious rites and mechanical arts.
Before their departure they spoke as follows : — " Know
that our god commands you to remain hero in these
lands, of which he makes you masters and gives you
possession. He returns to the place whence he and
we came; but he will come back to visit you when it
shall be time for the world to come to an end ; mean-
time you will await him in these lands, pos'seasiug
them and all contained in them, since for thii purpose
you came hither; remain therefore, for wo go with
our god." Thus they departed with their god wrapped
<i Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., pp. 139-43.
190
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
H
I
(
.4
: 4
in blankets, towards the east, taking all the paintings.
Of the wise men only four remained, Oxomoco, Cipac-
tonal, Tlaltetecui, and Xuchicaoaca, who, after the
others had departed, consulted together, saying: — A
time will come when there will be light for the direc-
tion of this republic ; but during the absence of our
god, how shall the people be ruled ? What order will
there be in all things, since the wise men carried away
their paintings by which they governed ? Therefore
did they invent judicial astrology and the art of in-
terpreting dreams; they composed the calendar, which
was followed during the rule of the Toltecs, Mexicans,
Tepanecs, and Chichimecs. By this calendar, how-
ever, it is not possible to ascertain how long they re-
mained in Tamoanchan, — although this was known by
the paintings burned in the time of the Mexican ruler,
Itzcoatl, in whose reign the lords and princes agreed
that all should be burned that they might not fall
into the hands of the vulgar and be unappreciated.
From Tamoanchan they went to sacrifice at Teotihua-
can, where they built two mountains in honor of the
sun and moon, and where they elected their rulers,
and buried the lords and princes, ordering the tumuli,
still to be seen, to be made over their graves. Some
description of the mounds follows, with the statement
that they were the work of giants. The town of
Teotl, or god, was called Teotihuacan, because the
princes who were buried there were made gods after
death, and were thought not to have died but to have
waked from a sleep. From Tamoanchan certain fam-
ilies went to settle the provinces called Olmeca Vix-
toti. Here are j iven some details of these Olmecs
and of the Huast cs, to be spoken of later.
After the centi of power had been a long time in
Tamoanchan, it < is afterwards transferred to the
town called Xumil pec. Here the lords and priests
and the old men di covered it to be the will of their
god that they shoui J not remain always in Xumilte-
pec, but that they were to go farther; thus all grad-
'V
THE NAHUA TRADITIONS.
m
lam-
'ix-
lecs
le in
the
Sests
their
lilte-
Irad-
ually started on their migration, having first repaired
to Teotihuacan to choose their leaders and wise uen.
In this migration they came to the valley of the
Seven Caves. There is no account of the time they
remained there, but finally the Toltecs were told by
their god that they must return (that is towards Teo-
tihuacan, or Andhuac), which they did and came to
Tollancingo (Tulancingo), and finally to Tulan (Tol-
lan).
In the introduction to the same ^rork" we are told
also that the first settlers came from towards Florida,
followed the coast, and landed at the port of Pdnuco.
They came in search of the 'terrestrial j^aradise,*
were called Tamoanchan, which means 'we seek our
house,' and settled near the highest mountains they
found. "In coming southward to seek the earthly
paradise, they did not err, since it is the opinion of
those that know that it is under the equinoxial line."
In Sahagun's version of the tradition we find Ta-
moanchan," the first home of the Nahua nations in
America, definitely located down the coast from Pil-
nuco in the province of Guatemala. The coast region
of Tabasco was probably included in this author's
time in Guatemala; at least it is as near Guatemala
as the new-comers could get by following the coast.
The location therefore agrees with that of Xibalba
and the Votanic empire as derived from other
sources; and in fact the whole narrative may with
great plausibility be applied to the events described
in the Quiche tradition — the arrival of Gucumatz
and his companions (although Sahagun does not
name Quetzalcoatl as the leader of the immigrants),
the growth of a great power in the central region,
and the final forced migration from Tulan Zuiva, the
Seven Caves. The absence of the name Tulan, as
« Tom. i., p. xviii.
" Accoi-din); to Brasseur de Bourbourg, ^»<. Nat. Civ., torn, i., p. 59,
the name Hhould be Temoanchan to agree exactly with Sahagiin'a definition,
'vaniosd nuestracaea.' ThoBame author lieard an Indian of Guatemala
define the uame as au earthly paradise. Poj)ol Vuh, pp. Ixxviii-lxxix.
f 'i:
1 1 L
I:
~ -I-
1 1<"^:% |tj]
192
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
applied to a city or county in Central America, from
the northern traditions as they have heen preserved
for our examination, may be very satisfactorily ac-
counted for by the fact that another great city
founded much later in An.ihuac, the capital of tho
Toltec monarchy, was also called '"'olian; consequently
such traditions as the Spaniards oachered from the
natives respecting a Tulan, weit; naturally referred by
them to the later city. It is to l)e noted, moreover,
in this connection, that the descriptions given by the
Spanish writers of Tollan, with its luxuriant vegeta-
tion, and birds of brilliant plumage, often apply
much better to the southern than to the northern
Anilhuac. In addition to the points mentioned in
tho Quiche record, we learn from Sahagun that the
Toltec calendar was invented or introduced durinsi-
the stay in that southern country of Tamoanchan ;"
that the Nahua power in the south extended north
to Anahuac and embraced Teotihuacan, a holy city
and religious centre, even in those remote times;
that the Olmecs, Miztecs, and Huastecs belonged to
the same group of nations and their rise or appear-
ance to the same period; and that from the Seven
Caves tho Toltecs migrated — that is their centre or
capital was transferred— to Tulancingo, and later to
Tollan. All these points we shall find confirmed more
or less directly by other authorities.
A very important Nahua record, written in Aztec
with Spanish letters by an anonymous native author,
and copied by Ixtlilxochitl, which belonged to the
famous Boturini collection, is the Codex Chimalpo-
2)oca.*^ Unfortunately it has never been published.
*♦ Brasseur luilievcs that tlie Oxomoco and Cipactoiial of the Nnliun
myth, arc tlie same as the Xpiyafoc ami Ximu-aiie of tlie Popol Vuh, sii 'e
the former are two of the inventors of the oahMuhir, while tiio latter arc
called grandmothers of the sun and Iij,dit. Popol Vuh, p]>. 4, 20.
*i 'Una Ifistorin tic los Hnjnos dc Culhudcan, y Mexico, en Icngiia -Vd-
huatl, y panel Hluropto dc Autor Anonynio, y tieno afiadida una lire vc Re-
liteion de ton Dioses, y Ilitos de Id Gentilidad en lcn;;ua Castellana, etc.
EsUi todo copiado dc Ictru dc Dun Fernando de Alba y le fulta lu prinicro
THE CODEX CHIMALPOPOCA.
193
ktec
lior,
Ithe
b,
[lUua
|r lire
.V((-
etc.
Iiuera
and its contents are only known l)y occasional refer-
ences in the works of Brasseur de Bourl)oiiru-, who
had a ct)[)y of the document. From the passa^^es
(|n<)ted l>y the abhd I take the foUowinj^ brief ac-
count, which seems of some importance in connection
witli the ])recedini^:
"This is the beginninj^ of the history of thin<:js
which came to pass \on<r afjo, of the division of tlie
earth, the pr()})erty of all, its oriu^in and its founda-
tion, as well as the nsanner in which the sun divided
it six^ times four hundred jdus one hundred jdus thir-
teen years iiu^o to-day, the twenty-second of May,
1558." "Earth and the heavens were formed in the
year Ce Tochtli; hut man had already been created
iour times. Ood formed him of ashes, but Quetzal-
cDiitl iiad ])erfected him." After the Hood men were
clian^vd into do,<,^s.*" After a new and successful at-
tempt at creation, all betj^an to serve the jj^ods, called
A|iante('utli, 'master of the rivers,' Huictlolliiupii,
'he who causes the earth to shake,' Tlallamanac, 'he
who presides en the earth,' and Tzontemoc, 'he whose
iiair descends.' Quetzalcoatl remained alone. Then
they said, "the vassals of the jj^ods are born ; they have
ahcady be^un to serve us," but tliey added, "what
w'ill you eat, ( ) i^ods?" and Quetzalcoatl went to search
for means of subsistence. At that time Azcatl, the
'ant,' yoini"!" ^ ' Tonacatej)etl, 'mount of our subsist-
ence,' for maize, was met by Quetzalcoatl, who said,
fnja.' Uoliirhii, CHlulnqn, ])j>. 17- IS. ' M. Aiiltin, qui rossi'de Ics ropics
fiutcs jiiir (i.itim ct I'iL'liarilo, aji>uto nil Hiijet ili> •.^i iiocuiiKMit : 'Totte
lii'-liiiic, coiiipoHoe (Ml 1,")(>.S ot t-ii l.')70, jmr iiii ocrivain do (juaiilititlikii
I't inm ])ar Fcniaiit;) de Allia (Ixtli'xofliitl), roiiiine Vw crii i'i(;liai'di>,
n'ol ;;iii'n' iimiiis ]pri'i'ieusc 4ue les iirt'ci'dciitoM (iu I»ia.s.Ht'ui-'« list), ct
rt'iiiciiitc, iiiiiii'i" par aiiiiee, tin innins jasqii'ii Tan '<t\ de .J.C. A la suite
(If CCS amiiiles se tronve I'liistnire audiiyine (Y ilistoire dew soleils), d'oii
(iaiiia a t xtrait le tex'e nie.xieain de la tradition .sur les sideils."' lira.i-
x' iir i/c Jjiiiirliounj, llist. \iit. ('it'., tuni. i., p. l.x.xix.; /(/., J'ojiul Viih, p.
xi,
*'^ Cl'irhimc or 'd<>;js,' a transfornintion which nmy not improhahlv have
s i'tliiii<; to do with liie ori;:iu of the iiauicl.'iiieliiinecs, a name applied to
siniiany trilies iu ail jiarts of the country. The Coiler Ckiinntpopoca, liow-
I'viT. speaks also of a trausfciruiatio:t into niunkeys us a result of a jjreat
iiurricaue. I'litud Vuh, p. l.xx.x.
Vol. V. la
194
THE PRE-TOLTF.C PERIOD.
•f
i '
!i
\.% I
Ji
50
"where hast thou been to obtain that tliin.i^? Tell
me." At first the Ant would not tell, but the
Plumed Serpent insisted, and repeated, "whither
shall 1 i,''o?" Then they went there toi*^ether, Quet-
zaleoatl nietamorphosini»; himself into a 'black ant.'*^
Tlaltlauhqui Azcatl, the 'yellow ant,'*^ aceompanied
Quetzalcoatl respectfully, as they went to seek maize
and brought it to Tamoanchan. Thou the gods
began to eat, and put some of the maize in our
mouths that we might become strong.*" The same
record im])lies that Quetzalcoatl afterwards became
obnoxious to his companions and abandoned them.
In this document we have evidently an account of
substantially the same events that are recorded in
the Tzendal and Quicht5 records: — the division of tlu-
earth by the Sun in the year 955 B.C., or as Ordonez
interprets the Tzendal tradition, by Votan 'about
1000 B.C.'; the formation of the earth by the sii
premc being, and the successive creations of man, cir
attempts to introduce civilization among savages
through the agency of Quetzalcoatl, — acts ascribed bv
the Quichd tradition to the same person under tiu!
name of Gucumatz; tiie flood and resulting trans
formation of men into dogs, instead of monkeys as in
the Popol Vuh, symbolizing perhaps the relapse into
savagism of partially civilized tribes;- -the adoption
of agriculture represented in both traditions as an
expedition by Quetzalcoatl, or (Jucumatz, in searcli of
maize. According to the J^tpol Vuh he sought the
maize in Paxil and Cayala, 'divided and stagnant
waters,' by the aid of Vtiw, 'the coyote;' while in
the Nahua tradition, ai led by Azcatl, 'the ant,' lu
finds the desired food in Tonacate])etl, 'mount of our
Hubsistenca' Finally, the Codex (Jhiinalpopoca idcn-
" Or, ns RraHHour Riitjgcsts, •Klontinj' the customs of tlic people in order
to obtiiiii tlie entree of Toiiacatepetl mm tlio secret of their u^jricultiirc,
<•* Moliiui, Vocahiilario, trunsiuteM the imiiic, 'red unt.'
<» Voilrx Vhunalfinioca, in Urasseur de JJourbowij, IfinL Nat. Civ., tmn
i., pp. f>;j-», 70- 1.
MM, p. 117.
^Mldros, ('|„
KWiivii },y ^^
/;,'• I'-'i, 12(1.
'!'.'' 'mines <(f
PKIMITIVE NATIONS OF MEXICO.
195
tifios the home of the Nahua nations, whence the
search for maize was made, with Tamoanchan, which
Sahagim has clearly located in Tabasco.
Before considering the traditions that relate the
niis^ration of the Toltecs proper to Tollan in Anilhuac,
it wiU be most convenient to give the little that is
known of those nations that are supposed to have
preceded the Toltecs in Mexico. The chief of these
arc the Qui names, Olniecs, Xicalancas, Totonacs,
Huastccs, Miztecs, Zapotecs, and Otoinis."* The
( )hnecs and Xicalancas, who are sometimes rep-
resented as two nations, sometimes as divisions of
the same nation, are regarded by all the authorities
as Naluias, speaking the same language as the Tol-
tecs, but settled in Anahuac long before the estab-
lishment of tljc Toltec Empire at Tollan, As nations
they both became extinct before the Spanish Con-
(|iiest, as did the Toltecs, but there is little doubt
that their descendants imder new names and in new
national combinations still lived in Puebla, southern
Vera Cruz, and Tabasco — the region traditionally set-
tled by them — down to the coming of the Spaniards.
They are regarded as the first of the Nahua nations
Ml this region and are first noticed by tradition on the
south-eastarn coasts, wliither they had come in ships
from the east. Sahagun, as we have seen, identifies
them with certain families of the Nahuas who set out
from Tamoanchan to settle in the northern coast re-
ijlon. Ixtlilxochitl tells us they occupied the land in
the third age of the world, landing on the east coast as
■■' Tlic Ciiicntccs, Tricjuis, riiinniiteos, Mnzators, riiatiiios, Paimlmcos,
Soltt'Cds, ('li(intiilo»i, and ('oliiiixcuH, in tlic soutli-ui'sU'ni re^rioiiN, are rr-
Ciinlcd l)y Oro/.i'o y Ikrm us fra;;iiieiit8 of pre-Toltec nations. (liutjrafUi,
mi. IL'I, l'2(;. rrii-liai(i, N<it. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 512, adds the ("oran,
Ti'|iaii('cs, and Tarasoos. The (^odiccs V'atiranns and Tellcrianns, jjive
the names of the tribes that nii};rutcd from the seven eaves, us (Hniees,
Xicalaiii'us, Chichiinees, Nonolinalcns, Michinacns, t'oiiixeus, Tot:onae8,
ami ('iiextccus. The Nonohiialeus and Xicniuneus, liowcvcr, were proh-
ftlily the same, and we shall see later that (^liieliiniecs was pntbahly ne\ er
ft tribal name at all. Gallatin, in Ariicr. Ethno. Soc, Tianmrt., vol. i., p.
135.
196
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
I ^-
i\
'II
far as the land of Papuha,"' 'muddy water,' or in the
region about the Laguna de Terminos. Veytia names
Pdnuco as their landing-place, and gives the date as
a few years after the regulation of the calendar,
already noticed in Sahagun's record.®^ Their national
names are derived from that of their first rulers 01-
mecatl and Xicalancatl. Two ancient cities called
Xicalanco are reported on the gulf coast ; one of them,
which flourished nearly or quite down to the time of
the Conquest, and whose ruins are still said to be vis-
ible,^* was just below Vera Cruz; the other, probably
the more ancient, stood at the point which still bears
the name of Xicalanco at the entrance to the La-
guna de Terminos. This whole region is also said to
have borne the name of Anahuac Xicalanco.'"' Men-
dieta and Torquemada'*" relate that the followers of
Xicalancatl peopled the region towards the Goazaco-
alco, where stood the two cities referred to. The ])e()-
ple of that })art of the country were generally known
at the time of the Conquest as Nonohualcas. The
chief development of this peo])le, or of its Olmec
branch, was, so far as recorded in tradition, in the
state of Puebla further north and inland.
This tradition of the arrival of strangers on the
eastern coast, and the growth of the Olmec and Xi-
calanca powers on and north of the isthmus, in view
of the facts that these nations are universally regard-
ed as Nahuas and as the first of the race to settle in
Anahuac, cannot be considered «as distinct from that
given by Sahagun respecting the Nahua race, es])e-
cially as the latter author speaks of the do])arturo of
certain families from Tamoanchan to settle in the
M Jiclarmies, in KinqshorouglC.t Mrx. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 459. I'lipiiliyii,
'river of iiiuil,' is a iiiiiue also a])])lioii liy tiio t^iiiche tradition to ii river
aiipurcntly in tliis reuion. See p. 17H; I'ojiol I'lih, i)p. 140-1. UrussiMir in
the Hiinic work, pj). Txxii., Ixxvii-viii., refers tu Las C'a.ins, Itinl. Ajiol.,
toin. iii., cnp. exxiii-iv., ns relntin;; the arrival of these nutiuuH lurJcr
ijiu'tzalcoatl and twenty chiefs at Point Xicalanco.
M Vfi/tiii, Hint. Ant. Mej., toni. L, p. 150.
MSee vol. iv., p. 434.
" See vol. ii.. p. 112.
56 Hint. Eckn., p. 146; Monarq. Ind., toni. i., p. 32.
I'<
OLMECS AND XlCALANCAS.
provinces of Olmeca Vixtoti U • ' '''
s"J)pose that the new power extpLV'i '"^',* natural to
ward to Puebla as wel] Ts Lkr^d f.'f ^^t^"''^"^ "orth-
it came more directlj in conttet , vifh ^^^'^'^' ^^^^^'■-
This view of the matter is UkelZ '^' ^''""^ '''^'"^^^^
fact that QuetzalcoatI, the cultn ! h '"PP^^'^^' '^7 the
wi;c,uo.ht his great worksin t f i^''''' '-' ''"'"^ *^ ^'"^^^
and X'ea aneas--accordTn. tot , :r."f.*^^^ ^^'"^«-«
been their leader when "thlv *?d,t.ons to have
Sahagun also applies ^henanrT^, ^" "^^ -'^«^'
"ches/ or 'terrestrial pnmdise 'L T^^^''""' '^^'»d of
re.^.on, implying its identity with To ^""*^^-«'^«ter„
, ^>nr knowledcre of OhZ^- . '^"'"anchan."
their first appearance/ "^o.^^^^T ^"^^^^^^ to
whKh occurred in Puebla. Here .1 fl^ ^'''' ^^'^"*«
Atoyac near Puebla de los A n' i^^^ ^" ^he Rio
^y^und the QuinanieVor i n?:'"^ '^"^ ?^«'"Ia,
pie who long kept then suC" ' : ^.'''''^'■^"' Peo-
powor, or, as the trJhlf ^"^«'«^'»ato m rank and
J'-n.' These Q^in^f ^^ rX'^ j^' '-^«'-"'
snrvivors of the great df^^L r''^''^^ states, were
--'^ age of the^rrld'^TW I"'"' ^'^^^"^^^ '^^
Jeytm, "more like brnfp« ^^ ^ '^'''^' accordino- to
-^i 7« raw nie^t o7 td 'Tnd'l""'^f '^^"^'^'^'- ^T^^^'
""tecnndiscriminatelv, Vu ts l^'w^? r^'^'^' ^^^^v
they cultivated nothino- ut the 1 ''"''*, ^^^'■''^^' ^i"^;
P'll'iue with which to 7n'n .1 ^ ^"'^''^ ^low to make
-;;-ly naked wSt^^tv tl' W?.'''^''-'- «"^'
^'•'el and proud vof fi. . "• They were
"■-' to settle i„ tC' lS"""S"",^; '■^■'■""""'''
J^"e Uiniocs were
ief
1.
Itid
198
THE PUE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
ii:'
treated well enough at first, although they looked
with terror upon the giants. The latter, aware of
the fear they inspired, b xanie more and more inso-
lent, claiming that as lords and masters of the land
they were showing the strangers a great favor in })er-
mitting them to live there. As a recompense for
this kindness they obliged the Olmecs to serve as
slaves, neither hunting nor fishing themselves, but
depending on their new servants for a subsistence.
Thus ill-treated, the Nahuas soon found their condi-
tion insupportable. Another great cause of offence
was that the Quinames were addicted to sodomy, a
vice which they refused to abandon even when thoy
wore offered the wives and daughters of the new-
c(>mers. At last it was resolved at a council of the
Olmec chiefs to free themselves once for all from
their oppressors. The means adopted were peculiiu-.
The giants were invited to a magniiic< t ban(]uet;
the richest food and the most tempting native bev-
erages were set before the guests; all gathered at tlie
feast, and as a result of their unrestrained appetites
were soon stretched senseless like so many blocks of
wood on the ground. Thus they became an easy
prey to the reformers, and perished to a man. The
Olmecs were free and the day of their national pros-
perity dawned.
The Quinames, traditionally assigned as the first
inhabitaiits of nearly every part of the country, have
been the subject of much discussion among the Sj)an-
ish writers. Veytia indeed rejects the idea tliat a
race of giants actually existed, and Clavigero consid-
ers their existence as a race very doubtful, although
admitting that there were doubtless individuals of
great size. Most other writers of this class ac(.'ept
more or less literally the tradition of the giants who
were the first dwellers in the land, deeming the dis-
covery of large bones in various localities and the
scriptural tales of giants in other parts of the workl,
to be sufiScient corroborative authority. Veytia thinks
THE QUINAMES, OH GIANTS.
199
the Quinames Avere probably of the same race as the
Toltecs, but were tribes cast out for their sloth; Ixt-
lilxochitl records the opinion entertained by some
that they were descended from the Chichimecs. The
former fixes the date of their destruction as 107, the
latter as 299, A, D. Oviudo adopts the conclusion of
Mendoza that the giants probably came from the
Strait of Magellan, the only place Avhere such beings
were known to exist. Boturini saw no reason to
doubt the existence of the mants. Boin2f larije in
stature, they could out-travel the rest of mankind,
and thus became naturally the first settlers of distant
parts of the world. Torquemada, followed by Veytia,
identities them with a similar race that traditionally
appeared at a very early time in Peru, where they
wore destroyed by fire from heaven.'"'
The Quinames were of course not giants, and it is
not at all probable that they were savage tribes. Such
tribes are described as animals rather tlian giants in
the American traditionary annals. Tiie spirit of the
narrative, the great power ascribed to the Quinames,
their kind reception of the strangers, their growing
insolence, even their vices, point clearly, here as in
Chiapas, to a powerful nation, at first feared as mas-
ters, then hated as rivals, but finally ruled as subjects
by the newly risen power. While it is impossible to
decide authoritatively in the matter, it may be re-
ij;ar(led as more than likely that this foe was a l)ranch
of that overthrown in the south; that the Xibalban
power, as well as that of the Naluias, extended far
■'''* Coiu'crning the fjiants, 8(?c Ijcllllxorhill, in h'lnijsboroiif/h's Mcx.
Aiiliq., viil. ix., I)]!. '2<).">-(>, 3!)2, 459; Wijlut, Hist. Aj/. .'ifij.. t<nn. i., pp.
I4IJ-54; Diiridi, Hist, fn-lirt.i, MS., toiii. i., cap. ii. 'I'liis aiillior n'|irt'MeiitH
llic Quiiiaiucs as haviii;,' been killod wliilo catiiij; and tlriiiLiii;;, liv the
'riasi'ultccs wild had taUeii pcissessioii of tlit'ir anus. Ho says tlicy yitddcd
after a dos|«'rate resistaiK'o. Torqiiintiido. MniKin/. IiuL, toiu. i., pp. H4-(');
Untiiriii), Iilcd, ]ip. l,'{()-rt; Arliiim', ('liniii. /iuntfcns, )>.(); Oi-in/i), Hint.
(Icn., toiii. iii.. u\\. .'J39-41; Clarifin'o, Slovia Ant. del Mc.s.'iiro, toiii. i., n.
125; lira.s.iriir dr Jtoiirbour(j, Hist. Xiit. Cir., toni. i., i)p. 0(5, 15.3-4; Itl.,
Pnpol Vith, ]>p. Ixviii., cxxvii.; li/., Es(/uis.'«:<!, ]^. 12; Grnnndos y (rii/rcz,
Tiinks Amer., pp. 15, 21; It'ns, Coi>i/ini<l. Hint. Mrx., p. 5; l'it\ena, in Soc.
Mix. Onxj., jiolctin, toiii. iii., ]>. SUi; I'imciitrl, in Dice. Univ., toni. x.,
1>. CIO,
aoo
THE PKE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
''5:
towards Anjihuac in the early days; that the ^reat
strui^i^lc was carried on in the north as well as in
the south.
About the time the Qui names were defeated, the
pyramid of Cholula was erected under the direction
of a chief named Xelliua. The occasion of its beint,''
built seems to have been connected in some way with
a flood, i)robably that mentioned in the Quiche tra-
dition, the reports of whidi may or may not be
founded on an actual inundation more than usually
disastrous in a country sulyect to periodical ovei'^c/.v.
The autliorities are not aj^reed whether the mis^hty
mound was intended as a memorial monument in
honor of the builder's salvation from a former flood,
or as a j)lace of refuse in case tlie floodt^ates of the
skies should ai>ain be opened; neither is it settled
whether Xelliua was an Olmec or a Quiname chief-
tain, althoui^h most authors incline to the former
opinion. Pedro de los Rios tells us that the bricks
for the construction of the pyramid were manu-
factured at Tialmanalco and passed by a line of men
from hand to hand for a distance of several leaoues.
Of course the Spanish writers have not failed to
connect this ])yraniid in some way with the Hebrew
traditions res|»cctin<»" the tower of Bal)el, especially
as work on the Cholula tower was stopped by tire,
sent from heaven by the irritated deities.®"
Durini^ the Olmec period, that is, the earliest
period of Nahua power, the J2^reat Quetzalcoatl ap-
peared. We have seen that in the Popol Vuh and
Codex Chii)i(dpopoc(i this bein*^ is represented as the
half-divinity, half-hero, who came at the head of the
first Nahuas to America from across the sea. Other
M Oil buil(liii<^ of Cliohila jiyraiiiid, see CotJnx Mexicano, in Kinf/shor-
ou(fh\s .l/i'.i*. Aiitiif, vol. v., p. 172; Lvflilxochitl, in Id., vol. ix., jiii. M,
4iH); Goniira, in I'lr-irott, Hist. Conq. Mcx., torn, iii., pp. 45, (ii); Vri/lin,
Ilisl. All/. Mij., toiii. i., pp. 15, 18, 153; Jioturini, Idea, pn. 11.3-14; Ifiim-
boldt, MHatiifi's, y. 553; /'/., Viici, toiii. i., p. 114; I'opol Vuh, ji, cxxv. ;
Brasseur de liourbourff, lU.it. Nut. Cio., toiii. i., jip. 153, 301-3; (Iriizc" ,'/
Berra, Gcografia, p. 132; Gallatin, in Amcr. Ethno. Soc, Trananct., vol.
i.,p. 167.
autl]
east
prosj
feate
portn
defini
that I
inent
to be
Afcxic
\n th(
Mian,
[)rocep
the ^
teacliiii
coiniiio
most c
to he i
proh.-ibl
his doci
dieted
promisee
wliich ti
iind Ills (
tezunia i
Cortes t\
prcdictioi
fiJi'Uier t
already o
^^ induce
the sea.
actually cj
ft'W days i
y'licli dosi
•can Bal)el
fire, accorc
t
QUETZALCOATI, THE CUITURE-HERO,
authorities imply rathfir +»,„* u
oa.e or novth^rSr^eS tt T" '"'"^ ''™'» '^^
prosperity, after the rival On n'' ^T^''*' ^'wec
<-' od. To such diffeJ^IeLTn'Zr-1 '"^ "*"" «'«-
|)ortance s to ho „n j . "'''«" no irroat in.
to be attributed to tJ.is earlil -"'^ ""i''''^^^^^^ '«
Mexico as 0],„ec, but witht^f ^'T''h ^"own in
'" t'^« «outh. Quetlalcoatl w./ ^''1'"«*'vo "a.ne
"''^", venerable, just and J I '' ,'''"^"'' ^*^^«rded
Foc^.pt nnd eximVe thf pS^ ^vl'o. taug].t by
the Nahua cities mn- i^, . ""^ ^"tue in af]
t--ln-,,,s, accordin', T e ir^liti^^ ""I'^Y^' ^^
'•'^'"•"on with those'ofChrfst in f ""!'J;^^ '""^^^ "•
"-f of the 8panish writ-s finn, ^^V ,^"^'^^' ''"'^
to be Klentieal with one of the r^"^' ^''"'^"^^ ^"■•"
{'!"'>fW.y St Thomas. DurLrll ?''''.*'^'^'^ ^4>'«t'es,
Hs doctrines do not seem Jo^V '^''^ "' <^'''« reo-ion
-tory reception, and helft .feV' T ''''^^' ^ «^tis.
dieted before hs , ' ''/^** ^^'"^^eartened. He nrn
17--^ to ^ei tTtm' ^1^'^^'^'-^ ^
^^f\ tnne his doctrines were toT%^f ''''''^^' ^^
■fd his descendants were tlT ^, ^""^ .'tccepted
tozuma is Jaiown to W ^'^^'^^'^^^^^ huul Mon
^;^l^^.^nd the^S;aiTffl^^ ^^"""^'"^
prediction, and in ]i L speech o tL "''''^"* ^^' ^^^^
'"■^''^^»- that after his^fi's vi ft T'TT'' '^*^*^«
drea, y once returned/-" andatf.^ Q;'et^aIcoatI had
,- '"duce his follovvjrs to ..n I T^'''.""«"«^'^*'^^^uII^
^'^« «oa. The first part of ^^^ "^ T^^' ^•"» ^'^^•••«s^
^^ctually came to pLslt tnd H ^"''.^'n'^^'^ ^''^''J'^'t'on
^7 days after his departnl ^"' >'^^ "■'^' ''>'• o"ly a
;vlHch destroyed tl^^ZramirTn^')' --^»-Iu-ke
ean iiubel, and ushe^d If tbo ""^"^ *^^^' ^'"er-
fire, according to IxtllLo It " oTtT ''^"':^^^ ^^^ of
"• '^^ t»e rums of the
^"etzaJcoatn.oweveris„ot„a„,ed.
202
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
I
pyramid was built a temple to Quetzalcoatl, who was
afterwards worshiped as a god."
We shall find very similar traditions of another
Quetzalcoatl who appeared much later, during the
Toltec period, and who also made Cholula a centre of
his reform. As we shall see, the evidence is tolerably
conclusive that the two are not the same, yet it is
more than likely that the traditions respecting them
have been considerably mixed both in native and Eu-
ropean hands. After the time of Quetzalcoatl we
know nothing of Olmec or Xicalanca history down to
the establishment of the Toltec empire, when these
nations were still in possession of the country of Piiebla
and Tlascala. Botiirini conjectures that, being driven
from Mexico, they migrated to the Antilles and to
South America. There is not, however, the slightest
necessity to suppose that the Olmecs ever left the
country at all. Their institutions and language were
the same as that of the Toltec peoples that nominally
succeeded them, and although like the Toltccs they
became extinct as a nation, yet there is no reason to
doubt that their descendants lived long in the land,
and took ])art in the new political combinations that
make up I^ahua history down to the Conquest."^
61 Rcppectiii}; Quetzalcoatl in liia mytliolof^ical aspects as a <liviiiity, see
vol. iii., pit. 248-87. The story of his visit to the Oliiiccs is toltl in IxHilxo-
chitl, in hiiifjslwrough, vol. i.\., pp. 200, 459; Vcytia, llist. Ant. Mfj., torn.
i., pp. ir)5-6, 10I-2(t4.
6* Boturiiii, Idea, p. l.'Jo; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mc.ssieo, toni. iv.,
p. 52, toni. i., p. 147. Between Chiapas and Zacatecas is a vast space, of
which the only notion jjiven \is hy history is the fact that the Ohiiecs, Xi-
calancas, and Zapotecs lived in the rejjion of I'uchla and Tlascala. Tiiey
were the primitive jtcoples, that is, the first known. Urozco y JSerra, Gcxi-
(jrtifin, \)\\. 124-5. The Xicalancas founded Atlixco and Itzncan, hut mi-
grated to South .\mcrica. The Olmecs '.vho had been driven to tlio tjiilf
coasts followed them. Carbajfd Espinnsa, llist, Mrj-., torn, i., \t. 242. The
Xicalancas jKissessed the country before the (,'hichiniecs, by whom they
were regarded as enemies. Ixtlilxochitl, in Kinffsboroii<//i's Jflix. Aiitiq.,
vol. i.\., ]>. 4()1. Mexicans, Culhuas, Tepanecs, Olmecs, Xicalancas, Taras-
COS, and ('hichimecs were all of the same race and language. Vamartjo,
Hint. Tlax., iu Noiivelles Annalcs des Voij., 1843, toni. xcviii., 1^1. l.'il,
1.35, 1.38. Hue a\i*o Jirassetir de Boitrbourg, Hist. Naf. Civ., toni. 1., [>\>-
«7, IIM), torn, iii., j). 9; Bradford's Amcr. Antiq., pp. 200, 213; Ilellwald,
in Smithsonian Rrpt., 186C, p. 337; Miiller, Rrisrn, toin. iii., pp. 33-1.
Tlic Olmecs passed from Mexico to Gnateniula, which they conqucrcci.
Alcedo, Dice, tum. iii., p. 374. Palenquc, the oldest Aincricau city,
THE TOTONAC-S AND TKOT.HUACAN.
the pri^rn. »^:j-^«l l.y,«.o autWieies »,„„„„
t .0 time of the Com,u "tH, ''""' "•' ^"'""""'•- A?
< '!«. their chief Zylet!'T"^"'"\ '""''"> Vet
'lanued to Jiave ini^rate,; f, *' .^ "'""''»'• '"'t thev
""d to h,».e lived Im™':i 'X t r""^ "^ ^^^''^X
<^iKo, Where tliey built t hi . ","'" °f -f^ko Tez.
a I'heo «lreacl/„„t" !e< ;: '^'^''^^ «' Teotil,„„e»,
I'i'il.v period. Torquer Id^ 'olifrious eentru i„ this
'.;.'""'"™ i"-t"y. jkiv t '^; '"'i^ ;«'"^'«t"w their
'""' »" '««! native. ]?is br^^^ " '"'<"'""tion
M,l«ta„ce by all other, who Inw . '^'•■"""'' 'l""''''' i"
«>;*, IS as (oUows:-..,™" ., • .'^^ >;ie>it,oned the sub-
«'ey set out fro,„ the W .alK".'.,""''^ "^'^ that
.^oven Cave.,, too-ether w th the Y '-'""'■no.toe, or
'liey were twenty division, n ^«'!,';'"«-s ; and that
;.""-■ .f <"■ tlie othi; a 7al'tbl t";'"-""' "'' """'/ "f
Hnnhe.,, they were a of " "'t'„ '"'' ''"'''''J "'to
»•■ "'0 custon,.,. Thev ,.;v IT '""S'lnife and of the
I ace leavin. the vll^,^, f ";t^'' fr"". tht
.tliw dnected their iournev ? *''",^'"it "P there; and
I"., .UKl having arriv^e^rt & •* """ i«"t <''' C
mitcd at the'place whte Tcotir °" "'" "'-'■ tl'oy
tlKy afhrin that they bu^f^ /,'"'t'''«a<--an now i.,; a„d
«ra dedicated to the s, n n, r"" ^""' ^"'1'^-" "iS
;;"""«,<! for son,e ti, e ut ! f, """"• ^loL they re
*o place, or with „' S,f "=■■ ""t contented lith
hoyvent to Atenan.itic, , hereV'""^, '" """-"• l''aoes,
ll.«"oo tl;ey gradually nwved ,.w '"," »"«' stands. "
,1 ''.y settled on the coit ;,, tl • ""' "'"" at last
ll.at the pyramids of Sih'"« ^"'"'"'"^ '"nation.
^al"^•.s-the (>h„ecs or o^e of tl, •'"■'''" """■" ''^ the
ti"'|.s--a„d became their rel?-'"' '"'""'I'anion „a-
''-.al-p.uee of their ii'ng^ a^fetsTrhc.r ',"«
«tt \oi. IV., |,j,. 529_44
204
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
tl
I Vi
establishment of the empire of Tollan, there can he
but little doubt; nor is it improbable that the Toto-
nacs were, as they claim to be, a pre-Toltec tribe in
Anjlhuae; but that they were in this early time a
Nahua tribe, a nation contemporaneous with the 01-
mecs and of the samo institutions, that they were the
builders of Teotihuacan, is only proved by their own
claim as recorded by Torquemada. This evidence
must probably be regarded as insufficient in view of
the fact that the Totonac language is wholly distinct
from the Nahua.®* It is true that, as will be seen
later, all the ancient tribes, that .adopted more or less
the Nahua institutions, and joined in the struggle
against the rival Maya powers, did not speak tlic
same language ; but it is also very probable that many
nations in later times, when the Nahua power as rep-
resented by the Aztecs had become so predominant,
claimed ancient Nahua affinities to which they had
no right."' In addition to what has already been said
respecting Teotihuacan, only one event is mentioned
in its pre-Toltec history, — the apotheosis of Nana-
huatzin, an event which probably preceded ratlior
than followed the erection of the pyramids. The
strange fable respecting this event, already related in
a preceding volume,'" is, brielly, to the effect that tlm
gods were assembled at Teotihuacan for the purpose
of inducing the sun to appear and illumine their dark-
ness. A great fire having been kindled, and the an-
nouncement made that the honors of apotheosis would
M Brasseur dc IJourbourg, Hi.'i. Nat. Civ., torn, i., p. 5G, pronounces
the Totoimc very like the Miiy;i. Crozco y Berrii, Gcogra/ia, j). 127,
deems the relationship duiilvtfiii. Her. vol. iii., ])p. 77(5-7. •
••^ On the TotonacH, see Torq/romi'la, Monurq. Iiid., toni. i., p. 278; Pi-
mcntd, (Juadro, toni.i., i>|). '22;i- J; Jlavigcro, Sloria Aitt. del Mcssien, toiii.
iv., jtj). 51-2; Brasucnr dc. H'lurbi.tirg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., ))i>. 151-01,
toin. iii., ])]). 350-1. This author says that the Totonacs came from the nortli
at about the same time a.s the Ohnecs came from the south. There scimiis
to be no authority for this save the popular opinion that locates Chicoiuoztoc
in the north. Orozco y Bcrra, Gcogra/ia, i)p. 120, 140. The Aztecs at-
tributed Teotihuacan, Cholula, Papantla, etc., to the Toltecs bccmise
they were the ohlest ])eople they knew; but thev may have Iteen built bo-
fore the Toltec invasion. Humboldt, Viieti, toni. i., p. 98.
o* Vol. iii., J). CO, et seq.
APOTHEOSIS OF NANAHUATZ.N.
206
^vuH jnstantJy devoured and ' ^""'^'''' '"^^ *''« « e
^j'lKli ut o.ice appeared •'„'*"' ^"""^'^^ "'t" ti.e ." n '
tl'o heavens aH the inoor&r *"^^ ^"'^ P^'-^^'o in
'r'"'";', «"'^-e the boat or J l!''''^ *^'^"' ^"'^ con
••^'-t^d before his sacHfite IV .''"' /^^^ ^'^""^•^^vvh"t
;;"?;•. «f^tln-s account we c.nn ,f 'T ^''''''''' '^SniR-
^v^'t !t;« of ,i,reat interest sinr?f "^*" *" ^^^^'^^^i",
-' Introduction in these 're "^.^'^^'^^'^^ *» I>oint to'
"f human sacrifice; indeed 7 . !^> 7 ''""■'^^"•■«J''i> and
;--d",^ to Brasseur 1:' ",^^t'. ^'^^'-''^/^U.
^>-fn dmno iinniohuio , at t! rf '*''**'^" *^'^»<^ ''then
I- 1-nty ^ives this eZ^r^'T^f . '^.o san.e
<^u chrono oo-ie pe,iod ealled N.I ^W^"""'".^^ "^ a
the sun „, ,ts four inove o',. ' ,f''"' ^^'^''' l^^natiuh
connection between this "^^ ' , V'"*^ «".y-«estini. son e
'';5>: ;^^ve extended to Atlh n*^ "' ,^^"^^^^^^^' '"'^ wind
^'f r^ihalba were overthtw^ ''~~'^-r ''^''''^' ^Jie ki .1
'•^^^'^ ^; <^^' the sacrifice atTon"'^''"^"^!^ «'»^-' ^J^o ^1-
;|7^;>i-ce to the^^oS^^^- l>--a.tri]d:^
J^'^ <c,"]Jow-]ieroes at Xibalba «' ^"nJ^i"ia],pu and
.:f *'>^".r claim and have a V t " ' ''''^^' ^'"^'^'^Tt
j^^^'T ancient residence ^n/jr^f ^f""'] ^^•'^'^J't-^^ wi h
^toniis, o,ie diWsion of ll! '^T^ J^^"''«d. The
I li
5 (
( •
206
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
o-iiage, havinj^ possibly a slight linguistic affinity witli
tlie Totonacs, and although far from being savages,
they have always been to a certain extent an outcast
and oppressed race, the 'Jews of Anahuac,' as om-
writer terms them, down-trodden in succession by
Toltec, C'hichimec, and Aztec. They probably occu-
pied a very large portion of Anahuac and the sur-
rounding mountains, when the Toltecs proper es-
tablished their power. Ixtlilxochitl, followed liy
Veytia, represents the Otomis, though differing in
language, as having been one of the Acolhua tribes
that made their ap[)earance in Anahuac many cen-
turies Inter, but the event referred to as their coming
to the country sit that period, may pro1)ably be their
coming down from the mountains and adopting more
or less the civilized life of the Acolhuas at Tezcuco.™
Tile ^liztecs and Zapotecs are simply mentioned
l)y the authorities in connection with the Olmecs and
Xicalancas as having occupied the south-eastern
region during the primitive period. Later they be-
came powerful nations in the countiy now consti-
tuting the state of Oajaca, and were ]irol)ab]y at
least the equals of the Aztecs in civilization. Their
own annals do not, so far as they may be interpreted,
reach back to the pre-Toltec times, and although
they may very likely have come in contact with the
Olmecs in Puebla, or even have been their allies,
receiving from them or with them the elements of
Nahua culture, yet the fact that their languages arc
Jintmct from the Nahua, shows that tliey like tlio
Totonacs were not, as some authors imply, simply a
branch of the Nahua people in Tamoanchan. It is
'i" On the Otomis, see Clnvigero, Storin Ant. drl Mcsxii-o, torn, i., jif
147-S, toin. iv,, p. ')!; Vii/tin, Hist. Aiit. Mfj., toin. ii., ]•. H9; Alif/n-
Hist. Vuiii/i. (Iv .Jcsiis, toil), i., )). 90; Ixllilxorhill, in Kiiifj.sltoroiigh's .1/'.'
Aiiliq., vol. IX., p. "JIO; ('urbujul E.ipiiiosd, Hist. Mr.r., huu. !., J). -j}<:
Hmssriir (/c Hiiiirhinnij, IJistf. Xnt. Viv., torn, i., pi). loO-!), 19C, toin. ii .
J). 'J;?r>, toni. ill., ]>. ."•(■)• Moti)tiiiiii, in Irazti/ilrrta, Col. dr Hoc, toni. i.. \<
Jt; (trozro // llirni, Gnitjiv/iii, W. 120, 136-7; J'imcntcl, Ciiiutro, toni. i.. V\'-
117-18; (f(>ii(/rn, in J'irsrott, lli.st. Conq. Mejc., toni. iii., p. 20; l'ri':li«iii'>
A'ci!. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. .'>12.
lo t
•'odiug
'angiiu*
toani,' th
iiiouiitain
were invi
oups of tl]
;',"'••'^ Vix(„(i
lie I,;.,,,,, y, „/
llllMks (|„.v \,\
'•'■■;'".''. <lnvinj
■"I'l /apot,.c k
''"•'"lies /r,„„
THE HUASTECS IN VEIU CRU. ^07
with tlie Maya, Xibalbaro^li^ '''''^''"^^' connected
that they accepted more 'or tj'Tu "f ^""«' -»d
iJeus after the Olmec natiol WJ f""^ /^^^ ^^^^ua
^Anuhuac. TJie statemen of R '^V *^ P^^^^r in
;>< Oajaca received Teh li^ !'""' ^^^''^^ *'^^^ <^^-ibes
brothers of Xibalba's c^^.^^ro fn." [T '''' *-«
chouen, is probably unfou Xd '• "''^^^ '"^"^ «»»-
^^'1^1, «PP^^'-^rs in thrchantr' T?^ ""^^""S' ^^ tJ^e
wJnch tlie abbe refers "^^ ""^ ^^'''''''''^ work to
fo the Hnastecs of Northern V r.
'■odi-.i,^ remarks may also be ' nlT?^ ^'""' ^^'^^ P^-^'
^".^"aoe while dikinc? fronf 1^' S^? ^'^^^ their
^'ory evidently connected w?th H ^^^'''"^'' ^« '^J^o
;?uistic famij/of tJie south Ye/?l ^'''' ^^''y^' ^'"-
;« and Totonac Vera Cm. V**.^"'' ^'""'^ «^" Huas
\' , —"^^'iici\s vera i m^ "o -«■-■- nci.-s-
^ahua monuments than lib.' f/"'"' 'T'^ ^''^'"^ the
V^^apas, showino^ how now 'vF , ^'^ "^ ^^"^''^tan or
t'^e ^ahua element in tLToh "n *'"^ /"«— o'"
nid.tion relatino- to tho H . \ ^^^' ^'''b' historicai
''•oni8aha,<.un:-Jlnthotln. 'ff' ^" ^^'^ followin<
art of malchi. pul , e 'w ?' ""'' *^'" ^^•"^^«' '-^^'t-^r tl e
f^'«'"/ the inventors prfpTre f '^^^^^' '"^'^""tai.i of
'"•^""tain. AH the pS'^U^^^^ ,^» the same
^vore mvited, and befo " e^^eh T ^"'^ ^''^^ ^^-'"-n
^up« of the new wine,-ith? ..i'nr 7''' ^^^''^^ ^■-'^•
' ^''P^'^^^'ty deemed sufficient
< I
i fi
M
111
m
■208
THE PUE-TOLTEC PEUIOD.
to exhibit the excellence of the newly-discovered bev-
eraj^e, and to cheer without inebriatinif the digni-
taries present. But one chief. Ouextecatl by name,
was so lash as to indul<^e in a fifth cup, and was
moved thereby to discard the maxtli which consti-
tuted his court dress, and to conduct himself in a
very indecorous manner; so much so that after ro-
coverini'' his sound sense, he was forced by very
shame to flee with all his followers, and all those of
his languaii^e, to the rej^ion of Panuco, where tluy
settled, and were called from their leader Cuextecas,
afterwards Guaxtecas or Huastecs.'^*
I now come to what may be termed the rcij^ular
annals of that branch of the Nahua nations which
finally established a kiuifdom in Aniihuac witli Toliaii
for a capital, and which acquired the name of Tolttr.
These annals will be found not more satisfactory or
less mythical than the traditions that have been
oiven in the [)receding pages, although in their more
salient points they soein to agree with those trach-
tioiis. They were recorded in a most careless and
confused manner by the native writer Fernando dc
Alva Ixtlilxochitl, who derived his information iVoiii
the documents which survived the destrut;tion by the
Spanisii priests. The comments of later writers, and
their attempts to reconcile this author's statenu'iits
one with another and all with scriptural traditions
and with the favorite tlieorv of a general miuratiun
frt)m the north, have still further confused the siih-
ject. I have no hope of being able to roihice Ixthl-
xochitl's statements to ])erfect order, or to explain
the exact historical meaning of each statement; still,
l)y the ouiission of a large amount of i)rofitless con-
" Siiliii};un, Ilisf. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., i)|>. \Ai-'M Sffiiirr'n Cnit. Aiiifr..
])p. .'Uli-IT. Iliiiixtliiii iiioiints 'wliori! tlif li.ii<i.ii (ii kiiiil of fniil) jilmuiuls.'
J'/iiiriitcl, Cuniiro, toiii, i., pp. ")-(»; Orozra if /Irrni, (iiiit/ni/iii, |). Itl; 'i'"/-
latin, \\\ Anivv. Kthno. Soc, Tninsnrt., vol. i., ji, 17.'{; Jtn'nfon, in //'■*'•
Afiii/., II. s., vol. i., p. lii; I'rir/iiinl\s Nat. Jli.it. Man, Viil. ii., p. 7i\',\\ liL.
Ji-.srarv/icn, vol. v., p. 34'J, 345.
"*''irti»", ti,„ build ,,; „7 '"''''""'•''" -™p«i Ho
"f ;■* tl'« l>"|.ulati„n ; '; " f ,';""«"l"0|.t .scattc-
■^"«| ),.„,,il,„s .sp„,,|„„„ '''" y t,.tl.olie ^,^.o„ui^y
•;"«'"5 l>n«d l,„„i, „ 7" ^ ' »^";y year,,; and aft„,.
""' ''«'l" >l« to d veil ■ "%,,''"""' '" 1"-' lortilJ
»e|,t away t,-ao,,, ■•o.-ks 1 ,,, ',*''"" '""■'■r"'o which
"';l"y '"«» and >v„„,o,, :.!,,?' '",":' '""'I''". "Uhon.^h
';"^'o i" cave, whid the '• '■''"••'•> »""li «.s to^k
"'"''■""leofape/livi ^,| h'T ;""»"""' t„ Hnd ^
Vo,.. V. iV '" ^""^"y '» f"l«o impression • "''""'■^'"'.^ t.. fxtlil-
- f ■ ,
t
-Ills r
■
I J'
'<:)■
210
THK PRE-TOLTEC PEllIOD.
makes it precede the hurricane, is the stopping of tlie
sun for a whole day in his course, as at the coniinaiul
of Joshua in the niytliohj^-y of the Old World.
"When the mosquito, however, saw the sun thus
suspended and pensive, he addressed him sayiiii*',
' Lord of the world, why art thou thus motionless,
and doest not thy duty as is conunanded thee? Dost
thou wish to destroy tlie world as is thy wont?' Then
seeing that he was yet silent and made no resi)onsc, the
insect went up and stung him in the leg, whereupon
he, feeling himself stung, started anew on his accus-
tomed course,"
Nex; '^. ,"".rred an earthquake which swallowed up
and de.s ; all the Quinames, or giants — at least
all those . - lived in the coast regions — togetlior
with many of the Toltecs and of their neighhors tlic
Chichimecs. After the destruction of these Philis-
tines, " heing at peace with all this new world, all the
wise Toltecs, hoth the astrolt)gers and those of other
arts, assemhled in Huehue Tla[)allan, the chief city
of their dominion, where they treated of matiy things,
the calamities they had suifered and the movements
of the heavens since the creation of the world, and of
many other things, which on account of their histories
having heen burned, have not been ascertained further
than what has heen written he\\\ among which tluv
added the bissextile to regulate the solar year with tlic
equinox, and many other curiosities as will be seen in
their tables and arrangement of years, months, weeks,
days, signs, and planets as they understood them. "
One hundred and sixteen years after this reticula-
tion or invention of the Toltec calendar, "the sun
and moon were eclijised, the earth shook, and the
rocks were rent asunder, and nnmv other thinufs and
signs happened, though there was no loss of lit'o.
This was in the year C^e Calli, which, the chronoloijfy
being reduced to our systems, proves to be the s.iuit
date when Christ our Lord surtere<l" ('33 A.]).)
Three hundred and five years later, when the cm-
EXILE OF THE TOLTECS.
211
pirc Imd been long at peace, Chalcatzin and Tlaca-
iiiilitziu, cliief descendants ot" the royal house of the
Tohecs, raised a revolt for the purjjose of deposing
the legitimate successor to the throne. The rebel-
lious chiefs were after long wars driven out of their
city Tlachicatzin in Huehue Tlapallan, with all their
iiiKuerous families and allies. They were pursued by
their kindred of the city or country of Tlaxicoluicau
tor sixty leagues, to a place discovered by Cecatzin,
which they named Tla])allanconco or 'little' Tlapal-
lan. The strujifulo bv which the rebels were con-
<|tiered lasted eight years, -or thirteen, according to
Veytia — and they were accompanied on their ft)rced
migration by five other chiefs. The departure from
IFuohue Thipallan seems to have taken place in the
lil'th or sixth century.''^
They remained at Tla})allanconco''* three years,
and towards the end of their stay the seven chief-
tains asscnd^lcd to deliberati; wliether they should
remain there pennanently or go farther. Then rose a
great astrologer, named Hueman, or Jiuematzin, say-
inn' that accordinsT to their histories thev had suffered
great persecutioirs from heaven, but that these had
always beeir followed by gr'eat pi'osjwrity; that their
poisecutions had always occunvd in the year (Je Tec-
{)atl, but that year orrce passed, great blessings eir-
stied; that their troirble was a great evil immediately
jireceding the dawir of a gr-eater good, and conse-
<[iiently it did not behoove them to remain so rrear
" IxtlilMx'liill, p. .S'2J, says it wuh ."Mt.'t Vfiirs aficr liii' lU'iilli of CliiiHt,
oralioiit Kits A. P.; Iiiit on t)ie xiinu^ |)ii};(' Ih> a;;uiii iiiukfs the date t.'l'.t A.
1>. Vcvtia, loin, i., |t. '-'((S, diitt'H tlic r(«l> llion MW, tin- exile .V.Ki, iintl tli«
fiiiUKlin^' of 'l'la|iallaii('()iu-(i (iU4 A. D. Clavijjt'id, toni. iv., ji. -Ki, ^ives
.Mi as the date of tlc|iai'tiir(\ but on |i. VH\ <if loui. i., lie k'^'*"" f"'^'. »f?n'«'-
iii;,' Willi Vi'Vlia. MiilU'r, in liiH tallies, linxni, toni. iii., p. !•?, <late« tlie
(iiitliirak of war 427, the <le|(artiire \'M), llie ini}{i'ation 117 .\. P. Iliusneiir,
f'i>l:il Villi, |i. elv., f,'iveH llie jus.t of the foiirlh ceiitnry as tlie iliite of the
'r<illee iiii<j;i'alioii. ("alireni, Tvntru, |i|i. J(0-1, makes tlie date IS| H.f.
•'•It A. I)., one of Clavijiero's dates, is that wiiieli has, {lerhaiiH, been most
('iiiiiiiiiiiily a(lo|iled by inodei-n writers.
'< Hrasseiir, Hist. ynf. ('ii\, toni. i., it, I'Jfi, wriIeK (iiis iianio Tliipiil-
laiitoiico; and in I'ltfutf ]'ii/i, p. cli.v., he insists tiiat it should be Tltipal-
laiit/.iiico. Midler, Jieixni, toni. iii., p. 08, culU it iiImu TlappalhuiziiiKo.
212
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
i>:^n
their enemies. Moreover, his astrology had taught
him that towards the rising sun there was a broad
and happy hind, where the Quinames had lived for
many years, but so long a time had now passed since
their destruction that the country was depopulated;
besides, the fierce Chichimecs, their neighbors, rarely
penetrated those regions. The planet which ruled
the destinies of that new country yet lacked many
years of carrying out its threats, find in the meantime
they and their descendants to the tenth generation
might enjoy a golden and ])rosperous century. Again,
the threatening planet did not rule their nation, but
that of the giants, so that possibly it might do no
great injury even to their descendants. He advised
that some colonists be left here to i)cu])le the country,
become their vassals, and in time to turn upon their
enemies and recover their native land and oriyfinal
power. These and other things did Hueman counsel,
and tiiey toenied good to tl»e seven chiefs; so that
after three years were passed, or eleven years from
the time when they left Huehue Tlapallan, they started
on their migration. The first stopping-place, about
seventy leagues distant and reached in twelve days
was Hueyxalan — 'great sandy' as Veytia interprets
it — a place discovered by C'uhuatzon where tliey re-
mained foui years. They next halted alter a journey
of twenty days at Xalisco, a country about a hundred
leagues fartlier east — ^or as Veytia says west — near
the seashore. They lived eight years in this land,
wliich was discovered by Ziuhcohuatl. Other twenty
days and hundred leagues to(jk them to Chimalhiia-
can Atenco on the coast where there were certain
islands, and here they dwelt five years. At the start
they had taken a vow, under penalty of severe punisli-
ment, to have no intercourse with tlieir wives fur
twenty-three years; but as the time was now expiivd
they began here to increase and multiply. After the
five years they resumed their journey eastward tor
eighteen days or eighty leagues to Toxpan, discovered
'/%
THE TOLTEC MIGKATION.
213
by Mezotzin, where they lived for five ^c^rs also.
Quiyahuitztlan Aiuihuac, discovered by Acapichtzin —
was twenty days' journey or a hundred leagues east of
Toxpan, also on the coast, with inlets so that they
were obliged to pass in boats from one place to another.
They remained here six years suffering great hard-
ships. The next halting-])lace was Zacatlan, distant
eighteen days or eighty leagues in a direction not
stated. Chulcatzin was the discoverer, and during
the first of their seven years' stay here — ,just fifty-two
years, or a xiuldhilpUli, after their wars began — a son
was born to the chief, and named from the place Za-
capantzin. At Totzapan, eighty leagues tlistance from
Zacatlan, they lived six years, in the last of which a
son named Totza[)antzin was born to Cecatzin, who
discovered this ])lace. This was just fifty-two years
after they left their native country. Twenty-eight
duvs or one hun(h-ed and fortv leagues brought them
to Tepetla, Cohuatzon being the discoverer for the
second time, where they remained seven years. At
Mazatepec eighteen days or eighty leagues distant,
discovered by Ziuhcohuatl, they tarried eight years;
at Ziuhcohuatl, at the same distance, discovered by
Tlapalmetzin, also eight years; at Yztachuexucha,
twenty days or one hundred leagues northward, dis-
covered b}' Metzotzin, twenty-six years. Finally a
journey of eighteen days or eighty leagues brought
them to Tulancintjo — written also Tulantzinco and
Tollantzinco — discovered by Aca|)ichtzin. Here they
built a house sufficiently large to contain all the
people, and remained eighteen years l)elbre transfer-
ring their cai)ital to Tollan farther east and establish-
ing what was afterwards known as tlie Toltec empire.
The third year of their stay in Tulancingo completed
an age, or one hundred and four years since the depart-
ure from tlieir country.'"* According to Ixtlilxochitl,
''' Ixtlilxochitl, p. :{'24, makes this thinl year 5-1,'J, and their arrival in
Tuliimintro ediiseiineiitly 'A\) A. D. ; or as is'iiiiiilied on jt. 307, 487 A I).;
iir aildin^ 104 years to the iirst date jjiven hv this author in note 71, wo
liiive 44'_' A. I). Veytiu, torn, i., p. 221, ()',)7 'A. D. /('., after IJoturi li, in
i
1
f .'iK
^ ;
214
THE I'RE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
if
:!.!
the Tolteea reached Aiijlhuac in the sixth century, or
according to Veytia and others who have attempted
to reconstruct his chronology, near the end of the
seventh century."'
This tradition of the Toltecs affords in itself no
sufficient data from which to locate accurately Hue-
hue Tlapalhin, their most ancient home in America.
The name is interpreted as 'ancient red land, or land of
color,' and might perhajis apply as well to the north as
to the south. Pedro de Alvarado writing from Santi-
ago, or Old Guatemala, to Cortes in 1524, announces
his intention to set out in a few months to explore the
country of Tapalan "which is in tlie interior fifteen
days' inarch from here. It is pretended that tlio
capital is as large as Mexico."" This indicates that
at the time of the Conquest the name was still
applied to a region which mjiy corresj)ond very well
to Honduras, Peten, or Tabasco. Ixtlilxochitl him-
self, in relating the ex})editions on which his ancestor
of the same name accompanied Cortes, mentions one
to "Tlapalan, a j)rovince which lies toward Ihueras,"
or Ihueras, l.>eing the former name of Honduras."'
Brasseur says that "Mexican geography at the tiiiR'
of the discovery applied this name only to the
provinces north of Guatemala, between' the tribu-
Tezcoro en los Ultimns Tiniipo.t, C87 A. D. Miiller, J2('/'.sr«, toni. iii., p.
1»7, 538 A. D. Chivigeni, toiii. iv., p. 51, 048 A. D., or toin. i., p. I'.'O, IW
A. D.
's III other jiiirts of his work IxtlilxocliitI lias a very different account
of tliis iiiii^nitioii to the effect tluit tlic Toltecs were baiii.shed from their
country, sailed and coasted on the Sontli Sea, arrived at lluitla|>alaii or
Huitlapatlan — the (inlf of California, or a place on the coa.st of Califuriiia
^in 387 A. I)., coasted Xalisco, arrived at (iinttulco, then at Tochtcpcc or
Turlitepe(|ue on the North Sea, and liiially at Tnlancinp). Pj). 2()(!-7, 4;V,M10.
On the Toltec nii;iration ami Lrllilxochitl, in KinqshoroiK/h's Mrx. Aiilli/.,
vol. ix., i>p. ;VJl-4; ]'<!/fiti. Hist. Ant. Mrj., ton'i. i., i)p. C-.33, LSD, Mu,
*205-21, 2.11; C/tiriijiro, Sturiit Ant. (Id Mex-iiro, ti)ni. i., ]). l'2(t, toni. iv.,]))).
4fi, 51; Torqurinidld, Monarq. IniL, toni. i., i)p. ,^(5-7; liotiirini, Ii/in. pp-
13t!-7; Ciirlxijdl K.sjiinosa, llLst. Mi.r., toni. i., pp. 210-18; Jinis.snin/i Jlmd'-
/toiirij. Hist. Xiit. Cir., toni. i., ]>]). 100, 120; I'opol Viifi, p|). civ., clix xi.;
/</., K.sqiii.s.ir.i, 2)p. 11, 13 14; (litllutiii, in Amr.r. Ethno. Soc, Tranaail.,
vol. i., p.203; Jirw/fonts Amvi: Antiq., p. 202; Midler, Rciscn, tmii. iii-,
pp. 91-7.
'''' Alvnrat/o, in Tcrnnitx-Comnnn.<i, Vo>/., surio i., torn, x., p. 147; /''■.
in iianiv.iiv, Naviijatinni, toni. iii., fol. 30.>.
''^Ixtlilxochitl, in Kimjsborough's Mex. .Intiq., vol. ix., p. 440.
THE COUNTRY OF HUEHUE TLAPALLAN.
215
taries of the Rio Usumacinta and Honduras;" and
also that the country was spoken of by authors at
the time of the Conquest as Thi])allan do Cortds, on
account of Cortes' expedition to Honduras, but he
mentions no authors except those I have referred
to.'* The same author believes that the name Tla-
pullanconco c^iven by Ixtlilxochitl to the first station,
sixty leagues from Huehue TlapalUm, should be
Tla[»allantzinco. He tells us that the Guatemalan
histories ?.ieiition8 such a city conquered l)y the
Quiches in Soconusco on the coast, at a point not far
from sixty leaijues distant from the Ococingo rejj^ion.*'
Again, according to Sahagun and Torquemada, when
Quetzalcoatl, the second of the name, who flourished
wliile the Toltecs were at Tollan, left the country, he
embarked or disappeared on the gulf coast near the
Goazacoalco River, announcing his intention to go to
Tlapallan. This would certainly favor the idea that
Tlapallan was a southern country.
On tlie other hand, the eastward direction attrib-
uted to the migration from Tlapallanconco to Anil-
huac is not consistent with any Central American
luxation of the starting- i ace; but, in connection
with the fact that Xalisco is given as the second
station about a hundred and seventy leagues distant
from Tlapallanconco, would agree somewhat better
with the theory generally adopted by the Spanish
writers that the original home of the Toltecs was in
tlic north-west, probably on the Gulf of California;
yet the name Tlapallan has never been found in the
uorth-wc&t.** ISIaterial relics of any great empire
are wanting in that region, at least beyond Quemada
in Zacatecas, and the itinerary is full of inconsist-
encies which prove it to be unreliable as a historic
record. For instance, an eastern course of a hun-
'"^ Popol Vnh, pp. Ixiv., cxii., cxxvi-viii.
»« /;/., p. c'lix.
"' 'l"l;c discovery of n town of similar nnnic by Cortes, doiibtingly re-
]inrt((l liy Vcytia, Hint. Ant. Mej., torn, i., p. '23, and others, seems to rest
"11 no tiutliority whatever.
I
u
!
216
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
dred leaf^ues to any point on the coast of Jalisco
would be an impossibility; the next two moves led
a hundred leagues down the Pacific Coast, and then
across the continent to Toxpan, or Tuxpan, on the
gulf coast in Vera Cruz; then, although Tuxpan is
on the eastern coast, the migration continued still a
hundred leagues eastward, another impossibility of
course. How they returned to the states of Vera
Cruz and Mexico, where the other stations would
seem to be located, does not appear. In fact tho
tradition of this migration as it reads, so far as di-
rections, distances, and names are concerned, is mean-
ingless, a fact due either to the carelessness of the
compiler or the scantiness of his materials. In-
trinsically then the evidence, while not conclusive,
favors the idea that Huehue Tlapallan was in the
south.
Comparing tho Toltec tradition with those that
have been already given, we find, except in names, a
strong resemblance in general features. In the suc-
cessive eroiitions and destructions of men; the apes
that peopled the land after one of the destructions;
the ancient settlement and growth to power of the
Toltecs in a fertile country named Huehue Tlapallan;
the destruction of a rival power, that of the Quinamcs;
the regulation or invention of the calendar by an assem-
blage of wise men in Huehue Tlapallan ; and a final
forced migration to new homes — in all these features
the tradition seems to represent a vague memory of
events already familiar to us as having occurred in
the central region; in the Votanic empire of the Tzen-
dal traditions; in the Xibalba, Paxil, and TuUui
Zuiva, or Seven Caves, of the Quiche record; and
especially in the Tamoanchan and Tonacatei)etl of the
annals gatliered by Sahagun.
In opposition to tliose analogies we have the fact
that the Spanish writers locate Huehue Tlapallan in
the north, as they do also the original homes of all
the nations that are reported by native tradition to
SOUTHERN ORIGIN OF THE TOLTECS.
217
liave migrated successively into Andhuac. It is not
probable that this idea of a northern origin was a pure
invention of the Spaniards; they doubtless found
among the Aztecs with whom they came in contact
what seemed to them a prevalent popular notion that
the ancestors of the race came from the north. Yet
the tradition given by Sahagun — and referring to a
time long prior to the Toltee migration of the fifth or
sixth century — relating to the first appearance of the
Nahua civilizers on the gulf coast, whither they had
come by sea from the north-east, probably from Flori-
da, would have been perhaps a sufficient foundation
for such a popular idea; and the not improbable fact
that the Aztecs proper and some other nations, prom-
inent in rank and power at the time of the Conquest,
did actually come into Anjlhuac from the region im-
mediately adjoining it on the north or north-west,
would certainly have contributed to confirm that idea.
In other words the Aztecs when questioned by the
Si)aniards may have replied that they came from the
north, referring in most cases to the latest move of
their nation into Andhuac, but possibly in some in-
stances to the vague traditions of their fathers respect-
ing the very earliest periods of their existence as a
race. The Spaniards at once connected the rei)orted
northern origin with the world-peopling migration
from Central Asia after the confusion of tongues; and
since the old and new world were sup})osed to be con-
nected or nearly so in the north, they found the native
tradition strongly confirmed by the scriptures. When
the theory of successive migrations from the north,
thus confirmed, had once been established in their
minds, nothing could overthrow it; it became in a cer-
tain sense a part of their religion. Each migration
subse(|uently found recorded in the native annals, as
moans of communication between the conquerors and
conquLied became perfected, ^ was at once given a
north-to-south direction. The natives themselves
were in many instances not unwilling to please their
'I 111
:
ii
I;
>
I
n
II
218
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
masters by orthodox interpretations of their picture-
writings. Finally the ruins of Queniada, the Casas
Grandes of Chihuahua, and the adobe buildinj^s on
the Gila were discovered — doubtless traces left by lui-
gratinj,' nations, and thus the last doubt on the sub-
ject, if any could exist, was removed even from the
minds of later and more intelligent class of Spanish
writers, like Clavigero and Veytia.*^
In the Toltec tradition we have found the Chichi-
mecs mentioned as a powerful and fierce people and
their neighbors in Huehue Tlapallan. Since this is
the first mention of that famous people, since all the
best authoritie'! insist that the Toltecs and Chicbimocs
were of the same blood and language, and since the
Chichimecs afterwards succeeded the Toltecs in Ana-
huac, we naturally turn to the Chichimec traditions
of their early home for additional information respectiii<,'
Huehue Tlapallan, although the Chichimec migration
occurring several centuries later would come chrono-
logically beyond the limits of this cbiij)ter. Our
search in this direction for data from which to dete
mine the location of the ancient Nahua emj)ire !.->,
however, fruitless. Although Ixtlilxochitl is still the
chief authority, we have no mention of Huehue Tlap-
allan. The country — or a country, for it is not cer-
•
™ Tlie Naliuim state that they came from the north-west. Mrndieta,
Hist. Edes., )>. 147; Torqiicmada, Monnrq. lad., torn, i., p. 33. The tra-
dition of the Toltecs will not allow lis to tix either date, locality, or source
of their ini<j;ratioii, but the north is va<^uely given .is tiie source. Galkttin,
in Aine.r. Elhtio. Sor., Tniiisurf., vol. i., p. l!03. Huehue Tliinallan situated
north-west of tlie (iila. lliimholdt, Viics, toni. i., p. 204. Not in tlictiila
Valley. Stiiit/i'n Ifiiiiuiii, Sjitrifs, ]». 2.">(). Tradition shows Huehue Tlapallan,
miscrahle like all nations abandoned to lii.\ury and power, unable to feed it.s
children, castiu",' tiiein forth. Jiamircz, in Jivvisld Cicnti/ira, toni. i., |>. '.'1.
Brasseur de Ifourbourf;, I'opol Vuh, p. clix., speaks of Tlaxi Coliulican,
mentioned by Ixtlil.xocliitI, as the ohl ca)>ital of the (.^uinanies, or Palcuiiuc.
He perhai>s has no other reason for this than the re.seinblance of the names
Goliuhcan and Coliiuacan. He says. Hist. Nat. ('ii\, toin. i., ]). I(X), that
Huehue Tlapallan maybe translated 'land of colors' or 'land of noMcsi.'
Throughout his works he places this country in the south, identifyiuf; it
with Xibalba. It is proved incontestably that the Toltecs came fioin
TulhA, whose ruins are seen near Ococingo. Id. , Cartas, \>. 28. ("abrora,
Tcatro, p. 94, thinks TlapuUa must have been in the south-east.
THE PUIMITIVE CHICHIMECS.
219
taiti that it was tho oripfinal Chiehimec home and not
one located ii» central Mexico, althoui^h some of the
traditions seem to ])oint to primitive times — of im-
mense extent, is culled Amaquemecan; one of its chief
cities seems to have borne the same name, and an-
otlur city was ()yt)me. The names Necuametl and
Nacuix are also applied to the country by IxtlJlxochitl,
and he further states that the Chichimecs came like
the other nations from Chicomoztoc. Some fourteen
kinys are named as havin«j ruled over the kin^-dom,
heniiiiiiii*,' with Chichimecatl who hrouf^ht the people
to the country and from Avhom they took their
name. Nothing is known of the reio;ns of any ex-
oei)t the last three, the first of whom is rej)orted to
liav(> sent his son at the recjuest of the Toltecs to he-
come the first kin<^ in Tollan. Ixtlilxochitl in his ac-
oouiit of the sendin<^ for this kin,i»' says that the Chi-
chimei's were at that time in the reji^ion ol' IMnuco,
and that fear of hostility from them was the chief
motive of the Toltecs in invitinyf a Chiehimec to rule
over them. It is not, however, stated that the Chi-
ehimec capital was in that part of the country. When
at last the empire came into the hands of two brothers,
one of whom Xoh»tl, with all his peo])le, decided to
migrate, not one of their haltin,i»'-places is named,
until thev had iournevedfor a whole year and reached
the vicinity of Anahuac; consecpiently there is no
clue to the (course of their migration. Uesides the
statement that the Chichimecs came from the Seven
Caves, and another by Veytia that the kings wore
([uetzal-feathors, there seems to be abssolutely nothing
in tlie tradition to indicate whether Amaquemecan
was in the north or south. Yet the Spanish writers
have no hesitation in fixuig the direction, although
disagreeing somewhat about the locality. From two
to three hundred leagues north of Jalisco, beyond New
Mexico, and in Alaska are some of the decisions in
this matter, — decisions resting on authority that the
reader already understands. It seems probable that
m
■n^^^
M^mJ^Km
^H'j
'^■i
JB
w
w
s
1
IBt^^K'"'
Ml
i#P»i
,fsi
^aW'-^ 1
h
220
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD,
T I '-'
i'S ' i
the great original Nahua empire whether it he
called Huehue Tlapallan, Tnmoanchan, Tulan, oi-
Aniaqueiiieoau, was the Chichimec empire — that is,
that the l\)ltecs or revolting branch constituted but a
small portion of the Chichimec or Nahua people.
83
Tiie Chichimec migration was followed by many
others at irregular intervals, ending with that of the
Aztecs, all of which will be spoken of in their proper
place. The chronologic order attributed by tradition
to these migrations is not to be relied on, giving, as
may be supposed, only a vague idea of the order in
which the ditibrent nations acquired some prominence
in and about the valley of Mexico. In its ancient
centre^not in Andhuac, whether it was in the noi-th
or south — tlie primitive Nahua poAver Avas over-
thrown, or from that centre it was transferred to ho
re-established b^ exiled princes and their descendants
on the Mexican plateaux. This transfer, whoso na-
ture we may vaguely comprehend, but of whoso
details we know nothing, is the event or series of
events referred to by the various migration-tradi-
tions. The recollections of these events assumod
different forms in the traditions of different tiihos
until each nation claimed or were deemed by the
Spaniards to claim a distinct migration from its
former home. The accounts of the migrations fol-
lowing the Toltec will be given in their proper phue,
and here we have only to notice that the Seven
83 T.rf/if.rnr/iiff, in KingsbovouiilCs Met. Antii/., vol. ix., pp. 208-!', -IT,
SiW, ;W.">-7, ;«»•-' 4, 4')(); Vti/lid, I'llxt. Ant. Mcj., torn, i., pp. '2."), i;V.t, ■.'HI,
liiiL, toni. i., iH". ;iS-4().
k.s tliat t'hiilcatziii iiml
;UH-'2, torn, ii., ])p. ,'} -7; Torqitrmtiila, Monarti. Iiii/., toni. i., lip. ;iS-4().
JJrassciir, Ifisf. \tif. Vir., toiii. i., pi). I'jrHJ, lliiii"
Tlaciuiiit/iii wore llin .succoHsors of Xliuiialipa left by Xl)alaii(|ur in com-
iiiaiid of till- NaliiiaM, and that tlioy wori! (Icfeated aiul oxilod l>y the iiinii-
airh of Xiliallia. For details and further referenees resiioctiii^c the Ciiii'hi-
mec niijjnitioii see a future ehajiter. The Chieliiniee kind's were: Cliiiiii-
niceatl, Mi.veohuatl, lluit/ilopoel tli, llueuiae, Nauhyotl, Quanhtepi'llii,
Nouohiialca, Huet/iu, (^uauhtonal, Masal/iii. t^uet/al, leoat/in, Muzclii-
<liiitzin, Tlanuieat/in in one })Iaee Nequanu'tl and Naiuoeui.v are iiMim'd
instead of L'hiehiiiieeal I. Jxlhixochitl, p. ."JIU; Vci/fin, toni. i., p. '2;tl; I'lir-
hajttl Esjtiiiusa, Hi..'. Mix., toMi. i., pp. 2'25-(i; MiUkr, livisrii, toin. iii., pp.
43-4.
.jflfl^ ■*
MIGRATION FROM THE SOUTH.
Caves are mentioned a<, n a* .• ' ^^
;^"'3^ "'-^l-es that appear inl^to'l-:""^^ *^^'^<^ *J»-'
•••'"'^'^ ••^'•e perhaps apphY. d t? .If^"^"-'''''"'- '^'''*^^«e
"""-^ '>ut it is L J n e L •' '" ^''^^ •■^"^•'■^'"t
;:t;. that the, di^n!!; ^^^^^ l-^" ^"'i^'
"•'■■Jil' ti;c identity „f 1 7, An , fn'ir' '''"■« »"'■ "ut-
""" >v;th W.e starting, tl,;;?'^ ;""':•■''''■'-. i" .•"n„e,r
»»ve,al unthoritios, see , ; J/ • ''"" 'T"'" '■'^^"'•■>''<e,l l,y
Po'i.t »f departures «Tn I, ■"'\''^' ''''•■' 'I''" the
"'« .'i™tl;, and would oe., I f'""' '•"""■■■ "'•"' "'
ooas,de„d,le wei.d.t a..- ,!'*•' '" " '"■'• -tanee of
"!«''".■ Aztlan °'''''''' "" '^•'"'■"■'- nortLeru i::
T^^^'^^ZA. Bouri„,„,„, „^j^
''"-;■- that tl,e p , i .:'Ti; '>■ ■■•" '!'«-.liI..tr^
■■""■'I', "itl. the i le„ „|' .^ ,,•■''"'; l"'»<'- «a.s in (ho
;;,;' "« Nal.ua.s, oVe ; ,, ".1, Aeconlin^ to ),t
J.;«(ed aortI,-west>vard;ni!'''''?', •'•'''' ""-'"i-o n.i-
"'^' «".eral direetion of t I e ;'''!' '"""'■'• '""""'i.. '
^^™i,i;:^i;''r'^' '^^S'^ot':::;!"'::;^;;:'
'•■","; "'■ <'aiifi.rni thev ";"■;','";" ''"-"•' - 1' - e
%f !
'
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
centre of civilization to tlie wild tribes with whom it
came in contact. From this rei^ion, to places in which
the names Teo Culhuacan, Aztlan, etc., of the tradi-
tions ma}'^ 1)0 api)lied, the different Nahiia nations de-
scended into Anahuac in successive mijifrations from
the seventh to the twelfth century, impelled by civil
convulsions or the pressure of outside and warlike
tribes.**
I am inclined to find in the abba's theory a state-
ment — too definite perhaps— of a j^eneral fact. Tliut
is, the Nahua power — established in eastern and soutli-
eastern Mexico by the Olmec tribes almost simul-
taneously with its ffrowth in the south- w-is af'tir its
overthrow in Central America established by exikd
nobles over western and north-western Mexico. I
find no evidence, however, that the Nahua power ever
became settled and Hourishiuiif farther north than ])ii-
ranii^o and Sinaloa, althouijb the iniluence of their in-
stitutions may, not im|)robably, have extended to the
Sonora tribes; into California and the far nortli-wcst
the Nahuas never penetrated. If a Nahua empire or
political power ever really existed in the north-west,
its centre was probably in the rej^ion of Quemada, in
Zacatecas and Jalisco. Soon, however, the valK v of
Mexico became the political centre, and the sultse-
queiit hist(jry of the country was essentially a history
of Anahuac. The modern abori<;inal annals of each
nation dated from its rise to notice in Atiahuac, and
in the traditio is of previous history imperfectly com-
municated to the Spaniards, their former greatness in
the south, their defeat and exile, their life in outside
provinces, and their settlement in the valley wore
sadly confused.
M lira sunn- <h Boiirhnurfi, JTi'isf. Naf. Civ., torn. i.. pp. 120, ITO-Sfl; W..
Cartas, iip. .'(l-l; ///., I'ltiml I'k/i, pit, clix-olxi. IJia.HMcur ^'ivcs a icimil
(if tlii> riiiiis of a nii;'ilu>i°ii riilii in Califoriiiti, which of coiii'sc ix iimI'immuIi'iI
He tliiiikM till! Opatas, Vai^uiK, Muvom, uiul 'ruruliiiinarcH are ri'iiiiiiiiils(if
thn ohl Tolloc popiilatioim in thiw rngion. He docs not attriliud^ the niiiis
(if ilie New Mexican and Arizona i^roiip to the Tollecs, at least not at tlii^
early iierlod. liradford alwo, Aiiicr. Aiilii/., p. '202, HpeakH of the lii^t a^i'
iiH ditltiHin^ popiihition from tlie centre tliroiigh tlie nortli, to return in a
relinx of nunieroiiM triln-H iit tlic Hecontl agv.
ANNALS OF YUCATAN.
4^^^^^^ and other, .eeo^
MixtecatJ, and Otin^itl"" xinu 'r* ' XicuIuncatJ,
1/0 Aztecs; Xelhua i>ave hi« no n ^^«^'^^»dants worj
l.Ks fo owern settled It var 1" ' ." '•'" "^tion, but
east; the others founded the n'f-^"*V" ^^'^ «^^"tli-
"'""es. Mendieta adds ttt ^ "' ''^V^'^^ ^'^''^ *'•*"'••
same old man h-id .. ''•>' '"•*>ti'cr wilb H.<.
'-iatell.ustLuner;'?v' ^"^"^-^'eoat!'' P
or Analu.ac.«« A^eo fc Va7 '"'^^^'^^ *'-' ^-'^
™o from the west and dTvidedi^^^T! * '^' '^'"'*^^-«
t e,r seven families.«^ [ u^, ^f ^ ^^P*^'" J'otween
f" tlie hnportant tradit Lr H? ^ ^''"^^' ""^^ ^^iven
tlie pre-Toltec period JM • ""* ""'"'" *« ^>^^J""'- tc
nece,ssary to refer oth" a^^f ''"' ?^ ^ ^^'-" it^un
a''n(lu-ed version of th . "*'" '"'^'^ '"^^''^^'y <-ive a ,
ioitocs, a very skillful n^t.T^ ''^''*^^''"^^''t tJ.at the
-.th and settled in t iSon T"" ''f ^'••-' *J-
^>evv 8pam. "^ ^"^^^^^ a^orwards known as
''^'?"'e'KiJt'£'^ only remains to exanWne
^'""'•nn in k i'^.y pointsX^"'"f '/ ^"^'^'^'•"'' whi '
1^ ''«y/-lHte to S:e^^rAmew''"'" ^"'•'''^«' ^ '^-
i/ition m the south T ^"'^'^'"^^" centre of civil
'"" -'^^t'where; a verv '" T''^' ^^''l ''-' «iven n
't^'cTence fn fi ^ -^ «oneral view wJfl, ^^ ^" .'"
'*"tc to the points rvlhm^,] r""^'..™^ cnpecial
j P evalent belief anHm^J the AT ' '"" '''^''^ ^'^'re.
t''e. Conquest was th J/i •'•>'''''' '^^ ^he time of
7;'-'t times I,; 't vo rat ''"""?'''" '"'"' '"'"^^ '^
. '"W,w,, „,, ^^, '' "^'^ "^^I>''-'^i that tbey
i « I ■
r £1
224
THE PUE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
£ ■ ;
' it-; -1
came at the same period, but rather that the migra-
tion from the east ])receded that from the west by
many centuries. Lizana tells us that in ancient
times the east was called cenial, or 'little descent,'
and the west nohenicd, or 'great descent,' believing
that these names indicate the comparative numbers
of the respective colonies. Landa and Herrera re-
cord a tradition that the oldest inhabitants came from
the east, the sea being divided to aftbrd them a ])as-
sage. Cogolludo concludes, contrary to the opinion
of Lizana, that the colony from the east must have
been much more numerous as well as more ancient
than the other, bicause of the universal use of the
Maya language and of Maya names of places through-
out the peninsula — a conclusion that carries little
weight, since it rests mainly on the assun)])tion that
those who came from the west s])oke the Aztec lun-
guage, an assumption for which there is no authority
whatever.
The personage whose name ajipcars first in the
Maya tradition is Zanma, son of the chief deity, who
taught the people, invented the hieroglypliic alpha-
bet, and gave a name to each locality in YucatiJi.
His role, so far as anything is known of it, was pre-
cisely the same as that of Votan in Cl)ia])as. Zanniii
is reported to have lived long in the land and to have
been buried at the close of his career at Izanial.
During his life he founded ^layapan, 'standard (of
capital) of Maya,' — Maya being the native name of
the country and signifying according to some authori-
ties 'land without water' — ^a city which was several
times ruined and rebuilt after its founder's thne.
Zanma may be most naturally connected with the
traditional migration from the east. Cogolludo, it is
true, states that he was at the head of the other
colony, and this statement is repeated in one place hy
Brasseur, but as the Spanish writer directly contra-
dicts his statement on the same [)age, not much im-
portance is to be attached to it. Vague as it is, the
I
ZAMNAS EMPIKE.
tradition of Zamnii and hi. f n ^
-e.ne identical with^rf y^r u"" ">" "-'
tl'at such persons as Zanin? and v. " "" '^"PPo»e
M existence— a sunn„« ti? , • ;•"'■"' ""tually had
;o™s„„part„ft2Sp"er t'T ' 'iJl "'^ W-'^
to determine whether the tw^T^errthi'' "" ""''°^'''''«
ni the companion, discinle™ ,!■'"'""'' "■• ^ara-
mt «e may well behCthat thr""'''?* "^ ^oton;
the institutions alluded to h the M^"'"^' "'« «n>pire
same a, those connected wih the V?" J"''""''' ""^ the
traditions The ancient pove/^"^"'" "■• ^""'"""'
Chiapas, Tabasco, and Tf„„j ''"'« "'""■•o was in
-.st«a„l into Yucatt a^rdiTf' ,?''='"'od north
Anahuac. Ordoflez stnt„= ""rth-westward into
'"'\-l".ority, tharMltap^n^w"""' "'"'""' S'^^
>.Ws which with Nachan and 'Fn "' "'" ""'•^
'he \ otanic empire. The f,ct^l / ','™ «°>>stituted
Ucoines, the inost ancient „ f *'"= '"""" "f the
*»t line of king., ^^'^^I^oplo. or at least the
"I" dahlia tongue •^rZT^' l^';:-'^^'''WMes in
■■'I'rliod to Votan's follower. ', ", "'° "•■"»<-' Shanes
"."™, althon.rh in the m ^ '""'" «°nio si^ifi-
»a'd to mean ■listone!- ' ""^^ *•"'""« «-™.o i^ait
[:;'.^';"'S at Chichen ovii H! '";"""-'*;t' "'-^ "='aob
)/. the otliei-s «,ve the,,,"/ " '"'""•>' I"-'''' "le conn
;". 'I'at the hrothei-s ca ,„ !' ^."'"''"'standin.' the
"'"«'■«, from the we't tt, ''?""''"'k' to the Spanish
"""^' ''t^.V is th, f *'"''^!"^^^^>rot.•^ti^>„ of the
I
226
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
nected with the three brothers in a manner not clearly
defined by the tradition — either ruHng conjointly with
them or more probably coming into power immedi-
ately after their downfall — was Cukulcan, who also
came from the west, who was also famous for the
purity of his life, and whose teachings in fact wen;
identical with those of Quetzalcoatl among the Nahuii
peoples. He also is credited with the founding, or
re-founding of Mayapan, which under his rule became
the political centre of the whole countiy, although
Chichen still retained great prominence. Cukulcan
having raised the country to a condition of the higlust
prosperity, finally abandoned Yucatan for some un-
known motive and returned westward, disappearing at
Champoton, or Potonchan, on the coast, where he dwelt
for some time and where a temple in his honor Avas
afterwards erected After his departure the Cocoine
princes came into power, their capital being still Maya-
pan.
The identity in character, teachings, and actions
between Cukulcan and Quetzalcoatl, suggests the
first appearance in Yucatan, at this time, of Nahua
tribes or Nahua institutions, corresponding to a cer-
tain extent with the appearance of the Olmecs and
Xicalancas in Aniihuac, and indicating that the Na-
hua influence was exerted during its earliest period
of development in the north-east as well as in the
north-west. Indeed, Veytia records a tradition to
the effect that Yucatan was settled by the Ohnecs
and Xicalancas driven from Mexico at the comino' of
the Toltecs; this author justly rejects the latter part
of this report, but expresses his belief that bands
from these nations did actually settle in the penin-
sula. When to the analogies already noticed be-
tween Quetzalcoatl and Cukulcan we add the fact
tliat their names are etymologically identical, hotli
signifying 'plumed serpent,' little reason remains to
doubt that the Maya tradition refers, like the others
that have been noticed, to the first coming into
prominence of the Nahuas in Anierica.
THE TUTUL XIUS IN yucaT.N.
The next prominent event in v ^^^
Jf IS also the last that hit. ^"catan history as
tJ'o period now under consfd"^ T''''^ ^^^""g "Pon
Srx^ in that c^inSn??;;; ^"^. ^ -'"
i'tnJ Xius. According, to Vh! f^JV^'^^l of the
»«tivos as recorded by th*%?^ *^l^^'*^on« of the
'>"t h,.hly oultivatedVonle ^r'"'t' *^"'« P^^^efbl
perhaps from Chiapas . ft ^ ''i'"^ ^''^'n^ the south
'•'^ the unsettled S to'.T^^'''''^ ^«^ ^ortyyeat'
^^-'ntry, and settled near Mr°"' ^''^^^^ oPthe
successors to the It.a brth^S'!'. J^ ^ocomes
•tt lie time governed the eoltrv 1 "^"^''''"' ^^^ing
uslv, received the new-comers ? M^ ^'"^ P^^^P^''^
ai'anee with them, an aZrl wj!^ "^"^ ^«^^ed an
a "no. tmie until the Cocome i^n T^' ^'^tinued for
Ti.tul Xms were the most nrl. • °" '"^ ^*'^'^h the
^"'never, with their arrival ^'T""^"* «^*«''«- Jt is
-luent actions that tTw to dT."^'^ *^-"- -'^
t r^idition of their arrivil of) , ^^''^- The mere
southern hi^^h]^' :^,V\^£ ^^ ^ from
,, 'f , grounds for the conTectnt f n ^"'"'«^ on^J
''J^ they came from Chiapas hf °^ t'^' Spaniards
""known to the Span i f^^' - """^^^^^ document
^-at light upon tlSV ST"'^?''*^'«^^ throws
; "- in Yucatan witrfnereTsod "'''*' '^^"- '-^i^P^^r-
'"'•unient refened to i« fK tIt ""P^rtance. Thp
'^^^^'d 1>J Pio Pc> ez fil^^'.^^'-^ "manuscript trans
Lane a, winch begins as fo lows ^^'^ "^ B''«hop
U unes elapsed since th bur?utuf V " '^ ^^•''-
'' " *''^' house of NonounI wl • i ^^'"'^ departed
an^i nunc from the land „f T T^' '''"' ''"'^^ ^'^^••'"a
Pl-^i after ihey s^t out belre"th ^''"- • ^""^ ^---
««ionchan Tepeuh ..n^ k- *'' ^7 arrived here with
nt-' ^his p'eni s.r^ tt nr^'T^ ^-^-^ ^ty
THE PRE-TOLTEt PERIOD.
country to this peninsula of Chacnouitan." Here we
find it distinctly stated that this people came from
Tulapan, 'capital of Tula,' the very place from which,
according to the Quiche record, the Nahua nations
migrated, and it is more than likely that Zuina should
be Zuiva, defined in the Popol Viih as the Seven
Caves. This, in connection with the Quiche lamen-
tation over that division of their brothers which they
had left in the east, is amply suflScient to identify the
Tutul Xius as one of the Nahua tribes that migrated
from the original centre. The famil}'^ of Nonoual
seems to have given a name to the tribes that occu-
pied Tabasco down to the Conquest. This document
assumes to give the date of the Tutul Xiu migration,
a most important date, since it is also that of the
overthrow of Nahua power in Chiapas and its trans-
fer to Anahuac; but until the Maya system of Aliau
katunes*^ shall liave been the object of much addi-
tional research, there is little hope of arriving at
an accurate interpretation of the date. Sr Perez
urives it as 144 A. D. The Abbe Brasseur, reiving
on the same document, gives the date repeatedly ixa
171 A.D.; but in his translation of the document in
Landa's work he concluded that it should be 401
A.D., reckoning each Ahau katun as twenty years,
and remarkinij that this date agrees much better than
the earlier one with Ixtlilxochitl's chronology. Of
the Perez manuscript Mr Gallatin remarks that it
contains all we know of the history and chronology of
Yucatan. To ascertain dates is out of the question:
but it is probable that the events are stated in their
respective order.**
« Sec vol. ii., pp. 762-5.
" For tk'tails and for subsequent Yucatan history, 8cc a future cliiiptcr.
My autlioritic^ for the ])recedinj,' remarks are Ldinl'a, licldcioii, jip. '2S-50;
Lizana, in /(/., pp. 31S-56; Cv(jolludo, Jl..:!. inr., ]^\ 178-!), 1S»J, 190-7;
Las Casas, Hist. Apohxjctica, MS., cap. I'JS; Torque inaila, Moiuiiy. Imi..
torn, ii., p. 5'2; Vcijlia, Hist. Ant. Mcj., toni. i., p. '2'Xl; llnnra, Ih^t
Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. ; Tcrnaux-Comjyans. in Nouvclh's Aiinul'^
ties Vol/., 1843, toni. ivcvii., j)p. 31-0. Perez, in Lnndn, Rclacioii, pp. 4'Jfl-3;
/(/., in Stephens' Yucatan, vol. ii., |)p. 4(55-9; lira.iseur de Jiourbounj, Hist.
Xal. Civ., torn, i., pp. 08, 70-80, 120-7; Id., Pojwl Vuh, pp. Ixxix, clv.vi,;
SOU
(rOl
s/)e(
ti-al
.Von
fr(^n]
begii
great
^•■ives
lator,
to nai
eii,'-ht.
Uxtvd
nority
wa.s (-Ij
Chichi
^'^onoJji
rection
Votlljo- ]
J^eoj)ie,
t^ie mil
their f;
'^olhua,
t'lo orac
Jiiin to (
<'rime, ai
tn!»es t]x
at last
fixing til
al>out the
''.V Ill's su
t[io thirt(
-^'elhua w
^vliile Xo
'•"luiatl, ,
"pon tJie •
{:;•. Cartas, n
''J-3; Oro-el]
OVERTHROW OF THE NAHUAS.
«pect,nc. the overthrorof the Sf ^'^^"^"^-tion re-
tml America, and especiallv l. .•* ^^'^^^ '» Cen-
^onoual alluded to in t^e tef '"^ '^^^ ^""«« -^
'•-" the author nan^ed as fc '"t!""*' ^ q"^*^
be-ins With a description of thp/"" . ^^ "manuscript
.irreat citj of Tollanf or TuIh' )/? "'^r^r^'^ '^^ ^h«
j,;nes the names of ^nl^, X^s^^f ,^^>^A';^• hut it
ator, wJio apparently attach J K.Y>''y'^' ^^'^ t'-ans-
to names, havm<>- deeded i. *""* ^'^^^^ iniportance
f'V't- The autTior ii' T^^'' *^> «"•''* tfe o W
tated the ruin of thlth? "" ''"'^"^^ *^>at precinf
"-•'•ty of the h^s Chan^Sc"'''f '""•^^ ^^ ^^^^ n -
was aimed by two powerfu f'' ''i^- ^'" ^"ardian.ship
Ch.ch,mec-Toliecs, a^d t e"i>' !"' ^-f "'•"^^^ ^^^e
^Noiioliualco. TJie 0110^^1^. *'"^ ^^JiioJiiniecs of
-etion of the Llt^r \TJ uTT'^- "^ *^-^ ^-'r'
youno- monarch. But fh! • assassination of the
If pie, and on accl^JT"' ''''' ^''^^'^''^ '^v t e
tie m, derers we^fo 1/ to fl rr^''^^ indi,itio:
the,r foJJowers. On their dem';.-^ "'p'^' '"'^'^^ ^»
^}olhua the chief the CohuX"''' ''"'^"^ ^ulh^i,
the oracle of Culhuacin IP '''','''''"* *« consult
^y?" to depart. &,' v^ySi^J ^^^^^'^^ enjoined
'' /'le, and after several S ! i"^ J'^'"''^"^'^^ <or his
tn''es tJirough whose h„dt]' '"* .*'^" ^^'-^"^'^ o^' tl o
a ast founded th: S dt "of'tf "^^ ^^^ ^--' ^-
fi,^'».? the capital at Ouet.T ■''' ^^"ohualcos
a out the oouritry of thTS ?::,-/'- fountains'
J h s successors. The nnH ' • ^''''''^' conquered
t^o thirteen princes wh„""'--!''"^^^ *^m« names of
^e'n..with{heirdim;i:;;"f^^ t^!^ ^^-- after
while Xolhua was estahlfl" *''''''' ''^'>n«- But
'■^•''"atl, chief of the To f - ''' "^''" ^"'1^'*^, leyf
"P- the power afW t£'£t&-'- ^-d sS
K Cartas, p ,3. ^„,, , . ''^ ^^^ >^"""o. king of
y-wtrm, Gcografiu, p. 128. '^■' ^'^«"««fC., vol. i., pp.
290
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
Tulhii, of which he had been the principal cause, was
forced after a few years of power to abandon in his
turn the capital, with all hi« followers, to avoid tliu
vengeance of the people. He went into exile witli
the Toltecs, and the manuscript gives their itinerary
as far as Tlachihualtepec, or ('holula, at the tinio
occupied by the Olniecs and Xicalancas, who ruled
the whole Aztec plateau. "*'
I have placed before the reader such historical
traditions of the civilized nations as seem to bear
upon the earliest period of their development. Their
exact meaning, so far as details are concerned, is with
the aid of existing authorities beyond the reach of
the most careful study, and no attempt has been
made to attach a definite significance to t^ach abo-
riginal tale, or to form from all a symmetrical chron-
ologic whole; indeed, their inti'r{)retation has not
been carried so far in many cases as the authorities
seemed with considerable plausibility to justify.
Taking uj) one after another the annals of the leadini(
nations as recorded by the best autliorities, I have
endeavored to point out only the apparent geiieial
significance of each. The evidence thus elicited by ;i
separate examination of each witness has poiiited-
with varying force, but with great uniformity of di-
rection^ — towards the Central or Usumacinta region,
not necessarily as the original cradle of American civ-
ilization, but as the most ancient home to which it can
be traced by traditional, monumental, and linguistic
records. In obtaining this evidence there has been
no occasion to resort to the sifting process of rejectini,'
all testimony seemingly opposed to a preconceived
theory. Almost the only argument against the gen-
eral tenor of the traditions, monuments, and languages,
* Brasscur de Bourhonrg, Cartas, pp. 27-8. The abh«5 seems to linvo
made but little if any use of the Code.x Goiulriv in liis 8ubMe<iuent works;
althoiij^h it may be supposed that from it, and indeed from the very jiDrtiim
above quoted, he takes his account of the closing events of the Toltco em-
pire in Andhuuc to be given in a future chapter.
«£NEUAL CONCLUSIONS.
lias been the nrevalf.nf iA ^^
Win. H mi^rStl te S ^^/f^ -iters
tin. ar^rument has proved to 1 ' '"'"^ ^'^^' ^'^'^-e of
--1. Comparison We t^""' "'''?^V^'"^ *J^-»
l;a« i^'''^'atly.stren..thenetl th •i''"^' '^'^^^ ^»«ther
tliem -i-ately;='anrtt eumlr^^^ '^^'"'^^^^ ^^-»
»^y their successive exami Lion f^r' ^T^ ^^^^^^^'J
cient to confirm the L^enerXonn • *""" ''"'"^"'^'^ «"«-
'"^;pa^es which maf he^xpTst^^ i-^<^«d-
linouo-hout several o^,,^-^ '^"^ ^oliovvs:
tliore flouri.J,ed in CentrtI A n • ''"^,"''^'« followin<r
;"V;"- of the Chan^^"'ciltaT'"" ^^'' ^''"^^ ^%«'
to its foes as Xibalba viVh iK?' 7 '^^'''l^^^"ts, known
"ear Palenque, and wi h ^ .erXl I' !" ^ '''''^^''- '-^^ < "
"';f Peiiod- w^us attril ted bv tt '^'''.'■"^ ^^<^ ^ re-
-I W Votan, who was ZnyZd^' ^'T' '^' /'^ ^ ^^"^
VV iicther sucJi a person is vT'? ^^«rsh,ped as a L'od
-.tence; who, L:Zt)^^tT '"' ^" ^^"^
anjono- wJiat people the pI ,T 1- ' ^^^'^'"^^e, or how or
-asintroducy^,^.t.Tnte '^ ^^""
Amcnca was certainly S£ 7«"^^''^"Je^•tures.
era, and that most JikJ l bv civ iV f^'" * ^^ ^"^'tar.ic
t'il>0H but pre- Votanic ItL^''^; '^'"'" ^^« «''^va<ro
'•eeord.- Perhaps the nm t'r '''' f ^-^''solutely n,'
^'-t the Votanic power 't as '7'"' f' '^^^J-^tuJ^ is
-thunible and suVrdinate bl^^'"'?^^ f""'"'^'' -^
"^S overcomin.^r, absorW ' 'l'^ eoustantly incrcas-
''' others in later tiines snon' 'Tr^.'"" "^^'er Powers
came it. The y.!i^^ ^^:^^' ^^'>-'-'-'d, ani over
h tho traces tiiev n .v "** ''^" ""^J t>e known
^^^-aoe ,vas doubtless Jther ^he AF.va '^"^')?''^""^^ ^-"-
J .. 1 1
282
THE FUK-TOLTEC PEKIOD.
a mother-tongue from which these as well as the
Quiche, Cakchiquel, and others of the sumo linguistic
family, have sprung; although it is not unlikely that
the empire embraced some nations speaking other
lanffuaj'es. From its centre in the Usumacinta reffitm
the Votanic power was gradually extended north-
westward towards Anahuac, where its subjects vaguely
appear in tradition as Quinames, or giants. It also
penetrated north-eastward into Yucatan, where Zani-
na was its reputed founder, and the (Jocomes and 1 tzas
probably its subjects. In other regions where its in-
fluence was doubtless felt it seems to have left no
definite traces.
Much of our knowledge respecting the original
Maya en)pire is drawn from the traditions of a rival
power. It is not quite certain even that any of the
ruined temples or palaces in the centrial region were
entirely the work of the ancient people before tliey
came under Nahua influences; the difterences noted
in the monuments referred to suggest the ett'ccts of
such influences exerted in different degrees."" The
Maya empire seems to have been in the height of its
prosperity when the rival Na lUa power came into
prominence, perhaps two or three centuries before
Christ."* The origin of the new people and of the
^ It may bo well to pive here the conclusions of M. Viollet-lc-niic, the
distinjfiiiBhcd Freiicli arcliitcct, rcsncctinp tliCHC ruins and tlu;ir biiildnnt,
uitliouph they carry tiie mutter buciv to the question of ori<,'in, and conse-
quently beyond the sphere ;>f this chapter. This anthorV conclusions are
Srofesscdly based on an exainination of niatcriul monuments, but were
oubtless much atl'ected, like those of other lute writers, ineludin<{ myself,
by the study of ISrasseur's works.
The whole continent was jit-jopled wii'i wild trilws of yellow blood from
Asia via the north-west at a very rjmote neriod. AtMmt KKM) H. ('., the
Culhuos, a mi.\ed race of black and white blood apiicared from the cast and
introduced a<;ricnlturc and a slight dc<;rec of civili/ation. Soon after tlic
Culhuaf), the Nahuas ap|H!arcd, a white race comin}; from the north of Eu-
rope via the Mississippi Valley, Floritia, and West Indies, in successive
mi;;rations. I'alenque was built by the yellow races under a stnni" inllii
ence of the Culhuas and a very sli<i;lit Nahua influence; the 'ities < Vuca-
tan were built when the Nahuas had conquered their rival ml .,<• influ-
ence of the white race had Inicome nrcdominant; Mitln I'lj/in to a
still more recent period, and was miilt by a niigratin;: wliicli the
yellow blood seems to have predominated. Viollet-le- lU Chnruay,
Ruineg A mir.
^ A document, for the authenticity of which even Dru> < ur dc liour-
UKNKKAL CONCLUSIONS.
233
new institutions is as deeply shrouded in mystery as
\H that of their predecessorH, nlthonfrh the nature of
the institutions themselves is well known to us in a
later and doubtless soinewha" inodiHed state of de-
velopment. The language of the nations among
which these institutions were first estal>li8hed was
doubtless the Nahua, or old Av.tec. The Plumed
Serpent, known in different tongues as Quetzalcoatl,
(Jucumatz, and Cukulcan, was the being who tradi-
tionally founded the new order of things. The
Nahua power grew up side by side with its Xibalban
predec't'ssor, having its capital Tulan apparently in
Chiapas. I^iko the Maya power, it was not confined
to its original home, but was borne by the Olmec
colonies towards Andhuac, where it came in contact
with that of the Quinames; and in the person of
Cukulcan it penetrated the peninsula of Yucatan to
exert its influence upon the Itzas and Cocomes. The
two powers seem not to have been on unfriendly
terms at first. In fact there is much reason to sus-
pect that their respective institutions did not differ
radically, and that their rivalry devol()j)ed into ojien
hostility only after the Nahuas had succeeded in in-
troducing their ideas among so many Maya nations,
and in reducing to a life of civilization so many wild
tribes, that they had acquired a balance of political
power. For it is certain that, whatever may have
been true of the Maya culture, the Nahua institu-
tions and power were by no means confined to nations
of the Nahua language, and that some of the leading
nations which accepted the Nahua ideas of religion
and government spoke other and even Maya tongues.
The struggle on the part of the Xibalbans seems to
have been that of an old effete monarchy against a
young and progressive people. Whatever its cause,
bourg declines to vouch, dates the first appearance of the Nahuas at 279 R.
C. Tlie !il)l)e thinks that event was probably duriii)r tlie century iMjfore
Christ; but lie, it must be remembered, accepts the (;oniin{^ of Quetzal-
coatl and hiH followers and the introduction of a new civilization literally.
But. Nat. Ch., toni. i., p. 101.
234
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
the result of the conquest was the overthrow of the
Vott nic monarchs at a date which may be approxi-
mately fixed within a century before or after the
beginning of our era.** From that time the ancient
empire disappears from traditional history, and there
is no conclusive evidence that the Xibalban kings or
their descandants ever renewed the struggle. Yet
we read of no great destruction or enslavement or
-nigration of the Chanes resulting from the Nahua
victory. The result was only a change of dynasty
accompanied by the introduction of some new features
in government and religious rites. The old civiliza-
tion was merged in the new, and practically lost its
identity; so much so that all the many nationalities
that in later times traced their origin to this central
region were proud, whatever their language, to claim
relationship with the successful Naliuas, whose insti-
tutions they had adopted and whose power they had
shared.
Respecting the ensuing period of Nahua greatness
in Central America nothing is recorded save that it
ended in revolt, disaster, and a general scattering of
the tribes at some period probably preceding the fifth
century. The national names that appear in connec-
tion with the closing struggles are the Toltecs, Chichi-
mecs, Quich(5s, Nonohualcas, and Tutul Xius, none of
them apparently identical with the Xibalbans. In-
deed there seems to be very little reason to suppose
that this final struggle was a renewal of the old ton-
test between the followers of Votan and Quetzalcoatl,
although Brasseur de Bourbourg seems inclined to
take that view of it; but a series of civil wars be-
tween rival Nahua tribes, or tribes that had accejttod
Nahua government, seems rather to have been the
agency that brought about their final forced niiy:ra-
tions. Of the subsequent history of the nations that
'^ I find no authority for rtrasseur de nniirbour<r'8 opinion that tlie full
of Xiholha preccd A tho final ttcattvring ot tho Nuhuu uutionii by only oiiv
century.
GENERAL CONCLUSIONS.
f the
>roxi-
: the
icient
there
ngs or
Yet
ent or
Nahua
ynasty
matures
iviliza-
lobt its
nahties
central
,0 claim
se insti-
hey had
■reatness
that it
erin^ of
lie tifth
connec-
Chichi-
iione of
■ns. I"-
suppose
old con-
zalcoatl,
lined to
vars he-
aocL-jited
eon the
luiijra-
ons that
Itlmt the full
jV only >"»■'
finally remained masters of their central home noth-
ing is known; it may be conjectured that the Tzen-
dales and Chiapanecs found by the Spaniards in that
part of the country were their somewhat degenerate
descendants. Of the tribes that were successively
defeated and forced to seek new homes, those that
spoke the Maya dialects, although considering them-
selves Nahuas, seem to have settled chiefly in the
south and east.** Some of them afterwards rose to
ijfreat prominence in Guatemala and Yucatan, and
their annals will form the subject of future chap-
ters. The Nahua-speaking tribes as a rule established
themselves in Andhuac and in the western and north-
western parts of Mexico, as their companion tribes, the
Ohneos and Xicalancas, had already established them-
selves in the south-eastern region. The valley of
Mexico and the country immediately adjoining soon
became the centre of the Nahuas in Mexico; its his-
tory or that of the nations that sui^eessively roso to
j)ower there, will be continued in the following chap-
ter.
From this epoch of separation in Chiapas the
Mayas of the south and the Nahuas of the north
were practically distinct peoples, as they have been
considered in the preceding volumes of this work.
At thi; date of separation all were in a certain sense
Naliua nations, and the Xahuas proper had doubtless
been considerably affected by the ancient peoples
whom they had overcome or converted, and with
whom they had so long associated : — hence the analo-
gies that appear between the institutions and monu-
ments of the north and south. Of the contrasts that
also appear, some date back to original differences l>u-
tweeu the two rival powers; others result from devel-
opment and progress in different paths, duj.ing the
^ Orozco y Boriu, Grogrnfiu, pp. 128-9, judges from the m-currenco of
Xaliiiii iiuinoa in (iimtcinalii tliiit iiatioDH sneaking Niihua were fornu-rly
liii'ittoil there, und were overcome either hy Mayn-speakint; tri)M>s tliut they
finiml in the country, or by otiierH that invude«l the country after them.
286
THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD.
ten centuries that elapsed before the coming of the
Spaniards.
Bradford, Squier, Tylor, VioUet-le-Duc, Bartlett,
and Muller,^'' rnay be mentioned with Brasseur de
Bourbourg among the authorities who practically
agree with the conclusions expressed above, at least
so far as the southern origin of the Nahua culture is
concerned. It is true that the Abbe Brasseur's gen-
eral conclusions differ in many points from those that
I have given; that his opinions expressed in different
works and even in different parts of the same work
differ most perplexingly from each other; that his
theories in many of their details rest on foundations
that seem purely imaginary; that his style, while
fascinating to the general reader, is most confusing to
the student; and that his citations of authorities arc
often inaccurate; — yet he must be regarded as the
true originator of the views advanced in this chapter,
inasmuch as the material from which they are built
up was largely the fruit of his investigations, and hiw
researches have done more than those of all other
writers combined to throw light on primitive Amer-
ican history.
9' Amerikanischc Urrelidioncn, p. 524. Somo of tlieso \vriterB, liow-
evcr, believe Htrutrrly in a migration of trilies from the north, ulthoiii,'li
attributing the Nahua culture to the south.
CHAPTER IV.
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
The Nahua Occupation of Mexico in the Sixth and Seventh Cen-
turies—Condition OF AnAhuac— The Mixcohuas and Chiohi-
MEc CuLHUAs— The Toltecs atTulancinoo andToi,i.an -Estab-
lishment OF A Monarchy and Choice of a Kino, 710-720 A. D.—
Kingdoms of ('ijlhuacan and QuAur.riTLAN— The Teoamoxti.i—
Prophecies and Death of Hueman— Birth of titinzAixoATi,—
Foundation of the Empire, 856, A. D.— Alliance hetween Cul-
IIUACAN, OTOMPAN, AND TOLLAN- IlEION OF TOPILTZIN CEACATL
QUETZALCOATL AT TOLLAN -EXCESSES OF IIlKMAC; II., OU TECPAN-
CALTZIN— XotnilTL, THE KiNO'S MISTRESS -FULFILLMENT OF THE
Prophet's Predictions— Toveyo's Adventures— Plagues sent
UPON the Toltecs— Famine and Pestilence— Uekjn of Acxitl,
OR Topiltzin— Debauchery ok Kino, Norles, and Priests-
Tokens of Divine Wrath — Foreion Invaders— Final Over-
throw OF THE ToLTEC EMPIRE.
The sixth and seventh centuries of our em saw the
Nahuii power, represented by the various Toltoc Chi-
chiinec tribes, transferred from Central Auierica to
the Mexican [)Uiteaux, with its centre about the lakes
of the valley. The f^eneral nature of this transfer we
may comprehend from what has been said in the pre-
ceding chapter; of its details we know little or noth-
ing. Each tribe that rose to national prominence
in Anahuac during the succeeding centuries, preserved
a somewhat vague traditional memory of its j)ast his-
tory, which took the form in every case of a long mi-
gration from a distant land. In each of those records
238
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
there is probably an aUusion to the orijifinal southern
empire, its disruption, and the consequent tribal scat-
tering; l)ut at the same time most of the events thus
recorded relate apparently to the movements of par-
ticular tribes in and about Anahuac at periods long
subsecjuent to the original migration and immediately
preceding the final establishment of each tribe. The
Toltec version of this common record has already been
given, down to the establishment of one of the many
exiled tribes — the Toltecs proper — at Tnlancingo
just north-east of the valley of Mexico. The annals
of other Nahua tribes, the Chichimecs, Nahuatlacas,
Tepauecs, Acolhuas, and Aztecs — all of which may
be regarded to a great extent as different versions of
the same common record — will be presented in a
future chapter with all their particulars, fabulous or
historical, so far as they have been preserved. Tho
migrations narrated may all be supposed to date back
to a common beginning, but are arranged by the
authorities chronologically according to the dates of
their terminrf^ion.
We have seen the Olmec tribes established for
several centuries on the eastern plateaux, or in the
territory now constituting the states of Puebla and
Tlascala. Cholula was the Olmec capital, a flourish-
ing city celebrated particularly for its lofty pyramid
crowned with a magnificent temple built in honor of
Quetzalcoatl. Teotihuacan within tho valley of Auii-
huac had long been as it long continued to be the re-
ligious centre of all the Nahua nations. Here kings
and priests were elected, ordained, and buried. Hither
flocked pilgrims from every direction to consult the
oracles, to worehip in the temples of the siui and moon,
and to place sacrificial offerings on the altars of their
deities. Tho sacred city was ruled by the long-haired
priests of the Sun, famous for their austerity and for
their Avisdom. Through the liands of these priests, as
the Spanish writers tell us, yearly offerings were
made of the first fruits of all their fields; and each
anAhuac in the sixth century.
239
year at harvest-time a solemn festival was celebrated,
not unattended by human sacrifice. It is true that
the Spanish authorities in their descriptions of Teoti-
huacan and the ceremonies there performed, refer for
the most j)art to the Toltec rather than the pre-Toltec
period; but it has been seen in the preceding chapter
that this city rose to its position as the religious centre
of the Nahuas in Mexico long before the appearance
of the Toltecs, and there is no evidence of any essen-
tial cliange in its priesthood, or the natui*e of its theo-
cratic rule.^ No national name is applied in tradition
to the people that dwelt in Teotihuacan at this period,
although the Totonacs claim to have built the pyra-
mids before they were driven eastward by Chichimec
tribes. Tabasco, Vera Cruz, and Tamaulipas were
occupied by Xicalancas, Totonacs, and Huastecs, re-
specting whom little more than their names is known.
Southward in Oajaca were already settled the Miztecs
and Zapotoos. The Otomfs, a very numerous j)eople,
whoso primitive history is altogether unknown, occu-
pied a large part of the valley of Mexico, and the sur-
rounding mountains, particularly toward the north
and north-west. There were doubtless many other
trihos in Mexico when the later Nahua nations came,
particularly in the north and west, which tribes were
driven out, at least from the most desirable locations,
suhjected, or converted and partially civilized by the
new-comers; but such tribes have left no traces in
history.''
During the sixth and seventh centuries we must
' Vet/tia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, i., pi». 247-rtO. 'Km servido do unn«
SacenlotoM ilainmloH I'nimhna Tlr.nuiciizuiu; <|iit;, ii (liMtiiicion de Ioh dcniiVH,
traliin vl culNillo cii incIcMitiH NucltiiH, y lu uculuirHO cl (.'yclo Indiiiiio, Hacu-
bHii, y voiiiliuii cl Fiicffo X iwvo h Uw Pueblos vecinoH.' liolurhii, lilr.a, p. 42.
'Alii tumhicii hc eiitcrralwn Ioh ]irinci]<iilc8 y HufmroH, HoUrc t^iiviui nupul-
tiiriiM m< iiiaiidttlMiii Imcer tiiiiiuIoN dc ticrra, quo hoy ho voii toilnvia.* Sa-
haguii, llixt. den., toin. iii., lili. x., p. 141.
* HruHMuiir oitoH Tor<(u«nia«la uiid Diirnn uh aiithoriticH for tho oxiHtcnco
at tliiH ]ioriod of hoiiic roninantH of the old IjiiiiiaincH, and of other Havn;;c
tril)L>g whoKo nanioH have In^cii hmt; fmt thcHo atithora in the clu>pteni cited
"uy nothing t4t which Huch a meaning can fairly bo attributed.
240
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
' !
n
i I
imagine Andhuac and the adjoining territory on the
north and west, for a broad but unknown extent, as
being gradually occupied by numerous Nahua nations
of varying power and numbers and of varying de-
grees of civilization. Some were originally or soon
became in their new homes wild hunting tribes, pow-
erful but rude, the terror of their neighbors; others
settled in the fertile valleys, lived by agriculture, and
retained much of their original culture. The more
powerful nations, probably the most advanced in cult-
ure as well, established themselves in and about the
valley of Mexico, where their capitals wore soon flour-
ishing cities, and where all branches of aboriginal art
received more attention than elsewhere and were cor-
respondingly developed. These central peoples be-
came known, perhaps at once, but more probably at a
later date, as Toltecs, a name which, whatever its
original derivation and signification, became synony-
mous with all that is skillful and excellent in ai-t. On
the other hand the outside Nahua nations, many of
which had lost in their new life something of the true
Nahua polish, and all of whom were regarded more
or less as barbarians by their more favored brothers
of the lake shores, were from this time known as
Chichimecs, whatever may have been the original
application of that name.
It has been remarked that little or nothing is
known of the events that occurred during these two
centuries, during which the whole western section of
the country came into possession of numerous Nahua
tribes, as the eastern section had done long before,
and as the whole country remained down to the
Spanish Conquest; for there is little evidence of nnv
subsequent migrations from or into Mexico. Ixtlil-
xochitl and the Spanish writers, Torquemada, Vetan-
curt, Clavigero, Duran, Veytia, and tiio rest, confine
their attention to the Toltecs proper, their migration
from Huehue Tlapallan to .Tulancingo, which I have
already narrated, their subsequent removal to ToUari,
THE MIXCOHUAS.
241
the establishment of their m t. ^'
cession of their kings. AcTord7n"r?^ ^"^ ^^e suc-
Toltecs met no opposiUon T"^f *\*^f ^ ^ the
allied canitaJs. firn.". "' /"""i" had no rivnl« " !
a led capitaJs. Brasseur ' d^'ft" 'T ""^ "^^^^^ ^or
Anihuac at tJiis period eve„ T''""" *^'^* ^^^^eZfn
"re the chief authorities ft>r;i, ^T. *^« tJocuments
«n; smce neither of hem I ^^ ""^'^^^ ^oltec period
notinng remains but in '""^ ^""^^ ^^en pubjS'
2- ^hat came irtdenr/j^^^^^^f^^^^^^^
J'st appear at Chalchiuhnn! ^^'^ *«»«'«• Thev
but soon present tCse^vIn f ''^''^^^'« Tlas'^lT
reotihuacan to reeeiv^ fJ • ^^^^^® *he priests nf
vassals of the Su^^Ut^-^r '^"^ ^^-o
at the saored c ty, the upw *'" ™«s taken at
the first epoch of AToiT ^® **^ Ch cJiiniecs T»
242
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
too-other with those of Xiuhnel and Mimich, who
defeat the Ohiiecs at Uuitzihipan. The united bands
under Mixcohuatl are known in the tradition as Chi-
(rhiniec Culhuas, the foundei-s of the city of Culhua-
can on the hike Hhore, who in a period of sixteen
years — from 670 to 08(5, accordinjj to the authoriticH
— became masters of nearly the whole rejfion south and
east of the hikes.* At about the same time the pruv-
ince of Quauhtitlan, *huid of forests,' north-west of the
hikes, seems to have been occupied by another Chi-
chimec nation for all are known in the traditions as
Chichimecs whenever they are alluded to as comini,'
from without the valley, but become j]food Toltecs as
soon as they acquire a det^ree of power within its
limits. Chicon Tonatiuh, 'seven sims,* is named as
the leader of this nation, and the chief cities of tlie
province were Huehuetocan, 'city of old men,' and
Macuexhuacan, 'city of necklaces.'
Meanwhile the exiles from Hueluie Tlapallan were
tarrying at Tulancingo, where they had arrived to-
ward the end of the seventh (rentury,^ and where - con-
trary to the advice of their propliet Hucman, if wo
may credit the tradition — weary with their long wan-
derings, they lived from sixteen to twenty years in a
house which they built sufficiently large to accomo-
date them all. During their stay they sent out par-
ties to make soitKnuents in the adjoining territory, as
had been their <ustom wherever they had stopped
in their long migration. Finally they listened to the
counsels t)f the venerable Hueman, and, still under the
* In addition in tlio two documents referred to. Cnmar(;o, Hist. Thu.,
in Nouvrlleii Aiiunlrs ifis I'oif., 1843, toni. xcviii., p. 145, hiM the followiii}!,
which may refer to the nii<^nition of this earliest Itraneh of the N'aiimi
l>eo])h>s; 'aecordinK to their iieeonnt, it was in (ivo Toehtli that they ur-
rive<l at the Si-ven Caves. 'I'henec tliey went to Aniiuiuete|HH;, liieii l»
Tei>ence, or Kelio Mountain, where Mitniit/ielii (Mimich) killed !z|iu|>ul«ti
with his Istw and arrows. Next they passed to the province of Toninliau,
which they conciut-red after a long war, to Culhuaean, to Teotla Cotlitwlwi,
and to Teohui/naliuuc where they wished to shoot (^ohuutlicue, tincen ul
that province; hut they mtt<Ie [leace with her. She married AliMohtiatl
Anioeohtle and hy him hud a son (JolcliaeovutI [pnthubiy (juetxalcouti].'
^ See imtc on p. 213 for dates.
FOUNDATION OF TOLLAN.
command of tlieir seven chiefs f r«n p . ^^
toXocot tian on the river QuIIJ^h^ *^^^'> home
h.l anati or Montezuma' wS^^^^^^^ Tula,
of lollan," where now stands fj'lfe ^^'^ll^^^ ^^^ city
';^>out thirty miles north tst J' 1' '^""^^^ ^^^uh^
According: to Brasseur the O torn f .if Tr^^ «f Mexico
I'ofore the comin<r of the 1V.U '^^ that stood here
t cannot he suppled Jht "the7r'^'^' ^-"^^^
tlioir fertile vallev to H.n I? ^ Otom/s y elded un
'>"t the relation of tht^^;^^^^^^^
-Lseouent one in w^ W /^^ ^^^t of ma^^a
^'«i^c:d m order to estabhsh and n ' '! ?""^* ^'^^^^n-
«oenis to have been intf?- ""if^^*'" their power
-jive annals as reSedbT^rS^ ^f'"'^ - "he
'>»nn^ the firs^ s.v ^ ^panish writers
-"^T o7 the Q^lCatHirToU^^' «^^^ '•^' the
attontjon to the b:,ildi ,c/of th« . • ^*^*^ *heir
careful cultivati.m of thhnL. i"^"^/'*^' »»d the
«";-i7s the account JvonhyTft?^ {""li' ' ^' l-^t
wJn.Jiave follower JWm b. 7 ''^^'''^."'^^h.tl and those
'"torpretution, tJ.ey spent L''-'"'"^^"'« ^" -Brasseur's
quest of the provine/^"^ • ^'^ y*"""^^ in tlie con
-';;^\they rr-named ^^7"' *'^^ ---* ^
«x.lo,s from Huehue Tlapallan ^^^ ^^ ^'^ *"»« the
command of the rebel See " T^^I ^\?^ ""^^^'' the
caniihtzm with their fivin ^^alcaltzin and Tin
;; tiK; different f^uniltyrt'",r '^^^'"^ as chlel
(inoctions of Hi,,.... Ti "" actmer undm- n.
»""U,t«i ;!, £ r " ti P7''f'- , The i;;t ^^
;'™""^y at the loj i Sj ~i? ".f" ' *'» «'^ »«r
2f«-7. T
, • ''•» p. 230.
244
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
cussion, since it cannot be literally accepted. The
most natural, yet a puroly conjectural, ihtsrpretatiun
of the tradition is that is line or family of chieftaiiiH
is represented by its founder or by its most famous
member; and that by Hueman is to be understood
the powerful priesthood that ruled the destinies of
the Toltecs, from the earliest days to the fall of their
empire. The government was a theocratic republic,
each chief directing the movements of his band in
war and, so far as such direction was needed, in
peace, but all yielding, through fear of the gods or
veneration for their representatives, implicit obedi-
ence to the counsels of their spiritual leader in ull
matters of national import. But in tlie seventh year
after their arrival in Tollan, when the republic was
yet in a state of peace and prosperity, undisturlwd
by foreign or internal I'oes, the chiefs convened an
assembly of the heads of families and the leadin},'
men. The object of the meeting whs to efToi^t a
change in the form of their govornnieiit, and to
establish a monarchy. The motive of the leaders, as
represented by the tradition, was a fear of i'uturo dis-
turbances in a commonwealth governed by so niariy
independent chieftains. They reconmiended the elec-
tion of an absolute monarch, offering to surrender
their own power and submit to the rule of whatever
king the ])eople might choose. The members of the
convention accjuiesced in the views of the chieftains,
and approved the proposed change in their form of
government. An election being next in order, a
majority expressed their preference for one of the
seven chiefs to occupy the new throne.
At this stage of the proceedings Hueman ad-
dresses the meeting; though entertaining the highefit
opinion of the character, ability, and patriotism of the
candidates proposed, he deems it his duty to oppose
their election. He reminds the people that the mail;
object of the proposed change was to secure a ])eace
able and independent possession of their now countr}';
A MONARCHY ESTABLISHED.
945
d. The
jretation
hiefta'ms
t famous
iderstood
atinies of
I of their
republic,
a band in
leeded, in
e j^ods or
cit ol)0(li-
wler in all
vcnth year
public was
indisturlwd
»nvened an
,ho \c'M\\n\i
to effei^t a
int, and to
leadiirs, as
future diK-
;)y so many
led the elee-
I) surrendi'i'
jf whatever
[ibers of th*;
. chieftains,
leir form "'
in order, a
one of the
lucman au-
[thc hij^diest
lotisni of the
ly to oppose
lat the mail'
lire a pea^"^
lew couutrj;
that the Chichimocs hod puraued and already caused
them much trouble; that much was to ho feared from
their confirmed hoHtility; that their foes were not far
(lihtant, and would very likely invade the country at
IK) very dintant day. He recommended as the moHt
(ifticient meauH of avoidinj^' future strife, that an em-
luisHV with rich prenents ho sent to tho Chichimec
monarch, asking for a son or other near relative who
should be crowned kinj»f of the Toltecs. An express
Ktipulation must, however, be required on the par« of
the (Jhichimec king that the Toltecs should ever be a
perfectly free and indei>endent people, owin<f no allejfi-
utice whatever to the Chichimecs, althou^^h the two
powers would enter into an alliance for nuitual defense
and assistance. The advice of the aj^ed and venerated
counsellor was of course accepted without objection; in
fact, as f>ictur«'d by the Spanish writers, Toltec history
is for the most j)art but a record of saj^e counsels of
wise rulers cheerfully acquiesced in by an appreciative
iuul ohlijfinj^ people. Ambassadors of the hi«(lust
rank, laden with gifts of value, were dispatched by the
shortest routes to the court of Huehue Tlapnllan —
notwithstanding the implied vicinity of some Chichi-
mec nations — where Icauhtzin*" occupied the throne.
Tile mission was entirely successful. The second son
of the king, still a young man, whose name in his own
country is unknown, was with the required stipula-
tions, brought back by the embassy and crowned at
Tollan under the name of Chalchiuh Tlatonac," 'shin-
in<( precious stone.*
The young king, by reason of his fine personal ap-
pearance, his character, intelligence and amiability,
Icottt-
'« IrlUhnrhill. Cftllod also Achcaiihtzin, Cahrera, Tcatro, p. 95.
i\n, Vrtflin, toiii. i., p. 3«l.
" 'J'orqiirintu/a, totn. i., p. .S7; Ciariffrro, turn, i., p. \'27; Ilrnssciir <lr.
Ilnurlmiifi, Hint. Nat. Civ., torn, i., p. 215. ('Iiulchiiiiitlatirtziii, or <1ml-
<iiiiihtliit<mac. Vetitia, toni. i., pp. 2.33, .SOI. (.'hiilchiiilitlaliiipxt/in, IxlUl-
.3U3. TIalcliiiihtlanelzin. lioturiiii, in />»'■. I list. Atrx., Hdric
iitm, torn. I., pp.
forhitl, p. .393. TIalcliiiihtlanelzin. lioluriiii, in />«<•. IIUl. M<x.
iii., torn, iv., p. 2.30. IxtlilxocliitI hcchih to imply, in another part of hin
writiii;!H, Hint. Chick., p. 207, that the king wiih vlioHcn unions the Toltecu
tlienis«!lvo8. This Sr Pininntcl, in IHrr. Univ., toni. .x., p. <>ll, deeniH
much mure probable than tho course iudicutvd in the other accounta.
240
THE TOLTEC PRIllOD.
seems to have prettily pleased from the first the people
over whom he was called to rule. The events related
above, the settlement at Tollan and the connection of
the first king, must be attributed to the first quarter
of the eighth century, between 710 and 720." Im-
mediately after the accession of the young monarch, a
law was established by him and his counsellors to the
effect that no king should reign more than fifty-two
years, but at the expiratioii of this term should uh-
dicate in favor of his eldest son," whom he miglit,
however, still serve as adviser. Should the king die
before the allotted time had elapsed, it was j)rovidtd
that the state should be ruled during the unexpired
term by magistrates chosen by the j)eople. in addi-
tion to the inherent improbability of such extraordi-
nary legislation, it should be noted that subsequent
events, even as related by Ixtlilxochitl, do not in all
cases agree with it. Its meaning can oidy be con-
jectured; it is noticeable, however, that the time
allotted to each reign was exactly a cycle of fifty-two
yeai*s, and it is not altogether unlikely that a custom
prevailed of alluding m tlie pictured annals to eaih
cycle by the name of the most famous king whose
reign fell withii- the period. The next event, and the
only one particularly recorded in the reign of ( 'hal-
chiuh Tlatonac, was his marriage. Realizing the
importance of providing for heirs that the tly nasty
might be perpetuated, he left the choice of a wife en-
tirely to his subjects, much to their satisfaction, as in-
dicating a desire on the part of royalty to please the
people. The choice fell upon a beautiful daughter of
Acapichtzin. The latter had himself been a favorite
candidate for royal honors when a kingdom was first
proposed, and wjvs thus rewarded l)y seeing his
daughter raised to the dignity of first Toltec queen.
" 503 or 510 or 509 or 55ti. Ixtlilxuc/iitl. 700, ct scq. Torqucnuidn.
713-19. Vcytia. BroHseur has 718. 670, ct scu. MiiUn: AH the (lutliori-
ties agree on 7 Acutl aa the date of the establishment of the kiii;,'(!oni.
Clavigcro interiircts the <lttte as 667.
" See vol. ii., p. 140.
THE KINGDOM OF TOLLAN.
247
e people
) rulatod
ection of
; quarter
).»» Im-
Diinrch, a
trs to t\ie
fii'tv-two
tiouUl ab-
le mii;l>t,
) kinj? tlie
provi«k'\
unexi)ire(l
In addi-
extraortli-
mbsequent
) not in all
ily be con-
the time
,f iifty-two
.t a custiMii
ivls to each
in*' whose
[nt, and the
In of C'hal-
klizinjj; the
lie dynasty
a wife eii-
ption, as ia-
pleasc the
lavijjjhter ot
. a favorite
a was first
seeing his
lltec queen.
Torquemado.
i\l t\ic iiutlion.
the kiiisji'-""'-
TIjo Olmec, Xicalanea, and other Toltec nations had
voluntarily given their allegiance to the monarch of
ToUan, who reigned long and pn)Mperou8ly for fifty-
two years, when ho died and was buried in the chief
temple in 7 Acatl, or about 771 A. D."
Thu8 in the record ]>re8erved by the Spaniflh
writers, all participat.on in the new numarchy by
other Chichimec Toltec tribes than those in and
alH)ut Tcdlan, is altogether ignored. The Olmecs and
other pre-Toltec nations are represented as having vol-
untarily ortered their allegiance, new towns founded
by colonists sent out from Tollan and Tulancingo
became of course tributary to the new kingdom, and
it is even admitted that ]M)werful Chichimec nations
were established not far distant, and were regarded
with some anxiety in view of probable future events
until the danger was averted by the selection of a
Chichimec prince as king, and the eonsecpient trans-
formation of their ""«ls into allies. TUa altsence of
any further mention of these allied and friendly na-
tions throughout the whole period of Toltec history
is certainly most extraorilinary, and might bo sutti-
oient in itself to arouse a susjdtion that in the records
from which this account was drawn the Jilngdom of
Tollan was given unmerited prominence while its
allies and rivals were intentionally denied their share
in the glories of the Toltec enij)ire. This suspicitm
seems to be to a considerable extent confirmed by
'« WIS A. T»., ftcc'inliiig to Mlilxodn'tf, p. 4!ift. On the c8tiihliH]iiiii>iit of
the Toltecu in Tollnu i!ii(i the rei;;n i»f tlio first kiiif;, mw. IxtlilxorhiU, in
KiitgsliorouqKs Mcx. Aiifi'/., vol. i.\., itp. '2tKJ-7, ;»-"i-5, XVi, 392-3, 450,
45S, 4f>(); V'njdn, Hist. Ant. M<j.. toiii. i., it|i. IMI-S!*; Clnriijrro, Storia
A)if. (Id Mr.mico, torn, i., pp. 12(5-7, torn, iv., pp. 4(!, 51; Sahaijuti, hist.
(h'li., toni. iii., lib. x., pi>. n)«-15, 145, lib. xi., ji. 312; Tori/iiemada,
Mimarn. Iiirl., torn, i., pp. 37, 254; ttoturini, lilrn, pp. 77, l.W; /(/. , in
hue Hint. Afrx., H«5rie iii., toni. iv., p. 230; Gmttnrti, Com/. Mrx., fol. 299;
Motoliiiia, Hist. ItKlios, in Icazhalrctn, Col. ilr J tor., tont. i., ]t. 5; Vftan-
rrii, Tifitro Mcr., pt ii., p. 11; Cnhrrrn, Triitro, p. 5)5; Arlnjiii, Chrtiti.
'/Mctilccns, p. C; Bramieur de Bowrhourff, Hist. Nat. Civ., toin. i., p. 209,
etwrj. ; Orozco y Berra, Gcogrufia, |t. 138; Prrsroffs Mrx., vol. i., jip.
12-13; Miilkr, Amerikanische "Urrrlittioiivn, p. .524; Mnyir's Mrx. Aztec,
etc., vol. i., p. 95; Chevalier, Mexiqw, p. 55; Gonilra, in I'trscolt, Hist.
Conq. Mix., torn, iii., p. 20; Schonlrrafls Arr/i., vol. v., p. 95; Walderk,
Voy. Pitt., p. 46.; Pimentel, in Dice. Univ., toni. x., pp. 010-11.
248
THE TOLTEC PEltlOD.
i ]
P
I i
the two Nahua documents already referred to."
These authorities rehite suhstautially tlie same course
of events as tlie others, and refer them to approxi-
mately ti\e same date; they tell us of the original
theocratic rei)ublic ruled by independent chieftains
\/ho were subordinate to a central sacerdotal power;
the «.letermi!ia''Jon finally reached to adopt a mon-
archical foriii of government; and the choice of u
kinjjf, A'ho does not seem to have been one of the
tribal chieftains. But they attribute these acts to
several more or less doselv j»'lied nations, of whiili
that established at Tollan was only one, and not the
chief The sacerdotal supremacy attributed to the
priesthood of Tollan under the name of Huemaii,
was really exi-rcised by tlie priests of the sun at
Teotihuacan; there were the deliberations held; and
there jjrobably did the first kinj^ receive the rites of
coronation. The leadiiiy" nation in ^\nahuac at the
time was that of the C'hichimec Culhuas under Mix-
cohiiatl ^fazatzin; those at Tollan and Quauhtithiii.
and perhaps others whose name has not been |)i(!-
serveil, haviiiw- been les« ])owerful allies. The choice
of the chiefs fell upon Nauhyotl, or Xauhyotzin, as
the first Tolttc kiny', and havinu^ been crowned |)iiih-
ably at Teotihuacan, he established his capital at
Culhuacan, then, as for a lony- time after the me-
tropolis of Aniihuac, in II C'alli, or 7'21 A.I). Of
Nauliyotl's family and previcais rank nothiiin' is
known. Whether he was a princti hiyli in rank in
a foit'ii,ni land, identical with the C'lialchiuh Tlatonac
of IxtlilxdchitI, or, as Hras.seur conjectur(>s, sprnnj;
from the union of a initive jirincess of the piv-Toltec
H'ibos and a ( 'hi«'liimec ( 'iillniii chief, we have no
means ot' determining. He was the .irst, so far as
(!an be known, to assume tlu; titles Tlatoani ami
Topiltzin,'" both of which iMidured to the time of the
'i (^oilcr ('/iiiiiii//iii/i'icti. ami Mciuorinl ilr ('u/hutii-nii, iw citi'il liv ltm«
8(>ur do ItiKirliiiiir^'.
"i Uosia-ctiiig tlifse titles sou vol. ii., j)|). lSO-7, !JOl, vol. iii., i>. -i'M
KINGDOM OF QUAUHTITLAN.
249
Conquest, the former signify inj^ 'lord' or 'monarch,'
and iniplyiniLf the hiifhest rank in matters temporal,
!us the latter in matters spiritual, corresponding^ very
nearly with that of 'pope' in Catholic countries.
The close connection hetween church and state in all
the Nahua nations has been frequently pointed out in
this woik: as the Abhe Brasseur says, "the enq)ire
and the priesthood were one, and the ritual was the
haseofthe throne. In order to finnly estahlish the
monarchy, and ensure the fruits of their ct>n<juests,
the Toltecs must rule not only the lt(»'lies hut thi; con-
st'ii'iice of their subjects. \V'l;«n'e ptiNi-a.sion and the
iin)M»sinii spectacle of reli»»'i()us ceremonies were oi' no
avail, violence and terror were resorted to, and insensi-
l)ly tlu' peo[tKs of Mexico adopted the civilization of
their master^ together with their superstitious rites.""
hi 72.") Ciiicon Tonatiuh, assumed tlu; title of Tla-
toaiii and became kintf of Quauhtithin. |»roltal)ly in
some deijfree .sulntrdinate to ilie kini;" at fullnuu-an.
The first mention by these authorities of a kin*'- in
Telhiu is to the effect that Mi.xeohuatl Mazatzin was
caHed to that throne in 75'2. Meantime t>ne of Mix-
cohiiatrs sons, named Te.vcatlipocatl, afterwards deified
as Te/.eutlipoca, had founded the dominion ot" Tezcuco,
and another son, named like his father Mi.xeohuatl,
hut hetter known and afterwards woi'shiped as ( 'aniax •
tli, had continued the con(|Ui!sts oi' the .Mixeohuas on
the eastern plateau of Huitzila]>aii. or Tlasealu.'" In
7;').'{ ("liieoM T<»nMtiuh who had died two years before,
was sueeeedt'd in Qiii. htitlan by Xiuhnel; tin; new
kiiitj was uuirden'd tioon after by his subjects, or as
the tradition his it, was stabbed through the liver by
I' ///vA Xiit. I'ir., (tim. i., p. '.»2:.
'■' 'Oil rcjiimlii aii^si coiimu' di's ilii-uv <'uiii»xt!f «'t 'IVzi'atIiinii-ti(|ni vin-
mil (Ic I'liicidnil ; umis ccs itn'^tciiilu^ diniv i-laiciil n;iii» ilmiti' iIcm I'tichan-
it'iir-^ iliitliolii|ii' s ft iHiNsi'dcH ilii ilfiiiiiii, i(ui |ifi\«'ititfiit tiiuio ccs iiatiniiK '
I'aiiinrijii. Ili.s{. T/ii.i.,\u Xdiiri/li.s Aiiiin/'i i/i.', I'nif, |si;{, loiii. "vcviii.,
|>. l-tC). 'Kilcroii ^riiiiilcs ('!i|iitiilit'^ t'st'iir/;ai|i>!« \ ciitiv i-llos vali-nixns luini'
lircs; 111!* iiiialost McriKii-ariiii imh ;;ia(lii i> |«iir I'lici/a aiiut'llas l'r>'V iin ia.>< lU'
Mcxirii, 'I'l'lzciu'ii y Tliixi'alu, ruyiw |iro|ii<i» iiatiirali'M a liuliitjulon-t v al»«>*
rii,'i'ii('^ crai' la.'' jr.'iiteH 41IU Me lliiiiiuii Otlmmit^s.' Lius I'^mik, H^^\t. Apnlo-
yi'ttai, MS., t-ttji, 12J,
1. 1
ii»r'"
250
THE TOLTKC; PERIOD.
( '
I . I
a native woman in whoso arms ho waa sloepinj;^. A
revolt f'ollowod, by which tho Toltoc ]«)wer in that
province was t<!mporarily overthrown hy thealjorij^'iiijil
inliul)itants, whoever they may have heen. In 707
Nanhy(»tl, kiiii,' at (yulhuacan, <lie<l and was succeeded
hy Totcjpeuh, identical with Mix(H)hua ( 'amaxtii, also
known aw XonohnalcatI, and whost; lather was at
the time reiirniiiL,'' at Tollan. Early iti the reiij^n of
Totepiiiih a wide-spread war is vaLfUely reported as
havintf Ikm-m wa^fed chieHy in the rej^'ions outside the
valley. In this war the original inhahitants of tiu,'
c<)untry, the Titltec; tribes already s«;ttled there, ami
newly arrived ('iiichim»'C hands an- va'-utly men
tiorusd as tlu; comhattants; X<»chitzin, a hea.utitiil
piincfSH |ioss(!ssi!d of supernatural jiowers, or at l< ast
holilin;,'' comnuMiicatioii with the i,''ods and rc^ardid us
an oracle, was the jtriuK- mover in this war; lluactii
was th(! most promii»'-nt hadcr. in full syni|)atliy ii|i
parently with the Toltec sovorei'^'n; and at the ind nf
tln! strife Huactli married Xochit/in and hecanit;
kin,!.,'" of the ro cstahlislH^d dominion of (^uanhtitlaii in
H(»4. 'riiirtcon yarM later aft<i- a lon;^' n-i'/n Mi\<H
huatl Ma/atzin, kiuLf of Tojlun, dii'«l. M*- li;u! htni
a very famous warrioi-, one of the ni<ist proiniiKiit nf
all the Toltec chieftains in AffiUmac, ;ihd wu^ hi ;itti r
years worshi[»ed as one of tJi*' '/"(Is of war.'"' Hiss
successor was lluet/in, whom I^Hss<!ur conj(Mtun> fo
have l)een a son of the late kin^' and identical with
TezcatlijMica.
Keturni.i!4' now to the other version of Tohc*-
history we harn that after the death «if the first
kiuLC of Tolhiii, his son l.xtlilcinM'hahuar m(»untcd the
throne.^' His rci;^n, like that of his pr(!dec(;.ssor, was
'» Sf<' vol, ii . i.|), .Tr> «, X>\-'2, vol. iii., pp. 118, Vf.i ♦'.
w Ixllilniri'lialiiliii', (ifliiTwiw^ calU'il T/iiratrriitl, Tlailcciill. .'iml Tin-
rliinot/ill, ill 771 A. !). Vtiflin, tnin. i., p •.'.'tl. Ms I ill, tun hilt, Ji I.Vl.
I \liui'rlialiili-\i' iir 'I'/acalratI, WW hi . p. .■rii.'>. Ixtlilriniliaiiar m llaltc
r.itl Hurt/ill. III.. |>. :<<,i:<. Tlil'i Iialiiiai' I'lali liiriiilt/jii, :,~-i. Iil., p. '.llT
'riili|iic ( 'liaiicatlaliiiiollxiii. fit , p. tW. Aixlilcui i lialnia)'. yrlnnni-l.
Tiiili'i MiJ- , pt ii., p. II. "I'.t A. I>. ('In n,). Ill, loin, i . p I'.i7 Wa-
u-mmu\i ill (Jtiii. /tiiliiiiiii, Ji/iii, p. I,T.(, 'I'lii' prnrdiii^' haicliy ronlirin-
TFIE TKOAMOXTLI. OR DIVfNK BOOK.
|)(!jic(!ful and proHperou.s; Imt the only ovont r('((»i<k'(l
vvjiH a nuMitinj;; of all the Ha<^L'.s under the (liii;ction of
till' ;i'j<(| Huenian, which took place only a fow yeaiH
Itcforc the end of the second kint^'s term of oftict!. At
this asMcinhly th«,'re were hroni^dit forward all tin; Tol-
tcf rcconls reachini^ l)a<"k to tlu; earliest periixl of tlicir
existence, and from these docunx'nts, aftt-r a lon^' con-
ferenee and the most careful study, tlie Tcim nin.rlli, or
hook of (io<l,' Wiix pnipared. In its pfiLftis were; in-
scrihed the Nahua annals from the tinu; of the deiu^'-e,
(ir even from the creation; to^f^ether with all tlieir re-
ligious rites, Lfctvc'rninental system, liiws and social
customs; tlu.'ir knowledt^e respec'ino' a^^ricidt ure and
all the arts and sci(;nces, j)articular attention iK-in^'
^■iven to astroloucy ; and a e(tuiplet(? explaiuition of
tlirir mo(l(!S of re<-koninjjf lim»! iiud interpreting- the
! MToo'lypliics. To the diviue hook wasaddecl a cli;i,|>-
tir of jtrophecies respectinj^' future evc^nts and the
si^^ns hy which it should he kn(»\\ii when tlie time of
tlicir fulfillment w.is drawinj^ near.
After the c<»nipletit»n of the Teuanioxtli, lineman,
iii'W three hun<lrt:d years old, annoimce*! his appi'oaeh-
iii'^ "lid and ma.de known to the Toltecs tlieir future.
After ten rycles had elapsed fVum the- time when they
left Hueliue 'riii]»allan. they uere to he ruled hy a
V\\\)f whose vvr\\X, to the royal power woidd not he un-
liisputed amt»n<4' his suhji-cts. From his mother's
woinh he would have «tjrtain p<rHonal peculiarities hy
\\lii<'h he mi^hl hi; known; his curl\ hail' wouhl
ii^sunie the form of a mitit^ or tiara. The earlitir
vt-aisof his reio-n wen; to he years of o-rojit prosperity;
his lull' Would lie wise, just, and ahle. In inid<lle life
th' kini,' would ahandon the ways of wi.sdom and
virtue, Lriviiitj himself up to all manner of vice
1. .KJihif infiillihly to di.->.ister; and w<»isl of all his
MihjretH wotdfl imitate his vicious eonduct and share
lli.i— iMir'n Htikti'Kii'iit thiit ' tontrx t(". Iti'IutionH tt'IxtlilMirlntl ruiicuriliMii
III ;iM'(' If ( ',m1i>\ ) !hiiiiul)> , |Hiiii (iniiiici' Ic iMMii ■!<■ Iliict/in an .hiiiiimI i<ii
'li T'lllaii ' Thi.H JH u (iri'ltv \,\\v ->i(iii|ili' ol tii' iIiIh'"- ii'ti'lrin i-h
^'r\
i %\ I
1 1
1
1 1
i!
252
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
in his inisfortunes. Great calamities were to come
upon the Toltecs, sent by Tloque Nahuaque, the ^reat
God, and like unto these with which their ancestors
were afflicted in the remote past. Finally the king-
dom was to be destroyed by civil wars, and the king,
driven from his possession, after nearly all his sub-
jects had ijerishod, was to return to the ancient home
of their race, there in his later years to become once
more wise and discreet. Yet a sign was not denied
this fati'd people; for certain unnatural phenomena
were to ainiounce their destruction as drawing nififh.
When the rabbit should have horns like a deer, and
the huinming-bird be found with spurs, and stones
yield fruit; when the priests of the temples should
forget their vows of chastity with noble ladies, pil-
grims to the shrines of the god — tlien might they
look for the fulHllment of Huenian's predictions; for
lightnings and hail and snow, for famine and pesti-
lence and devouring insects, to be followed by desolat-
ing wars. F(»r such as escaped these disasters, or for
their desoundunts, aiiotiier visitation of divine wrath
was reserved in the I'orm of a foreign people from the
east, who ten cycles later were to take possession of
the country in fulHllment of the words of the ancient
prophet Quetzalcoatl. No further information is
given of Hueman's death or of Ixtlilcuechahuac's
rule.
Huetzin, the third king, was crowned, according
to Veytia's chronology, in H'J.'i,^* a date that very
nearly agrees with that givun in the other version, or
817. Totepeuh,*'^ the fourth, elsewhere mentioned as
second king at Culhuacan, took the throne from his
father after fiftv-t^Vo years; and handed it down after
a like jjeriod to his own son Nacaxoc,*^ the fifth moii-
»' (MM), or Ol.'V IxtUlxuchitl, wlio also writes the iiutnc Hiictziii Tott'|i(Mili
uiul lliiitxiii. "71. C/(iri</ero.
w T()te|iuiih and TotepoulKjue. IxtlUxorhitl, pp. 320, 400; on p. ISO liis
rc\\t,n is ijiiiored.
" Niu'iizxoc. Turiiueinuda, and Veto newt. Nocaxzoch, Nacalxiir,
Naciixoc MitI, iukI Nacuzxot. Ixtlilxochitl, who on pp. 450 and 39.'i ciiIIh
liiiii the fourth kintr.
TOTEPEUH KING OF TOLLAN. 9I8
arch at ToUan, wlio was in turn succeeded l>y Mill in
971)." These reigns, the last of which histed fifty-
nine years, wore marked l)y tlie occurrence of no
event specially important, though in all great prog-
ress was made, new towns founded, old cities heauti
lied, and new tein|)les huilt, including one of great
magnificence cat Quauhnahuac ((-ueniavaca, ])ossil)ly
Xochicalco) and another at Tollan intended to rival
tliat of the Sun at Teotihuacan, Avhich city is inci-
dentally admitted to have surpassed I'ollan in extent
and magnificence. During this period tlie Toltec i>ower
was firndy established over a hro.ul ttriitory, and
there were yet no tokens of approarhiiig destruction.'"'
In the annals of (/ulhuacan we left Totepeuh on
the throne. His first mihtary expedition was di-
rected towards the eastern plat(\*vu, where ( "lialehi-
uhapan, later Thtscala, seems to have been foinided at
about this time, and whi-re this king was afterwards
worshiped under his name of Caniaxtli, In his next
expecbtion, to the province of lluit/naluiac, In. en-
countered, defeated after many fruitless iittempts,
and filially married a bold ])rincess C'hinndmaii, who
fought entirely naked at the head of a l)«)dy of am-
azons. 'I'jie concpiest of ( 'uitlahuai^ next claimed bis
atteiiti<iii, for this was the oidy city on tbi; lakes that
had been able to withstand the power of jiis latlier
and predeces.sor. To this city and this jx liod iJras-
seur traces back the fouiidati
on
»f till' Nabiial
Teteuetin, an order of ehivaby, wheiiee ]>iii(i;edetl
the highest titles of learning and noliilitv, down to
tl
le coining o
I the Si
»annu<ls.
Q
lleen
CI
uinal
*' ]'ii)/i,i. \Y}7 ti ntriUuti \n Clitviftrrii. H'2'2 or 7r>S uri'iinliii^ to TriUl-
rnrliiil, who culls liiiii Tliiroinilniii on |i|i. '.>07. tt>0, iiiitnc- liiin uh lit'lli kin;;
nil |i. .■{'.>;{, und i;4iHii«,'s lii-i n'i;;ii mi |> \M.
•'' I""!' Ilio annals of 'rollun iliinn;; lliis |i(<iioil sec l.illil.rtchiil, ]i|). 'J(>7,
't-'i •;, ;t'.t;{, 4."((l, ICiO; I'n/hn, U>ui. i.. |i|i. •.'.Hit .VS; l'itr>ii,
till, tl
:17. (7,
nijirn, toin. l., )>|
l.'T
Si ill
111)1111. toni. III.
Iil>
III. I., |i
1'
111; lloiil-
riiii, !,/ni, ],|,. lH<)-40; V'rtitiirrrt, Tmlro V'j., |>. II; Miillrr, .tmniknu-
ta/ii- Vrrilniiinici), p. rr?l.
""('Iiirf iiinonK mIiIcIi titlt's WHS lliat of Tcfulitli, n's]M!ctiiij{ wliicli hoc
\ol. ii., |ip. l<J4-'JiH».
:\-
i
■|4^|-.
254
Tilli TOLTEC PERIOD.
man, beconiin;^ enceinte immediately after marriage,
dreamed that she bore in her bosom a chalchiuite, or
precious stone, and decided to name her son, pre-
destined to a glorious career, Quetzalcoatl Chalchiuitl.
At his birth, which occurred nine months later, the
heir was named also Ceacatl, ])robably from the
day on which he was born. In addition to his
mother'.i dream and the auguries drawn from it, tlic
fact that Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl united in his veins
the ik'bUjst blood of the Toltecs and the pre-Toltc»
peoples, gave special import to his birth, and the
event was celebrated with great pomp at C/ulhuacan,
and gifts of great value were sent from all direc
tions.^^ 831) is the approximate date to which Ce-
acatl Quetzalcoatl's birth is referred; his mother
died in childbed, and the child was entrusted to the
king's sister Cohuatl, a priestess of the temple, ])er-
liaps the same as Cihuaccatl, or Cioacoatl, after-
wards (leiHed as the goddess of childbirth.^" In 84.')
King Totepeuh Nonoiiualcatl himself, now far ad-
vanced in years, was murdered by conspiring nobles
under the leadership of Aj)anecatl, Zolton, and Cuil
ton; he was succeeded by Yohuallatonac, and at the
same time Huiitimal, a name that bears no resem-
blance to that of Huetzin's successor according to
the Spiinish writers, - took Huetzin's ])lace on the
throne of Tolian. Brassr-ur believes that liuetzin left
Tollan to become king at Cidhuacan, and that he Wiis
the same as Yohuallatoiiac. It must be noted that
the confused state of the aboriginal annals is due not
only to the incom})letene8s of the native records — maiiv
having been destroyed juul the errors of interpret-
ers, but also largely to the unfortunate custom of
the Xahua ]>coples of giving numy names to the sann'
person, and nmltiplying names apparently in prop(jr
'T 'On rt'li^brrt iU> gruiiili's {(^U'h h, la nuiHtMiiine de ( 'olehjM-iiviit.' Camnriio.
Ilisl. Tim- , Ml \ii>in\'/is .liiii(i/i:i itfx I'lii/., IHW, toiu. xoviii., p. 14<j. S«'
also iKiti' (i lit' this cliaiiter.
" Sw vol. «!., lip. M'J, 4:U, 008, vol, iii., pp. 350, 303,
VENGEANCE OF QUETZALCOATL.
265
tion to fame and rank. Tt is recorded that Ceacatl,
wliile yet a hoy, wreaked a terrible vengeance on the
ihe murderers of his father. The latter took refuge
ill the fortress of Cuitlahuac on one of the lake
islands deemed impregnable, but by a subterranean
|)!issa<fe leiuling under the waters, the prince and his
iolli)\vers gained access to I'ort and temple. The
leaders of the conspiracy were sprinkled with red
pej)pi'r' .iftor a preparatory flaying and mangling, and
(lying ill indescribable torture were sacrificed to the
nieiHoi y of Totepeuh, the first of the many thousand
victims subsecpiently ottered to the same divinity un-
der his name of Camaxtli. From this tinie nothinjj
whatever is reconled of Ceacatl for about twenty
years, until he re -appears under his name of Quetzal-
coatl as the most celebrated of the Toltec kings and
high-priests, afterwards deified like most heroes of
this early time.
The onlv event recorded before the re-appearance of
Quetzaicoatl is one of great importance, a convention
of the ])rinces and wise men of Aniihuac and vicinity.
At this assend)lage the system of governnient and the
laws of succession were ])erfected and as may be sup-
posed given substantially the form which they j)re-
sei'ved down to the Cotujuest; but the most imjiortant
net was the estaldishment of an alliance between the
crowns of Culhuacan, Otompan, and Tollan. Each
king was to be perfectly indei)endent in the affairs of
his own diunain; but in matters affecting the general
interests the three monarchs were to constitute a
council, in which the king of Culhuacan was to rank
Hrst, assuMiing a title nearly ecjuivalent to tliat of
Kniperor. ( )t<»mpan took the secoiul place and rollan
the third. This is the Hrst mentitui of Otonipan as a
iiij)ital, but since its doujain seems to have included
the territory of Teotihua(;an and Tezcuco, its promi-
nent jxtsition in the league is not improbable. The
e8tal)lishmeut of this alliance, or, a8 it may be more
■,
li
If *■■=
i.
2fi6
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
conveniently termed, empire, is referred to tlie date
1 Tecpatl, 856.*'
Ceacatl Quctzalcoatl re-appears in history, still fol-
lowin*^ tlio .same authorities, about the year 870, and
succeeded Iliuitinial as king of ToUan, assuniiiiijf the
title Topiltzin, on the death of that king in 873.** All
*• This nllianop rests altogether on tho Codex C/unialpopom unil Midi.
dc Cul/iiiiiniH. It is to tic noted tiiiit Hrusseur refers i-lcarly to Torqiit-
mndu, Muiitiri/. Iml., liii. xi., eap. 18, us uii authority, wliich chapter ruii.
taiiiH not a wonl Wearing; on tiie Hubjcet.
"> Ton|iieiiia(hi, Miniarq. Intl., toni. i., p. .37, rehites the succession of
the Tolter kind's at Tollun, agreeing substantially with the accounts of l\-
tlilxochiti, Veytia, and tiie rest. It is to lie noted, however, that on |ia;.'e
254 the same author gives another account, inextricalily confused, totallv
disagreeing with the preceding, hut agreeing in nioHt of its names, with
that derived iiy IJrasscur froiii the two records in his possession. Tiiis
proves that the version of the Toltec traditions followed liy Ihe Spanish
M-riters, referring everything to Tollan and ignoring all other .'Si.'ions and
kings, was not the only one extant when the Sjianiards came. It conliruiA
to a certain extent Itrasseur's account of other I'oltec nations and nionanli-i
iH'sidcs tiiose at Toilaii, and is therefore important. I translate this \cr-
sioii of the Iraditiou from 'roi'<|iicmada, without any .'ittcnipt to rcconi-ile
its many inconsistenrjcs willi itself and the versions already presented. It
has the appearance of a successive intcrprelatioii of ilic ri ids of distinct
kiM;.'doms, or distinct pi'riods. tacked together anil rcfcrn-d vaguely to 'I'dltce
history liy a writer who did not suspect the existence of any other power tliaii
tli.it at Tollan. 'When tiic Mexicans arrived in this region of Tnlla. it m.is
already settled liy many people; lieeause. a irdiiig to the truth as foiinil
in the iiiMst autlieiitie histories of these nali"'hs, in 7<M> A. M., they lie;,'a!i
to settle here. Tin ir tlrst captain, or leader, was nainei) Totepenli. who
lived a long and ti'aiii|uil life, licin;' a hold and famous eliicftain. At his
death those of the jirovinie of Tnlla raised to the tlirune another eai!i'c|
Topil |Toiiilt/in|. who rcigiieil fifty years and was succeeded liy lliieniiic,
nientioneil elsewhere in conneclion with the tricks of (^uetzalcohiiall.
I These are among the very last rulers in Tollan hy other aii'ounts.l I'hi.H
tueniac was a very powi'rfnl kin;^, who was much feared and caused liiiii-
gelf to lie worshiped as a god. lie went out from Tnlla to increase the ex-
tent of his kingdom, oecMpving himself throughout his rei^^n in gaining'
new provinces, preferring the hustle of war to the ((iiiet «if jieace. Hut
while he was engaged in wars aliroail the Toilet's made Nauh\ot/in kiiiu',
who was the second lord, and of (Miichiinee liirth. lie also left Tiillaii ami
marched towards this lake with a large nuinher of jieople to compier as
much as possilile of the territory therealKiuts. He reigned more than sixty
years, and at his death the kingdom was given totjuauhtexpetlati, [a nnn i'
not appearing elsewherel who ill his turn was followed hv lluctzin Nuno-
liiialcall [according to Itrasseiir, lliielzin ]irolialily siicceeih>il Nonohiialcatl
at ('nlliiiacan. All that follows ]ui>lialily helongs to the ( 'liichiniec pniml
much later, and ndates to the kings of Culhuacan]. After him rci'.'ni'il
Achit4imctl, and, afterwards, </naulitonal, and in the tenth year of his
rcigii the .Mexicans arrived at ( 'liaiiultcpcc; so that when the said Mexicans
were in the city or jirovincc of Tnlla, this prince was neither its kinj.'iir
lord (as lioniaia saysi. hut continuing the account and succession of ihcsie
Toltec kings, we say that the said .Achitonietl was sie cceded liy Ma/atzin,
[and no! hy Qnaulitonal as ahovc. This is unintelligilile. Mazatziii v:\;
CEACATL QUETZALCOATL
'o-ular order of succession to h ^k^*"' ^"'^ ^» *^e
Hccounts are inextrical.Jy conned hv'"""' ""^ *^«''-
l-av.n^ made no distinctir^ wtl^ 'T"." "^ *^^^'>
'"•'irinal culture-hero, and On T. ^^'^za'coatl the
n'ierofTo]htn,apn]yh "l^r .^^^'«'^t^. tJ^« pontiff
-n aJ the traditioL^'n^hi^^^^^^^ '^ ««« Pe"
wil ^ive first the reZ7Jrt ' .""""^ «^'«'urred. I
tmchtions. '^^"^^'^ Spanish version of these
Mendieta records *i i i.
''on of Camaxtii and A *'^i'^''«» tlmt he was tho
^^> t/;e effect that'^i^^.^C^j;"' '"'^ ^^^ -'the
•swallowing, a cJmlchiuf^r w i, ri"" ^'^^-''-^ by
sNveop.no.; but other authonl; '^^ *^""d when
-n coast, nK.st of them a 'reS'''''"^^" '^^^ east-
' inuco as the locahtv j!P "^"'^ *'" ^J^e re^on of
•"•'■"r.linfftoRm.ssoiir thofir«f I.- ''^ ' '^"' ^oni-
i ^i
953
Tin: TOhTKC PERIOD.
1
i
!
plexiuii, with lon;^ l»lack hair" and a full beard.
Bare as to his head and I'eet, he wore a lon^ white
robe ornamented with Mack flowers, according to
Las Casas, or with M.-uk or red crosses, as otlitr
writers say, supportin<>f his steps with a staff. He
was austere in manner, but in character all that 'm
good, and gentle, di8aj)i)roving all acts of violence
and blood, and withal most chaste, neither marrying
nor knowing women. With him was a large coin-
})any of artists and men learned in every branch of
science, whom some of the authors seem to consider
a colony from a foreign land. Froni IMnuco Quetz.il
coatl, with his companions, came to Tollan alter
having tarried for some time, as Camargo tells us, at
Tulancingo. Ho was at first received by the Toltecs
with much enthusiasm, and during his stay in Tollan
filled the position of high-])riest or supreme spiritual
ruler. His rule was mild, but he insisted on a strict
performance of all religious duties, and subje<'tc<l
liimself to severe penances, such as the drawing of
blood from tongue and limbs by means of maguey-
thorns. He was not without supernatural powers,
since his announcojnents made by a crier from tJie
top of a neighboring mountain could be heard for a
distance of three hundred miles. He introduced
many new religious rites, including the practice of
fasting and the drawing of blood from their own
body by penitents, also according to some authorities,
the establishment of convents and nunneries, and the
sacrifice of birds and animals; to human sacrifices he
was ever opposed. He was a patron of all the arts
and sciences, which in his time reached their highest
state of development." Finally, Quetzalcoatl left
Tollan and went to Cholula, which city with others
X BriMHCur, toin. i., p. 23.5, iniHiiitorprctint; Tnr(|ucniuda, toiii. i. |'
25.5, calls him blonde; in another pluce, tuni. ii., |>. 48, Tuninciiinilu (li>'
tinctiv stutcH that he has blui-k hair.
^ The invention of the culcndur attributitl to him by Mcndictn, //'«^
Sfitea., pp. 07-K, Saliuunn, Hint. Oen., torn, ii., lib. vii., p. 2G4, and otiicrs
Hhould evidently be referred to the (juetzalcoati of other times.
■ ■■■!
r
FLIGHT OP QUETZALCOATL.
In." With havin,MbuncIed. T].rar ^f*^^''^-<^^-'di'
f hiH motives for aUndonin.r t'j,"'*' '"''"^^ ^^^r8io„«
t<' certain trouLJes between 1/T' "^'^'^ ^'''"^^''n,..,
J-'tfc r assmnod the form of ^czcfttl.poca, the
fV-so that mnnyrJn\:i\l'f/^>!^--''-<^ the sp^eta
<';^ ;'I>|K>nont from tow,, to t, un'"''"?-'/,"^ ^"'•^"^d
^'"''"'••^' -'• J'o was driver "a v'u"';' ^•^\ '•^''^''h-ci
•^o'vcror named Titlacmlo" or TJH^ V'"" ^'''^'^'^ «^ «
P<'<"-^d m tJ.e form of a, c^d rLn TT' '"''" "'*■
l'i^^'-,s„a«,„n the nuurwi..^ •„ , '7"; % dmt of much
-vol], to drink aC ^. 'e'wh; ,^-'*-i-at who ^^h
ecrnnended to act as a nure t i^ 't ^'"^,^»-""^'J't, re-
f" ;o r.ulqno, the hi.d.-pnw:. ^''"^ V^*-'^"'"- I>'-oved
tl'o .mnent country of Tim » I ' "^ ^'"'^ h ^oiinr to
J<7^^. The othe^rcksTtsr ''■'"'''' '^'^'«'" '^'^
' t^'^'y «eem to helonir to he h. r"''\ ''''' "'«"y.
;'ltcc empire rather *thL t, ) ^f^'-^y -^ thj
;'^f''"y details are tfiven o F h i^T^'^^'^'^'^tl's time
---;'« T|apaIhu,'of ?ho pte^f '■^"'T''^ J"""-'>'
!«'-^-^^'<l, und the wonderfU tn / •'■?'^'^^ ^''""^^'i^ i>o
;« ^'onerally credited wkhT ''^""'' ^'*^^ J-'t. He
"-' -t Q^uhtitla Id wfth "f ^^"'''7<^ - «I'o
.^'7^ at Cholula, whe.r ho\ ''""^' ''^'^'^ «ou.e
;^'"';vhere in after yelrs his T T-^'^''^''^^ J'^>I'"J"'-.
'Host devoted followers R, •"^V'"^'^ '^^""*i thei,'
IT'l ;"'^^ *^-' ^.o^nmnct ;^^'''f onen.y,^.:^^^
'; '^^'t out acrain „» ^. ''\!"^'*^"'^. ^nd ho was for.-ed
^ Anally SisapZ^CZ'c'^'''\^'''^l^^^
after j.rodictino- the fnfnl ^"'^ /^"a^acoalco remo„
";-'.^-n. thetast I w" •v"^°^' '-''^^'J 'K'
'^"t''"o of the traditions '^ ''" ^^'''^ ""'j a hriel'
;-,- H full ace! un Ta. hl:/'''^^ Qu-tzal/oatl '
^^-.towhiehtheirr;iS^'"^-^^^-
IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)
/.
:/j
1.0
1.1
us
1.25 1.4 1.6
L— 6"
►
vl
^
h.
7
Photographic
Sciences
Corporation
23 WIST MAIN STRUT
WiBSTER.N.Y. MSSO
(716) S72-4503
^
i
.>^^
6/
<^
260
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
The supposition that Quetzalcoatl was a member of
the Toltec royal family and reigned as a king at Tol-
lan, together with the evident confounding in the
traditions as recorded by the Spanish writers of two
distinct persons named Quetzalcoatl,"* remove most of
the difficulties connected with this famous personage,
the second of the name. It seems to me most prob-
able that the traditions relating to Quetzalcoatl's
foreign origin or his long absence in distant parts of
the country, his arrival at Pdnuco, and his final dis-
appearance in the south — although these are all ac-
cepted by Brasseur — should be referred to the Quet-
zalcoatl of primitive times. The young pnnce, unable
for some unrevealed reason, to obtain after his arrival
at years of discretion the crown of his murdered
father, retired to some city in or near Andhuac, prob-
ably Tulancingo, where he first comes into notice, to
bide his time. Here he settled on his future policy
including some religious reforms, communicated with
powerful friends throughout Anahuac, and perfected
his plans for recovering his lost throne. Some crosses
and other relics seen by the Spaniards in the mountains
of Meztitlan, were attributed by native tradition to
Ceacatl's residence in Tulancingo.** Such was the
force of his claim as son of Totepeuh, and such the in-
fluence of the religious dogmas zealously promulgated
by him and his disciples, that at last on the death of
Ihuitimal, perhaps his brother, he was raised to the
throne of Tollan, as has been said, in 873, under the
title of Topiltzin Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl
161-205; Mendleta, Hist. Eclea., pp. 82-3, 92-3, 97-8; Torqucmada, Mo-
narq. hid., torn, i., pp. 255, 282, 380, torn, ii., pp. 20, 48-52, 79; Ikmra,
Hist. Gi'u., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii.; Las Casus, Hist. Apologitim, MS.,
cap. 122, 173; Sahagnn, Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. iii., pp. 243-8, 25-9; Cla-
vigero, Moria Ant. del Messico, torn, ii., pp. 11-13; Gomara, Coiiq. Mcx.,
\lei
searches, pp. 154-5.
3S By calling them distinct persons it is nut necessarily implied that the
first Quetzalcoatl ever lin<l n real existence.
W Vtytia, Hist. Ant. Mej. , torn, i., pp. 171-2.
REIGN OF CEACATL.
aei
There is nothing in the Spanish version of the
Quetzalcoatl traditions by which to fix the epoch in
which he flourished. It is merely implied that Hue-
mac, his chief enemy, was temporal ruler at the same
tiine that he exercised the functions of high-priest,
and succeeded him in power. Huemac is identified
by Brasseur, not without some reason, with Nacaxoc,
the fifth king of the Spanish writers, whose reign is
represented by them as having been most peaceful
and uneventful. He is also known as Tezcatlipoca,
and was closely related Yohuallatonac,*^ the king of
Ciilhuacan. In the Codex Chimalpopoca he is called
both Huemac and Matlacxochitl.
After Quetzalcoatl had been about ten years on the
throne, opposition to his power, fomented by his ene-
mies from the first, assumed serious proportions. Sev-
eral causes are plausibly attributed by the records and
their interpreters to this opposition. The new pontifl'-
king had effected many innovations in religious cere-
monies. It does not appear that his doctrines differed
very materially from those entertained by his prede-
cessors, but the changes introduced by him had been
so readily admitted by reason of the popularity and
zeal of their author and his subordinates, as to excite
jealousy among the ecclesiastical powers. Most prom-
inent among his peculiar reforms, and the one that is
reported to have contributed most to his downfall, was
his unvarying opposition to human sacrifice. This
sacrifice had prevailed from pre-Toltec times at Teoti-
huacan, and had been adopted more or less extensively
in Culhuacan and Tollan. By Quetzalcoatl it was
absolutely prohibited in the temples of the latter
capital, and thus the powerful priesthood of Otompan,
and Culhuacan was arrayed against him. Again it
is thought that under Quetzalcoatl the spiritual power
always closely connected with the temporal in Nahua
governments, became so predominant as to excite the
jealousy and fears of the nobility in Tollan, who were
" Probably, as has been said, the same as Huetzin and Texcoltepocatl.
262
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
restive under a priestly restraint not imposed on their
brothers of corresponding rank in the other nations
of the empire. Finally, under the rule of Ceacatl,
ToUan had become the metropolis of the empire. It
does not appear that the terms of the alliance, accord-
ing to which the monarch of Culhuacan outranked
the others, had been changed; but in the magnifi-
cence of her palaces and temples, and the skill and
fame of her artists, if not in population, Tollan now
surpassed the cities of the valley, and thus naturally
was looked upon as a too successful rival. The dis-
satisfied element at home was headed by Huemac, or
Tezcatlipoca, who had perhaps some well-founded
claim to the throne, and received the support of the
allied monarclis. The ensuing struggle is symbolized
in the record of the Spanish writers by the successive
tricks of the necromancers; and the religious strife
between rival sects was continued with more or less
bitterness down to the latest Aztec epoch. Such was
Quetzalcoatl's repugnance to the shedding of human
blood, that he seems to have voluntarily abandoned
his throne against the wishes of his more warlike par-
tisans, and after a brief stay in Quauhtitlan, to have
crossed to the eastern plateau of Huitzilapan in 895.
Huemac, Tezcatlipoca, or Nacaxoc succeeded imme-
diately to the royal power in Tollan.^^
The teachings and influence of Quetzalcoatl had
preceded him among the Olmec nations of the east-
ern region. His father, under the name of Camaxtli,
had done more than any other to bring these nations
under the Toiu^c power, had founded the city after-
wards known a« Tlascala, and was perhaps already
worshiped as a deity. Moreover the Quetzalcoatl of
old had traditionally introduced Nahua institutions in
this region, where he was still the object of supremo
veneration. Whether the city of Cholula was actually
founded at this time or by the first Quetzalcoatl, it is
M 876. Clavigero. 927. Veytia. 770 or 716. Ixtlilxochitl.
CONQUEST OF CHOLULA.
969
impossible to determine * but the coming of Ceacatl
seems to have marked the beginning of a new era of
prosperity on the eastern plateau. Temples in honor
of Camaxtli were erected in Tlascala and Huexot-
zinco, while Cholula became the capital of what may
almost be termed a new Toltec monarchy. All the
southern and eastern provinces subject to the empire
during Ceacatl's reign at Tollan, gave in their adhe-
sion to him at Cholula. Large numbers of his parti-
sans also followed him from Tollan, and all the primi-
tive peoples, among whom human sacrifice in p^e-
Toltec times had been unknown, were glad to submit
to the royal high-priest. His reign in Cholula lasted
about ten years,*" and during this time his doctrines
are thought to have been introduced by disciples dis-
patched from Cholula into the southern regions of
Oajaca.
In 904 Yohuallatonac was succeeded in Culhuacan
by Quetzallacxoyatl, and Huemac, having subdued
by his strict and severe measures all open opposition
to his rule at home, but looking with much uneasi-
ness on the prosperity of Ceacatl in his new capital,
and the constant emigration of his own subjects east-
ward, resolved again to attack his former rival. At
the head of a large army he directed his march
towards Cholula. Quetzalcoatl as before, notwith-
standing the remonstrance of his people, refused to
resist his progress, but departed before Huemac's
arrival for other lands as before related. Cholula,
with the neighboring cities and provinces fell an easy
prey to the valiant Huemac; but so long did he
remain absent in his insatiable desire to conquer new
territory, that his subjects revolted and with the
co-operation of the king of Culhuacan proclaimed
Nauhyotl king about the year 930." Huemac did
^ 'lios que de C8ta ciiidod (Tollan) huyeron, cdificnron otra muy pr6»-
pcraque 8C lliiina Vholulla.' Saha;/Hit, Hut. Gen., \om. ii., lib. viii., ]». '207.
•• See retcrcnccs nlreudy given on Quetzalcoatl, and also lirasixvr de
llovrbonrg, HUt. Nat. Civ., toni. i., p. 2G5, ct mcci.
" This king is called Mitl and Tlacomthua oy Veytia and the rest.
964
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
not yield without a struggle. Returning westward
to defend his throne he met Nauhyotl on the lake
shores ; his army was routed and he was killed, or at
least disappeared. As Tezcatlipoca and under vari-
ous other titles he ever after ranked among the high-
est in the pantheon of Nahua divinities."
During the ensuing era of peace among the Toltecs
under Nauhyotl, or Mitl, and his allies, it seems that
Cholula regained its prosperity, re-established the
institutions and worship of Quetzalcoatl, and soon
rivaled in magnificence ToUan, Culhuacan, and Teoti-
huacan. Still remaining to a certain extent a part of
the Toltec empire, under the rule of the king at
ToUan, Cholula seems to have preferred from this
period a republican form of home rule, similar, if not
identical, to that in vogue on the eastern plateau at
the coming of the Spaniards.*' Four of Quetzal-
coatl's chief disciples were charged with the estab-
lishment of a permanent government, which they
entrusted to two supreme magistrates, one chosen
from the priesthood and exercising the functions of
high- priest under the title of Tlachiach or 'lord from
on high,' and the other from the nobility being at
the head of the civil government with the title
Aquiach.
The reign of Nauhyotl, or Mitl,** at ToUan was
one of great prosperity and peace. The new king
devoted all his energies to promoting the glory of
his capital city, where he re-established nearly all
the reforms instituted by Ceacatl and partially abol-
Dates: 927. Clavigero. Veytia, torn, i., p. 252, has 779, which may be a
misprint for 979. 822 or 768. Ixtlilxochitl. Hucmac's expedition eastward,
and the crowning of Nauhyotl, or Nanhyotzin, during tiis ul>scncc is re-
corded by Torqueraada, Monarq. Ltd., tom. i., p. 254, and Qoniura, Conq.
Mex., fol. 3U1, as quoted in note 30 of tiiis chapter.
*' KcsiKictiug lezcatlipoca, fables rcsiiecting his life on earth, and \m
wonihip as a god, see vol. iii., pp. 199-248.
« See vol. ii., pp. 141-2.
** Brasseur, Htst. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 322, says that Ixtlilxochitl in
one place calls this king Nauhyotl. Although I have been unable to fiiul
this statement in the works of the writer mentioned, yet there can be little
doubt of the two kings' identity.
REIGN OF NAUHYOTL.
266
ished by Huemac. He is represented as having
looked with some uneasiness on the growing pros-
perity of Cholula, and on the pilgrimages continually
undertaken by residents of Tollan to the eastern
shrines; but instead of resorting like his predecessor
to hostile measures, he determined to eclipse the
glory of Cholula by the erection of new and mag-
nificent temples at home. The finest of these tem-
ples was that built in honor of the Goddess of
Water,*' or the Frog Goddess , to which was attached
a college of priests vowed co celibacy. Meantime
the worship of Camaxtli and Tlaloc were more firmly
established than before at Tlascala and Huexotzinco,
and grand temples were built in several Toltec prov-
inces without Andhuac, particularly in the south, one
of the most famous being near Quauhnahuac, later
Cuernavaca, the ruins of which may be supposed with
some plausibility to be identical v.ith those of Xochi-
calco." After having restored Tollan to the position
it had occupied under Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl, Nauhyotl
died after a reign of fifteen years in 945.*'
All the authorities agree that Nauhyotl was suc-
ceeded at his death by his queen Xiuhtlaltzin,** who
reigned four years, showing great zeal and wisdom in
the management of public affairs, and dying deeply
regretted by all her subjects.*® The Spanish writers
name Tecpancaltzin as the successor of the lamented
<i Chalcliihuitlicuc, Toci, Teteionan, etc. See vol. iii., p. 350, et seq.,
p. 367, ct soj.
*" For (lc»cription of Xochicalco see vol. iv., pp. 48.3-94.
" On Naiilivotra reign, see IxtUlxochitl, in Kings()oroitgh''s Mcx. Antiq.,
vol. ix., pp. '207, 326, 393, 450, 4(J0; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mrj., torn, i., pp.
255-8; Torque niada, Monarq. Iiid., toni. i., p. .37; Clnvigcro, Storia Ant.
del Mcssico, tonj. i., p. 127; Vctancvrt, Teatro Mcx., pt ii., p. 11; Brasseur
de liourbonry. Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., pp. 319-31. The ilnte 945 ia from
the Vodcx Chimalpopoca. The SpaniHli writers make his reign much longer,
all except Clavigeru representing iiini as iiaviiig reigned, by the consent of
his subjects, several years over the time prescribed by law. 979-1035.
Vevtia. d'il-lO. Chvngero. 822-80, or 768-826. IxtUlxochitl. Torquemada
iiim Uomara, as quoted in note 30, state that this king also marched east-
ward at the head of a large army to add to his domain by conquest.
*s Also Xiuhquentzin, Aiuliquentzin, and Xiuhzaltzin, Jxthlxochitl, and
Xiuhtzaltzin, Vetatievrt.
*3 See references in note 47 and following pages of each authority.
96d
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
queen, referring to his reign and to that of his suc-
cessor the events which brought about the overthrow
of the Toltec empire. The Nahua records, however,
represent queen Xiuhtlaltzin as having been followed
by her son Matlaccoatl, who reigned from 949 to 973,
and who in his turn was succeeded by Tlilcoatzin,
ruling from 973 to 994, and preceding Tecpancaltzin,
respecting whose reign these records agree to a great
extent with the other authorities. We have no
record of any specific events that occurred during
the reign of the three sovereigns last mentioned, save
that in Culhuacan Quetzallacxoyatl was succeeded
in 953 bj"^ Clialchiuh Tlatonac, and the latter in 985
by Totepeuh, the second of the name.*
I come now to the last century of the period to
which this chapter is devoted, a century whose annals
from a continuous record of civil and religious strife
in Andhuac, invasions by powerful bands from the
adjoining regions on the north and north-west, pesti-
lence and famine, resulting in the utter overthrow of
the Toltec empire. There is somewhat less contradic-
tion among the two classes of authorities quoted re-
specting the events of this century than in the case
of those preceding. The Spanish writers still speak
of ToUan, it is true, as if that city alone constituted
the empire; but the Nahua documents also ascribe
almost exclusively to Tollan the occurrences which
caused the destructit)n of the Toltec power. The
latter documents, however, still keep up the thread of
historical events at Culhuacan and in other provinces,
and they are doubtless much more reliable in the
matter of dates than the Spanish version, besides
narrating the invasions of foreign tribes, a disturbing
element in Toltec politics almost entirely ignored by
Ixtlilxochitl and his followers. Notwithstanding the
M Bvasscur dc Bourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., pp. 331, 336.
Klemtn, Cnltur-Gcschichtc, toni. v., p. 181, sf' aks of an interregnum of
forty -eight years after the death of Queeu Xiuh»ialtzin.
REIGN OF HUEMAC II.
267
jjeneral agreement of the authorities referred to,
it must be noted that the record is but a succession of
tales in which the marvelous and supernatural largely
predominate, conveying a tolerably accurate idea of
the general course of history during this period, but
throwing very little light on its details. In accord-
ance with my plan already announced, I have but to
* tell the tales as they are recorded; their general mean-
ing is sufficiently apparent, and 1 shall offer but rarely
conjectures respecting the specific significance of each.
Hueniac II., also known as Tecpancaltzin," the eld-
est son of Totepeuh II. of Culhuacan, mounted the
throne of ToUan in 994," at a time when that city in
respect of art and high culture was at the head of the
empire, although Culhuacan still retained her original
political supremacy, while both Teotihucan and Cho-
lula were rivals in the power and fame of their re-
spective priesthood. There are no data for assigning
even approximately exact limits to the Toltec empire
at this period. It is probably, however, that while
the Toltec was less absolute and despotic than the
Aztec power in the sixteenth century, yet it was
exerted throughout fully as wide an extent of territory,
including Michoacan and a broad region in the north-
west never altogether subjected to the Aztec kings.
The Toltec domain had been enlarged gradually by
the influence of the priesthood, particularly under
Oeacatl Quetzalcoatl, until there were few provinces
from Tehuantepec to Zacatecas, from the North to the
South Sea, which did not render a voluntary allegi-
ance to the allied monarchs of the central region.
And at the same time it cannot be believed that
foreign conquest by force of arms had so small a place
among the events of Toltec history as the records
^' Called also Yztaccaltzin. Ixtlilxochitl. Atecpanecatl and Iztac-
quauhtzin. Codex Vhimalpouoca and Ixtlilxochitl, according to Brasstur.
*M039, 830, 884, according to the Spanish writers. See note 47.
''lavigcro ignores this king, while Torqiieniada, followed by Boturini in
Doc. Hist. Mex., 8«Srie iii., torn, iv., p. 230, and Vetancvrt, Teatro Max., p.
II, seems to identify him with his successor.
368
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
would imply. Huemac TI., unlike the first of the
same name, belonged to the sect of Quetzalcoatl,
using his power to restrain the practice of human
sacrifice if not altogether abolishing it in the temples
of Tollan. He even seemis to have added the name
of Quetzalcoatl to his other royal and pontifical titles,
or possibly had this title before his coronation, as
high-priest of the sect at Culhuacan. The application
of this title to Huemac, and that of Tezcatlipoca to
the high-priest of the rival sect, has been productive
of no little confusion in the record, since it is some-
times impossible to decide whether certain events
should be attributed to this reign or to the time of
Ceacatl and Huemac I. The new king was endowed
with fine natural qualifications for his position, and
enjoyed to a remarkable degree the confidence and
esteem of the people. During the first year he ruled
with great wisdom, speaking but little, attending
most strictly to the performance of his religious duties,
and always prompt in the administration of justice to
his subjects of whatever station; but the old fire of
religious strife, though smouldering, was yet alive and
ready to he fanned into a conflagration which should
consume the whole Toltec structure. The leaders of
the rival sect, followers of the bloody Tezcatlipoca
and bitter enemies to all followers of Quetzalcoatl,
although now in the minority were constantly intrigu-
ing for the fall of Huemac. But they well knew the
popularity of their hated foe, and bent all their ener-
gies to the task of dragging him down from his lofty
pedestal of popular esteem, by tempting him into the
commission of acts unworthy of himself as high-priest,
king, and successor of the great Quetzalcoatl. A
scandal was to be created; wine and women were nat-
urally the agents to be employed; the tale is a very
strange one.
Papantzin, a Toltec noble of high rank, presented
himself one day at court, together with his daughter,
THE KING'S MISTRESS.
the beautiful Xochif J « k • ^
king a kind S^^lJ^^d^ *'* "*«' ?«*« *« the
pay- uice by a prS ofthicf P ""«';. <■"»" n.a
inventor. This syrup il Jl''' fapaiitzin was the
pulque, but there siem'^t^beTttlT"^ 'P"!!^° <"" «»
a fermented liquor of °i''"t- ?»'"■" '^'^ ">''''.ng
Whatever the nature of tT P'"** '''' niaifuey «
■•oyal palate, and Z fovelt I™''' '5 P'™«^d the
young Xochitl were no li= Y . ® ""^ 'ofm of th„
The .tinir expreS hi? J^'"^ *" "'e roy^ eye
vention, and his desire to 'IP^' •'"''"" ,"*■ 'he new )n
o the sweet preparatlo^ TZ" '^*"™''' ^'■"Ples
the father that he would 1^ „| ^T" *"»" *«! >ng
,?|fts at the hands of ?he diufe'"' *,° '■°™'™ ""eh
hrni for such a purpose uLtt^}^'' ''ho might visit
Proud of the ho^noTToCto wr*f 'T ^^ » ''"™"
auspicon of evil inteXnt^ pL''"'.''^ "'"^ ""^thout
days later sent Xochitl T' ^^P^^'^'^'n only « few
.ternale attendant, wth'i ^w'^^'o'^ '^ "" ^"0%
'he attendant was directedT.^ ."/.maffuey-syrup
a distant apartment rf the nT" '""' ""'^"■e^ >n
l^ introduced alone to the ^l'^"' *''"" ^""hitl
Bravely the maiden resisted *h'^'' "^ ^"emac
mente and protestatior'f a Je„t T""T'''' ■''""dish:
»nd force was compelled to vl^W^' ■"" ^y threats
embrace. She was then sen, ^1 ^^' '""■«™ *<> hk
palace of Palpan near ?he "Ipl,''' ^';""F'y-g"arded
Irom all communication wth^ ' *"'' 'here, cut off
tlt'n ^'"f' "■■«'-srSLr''ri'?^ <■"-'*. lived
that their daughter had b«,n "^f "'" "'"'e notified
to the care "f certain ladiSw?"''",''. ''^ Huemac
«l"cat,on and fit her fora?romt»7"''^-P"'''''«''' her
kinii
270
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
the ladies of the court and for a brilliant nmrriaji^o.
To Papantzin the royal manner of showing lionor t<»
his family seemed at best novel and strange, but hv
could suspect no evil intent on the part of the piouH
representative of Quetzalcoatl. New favors were
subsequently shown the dishonored father, in the
shape of lands and titles and promises. For three
years Huemac continued his guilty amour in secret,
and in the meantime, in 1002," a child was born,
named Meconetzin, 'child of the maguey,' or at a
later period Acxitl. According to the Codex Chi-
malpopoca the king during these three years gavo
himself up to the pleasures of the wine cup also,
yielding to the temptations placed before him by the
crafty followers of Tezcatlipt)ca, and during one of
his drunken orgies revealed the secret of his love;
but however this may have been, that secret was
finally suspected; Papantzin in the disguise of a
laborer visited the palace of Palpan, met his daughter
with the young Meconetzin in her arms, and listened
to the tale of her shame. The angry father seems
to have been quieted with the promise that liis
daughter's son should be proclaimed heir to the
throne, since the queen had borne her husband only
daughters; but the scandal once suspected was spread
far and wide by the priesthood of Tezcatlipoca, and
the faith of the Toltecs in their saintly monarch was
shaken. The queen having died, Xochitl with her
young son was brought to the royal palace, and there
is some reason to suppose that she was made Hue-
mac's legitimate queen by a regular marrip e. Very
serious dissatisfaction, and even open hostility among
the princes of highest rank, were excited by the
king's actions, both on account of the shameful
nature of such acts, and also because their own
chance of future succession to the throne was de-
stroyed by Huemac's avowed intention to make
Acxitl his heir. Everything presaged a revolution,
u 1051. Veijtia 900. IxtlUmehitl.
TOVEYO'S ADVENTUREa
aw
and the foes of Quetzulcuatl were cheered with hopes
of approaching triumph. Hueinac's niiiid was filled
with trouble, which all the flattery of the court could
not wholly remove, and the prospects of his family
wore not briij^htened by the fact that the young
Acxitl from his birth had the physical peculiarities
predicted by the prophet Hueman of olden time, in
connection with such wide-spread and fatal disasters.
Yet it was hoped that by careful instruction and
training, even the decrees of fate might be reversed
and im}»cnding disaster averted, especially as in child-
hood and youth prince Acxitl gave most cheering
promise of future goodness and ability."*
Another event served to increase the troubles that
beLjau to qather about the throne. It appears that
Hucniac by his first queen Maxio had three daught-
ers, who were much sought in marriage, rather for
motives of political ambiticj, perhaps, than lov(i, by
the Toltec nobles. One especially w.i.s greatly beloved
by her i'ather and lone of the many aspirants to her
hand found favor in her eyes. One day while walk-
ing among the flowers in the royal gardens, she came
upon a man selling chile. Some of the traditions say
that the pejlper-vender, Toveyo," was Tezcatlipoca
who had assumed the appearance of a plebeian; at
any rate he was entirely naked and awakened in the
bosom of the princess a love for which her Toltec
suitors had sighed in vain. So violent was her pas-
sion as to bring on serious illness, the cause of which
was told by her maids to Huemac, and the indulgent
father, though very angry with Toveyo at first, finally,
as the only means of restoring his daughter to health,
sought out the plebeian vender of pepper and forced
him, perhaps not very much against his will, to be
^ See respecting the first part of Hueinac's reign, latlilxochitl, in Kin/f.i-
borough's Alex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 207, 3-'8-9, 460; Veytia, Hist. Ant.
Wc/, torn, i., p. 262, et 8e(]|. ; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., toni. i., p. 37;
Brasseurde Bonrbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., pp. 337-48.
« Tobeyo. Sahagun. Tohudyo, 'our neighbor. Bratsenr. • It does not
aeera to have been originally a proper name.
m d
272
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
washed and dressed and to become the husband of the
love-sick princess. This marriage caused great dis-
satisfaction and indignation among the Toltecs ; an in-
dignation that is easily understood, however the legend
be interpreted. In case a literal interpretation be ac-
cepted, the upper classes in Tollan may naturally
have been shocked by the admission of a low-born
peasant to the royal family; on the other hand the
version given may have originated with the disap-
pointed suitors, who gratified their spite by reviling
the successful Toveyo. It is also possible that the
legend symbolizes by this marriage the granting of
new privileges to the lower classes against the will of
the nobility; however this may be, the result was
wide-bpread discontent ready to burst forth in open
revolt."*
Among the disaffected lords who openly revolted
against Tollan, Cohuanacotzin, Huehuetzin, Xiuhte-
nancaltzin, and Mexoyotzin"** are mentioned, by Ixtlil-
xochitl as rulers of provinces on the Atlantic, by Vey-
tia as lords of regions extending from Quiahuiztlan
(according to Brasseur, Vera Cruz) northward along
the coast of the North Sea to a point beyond Jalisco.
Respecting the events of this revolution of Toltec pro-
vinces thus vaguely located, we have only the contin-
uation of Toveyo's adventures, which seems to belong
to this war. The tale runs that Huemac, somewhat
frightened at the storm of indignation which followed
his choice of a son-in-law, sent him out to fight in the
wars of Cacatepec and Coatepec, giving secret orders
that he should be so stationed in battle as to be inevi-
tably killed. The main body of the Toltec army
yielded to the superior numbers of the foe and fled to
Tollan, leaving Toveyo and his followers to their fate ;
but the latter, either by his superior skill or by his
powers as a magician, notwithstanding the small force
M For a fuller account of the tale of Toveyo, see vol. iii., pp. 243-4.
Also, SttAagnn, Hixt. Gen., torn, i., lib. iii., j>i>. 247-9.
'^ Cohuanacox, Hnetzin, Xiuhtenan, and nfexoyotzin.
OMENS OP DESTRUCTION.
at his command, utterly rouf^ *i. ' ^
turned in triumph to the cS tif ^""Ty «"d re-
people received him with St ^^^""^ *^^ ^^^g and
monstrations of iov Fo/n .^ ^''°''" *«<* Publ^ de
to have remaini/wittut^ltr^ ^-^^'m se'et
once more smiled on Huemac «*"'^^°^^' ^°*^ ^^^"ne
As to the exact order in ^i.' i.
sequent disasters by which ThI' tT""""^ ^^e sub-
overthrown, the author Jfesdj^^*"" ""^P^'^e was
though agreeing. toler«Tl^ ,i son^ewhat, al-
nature. Many eUs ^criidl" b"^^^^^^^^ '^'
macs reign are bv Vflvf;! j^^ -Brasseur to Hue
having hlppened Vfforhi^'*^^'" described t
can, however, be but liwl ^ -.. successor. There
chronology of the Aahui dT'''''t ^'" ^^^^o^^ngthl
^; m preference to that of th^Snr- 1 ^^*?" ^"^^^^r^
fatter m certainly erroneous fA*"''^ ^"*ers. The
;s only probably so w^?h' S"^ ^«™«r at the worst
the king seen/ to ha^ L^ "j*"^"^"^ prosperity
-We the partizans of tS S ^''' ^^^'^ ^"^«
intrigues against him ^hf ^''''* ^^«"°»ed their
ni'^'hty crold near MaJ^!j«^^^^^^ assembled a
the music of his drum untU 1'^/ -^^'"^ ^*"«n^
reason of the darkness Tnd/h •'"'.^"^^^t, when bf
crowded each other off a nrlin^"''- "^^^^'^ation they
where they were turned ^toT'' ^"^^ ^^«P ^avin?
^„^P«t.„gth« talc to indicate a,;i'aSi„«K!^«"^''«« „o diffi
274
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
related by Sahagun have been given in another vol-
ume.*" From one of the neighboring volcanoes a
flood of glowing lava poured, and in its lurid light
appeared frightful spectres threatening the capital.
A sacrifice of captives in honor of Tezcatlipoca, was
decided upon to appease the angry gods, a sacrifice
which Huemac was lorced to sanction. But when a
young boy, chosen by lot as the first victim, was
placed upon the altar and the obsidian knife plunged
into his breast, no heart was found in his body, and
his veins were without blood. The fetid odor ex-
haled from the corpse caused a pestilence involving
thousands of deaths. The struggles' of the Toltecs
to get rid of the body have been elsewhere related.*^
Next the Tlaloc divinities appeared to Huemac as he
walked in the forest, and were implored by him not
to take from him his wealth and his royal splendor.
The gods were wroth at this petition, his apparent
selfishness, and want of penitence for past sins, and
they departed announcing their purpose to bring
plagues and suffering upon the proud Toltecs for six
years. The winter of 1018 was so cold that all
f>lants and seeds were killed by frost, and was fol-
owed by a hot summer, which parched the whole
surface of the country, dried up the streams, and
even calcined the solid rocks.
Here seem to belong the series of plagues described
by the Spanish writers, although attributed by them
to the following reign.** The plagues began with
heavy storms of rain, destroying the ripening crops,
flooding the streets of towns, continuing for a hundred
days, and causing great fear of a universal dehisce.
Heavy gales followed, which leveled the finest build-
s' VoL iii., p. 247. The other details, like the interview with the TIa-
1 till
«J See vol. iii., pp. 245-8.
o Vol. ill., p. 247.
Iocs, are from tne Codex Chiinalponoca.
^ Ixtlilxochitl, in Kiiigsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 207-8, .32!'-
30[ Ve;/lia, Hist. AnL Mvj., toni. i, , w. 280, et seq. Dates, 1(K»7, ct scq.
Veytia. 984, ct acq. IxtlUxochitl . Tnore is no agreement about the dura-
tion of tlie phigucs. They seem, however, to have been continuous for at
IcuHt live years.
PI^GUES SBNT WOK THE mTBOS.
rendenng useless all agricultu "^ 1 k""^''* P'-^^'ai'^l,
much starvation. NexfLeavv ft . j"' "'"' ""-''n?
httle the heat had snared 1 7 " ''^stroyed what
™™v.„g,. a„d thenS;l'ri*'''><^-'-'»''g"ey
»fb,rdsand locusts and vS,! •'"'"' ^f''*' ^"'a™!
and haU completed the woTfj """"'«• Lightning
{hat nme hundred of ewr^ll '"''!"*''"" 'nfornis ua
Huemac a„d his foli:^ ^17'', ?''»«» Per"heS'
disasters that had come unn??K ^''^ responsible ft,;
"job of cifens and sZn Tre o^ ^P'"' " hun^
To Ian and even invaded Th? T''^'' *•>« street rf
■"*§«t«ia„dheadX1he„„J!^''^°''t''e noblef
and the king ^^ even fo S^^r*'''"!'''^ ^''^"''t W
ine and to hatin^^^S iT' ''"'"^^'^^■'d''^-
Ixthlxoch tl refera fo Ki !i "•=* reason of Dknl;
'^""nte, is that the ffi '"""' /«»» 'I'l confS
Huem^^Tl K""' *"f« ""'•■Med';' tlL"""' '"'J
'hj »«W infltn'r*''"'--^ -" "fX'tXr
aHSSv^'»<KS^alt^
his son on thp .^""^'^'"acy to his purnose nf J^i •
Ijy^ediateV?: tevlt,1r-|" 'f to°te;f
^-^-„titHp^:,-^-jou,d^3^^^^^^^^
276
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
NauhyotI II. It is possible that Huemac consented
to this concession in consideration of the support of
the new king in his own projects at Tollan. After
thoroughly canvassing the sentiments of his vassal
lords, and conciliating the good will of the wavering
by a grant of new honors and possessions, he pub-
licly announced his intention to place Acxitl on the
throne. The immediate consequence was a new re-
volt, and from an unexpected source, since it was
abetted if not originated by the followers of Quetzal-
coatl, who deemed Acxitl, the child of adulterous
love, an unworthy successor of their great prophet.
Maxtlatzin was the most prominent of the many
nobles who espoused the rebel cause, and Quauhtli
was the choice of the malcontents for the rank of
high-priest of Quetzalcoatl. To such an extremity
was the cause of Huemac and his son reduced that
they were forced to a compromise with the two
leaders of the revolt, who consented to support the
cause of Acxitl on condition of being themselves
raised to the highest rank after the son of Huemac,
and of forming with him a kind of triumvirate by which
the kingdom shonld be ruled. All the authorities
agree respecting this compromise, although only the
documents consulted by Brasseur speak of open re-
volt as the cause which led to it. It is evident, how-
over, that nothing but the most imminent danger
could have induced the king of Tollan to have entered
into so humiliating an arrangement. Immediately
after the consummation of the new alliance, the 'child
of the maguey' was crowned king and high-priest
with great ceremony in 1029, under the title of To-
piltzin Acxitl Quetzalcoatl. Topiltzin is the name
by which he is usually called by the Spanish writers,
although it was in reality, like that of Quetzalcoatl,
a title held by several kings. Acxitl is the more
convenient name, as distinguishi.ig him clearly from
his father and from Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl. Hucmai'
EXCESSES OF ACXITL.
877
and Queen Xochifl i--.*- j ^
I lie three Jords of ^" ^
Xiuhtenancaltzin anW n u P^'^vinces, Hudiupf ^in
tiieir allegiance to Apy.VI u ? ^oiian, now refusprl
-•aaaon, pf,h «»^^«'t^; but at fir«t they C^^e
tnbe, about them, enfflldt, '*'"' '"'^ 'he w"d
ll.e new .monarch, then a&, f ."" "?'=" hostilities
M the high promise "f?^'"'''yy«a« of aae iust'
'ho sag,, counsels of his Lf" ^"J"-^' ^'^ gu°ded bv
wisely for several yUt Sf^i^ '"^'h^r, rSled mj
dence of his subicis H*?1?*"-'' fi^'n^g the <S
were infallible, an^d i^.iu ", ^'^^ <'f -"eea of theZj
"elded t« temptation and n^fi.ft'her before S2
W,„„s„ess and ri„t„„sSrtn|^ '"''J *» jnanner of
as to make use of h\a ^ .^r^^'^S- feo low did Ji^ a,ii
h- -iipa-ions te 'r "fhigh-priest ogrttit'
lezcatiipoca and hifcraftfr.*""' "^""'^ *e?e stt?
ladies of every rant th/ f ■"■''*■">». w'lo perauid.i
embraces they'^,.^ merit ^^'^'t'' *<" «'« i'Vs
example was followed b^^™' t^- ^he r "/„
that the high-priesTe^of ;? l™"''''''*^ disregarded
a prmcess of roval Wn^ ^^ °°<'dess of the Vw!,'
™Ple of QuetXLtu"? bC ^ P;'^-™ase l"ti
^erwardssueo^ededtotheh" W^^^^^ a son, who
-ediate autho^i^T''! Sl^-li-^^^^^^^^^^^ tht
278
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
left to be managed by unscrupulous royal favorites;
the prayers of the aged Huemac and Xochitl to the
gods, like their remonstrances with Acxitl, were un-
availing; crimes of all kinds remained unpunished;
robbery and murder were of frequent occurrence; and
the king was justly held responsible for all.
But Acxitl was at last brought to his senses, and
his fears if not his conscience were thoroughly aroused.
Walking in his garden one morning, he saw a small
animal of peculiar appearance, with horns like a deer,
which, having been killed, proved to be a rabbit.
Shortly after he saw a huitzilin, or humming-bird,
with spurs, a most extraordinary thing. Topiltzin
Acxitl was familiar with the Teoamoxtli, or 'divine
book,' and with Huemac's predictions; well he knew,
and was confirmed in his opinion by the sages and
priests who were consulted, that the phenomena ob-
served were the tokens of final disaster. The kind's
reformation was sudden and complete; the priests
held out hopes that the prodigies were warnings, and
that their consequences might possibly be averted by
prayer, sacrifice, and reform. The Spanish writers
introduce at this period the series of plagues, which I
have given under Huemac's reign ; and Brasseur adds
to the appearance of the rabbit and the humming-
bird two or three of the wonderful events attributed
by Sahagun to the necromancer TitlacaAon, without
any reason that I know of for ascribing these occur-
rences to this particular time. Such were the ap-
pearance of a bird bearing an arrow in its claws and
menacingly soaring over the doomed capital ; the fall-
ing of a great stone of sacrifice near the j)reseiit
locality of Chapultepec; and the coming of an old
woman selling paper flags which proved fatal to every
purchaser.*® These events occurred in 1036 and the
following years. The king was wholly unable to
check the torrent of vice which was flowing over the
land ; indeed, in his desire to atone for his past faults,
o Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, i., lib. ill, p. 254.
CHICBWEC INVASION.
he seems to have re«ort«I t„ i. "'
to have defeated hT^^^t^T "^"'"^ "«
H„':k^L"* "LS^t'^^^^^^ that
fr:;w.^^4£:|e^^^^^^^^^^
from the gulf coasts, vho W rJ .^*^^'' *^^« ^«rds
the power of AcxitJ were^ T^^^ *° acknowledge
-n Unable to resist Iht fori'S? "^'^ ^"^h"-^'
fcec king was compelled to senTl^K "^ ^T^' *^^ Tol-
rich presents to sue for peace ^.T^''^^^'^ ^^^^^S
^sh writers at the capiK Vr''!^^'!;^ *« *^^ Span
provinces; but as BraSeur ^a J t f K ^'ll' ^^'^^»i^^"«
o^ the hostile army not verv^l ? *^^ headquarters
presents were received bufn^ ^ar /rom Tollan. The
seems to have been ^e atTrsf t'^^^^ ^«^-°^^'t
xochitl speak vaguely of Til^^}' .7?^*^^ ^^^ Ixtlil-
as a result of this or 1 u ''^ *^^<^ ^^s concluded
effect that the ^XZ^^^X^' ^"/'^««^' *« '^e
years an old military usa^i " ' ' "'°^^'*^^ ^«^ *en
should alwavs intervene f/^"'"''^- that ten years
Jf; and the comrnTeLntT^^ *^
Matter states that the Tmv 5 ^^^^^^'^^^s; and the
meantime, because sufficSl^r ^^^^^^awn in the
tamed in the territor; of th^^^^^^^^
witJiout referring to any othpr I""^*^^"' ^ra^seur,
named, tells us that aS rtmafnT^'^^l'^ *^^^ ^^
^ollan, Huehuetzin was foST^ ^ ^^^'^ ^ear near
Pi'ovmce to reoel ihc. iZ • *^ return to his own
*», it i. i&:::tx:d ''r''^ *">'- -s
«>d to haras, the Toltoc „ "S^ *° "<"»« -".thward
laking advantao-e of thp T' ■
the Toltecs, many of the f,ilf """"^ """''ition of
jAn'llu.ac shook off aj ,n *" ' ""'^ '" ""d about
'^-e alto^eher fdefet a„] Vt'r''' "^
fc'^t^tiS-?"'^-^'^-;°p" 321^i.T^'- '^^'^^^ocmi, in Kino
•' **"»• '•« pp. 376-86. *^^ ^^'' Brasaeur de Bourbourgf^f/t'
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
time numerous Chichimec tribes from abroad took
advantage of the favorable opportunity to secure
homes in the lake region. These foreign tribes are
all reported to have come from the north, but it is
extremely doubtful if any accurate information re-
specting the invaders has been preserved. For the
conjecture that all or any of them came from the
distant north, from California, Utah, or the Missis-
sippi Valley, there are absolutely no grounds; al-
though it is of course impossible to prove that all
came from the region adjoining Andhuac. By far
the most reasonable conjecture is that the invaders
were the numerous Nahua bands who had settled in
the west and north-west, in Michoacan, Jalisco, and
Zacatecas, about the same time that the nations called
Toltecs had established themselves in and about
Andhuac. Brasseur finds in his authorities, the only
ones that give any particulars of the invaders, that
among the first Chichimec bands to arrive were the
Acxotecas and Eztlepictin, both constituting together
the Teotenancas. The Eztlepictin settled in the
valley of Tenanco, south of the lakes, while the
Acxotecas took lossession of the fertile valleys about
Tollan. A war between Nauhyotl II. of Culhuacan
an4 the king of Tollan is then vaguely recorded, in
which Acxitl was victorious, but is supposed to have
suffered from the constant hostility of Culhuacan
from that time forward, although that kingdom soon
had enough to do to defend her own possessions.
The Eztlepictin introduced a new divinity, and a
new worship, which Acxitl, as successor of Quetzal-
coatl made a desperate effort to overthrow. He
marched with all the forces he could cotnmand to
Tenanco, but was defeated in every battle. What
was worse yet, during his absence on this campaign,
the Acxoteca branch of the invaders were admitted,
under their leader Xalliteuctli, by the partisans of
Tezcatlipoca into Tollan itself. Civil strife ensued
in the streets of the capital between the three rival
TOKENS OP DIVINE WRATH.
sects, until ToUan with «li i, . *"
^<^il-nigh in ruin" "Z '" •"«• »oWe seructures »«
"Id famine came once ^„^ '^ ''•'^oms, and p^
events occurred betwSn^oTn "^T "'« '»■«>. t£
It was evident th.r.u ", »"<! 1047."
this unhappy X* To^ "^--^ ^^-7 angry with
quemadarSeC «itin^°ofX?^'' ^"'h^ ^
and nobles, was convened ,t T ™f*'se men, priests
gods from the most andenf tL'""'l"r"' '"^ere lie
hear the prayers of men J *2 ^ ''een wont to
tiatory feasts and sacrifices " A ""''' °^ 'he nropi?
Portmns with long Cv Irm, "!? V*^ S^S^ntie Pro-
dancmgm the court where th^ J"'', *"«^'^ "PPear^
Whirhng through the crowd Pf "^'^ ^^-^ assembled
demon seized upon the Toll "i^^^^V direction the
and dashed thim lifeLl°'^°',*'>''' "™« ''• his way
perished but none h»T*if ? ''"' ^eet. Multit„^t{
f-the gi'^:Zmr^]:'7Tt'f"'y- A sett
and agam the Toitecs fell bv h'^'i"^. **■•«"* fo™
At h,s next appearance ZL '*""'' '" h« g'asp
of a white and beauSul chirH"?.'^"'"^'' 'he fZ
f^'nS at the holy city f^'V'"'"?."" » '■"»k a^
As the people rushe^^ *j "^'Shl^ring hilltop
s '-Ti i!f r i^- "Mt i
"--^tallT^S^^^^^^^^^^^^^
^^-vould nc:j'ta„'te»''y,was sfaltd^ Z
hen.es utterly disWentl ^'"'"''^ ''^""^^'^ *» their
^rge numbers of tho T i»
the Toltec nobles had already
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
abandoned their country and departed for foreign
provinces, and this emigration was constantly on the
increase even before it was definitely determined by
the ruler to migrate. In the meantime, if Brasseurs
authorities may be credited, a new sect, the Ixcui-
names or 'masked matrons,' introduced their rites,
including phallic worship and all manner of sorcery
and debauchery, into Tollan, thus adding a new ele-
ment of discord in that fated city. The Ixcuinames
originated in the region of Pdnuco among the Huas-
tecs, and began to flourish in Tollan about 1058.™
To civil and religious strife, with other internal
troubles, was now added the peril of foreign invasion.
According to the Spanish writers the ten years'
truce concluded between Acxitl and his foes under
the command of Huehuetzin, was now about to ex-
pire, and the rebel prince of the north appeared at
the head of an immense army, ready to submit his
differences with the Toltec king to the arbitration of
the battle-field. According to Brasseur, the Teo-
Chichimecs invaded the rest of Andhuac, Avhile the
former foes of Huemac and his son, under Huehuet-
zin, from the provinces of Quiahuiztlan and Jalisco,
threatened Tollan. I may remark here that I have
little faith in this author's division into tribes of the
hordes that invaded Andhuac at this period and in
the following years. We know that many bands from
the surrounding region, particularly on the north, most
of them probably Nahua tribes, did take advantage
of internal dissensions among the Toltec nations to
invade the central region. For a period of many
years they warred unceasingly with the older nations
and among themselves; but to trace the fortunes of
particular tribes through this maze of inter-tribal
conflict is a hopeless task which I shall not attempt.
Many of these so-called Chichimec invading tribes
afterwards became great nations, and played a promi-
nent part in the annals to be given in future chap-
™ Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ,, torn, i., pp. 400-2.
CONQUEST OF AN AH U AC.
288
ters; and while it is not improbable that some of
them, as the Teo-Chichimecs, Acolhuas, or Tepanecs,
were identical with the invading tribes which over-
threw the Toltec empire, there is no sufficient au-
thority for attempting so to identify any one of them.
Neither do I find any authority whatever for the
conjecture that the invaders were barbarian hordes
from the distant north, who broke through the belt
of Nahua nations which surrounded Andhuac, or
were instigated by those nations from jealousy of
Toltec power to undertake its overthrow. Yet it
would be rash to assume that none of the wild tribes
took part in the ensuing struggle; as allies, or under
Nahua leaders, they probably rendered efficient aid
to the Chichimec invaders, and afterwards in many
cases merged their tribal existence in that of the
Chichimec nations.
The other Toltec cities, Otompan, Tezcuco, Culhua-
can, seem to have fallen before the invaders even be-
fore ToUan, although it is vaguely reported that after
the destruction of Otompan the king of Culhuacan
formed a new alliance for defense with Azcapuzalco
and Coatlichan, excluding Tollan. 7^11 the cities
were sacked and burned as fast as conquered except
Culhuacan, which seems to have escaped destruction
by admitting the invaders within her gates and prob-
ably becoming their allies or vassals. This was in
1060." Meantime Huehuetzin's forces were threaten-
ing Tollan. By strenuous efforts a large army had
been raised and equipped for the defense of the royal
cause. The princes Quauhtli and Maxtlatzin, lately
allied to the throne, brought all their forces to aid the
king against whom they had formerly rebelled. The
aged Huemac came out from his retirement and strove
with the ardor of youth to ward off the destruction
which he could but attribute to his indiscretions of many
years ago. Even Xochitl, the king's mother, is re-
ported to have enlisted an army of amazons from the
T' Brassem- de Botirhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ,, torn, i., pp. 402-5.
284
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
women of Tollan and to have placed herself at their
head. Acxitl formed his army into two divisions, uiie
of which, under a lord nam^d Huehuetenuxcatl,
marched out to meet the enomv, while the other, com-
manded by the king himself, was stationed within
intrenchments at Tultitlan. The advance army, after
one day's battle without decisive result, fell back and
determined to act on the defensive. Reinforced by
the division under Huemac, and by Xochitls amazons,
who fought most bravely, General Huehuetenuxcatl
carried on the war for three years, but was at last
driven back to join the king. At Tultitlan a final
stand was made by Acxitl's orders. For many days
the battle raged here until the Toltecs were nearly
exterminated, and driven back step by step to Tollan,
Xaltocan, Teotihuacan, and Xochitlalpan successively.
Here Huemac and Xochitl were slain, also Quauhtli
and Maxtlatzin. Acxitl escaped by hiding in a cave
at Xico in Lake Chalco. In a final encounter Gen-
eral Huehuetenuxcatl fell, and the small remnant of
the Toltec army was scattered in the mountains and
in the marshes of the lake shore.'*
From his place of concealment at Xico, Topiltzin
Acxitl secretly visited Culhuacan, gathered a few
faithful followers about him, announced his intention
of returning to Huehue Tlapallan, promised to inter-
cede in their behalf with the Chichimec emperor of
their old home, and having committed his two infant
" Such is the account given by IxtlilxochitI and Veytia. Brasseur's
version, although founded on the same nutiiorities, dilfers widely. Accord-
ing to this version, Topiltzin Acxitl remained in Tollan; Quauhtli uiid
Maxtlatzin with the aged Huemac marched to meet the foe. After a fierce
conflict near Tultitlan, lasting several days, the army was driven back to
Tollan. The king resolved to burn the city and leave the coui. ry. Fur
the burning of Tollan, Saha^un, Hist. Gen., 'oni. i., lib. iii., p. 255, is re-
ferred to, where he says, 'hizo queniar todut \i» casas que tenia heclias dc
plata y de concha,' etc., referring to the dept *ure of QuetzalcoatI for Tlu-
pallan. The QuetzalcoatI alluded to may ^ either Acxitl or Ccacatl.
Retreating to Xaltocan and then towards i Uhuacan, a final stand wns
made by Huemac, Xochitl, Maxtlatzin, i ' Huehueniaxal (Huehue-
tenuxcatl?) against the Chichimecs. The Ti ics were .utterly defeated,
and of the leaders Xochitl and Quauhtli fell, /. .itl concealing himself for
several weeks in the caves of the island of Xii Jlist. Nat. Civ., torn, i.,
pp. 405-9.
FLIGHT OF ACXITL
SBS
children Pochotl and Xilotzin to faithful guardians to
be brought up in ignorance of their royal birth, he
left the country in 1062." He is supposed to have gone
southward accompanied by a few followers. Other
bodies of Toltecs had previously abandoned the country
and gone in the same direction, and large numbers are
reported to have remained in Culhuacan, Cholula,
Chapultepec and many other towns that are named.
Veytia, Ixtlilxochitl, Torquemada, and Clavigero tell
us that of these who fled some founded settleme \ts
on the coasts of both oceans, from which came parties
at subsequent periods to re-establish themselves in
Andhuac. Others crossed the isthmus of Tehuante-
pec and passed into the southern lands. The other
authors also agree that of thos" who escaped destruc-
tion part remained, and the rest were scattered in
various directions. None imply a general migration
en masse towards the south.^* Lists are given of the
" Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingahorovgh's Mcx. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 208, 331-3,
393, 45U, 4(iO. This author estimates the total loss of the Toltecs in the
final war at 3,200,000, and that of the enemy at 2,400,000. He states that
Topiitzin, l>efore his departure, visited Allapan,a province on the South
Sea, and notified liis few remaining subjects that after many centuries he
would return to punish his foes. He reached Thipallan in safety and lived
to the age of 104 years greatly respected. He records a tradition among
the common people that Topiitzin remained in Xico, and many years after
was joined by ^fezahualcoyotl, the Chich'imec emperor, and others. This
author dates the Anal defeat of the Toltecs in 1011, 939, 958, and 1004.
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej.,iom. i., pp. 287-304. This writer gives the date
88 1116; states that Topiltzin's youngest son, Xihtzin, was captured and
killed; gives 1612 as the number of Toltecs assembled in Culhuacan before
the king's departure. Topiitzin reached Oyome, the Ghichimec capital, in
safety, and was kindly received by the emperor, Acauhtzin, who succeeded
to the throne in that year, to whom Topiitzin gave all his rights to the
kingdom of Tollan, on condition that he would punish the enemies of the
Toltecs. He died in 1155. According to Clavigero, 5tor«a .i4n<. del Mes-
sico, toni. i., p. 131, the Toltec empire ended with Topiltzin's death in
1052. Most modern writers take the date from Clavigero. Brasseur, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 410, says, 'Aprbs avoir donn6 Ji tons des conseils
remplis de sagessc sur lu future restanrution dc la monarchic, il prit cong<S
d'eux. 11 traversa, sans 6tre connu, les provinces olmfeques ct alia prendre
la mer {i Hucya])an, non loin des licux oil Ic grand Quetzalcohuatl avail
disparu un siecle et demi auparavant. L'histoirc ajrMtequ'il gagna, avec
un grand nombre de Toltbques emigrant comme lui, les contrecs mystd-
rieuses de Tlapnllan, oil aprbs avoir fonde un nouvel empire, il mourut duns
una hcureuse vieillesse.'
'* On the Toltec empire, see Pre.icott's Afcx., vol. i., pp. 11-14; Chemlier,
Mex. Ancicn et Mod., pp. 48-52; Miiller, A merikanische Urreligioneii., pp.
456, 522-5; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, etc., vol. i., p. 95; Schoolcraft's Arch ,
286
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
Toltec nobles that remained in Anahuac and of the
cities where they resided. The larger number were at
Culhuacan, under Xiuhtcmoc, to whom the king's chil-
dren were confided. These remaining Toltecs were
afterward? called from the name of their city Cul-
75
huas,
B';«,sseur finds in his two Nahua records data for
certam events that took place after the flight of To-
piltrin Acxitl. Maxtlatzin, as he claims, escaped
from the final battle and intrenched himself in one of
the strong fortresses among the ruins of Toll an. The
Chichimecs soon took possession of the city in two
divisions known as Toltec Chichimecs and Nonohual-
cas. They even went through the forms of choosing
a successor to Acxitl, selecting a boy named Matlac-
xochitl, whom they crowned as Huemac III. To
him the chiefs rendered a kind of mock allegiance, but
still held the power in their own hands. Desperate
struggles ensued between the two Chichimec bands
led by Huehuetzin and Icxicohuatl, the followers of
Tezcatlipoca under Yaotl, and the forces of Maxtlat-
zin in the fortress. The result was the murder of the
mock king about 1064, and the final abandoinnent of
Tollan soon after. It is claimed by the authorities
which record these events that Huemac 1 1, survived
all these troubles and died at Chapultepcc in 1070.'"
vol. v., pp. 95-C>; Orozco y Berra, Gcorfrafia, pp. 9C-7, 138-40; Bios,
Compcnd. Hist. Mex., pp. 5-6; Villa-Scnor y Sninhcz, Thcatro, torn, i.,
pp. 1-3; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. i., p. 287; Mulkr, Rciscn, torn, iii., pp.
32-41; Laciima, in Miisro Mex., torn, iv., p. 445; Granados y Galx-ez,
Tardes Amer., pp. 14-17; Riixtoii, m Nouvelle.i Aiiindes den Voy., 1850,
torn, cxxvi., pp. 38-40; DometicrlCs Deserts, vol. i., pp. 39-40; Foster's
Prc-llist. Races, pp. 341-4; Mayer's Observations, p. 6; Varl/ajal Esj/inosa,
Hist. Mex., torn. \., pp. 210-24.
" Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mcj.,inw
boroughs Mex. Aiitiq., vol. ix., pp. .3.3.3-4, 393-4; Tornneinada, Monnvq.
Mcj.,tom. ii., pp. 18-19; Ixtlilxoehitl, in /w'n<7.«-
Ind., toni. i., p. 37; I'/arigero, Storia Ant.del Messieo, toni.i., p. 131; Tlip
number of reniaininf? Toltecs is estimated nt 10,000, who wore divideil into
five parties, four of them scttlin;^ on the coasts and islands, nnd tlie fifth
only renuiinin;^ in Aniihuac.
'0 llmsseiir dc lioiirboiirij, Hst. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 410-23. I nup-
pose tiuit this inforinatioii was taken from the Codex Goiidrn already
quoted— sec p. 2.30 of this volume — and applied by the same author in an-
other work, and with apparently better reasons, to the overthrow of tho
great original Nahuu empire in tiic south.
DOWNFALL OF THE EMPIRE.
387
It is not difficult to form a tolerably clear idea of
the state of affairs in Andhuac at the downfall of the
Toltec empire, notwithstanding the confusion of the
records. There is, as we have seen, no evidence of a
general migration southward or in any other direction.
It is true the records speak of a large majority of the
Toltecs as having migrated in different directions as a
result of their disasters, but it must be remembered
that in America, as elsewhere, historical annals of
early periods had to do with the deeds and fortunes of
priests and kings and noble families; the common
people were useful to fight and pay taxes, but were
altogether unworthy of a place in history. It is prob-
able that the name Toltecs, a title of distinction
rather than a national name, \/as never applied at all
to the conunon people. When by civil strife and
foreign invasion their power was overthrown, many of
the leaders, spiritual and temporal, doubtless aban-
doned the country, j)referring to try their fortunes in
the southern provinces which seem to have suffered
less than those of the north from the Toltec disasters.
Their exiles took refuge in the Miztcc and Zapotec
provinces of Oajaca, and some of them probably
crossed to Guatemala and Yucatan, where they were
not without influence in molding future political
events. The mass of the Toltec people remained in
Andhuac; some of them kept up a distinct national
existence for a while in Culhuacan, and perhaps in
Cholula; but most simj)!}' became sulijccts of the in-
vading chiefs, whose language and institutions were
for the most i)art identical with those to which they
had been accustomed. The population had been con-
siderably diminished naturally by the many years of
strife, famine, and pestilence; but this diminution was
greatly exaggerated in the records. The theory that
the population was reduced to a few tliousands, most
of wliotn left the country, leaving a few chiefs with
their followers in a desolate and l)arren land, from
which even the invading hordes had retired immedi-
i^
THE TOLTEC PERIOD.
ately after their victory, is a very transparent absurd-
ity. The Toltec downfall was the overthrow of a
dynasty, not the destruction of a people. The en-
suing period was one of bitter strife between rival
bands for the power which had been wrested from
the Toltec kings. The annals of that period cannot
be followed; but history recommences with the suc-
cess of some of the struggling factions, and their de-
velopment into national powers.
If!
CHAPTER V.
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
The Chichimecs in Ahaquehecan— Migration to AnAhuac under
XoLOTL— The Invaders at Chocoyan and Tollan— Foundation
OF XOLOC AND TeNAYOCAN— XOLOTL II., EmTEKOR OF THE CHICHI-
MECS— DIVISION OF Territory— The Toltecs at Culhuacan —
Rule of Xiuhtemoc and Nauhyotl III.— Pochotl, Son of Ac-
xitl— Conquest of Culhuacan— Death of Nauhyotl— Huet-
zra, Kino of Culhuacan— Migration and Reception of the
Nahuatlaca Tribes— The Acolhuas at Coatlichan and the
Tepanecs at Azcapuzalco— Nonohuacatl, King of Culhuacan
—Revolt of Yacanex— Death of Xolotl II.— Nopaltzin, Kino
at Tenayocan, and Emperor of the Chichimecs— Reions of
Achitometl and Icxochitlanex at Culhuacan — Tendencies
toward Toltec Culture.
The Chichimec occupation of Andhuac begins with
the traditional invasion under Xolotl, but in order to
properly understand that important event, it will be
necessary to glance at the incidents which preceded
and led to it.
The little that is known of the early history of
the Chichimecs has been told in a former chapter; I
will therefore take up the narrative at the time of
King Tlamacatzin's death at Amaquemecan,* which
I Whether this Amaquemccan waa the original home of tlio Chichimecs
or not is uncertain. According to Brasscur, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, i., p.
3.55, it certainly was not, since he states that it wa.s founded in 958 by
Xolotl Tochinteuctli. The ancestors of the Xolotl who invaded Andhuac,
he adds, torn, ii., p. 199, 'sortis de Chicomoctoc, avaicnt conquis Ic roy-
aume d'Amaqucmd, oh lis avaient ^tabli Icur residence.' Concerning the
yt.l.V.— 1» (289)
290
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD,
event occurred in the same year as the final destruc-
tion of Tollan. As I have already explained suffi-
ciently my idea of the nature of the migrations bv
which Andhuac is represented as having been re-
peopled, I may relate these migrations literally, as
they are given by the authorities, without constantly
reminding the reader of their general signification.
Tlamacatzin left two sons, Acauhtzin^ and Xolotl,"
who, after wrangling about the succession for some
time, finally agreed to divide the kingdom between
them.*
Now, for a great number of years a harassing
system of border warfare had been carried on be-
tween the Chichimecs and the Toltccs; the former
doubtless raided upon their rich and powerful neigh-
bors for purposes of plunder, and the latter were
probably not slow to make reprisals which served as
an excuse for extending their already immense terri-
tory. When the Toltec troubles arose, however, and
the direful prophecies of Hueman began to bo ful-
filled, the people of Andhuac found that they had
enough to do to take care of themselves, and tliat
their legions could be better employed in defending-
the capital than in waging aggressive wars upon tlio
location and extent of Amaquemecan the authorities differ greatly. Tims
Ixtlilxochitl Kives its area as 20()0 by 1000 leajjues, in Kini/tiliorourih, vol.
ix., p. 335. Torqucniada, Monarq^. hid., toni. i., p. 40, places its frontier
200 leagres north of Jalisco, which Clavigero, Storia Ant. del 31cmro,
toni. i., p. 132, thinks too near, since no truces of it exist, he says, witlii.i
1200 miles. Boturini, Idea, p. 141, places Aniuqueniecan in Midioiican.
Arle^ii, Chrdn. Zncatecas, p. 7, among the wild tribes north of New
Mexico. Cabrera, Tcatro, p. 58, in Chiapas.
* Spelled also Achcauhtzin, and Axcauhtzin.
s 'L'etymologie du nom de Xolotl oll're de grandes difficultes, Duns son
acceptation ordinaire, il signirio esclave, valet, servant, et cepeiidant on le
voit appliqinJ h plusieurs princes coinino nn titre tr6s-61ev(5. Lorcii/ana,
dans scs, annotations aux Lettres de Fcrnand Cortfes, le traduit par njo,
asil, et on le lui donna, dit-il, ti cause do su vigilance. Mais duns (pielli'
langue a-t-il cetto signification?' Jirassciir, llist. Nat. Civ., toni. ii.,
p. 199.
* So says Torquemada, Monnrq. Ind., toni. i., p. 39; but according •»
Boturini, in Dw. Hist. Mex., serie iii., toni. iv,, p. 231, Ixtlilxochilj, ii
Kingsborouffh, vol. ix., p. 337, an«l Brasseiir, Jlist. Nat. Cii\, toin. ii., )■
200, Acauhtzin reigned alone. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mcsaieo, toni i .
p. 133, offirma that the old king divided the kingdom equally between lii^
two sons.
XOLOTL'8 INVASION,
m
distant frontiers of the empire. They therefore re-
called their troops, and the Chichimee border was
left undisturbed. It was not long before the brother
monarchs of Amaquemecan began to wonder at this
sudden cessation of hostilities, and determined to find
out the cause, for they were ignorant of the struggles
and final overthrow of the Toltec empire. They at
once dispatched spies into the Toltec territory. In a
short time these men returned with the startling
announcement that they had penetrated the enemy's
country for a distance of two hundred leagues from
Amaquemecan, and had found all that region de-
serted, and the towns, formerly so strong and popu-
lous, abandoned and in ruins.
Xolotl, who seems to have been of a more ambi-
tious and enterprising disposition than his brother,
listened eagerly to this report, which seemed to
promise the fulfillment of his dreams of independent
and undivided sway. Summoning his vassals to the
capital, he told them what his spies had seen, and in
an eloquent speech reminded them that an extension
of territory was needed for their increasing popula-
tion, expatiated on the richness and fertility of the
abandoned region, pointed out to his hearers how
easy it would be to avenge on their crippled enemies
the injuries of many years, and concluded by requir-
ing them to be ready to accompany him to conquest
within the space of six months.'
* Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 40-1, pives in full Xolotl's
speech to nis lords. Ixtlil.xochitl, in Kitigshorough^i Mcx. An/it/., vol. ix.,
I). .'W7, relates tlmt he ai>pointcd Oyonic as the rendezvous. Urasseur dc
Hourltnurg, as before stated, does not suppose Xolotl to have sliared tlic
Cliichimec throne with his iirotlier Acauhtzin; he tlieroforc tells tlie sttiry
as if Xolotl induced the great nobles to favor liis jiroject of invasion by lii's
icnce and argument, but used no kingly authority in the matter.
eytia. Hist. Ant. Mij., toni. i., pp. 3()2-.3, tom. ii., pp. 3-4, 13, assigns
el(Miuence and argument, but used no kingly authority in the matter.
V'eytia, Hist. Ant. Mij., toni. i., pp. 3()2-3, tom. ii., pp. 3-4, 13, as^.j^,,.-,
an altogetiier different cause for the Cliichimec invasion of Andhuac. He
uHirins that when Topiltzin (Acxitl), the Toltec monarch, fled from ToUuii,
he went to Acauhtzin, the Chichimee sovereign, to wliom lie was distantly
related, told him his sorrows, anil ceded in his favor all rights to a land
wiiich he refused to revisit; whereuiion Acauhtzin invested his brother Xo-
lotl with the sovereignty of Tolluu.
The date of the events recorded above is very uncertain. V'eytia states
that the Chichimccs left their country for Andhuac in 1117, one year after
292
THE GHICHIMEC PERIOD.
It is difficult to credit the statements of the old
authors respecting the number of Chichimecs that
expoused Xolotl's cause. Ixtlixochitl and Veytia
state that no less than three million two hundred and
two thousand men and women, besides children, rallied
to his standard, leaving one million six hundred thou-
sand subjects of Acauhtzin, and thus making it not a
mere expedition, but a decided emigration. Torque-
mada, who fears he will not be believed if he states
the actual number who took part in the exodus, takes
pains to assure us that the historic paintings mention
over a million warriors, commanded by six great lords,
and over twenty (two?) thousand inferior chiefs and
captains, and as each of these had under him more
than a thousand men, the total number would ap-
proach nearer to the larger numbers than to Torque-
mada's unwontedly modest statement. The number
was ascertained by census, taken at five different places
to check the increase or decrease caused by leaving
colonists along the route, by new arrivals, and especi-
ally by deserters. The counting was effected by each
plebeian casting a small stone into a heap set apart
for his class, and each lord or officer a larger stone
into another heap. Ixtlilxochitl mentions two of
these nepohualcos, or 'counting-places,' one near
Oztotipac in Otonipan district, and another three
leagues from Ecatepec, near Mexico; while Torque-
mada refers to twelve similar hillocks near Tena-
yocan.*
the fall of the Toltec dynasty. Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, ii., p. 7. Ixtlil-
xochitl uUows a period of four to six years to elapse before their arrival
atTolhiii; us usual, this writer is not consistent with himself in difl'cicnt
parts of his work, and ])laces the arrival iu various years between 902
and 1015. Kiiigsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 208, 337, 395, 451.
Torqueniada, always avoiding exact dates, gives on one page an interval of
five years between the destruction of the Toltec empire and the arrival
of the Chichimecs, and on another page an interval of nine years between
the former event and the departure from Amaquemecan. Monurq. Lid.,
toni. i., pp. 45-6. Clavigero places the Chichimec arrival at An.iiuiae in
1170. Sloria Ant. del Mcsnico, torn, i., p. 132, toni. iv., pp. 40-51. Botu-
rini, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sorie iii., torn, iv., n. 2.33, allows a lapse of nine
years between the Toltec fall and the Cliicnimec arrival.
6 Torqueniada, Monarq, Ind., torn, i., p. 44; Boturiui, in Due. Hist.
XOLOTL'8 INVASION.
Having taken leave of his brother Acauhtzin,
Xolotl started on his journey. Halts were made at
a number of stations to gather supplies, and when
camp was broken, settlers were left — generally se-
lected from among the old and feeble — and their
places filled by fresh recruits. Owing to these de-
tentions it took the army some time to reach
Chocoyan, or 'place of tears,' in Andhuac, where
many Toltec ruins were found. After proceeding
some distance farther, and making several halts,
Xolotl dispatched the six principal chiefs of his army,
each with an appropriate force, in various directions,
with instructions to explore the country, and reduce
the inhabitants, if they found any, to subjection; at
the same time he recommended these officers to use
the people kindly, except where they offered resist-
ance, in which case they were to be treated as
enemies.^
Xolotl himself proceeded with the body of the
army, and after halting in several places, he finally
reached Tollan. But the ancient splendor of the
Toltec capital was departed, its streets were deserted
and overgrown with vegetation, its magnificent
temples and palaces were in ruins, and desolation
reigned where so lately had been the hum and bustle
of a mighty metropolis.* The site of Tollan being
too important to be abandoned, Xolotl established
Mex., 8<5rie ill. , torn, iv., pp. 231-2; IxtUlxochHl, in Kingshoro'uglCs Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 337, 375; Vcytia, Hist. Aitf. Mej., torn, ii., pp. 4, 8-9.
Clavigcro,- S/or/n Ant. del Mcssico, toiii. i., p. 134, expresses his disbelief
in the miiubcrs given.' Rien nc justice les niillicms que lui assignent lea
autcurs; ils ont coinpris f^videnient soub ce chitfre cxagerii les diverges
dniigriitions qui se succedcrent dcpuis lors sans interruption dans la vallde
jiiMqu'a la fondation du royaunie d'Acolhuacan.' Brasscur, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
torn, i., p. 202.
' Bra-sseur gives the names of these six chiefs, as: Acatoniatl, Quautla-
pal, Cozcaquauh, Mitliztao, Tecpan, and Itzaquauh, giving Ixtlilxnchitl
and Torqueniada as his authorities; the latter writer, however, Monau].
Ind; ton>. i., p. 44, distinctly affirms that only one chief, Acatomatl, was
sent in advance.
* CiaviMro, Storia Ant. del Messico, torn, i., p. 1.S4, states that they
reached Tollan in (ughteen months from the time of their departure from
.\ina(pieinecau. Ixtlilxochitl gives the date as 5 Tecpatl. Kingsborougli's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 396.
294
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
some families there, which formed the nucleus of a
future population. He then continued his march to
Mizquiyahualan and Tecpan, and finally came to
Xaltocan, on the shore of the lake of the same name,
where he and his followers abode for a long time in
the caves that abounded in that region, and where
they subsequently founded the town of Xoloc or
Xolotl, which afterwards became a city of consid-
erable importance in Antlhuac*
The narrative becomes somewhat confused at this
point, owing to the conflicting accounts of the various
authorities. It seems, however, that the Chichimecs
remained for a long time, several years perhaps, at
the settlement of Xoloc, doing little but sending out
scouting parties to reconnoitre the immediately sur-
rounding country. Finally, according to the majority
of the Spanish writers, Xototl dispatched certain
chiefs on regular exploring expeditions, and set out
himself with his son Nopaltzin and a large force; jour-
neying by way of Cempoala, Tepepulco, Oztolotl,
Cohuacayan, and Tecpatepec, until he reached the hill
of Atonan. Here he descried a goodly region lying
to the south and east, which he at once sent his son
Nopaltzin to take possession of, while he returned to
Xoloc.^"
Nopaltzin wandered for some time from place to
place, seemingly making it his object rather to search
for an inhabited country than to take possession of an
uninhabited one. At first his efforts met with no
success, notwithstanding he ascended several high
mountains for the purpose of seeing afar off. At last
he came to Tlalamoztoc, whence his view extended over
9 ' Les autcurs sont gdneralement d'accord pour placer la date de cet
otablissenient de I'an 1070 ii 1080. Quelques-uns le iwiteiit exactciiicut h
Tail 1008.' 'Xoloc, aujourd'hui Xoloque, village de tort peu d'iiiiiiortuiue,
h, 12 1. environ au iiord de Mexico, et a 3 1. du lac de San-Cristoval. Unc
autre explication met cette locality au pied d'une colline, h uue lieue tuvi-
rou vers le nord de Xaltocan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
torn, ii., p. 214. See also, Vcytia, Hist. Ant. Mcj., torn, ii., pp. 8-10.
'0 Cempoala was twelve leagues north of Mexico ; Tepepulco was
four leagues farther east. Torqitemada, Moitarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 42.
CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY.
the country toward Tlazalan, and Culhuacan valley,"
and Chapultepec, on the other §ide of the lake;
throughout this region smoke arose in various places,
denoting the presence of human inhabitants. With-
out loss of time, the prince returned to his father with
the news of his discovery, passing the ruined city of
Teotihuacan on his way. Xolotl had in the mean-
time visited the large Toltec city of Cuhuac (Culhua-
can?), and had also received information of Toltec
settlements on the coast and in the interior. A con-
sultation was held, and it was decided that Tultitlan
was the most eligible site for a capital. Accordingly
Xolotl left Xoloc in the care of a governor and pro-
ceeded to that region and there founded Tenayocan
opi)osite Tezcuco, on the other side of the lake."
Brasseur's version of these events is somewhat dif-
ferent. He does not mention Xolotl's expedition to
the hill of Atonan, though he does not omit to relate
that Toltec settlements were described from that ele-
vation by the reconnoitering parties sent out from the
Chichimec camp at Lake Xaltocan; neither does he in
any way refer to Nopaltzin's journey, at his father's
counnand, to Tlalamoztoc. The reason of this differ-
ence is that according to Brasseur's version Nopaltzin
was not the son of Xolotl, the first Chichimec em-
peror but of Amacui, one of six great chiefs, who were
the first to follow in the successful invaders' wake, this
they did not do, however, until after Xolotl had estab-
lished himself at Tenayocan," It seems that this
Amacui has been confounded throughout with Xolotl
by the majority of the Spanish chroniclers; in their
version of the events which followed the founding of
Tenayocan, during a period of nearly two hundred
1' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 43, writes Tlatzalan and Coyo-
huacan.
^ " Founded 1120, Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, ii, P- 12- Ixtlilxochitl, in
Kinifshorough's ilex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 338-9; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., toni. i., pp. 42-4.
" 'Le Codex Xolotl, qni fait partie de la coll. de M. Aubin, donnc posi-
tivenient Aniaeiii pour pjjre ct pour predecesseur de Nopaltzin.' Brasscur
de U'jitrbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. li., p. 224.
296
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
J rears, the deeds of the former are all ascribed to the
atter, or at least the narrative is continued without
any break, and no mention is made of any change of
kings."
The Spanish writers relate that the chiefs of whom
Amacui was one were attracted to Anahuac by the re-
ports which reached them of Xolotl's unopposed inva-
sion, and of the richness of the land that he had appro-
priated." Upon their arrival in Andhuac they respect-
fully asked the Chichimec king's permission to settle
near him, and to hunt in his newly acquired territory.
Xolotl evinced no jealousy, but welcomed the new-
comers with generous hospitality; doubtless the poli-
tic monarch saw that such arrivals could not fail to
strengthen his position, as all who came were pretty
sure to acknowledge his supremacy and ally them-
selves to him, as chief of all the Chichimecs. Fium
what source Amacui derived the influence which he
afterwards used for his own aggrandizement is not
known; it could scarcely have been from his personal
power as a prince, because we are told that the num-
ber of his followers was small; but at all events,
whatever were the means he used, he succeeded, at
Xolotl's death, in getting elected to the throne."
This being in all probability the true version, the
events that are now to be recorded may be regarded
as happening in the reign of Amacui, or Amacui
Xolotl, as he was styled on his accession.
One of the first acts of the new king, whom we may
call Xolotl IL, was to remove from his capital at Te-
nayocan and take up his residence at Quauhyacao,
at the foot of the mountains of Tezcuco. Calling
'* 'Xolotl dtant le titre du chef principal des Chirhimfeques, il convciiait
k I'un auBsi bicn qu'h. I'autrc. Tout coiicoiirt, d'aillcurs, h prouvcr que,
dans le Xolotl des aiiteurs, il y a eu divers personages; c'cst Ic suiil nioycn
d'expliqucr cette longue vie de prfes de deux cents uns qu'ils lui accordeiit.'
Brasaeur de Bourboiirg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 224.
•* Torqueniada, Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 46-7; Ixllilochitl, in Kings-
borough, vol. ix., pp. 339-40; Veytia, Htst. Ant. Mej., toni. ii., v. '2S;
Boturini, in Doc. Hist. Mex., stSrie iii., torn, iv., p. 232; Vetancvrt, Tealru
Mex., pt ii., p. 14.
<s Brasseurde Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., pp. 224-6.
REMNANTS OF THE T0LTEC8.
297
his chiefs together, he next proceeded to take
formal possession of the country. The ceremony,
which consisted in discharging arrows towards the
cardinal points, and in burning wreaths of dry grass,
and scattering the ashes towards the four quarters,
was j)erfornied in the royal presence at a great num-
ber of places; the spots selected being generally the
summits of mountains. He also dispatched four lords,
Avith the necessary forces, in the direction of the four
quarters, instructing them to take possession of the
country along their route, but not to disturb the Tol-
tecs, except those who offered resistance, who were to
be subjected by force. Either the progress made by
these four expeditions must have been very slow, or
the extent of country traversed by them must have
l)een very great, for we are told that they did not re-
turn until four years after their setting-out. The most
populous Toltec settlements were found ut Culhuacan,
Quauhtitenco, Chapultepec, Totoltei)oc, Tlazalan, and
Tepexomaco, all ruled by lords, and at Cholula, where
two priests hold the reigns of government." The
name of the ruler at Chapultepec was Xitzin, with
his wife Oztaxochitl and a son;" at Tlazalan was
Mitl with his wife Cohuaxochitl," and two sons,
Pixahua and Axopatl,*" who, instructed by their
father, afterwards revived the art of working in
metals; at Totoltepec were Nacaxoc, his wife, and
his son Xiulipopoca; at Tepexomaco were Cohuatl,
his wife, and his son Quetzalpopoca ; at Cholula
ruled Ixcax, the issue of the adulterous connection of
the pontiff" with the high-priestess of the Goddess of
Water. All these princes hastened to acknowledge
17 '
'Por(^ue iu6 una dc las (}ue irn^nos padecicron en cl cstrago posado.'
Veylia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, ii., p. 18.
'^ Torouemada, Alonarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 44, spells this ruler's name
Eoitin, which, says Brasseur, 'sijjnifie lea trois lifevres, de Citli, qui est
Ic Bin^ulicr, au pluricl Citin. S'agit-il ici d'un scul individu ou do trois du
nom ae Citin, citd ailleurs coinnic celui d'une faniille ciSlbbre dc laijucllc
pr^tendaient descendre les Alcohuas?' Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 209.
'» ' Descendants du grand Nauhyotl.* lb.
^ Spelled Acxopal by Brasseur.
jf
.;.), i
298
THE GHICHIMEG PERIOD.
i
the supremacy of Xolotl II., though without actually
paying hiui homage. Besides this, the four lords
wlu) had been dispatched to the four quarters, an-
nounced on their return that they had visited a
great number of places, among which were Tehuan-
tepec, Guatemala, and Goazacoalco."
The invaders had hitherto met with no opposition
from the few Toltecs who were left in Andhuac;
their plans had all been effected deliberately and
slowly, but surely and without any trouble. Matters
having now begun to assume a settled aspect, the
Chiehimec king at once turned his attention to a par-
tition of lands among the nobles who had accompa-
nied him and assisted his enterprise, and, as is .usual
in such cases, ho dispensed with a free hand that
which of right was not his to give. To each lord he
assigned a defined sectiQn of the territory and a
certain number of dependents, with instructions to
form a town, to be named after its founder.*" Toltec
cities retained their original names, and orders were
issued that their inhabitants should not be interfered
with, nor intruded upon by Chiehimec settlers. One
of the most thickly settled districts was that lying
north and north-east of Tenayocan, named Chichi-
mecatlalli, or 'land of Chichimecs.' Within its boun-
daries were the towns of Zacatlan, Quauhcliinanco,
Totoltepec, Atotonilco. Settlements were also formed
on the coast, the whole extent of country appropri-
ated by the Chichimecs being, according to Ixtlil-
xochitl, over two hundred leagues in circumference.^
It was about this time that Xolotl II., as supreme
*' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, ii., pp. 17-19; Ixtlihorhitl, in Kings-
borough, vol. ix., pp. 333-4, 339; Caroajal Espinosa, Mu'. Mcx., torn.
i., pp. 22C-8.
** 'Kepnrti61a por las sinosidades, cuevas, y rincone«ii <'.o las scrranias,
proportionilndola A la caza.' &ranailos y Galvez, Ta-'.iei Amet:, p. 18;
Brassetir de liourhourg, Hist. Nat. Civ,, torn, ii., pp. «3'2-3.
23 For names of places peopled by the Chichimecs see Ixflilxochitl, in
Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 460, 209. See also Id., pp. 3.39, 395, 451;
Torqiiemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 45; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. i., p. 134; Vci/tin, Hist. Ant. Mej., torn, ii., pp. 14-5; Vetan-
cvft, Tcatro Mcx., pt ii., pp. 12-13.
AFFAIRS IN CULHUACAN.
Qi»
ruler, assumed the title of Huey Tlatoani Chichi-
mecatl Tecuhtli, 'great lord and king of the Chichi-
mecs.
>M
At this juncture it will be necessary to glance
at the state of aiiairs in Culhuacan." It has been
related how Topiltzin, when he fled from Andhuac,
left Culiiuacan, the most populous of the Toltec
settlements at the time of the fall of the empire, to
the care of Xiuhtemoc, an old relative, who was to
act as a kind of honorary king, or regent, and as such
receive obedience and tribute. The Toltec monarch
also entrusted to Xiuhtemoc the charge of his son
Pochotl, then an infant, with instructions that the
young prince should be sent to the village of Quauh-
titenco, situated in a forest near the ancient capital,
and there brought up in secrecy and in ignorance of
his royal birth. Another of Toi.iltzin's relatives
named Cocauhtli, who was married to Ixmixuch and
had a son called Acxoquauh, seems also to have assist-
ed Xiuhtemoc in governing Culhuacan, or at least to
have had great influence there.**
For a number of years Xiuhtemoc continued to
govern Culhuacan with much wisdom, and the pro-
vince flourished wonderfully under his prudent ad-
ministration. He never attempted to claim any other
title than * father,' and was well beloved by his sub-
jects. In the meantime Pochotl, Topiltzin's son,
grew to be a young man, of a suitable age to be asso-
ciated with Xiuhtemoc, according to his father's di-
M To which his descendants added Huactlatohuani, 'lord of the world.'
IxtUlxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 451.
*5 The inhabitants of this province were known as Cnlhuas, and are
not to be confounded with the Acolhuas, notwithstanding many of the old
writers niake no distinction between the two i)eoples.
^ Veytia writes the names of those who Koverned at Cnlhnacan; Xiuh-
temoc, with his wife Ozolaxochitl, and son Nauhyotl; and Catauhtlix with
his wife Ixmixuch and son Acxocuauh. Hist. Ant. Mej., toni. ii., p. 18. Tor-
queniada writes them resiwctivcly: Xiuhthemal, Oceloxroch, Coyol; Co-
paulitli, Yhuixoch, Acxoquauh. Monarq. IncL, torn, i., p. 45. JBoturini
writes; Xiuchtinuitl, Oceloxochitl, Coyotl; Cocoahtli, Yhyozochtl, Acxo-
qiiaiihtli. Doc. Hist.Mex., s^rie iii.. torn, iv., p. 232; IxtlilxochiU, ia
kimjsborough, vol. ix., p. 333.
800
THE CHIGHIMEC PERIOD.
|j
rections. Xiuhtemoc seems, however, to have been
in no hurry to draw the prince from his obscurity.
What his object was in this delay, is unknown; it
would appear at ftrst sight as if he was scheming for
the succession of his own son Nauhyotl, but his patri-
otic conduct and loyal character seems to render such
a cause improbable. At all events Pochotl was still
at Quauhtenanco where Xiuhtemoc died.
His son Nauhyotl, a prince well liked by the people,
immediately seized the throne, and being of a more
ambitious disposition than his father, lost no time in
assuming the royal titles and in causing himself to
be publicly proclaimed king and crowned with all the
rites and ceremonies sacred to the use of the Toltec
monarchs, being the third of the name on the throne
of Culhuacan. According to Brasseur, two princes,
Acxoquauh and Nonohualcatl, were admitted in some
way to a share in the government. '^^
This bold act of usurpation*^ met with little or no
outward opposition, notwithstanding it was well
known that Pochotl still lived. This was doubtless
due to the critical state of affairs in Culhuacan at
the time of Xiuhtemoc's death. The Chichimocs
were steadily increasing in power; Xolotl seemed dis-
posed to adopt a more decided policy toward the Tol-
tecs than his predecessor, and it might at any moment
be necessary to check his encroachments. In this
condition of tilings it was natural that the energetic
*' Brasseur states that according to tlie Codex Chimalponoca, Acxo-
quauh was n younger brother of Nauhyotl; we liave already seen tliis
prince Bpoken of, however, as tl>f ton of (.'oeauhtli, Xiuhtemoc's nssoi'iato;
see note "20. Nonohualcatl, says IJrasseur, was, without douht, Nauhyotl's
eldest son. '(./'est ce jiui parait d'ajirfes la niani6rc dont ce jirinoe suot'ddu
au trOnc aprtis Huctzin, avant Achitonietl ou Anieyal.' Ihst. Nat. Civ.,
torn, ii., p. 2'2'2.
** Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 222, objecting to the term usur-
pation in this connection, writ«s: 'La loi toitiiquc excluait du sang supreme
tout prince (pii se niontrait d'avance incapable de I'occuper. C'litait prolm-
blemcnt Ic cas oil se trouvait Pochotl. Ixtlilxochitl et Veytia, qui aeciisriit
Nauhyotl d'usurpation, avaicnt oublid ou ignoraient la loi de succcshIoii
toltitquc.' It is not ]trobable, liowever, that Topiltzin cither forgot or w.i8
ignorant of the Toltec law of succession, when ho directed that hii son
should be associated with Xiuhtemoc when he uoiua of suitu'ble uge.
:ii
RULE OF XOLOTL II.
801
Nauhyotl, who had been brought up at court under
the immediate care and instruction of his politic father,
should be a more acceptable and fitting king than
Pochotl, who had been brought up in total ignorance
of the duties of a prince, and even of his own rights.
Nevertheless, there were some who murmured secretly
on seeing Topiltzin's son defrauded of his rights, and
Nauhyotl being aware of this discontent, determined
to set the public mind at rest. He accordingly sent
for Pochotl, publicly acknowledged him as the de-
scendant of the Tolt jc kings, declared his intention
of leaving the crown to him at his death, and gave
him the hand of his young and beautiful daughter Xo-
chipantzin*® in marriage, all of which proceedings met
with general approval both from the people and from
Pochotl himself, whose unexpected elevation does not
seem to have rendered him very exacting.**
Favored by the peaceful, non-interfering policy of
Xolotl I., the Toltecs at Culhuacan had increased rap-
idly in wealth and population. Xolotl II. seems to
have grown impatient of this rivalry, and tr> have de-
termined to define the position of Culhuacan and
ass(3rt his own supremacy in Andhuac without farther
delay. Of the way in which he accomplished this
end there is more than one version.
xlccording to ^ eytia and othersj, he informed Nauh-
yotl that by right of the cession of the land of Ana-
luiac made to the monarch of Amaqucmeean by To-
piltziii,'' he should require him to do homage and pay
a small tribute to the Chichimec empire in recogni-
tion of its sujiremacy ; this done, he would ret ognizo
" Alao railed Texochipantzin. Torqticniada jjivca the name of Pochotl'a
wife Hiiitzitziliii, tliou^^h whether he refci°s to the same 'udy is not certain.
Moiiarq. Iiul., torn, i., p. .W.
'<• Veutia, Hist. Ant. Mcj., torn, ii., pn. 18-23; Ixtlilxorhill, i;« Kinqit-
horouijli s Afcx. Aiitiq., vol. ix., p. .340; Jira^stntr de Boiirlioinuj, J/i.st. Nat.
Civ., torn, ii., pp. 220-3.
^[ The reader will recollect that Veytia affirms that Topiltzin Acxitl Hcd
tohiM relative Acauhtzin, brother of Xolotl I., and ceded to him his right
to Auiihuac.
*
i?f
. 'i
m
!r
I
> I:
302
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
him as king of the Toltecs. To this demand Nauh-
yotl answered haughtily that Toltec kings acknowl-
edged no superiors but the gods, and paid tribute to
no earthly sovereign. Xolotl I., he added, had been
permitted to enter Andhuac and people it, beca.ije he
had done so peaceably. Topiltzin's cession was in-
valid, and he, Nauhyotl, merely governed during the
minority of the rightful heir of Pochotl, now de-
ceased, and had no power to dispose of any rights to
the land.32
Such a reply could have but one effect on the fierce
Chichimec. He resolved to crush his rival at once
before he became too strong, and for this purpose gave
orders to Nopaltzin to advance without delay against
Culhuacan. In the meantime Nauhyotl was not idle.
A number of canoes were brought out to defend the
water-line, and he himself issued forth at the head of
a force which, though greatly inferior to the Chichi-
mec army in point of numbers, attacked the enemy
without hesitation, and succeeded in maintaining the
field valorously until evening. Gradually, however,
Nopal tzin's numbers began to tell, until at length the
Toltecs were routed. The Chichimecs then entered
Culhuacan without difficulty, despite its advantageous
position. The carnage was immediately suspended
and no disorder allowed. The Toltecs had sutilred
great loss, and among the slain was Nauhyotl, wliose
death was deeply deplored by his subjects and regret-
ted by the conquerors.
Nopaltzin gave orders that the dead king should be
buried with all the usual honors, and after leaving a
garrison in the town, departed to carry the news of
his success to his father. This battle was the first
Accordinj? to Brasseur, these or siinilar overtures occurred in the
of Xolotl I. Xolotl's anilmissadors, he says, 'aviiient i)lu» (ruiic
'« Accord!
reij^n
fois |»ros8euti Xinhteinal t\ ce sujet, itiuiscelui-ci, tron prudent ettropniiiidf
sa pntric, n]>preheiuhint, suns doutc, dc rendrc les Cluchin)e<|ucH tmp jmis-
suiits, nvait nuistannncnt elude ses propositions cu faisaut valoir les limits
de I'ocliotI, i\ qui seul il appartiendrait de jirendre une diJcision dans rctte
matibrc delicate, une fois qu'il aurait it6 niis en possession du trOiic' Hi-it-
Nat, Civ., toiu. ii., p. 221.
CULHUAS AND CHICHIMECS.
303
in which the Chichimecs had engaged since their ar-
rival in Anahuac, and Nopaltzin was much praised for
its successful issue by Xolotl. The Chichi mec emperor
now proceeded in person to Culhuacan, to assure the
inhabitants of his good will and to receive their hom-
age. Pochotl's first-bom, Achitometl, then only five
years of age, was solemnly proclaimed king, with the
condition that he should pay yearly a small tribute in
fish +"> the Chichimec government. After this ami-
cable arrangement, the intercourse between the two
nations became daily stronger, to the no small benefit
of the Chichimecs.**
Torquemada gives another account of the events
which led to the war. Itzmitl, who succeeded to the
lordship of Coatlichan on the death of his father
Tzonteco'Tio, lui 1 a son named Huetzin by Malinal-
xochivl, Jan^. of Cozcaquauhtli of Mamalihuasco,^
for whoni iiu v> as anxious to secure a temporary re-
gency until lie should in natural course succeed to the
government of Coatlichan. Relying on a promise
made by Xolotl I. to Tzontecoma, Itzmitl asked Xolotl
II. to award his son a lordship, and pointed to Cul-
huacan as available since it was an unai)propriated
Toltec settlement, to which he had a certain right
from the marriage of Tzontecoma with a member of
its royal family. Xolotl informed Achitometl, a grand-
son of Nauhyotl, of his wish that Huetzin should
stay with the king of Cnlhuacan until he succeeded
to his own inheritance*' Achitometl, pretending to
favor the project, in^;..udi< tely sent information to
Naiihyotl, who at ovico ^ooii. steps to secure himself.
Xolotl paid a visit to Ciilbuacan to make formal
"Year 1141. Vc;/tia. His'. Jot. .''ej \om. ii., pp. .30-.'. <>S-1 to 1190.
FitliUochill, in KvKjsljrough's Mcje. .i^'''/., vol. ix., j»p. 200, &42-3, 300,
4r)2.
>< Vn/fia, Hint. Ant. Mfj,, torn, ii., jm. 45-0. Accordiii}; to BmssRur,
Hist. Nat. t'ii:, toni. ii., p. 2.S8, thin liicly was the eldest (lau>;htir of Po-
oliotl. Tzontecoiiiii was one of the Acolliim eliiefs, im will he Nceii hereafter.
'^ The iiicaniii;; of this remiest is imt clear. It was prohahly Xolotl's
ilosifin to net Hiictxiii into rulhuacnii under |)retcnse of leariiinLr the art of
government — thou(;h it would seem he niiuht have done this at his father's
cuurt— and then by some Htrategeni place liiiu upon the throne.
304
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
arrangements for the reception of his protdg^, and
was received with the most friendly assurances. But
when Huetzin arrived, after the departure of Xolotl,
an armed force opposed his entrance, and he precipi-
tately retreated. This breach of faith caused a war,
which resulted in the death of Nauhyotl, and the
elevation of Huetzin to the throne,^
Brasseur's relation of these events, partly derived
from the manuscripts to which he had access, differs
from the others in some particulars, though it gene-
rally agrees with Torquemada's account. According
to this writer, Huetzin, who, it is here stated, was
Pochotl's grandson on the mother's side,^ coveted and
endeavored to obtain tb" *^rown of Culhuacan prior to
the arrangement made l c • his father and Xolotl.
To gain this end he had, jcount of his descent,
the assistance of the Acolhuuo, who were at all times
disposed to reestablish the original Toltec dynasty,
and the sympathy of Xolotl II. and his son Nopaltzin,
who were of course inclined to favor any scheme that
would cripple Nauhyotl. The king of Culhuacan de-
feated Huetzin's plans for the time, however, by pro-
claiming Achitometl — Pochotl's eldest son, by the
princess Xochipantzin, and consequently Nauhyoti's
grandson — as his successor, thus restoring the ancient
dynasty, and doing away with the pretext under which
the pretender had won so much sympathy. It seems
that the claims of Huetzin met with no farther notice
until the death of Quauhtexpetlatl, a son of Nauhyotl
II., who had accompanied his father into exile, and
after his death had returned to Culhuacan and been
'» Torqurmnftfi. }fn)inrq. hid., torn, i., pp. 57-8. Txtlilxochitland Vey-
tia give II (litrereiit xcvsioii of this atruir ot iluctxin's. ItziiiitI, or Ixniitl,
(known also as Thi;'oxin, or TIacoxinqiii) proceeded to Tezcuco, where
Xolotl was superintending the construction of a palace ami garden, and
reminded him of a jironiisc of extra favors made to Tzontceonuk, by way of
coniiK;nsation for the inferior bride which ho had been comiiclled to acrept:
whereupon Xolotl gave the lordship of Tepetlaoztoc to his son Huetzin.
This occurred, says Veytia, in 1207, more than fiO years after the Culhua-
can war. Jftst. Aiit. Mej., torn, ii., pp. 46-7; Kingaborough's Mcx. Antiq.,
vol. ix., pp. 341-2.
^ Kcc note 34.
THE NAHUATLACA TRIBES.
305
associated with Nauhyotl III., the pre.sent kinjjf.
Upon the death of this prince, which occurred in
1129, Xolotl entered into an agreement with the lord
of Coatlichan to procure for Huetzin, the son of the
latter, Quauhtexpetlatl's share in the government of
Culliuacan, Hence followed the struggle, detailed
bv Torquemada, which resulted in Huetzin's elevation
to tlie throne he had so long coveted.^
A digression is necessary at this point, in order
to refer to the traditional arrival in Andhuac of the
Niihuatlaca tribes, which occurred at irregular in-
tervals during a period extending from the early
years of the Chichimec occupation down to, and a
little bevond, the events recorded above.
The original home of the Nahuatlacas was Aztlan,
the location of which has been the subject of much
discussion.^ The causes that led to their exodus
3^ Branseiir, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., pp. 237-51.
3' Aztliin 'etait situtie au nord-oiicHt de la Californie C'est I'o-
])inioii <ruii >;ruii(l iioinbrc d'i^crivnins. M. Auhin croit qu'il liabituieiit la
lii'iiiiisule appelee aujourd'hui la basse California, et que lil etait Aztlan.'
Jirii.s.'ieiir ih' Jiourboura, Hist. Nat. Civ., toin. ii., p. 292. HiiiiilMjldt, Vues,
tmii. ii., p. 179, and Essai Pol., torn, i., p. 5.S, followed by (Jonilra, in I'res-
rati. Hist. Caiiq. Mrx., toni. iii., pp. (5-7, 19, place Aztlan nortli of 42' N. lat.;
l'(i>ter, rrc-Uist. Races, pp. 340-1, Vctancvrt, Teatro Mex., \\i ii., j». 20, re-
fer til tlie acoount of Uiiate's explorations in New Mexico, I)oc. lltst. Mcx.,
serif ill., toni. iv., pp.32, 47-8, 111-12, 625, and jMiint to tlie golden Coiialla,
■with its rumored Aztec-speaking jieople. See also, Arostit, Hist. (If las
Yinl., ]i. 454; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 68; liiixfoii, in Nourrlles
AniDiks dcs Voy., 1850, toni. cxxvi., pp. 40-9. Fontaine, How the World
WIS I'coplrd, jip. 149-50, reminds us that the Aztec // wound is found in the
N. W., and considers the mounds in the N. K. to lie evidences of Aztec
waiuleriiiijs. I'ickcniig's liaces, in U. S. Ex, Ex., vol. ix., p. 41; Chcralirr,
Mixiqiif, i>p. 54-5. Prichard, Nat. Hint. Man, vol. ii., pp. 514-16, regards
tlie Mu(|iiis in Arizona as the most northern Aztec remnants. Clavigero,
Hturin .\iit. del Mcssico, torn, i., pp. l."»6-9, jdaccs Aztlan north of the
I'liliirailo iiivcr, in accordance with some maps of the 16th century, and
rejrarcU this stream as the water said to have liceu crossed cm the iiiigra-
tiiiii, wliilst lioturini. Idea, pp. 126-8, holds this to Ite the (iulf of (.'ali-
furiiia. Curbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., toni., i., i)p. 298, 301; Jiios, Cum-
pcii'l. lli.tl. Mex., p. 11. Orozco y llerra, Geografia, jip. 79-82, 134-5,
traces Nuliuatlaca routes north of Mexico. Duran, Hist. Indian, MS.,
toni. i., cap. 1, h>oks to Florida for the ancient home. Mendieta, Hist.
Eclti.. ]). 144, identifies Aztau witli the later Chicomoztoc, like Acosta
ami Duran, but locates it in the Jalisco region. Hartlett's I'crs. Nar., vol.
ii., p. 28.1. Veytia, Jlist. Ant. Mej., toni. ii., p. 91, ventures a liUle
further north, to Hoiiora; see also, Mollhausen, Rcisen, toin. ii., pp. 143-55.
liuliatiii, ill Amcr. Ethno. Soc, Transact., vol. i., p. 128, considers Aztlan
Vol. V. 30
H
I
li
30G
THE CHICHIMEC PEUIOD.
I
I
1 i
1!
from that country can only be conjectured;*' but they
may be supposed, however, to have been driven out
by their enemies, for Aztlan is described as a land
too fair and bounteous to be left willingly in tlm
mere hope of findinif a better." The native tradi-
tion relates that a bird was heard for several days
constantly repoatini^ the word ti/iui, tihui, meaiiiiii,'
'let us go,' 'lot us go.' This, Huitziton, foremost and
wisest among the Nahuatlaca chiefs, took to bo a
message from the gods directing the people to seek
a ncAV home. In making a declaration of such mo-
ment he needed the support of another influential
man. He accordingly persuaded another chief called
Tecpatzin, who at first seemed sceptical, that the
to liave been near Culiacan, but on p. 205, and in Nnuvellcs Aniinla i/ig
Vou., IS")!, toni. cxxxi., p. 281, he scenis to favor tlio more dircrt imrtli.
Cabrera, Tralro, i>)). 04-6, advanceH some arf^iiment for its location in (hi-
apas. See also, Mullci; Aiwri/ntiische Urrcliyioiicti, pp. 5,32-3. Walilcik,
\o>j. rut., p. 4.'>, remarks tiiat tliu ]>ahii-trce on tlie mi<;ration-nni|i imli-
cates a sotitlioni ori^^in, but (ion<lra, in I'rcsridt, Hist. Coii'i. Mi.r., fcnii.
iii., p. 7, considers tliat tliis 1 lay be a tlioufjhtless insertion of the ])iiint('r.
See remarlcs on pp. 21(i-l'' of (liis vciume, and jui. 081-4, 788-9 of vol. iv,
For further renuirks on jtosiUon of Aztlan, and ori;^iii of Nahualliiciis,
see: X(>ri)uin\i Rumbles in Yiir., ])p. 2(Mi-7; liuschiuii.ini, Orlsniimrii, p.
54, et sefj., lirassfw de Jinurtmiinj, Esqitisscs, pp. 27-8; Id., Jfisl. Xiil.
Civ., tom. ii., pp. 191-7; Id., I'o/iol Vitn, pp. clxxxiii.-e.vcvi.; Briiilfunl's
Amr.i: Antiq., p]>. 203-5; Rux'oii's Adrcn. Mrx., pp. 192-4; CiriKiniij'a
Apnrhct, pp. 80-90; Gregg's Com. Prairivs, vol. i., p. 284; Smith's Jfumiin
Species, m\. 252-3; Mttifcr's Mix. Aztec, etc., vol. ii., ]>. 323.
*" (.iiiUiitUx, Amer. j'ji'/iiio. Soc, Trnii.tdrf., vol. i., p. 205, thinks tliey
may have had a share in tiic dismemberment of the Tolteo em])ir(^ or may
have seized the opportunity offered by Uie Tdltcc emi;,'i'ation to enter into
the deserted lands. Cabrera states tliat they were <lriven from Azllan.
Tcatro, p. 94.
*' Duran gives the description of Aztlan given by Cueuhcoatl to Monte-
zuma the elder: 'Nuestros Padres moraron en cquel felice y diehoso bn;,'ar
que Uaniilrou Aztlan, que quiere decir "Hlancura." En e.ste Lufjiir hay ini
gran Cerro en medio del agua, que llanuibau Culhuaean, ])or one tionc hi
punta alf^o retuerta hAcia abajo, y h esta causa so llama Culliuacan, (jiie
quiere decir "Cerro tucrto." En este Cerro habia iinas boiuis o cneliiis »
concavidados dondc habitilrou nuestros Padres v Abuelos por muchos anus:
alii tubii5ron mucho descanso debajo de este Nonibre Mexitin y .\/.ti'ca:
alii gozaban de mucho cantidad de Patos, de todo g(5nero tic gazza>; tic
cuerbos marino.s, y (iallimis de agmi, y de Gallaretas; gozaban del cantu
y melodia de los Piijaros de las caliezas coloradas y aniarillas; gozarun ilc
muclias <liferencias de grandes y herniosos Pescados; goztlron de gran frc>-
cura de arlxdedas, que habia i»or a<iuellas rilH>ras, y de Fuentes ccrcadas
de sauces yde Sal)inas ydc Alisos grandes y herniosos; andaban en caiioiw,
y hacian camcllones en que sembrahan maiz, chile, toniatcs, huauhtli, fri-
Holes, y <lo todo genero de scmillas de las que comenios,' &c. Hist Iniiias,
MS., torn, i., cap. 27.
NAHUATLACA MIGRATION.
307
bird's note was nothing less than a divine message,
,111(1 the two announced it as siie'r to the people."
Whether all the numerous tribes into which the
Niihuatlacas were divided, left Aztlau at the same
time, or, if not, in what order they left, it is inipos-
sildo to tell. It seems, however, that after several
years' wandering, a number of them were together
at a place called Chicomoztoc, the famous 'seven
oaves. '** The little that is known of their wander-
ings before reaching this point will be found in the
next chapter, in connection with the Aztec migra-
tion.
The list of tribes settled at Chicomoztoc at this
time comprises only seven according to most authors.
They are named for the most part after the locality
in which they subsequently settled in and about Ana-
huiic, and are as follows: the Xochimilcas, Chalcas,
Tt'panecs, AcoUmas, Tlahuicas, Tlascaltecs, and Aztecs
or Mexicans; to which some writers add the Tarascos,
Matlaltzincas, Malinalcas, Cholultecs, Huexotzincas,
Cuitlahuacs, Mizquicas, and Cohuixcas." Some au-
<2 Ramirez, in Garcia yCtihas, Atlnn; Torqticmadn, Monarq. Tiid. tom.,
i., p. IS; Clarigcro, Storia Ant. del Mi'snko, toni. i., iip. 157-8; Vctuncvrt,
Tiii/ro Mex., \>t ii., p. 17; Villa-Scilor y Sanchez, Thrutro, torn, i., p. .1;
Citiliiijid Espitiosa, lli'st. Mcx., t<iiii. i., pp. .S!)!)-300. Tlie (lute of the ilc-
Ti'iili-n Mcx., pt ii., p. 17; Villa-Scilor y Sanchez, Thcatro, torn.
Citiliiijid Espitiosa, Hist. Mcx., t<iiii. i., pp. .S!)!)-300. The (lute <i
piirtuie is shown l>y the maps to Itc Ce Teeputl, which is cak'ulutcd l>y
('liiiiiiil])ain, (iiillatin, (iuiiiu, and Vcytia to he 10()4, l>a.scd on the liv[>(>th-
csis thiit the adjustment of the calendar in tiie yearCe Tochtli, wliicli took
placo (luring the journey, corresponds to 1090. Brassenr would proltahly
assi;^qi a later date, Hincc he writes: 'Lesainiales mc.xicainesnonsniontrent
^'I'lii'ralcment les premieres trilms de cette nation h. Aztlan en I'an I TecpatI,
lOtU.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., n. 292.
*^ Cliicomoztoc is placed by (. lavijjero about twenty miles south of Zaca-
tcca-), lint is rejjardecl hy Durun, Acosta, and others, as identical with, or
within the rc<;ion of Aztlan. Accordinj; to Rrusseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii.,
]>. •-'ll.'t, tl ley arrived here IIIG. Hellwuld, in Sinit/isonian Rept., 180(», p.
H.'l!>, u^Tces witli this date, by makin<; them arrive at Chicomoztoc 2(i years
lifter tiieir departure from Aztlan, wiiich, he says, took jdacc in 1090.
Vfvtiu, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 92, states that they arrived 104 years
after their departure. On the Oemelli nnip Oztotlan, 'place of {jrottoes,'
i< ^'ivcn as a place where they halted for a lonjj; time, from IGO to 200 years
•vWr leaving Aztlan, and may be the same as Chicomo/toi;. Camargo, in
Xniiir/lcs Annates (les Voy., 1843, torn, xcviii., \t. 145, says that thcTlas-
(■al;e;'s, who according to most authors were one of the Nuhuatlacu tribes,
arrived at Chicomoztoc in the year 5 Tochtli.
<• See Acosta, Hist de las Ynd., itp. 455-6; Hcrrera, Hist. Gen., dec.
ii, lib. ii., cap. x. ; Diiran, Hist, Inaias, MS., tom. i., cap. 2; Carhajal
Es/tiuosa, Hist. Mcx., tom. i., pp. 228, 247; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Me»-
•m <
(
1
I 5
I
: r
I
;
i'fi
808
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
thors do not include the Acolhuas and Tepanecs; no
importance is, however, to be attached to the tradi-
tional tribal divisions of the invading hordes betbio
they settled in Andhuac.
It was at Chicomoztoc that the separation of the
Aztecs from the rest of the Nahuatlacas took place.
The tradition relates that while the people were
seated beneath a great tree partaking of a moal, a
terrible noise was suddenly heard to issue from the
summit of the tree; the idol which stood upon the
altar at its foot then called the chiefs of the Aztec
tribe aside and commanded them to order the other
tribes to depart in advance, leaving the Aztecs at
Chicomoztoc. The number of tribes that were thus
sent in advance is not known; Torquemada says
eight, Acosta and Duran say six,*" and others greater
or smaller numbers.
From the time of the separation we hear little
more of the Nahuatlaca tribes until we find them
coming into Aniihuac and settling in various parts of
the country. In this manner we hear of the Xochi-
milcas, 'cultivators of flowers,' coming into the valley
and occupying a district south of Tezcuco Lake, where
sico, torn, i., p. 151; Hellwald, in Smithsonian Rent., 1866, p. 339; Torque-
mada, Monarq. Ind., toni. i., n. 78; Vetanevrt, 'leatro Mcx., pt. ii., p. 17;
Motolinin, Iltst. Indios, in icazbalceta. Col. de Doc, toni. i., pp. 7-9;
Pimentel, Ciiadro, torn, i., p. 154; I'lirvhns his Pilgrimage, vol. v., p. 8ti4;
Gcinclli Carcri, in Churchill's Col. Vot/ngcs, vol. iv., p. 482; llumhoUU,
Vues, torn, ii., pp. 168-71; Sahaguti, Hint. Gen., torn, iii., lib. x., p. 145.
Brosseur de Bourl)<)HrK gives a.s the trihes that left Aztlan: the HiRxotzin-
ctus, Cluilcaa, Xochiniilcas, Quitlahnacus, MulinalcoH, Chichiniecas, Tvpa-
necas, and Matlaltzincas. Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. ii., p. 292.
^ Monarq, Ind., tom.i., pp. 78-9; Ilist.de las Ynd., p. 454; Hist. Indms.
MS., toni. i., cap. 2. On Botnrini's map the hieroglyplis of the eight trihe^
are seen at Chicomoztoc for the last time; the priests or leaders of tlie Az-
tecs alone pursne the remainder of the course. As the Aztec hierojjl.vpli
does not appear to l>e included among these eight, it might be assuuiuil tlint
the Aztecs were composed of certain families oelonging to one or iiioru of
tlie ci^ht tribes, but this does not appear to he the view taken by tlic au-
thorities. Gondra, in Prcscott, Hist. Conq. Mcx., tom. iii., pp. 25-6, remarks
that the map indicates a consultation of six of the families with tlicir ^'oil.
and the departure of two. The non-recurrence of the tribal hieroglyiihs lie
explains by saying that the families are henceforth designated only liy tlu'
chiefs who lead them. This map cannot, however, be expected to be iimre
accurate than the sources from which Torquemada, Acoata, and othun*,
derived their information.
ACOLHUAS AND TEPANECS.
309
torque-
8t)4;
\iwhn,
|i. 145.
[dtzin-
'IV'pa-
ltril'C>
A/.-
Llthat
lire of
Ic nil-
luarks
• pill,
%\\» lit'
ly t'"'
1 uinre
Itliers,
they founded Xochimilco; but all we know of their
former history is that they left A(j[uilazco, their
original home, which we may suppose to have been
a district of Aztlan, under a chief named Huetzalin,*^
who, dying on the journey, was succeeded by Aca-
tonal, who conducted the tribe as far as the ruined
city of Tollan and there died, after having ruled
twenty-three years. The tribe then proceeded under
the conduct of Tlahuil Tecuhtli*^ to the Culhuacan
territory and attempted to settle there, one year after
the accession of Huetzin.*^ Lut the people of Cul-
Imacan were suspicious of the new comers and drove
thein to the other side of the lake to a place called
Teyahualco, at the same time forbidding them to settle
on any part of the lands belonging to the capital.
For some years the Xochimilcas remained ciuietl}' at
Teyahualco, but in 1141 Tlahuil Tecuhtli pounced
suddenly upon Culhuacan, and before its defenders
could gain their arms he penetrated into the heart of
the city and sacked it remorselessljj. The inhabitants
soon rallied, however, and not only drove the maraud-
ers out of the city, but pursued them as far as the
site of the ancient city of Ucopetlayuca. Here Tla-
huil Tecuhtli resolved to establish himself a ', with
the permission of the king of Culhuucan, he forth-
with founded the citv of Xochimilco, whicli subse-
(jUL'utly became one of the principal places in Anil-
huac.** The Chalcas settled on the east side of the
lake of Chalco and founded a number of towns of
''^ Qiietzaliii according to Bmsscur, who adds: 'Pans le teste, il y a 77m-
rlziiliii, cc ([ui est ^ti'obablenient unc faute <lii copixte.' Hisl. Xtit. Civ.,
torn, ii., p. 2(>3. Tins chief may possibly be the same lus Hiiitziton.
*' Veytia names this chief Xochimilco, wliith Hrasseiir says 'iie pent
iitre (ni'une errenr.' I(L, p. 264.
*^ [l>. IxtlilxuchitI and Vcytia place the arrival of the Xoohimilcas in
Tliitzin's reign. Kingsborotigfi's Mix. Antiq., vol. i.\., p. 458; Hint. Ant.
■Vcj., toni. ii., p. 88. Puran says they were the first to leave ("hiconioztoc,
ami the third to arrive in Andhuac. This writer gives a number of jilaccs
foumled by them Ijcsides Xochimilco. 77«,v^ Iinlian, MS., toni. i., cap. 2.,
1.3. Aeosta says they were the first to arrive. Nhf. tie la-i Ynil., v». 488.
*" Vci/tia, Hist. Ant. Mrj. 'om. ii., pp. 88-9; Ixf/il.Tor/iitl, in Kingshor-
ontih's Sicx. Ant'q., vol. ix., p. 458; lirasscur de liottrhourg, Hist. Nat,
dr., toni. ii., pp. 203-4. •
310
THE CHICHIMEC PEItlOD.
II;
which the principal was Chalco. For the Tlahuicas
no room could be found about the lake; they tlitru-
fore proceeded to a district south of Mexico, Avliuru
before long a number of settlements rose around tlieir
capital Quauhnahuac* Of the other tribes included
by some authors among the Nahuatlacas, we find the
Tarascos settled in Michoacan, the Matlaltzincas in the
province of that name, and extending towards IVIiclio-
acan; the Malinalcas in the province of Malinako;
the Cuitlahuacs in the province of Cuitlahuac; the
Mizquicas in Mizquic; the Cohuixcas in Guerrero.^*
The Tepanecs and Acolhuas become prominent in
the affairs of Andhuac at this period, that is, duriiit,'
the reign of the Chichimec emperor Xolotl 11.
They were among the numerous bands that con-
tributed to the overthrow of the Toltec empire, and
are classed by several writers among the Nahuatlaca
tribes."*^ One of their chiefs, Tzontecoma of Coath-
chan, was, as we have seen, the grandfather of Huet
zin, the present -king of Culhuacan. The event
that brings them into prominent notice at this time
is their tendering alle^^iance to Xolotl II. In do-
ing this they claimed descent from the Citiii,^' il-
lustrious for nobility of race and for heroic deeds.
According to many of the Spanish writers the Otuniis
*• Now Cnernavaca.
s' Orozco y Ikrra, Geografia, pp. 92-3, 141-3.
^ Many writera who do not directly connect the Acolhuas with the Na-
huutliicas, assert that they came from the same refjion, and were of tlic
same race. Clavigero places the ancient home in Tcoaeolhuacaii, near Ania-
qiiemecan. Veytia considers them to be the descendants of Toltec colmiists
who were settled alonu tiie Pacilic coast. Ixtlilxochitl ntfirnis tliat tlicy
were ncif^hbors of the Hnehue Thipallan Toltecs and of (..'hichimcc stock.
S3 'C'(7t;(, pluriel de Cilli, lii-vre, nom apparcmment d'une tribn dii Nnnl,
commc les Pied-Noir, les Serpents, etc' Branae.ur de Boi(rhoiii-f/, Hist.
Ntif. Ch\, torn, ii., p. 232. Hios, Compoid. Hist. Mex., i). 7, says they
derived their origin from the family of Citin or Ulcua. Alotolinia says of
the Acolhuas: ' Este nombre los quedo de nn valicnte capitan que tiivioron
Acoli, que asi se llama aqucl hucso que vii desde el codo hasta pi li"iii-
hro, y del misiiio hucso llunuin al hombro Acoli.' He was very brave, ami
taller than other men. Hist. Iiidios, in Icazbalceta, Col. dc Doc, torn, i.,
p. 11. Gomara, Conn. 3Irj., fol. 301, says that they cliiimed descent from
a valiant chief named Chichimecatlh, who once tied a strap round the arm
of Quetzalcoatl, near the shoulder. This was regarded as a great feat, for it
was said tiiat he tliat could bind a god cuuld bind all men.
ACOLIIUAS AND TEPANECS.
311
came into Andhuac and tendered their allegiance to
Xolotl II. in company with the Acolhiuis and Te-
paiiecs. We have ah-eady seen, liowcver, that the
Otoniis were one of the most ancient nations of
Amihuac, and were there long before the Toltecs;
this reputed entry of theirs was perhaps nothing
more than their coming in from the mountains and
adopting, to a certain extent, a civilized life." The
story goes that Xolotl II. and his son No])altzin were
Hiittered by the propositions of these powerful chiefs
aiui entertained their guests right royally. Nor did
the Chichimec monarch delay to confer upon the three
principal chiefs substantial marks of his favor and
consideratio 1. To the lord Acolhua with the Tepa-
necs he assigned several districts south of Tenayocan,
with Azcapuzalco for a capital, and gave him the hand
of his eldest daughter, Cuetlaxochitl, in marriage;
the lord of the Otomis received the emperor's second
dauu^liter, and a district four or five leay^ues north of
Azca])Uzalco, with Xaltocan for its capital; Tzonte-
coma, the third chief, a young man, was awarded for
the Acolhua home a district one league south of
Tezcuco, with Coatlichan for a capital, and, as Xo-
lotl Iiad no more daughters, he was given for a wife
the j)rincess next in rank." It was in compensa-
tion for this inferior marriage that Xolotl afterwards
obtained the throne of Culhuacan for Tzontecoma's
grandson, Huetzin, according to Torquemada's account
given on a preceding page.
The three marriages
i* Rrasscur do, Bourhoiirg says nothing about the Otomis coming in with
tlip Acdllmas ami Teimnecs at tiiis time.
^' 'I'liiw, iiccunling to Turqucmuda, Moiiarq. Iiid., toni. i., pp. .51-4, wlio
is fiilldwed by IJrusseiir, win Coatctl, daugliter of ('liali-liiulillatonae, or
Cliiili'liiuhtlanctzin, lord of Chalco, who, says llrasseur, Jf/st. ya/. <'ir.,
toiii. ii., |). 231, 'paruSt avoir ete I'uu dew frurcs on des lils do Nauiiyntl
II.' According to other anthors, Tzontecoma's lirido was named (Jihuatet-
ziii, mid her father was a Toltee, lord of Tlalniaiialco. Each of these names
is spelled in a great variety of ways. See IxtULfnehill, in Kiiiffsboroiifi/i's
Met. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. .S41, 395^ 4.'J2; Vqitia, Hint. A tit. Mn., tom. ii..
pp. 30-43; Clnrigcro, StoriaAnt. del Mi'ssiro, torn, i., ])p. 130-7; (Irnundns
y (Inhrz, Tart/cs Amrr., pp. 19, 142-3; Miillfv, lirixiii, torn. iii.. )). 45;
Miilla\ Amerikanischc I'nr/igioiicii, ji. 5'2G; Villu-Sciiur y Snurhrz, Then-
Iro, torn, i., p. 3; Orozco y Ilerra, Geoyra/ia, p. 92.
8ia
THE CniCHIMEC PEUIOD.
were celebrated at Tenayocan with extraordinary
pomp, and were followed by a .succession of \n\\)Ynt
jLfamos, gladiatorial oxliibitiiMis, and amusements of
all sorts, which lasted sixty days.
It is difficult to say in what relation the Acolluia
and Tepanec princes stood towards the Chichimec em-
peror. Accordinj:^ to most of the Spanish authorities,
they swore alle<»'ianee to Xolotl, and took rank iis
the first vassals of the empiie, thou<,di they wero
exempted from payment of tribute. It is Brasseur's
opinion, however, that this statement must not ho
accepted too literally. Nothing, was more jealously
guarded by all these peoples than their independtiico
and sovereign rights in the land they occupied. At
the same time, the right of first occupation beiiijif
held sacred by them, it was n^vtural ihat the tribes
that came in after the Chichimecs, should address
themselves to Xolotl, before attempting any foiiual
settlement. The act of the new tribes was, theretoro,
an observance of international etitpiette rather than
an acknowledgment of vassalage."*
The settlement of the Acolhuas and Tepanecs in
An;thuac resulted in an improved order of things, and
in the rapid advance of culture throughout the country.
Their comparatively high state of civilization was
not slow to impart itself to the ruder Chichimecs,
who were proud to ally themselves by marriage to
the polished strangers, and eager to emulate their
refinement. For the same reasons the name Acol-
hua soon came to designate the Chichimecs of the
capital and surrounding districts. Nor was it the
people alone who received this impulse from the
new-comers. Xolotl began to perceive that if he
wished to establish a permanent and hereditary mon-
archy it would be necessary to cure his fierce nobles
of their nomadic tastes and habits by giving them
{)ossessions, and thus making it to their interest to
ead an orderly and settled life. To this end he
w Brasscur dc Bovrbottrg, Hist. Nat. Civ., toni. ii., pp. 233-4.
TFIE TOLTFX'S IN ANAHITAC.
813
create' number of fieiH, and distributed them among
his lo accordint; to tbeir rank and (juality. Tbowo
Ivint( nearest to the centre of the empire were
L;ranted to the princes of the royal family, or to chiefs
of undoubted loyalty; while to the more turbulent
nobles distant provinces were assiu;ned"
lA)r some time after the accession of Huctzin to the
throne of Culhuacan, where, the reader will recollect,
he had been placed by Xolotl 11. after the defeat and
(li'iith of Nauhyotl, it seems that Nonohualcatl, Nauh-
yotl's eldest son,** and Ameyal, Pochotl's oldest son
hy Xauhyotl's daughter, were pennitted to retain
tiieir position as heirs to the throne which they had
t'iij(»yed during the reign of the late king. But this
(lid not last very long; the ruse by which Ameyal
iiad endeavored to frustrate Xolotl's designs upon the
throne of Culhuacan was not forgotten, and before
many months had elapsed the young prince was de-
spoiled of his dignities and cast into prison, where he
was kept closely confined for several years.
Al* igh the Toltec element in Antlhuac was
fjrov vcaker every year, and threatened to totally
disiipp..ar in a short time, yet what little there was
left of it possessed great importance in the eyes of
Xolotl II. The Chichimec emperor, partly perhaps
from motives of ])ride, partly because he saw that
it would tend to ensure his son's succession, desired
nothing so much as to ally his family by blood with
the ancient Toltec dynasty. With this end in view,
the old monarch had for some time been looking
ahout for a suitable bride for his son Nopaltzin. At
length the lady was found in the person of Azcatl-
xochitl, sister of Ameyal, and therefore daughter of
Pochotl, the son of Topiltzin, the last Toltec king.
Tills princess, who was then about twenty-five years
of age, was possessed of singular beauty and rare
" lirasseiir dc Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., pp. 236-7.
''■^ Sec note 27.
vi
m
8U
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
accomplishments, and was withal a model of modesty.
Her father being dead, and her brother in captivity,
she lived in seclusion with her mother at Tlaxinia-
loyan, a town on the frontier of Michoacan. What-
ever dislike the Chichimec nobles may at first have
had for this alliance, was speedily overcome; the hand
of the Toltec princess was formally demanded and
given, and soon afterwards the marriage was celebrated
with great magnificence. By this union Nopal tziii
had three sons, Tlotzin Pochotl,®* who subsequently
succeeded his father as Chichimec emperor, Huiza-
quen Tochin Tecuhtli, and Coxanatzin Atencatl.**
When these came of age, their father obtained Tla-
zatlan from Xolotl for the eldest son to rule, until
he should succeed to the imperial throne; for the
second so?i he obtained a grant of Zacatlan, and for
the third Tenamitoc. B'^fore departing to his fief,
Tlotzin was married to Tocpacxochitzin, daughter of
the lord of Quahuatlapal, one of the great chiefs
that came with Xolotl from Amaquemecan."^
Brasseur states that the tributes of the seijjriorv
of Oztoticpac, in the province of Chalco, wero
granted to Tlotzin at his birth,"'' and there the princo
59 Named also Hiictzin, says Brasseur.
60 V'cytia, Hist, Ant. Mej.\ Um\. ii., p. 47, writes the names Tlotzin Po-
cotlil, Toxtequihuatziii, ami Ateiicatziii. Ixtlixochitl, in Kiiitj.ihtiroiiijli'n
Mfx. Aiitiq., vol. i.\., p. '210, Tlotzin|>ochotl, Hiiixaquuiitocliinteculitli,
Coxanatzin Atcncatl; on p. 342 he (litters in the following: Toltzin, Toxte-
qniluuit:'in, Atencatzin Apotzoetzin; on p. 3i)o, Tloxteiiuihiiatziii; on
4(51, Tlotzinpochotl, Atzotgocoltzin, Totzin. Turqiifimiila, Motnirij. Iini
i., p. G'2, Tlotzin, Quauhtcquihna, or Tochiiitceuhtli, Popo/oi'.
toni
I:
flu-
VKjrro, Storia Ant. del Mcssico, toni. i., p. .1 11, .Apopozoc. Nopultziii liiul
also another sim, named Tenaneacalt.zin, who in later years gave iiini'li
tiouhle to the emperor Quinantzin, and who, acconling to the Spanish
authorities, was a bastard. Ilrnsseur, however, (inds reason to belii'vc
that this prince was Nopaltzin's legitimate son by a former marriage, llisl.
Ntit. Civ., toni. ii., p. '2.")4.
61 Lctlilxochitl, in KiixjuhnvoHglCs Mrx. Aiitiq., vol. ix., jtp. 34'i. 395,
452; Veytia, Hist. Ant. MiJ., toni. ii., pp. 47-9; Torqiicmima, Moiiuvq.
lad., torn, i., p. 63; Clavigcro, Stnriu Ant. dvl 3friisico, toni. i., p. 141.
** Commenting ujwn the statement of Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. C/iirh., in
Kin ff. thorough'' s Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., )>. 211, that Xolotl abandoned to
Tlotzin not only the revenues of the )>rovinee of Clialeo, but also of sev-
eral other provinces as far as Mizteca, Hrasseur writes: '11 y a eviilcni-
mcnt cxag^rntion; jamais Ics amies dc Xolotl n'nlli;rent aussi loin, et 11 est
douteux m^me que les provinces rciifcrinecs dans la vaU<ic lui f ussent toutca
tributaircs.' Hist. Nat, Civ., toiu. ii., p. 258.
REIGN OF XOLOTL 11.
usually resided durino- his vnuih o ''^
struction of a noble f ol ecCm^/T^'' *^" ^^^^ in-
^\y^^^o, it is said, accompa S h?'^^^^^^ ^^"1^*"
zatlan, whither he went X '. ' ^"^^^ *« ^la-
tmued to educate him the e <» Tf '''""^^"' ^"^ «««-
place that Tlotzin's son Onin.n/ •'"''', ^* this latter
becarne emperor, was Wr, "^""*^'"' ^^ho afterwards
-^^;':oJ:;;L^^^^^ - nmeh dis-
^"« ii^e. It seems tJiatTor ! i ""^^ P"* ^" end to
l>owerful Chichimee nllefhad ^^ 'T."" ""^^^^^ o^
«on, and h,s grandson, were 7o nnJ ?"P^''^^' ^'^
though whether this wis IL' V*"^ ^'^ advance
«P.nng against the ol7Utrci"s ^^r^^^^^^ '^^ -"
Of cou,,e any pJot whidi tJn^ '. ^f '" "«* ^J^ar.
Chichimec empii^. called L.f''^ *° ^^^^^^ the
P-Ple of Culhuacan fnd th^'"TTP"% of the
tliroughout the countrv,^ and tbn t^'l ^^''^'^ny
hcUon grew to be quite fol i n ^'^ discor.tented
conspirators confined^temselvef t^'" ^' ^''^ the
^ade no active demonstraZ ^u ^f r'^'"^'' -^^
and the aged emperor shovvc'd n *""^ '^'^'n* ««
their impatience for his death ''-"" "^ ^'«i^"^^
finally they deliberate; lttVi;r ""^^^^'^We, aiTd
I)"rmg the later -ea^^w k? ,.^''T'«'nation.
.government almost ent ely n't h'*', ^t'^ '^^ the
>^opaltzm, and passed t e oL *''^ ^"^« «^' J^is son
the roya gardeis at Telcuco R ^"'^ ^* ^"'^ *""« in
expressed a wish to W an ^L V^ '^"'"'^^ ^""-^
}jater brought into these Lrom/^^'^-"^^ supply „f
ify^ng his desire that thp^^ '' ^"^ '^ ^a« ' irat-
from a neighboring moS J. 1 •^' ''"'"" introduced
;''f ^J nntil a tim^e~Z e?""' '^'' ^""«Pi'-«tors
to be reposing in a low lyin . '^^7?/' ''''' ''^^Vo'^d
'"^ -*"^7 breaking art! hiSftdV"'
''^ /^»«w«,. ^^ B„ , ^" ^^ati been
" -^^ ''':.»t.'^i!;*!'a,t'- ■^""'- '■"■■. - -, p. «=..
M
W
I
816
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
constructed for the purpose, they let the water over-
flow the grounds. But their design was happily frus-
trated. It happened that Xolotl had not lain down
in the usual spot, but had sought an elevation, where
the flood could not reach him. From his conduct it
would seem that he had been apprised of the plot, for
instead of being disconcerted, he made merry over
the disaster, saying: "1 have long been convinced of
the love of my subjects; but I now perceive that they
love me even more than I imagined; I wished to in-
crease the supply of water for my gardens, and, be-
hold, they oven exceed my wishes; therefore I will
commemorate their devotion with feasts." And he
accordingly gave orders that the next few days should
be devoted to public rejoicing, to the great confusion
of his enemies. But the old monarch's heart was
sore within him, nevertheless, and the treachery of
his subjects weighed heavily upon him.*"*
But the disaffection that had given rise to thie in-
iquitous plot was not quelled by its failure, and
received a new impulse from a love-quarrel which led
to serious consequences. Before narrating this event,
it should be stated that Ameyal, henceforth known
as Achitometl,"" had been released from captivity,
probably through the influence of his sister, Nopalt-
zin's wife, and that NonohualcatP had succeeded to
the throne of Culhuacan by reason of Huetzin's falling
heir to his father's seigniory of Coatlichan.'*
Now, Achitometl had a daughter named Ato-
toztli, whose exceeding beauty and high rank
brought countless admirers to her feet. Most
favored among these, or most daring, it is not clear
«* Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., toin. i., pp. 5JM50; IxtlUxochitl, in Kings-
boroiiffh's Mi'u: Aiitiq., vol. ix., p. 343; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Mcssico,
torn. I., pp. 138-9.
««Seo lirassfur. Hist. Nat. Cii\, toiii. ii., p. 265. Tliin writer and Tor-
quciiinda arc the only autlioritici* who use the iiuine Ameyal at any time.
«■' See iu>tc 27.
<* Hrassenr, Hint. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 272, writes: 'C'otait proha'di-
nient sur la pniniessc tie recevoir la main de sa (AchitometrH) Hlle que
Huctzin avait renonoti au trOiio dc Culhuacan.'
REVOLT OF YACANEX.
817
which, was Yaoanex,* lord of Tepetlaoztoc, and vas-
sal of Huetzin. This noble presented himself be-
fore Aehitometl, and imperiously demanded his
daughter's hand. Angered at his insolence, the Cul-
hua prince responded that Atotoztli was promised to
Huetzin, but that if she were not he could never en-
tertain a request made in such a manner. Yacanex,
furious at this rebuff, but not in a position to proceed
to extremes at the moment, returned to his fief and
set about stirring up a rebellion against his rival and
suzerain, Huetzin. His own people rose to a man at
his call, and he was soon joined by several powerful
neighboring chiefs.™ According to Brasseur, Yacanex,
having gathered his forces, marched to Culhuacan,
and there repeated his demand to Aehitometl; but
that prince reminded the rebellious noble of his prom-
ise to Huetzin, and declared his determination to
yield his daughter's hand to no one else. Upon this
Yacanex returned, with threats, to Tepetlaoztoc."
There his army was swelled by a number of mal-
contents, among whom were two of Huetzin's sons,
who thought themselves robbed of their inheritance,
because their father had left the crown of Culhuacan
to Nonohualcatl when he succeeded his father at Co-
atlichan. The provinces of Otompan and Tezcuco
also broke out into open revolt, and before long there
••' Sj)clt also Ynnex, Yacazozolotl, Yacatzotzoloc, and Ixcazozolot.
'" AiuoiiK these were < ' .;otox, or Acotoch, and Coavuech, who, according
to Ij'tlilxochitl, in KingsboroiujKs Mvx. Aiititj., vol. ix., p. 212, were dimii-
fec'ted towards the empire becnnse aj^riculture had Iteen forced upon them
anil tribute exacted in field produce; Qnauhthi, lord of Oztoticpac, and To-
chin Teeuhtli, lord of Coyuhuacan, who had fallen into disgrace in the fol-
lowin<; manner: Chiconqnauhtli, Xolotl's son-in-law, died suddenly, and
was buried without notice bein^ sent to the emperor. Xolotl thcrcu])on
disiKitchod Tochin Teeuhtli, to offer condolence to the widow, his dau}^liter,
ami to a|)|)oint Omicxipan, n noted noble of that province, governor,
'roibin Teeuhtli did as he was ordered, but instead of returning to Xolotl
with a re|>ort of his mission, he went to Huetzin of Coatlichnn. To pun-
isii this disrespect, or treason, as Toniuemada calU it, Xolotl deprived
Tochin Teeuhtli of his lordshi]) of Coyuhuacan and exiled him to Tcpetla-
oztm'. Torquemada, Monarq. Iiid., toni, i., pp. 58, C5; Clavigero, Sloria
Aiit. del Slcssico, torn, i., p. 142; Vefniirrrf, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 15;
Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., i>p. 2G7-9.
" This is the account given by Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p.
27-1. Most writers do not mention this expedition to Culhuacan.
318
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
f-i
was danger that the whole of Andhiiac would be in-
volved in war.
Xolotl and Nopal tzin now began to feel seriously
alarmed. Tochin Tecuhtli, who, as we have seen, had
been previously disgraced,'^ and who had therefore
joined the rebels, was secretly sent for, and induced by
fair promises to desert Yacanex and take command of
the imperial troops. He immediately proceeded to
join Huetzin, and the two with their united forces
then marched against the rebels. But Yacanex had
taken up an unassailable position in the mountains,
and for some months could not be drawn into an en-
gagement. At length, his strength being greatly
increased by the numbers that flocked to his standard,
he decided to risk a battle and descended into the
plain. The engagement, which lasted an entire day
and was attended with great loss on both sides, ended
in the rout and almost total connihilation of the reb-
els. Yacanex, with his ally Ocotox and a small rem-
nant of his followers, escaped to the mountains in tlio
east; and Huetzin's two sons''^ fled to Huexotzineo,
At this time Nopaltzin, with his son Tlotzin and
his grandson Quinantzin, then about nine or ten years
old, were sojourning in the forest of Xolotl, near Tez-
cuco. Ocotox, who had escaped with Yacanex, con-
ceived the bold idea of capturing this royal party.
But the princes were secretly informed of the pk)t,
and, gathering what men they could, they rushed sud-
denly upon the concealed enemy with such fury that
but few escaped. Quinantzin, though so young, is
said to have been foremost in the melee and to have
fought so valorously that Xolotl rewarded him with
1* Sec note 70.
'3 Ixtlilxochitl, p. 212, says he fled toward Pdnnco, and afterwards. ]>.
343, states that he was i)ardnned and ro-instatcd. Torqncnuidn, Momirq.
Ind., toni. i., p. G5, atKrnis that the rebel chief was slain in buttle, and
that hix allies iled to Huexotzineo, where tiiey died in nuHcry. CliivipTo,
Storia Ant. del Mcasico, toni. i., pp. 142-3, follows Torqueniada. Wo must
accept the former version, however, as Yacanex subsequently re-apiK'urs
upon the scene.
'* Brastcur, Jligt., toni. ii., p. 277.
Ti
NOPALTZIN EMPEROR.
319
the lordship of Tezcuco, and ceded him its revenues.'"'
Tochin Tecuhtli was well rewarded for his services ; he
received in marriage the hand of Tomiyauli, daughter
or grand-daughter of Upantzin, king of Xaltocan, and
was made lord of the seigniory of Huexotla, which
comprised the towns of Teotihuacan and Otompan;
Huetzin returned to Coatlichan and there married tlie
Helen of the war, Atotoztli, daughter of Achitometl.^*
Thus was this rebellion brought to an end in the year
1151.""
A few years after tliese events Xolotl II. expired
at Tenayocan in the arms of his son Nopaltzin, to
whom he left the crown, exhorting him to maintain
peace in the empire if possible.™
After the body of the late emperor had been in-
terred with the customary ceremonies, Nopaltzin was
crowned Chichimecatl Tecuhtli, and formally re-
ceived the homage of his vassals. The coronation
fetes were on a scale of unusual magnificence, and
lasted forty days.™
In spite of the wishes of the late emperor, Nopal-
tzin s reign was anything but a peaceful one. Ana-
huac was at this time divided into a great number of
states, many of which had their peculiar languages,
"5 'Para que en ella y su contonio nmmlasc en calidad do soberano.'
Viii/ia, toni. ii., i>. 5G. He could sejircely have been sole lord of Tezcuco,
for W'vtiii Iiinmelf imys that Tlutziu reigned there.
''^ Ixtlilxorhill, pp. 212, 396-7; Vri/tiu, torn, ii., pp. 50-8; IWquemada,
toiii. i.. p. (».'>; Suhmjitn, torn, ii., lib. viii., p. 278; lirasscur, Hist., toni.
ii.. ji)). 271-7.
" lirasxnn; Hist., torn, ii., p. 277.
" The exact year in whicn Xolotl II. died is uncertain. Rrasacnr,
wliosc chroDuIu^y I have followed, does not give the date, though he says
it iHTiirred si.nie years after the death of Huetzin, which occurred in 11.54.
Xiiliitl. siiys this author, at his death, 'ne {MHivait gu^rc avoir plus de cent
mi cent (lix ans, et, en calculant les annees dc son rbgne, ii connneiicer de
8UII arrivee dans I'Anahuac, il aurait \n\ durcr tout an plus de soixante il
soixante-cinn ans.' Hist., torn, ii., pp. 277-8. Veytia, toni. ii., p. 6S»,
writes that Xolotl dieil in 1232. Toniueniada, torn. i.. p. 6t), says that he
was nearly 200 years of age when he died. Ixtlilxwhitl, pp. 212, 343, .S97,
451!, sjivH, 117 years after his denarture from Ainaqueinecan, in the n2th
year of his reign in Anahuac, ana gives, as usual, several dates for Xolotl's
"Jcatli. namely: 107.5, 1127, 1074. and 1121. Rios, Comitriid. Hist. M>x., p.
7, !»iiys that he died at the of KM), after a reign of 99 vears.
''■* Torqueniado, torn, i., pp. 61-2, gives tlie speeclies delivered on the
occasion.
320
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
manners, and customs. The principal of these divi-
sions were Tenayocan, Coatlichan, Azcapuzalco, Xal-
tocan, Quauhtitlan, Huexotla, and Culhuacan. Each
of these communities was exceedingly watchful of its
own interests and regarded all the others with more
or less jealousy. In the early part of his reign the
people of Tulancingo rebelled, and Nopaltzin marched
in person to subdue them ; it is doubtful, however, if
he would have succeeded had not Tlotzin opportunely
come to his aid, when, after a campaign of nineteen
days, victory was obtained.* On another occasion,
Aculhua, King of Azcapuzalco, usurped the lands of
Chalchiuhcua, lord of Tepotzotlan, at a time when
Nopaltzin was too busy to prevent it.
In 1171 Nonohualcatl, king of Culhuacan, died and
was succeeded by Achitometl, or Ameyal.^' This
prince, whose life had been such an eventful one,
labored hard to advance civilization, and during his
life the city of Culhuacan made gieat progress.
But his reign was a short one, and he had been on
the throne but a few years, when he died, and was
succeeded by his son Icxochitlanex.
Nopaltzin, following the example set by his father,
did all in his power to further Toltec culture. Great
attention was paid to agriculture; masters were ap-
pointed in the several towns to teach the various arts,
new laws were made and old ones revised, and civili-
zation began to assume a higher phase than it had
hitherto done since the fall of the Toltec empire.
80 Torqucmada, torn, i., p. 66; IxtlilxochiU,m. 212-13; Claviqevo, torn.
i., pp. 140-2; Vet/tia, torn, ii., pp. 71-.S, 78; liios, Compend. llist. Mcx.,
p. 8; Brasseiir, Hist., torn, ii., pp. 281-8.
8' We have Been that according to the account given by Vcytia, and
others, of the events which led to the first trouble between tlie Cliicliimecs
and the people of Culhuacan, Achitometl succeeded to the throne iinniodi-
ately after the death of Nauhyotl, no mention being made of the reigiia of
Huetzin or Nonohualcatl. See pp. 303-4.
CHAPTER VI.
THE CHICHIMBC PERIOD. — CONTINUED.
Migration of the Aztecs— Nations of AnAhuac at Beginning of
THE Thirteenth Century— The Aztecs submit to the Tepanecs
—Reign of the Emperor Tlotzin— Quinantzin, Kino of Tez-
cuco and Chichimec Emperor— Transfer of the Capital— Tk-
nancacaltzin usurps the Imperial Throne at Tenayocan—
The Usurper defeated by Tepanecs and Mexicans— Acolna-
huacatl proclaimed Emperor— Quinantzin's Victories— Bat-
tle AT Poyauhtlan— Quinantzin again Emperor— Toltec In-
stitutions at Tezcuco — Events at Culhuacan — Mexicans
DRIVEN FROM ChAPULTEPEC — ALLIANCE BETWEEN MEXICANS AND
CuLHUAs— Religious Strife— Foundation of Mexico— Reign
OF THE Emperor Techotl — Political Changes — Ruin of the
CuLHUA Power— Tezozomoc, King of Azcapuzalco— Separation
of Mexicans and Tlatelulcas— Acamapichtli II., Kino of
Mexico— QuAQUAUHPiTZAHUAc, King of Tlatelulco.
The last of the so-called foreign tribes that came
into notice in Andhuac, from out the confusion that
followed the downfall of the Toltecs, was the Aztec,
or Mexican, which settled at Chapultepec in the last
years of the twelfth century.* According to their
traditions they set out on their migration from Az-
tlan together with the Nahuatlaca tribes, whose
arrival has already been noticed; but were left be-
hind by those tribes at Chicomoztoc, one of their
first stopping-places. The migration of the Aztecs
> 1194, Codex Chimalpopoca; 1140 or 1189, Ixtltlxochitl; 1245, Clavi-
o; ia3l,_Gondra; 1298, Veiitia, Gatna, and Gallatin.
VoL.V.— M
(»!)
322
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
from Chicomoztoc is described much more fully than
that of the tribes that preceded them; but in the
details of this journey, so far as dates, names, and
events are concerned, the traditions are inextricably
confused. I have already expressed my opinion that
some of these traditions may refer very vaguely t<»
the pre-Toltec events in Nahua history, but that
they chiefly refer to the movements of the Nahua, or
Chichimec, tribes which occupied the Toltec provinces
during the continuance of the empire, and which
after a long struggle became powerful in and about
the Valley of Mexico. We have no means of de-
termining in a manner at all satisfactory whether
Aztlan and Chicomoztoc were in Central America or
in the region of Zacatecas and Jalisco; nor indeed of
proving that they were not in Alaska, New Mexico,
or on the Mississippi, although there is absolutely no
evidence in favor of the latter locations; but we know
at least that all the halting-places of the migrating
tribes after Chicomoztoc wore in the immediate vi-
cinity of Andhuac. The record as a whole is exactly
what might be expected, were the traditions of half
a dozen kindred bands respecting their wanderings
about the central plateau, and efforts to establisli
themselves in permanent homes, united in one con-
secutive narrative ; and I have little doubt that such
was substantially the process by which the Spanish
version of the Aztec migration was formed. What-
ever the cause of the confusion that reigns in that
version, it is utterly useless to attempt its clearing-
up; and 1 dispose of the whole matter by simply
presenting in a note the dates and successive halting-
places attributed to this migration by the principal
authorities ; the opinions of these authorities respect-
ing the location of Aztlan and Chicomoztoc have
been previously given.'
* I give here as compactly as possible the course of the Aztec migration
as given by tlie leading authorities: — Leave Azt'.an 1 Tecpatl, 1064 A. D.,
and travel 104 years to Chicomoztoc, where they remain 9 years; thence tu
THE AZTEC MIGRATION.
t^y) *^r« i« Utile Element ^' "°*^<^«^> «!
date of their occurrence A * !..^ *^ *he pla^e or
said to have crofi«*.i i ^* ^^tJan the A^/lnT
- to Teo.c;&:-'s tiSerirr ^-
Cohuatlicamac. 3 vean. M„...... .. ^^"^ '" ^^^n^' of
ffiM
THE CHICHIMEG PERIOD.
the god Tetzauh. Prompted by the cry of a bird, as
has already been related, they left their home under
command of Huitziton, or Huitzilopoehtli, probably
identical with Mecitl, or Mexi, whence was derived
their name of Mexicas, or Mexicans. They seem to
have left Aztlan about 1090, and to have settled in
1194, having been several times broken up into different bands on the way.
Humboldt's — Vues, torn, ii., p. 176, et seq. — interpretation of Gemelii Ca-
reri's niaj) — see vol. ii., pp. 643-7, of this work — gives the stations in the
following order: From L'olhuacan, the Mexican Ararat, 16 chiefs or tribes
reach Aztlan, 'land of flamingoes,' north of 42°, which they leave in 1038,
passing through Tocolco, 'humiliation,' Uztotlan, 'place of grottoes,' Miz-
quiahuala, Teotzapotlan, 'place of divine fruit,' Uhuicatepcc, Papantia,
'large-leaved grass,' Tzompanco, 'place of human bones,' Apazco, 'clay
vessel,' Atlicalttguian, 'crevice in which rivulet escapes,' Quaulititlan,
'eagle grove,' Atzcapotzalco, 'ant-hill,' Chalco, 'place of precious stoncH,'
Pantitlun, 'spinning-place,' Tolpetlac, 'rush mat,' Cjuauhte|)cc, 'eagle
mountain,' Teteuanco, 'wall of many small stones,' Chicomoztoc, 'seven
caves,' Huitzquilocan, 'place of thistles,' XaltciMzauhcan, 'place wliere
the sand issues,' Cozcaquauhcn, a vulture, Techfatitlan, 'place of obsidian
mirrors,' Azcaxochitl, 'ant flower,' Tepetlapan, 'place of tenelate,' Ai)an,
'place of water,' Tcozomaco, 'place of divine apes,' Chapoitej^cc, 'grass-
hopper hill.' Gondra, in Prescott, Ilist. Conq. Mex., tom. in., pp. 5-7,
repeats this interpretation. Kamirez, in Garcia y Cuhas, Atlas, justly
ridicules the 'Ararat' or deluge theory, and confines the wanderings df
the Aztecs to the regions about the lakes; 15 chiefs leave their home in
Chalco Lake after tying 1st cycle. The stations are mostly adopted
from Humboldt, without any opinion expressed of their accuracy, but
there are a few additions and corrections in definitions, as follows:— Az-
tlan, where 2d and 3d cycle are tied, Cincotlan, 10 years, Tocolco, 4th
cycle, Uztotlan, 5 years, Mizquiahuala, 5th cycle, Xcupan, 15 years, Tc-
tepunco, 'wall of many stones,' 5 years, Oxitlipan, 10 vcars, Teotza|)atlun,
4 years, Ilhuicatencc, 4 years, Papantia, meaning doubtful, 2 years, Tzon-
panco, 'place of skulls or bones, ' 5 years, A]>azco, 4 years, Atlicaluquian,
'where water collects,' 2 years, Cauhtitlan, 'near the eagle,' 3 years, Az-
capotzalco, 'in the ant-hill,' 6th cycle, 7 years, 1 year to Chalco, Pantitian,
'place of tiers,' 'i>lace of departure,' neither quite correct; Tol|H!tla(\ '2
years, Epcohuac, 'serpent,' Cuauhtepec, 2 vears, Chicomoztw;, 8 years,
Huitzquilocal, 3 years, Xaltepozaulican, dOuf)tful, 4 years, Cozcacuauheo,
4 years, Techcatitlan, 5 years, Azcaxochic, 4 years, Tepetlapa, 5 years,
Apan, 'on the water,' 'Teozomaco, 'in the monkey of stone,' 6 years,
Chapoltcpcc, 4 years. The same author from the Boturini ma]) — sec vol.
iL, pp. 547-50 — derives the following: Left their island home, passed
through Coloocan, stayed 5 days in a place not named, thence to Ciicx-
tecatlichocayan, Coatlicamac, 28 years, Tollan, 19, Atlicalaquiam, 10,
Tlcmaco, 5, Atotonilco, 5, Apazco, 12, Tzon])anco, 4, Xaltocan, 4, Acal-
huacan, 4, Ehecatepec, 4, Tolpetlac, 8, t^outitlan, '20, Huixuclititlun, 4,
TeciJavocan, 4, , Amalinalpan, 8, Pantitian, 4, Acolnuhiiuc, 4,
Popotia, 4, , Atlacuihuayan or Tacubaya, 4, ChajM)!tci)ec, 20
years. Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mcx., toni. iii., pp. 23-30, inter-
prets the Boturini map as follows: — I^eave Aztlan 1168, pass through Col-
huacan, Cuatlicamaca, r216-'25, Apanco, 1226-9, Tlamaco, 1230-4, Tzom-
pango, 1246, Azcapotzalco, 1250, Jaltocan, 1251-4, Colhuacan, 1258, Tnl-
iietlac, 1262, Ecatepetl, 1270, Cuautitlan, Chalco, Tecpayocan, I'i!).'),
Pantitian, Atotonilco, 1.303, Azcapotzalco, 1311, Apan, 1316, AcaxodiitI,
1319, TlacuihuMlan, 1327, Chapoltepetl, 1331-61.
THE AZTEC MIGRATION.
Chicomoztoc, after several halts, in 1116.' Chico-
moztoc, to which Brasseur adds the name Quinehua-
yan, was also on the hank of a river, and the Aztecs
continued the profession of hoatmen which they had
practiced at Aztlan, being subject to a tyrannical
monarch to whom the name of Montezuma is applied
by some of the traditions. After the other Nahuat-
laca tribes had separated themselves from the Aztecs
by divine command, the leader, or high-priest, or god,
— Huitzilopochtli — for the exact epoch of his death
and deification it is impossible to determine — informed
the latter that he had selected them as his peculiar
people, for whom he destined a glorious future. He
ordered them to abandon the name of Aztecs and
adopt that of Mexicas, and to wear upon their fore-
head and ears a patch of gum and feathers, as a dis-
tinguishing mark, presenting them at the same time
with arrows and a net as insignia.* This separation
at Chicomoztoc, or the Seven Caves, presents strong
analogies to that which took place in Tulan Zuiva; it
is not impossible that the events related are identical,
the earlier portions of this tradition referring vaguely
back to the primitive epochs of Nahua history, while
the later portions relate the events which followed the
Toltec destruction. After the separation, and while
the Aztecs were yet at Chicomoztoc,' an event oc-
curred to which is traditionally referred the origin of
the differences that in later years divided this people
into two rival parties, the Mexicans and Tlatelulcas.
Two small bundles mysteriously appeared among
Uiem one day when all w^re assembled; the first
opened contained an emerald of extraordinary size
and beauty, for the possesion of which a quarrel en-
sued. The second bundle proved to contain nothing
' Brasseur, Hist., Una. ii., pp. 292-5, on the authority of the Mem. de
Cvlhuacan and other original documents.
* Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 13ft-6.
* Id., pp. 136-9. Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 79-M, followed by Clavi-
gero and Vetancurt, repreaents this event as naving occurred at a subse-
.quent halting-place.
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
more attractive than a few common sticks, and the
party into whose possession it fell deemed themselves
most unfortunate, until Huitziton made known tu
them a novel process of producing' fire by rubbing
two sticks together." According to Brasseur's author-
ities one of the princes of Chicomoztoc, named Chal-
chiuh Tlatonac, was induced to depart with the Az-
tecs, assuming a rank second only to that of the high-
priest Huitziton. It is also claimed that certain Tol-
tec nobles with their followers, who had been driven
from Chapultepec by the Chichimecs, joined their
fortunes with those of the Aztecs at an early period
of their migration, perhaps, however, before they left
Aztlan.'
After leaving Chicomoztoc, and while in Micho-
acan according to most authorities, although by some
of them Huitzilopochtli is spoken of as a god long be-
fore, the aged high-priest Huitziton died or disap-
peared suddenly during the night. It is hinted that
he was foully disposed of by the priesthood, through
jealousy of his popularity and power; but whether
responsible or not for his death, the priests resolved
to take advantage of it to advance their own inter-
ests. Consequently the next morning a report sm
circulated that Huitziton had been called to take his
place among the gods with the great Tetzauh, or
. Tezcatlipoca, who on his arrival had addressed to
him the following craftily prepared speech: "Wel-
come brave warrior, and thanks for having so well
served me and governed my people. It is time that
thou take thy rest among the gods; return, then, to
thy sons the priests and tell them not to be. afflicted
at thy absence; for although they may no longer
behold thee, thou wilt not cease to be in their midst
to guide and rule them from on high. For I will
• Veytia conjectures the emerald to typify the nobility of the Tlalclul-
ens, a useless attribute when compared with Aztec science and industr}'.
T Hist., torn, ii., pp. 293-6; Ixtlilxochitl, vol. ix., p. 214. Veytiu, tont
iL, p. 96, makes Chalchiuh Tlatonac another name of Huitziton.
cause
l>oneg
they
have
and \
them
they V
seur a
nopal
waters
in his (
seat of
althou^
the aul
also gs
pochtli
their mi
an idol
shouldei
course c
mama, <
medium
his coran
no oppos
of the c:
out.
But ai
dicates tl
comprehe
Malinalxc
ziton, a i
the high-'
She was
priests, w
could kiJl
and (ran. .
^'h« leatli
.'0 likely
Jivinifv to
^;
DEATH OF HUITZITON.
cause thy Hesh to be consumed, that thy skull and
l)unes may remain to thy sons as a consolation, that
they may consult thee respecting the routes they
have to follow and in all the affairs of government,
and that thou mayest direct them and show unto
them the land which I have chosen for them, where
they will have a long and prosperous empire." Bras
seur adds to the speech, "where they shall find a
nopal growing alone on a rock in the midst of the
waters, and on this nopal an eagle holding a serpent
in his claws, there they are to halt, there will be the
seat of their empire, there will my temple be built,"
although this is not given by Veytia or Torquemada,
the authorities referred to by the abbd. The god
also gave directions that the bones of Huitzilo-
pochtli should be carried in an ur* by the priests on
their migration, or according to some authorities that
an idol should be made and carried in an ark on the
shoulders of four priests. The four priests were of
course designated for the important position of teo-
mama, or 'god- bearers,' who were to constitute the
medium through which the idol should make known
his commands to tie people. The people dared make
no opposition to f lie will of their god, and the plans
of the crafty priests were most successfully carried
out.
But an episode that is related of this period, in-
dicates that the plots of the priests were perfectly
comprehended by at least one person. This was
Malinalxochitl, the sister, friend, or mistress of Huit-
ziton, a brave princess who rendered great aid to
the high-priest against the machinations of his foes.
She was charged, however, probably by the hostile
priests, with the possession of the black art. She
could kill with a glance, turn the course of rivers,
and IrantMuim herself into any form at will. After
^h« leath of Huitziton the priests, whose tricks she
'rv likely ied to expose, resorted to their new
divinitv to iid themselves of Malinalxochitl. The
f.
I
828
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
!
idol fro'.n its ark was made to issue an order that the
sorce'.ess should be abandoned while asleep. With
her followers she weuv to Mt Texcaltepec, where she
afterwards founded the town of Malinalco, and bore
a son named Copil, or Cohuitl, to whom she entrusted
her revenge on the Mexicans,"
While they were yet in Michoacan, on the banks
of Lake Patzcuaro, a trouble is said to have occurred
which resulted in the separation of the Tarascos from
the Aztecs, and their settlement in this region. The
tale, to which very little importance is to be attached,
from the fact that the Tarascan hinguage was dif-
ferent from the Aztec, is as follows: A number of
men and women were bathing together, when the
rest, at the instigation of the priests, took their cloth-
ing and departed. The bathers were obliged to im-
provise a dress, which pleased them so much that
they retained it ever after in preference to the
maxtli ; but they never forgave the Aztecs, resolved
to remain where they were, and even changed their
language that they might have nothing in common
with that people. Camargo's version is that in cross-
ing a river a part of the travelers used their maxtlis
to fasten together their rafts, and were forced to bor-
row the women's huipiles to cover their nakedness;
and Veytia adds that so imperfectly did these gar-
ments perform their office that the rest of the tribe,
shocked at the appearance of their companions, aban-
doned them in disgust, calling them Tarascos from a
circumstance that has been already given.*
8 On Hiiitzilo^ochtli <4cc vol. iii., pp. 288-324. Some of tho anthorities
imply that Hiiitzilopo'jhtli died or at leuHt appeared as an idol loii<; liufore
this period, Hoon after their departure from Aztlan. Uoturini, Idiui, np. tiO-1,
states that Hiiitziton was taken u|> to heaven in si^ht of the pco[)l<;. 8ce
also on his death ami the abandonment of Malinalxochitl; Vei/lia, tuni. ii.,
pp. 93-101; Torquenuula, tom. i., pp. 78, 80-1; Tezozomoe, in Kiiujsbor-
ough, vol. ix., pj). 6-8; Ditran, MS., tom. i., cap. ii.-iv. ; y^'iosta, pp.
459-61, 4<58; Vlavtgcro, tom. i., pp. 160-1; Brasseur, Hiat., torn, ii., pp-
299-.302; Siifiienza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., stSrie iii., tom. i., pp. 39-43; Ra
mirez, in Garciu y Cubat, Atlas; Gondra, in Preacott, Uial. Conq. Mcx.,
tom. iii., p. 25.
• See vol, ii., p. 130; Tezozomoe, in Kingaborough, vol. i.e., p. 6; Duram,
MS., tom. i., cap. iii.; Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 103-5; Pimtntei, Cuadro, tom.
i., p. 272; Camargo, in NoHvellea Annates, t /ni. xcviii., pp. 131-2.
AZTECS AT TOLLAN AND ZUMPANGO.
Quauhtlequetzqui seems to have been the priest
who of the four assumed the highest rank after the
death of Huitziton ; and coming under his command
or that of their idol through him expressed, to
Coatepec in the vicinity of ToUan, the Mexicans, at
the order of their god, stopped the current of the
river so as to form a kind of lake surrounding
the mountain. Their stay in this place was one
of great prosperity and increase in population and
wealth; here they placed the sacred ark in a grand
temple; and here they were taught to make balls
of india-rubber and initiated by the gods into the
mysteries of the tlachtli, or game of ball, which after-
ward became their national diversion.*" But the
will of Huitzilopochtli was made known that this fair
land must be abandoned, and their wanderings re-
commenced. The people murmured and showed
signs of revolt, but tho god appeared before them in
80 frijjhtful an aspect as to till them with terror;
some of tlie malcontents were found dead near the
temple with their hearts cut out ; the dam was bro-
ken, thus destroying the great charm of their new
home ; and finally the will of the leader was obeyed,
though not apparently until several revolting chiefs
with their followers had separated themselves from
the main body."
At Tzonipanco, now Zumpango on the northern
lake, the Mexicans — not perhaps the main body,
judging from the names given to the leaders — were
most kindly received, possibly as allies in the wars
waged by Tochpanecatl, the lord of that city. This
lord's S(>n Ilhuicatl married Tlacapantzin, a Mexican
girl, and, as Brasseur states, tho same lord gave his
daughter Tlaquilxochitl as a wife to Tozcuecuex, the
"See vol. ii., pp. 297-9; Veytia, torn, ii., pn 106-8; Tezoionwc, ia
Kin(fithorou{fh, vol. ix., pp. 7-8,
" See IteHitleit references in preceding noted, Vetanevrt, Teat.ro, pt ii.,
pp. 18-19; Hirrtra, Hitt. Oen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xi.; Gallatin, in
AtM.r. Ethno. Soe., Trantaet, vol. i., pp. 12&-6; Brautur, Hitt., torn, ii.,
pp. 302-6.
880
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
Aztec leader, at the same time giving to the Mexi-
cans through her the possession of Tizayocan their
next halting-place. From one of these marriages
sprung Huitzilihuitl, who afterwards became, accord-
ing to many authors, the first king, or ruler, of the
Mexicans."
Several other intermarriages with tribes in Andhuac
are reported, and also some hostilities during the
subsequent frequent changes of residence, but no
important events are definitely reported before the
arrival and settlement at Chapultepec in 1194 as
already stated, although there is but little agreement
in the dates, many traditions assigning the arrival to
a much later perioil. As has been before stated,
these traditions refer to different bands, and the dis-
ajjreement in dates would be natural even if the
chronology of the records had been correctly inter-
preted by the Spanish writers, which is not probable.
There can be little doubt of the comparative accuracy
of Brasseur's dates.
At this period Nopaltzin was still on the throne of
Tenayocan, but was succeeded in 1211 by Tlotzin
Pochotl." Acolnahuacatl, called by the Spanish
writers Acolhua II, reigned over the Tepanecs at
Azcapuzalco; Culhuacan was governed successively
after Achitometl by Icxochitlanex, Quahuitonal, Ma
zatzin, Cuetzal, Chalchiuh Tlat(<nac II., Tziuhtecatl,
Xihuiltemoc, and Coxcoxtli, down to about the end of
the thirteenth century; the Teo-Chiohimecs, one of
the invading bands that have so vaguely appeared in
preceding annals together with the Nahuatlaca
tribes, wore settled at Poyauhtlan in the vicinity of
Tezcuco, a source of great uneasiness to all the na-
tions, although nominally friends of the emperor
» Vcytia, torn, ii., pp. 96-7, culls the bride of Ilhnicatl, Tiacnpapnntzin;
and Toniiieintulu, torn, i., ]). 82, Tiacapantzin. Heo nlitu Clavi^rro, toni. i.,
p. 1G3; Duran, MS., torn, i., cap. iii. ; Brasse»r, Hint., toiii. ii., pp. .S()6-8.
>J IxtlilxochitI, in Kinffshorouf/h, vol. i.x., pp. 213, 346, 397, gives the
dates 1107, 1158, and 1105; the firat date is 5 AcatI whit^h a);rors witli Itrnfi-
veur's ducumonts, hut is inf«rpri>tcd us 1211 <rr one cycle later tliiin Ixtlil-
xochitra interpretation. Vcytia, tow. ii., pp, 70-80, ((ivcs the date 1263.
THE AZTECS AT CHAPULTEPEC.
881
Tlotzin; and Quinautzin, the son of Tlotzin, was chief
lord at Tezcuco and heir to the imperial throne."
The Aztecs meantime fortified their naturally strong
position at Ohapultepec, and in 2 Acatl, 1195, cele-
l)rated the coiapletion of their cycle." Huitzilihuitl,
in spite of the sacerdotal opposition was made chief,
or as some s&y, king ; the scattered Mexican bands,
and oven the main Ixidy of the Mexicans under the
hiirh priest Qiiauhtlequetzqui, or his successor of the
same name, came to join those of Chapultepec ; and
the colony began to ii,.-iurae some importance in the
eyes of the surroundmg monarchs. The king of
Azcapuzalco sought to make the Mexicans his vas-
sals, desiring their aid as warriors, but Huitzilihuitl
jtroudly refused to pay tribute. Their first war,
something over thirty years after their arrival, was
with Xaltocan, against which province they had
aided the lord of Zumpango when first they entered
the valley. The armies of Xaltocan, under Huixton,
attacked and defeated the Aztecs near Chapultepe^,
forcing them to retreat within their fortifications,
acting probably by the encouragement of the Te-
panecs.*® According to Brasseur's authorities, the
Tepanecs again proposed an alliance, and on refusal,
marched with their own army, and soldiers from
other nations, against Chapultepec, and at last forced
Huitzilihuitl to submit to the payment of tribute."
Before yielding, however, the Mexican chief sent am-
bassadors to Quinantzin at Tezcuco, offering him the
^* Brasseur, Hist., torn, ii,, pp.323, .178; Torquemnda, torn, i., p. 254.
Tliis autlior pvcM the Hiu'cessioii of kiii};^ iit ( iinuiciui us Aoliitometl,
Maziitzin, Cjiietzul, Clmleliiuhtonu, Qitiiuhtli.x, Vohiiallatouuc, Tziuhtccatl,
.XuiliU'imiotzin, and Coxcot/in. Vcytiii Kives tlic succession as followa:
Acliitonictl, Xohualutunac, Culquiyauhtzin, and Co.xeox. It is impossible
to reconcile tliis matter; but no events of great ini|M>rtancc in whiuli the
Ciilluias were engaged seem to have taivcn place nntil the reign of Coxcoxtli.
'* I.mn y Gamn, Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 20, and Codex Chimalpojwca.
(i.xllutiii makes the date one cycle later or 1298.
•'> Turqwmada, torn, i., pp. 8.3-4. This author represents the Aztecs as
Imving licen driven from Chapultepec at this time. There is but little
a^'roniicnt respecting the order of events in Aztec history previous to the
foundation of Mexico.
"('u(/ex Chimalpopt -m, in Brasseur, Hist., torn, ii., pp. 319-23.
:Kff
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
i
I
allegiance of his people and asking aid ; but the Tez-
cucan lord was not in condition to help them, and
advised them to submit temporarily to Acolnahua-
catl," which they did about 1240.
The reign of Tlotzin, the Chichimec emperor, was,
for the most part, one of great prosperity, although
his enemies were constantly on the watch for an
opportunity to overthrow his power. He seems to
have used his influence against a tendency exhibited
by the Chichimecs to a rudeness of manners, and
independence of all control, which threatened, in his
opinion, a relapse into comparative barbarism. He
favored rather the elegance of Toltec manners, and
the strictness of Toltec discipline. In his efforts for
reform he was seconded, or even excelled, by his son,
Quinantzin, lord of Tezcuco. Ixtlilxochitl tells us
that Tlotzin, soon after his ascension, made a lonjj
tour of inspection through his territory, correcting
abuses and enforcing the laws, but exciting thereby
the enmity of some vassal lords. Tenayocan was
properly the Chichimec capital, but the emperor spent
much of his time at Tezcuco, which had become one
of the finest cities in Anahuac. For the embellish-
ment of this city, many Toltecs are said to have been
called in from various towns, by the orders of Qui-
nantzin. Some of the officers placed in charge of the
parks and public works of Tezcuco, particularly Icuex
and Ocotox, abused their trust, were banished,
headed revolts, and were defeated by Quinantzin.
About this time Tlotzin formed a new monarchy
at Tezcuco, abdicating his own rights there and
giving the crown to his son, Quinantzin. Another
son, 1 lacateotzin, was given the province of Tlazalan,
subject to the crown of Tezcuco, and still other sons,
Tochintecuhtli and Xiuh(|uetzaltzin, were made by
Tlotzin, rulers of Huexotzinco and Tlascala, indicatin*,'
11 Ixtlilxochitl, in KinifshorougK, vol. ix., p. 348, and Vnytia, torn, ii.,
£p. 140-1, mention this application to Quinantzin, but refer it to a much
iter period after the city of Mexico WM founded.
REIGN OF THE EMPEROR QUINANTZIN.
888
that the eastern plateau was at this time a part of
the empire, though it is not probable that a very
strict allegiance was enforced. As monarch, Quinan-
tzin, from his royal palace of Oztoticpac, labored more
earnestly and successfully than before for a return to
the old Toltec civilization, thus exciting the opposition
of many Chichimec nobles, and preparing the way
for future disasters. Tlotzin became, at last, so fond
of his son's beautiful home, that he practically aban-
doned Tenayocan, appointing Tenancacaltzin, probably
hi.s brother, to rule in his stead. The newly appointed
lieutenant had no fondness for Toltec reform, became
secretly the chief of the opposition to the emperor,
and only awaited an opportunity to declare his inde-
pendence. Tlotzin Pochotl, at last, after an illness
whose chief feature is said to have been a profound
melancholy, was carried, at his request, to Tenayocan,
where he died in 1240, after appointing Quinantzin
as his heir. His funeral was act^ompanied with great
pomp and display; all the kings of Anahuac, both
i'rionds and foes, assisting in the ceremonies, and
euloi^Mzing his character.'*
Taking the title of Chichimecatl Tecuhtli, or
Emperor of the Chichimecs, Quinantzin transferred
the capital to Tezcuco, re-appointing, it wouhl seem,
Tonancacaltzin as ruler of Tenavocan. He inunedi-
atoly aiuioxed the powers of Huexotla and Coatlichan
to his dominion, forcing the princes of those cities,
Tochintecuhtli, or Ihuimatzal, and Huetzin II., to
reside in his capital, and forming from the three king-
doms that of Acolhuacan. As enij)eror, he gave freer
vent than ever to his old inclinations to ()omp and cer-
emony. Whenever he appeared in i)ublio he caused
himself to be borne in a magnificent royal ])alanquin
on the shoulders of four Chichimec nohK.s. The
I' Vrytiii, t«tm ii., pp. 81-8, 110 13, givos the «latP of Tlotzin'M iloiktii
as I'.'IK' Ixtliloxchitl. in Kri<f.ihorouijh, vol. ix., pp. Ul.'J, 3-Hi, ;«W, 4«l,
Kivcs as ilulos, llH. 1104, nn>l 1140. Soo uIho on liix reinn; '/'orijitemaiin,
t«m. i., pp. (kS-7'i; Clmnffcro, torn, i., pp. 143-4; Velmicvrt, Tvittro, pt ii.,
p. lU; linusvHt; Hist., titni. ii., pp. 3'i4-33.
384
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
:ii
!
U k
ill-will which Quinantzin's strict discipline and Tol-
tec inclinations had previously excited ; the fears
aroused by his annexation of Huexotla and Coatli-
chan, and other decided political measures ; displeasure
of those of Tenayocan at the change of capital ; and
the humiliation of the Chichimec nobles, in being
obliged to bear the royal palanquin, soon resulted in
a revolution. By the support of the Tepanec king
at Azcapulzalco, Tenancacaltzin was proclaimed em-
peror at Tenayocan, and all Andhuac, save Culhuacan,
Coatlichan, Xaltocan, and Huexotla, were arrayed
against the Tezcucan monarch, many of his own
relatives joining in the movement against him, and
his brother, Tlacateotzin, being driven from the
dominion of TIazalan. In so unequal a stniyirje
Quinantzin seems to have made no effort to overthrow
the usurper, but rather to have employed all the
force that could be furnished by his remaining vassals
in fortifying his position at Tezcuco, where he
patiently awaited future opportunities for revenge
and recovery of his imperial throne.*
Acolnahuacatl, the Tepanec king, seems to have
supported the usurpation of Tenancacaltzin not from
any feelings of friendship, but from ambitious motives
for his own interests. He took no steps to accom-
plish the conquest of Tezcuco, but on the contrary
8(X)n began to plot against the usurping emperor.
He made use of the Mexicans, who had suffered much
from the people of Tenayocan and were eager for
vengeance, to accomplish his purpose. Reinforced by
some Tepanec troops in Aztec dress, they made sev-
eral raids for plunder against Tenayocan and the
adjoining towns. Thus provoked, Tenancacaltzin
marched with an army to punish the robbers, but was
met at Tepeyacac, where now the church of Guada-
lupe stands, by the Mexicans and Tepanecs combined,
*• Torquemnda, torn, i., pp. 73-4, 85; Veytia, t»»ni. ii., pp. 114-15; fxllil-
xoehitt, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., j>p. 347-8, 399, 452-3; Clavigero, toin. i.,
pp. 144-5; Vctanri'rt, Tcatro, pt li., p. 16; Jiratteur, Hitt,, torn, ii., pp.
833-8; Miiller, Reinen, torn, iii., p. 48.
TENANCACALTZIN USURPS THE THRONE.
335
and utterly defeated. The conquered emperor fled to
Xaltocan, expecting aid from the enemies of the Mex-
icans, but the princes of Xaltocan were also friends of
Quinantzin, to whom they delivered Tenancacaltzin,
but who refused to revenge his wrongs upon his uncle,
and permitted him to leave the country. The Te-
panec king took possession of Tenayocan and had
himself declared emperor of the Chichimecs, Qui-
nantzin apparently making at first no opposition, but
awaiting a more tavcrable opportunity to regain his
power
21
I now come to the chain of events by which Qui-
nantzin regained the imperial throne and a power
surpassing that of any preceding monarch. The
northern provinces of Moztitlan, Tulancingo, and
Totoltepec, excited by the rebels Icuex and Ocotox,
formerly banished by Quinantzin, raised the standard
of revolt and marched to attack the capital. They
were even joined by the four eldest sons of the king,
according to Brasseur and Ixtlilxochitl, although
other authorities make this rebellion a distinct and
later affair, and disagree somewhat as to the time of
the northern rebellion. Dividing his available force
into four divisions, Quinantzin took command of one
division, entrusting the others to his brothers To-
chintzin, or Tochintecuhtli, and Nopaltzin, and to
Huetzin II. of Coatlichan, while his son Techotl
remained in command at Tezcuco. All the divisions
were eiiually successful and the rebels were driven
back with great loss. Nopaltzin killed Ocotox in
personal combat but was himself killed later in the
battle. The king's rebel sons had not actually taken
part in the fight, and on offering their submission
were, at the intercession of their mother, pardoned,
on condition of leaving Anilhuac and joining the Teo-
•' Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingshorouqh, vol. ix., pp. 215, .147-8, 3«», 4.'>2-3;
Vcytia, toin. i., pp. 116-17, I2'J-2.'), refers these events to a considerably
Ut4T |M<riml, anci states that Hiiitzililiuitl previously married a niece of
Acolnahuocatl. Jirataeur, Hist., torn, ii., pp. 338-44.
1'
'! i rt-
THE CHIGHIMEC PERIOD.
Chichimecs on the eastern plateau. This success in
the north was not without its effect in the valley.
Many cities that had declared their independence, or
had become subjects of Acolnahuacatl, now offered
anew their allegiance to the monarch of Acolhuacan
at Tezcuco. Congratulations flowed in from Cul-
huacan and other friendly powers, with various plaus-
ible excuses for not having aided Quinantzin in his
time of trouble. Prisoners taken during the war
were released, and some of the lords of the northern
provinces were even restored to their former positions
on promise of future loyalty. Thus the wise king
laid the foundations of future success. The pardoned
sons of Quinantzin, before proceeding to Tlascala and
Huexotzinco, joined the Teo-Chichimocs at Po-
yauhtlan. This people, by their encroachments, had
made enemies of all the nations of Andhuac; it is
even said that they had instigated the northern revolt
in the hope that the formation of a league against
themselves might be prevented. But this hope was
vain, and soon after Quinantzin's victory, they were
attacked before their city by the united forces of the
Tepanecs, Culhuas, Xochimilcas, and Mexicans. A
battle ensued described as the most terrible ever
fought in the valley, in which the Teo-Chichimecs
held their ground, but which so exhausted the forces
on both sides that it was long before any nation con-
cerned was in condition to renew hostilities. The
king of Acolhuacan seems not to have taken part in
this struggle, perhaps because of the presence of his
sons at Poyauhtlan and the fact that his relatives
were ruling the Teo-Chichimecs in Tlascala. The
state of affairs was now altogether favorable to Qui-
nantzin, and after, as some authors state, another cam-
paign against the northern provinces, he began to
turn his attention toward his lost dominions about
the lakes. The emperor Acolnahuacatl, at Tena-
yocan, seems to have clearly perceived that fortune
favored his rival, and that in his exhausted condition
QUINANTZIN CHICHIMEC EMPEROR.
837
since the battle at Poyauhtlan, he could not possibly
defend either the imperial crown or even that of
Azcapuzalco, and craftily resolved to voluntarily
abandon his claims to the former in the hope of re-
taining the latter. His plans, as usual, were suc-
cessful; Quinantzin accepted his proposition without
any manifestation of ill-will, and was crowned em-
peror with the most imposing ceremonies in 1272,
forming a friendly alliance with the kings of Cul-
huacan and Azcapuzalco, and becoming practically
the master of Ansihuac. The Teo-Chichimecs soon
after, by the advice of their god, and with the con-
sent of the emperor, migrated eastward to Tlascala."*
In his efforts to embellish his capital, and to re-
store his empire to the glory and hid subjects to the
culture of the ancient times, it has been stated that
Quinantzin called in the aid of many Toltecs, show-
ing them great favor. A few years after his acces-
sion, two of the Toltec tribes that had left the valley
^ Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 143-54, relates this rebellion and defeat of the
northern provinces, and the consequent abdication of Acolnahuacatl, at-
tributiiij' these events, however, to a much later period, after the separa-
tion of tne Tlatelulcas from the Mexicans, giving the date as 1326. Most
of the authorities do not definitely fix the date, but Brosseur, Hist., toin.
ii., pp. 344-^5, gives satisfactory reasons, supported by Cuninrgo and Ixtlil-
xocnitl, for referring both this war and the battle at Poyauhtlan to the
time wlien the Mexicans were yet living under Huitzilihuitl at Chapulte-
pec. Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 162-73, unites the rebellion of the king's sons
and the iisht against the Teo-Chichimecs, referring this latter war to 1350,
and including tlie provinces of Huastepec, Hucliuetlan, and Cuitluhuac in
the revolt. He represents the allied forces of Andhuac, I00,0()0 strong, as
serving in six divisions under the general command of Quinantzin, already
emperor. He also states that Quinantzin's queen accompanied her sons in
their exile. Of course there is great diversity ainong the authorities in
re8|)ect to names of leaders, and details of the battws; but the general
account given in my text is the only consistent one that can be formed,
since there is much even in Veytia's account to 8U])port it. It is probable,
in the light of later events, that Quinantzin took no part in the war against
the Teo-Chichimecs, and quite possible that Camiirgo's statement that the
Teo-ChichimecB were victorious, though much exhausted, in the battle at
Poyauhtlan, results to a great extent from national pride in the record of
the Tlascaltecs. Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 84-0, 259-60, seems to be the
authority for the second campaign of Quinantzin in the north, which was
decided by a groat battle at Tlaximalco in the region of Monte Real.
Ixtlilxochttl, in KtngOorough, vol. ix., pp. 215-16, 349-52, 398-400, 461-2,
a» usual favors in different places nearly all the views of other authorities.
See also Camargo, in NouvelUt Annate*, torn, xcviii., pp. 142-3; Clavi'
gtro, toin.i., pp. 144-6, 164.
Vol. V. »
51,1
i ^ !v
li y
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
at the fall of the empire and settled on the coast
of the Pacific in Oajaca, the Tuilotlacs and Chimal-
panecs, are said to have returned and to have been
received by the emperor and granted lands in Tez-
cuco, after having stayed some time in Chalco. The
new chiefs were even allowed to become allied by
marriage to the royal family. The new-comers seem
to have belonged to the partisans of Tezcatlipoca.
Additional bands of Huitznahuacs, Tepanecs, Cul-
huas, and Mexicans, from distant lands, are also
vaguely alluded to as having settled in Tezcuco, Az-
capuzalco, and Mexico.^ About the same time the
northern province of Tepepulco revolted, according
to Torquemada,"* and was conquered by Quinantzin,
spoki'n of as Tlaltecatzin by this and several other
writei^. The province was joined to the dominions
of Tezcuco under a royal governor, its lord having
been put to death. Another source of prosperity for
Tezcuco seems to have been a fresh out-burst in Cul-
huacan of the old religious dissensions between the
partisans of Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca, causing
many of the inhabitants to make their homes in the
Acolhua capital where they were gladly received;
although Ixtlilxochitl tells us that Quinantzin erected
no temples in his capital, and permitted the erection
of none, being content, and obliging all the citizens to
be so, with the simple religious rites of his Chichi-
mec ancestors." Xihuiltemoc, a descendant of Acxitl,
the last king of Tollan, was on the throne of Culhua-
can at this time, and seems to have formed some kind
*> Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 160, 228; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingthorough, vol. ix.,
pp. 21G-i7. .^51, 399, 401, 453. The chief of the Tailothics was Tempantzin,
or Aztatlitexcan; and the Chimalpanecs were under Xiloquetzin and Tla-
cateotzin. In this, as in other cases I have not entered minutely into the
names, marriages, and genealogies of the nobles of Andhuac, since my
■pace does not permit a full treatment of the subject, and a superficial
treatment would be without value.
** Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 86. It is not quite certain that this revolt,
and that of some southern provinces, which occurred two years later, were
not connected with those tnat have been already nanmted. Torquemsda
rarely pays any attention to chnmolof^.
** Kingahorough, vol. ix., \t. 217. It seems that Quinantxin's successor
granted permission to build temples.
THE AZTECS LEAVE CHAPULTEPEC.
of an alliance with the Mexicans at Chapultepec, and
to have admitted to his city the worship of Huitzi-
lopochtli — a fact that leads Brasseur to think that
the Culhua king was a partisan of Tezcatlipoca,
altuoSi identical with Huitziiopochtli so far as the
bloody rites in his honor are concerned.* In the
last years of the thirteenth century, about 1281,
Xihuiltemoc was succeeded by Coxcoxtli whose
mother is said to have been a Mexican, but who was
a devoted partisan of Quetzalcoatl.^
The Aztecs had, in the meantime, gained much in
power, and although few in numbers, compared with
the other nations, had, by their skill as warriors and
the ferocity of their character, made themselves hated
by all, becoming, indeed, the pests of Andhuac,
although nominally the allies of the Culhuas and
Tepanecs. The story of their overthrow at Chapul-
tepec is a brief one, as told by the Spanish writers.
Copil, son of Huitziton's sister, the sorceress Mali-
nalxochitl, had, as has been already related,* been
sworn by his mother to vengeance on the Mexicans.
He now came to the lake region and used all his
influence to excite the surrounding nations against his
enemies, denouncing them as everything that is bad,
and urging their extermination. Hearing of his
plots, the priest Quauhtle^uetzqui went with a party
to Tepetzingo, where Copil was, killed him, tore out
his heart and threw it into the lake. The place
was known as Tlalcocomocco, and here afterwards
sprang up the tunal which guided the Aztecs in
foundmg their city; here was also a hot spring, called
Acopilco. Immediately after this the Aztecs were
attacked by many nations, chiefly the Culhuas and
Chalcas, driven to Acoculco, amid the reeds of the
M Hut., torn, ii., pp. 377-8a
" Id., p. 382; dmtfit 1281, or 1300. According to Veytiti, torn, ii., pp.
160-1, and Ixtlilxoohitl, p. 462, Xiuhtemos, king of CiuhuMan, died in
1340, and waa auooeeded oy Acamapichtli.
" S«e pp. 327-^
in
•I
:<c:|fl
■
i
i
r
i
'>'!
840
THE CHICHIMEC PEKiOD.
lake, and many of their number carried captives to
Culhuacan, among whom was their chief, Huitzilihuitl,
who was EAcriiicea. Afterwards they were given, by
the Culhuas, the district of Tizaapan, which abounded
in snakes, lizards, etc., on which chiefly they lived,
f)aying heavy tribute to the king of Culhuacan, and
eading a very hard life for many years."
Brasseur, throws much light upon the events of
this period. It seems that the Aztecs provoked
Copils efforts for their destruction by two raids
against Malinalco, which belonged to Culhuacan, and
that the Mexicans treacherously drew the son of Ma-
linalxochitl into their power by offering him the posi-
tion of high-priest, according to a pretended revelation
of Huitzilopochtli's will. His daughter, Azcaxochitl,
was forced to become the mistress of Quauhtlequetz-
qui ; all his nobles were taken prisoners, and a band of
Culhuas who came to Tlalcocomocco soon after, were
massacred. All the rulers of the valley, save, per-
haps, Quinantzin, were soon leagued together for the
destruction of these marauders and butchers. Huit-
zilihuitl made a valiant and long-continued defence,
defeating the Tepanecs in a fierce battle, but exciting
renewed horror by murdering and cutting in pieces
Acolnahuacatl, king of Azcapuzaloo, ana formerly
emperor. They were at last conquered through
their rash bravery, since, while their army was fight-
ing the Culhuas whom they had been challenged to
meet, another body of the enemy took and burned
Chapultepec, carrying off the surviving inhabitants
as prisoners. The Mexican army was then defeated,
nearly exterminated, and the remnants scattered in
the lake marshes, while Huitzilihuitl was taken, and,
with his daughter and sister, put to death in revenge
^ Duran, MS. torn, i., cap. iv.; Aeoata, pp. 462-4; Herrera, dec. iii.,
lib. ii., cap. xi. Torquemada, torn, i., pp. £^-4, 89, eays the Aztecs were
either brought as slaves from Ocolco to Tizaapan, or were invited to Cul-
huacan and then ennlaved. See also, Clavipero, torn, i., pp. 164-5; Vetan-
evrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp. 20-1; Veytia, torn, iu, pp. 127-9. 1 make no effort
to follow Veytia's chronologic order which, in this part of the history, is
hopelessly confused and different from the other authorities.
WAR WITH THE XO0HIMILCA&
au
for the murder of Copil and the Tepanec king. These
events occurred about 1 297. For two years the scatter-
ed Mexican remnants were subjected to every indignity,
but in 1299, perhaps through the influence of Aca-
niapichtli, his son and heir, Cocoxtli was iiiduced to
^rrant this unfortunate people the small, barren, and
serjient-infested isle of Tizaapan."
The Spanish writers do not imply that Acolna-
huacatl, king of the Tepanecs, was killed by the
Aztecs, or that he even fell in battle. His son,
Tezozomoc, was heir to the throne, but as he was
very young, his mother seems to have ruled as regent
during his minority, and as she was the wife of Cox-
coxtli, the power was practically in the hands of the
Culhua monarch." Coxcoxtli thus saw his power in
Anilhuac largely increased, but he was continually
annoyed with petitions from the Mexicans for larger
territory and permission to settle at various points in
his dominions, and at the same time harassed by the
encroachments of the Xochimilcas, particularly m the
lake fisheries. He at last proposed to grant the re-
quests of the Aztecs on condition that they would
aid him in chastising the insolent and powerful Xo-
chimilcas. The services of the followers of Huitzilo-
pochtli were always in demand when there was fight-
ing to be done. The secret plan of the king was to
place the new allies in the front to receive the force
of the attack; the heavier their loss the better, for
his troops would have an e?Ay victory, and a dead
Aztec was a much less trouVjlesoine neighbor or sub-
w Hist, torn, ii., pp. 380-98.
^' There is some confuBion about the parentage of Tezozomoc and
Acamapichtli: 'Coxcoxtli iponna, line fille d'Acohiahuacatl dent il eut
Tezozomoc, ou Acolnahuacatl ^pousa unc fille de Cuxcuxtii dont cc prince
scrait issu. Quoique le MS. de 1528 doune Acolnahuacatl pour pisre k Te-
zozomoc, le Memorial de Culhuacan le donne pour le fits de Coxcoxtli et
frko d'Acamapichtli. Ixtlilxochitl dit 6galcincnt (^u'Acaniapichtli dtait
Koii frbre.' Id., pp. 394-^. See Ixtlilxochitl, in KtHffshormigh, vol. ix.,
pp. 349, 397, 461. He, however, seems to make Acamn])ichtli also the son
o( AcolnakuacaU. Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 73, 161-2, fixes the date of the
king's death at 1343. Torqtiemada, torn. L, p. 68; Grantuios y Gtiivet,
Tanks Amer., pp. 142-3.
i'.^
342
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
9' i i
ject than a live one. No armfl were supplied to the
allies, but their priests taught them to make shields
of reeds, and arm themselves with clubs and obsidian
knives. By a strange freak of fancy they resolved to
retain no captives, though i\ reward was offered for
them, but to difiarm and release all they captured af-
ter hav'ng marked them by cutting off the right ear
of each. The fury of their attack and their novel
method of warfare struck tenor into the hearts of tlie
enemy, who were defeated and driven back to their
capital in confusion, the Mexicans obtaining much
plunder, and the Culhuas an extraordinary nuni^er
of prisoners. Returning to Culhuacan, the Culhua
braves proudly displayed their captives, ridiculinj^
their allies, until the latter pointed out the lack of
ears among the victims of Culhua valor, and calmly
produced the missing features from their sacks; the
effect was complete, and they carried off the honors of
the day. Coxcoxtli was proud of such allies, their
petitions M'ere granted, and the two nations were also
connected by intermarriage."
The history of the Mexicans and Culhuas, during
the early part of the fourteenth century, down to the
founding of the city of Tenochtitlan in 1325, j)resents
a confusion unequaled, perhaps, in any other period
of the aboriginal annals. A civil war on the eastern
plateau at Cholula, in which king Coxcoxtli . was in-
volved to a certain extent, will be mentioned else-
where, as it only slightly concerns the general history
of Andhuac. Torquemada, Clavigero, and others,
relate that after the battle with the Xochiniilcas, the
Aztecs liad secreted four captives destined for sacri-
fice, and had, besides, asked the Culhua king to
provide them with a suitable offering and to he
present jit the ceremonies. They were sent a dead
hody and a mass of filth which the Mexicans, re-
t !
i .
» Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 119-22.
, pp. 119-a!:. This author places this event in the
lifetinu of Huitzilihuitl and of Acoluahuacatl. torquemada, torn, i., pp
90-1; Clavigero, toin. i., pp. 165-7.
THE MOTHEK OF THE GODa
848
straining their anger at the insult, placed upon the
altar and said nothing. When Coxcoxtli and his
suite appeared, the priests, after a religious, dance,
brought out the four captives and performed the
bloody rites of sacrifice before the guests. The Cul-
huas left the place in disgust, and orders were immedi-
ately given that the Mexicans should be driven from
the territories of Culhuacan." As Acosta and Duran
tell the story, the Aztecs sent from Tizaapan, where
it seems many of them were still living, to the Cul-
hua king, requesting him to give thera his daughter
to rule over them and be the mother of their god.
The request was cheerfully granted and the youiig
princess conducted with great pomp to the town of
her future subjects. A great festival was prej)ared,
the princess was privately sacrificed to Huitzilo-
pochtli, who, it seems, had signified his intention of
adopting her as his mother; her body was flayed, and
her skin placed as a garment on a youth, or an id'^1,
which was set up in the temple to receive the
offerings of visitors. Among those who came to
make such oflforings, as a compliment to their allies,
were Coxcoxtli and his nobles. Their rage at the
sight that met their eyes may be imagined. The
bloody followers of Huitzilopochtli were driven from
their homes, and the allies their bravery had gained
were lost to them.** Ixtlilxodiitl, without mentioning
their return to Culhua favor by the Xochimilco war,
says that the Aztecs escaped from their bondage at
Culhuacan on hearing that king Calquly vihtziu in-
tended to massacre them, and resided, lor u time, at
Iztacalco, whence they made inronds upon Culhua
territory, but finally retreated to (he island where
Tenochtitlan was founded." I append in a note an
abstract of Veytia's version of Nahua history during
" Sec rcfercncen in last note; also llumholdt, Vwes., torn, i., pp. 260-1;
Goiuiro, ill Vreacotl, Ift'st. Conn. Mfx., toni. iii., pp. 80-1, iJt»()-l.
"^ AroHta, p. 464; Duran, ^IS., torn, i., cap. iv. He calls the Culhua
kinK Achitonietl. Iferrera, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xi.
" lu Kingthorough, vol. ix., p. 398.
i I
l-^-Jli
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
this and the immediately preceding period, since this
version aj^rees with t)tht'rs at but few points."
Hardly more can be gathered from the preceding;
records than that the Mexicans, after living for a time
in Culhuacan, were forced, on account of their bloody
relijui-ious rites and of their turbulent disposition, to
leave that city, and to wander for several years about
the lake before settling where the city of Mexico
afterwards stood. Coxcoxtli is said to have been a
devoted follower of Quetzalcoatl, and a zealous per-
secutor of all other sects, so much so, that many
families were forced to abandon Culhuacan, and were
gladly received at Tezcuco, as has been stated. It
seems to have been an ineradicable Toltec tendency to
indulge in religious controversy to the prejudice of
their national prosperity. Brasseur" finds in his doc-
uments many additional details of some importance
respecting the period in question. The reli<,nuus
strife in Culhuacan broke out into open war between
the sects of Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca, th<: forratr
headed by the king and his son Achitometl, tlie
latter under another son, Acamapichtli, and seconded
by the Mexicans, who had been driven by perHei-ution
from the city. This is the alliance alluded to by
*« Quinantziii Hucceedcd to the empire, and appointed his unci* T*nAn
cacaltzin, irovenior in Tonnyootin, who usurped the tlirune in 12V(K Muit-
zilihuitl, ot Mexicans, ohtiiincd in niurriugc u nieco of king AcoMjiih If of
Azeapuzalco; Coxoux suvcueded ( 'ah{iiiyauhtzin iix king of Culhuucun; ihf
Xoi/hiitiilriiH were defeated l)y the aid of the McxieunM, and Acolhuu II
1)ecanic emperor in \'2W; next, Acaniuiiit-iitli used tlie Mexicans U>vimi\utr
(inff uf Cuihuu ""
was Hucceeded hy Xiuntemoe; Huitziliiiuitl died in 1318, and the Mt'XMJUiH
Coxvox, and made himiseif king
luacan in 1301, but died in 1303 uiid
chose as tiieir kini; alsi*, Xiuhtemoc of C^nlhuaran, where many of thmi
had settled, under the rule of Acamauichtli, and where all now removed
from Chapulte|>ec, althimuh a|(ainst trie wishes uf the ('ulhna iHMipU'; at
last, in 1.^25, for no very definite reason, they were driven from (Jullnmran
u.id went to Acutzintitlan, u.- Mexiialtzinco; then they applied to the em-
peror Acolhua II. and werj allowed to live for a time near Azcapiizulco,
while their priests were 'icarching for the predcstinetl location of tlieir
future city; then ttwk place the senaration between the Mexirans and Tla-
teluleos; the TIatelulcus obtain a Kinif from the em{>eror after having up-
plied to (^uinantzin in vain; t/uinantzni regains the ini|H!rial throne trom
Acolhua II.; and hnally, Tenochtitlan was founded in 1327. Vejftia, torn,
ii., pp. 114-57.
» Hitt., tom. ii., pp. 402-3, 432-fiO.
FOUNDATION OF MEXICO.
8A6
Veytia, when he states that Acamapichtli, of Culhua-
can, was chosen king of the Mexicans. The rebel-
lious son, at the head of the Mexicans, was victorious,
and compelled his father to flee from his capital, but
did not at once assume the title of king, and was, not
long after, in his turn defeated and driven from the
city. This was the final departure of the Mexicans,
most of whom gathered at Iztacalco, where a band of
their nation had been for some years residing, under
the chief Tenuch. Many, however, settled at other
points near at hand on the lake shores and islands,
and to this period is attributed also their invention
of the Chinampas, or floating gardens.
The localities thus occupied at this period, simul-
taneously or successively, besides Iztacalco, were
Mexicaltzinco, Acatzintitlan, Mixiuhtlan, and Te-
mazcaltitlan. At la^t the priests selected what
they deemed a (suitable place for permanent settle-
ment, the same spot where Copil had been sacrificed,
an island, or raised tract in the lake marshes, and
pretended to fi (J '\ere the nopal, eagle, and serpent
which had been j.: jmised by their god as a token that
the proper location had been found. The nopal grew
on a rock in the midst of a beautiful pool, into which
one of the two discoverers was instantly drawn, and
admitted to an interview with the Tlalocs, who con-
firm* il the belief that here was to be their permanent
home. According to some authorities, a title to this
site was obtained from the king of Azcapuzalco. The
first task was to erect a rude temple of rushes f«)r the
ark of the idol Huitzilopochtli, which was located
exactly over the stone which bore the famous nopal;
the huts of the people were built around this as a
centre, divided by divine command into four wards,
or districts. Then all set industriously to work, the
men leveling and filling in the site of their town, or
fishing and killing wild ducks on the lakes, the prod-
ucts being mostly bartered by the women in the
cities of the main land, for stone and wood for build-
j.
.■•X Bt!-
♦ .'■■
1 i
346
THE CHICHIM EC PERIOD.
ing material. The first victim sacrificed to the god
in his new temple was a Culhua noble, of hostile sect,
opportunely captured.* Thus was fotmded, in 1325*
the city named — probably from Mexi,the original name
of Huitziton, and Tenuch, their chief leader at the
time the city was formed — Mexico Tenochtitlan.**
Quinantzin continued in his glorious career at Tez-
cuco, allowing the surrounding kings to weaken their
power by their intrigues and contentions one with
another, while he devoted all his energies as a diplo-
matist, and all the strength of his armies to the
strengthening of his imperial power, the enlarge-
ment and embellishment of his capital, where ref-
ugees from all directions were kindly welcomed, tlie
quelling of rebellion in various provinces, and the
conquest of new lands. Not only did he promptly
put down every attempt at revolt in his own do-
minions, but insisted that the kings of Culhuacan
and Azcapuzalco should check the attempts of their
revolting vassals. Huehuetlan, Mizquic, Cuitlahuac,
Zayollan, Temimiltepec, and Totolapan, are named as
the rebellious provinces thus subdued during the last
years of this emperor's reign. No monarch in And-
>* On the foundation of Mexico, its date, and name, see — Diirnn, MS.,
torn, i.. Clip, iv.-vi.; Toroufiitnda, toni. i., pp. 92-3, 288-91; Veytia, torn.
ii., pp. 166-60; Ixtlilxocnitl, in Kiiiffaboroiiijli, vol. ix., p. 461; Tezozotnoe,
in fa., pp. 5, 8-9; Oviedo, Hist. (ien.,\,im\. iii., p. WAX; Acoata, pp. 465-6;
Clavigcro, torn, i., pp. 167-9; Vetancin't, Tea fro, pt ii., j>. 21; Codex Men-
doza, in Kingnhoroiigh, vol. v., p. 40; ArUgui, Chrdii. Zacntecan, pp. 8-9;
Cava, Tres Sights, toni. i., p. 2; Purchaa his PitgrimrH, vol. iv., pp. UMM)-?;
Onllatin, in Amfr. Ethno. Soc, Transact., vol. i., pp. 144, 2()4-r>; .Voc.
Jlfe«. Geog., Jioletin, torn, viii., pp. 406, 416; Miiller, Amcr. Unci., p. 534;
Gondra, in I'resrolt, Hist. Coiiq. Mex., torn, iii., n. 356.
^ Date 1325, acfordins to Clavip^ro, Oanin, Chinial|>ain, Tlramcur, nnd
Proscott; 1327, Vevtia, following SigUcnza y (Sonpira; 1318, Duran; i:i24,
Codex Mcndoza; 1140, 1141, or altout 1200', Ixtlilxocliitl; 1131, Caiiiiir^o;
1326, Tezozomoc, in Veytia; 1316, Id., in Gondra; 1225, ('hinialpain, in
Id.; 1317, Si(;Uenza, in Id.; 1341, Tormicmada. in Id.; 1321, Zapata, in
Veytia; 1357, Martinez, in Veytia and Gondra.
M On derivation of the name, nee vol. ii., p. 669; also Torqvemada, torn,
i., pp. 92-3; Tezotomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 6; Ixtlilxoehiil, in
Id,, p. 461. These authors derive Tenochtitlan from the Aztec name of the
nopal. Cavo. Tre» Siglos, torn, i., p. 2, MUllcr, Amer. Urrel., p. 6.14, and
Carliajal Espinosa, Htst. Mex., torn, i., p. 316, derive Mexico from Mttl-ieo
* place amid the magueya. '
DEATH OF QUINANTZIN.
M7
huac could have resisted Quina^^tzin's power, but he
seems to have had no disposition to encroach on what
he deemed the legitimate domains of his brother sov-
ereigns. In spite of the opposition of the Chichimec
nobles to his reforms, his tendency to Toltec usages,
and his fondness for display, the emperor after his
power hjid become firmly established enjoyed the
love and respect of all his subjects. His surname,
Tlaltecatzin, 'he who lords the earth,' is said to have
been given him in consideration of his success in sub-
duing so many provinces. He died in 8 Calli, 1 305,**
at an advanced age, and his funeral ceremonies
were conducted with all the pomp that had been
characteristic of him in life. Seventy rulers of prov-
inces are said to have assisted. His body, embalmed,
wa.s seated in full royal apparel on the throne, an
eagle at the feet, a tiger at the back, and the bow
and arrows in his hands. All the people crowded to
the palace to take a last look upon their emperor, and
after eighty days, according to Torquemada, his body
was burned, and the ashes, in an emerald urn with a
golden cover, placed in a cave near Tezcucci; or, as
Veytia and Ixtlilxcxshitl say, buried in a temple of
the Sun in the Tezcocingo forest.**
Quinantzin's elder sons having proved rebellious
during their father's reign, and having, therefore,
been banished, his youngest son, Techotl, Techot-
lalatzin, or Techotlala, was chosen as his suc-
cessor. Techotl reigned from 1305 to 1357, a
period during which the dominions attached to tlio
crown of Tezcuco were almost entirely undisturl)od
by civil or foreign wars. Only one war is recorded,
by which the province of Xaltocan, peopled chiefly
by (.)toml8, with the aid of the chiefs of Otompan,
Quahuacan, and Tecomic, attempted to r^uin her
« 1357, Veytia; 1213, 1249, or 1283, IstliJxochitl; 130.\ Brafwcur.
♦» Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 86-7; Clavipero, toin. i., • -, , 144-6; Veytia,
torn, i., pp. 171, 176, 181; Ixllilxochitl, in King/thorough, vol. ix., pp. il5-
10, 3,'^2, 400, 453; Sahagun, toni. ii., lib. viti., p. 275; BnttitMr, Hvt., tou.
ii., pp. 422-5; Granado* y OalvtM, Tardtt Amtr,, p. 39.
OBO
THE CUICHIMEC PERIOD.
^.
! 11
independence of Chichimec imperial authority. The
revolt was, however, promptly repressed by the em-
peror and his allies after a campaign of two months.
Tezdzoraoc had now succeeded to the throne of Azca-
puzalco, and with his Tepanec forces, took a very
prominent part in this war against Xaltocan and the
northern provinces. The Mexicans also sent an army
to this war, and received some territory as a result,
the rost of the provinces being joined to the do-
mains of Tezcuco and Azcapuzalco.** Techotl's tastes
and ambitions were similar to those of his father, and
his hfty -two years of peaceful and prosperous reign
enabled him to successfully carry out his projecth..
To him, .10 emperor, belonged the allegiance of the
kings of Culhuacan, Azcapuzalco, and Mexico in the
latter part of his rule, when the latter power had
risen to some prominence ; but no tribute was paid by
these kings, and their allegiance was probr bly only
nominal.'* Over the provinces ihat belonged to Tez-
cuco, or rather the kingdom of Acolhuacan, Techotl
ruled in precisely the same manner as the other
kings over their respective territories. The lord of
each province acknowledged his allegiance to his king,
paid tribute according to the wealth of his people, and
was bound to aid his sovereign, if so requested, in
time of war; in other respects he was perfectly inde-
pendent, and governed his dominion with almost
absolute sway. The long list of vassal provinces and
lords given by the records** show that the author-
*^ Xaltocan ia Hnoken of by Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia as having I)een at
this time suhjcctca for the first time to tlie emperor. Its inliubitants were
Utomis, and the refugees are said to have bniit, or rebuilt, the city of
Otonipan. Tezozomoc is represented as having borne the prinuipnl piirt in
the war, while the emperor Techotl joined in it more to watch ami re-
strain the allies than for anything else. Another war in Tloscala, in which
forces sent by Techotl, are sjiid by Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 2(i.")-s, to
have participated, was, ])crhapB, the same already mentioned in connection
with the king of Culhuacan.
** Azcapuzalco, Mexico, (\>atlichan, liuexotla, Coatepec, ond f.)ur or
five others ore mentioned V»y Ixililxochitl, mKhtpiAorouffk, vol ix., p. ^'
as paying no tribute; but some of theM, according to other authoritieti.
were actualljr joined to the kingdom of Acolhuacan, 'mA had not even the
honor of a tributary lord.
** The list of those lorda present at the funeral of Quinantiin and the
LIMITS OF THE CHICHIMEG EMPIRE.
349
ity of the Chichimec emperor eictended far beyond
Audhuac, but do not enable us to fix definitely its
limits ; it probably was but little less extensive than
that of the emperor at Culhuacan, in Toltec times,
and wa« very similar to the Toltec rule in its nature.*"
Techotl's efforts seem to have been directed to
the complete re-establishment of Toltec culture; to
the building-up and embellishment of his capital ; to
the enacting of just lav/s and their strict enforcement
by the appointment of the necessary courts and
officials; to the work of attracting new settlers into
his kingdom and capital, by kind treatment of all
new-comers, and a toleration of all their religious
beliefs and rites; and above all, to the centralization
of his imperial power, and the gradual^ lessening of
the prerogatives of his vassal lords.
The refugees
coronation of Tcchotl, is as follows: Tezozomoc, king of Azcanuzalco;
Paintzin, king of Xaltocan, lord of the Otomis; Mocomatzin, Motcuh-
zomatzin, or Montezuma, kinK of Coatlichan; Acamapichtli, kins of Cul-
huacan and Mexico (this could not be, s» Mexico was not yet founded; Cox-
coxtli was king of Culhuocan, but Acamapichtli was, in one sense, chief
of the Mexicans, and heir to the throne of Culhuacan); Mixcohuatl, or
Mixeohuatzin, king of Tlatclulco (the Aztec Tlateiuluo was not yet
foumlc'l; Brasseur nelieves this to refer to an ancient city of this name);
Quntzaltcuhtli, or (juetzalatecuhtli, lord of Xochimilco; Izmatletlo])ac,
lurti of Cuitlahiiac; Chiquauhtli, lord of Mizquic (Chalco Atcnco, accord-
ing to Brasseur); Pochotl, lord of (.'halco Atenco {Ixllilxochitl); Oniaca, or
Onieacatl, lord of Tlalmanalco; Cacaniaca, lord of Chalco; Teniacatzin,
lord of Huexotzinco, (or as Brasseur has it, of Quauhqucchollan): Tcniat-
zin, prince of Huexotzinco (Breutmr); Cocaztzin, lord of tjuauhquelchula
{IxtUlxochitl); Teuouitla|M)pocatzin, lord of Cuetlaxcohuapan, or Cuetlachco-
apan; Chichimecatialpayatzin, high-priest of Cholula; Chichitzin, lord of
Tepeaea; Mitl, prince of Tluscala; Aihuilpopoca, lonl of Zacatlan; Qua-
uhquctzal, lord of Tenaniitec; Chichihuatzui, lord of Tulancingo; Tlalte-
cat/in, loni of Cjuauhchinanco; Tecpatl, lord of Atotoniico; Iztatiuauhtzin,
lord of the Mazahuos; Chalchiuhtlanctzin, lord of (,'oyuhua(*aii; YohuatI
t'hichiniccatzin, lord of Coatepec; Quiyauhtzin, lord of Huexotla; Tecuht-
laeuiloltzin, lord of Acolman. IxtUlxochitl, in Kinffgbnrough, vol. ix., p.
353; Hraimur, Hi»t., torn, ii., p. 428. Ixtlilxochitl says that these were
not all, but merely the leading vassals, all related to the emperor. A list
of -Wis given in txtlilxoehitl, p. 366, and Veytin, torn, ii., pp. 214-15. 73
are xaid to have attended one assembly, G4> another, and .30 another.
*« Veytiu, tom. ii., pp. 182-3, and Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., p. 427, state
tiiat the distant provinces of Quaulitemalan ((iuateniala), Terolotlan (Vera
l*a/), Centizonac, Teoquantepe<' (Tchuant«>|M»^i, and Jalisco, were repre-
sented in the crowd that gathered at Techotl's coronation, oiTering tneir
liomagc and allegiance; but Ixtlilxochitl, y. 363, says that these provinces
would not recognize the emperor. There is very little prolwbility that the
rhichinier power ever reached so far, but not unlikelv that oaaunnnioation
took place between Mexico and Central America at this period.
880
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
' :
■ \
i j
i
; '
i i
! i
fi
from different nations were given separate wards of
Tezcuco for a residence, and were permitted to erect
temples, and to perform all their various rites. Human
sacritice and religious strife were alone prohibited.
The different creeds and ceremonials of Toltec tinjes
became almost universal in his kingdom," although
the emperor himself is said to have ridiculed all these
creeds and sacrifices, contenting himself with the
worship of one god, of whom he deemed the sun a
symbol. He is credited with having entertained
sentiments on religious topics several centuries in
advance of his time.
In his efforts for the centralization of the Chi-
chimec power, he first summoned the chief lords of
his provinces, some twenty-six in number, to Tezcuco,
and practically compelled them to live there, although
hoaping upon them honors and titles which made it
inipossible for them to refuse obedience to his wishes.
All together constituted a royal council, consulted
on matters of national import; and from them were
selected sub-councils, to whose management were en-
trusted the superintendence of various branches, sucli
as the administration of justice, military reguhition^,
art and science, agriculture, etc. Five of the leading
lords were entrusted with the most important and
honorable positions, and placed at the head of the
chief councils.^ As an offset to the favors granted
*> Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 106-6, implicB that the new rites and ideas came
rather from Mexican tnan Toltec influence.
'* Tlic general Council of State, composed of all the hiehest lords, men
of learning, ability, and character, was presided over by the cni|)cr<ir him-
self. Of tlie five special councils the first was that of war, under a lonl
WHO received the title of Tetlahto, and composed, according to KraHgcnr,
of lords of the Acolhua nation. The second was the Council of tiic Ex-
chequer, under a superintendent of finance, with the title Tlaini, or Cal-
pixcontli, having charge of the collection of tribute, and composed of men
well acquainted with the resources of every part of the country, chiefly ok
is said Chichimccs, Otoniis, and lords of Mcxtitlan. The third was the
Diplomatic Council, whose president had the title of Yolqui, and was a
kind of Grand Muster of Ceremonies, whose duty it was to receive, present,
entertain and dispatch ambaasadors. Many of this council were (.ulhuas.
The fourth was tne council of the royal household, under the Amechichi,
or Hiffh Chamberlain. This council waa compoaed larsely uf Tepanc^
A fifth officiAl, with the title of Cohoatl, auperiiitendea the work of th*
REIGN OF TECHOTL.
Ml
these lords at the capital and in the general govern-
ment, their prerogatives at home were greatlv dimin-
ished. The twenty-six provinces were subdivided
into sixty-five departments; the lords retained their
orii^inal titles and the absolute command of twenty-
six of the departments, but over the other thirty-nine
jorovernors were placed who were supposed to be
wholly devoted to the interests of the emperor. Te-
chutl is even said to have gone so far as to transfer
tlie inhabitants belonging to different tribes from one
province to another, so that the subjects of each chief,
although the same in number as before, were of dif-
ferent tribes, and, as the emperor craftily imagined,
much less easily incited to revolt in the interests of
ambitious chiemiins, who were ever ready to take ad-
vantage of favorable circumstances to declare their
independence. If the Chichimec nobles objected to
these extraordinary measures, their opposition is not
recorded.
At one of the grand assemblies of kings and lords,
held at Tezcuco, to deliberate on the general interests
of the empire, in 1342, Techotl announced his in-
tention to leave his crown to his eldest son, Ixtlil-
xochitl, and caused that prince to be formally
acknowledged as heir apparent to the imperial throne.
It does not appear that any opposition to his succes-
sion was made at the time,*' although as we shall see,
his right was not undisputed at the death of his
royal gold and silver Biniths and feather-workers at Ocoico, a suburb of
Tezcuco. The Spanish writers state that the president of each of the
councils must be a relation of the emperor, or at least a Tezcucan noble*
man. Torqiiemada, torn, i., p. 88; Clavigero, torn, i., p. 181; Veiftia, torn.
ii., pp. 182-5; Breuseur, Uitt., toni. ii., pp. 4.30-1.
^ There seems to have Itccn some trouble between Ixtlilxochitl and
the Tcpanec king Tezozomoc, even before Techotl's death. Ixtlilxorhitl
was unmarriet!, aTthouiih by his concubines he had many children; and, as
Vejy'tia, torn, ii., pp. 217-18, has it, he took Teiozomoc's daughter as •
wife at his father s request, but sent her back before consummating tlie mar-
nage; or, according to Ixtlilxochitl, p. 218, he refused to take Tezozomoc's
daughter, who haa already been repudiated by some one, except as a con*
cubme. The samis author, p. 356, says this occurred after his father's
death, He finally married a Mexican princeM. Tezoiomoc waa very
much offended.
36a
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
father. At one of these assemblies, as all the author-
ities agree, it was ordered that the Nahua language
should be employed exclusively at court, in the tribu-
nals, and in the transaction of all public affairs. It
has been inferred from this, by many writers, that the
language of the Chichimec nations was different from
that of the Toltecs,'*' but such a supposition would he
inconsistent with the whole tenor of the aboriginal
annals, and cannot be admitted. Among the new
tribes that occupied Andhuac after the Toltecs, there
were doubtless some that spoke another tongue; the
enforced use of the Nahua at court was aimed at the
chiefs of such tribes, ar.d was a part of the emperor's
general policy. Of course it is just possible that one
of the tribes of foreign tongue had become powerful
and constituted a large part of the population of Tez-
cuco, but such a state of affairs is not probable, and
the statement of some writers that the many learned
Culhuas and Mexicans gathered at the Chichimec
capital during this period, came as teachers of
the Nahua language at the court of Techotl, cannot
be accepted. Brasseur's idea, as implied through-
out this period of aboriginal history, that the
Chichimecs were barbarians, gradually civilized by
the few Toltecs that remained in the country, and
forced by their kings to adopt Nahua language and
institutions, I regard ^s wholly imaginary. The
struggles of Quinantzin and his successors were di-
rected, not to the introduction of Toltec usages, but
to the preservation of their culture, threatened by the
spirit of anarchy and independence that followed the
downfall of the Toltec empire.
Feeling, at last, that his end was drawing near,
and that the work to which he had devoted his ener-
gies must be committed to other hands, the aged
monarch is reported to have held a long interview
M The emperor is said to have learned the Nahua lan$^iage from his
Culhna nnrse Papaloxochitl, and to have become so convinrod of its BU|)e-
riority that he oitlered its adoption. Ixllilxochill, p. 217; Veytia, torn. iL,
pp. 19i-6.
DEATH OF TECHOTL.
888
with his son and heir, Ixtlilxochitl. Moat earnestly
he instructed his son concerning his futiiie duties, and
warned him against dangers whose occurrence he
already foresaw. He feared, above all, the projects
of Tezozornoc, the Tepanec king, who had already,
although nominally loyal to Techotl, shown tokens
of far-reaching ambition and the possession of great
executive ability, and who evidently remembered that
Acolnahuacatl, his predecessor, had once been em-
peror. Special advice was given to Ixtlilx(Mihitl, who
was probably a very young man, although there is
some disagreement about the date of his birth," as to
the best policy to be followed with the king of Azca-
puzalco, and after jealously striving to imbue his suc-
cessor with the spirit that had made his own reign so
glorious, the emperor died, as has been stated, in 8
Calli, 1357.'*
Having traced the glorious, though peaceful career
of the emperor Techotl, I have to close this chap-
ter by narrating the events of Culhua and Mexican
history during a corresponding period; a period most
fatal to Culhuacan, the metropolis of Andhuac in Tol-
tec times, and the only Toltec city that had retained
its prominence through the dark days of Chichimec
invasion. We have seen the Mexicans expelled from
Culhuacan at the triumph of Achitometl over his
brother Acamapichtli ; and, after a series of wander-
'1 Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 217-8, says he was over sixty years old; Ixtlil-
xochitl gives 1338 as the date of his hirth, which would make him less than
twenty. The method of arriving at his a<;e seems to be by fixing the date
of Ills son's birth, noting that liis father's wife was eight years old at her
marriage, and taking into consideration the reported Cluchiniec custom
which required the husband to wait until his wife was forty before consum-
mating the marriage. Ixtlilxochitl was endowed, at birtti, with thirteen
towns or provinces; his mother is said lo have Imjcu the sister of Coxcoxtli,
king of Culhuacan.
« 1353, or 1357, Ixtlilxochitl; 1409, Veytin. On Techotl's reign see:
Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 217-18, 353-6, 400-1, 453, 402;
Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 178-S^l; Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 87-9, 108; CTwr-
igero, tom. i., pp. 180-1, 184; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., torn, ii., lib. viii., p.
276; Vetancvrt, Teatro, ptii., pp. 16-17, 24; Brasteur, Hitt., tom. ii., pp.
425-32, 457-61, 472-3.
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96i
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
ings about the lake, founding their city of Mexico
Tenochtitlan in 1325. One year before the city was
founded however, Acamapichtli seems to have re-
gained his power, and this time, his father Goxcoxtli
having died, he assumed the title of king. His rule
was probably very advantageous to the Mexicans, his
friends, during their first years in their new city,
while they were strengthening their position; but in
1336 he died, murdered, as some of the records imply,
and was succeeded by his brother Achitometl II., the
avowed enemy of the Mexicans and their religious
rites. His accession drove many of the rival sect to
Mexico, and he thus aided, involuntarily, in building
up the new power. The infant son of the dead king,
also named Acamapichtli, was saved either by his
mother, or, as others say, by the princess Ilancueitl.^
During the troubles between the rival sects headed
by Acamapichtli and Achitometl, large numbers of
Oulhuas had left their city and either taken refuge in
Tezcuco, or had joined kindred tribes in different lo-
calities. On the final accession of Achitometl this
depopulating movement was continued to a greater
extent than ever before. According to Brasseur's
documents, a war with Chalco in 1339, fomented by
Tezozomoc, who had succeeded to the Tepanec throne
eight years before, gave the finishing blow to the
power of Culhuacan, which was practically abandoned
by king and people about 1347, her weaker tributary
provinces being m part appropriated by the stronger,
which now became independent of all save imperial
^ Oomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 302; Breuaeur, Hist., torn, ii., p. 451.
Veytia, torn, il, pp. 127-30, agrees, except in dates, so far as the succes-
sion of Acamapicntli is concerned, and his friendship for the Mexicani;,
He, however, says nothing of Achitometl II., dates Acamapichtli's death
in 1303, and states that he was sncceeded by his eldest son Xiuhtemoc.
The Codex Mendota, in Kingsborough, vol. v., p. 42, implies that Acanin-
?ichtli transferred his court in 1370 to Mexico, giving, as Motoliiiiii, iii
coMbuUeeta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 6, says, the lordship of Culhuacnn
to one of bis sons. See also Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 218, 343. 849. Much of the
confusion in the Culhua succession is caused by the fact that there were
two Acamapichtlis, one, king of Culhuacan and in a certain sense the
leader of the Mexicans, and the other, king of Mexico at a later date.
AZTECS AT MEXICO TENOCHTITLAN.
355
power, although a large portion fell into the hands of
the kings of Azcapuzalco and Acolhuacan. The
larger part of the Culhuas proper were divided be-
tween Quauhtitlan, — which soon became practically
a Culhua, or Toltec, city, under Iztactototl, grand3on
of Coxcoxtli, who succeeded in 1348, — and Mexico.**
The territory on which Mexico Tenochtitlan was
built seems to have belonged to the domain of Azca-
puzalco, and the Mexicans were obliged to pay to the
Tepanec king a certain amount of tribute in fish and
other productions of the lake. Their prosperity, the
improvements they were constantly making in their
city, and their strong position in the lake, taken in
connection with their well-known valor and ambition,
excited much jealousy among the surrounding nations.
Possibly this jealousy is alluded to in the fable of a
fatal epidemic which prevailed at this time, ascribed
in the popular tradition to the fumes of fried fish and
other delicacies, wafted from the island town, which
created so violent a longing as to occasion illness."
The Tepanecs were the only people that had the
power to oppress the Aztecs, which they are said to
have done, not only by the exaction of the regular
tribute due them, but by imposing special taxes, to
be paid in articles of no value to the receivers, but
which could be obtained by the Mexicans only with
great difficulty or danger." Brasseur says that Tezo-
zomoc even went so far as to send his son Tlacotin
to rule in Mexico after Tenuch's death, and he dying
after a short time, another son, Teuhtlehuac, became
governor."^ I find nothing in the Spanish writers
respecting Tepanec ■ governors in Mexico, although
none of them give any very definite idea how the city
was governed in the early period of its existence.
** Gomara and Brasseur as above; also Brasseur, p. 465.
" Torquemada, torn, i., p. 93; Duran, MS. torn, i., cap. x.
M Duran, MS., torn, i., cap. vi. ; Tetozonioe, in Kingmorough, vol. ix.,
pp. 9-10; Herrern, dec. ill., lib. ii., cap. xii; Aeosta, Hist, de leu Ynd., pp.
471-3; Torqitemada, torn, i., pp. 99-101; Clavigero, torn, i., p. 176; VetaU'
cvrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp. 22-8.
" Hist., torn, ii., p. 454.
356
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
Some authors mention Tenuch as one of the chiefs
that directed the original Aztec migration; others, as
we have seen, make him the chief of an Aztec band
at Iztacalco, just before the founding of the city, and
imply that he was the leader under the priesthood at
the time of its foundation, and for some time after;
while still other writers state that he was elected
chief three years after the foundation."
At this period took place the division of the
Aztecs into Mexicans and Tlatelulcas, although
Veytia dates it back before the foundation of the city,
and before many of the events already related. It
was caused by a quarrel between the priests and
nobles, and was a secession of the latter when unable
to check the growing power of the former. Torque-
mada attributes the separation merely to the over-
crowded state of the city; and the fable of the two
bundles which originated, the dissension in early times
has already been related."* Brasseur sees in this
division the inevitable Nahua tendency to struggle
bravely and unitedly against misfortune, but at the
first dawn of prosperity to indulge in internal strife.
The priesthood used their influence to excite the lower
classes against the nobility, and particularly against
their Tepanec governor, whom they denounced as a
tyrant. They finally succeeded in raising such a
storm that Teuhtlehuac was driven out, and his party,
including most of the nobility, determined to seek a
new home. The connection of a Tepanec governor
with the matter, removes some of the difficulties in-
vol ved in other versions, but it is not easy to under-
stand why Tezozomoc permitted his son to be driven
from Tenochtitlan. Whatever the circumstances
which led to the secession, the location of the new
■
>* Veytia, tarn. ii.,p. 169, writes the name Tenuhctiin, and dates Imh
election 1330. In the Godet Mendota, in Kingaborough, vol. v., p. 40, it ib
stated that the other chiefs still continued to govern their dans. See also,
Clavigero, torn, i., pp. 173*4; Torqwmada, torn, i., pp. 289-91; Mendieia,
Hist. Eclea., p. 148.
M See pp. TO&S, of this volume.
GROWTH OF MEXICO AND TLATELULCO.
857
establishment was miraculously pointed out. The
nobles were attracted by a whirlwind to a sandy spot
among the reeds of the lake, about two miles from
Tenochtitlan, and found there the shield, arrow, and
coiled serpent, which they deemed a most happy
augury. They obtained a title of the land from the
Tepanec king, on condition of a yearly tribute,** and
called their new home Xaltelulco, afterwards, Tlate-
lulco."
Both cities grew rapidly, and acquired much pros-
perity and power, notwithstanding the separation, by
reason of the large immigration that they received,
and of the rivalry that sprang up between the two
divisions. The additions to the population in Te-
nochtitlan were chiefly Culhuas, who came in so large
numbers as to outnumber, perhaps, the original
Mexicans ; while Tlatclulco received a corresponding
influx of Tepanecs, and many from other neighboring
nations. We have no further details of their history
down to the death of the emperor Techotl, at Tez-
cuco, except that the establishment of a monarchy in
each of the two cities. The Mexicans were at first
ruled by the priests, with certain chiefs not definitely
named; although by some Tenuch is still spoken of
as alive and ruling down to 1357. It was finally
decided, in an assembly of priests pnd wise men of
the nation, to choose a king, and the choice fell upon
Acamapichtli II., son of Acamapichtli of Culhuacan.
The large Culhua element in Tenochtitlan doubtless
had a great influence in this choice; and other
"o Veytia sajra they first applied to Quinantzin, placing this event in
the reign of Alconahuacatl, as emperor.
"' veylia, torn, ii., pp. 135, 138, 140-1; Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 93, 99,
291. Duran, MS., torn, i., cap. v., names four chiefs who were at the
licud of the secessionists. Ixthlxochitl, in Kingahorough, vol. ix., p. 398,
mentions two chiefs with their adherents. Others speak of eight. Acosta,
p. 468, writes TiatelulcOj 'place of terraces.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
113, defines the name 'islet.' Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 22, derives it
from tlatelli, 'booth,' beoanse the market was located here. Brasseur,
Hill. torn, ii., pp. 467-8, says the original name was Xalliyacac, 'point of
land,' which was in the territory belonging to Tlatelulco, at the time a
small village, but in the Toltec period a nourishing city. See also, Clavi-
gero, torn, i., p. 170.
m
358
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
motives were the friendship of the candidate's father
for the Mexicans in past times, the possibility of
reconquering the old Culhua possessions and joining
them to the Aztec domain, and possibly the extreme
youth of Aeamapichtli, which offered to the priest-
hood a prospect of eapily controling his actions. Tlie
young candidate was summoned from Tezcuco, where
he had taken refuge, together with the princess
Ilancueitl, who had rescued him, who seems to have
been regent during his minority, and who is even said
to have become his wife. 1350 was the date of the
accession of Aeamapichtli II., the first king of Mexico
Tenochtitlan.®* Soon after, probably the following
year, 1351, the Tlatelulcas also determined to estab-
lish a monarchical form of government. They also
sent abroad for a king, and received a son of the
Tepanec king, Tezozomoc, named Quaquauhpitza-
huac."
^ There is great diversity among the authorities respecting the parent-
age of Aeamapichtli II., some of which may probably be attributed to
the confounding of two of the same name. Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 186-8,
161, dates his accession 1361, says a political contest of four years pre-
ceded his election, and calls him the son of Huitzilihuitl by Atotuztii,
daughter of Aeamapichtli. Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 173 4, Acosta, ])p.
469-71, and Duran, MS., torn, i., cap. v-vi., represent the new king as .sun
of Opochtli, an Aztec chief, by Atotoztli, a Culhua princess. CTaYi^'cro
makes the date 1352; Torquemada, torn. i. , pp. 94-97, refers to him as a
noble Aztec, son of Cohuatzontli by the daughter of a Culhua chieftain.
Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 344, 348-9, 456, gives as usual two' or three versions of
the matter, saying in one place that the new king was the third son of the
king of Azcapnzalco. Gomara, Coii^. Mex., fol. 302, brings him from Co-
atlichan, whither he had escaped with his mother after Uie death of her
husband the Culhua king. 'Aeamapichtli, king of Culhuacan, father of
the second Aeamapichtli spoken of here, was a grandson of Acxoquauhtli,
son of Achitometl I., by Azcaxochitl, daughter of the Mexican Huitzilatl.
Aeamapichtli I. had also married Ixxochitl, daughter of Tcotlchuac, who
was a brother of Azcaxochitl and son of the same Huitzilatl, and had hud
by her Aeamapichtli II.' Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 469-70. See nlso:
Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii. , p. 22; Motolinia, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc,
tom. i., p. 6; Hen-era, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xii.; Pnrchas his
Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1005-6. The question of the new king's marriage is
even more deeplv involved. See sar^e authorities.
<" Torquemaaa, tom. i., pp. 94-5; Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 174-6; Brnn-
teur. Hist., tom. ii., p. 471. Date according to Clavigero, 1363. Ixtlil-
xochitl, in Kiiigsborouph. vol. ix., pp. 213, 348-9, 398, 463, and Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 141, say that the king's name was MixcohiiatI,
or Epcoatzin, or Cohuatlecatl. See also Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., y. 2*2;
Sahagun, Hist. Geii., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 273; Oranado y Galvez, lardes
Amer.,m. 174-5; Miiller, Beisen, tom. iii., p. 49; and CarbajoU Eapinosa,
Hist, ilex., tom. L, pp. 317-9, with portrait.
CHAPTER VII.
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD. CONCLTj !)ED.
Aztec History— Reigns of Acamapichtli II. and Quaquauhpit-
ZAHU AC— Rebuilding of Culhuacan— Huitzilihuitl II., Kino
OF Mexico — Tlacateotzin, King of Tlatelulco— Cuimalpo-
pocA Succeeds in Mexico — Funeral of Techotl— Ixtlilxo-
chitl, Emperou of the Chichimecs — Symptoms of Discontent
—Plans of Tbzozohoc, the Tepanec King — Secret council of
Rebels— Religious Toleration in Tezcuco— Conquest of Xal-
tocan and Cuitlahuac— Birth of Nezahualcoyotl— War be-
tween Tezcuco and Azcapuzalco— Victories of Ixi lilxochitl
—Siege and Fall of Azcapuzalco— Treachery of Tezozomoc
—Fall of Tezcuco— Flight and Death of Ixtlilxochitl—
Tezozomoc proclaimed £mpurou— Reorganization of the Em-
pire—Adventures of Nezahualcoyotl — Death of Tezozomoc—
Maxtla usurps the Imperial Throne — Murder of the Mexi-
can Kings — Nezahualcoyotl's Victory— Itzcoatl, King oi
Mexico— AcoLHUA and Aztec Alliance— Fall of Azcapuzalco
—The Tri-partite Alliance, ob the New Empire.
The next and final chapter of the Chichimec an-
nals covers a period of three quarters of a century,
extending from the death of the emperor Techotl
ill 1357, to the formation of the tri-partite alliance
between the Acolhuas, Aztecs, and Tepanecs, in
1431. It embraces the reigns of three emperors,
Ixtlilxochitl, Tezozomoc, and Maxtla; and is a record
of continued struggles for the imperial power between
the Acolhuas and Tepanecs, resulting in the humilia-
(889)
m
^'1
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
tion of the latter and the triumph of the former,
through the aid of a third power, which is admitted
as an equal to the victor in the final reconstruction of
the empire. The r6le of the other nations of And-
huac during this period, is that of allies to one or
the other of the powers mentioned, or, occasionally,
of rebels who take advantage of the dissensions of
the ruling powers to declare their independence, en-
joyed as a rule only until such time as the masters
may have an opportunity to reduce them to their old
allegiance. We find the aboriginal record more and
more complete as we approach the epoch of the con-
quest, with much less confusion in chronology, so far
as leading events are concerned, although perfect
agreement among the authorities is vet far from being
attained in the minor details with which the narrative is
crowded. A new source of disagreement is, moreover,
reached as we approach the final century of the
native annals — national prejudices on the part of the
native historians through whom those annals have
been handed down, and a constant tendency among
such writers as Ixtlilxochitl, Tezozomoc, Chimalpain,
and Camargo, to exhibit in their highest colors the
actions of the nations from which they have descended,
while ever disposed to cloud the fame of rival powers.
Fortunately, one authority serves, generally, as an
efficient check upon another in such cases.
Before relating the general history of Andhuac
during the successive reigns of the emperors Ixtlil-
xochitl and Tezozomoc, in which history the Mexicans
took a prominent part as allies of the latter, it will
be well to glance, briefly — for there is little to say
on the subject — at the course of events in the new
cities on the lake marshes. We left Tenochtitlan
under the rule of its Culhua king, Acamapichtli II.,
or rather under the regency of his queen, Ilancueitl;
while Quaquauhpitzahuac, son of the Tepanec king
Tezozomoc, was o> the throne of Tlatelulco, both
kingdoms being tributary to that of Azcapuzalco.
REIGN OF ACAMAPICHTLI II.
861
One of the last acts of the queen was the re-settle-
ment of Culhuacati in 1378, by means of a colony
sent from Mexico under Nauhyotl, the fourth of that
name who had ruled in the Culhua city. This was done
partly from motives of pride in restoring the capital
of her own and her husband's ancestors, and partly to
serve as a check on the encroachments of the Chalcas
in the south.* In 1383 the queen died. Ixtlilxochitl
states that she bore her husband three sons, one of
whom was Huitzilihuitl ; Clavigero tells us she was
barren, but took charge of the education of two of
her husband's sons, Huitzilihuitl and Chimalpopoca,
by another wife; Torquemada confounds the two
Acamapichtlis, and is, consequently, greatly puzzled
about Ilancueitl's children; and finally, Brasseur
shows that she was espoused at an advanced age by
the king solely for political motives, and that she
lived harmoniously with his other two wives, one of
whom bore him Huitzilihuitl, and the other Chimal-
popoca.* The reign of Acamapichtli II. dates, in a
certain sense, from the death of his queen, who for
many years had, at least, ruled jointly with him.
The beginning of the wars between the Mexicans and
Chalcas, which were waged so bitterly for many
years, is attributed to Acamapichtli's reign, as are
the conquests of Quauhnahuac, Mizquic, and Xochi-
milco; but it must be understood that it was only as
the allies of the Tepanec king that the Mexicans
engaged in these wars. Torquemada and Acosta
assert that Acamapichtli's reign was a very peaceful
one.^ It was after the conquest of Quauhnahuac,
1 Codex CUmaip., in Bratseur, Hist., torn, iii., p. 99. In the ex-
]>Iunation of the Codex Tell. Rem., in Kingsborovgh, vol. v., p. 148, vol. vi.,
|). 134, it 18 stated that king Acamapichtli burned the temple of Culhuacan
in 1.199, probably referring to the quarrels of Acamapichtli L with Cox>
coxtii, or Achitometl, at an earlier period.
* Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 213; Clavigero, torn, i., pp.
I7&-7; Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 95-8; Brasteur, Hist. torn, iii., p. 100;
Gomara, Conq. Mex,, fol. 302; Herrera, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xii.; Aeotta,
Hist, de lot Ynd., pp. 470-3; Duran, MS., tom. i., cap. xiii; Mendieta,
Hist. Eele$.,m. 148-9; Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough, vol. v., p. 43.
3 Codex Mendoza, in Kingsboi-ough, vol. v., p. 92; Metidieta, Torque'
mada, Acosta, Brasseur, and Clavigero, as in preceding note.
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
later Cuernavaca, that the first gold-workers came to
ply their art in Tenochtitlan.* After having ruled
wisely and justly, greatly enlarging and improving
his capital, he died in 1403, leaving the choice of a
successor wholly to his nobles and priests.' There is
great disagreement among the authorities respecting
the length of his reign, some dating it from his first
call to the throne, and others from the death of
the queen. Immediately after the funeral of
Acamapichtli, an assembly of the wise men of the
nation was held to deliberate on the choice of a suc-
cessor. The priests made an effort to acquire the
control by discontinuing the monarchy. They wished
the temporal affairs of the state to be managed by a
senate or council, with a military chieftain to lead
their armies in war; but the majority believed that
their only hope of national safety and future power
was in a monarchy, and Huitzilihuitl II., the eldest
son of the late king was called to the throne during
the same or the following year. The speeches by
which the old men convinced the assembly that their
yet precarious condition, considering their isolated
position and the powerful nations surrounding them,
made it necessary to call to their throne a wise,
prudent, and powerful king, are recorded by Duran,
Tezozomoc, and Torquemada; as are the addresses of
advice to the new king at his coronation, in which
he was reminded that his position was no sinecure,
but that on him depended the future greatness of the
Mexicans foretold by the gods. The choice of the peo-
ple was ratified by king Tezozomoc of Azcapuzalco ; and
at the same time it is reported that Itzcoatl, a natural
son of the late king, by a woman of rank, was ap-
pointed commander of the Mexican armies. One of
* Codex Chimalp., in Braaaeur, Hist., torn, iii., p. 111.
* Date, 1404, Duran; 1402, after reigning 41 years, Veytia; 1405,
Boturiui; 1389, 37 years, Ctavigero; 1406, 7 years, Coeltx Tell. Bern.;
1396, Mendieta; reiurned 21 years, Torquemada, Sakagun, Codex Mendoza;
1271, 61 years, Ixtlilxochitl; 46 years, Gomara and Motolinia; 40 years,
Acosta and Herrera; 1403, 53 or 21 years, Braauevr.
AZTEC ALLIANCES.
the means by which the Aztecs struggled to attain
to their predestined greatness, was by contracting
foreign matrimonial alliances with powerful nations ;
and as Huitzilihuitl had yet no wife, an embassy was
sent to Tezozomoc with a most humble and flattering
petition, begging that all-powerful sovereign to favor
his most obedient vassal by sending one of his daugh-
ters, "one of his pearls, emeralds, or precious
feathers," as Torquemada expresses it, to share with
the new king his poor home in the marshes. The
petition was granted, the princess Ayauhcihuatl was
given to Huitzilihuitl, and the following year his
brother Chimalpopoca won the hand of the beautiful
princess Miahuaxoehitl, daughter of the lord of
Quauhnahuac, who became the mother of Monte-
zuma." By the alliance with Quauhnahuac, the city
of Tenochtitlan received a large accession of artists
and skilled workmen; while from Tezozomoc, who is
said by Veytia to have personally visited the city at
the birth of his grandson, the Mexicans obtained the
removal of the tribute which they had so long been
obliged to pay, or, at least, its reduction to a merely
nominal amount, including a few wild fowl and fishes
for the royal table. From this time the Mexicans
are said to have felt more at their ease, to have paid
more attention to the arts and sciences, and to have
abandoned their coarse garments of nequen for more
sumptuous apparel.''
1 Acosta and Herrera write the name of Hnitzilihuitl's wife Ayanchi-
gtml. Veytia says tier uanie was Miahuaxoehitl, and that she wim tlie
auu<i;hter of Tezozomoc. Torquemada, Clavigero, and Uouwra make him
niuny, first, Ayauhcihuatl, daughter of Tezozomoc, and afterwards, Mia-
liuuxdcliitl, princess of Quauhnahuac, the latter of wiiom bore Montezuma L
Ixtlilxouliiti says the liing married liis niece, Tetzihuatzin, grand-daHgliter
of Tezozomoc, one of whose children was Chimalpo))oca. Brasseur, renting
on the Codex Chimalp. and Mem. de Culhuaeaii, gives the account I have
presented in the text. The Codeat Tell. Rem. says Huitzilihuitl married a
aauL'litcr -^f the princess of Coatlichan, and a grand-daughter of Acamapich-
tli, liayin" by her no sons. Tezozomoc ana Duran name Chimalpopoca
as Huitzilihuitl's first son; Veytia says it was Montezimm I., and Torque-
niuiia, Clavigero, and Brasseur name the first son Acolnahuacatl.
I On the death of Acamapichtli IL, and the succession and marriage of
Huitzilihuitl II., see 2>ura», MS. torn, i., cap. vi, vii; Clamgero, tom. i.,
pp. 176-80; Tprqwmada, tom. i., pp. 98-106; Sahagun, tom. ii., lib. viii,.
Ma
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
Very soon after Huitzilihuitl's accession to the
throne, the Tlatetulcan king Quaquauhpitzahuac died,
and was succeeded by his son Tlacateotzin, according
to Brasseur's authorities; although Veytia places at
about this date the succession and marriage of Qua-
quauhpitzahuac, soon followed by Tlacateotzin's birth,
the latter becoming king only in 1414. This subject
of the Tlatetulcan succession is inextricably confused,
since some authors make Mixcohnatl precede Qua-
quauhpitzahuac as first king; and Ixtlilxochitl, in one
of his relations, even puts another king, Amatzin, be-
tween the two. The matter is not one of great im-
portance, since it is certain that Tlacateotzin reigned
after 1414 during a most exciting period, being one
of the chief military leaders in Tezozomoc's army.'
The two cities had by this time been extended greatly
beyond their original limits, and were separated only
by a narrow tract of marsh, which was dry at low
water. Notwithstanding the fair promises made by
the Tepanec king to his vassals and allies on the
lake, some of his tyrannical acts seem to have been
directed at them even at this early time, if we may
credit the statement that Nauhyotl IV., in command
p. 268; Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 218, 363, 486-7; Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 219-26; Te-
zozomoc, in Kingshovough, vol. ix., pp. 10-11; Codtx. Tell. Rem., in Id., vol.
v., pp. 148-9; Oomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 302; Motolinia, in Icazbalceta, Col.
de Doc., toni. i., p. 6; Herrtra, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xii.; Acosla, Hist, de
Ins Ynd., pp. 473-5; Sigiienza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s^rie iii., torn, i., p. 50;
Botnriiii, in Id., p. 239; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 149; Brctsseur, Hist.,
torn. iiL, pp. 110-17.
• According to Veytia, toin. ii., pp. 216-7, 246, 249-51, Mixcohuatl
reigned 75 years, was succeeded by Quaquauhpitzahnuc in 1400, and lie by
Tlacateotzin in 1414. Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 9^3, 218, 353, 356, 463, 462, says
Mixcohuatl died in 1271, reigned 51 ye* i, and was succeeded by his son
Quaauauhpitzahuac; or that he died in fechotl's rci^ and was followed
by Tlacateotzin; or that Quaquauhpitzahuac died in 1353; or was succeeded
by Amatzin; or again, that Tlacateotzin succeeded his father; and that he
married a daughter of Tezozomoc. Sahagun, torn, ii., lib. viii., p. 273, ig-
nores Mixcohuatl, as do Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 94-5, 99, 127-8, and
Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 175, 184. Both the latter authors make the first
kine a son of Tezozomoc. Clavigero places his accession in 1353, and that
of Tlacateotzin, his successor, in 1399. Torquemada says the first king
reigned 35 years, and was followed by Tlacateotzin in the tenth year o(
Huitzilihuitl's rule. Both Mexicans and Tlatelulcas seem to have claimed
the honor of having had the first king. See also Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii.,
p. 123.
REIGN OF HUITZILIHUITL II.
865
of the Aztec-Culhua colony at Culhuacan for the past
thirty-five years, was murdered by Tezozomoc's or-
ders in 1413.' Tlatelulco was yet in its building*
and some other respects superior to its rival, perhaps
by reason of being less under priestly control, or
through the greater favor shown its peopl-e by the
TepanecH. But Huitzilihuitl had done much to build
up and embellish Tenochtitlan, and particularly to
promote her commercial industries, by digging canals,
multiplying the number of chinarapas, and by a wise
system of trade regulations. He is also accredited
with a new code of laws, and with the introduction of
war canoes and the training of his soldiers in their
skillful management.'** Mendieta states that ttii.->
king conquered Tultitlan, Quauhtitlan, Chalco, Tu-
lancingo, Xaltocan, Otompan, Tezcuco, and Acolman,
during his reign, but the reference is of course < i;he
wars of the Tepanec king by the aid of his INIexican
allies; and Sahi.;run says he fought against Culhua-
can, referring doubtless to a former ruler of the same
name/' Huitzilihuitl II. died in 1417,*'" and his half
brother, Chimalpopoca, was immediately chosen to
succeed him, in the absence of any legitimate son.
We have seen that there is much disagreement re-
specting Huitzilihuitl's marriage and his children;
some authors even state that Chimalpopoca was his
son, but the majority of the best authorities agree
that the new king was the son of Acamapichtli II.,
and a brother of Huitzilihuitl. The latter s only le-
gitimate son, Acolnahuacatl, was killed, in childhood,
by Maxtla, son of Tezozomoc, in 1399, through fear
that he might inherit the crown of Azcapuzalco, as
> Codex Chimalp., in BratMur, Hist., torn, iii., p. 120.
"> Z>ura», MS., torn, i., cap. vii.; Tor^^temada, toin. i., pp. 106; Vey-
tia, toni. ii., pp. 226-8, 246; Briuseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 127-8.
» Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 149; Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough, vol
v., p. 43; Sahagun, torn, ii., lib. viii., p. 268.
>' Date 1414, Veytia, torn, ii., pn. 246-7; Boturini, in Doc. Hist. Mex.,
s^rie iii., torn, iv., p. 239; Codex Tell. Bern., in KiHgsborot$gh, vol. v., p. 149;
1353, Mlilxochitl, in Id., vol. ix., pp. 218, 356, 487; 1409, Clavigero, torn.
i., p. 186; 1417, Codex Chimalp. in Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., p. 129, and
Coaex Mendoza, in Kingsbonmgh, vol. v., p. 43.
366
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
Clavigero states. Acosta, confounding this tradition
with thi fact that king Chimalpopoca was long after
killed by Maxtla's orders, tells us Chimalpopoca was
killed in childhood. Torqueniada adds to the fact of
the young Acolnahuacatl's murder, another motive for
the crime, in a tale to the effect that Tezozomoc had
given Maxtla's wife to the Mexicans for a queen,
hence the wrath and vengeance of the Tepanec prince.
The choice of the Mexicans is said to have been ap-
proved both by the emperor Ixtlilxochitl and by Tezo-
zomoc. Chimalpopoca's marriage has already been
noted, and the birth of his son Montezuma Ilhuica-
mina; Veytia states that his wife, by whom he had
seven children, was the princess Matlalatzin, a
daughter of the king of Tlatelulco. I shall have oc-
casion to speak again of this king."
To return to the general history of the Chichimec
empire, the kings and lords were assembled at Tez-
cuco to perform the last honors to the dead emperor
Techotl, and to celebrate the accession of his son
and chosen heir Ixtlilxochitl. We have seen that
Techotl had by his great ability and by a series of
most extraordinary political measures checked the
independent spirit of his vassal lords, avoided all in-
ternal strife, centralized the imperial power, and
made himself almost absolute master of Anahuac.
Another Techotl might perhaps have retained the
mastery; but we have seen that many of his acts
were calculated to excite the opposition of the Chi-
chimec lords, that on his death-bed he expressed his
misgivings respecting future events, and that his son
htid already made of the Tepanec king an enemy.
It is quite possible that the last years of Techotl's
'3 On death of Huitzilihuitl TI. and sncceasion of Chinialpopoca. sco
Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 24(»-9; Torquenuida, torn, i., pp. 105-7; Llaviqcro,
torn, i., pp. 182-7; Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 218, 355-6, 457; Acosta, Hist, de la»
Ynd., pp. 476-8; Sahagun, toni. ii., lib. viii., p. 268; Duran, MS., torn, i.,
cap. vii, viii, Mendieta, Hist. Ecle*., p. 149; Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp.
129-31; Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough, vol. v., p. 43; Codex Tell. Rem.,
iu Id., p. 149.
SUCCESSION OF IXTLILXOCHITL.
367
reign were marked with troubles which have not
been recorded, and that there were causes of enmity
towards Ixtlilxochitl which are unknown to us.
Brasseur attributes the misfortunes that ensued to
IxtUlxochitl's vacillating spirit and love of ease; but
his acts as recorded by the Spanish writers indicate
rather a peaceful and forgiving disposition, joined to
ninrked and brilliant abilities as a warrior. How-
ever this may be, trouble ahead was indicated at the
very funeral of his mighty and popular father. Many
lords invited to participate in the ceremonies were
not present. Veytia, and Ixtlilxochitl in one of his
relations, say that only four lords attended the obse-
quies; but the latter author elsewhere, and also Bo-
turini, make the number present over sixty, which is
much more probable. The absentees sent in various
pretexts for not attending; if they had come they
would have been obliged to swear allegiance to the
new emperor or to openly rebel, an act for which
they were not yet ready. Torquemada and Clavi-
gero tell us that Tezozomoc was present at the fu-
neral, but departed immediately after without giving
his adhesion to the new emperor. Ixtlilxochitl, how-
ever, was crowned king of Acolhuacan by the princes
present at Tezcuco, and in all probability assumed at
that time the title of Chichimecatl Tecuhtli, or em-
peror, that was his due, although no author states
this directly, and both Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia state
expressly that he was not crowned as emperor for
many years. Ixtlilxochitl says, however, in one
place that he was proclaimed 'lord paramount' by
the assembled princes, and there was no apparent
motive for delay in this respect." Ixtlilxochitl was
at first disposed to resort to force and to avenge the
insult offered him. Putting his army in order and
stationing his forces in and about the capital, he sent
i< Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 231-3, 236, 245; Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 108-0;
Clavigtro, torn, i., p. 1H5; Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 218-19, Xi6, 358-9, 401; Bo-
turini, Idea, p. 142; Brvtsseur, Hist, torn, lii., pp. 87-92.
I
ill
m
^■\
ti
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
a summons to Azcapuzalco, ordering the Tepanec
king to appear forthwith at court to pay allegiance to
his emperor. Tezozorooc, not yet ready for open
revolt, pleaded illness, assured Ixtlilxochitl of his
good intentions and loyalty, and promised to come as
soon as his health would })erinit. The emperor under-
stooix that this was but a pretext, but he was unwill-
ing to resort to harsh measures if they could be
avoided, and was induced by his counselors, many of
them perhaps in full sympathy with Tezozomoc, to
await the better health of his opponent."*
In the meantime Tezozomoc called a secret meet-
ing of the disaffected lords, with many of whom he
may be supposed to have been already in commu-
nication. The kings of Mexico and Tlatelulco were
among the allies on whom he counted most, and to
whom he made the most flattering promises in case of
future success. In a long speech before the assembly
he expatiated upon the acts of the late emperor
which had been most calculated to offend the lords
before him. He spoke of their rights as independent
Chichimec rulers, of which they had been deprived
and only repaid by empty honors at the imperial
court; urged upon them the necessity of making an
effort to shake off the tyranny that oppressed
them while they retained the power to act; reminded
them of Ixtlilochitl's youth and general unfitness to
direct the aftairs of a mighty empire. He boasted of
having himself already shown his independence by
abseuting himself from the new emperor's coronation.
According to most authorities, he disclaimed any
ambitious aims of his own, or any intention to
despoil Ixtlilxochitl of his domains as king of Acol-
huacan, his only avowed design being to restore to all
Chichimec lords their ancient independence; but
others state that he openly expressed his intention to
wear the imperial crown. At any rate, the as-
sembled princes signified their approval of his views,
u VeifUa, torn, ii., pp. 234-7; Ixtlilxochitl, p. 356.
PLOTS OF TEZOZOMOC. 369
and looked to him for directions; pledged to secrecy
for the present, they were dismissed, and Tezozomoe
began his preparations for the coming struggle. But
he proceeded slowly, for he knew that Ixtlilxochitl
was not a foe to be easily overcome.^* Ixtlilxochitl
probably knew of the meeting, but still took no active
steps against the Tepanec king, although, as the
Spanish writers say, he was constantly arming and'
disciplining his forces. It is said that immediately
upon his accession he removed all restrictions upon
religious rites among the many nationalities and sects
which composed the population of Tezcuco, even
permitting human sacrifice, so strictly prohibited by
his ancestors. He thus laid the foundation for
troubles analogous to those that had destroyed ToUan
and Culhuacan."
Tezozomoe carefully prepared his way to future
power by establishing Tepanec colonies in different
localities. One of them was at Tultitlan, near
Quauhtitlan. We have seen the latter city pass
under Culhua control at the fall of Culhuacan; but
after the reigns of king Iztactototl and queen Ehuat-
lycue, the Chichimecs had regained control in 1372.
In 1395 an army, composed chiefly of Tepanecs and
Mexicans, under Xaltemoc, lord of Quauhtitlan, con-
quered and burned the Otoml city of Xaltocan, and
a large extent of territory between that city and Tol-
lan, of which Tezozomoe took for himself the larger
share, giving also portions to his allies for their ser-
vices. In 1392 the Cuitlahuacs had been conquered
by the Mexicans and entrusted to a governor devoted
to the interests of Tezozomoe, who embraced every
opportunity to place his sons or his friends in posi-
tions where they might be of use to him in the
I'uture.^* Ixtlilxochitl watched the aggressive move-
ments without interfering, from cowardice or weak-
^^ Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 219, 366-7; Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 108-9; Cla-
rif/ero, toin. i., p. 185; Brasseur, Hist., torn, ii., pp. 93-5.
'' lirasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 95-0.
18 Id., pp. 97-106.
Vol, V. 34
' ^1
i,
i
\ \
I
:*;.
370
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
ness as one would think were it not for subsequent
events, and at last Tezozomoc proceeded to test his
adversary's feelings towards him, by sending, for
three years successively, a quantity of cotton to Tez-
cuco, at first with the request, but finally with the
order, that it should be woven into fine fabrics and
returned to Azcapuzalco. Twice the request was
granted and the cloths sent back with a polite mes-
sage, still, as is said, at the advice of the Acolhua
counselors; and the Tepanec king evidently began
to think he had overrated his emperor's courage.
He was disposed to begin hostilities at once, but was
induced by his allied counselors rather to increase
year by year the quantity of cotton sent to Tezcuco,
and thus to gradually accustom the Acolhua king to
a payment of tribute, while he was also constantly
winning over to his side lords that yet wavered. On
the third year a very large amount of cotton was
sent, without any formal request, but with a mere
message directing that the staple be forthwith woven
into the finest cloths, and to ensure dispatch that it
be divided among the Acolhua lords.
Ixtlilxochitl was at last fully aroused, refused to
be controlled by his advisers, and returned to Tezo-
zomoc's message a reply substantially as folllows:
" I have received the cotton kindly furnished by you,
and thank you for it. It will serve to make quilted
garments to be worn by my soldiers who go to chas-
tise a pack of rebels who not only refuse allegiance to
their emperor, but relying on my forbearance, have
the impudence to ask for tribute. If you have more
cotton send it also; my soldiers do not need armor to
fight against such foes, but these quilted garments
will give my armies a finer appearance in their tri-
umphal march." With this reply, or soon after, ac-
cording to Brasseur, a formal challenge was sent to
Tezozomoc, whos, gray hairs and near relationship,
as Ixtlilxochitl said, could no longer protect him.
The other authorities speak of no formal challenge,
but o
proacl
allies,
Tlateli
of Ace
on Tez
lords, i
tepee,
explain
recallec
his anc(
ately w
state th
emperor
his lordi
they mi<
lords pi
tliem ar
Tezozom
events aa
evident f
uted to t
Brasse
work,* St
the regioi
ground, a
war, in \
holding h
strengfh h
wavering
that open
time after
tions were
the ca
to indicate
" IxtUlxoch
Uai!i(,ero, torn.
'^ Monarq. 1
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.
871
but of long preparation on both sides for the ap-
proaching conflict. The Tepanec king summoned his
allies, chief among whom were the Mexicans and
Tlatelulcas, promised to divide the conquered domain
of Acolhuacan among them, and prepared to march
on Tezcuco. Ixtlilxochitl also called upon his vassal
lords, including those of Coatlichan, Huexotla, Coa-
tepec, Iztapalocan, Tepepulco, Chalco, and others,
explained to them the ambitious plans of Tezozomoc,
recalled to them the favors they had received from
his ancestors, and ordered them to aid him immedi-
ately with all their resources. Many of the authors
state that he wished at this time to be crowned as
emperor, but postponed the ceremonies at the wish of
his lords, until after the defeat of his enemy, when
they might be performed with fitting pomp. All the
lords promised their assistance, although some of
them are supposed to have been in sympathy with
Tezozomoc. The Spanish writers represent these
events as having occurred from 1410 to 1412, but it is
evident from what follows that they are to be attrib-
uted to the last years of the fourteenth century."
Brasseur, relying on a chapter of Torquemada's
work,™ states that in the challenge mentioned above,
the region of Quauhtitlan was mentioned as a battle-
ground, and that it was followed by a three years'
war, in which Ixtlilxochitl succeeded, at least, in
holding his ground, and thereby greatly increased his
strength by inspiring confidence in the minds of his
wavering vassals. Other authorities, however, state
that open hostilities were not engaged in for a long
time after the affair of the cotton, although prepara-
tions wore made on both s'ies; and this was probably
the en "aice I find nothing in Torquemada's account
tu indi(.*at;e that he intended to make this war distinct
^^Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 219, 357, 401-2; Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 108-9;
Clamqero, torn, i., pp. 186-6; Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 234^; Bra$$eur, Hist.,
torn, iii., pp. 106-8.
x> Monarq. Ind., torn, i., pp. 108^9.
372
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
from that which, according to all the authorities, took
place some years later.
Ixtlilxochitl had married a sister of prince Chimal-
popoca of Mexico — half-sister to king Huitzilihuitl
II. — by whom he had two children, the princess
Atototzin and prince Nezahualcoyotl, * the fasting
coyote. ''^^ All the authorities agree on 1402 as the
date of his birth, although disagreeing somewhat
respecting the month, day, and hour, these varia-
tions being, perhaps, not worth discussion from a
historical point of view. The predictions of the
astrologers at his birth were most flattering for his
future career, and he was entrusted for education and
training to a Toltec gentleman of high culture.'"
Xaltemoc of Quauhtitlan, who in 1395 had com-
manded the allied forces in the conquest of Xaltocan,
had, it seems, gained the good-will of both the Chi-
chimec and Culhua branches of the population of
that city, the power of which had been greatly in-
creased; but this ruler, not lending himself readily
to the plans of Tezozomoc, is reported to have been
assassinated by the latter's orders in 1408, and his
domain to have been divided and put under sons or
friends of the Tepanec tyrant, as governors.'^
The first act of open hostility took place in 1415,
when Tezozomoc sent an army in several divisions
round the lake southward to devastate the country,
destroy the minor towns belonging to the emperor, to
join forces at Aztahuacan, take and fortify Iztapalo-
can, an important city near by, and from that place
to march on Tezcuco and capture the emperor. The
plan succeeded at first and many towns were pillaged.
A traitor led them by the best routes and gave them
<> The former also called Tozqnentzin and Atotoztli; and the latter,
Acolniiztli and Yoyontzin.
*» Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 218, 359, 401, 405, 453; Duran, MS., torn. i.,cap.
vi. ; Torquemada, torn, i., j». 110; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., pp.
41-2; Brasteur, Hist., torn. lii., pp. 109-10; Camargo, in Nouvellea Annates,
toni. xcviij., p. 14C.
H Vodex Chimalp., in Brcuaeur, lliat., torn, iii., pp. 117-18.
WAR BETWEEN ACOLHUAS AND TEPANECS.
373
instructions as to manner of assaulting, or, as Bras-
seur says, admitted them into the city of Iztapalocan ;
but the inhabitants under the brave governor, Quauh-
xilotzin, succeed in repulsing the Tepanec forces
although not without considerable loss of prisoners,
to which misfortune was joined the death of the brave
governor, murdered by the hands of the same traitor
mentioned above. Ixtlilxochitl, hearing of the march
of his enemy, came to Iztapalocan from Tezcuco soon
after the battle, with a small army hastily gathered ;
but the Tepanecs finding that their plan had failed in
its main object, had retreated to Azcapuzalco, and the
emperor's force was too small to attack Tezozomoc in
his intrenchments.'**
Before beginning a campaign against Tezozomoc,
Ixtlilxochitl called a meeting of such vassal lords as
wore accessible, and had his son Nezahualcoyotl pro-
claimed, with all the pomp of the old Toltec rites, as
his successor on the imperial throne. The high-
priests of Huexotla and Cholula assisted at the cere-
monies, and the only lords present were those of
Huexotla,^ Coatlichan, and Iztapalocan; others who
were faithful were busy prei)aring their forces for
war. The authorities do not agree whether this
meeting took place in Tezcuco or Huexotla, and some
imply that Ixtlilxochitl was crowned at the same
time.='«
Tezozomoc, too old to lead his armies in person,
gave his son Maxtla and the kings of Mexico and
Tlatelulco, the highest places in command, making
" Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 219, 358-9, 402. Dates according to this author,
Ai)ril 15, 1359; Dec. .30, 1.303; 1415. Vcytia, hnn. ii., pj). 25.5-C; date, Aug.
6, 1415. Torqnemnila, torn, i., p. 109; dlavitjero, torn, i., pp. 185-45; Bras-
Sfiii; Iliit., toin. iii., pp. 120-1.
*'' Siiliagun, toni. ii., lib. viii., pp. 277-8, gives a list of the succession of
lords at Huc.votla from the earliest Cliicliiniec times.
M IxllilxochUl, pp. 219-20, 359, 4(IJ. He states that in this meeting,
or allot licr held about the same time, there were inanv other lords ]ircsent,
iiiehidiiig those of Acolnian and Tepechpan, who, altliough pretending to
Imj faithtul, kept Tezozomoc posted as to the course events were taking.
Sec also Vei/tia, torn, ii., pp. 257-8; Torqueinada, torn, i., p. ilO; Bras-
scur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 121-2.
""■"JH
874
THE CHICHIMEG PERIOD.
the latter, Tlacateotzin, commander-in-chief. He al-
so took especial care in strengthening his fortifications
on the frontier. Ixtlilxochitl divided his forces iu
three divisions; the first, commanded by Tochintzin,
grandson of the lord of Coatlichan, was stationed in
towns just north of the capital; the second, under
Ixcontzin, lord of Iztapalocan, was to protect the
southern provinces; while the third, under the em-
peror himself, remained near Tezcuco, ready to render
aid to his officers where it should be most needed.
They were ordered to remain within their intrench-
ments and await the enemy's movements. The Te-
{)anecs and their allies crossed the lake in canoes,
anded in the region of Huexotla, carried some small
settlements on the lake shores, and assaulted the
Acolhuas in their intrenched positions. Day after
day they repeated the assault, and were driven back
each time with heavy loss, both sides in the mean-
time receiving strong reinforcements. Finally To-
chintzin feigned a retreat towards Chiuhnauhtlan, drew
the Tepanecs in pursuit, faced about suddenly and
utterly routed the forces of Tlacateotzin. The lake
sliore was covered with the dead, and the defeated
army retired in confusion to Azcapuzalco. The good-
natured emperor gave orders to discontinue offensive
operations, and sent an embassy profiering peace on
condition of submission to him as emperor, and offer-
ing to forget the past. Tezozomoc haughtily declined
the overtures, claimed a right, as the nearest relative
of the great Xolotl, to the title of Chichimecatl Te-
cuhtli, and announced his intention to enforce his
claims, naming a day when his armies would again
meet the Acolhuas on the field of Chiuhnauhtlan.
This may be the challenge already referred to as
recorded by Torquemada. At any rate, it was
accepted, a large army was concentrated at the point
indicated, and another at Huexotla, which place, as
was ascertained, Tezozomoc really intended treacher-
ously to attack, and which he expected to find com-
IXTLILXOCHITL'S VICTORIES.
876
paratively undefended. Tlacateotzin crossed the lake
as before in canoes with an immense army, but as
before was defeated in a succession of battles, and
after some days forced to retreat to the Tepanec
capital, branches of the Acolhua army in the mean-
time sacking several towns in the enemy's domain,
and punishing several lords who had deserted the
emperor to join Tezozomoc."
Ixtlilxochitl's star was now in the ascendant; his
valor and success in war inspired new confidence ; and
many lords who had hitherto held aloof, now declared
their allegiaace to the emperor. As usual, the Tez-
cucan monarch was disposed to suspend his military
operations, and receive the allegiance which he sup-
posed Tezozomoc would now be ready to offer; but
he soon learned that his adversary, far from abandon-
ing his projects, had succeeded, by new promises of a
future division of territory and spoils, in gaining over
to his side the lords of two powerful provinces, one of
which was Chalco, adjoining the Acolhuan domain on
the north and south. Exasperated at his foe's per-
sistence, and having a larger army than ever before
at his command, Ixtlilxochitl determined to punish
Tezozomoc and his allies in their own territory.
Leaving at and about Iztapalocan, and under the lord
of that city, a sufficient army to keep the Chalcas in
check, he marched at the head of a large army north-
ward and round the lakes, taking in his course Otom-
pan and Tollan with many towns of minor importance.
Now without opposition, now after a bloody combat,
town after town fell before the advancing conqueror,
whose fury was directed against Tepanec soldiers and
treacherous vassals, women and children being in all
cases spared. In the province of Tepotzotlan he was
met by the regular Tepanec army of 200,000 men
under the Tlatelulcan kmg Tlacateotzin, who attempt-
" Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 359-60, 402-3; Veiftia, torn, ii., pp. 257-68; Tor-
quemada, torn, i, pp. 108-9; Clavigero, torn, i., p. 186; Brcuncur, Hiat,,
torn. iiL, pp. 122-6.
876
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
ed to stay the tide of invasion, but after a desperate
conflict, was forced back to Quauhtitlan, and then to
Tepatec, where a second great battle was fought.
Defeated at every step, the allied rebels were at last
forced to retreat within the fortifications of Temal-
palco, which defended Tezozomoc's capital, Azcapu-
zalco. For four months, as some authorities state,
the siege of the city was prolonged, Ixtlilxochitl en-
deavoring rather to harass the pent-up enemy, and
gradually reduce their number, than to bring about a
general engagement. Finally, when he could hold
out no longer, Tezozomoc sent an embassy to the em-
peror, throwing himself entirely upon his mercy, but
pleading most humbly for pardon, reminding Ixtlil-
xochitl of their near r'^^ationship, pledging the sub-
mission of all his allies, and promising to come
personally to Tezcuco, on an appointed day, to swear
the allegiance he had so long and unjustly withheld.
The too lenient emperor, tired of war and bloodslied,
granted the petition, raised the siege against the ad-
vice of all his lords, returned to Tezcuco, and dis-
banded his armies. Brasseur makes this campaign
end in 1416; others in 1417. Ixtlilxochitl states
that the campaign lasted four years, and that Tezozo-
moc had under his command 500,000 men.'"
By this act Ixtlilxochitl sealed his fate. Some of
his truest allies who had fought for glory and loyalty,
understanding Tezozomoc's hypocrisy and deeminjf
their labors thrown away, were disgusted at their
emperor's ill-timed clemency and withdrew their sup-
port. Many more lords had undertaken the war with
the expectation, in case of victory, of sharing among
themselves the Tepanec dominions. The rank and
file, with the lesser chieftains, had borne the toil and
*s Clavigero, torn, i., p. 186, states that Ixtlilxochitl granted this peace,
not because he had any faith in Tezozomoc or was disposed to be lenient to
his allies, but because his army was equally exhausted with that of the
enemy, and he was unable to continue hostilities. This is hardly prob-
able, although he had doubtless suffered more than the records indicate.
See also Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 220, 360-2, 403, 453; Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 268-
76; Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 108-10; Brasteur, Hiat., torn, iii., pp. 122-7.
TREACHERY OF TEZOZOMOC.
177
danger of a long campaign, and now that it was
ended, were denied the spoils that belonged to them
as victors. The discontent was loud and wide-spread,
and Ixtlilxochitl's prestige outside of Tezcuco and
one or two adjoining cities, was lost forever. The
Tepanec king, without the slightest idea of fulfilling
his pledges, fomented the spirit of mutiny by promis-
ing the lords as a reward of rebellion, what they had
failed to obtain in loyal combat, new domains from
the Tezcucan possessions, together with independence
of imperial power. Another motive of hatred on the
part of Tezozomoc toward Ixtlilxochitl is mentioned
by Brasseur's documents as having come to the knowl-
edge of the former king about this time. His son's
wife, a near relative of the Tezcucan king, who had
left her husband and Azcapuzalco for good reasons,
was now found to be living in or near Tezcuco as the
mistress of an Acolhua chief, thus degrading the
honor of the Tepanec royal family.**
Having completed as secretly as possible his pre-
parations for a renewal of the war, Tezozomoc an-
nounced his readiness to swear allegiance to his
sovereign, and his intention to celebrate that act and
the return of peace by ^i*and festivities. As his age
and the state of his health would not permit him, he
said, to go to Tezcuco, he appointed a suitable loca-
tion*' for the ceremonies and invited Ixtlilxochitl to
be present with his son Nezahualcoyotl, accompanied
only by unarmed attendants, for the Tepanecs had not
yet recovered, he said, from their terror of the Acol-
hua soldiers. The emperor at first consented, al-
though by this time he had no faith in the Tepanec
monarch, and, abandoned in his capital by all his
leading nobles, bitterly repented of his unwise course ;
but at the last moment he sent Prince Tecuiltecatl,
his brother, or as some say his natural son, in his
» Codex Chimalp., in Brasaenr, Hist., torn. iiL, pp. 129-30.
^^ Chiuhnauhtlan, as the Spanish writers say; Brusseur soys it was at
Tenamatlac, a Tepanec pleasure-resort in the mountains of Ghiucnauh-
tecatl.
878
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
stead to make excuses for his absence, and try to
have the ceremony postponed. The substitute was
flayed alive on his arrival at Tenamatlac, and Tezo-
zomoc, finding that the prey had temporarily escaped
his trap, ordered his troops to march immediately on
Tezcuco, entered the Acolhua domains on the day
after the murder, and the following day surrounded
the capital. The lords of Huexotla, Iztapalocan, and
Coatepec," were the only ones to render aid to the
emperor in this emergency. The city was gallantly
defended by the small garrison for many days,** but
at last the emperor with Nezahualcoyotl and a few
companions, by the advice of his lords, left the city
at night and took refuge in the forest of Tzinca-
noztoc, where he soon learned that Toxpilli, chief of
the Chimalpanec ward, had pronounced for Tezozo-
moc and opened the city to the enemy. A scene of
carnage and plunder ensued, such of Ixtlilxochitl's
partizans as survived fleeing to Huexotzinco and
Tlascala. From his retreat at Tzincanoztoc the em-
peror sent to demand protection of the lord of Otom-
f)an, a man deeply indebted to him for honors in the
ast campaign; but his petition was denied, and
his messenger, who was also his son or nephew, a
famous general, was murdered, his body torn in pieces,
and his nails strung on a cord for a necklace. By
this time quite a company had gathered about the
emperor, and the enemy had also ascertained his
whereabouts. Aided by the natural strength of his
position, he defended himself for many days, until,
without food or hope of succor, he decided to strive
for life no longer. The authorities differ widely in
the details of his death, and tht matter is not suffi-
ciently important to warrant a repetition of all that
has been said ab( it it. Torquemada and Clavigero
state that he wa drawn out of his last retreat by
" Brasseur says Coatlic
» 50, and 16, are IxtlU.
10, and Brasseur 40.
a, which is more likely.
chitl's figures in different places; Yejrtia saya
DEATH OF IXTLILXOCHITL.
m
promised favorable conditions of surrender, and was
treacherously murdered; but most a;^ree that at the
last approach of the foe, a band of Chalcas and men
of Otompan, he induced his son to conceal himself in
a tree, turned alone upon the enemy, and fell covered
with wounds. At the close of his last conversation
with Nezahualcoyotl, he urged him to escape to his
friends in Tlascala, always to deal leniently with his
enemies, for he did not repent of his own mercy,
though it had cost him so dear; he concluded by say-
ing: "I leave to thee, my son, no other inheritance
than thy bow and arrow; strive tc acquire skill in
their use, and let thy strong arm restore the king-
dom of thy Chichimec ancestors."" The emperor's
death took place probably in 1419.^
Respecting Tezozomoc's short reign of eight years,
we find in the records a general account of the lead-
ing events, but learn very little about the order of
their occurrence. Of the lords that had remained
faithful to Ixtlilxochitl to the last, those in Anahuac
were forced to submit for a time to Tezozomoc or flee
for protection to the eastern plateau ; but the ruler of
more distant provinces, like those in the east about
Huexotzinco and Tlascala, and those in the north in
the Tulancinga region, beyond the reach of Tepanec
power, utterly refused allegiance to the new sovereign.
Of the powers that had supported Tezozomoc, few or
none seem to have done so from any friendship to
him, or respect for his claims, but for the direct
benefit which they hoped to gain from the change.
" Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 220-3, 362-4, 403-4, 453-4, 462-3; Veytia, torn, ii.,
pp. 278-99; Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 110-13; Clavigero, torn, i., pp. 187-9;
Jirasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 129-38.
"Oct. 29, 1418, Veytia; 1410, Clavigero; 1410, Ixtlitxochxtl, p. 463;
April 22, 1415, Id., p. 454; Sept. 21, 1418, Id., p. 404; 1419, Brasseur.
Torquemada implies that Ixtlilxochitrs reign ladted only Beven years.
Sahagun, torn, ii., lib. viii., ^. 276, says he ruled 61 years, during which
time nothing worthy of mention occurred. Ixtlilxochitl in one place, p.
223, says that the last Tepanec wars lasted 3 years and 273 days; else-
where, p. 364, that they lasted 50 consecutive years, and that millions of
people perished.
880
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
Some fought simply to gain their independence, or re-
establish the old Chichimec feudal* system broken up
by Techotl, and such, at the close of the war,
simply assumed their independence, the stronger
provinces retaining it, and the weaker being kept in
subjection by force of arms only, and keeping the
Tepanec king so busy during his short term that he
had hardly leisure to consolidate his empire. Tlie
other class of Tepanec allies had been drawn into the
war by Tezozomoc's extravagant promises of new
honors, domains, and other spoils; these awaited
the complete establishment and re-organization of the
empire, and the fulfillment of the emperor's promises.
Tezozomoc proposed as a basis of reconstruction of
the empire, the division of power in Anahuac among
seven kings according to the old feudal system, the
conquered Acolhua domains to be divided among
the seven — himself, of course, taking the largest share,
and each of the other six to be independent in the
government of their realms, but to acknowledge him
as emperor and to pay a regular tribute. The seven
kingdoms were to be Azcapuzalco, Mexico, Tlatehilco,
Chalco, Acohnan, Coatlichan, and Huexotla, the last
tw^o being given to the lord of Otomjian and his
son.** King Chimalpopoca of Mexico was to receive
the province of Tezcuco and certain Cuitlahuac dis-
tricts; to king Tlacateotzin of Tlatelulco, was to be
given portions of Huexotla and Cuitlahuac. Some
minor rewards were also awarded to the lesser allied
chiefs. The conditions were accepted, although not
without some dissatisfaction on the part of the Mexi-
cans, who had expected much more, and of such chiefs
as were not among the seven chosen kings. Amid
grand ceremonies and festivities in an assembly of the
allied lords, Tezozomoc proclaimed himself emperor,
and the six kings as his colleagues, to be consulted in
all matters of general government; announced the
transfer of his capital to Azcapuzalco ; offered a gen-
'^ Torquenioda states that Tezozomoc reserved Coatlichan for hiiuself.
REIGN OF TEZOZOMOC.
381
eral amnesty to the followers of Ixtlilxochitl on
condition of submission to the new political arrange-
ment; offered a reward for the capture of Nezahual-
coyotl, dead or alive, proclaiming that all should be
treated as traitors and punished with death who
should dare to give aid or shelter to the fugitive
prince; and appointed officers to publicly proclaim his
accession and the new measures that accompanied
it, in every city in the empire.^*
Some authorities state that the amnesty proclaimed
by Tezozomoc in favor of the Acolhua provinces,
included freedom from tribute for one year; however
this may have been, the matter of tribute was not
arranged until after the grand assembly and the
swearing of allegiance to the new emperor, but was
reserved by the crafty Tepanec as a means of practi-
cally retaining for himself what he had apparently
given to the six kings, and what had in most cases
proved satisfactory to them. Finally the system of
tribute was announced. The amount of tribute and
of personal service required was made much more
burdensome than it hart ever been, greatly to the dis-
satisfaction of the people and subordinate chiefs;
then each king was to collect the tribute from his
dominions, to retain one third for himself, and to pay
over at Azcapuzalco the remaining two thirds into
the imperial treasury. Thus the allied powers dis-
covered that Tezozomoc had outwitted them ; that he
had taken for himself in the division of territory the
lion's share ; that he had greatly increased the burden
of taxation throughout the country ; that, not content
with the revenues of his own states, and a nominal
tribute from his colleagues as a token of their alle-
giance, he claimed two thirds of that from other
'' Ivtlilxodiitl tftUs a strahgo story, to the effect that Tezozomoc's
otficers were directed to osk the children in each province, who was their
king; such as replied 'Tezozomoc,' were to be caressed and their parents
rewarded; but those that answered ' Ixtlilxocliitl,' or 'Nezahualcoyotl,'
were put to death without mercy. Thus perished thousands of innocent
children. In Kingt^orouph, vol. ix., pp. 223, 463.
382
THE CHICHIMEG PERIOD.
states; and that while they had gained the empty-
titles of kings and associates in the imperial power,
they were in reality only governors, poorly paid for
the labor of collecting taxes and administering the
government. The Mexicans and Tlatelulcas had
been promised, moreover, or at least had expected,
an establishment on the basis of the old Toltec alli-
ance, with their own kings as the two allies of
Tezozomoc, owing him only a nominal allegiance.
Moreover Chimalpopoca had now succeeded to the
throne of Mexico, and he was a friend of Nezahual-
coyotl and had never been favorably disposed toward
the Tepanec monarch. The Mexicans, however,
masked their discontent, until such time as they
should see an opportunity for revenge; the other
powers made open and loud complaint, so far as they
dared to do so. The final establishment of Tezozo-
moc's empire, so far as it was ever established, is
placed by the Ahh6 Brasseur in 1425."
Prince Nezahualcoyotl, after the death of his
father, had been joined by a few faithful friends and
had succeeded in making his escape to Tlascala and
Huexotzinco, where he found the people and lords true
to him, and confident of their ability to repel any
force the Tepanec usurper could send, against them,
but not strong enough at this time to warrant them
in undertaking an offensive war against the allied
forces of Andhuac for the restoration of Nezahual-
coyotl to his ancestral throne. They advised him to
put himself in communication with the many disaf-
fected chieftains of the valley, and to await his
opportunity, which was sare to come, and that soon,
promising him their aid in such an emergency. The
prince thereupon turned boldly about and returned to
Andhuac in disguise. His adventures and hair-
" Veytia, torn, i., pp. 300-6, 315-17; Ixtlilxoehitl, pp. 224-5, 365-8, 404,
464, 463; Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 113-16; Clavigero, torn. L, pp. 190-3;
BrasKur, Hut., torn, iii., pp. 138-48; Boturini, Itua, pp. 14S^; motolinia,
in IcatbMeeta, Col, de Doe,, torn. L, p. 254.
ADVENTURES OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL.
breadth escapes during his wanderings are related in
detail by the Spanish writers, but must be omitted
here as having no special importance in connection
with the general history of the country. He found
friends in every direction, and was especially pro-
tected by Chimalpopoca of Mexico. It is said that
he was present in disguise at the assembly when Te-
zozomc>c was crowned, and when he heard a reward
offered for his murder, was with difficulty prevented
by his friends from making himself known, so great
was his rage. Finally his aunts, the queens of Mex-
ico and Tlatelulco, went with a large companv of
ladies to the palace of Tezozomoc, and interceded for
their nephew with so much earnestness that the king
countermanded his previous orders, and granted him
permission to reside, in a private capacity, at Mexico;
and soon after he was even allowed to live at Tez-
cuco in a palace that had belonged to him personally
from his birfch.^
Tezozomoc was now very old and infirm ; for several
years he had been kept alive only by means of arti-
ficial warmth and the most careful attentions. By a
temperate life and freedom from all excess, in addition
to a robust constitution, he had prolonged his life
even beyond the usual limit in those days of great
longevity, and retained the use of all his mental
faculties to the last. In his last days he repented of
the pardon that he had extended to Nezahualcoyotl ;
for he dreamed that an eagle tore his head in pieces
and consumed his vitals, while a tiger tore his feet.
The astrologers informed him that the eagle and the
tiger were Nezahualcoyotl, who would surely over-
throw the Tepanec power, punish the people of
Azcapuzalco, and regain his father's imperial power,
unless he could be put to death. The old monarch's
last charge to his sons and to his nobles was that
^ On Nenhualcoyotl'a adventures d
L) pp. 116-7; Brauew,
this period, down to about
Veytin, torn, ii., pp.
I; Torquemada, torn.
'Ut., torn. iii.,'pp. 148-00.
><■ un JNeiahualcoyotl a adventures during tbiB period,
1426, Bee IxaUxoehiU, pp. 224-5, 366-9, 404-6, 463-4; Veytt
304, 311-14, 317-19; Clavigero, torn, i., pp. 190-1. 198-4; To
884
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
Nezahualcoyotl should be killed, if possible, during
his funeral exercises, when he would probably be
present. He died in 1427, naming Tayauh, one of
his sons, as his successor on the Tepanec and Chi-
chimec thrones, and charging him, after the Acolhua
prince's death, to strive by every means in his power
to make friends among his vassal lords, and to avoid
all iiarsh measures. Maxtla, another son, seems to
have had more ability and experience than his
brother, but his father feared the consequence of his
hasty temper and arbitrary manner, by which he
had already made a multitude of enemies.*" A large
number of princes and lords were assembled at the
royal obsequies, among them Nezahualcoyotl himself,
against the advice of his friends, but relying on his
good fortune and on the assurance of a sorcerer in
whom he had great faith, that he could not be killed
at that time. The heir to the throne was disposed to
have his father's recommendations carried out during
the funeral exercises, but Maxtla claimed that it
would be bad policy — ^for himself, probably, in con-
sideration of his own ambitious plans — to disgrace so
solemn an occasion by murder. All the authorities
agree that Tezozomoc was the most unscrupulous and
tyrannical despot that ever ruled in Anilhuac; the only
good that is recorded of him is his own strict moral-
ity, and his strict and impartial enforcement of just
laws and punishment of crimes within his own
dominions. His extraordinary ability as a diplo-
matist and politician is evident from the events of
his career as related above.*"
s» There is much confusion respecting these sons of Tezozomoc. Ixtlil-
xochitl in one place, pp. 368-9, names Maxtla, Tayauh, and Atlatota
Icpaltzin, or Tlatccaypaltzin, as the sons summoned to his death-bed. In
another place, p. 464, no calls two of them Tiatzi, or Tayatzi, and Tlacay-
apaltzin. Torquemaida names them Maxtla, Tayatzin, and Tecuhtzintli.
All imply that Maxtla was the eldest son. Brosseur, following the Codex
Chiinnlpopoca, states that Tezozomoc had eight legitimate sons, of whom
Maxtlaton was the seventh and Quetzalayatiin (Tayauh, or Tayatzin), tho
sixth.
«• Veytia, tom. 11, pp. 321-9, torn, iii., pp. 3-11; date. Feb. 2, 1427.
Ixmrnehitl, pp. 217, 225-7, 368-70, 405, 454, 464; dates, March 20, 1427,
MAXTLA USURPS THE THRONE.
Maxtla, although deprived of the succession to the
imperial throne, had been made king of Coyuhuacan,
a province of which he had long been ruling lord.
He had, however, no intention of giving up his claim
to his father's crown; Tayauh was of a weak and
vacillating disposition, havmg no enemies, but also no
friends except the kings of Mexico and Tlatelulco
who probably hated his brother rather than favored
him; Maxtla by reason of his high military rank had
control of the army ; and only a few days after the
funeral of Tezozomoc, he had himself proclaimed em-
peror of the Chichimecs. He offered his brother in
exchange his lordship of Coyuhuacan, but the latter
seems to have gone to reside in Mexico. Chimal-
popoca blamed the deposed sovereign for having so
easily relinquished his claims.; and by his advice a
plot was formed some months later to assassinate the
usurper. Tayauh was to have a palace erected for
himself at Azcapuzalco, Maxtla was to be invited to
be present at the ceremonies of dedication, and was to
be strangled with a wreath of flowers while being
shown the apartments. A page overheard and re-
vealed the plot ; Maxtla aided in the erection of the
palace for his brother, and had him stabbed in the
midst of the festivities, instead of waiting to be
shown the rooms and himself becoming the victim."
Chimalpopoca and Tlacateotzin had excused them-
selves from attending the fetes, else they very likely
might have shared Tayauh's fate. Now that the
plot was revealed and their connection with it, they
well knew that Maxtla, who before had reasons to be
unfriendly to them," would neglect no opportunity of
March 24, 1427, 1424. Torqitemada, torn, i., pp. 68, 117-21, 253; C'lavigero,
torn, i., pp. 194-6 ;d
date, March 24, 1427.
torn, i., pp. 194-6 ; date, 1422. Braaseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 148-64;
',li,
*i Sec on the usurpation of Maxtla and the death of his brother, Ixtlil-
xochitl, np. 226, 371, '464-5; Veytia, torn, iii., ^i. 11-18; Torquemada, torn
*> On account of their friendanip for Nezahualcoyotl and Tayauh. An
21; Clavigero, torn, i., pp. 106-8; Brasaeur, Hist, torn, iii., pp.
~ 26.
155-7; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii.
other cause of enmity betweea Chimalpopoca and Maxtla, is said to have
Vol. V. M
Hrvf
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
revenge. A strange story is here given, to the effect
that Chimalpopoca, overwhelmed by misfortune, re-
solved to sacrifice himself on the altar of the gods,
or, as some authorities otate, by announcing such a
resolve to test the feelings of his people and possibly
to provoke a revolt in his favor. Maxtla, fearing the
latter motive, sent a force of men to Mexico and ar-
rested the royal victim just before the sacrifice was
to be performed, taking him as a prisoner to Azca-
puzalco, or as others say, confining him in his own
prison at Mexico. Chimalpopoca died soon after this
event, probably killed by order of Maxtla, but there
is no agreement as to the details of his death, or that
of ,Tlacateotzin which toolc place about the same time."
The death of the Aztec kings took place in 1428, and
was followed by a re-iraposition, and even a doubling,
of the tributes of early days, accompanied by every
been the dishonor of the former's wife hy the latter, she having been en-
ticed to Azcapuzalco by the aid of two Tepanec ladies.
*^ Veytia, tout, iii., pp. 18-32, says that immediately after the assa-ssiiin-
tion of I'ayauh, a posse of men was sent to seize Chimalpopoca, whom they
found engaged in some religious rites in the temple. Several authors i^tnte
that the king died in prison, having l)een previously visited by Nezuliual-
Goyotl, who risked his own life to save him. Vcytia says Nezahiialcovotl
found him much reduced from starvation, went for food, and found liini
dead on his return. Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 122-8, following Sigiienza,
says he hung himself to avoid starvation. Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 226-8, 371-3,
467, 464-5, in one place states that he died in Nczahuaicoyotrs arms.
In another relation he says that Maxtla in his rage at Nezaliuulcoyotrs
escape sent to Mexico and had Chinmlpopoca kilhd in his stcnd, the as-
sassins finding him in the temple carving an L.o\. Acosta, Ilist. dc lat
Vnd., pp. 475-9; Herrera, dec. iii. , lib. ii., caji. xii.; Tczozomoc, in Kings-
borough, vol. ix., pp. 11-12, and Duran, MS., torn, i., pp. 129-37— state that
during Tezozomoc's reign the Tepanec nobles, fearful that Cliinial|>(>i)oca,
as the grandson of Tczozomoc would succeed to the Tepanec throne, xcnt
to Mexico and had him assassinated while asleep; adding that the grand-
father Tczozomoc, died of grief at this act! firasseur. Hist., torn, iii., |)i>.
158-9, 164, implies that Maxtla only arrested the proposed sacrifice, and
agrees with Ixtlilxochitrs statement that the king was murdered at Mexico
>vnile nt work in the temple.
The TIatclulcan king was killed by the same party. He at first escaped
from his palace, but was overtaken on the lake while striving to reach
Tezcuco, and his body was sunk. Such is the account given by most
authors; Ixtlilxochitl savs he drowned himself; while Torniieinnda records
two versions — one that lie was killed for treason against Nezahualcoyotl;
and the other, that he was killed bv Montezuma I. of Mexico. Sec alfw
on the death of the Aztec kings — Clavigero, toni. i., pp. 200-3; Motolinia,
in Icazbalcela, Col. de Doc, tom. i., p. 6; Granaaos y Galvcz, Tarda
Amer., p. 154; Vetanevrt, Teatro, jpt li., pp. 26-7; Codex Mendoza, in
Kingsbmwtgh, vol. v., p. 44; Code* Tell. Rem., in Id., vol. vi., p. 135.
NEZAHUALCOYOTL PREPARES FOR WAR.
387
ffect
, re-
fods,
ch a
aibly
r the
d ar-
! was
Vzca-
j own
r this
there
r that
time
8, and
jbling,
every
liccn en-
43
Bt escaped
to reach
n by «>o*'
Ida records
lualcoyou;
J Sec also
tMololinia<
z. Tarda
tndoza, i"
I. 135.
kind of oppression and insult towards the inhabitants
of the lake cities.**
Maxtla had resolved that Nezahualcoyotl, as well
as Chimalpopoca and Tlacateotzin, must die.
Whether he came to intercede for Chimalpopoca, or
a» other authors say was summoned by Maxtla, the
Acolhua prince visited Azcapuzalco at this time, and
very narrowly escaped death at the hands of the
soldiers posted about the palace with orders to kill
him, by fleeing through the royal gardens and re-
turning to Tezcuco. A Tepanec force was immedi-
ately dispatched to the latter city, with instructions
to kill or capture him at a banquet to which he was
to be invited by the governor of the city, — a bastard
brother of Nezahualcoyotl, but his deadly foe, — but he
was again fortunate enough to elude their pursuit,
and after having received offers of aid from several
lords in Andhuac, escaped to Huexotzinco and Tlas-
cala. He found the provinces of the eastern plateau,
including Zacatlan, Tototepec, Cempoala, Tepepulco,
Cholula, and Tepeaca, more enthusiastic than ever
in his favor, and moreover convinced that the time
had come for decisive action with a view to restore
him to the imperial throne of his ancestors. Armies
were raised and placed at his disposal; word came
that the Chalcas would join in the enterprise; the
sympathy of the Mexicans and Tlatelulcas he was
already assured of; he consequently returned to And-
huac and established his headquarters at a small
village near Tezcuco.*' After having, according to
Veytia, taken Otompan and some of the adjoining
."Date, July 2.1, 1427, or 1424, Ixtlilxoehitl; May .11, 1427, Sigiienra;
March 31, 1427, Vetancvrt; July 19, 1427, Vef/tia; 1423, Glavigero; 1427.
Codex Menehza; 1426, Codex Tell. Rem.; 1428, Codex Chimnlpopoea,
^^ The Spanish writers state that about this time the king of (^fa«Ico
became disaffected, and a messenger, Xolotecuhtli, was Hcnt to win him
over through the influence of his wife, who was a sister of Huitzilihwitzin,
Nezahualcoyotl's chief counselor. The Chaica king said his change of
allegiance was on account of his hatred and fear of the Mexican king, but
consented at last to leave the matter to his |)eople, who .decided unani-
mously in favor of Nezahualcoyotl.
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
towns, the allied army was divided into three corps.
The first, composed of the Huexotzinca and Tlas-
caltec forces, was to move on Acolman; the second,
made up chiefly of Chalca troops, was to attack Coat-
lichan; while Nezahualcoyotl himself, with the
remaining allied forces, was to operate against Tez-
cuco. The first two divisions were perfectly success-
ful, capturing the capitals, Acolman and Coatlichan,
and laying waste the surrounding territory. Accord-
ing to Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia, Nezahualcoyotl was
equally fortunate, took possession of the Acolhua
capital, and disbanded a large part of his army ; but
the author of the Codex Chimalpopoca, partially
confirmed by Torquemada, and followed by the Abbe
Brasseur, states that the prince imperial failed at
this time in his assault on the city, and only suc-
ceeded in fortifying himself advantageously in the
suburb of Chiauhtla. Subsequent events make this
the more probable version of the matter.**
The murder of Chimalpopoca and Tlacateotzin
caused the wildest excitement in Tenochtitlan and
Tlatelulco. From these acts, together with the
burden of tribute and the many insults heaped upon
them, the people well knew Maxtla's intention to
destroy forever their kingdoms and reduce them to
their former condition of abject vassalage. A mass
meeting composed of all classes was held in Mexico,
which anxiously awaited the decision of the senate,
where the question of their future condition and policy
was long and hotly discussed. The old and the timid
members were in favor of yielding to the demands of
M I have omitted in this account of Nezahualcoyotl's flight, return, and
victorious campaign, the numerous details of the prince's adventures and
escapes, the names of lords to whom he applied and the tenor of each reply,
the wonderful omens that on many occasions foretold success to his platiH,
told at so great length by the authorities, but comparatively unimportant,
and altogether too bulky for my space. See on this period of history:
Veytia, torn, iii., pp. 14, 33-79, 92-107; IxlMxocMtl, pp. 228-35, 373-81,
406-6, 466-7; Torquenuula, torn, i., pp. 126-40; Clavigero, torn, i., pp. 202-
10; Bnusew, Hut., torn, iii., pp. 171-3; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp. 26-7.
ITZCOATL, KINO OF MEXICO. 8M
an emperor whose power they could not hope success-
fully to resist ; they implored their colleagues not to
plunge the people into war and the horrors of future
slavery by their rash spirit of independence. But
the young men of all classes, seconded by most of
the nobility, were in favor of war, chiding the
cowardice of the rest, and boldly proclaiming their
choice of death rather than a dishonorable submission
to the tyrant's commands. Moreover, the gods had
foretold their future greatness, and should they render
themselves unworthy of divine favor, and bring dis-
grace on the memory of their valiant ancestors?*^ It
was decided by a large majority to proceed to the
election of a kmg who should lead them to victory.
According to the Codex Chimcdpopoca, the first choice
of the assembly was Montezuma, eldest son of Chi-
malpopoca, but he declined to accept the crown,
pleading youth and inexperience, and urged the claims
of his uncle Itzcoatl, for many years commander of
the armies. The other authorities do not mention
the choice of Montezuma. However this may have
been, Itzcoatl was unanimously elected, and was
crowned with the usual ceremonies and with some-
thing more than the usual amount of speeches and
advice, in view of the gigantic task assumed by the
new king, of shaking off the Tepanec yoke. Tem-
panecatl, or TIacaeleltzin, was sent to demand a
confirmation of the people's choice at the hands of the
emperor Maxtla. But he found that the news had
preceded him and had been ill-received, war had
practically begun, and a blockade was established.
The embassador succeeded in reaching the royal
presence ; but though assured of Itzcoatl's loyalty,
Maxtla haughtily replied that Mexico must have no
*' This discnssion is placed 1)y different authorities before or after the
choice of a king. This is a matter of no p^rcat importance; the o|)|)08ition
to war probably continued down to the nomniencenient of hostilities, but
the election of a warlike king was of itself equivalent to a declaration of
war, in view of Maxtla's well-known designs; consequently, I have placed
it before the election.
»9J
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
king, must be ruled by Tepanec governors, or take
the consequences of a fruitless revolt. Tlacaeleltzin's
return with these tidings caused a new panic among
the more timid of the Mexicans, but by renewed
exhortations, by promises of honors and booty in case
of victory, their courage was brought to the sticking
point, and the same embassador was sent to Azca-
puzalco with a formal declaration of war.*^ Only a
few days after Itzcoatl's coronation the Tlatelulcas
also chose a king and joined the Mexicans in their
fight for national existence. There was some jealousy
between the two powers, but their interests were now
identical. The choice of the Tlatelulcas fell upon
Quauhtlatohuatzin, a celebrated warrior, but not of
royal blood; and to this inferiority in the rank of her
ruler is attributed, by some authors, the inferior
position thereafter occupied by Tiatelulco, previously
equal, if not superior, in power to her sister city."
Such was the state of affairs in the early part of
1429, when the news of Nezahualcoyotl's success
reached Azcapuzalco and Mexico. All communica-
tion had been cut off between the cities of the lake
and the mainland; many sharp attacks had been
made by Itzcoatl on the enemy's lines; but no gen-
eral engagement had taken place. The Mexicans
«* An extraordinary treaty is ajraken of by Tezozomoc, Duran, Acosta,
and Clavigero, by the terms of which the nobles bound themselves in cose
of defeat to give up their bodies to be sacrificed to the gods; while the
people bound themselves and their descendants in case of victory to bccoine
the servants of the nobles for all future time. Veytia states that titles of
nolulity, and (lermission to have many wives, were among the inducenientR
to bravery held out to the plebeians. It is not im[H>ssible that the contract
alluded to may have been invented or exaggerated in later times by the no-
bles to support their extravagant claims upon the people. Tormieinuda
and Ixtlilxochitl refer to no such contract, and to no claim for the Tepuiiec
recognition of their king; but state that the election of Itzcoatl on the
one side, and the heavy tributes with the dishonor of Itzcoatl's wife on the
other, led to the establishment of the blockade.
** On the succession and declaration of war in Mexico, see — Torque-
nuuia, torn. >•> PP- 128-34. This author says nothing of the succession of
anew king in Tiatelulco. Clavigero, torn, i., pp. 20U-18; Veytia, torn, iii.,
pp. 78-91, 137; Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., pp. 479-83; Duran, MS., torn.
1., cap. viii., ix., Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 235-6, 381, 383, 406, 465; Tezozomoc, in
Kingsborourfh, vol. ix., pp. 11-16; Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. lCr>-8;
Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt 11., p. 27; Granados y Galvez, Tardea Amer., p. 154.
SIEGE OF MEXICO.
Wl
began to find their condition critical; Maxtla ex-
pected to be at an early date in possession of the
Aztec strongholds, and deferred until after such suc-
cess all offensive operations against Nezahualcoyotl ;
the besieged Aztecs naturally looked towards the
Acolhua prince for assistance against their common
foe. Here the national prejudices of the original
native authorities, followed by Spanish writers, begin
to appear in the historic annals. Ixtlilxochitl and
Veytia favoring the Acolhua interests, represent the
Aztecs, hard pressed by the Tepanecs, as having
humbly imjjlored the aid of Nezahualcoyotl, who
graciously came to their relief; Tezozomoc, Duran,
and Acosta make the Mexicans conquer the Tepanec
king unaided, and render assistance to the Acolhua
prince afterwards; while Torquemada, Clavigero, and
the authorities followed by Brasseur state, w^hat in
the light of future events is much more probable, that
the two powers formed an alliance on equal terms, and
for mutual advantage against the usurping emperor.
At any rate Montezuma" — identical, as Clavigero
and Brasseur think, with Tlacaeleltzin — was sent to
Nezahualcoyotl, in company with two other lords.
The ambassador succeeded in penetrating the enemy's
lines, although one of his companions wag captured,
made known to Nezahualcoyotl the wishes and condi-
tion of the Mexicans, and received assurances of
sympathy, with promises to consult with his allies,
render aid if possible, and at least to have an inter-
view with Itzcoatl. His chief difficulty would seem
to have been that most of his allies not without
reason detested and feared the Mexicans more than
the Tepanecs, and by too hastily following his own
inclinations and espousing the Aztec cause, he might
risk his own success. The fact that an alliance was
finally concluded between these powers shows clearly
that neither alone could overthrow the formidable
_^ This name is written in many ways; Moteuhzoma or Moteaczoma
being probably more correct Uian the familar form of Montezuma.
THE CUICUIMEC PERIOD.
Maxtla, and that it was no act of condescension or
pity on the part of either, but rather of necessity, to
join their forces. On his return Montezuma was
captured by the Chalcas, or being sent, as some
authorities state, to Chalco for aid was retained for a
time as a prisoner, but set at liberty by his jailer,
and reached Mexico in safety." This action of the
Chalcas is said to have so displeased the surrounding
nations that neither party would accept their alliance,
but this may well be doubted, considering the strength
of that people. The Huexotlas, according to Tor-
quemada, withdrew their allegiance on hearing that
the Aztecs were to be aided. Nezahualcoyotl and
Itzcoatl had an interview soon after at Mexico,'''
where the former was received with great rejoicing,
and a plan settled for the campaign against Maxtla,
whose territory was to be invaded by the allied
armies. At about this time, according to the Codex
Chimalpopoca, the province of Quauhtitlan succeeded
after a succession of reverses and victories in shaking
off the Tepanec yoke and announced their friendship
to the Mexicans, although they were unable to render
any open assistance in the early part of the cam-
paign.'^
The cai^ipaign by which Maxtla was overthrown
and the imperial power wrested from the hands of the
Tepanecs, lasted over a hundred days. To relate in
detail all that the authorities record of this campaign,
the marches and counter- marches, the attacks and
repulses, the exploits of the leadera and lesser chief-
tains, noting all the minute variations in statement
respecting the names of chiefs, places attacked,
number of troops engaged, and the chronological
order of events, would require a chapter much longer
le prisoner first
1; but the kings
^> Totzintecuhtii, king of Cliako, ia said to have sent the
to Huexotzinca and then offered liini to Maxtla to be sacrificed ;
sent him back and refused to do so dishonorable a deed.
i' Brasseur says the first interview was at Tcnayocan.
5J See Vcytia, toni. iii., pp. 91-2, 108-22; Clavigero, iom. i., pp. 20;)-ll;
Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 23G, 3S1-2, 406-7, 464-C; Torqwemada, toin. i., pp. 130-40;
Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 173-9; Durau, MS., tom. i., cap. ix.
SIEGE OF AZCAPUZALCO.
808
than my space will allow, would be monotonous to the
general reader, and could not probably be made suf-
ficiently accurate to be of great value to the student
of aboriginal military tactics. The general nature of
the war and the results of the victory may be told
in a few lines. The allied Acolhua, Tlascaltec, Cho-
lulttic, Mexican, and Tlatelulcan forces, under Ne-
zahualcoyotl, Itzcoatl, Montezuma, and other lec^ders,
amounted to three or four hundred thousand men.
Most entered Mexico in canoes from the east; but
.some divisions marched round the lake. At a
preconcerted signal, the lighting of a fire on Mt
Quauhtepec, all the forces advanced — probably in
canoes, for it is not certain that causeways had yet
been constructed— on the Tepanec territory. The
lord of Tlacopan, by a previous understanding with
the allies, opened that city to the invaders, thus
ifiving them a sure footing in the country of their
foe, and in a few days Azcapuzalco was closely be-
sieged. Maxtla had an army somewhat smaller than
that of his opponents but they fought for the most
part behind intrenchments. The emperor personally
took "o part in the battles that ensued, but placed his
li^reatest general, Mazatl, at the head of his armies.
Day after day the conflict was waged at different
points about the doomed capital without decisive
result, although many local victories were won by
both sides. At last, by a desperate effort, Mazatl
succeeded in driving the Mexicans back to the lake
shore; in the panic that ensued many Mexican soldiers
threw down their arms and begged for quarter ; Itz-
coatl deemed the battle and his cause lost. Cursing
the cowardice of his troops, he called upon his nobles
and chieftains to rush upon the foe and die bravely ;
his call was responded to by large numbers, the
troops followed with new courage, and, re-inforcemeiits
having arrived opportunely, the tide of battle was
turned, Mazatl was slain in hand-to-hand combat by
Montezuma, and the Tepanec capital carried by
894
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
assault. Large numbers of the soldiers were put to
the sword, a few bands escaped to the marshes and
mountains, the city was plundered and burned, and
the emperor was found in a bath and slain. Azca-
puzalco never regained a prominent place among the
cities of Andhuac; it was chiefly noted in later times
as a slave mart, and the disgraceful traffic is said to
have been inaugurated by the sale of the Tepanec
inhabitants after the Acolhua and Aztec victory.
For a short time the victorious armies ravaged the
territories on tlie west of the lakes, which still re-
mained faithful to Maxtla, and were then recalled, and
the allied troops dismissed, laden with spoils, to their
own provinces. Itzcoatl and Nezahuaicoyotl had no
doubt of their ability to keep their foes in check and
complete the conquest by the aid of their own troops;
they consequently returned to Mexico to celebrate
their victory."
The f(&tes in honor of the victory and victors were
long continued, and conducted on a scale unpre-
cedented in the Mexican capital. After Itzcoatl
and Nezahuaicoyotl, Montezuma seems to have
carried off the highest honors. The altars ran
with the blood of sacrificed human victims, rites most
repulsive, as is stated, to the Acolhua king, but
which he could not prevent on such an occasion. A
prominent feature of the ceremonies was the reward-
ing by lands and honors of the chiefs who had distin-
M The chief point of difference between the authorities on this cnm-
paign. '" the relative honor due to the different allies and leaders, and
ebijucially the share which the Mexicans and Aculhuas respectively lind in
the overthrow of the Tepanec tyrant. Clavigcro places this war m 1 4*25,
and thinks that causeways were already built. Veytia gives the date 1428,
notes that the Mexican troops were richly clod, while the forces of Neza-
huaicoyotl wore plain, white garments, and nmkcs the siege Inst 140
days. IxtlilxochitI also gives the date 1428, and the length of the war
100 and 115 days. According to Brasseur, Nezahuaicoyotl found time
during the siege of Azcapuzaico to reconquer Aco'.nian and Contli>'liiiii,
which had revolted. He calls the Tepanec leiuler Mazatzin, and gives tiir-
date as 1430. See IxtlUxorhitl, pp. 230-7, 382-4, 407, 466; Veytia, torn.
iii., pp. 120-39; Duran, MS., torn, i., cap. ix. ; Clamgero, toni. i., jip.
214-20; Torquemada, toin. i., pp. 140-3; Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pj*.
180-6; Aeoata, Hist, de laa Ynd., pp. 483-6.
THE TRI-PARTITE ALLIANCE.
886
J were
iinpre-
zcoatl
have
ran
most
but
. A
ward-
listin-
lis cam-
Ms, and
' ]mA in
in 1425,
Itc 1428,
l{ Nezik-
ln»t 140
Jthc war
lul time
Itli'-'lian.
livi's tlip
\a, torn.
, I'P'
til., !'!'■
guished themselves for bravery in the war, and, as
some authorities say, the punishment by exile of such
as had shown cowardice. The fStes were immedi-
ately followed, perhaps interrupted, by the tidings
that Huexotla, Coatlichan, Acolman, and the adjoin-
ing towns, had revolted ; and the Mexican, Acolhua,
and Tlatelulca forces, with some assistance from the
eastern plateau, marched through the eastern part of
the valley, and after a series of hard -fought battles
conquered the cities mentioned, together with Teoti-
huacan and in fact nearly all the towns from Iztapa-
locan to the northern mountains, excepting probably
Tezcuco, although some authors include the conquest
of that capital in this campaign. In some of the
cities no mercy was shown to any class, but all were
slain. Veytia moreover divides this campaign into
two, and places in the interval between them the
final establishment of the empire to be given later.
Torquemada and Clavigero connect the latter part of
this campaign with a subsequent one against Coyu-
huacan."
At this time, in the year 1431, and before Neza-
hualcoyotl had regained the capital of his father's
empire, as Brasseur insists, took place the events
which closed the Chichimec period of aboriginal his-
tory, the division of Andhuac between the victors,
the re-establishment of the empire on a new basis.
The result is well known, but respecting the motives
that led to it there is great confusion. It v/as de-
cided to re-establish with slight modifications the
ancient Toltec confederacy of three kingdoms, inde-
pendent so far as tho direction of internal uft'airs was
concerned, but allied in the managemciit of foreign
affairs and in all matters atfectitig the general interests
of the empire, in which matters neither king could
" See Clavigero, torn, i., pp. Ml -.3; Torqueriada, torn, i., pp. 142-<J;
Veytin, ttiin. iii., pp. 136-47 155-()<); IxUilxohitl, pp. 237-8, 383-5, 407,
46((-7; Tczozomoe, in Kinqsborouifh, vol. ix., yu. 16-17; Duran, MS., toin.
i., cup. ix.; Aeosla, Hist, de las Ynd., pp, 4(i4-5; Vetancvrt, Tcatro, pt
ii., p. 28- rrasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 187-9.
^1
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
act without the consent of his two colleagues. The
three kingdoms were Acolhua with its capital at
Tezcuco, under Nezahualcoyotl with the title of Chi-
chimecatl Tecuhtli; the Azt-^c with Mexico for its
capital, under Itzcoatl bearing the title of Culhua
Tecuhtli; and the Tepanec, capital Tlacopan, under
Totoquihuatzin with the title Tepaneca Tecuhtli. A
line drawn in a general north and south direction
through the valley and lake just east of the city o'^
Tenochtitlan, divided the Acolhua domains on the
east from those of Mexico on the west. The capital
Tlacopan, with a few surrounding towns, and as some
say the Otomf province of Mazahuacan in the north-
west, made up the limited Tepanec domain."" Tez-
cuco and Mexico seem to have been in all respects
equal in power, while Tlacopan was far inferior to
either. As a descendant and heir of the Chichimeo
emperors, Nezahualcoyotl nominally took precedence
in rank, presiding at meetings, occupying the place of
honor at public ceremonies with his colleagues on his
right and left, bat had no authority whatever over
them, and was probably in respect to actual military
power somewhat inferior to Mexico. Provinces con-
quered by the allied forces, together with all
the spoils of war, were to be divided equally be-
tween Mexico and Tezcuco after deducting one fifth
for Tlacopan."
8* The line is said to have extended from Totoltepec in the north to a
point in the hvke near Mexico, which would be in a S. VV. course. Thence
it extended to mount Cucxcomatl probably towards the 8. E. Subsequent
events seem often to indicate that these lines were intended to be iiidcfi-
nitely prolonfied, and to bound future conauests. Brasseur, Hist., torn,
iii.', p. '20(i, takes this view of the niattei, altnough un p. 191 he implius the
contrary.
" Such was tlie basis of the alliance according to Ixtlilxochitl, Vevtia,
Zurita, ant? lirasseur. All agree respecting the inferior jMisition of Tlaco-
pan and her share of the spoils, but Ixtlilxochitl, p. 4r)5, makes both pay a
small tribute to Tezcuco. Vevtia makes Nezahualcoyotl superior in nom-
inal rank as above; Ixtlilxochitl in most of lil:i relations nuikes hint iind
Itzcoatl equal in this respect; while Torquemada, Clavigero, (foniarn, and
Duran make Itzcoatl supreme, and give to Mexico two thirds instead of
one half of the spoils after deducting the share of Tlacopan. The chief
su|ii)ort of the latter opinion is the great proimrtional growth of the
Mexican domains in I'ltcr times; but practically Mexico received nnicli
TERMS OF THE ALLIANCE.
89T
The confusion among the authorities about the cir-
cumstances and motives that led to the tri-partite
alliance on the above basis, arises chiefly from the
patriotism of the native authors. The narrative as
given by Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia, to the effect that
Nezahualcoyotl suspended his triumphal march
through his old dominion of Acolhuacan to assist his
friend and relative in overthrowing Maxtla, dismissed
his allies, and then, out of kindness, admitted Itzcoatl
to an equal share with himself in the empire, before
completing the conquest of Tezcuco, must evidently
be accepted with many allowances. There is still
more evident exaggeration in the tale of Clavigero,
Tezozomoc, and Duran, that Itzcoatl overthrew the
Tepanecs, held the power in his own hands, and
graciously put the Acolhua prince on the throne of
Tezcuco in consideration of his friendship and assist-
ance. It is evident, as already stated, that the
alliance between Itzcoatl and Nezahualcoyotl was
formed for the protection of mutual interests; that
no allied troops were disbanded which could be
retained ; that if the conquest of Tezcuco was post-
poned after the fall of Azcapuzalco, it was because the
allies had their hands full in othf.r directions; and
that in the final division and establishment of the
empire necessity and policy played a much more
prominent part than friendship or condescension. On
the one hand, if we suppose that the Aztec military
forcr, 1.H h very probable, was at the time superior to
tb;u (jf the Acolhuas, it must be remembered that
Xi z ' hualcoyotl had the prestige of being the legiti-
nii)rc ' 'jn thar the two thiHs allotted to lier by these mithont. I
tuirk it .ire 'k^lv that Mexico in her great inilitury jtower mid love of
conquest '-.u (. iimcli more tlian her proper share, ut first witii the consent
of her collctigues and later without such consent; and it is also possible
that the division agreed upon referred only to concjuests accotnplisned un.
dor certain conditions not recorded, or, u siipixisitiuu which a<;ree8 very
nearly with the actual division in later times, tiiut eai'ii of the three king-
dnniH was to have the conquered provinces that adjoined its territory, and
that Mexico obtained the largest share, not only on account of her ambi-
tiiin, hut because the most desirable field for conquest proved to t>e in the
tiiiiith-east and south-weBt. See preceding note.
hir
$98
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
mate heir to the imperial throne of the Chichimecs,
that he was popular in Andhuac and had the support
of the eastern cities; while the Aztecs were uni-
versally hated and could depend only on the valor of
their chiefs and the numbers of their army. It is not
impossible that the delay in taking possession of the
Acolhua capital, was because the allies of Nezahual-
coyotl refused to complete the conquest until their
prince had some guaranty against the ambition of the
Mexicans. On the other hand, if we credit the
statements of those who represent Nezahualcoyotl as
holding the balance of power in the first alliance, it is
to be r'oted that the struggle had been a desperate
one, e\ n -vifch the aid of Mexico; that it was yet
far fron. 1, that revolts were occurring in every
direction, j. that with the Aztecs as foes, the success
of Nezahualcoyotl was more than doubtful. On this
supposition the delay in taking Tezcuco is to be
attributed, as indeed some authors claim, to the fear
of Itzcoatl that if he contributed further to increase
his ally's power he would soon be in a position to
dictate terms. Neither power could stand alone,
Mexico against all Andhuac, Tezcuco against Mexico
and her own independent and revolting vassals;
hence the foundation of the alliance on equal terms
is perfectly comprehensible. To account for the ad
mission of Tlacopan to the alliance, we have the
facts that that city had rendered important service in
the defeat of Maxtla at Azcapuzalco; that she may
very likely liave been promised a place in the empire
in case of success; that in any event it was policy to
concentrate the yet powerful Tepanec element in a
friendly kingdom; and finally, as several authors
state, that the families of Totoquihuatzin and Neza-
hualcoyotl were closely related by marriage. Some
authorities state that Tlacopan was admitted through
the influence of Itzcoatl, others insist that it was
Nezahualcoyotl's idea. The inauguration of the new
order of things, including the crowning of Nezahual
CLOSE OF THE PERIOD.
coyotl, king of Acolhuacan, and the conferring of the
proper titles upon each of the colleagues, was cele-
brated in Mexico with great pomp in 1431. Thus
ends the Chichimec period, during which a small
band of turbulent marauders had passed through op-
pression and misfortune to a leading place among the
American nations. Many strong tribes were yet to
be persuaded or forced to submit to the new order of
political affairs; the measures by which this was ac-
complished, and the Aztec power spread far and wide
from Anahuac as a centre, until it came in contact
with a greater power from beyond the ocean, will
form the subject of the following chapters."
M Totoquihuatzin was the grandson of Tezozomoc, and his daup;hter
was cither concnbine or wife of Nezahualcoyotl. Torquemada and Clavi-
p;ro state that the people of the region about Tezciico pctitionctl Itzcoatl
to iillow Nezahualcoyotl to rule over them, because, as the latter suggests,
(ills territory had been given to Cliinialpopuca by Tezozomoc. To Neza-
liiiiilcuyotl, during his stay in Mexico, are attribut "1 a palace and hunting-
piirlv at Chapultcpec, together with several resei \ mth and the idea of an
aqueduct to supply watef to the city. Veytia claims to have seen traces
of the boundary line between the Aztec and Acolhua domains. It ex-
tciiiled from Mount Cuexcoinatl in the south, 1)etwccn Iztapalapan and
Cuilmacan, through the northern lake at Zumpango to Totoltei)cc. This
would, however, be far from a straight line. See respecting the cstablish-
niciit of the new alliance:— /a!</»7xoc/tt</, pp. 237-8, 38.3, 407, 454, 467;
Vfi/ttn, torn, iii., pp. 165-fi8; Torquemada, torn, i., jip. 14.3-4, 154-fi; Clam-
gero. torn, i., pp. 221-5; Diiraii, MS., toin. i., cap. ix., x., xiv. ; lirasseur,
Hilt., torn, iii., pp. 187-93; Gomara. Cimq. Mex., fol. 303; PrescoWs Mex.,
vol. i., p. 19; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 28.
I
r :'
CHAPTER VIII
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
OUTLIKE OF THE PERIOD— REVOLT OF CoVUHUACAN — NeZAIIUALCO-
YOTL ON THE THUONE OF TEZCUCO— CONQUEST OF QUAUHTITLAN,
TULTITLAN, XOCHIMILCO, AND CUITLAHUAC— CONQUEST OF (QUA-
UHTITLAN— DESTRUCTION OF THE Records— Death of Itzcoatl
AND Accession of Montezuma I.— New Temples at Mexico-
Defeat OF THE Chalcas— Troubles with Tlatelulco—Con-
QIIF<T of COHUIXCO AND MAZATL AN — FLOOD AND SiX YKAIUi'
Fami.nk— Conquest of Miztecapan— The Aztecs Conquer tiik
Province of Cuetlachtlan and reach the Gulf Coast— Final
Defeat of the Chalcas— Campaign in Cuextlan— Birth ok Ne-
ZAHUALPiLLi— Improvements in Tenochtitlan— Embassy to Chi-
comoztoc— Death of Montezuma 1. and Accession of Axava-
CATL— Raid in Tehuantepec- Chimalpopoca succeeds Toto-
QUIHUATZIN ON THE THRONE OF TlACOPAN— NEZAIIUALPILLI HVV-
CEEDS NEZAIIUALCOVOTL AT TEZCUCO— REVOLT OF TLATELULCO—
Conquest c: Matlaltzinco— Defeat by the Tarascos— Death
of axayacatl.
The annals of the Aztec period constitute a record
of successive conquests by the allied Tepanec, Acol-
hua, and Mexican forces, in which the latter play the
leading rAle, and by which they became practically
masters of the whole country, and were on the point
of subjugating even their allies, or of falling before
a combination of their foes, when they fell before
a foe from across the sea. Besides the frequently
recurring campaigns against coveted provinces or re-
volted chieftains, we have the constant growth of
•400)
OUTLINE OF AZTEC HI8T0UY.
401
Tenochtitlan and Tezcuco; the construction of cause-
ways, canals, aqueducts, and other public ^voihg; the
erection of magnificent temples in honor of blood-
thirsty gods; and nothing more, save the inhuman
sacrifice of countless victims by which this fanatic
people celebrated each victory, each coronation of a
new king, each dedication of a new temple, strove to
avert each impending disaster, rendered thanks for
every escape, and feasted their deities for every
mark of divine favor. From two sources there is in-
troduced into this record a confusion unecjualed in
that of all preceding periods. The national preju-
dices of the original authorities have produced two
almost distinct versions of each event, one attributing
the leading role and all the glory to Tezcuco, the
other to Mexico. The other source of confusion is in
the successive campaigns against or conquests of the
same province, as of Chalco for example. This prov-
ince, like others, was almost continually in a state of
revolt; and there was no king of Mexico who had
not to engage in one or more wars against its people.
In the aggregate about the same events are attrib-
uted to the Chalca wars, but hardly two authorities
group these events in the same manner. Some group
them in two or three wars, others in many, and as
few attempt to give any exact chronology, the result-
ing complication may easily be understood. To
reconcile these differences is impossible; to give in
full the statement of all the authorities on each point
would amount to printing the whole history of the
period three or four times over, and would prove most
monotonous to the reader without serving any good
purpose; the choice is therefore between an arbitrary
grouping of the events in question and the adoption
of that given by Brasseur de Bourbourg. As the
latter has the claimed advantage of resting on origi-
nal documents in addition to the Spanish writers, I
prefer to follow it. In respect to the difficulty
arising from a spirit of rivalry between Mexico and
Vol. V. at
402
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
Tezcuco, T shall continue tho assumption already
made that the two powers entered into the alliance
on terms of equality, carefully noting, however, the
views of the authorities on both sides respecting all
important points.
While Nezahualcoyotl was still residing in Mex-
ico, a desperate attempt was made to retrieve the
defeat at Azcapuzalco, by Coyuhuacan, the strongest
of the remaining Tepanec provinces. The rulers of
this province applied for aid to all the lords in the
region, picturing the danger that hung over all from
the Aztec power and ambition; but for some reason,
probably fear of the new alliance, all refused to take
part in the war, and the Tepanecs were left to fight
their own battles. They began by robbing and in-
sulting Mexican market-women visiting their city for
purposes of trade; afterwards invited the Mexican
nobles to a feast and sent them back clad in women's
garments; and finally openly declared war. Their
strong towns of Coyuhuacan and Atlacohuayan soon
fell, however, before the allied armies under Itzcoatl
and Montezuma, and the whole south-western section
as far as Xochimilco was brought under subjection/
Itzcoatl making a triumphal return into his capital in
1432.
It was determined in the following year that Ne-
zahualcoyotl should return to Tezcuco and take
possession of his ancestral throne of Acolhuacan. A
large army was fitted out for the conquest, but its aid
was not required ; for the lords that had thus far held
out in the capital, realized that their cause was hope-
> Duran, MS., torn, i., cap x.; Clavigero, torn, i., pp. 222-3; Tezozomor,
in Kingshorough, vel. ix., pp. 18-25; Brnsscur, Hist., toin. iii., pp. 194-5;
Acosta, Ilisl. tie las Ynd., pp. 48(5-7; Torqiicmada, torn, i., p. 145. Diiran
and Clavigero place these events after Nezahualcoyotl had gone to Tezcuco.
The former states tliat Tezcuco was one of the cities applied to for uiil
against the Mexicans, and introduces here the story of the |)eoplc on tlie
lake shore having been made ill by the smell of fish in Tenochtitlun; ami
the latter states that Huexotla aided Coyuhuacan in this war. ToniiiciiiH<ia
places the war in the second year of Itzcoatl's reign, and implies tlmt tiie
Afexicans were forced to make several expeditions before they were com-
pletely BuccessfuL
OCCUPATION OF TEZCUCO.
408
less, fled to TIaseala and in other directions, allowing
the king to enter Tezcueo without resistance, where
he was gladly received by the people, was publicly
crowned by Itzcoatl, and proclaimed a general
amnesty, which course soon brought back many even
of the rebel lords." Soon after his return he made a
visit to TIaseala, concluding with that power a treaty
of alliance, and afterwards ruling in great harmony
with all his allies; at least, such is the version of the
Abbd Brasseur, and Clavigero speaks of no trouble
at that period; but other Spanish writers, although
not agreeing among themselves, give a very different
version of the events that occurred immediately
after the occupation of Tezcueo. According to the
statements of Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia,' Itzcoatl soon
rei)ented of having allowed Nezahualcoyotl the
supreme rank of Chichimecatl Tecuhtli, and made
some disparaging remarks about his colleague. Ne-
zfihualcoyotl, enraged, announced his intention to
march on Mexico within ten days; Itzcoatl,
frightened, made excuses, and sent twenty-five vir-
gins as a conciliatory gift, who were returned un-
toudied; a bloody battle ensued, and the Mexican
king was obliged to sue fo' ;!eace, and submit to the
payment of a tribute. Ixtlilxochitl even says that
the Acolhuas entered Mexico, plundering the city
and burning temples. Torquemada* mentions a diffi-
culty between the two monarchs, and Nezahual-
coyotl's challenge, but states that Itzcoatl's excuses
were accepted and an amicable arrangement effected.
Boturini refers the quarrel and challenge to the later
reign of Axayacatl. Ortega, Veytia's editor, denies
that any difficulties occurred ;" and, indeed, the story
is not a very reasonable one, which is perhaps Brais-
seur's reason for ignoring it altogether.
* Torquemada, torn, i., pp. H.'S-O; Brasseur, Hist., torn, ii!., pp. 196-8.
> Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 239-4U, 407-8; tiic ulliuiicc with Tlascalu is epoken of
Oi. pp. 247-8. Veytia, torn. iii. , pp. 168-82.
♦ Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 175.
^Boturini, Idea, p. 26; Ortega, iu Veytia, toni. iii., p. 178.
n
404
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
Once seated on the throne of Acolhuacan, Neza-
hualcoyotl devoted himself zealously to the recon-
struction of Ills kingdom, following for the most part
the plan marked out by his grandfather Techotl, and
establishing the forms of government that endured to
the time of the conquest, and that have been fully
described in a preceding volume. Unlike the king
of Mexico, and against his advice, he restored to a
certain extent the feudal system, and left many of
his vassal lords independent in their own domains,
instead of appointing royal governors. He was
prompted to this course by a sense of justice, and by
it his popularity was greatly increased ; the plan was
very successful ; but whether it would have succeeded
in later years without the support of the Mexican
and Tepanec armies, may perhaps be doubted. Many
however, of the strongest, the most troublesome, and
especially the frontier provinces, or cities, were placed
under the king's sons or friends. Full details of the
governmental system introduced by this monarch, of
the many councils which he established, are given by
the authorities but need not be repeated here. Par-
ticular attention was given to science and arts, and to
educational institutions, which continued to flourish
under his son, and for which Tezcuco was noted at
the arrival of the Spaniards. The city was definitely
divided into six wards called after the inhabitants of
different nationalities, Tlailotlacan, Chimalpanecan,
Ixuitznahuac, Tepanecapan, Culhuacan, and Mex-
jcapan, and was enlarged and embellished in every
direction with new palaces, temples, and both public
and royal parks and pleasure-grounds.*'
In 1434 the Chichimec-Culhua city of Quauhti-
tlan was brought under subjection to Mexico, or at
« See Ixtlilxoehitl, pp. 239-47, 258-61, 386-8, 407-9, 454-5, 467-8; Veytia,
torn, iii., pp. 182-209, 223-9; rorqmmada, toiii. i., pp. 146-7, 167-9; ('/«•
vigero, torn, i., pn. 225-6, 242-7; Brasseur, Hist., toni. iii., pp. 197-'-02.
Coatlichan, Tepetlaoztoc, Tepechpnn, Chiiihimuhtla, Tulancingo, Qiiau-
chinanco, Xicotepcc, and Teotihuacaii are mentioned among tlie provinces
whose lords were restored. Ixtlilxoehitl and Veytia say that the sniiie
system of provincial govemnteut was forced on Mexico by Nezahualcoyotl.
CONQUEST OP XOCHIMILCO.
40B
least entrusted to governors appointed by Itzcoatl,
who made certain troubles among the people in the
choice of a ruler an excuse for marching an army into
that part of the country. Tultitlan was also con-
quered, probably in the same expedition.' Xochi-
milco was now one of the largest cities in Anahuac,
and by reason of its location partially on the lake,
and of a deep moat which guarded the land side, was
also one of the strongest. Cuitlahuac was even more
strongly defended; but both cities were forced to
yield to the Mexicans and their allies during this
year and the following. Many Tepanecs had taken
refu<,'e in these towns after the fall of Azcapuzalco,
and their rulers, trusting to their increased force and
the strength of their defences, were disposed to re-
gard the Aztecs without fear. Some authors accuse
the Xochimilcas of having provoked a war by en-
croachments; others state that they were formally
summoned by Itzcoatl to submit and pay tribute or
resort to the lot of battle. They made a brave re-
sistance, but Itzcoatl's forces crossed their moat by
filling it with bundles of sticks and brambles, and
entered the town, driving the army to the mountains,
where they soon surrendered. Authorities differ as
to the treatment of the people and the government
imposed, as they do in the case of most of the con-
quered cities; but Xochimilco was certainly made
tributary to the Mexican king. The Cuitlahuacs
were conquered in a later expedition. The cause of
the war, as Tezozomoc tells us, was the refusal to
send their young girls to take part in a festival at
Mexico. The battle was fought for the most part in
canoes, the city was taken, as is said, by a detach-
ment of students under the command of Montzeuma,
and many prisoners were brought back to be sacri-
ficed in honor of the god of war. According to
"I Brasseur, Hist, torn, iii., pp. 202-3; Veytia, torn, iii., p. 236; Torque-
mada, torn, i., p. 150; Clavigero, torn, i., p. 228; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii.,
p. 28.
H' ffl
■'I
t
!i'
i'
i
400
THK AZTEC PERIOD.
Tezozomoc and Duran, the people of Xochimilco with
those of Coyuhuacan were ordered to furnish ma-
terial and buikl a causeway, the first, it is said, which
led from Mexico to the mainland. Herrera and
Acosta tells us that after the conquest of Cuitlahuac,
Nezahualcoyotl, seeinj^ that it was useless to resist
the destiny of the Mexicans, voluntarily oiFered his
allej^iance to Itzcoutl and retired to the second rank
in the alliance. The latter adds that to content the
monarch's subjects with such a measure, a sham bat-
tle was fought, in which the Acolhua armies pro-
tended to be defeated."
An opportunity was soon offered the allied powers
to test their strength outside the liinits of the valley,
where reports of their valor and rapidly growing
power had preceded them. The rich city of Quauh-
nahuac in the south-west, had onco, as we have seen,
formed an alliance by marriage with the Mexicans,
but friendly relations suom to have ceased. In a
difficulty between the lords of Quauhnahuac and
Xiuhtepec, a neighboring city, about the hand of the
former's daughter, the latter called upon the Mexi-
cans for aid, which they were only too ready to grant.
The three kings, together with the Tlahuica forces of
Cohuatzin, lord of Xiuhtepec, marched against the
fated town, entered it after hard fighting, burned its
temple, imposed a heavy tribute of cotton, rich cloths,
and fine garments, thus taking the first step in their
victorious march toward the South Sea.' The re-
8 Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 384, 4i>8, and Vcytia, torn, iii., on. 149-52, 234-5,
state tliat Nezahuiitcoyotl acuoinplished tho conquest of Xocliimilco with
tliu aid of a fuw Tla^i-altcus, leaving Itzuoatl entirely out uf the atTuir.
CUvijjero, toni. i., pp. 226-7, tells us that the Xochiniileas determined to
make war on the Mexicans before they became too strong. Duran, MS.,
toni. i., cap. xii., xiii., relates an evil omen for the X4)ciiimilca8, in the
transformation of a dish of viands, round which they were seatecl in de-
liberation, into arms, legs, hearts, and other human parts. See also Bras-
seur, Hist., toni. iii., pp. 203-5; Tezozomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp.
25-30; Sahagnn, toni. li., lib. viii., p. 268; Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., j))).
488-90; Toripteinada, torn, i., pp. 140, 148-9; Vetancvrt, 2'ea/ro, pt ii., p.28i
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii , lib. ii., cap. xiii.
B Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 248-9, says that Quauhnahuac and eight other towns
buildii
Mexie
ing of
CImna
were L
Cihuac
zilopoc
ciited.
the glo
gun"* t
related
Nothini
save th
Cliichin
participj
the Az<
ince of
ofhostil
I hav(
and He]
Nezahua
the Mej
Duran,
that fron
ting was
ments dis
statemeni
Mexican
of the all
were awarde(
Itzcoatl, besii
ffives here wit
the allies at tl
the following
huacan, Colui
coac, Tochtep
""KG. See al
^»quenmda,
Teatro, pt ii
'OHist. -'
«nd vol. ii.
" Codex
niada, torn, i
den
AFFAIRS IN QUAUHTITLAN.
407
building and re-peopling of Xaltocan, by colonies of
Mexicans, Acolhuas, and Tepanecs, and by a gather-
ing of scattered Otorafs, is attributed by the Codex
Cliitnalpopoca to the year 1435. At the same time
were laid the foundations of a new temple in honor of
Cihuacoatl, and work on the grand temple of Huit-
zilopochtli, begun long before, was actively prose-
cuted. So zealous was king Itzcoatl. in advuncing
tho glory of his people that he is reported by Saha-
gun" to have destroyed the ancient records which
related tho glorious deeds of more ancient peoples.
Nothing further is recorded during Itzcoatl's reign
save the execution of the death penalty on certain
Chichimec families of Quauhtitlan, who refused to
participate in some of the religious rites in honor of
the Aztec gods, a short campaign against the prov-
ince of Ecatepec, and a vaguely mentioned renewal
of liostilities with Chalco."
I have already noticed the statements of Acosta
and Herrera, that after the conquest of Ouitlahuac
Nezahualcoyotl resigned his supremacy in favor of
the Mexican king. Other authors, as Tezozomoc,
Duran, Gomara, and SigUenza y G6ngora, also imply
that from the end of Itzcoatl's reign, tlio Mexican
king was supreme in the alliance; but their state-
ments disagree among themselves, and with previous
statements by the same authors to the effect that the
Mexican king was supreme monarch at the foundation
of the alliance. Although Itzcoatl and his succes-
were awarded to Nezahualcoyotl, Tcpozotlan, Huastepec and others to
Itzcuutl, besides the share of Tlaco])iiii not specitied. The same author
gives licre without details of chronolo<;y, a list of subsequent conquests by
the allies at this period, which we shall (ind scattered throuf^hout this an*l
the following reigns; such are: — Chalco, Itzucan, Tepeaca, Tecaleo, 'IVo-
himcan, Cohuaixtlahuacan, Hualtepec, Quanhtochco, Atochpan, Tizauh-
coac, Tochtepec, Mazahuacan, Tlapacoia, Tlaiihcocauhtitlan, and Tulan-
cingo. See also on conquest of Cjuauhnahuac, Clavigrro, toni. i., np. 227-8;
Torquemuda, torn, i., pp. 149-50; Vcytia, torn, iii., pp. 235-6; Vetancvrt,
Teatro, pt ii., p. 28; Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 205-7.
^1 Hist. Oen., torn, iii., lib. x., pp. 139-41; see \>. 190, of this volume,
and vol. ii, p. 528,
^^ Codex Chimalp., in Brasseur, Hist, torn, iii., pp. 208-11; Torque-
mada, torn, i., p. 160.
408
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
sors, by their valor and desire of conquest, took a
leading part in all wars, and were in a sense masters
of Andhuac, there is no sufficient eviJence that they
ever claimed any superority in rank over the Acol-
hua monarch, or that any important difficulties
occurred between the two powers until the last years
of the Aztec period." The king died in 1440, recom-
mending the allies above all things to live at peace
with each other, ordering work to be continued on the
temple of Huitzilopochtli, and making provision for
statues of himself and his predecessors on the throne
of Mexico. He was succeeded by his nephew.
Montezuma Ilhuicamina, or the elder, who was
already commander of the armies and high-priest
of Huitzilopochtli.*'
His election having been confirmed by the kings of
Tczcuco and Tlacopan, Montezuma I. was crowned
with something more than the usual ceremonies,
both because of his high ecclesiastical position and
because he was the first monarch crowned by the
Mexicans as a perfectly independent nation. Ac-
cording to several authors this king made an ex-
pedition against the Chalcas before his coronation to
i« Tczozomoc, in Khigsborough, vol. ix., pp. 30-2; Duran, MS., toiii. i.,
cap. XV.; Oonuira, Conq. Mcx., fol. 30.1; Sigiicnza, in Doc. Hist. Mex.,
s^rie iii., toin. i., p. 59; Torqueniacia, toiii. i., p. 149-50, deiue»> tlic Htury
that Nczahualcoyotl submitted to Itzcoutl. Vctancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp.
33-4, makes them still of equal rank. Tczozomoc makes no mention uf
any events in Itzcoutl's reign after the conquest of C'uitlahuac. Uurau,
cap. xiv, states that his conquests included Clialco, (juauhnnhimc, lluc-
xotzinco, and Coatlichan. Clavijjero, toni. i., pp. 228-9, 232-3; Torqiicinadii,
toin. i., 1). i.j7, and Veytia, toni. lii., pp. 236-7, place in Itzcoatl's reign the
origin oi the troubles with Tlatelulco which will be spoken of hereafter.
Accurdinj^ to the Codex Mcndoza, in Kingsborough, vol. v., p. 44, ItzcuatI,
or Iicoaci, conquered 24 cities.
^ Date, 1440. Duran, MS., torn, i., cap. xiv-xv.; Codex Mendoza, in
Kingsborough, vol. v., p. 45; Mendicta, Hist., Ecles., p. 150; IxtlUxorhitl,
pp. 249, 457; Vctancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 28; lioturini, in Dor. lUst. Mex.,
serie iii., torn, iv., p. 239; Brasseur, Hist., toni. iii., pp. 211-12. Pnrun
also gives 1445 and Ixtlilxochitl 1441. I43G, Veytia, tom. iii., pp. 'i.lT-S;
Clavigero, tom. i., p. 229; Buslamante, Mai\adi's de la Alameda, toni. ii.,
p. 174. Sec also on the succession ; Herrera, hist. Oen,, dec. iii., lib. ii.,
cap. xiii.; Acosta, Hist, de las Yiul., pp. 490-3; Sa/iagun, tom. ii., lib. viii.,
p. 268; Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 160, 171; Tezoziymoc, in Kingshoroinjh,
vol. ix., p. 30; Mololiiiia, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc, torn, i., p. 6; Go-
mara, Conq. Mex., fol. 303.
v^M- "
REIGN OF MONTEZUMA I.
409
obtain the necessary prisoners for sacrifice." From
the first days of his reign Montezuma gave great
attention to the building of temples in his capital,
obtaining many of his workmen from Tlacopan, and
his plans from the skilled architects of Tezcuco. He
seems to have instituted the custom so extensively
practiced m later years, of erecting in Mexico tem-
ples in honor of the gods of foreign provinces con-
quered or about to be conquered, making these gods
subordinate to Huitzilopochtli as their worshipers
were subject to the Mexicans. Two temples are
especially mentioned by the documents which Bras-
seur follows; one called Huitznahuateocalli, and the
other that of Mixcohuatepec. The latter was built
to receive the relics of the ancient chief Mixcohuatl,"
which had been preserved for centuries in their tem-
ple at Cuitlahuac, an object of veneration to all of
Toltec descent. A quarrel between Tezozomoc and
Acolmiztli, rival lords of that city, afforded a suffi-
cient pretext for sending thither a Mexican army;
the temple caught fire, by accident as was claimed,
and the lord who had received aid could not refuse
Montezuma's request for the now shelterless relics,
which v^ere transferred to their new resting-place
in Tenochtitlan. This was in 1441."
The Chalcas whom we have often found fighting,
now on the side of the Acolhuas, now on the side of
the Tepanecs, but always hating the Mexicans most
bitterly, seem to have managed their alliances so
shrewdly up to this time, as to have avoided becom-
ing involved in the ruin that at different times had
overwhelmed the leading powers of Anilhuac. Since
the formation of the new alliance, in which they had
'• Vet/tin, torn, iii., p. 2.T9; Acosta, Huf. fh Ins Ynd., p. 491; Ilerrera,
dec. iii.,' lib. ii., cap. xiii. ; Vetancort, Ttntio, pt ii., p. 29.
>> Sec pp. 241-2, 250, 235, of this vohiiiie.
'• lirasseitr, Hist., toni. iii., pp. 213-17; Veytia, torn, iii., pp. 239-40:
Clnnqero, torn, i., p. 230; Torquemada, torn. i. , rj*. 150-1; Diiran, MS.
torn, i., cap. xvi. The latter au'.hor it careful to state that Montczuiiia
did not request, but simply ordered aid in Ijuilding hia temples from TIa-
copau and Tezcuco.
410
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
no part, their soldiers had fought many skirmishes
with the allied forces, but the latter had made no
united effort to conquer them. Having become nu-
merous and powerful, the Chalcas now dared, in 1443,
to measure their strength against the allies, their
chief purpose being to humble Mexico. They pro-
voked hostilities by seizing and putting to death a
party of noble young men who were hunting near
their frontier. The party included some members of
the Mexican royal family, and two sons of Nezahual-
coyotl. The dead bodies of the latter were embalmed
and made to do service in the palace of Toteotzin,
lord of Chalco, as torch-bearers. The effect of such
an indignity was immediate, and brought upon the
perpetrators the whole strength of the allied kings.
The Mexicans and Tepanecs approached by water,
the Acolhuas by land ; they were met by the Chalca
army, and for several weeks the conflict raged fiercely
without decisive advantage jU either side. Kings
Montezuma and Totoquihuatzin commanded in per-
son ; Nezahualcoyotl's forces were under his two eldest
sons. Another son, Axoquentzin, only about seven-
teen years old, performed prodigies of valor and
turned the tide of victory. Visiting his brothers in
camp, he was about to eat with them, when they
ridiculed his youth and told him that was no place
for a boy who had done no deed of valor. Ashamed
and angry, he seized arms and rushed alone against
the enemy, taking captive one of their mightiest
warriors — their aged lord Toteotzin himself, Ixtlil-
xochitl says — and creating a panic which caused ulti-
mate defeat. The victory was complete, the Chalca
army was scattered, the city taken and made tribu-
tary to the central powers, although these peoj»le were
able subsequently to cause the victors much trouble.
Nezahualcoyotl was so angry at the murder of his
sons that for once he shared to some extent the
bloodthirsty spirit of the Aztecs, and gladly gave up
CONQUEST OF TLATELULCO.
411
the Chalca captives, among whom was their chief,
to the sacrificial block."
The exact status of Tlatelulco under the tri-partite
alliance is not clearly recorded; but the inferior posi-
tion accorded that city had doubtless caused much jeal-
ousy and dissatisfaction, which had already produced
some trouble, though not open rupture, between the
two kings, if we may suppose Quauhtlatohuatzin to
have been at this date considered as a king. During
Montezuma's absence in the Chalca war, the Tlate-
liilca chief ventured so far as to engage in plots
against the existing state of things; Montezuma, on
his return declared war; the people were reduced to
submission, their ruler was killed, and Moquihuix,
supposed to be in the interests of the Mexicans, was
put in his place. *^ On his return from the Chalca
war, and while Montezuma was punishing the treason
of the Tlatelulca chief, Nezahualcoyotl was engaged
in quelling a revolt in the northern province of Tu-
lancingo, where the rebels had burned some towns
and driven out the Acolhua garrisons. The province
was now finally conquered and joined to the domain
of Acolhuacan under royal governors. Nezahual-
coyotl is also said to have founded a new town in
this region, and sent colonists from Tezcuco to dwell
in it.
19
The rich provinces of Cohuixco and Mazatlan,
just south of Andhuac and of the province of Quauh-
uahuac, at the time the southern limit of Mexican
conquest, had long been coveted by the Aztec kings ;
" Veytia, torn, iii., pp. 240-2; Torquemadn, torn. i.,pp. 150-4; C/awt-
grro, toiii. i., pp. 2301; IxUilxochitl, pp. 255-7, 467-8; I}m,i.ieiir, Hist.,
torn, iii., pp. 21<-24; Sahagun, torn. ii. , lib. viii., p. '^
29.
atro, pt ii., p,
" Tnrquemada, torn
268; Vvtnncvrt, Te-
i., pp. 156-7; Clangero, torn, i., pp. 2.32-.3; Veytia,
toin. iii., pp. 242-3; Brasscur, Hist., toin. iii., pp. 224-5; Qranndosy Galvez,
Tardcs Amer., p. 176; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 30; Sahagun, toni. ii.,
lib. viii., pp. 27.3-4.
" Ixthlxochitl, p. 248; Brasteur, Hist, torn, iii., p. 226. The former
author wiys that this conquest extended to Quauhchinanco and Xilotcpcc,
but implies that it took place immediately after the treaty with Tlasi^ala,
which followed Nezahuulcuyotl's uucetisiou to the Tezcucuii throne.
«ia
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
and in 1448 the desired opportunity presented itself.
The Cohuixcas attacked and put to death a large
number of traveling merchants from Mexico, pro-
voked to the outrage doubtless by the arbitrary
conduct of the latter, who deemed that the great
power of their own nation freed them from all obliga-
tion to obey the laws of nations which they visited.
The murder of the traders was more than a sufficient
cause of war to the belligerent allies, and by a cam-
paign concerning which no details are recorded, the
two provinces, or at least most of their towns, were
conquered and annexed as tributaries to the Aztec
domains.** During the following years the Aztecs
were called upon to suspend their foreign conquests
and to struggle at home against water and snow and
frost and drought and famine, foes that well nigh
gained the mastery over these hitherto invincible
warriors. In 1449 heavy and continuous rains so
raised the waters of the lake as to inundate the
streets of Tenochtitlan, destroying many buildings
and even causing considerable loss of life. The mis-
fortune was bravely met; the genius of Nezahual-
coyotl, the engineering skill of the valley, and the
whole available laboring force of the three kingdoms
were called into requisition to guard against a recur-
rence of the flood. A dike, stretching from north to
south in crescent form, was constructed for a distance
of seven or eight miles, separating the waters of the
lake into two portions, that on the Mexican side
being comparatively independent of the fresh water
flowing into the lake in the rainy season. The dike
was built by driving a double line of piles, the
interior space being filled with stones and eartli,
the whole over thirty, or, as many authors say,
M The towns mentionecl as included in this conquest arc Cohuixco,
Oztoman, Quetzaltepee, Ixcatcopan, Teoxcahualco, Poctcpec, Yauhti'iwo,
Ym;apii-litlii, 'rotoliipnu, Tlachnmlucac, Tlachco, Chilapnn, Toniazolitpaii,
Quauiitepec, Oliuaiian, Tzonipahuacan, and CozanialoaiMin. See Vnjtia,
torn, iii., p. 243; Clnvitjero, toni. i., p. 2.13; Torqnemaaa, torn, i., p. 157;
Brasaeur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 225-7; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 30; Ixllil-
wochitl, p. 240.
FAMINE AND PLAGUES.
418
sixty feet wide, and forming a much-frequented
promenade. This work may be considered a great
triumph of aboriginal engineering, especially when
we consider the millions spent by the Spaniards
under the best European engineers in protecting
the city, hardly more effectually, against similar
inundations. The Chalcas seem to have taken ad-
vantaije of the troubles in Mexico to revolt, but
were easiW^?ought into subjection by an army under
Montezuma.''^
The famine and other plagues already alluded to
began two years later, and continued for a period of
six years.'" The authorities do not altogether agree
respecting the exact order of the visitations, but
severe frosts, a heavy fall of snow, long-continued
drought, consequent failure of all crops, famine, and
epidemic pestilence are mentioned by all. All the
valley and many provinces without its limits were
visited by the famine; indeed, Totonacapan, or
northern Vera Cruz, is reported to have been the only
part of the country that entirely escaped its effects.
The suffering and mortality among the lower classes
were terrible; the royal granaries were thrown open
by order of Nozahualcoyotl and Montezuma, but the
supply of maize was soon exhausted, and the fish,
reptiles, birds, and insects of the lakes were the only
sources of food. Thousands of the poor sold them-
selves into slavery, some at home, others in foreign
provinces, to obtain barely food enough to sustain life.
Several Mexican colonies attribute their origin to this
period of want. The rulers could not prevent the
sale of slaves, but they forbade children to be sold
at less rates than four or five hundred ears of corn
each, according as they were boys or girls. This
*' Several authors give the datca as 1446. Veytin, torn. iii.. pp. 247-8;
Clarii/rro, torn, i., pp. '2:W-4; Torqucmai/a, toin. i., pp. 157-8; firaxsnii;
Hist., totn. iii., pp. !J28-3'2. Tiiis nutiiur gives the widtli of the diito as
Hhitut .'JO »Vct. Vctamnrt, 7Vn<>'o, i)t ii., p. .'JO.
M 1448-54, Ff ;///«, 145I-(J, limmeiir; 1447-54, Coikx Tell. Jicm.; 1404-7
(1444-7?) 11 yeara after acccsHioii of Moiitezuiita, Duran.
4U
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
national disaster was, of course, attributed to the
anger of the gods, and the utmost efforts were made
to conciliate their irate divinities by the only effica-
cious means known, the sacrifice of human victims.
But since fighting and conquest had ceased, such
victims were exceedingly scarce. Nezahualcoyotl
would allow none but prisoners of war to be
sacrificed in his dominions, arguing that such forfeited
their lives by being defeated, and that it made but
little diflference to them whether they died on the
field of battle or on the sacrificial altar. Moreover,
only strong soldiers were believed to be acceptable
to the gods in such an emergency; the sickly and
famishing plebeians and slaves could not by their
worthless lives avert the divine wrath. The result of
this difficulty was one of the most extraordinary com-
pacts known in the world's history. It was agreed in
a solemn treaty that 1 etween the Mexicans, Tepanecs,
and Acolhuas in the valley, and the Cholultecs, Tlas-
caltecs, and Huexotzincas of the eastern plateaux,
battles should take place at regular intervals, on
battle-grounds set apart for this purpose, between foes
equal in number, for the sole purpose of obtaining
captives for sacrifice. Such battles were actually
fought during the years of famine, and perhaps in
later years, although the almost constant wars rend-
ered such a resort rarely necessary. Tn the last
years of the famine Nezahualcoyotl laid the founda-
tions of a great teocalli at Tezcuco, in 1455 the
tying-up of the cycle and the renewal of the sacred
fire were celebrated, and the following year of 145('>
was one of great abundance. The time of want and
disaster was at last completed; a period of plenty and
prosperity ensued.*"
" Duran, MS., torn, i., cap. xviil., xix., xxx., says the snow fell knee-
deep in the valley. He also tells us that very many sold as slaves duriti};
the famine were ransomed and returned aftcrwariis; this, however, doc«
not apply to such as went to Totonacnpan, since these remained in that
province. Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 250-1, 257, says that the slaves sold to the
Totonocs were all sacrificed to secure a continuance of productiveness in
the pntvince. This author also names Xicotencatl, a Tlascaltcc noble,
w
came
to fa]
Cohuj
the sc
that
the A
tioned
Mexic
The JV
countr
many I
and hi
trade ii
every r
ited by
and sti]
An^hua
port upc
to ascen
voke a
deterraii
rich fielc
tlie rich
Andhuac
tries botl
for sale a
these fair
were littl
own strei:
i"g but 1
^ the persoi
torn, iii., pp.
sub8i.stence,^ y.
s«">e author h
tunes earlier.
Torquetnada.
^ni. ii., lib. V
^tngsborougA,
rera, dec. jii.'
Tluscttla OH ii'
captives. Top
CONQUEST OF MIZTECAPAN.
tiS
With returning plenty and prosperity at home,
came back the spirit of foreign conquest. The first
to fall before the allied forces was the province of
Cohuaixtlahuacan, or Upper Miztecapan, lying in
the south-west, in what is now Oajaca, and adjoining
that of Mazatlan, which had already been added to
the Aztec domain. As in the case of the last- men-
tioned province and of many others, ill-treatment of
Mexican traders was the alleged motive of the war.
The Miztec king, called Dzawindanda in his own
country and Atonaltzin by the Mexicans, had caused
many of the traveling merchants to be put to death
and had finally forbidden the whole fraternity to
trade in or to pass through his territory. There is
every reason to believe that this prohibition was mer-
ited by the conduct of the Mexicans. At this time,
and still more so in later years, the monarchs of
Anilhuac made use of their merchants as spies to re-
port upon the wealth and power of different provinces,
to ascertain the best methods of attack, and to pro-
voke a quarrel when the conquest had once been
determined upon. The province of Miztecapan was a
rich field of traffic and was moreover on the route to
the rich commercial towns on the southern coast of
Andhuac Ayotlan, where the products of the coun-
tries both north and south of the isthmus were offered
for sale at the great fairs. Tiie Mexicans attended
these fairs in companies which were well armed and
were little less than small armies, trusting in their
own strength and that of their sovereit^n, and show-
ing but little respect for the laws of provinces trav-
08 the person who 8ug);estc(l the battles for capti'.es. lirasseui; Hist.,
torn, iii., pp. 23'J-6, implies tlmt the mime TotoniioniMiii, 'region of our
subsistence, was given on account of the events described, ultl<o<'Ji the
same author has sicken frequently of the Totonacs at a (teriotl luu../ ci-n-
turies earlier. See also, Tetosomoc, in KiiKjsborough, • ol. ix, pp. 63-6;
Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 158, 171; Claviijero, torn, i., ^.p. '233-5; Sahagun,
toin. ii., lib. viii., p. 269; Vcytia, toni. iii., pp. 248-9, Codex Till. Rem., in
Kxngshorouqh, vol. v., p. 150. Aco<ita, Hist, de las Vnd., p. 493, and Iler-
rera, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiii, merely state that it was agrsed to reserve
Tloscala as a battlc-fiolil whereon to* exercise the armies, and to obtain
captives. Torquemada throws some doubt on this agreement
416
THE AZTEC PE .OD.
ersed. Atonaltzin was a proud and powerful ruler,
and was not at all unwilling to measure his strength
against that of the central nations. Montezuma sent
an embassy to bear his complaints; Atonaltzin sent
back by the same embassy a great quantity of valu-
able gifts, samples, as he said, of the tribute the
Mexicans might expect if they should succeed in
conquering his armies in the war which must decide
which king was to pay tribute to the otlier. Monte-
zuma's reply was to march at the head of a largo
army towards Tilantongo, the capital of Cohuaixtla-
huacan. The result was that the allied forces were
utterly routed and driven back with great loss to
their home. Montezuma had underrated the strength
of his adversary and had undertaken the conquest
without sufficient preparation.
A few months were now spent in new preparations
on both sides for a renewal of the struggle. The
Aztecs in some way formed a secret alliance with the
lord of Tlachquiauhco, near Tilantongo, who was an
enemy to Atonaltzin. The Miztecs on the other hand
obtained aid from the Tlascaltecs and Huexotzincas,
who before the Aztec alliance had been the leadinj;
traders of the country, and who were jealous of tlie
commercial enterprise shown and success achieved by
their rivals. The war began with an assault by the
Miztec leader and his eastern allies on Tlachquiauhco ;
but the Mexicans, Acolhuas, and Tepanecs, under
Montezuma, inflicted this time as severe a defeat as
they had sufl^jred before; Atonaltzin was forced to
surrender, and the whole province was annexed to
the domain of the victors, as were Tochtepee, Zapot-
lan, Tototlan, and Chinantla, soon after. The auxih-
ary army of the Tlascaltecs and Huexotzincas was
almost annihilated. The record closes witli a roman-
tic episode of Montezuma's love for Atonaltzin's
queen; the Miztec king was killed shortly after bv
his own subjects, not improbably at the instigation of
the Aztecs, and the assassins brought his queen with
i
the
huilt
tec m
her
iind (,
(lurin
l)efore
chants
Elai
kings
easterr
central
sions
calanca
Accord
the chi(
and pro
eastern
provoke
contrary?
embassy
tribute <
threaten
were to
"lands, b
tlan, the
indignitit
Tile arm
cities was
for tlie I
among its
Axayacat
throne, an
alliance of
«Date, 14
authors. Dur
boroHffh, vol. i
tecs and Huej
torn, iii., pp. ,
""» '•, pp. 16J
Vol. '
CONQUEST OF CUETLACHTLAN.
417
the news of his death to Mexico. A palace was
l)uilt for her, but she is said to have resisted the Az-
tec monarch's ardor, and to have remained faithful to
her first husband. The conquest of Cozamaloapan
iuid Quauhtochco, also in the Miztec region, followed
(luring the same year and the following, provoked as
before by the pretended murder of traveling mer-
chants."
Elated by their success in the south-west, the allied
kinirs next turned their attention toward the south-
eastern province of Cuetlachtlan, in what is now
central Vera Cruz, lying between the Aztec posses-
sions and the thriving commercial towns of the Xi-
calancas on the gulf coast in the Goazacoalco region.
According to Veytia, Torquemada, and Clavigero,
the chiefs of the province, incited by the Tlascaltecs
and promised aid by them and the other cities of the
eastern plateau, declared or adopted measures to
provoke the war. Duran and Tezozomoc, on the
contrary, represent the Mexicans as having sent an
embassy to the south-eastern provinces, demanding a
tribute of rare shells, or even of live shell-fish, and
threatening war as an alternative. The ambassadors
were to include the Totonac territory in their de-
mands, but were seized and murdered in Cuetlach-
tlan, their dead bodies being subjected to great
indignities, at the instigation of the Tlascaltecs.
The army immediately dispatched from the lake
cities was one of the strongest which had yet fought
for the glory of the Aztec alliance, and numbered
among its leaders three Mexican princes, Ahuitzotl,
Axayacatl, and Tizoc, who afterwards occupied the
throne, and Moquihuix the ruler of Tlatelulco. The
alliance of the Olmec province with Tlascala and the
** Date, 1458-9, according to Brasseur; 1456 according; to the other
authors. Duran, MS., torn, i., cap. x.xii., xxiii., uiul Te/ozoiiior, in Kings-
borough, vol. ix., pp. 51-3, saynotningof the aid rendered by the Tlascal-
tecs au(i Hucxotzincaa See also Clavigero, torn, i., pp. 2.3(>-7; Veytia,
torn, iii., pp. 249-51; Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 237-52; Torquemada,
torn, i., pp. 169-61; Vetanevrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp. 30-1.
Vol. V. 27
418
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
other cities seems not to have been known at Mexico
when the army began its march, and when it hecanie
known excited so much apprehension that orders
were sent to the generals in command to fall back
and postpone the conflict until further preparations
could be made. All were disposed to obey the royal
command, save Moquihuix, who bravely announced
his purpose to attack and defeat the enemy with hiis
Tlatelulca soldiers unaided. His enthusiasm had an
electric effect on the whole army; there was no
longer any thought of retreat; the battle was fought
in disobedience of orders, near Ahuilizapan, now Ori-
zava; the army of the enemy was defeated; the
Aztecs were masters of a broad tract, extending from
Andhuac south-eastward to the sea; and over six
thousand captives were brought back to die on the
sacrificial block. Duran and Tezozomoc state that
the nations of the eastern plateau did not give tiio
aid they had promised, treacherously leaving tlic
province of Cuetlachtlan to its fate ; but this is con-
sistent neither with the character nor interests of tlu'
Tlascaltecs, and it is more likely that their army
shared the defeat. The victors were received at
Mexico with the highest honors, the kings, priests,
and nobles marching out to meet them; tlie leaders
were rewarded for their bravery with lands and
honors, particularly Moquihuix, who received besides
the hand of a Mexican princess nearly related to the
royal family ; and the blood of the six thousand cap-
tives furnished an offeiing most acceptable to the
gods at the dedication of a temple that had just been
comple' ed.
A revolt of the province of Cuetlachtlan is recorded
by Duran and Tezozomoc at a later date not definitely
fixed, when the Mexican governor was murdered, the
payment of tribute suspended, and the ambassadors
sent to ascertain the cause of such suspension, shut
up in a tight room and suffocated with burning chiK.
The Tlascaltecs, as before, offered aid which was not
REVOLT OF THE CHALCAS.
419
forthcoming; the guilty parties were put to death
by order of the Aztec monarchs, and the tributes of
the province were doubled.*'
The Chalcas never missed an opportunity for revolt,
and did not fail to take advantage of the events which
obliged the hated Aztecs to give their whole attention
to foreign wars. During the war in Cuetlachtlan,
they are said to have defied the Aztec power by
refusing certain blocks of stone from their quarries
needed for building-purposes in the capital, and also
to have seized and imprisoned several Mexicans of
high rank. Among the latter was a brother of Mon-
tezuma, whom, according to several authorities, they
offered to make king of Chalco; he refused to betray
his country, but at last, influenced by entreaties and
threats, pretended to consent. At his recpiest a high
platform was erected for the performance of certain
ceremonies designed to fire the hearts of the Chalcas
in the new cause; but from its summit the captive
prince denounced the treachery of his captors, called
upon the Mexicans to avenge him, predicted the defeat
and slavery of the people of Chalco, and threw him-
self headlong to the earth below. The total annihil-
ation of this uncontrollable people was determined
upon by the kings of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan ;
and a peculiar air of mystery enshrouds the war
which followed. During the whole period of prepar-
ation, of conflict, and of victory, the people of the
capital engaged in solemn processions, chants, prayers,
sacrifices, and other rites in honor of the Aztecs who
had perished in past Chalca wars. Signal fires
blazed on the hills and in the watch-towers; and it is
even said that the gods sent an earthquake to warn
the Chalcas of their impending doom. The battle
•' According to Vey tin's chronology, this conquest took place in 14.57;
Uriissciir puts this and the following events in 1458-9. See Vei/tid, Um\.
iii., pp. 251-3; Ixtlilxochitl , p. 467; Clnviqero, torn, i., pp. 237-8; Tor-
nitciiinda, toin. i., pp. 161-2; VetancxTt, Teatro, pt ii., p_. 31; Brasseur,
His/., toin. iii., pp. 25? -7; Dtiran, MS., torn, i., cap. xxi., xxiv.; Tezozomoc,
in Kingsborottgh, vol. ix., jip. 48-51, 53-6.
f"
1
it
4ao
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
M
raged for a whole day before the fated city and the
Aztecs were at last victorious, as they had been in a
previous war a^i^ainst the same city. Great numbers
of tlie enemy fell in battle or were put to the sword
during the pursuit; the almost deserted town was
entered by the Aztec army; surviving Chalcas were
scattered in all directions; many took refuge in the
cities of the eastern plateau, others perished in the
mountains rather than to submit to their hated foe;
but enough were finally pardoned by Montezuma and
allowed to return to their city to cause not a little
trouble in later years."*
Other events recorded as having occurred before
1460 are few in number. The most important was
the conquest and annexation to the Tezcucan domain
of many towns in the north-eastern provinces of Tzi-
auhcohuac, Atochpan, and Cuextlan, the home of tlie
Huastecs in the Panuco region on the gulf coast. In
this campaign the allied troops were under two of
Nezahualcoyotl's sons, and this was the only import-
ant addition to the Acolhua possessions since the
date of the tri-partite alliance; yet there is no evi-
dence that Nezahualcoyotl expressed or felt any dis-
satisfaction at the rapid growth uf the Mexican do-
main; he was not ambitious of conquest, and doubt-
less received his full share of other spoils and of
tribute. At about the same time the Mexicans con-
quered several strong cities on the southern edge of
the Choluliec plateau, such as Tepeaca, Quauhtin-
chan, and Acatzingo, thus threatening the independ-
ence of the eastern republics; outrages on travolinjj
merchants were as usual the real or pretended excuse
for these conquests. Tenoohtitlan and Tlatolulco
had now grown so far beyond their original limits as
to form really but one city, the boundary line beintr
^ Cn the con(|ncst of Chalco, see Duran, MS., torn, i., cap
Tesozoinoc, in Kuifisborotigh, vol. ix., pp. 33-40; Clavifff
238-40; Brasseur, Hist., toin. iii., pp. 258-61; Acosta, Jii»
pp. 492-3; Uerrera, dec. iii., lib. iL, cap. xiii.; Veytiu
263-4.
1.. .1.;
) lid..
111., pp
a narr
deepen
two p(
fJreat
the mji
become
countr}'
terests
inoted 1
chants I
to the g
In 14
king of
credit 1
that refl(
from nn
ca gener
marriage
of her y
niarria<»-e
find beco
I'hjinns, i
ii);. laged
'■^■urnin<»'
queen of
day.s aiaor
\vithin a y
tile einper
J" Accor.lin,
.'0-1, tl,e CO,,,
'lilMKhitl, J,,,.
•y-zaliualcivot,
't'-<i.sf.,, Ifigt_ „
'":"• i;. p. KU;
conimorcc of t'l,
*^ Cliivijrero.
j 'iipercr's Kocor:
IHT .scc(ir„l son.
" IjtT father ii,
'•">■»• See /j^dt
'ir„,,r,(r, ![,.,(
t cluHcirt, Teali
BIRTH OF NEZAHUALPILLI.
491
a narrow and shallow ditch. This ditch was now
deepened and widened at the joint expense of the
two i)owers, and formed into a navigahlo canal.
Great improvements were also riade, particularly in
the market buildinj^ of Tlatelulco, which had now
become the commercial headquarters of the whole
country north of Tehuantepec. The commercial in-
terests of the empire had been most jealously pro-
moted by the reiij^nin*^ monarchs, and the Aztec mer-
chants had contributed no less than the Aztec armies
to the s^ory and prosperity of their nation.'"
Ill 1403 Nezahaulcoyotl married a daus^hter of the
kirit; of Tlacopan, obtainint^ her hand, if we may
credit Ixtlilxochitl and Torquemada, in a manner
that reflected no credit on his honor. She had been
from an early age 'he wife of Temictzin, a Tlatelul-
ca general, somewhat advanced in 3'oars, but the
marriage had not yet been consummated on account
of her youth. The Acolhua monarch desiring by
marriage to leave a legitimate heir to the throne,
and becoming enamored of the young Azeaxochitl's
charms, sent her husband away to the wars, and
in; >aged to have him killed. After her period of
-u liming was past, the fair Azcaxochitl was made
([ucen of Tezcuco; the nuptial feasts lasted eighty
days among great rejoicings of nobles and people ; and
within a year the queen gave birth to Nezahualpilli,
tho emperor's only legitimate son and his successor.*
'^ Accord in<i; to the Codex Tell. Rem., in Kintjsborongh, vol. v., pp.
I.')0-1, (lio i-<>ii([iieMt of (jionziicoalcu tm)k place iilxmt this time, in 1461. Ix-
tlil\ii('hitl, pp. '2-ti)-.j(>, implies that the TIascaltecs futi{{ht on the side of
Xczidmalcoyotl in the conquest of Cnextliin. See Veijlia, torn, iii., j>. "254;
AnisKt, Hist, dc las Ynd., p. 4i)3; Claiugcro, torn, i., p. 240; Tiirqiicmada,
tciiii. i., p. 1(54; Brassciir, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 2(jl-'i, 'JG7-!I; Tczozuiiioc, in
Kiii'j.thorouijh, vol. ix., pp. 4(M!; Vcfniicrrt, Tralro, pt ii., p. 32; on the
coiiiiiiorce of the Aztecs, see vol. ii., j)p. 378-99.
'■^ Clavifjero, toni. i., p. 232, states that the Tepauec princess was the
' rii|iL'nir's second wife; and Ixtlilxochitl implies that Nezahualpilli was
lier second son. There is also no agreement respecting her name or that
()f liur father and husband. All agree that this child was born in 14G4 or
14(i.">. See Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 253-4, 2.57, 4fi7; Vnjtia, toni. iii., pp. 244-6;
Itra.tsriir, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 271-3; Torqiteinada, tom. i., pp. 154-C;
I'cluitccrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp. 29-30.
tss
ian
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
The year 1465 is given as the date of the final sub-
lUkSsiuu of the Chalcas; that is the surrender and
return to the city of the last bands that had since
their defeat lived under chieftains of their own
choice in the mountains, and kept up some show of
hostility to Mexico.* In 1466, the causeway and
aqueducu extending from Chapultepec to Mexico, and
supplying the capital with pure water through a pipe
of burned clay, were completed. This work liad
been planned by Nezahualcoyotl during his residence
at Mexico, and had been commenced by Itzcoatl.
Work was continually pushed forward on the grand
temple of Huitzilopochtli, and many teocallis were
built at this period in each of the three allied capi-
tals. One in Tezcuco is particularly mentioned,
which was very richly decorated with gold and pre-
cious stones, and was dedicated by Nezahualcoyotl to
the invisible god of the universe. This pyramid was
completed in 1467, but, according to the Codex Clii-
malpopoca, fell as soon as finished. It was necessary
to rebuild the structure, and that it might be done
rapidly, the Tezcucan monarch called upon Monte-
zuma for laborers from his tributary city of Zum-
pango and other northern towns. The pernii-ssion
was given, but the people of Zumpango refused to
send workmen, and raised a revolt, which was, how-
ever, quelled by the Acolhua forces in a short cam-
paign.*
A remarkable story told by Duran and attributed
to the reign of Montezuma I., may be introduced
here as well as anywhere, although it is more tliaii
doubtful whether it should receive any credit as a
historic record. In the midst of the glory acquired
by his valor, Montezuma determined to send an
armed forced to the region of the Seven Caves whence
his people came. Though armed they were to bear
• Codex Tell. Rem,, in Kinyshorough, vol. v., p. 151; Braaaeur, IlisL,
torn, iii., p. 277.
30 liraaseur, Higt., torn, iii., pp. 277-8(<; Ixtlilaeochill, p. 257.
MISSION TO CHICOMOZTOC.
423
rich presents, with orders to explore the country and
search for the mother of Huitzilopochtli, who if yet
aUve would be pleased to know of lier son's prosperity
and glory, and would gladly receive the gifts of his
chosen people. The intention was made known to
Tlacaeleltzin — a famous prince who seems to be identi-
cal with Montezuma before the latter became king, but
of whoai many wondrous tales are told even after the
latter ascended the throne — who gave his approval,
hut recommended that a peaceful embassy of wise
men and sorcerers be sent on this mission. At Coa-
topec in the region of Tollan, after performing various
religious rites, the sixty sorcerers chosen for the expe-
dition were transformed into different animal forms
and transported with their treasure to the land of
their fathers, to the lake-surrounded hill of Culhua-
can. Here they found certain people who apoke
their language and to tliem announced their purpose.
The priests of this people remembered well the
departure of the Aztec tribes, and were surprised
to learn that their original leaders were dead, for
their companions left behind were yet alive. The
messengers were promised an interview with Coa-
tlicue, mother of their god, and had a most tire-
some journey up the sandy hill with their gifts,
much to the wonder of the guiding priests, who
wondered what they could live upon in their new
lionie to have become so effeminate. At last they
found the aged mother of Huitzilopochtli weeping
l)itterly, and stating that since her son's depart-
ure she had neither washed her Ixidy and face,
combed her hair, nor changed her garments; neither
did she propose to attend to her toilet until his
return. The old woman expressed, however, consid-
erable interest in the affairs of Mexico, and made
known some prophecies of her son about the coming
of a strange people to take the land from the Mexi-
cans. The messengers were finally dismissed with
presents of fowls, fish, flowers, and clothing, for
m
I'M
i
u.
^
424
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
Montezuma; and, re-adopting their disguises, were
brought back in eight days tt) Ooatepec, where thoy
discovered that twenty of their number were missing.
These lost members of the company were never heard
of more,**
Montezuma died in 1469,'" leaving his country in a
more nourishing condition than it had ever known,
notwithstanding the six years' famine that had oc-
curred during his reign. He left to his people or to
his nobles the choice of his successor from among liis
three grandsons — by his daughter Atotoztli and
Tezozomoc, son of 1 tzcoatl— Tizoc, Axayacatl, and
Ahuitzotl, expressing, however, a preference for tlie
second, who was now commander of the Mexican
armies. His remains were enclosed in an urn and
deposited in the walls of the grand temple now ap-
proaching completion, and his wishes were followed
in the choice of a successor.**
Before the coronation of the new monarch could be
I
" Piiran, MS., torn. i.. rap. xxvii.
"IK14, Vfi/fiii; 14(iS. I'ltinirni, Ixtlilxorhill, and liotiiriiii; 14fin,
IxtlUxitihill, Jlnmsfur, tmicx V/iini«lf>., (Jmlex Te/l. Rem., Cut/rx Mriidozii.
^^ Dumu, MS., toiii. i.. tap. xxviii-xxix., xxxi ii., and 'IVzozoiikic, in
Kiiigslioroii(fh, vol. ix., ji]). 58-03, (Mi, attribute to .Moiitc/iiiiia I. the t'liii-
qiii'Mt of Oajaca, «ti<l the t'stiiblixlimont thereof a .Mrxiean colony. They
may refer to the coniiiiest of the hind of tlie Miztees already related, or to
that of more soutln-rn partx of Oajaea at a later (leriiMi. They also stiito
that .AxayaeatI was the tton of Montezunui. Diiraii tellit ui^ that Monte-
zuma lieflire his death hail his inui^'e scHlptiired on the elillat ChapuJteiM'r;
and that .\xayaciiti was nominated kin-; liy Tlueaeleltzin, who deeliiied llie
tlirone. The d.-tix Mnu/ozn, in Khiifslioi-uuijli. vol. v., pp. 4r»-(), followed
hy Mendieta, //('*7. Krle.s., p. lot), jrivc the niini1>er of provinees eoni|iit'rt'il
l)y .^ionteznma as thirtv-thret. Ixtlilxoehitl. pp. 257, 457, ways Monte/ii-
nia h'fl severid sons. Toninemada, lorn, i., pp. 1()!>, 172, Huys he left mie,
not named, hut (hat he disinherited Imiii for the ptoil of the nation. .Arosta.
Hist. (If 1(1.1 Yiiil., ii|). 4i(3, 105, and Herrera, dec. iii., lili. ii., enp. xiii., nmke
Tizoc itreeetle AxayaeatI, iMith bein;^ sons of Montezuma. ('amMr;:o, in
Noui'cllr.f AiiiKilr.i, torn, xeviii., p. 17S, nuikes Ahuitzotl preeede .Axiiviiciill.
Vctanevrt, Tnifro, pt ii., p, H'2. says that AxayaeatI, Tizoe, and .Miiiit/.cill
were HOUH of .Monte/unia'H uncle liy a dan;;hterof Itzeoatl. Motolinia, in
Iriizhdirrtii, Vol. (If Hoi:, ton., i.. p. (> ami (ionutra, Conq. ,1/c.r , fol. ;)(i:(.
rcpreKent .NIonteznuta ashavio}.' been sncceedeil hy his dan<;hter. Sec iilsu
on the death and eliaraeter of Montezuma I., and the neeession of .Vxiiya-
iuxt\:- Jtra.t.sdir, Jli.sf.. torn iii.. [ij), 280-2; Chriffcro, tom. i., p. 241; I'//-
tia torn, iii., pp, 25 (-5; tioturint, in hoc. Hist, Mcx., aerio iii., tom. iv., p.
240; Cudrx TrII. Hem., in KitKjsborouffh, vol. v., pp. 140, 151; Stilitujiin,
tom. ii., lib. viii., jip. 2tW-9,
RAID IN TEHUANTEPEC.
celebrated with fitting solemnity, and in a manner
worthy of liis predecessors, victims for sacrifice must
be captured in larj»'e numbers ; and it had now become
an established custom for each newly elected kinuf to
undertake in person a campaign with the sole object
of procuring captives. Axayacatl, in complying with
the usage, distinguished himself by the most daring
raid yet undertaken by Aztec valor. Passing rapidly
soutiiward by mountain routes at the head of a large
force, and avoiding the Miztec and Za[)otec towns of
'J <jaca, he suddenly presented himself before the
city of Tohuantcpec, routed the defending army,
drawing them into an ambush by a pretended retreat,
entered and j)illaged the city, captured the rich com-
mercial city of Guatulco some distance al)ove on tiie
coast, left a strong garrison in each stronghold, and
returned to Mexicp laden with plunder and with
thousands of captives in his train, almost before his
departure was known throughout the country. Bras-
seur tells us that he crossed the isthmus in this
campaign, and for the time subjected to Aztec rule
the pn)vince of Soconusco, even reaching the frontiers
of (Juatemala; but Torquemada is given as the au-
thority for this statement, and this author implies
nothing of the kind, consequently we may doubt it.
The sacrifice of captives from distant and strange
lands, together with the rich spoils brought back
from the south-sea j)rovinces, imparted unusiud eclat
to the coronation ceremonies; tiio successful warrior
was conirratulated bv his ct)lloai;ues at Tezcuco and
Thieopan; and the }>eople felt assured that in Axaya-
catl they had a monarch worthy of his subjects*
admiration.^
'* Duriin. MS., torn, i., cnp. xxxii., wiys timt tlio first fivp yenrn of Axa-
yariitrs roi^jii woro uiKliMtiirlied by wur. Si'i* on tlic 'rt'liuaiitc|i«><- raiil iiiid
the t'di'Diiiitioii: T(iri/iu'maiin, toni. i., |». 17-; Hni.itin4r, Jlixt, , ti»u. iii.,
W-laiirvrl, Trutro, pt ii., p. 'A'l\ Clnriffrro, tt>ii»., i. pp. 'J4l-'2;
pp. 28:«-7;
A I unit
Kero hpruk of wart* in the lirHt yeaiv of kin rcigu uguiUHt tliv ruvolting
pruvinccH of Cuutluvhtlttii and Tochtep«c.
xlu, lli.it. iff. hi* Yiid., |>p. 4SHi 7. Voytiii, (oni. iii., j>. i!5«}, und riiivi-
426
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
n
Durinjif the same year, perhaps, a battle was foujrht
at^ainst Huexutzinco and Atlixco on the frontier, in
which the three kings took part personally; and it is
recorded that in the midst of the conflict Tezcatli-
poca appeared to the Aztec armies, cheering them on
to victory. On the return of the victors, Axayacutl
and Moquihuix of Tlatelulco each erected a new
temple to the gods of Huexotzinco to propitiate those
divinities in case of the war being resumed, which was
foretold by the oracles. The Mexican temple was
called Coatlan, and that in Tlatelulco Coaxolotl; the
latter was a <;rander structure than the former and
its erection in a spirit of rivalry excited some ill-
feeling on the part of the Mexicans, and was not
without an influence in fomenting the troubles that
broke out between the cities a few years later.'" An
eclipse of the sun which took place about the time
the temples were completed, was thought to portend
disaster, and was followed within a period of two years
by the death of the Tepanec and Acolhua monanhs.
Totoijuihuatzin, king of Tlacopan, died in 1470 at an
advanced age and after a long and prosperous rei;L;n,
during which he had gained the respect of his sub-
jects and colleagues, fighting bravely in the wars of
the empire and accepting without complaint his small
share of the spoils as awarded by the terms of the
alliance. He was succeeded by his son Chimal-
popoca.**
The burning of an immense tract of forest lying to
the west of Azcapuznlco toward the Matlaltzinco re-
gion, is recorded by one authority as having occurred
" T)«tn arconliii); *<t the SpaniKh writers, 14fi8. Arcordiiiu to tho Coiht
J'lil. Itiiii., in Kiiit/xlmroiuffi, vol. v., |». 150, Huexotzinco huil Kciznl ii|«iii
the nrovince of Atlixco in I4<'><>, ilriviuj; awuy the iwojile of (Jiiiu'iicliiila,
the former (MtsseNHorH. Only Torqtieniii<lu, toni. i., \>y. 17'.J-.1; uinl l"i:i>-
Kciir, Jiist., toni. iii., pp. '287-8, mention the n|i|>iirition of 'JV/x«tli|i>«ra
See iiIho i'hiviijno, toni. i., pp.242, 248; Vcytiii, toni. iii., pp. 2r>(i-"; V'litn-
ci-rt, 'J'intro, pt ii., jvp. .S2-3.
MDiitc 14<J9 neioiiling to Spuninh writers; 1470 ncconlinR to I'm/u-
f^fiimatfmfiora. Vtytia, torn, iii., p. 2fil; Uraimcin; Ifisf., toni. iii., P- -'^^•
Clnri(frrit, torn, i., p. -42; Torqvcmmta, tuni. i., p. 173; Vctancvi't, Tcatro,
pt ii., p. 32.
DEATH OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL.
427
ill lA7lf and in the next year took place the death
of Nezahualcoyotl, the king of Acolhuacan, and con-
sidered as the greatest and wisest of the Chichimec
uionarchs. His adventures in early life while de-
prived of his ancestral throne have cast a glamour of
romance about his name; and the fortitude with
Avliich he supported his misfortunes, his valor in re-
gaining the Tezcucan throne, and the prominent part
taken by him in the wars of the allies, are enthusias-
tically praised by his biographers. His chief glory,
however, depends not on his valor as a warrior, but
on his wisdom and justice as a ruler. During his
reign his domain had been increased in extent far less
than that of Mexico; but he had made the city of
Tezcuco the centre of art, science, and all high cul-
ture — the Athens of America, as Clavigero expresses
it, of which he was the Solon — and his kingdom of
Acolhuacan a model of good government. Such was
iiis inflexil»ility in the administration of justice and
enforcement of the laws, that several of his own sons,
althoa.irVi nmch beloved, were put to death for offenses
against law and morality. Official corruption met no
mercy at his hands, but toward the poor, the aged,
and the unfortunate, his kindness was unbounded.
He was in the habit of traveling incognito among his
subjects, visiting the lower classes, relieving misfor-
tune, and obtaining useful hints for the perfection of
his c(xle of laws, in which he took especial j>ride.
Ever the promoter of education and culture, he was
himself a man of learning in various branches, and a
]K)et of no mean talent.'* His religious views, if cor-
rectly rejjorted by the historians, were far in advance
of those of his conteni])()rarie8 or of the Europeans
who in the cause of religion overtlirew Tezcucan cul-
ture; he seems to have been unable to resist the
A/tec influence in favor of human sacrifices, but he
deserves the credit of having opposed the shedding of
" Ciiilfx Chimalp., in liraisetir, HtHt., toiii. iii., p. 1288.
M Sec vol. ii., pp. 24«-7, '2\H, 471---', Wll.
E I
428
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
blood and ridiculed the deities that demanded it.
The only dishonorable action of his life is the method
by which he obtained his queen, and that may have
received a false coloring at the hands of unfriendly
annalists. Some of his poems were afterwards re-
garded as prophecies, in which was vaguely an-
nounced the coming of the Spaniards. He died in
1472, leaving over a hundred children by his concu-
bines, but only one legitimate son.*
Feeling that his death was near, NezahualcoyotI
had assembled his family and announced Nezaluuil-
pilli as heir to the throne. He informed his older
natural sons that only by leaving the throne to a
legitimate successor could he hope to secure a peace-
ful succession and future prosperity. He expressed
great esteem for his oldest son Acapipioltzin, who
was now at the head of his armies, and great confi-
dence in his ability, calling upon him to serve as
guardian and adviser of Nezahualpilli, at the time
only eight years old, during his minority, and to
protect his interests against possible attempts of his
other brothers to usurp the crown. Acapipioltzin
promised to obej^ his wishes, and was ever after
faithful to his promise. Several authors say that the
king gave orders that his death should not be an-
nounced until after his son was firmly seated on the
throne; others state that it was a popular belief
among the common people that NezahualcoyotI had
not died, but had been called to a place among the
gods. After the funeral of the dead king, at wliich
assisted an immense crowd of nobles, even from for-
eign and hostile provinces, such as Tlascala, Cholula,
Tehuantepec, Panuco, and Michoacan, three of his
sons showed such evident designs of disloyalty to the
appointed successor, that the young prince was re-
moved to Mexico by his Aztec and Tepanec col-
leagues, and the ceremony of coronation was performed
» Date 1470, Ortega ond Clavigero; 1462 or 1472, IxtlilxocMtl; U'l
Codex Chimalpopoca.
CONQUEST OF TLATELULCO.
439
there. Axajacatl is said to have spent most of his
time in Tezcuco during Nezahualpilli's minority, and
it is not improbable tlmt he took advantage of his col-
league's youth to strengthen his own position as prac-
tically head of the empire."
In the year of Axayacatl's accession three hills
trembled in Xuchitepec, that is, there was an earth-
quake foreboding disaster, which came upon the peo-
ple in 1472, in the shape of an Aztec anny under
Axayacatl. During a raid of a few days, the prov-
ince was ravaged and a crowd of captives brought
back to die on the altars of Huitzilopochtli. Such
is Torquemada's account, which is interpreted by
Brasseur as referring to a raid across the istlnnus
into the Guatemalan province of Xuchiltepec, or
Sochitepeques, but there seems to be very little
reason for such an interpretation when we consider
that there were two towns named Xuchitepec in the
immediate vicinity of Anilhuac."
All the authorities relate with very little disagree-
ment that in 1473 Tlatelulco lost her independence,
and was annexed to Mexico under a royal governor.
Hitherto this city, notwithstanding the troubles
during the reign of Montezuma resulting in the
death of her king and the elevation of Mo(juihuix,
had been more independent and enjoyed greater
privileges than any of the other cities tributary to
the Mexican throne. But the Tlatelulcas viewed
the rapid advance of Mexican power with much
jealousy; they could not forget that for many years
their city had been superior to her neighbor; they
were proud of their wealth and connnercial reputa-
tion, and of the well-known valor of their prince
*' On the character and death of Nezahnalcoyovl, and the Hucccssion
of Ne/ahimlpilli, see: Ix'lil.ritrltili, |ip. '2r>4-62,' 4()S-«.>, 4t!"-S; Toniiie-
ma(/u, toni. i., pp. loti, 164-'.>, IT.'M; (Vor/<;fro, toni. i., jtp. 'i.l'J, 242-8; Jtnin-
seiir, Hint., toiii. iii., pp. 288:W1; VeUiucfrl, Tcufio, \>l ii., pj». 33-4;
Vc!/li>i. toni. iii., pp.247, 2CI-7.
<' Tonjiiriniu/a, toin. i., p. 170. The author says, however, tliat the
province was 'ou the coast of An&huac.' lirtMseui; Hint., tuni. iii., up.
301-2.
4ti0
THE AZTEC PEKIOD.
Moquihuix. We have seen that there had been con-
siderable dissatisfaction alxmt the building of the tem-
ples a few years earlier; and frequent quarrels had
taken place in the market-places between the men
and women of the two cities. Duran and Tezozomoc
relate certain outrages on both sides at the begin-
ning of the final struggle. Moquihuix at last, count-
ing on the well-known hatred and jealousy of the
different nations in and about the valley toward the
Aztec king, formed a conspiracy to shake off the
power of Axayacatl, and invited all the surrounding
nations except Tlascala, whose commercial rivalry
he feared, to join it. Excej)t Tlacopan, Tezcuco,
and Tlascala, nearly all the cities of the central
plateaux seem to have promised aid, and the plot
began to assume most serious proportions, threatening
the overthrow of the allied kings by a still stronger
alliance. But, fortunately for his own safety, Axa-
yacatl was made aware of the conspiracy almost at
the beginning. It will be remembered that a near
relative of his — his sister, as most authorities stato —
had been given to Moquihuix for a wife in reward for
his bravery in the south-eastern campaign. She had
been most grossly abused by her husband, and loarn-
ing in some way his intentions, had revealed the plot
to her brother, who was thus enabled to obtain from
his allies all needed assistance, and to be on his guard
at every point. I shall not attempt to form from the
confused narratives of the authorities a detailed ac-
count of the battles by which Tlatelulco was con-
quered. At the beginning of open hostilities the
wife of Moquihuix fled to Mexico. A simultaneons
attack by all the rebel forces had been planned; hut
none of the rebel allies actually took part in the
struggle, approaching the city only after the battio
was over and devoting their whole energy to ketji
from Axayacatl the knowledge of their complicity-
Moquihuix, confident of his ability to defeat the un-
prepared Mexicans without the aid of his allies,
DEATH OF MOgUIHUIX.
431
having excited the valor of his chieftains and soldiers
by sacrificial and religious rites, giving them to drink
the water in which the stone of sacrifice had been
washed, began the conflict before the appointed time.
For several days the conflict raged, first in one city,
then in the other; but at last the Mexicans invaded
Tlatelulco, sweeping everything before them. The
surviving inhabitants fled to the lake marshes; the
remnants of the army were driven in confusion to the
market-place; and Moquihuix amid the imjtrecations
of his own people for the rashness that had reduced
them to such straits, was at last thrown down the
steps of the grand temple, and his heart torn from his
breast by the hand of Axayacatl himself The city
was for a time devoted to j)lunder; then the inhabi-
tants were gathered from their retreats, after having
boen compelled — as '.'^ezozomoc, Acosta, and Herrera
tell us — to croak and cackle like the frogs and birds
of the marshes in token of their perfect submission ;
hoiivy tributes were imposed, including many special
tiix(>s and menial duties of a humiliating nature; and
fiiiiilly the town was made a ward of Tenochtitlan
under the rule of a governor appointed by the Mexi-
can king. The re-establishment of peace was followed
by the punishment of the conspirators. The Tlate-
lulca leaders had for the most part perished in the
war, but two of them, one being the priest Poyahuitl
wlio had performed the religious rites at the begin-
ning of hostilities, were condemned to death. The
same fate overtook all the nobles in other provinces
whose share in the conspiracy could be proven. So
terrible was the vengeance of Axayacatl and so long
the list of its victims, that the h)rds of Anilhuac were
tilled with fear, and it was long before they dared
again to seek the overthrow of the hated Aztec
power.*'
« AiitlinritipR on tlip Tintclulcn wnr: —Dumn, MS., torn, i., rap. xxxii-
xxxiv.; Trz'izoiiiix; in AV/ir/.vAoroity/i, vol. i\., pp. (ir>-7(>; TorquKinudit, toiii.
i.. pp. 170-80; SiihtiffiiH, toiii. ii., lilt, viii., pit. 'itiO, '114; Vrijtin, toiii. iii., pp.
25(i*>l; Jirtu*eur, tiutt., Una. iii., pp. 3U2-15; Vlavigero, toiu. i., pp. 248-
THE AZTEC PEKIOU.
A strange anecdote is told respecting the fate of
Xihuiltenioc, lord of Xochirailco, who had either
taken part in the Tlatelulca war on the rebel side,
or more probably had failed to aid the Mexican king
in a satisfactory manner. Both Axayacatl and
Xihuiltemoc were skilled in the national game of
tlac/iffi, or the ball game, and at the festivals in honor
of his victory, the former challenged the latter to a
trial of skill. The Xochimilca lord, the better player
of the two, was much embarrassed, fearing either to
win or to allow himself to be beaten, but the king
insisted, and wagered the revenues of the Mexican
market and lake for a year, together with the rule
of certain towns, against the city of Xochimilco, on
the result. Xihuiltemoc won the game, and Axaya-
catl, much crest-fallen, proclaimed his readiness to
pay his wager; but either by his directions, or at
least according to his expectation, his opponent was
strangled with a wreath of flowers concealing a slip-
noose, by the people of the towns he had won, or as
some say by the messengers charged to deliver the
stakes."
Thus far the Aztec conquests had been directed
toward the south-east and south-west, while the fer-
tile valleys of the Matlaltzincas, immediately adjoin-
ing Aniihuac on the west, had for some not very clear
reason escaped their ambitious views. A very favor-
able opportunity, however, for conquest in this
direction presented itself in 1474, when the Matlalt-
zincas were on bad terms with the Tarascos of
Michoacan, their usual allies, and when the lord of
Tenantzinco asked the aid of the Mexicans in a quar-
rel with Chimaltecuhtli the king. Axayacatl was
62; Vclnncvrt, Tcatro, pt ii., pp. 34-5; Granados y Galvez, Tardea Amer.,
pp. 170-8; Mcttdicta, Ihst. Ecles., p. 150; Acosta, Hist, de lux Yiul., p. 498;
Hcrrera, dvv. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiv. ; Ixtlilxochitl. pp. 262-3; Gallatin, in
Amer. Ethno. Soc, Transact., vol. i., p. \'H).
*^ Tori/ucmnda, torn, i., pp. 180-1; /ir///teoc/n7/, pp. 20.1-4, 458; Vctaii-
evrt, Tcatro, pt ii., p. 35; Brataeur, HUt., torn, iii., pp. 31(>-17.
V
only
natur
interf
pickec
ordere
mater
on th
niarcl
allied
l)\' his
ft
part ()
placed
laulico,
teinpan
Some J:
town, ai
from tlu
Tezozon
cainpa
waniors
had beer
caii.sin<r
victory, \
the norti
Toluca, tj
'Honii to
with who
this battl
that he
death. T
^vas hidde
^fe.KJcan ]>
tlilxochitl,
tells us tl
«aved Axa
'iQply thai
leaders. 1
over eleven
and the tov
Vol. y
V.v..*;4UE8T OF MATLALTZINCO.
only too glad to engage in an undertaking of this
nature, but, in order to have a more just cause of
interferonco — for, as Duran says, the Aztecs never
picked quarrels Avith other nations ! — he peremptorily
ordered the Matlaltzincas to funiitsli certain building-
niiiterial and a stone font for sacrificial purposes, and
on their refusal to comply with liis commands,
marched against their province at the head of the
allied troops, and accompanied, as Torquemada says,
l)y his colleagues. Town aO;er town in the southern
pait of the province fell ^^efore his arms, and were
placed under Mexican governors. Such w^ere Xalat-
lauhco, Atlapolco, Tetenanco, Tepemaxalco, Tlaco-
tonipan, Metepec, Tzinacantepec, and Calimaya.
Some Aztec colonists were left in each conquered
town, and Torquemada tells us that jieoplo were taken
from the other towns to settle in the first, Xalatlauhco.
Tozozomoc relates that the king at one time in this
campaign concealed himself in a ditch with eight
warriors, and fell upon the rear of the enemy who
iiad been drawn on by a feigned retreat of the Aztecs,
causing great panic and slaughter. Flushed with
victory, the allies pressed on to attack X'qui})ilco in
tiie north, the strongest town in the p(Ovince, and
Toluca, the capital. Xiquipilco is spoken of as an
Otomi town under the command of Tlilcuetzpalin,
with whom Axayacatl had a personal combat during
this battle, being wounded so severely in the thigh
that he was lame for life, and narrowly escaped
death. Tezozomoc claims that the Otomi chieftain
was hidden in a bush and treacherously wounded the
Mexican king, who was in advance of his troops; Ix-
tlilxochitl, ever ready to claim honor for his ancestots,
tells us that it was the Acolhua commander who
saved Axayacatl's life ; while Clavigero and Ortega
imply that a duel was arranged between the two
leaders. The enemy was defeated, their leader and
over eleven thousand of his men were taken captives,
and the town surrendered, as did Toluca a little later,
You V. iiS
484
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
and other towns in the vicinity. The news of the
conquest was received with ^reat joy at the capital ;
the senate marched out to meet and receive the
victorious army on its return; triumphal arches wen;
erected at fVe([Uent intervals, and flowers were strewn
in the path of the victors. The captives were sacri-
flced in honor of the god of war, or as Tezozomoc
says, at the dedication of a new altar in his te-nple,
except the brave Tlilcuetzpalin and a few comrades
who were reserved to grace by their death another
festival, which took place somewhat later. During
this Matlaltzinea war a very severe earthquake was
experienced."
A year or two later the Matlaltzincas revolted and
obtained the promise of assistance from the Tarascos,
who were anxious to measure their strength against
that of the far-famed Aztecs. But the Tarasco
monarch was unused to the celerity of Mexican
tactics, and Axayacatl's army, thirty-two thousand
strong, had entered Matlaltzinco, re-captured Xiqui-
pilco and other principal towns, crossed the frontiers
of Michoacan, and captured and burned several cities,
including Tangimaroa, or Tlaximaloyan, an important
and strongly fortitied place, before the news of their
departure reached Tzintzuntzan, the Tarasco capital.
But the Tarasco army, superior to that of the
Aztecs, and constantly re-inforced, soon reached tlu;
seat of war, attacked the invaders with such fury that
they were driven back, with great loss, to Tolucji.
This was doubtless the disaster indicated by an
eclipse during the same year. After thus showing
their power by defeating the proud warriors of tlio
valley, the Tarascos did not follow up their advan-
*< According; to the Codex Tell. Rem,, in Kingnhorough, vol. v., y.
151, this wur mid earth<}uakc took ])lace in 1402. Toniiieinatla, toni. i.,
nit. 181-2, ]ituoc8 them in the eixth vear of Axayacatl 8 rci};n. Duraii,
MS., torn. i. , cap. xxxv.-x.\xvi., and Tezozonioc, in Kiiigsborongh, vol.
ix., pp. 76-H2, 8tate that Tlilcuetzpalin «Hcapc'd. See also, IxtUixochitl.
p. 264; Clarigero, torn, i., pi>. 252-3; Brasscur, Hist., toni. iii., pp. 317-'i-;
Veijtia, toni. ill., pp. 267-8; Herrera, dec iiL, lib. iv., cap. xviii.; Vf-
fnnfiort, Teatro, pt ii., {i. 3&.
tage, I
Mexico
attenin
later, t
nontly
Matlali
TenocJii
Axa^
Imuran i
gone to
side of 1
ills days
his conci
wish of
C'iialchiu
his oflict
Duran in
"jythical
ofterod t<
DEATH OF AXAYACATL.
48R
tai,'e, but returned to their own country, leaving the
Mexicans still masters of Matlaltzinco. Another
iitteuipt at revolt is vaguely recorded some years
later, out in 1478 the Matlaltzinca cities were perma-
nently joined to the Mexican domain, and the leading
Matlaltzinca divinities transferred to the temples of
renochtitlan.*»
Axayacatl died in 1481, just after his return, as
Duran informs us, from Chapultepec whither he had
gone to inspect his image carved on the cliff by the
BJde of that of Montezuma I. Brasseur states that
\m days were shortened by the excessive number of
his concubines. He was succeeded, according to the
wish of his predecessor, by Tizoc, Tizocicatzin, or
(Jliak'hiuhtona, his brother, who was succeeded in
his office of commander of the army by Ahuitzotl.
Duran insists that the throne was again offered to the
mythical Tlacaeleltzin, who declined the honor but
ofiered to continue to be the actual ruler during
Tizoc 's reign."
« Most of the details of this war are trom Brasseur, Hist., tom. iii.,
j)[>. ;{'^J-5. Uiiraii, MS., torn, i., cap. xxxvii.-viii., and Teziizoninc, in
hiiiffshorouffh, vol. ix., pp. 82-7, state Hiiiiidy tliat to in-ociire victiiiis for
the (ledicutioii of a new sacritiuial stone, tlic Aztecs iniin'hcd to the lM)r-
dcra of Michoacan and were defeated by suficrior niinibcrH, returning to
Mexico. The victims were finally obtained at Tliliuqiiitcpcc. Uther
autiiors represent the Aztecs as victorious, they having avUicd to their
iwNscssions Tochpan, Tototlan, Tlaxinialoyan, Ocuillan, and Malacatepec.
See Torqucmada, tom. i., p. 182; t'lnciijero, tom. i., p. 25.1; Vefrncvrf,
Teairo, pt ii., pp. 35-6; Codrx Tell. Rem., in Kingsbnrvvi/h, vol. v , p. 161.
*6 Clavigero, torn, i., p. 2.'>.3, gives the date 1477. Aororiling to the Codex
Mendozn, in Kiiinsborough, vol. v., p. 47, it was 1482. All the other author-
ities agree on i481. See on family, cliaractcr, and death of Axayacatl,
and succession of Tizoc: Veytia, torn, iii., pp. 269-71; Duran, MS., torn,
i., can. xxxviii-ix. ; Tezozomoe, in Kingshorough, vol. ix., pp. 88-91, 143;
IxUilxochitl, pp. 264-5; Torqucmada, tom. i., p. 182; Vetancvi't, Teatro,
pt ii., p. .S6; Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., pp. 494-^5; Sigueiisa, in Doc. Hist.
Hex., scrie iii., tom. i., p. 70; Ilerrera, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiii.; Gallatin,
in Amer. Ethno. Hoc., Tratuaet., vol. i., p. 164.
I
t
CHAPTER IX.
THE AZTEC PERIOD — CONCLUDED.
Reion of Tizoc — Nezaiiuammlli defkats thk Huexotzincas—
Aiu'iTzoTi,, King ok Mexk n Campaigns Kon Captives— Dkih-
CATION OK Hi:iTZIU>l'OCHTLr.S TEMPLE— SEVENTY THOUSAND Vlf-
TIMS — TOTOQIIHIATZIN 11., KiNU OK Tl.ACOPAN— MEXICAN CON-
QUESTS— CoNyC EST OK ToTONAC'A PAN— Aztec Kevekses— Suc^cess
FUL Revolt ok Teiiuantepec and Zapotecapan— Conquest ok
Zacatollan- Anecdotes ok Nezaiiualpilli— New Aquedict,
and iNi'NDATION OK MEXKO— MoNTEZUMA II. ON THE TlIKoNE—
Condition ok the Empike -Montezuma's Policy^ Unsucckss-
FUL Invasion of Tlascai.v- Famine— Conquest ok Miztecapan
— TYINO-UP OK THE CYCLE IN 1507— OMENS OK ( OMIN(J DiSASTEIt—
The Spaniakds on the Coa.st ok Centhal Ameuica -Tkouiilk
BETWEEN Mexico and Tezcuco — Retirement and Death ok
Nezaiiualpilli- ("ACAMA, Kino ok Acoliiuacan — Revolt of
Ixtlilxochitl — Final Campaigns ok the Aztecs— The Span-
iakds ON THE OULF COAST— ARKIVAL OK IIERNAN CORTES.
Tizoc's coronation was preceded ])y a campaio-n in
the north-east, where the provinces stretciiino' iVom
Meztitlan to the ^iilf had taken advantaijce ol" the
Tlateluha and Matlaltzinoa wan to shake off the
yoke of their coiKpierors. Tezozonioo and Dnraii
represent tl)is eampaio^n as haviiiif h hmi nndertak-ii
by Tizoc, after most extensive prej)arMtions, I'or the
])urpose of obtaining' captivos, but atteuiU'd withlittlc!
success, only about forty j)risoiK'rs Iiaviiii*' boevi w
cured. The fornur author tells us that this war
took place durinj^ Nezahualcoyotl's reiyn. A<'osta
1*38)
REIGN OP TIZOC.
487
Implies that the faihiro resulted from Tizoc's coward-
ice or btid j^eneralship. Ixtlilxoehitl, followed by
Brasseur, makes Nezahualpilli the leader in this his
first war, accompanied by l)oth his colleat^^ues. He
seems to have felt, notwithstanding^ his extreme
youth, much shame at not having performed any j^lo-
rious deed of arms, rulinjf as he did over so valorous
a people as the Aoolhuas, and even to have been
ridiculed on the subject l)y his elder brothers; but in
this war he made for himself a lastinj^ reputation
worthy of his ancestors and his nvnk. The war is
represented by these authors im a siiocession of vic-
tories by which Cuextlan and tiie surroundinj^
provinces were brouijfht back to their allojjfiance. No
reverses are alluded to. The cajitives taken wer»)
sacriticed at Tizoc's coronation, the new kin<( at-
tejnptiiiii^ to surpass his predecessors by jj^ivinjif a
scries of maij^iiificent festivals whieii continued for
forty days.' An exj»editi(»u aufainst Tlacotepec, men-
tioiR'd by Torquemada without details, seeujs to be
the only other war in which Tizoc enufajjed duriiii"-
his rcisjfn.' He either lacked the vaha* and skill in
war which distiuju^uislicd his ])redocessors, or like the
Tczcuean monarcbs believed he could best promote
his nation's welfare by attention to ju'aceful arts.
Very little is recorded of this k\u^^: his rei^jfu was
very short, and was marked by no very iinj>ortaiit
events. Duriiii^ this period, however, oecurred a war
between Nezalursb ill! and Huehuotzin, the lord of
Fliiexotzinco. Tiii.'* nar seems to have been caused
hy the plots of Nozahualpilli's brothers who had ob-
tained the aid. <»f Huex(»t/inco A<'('()rdin!.( to liras-
seiir the Acolhua kini; aii<l lluehnetzin were born in
the same day and hour, and the astrologers had
pnidicted that the former wouhl one day be compiered
' Tfzozomnr, in Kinfishornvnh. vol. ix., pp. OS-ft; Diirnii, ^[^<., loni. i.,
<'H|i. xl ; Ariixfii. Ili.st ill- /ii\ Viid., p. 4ltr); lintancur, Hint., totii. i., pp.
;<•.'(>•.'{ I ; Ij-t/i.xorhitl. pp. '-»«.'»■().
' Tuniuimadu, turn, i., p. 18*2.
pi IS!
U
438
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
I
If
t
by the latter, whose defeat would, however, be cele-
brated by the Acolhuas. Huehuetzin ascertained
t'roiii the malcontent Acolhua princes a statement of
the forces that were to march against him, with a
description of Nezahualpilli's armor, and directed all
liis men to make it their chief object to kill the kinf>'.
But Nezahualpilli learned the intention of his oppo-
nent, clad a captain with his armor, placed bini at
the head of one division of his army, while he himself
in disguise took conunand of the other division. So
furious was the attack upon the mock kiujif that lu;
was killed, his soldiers driven back, and the lluexot-
zincas elated with victory; but in the meantime the
main body of the Tezcucan army came uj) and
attacked the foe as they were chantinsr their som,' of
victory. The real Nezjihualpilli killed Hutjhuetzin
in personal combat, ai'ter rect'ivinijf a serious wound
in the foot; the Huexotzincas were utterly routed
and their city was sacked, the Acolhua kiii;„^ returning
to his capital laden with honors and spoils. At his
return to Tezcuco Nt-zaluialpilii enclosed an ai'ca of
land ei|ual to the space that liad .separated him from
his arniv during the battle. ()r. as some sav, < oual to
that occupied l)y the Hu^xot/inea arni\ < rcctini,'
within the enclosure a yrati/J pylace with iu.(L;iiili(rnt
gardens and immense graiun c '. Ifo also compiett'd
the temple of HuitziK»p<tebtli commenced by lii^
father, and saciiticed at its dt dicati«»n the ca|)tives
brouglit from the hist war; for altliouyh he is .h;i,'1 to
have inherited to some extent his father's npugnance
to human sacritice, he certainly consented to such sac
ritices on several occasions. Tizoc- al.^o «'omj)l« t»il in
'48.'} the grand temple of Huitzilopochtli at Mexico, on
which ins j)redecessors had expended so nuuh labor ^
The Mexican king, however, died in I4HC, after a
reign of six years. His death is rejjorted to have (h
* Ixtlilxoc/iitt. pp. •JO.I, 2W» 70, 410; Toif/mmdifii, toiii. i. pp. lS.<-4.
('l<t>'igrro, tiMii. i., pp. ■2.">4-5; Jiranaeiir, Ili.sf., t<mi, iii., i>p, ;i;U-4; I'li/li'i,
toiii. iii., pp. '2''2-!S; Vrtfnirrrf, Triilro, pt ii., p. 'M. hovi-rul liHlliorx ill
tribute tlko coiiiplotiuii of the temple tu Aiiuitxotl.
ACCESSION OF AHUITZOTL.
480
ourred from the effects of poison, or, as the records have
it, of niajific spells, adininistored by certain sorceresses
at the fcnnnand of Techotl, lord of Izta|)alapan, with
the connivance of Maxtla, lord of Tlachco, ])rol>a)>ly
from nuttives of personal spite. Some authore, as
Diiran, Aiosta, and Herrera, assert that he was p(»i-
soned hy his own subjects, who were dis<4usted with
liis cowardice and inferiority to his predecessors; but
his former })osition as commander of the Mexican
armies is op|)ose(l to the char;^e of cowardice, as is
tiic indii^nation of the people at his nnndcr and the
sunnnary execution of all connectetl with the crime.*
Ahuitzotl, the last of the th»'ee l)rothers, was n»)W
called to the throne, the famous Tlacaeleltzin still
r.tiisinuf the crown, if we may civdit Duran and
IVzuzomoc. Durinjjf the first year of the new kind's
ieii,'n successful camjiaij^^ns are vaguely recorded
ayaiiist the ^[azaliua region adjoining the city of
Xi(|uipilco, against the towns ot the Tziuhcoacas
and Toclipanecas, subject to the k in jjcdom of Jalisco,
ay:ainst the south-eastern provinces of the Miztecsanil
Zapotirs, and evt-n a«;ainst the Chiapanec frontiers.
wlii'r Nezahualj)il!i in the meantime c(»nt|uere(l Xauh
tlnn on the yfiiU" coast. No di'tails of these campaiy^ns
are <,nven save that the fortress of Huaxyacac, in Oa-
iaca, since known as Mt>nt»! Alban,' was built and
<4arris(»ned by the A/tecs; but the obje<t of these wars
was to pHH-ure captives for the coronation of .\liuit
zotl and f<»r tlu' dedication of the jufrand temple of
lluitzih>p«)chtli, which took place in 1480 or I4m7.*
* Diirnti. MS., torn, i., i-np. \I ; Ai'oxti. Uinl. efr ln.i Vmf., |>. 4!»,"i; llrr-
ririi, ilfi-. iii . Ill), ii , fn|i. xiii ; \>i/tiii, tiiin. iii , \>\t. "JTI.-TtlS; I '/iiinji rn,
loiii. i.. |i|>. ■.'.">.S-4, 'J.'Hi. Tlii- iinllHtr ^{ivc-i llii' ilatc as I IS".*. Ttni/iii uiinht,
I'liii. i . |i|t. IS'.'-.'); WtoiKiri, I itrii. lit ii., |.|i. ."{(J-T; Sii/iiii/iiii, imii ii.,
Iili, viii., |(. 'Jii'.i; lirimsritr. Hisi . tiiiii. iii., ii]' H;U"»; f'm/i.r Till, lifiii., in
Kiiiiixliiii'iinijli. \ii|. vi., )i I4l.<intt> N.sT: t' -•'••niiiir. in lil., vol. ix., |>(>
!IS llMI; l.i/liljfiirliili. |i|> '.'li.i. "JliT; >'<iili,r Mi iiiliizn, in l\ iiiii.tliiiriiiiiili. Mil.
v.. i'|i. 47 H. IstliK'M'hitl claims that 'l"uw ilinl a iiatiiral licatli, ami iliut
'l')>< liiitl iliiii (Itirinjc ills I'ciu'ii.
» Sn- >.>l. i\ , |>}i. H77-S4
« lli-iis,ciii llmf.. turn, iii . )>ji .■{;i7-40, tills dm tliat tlir .\ii|iii|)i1(*o cam
pai^'ii fiirnislicil caplivcH lor tlic riii'iiiiatniii, wliilo tlir |i!i'iiiii'tii of tlir
MiluT w:4i> Hcru rt'ikTvi'd fur the iludicalidti 'IVzozoniiH-, in Aitii/nliontiiifA,
440
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
Til is dedication was witnessed by millions of visitors,
including representatives from all i)arts of the coiiiitry,
from hostile as well as friendly provinces, the former
beinjj ^iven the best jmsitions to view the festivities,
and bein«^ leaded with rich presents at their depart-
ure. The chief feature of the exercises was the
sacrifice of captives, of whom from seventy to eighty
thousand perished on the altar. The victims were
arranjfod in two lines, stretchini*- from the temple far
out on the causeways; the kiiiji^s be»(an the bloody
work with their own hands, and the priests followed,
each contiiuiinuf the slaughter until exhausted, when
another took his place. This was the most extensive
sacrifice that ever took place in Aniihuac, and it was
followed by others on a somewhat smaller scale in the
lesser cities, amony' which one at Xalatlauhco in the
Matlaltzinea region is particularly mentioned.''
The canipait,'n ai^ainst the frontiers of Chiapas,
duritifj which some strone^holds were taken by the
Mexicans, as Chinantla and Cinacantlan, but wliiili
was altoj^ether u'.jsuccessful in the contpiest ot th«(
Chiai»anecs, is jdaced by Brasseur in 148S, the yiar
after the dedication of the temple." In 148'.) ( hi-
malpopoca, kin*;; of Thicopan, made a brilliant eanj-
paiijn a«j;ainst C'uextlan, althouijh leaving- many slain
on the battle-field of Huexotla; but he died soon
after his return, and was succeeded by his son Toto-
vtil. ix.. pp. ftO-lOS, HjiojikH of flio ronqupst of sonio >'ity in riiiapa.>'; wliilc
.•\i'>i>ta. nitf. ill /iiM Villi.. |i. 4".l!». Htalfs tliat a plafi' cmIIciI (^luaxiilail.ut
WHH taken liy iiicuiih of an artilicial lloatiii;; iKianil. It is iiii|>oHsilili' tn
form from the aiillioriticM any idt-a of tlicM' wars aiul tlicir cliroiii'lu^ji al
onlcr, Soi', Ihiniii, MS., toin. i.. cap. xli.-ii.; l.rt/il.n r/ii/l, p. -HiT; ■■</•
iliiiiixn, ill I'm: lli.it. Mfx., sorio iii.. toiii. i.. p. 7-; Vtlnnrrrt, Tia/ri'. pt
li., p. .H7; ('liii-iijcro, toiii. i., p. i>u\ Vriftin, toiii. iii., p. '.J78; Tiiri/nriuiiil'i,
toiii. i,, p. LSI).
't>ii till' ilt'diratioii. nw vol. ii., p. .'•77; /.rfULror/iifl, n. 'JOS; Diiniii,
MS., toiii. i., n\\i. xliii-iv.; Mofnliiiiu, in Icazlinlirln, Col. ii ■ Jliir., toiii. i..
p. '2T>4; Clitn'gfro, toiii. i., |). •J.")7; Tiiri/iiriiiii)f<i, toiii. i., j). 1841; Vifininrt,
I'liitro, pt ii., p. .'17; Citilix Tfll. Jicni., in Kiiiifulioriiuii/i, vol. v . ]> l.">-;
Jintsniiir, Hi.sf., torn, iii., 1)I>. .'Ul-Ti. Coiisidrriii^ the iiiimlier of the vit-
tiiiis Hjierilieeil, it is prohality more eorreet to HU]>poitc tliut several saeri-
liecrs were oeeiipieil at the muiie time.
" //iV. Xiit. ('ir., toni. iii., tip. .'WS-fi; with referoiiec tn Tor/vi ihhiIk.
(uni. i. lib. ii., cup. Ixiil. whicu cuutuius uuthiug on the Hubjcct.
AHUITZOTL'S CONQUESTS.
441
quihuatziii TI. Earthquakes and the appearance of
jiliaiitouis ill the air had indicated approaehinj^ dis-
asters. Saliai^uu also mentions an eclipse al)out thiij
time." In the same year the allied troops con-
(|Uored the southern provinces of Cozeaquauhtenajioo,
Qiiai>ilollan, Quauhpnnco, and Quotzalouitlapilhm
aocordini^ to the Spanish atithors, althouu^h Brasseur
luakes that place retain its independence down to the
(•omin<j of the Sj)aniai'ds. In 141)0 Quauhtla, one of
the Htron^ist towns of Cuextlan on the ^\\\{' coast,
\\a.s taken, jjfivinj'' Montezuma, afterwards kini»-, an
opportunity to display his valor and form a roputa-
ticn, which he sustained in an eiijjfaLfement with the
lluexotzincas a little later. A hattle at Xona 'atopec
also airainst the Huexotzincas, aided l>v the forces of
Totolpanco, is attributed to the same year. The cap-
tives obtained in these battles were sa^viHced at the
dedication of the temple of Tlaeatecco, and duriny
the ceremonies another temple in the ward called
Thllan was discovered to be on lire, and lnn!ic<l to
the ijfround. Tiie contlaoration was popuhirly re-
i;ardi'd as a visitation from the jjfods, and excited
much superstitious fcar.*°
Next in the catalojjfuo of Aztec ex]H>(litions atjfa !ist
rovohiiii'' j)ri>vinccs was that in 14JU, aiyainst the
Ihiastecs of the north-east, who were this time as-
sisted by the Totonacs. Somethiiii>f has been said of
this ancient ])ei>ple iii a precedini:f chapter on the |>re-
Toltec periotl. Of their history siiico tluy left, as
their traditions claim, the central plat(>auv for the
reunion of Zucatlan, and afterward for the i^uW coast,
nothini; is recorded sa\e some troubles w ith the Teo-
' TVzo/oinoi', in Kiiifinhomutth, vol. ix., \\\\ 1()9-1'2, l.Vl, pInroH the
I'lU'xllan war liofuro tlir ili'dicnliiui, iiiiil ctills ('liiiiiiil|><i|M>('iiV siicfCHKor
Tl.illccat/in. Soi" also So/ihiiiik. toiii. ii., lili. vin , |i|i 'J'i'.l-Tl'; Viidnrrrf,
l'>tvo, pt ii., ]>|». HT-S; I'lin/ni iiiiiilii, toiii. i., 11 Is7; \'iii/iti, tmii. iii.. |i|i.
'-".M-."!; linis.wiir. Hist., toin. iii., ]i|i. .'M.'<-7; 'iiuuijiru, toiii. i., ji. 'J.'>^: It-
tlih-nr/,,//, |,, iHiM.
'• Tiin/wmiK/u, ttun. i.. j>|». 187. 101; Ctitvitfrro, torn, i., jip. 'J.'tS-'t; Urns-
snir, Hisl., ttmi. iii., I>J». ;i4«-0; \'ifffin, foin. iii., |>|i. '2!).%-(l; Iiumn, MS.,
turn, i,, oup. \L ; CWcx 'Tell. Jivin,, iu Ktitynburvuijh, \iil. v,, p. I.VJ.
1.11:
442
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
Chicliiraecs on the first appearance of that people, a
subsequent alliance with them, and a list of eight To-
tonac kings given by Torquemada. Their home was
now the coast region of central and northern Vera Cruz,
where, divided into thirty seigniories tributary to tlieir
monarch, and allied with the Tlascaltecs, they had thus
far escaped the power, if not the attention, of the Az-
tecs. But in an evil hour they consented to help the
revolting Huastecs on their northern frontier. Glad
of ail excuse to annex to his empire the fertile lands
and nourishing towns of the Totonac coast, Ahuitzotl
marched through Cuextlan, easily reducing the rebel
chiefs to submission, and then directed h's course
southward, taking town after town until the whole
province in terror gave up all hope of resistance and
became ^jubjects of the Aztec monarchs, paying
tribute regularly down to the coming of the Span-
iards, who landed and began their march towards
Mexico in Totonac territoiT." On his return IVoni
the north-Ocist, the south western provinces demanded
the warlike king's attention. The usual murder of
traders had taken i)lace, and the lords, as one author
tells us, had refused to attend the dedication of
Huitzilopochtli's temple at the capital. Oztonian
was the centre of the revolting district, and with the
neighboring cities of Teloloapan and Alahuiztlan wjis
taken by assault. The inhabitants of the three
towns, except the captives taken for sacrifice and tlie
thousands massacred in the assault, were mostly
brought to the valley and distributed among the
towns about the lake; while the conquered districts
were given tt) Aztec colonies, composed of poor fami-
lies selected from Mexico, Tlacopan, and Tezcuco,
under tho command of the warriors who had distin-
guished themselves in the war."
•' Torquemada, toin i., pp. 278-80; Brasscur, Hist . torn, iii., pp.
.'J49-52.
'« 7V;(c««ii/c, in A'«w7«fioroMgrA, vol. is., pp. 120-7; T>uran. MS., torn
i , cap. xliv., toiii. ii., cup. \lv.; lirnnncur. Hint., toiii. iii , pp. ;i.VJ-r). 1 lii.'*
MiithoraliH) ix>lVrsti> Ton^ueiiittda uiid Ixtlilxochitl, whoiMve nothing lo.siv
REVERSES TO AZTEC ARMS.
448
A series of reverses to Aztec arms has next to be
recorded. In 1494, as Ixtlilxochitl states, in a battle
at Atlixco, Tlaeahuepatzin, a son of the former king
Axayaeatl, was taken prisoner and sacrificed to Ca-
niiixtli the war god of the eastern plateau. The
following year the Acolhua army was defeated in a
battle at Tliltepec." But the most important events
of these and the following years were the campaigns
in Miztecapan, Zapotecapan, and Tehuantepec. Un-
der the Zapotec king Cociyoeza a general revolt of
all these provinces took place, accompanied l)y a sus-
pension of tribute and a general plunder and murder
of Aztec merchants througliout the whole country.
At this time probably took place the exploit of the
Tlatelulca merchants recorded by Sahagun." Trav-
eling in a large company through the soutlu'rn
regions, they were at Quauhtenanco in Miztoca|>an
when the persecution against their clasH btgan. As
the only means of saving their lives and property,
hy a bold move they took possession of the town,
which had unusual facilities for defence, seizing the
lord and prominent men of the city, .ind holding
tliem as hostages for the good conduct of the in-
habitants. Here they maintained tlieir position
against all attacks during a period of lour years, and
eviu were able by occasional sorties to capture many
orticers and soldiers from the armies sent against
them, whom they kept and fattened for the altars of
their god at home. Their valor w«)n great honors for
them.«elves and for their class after their return to
Mexico. Meanwhile all the territory and towns
previously conquered by the Aztecs in Tc'huantejjec
were retaken; most of the Mexican garrisons in the
country of the Zapotecs and Miztecs farther north
were forced to surrender; and besides the merchant
garrison of Quauhtenanco, and the strong fortresses
lit lliis war and colony, although the latter, ji. 271. Mjioiiks of tiio conquest
uf /a)iotlan and Xaltepcc, whicii mav have becu iii tlie minie uuiupuign.
"2 l.villltockiti, p. 271.
1* Hist. Gen., turn, ii., lib. ix., pp. 337-8.
T
444
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
of Huaxyacac and Teotitlan near where the capital
city of ( )ajaca now stands, the Aztec power was com-
pletely overthrown. Other wars nearer home, which
have been alluded to above, at the time that they
heard of these events, claimed the attention of the
allied monurchs to such an extent that they could not
direct their united force against the rebellious prov-
inces; but soon an army of sixty thousand nun,
under the command of an able officer, was dispatolied
southward to quell the revolt and to capture C'ociyocza
dead or alivo. This army seems to have carried all
before it in its march throuj^h the u[)per Zapotoc
rejLfions ; but no details are recorded, exce[)t that they
took the sacred city of Mitla in their course, and
sent her priests to die on the altars of Huitzilo-
pochtli."
The march of the Aztec pfeneral was directed
towards Tehuantepec, and near that city on a serieH
of ravine-t,nuirded plateaux the Zapotec kin<( and his
allies had fortiHe(t an inimenso area supposed to he
suftit-ient to 8uj»port his army by cultivation, and
awaited the ajtproach of the invaders. The ruins of
Guient^tda'" are supposed to bo the remains of this
exteUHivc svstem of defensive works, ihiri^oa even
claims that tiie kinijf went so far as to form artificial
ponds and to stock them with fish as a further inn-
vision ai^ainist future want. The wily monarch seems
to have purposely refrained from making any effort
to defeat the Aztecs on their march through the
upper country, simply giving orders to such chief-
tains as renniined to guard their homes, to harass tlu!
enemy cotitimuilly, and reduce their nund)er8 as nuuh
as possible without bringing on a general engagement.
As soon as the invaders, wearied with their loiii,'
march and constant skirmishing, had entered the
labyrinth of ravines through which lay their road U>
1* Codex Tdl. lirm., in Kingsborough, vol. v., p. ir»l. The dote in put
at 1494 liv tliiH (lociiiiuMit.
"Sccvol. iv., pp. :«k^7i.
DEFEAT IN TEHUANTEPEC.
446
Tehuantepec, the brave defenders rushed down from
their niuuntaiu forts, and in a series of hlocnly battles
ahnost annihilated the invading fon-e. The Aztecs
could neither retreat nor advance, und day by day the
leader saw his army melting away, by death and cap-
ture, prisoners being put to death by torture, except
a few that were sent back to tell their coniradcH of
the strength and ferocity of their f«)eH. When the
.situation became known in Mexico, Ahuitzotl \h said
to have sent a second army larger than the first to
rt'lieve the blockaded force; and this re-inforcing
movement was repeated three times within a year,
hut the Aztecs could not force the paissage of (Juien-
s;ola, or if allowed to pass covild only comfort their
lirothers in arms by dying with them. The allied
Aztec monarch.s were at last fairly tlefeated, and sent
an embassy with propo8ition.s of peace aixl alliance,
professing great admiration for (Jociyoeza's valor and
ijfonius.
IT
Such is the version given by Burgoa. Nothing is
known of the negotiations which ensued, but Bras-
.st'iir deduces from sui)se«juent events that by the
terms of the treaty formed, the Zapotisc king was to
retain possession of Tehuantej»e(!; Soconusco was to
liegixi'U up to Mexico; free })assage was to be ac-
corded to Mexican travelers, and the I'ortress of
Hiiaxyacac was to remain in the hands of the Aztecs.
It is also stated by Burgoa that Cociyoeza was to
many a Mexican princess. These conditions would
indicate that the condition of att'aii-s was not after all
so desperate for the Aztecs in the south as the pre-
ceding account imjdics. Nothing is said of tlu; fate
of the Miztec provinces according to the terms of the
treaty;" but we know that after the latitieation of
tin; alliance, the merchant garrison of (.^)uauht(!nanco
was relieved from its state of siege, and with the aid
of reinforcements, con(piered the whole adjoining
" Itiinioo, Groij. Ih'srrip. Otijiirn, toin. ii., |it ii., fitl. 'Ml, I't s«<|,
•'' liraxiirur, JiUf., toiii. iii., i>\>. .*W.'>-0'J.
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
Si
province of Ayotlan on the South Sea, and then re-
turned to their homes, where they were received with
the highest honors at the hands of the monarchs and
of the people, who greeted them with festivities, the
details of which are given by Sahagun."
It seems not to have been stipulated which one of
the Mexican princesses should be given to the Za-
potec king; and a strange version is given of the
manner in which this matter was settled. Cociyoeza
was bathing one evening in one of the miniature-
lakes connected with his royal gardens. After he
had removed his clothing, a beautiful female form
appeared by his side in the moonlight, and announced
herseif an the sister of Montezuma of Mexico, who
had heard of his valor, and had caused herself to be
miraculously transported to his side by the magic
arts of the Aztec enchanters. She assisted him in
his bath, left with him the bathing utensils of her
brother which she had brought, showed a peculiar
mark on the palm of her hand, by which she might
be identified, and disappeared as mysteriously as she
had come. Cociyoeza had before looked forward to
his marriage with some misgivings, but now, vio-
lently enamored with the charms of his nocturnal
visitor, he made haste to send an embassy with the
richest gifts his kingdom could afford to bring back
his Aztec bride. A grand display was made in
Mexico at the reception of this embassy, doubtless
intended to impress upon its members an idea of
Mexican power and wealth. The Zapotec nobles
were brought into the presence of the assembled
court beauties, and noticed that one princess had
frequent occasion to arrange her tresses in such a
manner as to show her palm and its peculiar mark.
They were thus enabled at once to select the fair
sister of Montezuma, Pelaxilla, or Cotton-Flake, who
was borne in a litter on the shoulders of noblemen
with great pomp to the court of Teotzapotlan the
" Hist. Gen., torn. ii.. lib. ix., p. 337, et seq.
Zapote
were g
ceremo
great j)
It V
future t
rinionia
fit anv 1
some vc
ass 1 8 tan
commun
revealed
sent bac
his forts
over, kiK
no attacl
tliroufifh
tian and
was grar
took tile
the Azte
going, un(
zotl's fore
no particu
The ev
" Burgoa,
" Jtiiii/oa,
IM-'COUIlt, Illostl
"'•. I>I». 107, 1
events related
•AztccH. Dun,
Moiitezniiiu'H i
wife of the i)loi
''«' in Nnmll i»
•Jeatli. Aceoni
'f>3, the king
luot in his con
tcziinm. ( 'luvi
('iiatenmla nt i
5<*c''itl, pp. 2G8
Aiipotecs in 149|
made tributary
f vente tliat may
'"fomoc, in aVm,
^ tAeda, in Soc. '
MAURI AGE OF PELAXILLA.
447
Zapotec capital, where a succession of brilliant fdtes
were given in her honor; and soon after the nuptial
ceremonies were performed at Tehuantepec amid
ijreat popular rejoicings."
It was, perhaps, not without hidden motives of
future treachery that Ahuitzotl had insisted on a mat-
rimonial alliance between the Aztecs and Zapotecs;
at any rate, he is reported to have made an attempt
some years later to assassinate Cociyoeza through the
assistance of his wife. Ambassadors were sent to
comnnniicate with her on this matter, but Pelaxilla
revealed the plot to her husband, who innnediately
sent back the embassy laden with gifts, and prepared
his forts and his armies for war. The Aztecs, how-
ever, knowing that their plot was discovered, made
no attack ; they demanded permission to send trooj)s
through Zapotee territory for he conquest of Amax-
tlan and Xuchiltepec, south of the isthmus, which
was granted; but Cociyoeza, suspecting treachery,
took the precaution to furnish a large army to attend
the Aztecs through his territory, both coming and
going, under pretense of furnishing an escort. Ahuit-
zotl's forces seem to have been successful, although
no particulars are recorded."
The events related bring the history of the Aztec
"> Burgoa, Geoij. Dcscrip. Oajnca, torn, ii., pt ii., fol. 3C7-7(>.
" Hitii/oa, iM 111 note iiO; Jirasucur, Hist., toin. iii., pp. 3452-0. A full
account, mostly from Burgoa, is given in the Soc, Mcx. Heuij., Jtoletin, toin.
vii., pp. 167, 17'>-7, 183-7. Other authorities touch very va^inelv uiion the
evcnt.s related alxtvc; most of them utterly ignoring the tiefeat of the
.\ztccH. Dunui, MS., tom. ii., cap. xlvi-vii., liv-v., inits the niarriu'^e in
Moiitczunia'H reign, and says that the Tehuantc|iec king was toltl by Iiim
wife uf the iilot againut his life by 10,000 sohliers who had entered the cap-
ital ill small groups as guests; he caused the Aviiole 10,000 to 1k3 put to
death. According to the Codex Tell. Hem., in Kiiiffshuroiu/h, vol. v., p.
153, the king of rehuantencc never afterwards allowed a Alc.vican to set
foot in his country. This document makes Pelaxilla a daughter of Mon-
tezHina. Clavigero, tom. i., p. 2C2, says that the Aztec forces penetrated
(lUiUciiiala at this time, referring to the Xnehilte|iec Cbinpaign. Ixtlil-
■xochitl, pp. '208, 271-2, states that the allies tiMik 17,400 captives from the
Zapotecs ill 1499. According to Uemesul, ///.«/. C/ii/u/hx, p. 2, Chiapas was
made tributary to Mexico altout 1498. Sec also for slight references to
events that may be connected with these cainpuigns in the south-west. Tr-
zuzomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 127-37; Torquemada, toui. i., p. 193;
Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tuui. iiL, p. 347.
I If;'
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(716)172-4503
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THE AZTEC PERIOD.
empire down to the year 1497, ana about the same
time the province of Zacatollan on the Pacific, south-
west of Michoacan, was annexed to the domain of
Tezcuco — a fact which does not seem to agree with
any version of the terms of the tri-partite alliance —
by the exploit of an Acolhuan officer named Teuh-
chimaltzin. It seems that some efforts had already
been made by Nezahualpilli's orders for the conquest
of this province, but without success, when Teuh-
chimaltzin, stimulated perhaps by the achievements
of the Tlatelulca merchants at Quauhtenanco, ob-
tained permission to enter the country disguised as a
merchant, with a few companions, promising to
subdue the province by taking the king, dead or
alive. He was, however, soon recognized and cap-
tured, and the day was appointed for his sacrifice ;
but while the king Yopicatl Atonal with his nobles
was drinking and dancing on the night before the
sacrificial festivities, Teuhchimaltzin escaped from his
prison, joined the dancers, and at last, when all were
overcome with frequent libations, cut off the king's
head and escaped with it to the frontier where an
army seems to have been in waiting. When the
nobles awoke and found what had taken place, they
forthwith dispatched an embassy after the escaped
prisoner, and for some reason that Ixtlilxochitl does
not make very clear, offered to surrender the province
to the Tezcucan monarch. Thus Zacatollan was
added to Nezahualpilli's possessions, Teuhchimaltzin
was honored as a hero, and an addition was made to
the stock of. tales by which sober Tezcucans were
wont to illustrate the evils of intemperance.**
In 1498 took place in Tezcuco the public execution
of one of Nezahualpilli's wives. This monarch had
a great many wives and concubines — more than tvvct
thousand, if we may believe Ixtlilxochitl, his descend-
ant. Among the former were three nieces of Tizoc,
" Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 270-1.
PUNISHMENT OF CHALCHIUHNENETZIN.
449
one of them a daughter of Axayaeatl, &nd a sister of
Montezuma II., and very likely all three sisters,
althouji^h there is great confusion on this point. Ax-
ayacatl's daughter was named Chalchiuhnenetzin ;
she was very young, and was assigned a secluded
j>alace while awaiting the consummation of the mar-
liage. Slie soon showed an extraordinary fondness
for decorating her apartments with richly decked
statues, the king noticing new ones at each visit; she
said they were her gods, and her future husband was
willing to humor her tastes, strange though they ap-
peared. But one day he noticed a noble of the court
wearing a ring that he had seen in the hands of Chal-
chiuhnenetzin, and the following night went to visit
her. The maids in waiting said she had retired and
was sleeping, but he insisted on seeing her, and found
her couch occupied by a sort of puppet counterfeit of
herself. His suspicions now fully roused, he ordered
all the attendants arrested, pushed his search farther,
and at last found his virgin bride dancing in very
primitive costume with three noble lovers, one of
whom was he who wore the tell-tale ring. Further
investigation revealed that this Aztec Messalina had
been in the habit of giving herself up to every young
man that struck her fancy, and when weary of her
lovers had caused them to be put to death, and rep-
resented in her apartments by the statues above
referred to. After the parties had been tried and
found guilty by the proper courts, the king sent to
all the cities round about Andhuac and summoned all
the people to witness the punishment of his false wife.
With her three survivinj*- lovers and about two thou-
sand persons who had in some way abetted the decep-
tion of the king, the amorous queen was publicly
strangled. All acknowledged the justice of the act,
but the Mexican royal family, it is said, never forgave
the public execution of the sentence.**
" On the family affaire of Nezahualpilli, see Torquemada, torn. i. , p.
184; Clavigeiv, torn, i., pp. 255-4>; Brassfur, Hist.y tow- iti-, pp. 372-5;
Vot. V. »
4S0
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
Nezahualpilli is said to have inherited all the good
qualities of his father. Like Nezahualcoyotl he was
a patron of the arts and sciences, but is reported to
have given his chief attention to astrology, passing
many nights in reading the stars from a lofty observ-
atory erected for the purpose in the grounds of liis
palace. Sorcerers and magicians were always wel-
come at his court, whither they were often summoned
both to advise the monarch on affairs of state and to
impart to him a knowledge of their arts. Like his
father he was famed for his inflexibility in the admin-
istration of justice and his kindness toward the poor
and unfortunate. A small window in one part of his
palace overlooked the market-place, and at this win-
dow the king was wont to sit frequently, watching
the actions of the crowd below, noting cases of injus-
tice for future punishment, and of distress and poverty
that they might be relieved. How he condemned to
death a judge for deciding unjustly against a poor
man and in favor of a noble, and how he had his
favorite son Huexotzincatzin executed for having pub-
licly addressed his concubine, the lady of Tollan, has
been related in a preceding volume." Many other
anecdotes are told to illustrate the king's love of what
he deemed justice. One of his sons began the con-
struction of a palace somewhere in the Tezcucan
domains without having either consulted his father
or complied with the law requiring some brilliant
deed in battle before a prince was entitled to a pal-
ace of his own. The guilty son was put to death.
Members of the royal family seem to have had the
greatest faith in the king's judgment and to have
accepted his decisions without complaint. There was
great rivalry between his two brothers Acapipioltziii
and Xochiquetzal respecting the credit of a certain
victory in the province of Cuextlan. Each had a
Mlilxoehitl, pp. 265, 267, 271-2; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp. 36-7; Vey-
Ha, torn, iii., pp. 276-6.
«* Vol. ii., pp. 446-6a
ANECDOTES OF NEZAHUALPILLI.
451
band of partisans who were accustomed on public oc-
casions to celebrate the deeds of their favorite by
songs and dances. So far did the rivalry proceed
that a resort to arms was imminent, when Nezahual-
pilli appeared on the scene on the occasion of some
festivity and joining the dance on the side of his old-
est brother Acapipioltzin, decided the dispute in his
favor without complaint on the part of the younger
brother. The condemnation of two men, a musician
and a soldier, for adultery, was on one occasion
brought to the king for his approval. He ordered
the musician to be executed, but the soldier to be
sent for life to do duty in the frontier garrisons, de-
claring that such thereafter should be a soldier's
punishment for the fault in question. Nezahualpilli
could also on occasion be most indulgent towards his
children ; for instance, his son Ixtlilxochitl early dis-
played an extraordinary fondness for having his own
way. At the age of three years he expressed his
emphatic disapproval of his nurse's views and conduct
by pushing that lady into a deep well, and then
amused himself by throwing stones upon her. When
seven years old he raised a company of boy soldiers
and skirmished about the city much to the terror of
peaceful citizens. Hearing that two members of the
royal council had advised his father to kill so unman-
ageable a child, he proceeded one night with a
selected detachment of his juvenile veterans to the
house of the counselors and assassinated them both.
Nezahualpilli seems to have looked with much le-
niency upon these youthful irregularities of his son,
who at fourteen distinguished himself in battle and
at seventeen was a captain. We shall hear of him
again in the last years of Aztec history. The king
on another occasion demanded from a brother a very
excellent teponaztli in his possession and his daughter
for a royal concubine ; on his refusal the teponaztli
was taken by force, and his disobedient brother's
house was razed as the property of a rebel. Two
462
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
sons were strangled for having appropriated captives
actually taken by cheir soldiers; a daughter for hav-
ing spoken to the son of a lord; and two concubines
for drinking pulque. A judge was hung for hearing
a case in his own house instead of in the appointed
hall of justice; and another for unduly prolonging a
trial was condemned to have the front door of his
residence walled up. This king is accredited with
having abrogated the law which condemned the chil-
dren of slaves to the condition of their parents, and
with many other reforms calculated to ameliorate the
condition of his people. The possession of supernat-
ural powers was popularly attributed to him, and
often in infancy he astonished his nurses by appear-
ing before them in the form of a bird or beast.'"
In the years 1498 and 1499 it is recorded that
Ahuitzotl attacked Atlixco without warning, and was
defeated by the Huexotzincas who, under a famous
general Tultecatl sent re-inforcements to aid the
armies of Atlixco; and also that, by aiding Cholula
in a quarrel with Tepeaca, the same king greatly
increased his power on the eastern plateau. The
following year Tultecatl, before whose valor the Az-
tecs had been forced to retreat, was driven from his
own countr}'' in consequence of certain religious
dissensions, and applied at one of the Mexican towns
for protection. He was put to death, however, with
all his companions, by Ahuitzotl's order, and the dead
bodies were forwarded to Huexotzinco to show the
rebellious inhabitants of that city with what relent-
less zeal the Aztec ruler pursued his foes."*
Ahuitzotl, finding the water supplied by the Cha-
pultepec aqueduct insufficient for the use of the
«* For these and other anecdotes of Nezahualpilli, see: — IxtlilxochiiJ,
pp. 267, 273-7; Duran, MS., torn, ii., cap. 1.; Torqucmada, torn, i., pp.
180-90; Brasstur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. .385-92; Granados y Galvez, I'ardes
Amer., pp. 48-9.
» Glavigero, torn, i., pp. 259-60; Torquemada, torn. i.,p. 191; Drnssenr,
Hist., torn, iii., pp. 375-7; Veylia, torn, iii., pp. 296-9; Vetancvrt, Teatro,
pt ii., p. 38.
INUNDATION OF MEXICO.
468
city, and moreover desirous of accomplishing dur-
ing his reign some great work of practical utility,
determined to conduct to his capital the waters of a
spring called Acuecuexatl, near Huitzilopochco, in
the province of Coyuhuacan. Tzotzomatzin, the
lord of the province, was unwilling that the spring
should be thus used, but his opposition was ef-
fectually overcome by strangling him. Many tales
are told by different writers about his opposition
fj the scheme, and his death. Some say that he
wished the water for the supply of his own cities ;
others, that he told Ahuitzotl the spring was liable at
any time to overflow and flood the city, and was
killed by the latter in a fit of passion at his persist-
ence in that opinion; and still others represent him
as a great magician, who frightened away the Mexi-
can kinof's ambassadors who were sent to nejjotiate
with him in the matter, by appearing before them in
the form of a ferocious beast, or serpent. Tczozomoc
says he put the cord round his own neck to save his
people from the wrath of the Aztecs; and Duran,
that he did not die, but sim^)ly left Coyuhuacan at
this time. Difficulties being thus removed, the aque-
duct was constructed of stone and mortar, in a very
short time, owing to the number of workmen em-
ployed, and its completion was celebrated with the
proper ceremonies and sacrifices. But soon — some
say in the midst of the ceremonies — so great was the
volume of water introduced, that the city was inun-
dated by the rising of the lake, and immense damage
resulted to public and private buildings. It is, of
course, impossible that the waters of any spring in
Anilhuac could have caused this effect; indeed, Tor-
(juemada says the catastrophe was preceded by heavy
rains for a year, and Ortega also tells us that the
rains came down in torrents at the completion of the
aqueduct; it is, therefore, altogether probable that
the flood was not caused by the waters of the canal,
but was simply attributed to that cause from super-
9
I
:
454
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
stitious motives, perhaps resulting from the predic-
tions of Tzotzomatzin, and his death. So rapid was
the rise of the waters, that king Ahuitzotl, who was
in the lower part of his palace, had great difficulty in
escaping, and in his haste struck his head against a
door-post, receiving a wound which, a few years later,
proved fatal. The engineering skill of Nezahualpilli,
with the laboring force of the whole empire, was at
once called into requisition to stop the flood and re-
pair damages. The old dike that had before saved
the city was strengthened and raised; the city was
repaired and paved with tetzontli, or porous amygda-
loid, the use of which is said to date from this period;
but to stop the waters of the unruly spring human
efforts were unavailing, and the aid of the gods was
invoked with magic rites. First the priests, whose
bodies were painted blue in honor of the Tlalocs,
stood round the fountain and uttered prayers,
burned incense, and scattered perfumes; then the
divers plunged into the waters, each with a young
child whose heart was torn out, and whose blood
stained the waters; and finally the priests entered
the water, and, as some say, Nezahualpilli with them.
Half an hour after their emergence the waters be-
came so quiet that the laborers were able to wall up
the spring and stop the overflow. Other cities about
the lake had suffered as much, or even more, than
Mexico, particularly Cuitlahuac, which is said to have
been uninhabitable for two years. Much damage was
also done to the crops in the valley, and the next
year was one almost of famine. The flood occurred
in 1500, and at least two years passed before Ana-
huac had recovered from its effects. ^^
Campaigns against Cuextlan, Tlacuilollan, and
<^ Respecting this flood, see: Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 272-3; Tezozomoc, in
Kingsborouqh, vol. ix., pp. 137-41; Torquemada, torn. i.,pp. 192-3, 293;
Brasseur, AisL, torn, iii., pp. 377-82; Duran, MS., torn, i., cap. xlviii.-ix.;
Veytia, torn. iii. , pp. 299-302; Clavigero, torn. i. , pp. 260-2; Sahagun, torn.
ii., lib. > i., p. 269; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp. 38-9; Acosta, Hist, de
las Ynd., pp. 500-1; Bustamante, Maflanas, torn, ii., pp. 208-9; vol. ii., p.
066 of this work.
ACCESSION OF MONTEZUMA II.
466
Xaltepec, are vaguely reported during the last two
years of Ahuitzotl's life, and may be distinct from
any of the wars that have been mentioned, but no
details are given, save that from TlacuiloUan twelve
hundred captives were brought back to Mexico.'*
The king died in 1503,* as is generally supposed
from the effects of the blow mentioned above; al-
thouofh Tezozomoc attributes his death to chaifrin
and remorse at the misfortune of the flood, and
Duran hints that he was poisoned. His likeness is
said to have been sculptured with those of his pre-
decessors on the cliff at Chapultepec. Ahuitzotl's
leading passion was his love of war, so strong as to
amount almost to a hatred of peace. He was also
passionately fond of music, of display, and of women.
He was cruel, vindictive, and superstitious; and the
quality of generosity attributed to him was probably
closely connected with his reputed love of display
and flattery. Immediately after his death Monte-
zuma II., son of Axayacatl, was called to the throne;
although, according to Ixtlilxochitl, his elder brother
Macuilmalinatzin was the first choice of the electors,
but was rejected by the advice of Nezahualpilli, who
doubted his possession of the requisite qualities for
the ruler of a great nation. Montezuma had already
distinguished himself on many occasions in battle,
and was at the time of his election high-priest of
Huitzilopochtli. When the news of his election
reached him he is said to have been employed in
sweeping the temple, from a spirit of real or feigned
humility. The usual campaign for captives was suc-
cessfully directed against Atlixco, and foreign nobles
from hostile as well as friendly provinces came in
crowds by invitation to witness the coronation cere-
monies
30
*8 Torqttcmada, torn, i., p. 193; Clavigero, torn, i., p. 262. In tlie Co-
dex Mendoza, in Kingsborough, vol. v. , p. 48, is given a list of forty-five
towns concitiercd by Ahuitzotl.
^ Clavigero and Vctancvrt make the date 1502. Ixtlilxochitl in one
place, p. 457, says 1605.
*o Duran, MS., torn, ii., cap. li-v., states that the first wars were di-
466
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
Ahuitzotl left the Aztec empire in the height of
its power and glory, yet even before his death the
seeds of future disaster may be said to have been
sown or even to have taken root, since the hitherto
unparalleled sacrifice of human victims on the altars
of the capital had filled the whole country with terror
and added much to the hatred of which the Aztecs
had been the objects from the date of their first ap-
pearance in the valley; the rapid increase of the
Mexican power and their well-known greed of con-
quest had added to the hatred of the conquered tlie
jealous fears of such nations as still retained their
independence; and finally the reverses suffered in
Tehuantepec, in Michoacan, and in several battles
against the eastern nations, had taught the peoples
of North America that the allied armies of the cen-
tral plateaux were not altogether invincible. The
dangers that thus began to threaten the empire, how-
ever, were all external, and might perhaps have been
averted or long deferred by a series of successful wars
under brave but wise kings. Under the preceding
kings, the common interests of all classes in the suc-
cess of the government, had been a prominent element
of national glory. Commercial enterprise had done
as much as valor in war to promote the conquests of
kings and to build up the capitals; the common sol-
dier might by bravery and brilliant achievements in
battle hope to reach the highest military rank; the
menial service of the royal palace with many posts of
honor had been entrusted largely to plebeian hands ;
and in fact Aztec policy had been strikingly analo-
rcctcd against Nopnllan, Icputci)ec, and Tultcpec; and that during the
campaign ^fontczunia ordered the death of the tutors of liis children mid
the attendants of his wives. Tczozonioc, iu Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp.
141-53, adds Huitzpac and Tcpeaca to tlie towns mentioned by Diiraii.
See also on death of Ahuitzotl and accession of Montezuma II. : Clnyi-
ffcro, torn, i., pp. 262-7; Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 193-5; Vriitia, toni. iii.,
pp. 303-9; lirasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 382-97; IxtUixochiU, pp. 265, 277,
457; Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., pp. 601-6; Herrera, dec. iii., lib. ii., can.
xiv. ; Vetancvrt, Teatro, ptii., p. 29; Codex Mcndoza, in Kingsboroiiflii,
vol. v., pp. 51-2; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 303; Sigiienza, iu Doc. Hist.
Mex., aine iii., torn, i., pp. 74-6.
POLICY OF MONTEZUMA.
467
gous to that which distinguished the French nation
under the first Napoleon. The granting of titles and
honors to the merchants had naturally excited much
opposition among those who derived their titles of
nobility from a long line of Chichimec or Toltec an-
cestors; and what made the matter even mere galling
to their pride, was the fact that these parvenu nobles
by reason of their wealth were able to completely
outshine their confreres of purer blood but slender
purses, in all public displays as well as in their pal-
aces and style of living. Montezuma II. from the
first days of his reign openly espoused the cause of
the ancient nobility against the merchants and ple-
beians. What is known of his character renders
it probable that he was prompted to this course
chiefly by his own extremely aristocratic tastes;
but it is not impossible that he gained his elec-
tion by committing himself to such a policy. He
began by dismissing all plebeians employed about the
royal palaces and appointing youths of noble blood in
their places. He was warned that such a course
would separate the interests of the common people
from those of royalty and prove dangerous in the
future; but he replied that he wished nothing in
common with plebeians, who must be taught to keep
their place and give up their absurd aspirations. His
policy toward the merchants and the army was more
cautious but equally decided. Advantage was taken
of every opportunity to humble and oppress the
hated class, by constantly clogging with new restric-
tions the wheels of trade, and by the promotion when-
ever practicable of noble officers. Montezuma was,
however, a valiant and skillful warrior, and sacrificed
oftener his inclinations to his interests in the treat-
ment of his armies than in other cases. His policy
of course gradually alienated the classes on which the
prosperity of the empire chiefly rested, and ensured
the fall of the Aztec power whenever disaffection
should have an opportunity to ally itself with foreign
466
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
foes. The bursting of the storm was averted for
some fifteen years by the strength of the Aeolhua
and Tepanec alliance, and by the strength of the
Mexican army. Montezuma's reign was a succession
of campaigns against revolting provinces, interspersed
with the erection of magnificent temples, frequent
and extensive immolations of human victims, and
omens of disaster sent by the gods to trouble the
mind of the superstitious monarch. When at last the
day drew near when Mexico must struggle single-
handed for the retention of her supremacy against a
combination of all the Nahua powers, the last chance
for success in such an unequal contest disappeared
with the re-inforcement of the enemy by Spanish valor,
Spanish annor, and Spanish horses; and Montezuma
personally had not even the melancholy satisfac-
tion of seeing his foes fall before the same wave of
foreign invasion which had destroyed ibrever his
own power. *^
Tlascala had thus far never been the object of an
invasion by the united forces of the allies, although,
as we have seen, frequent battles had been fought on
the frontier, and the Tlascaltec annies as allies of
other nations had been several times defeated. Dur-
ing the reigns of Montezuma I. and Axayacatl, how-
ever, the Tlascaltec territory had become completely
surrounded by Aztec possessions, through the con-
quest of Cuetlachtlan, Cuextlan, and Totonacapan.
Their communication with the coast having thus been
cut off, the Tlf' .caltec commerce had been almost
entirely destro;, ed, and for a period extending down
to the Conquest, this brave people were obliged to
do without many luxuries, and even necessities of
" See on the policy and covernment of Montezuma II., vol. ii. of this
work, passim; also, DuraH,iAS. torn., ii., cap. liii.; Tezozomoc, in Kings-
borouifh, vol. ix., pp. 14.5-6; Ixtlilxochitl, p. 278; Clavigero, ton>. i., pp.
267-75; Veutia, torn, iii., pp. 309-19; Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 398-402;
Torqitemaaa, iom. i., pp. 196, 205-6; Acosta, Hist, de las Ytid., pp. 505-7;
Codex Mendoza, in Kivgshorough, vol. vi., p. 14; Vetancvrt, Tcatro, pt ii.,
p. 39; Hen-era, dec iii., lib. ii.,cap. xiv.; Villa-SeHor y Sanchez, Theatro,
tom. i., pp. 4-5.
WAR AGAINST TLASCALA.
460
life. Their lack of salt is particularly recorded; a
small supply was occasionally smuggled into the
state by the nobles, but the common peu])le are said
to have abstained entirely from its use, and to have
completely lost their relish for this article. The
other cities of the eastern plateau had in the mean-
time become either the subjects or allies of the Mex-
icans. Immediately after his accession to the throne,
Montezuma II. determined to direct his armies
against this last unsubdued territory in the east.
The excuse was an embassy sent by tlie Tlascaltecs,
probably to Axayacatl, complaining of the oppression
to which their merchants wei j subjected on the
coast, the claims of the emba bv having been
received with insulting indiffei once, and threats
having been freely uttered o'l both sidof^v Huox-
otzinco and Cholula seem bom to have allied them-
selves with Mexico in this affair; but, on the other
hand, Tlascala hud received coiistint additions to
her population and armies in the refugees from all
parts of Andhuac, who were continually applying
for protection to the only nation beyond the ])owof
of the Aztecs. The war was begun by the Huex-
otzincas and Cholultecs, who invaded Tlascala, killed
in battle one of their chief leaders, Tizatlacatzin,
and penetrated to within one league of the capital;
l)ut they were driven back, and the Huexotzinca
towns were in turn ravaged by the Tlascaltecs, send-
ing couriers to Montezuma to hasten the march of
his forces. The Tlascaltecs, hearing of the approach
of the Aztecs, fell upon them before they could effect
a junction with their allies, and defeated them, in-
flicting heavy losses, and killing among others Tlaca-
huepantzin, the son of the Mexican king.^* After
^' Camargo says the combined armies were beaten at this battle. Tor-
quemadu jdacea the event in the third year of Montezuma's tcian. Ixtlil-
xochiti, Duran, and Tezozomoc represent Tlacaluiepantzin as the brother
of Montezuma, and Ixtlilxochitl implies that he was sent to this war,
placed in 1S08, in the hope of his death. This brother is perhaps tiie
Hamc person spoken of by Ixtlilxochitl on p. 443. Dtiran and Tezozomoc
Hccm to regard this as a war a^'iinst Cholula and Hucxotzinco.
460
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
the funeral ceremonies in honor of his son, Monte-
zuma made another attempt to subdue the Tlascal-
tecs, sending against them the whole available force
of the empire ; but after a hard-fought battle the in-
vaders were again driven back, and although skir-
mishes, and even battles, took place afterwards
between the two nations, yet the Aztec allies never
repeated their attempt to crush Tlascala, and the
brave little republic retained her independence until
by the aid of Cortds she was able to take her re-
venge on the tyrannical Mexicans and treacherous
Cholultecs.^
In 1505 the crops were destroyed by the excessive
heat, and although the public granaries were gener-
ously opened to the public by Nezahualpilli and
Montezuma — for the latter, notwithstanding his aris-
tocratic tendencies, was generous towards his people
so long as they claimed nothing more than a right to
exist, — many perished of starvation or sold themselves
and children as slaves. Totonacapan was again ap-
parently the only province unaffected by the famine.
Another plague in the form of rats which over-ran
the country in immense numbers is recorded at about
the same time; but the volcano of Popocatepetl
ceased for twenty days to emit smoke, a good omen,
as the wise men said and as it proved, for the next
year was one of great plenty.** During the year of
the famine a campaign against Guatemala, or as some
authors say Quauhnelhuatlan, which may have been
a Guatemalan province, is recorded as having yielded
" On the war with Tlascala, see: Clavi^ero, torn, i., pp. 275-80; Tor-
quemadu, torn, i., i>i>. 197-203; Vcutin, torn, hi., pp. 320-7; Bra.invur, Hist.,
torn, iii., pp. 402-9; Vctaiicvrt, Icntro, pt ii., pp. 40-1; Camaiyo, in iVow-
vellcs Annates, toiii. xcviii., pp. 178-80; Duran, MS., torn. ii. , cap. Ivii-
Ixi. ; Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 271, 278; Tczozomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp.
160-78; Oviedo, toin. iii., ». 497.
3* This famine occurred in the thirdyear of Montezuma's reign, accord-
ing to Clavifjero; in fourth year, as Torquemada says; and Ixtlilxodiitl
puts it in 1505 and 1506. See I'or^ncmada, torn, i., pp. 203-4,2.15. /.f-
tUlxochitl, p. 278; Clavigero, toni. i., pp. 282-3; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii.,
p. 41; Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 409-10; Veiitia, torn, iii., pp. 331-2;
Sahagun, torn, ii., lib. viii., p. 270; Codex Tell. Rem., in Kingsborough,
vol. v., p. 153.
REVOLT OF THE MIZTECS.
461
many captives for the inauguration of the temple of
Centeotl, built in recognition of her services in staying
the drought and sending a year of plenty. The festiv-
ities on the completion of certain repairs to the
causeway and aqueduct of Chapultepec at about the
same time were marred by the burning of a temple
in Mexico. It is related that the Tlatelulcas seeing
the flames, thought the city was invaded by an enemy
and rushed in to help protect it, but that Montezuma
chose to regard this as an act of rebellion and tempo-
larily removed all Tlatelulcas from their positions at
court.**
Before the end of 1506, two campaigns were made
against the Miztecs by the last of which the whole
province was permanently subdued. The pretext of
the first was the refusal of Malinalli, lord of Tlach-
quiauhco, to give Montezuma for his royal gardens a
very rare plant in his possession. An army was dis-
patched to bring the plant and pmiisli the people;
Tilantongo, Achiuhtla, and Tlachquiaulioo fell before
the Mexican soldiers ; and the rare tlapa/izfjuixochitl,
or 'red flower,' was transplanted to Mexico, although
the Oajacan records insist, according to Burgoa, that
it died on the way. The Miztecs next determined
iij)on a final effort to shake off" the Mexican yoke,
which well nigh succeeded. Cetecpatl, king of Co-
huaixtlahuacan, invited the garrison of the impreg-
nable Huaxyacac and other Aztec fortresses to a
grand banquet, and on their return they were set
upon by the ambushed troops of Nahuixochitl, lord
of Tzotzolan, and all put to death, save one that
escaped to tell the news. The Miztecs, now thor-
oughly aroused, adopted the tactics that had proved
HO oftective in Tehuantepec, fortified their positions in
tlie mountains near Tzotzolan, and awaited tlie attack.
The first army sent by Montezuma was de''jated and
'* CVaiVf/cro, torn, i., p. 28.3; Vei/tia, torn, iii., pp. 332-4; Tonimmndu,
torn, i., p)>.2(l4, 207; Vctanr.vrt, Teatro, ]it ii., p. 41; Bni&;n:r, llLiL, toni.
iii., pp. 410-11; Duran, MS., torn, i
borovf/h, vol. ix., pp. 170-1.
cap. Iv., lix.; lezizoviuc, iu Kings-
^1
|: . ; i
1 4 -i
r f
■c; ' .'A
ill
1 '^■
fl 1:
il
1
46SI
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
driven back with great loss. A second army repre-
senting the whole strength of the Aztec allies now
marched southward under Cuitlahuatzin, Montozunui'.s
brother; but the Miztec forces could not be dislodged
from their strong position until Cozcaquauhtli, lord of
Huauhtlan and a brother of Cetecpatl, betraying his
people, or faithful to his ruler Montezuma as the
Mexican Avritcrs put it, opened his city to the enemy,
revealed all Cetecpatl's plans, and led Cuitlahuatzin
by secret paths to a commanding position whence the
attack was made .and the Miztecs routed. Nahui-
xochitl soon came up with a fresh army from Tutute-
pec, but was in his turn defeated. The whole
province, including Tututepec and other cities on the
shores of the Pacific, was then over-run and pernia-
nently subjected to Mexican authority. The captives
included the leaders, and were brought back to
Mexico in time to grace with their blood the festival
of tlacaxiprhualiztli, or 'flaying of men,' although
according to some authorities the leaders, Cetecpatl
and Nahuixochitl, were reserved for a later occasion.^
Also in 150G the Huexotzincas and Cholultecs had
a quarrel, in which the former had the advantage
and by a raid burned a few houses in the city of the
latter. Knowing that Montezuma had great venera-
tion for the city of Quetzalcoatl, the Huexotzincas
thought it best to send ambassadors to explain the
matter. The envoys for some reason not made clear
greatly exaggerated the matter, representing Cholula
as having been utterly destroyed and the inhabitants
'6 Ixtlilxuohitl says the war was afterwanlH carried into Guatemala and
Nioara<;iia. HraNseur tells us that the treaohcroiiH Cozcaquauhtli wiih
iiiatle kiu"; of Cohuaixtlahuncau; others say ruler of Tzotzolan. Accoril-
iiij; to Toniueinaila, tiie war was in the liftli year of the reipi, and nrcocdcd
by an eclipse of the sun. Tez.tzouioc refers to a cani|)ai>;n against Aaltcix'c
oud Cuatzonteccau in Tehuante|KH'. Vetancurt jjivcs as the tfiite the sevciilli
year of the rei^n. ('lavi''ero nutkes Cozcaquauhtli the brother of Nahui-
xochitl. Sec Torqurmatiit, toni. i., pp. HM)-7, 2()7-9, 215; I'/nritjeri), li>iii.
i., pp. 275, 283-4; liurtjoa, Ifeoif. Drscrip. Oajtiru, toin. ii., j>t i., fol. l(i(i-7;
Vefinii'i'ff, Tfatro, pt li,, pp. 41-2; liruasevr, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 411-17;
Ti'zozomoc, in Kingshorottgh, vol. ix., pp. 153-0, 1(52-4, 180; Ixtlilxorhitl,
pp. 279-80; Vcytia, torn, iii., pp. 334-7, 369; Duran, MS., torn, ii., cop. Ixv.
TYING-UP OF THE LAST CYCLK
4A8
driven to the mountains. Greatly enraged the allied
kings sent an army to chastise the j)er|)etrators of
such an outrage on the holy city; but the Huexot-
zincas escaped their punishment by stating the truth
of the matter and delivering up for sacrifice the
envoys with their ears and noses cut oiF. An
expedition at the same time against Itztitlan and
Itzcuintepec, and another according to Ortega and
Torquemada against Atlixco, together with a war in
Tecuhtepec, furnished a large number of captives,
some of whom were sacrificed at the dedication of the
Tzompantli^^ or 'place of skulls,' while the rest were
reserved for the tying-up of the c3'^cle and lighting
of the new fire which took place the following year,
accompanied by ceremonies that have been described
in a preceding volume. This was the last ceremony
of the kind the Mexicans ever had the opportunity to
perft)rm; before another cycle had elapsed, the native
l^ods had lost their power, their rites had been abol-
ished, and replaced by others that did not include
human sacrifices. The rites of the Inquisition were
as cruel as those they replaced, but the number of
victims in America was comparatively small.^
The year 1507 was marked by the occurrence of
an eclipse and an earthquake, by the drowning of
eighteen hundred soldiers in the Miztec country, and
" IxtlilxochitI, p. 278, speaks of a conqnost of Zocoinn in ISOfi, and of
Tdti'rpec in ir)07. Duriin, MS., toni. i., I'lip. Iv., .spoiikH of tlie con<|uest,
iitiiltoiit tliit* time, of ijuutzoutlan and Toitcpcc, where Montezuma ordered
thut all perHonH over lifty yearu of age HJiould itc intt to death. Clavigero,
torn, i., |>p. 284-0; Ve;/fiti, torn, iii., pp. 337-40; linisseur, Uist., toni. iii.,
pp. 417-'2(l; Torijiicmiiittt, toni i., pp. 209-10.
'» The li^rhting of tlie new lire took j)lace at midnight, March 21-2,
l')07, at the lio^inning of the year 2 Acatl, lietwcen tiie days 7 Tochtli and
8 Acatl. Codex Vhimalp., wxBrasseur, Hist., tom. iii., p. 42.3. Tlie Codrx
TM. Rem., in Kinqshoroiirjlt, vol, v., pp. 153-4, sayH that the tie of tii(!
vears had usually taken place in 1 Tm-htli (l.'iO*)),' but wan changed l>y
Muntezuma to 2 Acatl (ir)07). MoHt other authors name I.5(Mt an the year
of the fete; hut {icrhapH they mean simply tliat 1 Tochtli the hist of the
Hcvcnth cycle corresponds for the most part, although not exactly of course,
to 1,506. Sec lioturtni, in Doc. Hist. Jiex., serie iii.. foni. iv., p. 240; JV^-
Ua, tom. iii., p. 340; Torquemada, toni. i., p. 210-11; Clavirfero, ttim. i.,
|>|>. 285-6; Vetancvft, Teatro, pt ii., p. 41; see also vol. ii., p. 341, and vol.
lii.pp. 393-6.
484
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
according to Ixtlilxochitl, by the execution of Te-
zozonioc, lord of Azcapuzalco and father-in-law of
Montezuma, for adultery. In his trial it is related
that the Mexican judges voted for his banishment,
the Tepanec added that the end of his nose should
be cut off, but Nezahualpilli, who had the final de-
cision, ordered him to be strangled, much to the dis-
pleasure of Montezuma. During the same mr the
allies sent an expedition to the region of Mitla, Avhich
plundered a few towns and captured a small number
of prisoners. The provocation of this war is not re-
corded. Immediately after its return an army was
sent under Cuitlahuatzin against Quauhquelchula in
the Huexotzinca region. The result was a victory
with a goodly array of captives, but obtained only
after a serious loss, including five Mexican leaders.
The captives served fc ' the inauguration of the tem-
ple previously burned, as has been noted, but now
rebuilt, and also for the festival of the 'flaying of
men.' According to Tezozomoc and Duran the
provocation of this war was the burning of the
temple of the goddess Toci in Mexico, or as Tezozmoc
understands it, the tociquahuitl, a wooden signal
tower on the hill of Tocitlan. Duran also informs
us that a representation of Mexican nobles attended
by invitation the festivals in honor of Camaxtli, at
which were sacrificed the Aztec captives taken dur-
ing the war. A renewal of hostilities with Huexot-
zinco is mentioned in the eighth year of Monte-
zuma's reign.*
With the new cycle began a period, during whicli,
down to the appearance of the Spaniards at Vesii
Cruz, almost every event was invested with a mysto-
" Brassenr, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 427-8, names Macuilmalinatzii), tlie
brother of Muntcziimn, amon^; the killetl, and npiilies, probubly witli hoiiio
reason, to this war the suspicions of Ixtlilxochitl, respecting ioul \Aay <iii
the part of the Mexicon king already referred to— (see note 32). See also:
Veytia, t- m. iii., pp. 343-4; Torqucmada, torn, i., p. 211; Clavigcro, toiii.
i., p. 286; Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 278-9; Tezozomoc, in Kingshoroiiah, vol. i.\..
pp. 171, 177; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp. 41-2; Codex Tell. Rem., in
Kingsborough, vol. v., p. 154; Duran, M8., torn, il., cap. Ixii.
nous
ture,
batth
i>r SI]
comet
evil t(
at th(
dictioi
foreigi
supers
consta
accoun
that tl
referroi
minds <
selves,
formed
the cla
events,
tale ; ai
Montezi
to carefi
unusual
or less V
America
believe t
tions in
foreigner
ferred t(
Europeai
l>een moi
>Si)aniard
<^ycle Co
even est?
gether ii:
men and
^^lexico, }
edge ma;;
now such
Vol
UMENS OF DISASTER.
466
rious significance, every unusual phenomenon of n.^ -
ture, every accident, every illness, every defeat in
battle, failure of crops, excessive heat or cold, rain
or snow, thunder and lightning, shooting star or
couiet, earthquake or eclipse, — each and all portended
evil to the Aztec empire, evil which some seem even
jit the time to have connected with the olden pre-
dictions of Quetzalcoatl respecting the coming of a
f<jreign race to take possession of the country. The
su}>erstitiou8 monarchs, priests, and nobles were in a
constant state of terror. There are but two ways of
accounting for this state of affairs; first by supposing
that the supernatural element in the various events
referred to, the terror which they caused in the
nunds of the natives, and many of the events tliem-
selves, were pure inventions of the native historians
formed after the coming of the Spaniards to support
the claims of their sages to a foreknowledge of
events, or simply for the sake of telling a marvelous
tale; and second by supposing that the terror of
Montezuma and his companions, and their disposition
to carefully note and construe into omens of evil each
unusual occurrence, was caused by a knowledge more
or less vague that the Spaniards were already on the
American coasts. While there is every reason to
believe that there are both inventions and exaggera-
tions in the records written after the coming of
foreigners, I am disposed to attribute the effects re-
ferred to above chiefly to the actual presence of
Europeans. For about fifteen years the Antilles had
been more or less completely in the possession of the
Spaniards; five years before the opening of the new
cycle Columbus had coasted Central America and
even establisned a colony in Veragua. It is alto-
gether improbable that no knowledge of the white
men and their wonderful winged vessels had reached
Mexico, however vague and exaggerated that knowl-
edge may have been. The Aztec traders were not
now such indefatigable and trustworthy spies as in
Vol. V. 30
466
THE AZTEC PEKIOI).
former times, but they would hardly have failed to
bring to Mexico exaggerated rumors of approaching
disaster. It is also quite possiMe that various articles
of European manufacture, or oven human remains of
white men, had been washed on the Totonac or Xica-
lanca shores. That Montezuma and his companions
attached considerable weiijht to the traditional
predictions of Quetzalcoatl and Hueman there is no
reason to doubt. The predictions referred to may
have been tiie threats of some exiled chieftain of
ancient times, or the vain imaginings of a fanatic
priest uttered to maintain his reputation among his
followers ; possibly the result of some native cosmog-
rapher's theorizing respecting other lands across the
ocean ; not quite impossibly the remnant of an ancient
knowledge of trans-oceanic peoples; and of course not
the result of any prophetic foreknowledge ; but like
all other pretended prophecies they became at once
most valid and authentic on the occurrence of cir-
cumstances which might be interpreted as their ful-
fillment.
The signs and omens that followed those already
mentioned I shall briefly relate without paying much
attention to their chronologic order; very little else
than these omens and the means adopted to avert
their consequences is recorded from 1508 to 1512.
An army sent to the province of Amatlan perishoil
with cold and by falling trees and rocks; and acomofc
with three heads, perhaps the one already mentioned,
hung over Anjlhuac.*" Then a wonderful pyramidal
light appeared in the east, reaching from the earth to
the sky, visible for forty dayi^, or, as some say, for a
whole year, in all parts of the country, from midnight
till morning, very similar, according to the descrip-
tion, to the Aurora Borealis. Nezahualpilli was so
affected by these signs that he gave orders to discon-
tinue all hostilities. An interview Wiis held between
« Ixtlilxodiitl (lutes tlic Anmtlnn war in 1514; Brasseur puts the war in
I'K); Torqiicniadu liciiii'ii that tlio contct hud three licads.
MONTEZUMA AND NEZAHUALPILLI.
467
him and Montezuma, although for some time they
luid not been on speaking terms. Nezahualpilli saw
clearly in the strange omens the approaching end of
the empire and his own death, but was resigned to
the decrees of fate; Montezuma, on the contrary, in-
stead of resignation felt only anger, and is even
said by Tezozomoc and Duran to have strangled many
of liis sorcerers for their unfavorable interpretation of
the signs, and their failure to avert evil omens. At
last a game of tlachtli was agreed upon between the
two monarchs to decide whose interpretation should
be accepted; and to show how little importance he
attached to his wealth and power, Nezahualpilli is
said to have wagered on the result his kingdom of
Acolhuacan against three turkey cocks. He won the
game, but still Montezuma was not disposed to yield
to the fates, and still persecuted his magicians in the
hope to elicit a more favorable prognostication, but in
vain; the magicians all agreed with the Tezcucan
monarch. About the same time the towers of Huit-
zilopochtli's temple took fire in a clear night without
apparent cause, and were reduced to ashes in spite of
all efforts to extinguish the flames; and another tem-
ple was set on fire by lightning. This was the
temple of the god of fire, and was now burned for
the second time." In this period, in the reign of the
second Montezuma, Brasseur puts the story of a
mysterious aerial journey of the two kings to the
ancient home of the Aztecs, referring perhaps to that
already taken from Duran and applied to the time of
Montezuma I." Torquemada, Clavigero, and Ve-
tancurt, tell us of the resurrection of Papantzin, a
sister of Montezuma, who brought back from the
land of the dead to her royal brother an account of
the new people who were to occupy the land, and of
the new religion they would bring. This lady is said
*' This was very likely the occasion already noted when the Tlatelnlcas*
rushed into the city, supimsinK it to be inviuled.
" See pp. 422-4, of taia volume; Torquenwda, torn. L, p. 213.
468
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
to have been the first Mexican to receive the rites of
Christian baptism, and the priests took pains i<> send
a duly authenticated account of her miraculous resur-
rection to Spain. The intimate connection of this
tale with the religious prejudices of the invaders,
renders it unnecessary to seek even a foundation in
truth for the report. Sahagun also speaks of a
resurrected woman who predicted the fall of the
empire, living twenty-one years thereafter and bear-
ing a son. Boturini attributes this return from the
dead to a sister of the king of Michoacan at a much
later date, while the Spaniards were besieging Mex-
ico.** In 1509, as several authors say,** the waters
of the lake became violently agitated, without wind,
earthquake, or other natural cause, and in conse-
quence the city was inundated. The fishermen of
the lake caught a large bird like a crane, wearing a
round transparent crown, through which Montezuma
saw the stars, though it was in the daytime, and also
many people that approached in squadrons, attired
like warriors, and seeming half men, half deer. The
bird disappeared before the sorcerers could satis-
factorily interpret this strange thing. Double-bodied
and double-headed men also were seen, and on being
brought before the king suddenly disappeared; and
the same happened with men who had no fingers and
toes. In 1511 armed men were seen fighting in the
air; and a bird appeared whose head seemed human;
and a large stone pillar fell near the temple of Huit-
zilopochtli, no one knowing whence it came. An
earthquake and a deluge at Tusapan, are reported;
at Tecualoia a most ferocious and horrible beast was
captured; a female voice was several times heard be-
wailing the fate of her children. At Tlascala a
bright light and a cloud of dust arising from the
summit of Mount Matlalcueje to the very heavens,
^ Clavi^ro throws discredit on Boturini's version; I find it ditficult to
feel implicit faith in that of Clavigero.
** Torqueuiada says in 1499.
S
cause
comir
many
side
dieted
than t
hope
invadt
not al
manne
invade
long ai
It see:
dream;
port tc
tracted
pending
such a <
absurd,
rated.
possessi(
taining
known t
In the
suspende
averted
tained b
and thei'
is stated
encourag*
the troub
openly tc
« On thes
pp. 344-59; 1
286-92; Veta>
I'orough, vol.
nerrera, dec.
428-41; Acosti
nalcs, torn. x<
^anaguH, ton
VISIONS AND OMENS.
469
caused the people to fear the end of the world was
coming. The sorcerers of Cuetlachtlan also saw
many wonderful visions; but among the peoples out-
side of Andhuac the fearful phenomena and the pre-
dicted coming of a foreign people were less terrible
than to the Aztecs, for with their terror was mingled
hope of relief from the Aztec yoke. A wild hare
invaded Nezahualpilli's garden, but the king would
not allow the animal to be killed, for in the same
manner, he said, would a strange people presently
invade his country. Tezozomoc and Duran give a
lt)ns: and detailed account of Montezuma's sufferinsrs.
It seems that he was not content with his own
dreams and omens, but instructed his subjects to re-
port to him all their visions; at last he was so dis-
tracted that he determined to hide himself from im-
pending calamities in a cave, but was prevented from
such a course by a series of supernatural events more
absurd, if possible, than those that have been nar-
rated. Herrera tells us that Montezuma had in his
possession a box washed on the eastern shore con-
taining wearing-apparel and a sword of a style un-
known to the natives."
In the meantime military operations had not been
suspended, for the anger of the gods could only be
averted by sacrifice, and victims could only be ob-
tained by war; but the details of these campaigns
and their order are nowhere definitely recorded. It
is stated, however, that in 1511, the Cuetlachtecas,
encouraged by the visions of their magicians, and by
the troubles that had fallen upon Andhuac, refused
openly to pay their tributes, and yet remained un-
*5 On these evil omens, see Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 278-80; Veytia, torn. iii.
pp. 344-59; Torqucmnda, torn, i., pp. 211-14, 23.3-9; Clnrigwo, t<ini. i., pp
286-92; Vetancvrt, Teatro, |)t ii., pp. 42-3, 126; Tczozumoc, in Kings-
borough, vol. ix., pp. 177-8, 183-9; Codtx Tell. Rem., in Id., vol. v., ^i. 154
Herrera, dec. iii., lib. ii., can. viii., ix.; Brnsseur, Hist, torn, iii., pp
428-41; Acosta, Hist, de las Ynd., pp. 510-14; Camargo, in Nouveltes An
littles, torn, xcix., pp. 139-40; Duran, MS., torn, ii., cap. Ixiii., Ixvi-ix.
Sahagun, torn, ii., lib. viii., pp. 270-1; Boturini, Catdlogo, pp. 27-8.
470
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
punished.** In the same or following year, the Cak-
chiquel records note the arrival of a numerous
embassy of the Yaqui, or Mexicans, at their court.
Nothing whatever is said of the object of this mis-
sion, or its results; but the Abbd Brasseur has no
doubt that the object sought was information respect-
ing the actions of the Spaniards on the coast of Cen-
tral America." Although Nezahualpilli seems to
have lost most of his interest in jmlitical affairs, and
to have contented himself with simply awaiting
future developments, no superstitious terror in Monte-
zuma's breast could overcome his ruling passion, am-
bition; and according to the authorities he was
inclined to take advantage of his colleague's listless-
ness for his own aggrandizement. Ixtlilxochitl
relates j,n act of treachery against the Tezcucan
monarch, which, in view of the author's well-known
prejudice against Montezuma, may be received with
much doubt; according to this author, the Mexican
king represented to Nezahualpilli that the anger of the
gods was caused to some extent by the failure to offer
captives from Tlascala, and the substitution of victims
from distant provinces obtained not in holy battle
but in a mere attempt to extend the im])erial domain.
He proposed a joint campaign against Tlascala ; Neza-
hualpilli consented, saying that his inaction had not
been the result of cowardice, but he had ceased to
fight simply because the year of 1 Acatl was near
at hand when the empire must fall. He sent an
army under his two sons, but Montezuma had secretly
notified the Tlascaltecs that the Acolhua's motive
was not the capture of victims, but the conquest of
the republic, promising to take no part himself in the
battle. The Tlascaltecs were very angry and the
Aztec army stood calmly by and saw the Acolhua
forces led into ambush and massacred. The whole
<« Torquemada, torn. i. , p. 214; Veyiia, torn, iii., p. 361; Vclaiicirt,
Teatro, pt ii., p. 42.
*' Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, iii., pp. 442-7, reference to Mem. de Tccpan-
Atitlan.
MONTEZUMA, AZTEC EMPEROR.
471
march of Nezahualpilli's army had been marked by
the occurrence of many omens of evil. Immediately
on his return Montezuma openly proclaimed his oppo-
sition to his colleajjfuo and ordered a suspension of all
Tezcucan tributes from the cities about the lake.
While there are reasons to doubt this act of treachery
and the openness of his opposition to Nezahualpilli,
it is evident that the two kings regarded each other
iVom this time as enemies.*'
In 1512, with great festivities Jind the sacrifice of
twelve thousand captives — taken it is said in a war
against the revolting Miztec province of Tlachqui-
auhco — was dedicated a new sacrificial stone. It was
only after a long search that a suitable stone was
found near Coyuhuacan, and after it was formed and
sculptured with the fitting devices, notwithstanding
the honors paid it on the way to the capital, it broke
through one of the causeways and carried with itself
to the bottom of the lake the high-priest and many of
his attendants. It was afterwards recovered and
placed in its appointed place. Tezozomoc and others
tell many marvelous tales of this stone, how it spoke
frequently on the way, and how after sinking it found
its wa^ back to its orijxinal location. Tezozomoc also
states tliat in connection with the ceremonies at this
time Montezuma publicly proclaimed himself Zema-
nahufica Tlatoani, equivalent to * emperor of the
world.'*"
During the next few years Montezuma seems to
have determined by brilliant exploits in battle to
defy the predictions of his magicians and to shake off
his own superstitious fears. In 1512, according to Tor-
quemada, the Xuchitepecs and Icpactepecs were sub-
jugated; in 1513, the Yopitzincas, who had attempted
the destruction of the Mexican garrison at Tlacote-
" Ixtlilxoehitl, pp. 280-1.
** Tezozomoc, in Kiiigsborouqk, vol. ix., pp. 168, 181-il; Clavigero, torn,
i., p. 293; Torqucinada, torn, i., pp. 214-15; Durnn, MS., toni. ii., cap.
Ixvi. ; Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 448-50; Herrera, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.
viii.; Acosta, Hist, dc l(ts Ynd., p. 511; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp. 42-3.
m
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
pec, were defeated; in 1514, the city of Quetzalapan
in Cuextlan was taken with many captives, although
at the cost of several Aztec leaders of high rank ; and
in 1515 took place the conquest of Cihuapohualoyan
and Cuexcomaixtlahuacan, including the siege of the
strongholds of Quetzaltepec, Totoltopec and Iztactla-
locan, narrated at considerable length by Duran, who
represents this war as having been caused by tlie
refusal of the inhabitants to furnish a peculiar kind
of sand needed by the Mexican lapidaries in polish-
ing precious stones.** Torquemada and Ortega relate
that an expedition was at about this time sent south-
ward to Honduras, Vera Paz, and Nicaragua, all of
which were subjected to the Mexican power, the two
former without much opposition, the latter only after
a hard battle, a defeat, and subsequent treachery on
the part of the Aztecs." There is every reason to
believe that this report is unfounded, and that the
countries south of the isthmus, save perhaps Soco-
nusco, were never conquered by the Mexicans. I
need not enter into any discussion here respecting the
limits of the Aztec empire ; since the annals recorded
in the preceding pages, with a r^sum^ of the subject
in a preceding volume," are sufficient. In general
terms the empire extended from the valley of Mexico
westward only to the adjoining province of Matlalt-
zinco, Michoacan having always retained her inde-
pendence ; north-westward only a few leagues beyond
the limits of the valley; in the north-east, east, and
M It is imponnihle here to distinguish hetween references to Tututepec
in Oajaca, and Tototej>ec, or Totoltepec, north-east of Mexico. The Codex
Tell. Rem., in Kingsborough, vol. v. , u. 154, mentions in 1512 the conquest
of Quimichintepec and N'~pala, towaras Tototcpec, and also that the stoucs
in th;\t year threw out smoke which reached the skies. The same author-
ity n oitls the conquest of Tututepec on the Pacific, and an earthquake in
1513; 'he conquest of Hayocingo in 1514, and that of Itzlaquetmloca in
1515 See Ixttilxochitl, pp. 278-80, 28.3-4. This writer also mentions the
wars Mictlanzinco and Xaltaianquizco as among the last waged by tlic
Aztei tonarchs. Duran, MS., torn. iL, cap. Ivi. Clavigero, tom. i., pp.
20.3-4} 'eytia, tom. iii., pp. 359-60; Torqtiemada, tom. i.,pp. 214-6; Vetan-
cvrt, 1 I'ro, pt iL, p. 42.
» 7 juentada, tom. i., pp. 218-19; Veytia, tom. ill., pp. 361-3.
4«V. ,u., pp. 93-6.
LIMITS OF THE AZTEC EMPIRE.
south-east it embraced the whole countiy to the gulf
coast from the Rio Pdnuco in the north to the Kio
Alvarado in the south, excepting the small territory of
Tlascala; in the south-west and south it reached the
Pacific coast, alon^ which it extended from Zacatollan
to Tututepec ; and it also included some towns and
garrisons m Soconusco, and on the frontiers of Chia-
pas. Or, according to modem political geography,
tlie empire embraced the states of Mexico, Pucbla,
Vera Cruz, Guerrero, and western Oajaca, with small
portions of Tama ilipas, San Luis Potosf, Querdtaro,
and Chiapas. Thu whole of Oajaca, including Te-
huantepec, was at one time subjected, but the Zapo-
tecs regained their independence, as we have seen,
before Montezuma's reign. Beyond these limits
doubtless many raids were made, and towns, with
small sections of territory, were reduced momentarily
to Mexican provinces; hence the varying statements
of different authors on this subject."
The appearance of the Spaniards on the distant
American coasts, the predictions of disaster which all
the soothsayers agreed in deriving from constantly
recurring omens, the approaching subjugation of his
people to a race of foreigners in which Nezahualpilli
firmly believed, and • above all the haughty and
treacherous manner and deeds of Montezuma, who
now made no secret of his intention to make himself
supreme monarch of the empire, had a most depres-
sing effect on the Tezcucan king. He retired with
>i IxtlilxochitI, p. 280, gives the southern boundaries as Huimolan,
Acalan, Vera Paz, and Nicaragua; the northern as the Gulf of California
and Pdnuco; makes the empire cover all the ancient Toltec territory, and
incorrectly includes besides the north-western states, those of Tabasco
and Guatemala. Herrera, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii; lib. i\., cap. i. ; agrees
with the limits I have given, and shoots that Goazacoalco and Tabasco
never belonged to the empire. Aztecs never subdued the region about
Zacatecas. Arlegui, Chrdn. Zueatecaa, p. 9. Clavigero, tom. iv., pp. 267-9,
te'ls Q» that the empire stretched on the Pacific from Soconusco to CoHma;
that Chiapas was only held by a few garrisons on the frontier; that the
province of Tollan was the north-western limit; Tusapan the north-eastern,
Pdnuco and the Huastecs never having been subdued; Qoazacoalco was the
south-eastern bound.
474
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
his favorite wife and a few attendants to the palace
of Tezcocingo, announcing his intention of spending
his remaining days in retirement, but six months
later he returned to Tezcuco, retired to his most
private apartments, and refused to see visitors.
Some time afterwards, when his family insisted on
being admitted to his presence, his death was an-
nounced to them, having been concealed for some
time by the attendants acting under his orders. The
peculiar circumstances of his decease caused the in-
vention of the popular tale, according to which he
had not died but had gone to the ancient Amaque-
mecan, the home of his Chichimec ancestors. His
death occurred in 1515."*
For some unknown reason Nezahualpilli had not
named his successor on the throne, and the choice
thus devolved upon the royal council in conjunction
with the kings of Mexico and Tlacopan. So far as
can be determined from conflicting accounts the sons
of the deceased monarch and heirs to the throne were
as follows in the order of their age : — Tetlahuehuetqui-
zitzin, Cacama, Cohuanacoch, and Ixtlilxochitl. The
eldest son was deemed incompetent to rule the king-
dom, Cacama was chosen by the council, and the
choice warmly approved by Montezuma, who was
Cacama's uncle. When the decision was announced
to the other brothers, Cohuanacoch approved it, but
Ixtlilxochitl protested against the choice of Cacama,
insisting that his oldest brother should be proclaimed
king. Something has already been said about this
prince's fiery temper in early years," and age seems
to have had no effect in calming his violent character.
But on this occasion he seems to have been actuated
not only by liis own ambition to reign or to control
*♦ On Nezahualpilli's death see: — Torquemcida, torn, i., pp. 216-17; Ix-
tlilxothitl, pp. 282, 388, 410; Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 4.'>2-5; Duran,
MS., toin. ii., cap. l.xiv. ; Vcytia, torn, iii., pp. 363-4; Clavigero, torn. i.,pp.
294-5; Tezozomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 178-9. Se.^ral autliors
make the date 1516; Duran says ten years before the coming of the Span-
iards, or in 1609,
i> See p. 451 of this volume.
REVOLT OF IXTLILXOCHITL.
476
the reigning monarch, but by patriotic motives and a
desire for his country's freedom. He denounced,
probably not without reason, the council as acting
wholly in the interests of the treacherous Montezuma,
who had insulted his father, and aspired to the impe-
rial power; and he regarded Cacama as a mere man
of wax to be molded at will by the crafty monarch of
the Mexicans. The details of the quarrel are given
at considerable length by the authorities, but are
hardly worth reproducing here; the trouble seems to
have lasted, if the chronology of the records may be
credited, two years, much of which time was passed
by Cacama at Mexico with his uncle. At last, how-
ever, finding his efforts unavailing, Ixtlilxocliitl left
Te-^cuco with his partisans and went to the province
oi Meztitlan with the intention of exciting a revolt in
his own behalf, while Cacama in 1517 proceeded to
his capital to receive the crown of his father. **
Ixtlilxochitl was in a high degree successful in the
northern provinces, whose inhabitants were almost
unanimous in their approval of his opposition to
Montezuma, and gladly ranged themselves under his
banners. ^Marching southward from Meztitlan at the
head of a hundred thousand men, he was received as
5« Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 282-3, 410, and Torquemada, torn, i., p. 221, arc the
chief authorities on the succession of Cacama. The former records a re-
port, which he douhts, that Nczahualpilli before liis death indicated as his
successor a youn<rcr son, Yoiontzin. He implies that Cacama was an ille-
gitimate son and had no claim to the throne, but was forced oji the Acolhua
nobles against their will by Montezuma. Torquemada, on the other hand,
makes Cacatiia the oldest son and legitimate heir, not mentioning the ex-
istence of 1'ethiliuchuet({uizitzin, and does not imply that Montezuma
had any undue influence in the choice of a new king. Duran, M.S. , torn.
ii., cap. Ixiv., and Tezozomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 179, give an
entirely different version of the matter. They say that the Acolhua lords
\;l'i; summoned to Mexico and invited by Montezuma to select their new
kin;;. When tliey told him there were five competent sons— only two of
whose names, C'oliuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl, are identical with those
named by other authorities — he advised the election of Quetzalacxoyatl,
who was therefore elected and proved a faithful subject of the Mexican
king. He only lived a few days, however, and was succeeded by his
brotiier Tlahuitoltzin, and he, after a few years, by Cohuanacoch, during
whose reign the Spaniards arrived. See also, Bt-asseur, Hist., torn, iv.,
pp. 14-21; VeijHa, torn, iii., pp. 367-9; Clavigcro, torn, i., ])p. 207-9; Ve-
tancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp. 43-4; Ilerrera, dec. iii., lib. i., cap. i.
478
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
|i
king in Tepepulco and other towns until he reached
Otompan, where he met considerable resistance, but
at last entered the city and made it thereafter his
capital. He also took possession of all the northern
towns, such as Acolman, Chiuhnauhtlan, Zumpango,
and Huehuetoca. The news of his proceedings in
the north reached Tezcuco just after the coronation
ceremonies of Cacama, or, as some say, during their
continuance. Montezuma seems to have made one
effort to quell this northern revolt and to have sent
one of his bravest generals against Ixtlilxochitl, but
this general, Xochitl, was defeated, captured, and
burned alive by the fiery Chichimec prince; no
farther attack was made by the Mexican king. Dur-
ing the course of this year, 1517, the Totonacs secretly
gave in their allegiance to Ixtlilxochitl, and of course
Tlascala, the inveterate foe of Mexico, supported his
cause. Montezuma's failure to renew his efforts
against the rebel, and the increasing spirit of revolt
among the Aztec provinces are in great measure ac-
counted for, when it is remembered that at this time
the Spaniards, under Hernandez de C6rdova, again
appeared on the coast of Yucatan and Tabasco," and
the exaggerated reports of their appearance and
deeds served to cause a renewal of the old terror in
Mexico, and a corresponding hope, not altogether un-
mingled with fear, in the oppressed provinces. Ca-
cama, either influenced by the same fears, or more
probably encouraged to yield to his own kindly feel-
mgs towards his brother by Montezuma's failure to
proceed against Ixtlilxochitl, sent an embassy to his
brother, who, from his new headquarters at Otompan,
had shown no intention of marching against Tezcuco,
proposing an anicable settlement of their difficulties.
Ixtlilxochitl replied that he had none but the kindest
w On the voyage of C6rdova, see: Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 349-51;
Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 3-8; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. i-ii.; Herrcra,
dec ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.; Bernal Diaz, Hiat. Conq., fol. 1-6; Stephens'
Yiteatan, vol. i., pp. 49-62; Pretattft Mex., vol. i., pp. 222-4; Gomara,
Hist. Ind., fol. 60-1.
fighti
FINAL WARS OF MONTEZUMA.
477
feelings towards his brother and the kingdom of
Acolhuacan, but renewed his denunciations of Monte-
zuma, and his warnings against that monarch's am-
bitious designs. A division of the kingdom was
finally decided upon, Ixtlilxochitl retaining the sov-
ereign power in the northern provinces, Cacama
retaining hia throne at Tezcuco and his place in the
Aztec alliance, and Cohuanacoch receiving a large
amount of revenue for his constant support of the
king. Ixtlilxochitl faithfully observed the terms of
the treaty, but retained all his enmity against the
Mexicans ; he had an opportunity to strike a deci-
sive blow against the hated power a little later as
an ally of the Spaniards.*
Yet wars were still waged by the allied kings a 3
before, for the only hope of averting impending dis-
aster was by drenching with human blood the altars
of the gods. Several campaigns are recorded as
having yielded captives in considerable numbers, but
no details are given. Battles against the Tlascaltecs
were continued down to the very last ; the Mexicans
fighting generally as allies of the Huexotzincas. In
one of these battles the Huexotzinca chief Tlachpan-
quizqui by a valiant feat of arms obtained pardon
for serious crimes which he had committed, and great
rewards besides. He captured the famous Tlascal-
tec warrior Tlalhuicol and brought him to Mexico.
But the honor of his capture was all that Montezuma
desired; for he immediately oflfered Tlalhuicol his
freedom, which was refused. The Tlascaltec was
then put in command of a Mexican army and sent
against the Tarascos, whom he defeated, taking their
stronghold of Tangimaroa, or Tlaximuloyan, and sub-
duing many towns on his way. Ho returned laden
with spoils to Mexico, was entreated to accept the
permanent position of Commander-in-chief of the
M On Ixtlilxochitl's revolt and the treaty with Cacama, sec: Veytia,
torn, iii., pp. .309-75; Clnvigcro, toni. i., pp. 299-302; Toniucmada, torn, i.,
pp. 223-7; Brasseiir, Hist., toiii. iv., pp. 21-3, 36-7; Velanam-t, Teatro,
pt ii., p. 44; Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 283-4.
478
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
Aztec armies, or at least to accept his release and
return to his country; but the brave Tlalhuicol
deemed it a dishonor to return or even to live after
his capture, and earnestly entreated the privilege of
dying like other prisoners of rank on the gladiatorial
stone. His request was sorrowfully granted, eight of
Andhuac's best warriors fell before him in the con-
flict, but by the ninth he was subdued, and his heart
was offered as a pleasing sacrifice to the god of war."*
In the same year, 1517, it is related that Monte-
zuma in his zeal to appease the irate deities, ordered
the grand temple of Huitzilopochtli to be covered
from top to bottom with gold, precious stones, and
rare feathers. His Minister of Finance, «>rdered to
supply the cost of this extravagant act of piety by
imposing a new tax on the people, objected and
warned the tyrant that his subjects would endure no
increase of taxation. His objections were removed
by putting him to death, but we hear nothing farther
of the golden covering.* The following year, or
1418, took place at Mexico the last of the long
series t)f sacrificial immolations on a large scale, at
tlie dedication of the temple of Coatlan, on which
occasion were sacrificed the captives that the last
campaigns had yielded." But almost before the
groans of the dying victims had died away there
came to the ears of the Aztec sovereign the startling
tidings that the eastern strangers had again made
their appearance, this time on the Totonac coasts of
his own empire. Juan de Grijalva and his com-
panions had followed the gulf coast northward, and
reached the spot where now stands the city of Vera
Cruz.«»
^ Camargo, in NouveUe.t A iiimlea, torn, xcviii., pp. 189-91; Tezozomoi;
in Kinqsborough, vol. ix., pp. 172-5; Torquemuda, toui. i., pp. 197, 2()1,
228; Arasseur, Hist., toni. iv., pp. 23-7; Clavigrro, torn, i., pp. 280-'J;
Veytta, torn, iil, pp. 325, 328-31, 375-6; Velancvrt, Teutro, pt ii., i>p.
45-6.
*> Codex Chimalp., in Brasseiir, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 34-6.
«• Torquftnada, torn, i., p. 228; Veytia, torn, iii., pp. 376-7; Vetnncvrt,
Teatro, pt ii., p. 46.
6' On Orijalva's voyage, see;— Diaz, Itiiierario, in Icmbalceta, Col. <lc
ARRIVAL OF JUAN DE UKUALVA.
479
All Aztec officials in the coast provinces had strict
orders to keep a constant look-out for the eastern
strangers, and in case of their arrival to treat them
kindly, but by pretence of traffic and by every pos-
sible means to ascertain who they were> whence they
came, and the nature of their designs. In accordance
with these orders Pinotl the Aztec governor of Cuet-
lachtlan and his Mexican subordinates were foremost
among the visitors to the wonderful ships of Grijalva;
paintings were quickly but carefully prepared of the
strangers, their ships, their weapons, and of every
strange thing observed, and with the startling news
and the }tictured records the royal officials hastened
to Mexico and communicated their information to
Montezuma. The king, concealing as well as possible
his anxiety and forbidding the messengers to make
the news public, immediately assembled his royal
colleagues and his council of state, laid the matter
before them and asked their advice. The opinion
was unanimous that the strangers were the children
of Quetzalcoatl, returning in fulfillment of the ancient
prophecies, and that they should be kindly received,
as the only means of conciliating the good will of the
numerous followers of the ancient prophet. An em-
bassy was sent with rich presents to the coast, but
they were too late; the Spaniards had departed, with
a promise, however, of returning at an early date.
The events that followed down to the fulfillment of
that promise by the arrival of Heman Cortes in 1519
are not very definitely recorded, but these months
formed a period of the greatest anxiety on the part of
the Aztec rulers and of mingled dread and hope for
their numerous enemies. Interest in the one absorb-
ing topic caused all else to be forgotten ; there was
no thought of conquest, of revolt, of tributes; even
the bloody rites of Huitzilopochtli were much neglect-
Dof., torn, i., pp. 281-.T07; Bemal Diaz, Hist Conq., fol. 6-11; Peter
Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iii-iv.; Navarrete, Col. de Viage*, toni. iii., pp.
5i)-G4; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 811, 6C8; Hcrrera, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap.
i-ii.; Torquemtida, torn, i., pp. 351-8; Prtwotfa Mex., vol. i., pp. 224-8.
I
«0
THE AZTEC PERIOD.
ed and the star of the peaceful Quetzalcoatl and his
sect was in the ascendant. Prophets and old men
throughout the country were closely questioned re-
specting th )ir knowledge of the old traditions; old
paintings and. records were taken from every archive
•iind carefully compared with those relating to the
new-comers; the loss of the precious documents
burned by Itzcoatl was now seriously felt; the glass
beads and other trinkets obtained from the Spaniards,
and even carefully treasured fragments of ship biscuit,
were formally deposited with 'all the old Toltec cere-
monies in the temple of Quetzalcoatl. Many fictitious
paintings were palmed off on the credulous Monte-
zuma as ancient records in which the children of
Quetzalcoatl were pictured in an amusing variety of
absurd forms, but some of the documents agreed very
closely with the late paintings of Montezuma's agents,
showing that others had bethought them to represent
on paper Grijalva's company ^v some preceding band
of Spaniards.®^
At last the presence of Cortes on the southern
coasts, and his progress towards the Aztec posses-
sions, was announced, and an embassy was dispatched
to await his arrival, and to receive him with every
attention and with the richest gifts the empire could
afford. Subsequent ev-nts belong to the history of
the Conquest, and must be narrated in another work;
the remaining chapters of this volume being required
for such fragments as have been preserved respecting
the aboriginal history of other nations and tribes out-
side the central plateaux of Mexico.
I close the chapter and the annals of the Aztec pe-
riod, with a brief glance at the general condition of
affairs in and about Andhuac in 1519, and the most
extraordinary combination of circumstances that made
o Torquemada, torn, i., pp. .378-80; Acoata, Biat. de las Ynd., pp. 615-lfi;
Veytia, torn, iii., pp. 377-8; Duran, MS., toin. ii., cap. Ixix-lxx. ; Teso:/)-
moc, ia Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 189-94; Uerrera, dec. ii., lib. iii.,
rap. ix.
'vsM
ANAHUAC in 1519.
481
it possible for Hernan Cortds to overthrow with a
handful of Spanish soldiers a mighty aboriginal em-
pire. The power known as Aztec, since the formation
of the tri-partite alliance not quite a century before
under the Acolhua, Mexican, and Tepanec kings, had
gradually extended its iron grasp from its centre about
the lakes to the shores of either ocean ; and this it
had accomplished wholly by the force of arms, re-
ceiving no voluntary allegiance. Overburdened by
taxation ; oppressed and insulted by royal governors,
Aztec tribute-gatherers, and the traveling armies of
Tlatelulca merchants: constantlv attacked on frivo-
lous pretexts by blood-thirsty hordes who ravaged
their fields and carried away the flower of their
population to perish on the Mexican altars; the in-
habitants of each province subjected to this degrad-
ing bondage entertained towards the central govern-
ment of the tyrants on the lakes feelings of the
bitterest hatred and hostility, only awaiting an op-
portunity to free themselves, or at least to annihilate
their oppressors. Such was the condition of affairs
and the state of feeling abroad; at home the situ-
ation was most critical. The alliance which had been
the strongest element of the Aztec power was now
practically broken up ; the ambitious schemes of Mon-
tezuma had alienated his firmest ally, and the stronger
part of the Acolhua force was now openly arrayed
against him under Ixtlilxochitl at Otompan, leagued
with the Tlascaltec leaders for the overthrow of the
Mexican power. It is probable that the coming of
the Spaniards retarded rather than precipitated the
united attack of the Acolhuaa and the outside prov-
inces on Montezuma. But again, to meet the gath-
ering storm, the Mexican king could no longer count
on the undivided support of his own people; he had
alienated the merchants, who no longer, as in the
early days, did faithful duty as spies, nor toiled to
enrich a government from which they could expect
no rewards; the lower classes no longer deemed their
Vol,. V. SI
482
TH£ AZTEC PERIOD.
own interests identical with those of their sovereign.
Last but far from least among the elements of ap-
proaching ruin was the religious sentiment of the
country. The reader has followed the bitter con-
tentions of earlier times in Tollan and Culhuacan,
between the rival sects of Quetzalcoatl a.nd Tezcatli-
poca. With the growth of the Mexican influence
the bloody rites of the latter sect had prevailed under
the auspices of the god Huitzilopochtli, and the
worship of the gentler Quetzalcoatl, though still ob-
served in many provinces and many temples, had
with its priests been forced to occupy a secondary
position. But the people were filled with terror at
the horrible extent to which the latter kings had car-
ried the immolation of human victims; they were
sick of blood, and of the divinities that thirsted for
it; a re-action was experienced in favor of the rival
deities and priesthood. And now, just as the op-
pressed subjects of ecclesiastical tyranny were learn-
ing to remember with regret the peaceful teachings
of the Plumed Serpent, and to look to that god for
relief from their woes, their prayers were answered,
Quetzalcoatl's predictions were apparently fulfilled,
and his promised children made their appearance on
*Jie eastern ocean. The arrival of Cortes at this par-
ticular juncture was in one sense most marvelous;
but in his subsequent success there is little to be
wondered at; nor is it strange that the deluded
Nahuas permitted themselves to be subjected to a
priestly tyranny a thousand times more oppressive
and destructive than any to which they were sub-
jected even under Aztec rule.
CHAPTER X.
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU, MICHOACAN, AND
OAJACA.
Early History of the Eastern Plateau— The Chichimec-Toltkcs
—Arrival of the Teo-Chichimecs in AnAhuac— They Conquer
AND Settle the Eastern Plateau— Civil Wars— Miscella-
neous Events— Wars between Tlascala and the Nations of
AnAhuac— Early History of Michoacan— Wars between Wa-
NACACES AND TARASCOS- FOUNDING OF IZINTZUNTZAN — META-
MORPHOSIS OF THE TaRASCO PRINCES — ENCROACHMENTS OF THE
Wanacaces— The Kino of the Isles— Murder of Pawacume
AND WAPEANi -KEIGNS OF CURATAME, TaRIACURI, TaNGAXOAN
I., Ziziz Pandacuare, Zwanoa, and Tangaxoan II.— Origin
OF the Miztecs and Zapotecs—Wixipecocha— Rulers of Oa-
jACA— The Huaves and Mijes— Later Kings and History
of Oajaca— Wars with Mexico.
Although all that is known of the history of the
eastern plateau prior to the fall of the Toltec empire
has been already told, it will be well to briefly review
the events of that period before referring to the Chi-
chimec occupation of the region under consideration.
The earliest inhabitants of the plateau of whom we
have any definite knowledge were the Olmecs, one of
the oldest of the Nahua nations, who appear to have
settled the country about Puebla and Cholula with
the permission of the Quinames, or giants, the origi-
nal possessors, and to have been so badly treated by
them that at length, by a stratagem, they slew their
oppressors and became sole masters of the country.
(48a)
11
484
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU.
Next we hear of the erection of the great pyramid of
Cholula by Xelhua, an Olmec chief; then of the ad-
vent and subsequent disappearance of Quetzalcoatl,
the culture hero and reformer, who is not to be con-
founded with Ceacati Quetzalcoatl, king of Tollan
and afterwards of Cholula, who appeared on the scene
at a much later period and was also a great reformer.
After this, history is silent concerning the Olmecs
until the founding of the Toltec empire, when we find
them still flourishing on the eastern plateau with
Cholula for their capital city. Then the king of Cul-
huacan, Mixcohua, better known as Camaxtli, under
which name he was subsequently apotheosized and
worshiped on the plateau, directs a military expedi-
tion towards Chalchiuhapan, afterwards Tlascala,
which seems to have been founded about this time.
But the most notable event of this pre-Chichimec
history of the plateau, and the one which most ad-
vanced its importance and prosperity, was the coming
of Ceacati Quetzalcoatl, son of Camaxtli, to Cholula,
in 895, after he was forced from his throne at Tollan
by the ambitious Tezcatlipoca, or Huemac. As has
been already stated, this event was the beginning of
a new and golden era in the eastern region, which
lasted, if we except the conquest and temporary suh-
jection of Cholula by Huemac, up to the time of tlie
Toltec troubles, in which Cholula and her sister cities
on the plateau doubtless shared, though to what ex-
tent is not certain; at all events they were not de-
serted as the Toltec cities in the valley are tradition-
ally reported to have been at the time of the Chichi-
mec invasion.
Brasseur has an account, drawn from one of his
manuscripts,^ of the taking of Cholula shortly after
the fall of the Toltec empire by a tribe which he calls
the Chichimec-Toltecs, and the subsequent settlement
of the greater part of the plateau by this and other
fierce bands, the original inhabitants being driven out
> Historia Tulteca, Peintureset Annalea, en langue nahuU, coll. Auhin.
CHICHIMECS AT CHOLULA.
486
of the country. This relation is, however, of doubt-
ful authenticity, and is, moreover, irreconcilable with
other statements made by the same writer;' it seems,
in short, to stand by itself, as an episode recorded in
one obscure manuscript only, and having no connec-
tion whatever with the events that precede or follow
it. The account relates that among the fierce hordes
that contributed to the downfall of Tollan, was one
which, from the fact of its settling in the ruined cap-
ital, and possibly founding a temporary power there,
received the name of Chichimec-Toltec. After the
death of Huemac III. this band left Tollan, under
the leadership of Icxicohuatl, Quetzaltehueyac, Toto-
lohuitzil, and other chiefs,' and after ravaging the
country about lake Tenochtitlan, entered the moun-
tains to the east of the valley of Andhuac, and there
wandered about for a number of years without mak-
ing any permanent settlement. When next heard of
they were encamped near Cholula, their numbers
greatly reduced by famine or pestilence, and in a very
wretched condition. Weary of their wandering life
and not strong enough to take forcible possession of
one of the rich provinces of the plateau, or even to
forage for their subsistence, they resolved to humble
themselves before the princes of Cholula, and implore
their protection and assistance. Their small number
and apparently broken spirit, caused their prayer to
1)6 granted with more readiness than they had ex-
pected, and the fierce warriors, who in former times
had made the kings of Andhuac tremble upon their
thrones, were now scornfully admitted into Cholula
as men too weak to be feared and upon the footing of
slaves and servants. But a few years of rest and abun-
dance roused the old spirit in the Chichimec-Toltecs,
and made them burn to throw off their self-imposed
yoke, and avenge the insults to which they were con-
* See Brasseur, Hist., torn, ii., pp. 361-3.
' Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, torn, xcviii., p. 150, vugiicly mentiona
an expo'lition said to have been made to Cholula under chiefs bearing simi-
lar r.<»meH to the above, but he gives no details or dates.
486
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU.
they resorted to a very iii<j^eiiious Htratai^em, i
it is said, by their national god, Tezcatlipoca.
stantly subjected by their masters. To obtain this end,
suggested
A dep-
utation waited upon the Tlachiach and Aquiach, the
two chief princes of Cholula, and begged permission to
give a public entertainment, the chief feature of which
should be their national ballad and dunce. For the
proper performance of this they must, however, be
supplied with their old weapons, which, since their
arrival in Cholula, had been shut up in the city arse-
nal. Their petition was readily granted, great prepa-
rations were made, and on the appointed day all the
people assembled to witness the novel spectacle. The
riachiach and Aquiach were present, surrounded by
their suites and a vast number of the nobility. The
entertainment opened with certain comic representa-
tions, which made the spectators roar with laughter,
and excited them to drink freely and be merry. Then
the Chichimec warriors dressed in full war costume and
bearing their weapons in their hands, formed them-
selves into a great circle, with the teponaztli player
in the centre, and the solemn mitote commenced. At
first the music was low and sad, and the dancers
moved with slow and measured steps, but gradually
the pace grew faster, and the deep voices of the war-
riors as they chanted their battle song mingled with
the sound of the teponaztli. Higher and still higher
the shouts arose, accompanied now by terrible ges-
tures and brandishing of weapons ; more madly yet
the circle whirled, until it was impossible to distin-
guish one form from another; then, on a sudden, the
note of th(j teponaztli changed and became low and
sad OTIC' more. This was the signal for the massacre ;
in K Pioment the mock fury became a terrible reality,
as the Chichimecs turned and fell upon the unarmed
and half-drunk spectators. A dreadful slaughter en-
sued, and the streets of the city ran red with human
blood. The Tlachiach and Aquiach managed to
escape, and took refuge with a few of their relatives
TEO-CHICHIMEC ANNALS.
487
icre;
rmed
|r en-
iman
Id to
Ltives
and friends within the walls of Yancuitlalpan, which
became for the time their residence. By night the
Chichimec-Toltecs were masters of Cholula. The
news of this victory soon attracted other savage
tribes; the original inhabitants were driven from
l)lace to place, and at the end of a few years, tlie
entire country "from the shores of the gulf of Mex-
ico to the mountains which encircled the port of
Acapulco," had changed masters.*
With the arrival of the Teo-Chichimecs in Ana-
huac, the history proper of the eastern plateau begins.
Tliis people, as has been said, was one of the invading
bands that appear about the same time as the Na-
huatlaca tribes, with whom they are classed by some
writers. According to Camargo, the Tlascaltec his-
torian, they were at Cliicomoztoc in 5 Tochtli; thence
they journeyed by way of Amaquetepec and Tepenec
to Tomallan, which they conquered; tlien with great
difficulty they fought their way through Culhuacan,
passed into Teotla Cochoalco, and so on to Teohuiz-
nahuac, where their mai'ch was opposed by Queen
Coatlicue, who, however, after a severe struggle
was forced to come to terms. They next advanced
to Hueypuchtlan, and then to Tepozotlan, where the
principal chiefs received certain military honors and
adopted new names. After passing with many halts
through other provinces they finally arrived in the
vicinity of Tezcuco, in the year 2 Tecpatl, where
they were well received by the king, and assigned
the plain of Poyauhllan as a place of encampment.'
Veytia states that a great number of the Teo-Chichi-
mecs, who did not like to settle in a locality sur-
rounded by so many people, passed on into the
country east of the Valley of Mexico, where they
spread over Tlascala, Huexotziiico, and Cholula,®
*Bras8eur, Hist., torn, ii., pp. 363-70.
5 Camargo, in Nouvelles Annalea, torn, xcviii., pp. 138-9, 145-6.
• Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 108-9.
w
lAft
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU.
I
which were probably occupied at that time by the
remnants of the Olmecs and Xicalancas, who had
formerly been subject to the Toltec empire.
Notwithstanding the settlers at Poyauhtlan met
with no opposition on their arrival, and even appear
to have been well received, their presence soon be-
came a source of great uneasiness to all the sur-
rounding nations. At first they behft,ved themselves
well enough, and as they gave no cause for complaint,
were left undisturbed in their new country for a
number of years; but as time progressed, and their
numbers increased, they began to encroach upon and
ravage the adjoining territories. This led to reprisals
and bloody encounters, until at length the evil grew
to be unbearable, and was finally put an end to by
the famous battle of Poyauhtlan, and the departure of
the Teo-Chichimecs to join their countrymen upon the
eastern plateau, in the year 1272. Their real reason
for leaving the countiy was doubtless their weakened
condition, for though they had nominally won the
battle of Poyauhtlan, yet it had been but a Cadmean
victory for them, and they knew that another such
engagement must infallibly result in their annihila-
tion. But be this as it may, their god Camaxtli
spoke opportunely through the mouth of his priests,
saying, "arise, depart from hence, for the dawn of
your greatness shall not break in this place, neither
shall tlie sun of your splendor rise here." But the
strongest proof that the Teo-Chichimecs emigrated
because their enemies were too strong for them, lies
in the lact that they found it necessary to ask
the king of Tezcuco for permission to leave the
country, though Camargo gives as an excuse for
their submission that they wished to be able to
call upon him for assistance, should they meet
with reverses in their intended journey beyond
the mountains. The king of Tezcuco, doubtless
delighted to get rid of such troublesome neigh-
bors, not only gave the desired permission, but
TEO-CHICHIMEG MIGRATION.
489
^
granted them safe conduct through his dominions
and furnished them with trusty guides wlio were
to conduct them by the safest passes to the sum-
mit of the range, and thence to point them out
their road toward the east. No time was lost in
setting out, and soon the whole Teo-Chichimec na-
tion was marching eastward. Their guides led them
to the peak of Tlalocan, from which elevation they
overlooked an immense extent of country. Behind
them the Lake of Mexico sparkled in the midst of
the valley of Andhuac, before them lay the fertile
provinces of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, and Cholula. De-
scending to the plain they gave vent to their joy in
feasts and rejoicings, and offered thanks to their god
Camaxtli, who had delivered them from their ene-
mies and brought them into such a fair land. It is
related, however, that the entire nation did not ascend
the peak. A large party under the leadership of
Chimalcuixintecuhtli refused to climb the great east-
ern range, and proceeded northwards to Tulancingo,
Quauhchinanco, and other neighboring provinces
which they found to be already colonized by Macui-
lacatltecuiicli a kinsman of Chimalcuixintecuhtli,
who welcomed the wanderers with every mark of
friendship, and as an especial token of his favor con-
ferred wives upon their chiefs.'
Meantime the larger portion of the emigrants
pressed forward into the eastern country. They seem
to have kept together until they reached a place called
Tetliyacac,* situated near Huexotzinco, where they
separated into several divisions, and dispersed in
various directions. Most of the surrounding cities
and provinces* fell into their hands one after another,
and befoio Jong they had gained possession of the
1 Caviarffo, in Nouvelles Annales, torn, xoviii., pp. 145-7; Torqvemada,
tnni. i., pp. 260-1 J Vlavigero, toin. i., p. 154; Brasaeur, Hist., tinn. ii., pp.
SST-fiO.
8 Spelled Tct'i\nicatl by Camar^. Torquemada, torn, i., p. 262, saya
that a Kcparation took pla'.:e previously at Tepapayecan. Caiiiar);;o, in
Nouvelles Annales, torn, xoviii., p. 160, may possibly imply the samo, but
he is vety confused at this point.
m
490
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU.
best part of the country. Thus the province of
Quauhquelchula was appropriated by Toquetzal and
Yohuallatonac, and the town of Coatepec was
founded by Quetzalxiuhtli;' another band went to
Ahuayopan, wherr a bloody fray took place among
them, which caused a chief named Izcohuatl to sepa-
rate from the rest and settle in Zacatlan. Tetzitzi-
mitl founded, or took possession of Totollan ; Quauht-
zintecuhtli settled in Atlmayoacan ; Cozcaquauh
Huehue established himself in the Teop ti district;
Tlotlitccuhtli went a little lower down ; Tempatlahuac
settled in the Contlan district; Cacamatecuhtli in the
Xaltepetlapan district; Calpan surrendered to Tolte-
catltecuhtli ; Cimatecuhtli obtained Totomihuacan;
Totomalotecuhtli gained possession of Tepeaca.^"
For several years the Teo-Ghichimecs contin\ied to
extend their settlements over the entire pL'teaa.
Some of the provinces yielded without a stm-jy'' ,
others offered a desperate resistance, but though tie
invaders occasionally met with a temporary repulse,
their arms Avere always victorious in the end. At
Nacapahuazcan they were visited by certain Chichi-
mec chiefs who are said to have preceded them on the
plateau, and who instructed the new-comers how to
cook meat in earthen pots which they presented to
them." Here they conferred the dignity of Tecuhtli
upon a number of warriors who had distinguished
themselves. They next proceeded tow;irds the plain
9 Torqucmntln, torn, i., p. 262, CninarRO says that Coatepec wa«
foiiiulol ill tliu province of Cjtiauhquelchula by the three la.st named
chiefn; this i«, liowever, probably a niiatukc of the Frcncli translator.
BniHsoiir Haws Coatepec 'sc Rouincttait h. Quetzalxiuhtli.' Hist., torn, ii.,
p. 372.
1" IJrasseur, Hist., ton., ii., p. 373, calls this cliief Quanhtliztac.
•1 Cdiihinio, in Noiii'cUcs Antmles, toni. xcviii., p]>. ir)l-2. These
chiefs won; nanieil Totolohuizil and Quctzalteiiuyacixcotl, and are thr
same as those mentioned by Caniargo on p. l.")0, as having arrived at <'iio-
lula in the year 1 Acatl. Thoy are also identical with the Chichimco-Tol-
tec cliiefs who, according to Brassenr's account, already recorded, con-
quered Cholula by a stratagem si;'>n after the Toltec fall. Sec ante, np. 48.5-6
Speaking of their visit to the Teo-Chichimecs at Necapahuazcan, IJrasscur,
liist., tom. ii., p. .372, calls them the "nouveaux seigneurs de Cholula."
Rut it is evident from the context that Camargo does not regard them as
such, iiotwithstaiiding what he has said about their arrival in 1 Acatl.
The
CONQUEST OF CHOLULA.
491
of C^ olula, but their passage through the mountains
was opposed by the Tlachiach and Aquiach, who re-
fused to let them enter their country.* They met
with a very haughty response, liowever, in which tlie
Teo-Chichimecs expressed their determination to con-
tinue their march in spite of all opposition. Upon
this the Cholultec princes retreated, and the invaders
advanced without hindrance. At Tepeticpac, a city
strongly fortified by art and nature, their progress
was again stayed by the Olmec prince, Colopechtli,
but after a desperate resistance the city was taken
and its brave defender slain. Struck by the advan-
tageous position of this place, the Teo-Chichimec
leader, Quanez," resolved to found his capital here.
The city was first known as Texcalticpac, then as
Texcalla, and finally as Tlaxcallan, or TlascaLa."
So far everything had gone well with the invaders.
While they were united and occupied themselves
only in driving the rightful possessors from the soil
they had experienced a succession of brilliant con-
quests. But, as is usual in such cases, they had no
sooner got possession of the country than they began
to quarrel among themselves. Quanez was the first
to give rise to a jealous feeling. He had fortified his
position at Tlascala niore strongly than ever, and
seemed disposed to aim at the sovereignty of the
plateau. To this liis brother chiefs at Huexotzinco
and other places would not submit. Each wanted to
1)0 independent in tiie territory he had won, and they
clamored for a distinct division of the soil. Quanez,
however, persisted in his ambitious designs and soon
confirmed their suspicions by his acts. Upon this
the other chiefs held a consultation which resulted in
their uniting their forces and marching upon Tlascala.
" CiiUod ' Collma-Tiuotli-Quancz, le viiiiiqueur dc Poynuhtlivii,' and
(Udlmii-Tciictli, by BraHsour; and Culhuatccuhtli und Aculhua Tccuhtli by
(■umurffo.
'^ Caiiiitrfio, in Noiivelles Annales, torn, xcviii., pp. 136, 152-4, 104;
Veytin, toin. ii., p. 175; Uerrera, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii; Torque mcula,
tuni. i., p. 263.
492
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU.
It seems that they were met by Quanez, who, how-
ever, was defeated in the engagement that ensued
and forced to retreat to his stronghold, where he was
closely besieged by his enemies." The Tlascaltecs
did not remain shut up within their walls, however,
but made frequent and furious sallies against the be-
siegers. The horrors of these engagements, in which
fathers fought against sons, and brothers against
brothers, are dilated upon by the historians. All ef-
forts were unavailing, outpost after outpost was lost
to the enemy until the Tlascaltecs were finally driven
within the walls of the city proper, without any hope
of escape. In this extremity Quanez matiaged to
secretly dispatch messengers to the king of Tezcuco
i k1 to the princes of Xochimilco" and Xalpan, re-
sting assistance. The Tezcucan monarch promptly
i\ (onded to the call with a considerable force, under
the command of a valiant chief named Chinametl,
and at the same time sent the beleaguered Quanez a
valuable alabaster vase as an encouraging token of
regard. This re-inforcement, together with certain
prophecies delivered by the oracle of Camaxtli, re-
assured the Tlascaltecs, and they at once set about
strengthening their position.
In the meantime Xiuhtlehui, prince of Huexot-
zinco, who commanded the allied troops, seeing the
aid obtained by the enemy, and fearing that the
victory which had seemed so certain during the
earlier part of the campaign, was slipping out of his
hands, sent messengers to Coxcoxtli, king of Culhua-
can," imploring his aid, and expatiating on the
'♦ Camnrffo, in Nouvelles Aniialcs, torn, xcviii., p. 164.
'5 IJrasseur writes Xicochiiimlco.
i« 'Coxcoxtli, roi de Culhuacan, qui gouvernait alore, avec ses proprcs
^tats, Ics Mexicains <^tablis dans le voiBinage dc sa capitalc, ct len Tcpa.
n^iics d'Azcapotzalco, est lo scul prince h. qui sc puissc ra|iportcr I'dvd-
nementdont il s'agit ici, Tezozouioc n'ayant r6gn6que beaucoup plustard.'
Brasscnr, Hist, torn, ii., p. 409; see also note on p. 410 of same work.
Camargo says that Xiuhtlcnui sent for aid to 'Matlatlihuitzin, qui regnait
alors il Mexico.' Nouvelles Aniialcs, torn, xcviii., p. 156. Vcytia, toni. ii.,
pp. 197-201, states that he sent to Acamapichtli iI, Matlatlihuitzin Iwing
probably a Burnaine borne by that prince. Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 264-6,
ing
WAR BETWEEN TLASCALA AND HUEXOTZINCO. 498
strongest terms on the harm wrought by tho Tlas-
caltecs. Coxcoxtli was much puzzled how to act; he
was on friendly terms with both parties, and perhaps,
as Camargo says, he was afraid of the Tlascaltecs.
At length, after carefully considering the matter, he
adopted a very cautious policy. He instructed the
Huexotzinca envoys to tell their master that he
would send an army as required, but no sooner had
they departed than he sent a message to the Tlas-
caltec chief, greeting him in the most friendly terms,
and informing him of the application he had received
and the promise he had given. This promise, he
said, he was .bound to keep, but only as a matter of
form; his troops should take no active part against
the Tlascaltecs, who, he begged, in their turn, would
take care not to injure his soldiers.
Flattered by this proof of friendship, Quanez
returned his thanks to Coxcoxtli with assurances
that the latter's troo'^s should suffer no liarm at his
hands. The Tlascaltecs then prepared to meet the
expected attack, and all the people attended an elab-
orate ceremony for the purpose of beseeching the
protection and aid of their god Camaxtli. The an-
swer of the god was favorable; he exhorted them to
take courage and fear nothing, for they should surely
be triumphant, and directed them to seek for a virgin
having one breast larger than the other, and sacrifice
her in his honor, which was done.
On the third day, when the last of the propitia-
tory ceremonies had been completed, the Tlascaltecs
turned their attention towards the enemy; and,
behold, the hills and plains, far and near, were
swarming with hostile troops. Coxcoxtli's auxiliaries
had arrived and were posted as a reserve on a neigh-
boring mountain, where they remained inactive dur-
ing the combat that ensued. At this sight the
hearts of the valiant Tlascaltecs sank within them,
and Clavigero, torn, i-, P> 16S, agree with Camargo in the name, but B|>cnk
of the prince as being Tepanec.
11
494
History of the eastern plateau.
I,
1 1
and they sought and obtained renewed assurances of
divine favor. Scarcely had they done so when the
battle commenced. At the first shock the Tlascal-
tecs captured a warrior, who was hurried to Camax-
tli's altar, and sacrificed in their horrible manner.
The battle soon raged furiously, the air was black
with stones, arrows, and javelins, the rocks resounded
with the war-cries of the combatants, blood flowed
in torrents. Cheered on by their high-priest, and
strong in their faith in the oracles that had promised
them victory, the Tlascaltecs were irresistible, and
soon drove the enemy before them. Before long the
rout became general, and a terrible caynage ensued,
the like of which could be found only, say the an-
nals, ujion the bloody plain of Poyauhtlan. In the
meantime Coxcoxtli's troops descended from the hill
from which they had witnessed the whole battle,
and quietly retreated to Andhuac, without in any
way succoring the defeated army.
This great victory made the Tlascaltecs much re-
spected, and all the neighboring nations hastened to
congratulate Quanez upon his success and proffer him
their alliance, while the conquered people humbly
confessed that they had been in the wrong and pre-
vailed upon the elated victor to pardon their presumpt-
uous conduct. Thus Tlascala became the most power-
ful state on the plateau, a position which it enjoyed
for some time in peace."
It was about this time, or shortly afterward, that
disturbances occurred in Cholula, of which there is
more than one account. Brasseur relates that the
ancient inhabitants of the city, who had groaned for
a number of years under the Teo-Chichimec yoke,
and whose principal men had long been in exile, re-
solved at length to make an effort to recover their
freedom. They applied to Coxcoxtli of Culhuacaii
" Camnrgo, in NouvdhJi Annales, torn, cxviii., pp. 154-63; Torque-
mada, torn, i., pp. 264-8; Ciavigero, torn, i., pp. 154-5; Veytia, torn, ii.,
pp. 200-12; Brasseur, Hist., toni. ii., pp. 405-18.
EASTERN ALLIANCE.
496
for aid, and as a sure inducement appealed to his
piety, by reminding him that Cholula was in a spirit-
ual sense the daughter of Quetzalcoatl, while in a tem-
poral sense she was the vassal of the kings of Cul-
huacan, whom she had never ceased to venerate as sov-
ereigns. Coxcoxtli granted their petition and at once
sent a force to their assistance. Tlie Teo-Chichimecs
who were in power at Cholula, had leagued them-
selves with the Huexotzincas, against Tlascala, but
since their humiliation, for some reason or other,
tliey had concentrated at Quauhquelchula, where
they continued to oppress the followers of Ceacatl.
The lineal descendants of the high-priests of Quetzal-
coatl were Iztantzin and Nacazpipilolxochi ; they
managed to interest in their favor the prince of Tlas-
cala, by referring to the great things he had done to
the honor of Camaxtli, and reminding him that this
god was the father of Quetzalcoatl ; was it not the
duty of the Tlascaltecs, they added, to do all in their
power to restore the ancient worship of the prophet
and deliver his ministers from their banishment.
This crafty argument had the desired effect. An al-
liance was concluded between the Cholultecs and the
neighboring states of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, Totomi-
huacan, Tepeaca, Quauhtecan, and Quauhtinchan,
and the exiled ministers of Quetzalcoatl were sol-
emnly conducted back to the sacred city. The towns
of the territory of Cholula were then subjected to the
Toltec authority, as of old, and the Teo-Chichimecs
of Quauhquelchula, Cuetlaxcoapan, and Ayotzinco,
hitherto leagued together against Iztantzin, were
forced to recognize him as their suzerain. These
events occurred between the years 1280 and 1299.**
Veytia's story of this disturbance in Cholula is
that Quauhquelchula, Cuetlaxcoapan, Ayotzinco, and
some other places in the province rose in rebellion
against the high-priest Iztamantzin,'" who called
" Brasseur, Hist., tom.ii., pp. 418-19.
>9 Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingshorough, vol. ix., p. 349, writes Iztaniatziii,
ami on p. 216, Yztacima.
496
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU.
upon Xiuhtemoc, king of Culhuacan, for assistance.
The force furnished by this monarch was divided
into two parts, one led by himself, the other by
Nacazpipilolxochi. With this army the insurgents
were finally humbled, though not without consider-
able bloodshed, and after the campaign had lasted
nearly a year.*" After the return of its priests Cho-
lula quickly regained its ancient prosperity. The
old laws were enforced and the executive author-
ity was entrusted to a military chief, who was assisted
in his duties by a council of six nobles, and this form
of government was preserved until the time of the
Conquest. From this time the city was rarely
troubled with wars, but was respected and held in
veneration as a sacred place of pilgrimage by all the
surrounding peoples.**
The peace which followed the victory over the
Huexotzincas and their allies gave the Tlascaltecs an
opportunity to turn their attention to more peaceful
pursuits. Their position as leading nation on the
plateau was now assured, and for a time they de-
voted themselves to the furtherance of culture and
commerce, fixing boundaries and granting lands to
those who had deserved them by their conduct in the
late wars. After remaining under one head for sev-
eral years the government took the form of a sort of
aristocratic republic. It was about this time that
Tlascala was divided into four wards, or districts.
Quanez had a brother named Teyohualminqui, to
whom, in his old age, he made over the district of
Ocotelulco,*' giving him at the same time a part of
» Veytia, torn, ii., pp. 154-5; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingahorough, vol. ix.,
pp. 216, 349.
21 lirasseur. Hist., torn, ii., pp. 41&-20.
^ Camatyo, in Notirellcs Annates, torn, xcviii. , p. 164. Veytia, torn.
ii., p 213, considers this account wrong. Culhua Tecnhtli Qnancz, he
says, who is Xiiiliqiietzaltzin, the younger brotlicr of Quinantzin of Tezciico,
had no V>rotlicr by that name, or, none who would have joined him in Tlas-
cala — he disregards the fact, as related by himself, that Xiuhquetzaltziii
must have ruled over a hundred years already. It is therefore much more
proluiblc, us related by other writers, he continues, that Quanez left h
own district of Tepeticpac or Texcalticpac to his eldest t.in, as will b«
REIGN OF QUANEZ.
497
the relics of Camaxtli, which were so highly venerated
as to constitute in themselves a gift no less princely
than the lands.
This prince so distinguished himself and enlarged
his domain by his bravery and conquests that he
eventually came to be regarded as chief of the whole
nation. Another district, called Quiahuiztlan,'" was
granted by Quanez to a chief named Mizquitl, who,
according to Camargo, had been one of the leaders
of the Chichimecs who went north after the battle
of Poyauhtlan instead of crossing the eastern range.
He had led his band northwards to Tepetlaoztoc,
whence he had subsequently come to Tlascala, arriv-
ing there in time to assist Quanez against the Huex-
otzincas. It was for this service that the district
was awarded him. These were three of the four
wards, for the part that Quanez reserved for himself
formed one, probably the largest at that time, and
was called Tepeticpac. The history of the events
which led to the foundation of the fourth district is
nuich confused. Camargo relates that Acatentehua,
grandson of Teyohualminqui, and third lord of Oco-
telulco, after reigning mildly for some time, suddenly
became ty ; nnical. Tlacomihua, one of his nobles,
rais'^d a rex oit, killed him, and succeeded to the throne
of Ocotelulco. These events led to the disaffection of
one Tzompane, who went with his followers to a part
of Tepeticpac, and there established a separate govern-
ment. He was succeeded by his son Xayacamachan,
otherwise called Tepolohua, who was afterwards mas-
won, and Ocotelulco to his second son, Cuicuetzcatl, 'swallow;' he ruled
jointly with his brother, and left the succession to his son Papalotl, 'but-
turilv,' who was followed by his brother Teyohualminqui, the al)ove-nanicd
poi-.si)iiii^e. He thinks tlie above two rulers have been omitted because of
tiu'ir brief rule. Others, he continues, relate that Mitl divided the rule
witli his brother. IxtlilxochitI, p. 344, says that the Tluscaltec rulers de-
SL'oiided from Xiuh^uzaltzin. Urasseur, Hist, tom..iii., p. 143, thou<;li he
cites Camarjro as his authority, states that Quanez associated his brother
with himself on the throne, and divided the town and territory of Tlascala
with him. Teyohualminqui then chose Ocotelulco. e his place of resi-
dence.
^^ Called also Tlapitzahuacan.
Vol. V. 83
Si .i'
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU.
sacred, together with all his relations. The next
rulers were Aztoguihua Aquiyahuacatl and Zococ Az-
tahua Tlacjiztalli, the latter of whom went with his
followers to the heights of Tianazatlan, where he
founded Tcatlaiz. His grandson, Xicotenoatl, was
reigning at the time of Cortes' arrival.''* According to
Brasseur, who follows Torquemada principally, a num-
ber of the inhabitants of the two oldest quarters, To-
peticpac and Ocotelulco, finding themselves too crowd-
ed, descended into the neighboring valley of Teotlal-
pan, where they constituted a separate government
under a chief named Tepolohua.** The number of
people that deserted the higher districts for the
pleasant valley, excited the jealousy of the otlier
chiefs. They united their forces, descended upon
the young settlement, and killed Topolohua. Tim
followers of the late chief then departed to Tizatluii
where they founded a seigniory which continued to
thrive in peace up to the reign of Xicotencatl, Avho
was ruling when the Spaniards came. At Tepeticpac
the descendants of Quanez continued to reign, and
were regarded as ranking first in the state. It was
at this ei)ocli that the united districts of Tlascala
adopted the peculiar form of government described
in a former volume,*' and that Nezahualcoyotl paid
his first visit to the republic, in 1420.
The history of the plateau grows very dim and
disconnected from this time on, and has lit^ht thrown
upon it only here and there, as it happens to be con-
nected with the more important affairs of the Aztec
empire, which seems to have engrossed the attention
of the historians.
Almost all that is known of the events that remain
to be recorded has already been told. We have seen
" Camargo, in Notimlles Annales, torn, xcviii., pp. 165-72.
Si BrasHour, Hist., torn, ii., pp. 143-4, makes Tzonipune, Xayacaiiia-
chan, ami Tepololina, one and tne same person. Camargo, as we liuvo
seen, speaks of them as father and son. Torquemada, tom. i., p. 273,
comhines two of the names, Xayacaniachautzompane.
*< See voL iL of this work, p.' 14L
MISCELLANEOUS EVENTS.
499
that in 1428 Nezahualcoyocl, fleeing for his life from
Maxthi, took refuge for a second time in Huexot-
zinco and Cholula, and was aided by the people of
these and other places on the plateau to recover his
father's throne at Tezcuco." In 1451-6 came the
great famine, when the terrible compact was made
between the people of the plateau and those of And-
huac for the provision of human sacrifices."* Then
followed the war between the Miztecs and the allied
powers, in which the Tlascaltecs and Huexotzincas
espoused the cause of the former.* We next find the
restless Tlascaltecs stirring up a war between the
Mexicans and the Olmecs of Cuetlachtlan, allying
themselves with the latter and sharing in their de-
feat.*' Shortly before the year 1460 several im-
portant cities upon the southern part of the plateau,
at the instigation of the Tlascaltecs and Huexotzin-
cas, killed some Mexican merchants, were instantly
attacked by the powers of the valley, reduced to the
rank of Mexican provinces, and ai)pended to Monte-
zuma's empire.^* About the year 1469 Axayacatl,
the Mexican monarch, having some cause of complaint
against the people of Huexotzinco and Atlixco, in-
vaded their country, and in the battle that ensued
the Mexicans, encouraged by the miraculous appear-
ance of Tezcatlipoca, routed their enemies.^ During
the reign of Nezahualpilli, Huexotzinco was again
troubled, the reason for the war this time being, as
we have seen, the predictions of the astrologers that
Huehuetzin Avas fated to vanquish the Tezcucan
monarch — predictions which Nezahualpilli falsified, in
their literal meaning at least, by a stratagem.^
Ahuitzotl of Mexico is said by Camargo to have in-
vaded the plateau and conquered Huexotzinco and
" See pp. 387-8, of this volume.
«8 Id., p. 414.
» Id., p. 416.
30 Id., p. 417.
" lirasseur. Hist., torn, iii., p. 269.
" Sec this vol., p. 426.
" Id., pp. 437-8.
!
I
600
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU.
i
Cholula,'* and it would appear that this fierr ''•jng did
not leave the country empty handed, for of j eighty
thousand human victims immolated by iiim at the
dedication of the temple of Huitzilopochtli in 1487,
we read that sixteen thousand were Huexotzincas."
His own nephew was afterwards taken captive in one
of the numerous battles or skirmishes which seem to
have been constantly occurring on the borders of the
plateau, principally at Atlixco, and offered as a sacri-
fice on the altar of Camaxtli." In 1498, an alterca-
tion arose between the lords of Cholula and Tepe-
aca, which led to a series of combats between those
states. The Cholultecs sought and obtained the aid
of Ahuitzotl, and we are left to suppose that they
tlien triumphed over their enemies. But the Mexi-
can emperor received a severe check soon afterwards
at Atlixco. The close proximity of that town to the
valley made it desirable for annexation to the empire.
Ahuitzotl accordingly entered its territory suddenly
with a considerable force. The Atlixcas gatliered
what troops they could to oppose the Mexicans, and
at once dispatched messengers to their a' s at Huex-
otzinco for aid. One of the Huexo \ captains,
named Tultecatl, who was playing at uc,a when the
news arrived, hurried off with a few followers to the
scene of combat without even taking time to arm
himself. Without hesitation he plunged into the
thick of the fight, slew a warrior with his hands,
seized his arms, and threw himself with such fuiy
upon the Mexicans that they were soon routed and
forced to abandon the field. For this valorous con-
duct Tultecatl was made ruler of a Huexotzinca
town. But in little more than a year events occur-
red which obliged him to retire from his post. For
some time past the priests of his town had been
indulging all manner of excesses with impunity;
3* Camargo, in Nouvelles Annalcs, torn. xcviiL, p. 178.
35 Brassrur, Ilist., toiii. iii., p. 341.
36 See this vol., p. 443.
ADVENTURES OF TULTECATL.
entering and pillaging houses with the greatest
effrontery, taking away the women's clothes whilo
they were hathing ; insulting the men ; and, in short,
taknig advantage of their sacred character to commit
every conceivable species of outrage. Tultecatl at-
tempted to put a stop to this disorder, and punish
its authors. For this purpose he armed a number of
the most respectable citizens. But the priests also
took up arms, and excited the populace in their favor.
It is said that Camaxtli aided his servants by various
enchantments, which so frightened the citizens that
they retreated in dismay. A great number of the
nobles with their followers, then betook themselves
to Itzcohuatl, lord of a neighboring province, to
whom they related the cause of their leaving Huex-
otzinco. But Itzcohuatl was a creature of Ahuit-
zotl, at whose hands he had received the lordship
he now enjoyed; he betrayed the refugees to his
master, by whom they were all put to death.*'
Immediately after the iu cession of Montezuma II.
Atlixco became once more the seat of war. This
unfortunate city seems to have been regarded by the
kings of the valley as the proper place to attack
whenever they required human victims for sacrifice.
It was customarj'^ for the kings of Andhuac before
they were formally crowned to make a raid upon
some neighboring nation for the purpose of obtaining
captives that their blood might grace the coronation
ceremonies. This was the cause of Montezuma's ex-
pedition against Atlixco on the occasion above
referred to. He accomplished his end and returned
with a great number of prisoners, though the victory
seems to have been dearly gained. But the armies
of the haughty Montezuma were not always triumph-
ant when they encountered the stronger nations of
the plateau, and a short time after the victory at
" Torqttemada, torn. L, p. 191; Vctancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 38; Clavi-
gcro, torn, i., pp. 259-60; Brasseur, Hist., torn, iii., pp. 375-7; Veytia,
toin. iii., pp, 297-9.
.V
6oa
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU.
Atlixco they received a serious check at the hands of
the Tlascaltecs.
For a long time Tlasoala had been regarded with
much jealousy by the Huexotzincas, Cholultecs, and
other nations of the plateau, both because of its
great commercial prosperity, and of its successful re-
sistance to the conquering kings of the valley. The
Tlascaltecs seem at this period to have given up all
hopes of gaining the sovereignty of the entire
region — so long the object of their ambition — and
to have confined their resources to strengthening their
own position, and fortifying their frontiers. Almost
all the neighboring states appear at this time to have
been either allied to or conquered by the powers in
the valley, and consequently the defensive measures
adopted by the republic for the preservation of its in-
dependence fanned their smouldering envy into flame,
so that they took every opportunity to provoke a
qnarrel between Tlascala and the kings of Auslhuac.
They represented that the Tlascaltecs designed to
possess themselves of the eastern maritime prov-
inces; that they hindered the merchants of the other
nations from trading in tliose regions, by making
secret treaties with the inhabitants. Only too glad
of an excuse to humble his ancient enemies, the
Mexican monarch was easily prevailed upon to break
up the Tlascaltec trade in the east, and this he did
so effectually that for a number of years the people
of the republic were deprived of the luxuries and
even some of the necessaries they had previously
enjoyed. At length, weary of these privations, yet
not strong enough to better their condition by force,
they dispatched an embassy to the Mexican king to
inquire the cause of an enmity which they had done
nothing to provoke. For answer, they were told
contemptuously that ti)e monarch of Mexico was lord
of the entire world, and they must pay tribute to him
or be prepared to take the consequences. To thi^*
they returned a haughty reply, saying that their
WAR BETWEEN TLASCALA AND MEXICO.
608
nation had never payed tribute to any earthly king,
and that before submitting to do so now they would
shed more blood than their ancestors had shed at
Poyauhtlan. They then once more turned all their
attention to strengthening their position, and it was
probably at this period, says Clavigero, that they
built the six-mile wall on the east side of the city.
They received considerable assistance from the numer-
ous Zacatec, Chalca, anJ Otomi refugees, of whom
the garrisons on the frontier were chiefly composed.
But the privations which they suffered by reason of
the stoppage of their intercc>ur8e with the surround-
ing peoples, constantly increased, and for over sixty
years, says Torquemada, salt and other staples were
unknown to the poorer classes, at least, though the
nobles may have fared somewhat better.* The date
of these events is not certain, but they probably oc-
curred during the reign of Axayacatl. From the
time of the defiance recorded above until the acces-
sion of Montezuma II., theie appear to have been no
important hostilities between the Mexicans and Tlas-
caltecs, but no sooner had Montezuma ascended the
throne of Mexico than he determined to make a
grand effort to humble the stout little republic, and
forthwith issued a proclamation commanding all his
subjects and allies to assist in a general attack. At
this time the four lords of Tlascala were Maxixcatzin,
who ruled in the district of Ocotelulco; Xicotencatl,
in Tizatlan; Teohuayacatzin, in Quiahuiztlan ; and
Tlehuexolotl, in Tepeticpac. Fifteen years afterwards
these four princes received Cortds and his companions
within their walls. The Huexotzincas and Cholul-
tecs were the first to begin the war, which may be
said to have lasted until the coming of the Spaniards.
Failing to bribe the Otomf garrison of Hueyotlipan,
on the Tezcucan frontier, to betray their trust, they
J* Cavmrffo, in Nouvelles Annales, torn, xcviii., jip. 178-80; TorquC'
mada, torn, i., pc. I07-9i Ctavtgtro, torn, i., pp. 276-8; liraiucur, Hkt.,
torn, iii., pp. 402-ft.
SOi
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU.
invaded the Tlascaltec territory under the command
of Tecayahuatzin of Huexotzinco, and advanced as
far as Xiloxuchitla, within a league of the capital.
Hero they were met by Tizatlacatzin, a noble chief of
Ocotelulco, who with a mere handful of warriors suc-
ceeded in checking their farther advance, though at
the price of his own life.* The Tlascaltecs hastened
to avenge the death of their brave leader by laying
waste the province of Huexotzinco. Shortly after-
wards they again encountered the Huexotzincas on
the heights of Matlalcueje, and pressed them so
hard that Tecayahuatzin sent off in haste to Monte-
zuma for re-inforcements. The Mexican monarch at
once responded with a large force under the command
of Tlacahuepantzin, his eldest son." After receiving
re-inforcements at Quauhquelchula Tlacahuepantzin
proceeded by way of Atlixco valley to eflfect a union
with the Huexotzincas, but the Tlascaltecs, seeing
that this must be ; revented at all hazards, bore down
upon him before he could join his allies with such
fury that his army was scattered in all directions.
In this battle Tlacahuepantzin was slain and a great
spoil fell into the hands of the victors, who probal)ly
suffered severely also, as they now returned to theii
capital to recuperate. But it seems" that they still
» Torquemada, toin. i., pp. 200-1; Vetanevrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 40. Ac-
cording to Caiuargo, in Nouvelles Annales, torn, xcviii., pp. 18*2-3, and
« Caman
Clavij^ro, torn, i., p. 278, the Tlascaltecs were beaten on this occasion,
JO, in Vt
•St., torn,
general was Montezuma's eldest son. uiii iximxocniti, in Atngaooromn,
vol. ix., p. 271; and Duran, M8., torn, ii., cap. IviL, Tezozouioc, in Id.,
ouvellea Annales, torn, xcviii., p. 183; Clavigcro, torn.
i., p. 279; Torquemada, torn, i., p. 200; Vetanevrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 40,
Brasaeur, Uistj, torn, iii., p. 406. These authorities say that the Mexican
But Ixtlilxochitf, in Kingsboroiinh,
largc
; To:
p. IGO; say that ho was Montezuma's brother.
*i Clavigcro, torn, i., pp. 278-80; Torquemada, torn, i., pp. 201-2; Ve-
tatuivrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 40; Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, torn, xcviii.,
p. 183; Vcytia, torn, iii., pp. 324-6. Tlacahuepantzin is re},'ar(lcd by Clavi-
gcro as a man appointed to the generalship on account of his birth, and
not because he posseHscd auv military ability. Duran, M.S., toni. ii., cap.
Ivii., who makes this a war lietwecn Huexotzinco and Mexico, states tlint
he performed wonders on tlie battlefield, killing over fifty men, but whh
captured and killed on the field, in accordance with his oVn request; the
body was i)i-eacr>-eil as the relic of a hero. Other brothers of Montezuiim
were also killeil, and many captives carried to Huexotzinco. Tezozonun',
in Kxngshorougk, vol. ix., ]ip. 160-1, adds that the Aztecs were only one to
twenty in number, and that '10,000 warriors fell in the light. Shortly after,
ADVENTURES OP TLAHUICOL.
606
managed to keep the Huexotzincas penned up on the
heights of Matlalcueje, where they again attacked
them with fresh forces the following year. But the
delay had also given the Huexotzincas time to recu-
perate, and to strengfthen their naturally advanta-
geous position, so that the worst the Tlascaltecs could
do was to ravage the country, and this they did with
such effect that many of the Huexotzincas were
eventually compelled to migrate to Mexico in quest
of food. Tezozomoc makes this a more serious affair.
When the Huexotzincas, he says, were hard pressed
by the Tlascaltecs, the children and aged of the for-
mer people were invited to take refuge in Mexico
while the Mexicans with their allies set out to assist
the Huexotzincas. For twenty days Tlahuicol, the
Tlascaltec general, fought bravely, retreating at the
same timo before the superior number of the enemy.
Finally he was captured in a marsh, his army scat-
tered, and the land restored to the Huexotzincas.^
When Montezuma heard of the defeat of his troops
by the Tlascaltecs and the death of his son he was
furious, and in a public speech declared that he had
hitherto permitted the republic to exist as a supply
of captives for sacrifice and for the exercise of his
armies,** but that now he was determined to utterly
continues Tezozomoc, Ixtlilcnechahuac of Tollan, aided by Aztec troops
under three of Montezuma's cousins attadced the Huexotzincas again; the
three cousins were killed, with most of their troops, and the lord uf Tollan,
who was conspicuous in his Rne dress, was also slain; but the Chalcas com-
ing up, the victory turned and the Huexotzincas were compelled to retreat.
l£, np. 165-6; Duran, MS., torn. iL, caa Iviii. After this, the Chohiltecs,
who nad never yet had a war with the Mexicans, says Duran, challenged
that people to nght a battle, 'to give pleasure to the god of battle anuto
the sun. The Mexicans and their allies who, accoraine to Tezozomoc,
were opposed by six times the number of Chohiltecs, aided by Huexotzin-
cas and Atlixcas, lost 8,200 men; whereupon the light was discontinued,
and the Aztecs went home to mourn. Tezozomoc, pp. 169-70; Duran, MS.,
torn, ii., cap. lix. Ixtlilxochitl, p. 278, seems to refer to this battle when
he says that Montezuma II. agreed with the Atlixcas to leave Mucuilma-
linatzin, the true heir to the Mexican throne, in the lurch. He accordingly
perished with 2,800 of his warriors. NerahualpiUi composed a scathing
poem, denouncing this act as a base assassination.
^* Tezotomoe, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 172-4; Duran, MS., torn.
ii., cap. Ix.; Claviaero, torn. !., p. 280; Veytia, tom. iii., pp. 325-6.
** The truth of this bombiMtio aaaertioii the Tlascaltec historian, Ca-
niargo, denies, and doubtless with reason; as it would Ihs absurd to huppose
506
HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU.
annihilate the presumptuous and obstinate little state
now and forever. The people surrounding Tlascala
were ordered to renew the attack on all sides in con-
junction with the Aztec troops. But the Tlascaltecs
were, as usual, well prepared, and with the aid of the
Otoml frontier population, they gained a glorious
victory, and rich spoils. At the festivities which
ensued in Tlascala, the leaders of the Otoml auxil-
iaries were rewarded with the title of tecuhtli, while
the defeated Mexican captains were, by Montezuma's
orders, deprived of their rank and privileges.** Thus
the brave Tlascaltecs preserved their independence in
spite of the united efforts of their enemies until the
coming of Cortds, when it was their assistance and
implacable animosity to the Mexicans that made it
possible for a handful of adventurers to conquer a
world.
The above-recorded events occurred about 1505.
During the same year, the Huexotzincas and Cho-
lultecs fell out. In an engagement which ensued
the former put their enemies to flight and pursued
them into Cholula, where they killed a few citizens
and did some trifling damage to the temples. Anx-
ious to carry this version of the quarrel to Monte-
zuma before the Cholultecs could tell him another
story, they at once despatched an embassy to the
emperor. But the messengers mistook their r61e,
and in their anxiety to extol the valor of their
countrymen they lead Montezuma to believe that the
Cholultecs had been utterly annihilated and their
city destroyed. The emperor was much disturbed at
this news, because he had always been accustomed to
regard it as a holy city, secure from destruction.
that the Aztecs would have pennitted the existence of such a formidable
enemy at their very doora if they could have helped it. Besides, we have
seen how often they did their best to subdue TloscAla and failed.
« Torqnemada, torn, i., p. 202-3; Vcytia, torn. iii.,pp. 326-7; Brassmr,
Eiat, torn, iii., pp. 407-9; Vctancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 41; Duran, MS.,
torn, ii., cap. Ixi; Tezozotnoc, in Kinffsboroiigh, vol. ix., pp. 176-8; C/ari-
ffero, torn, i., p. 280; On'edo, Hist. Gen., torn, iii., p, 49/; Camargo, in
Nonvcllcs Aitnalcs, torn, xcviii., pp. 184-6.
WAR BETWEEN TEZCUCO AND TLASCALA.
607
Upon inquiry, however, he learned the true facts, and
at once sent a powerful army to punish the Huexot-
zincas for the deception they had practiced upon him.
The Huexotzincas marched out to meet the imperial
troops, but an explanation ensued, and the lying
ambassadors having been properly punished, Monte-
zuma was pacified.** In 1507 the Huexotzincas, as
we have seen,** became embroiled with the Mexicans
once more, on account of their burning the light-
house at Acachinanco — an offense for which they
were severely chastised by Montezuma's troops.
A war between Tezcuco and Tlascala^ which took
fjlace a very few years before the conquest, is the
atest recorded event in which the people of the
plateau were concerned, prior to the coming of the
Spaniards. On this occasion Nezahualpilli was urged
by Montezuma to join him in making war upon the
Tlascaltecs, for the purpose of obtaining victims for
sacrifice. It seems that the Mexican monar h was
jealous of the greatness of his Tezcucan rival, and
planned this war for his destruction.*^ Nezahual-
pilli, however, suspecting no harm from his colleague,
set out with his armj'^ towards Tlascala, and camped
ill the ravine of Tlalpepexic. Montezuma had in the
meantime sent word to the Tlascaltecs of the threat-
ened invasion, informing them at the same time that
though he was bound, as a matter of form, to accom-
pany Nezahualpilli, his troops would not aid him but
rather favor the Tlascaltecs. The latter accordingly
formed an ambuscade in the ravine of Tlalpepexic,
and in the morning, just as the Tezcucans, warned by
certain evil omens of the impending danger, were
breaking camp in great haste, they fell upon them
furiously, and routed them with great slaughter.
<' Torqtiemada, torn, i., pp. 209-10; Clavigero, torn, i., pp. 284-5; Bras-
■leiii; Hist., torn, iii., pp. 418-20; Veytia, torn, iii., pp. 33^-40.
*6 Sec this vol., p. 464.
" Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 280-1, the Tezcucan historian, is the only anthority
for this account, and it is probable enough that he has exaggerated Mon-
tezuma's treochery.
506
HISTORY OF MICHOACAN.
From the eastern plateau we turn now to the king-
dom of Michoacan, which lay to the west of Andhuac.
The boundaries of this flourishing state, as they ex-
isted at the time of the Conquest, may be easily
defined. On the north and north-east the rivers
Tololotlan, Pantla, and Coahuayana separated Micho-
acan from Tonala and Colima; on the west the
shores of the Pacific stretched south to Zacatollan;
the winding course of the river Mexcala marked the
southern frontier; and on the east lay the Mexican
provinces of Cohuixco and Matlaltzinco. The face of
the country enclosed within these limits presents a
series of undulating plains, intersected by numerous
mountain chains of varying height. The climate is
temperate, the land fertile, well wooded and watered,
and was celebrated, even in pre-Spanish times, for its
mines of gold and silver.
It is a singular fact that the Tarascos, the repre-
sentati\o people of Michoacan, though they were
certainly equal, if not superior, to their Aztec neigh-
bors in civilization, wealth, and power, have left no
record of their history anterior to the thirteenth cen-
tury, while even the little that is known of their later
history is told chiefly by Aztec chroniclers. The
origin of the Tarascos** is consequently an unsolved
problem. Their civilization seems to have been of
the Nahua type, though their language was totally
distinct from the Aztec, the representative Nahua
tongue.** It is a prevalent opinion that Michoacan
formed part of the Toltec empire, and that though
from its position it was the first to suffer from the
invading tribes, yet it was not affected by the causes
which overthrew the empire to such an extent as the
** For etvmology of this name, see toL ii., p. 130.
*> Several names of places in the country were, however, of Aztec
origin, and even the name Michoacan, ' place of fish,' is derived from the
Aztec words michin and can. Beaumont, C \'n. Mechoacan, MS., p. 47,
says that the original name of the country was Tzintzuntzan, but he trans-
lates this, 'town of green birds.* Brasaeur, Hitt., tom. iii., p. 62, says
Michoacan was ' le nom que lea Mexicains donnaient h la region des Ta-
raaques.'
EARLY TABASCO ANNALS.
609
valley of Anahuac; thus this theory would make the
Tarascos the very best representatives of the oldest
Nahua culture." Orozco mentions the Tecos as being
among the earliest inhabitants of Michoacan; the
subsequent possessors, he says, took the country from
this people about the time that the Toltecs settled in
Tollan." Tello speaks of the Culhuas coming from
Aztlan, the home of the Nahuatlacas, and settling in
Sonora, Jalisco, and as far south as Etzatlan and To-
nala. Gjl, commenting on this, expresses a belief
that there was a succession of early migrations into
this western and north-western region. Thus the
Culhuas came from the west and extended along the
coast to ZacatoUan. They were followed by the
Coras, who settled in Acaponeta Valley and as far as
Zentipac. Then came the Thorames, who conquered
the previous settlers and drove them to Nayarit.
Afterwards various Aztec tribes arrived from the
north. The first immigrants appear to have been the
most civilized, and occupied Tuitlan Valley, founding
the city of that name. The next comers erected the
Teul temple. Last of all came a ruder people, who
destroyed the young culture in places. "^ But these
accounts of the earliest occupation of Michoacan are
very meagre and unsatisfactory. The authorities near-
ly all tell the story of the Aztecs in their migration
from the Seven Caves to the valley of Aiidhuac, pass-
ing through this region and encamping on the shores
of Lake Patzcuaro, where they quarrel, in the manner
already related,** and separate, one portion proceeding
to Andhuac, and the other, bearing the name Ta-
rascos, remaining and settling the country." As I
5* Ixtlil.vochitl, in Kingshoroiigh, vol. ix., p. 214, luentionB a Toltec
party that emigrated to tlie Michoacan rej^ioii, and dwelt there for » long
time. Snhagun, torn, iii., lib. x., pp. 145-(> refers to a Toltec migration
iis an issue from the same region. Vcyti^, t ::. ii., pp. 39-40, sjicaks of Tol-
tecs who founded colonies all along the Pacific coast, and gradually changed
their language and customs.
4' Orozco y Berra, Geografia, pp. 120, ML
4» Gil, in Soe. Mex. Geog., Boletin, torn, viii., pp. 800-1.
M See this vol. p. 328.
M See also Tello's version of Aztei; Bettlement given by Gil, in Soc.
Mex. Ocog., Boletin, tom. viii., p. 601.
510
HI^ :'ORY OF MICHOACAN.
have already remarked, however, no faith can be placed
in this story. The total dissimilarity in language
shows the Tarascos to have been a people entirely dis-
tinct from the Mexicans. It must not, however, be
thought from this that there was any relationship
between the Toltec and Tarasco languages. We
have already seen that many nations adopted Nahua
institutions, who did not speak Nahua dialects.
Herrera states that Michoacan was occupied, dur-
ing its later years, by four peoples, each having a
different origin and language, namely, Chichimecs,
Mexicans, Otomfs, and Tarascos." Of these, says
Brasseur, the Chichimecs were savage tribes who
lived on the north-east frontier. Though they would
not conform to the rules of civilized life, yet they
recognized the sovereignty of the Tarasco princes,
and lent them their aid in time of war. Their lan-
guage was the Pame, which is spoken at the present
day by the tribes living in the mountains of Tzichu,
north-east of Guanajuato. The Mexican population
was composed of those Nahuas who had separated
from their companions on the march, or who had
from various causes been forced to flee from Anahuac.
The Otomi's were the primitive nations who dwelt in
the valleys west of Anslhuac, including the Maza-
huas on the north, and the Matlaltzincas on the
south-west."
An anonymous manuscript written for Don An-
tonio de Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain, formerly
belonging to the Peter Force collection, in Washing-
ton, and quoted by Brasseur de Bourbourg, contains
nearly all that is known of the early history of
Michoacan.
At the period when the Chichimecs first made
their appearance in Andhuac and the surrounding
regions, Michoacan was settled and its people were
civilized. At that time the country was divided into
>'> Hist. Gen., dec. uL, lib. iiL, cap. ix.
M Hist, torn, iii., pp. 65-6.
CHICHIMEC 0(X;UPATION.
511
a great number of little states, and the people of
the principal of these called themselves Betamas
and Ezcomachas. The most powerful of all the
chiefs was the king of the isles of Patzcuaro, who
bore the title of El Henditare, 'lord above all,' and
had subjected a number of the surrounding peoples,
including some Chichimec tribes, to his authority.
A little to the north of the lake was the inde-
pendent town and territory of Naranjan, which was
governed by a chief named Ziranziran Camaro. It
is in the neighborhood of this town that we first meet
with the wild Chichimec Wanacaces," led by their
chief Iri Ticatame, who bore by virtue of his office
the image of their god Curicaneri. All we know of
the original home of this people is that, according to
their own account, they came from a distant land
called Bayameo. They were a wandering race of
daring hunters, and seem to have had no particular
object in coming to Michoacan other than to find
good hunting-grounds. Upon arriving at the borders
of the- forest of Wiriu Quarampejo, within sight of
the city of Naranjan, they halted and built a great
altar to their gods as a token that they had found the
kind of country they wanted and intended to settle
there. The presence of the strangers created a great
deal &i alarm among the original inhabitants, and this
was increased when Iri Ticatame sent word to Ziran-
ziran Camaro that his people must bring fuel to the
altar of Curicaneri. Such an insolent demand
showed unmistakably that their intentions were not
peaceful ; and the priests, who in Michoacan had the
greatest influence in secular as well as ecclesiastical
affairs, at once began to propitiate the gods with sac-
rifice and prayer, without seeming to think for a
moment of the expediency of even parleying with the
invaders. But Ziranziran Camaro was more prudent,
and calling his hot-headed ministers before him he
" Called Chichimecaa vanAceoa by Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., torn.
i., p. 266.
612
HISTORY OF MICHOACAN.
pointed out to them the hopelessness and folly of en-
gaging in a war with the Wanacaces. The invaders,
he argued, would never have dared to make such a
demand unless they had been confident of their power
to enforce it ; it was better to conciliate them than to
risk the consequences of an open rupture ; finally he
proposed that a noble lady, one of his own relations,
should be given as a wife to Iri Ticatame. His ad-
vice was taken; the people of Naranjan hastened to
carry provisions and clothing to the strangers; the
lady was conducted to the wild chiefs hut ; and the
barbarians were appeased.
Of this marriage was born a son named Sicuiracha,
who was destined to play an important part in the
history of his country. When he was old enough to
leave his mother he was entrusted to the care of the
priests, to be instructed in all those things which it
was necessary for a youth of his country to know.
One of his principal duties was to kill game in the
forests and bring it to the altars for sacrifice. It
happened one day when he was hunting to supply a
special feast with offerings, that the quarry escaped to
the fields of Quierecuaro, but being mortally wounded
it died there, and was found by some women who
were gathering maize for the same festival. Now, it
seems that to wound game without killing it instantly
was thought to forebode evil to the hunter, so that
when the news of the discovery was carried to the
lord of Naranjan, he at once foresaw the downfall
of the Wanacaces, and lost no time before taking
council with his priests and nobles Upon the subject.
It was not long before these things reached the ear
of Iri Ticatame, and he appears to have shared in
the superstition, for he resolved to change his place
of abode without delay. Having announced his in-
tention to his tribe, he departed with his family and
the ima^e of Curicaneri to a place named Quereqto,
which does not seem to have been far distant; his
wife also took her god, Wasoricuare, wrapped up in
IRI TICATAME AND ORESTA.
618
a rich cloth, to her new home." Soon afterwards he
moved again to Zichajucuero, three leagues from the
city of Tzintzuntzan, where he erected a temple and
altars.
In the meantime Sicuiracha had grown up and
had become a brave warrior and skillful hunter; but
his father was now old, while his followers had lost
their ancient fierceness and energy by long repose.
The people of Naranjan had never forgotten the
humiliation they had suffered when the Wanacaces
first arrived. Now the time seemed ripe for ven-
geance.
At that time a very powerful prince named Oresta
was reigning at Cumachen. An embassy, laden with
costly presents, was sent to him from Naranjan, re-
questing his assistance to drive the Wanacaces out
of the country. Oresta had as much reason as any
to fear the interlopers, and he readily entered into
the scheme. The united forces then marched rapidly
and secretly against the place where Iri Ticatame
was dwelling, intending to surprise him before he
could call upon his warriors. On the borders of the
lake they met his wife, who, comprehending the situ-
ation at a glance, attempted to run and warn her
husband. But they caught her and reproached her
with wishing to betray her own people, and prevent
them from taking a just vengeance on their enemies.
She was a better wife than patriot, however; and
eluding the grasp of those who detained her, she fled
to warn Iri Ticatame. She arrived too late; the
allied troops reached the town before her, and at
once began the assault. The venerable chief of the
Wanacaces, attacked and surrounded in his own
house, defended himself valiantly for some time, but
at last overpowered by numbers, he fell dead upon a
heap of slain. His wife came up just at this mo-
" 'Chaque tribe, chaque famille, souvent chaque< pcrsonneavait son
dieu on ses ednies particiuiere k peuprfes comme lea teraphim de Lnban
qu'enlevait S I'iaau aa fiUe Rachel.' Brcuseur, Hist., torn, lii., p. 61.
Vol. y. 83
514
HISTORY OF MICHOACAN.
inont, and in spite of all that could be done to
prevent her, the devoted woman cast herself upon
the body of the fierce old chief and refused to be re-
moved or comforted. The victors then net fire to the
place and retired, carrying with them the idol Curi-
caneri.
Ignorant of the misfortune which had fallen upon
his house, Sicuiracha was hunting in a forest at
some distance from the doomed town when the news
was brought to him. He at once hastened to the
spot, but arrived only to find his mother weeping
upon the body of his father, amid the blazing build-
ings. Filled with rage at the sight, and thirsting for
vengeance, he wasted no time in useless mourning,
but calling together the few warriors who had escaped
the massacre, he started in pursuit of the enemy.
His force was so small that this seemed an act uf
madness; but fortune favors the brave. Elated with
their victory, or as the old chronicle has it, prompted
by the god they had stolen, the allied troops had
given themselves up to drunkenness, and in this state
the avengers found them. The idol stood neglected
at the foot of an oak; seizing this, the Wanacrces
rushed furiously upon their fallen foes. A. <.'''u'at
number were massacred, and the rest were carried
in triumph to Wayameo, where Sicuiracha dwelt.
For some time they were kept in the condition of
slaves, but eventually they were released upon the
understanding that their chiefs should recognize the
supremacy of Sicuiracha, who now formally took th(3
title of king. The new monarch rapidly increased
his territory by conquering and annexing the numer-
ous petty states that lay around it; he built several
temples, notably >one to Curicaneri, whom he re-
garded as the author of his greatness • increased the
number of priests, and ere^'ted Iwelnug^ for them
about the temples; enforr. igious observances;
and established his capiti Vayameo, here, after
THE TABASCOS ON LAKE PATZCUARO.
615
a lon^ and glorious reign, he died, leaving the king-
dom to his two sons, Pawacume and Wapeani.
Shortly after the accession of these princes, events
occurred in the flourishing region lying north of
Wayameo, or the southern shore of Lake Patzcuaro,
which affected the condition of the entire country,
and eventually added greatly to the power of the
Wanacace kings. The capital of this region was
Ttzintzuntzan. The chronicle I have hitherto fol-
lowed gives no account of the origin of this city;
but other authors, who in their turn make no men-
tion of the events above recorded, furnish a story of
its foundation, which I will relate here, before con-
tinuing the more consecutive narrative.
After the separation of the Tarascos from their
Aztec brethren, says Beaumont, the former, resolv-
ing to settle, began at once to till the ground and
sow the seeds that they had brought with them.
They then proceeded to elect a king from among
their bravest warriors. So highly was this quality
of courage esteemed by them that even the later
kings, who succeeded to the throne by inheritance,
were not allowed to wear certain jewels and orna-
ments until they had earned the right to do so by
capturing a prisoner in battle with their own hands.
Under the administration of such energetic men the
people progressed rapidly, both in wealth and power;
commerce was encouraged and the arts and sciences
flourished. But they especially excelled in feather-
work, for which the splendid plumage of the birds
of the country furnished abundant material." This
curious art is said to have been suggested by tho
phenomenon which led to the founding of their
capital. When the Tarascos first halted on the
southern shore of Lake Patzcuaro, they placed their
principal idol in a pleasant spot that the god might
repose, when, behold, a multitude of birds of gorgeous
" Beaumont, Crdn. Mtehoacan, MS., pp. 48, 63.
SI6
HISTORY OF MirHOAGAN.
plumage congregated in the air and formed a brilliant
shade or canopy above the sacred image. This was
at once hailed as a divine indication that they should
found their city here, and at the same time it sug-
gested the feather mosaics for which they afterwards
became so famous. In commemoration of this mi-
raculous manifestation of the divine will the city was
named Tzintzuntzan, 'place of celestial birds.'**
Little or nothing is known of the history of Tzin-
tzuntzan from this time until it is again brought into
notice by the events to which I have alluded as
occurring shortly after Sicuiracha was succeeded by
his sons on the throne at Wayameo. Granados, it is
true, states that nineteen kings ruled over the Ta-
rascos from the time of their settlement down to the
conquest, but he gives no account of any of them,
while Beaumont complains that ho is able to find
records of three only, namely, Characu, 'the boy king,'
Zwanga," and the son of the latter, Tangaxoan,"*
better known bv the name of Caltzontzin, 'lie wlio is
always shod,' to distinguish him from those other
rulers who, being vassals of the Aztec monarch, ap-
peared bare-footed before their suzerain."' At what
period the boy king lived it is impossible to toll, but
as the other two certainly reigned at a later date
•• Beltrami, Mexique, torn, ii., p. 54. Tlie first name j?iven to the town
wtiH (.iiiiiyuiij^arco, Hityx (iraiiados y (itilvoz, 7V< »•«/(•.< .1 «(<•;•., |>. J84. I'udrc
Liirren triiiiMluti'8 Tziiitziiiit/aii, 'town of green birds,' ami the town wiih m)
culled, he Huys, from the form of the idol, lieuumont callH it alw) Chiuoilu
and Hnitzitzilu<iue. Ci<Ui. Mcchoarnii, MS., pp. 4% 4t)-7.
£> Alt*o known as CliiguaiiKua, ('hi^uaciia, and Tzihimnga.
<* AIho, Sintzielm Tan)raiuun, 'he of tiie line teeth.*
«' llitiumont, CrtSii. Mfcnoiican, MS., pp. 445, «58-9, 76. Ilcrrera, <?<•(•.
iii., lih. iii., cap. viii., tranxlates Cnzonzin by 'old Hwndala,' Hayin)( tliat
the name was beHtowed npon the kinj; us a nick-name Iwcuuh*} of tlic
ahubby dress in whieli he ap|H'nred lieforo t^orti's. According to Alejirc.
Hiat. Com ft. tic Jesun, turn, i., p. *.)!, Cultzontziu wiis the name given to
Ziiitzicha iiy the Siminurds. Ileltrami, Mexique, tom. ii., p. 44, writes tlic
iiume Sinzinclia. rorqnemnda, tom. i., p. S.*)}), calls him ( aezoltzin. tlra-
luidos y tJalvez, Tardea Amrr., pp. 184-6, writes Cultzor.tzin or Cinziin.
*l.es relations et les histoircs relatives an Miehoacan donnent tontes an mi
dcs Tarasone-4 ie tUrc ou le nom de <'az<mtzin. Ktait-cc un titre? u'cst in-
eortain. Toiijuinnula no suit ce(pril doit en penser.' Uniaxcur, lliat., torn.
ii<., p. 78. ( uzonzi 'p^<rait Olw nn corniiition tiirasipie ilu mot nahuatl
Laitzuutziu, Chef ou tdto do la iimiiHm.' lu., torn, iv., p. 303.
THE GODDESS XARATANGA.
617
than our story has yet reached, they may all be
referred to hereafter.
Let us now return to the anonymous narrative.
At the time of Sicuiracha's death at Wayameo, three
brothers named Tarigaran, Pacimwane, and Sucurawe
were reigning in the region of which Tzintzuntzan
was the capital. On a hill overlooking the lake
stood the temple of their chief divinity, the goddess
Xaratanga, whose son was named Manowapa. Now,
the priests of this goddess oi)tained the wood which
they burned in the temple from the forest of Atama-
tiiho, close to Wayameo, and they frequently took
advantage of their proxinuty to the temple of Curi-
caneri to carry wood tliero, a courtesy which tiie
Wanacace priests returned by occasionally bearing
fuel to the sanctuary of Xaratanga. It happened
one day, when the feast of the goddess was aj)-
proaching, that Tarigaran and his two brothers,
with their attendants, went to tlie tcini)lc to assist
the priests to decorate the idol. But the princes had
been drinking deeply, and the goddess, perceiving
this, punisheil them for their irreverence by mak-
ing them very drunk. Then the brothers became
alarmed, and sent their women to the lake to procure
Hsh, by eating which they hoped to dissipate the
fumes of the licjaor. But the outraged goddess had
hidden the lish, and the women succeeded onlv in
catching a large serpent, Aviuch tliey carried to the
priests, who cooked it and ate of it together with the
princes, at sunset. But no sooner had the strange
food passed their lij)s than, to their horror, thoy nil
found themselves turned into serpents. Filled with
terror and dismay they plunged into the lake and
swam towards the mountain of Tiriacuri, amid the
recesses of wb.ich they disappeared u])on landing.
The territory of Taintzuntzan *»oing now bereft of
its chief priests and princes olfered an easy prey to
its Wanacace neighbors, and several chiefs, probably
vassals of the kings of Wayameo, soon began to en-
518
HISTORY OF MICHOACAN.
croach upon its borders. Tarapeeha Chanhori took
possession of Curincuaro Achurin and established
himself there, while Ipinchuari did the same at Pe-
chetaro. The royal brothers of Wayameo also vook
up arms and possessed themselves first of Capacureo,
and then of Patamagua Nacaraho. At the latter
place they seem to have separated, each to make ctm-
quests on his own behalf."
The Tarasco populuiion was now thoroughly
alarmed and with one accord the various states began
to prepare for war. The kings of Wayameo, how-
over, assured Cuyupuri, who had succeeded to the
office of high-priest of Xaratanga at Tzintzuntzan,
that he should receive no injury, and at their invita-
tion he removed to the spot where his metamorphosed
predecessors had disappeared. Later he removed to
Sipico, on the borders of the lake, where he erected a
temple and other buildings; after that he went to
several other places, but finally established himself
on Blount Haracotin, where Wapeani had taken u})
his abode.
The two brothers now continued their conquests in
every direction, and before long thtjy had gained pos-
session of most of the places on the south shore of
the lake Patzcuaro, including the fertile region of
Tzintzuntzan. Now it came to pass one day, when
Wapeani had climbed Mount Atupen, and was
gaz,ing longingly at tlio beautiful islands which dot-
ted its surface, that his attention was attracted to a
pyramidal structure which rose in the centre of one
of the fairest of them. Perceiving a fisherman cast-
ing his nets at some distance, he called him to him.
In answer to his inquiries, the fisherman informed
the prince that the island upon which the temple
j* Flriisse'.ir, JTisf.. torn, iii., pp. fifi-7, ren<lei"s this passnjjrc vory ftm1)i};ii-
oiisly. H'f fut I'll (■(■ lieu ( l'atiiiiiii;;iiu Nuciiriiiio) que les <lieux, frfercs ilc
CHricaneri, sc Gepjin'-ivnt ; cluu'Uii ties chefs cliieliinicqueK, iirciiuiit lo »ien,
alia 8C fixer au lieu que In vietoirc hii doniin. I'our lui, eniitinuant I*
eours de ne8 conquiytes, il dioHsii tour h tour le Kihier sur les terrcs voisines,
pasMtn! li'uuc iiiuiitugnc ii Tnutrc, ct jetuut lu terrcur dans les {tupulatioiis
fl'uhMi^oar.'
kin"'
done
neigh
counc
taken
THE KING OF THE ISLES.
619
8tucxl was called Xaracuero, and was, together with
the island of Pacandan, ruled by a king named Curi-
eaten, who bore the title of El Henditare. He told
Wapeani, moreover, that there were Chichimecs on
these islands, though they did not speak the same
language as the Wanacaces. Wapeani was aston-
ished at this, as he had believed that his people were
the only Chichimecs in the country. The warriors
of his suite then asked the fisherman what his name
was, and if he had any daughters. He answered
that his name was Curipajan, and that he had no
children. They insisted, however, that he had
daughters, assuring him at the same time that they
intended no harm, but merely wanted to obtain wives
from the islands. At length, after repeated denials,
he confessed that he had one, who was little and
ugly, and quite unworthy of their consideration. It
matters not, they answered, say nothing to anybody,
but bring her here to-morrow.
What induced the fisherman to act against his in-
clinations after he had once got free, the chronicle
does not relate, but on the next day he returned at
the appointed time with his daughter. Wapeani
arrived at the rendezvous somewhat later, and finding
the girl to his taste he took her away with him, in-
structing her father to return home, and if (piestioned
concerning the absence of his daughter, to say tliat
she had been carried ott' and enslaved bv the Wana-
laces. Wapeani afterwards gave the woman to his
brother, l^awacume, who married her, and got by her
a son named Tariacuri, who subsecjuently became
king and was the founder of the kingdi^n of Mi-
choacan.
When the king of the isles learned what had been
done by Wapeani, he was greatly enraged, and the
neighboring lords having been called together a
council was held to consider what action should be
taken in the matter. But the lords were in favor of
peace, and it was finally arranged that the brother
520
HISTORY OF MICHOACAN.
kings should be invited to come and settle among
them, when the office of grand sacrificer should be
conferred upon Pawacume and that of priest of the
god Cuangari Changatun upon Wapeani. Messen-
gers were accordingly sent to make these proposals to
the brothers. Flattered by such brilliant offers and
dazzled by the costly presents which the envoys
brought with them, the princes readily consented to
the arrangement, and at once embarked for the isl-
ands, where they were received with great state, and
immediately invested with the promised dignities.
But it seems that the brothers' followers had not
been made acquainted with the details of this ar-
rangement, for after impatiently waiting some time
for the return of the princes, they also set out for tlio
islands to discover the cause of their detention. Up-
on learning the true state of the case they were furi-
ous, and demanded with many threats that Pawa-
cume and Wapeani, who, they said, had been ap-
pointed by Curicaneri as their guardians, should
instantly be sent back to their own people. Curicaten
thought it prudent to yield, and the brothers reluc-
tantly returned with their followers to the mainland.
But during their brief sojourn in the islands they
had seen much that was new to them, and having
observed the benefit to be derived from civilization,
they resolved to improve the condition of their coun-
try. Knowing, however, that their influence alone
would not suffice to make the people suddenly change
their nomadic habits, they called to their aid the
voice of the gods. One day they announced that the
god of Hades had appeared to them in a dream, com-
manding them to erect temples in honor of all the
Chichimec divinities. The people, whose religious
fervor seems to have been unbounded, were at once
anxious to begin the pious work. It only remained
to choose a suitable site. Under the guidance of the
brothers, they re[)aired to a densely wooded hill near
Tarimi Chundido, where there was a beautiful stream
a
CITY OF PATZCUARO.
521
of water, known henceforth by the name of Cuiriz-
catero. Here they set to work in earnest; hewing
down the trees and clearing the ground for the found-
ations of the temples. One after another the stately
edifices rose, and when they were finished the chiefs
began to vie with each other in building fine dwelling-
houses, so that in an incredibly short space of time
the sides of the hill were covered with buildings.
Such was the origin of the city of Patzcuaro,*' for
a long time the capital, and afterwards one of the
principal cities of Michoacan.
Now, at that time the kingdom of Curincuaro,
which comprised part of the lake islands, was one of
the most powerful states in all that region, and in
common with its Tarasco neighbors, it regarded the
rapid progress of the Wanacaces with feelings of
jealousy and apprehension, which soon resulted in
actual hostilities. An ambassador was sent to Patz-
cuaro to formally demand that its inhabitants should
bring fuel to the altars at Curincuaro. The Wa-
nacaces knew by experience what this meant, and at
once prepared for war. All being ready they marched
to meet the enemy. A terrible engagement took
place near the town of Ataquaro, in which Pawa-
cume and his brother were seriously wounded, and
finally forced to retreat with their troops to Patz-
cuaro.
Soon after this the great feast of the goddess
Curincuaro, the principal divinity of the kingdom
that bore her name, was celebrated. It appears that
it was arranged that all hostilities should cease
during this solemn period, that the Wanacaces might
join with their late enemies in the ceremonies. The
lords of Curincuaro were particularly anxious that
the brothers of Patzcuaro should appear at the feast,
and to ensure their presence they employed an old
^ 'I'afzcnnro vent ividemmeni dire le lien de temples; cti ou cun, dans In
Ittiigiic tiiraw^uc, conime dans la latigue yucat^ue.' Jircuseur, Hist, torn,
ill., p. 72.
622
HISTORY OF MIGHOACAN.
woman, who had access to them, to expatiate on
the grandeur of the coming festivities, and the num-
ber of sacrifices to be offered. She played her part
so well that the princes promised to be present ; after-
wards, being assured by certain of their priests that
treachery was designed, they renounced their inten-
tion of going; but emissaries from Curincuaro again
found means to persuade them, and when the day of
the feast arrived they set out to participate in it.
On the way they fell into an ambuscade, and Wa-
peani was killed on the spot. His brother escaped
and fled to Patzcuaro, but he was pursued by his
enemies and slain in the city, which was deserted on
account of all the people having gone to the feast.
The bodies of the unfortunate princes were ransomed
by their sorrowing subjects, and after being formally
burned were buried 'with much ceremony in a grave
dug at the foot of the steps leading up to the temple
of Curicaneri.
Curatame, Wapeani's eldest son, now ascended the
throne at Patzcuaro. He had two brothers named
Xetaco and Aramen. Pawacume, as we have already
remarked, had also a son named Tariacuri, by the
fisherman's daughter. This prince was sent to the
island of Xaracuero, to be educated by the Tarasco
priests in the arts of civilized life. On his return to
Patzcuaro, Tariacuri showed himself to be a youth of
an excellent disposition, very pious and industrious,
and withal highly accomplished in matters both of
war and of peace. As soon as he arrived at a suit-
able age he was crowned king of the Wanacaces;
whether his cousin Curatame continued to reign as
his colleague, or what became of him, is not stated.
Tariacuri soon began to extend his empire by con-
quest in every direction. He carried his arms farther
than any of his predecessors had done, and his hostile
expeditions were invariably attended by success.
Again the Tarasco princes were alarmed, and uniting
their forces they marched upon Patzcuaro. But Ta-
fHARACU, THE BOY KINO.
528
riacuri was irresistible; he surprised and vanquished
the allies at Ataro and Tupuxanchuen, conquered the
kint^dom of Zirumbo, and finally blockaded the lake
islands. Meanwhile, his cousins, jealous of his glory,
conspired with his enemies to betray him. But he
escaped their plots, and having possessed himself of
the islands he became king of the whole of Micho-
acan. This king may be identical with Characu, the
'boy king,' to whom I have already referred. My
reason for thinking so is that the events above re-
corded, or those immediately succeeding them, are
said to have happened in the time of Montezuma I.,
whilo the founding of a city named Charo, in the reign
of Cliiiracu, is also said by Beaumont to have taken
place during the life of the same Mexican monarch.
The founding of Charo was in this wise, according to
one account.
During the reign of 'the boy king' the Aztecs
made an inroad, aided by the Tecos and other unruly
tribes. Being hard pressed, the king applied to the
Matlultzincas of Toluca for aid. Six captains started
with their troops, and the Mexicans were defeated.
In reward for this timely aid, the Matlaltzincas were
granted their choice of lands within the kingdom of
Michoacan, and selected the region around Tiripito,
where the lower class founded Undameo, and the
nobles, Charo, so named in honor of the king. This
settlement being in the center of Michoacan, says
Pimentel, the people came to be known as the Pirin-
das, 'those in the middle.'**
In another place Beaumont gives Padre Larrea's
version of the founding of Ciiaro. In the time of Mon-
tezuma I. the Aztecs appeared in conjunction with
the Tecos and Matlaltzincas to attack Michoacan.
The Tarascos who were only one-third as strong as
their enemies, had recourse to strategy. Large sup-
l)lies of food and drink were spread in the camp, and
*^ Pimentel, Guadro, torn, i, p. 499; Beaumont, Crdn. Mechot^ean, MS.,
pp. 61-2, (jiiuting BaauUnque, Hist. Mech., lib i., cap. xv.
624
HISTORY OF MICHOACAN.
when the Aztec forces attacked, the Tarascos fled,
abandoning the camp. The hungry Aztecs at once
commenced to gorge themselves, and when filled with
meat and drink the Tarascos returned upon them
making a great slaughter, and capturing a goodly
number of Tecos and Matlaltzincas, who were given
lands in Michoacan; the Tecos as the more turbulent
in Patzcuaro and the capital, and the Matlaltzincas
in Charo, which was founded by them.®' The Mat-
laltzincas who remained in Toluca were conquered by
Axayacatl, as has been already related.**
Before his death, Tariacuri divided the kingdom,
and generously provided for the children of the
cousins who had attempted his destruction. To Hici-
pan he left Coyucan, a very important city; to Hicu-
caxe, Patzcuaro and its dependencies, and to his son,
Tangaxoan, he gave the territory of Tzintzuntzan,
which comprised the lake islands. These events, says
Brasseur, to which the anonymous historian assigns
no date, occurred, in all probability, during the first
part of the fifteenth century, Tangaxoan having been
a contemporary of Montezuma I., of Mexico.
Michoacan did not remain long divided. Hicucaxe
had a great number of sons, all of whom he put to
death because they were disorderly and oppressed
the people. Another son which was born to him later
was killed by lightning, and apotheosized on that ac-
count. Thus the king of Patzcuaro died without
leaving heirs, and his division was added to Tanga-
xoan s territory. The kingdom of Coyucan, upon the
death of Hicipan, was also annexed to Tzintzuntzan,
where Tangaxoan's son Ziziz Pandacuare, was then
reigning. Michoacan became thus re-united under
one head. Ziziz Pandacuare used his great power
^ Beaumont, Cnfn. MecAoacan, MS., pp. 60-61. Granados, p. 186, refers
to a seven years' struggle, wliicli may w; the same as the above. Tlio
records indicate two great battles at Tajiniaroa and Zichn.
"8 Clavigcro, torn, i., p. 150; Alcedo, Dice, torn, iii., p. 461; Pimcntel,
Cuadro, torn, i., p. 499. See also this vol., pp. 432-6. Sahagun, torn, iii.,
lib. X., p. 129.
REIGN OF ZWANGA.
52S
for the advancement and benefit of his country. He
embellished the city of Tzintzuntzan, and made it his
capital. His reij^n was a long and jflorious one, and
it was chiefly to his able administration that Michoa-
can owed its greatness.^
Ziziz Pandacuare was succeeded by his son Zwan-
ga.™ It was during the reign of this prince that the
valiant Tlascaltec general, Tlahuicol, invaded Mi-
choacan at the head of a Mexican army, and took Tan-
gimaroa, or Tlaximaloyan, and other towns, together
with great spoils," Zwanga was still on the throne
at Tzintzuntzan when Cortes took Mexico. He
was appealed to for aid by Cuitlahuatl, who was
elected monarch after the death of Montezuma 1 1.
After some hesitation he promised his assistance.
Ambassadors were sent to Mexico, who, when they
arrived, found Cuitlahuatl dead, and the smull-pox
nigin;' in the city. They hiistened back to Tzintzun-
tsan, but bore with them the germs of the disease,
v/hich rapidly spread through the capital, and carried
off the king and a great number of his subjects.
Zwanga left several sons, and the eldest of these,
Tangaxoan II., seized the sceptre." He appears to
have been a weak prince, and totally unfit to fill the
throne at such a critical period. One of his first acts
was to cause his brothers to be put to death, on the
pretense that they had conspired against his life, but
really because he was jealous of their power." This
cruel murder caused serious disturbance in the capi-
tal, and the fratricide brought great odium upon
himself. It was said that such a terrible deed por-
tended evil to the country — a prediction which was
*9 Brassrur, IJisf., torn, iii., pp. 51-78; Carhajal E.ynuo.sa, Hist. Mix.,
toiii. i., pp. 2(i4-85.
"• A1h<» sjMjlled TzihuaiiKu, see note 62.
'1 See tins vol., i)p. 477-8. Rcuiiiiiont ways that Tlahuicol jjained noth-
ing duriii'' his six months' campaign except some booty, ami he iloiibtH
whether tliat was mnch, as along the frontier there was little to he had.
Cruii. Mrrhoacan, MS., pp. 59-60.
">* lie Uore the title of ( 'altzontzin. See note 63. Brassenr says he was
also calletl (iwangwa Pagua, Hist., torn, iii., p. 78.
^> Beaumont, Crdn. Meclioacan, MS., p. 68.
626
HISTORY OF OAJACA.
verified strongly afterwards, by the appearance of a
Spanish soldier who had Keen sent by Cortes to
reconnoitre trie country.
The Taraseos, like most of the other Nahua na-
tions, were warned by omens of their futNre subjec-
tion to a foreign power. Beaumont, vho makes
Tangaxoau II. a contemporary of Montezuma II.,
rolates that the former was at first persuaded to
assist the latter against the Spaniards, but was cau-
tioned by the spirit of his dead sister, who, to prove
that her utterances were not meaningless, pointed
out certain signs in the heavens; namely, the figure
of a young man with a glittering hand, and a sword,
fashioned like those of the Spaniards, which appeared
in the east on the day of the great festival. In the
council convened to consider this warning it was de-
cided not to resist the strangers.'* It is related,
moreover, that in Zwanga's time there lived a high-
priest, named Surites, who foretold the introduction
of a new religion, and in anticipation of it instituted
two Christian-like festivals."
Among the earliest peoples of Mexico were the
Miztecs and Zapotecs, whose country may be roughly
described as comprising the modern state of Oajaca.
The Miztecs occupied the western portion of this re-
gion, and their territory was divided into upper and
lower Miztecapan," the latter reaching to the coast,
and the former embracing the mountainous region
farther north, which is sometimes called Cohuaixtla-
huacan. Zapotecapan, the country of the Zapotecs,
lay to the east of Miztecapan, and extended, at the
time when we first hear of this people in history, to
Tehuantepec."
The records of these nations are silent as to their
'* Crdn. Mechoaean, MS., pp. 71-3
" See vol. iii. of this work, p. 446.
1* For boundaries of Miztecapan, see ante, vol. i., p. 678.
" See vol. i., p. 679, for boundaries.
THE MIZTECS AND ZAPOTECa
527
history before they settled here; everything previous
to this rests upon traditions of the vaguest character,
one of which represents their ancestors as birds,
beasts, and trees — to indicate their extreme antiquity,
courage, and stubbornness, naively adds Burgoa, the
historian of Oajaca.™ But though their own annals
do not reach back to the pre-Toltec period, they are
stated by some authorities to have inhabited at that
time the region of Puebla, together with the Olmecs
and Xicalancas." Most of the old writers connect
them with the Nahua stock, although their language
was distinct from the Nahua. Thus Torquemada de-
rives the Miztecs from Mixtecatl, the fifth son of Iz-
tac Mixcohuatl, of the Seven Caves; while Sahagun
states that they were of Toltec descent, and adds that
some go so far as to regard them as descendants of
Quetzalcoatl, because of the richness and beauty of
their country, in which the famous Tlalocan, the 'ter-
restial paradise,* was said to be situated.* At the
time when civilization was introduced into Yucatan
and Chiapas, says Brasseur, the mountains of Mizte-
capan were inhabited by savage tribes without any
particular name, but who were afterwards known as
Miztecs, or Wild Cats.** Civilization is said by tra-
dition to have first appeared in the mountains of
Apoala. At the entrance of a gorge in this region
where, says Garcfa, the gods lived before man came
on earth, stood two majestic trees, from which sprung
two youths, the founders of the Miztec raonarchy.**
The braver of the two went to Tilantongo, and there
^8 Burgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, torn, ii., pt i., pp. 195-6; Murguia
Esffidist. Guajnca, \nSoc. mcjc. Ocog., Bolctin, torn, vii., p. 167.
'9 Orozco y Berra, Geografia, p. 133; Veytia, torn, i., p. 1.50.
™ Torqiumadn, toni. i., p. 32; Gomara, Coiiq. Mex., fol. 299; Motolinia,
in Icazbalceta, Vol. de Doc, torn, i., p. 8; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca,
torn, ii., pt i., p. 175; Sahagun, torn, iii., lib. x., p. 136; Orozco y Berra,
Geografia, p. 120.
" ttist, toni. iii., p. 5.
•* Brasseur, citing burgoa, Geog, Descrip. Oajaca, torn, ii., pt i., fol.
128-9, says they were male and female, und from them descended the race
that sumeauently governed the country. Hist., torn, iii., p. 6; Garcia,
Origen de lot Ind., pp. 327-8.
&28
HISTORY OF OAJACA.
had a contest with the Sun for the possession of the
country. After a desperate cumbat, which lasted a
whole day, the Sun was forced to go down behind
the hills, thus leaving the youth the victor."
Other traditions relate that certain of the warlike
tribes from the north, that invaded Andhuac from
the eighth to the eleventh century, passed from tiie
Aztec plateau into Miztecapan, coming down from
the mountains of Apoala to the beautiful and nat-
urally fortified valley of Yanguitlan, 'new land.'
where they determined to settle. The Miztecs re-
sisted the invaders for a long time, and their final
subjection was effected more by religious teachings
than by force of arms. On this plateau the immi-
grants from Anilhuac founded Tilantongo, and built
a temple called Achiuhtla.** The date of this event
seems to coincide, says Brasseur, with the sending
out of missionaries from Cholula, though whether
the followers of Quetzalcoatl or the tribes from
Andhuac arrived first is not known. But it appears
certain that from the union of the priests of Aclii-
uhtla and the Olmecs who fled from Cholula at the
time of Huemac's invasion, sprung the power which
civilized these regions.®"
It is in Zapotecapan, however, that the disciples
of Quetzalcoatl appear most prominently. There
they are said to have founded Mitla, or Yopaa, and
to have diffused their arts and religious teachings
throughout the whole country, as far as Tehuan-
tepec.**
The mysterious apostle Wixipecocha, of whom
a full account has already been given," is said to
8J Burgoa, Oeog. Descrip. Oajaca, toin. ii., pt i., ijp. 128, 175-6; Orozco
y Berra, Gcogra/in, p. 80, says this story is merely invented to show the
great age of the Miztecs. 8ec also ante, vol. iii., p. 73.
M Uurgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, toni. ii., pt i., fol. 128-9. Orozco y
Berra, Geografia, p. 12(i, says the Zajjotccs took their region by force of
arms from the Huatiquiiiiancs, or Guanitiquiinanes.
M Hist., toni. iii., pp. 8-9.
« Torquemada, totn. i., p. 255; Herrcra, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xi. ; Vcij-
tia, torn. 1., p. 164; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, torn, ii., pt ii., fol.
297-8, .31.3-5.
8' See vol. ii. of this work, pp. 209-11.
THE PRIESTS OF ACHIUHTLA.
529
have appeared in these regiona The tradition,
which is very vague, relates that he came from the
south seas, and landed, bearing a cross, at* Tehuan-
tepee. He taught morality, abstinence from women,
confession, and penance. He was generally respected
but was sometimes persecuted, especially m the Mije
«!ountry, whither he went after passing through the
Zapotec valley. The people there tried to kill him,
and pursued him to the foot of Mount Cempoaltepec,
where he miraculously disappeared, but re-appeared
shortly afterwards on the summit of the mountain.
His pursuers followed him, but he again vanished,
and was seen no more in that country, though he
afterward showed himself on the enchanted island
«)f Monapostiac, near Tehuantepec.
As I have already remarked, nothing definite is
known of the early history of the Miztecs and Za-
potecs. All that has been preserved is some account
of their spiritual rulers. Thus we are told that the
rtlr.gdom of Tilantongo, which comprised upper Miz-
teca, was spiritually governed by the high-priest of
Achiuhtla, who bore the title of Taysacaa, and whose
power equaled, if it did not surpass, that of the
king; while in Zapotecapan the Wiyatao, or sover-
eign pontiff, united in liis person the supreme sacer-
dotal and secular power. The origin of the city of
Yopaa, or Mitla, where the Wiyatao held his court,
is doubtful, though, as wo have seen, it has been
attributed to the disciples of Quetzalcoatl> who came
from Cholula.
It is a singular fact that we hear noMiihg of the
early Miztec and Zapotec kings, save that there were
such, until we find the latter subjecting the Huaves
to their authority. These Huaves. are said to have
come originally from the south, from Nicaragua or
Peru say some authors. The causes that led to
their migration are unknown; but the story goes
that after coasting northward, and attempting to dis-
embark at several places,, they finally effected a
VOUY. M
680
HISTORY OP OAJAGA.
landing at Tehuantepisc. Here they found the Mijes,
the original possessors of the country; but these
they drove out, or, as some say, mingled with thorn,
and soon made themselves masters of the soil. They
founded their first city at Arrianjianbaj, or Amangui
Umbah, but afterwards extended their possessions
to the city of Jalapa, which they ara said to have
founded also."
But the easy life they led in this beautiful and fer-
tile region soon destroyed their ancient energy, and
they subsequently fell an unresisting prey to the Zapo-
tec kings." Of the Mijes very little is known. They
are believed to have been the most ancient people of
the Oajaca region, and Burgoa affirms that they pos-
sessed of old the greater part of Tehuantepec, So-
conusco, and Za|K)tecapan. The Beni-Xonos, who
lived between the Mijes and Zapotecs, are said to
have once belonged to the former people, but their
character seems to disprove this. They are described
as a tribe of rich, shrewd traders, very miserly, great
liars, "incorrigible and inveterate evil-doers" — the
Jews of Oajncu, Brasseur calls them. They were
among the first to submit to the Zapotec kings, in
the hope of being allowed to retain their wealth.*'
It was to one of these Zapotec princes that the
fortified city of Ztiachilla Yoho, or Teotzapotlan, a«
it was called by the Mexicans, owed its origin. At
the time when history first sheds its light on these
(■ * Dc nllii do In C(mtn del Sur, iniw corcn do In Rclyptica vozindad del
Piirt\ y nekiiii Itut ein.uiiMtiiiu-iiw do su loiit^un, y triito do la Provinciii <>
K«>^iin de ^intrahuu.' liiinjon, (ieog. Dcacrip. Onjnat, toni. li., pt ii., f<>l
Tlm\ Murijuiii, Estadiit. Gimjart, in Sftr. Mex. if cog., JMftin, torn, vii ,
p. 18.1; Orozro if Berra, (iiitifrn/in, \>{i. 17.1-4. See aUo MMenpforiU.
Aliijico, toni. ii., pt !., i>. I7H. (iiiiilcirot rclnteK that hoiiiu Penuian fnin-
ilies flml northward aloni; thv ('ordilltrus. On tho hankH of the Hurniliiit
they rosorted to tlu* iirn ti*K' to lind on', wluither thu ^U wiHhod t)
t<» settle thorp. A hrand woh placed in a hole, hut an it wan extiiiot in
tho moniin^, tlioy know thoy uiiiHt k<> further. Four eniliwarioH wont in
Mtarcli of another place. Beneath a uoapioid-tree, wht^re now ntiiiidH Miii'
xicovi, the hrand-proof nuNwenMl the tent, and ho thoy Holtlod there. The
ciNipinol in Htill venerated. F«»*ry, .lf,-j-iifHf, pp. ."iO-l; mm uInu |i. 467.
■ llyrgwt, <!rnt). Ih-itrriit. Oajtirn, toni. ii.. pt i., fol. IIW.
** Burgoa, Gtwj. Ikucrip. Otijacu, tout, ii., pt ii., ful. 313, 3lt7-7&
THE ZAPOTEC KINGS.
581
regions, Teotst^potlan was the capital of Zapoteca-*
pan,** and rivaled in power and extent of territory
the Miztec kingdoms of Tututepec and Tilantongo.
It seems that during the war with the Mexicans
these three powers united against the common en-
emy, though at other times they appear to have
quarreled considerablv among themselves, by reason
of the ambitious designs of the Zapotec monarchs,
who, it is said, aimed at universal sovereignty.**
Of the kingdom of Tututepec, which stretched for
sixty leagues along the shore of the Pacific, nothing
is known, except that its princes were among the
richest in all Mexico, ihj u its kings had many power-
ful vassals, and that ita principal city, which was
also called Tututepec, was very populous."
One of the earliest conquests uf the Zapotec kings
was that of the Mountain of the Sun, near the town
of Macuilxuchil. There dwelt on this mountain a
tribe of very tierce and blood-thirsty barbarians, who
lived by plundering the surrounding nations. At
length their depredations became so frequent, and
were attended with such cruelty that it became evi-
dent that the country about the mountain would
soon be abandoned by its inhabitants unless the
robbers were annihilated. Accordingly, a large force
of picked troops was sent against them under the
command of two renowned warriors named Baali and
Baaloo. The expedition was siiccesHful. After a
desperate resistance the robbers wore overpowered
and fc' lughtered to a man. A fortress and temple
were it en erected on the summit of the mountain,
tttid the charge of them given to Baali and Baaloo,
as a reward for their valor. After their death theso
heroes received divine honors, and were buried at the
foot of the mountain they had conquereti. The ven-
eration in which their memory was held increased with
W Rurtfoa, Gttoq. T)e«rri/t. Oajiuta, toiii. ii., pt i., fol. 197.
1 Urauteur. HUl., truni. iii., p 3U.
*s/A,; Jiufffou, Qtog. Deterip. Oajaea, toni, ii., pt i., ful. 181, 188.
sua
HIHTOIIY OK 0AJA<;A.
time; their t<>nilw wore viMited by niultitudon of pii-
tfriiiiH, uiul a v'lty ralletj Zuutunau, which eventually
becuiiiu thd priiicipul Huut of Iearriiiif( and roU^iun,
and the nu(;l()UH of (tivilissation in thew) [mris, Moon
roHO U|H>n till! HfMlt.**
Tliu iirat ZafKitoc. kin^ of whom we have any
doKnitt) information Ih < )%omutli, who, it in Haid in
the iUnlex (J/iinuil/M>/nna,'* roiji^nixl in 1351. Tl»e
next kin^', wIiomu naniit or duudH are recorded, Ih Zaa-
ehilla, who, Imin^ maHtor of all Zapot«M;apan, eovetcil
the rof^ion lyin^^ eiiMt «>(' the river N<!xapa, and in-
hahited hy the ( ^hoiitalcH, MIJuh, and lIuaveH. TUa
</liontaleH worn the nioHt powerful of theHe natioriH,
and a^aiuHi ihoni Zaiu'hilla pr«H-iMided lirHt. lie took
from thein tiu! <ity of Nexaiiu, whirh he fortified and
^arriHonod with Iiih own HoluierH. To Htren^then IiIh
poHition in tliit ron<piered t<irritory he alHo huilt the
fortreHwiM of Qnincrhapa and (.^uiy<<'olani.^ He next
entnrtd the country of thn Mij*H, took the town of
Zoi|uitlan, and drove (lin inhahitantH into the mount
aiuH. TIm' Mij«'H ucio now «-(Mtfiried hetweoi ..i,M
Maya l.rilM'H of < 'hiapuH and thr Zapoteex ''<')^,
thou<{h in thiM difficult. poHJtioti with a titrritory ho
Mmall that it <-oiit,airM;d only one city of importance,
namtiiy X al to !>•->• , mM nuotlMirui'/, Atiyn iierrcra, only
two thouwind iiM ««, women, and cliijdron, the hnive
littlo luition MconiM to havo ^allanlly inaintiiimxl itn
iiid(!pendi!n('(! lor a numlnr of yoarH.*" It wan de.s
titKid to he Huhjected at liutt, however, and in the
hour of itM (,fre)it.<'Ht ;{l«»ry. ('ondoy, the last kinj; «)!
the MijeH, who ih naid to have made Iuh lirHl appear
ancH from a cuvern in the mountaiuH, wim a very
hrave and enerj^rtic prin<;«t. ilo wa^ed war with the
Murroundin^ nationn, and Hmueodod hy Iuh valor in in
M nurffon. (hoff. Itfurrip Onjinit, torn ii., |it ii , rol 'ilMI, !Hn
•> Itrtumeur, llml., toiii lil., ii. 4ft.
•• llurifoti, (iniji thurri/t Oiijiini, lim\. ii , |il ii . fill JWIIi Mmijiiiii,
K»laiUiit. <iiu»j)iril, ill .S'oc. Mrjr tlrntf , ltolrhn. titiii, vii., |>|i Ul?, 'H>\
^ llfrrfrn, diir. iv. , lilt ix , <^Hi». vii.; Muri/utn, KtluUisl. thiujiuo.
ill Sm. Mr*. (IrtHj , Itolrliii, loiii. vlV, p. IH3; Hurguu, Ufti^. J>n»rn/>. Ok-
>iM?(i, turn, ii., pi ii., fol 'JHO.
I»KATH OK (;<>NnoY.
688
croaMirif^ tlie oxtont of hiii rlominionN. Tlie ZajMiUic
uikI Mi/<i(t(; kin^H, jualoiiH oi' IIhshc vurrtnwhrnisuin,
Conned an alliance af^aihHt Uk; Mijo [irinre, wliilu the
tnl)eH of (JliiapiiM, from the Huint) niotivuH, attiu'.kefl
him at the Hani*! time on tho other Hide of hiH do-
niinionM. In Hpite of all that tins hravo (UnuUty
could do, luH capital wan taken and hiirnod to the
f^riMind, and he and hin followerN, Initly |)iirHU<il hy
tiic enemy, were lor(;ed to take refu^o in tin; rri<;MHeH
of the nioufitiiiriM. Shortly aft<!r thiH ( 'ondoy diH-
anpeari'd and w>u* Heen no nion;. Tho ZapotocH
rluiiiK^d that their kin^Hlew him with hiH own hand,
hut tlu) HuhjcctH of the Mijo prinr.o inniHtod that,
tirod of war and hi "odnhod, ho had ontorod the cavern
fr<»m whicli ho hiul nri^iiiuliy iHHUod, and, attendo«i
hy Home of hin warrioin, h<ul mum to far <liHtiin't.
provirH'cH.'*
Alioiit the year I4.'i(» o(;cnrred (he win- Iteiween
l)/awindandii, kiti(^ of ( 'ohiiaixtlaliiuu-aii or upper
Mi/.teeapan, with Inh aliieH the 'riaHcaltecH and lluex-
ot/jncan, and Moiite/unui I., with Ioh allien of tint
valley of Aniihnait. The detailn of tliiH war having;
iHutn alreiuly ^iveri,"* it renuiinn only to repeat Jiur-
^oa'n a<!<;ouiit of the HUperiiatural powern of Dzawin
daiula. ThiH prime, nayn the fahle, when he winlied
In make war upon Home nei^hl)orin|t( nation, cauHttd
himN<-lf to he miraeidoiiHly traiiHpurbid to the Hunimit
of a niount'iin iuaeri'HHihlt! to ordinary mortaU. Ar-
rived thttre III' proHtrated hiniHelf upon a knoll, and
Ih Moiiffht till' ^odw to Cavor his denij^riH. Then he
HJKMik a haj^' whi<h wan HUHpendeil from hin ^'inlh;,
and immediately there iHHiied IVom it a imdtitudi! of
warrioi-M, fully ;trnie<| and efpiipped, who having'
formed Ml militar\ order dencended Imni (lie ni'iuitt
iiin III Nii«;n«'t! and marched ni once to cori(pi« i the
covet<rd U-rrititry.^*' Dzawindanda'H maj^i< al [jowern
** Itiirir-f; Ufiiff. hrm-np. (h^itra, Uiiii. ii., |it ii , fol. 'Mfl 1\; Hrnttrur.
//>«/,, iAtm m., |t|t 4H fMi.
M Hir Ibix volllllH', |i|i. 41.^ 17.
I" Hmriffui, (iriiif Ihnrri/i. Oiijaru, Utm. ii., pt i , f<»l. IW).
584
HISTORY OK OAJAOA.
must have deserted him on the occAsion above re-
ferred to, however, for, as we have been, hia annies
were terribly defeated, his kingdom was made tribu-
tary to the domain of the victors, he himself was
assassinated, and his widowed queen was carried cap-
tive to Mexico to gratify a passion which Montezuma
had conceived for her.
In 14G9 Axayocatl of Mexico swooped suddenly
upon the cities of Tehuantcpec and Guatulco, and
t<x>k them; according to Brasseur he even carried his
victorious arms into Soconusco."** At this time
Zaachilla III. was king of Zapotecapan. He was a
warlike and ambitious prince, and succeeded in tuld-
ing Jalapa and the valley of Nexupa to his kingdom,
driving the Huave population into the less desirable
region on the frontiers of (/hiapas and Soconusco.
During the later years of his reign Zaachilla, with
the assistance of the Miztec king of Tilantongo, suc-
ceeded in n;gaining possession of Tehuantupec and
the other places in that region which Axayacatl had
garrisoned with Mexican troops. But this brought
the Mexican king, Ahuitzotl, down upon him like a
thunderbolt, and being deserted by his Miztec allies,
Zaachilla's armies were quickly routed; he was forced
to flee for his life to the mountains, and Tehuantepec
once more liecame a Mexican possession.""
Coclyoeza, who succeeded Zaachilla Til. on the
throne of Zapotecapan, was no less anxious than his
f>redec(;HM(>r to rid his kingdom of the Aztec garrisons,
)ut being a very prudent, though bravo, prince, he
acted with greater deliberation and caution. Before
proceeding to open hostilities he contracted a firm
alliance with the neighl)oring nations; he then chose
a favorable opportunity, when the prestige of the
Mexican arms had been damaged by reverses, to de-
clare war, massacre the Mexican merchants, ami
retake Tehuantepec and most of the other places
>•> Sec thU volume, p. 420.
IB* limufiir, IliMt, torn, iii., pp. 884-5, 33M0.
MONTEZUMA LNVAUEH MIZTKCAPAN.
586
octcupied by Ahuitzotl's troops. The reader haa been
made acquainted with the details of this war, in the
course of which the sacred city of Mitla, or Yopaa,
was taken, and of the final treaty by which it was
arrauj^ed that the Mexicans should keep Soconusco,
and that Cociyoeza should wed a Moxican princess
and remain in possession of Tehuante|)ec.*"
In 1506, Miztecapau was invaded by Montezuma's
armies, and the cities of Tilantongo, Achiuhtla, and
TIachquiauhco were taken. In the same year the
Miztecs made a determined effort to regain their inde-
pendence, but, as has been seen, only succeeded in
making their burdens heavier than l>etbre.'°* From
this time until the coming of the Spaniards Mizteca-
pan may lie regarded ;is virtually subject to the
Mexican empire.
By his marriage with the faithful Pelaxilla, Coci-
yoeza hiul a son named Cociyopu. It is relat.ed that
during the feasts with which the birth of this prince
was celebrated, fiery rays of liylit were seen to dart
across the sky. Such ominous phenomena did not
escape the notice of the soothsayers, and the downfall
of the kingdom was predicted. When C<x'iyopu had
reach(!d the age of twenty-four years, bin father con-
ferred upon him the crown of Tohuantepec.*" It
was at this time, says Brusseur, that the news of
the conquests of the Spaniards readied Cociyocza's
court at Teotzap<jtian.*'* Upon this the nobles of
Tehuantepec besought Cociyopu to inquire of the gods
what the meaning of these things was, and if the
ancient prophecies concerning the introduction of a
new religion and the conquest of the country by a
race of wiiite men, were al)out to be fulHUeu. Co-
••iyopu did as they desir»}d, and was told I y the orucle
that the time had come for the fulfillment of the
'" See thin vnliinio pp. 44.3-7.
w» If I., np. 4«I1'2.
'•* Miiryuiu, Kttaditl. Gnajaea, in Soc. Mne. (tfig., fhletin, torn, vii.,
|>. 1H7.
'*• lliaf., wmi. iv., p. 5.19.
686
HI8T0HY OP THE NORTHERN TRIBES.
prophecies. Then an embassy was sent to Coyuhua-
can, where Cortes then was, with instructions ti)
announce to the Spanish chief that according to the
directions of their oracles the people of Zapotecapan
and Tehuantepec acknowledged his right of sov-
ereignty.*"
In the subdivision of my present subject, given in
an early chapter of this volume,'" I named as one of
its divisions the Historical Traditions of the Wild
Tribes of the North, to which topic I intended to
devote a short chapter. On further research, how-
ever, I find that there is absolutely no material for
such a chapter. Some of the wild tribes had vague
traditions of how the world was created and peopled,
generally by the agency of a bird or beast; others
told wonderful tales of supernatural adventures of
their fathers ii.any moons ago; a few named the di-
rection, north, south, east, or west, whence their
fathers came. Such traditions have been given in
those portions of this work relating to the Bubje(;tH
of Mythology and Origin. There is great confusion
among the different versions of these traditions, and
even if we knew in each case which was the au-
thentic version, they would shed not a ray of light
on general aboriginal history; the very most that
could be hoped from them would be slight informa-
tion respecting modern tribal history. All the specu-
lations of modern travelers and writers on primitive
history in the north have been founded, so far a»
they have had any foundation at all, on the material
relics of antiquity, fully described in volume IV. of
this work ; .on the traces of the Aztec tongue in the
north, a subject fully disposed of in volume 111.;
and on the theory of the Spanish writers respecting
a general migration from the north, duly considered
in the present volume. Consequently all that could
'" fiurgoa, Geog. Deacrip. Oajaca, lota, ii., ptii., fol. 367-76.
«>• See p. 1S8.
THE PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO.
687
be said on the histoiy of the northern tribes here
would be but a repetition of what has already been
said; a collection of a few valueless speculations rest-
ing^ on foundations already proven to be unsound ; and
a renewed argument against the theory of a migra-
tion from the north, a theory that has already re-
ceived more attention than it deserves. It may be
thought that the reported Montezuma-tradition of
the Pueblos in New Mexico deserves some investiga-
tion; but besides the fact that all the force of evi-
dence and probability indicates that the myth was an
invention of white men, it is also true that if the
worship of Montezuma and the ho{)e of his coming
from the east, were actually found among the Pueblos,
this would only prove what is not at all improbable,
that the fame of Montezuma I. and of the great
Aztec power had reached this northern region. It
has been seen that the Nahuas a few centuries after
the beginninjjf of our era were driven northward and
established themselves in Andhuac and the region
immediately north-west of that valley, but that their
possessions never extended farther north than Zaca-
tecas. Yet it is altogether probable that they came
more or less into contact with tribes further north,
and it is best to attribute to this contact at this
period the Nahua linguistic traces that have l)een
pointed out in the north. The Pueblos, who in
ancient times occu(>ied the country as far south as
northern Chihuahua, were not Aztecs, as is clearly
proven by their language, their monuments, and
their institutions. The very slight Nahua analogies
that have been pointed out in their manners and
customs, do not necessarily imply any connection
whatever with the civilized peoples of the south; yet
I regard it as not improbable that the Pueblo tribes
were slightly iiiHuenced by Nahua contact at the
period referred to; and not altogether impossible that
the Nahua seed sown at this time fell into good
ground in some wild people of the north, and thus
S88
HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN TRITiES.
originated Pueblo agriculture and later culture. In
favor of any closer connection between these peoples,
there is absolutely no evidence.
When we come to the Mound- Builders of the
Mississippi Valley, the matter presents far greater
difficulties. We know nothing of their language or
manners and customs, since they have become locally
extinct; but their material monuments, and their
religious rites as indicated by those monuments, bear
a very striking resemblance to those of the civilized
nations of the south. I have already expressed an
opinion that the Mound-Builders were in some way
connected with the civilized nations; the nature of
the connection is involved in difficulties, from which
there is no escape save by conjecture. We have
seen that the Aztec traces in the New Mexican
region, and possibly the Pueblo culture, may be at-
tributed to the migrating Nahua tribes after their
overthrow in Central America; but there is little or
no reauon to attribute the establishment of the
Mound-Builders of the eastern states to the same
influence and the same epoch. The few Nahuas that
were scattered in the north are not likely to have
exerted so slight an influence in the Pueblo region,
and so powerful a one on the Mississippi; besides,
the Mississippi monuments bear marks of a much
freater antiquity than can be attributed to the
*ueblo buildmgs. Yet we have seen that it is much
more reasonable to believe that the culture of the
Mound-Builders was introduced by a colony or by
teachers from, the south, than to regard the Missis-
sippi Valley as the original birth-place of American
civilization. The Natchez of the gulf states are said
to have been superior at the coming of Europeans to
other aboriginal tribes of the eastern states, and pre-
sented some slight analogies in their institutions to
what the Mound-Builders may be supposed to have
been. It is also the opinion of several authorities
entitled to considerable credit, that their language
THE MOUND-BUILDERS.
580
shows a very strong resemblance to those of the
Maya family. Without attaching very great im-
ftortance to the last argument, I am inclined to be-
ieve that the most plausible conjecture respecting
the origin of the Mound- Builders, is that which
makes them a colony of the ancient Mayas, who
settled in the north during the continuance of the
great Maya empire of Xibalba in Central America,
several centuries before Christ. We have seen that
the ancient Mayas, under the name of Quinames,
probably occupied eastern Mexico at that epoch, and
in later times we find the Huastecs in southern
Tamaulipas speaking a Maya dialect. It is not at
all unlikely that a colony of these people passed
northward along the coast by land or water, and in-
troduced their institutions in the Mississippi Valley,
building up a power which became very nourishing
as the centuries passed, but was at last forced to
yield to the presence of environing barbarism. I
offer this not as a theory which can be fully substan-
tiated by facts, but simply as the most plausible
conjecture on the matter which has occurred to me.
CHAPTER XI.
THR QUICHi:-CAKCHIQUiSL EMPIRE IN GUATEMALA.
No ChIionolouy in tub 8uuth — Outlink View— Authorities— Xda-
LANQl'E AT UtATLAN — TlIB MlQRATION FROM TULAN— BALAM-
QuiTZii AND HIS Companions— Sacrikicks to Tohil— the QuichiSji
ON Mt Hacavitz— The Tamub and Ilocab— First Victoriks
— QocAviB Founds the Monarciiv at Izmachi— the Toltbv
Theory— Imaginary Empire of the East— Different Ver-
sions of Primitive History— The Cakchiquel Migration-
Juarros and Fuentes— Lists of Kinds— Cakchiquels under
Hacavitz— Reiqns of Balam-Conache, Cotuha, and Iztayul,
AT IZMAt.-Hi— War against the Ilocab— The Stolen Tribute—
GucuMATZ, QuiL'H^ Emperor at Utatlan— ('hanges in the
Government— Reigns of Cotuha II., Tepepul, and Iztayul II.
—Cakchiquel History- Conquests of Quicar L- Uevolt of
the Achihab— Dismemberment of the Empire- Cakchiquel
Conquests— Reigns of the last Guatemalan Kings— Appear-
ance of the Spaniards under Alvarado in 1524.
In the suuth we have no connected history except
for two centuries immediately preceding the conquest,
and no attempt at precise chronology even for that
short period. The Quichd-Cakchiquel empire in
Guatemala was, at the coming of the Spaniards, the
most powerful and famous in North America, except
that of the Aztecs in Andhuac, with which it never
came into direct conflict, although the fame of each
was well known to the other, and commercial inter-
course was carried on almost constantly. The south -
em empire, so far as may be learned from the slight
<M0)
PRELIMINARY VIBW.
6*1
evidence bearing on the subject, was about three
centuries old in the sixteenth century, and the
nearest approach to chronology in its annals is the
regular succession of monarchs who oocupiud the
throne, the achievements of each kifig given in what
may be considered to be their chronologic order, and
an apparent connection in a few cases with occur-
rences whose date is known from the Aztec records.
In a preceding volume of this work I have pre-
sented all that the authorities have preserved respect-
ing the manners and customs of the Guatemalan
peoples, and their condition at the coming of the
Spaniards, including their system oi' government and
the order of royal succession. In a chapter devoted
to a general preliminary view of these nations,* I
have already presented a brief outline of their history
as follows: (jruatemala and northern Honduras were
found in possession of the Mames in the north-west,
the Pokomams in the south-east, the Quiches in the
interior, and the Cakchiquels in the south.' The two
latter were the most powerful, and ruled the country
from their capitals of Utatlan and Tecpan Guatemala,
where they resisted the Spaniards almost to the point
of annihilation, retiring for the most part after defeat
to live by the chase in the distant mountain gorges.
Guatemalan history from the time of the Yotanic
empire down to an indefinite date not many centuries
before the conquest, is a blank. It re-commences
with the first traditions of the nations just mentioned.
These traditions, as in the case of every American
people, begin with the immigration of foreign tribes
into the country, as the first in the series of events
leading .to the establishment of the Quiche-Cakchi-
quel empire. Assuming the Toltec dispersion fronj
Andihuac in the eleventh century as a well-authenti-
cated fact, most writers have identified the Guate-
malan nations, except perhaps the Mames, by some
I See vol. ii., p. 121, et seq.
* See map in vul. ii.
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543
THE QUICH^i-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
considered the descendants of the original inhabitants,
with the migrating Toltecswho fled southward to
found a new empire. I have already made known
my scepticism respecting national American migra-
tions in general, and the Toltec migration southward
in particular, and there is nothing in the annals of
Guatemala to modify the views previously expressed.
The Quichd traditions are vague and without chrono-
logic order, much less definite than those relating to
the mythical Aztec wanderings. The sum and sub-
stance of the Quichd and Toltec identity is the tradi-
tional statement that the former people entered
Guatemala at an unknown period in the past, while
the latter left Andhuac in the eleventh century.
That the Toltecs should have migrated en masse
southward, taken possession of Guatemala, established
a mighty empire, and yet have abandoned their lan-
guage for dialects of the original Maya tongue, is in
the highest degree improbable. It is safer to suppose
that the mass of the Quichds, and other nations of
Guatemala, Chiapas, and Honduras, were descended
directly from the Maya builders of Palenque, and
from contemporary peoples, — that is, as hfus been
shown in the chapter on pre-Toltec history in this
volume, from the Maya peoples after they had been
conquered by a new power and had become to a cer-
tain extent, so far as their institutions were concerned,
Nahua nations. — Yet the differences between the
Quiche-Cakchiquel structures and the older architect-
ural remains of the Maya empire, indicate a new era
of Maya culture, originated not improbably by the
introduction of foreign elements. Moreover the ap-
parent identity in name and teachings between the
early civilizers of the Quiche tradition and the Nahua
followers of Quetzalcoatl, together with reported re-
semblances between actual Quiche and Aztec institu-
tions as observed by Europeans, indicate farther that
the new element was engrafted on Maya civilization
by contact with the Nahuas, a contact of which the
AUTHORITIES ON GUATEMALAN HISTORY.
643
presence of the exiled Toltec nobility may have been
a prominent feature. After the overthrow of the
original empire, we may suppose the people to have
been subdivided during the course of centuries by
civil wars and sectarian struggles into petty states,
the glory of their former greatness vanished and par-
tially forgotten, the spirit of progress dormant, to be
roused again by the presence of the Nahua chiefs.
These gathered and infused new life into the scat-
tered remnants; they introduced some new institu-
tions, and thus aided the ancient peoples to rebuild
their empire on the old foundations, retaining the
dialects of the original language. The preceding
paragraphs, however, gave an exaggerated idea of the
Toltec element in forming Quichd institutions, as has
been shown by the investigations of the present vol-
ume, since, while the Nahua element in these institu-
tions was very strong, yet the Nahua influence was
exerted chiefly in pre-Toltec times while the two
peoples were yet living together in Central America,
rather than by the exiled Toltec nobles and priests.
The authorities for Quiche history are not numer-
ous. They include the work of Juarros, which is
chiefly founded on the manuscripts of Fuentes; the
published Spanish and French translations of the
Popol Vuh, or National Book, of which much has
already been said; and a number of documents simi-
lar to the latter, written in Spanish letters, but in the
various Quichd-Cakchiquel dialects, by native authors
who wrote after the Conquest, of course, but relied
upon the aboriginal records and traditions, never pub-
lished and only known to the world through the writ-
ings of Brasseur de Bourbourg, who, in Maya as in
many paHs of Nahua history, is the chief and almost
the only authority.
In the earliest annals of Central America, while
the Xibalban empire was yet in the height of its
power, we find what is, perhaps, the first mention of
the territory known later as Guatemala, in the men-
544
THE QUIGH^-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
tion by the Popol Vuh' of Carchah, or Nimxob Car-
chah, a locality in Vera Paz, as the place whence
Hunhunahpu and Vucub Hunahpu, the first Nahua
chiefs who conspired against the Xibalban monarchs,
directed their first expedition toward the region of
Palenque. Las Casas also names this as one of the
entrances to the road which lead to the infernal
regions, the sense probably given to Xibalba in the
traditions of the country.* And from Utatlan, in the
same region, in later centuries the Quiche capital,
started Xbalanque and Hunahpu, the descendants of
the two chieftains already named, to avenge the de-
feat of their ancestors, and to overthrow the proud
kings of Xibalba, The young princes left behind
them their mother and grand-mother, planting in
their cabin two canes which were to indicate to those
left at home their own fortune, to flourish with their
prosperity, to wither at each misfortune, and to die
should they meet the fate of their predecessors;
hence perhaps the Quiche name of Utatlan, Guraar-
caah, 'house of withered canes.'" The mention of Gua-
temalan localities in this connection is not sufficient
to prove that the opposition to Xibalba had its begin-
ning or centre in Guatemala, but simply indicates
that the Nahua power in those primitive times ex-
tended over that region, as did also the Maya power,
not improbably. In other words, the long struggle
between the two rival powers was no local contest at
and about Palenque, but was felt in a greater or less
degree throughout the whole country, from Andhuac
to Guatemala, and perhaps still farther south.
Xbalarque's expedition and some subsequent oc-
currences are related by Torquemada, as follows:
"After the people of the earth had nmltiplied and
increased, it was made known that a god had been
born in the province of Otlatla (Utatlan), now known
' Popol Vuh, p. 79; thin volume, p. 175. •
* Las Casas, Hist. Avologttica, Ma., torn, iii., cap. oxxiv., cxxv.
•This vol., pp. 178-83; Popol Vuh, p. 141.
EXPEDITION OF XBALANQUE
540
ns Vera Paz, thirty leagues from the capital called
Quauhtemallan (Guatemala), which god they named
Exbalanquen. Of him it is related, among other lies
and fables, that he went to wage war against Hell,
and fought against all the people of that region and
conquered them, and captured the king of Hell with
many of his army. On his return to the earth after
his victory, bearmg with him his spoils, the king of
the Shades begged that he might not be carried
away. They were then in three or four grades of
light, but Exbalanquen gave the infernal monarch a
kick, saying 'go back, and thine be in future all that
is rotten, and refuse, and stinking, in these infernal
regions.' Exbalanquen then returned to Vera Paz
whence he had set out, but he was not received there
with the festivities and songs of triumph which he
thought he had deserved, and therefore he went away
to another kingdom, where he was kindly received.
This conqueror of Hell is said to have introduced the
custom of sacrificing human beings.'" Brasseur adds
on this subject: "Copan, the name of which (*on the
vase') alludes mysteriously to the religious symbols
of the mixed, or Mestizo, Nahua race, was it then
chosen by this prince, whose mother (Xquiq) personi-
tied the fundamental idea of this sanguinary worship i
However this may have been, it seems certain that
the latter city owed its origin to a fierce warrior
named Balam, who had entered the country by the
way of Peten Itza about fifteen centuries before the
Spanish conquest. During the last period of native
rule the province of which Copan was the capital
was called Payaqui ('in the Yaqui, or Nahuas ) or
the kingdom of Chiquimula.''" But all this may be
regarded as purely conjectural.
* Torqtumada, torn, ii, pp. S8-4; Tjom Ooku, Hist. Apologitiea, MS.,
torn, iii., cap. exxiv.
1 Brauewr, in P<^1 Vuk, p. cclvi. The only authority referred to on
this matter uf Ckipan is the Itaaoge Hittorico, a manuscript cited in Oareia
Pelaet, Mem. para la Hittorta dd antiguo Beino th Chiatemala, torn, i.,
}>. 45 et seq.
Vol. ▼. W
646
THE QUICH^-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
From the time when Xbalanque and Hunahpu
marched to the conquest of Xibalba, and succeeded
in subordinating the ancient Maya to the Nahua
power, for several centuries down to the subsequent
scattering of both Nahua and Maya tribes, which
preceded the appearance of the Toltec branches in
Andhuac, the history of Guatemala is a blank. That
civilized peoples occupied the country at that remote
time; that they had been more or less the subjects of
the ancient empire; and that they had been brought
within the new influences of the Nahua institutions,
there can be little doubt; but they have left no
record of their deeds, probably not even of their
names. The annals recommence with the traditional
migration from Tulan, by which the Toltecs estab-
lished themselves on the central plateaux of Mexico,
while the tribes afterwards known as Quichds wan-
dered southward to the highlands of Vera Paz; but
five or six centuries were yet to pass before we find
any record that may be properly termed history. I
return to the traditions of the Popol Vuh, it being
necessary to take up the thread of the story at a
period even preceding the arrival at Tulan, and thus
to repeat in a measure certain portions already re-
ferred to in a precieding chapter.
After the creation of the first men, Balam-Quitzd,
Balam-Agab, Mahucutah, and Iqi-Balam, wives were
given them, and these were the parents of the Quichd
nation. Among the nations then in the East, that
received their names from those that were begotten,
were those of Tepeuh, Oloman, Cohah, Quenech, and
Ahau; also those of Tamub and Ilocab who came to-
gether from the eastern land.' Balam-Quitzd was the
ancestor of the nine grand families of Cawek; Balam-
Agab of the nine of Nihaib; Mahucutah of the four of
Ahau-Quichd There came also the thirteen of Tec-
pan, and those of Babinal, the Cakchiquels, those of
• The other names are Lamak, Cumatz, Tnhalha, Uchabaha, Chumi-
laha, Qnilmha, Batenab, Acul-Vinak, Balainiha, Canchahel, and Balam-
RECORD OF THE POPOL VUH.
647
Tziquinaha, Zacaha, and others. All seem to have
spoken one language, and to have lived in great
peace, black men and white together. Here they
awaited the rising of the sun and prayed to the
Heart of Heaven. The tribes were already very
numerous, including that of the Yaqui (Nahuas).
At the advice of Balam-Quitz^ and his companions,
they departed in search of gods to worship, and came
to Tulan-Zuiva, th .; Seven Caves, where gods were
given them, Tohil, Avilix, Hacavitz, and Nicahtagah.
Tohil was also the god of Tamub and Ilocab, and the
three tribes, or families, kept together, for their god
was the same." Here arrived all the tribes, the Ra-
binals, the Cakchiquels, the Tziquinaha, and the
Yaqui;. and here their language was confounded,
they could no longer understand each other, and they
separated, some going to the east and many coming
hither (to Guatemala). They dressed in skins and
were poor, but they were wonderful men, and when
they reached Tulan-Zuiva, long had been their jour-
ney, as the ancient histories tell us.
Now there was no fire ; Tohil was the first to create
it, but it is not known exactly how he did it, since it
was already burning when it was discovered by Ba-
lam-Quitzd and Balam-Agab. The fire was put out
by a sudden shower and by a storm of hail, but the
fire of the Quiches was rekindled by Tohil. Then
the other tribes came shivering with chattering teeth
to ask for fire from Balam-Quitzd, which was at first
denied them; and a messenger from Xibalba ap-
peared, a Zotzil, or bat, as it is said, and advised the
high-priests to refuse the petition of the tribes until
they should have learned from Tohil the price to be
paid for the fire. The condition finally named by the
Colob, moat of which Brasaenr connect* more or letw satisfactorily with the
scattered ruins in the Guatemala highlands, where these tribes afterwards
settled. It is stated by the tradition that only the principal names are
given.
* The fourth god, Nicahtagah, is rarely named in the fbllowine pages;
Tohil is often used for the triiiitv, Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz; ana Balam-
Quitz^ for the band of the flrst four men or high-priests.
648
THE QUICH6-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
god was, that they consent to "unite theraselves to
me under their armpit and under their girdle, and
that they embrace me, Tohil," a condition not very
clearly expressed, but which, as is shown by what
follows, was an agreement to worship the Quichd god,
and sacrifice to him their blood, and, if required, their
children. They accepted the condition and received
the fire. But one family stole the fire, the family of
Zotzil, of the Cakchiquels, whose god was Chamal-
can, and whose symbol was the bat ; and they did not
submit to the conditions of Tohil. Here they began
to fast and to watch for the sun. It was not here
that they received their power and sovereignty, but
there where they subdued the great and the little
tribes, when they sacrificed them before the face of
Tohil, offering him the blood, the life, the breast, and
the armpit of all men. Thus at Tulan came to them
their majesty, that great wisdom which was in them
in the obscurity and in the night. They came then
and tore themselves away from there and abandoned
the regions of the rising sun. "This is not our
home ; let us go and see where we shall establish it,"
said Tohil. Truly he spoke to Balam-Quitz^ — and
the others. " Make first your thanksgiving, prepare
the holes in your ears, pierce your elbows, and offer
sacrifice; this will be your act of gratitude before
god." " Tt is well," they replied, piercing their ears;
and these things are in the song of their coming from
Tulan; and their hearts groaned when they started,
after they had torn themselves away from Tulan.
"Alas! we shall no longer behold here the dawn at
the moment when the sun comes up to illumine the
face of the earth," said they as they set out. But
some were left on the road; for some remained asleep,
each of the tribes arising so as to see the morning
star. It was the sign o^ the morning that was in
their thoughts when they came from the land of the
rising sun, and their hope was the same in leaving
THE QUICHlto AT MT HACAVITZ.
649
this place which is at a great distance^ as they tell us
to-day.
They arrived and assembled on the mountain now
called Chipixab, the Quiches, Tamub, Ilocab, Cak-
chiquels, Kabinals, and Tziquinaha. They took coun-
sel one with another, and were very sad, and hungry
too. Then, at their own request, were the gods
concealed in different ravines and forests," except
Hacavitz, who was placed on a pyramid on Mt Ha-
cavitz, and there all the tribes waited in great trouble
for the coming of the dawn. "Now behold lords
were made, and our old men and our fathers had their
beginning; behold we will relate the dawn and the
appearance of the sun, moon, and stars." The ac-
count of the dawn and its attendant ceremonies,
which follows in the Popol Vuh, would seem, in
coimection with the preceding quotations, to refer
vaguely to the election of rulers, the establishment of
temporal and spiritual government, the birth of
Quichd institutions. Here they sang the song of
lamentation for their separation from their kindred in
Tulan, already referred to."
Under Balam-Quitzd, Balam-Agab, Mahucutah,
and Iqi-Balam, they lived together on the mountain,
and the tribes of Tamub and Ilocab lived near by in
the forests of Dan, under the same god Tohil, the
god of the people of Babinal being the same under
the name of Huntoh, while the god of the Cakchi-
quels was different, Tzotziha Chamalcan, as was also
their language. Their hearts were heavy because
Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz were still hidden in the
gra»s and moss, although it has been stated before
that the latter was on the pyramid of Hacavitz.
They went to thank Tohil for the sunrise, and to
make offerings of resins and plants ; and he spoke and
made known a rule of conduct for the sacrificers ; and
'0 The names of the localities named as the hiding-places of the gods
are said to be still attached to places in Vera Pai.
" See p. 182, of this volume.
560
THE QUICHt-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
they called upon him to aid them and said, "here
shall be our mountains and our valleys;" and the
gods predicted their future greatness. They still suf-
fered from hunger, and the places where the wives
abode were not clearly known.
And now many towns had been founded, appar-
ently by other than the Quichd tribes, but as to
Balam-Quitzd and his three companions they wj.ru
not clearly seen, biit cried like wild beasts in the
mountains and on the roads, coming each day before
Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz, offering them the blood
of beasts, and blood drawn from their own bodies.
Afterwards began the slaughter of the surrounding
people who were overtaken on the roads, either one
by one or in small groups, and slain, as was supposed,
by wild beasts. After many had perished, suspicions
were aroused of the four sacrificers and of their
gods, but it was hard to track the pretended animals
on the fog-enveloped summits of the Guatemalan
heights. Now the gods Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz
assumed the appearance of three young men, and
were wont to bathe in a certain river, vanishing at
will whenever they were seen by the people; and a
council was held to devise means for effecting their
death, and to escape the destruction caused by these
Quiches of Cawek. They deemed themselves a great
people and those of Cawek only a handful; yet if
the power of the three gods was really so great that
it could not be overcome, then would they call upon
Tohil also to be their god. It was decided to send
to meet the three young men at the bath two of the
most beautiful of their virgins, that the passions of
the former might be excited. These virgins, in
obedience to the commands of their elders, went to
the river to wash linen, and both removed all their
clothing as soon as the three bathers appeared, and
began to talk with them, saying that their parents
had sent them to speak to the young men and to
bring some token of having had an interview with
were
horde
THE THREE TEMPTERS.
661
them. But the young men did not, aa was expected,
so far descend from their godlike dignity as to take
liberties with the fair Xtuli and Xpueh, but after
consultation with Balam-Quitzd and his brother sac-
rificers, gave the girls their painted mantles as tokens
to carry to those that had sent them. One of the
mantles was covered with painted wasps and bees
which came to life and stung the lord who put it on,
and thus was Tohil victorious over the princes, by
the aid of Balam-Quitzd and his companions. Then
an assault was determined upon by the numerous
tribes against the small forces of the Quichd sacri-
ficers on Mount Hacavitz, but Tohil knew of all their
plans, as did Balam-Quitzd. The invaders were to
make the attack by night, but they fell asleep on the
route, and their eyebrows and beard were shaven and
all their ornaments stolen by the valiant Quicht^s as
they slept. The Quichd leaders fortified their posi-
tion with palisades and fallen trees, and stationed
on them manikins of wood armed, like soldiers and
decorated with the gold and silver stolen from the
sleeping foe. The sacrificers were sore afraid, but
Tohil re-assured them. They filled the shells of gourds
with hornets and wasps and placed them about the
defences of their town. Spies came from the enemy
and looked upon the wooden soldiers and rejoiced
that they were few in number, and at the victory
their countless armies were soon to win.
The hostile forces, armed with bows and arrows,
and bearing shields, ascended the mountain and sur-
rounded the Quichd retreat, shouting and striving
with fearful clamor to strike terror into the hearts of
their foes, who meanwhile looked calmly on. At
the fitting moment the winged allies of the Quichds
were released from the gourds and in countless
hordes attacked the invaders right valiantly, fasten-
ing themselves on the eyes and noses of the foe, who
threw down their arms in their agony, threw them-
selves on the ground, and were slaughtered by the
889
THE QUICH^^-€AKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
followers of Tohil, both men and women joining in
the bloody work. Barely half of the invading army
escaped to their homes. The tribes were thus hu-
miliated before the face of the sacrificers, begged for
mercy, and were made subjects; the victors were
filled with exultation, and multiplied, begetting sons
and daughters on Mount Hacavitz.
The sons of the sacrificers were as follows ; Balam-
Quitzd begat Qocaib and Qocavib, ancestor of the
Cawek, or first Quiche royal family. Balam-Agab
begat Qoacul and Qoacutec, from whom sprang the
family of Nihaib. Mahucutah had but one son
Qoahau ; and Iqi-Balam had none." The four sacri-
ficers, the first leaders and fathers of the Quich<5
people, were now old and ready to die, and after
many words of counsel to their sons they disappeared
suddenly, leaving to their people what is called the
'enveloped majesty,' as a most precious relic, the
form of which was not known for the envelope was
not removed; and thenceforth the Quichds from their
home on the mountain ruled all the surrounding
tribes now thoroughly subjected.
The three elder sons, Qocaib, Qoacutec, and Qoa-
hau, were married long after the death of their
fathers, and they determined to go as their fathers
had ordered to the East on the shore of the sea,
whence their fathers had come, 'to receive the roy-
alty,' bidding adieu to their brothers and friends, and
promising to return. "Doubtles' they passed over
the sea when they went to the East to receive the
royalty. Now this is the name of the lord, of the
monarch of the people of the East where they went.
And when they arrived before the lord Nacxit," the
name of the great lord, of the only judge, whose
inal
the
1* Another document consulted by Braaseur, Popol VuA,p. 286, places
four senerations between Bnlam-Quitz^ and Qocaib and Qocavib men-
tioned above as his sons.
" Braaseur insists that this was Acxitl Quetzalcoatl, the last Toltec
king, who had founded a great kingdom in Honduras, with the capital at
Copan. Popol Vuh, p. 294.
quix.
This
quix,
1}
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MONARCHY.
668
power was without limit, behold he granted them
the sign of royalty and all that represents it; hence
came the sign of the rank of Ahpop and of that of
Ahpop Camha, and Nacxit finally gave them the
insignia of royalty, all the things in fact which
they brought on their return, and which they went
to receive from the other side of the sea, the art of
painting from Tulan, a system of writing, they said,
for the things recorded in the histories."
The three princes returned to Mount Hacavitz,
assembled all the tribes, including the people of Ilo-
cab and Tamub, the Cakchiquels, Tziquinaha, and il."
tribe of Rabinal, assuming the authority over them to
the great joy of all. Then the wives of the original
sacriticers died, and many of the people left Ml mt
Hacavitz and founded innumerable other towii» on
the neighbc 1. . hills," where their numbers were
greatly multiplied. The three princes who went lo
the Eaac to receive the royalty, had giown old and
died, but before their death they had established
themselves in their great city of Izmachi.*
u
The narrative of the Popol Vuh condenses in the
preceding paragraphs, the history of the Quiches
during the whole time that elapsed between the scat-
tering of the Nahuas from Tulan before the fifth
century, and the final establishment of the Quiche
empire, an event whose exact date is unknown — for
we have nothing but approximate dates in the aborig-
inal history of Guatemala — but which, judging by
the number of kings that are represented as having
occupied the throne afterwards down to the coming of
the Spaniards, is thought not to have been earlier
than the thirteenth century. The record implies, in
1* Brasseur, in Popol Vuh, p. 297, gives a list from another document
of many of tiiese new settlements, many of which as he claims can be
identified with modern localities. The ctiief of the new towns was Chi-
nuix, 'in the thorns,' possibly the name from which Quiche was derived.
This city occupied four liills, or was divided into four districts, the Chi-
quiz, Chichac, Humetaha, and Culha-Cavinal.
» Popol Vuh, pp. 205-99; Ximeiicz, Hiat. Ind. Guat, pp. 83-118.
554
THE QUICHJ^AKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
fact, that the Quiches lived long in their new home
before they acquired power among the surrounding
tribes. All this time they were directed by their
trinity, Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz, acting through
their four chief sacrificers, or high-priests, Balam-
Quitzd, Balam-Agab, Mahucutah, and Iqi-Balam,
the same who had led them in their migration from
the region of Xibalba, and even in their migration to
that region from the east. Of course many genera-
tions of priests bearing these names or these titles
must have succeeded each other in the direction of
Quichd affairs during this period ; but the record ad-
mits the succession of sons to the ecclesiastical and
temporal power only after the nation had risen to
power. It has been noted, however, that another
document mentions several generations between Ba-
lam-Quitze and Qocavib. The surrounding peoples
are continually referred to in the Popol Vuh, but for
the most part simply as 'the tribes,' although the
tribes of Tamub and llocab, of Rabinals, of the Cak-
chiquels, and several others are frequently named,
sometimes in a manner that would lead the reader to
suppose that these were 'the tribes' subdued, but
oftener as if these were from the first connected with
the Quiches. From the records of other Guatemalan
nations which have never been published, the Abbd
Brasseur attempts to throw some light on the history
of the tribes among which the Quiches lived so long
in a subordinate position, and on the period over
which the Popol Vuh passes so rapidly.
The many tribes that left the central region of Tu-
lan did not probably do so simultaneously, but
migrated at irregular intervals, so that the final de-
struction of Tulan may not have occurred before the
sixth or seventh century. Juarros even gives a list
of four kings, Tanub, Capichoch, Calel-Ahus, and
Ahpop, who ruled in that city, although his account
taken from that of Fuentes is not worthy of great
confidence. According to the records followed by
MIGRATION FROM TULAN.
655
Brasseur, the first tribes to migrate southward to-
wards Guatemala, were those of Tamub and llocab
to«jether with the thirteen clans of Tecpan, the ances-
tors of the Fokomams. We have seen, however,
that Guatemala was already more or less in possession
of the Nahuas before the overthrow of Xibalba, and
the vague references to the tribes of Tamub and llo-
cab — the oldest Nahua tribes in the country according
to all authorities — are insufficient to show clearly
whether they were already in Guatemala in the time
of Hunahpu and Xbalanque, or like the Quiches
proj)er migrated thither after the fall of Xibalba.
The chiefs of Tamub held the highest rank in a kind
of confederacy that seems to have been established at
this early time. Their capital was Amag-Dan, a few
leagues north of Utatlan. The family of llocab, the
second in the confederacy, had its capital, Uquincat,
at a short distance north-west of Utatlan, and was
divided into two branches called Gale-Ziha and
Tzununi-ha. The third chief of the alliance has es-
caped th^ abbe's researches. The thirteen tribes of
Tecpan, under the names of Uxab and Pokomam,
oocupied Vera Paz and the region south of the Mo-
tagua, their capital, Nimpokom, being near where the
modern town of Rabinal now stands. The western
country towards Chiapas was held by the Alamos, one
of the ancient peoples of Guatemala who were prob-
ably found in the country by the first tribes from
Tulan. This nation was divided into many bands,
whose names and towns are given, the latter includ-
ing those afterwards known as Quezaltenango and
Huehuetenango. One document mentions a succes-
sion of nine sovereigns in the Tamub dynasty before
tlie Quiche power began.
The QuichiJs entered the country at about the
same time as the tribes of llocab, Tamub, and the Po-
komams, but as we have seen in their own record, they
had no influence for many centuries among the na-
tions that preceded them. During this period, with
656
THE QUICHE-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
the Cakchiquels, the band of Kabinal, and the Ah-
Tziquinaha, they constituted a group of small. tribes,
dwelling on the barren heights of Vera Paz, or the
Laoandon country. It is not probable that they were
yet known •'s Quichds, or 'men of the woods,' and all
that is known of them is the names of their gods,
Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz; of their chief priests,
whose names, or titles, were Balam-Quitzd, Balam-
Agab, Mahucutah, and Iqi-Balam; and of leaders
mentioned by the MS. Cakchiquel, and named Xur-
cah and Totomay. According to our only authority
on early events, excepting the Popol Vuh, the time
which was occupied by the Quichds under Balam-
Quitzd and his companions in their long struggles as
animals against the other tribes, is not that which
elai)sed between their arrival from Tulan at Mt
Hacavitz in the sixth or seventh century, and the
establishment of their monarchy in the thirteenth, but
rather that between their first coming prominently
into notice in the mountains of Vera Paz in the
twelfth century, and the founding of their empire.
According to this version, the annals of the whole
preceding period are included by the author of the
Popol Vuh in those of the migration to Mt Haca-
vitz; Balam-Quitz^ and the other sacrificers were
not their leaders when they left Tulan, but were given
to them much later by their god Tohil to guide the
unfortunate people out of their difficulties; in fact,
these sacrificers, so called, were Toltec chieftains who
fled from Anslhuac at the fall of their empire, joined
the partisans who accompanied their flight to the
forces of the Quiches, gathered the scattered tribes
on the heights of Vera Paz, and were enabled after
a century of contest — during which the Quiches were
regarded as a nation of brigands, much like the Az-
tecs at the same time, or a little later, about the
Mexican lakes — to subdue the surrounding nations,
and thus become masters of Guatemala. There are
probably no sufficient reasons to deny that the empire
EMBASSY TO ANAHUAC.
5C7
was founded in the twelfth or thirteenth century ; —
although it should be noted that this gives to the fol-
lowing kings down to the Conquest, as will be seen
later, an average reign of only twelve or fifteen years;
— the Quiches are known to have claimed relationship
with the Toltec sovereigns; and it is quite likely the
exiled chiefs and priests of Tollan had an influence on
the Quich6 institutions; but that the Quiche empire
was thus founded by the Toltec exiles, there is, as I
have repeatedly shown, every reason to deny.
The first tribes conquered by the followers of To-
hil were five of the thirteen Pokomam band.s, which
were forced to pay tribute. Ahcan was now the high-
priest and leader of the bands who were gathered
about Mt Hacavitz, and he was the great-grandson
of Balani-Quitz<j, and the father of Qocaib and Qo-
cavib, mentioned by the Popol Vuh as the found-
ers of the monarchy, and represented l)y that record
as the sons of Balam-Quitz6. It was at his command,
expressed just before his death, that the three princes
undertook a journey to the East, to obtain from the
great monarch of that region, the authority and in-
signia which should render legitimate tlie power they
were about to assume. Other documents diifer from
the Popol Vuh in stating that while one of the broth-
ers, Qocaib, thus visited the East, the other brother,
Qocavib, directed his course northward to Anahuac to
seek the royal investiture at the hands of the Tol-
tec princes who had remained at Culhuaean. He
reached the valley, but such was the state of anarchy
he found prevailing there, that he was forced to re-
turn without having attained his object, and reached
his home long before the return of his brother. He
even took advantage of Qocaib's absence to dishonor
his wife, who bore him a son. Qocaib, when he
came back from his successful mission and was
congratulated by the assembled chieftains, saw the
child in its mother's arms, and was not a little sur-
prised at its existence, but he seemed perfectly satis-
1
668
THE QUICHE-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
! i
fied with the assurance of his wife that the child was
of his own blood, and taking it in his arms, he named
it Balam Conache, who was the founder of the house
of Conache and of Iztayul, and the first to bear the
title of Ahpop Camha, or heir apparent to the
throne. 1 1 is not explained why the younger brother,
unsuccessful in his mission, was allowed to become
the head of the government instead of the older and
more successful Qocaib. A second journey to the
East by the two princes is also recorded before their
right to the throne was definitely established.
This subject of an eastern monarchy ruled by
Nacxit is shrouded in impenetrable mystery. Bras-
seur claims confidently that the kingdom cited was
in Honduras with its capital probably at Copan, and
ruled by Acxitl Quetzalcoatl, the last of the Toltec
kings, or by his son; the sea alluded to as having
been crossed in the journey, must then have been
the gulf of Amatique or that of Dulce. The only
authority that I know of for this assumption is the
vague report by Ixtlilxochitl that Acxitl went south-
ward iud established a great empire in Tlapallan,
where he died in the twelfth century ; and the slight
resemblance in the names Acxitl and Nacxit. I
need not say that the authority is altogether insuffi-
cient, and that it is much safer to give the tale of
the mission to the East some mythologic meaning,
or to admit that its meaning like that of many of
the traditions of this early period in Guatemalan
history is wholly unknown.
The monarchy as thus first established seems to
have included, besides the Quichds proper of the
house of Cawek, the Cakchiquels, Rabinals, and Ah-
Tziquinaha, as the principal Quiche branches or allies.
During the reign of Qocavib, the territory of the
kingdom was considerably extended by the conquest
of Targe portions of Vera Paz, which were taken
from the Pokomams in the south. At the assault of
C^oxbaholam, the stronghold of a powerful people
REIGN OF QOCAVIB.
559
called the Agaab, the prince of that nation is re-
ported to have been captured, and to have made his
nation tributary to the Quiche king and worshipers
of the Quich6 trinity, Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz.
This and succeeding events, down to the foundation
of Izmachi, ah'eady alluded to in the account from
the Popol Vuh, I quote from the only writer who
has had access to the other Guatemalan records."
"Already masters of Pachalum, and on the point
of entering Zquina, the Quiches found themselves
checked by strong forces, when an unexpected ally
was offered them; this was Cotuha, prince of Cu-
kulgi, hereditary guardian of the sacred stone of Tzu-
tuha in the temple of Cahbaha, whom they had just
made a prisoner. Like a skillful politician, Qoca-
vib took advantage of this occurrence so providential
for him. The annals reveal that in the midst of
their conquests the Quiches were divided by family
rivalries ; and it seems probable that Qocavib, whose
name takes the place of that of his older brother,
had as enemies all the princes of the house of Ah-
can, sprung from Qocaib. Placing little reliance on
the support of his relatives, he sought to strengthen
himself by making allies among the conquered chiefs ;
and thus Cotuha having become his captive, he of-
fered him in the order of the Ahqib and Ahqahb
the fourth rank, vacant at the time by the death of
the incumbent who had no offspring; so that this
prince was assured of eventually rising to the com-
mand of the whole nation. Cotuha, proclaimed by
the nobility, soon proved his worthiness of that high
honor. After having powerfully aided the Quiches
in the . ..]uest of Zquina, Bayal, Chamilah, Ginom,
Tocoy, and Patzima, returning to the Rio Chixoy
with his new allies and subjects, he guided them by
i< Brcuseur, in Popol Vuh, pp. ccliii-cclxxi. The manuscripts referred
to by this writer for this and ttie preceding infonnation, are: — Titulo Ter-
ritorial de lot SeAores de Totonicapan ; Titulo Territorial de los Seiiorta i/e
Sacapulas; MS. Cakckiquel; Titulo Real de la Cam de Itzcuin-Nehail ;
and Titulo de lot SeAores de Quezaltenango y de Momottenango.
u
660
THE QUICH^CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
passes known only to himself to the centre of the
great city of Cawinal on the bank of the river, an
event soon followed by the submission of the whole
Agaab nation, to which it belonged. The Quiche
kings finding themselves pressed for room on Mount
Hacavitz, left this city for that of Cawinal, where
they established the seat of government. This was
not, however, the permanent capital. At the death
of Qocavib, Balam Conache, his successor, crossed
the river southward, probably even before his corona-
tion, and fixed his residence at Izmachi; and there
he had himself proclaimed Ahau Ahpop and conse-
crated with all the Toltec ceremonial, conferring the
title of Ahpop Camha on his son Iztayul."
Here should be given such scattered items of infor-
mation respecting this primitive period of Guatemalan
history, given by the same author in an earlier
work," as are additional to or differ from those al-
ready presented. The famous mythical queen Atit
is said by Fuentes to have lived four centuries, and
from her sprang all the royal and noble families of
Guatemala. The oldest nation, or tribe, in the coun-
try was that of Tamub, whose son Copichoch had
come from the east with Cochochlam, Mahquinalo,
and Ahcanail, brought the black stone afterwards
venerated at Utatlan, and reigned for a time at
Tulan. The tribe of Ilocab ruled after that of
Tamub, or perhaps at the same time, over the adjoin-
ing provinces. Brasseur seems here to favor the
idea that the tribes of Tamub and Ilocab were the
Nahuas who occupied Guatemala before the over-
throw of Xibalba in the time of Xbalanque and
Hunahpu, who refused to receive the former at his
return from the conquest, yet among whom he intro-
duced human sacrifice. A Zutugil document makes
" HUt. Nat. Civ., torn, ii,, pp. 73-^150. The authorities referred to
Itcaidea those nlready named are the following: Fuentes y Gvzman, Re-
copilacion Florida de la Hist, de Guat., MS. j Ximenez, Hist de lot Beifcii
del Quicht. M8.; Chronica de la Prov. de Goattemala, MS. The chief
authority, however, is the MS. Cakehiqvel, or Memorial de Teq>an-Atitlan.
MIGRATION FROM THE NORTH.
661
the Seven Caves an earlier station on the Quiche
migration than Tulan, and speaks of wars that drove
the people from the latter place into the mountains of
Vera Paz. The worthy abb4 finds room in his capa-
cious imagination for a theory that the Pokomams,
Quiches, Cakchiquels, and other kindred peoples,
originated in the regions north of Mexico, stayed a
while with the Toltecs at ToUan, but not long enough
to be influenced to any great extent by them, and
then migrated to the Guatemalan highlands. It does
not seem to occur to this author that there are no
arguments in favor of such a theory, that there is no
necessity for such a conjecture, and that it disagrees
radically with nearly all that he ever wrote before or
afterwards. The same writer notes that the Poko-
mams were bitter foes of Acxitl, the last Toltec king,
while the other Quiche tribes were friendly to him,
and he infers from Nunez de la Vega and other au-
thorities that the kingdom of Xibalba was still exist-
ing, though with greatly diminished power, at the
time when the Quiche tribes came into notice in
Guatemala and Acxitl established his southern em-
pire. The Cakchiquels on their way are even said to
have been employed to defend the Xibalban frontiers,
and their chieftains, the Tukuches, took their name
uf Zotziles, or bats, from that of Tzinacantla, their
residence at the time, which has the meaning of ' city
of bats.' In fact the tribes are here represented as
having gathered in the Xibalban region before they
mounted to their later homes in the highlands."
The accounts of this gatherirg are chiefly from
the Cakchiquel record. The locality is called Deo-
zacuancu, apparently in the tierra caliente of Tabasco;
but war was declared against some neighboring
power, and the tribes went to Oloman — perhaps the
P
it
i
it
>* The tribes named as having gathered here, are the Quiches, Rabinals,
Cakchiquels, Zutiigila, Ah-Tziquinaha, Tuhalaha, Uchabaha, Chumilaha,
Tucnni, Zacaha, Quibaha, Batenab, Balaniha, Canohahel, Balam Colob,
Acul, Cumatz, Akahales, and LamagL
Vol. V. as
562
THE QUICH^CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
Tepeu and Oliman, mentioned in a preceding chapter.^'
The cities against which this expedition was directed
were Nonualcat and Xulpiti, the former suggesting
the Nonohualcas, whose home was in the Tabascan
region. The leaders were the Cakchiquel, or Zotzil-
Tukuche, chiefs Hacavitz (Gagawitz) and Zactecauh ;
the enemies were defeated in a battle fought chiefly
on the water; their cities were taken and their peo-
ple massacred. But even while engaged in the
massacre, their foes rallied, attacked them in the rear,
and in their turn routed the Quiche tribes with
great slaughter, not without the aid of magic arts,
as we are informed by the record. The remnants
of the vanquished were re-united on Mt Oloman,
but the influence of Hacavitz and Zactecauh was de-
stroyed, the tribes could be no longer kept together,
and they resolved to separate and each for itself to
seek the regions of the interior. No particulars are
preserved of their wanderings, but Brasseur believes
that the Quiches proper were the first to reach the
heights of Vera Paz, after a generation at least had
passed since they left the Xibalban region of Tabasco,
and the sufferings from cold and the giving of fire by
Tohil, are by him applied to the period immediately
following their arrival. Then the other tribes arrived
one by one and applied for fire, as has already been
stated, their languages having become different one
from another during that interval. The envoy from
Xibalba also appeared among them, a circumstance
that indicates to Brasseur that the Xibalban empire
still existed in the eleventh or twelfth century; but
which may, I think, be taken much more reasonably
as a proof that these events took place at a date as
early as the fifth or sixth century. The Cakchi-
quels were the last to arrive, and they stole the fire
of Tohil without submitting to the required condi-
tions, coming, as it is said, like bats, another deriva-
tion of their name of Zotziles.
1* See p. 182, of this volume.
MAMES AND POKOMAMa
663
The Cakchiquels are said to have applied, on their
arrival, the name Mem, or as the Spaniards after-
wards called it, Manies, or 'stutterers, to the Maya-
speaking aboriginal tribes whom they found in
possession of the country, on account of their peculiar
pronunciation, although the Cakchiquel was also a
Maya dialect. The Mames in later times occupied
the north-western part of the country towards the
Chiapan frontiers, where they were never entirely
conquered b;y the Quich6 nations down to the time of
the Conquest, their capital being Zakul^u, near Hue-
huetenango.* Besides the Mames, probably the
most ancient of the Guatemalan nations, the tribes
of Tamub and Ilocab also occupied the country before
the later Quiche tribes. According to Fuentes the
capital of the Tamub was Utatlan, or Gumarcaah,
and it is stated that the Ilocab were bitter enemies
of the Quiches, and were only conquered when
nearly annihilated. The Pokomams and Pokonchis,
kindred tribes or divisions of the same tribe, are here
estimated by Brasseur to have arrived something
more than a half century before the other Quiche
tribes, and are said to have conquered or allied them-
selves with the Uxab, elsewhere''* spoken of as a
division of that tribe. Nothing is known of Poko-
mam history, but some remains of their language and
of their towns may yet be studied. These people,
together with the Tamub and Ilocab, were perhaps
the chief foes of the Quiches in the earlier days of
their power.
In their wars against the Pokomams the Quiche
tribes made use of the ancient chieftains who had
been subjected by that people, among whom are
mentioned Zakbim and Huntzuy on the Chiquimula
frontier. The first battle and the first Quiche victory
was in the valley of Rabinal and brought into the
possession of the Cakchiquels — for these events are
«• See vol. iv., pp. 128-30, for notice of ruinB.
'> See p. 056 oi thia volume.
564
THE QUICH£-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
taken from the Cakchiquel record — the stronghold
of Mount Zactzuy, and also made allies of Loch
and Xet, chieftains of the Ahquehayi, who after-
wards became almost indentical with the Cakchi-
quels. The next point against which Hacavitz pro-
ceeded was Mount Cakhay; but the allied Quichd
forces were repulsed with great loss, and so weakened
that it was long before they were able again to at-
tack the warlike Pokomams. Then they retired
from a hopeless contest, and took refuge in the in-
accessible mountain fastnesses about Utatlan, now
Santa Cruz del Quiche in the department of Totoni-
capan. The mountain ■'■ here they established them-
selves is called in the Cakchiquel record Tohohil,
'clashing of arms,' but in the Popol Vuh is known
as we have seen as Mount Hacavitz. All that is
known of their stay at Mount Hacavitz, of their
oppression by the neighboring tribes, their gradually
increasing power, their final victory over those tribes,
and the establishment of the Quiche monarchy with
its capital at Izmachi, related by Brasseur in the
work from which the preceding notes have been
extracted, is taken by him from the Popol Vuh, and
is substaiitially the same that I have already given
on the same authority.
To conclude this primitive period of Guatemalan
history, it only remains to present a few notes given
on the subject by the Spanish writers, chiefly by
Juarros, who follows the manuscript writings of
Fuentes y Guzman, founded as is claimed on native
documents, but full of inconsistencies, and doubtless
also of errors, Juarros, or the authority followed by
him, was fully imbued with the belief that the
Quiches were the Toltecs who left Andhuac after
the fall of their empire, and his efforts to reconcile
the native records to this theory perhaps account for
many of his inconsistencies. I translate from this
author that part of his work which relates to this
primitive period. "The Toltecs referred to were of
VERSION OF JUARROa
566
the house of Israel, and the great prophet MoseH
freed them from the captivity in which they were
held by Pharaoh; but, having passed the Red
Sea, they gave themselves up to idolatry, and per-
sisting in it notwithstanding the warnings of Moses,
either to escape the chidings of this law-giver or for
fear of punishment, they left him and their kindred
and crossed the sea to a place called the Seven Caves
on the shores of the Mar Bermejo (Gulf of Cali-
fornia) now a part of the Mexican kingdom," where
they founded the celebrated city of Tula. The first
chief who ruled and conducted this great band from
one continent to the other, was Tamub, ancestor of
the royal families of Tula and of Quiche, and first
king of the Toltecs. The second was Capichoch ; the
third Calel Ahus; the fourt.h Ahpop; the fifth Nima-
quichd,** who, being the best beloved and most dis-
tinguished of all, at the order of his oracle, led these
people away from Tulan, where they had greatly
increased in numbers, and guided them from the
Mexican kingdom to this of Guatemala. In this
migration they spent many years, suffered unspeak-
able hardships, and journeyed in their wanderings for
many leagues over an immense tract of country,
until, beholding a lake (that of Atitan), they deter-
mined to fix their habitation at a certain place not
far from the lake, which they named Quich6, in
memory of the king Nimaquich^ (or, the 'great'
Quiche), who had died during their long wanderings.
There came with Nimaquich^ three of his brothers,
and by an agreement between the four they divided
the region ; one founding the province, or seigniory, of
the Quelenes and Chiapanecs; another the depart-
ment of Tezulutan (Tezulutlan), or Vera Paz; the
** This is evidently taken by Juarros, from the Spanish version of the
Mexican traditions.
*^ The reader is already aware that no such kings ever reigned over the
Toltecs in Anihuac. It is evident that the author has confounded the
Tulan of the Guatemalan annals with Tollan, the Toltcc capital in AnA-
huac, and the Nahua migration from the Xibalban region in the fourth or
fifth century, with that ot the Toltecs in the eleventh.
Btid
THE QUICHl^-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
I
third became the ruler of the Mames and Poko-
maras; while Niinaquich^ was the father of the
Quiches, Cakchiquels, and Zutugils. The latter
having died on the journey, Acxopil, a son of Nima-
quich6, entered Quiche at the head of his nation, and
was the first to reign at Utatlan. This prince, see-
ing the great increase of his monarchy m numbers
and influence, appointed three captains, or governors,
with whom he shared the burden of the administra-
tion of affairs. It is also added in the manucripts
referred to, that Acxopil, at a very advanced age, de-
termined to divide his empire into three kingdoms,
that of the Quiches, that of the Cakchiquels, and that
of the Zutugils. Retaining for himself the first, he
gave the second to his oldest son, J internal, and the
third to his second son, Acxiquat ; and this division
was made on a day when three suns were seen, which
has caused some to think that it took place on the
day of the birth of our Redeemer, a day on which
it IS commonly believed that such a meteor was ob-
served."'"
« Juarros, Hint. &uat., (Gnat., 1857) pp. 7-9. The extract that T have
mode extends a little beyond the point at wliich i have left the other
records. I give here also a lit*t of the Quiclid kings, who were accor<iin<;
to Juarros: 1, Acxopil; 2, Jiuhtcmal; 3, Hnnahpu; 4, Balani Kichd (Bn-
lum-Quitzd); 5, lialam Acam (Balain-Agab); 6, Maucotah (Mahucutah);
7, lauibalani (Iqi-Balani); 8, Kicub I.; 9, Cacubraxcchein; 10, Kicub II.;
11, Iximch^: 12, KicabllL; 13, KicablV.; 14, Kicab Tamub; 15, Tecum
Uniam; 16, Chi<;naviucelut; 17, Scquechul or Sequechil.
The list of the Quichd princes of tiie royal house of Cawek, according
to the order of the generations, is given in the Popol Vuh, pp. 330-40,
Ximenez, pp. 1.33-4, as follows — the list apparently includes not only the
Ahpop, or king, but the Ahpop Cainha, iieir apparent to the throne.
And, as is indicated by the course of the history, and as Brasseur believes,
each Alipop Caniha succeeded the Ahpop on the tL one, so that the whole
number of the Quiche kings, (^ >wn to the coming of the Spaniards, count-
ing from Qocavib, was twenl -two instead of eleven, as the list might
vidently understands it: — 1, Balam-Quitzd;
len that, by other documents several gen-
first and second of this list); 3, Balani
B Ahpop); 4, Cotuha and Iztayub; 5 (iu-
'd Iztayul; 7, Quicab and Cavizimah; 8,
and Tepepul; 10, Vahxaki-Canin and
«pech; 12, Oxib-Quieh and Beleheb Tzi
md hung by the Spaniards); 13, Tecum
jas and Don Juan Cortds.
The* princes of the house of KihaYb given by the same authority, p. 343,
Ximenas, pp. 135, were as follows: — 1, Balam-Ag»b; 2, Qoaoul ana Qoa-
seem to imply and as Ximenez
2, Qocavib, (although we havt
erations are plac«<r between
Conache (the first to take the .
cumatz and Cotuha; 6, Tepepul
Tepepul and Xtayub; 9, Tecu
Quicab; 11, Vukub Noh and Ca,\
(reigning when Alvarado came,
and Tepepul; 14, Don Juan de F
PRIMITIVE (jUICH^ PERIOD.
m
Torquemada" briefly mentions a few of the points
in early Quichd history, agreeing with Juarroi^.
Orozco y Berra's reasoning from a Hnguistic point
of view respecting the primitive inhabitants of this
region, is not very clear, or at least it is difficult to
determine what are his conclusions on the subject.
In one place he says that Utatlan was founded at
the time of the Toltec migration southward; and
elsewhere, that the Toltecs could n >t have been the
ancestors of the Quichds, Cakchiquels, and Zutugils."*
Gallatin accepts the popular theory that the Quiches
were a Toltec colony, but does not explain the lin-
guistic difficulties in the way of such a supposition.''
Waldeck reject., the Toltec theory on account of dif-
ferences in language and physique; but states that
the Guatemalan tribes came originally from Yuca-
tan**.
I have now given all the information accessible
respecting Quichd history preceding the establishment
of the empire, which began in the twelfth or thir-
teenth century and endured with some modifications
down to the coming of the Spaniards. It has been
presented in whe fonn of fragments, for the reader
will readily perceive that to form from the authorities
a connected narrative would have been an utter im-
possibility. I have in a preceding chapter presented
the evidence of the existence during a few centuries
before and after the beginning of the Christian era, of
cutec; 3, Qochahuh and Qntzibaha; 4, Beleheb Gih; 5, Cotuha; 6, Batza;
7, Ztayul; 8, Cutulia; 9, liclulicb-Gih; 10, Qucina; II, Cotuha; 12, Dod
('hriittoval; 13, Don Pedro de Uobles.
List of the princes of the Koyat House of Ahau Quichd, Popol Vuh,
]). 345, Ximenez, pp. 136-7; 1, Mahucutah; 2, Qoahau; 3, Cakfacan; 4,
Qocozom; 5, Conialican; 6. Vu!;ub-Ah; 7, Qocaniel; 8, Coyabacoh, Vinak-
liani. These lists, however, do not seem to correspond altogether with the
Quichd annals as given by the same authority, as tne reader will see in the
succeeding pages.
*> Monarq. Ind., torn, i., p. 38, torn, ii., pp. 338-40. See also Helps*
Bpan. Conq., vol. iii., pp. 246-9.
>* Oeoqrafia, pp. 97-9, 128, et seq.
^ Oailaiin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc, Tranacuit, vol. !., p. 8.
» Voy. Pitt., pp. 41, 646.
W8
THE QUICH^i-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
a great aboriginal empire in Central America, narrat-
ing all that may be known of its decline and fall
resulting from the contentions of the great Maya and
Nahua powers. In the sixteenth century the Span-
iards found two powerful empires, the Aztec in the
north, the Quiche in tlie south, both of which doubt-
less were offshoots of the great primitive monarchy.
The annals of the northern branch have been traced
more or less clearly back to the parent trunk, with
only a blank of one or two centuries at most, during
which the Nahua power was transferred northward ;
but in the annals of the southern branch, whose con-
nection with the primitive empire was of precisely
the same nature, the blank is lengthened to some
eight centuries at least. From the Xibalban times
and the tribal separation at Tulan down to the estab-
lishment of the Quiche empire we have only the
fragments of the preceding pages. These fragments
represent the history of many peoples for many cent-
uries; they are not necessarily contradictory, for in
the absence of all chronology we have no means of
knowing to what epoch each refers. The apparent
contradictions and inconsistencies result for the most
part from the efforts of authors through whose writ-
ings the traditions are handed down to us to reconcile
them with the Toltec theory; to apply to one people
the traditions of many, to a modern people the tra-
ditions of a remote antiquity; to compress the
events of eight or nine centuries into one. We shall
still find the Quiche annals fragmentary and far
from satisfactory, but from the foundation of Iz-
machi I shall attempt to carry along the tale as
told by the different authorities together. By far
the most complete of these are the Quich6 records as
given in the Fopol Vuh and that of the Cakchiquels
contained in Brasseur's works.
I begin with the adventures of the Cakchiquels
after the defeat of Hacavitz and Zactecauh by the
EARLY GAKCHIQUEL HISTORY.
Is
be
Pokomams, already mentioned.'' They seem not to
have continued in the company with the Quiches at
Izmachi, but to have retired to other localities in
the country of the Mames somewhat further west,
among the Mames of Cholamag, as the reoord states
it. Ihey found the people very friendly, but only
remained long enough among them to learn their
language, which they found most di£Scult. Leaving
this place they approached the Valley of Panchoy, in
the region of the volcanos, and twice they penetrated
the mountain of fire, Hunahpu, where a most wonder-
ful and unintelligible interview with Zakiqoxol, the
phantom or guardian of the fiery abysses is related,
all being possibly the account of a volcanic eruption.
Having reached the shores of Lake Atitlan the Cak-
chiquels wished to settle there permanently although
the chief, Hacavitz, seems to have opposed the set-
tlement. Tolqom, a powerful chieftam and a most
wonderful magician, lived on Mount Qakbatzulu,
which extended like a promontory into the lake ; but
the bold Hacavitz took him prisoner and became
master of his domain. The Cakchiquels, or the Cak-
chiquel nobility, seem to have been divided in four
families, the Zotzil-Tukuches, the Cibakihay, the
Baqahol, and the Gekaquchi. All united in giving
to Hacavitz and Zactecauh, of the house of Zotzil-
Tukuche, after the victory over Tolqom, the supreme
power, the former having the first rank. The con-
quered chieftain, Tolqom, was sacrificed at the coro-
nation of Hacavitz, in the midst of great festivities,
and a part of his body was thrown from the summit
of Qakbatzulu, his former home, into the waters of
the lake. Many of the Cakchiquels decided to
remain here and chose a* site which they named Chi-
tulul; others built houses on a point called Abah,
afterwards the site of the city of Atitlan. But
Hacavitz was not pleased, and a violent wind arose
and an extraordinary white cloud hung over the
" Mem. de Teepan-Atillan, in Brtuaeur, Hiat., torn, ii., pp. 155<75.
670
THE QUICHiU^AKCUIQUEL EMPIRE.
surface of the lake ; the new dwellings were destroyed
and great damage was done. The Cakchiquels ac-
cepted this as a warning to obey the will of the gods,
except the Ah-Tziquinihayi who decided to remain
with the Zutugils.
The other tribes retired under their leaders into
the mountains, and became much scattered. In
passing a deep ravine Zactecauh missed his footing
and was dashed to death on the rocks below, the
record hinting that his colleague and superior was
not wholly free from the suspicion of having caused
his death. This suspicion destroyed much of the
prestige of Hacavitz, but he regained it all and more
by extinguishing the fire of a volcano which by its
lava and flames had hemmed in and threatened with
total destruction all his followers. Zakitzunun aided
him and was given the second place in the govern-
ment. They then seem to have returned to the lake
shores, conquering and making allies of several
alwriginal tribes, including the people of Ikomag,
with a lady of which people Hacavitz seems to have
married. In the meantime the Gekaquchi, the Ci-
bakihay, and the Baqahol, three of the four principal
Cakchiquel families, had settled on the mountains in
the region of Iximche, or Tecpan Guatemala, and the
ambitious chief of the latter family had succeeded in
obtaining the allegiance of his companions, who
crowned him as supreme king of the three bands.
Hacavitz was filled with wrath, but being unable to
overthrow his rival, Baqahol, was obliged to be con-
tent with establishing himself and his own band
of Zotziles on the shores of the lake, where their
dwellings were erected and the Cakchiquel god, Chi-
malcan, had his altars. A little later Hacavitz is
reported to have aided Baqahol in overcoming
certain foes that had attacked him, and as having
received, at the end of the campaign, the voluntary
allegiance of that chief, thus regaining the supreme
power over the Cakchiquel tribes, whom he ruled
REIGN OF COTUHA AND IZTAYUL.
vn
from his residence at a place known as Chigohom,
where he seems to have settled after his new acces-
sion to power, somewhat away from the shores of
the lake. Here he died at a ripe old a^e, not long
after his wife gave birth to Oaynoh and Caybatz, his
successors in later years.
Returning to the Quiche record as given in the
Popol Vuh,* we find nothing recorded of the reign
of Balam Conache,'* son of Qocavib, in his new cap-
ital of Izmachi. He was succeeded early in the thir-
teenth century, as it seems, by Cotuha, with Iztayul
as Ahpop Camha, and under this monarch many im-
provements were made in the city, including many
houses of stone and mortar and three royal palaces,
one for the house of Cawek, one for the house of
Nihaib, and a third for the house of Ahau Quiche.
"Now all were of one heart in Izmachi; there were
no enmities; there were no difficulties; the monarchy
was in a state of repose, without disputes or troubles;
peace and felicity were in all hearts." But their
power was yet confined to narrow limits ; they had as
yet achieved no great success. The Rabinals, the Cak-
chiquels, and the mingled Zutugils and Ah-Tziqui-
nihayi of Atitlan are spoken of as being at this tune
allies and friends of the Quich6s; but the descend-
ants of the ancient Ilocab were yet powerful, and
became hostile, although hitherto represented as
joined to the house of Cawek; their capital was but
a short distance from Izmachi. When Ilocab — the
tribal name being used, as is often the case, for that
of the ruling monarch — perceived the prosperity of
the Quiches, "war was kindled by Ilocab, who wished
to kill this king Cotuha, his people being unwilling
that there should be any king but their own. And
>• Pp. 209-307; Brtuteur, Hiat, torn, ii., pp. 47S-90; Ximma, Hitt. Ind.
Ouat., pp. 119-21.
" In hi8 Hitt. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., p. 478, Braiweur seemB to regard Ba-
lam II. and Conaohe u two kinn, one succeeding the other, hut in hi*
notes to P(^l Vuh, p. cclxxiii, he unites them in one.
672
THE QUICHt-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
as to the king Iztayul, they desired to punish him
also, to put him to death, in the cause of Ilocab.
But their jealousy was not successful against the
king Cotuha, who marched against them. Such was
the origin of the revolt and of the war. At first
they entered the city(Izmachi) by assault, spreading
death in their way, for what they desired was the
ruin of the Quiche name, that they alone might rule.
But they came only to die ; they were taken captives,
and but few escaped. Then their sacrifices began;
the people of Ilocab were immolated before the god,
and that was the penalty of their crime, which was
inflicted by the order of Cotuha. Many also were
reduced to slavery, now that they had brought ruin
upon themselves by kindling the flames of war
against the king and against the city. What they
had desired was that the name of the Quiches should
be ruined and disgraced, but nothing could be done.
Thus originated the usage of human sacrifices before
the god at the declaration of war; and this was the
origin of the fortifications which they began to erect
in Izmachi."
Another document is said to give some additional
information respecting 'the immediate cause of the
war, which is reported to have been connected in
some way with Cotuha's marriage. He married
Hamai-UleU, 'rose of the earth,' a daughter of one
of the friendly Zutugil princes whose territory was
on Lake Atitlan, annexing that prince's domain to
his own, and giving his father-in-law, Malah by
name, high rank at the Quiche court. The favor
thus shown to Malah, with other acts of like nature,
seem to have excited the jealousy of other Zutugil
lords, who at last marched against Cotuha and were
utterly defeated. It was while Cotuha had this war
on his hands that the Ilocab engaged in the desperate
eflbrt above recorded to check the Quiche monarchs
in their rapid progress to supreme power, and were
)* Tiluh de lo$ SeHoru de Totonieapan,
TRANSFER OF THE CAPITAL TO UTATLAN.
578
he
to
by
chs
ere
enabled, perhaps during the absence of Cotuha, to
penetrate his capital. After their final defeat,
Uquineat, the Ilocab capital, was taken and de-
stroyed, and many other towns fell into Cotuha's
possession.
The Quiche record narrates no further historical
events down to the time when Izmachi was aban-
doned. It dwells, however, on the greatness of the
kingdom after the overthrow of the Ilocab, and men-
tions the power and number of the surrounding princes
yet unsubdued as the strongest proof of Quiche valor,
since the new people even in the face of such environ-
ment had been able to establish and extend their
monarchy. After the immolation which followed the
Ilocab's defeat, the practice of human sacrifice was
carried to such an extent that the surrounding tribes
were filled with terror at the number of captives slain
by order of Cotuha and Iztayul. At this period the
system of government was perfected by measures, the
exact nature of which is not clearly given, and mag-
nificent festivities with complicated ceremonial rites
were instituted. "Long they remained in Izmachi,
until they had found and had seen another city, and
had abandoned in its turn that of Izmachi. After
that they departed and came to the capital called
Gumarcaah (Utatlan), which was so named by the
Quiches, when the kings Cotuha and Gucumatz came
together with all the princes. They were then in
the fifth generation (of kings) from the commence-
ment of civilization and from the origin of their
national existence."
The same document already referred to" disagrees
with the Quiche record respecting the peace and har-
mony that followed Cotuha's victory,, while the
people were yet at Izmachi. According to this
authority dissensions arose between the heads of the
government. Certain parties interested in fomenting
^ TUulo de lot StUoru 4» ToUmictipan, in (he introduotion to Popol
KuA, pp. cclxxv-vL
574
THE QUICH^M^AKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
i/'-
t-
;wi-,, ■■•■
the dissatisfaction, constantly reminded ambitious
nobles that Cotuha was a foreigner,** and Iztayul the
son of a bastard, both occupying the places that
belonged to more legitimate prmces. Then going to
the Ahpop, Cotuha, they said, "the Ahpop Camha
looks with scorn upon thee ; he says thou art a miser-
able wretch, feeding only on the foam of the chiquivin
and other vile food unworthy of a great king." Then
to the Ahpop Camha, Iztayul, they said, "the king
Cotuha is filled with disdain for thee; to him thou
art but a useless man, who livest upon dung and the
eggs of flies and other insects, >yhile his own table is
always loaded with excellent fresh fish and other
viands fit for a great prince." The perfidy of these
counselors was afterwards brought to light and they
were driven in disgrace from the court after an at-
tempt to assassinate Cotuha by suffocation in a steam
bath. Yet the king afterwards, according to the
dame authority, fell a victim to another conspiracy.
Iztavul succeeded to the throne, with Gucumatz as
Ahpop Camha, and continued the conquests of his
predecessor, but no details of his reign are given in
the Quiche record.
In the Cakchiquel annals," however, Brasseur re-
lates certain events which would seem to belong to
the period of Iztayul's reign, although he is always
called in the record of this nation, Tepeuh, 'the domi-
nator, or conqueror.' We left Caynoh and Caybatz,
infant sons of the deceased Hacavitz, under the
guardianship of Baqahol and Gekaquch, who became
practically monarchs of the whole nation, having
their capitals on the mountain plateaux of Pantzic
and Paraxone." The Zotzil-Tukuche branch of the
nation were naturally unwilling that the sons of the
great Hacavitz, the former head of their family,
should occupy a secondary rank, and they were not
^* See p. 629, of this volume.
u Menu 'It Tecpan-Atillan, in Brcuieur, Hist., torn. iL, pp. 483-9.
** See p. 070-1, of tbiB volume.
THE STOLEN TRIBUTE.
575
slow to urge Caynoh and Caybatz as soon as they
reached a proper age to declare their independence
and resume their legitimate place at the head of the
nation; but the aged chieftain Baqahol, who, it will
be remembered, had been for a time supreme mon-
arch, even before the death of Hacavitz, haughtily
refused to surrender his scepter; and the young
princes must perforce await a more favorable op-
portunity to assume their due position. The Cak-
chiquels seem at this time to have been tributaries to
the Quichd throne, now occupied by Iztayul, or Tepeuh,
of whom it is said, "he was the first to reign with
majesty; he dwelt in the castle of Chixnal; his
mysterious power spread abroad terror; he caused to
tremble the place where he had his dwelling, and
all people payed tribute before the face of Tepeuh."
The two sons of Hacavitz were sent to present
the Cakchiquel tribute and homage at the Quichd
court, where Iztayul received them with great kind-
ness, giving them high rank and titles, and making
them the royal tribute-gatherers of his empire. In
this capacity they made a long tour through the
Quichd possessions, even penetrating the mysterious
region of the East, where the ancestors of the king
had received the investiture of their royalty. At
last they came to Lake Atitlan, where the united
Zutugils and Ah-Tziquinihayi were still living.
These vassals paid their tributes to the envoys, but
contrived a cunning plan to recover the treasure.
Two beautiful princesses, Bubatzo and Icxiuh, daugh-
ters of the ruling lords, were appointed to wait upon
the royal tax-collectors. Caynoh and Caybatz v/ere
not proof against their charms, and the maidens,
following the parental commands, allowed themselves
to be easily won; but they managed in the night
to ecape from the couches of their royal lovers and
to steal back all the gold and silver which had
been paid as tribute. The princes complained bit-
terly when they discovered their loss, but as a com*
576
THE QUICHI^CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
pensation they received Bubatzo and Icxiuh for wives,
with the promise of an honorable position at Atitlan,
in case of Iztayul's displeasure. On their way back
to Izmachi with their wives, however, the prospect-
ive anger of Tepeuh so overcome them that they
hid themselves in a cave for a long time; but at
last the Quiche king not only pardoned them for the
affair of the lost tribute and for their marriage but
enabled them to overcome and put to death Baqahol
and Gekaquch, and reseated them on the Cakchiquol
throne as tributary monarchs on favorable terms to
the imperial crown of Izmachi. Caynoh was made
Ahpop Xahil, and Caybatz Ahpop Qamahay, cor-
responding exactly with the Quiche royal titles of
Ahpop and Ahpop Camha.
Gucumatz mounted the throne at Izmachi on the
duath of Iztayul, and Cotuha II. became Ahpop
Camha. This king began to reign probably towards
the middle of the thirteenth century.'^ Internal dis-
sensions between the rival families of the Quiche
nobility are vaguely alluded to in the records, but
not with sufficient details to enable us to determine
how they influenced Gucumatz to abandon Izmachi
in favor of a new capital. He selected for this pur-
pose the ancient Utatlan, situated on a plateau not
far distant, which had probably long been in ruins.^
It is now time to return to Juarros' version of
Quiche history during the reigns of the first kings,
although there is little hope of connecting it at any
point with the versions already presented. Nima
Quichd, who directed the people in their migration
to these Guatemalan regions, ceded to his brother the
command of the Mames and Pokomams, and at his
*^ BrasMur places his reign somewhere between 1225 and 1275.
** The Popol Vvh represents Utatlan, as wc have seen, p. 573, to have
been first occupied by Cotuha and Gucumatz; meaning, as is shown by
the table of Icin^ in the same document — see p. 566, en this volume— by
Gucumatz as kmg and Cotuha II. as second in rank. Brasseur states
that the name Gumarcaah was then given to the city, but it is much more
likely that this was the ancient name, and Utathin of later origin.
DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE.
m
cleath left his son Acxopal, or Acxopil, king of the
Quioh^ tribes. This monarch, either by the increase
of his people or by his con(|uests among the abo-
riginal tribes soon found himself master of the
provinces now called SoloU, Chimaltenango, and
Sacatepeques, with a part of Quezaltenango and
Totonicapan. In his old age his empire seemed to
him too vast and the duties of government too bur-
densome for his failing strength. He consequently
divided his empire into three domains, keepmg for
himself that of the Quichds, giving that of the Cak-
chiquels to his oldest son Xiuhtemal, or Jiutemal,
and that of the Zutugils to his second son Acxo-
quauh, or Acxiquat ; the brother who ruled over the
Mames and Pokomams is not named here. The
bounds given by Juarros to the three kingdoms of
the empire are substantially the same as those of the
peoples speaking the same languages at the time of
the Conquest, and were doubtless ascertained from
the condition of affairs in the sixteenth century rather
than from ancient records or traditions.
After the division it was not long before ambi-
tion began to produce what Juarros terms its usual
resulta Acxoquauh, king of the Zutugils, found
his domain too small and wished to extend its limits
to the detriment of his brother, Xiuhtemal. With
this intent he marched at the head of a large army to
the Cakchiquel frontiers, but was forced to retire to
his fortified stronghold on Lake Atitlan, where the
contest raged for many days until a truce was
brought about by the aged AcxopaK Xiuhtemal
took advantage of the peace to fortify his capital at
Tecpan Guatemala, but during the extreme old age
of his father he was called to direct aflairs at the
Quiche capital, and succeeded to the imperial throne
at his father's death, putting his own eldest son on
the Cakchiquel throne. Still fearful of his brother,
his first care was to fortify the Quiche capital, — which
Juarros represents as having been. Utatlan from the
Vol. t. «?
97S
THE QUICH^>-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIKE.
first — building, among other extensive works, the
castle of Kesguardo." His precautions seem not to
have been unnecessary, for Acxoquauh soon recom-
menced the war, fighting particularly for the posses-
sion of the whole territory about the lake, which
seems to have been in some way divided between the
three monarchs. The war continued, with but brief
intervals, throughout the reign of Xiuhtemal and
during a part of that of Hunahpu, his son, who suc-
ceeded him. Nothing further is recorded of Hunah-
pu's reign, save that he distinguished himself by
introducing the cultivation of cacao and cotton.*"
Except in the general statement that the Quich6,
Cakchiquel, and Zutugil kingdom,^ formed a kind of
alliance at this early period, a conclusion to which
the other records have also led us, the version given
by Juarros, from Fuentes, has apparently nothing in
common with the others ; and I shall not attempt to
conjecture what may have been the source whence
the names of kings given by these authors were de-
rived. There is no room for hesitatiun in deciding
which records are the more reliable. Brasseur in
one place, after narrating the foundation of Izma-
chi, suddenly declares that with Qocavib and
Nima Quiche the symbolic recitals cease and history
begins, and then goes on for a fe^v pages with an ac-
count of Acxopal and his division of the empire be-
tween his two sons, apparently accepting the version
of Juarros, except in the name of the capital at the
foundation of the empire. But shortly after, he
abandons this for the other version, as follows: "The
first king of Toltec race who appears after Acxopal is
Xiuhtemal, who in his turn seems to have placed his
son on the throne of Quauhtemalan, (Tecpan Gua-
temala, the Cakchiquel capital). According to more
authentic documents, it is Balam II. of the house
of Cawek, who succeeds Qocavib. Except the
)* For description of the ruina of Utatlan, see vol. iv., pp. 124-8.
•• Juarrot, Hiat. Ouat, pp. »-16.
QUCUMATZ AT UTATLAN.
579
struggles mentioned by Fuentes, we find nothing
about this prince or his predecessor, after the founda-
tion of Izmachi," etc. Thus he impHes that Qocavib
was identical with Acxopal, and Bsilam Conacho with
Xiuhtcmal. We hear no more of the names given
by Juarros until we have the statement by the same
author respecting Hunahpu that " every thing favors
the opinion that he is the same who reigned under
the glorious name of Gucumatz," without any at-
tempt to account for the intermediate kings of the
Quiches, Cotuha and Iztayul. Consequently as I
am inclined to suspect, "everything favors the
opinion" that the worthy abb^ has introduced the
names Acxopal, Xiuhtemal, and Acxoquauh, from
Fuentes solely because they are apparently Nahua
names and therefore may add some force to his Toltec
theory, and has then got rid of them as expeditiously
as possible."
The first care of Gucumatz was to restore the
ancient buildings of Utatlan and to add to the city's
old-time splendor by the erection of new and mag-
nificent temples in honor of the gods. "There they
built their houses in great numbers, and there also
they built the house of the god in the centre of the
city at the most elevated point, where they placed
it when they came to establish themselves in that
place. Then their empire was much enlarged, and
when their numbers were already considerable, their
great families took counsel together, and were sub-
divided." When the quarrels which had formerly
threatened their empire were at last terminated
"they carried into effect what had been resolved
upon, and the royalty was divided among twenty-
four grand houses or families." "There they in-
creased in greatness, having thus gloriously united
<> Brasieur, Hitt., torn, ii., pp. 150-2. 475-7, 499. Tlie opinion that
Hunahpu aiid Gneiimati were identical, however, ia said to receive some
support from the Itagoge Hiitorieo, of Pelaea' work, quoted by Id., in Pih
pol Vuk, p. 3ie.
HI THE QUICH^AKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
iheir thrones and their principalities; the titles of
all their honors having been distributed among the
princes, there were formed nine families with the
nine princes of Cawek, nine with the princes of Ni-
hiub, four with the princes of Ahau Quichd, and two
with the lords of Zakik. They became very nu-
merous, and numerous were those that followed each
of the princes; they were the first at the head of
their vassals, and many families belonged to each of
the princes. We shall now tell the titles of these
princes and of each of the great houses." Then
follows a list of titles, substantially the same that I
have given in a preceding volume, when treating
of the Quiche governmental system.**
"Thus were completed the twenty -four princes and
the twenty-four great houses; then was multiplied
the power and majesty in Quiche ; then was strength-
ened and extended its grandeur, when the city and its
ravines were built up with stone and mortar and
covered with cement. Both great and little nations
came under the power of the king, contributing to
the Quiche glory; power and majesty sprang up, and
the house of the god was built as well as the houses
of the princes. But it was not they who built them ;
they did no work, neither constructmg the temple of
their god, nor their own buildings, for all was done
by their vassals, whose numbers were multiplied. It
was not by stratagem nor by force that these vassals
were brought in ; for truly each one belonged to some
one of the princes, and rrreut was the number of
their brothers and relatives who gathered to hear what
the princes commanded. Truly were they loved and
esteemed, and great was the glory of the princes.
Veneration kept pace with their renown, and with
the lords were multiplied the dwellers in the ravines
round about the city. Thus nearly all the nations
surrendered themselves, not through war and force
directed against them in their ravines and cities, but
** See vol. ii., pp. 637-44.
tlEION OF QUCUMATZ.
SSI
W reason of the marvela wrought by their kings,
uucumatz and Cotuha.
Verily, this Gucumatz became a most marvelous
king. In seven days he mounted to the skies — as-
cended the mountain heights — and in seven days he
descended to the re^*ion of Xibalba." In seven
days he took upon himself the nature and form of a
serpent, and again of an eagle, and of a tiger; and
in seven days he changed himself into coagu-
lated blood. Truly the existence of this wonderful
prince filled with terror all the lords that came before
h'.m. The knowledge thereof was spread abroad; all
the nations heard of this prodigious king. And this
was the origin of the Quiche grandeur, when the
king Gucumatz wrought these signs of his power.
The remembrance of his grandsons and sons was not
lost — or, as Ximenez renders it, he did not lack
descendants, both sons and grandsons. He had not
done these things merely that there might be a royal
worker of miracles, but as a means of ruling all na-
tions, and of showing himself to be the only chief of
the peoples. This prodigious king Gucumatz was of
the fourth** generation of kings, Ahpop and Ahpop
Camha. He left descendants who also reigned with
majesty and begat children who did many things.
Thus were begotten Tepepul and Iztayul, whose
reign made the fifth generation. They were kings,
and each generation of these princes begat sons."**
It is seen by the preceding account of Gucumatz'
reign that this king fully accomplished his object in
transferring the capital to Utatlan. By removing
his court to this ancient city he aroused the pride of
all the tribes of Quiche race, and revived their tradi-
*> Or, as Ximenez renders it, to Hell.
<* He is named as being of the fifth generation in the tablea at the end
of the document.
*i Popol Vuh, pp. 307-17; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Chtat., pp. 121-6; Id.,
Eteolios, in Id., pp. 165-8. This last work is perhaps the same as that
quoted by Braaaeur aa Ximenez, Hist, de lot Reyes del (j^uicM, MS., but it
18 merely a list of kings with some of their deeds, adding nothing what-
ever, in a hiaturical point (rf view, to tiie translation of the Quiche reeord.
'
',
I
'
THE QUICHl^CAKGHIQUEL EMPIRE.
tional recollections of a glorious past; by restoring
the ancient temples and by erecting new ones he
enlisted the religious enthusiasm of the whole country
in his favor. The universal interest in the new enter-
prise caused the former dissensions between rival
nobles to be for a time forgotten. All these circum-
stances combined to create for Gucumatz a higher
degree of popularity than he had ever before enjoyed;
and when he felt sufficiently strong with the people,
he still further fortified his position by a partial
reconstruction of his empire. By the establishment of
twenty-four houses of nobility he not only made par-
tisans of those who were the recipients of new honors,
but effectually checked the ambition of the leading
nobles, whose quarrels had at one time threatened his
sovereignty. Two of the new dignities were given to
the family of Zakik, to which belonged the priest of
the ancient temple of Cahbaha at Utatlan ; and he gave
the titles Ahau-Ah-Tohil and Ahau-Ah-Gucuniatz,
or high-priests of Tohil and Quetzalcoatl, to members
of his own family, thus firmly attaching the priest-
hood to his own interests. Each of the newly created
princes was required to have a palace in the capital
and to reside there during a certain part of each year;
in fact the policy pursued by Gucumatz resembles in
many points that which we have seen pursued by the
Chichimec emperor Techotl in Andhuac as noted in a
preceding chapter. There are no data from which to
determine the extent of Gucumatz' domain ; the de-
scent to Xibalba may indicate that the Palenque
region was subjected to his power, or simply that he
was wont to spend in the tierra caliente a portion of
each year. Brasseur believes that from this period
the Ahpop Camha of the Quiches spent his time
chiefly in the Zutugil capital at Atitlan.^
After the death of Gucumatz, Cotuha II., already
holding the second rank of Ahpop Camha, mounted
«• Hist. Nat. Civ., torn, ii., pp. 493-9; Id., in Popol Vuh, p. cclxxvi.
CAKCHIQUEL HISTORY.
the throne. He was in his turn succeeded by Tepe-
pul, and he by Iztayul II. with Quicab, or Kicab, aa
Ahpop Camha. Kespecting the reigns of these three
inonarchs, the Popul Vuh gives no details whatever;
and but very little can bo learned from other records.
The three reigns may, however, be supposed to have
extended to about the end of the fourteenth cen-
tury, a century which is thus almost a blank in the
annals of the empire. One document*'' informs us
that the first of the three kings, Cotuha II., was
treacherously put to death by the lords of Qoha'il
and Ulahail, who drew him into an ambush, but his
sons Quicab and Cavizimah, afterwards kings, avenged
his murder by seizing and putting to death thirteen
of the supposed guilty parties.
The Cakchiquel record" mentions the third of the
Quiche monarchs, Iztayul II., under the name of
Xitayul-Hax. Caynoh, whom we left on the Cak-
chiquel throne,*' had .been succeeded by his son
Citan-Qatu, a valiant ?nd wise ruler who, under the
sovereignty of the Quiche emperor at Utatlan, had
considerably extended the power of his people. At
his death he was followed by his son Qotbalcan, 'the
coiled serpent,' and under his rule the subordinate
chieftains took advantage of his good nature or want
of ability, to reclaim their independence. The de-
scendants of the princes Baqahol and Gokaquch, who
had caused Hacavitz so much trouble in former years,
were the first to inaujL,urate Hiis revolt, which the
other tribes were not slow to join, and thus tlie na-
tion was again split up practically into scattered
tribes, the king having little, if any, more authority
than the other chieitains. The same condition of
affairs continued during the reign of this king's son
and grandson, Alinam and Xttanior-Zaquentol; tho
tribe under the royal command, after wandering for
I
*» I'Uitlo de lot SeAores de Totonicapan, \n Popol Vuh, pp. cclxxvi-vii.
«• Mem. de Tccpan-Atifian, in Uraasew, Hiit,, torn, ii., pp. 501-.'].
<* See p. 576, of this voL
B84
THE QUICH^CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
a long time, having finally settled near the kindred
tribe of the Akahales, at the t^wns of Zakiqahol and
Nimcakthpec. The groat grandson of Qotbalcan,
Chiyoc Queh, succeeded in again uniting under his
rule most of the Cakchiquel tribes, and having
founded the capital of Chiawar, somewhat further
west than the old capital Tecpan Guatemala, and
given the second rank of Ahpop Qamahay to his
brother Ttattah-Akbal, he was laboring most strenu-
ously to raise his nation to her old position at the
time when the record mentions the death of Iztayul
IL, or Xitayul-Hax, and the accession of Quicab.
I must now return to the version presented by
Fuentes and Juarros, for this version agrees with the
others respecting the name of the next king, Quicab,
and hence it may be inferred that the period between
the reigns of Hunahpu and Kicab, is identical with
that between Gucumatz and Quicab. The kings that
Juarros puts on tha throne during this period were
Balam Kiche, Balam Acam, Maucotah, and Iqui-
balam, names which are evidently identical with the
four high -priests or sacrificers of a much earlier
period. It seems probable that the authors cited
found these names in the aboriginal records, and
could meke no better place for them than in the liet
of kings. The events referred to in these reigns are
as follows: — Balam Kich^ did nothing worthy of
record. Balam Acam, his successor, was a most kind-
hearted prince, and had great confidence in his cousin,
the king of the Zutugils at Atltlan. But the latter
abused this confidence by stealing the king's daughter
from the royal palace in Utatlan; and Ilocab, a near
relative of the Zutugil monarch — called Zutugilebpop
bv Juarros, evidently a title rather than a name — at
about the same time abducted a niece of Balam
Acam. These abductions caused a war which, as we
are told, lasted with little intermission down to the
coming of the Spaniards. The Quichd army under
the king and Maucotah his chief general, marched on
WAR BETWEEN QUICHAS AND ZUTUGILS.
66B
Atitlan, taking several strong towns on the way, and
"the most terrible battle these countries haa ever
known" was fought against the Zutugil and Ah-Tzi-
quinihayi forces under Ilocab. In this battle Ilocab
was slain and the Quiches victorious. The campaign
was continued, the Zutugils being aided by many
allies, including the Pipiles of Salvador, while the
Quiches were reinforced by the Cakchiquels and
forces from Vera Paz. In a later battle the loss on
both sides amounted to fourteen thousand, and among
the slain was Balam Acam, who is blamed by Juar-
ros for plunging the country in war for so slight a
cause, since the purpose of the abduction was honor-
able marriage. Long wars between the Cakchiquels
and Pipiles,** as well as between the Quicht^s and
Mames, resulted from Balam 's attempt at vengeance.
Maucotah was named as the successor of Balam
Acam, while yet in the field. Zutugilebpop, flushed
with victory, besieged Xelahuh, one of the Quiche
strongholds, but the fortune of war seems to have
changed with the change of rulei's, for the Zutugils
were defeated both before Xelahuh and in their own
territory about the lake, and their king died of grief
and disappointment soon after, leaving his throne to
Rumal-Ahaus, a young man of nineteen years. This
yor.iig king continued the war, but was unable to
r<itrK"/!j the ill-fortunes of his people. In a battle
Touglu soon after his accession, he had a personal com-
bat ^vH,h Maucotah, in which he was wounded, and
ibvc'J to retreat, the Quiche king remaining in i)os-
bc?»p» i i the towne tiiat his predecessor had con-
quered. Maucotah died soon after his victory, and
was succeeded by Iquibalam, who marched with two
hundred thousand men into the Zutugil states, de-
termined to put an end to the resistance of the
valiant Rumal-Ahaus, who had recovered from the
effects of his wound. He captured many towns, par-
K Cakchiquclf and Pipiles almost constantly at war; S(i¥itr'$ Ctnt.
A-> tr., p. 323j Id., in Nonvclles Annalei, torn, cliii., p. 180.
m
il
686
THE QUICH^GAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
ticularly in the territory of the Pipiles and about
Zapotitlan, but he also met with severe losses, and
seems not to have gained any permanent advantage
over the Zutugils. He died during the campaign,
and was succeeded by Kicab, or Quicab, and Rumal-
Ahaus was succeeded on the throne of Atitlan at
about the same time by ChichiahtuM."
SI
The reign of Quicab is briefly disposed of by Juar-
ros as follows: "He ascended the throne at a mature
age, and with much experience in military and po-
litical .' 'V' Chichiahtulii, who, with the rank of
LieutenaL oneral, had gained great advantages
over the \, ches in the memorable campaign of
Pinar (the one last referred to), having grasped the
Zutugil sceptre, besieged the famous stronghold of
Totonicapan. King Kicab not only opposed the
movements of Chichiahtulii with a formidable army,
but enlisting sixty thousand soldiers, he attacked
with them many cities and towns of the Pipiles and
Zutugils, among them Patulul; and although the
governors of these places made great efforts to d(}-
fend them, they were unable to resist the superior
numbers of the Quichds. Chichiahtulii, seeing thsit
his best possessions were being lost, hastened by
forced marches to defend them, abandoning the siege
of Totonicapan; but being taken grievously ill on
account of his haste in that march, he died within a
few days, greatly to the sorrow of his people. Still
his army did not suspend their march, being coro-
manded by the Lieutenant General Manilahuh, until
they arrived within sight of the Quiche camp. The
fury with which the attack was made on both sides
is unspeakable ; but the column of King Kicab on ac-
count of being close and double, being harder to break
M Juatros, Hist. Gttat., pp. 16-23. Fucntes used a history written by
* son and ffrandson of the lust king of Guatemala, Midler, Amer. UrreL,
p. 454. Waldeck, Voy. Pitt. , p. 46, declares the Uuatcniaian n<anuscripts
not reUable, and states that the Macario manuscript used by Fueutes was
badly translated.
REIGN OF QUICAB I.
667
than the feeble and extended lines of Manilahuh, the
latter were broken and scattered in less than an
hour, the commander and many Atitlan chiefs being
left on the field of battle, while the Quichds, chanting
victory, returned to Utatlan. We do not know in
detail the events under the seven monarchs of Qui-
che who succeeded Kicab I.; but it is certain that
these two kingdoms were never for a long time at
peace.""
Now comes the version of Quicab's reign given by
the Popol Vuh, which document carries the Quichd
history no farther, save a mere list of monarchs
already mentioned. "Behold now the names of the
sixth royal generation," of the two great kings
Quicab, the name of the first king, and Cavizimah,
name of the second (Ahpop C- .nha). And behold
the great deed that Quicab and Cavizimah did, and
how Quiche was made famous by reason of their
really marvelous condition. Behold the conquest
and destruction of the ravines and cities of the nations
great and small, all very near, including the city of
the Cakchiquels, that now called Chuvila (Chichi-
castenango), as also those in the mountains of the
Rabinals, that of Pamaca (Zacualpa), in the mount-
ains of Caokeb, that of Zacabaliu (San Andres),
Zakuleu, Chuvi-Mugina, Xelahuh, Chuva-Tzak (Mo-
mostenango), and Tzolohche (Chiquimula). These
abhorred Quicab, but truly he made war upon them
and conquered and ruined the raviiies and the cities
of the Kabinals, of the Cakchiquels, and of the
people of Zakuleu. He conquered all the tribes and
carried his arms afar. One or two nations not hav-
ing brought their tribute he entered their towns that
they might bring their tribute before Quicab and
Cavizimah. They were reduced to servitude; they
were tortured and their people tied to trees and
pierced with arrows; there was for them no more
'* Juarros, Hist. Guat., pp. 23-4.
*' The seventh according to the tables.
688
THE QUICH^GAKGHIQUEL EMPIRE.
glory nor honor. Such was the ruin of these towns,
destroyed from the face of the earth ; like the light-
ning which strikes and breaks the stone, thus by
terror he blotted out the nations.
Before Colche, as a signal of its conquest, there
stands to-dav a monument of rock, as if he had
formed it with his axe ; this is on the coast called
Petatayub, where it is still visible, so that everybody
looks upon it as a sign of Quicab's valor. He could
not be killed or conquered; verily he was a hero, and
all nations brought to him their tribute. Then, all
the princes having taken counsel, they went away to
fortify the ravines and the towns, having taken pos-
session of the towns of all nations. Then seiitinels
(spies) were dispatched to observe the enemy, and
new tribes (or colonies) were formed to dwell in the
conquered countries." Then follows with frequent
repetitions an account of these colonies, their depart-
ure for their posts, their victories, and a list of cities
occupied by them, including most of the names
already mentioned. "Everywhere they waged war,
taking continually new captives ; they became in their
turn heroes, they who had been guards of frontier
posts; they became strong in their language as in
their thougLts before the kings when they brought in
their prisoners and captives.'
"Then assembled the council at the orderof the kings,
of the Ahpop and the Ahpop Camha, of the Galel,
and of the Ahtzic Winak; and it was decided that,
whatever might happen, they should remain at the
head, for their dignities were there to represent their
family. *I am the Ahpop, I am the Ahpop Camha,
Ahpop to hold my rank like thine, O Ahau Galel.'
As to the Galels, their nobility shall be, replied all
the lords forming a decision. Likewise did those of
Tamub and Ilocab; equal was the condition of the
three races of Quiche, when the chiefs of the people
set themselves up against the kings and assumed
nobility. Such was the result of this assembly, but
REVOLT OF THE PLEBEIANS.
689
< in
it was not there in Quichd that the power was seized.
The name of the place exists where the vassal chiefs
took possession of the power, for although they had
been sent each to a different place, all afterwards as-
sembled together.
Xebalax and Xecaraac are the names of the place
where they took possession of the power, at the time
when they assembled their rank, and that took place
at Chulimal. Behold the nomination, the installa-
tion, and the recognition of the twenty Galels, and
the twenty Ahpops who were installed by the Ahpop
and the Ahpop Camha, by the Galel and the Ahtzic
Winak. All the Galel-Ahpops entered into their
rank, eleven Nim-Chocoh, Galel- Ahpop, Galel -Zakik,
Galel-Achih, Rahpop-Ahih, Rahtzalam-Achih, Ut-
zam-Achih, titles of the warriors which they obtained
when they were nominated and titled on their thrones
and on their principalities, they who were the chiefs
of the vassals of the Quiche nation, its sentinels and
spies, its chiefs of the lances and chiefs of the slings,
the ramparts, the walls, and the towers which de-
fended Quiche. Thus also did the people of Taumb
and Ilocab, the chiefs of the people in each locality
having seized the power and caused themselves to be
titled. Such was the origin of the Galel-Ahpops and
of the titles that now exist in each of these places;
such was their source, when they sprang up at the
hands of the Ahpop and the Ahpop Camha, as also
of the Galel and of the Ahtzic Winak, from whom
they derived their existence.""
From the preceding narrative we learn that Quicab
by his skill in war and the valor of his armies ex-
tended the imperial Quichd power far beyond its
former limits, subjecting to the monarch of Utatlan
nearly the whole of Guatemala; and also that
later in his reign he was forced by a combination of
his vassal chieftains, to whom military power had
M PoBol Vuh, pp. 317-27; Ximenez, Hist Ind. Guat., pp. 125-9. There
■re some differences and ominions in the SjMUiish traualaUun.
690
THE QUICHfi-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIUE.
been entrusted during his conquests, to reorganize his
government, and to bestow on these chieftains of the
people nobility, and practically the control of the em-
pire. With this political revolution the record as
presented by the Popol Vuh ceases, the remainder of
the document being devoted to a description of
Quich(5 institutions already given in another volume
of this work. Whether a portion of the original work
has been lost, or the QuichtS history was deemed by
the author to have ceased with the humiliation of the
ancient nobility by their forced association with ple-
beian chiefs, it is impossible to determine. Ximenez
in his account of the Quichd kings devotes five lines
to Quicab and Cavizimah, whom, however, he unites
in one person." For additional details of Quicab's
reign and the political changes which marked it, as
well as for all subsequent Guatemalan history, we
have only the Cakchicjuel record," with slight inform-
ation from other documents, as presented in the
history of Brasseur de Bourbourg, together with the
work of Juarros, whose version of Quicab's reign has
already been presented.
We left Chiyoc Queh, the Cakchiquel monarch,
endeavoring to restore the former glory of his nation
by re-uniting its scattered tribes under one head.
The Zotzil-Tukuches were the only tribe that re-
fused to recognize his royal authority, and at last
the Cakchiquel monarch applied to the Quichd king
for aid. Quicab and Cavizimah had just succeeded
to the throne of Utatlan, probably early in the fif-
teenth century. They sent an army and routed the
Zotziles, plundering and burning their towns and put-
ting the inhabitants to death without mercy. They
did not stop here, however, but forced Xiquitzal and
Kahamun, who succeeded Chiyoc Queh on the Cak-
chiquel throne, to give up their sovereign rights and
•» Exeolioi, in Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 168-9.
** Mem. de Tecpan-Alitlan, in Bratseur, Ifitt., torn, ii., pp. 603-45.
TYHUANY OF QUICAB I.
691
submit to become vassal lords, such of the people as
resisted being massacred, sacrificed, or sold as slaves.
The Mames met with the same treatment, their
strongest towns including Zakuleu and Xelahuh
(Huehuetenango and Quezaltenango) being forced to
yield to the armies of Utatlan. Then the Kabinals
and Pokomams were conquered, and no power was
left that rould make any resistance. Quicab clained
to be absolute monarch of the whole Guatemalan
country ; he admitted no allied kings paying homage
and a nominal tribute as they had done under the
reign of his predecessors, but reduced all rulers to the
condition of royal governors entirely subject to his
command. Few kings would submit to such condi-
tions and most were consequently removed to make
room for governors appointed by the Quichd emperor.
In his efforts to subordinate all rank and power to
his own personal sovereignty, he naturally arrayed
the nobility of even the Quiche royal families against
himself, and the means adopted to humble the ancient
aristocracy were the appointment to high positions in
the army of plebeian o' ers distinguished for their
valor, and the humiliation of the noble officers on ev-
ery possible occasion. The new chieftains were called
Achihab, and so numerous did they become and so
highly were they favored and stimulated against
the nobles, that they soon possessed, and fully realized
their possession of, the controlling power in the em-
pire. In his efforts to humiliate one class, Quicab
had created another which he could not control by
force and which he had zealously educated to disre-
gard all authority based on noble birth.
The Achihab, no longer content with military rank,
aspired to the higher dignities of the court; the peo-
ple were naturally enthusiastic in favor of their chief"
and were by them encouraged to question the author-
ity of their king over them. Soon a deputation was
sent to the court to demand certain reforms in favor
of the people, including an abolition of personal ser-
tea
THE QUICH^AKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
vice and labor on the highways. Quicab scornfully
refused the petition of the popular chiefs, and his
court was soon abandoned by the Achihab as it had
long been by most of the nobles. Two of his sons,
Tatayac and Ahytza, joined the Achihab in the revolt,
promising them all the property and titles of the nor
bility in case of success, and being promised in turn
the inheritance of the throne with the palaces, slaves,
and wealth pertaining thereto. Quicab, in his ex-
tremity, applied for aid to the very nobility he had
so oppressed, and seems to have received their zealous
support, for notwithstanding the treatment they had
suffered at the hands of the monarch, they saw plainly
that with the success of the rebels all their prestige
would be entirely destroyed. By the advice of the
assembled nobles the leaders of the Achihab, includ-
ing those who had composed the deputation demand-
ing reforms, were seized and put to death. This
caused an immediate rising of the people, who, in-
cited by their chiefs, and by the descendants of the
Tamub and Ilocab, invaded Utatlan, pillaged the
royal palaces, and almost annihilated by massacre the
ancient nobility. The king happened to be in a neigh-
boring town at the time, and his life was spared at
the intercession of his sons ; but he was kept a prisoner
while the rebel chieftains assembled in council as
already narrated in the Popol Vuh, to reconstruct the
monarchy and to choose from their own number the
many lords that hav^ been mentioned. At the close
of their deliberations the king and the surviving no-
bles of the royal families were obliged to ratify the
appointments at Chuliman, where the new lords were
installed with great ceremony. The Ahpop and Ah-
pop Camha, seem, however, to have been left nomin-
ally in possession of their royal rank, although the
power was practically taken from them.
A quarrel broke out between the Quiches and the
Cakchiquels residing in or near Utatlan, and the
chiefs of the latter, Yucubatz and Huntoh, although
WAR WITH THE CAKGHIQUELS.
particular friends of Quicab, were forced to flee from
the city to avoid death at the hands of the Achihab.
During their flight, however, accompanied by a large
band of followers, they committed great ravages in
the Quiche lands until they arrived at the Cakchi-
quel capital of Tecpan Quauhtemalan, or Iximch^.
On their arrival they assembled the nobles, and every
preparation was made to resist the Quiches, who, it
was thought, would not long delay an attack. The
Cakchiquels determined to shake off the Quich(? yoke;
Vucubatz and Huntoh were raised to the throne, with
the titles of Ahpozotzil and Ahpoxahil, borne by
their successors down to the Conquest. The war
began by the defeat of a Quiche army sent to punish
the Cakchiquels for their warlike demonstrations.
Other nations were ready to follow the example of
the Cakchiquels; the Zotziles, Tzendalos, Quelenes,
Mames, Rabinals, Zutugils, and Ah-Tziquinihayi de-
(ilared their independence, and many of these peoples
not only threw off their allegiance to Quicab, but
were further divided into independent bands or cities.
The Cakchiquel monarcliysoon extended over nearly
all of Guatemala south of Lake Atitlan and of the
Rio Motagua, including many Pokomam districts,
thus not only becoming independent of the crown of
Utatlan, but also acquiring for itself the balance of
power in the whole country, so long held by the Qui-
ches. Quicab, now the mere tool of the Achihab,
made little or no resistance, and was forced to see his
nation reduced to a secondary position, her territory
being constantly diminished by the revolt of new
provinces and cities. It is said, however, by the au-
thor of the Cakchiquel document, that the Achihab
had been restrained from attacking their rivals in
the south by the influence of Quicab, who was
friendly to the Cakchiquel kings, but this seems
hardly probable. It is much more likely that the
Achihab did not attack Vucubatz. and! Huntoh be-
cause all their power was required to repress iiostile
Vol. V. 38
I
im
THK QUH.'HI^M'AKCHIliUKL KMPIKE.
lieinotistrationH nearer home. The idea of popular
rights wliich liad rohhed Qiiicab of his greatiieHS and
rained the vaHsal cliiefs to power was as dan^erouH
and uninana<>:eahle for the new as for the old nobility.
Al)out the middle of the fifteenth century the
Quich6 and C/akchiquel rulers died and were suc-
ceeded, the former by Tepepul I L and Iztayul III.,
the latter by Oxlahuh-Tzy and Lahuh-Ah. Tht-
Ahpoxahil, or second in rank at Iximchd, how-
ever, lived only a few years, and was followed by
his son Cablahuh-Tihax. Immediately after the
change of rulers war was declared between the two
nations, and at a time when the Cakchiquels were
weakened by a famine resulting from a failure of
crops, the Quich(5 army marched against Iximclu'.
The kings Tepepul II. and Iztayul 111., accompanied
the army, escorting the idol of their god Tohil; but
their forces were routed with great loss after a terriHc
contest, near the Cakcliicjuel capital; both kings with
the idol fell into the Ijands of the enemy, and nothin
farther is recorded of their lives. Ximenez" puts iV
revolt of the Cakchiquels and the establishment of
their monarchy in the reign of these kings instead of
that of Quicab; and he also mentions a successful
revolt of the tribes of Sacatepeques against the Cak-
chiquels, and the arrival of a band of Pokomanis
from Salvador, who were given lands within the
limits of the two kingdoms. The two captive mon-
archs may have been put to death by their captors,
so that it is not certain that Iztayul III. ever held
a higher rank than that of Ahpop Camha.
Tecum, Tepepul 11., Vahxaki-Caam, and Quical)
II. followed on the throne of Utatlan down to the
beginning of the sixteenth century, but nothing is
known of their reigns, and the Quiches seem to have
had but little to do with (Guatemalan events beyond
the limits of their own territory during this period.
Juarros, however — and it is to be noted that this
»' Esrolio; in Hist. /ml. Gnat., pp. 169-71.
LATKIl KINGS AT UTATLAN.
'oW
Hiithor /(iv(!i* no ititiTtiation of any serious reverses to
the Quichd monarchy attributes to Quicab FI. a
fiuecessful canipui<,'n aj^ainnt the Matncs, undertakon
because his own territory was found to be over-
crowded with the increasing numbers of his subjects,
and because the Mames were a miserable people, who
should be content with less territory. At the report
of Quicab's warlike preparations, all the surrounding
nations made ready for defence, not knowing on which
of themselves the blow was to fall. The lord of the
Mames, Lahuhquieh by name, marched boldly to
meet the Quich6 army under the command of the
king, The battle lasted all day, with no decisive
advantage on either side; but during the night
Quicab gained a commanding position on a hill, from
the summit of which, at sunrise, a storm of stones
and arrows was showered upon the foe. Lahuhquieh
was soon defeated — the lord of Ixiniche, as is said,
aiding in his overthrow — and his people were driven
from their possessions to the northern mountains."
About all that is known of the kings that reigned
at Utatlan IVoin the death of Quical) Tl., probably
about the beijinninjj of the sixteenth centurv, down to
1524, is their names as given by the Popol Vuh,
Vucub-Noh, Cavatepech, Oxib-Quieh, and Beleheb
Tzi, the last two being respectively Ahpop and
Ahpop Camha at the arrival of Pedro de Alvarado.
Juarros names as kings for a corresponding period,
Iximchd, Kicab III., Kicab IV., Kicab Tanub, Tecum
IJmam, Chignaviucelut, and Sequechul. This author
finds it recorded that during the reign of Kicab
Tanub an envoy arrived from Montezuma II., of
Mexico, announcing the presence of the Spaniards,
and his own imprisonment, news which caused tin;
Quidids to make active preparations for defence.
Juarros also relates that Ahuitzotl, king of Mexico,
after many unsuccessful attempts to conquer Guate-
mala, sent an embassy to the different kings, ostensi-
M Jnarrot, Hist. Gtiat. , pp. 24-6.
{"*.
|!;'^
BM
THE QUICH^AKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
bly to form an alliance with them, but a«t the south-
ern rulers believed, to study the country and the best
means of attack ; the embassadors were consequently
driven out of the country. The arguments of this
and other authors, that Guatemala was never sub-
jected to Mexican rule need not be repeated, since .
there is absolutely no evidence in support of such a
subjection.*
The Cakchiquel record"* gives some additional in-
formation respecting the later period of Guatemalan
aboriginal history. The Cakchiquel monarch Oxla-
huh-Tzy seems to have been disposed to follow the
example of Quicab at Utatlan, by humbling the
pride of his vassal kings, and taking from them all
real power. Among the most powerful of his allies
were the Akalxales uf Sacutapeques under Ychal-
AmoUac. This ruler was suina\oned before the royal
tribunal at Iximchd on some pretext and was put to
death aja soon as he appeared in the judgment-hall;
the domain of the Akahales was annexed to the pos-
sessions of the Cakchiquel monarch, and placed under
the government of officers who were that king's crea-
tures. The natural consequence of Oxlahuh-Tzy's
ambition was the formation of a league against him
by powerful tribes unwilling to surrender their inde-
pendence. Among these were the Ah-Tziquinihayi of
Atitlan under Wookaok, and the Caokeb under Be-
leheb Gih ; the latter, however, were conquered by the
victorious king of Iximch^. About this time internal
dissensions were added to the external combination
against Oxlahuh-Tzy. The Cakchiquels at Iximch6
were divided into two branches, the Zotziles and the
Tukuches, and the leader of the lattet, Cay-Hunahpu
took advantage of the ill-feeling produced by the
king's oppressive measures against the nobility, to
revolt with his partisans, leaving the capital and for-
• Id., pp. 9-11, 35-9.
•* Mem. de Teepan-AtitlaH, in fJratmm; Hiit, torn. iL, pp. 039-4B.
REVOLT OF OF CAY-HUNAHPU.
SOT
tifying his new position near by. Here he awaited
the movements of the revolting tribes which were
leagued against the Cakchiquels, believing they
would take advantage of his secession to attack Ixim-
chd, and hoping by aiding their attack and granting
their independence, to place himself on the throne.
The tribes in question and others did take advantage
of Cay-Hunahpu's secession, not however to attack
the capital and thus lend themselves to that chief'H
ambitious projects, but to declare their independence,
establish governments of their own, and to make
preparations for the defence of their homes. The re-
volting provinces included that of Sacatapeques as
already mentioned by Ximenez, and the seigniohus of
Tzolola, Mixco, Yampuk, and Papuluka, established
at this time, maintained their independence of Cak-
chiquel control down to the conquest, except peihaps
Mixco.
Cay Hunahpu, disappointed in the movements of
his allies, attaclced Iximchd with the Tukuches under
his command, but his partisans were routed, most of
them being killed and the remainder fleeing to dis-
tant provinces; while the leader was also among the
slain. Thus Oxlahuh-Tzy was still victorious, but
was in no condition to attempt the reduction of the
rebel provinces ; for new internal troubles soon broke
out. Cinahitoh, one of his bravest commanders in
the last war, but apparently of plebeian birth, de-
manded the rank of Ahtzih Winak made vacant by
the death of Cay-Hunahpu, but his claim was rejected,
the office given to Ahmoxnag, and the brave Cina-
hitoh was put to death. The successful candidate
was also executed for treason within a year. Oxlahuh-
Tzy continued in his policy of opposition to the no-
bles, and even succeeded in regaining a few of the
weaker tribes that had thrown off their allegiance to
his throne. In a war with the Akahales it is recorded
that a band of Yaaui, or Mexicans, probably traders,
took part against the Cakchiquels.
THE QUICHI^CAKGHIQUEL EMPIRE.
About 1501 a defeat of the Zutugils and the cap-
ture of their stronghold of Zakcab by the Cakchiquel
king is recorded; and about the same time the
Ah-Tziquinihayi under Wookaok were besieged in
Atitlan, but succeeded in defeating the invaders.
Respecting the last epoch of Cakchiquel hititiory,
Juarros says: "The Cakchiquel king, Nimahuinacy
also enjoyed for a long time the promised tranquility,
having made peace and a perpetual alliance with the
Fipiles; but this king having made his near relative
Acpocaquil treasurer of his tributes, this traitor
aeized upon the city of Fatinamit, now Tecpan Gua-
temala (Iximch^) and all the country subject to that
Cakchiquel stronghold; and the Zutugil king having
declared himself an ally of the rebel Acpocaquil, an
obstinate war was waged between these two lords,
which lasted down to the arri /al of the Spaniards.
And it even seems that this was the reason why
Sinacam, who had succeeded to the throne of the
Cakchiquels, summoned and received peacefully the
Spaniards, in order to regain by their aid the great
possessions of which Acpocaquil, aided by the King
of Atitlan, had despoiled him."** The Guatemalans
were not left altogether without warnings of the
Spaniards' coming, for as early as the reign of Qui-
cab II. — which, however, was after the Spaniards
were actually on the American coasts — Ximenez re-
lates that the son of the Cakchiquel king, a great
sorcerer, was wont to visit the Quichd cities by night,
insulting the king with opprobrious epithets, and
disturbing his rest. Great rewards were offered for
his capture, and at last he was taken and brought
bound into Quicab's presence, where preparations
were made for his sacrifice, when, addressing the as-
sembly the captive spoke as follows: "Wait a little
and hear what I wish to say to you; know that a
time is to come in which you will be in despair by
*> Juamu, Hist. Guat., p. 26. It ia impoflsible to connect thw acoount
in any way with the others.
.•
PROPHECY OF DISASTER.
reason of the calamities that are to come upon you;
an4 this mama-caixon, 'miserable old man/ (the
king) must die; and know that certain men, not
naked like you, but armed from head to foot, will
pome, and these will be terrible and cruel men, sons
of Teja; perhaps this will be to-morrow, or day after
to-morrow, and they will destroy all these edifices,
which will become the habitations of owls and wild-
cats, and then will come to an end all the grandeur
of this court." Thus having spoken, he was sacri-
ficed to the gods.**
At the bep^inning of the sixteenth century, three
rival and hostile monarchies ruled Guatemala, that of
the Quiches at Utatlan, under Vucub-Noh and Ca-
vatepech, probably the Kicub Tanub of Fuentes;
that of the Cakchiquels at Iximch4, under Oxlahuh-
Tzy and Cablahuh-Tihax ; and that of the Zutugils
at Atitlan, under Wookaok. The condition of the
Cakchiquel and Zutugil powers has already been por-
trayed so far as there is any information extant on
the subject. The Quiche monarchy had recovered in
a certain sense a large part of its former power. The
Achihab had shrewdly kept the descendants of the
ancient kings on the throne, and thus secured some-
thing of the friendship and respect of the scattered
lords. True, these lords maintained their independ-
ence of the king of Utatlan, but so long as their
privileges were not interfered with they were still
Quiche allies against the hated Oakchi(]^uels and all
other foreign powers. So with all the mdependent
tribes in the country, who, although admitting no
control on the part of either monarch, were at heart
allies of one of them against the others. Thus the
ancient empire had been practically divided into
three, each with its allied kingdoms or seigniories, of
which three that of the Zutugils and Ah-Tzquinihayi
at Atitlan, was much less powerful and extensive
than the others.
•* XitneneM, Eteolio; in Hiat. Ind. OwL, pp. 172-& ^
809
THE QUICH^AKCHIQUBL EMPIRE.
There is no doubt that during this final period of
Guatemalan history the Mexican traders, who con-
stantly visited the cities of the coast in large caravans
for commercial purposes, and who became, as we have
seen, practically the mastei*s of Soconusco, exerted an
influence also in the politics of the interior. We
have seen the prominent part this class played in the
conquest of provinces north of the isthmus, and there
is much evidence that they were already making
their observations and laying plans, by mixmg them-
selves in the quarrels of the Quiches and Cakchiquels,
which might have brought the whole country under
the Aztec rulers, had it not been for the coming of
the Spaniards, which broke up so many cunningly
devised plans in America. I have already noticed
the expulsion of ambassadors seeking ostensibly an
alliance with the southern powers, recorded by Juar-
ros, and also the Mexican aid said to have been fur-
nished the Akahales against the Cakchiquels.
Oxlahuh-Tzy died about 1510, and his colleague
two years later, leaving the Cakchiquel throne to
Hunyg and Lahuh-Noh. Early in the reign of these
kings there came from Mexico the embassy al-
ready spoken of in a preceding chapter*" as having
been sent by Montezuma II. probably to obtain in-
formation respecting the strangers on the eastern
coast, and to consult with the southern monarchs
about the best method of treating the new-comers.
It is possible also, that the political designs alluded
to above had something to do with the embassy, and
Brasseur believes that the Mexicans and Cakchiquels
formed at this time an alliance oflensive and de-
fensive against all foes. War broke out immediately
afterwards between the Cakchiquels and Quiches,
and lasted almost uninterruptedly for seven years,
with no decisive results in favor of either party,
although the Cakchiquels, who acted for the most
*) See p. 470 of this \oIume; Brauewr, ffitt., torn, ii., p. 8M,
RAVAQES OF THE SMALL-POX.
•n
part on the offensive, seem to have had the best of
the struggle.
In 1514, virhile the war still continued, immense
numbers of locusts caused a famine in the Cakchi-
quel dominions, and in the same year the city of
Iximch^ was almost entirely destroyed by fire. In
1519 the war was suspended, perhaps on receipt of
the news brought by the envoy already mentioned,
that the Spaniards had landed at Vera Cruz. Omens
of sinister import appeared here as at the north, one
of the most notable being the appearance of a ball of
fire which appeared every evening for many days in
the east, and followed the course of the sun until it
set in the west. The famous black stone in the
temple of Cahbaha was found, when the priests went
to consult it in this emergency, broken in two pieces.
In 1520 there came upon the Cakchiquels an epi-
demic cholera morbus, accompanied by a fatal affec-
tion of the blood which carried off large numbers,
but which were as nothing in their ravages compared
with the small-pox which raged in 1521, contracted
as is supposed, from the Nahua tribes of the coast
region. One half of the whole Cakchiquel popula-
tion are estimated to have fallen victims to this
pestilence, including the two monarchs, who were
succeeded by Belehe Qat and Cahi Imox. Whether
the pestilence also raged among the Quiches is not
known; but the monarchs of Utatlan renewed their
hostilities at this time, and the Cakchiquels, weakened
by disease and famine, harassed by rebellious vassals,
and now attacked again by a powerful foe, adopted
the desperate resort of sending an embassy to Mex-
ico to demand the aid of the Spaniards, advised to
to this course doubtless by their Mexican allies. The
reply was the promise that relief would soon be sent.
In the meantime two Cakchiquel campaigns are
recorded, one most successful in aid of the rulers of
Atitlan against insurgents, and the other, less favor-
W9
THE QUICH^AKCHIQUEL EMPIRE.
able, in its results, in aid of the Ah-Tziquinihayi of
Pacawal.
The news of the Cakchiquel alliance with the
Spaniards caused the most bitter indignation, not
only at Utatlan, where Oxib-Quieh and Beleheb Tzj
had succeeded to the throne, but among all the tribes
of the country, which seem to have formed a combi-
nation against the monarchs of Iximch^, and to have
already begun hostilities when, in February 1524, the
approach of Pedro de Alvarado was announced.
The details of Alvarado's conquest belong to another
history ; but in general terms, after having marched —
not without opposition — through Soconusco, he de-
feated the native forces that attempted to check his
progress on the banks of the Kio Tilapa, the Guate-
malan frontier line, and advanced against the allied
forces that had assembled from all directions in the
region of Xelahuh, or Quezaltenango, under the
command of Tecum, the Nim Chocoh Cawek of the
Quiche monarchy. The two battles which decided
the fate of the Quiches were fought near Xelahuh
and Totonicapan, so that at Utatlan Alvarado met
no open resistence, but was invited to enter the city,
the plan being to burn the city and the Spaniards
with it. The plot was discovered and the Ahpop
and Ahpop-Camha burned alive in punishment for
their intentions, the city then being burned by the
invaders. After the fall of Utatlan, Alvarado march-
ed to Iximch6, where he was kindly received by the
Cakchiquel kings, and where he established his
headquarters for the conquest of other nations, be-
ginning with the Zutugifs.**
M Brasieur, Hut, torn, iv., pp. 619-Al, with referance to MS. Cakehi-
quet, and other documents.
CHAPTER XII.
MISCELLANEOUS TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
Scarcity of Historical Data— The Tribes of Chiapas— The Focnd-
ERs AND Heroes op the Chiapanec Nation— Wars with the
Aztecs— The People of the Southern Coast— They are van-
quished BY the Olmecs— Their Exodus and Journey— They
settle and separate— Juarros' Account of the Oriqin and
LATER History of the Pipiles— Pipile Traditions— The Found-
ing OF Mictlan— Queen Comizahual— Acxitl's Empire of the
East— The Cholutecs— Various Tribes of Nicaragua— Settle-
HENTS ON the IsTHHUS.
It is my purpose to relate in this chapter all that
is known of the scattered tribes of Central America,
exclusive of the Quich^-Cakchiquels. The historical
information that has been preserved respecting these
tribes is, however, so meagre and of such a vague and
unsatisfactory character that the reader must expect
nothing more than a very disconnected and incomplete
account of them.
Chiapas, which is geographically the most north-
erly portion of Central America, though politi-
cally it belongs to Mexico, was inhabi* ' in its
northern part by the Tzendales and Zoques, in its
central and southern region by the Chiapanecs,
Zotziles, and Quelenes.^ The Tzendales lived in the
vicinity of Palenque, and are said to have been di-
i Set for location of these tribes, rol. i., pp. 081-2.
60A
TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
rectly descended from the builders of that city. Of
the Zotziles and Quelenes nothing is known, save
that they, together with the Tzendales and the
Zoques, were at a late date subjugated by the Chia-
panecs.'
The Chiapanecs, according to some authorities,
came originally from Nicaragua. After a long and
painful journey they arrived at the river Chiapa.
Finding the region to their taste they resolved to
settle, and founded a strong city upon the neigh-
boring heights.' Fuentes asserts that they were
descended from the Toltecs, and that their kingdom
was founded by a brother of Nima Quichd, one of the
chiefs who led the Toltecs t-o Guatemala.* There can
be no doubt that the Chiapanecs were a very ancient
people; indeed their traditions refer us back to the
time of Votan.' Boturini, on the authority of Bishop
Nufiez de la Vega, speaks of an original record in
which Votan is represented as the third figure in the
Chiapanec calendar. The record also enumerates the
places where Votan tarried, and states that ever
since his visit there has been in Teopixca a family
bearing his name. Vega believes that the original
population of Chiapas and Soconusco were of the race
of Cham.* The twenty heroes whose names are im-
mortalized in the calendar of the Chiapanecs are com-
monly said to have been the founders or first rulers
of that nation. We are told that they all distin-
guished themselves, and that some died in their beds,
some on the battle-field, others at the hands of their
rivals, but beyond this scarcely any record of their
lives or deeds has survived. One of them named
Chinax, a military leader represented with a flag in
* Herrera, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xL; SemeteU, Hist. Chyapa, p. 264;
Brtuseur, Hist, toni. iii, p. 16.
* Betnetal, ib. ; Herrtra, ib. ; Murguia, EttadUt. Ouajaea, in Soe. Mex.
Om^Boletin, torn, vii., p 187.
* Juarros, Hist. Guat, p. 8.
^ Clavigero, torn, iv., p. 52, torn, i., pp. 16&-1; Larraimar, in Soe.
Mm- Oeog., BoUtin, torn, iii., p. 02; BrtuffonFt Amer. Antiq., jf. 208.
* Boturini, Idea, pp. US, 118-10.
THE CHIAPANBC8. IMI
his hand, was hanged and burned by an enemy; of
another named Been, it is stated that he traveled
through Chiapas, leaving special marks of his visits
in the places through which he passed. It appears
by the calendar that Imox, sometimes called Mox,
and accasionally Ninus, was the first settler in Chiapas.
According to the worthy prelate above mentioned,
this Ninus was the son of Belo. who was the son of
Nimrod, who was the son of Chus, who was the
grandson of Cham. He was represented by or
with the ceiba tree,' from whose roots, it is said, the
Chiapanec race sprang.* It is Orozco y Berra's opin-
ion that the Chiapanecs should be placed before the
better known tribes' and after the builders of Pal-
enque and Copan. Their language has not been
classified, but is said to resemble that of the Nicoya
region.*"
The spot on which the pioneer settlers of the
Chiapan region established their first stronghold was
so difficult of access as to be almost unassailable, and
was fortified so strongly both by nature and art, that
it was practically impregnable. From here the in-
habitants kept up a constant warfare with the Aztec
garrisons at Tzinacatla, , Soconusco and elsewhere."
They cordially hated the Mexicans, and persistently
refused to intermarry with them. Their enemies
seem to have been stronger than they, but by their
valor they not only maintained their independence
' Fivfl-Ieaved silk-cotton tree, Bomhax Ceiba.
* PiAefld, in Soc. Mez. Geog., liolcUn, turn, iii., pp. 344-4. The names
of these heroes were: Imox, Igli, Votan, Clianan, A bah, Tox, Moxic,
liainbat, Molo or Mulu, Elab, Batz, Evub, Been, Hix, Tziquin, Chabin,
Chic, Chiuax, Cahoj^h, Aghual.
* Who these 'better known tribes' are is not stated.
^0 PiAeda, in Soc. Mex. Oeoff., Boletin, toni. iii., p. ,34(>. The history,
position and civilization of the Chiapanecs shows that they preceded, or
were at least contemporaries of the first tribes or factions of the Aztec
family. They were certainly a very ancient people, and of Toltec origin,
while their civilization undoubtedly came from the north and not from the
south. Orozco y Berra, Geografia, pp. 44, 60, 120.
■> Clavigero, torn, iv., pp. 2674; Bemal Diaz, Hint. Conq., fol. 78, 178;
Herrera, dec. iv., lib. x.,eap. xi.; Larraintur, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin,
torn, iii., p. 92; Braueur, Eequittet, p. 17.
m
TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
until the time of the Conquest, but, as we have seen,
they subjugated the surrounding nations. They in-
curred the bitter enmity of the Chinantecs, because
they forced the Zoques to pay tribute.*'
The southern coast region of Chiapas, between
Tehuantepec and Soconusco, was occupied by a
people whose origin is involved in some mysteir.
Brasseur relates that they came from Cholula ; prob-
ablv in the ninth century, at the time when Huemac
took that city and persecuted the followers of Quet-
zalcoatl. Torquemada identifies them with the Fipi-
les of Guatemala and Salvador," of whom I shall
speak presently. These coast people were an indus-
trious, frugal race, and for a long time they held
peaceable possession of their territory, and pros-
pered exceedingly. But their happy life was des-
tined to be rudely and suddenly changed to one of
bondage and oppression. A horde of fierce Olmecs
invaded and conquered their country, and immedi-
ately reduced the vanquished to a state of miserable
slavery. Not only were they forced to pay excessive
and ruinous tribute, but they were compelled to yield
up their children of both sexes to gratify the un-
natural lusts of their masters. They were, besides,
made amenable to a most rigorous system of laws,
the least infraction of which was punished with death.
For a time they groaned passively under this cruel
yoke, but at length it grew unbearable. Then in
their deep trouble they appealed to their priests i'or
help and advice. The priests consulted the onxcles
and at the end of eight days announced to the people
that the only way in which they could escape from
their persecutors was to leave the country in a body,
and go in search of another home. At first the
people seemed disposed to question the prudence and
feasibility of this step, but they were speedily ro-
1* JTmrra, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.; RtmettU, Hiit. Chyapa, p. 264.
D Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 333. Brosaeur, Hi$L, torn. iL, p. 76, identi-
fies them with the Pipiles and Xuchiltepecs.
THE PIPILES.
mt
assured by the priests, who declared that the gods
would aid and protect them in their flight. A day
was then set for their departure, and they were in-
structed in the meantime to provide themselves with
everything necessary for a long journey. At the
appointed time they assembled secretly, and set out
at once. It would be diflUcult to believe that an en-
tire nation of slaves could have made such an exodus
unknown to and against the will of their masters,
even though we read of a parallel case in Holy Writ ;
but, however this might be, they seem to have taken
the road towards Guatemala without hindrance, and
to have been pursued by no Olmec Pharaoh."
According to the tradition, they continued their
march down the coast for twenty days, until they
came to the banks of the river Michatoyatl. Here
their chief priest fell sick, and the country being
very pleasant, they halted for a time. Before long
the priest died, and they then proceeded on their
journey, leaving, however, some families behind, who
settled here and founded a city, afterwards known in
Guatemalan history by the name of Itzcuintlan.
After this there is some confusion in the different
accounts. Following the plainest version, similar
circumstances caused them to make another halt
twenty leagues lower down, in the neighborhood of
the volcano Cuzcatlan." Here they found a lovely
climate, and a productive soil, and that part of them
that has since borne the name of Fipiles resolved
t^ sctcle. The others weni farther south, towards
the Conchagua Gulf ;^' but of these I shall speak
again presently.
" Torquetnetda, torn, i., p. 332.
^i Cuzcatlan was the ancient name of Salvador.
I* Brasseuv, Hint, torn, ii., pp. 78-9. Torquemada, toni. i., p. 332, re-
lates that twenty davs after starting, one of their high-priests died. They
then traversed Guati^mala, and journeying a hundred leagnes farther on,
came to a country to which the Spaniards have given the name of CI)olu-
teca, or Choroteca. Here another priest died. After this tlic author goes
on to tell the story which, accordmg to the version followed above, ap-
plies to the Xucbiltejpecs who proceeded to the Gulf of Conchagua, and
which will be referred to elsewhere.
ooe
TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
The authorities do not all assign this origin to the
Pipiletft, however. Juarros says that Ahuitzotl, king
of Mexico, sent to Guatemala, in the garb of traderu,
a large nuinlier of Mexicans of the lowest class, un-
der the conimand of four captains and one general.
These were instructed to settle in the country.
Ahuitzotl did this in order to have auxiliaries so
situated as to facilitate his intended uiilitaiy opera-
tions against the chiefs of Guatemala. He died,
however, before he could carry out this policy. The
new settlers spoke the Mexican language very poorly,
much as children might speak it; for this reason
they were called Pipiles, which in Mexican signifies
children." They prospered and multiplied wonder-
fully in their now home, and extended their settle-
ments to Sonsonate and Salvador. But after a time
they incurred the enmity of the Quiches and Cak-
chiquels, by whom they were so sorely oppressed
that there was danger of their being speedily ex-
terminated. In this emergency the Pipiles formed a
military organization, much as Ahuitzotl had origm-
ally intended. But some time later the chiefs began
to abuse the power with which they had been in-
vested by imposing heavy taxes and otlierwise rob-
bing the people. Moreover, the principal lord,
named Cuaucmichin, introduced hu^nan sacrifice, and
made victims of some of the most highly esteemed
persons in the community. A riot broke out, during
which Cuaucmichin was put to death by the people
of his palace. The other chiefs were also deprived
of their authority, and left with the inferior rank of
Alahuaes, or heads of calpullis. A nobleman named
Tutecotzemit, a man of mild disposition, kind heart
and good ability to govern was then invnstef' wit,
the supreme authority. It appears thnt
free from ambition, however. His fir
>T Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 224. A reduplication •
two meanin{[8, 'noble,' and 'child,' the latter being geiui
ita meaning in the tribal name. Bnschmann, Ortsnamen, p.
Molina, l^abulario.
Via not
i was to
'(', whicH han
rega' cd as
1.J7. ee also
THE PIP1LB8.
form a council, or senate, of eight nobles, connected
with himself by blood or marriage, to whom he
granted a certain amount of authority. He then
appointed s. number of subordinate officers, chosen
from among the nobility, who wei^ subject to the
orders of the senate. He next proceeded to reduce
the imposts and to remedy the evils that had arisen
from previous misgovernment. Having thus gained
the confidence and affection of the people, he caused
himself to be formally proclaimed king of the Pipiles
with the right of transmitting the crown to his chil-
dren and their descendants. It is recorded that the
Pipiles played a very prominent part in the nu-
merous wars that took place between the several
kingdoms of Guatemala. In later years they were
engaged in a very long and bitter conflict with the
Cakchiquels, in which they were finally worsted by
Nimahuinac, king of that people, who forced Tonaltut,
lord of the Pipiles, to sue for peace, and only granted
it on the condition that the Pipiles should bind them-
selves to a perpetual alliance with the Cakchiquel
kings."
All that has been preserved of their earlier history
is contained in two traditions, which are half if not
wholly mythical. The first of these refers to the
period immediately following the settlement of the
Pipiles at their last halting-place in Salvador, and
especially to the founding of Mictlan, a city which
subsequently corresponded in its sacred character to
Cholula on the eastern plateau of Mexico, and Mitla
in Oajaca. The story goes that there issued one day
from Lake Huixa a mysterious old man of venerable
aspect, clad in long blue robes, and wearing upon his
head a pontificial mitre. He was followed by a
young girl of peerless beauty, dressed in a similar
manner, excepting the mitre. Soon after his appear-
ance the old man betook himself to the summit of a
neighboring hill. There under his directions the
» Juarros, Hitt. Gmt., pp. 81-4. 17-18, 80, SS, S6b
Vol. V. 89
610
TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
people at once set about building a Hplendid temple,
which received the name of Mictlan. Round about
the Bacred edifice the palaces of the chiefs rose in
rapid succession, and in an incredibly short space of
time a thri/ing and populous city had grown out of
the desert. The same mysterious personage gave
them laws and a system of government, under which
they contmued to prosper until the end.^®
The other tradition to which I have alluded was
preserved at the time of the Conquest by the inhabi-
tants of Cerquin, a province in the mountainous re-
gion of northern Honduras. There is reason to
believe that the people to whom it relates were Pipi-
les, as they extended their possessions in this direc-
tion, but their name is not given in connection with
the story, which attributes to a woman the honor of
having first introduced culture into this part of the
country, two hundred years before the advent of the
Spaniards. She is described as having been very
beautiful, of a fair complexion, and well versed in the
art of magic. She appeared suddenly, as if dropped
from the sky, for which reason, and because of the
great respect which she inspired, she was named Co-
mizahual, or ' flying tigress,' the tiger being an animal
held sacred by the natives. She took up her abode
at Cealcoquin, and erected there many temples which
she ornamented with monstrous figures of men and
animals. In the principal temple she placed a stone
having three sides, on each of which were three faces
of hideous aspect. By means of the magic virtues
which lay within this stone she overthrew her ene-
mies and added to her dominions. She reigned glo-
riously for a number of years, and had three sons,
though she was unmarried and had never known a
man. When she felt her end drawing near, she sum-
>• ' L'tfpoqne que lc« ^vtfncments ^nralsMnt aflsisner k oette Itfgendo co-
incide livec la pcnode de In granJe emifirttlicn toItSque et la fondation des
divera foyaumcts gual^malieni qui en furant ^a coni^quenco.' Branew,
Ui$t., torn. il,f. 81.
EMPIRE OF THE EAST.
m
moned these princes to her presence, and after giving
them the best of advice regarding the way in which
they should govern, she divided her kingdom equally
between them. She then caused herself to be carried
on her bed to the highest terrace of the palace, and
suddenly vanished, amid thunder and lightning. It
is recorded that her three sons governed Wv^ll and
wisely, but no particulars of their reigns are given.*
Brasseur implies that the Pipiles were in some
way connected with or subject to the empire which
he believes Topiltzin Acxitl, the last Toltcc king of
Andhuac, to have founded in Central America, since
he speaks of Mictlan being the seat of the spiritual
power of that realm. I have already expressed my
opinion that this empire of the East is the offspring
of the Abbd's inventive imagination ; but at the eame
time, notwithstanding the two or three allusions upon
which he must found his theory are so vague as to
be practically meaningless, he manages to give a tol-
erably definite description of the condition in which
the Cakchiquels found it when they came after a long
and arduous pilgrimage from Anahuac to do homage
to Acxitl. He confesses his ignorance of the partic-
ulars of the Toltec monarch's journey, and of the
means by which he attained universal dominion in the
east, but adds that it is certain that with the aid of
the Toltec emigrants, like himself, and the Chichi-
mecs of all languages, who followed in his footsteps,
he had succeeded in establishing a kingdom larger,
perhaps, than that which he had lost, and in confer-
ring upon his subjects the benefits of civilization as
well as the cult of Quetzalcoatl, of whom ho was
the supreme representative. Taught by experience
the benefits of such a policy, he united under his au-
thority the bands of emigrants that were constantly
arriving, and with their assistance conquered by force
of arms such of the surrounding provinces as would
*> Torquemada, torn, i., p. 336; Bratieur, Hist., torn, ii., pp. 106-7;
Hctrera, dec iv., lib. viiL, cap. iv.
612
TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
not peaceably acknowledge his supremacy. It was
his custom to leave those princes who offered no re-
sistance to his encroachments in possession of their
titles and dignities, merely making them nominal vas-
sals of the empire. By pursuing this policy Acxitl
became so powerful that none of the numerous Qui-
che and Cakchiquel chiefs who afterwards founded
states in these regions dared to assuino the royal au-
thority until they had been formally instated in their
possessions by him. Thus it was that at the time
when the Cakchiquels descended from the mountains
to the plateau of Vera Paz, they found Acxitl occu-
pied in conferring the sovereignty of that region upon
one of the most renowned of the warriors who had
followed him from ToUan, named Cempoal Taxuch
before his coronation, and (Jrbaltzam afterwards."
Let us now follow the fortunes of the Xuchil-
tepecs, or that part of tlie tribes of the coast of
Chiapas which separated from the Pipiles at Cuz-
catlan. Following the coast southward they ar-
rived at the Gulf of Conchagua. Here they were
for(!ed to halt, by the illness and subsequent death of
the priest who had hitherto been their guide. Be-
fore expiring, the old man, who seems in some way
to have gained a knowledge of that region, gave them
full information as to what they might expect of the
surrounding nations, exht)rted them to settle and live
in peace, and predicted that their ancient enemies,
the Olmecs, would eventually become their slaves.
The Xuchiltepecs accordingly stayed permanently
where they were, on the borders of Honduras, Sal-
vador, and Nicaragua, and bore henceforward the
name of Cholutecs, from the country from which
they originally came.**
Of the other tribes of Nicaragua nothing is known,
except the names and localities of those that inhab-
an
ua
dm
*i firataeur, Uint, toiii. ii., m 101-6.
*> Torquemada, toni. i , p. 332; Brasieur, Hist., torn, ii., pp. 70, 107-8-
iS««i vol. i., of this work, p. 701, for torritory of Cholutecs.
NICARAGUAN TRIBES
Birians, wh<»se chief St . ^""'^^^^ tliese wore the
of that name.- North of the D?,^ ^"""^^"^ «" «>-' lake
< -ns, or Mangn^.8, whose terWr^'^ *^'« ^a^^ran-
--nagrua and''the'<;^ea„ .^^./^y hfween Ue
the mountainous rer^ion nor^h ^h«ntales mhabited
f "a,"" IrnmediatelvCth ,?^,"^* «f Lake Nicara
^horote^ans. Thos^e two „ttit'« ^^"'"^^ ^^^^ the
:« Identical. Accordinrtn ^ ^ ''''1 ''^^^^ regarded
-eluded the Orotifians^ Di|ar" *^J^^«-tegans
The N,qu.rans, or Nicarkc^^'rw ""''^ ^^^''andal.s.''
prormnent tribes in Nic^^^^i Th ""' "^ '^'^ '""«*
usion about their origin "tL T ^' '"'»« con-
they were part of the^ ribes thlf""^^ T^^'^'^ *hat
their home on the coast nfni-^ '''''''® ^"^en from
-ho after the death of theiV '?". ^^ '^' ^^'"-'^
<^onchagua, continued their f ^ '''* ^* *^« G!"lf of
coast along which they T^^^^^^^^^ Atlantic
i^re de Dios, founding iverllf ^ ^^'' ^« ^^"^-
Thence they returned in ^"^"^ «» the wav
«ea, to Nicoya, where V^^''^ «^ ^ fresh- wltJr
«-. leagues Lth'r «„ ^11^^ "^"^^ ^^at a
oordingly proceeded to the sL ^^^"- ^^^"^y ac-
"ow stands, and them / ^ f "P^" ^hich Leon
^-owing dissatisfied with ^l^'i «-ttJements. Bu
^7«nt to Nicaragua, where b'"'/^^^^ afterwards
thj killed the inliabitrntra^dU n'^^*^^^^- '"->
and.» Brasseur tells much th! P°«««««'"" of the
ti-avels and ultimate ?oH . ^^""^ «tory of their
-erts that they we^ Tojts""' " ^'^'^^^^-'^' ^^
CHAPTER XIII.
HISTORY OF THE MAYAS IN YUCATAN.
Aborioinal Names of Yucatan— Thk Primitive Inhabitants from
THE East and Wkst— ZamnA, the Pontifk-Kinq — The Itzas
AT Chkhen— Rule of Cukulcan at Chichen and Mayai-an—
His Disappearance on the Gulf Coast — The Cocome Rulk
at Mayapan— Appearance of the Tutul Xius— Translation
OF the Maya Record by Perez and Brasseur — Migration
from Tulan— Conquest of Bacalar and Chichen— Itza An-
nals— Tutul Xius at Uxmal— Overthrow of the Cocome
Dynasty— The Confederacy, or Empire, ok Tutul Xius, Itzas,
and Cheles— Fable of the Dwarf- Overthrow of the Tutul
Xius— Final Period of Civil Wars.
Respecting the original name of Yucatan, Bislioj)
Landa tells us that it was called Ulumil Cuz and
Etol Cell, 'land of turkeys and deer.' Padre Lizaiia
writes the name U Luumil Cutz and U Luumil Cel).
Malte-Brun claims to have found a tradition to the
effect that in the early time the interior plains of tlie
peninsula were submerged, forming lakes, and the
people lived in isolated groups by fishing and hunt-
ing. Landa also applies the name Peten, 'isle,'
thinking that the natives believed their country to he
surrounded with water. The Perez manuscript terms
the peninsula Chacnouitan, which Gallatin believes
to have been its true name; while Brasseur regards
this as the au'uent name of onlv the southern portion
of the country. There is no doubt that the native
(614)
MIGRATION FROM THE EAST.
61ft
name of Yucatan at the coming of Europeans and
afterwards was Maya. Several authors define this
as 'land without water,' a most appropriate name for
this region. Brasseur in one place derives the name
from Mai, that of an ancient priest; Cogolludo says
the country was named from its capital or chief city
thus differing at each successive epoch, being in an-
cient times Mayapan, but in the time of the writer,
Campeche. Ternaux-Compans declares that from the
fall of Mayapan to the coming of the Spaniards the
(Mjuntry had no general name. All agree that the
name Yucatan originated from a misunderstanding
by the Spaniards of the words first pronounced by
the natives when questioned about the name of their
country.*
The earliest inhabitants are supposed to have come
from the east. As they fled before their enemies their
god had opened a path for them through the sea,'
Lizaiia. believes these first inhabitants came from
Cuba, which may have been connected with the
peninsula in those primitive times; while Urozco y
Berra seems to favor the idea that they came to
Cuba from Florida.' From this original population,
few in numbers, is supposed to have come the
ancient name cenial, or 'little descent,' applied by the
inhabitants to the east; while the name nohcnial,
'great descent,' by which the west was called, orig-
inated from a larger migration from that direction.
Cogolludo, it is true, claims that the eastern colony
was the more nununous of the two, yet, this is not
tradition, but his theory, based on the prevalence of
the Maya language in connection with the unfounded
' On ilip name of this country nee'.—Landa, Relanon, and Braitittur. in
/(/., pp. «, 8, 4'i-3; Lizitiin, in /(/., j). ;»48; Pirr: MS., in ItL, pp. 421, 429;
/(/., Ill Strphf.Hs' Yucatan, vol. ii. , pp. 465, 467; wse also vol. i., pp. 1.39-40;
('(iffoltutlo. Hist. Yuc, pp. 60-1, 178-9; Villaffiitietre, Hist. Cunq. Kza, p.
28; Tcrnatix-Compatu, in Mouvrlles Aniialm, tola, xrvii., pp. .30-1; Malte-
liru.x Yucatan, pp. 14-lff; (Homara, Hiitt.Ind., fol. 60.
*Lattda, Relaeion, p. 28: Hrrrera, dec. iv. , lib. x., cap. ii.
* Lizana. in Landa, Jietariou, p. !W4; Orozro y Ikrra, Otogrt^ia, p.
128. (yogoliudo, Hist. Yuc, p. 178, quotes thia from Liana.
016
NATIONS OF YUCATAN.
assumption that those who came from the west must
have spoken Aztec.* All that can be learned from
these traditions is the existence among the Mayas of
a vague idea that their ancestors came originally from
opposite directions. Their idea of the most primitive
period of their history, like the idea entertained by
other nations whose annals have been presented, was
connected with the arrival of a small band from
across the ocean. This was the 'little descent'; by
this first band and their descendants the country was
peopled and the Maya institutions established. The
'great descent' referred to the coming of strangers
from the south-west, probably at different times, and
at a much later period.
To account for the fact that but one lansruajfe is
spoken in Yucatan, and that closely related to those
of Tabasco and Guatemala, Orozco y Berra supposes
that the Mayas destroyed or banished the former
inhabitants. They were evidently barbarians, as
shown by their abandonment of the ruins; perhaps
they were the same tribes that destroyed Palenque.'
But the reader already knows that the builders of
the cities were found in possession of the country,
and the imity of language is exactly what might be
expected, if the traditional colony from the east
peopled not only Yucatan, but the adjoining coun-
tries, and the subsequent returning colonies from the
west came from the countries thus peopled. Wo
learn from Boturini that the Olmecs, Xicalancas, and
Zapotecs, of the eastern region of Mexico, fled at the
approach of the Toltecs and settled in Yucatan.
Veytia shows that if any of these peoples settled in
Yucatan, it was from choice, not necessity; Torque-
mada and others add the Chichimecs and Acolhuas
to the peoples that settled Yucatan. CogoUudo and
* Lizana and CogoUudo, as above. Tcniaux-Compana, in Nouvelles
Annaleg, torn, xcvii., p. 32, also reverses the statement of the tradition
respecting the relative numbers of the respective colonics.
* Orozco y Berra, Gtografia, p. 129.
TOLTEC THEORY.
•17
Fancourt include the Teo-Chichiraecs," while most
modern writers favor the theory that the Toltecs
occupied Yucatan alter their expulsion from Anii-
huac in the eleventh century, erecting; the cities that
have since been found there in so great niunbers.^
The conjectures of the preceding paragraph and
many others of a similar nature, are a part of the
theory, so often noted in this work, of a general mi-
gration of American nations from north to south, a
theory which has amounted almost to a mania for
dispatching every ancient northern tribe southward,
and for searching in the north lor the origin of every
ancient southern people. It was not enough that the
people of Yucatan and Guatemala migrated from the
far north-west ; but it was necessary to find in each
of these states traces of every nation whose presence
in Mexico during the past ages has been recorded by
tradition. After what has been said on this subject
in this and preceding volumes, it is needless to repeat
here the arguments against a Mexican origin for the
people and monuments of Yucatan. No people in
America show less indications of a past intermixture
with foreign tribes ; the similarity between the mon-
uments and those farther north is sufficiently ac-
eoimted for by the historical events to be recorded in
this chapter ; and the conjectures in question are not
only unfounded, but wholly uncalled for, serving only
to complicate a record which without them is compar-
atively clear if not very complete.
The Yucatec culture-hero was Zamna, or Ytzamnd,
who according to the traditions was the first temporal
and religious leader, the civilizer, high-priest, and
• Veytla, torn, i., p. 237 ; Torqvemada, torn, i., p. 269 ; Lizana, in fjondu,
R»laclon, p. 354 ; Cof/clludo, Hisl. JV., p. 1 78 ; Fanmurt'ii llittt. Yuc.., p.
115.
' Stei>hen»' Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 304-8, 342-3, 453-4 ; lirndfonTs Ami-r.
Antiq., pp. 201-2 ; Aforeltt, Vofinqt, torn, i., pp. 270-1 ; Wnldeclc, Voy. Piit.,
pp. 44-5 ; Maifer'» Mtx. Aztec, etc., vol. ]., pp. 99-100 : WaitpSits, Geog. u. Stat.,
pp. 33, 142 ; Prichanfi RtttareheM, vol. v., p. 346; Tcnunix-CoMpoM, iu AW
vaU$ AnnaUt, torn, xevii., pp. Sl-2.
618
NATIONS OK YUCATAN.
law-giver, who introciuced the Maya inRtitutionH, di-
vided the country into provinces, and named all the
localitieH in Yucatjin. He was accompanied, like
other culture-heroes, by a band of priests, artizans,
and even warriors. Ruling the country from his
cii{)ital of Mayapan, he gave the government of the
provinces to his companions, reserving the best posi-
tions naturally for chieftains of his own blood. Zamnd
was the reported inventor of the Maya hieroglyphic
art, and it is conjectured that the Cocomes, the old-
est royjd family in Yucatan, were the des(!endants
of this first ruler. He died at an advanced age
and was interred at Izanuil, supposed to have beer
at that time near the sea shore, a city whi(!h was
named for him, and probably Ibunded by him, where
his suc(^es.s()rs erected a sacred temple in honor of
his memory, which was for many centuries a favor-
ite shrine for Yucatec pilgrims. Another personage,
Kinich Kakmo, is prominent in the Maya mythology,
and may probably have been identical with Zumnd,
or one of his companions.**
Zamnd may best be connected with the first colony,
the * little descent,' the first introduction of Maya in-
stitutions into the country, although it is not express-
ly stated that he was at the head of that colony ; and
both the cohmy and its leader may be identified most
naturally with the introduction of the Votanic civil-
ization and the establishment of the Xibalban empire
already narrated from the traditions of the nations.
Whether Zamnd was a companion or disciple of
Votan, or even identical with that personage, it is, of
course, impossible to determine ; and it is not by any
means necessary to accept literally the arrival of
either colony or leader. But the role played by
Zamnd was the same as that of Votan, and the same
events at the same epoch may be reasonably supposed
' On Zamii^ wo: — vol- Hi., pp. 46S-5 of this work; Coijotludo, Hut.
Yue., pp. 178, 192, 196-7 ; Lunda, Kelarion, pp. 328-30; Utana, in Id., p. 3S6;
Brauewr, Hi$t., torn, i., pp. 78-80 ; Waldeck, Vo^. PiU., p. S3 ; MalU-Bnm,
Yucatan, pp. 15-17.
THE ITZAOIl AT CHICHRN.
619
to have originated tlio Yucatec as well as the Tzoii-
dal, Quioh<^, and Toltuc traditiunH of thiH priinitivo
hiHtorio period. The Htateinont of OrdoHoz, already
referred to, that Mayapan waH one of the allieti capi-
tals which with I'alenque, Tulan, and (Jopan, consti-
tuted the Xibalban, or Votanic, empire, is not im-
probable, although its trutli cannot be fully Bubstan-
tiatcd.
The next event in the annals of the peninsula is
the rule of the Itzaob, three most holy men, at
(/hichen Itza, over the people also called Itzas.
Closely connected with these rulers, and perhaps one
of the three, was (^ukulcan, or Quetzulcoatl, the
'plumed serpent.' Torquemada tells us that in wry
remote tiroes, at thi time of Quetzalcoatl's disii])pear-
ance from Mexico, (Jukulcan ap|)eared from the west
with nineteen followers, all with long beards, and
dressed in long robes and sandals, but bare-headed.
This author identifies him with Quetzalcoatl. Co-
golludo in one place briefly refers to Cukulcan as a
great captain and a god ; and elsewhere sjieaks of the
coming of (Jozjis with nineteen followers, introducing
the iites of confession and otherwise modifying the
religious institutions of the country. Landa speaks
of (Jukulcan as having afterwards been regarded as a
god in Mexico, whence he had come to Yucatan, un-
der the name of Cezalcouati (Quetzal<;outl). Herrera
gives him two brothers, and states that the three
collected a large population and reigned together in
peace for many years over the Itzas at Chichen,
where they erected many magnificent temples in
honor of their gods. The three brothers lived a most
holy and continent life, neither marrying nor asso-
ciating carnally with women ; but at last one of them,
Cukulcan, for most of the authorities agree that ho
was one of them, left his companions and adopted
Mayapan as his capital. Landa says on this subject:
"It is the opinion of the natives that with the Itzas
who settled Chichen Itza there reigned a groat lord
NATIONS OF YUCATAN.
named Cukulcan, which is shown to be trao by the
principal edifice culled Cukulcan. They say that he
entered the country from the west, but they differ as
to whether he came before, with, or after the Itzas;
and they say he was very moral, having; neither wife
nor children." In another place the same author
speaks of the three brothers also as having come from
the west, reigning at Chichen, agreeing in life and
character with Cukulcan, until one of the number
died, or at least abandoned his companions and left
the country.
After the departure or death of Cukulcan, the two
remaining lords gradually gave themselves up to an
irregular and dissolute life, and their conduct finally
moved their subjects to revolt, to kill the two princes,
and to abandon the city. Cukulcan in the meantime
devoted his attention to building up, beautifying, and
fortifying his new capital, erecting grand temples for
the gods and palaces for his subordinate lords, among
whom he divided the surrounding country and towns.
He ruled here most wisely and prosperously for sev-
eral years, but at last after fully establishing the
government, and instructing his followers respecting
their duties and the proper means of ruling the coun-
try peacefully, he determined, for some motive not
revealed, to abandon the city and the peninsula. He
tarried awhile, however, at Champoton on the west-
ern coast, where a temple was erected in commemo-
ration of his stay. According to Herrera it was
erected by himself."
It is evident enough that Cukulcan was the same
as Quetzalcoatl, but to determine with tvhich Quet-
zalcoatl — the Nahua culture-hero or the Toltec king
— is a difficult matter. We have seen what compli-
cations in Mexican history arise from the fact that
» On Cukulcan and the Itzas, see:--Herrera, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.;
Torquemnda, toni. ii., p. 52, torn, iii., p. 133; Cogolludo, Hist. Yue., pp.
190, 196-7; Laiuta, RelacioH, pp. 34-9, 340-2; Brasseur, Hist., torn, ii., pp.
10-13; Malte-Brun, Yucatan, pp. 15-16; Stephens^ Yucatan, vol. i., pp.
14»-1.
the S:. • r*"""" '"" ^"'""-O"''-
•-ne fepanish writers a,i j ^
■' precede hv 1 *™ .'""elfth centurv H *""'"''™n
oomi„„ „;Z «■""". *>'« hundred S' ." /'''"^ '""''os
and their ntmo; 1^ ''?'''^»* nations ;„*i '"*™
Even bIZZI de flf i'"^^'' '™™ W * VT""*'^'
"ed from r^K; ^"® Jtzas wpr<» vi ii ' ^"ers
^'? appearance and C /^ G}«cumatz, torelS
princes ' at rii.VJ. ^ ^"^e of thp .7 ^ ^^S^f<i
^"ction of the v?f. ""^ ^^^Was the fi^'r ' ^"'^
date it within fK J'"'' influence in V„. . ^^* ^"*^«-
^'-a, whiTe the n\^''^ *^'« ^-"tur es off Jh ^7^.^?^ *<>
-t--rif^?xiKVcL-^^^^
Pp.
155.& "'•««. Relacton, pp. 35 ,9. _
633
NATIONS OF YUCATAN.
doein Cukulcan and Zainnit the same without any
apparent roiuson, ultlu)U<(h the livoa and deeds of both
tho8e pontiff'-rulerH are recorded only in the vaguest
manner."
It is prohahle that Cukulcan abandoned Chichen
and its people, anionic whom he at first attemi)ted to
establish his peculiar reforms, because his teachinjifs
were not so favorably received or so permanent in
their effects as ho desired, and because he had reason
to expect more favorable results amon^ the CJocomes,
whom he now adoptcid as his chosen peonle. Both
'listeners' and 'serpents' are given as the signification
of the name Cocomes; the first may be referred t<*
the fact that they were the first to 'listen' to Cukul-
can's teachinL,'s; the second may arise from their
relationship to the Votanic race of Chanes, or 'ser-
pents.' Tonpieinada speaks of the CVxjomes as the
descendants of Cukulcan, but to regard them rather
as disciples would be more consistent with the celi-
bate life and chastity attributed to the great teacher.
After the Plumed Serpent's departure the lords of
Mayapan, raised to the highest power in the state
the chief of the (Jocome family, as Landa say.s,
"either because this family wa« the most ancient or
the richest, or because he who was at its head was a
very valiant chief." Many of the aboriginal institu-
tions of this country, as described in a preceding
volume, are derived from traditions of this period of
Cocome rule, one of the most prosperous in Maya
history. The family names of rulers are often used
as personal names in the annals of these nations, and
thus we find the ruler at Mayapan spoken of as
Cocom."
Respecting the ensuing period of Cocome rule, we
" Vol. iii., p. 466; Malte.-Brun, Yucatan, pp. 15-16.
" Torquemadn, torn. ii. , p. 62; Landa-Relaeion, pp. 38-46, 64-6; Cogol-
ludo. Hist, i'lic, pp. 179-80; Jlerrera, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.j Ternaiix-
Compana, in Nouotllu Annates, tout. xcviL, p. 34; MaUe-Brun,YuevUan,
p. 16-6.
M^OHATrON OF TVTVL XlVH.
navo no record imfi ^ *■
Nahua .u„.,o^,i„, 4 ' ^^'c -u„t;y account, ,L X
"Id monujnents. "" "' Yucatan ii,»titutio,«
69i
NATIONS OF YUCATAN.
IS
I now present in fuU the Perez document which
contains nearly all that is known of the Tutul Xiu
annals. T quote the version j^iven in Mr. Stephens
wcrk, iddinnf in parentheses the variations and a
few explanatory notes from Brasseur's translation.
"This is the neries of Katunes, or epochs, that
elapsed from cho time of their departure from the
land and house of Nonoual, in which were the four
Tutul Xiu, lying to the west of Zuina (probably
the Tulan Zuiva of the Popol Vuh) going out of
the land of Tulapan (capital of ^rilan). Four epoch.s
were spent in traveling before they arrived here with
Tolonchantepeuj (Holon-Chan-Tepeuh, in both tlie
Maya text and in Brasseur's translation) and hiss
followers. When they begfui their journey towards
this island (peten, meaning literally 'island,' is the
word used, but Brasseur tells us that it was applied
as well to regions almost surrounded by water, and
the Mayas knew very well that their country Avas a
peninsula), ifc was the 8 Ahau, and the G Ahau, the
4 Ahau, and the 2 Ahau" were spent in traveling;
because in the first year of 13 Ahau they arrived at
this island (peninsula), making together eighty-one
years they were traveling between their departure
from their country and their arrival at this island
(peninsula) of Chacnouitan. In the 8 Ahau arrived
Ahmekat Tutul Xiu (an error perhaps, for IH Ahau
as above, or this may refer to a later arrival of an-
other party), and ninety-nine years they remained in
Chacnouitan. Then t'>ok place the discovery (con-
quest) of the province of Ziyan-caan, or Bacalar
(Bakhalal, Chectemal at the time of tho conqiu^st.
probably near the site of Bacalar). The 4 Ahau, the
2 Ahau, and the 13 Ahau, (tr sixty years, thtv
ruled in Ziyan-caan, when (since) they came here.
During these years of their government of the prov-
'5 Stephens^ Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 466-9; Brasseur, in Latuia, Hflacion,
pp. 420-0.
IB K(»r nn account of this system of Almu Kutun<m and the orHrr of
their succession, sen vol. ii., pp. 762-5.
THE PEREZ PECORD.
635
ince of Bacalar, occurred the discovery (conquest) of
Chichen Itza. The 11 Ahau, 9 Ahau, 7 Ahau, 5
Ahau, 3 Ahau, 1 Ahau, or one hundred and twenty
years they ruled in Chichen Itza, when it was aban-
doned and they emigrated to Champoton ((Jhanputun)
where the Itzas, holy men, had houses (had . had
dwellings). The 6 Ahau they took possession of the
territory of Champoton. The 4 Ahau [and so on for
twelve epochs to the 8 Ahau] Champoton was de-
stroyed or abandoned (Brasseur has it, "4 Ahau, etc.,
etc., and in the 8 Ahau (Jhampoton v'js destroyed").
Two hundred and sixty years reigned (or had reigned
at the time when Champoton was destroyed) the
Itzas in Champoton, when they returned in search of
their homes ("after which they started out anew in
search of homes," according to Brasseur), and then
they lived for several epochs under the uninhabited
mountains ("for several epochs, the Itzas wandered,
sleeping in the forests, among rocks and wild plants,
suffering great privations," as Brasseur has it, noting
an omission of a part of the text in Perez' trans-
lation). The fi Ahau, 4 Ahau, after forty years they
returned to their homes once more, and Champoton
was lost to them. (The French version is entirely
different; "6 Ahau, 4 Ahau" -they wandered as
above — "after which they the Jtzas -had again
fixed homes, after they had Inst (Jhampot(Mi"). In
this Katun of 2 Ahau, Acuitok Tutul Xiu estab-
lished himself in ITxii, 1; the 2 Ahau |and so on in
regular order for ten ej.oclis to 10 Ahau | equal to
two hundred yoars, they governed and reigned in
(Jxmal with the governors (powerful lords) of Chi-
chen Itza, and Mayapan. After the lapse of the
Ahau Katunes of 11, {), (» Ahau, (Brasseur says 7
instead of 6 Ahau, as indeed it must be in order to
preserve the order) in the 8 Aliau the governor (the
powerful lords) of Chichen Itza was (were) deposed
(ruined) because he murmunui disrespectfully against
Tunac-eel (Hunac Eel); this liappened tu Chticxibchac
\.
Vol. V. «0
NATIONS OF YUCATAN.
of Ciiiclicu Ttza, who had spoken ajjfainst Tunac-eel,
governor of tin; fortru.sH of Mayalpan (Mayapan).
Ninety years had elapHe<l, l)ut the tenth of the 8
A hail was the year iti which lie was overthrown l)y
Ajzint(! yutchan (Ali-Tzinteyut-(Jhan) with Tzunte-
cuin, Tiixeal, Panteniit, Xuch-ucuet (Xuchu-(Juet),
Ytzcuat, and Kakaltecat; these are the names of the
seven Mayalpa;;s (hjrds of Mayapan). In this
same period, or Katun, of the H Ahau, they attacked
king Uhnil (king of the Hhnil) in conHecpience
of his (piarrel {festivitiiH) with IHil, king of Izanial
(Ytznial); thirteen divisions of troo|)s had he wiicii
ho was routed hy 'I'unac-tjel (Hunac I'icl, 'he who
gives intiilligence'); in the G Ahau the war was ovtr,
after thirty-four years, hi the (j Aliau, 4 Ahau, 2
Ahau, i;{ Ahau, I I Aliau (BrasstMir says in thi; H
Ahau), the lortihfd territory of i\Iayal|)an was in
vaded by the men of Itza, under their king Uhnil,
because they liad walls and governed in connnon llic
people of Mayalpan. Kighty-three years (ilapswl
after this (;vent and at the beginning of I I Ahaii,
Mayalpan was destroyed i»y Htrarigers of the ('itz»'H,
(perhaps (.Quiches) or 1 1 ighiaikdcis. as was also Tancaj
(Taiwah) of Mayalpan. In thi- *', Ahau (>• Ahau
a<:cor(ling to original text and lira-Kseur;, Mayal|);ui
was destroyed (linally aban<Iori<«l). 'J'he ejxxths of" <i
Ahau, 4 ;\hau, and 2 Ahau, «;l}i|»He'd, and at tlii>
period the S|)ani!ir«ls, hjr the first time arrived, and
gave the name of Viieatan to this province, si.\ty
years aft(,'r tin: destru(;tion <»f the fortress. The I. 'I
Ahua, 11 Ahua, pestilence an<l small-pox were in the
cast'es. In the I ;> Ahua, Ajpula (Ahpuhi) died; si.\
yei'.rs wtsre wanting to the com|)letion of the I. J
Ahau; this year was counted toward the eiist ol tlio
wheel, and began on the 4 Kan (the 4 Kan began
the month l*o})). Ajpula died on the eighUcntli
day of the month Zip, in the 9 Ymix (in the tliinl
month Zip, and on the ninth day V'niix); niid
that it may be known in uumberu, it wati the year
CIIKONOL0(iY OF THK UECOUI).
627
IT) 3(5, Hixty years after the demulition of the fortrcHB.
Before ill)- terininutiuii of the 11 Ahau, the Span
iiirds arrived; lioly men from the east came with them
when they reJi<;lied tliiw hind. The 1> Ahau was the
commencement of C/hristianity ; and in thin year wau
tile arrival of Toral, the lirst (tiew) hinhop.'
Such i.s our ciiief authority on tht; altorij^inal his-
tory of Yucatan. It in, um l*er(!Z remarks, "rather
a hst than a cireuniKtantial detail of the events," wjih
doiihtlesH written from memory of th«: oriifinal recordw
alter the Spaniards came, and may l)e inaccurate; at
some j)oints. J'erez chiims to int<!rpret its »;hrorioIo;^fy
accorihn}^' to his theory that the Ahau Katun was a
j>eriod of twc!tity-(our y»;ars ;" while lirasseur, I'ollow-
iii;^ most of the Spanish writers, re(;kons an Ahau
Kat.'n aH oidy twenty years. I do not |)ropos(! to
enter into any furtlur disjiussion on this point, hut it
should he noted that while I'erez addut-es strong; ar-
guments in favor of his general thtury of the lcni,'th
>'' these i)eriods, neither his Iranslatinn of the docu-
Twetit in qu<-stion nor his comnuints thereon are at all
(•onsist(!nt with his own theory. The document states
clfurly that Ahpula died in l.0.*{(5, six ycsars hefore the
• id of !.'{ Ahau, which must h.ive clo.sed in l.')4l.
An a« curate calculation, nckonini^^ twenty-four years
to a!i epo(;h, would make the H Ahau in which the
TutuI Xius left th(;ir aiicitint home, heti^in with the
viar 17;{, A. J>.,"* instead of I i 4 as i*erc/< ^mvos it.
1 1 we compute tlie "pochs at twenty years each, we
have 4(H as the datt; when the migration he^an, I
have not attempted to fix lli<' datt of the mi<,^ration
Ik'UI ^'hiapas, of which this forms a part, further
tlian t(t place it hetore the Htlh and prohahly after tlit;
Kt'coiMi ct.'iitury ; hut tin' daU; 401 at^recs hotter tluin
tliat (»f 17.'J with the general tenor of tiu; authorities,
" See vol. ii., mi Vfii-.V
'"III hix //ia/ \ni (Sr., llraHKOur followH tliist Hy»tflm ami rfin'iilcdlv
pivcH 171 (171 *>t* p i'i>* of tliiH vohtur' i- n iiiiHpriiil) iim tlif ilalc nf iIiih
iiii'..'r.'iliiiii, iDiiliK It. <ii<lc«(l to lix tlif duii' irf tlit' iiii;;iiiliiiii of tin' 'iDltfcH
uiiil )^iii('lu'H from 'I'lilan; liiil liu lulopU lli<> uUii-r tlivoiv in Ium iiut<^H tu
LiiiiiiuM work-
; 1 ^^^H
; 1 Um
I^H
ll
i*iK.
f ii
NATIONS OF YUCATAN.
I therefore follow tliis syBtem in forming the following
rcHuind, although 1 givo in notes the dates of the
other system, together with some of Perez' dates.
The Tiitul Xius left their ancient home in Chiapas
in 401, wandering for eighty -one years hefore their
arrival in 4H2 at (Jha(!nouitan, or the southerti part
of the peninsula, under the command of, or together
with, llolon Chan Tepeuh." Alimecat TutuI Xiu
arrived with them or at a later period,* and they
remained ninety-nine years in Chacnouitan, <lown to
SHI." Then took place the conquest of Bac^alar,
where they ruled for sixty years, or from 581 to (;4I;
hut at the same time the 4 Ahau, 2 Ahau, 13 Ahau,
of this period, correspond to the years 701 to 7()l,
leaving the years (541 to 701 una<;counted for." Dur-
ing this rule at liacalar, or at its end, they took
possession of Chichen Itza, where they remaiiifd lor
six epoc^hs, or oik! hundred and twenty years, from
70 J to 881.'^ Then they went to Champoton wlujro
the Itzas had heen, taking that country in 1)41,^*
nothing heing said of them during the three e|>oth8
Irom 881 to 5)41. The Itzas had ruled in (Jham|iotoii
for two hundred and sixty years, irom 4 (or hettcr G)
Ahau to 8 Ahau, or from 08 1, when they were j»n>b-
ahly driven from Chichen,'" to 1)41 when they woro
driven out hy the Tutul Xius.''" The Itzas waiidon-d
for two epochs, from 1)41 to 981, suffering great hunl-
>o Itcckoniii;; an (;|)o(;)i .ih 'H years, the iniKrution lustol from I7<'! to
'270, or !)7 yi'iirs instctiil of HI, us in thu text, i'oruz liiut it from 111 to '.M7,
or 7<< yi'itrH, wliiili ii<;r(>(>M neither with the text nor with liiH own liieory.
'0 Ah lute as (Kil or 485, if I'eruz' Kliitcmcat of 8 Ahuu Ixi tu'ct.'iitcd,
which iH iiK'onHistcnt witli the wIkiIc record.
'<" Krom '2 IS to lUiO, iiciorilin}; to I'ercz; or according to hin Htatcnieiit
that four e|H)chH clapNcd, from 270 to HUti.
«* ;M>0 to 4H2, J'arz; .'i.'l.'l to (i(W, on tiio basiH of 24 yearH to an epiwh.
<^ 432 to r>7(i, I'rtrz; (i05 to 72.'> on the haniH of 24 yearn to un epoch.
M Or 821 according; to tln^ otiier NyHtcm.
i^ We have Hccn above that there is Home confuHion about the date of
tlie Tutul XiuH taking t'hichcn.
*^ In liiH eoninicntary, I'erez applicR thin Htay of 13 cpoclin to the Tiitiil
XiuH, althougli the text scem.s to Htutc the contrary, making them live in
('liampoton from A7(i to 888; or if he hud ad<lod mmply thu 2IS() years of
the lext, fi7() to 830; or if he hud correctly adapted hi» chronology tn IiIh
own theory, from 821 to Il.'i:). On a buMis of 24 yoarx to a Katun the t^lay
of the It/aii ut Champoton, us given in the toxt, waa from 533 tu 821.
TIJTUL XIU ANNALS.
onciod Loforo I22[ f y tl.o ^ '' ^^''^''"' ^""^ was
ft^-" 12HI and l/K) Mt;^^^^ '"" '" '* ^'"^".
'i»'andonod in 8 AliauLw '?'''""' ^^"^ «'''tlly
Af^T throe cp.x.hH„Z:(^^:T'-''f' '""' '4«/.i
, ' 'H! first c\'o,.t narriK.,} I ,^""1' ^ "»-'^l arrived
-''-!» seen. t<, l.^^ ^^^ I^^I^J'^-^'-'A. 'i.-unent
^;;" other authorities i;rc- Ml'' ''"^•^" ^'•'^•"
^-^''. eleventh, a.u " 1, ^^ ,^:;'^^ ''''''\ '^'"-'"^ ^h:
^'•^ ■'•»". /V;r»; 8?|.ij/;o ,, . "'Ill tj (j JlloH-
■"miirf;. /;'':. w',.;. ,'>'""• '""l^x tli.-i.i s,fi| . '•''■'•^' "/'('Iviiiw
;j;.My ..,„.. r4;:'.i^^; ""i„v-$":.".; .1.- a;^;,:.; '::^tx;iil '"'
080
NATIONS OF YUCATAN.
archs of Maya[)an niid (Jhichcn Ttza. All author-
itioM a<(roe on tiio iirospurity attoiidin^ tho ruij^n
of tho (/ocoiau inonarchs in conjunction with th*;
Tutul XiuH at IJxnuil. It waH pcrhapH in this
purifMi that woro built a lar^o proportion of Um
niaj^'niHcont Htructuros which as ruiuH have ox<;ito(i
tho wodilor of tho world, and havo hoon fully do
Bcribcd in a procodinj^ volunio;'" althoU]L(h thoro is no
roaHon to douht that houio of tho <;itioH dat(; huck lo
tho Xilialhan period, to tho tiino of Zannia and his
oarlio.st HU(;(!OHMorH. Uxinal and tho many i'itics in
its vicinity may ho attrihutod to tho Tutul Xiiis.
1'ho lirst kinjLf of Mayapan aftor tho dopartnrc of
(Jukulcan is generally called (J(»com, ()r Ahcoioni,
hut wo know nothinju; of his sucii-cMHors for Honio con-
turioH, Havo Hra.sHour*H (!onj«'ctunj that tho four |{;uHi)
montioniid hy ('o<^()llud<i an ^ods should ho rock<»iu;(l
amonj^ tho nunjhor."* At last, prohahly during,' tho
twolllh (HMitury, Landa and tho other Spanish wiitors
a^^roo thai tho monarchs at Mayapan hoj^an to no^f-
loot th(! int(!r(!sts of their Huhje(;ts, and to hoconio
exceedinL;ly aVii,ri<;ious, oppressinj^ tho people hy ex-
«;essive taxation. Tim first to follow this (roiirso of
<;ondi!<'t is called hy lir.i>iS(!ur Ahtuhtun, a naino so-
loctod from Oo^'olhido's list of ^ods for no olJior
apparent reason than that his name si<(nilied 'spittor
of pn.'cious stones,' (Certainly an indication ol" ox
travaj^ance. To his succressor this author applios the
name Ahan and the title Kinehahau. This nion;in;li
was oven more oppressive than his pred(M;essiir, ami
loud murmurs of discont(--nt hou^an to he hoard, Imt,
none were stron<; enoui^h to make any op|)iisiti()ii
save the Tutul Xius. I'iitlufr this kinjL^or a sncccssor
intro(luc«;d into tli<: country a force of foroi^n .sniditji's
from Tahjisro and soutlie'rn Vera ( 'luz, und idso (;s
tahlishcd slavery, hitherto unknown in Y^ucatan.
Tho Tutid Xius hoi^'an their opposition to tht;('<»
comes hy shelterinj.^ tiioir oppressed suhjects. Tin
'" Vi.l. iv., |.p. l!0-2«r..
" r„;f„lliiil<>, llmi »«(•., |. I '.(7.
third
nac J
than
forei^
/tza,
the c
auxili
wit! I
niied
after
hrierty
tho Ai
1221 i
^>o<;oiij,
his sul»
captii!('
kinir wi
to Ix; n\
'>y UijK
Hiipreini
attack .1
the H(;('(
<'ll<!|(;.s,
third nu
tioH Htllt
doru.'d jii,
f«<'t that
at a mu(
't(;d, t|„„
Tin, '
;»ower, s
,, " '« H.'<-rii,
'■'"■ '•'•Ji.viNt III
•iiKli.ir niUn
*''IIITIllll<- l|,i,
9<>ll,„l„, l}i.st
I'l'iutiirrr. ///
''''•in iiiilliiir .„
'''."."!"t>ii, ill A
I'- III HO. S'nr I
OVKUTHROW OK TIIH COCOMKS.
681
third of tho tyrants, probably identical with tho Ifu-
nac I'jol of tho TVrcz ro(;(»nl, wuHovcin more opprosHivo
than those that [>r(!('e(lod liitn, and l>rou«rht in more
foroi;^n soldiisrs. in 111)1 tho uionan-h of (/hiclion
Itza, ('ha(! Xih (Jhac, wjis deposed by the tyrant and
tho deposition enforced l»y tho aid of his forcip^n
aiixiiiari'is. iioss than ten years later Ifunao Eel
witli his allies marched ajjain ajLjainst ( 'liicli»!n, now
ruled by a new monarch, TThnil, and <leleat(;d him
after a long" campai<(n. The end of the trouble is
briefly if not very clearly expressed by the author of
the Maya record in the statement that IJhnil before
12'21 iiivade<l Mayapan.*'
Landa and llern.'ra relate that th(! tyrainiy of tho
(yocoiiie monan^h at last b(.>caino insupportable, and
his sul>j(!c*s with the aid of the Tutul Xius nvoltml,
captu!'(!d and sacked Mayapan, and put to death the
kini^ with all his family, exi^cpt one son, who (Oianced
to b(! abst^nt. The Icinj^ of IJxmal naturally accjuired
by this oV(!rthr<»w of the ( 'ocoiim; dynasty the
supn^nu! pow(!r. lllmil, the Itza kin^' who l<!<l the
attack ai^f'aitist tho ('(M'onioH, seems to have received
the s(!cond plar«!, while tlu; h<.'a<l of the lamily of
(!ji(!l(!S, biilore liiLrb pricsst at Mayapan, was fr'wru the
third rank as kin!^»- of l/amal. Ntsarly all th(! authori-
ties state that Mayapan was d(!stroy('d and aban-
•loned at this tinn!; but tin; djites they j^ive with the
fact that this city is mentione*! by tin; Maya nicord
at a much later jieriod, show that it was still inhab-
it(!(l, thoui^'h deprive<l of its ancient jiowt r.'"'
Till! Tutul Xius or» tlusir acc^cssion to the supn^nte
power, stren;,'th(ined their ]>opularity by a liberal
i^ It H<-(!iiiH til iiir> vrrv |iriiliulilr tliikt tlii'ic is iiii error or (iiiiiitxioii liy
llir ro|iyist or tiiiimluliT in tiiis |iiu't of lii<' iliii'iiiiM'nt.
™ On iliiH icviiliitioii Mt'c: l.miln, Ur/muoii, |>|i, 4H-."i2, riti. 'riiiH
aiitiior i'iiIIm tli<> t'licl |iriii<-c Arliclicl, uiiil ntllii liiiii the noii in liiw of a
vi'iicralilc jirii'Nt in Muyu|tuii. Ilrrniii, iln- iv., lili x., caii, ii., iii. ; f'o-
tf'illm/,,, lli.it Viir |i|i.'(M», I7N it, /.iziiiiii. III /itin/ii, lli/nriiiii, |> ."iritl; Vil-
iiiifutiirrv. Ilinl. I tuifi. Itzn, |i '_'S; /tnixiriir. llisl . t'lni. ii., |>|i. 'A'l H>, •IH-!(.
I'liiM iiiitlior "iiIIn him Alinlin I'Ih-I and tln-ir |>rovinrc t'ii'ontnn. 'rrriioiix-
I'linifiniiJi, in Siiiiiuilrx Aitnitti'H, toni \c\ii , |i|(. :il, It.'i; (liith'titi, in Aimr.
I'Hlniti. Siir., Tranmu't., v»>l. i., pp 17- .'t; I'rir/iiiiif'.s lirsrinilir..i, vol. v.,
|i. .'U7; MiUlr. lirun, Vurai'iii, p|>. 'J>l; Str/i/fiix' )'»('• , vul. i., pp. I4(J-I.
w
k
6S2
NATIONS OF YUCATAN.
policy toward all classes, and by restoring those who
had been enslaved or exiled by the Coconies to their
former positions. They also permitted the Xicalanca
troops introduced by Hunac Eel and his predecessors
to remain in the country, and gave them the province
of Canul, or Ahcanul, between Uxmal and Campeche,
where they soon became a powerful nation.'^ Tho
son of the Coconie tyrant, who by his absence from
Mayapan at the time of the revolt escaped the fate
of his family, on his return was permitted to settle
with liis friends in the province of Zotuta, where ho
IS said to have built Tibulon, and several other towns.
Thus was perpetuated with the ancient Cocomc fam-
ily the mortal hatred which that family continued
to feel towards their successful rivals.^
Tiie reign of the Tutul Xius at Uxmal was doubt-
less the most glorious period of Maya history, but in
addition to what has been said we have respecting it
only a single tradition which seems to refer to the
last king and the overthrow of the dynasty.^ An
old sorceress lived at Kabah, rarely leaving her chim-
ney corner. Her grandson, a dwarf, by making a
hole in her water-jar, kept her a long time at tho
well one day, and by removing the hearth-stone found
the treasure she had so carefully guarded, a silver
tunkul and zoot, native instruments. The nnisic pro-
duced by the dwarf was heard in all the cities, and
" IJriiHHCiir, Ifisf., toiii. ii., rip, 41-2, (ells us that tlicir in-oviiice Wiw
called CiilUiiii, uiid the pcojile, froiii their inier, toiik the naiiie of Ahi'iiii-
uIb; tiiid hIho that they huilt ur eiilurged the eitics of Siiliiicchu, Liihiiii,
and I'oklioc. {Se<! vol. iv., j)]). 211-8) The only authority for the latter
Htateiiiciit is prohahly the location of thcttc ruins in a ■^'(■neral southern di-
rcetioii from I'xnuif. C'ogolludu says the natives of t'oiiil and Clioaca,
called Kujiuh's, were the most warlike i:; Yueatan. Jli«l. J'/^'.,i>. 14,'J; sec
also LiiiKin, Jlrfnrion, p. 54; Jlcrreva, dec. iv., lih. x., eaji. iii.
'*^ Latiild, li'hmon, \)\). fiX-fy, llcrrrni, dec. iv., lih. x., lup. iii.; /)V'^^
tcur. Hist., torn, ii., p. 42; " '
cataii, p. 20.
Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc, p. 143; Malle-liruii, in-
'i^ Jicfjis/ro Yiie., torn, ii., pj). 2C1-72. The tradition is jjivcn in
the form of a dialo<;uc between a visitor to the ruins ond a native of extra-
ordinary intelligence, who claimed to he well acquainted with the his-
torical traditions of his race. Itrasscur, Ilist., tom. ii., pp. .'i/S-SS, {liven
what is prohahly an extended tran:slatiun of the article referred to. Ste-
phens, vr.nt. Aincr., vol. ii., pp. 423-5, obtained from a native a traditioii
similar in some respects, so far as it goes, which is trauslatcd by
Charnay, Jiuines Am(r., pp. 3C9-71.
thek
clarec
inonai
A pe
each t
broker
took t]
vino bi
his gra
the nev
all mai
abandoi
tJie JJw
and wa:
ship of
destruct
Uxnial 1
For tl
joctural,
effect till
earlier p,
usurped I
ti'>n as th
that the i
that lie s
pi'iestliood
tbe new (
ently by I
capital or
though its
the priesthi
oj". Perez c
this period,
power Was
the downfai
the end of i
* quered I)y a
the referonc
FAULE OF THE DWARF
monarel, ,„„,t j^^"^'' '""«" should li iaryth,:
f^h to lmv„ four l^fc^?"^'^" ."Po" botwceri the two
broke.,, on l,i, Load ri,o n T'"'- "i- l"'lin-nur
vino built f„r ]„• '^If'^' ''avinjf tho Casa del \r
'h'l' of a„ ovil sniri •'1 *'«-', P"'plo, wl,„ l,y this ' '
that he suceoofJod in ) 1 ?! "''' ^-"co.no familv -mf^
the now dynasty was L ' ''"'" ^^ ^^s head
«;jl>'tul or centre of^'t^^'-^'"^'' ^'^'^'^^'J to bo a
thou<,h its temples LySni,^^^^^^'?'- '"" Yucatan al
the priesthood. Fro, H i ^'^''"^ '^^'*^n occunicd hi
PwtT was tm„.sforrod tn ti^. '"' "'« '^'"'"1 Xi,,
J" downfoll of it, ?Ltol ■■'•""'"="' -^"I'ital.aS
'he end of the thirtounth ?^'"™,''"^-'""al. Noa,
^ vol. iv., pp. ,70 ,90.7 ^ * ^*^^ "^ one of the
6M
NATIONS OF YUCATAN.
earlier Quiche emperors from Utatlan. For a centurj*
and a half, a period of contention between rival dy-
nasties and tribes, we have, besides a few reported
predictions of coming disaster, only one definite event,
the flight of a band of Itzas under Canck, and their
settlement on the islands in Lake Peteii, where they
were found, a most flourishing « ommunity, by tlie
Spaniards. No definite date is given to their migra-
tion — or elopement, for a lady was at the bottom of
the affair, as some say — except by Villagutierre, who
plac:i8 it in 8 Ahau, or between 1441 and 140 1."
Also between 1441 and 1461, Mayapan was finally
ruined in the contentions of the factions, and aban-
doned at the death of a monarch called by some
authors Moehan Xiu ; the Tutul Xius then seem to
have retired to Mfini, which was their capital down
to the CoiKpicst." For twenty years after the final
destruction of Mayapan the tribes are said to have
remained at peace and independent of each other;
but the remaining century, down to 1501, was
one of almost continual inter-tribal strife, of wliich
there is no detailed record, but which, with hurri-
canes, famine, deadly pestilence, and constantly re-
curring omens and predictions of final disaster, so
desolated and depopulated the country, that the
Spaniards found the Mayas but a mere wreck of
what tliey once had been, fighting bravely, but not
unitedly, against the invaders.*'
<' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc, pp. .TOT-S; Villaffutierre, Hist. Conn. Itza, pp.
29-.31, 4()l-2, 488-01; Wuldeck, Voy. Pitt., pp. 24, 36, 41; S/rfJici.i' Yuca-
tan, vol. ii., p. 20(); Gondrn, in Prcscott, Hist. Conq. Mex., toiii. iii., ]>. 98;
Tcrnniix-CompuHS, in Nouvelles Annales, torn, xcvii., pp. 51-2; Sqiiier't
Cent. Amcr., i»[>. 547, 550-1.
** Hrvrera, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii., iii.; Toroucmada, toni. iii., p. l.TS;
Cogolludo, Hist. Vuc, pp. 100, 179; Laiidn, liriaciou, pp. 50-2, <!2; H'lii-
gulierre. Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 28; Stephens' Yveatan, vol. i., |ip. HO-1;
Gallatin, in A nun: Etluio. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 172-3. I.anda
niukcH tlie date 100 years iM'forc the Conquest, that is 144(!. VillaK'i-
ticrrc and Cof^olludo say 1420. Hcrrera Bays 70 years before (lie nrrival
of the Spaniards, and 500 years after its foundation. Gallatin makes it
1517 or 15.16.
« Landa, Relarion, pp. ftg-64; Herrera, dec. ii., lib. iii., caj). i., '!«.
iv., lib. X., cap. iii.; Cofjolludn, Hist. Ync, pp. 07-100, 185; (ioniurti, //'■«'
Ind., fol. 03; Vi/ltij/ulienr., Hist. Conq. Itza, jijt. 35-7; Torque mtii/ii, torn.
iii., i>p. 132-3; Alccdo, Dice., torn, lit., p. 473; Itemesal, Hist. Cliyapa, jip.
210-C.
INDEX.
The Index refcra nlphnhcticnlly to each of the ten or twelve thouBand
Hubjccts mentioned in the five vohitncA of the work, with nunieroua crom-
references to and from kiioIi licadinKt an arc at all confnncd hy rcanon of
variationH in ortho^^raiihy or from other oauseN. In denrri)iin<{ alM>ri};inal
manncra and cuHtonm, the trihcH are (grouped in familio!*, and each family,
innteiul of each tribe, haft l>een doMrrilicd scparntcly; conneqncntly, after
each tribal name in the Index ii* a reference to the pagcH ronUiinin^; a de-
Hcription of the family to which the tril>e lielon^!*; there in alw) an additional
reference to Hncli pa};eH an contain any 'ttpccial mention' of the trilN3. For
example, inforumtion in H0U};ht alMtnt the Ahts. In tlie Index iH found
'AhtH, tribe of NootkuR, i., 175-208; Hiiecial mention, i,, 177, lRO-1,' etc.
All the matter relatin;^ to the Nootka family on pp. 175-'2UH, in Hnp]>osed to
apply to the AhtH aH well as to the other tril)cs of the family, except Huch
ditrcrenceH a» may he noted on p|i. 177, lHO-1, etc. If information in mnight
respectin;; the burial rites or any particular ciiHtom of the Ahts, a more
direct reference to the exact paj^cM will lie found under 'NootkaH,' where the
matter relating to that family is sulMlividod. The matter in the last three
chapters of vol. v. is referred to in the earlier letters of the Index by chap-
ters instead of i>uges. No table of abbreviations used is believed to be
needed.
Aba, iii., .354, see Aoa.
Abuh (Al)a<,di), Tzcndal day, ii., 7C7;
nanie for Atitlun, v., chap. xi.
Abajo Val., Hond., antiq., iv., 70.
Ahun, Maya]>an ruler, v., chap. xiii.
Abltato-tinneh, Kutcliin dialect, iii.,
587.
Al)cliuy Kak, Maya god, iii., 407.
Abi({uiii, locality of IJtiihs, i., 40.'>.
Abiuoctucs, ('cut. V,u\. tribe, i., .303-
401; location, i., 4."i2.
Abi'i, New Mex., antiq., iv., 003.
AlK.rtion, i., 189, 197, 242, 279, 390,
6.34, 773; ii., 18.3, 2«9, 469-70.
Abrevadero, .Jalisco, antia., iv., 577.
Ac, herb, Yncatan, ii., 098.
Acaccbostla, locality, Cent. Amer.,
iii., 760.
Acachinanco, locality, Mexico, iii.,
298; v., 507.
Acagchemcms, South Cal. tribe, i.,
402-22; location, iii., 162; myth..
iii., 162-9, .525.
Acagnikttkh, Aleut 1st man, iii., 104.
Acanualciiigo (Acuhualtzinco, Tlu-
lixco), A/tec station, v., .323.
Acula, city, Cliiiipas, i., 681.
Acalan, city, (iuateniala, ii.,6.')0; v.,
347.
Acalli, canoes, ii., 398.
Acamapirlitii I. king of Culhuacan,
v.. .34 1 -H.
Acamapichtii II., king of Mexico,
v., .3.">4-(i2, 492.
.Acanum, Mava god, ii., 698.
Acapichtxiii, 'roltec hero, v., 21.3, 246.
Acapipioltzin, a Chichinicc prince,
v., 428, 45(M.
Acaponeta, province in Jalisco, i.,
609,671; v., .WJ.
Acapulco, city in Guerrero, i., 678,
ii., 109.
.\cat, Maya god, iii., 467.
^>.
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7
Photograpliic
Sdoices
Corporation
23 WIST MAIN STRHT
WWSTaH.N.Y. MSSO
(716) •73-4503
^>'
INDEX.
Acatentehua, a Tlascaltec chief, v.,
497.
Acatic, town, Jalisco, i., 672.
Acatl, Nahua calendar-sign, ii., 505;
iii., 57, Toltec chief, v., 243.
Acatlan, suburb of Mex., ii., 560; v.,
chap. X.
Acatomatl, a Chichimec chief, v., 293.
Acatonal, a Xochiuiilca chief, v., 309.
Acatziiigo, city, Puebla, v., 420.
Acatzintitlan.'locality, Mex., v., 346.
Acaucalli, Aztec chapel, iii., 346.
Acaulitziii (Achcauhtzin, Axcauht-
zin), Ciiichiniec king, v., 285, 290-1.
Acaxees (Acaxoa), North Mex., tribe,
i., 572-91; location, i., 572; special
mention, i., 585, 589-90; location,
i., 614; language, iii., 718-19.
Acayetl, Nahua pipe, ii., 231,287.
Acayucan, town, Oajaca, i., 646.
Acchioc, Mo&quito drink, i., 739.
Accouchement, see Women.
Acequiua, see Canals and Irrigation.
Accxcuch, name of Tezcatlipoca, iii.,
246.
Achastliens (Achastli^s, Achastliers),
Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 363-401; loca-
tion, i., 363; lang., iii., 653-4.
Achcacauhti, Aztec old men, ii., 137.
Achcacauhtzin, Tezcucan ambassa-
dors, ii., 422.
Achcauhtin, Nahua military order,
iL, 403.
Achcauhtli, Nahua priestly order, ii.,
313.
Achcauhtzni, v., 245, 290, see Ach-
cuhtxin and Icauhtzin.
Achcto-tcna, i., 149, see Daho-tena.
Achi, Guatemala tribe, i., 687-711;
location, i., 787; lang., iii., 760.
Achihab, Quiche nobles, ii., 639; v.,
cap. xi.
Achilla, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 363-401;
location, i., 454.
Achillinio, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-
422; location, i., 459.
Achiotl (Achiolt), dye-plant, i., 724;
ii., 486.
Achitometl I., Culhua king, v., 256,
303, 316-20, 3301.
Achitometl II., Culhua king, v., 354.
Achiuhtla, city in Oajaca, conquest
of, v., 461; chap. x.
Achnutschik, Kouiagu male concu-
bine, i., 82.
Achote, food, South Mex., i., 652,
664.
Ada, Isthmian tribe, i., 747-86; loca-
tion, i., 795; language, iii., 794.
Acnagis, Cent. CaL tribe, i., 363-401;
location, i., 452.
Acoahunotl,ii.,436,8eeQuauhuochtli.
Acoculco, locality, Mexico, v., 339.
Acolhuacan (Aculhuacan), Nahua
kingdom, L, 676; hist, v., 323, 333-
482.
Acolhuas (Aculhuas), Nahua nation,
i., 617-44; ii., 133-629; loc, i., 676;
spec, mention, ii., 92, 104, 125,
491-2, 134-6, 162-3, 231, 246-7, 367,
569, 589; myth., iii., 63, 195; lang.,
iii., 724-5; hist., v., 303-20, 359-494.
see also Culhuas, witli whom they
are often confounded.
AcolhuatI, name of Chichimecatl,
iii., 250.
Acolhua-tlalli, war lands of Acolhu-
acan, ii., 225.
Acolman (Aculma), city of Mexico,
ii., 441; iii., 63; v., 20, 380, 388,
396, 476.
Acolniiztii, name for Nezahualcoyotl,
v., 372; lord of Cuitlahuac, v.. 4Q9.
Acolnahuac, station, Aztec migra-
tion, V. 323, 324.
Acohiahuacatl, Tepanec king, '".,
330-41, 365-6.
Acoloa, Nahua god, iii., 418.
Acoltas, tribe of Haidahs, i., 156-
174; special mention. L, 174.
Acoma, town and tribe of Pueblos,
i., 626-556; location, i., 600; special
mention, i., 527; language, iii., 681-
2; antiq., iv., 666-6.
Aconchi, town, Sonora, i., 606.
Aconite, Koniaga poison, i. , 79.
Acopilco, locality, Mexico, v., 339.
Acorns, food in California, i., 339,
373-5, 406.
Acotelulco, ward of TIascala city, v.,
503.
Acotl, town of Pueblos, i., 527.
Acotoch, v., 317, see Ocotox.
Actopan, Mex., antiq., iv., 545.
Acuco, New Mex,. antiq., iv., 674.
AcuecuejotI, name of Chalchihuit-
licue, iii., 367.
Acul, Gautemala tribe, i., 687-711;
hist., v., chap. xi.
Aculhua, Tepanec king, v., 320.
Aculhuacan, i., 676, see Acolhuacan.
Aculhuas, ii., 125, see Acolhuas.
Aculhua Tecuhtli, name for Quanez,
v.. 491.
Aculma, iii., 63; v., 20, see Acolman.
Aculmaitl, Tezcucan Ist man, iii., 63.
AculnaoacatI, name of Mictlante-
cutli, iiL, 396.
INDEX.
687
Aeul Yinak, Maya nation, i., 687-
711; ii-, G30-803; special mention,
v., chap. xi.
Acuragna, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-
22; location, i., 460.
Acus, town of Pueblos, i., 527.
Acutee, Guatemala tribe, i., 687-
711; location, i., 789.
Acweek, Nootka title, i., 194.
Acxiquat, Zutugil king, v., chap. xi.
Acxitl (Meconetzin), I^ltec king, v.,
270-86, chap. xi.
Acxopal (Acxopil), Quiche king, v.,
chap. xi.
Acxopatl, a Toltec noble, v., 297.
Acxoquuuh (Acxocuauh, Acxo-
quauhtli, Acxiquat), a I'oltcc
prince and Culhua king, v., 299-
300, 358; a Zutugil ruler, v., chap-
ter xi.
Acxotccas, tribe of Tcotenanciis, v.,
280.
Acyums, Cent. Cal. tribe, i. , 4G3-401 ;
location, i., 452.
Adacs, Lower Cal. tribe, i., 556-71;
location, i., 603.
Addresses, see Speeches.
Adams County, Mississippi Valley,
antiq., iv., 771.
Adkayoni, socrificer, Guat., iii., 488.
Admiralty Inlet, i., 208,298, 302.
Admiralty Island, i., 143.
Adobe, building material, i., 535-G,
575, 624, 651, 092; ii., 557-73; iv.,
473, 607, 626-83, 718-42, see also
Earth.
Adultery, i., 350-1, 390, 412, 509-10,
660, 728-9, 770; ii., 464-0, 658, 07.3-5,
sec also Fornication.
Adze, Koniaga and Nootka imple-
ment, i., 80, 189.
Ad, Acagchcnicni 1st woman, iii.. 164.
Acstaea, Cent. Cal. tribe, L, 363-401;
location, i., 454.
Aifats-t«ua, tribe of Nehannes, i., 149.
Agaab, Guatemala tribe, i., 687-711;
location, i., 789; special mention,
v., chap. xi.
Agalta Valley, Hond., antiq., iv., 70.
Asinaits, North Cal. tribe, 1,327-61;
location, i., 445.
Agate, i., 34?, 495; ii., 164, 751; iv.,
409, 479, 654, 678, 715.
Agave, see Maguey.
Ages of the World, Nahua mvth., ii.,
504-5; iii., 64-6.
Aggitkliahs, tribe of Shoshones, i.,
4.'2-42; location, i., 463.
Aghual, Chiapn day, ii., 767.
Aglcgnmtea (Aglegmjuten, Agoleg-
mUten, Oglemutes), tribe of Kon-
iagas, i., 70-87; loc,. L, 70, 139-40.
Agrazenuqua, tribe of Isthmians, i.,
747-85; location, i., 795.
Agriculture, Hyperboreans, i., l07;
Columbians, i., 162, 2.34, 267; Cal-
ifomians, i., 323-5, 430; iv., 696;
New Mexicans, i., 487-9, 501, 538-9,
543; iv., 619, 623, 632, 636, 676-7;
Mexicans, i., 24, 576, 578, 625,
630, 652-3; ii., .343-50, 480; iii., 274;
iv., 429-431, 442; Cent. Americans,
i., 694, 719, 758-9; ii., 6.53, 701, 717-
20;iv.,21.
Agtism, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 363-401;
location, i., 454.
Aguacatecu, lang., Guat., iii., 760.
Aguaceros, North Mex. tribe, i.,572-
91; location, i., 612.
Aguachapa, town of Pipilcs, ii., 752.
Aguadas, see Reservoirs.
Ajruama, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-22;
location, i., 459.
Aguardiente, South Mexican drink,
I, 664.
Aguasajuchinm, Cent. Cal. tribe, i.,
463-401; location, i., 453.
Aguascalientes, antiq., iv., 593.
Aguasto, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 363-
401; location, i., 453.
Aguatubi, Moqui village and tribe,
I., 526-56; special mention, i., 601.
Aguin, South Cal. trilm, i., 402-22;
location, i., 458.
Agulmutes (Agulmiiten, Aguljmju-
ten), trilKJ of Koniagas, i., 70-87;
loc, i., 70, 140; s|iec. mention, i., 80.
Ah, Quichd-Cakchiquel day, ii., 767.
Ah-Actulul, Guatemala tribe, i., 687-
711; location, i., 789.
Abacus, Pueblo village, i., .'527.
Ahahuete, iii., CO, sec Ahuehuete.
Ahapchingas, South Cnl. tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4G0.
Ahau, Maya title and day, ii., 636,
756, 760; v., 21.
Ahau Ah Gucumatz, Quiche title,
ii., 644; iii., 489.
Ahau Ahpop, Quichd title, ii., 639,
643; v., chap. xi.
Ahau Ahpop Candia, Quich6 title,
ii., 639, 643; v., cliap. xi.
Ahau Ah Tohil, Quiche title, ii., 639,
644; iii., 480.
Ahau Ahtzic Winak, QuiclnS title,
ii., 644.
Ahau Avilix (Awilix), Quichii title,
ii.. 644; iii., 489.
Ahau Can Mai, iii., 472, see Ahkin
MaL
9*
0»
INDEX.
Allan Chamahcz, Maya god, ii., 697.
Ahau Gagavitz, Quiche title, ii., G44;
iii., 48i).
Allan Galcl, Quiche title, iL, 644.
Ahan Galel Camha, Quiche title, ii.,
644
Ahau Katunes, Maya cycle, ii., 762-5.
Allan Quich6, Quichd royal family,
ii., 643-4; v., chap. xi.
Ahazats, tribe of Nuotkaa, L, 175-
208; location, i., 296-7.
Ahbuluc Bulam, iSlaya god, ii., 701.
Ahcan, Qniclid noble and priest, v.,
chap. xi.
Ahcan Uolcab, Miiya god, ii., 701.
Ahcanail, QuichiS personage, v., chap.
xi.
Alicaiinls, Yuc. province and peo-
ple, v., chap. xiii.
Anchaoh, Quich(i judges, ii., 642.
Alicitz, Maya god, ii. , 698.
Ahcocoin, ruler at Mayapan, Yuc.,
v., chap. xiii.
Ahcuitok Tutiil Xiu, ruler at Ux-
inal, Yuc, v., chap. xiii.
Ahcunal, ruler at Uxmal, Yucatan,
v., chap. xiii.
All Hulneb, Maya chief and god, see
Ahulncb.
Aheltahs, North Cal. tribe, i., 327-61;
location, i., 445.
Ahgih, Maya astrologer, ii., 679.
Ahgishanakliou, mythic personage,
ill., 103,146.
Ahikia, Chinook game, i., 244.
Ahkak Ncxoi, Maya god, ii., 698.
Alikin, Maya priests, iii., 472.
Ahkin Mai (Ahau Can Mai), Maya
high-priest, iii., 472.
Alikm Xooc, Yuc. prince, Chichen
Itza, v., chap. xiii.
Ahknil Chel, Yuc. high-priest,
Chichen Itza, v., chap. xiii.
Ahlela, village of Moquis, i., 528, 600.
Ahniak, Quichd-Cakciiiquol day, ii.,
767.
Ahmecat Tutnl Xiu, Yuc. prince,
v., chap. xiii.
Ahmoxnag, Cakchiquel prince, v.,
chap. XI.
Ah-Oaneni, Guatemala tribe, i., 687-
711; location, i., 789.
Ahomamas, North Mex. tribe, i.,
572-91 ; special mention, i. , 576, 685,
590.
Alionic8( Ahomoas), North Mex. tribe,
i., 572-91; loc, i., 572, 607-8; spec.
men., i., 584-5; lang., iii., 707.
Ahouseta (Ahoiuahto, Ahowzarts),
tribe of Nootkas, i., 175-208; loca-
tion, i., 295.
Ahiiop, QuichiS title, ii., 639, 643;
v., chap. xi.
Ah{iop Camha, Quiche title, ii., 839,
643, v., chap. xi.
Ahpop Qamanay, Cakchiquel title,
ii., 640; v., chap. xi.
Ahpoxahil, (Ahpop Xahil), Cakchi-
quel title, ii., 640; v., chap. xi.
Ahpozotzil, Cakchiquel title, ii.,640;
v., chap. xi.
Ahpua, Maya god, ii., 698.
Ahqahb, Quich^ title, v., chap. xi.
Ahqib (Ahqixb), Quiche title, v.,
chap. xi.
Ahc^uehayi, Quich^ nobles, v., chap.
xu
Ah-tenas, i., 149, see Atnas.
Ahtepal, Maya title, ii., 634; v.,
chap. xiii.
Ahts, tribe of Nootkas, i., 175-208;
loc., i., 175, 297; spec, mention, i.,
177, 180-1, 186, 188-9, 191-2, 194,
197, 205; myth., iii., 96, 520-1;
lang., iii., 608; origin, v., 19.
Ahtubtun, Yuc. ruler, Muyapan,
v., chap. xiii.
Ahtzic Wiiiak, Quichd title, v., chap.
xi.
Ah-Tziquinaha, (Ah Tziquinihayi)
Guatemala tribe, i., 687-711; loca-
tion, i., 789; hist, v., chap. xi.
Ah-Tzakol-Quet (Queh), (Juatcniala
tribe, i., 687-711; location, i., 789.
Ah-Tzuque, Guatemala tribe, i., (>87-
711; location, i., 789.
Ahuacachapullin, n locust, iii., 380.
Ahuales, onicials, Guat., i., 702.
Ahualulcos, South Mex. tril)c, i., G45-
70; location, i., 645, 682; special
mention, i., 652, 658.
Ahuamhoue, South Cal. tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Ahuanga, village South Cal. , i. ,460.
Ahuauhtli, eggs of the Axayacatl, ii.,
356.
Ahuayopan, locality, Puebla, v.,
490.
Ahiichan Xahil, Cakchiquel title, ii.,
640; v., chap. xi.
Ahuehucte (Ahahuete), cypress-tree,
iii., 66; iv., 502.
Ahuehucpa, Mex., antiq., iv., 496.
Aliuic, name of Chalchihuitlicue,
iii., 367.
Ahuilizapan, ancient name of Un-
zava, v. , 418.
Ahuitzotl, king of Mexico, v., 417,
424, 430-55, 409-601.
INDEX.
Ahulneb (Ah Hiilncb), Maya god,
iii., 4(>(i; v., chap. xiiL
AUwuhiiuuliees, Cent GaL tribe, L,
363-401; location, i., 452.
Ahwashtes (Ahwastees), Cent CaL
tribe, i., 363-401; loc, i., 363, 45.3.
Ah Witzil, Yuc. name for Quiches,
v., chap. xiii.
Ah Xiu, ruler at Mayapan, Yuc,
v., chap. xiii.
Ahytza, Quich6 prince, v., chap. xi.
Aiacachtli, Totonac rattle, i., 6.35.
Aiauh, name of Chalchihuitlicue, iii. ,
367.
Aiauhcalco, Nahua Bhrine, iii., 347.
Aiauhquemitl, priest's mantle, iii.,
339.
Albino, North Mex. lang., iii., 707.
Aijados, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-
526; location, i., 599.
Air, a Nahua symbol, iii., 129.
Aisish, root used for food, i., 265.
Aitizzarts, tribe of Nootkas, i., 175-
208; location, i., 295-6.
Aixas, tribe of Apaches, L, 473-526;
location, i., 599.
Aixtilcueclmhuac, v., 250, see Ixtil-
cucchaliuau.
Aji, name of chile, i., 759.
A^mak, Uuatemalan god, iii., 482.
Aiuchitlan, town in Uucrrcro, i., 678.
Akah, Maya night, ii., 755.
Akab-Tzib, hieroglyph at Chichen,
Yucatan, antiq., iv., 225; name of
a person, v., chap. xiii.
Akulialcs (Akales), Guatemala tribe,
i., 687-711; ii., 630-803; hist, v.,
chap. xi.
Akbal, Maya day, ii., 756, 760, 767.
Akd, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 245.
Akctsum (Kachuma), village. South
California, i., 459.
Akil, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 220.
Akun Island, i., 141.
Akutan Island, i., 141.
Akutans, tribe of Aleuts, L, 87-94;
location, i., 141.
Alabaster, ii., 557, 751, 787.
Alachschak, i., 37, see Alaska.
Alacupusyuen, South Cal. tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 458.
Alaguilac, Guatemala lang., iii., 760.
Alahuiztlan, city of Guerrero, v.,
442.
Aliiksu, i., 37, see Alaska.
Alameda County, CaL , antiq. , iv. , 710.
Alanies, South Mex. tribe, i., 645-70;
location, i., 645.
Alamitos, village. South Cal., i., 460.
Alamos, village, Sonora, i., ^-7.
Alasapas (Alazapas), North Mexican
tribe, i., 572-91; location, i., 611.
Alaska (Aliaska, Aliiksu, Alach-
scluik, Altlsku, Alaxa, Alasca,
Alyaska, Alayeksa, Alaschka, Al-
jaska), name, i., 37-8; nations and
tribes described, i., 37-137; loc. of
tribes, i., 35-40, 137-149; myth.,
iii., 98-106, 122, 128-131, 141-9,
607,510-18; lang., iii., 557-8, 576-
60:>, 662-3; antiq., iv., 742.
Alaya, n village of Sabaibos, i. , 614.
Alayeksa, i., 37, see Alaska.
Albatross, Ceri dress, i., 574.
Albatuinas (Albatuins), tril>e of Mos-
quitos, i., 712-47; loc, i.,713; spec,
mnntioa, i., 746; lang., iii., 783.
Alberni, village, Vancouver Island,
i., 297.
Albinos, i., 42.3, 530, 750; ii., 166.
Alcax, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-22;
locution, i., 459.
Alceas, i., 250, see Alseas.
iVlchcdumas (Alchcdomas), tribe of
Apaches, i., 473-526; location, L,
598; language, iii., 685.
Alchoncs (Olchones), Cent. Cal. tribe,
i., 363-401; location, i., 453-4; spec
mention, i., 365; myth., iii., 161.
Alois, tribe of Chinooks, i., 222-50;
location, i.. 306.
Aletas, Cent Cal. tribe, i., 363-401;
location, i., 452.
Aleupkignas, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-
22; location, i., 460.
Aleutian Archipelago, i.,38, 87, 141;
iii., 577-8; iv., 742; v., 28-9.
Aleuts ( Aleyuts), one of the live fam-
ilies into which the liypcrboreans
are divided, manners and customs
of all its nations and trilies des-
cribed together, i., 87-94; physique,
i., 88; dress, i., 88-9; dwcllin<^, i.,
89; food, i., 90; weapons ana war,
i., 90-1; iniplts. and manuf. i., 91;
marriage, women, govenimcnt, i.,
92; amusements, i., 92-3; burial,
i., 93; character, i., 93-4; loc. of
tribes, i., 38,87, 141-2; myth., iii.,
104-5, 144-5, 507, 518; lang., iii,
577-80; origin, v., 19.
Alexander Archipelago, i., 293.
Aleyas, i., 307, see Alseas.
AleytacB, Cent Cal. tribe, i., 363-
401; location i., 452.
Algonkins (Algonquins), location, i.,
^; origin, v., 22.
Aliaska, i., 37, see Alaska.
Aliquachiek, i., 347, see Allicochick.
640
INDEX.
Alizway, South Col. tribe, i., 402-22;
location, i., 459.
Aljoska, i., 37, sec Alaska.
Aliiman, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-22;
location, i., 459.
Alkolioiik, game played by Colvilles,
i., 280-1.
All, Towka young man, i., 732.
Allequas, North Cal. tribe, L, 327-Gl;
spec, mention, i., 329-31, 333, 341,
348, 350; myth., iii., 525.
Alliances, sec Treaties.
AUicochick (Aliciuachiek), shell
money, Nortli Cal., L, 347.
Alligators, i., 579, 696, 759; ii., 721;
iv., 101.
Alloy, ii., 474, 749.
AUvatalanm, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-
22; locution, i., 459.
Alparaguts, Mosquito sandals, i.,716.
Alseas (Alceaa, Aiseyos, Aleyas, Ul-
Bcalis), tribe of Chinooks, i., 222-
50; location, i., 307-8; special men-
tion, i., 250.
Alsea Hay, i., 308.
Altahmos (Altiijumos), Cent. Cal.
tribe, i., 363-401 ; loc. , i., 363, 452-3.
Altaniia, Oajaca, antiq., iv., 373.
Altamiro, village, Tamaulipas, i.,613.
Altanuis, Cent Cal. tribe, i., 363-
401; location, i., 452.
Altar, villa;|e in Sonora, i., 602.
Altars, ii., 307, 571, 582, 689, 799; iii.,
239, 332; iv., 32, 61-2, 94-9, 111-14,
257-9, 277, 334, 345-6, 371, 382, 436,
443, 456, 541, 545, 587, 646, 703, 774.
Altaville, California, antiq., iv., 703.
Alteputlalli, Nahuu lands, ii. , 226.
Aluenchis, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 363-
401; location, i., 452.
Alum, ii., 474, 487.
Alyaska, i., ^7, nee Alaska.
Alzatlan, town. North Mex., i., 622.
Am, Maya conjuring stones, ii., C97.
Amacavas, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-
526; location, i., 599.
Anittcui, a Chichimcc chief, v., 295-
6, sec Xolotl II.
Amudoappij^alla, season of the year.
Lower Cal., i., 564.
Araaddappi, season of the vear, Low-
er Cal., i., 564.
Amador Co., Cal., i., 450; iv., 707.
Amag-Dan, town, Guatemala, i., 789;
v., chap. xi.
Amalcum, Maya god, ii., 698.
Amalinalpan. station, Aztec migra-
tion, v., 324.
Anuunuxtla, medical root, ii., 699.
Amanteca, Nahua feather-worker
ii., 4a9-91.
Anmntla, a ward in city of Mex
ii., 490.
Ammiuei'iecan, ancient home of Chi-
chimecs, iv., 580; v. 219, 289, 301
314.
Aniaquetepoc, Chichiinec station, v.,
242, 487.
Amaranth, ii., 329, .^33, 356, 616:
iii., 241, 207, 344, 371, 395.
Amasmaxtii, jMipcr dress, ii., 32,3.
Aniatctevitl (An!;.teteuitl), iwpcror-
numcnts, iii.,3.'i:i, :i(>2.
Amatique (Julf, iii., 72(); v., chap. xi.
Amatitlan (Anmtitun), town, Guat.,
i., 787-8; ii., 651.
Amatitlan Lake, antiq., iv., 121.
Aniatl, Naliuii jiapcr, li., 485, 524.
Anitttlan de los licyes. Vera Cruz,
antiq., iv., 4:M-.').
Anitttzin, king of T lutclulco, v., 364.
Amaxtlan, province, Gajaca, v., 447;
chap. x.
Amaytuu lamayte (Lamaytun), Ma-
ya division of Cycle, ii., 762.
Ambassadors, i., 388, 628. 723, 729-
30, 770; ii., 2.-)4, 412-13, 419-23,
462, 607, 646, 666-8.
Ambawtawhoiit-TinDeh (Sheep In-
dians), tribe of Tinncli, i., IH-l.^T;
location, i., 145; special mention,
i., 121; language iii., RSH.
Amlwr, i., 72, (>49-51; ii., 7.32.
Ambush, i., 264, 496-7, 628, 697; ii.,
426-7.
Anicchichi, Tezcucan title, iL, 189;
v., 350.
American River, i., 450.
Ameyal, a Toltec prince, v., 313, 316.
Amimitl, Nahua god, iii., 410.
Amitaguas, Nortli Mex. tribe, i.,
572-91; location i., 611.
Amolli, soap-plant, ii., 491.
Amonces, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 36.3-
401; location i., 363, 456.
Amotenenqua, name of Napatccutli,
iii., 417.
Amoxoaque, Nahua prophets, v., 189.
Amoxtii, water-plant, ii., .365.
Ampayouts, i., 441, see Yam Puli
Utes.
Amusements, Hyperboreans, i., 66-7.
84-5, 92-3, 119, 131; ColumbianH,
i., 169-71, 180-1, 198-201, 219, 24;)-
6, 280-2; Californians, i., 351-4,
392-4, 415-17, 437-8; New Mexi-
cans, i., 515-17, 549-5.3, 566-7,686-7;
Mexicans, i., 636-6, 664-6; ii., 283-
INDEX.
C41
3D1, 393; Central Americans, i.,
704-7, 735-0, 774-fi; ii., 711-14.
Amusgn, South Mcx.,lnng. iii., 752.
.'Vmiitajns, (Jcnt. Vax\. triln;, i., 363-
401; Incatiun, i., 4u'2.
Anacanas, North Mex. tribe, i., 572-
91; location i., (;i3.
Aiuicarck, i., 4.')8, 8ce Anacbuc.
Aiiiiobiic (Anai-ari'k), 8oiitli Cal.
tribe, i., 402-22; location, i., 4r)a
.\irlluiac, name, i., 18; ii., 87-8;
for nations and tribes, myth., lan^.,
iiiitici. , and hi"t., sec Mexico.
.\iiiliiuuc AyotI in, Oajacan ooaHt rc-
<;ion, ii., Ill, v., chap. x.
Aniihuac Mountains, name for I'tah
Mountains, i., 465.
.\iiiihuac Xicalanco, Tabascan coast
region, ii.. Ill; v., 196.
Aiiajue (Anijue) South Cal. tribe,
i., 402-22; location i., 459.
Anulco. villii<'e, Jalisco, i., 672.
Analtds (Aniutehcs, Analtees), Mava
books, ii., 768-9.
Ananiiis (Ananions) (,'cnt. Cal. tribe,
!., 363-401; location, i., 452.
Anayicoyondi, Pcriciii goddess, iii.,
169.
.\iicasiguais. North Mex. tribe, i.,
572-91; location, i., 613.
.\ncasmarca Mcnintain, v., 15.
.'Viu'hins, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 363-
401; location i., 452.
Amoose Lake, i., 443.
.\iulurson Lake, i., 311.
Anderson Valley, i., 362, 449.
.Viulrcanovski (Andrcjanowschen)
Island, i., 87, 142.
Ane^'as, i., 293, see Hanegos.
Anjjcls, iii, 492-3, 540.
Anian Strait, v. , 79.
Aiiivhe Island, Michoacan, antiq.,
iv., 571.
Anijue. i., 469, see Anajue.
Animals, myth., iii., 37, 127-139;
(lill'iision of, v., 29-30.
Aniniul-sculpture or images, ii., 760-
I; iv., 24, 39-51, 100-1, 112-14, 122,
137, 163-8, 173, 176, 183-9, 216,
220-31, 235, 317-20, 386-8, 436, 467-
9, 481-2, 488. 493, 497-8, 600-1,
5I!)-20, 638, 548, 676, 690-5.
Animpavamos, Cent. Cal. tribe, i.,
30:)-4dl; location, i., 456.
Ankle-ornaments, L, 674; IL, 290,
372; iii., 386.
An-Kutchin, i., 147, see Han Kut-
chin.
Anlygmutes (Aniygmjuten, Anlyg-
VOL. V. 41
mUtcn), tribe of Koniagas, L, 70-
87; location, i., 70, 141.
Anointing, ii., 144-7, 422, 641; iii.,
435.
Ansuymas, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 36^
401; location, i., 454
Antelope, sec IJeer.
Antelo^K! Peak, i., 595.
Antiquities, (,'ent. America, ii., 116-
18; iv., 15-139; v., 58-61; Mexi-
can Republic, ii., 749-61; iii., 398;
iv., 143-614; v., 55-8; New Mex-
ico, i., 5.37-8; iv., 616-686; (Califor-
nia and North West, iv., 688-743;
Mississippi Valley, iv., 744-90; v.,
93-5, 114; Peru, iv., 791-806; Bra-
zil, v., 12.3. Itibliography of, iv.,
2-4, 150-1, 289-94, 377-8, .390-1,
483, 621-6. See names of states
and localities.
Ants, i., 419, 428, 668, 762; ii., 176,
356.
Aou (Aba), Nahua festival character,
iii., .354.
Apaches (Apatschees). one of the
four families into which the New
Mexicans are divided. Manners
and customs of all its nations un<l
tribes descril>ed together, i., 473-
626; phvsiquc, i., 477-9; dress, i.,
480-4; dwellings, i., 485-7; food,
!., 487-92; weapons, i., 49.3-6; war,
i., 496-501); imp' ts and manufact-
ures, i., 500-5; boats and property,
i., 505-6; art, i., 506-7; jjovem-
ment, i., 507-10; slavery, i., 510-
11; women and marriage, i., 611-
16; amusements, i., 516-17; miscel-
laneous customs, i., 517-21; medi-
cine and burial, i., 521-4; character,
i., 624-6; location of tribes, >., 473-
6, 591-9; iii., 593-5; myth., iii., 1.32.
136, 170; lang., iii., 584, 593-603.
Apalaches, lang., iii., 727.
Apalaniu, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 363-
401; location, i., 463.
Apan, station, Aztec migration, v.,
324.
A))anco, station, Aztec migration, v.,
.323.
Apanecatl, a Toltec noble, v., 264
Ai)antccutli, Nahua god, v., 193.
Ai>asco (Apazco), station, Aztec mi-
gration, v., 323-4.
Apatamnes, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 363-
401; location, i., 463.
Apaugasi, Cent. Cal. lang., iii., 650.
Apaxtle, a Nahua vessel, ii., 272.
Apay, Cent. Amer. lang., iii., 760.
i !
,'
hi
643
INDEX.
AncH, North Mox. trilic. i., WZ-Ol;
location, i., (ill; hccuIho MoiikvyH.
AiictliK!, Niihiiii pliurc ill tuiiipU;,
lii., :«7.
Anil, i^ciit. Cal. trilio, i., 3<i»-4()l;
IiMtation, i., 4A4.
Apoiila, town, Oajuca, iii., 71; v.,
vhaii. X.
A|M»|)loxy, i., 247.
AiHtthooHiH, ii., (tl8, m)3, 090, 801;
lii., ZUi, »2, 271, :K)8, .*««>, 4.'i7,
473; v., atW, 22(J, 24»-rjO, 255, 2(W;
chap, xi., xii., xiii.
AiM>/.olco, a iniHHioii in (.'cut. Mcx.,
I., 072.
AiM>zonallotl, iiuiik; of Clialcliiliiiit-
lieiie, iii., 'MM.
ApparitioiiH, Mex. hiHt., v., 407-0.
Appeal, riKlitof, ii., 434-7, 445, (S5fi.
Apple-tree ('ove, i., 'M\.
ApiiitHto, Ocnt. <'ul. tribe, i., 303-
4M; location, i., 4.^3.
AoiiaiiiiHli, trilM! of Nootktu), i., 175-
208; location, i., 20r>.
A(|nariiiH MoiintaiiiH, i., .'>07.
Aquas ('UlientcH, South Cal., i., 4(iO.
AtiticdiictH, ii. Hl», 5<)3, 5(U>-0; iv.,
121, ;M1-2, 447, 522-4, «1 1, 708, 801 ;
v., 422, 452-.'}.
A(|iiiach, Naliua title, v., 2(i4, 480.
AuiiilaMco, ancient Nahim home, v.,
221, .'<0J».
Ara, ileified Mnl, ii., 212; v., 10.
Araitic, Ian;;., tracctt, iii., 705.
Araniaciiia. Ilondiirax, aiitiq., iv., 77.
AraniavH, ('cnt. ('al. trihc, i., 303-
401; location, i., 452.
AraiiHiiH Bay, i., 594.
Areata, town. North Cal., i., 440.
Arch, ii., 555, 701-2, 791; iv., 127,
137, 157-8, 171, 177-9, 190-1, 208,
214, 228, 235, 24.3-4, 272-3, :«)0-ll,
341-.% 350, 373, .3801, 383, 451,
400-1, 528, 058, 71.3.
Archeology, introductory, iv., 1-14;
Hec aim) AiitiquiticH.
Architecture, ii., 553-hi;, 783-04; iv.,
207 et Heq.; v., 55-00; hcc uIho
I)welliii|;ci.
Arch Spring, New Mex., antiq., iv.,
045.
ArcitoH, lathmian dances, i., 774.
Arotitics, North Mex. tribe, i.. 572-
91; location, i., 013.
Aribctzi, village, Sonora, i., 606.
Arigames, North Mex. tribe, i., 672-
01; location > 610.
Aripas (Aripc), Lower Cul. tribe, i.,
506-71; loc., i., 604; lang., iii., 687.
AriHjHj (Arizpc), village, Ronora, !.,
(t05(!.
Arithmetic, i., 08, 102, 274..''., -^>7,
5<W, 720, 700; ii., 497-500. ir.lU.
Arixona, natioiiH and trilM-H, !., i'^!,
4<W-0, 473-5.'i5, 501-003; myth., iii ,
75-8.3. 132-0, 170. 520-8; lang., iii.,
593-«i03, 071-4, (MJO-'J; a:iti<|,, iv,,
010-44.
Ark, myth., iii., 06, 76, 79, 103; v.,
14, 8«J-7, 327-9.
Arkaiiwut Uiver, i., 404, 501-2.
ArkH, i., 143, Hee Aukn.
ArniadilloH, ii, 720.
Arineria, Colima, antiq., iv., 572.
Armor, i., 50, IM), 105, 100. 182, '£«),
•ZiTi, 4.32, 541, 578, O.'M, 72.3, 70.3;
ii., 40;i-8, 488, 490, 74;?, 750.
AnnoricH, ii., 415, 578.
ArniH, Mee WcapoiiH.
Arnotto, oil, i., 7.'>3.
Arriaiijiaiilmi. ( )ajnca. anti(|. , iv. , .374.
ArrowM. see IJowm uiid Arroww.
Arrow l.akcN, i., 2.V2. 2(W, 271-2. .314.
Arroyo illanco, i., 457.
ArwtnalH, hci; ArmorieH.
Art, Hyperl)oreanH, i., 08; ('oliiiii-
liianH, I.. I(i0-1, 105-0, 172. l!)2-:i,
2:<8-0, 274-5; New Mexiciiim, i.,
50<!-7, 54.5-0, 5<}4, 683-4; Mcxi<;aiis,
i., 24, 031; ii., 442, 473-.W2; iv.,
.300-.')97; v., 258; Cent. Amciiciiiis,
i., 700-1, 720-8, 709; ii., 74S-W;
iv., 15-:M]5; I'enavianH, iv., 7!tl-
80(>.
ArteljiiowKkojcH, trilie of AlcutH, i.,
87-i)4; location, i., 141.
ArtemiHia, ('eiit. Cal. food, i., .374.
Artcz-KutHhi, trilje of Tinncli, i.,
114-.37; Imtation, i., 147.
ArtmnilNh, i., 305, hcc Knrwccwcc.
AKcoimion River, i., 002, 00.').
AHCcticH, NahuaH, iii., 4.3<>-7, 441-2.
AHCgiian^ (Attequang), trihc oi Hiii-
dahn, I., 15<{-74; location, i., 2i)2.
AhIich, i., 120, 204,395-7, 419, iVW,
506; ii., 277, .307, 348, 008-10. ei."),
017,021,717,722.
Aiihochcinic, Cent. Cal. lang., ill.,
048.
Adia, origin from, v., .30-.5.'>.
At)icntic-TiUli! Mountuiim, i., 597.
AHiuhuil, South Cal. trilie, i., 402-
22; location, i., 469.
Aspianaque, Cent. Cul. lang., iii.,
063.
Ass, Lower Cal., food, i., 561.
Asaociution, element of progrcHs, ii.,
66-0.
■\mintiin, ('(,„t (',., ... . „
din. I .'"''•. ''III. tnlH!, I., finii
wi; locntioti, i.. 4n2
AHtlii„«, i.,'2H7,(Ui7.
iJ2j Jooition, i., 4«o ' ' *"^-
■'•HIIIKfioil Sililwir! I. ill
i., «I4. """"• ^ •"«««. Hinalod,
-»')iiiirtt(ilio, /„rt.yt Mi/.l.^
517 ' ""^«-»i, Michonrari, v.,
'"'•ation, i., 4r,'" ' '•• -wS^OI;
A;.-,^u.ceatl,v.;-2«7.„a,„oofH„o.
• ••••/, .1.1.;, ffi]. ,1, o^j I
.m ""WniHon, v.,
A^-P^c. Htutio,, Aztec ,„i«™ti«„!
^IWxixilihuii. Nah„« ,,„„,,^ i- ^
Atl.,il.„s„t Lake, i., J44.
'tnr' "'""•' '"■• '"'-r-uyanH,
MUlvtu; SportH, i., 5.52 <!«7 i-u,. ^
■Atiflan Lake i ran •
<I.Hp. xi ' • ^*^' '^•' 121; V.
?J/M; location, i., 87 Ui 9. 1. ' '
INDKX.
405.
046
AM«^o/co.adtyo/.vf«tIait[io;v.
^K::;::^^%::"'-.^taica«.p,,
•'•••".Kration, v.';^i4 ""' ^''•
Atlilng.,,, , ,„„,„^^ -^^ ^^^.^^^
,t4lM«:iSi''"'»-'V.,202.42«.
AUrmiyoacan, ,„,„,i,^^ p„^.,^j^^ ^^
^S'o,.^)"":'^'"' ^"'«'"1 trilK, i '
"lent on, i 2W» i, .'•••"' ''I'*"'-
lifi I'll lio ^^'' '"«»ti'»n, i
Atrato River, i., 79(5.7
Attajen. ( alifornia nivth.V .w.
Hi., 16.5. "'""'ytn'c personage,
A^.jpr.n, .nountain. Michoacan, v
^t«-"aIco, part of Mexico city, ii.,
Atzih'vviS" Sk'^n^'r'^"•
, title, v., .hap. xT ' <^'»'"'"'l"el
Auguries, ii., 255 " «0 ok a»^ ..
438. ' ^'''-"o, 427; iii.,
AMJay.i.,459, BceOjai
AukM.Arks), tribe TThlinkeetsi
*; locat on J o« ..» ****' '••
' w
• f
ft{ lii^ I '' . °* "' ^hlinkeetB
™-114j locat on, i or ilo , '
644
INDEX.
AulintacB, Cent Cal. tribe, i., 363-
401; location, i., 454.
Aulone, hIicII nsol an money, i., 385.
Ausioii, South Cal. trilic, i., 402-22;
location, i., 458.
Authorities, list of, i., xvii-xlix.
Autlan, Jalisco, antiq., iv., 572.
Autochthon, origin theory, v. ,129-32.
Auyni)cme8, North Mex. tribe, i.,
672-91; location, i.,61.S.
Auzar, Californian mythic personage,
iii.,166.
Avatanak Island, i., 141.
AVataimks, tribe of Aleuts, L, 87-
94; location, i., 141.
Avecatl, a Toltec chief, v., 243.
Avenues, see Streets.
Avinries, Nahuas, ii., 163-6.
Avilix (Awiiix), Quichd god, ii., 648;
iii, 60, 477; v., 181, chap. xi.
AwAnces, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 363-
401; location, i., 466.
Awignas, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-
22; location, i., 460.
Awls, i., 407-8; ii., 710; iv., 710-12,
740.
Axalo, village, Guerrero, i., 677.
Axaucalli, bath houses, iii., 337.
Axaynctttl, flies, i., 625; ii., 366.;
king of Mexico, v., 417, 424-36,
499, 603, chap. x.
Axcahua, Nahua title, ii. , 187.
Axcauhtzin, v., 290, see Acauhtzin.
Axes, i., 719; ii., 480, 567, 743; iii.,
71.; iv., 23, 69-60, 557, 611, 677,
793.
Axixpatli, Nahua medicine, ii., 699.
Axoquentzin, Acolhua prince, v.,
410.
Axpitil, i., 468, see Paxpili.
Axuas, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-526;
spec, mention, i., 482, 600, 6!1.
Ayacachtli, rattles, ii., 289, 293.
Ayaguas, North Mex. tribe, i., 672-
91; location, L, 612.
A yail haab, Maya intercalary years,
ii., 762.
Ayatl, Nahua mantle, ii., 366.
Ayauhcihuatl ( Ayauchigual), a Mex-
ican queen, v., 363.
Ayhuttiaaht, i., 295, see Ehateset.
Ayotzinco, town, Mexico, ii., 668; v.,
496.
Aytcbarts, tribe of Nootkas, i., 176-
208; location, i., 295.
Azacot, a Quiche chief, v., chap. xi.
Azcapuzaico, city, Mexico, i., 675;
ii., 104-5, 219-20, 476; v., 311, 320,
334, 346-58, 376-94.
Azcatlxochitl, a Toltec princcsa, v.,
313.
AzcaxochitI (Azcaxochic), station,
Aztec migration, v., 324; princesH
of Malinaico, v., 340; princcHs of
Mexico, v., 358; aTc|)ancc princess
and oueen of Tezcuco, v., 421.
Aztacaico, town, Mexico, ii., 560.
AztapilpctlatI, mats, iii., 3.35.
Aztatlitcxcan, a Tailotlac chief, v.,
338.
Aztaxelli, tassels, ii., 320.
Aztecs, Nuhua nation, ii., 90-629;
loc. ii., 93-5; iii., 557-8; myth., ii.,
200-7, 245-6, 302-41, 388-07, 604-5,
616-19; iii., 56-70, 109-13, 119-23,
128-9, 181-231, 237-444, 469-70,
611-15, 532-9; lang., iii., 5.57-8, 0.30-
1, 660-72, 680-2, 713-14, 716, 719-20,
723-37; antiq.. iv., 504-23, 55.3-()4;
hist., v., 307-510.
Aztctl, Nahua medicine stone, ii.,
600.
Aztlan, ancient home of Aztecs, i.,
676; ii., 125; v., 221, 305-6, 322-5.
Aztoguiiia Aqniyahuacatl, a Tloscal-
tec chief, v., 498.
Azuzo, village, South CaL, i., 460.
B
Baali, aZapoteccaptain, v., chap. x.
Baaloo, aZujmtec captain, v., chup.x.
Baal-Peor, Phallic-worship, iii., 501.
Babel, myth., iii., 67-8, 77; v., 17-18,
21, 200, 209.
Babeles, North Mex. tribe, i., 572-91;
location, i., 611.
Babiacora, village, Sonera, i., 606.
Babiamares, North Mex. tribe, i.,
672-91; location, i., 611.
Babines, tribe of Tinneh, L, 114-37;
location, i., 145.
Babispo, village, Sonora, L, 606.
Babos, North Mex. tribe, i., 572-91;
location, i., 610.
Babosarigames, North Mex. tribe,
i., 572-91; location, i., 611.
Baca, village, Sonora, i., 608.
Bacabs, Maya gods, ii., 690, 699; iii..
462, 466; rulers of Mayapan, v.,
chap. xiii.
Bacadeguachi, village, Sonora, i..
606.
Bacalar, locality in Yucatan, v.,
chap. xiii.
Bacaniyahua (Baipoa), village, So-
nora, i., 606.
Bacanora, village, Sonora, i., 606- <■
INDEX.
645
Bachimba, Cliihnahno, antiq., iv.,
G04.
Raccruc, village, 8nnora, i., 606.
liuuuatzi (liacuochi), village, Hunora,
i.,600.
Bacuwas, Cent Cat. tribe, i., .%3-
401; location, i., 449.
Bucuin (Bacun), village, Sonora, i.,
008.
BadgcH, of rank, sec Insignia.
Badgers, Maya food, ii., 720-1.
BagH, i., 62, 190; ii., 324, 710; iii.,
337, 330-41.
Bagiopaa, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-
526; loc, i., 698; lang., iii., 683.
Bagnanics, North Mcx. tribe, i.,
572-91; location, i.,611.
Baliuccchas, tribe of Apaches, i.,
473-526; location, i., 599.
Baidar (Baydarc), Eskimo skin
boat, i., 60.
Baidarka, Eskimo small boat, i., 60.
Itaincs Sound, Brit. Col., antiq., iv.,
741.
Baipoa, i., 606, see Bacaniyahua.
Bajada Point, i., 217.
Bajio, Uuanujuato, antiq., iv., 577.
Baker's Bay, i., iVH.
Bakhalal, locality, Yucatan, v. , chap.
xiii.
Bakliim Chaam, Maya god, iii., 407
Balain, Maya sorcerer, ii., 6.">9;
founder of Copan, v., chap. xi. Kce
Ci.
Balam II., a Cakchiquel ruler, v.,
chap. xi.
Balani-Agab (Balam-Acab, Balam
Acani), Qnichu 2d created man,
iii., 47; v., 181; Quichd king, chap.
xi.
Balam Colob, Mava nation, i., 687-
711; ii., 630-803; hist., v., chap. xi.
Balam Conache, a Quich6 prince, v.,
chap. xi.
Biilam-Quitz6, (Balam Kichd) Quich6
l!<t created man, iii., 47; v., 181;
(jiiichd king, chap. xi.
Baliinicha, Maya nation, i., 687-711;
ii., 630-803; hist., v., chap. xi.
Balbitz, Guatemala, antiq., iv., 131.
lialchd. South Mex. drink, i., 665.
lialconies, ii., 161, 555, 572. See
also Terraces.
Rahl Hill Indians, i., 446, seo Tcho-
lolahs.
Raid Hills, i., 446.
Hale Ranch, Cent. Chi., i., 451-2.
Balize, iv., 139, see Belize.
Balls, games with, i., 353, 393, S86-
7; ii., 297-9; iv., 2.30; v., 174-9,
184, 3-29, 432, chap. xi.
Ball»bullas,«i., 295, see Bellacoolas.
Ballista, Nahuas, ii., 410.
Ballo Ki Pomos (Oat Valley People),
(.'ent, Cal. tribe, i., 363-401; loca-
tion, i., 448.
Ballustrades, Yucatan, antiq., iv.,
226-7, 229, 235.
Bal Masque, Naliua feast, iii., 429.
Balsams, i., 589, 699 700; ii., 599.
Bamaqs, Ouatemala tribe, i., 686-
711; location, i., 787.
Bamboo, i., 583, 692-3, 73,, 755; ii.,
.186, 389, 398, 406, 410.
Bamuschua, Sinaloa god., iii., 180.
B.inaniichi, village, Sonora, i., 60(>.
Banana, i., 624, 694, 697, 719, 739,
758-9, 775.
Banattecs, tribe of Shoshones, i.,
422-42; location, i., 461.
Bandages, dress, i., 717, 752.
Bands, Towkns marriage, i., 732.
Banks Island, i., 294.
bannacks (Bannocks, Bonacks) tribe
of Shoshones, i., 422-442; location,
i., 463; special mention, i., 440-1;
lang., iii., 661.
Banners, see Flags.
Bapancorapinaniacas, North Mex.
tribe, i., 572-91; location, i., 611.
Baptism, Mexicans, i., 661-2, 664;
ii., 260. 270-8; iii., 369-76, 439;
Mayas, ii., 669, 682-4.
Boqahol, Cakchiquel band, prince,
and family, v., chap. xi.
Barabara, Koniaga dwelling, i., 74.
liaranoff Island, i., 96, 143.
Barbarism, see Savagism.
Barbasco, used as poison, i., 760.
Barlier-shops, Nahuas, ii., 370.
Barbote, chin-ornament, ii., 376.
Barclay Sound, i., 295, 297.
Bark, Hvperlioreans, i., 75, 101-3,
118, 12.S. 130-1; Columbians, i.,
160-4, 170, 172.1, 179-80, 182-6,
188, 191, 204, 211, 214-15, 218, 227,
2.10-3, 235, 257, 260, 270, 272, 286;
iii., 1.50; Californians, i., 368, 372,
382, 400; New Mexicans, i., 481,
500, 502, 517, 532, 63.5, 563; Mex-
icans, i, 650; ii., 174, 599; Cent.
Americans, i., 691, 697, 699, 715-
16, 718, 722, 724, 726, 751, 754,
760, 766-7; ii., 727, 734, 752, 768.
Barnacles, food, i., 214.
Barricades, see Fortifications.
Bashoncs, i. , 450, see Bushumnes.
Basiroas, North Mex. tribe, i., S72-
91; location, i., 607.
046
INDEX.
Baskets, Hypcrltorcans, i., 01, 103,
107, 129; ColmiihiaiiM, i., ll)-.>-3,
166, 172, 185, 190, 213, 215, 220,
234, 23fi-7, 2(51-2, 270; (Jaliforiii-
ans, i., 339, 345, 374-5, 381-2, 40(i,
429-30, 434; Now Mexicans, i.,
500, 504, 539, 543, 563-4, 577; Mex-
icans, i., (i24, (>31, (>33; ii., 483,
(>l<i, (>19; Cent. Americans, i., 724,
7««.
Basupa, North Mcx. lang., iii., 707.
ButH, i., 393, 561, 762; ii., 743; iii.,
484.
Batab, Maya title, ii., 636.
Batcnidakaices, Cent. Cal. triltc, i.,
363-401; location, i., 448; lang.,
iii., 647.
Batenab, ancient Guat. tribe, v.,
chap. xi.
Baths, HypcrVioreans, !., 83, 111;
Columbians, i., 201, 205, 219,
235, 284-6; Califoniians, i., 341,
356, 395, 419; New Mcxii-ans, i.,
487, 521-2, 554, 569; Mexicans, i.,
626-7, 6;}9-40, 654, 667; ii., 171-2,
268, 280, 316, 370, 389, 392, 574
587, 595-6, 621; iii., 337-8, 346,
435; iv., 447, 525-6. 545; Cent.
Americans, i., 696, 709, 722, 743,
760; ii., 641, 669, 681, 735, 789.
Battles, see War.
Battlelemuleemauch (Meatwho),
tribe of Shushwaps, i., 251-91; lo-
cation, i., 312.
Battlements, Nahua architecture, ii.,
556, 578, 580.
Batucari, North Mex. lang., iii.,
707.
Batucas, North Mex. tribe, i., 572-
91; location, i., 606; s^)ecial men-
tion, i., 575-8; lang., iii., 6!)9.
Biituco, village, Sonora, i., 606-7.
Batz, Tzendal day, ii., 767.
Butza, (jiiichd prince, v., chap. :i.
itutzul, Chiupan month, ii., 7' .
liauzarigamcs (Bazaurigames), North
Mex. tribe, i., 572-91; location,
{., 612; spec, mention, i., 576, 585.
Bayol, locality in Uuat., v., chap. xi.
Bayameu, ancient home of the Wa-
nacaces, v., 511.
Bayamo River, i., 796.
Bayamos (Bayanos), tribe of Isth-
mians, i., 747-85; location, !., 796-
7; lang., iii., 794.
Baydare, i., 60, see Baidar.
Bayette River, i., 463.
Baygua, poisonous plant, ii., 721.
Bayina Pomos, Cent. Cal. tribe, i.,
363-401; location, i., 448.
Beacon Hill, British Columbia, an-
ti(i., iv., 740.
Beads, Hyi>erl>orcans, i., 72-.1, \'M,
131. 133; Columbians, i., 179, 1H2;
Californians, i., xa, Ml, .3(i«, :wi-
2, 396, 424-6; New Mexi.uiirt, i.,
482-3, 545; Mexicans, i., (!•_>;}, (>»<i;
Cent. Americans, i., 691, 717, 752;
ii., 684, 732, 750.
Beans, i., 234, 489, 538, 574, 577,
J24, 694, 719, 7')8; ii., 290, .30<>,
343, .347, 3.55, 718-10.
Bears, i, 50, .17, 78, 91, 170, 187
8, 2.30, 258, 2«>4, 337, .3.V.), 4().-)-i;
426, 4.38, 491, 496, 520; ii., :»!(l;
iii., 80, 91.3, 150,546.
Bear Creek, i., 447, 450-1, 462; iii.,
648-9; iv., 707.
Beards, i., 46-7, 117, 157. 179, 2J.-.
6, 265-(!, 332, 3().')-7, 402-.S, 4'J.i.
67.3, 619, (i-_'2, VM-H, 689, 714; iL,
370, 624, ■.. 50- 1,802.
Bear Luke Kiver, i., 144.
Beaufort IJav, i., ."ia
Beaver, i., 86, 117, V£i, 1.33, 2.39,
244, 2(54, 424, 4'W; iii., 94-5, 1.30.
Beaver Ind., (Thick wood Ind.,)
tribe of Tinneh, i., 114-37; locu-
tion, i., 114, 144; laii^., iii., 58i).
Beaver Mouiituiim, i., 467, 4()8.
Itei-al, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 262.
liecanchen, Yucatan, until]., iv.,2.').').
Beds, i., 61, 259, 544, (>:«), tw()-7, 697-
8, 724; ii., 259, 572, 786-7.
Beclahmareks, Cent. Cal. tril)e, i.,
363-401; location, i., 451.
Bees, i., 577, 659; ii., 699, 701, 722.
Beeatee, Chepewyan food, i., 118.
Been, Tzendal day, ii., 767.
Beheading, Nahua mode of sacri-
fice, ii., 324, .327, .332, .337.
Belbellahs, i., 294, see Bellacooliis.
Beleh, Guatemala, antiq., iv., 131.
BeleheQat, (Quiche prince, v., chap. xi.
Beleheb Gili, Quich6 prince, v.,
chap. xi.
Beleheb Qiieli, QuichtJ prince, v.,
chap. xi.
Beleheb Tzi, Quiclni prince, v.,
chap. xi.
Belem, Pueblo village, i. , 599.
Belen, village, Sonora, i., 605, 608.
Belize (Balize), L, 793; iii., 7til; iv.,
138-9.
Belize River, antiq., iv., 1.39.
Bellacoolas(Bellahoola8,Bella>;hchoo-
las, Belbellahs, Belhil)ellulis, Bel-
laboUas, BellaboIIahs, Bullubollas),
tribe of Haidahs, L, 156-174; loca-
INDEX.
647
tioii, i., 165, 294-5; spor. inontioii,
i., 158, l(>(i, KiO; lang., iii., GU7.
licllH, i., 7a'>, 7l>5; ii., '.JOO, 319, 324-
T), 7(Ki-7, 737. 749-50, 787; iii., 238,
324, a.S5; iv., 556.
IScllinuliiini liiiv, i., 208, 221, 299.
ItclU, I., 3.30, -VHi, 559; ii., .SiNi.
lien, Miiyii day, ii., 755-(>, 7(>>.
Ui>iictii<i,'Soutii ('itl., lan^., iii., G8fi.
Ituiii-XuiioH (CajoiieH, C'aj<mon, Noxi-
uhus, NexitzuH), Sutith Mex. trilic,
!., C4.'»-70; locatiDii, i., 080; special
mention, i., ()08; lun)(., iii., 754;
hist., v., chap. x.
Hcntinck Arms (Hcntivk), i., 155,
294-5.
lieringBay, i., 96, 142.
IJcring Isle, i., 48.
Jicring Straits, i., 28, 37, il, 63-4,
139; v., 28.
IJerries, i., m, 7C, 78, 90, 103, 123,
162-3, 181, 187-8, 199, 201, 214,
229, 234, 243, 2G4-7, 323, 339-40,
345, 373-4, -JOO. 127, 430, 0r,8.
liotaiiias, Michu:u-un people, v., 611.
lU'trotlml, n Marriage and Court-
Hotting, sue (lanil)ling.
HutunikeH, Cent. Cal. triljc, i., 303-
401; location, i., 417.
liftinnki Valley, i., 4l7.
B;,'iianas, North Alex, trilie, i., 572-
91; location, i., 611.
Itibliography,
Alinarax, Mem. dc Mctlaltoyuca,
iv., 458-9.
Alniaraz, Teotihuacan, in Id.,
Mem. i'achuca, iv., 530.
Itald win's Ancient Ainer., iv., 2.
lioscana, in Uobinson's Life in Cal. ,
iii., 161-2.
lioturini. Idea, ii., 532.
Urasseur de }iourl)ourg. Hist. Nat.
Civ., ii., 116, 321, 436, 556, 634-5;
v., 153-4.
Hrassenr de Bourbourg, MS. Tro-
ano, ii., 780.
lirasseurde Bourbourg, Popol Vuh,
iii., 42-4.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Rechcr-
ohes sur les Kuines de Palenqud,
iv., 293-4.
C'urcri, Giro del Mondo, ii., 531,
544-5.
Catherwood's Views of Ancient
Monuments in Central America,
iv., 81, 146, 292-3.
Chamav, Ruines Ani^r., iv., 147,
293, 391.
Codex Chimalpopaca, v., 192-3.
Dean's MS., Ancient Remains in
Vancouver Island ami H. Vol.,
iv., 737.
Donicncch's Deserts, iii., 180-1.
Dupaix, Relation, iv., 290-1.
Friederichsthal, Lcs Monuments
de rV'ucatan, in Nouvellcs An-
nates des Voy., 1841, torn, xcii.,
iv., 146-7.
Fuciites y (iuzman, Recopilacion
Florida, Hist, tluat., iv., f'O.
Ualin<lo, Ruins of Copan, in Anicr.
Aiitiq., Soc, Transact., vol. ii.,
iv., 80.
(iondra, Ant. Mex., in Soc. Mex.
(icog., tom. ii., iv., 449.
Hcrrera, Hist, (ien., iv. , 80.
Iltcrri, Ruinas do ^.;> < i'< Real, in
MuHco Mex., toni. ii'., iv., 449.
IxtlilxochitI, Hist. Cliitli., iii., 64.
Jones' Ancient Amc.*'. iv., 82; v.,
73.
Juarros, Hist. C ' ., iv., 80.
Kingslrarough, /viit. Mex. iii., 1^1;
iv., 21)1; v., 84.
Las Casas, M S. , Hist. Apoioyctica,
ii., 583, 677.
Miiller, Anierik-inisclio Urreligi-
onta, iii., 273-.".00.
Mullcr, Chips from a German
Workshop, iii., 43-4.
Norman's Rambles, iv., 145-6.
Palacio, Carta, iv., 79.
Palacios, Descrip. Guat., in Ter-
naux-Coni])ans, Rccueilde Doc.,
v., 79.
Perez, Cronologia Ant. de Yuca-
tan, ii., 755.
Pontclli, £x|ilorations, iv., 132.
Prcscott's Hist. Conq. Mex., iL,
1(J2, 171, 440-1.
Ramirez, Atlas, Mei., iii., 68-9.
Rio, Description of the Ruins of
an Ancient City, iv., 289-91.
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., iii., 231-6.
Sawkins, in Mayer's Obs. on Mex.
Hist, and Archivology, i v., 404-6.
Scherzer, Wanderungen, iv., 81.
Sproat's Scenes, i., 151.
Steplieiis' Cent. Amer., iv.,80-2.
Stephens' Yucatan, iv., 146-8, 221,
292-3.
Tcrnaux-Compans, Voy., 8«Srie ii.,
torn, i., ii., 439.
MUhlenpfordt, Mejico, iv., 391.
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mei., ii., 440.
Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., iv., 145.
Waldeck, Palenque, iv., 145.
West In "sche Spieghel, ii., 141.
Ximenes, Hist Ind. Uuat., iii., 42-3.
r n
:ii
648
INDEX.
Zuvula, in Antiq. Mcx., iv., 144-5.
Zurita, liapport, in Ternuux-l^oiii-
|mii8, Vuy., Huric ii., tuiii. i., ii.,
438-9.
Biblio;;raphy, Cicncrul,
Liiit of works (i noted, i., xvii-xlix.
Native UciMims, ii., 523-33; v.,
140-2, l!)2-3.
Spanish lii.storiunH, ii., 158-GO; v.,
142-1).
Works on Antiquities, iv. , 2-4; on
Uxniul untiq., iv., 150-1; on Clii-
apus unil I'ulunquc untiq., iv. ,
289-04;on Oiijiii'ii antici., iv., 3<7-
8; on Mitia anti(i., iv., 31)0-1; on
Xocliiculuo antiq., iv., 483; on
Arizona antiq., iv., 021-5.
Bicam (liican), village, Sonora, i.,
G08.
Bidwell's Bar, C'al. , antiq. , iv. , 707.
Biy Bar, locality. North (al., i.,445.
Big ('haniiuc, locality, North Cal.,
I., 448.
Bill Williams Fork, i., 475, 597; iv.,
G40-1.
Bill Williams Mts., i., 598.
Biri'h Indians, !., 147, see Gens do
Itonlcau.
Birds, i., 39, 50, 73, 79, 89-91,
102, 170-1, 189, 200, 211, 213, 215,
229, 373, 375-0, 522, 501, 571-5,
625; ii., 103-0, 315, 352, 372, 750;
iii., 132-4, 20S, 280, 301-2, 400.
Birn(|uuta, Isthmian lang., iii., 794.
Bisbire, dcuomposud plantains, i.,
721, 7-20.
Bitter-root, Inland tribes' food, i.,
2G5.
Bitter Hoot Mts., i., 252, 317.
Bitter Hoot Valley, i., 313, 317.
Bitumen, i., 408; ii., 751, 7C9.
Bixa, vegetable dye, i., 753; ii.,
371, 724, 734.
Bjcljkowskojca, tribe of Aleuts, i.,"
87-94; locutiim, i., 141.
Black Canon, i., 597.
Black Mesa, i., 595, sec Mogollon
Mts.
Black Mts., i. 597.
Black Uiver, i., 793-4; iii.. 782.
BlmldcrH, i., 84-5, 104, 180, 214-15.
Biancos, North Mex. tribe, i., 572-
91; location, i., Gil; trilic of Isth-
mians, i., 747-85; location i., 794-
5; lang. iii., 793.
Blankets, i., 100, 159, 1G5-6, 182-3,
192, 194, 211, 215-16, 229, 239, 247.
408, 434, 502-3, 505, 544-5, 682,
621, 630.
Blanket Creek, Cul., antiq., iv., 700.
Blcwficlds Lagoon, i. , 793-4
Blewficlds Uiver, i., 793.
Bliss Collection, Mex. Ken., antin
iv., 5G4. ' '
Blood, as food, i., 55, 492; ii., ;)H;
sacrifices, i., 665, 723, 740; ii.
310, 707-8, 719.
Blood-letting, see Phlebotomy.
Blow-pipe, i., 027, 760-2; ii., 411,
471, 4'Jl, 720.
Blubber, i., 54-5, 57, 90.
Blue Mts., i., 251. 319, 4C1.
Blue Hock, i., 448.
Boats, Hyperboreans, i., 59-01, 79,
89, lOG-7, 130; ('olumbians, i., IOC
8; 172, 188-92, 205-0, 210-17, 220,
237, 247-9, 271-2, 288; Califor-
nians, i., 338, 315-7, 382-5, 408-
9, 435; New Mexicans, i., 505,
544, 503-4, 583; Mexicans, !., 031,
658; ii., 380, 397-9, 414, 501; ill.,
342; Cent. .Vmericans, i., O'JI),
724-6, 744, 7G7-8, 783; ii., 739; iv.,
231.
BobolcH, North Mex. tribe, i., 572-
91; location, i., 612.
Bocalinas Island, i., G04.
Bocalos. North Mex. tribe, i., 572-
91; location, i,, 611.
Boca di- tjuadra, i., 173.
Boca del Toro. i., 784, 791-0.
Bocav Kivcr, antiq., iv.. '27-8.
Boc^iiheafs, Cent. Cal. triltc, i., 3(13-
401; location, i., 451.
Bochicu, Muysca culture-hero, iii.,
209; v., 24.
Bocoatzi (irande Mts..i., 005.
Bocoras, North Mex. tribe, i., 57'i-
91; location, i.. Oil.
Bodega Bay, i., 305, 308, 370, 3Us,
449, 452.
Body-burning, see Crcmaticm.
Body-painting, see Painting.
Boheni Culleh, Neeshenam evil
spirit, iii., 545.
Boisais Uiver, see Boise Kivcr.
Bois d'arc, Apache bows of, i., 494.
Boise ('ity, i., 403.
Boise Kiver (Boisais), i., 403.
Bokal, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 211;
hist, v., chap, xiii
Bidanos, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 303-101;
location, i., 363.
({(danos, tJalisco, antiq.. iv., 577.
BolWi, i., 453, see V(dvoii.
Bolon Zacab, Maya gml. ii., 702.
Bololchun, sepulchre, ('hia|)iw, an-
tiq., iv,, 353.
B(donehen, Yucatan, aiitiij., iv.,
218-9.
INDEX.
649
Bolson dc Mapimi, i., 592, 594, CIO;
iii., 714; iv., 5'J7-9.
Boiiacks, i., 4(i3, hoc RannuckM.
Bonaparte Itivt'r, iii., G13.
Uoiics, HypeilxdfuiiM, i., 48, 58, 72-3,
79, 88, 90-1, 97, 104, 119; Colum-
bians, i., 1C4, 182, 185-6, 188-9, 191,
201, 211, 214-15, 2;!5-(;, 270; Calif. )i-
niaiis, i., 311, ;J(;8-9, 377-8, 387, 403,
4;i7-8, 421-C, 431; New Mexicans,
i., 482, 532, 551) 563, 679; Moxi-
t;ttnH, i., 62.), ()31, 655, 667; ii.,
372, 4U8, 5',»i)-;;o;); iii., 59; Cent.
.Vniericuns, i., 717, 752, 761, 765;
ii., 623, 681, 713, 732, 742; Mis-
HiHsippi Valley, antiij., iv., 782.
Books, Naluuis, ii., 500, 524, 598;
Maya.s, ii., 696-7, 768-70, 773, 800.
B(M>merun<^, New Mexicans, i., 541,
501-2.
lioots, H(,'c Shoes.
Booty, war, i., 581-2, 761,; ii., 746.
Borratlos, North Mex. trilnj., i., 572-
91; location, i., 613.
Bii.'<.|ue dc Contu"''!', cniresH grove,
Me.vic(), antii[., iv., 527.
Botany, i., 38-9, 323-4, 616-17, G85-6;
ii., 88-90.
Bottles, i., 163, 215, 630.
Bourneville, Mississippi Valley, an-
tic]., iv. , 756-9.
Bows and Arrows, Hyperboreans, i.,
51), 79, 90, 101-5, 111); Colunibian.s,
i., 164, 188, 214-15. 235, 26S; Cali-
fornians, i., 3U-3, 377-8, 407, 431-
3; New Mexicans, i., 41)3-5, 541,
5(;2, 578-9; Mexi(;ans, i., 627, 655;
ii., 335, 351, 408-9, 618, 620-1; iii.,
'iHd, 21)4, 302,371-2, 404; v., 325;
»;ent. Aniericans, i., 696, 722-3,
76l)-l,779; ii., (i7l), 720, 712-3.
Bowls, i., 271, 63(t, 765; ii., 707.
Boxes, i., 113, 164-5, 171-2, 190, 200-
1. 205, 340, 382, 420, 537, 705; ii.,
182, 621; iii., 303; iv., 495.
Bia.elet!i, i., 482, 559, 574, 691; ii.,
21)0, 372, 376-7, 635, 732, 750; iii.,
238, 324.
Brains, used for tannin^;, i., 271, 315.
llraiidin^'. i., 764-5, 771.
Itrass, ornaments of, i., 122, 211, 258.
llia/iers, i., 697; ii., 567, 584, 690,
liKli, 698, 787; iii., 336.
Itiii/.os Riv'.T, i., 5,i2.
llriad, i., 339, 373-4; ii., 175, 354-5,
see also Tortilluu.
Ilniist-pltttt's, i., 105, 766; ii., 406,
712.
Brciist-worka, sec Fortifications.
Uruech-ulottL, i., 258-9, 330, 360, 480,
484, 531-2. 648, 689-90, 751; ii.,
364.
Bribery, of Naliua judfjes, ii., 445-6.
Bricks, i., 535-6; ii., 5.57-S; iv., 473,
479, 500, 503, 521; sec also Adobes.
Brides, see Marriage.
Bridges, i., 531, 693, 71«; ii., 387,
414, 562-3, 576; iv., 343, 373, 479,
528-6, 690.
Bridles, i., 270, 438, 501, 726.
Bristol Bay, i., 70, 79, 139.
Brita, Nicaragua, anti'i., iv., 60.
British (Columbia, idiysical gco^u-
j»hy of, i., 152-3, i5(i; inhabited
by ('olumbians, i., 151-321; nivtli.,
i., 170-1, 2112-3, 283-4; iii., 95-8,
149-57, 519--.2: lang., iii., COl-IM;
aiiti*!., iv., 736-41.
British Museum Collection, Mex.
Itepublic, anti((., iv., 562.
Bron/e, Mex. Bepublic, antiq., iv.,
520, 557.
Broom, Ccntcotl symbol, iii., 354.
Brnccport, town, Washington, i.,
305.
Bruno, village, South Cal., i., 460.
Bru.sh ( ivik, Cal., anti.i., iv., 706.
Brushwood, dwellings of, i., 118,
371-2, 48.5, 5.15.
Bubat/o, a Ziitugil princess, v.,
(;lmp. xi.
Bnbus, ('ent. Cal. tribe, i., 363-401;
location, i., 45U.
Ituccan, ^Ios<plito meat rack, i., 721.
Bnckeve Hill, (,'alifornia, antiip, iv.,
703, "^706.
Buckcve Buvinc, California, antiii. ,
iv., 707.
Budds Inlet, i., 301.
Buchanan ilollow, ('alifornia, an-
ti<|,, iv., 707.
Buildhisin, traces in Amcr., v., 40-2.
Buemi Vista, village. Cent. Califor-
nia, i., 455.
Butlalo, i., 258, 260, 263, 26", 4 -5,
430, 432, 481,491-2.
Butl'alos, tribe of Sal:aptii R, i., 253-
1)1; location, 317.
Buj'abita, Isthmus, aiiti(|, iv., 18.
ItuUdings, see Dwellings and Tcni-
]iles.
Bulbon, i., 453, see Vcdvon.
Bull Creek, i., 447.
Bullion, Maya gold, ii., 750.
Bundles, mystic, v., 325-6, chop. xi.
Buoys, Eskimo whale lishing, i., 66.
Burial, HypcrlMtreans, i., 69, 86, 93,
113, 119, 126-7, 132-5; iii., 148-9;
Columbians, i., 172-3, 205-6, 220,
247-9, 288-9; iv., 737-9; Coiifor-
iilll
Iii
1: ^I'i
Iii
«60
INDEX.
nians, i., 356-60, 396-7, 420-1, 439-
40; New Mexicans, i., 522-4, 554-
5, 569-70, 589-90; Mexicaiw.i., 040-
1, 607-8; ii., 269, 392, 6U3-23; iii.,
364-7, 401, 512-13; v., 57, 347; Cent.
Americans, i., 709, 744-5, 780-4;
ii., 653, 798-402; iii., 490.
Biiricas, tribe of iHtliniians, i., 747-
85; location, i., 748; special men-
tion, i., 784; lang., iii., 793.
Biirlce Canal, i., 156.
Burninn;, captives, i., 498; ii., 329-
39; iii., 3H6-8; see also Cremation.
Bnrrita, Taniaulipas, antiq., iv., 597.
Burros Mt, i. , 595.
Busliunincs (Pushunes, Piijuni, Ba-
sliones, Bushone.s), Cent. Cal. tri1)c,
i., 363-401; loc, i., 450; lang., iii.,
649.
Bute Canal, i., 184.
Bute Prairie, Washington, antiq.,
iv., 735.
Butler Hill, Mississippi Valley, an-
tiq., iv., 754.
Butte County, Cal., antiq., iv., 707.
Buzziird, California, mytu., iii., 168.
Caacac (Cacat, Cancac), i., 458, name
of Point ("oucepcion.
Caiiguas, i., 319, see Cavuse.
Calmn, Maya day, ii., 756, 760.
Cabecares, tribe of Isthmians, i., 747-
85; location, i., 794.
Cabellera Valley, i., 595.
Cabosas (Cabezas), North Mex. tribe,
i., 572-91; location, i., 612; special
mention, i., 576, 585.
Cabeson Valley, i., 457.
Cabinal, Guatemala tribe, i., 687-
711; location, i., 789.
Cablahuli-Tihax, a Cakchiquel
ruler, v., chai). xi.
Cabr Blanco, Costa Kica, antiq. , iv. ,
21.
Calwgh, ii., 767, see Calioj^li.
Calwirca, villa;,'e, Sononi, i., 606.
Cabra, Istliiiiiitu title, i., 770.
Cabrakan, Cjuiche culture-hero, v.,
172-4, 181; ancient city, Guate-
mala, chap, xi.
Cabue';na.'», South Cal. tribe, i., 402-
22; Itjcation. i., 460.
Cacaguat, ca ao, and name of Nica-
ragua god, ii., 713, 718, 724; iii.,
492.
Cacalomilli, Nahua war- lands, IL,
227.
Cacalotl, gifts of maize, ii., 332.
Cacama, a Chichimec prince and
king of Tczcuco, v., 474-7.
Cacamaca, lord of Chalco, v., 349.
Cacamatecuhtli, a Teo-Chichiniec
chief, v., 490.
Cacao (Coco, Cocoa), Mexicans, i,,
625; ii., 347, 381-2, 600; Cent.
Americans, i., 694-5, 700, 721, 72ti,
739, 759, 768; ii., 692-3, 707, 718-
19, 723-4, 736-7, 749, 795.
C.icaria, villajte, l)uran<r(>, i., 614.
Cacaris, North Mex. tribe, i., 572-
91; location, i., 614.
Cacastes, North Mex. tribe, i., 572-
91; location, i., 611.
Cacat, i., 458, see Caacac.
Cacaxtlan, Tlascala, aiillq., iv., 477.
Cacaxtli, Nahua baskets, ii., 386,
392, 616.
Cachenahs (Cachauegtacs, Cliuni;,'-
tacs). Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 3tJ3-4Ul;
location, i., 449, 452-3.
Cache Creek, i., 362.
Ciuhi, town, Yucatan, ii., 657.
Cachiripa, Durango god. iii., 179.
Cacliopostalcs, North .Mex. tribe, i.,
572-91; location, i., (ill.
Cacique, name for chief, i., 584-5.
Cactlan Valley, i., 672.
Cactli (Cades), Mexican sandals, i.,
620; ii., 369.
Cacubraxechein, Quiche king, v.,
chap. xi.
Caczoltzin, v., 516, see Caltzontzin.
Cadet iliver, i., I]07.
Cadiuias, North Mex. tril)c, i., 57J-
91; location, i., 613.
Caechi, Guatenuila tribe, i., 687-711;
location, i., 78S.
Caechicolchi, Guat. lang., iii., 7(50.
Cages, ii., 163,380, 657.
Cagnasuets, Lower California tribe,
i., 550-70; location, i., 603.
Caha-Paluma, Cjuiciie 1st woman,
iii., 48.
Cahbaha, a Guatemala temple, v.,
chap. xi.
Cahi Imox, a Quiche I'uler, v., clmp.
xi.
Cahitas, North Mex. tribe, i.. 572-
91; location, i., 572; special men-
tion, i., 573-4; lang., iii., 607, 672,
678, 706-10.
Cahogh (Cabogh), Tzendal day, ii.,
767.
Caliokia, Mississippi Valley, antiq.,
iv., 706-7.
Cahrocs (Kahruks), North Cal. trilie,
i., 327-61; loc, i., 327, 445; special
INDEX.
651
363-401; ,,'„£ J ^«^- tribe, i..
". 137.<», 161 sol''-; •"•> .O*'. 115:
J52; origi„:;-jt'- ''^"«' "'•• «^^'
'17, 727.
1 ' ;;:\'*""". 1.. 402. 457;
, .,'-^''''««0. «77.79;7ll;
fliap. xi ' ^''"n« prince, v.,
Sfel!'?ri»t^i "'■' '''■
,,5-^«; location.? sl^ '"'' '-^^3-
Caiguards, trib^ of \r 1 •
,, 5f6; locator 5jf'^''««.i-. 473.
<^«iiioux, i 31V, ; ,*
85;Joc.ado',i5'9';'''»'«»«.i.,747-
,9iJoii, village, South r.i •
^r^£r^°"^-'fe'-rte
fili.S^^-'-'^'^--. 402.22;
'-o-.i/i-.TsS """"""' ••.488;
^lU.n.^(iuiche-Cakchiquel...„„t,^
''SoSt^f^ *'••-. i.. 687-7,1;
'"'^''tion,,:788T!rS9V^^"-**V''^
••'cntmn, ii., 12l. ',!.• !i'«^,'i,*'!.'?.™i'
Cathlapoiiveas K ' ' '*'''P«"».Va8,
I^WyahV kalanooi : ''t''^' ^-ila:
22(i 9i«.. 1 '"cntioii, i 9a<
Calasthodes !r„ ■'.^"^' "'- ^37.
Sound Siii:'r'te\ -"■'«' «f
1., 303. ' *• ^^"-22; location,
Calaveras Conntv PaI.v^ •
IV., 703-4 ^' '""'"oniia, antiq.,
Calave^ras Creek. California, antiq..
lii., 650. • ^'"'^ornia lung.,
C<Uc^l.uaIco, Vera Cr... „.ti,.. j,
^'J'Alu..aTn,anki„g.,. ehap.
^cS'i'"''''^^'-''''>-ean.s, i c,8 nn
J-oiunihian.s, i. i.w ., 'o~', . ' ^-^5;
f"'"'an.s, i., 4i,s v- !^\[''''.^''^^i'
l' 507, 564. Si. '\7 t^'-^^^ican-s,
iv., 505-9, 52i. "''•• "•' ^18-21;
'^alifornia. eailv „„
29imui;.„nl^lS"'"^^.J-
J''ytJ.., iii., ].-,«.m"''",.^' - J22.470;
6f'-7, 635.79; aMti,,"-^:''''""^'-. '■'■>■•,
,Nalu,an.ign;tio '?','J;' '''^«-7l3;
<a./ornia(;„lf. i./^Ji'^-^^l-a. ..
««7, 704-5; bo ni" -v' m"*-'' '"-
P're, v., 473 .. .; '^' ^^'cf. eni-
Kration.'d,;;;;. '^""n. Quiche n.i- .
Poinjyi. ii'nS'?'•^««■.
j?:2.y^8.772.3;1^;ii^.'^^. a.
t^aklmy, nionntain Aiul f,^ '.^
P ',":''". v., chap, .xi'^""^' «""te-
t'"'"'' ^"•'""^ ^tJ' -on.an, iii
Cak'acan, Ahau-^nieh^ prince, v.,
Cakufgi.^ locality. Guaten.ala. v.
asa), .South '„ * f **'. ^"'alui-
, fe'f'ation, chaj). xi - -
" a/ifornians, one of m>„
t"alifornift,( re- ' ' • • 'T-'^'"' '"
a»«l Utah bpAvi' '',''"?• ^"^ovacla,
and 32' 30' s, b,ir-.'''/'^'''«-'« «'
662
INDEX.
Manners and customs of each dc-
Hcrilted 8e|iaratcly, i., 322-470; lo-
cution, divimons, and tril>ai ))uund-
aries, i., 322-G, 442-70; myth., iii.,
158-()!), 522-6; v., 14, 19; lang., iii.,
665-7, 635-79.
Californians, C'entral, one of the four
families into which the Califor-
nians arc divided. Manners and
customs of all its nations and
trilies descrilicd to<;ctlier, i.,
361-401; phvHi<|ue, i., 364-7; dress,
i., 367-71;" dweUings, i., 371-3;
food, i., 373-7; weapons and war,
i., 377-81; implements and manu-
factures, i. , 38 1 -2; lioats and prop-
erty, i., 382-5; jjovernmcnt and
slavery, i., 385-8; women andnmr-
riage, i., 388-92; amusements, i.,
392-4; medicine, i., 394-5; burial,
i., 396-7; character, i., 397-401;
location, i., 3Cl-.'<, 447-57; myth.,
i., 397, 4(X); iii., 85-90, 522-6; lant ,
iii., 644-r)5.
Californians, Northern, one of the
four families into which the Cali-
f<irniaiis are divided. Manners and
cuKtoms of all its nations and
tribes described to<;ethcr, i., 326-
61; physiijue, i., 327-9; dress, i.,
329-34; dwellin},'H, i., 3:M-6; food,
i., ;i36-40; i>ersonal hal)its, i., .340-1;
weapons and war, i., ;i41-4; im]>lc-
ments and nmnufacturcs, i., 345;
boats, i., ;W5-6; property, i., 347;
government and slaves, i., 347-9;
marriage and women, i., 349-51;
aniu.sements, i., 351-4; medicine,
i., 354-6; iii., 1(>0; burial, i., 356-
(50; character, i.,3(!0-l; location, i.,
.326-7, 442-7; mytli., iii., 160-1, 175-
7, 523-4, 638; laiig., iii., 637-43.
Californians, Southern, one of the
four families into which the Cali-
forniaiiH are divided. Manuel's and
customs of all its nations and tribes
descrilxid together, i., 402-22; ])hv-
8i(|uc, i., 402-3; dress, i., 403-4;
dwellings, i., 404-5; food, i., 405-7;
persoimT habits, i., 407; weapons
and war, i., 407; implements and
manufactures, i., 407-8; boats, i.,
408-9; projK'rty and governntent,
i., 409-P; marriage, t, 410-12;
women bud children, i., 412-15;
amusements, i., 415-17; medicine,
i., 418-19; burial, i., 419-21; char-
acter, i., 422; location, i., 402,
467-60; mvth., iii., 83-6, 122, 131,
626; kng., iii., 666-9, 674-9.
Calimaya, a city of Matlaltzinco, v.,
433.
Calispellums (Calispels), i., 313, sec
Peiul d'Ureilles.
Caliuenga, village. South Cal., i.,
460.
Calkimi, a jtrovinco of Yucatan, v.,
chaii. xiii.
Calkobins, tribe of Tinneli, i., 114-
37; location, i., 146.
Calla VVassa, i., 459, sec('alai.im.s!<ii.
Callemax (('allemcux, Callimix), !.,
307, see Killamooks.
Calli, Nahua calendar si;rn, ii., 505.
511-12, 516-17; iii., (Mt.
Calmccac, Nahua Kcminurv, ii., 201,
244.
Calondras Rancho, Vera Cruz, aii-
tiq., iv., 46.S.
Calpan, locality. Puebla, v., 4iX).
Calpixcontii, Nahua title, v., 350.
Calpixques, Naliua revenue otticcrs,
ii., 236, 424.
Calpullec, head of city council, Nii-
hua'4, ii., 227.
Calpulli, ward of a city, Naluias, ii..
224.
('al<|uivaulitzin. Culhua king, v.,
331, :m.
Caltzontzin, Tarasco king's title, v.,
516.
Caluac, nuiynrdomo, Mayas, ii. , C37.
Calvert Island, i., 294.
Calz, Columbia i)lant, i., '2C>').
Caniachal, (iuiclu! chief, v., cliaii. xi,
Camac-Hya, a Hindu goddess, v.,
47.
Camaial, village. South Cal, i., 4r)S.
Camalel Pouios (Usals), ('eiit. Cal.
tribe, i., 361-401; loc, i., .WJ, 448.
Canialotz, Quichd mythic uniiiial,
iii., 47.
Cauiuss ((.'amas, (^amash, Cainniiiss,
Kaiiias, Kamass, Kania.sli, (jna-
mash), an edible root, i., 214, 2(iu,
340.
Cauiass Prairie, i., 265, 31,3.
Canmxtli, Nahua god, ii.. .ms, 3I'J-
15; iii., 195. 2.-)0, 295, 403; v., iM!),
253, 2(!2, 484, 488, 493-.50I.
Camayoas, Isthmian smloniitcs, i.,
774.
CamazotK, Quiche god, v., 179.
Camden Ba^v, i., 46, 49-50.
Camey, Quichc-Cakchiquel day, ii..
767.
Camleyka, Koniaga dress, i., 74.
Cam6a, town, Sinaloa, i., 608.
CamiMiche, ii., 657; antiq., iv., 263-5.
Cainpims, lang., iii., 761.
INDEX
663
Capaciireo, localitv \f:„i
518. '"lauij, Miclioacan, v.
'^TT """'• """»'. «nliq., iv.
294. ' (Heida, JJei.lo), i.,
Canals*^"- '\'"^'I'«' ''•. 294.
(^anchebi. '' ' '**'> see
'■'Si'"''' '•• '«>. '«. m. ,,,.
414, 4W ' *•' ^^' IV., 376-,
< -;'^ro, name of l{u«3ia„ River.
488. ' ' •""' '2o; ,„.^ 472,
';anoe River, i., 319.
Unoes, sec Boats.
''S' ^•'"^'«'"- ^^''. -tiq.. iv..
'"'S North Mcx. tribe i -.-1 «,
, IWHtloll. i., fill • '•• ^''-91;
,,Wio„.T fill •»"»'«. '-.wi-pi,.
»< Q«ich6-Cakchiquel .lay. ij
Caoutchouc, see India-rubber
'"J'e ^».iinjii 1.. 14/1
<^'«I>e Bathurst. .. S'
(^'Hpc Rlanco. ;. fifi-
^pe Cai.tin. y.,' ««
Upe Catoche. Yucatan, antiq.. iv.,
^Sfc|-tfc'in^lfe^«3-4.
Ul'eKru8ensten,.r:52
UpeLisb„n,i.,i38:-^'-
^;ape Lookout, i.. 227 Tn?
.ai.eMe„doci:,„.'i:.i^7-
:SaC;.7-ri4o
< aj'e UoniaiizofF, i., 70 140
V*Pe «au Lucas, i' "577 wn^
CapeScott, i.. I7,•^;,^^'«04•
t«I«Spe«cer i. '14:/'-
tape Town. i.. 79;,.^-
''Sj^?J;:t!^!t'^'^i-".Nie.
;^tS;i::V^!^.i-.-
♦aps. see Hats.
'«J»tives. treatment of- H
?44. 381. 407 433. Ne w \? '"f'"'' '-
.'•. 498. 500. .543 58r;\'«\'tans,
'•. «29. fi.'ic. ii ./|7 10 „^^'«-^"'ans,
30. 402. 4i<) 4;r'i'«^'^'-»' 32»-
«26; iii:. 38^/3^4. r-|Hu^-3^,-'».
.Vent. An.ericins, 'i '7^*1*^7 :"'»'
,."'fO. 704. 707.'74e-7^-*' ^"•*-'''=
."Puchm, Nahua dress ii" tro
•«.n..apa. Vera td-^tSj!" iv
's.J^ffi:;.:'tl^^.739.
•v., 23I..5. '"'"• >^»c«tan. antiq..
f'ara (Vigan'tesca. at Iza,„„i v
tan, antiq.. iv..' 246-8 ' ^"''"•
CmTT"'.^'"'^^ *r«-- tribe
«7^9f;tt£^ M^t"'"'''
664
INDEX.
CarascanR, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 361-
401; lucatioii, i., 452.
CurataMka La^^ooii, i., 7!)D.
CaratcH, iMthniiaii le|>i'rH, i., 778.
Caravans, ii., 380, 387-S, 3 »l, 737-8.
Carchali, locality, Ciuatcniala, v.,
chap. xi.
Careta, Istliniian province, i., 795.
Caril)ay8, North Mcx. tribe, i., 571-91;
location, i., (il.S.
Cariboo, i., 122-3.
Caribn, trilw of Mosquitos, i., 711-47;
loc, i., 713, 7'.I3; Hpecial nunition,
i., 714, 718, 722, 728, 731, 7:«.6,
741, 745-0; lanj;., iii., 782; tribe
of Istliniians, i., 747-85; special
mention, i., 759, 764, .771 .
CarlotHapo.s, Cent. ('al. trilic, i.,361-
401 ; location, i. , 449.
Carniclote Ci'cek, Taniaulip<ui, an-
tiq., iv., 594.
Carnielo Valley, i., 454.
Carpenter's Farm, Sontli Cal., i., 460.
Car([nin, i.,4.')3, see Karquines.
Carriers, i., 587, ()«(>, 708; ii., 386,
736; see also Tacnllies.
Carrizal, (iuatemala, antiq., iv., 118.
Carrizas ((Jarzas), North Mex. tribe,
i., 571-91; location, i., .572, 613;
8|)cciul mention, i., 573, 575, .588.
Carrots, Haiilabs cultivate, i., 162.
Carr's Inlet, i., 301.
Carson (Uty, i., 469.
Carson Lake, i., 467.
Carson Hiver, i., 466.
Carson Valley, i., 464.
Cartakas, i., 458, see Snrillos.
Carthaginians, American origin tra-
ces, i., 18; v., 77.
Caruanas, i., 458, see Sierras,
Carvillas, i., 457, see Cahnillos.
Carving, see Scnlnture.
Casa Cerrada, at Zayi, Yucatan, an-
tiq., iv., 213.
Casa del Adivino, at Uxinal, Yuca-
tan, antiq., iv., 192-7.
Casa del Enano, name of Casa del
Adivino, iv., 192.
Casa del Golternador, at Uxntal, Yu-
catan, antiq., iv., 154-65.
Casa de Jnsticia, at Kabah, Yucatan,
antiq., iv., 207-8.
Casa de Monjas, at Uxmal, Yucatan,
antiq., iv., 173-89.
Casa de Montezuma, iv., 621, name
of Casa Grande, Arizona.
Casa de Palomas, at Uxmal, Yuca-
tan, antiq., iv., 171-2.
Casa de Tortu^as, at Uxmal, Yuca-
tan, antiq., iv., 165-6.
Casa de la Vieja, at Uxmal, Yuca-
tati, antiii., iv., 172.
('asii Uraiiue, at Zayi, Yucatim. an-
tiq., iv., 212-13; Arizona, anti(i.,
iv., 621.32.
Casas (irandes, (iuatemala, antiq.,
iv., 134; Chihuahua, antici., iv.,
(M)4-14.
Casas de Piedra, name applied to
Palcnque, iv., 296.
Casalic, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-22;
location, i., 4.58.
Casasano, Mexican, antiq., iv., 4!l."i.
Cascade Canal, i., 173-4, 294.
Cascade Indians, i., ,320, see Doj;-
i{iver8.
Cascade Mts, i., 151-2, 20S, 222,
227, 251), 308, 319, 321-3, 444.
Cascade Kange, see Cascaclc Mtx.
(.'ascade River, i., 320.
('ascades, locality, Oregon, i., 22,'i,
239, 248, .304.
Cascili, South Cal. trilie, i., 402-22;
location, i., 459.
Case's Inlet, i., 301.
Casine(Kashim), Eskimo town house,
i., 66, 75, 82-3.
Cassava, Mosquito food, i., 719, 721,
739.
Castaneda Collection, Mex. Ilcj)., iiii-
tiq. , iv., .560.
Castel Pomo.s, Cent. Cal. trilic, i.,
361-401; location, i., .362, 448.
Castes, llviierborean divisions, i.,
109, 132."^
Castillo lie Montezunui, near Tuxtc-
IMjc, Oaiaca, antiq., iv., 421.
Castles, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 22(i-30,
255-7,
Cataclysm, see Dohige.
Cataicanas, North Mcx. tribe, i.,
671-91; location, i., 613.
Catananiepiuiues, North .Mcx. tribe,
i.,.'i71-9l; location, i., 613.
Cataract River, i., 319.
Cataracts, Nahna cure for, ii., 599.
Catarih, see Colds,
('atanhtlix, v., 299, see Cocauhtli.
Caterpillars, i., 561, 762.
Cathlacklas, p. .309, see Catlilatlilas.
Cathlacnmups (('athlakainaps, Cutli-
laconnitups), tril>e of Chinookhi, i.,
222-50; li»cation, i., .306, 30S-9.
Cathlahaws, tribe of Chinooks, i.,
222 50; location, i., .308.
CathlAkaheckits (Cathlukahikits),
trilH! of Chinooks, i., 222-50; locu-
tion, L, 306, 317.
Cathlamets (Cathlamahs, Cathlaiinis,
Cathlamux, KatUmat), tribe uf
Catl.iassis, tri L "Tf J '"■••.'• •*<«•
•■itNmiirii,s rcii*...!...:. , . ..
INDEX.
665
«5!), 7-'r, ' ■"^' •'"^'' ^^^. •''7«, r,s;j.
MO-im. vt'l^:; *'-' -"'O". 527, 57t'
(-"autcry, i., 4l9r70f) 71fi 17
'"•> 81-2: IV 117 in.^ . ' "'i^!
<'u\vnees, Cenf r„i * m
,.'»''niocaSif!^'i,;*"'^. i-. 361-
elia,,. xi. <^"-''"4"el ruler, v..
tW„„s South Cal. tril,o i 409
location. VyVi, "•*'•'• •?'''-•♦"':
c»iap.xi ^ "'^^•'"'l««t.l ruler, v.,
^.|...,uets, i.. 207. 295, nee Kyu-
i.,2ol).5>I- ),!;•'' '"'""1 tribe,
2.^4.27; i'l, ':';■'''"'!''"«'''«. i.
111., «2-).« ' •''*• ^"^''i I'li'g.,
'''i^rEt?ri'^^/"'-..i-.«7.-
< altzoiitzin ' •^"'' "««
''lS^t^'-^"»'«^''-.««i-40,;
. prince.. v','W-6 484'^' " '"'*-
^•^!^z;:''.^'^^'"-'j--.iii..485;
;;S'i?:'S:*-"'^'»'--i-ui„«
214 9i« o'l. :;■"' '^'. 1»9, 2l'i
"^Tt ^t'"'^«f-'-PP' Valley, an-
g;,''V;,^;ty.'^t«i,.a„t,n..iv 7,,
t'7t7:k'^'"'''^"''"^^'^%«h.
CehatchcB, South Me.x. triln, i 644
70; lang., iii., 76,. '"«.'•, 644-
( ehbacy.^ahuas, il., 251; iii 400
Mayas, ii., 672. ' ' ^*3;
Cellars, i., 334.5 775^
656
INDEX.
Ccltalcs, iii., 7(i\, ncc Tzendnlca.
Celts, American orijriii theory, v.,
116-22.
Cement, ii., 570-2, 581; iv., passim.
Co Miquiztli, Nuliuajjod, ii., 340; iii.,
402.
Cempimla (Zcmpoala), city, Vera
Cruz, i., (i7'); li., 113, 570; iv.,
436-7; v., 203; station, Chichimec
mi<;ration, v., 2!)4.
Cenipoul Ta.xncii, (Juatcmala x)rinco,
v., chap. xi.
Cem[)(>altepec, mountain, Oajaca,
V,, 529.
Ccnial, name for cast Yucatan, v.,
chat), xiii.
Ccnicilia, a medicinal herb, i., 588.
Cenizos, North Mex. tril)e, i., .')71-01.
Censers, Nahuas, ii., 161; iii., 335-6,
347.
Census of Chichimecs, v. 292.
Centcctlapixquc, Nahua otiicial, ii.,
437.
Centeotl X'enteutl, Cintcotl, Tzin-
teotl, Tzintcutl), Naftua f^oddess,
ii., 214, 326-7, 331-2; iii., 349-67.
Ccntizonac, locality, (.'cut. America,
v., 349.
Centia, V. Cruz, antiq., iv., 439-43.
Centli, dried corn, ii., 347.
Central Americans, one of the seven
groups into which tiie natives of
the I'acilic States arc divided, lo-
cated in (Guatemala, Salvador, Nic-
aragua, the Mosquito Coast, Hon-
duras, Costa Uica, and the Isth-
mus of Darien, or Pananiii; subdi-
vided into tiirco families, the
Guatemalans, Mosquitos, and Isth-
mians. Manners and customs of
each described separately, i., 6S4-
797; civilized nations, ii., 630-803;
location and tribal boundaries, i.,
6St-8, 786-07; mvth.,i., 707-8, 740;
ii., 663; iii., 42-55, 74-5, 461-507,
542-4; lang., iii., 571-3, 759-95;
antiq., ii., 116-18; iv., 15-139; hist.,
v., 157-88, 223-34, chr.p. xi., xii.,
xiii.
Central Californians, see Californians,
Central.
Central Mexicans, see Mexicans,
Central.
Cerbat Mts, i., 597.
Ceremonies, Hyperboreans, i., 83-4,
110-11, 113; Columbians, i., 163-
70, 187, 189, 219, 232, 245, 268,
284; Californians, i., 411-15; Now
Mexicans, i., 522-4, 642-3, 553-4;
Mexicans, i., G36-7i 661-3; ii., 144-
57, 194-S,255-61, 270-8, 350, .389-97:
iii., 297-300, 315, 370-6; ("entrui
Americans, i., 697, 729-33, 740-1,
744-5, 782-3; ii., 668-70, 682-4.
Cereus giganteus, botanical name of
the Pitaiiaya, i., 539.
Ceris (Ceres, Seris), North Mex.
tribe, i., 571-91; location, i., 572,
604-5; special mention, i., 573-4,
576-9, 581, 583-5, 587, 589-90; lang.,
iii., 704-5.
Ceniuin, city, Honduras, iii., 485.
Cerralvo Island, i., 604.
Cerrito de Montezuma, near Tepa-
titlan, Jalisco, anti(]., iv., 574
Cerrodela Ciiidad, fortilication, (^iic-
rutaro, antiq., iv., 550.
Ccrro de Coscomate, near Zaiiatcpcc,
Oajaca, antiq., iv., 374.
Ccrro de los Ldilicios, iv., 580, see
Qucmada.
Cerro Gordo, i., 614.
Cerro de las Juntas ((^uiotcpec), Oa-
jaca, antiq., iv., 41S-20.
Cerro del Maiz, i., 013.
Cerro de la Malinche, Mexico, an-
tiq., iv., 548.
Cerro de las Navajas, Mexico, an-
tiq., iv., 544-6.
Cerro Pricto, i.. 604, 673; iv., .'Mft
Cerro de San (.Iregorio, Guanajuato,
antiq., iv., .577.
Cerro del Tcsoro, Mexico, antiq.,
iv., 548.
Cerro de las Trincheras, Sonora, an-
tiq., iv., 603.
Cerro del V'cnado, Oajaca, lintiq.,
iv., 373-4.
Cesina, dried meat, i., 69."».
Cetccpatl, king of ( 'ohuai.xtlahuacan,
v., 461-2.
Cexeninuth, i., 295, see Kxcnimuth.
Chab, QuichiS month, ii., 7(i(>.
Chabin (Chahin), Tzendal dav, ii.,
767.
Chac (Chaac), Maya god, ii., ()82,
690-3; iii., 467, 473.
Chacala, Jalisco, antiq., iv., .")7'-.
('hacal llacab, Maya god, iii., 4()fi.
Chacchob, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 219,
268.
Chacha, iii., 153, see Kishtsamah.
ChachaguaroR, North Me.x. tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 611.
Chack, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 21112,
270.
Chadan, Cent. Cal. trilw, i., 361-
401; location, i., 45.3.
Chacnouitan, name for Yucatan, v.,
228, chap. xiii.
INDEX.
C57
Chaco Rivci-,
iv., 6'6iJ-(Jl.
Chucuaco, Vera
463.
Chac Xib Chac,
Itza, v., I'liai
Chadukiitl, tri
New Mexico, antiq.,
Cm/, antiq., iv.,
ruler of Chichcn
It), xiii.
ine of Nootkus, i., 174-
208; location, i., 295.
('ha},'unte8, (!cnt. Cal tribe, i., 361-
401; location, i., 452.
Cliahuilia, ijiiicliu household gods,
ill., 481.
•Iialialtu, Maya incense, ii., 702.
Chalieowahs, tribe of ChinookH, i.,
222-50; location, i., 309.
(!|iahiiame.s(('liiilnianes). North Mex.
tribe, i., 571-01; location, i., 612.
(.'lialcas, Naliua nation, L, 617-44;
ii., 133-629; locution and name, i.,
675; ii., 12.5-6; hist., v., 307-10,
.-180-422, 503-5.
Clialcatxin, a Toltec prince, v., 211,
213, 220, 243.
Clialchiuhapan, ancient name for
Tlascala, v., 241, 253, 484.
('halchiuiicua, a Mexican noble, v.,
.320.
Cbalchiuhcuccan, Vera Cruz, antiq.,
iv., 434.
Chalchiuite (Chalchihuitztli), a prc-
ci(ni8 stone, ii., 259, 3.'>0, :172, (J06,
707; iii., 250, 271, 368, .385, .390;
v., 254, 257.
Ciiulcbihuitlicue (Chalchihuitlicuc-
yf)hua, Chalchiuhcvejc), Nahua
goddess, ii., 2(>0, 516; iii., 367-76.
Clialchiuhniatz, a Toltec chief, v.,
243.
Ciialchiulinenetzin, a Mexican prin-
cess, v., 449.
Ciialchiuhtepeliua, Nahua sacrificer,
ii., 4.30.
<'halchiuhtlanetzin, lord of Coyu-
huacan, v., 349.
Cliulchiuh TIatonac (Chalchiuhtla-
toiiac, Chalchiuhtlanetzin, Chal-
rliiuhtlahuextzin, Tlalchiuhtlanel-
ziii), Toltec king, v., 245-7, 266,
311, .326.
t'halchiuh TIatonac II. (Clialchiuh-
tmia), Culhua king, v., 257, 330-1.
t'iirth^huapa, town, Salvador, i., 787.
t'liali'huni, i., 293, see Chatcliconie.
*'iialcitan, district of Guatemala, i.,
, 789.
•'halco, province and town, Mexico,
v., 310, 324, 380, 401.
f halco Lake, Mexico, antiq., iv.,
497-8; hist., v., 309.
Voi.V. 42.
Clial meraci nati (dial niecacioatl ),
Nahua goddess, iii., ,396, 416.
('iiulones, I'ent. Cal. trilie, i., 361-
401; lang., iii., 65.3.
Chalosus, South Cal. tril)e, i., 402-
22; location, i., 459.
Chal(|uenoH, (Jent. Mex. tribe, i.,
617-44; lang., ill.. 725.
Chalnlas, tri In; of Chinooks, i., 222-
50; location, i., .'108.
Chahiinii, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 361-
401; location, i., 4.'>4.
Chainalcan (Chimalucan), Cakchi-
qiicl god, iii., 483-4; v., chap. xi.
Cham<^, tribe of Istbniians, i., 747-
85; loi'ation, i., 795; lung., iii.,
794.
Chamilah, locality, Guatemala, v.,
chap. xi.
Chamina Mts., i., 786.
Clianiolla, citv, (Chiapas, i., 681.
Chanipoton (Potonchan), city, Yuca-
tan, v., 226, chap. xiii.
Chan, Votan's ancestor, iii., 451; v.,
69.
Chailabal, Guatetnalu lang., iii.,
7(50, 762.
("hanan (Ghanan), Tzendal dav, ii.,
767.
Clmnatc Mts, i., 594.
Cbaiicafes, North Mex. tribe, i.,671-
91; location, i., 611.
Chancel agua, medicinal herb, i.,
419.
Chanech, Cent. VJal. tribe, i., 361-
401; location, i., 4.54.
Changuenes, tribe of Isthmians, i.,
747-85; location, i., 748.
Cbanigtacs, i.. 453, see i'achenahs.
Chants, see Songs.
Chantunyab, Maya dance, ii., 697.
Chanwappans, tribe of Sahaptins, i.,
253-91; location, i., .320-1.
Chu-iwls, ii., .5.5.5, 588, 738; iii.. 239.
Chapingo, .Mex., antiq., iv.,527.
Chaplets, i., 170; iii., 1.50.
CbajHipote Mt, i., 61.3.
Chapopotli, a kind of pitch, ii., .322-3;
iii., 361.
Cliapugtacs, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 361-
401; location, i., 4.52.
Chapulco, (iuateniula, antiq., iv.,
115.
Chapulistagua, Honduras, antiq. , iv. ,
71.
Chaptiltepcc (Chapoltcpoc), town in
Mexico, ii., 166-7; iii., 298;anti(i.,
iv., 502; hist, v., 295-7, 321-4, 330-
I, 340.
!!«■ ;si
■lii';
658
INDEX.
Char»iItcpccuitInpi)co (Vctzinco ,
city, Mexien, iii., '_»48.
(Jluipiiliiin, lloiidiiriiH. antiq., iv.,71.
< 'liiinlt!, villn^tc Sov.iiiii. i.. (!0S.
Cluiractnr, II V|(ci Imiuniiih, i., (W, 8(i-7,
!W.4, li:Mt, !•.•(». V2-2, \Xi, 135-7;
<'olmiil»iaiiH, i., 173-4, 2(Mi-8, 220-2,
249-r)(», 2S!I-'.»1; C'liliforiiiuim, i.,
3()(»-I, 3!)7-4(H, 422, 44<)-2; New
MoxicaiiH, i., .'i24-(), 55.5-0, 570-1,
59IM; iMexiciiim, i., 24, ()41-4, (i(!8-
70; ii., 470. <i2(!-»; Ceiitiul Ameri-
cans, i., 7(»!>-ll, 745-7, 784-5; ii.,
803; iv., l2(i-7, 131, 142.
Charncii, Tunwco kiiijf, v., 510.
t'Imrcoal, i.. 210, 404, 535, fiSl. 722,
752; ii., 174, 48,3, (!5I, 710.
Cliarcuk(|iiiii, Nurtli Culifuriiiu spirit-
land, iii., 177.
Cliureya, Nort' raliforniu god, i.,
352-3; iii., Do, Ifil; v. 19.
ChariticB, ii., (i23, (i37; iii, 431.
Charms, Hypcrlxircans, iii., 141,
144-5; Cohimhians, i., 171, 2.S4;
iii., 130; Californians, i., 418; New
Mexicans, i., 622, 688; .Mexicans,
i., «:«; ii., 145, 2«9, 300, 317. 319.
328. 334. 3r>(), 477, C02; iii, 3()4;
('(••.It. Aincricans, i., 7.34; ii., (i97.
Cliunicl lioiiHc, Nuhuas, ii., 4.30-1,
.58.")-(;.
('Iiaroii, Naluia myth., ii.,(>05.
Chart, sec Maps.
("liase, sec Hunting.
Chastii, trilMJ of Chlnooks, i., 222-50;
location, i., 308.
Chastay, i., 3.33, sec Slmstos.
Chastity, Hyperboreans, i., (iR, 81,
12.3, 132; (.'oinmbians, i., 168-9,
196-8, 218, 242, 278; Californians,
i., .351, 4.37; New Mexicans, i., 614-
15, 549, 566, 686; Mexicans, i., 661-
2; ii., 143, 251, 469-70; iii., 435-6;
Central Americans, i., 703; ii.,
661, 659, 67.').
Chatalhuic, Nahua medicine, ii., 599.
Chatchcenie (Chatcheeiiec, Chalchii-
ni), tribe of Haidahs, i., 155-74;
location, i., 29.3.
Chatham Sound, i., 96, 142, 166, 171.
Cliatinos, South Mex. tribe, i., (hI4-
70; location, i., 681; special men-
tion, i., 646; lang., iii., 762.
Chaudiiires (Chualpays, Kettle Falls,
(juiarlpi, Schrooyelpi, Schwoyel-
pi, Shiiyelpi, Wheelpo), Inland
Columbian tribes, i., 250-91; loca-
tion, i., 314-15; special mention,
i., 262, 280.
Chnvhi de ITnanta, Peru, antin., iv..
801.
Cliawteiih liaUowas, (lent. California
trilie, i., .3(il-401; location, i., 447.
Cluiyon, ("cut. Cal. triijc, i., 361-401;
location, i., 4.5.3.
("haylicr, Aht god, iii., 621.
(luiykisalit, tribe of Nootkus, !.,
174-208; location, i., 295.
Chayopines, North Mex. trilic, i..
571-91; location, i., 611.
(/he, t^uiche month, ii., 7()6.
(^Iieate Uivcr, i., ;104.
Clicattees (('hcahtocs, Chetkos, Clijt-
cos). North California tribe, !.,
326-61; location, i., 44.3.
ChecatI, Toltec chief, v., 24.3.
Checaylis, i., .301, see Chchalis.
Chcdochogs, Cent. Cal. tribe, i.,.3(il-
401; location, i., 449.
Cheek-lMJues, Hyperboreans, i., 46,
116; (Columbians, i., 157-8, 177-8,
210, 225-6; Califoiiiiaus, i., 328,
.3(H; New Mexicans, i., .WO, .')73;
Mexicans, i., 619; Central Ameri-
cans, i., <i88, 714.
Cheek-ornaments, i., 717, ISH.
Clieen, ii., 758; see ("hen.
Checnales, tril)e of .Souiirl Iiiilians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 299.
Cheese, South Mexico connncrcc,
i., 669.
Chegoe, a sand insect, i., 742, 778.
Chehalis (( 'heehaylas, Ciiccavlis,
("hihailis, Ciiickeeles, t'lickilis,
Tsihailish, 'rclir'ilicbs), trilx! of
Sound Indians, i., 208-22; local iiii),
i., 209, 301, 303; special naMitioii,
i., 214; hmg., iii., 618-19, 626.
Chehalis River, i., 209, 'Mi.
Chek oc Katun (Lath oc Katun),
Maya division of cycle, ii., 762.
Chckassehecs, tribe of Sali^iil, i.,
252-91; location, i., 31.5.
Chekilis, i. , :W3, see Chehalis.
Chelan Lake, i., 316.
Clieles, branch of the Mayas, ii., 110,
126, 6.33; v., chap. xiii.
Chelly Cafion, i., 596; New Mexico,
antiq., iv., 651-2.
("licmaKane Mission, i., 315.
("hemegiiaba, South California laii},'.,
iii., 677.
Chemegue, South California Ian;;.,
iii., 677.
Chemegiic Cajuala, South California
lang., iii., 677.
Chemegue Sebita, South California
lang., iii., 677.
Chemehuevis (Chemihuevis, Che-
"'"ne, i'Ti 4." ;,7" ',•*'• '•'W'Huii „i,','l
7%'. ' ^«"""wii province, i.,
a.epo River, ,-., 796.7,
tribe. i..;['(i.;ii. I .. *»''f«riii(
4fi4. • ^'^''■4'J; location, i.,
I'l'tniir*;!' ''• "ll^. 487. 600.
ii.. 1''0 I i.«- ' '"!"t'<>n, i., G8I-
739. 7( 2, '7ft ^^' 'i-,1 ^-f^.-^' 72«
xii. ' *^' ^''^' fJiap. X., xi.,
8<«; .nyt? 1ii."- Jl' 126: 630.
759-63/ u„i"'-'ii^»:, '«%'•. iii..
365; iiist., v^ 158OT '^,"a' 288-
C'laiihtla, NuhuaiiUe'ii"..,
Chmwat. Pi,„a devil, iii 627
S'^SttSS'i^ .!!■. 767.
C'lifliac, suburb of ri.; •
clmp. xi. ^niquix, v..
INDEX.
659
'•&n£^fe^oc,.ii..7o,
23;i.4, • ^'"^^«t«", UHtiq., iv.^
(-^'lielieii It/n v.. .
Sa^)-^-Ni-^...U.,79.
v.. .•«<». ' "' 1 "Ittiicinffo,
,;Hi:;^^'-^--:5..;«ee
^V'i;ai''"S'». '''«'..prie«e
ir^i;;;rwr"i""^«"--«'7-44.
«'7-!^';j7kfe'7i'"r';T";-^
6S2:?'^r!r^^?22.'Sf«S;
'".vtii.. iii* wA 7/.' "09. 6I2-I3;
724-5;I.i ::J%,4W; ^".ff.. iii.
, ,499. 507. RW 51,1 'f' ■^7-^*'' 289.
i-. 617-44; ir«r^ ""■'■•"**'"".
242. 248 '•M-62J); J.ist., y.
"Srtis?-' "•'■«• «-.
S'";-i.ut':i,is,,iT''i»"'»--...«9.
29(i-7. ''4-^08; location, i.,
t-JiiooIinaluiiniictian"* ichi. u ..
ay;"»).«j<vi.i.',,„ias£rs!';
"tal'El'S»«0. Na.
„*)7. 322.6, 'i^-'J ^ 219-23, 228.
««.»,....,h.iro!5,ii'iSr'3'^-
«eo
INDEX.
Chiconqiiiiivitl, Nahim gml, iii., 4\(i.
Chiiuin 'I'uiiutiuh, Tultec king, v.,
'242, '249.
Chicorutus (Cliicorutcm), North Mux.
tril)c, i., 571-UI; louiitioii, i., (MK) ;
Hpueiul mention, i., 073, 570; lung.,
iii.. 707.
(Jiiicoziugat, Nicaragua >jml, iii.,4!)l.
(Ihiininu, iHtlnninn go<l, iii., 4'M.
CliicnraH, Nortii Mex. tribe, i., 571-
91; locution, i., <i<)9.
Chicutue. Cent. California tribe, i.,
301-401; location, i., 4i>l.
Chiefs, SCO (lovernnient.
Ohigniit (T.>«cliigniit) .Mts, i., 149.
Chigohoni, Cakchiiinol city, v., chap.
XI.
Chiguacua (Chiguangua, T/igiiungu),
name for Zwanga, v., 5 Hi.
('higuuii, Central California tribe, i.,
3(il-401; location, i., 453.
ChihailiH, i., 303; Hce Chelialis.
Chihuahua, NutiunH and tribes, i.,
473-525, 571-!)3, (i04 ; myth., iii.,
178; lang., iii., 5»;}-4, 583, G(>7, 710,
71fi-17; antiq. iv., 60.3-14.
Chihucchiluii, South Cal. tribe, i.,
402-22; locution, i., 459.
Chihuitiun, Oajuca, antiq., iv., 373.
Chila, l'uci)la, uiitiq., iv., 465-().
Chilain Culaiii (Chilum liulam), high-
priest, Mani, v., chap. xiii.
Chilancs, Maya diviners, iii., 473.
Chilupan, province in Guerrero, i.,
677; v., 412.
Chilcat, i., 142, see Chiikat.
ChilcuiUitla, Mex., antiq., iv., .'i40.
Childbirth, see Women.
Children, Hyperboreans, i., 66, 81-2,
92, 111-12, 117, 121, 131-3; Colum-
bians, i., 169, 178, 180, 197, 201,
218, 242, 279-80; Californians, i.,
350-1, 379, 390-1, 412-14, 437; New
Mexicans, i., 513-14, .548-9, 566,
585; Mexicans, i., 633-5, 661-2, 664;
ii., 183, 240-51, 263-."), 271-81, 305,
626; iii., 331-4, 370-6, 39 , 394-5,
421, ^i8, 436-7; Cent. Americans,
i., 70 4, 734, 773; ii., 661-4, 672-3,
678-8 729.
Chile [< i), red pepper, i., 624, 626,
-5, 721, 7.59; ii., 175, 343,
see also Pepper,
'igin, v., 22.
town, British Columbia,
I, Cal., antiq., iv., 704.
age. New Mex., i., 627.
Chililitii, Nahua musical instrument,
ii., 589.
652, >
347, C
Chilians,
Chilicotli
iii., 61.
Chili Gul
Chilili, V
Chiikat (Chilrat) River, i., 1-1'J, MS.
Chilkats (Chilkahts), trilio of Thiiii
keets, i., 96-114; locution, i., <MI,
142; lung., iii., .579.
Chilkoteii I'luin, i., 1.56, 292.
Chilkotins (Tsilkotin), tribe of Tiii-
neh, i., 114-37; locution, i., II.').
Chillatcs, trilMj of .Sound Indiuim, i
20S-22; location, i., .303.
Chilliickittequaws, Inland tribe, i..
2.54-91; location, i., 320; special
mention, i., 268, 260, 267, 270, 'JT.t,
287, 320.
Chillulahs (Chillulas), North (a).
tribe, i., 326-61; location, i., 446;
H])ccial mention, i., 357, 361; lung.,
iii., 64.S.
Chillwayhook Lake, i., 298.
Chill wayhook Uiver, i., 298.
Chillwuyhooks, tribe of Nootkas, i.,
174-208; location, i., 298.
Chillychandize, tribe of Chinooks. i.,
222-50; location, i., 30!).
Chilncquutolli, a gruel, ii., .3.5.5.
Chilts (Chiltz), tribe of Chinooks, i.,
222-.50; location, i., 303-6.
Chiniukunm (Chinakums), tribe of
Sound Indians, i., 208-22; locution,
i., 302.
Chimalcan (Chimalacun), see Clia-
mulcnn.
Chimulco, stution, Aztec migratinii,
v., 323.
Chiinulcuixintecuhtli,Teo-Cliichimec
leader, v., 489.
Chiinulhuucun Atenco, station, Toltcr
migration, v., 212.
Chinialhuacan Tlachialco, Mcxici>,
antiu., iv., 496.
Chiinalli, Mexican shield, ii., 406.
Chimalma (Chinialniun), Nuliiia i^od-
dess, iii., 2.50; v., 27, 88, 253.
Chiinulmut, Quichd goddess, v., 17^.
Chiinalpan, station, Aztec migration,
v., 323.
Chimali)anecan, ward of Tczciico
city, v., 404.
Chimalpunccs, Nnhiin nation, v., 3.38.
Chimalpopoca, king of Mexico, v.,
361-6, 380-6; king of Tlacopan, v.,
426,440.
Chimalpopoca Codex, see Podcx
Chimalpopoca.
Chimabiuavs, North (^al. tribe, i..
326-61; loc, i.,446; lung., ill., (i43.
Chimaltccuhtli, king of Matlaltzinco,
v., 4.32.
Chimaltenango, town, Guatemala, i.,
788; v., chap. xi.
ChimaltizatI, paint-stone, ii., 487-
,«;vis. ' '•• *■"'. «t'c' t:|,ei„eh,|.
* '"illledocs i Art'
'''"■""•l'"ev*tt«' i 'Arr ^'""•"•*'<J".n
luievis. ' • ^^^'' «i'« Clioiii,.
<-.".viii.soviiiiM T- 1 ' '""'smiis.
INIJKX.
661
r'-'^-fl; .Ireis. f;?;;. '">r"l"V.. i..
'■• >'3l-'; food 'i .v.;!*.'; ''^^'''''''KH.
";^7/^'^^"'*^"™"). Maya god! ii"
^'-y--: Silt rV"' 714.
f,{'!''<'ay, Navajo evil sni.,* - .
44-51. ' *'• '•^'•S; v., 33-40,
*''i;;g'hi„ich,Ac,,,eheM.e,„god.iii
''i-'££^"i^^;i- ^^''-..i.. 57.'
„/•"'. i., 575 '.Wi |?„' "''^.l'"' ""-'"-
* '.!'?<>k«. tVSook«"*''r'i;''^'V
..''/'.""•••ks, TcJ," ouk ^T^f'."'«'^,*'.
"I'd war. i.. .;.;!-,<•"•'= Y''"'"'""
!»"< ...am,f,u.t„r;;,'"i' '!:'i''i';''«'ntH
.'•. -'••«8-!»: are, i ':;.«,"' '•""""•rce.
'•'■••;.'«' and woiucn ' i o .I .!" ' • '"«'•
iiifiij.s, i. ojo'r'' "■*.'■•'! '"niiHe-
f'lHtoillH, i '>J]'^: ""«<.'^'"«"«'OU8
2«.^,-: ,.„rial, C':.47";;:'''V"«". i-.,
•-. 24!>-.-i<i. )',. ;• '■"! tliaractt'r
151. 221' 3,u" J'/'"" "/ tri(,c«, 7'
-'^S::rr:;r';'i' ri^'"'""""'"'
<^'''i mnol^U- C ^!;;"''| '■■• 706.
l>i'Ui tribe, i 250 0. ''■""' '"'"""■
3,7 . •■, -;o0-91; location, i.,
Chipiitcas, Cent CnUt ■
361-401 In...!; ' '^'.'^•"■'"a tril,e, i
^^;.;nnnda.,.r„vi„eo.Uuate.„ala,v..
v., 323. "' '"'»''= "'ife'ration,
^"'g- I«'a.ul, Costa Rica. „„tiq., j,
^^';^;^«g.n Alts (Chiricalnm). i 475
Cliirin.ava(CJ,iH,:.'; '"!'«•• '"• 760.
«trument.i;705!S' "'"«'«»''»-
662
INDEX.
ChiripoH, trilu; of Isthraians, i., 747-
85; la 11},'. , iii. , 793.
Chiriqiii, province, Isthmus Panama,
antKi., iv., 15-21; hiat., v., citup.
xii.
Cliiriqui Iiuliunn, tribe of Isthmians,
i., 747-8.'); sjiecial njcntion, i., 75:!-
4, 7(57,709, 784.
Chiriipii La<;()on, i., 79.5.
Chirti, tribe of l.sthmiuns, i., 747-85;
location, i., 795; hin^., iii., 794.
Ciiirumas, iii., (j85, sec Yumas.
Chisels, i., 184, 189, 237, 343; ii., 750.
Cliistlu, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv., 44.').
Chitaniihuanv, abode of Aztec Venus,
iii., 377.
Chitcheah, Kutchin clan, i., 132.
Chitcoa, i., 443, see Cheattoes.
Chitulul, Cakcliiquel city, v., chap.
xi.
Chitwout, iii., 61.3, sec Similkamocn.
Chiuchin, fSouth C-al. tribe, i., 402-
22; location, i., 459.
Chine, ii., 7()7, see Chic.
Chiulinanhtla (Chiubnauhtlan), city,
Mexico, ii., 441; v., 47(>.
Chivini, V'otan's ancestor, iii., 451,
v., (J9-71.
Chivnul, locality, Uuatcmala, v.,
chap. \i.
Chixoy Kiver, i., 789; v., chap. xi.
Chiyoc Quell KUj^uj;, a Cakchiquel
chief, v., chap. xi.
Chizos, North Mex. tribe, i., 571-91;
location, i., (ilO.
Chna<;mntcs, (Tschnaijmjuten, Tscli-
nagniuten), tribe of Koniapis, i.,
70-87; location, i., 70, 141; hing.,
iii., 57().
Choani Clmilela Ponios, Cent. Cal-
ifornia tribe, i., 3U1-4U1; hication,
i., 3(;2. 44S.
Chochonis, tribe of Ciiinook.s, i., 222-
50; locution, i., 309.
Chouiiona, (Chociiontes, Chochos,
Chudion), i., 077; iii., 752; see
Tlapanecs.
Chockrelatans, North (^al. tribe, i.,
32()-Gl; location, i., 443.
Choco Hay, i., 797.
Clioco Mountains, i., 749.
(Miocolatl, chocolate, ii., .359-60.
Chocos (Chococs), tribe of Isthmians,
i., 747-85; location, i., 749, 79()-7;
special mention, i., 750, 785.
Chocutoy, Guatemala, antiq., iv.,
131.
Chocoyan, station, Chichimcc migra-
tion, v., 293.
see
402-22;
I'lio.
Chocrclcatans, tribe of Cliinooks, i.,
222-50; location, i., .308.
Chocuveni, (.Central California lang.,
iii. ,647.
Chocmimnees, Cent. Cal. tribe, i.,
361-401; locatio)!, i., 456
Chohom, Mayaiiaiu;e, ii., 698.
Ciu)hoptins, Inland ('olumbian tribe,
i., 250-91; location, i., 317.
('hois, town, 8onora, i., (>()8.
('hditeen. Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 3(11 ■
401; location, i., 449.
(.'licikenmies (Chokiamauvcs), Cciii.
(Jal. tribe, i., 361-401 ; loc, i., 45.")-().
("bokishgna, .South Cal. tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4(i0.
(]!holanuig, h>cality, Guatemala, v.,
chap. xi.
Cholcs, South INlex. tribe, i., (J44-7(t;
location, i., ((45, 682, 786; spcciid
mention, i.,()6S-9; myth., iii., 122,
4S2; lang., iii., 7(J0, 7(i.3.
Cholicu.s, fSouth Cal. tribe,
location, i., 459.
ChoUolan, city, Pucbia,
Inla.
Choloma Kiver, i., 793.
('holos, tribe of Istiimians, i., "47-
85; location, i., 796-7; lang., iii.,
794-.").
CholosDc, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-22;
location, i., 459.
Cboliila (Cliollolan), city, Puebia, !.,
(i22-3, (;7l; ii., 112-13, 142, 588-!»;
iii., 240, 248-9, 724; antiq., iv.,
4()9-7(); v., 57; hist., v., 200-2, 2;W,
25S-()7, 297, 459-63, 483-502, 528.
chap. X.
Cholultecs, Nahua nation, i., 617-44;
ii., l33-(i29; special mention, i.,()'.*2-
3;ii., 126-7, 142, 588-9, ((29; iiivtli..
iii., 195, 240, 248-9; lang., iii.,' 724;
liist., v., 200, 238, 258-67, 297, 307-
10, 4VJ-63, 485-507, chap. xii.
Cholutecs, Guatemala tribe, i., ()86-
711; location, i., 688, 791; ii., 123;
special mention, i., 711; lang., iii.,
791; hist., v., chup. xii.
Chomiha, Ijuiclie 2d created woman,
iii., 48.
Chontales (Chondals, Chontals, (^ion-
dale), Maya nation, i., (i87-7li; ii.,
630-803; location, i., (i45, 6SS, 7!M);
ii.. Ill; s|)ecial nu><ition, i., ti4(!-7,
651-3, 6()8, 707, 711; i..ng., iii., 783,
791-2; antiq., iv., 32-9, 56-8, 60;
hist, v., chap. ii.
Choutuluuatlan, Guerrero, antiq., iv.,
424.
„,■*'»'= io;,ai,.„;t^: '•""'«'- '..SKI-
<-W.uu..|, Cent. ral.triho. i %•,
,„^'. chap. xii. ""••'"•• '91-<: »<i.st.,
^.^•^Watd.:!:,;''"'"' '•.361-
'r:'r-"'J'.>^""""al. tril,e i 40O
^;;;;J;.v^l. IM., I,i,«ib pri„eo, v.,
' '""•liictai.H, (Vi'.t cVl 'i ' •''**'■
' liiiehoiies i tr'~ -n.
'"''"cunaqu'eso •^.'it''''' '';W'""ec8.
, "Wlt^ •he., LslaiHls ,'. '
'sch-rafyi ",?'"f*^"«'*. rschu-ratsi.
ffifskaja, Tsi-hi.L?.!- -;. .'•'"''"'"-
INDEX.
668
ni«W«, i., 69-87; location i -„
U); spei-ial n.ention, i 70 J' '"•
. *•. <-li'ip. xi. •^' ^'"■itf'Muhi,
,vT^'^'-ln: '4"r'"'"•'•'
,,,44; h.CHtio,t !:. J77 • "■''^'' ••• «J7-
f^'iiiiiiiiailK", South ("il f,:i •
antiq., iv •>,;.> "'""d. > iicataii,
456. ^"'' '<"■""«)'", i., 363,
'';:::r"''^--^^^'>.-'<Cna-
^'-MorcH. .sthnna;/;;.ee..rs. i..
("hiipan, Peru, a„ti,,., iv 8(U
<^l'iipi'au. Cent ('..V I l .
■*"'; location, i., 4M ' '•' .*"'•
<-'HirniutcL;, Cent r'.i * •..
361-401, io.-atio.i'^Jfs'"'^. '■•
ChusattcsHivc,. i. ..j,*''-^-
tluiscan. Cent ('/.I .'i
„,40l;Joeatl,;n;i','i,;/'-'l'«. '•. 361-
t-initehins, On* (',,1 - ...
, 401; looAtio," •'!!;.> *'''^«^' '•'361-
";X1; '^r''"" ^•'^. «""ton.a.a.
'^'lir"' '''•"""'• «vil .pi,u. iii..
^'P^;^h.-T' ^'^^' «--
f .1
664
INDEX.
Chynaus, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., .361-
401; location, i., 452.
Cjiyniscyuns, i., 29.3, hoc Chiinsyan.s.
Ciateiinaii, iii., 36'2, hoc Cioateucalli.
('i (lialaiii), (.juiche-Cakciiiuiiel day,
ii., 7«7.
("ill, .Maya (lay, ii., 7')")-(i, 760.
<"il)akiliay, a ('ak('hii|uul princely
family, v., chap. xi.
('ibariclies, i., 464, see Chevericlics.
Cibixic, ( 'akchi((iicl month, ii., 766.
('ihola, town, New Mexico, i., .'i'27,
5.37 544; antiq., iv., 67.3-4.
("ibolo, Mexican bull, i., 527.
Cicuhnauhuepaniuhcan, abode of
Aztec VeniiH, iii., 377.
Cicnyt^, i'ueblo province, i., 527.
Cihoapatii, a medicinal herb, ii., 268.
Cihoni, name of a tree, ii., 68.3.
Cihuacoatl (('ihiiacoliuatl, (Jihuat-
coatl), ii., 1.38; iii., 350, .363; see
Cioacoatl.
Cihtiailhnitl, Naliua month, iii., 410.
Cihuapohiiatoyan, city, North-east
Mex., v., 472.
Cihuaquaquilli, Nahua priesteHscs,
ii., 205.
t'ihuatet/.in, a Toltec princess, v.,
311.
t'ihuatlaniacanciue, Nahua priest-
esses, ii., 205.
Cihuatlanquc, Nahua title, ii., 254.
(Hjp, ii., 757, see Zip.
Cimarron River, iii., 595.
Ciniatecuhtli, a Teo-Chichimcc chief,
v., 490.
Cimi, Maya day, ii., 7.'»5-6, 760.
Cinaca-Mecallo, (Guatemala, antiq.,
iv., 116-17.
Cinaliitoh, a C'akchiquel chief, v.,
chap. xi.
("inaloas, i., 607, sec Siiialoas.
Cinchau Vzamna, Maya god, ii.,
696.
Cinihuaj, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-
22; location, i., 459.
Cinnabar, i., 370; iii., 4.35.
Cintcucy^ihua, Nahua calendar-sign
and god, ii., 516.
Cinzica, v., 516, sec .'^intzicha.
Cioacoatl (Ciuacoatl, ('ihuacoatl, Ci-
vacoatl, Cihuacohuatl, ("ihnat-
coatl), Nahua goddess, and title
of supreme judge, ii., 1.38, 2(i9,
434, 608; iii., 350, .363-6.
Cioapipilti, a deified woman, iii., 362.
Cioateucalli ((Mateupan), Nahua place
of nrayer, iii., 362.
C i oat I amacazquc,
iii., 358, 404.
festival damsels,
Ciocotoga, i., 791, see Chorotegans.
Ciondale, i., 791, see Chontales.
Ciotlinahuatl, Nahua {^od, ii., 491.
Cipactli, Nahua day, ii., 511-12, 5I(!-
17; iii.. 252.
( 'ipactonal, Nahua ])rophct and god,
iii, 252; v., 190.
Cipattonal (Zipattoval), Nicaragiui
goddess, iii., 75, 490-1.
(^irce, s i., 145, .see Sarsis.
Circleville, .Mississippi Valley, an-
t'n[., iv., 759.
Circumcision, i., 121, 666; ii., 27S-!»,
679; iii., 439-40, 507; v., 88, 96-7.
Cirics, i., 14.'), see Sarsis.
Cisterns, see Reservoirs.
(Jitan Qatu, a Cakchiqucl ruler, v.,
chap. xi.
Citbolontuni, Maya god, ii., 697.
('it Cliac Cob, Maya temple, ii., 69.3.
Citin, Acolbua ancestral family, v.,
310.
Citimxtonali, name of Tonacatecotl,
iii., 272.
Citlalatonac (Citlallatonac), Nahua
god, iii., 58, 70.
Citlalicue (Citlallinicuc), Nahua god-
dess, iii., 58, 70.
Citli, Nahua god, iii., 61.
Ciuacoatl (Civaeoatl), i., 36.3, seo
C^ioacoatl.
Ciuancnuictli, a concubine, ii
Ciuatlantli, a wife, ii., 264-.5.
Ciudad, see t'crro de la Ciiidad.
Ciudad Real, city, Chiaj)a.s, i.,
Ciutla, town, Guerrero, i., 677.
('ivilization, i., 3-4, 33-4, 154,
615-16; plinscs of, ii., 1-80;
eral view of civilized nations,
81-125, 804-.5.
Clackamas (Clackamis, Clackiinios,
Clackamus, Clakcmas, ('lurka-
uiees, Klackamas), tribe of ('hi-
nooks, i., 222-50; location, i., 'i'.'.'t,
308-10; special numtiou, i., 22',t.
.309.
Clackamas (Clackamos) llivcr, i.,
.308-10.
Clackstars, i., .308; see Clockstars.
Clahclellahs, tribe of Chiiiooks, i.,
222-50; location, i., 31M).
Clahnaquah, tribe of Chinooks, i.,
222-60; location, i., 308.
Clahoose (Klahous), tribe of Noot-
kas, i., 174-208; location, i., 17(>,
296, 298.
ClalliJins (f'lalams, Clallunw, Sklul-
lam, S'ic'aluni, .Sklalluiii, Tsclal-
luni), tribe of Sound Imliuns, i.,
208-22; locatiou, i., 208, 295, 30i;
26.-).
786.
176.
ii.,
INDEX.
665
special mention, i., 211-13, 216-17,
220,222; mvth., iii., 155, 522;lttiiK.,
iii., «0S, (>15.
Clttlhicis, (Clalliiiis), tribe of Nootkus,
i., 174-208; location, i., 2»5.
(Valiums, i., 205; see ClallaniH.
(!!lanict, i., 44,3; sec Klamath.
Clanioctoiniclis, tribe of Sound In-
dians, i., 208-22; location, i., .30,3.
(Jlanioitoini»li, tribe of OliiiiookM, i.,
222-50, location, i., .305.
(■lams, i., 1G:{, 180-8, 213.
Claniniatas, trilie of (.'liinooks, i.,
222-.50; location, i., .30(!.
( 'lannalnninaniuns, tribe of Cliiuooks,
i., 222-50; location, i., 308.
Clannarniinnaniuns, tribe of ('lii-
nooks, i., 222-.50, location, i., otMJ.
('lans, see ('astcs.
('larence .Straits, i., 143.
("larkainees, i., 310; see Clackamas.
(Uarkc Kiver, i., 2.-)2, 311.
(Mass Distinctions, ii., 102-4, 038, G40,
(iC.3. GCS.
Ciasscls (( "iatsets. Macaw.s, M.'ikalis),
tribe of Sound Indians, i., 280-22;
location, i., 2IIS, ;{lt2-3; sjiccial men-
tion, i., 21(111, 21.3-15, 218, 222;
lan^'., iii., (!0S, (il5.
Clatscanias, tribe of ("iiinooks, i.,
222-50; location, i., 301; Ian;;, iii.,
<m.
Clatsop Point, i., .30(5.
Clatso]>s (Clotsoiis, 'riiitsaps), tribe of
(jliinooks, i., 222-50; location, i.,
22.3, A04, .300; special mention, i.,
220, 235, 240; Ian;;., iii., (i2().
("lawetsiis, i., 205; sec Clowetsus.
Claws, as ornaments, i., 117, 420, 4.38,
40(!, 580, 7.")2-3; ii., 372; iii., 308.
Clay, see Kartli.
Clayoquots (Klalioliquabts, Klaoo-
(inates, Ivla-os-qua-tes, Kla.viji'.oits,
TIaonuatcIi, Tloiinatcli), tribe of
Nootkas, i., 174-208; location, i.,
175, 200-7; spec, mention, i., 177,
100, 104, 207.
Clayoquot Somnl, i., 175-G, 205. 207.
Cleanliness, Hyperboreans,!., 81, 8.3;
('oliinibians, i., 187-8; Califoriiians,
i., 4:i0-l; New Me.\icnns, i., 402-3;
.NIexicans, i., (J.54; ii., 245; Central
.Americans, i., GOG, 722, 700.
Clear Lake Indians, Central Califor-
nia tribe, i., .3G1-401 ; location, i.,
3(i2, 448, 451; H|)ccial mention, i.,
304, 3G7-8, 381-2, 385-6, 388-0, 396,
308; myth., iii., 86-7.
Clearwater Uiver, i., 253, 317.
-sops, i., 304, see (^latsops.
i^^diewalllialis, trilie of Chinooks,
CleluiBC (Clehure), trilKs of Nootkas,
i., 174-208; location, i., 205.
Clelikitte, tril)e of Nootkas, i., 174-
208; location, i., 205.
Clickaliuts, i., .320, see Klikctata.
(Jliekituts, i., 256, see Kliketats.
Clicta.ss (("lictars), tribe of lluidalis,
i., 155-74; location, i., 202.
Cliti-Carvin};s, see Hieroglyphics.
Climate, i., 14; ii., 44.55, 87-00; Hy-
perboreans, i., 38, 4.3-5; Columbi-
ans, i., 153, 15G; Californians, L,
.324; New Mexicans, i., 472, CmT,
572; Mexicans, i., (il(i-17, 644; iii.,
312; iv., 141-2, 287-8; Centr.-il
Americans, i., (i8,">-7, 747; iv., 1.35.
Clockstars (Clackstars), tribe of Chi-
nooks, i., 222-.")0; location, i., 306,
.308.
Cloos, i., 292, sec Klues.
Cloth, manufacture and commerce,
i., .582, 726, 7G6-7; ii., 250, 484-5,
752.
('lothinrr, see Dress.
Clotsops, i.
("louji"
i., 222-50; location, i., 309.
("lover. Central Californiau food, i.,
373-7.
Cloverdale, town, Central California,
i., 449.
Clowetsus (ClawetsHs), tribe of Noot-
kas, i., 174-208; location, i., 20.5.
Clubs, (jolnmbians, i., 164, 2.35; Cal-
ifornians, i., 343, 377-8, 407, 431,
4.33; New Mexicans, i., 40.3-4, .541,
5(i2, 578-9; Mexicans, i,, 627; ii.,
408-9; iii., 280, 201; (Jentral
Americans, i., 722, 760, 7()3.
Clunsus, Inland Columbian trilie, i.,
250-01; location, i., 311.
Coacuech, Cliichimec chief, v., 317.
Coacuiles, Nahua priests, ii., (i08.
Coahuayana, river, Michoacan, v.,
.508.
Coahuila, description and location of
tribes, i., 473-.526, .503; lam;., iii..
56.3, .504; anti(|., iv., .508-6(M).
Coahuillas, i., 457, see Cahuillos,
Coaiieiiepilli, snake-bite antidote, ii.,
600.
(^oapatli, snake-bite antidote, ii., 600.
Coa<(uites, North Mexican tribe, i.,
.571-01; hicatimi, i., 611.
Coat of arms, Nahua, ii., 160, 169-
71, 405; iii., 73; iv., 467, 469, 481,
498.
Coatepantli (Coatlapochtli), species
of snakes, ii., 578; iii., 2.54, 292.
Coatepee ((^ohuacteiioc, Cuauhtcpco),
[i
•dh
iUii
tuut
000
INDEX.
station, Aztec migration, v., 323-4,
32!>; lo<;a!ily, l*iiol)lii, v., 491).
Cotttctl, princess of (Jliiilc-o, v., 311.
Couti IhIuikI, i'crii, aiiti(|., iv., H()r>-li.
GoutI, Naliiiii (luy, ii., 511-12, 5HM7.
Cuutlun, Nuliua teiii|(Ic, iii., 4INi; v.,
42(), 478; locality, Oajaca, v.,
chap. X.
Coallaiitoiia (('oatlantoiiun), ii.,315;
iii., 407, see ('oatlicue.
Coatlaii el Viejo, Uucrrcro, aiitiii.,
iv., 424.
Coatlaiieehtii, iii., 254, Hee Coatc-
paiitli.
< 'Oatlayauhcan, station, Aztec nii<^ra-
tioii, v., 323.
Coatlicaniac, v., 323, Hue ('oliiiatlica-
inac.
(!oatiiciian (('oatlvciiaii), city, Mex-
ico, ii., 104, 441; v., 303, 31011,
3l!»-20, 3:13-4, 380, 388, 3<)5.
Coatlicue (('oiiiiatlicue, ('oatlycuc,
(Joatlyacc, Coatlyiite, t'oiitlantoiia,
('(latlantonaii), Naiiiia ;^'<hIiI(-ss, ii.,
315; iii., 28S, 2!»(>, 407, 420- 1; v.,
242, 423-4, 487.
Coatiyace ((Joutlyate), iii., 407, 420;
seedoatiiciie.
(^outzacoalco, iii., 275, see Ooazji-
coalco.
('oatzon, v., 243, sec Coiiiiatzon.
('oaxacayo, Naliua court iiiaiitio, ii.,
375.
Coaxal pan, a chamber of the temple,
iii., :r>8.
Coaxolotl, temple, Tlatcliilco, v.,
42(i.
("oba, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 23fi-7, 2()().
('ohaii, city. Vera Paz, v., chap. xii.
Cocas, ('cntral IVlexii^an tribe, i.,
(il7-44; location, i., ()72; lan;^., iii.,
720.
Cocauhtli(('ataulitlix,Cocoahtli),Tol-
tcc prince, v., 209.
Cocaztzin, lord of (juauhquelcliiila,
v., 349.
(JocheeH, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-
52(»; location, i., 475, .598.
('ochimetl, Nahna };oi|, iii., 410.
Cochimis (('ociiiiiias, Cociiimies,
Colimics, Cotschinii), Lower ("al-
ifornian tribe, i., 5.')(i-71; location,
i., .557-8, (>03; special mention, i.,
.').5S-9, .5(5.5-7, .570; mvth., iii., 83,
170, 529; v., 20; lan<,'.. iii., 087-92.
Cochineal, i., ().59, ((94, 098; ii., 48(i.
Cocliitas, North Mexican tril)c, i.,
571-91; location, i., 572, 607.
Cochiti, Pucbio village, i., 599-600;
lang., iiL, 681-2.
Cochonhlam, Quich6 personage, v.,
chap. xi.
('(ichtoca, locality, Mexico, iii., 2.5.'{.
Cocibolca, locality, Nicarajjua, i.,7!)2.
(Jocinas, tribe of Isthmians, i., 747-85;
location, i., 79(>.
Cociyo, Zapot(!C ami, iii., 457.
(^ociyocza (Cocvoeza;, Zapotcc kint.',
v., 443-7, 534 5.
Coc^iyopn, king of Tehuantepcc, v.,
535.
Cock-lighting, I'ueblos, i. , .5.53.
('ockles, Maitlah food, i., 103.
("oclami'.M, North Mexican tril)C, i.,
571-91; location, i., (ilO.
Cocoahtli, v., 299, see ('ocaulitli.
Cocoa-nut, i., 097, 719, 75!), 7<)8.
Cocobiptas, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; lucation, !., (ill.
Cocohuame, Siiialoa god, iii., 180.
('ocolcan, iii., 282. see ('nknjciiii.
Cocom, king of Mayapan, Yuc, v.,
chap. xiii.
('ocomaricopas, i., 555, .595; iii., (i85;
see Maricopas.
Cocomatcs, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., (ill.
Cocom(;s, Maya nation, ii., (i.'tO-SOli:
special mention, ii., 119, 127, li:<:i
801; iii., 2(iO, 282; name, v., 2i.;
hist., v., chap. xiii.
('oconoons. Central ( 'all fornian tribe,
i., 3(il-401; location, i., 4.%'; lang.,
iii.,(i5l.
Cociipas(( 'ocopahs), tril)e of Apaches,
i., 473-.52(>; location, i., .598.
(Nicori ((.'ocoriin), village, Sonora, i.,
(J08.
Cocosoera, village, Arizona, i., (101.
("ocotl, Nahna place of sacrilii'c, iii.,
333."
Cocotlanca, Central Mexican tribe,
i., (il7-44; location, i., 072.
Cocovcnncs, North .Mexican tribe, i.,
.57J-9I; location, i., (ilO.
Cociila, (iiierreni, antiq., iv., 4'J;t-4.
Cocniatepii, (juerrero, antiq., iv.,4L'4.
Cocyoeza, v., 443-7, see (!ociyocza.
Cod, Koniaga food, i., 70.
Codamcs, North .Mex. trilw, i., .571-
Iiecial I
Jologni
Codex Horgian, ii., 530.
Codex .Mcndoza, ii., .529, .53840.
(j'odcx ('himalpopoca, v., l!)2-t.
Codex Telleriano-Uemensis, ii., .'530.
Co<lex Vaticanns, ii., 529-.'W.
Codex Vienna, ii., 5.30.
CoBurs d'Alfine (Cusnrs d'Alcines),
Inland (Julunibian tribe, i., 2.'iO-91i
91; siiecial mention, i.. Oil
(^oilex llolo^rna, ii., .530.
INDEX.
667
location and name, i., 252, 313-14;
Hi>euiul iiiciitioii, i., '27S, 289.
CcBur d'AlCiie l.iikc, i., 2r)2, 314.
C<jeiir d'Aliine Uivcr, i., 314.
ColKiiH, Hyperbot'CiiiiH, i., (j!),93, 113;
Coluinbiiins, i., 172-3, 20.')-(), 247-!),
288; Californiuim, i., 420; Mexi-
cans, ii., 605-6, ()11-I2, GKi, (il!),
621; Central Aiiiuricaim, i., 744,
82-3; iv., 17-18; AIi»His.si|>i)i Viilley,
iv., 776.
('u;;iiiiiac.liiH, North Mex. trihc, i.,
571-91; lor., i., 606; laiiL'., iii., 699.
(Joj^well, i., 298, hoc (^iuickoIIh.
Cohali, (iiiatciiialan tril)e, i., 686-71 1 ;
location, i., 7S9; origin, v., 21;
liiMt., v., cliup. \i.
Colicuapa (()o!ui|)an, Cozcaapan), lo-
cality, Alex., lii., 253, 258.
('oluiacayaii, station, Cliichinicc nii-
;;ration, v., 294.
( 'oh uac tepee, v., .323, sec Coatepee.
< ohiiaiihiiitl, Nahiia month, ii., 312,
509.
Gohuaixtlahuacan, locality, Oujuca,
ii., 109; v., 415-16.
('ohuaiz(ni, v., 243, sec Cohuatzon.
Coliiianacoch, Chichinieu prince, v.,
474-7.
Coiiiianas, tribe of A|iaclies, i., 473-
52(it location, i., 599.
Cohuanacotzin(('ohiuinacox),aToItee
noble, v., 272-3,277.
('ohnatitlan, station, Aztec migra-
tion, v., 323.
CoiinatI, Nahua title, ii., 189; calen-
dar-sign, ii., 389; jtriestess, v., 254;
Toltec chief, v., 297, 350.
Cohuatlicamac (< 'oatlicamau, Cohu-
atlycainae), station, Aztec migra-
tion, v., 323.
Cohnatlicuc, v., 242, sec Coatlicuc.
(^'oiiuatzin, v., 243, see (.'oiinatzon.
('olitiatzin, lord of .Viiihtepcc, v., 406.
Coiiuatzon (('ohnatzin, I'olumzon,
Coatzon, Coliualzon), Toltec iicro,
v., 212-13, 24,3.
Cohutttzontli, Culhua princess, v.,
358.
Cohnaxochitl, Toltec lady, v., 297.
Cohuazon, v., 243, see (>ohuatzun.
(JoluiitI, v., 328, see Copil.
Cuhuixcus, Naluui inition, i., 617-44;
ii., 133-629; location and name,
i., 678; ii., 109, 127; hist, v.,
307-10, 411-12, 508.
Coiba, Isthmian triljo, i., 747-85; lo-
cation, i., 795; H|>ccial mention, i.,
761; lang., iii., 79.S.
Coiners' Prairie, i., 463.
Coins, antiq., iv., 15-16, 383.
Coitch, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 361-401;
location, i., 45G.
Cojats, Sonth Cal. tril)e, i., 402-22;
locution, i., 459.
Cojo ((Jojotoc), i., 458, sec Xocotoc.
(Jojuklesatuch, tribe of Noolku.s, i.,
174-208; location, i., 295.
Colanii (y'obee I'dcalu, Zupotec priests,
ii., 211.
Colcampatu, royal lands. Pern, v., 47.
ColchacovutI, see (^uet/aicoutl, v.,
242.
Colclic, ancient city in Cuatcmala,
v., chap. xi.
Colchi, (jluatenuila tribe, i., 686-711;
location, i., 788.
Colds, Hyiicrlioreans, i., 86; Mexi-
cans, i.\ 667; ii., 592, 599; Cent
Americans, i., 742; ii., 794-.').
Colcchii, locality, Lower California,
i., 5(i9.
Colhuas, see ('nllinas.
('oliina-Tenctli-t^uanez, see Qnanez.
Colic, N'otkas, i., 204.
Colima, antiq., iv., .572; hist, v.,
473, .508.
Colimies, i., 5.58; iii., 687, sec Co-
cliimis.
Collars, Hyi)erl)oreans, i., 97; Co-
Inmbiaus, i., 170; Californians, i.,
425; .Mexicans, i., 651; ii., 222; iii.,
289, 295, 324, 369; iv., 2:56; (Jent.
American.s, i., 701, 7.36, ii., 63.5,
657.
(."ollcges, sec Schools and Kducation.
('olmena, Chiapas, antiq., iv., 3.53.
Coloc, .South Cal. tribe, i., 402-22;
location, i., 458-9.
Colombia (New Crunadu), untiq., iv.,
15-21.
Colomche, Maya dance, ii., 712.
Colopechtii, Olmec prince, v., 491.
Color, see Complexion.
Colorado, untie)., iv., 717-31.
Colorado Chiqnito, i., 595, 600; an-
ti(i., iv., 641-50.
Colorado Desert, i., 324; iii., .'593;
Cal., untiq., iv., 690-1.
Colorado liiver, i., 4.57, 465-8, 475,
592-3, 595-7, 601-2; lung., iii., 683-
0; antiq., iv., 619, 640; v., .323.
('olorados. North .Mex. tribe, i., 571-
91; location, i., 610.
(Jolotlan, locality, Zucatccaa, i., 671;
iii., 719.
Ci>ltonco, town, Mexico, ii., 560.
(^oltzin, Matlaltzinca god, iii., 446.
Columbia Lukes, i., 314.
Columbia Uiver, i., 95, 161-2, 203,
U
1
¥rxr
6«8
INDEX.
223-4. 22r>, 22!>, 231-2, 238, 251-3,
28!>, 3(»4-(!, 311, 314, 3lfi, 318, 320;
iii., r)7!>, <;i<i, (i (i; iv.. 734.
Coliiinbiaiis, one of the kcvcii Kroiipw
into which tlie iiiitivos of tJu! l*ii-
c.U'w States am Uividcil, located in
Itritisli Coluinhia, Washinfftoii,
(>r(<<{on, Idaho and Moiituiia, he-
twceii hitiJiidc'H 43' and .'i.V, Hiilxli-
vidi'd into nine faniiiicH, tlic llai-
daliH, Nootkas, Sound Indians,
Chinooks, Shiishwa|>s, Kootenais,
()kaiia;;ans, Saiish .iiid Sahaptins.
Manners and customs of each of
the lii'st four fandlies descrilied
separately and of the last live to-
gether as the inland nationn, i.,
I.IO-.'WI; loi-ation, divisions, and
tribal boundaries, i., l.TO-fi, '.JiVi-
.321; mvth., iii., .')l<>-'2'2; lanf;., iii.,
TitU-r), (;()4-34; ori-,'in, v., l'.>.
CVdnnins, ii., rt.").'*. r»72 ; iii,. .''>04-.'»;
antiq., iv., 17, '-'!», 1 1'2-14, 120, l(i(!-7,
175, 18(M, 201), 212-20, 220, 2:W),
242, 244-5. 257. 274-5, .300, 408, 41(),
410, 443, 448, 478-0, .520, 547-0, 585,
rm, (i(K>, 713; v., .50-fiO.
Colnsu Conntv, i.. 4.50.
("(diisas. Cent'. Cal. tribe, i., .3(il-401;
location, i., .3(i2. 4.50.
Colvilles, Iiihiiid Colnnibian tribe, i.,
2.50-01; location, i., 252, 314; spe-
cial mention, i.,2(i5, 280-1.
Colvillc Valh-y, i., 314.
Coinacho.s, ('ent. Cal. trilie. i., 3(51-
4(U; location, i., .3()2, 440; special
mention, i.. .38(J.
(/oinaj^re, Isthiniau Province, i., ""8,
7(iO-70, 782.
(/umahcan, (.inichd prince, v., chap,
xi.
ConialA, village, Colima, i., 6.38.
Conialli, earthen bakin<r-paiis, i., 6.30;
ii., 35.5.
(.'oiuanches (Knbaons, Hietans, .Ic-
tans, Nanni, Yetas, Yetans), tribe
of Apaches, i., 473-.52(! ; hx^ition,
i., 473, .501-2; special mention, i.,
477-8. 483-4. 48t!, 401-0, 400-500,
5<)(i-!.3, 516-2.3, .525-6; myth., iii.,
170, 528-0; laiij,'., iii., 6()0-.3, 670,
672.
Ooniatlan, locality, .Jalisco, i., 072.
('umavagua, town, Honduras, i., 700;
antici., iv., 70-1.
Combat, i., 105-(i, 728; ii., 310, 286,
30.5, .31M), 410, 420-;iO , iii., 413-15,
420.
Combs, i., 216, 649, 754; ii., 751.
Coinccamotcs, North Mcx. tribe, i
57101; location, i., 013.
('omeiTudoH, North Mex. tril)e, i.,
571-03; location, i., <il.3.
('omepescados. North Mcx. tril)e, i.,
571-01; location, i., 612.
( 'oniesacapenics. North Mex. trilic,
i., 571-01; location, i., (il3.
Come^vas, i., 457-8; see niegiicriiis.
Coini|ahnal, Honduras ruler anil ;ro(l-
dcHs, v., cha]>. xii.
(■oniitiiii, town, Chiapas, i.,682; iuii;;.,
iii., 7(>2; antii|., iv., .3,52.
Coniixahual, Honduras goddos.s, jij.
485.
Commemoration, Nahua festival, ii.,
.328. .331.
t'onimerce, Hyj»erboreans, i., 20-31.
64-.5, 107-8, 128-0; Colnni!)iiins, i.,
167, 102, 217, 238-0, 273-4; Ciilildi-
niaiis, i., 4.35; New .Mexicans,!..
.5(H>, .54.5, r>M, .583; .Mexicans, i.,
631 ; ii., 3.30, 378-!(7, 4<i4, 47.3, r,:>S ;
iii., 40.3, 416-17; v., 41.5, 421, .1.5(1-
n, .502-3; Cent. .Xincricans, i., 7(K»,
" ""-6; ii., 6.5.3. 73,5-8.
Communion. Naliiia sacrainciit, iii.,
323. 408.440,444; Nicaraguaiis, ii..
710; iii., 404.
('oino;;re, tribe of Isthmians, i., 7M-
85; location, i., 705; lang., iii., 7!W.
('omoporis. North Mex. tribe, i., 571 ■
01; loc, i., (J08-0; lang., iii., 707.
Coniox, British Columbia, aiiti(|.,
iv.. 7.30-40.
C'Omplexion, Hyperboreans, i., 12-14,
4.5,71-2,07, IK), 127; ColuniMiiiis,
i., 1.57, 177-8,210,22.5, 255(1; Cali-
fornians, i., .328, .3(i4-6. 4(t', 4'-';t;
New Mexicans, i., 477-0. 5J0-.'i(),
.5.58, .573; Mexicans, i., (MO, (M(i-H;
ii., (»24-5; Cent. Americans, i., (188,
714-1.5, 750-1; ii., 802.
('ornux, (('oinonx, Komux), tribe of
Nootkas, i., 174-208; btcatioii, i.,
175, 205-7; sitecial mention, i., 208;
iii., mn.
Conache, t^niche ruler, v., ciiap. xi.
(!oncabe y Muca, nanu; for ibailpc,
i., .528.
('oncepci;in, village, Sinaloa, i., (!(•!•.
('(Micepcion IJav, i.. (iO.5.
Concepcion ('uirinipo, village, Smio-
ra, i., (!()7.
Concepcion dc Macoyahui, viihifrc
Sonura, i., (>07.
('onchaguaGulf, i., 791; v., cliaii. xii.
Conchos, North Mex. trilw, i., 571 -i'l;
loc, i., 572, 610; spec, mention, i.,
675; lung., iii., ()88, 714.
..^''''Vxi./l'/fr- "- C33. 645;
„ •■'■•■•. 471.'. 4»/.);-' '■''•*• «"«. «83. 7!>r,;
' <>n<liit'.st, HoJ \Vur
't'SrNtt.'","." -^ — .,'
437-8. '" '"'verninoiit, ii
p ''•!•, iv., 710 ^' '-"''roniia, un-
'^'•'xicaim, i., 48').Oo Ntn '-P: ^«w
?• Mfixicans i fio';;' fil?'/! '. •"•77-
,. • 1 «94-5, 72().I 7,8 n'^^'"«"«ui«,
'"'•'^•'ose(Cook;;Il^\'':j. 722-5...;
INDKX.
47; loc, i., 712 70,
588. '• '■• "". IW, I4», iii
^SSni%.""^'i.iv..7...
,.»"'V-' 2:^0-!) fit: <'".'-"l>ia,.
'ooHcs I (..', *'^"' 250.
^•oot ((:;."(•,.?" ^!;^^""«''-«-
,,'"<^^«tm„. i„4ri '"K i, 3C1.4«J;
'/»<>t(Hiai.s, i •>';r, ■ ,,
..j«2«-«^/o'.a.^-,^f^
T'SS'^"--"^ Manna.....
<"]"lli. Naliaa cn,yy„ ;: ,^,
<•')'". ^'JH-'ci.-H of free •,; vLt^' •*7'"'-«-
' opiier, Hvi>n..i • "•' *»S.{.
JoV/>^'•n'Tr■''''•••''». 7J) 97
'V.. 7()2-4. ' ''*'^' '•"•'ntiiti.j..
' iiroi^-a"'' '■• ^' "'»' '42, 149;
; I"
670
iNDKX.
Copiiiinish, I., 317, see Dinpunnish.
Coqiiille IUvct, i., 3()8, 44J-3.
Cufiiiilthif, i., 2!K}, see Ciimckolla
CoqiiiiiH, i., 443, Hce Tutuiiiilis.
C(M|iiiza-Cliil>atu,va Odzouiiiitao, Za-
IM)tec god, iii., 449.
CoquoiitaiiH, name of Thlinkoet rlaii,
i., 1()!>, 143.
Cora, I'inia lia»kct boat, i., 544.
('oral, i., 683, ()'23, 752.
Coras, Lower (.'al. tribe, i., 5.')6-71;
Uuiitioii, i., ()()3; laiij,'., iii., ()87-93;
Bperial iiieiitioii, i.,571; North Mex.
tril)c, i., 57I-!M; ioiration, i., 007;
Ian;,'., iii.. (Um-S, 678, 70<5, 719-t«;
Cent. Mexican tribe, i., 017-41; lo-
cation, i., (>71-'2; sjiei-ial mention,
i., «35, (i37, 040-1, (i43; v., 509.
Corarus, (Jent. Mex. trilie, i., 017-44;
location, i., 672.
(Yirdova, i., 293; Vera Cruz, antiq.,
iv., 434-5.
(V)r(lova, Hernandez de, arrival on
coasst of Mex., v., 470.
Cords, Hyperboreans, i., 91; Colum-
bians, i., 10.5-6, 185-0; New Mexi-
cans, !., 582-3; Mexicans, ii., 484,
651-2; Cent. Americans, i., 706.
Coribici (Coribizi), Guatemala tribe,
i., 086-711; location, i., 791; lang.,
iii., 791.
Corn, (ktlunibians, i., 234; New Mex-
icans, i., 510. 533, .538, 5.50-1, 577,
581; Mexicans, i., 024-0, 652-4; ii.,
.m, .348-349.
Com Creek Valley, i., 408.
Corn Island, i., 715, 717.
Coronados, C^cnt. Mex. tribe, L, 617-
44; location, i., 072.
Coronation, Aztecs, ii., 147-67; v.,
389, 408, 425, 428. 437, 455, 501;
Quichiis, ii., 041.
Corozo-nuts, i., 708.
Corpulency, Columbians, i., 156, 176,
224-5, 254; New Mexicans, i., 477-
8; 558, 57.3.
Corpus Christ! Bay, i.. 694.
Corralitos, Chihuahua, antiq., iv.,
604.
Cortds, Hernan, arrival at Vera Cruz,
v., 479-82.
Cort«Sa, Juan, Quich«5 king, v., chap.
xi.
Cosispas, Inland Columbian tribe, i.,
260-91; location, i., 317.
CosninoB, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-
626; location, i., 476, 698; special
mention, i., 478.
Cosoa, Cent Cal. tribe, i., 361-401 ;
location, i., 456.
Costahuntox, Chiapanec god, iii. ,458.
Costunos, i., 453, see OliTones.
Costa Kica, antiq., iv., 21-5.
('OHta Iticans, tribe of Isthmians, !.,
747-85; Hiiecial mention, i., 754-.5,
761, 775, 780, 784; lang., iii., 57'J,
700, 793; iiist., v., chap. xii.
Costrowcrs, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., .'5HI-
401; location, i.. 303, 450.
Cosullientcns, North ('al. tribe, i.,
.320-01; location, i., 44.3.
CoHuiiines Kiver, i., 455-0; lang., iii.,
648-9.
Cosumnics (Cosumnes), Cent. Cal.
tribe, i., 301-401* location, i., 4."0;
lang., iii., 649.
Coswas, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., .3(il-4((l;
location, i., 4.55.
Cotastia, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv., 41").
Cotejcn, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 3(il-l01;
location, i., 4.5.'!.
Cotonois, i., 311; see Kootenais.
Cotschiml, iii., 087, see (Jocliiinis.
("otter's Oeck, i., 317.
Cotton, New Mexicans, i., .502, .504,
631-2, 538, 544, 574, 582; Mcxicaiis,
i., 620-1, 030, 048-50, U',:,, (mT-S,
667; ii., 363-9, 484, 572-3; iii.,LMi;
Cent. Americans, i., (iSi)-!)2, C'.i},
715, 723-4, 751-2, 703, 7()0; ii., 71S-
19, 720-9, 742, 752.
Cottonwood, North Cal. boats, i., 'Mi'<.
Cottonwood Valley, i., 597; iv., 707.
Cotuha, (iH)ch('' king, v., chap. .\i.
('otuha II., (Quiche king, v., cliap. xi.
Cotzales, Nortli Mex. tribe, i., 571-i>l;
location, i., 012.
C'otzbalam, Quiche mythic aniniul,
iii., 47.
Cotzumalgnapan, village, Guatciimla,
i., 788.
Councils, Mexicans, ii., 139, 188-9,
418, 420, 438-9, 442, 492-3; v., 314;
Cent. Americans, i., 702; ii., C41-2,
646, (J55.
Counting, see Arithmetic.
Coup<is, tribe of Chinooks, i., 222i)0;
location, i., 309.
Couriers, Nahuas, ii., 175, 413-14,402.
Court-etiquette, Nahuas, ii., 18.5.
Court-martial, Nahuass, ii., 418,442.
Courtship, Hyperboreans, i., 134; Co-
lumbians, 1., 192, 196, 241, 277-8;
Califomians, i., 349-.50; New Mex-
icans, i., 511-12, 547-9, 565; Mcxi
cans, i., 632-3; ii., 254-5; Central
Americans, i., 729-32; ii., 66C-7.
Couse (Cowish), food. Inland Co-
lumbian tribes, i., 266.
Coutanies, i., 311, sec Kootcnaia
Couvade, i., 391-2, 585
<' :..i
INDEX.
C71
»-, 3()3, 4.%- •""■«'!; l<)civtioii,
!'f«"..mr;S^^^>^'i:0. tribe
'•.' 209, 299, .TO3 4 ' wii. --' '"'^•■
^ tion, ,-., 210, 220 ' "''*"'• "'*"'■
, prince, v., 314 ' < '"LJuinof!
; oxcot.in,' TouSi r7''^:;.-J' «-7-
492-5. ' ■*• ^•^"■•. 339-44,
*'0,va Man/a'^Sr.^'^'^^^'^-^^^^^^^^
Upac, v., 46. "^^ Alunco
Coyohuacan. see?' v.i "''• "' ^95.
C()voI»n,.V. •' ^^^ ^iiilizotl.
r.2S'^"'''^'»'fe"'''''-«aWtIicue,
Coyote Itiver, i., 452
9J; special mention i fill ' ""•
^5S "i 1,yiH i.. 405;
137J). kl 545:8%''?^ ?;• "^ -^7.
co-y«k.rkfe';?t^i:t8^«^'«'7.4«2:
'ocation, i., 454 ' ' ^^^'^Ol;
Coamna,2apotecgo<l,iii,457.
<^o/al)v Pah I-, , .,
<'<«an,al,.a,a,. i;,":;f ';'"..'■•. 4«.;.
.412, 417. ''^"^""-e, Oajaca, v.,
790. '""^^•'^«" Salvador, i
,.iv.,259.C«. 2«« '^''^■•^' '"■• 7«1;
'•. 633; i. o;, fi Lf'*'.'.-^''-xican8,
S^». ^ios^-nlo-lSr'^'f ^
I reation-mvtlis H.7. i' ''•
Mnv.v. ■''.lexieans, iii 7/; «g'
Alexicans, iij., 55-74 'r J .'
^T^4 •"•' ^' 74^£"^
'72-3. 205-6- (ti;V """'•''''"s. '•.
8. 396-^20^1 in"'-"""' '■• 356:
Mexica ns; i ^fo' ;L'.'l' ^V' New
Mexicans i ' mf,\^f;/f'' 589;
^M-en.^rfi;^.t^5-2J;ii,.
783-4; 1,.. 798 800, ""«> >-. .80,
Credent City. North California, i..
C'';i^.Jets,WerCalif„n.ia„fo„,,,,^
'*EicS'i"S'^,ii' rT-' New
ea"Vi/«59:6bTii."Ts6?"'c''rV
^«.s.ii..'64«;tit'24^rS'
""fcCe^''^'''--' -'I names
^«o.3u.5?3S:374:a.4^^'
I'l' .. -
ii!
I 'I
673
INDEX.
437-8, 461, 481, 498, .W3, RUo,
572, 574, «74; v., --'S, 48, '-'(iO.
CrottH .Suiiiul, i., 9(), 14*2.
Crosswers, tribe of Hiiidulm, i., 155-
74; location, i., 292.
Crown, Mcxicuns, ii., 147-8,307, 322,
337, 375-«, 404-5, 441; iii., :U\, 344,
352, .35t), 359, 309, 385, 390-2, 39«>,
407-8, 411-12; Cent. Aniericans,
!., 702; ii., Kio.
Crown-liiiul», Nuhnas, ii., 224-.5.
Crows, i., 405; ii., 7I(); iii., 97.
Cruzudos, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-
52U; location and name, i., 475,
599; special mention, i., 478.
Cu (Qn), Naiiua temple, iii., 192, 240,
292.
Cuaahtcnialteca, (jiuatemalu tribe,
i., 08(!-711; location, i., 787.
Cuacliichiles, i., G14, see (lUachi-
chiles.
Cuachil<;o, station, Aztec ini<;ratioii,
v., 323.
Cuaqne Hiver, i., 607.
Cnauhtcpec, v., 324, see Cohuactepec.
Cuautla, town, Mexico, i., (572.
Cucapils, iii., (S85, see Culnianas.
Cnciians, i., 597, see Yumas.
Cuchanticus, tribe of Apaches, i.,
473-526; location, i., 592.
Cuchians, Central California tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 453.
Cuchinochis, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-91; location, i., 612.
Cuchiunaquiq, Quiche j;od, v., 175.
Cuchumatanes, ancient name of
mountains in (Guatemala, v., chap.
xii.
Cuconiogna (Cucamonga), viUage,
South California, i., 460.
Cuculcan, ii., 119; iii., 281; see Cu-
kulcan.
Cuculetes, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-
526; location, i., 598.
Ciu'ullo, a Mexican beetle, i.,C49.
Cucumutz, see Gucumatz.
Ciicununiic, Pericui god, iii., 84.
Cucurpe, village, Sonora, i., 606-7.
Cueba, see Cueva.
Ciiccaltzin, iii., 385, see Xiulitecutli.
Cuechintli, Nahua military mantle,
ii., 402.
Cuecopan, il., 563, see Tlaquechiuli-
can.
Ciieitl, Nahua petticoat, ii., 368-9.
Cuelap, Peru, antiq., iv., 797-8.
Cuelcajen-ne, Apache tribal name,
i., 474; iii., 594.
Cuencam^, locality, Zacatecas, i.,
614.
Cuernavaca (Quernauaca, Quuhiina-
huhc, (juauhnahuac), locality,
Mexico, i., H',i', 676; ii., I0i»;
antiq., iv., 481-2; v., 265, 310, 361-
2, 40«i.
Cuernos quemados. North Mexican
tril»e, i., 571-91; location, i., 6I.S.
Cues ( Macoyahuis), North Mex. tritic,
i., 571-91; location, i., 607; lung.,
iii., 707.
Cuesiiiiias, iii., 685, see Yamajabs.
Cuetlachtlan, ancient province in
I'ueblu and Vera Cruz, v., 417-19,
469-70, 499.
Cuetlaxcnapan (Cuetlaxcohuupnn),
town, W-ra Cruz, i., 670-1; v.,49.">.
Cuethixochitl, Chichimec princes.-*,
v., .311.
Cuetzal (Quetzal), Culhua king, v.,
.3.30-1.
Cuetzpalin, Nahua day, ii., 511-12,
,516-17.
Cueva (Cueba), Isthmian province
and tr-'ie, i., 747-85; location, i.,
749, 795; special mention, i,, 7.')H-
4, 760-1, 761, 769-70, 779-80, 784;
lang., iii., 794.
Cuexcomaixtlahuacan, locality, Mex-
ico, v., 472.
Cuexpatchicuepul, Nahua .scalp-lock,
ii., 401.
Cuextecas, i., 674; v., 208; see Unas-
tecs.
Cuextecatl, Nahua chief, v. , 208,
Cuextecatlichocayan, station, Aztec
migration, v., 324.
Cuextlan, proviiu-e. Vera ( "ruz, v.. 420.
Cuba, tiuicliL" royal jjalacc, ii., 643.
Cubtzutecas, tribe of Apaches, i.,
473-526; locution, i., 592.
Cubuac, Toltec city, v., 295.
Cuhuanas (Cuhanas, Cucapiis), tribe
of Pueblos, i., 526-56; fang., iii,,
685.
Cuicacalco, Nahua school-house, ii,,
Cuicatecs, South Mexican tribe, i,,
644-70; location, i., 681; special
mention, i., 652; lang., iii., 7i">-'-3,
Cuicillos (Cuiztillos), burial mounds,
iv., 551, 593.
Cuicovan, Nahua dance-house, ii.,
290."
Cuicuetzcatl, Tlasealtec ruler, v., 497.
Cuilapa, locality, Oajaca; lang., iii.,
749; antiq., iv., 388.
Cuiico, village, Guatemala, i., 787.
Cuiiton, Toltec noble, v., 2.54.
Cuisujer, iii., 685, see Yamajabs,
'"u nation'',- ^ W"?'^"?'. Na-
S9»-700' 705-' ii" 'd-"', «33. 647.
, 463, 4«5;"^.. ":;.,. •^^•, 2fi0. 281-2,
pity. A4il^''r'";';;''v.V"''''™").
221, 24> 2(V r,; w|'„^- "'3. 188.
name, i., 675; /i "j '„ '"?"""» «!'«!
mention, iij. gA/" ' • '-^J «pecial
Culknn,^, i i"'u„f •'- «''.'' inmaiabs.
^'"'"1, Cent Cal •f'ff »i""'U«l«.
^<o^atio„,ti^- tnbe, .., 3C1.401;
vr^ir'' ''"'"'^y '» Michoacan,
Cun.at..^G..aten,ala tribe, hist., v..
""^^THiSl^^ ,<^alifor„ia„
''"r"'"' '°'-'^"*^' New York,
469. ' *^-42; location, i
"as), trilj of iS?*'"''' P*"'""-
8.5; location, j m^T'- V 7-*^-
t'o", i., 78'= '' special men-
location, 79J'?T:^".«''- 747-85;
'•• 785; Jang fii.- : T4"*' """tion;
Vot. V. 43
INDEX
11.,
673
^"P«. Columbians, i.. ,«., ,^. „
S "■'"""■ '•"■-i«" i»i«,™. i..
^S*'"'' '''"" «f M'-ehoacan. v.,
Curincnaro Aclmrin i
^,Micl.oaean,v '."[L"' '"^'''y in
t urinL'li6a tiiui. u
''•S^'"^'^"^"---. 582; Mayas, a.
Curnrn Honduras, antin iv -.
':i,»{-».'a,V,;:'!ra'Mt:
Cimhooks, tribe of CI,i„ooks i 900
5<); location, i., S0>) ' "^^■
v., C
--■ > ... UVI. •
>"taneons.,li:,ca8Ps n'..V-'i^-
tiitaneous-(li.,ca8es Ti ' f^-
i-. 68; New m;v.- •''""■^'cans.
Mexic«„r 638 r"'* '"i ^^^
cans, i. 778 • *'^^' <-«"*• Ameri-
C..t,,r«.s, tribe 'of Isthn.ians i 747
»J; location, i 749 ' '-' '47-
' n.Viinia, i.. dan „«., l'
location, i., 459: ' '' ^<>2-22;
C..yup„n.high.priestofMichoacan.
Cuyutlan. CoJima, antiq., iv., 57a
? Jilliji
'I'^ImSt
j ;jl||ii
m
INDEX.
Ciixcatlan, name of Salvador, v.,
clinp. xii.
I'luco, I'urii, uiitii|., iv., 8(M; v. 47.
Cycle, Nuhuu calendar, ii., 'Ml, MIS;
v., 4tf3; Muyu calendar, ii., J6\-R.
Cypres*, i., 214; ii.,557; iv., tm, 527.
Dabaiba, Isthniian KtxldcBS, iii., 408.
I>tti;(;er8, i., 104-5, 164, 188.
IJannohabcH,, Cent Cal. tribe, i.,
.%l-44)l; location, i., 451.
Daliu-tena, (Aclieto-tena), tribe of
Tinnch, i., 114137; loc., i., 149.
Dalles ( Dallas), i., 161, 222, 227,230,
258, 289, .304.
Dani8, see Weirs and EinbankmcntH.
Dan (Taniub), Uuuteniala tribe, i.,
68tf-711; location, i., 789; hist, v.,
chap, xi,
Dances, Hyperboreans, i., 6G-7, 84-5,
02-.% 112, 119-20; iii„ 145, 507;
Columbians, i., 170, 197-200, 219,
24:1, 281-2; Culifomians, i., 351-2,
392-.% .397, 411, 416-17; NewMcxi-
canH. i., 51.5-16, .560-2, 566, 686-7;
Mexicans, i., 6.35, (>64; ii., 243,
260-1 288-91, 311-12, .32.3-8, .329-31,
:i3.3-4, 3.37-8, 340, 393, 586, 617-19,
.354, 359-60; iii., 386, 392, 409-10,
426-7. 429; v., 486; Cent Ameri-
cans, i., 607, 705-6, 709, 733, 736-8;
ii., 669, 680, 607-8, 700-1, 703, 707,
710-14.
Du|Nirabopo8, North Mex. tribe, !.,
571-01; location, i., 611.
Daricn, Nations and tribes descrilHid,
i., 747-85; location, i., 704-7; spe-
cial mention, i., 751, 753, 766, 769,
771, 784-5, 706; lang., iii., 703-5.
Darts, Hyperboreans, i., 90; New
Mexicans, i., 562, 582; Mexicans,
ii., 3.35, 408 10; iii., 404; Central
Americans, i., 722, 7<)0-2; ii., 720,
742-3.
Dates, IsthniiHii dtink from, i., 775.
David, towr<, Tjthmus, antiu., iv.,
16-17.
Deaf and Dumb, at Comalo, i., 638;
lung., iii., 4.
Dean Canal, L, 294.
Death, Hyperboreans, i. , 76, 93; Co-
lumbians, i., 172-3, 247-8; Cali-
fornians, i., 354-60, 420-1 ; New
' Mexicans, i., 500-10, 524, 569; Mex-
icans, iii. , 129, 401-2; Cent. Amer-
icans, i., 744-6, 782-3; it, 667-9; iii.,
59-4.
Debts, Maya laws eoncemine, ii.,
064,650.
Decorations, Nahuaa, ii., 272, 284,
332, .389, 555-tJ, 671-2, 582-3.
Decoys, hunting and fishing, i., 5.1,
90, 186, 2«W, :m, .376-6, 677.
Deep Bay, British Columbia, antin.,
iv., 741.
Deer, Hvpcrlmrcans, i., 60, 5.5-7, 77-H,
117, 1.35; Columbians, i., 162, 187-!),
201, 211, 213, 230-1, 234. 268. 2WI,
263-4; Californians, i., 3.30, :m-l,
344, 347, 367-8, 373, 403, 405, 424l>,
428; New Mexicans, i., 481-4, 4iM),
638, 551, 574, 677 ; iii., 80; Mexi-
cons, i., 620-1, 626, 627, 648, 6^0;
iii., 129, 131-2; Cent AmerieanH,
i., 694-5, 721; ii., 708, 720-1; iii.,
70-1.
Deer Creek, i., 466.
Deformity, Mexicans, i,, 688, 6.38; ii.,
502, 625; Ma^yus, ii., 681-2.
Dcguthi Kutchin (IjOUcIicux), tribe nf
Tinneh, i., 114-.37; locution, i., I4(i;
special mention, i., 120, 131, 1.37;
myth., iii., 141-2; lang., iii., 58<i.
Dcguthee Dinoes, name for Kutcliiiiis,
i.,ll&.
Del Norte County, i., 443, 445; iii.,
161.
Del Norte Valley, i., .590.
Deluge, myths, v., 138 ; Hyperbore-
ans, iii., 100, 103; v., 14; Culifor-
nians, iii., 86, 88, 647-8; v., U;
New Mexicans, iii., 76, 78-9; v., H;
Mexicans, iii., 64, 70, 72; v.. 12-i;<,
20, 19.3-4, 209; Cent. AnicrioaiiH,
iii., 46-7, 74; v., 13-14; IVruviuim,
v., 14-16.
Deozacuancu, station, (^uiclic mi-
gration, v., chap. xi.
Derricks, Aztecs, ii., 6.56.
Des Chutes, Inland Columbian tribe,
i., 250-91; location, i., 320.
Des Chutes Itiver, L, 262, 320; ill.,
638.
Dciscrtion, punishment fur, ii., 418,
746.
Deserts, i., 1.53, .324, 472.
Desolation Sound, i., 18.3-4, 298.
De8|K>ti»m, ii., 61, 185, 191-2, G.34.
Destruction Island, i., 303.
Development, causes and principlex
of, ii., 18-8a
Dianmnd Kiver, i., 466. 597.
Diamond Spring, California, aiitiq..
iv., 70&
Diorrhea, i., 287, 742; ii., 592, 600.
Dice, gambling, ii., 300.
Didues (Didids), Lower CaL tribe,
I., 656.;
,,.'•'•. 687
liie^uefloi
''"egefit
*Hiuth C
tjon, i.,
,"0M, i.,
r,.'»'*. iii
Diggers, ti
f2j locat
,..''»'*. iii.
DigotTiis, n
Dinnoh i.,
i'lriamlxi, \
DirianM(Di|
686-711;
„."}y"«-. iii.
^'iriomo (U
,,.•»;«, 43.5-6,
DlSCOldlll 8t<
,,.>v.. 7012.
''iHoaso, ei'u
disease.
Dishes, t;„h,
-'3«; (Jalifor
4-702; Mex
<«3-4; Cent
,..7« ; "., 723
"isol)edience.
l^taft, I., 165;
J'istortion of J
«"«. i-. 72. 9;
'58-9. I8I.2;
Mexicans, i.
m,c„. A,
J>itches, see Ex
3;9-27. 331-3.
J^iWsions, of na
Divorce, Nalnias
Marriage.
Woctoro see Med
H'-Wbs, i., u
^<i«nneh.
[^"g Kiver, i., .32(
^"ff-Kivers (Case
»"d.Columbiai
"%?' Hyr-crbore*
B 267, 285; >
••06. 618, 544, &
*'^ n., 605,
SX ffirS .^^^niino^.
"»«. i., 402 4«''«'^'*-^''J 'oca-
INDEX.
W"»oh. .,115 Z, '!•''''"."*'• '•• ^>«-
, '"«•», i., VS "■ ""W, Nim.
*jr.i., 165, lii.OT
&,:?■• iv*- "Si
JJ.'tches, see Excavation-
313. ' ""'' 339; iii., 30J,'
^gsions. of nations, i., 36-7; ii
^mS,^"""-' •'•' 2«2-3. see also
^•imneh. ' **' *« T'tlingcha-
»"g Ujver, i., 320.
, location, i., 320 ' '•• ^-^'J
•^: m SJ; Sr ^r'^"-' ^
67C
no^.re^<ive,i..4«,1;(;tah.a„ti,..
Htitl>iaii8, i. •.'ti .,. ; rl;,'*i Col-
"ouglas t'anai; i., 20a
68.{). "^'"S* ™yti»., iii., 66,
['own, see Feathers
nrawbridffcs, see Brid<res.
211. 796! '^■^'^23' 734, 741; ii.,
joq /,' .v:' ' ■> JO/-8, 40.3-4. 4lo aiu
«».«»-i,%i'°3S;^;IK;
676
INDEX,
318-31, 333-4, 337, ?63-77, 395-6,
401-7, 413-14, 428-9, 604-8, 614-16,
621; iii., 259-60, .324-5, 333-4, 3.39,
353-61, .369, 385-7, .390-2, 407-8, 411-
12, 416-18, 422-3, 425-7, 433, 435-
437; Cent. Americans, i., 689-92,
705-6, 715, 736-7, 744-5, 751-4, 764,
782-3; ii., 635, «62-3, 683, 688-9,
707, 710, 713, 726-35, 741; iii., 473.
Drinks, Hyperboreans, i., 76; Culifor-
nians, i., .394, 437; New Mexicans,
i., 517, 549-50, 586; Mexicans, 1.,
6.36, 654, 664-5; ii., 359-60; iii., 243;
Cent. Americans, i., 706-7, 739,
774-6; ii., 70.3, 723-5.
Droit lie Seigneur, i., 584-5; ii., 671.
Droutli, see Climate.
Drowning, sacrifice by, ii., .306, .308.
Drums, i., 91, 39.3, 516, 552, 586, 705,
738, 765, 774; ii., 292-3, 404-5, 412,
583-4, 713.
Drum.sticks, i., 552, 705; ii., 293.
Drunkenness, Hyperboreans, i., 57;
Columbians, i.,' 169, 243; Califor-
nians, i., 3.'>4, 4.37; New Slexicans,
i., 515, 517, 549-50, HGii, 586-7; Mex-
icans, i., (!28, 635-6, 664; ii., 285,
3.33, 360-1, 394, 460-2, 617, 627;
Cent. Ainericans, i., 706-7, 735, 774;
ii., 641, 689, 694, 718, 724-5, 803.
Dry Creek, Cal., autiq., iv., 707.
Dry Creek Valley, i., 449.
Dtcli^-ta-ut-'tinne, laiig., iii
'Dtinu6, i., 114, sec Tinncli.
Durks, i., 50, 577, 625-6, 760; ii., .351,
721.
Duckwarra Lagoon, Mosquito coast,
antiq., iv., 27.
Duelling, Naliuas, ii., 628.
Dulcc, gulf, Cuatcmala, v., chap. xi.
Diing, poison antiilote, i., 762.
Dungeucss, i., ,302.
Duraiigo, nations and tribes, i., 571-
91, 617-44; special mention, i., 623,
nivtli., iii., 179; lang., iii., 667, 710,
717-19; antiq., iv., 600-1; hist., v.;
222.
Duties, see Taxes.
Dwamisli, tribe of Sound Indians, i.,
208-22; location, i., 300.
Dwamish Lake, i., 300.
Dwamisli River, i., 300.
Dwarfs, Naliuas, ii., 183.
Dwellings, Hyperboreans, i., 42, 50-4,
74-5, 89, 102-3, 118, 123-4, 120; Co-
lumbians, i., 160-1, 169, 18.3-.'), 191,
211-12, 231-2, 259-61; Californians,
i., .3.34-6, 371-3, 404.5, 426-7; New
Mexicans, i., 48.5-7, 533-8, 559-60,
675; iv., 668-60; Mexicans, i., 24,
587.
624, 651-2; ii., 160-74, 336, 5.53-74;
iii., 240, 255; Cent. Americans, i.,
692-3, 717-18, 732, 754-8, 780; ii.,
783-9
Dyeing, i., 166, 345, 603, 657, 698,
724, 766; ii., 370, 486-7, 752.
Dysentery, i., 521, 708, 742; ii., 600.
Dzawindanda, Miztec king, v., 415-
16.
Dze-Yaxkin, ii., 757, see Yaxkin.
E
Eagle Prairie, L, 446-7.
Eagles, i., 105, 172, 580, 716; ii., 160,
327, 3.37; iii., 78-9, 129, 356; v., 13-4
Early County, Mississippi Valley,
antiq., iv., 767-8.
Ear-ornaments, Hyperboreans, i., 97,
128; Columbians, i., 159, 182, 211,
229; Californians, i., 333, 3(!8-9,
426; Nsw Mexicans, i., 482, 5i>\),
574-5; Mexicans, i., 623, 649-51; ii.,
290, 307, 372, 395; iii., 238, :V2o,
369, .385, 416; Central Anicricaiis,
i., 691, 717, 752-4; ii., 731.3.
Earth, various uses of. Hyperboreans,
i., 51, 72, 75, 89, 107, 130; Colum-
bians, i., 210, 212, 2i)7-8, 271; Ciili-
ifonians, i., .3.33-4, .369, 371-2, 401,
424, 4i;6, 4.34-5; New Mexicans,
i, 481, .500, 532-.3, 535-6, .WC; Mex-
icans, ;., 623-4; 031, 650-2; ii.,317-
18, 372, 599; Central Anicricuiis, i.,
718, 766; ii., 733-4, 750; myths.,
iii., 121-2; Phallic worship, iii., m.
Earthquake, Mexican syni'tol, iii.,
129; events, v., 463, 4()8, 472.
Earthworks, see Embankments.
Eating, i., 75-6, 163, 187-8, 214, 2(i(i,
560-1.
Eating-houses, Nahuas, ii., 357, 384.
Eb, Maya day, ii., 755-6, 760.
Ecalchot, Nicaragua god, iii., 401.
Ecatepec (Ecatepc, EliocatcpiM:), sta-
tion, Aztec migration, v., 321-4.
EcatI, iii., 491, see Ehecatl.
Ecatzin (Echecalzin, Ehecutzin),
Nahua chief, v., 243.
Eccatl, Nahua cliief, v. , 243.
Ecclemdches (Ecclemachs, Ekklc-
maches). Central Californian trilw,
i., 361-401; location, i., 3ti3, 454;
lang., iii., 65.3.
Ecgeagan, Central Californian trilx),
i., 361-401; location, i., 454.
Echecalzin, v., 243, sec Ecatzin.
Echch6a, town, Sonora, i., (iOH.
Echeloots, Inland Columbiuu tribe,
INDEX.
677
i., 250-91; location, i., 320; special
mention, i., 2(iO, 267,274.
Echilat, Central Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, 454.
Echimli (Ekchiia Ekchuah), Maya
god, ii., «92, 738; iii., 462, 466.
Ecitin, v., 297, see Xitzin.
Eclikinios, tribe of Thiinkects, i.,
94-114; location, 143.
Eclipse, i., 666, 777; ii., 798; iii.,
110-11.
Ecnab, ii., 756, sec Ezanab.
Edchawtawhoot-dinneh, i., 144, sec
Beaver Indians.
Edniy, Cliepewyan expression of
complaint, i., 135.
Education, Culifornians, i., 413-14;
Mexicans, ii., 240-51, 401-2, 492-3,
538-40; iii., 432, 437; Central
Americans, i., 704, 734, 777; ii.,
661-4, 767, 788.
Ediies (Edii, Equii), Lower Califor-
nian trilHJ, i., 556-71; location, i.,
604; Ian-,'., iii., 687-93.
Edwards (.'reck Alountains, i., 462.
Edznub, ii., 756, see Ezanab.
Ec'jloo, i. , 54, see Igloo.
EeliH, North Californian tribe, i.,
326-')l; location, i., 447.
Eel Hiver trilws, North Californian
tribe, i., 32t)-61; special mention,
i., 326-7, 3S1--', '^'.'•'. 3f{4, 367, 442,
44(J-8, 451; lau}?., iii.,. 593, 642,647.
Eels, i., 214, 339.
Eeniitclies, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 363.
Ecnagbs (Eenahs), i., 446, see
Klincks.
Eesteytochs, tribe of Haidahs, i.,
155-74; location, i., 294.
Eltigies, Nahua burial, ii., 606, 611,
614, 616-17, 620-1.
Kgan Canon, i., 467.
Efjjis, food, i., ()25, 652, 094, 720, 759;
li., 350; medicine, li., 599.
Eg>-pt, Anivrican origin-tniccs, v.,
.'>5-C3.
Ehatesets (.Aivhuftisalit), tribe of
Nootkas, i., ; 74 208; loc, i., 295.
Ehecatei)ec, v., ;124, see Ecatepec.
EUecatl (Ecall, IJecat), Nahua day,
ii., 511-12, 516-17; iii., 57; name of
tiuetzalcoati, iii., 267, 491.
Ehecatonatiuh, Nu'.ataage, ii., j04.
Eliccatzin, v., 243, sec Ecatzin.
Ehiiialis, tribe of Hound Indians, i.,
208-22; location, i, 303.
Elineks (Ecnaghs, Eenahs, Pchtsik),
North Cal. tril)e, i., .326-61; loca-
tion, i., 446; lauguaije, iii., 642.
Ehutewa, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-22;
location, i., 460.
Eiscap, i., 139, see Icy Cape.
Ejoni, Acagchemem 1st man, iiL,
1G4.
Ek Balani Choc, Ma^a god, ii., 701.
Ekchua (Ekchuah), li., 692, 738, see
Echuah.
Ekei Bacab, Maya god, iii., 46G.
Ekkleraaches, i., 454, see Eccle-
maehes.
Elab (Elali), Tzendal day, ii., 767.
Elarroyde, Cent. CaL tril)e, i., .361-
401; location, i., 453.
El Buno, at Masaya, Nicaragua, an-
tiq., iv., 31.
El Castillo, Centla ruins. Vera Cruz,
antiq., iv., 445.
El Dorado County, Cal., antiq., iv.,
705.
El Fuerte, town, Sinaloa, i., 607.
El Henditarc, royal title, Michoacan,
v., 511, 519.
Eld's Inlet, i., 301.
Elech, name of month, Chiapas, ii.,
766.
Elcmehumkillanwaist (Skyappe),
Okanagau go<l, iii., 153, 519.
Eleunaxciay, Soutli Cul. tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 439.
Eiikinoos, tribe of Thiinkects, i.,
94-114; lang., iii., 679.
Eli/a1>eth, town, Nortli Cal., i., 442.
Elinian, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-22;
location, i., 459.
Elk, see Deer.
Elk Mountain Utes, tribes of Sho-
shones, i., 422-42; location, i., 469.
Elk Iliver, i., 144, 443.
Elkwhahts, tribe of Sound Indians, i.,
208-22; location, i., 30a
Elliotts Bay, i., 301.
Eilosdc los Animas, locality, Arizona,
i., 469.
Elinian, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-22;
location, i., 459.
r.lo'i,ei)cc, town, Oajaca, i., 681.
K'otI, boiled miiize, ii.,.3i)4.
Eluaxcu, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-22;
location i., 459.
Emal, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 261.
Emlwlming, i., 780, 782-3; ii., 603-4.
Embankments, i., 185, 212, 263; ii.,
564, 721; v., 412-13; antiq., iv.,
379, 500, 523-4, 536-7, 6;i2-;{, 740-1,
747, 750-73.
Embroidery, dress, i., 584, 690-1, 716;
ii., 363-4
Emeralds, i., .583; ii., 17.% 372, 481,
606; v., 325-G; sec also Chalchinite.
678
INDEX.
Emetics, i., 743; ii., 2(i9, 599.
I'liiikii, iSluyu iNiptifinml fcoat, ii.,684.
I'jiipire, AztecH, limits J, v., 471-.3.
Kiicimmciun, Tumuuiipiia, antiii., iv.,
593.
Eiickclkawa, South Cnlifnrniaii trilic,
i., 40*2-22; location, i., 4m.
KiieHliiirH ( Eiiecshiirs), Inlaiul Colum-
bian ti'ilic, i. , 250-91; location, i.,
320; 8|M>cial mention, i., 274.
Kno, Aca;;clienieni title given to the
Coyote, iii., 103.
Knoh, ii., 7(57, see Evol>.
Knteeatook River, i., 31(t.
Entertaitiiitcnts, see Fcii.sta.
Entrails, i., 40 (>7, 73-5, 104, 162-3,
374, 424, 41H), ."SO, 5(52.
Entrenclinients, see Fortilications.
Environment, inllnonce im develop-
ment and proj^ressimi, i., 15,3-4;
ii., 41-5; v., 5.
EpCDaquacuiltzin, Naliua priest, iii.,
434.
Epcoatl, Nahua (lrowiiin<; saiTitice,
iii., 333.
EpeoatI, TIalocs' temple, iii., 324.
Epidemics, ii., riiV.l, 794.
Epuepaninluiui, Nalina sacrilicial
ilecornMon, iii., 333.
Ei|uelcluu-an, Yucatan, autiq., iv.,
211.
EquiiH, i., (i04, see Ediics.
Ermine, dress, i., 42.'*.
Escabas, North Alex icau tribe, i., 571-
91; location, i., (ill.
Escanpilcs, c<itt(m armor, i., (>5i5.
EscelenslEseellens, Eslens, Eslencs),
Cent. Cal. triln', i., 301-401; loca-
tion, i., 3(>3, 454; special mention,
i., 38C, 388-9, 39(>; lanj,'., iii., 05.3.
Escoria, province and trilte of Isth-
mians, i., 747-85; location, i., 749,
790; special mention, i., 753; lang.,
iii., 794.
Esluiuates, i., 295, s< > Esaiuntes.
Eskimos (Eskiniantik, Eskiniaux,
Es(iuimant.sic, Esquiman.x, Innuit,
Keraiil, I'.skeemi, ('si|nemows),
one of the live families into which
tlie Hyperboreans niv ilivided.
Manners and customs of all its
imtions and trilHis d(>si-ril>cd to-
ffcther, i., 40-09; ohysique, i., 45-7;
dress, i., 4()-50; dwellings, i.,50-4;
food, i., 54-8; implements and
weapons, i. , 58-9; ImuUh, sledges,
etc., i., 59-03; pmjierty and com-
merce, i., (>;j-5; government, i., (J5;
Women and nutrriage, i., (>5-0;
umnsenients, i., 0(>-7; nii»ccllane-
0U8 customs, i., 07-8; art, i., (>8:
character, i. , 68; medicine, i., (M-ti;
burial, i., (>9; locality and name,
i., 25, 37, 4(>-2, 138-9; myth., ill.,
128, 141, 510, 518; lang., iii., 557,
575-80.
Eslanagans, Central Califomiantrilie,
i., 301-401; location, i., 454.
Eslens, i., 3(>3, sec Escelens.
Esmiscliue, Stmt'. Ca!ifornian trilH\
i., 402-22; locai...n, i., 458
Esnis|)clc, South Californiun Irilte, i.,
402-22; location, i., 458.
Rspave, Isthmian title, i., 770.
Esjiiiluinui, South Californian trilN>,
i., 402-22; location, i., 458.
t^spiritu Santo Itay, Yucatan, antii|.,
iv., 254.
Espiritu Santo Echojoa (Echonoval.
village, Sonora, i., <)07
Espiritu Santo Islaii-!, i. , '><»■..
Kspita, Yucatai!, ai-il'i., ■ >ti.
Esi|niates (Eshquat< s'f, 'rilv' [oot-
kas, i., 174-208; U'cnlion, i., 29.").
Esipiimalt, Itritish (."olu'iibai, aniii|.,
iv., 740.
Esipiimantsic, i., 41, see EHkimos.
Esquimatha, Guatemala, untiii., iv.,
119.
Esquinmux, i., 40, sec Eskimos.
Estait, South Californian trilH>, i.,
402-22; location, i., 45H.
Estorica, a stick for throwing jave-
lins, i., 761.
Estuc, South Californian trilic, i.,
402-22; h)cation, i.,459.
Estnfas, see Sweat-houses.
Etaminnas, Chinook jiriests, iii., I.'li.
Ethnography, i., 25, 95-(), 152; v., 150.
Etiquette, origin and etl'ects, ii., 7S-;t;
Nahuas, ii., 17S-9, 284, 420-1; .Ma-
yas, ii., (i3.">, (i4(i, 711.
EtI, Nahua lieans, ii., 3"5.
EtIa, Zapotec diaUvt, iii., 754-5; On
jaca, antiq., iv., 375-(i.
Et/alli, Nahua food, iii., .325, ;> ';
see also Etzahiualiztli.
Et7.al(|uali/.tli (E^alcoaliztli, I'.i/aiu
aliztli, Et/alcualiztii, I.tzuliiial
i/tly, Et/alli, Etzaloualit/lli. Kt-
zali|ualixtii, Etza<|ualiztli, Kuilin-
aliztli, Ezalqualliztii, E\(ilc|iiali;:
tli, lletzal(|intli/tl), Nahua niniitli.
ii., 324, 508, 50<.»; iii., :{-'5, ;m.
Etzatlan, locality, .Mc:;i('i», v., .")0i>.
Eultaoua, i., 592, see ('(imanclics.
Euilcves(l)ohme, EudetM!s, Einlrvas.
Hcgues, IkMiuis, Hevcs), N lli
Mexican trilie, i., 571-91; Im 'i.
<M 675
„ 582; k
Eulachoi
Euotjilla
Kuphorbi
i., 521.
Euquaclu
„ i-. 32({-(
Eurocs, >
:m.6i:
mention
„'"•. Ifil,
Eutahs (E
Evil.Spirij
Evoh (Eno
Ewentoc, <
Kwintc8(l
V'utas,
shones, i,
4, 469.
Exbalanqiu
»'■. see \
•'•xcanjaqne
473..526; |
'''Xcavationti
260, :m.r,
•■•37-8, .v>^
"(•-17, 12(
-'52-3, 263,
■*48, 477-8,
'•"61, 676-7,
''Xenimuth
Nootkn.s, i
29.'5.
Kxocuillo-o-)i]
«'>w, iii., :i.
'-tolqualiztli,
lizlli.
l}>^»t\, Nahua
Kxjil((iations,
-'S!>-94, 3!M».
..«2-'-5, 719.
'•'Xqiiinan, TIa
, » . 431.
J^'yackinnihs, i
'*'.^'««que, Avn,
, Poyoto, iii., I
'^;.'>iik. Koniaga
'•'yakcma Ynllt
I ""I V'allev.
K.\ C.S, Hyperlmr
' "himbians,
-'•-'5-6, 2.W-6: (
.154, :ui4i]; N<
■3..52!>, .558, 5:
!»4()-8;ii.,. '-,»«»,,
"■nns, i.,688, ;
INDEX.
670t
i., S72, 606-7; special mention, i.,
682; lang., iii., ««5, (J99-7(»2.
Kulochon ( llthlccan), uee (.'lUidle-fisli.
Kiiotalla Uivcr, i., HI!).
Euphorbia herb used for siiake-bitcH,
i.. 621.
BuqiiachceH, North Californian tribe,
i., 32(S-(>I; locution, i., 442.
Eurocs, North Califoruian triltc, i.,
326-61; location, i., 327, 444; 8))ccliil
mention, i., 336, 348, 360; myth.,
iii., 161, 623-4; Ian*;., iii., 641.
Entails (Kutaws), i., 464-6, see Utahs.
Evil .SpiritH, hcc Superstitions.
Evob (Euoh), Tzenilal day, ii., 767.
Ewcntof, Ijuiche chief, v., chap. xi.
Ewintes (Uintahs, (Jintn UtcH, Uinta
Yutas, Uwiutys), trilic of Sho-
shoneH, i. ,422-42; h>cation, i., 463-
4, 460.
Exbiilanquc (Kxbalanqucn), v., rlia|).
xi., HCC Xhalanquc.
Kxcunja(iucH, triltc of Apaches, i.,
473-526; location, i., flJM).
Kxcavatioiis, i., 74-5, 124, 160. 231,
260, 334-6, 3:17, 371-2, 42(>-7, 48(i,
5;i7-8, 554-5; untie)., iv., 31, 70,
116-17, 120, 160, 175, 211-12, 244,
252-3, 263, 2(;5, 344, 407-0, 445-(i,
448, 477-8, 484-5, 5(W, 524-7, 650,
661, 676-7, 73(!, 765, 7(i8.
Kxcniniuth (<'e\cninutii), trilte of
Nootka-s i., 174-208; location, i.,
29.1.
Kxociiillo-o-alixtli, Nahua eye dis-
ease, iii., :142.
Kxol<|uuli/tli, ii., 508, see Etzalqua-
liztli.
Kxoti, Nahua beans, ii., Xiii.
Kxplorutions, i., 27-32; iv., 142-51,
280-04, 31H)-I, 426, 605 6, <il7-10,
622-5, 710.
Kxtiuinau, Tluscultec war cereinoiiv,
ii., 431.
K'yiukiiuahs, i., 317, see Vakinnis.
Kyacfpie, Acujjohenieni title of the
"coyote, iii., I6.'i.
Kya(\. Koniaj^a evii spirit, iii., 14.3.
Kviikcnia N'aTley, i., 320, see Yaki-
ma Valley.
Kvcouc, sttition, Aztec mi)^ition, v.,
'.123.
Kvcs, Hypcrl»oreans, i., 46, 72, 116;
Coiunibiuns, i., 1.57, 177-0, 210,
225-6, 2.55-6; Culifornians, i... 328-0,
3.">4, 364-6; New Mexicans, i., 477-
-9. .52<), .'>58, 573; Mexicans, i., 610,
646-8; ii.,.5<>0, 624-5; ("cutral Anicr-
loans, i.,688, 714-16, 750-1; ii.,802.
Ezalioaliztli (Ezalmialliztli), ii., 608,
sec EtZ4ilquaIiztli.
Ezanab (Ecnab, Edznab), Maya day,
ii., 756, 760.
E.'tconiachas, Nahua nation, v., 511.
EzhuahuacatI, Nahua title, ii., 138.
Eztlcpictiu, Teotcnunca tribe, v. , 280.
Face, Hvpcrlioreans, i., 46, 48, 72, 88,
116, 127; Colnnibians, i,, 1.57, 177 8.
225-6; (Jaliforninns, i., 328, 36.5-(>;
New Mexicans, i. , 477-0, 520-.30,
.')73; Mexicans, i., 018-19, 646-7;
(.'entral Americans, i., 688, 714-15;
ii., 802.
Fainting-stonc, Mexico, antiq., iv.,
.540-1.
Fairs, i., 167, 217, 2.30, 27.3-4; ii..
378-9. 38.5, 736; v., 415.
Famines, v., 41.3, 4(tO, 4!K); chap. xi.
Fans, I., 544, 706; ii., 488, (i4(!, 713.
Fantusiiui, Honduras, Iaii<;., iii., 78.3.
Faraones (I'haraoncs, Taracones),
triltc of Apaches, i., 473-526; loca-
tion, i., 474, .504.
Fa.sliion, tyranny and eflccts of, ii.,
76-0.
Fasts, Hyperltoreans, i.. Ill; iii., 142;
Colunibuins. i., 170. 202-.3, 24<t;
iii., 156; CaliforniauH, i., 414-15;
New Mexicans, i., .520, .5.5.3, 581;
Mexicans, ii., 147, 206, 2"t8, 261,
:««, 312-14, 317, .335, .3.30, 428, 608,
(il7, 622, 678, 682; iii., 249, XH-H,
346, :i8.3, 395, 407, 42<.», 440-1; v.,
2.58; (Central Anu'ricans, i., 663-4;
ii., 690-1, 605, 699, 719, 741; iii.,
471, 487, 49}>.
Fatij;ue, Isthmian remedy for, i..776.
Fawahinmes, (.'eatral <'aliforniau
trilte, i., :U!I-40I; location, i., 4.50.
Fax, South Californian trilH>, i., 402-
22; location, i., 4.59.
Feasts, IIv|H!rboreans, i., 66-7, 84-5,
<>2-3, 134; t'olumbians, i., 164, 167,
169-71, 188, 191, 10.3, 199, 219,
24^1; iii., 151; Californians, i., .350-
.52. 4101 1 : New Mexicans, i., 512,
515-16, :>M'2, 566-7, .586-7; Mexi-
cans, i., ()28; ii.. 2."i2, 258, 260, 266-
268, 272, 27(t, 280- 1, 28;»-ti, 302-41,
387, .301-7, 428, 612, 621, 623; iii.,
63, 31.3-17, .32.3-i, .^32-48, .35.3-62,
.38.5-06, 404-2i), 446, 448; Central
Americans, i., 7:iO, 7!16, 772; ii.,
641, 6.56, 662, (i67-9, 676, 679, 684,
687-711; iii., 484.
f
«80
INDEX.
Feather River, i., 381, 450, 451, 455,
457; lung., iii., G48-9.
Feathers, Hyperboreans, i., 72, 90,
101, 105, 117, 1*28; Colunilnnns, i.,
169-00, ICfi, 170-2, 179, 187, 200,
211, 21.'), 2.58; (^aliforniunH, i., 331,
347, 3(57-70, 377-8, 381-2. ;M7-8, 392,
39(>, 410, 424-G, 4M; New Mexi-
cans, i., 482-4, 495-(i, .504. ,522, 531-
2, 641, 5.51, .5.58, 574-5, 579, 583;
iii., 180; Mexicuns, i., (>20-3, (>49-
50; ii., 148, 174, 259. 290, aoi, 314,
323-7, 3.13-4, ;W, 3«3, 3fi()-8, 404-7,
484, 488-91, 672-3, (!0(J-7, (515, (519,
621; iii., 238, .301, 31.3, 318,324-5,
366-61, 369, .385-7, 390-2, 398. 400,
404, 407, 411, 41(5-18, 422, 426-7;
v., .32.5, 51.5-16; Central AnierivtmH,
'■>., cm, 702, 705-(>, 715-16, 723, 726,
750-4; ii., (5.3.5, 641, 693, 7.07, 726-30,
741-3, 752, 789.
Features, sec Face.
Fecundity, see Women.
Feet, i., 90-1, 177, 477-9, 529-30, 573,
689.
Fences, i., 185, 718, 756; ii., 348, 7! 8.
Fonelon Hivcr, i., 4(56.
Fern, food and medicine, i., 79, 214,
354.
Ferndale, California, antiq., iv., 707.
Fertilizer, Maya a<;rieiilture, ii., 717.
Festivals, see FcaisUs.
Fetichisni, iii., 22, 33-8, 108-9.
Fever, i.. 245-6. 394. 521, 654, 5(58,
688, 633-9. (567, 743, 778; ii., 592-3,
596, 599-600, 794.
Fibre, various uses of, i. , 658-9, 663,
574, 682-3, 6.30, (548, 657, (597, 699,
764; ii., 363, 365, 409, 484, 743,
752.
Fiddletown, California, antiq., iv.,
707.
Figs, drink from, ii., 723.
FiRfaes, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 611.
Filniore Vallev, i., 468.
Fine Uold liuich, i., 456.
Finos, punishment Ity, ii., 457, 656-9,
673.
Fire. Hyiwrborcans, i., 51-2, 58, 79,
91-2; iii., 1M5-7, 101; t:oluml)ians,
i., 189, 21(>, 2.3(5, 2(57; Californians,
i., 339, ;M6, 357, 377, 430, 4.33; iii.,
115-17, 159, 547; New Alexicans,
i., 498, 602, 519-20, 5;i5, 537, 5.54,
663, 577; iii., 172; Mexicans, i.,
666; ii., 276, 280, 315, 330, 333,
491. 683-4; iii.. 30(5, 376, ;i85-95,
416-17; v., .326, 4(53; Central Amer-
icans, i., 695, 722, 761-2, 782; ii..
670, 691-2, 69(5, 701-2; iii., 60, 482;
v., chap. xi.
Fire-arms, Nootkas, i.. 188.
Firebui's. used for li/^ht, ii,, 573.
Fish, Hyperboreans, i., 40, 5.5-6, 75-
6, 90, 103-4, 118, 123, 129; Colum-
bians, i., 159, 1(52-3, 1(58-9, 171,
ia5-8, 209. 212-14, 232-4, 2G1-3,
2(56-6; Californians, i., 323, .337-10.
374-6, 378, 405-6, 427-30; New
Mexicans, i., 482, 488, 5;i8-9, 5(iO-
2, 576-8; Mexicans, i., (524, 652,
666; ii., 342, 3.52 .3, 413; iii., 4IU-
11; Central Americans, i., 694,
719-21, 758-()0, 7(52, 7(58; ii., 653
698, 708, 720- 1, 7.50.
Fish Utes, tril>e of Shoshoncs, i.,
422-42; location, i., 470.
Fitcii's Itanch, i., 449.
Fitzhu^h •Soiiiul, i., 295.
Fla«s, ii., 323, 405, 427, 607, 61.5,
619, 699-700, 710, 712; iii., 404,
426.
Fhitlmw Lake, i.,2.52, 311.
F!atlM>w Uiver. i., 252, 2(53, 311.
Fiatbows, i., 251, 311, sec Kootcnais.
Flathead Lake, i., 313.
Flatliead Kiver, i., 2.52, 312-13.
Fiatiieads, i., 312-1.3, sec Salisii.
Flattening the Head, sec Head-flat-
tening.
Flax, i., 182, 185, .368.
Flaying, captivc.t, ii.. .309, 311, 3.32,
429, 431. 4,57; ill., .308-9, .•{.5.3, 355,
413, 415, 420, 472.
Flesh, i., 90, 127, 1(52, 187, 288-9,
479,721; ii., 711, 721.
Flics i. 62.5" ii. 721.
Flint', i!, 59', 88, 188-9. 2.35, .341-2,
377-9, 431, 4M, 541. 5(52.3. 578-9,
65.5, 667, 722, 761; ii., 479-80, 5.57.
742-.3, 750; iii., 129, 179, 2(58, 281.
Floating gardens, sec Chinaiii|>us.
Floats, 1., 21.3-14, 719.
Flood, see Deluge.
Floors, i., 259, 5;i5, 718, 755; ii., 1(51,
55(5, .572, 787; iv., 125, 159, lOT.,
169, 273, 309, 630, 65;i-4.
Flores, town, (iuatcmala, iv., 133.
Flore's Creek, i., 443.
Florida, iv., 747; v., 191.
Flowers, i., 3(58, .39(5. 631. (549-50,
730-1; ii., 290, 315, .328, .149, 4'Jl,
689, 734; iii., 407, 420-1.
Flunmuda, Central Californiau tribe,
i., .361-401; location, i.. 45.3.
Flutes, i., 616. 552, 686, 738; ii., 3>"
713; iv., 462-3.
Flying-game, Nahnas, ii., 2t).5-(i.
Flying gods, Miztocs, iii., 71-2.
^onecluw, <'-...t...i .. ...
„i; 3til-4
•wreaiis, .., ,^
101. 2i2.ll' 0:^0 };'%}/>}■*' m.„,
30; New \ ,'v ' •*'• •^' -^'W^. 427,
•-. U24.(i «i() ^-•''^' Alexicaiis,
1«3.4^ ,74rJi8:^\S«'3'^:
INDEX.
681
iciiie, i. ,%'8 '""^'"""™«a,med-f 788 91
427- nictio... i . aw 3BH ''«'','*'1''''««'"'
I Fort UuiHiVt i 17K Vn"^*^' 38«. 308.
,,293-4; 1.14"; iil'g'l^. la 173-4.
348. wcred iiiiiuber, iii
J:i;J5<>eekH.i 363.40G.7.
7^g' ."A ^08, J41, 651,625; ji
Eraser |{ ver i i." ,;t"'•
(J13, ' '*'*' ^-^"-7, 312; iii.
j;ro.lcnck Soun.i, i. 14.,
,iv., 707 •'' < "'''""'ia. aiitiq..
806-T""''"'"^'*'' 715-25, 741, .„
jPool's Prairie, i., ;ji3
Football, i., 55' .^8,! 7
loot-raccM. Naf;„„H • ^f
^--: -tioaa..,.'e^:;;.^li,^.,
«"«. i.,3i;i.5. v-n7\i' '."''^orni.
477, 55S- \i;.v; 'V*-''"niiiH. i.,
, 6S8, 7|.(.i5 '"' ^'"encaus, i..
rorest Hi] I 1 •,,,■,(
^70(!. ' *"''f"'"ia. anti.i., iv.
Forest Homo ('.■i.f
707, ' ' "'■'^"••nia, a„ti,j., [y
forests, i. 3s 1 11 , - ,
Fori- r..i • ' "^■■'>', 4/1-2: iv ^om
'StS'c7i'""^'"'"'"*^-^"-4G9.
fc'fe-Ki-oio.
«4.j-o. c(m:5. c7,-; VliS \i ^•- ''3^'
Ameruans, i., 756:7- nl!,',''!!' "2. "^' '• ^^^''^i: location, i
• ■' ''•'•'^"^'-itAui.,477.seeH«c«viu
(m
INDEX.
agcoh Valley, i., 788.
Galcl Qamahay, ('akchiquel title, ii.,
640.
Galel Xahil, Cakchiquel royal title,
ii., G4U; v., chtip. xi.
Galena, Mississippi Valley, antiq.,
iv., 778-9.
Gale-Ziho, branch of Ilocab, v., chap.
xi.
Galisteo, Pueblo village, i., 527, 600.
Gallinonieros, Central Californian
tribe, i., ^61-401; location, i., 362,
449; 8|)ecial mention, i., 'il'i, 386,
390; lant;., iii., 643-4.
Galpons, ((ialpones), corridor of coun-
cil-house, Nicaragua, ii., U46.
Gambling, Hyperboreans, i., 112-13,
122; Colombians, i., 169, 198, 219,
243-4, 280-1; Californians, i., 353-4,
394, 415-16, 437; New Mexicans,
i., 516, &52-3, 587; Mexicans, ii.,
299-301.
Gamchines, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Game, i., 39, 114, 153. 156, 187, 263,
323-4, 337, 05-6, 576; ii., 350-1,
652, 659, 693, 720.
Gancliulii (Cancliebiz, Canchevez,
Giiiu'liebirse), (iuatcmala tribe, i.,
686-711; location, i., 787.
Ganel, Quich^-Cakchiquel clay, ii.,
767.
Gardens, ii., 571, 573, 575, 789.
Gardner Channel, i., 155, 294.
Garlands, ii., 372, 620; iii., 313, 423,
426.
Garments, see Dress.
Garucha, a rojie bridge, i., 693.
Garzos, i., 572, see Carrizas.
Gaulas, Mo.squito tril)e, i., 711-47;
location, i., 713; lang., iii., 783.
Gavilancs, i., 611, see Gubilanes.
Geese, i., 75. 333, 337; ii., 721.
Geguep, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Gekaquch, a Cakchiquel ruler, v.,
chap. xi.
Gekui^iichi, a Cakchiquel princely
family, v., chap. xi.
Geliec, ' South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; Iwation, i., 459.
Gelo, South Californian tribe, i., 402-
22; location, i., 459.
Geniex, tribe of Pueblos, i., 526-56;
location, i., 600.
G^nau, Central Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 453.
Genoa, town, Nevada, i., 469.
Gen8deBoi8,i.,147,scc Han Kutchin.
Gensde BouleaH( Birch Indians), tribe
114-37; location, i.,
147, see Tenaii
of Tinneh, i.,
147.
Gens de Ruttes, i.
Kutchin.
Gens de Fou, i., 147, see Tathzey
Kutslii.
Gens de Foux, i., 147, see Tutchonc
Kutchin.
Gens de Large, i., 147, sec Natche
Kutchin.
Gens de Milieu, tril>e of Tinneh, i.,
114-37; location, i., 115. 147.
Georgetown, California, antiq., iv,,
705.
Georgia, Mississippi Valley, antiq..
iv., 767-8.
Georgia liulf, i., 296.
Gergecenscns ((Jergucnsens, Gerzn-
ensens). Central Californian trilK-,
i., 361-401; Imation, i., 363, 452.
Gerguensens ((icrzuensens), i., 45'2,
see tiergecenscns.
Gesture-language, iii., 2-5, 556.
CJeyscrs, locality, California, i., 4")2.
Ghahishut, name for San Nicolas
Island, i., 402.
Ghanan, ii., 767, see Chanan.
Ghoi-an, name for Palenque, iv..29").
(ihowel (Huey Zacatlan), Chiapu-s,
antiq., iv. . 354.
Giants, i., 750; ii., 600; iii., 64, (17;
iv., 695; v., 24, 49-50, 139, 197-
2()0.
(Jifts, see Presents.
Gig Harlwr. i.. 301.
Gijames, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 611.
Gila (Xila) River, i., 528, 593, 595-9,
601-2; lang.. iii.. 594-5.
Gilding, sec I'lating.
Gileftos (Xilenos), trilie of Aparlips,
i., 473-526; location, i., 474. rM;
lang., iii., 685.
Giliniis, Central Californian tribe, !.,
361-401; location, i., 454.
(iirillc, see Rclt.
(iivint, v., 70, see Hivim.
<;ix, ii.. 755. see Ix.
Gladiatorial Stone, ii., 586; iv.
10.
Glass, i„ 48, 483; ii., 557, 573.
Glazing, potterv, i., 500, 698,
ii., 483; iv., 19, 63-5, 383, 647.
Gleuaxcuyu, South Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 4r)9.
Gloves, i., 268; ii., 298, 731.
(ilue, i., 91, 130; ii., 489.
Gluttony, see Gating.
Gnudzavni-tiiiuhu, locality, Oajai-.i,
i., 678.
509-
7fi9;
'oontion. i., 7y« "'^' '•> 747.8o;
coalco. ' •• ^^''•^' see Goaza
^j^«t8, i., 215.1G, 544
66. m; """I- '^■' 18. 20 22-t
<Jolclini'S;;'''.'-. ^92.
:" "vi„ .s„,„„, i -J ""
!""orrha.a, sec Vei ere ) 'l ;' "' '^'•
|;'-..se Creek, i 469 ^''*«'«««-
WkMffSho;h!.:ti.'S42^ "/'"'•
f'"n and „u,„e, ;., V22 4C7 « ' ™
661-2. ' • ^■'°' 'aiig., iii.^
3«5-8:4S5'*'4i"5"\'' 347-9.358;
'•. 507.10. 5i6.7. Hci^.r'sJl!^'"'?'
INDEX.
800. ' *•'"'' aiitiq., ,v., 798.
:r..,dIlivor,'i.,'Sr«f'''''«'^
6.42S.'K'5^1^"*^. •- 37^-4, 405-
'■X^'"'«.V'^-aiifon.ia,antiq..iv..
(irave Creek, i., 308
;'"ve.s, see Hurial.
(.ray's Harlmr, i iKt on„
,, 2i5-17. 222. SOolV ' ^^^' ^^l-
'•rease. i., 129 aio' qio •••
«reati,earae1'.:f4j'''''*^-
yeat J ear l{i,e,: ;•«,":.• • .„,
(jroat Fish |{ivt.,..j'^-V'' 461.
<reatLo„eU,„| •• j[
^7«/i«'^^-^^'«"«i".i; 152, 323-4,
(freat Slave Lake, i. 144
'■reaves, ii. 377 .n,'. 2 '•
<Jreeoe, invth .„,..', "**« ^^nnor.
iii., 444. A,, ?"""'^*'*.'t'' -'^ahun,
v., 122.3 ^"'""^an origin.trace"
(;ree..,„.H,, ,„,,y ^^^^,^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^
IJreen iJiver. i., 300, 461-4
J.re^vtown, i., 793.
J'tiiikit, i.. 96 seeSifL-n^
(Juaoarliu!, ,in \i ■ ..
J^';). North AIe.xi;rtri""T''6tl"
»1; location, i. 570 V.iii' • .:
mention, i. 632. ml ■!■ "''"'^'al
. '., ojjj lang., „i 719
fM
684
INDEX.
Quoco, antidote for snake-bites, i.,
589, 713.
Giiiulaliijiira, Juliaco, antiq., iv., 572.
Guadulu)>c iiivcr, i., 452.
Guagimyiitla, village, Guerrero, i.,
677.
GuaicMiris ((Juaicuras, Gimicures,
Guiiycuras, Waiciiros, Waiicur),
Lower Culiforniuii tril»e, i., 55G-71;
location, i., r)57-8, (103-1; special
mention, i., 558-9, 563-7, 570; lang.,
iii., 687-1)3.
Guailopos, North Mexican tribe., i.,
571-'J1; location, i., 609.
Gnainias, iii. , G04, see (iuaynias. •
Giiainiies (lluaniies). Isthmian tribe,
i., 717-85; location, i., 796; special
mention, i., 75'J.
Guainetius, l^jtliniian tribe, i., 747-85;
location, i., 796.
Guainnonost, 8onth Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 459.
Gnaipil, i., C>21, see Hui]>il.
Guaislac, Sontli Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4J9.
Guajaniina, locality. Lower Califor-
nia, i. , 509.
Gnaji(iucros, Mosqnito trilnj, i., 711-
47; location, i., 712; sitecial men-
tion, i., 71S, 722, 737-8.
Guajolotc, Mexico, antiq., iv. 545.
Gualala (Walhalla, Wallalla) Creek,
i., 419.
Gualalas, Central ('alifornian tribe, i.,
301-401; location, i., 449; s|)ecial
mention, i. , 3h6; lan<i;., iii., 643.
Gnal|ii, ((inalpa, Hnal|>i, Jualpi),
Moqni villa','e, i., 528, 600-1.
Guaniarie, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; lang., iii., 719.
Guaiiacaste, Costa Rica, antiq., iv.,
24.
Guaiiacauri Mt, v., 16.
Guanaja Islaiul, i., 790; antiq., iv.,
70.
Guanajuato, description of tril)es, i.,
617-41; ii., 133-020; location, i.,
673, G77; myth., iii., 511; lang.,
iii., 737-41; anti(i., iv., 577-8.
Guanines, ^old ornaments, i., 752.
Guanipas, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 611.
Guaniti([ninHines, Uajaca tribe, hist.,
v., 528.
Guanlcn, Central Californian tribe,
i., 331-101; location, i., 453.
Guarapo, South Mexican drink, i.,
665.
Guarara, Isthmian province, lang.,
ilL. 794.
Guards, Nahuos, ii., 183, 245.
Ouasahas, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-01; location, i., 606.
Guasacualco, iii., 276, see Goazacoal-
eo.
Guasavas, village, Sonora, i., 60G.
Guashillas, tribe of Haidahs, i., 155-
74; location, i., 294.
Guasistagua, Honduras, antiq., iv.,
71.
Guaslaique, South Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 458.
Guastecs, i., 074, see Hnastecs.
Guatemala (Quauhtenialan), antiq..
iv., 108-38; hist, v., 298, 340. 400-1,
chap. xi. ; for information concern-
ing tril)e8, see Guatemalans und
Maya nations.
Guatemalans ((jiuatemaltccs), one uf
the three families into which the
tribes of Central America arc di-
vided. Manners and customs of
all its nations and tribes described
to<;ether, i., 6HG-711; civilized na-
tions, ii.. 030-803; location, i.,
682, 786-92; ii., 121-2; Pliysiciuc,
i., 688-9; ii., 802; Dress, i., 089-
92; ii., 726-34; Dwellings, i., 692-
3; ii., 783-94; Foo«l, i., 691-6; ii..
715-25; Personal Habits, i.,GIG; ii.,
734-5; Implements and Manufac-
tures, i., 697-3; ii., 71H-52; Wcajioiis
and War, i. , 6;)6-7; ii. , 730- 17; Houts,
i., 699; ii., 739; Projiertv and Com-
merce, i., 009-700; ii.,'7;i5-8; Art,
i., 700-1; ii., 718-82; (iovcniiiicnt,
i., 701-2; ii., 631-611; Mania;,'c and
Women, i., 702-1; ii., (;G4-8(;; Kdu-
cation, ii., 661-4; Amusoniciits, i,,
704-7; ii., 687-711; Misccllaiutms
Customs, i., 707-S; ii., 79G-8; Med-
icine, i., 708-9; ii., 704-G; Hmial,
i., 709; ii., 798-802; Character, i.,
709-11; ii., 803; myth., ill., 71-5,
129, 474-90; v., 13. 20; lang., iii.,
726, 759-GO; hist, chap. xi.
Guatulco, Oajaca, ai1ti(i., iv., 374;
hist, v., 214, 425.
Guatusco, iv., 445, see Huatnaco.
Guatusos, (Indios lilaucos, Pranzos),
Isthmian tribe, i., 747-85; location
and name, i., 748, 704-5; siiccial
mention, i., 750-1, 758, 781; laiij;.,
iii., 793.
Guautla, Vera Cruz, f ntiq., iv., 161.
(iuavi, i., 680, see Huavcs.
Guaxoca, !,, 679, see Oajaca.
Guaximalo, Nicaragua, antiq., iv., 35.
Guaxtecas, v., 208, see Huastecs.
*'77^rr'79r"'"">^ -'xx'. i.. 579.
"""af '^fS '"""° ^" Tzintzunt-
can tribe, i. 571 oi.,''. **«•'"■
,, «05, J«,„,'. |ii.^SJ, ;»^ location, i..
«uazac«a CO i tlfi^P" t^uazaves.
alco. ' •' ^^''' ««e tJoazaco-
Giiazjilin^ro, province, Mexico i «7k
INDEX,
m«39^^«92.693,776.ii..485.600.
srsis^'Ct!:*tir^
^••. 361-401; SL'.'^'f'''-''^:]" tribe,
453. ' "*"' '•"1; location, i.,
Guzman Lake, i., 595- i;; r,,.
Guaz«,,ar,,. North Mexican trilx, i ^'"""''"ff '^'andf i., 64
5J1-J1. locafo., i..«,0; lanj.riil::|^^-"-'»"'. ii-. ««2, 71.3; iv., ,72.3
^J'P^"'"..-.-.. 556, 058, 570, 572.581.'
,.«»9;ian./iii:,iS;;'j,;^^^^^^
^^l*. 13.,47o;v.,23.l70.1««/'4;
Gtie,;riietenaii.ro i ?«? „
, tei.a.i-o. " ' ' '®^' ^'"' H»ehue-
i . 571 <(i. I / ^i^'^'can tribe
• , o/i-Ji; location, ., «ll '
i. 3(il 4(»i ."'"'*'"'an tribe
G"erS>^^'i)i:r"^,iar\f?^
H
lanjj
>.
antiij,,
Ouctares, Isthmian tribe, i 747 s^
location, 1., 795 "• '•' '47-8o;
Gu-nres Isthmian tribe i 7a- b.
special mention, i 75^; '' ^^''^^i
'•-n^'^.Oaj..a,a.;ti.,..-iv.. 368-71
^4ar,% «r"^';>' ^-"'- tribe i
p */-•=-; location, i., 450 ^' ''
G!!i'r'l''-'t'*3.8eeurmi,en
0/1-91; location, i., 611 ' ''
<SoUrfetf\v^'' "'"-•
571 'II ^' *""'• '^'exican tribe i
ix It ot I-onseca, i., 791
«r",'"Si,.S"t' .-o"""""'"
„569.71, 574 ' ^''''5i/-56, 562,
"^-^/-intaii, v., 549.53. 556.
„J»'atio„.i.,W3''»^'"-''^. '••473-526;
"agtiljrets, tribe of H,.; i 1 •
74- Ci,.../; • naiua IS, i jr.^
'», location, 1., 294
"ahanio;,'na. South < '•'.i;<'
1., 402"22- Ji». ; ^•'!'^"""'in trilje,
Hai.lah8. one ,;/";;■'■•>''■'>•
j'lto which thor T."" '•■""'lies
it«nationsS^H ';'if '''.'?> of all
fe'cther. i., i5V7j"'''^^'^';'''cd to-
?•■ l«0-l;foJd'i ^Hli.'''''-''''''^'^'
I'npenients nn, 1. •' "capons,
J64-6; boats' "',!;;"""•"•'■"•««. '■•
trade i '.«,'. ''"" l"-"perty and
nSSlaSrSlnns'-- ^"^^
medicine, i 170^'"'"; '-. ^70-2;
3; character. P- "'!;''• 1'- ^J"'
«f tribes, i., 15V o' it' location
>".. 149-50 W /• ':?• "'ytli..
Haidahs (Haidts' Hvf',"' «»* «•
HaidaharT^'^fsg^J''" '«). tribe of
name, i. 292 3- '' "?"*'•"» «"J
i.. 157, 203 ^' ^""'^ mention,
INDEX.
Ha{ltzaM(Haeeltzuk, Haeelzuk, Hail-
tsa, lluiltzuk, Hautzuk), tribe of
Haidahs, i., 155-74; location, i.,
155, 295; Bjiecial mention, i., 157-8,
170-1; lang., iii., 607.
Hair, i., 12-14; Hyperlrareans, i., 46-
7, 72, 86, 88, 117, 119, 128, 131-2;
iii., 148; ColumbiaiiH, i., 157-9,
166, 173, 178-80, 182-3, 195, 20<),
210-11, 215-16.225-6, 229, 246, 255-
7, 270, 288; I'alifornians, i., 331,
357, 3(i4-6, 368-70, 397, 402, 404,
420,424; New Mexicans, i. , 477-84,
49(1, ;■)-'.«, 529-32, 544, 651, 558-9,
567, 569, 573-5, 582-3, 590; Mexi-
cans, i., 619, 621-2, (^46-7, 649-51;
ii., 252, 307, 324, 329, 333, 370-1,
403, 408, 461, 484, 599, 605, 624;
iii., 238, 3()4, 387, 392, 4.35; Central
Americans, i., 689-91, 714-16, 744,
750-2, 754; ii., 651, 729-31, 741.
Haiti ins, i., 175, 298, sec Teets.
Hakoopin, Soutii Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 460.
Halach Winikel, Tutul Xiu title,
ii., 636; v., chap. xiii.
Halcliedomas, tritie of Apaches, i.,
473-526; lociation, i., 599.
Halchis, Central Californian tril)e,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Halibut, food. Hyperboreans, i., 104;
Columbians, i., 162, 186, 214
Haliotis, see Pearls.
Hallams, tribe of Nootkas, i., 174-
208; location, i., 296.
Hamaca, Mexican hammock, i., 656.
Hamai-Uleii, Quichd queen, v., 572.
Hamburg Indians (Tka), North Cali-
fornian tribe, i., .326-61; location, i.,
447; lang., iii., 640.
Hamechuwa, South Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 460.
Hammersly's Inlet, i., .301.
Hammocks, i., 658, 697-9, 724, 765-6,
782; antiq., iv., 82-3.
Hamockhaves, i., 597, see Mojaves.
Hamook-hiibi Mountains, i., 597.
Hanags (Haynaggis), North Califor-
nian tril)e, i., 326-61; location, i.,
442, 445; lang., iii., .593.
Hane^s (Anega, Hcnuegas), tribe of
Haidahs, i., 155-74; location, i.,
292-3.
Han-Kutchin (An-Kutchin, Gens de
Bois), tribe of Tinneh, i., 114-37;
location, i., 115, 147; lang., iii.,
587.
Hannakalals (Hannakallals), tribe of
Chinooks, i., 222-60; location, i.,
307.
Haracotin, mountain, Mi hoacan, v.,
518.
Harasgna, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 460.
Hare, i., 60, 373, 424, 638, 578; ii..
.168, 721-2; iii., 80.
Harem, Nahuas, ii., 182-3.
Harney Lake, i., 463.
Harno, Mo<iui town, lang., iii., 671,
681.
Harpies, Isthmian myth., iii., 500-1.
Harptoons, i., 56, 719;* ii., 721.
Harrison Kivcr, lang., iii., 613.
Harvest-feasts, i., 735; ii., ,340, 713-
14.
Haslintahs, North Californian tril>v,
i., 326-61; location, i., 4^5.
Hatawa, South California't tribe, i.,
402-2-2; location, i., 460.
Hatchets, i., 59, 104, 164, 345, 434,
643, 724, 765; ii., 482, 737, 749-50;
see also Axes.
Hats, Hyperboreans, i.,74, 88-9, 101;
Columbians, i., 169, 166, 182-3, 211,
2.30, 258-9; Californians, i., 330-1,
345, 358, 368; New Mexicans, i.,
481-4, 631-2, 551, 5.')8-9, 575; iM. xi-
cans, i., 620, 648, (>50; Central
Americans, i., 690-1, 699, "iiii-Ui,
754.
Hatzal, Guatemala, antiq., iv., 131.
Hatzcab, Maya forenoon, ii., 755.
Hautzuk, i., 158, see Hailtzas.
Hauzaurni, Central Californian tribe,
i., .361-401; location, i., 454.
Havic-biibi Mountains, i., 597.
Haw haw, California, lang., iii., 651.
Hayate, Maya mantle, ii., 727.
Haynaggis, i., 445, see Hanags.
Hayocingo, locality, Mexico, v., 472.
Head, i., 46, 72, 329, 426, 569, 573,
689, 714.
Head-Hattening, Columbians, i., 151,
168, 180, 210, 226-8, 256-7; Mexi-
cans, i., 651; ii., 281; Cciitrul
Americans, i., 717, 764; ii., 681-2.
731-2, 802; iv., 304.
Hebonomas, tribe of Apaches, i.,
473-526; location, i., 598.
Hecat, iii., 491. see Ehccatl.
Hecatotonti, Naliua idols, iii., 343.
Hegues, i., 607, see Eudeves.
Hehighenimmo, i., 313, 316, see Sans
Polls.
Helluland, North-east America, v,
106.
Hellwits, tribe of Chinooks, i. , 222-
50; location, i., 306, 317.
Helmets, i., 105, 2;i5, 706; ii., 40.1.
405, 407, 742.
Hemes Pueblo province i r't,
We'" Jock. i.. l62"aM • ' '^^'
ge'np. 1.. J62. IwT"
&'"l'y. «.. 193, 202.
340. a54;373i ~sS' ,o?' ?*<•■' 333,
764, 77« 778 7«o*^?'- ^*^- 742-3,
miS '■•.'.^' '«2 186. 212
Hetza qualiztl, ii.. 509 '^: ,
JJeves, i., 607, see Eudeves.
"^V/V«hel, used f'or^oney. i..
724. 733I4 Net' U ' ^^'' 715-17,
'la'is, i., 240-1 -iri 77? ' ^"ex-
75«-7, 767-82: af.?;"- i^-'.!"' «e6.
INDEi'.
687
671.
passim; V I4-2. \t: '• .'^•' •"-77,
-ti4..'iv.,"784:6rv"R.'>.'''^>-
^nt'q-. iv Sftfi. ' ' ,,"' lerii,
„.%v?tianrv.??i'.2 ^««''">''''"'«e« to
H.571.?i: locS,Yr^«rr *"'"'^'
syfS?' .^T'' *'«^^-» tribe i
57l91;lo«u.o„,i.,606;lanriil::
H-kowit.^^i^^;^;!n..7ia
Bi08, North Mexican tribe i
91; locaton, i., 607" '"•*' '
H ff ' '•' ^' -^e Huipil
teiterj €>"^--
"r&?rHi,r% North
v., 636 9- H Northern tribes
"4; Hi. 270^f 'arV'-^. ".. 96!
Toltec ^ri?^ • f ^'^s'^,A,'*70; „re.
period, V 2^7 ««' At- 7^' ^o^tec
'WW-82; TIa«,^; v 4«^iV7^r.-
ciioawin, V. 508 2fi. ^*?'?"7; Mi-
„.vtr;,':»,iK*;'-'^«'
H)x, Tzendai day ii 7fi7 „ j
«izos jvorth Mexican tribe i wi
"si^^ar-of^jShnit.
Woe, I., 582, 630; jj o.^
Hoeras North Mexi^-an tribe i 57,
Ji; location, i., 611 ' ''"
H^|«. ••. «^2. 694, 72i, 725, 758; ii
^SS:S::1^7^««^--n.3.thie
"SfTril.?.t'S'9i"'r'' ?«'»•"■
312-13 ' ^"®'' loeation, i.,
"?5T'' *''"'" •"^"-Pe-ons.iii..
Wolis, tribe of Soun.l I^a-
„5»;loc.atio„,t^V^"'"'''-2«8'
Hokundikuhs («ttlt Lat, .
tribe of ShosBneV^'''^422 4^^^^'
tion, i., 463 ' '' ^■"-^•i; loca
693. ' ^"y" war-dance, ii.,
Holom, ancient city. Guatemala, v..
"tder.^"J!VC' •^"*'" ^-
Holpop.Wya[itle;T/711,
INDEX.
HomiimiHh, trilw of Sound IiuliariH,
i., 2(W ;.'•-»; lomtioii, i., iHf2.
Honciit, Cutitral Califoriiinii tril)e, i.,
3(>l-4()l; lonitioii, i., 45U.
HoiKliiras, trilioH tlcHcribcil, i., 711-
47; <'ivili/c(l natioim, ii., ()30-803;
l(H-ii'ic)ii, i., 7J>1>. 792-4; ii., 121;
my til., iii., 4H'y-(i, 406; lang., iii.,
72«, 7o<.)-6(>, 782-3; iiiitiq., iv., 69-
lOTi; hist., v., 472, 541, 658, chap.
xii.
Honev, i., 57«-7. '>86, (525, 654, 694,
726^ 739; ii., 357, 599, 699, 722-4;
iii., 313.
Honev Liiiic, i., 468.
Hood' Hay, i., 143.
Hood'M Oaiial, i., 208, 301-2; lang.,
iii., jil3.
HoiMlhinooN ( HoodHiinhoos, Hootsi-
noos), tribe of Tliliiikccts, i., !)-l-
114; location, i., 96, 143; lang., iii.,
679.
HoofH, iiMod for orniinients, i., 432,
622, 574.
Hooks, i., 7«, 90, 104, 164, 185-6,212-
14, 233, '2:Hi, 2(!2, 407; ii., 353.
Hoonids (ilomieaks, Hiina Cow,
HuiiiiaH), tribe of Tlilinkccts, i.,
94-111; location, i., 142.
Hoonnli8(H<)(i|ias), North Californian
tribe, i., 32(!-()l; lomtion, i., 327,
44.'j; Hpecial mention, i., 334, 344,
,348-51; laii^'., iii., 584, 592-3.
Hoopah Valley, i., 327, 445
HoopH, Central California, game with,
i., 31)3-4.
Hootsinoos, i., 143, see Hoodsinoos.
H6j>, locality, north-east coast of
America, v., 110.
Hopaiuh, village. North California,
i., 444.
Ho|)cton, Mississippi Valley, antiq.,
iv., 760-2.
Hope Valley, i., 469.
Uopilpos, i., 313, see Ilohilpos.
Horcasitas, village, SSontu'a, i., 605.
Horc-iisitas iliver, i., 605.
Horn, i., 58, 117, 164, 189,235,248,
270-1, 342, 344, 432, 434, 542, 582;
ii., 292-3, 412, 713.
Hornitos, California, antiq., iv., 707.
Horn iMouMtain Indians, tribe of Tin-
nch, i., 114-37; location, i., 114,
144; special mention, i., 117-19.
Horocrot!, (Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Horoscope, ii., 253, 271-2, 663; iii.,
482.
Horses, i., 154, 259, 267-74, 280-4,
433, 435, 438-9, 490, 492, 605-6, 518,
523, 539, 642, 544, 661, 583, 72^:
iii., 483.
Ilorso Shoe Ucnd, California, antiq.,
iv., 707.
Horse ISoiind, i., 207.
Hospitals, i., .%']; ii., 596.
Hot Creek, i. , 443.
Hotcday, i., 447, nivine f r Vrekas.
Ilotlinniniish, tribe of Sunnd Indiann,
i., 208-22; location, i., 'AiTI.
Hottrochtac, Central Californiiin
tril)e, i., 3(51-401; location, i., 4M.
Ilonagnan (Wona.u;an), tribe of llai-
dahs, i., 15j-V4; location, i., 21)2.
Ilonse of llirds, at rxinal, Yucatan,
antiq., iv., I<M)-1.
Ilcnises, sec I)\vellin;.'s.
Hont^^na, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i.,46().
Hovcnwccp Uiver, L'tuh, antiq., iv.,
73-'-3.
Ilowache/, i., 455, see Ilowctscrs.
Howchuklisalit (Ouchnchlisit), tribe
of Nootkas, i., 174-208; location,
i., 295.
Howe Sound, i., 298.
Howetsers (Howaclie/), Central Cal-
ifornian tribe, i., 361-401; location,
i., 363, 455-6.
Howkumas, C Californian
tribe, i., 361-4 tion, i., 451.
Howteteoh, Norm .tiitornia, lung.,
iii., 642.
Hoxtotipaqnillo, locality, Jalisco, i.,
672.
Huabes (Huabi), i., 680, see Hiiavos.
Huacas, tombs, Cliiri(iui and Peru,
antiq., iv., 17, 792.
Huacbichiies, iii., 719, see Guachi-
chiles.
Huaciii, Central ('alifornian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 4.54.
Huachichilca, i., 614, :iec liuachi-
chiles.
Huaconex, medicinal plant, ii., ■"•!>!••
Huactlatoiinani, Chichiniec imperial
title, v., 299.
Huactii, a Toltec king, v., 250.
Huadibis, villa;j;e, Sonora, i., (i08.
Huahuapaii (Huajnaj)an), locniity,
Oajaca, i.. 677; anti<i., iv., 421.
Hualahuiscs, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-91; lang., iii., 714.
Hualapais (Hiialpais, Wallpaya),
tribe of Apache's, i., 473-520; I(kii-
tion, i., 475, 597; special mcntiuu,
i., 477-8.
Hualapai Valley, i., 697.
Hualpi, i., 601, see Gualpi.
""ftlquilmc, Central r„i.v •
801-4 •' ' ' ""•' «ntiq., iv
"""p'calco, locality. Vera Cruz, i '
•"----; location, i iMi "'"*-' '•.
«"». I., rai'Vu' "«;'•:'"',"""•
"•- 500- iii --.i' -i ' '''"'; 'aiiir
Huaste^ct t, S' \i '' • '''"■
H"«tu,^.;,i^;";,J^«^o. n.. 575.
v., 528. "'>J«ta tribe, hist.,
439-45 ' "*"1' "•. 417; iv
"-rVSrI, "-»>-, Huabi. Hu '
«80; ii 111 9 ' ™'«". i.. MS
«^7:8.>i S?^i-J« -eiitioiU^
Hiiaxtecu, locality. Verft P,. •
Hii«xtcc«, i., 674 sJl M ^'"^''-fiH
H"«xyacac. fortified cUv'o"-''- •
679; antiq.. iv qs4.'Y! pajaca, i..
{J''t>o, Itza god, iii., 482
, "'. •ii.,257 locality, Mexi-
v., 284. ' " ^"Jtec leader,
Vot. V. 44
INDEX.
''"fc^rtfc-ient.io.eo,
, '"- -'70; v., l^Jri 'r- "•• •'■'<«-5:
"ueJuiotoca HuJhno; '•
anti,,., iv V,,^' "."'"^aii), Mexico
27-'. 277. 282. ; ', ",7- '««der, v..
,/o. v., 4.S7-8, 49.J "^ Huexot.i,,.
"iieicolhuacai,, v.' qqo
< iilliiiacaii ' '^•^' "«« Hue.
HueicolliucH, \„rti, 111 .
Hue.teo,.ixq„i. Nahi,,;- X, ... ^
Hiiejiitla, citv M •
"therH, V 25 » 9rf ^'■""''""•« and
Hueinac I '1^^ ••''■***.. 528.
««Uzin). ToltocL ,."''''"• ^^f"t'-
Huenenie, .South (•■.i:V • '
H •• •'^^f 2/Et^ trilH,.
Hiienepel Ninyuelgu , " ' .s L. r- i-
j^'-tnKi.,4>-22;tc;ur;'-
309. ' ■^«cJ"'"'lca chief, v..
Huetzin (Huitzin) n T^u ■ •
220, 250-6. SA^"'/r •''n*?. v.,
"S'" n., lord of^Latliehan, v.
"St'S''^*"*'-'^^*-u.i,„,-
Hue.votia, a citv of \m •
,SJ;jfe>-.S»°ifc:U;
Huexotzinco, citv M»v:
127 Mo iV-' "•cxico, ii iio
„S6f^8JS7^-'^7-'0.-3l'8;i26:
H-.VeaIpixques,-Nah„ao«icialH.ii..
""t7tio?'teiiJ/';'*''*'"»'"-«»).
Hueymiccailhidt E'""' ''' ^^^
331, .510 ' '*''"* ""onth, ii..
Huej^otUpan. fortified town. Tiaacala,
Hueypaehtli,Nahua month, ii., 511.
690
INDEX.
Haeypuchtlan, station, Teo-Chichi-
niec iiii<;rution, v., 487.
HucytccuillmitI, Nahua month, ii.,
326, 510.
Ilucy-Teopixqui, Nahua order of
))rieBtH, ii., 202.
Hiicytlato, province, Honduras, v.,
chap. xii.
Huey riatoaniChichimccatlTccuhtli,
Chichiniec imperial title, v., 2!)9.
Hucytozoztli (Veitozoztli), Nahua
month, ii., 317, 509; iii., 421.
Hueyxalan, station, Toltcc migration,
v., 212.
Hueyxotzin, Tlascala, antiq., iv.,477.
Huey Zacatlan. iv., 354, see Ghowel.
Uuichiapan, village, Mexico, i., 674.
Huicholas (Huitcoles), Central Mex-
ican tribi;, i., 617-44; special men-
tion, i., 621; lang., iii., 719.
Huictii, Nahua shovel, ii., 348.
Huictlullinqui, Nahua god, v., 193.
HuietlaxcaUi, species of corn <;ake,
ii., 355.
Huiiatoo, ii., 209, cee Wiyatao.
Huililic (Huililoc), South Californian
tribe, i., 402-22; Ideation, i., 459.
Huilocpalli, Nahua cake, ii., 312.
Huinic, iii., 719, see Humes.
Huimen, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Huimolan, soutii boundary of Mexi-
can empire, v., 473.
Huipil (Hipil, Uuaipil, Vipilli), part
of a woman's dress, i., 621, 650,
691; ii., 868-9.
Huirivis, village, Sonora, i., 608.
Huitcoles, iii., 719, sec Huicholas.
Huites, North Mexican tribe, i., 671-
91; location, i., 609; lang., iii., 707.
Huitlapalan (Huitlapatlan), station,
Toltec migration, v., 209, 214
Huitz, a Toltcc chief, v., 243.
Huitzilapan, locality, Puebla, i., 670;
ii., 112; v., 242; name for Tlascala,
v., 249.
Huitzilihuitl, Aztec king, v., 330-1,
340.
Huitzilihuitl H., king of Mexico, v.,
361-6.
Huitzilin, a humming-bird, ;i., 489.
Huitzilopochco, city, Mexico, ii.,
562; iii., 30V.
Huitzilopochtii (Huitzilopuchtli, Hu-
itziloputzli, Huitzlipochtli, Ocelo-
puchtli, Uziiopuchtli, Vichilopuch-
itl, Vitziliputzli, Vitzilopuchtli,
Vizilipuztii, Vizliputzli), Nahua
god, ii.. 144-7, 320-4, 328-9, 335,
337, 3S I, 306-t', 400, 659-fiO, 677-
84, 605; iii., 187-8, 241, 247, 28S-
324, 427-8; iv., 512-i4; v., 85, 89,
220, 324-7, 345-C, 500.
Huitziloxitl, medicinal plant, ii., 599.
lluitzin, v., 252, see Huetzin.
lluitzitJan, city, Mexico, ii., 560.
Huitziton (Huitzitoc), an Aztce
leader, iii., 290-1 304-6; v., 88,
306.
Huitzitzilaquc, name for Tzintznn-
tzan, v., 516.
Huitzitzilin, a, Toltec princes.s, v.,
301.
Huitznahuac, city, Mexico, ii., .'SCO;
v., 253, 338, 404.
Huitznahuac-Teohuatzin, nricstlv
title, ii., 202.
Huitzntihuateocalli, a temple of
Mexico, v., 409.
Huitzocteme, sacrificial stones, Tlas-
cala, antiq., iv., 477.
Huitzquilocan (lluitzquilocal), sta-
tion, Aztec migration, v., .324.
Huitzuahuactcoliuatzin, Nahu.i
priests, iii., 433.
Huixachtitlan, station, Aztec mi-
gration, v., 323-4.
Huixachtla, iii., 39.3, see Vixaciitlaii.
Iluixa (Guixa) Lake, iii., 484; v.,
609.
Huixapa, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4.')9.
Huixapapa, South Californian tri))c,
i., 402-22; location, i., 459.
Huixiizo, locality, Oajaea, i., 679.
Huixtocihuatl, Nahua goddes.'i, ii
325-6.
Huixton, a Tepancc leader, v., 331.
Huixtopetlacotl, Nahua plume, ii.,
325.
Huixtoti, Nahua sacrifice, ii., 32fi.
Huizaquen Tochin Tecuhtli, a Chi-
chimcc prince, v., 314-19.
Huiztecco, (iuerrero, antiq., iv,, 424.
Hulanapos, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 451.
Hulmccas I., 671, see Olmecs.
Hunialiju, South Californian tril)c, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Human socriiice, Hyperlioreans, iii.,
143; Columbians, iii., 151; Mex-
icans, ii., 304-41, .394-7, 600-26,
704; iii., 61, 110-11, 26.')-460, pas-
sim; v., 206, 258-62, 268, :J4J-:!,
346, 350, 394, 414, 440, 4m\, 4(iH,
471, 478, 482, 497, 600-1; Central
Americans, i., 723; ii., 688-708,
796, 799-800; iii., 52, 471-2, 482-98;
v., chap, xi., xiii.
INDEX.
691
Humlioldt Bav, i.. 327, 332, 446;
kiig., iii., (>39, 643.
Humboldt County, California, antiq.,
iv., 707.
Huinl)oldt River, i., 462, 464, 466,
469.
Ilunies (Huime), North Mexican
tribe, i., 571-91; location, i., 614,
special mention, i., 575; lang., iii.,
718.
Humetaha, suburb of Chiquix city,
(iiiatcmala, v., chap. xi.
Humming-bird, Nahua myth., iii.,
67, .301-2, 304-6, 311-12, 404.
Humphrey Point, i., 47.
Hunal) Ku, Maya god, iii., 462.
Hunac P'cl, king of Mtivapan, v.,
625 et Bcq.
Huna Cows, i., 142, eee Hoonids.
Hunahnu (Hun Alipu), Quichii and
Cakchiquel dajr, ii., 767; Quiche
ruler and god, iii., 478-80; v., 174-
184, 544-6, 560, 566, 578-9.
Huuahpu mountain, v., 569.
llunahpu (Hun Ahpu) ITtiu, Quiche'
god, iii., 474; v., 170, 182.
Hunahpu (Hun Ahpu) Vuch, Quiche
god, iii., 474; v., 170.
Hunas, North Californian tribe, i.,
.S2()-61; location, i,, 443.
Hunavan, Guatemala god, iii. 74.
Hunbutz (Hun Batz), Quicli6 god, iii. ,
479; v., 174-80.
Hunca, town, Columbia, v., 24.
Iluncaliua, Muysca king, v., 24.
Hun Came, king of Xibalba, v., 175-
80, 184.
Hunchbacks, in Nahua harem, ii.,
183.
Hunchevan, Guatemala god, iii., 74.
Hun Cliouen, Quiclui god, iii., 479;
v., 174-80.
Uunchunchan, Itza god, iii., 483.
llunctu. Central Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 45:).
Uunhunahpu (Hunhun Ahpu), Qui-
ch6god,iii., 478-9; v., 174-5,544.
Huniios, i., 142, sec Hoonids.
liuno Bix Gib, Quiclu^ month, ii.,
766.
Hunpictok, Yucateo temple, iii.,
467; antiq., iv., 248.
Hunting, Ilviicrboreans, i., 66-7, 77-
8, 91, 118, 123, 129, 135; Colum
bians, i., 153-4, 161-2. 263-4; Cuii-
fornians, i., 336-7, 373, o75-o, 405-
6, 428; New Mexicans, i., 488, 490-
2, 661, .576-7; Mexicans, i., 662; ii.,
166, 335-6, 344. 360-2; iii., 403-6;
Central Americans, i., 694, 720-1,
760; ii., 653, 691, 697-8, 708, 720-1.
Huntoh, Cakchiquel ruler and god,
v., 549.
Huntzuy, Guatemala ruler and tribe,
v., 663.
Hunyg, Cakchiquel ruler, v., 600.
Huocoin, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; locaticm, i., 454.
Hurakan, Quiche gud, iii., 45-6, 118,
134, 475-6; v., 171, 174.
Hurmal, name for Santa Kosa Island,
i.. 402.
Hiiftbands, see Marriage.
Husistnic, South Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 458.
Husorones, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 609.
Hutatecas, Guatemala tribe, i., 686-
711; location, i., 787; lang., iii.,
760.
Huts, see Dwellings.
Hutucgna, South Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; locution, i., 460.
Huvaguercs, '*Jorth Mexican tribe,
i. 571-91; location, i., 607.
Hvitramannaland, name for North-
east America, v., 113.
Hydahs, i., 292, sec llnidahs.
Hydromel, as medicine, i., 588.
Hynieris, North Mexican trice, !.,
571-91; location, i., 607.
Hy|)erboreans, one of the seven
groups into which the natives of
the Pacitic states are divided, lo-
cated along the Arctic seaboard, in
Russian America, Alaska, and ad-
joining islands, and from HudsonV
Bay to latitude 65°, includnig
also the Aleutian Archipelago;
sulKlividcd into five families, tlic
Eskimos, Koniogas, Aleuts, Thiiii-
keets, and Tinneh or Athabnsciu*.
Manners and customs of each ile-
s'ribc<l separ.itely, i., .36-137; loca-
tions, divisions and tribal Itonnda-
ries, i., 35-40, 1.37-149; myth., iii.,
516-19; lang., iii., 5«)2-3, 574 6(W;
origin, v., 19.
Hyssop, Maya baptism, ii., 683-4.
lalamnm. South Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i.,469.
lalamne. South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4.59.
lamotamohuaiiichan, abode of Aztec
Venus, iii.. 377.
Ii , I i'< i
.< I L
692
INDEX.
laotzin, iii., 199, see Tezcatlipoca.
I Hiittt, Cakchiqiicl month, ii., 766.
IhiieroH (Ihiieras), ancient name of
Honduras, v., 214.
lott, i., iH)S; iii., 687, sec Ika.
Icaiihtzin (Achuuuhtzin, leoatzin),
(/hicliimec king, v., 2*20., 245.
Icciijcnne, tribe of A|>uuhcH, i., 473-
526; location, i., 474; lang., 594-
602.
Tchapilli, Mexican dress, i., 620.
Iclicahuepilli, a cotton breast-oiece,
ii., 40<).
Ichenta, Central Californian tribe,!.,
.361-401; location, i., 454.
Ichniul, Yucatan, anti<|., iv., 240.
Ichpaa, name for Muyn|ian, v., chap,
xiii.
Ichpuchco, station, Aztec migration,
v., 323.
Icoatxin, v., 245, sec Icauhtzin.
Iconuclasm, ii., 170-1, 525-8, 768; iv.,
281. 502.
Icpactepecs, Nahua : :\tion, subju-
gated, v., 471.
Icpalli, Nainia stools, ii., 231.
Icuox, an Acolhua chief, v., 332, 335.
IcxicohuatI, a Chichimec-Toltec
chief, v., 485.
Icxiuh, a Zutugil princess, v., 575-6.
loxochitlanex, Culliua king, v., 320,
330
Icxotl, palm-leaf, ii., 484.
Icy (^ape (Eiscap), i., 1.38-9.
Idaho, i., 315, 3?2, 422, 460, 463;
lang., iii., 631, 660; antiq., iv.,
734.
Iilakariiikes, North Californian tribe,
i., 326-61; location, i., 447.
Iil-do-a, North Californian tribe, i.,
326-61; lang., iii., (!40.
IdibukB (Idibas), Isthmian tribe, i.,
747-85; location, i., 797; special
mention, i., 785.
Idols, Hyiierlmrcans, i. 84-5; iii.,
145-7; Columbians, i., 161, 186,
193; Californians, iii., 166-7; New
Mexicans, i., 5!K); iii., 174; Mexi-
cans, ii., 298-9, 318, 321, .329-31,
389, .391. 425, 428, 477, 482, .582-4,
mr\ 622; iii., 179, 196, 2.37-429
pastsiu): antiq.. iv.. 346-600 pas-
sim; Central Americans, ii.. (589-
713. 750-1, 800; iii.. 46.3. 4S2-3,
493; antiq., iv., 18, 39-58, 66, 70.3,
89-94, 100, 111-139, 167-8, 202-.3,
515-20. 242-8, 26.3-6, 277; Missis-
sippi Valley, antiq., iv., 782; Pern,
antiq., iv., 805.
ledocodanios. North Mexican trilw,
i., .571-91; location, i., 611.
leyxcohuatl, a Toltec chief, v. , 229.
Ig, Quichd-Cakchiquel day. ii., 767.
Igh (Ygh), Tzendal day, ii., 7()7; a
predecessor of Votan, v.. HU, «i05.
Igiesia Vieja, Guerrero, antiq., iv.,
424.
Igloo (Eegloo, Iglo, Iglu, Iglut), Es-
kimo snow house, i., 54.
Ignatzio (Ihuatzio), Michoacan, an-
tiq., iv., 569-70.
Iguanas, i., 577, 652, 743, 759; ii.,
693, 701, 720.
Ih«il ixchel, Maya feast, ii., 697.
Ihuatzio, iv., 570, see Ignatzio.
Ihuerns, v., 214, see Ibucras.
Ihuimatzal, name forTochintccuhtli,
v., 33.3.
Ihuitlan. village, GueiTcro, i., 677.
Ik, Maya day and god, ii., 756. 7(!0;
iii., 482.
Ika (lea). Lower Californian trilM', !.,
556-71; location, i., 603; Ian;;.,
iii., 687.
Ikdnani, Chinook god, iii., 95, HjTr,
v., 19.
Ikarucks, North Califoniiau trila'.
i., 326-61; location, i., 447.
Ikomag, locality, Guatemala, v.,
570.
Ilaniatlan, locality, Mexico, i.. b'').
Ilancueitl, Nahun first woman, iii.,
60; Culhua queen, v., 223, ."W-tll.
Ilhuicamina, surname of Montcziiiiiii
I., v., 408.
Ilhuicate])ec, station, Aztec migra-
tion, v., .324.
Ilhuicatl, prince of Znmi)ang(> ...
329.
Ilhuicatitlan, temple of Mexicn, ii..
585.
Iligajakh (Ilgajack, llgajak) Hivcr,
1., 140.
Ilillulluks, trilic of Aleuts, i., 87!M;
location, i., 141.
Illinois, Mississippi Valley, antiq..
iv., 766-7.
Ilocab, Guatemalan tribe, i.. t>86-
711; location, i., 789; hist., v.,
546-7, 649, 65.3-.5, .560, 662, .'57 1-3,
684, 589, 692.
IlttekaYmamits, Inland Coluinliian
tribe, i., 250-91; location, i., ."Wl.
Images, see Idols.
Imatacax, Nahua ornament, ii.. -j'-M.
Inmtatohui, Tarosco month, ii., •'>-l'
Inmialiah River, i., 317.
Imox (Mox), Quich^-Cakchiqucl nml
INDEX.
693
Tzendfti day, ii., 767; ancestor of
Votaii, v., fi9, 1()4, 605.
Iinploments, Hvporborcan, i., 58, 64,
79-80, 91, 119, 122-3, 130; ("oliiin-
biniin, i., 164-5, 170, 179-81, 184,
187, 189-91, 193, 198, 21114, 233-
4, 270-1; aiitici., iv., 739-40; ("ali-
foriiiaiiH, i., .345, .381-2, 407-8, 4J14-
6; anti.i.. iv., 692-4, 697-712, 714-
15; New Mexicana, i., 5((0-2, 543-
4, 563, m'2, 55H); antiq., iv., (i35,
677-8; Mexicans, i., 629-30, 640,
656-7; ii., 300, 348, 351, 474-84,
614,621-2; iii., 512-13; antiq., iv.,
344-6, 373-6, 383, 414, 422-3, 431-2,
446-7, 451, 462-3, 520, 5.'>4-61, 577,
611-13; Central Americans, i., 697-
8, 724, 744, 765-6, 780-3; ii. 700,
749-51. 799-800; antiq.. iv., 18-2.3,
58-62, 96, 102-3, 2.37-8, 278; Miswis-
si|>pi ViiUev, antin., iv., 778-9,
781-4; Peru, iintici., iv., 792-4.
Inajalaihu ( [najalayehua), South Cal-
ifoniian tribe, i., 402-22; lucatiun,
i., 459.
Inapananics, North Mexican tribe,
i.. ,')71-9!; location, i., 61.3.
lnaM|)ctsuniH, Inhmd C'ohinil)ian tribe,
i., 250-91; htcation, i., 317.
Inbani, TaraKco calendar sign and
day, ii., .')21-2.
Inbeari, Tara.sco day, ii., 522.
Incantation!*, xee Sorcerers.
Incense, Nahuus, ii., 145,256-60, 318,
322.3, 3-27. .340, .3!»3, 573; iii., .331,
438 jiassinr, Slayas, i., 697; ii.,
668, (i88. 690-7, 7(>0-6, 720, 746, 799;
iii., 486.
Incest, i., 81, 117, 388-9, 516; ii., 466,
(i.")9, 676.
Inchini, Tarasco day, ii., 522.
Inchon, Tara.Hco calendar-sign, ii.,
521-2.
Inconiccant^took, Inland Colunibian
Irilio, i., 2."i0-9l; location, i.. 312.
Inilcliui\i, Tara.sco month, ii., 521.
Iiiiliana, Mississippi Valley, antiq.,
iv., 762-.3.
Indian (iulch, California, antiq., iv.,
707.
Iiulia-rubl)er, i., 6.39; ii., 298, 389,
393, 40<>, 599, 601, 719; iii., .^33-
4, 340.
Indigo, i., 694, 698.
liidioH HIancoH, i., 748, flee (iuatusos,
liit'thiuiti, Tarascitday, ii., 522.
liicttuni, Tarasco dav, ii., 522.
Infiinticide, i., 169,242,279,300,413,
.MIO, 714, 781-2.
Ingoliks (T'Kitoke8), tribe of Tinneh,
i., 114-37; location, i., iI6, 13.3, 148;
siiecial mention, i., 63, 133; lang.,
iii„ 590-1.
Inheritance, laws of, i., 545, 664, 700,
769-70; ii., 224-9, 651, 6<>3, 664.
Iniabi, 'lara.sco day, ii., 522.
Iniccbi, 'I'arusco ilay, ii., 522.
Inichini, Tarasco dav, ii., 522.
Inixotzini, Tarasc*) day, ii., 622.
Inizcatololiui, Tarasco month, ii.,621,
Inkalichljnatcn, trilic of Tinneh, i.,
114-.37; location, i., 148.
Inkalits, tribe of Tinneh, L, 114-
,37; lang., iii., .'i90-l.
Inland Columbian families, fifth di-
vision of the Columbians, conqiris-
ing five of the nine families into
which the Ctdumbians are divided,
and consisting of the iShushwaps,
Kootemiis, Okanagans, Saiish, and
>Saha|>tins, located lR>tweeu the
Cascade HauKc and the eastern
limit of the I'acilic States, from
latitude 52° .30' to 45"; manners
and cu.stoms described together, i.,
250-91; phvsique, i., 254-6; dress,
i., 2.'>6-9;' dwellings, i., 259-61;
food, i., 261-7; i»ersonal habits, i.,
267; weapons and war, i., 268-70;
im]demeuts and manufactures, i.,
27()-l; Iwats, i., 271-2; j)roiierty
and trade, i., 272-4; art, i., 274-5;
government and slavery, i., 275-6;
marriage, women and children, i.,
276-80; amusements, L, 280-2;
miscellaneous customs, i., 282-5;
medicine, i., 28.'>-7; burial, i., 288-
9; character, i., 289-91; location,
divisions, and tribal boundaries, i.,
250-4, 310-21; myth., iii., 15:1-5;
lang., iii., 615-26.
Inimka River, i., 148.
Inniiit, i., 40, see Kskim4)s.
Inodon, Tara.sco calendar-sign, ii.,
521-2.
Inojc, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Inpari, Tarasco day, ii., <*>22.
Inrini, Tariutco day, ii., 522.
Inscription Hock, New Mexico, an-
tiq., iv., (i48-50.
Inserts, as food, etc., i., 15.3,37.3-5,
405-6, 427, 4;iO, 488, .'MiO-l, 721; ii.,
.356; medicine, ii., 599, 601.
Insignia, i., 728, 753, 764; ii., 207,
403-4, 413-14, 419, 440, 614, 622,
64(), 656, 741; iii., 4.33; v., 326.
Ins|H>llums, Inland Columbian tribe,
i., 2.50-91; location, i., 312.
Intacaci, Turusco month, ii., 521.
m
604
INDEX.
Iiitamohiii, TaraHCo month, ii., 521.
Iiitaiiiri, 'I'arnHco dny, ii., 52*2.
liitoHiubire, Tarasco intercalary days,
ii., 622.
Intaxihui, Tarasco month, ii., 521.
Intaxitoliiii, TaraHco month, ii., 521.
Intccauioni, Taraxco month, ii., 521.
Intecha<|ui, TaraHco niontli, ii., 521.
Intcchot^ihni, TaraHco month, ii., 521.
Interment, kcc Iturial.
Interunihi, Tarasco month, ii., 521.
Intestines, see Kntniils.
intcvabchitzin, Tarasco month, ii.,
521.
Iiithahni, Tarasco day, ii., 522.
hithihiii. Tarasco day, ii. , 522.
Iiitictooks, Inland (.'olumhian tril>c,
i., 250-91; location, i., 312.
Iiitihui, TaraMco calcndar-si);n, ii.,
521.
Intoxication, sec Drunkenness.
Jntoxihui, Tarasco month, ii.,521.
Iiitziinhi, Tarasco day, ii., 522.
Intxini, Tarasco day, ii., 522.
Int/oniahi, Tarasco day, ii., 522.
Iniik, derivation of Innuit, i., 4<).
Inundations, .Mexico, hist., v., 45,3-4,
4«iS.
Inxichari, Tarasco day, ii., 522.
lolar. Mosquito year, i., 727.
lonata. South Californiau trihe, !.,
402-22; location, i., 4.')9.
looalliehecatl, Chichiniec god, iii.,
40(i.
I|ialnemoaloni (Ipalnemoan, Inalnc-
niohualoni), name of Tlotiuc-Naliii-
aque, iii., 5(i, 183, 185-(>.
Ipandes, iii., 594, see Lipancs.
li>a]>ana, Totonac dialect, iii., 777.
Ipec, South Californian trilK.-, i., 402-
22; location, I., 459.
Iplnchuari, a ('hichimcc Wanacace
chief, v., 518.
Iqi-Ualam(Iquihalam), Qiiichu fourth
man, ill., 47; god ami king, v., 181,
552-6, 5(56, 584-5.
Iraghdadakh, Aleut creator, iii., 104.
IrinilM), Michoacan, antiq., iv., 571.
Irish, American origin traces, v.,
121-2.
Iri Ticat<imc, a ( 'hichimec Wanacace
chief, v., 511-1.3.
Iron, i., 107, 164, 185, 341, 495; ii.,
749; iv., 778, 794.
Iron-wood, Itows of, i., 722.
Irrigation, i., 5.39; ii., .349, 718; nn-
ti«|., iv., 619, 632, 6.35, 068-70, 676.
Irritilas, North Mexican tril»e, i., .571-
91; location, i., 572, 612; lung., iii.,
7li.
Isalco, village, San Salvador, i., 791.
Isanthcagna, South Californian trilM;,
i., 402-22; location, i.. 460.
Isapa, village, <tuatemala, i., 789.
Ishcats, Aleutian liaskcts, i., 91.
Ishguajlshguaget), South Californiuii
trilK!, i., 402-22; location, i., 4.")!).
I.Hh(|iiuts, trit)c ojf Nootkas, i., 171-
208; location, i., 29ij.
Isinglass, i., 271.
lsi]Mjpolamcs, North Mexican trilM>,
i., .')7I-9I; location, i., CM.
Isia del ("Armen. i., 08.3.
Islede I'ierres(Linkinse), Inland ('<il-
iimhian trihe, i., 2.j0-91; locatii>ii,
i., 316.
Islcta, Pnehio village and trilic, i. ,
526-.'>6; location, i., 527, 600; laii-.,
iii., 681.
Islutu of the Smith, Pueblo villu^'c,
i., am.
Ismuracan, Central (Jalifornian Ian;; ,
ill., (>M.
Ispipewhumaugh, Inland ('ohiniliinii
trihc, i., 2.')((-9l; location, i., 317.
Istaguacan, village, (jiuatenialu, !.,
787.
I.statole, Guatemalan drink, i., 7(if'i.
Isthmians, one of the three hiinilii's
into whiirh the wild Irils's nf Crii-
tral America are divided; iiiaiiin'rs
and cu.stoms of all its nation:; ami
trilK's dcscrilx'd ti>,"cthcr. !., 7l7-^'i;
I)hvsi(|ue, i., 71 '.>-■">!; dress, i.,7"il-!:
dwellings, i., 7">4-8; food, i., 7.")S( i';
|>ersonal habits, i., 7(>i(; \vca|iiiii
and war, i., 7<>0-5; implements and
nianufat^turcs, i., 705-7; i»oats and
pro|)crty, i., 767-8; art, i., Tti!';
govcrnnuMit, i., 769-71; slavery, i.,
771-2; women and marriage, i.,
772-4; amuseiue.its, i., 771-6; mi:-
cellaneons custonis, i., 776-7; niiil-
iciiu, i., 778-80; burial, i.. 7M)-1;
character, i, 78-4-5; loi-aliim 'f
trilHJs, i., 7!>4-7; mvth., iii., ■!'.»'<
501, 543-4; v., 14; lang., iii., .W.'l.
793-.5.
Istlavacan, locality, (iuateniala, iii..
482.
ItAes, (Central Californian triln-, i.,
.361-401; location, i., 4.'i.3.
Italapas, Chinook god, iii., 9'i, l'>'>.
Itavwiv, South (Jalifornian tril)c, i.,
402-22; location, i., 460.
Itch,!., 86; iii., 415.
Ithkycmamifji, Inland Coluniliiun
tritte, i., 250-91; location, i., .'<I7.
■ tiachia, an idol ornuniont, iii., 2.38.
Ittcgo Itivor, L, 148.
INDEX.
096
II
Ituc, South Californiaii trihc, i., 402-
22; location, i., 4ri!>.
ItiirliaH, CtMitnil ('aliforniai) IrilK.-,
i., :{<il-4UI; loratioii, i., 4ri'>.
ItukeDiiik, South Californiaii trilx.*,
i., 402-22; ItH-atioii, i., 4('A).
Itnrbidc, Yucatan, anti(|., iv.,252.
Itwlia, SaliHli fotMl, i., 2(>5.
Itz, ii., 7'>7, we Yiz.
Itza I^kc, (iiiateinalu, aiitiq., iv.,
133.
Itzalanc, <ity, Yucatan, iv., lol.
Itzamat I'l, Mava ;;o<l, iii., 4(>5.
Itzaoh, CliicliL-ii rulers, v., 22'>; also
iiaiiio for Itzwi, v., cliait. xiii.
It/atiuauli, a < 'liichinicc cliief, v., 29.3.
Itziw (Y/ju's), Maya nation, i., (>44-
70; ii., (>.'<()-H():{; location and name,
i., 083; ii., lli>-20, 127; special men-
tion, i., 707, 709-10; ii.. «.33-(i, «47,
(i.->7, 074, (iSO, 718, 723, 72«, 73:{,
741, 743, 7'>0, 768, 8(M); myth., iii.,
482-3; hint., v., chap. xiii.
Itzliachaa, 'I'ara.sco month, ii., 5J1.
Itzcalli (IxcalJi), Nahua month, ii.,
3.38, fiOil; iii., I0!>.
Itzcavotilmatli, Nahua court dress,
ii.,'.374.
ItxcoatI, a Mexican commander, v.,
3(i2; kiiij,'of Mexico, v., .3WI-4.IS.
ItzcohuatI, a Mexican lord, v., .">.ll.
Itzciiiii(«'iicr, city, .Mexico, v.. -IIJH.
Itxciiintliiii, lorality, ISaii Salvador,
i., 7'.t(»; v.. (i()7.
Itzciiindi (Y/cuintIi), Nahua day, ii.,
.'i 1 2, 010-17.
Itziics, MoKipiito tribe, L, 711-47;
l.i.-atioii, i., 713.
Itzlapietlaloca, locality, Mexico, v.,
472.
Itzmal ri, name tor Izamal, v.,
(^Iiaj). \!ii.
ItzmitI (IxmitI), Acolhna chief, v.,
3()3-4.
Itz<iueyc, I'ipilc goddes.s, ii., 706-7;
iii., 484.
Itztitlau, city, Mexico, v., 463.
It/ucan, Im-alitv, Vera ("ruz, i., 671;
v., 202.
Ivory, i.. 4S, .W. 63, 16.'). 403.
Ix ((ii\, Ilix), M:iva day and calen-
dar si;;u, ii., 7">"»-6, 760-1; Yucatec
divinity, iii., 122.
Ixazalvoli (Ixa/aluoht. Maya god-
dess, ii., 7r>2; iii., 4ti2-.3.
Ixcanleox, Maya gwldcss, iii., 463.
Ixcatcopau, city, Mexico, v., 412.
Ixcatlaii, town, Oajaca, ii., 261.
Ixcax, a Toltec chief, v., 297.
I.vcazozolot, v., 317, hoc Yacanex,
Ixchel, M aya goddetw, ii., 678, 697.
I xcoiitzin, lord of Iztajtalocau, v., 374.
IxcotI, palm-fihre, ii., ;i69.
Ixcozaiiluiui, name of Xiuhtcciitli,
iii., 385.
Ixcuina, name of TIazoltccotI, iii.,
.377.
IxcuinamcH, Nahua rclimoiis sect, v.,
282.
Ixil, (luatcmalan lang., iii., 760.
IxinicliL^ (I'atinamit, Tccpan (Guate-
mala), citv. (Guatemala, i., 789; ii.,
121, 6.37, 790; aiiti.|., iv., 121-3;
lii.st., v., 556, 570, ■'593, .V.)5, .598,
t>01-2.
Ixliuecliahucxe, v. 250, sec Ixtlilru-
echahiiac.
IxmitI, V. .304, sec ItzmitI.
Ixmixiicli (Vhuixoch. Vhyozochtl), a
Toltec princess, v. 299.
Ixinol, Maya priestess, ii., 701.
Ixnacan Katun, Maya priest's title,
ii., 047.
IxnoNtlacuilolli, Nahua court drcHs,
ii., 3,-4.
Ixtcocale, Nahua title, ii., 324.
Ixtlahiiaca, locality, Ali^xicn. i., 674.
Ixtlahuacan, villa-;c, /acatecas, i.,
072.
Ixtle, Mexican liliie, i., 6.'»7-8.
Ixtliliuiechahiiac (.Aixtilcnechahuac,
lxlinei'ha!i wr.i-, Ixtiilcuechanac,
Tia('lii:i'>:.:. I, 'rialcliinolt/in, Tlal-
tcratl, TIaltccaJl Hiietzin, Tlilqr.:;-
clialiua(\ Tiiliiiie t'liaocatlahinolt-
ziii, 'f'zacatcatl. Tzacatceatl), Tol-
tei' king, v., 2.">0.
Ixtlilton, iii., 409, see Yxtliton.
IxtlilxochitI, t'liichiinec king, ii., 6(K);
v., 351-3, 3.59-79; ('hichimcc prince,
v.. 451, 474-7.
lyacatecuhtli (Iyacacoliuh(|ui, lyaca-
tecutli, .Iacacoliulir|iii, .lacateuctli,
Yiacatecuhtii, YacacoliiilKiui, Ya-
cateiMitIi, Yiacatecntli). Nahiia
god, ii.. .328. 389, 491; iii.. 416.
IzaifMts, town, San Salvador, iii.,7'>0.
Izamal. citv, Yucatan, ii., (>47; antiij.,
iv., 24<)-7, 266. 271; hist., v., 224,
chap. xiii.
Izcal, Cakchiquel month, ii., 766.
IzcrdiuatI, Teo-C'hichimec chief, v.,
490.
IzhiiatI, specien of jMilm-leaf, ii., 484.
Izmachi. city, (inatemala, v. 559-60,
564. .571-3, 57(i, .578.
Izinatlctlopac, lord of Cuitlahuac, v.,
349.
Izona, Maya go<l, iii., 462.
IzpapalotI, Nahua chief, v., 242.
696
INDEX.
IztacaccnteotI, name of Centcotl, ii.,
340; iii., 350.
Iztucalco, city, Mexico, ii., 560; v.,
345.
Iztucniaxtitlan, city, Mexico, ii.,417.
iztucmixciiatl (Iztac MixuoatI, Iztuc
MixcoliiiatI, Iztacinixoiiutl), Na-
hiia tirMt man, iii., GO, 249; Naiiiia
L'od, iii., 2(kS, 403; foiiiuler of Na-
liiia nation, v., 223, 527.
Iztactiuaiilitziu, v., 267, sec Hiiemac
II.
Iztactlalocau, city, iiorth-eoMt Mexi-
co, v., 472.
Iztamat/in (Iztamantzin), v., 495, hcc
I/tantzin.
Iztant/.in (Iztamantzin, Iztaniatziii,
Yztai'inia), liij^h pricat of Cliolula,
v., 495.
Itzapalapan, city, Mexico, ii., 1G7,
567, 575.
Iztapalocan, city, Mexico, v., 372-3.
Itzaipiaulitzin, lord of the Muzahuas,
v., 349.
IztaiiliiatI, nicdiciinil licrh, ii., 325.
Iztayuli Jui"lie kin<j;, v., 5(»(i.
Iztayul I., Cjniche kin;;, v., 560, 566,
571, 574-6, 581, chap. xiii.
Iztayul II., Quiche kin;;, v., 58.3-4.
Iztayul III., (Quiche kin;;, v., 5it4.
Iztit'oatii, Naiiua medicine, ii., 5<.)9.
Iztlaliuacan, town, (jiuatemala, i.,
787.
Iztli, Bee obsidian.
Izucun, city, Mexico, ii., 416.
Jococoliuhqui, iii., 416, see lyacate-
cuhtli.
Jacala, Mexico, autiq., iv., 549.
Jacateuctii, iii.,41G, Beclyacatecnhtli.
Jackap, Ncz Perces, food, i., 265.
ilackson, California, antiq., iv., 707.
Jai;ote, species of fruit, ii., 724.
Ja;;uar, Nahua coat of arms, ii., 160;
medicine, ii., 600.
JaiU, ii., 453-4, 657.
Jaimamares, North Mexican trilic,
i., 571-91; location, i., Gil.
iTakonH, i., ,307, see Yakones.
Jalal, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 253.
Jalalo;;, locality, Oajaca, i., 681.
Jalancin;;)), Vero Cruz, antiii., iv.
451-2.
Jalap, i., 631; ii., 699.
Jalapa, town, Vera Cruz, i., 643;
antin., iv., 436; hisL, v., 530.
Julcheduns, iii. , 684, sec Yalcheduues.
Jolisco (Yalisco), tribes described, i.,
617-44; ii., 133-629; special men-
tion, i., 618, 622, 625, 631, G43; ii.,
411, 625, G29; myth., iii., 447-8;
Ian;;., iii., 667, 717-19; antiq., iv.,
572-7; hist., v., 222, 323, 349, 509.
Jalii(|nannii (Jallicuamais), Cajucn-
ciie dialect, iii., 685-6.
Jalostotitlan, village, Zacatecas, i ,
672.
Jamaiabs, iii., 684, see Yamajabs,
•lamalteca, HondnraH, antici., iv
71.
(i7«,
Janiiltepec, villa;;e, Oajaca, i.,
681.
Janambre, Tamuulipas, lang., iii.,
744.
Janaya, South Californian tribe, \.,<
402-22; location, i., 459.
Jano;;ualpa, M<H|ui villa;;e, i., 528.
Jaotlalli, ii., 425, hcc Yauhtlalli.
Japan current, i., 38.
Japanese, lang., similarities, iii., 647;
American origin-traces, v., 51-4.
Japiams, Central Californion tribe,
I., 361-401; location, i., 449.
Jappayon, Central Californian trilu',
I., .361-401; location, i., 454.
Jaranies, Nortii Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 612.
Jaras, tribe of Mosqnitos, i., 711-47;
location, i., 713; Ian;;., iii., 78,3.
Jarcdites, America peopled by, v.,
97.
Jargon, Chinook lan<;., iii., 031-4.
Jaripiin, Central Californian tril)c, i.,
361-401; location, i., 453.
Jars, i., 434, 5tM), 697-8, 724; see als<>
Vases.
Ja.s|)er, ii., 161, 173, 557, 750.
Jasper House, locality, Uocky Moun-
tains, i., 3lt).
Jaundice, renicily, i., 743.
.lavelins, see Darts,
•leachtacs, tribe of Sound Indians, i.,
208-22; location, i., 301.
JealoUHV, i., 65, 168-9, 218, 351, .388;
ii.. 381, (!28, 803.
Jeflerson County, Colorado, antiq.,
iv., 717-18.
Jeniez (Jemes), Pueblo tribe an<l vil-
lage, i., .526-.5G; locatifHi, i., K^,
G(N); s))ecial mention, i., 527, 5.37,
550-1; lang., iii., 681-3.
Jervis inlet, i., 298.
Jesters, Nahuas, ii., 177, 286, 5S9.
Jetans, i., 473, sec Comanches.
Jewelry, i., 768; ii., 36.3, 47.5-7, 619,
750.
Jews, American origin-traces, i., l^',
v., 77-102, chap. xiii.
m
Jew8-h
Jiboa,
Jicarij]
Xicai
Jiloltep
villag
Jiquilitj
Ji<|uii|)a
Jiiitenia
Jluacs
trilKS,
J'lorida
Joaltcc
Jo bus, _.
.locoatoh
Joliamari
571-91;
Joiin Daj
tiibe, i.
•lohn I)a>
Johnson "t:
•longoai)!,
•jopes, I., ,
Jo([niaira,
i., .361 -4(
.lorse, Ven
Josquigard
"-, 361 -4(
Jovas (.Job)
tribe, i.,
GWi; 8j)ec
, '""g., iii.
•{•'"•pi. i., 6
Juan de Fi
302; iii., (
Jubnganti I
Juchium, C
i., 361-401
Judges, Na
442-6; Ma
Jugelnuten,
37; locatio
•'"{yak, Kon
Juigalpa, I
, *i-4, 58, 61
•['""P. Quicli
Jukcliana (Ji
147.
Juiime, Nort
714.
•Iiilimeiios, >
, 571-91; loct
Jumes, Nortli
91; location
• unaka, i., 14
■Minakachotaii
of Tinneh,
147-8.
Jumitca, Cen
i., .361-401;
INDEX.
•Tcw8-harp, Mosquito muHic, i., 738.
.Tiboa, San Salviulor, aiitiq., iv., 69.
Jiciirilliis (Jicorillus), i., 4iN), see
Xicurillas.
Jiloltepec (Xilotc|icc, Xilote|Kj(iue),
village, Giiiiteiiiiila, i., ()73, 787.
Jiquilite, Mo8(|uito ilye, i., 724.
•M(|uil]iaii, MicIioucuii,uiitiq., iv.,571.
•Fiiitciiial, v., 577, Hce Xiiihteinal.
.Jhuu^s (Slacns), South Californiaii
(rilH3, i., 402-22; locution, i., 458.
.rioriilu jNIountuin, i., 595.
.loiilUH-utIi, Niiluia ;^od, iii., 112.
•lobas, i., (!U(i, isec Jovus.
Jocoatole, (luateinalan drink, i., 7(W.
•lohainares, Nortii Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., (ill.
Joiin Day HivcrM, Iniantl Colnnibiaii
tribe, i., 250-91; location, i., 320.
.Folin Dav River, i., 254, 319-20.
.Fohnson Strait, i., 176, 194, 296-7.
•lonj^oaj)!, i., 601, rcc Xonj^opavi.
.lopes, I., 677, sec Tlajtanecs.
•loquizara, Central Californian tribe,
i., .361-401; location, i., 45^).
.lorse, Vera Cruz, aiitiq., iv., 451.
Jo.squi<;ard, t^entral ( 'uliforniau tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 4.i.3.
Jovas (iJobas, Ovas), North Mexican
tribe, i., 571-91; location, i., 572,
606; special mention, i., 578, 582;
lan<r., iii., 699.
Jualpi, i., 601, see Ciualpi.
Juan lie Fuca Strait, i., 222, 296,
.302; iii., 61.3.
Jubu<^nti Uiver, i., 796.
Juchiuin, Central Culiforniau tribe,
i., 361-401; hication, i., 45.3.
Jiid<;es, Naliuus, ii., 384-5, 434-9,
442-6; Mayas, ii., 642, 655.
Ju<j;elnutcn, tril)e of Tinneh, i., 114-
37; location, i., 148.
.lu^ak, Konia};agod, i., 85.
Jiii<;alpa, Nicaraj^ua, anttq., iv.,
.3;^4, 58, 61.
.Iniup, Quich6 god, iii., 482.
Jukcliana (Junaka, Junna) River, i.,
147.
■Iiilinie, North Mexican lang., iii.,
714.
•lulinieilos, North Mexican trilic, i.,
571-91; location, i., 612.
Jnnies, Nortli Mexican tribe, i., 571-
91; location, i., 611.
Junaka, i., 147, see Jnkchana.
J unakachotana ( Junnachotana), triltc
of Tinneh, i., 114-37; location, i.,
147-8.
Juiiatca, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Jnniamuc, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location i., 453.
Junin, Peru, antiq., iv., 804.
Junna, i., 147, sec Jnkchana.
Junnachotana, i., 148, sec Junaka-
chotautt.
Juntas, see Ccrro de las Juntas.
Jupes (TuiKJs), trilic of .Apaches, i.,
473-526; location, i., 473.
•luqiiila, locality, Oajaca, i., 680.
Juris, Central Californian tril)c, i.,
361-401; location, i., 453.
K
Kaad^jettecs, tribe of Thlinkccts, i.,
94-114; location, i., 143.
Kiuiskcpiatccs, tribe of Thlinkccts,
i., 94-114; location, i., 143.
Kabali, Yucatan, untici., iv., 204-10,
271-6.
Kab-ul, Mava symlxil, Yucatan, an-
tiq., iv., 248. '
Kace, i., 340, see Kice.
Kachiqucls, i., 788, see Cakchiquels.
Kachisupal, South ( 'alifornian trilte,
i., 402-22; hication, i., 4."»9.
Kachunia, i., 459, see Aketsum.
Kachuinas, i., 458, see Clnnnas.
Kadakanians,Lower( 'alifornian trilic,
i., 556-71; location, i., 603.
Kadlak (Kadjak Kadyak, Kodiak,)
Island, i., 69-71; iii., 104.
Kadiaks, see Koniaj^as.
Kacvali Khatana, nantc for Ingaliks,
i.,' 133.
Ka^atava Koung'ns (Kagataia-
kuiig ii), name for Aleuts, i., 87.
Kahnyak, i., .306, sec CiMiniacs.
Kahruks, i., 327, see Cahrocs.
KahsowaliH, South Californian trilie,
i., 402-22; location, i., 4.)7.
Kahtai, trilic of Sound Indians, i.,
208-22; location, i., .302.
Kahunkles, tribe of Chinooks, i.,
222-50; location, i., .307.
Kahweyahs, (Kahweahs), i., 45C-7;
ill., (i51; see Cahuillos.
Kai<;an Hjirbor, i., 293.
Kaigii' ' ' Kaij^aneos, Kaigdni, Kaig-
any, Kc-.'arnie, Kijjarnics, Kigar-
nce, Kyganies, Kygargeys, Kvgar-
neys, Kyj^'iini, Kvgaruics), trifie of
Haidahs, i., \'M-i4; location, i., I.'i5,
292-3; special mention, i., 157,
164-5, 173-4; lang., iii., 604-5.
Kailtas, Nortli Californian trilie, i.,
326-61; location, i., 445; siiccial
i' Mr
INDEX.
mention, i., 33o, 348-9; myth., iii.,
13.3-4, 524; Inng., iii., ()43.
(Kainunina, Kaina-
;i8(i, 449, sec Kani-
Kuinaiiiarcs
iiiealis), i.
iiiarcfl.
Kuipctl, village, North Culifornia, i.,
444.
Kaiyak, i., 61, sec Kyak.
Kaivulikatana, name for Ingaliks, i.,
148.
Kaiyiih Mountains, i., 148.
Kiijak, i., 61, see Kyak.
Kajatschinis, Central Californinn
triljc, i., 361-401; location, i., 449.
Kakas (Kakcs, Kakiis), tril)C of
Tlilinkect.s, i., 94-114; location, i.,
%, 143; lang., iii., 579.
Kak U|iacat, Uxniul ruler und god,
v., chap. xiii.
Kala]K)oiali ( Kalapoovali, Kalapiiva),
i., 2-23, 249, 309, see Calapooyas.
Kalccliinskoje.s, tribe of Aleuts, i.,
87-94; location, i., 141.
Kalicknateck, Trinity Uiver Indian
god, iii., 176.
Kalioiichcs, tri))c of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 303.
Kalispclni Lake, i., 31.3.
Kalispelnis (Kalisiicls), i., 276, '13,
sec Fend d'Orcilles.
Kaljiish (Kaluga, Kalusch, Koliugi,
Koljush, Koloscli, Kolosli, KoloMJi-
ians), Ktdusli, name for Thlin-
kects, i., 95.
Kaniash (Kanias, Kainass), i., 265,
sec Canuiss.
Kaniloo]is, Inland t'oluniliian trilic,
i., 25I)-9I; location, i., 311; siiccial
mention, i., 2!KI.
Kaniloo]is Lake, iii., 613.
Kaniticu, Quiche song, iii., 52.
Kanuilas, South Califoriiian tril)c, i.,
402-22; locaticm, i., 459.
Kan, Maya <lav and calendar sign,
ii., 755-6, 760-1.
Kanagist, i., 69, sec Konia";as.
Kaiial Acantun, Maya god, ii., 7<>3.
Kancunc Island, Yucatan, antiii.,
iv., 260.
Kangjulit, Koniaga dialect, iii., .576.
Kangniali Innuits (Kangniali Innu-
ins), trilH3 of Eskimos, i., 40-69;
location, i., 42, 1.38.
Kaning, Innuit name, i., 69.
Kauil, (iuatcmalan god, iii., 482.
Kanimarcs (Kainaniarcs, Kainame-
ahs, Kannimarcs, Kyananiaras),
('cntral Californian tril>c, i., 361-
401; location, i., 362, 449; special
mention, i., 386, 398.
Kanisky, i., 149, sec Konui.
Kankin, Maya month, ii., 757-8.
KanH4is, i., 592.
Kanto, a Slaya litter, ii., 702.
Kantunile, Yucatan, unti(i., iv., 237.
Kanugli, iii., 149, sec Klianukh.
Kunu Uuveyal), ^laya idol, ii., 702.
Kaons, trilMj of Chinooks, i., 222-.'»0;
location, i., .307.
Kaouais, i., .307, see Kowais.
Kaoulis, i., 310, sec (.'owlitz.
Ka(iuaith, trilic of Sound Indians, i.,
208-22; location, i., 302.
KarquincH (('ar(|uin), Central Cali-
fornian trilic, i., 361-401; location,
i., 363, 4.'52-3; lang., iii., 650.
Karquines Straits, i., 36.3, 4.52.
Karwccwce (Artsmilsh), trilHMif Clij.
nooks, i., 222-.50; location, i. , .SO'i.
Kuscks, Koniaga sorcerers, i., 85.
Kasliim, i., 66, see Casine.
Kassaaus, trilic of lluidahs, i., 155-
74; location, i., 293.
Kassinia Hivcr, i., 450.
Kata'duiyckiki, name for natives of
Unimak and Alaska, i., 87.
Katahuac, South Californiuii trilic,
i., 402-22; location, i., 4.59.
Kuthlaiiortlcs (Kutlaportlcs), i., 30G,
sec Cathla]M)otlc8.
Katlagakva, trilx; of Chinooks, i.,
222-.50;'locati«in, i., .30(1.
Katldmat, i., 304, sec Cathlamet.s.
Katlaminimims, i., 306, sec Catlilu-
naiiicnamcns.
Kiitlawcwallu, trilic of Chinooks, i.,
222.50; location, i.,309.
Katlawotsetts (Kiliwatshats), trilic
of (Chinooks, i., 222-50; location,
i., .3!)S.
Katlcndanicas (Katlendurukas), Ccii-
tral Californian trilie, i., .361-401;
location, i., 4.55; lan^'., i i., 6.53.
Katun, Maya cycle, li., 761-2; iv.,
274.
Kauwehs, North Californian trilic,
i., ,326-61; location, i., 444.
Kaviuk Peninsula, i., 37, 141.
Kaviaks (Kaveaks), trilic <if Koiii-
a;.;as, i., 69-87; locution, i., 70,
141; s|iccial mention, i., 73, 81.
Kawcho Dinncli (Hare Ind.), trilio
of Tinneh, i., 114-37; location, i..
144; s)ic(*ial mention, i., 121, VMi;
lang., iii., .585.
Kawitchen (Kawitchin, Kawitshin),
i., 296, 299, see Cowichin.
Kawwclth, i., 292, see Kowwcltli.
Kayab, Maya month, ii., 757-8.
INDEX.
use. "-yusci. 1., 319, see Cay- 1
7.V- --: KTHtlOll. i ATM. ,' '••
. J". CfiO, 674!) ' **' W'-.
2!»4 ' '•*■'•'■*; location, i
. <li^i'. iii., m '*"' '^'"«f I'ara-
.■illoi ' '•' ^^*' ««« »V>n,l d'Or.
Iv sey U.ver. i., 399.
Keiiai. ' '"™ l-*!^, see
^<'iii Ihvvr, i., 455.g
;<7^no'ia;t ffi'"' '^- ««^
'^Jljjkaniak, tribe of Chinooks i
.X); location, i., aog '""'»8i i.,
699
Kettle FttiL ; V.'J ' '• -"•*•
ditres "' '•' =^^2. «14, see Cl.au-
!-a'^;i^;'r'i^ j"'a".i Co.
I., 312. ' • •''^•'•>'; location,
I., ;j|«. ' ' • 'J«-91; location,
Kijaten). tS'of K^ '•'"""^'""tes
,.87; Ioc-«ti«„ T thlT"""- '•• ''«-
. i., .%l-4«)|. ' '; ;' "''.^"""an trilm,
,.'"•• '«"I 145-""' '40 "'''""^«*<
Kialarne.^ Wilt !'v '•■"'••''• '' "^S-
...America, v '& ^"'"'-^^t foa«t,
lanul). ' •' '^^' ««« <inical>
Kice (Kace). North Californian ..„d.
5:^S?4'a'''^?''"inkeetH, i.
KickuaIIi,\' ["/•''"• '•' '43.
jji'jkuallififfcf "".,;;; 30«.
'^"liiai)i)inL' h,[L ■
'SSnief ''^"•-). i-. 293, ..
Kikiallm Hi,,.,. ; iiL, ""■
Kil^^^attth, tr ,e ;,f Hfn , .
location." 294 "'"' '' ^^^'^*'
Kiteati:i'r''&r^'ii?-»''-
flctts. ' '•• ^8. «ee Katlawot-
Killamook, (Calle^ax, Callemeux.
700
INDEX.
Ciillimix, KilariKKtkH, KiluiiuikcH,
Killaniucks, Killuiiitikx, Killiinoux,
Killiiniix, KillyiiiiickH, N.Hictsliaw-
iiH, TillamtHikH), tribe of CliiiiookH,
i,. 2'22-5(); lonUion, i., •22H, MH,
807; HpucinI iiientiiiii, i., 337-8, 'J5U;
luii;^., iii., (>I8, (i*2(i.
KillitwatH (KiliwatHaln), iri)K> (if Clii-
iiiiokH, i., 222-r><>; locution, i. , 3<)7.
KiliiixthoclcM, trilivof HoiiimI [iuUuiih,
i., 2()S-2-i; location, i., .SO.'i.
KilliiiioiiH (Killiniiix), i., 223, 304;
iii., (il8, (>2(i, Hcc KillaniookH.
KillHiiiaht (KilHaniat), trilie of Noot-
kas, i., 1 74-208; location, i., 205.
Killuspciin Kivcr, i., 311, hcc i'cnd
(I'Oreillc Uivcr.
KillyiimckH, i., 250, ttcc KilluinookH.
KilHaniat, i., 205, m'.o KillMinalit.
IviininoocniniH, Inland Cohinihian
trilic, i., 250-01; location, i., 317.
Kin, Maya (lay. ii., 755.
Kinakancs, Inland (-(dunibiau tribe,
i., 250-01; location, i., 312.
Kinaroulux, i., 2{)4, hcc Kinuwalax.
Kinawulax (Ivinaroalax), tribe of
IIuidaliM, i., 155-74; locatiuh, i.,
203-4.
Kincaid Flat, California, anti({., iv.,
600-700.
Kinchaban, name of Hnnab Ku, iii.,
4(i2; Maya roval title, v., (i.30.
Kini^iktorHouk Island, tirccnlund, an-
ti(|., v., 114.
Kinjpi, Naliuas, ii., 133-85, 265-fi, 322,
373-7, 441, 471-2, (503-14, 610-22; v.,
244-5;«!; Mavas, ii., 631-42, 727-8,
788-00, 800-1; v., 172-188, 540-«()2.
King's Uivcr, i., 363, 455-6; lang.,
iii., 651.
KingHborougb's Pyramid, at llxnial,
Yucutan, antiq., iv., 1S)2.
Kiiiicli-Abaii-Vtzamna, name for
(Mncbau Yziimna, ii., 6%'.
Kinicb Kaknio, Maya idol, iii., 464;
antiq., iv., 248; licru and god, v.,
621.
Kinikkinik (Kinnik-kinnik), substi-
tute for toldicco, i., 354, 437-8.
Kinkipar, Soutb Californiau tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 460.
KinklaH, Central Californian tribe,
i., .361-401; location, i., 450; lang.,
iii. , 650.
Ki Pomoa, Centml Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; locatitm, i., 362, 448.
Kipunaiak ( Kipunajakb) Ki vcr.i. , 140.
Kiuhawin, tribe of Haidalis, L, 155-74;
location, i., 202.
Kisheys (Kia Kies, Kiukys), Central
iri6
13.-)
1.-
Californian tribe, i., .161-401; loca-
tion, i., 450; lung., iii., 640.
Kisliisliai, Apacbe corn-planter, i.,
501.
Kisbtsaniab (Cbaclia), i>kunuKanuvil
spirit, iii., 15.3, 510.
Kisbunuk (Kisbuuakli, Kyscbunack)
lliv(;r, i., 140.
Kispaclialaidy, tril>c of Haidulis, i.,
l,"i5-74; location, i., 293.
Kissbick Lake, i., 147.
Kitabon, triU; of Haidahs, i., I'^'i-IA;
location, i., 2*.)3.
Kitatels, tribe of Haidabs, i., 1.55-74;
location, i., 2!t4.
Kitcbaclalth,tril>eof Haidabs, i., 155-
74; location, i., 203.
Kitcjjiics, i., 138, see Kittejjariitcs.
Kitbatccn, tril)e of Maidabs, !., l.'Vi-
74; location, i., 203.
Kitlan (Kctlane), tribe of Iluidahs,
i., 15.5-74; location, i., 203.
Kitlopc, tribe of Ilaidalis, i., 1.55-74;
locati(Hi, i., 204.
Kitsagas, trii»e of Haidahs, i.,
74; location, i., 204.
Kitsalas, trilic of llaidalm, i.,
74; location, i., 204.
KitMi<;ucbs, tribe of Haidabs, i.
74; location, i., 204.
KitH]iayuclis, tribe of Haidabs,
1.55-74; location, i., 204.
Kitswingabs, trilic of Haidulis, i.,
1.55-74; locution, i., 204.
Kitswinscolds, tribe of Haidulis, i.,
155-74; locati(>n, i., 174, 204; s|k,-
ciul mention, i., 174.
Kittumimt (Kittaniuat), trilic of Hai-
dabs, i., 1.55-74; locution, i.,204.
Kitteurs, trilic of Eskimos, i., 40-60;
location, i., 1.38.
Kittcgarutea (Kitcffues), tribe of Ks-
kinios, i., 40-(i0; location, i.,42, 138.
Kitiinulia, i., "II, sec Kootciiuis.
Kitwillcoits, tribe of Huitlulis, i.,
1.55-74; location, i., 203.
Kiwomi, l^neres dialect, iii., 682.
Kizb, South California, lun^'., iii..
660, 674-8.
KlackanuiH, i., 310, see Clackunms.
Klabars, trilic of Nootkas, i. , 174-
208; location, i., 295.
Klalioliquabts, i., 295, sec Cluyo-
({Uots.
Klabosabts (Kluizzahts, Klui/zarts),
tribe of Nootkas, i., 174-208; loca-
tion, i., 295; special mention, i.,
178, 207; lan^?., iii., 609.
Klahous, i., 298, see Clahoosc.
>'.
Klaizzn
«09; ,
Kluka/i
. 5^->2-.5<
K/uklu.]
'*
Kianiaci
KIuMiatl
Kluniatli
KluniuHi
'v'anmHi
wns, T
<>lifor,
tion nth
nientioi
342, .34
6.3942.
Ktaooniijit
.2J»5-(!. H,
Klatskana
222-50; I
•^'atsk/inui
^ :'."'ri')ifs
•^'"'vukann
^/.f5-74; k
•^''Kctats
Klicatats,
Klikatats,
r""«N). Jr
'•. 2.50.01-
?53.4. :m
'•. 227, 2
277, m,
620-4.
'^''inkits, iii.
•^''Kklliiitkvv*
*^[»^» (CloOH)
../"5-74; 1,H,,
M'lsn,,,^^ a re
^•."fc'At's Fen
,.'y-. 707.
'V')"iny, I.„e,
io™r' "yi'^-'-
':"iifoniians,
.•^'•*> Alexicui
''»; J v., .V4
■^'wtcnais, i or
- ; ; •'^^*; jocutioi
B39.42. ' **'' •*»'; lung., iij.,
INDEX.
701
r""'s). Fnlu,, r"^' .l^'"''wliv-
i' 227. 255i'.^"'"':' '"^''ti'...,
SJ,^ 28, ^s55;^^ ^i^273.4.
<:alif„r„/,„,8 i '"!^' '•. 235. 2fiS;
>■;; Mexican- f '*U^.\ ««• ^-'M;'
''='.■ IV. >vui u ,i °*'i III., 58
••'"•N i 705 1; S! '^'"^'•«' Aineri
^'•Ji«k.i:.^39"eeK'',^''!!'-'''- S"
^•>etcnai.s, i or.f*' "■"»< «ak.
K'SJXVift "L"*.... .-.,■
""Ss.tii "■'■•""■ '
.'""I), Irilw nf t; .
»■■«./.,„. i., r;«, ur'ij- 1"""'
.. """. 1.. lii. i.-t,; , ™; "CS""! "ioii.
f -'at 'int; :' S,:^^' V ?*
K<»niaL'an Anl..- i ' '. '^'2.
Koniuian; ;';; 'uoli^Ji; ^^;«- 7a
"•'nth tl.o llyi,erLrr "'"''■'^'''"t"
!•. 72-4; <JweJ , ,,.4 i'7i";' ''/«««.
t;l'aracter. i. s'?; / "/ '"'r'«'. '.. 8«;
..""•!. '.. 72, 75-, • .81 •Z'-'-"*' '"cn-
..''•aiiM, i., •2m.'>-> '• '^""""1 1"-
'-7-Hm-k,...-,.|.i;7ii';"-«^';:". i., m.
••''a KiittJii,,. ' •***''• »«c Kut-
'^••okatee, tniM' ..f 'I'l i- .
,.'NHoJat[;,n '^'i'"''««K.-..94-
,,^ S'Hi,'^:r'^f-- '<--
"•"''■«. K«<S!av^""'r''-7'K..ot-
31 ; special nient.V, . V it'; 251-2,
111. .' '"^tfon, i Ki .,fi V
3 I; special mention V >'>rh r^'''-'
,S?iiK«.^-i 2f^l9Si:';:
Kc.rckins, Cen ra 'Tp' '' '^2.
KoHcIii.rinsk,;, 1 »'•?"' '•' ^.U
..87-Mritr;.r;'T4r^''''''^''-'-.
^^V^etnl's. North CtiV' ■
-.t'on. I., 295-6 "*--«>8; loca-
K-mitaa (Kosn.iti). Cent™, Califor-
709
INDEX.
nian tribe, i., 361-401; location, i.,
45.3.
Kut-ii-KutcliinB, i., 147, aco Kiitcha
Kutcliiim.
Kotzcbiiu Sduiid, i., 37-70, 138-0, 141;
iii., A70.
Koiiiiichauuas, i., 202, ace <'iiiimlic-
WIUI.
KoiitutiicB, i., 311, 800 Kootenain.
Knwais (Kiutimiit), tribe of Chi-
nooks, i., 222-50; locution, i., .307.
Kowunuu, Suiitb Cnliforniun trilic,
i., 402-22; locAtiuii, i., 450.
Kowitcliun, i., 175, hco ('owichin.
KowooHCH (Cuohch), North Ciiliforni-
iiii tribe, i., 326-61; location, i.,
442.
Kowwcltli (Kawwelth), trilte of Hai-
daha, i., l.'>5-74; location, L, 202.
Koyukulc Kivvr, i., 1.33.
Kuantlun, i., 2!>7, hoc Kwanthini.
Kublai Kiiiiii, Mongolcnipcror, v.,44.
Kue|ink, Yucatan, antii^., iv., 212.
KiipiiiM, Aleut Hpirita, iii., 144.
Kuiinuciiquitocli, tribe of Haiduha,
i., 155-74; locution, i., 204.
Kuiaki, Koniaga HhicblH, i., 70.
Kulibnyuk, i., 306, sec Cooniacs.
Kukntli-Kiitcjiin, tribe of Tinneh, i.,
114.37; location, i., 147.
Kulahuui^a, i., 450, sec Calahuasso.
Kulana|Hi, Central Californian Ian;;.,
iii., 643-7.
Kullos-PaluM, i., 314, aee t'cnd d'O-
rcillca
Kullcapelm, i., 313, see Pond d'O-
reillca.
Kumcutea, trilte of Nootkua, i., 174-
208; location, i., 206.
Kupriuno<r(Kuprinott) Island, i., 143.
Kuro Siw», name for the Juimn cur-
rent, v., a?..
KuBchkukcbn'ukmiitcn (Kuackock-
wa^^niutcn , Kuakok wi^nijutcn,
Kiiakokwinien, Ku'^kutcliecook),
i., 70, ace Kaakoqiu;;niutca.
Kualikiali, Central ' 'ulifornian tribe,
i., 361-401; locution, i., 440.
Kuail, South Californiun tribe, L,
402-22; location, i., 450.
Kuai-lTtaha, tribe of Shoahonea, !.,
422-42; apccial mention, i., 440;
lang., iii., 662.
Kuakcinu, i., 206, see Koakiemo,
Kuakokwi^mjuten (Kuakokwig-
mutea), i., 77, 140, aee Kuakoquig-
mutoa.
KuakoquigniuteatKnakokwignijuten,
Kuakok wimen, Kuackockwagemu-
ten, Kuachkukchvakmiiten, Kua-
koquim, Kuakntchowak, Kuakwo^,'-
niutH), tribe of Koniagaa, i.,li».87;
locution, i., 70, 140; H|>ccial iiivii-
tion, i., 71-3, 76, 77, 80; lang., iii.,
576, 580, 680.
Kuakotiuini Bay, i., 140.
Kuakoquini Uiver, (Kuakokwim,
Kuakokwina), L, 70, 116, 140, 148.
KuUmiio (Kiitani), i., 311, aco K<H)t-
unuia.
Kutcha Kutchina (Kutaha Kutahi,
Koo-chu-koo-chin, Kot-ii-Kutchiii),
tribe of Tinneh, i., 114-37; locu-
tion, i., 115, 147; lans., iii., 586.
Kutchina (KutHliina), tribe of Tiiincli,
i., 114-37; location, i., 114-15, 14(1;
apccial niontioa, i., 03, 127-32, 1.37;
lung., iii., 584. 686-8.
Kutncliua, i., 311, aco KootenniM.
Kutzghutuahl, Thlinkeot ii;,ihl('iii
bird, iii., 00.
Kuwiuhpuckinuten, i., 140, ncv
Kwich|>aginutca.
Kuwichpiack, i., 140, ace Kwichpuk.
Kuyuin (Cuyaniu), South Culifoniiuu
trilic, i., 402-22; locution, i., 450.
Kwulhioquu, tribe of Chinooka, i.,
222-60; locution, i., 305; lung., iii.,
602.
Kwuntlunia (Kuantlun), tribe of
Nootkua., i., 174-208; locution, i.,
175, 207.
KwcnaiwitI (Kwuiantl, Qiiiiiay.ti ,
tribe of Sound Indiana, i., ?.>: :.';
location, i., .34)3.
Kwichluu^nutca ( Kwichljuagnijii-
ton), tribe of Koniagaa, i., 70-S7;
location, i., 70, 140-1.
Kwichliiuk (Kwichljuakh, Kwitlilu-
wuck) Itivcr, i., 140-1.
Kwichpugmutea (Kwichpa^injiiton,
Kwichiiuk-nicuta, Kuwii^lipackniu-
ten, Kwygyachpuiiiagiiiiuta), triJK!
of Koniagaa, i., 70-87; locution,!.,
70, 140; lung., iii., 676.
Kwicli|>ak(Kuwichpack, Kwickpakli,
Kwikh^iuk), Kiver, i., 70, 140-1.
Kyuk (Kuiyuk, Kajak), Aloxkan
bout, i., 60.
Kyuiiumaraa, i., 440, aee Kanimareit.
Kycucuta, tvilk' of "^-'^''tkaa, i., 174-
20N; locn >M, i., jm>.
Kyt' ■•« vVgAni, Kyguny, Kyuar-
l.vK'irneys, Kvgarnies), i.,
'2-3, aee Kaiga' m.
1 {iiuht, i. . '205, aee .vyuquot.
K. ->■ (Kyo *), i, 264, 273, sec
Cu '<e.
Kyro ixlum i., 143.
Kyachunock, i., 140, aee Kishunak.
WDEX.
vw
Uc«...l«n Mo"S«";""|:i,'v.. (5.39.
«87. 78« 77^1 "?"*'••''• ?•. fi^.'.
"*cuyaiiui, .South CnV.t •
i.. 679. **' ^"I'^'tec country,
, 74; l»««ioM i 'I?"'*'"'"', i-. 165-
295-6. ^'4--»8; locution, i.
'l.ia.t'W"''''''^^' «-"« Califor.
^SS;„,t'r9 ''^"*^' «-".
^a^/S"^- tribe.
i:;V^Man^/iil:;g?;;;;^|;..
^ Si'l'""''. Columbian tribe
m5 "• *^««''<'»"quel ruler, v
^^h Nob, Cakehi,uoI ruler, v '
UjunS ioSiVr ^>:"'«»e«.
, ''il», i., Ml.«?'£.,.'-"''!"".l«ii
Lailliuri l'..„V .' '<«*ti«ii, i.. 4AI
«!*'■ '"""«"»la Irike, f,,,',: **■
■fcU ' ' •*"''-«>l; location, i..
I-'-i^;.. An.erieaa „ri,i,. e„.ee,
LaniiiH, Centnil r'«i.*
3«1.4fli. .•"""'"»" tribe i
,utu^ii4rCii''ft^"^''
I^'naytun ii ^li ' T'*'' 7«0.
'-a.nb^t.'lC.dllirif '»%*"";,.
, Hpeiiec hero, v. ««' ' '^'' ^h*-
f^mpB. see Can.ller^-
^ncets, li., 479^ eo|
.i&oI'S.ife'J'.^^J.TOo,,,.,
^n» Mora, Chl!?L^' !?«•..„ .... ^aliforniail ii'^-.^L ''h 192-634;
353. ^' Cl^aPM, antiq., iv
45& ' '•' ««-22; location, i..
Oalifornians iil ^^ ilh ^92-634;'
MexicaniT Kli*' ^«-",»' -'^««^
Iff; .MexiJa„rii. "y,^;;70. «fO.
-.571-3.^ 759-95; Vahl^^a
•^••<«ciien island, i.. gn
W-
704
INDEX.
4«4.
7ti'2, 8CC Click «»c
]m Pntcm, iHlot, South Cnlifoniin, i.,
J.'>8-».
I.II I'll/, town, liowcr i'lilifiiriiin, i.,
(m-4.
Laiiii'iu'V lloiiHO liiiliaiiM, i , l4(>, mse
i'li-Kiitli-Kiitrliiii.
li!i|ioti>t(itM, i., 4M, tw'} >Sn|Mit)tt<>tH.
La I'iKMito, locality, South Culiforiiin,
i.. 4t>0.
I.a I'uriHNiuia, locality, iSouth Cali-
fiiniia, i., 4.">8.
Laril, i., ^i!i'^, 7<>8.
Larlicio, liilaml (Vtlunihiaii trilio, i.,
'250-<U; h>catioii, i.. .'iU.
LaH FlorcH, villa^^c, South California,
i.,4f>().
La So1o<la<l MiwHioii, lan^., iii., (UV4.
LaMMcirH ituttc, lorality, North I'ali-
iforiiia, i., 447.
I^iHNifH, North Californian trilnt, !.,
3'i(t-(il; location, i., 44(>; liin^., iii.,
A<K).
LiiMMo. i., 49.*). 7*24.
I. an Vcpu* Uivcr, i.
Lath oc Kntuu, ii
Katun.
|ja'rortii};a, Tnclila, nntii|., iv., 4tiR-(\.
Latour-.\llaril Cnlloction, Mexican
|{i>|)uh)ic, antii)., iv., AfiO.
Litw, ^M>c (iovcrnnicnt.
Iiftw-('ourtH, ii., 44'2-.'», (i.'xi.
Lawyers, ii., 444, ({.Vi.
LavinoncH { Lainn'mcx, liinionicH),
fiowcr Californian trilic, i,, .'i.V)-7l;
location, (MKi; Umg., iii., <i87.
Lcml, i., I(W>, ISO; ii., 473; iv., 7M.
!<cathcr, i., 88, 18.% '227-8, iW, Xt\,
48'2, .504 ; ii.. 4(»7.
la-avcH, i., XU, ;Jt>8, 521, «77; ii., 574,
784.
I<ccatuits, Central <'alifornian trilie.
i., .1(il-401: location, i.. 452.
Ii<>cliu);illa, nicilicine, i., 58!).
Lee I'anit*, i., W.i, nee LiiiancH.
LeeHlitcloHli, triltc of CliiuiMikH, i.,
222-.'M); htcniion, i., :«K).
iH^ewa, MoHquito watcr-Hpirit, iii.,
4»7.
LejiKi""*. >•. 2.W. 42-« ."i, 482-4, KUL
Lej-KuanU, Nahnas, ii., 4<»7.
Ia'hh, llv|H'rlii>rcan«. i.. 88, Coluni-
liianN.'i., l.VI, l7(i-7. 2I<», 224-.'».
2.*>4; New MuxicaiiH, i., ;V{|.
Leni|Ni Kiv'.T, v., i-liap. xii.
litmcan, (iimtoin.->la trilH3, i, ({8ti-7ll:
hM'ation, i., 7!N); IniiK , iii., 78.S.
Lcntlcri, liM-uiity, NicaniKun, i., 7<I2.
l.eolm, iv., .'Mfl, msv Ijiobai.
LtHtn, city, NicnrnKun, i., 702; antiq.,
iv.,.%<,'0O-l, hist., v., 613.
Leon Kiver, i., 797.
lA'proHV, i.. ;i.">4, 7<H), 742; ii., .T4«.
Lewirv, .Mom]uito watcr-xpirit, i., 741.
Lewis Kiver, i., 148, 317, 4«2; iii.,
It'A).
Linni, Siuith Californian trila>, i.,
44)2-22: location, i., 459.
Lianl Kivcr, i., 144-5.
Lilmntone. ("cntral Californian trilH-,
i., .Sl)l-44)l; location, i., 4;'>;i.
LilHTtad, Nicara)(i>H, antiq., iv., Xi-4,
Lilicrty, MiHHiH.>tippi Vallcv, antiq.,
iy., im-d.
LiliiHa, huccica of vcnonioua tiHh, ii.,
4(>8.
Lichen, hcc ^i«lri^..
Lickawix, trihe of CliinookH, i. , 222-
5(); location, i., .'{(t7.
Li^hthouNeM, Mexico, ii., 5)i()-7; v.,
Ml.
Li};htninK, i., 588; iii., 118, 324; v.,
524.
Ligin Ka, Cakcliii|uel month, ii.,7(>(i.
Li);uacciii, North .Mexican trilH>. i.,
571-91; location, i., (ill.
Lillout, locality, Itritish ('olunihla;
lan^;., iii., (il3.
Lime, i., .'i77, iiifi, <i5:{; ii., 55(i, n.Vt
.TSl, 722, 784.
LinuniicH, i., iUKi, nee LaynioncH.
LincM. liNliint;. i., I<>4; ii., 721.
Lin^ham. Phallic-worship, iii., 5<M.
Liniooh, name for Santa Cm/ iHlatid,
LinkiuHC, i., 31(t, itt>e IhIc iIc I'icrrcH.
Lintclx, Yucatan, antiq., iv,, l.'M-
273 pUHHim; ChiaiMiM, antiq.. iv.,
3()2, 351-2, 'M'M; «>ajaca. antiq.. iv.,
398,404; Coh>raihi, antiq., iv.. ;22;
Peru, anti<|., iv., 8(Ki
Liolxia (Leolui, Liulwl, Luiva, Lyolxt,
LvoInui, Yoliiui, Yo|Nia), name for
>fitla, Oajaca, anti<[., iv., 389.
Lion, ftMMl and tlrcHH, i., 491, it4M,
7«>l-2.
Limi-Mnake, .Miztec );(nI, iii., 71.
Li|inncH (l|MindeM, Lee i'anit. Lipa-
icnnc. Lipann), trilto of Ajiac'lics,
1., 47.'<-52(!; hicati i., 474, 59;(-4;
special mention, i., 470, 495; hni);.,
iii., .ws, im.
I<ip-ornanicntM, Ily|)crlM>reans, i.. 47-
8, 72, 88, 98-IOi>; iii., m\: Coliim-
hiauM, i., 1.18-9, 182; New Mcxi-
cauH, i., 559; Mexieans, i.. <>23; ii..
307, 372.1, 37«; iii., 2;W, :W7; Cen-
tral Anicricans, i., GOl, 717. 7'>'.'.
■ 784; iL, 731-2.
402-2
f'ithiKit
. .'*'•. <»
Litter,
702.
Little (
Little
antiq.
Little M
. .'ey. '»•
Little Sy
Liubii, i\
Livangeli
.trihe, i
Livaiigeh
i., mi..
LixuH Hi,
Liyiies, I
, 5P«-7I;
Lizards, i.
ii..6«9,
■'hincnM,
, /»'2«i! loc,
Llan<» do
Herniita
liiuno liMta
Llatu, Incii
Loc6ncH,(;i
. '«">?.. iii.
Loch, g„ic;
Locklomac*
lies.
L«»ckquali||i
bla.
Locobo, Con
, ««I-40|; J,
L'M-idloniill,,
triU', i., m
f^m-nstH, fau
'^IKCH, sec I
J^UfWlMMl, Mf
iMJOH Aopii,
I., 402.22; I
'-"Imet Aha
0.4.
''•Jl'not Quohi
I'oloncookfl,
, t"K i., 3«1
, tone, {.,402
•'<;n«tonKneluii
'•. 2l».fl0; U,
Vol.
INOIX.
,..'"*> '•• 4'M>, nee S rIiiib
l'i.th.Hl».|i,lroii Creek A^
'1,«'"- '«".'«>«-7. «20. fi35. 641
,.«nti<i..iv.. 707 ^' ^ «'''"•"'!«,
|'"tUM Itiver, V (;o ' * *'*'^
Liznns, i., 40.V Lou .':L'•*•
, ''•• ««»/}«>? ih''?,,^' ''•■*'• ««' =
Loci.i.cH,G„«U.i„„b tri K. i fi«n 7..
'«"ff.. iii., 7«| • '••«>«fi-7ll;
'^S"'"'-«' '•' -^; - S.K.M.....
*"'h!. i.. 3« .401. I .* "'''""'iiwi
l^>irwiii..l \f "'"K».
706
f^ngVallcy. i.,4<j9.
, tow,,. l.„eMa. i.'. «■•"/"'•• "'- «»■'»;
^.:hC.^u.c«. village. .S„,tl.(-u,if„„.i,,
f-ost IJivcr, i,. 327 44'{
,i^.402.|^'aj,t'^;;"» tribe.
J v., 7W. - ,.
''"««>r Culifoniia,
'■'l^ul, rm.'2.
W)3-4; luitin.. iv, (Ui, ..
I-Wmet Aha,,, t^.U.i^i
''ojmot g,.«h„ay. g„i„hc* ,„„,.(,„' .'
,,t;Ki .,,n-4<;,7t„ti:,f-^-
Vol, V. «
<iiHt..,i,H „f ,, , ' ; '^'«"»«TM and
71- I.I.. • '. t%'etlier. .. [um
r.'NM^; d«dl.,.««. i.. M!M«?,'*f;,,V
1: *»• S 3 »«"■'.»..«;;
706
INDEX.
5Gt-5; marriage and women, i.,
505-6; niiiiiHcincntti, i., 566-8, med-
icine, i., 568-<.); Iniriul, i., 560-70;
oliaractcr, i., 570-1; location, i.,
556-7. 603-4; myth., iii., 83-4; lang.,
Hi., 568, (W6-93.
I<owcr KIttiiuitli Im\u\ i., .'127, 44.').
Ijowcr Stunu Creels, i. , 70.1.
Lower Yukon, i., 116.
Low (Sap, locuiity, Central Califumiu,
i., 440, 451.
Ijowhims, Inland Columbian trilie,
i., 250-01; locution, i., 317.
LucayiiHta, Central Culiforniun tribe,
L, 361-401; location, i., 4.'V).
LuohoHmi, Cuntnd Califoniian trilie,
i., 361-401; location, i., 454.
Luckasos (LuckkantOH), tribe of Clii-
nooka, i., '£2'2-BO; locatiim, i., .lO?.
Lucktona, trilN! of ChinookH, i., 222-
50; locution, i., 307.
Lucuyunni. Houtli Californian triltc,
i., 402-22; locution, i., 4.">9.
Luguiw. Houtb Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; lointiou, i., 4.'in.
Luiane^luu, Ontrul Californian tribe,
i., .SOI -401; hNution, i., 45:<.
Luidneg, ('cntrnl Californian trilic,
i., 361-401; location, i., 4.5.'i.
Luijta, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 450.
Luiva, iv., 380, see Liobmi.
LujaniHiiiitMilac, •South Californian
trilie, i., 402-22; locution, i., 450.
Lnlunna (Suluniia), tril>cof Iluiiliilm,
i., lt''M-74; locution, i., 202.
Luninii Uiver, i., 200.
LuMuniH (LooniiH), trilie of .Sound
IndiimH, i., 208-22; locution, i.,
208, 21K); H|icciul mention, i., 210,
210. 222; lane., iii., 615.
Lu|ierailiu NuViun fcMtivuI, ii., iWi.
Iiupilotiiit), i., 451, Hec l.o|iillumilloH.
Lurin Viillcy, Pern, !inti(|., iv., 706-7.
LutuaniiH, i., 444, mvv Kluniullm.
LuupHch, Honth '.'uliforniun tribe, i.,
402 22; location, i., 4.-i0.
Lynn Canal, i., <.Hi, iOOl, 142.
Lyobu (Lyolmu), ii.. 200; iv., 380.
M
Mac, Maya month, ii., 091, 757-8.
.Mocunu (Mucnuhuitl), NuhuuHword,
i.. 493, 6.-I.-I; ii., 400, 743.
MocanootoonyB, North Californian
trilie, i., .326-61; location, i.. 442.
Macaoaiiucz ^MotMiaiiucx), Contrul
Mexican trilie, i., 617-44^ location,
i., 670; Mpcciul mention, i., 622.
Mucut (Maiat), Nicaragua |,od, iii.,
402.
Mactttaxtii, Naliuu pricat'a drew,,
iii., 3.35.
MucawH, i., 176, mco (/luMiietH.
Macehuules, Nahua term for ple-
lieians, ii., 217.
McElmo Uiver, Colorado, untiq., iv.,
727-31.
McGillivrav'8 Kiver, i., 31!.
Mc(iilvury H, California, untiq., iv.,
707.
Machete, (.Central American chop-
ping knife, i., (S.Vi-6, 007.
MuckunotiuH, North Culifoniiuii
trilie, i.. .326-01; location,.!., 442.
Mackenzie River, i., 37, 42, 45-6, i:<8,
144, 146.
Mucniiilun Ilivcr, Inn;;., iii., BUT.
Macoba, Yucuttiii, untio., iv., 2t'i2-.'<.
Macon, MinitiHsippi Valley, unti(|.,
iv., 768.
Muco^uhiiiH, i., <i07, Hee Cuch.
Mucsinuni, Ccntrul (.'uliforiiiuntrilK',
.3(il-40l; I<K-ution, i., 4.'i:{.
Mucuuhuitl, ii., 743, mcc Macano.
Mucncxhuucan, city, Mexico, v..
242.
Mucucxtli, Nahua prociouH atoucH,
ii., 3).'J,
Mucoiidcutltccuhtli, Teo-('liichinicr
chief, v., 480.
Macuilnialinutzin, Mexicun prince,
v., 'UVi, 505.
Macuilxawhiqnct/alli, name of Chul-
chihuitlecnc, iii., 3(>7, 407.
Mucuilxochitl, Nnhua god, ii., :)(N):
iii., 406-7.
Muciiilxnchil, city, Ouiucu, v., KU.
ftludiiuin, MiHHiHHippi Vulley, untiij..
iv., 764.
Mutli'ion Hay, i., .301.
Mudiic (Muduwc), a WcIhIi princt-,
v., 1 16- 18.
Mad Kiver, i., .329, :t.32, 446, 451:
luni,'., iii.. 503, 642.
Mu'^iluleim, locality, .Sonoru utiti
Jali<co, i., 60(!, 072; Oujucjt, un
tiq., ;v., 372.
Magdulcnu Day, i., 6a3-4.
MuKeniutCH ( MuKU^tnijuten, MaKinni-
ten, Mugmjiiten), trilie of Kuni-
agui*, i., 60-87; hication, i.,70, 140.
Maiq^itH, as foo«l, i., 55, 61 1.
iNIuvficians, Hce Horcerent.
MagmjutiMi, i., 140, moo Ma«cnmlt'K.
Mugot, H|iecicH of tree, i., 570.
Maguucute, medicinml liorb, i., .ViK
INDEX.
707
Mttgiioy (Acavc), i., 488-0, 617, 559-
OiW |iu88iiii; ii., 347, 357-65 paa-
aiin, 484, OUO, 724, 727, 752.
MiuruiuquiH, North Mexican tribe, L,
571-01; location, i, GOO.
Mahttkh, Aleut goddcsB, iii., 104,
Mslkoe, HftecicB of tree, i., 722, 724,
700, 766.
Mali(>t,'iiny, hot^ i., 658, 600, 725.
Mahijuiiialo, a Cakchiqnel chief, v.,
660.
Maliimniea, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-01; location, i., (;i2.
Mahu'uitiih (Maucotali), QuichiS thinl
created niun, iii., 47; u tlivine per-
son, or lii^li-i'rieHt, v., 181, o46,
540, 5.'>2-6, 566-7, 584-6.
MniconeraH, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-01; location, i., 611.
Muiz, «-.ity, San Luis I'otosi, i., 673;
lanj;., lii., 742.
Maize, i., 430, 480, 6a3-5, 706, 710,
730, 758-60, 775; ii., 145, .343, 347-
50, 351-5, tilO, (!70, 702-3, 710, 710-
20, 723, 737; iii.. 241, .125, .340,
3.'t8-6.3, 404; v., 103-4.
Majiltcl, Lower Californian fourth
seution, i., 564.
Majilien, I..o\vcr Californian fifth
HCOHiui, i., 54)4.
Ma^jiittenniajiji, liowcr (yalifoniian
Hixth HeuMini, i., 564.
MukuliH, i., ,302, Hee ('iassotii.
Makalay, Trinity Uivcr Indiann' evil
8uirit, iii., 176.
MaKonioH, l.'entral Califi>rninn trilto,
i., 361-401; l<M;ation, i.. 440.
MakuHirliinHkoja, trilio of AloutH, i.,
87-04; locution, i., 141.
Malu;;neco8 (Maluhuecos), North
Mexifun trilic, i., 671-01; locution,
i., 61,3.
Mululi, u Zutugil prince, v., 672.
Mulalinucim, i., 612, Hce Mulaj^nccoH.
MululincH, South CaliforriiuntrilH), i.,
402-22; locution, i., 450.
Malay, lutiK., tntccs, iii.*, 646.
Malcuni, Ijuichu widower, ii., 802.
Mulcuitlapilco, suburb of Mexico,
ii., 5(!0.
MulenintcH (MalciKinjuien, Malinilk-
tcn), trilMi of Konni;;iiH, i., 70-87;
location, i., 70, 1,'{8, 141; sncciul
nicntiini, i., 71, 73, 77-8, 81; lanK..
iii., 580.
Mulico, Houth (^alifoniian trilto, i.,
402-22; location, :., 450.
Malik Ucok Kin, Maya dawn, ii.,
755.
Malila, locality, Mexico, i., 675.
Malimaten, i., 141, aee Maleninte&
Malinalcos, Nahua nation, i., 617-
441; ii., 133-620; name, ii., 127-8;
hist, v., .307- 10.
Malinaico, town and province, Mex-
ico, i.. 677; antiq., iv., 504; hint,
v., 310. .32.3, .328.
Malinalli, Nahua dajr, ii., 512, 516-
17; lord of Tlacliiiuianhco, v., 461.
MalinulxochitI, Chichinicc princem,
v., 303; Aztec princcHs, v., .327-8.
Malinche, nee ('ern> do la Malinche.
MalinchcAoB, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-01; location, i., 613.
Mallets, i., 180.2.37.2701.
Mullin. ('cntral Cnlifornian tribe, L,
361-401; location, i., 4.>l.
Maltese Cross, iv., 481, I'.t^; sec also
Croaa.
Malvaitac, Central Califoniian tribe,
i., .361-401; location, i.. 4.'t.3.
Manialhoaztii, a constellation, iii.,
112.
ManialihnuHCo, Acolhua lordship,
v., m3.
Muniu-lil-a-culla (Mainalilacula,
Marninlillai-alla), trilM; of Nootkas,
i., 174-208; location, i., 176, 205-6.
Manianicliic, name for Coya Mama
Oclln, v., 46.
Mama Uello, Peruvian goddess, iii.,
260.
Maniatluvicoa, Nahua game, ii., .3.34.
MuniuzorruH, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-01; locution, i., 611.
Munies, Muvu nution, i., 687-711; ii..
6.')0-803; location and name, i.,
787; ii., 128; Inng.. iii., 700-1, 766-7;
hist., v., 541-2. 65.5, CAKi, Sm, 569,
676-7, 585, 501, 503, 60.5.
Mumheni, Otoini ('ity, v., 24.3.
Mumites, North Mcxicun tribe, i.,
.'>710l; hication, i., 610.
MuiiinitH, trilw of ('hinm>ks, i., 222-
.'iO; locution, i., .3(M>.
Munmni, Inlund (.'olumbian tribe,
food, i., 26.5.
Mum Yoc, name of Munics, i., 787.
Maim^na, city, NiruruKuu, v., 61.3.
Muiia;{na Lake, i., 701-2; antiq., iv.,
,32; v., 61.3.
Munutee, a sea-cow, i., 710-20.
Munauiqucitet, (Guatemalan tribe, i.,
68<>-7ll; locution, i., 780.
Munches, (iuutenmlu trilw, i., ((86-
711; location, i., 682, 687; N|>cciitl
mention, i., 710; nivtli,, iii., 482.
Manchiku, (jucen of Slierumn(nila,
v., 46.
Manco, v., 46, see Manga
I i|.'
I: 111 11 1
ii
■■»av!»i*''
706
INDEX.
Manco Capae, P«niTian god, iiL,
269; v., «.
Mandaup, name given to early Welch
coloniato, v., 118.
Mandingos, tribe of Isthmians, i.,
747-85; location, i., 797; special
mention, i., 752, 784.
Mandioc, Mosquitos, food, i., 721.
Manen^s, i., 792, name for Nagar-
andas.
Mango (Manco), first Inca of Peru,
v., 46.
Mani, city, Yucatan, ii., 699-700;, an-
tic^., iv., 220; v., 634.
Maniani, Honduras, autiq., iv., 71.
Manik, Maya day, ii., 755-6, 760.
Manilahuh, Zutugil king, v., 586-7.
Mankeesh, Yucatan, antiq., iv.,253.
Manna wousut, tribe of Nootkas, L,
174-208; location, i., 295.
Munoiiaht, tril>e of Nootkas, i., 174-
208; location, i., 295.
Manos Prietas, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-91; location, i., 611.
Manovapa (Manowapd), Tarasco god,
iii. 446' V. 517.
Mantles, 'i., 630, 690, 751; ii., 364,
366-7, 374-5, 406, 604-5, 615, 618,
621, 727-8; iii., 416, 423.
Manufactures, Hyperboreans, i., 79-
80, 107, 130; Columbians, i., 164-7,
190-1, 215-16; Californians, i., 345,
381-2, 407-8; New Mexicans, i.,
544', 563; Mexicans, i., 630, 657;
ii., 384, 474-91; Central Americans,
i., 698-9, 724, 766-7; ii., 752.
Manzanilla, used as poison, i., 72.3,
762.
Manzanillos (San Bias Indians), tril)e
of Isthmians, i., 747-85; location,
i., 796; H|]ccial mention, i., 753, 784.
Mauzunita, North California, food,
i., 340.
Mapilca, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv., 455.
Mapimi, see Holson de Mapimi.
Maps, i., 68, 165, 239, 274-5; ii., 224,
236, 380, 388, 424, 443, 487-8; iv.,
283, 748-9.
Mapulcanas, North Mexican trilic,
L, 671-91; location, i., 6I.S.
Mwiuelnotcers, North Ciilifomian
tribe, i., 326-61; locution, i., 443.
Maquia|)cmc8, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-91; Ktcation, i., 612.
Maran, ii., 677, see Chin.
Marani, Inland Columbian ttihe,
food, i., 205.
Maraveres, Central Mexican tribe,
L, 617-44; location, L, 672.
Marcasite, used for painting, ii, 327;
iii., 360-1.
Mar de Cortes, see California Gulf.
Margajita, a species of mineral, ii.,
478, 480.
Marhoos, tribe of Chinooks, i., 222-
60: location, i., 305.
Maribios (Maribichoa), Gvateuiala
tribe, i., 686-711; location, i., 791.
Maricopa Copper Mine, i., 528, 601.
Maricopos (Cocomaricopas), tribe of
Pneblos, i., 526-56; location, i.,
526, 602; special mention, i., 530,
533-4, 644, 547-53, 665-6; myth.,
iii., 131, 527; lang., iii., 684-6.
Maricopa Wells, i., 602.
Marietta, Mississippi Valley, antiq.,
iv., 767.
Mariguana, a narcotic herb, i., 61)3.
Mariguancii, North Mexican triS)e,
i., 571-91; liH-ntion, i., 613.
Marimba, a musical instrument, i.,
664, TOr., 738.
Marin County, Cal., i., 363, 452.
Maripenda, a medicinal plant, ii., 599.
Mariposa County, California, antiq.,
iv., 707.
Markets, i., 700; ii., 378, 383-6, 44(),
664-8, 646, 736-7; v., 421.
Markland, locality, north-east coast
of America, v., 107.
Marnialillacalla, i., 296, see Manvi-
lil-a-cullu.
Marriage, Hyperborean)', i., 66, 81-.*),
92, 110-11, 117, 12.3, 127. 130-4;
Columbiana, i., 168-70, 192, 19.5 8,
218, 241-2; Californians, i., 349-.'>l,
388-91, 410-12, 436-7; New Mexi-
cans, i.. 611-15, 547-9, 666-6, rmd;
Mexicans, i., 632, 661-3; ii., '2CAM,
442, 628; (Central Aniericaim, i.,
702-4, 729-.14, 772-4; ii., Ml, 651,
664-75, 711; iii., 473.
Martilpar, i., 295, see Murtilpar.
Martinez, North Mexican trilic, i.,
571-91; location, i., 613.
Martinez, (>Iifornia, antiq., iv., 700.
Martinez Point, i., 301.
Martin I.<ake, i., 144.
Mar^ Uiver, i., 462, see HumlKitdt
Uiver.
Masacatan, village, Guatemala, i..
787.
Masairncve, Moqui village, i., 528.
Mosalla Magoons, (Ma«aTlumag<Hiiii<),
Central Califomian tribe, i., 301-
401; location, i., 449; lang., iii.
643.
Maaanais, i., 601, see Moszasnavi.
MasaUtin, Chichimec king, v., 220.
INDEX.
709
Maaaya, city, Nicaragua, i., 792,
antiq., iv., 31, 35-6.
Maschal, South Californian tribe, L,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Masiaca, villase, Honora, i., 607.
Masksi Ilyperboreans, L, 93, 07, 101;
iii., 145, 148; Columbiana, L, 159,
170, 181, 186, 193; Californians, i.,
393; New Mexicans, i, 532, 550-1;
Mexicans, i.', 630; ii., 291, 314,
341, 480, 482. 490, 603, 606, 620;
iii., 289, 295, 341. 385, 390-2, 394-5;
antiq., iv., 479, 495, 556-9; Central
Americans, ii., 713, 733, 750;
antiq., iv., 67, 236.
Masonahs, North Californian tribe,
i., 326-61; location, i., 443.
Mason's Plantation, Mississippi Val-
ley, antia., iv., 768.
Massets (Massettas, Masscttcs, Mas-
setts, Massits, Mosettcs), tribe of
Haidahs, i., 155-74; locution, L,
155,292.
Mastamho, Mojave god, iii., 175.
Mastate, Maya dress, ii., 726.
Matacaxtli. Nahua armlets, ii., 395-6.
Matahuay, South Californian villago,
i., 458.
MataMncB, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-4U1; location, i., 453-4; king.,
iii., 6a2.
Mataluhtli, Nahua drink, ii., 359.
Matanc, village, Sonora, i., 606-7.
Matchclats (Michlaits, Muchlaht),
tribe of Nootkas, i., 174-208; loca-
tion, i., 295.
Matchefines, Central Californian
tribe, i., 3*11-401; location, i., 450;
lang., iii., <i>49.
Matelpys, tribe of Nootkas, L, 174-
208; location, i., 296.
Matcmecatl, Nahua brachials, ii.,
404.
Matevil (Mathowelia), Mojave god,
iii., »75, 626.
.Mathlauolis, i., 309, see Multno-
mahs.
Mathowelia, iii., 175, see Matevil.
Matiares, village, Nicaragua, i., 792.
Matiliha (MatUlija), South Califor-
nian tribe, i., 402-22; location, i.,
459.
Matlaccoatl. Toltec king, v., 266.
Matlacxochitl, name tor Huemac
and Tczcatli|M)ca, v., 261, 286.
Matlahuacallan, station, Aztec mi-
gration, v., 323.
Matlalcuejc, name for Chalchihuit-
lioue, iii., 3G7; TIaacala heights,
v., 604-5.
Matlalqnac, Nahua female sacrifice,
iii., 345.
Matlaltzincas (Matlaltzinchi), Nahua
nation, i., 617-44; ii., 133-629; spe-
cial mention, i., 622; ii., 411; loca-
tion and name, i., 677; ii., 128;
myth., iii., 446; lang., iii., 747-8;
hist., v., 307-10, 432-5, 610, 523-4.
Matlaltzinco, province of Mexico,!.,
676; v., 432-5, 472.
Matlaluca, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv.,
445.
Matlalxihnitl, a flower used for dyes,
ii., 486.
Matlalzahuatl, a species of pesti-
lence, i., 638.
Matlatlihuitzin, Mexican king, v.,
492-3.
Matlazahua, i., 674, see Mazahuas.
Matlosc, Nootka spirit, iii., 151.
Matolcs, iii., 643, see Mattoles.
Matomey Ki Pomos, Central Cali-
foniian trilte, i., 361-401; location
and name, i., 362, 448.
Mats, Hyperboreans, i., 91, 107; Co-
lumbians, i., 160-3, 166, 173, 184,
187, 190, 211-12, 220, 231, 236-7,
259-61, 270-1; Californians, i., 336,
345; New Mexicans, i., 575, 682;
Mexicans, i., 624, 656; ii., 161,
361, 386, 440, 672, 621; iii., 335;
iv., 402; Central Americana, i.,
697-9. 724, 745, 766; ii., 669, 739,
787.
Mattole Creek, i., 447.
Mattoles (Matolea), Central Califor-
nian tribe, L, 361-401; location, i.,
447; m;^th., iii., 86; v., 14, 19;
lang., iii., 643.
Matzah nus, i., 674, see Mazahuaa.
>Iatzopctztli, Nahua bracelets, ii.,
404.
Mancotah, aee Mahncutah.
Maugna, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 460.
Mttuhcnii, i., .350, sec Mow-wce-mas.
Mawiali, Nez Perciis' spirit of fatigue,
i., 284.
Max, a species of leaf in Yucatan,
ii. , 737.
Mnxatccaz, Nahua maskers, iii., 429.
Maxcanii, Yucatan, antia., iv., 262.
Muxio, Toltec queen, v., 271.
Maxixcatzin, Ocotelulco lord, v.,
603.
Ma-:tla, a Tepaneo prince, and king
of Coyuhuacan, v., 373, 384-94,
499: lord of Tlachco, v., 439.
Maxtlatzin, a Toltec noble, v., 270,
283-4.
i:n trig ml
ill
It
710
INDEX.
Maxtli. Nahna drasB. ii., 144, 365^.
(im, 726-8.
Mayacomoii (Mayacnias), Central
Califoriiian tribe, i., 361-401; loca-
tion, i., 363, 451-2.
Mayapan, ancient name and capital
of YucaUn, i., 045; ii., 632-7,654;
antiq., iv., 240-3, 268, 274-5, 277;
hist, v., 159, 224-7. 615, 618-19,
622-3, 626. 629-34.
Mavu nations, niauners and customs
dcscril>ed, i., 645-747; ii., 630-803;
government, property, etc., ii., 632-
(H); education, ii.,6(il-4; marriage,
women, etc., ii., 664-86; food, li.,
718-25; dress, ii., 726-34; war,
wea]>aii.s, etc., ii., 740-7; imple-
ments and manufactures, ii., 748-
52; art, ii., 753-82; dwelling, etc.,
ii., 783-94; medicine and 8U|)er8ti
tions, ii., 794-8; burial, ii., 798-801;
phvsiiiue, ii., 802; character, ii.,
803; location, i., 645-6, 683, 78((-
9:^'; ii., 128-9; myth., iii., 461-96,
541-3; v., 87; lang., iii., 558, 571,
724, 759-76; v., 616; hist., v., 157-
8, 1)40-634.
Mayas, tribe of South Mexicans and
one of the Maya nations, i., 644-
70; ii., 630-803; location and name,
i., 645-6, 683; special mention, i.,
647-64, 6«>7, 669; ii., 91, 117-21,
&31-7, 647-705, 711-803; myth., iii.,
461-73, 541-2; v., 87; lang., iii.,
558, 571, 724, 759-62, 773-6; v.,
616; origin, v., 22; hist., v., 157-
8, 614-34.
Mayavel, Nahua female sacrifice,
iii., 345.
Mayo Kiver, i., 607-8.
Mayos, North Mexican tribe, i., 571-
91; location and name, i., 572, 607;
siNicial mention, i., 582, 590; lang.,
ill., 667, 707-10.
Mayotia, ii., 5<i3, see Moyotlan.
Maza, Nahua war-club, ii., 409.
Mazacohuatl (OtziuhcohuatI), Nahua
chief, v., 243.
Mazahuacan, district in Northwest
Mexico, i., 674.
Mazahuns (Matlazahua, Matzuhna,
Mazahui, Mozahui), (Central Mex-
ican trilie, i., 617-44; htcatiou, i.,
674; v.. 510; lang., iii., 737. 741.
Mazames, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-01; location,!., 611.
Mazamorra, maixc porridge, iii., ,360.
Mazapilcs, Central Mexican tribe, i.,
617-44; location, i., 672; lang., iii.,
719.
Mazat, iii., 403, we Macat.
MazatecB (Mazotecas), Maya nation,
i., 644-70; ii., 630-803; location, L,
680; special mention, i., 646; ii.,
261; myth., iiL, 131-2; lang., iii.,
752-3.
Mazatepec, station, Toltec migration,
v., 213.
MazatI, Nahua day, ii., 611-12, 51(i-
17; Tepancc commander, v., 393.
Mazatlan, province, Guerrero, hist,
v., 411-12.
Mazatsal Peaks, i., 595.
Mazatzin, Culhua king, v., 256, .330-1.
Mazotecas, iii., 131, see Mazatecs.
Measles, i., 286, 521, 568, 638, 667,
742.
Meat, see Flesh.
Meatwho, i., 312, see Battlclemulec-
maucli.
Mecamecan, Mexico, antiq., iv., 496-
7.
Mecapalli, » =trap to support bur-
dens, ii., 386.
MecitI (Mexi), name for Huitzilo-
pochtli, v., 88, 324, 346.
Mccouhiliztli, lunar period, ii., 504.
Mceonetzin, v., 270, see Acxitl.
Mecos, (./cutral Mexican tribe, L,
617-44; location, i., 672; lang., iii.,
743,
Medals, ii., 732; iv., 118-10, 346.
Medellin, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv., 434
Medicine, HyiMsrborcans, i., (i8-9, 85-
6, 113, 120, 124; ColumbianH, !.,
172, 204-6, 219-20, 228, 245-fi, 285-7;
Californians, i., 354-6, .358, 394 .5,
418-19, 439; iii., 160; New Mexi-
cans, i., 521-2, 542, 554, MiS-\), .588-
9; Mexicans, i., 6.38-40, 667; ii..
268-9, 460, 591-602; iii., .35.3, 409,
415, 421; Central Anicriouns, i.,
708-9. 741.3, 778-80; ii., 794 8, see
names of diseaRts.
Medicine-men, sec Sorcerers.
Mcdiotaquel, Acaxce dialect, iii., 718.
Meewocs (Mccwa, Meewie), Central
Californian tribe, i., 361-401; locu-
tion, i., 455; siHJcial mention, i.,
.375, 393, 395; myth., iii., 522.
Muhtehs, Nortli Californian tribe, i.,
326-61; location, i., 444.
Meidoos, Central ("alifornian trilw,
i., 361-401; location, i., 451; lang.,
iii., 648, 652.
Mejibo, Lower Californian first sea-
son, i., 564.
Melzolzin, v., 243, see Metsoltzin.
Men, Maya flay, ii., 755-6, 760.
INDEX.
711
Menachm, tribe of Slioshonea, i.,
422-42; location, i., 464.
Mendocino County, i., 447, 451.
Mengu 8 (Menquis), L, 5S8; iii., 687,
see Monquis.
Menstruation, i., 82, 110-11, 242,
278-9, 351, 519.
Merced County, California, antiq.,
iv., 707.
Merced Uivef, i., 455-6; iiL, 651.
Merchants, Nahuas, ii., 386-97, 616;
v., 415, 44.1, 600; Mayas, ii., 736-8.
M^rida, city, Yucatan, iii., 467;
antiq., iv., 243-1.
Merivales Mountains, i., 795,
Mesa Verde, Colorado, autiq., iv.,
719.
Mescal, Mexican drink, i., 517, 664.
Mescaleros ( Mezcaleros), tribe of
Apaches, i., 473-526; location and
name, i., 474, 591; sjiecial mention,
i., 50.-», 509, .523.
Mescales, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 612.
Mescalteco, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv.,
451.
Meshonganawe, Moqui village, i.,
601.
Mcstpiit- bean, Apache food, i., 487-8.
Messier Mound, Mississippi Valley,
antiq,, iv., 767-8.
Mcsticutan, village, Zacatecas, i.,672.
Metals, i., 646, 727-8, 769; ii., 473-8;
749-50; iii., 255; iv., 66-7, 102-3,
278, 778-9, 792-4.
Metaphors, common use of, iii., 35-7.
Metatc (Metlatl), a corn-grinder, i.,
489, 501, 510, 5U, 629-30, 653, 656,
697, 721, 7f>5; ii., 351, 361, 750.
MetazurcM. Nortli Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; locution, i., 611.
Meteors, meteoric phenomena, Mex-
ico, v., 44<J-7.
Metepec, a city of Matlaltzinco, v.,
433.
Metlaltoyuca, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv.,
458-61.
Metlapilli, a stone roller used with
the metatc, i., 630.
Metlatl, ii., :154, see Metate.
Metzli, u pre-Tolt«c hero, v. , 205.
Metztli Itzacual (House of the Moon),
Mexico, antiq., iv., 531-5.
Metzoltzin (Melzolzin, Mctzotzin), a
Toltcc prince, v., 213, 243.
Meviras, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-91; location, L, 611.
Mewahs, ('cntral Califomian tribe,
• i., 361-401; location, i., 455.
Mexcala, town, Michoacan, L, 676.
Mexcala River, iL, 107, 109; v., 608.
Mexcaltepec, city, Michoacan, L, 678.
Mexi, v., 321, see Mecitl.
Mexicaltzinco, town, Mexico, ii., 562;
v., 345.
Mexican Manuscript, ii., 772.
Mexicans, Central, one of the two
families into which the tribes of
Mexico are divided; manners and
customs of all its nations and tribes
described together, i., 617-44; civil-
ized nations, ii., 133-629; physique,
i., 618-19; ii., 624-5; dress, i.', 620-3;
ii., 363-77; dwellings, i., 624; ii.,
160-74, 553-89; food, i., 624-6; ii.,
342-62; personal habits, i., 626;
weapons and war, i., 627-9; ii., 400-
32; implements, ar^ and manufac-
tures, 1., 629-31; ii., 473-92; oratory
and poetry, ii., 492-7; boats and
property, i., 631; ii., 397-9; com-
merce, li., 378-97; government, i.,
632; ii., 133-239, 433-72; women
and marriage, i., 632-5; ii., 251-81;
education, ii. , 240 51 ; nmusements,
i., 635-6; ii., 283-301; festivals and
feasts, ii., 302-41; arithmetic, ii.,
497-500; calendar, ii., C02-22; hie-
roglyphics, ii., 523-52; medicine,
i., 638-40; ii., 591-602; liuriul, i.,
640-1; ii., 60,3-23; clmrnLtcr, i.,
611-4; ii., 626-9; mvth., ii., 200-15,
215-6, 292, 302-41, 388-97, («4-5,
616-23; iii., 55-74, lOO-l.t, 119-23,
128-9, 181-231,2.37-460,511-15,532-
41; lang., iii., 670, 723-48; antiq.,
iv., 504-23, 553-64; hist., ii., 91-
114; iii., 270, 307-8; v., 307 510,
595-7, 600-1, 606; loention, i., 617,
670-8; name, v., 324-5.
Mexicans, Northern, one of the four
families into whicli the New Mex-
icans are divided; manners and
customs of all its nations and tribes
described together, i., 571-91; phy-
sique, i., 572-3; dress, i., 573-5;
dwellings, i., 575; foinl, i., 576-8;
wca|M>iis and war, i. , 578-82; imple-
ments and manufactures, i., 582-3;
bouts and pro|)crt.v, i., 583; art and
government, i., 5K.3-1; women and
marriage, i., .584-(>; amusements,
i., .'>86-7; misi'elluiicous customs,
i., 587-8; medicine, i., .588-9; burial,
i., 680-90; character, i., .'iOOl;
myth., iii.. Ill, 178-81, 529-32;
lung., iii., 569-70, 706-22; antiq.,
iv., 568-614; location, L, 671, 604-
14
I
712
IXDBX.
Mexicans, Sonthern, one of the two
families into whii^li the wild tribes
of Mexico are divided; manners
and customs of all its nations and
tribes described tw^elhcr, i., 644-
70; physiqno, i., 644>-8; dress, i.,
MSHi; dwellings, i., (i51-2; f(HHl,
i., 652-4; personal liabits, i., (>54;
weapons and war, i., 655-6; imple-
ments and manufactures, i., 656-7;
boats, property, etc., i., 658-0;
government, i., 659-00; slavery, i.,
661; womeii ni <l marriage, i., 661-
3; amusement . i., 664-6; miscel-
laneouH customs, i., 665-6; medi-
cine and burial, i., 667-8; charac-
ter, i., 668-70; myth., iii., 448-73;
lang., iii., i701, 748-58; location,
i., 644-6, 678-83.
Mexicapan, a wunl of Tezcuco city,
v., 404.
' Mexicatlalli, Mexican war-lands, ii.,
225.
Mexicatl-Tcohuatzin, Mexican pon-
tiff, ii.. 201; iii.. 433.
Mexico, nations and tribes descril)cd,
i.. 617-44; civilize«l nations, ii ,
133-629; location, i., 670-8; myth.,
iii., 65-70, 181-444. 505-6; lan<;.,
iii., 723-41; antiq., iv., 480-549;
hist, ii., 92-106; v., 237-510.
Mexico City, ii. , 160-6, 414-15, 559-
67; iii., 307; v., 343-0,355-8; antiq.,
iv., 504-20.
MexitI (Mexitly, Mextii), name of
HuitzilniHtchtli, iii., 296.
MexochitI, an emetic, ii., 690.
Mexoyotzin, a Toltec noble, v., 272-3.
Mexquital, town, Mexico, i., 674.
Mextozolitzli, lunar iteriod, ii., 504.
MdyeniniiiM, North l^alifomiau tribe,
i., 326-61; locution, i., 445.
Mcyuncuriic, Durango i'o«l, iii., 179.
AlczcalcroM, i., 474, sec Mescaleros.
Mezquites, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 611.
Meztitian, province, Mexico, iii., 431;
antiq., iv., 544; hist., v., 260, 335,
475.
Mcztitlanecs, Nahua nation, i., 617-
44; ii., 133-629; location, i., 676.
Miuhuaxochitl, Alcxican princess and
(ineen, v., 383.
Miumisburg, Mississippi Valley,
antin., iv., 777-8.
Mica, Mississippi Valley, antiq., iv.,
782L
Micaotli, Mexico, antiq., iv., 537.
Mirapetlacoli, Nahua goddess, iii.,
MiecacuicatI, Nahua funeral ehant,
ii., 607.
Miccailhuitzintli, Nahua month, ii.,
328, 610.
Mice, as fowl, i., 405, 4.30, 661, 676.
MiuliatoyatI, river, Guatemala, v.,
607.
Miuhitlatecotle, iii., 396, see Mictlan-
tecutli.
Michlaits, i., 295, see Matchclata.
Michoacan (Micbnucan), tribes, etc.,
described, i., 617-44; ii., 133-629;
location, i., 674-8; myth., iii., 66-7,
403, 445-7. 641; lang., iii., 737,
744-7; antiq., iv., 569-72; hist, ii.,
107-8; v., 4.34, 608-26.
MicliMucaqucH, i., 643, see Tarascos.
Micksuckscaltons (Micksucksciil-
toms). Inland Columbian tribe, i. ,
2.'K)-91; liM-ation, i., 312-14.
Micla (Miniilla), (iuateniala, antiq.,
iv., 115.
Mictecacihuatl, iii., 401, see Mict-
lancilinntl.
Mictlan, Nuhua Hades, ii., 648; iii.,
3!K$, 534-<>; locality, Hun Salvador,
i.,484, v., 609-11.
Mictlunculco, snbtcrrunean palace,
iii., 254; iv., 544.
Mictlnncihuatl (MictnnihuatI, Mic-
tccaciliuuti, Miquitecuciguu), Nu-
huu giMidess, iii., .396-402; v., 41.
Mictlantecutii (Michitlutecotlc, Mic-
lanteuctli, MiauitlamtecotI, Mi-
quitlnntccotii), Nahua god, ii., 338,
340; iii., 69, 396-403; iv., 514.
Mictlunteucy6hua, Nuhua calendar
sign and god, ii., 516.
Mictlantongo, Miztec diulcct, iii.,
749.
Mictlanzinco, locality, Mexico, v.,
472.
Midlives, i., 634; ii„ 268-71, 678.
Miemissouks, trilic of Mmind Indi-
ans, i., 208-22; locution, i., 300.
Migrations, IIy(>erl)oreans, i., 71, 87,
116; ColuniDians, iii,, 6(N$; Cal-
ifornians, i., 325; iii., 6.37-8; gcii-
ernl, v., 138-9; Nahua nations, ii.,
537-9, 54.3-61, 659-60; pre-Toltcc,
v.. 165-8, 188-208; Toltccs, v., 208-
18, 666-7; Chichimecs, v., 218-2(»;
Nahuatlacos, v., 220.3, .305-10;
Muvunutions, v., 165-8, 180-8, 22:<-
.30, 537-42, 646, 554-6, 66.V7; «i04-
1.3, 616-7.
Mi^iibui (Miguigui), South Califor-
nuin tribe, i., 402-22; location, i.,
459.
Mijes, Maya nation, i., 645-70; ii.,
INDEX.
718
133-929; location, L, 645, 679; ii.,
111-2; special mention, i., 646-8,
6S1-2, m. 666, 668-9; ii., 278, 379;
myth., iii.. 468; lang., iii., 766-7;
hist, v., 630-3.
Milaketkuns, Inland Columbian
tribe, i., 260-91; location, i., 312.
Milchimalli, Nahua war lands, ii.,
227.
Miiijaes, North Mexican tribe, L,
671-91; location, i., 612.
Milkwancn, South Califomitin tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 460.
Millhank Hound, L, 166, 168. 227.
292-6; iii.. 606.
Millhank Sound Indiana, tribeof Hai-
dahs, i., 166-74; location, i., 294;
apecial mention, i., 169, 168, 171.
174.
Millcrton, California, antiq., iv.,707.
Milnaoatl, Nahua male micritice, iii..
346.
Milpa, a comfteld, ii. , 717.
Mimals, Central Califomian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 460.
Mimbreftoa, trilio of Apacbefi, i.,
473-526; location, i., 474, 696.
Mimbres mountains and river, i., 506.
Mimich (Mitniitzichi), Nahua chief,
v., 242.
Mimics, i., 68, 437, 661, 706, 736-8;
ii., 286, 291-2, 309, 712.
Mimilla, iv., 116, see Micla.
Mina, locality, Chihuahua, lang.,
iii., 712, 716.
Mines, i., 727-8; ii., 473-4, 749-60;
iv., 644-6, 673, 697-707, 783-4.
Miopacoas, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-91; location, i., 611.
Mipacmos, Central Califomian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 362.
Miqnetanteot, Nicaragua god, iii.,
492.
MiquitccaciKua, iiii, 396, see Mict-
lancihuatl.
Mit^uitlanitecotl (Miqnitlantecotli).
iii., 396, sec Mictlantecutli.
Miquiztli, Nahua day, ii., 611-12,
616-17.
Mirador, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv., 447.
Mirador, El, at Huanuco cl Vicjo,
Peru, antiq., iv., 801-3.
Mirrors, i., 623; ii., 480. 482, 71.3,
735; iii., 238; iv., 383.
Misalahs, Central Califomian tribe.
i.. 361-401; location, i, 419.
Misantla, Vera Crui, antiq., iv.,
448-61.
Miscanaka, South Califomian tribe.
i., 402-22; location, L, 469.
Miflcellaneons castoms, Hyperbore-
ans, i., 67-8, 118-19, 125; Colum-
bians, i., aui-3, 246, 282-5; Cali-
fomians, i., 417-18; New Mexicans,
i., 617-21, 638, 663-4. 687-8; Mexi-
cans, i., 636-7$ iii., 893; Central
Americans, i., 707-8, 740-1, 776-7.
Mish, common termination of names
of Nisqually trilivH, i., 208.
Mishla, Mostiuito drink, i., 739.
Miskaiwhu, trilw of Hound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 300.
Misc^uique, Mexico, antiq., iv., 600-1.
Mission Dolores, i., 3(i3, 452-3.
Missions, i.. 29, 173, 291, 325.
Missisisaepono, Houth Califomian
tril)c, i., 402-22; location, i., 458.
MisHissippi, lang., iii., 72C-7; antiq.,
iv., 7<)7, 769-70; v., 93-6.
Mississippi Valley, antiq., iv., 746-
90; v., 638.
Missopciio (Hopono), South Califor-
nian tribe, i., 402-22; locution, i.,
469.
Missouri, Mississippi Valley, antiq.,
iv., 769.
Missouri River, i., 311.
Missouris, Houth California!! tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 458.
MistiSken, i., 678, see Miztecs.
Mita, town, Guatemala, i., 787.
Mithouie Uivcr, i., 316.
Mithouies, Inland Columbian ribe,
i., 260-91; litcation, i., 316.
Mitic, town, Jalisco, i., 672.
MitI, Nahua giMl, ii., 3.S7; Toltec
king, v., 253, 26.1-4, 297; Tlascal-
tecmler, v., 349, 497.
Mitia, Oajaca, antiq., i., 666; ii.,
570; iv., 388-417; v., 69-60; hist,
v.. 232, 444, 464, 628-9, 536.
MitliiuS, Central Califomian tribe,
i., 361-401; l(M-ation, i., 453.
Mitliztac, Chichimec chief, v., 293.
Mitinitzichi, v., 242, sco Mimich.
Mitiiul, Maya hell, iii., 542.
Mitote, Nahua dunce, ii., 289.
Mitre, ii., 325, 730; iiL, 249, 427,
473.
Mittens, see (iloves.
Miuty, Tacullio name for chief, L,
123.
Mixco, town, Guatemala, i., 787; v.,
697; antiq., iv., 119-20; Tluscala,
antiq., iv., 477.
Mixcoa, Nicaragua god, iii., 493.
Mixcoatl, Nahua go<l, ii., 336-6, 351-
2; iii, 118,403-6.
Mixcohua. king of Culhuacan, v..
dfamyh
■ !• ■
m
INDFX
MIxcohiiaii, trilx< of Nahuas, hist.,
v., 241.
Mix<u>liiiiite|>cc, name of a temple in
Mexico, v., 4IH).
MixvoliiiutI, Cliicliiincc kins, v., 220;
(MixfoliuiUziii), Iviiigof 'Ijutelulcu,
v.. ,34U3«4.
Mixcoliiiutt Amalicohtle, Niiliua
chief, v., 242.
MixeoliiiutI Mazatzin, aTolteo ruler,
v., 241, 248-5«.
Mixiiilitlan, l<K-nlity, Mexico, v., 345.
Mixiiiiiuhualn, Mexico, autiq., iv.,
r>4.'>.
MixUtciipan, i., (S78, hcc Miztccapan.
MixtecuM (Mixt^<|UC8), i., 671, 678,
Hce MiztecH.
Mixtuciitl, NuhuA chief, v., 223,
foiintler of MiztccH, v., 527.
Mizi|uiiUiii»ln, station, Aztec niigm-
tiou, v.. .124.
Mizquic, province, Mexico, v., 310,
31G.
MizuuicnH, Niihuii nation, ii., 133-
(129; nimic, ii., 12!); hist., v., 307-10.
Miziiiiihuucun, city. Vera Cruz, i.,
675.
Miz<|uitl, n Tloturaltcc chief, v., 407.
Mi/(juivuhu»l»n, Htation, Chichiniec
nii^^rution, v., 204.
Miztcc Alto, Miztcc diutcct, iii.,
740-52.
Miztvca]>an (Mixtccnpnn), province,
UujllCi^ i., (>7S; ii., 100; liiHt., v.,
415-17, 443-7, 4<»l-2. 520-7. 531-8.
Miztcc Uajo, Miztcc dialect, iii.,
740-52.
Miztccs, (MintiSkcn, Mixtecas, Mix-
t^(iucB), Naliua nation, i.,G45-70; ii.,
133-G20; locution and name, i.,645,
678; ii., 100-10, 129; Hpecial men-
tion, i., 64()-8, C52-3, 057, G50-60,
668-9; ii., 142, 207-0. 228-9, 261,
277, 280, .308, 371, 406, 624, 620;
myth., iii., 70.1, 513, 541; v., 1.3,
20; lanK., iii., 74."»-.'>2; v., .V27;
hist., v., 20;;-7, 2.39, 443, 461-3,
499, 526-7, .Wl^.
MooclietH (.Mooiu-liat, Mowalchita),
tril>c of Nootkas, i., 174-208; loca-
tion, i.,29.1
Moildoc, i., 327, 44.3, sec Modocs.
Moahtockno, i., .327, ncc Modocit.
M<iall;aiH, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; locution, i., 451.
Moan, ii., 7.58, see Muan.
Moats, 8ec Excavations.
Moc, name of mouth in Chiapas, ii.,
766.
Moccasins, see Shoe&
Mochan Xiu, Mayapan ru]«r, v.,
634.
Mochicaui, village, f onoro, i., 606.
M<M!ho|ia, villajte, K mora, i., 606.
Mociatjuezqui (Moc.iNU(uctza, Moci-
oaiiuezque), a wonmn who died in
childbed, ii.,260; iii., 3(>4-6.
Mocomatzin, v., 340, see Montezuma.
Mooorito, Siiialoa, lun^., iii., 707.
MocuexiMiltia, u military bud|;e, ii.,
401.
Modoc Ijike, i., 443.
Modocs (Mttadoc, Mouhtockno, Mu-
docks). North Californian tribe,
i., 326-61; hH;»tion, i., 327. 44.3-4;
special mention, i., XW-4, 3tO, :i46,
3501, 357, 361; myth., iii., 524;
lang., iii.. 640.
Moetwas, North C^alifornian tribe, i.,
326-61; location, i., 443.
Mo};ollon (Mojjoyen, Black Mesa), i.,
475, 50.5.
Mohave, i., 507. see Moiavo.
MohuuclicH, trilie of Snoslioncs, i.,
422-42, location, i., 4(>4.
Moiocoiutzin, naniu for TezcutliiMicn,
iii., 109.
Moivas, Central Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; liM-ation, i., 451.
Mojave Uivcr, i., 597.
Mojaves (MolmvvM, Humockhavcs),
tribe of Apaches, i., 473-526; Im-u-
tion and name, i., 47.'>, 507; spcriai
mention, i., 477-8, 480-2, 487, 48!),
49.3, 500-2, 605-6, .'•08, 612, 617,
610-25; myth., iii., 175,526; Iuhk-,
iii., 684-6.
Mokuskel, .South Californian trit)e,
i., 402-22; locution, i., 460.
Mokclumnes (.Mokchunnces, Mukc-
lemnes, MukccmneH, Mntiieluni-
ncs). Central Californian triiR>, i.,
361-401; location, i., 450; lunj;., iii.,
649-50.
Mokclumne(Moquclunine) Hill, (-al-
ifornia, antiq., iv., 704.
Mol (Mool), Maya month. >>-i 700-1,
767-8.
Molango, locality, Mexico, i., 675.
Molcaxetes, idatcs, ii., 285.
Moleje, locality, Lower California,
i., 60.3.
Mollales (MoIcIch), trilic of ChinookH,
i., 222-.50; locution, i., 310, 319-20.
Molo, ('hiaiMincc hero, v., 605.
Molo (Mulu), Tzcndal day, ii., 767.
Moltnomahs (MoltnmnuH), i., 304;
iii., 626; see Multnonmlie.
Molpilli, Nahua baptismal name, ii.,
275.
INDEX.
TIB
Moniacaico, Nahna Micrifico, ii. , 33S.
Moiiilwcliu Mt, Nicurai^uu, untiq.,
iv., 'M, 48.
Momontciianiro, city, Uuatoiimla, v.,
587.
Moiiiotonilula Ulttiid, Nicaragua, aii-
tiq., iv., 52-4.
Moiiinxtli'H, uiK^ient tombs, (iuerrero,
aiitiq., iv., 423.
Moniiiitli, Nuliiin altar, ii., 328.
MuiiaiKHitiac, Uujucu, untiu., iv., 374;
v., 62ft.
Muncxico, Nicaragua council, ii.,(>4<J.
Money, nee currency.
Mongol cjviliauitioii in IVru, v.,44-8.
Monguid, i. . (i04, hcc MonquiM.
Monkey IniliauH, triltcof SlioHhoncH,
i., 422-42; location and ti]*ocial
mention, i., 423.
MoukcyH, i., 721. 759; ii., 351; iii.,
12»; v., 172, 2(MK
MoiiogencHiH, i., 4-fi; v., 7-9.
Mono l<itku, i., 4(i(i.
.Monolitlim, ii., 555, 572; iv., 115, 138,
275, 399, 448, 638-9, SUKt.
Mono I'i UtcM, trilio of SKoshones,
i., 422-42; locntion, i., 4(i7.
Moium, Central L'uliforiiian tribe, i.,
3(il-40l; locution, i., 45({; Bpccial
mention, i., 3(i5; lang., iii., 661.
Monotbeiiim, iii., 23, 55-C, l9(>-8.
MonquiH (MenguiH, Mcn(|uiH, Mon-
guiH, Mom^uicH, Monquoi, Moquia),
Lower (^'uliforniun tril)e, i., 55(i-7l ;
locntion, i., 558, (i<).')-4; Hpccinl
mention, i., 423; lung., iii., (i87-93.
Montana, i., 422,463; lung., iii., 631;
antiq., iv., 734.
MontanoH, trilieof iHthmiauH, i., 747-
85; location, i., 794.
Monte Albun, Uujacu, anti((., iv.,
377-84.
Montecristo, villa<;e, Tabasco, i., 683.
Monte Cuyo, Yucatan, nntiq., iv.,
261.
Monte Penulco, Mexico, antiq., iv.,
54G.
Monte Real, name of Misantla, iv.,
448.
Monterey Indiana, Central Califor-
niun trilte, i., .3(ii-401; location, i.,
.S03, 454; Bpccial mention, i., 3(>0-7,
3<)9, 381, 384, 388, 39^,; lung., iii.,
653.
Montezuma (Mocomatzin, Motcuh-
zomatzin), lord of Coatlichan, v.,
349.
Montezuma I. (Moteuczoma, Mo-
tcuhzoma), king of Mexico, i.,
554. 586; ii., 13ft. 181-2, 191-4, 237-
9, 404, 4.11-3; ill., 76-7, 80, 171-8;
v., 3(«i, 3Hy 424, KJ4-5, 637.
Montezuma II., king of Mexico, v.,
455-82, 5UI-2, rm, 600.
Montezuma Uhuicauiina, nee Mon-
tezuma I.
Montezuma ((juetzalatl. Tula, TuU
lunutl) Kiver, v., 243.
Moutczunm'a liutli, Mexico, antiq.,
iv., 524-6.
MonthH, Nuliiiu calendar, ii., 508-14;
MayacttlciHlar, ii., 756-8. 76<)-l, 766.
MonumentH, Inirial, i., 113, liTi?, 023,
783.
Moolallels, trilNS of ('liiu(M>kH, i.,
222-50; location, i., 3()!>.
Moon, HuiMirHtitiouH and worHliip, i.,
587, 666, 741; iii., 62, 82, 84-(!, 100-
101. HI 12, 152, 187, UM, 502, 547.
Moon Valley, i., 362.
MooBhalinch, M<M|ui town, iv., 669.
MiMttueyuliew, South Culifornian
trilNS, i., 402-22; locution, i.. 4(>0.
Mooucliut, i., 295, nee Mnuclict.
MoituncH, Uuatomaluu triU;, L, 686-
711; location, i., 682, 786.
Moquelumue, iii., 650, mco Moko-
luninc.
Moquiliuix, governor of Tlatelulco,
v., 411, 417-18, 429-31.
MoquiH(M<M{uin<>>), trilNSof Piicbhrn,
i., 526-66; locatiim, i. , 526. .528,
(iOO-l; HjMsciul mention, i., 629-30.
540, 544, 647, 651, 654-6; iv., 6*;S-
70; myth., iii.. 80, 131, \ir,, .Tj;;
v., 20; lun^'., iii., 660, 671-4.
Moraiuhs, North ('Ulifornian tribe,
i., 326-61; locution, i., 444.
Moraleiio8, North Mcxicun trilw, i.,
671-91; location, i., 613.
Moreri, tril)e of Isthmians, i., 747-86;
location, i., 795.
MorcHby iHland, i., 292.
Mormon, theory of origin, v., 96-102.
Mormon Creek, Culifornia, autiq.,
iv., 702.
Moro, El, New Mexico, autiq., iv..
648.
Moro MountainH, iii., 595.
MorshewskojcH, trilie of Aleuts, i.,
87-94; locution, i., 141.
Mtwaic, ii., 314, .376-7, 482, 488-90,
60(), 750; iii., .38."», 3!H>-2; iv., 396,
400-1. 407-8. 410, .1.57-9.
Mosettc, i., 292, hcc MasHcts.
Mosquito Coast, antiq., iv., 25-8.
MotMiuitos, one of the three fumiliea
into which the wihl triltes of Cen-
tral America are divided; nmnnera
and customs of all its nations and
r
716
INDEX.
tribes deacrihcU together, i., 711-47;
pliysiqiie, i., 714-lfi; droM. i., 71A-
17; iIweiliiiK^ i., 717-18; food, i.,
718-2*2; poraonal habitH, i., 722;
wea[M)nR and war, !., 722-3; iniple-
inciktH and nianufacturca, i., 724;
b<int8, i., 724-5; property and com-
merce, i., 725-6; art, i., 720-8;
government and slavery, i., 728-9:
women and marriage, i., 720-36;
amuaements, i., 735-U; snpcnttitionH
and miBcellaneouH customs, i., 740-
41; medicine, i., 741-3; burial, i.,
744-5; character, i., 745-7; myth.,
iii., 496-8, 543; lung., iii., 571-2,
782-90; location of tribes, i., 712-
13, 792-4.
Mostpiitos (Sambos), tribe of Mos-
quito family, i. , 7 1 1 -47 ; location and
name, i., 713, 794; special mention,
i., 714-16, 723, 728, 731, 736, 745-6;
lang., iii., 783.
Moss, i., 86. 227, 264-7.
Moszasnavi (Masanais, Moxonavi),
Moqui village, i., 600-1.
Motagua River, i., 788-9; v., 59.3.
Motcui-zoma (Motcuhzoma), v., 391,
see Montetunia I.
Motesibzomatzin, v., 349, see Monte-
zuma.
Mother-of-pearl, see Pearl.
Motli-worm, Navajo myth., iii., 81.
Motiloncs, tribe of Isthmians, i., 747-
85^ location, i., 796.
Motlaxquiantota, Nahua feast, iii.,
390.
Motucas, tribe of Mosquitos, i., 711-
47; location, i., 713; lang., iii., 78.S.
Motzontecomaitotia, Nahua dance,
ii., 311.
Mound-builders, s])ec\:lations con-
cerning, iv., 744-90; v., 538-9.
Mound City, Mississippi Valley,
antiq., iv., 758.
Mounds, Central America, antiq., ii.,
647; iv., 24. 27, 32-4, 69-76, 117-18,
124, 129, 131, 139, 167, 198-204,
215, 219-20, 236-7, 240-7, 252, 261-2,
270-1; Mexico, antiq., iv., 350-614
passim; Arizona, antio., iv., 633-4,
675-6; California, Utah, and Colo-
rado, antiq., iv., 695-718; Oregon
and British (^olumbia, antiq., iv.,
735-42; Mississippi Valley, antiq.,
iv., 747-78; Peru, antiq., iv., 792,
798-803.
Mount Adams, i., 254.
Mountain of the Sun, Oajaca, v.,
531-2.
Mount Baker, i., 299.
Mount Cacatepee, ii., SS0.
Mount Diablo, i., 363, 452.
M«iuiit Fairweather, i., 143.
Mount IIiKtd, i., .120.
Mount Matlalcueje, ii., 312.
Mount Kainier, i., 321.
Mount St Eliaa, i., 04, 96, 142; iii.,
679.
Mount St Helens, i., 321.
Mount Shasta, i., 328, 330; iii., 90-1,
503.
Mount Tocitlan, ii., 567.
Mount Vancouver, i., 320.
Mourning, Hyperlmrcans, i., 86, 119,
123-7, 134; Columbians, i., 173,
180, 192, 206, 247-8, 288-9; Cnii-
foniiaiiK, i., 357-60, 370, 39<>-7. 4aO-
21, 440; New Mexicans, i., 52.1-4,
5.5,5, .569-70, 590; Mexicans, ii.,3.')l,
006-8, 613-23; Central AinericunH,
i., 709, 716, 744-5,781-4; ii., 801-2.
Moustache, see Beards.
Mouth, Hyperliorcans, i.,46; Colum-
bians, i., 177-8, 225; CalifoniiniiH,
i., 364-6; New Mexicans, i., 5T:{;
Mexicans, i., 647; Central Ameri-
cans, i., 714.
Mouth-stone, burial, ii., 606, 614,
619, 799; iii., 515.
Movas, village, Sonora, i., 601.
Mowatchits, i., 295, see Moachets.
Mow-wee-mas (Mauhcmi), Nortii Cal-
ifomian name for chiefs, i., 348.
Mox, ii., 767, sec Iniox.
Moxic, Tzemial day, ii., 767; Chiup-
anechero, v., 605,
Moxonavi, i.,601, see Moszasnavi.
Moyotlan (Mayotia), suburb of Mex-
ico., ii., 563.
Moyucuyatzin, Nahua god, iii., 194.
Mozahui, i., 675, see Mazahuas.
MozcuK, iii., 269, see MuvMcas.
Mozclo<iuitzin, Chichimcc king, v.,
220.
Mozot, medicinal herb, ii., 795.
Mptolyas Cafton, Oregon, antiq., iv.,
7.34.
Muan (Moan), Maya month, ii., 692,
757-8.
Mucaw, a species of wood, i.. 761.
Mucchita, Nayarits' abotle of souls
iii., 529.
Muchlaht, i., 295, sec Matchclat.
Muckalucs, North Califoniian trilK>,
i., .326-61; special mention, i., .3^1.
Muck-a-muck, North Califoniiitii
food, i., .358.
Mud, see Earth.
Muddy River, L, 464.
INDEX.
fH
Muerto Island, lathmua, antiq., iv.,
2a
Muetaaac, naino of month in Chiapaa,
ii., 7C(i.
MuK«rc8 Island, Yucatan, antiq., iv.,
200-1.
Mu;;ii, Soi.th Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4A8-0.
Muhaiial, Towka boy of 10 yean,
i., 732.
Muingpe, Central Californian trilic,
i., 361-401 ; location, i., 403.
Mukclcinnca (Mukeeuines), i., 430,
see Mokelnuincit.
Mukitofi, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 61.').
Mulea, i., 490-2, 496, 505, 539. 644,
561, 659.
Mullateco, Central Californian dia-
lect, iii., G50.
Multnonuihs (Mathlanolis, Moltno-
maa, Moltnonmlw), trilMs of Clii-
nooks, i., 222-50; location, i., .300;
special mention, i., 229; lang., iii.,
626
Mnlii, v., M>5, see Molo.
Muluc, Maya day, calendar sign, and
god, ii., 703. 7650, 760-1; iii.. 122.
Mumah. Quichd Minctuary. iii., 481.
Munialtachi, (Central California,
lang., iii., 650.
MumniicH. ii.. 604; iii., 54, 500.
Mnmuchitl, parched com, ii., S54.
Muna, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 109.
Mupu, Smith Californian trilte, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4.59.
Muqui, Moqui village, i., 628.
Mnnlcr. i.. 124, 168, 171, 348-9, 386,
40!)-10, 4.35, 509-10, 770; ii., 468-9.
651, 657.
Mnrex, for dvoing, i., 630.
itlurphv's Flat, California, antiq.,
iv., 704.
Murtil|>ar (Mortilpar), trilns of Noot-
kns, i., 174-208; location, i.. 295.
Muscleshell Uapids, i., 321.
MuseuniM, Mexican Republic, antiq.,
iv., 553-64.
MushnUna, Moqui village, i., 528,
600.
Music, Hyperboreans, i., 112; Co-
lumbians, i., 165. 170, 200-1, 281-
2; Californians, i., 364, 393, 416;
New Mexicans, i., 515-16, 652, 684,
586; Mexicans, i., 631, 636, 666,
664-8; ii., 285-6, 288-04, 313, 412,
426-7, 492, 617, 620-1; iii., 62-3,
336-7, .341-2, 347, 427; antiq., iv.,
478, 504, 620, 661; Central Ameri-
cans, i., 705, 732, 736-8, 744 764,
774, 782; ii., 646, 706-7, 711-14.
746; antin., iv., 19-20; v., 6.32.
Musk-rat. Tucuily mytlt, iii., 08.
MuMtac. Central Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 466.
Mutlielenuie'4, i., 460, see Mokelum-
nes.
Mutistuls, Central Californian trilte,
i., 361-401; location, i., 4.52.
Mutsunes, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 464; huig.,
iii., 663-4.
Muutzizti (Muutzicat), Central Mex-
ican tribe, i., 617-44; locution, i.,
672; lang., iii.. 710-21.
MuvintlborcH, trilie of Apaches, i.,
473-626; location, i., 592.
Mux. name of month in Chiapas, ii.,
706.
MuyscasiMozcas), aColunibiau tribe,
myth., iii., 2(H); v.. 24.
Myocoma, Napu diulc*;t, iii., (>50.
Myer's Uavine, Cnliforniu, antiq.,
IV., 706.
Mystic Tree, temple, Chiapas, antiq..
IV.. .343.
Mythology, ;;cneral observations, iii.,
5, 1.3-41. 5IU-6; Hvi>crlM»rcanH. iii..
98-106. 140-9,516- Ml; v.. 14; Colum-
bians, i.. 1701. 202-3, 28.3-4; iii., M-
8, 149-57, 519-22; Califoniians, i.,
387-8. .397. 400. 40.5, 421-2; iii.. 84-
C»4, 157-69, 176-7, 522-6, 545-50; v.,
14; New Mexicans, i.. .520, 6.38,
.553-4, 887-8; iii., 75-^5, 16!).76,
4)26-9; v., 1.3-14; Mexican.^, i.,
6.34, 6fi5-6; ii., 200-15, 24.5-0, 2S>2,
302-41, 388-97, •W4-.5, 616-23; iii.,
65-74, 109-13, 119-23, 128-9, 179-
231, 2.37-460, 511-15, .527-8, .532-41;
v., 12-13, 84-91, .350. 6l4, 528; Cen-
tral Americans, i., 707-8, 740; ii.,
663; iii., 42-.5.5. 74-5. 461-5!)1. 641-
4; v., 1.3-14, 87, 171-2, 54.5-8. 572.
610. 618-9; physical myths, iii.,
108-26; aninutl myths, iii., 127-
39; phallic rites, iii., 501-9; mount!
builders, iv., 787; Peruviaua, v.,
14-17.
N
Naaneeoaghees, tribe of Thiinkects,
i., 94-114; location, i., 14.3.
Nabe Ligin Ga, IjuicluS month, ii.,
766.
Nabe Mam, Quiche month, ii., 766.
Nabe Facb, (juich6 month, ii., 766.
Nabe Tzih, Quiche month, ii., 766.
•l: :■•: n
TU
INDEX.
Nalicy Mam, Cakcliiqiicl nimitli, ii.,
7«<i.
NiiUty I'licli, Cukcliiqticl iiioiitli, ii.,
70«.
Nabcy To<;ic, <'akcliiquol inoiitli, ii.,
7<«).
NiiIkw Tiiiiiuziiz, Cakchiqucl iiiMiitli,
ii.,"7fi(!.
NikliiltHc, North Califoriiittii luii;;.,
iii., (il2.
NuIk>Ii ( 'liowttHlmkM, ('ciitral ('ulifur-
iiiuii trilic, i., 301-401; location, i.,
417.
Nuniixur, v., 252, He^ Nacaxoc.
Nii'-aiiieri, villiij{c, Kiinoru, i., 601.
Niniitiu'ri Kiver, i., <!0."i.
Nani|iiiltutu(-uii, locality, i'uchla, v.,
45K).
Niii-»ii;,nia, South ( 'alifuriiiaii tribe,
i., 402-22; Im. iiioii, i., 4(iO.
Niiciixor (NiK-uUiir, Nacaxoc; MitI,
Nii('ux%ocli, Nacazx<K!, Nacazxot),
Toltwr kiiiK, v., 2:»2, 201, 207.
Naca/|ii|iilolxo(;iii, (Jliolultcc pricMt,
v., 4\K,-il.
Niicliaii (I'acliati), iianio applied to
l'alcMi|m', iv., 2!>4r); liiMt., v., 159,
1«:J, IS7, 221.
NackiK'ck Kiver, i., MO.
Na(!oclilli, N:i.liiia car-riii;j:H, ii., 401.
Niu^on, Maya title, ii., 00:i, 741; iii.,
47:«.
Namoehc Valley, MisHiHHippi Valley,
antiq., iv., 7«k
Niicori, viilu<(e, Koiiora, i., (iOO-7.
Nauiiix, iiaiiic of (.'liichiiiiec ei^iiiitry,
v., 210.
Nafxit, kinu of ('o)>an, v., 5.52, r>'>H.
Nui'xitI, Nuiiiia K'xl, iii., 4l(i.
Ni'u^liiiiH (Nalieleiim), trilte of Clii-
iioiiUh, i., 222-.'iO; loiuttioii, i., .'107.
Nii;.{ailci'H, lrilH> of Titineli, i., 111-37,
lo('jlli"U, i., ll.").
Nii.;{iii'uniliis, i.,7!)2, Heo Na<{ranilanM.
Najijjiciikloniuitei* (Naj'/^eiiktoo-
iiiuIi'h), li'ilH> of K.skiiiior., i., 4'J-
r,\): local ion, i., 42. J.'tS.
Na;;i'aiiiliiiis (Na;;'araii(laH, Na^^ian-
(Iiuh), <iiiat('iiiala tiilx', i., (iS(i-7ll:
local iuii, i., (!.SS, 7'J2; IiIhI., v.,
oia,
Nu'.;iialiHiii, lM;licr in a uiiunliait
Hi.irit, i., 740; ii.. 277; iii., l.^S-O,
4117, 1S2.
Nil ;ii!i-alayi'kMa, i., 37, Hoe 1 iiulaHka.
Naliajiicy, i., 4.">0, sec Naliiicy.
Nalla■'t(lilln^, Kutdiiu tliaiect. iii.,
5H7.
Naliclii'ss Uiver, i., 320.
Nulieleiiiit, i., 307, we Naoliiim,
Xahlohfl, Central Califoniian trilie,
i., 301-401; loculiun, i., 440.
Naliuttl Tetouetiii, Nuliuu order of
chivalry, v., 253.
Naliun Nations (Nah(Hut). niannerH
and cUHtoiuM, ii., i:M-(t2t); name,
ii., 120; government, ii., 1.13-
230, 433-72; edncation, ii., 240
51; nuirrta;;e, ii., 25l-(!({; women
and ehihirei>, •! , 2(;(>-8l; anniM-
nientH, ii., 28.3-301; feHtivaJH and
feoHts, ii., 302-41; foml, ii., :M2(!2;
drcHH, ii., 303-77; coninienT, ii.,
37H-U7; iNuttM, ii., .307-0; wea|HiiiM
and war, ii., 400-32; artH and inan-
ufactiircN, ii., 473-02; oratory ami
poetry, ii., 402-7; arithinctiv, ii.,
407-500; calendar, ii., 502-22; hie-
ro^lyphicH, . ii., .'i23-.'iJ; dwellinKM
and architecture, ii., I(ii;»-I74, HXi-
80; medicine, ii., 50l-(>02; hnrial,
ii., 003-23; ph.vHi(|ue, ii., (i'24 5;
ehaneter. ii., (i2()-0; nianneis and
cuHtoniH alw) <lertcrilied with Mcxi-
cauH (.'entral and Houthern, i., (>I7-
70; location, i., 017, 070-HI; myth.,
ii., 200-1.1, 24.V«,21»2.3(«-4l,:W8-<t7,
WW-.'i. (ilfi-23; iii., .ViTl. I()«.» l.t,
110-23, 12S-0, 170-2.{l,2;{7 4<iO, r.ii
irt, M'2-4\; v., 84 01, ;«.'>0i laiiK.,
iii., 723-58; v., 3.V2, 508, 510, .W7.
537; hint., ii.,01-ll4; iii., 270, .{('7-
8; v., iss-.'iaH, .'■.4I-0, rtxn, .vi\,
.vns, rmi, iM)i,u(Mi, oio-n, 021,
<i23.
NahnatlacH, Central Mexican trilM-,
i., 017-44; location, i., 075-0; liiMt.,
v., 305-10.
NahinitlH, (iuatenntlan tril)c, i., VM-
711; H|H!cial mention, i., 701.
Nahiialo/.toniecaH, Naliua inerchantH,
ii., .•»81.
Nahuey (Nahajuey), South ("alifor-
niaii trilte, i., 4<)2-22; location, 1..
4.50-
Nahui <^llin Tonntiuh, Nahna cal-
endar Hi^n, ii., 'M*.*i v., 2().~i.
Naliuixochitl, lord of 'I'/otzolan, v.,
401-2.
Naia;;ntlH, North Califoniian trilic,
i., .120-01; locution, i., -Itt.
NaiK (N'aiouc), Central Califoniian
ti'ilie, i., 301-401; location, i., IVI
Naila, South Califoniian tiiltc, i.
402-22; location, i., 4'>8.
Naiariten, i., 007. mcc Nayarits.
NalalHem<M!li, triliu of llaidali.", i..
1.5.5-74; hication, i., 201.
Nale;{ak, KHkiuio title of chief, i..
65.
INDEX.
Tltf
Nambo, Puolilo
laiij;., iii.. <i8l.
Naiiibu
tillage, i., 527, fiOO;
500.
NaiiicM, lly)M;rlM>rcaiiH, i., 37, 40-1,
««-7'., 87, «4r>. mi'.', n«, 121;
Coiuiiiliiiiiia, i., i5>-2, 20*2, 2IU,
222, 245, 24S, 279, 288; i'nliforni-
aiiH, i., :t25-<i, :{44, .'U7, 4:i8, 4(i8:
iii., «.'{(!; .MuxicuiiH, i., (i:)4-5, (i70;
ii., 85. ■J74.5; v., :W4, .146; MaviiM,
il., (><;5, (iHO-l; iiiitiq., iv., 154,
2iM-({; iiiftiipliitriu, iii., 3!l-li.
NaiiMxniix, (liichiiiiec l(iiiK> v., 220.
NaiiaisatI, uii iiituxicutiii^ iiiHHliro"'iii,
ii., »<.)4.
Naimliiiuiii, S<hiUi Calir:<rniaii tril <•,
i., 4(12---':!; liH'uticin, i., 4.VX
Nanuliuiitxin, Nuliiia k"<Ii >■■• ^i
v., 2()4 5.
Naiiuiiiio Klvor, i., 298.
NaiiiiiiiKiH, tritM) of NiiotkiiN, i., 174-
'MS; lot-lit ion, i., 175. 29H.
Naiicliitilla, Mexico aiitii|., iv.,480.
Naiiilutliunill, iiuiiiti of (jiiutziilitoatl,
iii., 2<>7.
NiiiKMMio, (rilut of Ni'.itkiiH, i., 174-
2UH: loriiti i., l'(i,2tNi.
NatiiMiMC' llarltoi-, i., 298.
Nuiitoiiu, Tiiincli fiiirivn, iii., 142.
Nuoliii, Nuiiiia ;;o<l, iii., I()!>.
NauliiiKo (Tut iiiiolo), Toluiiuo <linlcct,
iii., 777-8.
Na|MiM, ('uiitml Culiforiiiiiii trilM;, i.,
»(>l-4()l; ioi'iitioii, i., :W.\, 451, 45:{;
luii<;. , ill., CM.
Na|Mitc'i'iitli, Naiiiia giMl, iii., 417-18.
Napa Vullc-y, i., :<(!;<. I.'.l 2.
Na|M>liii.(.iiiM, ( 'ciiti'iil < 'uliforiiiaii trilx;,
i., :<(il-4lM; loi-iitio'n, i., 4.'tl.
NaiMiimiicy, Tiiuity iliver gwi, iii.,
170.
Naixiat, {' 'iiet.iliton'.s), trilN; of Apa-
cli'"' I , ':i-5'2(i; locittioii, i., 592.
Naruiiiiiii, nw, Miclioariiii, v., 511,
NaroticH, i.,"«(t7; ii., .TJO, (!«).
NariccH, Nortli Mc!.\ii-iui trilw, i.,
.>7I 91; loi'iilion, i., lil.'l.
Nari<i>(rktaii, trilx: of NiH>tkaH, i.,
174-208; lonitioii. i., '_«.)."•.
NasalH, trtiK! of CliiiioukH, i., 222-5U;
loualioii, i., 'MKk
NasaM, )., <il4, m-i! Nazan.
NaHi'iiti, 'i'iiiiicli iliiiiiM-t., iji., 58.5.
NiimIivIIIi- .MiHsiN.sippi Valley, aiitiq.,
iv., 77ii.
NuHkiHilaiiiH, trilic of Tiiiiivli, i., 114-
'M; location, i., 1 t(i.
NiiHoiiuiliH, triWi,- of <l>iiitM»ka, i.,
'.'->2-.'i<); liH-a(ioti, i., 'Mm
Naxifiiully, i., 'Ml, msc Nimiually.
Nam, trilte of ITaidalm, i., 155-74;
location, i., LVi, 21).'t-4; 8]H!cial
inuntion, i., IM, 17.'t; lanj;., iii.,
«0«-7.
NiwH iUver, 5., .38, 94, 142, I.m, 29.3-4.
NaMH-Sliakioyi'liI, lioniu o( Yclil,
iii., 14(>'.
Nata, Naliua No-^li, iii., Cfi.
NaUi, trilm uf IstliniianH, i., 747-85;
location, i., 795; Ian;;., iii., 704.
Nata};t!H (Nataich), trilmof AjniiIich,
i., 473-.'>2(i; location, i. , 474; iii.,
59.5.
Natclic Kntctiin (<i(>nH <ln l.ar<;(0,
triltc of Tinncli, i., 114-37; loca-
tion, i., 115, 1(7.
NuUrliez, Floritia trilK>, early condi-
tion and lan^., v., .'>:t8-<.).
Natvotetain Uivcr, i., 14*1.
NatnotctaiiiH, tiilic of Tinnnli, i.,
Il4-.'i7; location, i., 114, I4(i; H|>cci-
al mention, i., 127.
Natc-.-«», i., I.TJ, HOC Natwilii.
National Itiicna l''..s|i<-i'an/a, locality,
t'cntral California, i., 4.Vi.
National .MnHcnni, Mexico, anli<|.,
iv., 5«iO-3.
Nativiilad Navajoa lNavoli<Mia), vil-
lage, S«niora, 1., t>07.
Nativiilail, I'liehlii, antii|., iv., 477-H.
Natliantiii, triU- of 'riuncli, i., 114-
.'17; liN-ation, i., 1 4.*>.
Natora, villa;ic, Soiiorn, i.. (MM!.
NatHalii (Natc-sai, KiUcliiu clan, i.,
132.
Na-tHik-Kut-i'liin (Xa-t.sikkoo-iiliin),
trilN! of 'riiiiicli, i.. Ill .'17; locu-
tion, i., I 17: lauK.. iii , 5Mi*
Natnrc, inllnciice on pliyKi<|iU! and
character, .see liiivironiiient.
NatykinwkojeH, tiilie of Alcnt.-f, i.,
87-i>4; location, i.. 141.
Nanati, e|>itli)!t for 'ri)iiitcatcotle, iii.,
191.
Nanlitlitn, ciiy, Vera ("ruz, v., 4.39.
NanliyotI, Ciiicliiiuci' kin;;, v., 2'.1).
Nanlivoll I (Nanluiit/iii), Toitec
kini;, v., 248, 2.-Mi, •J(i:i-.'».
NaiilivotI II., Toltcc S^in;;, v., 270.
NanliyotI III. |('o\ol, * oyoti), Toltec
kinji, v., 2!»ii:i(>4.
Nauliyoll !V., lollc'- kin;,', v., ;t(;i-t,
Naulivol/iii, \ , '.'48, SM NanliyotI I.
Naiilil, liJiiiie t'.ir < 'oiiiiiiiilie>., 1., 173.
Navniloa ( NaMiliiniiki, 1., 0(»7-8, set*
Nativitlad Savujoa.
NavajuM, m'c ^'l•n« <lc hn NavajuH.
Navajo lliver. i., 4(15
Navajiw(Nava!ioe>i, Navajo<!n, Nava-
jtNMil, tribe of A|iaclieM, i., 473-
INOKX.
USH; liicaiinn and Mune', i., 4M,
47fi, KM; M|MMial iiimtioii, i., 477-
H, 4S2;i, 4IU\, 48H-DI, 4tM-5. 4im,
AMI (i, rm, MO, liMin, nwr,;
iiiytli., iii., Ht-H, 117, 120. 171,
fi'iX; v., 2(); Iahk-, iii., ti02.
Niiviijo K|iririK, Arixiiiia, uiiti(|., iv.,
(^44.
Nnvi)(uii<liM, tritm of iHtliiiiiMriH, i.,
747-Hr>; H|N!<'iiii iiiiMitioii, i., 7H5.
Navi}.riilJ<>n, (invhiHtoric, v., lU-11,
HfC uIhi> li4MttM.
Niiviiliiiiia, i., Wn, f'c Natividud
Nuvuiitu.
Nuvoii dt; l(W IVtoh, i., (K)(>, hoo Ver.im.
Niiwdowi-HHit^M, trilM! of lididuliH, i.,
iriri-74; M|«<Tinl tii<!iitioii, i , \!>H.
NllWCClcrn, i., iJItrt, M'C NnwiU4M!N.
NuwIoliM, llitidiih HjiiritH, iii., 1,'V).
NawiiiooilH, Irilte of ('liiiiookH, i. ,
'iTi.W, lo<>4ttion, i.. :WX
Niivul) I'iiali, Miiyft intcrculury duyH,
it., 7r»«.
Nitvant (Niievn ToIimIo), liM-.nlilv,
.Ljwo, i., «7I '-•; v., ri<M».
NiiyiiritH (NKutrili^H), Nortli Mi^xicuii
t'rilM!, i , r't 'M\ loi'tttioii, i., VAil;
IttiiK., iii., 7l1»'-'<t.
Niivl* liiuil*, MayH iiili;rrulary diivx,
il , I'M
NuniH ( NiiHftH), North .M<-\i<-iiii tril»<!,
i., r.TI '.M; 1-Haiioii, i . (;13.
NciM-llCMIlU ItlMT, I., .'107.
Ncidi Kiiy (WM*a<U), I 'J»K :i«K>.
Ni'ur hdiiiid, i , 17
Ntdtuli (NidHiki. ^>tMil^Miala, MBli<|.,
iv., i;ii.
Ni-<;iillMial<'oioll. II., I'M, ma- Nc/ii-
liiiitl<'oyoll.
Ni!r'iioiil|iilli, ituiiuf for Ti!X<:atli|MM'u,
iii.. imt
iN't'ciitilliiii, Hiiltiirl) of .Vt«!xico, ii.,
.ViO.
Nccllt'ColffN (N<'l'ltMkokt!H, NlMdll!-
oolit's, I, trilM' of CliiiKKikM, i., T^2-
rA>; tonitioli, i., '±fA, 'MM; M|«!<-iiil
iiK-titioii, i., 'i'M}.
.Ni!i-k(!toH iNiHtki'ctiMw), trilir of Chi
iiiMtki*, i., 'tti-M; l<N-atioii, i , W3
Ne«!klaiu!H, i., 'M»\l 4H'A M'A, .V>\,
ft5», 574. «*A ({4«r.l, TM, 7W,7.'.4;
ii...17«, T.a.
Ni!C(N;iaiitl, iiaiiio for To»;alli|io<:a,
iii., I1W.
Noc.oniniK'hiiCH (Nirkoiiiiim), trilH; of
ChiiKMtkH, i,, 'i'I2-!iO; location, i ,
.KNi.
NncfMtim, trilicof Haidahit, i., lfi5-74;
lucatiun, i., 'M2.
I
'In
Neeootimeighii, Inland roliimhian
trilMj, i.,2r>0-»l; liM;atioii, i., .'il7.
Nt;<riiuiiictl, aiK^iwnt country uf ('hi-
idiiniDCH, v., '^l)t.
NcciiltaM, trilw of Noutkan, i., 174-
•HiH; liM-ation, i., '21(8.
NoetwlowcM, i.. 'MH, huh NcettlouM.
Needle*, i., 7;i, 7tf, »1, MM, 'JiVi, 407,
Aft.!.
NeekiteUMM, i., 307, nee .NecketoH.
Necrvhoki(M)iiH, trilie of (.'hin<MikH, i ,
'i'2'2mt; loi-ation, i., mi.
NevMhrnuiiiM (NeNlienaniK), (lunirnl
Culiforniun trilic, i., .'Mil -401; Imii
lion, i.. 4.51; H|H-riitl nhintioii, i ,
mi, ;W)». .3»r7; myth., iii., fi.'ll-j,
MTt-ii; laiiK., iii., iJ4« it, I'M.
NtM-MloUH {NcCITJoWrH), tliJM! of Ihli-
dahn, i.. l.'')'i-74; hxation, i., '.'!•;< I.
Nci'lhikajiaiMiK'li, Kritinh Coluiiiliia,
Inn;;., iii., *>I3.
Ni-i-wiuiiiMli. trilM-of Sound liuiii'iix,
i , 'iOH-'.*'-'; lo.Hlioii, i., .'HM).
Ni'fwiiniiHh Uivcr, i., .'tOO.
.Sf:,'iiloM, Nortli M<'xi<ia' trilx', i ,
rt7l <.>!. loi-ution, i., (ill.
N(')rroM, iNtliinian HliiveM, i., 77'J; iin
ti<|., iv., 4'i7.
Nf'xiiali'M, North Mex.
."■•"l-iH; location, i., ♦, '
\c|iuli-iii Kivt-r, i . 'MA.
N •tiaiiin!M (Ncliamii'CH,
irilMt of 'I'iniiitli. i.
ttoii, i., I'tH'O; HjMTial lii> iilioii, i,
l'r>; laiij;., iii., .W.
Neixrotlapalli. an tnnt'tic, ii., >'iO!)
Ni-iiial<|iiiiiiiiTK, trilii- of I'liiniHikM,
i., '.fJ-J •*); hxalioii. i., .'MMt.
N<'iiioiit4Miii, .Nalitiu intcri'alurv
ilayK, ii., 'i7.'», .'lOH.
Ni-iiihIioiih (Ni-iiiHhanN, NniiHliaMn,
NciimlMMtH, ), < antral < 'alifniiiiiiii
trilM', i., .'Uil 40I; Imatioii, i . iU>.
Ian;;., iii., M\i.
Ni'iia. wif<! of Nahnu N<hiIi, iii., (I'i
N<Miii<.<|ni, CiMitial ('aliforiiiaii tn'x.
i., ;Uil-40l; iiMalloii, I . t.Vt.
N<-|diitcH, Anii'riran ori;;ill•t^Ul:<'^
ON llll.
NeiMihualt/ilzin. Nalina kn»(i<'i
i'c<MtrdN, ii., .Vm.
Nc<|iianii'll, I 'liichini«<- kinu, v.. '.^.fi
.Nfipiatolli, a kind of ;,,'rii(4, ii., ■''<'''>
N<-<|iii!ii. ina^'iify rlolli, li., ',VA, tH'i
4>1(
Ni-(|nit(;h, Trinity l(ivur|;iMl, iii., IT'i
Nc.>u'lit<'h, trilN! of <'liinookii. i., '•''-"''
nO; location, i., 307.
NcM|M'«luni <'n!«k, i , 31G.
NolilinniiirH,
lit ;i7, l<M'a
INDEX.
721
Neii|M!<;ItitnH, Iiilniid roliiinbiBii trilie,
i., 'i-KMII; loi;ii(iiili, i., ^d.'i.
NirH|HHlH, IrilM! of NoDlkllM, i., 174-
'J(>K; liii'ittiiiii. i., •J'Xt.
N)tHi|iiiilliM, i., .'UM, ni-<! NiH<|unllii-H.
NctiM'uiliitiili, Nitliiiii iliiiH^f, ii., '21N).
Nt-ti-lik, Siiiitli (.'uliforiiiaii lung., iii.,
vm, <;7J-N.
N<'lciit/./.ii|M»ni/.lli, II Niiliiiri tlirM^uM',
ii., '2iil.
Ncl4'|cli/tli, Nuliiiii iluiirt!, ii., 'iHH.
Ni-t<iiiiitiiihi|iial<*, Niiliiiii fi-Mlival, ii.,
.■i:«»
N'rliit<ili/fli, Naliiiii iltiiir*', ii., 'M'l.
Ni'Ih, llv|M-rlHiri-aiiH, i., .">.'»•('(, 7f>, '.H(,
IIS, i-.':<; CitliiiiiliiaiiM, i.. iva-i,
IS.-. 7, '-•!•_' 14, •-':«, -Ml-'; ralif.inii-
aiiM, i.. ;U71», :J7.'i-f;. MMi, 42H; New
.VIcxiraiiM, i., 4HH, .'VHt 'i, 5:{!l, .'.».■•.'■
3, .'i*!*!; .Mi'xicMiiH, i., fi.VJ, (i."»f; 7; ii.,
.'ITil •-'; \ , .'I.Ti; <'cii(ral AmiTiiiniH,
I., liit-l, lil»7-H, 7<W, 7I!», 7-'4, 7<><»,
7«i.1; ii . 7'-'l, 7.Vi.
NirltlcH, i., IH.-I, .VJH.
Ni'l/i'iio, /ajHitiT (iialccl, iii., 754.
Ni'ii<'|iiilli'l."t I Nt^K'liaillit'', Noorliali-
lahl), IriU' of Noolkas, i., I74-'J0H;
liiralioii, j.. 'Jtl.'i.
.Ni'iikHark, i.,'JNt!>, !!!»!>, mim: Nookwik.
NiMikwtrrH, trilH' of .Soiiinl llllliall^<,
i., !i<W '."J; liMalion, i , •-'!»•».
Ni-lltilltvi;;, trilH; of SoiiikI InilialiH,
i., 'JiH 12'.'; localioii, i , :UMI.
Nriiw illii'H, i., 'm.'}, Hcc Ni'w ilUicH.
Nfvailii, iiialilicrH ami (misIoiiin of
trilN-H. I . 4'J'J-4-2; loiali i., :i'^i,
4tii}, 4«>> t»; luiij;., in., <i<il M; iiiitii|.,
iv., 7i:t-l4.
Nrvaila * oiiiity, < 'aliforiiin, aiitiq. ,
iv., 7<h;
N<!virliiiiiiii<m, i., 4.il), Mco N«!N\atrh-
tllMIICM.
Ncv.iiiic, I'iiiia iliali'i't, iii,, tiJI.'i.
N<!u ,\liiia<l<'ii, I itliforiiia, iiiili<|., iv,,
ti'Mi.
Ni-wark, MiMHiHhi|i|ii Nalloy, aiiti(|,,
IV., IHH !», 7h.">
Vt-waxkcri, IiiIn; oI ('liiiiookH, i.,
•J'-M-.'Hl; lo.iiiioii, i., :«»!»,
Ni'WalihiiiiiiH- (Ni'vicliMiiuum, Ni'-
\vir|iiiiiioi'-i. t'iMitral < alifoniiari
triU', i,, :{)il 4<)l; loralioii. i . 4.V);
laii;{., iii. , I'AU.
\f«al4'('«, i . I7r», MMI N<'wiU«'<'n.
Ni'uatliir. MojiiM' ({oil, iii,, l7-'>.
Ntw <'al<'<l<utiii, I , I4.'l, M.'i.
Ni'wcIk-iiium (Niii'liinin'- trilii- of
\iHilka». i,, l74-!il>h; nulioii, i,,
'M'l. M|Hi-ml tiK^nlinti, i , I'iH, IS'J;
laiiK . lii . <>0N.
Vol.. V. Ill
N(;w IhintrPiiftfMt, Inrality, WuHliiiiK-
toii, i., •Z\-2.
New (traiiiulu, iv., I.?, Hr<> < 'oiitiiiltin.
.\rwirur>fiilM, triltr of 'riiiiii'li, i., 114-
.'{7i JiM-ntioii, i., II.'), 147,
Nfttitt«!fH (NawcctiM'K, Ni'Wiit«;M,
NiMiwillicM, Nfuctlc), IriU; of
NootkiiH, i,, I7I'20H; location, i.,
17."., •-'!»•-', '-1I.'..
N<!w M*;xi<'Him, oii« of the m-'viiii
trroiiiiH iiilo wliirii till; iiutivoH of
llif rai-illi' Slati-M art- iliviili-d, lo
rali'il ill New .Mcxiio, .Xrizotia,
l.owi-r < 'aliloriiia, Soiiora, .Siiialoa.
< 'liiliiialiua, |)iiraii;{o, I'oaliiiila,
Niii'vo Leon, iiortlii'rii '/.iu-hUh-hk,
ami wi'Htfrii 'I'l-xaM, iM'twrcii lali
lmifH:«i aii<l '£i\ loii:jitiiil<', <.h;'
ami 1 17 , MiilHliviiliHl into four fam-
ilii!M tilt; .\|iiii'lii"4, I'lii'lilon, l.owc.'r
CalifoniiaiiH, ami NorlliiTii .Mt^xi-
caiLs; iiiariiii'iH ami m.-^lum-i <if i^acli
(li'Hcrilii'l I'lpaialrlv, i . 471 'iM;
liMiition, iliviHioiiHaml tiiltal ImiiiimI
nriiH, i,, »7I M, .V.tl (il4; invtli , i ,
r>-jf), .'..'w, .v.:{ 4, r,H~H; iii ", 7.1 m."i,
I(i!l7.>, .Wd.'il; Ian;,'., i,, .V.'H; iii..
ruiH't, «W0 7'.-'-_'; anii.)., I, XilH.
iv., (;!.'") H(>; ori|;iii, v., "Jd; liiHt., v.,
Xil H.
Ni'w .Mi'xir.,, trilicM, i., 471 •■'mI!, ,'>!M
Wl; laii^., iii., .".!(.•{."), (;(M»-4, (IHO .{,
aiilii|, . iv., (il.'i Sii,
Niw ItiMT, i , 44."., 4.'»>*, .';!I7
New Itivi'i Imliaiih, .Soiiili ('alifor-
niaii trilM-, i., W2'i'2, loration, i..
New \'ork iiiilii(., iv., 7-T)l,
Ni;\v N'ork l''lat, <'uiifoniiH, alltiq.,
iv,, 707.
Nrxa|.a. Imalilv, Ni<'ara;{(m, i. , 7!H);
V,, r,:i\>, ..;{■»
NcxiilliiH (Nrxit/ax), i., (JW), hw; Iti-iii
XollOH.
Nrxovorlio, Naliiia ^oildcHH, iii,,,'{{Ni.
Ncxli'|ii-lliia, N;iliiia |;oil, iii,, '.{'.U\.
Ncyi'l'*!' KhImIii lril)r of 'ritim-li, i ,
1 14-.'<7; loialioii, i,, 147.
Nfiialiiiaii ii\oll (\i;raliii.il<'4iiotl, NV-
/aliiialrii|oll|, v\roll>' ,1 iiioiiarcli,
ii , i:U, '417, 471'.', ■•>'.»; iii., IS4,
I '.Hi H; v., ;<7'J 4'.'i. 4'JH '.I.
N<'/aliiiul|iilli, Ai'oMiiia moiiarcli, ii,,
1.14, '."-'0, 447 ■'.<•, til"; V , 4'JI-7."»,
4!»!», ntn.
S</. I'lrn- Hiv.T. i , 318,
.Ni'X ri-mr-H, liilaiiil < oliinil.ian tril.'',
I,, 'HHt-'.U , l<Mtiiioii ami iiaiiif, i,,
I.Vi, '2rt'A, :(Mi )7. ^|Mi iai niiiitioii,
i . 'AVI S, '2m, 'Mr,, '.'(17 71, 27'! '.»,
■J
732
INDEX.
282, 284, 287, 280-01; nivtli., iii.,
05, 150, rt'M; laiig., iii., fi'iiri.
Nffuyuk, tribo of Aleutii, i., 87-04;
location, i., 141.
Niahbellu I'onioa, Central Califor-
nian tribe, i., 3AI-4(M; location, i.,
448.
Nicahtagali, Quiche pnl, v., 181, 547.
Nicuruuiiu, natinnH iit;Ncril)C(l, i.,(i8(>-
711; li., (i4.V8(l»; location, i., 68H-
700-4; H|)cciul mention, i., 711;
ii., 123, 645-7, <i50-4, (J«(!-7, irjO-'l
674, 676, 678, 708-10, 7i:i-14, 718-
26, 728-;U, 737, 730-47, 740-52, 7(MJ,
770-1, 78.'>, 700, 7»KM, 800-3; myth.,
iii., 75, 132, 400-6. 507, 643; v., 13;
lang., iii., 723, 72«l, 760-60, 78.1,
701-3; antiq., iv., 28-67; hist., v.,
472-3, 520, (504, 612-1.3.
NiuantKiin l.iikc, i., 790-2, 705; ii.,
123; v., 613; antia., iv., 28-.m
Nicartt)i;nanH, name for Niquiruns, v.,
613.
NIccoutnnuich, i., 310, see Nicouta-
niuch.
Nicliqum, name of month in Cliia-
jtua, ii., 766.
Nickomins, i., 306, see Ncconmn-
checH.
Nicolu Lake, lung., iii., 61.3.
Nicola Itiver, lung., iii., 61.3.
Nicoutamccns, i., 310, hcc Nicouta-
niiich.
Nicoutuniuch (Niucoutumuch, Nicou-
tamccim, Nicutemiii-ii), Inland Co-
lumbian trilic, i., 2.'iO-01 : locution,
i., 310; Hiicciul mention, i., 258,
200.
Nicoya, province and city, Coata
Hica, v., 605.
Nicoya Culf, i., 762, 701-2; v., 013.
Niirhtuii, triltc of lluiilaliB, i., 15.5-
74; location, i., 2SW.
Niliaib, Cjuich6 title, ii., 643-4; v.,
546, 552, .566-7, 580.
Nijupa Lake, Nicaragua, nntiq., iv.,
.31, 37.
Nijorus, trilie of Apuchca, i., 473-
626; liK'ation and name, i., 475,
608; lung., iii., 684.
Nikaofi (NikuH), trilM of C/hinookH,
i., 222-50; location, i., 307.
Nikojsliautin, tril>c of Tinnch, i.,
114-.37; location, i., 145.
Ninia-Aniag, name of Cjulaha, i.,
787.
Ninia Caniha, Quichd title, ii., 644.
Nimahuinuc, Cakchiquel king, v.,
608, 600.
Nima Qnich6 (Nimaqnichc), QuicM
chief, v., 6<i5, 676, 678, ()04.
Nimcttkahpcc, city, (juutcniala, v.,
584.
Nim Chocoli Cuwck, Quichd title,
ii., 6.30, (544; v., 6(W.
Nimkifth (NinikiH, NinipkiHh), trilM-
of NootkuM, i., 174-208; location,
i., 176, 205-6, 208; Hpecial men
tion, i., 1&3.
NimkiHli Uivcr, i., 208.
Nimpokom, city, (iiiuteniala, i., 788;
until!., iv., 131; v., o.'Wi.
Nimxol) Carchtth, numc forCarchuli,
v., 175. 644.
NiuHtcnce, tribe of Ilaidalm, i., 155-
74; liH-ation, i., 202.
Ninnnil)cc8, Shoshone Hpirita, iii.,
157.
NinuH, name for Mox, v., (i06.
Nio, Sinuloa, lung., iii., 707,
Niparayu (Ni|>araja), I'criciii go<l,
iii., ki, 160, 620; v., 20.
Niiioino, grave at Kan LuIh ObiH|K),
California, antiq., iv., 602.
Niijuiruns, (NicaraguanH), (iuuteniala
trilic, i., (>(>8-7l I; location, i., U8K,
702; hint., v., 6i:i.
Nii«quttllic8 (Nc8(|UulliH, SkwallH,
Squallics), trilic of Koiiiid Indiana,
i., 208-22; location, i. , 208, 200, ;«)l;
H|icciitl mention, i., 210, 214, 217,
220, 222; mvtli.. iii., 07-8; lung..
ii., 618.
Nisqiially (Narniiially) Uivcr, i., .301.
Nitinuht Itiver, i., 20.1.
NitinutH, (Nitinulits, Nittccimts, Nil-
tinahtH), tribe of Nootkax, i., 174-
208; location, i., 175, 2<.Ni; sitcciul
mention, i., 178, 180-00, 208; lung.,
iii., 600.
Nitiiiut Sound, i., 175, 20.11-7.
Niyunu, name for Coniunclies, i., 473.
NouchcB, trilio of KIiohIioiich, i., 422-
42; locution, i., 464.
Noah, oriuin theory, v., 0-12.
NoblcH, Mexii-auH, ii., 186-200, 22.5,
373-7, 441; iii., 4.34; v., 4.'i6-7; Cen-
tral AmcricauH, i., 770-1; ii., (J.'MJ-
44, ({63-4, 673-4, 603-4, 727, 784 5;
v., 670-82, 688-0, 501 2.
NocuMiri, village, Sonoru, i., 605.
NochcH, South Cu'liforniaii trilic, i.,
402-22; locjition, i.,4(iO; lung., iii.,
(J86.
Nochiztlan, Miztcc dialect, iii., 749.
Nochiztii, coidiincal insect, ii.. 48(1.
Noconi (YiuhtaH), trilie of AparhcH.
L 473-626- location, i., 502.
INDEX.
728
NcM^to, Month Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; lorutioii, i., 409.
Nociiiiia, Atra^'chciiicm und, iii., 164.
Noll, Ijiiicliu-l.ukcliiqucliluy, ii., 7(!7.
Nolit^ucal), Yu<-4it4iii, antiq., iv., 200-
2. 211, 218-0.
Nohenial, riumc for weat Yucatan,
V. , 615.
NohlmiinieH, L, 144, msc NehanncH.
Nohiunlli, ('eutral Californian tribe,
i., 3(il-40l: location, i., 454.
Noll I Nit (Nob Put), Yucatan, antiq.,
iv.. 2<>2, 211.
NohtHclio, village. North California,
i., 444.
NoiniiickH, ('ciitral Californian tribe,
i., »6I-4()1; location, i., 451.
NoiwiM, CcMitrul Cttlifoniiuii tribe, i.,
.161-401; location, i., 451.
NoiyucaiiH, <'uiitrul ('uliforniim tribe,
i., 361-401; l<K;iition, i., 451.
Noj, Utlavucaii };ocl, iii-, 482.
Nonibre <le DioH, town, Ziw'<itecaH,
i., 614; town, Dariun, iii., 764; v.,
6i:i,
Noniutt Ciiltit, North I'alifomiaii
tril)c, i., 326-61; l(H;utiim, I., -<42.
N<inico tidfkH (Noiiui I.,uckcch), Noith
('iilirori)iaii tribe, i., 326-61; locu-
tion, i., 442, 451.
NonicniichcH (I'orunbcH), tribe of
SboHlioncH, i., 422-42; location, i.,
4(M.
NoiiDliiiuIca, Cbicliimcc kin^, v., 220.
NoiiobiiiilruH, Tutiaw'o tri)>c, i., 644-
70, ii., 1.33-020; lomtioii nini luuiie,
i., 701; ii., 112, I21>; hist, v., I9(i,
22t), 562.
Nonoliuiiicatl, Cnlhim king, v., 250,
2.1*!, 3(K), 313, :JI«. 320.
Nonolinalcti (Noniiulcut), rc<:;ion niid
locality, 'raJMiHco, v., 2:M>, .'Mi'i.
NoohinnickH, Nortb Californian trilK-,
i., .326()l; lointion, i., 442.
Noocbulilulit, i., 205, H«;n .Nc<i<'liiillf:(.
Nook<:lineH, Ccittnil ('uliforiiian trilK>,
i., .361-401; lo(;ation, i., ;<63, 456.
Nooktunimi (Nukhlnmi), IrilM; <if
SouikI liKliunn. i.,20M-22; lo«:atioK,
i., 2U<>; Uvm. iii., 615.
NiMikttttk (NoiikHa<;k, N(H>kN»lik,
Nootwik), trilic of SoiiikI Imliaiis,
i., 208-22; lix iition, i.. I'OM, 'M);
R[iccial nicntion, i., 210, 213, 218,
220; laiiff., iii., 6I.'».
Nodwialiiiim (NooHtlaluinH, Nnwla-
Iiiiiih), tribe of Soiiiiil liulianK, i.,
20H-22; local on, i., 302.
NiMLsclu'liatl, triltv of Soinid In<lianH,
i., 208-32; loc4itioii, i., ;t01.
NootchnoR, Central Californian tribe,
i., .161-401; I'M'btioii, i., 455.
N(M>tbuinH, trilie of Hound Imlianii,
i., 208-22; location, i., .300.
NtMHkun, one of tl<o nine funiiliea in-
to which the (..'oInniliianH arc di-
vided; inannerft and cuntonm of all
itH MutioUH and trilwH deM-rilied to-
gether, i., 174-208; |jbvNiittie, i..
17'i-O; «lreH», i., 179-82; dwcliiiiKH,
i., 18.3-5; fiMMl, i., 185-8; w«>a;ionH,
i., 188; war, i., 1801, 188 9; NiatH,
i., 180 01; iiii|ilcnicntii and inanu-
foctnroH, i., 180, ;S4, 18!>-»1; pr<>;>-
erty and trade, i., 191-2; art, i.,
U12-U, KovernniRnt and HlaveR, i.,
18')1, 191, i'Xirt; women and mar-
ria^c, ''., 195-8; aniiiHenientH, i.,
108-201 ; niiMrellaneouM ciihtonm, i. ,
201-3; niedirinc, i., 204-5; hnrial,
i., 20.'»-«; character, i., 206-8;
myth., iii., 1Mi-7. LW-C, .lU, 522;
laiiK., iii . (iOK-12. 664; Itx-alion of
trilicH, i., 151, I.V., 174, 21»5 8.
NootkaH (NootkaliH, NoiitknH,
NntkaH), tril»e of Nootkiw, i., 174-
20S; loi atioii, i., I7'>, 205; sfMrcial
mention, i., 180, JOH; myth., iii.,
l.j«»-2, 514, .522; huij,'., iii., 608-12,
6(>4.
NiMitka Sound, i., I.'H)-!, 174-5, 181.
104. 203, '-MW. 207; anli<|., iv., 736.
No|taJt/!ii, riiichiiiicc kiiiK, v., 2f>4-
.320, .3:'0; A< xlliiiii prince, v., .3.35.
Norfolk Sound, i., 142, l.'>g.
Northern ('alifortiiaiiH, see ('alifor-
niaUH, Nortli<!rii.
Nortii iNlaiid, i., 2)).3.
Northern M<!xicanH, see Mexicans,
Northern.
Northern triltcH, liiHt., v , .''>.36-N.
Nortiin .Sound, i., 61-2, 70, I.3K, 141.
NoMc, llyiH^rhoreanH, i., 46, M. IM!;
('..lumbians, i., 177-8, 210, 22.5-6.
2.''m-6; < 'allforiiiaiiH, i , .32S, 3M-6;
New Me.xicanH, i., r>'M), iiTtH; Mexi-
cuUH, i., 610,647; Central Aiitcri-
caiis. i., 088, 714-1.5, 7.50.
Nose-ornunicntH, HviMirlmreanii, i.,
40,72,88,07, 122, i28;("olunil.innH,
i., 1.50, 181-2. 'ild II, 220; Califor-
II inns, !., .333, 347, 403, 424; New
.Mcxican.H, i., ."mO, .574-5; McxicauM,
i , 622, (J40-.5I; ii.. .372, 376, 305;
( '(Mitral .'VmericaiiH, i., 7>52-4; ii..
731 3.
N<»er (Noza), North Californian
liilH>, i., 326-61; locution, i., 447.
NutonatoH (NutoiictooH), Central Cul-
P* t'*
784
INDEX.
iforntan tribe, i., Ml -401; location,
i., AMi.
NotoowthaH,( 'cntral Califoniiiiii trilio,
i., 361-401; Iticutiuii, i., :m, 4.'>(>.
Noiiin|M>li8, Central Californiaii tribo,
i., 361-401; locatii>ii, i., 4&3.
Noyiixt'lie, YiK'utan, antiq., iv., 252.
No/a, i., 447, wu NoHcr.
N'I'oi'kb'M, i., 312, Ht-e Sans I'oiU.
N'iMM>ltlila, Inland (Jolunibian triliCH,
ftMid, i., 265.
N'quarhamiHli, tribo of Hound In-
ilianH, i., 208-22; l<H-ation, i., 3<N).
N'ciuutinmniiMh, trilte of Sound In-
(liaiiH, i., 208-22; JtNation, i„ 300.
NHietHliawuH, i., 307, s«c KillaniookH.
NtHhiuiutin, trilic of Tinnch, i., 114-
37; l<»cation, i., 145.
Nuchiitik, trilic of Tinnch, i., 114-37;
loi-ation, i., 149.
Nni;iiikav«ttc8, tribe of Tinncli, i.,
lll-:<7; Imation, i., 115, 147.
Niieva ScKovia, iofuiity, Nicaragua,
i., 703; aiitiii., iv., 62.
Nucvo Let.n, i., 473, 571, 501, 503,
604; iang., iii., 5!)3; aiitiii., iv., 5!I7.
Nvievo T<ileclo, i., 671, we Navarit.
Nukiilunii, iii., 615, m>c Nookluninii.
Nuklukahyct, lucalitv, Alaska, i.,
i;w.
Nulaautin, trilw of Tiiiiioli, i., 114-
37; l«M-ation, i., 145.
N'inii'ratioii, tvH', Aritlnnclif.
Nuin;;ii(!lgar, South < 'alifornian trilns
i., 402-22; location, i., 450.
Nuntpali, Central Californian trilic,
i., 3(il-401; locati<in, i., 453.
NunatauKinutUH (Nuna-tangnic-iniH),
triUt of KHkinioH, i., 40-60; Im-a-
tioii, i., 42, 138.
Nuimtok River, i., 42, 1.38.
Nunc/ (intina I lay, i., 18i
Nunnery, at Cliirlieii, Yucatan, an-
tiq., iv., 22.3-5.
NurcH, North Mexican trilic, i., .571-
91; liH-ation, i., (ii07.
Nuri, village, Sonora, i., (iOl,
Nurhing, .<mm! Children.
NiiHilalniiiH, i., .'102, H<>e N'<MwdaluniH.
NusliaKak (NiiN('lia>;a<'k. Nusidia-
gakli, NuHhorgak) Kiver, i., 70,
139 40,
Nuslurpipiiut, name for KcvatuiK-
iiiiitt'M, I., 140.
NiiHklaiyuni, name for Clallanm, iii.,
615.
Nutka, i., M'4, hoc N<M(tka.
NiitonctiHm, i., 456, see Notonatot*.
Nntoiit4i, South ('alifiimian trilN:, i.,
4iie-22; location, i.,45tf.
Nuwungmntes (Nuwangmeuns),
tribe of Eakimos, L, 40-69; loGa>
tion, L, 42, 138.
Oajaca ((^luaxaca, Oaxaca), i., 644-8,
<Hj2, 678-.S2, 790; ii., 109-11; lang.,
iii., 748-9, 703; anti<|., iv., 367-423;
hist., v., 206-7, 239, 26;i, 47.3, 626-7.
Oajaca (Mty, Oajaca, antiq., iv.,
374-6.
OakinackeuH (( 'akinacks), i., 267,
312, m;e OkaiiapitiH.
Oak Point, i., 304.
ttaiilMiH, villa<'c, Sunora, i., 601.
OarH, Mec I'atulicH.
Oath, i., 771; ii., 146, 443-4. 65(>; iii.,
:W2.
Oat Valley People, i., 448, Hce Hallo
Ki I'onioH.
Oavanti, Nahua sacrilice, ii., 2109.
( hixaca, i. . 678, 8ec ( lajaua.
Obayax, North .Mexican tril)c, i.,
.'i7l-91; liM-ation, i., 612.
OlwliNks, Nee ('ohinniH.
OliMtrvatory Inlet, i., 174, 293-4:
lang., iii., (NMi.
Olwidiaii, i., <N), 34.3, ,377-8, 431-2.
4».\ 627-8; ii., 161, 408-10, 479-80,
601; iii.,2:i8; i v., 2.37, .544-5, 6.j<i-8.
Mr, Nlaya (lav, ii., 756-6, 760.
OcancH, North Mexican trilic, i., 571-
91; location, i., (ill.
Occalmvanti, trilic of iNthmianH, i.,
747-85; location, i., 79<'i.
Ocean current, nee Cunvnt.
Occloino, Nahua military order, ii.,
403.
Oceloiiuchtii, iii., 57, Rce Huitzilo-
|io(;litli.
Ocelotentlapalliyiticycacoccloti, Na-
hua court drcHH, ii., 374.
OcelotI, Nahua day, ii., 612, 516-17.
Oceloxochitl, v., 2{K), ace OzoIumi-
chitl.
Oceloxroch, v., 299, hcc Ozolaxochitl.
Mcelnnacacc, Nahua windalH, iii.,
4i:».
OrliccaiiineH, Central Californian
liilM>, i., .361-401; location, i., 4.'iO;
laii;;., iii., 649.
OchovoH, Central Californian trilM',
i., .'Mil -401; location, i., 4.'>4.
Ocli|)aniztli, Nahua nio:itli, ii., 331,
510
Ochre, i., 131, 44K)-4; ii., 474, 487,
X\r,. 5.M, .572; iii., 435.
Ocipila, v., 323, itoe Ocopipilla.
INDEX.
725
Ocki, Utah term for trout, i., 46(>.
Ocki Fall I'tcH (Ocki l*i I'tCM), trilie
of Hh<>HlioiiL>8, i., 42*2-42; ku-atiuii,
i., 4<Mi-7.
Ociia, Miiya fuiuit, ii., 600.
Oc na kin, Maya miiiHet, ii., 755.
Ococinuo, Cliiapoa, aiitiq., iv., 34(i-
52; liist, v., 187.
Ocoico, a Hubiirh of Tczriu-o, v., ,S5I.
(>co|)ctlayiica, city, Mexico, v., MH).
Ocopipilla (Oeipila), Htatiuii, Aztec
migration, v., :{23.
OcoroiiiM, North Mexiciin trilH;, i.,
571-01; location, i.,(J07; laii^., iii.,
707.
Ucotclulco, a quarter in TIaM-ula
city, ii., 412; v.,4!Mi-8.
Ocotu-, villa(fc, tlaliKco, i., (i72.
(IcotI, a H|tccicf« of |iiuu, ii., 487,
««)»-l; iii., 4.'«.
Ocotlaii, /a|M>tec dialect, iii., 7>*>4-.'>.
Ucotox (Acotocli), Cliicliiniec chief,
v., .■<I7-H, .•«•.». HXu
Octii, Naliua ilriiik, ii., 285, XW, (MN).
Ucuillan, town, Mexico, i., (i77.
DcuiltecH, ('eiitral Mexic^iu trilic,
i., 017-44; location, i., (i7(t; lauf^.,
iii., 748.
0<li!eiliiliH, North Califoniian triltc,
i., .'{2(i-()l; location, i.,447.
Ufferih)^, ori;;iii of, iii., 'Mt-\, :U-5;
New McxicaUH, iii., 174, l78-8«);
Mexiciiiis, i., )f4l, (Ui'i; ii., '2!HK
27«-«0. .iOS-lO, tm-'i. iWMHi, M-,
6U!, (1*12-2.3; iii., :«)7 S, :{i:<, X¥i
iNUMiui; v., 88; ('cntrul .AiiiericaUH,
li., (Mi2, fi78.71(>, 7I!»---M. 7:»8, 7%;
iii., 72, 481, 4".»S; HcealHo .Sucriticett.
Offilon Valh-y. i., 4«».
U^ilen'M ('liaiiP' . iHlauilH, i., 204.
UKleniutes, i., 1 40, mcc A;;le<;inute)t.
OuuH, an AHiatic pniice, v., 47.
Oha^tuaniex, Nortli Mexican trilie, i.,
571-01; location, i., (il2.
Ohiat, trilK- of NiM>tkiw, i., 174-208;
liN-ation, !., 20.'>.
Uhio, Mii«HiMHi|>|>i vallev, antiq., iv.,
751.
OhIoneH (SuloncH, t'oHtaniw), Cenlral
('alifornian trilN-, i., :i(il-40l; loca-
tion, i., 4.'t3.
(Minapan, <'ity, (tucrrcrn, v., 412.
OhucraM, North Mcxinin triU-, .'571-
01; location, i., liOt*; Inn;;., iii., 707.
Ohyuht. tril«-of N<HitkaH, i., 174-208;
location, 1., 20.5.
liiaiuch, trihc of NiHitkaa, i., 174-
'fft8; location, i . 2tk').
Uick-lii, trilH' <if NootkaH, i., 174-208;
Ivoition, i., 2y&
(til, i., 47, 55, 63. 72, 78, 86, IA.% 162-
», 180, 18(i, 188, 215-16, 716, 743,
75.3, 765; ii., 487, 5m).
(Hutment, i., 2U4, 568; ii., 145, 214,
508-0; iii., 43:}.
OiokMeuunineM, Central Califoniian
trilw, i.. .361-401; Im-ati i., 450.
Oiyotlit, North Califoniian trilic, i.,
326-61; location, i., 444.
( tjai ( Aiijay), South Califoniian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 450.
(tjoilel I'eHvado, New Mexico, aiitiq.,
iv., 647-8.
Okanapin Lake, i., 251.
Okaiiapin Itiver, i., 251, '2Kt, 312.
t>kana}{ain*(< takinackeni*, < takiiiackH,
OkinakancH), trilie of Shin^hwaiiH,
i., 250.01; hication, i., 251, 312 13;
H|iecial mention, i., 256-7, 260, 262,
2(M-6, 268, 270-2, 275-6, 278-81,
284, 288-00; myth., iii., 110-4, 510;
laii^'., iii., 6l(i; ori};in, v., 22.
UkenokeH, Nohli Califoniian tribe,
i., .326-61; location, i., 44.'i.
Okkowiith, name for MimIih'h, i.,444.
Okotuil, Staya .lance, ii., (i07.
Ocowvinjha, South < 'alifornian triUf,
i., 402-22; locatitni. i., 4.V.).
OkHhce, name for Klamatlis, i., 444.
( Haiti, name of niontli in ('liiapaK,
ii., 766.
OlamentkeH, Central Califoniian
trilie, i., :i(il-401; l<M-ation, i., 440;
laiiu., iii., (i48, (i.'Vt.
<)lauelieH((HaHh), Central Cuiiforniaii
trilto, i., .361-401; location, i., 45(»,
4.56.
Olancho, locality, HomliiraH, i., 700,
703; anti(|., iv., 70.
Olcacaran, meilicimil jilaiit. i., (i40.
(MchoncH, i., 45.3, see .McIioiich.
(Mil a;;e, treatment of -ip;!!, i., :)00,
4.17. rt\rt, .5(i8.
(Mcc|iaK, Central Californiiin trilN*, i.,
.3i>l 44(1; liK-ation, i., 4,'iO; H|N<ciiil
niciiti i.. 380-!N), .308.
(HciiioM, Central ('alifornian trilie, i.,
3(il-401; hication, i., 4.'i:<.
(HcMtnra, Central Califoniian trilH-,
i., .361-401; liHiition, i., 4.'i3.
(HhoncH ((Hjon), Cciilial Cnliforiiian
trila', i., 3(il-40l: localion, i., 4.*):{;
iii., ((53: Ian;;., iii., (i'i3.
Oliliuhqui, Naliiia <li'iiu, ii., (MM.
(Hinian, Htation, t^iiii-lic migration,
v., IH.-I. .'Mi'2.
(Hiiite|M>c, (iiiatemala, antiq., iv.,
124.
(MivcH, North Mexican trilie, i., 571-
01; Imation, i., 613; lang., iii., 744.
,1.!.
786
INDEX.
Olion, i., 4^% rcc O|1i«tiiofi.
OlluiitttytuinlNt, IVni, iiiiti(|., iv.,804.
UllcpiNiiili'lkuliU-litlH, Norlli Talifor-
iiiun tribe, i., 32(i-(il; Im-ution, i.,
445.
OIlin, Niilniuiltty. ii.. 512, 6IU-I7.
Oliiit'futI, Oliiiuc ruler, v., lUU.
Uliiiocii Vixtuti, Uliiiev pruviiieoH, v.,
l«0. m.
OI1110U8 (Huliiiecaa, OliiieuuM, Ol-
iiib(|iicH, UliiieuH), Nuliiiu nation,
i., (il7-44; ii., i:{:i-(i21>; lovntiun unit
nunic, i., (>7I; ii., 112-14, 12U;
ajiei-iiil mention, ii., 313, 554; luiiK-,
iii., 724; ori}{in, v., 22; liiat., v.,
lt)5-2()2, 4H4. 488, 4!)l. 401). 527-8,
606-7, (il2-l3, (iUi, (i21.
Olniulociiv, <'vntnil Culiforniiin trilic,
i., 3(il-4Ul; locution, i., 4.'t.'{.
t)lolizul>kunivttx, Mnyii feuHt, ii., 7(10.
Ulonmn, tjniuhu triltal niinie und Hta-
tion, v., 21, 54(i, AC I -2.
UluinixtilH, i., 4.'i.'<, Hue Oluninitli.
Olonuti'liitniiKiH, Central ('alifornian
trilH>, i., 3(il-40l; location, i., 450.
Olowoilo<'H, ('ciitral ('alifornian triltc,
i., 3(il-4()l; location ami name, i.,
45f).
OlowcdyaH, Central Californiun trilio,
i.,3()l tOI; locution an<l name, i.,
45l>.
OlowitH, Central (^alifornian trilM-,
i., .'i(il-40l; location anil nunie, i.,
45(1.
Olpen, ('entral ('alifornian tribe, i.,
301 -401; location, i., 453.
Olnnipali ((llonipaliM), Citntral ('ali-
fornian trilM!, i., 3GI-40I; locution,
i., 45:1.
Oniaca (OnieacatI), lorU of Tlalnnm-
aleit, v., .'UO.
OnialiA, North Culiforniau god, iii.,
I7ti, 523.
OinatehanineH(( IniochnninieH, 4 >niut-
ehamnus, (linntcliuinncH), ('entral
('alifornian triJHi, i., 3(tl-40l; li»ca-
tion, i., 450; Ian;;., iii., <i4U.
Omaxtnx, Sontli ('alifornian trilie,
i., 402-22; location, i., 450.
Onic AeatI (Oineacatl), Nahuugud,
iii., 408, (MM) Onntca.
OniccioatI (OmeciliuutI), nunic nf
(Jitluliuue, ii., 273; iii., m, 370,
.373.
OnienH, of diHOHtor, Mexico, v., AGS-
71, 52(!, 5.S5, (501, ()04.
Unietcunhtli (dnieteeutli, Onietcue-
tli), minio of Citlulutonuc, iii., 68,
370, 373.
Onietepoc. i.. 792; antlq., iv., 20-30,
33, 30, 58-0. 01. (»-5.
Unietoclitli. Nuhua |{«n1. and order
of prieHtH, ii.. 202, 273, 207, 350;
iii., 418, 434.
Onieyuteito, Nienrugua Kn<l> iii-, 402.
Oineyutczi){out, Niuuruxuu |{i»ddeHM,
iii., 402.
Onii. villu^e, Sonum, i.. <>08.
Uniiexi|tun, Otonii nohio, v., 317.
OnioeliuninieH ((iniutulninineH tJnniS-
cliunincH), i., 50, HceOnuitchannics.
Unipivnnno, Ccntntl (Julifornian
trilie. i., .301-401; location, i., 4.'i:i.
(hiapa, villu]{0, S^mora, i., (iOI.
OnavuH, North Mexican trilH>, i.,
■571-01; ti|iecial mention, i., 5!N>.
Onlii, Central ('alifornian trilie, i.,
3(> 1-401 ; locution, i., 4.'»4.
Onieletoelm, tril>c of HuidnliH, i.,
15.V74; locution, i, 204. .
Oomiuk ( Cniiak), Aliukan boat, i.,(M).
Oomiliuilika (Oonulaiika), i., 00, w^c
('nalaxku.
(JotluMhootM, Inland ('olumblaM triJN!,
i., 2.'iO-0l; location, i., 312; Hpecial
mention, i., 258.
(,>parrapa, vilhiKe, Sonora, i., <'i(MI.
Opatas (( )paM), North Mexican trilM',
i., .')7I-0I; location, i.. 572, (U)Mi;
H|>ecial mention, i., 573-0, 5SI-:t,
580-01; lang., iii., (>84, 00.'>, li'.M)-
704.
(>|)echiHat(( >|)eeliiHalit), trilie of Noot-
kaH, i., 174-208; location, i., -.;!).');
H|>ecial mention, i., 170.
()pe(duNet, tribe of Noutkos, i., 171-
208; location, i., 20.5.
U|>cnocbeH, ('entral ('alifornian tribe,
i., 301-401; bMuition, i., 45li.
Opiiir, locality of, v., 04-5.
Ophthalmia, 1., (M, 2A 28.5, .521.
ojiieo' Volcano, Salvador, untii|., iv.,
((0.
Opochtli, iii., 410, hco Opuchtli.
()|MHle|ie, village, Sonora, i., (MMi-?.
OJMiHura Itivcr, i., (i05-(i.
OpiiegucliH, NortI'. ('alifornian tribe,
i., .32(1-01; liH^ation, i., 445.
Opuchtli ((>|iochtli), Nahna god, ill.,
410; Aztec chief, v., ;158.
Oputo, villago, Sonora, i., (ilMi.
Oi(uiuajuul, name of month in (Jhin-
jiaH, li., ICM.
OraclcR, i., 5<>8; ii., GOO; iii., 4I>(>,
483; v., 5.35 (i, 000.
Oraclc-8tono, ut Cuhlwha, v., (iOI.
(Jraibe (Oruivo, Oraylw, OruvNU,
Oreylio), Mo<iui village, i., 5'2H,
600-1; lang., iii., 671.
INDEX.
737
Oranges, i.,6S2, 6A8.
OrutioiiH, Hce S|)ccchoii.
UrutoriuH, ii., IU4-ft, 57(M. 687-8, 780;
iii., iW2, 4(H).
Orayhc, i., (StK), hcu Oraitiv.
Orayxo,,!., (N)l, M't; Oruilie.
Orltultxaiii, u (iuutciimiuii ruler, v.,
G12.
Ore, Hitialoo, lung., iii., 707.
Urexoii, trilicfl duHcrilied, i., 222-91,
422-42: liHutioim, i., 3U4-22, 422,
460-.'i; liuig., iii., (i31, (MM); untiq.,
iv., 734-r».
Orejont'H, N<trtli Moxirnii irilic, i.,
571-91; lucutioii, i.. Oil.
OrcBta, M icliiHintii riili>r, v., r»l3.
Oretiuiiii, i., 791, m><> Orolifiuim.
Orcyltc, i., (»0I, w-e OniilM!.
OrientulfH, trilKs of Aitiu-hcH, i., 473-
ff20; liM-iitioii, i., 473.
Ori|;iii, of Aiiiericiuii iiutioiiit, v., 1-
13fi, Km.
Oriai, food of Inland Columbian
triU'H, 1., 2(i(i.
Orixuva, VeniCnu, untiq., iv., 43i>-<!.
OrnaniviitH, ilyiN-rlHtix'auH, i., 72-3,
88-0. 97-100, 122, 128, 133; Vol-
uinltiaim, i., 159, Hi't, 179-80, 182-
3, 211, 25H; ( 'alifornianH, i., 3:i:<,
.387-8. 424 «; New McxitanM, i.,
482-4, r).32-3, .I.-kS-O, .'>74-r); iii., 180;
untir|., iv., (i78; MoxicauH, i., ()23,
(M9-r.l; ii., 2{K)-I. 319-27. 3.37, .372-
7, lUXiCi. 407, J40-I. (KW. (MMi, (i'2l;
iii., 2.'W, 249, 289-W(, 314, 324-.'>,
386, .390-2,. 423. 427; antiq.. iv..
37«, ."m. 5.39; Central Americans,
i., fi9l, 7I(!I7, 752-4; ii.. «i;W, 7.32-
3; antiq.. iv.. 18, 20. 22-4; Mw
siHiiiiqii Valley, aiiliq., iv., 778-9;
I'cru, aiili(i., iv., 792.
OroKtupii, viilaire, Soiiora, i., 606.
Urotina. <ity. Nii-ara^ua. v.. 613.
Orotiiians ( Or(tti;;ua ). (iimti'malan
(Ni(;ara;;na) trilK!. i.. 686-711; loca-
tion, i.. (i88, 79-J; v., 613; lan^.,
iii., 791 .1.
Orovill'.', California, antiq., iv., 707.
Ornkn, North Californiun trilM>. i..
.326-61; locati i.. 416.
OmtcaliH. Central Californiun triU'.
i.. 361-401; location, i., 4.H.
OHtuifronx. North Californiau tril)c.
i.. .326-61; location, i., 446.
OHtotl, 'I'laHvala, anti(|., iv., 478.
OatuUi, ('liiapaH. anti(|.. iv., 354.
OtaquitamoneH, North Mexi<!an trilx!,
i., 571-91; location, i., 610.
OthomiH, i., (i73, Hce (Homia
Otlatl, humboo, ii., 410.
Otoaote, Central Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; liM:ation, i., 4A3.
Ot4dum (Ototiun, ( Hula), native name
fur I'alenque, iv., 295.
UtomiH (UthumiN), Naliua nation, i.,
617-44; ii., 1.33-629; biiation and
name, i., 61718, 673-4; ii., 129-:W;
Huecial mention, i., 625, (i:iO, ti32,
(KM, (M3; ii., 261, .308, .371-2, .TtH*;
myth., iii., 541 ; lan^., iii., 725, 7:<7-
41; V.,. 39-40. 205-6; iuHt., v.,2U5-6.
239, 5(Kt, 5(Ni, 510.
OtomitI, Naliua chief, v., 223.
(>toni|ian (OUnniia, OtumlMi), a town
and chief of Mexico, i., 673; iv.,
544; v., 25.1, 28.3, 317-19, .347, 476.
( >toiica|Milco, Mexico, untiq., iv.,
502-3.
Ototiun, iv.,295, hcc Otolum.
(Hter, I., 77. M), 108 160, l(i6-7, 182,
188, 213, 2:iO, 258, XW, 367-70, 38:i,
425; iii., 147.
(Htetiewa Kivcr, i., 447, see Scott's
River.
Otula, iv., 29.'>, m;c (>t(dnm.
(Humba, i., (i73, hoc ( )toni|Min.
(Hurlic. ('entral Californian tribe,
i., .361-401; locution, i., 4.'V.3.
(Jtziuhcohuall, v., 243, hcc Muzaoo-
huatl.
Otzoya, a diHtrict in (inatemula, i.,
787.
Onakich, name for N<M)tka trilicM, i.,
17«i.
Outtllannit, (Ouallamct), i., 309-10,
Hce Willamette.
Oualla Ouulla, i., 318, see Walla
Wallu.
OuclieH, ({old ornamentH, i., 766.
OuchiirhliHit, i., 295, hcv llowchuk-
liHulil.
Ouianuit, name fur Chiiii;;chiuich,
iii., Ki.'i.
Ouiot, AcoKchcmcni mythical |ier-
Hon. iii.,.l(>2-.').
< >iikNkenahH, North ('aliforiiian trilic,
i.. .32(i-(>l; location, i.. 44t.
OuluHHcr. iii., 497, hcc WulnMha.
OuIoulatincH, (Central ('alifornian
tribe, i.. .361-401; location, i., 45.3.
()nni|)ini, ('entral Californian tribe,
i., 361-i()l; locirtion, i., 4.'>3.
OunalaHka, i., 37. m-e Cnalanka.
Ouraba. Sinaloagod. iii., 189.
OuHint. ('entral Californiau tribe, i.,
:i61-40l; liMuition, i., 4.'>.3.
(>utchiiMing,(J(!ntral( 'alifornian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Ovas, i., 60«>, Hce .lovan.
I
I
[i
728
INDEX.
OwcnH I^kc, <'nl., itiiti(|., iv., 601.
OwoiiH Kivvr, i., -UMi.
OwIh, i., 171, '2\9, 4U5, 561, 741; iii.,
128.
Oxatiif tl, ii ., 34U, see (iyaniotl.
Oxili-({iii«li, ijiiicliti ruler, v., SOU,
OxIuliuh-'IVv, rakchiqiicl king, v.,
Sm, dU4i-(>iM>.
OxmutuI, Yiicatnn, aiitir^., iv., 160.
Oxoiiioco, Naliiia god, iii., '252; v.,
IW).
Ox«>iiiuco<;ipact4iiiatl, Niihiia invent-
or of niuilicine, ii., 697.
UyanictI (Oxanietl), u HiiecicHuf tree,
ii., 349, 657, 674.
Oyonie, C'liicliiniuc. ancient city, v.,
210, 291.
OzolaxocliitI (OcelnxtH-liitI, Ocelox-
rocli), Toltec princeiiH, v., 299.
Uzomutli, Nuliua day, ii., 612, 6I(S-
17; Zu|Mitec king, v., 632.
Oztuxm-liiti, wife of Toltev chief, v.,
297.
Oztolotl, Mtation, Cliichiniec migra-
tion, v., 21(4.
Oztoniun, t-ity, (inerrcro, v., 412,
442.
Oztitncuico, town, (iuat«nialn, i., 787.
Ozti>tic|Nic, city, Mexico, v., 317,
333.
Oztoti|iac, station, Chichinicc mi-
gration, v., 21*2.
UztotI, v., 323, NCI- (juinclmayan-
Cliiconioztoe.
Oztotluti, Htation, Aztec migration,
v., .107, 324.
Ozumba, Mexico, antiq., iv., 496.
Paax, ii., liiS, see i'ax.
PttaylapM, trilH; of Sound Indians, i.,
208-22; localiDn. i., :M1.
Paltuvit, liOH AiigclcH ('ounty tribes,
lirHt woman, iii., 84.
PabncoH, South Mexican trilto, i.,
644-70; location, i., <i81.
Pacaitun Kivcr, i., <)83.
Pacalay, (tuateiuala, antiq., iv., 131.
Pacani, ijulclu'^ g(Ml, v., 179.
PocaralViH, triU; of Aiwches, i.,473-
526; location, i., •'>92.
Pacosas, Acaxee dialect, iii., 719.
Pacandau Island, Michoacan, v.,
619.
Pucawal, locality, Guatemala, v.,
602.
I'lU'hacamac, Peru, antiq., iv., 796-7;
giMl, v., 47.
I'achugueH, North Mexican tribe, i.,
.'i7l-9l; location, i.,611.
Pacliales (Paxchales), North Mexi-
can trilie, i., 671-91; locution, i.,
612.
PachalocoM, North Mexican tril)c, i.,
571-91; Im-ation, i., 612.
Pochalum, locality, Uuatemala, v.,
6.W.
Pachun, iv., 29.5, see Nachun.
I'ucheenas ( Pacheenetts), i., 29,'i, 297,
see PutcheenuH.
Pachera, Tarahumara dialect, iii.,
711.
Pachhepes, Central Californian trilic,
i., 361-401; location i., 4M.
Pachmdies, North Mexican tril>c, i.,
571-91; liM-ation, i.,611.
Pachtii, Naliim month, ii., •'•11.
i'achtontii, Nahua month, ii., 511.
Pucimwane, Michoacan ruler, v.,
617.
PaciMis (Pacnas), North Mexican
tril>c, i., 571-91; location, i., (ill-ll*.
Pucora, apmvince in Darien, i., TiNi.
PacoH, North Mexican tribe, i., ,57 1 -
91; location, i., 612.
PucoH, Ihthmian slaves, i., 771.
I'ac|M>les, North Mexican tri)>c, i.,
671-91; hication, i., (ill.
Pacsi(d, South I'alifornian tril)e, i.,
402-22; ItH-ation, i., 468.
Pacnaches (Puguachis), North .Mex-
ican trilie, 671-91; locution, i.,
611-12.
Painms, i., 611, see Pacoos.
i'ucuuzin. North Mexican tril)e, i.,
671-91; location, i., 611.
Puinnnchac, Maya feast, ii., (i9.t.
I'uddles, i., 60, 10(>, i:W, 16(i, 186.
188, 190, 216, 238, ;M6, 382, 3S4.
408, 663, 683, 4i31, ()68, (i99, 725,
7(i7; ii., 7!J9; iii., 342.
Pudoucas, Pawnee term for ('»>-
munches, i., 473.
Pafaltoes, North Mexican tril)e, i..
571-91; Imation, i., 612.
Pugouts, i., 441, see Pub Utcs.
Puncttlui, term for sweat-house, i.,
Xid.
Pahmetes, tribe of Shoshoncs, i.,
422-42; location, i., 4M.
Pahonahs, Shoshone water spiritn,
iii.. 157.
Pahseego, food of Inland Columbian
tribes, i., 265.
Pah Ute Cre«k, California, antiii.,
iv., 691.
INDEX.
720
Pah IJtnH (I'liKoutH, Pnh Utall^ Pn-
L'tt'x, I'a YiitiiH, IVy HtcH), trll>c
of SliimlioiieH, i., 4'J*J-4'J; liNMitiitii,
i., 422, 4(t5-<S; H|iecial iiivntiun, i.,
424. 4.')2:{, 441.
I'ali VniitM ( I'lilivcntM. I'arant ITtulii*.
I'u VuiitH), trilH! of SlioMliniiUM, i.,
422-42; lonitioii, i., 422, 4(i4, 4US:
ftpcciul iiieiitioii, i., 442.
Pah Vaiit Vulk'y, i . 4(W.
Pailnh (PailHk),' triUt of Koiinil In-
diana, i., 2U8-22; hit-atiiMi, i,. .KKl
Paint Cruck, MiMtiMHippi Valley,
antiq., iv.. 75a-(i.
Painting, HyiierlMireaiw, i., 47-8, 72,
84, 88. »7, 1(13-7. 122, 127, l.'W; «'..-
lunibiaiiH, i., l.'iil, KU, U», IT.'i,
178, \m-2, 184, UH). 1»», IW, 2(Mi,
210-12, 21«, 22!>, 2.'«5, 2.')7, 274; <ul-
iforniaiw, i., XiH, .^58. :»70-l. 377-8,
3ft.1, 4<W-4, 424; iv., (K»l-2; New
MexieanH. i., 480-4, 4!»5-fi. MHi-T,
5:n-2, M.\6, rwio-i, .V)*;, rm, .')74-.'>;
MoxicaiiH, i., ({22-3, (i;<l, (i40-51 ; ii.,
321-4, 3.W, Xtl, .'<(i3-4, .171-4, 40.'>,
407, 48(i-8. .-.72; iii.. .•W(!-7. 407-17,
4.'»; iv.. .'<im, 312, 400, 411; (Vntral
AmericauH. i., (!!»1, 701, 71(>, 752-4,
7(5'.»; ii., (i«7, 7(K), 713, 724, 731-4,
741, 752, 7(i8-70, 784. 787; iv., 19,
35-9, (Kl-5, 12(J, 189-90, 197, 219,
231-4, 275.
Paintzin, king (>f Xaltcicaii, v., .349.
Pai-uehcM. i., 440, nets Pi I'talm.
Paiulec, Utah dialect, iii.. (Mil.
Pai-Utes, i.. 4(i3. see Pi Utcs.
Pajalanies. North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-91; hieation. i.. 010.
Pajala([iieH, North ^lexican tril)e, i.,
671-91; loiuition, i., (ill.
Pajalatanica, North Mexicuin triln:,
i., 571-91; location, i., (ill.
PajalateH, North Mexican trilic, i.,
671-91; lacatioii, i.. (ill.
PajaritoM, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-91; location, i., (il3.
Paian* Uiver, i., 4.'')5.
Paicoc, Itzagwl, iii.. 483.
Pala, villa^^e, Soutli ('alifornia, i..
i(iO
Palaces, ii., 160-74.. •44(t, (>;<5, 787-0;
anti(i.. iv.. 12;»-5, 13(;-7, 154-28,\
2<.»8-:iVi, :W1-412, 419-20, 431. 4.')8-
m, 62.'». !i2G, 544, .'>70. 798-9. mm.
Palaikm, North Californian trilic, i.,
.Yifi-ei; location, i., 447; lang., iii.,
640.
Palakahns, tril)e of ( 'hinooks, i., 222-
60; location, i., 308.
Palannhan. Central ralifomian tribe,
i.. 3(il-401: hM-ation, i.. 460.
PalaiiHhawl I'stu. Central Califor-
nian trilie, i.. .'{01-401; liN-atiun, i.,
4M).
PalaqneqneH, North Mexican tribe,
i.. .^71-91; hM-ation. i., 61.'{.
Palcn(|uc. ancient city, ('hia|NiH, i.,
(!83; ii., 118, 120, (i3.3, 7S1-2; iii.,
136; iv., 289-:i46: v.. 68-9; hist.,
v., 169. 202-3, 232, .'>42, 544, 6I«,
619. (i23.
PallaltH, tribe of NiMttkiM, i., 176-
208; liM-ation, i.. 298.
Palla\vona{iH, Sonth Californian trilie.
i., 402-22; myth., iii., .'VIO-.TO.
Palletto PallaH, Inland Columbian
trilie, i.. 2<'>0-9l; location, i., 317.
Palm, varions nm-s of, i., 166, .'>.'i8,
6(iO, .582. rm, (i24, ((.«>, (ii'.l-2, (»1H»-
.1, 708, 71(5, 718, 722, 7;i9, 75.5, 7(il,
7(i6, 775; ii., 3(i3, 3(i5, 484, 667; v.,
221, (iCW.
PalniilhiH, forts, Vera Cruz, antiq.,
iv.. 447.
Palniitos, North Mexican tribe, i.,
.571-91; location, i., 612.
PaloH Venlcs, village. South Cali-
fornia, i., 4(tO.
Paloust! (PaliMise, Pains. PeliMise.
Pclnsc). Inland Colniiibian trilie,
i., 2riO-9i; location, i., 2.*>.'t, 318;
siiecial mention, i., 207, 290; lang.,
iii., (i20-4.
Palouse Uiver, i., 2.5.3, 317-18; myth.,
iii., 5W-5.
PalonshisM. Central Californian tribe,
i.. 361-401; hM-ation, i., 4.5<i.
Pal|iit, Mos<iuito fiMHl, i., 719.
l'alto<-ac, i.. 458, see i'art(M;ae.
i'alns, i., 318, see Pulonse.
Pahix, trilM!of Chinmiks, i., 222-60;
location, i., :106.
Paiiiiica. city, (luatcniala, name for
Zaciialpa.'v., .587.
Pamai|nes, North Mexican trilM?, i.,
.571-91; location, i..Ull.
Pamasus, North Mexit-an trilM>, i.,
.571-91; location, i.. 611.
Panics. Central Mexican triln'. i..
017-44; hieation, i.. (il7. (i72-3;
siM>(-ial mention, i., (i'.'4. (i43; lang.,
ill, 74-.'-3; v., 510.
Painoranos. North .Mexican trilie, i.,
•571-91; location, i., (il2.
Pain|M>|>as, North .Mexi(-an trilie, i.,
671-91; l<M-ation, i., 611-12.
Panacova Uiver, (iuatemala, antiq.,
iv., m.
Panaiiitl, Isthmian province and
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INDEX.
tribe, i., 747-85; location, L, 796;
special mention, L, 751, 770, 775-
6, 784; antiq., iv., 15-16.
Panamekas, tribe of Mosquitos, i.,
711-47; location, i., 713.
Panclioy Valley, Guatemala, v., 569.
Panes, Acagchemeni buzzard-feast,
iii., 168.
Panguais (Panguajes), North Mexi-
can tribie, i., 571-01; location, L,
613.
Panniers, see Baskets.
Panoaia, v., 189, see Pdnuco.
Panoteca, i., 674, see Panteca
Panotlan, i., 674, see Pdnuco.
Panquctzaliztli, Nahua month, ii.,
337, 394-(>, 511; iii.. 323.
Panteca (Panoteca), name for Huas-
tecs, i., 674.
Pantecatl, Nahua god, iii., 418.
Pantemit, Mayapau lord, v., 626.
Pantitlan, locality, Mexico, iii., 333;
station, Aztec migration, v., 323-4.
Pantla Itiver, Michoacan, v., 508.
Pantlan (Panotlan), i., 674, see Pd-
nuco.
Pantzic, plateau, Guatemala, v., 574.
Pdnuco (Panoaia, Panotlan, Pantlan,
Panutla), province, Vera Cruz, i.,
622, 674; ii.,230; antiq., iv., 461-3;
hist., v., 189, 191, 196.
Paogas, North Mexican tribe, i., 571-
91; location, i., 611.
Papdbi-Ootani, i., 602, see Pdpagos.
Pdpagos, tribe of Pueblos, i., 526-56;
location, i., 526, 529, 602-3; special
mention, i., 533-4, 538-9, 541, 545,
649, 553, 555; myth., iii.. 75-7;
v., 13, 20; lang., iii., 685, 694-9.
Papahua Tlemacazque, a class of
priests, v., 239.
Papalolotilmatlitenisio, Nahua court
mantle, ii., 374.
Papalotl, Ocotelulco ruler, v., 497.
Papantla, pyramid, Vera Cruz, an-
tiq., iv., 462-4; station, Aztec mi-
gration, v., 324.
Papantzin, a Toltec noble, v., 268-70;
Mexican princess, v., 467-8.
Papaztac, Nahua god, iii., 418.
Paper, various uses, etc., ii., 307, 314-
16; 322-34, 389-93, 444. 485-6, 524,
603-6, 614, 771; iii., 333, 340-6.
383-02, 426.
Papigochic River, i., 606.
Papudos, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, !.. 614.
Papuha, ancient home of Olmecs
and Xicalancas, v., 196.
Papuhya, a my thic river, v., 178, 196.
Papulnka, a Guatemalan lordship,
v., 597.
Parant Utahs, i., 464, see PahVants.
Paravan Valley, i., 468.
Parawat Utahs, tribe of Shoshones,
i., 422-42; location, i., 4C4.
Paraxone, plateau, Guatemala, v.,
574.
Parcialidades, name for Costa Rica
tribes, i., 794.
Pariche, Cakchiquel month, ii., 766.
Paris, Isthmian province and tribe,
i., 747-85; hicatiou, i., 749, 795;
lang., iii., 793-4.
Parka, Koniaga dress, i. , 73-4.
Parras, Zacatec dialect, iii., 719.
Parras Lake, i., 576.
Parrazquin, Guatemala, antiq., iv.,
124.
Parrots, i., 574, 652, 708, 764; ii.,
489, 716.
Partitions, dwellings, i., 259. 535,
718; ii., 572, 784, 787.
Partocac (Paltocac), South Califor-
nian tribe, i., 402-22; location, i.,
458.
Paruraca, province and tribe of Isth-
mians, i., 747-85; location, i., 796.
Pasalves, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-91; location, i., 611.
Paschtol, i., 141, see Pashtolik.
Paschtoligmjuten (PtisehtoligniUten,
Paschtuligmiiten), i., 141, see Pasli-
toliks.
Pasecgna (Pasheckno), South Cali-
fornian tribe, i., 402-22; location,
i., 459, 460.
Paseos, North Mexican tribe, i., 571-
91; location, i., 611.
Pasey Creek, i., 456.
Pashtolik Bay, i.. 70, 141.
Pashtolik (Paschtol, Pestol) River,
i.. 70, 141.
Pashtoliks (Paschtoligmjuten, Pasch-
toliKmiiten,Pa8chtuligmUten),tribe
of Koniagas, i., 69-87; location, i.,
70, 141.
Pasinogna, South Califomian tribe,
i., 402-22; locution, i., 460.
Pasitas, North Mexican tribe, i., 571-
91; location, i., 613.
Paso de Ovejas, Vera Cruz, antiq.,
iv., 438-9.
Pason. locality, Guatemala, i., 789.
Pauaguates, North Mexican tribe,
i., 671-91; location, i., 610.
Passports, Nahua burial, ii., 604,
614; iii., 613. 637
Pastalocos, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-01; location, i., 611.
INDEX.
m
Pastancoyas, North Mexican tribe,
L, 571-91; locntion, i., 611.
Patacales, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 611.
Pataloma, i., 449, see Pctaluma.
Patamagua Nacaraho, locality. Mi-
choacan, v., 518.
Patapec, Carib basket, i., 724.
Patawats, North Califomian tribe,
i., 326-61; location, i., 446; special
mention, i., 329, 348, 350, 357, 361;
lang., iii„ 643.
Pataways, North Califomian tribe,
L, 326-61; location, i., 445; lang.,
iii., 642.
Patcheena (Pacheena, Pacheenett),
tribe of Nootkas, i., 174-208; loca-
tion, i., 175, 297.
Patinamit, ii., 637, see Iximch^.
Patlachtu, cacao money, ii., 381-2.
Patnetac, Central Califomian tribe,
i., 361-401; locution, i., 453.
Patoliztli, NaUuaganie, ii., 300.
PatoUi, gambling beans, ii., 300.
Patolquachtli, cloth money, ii., 382.
Patook (Potook) River, i., 793-4; iii.,
783.
Patulul, city, Guatemala, i., 788;
v., 586.
Patzcuaro, station, Aztec migration,
v., 323; city, Miclioacau, v., 521-
2, 524.
Patzcuaro Isles, v., 511.
Patzcuaro Lake, ii., 107; v., 323,
328, 509.
Patzima, locality, Guatemala, v., 659.
Patzun, Guatemala, anti(i., iv., 123-4.
Pautomaugons, Chinook war clubs,
i., 237.
Pauzanes, North Mexican tribe, L,
571-01; location, i.,612.
Pa Vauts, i., 468, see Pah Vants.
Pavement, i., 185; ii., 675,578; antiq.,
iv., 23, 175, 398, 466.
Pavilion lliver, i., 318.
Pawacume, Chichimec Wanacace
ruler, v., 515-22.
Pawlowskojes, tribe of Aleuts, i.,
87-94; location, i., 141.
Pawluchs, Inland Columbian tribe,
i., 250-91; location, i., 317.
Pax (Paax), Maya month, ii., 693,
757-8.
Paxchales, i., 611, see Pachales.
Paxil Cayala, QuichtS mythic region,
ii., 716-17; v., 180, 184, 186.
Paxpili (Axpitii), South Califomian
tribe, i., 402-22; location, i., 458.
Payaguas, North Mexican tribe, i.,
071-91; location, i., 611.
PaysnTitin, Central Califomian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 454.
Pavaqui, name for Ciiiquimula king-
dom, v., 545.
Paya River, i., 796-7.
Payas, Guatemalan tribe, i., 686-711;
location, i., 790.
Payas, tribe of Isthmians, L, 747-85;
location, i., 797.
Paye-Tomc, Brazil god, v., 23-4.
Faynal, Nahua god, iii. , 387-8.
Paynalton, Nahua god, iii., 187, 298-
9, 303.
Paysim, Central Califomian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 455.
Payuches i., 464, see Pi Utaha
PA Yutos, i., 466, see Pah Utes.
Payzanos, North Mexican tribe, L,
571-91; location, L, 613.
Peace, see Treaties.
Peace River, i., 130, 144.
Peaches, i., 505, 539.
Feahay, food of Inland Columbian
tribes, i., 265.
Pearl Island, lang., iii., 794.
Pearl Key Lagoon, i., 794.
Pearls, i., 165, 258, 382, 408, 558-9,
574, 583-4, 651, 768; ii., 376, 481,
733, 750; iv., 782.
Pechetaro, locality, Michoacan, v.,
518.
Pecos (Navon de los Pecos), Pueblo
village, i., 527, 554, 600; antiq.,
iv., 663, 671.
Pecquans, North Califomian tribe,
i., 326-61; location, i., 444.
Pecuris, iii., 682, see Picuris.
Pecyous, tribe of Chinooks, i., 228-
50; location, i., 309.
Pedro, village. South Califomia, i.,
460.
Peel River Indians, i., 146, see Tatlit
Kutchin.
Peel's River, i., 115, 146-7.
Pccshaaak, term of contempt among
Sound Indians, i., 221.
Pch-tsik, term applied to some Trin-
ity River tribes, i., 327, 444; see
alsoEhnek, iii., 642.
PeFaxilla, a Mexican princess, v.,
446-7, 635.
Pelican, Ceris' dress, i., 574.
Pelloatpallahs, Inland Columbian
tribe, i., 250-91; locution, i., 317.
Pelly River, i., 148; lung., iii., 587.
Pelones, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-
526; location, i., 474.
Pelooae (Peluae), I, 317-18, see Pa-
louae.
7»il
INIM4X,
tVlim, fiHiil ••( htlttiiil <'MlttittM«iM
trilH
mt\
(l. H7.
\iim, tftii, iNtii I,
inu u, .'lim, KHK) III , v!4ii, <inii, im,
im, 41)4. 4VII. 4!l(l 7, 440 Si, iHh v.,
IViiitiMiitia, IrllH* iif Aimi<lii>H. I,, 4?>l
mu Imi'iiiImm, I, miv
ivnitMoo ri)iii>i>iitiii, Mi<iiii>i«tt ii)>|iMit
li.>, nttit.i , iv., mm,
IVihI •hhcllli- i.Ml«)>, l,,tfti1J, illil
III
?!U
t Itll
IViiil •t'thi>llli> (KllttiniiKltii) IUv«r,
I,. !ll!l
I Villi il'OinllllOl (rillUHIllMIM, Cnlln
|H>li<, Kitlii>|ii'ltH«, RmIIhiioIh, KkI
li<i>|ii<lll, Kitttiln I'llllln. Kttlli<i>|M<lliin,
INllliliMltn), llllltllil ( 'ilillMtlllllll Itllio,
(,, UitOlMt liii'tiliiitt, I., Wl .'ilVI Hi
niim'litl iiiKiilliiii, I , m, 'M), Vd'J,
mi, «?i «. mm\, w,\i, «Hiii
iiivlli,, III., ftUUi titiiu.. ill,IIIA.
IVitii'i<<'ovn, I, UIA, tflil, <^m
IVnol. l<ltV0| UllHU<ttmlH, IMtlliL, tv.,
117,
IVniiloN, Uiiji»i<it, Hiilli| , Iv,, .'I7il
IVMRItlMlIn InllMlil, Nti'l«l'l«ttllH, lllllll| ,
Iv,. 4Nftl
IVill \|iin. nilllllo WiMi»lll|t. Ill,, mtl,
IVllllloilll. NllKit ('itltfllltllllll ll'llHi, I,,
ibiilti looiilioii. I., 44<V
iviijii'i, I,, im.'!, mu n, im, viwi ti..
mm, 7IH III. vv.i III., ,'i.'iii,
IVi|lllli«>. i» K|i«<i<ii<n iif Willi vlll«<, i.,
m.
IVmiiKiMiiiiii, MitlliillitlMi'ii fi'Mllvid,
III,. 44(1.
IViriimo. I , (inl, (lAi, 7:i<>i II,, Itll,
UMIN, V*N7. tm, (114, <IIH, (I'^l, 7>'I4,
IVi'lodln (IVi'li'im IVi'liti'liOM), l.iiwi'f
ritlUiiiniiMi It'
lii«, I,
ftrtil7li liH>i»-
llllll, I , M'i, ItlHl HIHM'lllI lll0l|tllMI,
I,, MHii. ft(lft7, ft'Oi iMvUi., Ill,,
h;i 4, urn 711, m\u v.. w\ lituw,, 111.,
«IH7,
IViliii'v, itiitiUltiitoiii of, I. ,77<l| 11.,
444, 4lt.i, «m(l.
IVllHlllnl lllllllilt, il,V|H<t'lMlli<ltllN. I,, 40,
iiA. Ill I'ii riiiuMitiiiiiiH, I, )tni\,
U(l7i ('iillforiilniiM. I., :I4I, .'177, 407,
4.'IOIt N«<w MkxIoiiiih, I,, 4()<i :i.
Mi), /Xl'ii Mi<<li<HiiPi, I,, <I'J(I7, lin4i
CiMiltnl AiniM'loiiiiM, I., (IIHI, Ti'l
7»mi II,. 7!<4 ft,
IVni, itiillii . Iv., 7l>l-H07t olvllliin
Itoti of. v.. 44 All tiilKmiloti frtiiii,
V,, imiw.
IWiiiiiioln. itnwhioK of Pnrlpii, t,,
7IW.
PttruvlKiiii. iiiylli.. lii., \mt v., U>I7,
tt.'l 4| tiMli|„ lv„ 7tM N07l I'tvlhrii
tliMi nttil iiiiulit, V,, 44 ni,
IVmwi, Mi)w|||IIii ilrlttk, I,, 7:HI:
IVnIlliXiKP, MkhIi'MHii, I,, IlitMtlt II,
AtKli III.. IMNMi V,, 41:1 I4| UiimIp
tllltllMIH, V , IIOl.
I'KHlllJllkllM nWil|M, IflllP ilf AlnMln,
I , H7 114) liM'iiJIiiii, I,, Ml,
tVlilli, hiitt tiM>il tin (iiiitl, i,. .'174,
I'l'lrtlnyii, I,, A40, wn I'lliilinyii.
IViidtiiiin (l*nlnliiiiin, IVIIimmiiii), I .
440, 4Ay ll,
IVlHliiiimM (Viillitiin), (Viittnl I 1(11
rtitiiiittt tiiiiK, I,, tun 401 1 I iiiiMi,
I.. IKI.'I. AM.
iVlititiiili'li lllviM', YiM'tilnii, niilli|,,
Iv,, my
l'i'lii|iii,Uim(i<(iinlii, niilli|,, Iv.. l',to t.
I'l'dijiii. Iilll, r|iiH|MiH, itiilli|,, iv , Mnll
IVltl Ml, lilUII, OtiJill'N, lllltll| . Iv.. i\l'i
IV(iiii< lIVlliill), ii iMiliii Imil iMiil, I.
(i.'io, imii,
I'l'tiillnii. Hlimlun illninKt, III,. 70?
I'i'ii'ii, iiiiivliii'K iuhI I'lly. UtiiitiMiiiilii,
I.. tlNil, 7ml| II , (llUt iiitli<| , Iv .
i;i:i Oi iiMiii)> fill' Viii'itinii, v., iiu,
im.
IVti'M l.iikii, II,. I.'lil A, l.'INi III , 4H.'I|
v.. (IIU,
IVlliii'lllll, Imililiiiii liili'ltltl^ounon. ii..
,'IN(I,
l*i<ll<<IIMIll, I,, 4A!I, nii)> IVliilllliiii
IVldi'imln, I,, AAH. tM4,im\, (t4H ftd,
7A'JI| II., 7tfM,
tVvolK, iiii'illi'liiK, I., ANO,
IV,V |I(0H, I . 4(1(1. Hi<i> I 'till |l|t<*
rimllli' «iirMlil|i, ii'lli'H of. Ill , mil ti|
lv„ 41, i'i, 44, 4M. AO. A(I7.(III. IHV.
17 A, I NO, 10(1, Wi, 2li\, :IAN. 4NI 'I
AdUi v., 4'i !l,
I'liiMiiiMii'K, I,, A04, wii ICnmiMii'R.
I'liilmli>l|i||lii l'lilliwo|ilili'nl Surlily,
Mi'nli'iiii Ki'imlilli', iiiiilii., Iv,. A(l(),
Ad'X
I'IiIpIioIiiiiiv, I., N(l, ,'IOA, AON. (1(17, 700.
74,'l, 770| II,. 470-NO, llOI, 7INI.
I'liiiMili'liiim, Aiiinrli'iiii im'IkIk-Ii'ik'i'".
v., (I.'« 70,
riiiiiii'i'liiiM, (ViilmM'iillfnriiliiti liilii',
i., .'UtI 40li I llllll), I., 4A(I.
IMiyxli'iil (li<iiuiii|iliy. lliiMio Ilf II v
iHM'iNiiiiniiH, I,, ,'IN 0, 71 1 of Ciiliiiii
liliiiiH, i., lA'iil. IA«I| of Ciiliriiiiii
mm, I,, <WI 4i of Now Mi>\li'iin><,
I,. 47ltt. 47(1. AA(I.7,A7I 'Ji of M. *
loitiiM, I., 01(1-17, lt44A| II,, nr/i
of ( 'oiil.rnl Aiiiiii-loitiiM, I., (IN4 7. 7I'>>,
747'N| of AiiKirlmii I'lvlll/.iilion.
ti., tMl-IK)| YuvMtHli, iv., UO-'ii Til
INt)KX.
TM
ItNMmt mill i^ltlniMM, Iv., W^^H^ S-vtn
i'mt. Iv., 4UAII,
l'lt,Vi«t)'iiiiiii, n«>i> Mcilii'liin.
l'li,ynli)((iMMMV. «•>•< l''»»i'»',
I'IivmIi|mi*, llyiti'rlHii'tittMH, I,, 4i1 7,
71 '^ NH, l»7. IKt 17, I'JU, lil'i«;iMll .
A7Ni rnltfiilitiiiiM, I, i7«tt), Ulit,
'JUi n, Un4 (l| I'ltlirorttlttMH, I,, iW M,
'.Mil, WiiU Now M«>iil<'itiin, \,,
in .'I, 477 U, M»m, AANi MxKlrtiiiM.
I , 'H, (UN ll», 114(1 Ni II., lUi ni
(Viilhtl '\tH«>tii<ntiH, I,, (INN II, 714
in, 7 IK nil II,, MM) (7M«l>>til 1(1,
III.. <im<i(\n, «(H», «((», •27.'i4
'IiiImi, vllinu**, HIitiiliMi, I., (III.
'liii'i'M (I'liM'liiinl, Ulliiiiliiti Niiri'i
1.777
'Ii'iikImi I(tv0r, I,, AtfN. (KM.
'i In. I., mm, HiMi rii'tMin.
'|)'iitt<. wiilii|ilMu iHif)(, Viii'itlnii, Hii
u.| . Iv . 1(17. 171, I7n, 'im.
Mcdiri' wiKlim, Mfc llliihiulyitlili
'|i>lllll Ktlklll, MllVIl illiltM, II
i'«ir»ir«,
'I)<!I|Im (I'lM'lllla, I'll'OI'ln),
7(l!t,
lillio »f
mtt(i liiiiu . Ill , (INI ;i.
'Ii<v«(l. Niilitin iiilim II „ '<IN7.
'I l';il.'i. (I',V K'li'K), (HI f HIm.
nIi<iim<m, I., i'i'i 4'Ji lociilltMt. I , i'^'l,
4(IN| N|H<i<|iil iticitlliMi, I., 4iM), 4!lil.
4M)i Imiiu,, III,, (KIV!.
*lt<iltiiili< In lliH'H, nIiiIiio, NIi'iiiu({iiii,
iitilli|,, Iv,, n4.
'IimIiii (lititii|i< (Null 4UM|inr|, (tiii>r-
n<n», iim(Ii|,. Iv , 4V!4
Mi'ilta riiiliil, ni <'iilili<rii, Ulliiiiiin,
nM(ii|., Iv , Id,
'Ikximi lllvor, (., ;HV.
'lux. HOP llitaM.
•iriiiliim'n, NiMlli Mi<Kl)<nii l.rllM<, I.,
n7l l»lt ItM'itlloM, I,. (11*/
'lltti. Hoiitli CiitiriiriiliiM Irllm, l„
Hvi'i'/'. loi'iilliHi. I., 4mi,
'liliioM, I.. n.'KI. m>i< I'ititUM.
'lHt< ('iMitilv, MIm«iImhI|i|iI Vnili'v,
luitlii , Iv, 7<I.T
Mkxk, (ItintKiiiiilii, iiiilii|., iv,, l.'ll,
'Ikodiii. MUmImnI|i|iI VmIIi\V. nMli>|,,
Iv.. 7(14 rt.
•iii'iiiii, oMtiiiior itiiiii, 11,. 'jm
'ilui'liMi*, V,, 41X1, KVi, (UN,
'illiilll, iiiiMUof liolilim II., '^-ili.
Mliir of l>i<M.li, lit MiMii, Oitjiu'ii.
ikiitlii,. lv,.4(IN.
'Ilhir l{iM<k, I till), (>t>K<*<>< I . ''MH.
'lllllI'M. H)<« ( 'otillllllN,
'llli. NiiImih IIIIk, II,, IN7.
'lllowN, II,, A7'i. 7N(I.
'Iluliitdolll, .liillNmii k<hI, ill,, 447.
I'tliMltilmit'yMiiin, Nnlitm fnlntiilitr
mI|{m iimiI tfiiil, II . nIO,
I'tlimH, (I'lJlMtlR, l*ltllim), iHlMMlf I'lllf
liloM, I, nwMi loniiiiiti, I.. ny(!,
H'M'U, (Mil -ill mihm'ImI iitoiill I,,
t\'MK M'ii, n;»i». M\ n. nH Mt
(ll.Vill., III., 7NN(», l,'tl,n'.«(|.7l V . Ill
14, 'Mh IniiK., III., mm. Mi n, iMiH
I'I'MiH'ituHn, HiMidi ('iillf)MMlnii Irilw,
I , m'i'h liMUllnli, I. IIMI.
I'llllOM, III,, i;ll. HKM I'llMim.
l'lMi|m, |immI>iIimm>m( of, II . 4(ll(,
l'iiiHli<n(iH(l'iMiilitMtH. I'iniiU, I'lniilM),
Irlliiinr A|iili'lM<n. I, 47!ln',,l(l| liHit
tioii, I,, 474. nwu.
i').!iiii MiitiiiiiiiM4 i.tm,
l*limimi'i»«, NitMli Mi'«li'nM (rllw', I.,
n7l l»l| lomtlnti, I , (III,
I'liinr, liM<nll(,v, (iiiii(«>Miiilii, v . /)N(I.
I'liiK, viti'liMix' iiMon. I.. 1(14, ITid. \U'i
;i, 17V!. INIft, INIt, ltd. Wi. *;i7.
•m, 'Mi, «(i(i 7. un. .'U(i, 4iii. 4;h(,
r.(i(». (mill II,. ftn7. mtir,
nit.<.(i|.|.i... i.,7ii», 7;m, 77f», ii., tm.
I'lMI'M^im, NiMllll (MliritlMlilM lrllii<,
1:, Um'i\ llH'MlioM. I , IIKI
I'lllllulUMt, (own. hlllll'tl. I . 7IHI,
I'liiiiliiil. MMK'l. I , n77.
I'liMilx (I'iiMillll. I'lirii lliMii, I,, ;i74,
n77 N) III., !I(KI,
rinoln. I , mm, ni<i< riMMli<nim,
I'Ihmmi(>p, I,. (177, M'" 'riii|itiii(<i'H,
I'liiiid, tfovifriior of CiM-Miii'lillnii,
V,. 47(»,
I'liMill ('Imm'Iiiimm, I,, (177. «»'•« 'I'lniHi
Ml<i'«,
I'Indiia, ('KtiltMl M(< li'Mii Irllix, I,,
(117 14; tiH'iiiioti, I,, nri. <ii;i. (InIi
m|ii<i'ImI imkiiIIiim, I,. n74. O.'IH l». (I4<'t.
I'liMilu. (own. (liirilciiMilii. i , 7NN,
I'I|II'Im<(IIII<, (.n'MHI'M. II,. M7I.
I'liH'litii, HNi'iiij)iiM'k. II . ;(7i.
I'liMm, I,, Kift, INK, Mm. v!;i7. '.m, :m.
mn, A44, dim, ?(»/») ii,, 'iN7i Iv,.
7NI.
i'i|iinii, iiMinw. II., ;imi.
I'IiiIIkm. Miivii iiiilloii, I, (INd.7lli
11,, (1,'HI N(i;)i lunilliiii iiimI iimmm>, I.,
(INN. 7IN>l II,. I'A l.'Hls NiMMiitl I
(Ion, II,, (itn. (ini. <ir„'ii. «i(m7((.
d7n, (I7N, mt 1. 7(Mi N. 7ii». 7V!N, 7;w».
711. 74A7, N(KM| iiiyili.. Ill,, 4N4-
N, mi7. n4'i; hiNt,, v., TiNAd, m»N.
(MKI II,
I'iiiloli'iiiiiii'. Mlitliiiii. A/li'c iiii((m
iion. v.. :m.
I'tniniyliw. Ii<tliiiiluii iIiIk. I.. 770,
I'lrliiilnM, tiiiMHi (or Miidikll/iiixiM, I..
(177) lilM.. v.. W.1-4,
I'lro, North Mtixii'iiii Iuiik., Ill,, 714.
7M
INDEX.
PiBcaoQB, i., 316, see Pisquouse.
Piacour River, i., 312.
Piscouae (Piscous), i., 316, see Pis-
quouse.
Pishquitpaws, i., 271, see Pisquit-
paws.
Pishwanwapums, Inland Columbian
tribe, !., 250-91; location, i., 320.
Piskwaus, i., 316, see Pisquouse.
Pisones, North Mexican tribe, !.,
571-91; location, i., 612; lang., iii.,
744.
Pisquitpaws (Pishquitpaws, Pisquit-
pahs), Inland Columbian tribe, i.,
250-91; location, i., 321; special
mention, i., 258, 271.
Pisquouse (Piscaous, Piscous, Pis-
couse, Piskwaus), Inland Colum-
bian tribe, i., 250-91; location, i.,
253, 312, 316; special mention, i.,
275; lang., iii., 618.
Pisquouse Itiver, i., 316.
Pistol ttiver, i., 442.
Pita, a species of hemp, i., 667-8,
689-90, 697-9, 766; ii., 409.
Pitahaya (Petajaya), a fruit used for
food, etc., i., 539-40, 550, 560, 576,
686, 624.
Pitao-Cocobi, Zapotec god, iii., 467.
Pitao Cozaana, Zapotec god, iii. , 449.
Pitao-Xoo, Zapotec god, iii., 457.
Pitas, North Mexican tribe, i., 571-
91; location, i., 611.
Pitaycachi Vallev, i., 595.
Pitcatches, i., 455, see Pitiaches.
Pitches, i., 433, sec Sampitches.
Pitem (Pitemfens), Central Califor-
nian tribe, i., 361-401; location, i.,
453.
Pitiaches (Pitcatches), Central Cali-
fornian tribe, i., 361-401; location,
i., 363, 455-6.
Pitisliafuiles, North ^[exican tribe,
i., 571-91; location,!., 612.
Pitpan, Mosquito river boat, i., 725.
Pitt Archipelago, i., 155, 294.
Pitt River, i., 344, 447, 457.
Pitt River Indians, North Californian
tribe, i., 326-61; special mention,
i., 329-30, 337, 341-6, 351. 353-5,
357-61; lan^., iii., 638,640.
Pi TJtahs (Pai-Uchcs, Payuches, Pi-
uchas), tribe of Shnshones, i. , 422-
42; location, i., 464; special men-
Pi Utes (Pai Utcs, Pyutes), tribe of
Shoshones, i., 422-42; location, i.,
466-7; special mention, i., 431, 433,
437, 440-1; myth., iii.. 135; lang.,
iii., 661-2.
Pixahna, s Tolteo prinee^ t., 297.
Pixbaex, Isthmian fruit, i., 759.
Placer County, L, 398, 460; antiq.,
iv., 706.
Placerville, town, California, i., 365;
antiq., iv., 706.
Plagues, Toltec, hist, v., 274-6; see
also Pestilence.
Plantain, see Banana.
Plant-sculpture, iv., 112, 114
Plasters, medicino, L, 172, 395-6,
419, 568; ii., 698.
Plates, see Dishes.
Platforms, i., 160, 163. 338-9, 397,
718, 724, 782; ii., 322, 443, 656,
692, 703, 718, 786; iii., 426.
Plating, ii.. 477, 750.
Playanos, South Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 460.
Plaza Mayor, Mexico, antiq.. iv.,
505-17, 620.
Plaza Tlatelulco, Mexico, antiq.,
iv., 617-19.
Pleasure-gardens, Nahuas, ii., 16.3-73.
Pleiades, Nahua sign for new fire,
iii., 394
Plenty. Nahua prayer for. iii.. 200.
Plows, i.. 643, 582.
Plumes, see Feathers.
Plummet, Nahuas, ii., 557.
Plunkett Creek, Mississippi Valley,
antiq., iv., 768.
Poaramas, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 610.
Poblazon, New Mexico, antiq., iv.,
663.
Poborosa, province and tribe of Isth-
mians, i., 747-85; location, i., 795.
Pocam, Maya feast, ii., 696.
Pochotl, a species of seed, ii., 359;
a Toltec prince, v., 285. 299-301;
lord of Chaico Atenco. v., 349.
Pochtecas. Nahua merchants, ii.,
380, 491. 616.
Pochtlan. a ward in Mexico city, ii.,
491;
Pochiitla. locality. Oajaca, i., 679.
Pofolatl. i.. 578. see Pozole.
Poconiams, ii.. 121, see Pokomams.
Pocomchi (Poconchi), i., 788, see
Pokomama
Pocorosa. Isthmian province and
tribe, i., 747-85; location, i.. 796.
Poctepec. town. Guerrero, v., 412.
Pocyetl. Nahua tobacco, ii., 287.
Poetry, i., 701, 727; ii., 286, 493-7;
v., 428.
Poggamoggon. club of Snake Indi-
ans, i.. &1.
INDEX.
785
Poh-Iik, Klamath appellation, i.,
327, 444.
PohoneecheH, Central Califoraian
tribe, 1, 301-401; location, L, 465-6.
P6hono Fall, iii., 126.
Poiauhtla, a sacred place, Mexico,
iL, 535; iii., 333.
Poin, name of month in Chiapas, ii.,
766.
Point Adams, i., 304, 306.
Point Barrow, i., 42, 46, 47-8, 50, 69,
138; lang., li., 576.
Point Concc cfon, i., 468.
Point Grcnville, i., 303.
Point Hopkins, i., 174
Point Lewis, i., 306.
Point Nisiic, Yucatan, antiq., iv.,260.
Poison, i., 79, 343, 378-9, 432-3, 541,
577-9, 586-7, 722-3, 760, 762-3, 782;
ii., 408-9, 721, 742-4.
Pojuaque, Vucblo village and tribe,
i., 526-56; location, i., 599; lang.,
iii., 681.
Pokboc, city, Yucatan, v., 632.
Pokerville, California, antiq., iv.,
707.
Pokomams (Pocomanis, Pokonchis),
Maya nation, i., 686-711; ii., 630-
803; location and name, i., 788;
ii., 121, 130; lang., iii., 760-1, 764-
6; hist., v., 541, 555, 557-8, 561,
563-4, 566, 569, 676-7, 591, 693-4.
Pokoninos, Central Calit'ornian iribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 456.
Pole (Popole), Yucatan, antiq., iv.,
260.
Police, i., 546; ii., 565-7, 655.
Polish, Nahua architecture, ii., 560,
570-1, 573, 578-9, 581.
Politos, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-91; location, i., 613.
Polokawynahs, Central Califomian
tribe, i., 361-401; location, i., 456.
Polonches, Inland Columbian tribe,
i., 250-91; location, i., 317.
Poloyamas, Central Califomian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 456.
Polyandry, i., 66, 82, 197.
Polyer, i., 793, see Poyer.
Polygamy, see Marriage.
Pomos, Central Califomian tribe, i.,
361-401; location and name, i., 362,
448; special mention, i., 325, 379,
396; lang., iii., 643-4, 646.
Pome Pomos, Central Califomian
tribe, 361-401; location and name,
i., 362, 448.
Pompey, Mississippi Valley, antiq.,
v., lis.
Pomulumas, North Mexican tribe, L,
571-91; location, i., 611.
Ponderas, i., 252, see Pend d'Orailles.
Ponds, ii., 165, 353; iii., 436.
P6nida, village, Sonora, i., 606.
Pook, Mojavc shell-money, i., 606.
Poi», (Poop, Popp), Maya month, ii.,
695, 757.
Popkah, bulb eaten by Inland Co-
lumbian tribes, i., 265.
Popocatepetl, ominous eruption of,
v., 460.
Popocaxtli, vase, Tlascala, antiq., iv.,
479.
Popoconaltepetl, mountain, v., 207.
Popole, iv., 260, see Pole.
Popolocas (Popolucas), i., 677, see
TIapanecs.
Popol Winak Chituy, Quiche official,
ii., 644.
Popol Winak Pahom Izalatz Xcaxe-
ba, Quichii official, ii. , 644.
Popotlan, (Po])otla). locality, Mexico,
iii., 298; station, Aztec migration,
v., 323, name for Tacuba.
P6pulo, village, Sonora, i., 606.
Poquietl, i>enumo canes, ii., 206.
Porcupine, i., 128, 268, 425, 482-3,
753, 761; ii., 601.
Porcupine River, i., 115, 146-7.
Pori)oi8c, i., 103.
Porsiuncula Ilivcr, i., 456.
Port Discovery, i., 210- 12, 219-20,
302.
Porterfield, California, antiq., iv.,
704.
Porters, see Carriers.
Port Essiugton, i., 293.
Porticoes, Nahua market pLoes, ii.,
383, 565.
Portland Canal, i., 143, 293-4.
Port Ludlow, i., .302.
Porto Bello, i., 753.
Port Oi-chard, i., 216, 220, 222, 301.
Port Orford, i., 443.
Portrait-sculpture, antiq., iv., 56-8,
82, 99, 101, 168, 276-7, 381, 427,
435, 46'?-3, 502. 595; v., 424, 435,
456.
Portsmouth, Mississippi valley, an-
tiq., iv., 758.
Port Townscnd, i., 214, 302.
Port Trinidad, i., 342.
Poruches, i., 464, see Nomenuches.
Posole, i. , 664, see Pozole.
Possession Sound, i., 299.
PoBuanias, North Mexican tribe, L,
671-91; location, i., 612.
Potaaches, Central Califoraian tribe,
1., 3Q 1-401; location, i., 46S.
786
IXDEX.
Potam (Potan), village, Sonora, i.,
608.
Potatoes, i., 161-2, 167, 652.
Potlapij^os, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; locution, i., (i06.
Potoancics, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; locution, 1., 455.
Potoashees (Potoushs), tribe of Clii-
nooks, i., 222-50; location, i., 303,
305.
Poton, Guatcmulan lang., iii., 760.
Potonchan, v., 226, see Chanipoton.
Potook, i., 794, see Putook.
Potoyuntes, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; myth., iii., 87; v., 19.
Potoyucca, Nahuas, food, ii., 357.
Potrero, village. South California, i.,
460.
Pots, !., 185, 187, 434, 582, 656, 697,
724.
Potter Valley, i., 362, 448; lang., iii.,
643.
Pottery, Columbians, autiq., iv., 735;
Californians, i., 434; antiq., iv.,
710, 714-15, 718-20; New Mexicans,
i., 600, 504, 543, 546, 582; antiq.,
iv., 575-7, 594, («», 611-12, 633-4,
636, 642-4, 64<>-7, 661, 678-9; Mex-
icans, i., 658; ii., 483-4; antiq.,
iv.,368, 372, 383, 387-8, 427-8, 462-
3, 521, 526-7, 541-2, 547; Central
Americans, i., 697-8, 701, 724,
766-7; ii., 752, 787; antiq., iv., 19-
23, 62-6, 70, 76, 137, 139, 199, 278;
Mississippi vallev, antiq., iv., 779-
80; Peru, antiq., 'i v., 795-6.
Poultry, i., 538, 544, 652.
Power, see Government.
Poxtla, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv., 445.
Poyas, tribe of Mosquitos, i., 711-47;
location, i., 712, 793; s|)ccial men-
tion, i., 714, 716, 719-22, 726-8,
746; lang., iii., 783.
Poyanhtlan, Teo-Cliichimec settle-
ment, v., 330; buttles at, v., 336,
487-8, 494, 497, 503.
Poyer Mts, i., 793.
Poyer (Polyer) River, i., 793.
PoyttMiuis, Central Culifornian tribe,
i., 361-401; lang., iii., 6.5^
Po/ole (Posole, Po^olatl), a thin
gruel, i., 577-8, 654.
Pozoltega, town, Nicaragua, i., 792.
I'pupp-Rol-Chuc, Maya temple, Yu-
catan, antiq., iv., 248.
Pranzos, i., 748, Be» Guatnsos.
Prayers, ii., 492, 6oD; iii., .30, 195-6,
200-30, 326-30, 370-5, 381-2, 438.
Precious stones, ii., 290, 372, 376,
481-2, 606, 6.15, 737, 760; iii., 398.
Pregnancy, sec Women.
Presents, Hyperboreans, i., 67, 84,
92; Columbians, i., 1(>8, 172, 191-2,
196; Culiforuians, i., .389, 411;
New Mexicans, i., 500, 548, 565,
584; Mexicans, i., 632-3, 662-3;
ii., 140, 256 7, 260, ii72, 276, 286.
391, 421-4, 432, 446, 60.1, 607, 612,
617; Central Americans, L, 702-3,
729-33, 740, 769, 772, 777; ii., 635,
641, 647, 655, 666-70, 684, 694, 711,
799.
Prinpus, Phallic-worship, iii., 501.
Priests, origin of, iii., 21-2, 31; New
Mexicans, iii., 173; Mexicans, ii.,
142-3, 200-15, 243, .303, 307, .^34.
401, 423, 428, 469, 608; iii., 431-8,
44<5-7; v., 500-1; Central Ameri-
cans, i., 716, 734, 740; ii., 647-8,
6()3, 682-4, 688-710, 727-30, 745,
769, 800; iii., 472-3, 489-90, 495-6,
499.
Priestesses, Mexicans, ii., 204-6, 245;
iii., 436-6.
Priest Rapids, i., 253, 312, 316, 321.
Primoski, tribe of Koniagus, i., 69-
87; location, i., 140.
Prince of Wales Archipelago, i., 143.
155, 292; iii., 604.
Princetown, California, antiq., iv.,
707.
Prince William Sound, i., 70, 73, 79,
139, 149; iii., 588.
Prisoners, see Captives.
Privileges, ii., 168, 191, 221-2, 403-4.
Processions, ii., 144, 181-2, 255, 31(i-
18, 322, 335-7, 350, 428, 432, 607-8,
617-21,668, 689, 700, 710; iii., 297-9.
Property, Hyperboreans, i., 63-4,
128; Columbians, i., 167, 173, 184,
191-2, 201, 205-6, 217, 2.39, 247,
272-3, 288-9; Califomians, i., :M7,
385, 396, 409, 439-40; New Mexi-
cans, i., 505-6, 622-3, 644-5, 555,
664, .'>69; Mexicans, i., 631, 640-1,
658-9, 664; ii., 263-4, 46*2-3, 611;
iii., 241, 4.30-2; Central American.s,
i., 699-700, 725-6, 744, 768, 780-3;
ii., 662-3, 659-60, 735-6, 798-801.
Prophecies, v., 466-9, 499, 626, 598-9,
633.
Prophets, see Sorcerers.
Proqueu, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Prostitution, i., 168-9, 105-7, 218, 27b,
361, 436-7, 614-15, 549, 565-6, 585-(i.
635, 773; ii.„ 266, 676.
Pmctaca, Central Californian tril)e.
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
^™1r!f40?*'j*'»l.^''''''»™>«n tribe
INDEX.
787
iTiebJo Vieio Iv it
nampua ' """"^ for Te-
^•;r';''^7;eie.gi. New Mexico, antiq..
Puente Nacional", Vera Tr,.
iv-, 437-8. ' ^™ ^""2. antiq.,
Pwgallipaniislj. i 'ini = «
2.<in«i , ""'V ^omnibu
■MU-sii; location, i., 320 ' "'
i-, 301. • ■*"*■■«; location,
Pualliss River, i., 301
55^r^v7i''^^'^«2'*»*-iMii,
t'«5i%.W C«l''"n'mn tribe
i'tjebla, nations described { fli^
fei I; "" ?™ -.1;:. U"^
Pu,W,,A„,j,„,Ne,M„io„,„„,.,
PiiebloBonito, Now \f„^{
iv., 655-62. Mexico, rtntiq.,
Pueblo Chettro Kettle Now iw •
l^ueblo Creek i '?qi. * •
iv., 637 ' ' "*' ^"2ona. antiq.,
'r„'i^f'1f.«?JlJ»eo.NewMexi.
Sink r&ihSn ^3:
ons and war. i.. 'siil?' .^"'JP'
meats and n,anufectS./™£:
art. 1., 545-6; government i ^-^
7; marriage ancl won en i Ju^"
amusements, i., 549 «ii.' ^^■?'
laneous customs i^A ""'"'?'-
cine and buriaU' 554 Wh' ""f'-
>M 556-6; mvth i» '.S!'2™«*«'''
135-6, 171/*^. "'•' ^?.' 114,
671-4 680^. ^:?/ W- «'•. 368
I««ation^'t„C'l|^'^«l«;86;
603;hist..v..M7-8. •®^-®'«»-
Pueblos, tribe of iCblo family. ,
Vol.. V. 4T J' '•'
Puget's Island, i., 307
Puliwnes (PSn'n^'' Bushumnes.
foniiai' tribJT & Sf."*?*' Cali-
„ i- 363, 452 ' ^^■'**^' location,
Pulque, Mexican drinW j e.^
706; ii., 310 150 7'oi' "'•'• «30'
408-10, 'v., ^V-f' ^^•"'•' 3«.
^"»;i>kin, see Culalmsh
'Srr- - «-™-„t and
Punta Arenas, locality. Darien, i
'^79^^95""'«' ^-««*y. Hondm^. ,.
P»P^ems,Aca«chememsorce««.iii
F«Hty, nJ;" oK" t fcl''' '"■
m., 742 ' •' '''3; Jang.,
P~, Lower CaIifomi,,a„t,.q..,,^
Piiniai Mountain, i.. 600
Purutabui.Pericui^diii fu
Piirutea, Central V^« •' °*-
788
INDEX.
dians, i., 208-22; location, i., 299,
301.
Puvallup (Pugullipi, Pnyallop)
ftivor, i., .101.
Pnycone, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; luL-atioii, i., 453.
Puzluninc, Central California, lang.,
iii., 649-50.
Py Edes, i., 468, see Pi Edes.
Pyramid Lake, i., 466.
Pyramids, ii., 556, 576, 679, 688-9,
794; antiq., iv., 26, 73-6, 82-9, 110-
31, 169-71, 192-718 iMWsim; v., 65-
59, 200, 203.
PytogiuB, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 456;
Pyutes, i., 466, sec Pi Utea.
Qakbatznlu, mountain, Guatemala,
v., 669.
Qat, Quiche-Cakcbiquel da^, ii., 767-
Qatic, Cakchiquel month, li., 766.
Qicinzigua, Pueblo village, i., 600.
Qoacul, NihaYb prince, v., 552, 566.
Qoacutec, Nikai'b prince, v., 552,
666-7.
Qoahau, Quiche prince, v., 652, 667.
(jocaib, Quiche ruler, v., 662, 667,
559.
Qocamel, Ahau Quich^ prince, v. ,
667.
Qocavib, Quiche ruler, v., 562, 567-60,
666, 571, 578.
Qochahuh, Nihaib prince, v., 567.
Qocozom, Ahau Quichd prince, v.,
567.
Qohal'l, locality, Guatemala, v., 583.
Qotbalcan, Cakchiquel king, v.,
683-4.
Qotzibaha, Quiche prince, v., 567.
Qoxbaholam, Agaao town, v., 658.
Qu, iii., 192, see Cu.
Quaayayp, Periciiigod, iii., 169.
Quachic (Quagchil), Nahua title, ii.,
403.
Quachictin, Nahua title, ii., 404.
Quachictii, Nahua royal decoration,
ii., 404.
Quackenamish (Qudks'namish), tribe
of Uound Indians, i., 208-22; loca-
tion, i., 301.
Quackolls (Coffwells, Coquilths,
Quacolth, QualquilthB, Quaquidts,
Quaquiolts, Quawguults, Queeha-
quacoll, ({aeehavuacolt, <^uoquo-
ulths), tribe of Nootkas, i., 174-
906; location, L, 175-6, 295-8; spe-
cial mention, i., 177, 180; lang.,
iii., 608.
Quacktoe (Quactoe), tribe of Noot-
kus, i., 174-208; location, i., 296.
Quucutt, name for Haidah family, i.,
292.
Quagchil, ii., 403, see Quachic.
Quahootzc, Nahua god, iii., 161.
Quuhtumahs, tribe of Chinooks, i.,
222-50; location, i., 308.
Quuhuacan, a Mexican chief, v., 347.
Quahuatlapal, locality, Mexico, v.,
314.
Quahuitlehua (Quavitleloa), Nahua
month, ii., .305, 509; iii., 419.
Quahuitl-Icacan, station, Aztec mi-
gration, v., 323.
Quahuitonal, Culhua King, v., 330.
Quahunahuhc, i., 676, see Cuerna-
vaca.
Quail, i., 331; ii., 310, 314, 322, 393;
iii., 298, 395, 426, 437.
Quainu, triljeof Nootkas, i., 174-208;
location, i., 295.
Quakars, tribe of Nootkas, i., 174-
20»; location, i., 296.
Quako, Inland Columbian trilics,
food, i., 265.
Qudks'namish, i., 301, see Quacke-
namish.
Qualquilths, i., 296, see Quackollfl.
Quama, Lower Californian sorcerer,
i., 667.
Quamash, i., 265, see Camass.
Quanes, tribe of Nootkas, i., 174-208;
location, i., 296.
Quanez, aTlascaltec ruler, v., 491-8.
Quaoar, Los Angeles County tribes'
god, iii., 84; v., 19.
Quaochpannie, name for Tarascos,
ii., 371.
QuapiloUan, a south Mexican prov-
ince, v., 441.
Quaquacuiltin, Nahua order of
priests, ii., 203; iii., 336.
Quaquauhnochtzin, Mexican ambas-
sadors, ii., 421.
Quaquauhpitzahuac, Tepanec prince,
and king of Tlatelulco, v., 358,
360-4
Quaquidts, i., 296, see Quackolls.
Quaquiolts, i., 296, see Quackolls.
Quarra, New Mexico, antiq., iv.,
663.
Quarries, 1., 166; ii., 480; antiq., iv.,
414. 676.
Quathlapotles, i., 306, see Cathla-
pootles.
Quatomahs, North Californian tribe,
i., 326-61; location, L, 443.
INDEX.
780
Qnatsinos (Qnatsinu), tribe of Noot-
kas, i., 174-208; location, i., W6;
special mention, i., 180.
Quatsinos 8ound, i., 296.
Qiiuttainyos, tribe of Chinooks, i.,
222-50; locution, i., 308.
Quaulicalco, Nuliuu jail, ii., 453.
Quauhchinaiico, town, Mexico, iL,
441; v., 298, 489.
Qtiuuhioctttl, Niibiia title, ii., 402.
Quauhnnhnac, iv., 482, see Cuerna-
vaca.
Quaiilinclliuatlan, province of Gnate-
nulla, v., 460.
Quuulincxatolli, gruel of maize, ii.,
355.
Quaulinocbtli, (Acoahunotl, Quauh-
nucbtli), Nabua juduc, ii.,4:)6.
Quuulipanco, a Soutb Mexican prov-
ince, v., 441.
Quaiiliquelchula, Puebia, antiq., iv.,
4U8; IiiHt., v., 4M, 490,495, 504.
Quauhquetzal, lord of Tenamitec,
v., 349.
Quaulitccan, town, Puebia, v., 495.
Quauhtemalan, name for Tecpan
Guatemala, v., 349, 578.
Quuuhtcnanco, city, ()ajaca,y.,443-6.
Quauiitci)ec,8tation, Aztec migration,
v., 324, 412.
Quauhtepetl, place of sacrifice, iii.,
333.
Quauhtepetla, Chichimec king, v.,
220.
Quauhtetl, stone eagle, Mexican, an-
tiq., iv., 482.
Quauhtexpetlatl, Toltec king, v., 256;
Culhua prince, v. , 304-5.
Quauhtiii, Nahua title, ii., 403.
Quauhtinchan, city, Puebia, v., 420,
495.
Quauhtitenco, a Toltec town, Mexi-
co, v., 237, 299.
Quauhtitlan, province and city, Mex-
ico, ii., 337; iii., 252; v., 242,
249, 324, 355, 369, 371, 392. 404-5.
Quauhtla, Acolhua chief, v., 317;
city. Vera Cniz, v. , 441.
Quautlapal, a Chichimec chief, v.,
293.
Quauhtlaqualli, com cake, ii., 355.
Qusuhtlatohuatzin, king of Tlate-
lulco, v., 390.
Quauhtlequetzqui, an Aztec priest,
v., 329, 331, 339.
Quauhtli, Nahua money, 11., 382;
day, ii„ 512, 516-17; Toltec noble,
v., 276, 283-4.
Quauhtlix, Toltec king, v., 257, 331.
Qnanhtliztac, name for Totomalote-
culitli. v., 490.
Quauhtochco, ii., 417; iv., 445; see
Huatusco.
Quauhtonal, Chidiimec king, v., 220,
256.
Quauhtzinteculitli, Tco-Chicliimco
chief, v., 490.
Quauhxicaluo, place of cremation, ii.,
585, 616, 619.
Quauhxilotzin, governor of Iztapalo-
can, v., 373.
Qiiauhyacac, city, Mexico, v., 296.
C^iiaulixicalcalico, Nahua altar, iii.,
404.
Quauyetl, wild tobacco, ii., 287.
Quavitleloa, iii., 420, see Quahuitle-
btiu.
(^uawgmilt, i., 176, see QuackoU.
t^uuwtculit, Aht god, iii. , 96-7, 152,
621.
Quebi, Isthmian title, i., 770.
Quecchi, Guatemalan dialect, iii.,
760.
Quecholace, town, Oajaca, i., 679.
QuechoUi, Nahua montli and calen-
dar sign, ii., 335-7, 351, 511, 515,
618; iii., 404-5.
Quechntl, a Mexican bird, iii., 374.
ijucdcxcfios, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-91; location, i., 612.
Queeahs, tribe of Haidahs, i., 155-
74; location, i., 292.
Queehanicultas, tribe of Nootkas, i.,
174-208; location, L, 298.
Queehac|uacoIl (Queehavuacolt), i.,
295, sec QuackoU.
Queen Charlotte Inland, i., 151, 155,
158-9, 164-5, 170-4, 292, 295; lang.,
iii., 579, 604.
Queets, tribe of Sound Indians, i.,
208-22; location, i., 303.
Qiiej (Qeli, Queh), ii., 758, see Ceh.
(jueiupa, village, Sinaloa, i., 614.
Qucluptonlilts, tribe of Chinooks, i.,
222-50; location, i., 305.
Quelencs, Mava nation, i., 644-70;
ii., 630-803; location, i., 645, 682;
ii., 120-1; special mention, i., 648,
662; lang., iii., 761; hist, v., 565,
593, 603-4.
Queletzu, Central American bird, iiL,
51.
Quema, Nihalb prince, v., 567.
Quemada, Zacatecas, antiq., iv.,
578-92; v., 59; hist, v., 222,
Quemelentus, Central Califomian
tribe, i., 361-401; location, L, 453.
QuemeyA, Pima dialect, iiL, 685.
740
INDEX.
Quenech, Quiche triltal name, v.,
21, 54«.
Qiieiiiult (Quinaielt) Kiver, i., 303.
Qut>iii\iltH (ijuvnuieltH, ijuinniclt,
Quiiiuik, Qiiinuiloe, Quinaitlu,
QuiiiiiiltH, (juiuultH), trilie of
8oiiii(l Indiuim, i., 208-22; locu-
tion, i., ,103; Hpcciul ineiition, i.,
21014, 210, 220.
Qiiciio, town, Duricn, i., 196.
ljiic|Minim, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-S)I; locution, i.. Oil.
tjuopitmin, ii., 563, nunie for Tlu-
qucciiinhcan.
Qiici|Uctzulcoliua, priests of Quetzal-
coutl, iii., 200.
QuereclioH, tribe of Apaches, i. , 473-
S2(i; Hpcciul mention, i., 403-6,
60<i, r>08, 518.
Querc<ito, locality, Michoacnn,v., 612.
(jiicrcH, iii., (382, see KcroH.
Quert'turo, tribes dcscrilied, i., 617-
44; location, i., (t72-4; lung., iii.,
737 i untiq., iv., 540-53.
Qucriuiuucu, i., (>7ti, see ('nemavaca.
Qucniiieltins, trilto of Chiiiooks, i.,
222-50; location, i., 305.
QucHultcnango, i., 788, see Quezaltc-
nun};o.
Quet, Central Culiforniun tribe, i .
361-401; location, i., 453.
Quctabtores, i., 5i^2, see Napuat.
Quetzal, u Mexican bird, ii., 326,
488-0, 6.V>; Toltec king, v., 220,
267; sec also Cuetzal.
Quetialucxoyatl, Chichimec prince,
v., 475.
Quetzniulpitoai, Nahuu omument,
ii., 376.
Quetzulupan, city, Tumaulipas, v.,
472.
Quetzalutecuhtli (Quctzulteuhtli),
■ lord of Xochimilco, v., 340.
Quetzulutl Uiver, v., 243, name for
Montezuma Uiver.
Quctzalcoutl (Quetzuulcoutl, Qnetz-
aooatl), Nahua god, i., 654; .,
202, 314, 324, 307, 584-6, 580, 7< ..8;
iii., 57, 60-1, 110, 136, 105, 240-.S,
248-87, 440-56, 484; v., 23-7, 87-8,
122, 188, 10.3-4, 107, 200-2, 215,
223, 220, 254-64, 268. 470-80, 484,
405, 527-8, 582, 606, 622.
Quetzulcoatl, Acxitl, king of Tollan,
v., 270-86, 558, 611-12, 619-21; see
also Acxitl and Topiltziu Acxitl.
Quetzalcoatl Chalchiuitl, v., 264, see
Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl.
Quetzalcuitlapiilan, province, South
Mexico, v., 441.
QuetzallacxoyatI, Toltec king, v.,
26.3, 266.
Quetzulpo|HN;u, Toltec prince, v., 207.
Quetzultchneyuc, Cliicliiinec-T«ilte<;
chief, v., 485.
Quetzultchnyuvixcotl, Teo-('hiclii-
niec chief, v., 400.
Quczultcnungo (Qucsultenun^o), city,
Ciuntuniulu, i., 787;-antiq., iv.,
124; hist, v., 555, 577, 501.
Quezultcpec, town, Oujocu, i., 680;
hist., v., 220, 412, 472.
Qi-'.>tzulxiuhtli, Teo-('hichiniec chief,
v., 400.
Quetzalxochitzin, v., 269, name for
Xochitl.
Qiiiahnnlcs, tribe of Haidahs, i., irCt-
74; location, 202.
Quiahtlalc, ii., 425, see Yuuhtlulli.
Quiuhuitl, Nuliiiu duy, ii., 512,
616-17.
Quiahuiztlun, a quarter of TliiHcalu
city, ii., 412; v., 407. MS.
(jiiiannu, Piicblo village and trik-,
526-50; location, i., 601.
lijuiurlpi, i., 252, 261-2, 31.5, sec
(Jhnudiferes.
Quiutoot, NicuragUA god, iii., 12(),
492.
QuiuuhteucyMinu, Nuhua calendur
sign and god, ii., 516.
(juibuha, (jtuntoniulun tribe, v., 540.
Quicab I. (Kicub), Quichd king, v.,
566, 583-04.
Quicub II. (Kicub), Quicli«S king, v.,
504-5, 508.
Quicub III. (Kicub), Quich<i king, v.,
506, 50.5.
Quicub IV. ( Kicub), Quicht^ king, v. ,
666, 505,
Quicub Tunub (Kicub Tunub), Qnidu'
king, v., 506, 605, 500.
Quicuniopu, Yumu dinlcct, iii., C84.
Quichemel, Mexican feniule dress, i.,
620.
Quichds (Utletecus), Mnyu nation, i.,
686-711; ii., 6.30-803; locution and
name, i., 087, 788; ii., 121, 130; v.,
164, 550, 565; special mention, i. ,
601, 700, 703, 707, 710; ii., 0.S2,
637-44, 687-9, 732, 742-4, 762, 70(i-
7, 780, 706-802; nivth., iii., 44-54,
474-90, 642; v., 20; lung., iii., 700-
2, 767-73; ]mt, v., 21-2, 167-88,
640-602, 619, 620, 634.
Quicksilver, \i., 474; iv., 794.
Quicksutinut (Quicksulinut), tribe of
Nootkas, L, 174-208; location, i.,
206.
INDEX.
741
Quiochapa, looality, Oajoco, i., 679,
681; v.,(M'2.
Cjiiiuuttuw, trilw <>f Sound IiidiuiiM,
i., 208*22; IcKatioii, i., 81)3.
Ijiiiuh,. (juichd-l'ukohiquvl day, ii.,
7«7.
Ijtiicrecuaro, locality, Michoacan, v.,
512.
IjiiiKyamaa, trilio of Apachca, i.,473-
R'iH; location, i., fiU8.
(juiliuinioit, iii., ((85, hoe (jitiiiuiinaH.
Ijiiilupnn, Oujaca, antiu., iv., 37(i.
l^iilaztli, ii., 260; iii., .3()3, hco C'ion-
CMIIltl.
Ijnillcliutua (QuillehutcH), tnlio of
Hound IndianH, i., 208-2*2; locution,
i., 3()3; H|)ccial mention, i., 222.
CjnilIe(|Uco((ua8, triltc of Chinouks,
222-5(); location, i., m
Qiiiniichtin, Nuhini HjiicM, ii., 424.
Ijiiiinis, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; locuti(ni i., (ill.
Quinaielt ((.juinaik, Ijuinailco, Qui-
naitle), i., 303, Hce QneniuU.
ijiiinanicH (Cjuinanictin), Central
Mexican trilKJ, i., 617-44; Uh'h-
tion, i 670-1; liiitt., v. 1U7-200,
48"
Ijuinantzin, Chichinirc king, v., 315-
20, 331-47.
Quinayat, i., 303, nee Kwcnaiwitl.
tjuinetinayan, Cliiconioztoc (Oztotl),
station, Aztec migration, v., 323-5.
Quinicuanex, North Mexican trihc,
i., 571-01; location, i., 61.3.
QuinnechartH (QuinnccliantH), triiio
of Sound Indiana, 1., 208-22; loca-
tion, i., .303.
QuinultH, i., 303, see Qiicniults.
(juiotcpcc, Uajaca, antiq., iv., 418-
21.
Quiquimas (Quihuimax), tribe of
Puel)lo8, i., 526-56; lanir., iii., 685.
Quires (Qucrix), tribe of rueblos, i.,
526-56; location, i., 527; special
mention, i., 544.
Quirigua, Guatemala, antiq., iv.,
108-15.
(juirogles (Quiroles, Quirotes), Cen-
tral Californian trilw, i., 361-401;
location, L, 363, 453; lang., iii.,
652.
(juitlahuacas, v., .308, sec (^uitlatecs.
tjuitlcpan^uetzin, Nahua burial cer-
emony, 11., 617.
Quitonaitia, oiferingB to the dead,
ii., 612.
Qnitzaeniis, tribe of Apaches, i, 473-
526; location, i., 592.
Quitzetielohua, name for Napate-
cntli, iii., 417.
Quivers, i., Ml, 431, 495, .541, 678,
627. 696: ii.. 620.
Quiviras, trilteof Pueblos, i., .526-56;
location, i., 527; antiq., 66.3, 672.
Quixt6, Cliia|MiH, antiq., iv., 354.
Qniyahuitztlan AniUiuac, station,
Toltec migration, v., 21.3.
Quiyauhtzin, lord of HuexotJa, v.,
.349.
(juiyechapa, Oajaca, antiq., iv,, .375.
(^aiyccoiani, fort, Oajaca, v., 6.32.
Qniyccoiuni Mountains, i., 700.
Qnlaba, city, (iuatemalu, i., 7H7.
Qn<H|uoulth. i,, 1 7.5, see Quaukoll.
Quorutcm Kiver, i., 446.
Qwautlums, i., 2()9, see Kwuntlums.
Rabbits, i., 229, .'»'"l 403, 123-4, 427-
.30, 488. 538, '« H. 625; ii., .3*",,
720-1, 736-7; ..... 129.
Uabinal, town, (iuatcmn).., i., 788;
ii., (t40-l; antiq., iv., I >() I; liist.,
v., 546-9, 5,'-..3-4, 5r',, C.-.b, 561, f)63,
.571, .587, 591, 50:(.
Uucci. jU, Navajo myth., iii.. 81.
Itaces, Hnnmii Itace diHliucticms,
etc., i., 12-26, 36, 87-8; iv., 10- la
Racing, L, 280, 562-3, 586; ii., 296-7,
.399.
Rafts, see Boats.
Raluimun, Cakchiquel king, v.,
590.
Rahimp-Aliih, tiuichd title, v., 689.
Rahtzalam-Achih, Quiclid title, v.,
589.
Rahum (Raiin), village, Sonoro, L,
608.
Raiment, see Dress.
Rainbow, Peruvian myth., v., 16-17.
Rukcs, for fishing, i.,'l04, 162, 186,
212, 233.
Ramas, tribe of Moaqnitos, i., 711-
47; location, i., 713, 793-4; s|>ecial
mention, i., 714, 746; lung., iii.,
783.
Ranas, Queri^taro, antiq., iv., 550-1.
Rancherfa, California collection of
huts, i., 37.3.
Rancheria Valley, i., 362, 449.
Ranchito de Lugo, village. South
California, !., 460.
Rancho del Chino, village, South
Califoniia, i.,460.
Rancho do Iob Felis, village, South
Califoi.-ia, i., 460.
742
INDEX.
Rancho de las Piedras, Tainaulipas,
anti" , iv., 595.
Raiiclk^ de los Verdugas, village,
Soutli California, i., 4§0.
Uaiicho de los Ylmrras, village.
South California, i., 460.
Randolph County, Mississippi Val-
ley, antiq., iv., 762-3.
Ranlc, see Government.
Ra|)c, punishnient of, i., 660, 771;
ii., 261, 466, 656, 659, 675-7.
Rat Indians, tril)c of Thliukeets, i.,
96- 114; location, i., 143.
Rat Island, i., 87, 142.
Rat River, lang., iii., 586.
Rats, as food, i., 374, 405, 427-30,
488, 561, 576, 625.
Rattles, i., 91, 705; ii., 293, 334, 646,
713, 737; iii., 385, 411.
Rattlesnake, i., 343; iii., 80.
Raiin, i., 608, see Raliuni.
Raven, i., 109; iii., 102-104.
Rcckoninj', see Arithmetic.
Records, nistorical, etc., ii., 523-33;
v., 93-6, 103-5, 140-2, 160-5.
Red-Cap's Bar, locality. North Cali-
fornia, i., 445.
Red Creek Canon, Utah, antiq., iv.,
715-17.
Red-hand, paintin<^, antiq., iv., 37-8,
164, 209, 212, 251, 257.
Red-Knives, tribe of Tinnch, i., 114-
37; location, i., 144-5; special men-
tion, i., 121.
Red Lake, i., 470.
Red River, i., 594.
Redwood Creek, i., 329, 446; lang.,
iii., 643.
Redwooil Valley, i., 362, 448.
Reeds, various uses, Hyperboreans,
i., 74, 90; Columbians, i., 261;
Califnrnians, i., 336, Ml, 345, 368-
9, 372, 377-8, 381-4, 393, 404. 406,
408, 428; New Mexicans, i., 494-5,
SOU, 533, 541, 558-63, 575-6, 579-83;
Mexicans, i., 624, 627; ii., 259,
300, 398, 406, 484, 573; iii., 334-5,
360, 436; Central Americans, i.,
692, 699, 722, 724, 764-6, 761, 774;
ii., 742-3, 784-6.
Reese River, i., 462.
Refugio Playa, locality. South Cali-
fornia, i., 459.
Reindeer, i., 118, 128-9.
Rektiuas, North Californian tribe, i.,
326-61; location, i., 444.
Relics, of Camaxtli, v., 497; see also
Antiquities.
Religion, see Mythology.
Remedioa, village, Sonora, i., 601.
Reno, town, Nevada, i., 469.
Reptiles, i., 373-5, .379, 406, 417, 419,
428, 430, 539, 560-1, 568, 576-7,
625, 758-9; ii., 234, 315, 356, 721.
Reservoirs, i., 639; ii., 565, 575; an-
tiq.. iv., 198, 201, 212, 221, 245,
249, 262-3, 260, 344, 419, 429-31,
460, 526-9, 589, 633, 638-70, 676,
798.
Resguardo, fortress at Utatlan, ii.,
789; iv., 125, 128; v., 578.
Resin, i., 419, 562, 697; ii., 408; iii.,
392.
Resurrection, belief in, iii., 614, 530-
31; v., 86.
Revolution, see War.
Rewards, military, i, 764-6; ii.,
400-3.
Rcynosa, village, Tamanlipos, i., 613.
Rheumatism, i., 8(>, 204-5, 287, 3.'>4,
439, 621, 667, 709, 742; ii., 795.
Ribbon-dance, Nahuas, i., 686; ii.,
289-90.
Riddles, Nahua amuscnieiits, ii. , 286.
Rincon, locality. South California, i.,
459.
Rinconado, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv.,
436.
Rincons, Central (/alifornian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 449.
Rings, i., 211; ii., 480, 732, 750; an-
tiq., iv., 173, 177, 230-1, 256, 273.
Ringworm, cure for, i., 396.
Rio Alamo, i., 61.3.
Rio Alvarado, v., 473.
Rio de las Animas, i., 470.
Rio de la Antigua, Vera Cruz, an-
tiq., iv., 437.
Rio Atoyac, i., 670; v., 197.
Rio Azul, i., 598; laufj., iii., 684.
Rio Bravo del N(trte, i., 592, see Kio
(jirande del Norte.
Rio Catasahti, Chiapas, antiq., iv..
344.
Rio Cazone8(San Marcos), i., 675.
Rio ('hachalacas. i., 676.
Rio Chama, i., 596.
Rio Cham|M>ton, Yucatan, antiq. , iv.,
263, 265.
Rio Charmer, i., 470.
Rio Chiquinguarc, Honduras, antiii-,
iv., 72.
Rio Coahuayana, i., 676.
Rio Conchos, i., 610.
Rio del Corte, i., 682.
Rio Frio, i., 794-5.
Rio del Fuerte, i., 602, 607-9.
Rio Grande, i., 590-600, 672; iii.,
,594.
Rid (irandc do Espeleta, i., 601.
INDEX.
743
Rio Grande (Bravo) del Norte, i.,
526-7. 592-5; New Mexico, aiitici.,
iv., 662-74.
Kiu Hticha, i., 796.
llio Hassayainpa, i., 475.
Itio Hiiinnce, i., 614.
Itio Jai'na, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 262.
Itio Jamapa, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv.,
434.
Rio Lagartos, Yucatan, antiq., iv.,
^ 261.
Rio Lompa, i., 702.
Rio Mancoa, i., 470.
Rio Marailon, Peru, antiq., iv., 804.
Rio Moclie, Peru, antiq., i v., 799-800.
Rio dc Montezuma, Mexico, anti<i.,
iv., 549.
Rio Nayarit, i., 672; lang., iii., 719.
Rio Nazas, i., 614.
Rio Ncxiiha, lang., iii., 756.
Rio del Norte, no Rio (.irande del
Norte.
Rio Nueces, i., 611.
Rio de lo8 C>so» {Rio Ose), i., 595;iii.,
595.
Rio Pantla, i., 67(5.
Rio Pduuco, Imnudary Mexican Em-
jiire, v., 473.
Rio del Partido, iv., 579, see Rio de
Villauueva.
Rio de la Pasion, i., 7C0, 786.
Rio Para, i., 790.
Rio Pecos, i., .591, .594-5; iii., 593.
Rio Piatzla, i., (>I4.
Rio Picuris, i., 599.
Rio de la Plata, i., 470.
Rio Puorco, i., 595-0, 600; antiq., iv.,
644, 672.
Rio Saltinas, i., 612.
Rio Sulado (Salinas), iii., 681; antiq.,
iv., 634-5.
Rio Salinas, hoc Rio Salado.
Rio San Antonio, i., 611.
Rio dc San Tosine, iv., 73.3.
Rio San .Inan, iii., 782-3.
Rio San Marcos, i., 675, see Rio
Cazones .
Rio San Pedro, i., 602.
Rio Secos, iii., 7'^3.
Rio Sinaloa, i., 601); iii., 71<'>.
Rio Sucliil, i., 614.
Rio Tecomava, Oajaca, antiq., iv.,
421.
Rio Tinto, i., 792.
Rio Tuerco, iii., 595.
Rio Ulua, i.,792.
Riode loH Uros, I, 602.
Rio Verde, i., 595; lang., iii., 684;
antiq., iv., 634.
Rio de Villanueva (del Partido), an-
tio., iv., 579.
Rio Virgen, i., 598,
Rio Xoxo, antiq., iv.,379.
liio Yaqui, i., 605.
Rio Zent, i. , 795.
Rio Zuacjue, i., 608.
Rio Zuni, antiq., iv., 644-7.
Rita, New Mexico, antiq., iv., 663.
River Canal, i., 294.
RjiitscheHclinojes, tribe of Aleuts, i.,
87-94; location, i., 141.
Roads, ii., 387, 561-2, 57.'»-(>, 736,
790-1; antiq., iv., 24, 265-7, .374,
484, 526, 632, 541, 581-91, 6:)0-l,
794-5.
Roatan Island, i., 790, 793; anti<].,
iv., 70.
Robesco, village, Sonora, i., 607.
Robles, Don Pedro de, Niha'ib prince,
v., 567.
Rocking-stones, Vera Cruz, antiq.,
iv., 434.
Rockland, California, antiq., iv.,
706.
Rock-sculpture, see Hieroglypliics.
Rocky Mountain Indians, trilH3 of
Tinncli, i., 1I4-.37; locution, i., 145;
special mention, i., 126-7; lang.,
iii., 619.
Rocky Mountains, i., 38, 114, 14,')-(>,
151-3, 252,311-12, 322, 461.
Rogue River, i., 222, 326, 327, 442 .3.
Rogue River Indians (Lototen, Too-
tootou, Tototen, Tototin, Toto-
tutna, Totutime, Totntune, Tou-
touni, Tutoten, Tutunahs, Tntu-
tamv), North Californian tril)e,
i., .326-61; location, i., .327, 443;
special mention, i., .328, 332, :^i8,
.341, 344, 346, 3.55, .361.
Roil-roil-]>ani, name of Klikctat
country, i., 254, 321.
Rojas, Don Juan de. Quiche king,
v., 566.
Rollers, ii., .329, 354, 482-3, 557; iii.,
385.
Ronnmons (Ronianans), (Central Cal-
ifornian tribe, i., .361-401; loca-
tion, i., 363, 453.
Romans, American origin traces, v.,
12.3.
Roofs, i., 74, 89, 102, 161, 211, .334-5,
372, 404, 486-7, 5:i5, 5117, 560, 575,
624, 6.') 1-2, 692-.3, 718, 755-6; m.,
161, .Vj7, .571-4, 784-6; antin., .v.,
257, 269, 303, 325-6, 331, 3.39-4a3,
685-6, 666-7.
Roots, various uses, i., 57, 79, 90-1,
101, 103, 123, 130, 169, 166, 180.
;p 1 {
ill
™p
744
INDEX.
187. a04, 212-14, 233-6, 261, 264-7,
340, 345, 354, 373-4, 406, 488, 4»1,
621, 6«0, 576, 589, (»4, 694, 709,
721, 759, 762; ii., 365, 699, 722,
724, 768.
KoiMj, i., 58, 107, 185-6, 644, 693,
724; ii.. 484, 752; iii., 240.
Roquus Kiver, i., 444.
Uosario, Ciiiiitcnitilu, iiiitiq., iv. , 121.
Uotiiid Valley, i., 447, 451; laiig. iii.,
643, 648.
Rox 'F/ili, CjiiichiS month, ii., 766.
Ruhy Nallt-y, i., 462.
Itii Call Mum, Cakcliiquel month,
ii., 766.
Ru Cab Pach, CakchiqucI month,
ii., 766.
Ru Cab Tojjic, Cakcliiquel month,
ii., 766.
Rucab Tumuzuz, CakchiqucI mouth,
ii., 766.
Ruiatcot, Nicaragua god, iii., 492.
Runuil- AhauH. Zutuj^i! king, v. , 585-6.
Runiitens (RuuHieuH), Central Cali-
fiu-niau tribe, i., 36.3-401; location,
i., .'{()3, 454; H]>ecial mention, i.,
3S6, 388-9, 396; lang., iii., ()53-4.
RushcH, variouH utrnn, i., 182, 190-1,
211, 231, 236-7, 260, 270-1; see
Heeds.
Russian River, i., 362, 397-8, 448;
laiig., ii., 647-8, 654.
S
Haalis, i., 312, ace Salish.
Maaptins, i., 4r62, see Snakes.
Sabueche, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 211-
12; v., 6.32.
SabailKis, North Mexican tril)c, i.,
571-91; locution, i., .'i7".J, (il4; lang.,
iii., 718.
Sabaism, iii., 112-13, 144, 171, 49(i-8.
Sacua, Miztec priest, ii., 208.
Si' 'xal, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 219.
Hacateiieques, province, (iuatemula,
i., 788; hist, v., 677, 594-7.
Sacaton, locality, Arizona, i., 602.
SuclMi, Yucatun, antiq., iv., 200, 267.
Sachul Lake, i., .303.
SacluiU, trilM) of Sound Indians, i.,
208-22; location, i., 303.
Sachets, i., 2t>9, see Sku'Mts.
Sa-chincoB, name applied to Tccts, i.,
175.
Sachuon, Central l/ulifornian tribe,
i., 361-401; locution, i., 4.'>4.
Slicks, gee ItagH.
Huco, Isthmiau title, i., 770.
Sacramento River, i., 362, 367, 384,
450, 599; iii., 88.
.Sacramento Valley, i., 365, .368-70,
.381, 386, 388, 398, 460, .597; lang.,
iii., 649.
Sacred Knclosurcs, Mississippi Val-
ley, anti(^., iv., 757-62.
•Sacrificatorio, at U tutlan, Guatemala,
uiitiq., iv., 126.
Sacrifice, Hyperlwreans, i., 86, 108;
^ ColninbianH, i., 288; Californians,
i., 387-8; New Mexicans, iii., 178-
80; Mexicans, i., 656, 665-6; ii.,
147, 304-41, 420, 428-32, 443, 457,
479, 605; iii., 61, 110-11, 265-460
passim; v., 8.5-8, 258; Central
Americans, i., 708, 723, 740, 781-3;
ii., 668, 678-9, 687-710, 745-7, 796-
800; iii., 52, 466-98; iv., 19!); v.,
560, 572; origin of, iii., .30-1; v.,
672; see also Human-sacrilice.
Sacrificial stone, ii., .582-3, 707; iii.,
29,3-4, 488; iv., 509-11, .541; v., 471.
Sacrificios Island, Vera Cruz, antiq.,
iv., 427-8.
Sacsiol, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Sacspili, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4.58.
Saduiies, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; locution, i., 4.53.
StuUlles, i., 270-1, 439, 501, 726.
Siiclies (Saeliss),i., 311-1.3, see Salish.
Sagayayumnes(Sagavacumncs), ( 'eu-
trul Californian tribe, i., 361-401;
location, i., 450; lang., ill., (i49.
Sugin, Central Californian trilie, i.,
3iil-401; locution, i., 4.54.
Sugunie, (.'eiitral Californian tribe,
i., .361-401; location, i., 45.3.
Suhaptins (Shahaptans, Sbuwhiiup-
tens), one of the nine fumilies into
>vhich the Columbians are diviiletl,
belonging to the Inland fuinilics;
munners and customs of all its
nations and tribes descrilied to-
gether, i., 253-91; physique, i.,
2.55; dress, i., 256; dwellings, i.,
259; war, i., 269; boats, i., 271; im-
plements and property, i., 271-3;
Slavery, i., 276; women, i., 278;
medicine, i., 285; chumcter, i., 2!M);
myth., iii.. fM-.5; lung., iii., 620-6;
locatiim of trilies, i., 152, 2.53-4,
316-21.
Sahdhwamish, i., 301, see Sawainish.
Sahmumish, tribe of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., .300.
Sahiiaripa, village, •Sonora, i., 606.
Stthuttripas, North Mexican tribe, i.,
INDEX.
TW
571-91; location, i., 606; lang.,
iii., 6tf».
SaiU, J., 166, «r)8, 725; ii., 397-8, 739.
St Cyprian River, v. , 66.
St Ignatius Miutiion, i., 313.
8t Jolin'H River, i., 7!>4.
St JoHCpli's River, i., 314.
St Lawrence iHland, i., fi9; Ian);.,
iii., 576.
St Mary'8 River, i., 313.
St Miefiael Island, i., 141.
St TluHiiaH, in Ainericu, v., 25-6.
SaiuHtklaH (SaiuHtkaN, Saliutlas, Su-
yonHtlas, HayoUHlus, SiuHelawM,
SutxIawH), trilte of ('liinooks, i.,
222-50; luoation, i., 308; Hpccial
mention, i., 250.
Sajcay, Siintli Californiait tril)e, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4.59.
SakhoiicM, Central Californian trilte,
i., 3(tl-4()l; location, i.,4.'i5; lang.,
iii., 053.
Sakisiniines, Central Californian
tribe, i., 361-401; location, i., 450.
Saklans, Central Californian tril>e,
L, 361-401; location, i., 453.
Sakuniehn, tril)c of Sound IndiuUH,
i., 208-22; location, i., 300.
Salachi, South Californian trilMS, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Salania, (inateniala, antiq., iv., l.SO-l.
Salan Ponias, t.'entral Californian
trilic, i., 361-401; location, i., 448.
Salem, Mittsissippi Valley, antiq.,
iv., 759.
Salinas River, i., 455, 695-6, 698.
Salineros, North Mexican trilK*, i.,
671-91; location, i., 605; special
mention, i., 576-8.
Salish (Saalis, Saelies, Saeliss, Se-
lish), one of the nine faniilicH into
which the ColuinUians are divided,
bidontfinjr to the Inland families;
nianiicrs and customs of all its
nations and triltes descrilted to-
gether, i., 252-91; physique, i,,
254-(i; dress, i., 2.")6-7; dwellings,
i., 261; food, i., 264; proiwrty and
art, i., 273-4; government, i., 276;
nuirriagc and children, i., 276-9;
myth., iii., 97-8, 154-5, 519; lang.,
iii., 616-20; locution, i., 252-3, 312-
16.
Sulish (Flatlieads), Inland Colum-
bian trilte, i., 250-91; location, i.,
252, 313; s|>eciul mention, i,, 195,
228, 252, 256, 258, 2(k), 2(>4-5, 267-
7.3, 275-9, 284, 287-91; myth,, iii.,
1.30, 620.
Saliutlas, i., .308; sec Saiustklas.
Salmon, i., 65, 76, 129, 168, 162-3,
171, 178, ia->, 212, 214, 229, 2.32.3,
230, 201-3, 337-9. .374.
Salmon River, i., 294, 317, 446-6,
463; lung., iii., 639, 642.
Salpilil, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; h>cation, i., 4.')9.
Salses, Central Californian tril»c, i.,
.361-401; location, i., 363, 463;
lang., iii., 6.52.
Salsipuedes Island, i., 605.
Salsonas, Central Californian tribe,
i., ;Uil-40l; location, i., 4.54.
Salt, i., .55, 10.3, 16.3, 186, 406-7, 4.30,
576, 581, 631, 638, 653, (M)4-5, 709,
726, 7.')8, 7(>0, 768; ii., 319, .325,
353-4, 722, 742; v., 88, 459, 503.
Salt ('reck, i., 794.
Saltillo, town, Coahuila, i., 614.
Salt Lake Diggers, i., 463; see Ho-
kandikahs.
Salt Lake Valley, i., 469; antiq., iv.,
714-1.5.
.Salt-makers, Nahua festival, ii., 325.
Salt-iMitre, i., 6:14, 640.
Salt River, i., .528, .595, 601.
Salutati(ui, i., 67-8, 120, 6,37, 665, 707,
741, 777; ii., 284, 6.V>.
Salvador, tribes dcscrilnid, i., 684-71 1;
ii., 6.'10-803; special mention, i.,
688, 711; ii., 123; lang., iii., 723,
759-60; anti<i., iv., 68-9; hist., v.,
.58.5-6, 60S-II.
Salves, see Ointment.
Salzon, Central Californian trilte, i.,
:Kil-40l; location, i., 453.
Saniahtumiwhoidah, (White Man's
Island), Okanagan mythical is-
land, iii., 15.3.
Samamish, tribe of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; locution, i.. :«K).
.Samdans, i., 14.3, see Sundowns.
Sainilkanuigbs, Inland C<thnnbian
tribe, i., 250-91; location, i., 312.
Saminilas (Samundas), Central Cali-
fornian trilte, i., ,361-401; locution,
i., 447, 449.
tSumish, trilte (tf S<iund Indians, i.,
208-22; location, i. , 208, 299; lung.,
iii., 61,5.
Saniish River, i., 299.
Sumpitchcs (Pitches, Sampectches,
Sampichcs, San Pitches, Sam-
|)icbyus), trilKMif Shosliones, i.,422-
42; jttcatioii, 469; siiecial mention,
i., 4.3.3, 441; lang., iii., 661-2.
Sampitch Valley, i., 4(i4, 469.
SHmundus, i., 447, see Sumindas.
SanuctiS Yucatan, antiq., iv., 211-12.
746
INDEX.
San Andres, locality, Durango, i.,
614.
San Andres, locality, (limtcniala,
v., 687.
San Andres, California, untiti., iv.,
704.
San AndrcM Cliulchiconiula, Puctilu,
untiq., iv., 4CtS.
Sun Andres Chinipas, locality, Chi-
huahna, i., (iOO.
San Andres, Coaniiat, village, Zaca-
tecus, i., 672.
San Andres de Conicari, village, Sin-
alna, iii., 707.
San Antonio, village. Central Cali-
fornia, i., 367.
San Antonio, village, Guatemala, i.,
789.
San Antonio, Puebia, antiq., iv., 468.
San Antonio Island, i., 604.
San Antonio dc Padua, mission. Cen-
tral California, lang., iii., 656.
San Angnstin, Durango, antiq., iv.,
6(M).
San HartolomtS Uatacosa, village, So-
norii, i., 607.
San Kerniilto Itny, i., 60.3-4.
Sun Bernardino County, i., 457-8.
San Itei'uardino Mountains, i., 402,
408, 457.
San lilas, town, Darien, i., 706.
Sun Bias Indians, i., 796, see Man-
zanillos.
San Bucnuvont River, i., 459.
San Buenaventura, Chihuahua, an-
tiq., iv., 603.
San Itucnavcnturn, mission. South
("alifornia, i., 459; antiq., iv., 695.
San Carlos, mission, Central Cali-
fornia, lang., iii., 653.
Sani'liiues, Central Californiau tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
San Christ<'>bal (San Chrisobul, San
Cristoval), mission, Uuatcmuia,
i., 788.
Sanclni, South Californiau trilie, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
San Clenicntc Island, i., 460.
San Crist6vnl, Oajnca, antiq., iv.,
.S73; see also San Christobal.
San Christ-'tval Tcopantei>ec, Pue-
bia, antiq., iv., 466.
Sand, i., 158, 163, 178, 181, 285, 395,
666, 722, 758; ii., 481; iii., 80; v.,
472.
Sandajuancs, North Mexican tril)e,
i., 671-91; local "n, i., 611.
Sandals, see Shoes.
Sandia, i., 690, see Zandia.
San Diego County, L, 467-8, 460.
San Diego, town and mission, South
California, i., 458.
San Dinius, localitv, Durango, i.,
614.
San Dionisio, village, Oajaca, i.,
680.
Sanuls, Central Californiau tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 362, 451; sp-
cittl mention, i., 386; myth., iii.,
624; lang., iii., 643-4.
San Estcvan Island, i., 604.
Sanetch, trilxj of N(M*tkas, i., ' , -1-
208; location, i., 295-7.
San Feliiie, Pueblo village, i., 4.")8,
.527, 600; lang., iii., 681; untiii.,
iv., 663.
San Fernando, village, Lower Cali-
fornia, i., 603.
San Fernando, mission, South Cali-
fornia, i., 459-60; lang., iii., 060,
675.
San Francisco, village, Oujaca, i.,
680.
San Francisco Bay, Central Califor-
nia, i., 361-401, 462-3; lang., iii.,
d52; anti<i., iv., 710-11.
San Francisco de Borgia, mission.
Lower California, lan^., iii., 690.
Sttu Francisco de Couhuila, mission,
Coahuila, i., 610, 612.
San Francisco Istaltepec, village,
Oajaca, i., 680.
San Francisco Javier (Xavier), mis-
sion, Lower California, i., 603;
lang., iii, 691-2.
San Francisco Mountains, i., 467,
698.
San Francisco de Ocuapa, village,
Tabiusco, i., 682.
San Francisco Uiver, i., 594, 596'.
San Francisco Xavier, mission, Ta-
nuuili|>a.s, i., 613; see also San
FranciHco Javier.
San Francis4juito, village. Central
('alifornia, i., -454.
San Francis(initi) Pass, California,
untiq., iv., tiOl.
San (iabriel, niissi<ni. South Califor-
nia, i., 460; lang., iii., 674-5.
San (iabriel River, i., 457.
Sangana, province, Darien, lang.,
iii., 794.
San Gaspar, iv., 424, see Piedra
Grande.
San Giuseppe Island, i., 604.
San Gorgonio, village, Coahuila, i.,
457.
San Gorgonio Pass, i., 457.
San Gregorio, Chiapas, antiq., iv. ,
INDEX.
747
353; see also Cerro de San Gre-
f^orio.
Sun [•^iiai'io, iniHHion, Lower Califor-
uia, i., tiOH; luii;;., iii., 690.
Sun I<;niuno, villa;rc, Sonorii, i., (S09.
San I<^iiucio de ChicuriH, village, So-
nom, i., (JOi).
iSuu Ij^nacio Otatitlan, village, Sina-
Ifl«, i., ()14.
San I<^nuciu de Tcsiu, village, Sonora,
i., SOT.
San Ildcfonso (Yldcfonso), Pueblo
town, i., 599; lang., iii., tiSl.
Sau Jacinto, village. South t'alifor-
nia, i., 457.
San Jacinto Mountains, i., 402, 457.
San Joaquin Itivcr, i., 3()3, 454-6.
Kan Jouc^uin Valley, myth., iii., 88;
lang., in., 650; antiq., iv., 707-8.
San Jose, town, South California, i.,
3()6, 452, 458, 460; antiq., iv., 22.
San Jos(5 de Bocas, town, Durango,
i., 610.
San Jo.so del Tuho, mission. Lower
California, i., 604.
San Jose Coniondii, town, Lower
('alifornia, i., 603; lang., iii., 691-2.
San Josd Island, i., 604.
San Josii de Pimas, village, Arizona,
i., 601.
San Jo8(5 Kiver, i., 600.
San Josd Teopari, village, Sonora, i. ,
606.
San Juan, Pueblo village, i., 527,
599; lang., iii., 681.
San Juan Haptista (Hantista), mis-
sion, Central California, i., 454;
lang., iii., 653.
San Juan Itautlsta Hay, i., 605.
San Juan Capistrano, mission, South
California, i., 405, 460; lang., iii.,
674.
San Juan Guichicovi, town, Oajaea,
i., 680.
Sun Juun Island, i., 208, 297.
Sun Juan Luke, Jalisco, antiq., iv.,
576.
San Juan de los Llanos, Mexico, an-
tiq., iv. , 546.
San Juan del Obispo, niissi -n, (iuate-
null., i.,789.
J uan del Itio, town, Queretaro,
I . 671
Sun Juan del Rio, town, Zucutecus,
i., 614.
San Juan River, i., 466, 470, 596,
705; iii., 81; New Mexico, an-
tiq., iv., 650-1; California, antiq.,
iv., 691.
San Juan Teul, Zacatecae, antiq.,
iv., 592.
San Juan Valley, New Mexico, an-
tiq., iv., 650-1.
San Lilzaro, New Mexico, antiq.,
iv., 663.
Sun Lorenzo, Coahuilu, untiq. , iv. ,599.
Sun Lorenzo de Ugueru, village, So-
nora, i., 609.
Sun Luis de lus C^urretoa, mission,
(iuutcnnilu, i., 789.
San Luisienos (Luisenos), South
Californiun tribe, i., 402-22; loca-
tion, i., 460.
Snn Luis Obispo, California, antiq.,
iv., 692.
Sun Luis de lu Paz, town, Guanaju-
ato, i., 673; lung., iii., 742.
Sun Luis Potosi, i., 571-2, 593, 673;
lang., iii., 737, 742, 780; antiq.,
iv., 593.
Sun Luis Rey, mission, Scnith (^ili-
forniu, i.,458. 460; lung., iii., 674.
San Marcos, village. South Califor-
nia, i., 459.
San Marcos, New Mexico, antiq., iv.,
663.
San Marcos liivcr, i., 602.
Sun Martero, Coahuilu, antiq., iv.,
599-()()0.
Sun Martin Luviunos, Mexico, un-
tio., iv., 480.
Sun Nluteo, California, antiq., iv., 710.
Sun Mutoo, village, Ouiiica, i., (>80.
San Mateo Mulznru, village, Sonora,
i., 606.
Sun Mutco Mountains, i., 595.
Sun Miguel, village, ('aliforiiiu, i.,
366, 379, 386, 388, 402; lang., iii.,
(558-9.
San Miguel, village, Chiapas, i., 682;
lang., iii., 760.
San Miguel, village, Sonora, i., 608-9.
Sun Miguel, province, Sulvador, i.,
790.
Sun Miguel, Isthmus, anti(i., iv., 17.
San Miguel del Milugro, Tlascalu,
uiitiii., iv., 478.
San Miguel de Mocorito, mission,
Siiiulou, lung., iii., "07.
Sun .Miguel Gulf, i., 707; lang., iii.,
794.
Sun Nicolas, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv.,
463.
Sun Nicolas Island, i., 402.
Sun Pablo, California, antiq., iv.,
710.
San Pablo del Monte, Tlascalu, an-
tiq., iv., 477.
liii
748
INDEX.
San Pasqual, villajjc, Smith Cali-
fornia, i., 458.
San Pedro, Pueblo village, i., 600.
San Pedro Alcdntaru, niiHNion, Ta-
niaiiiipas, i., (>13.
San Pedro Guazavc, villa'^c, Sinaloa,
i., (509.
San Pedro las HiiertaH, mission, Gua-
temala, i., 78!).
San Pedro Uiver, i., ()83.
San Pete, locality, Utaii, i., 469.
San Pitches, i., 46!), sec Sanipitches.
Sanpoil Creek, i., 315.
SunJHiils, i., 315, see Sans Poils.
San Rafael, mission. Central Cali-
fornia, i., 363, 452; lang., iii., 647.
San Uoche Island, i., 561.
San Salvador, sec Salvador.
San Sebastian, village, Zaeatecas, i.,
672.
Sans Poils (N'pochles, Sanpoils,
Sans Puelles, Sinapoils, Siniponals,
Sinpanclisii, Sinpavelist, Sin]ioi-
lish, Sinpoilschnc, Sinspcelish),
Inland Columbian tribe, i., 250-!)l;
location, i., 315-16; si)ccial men-
tion, i., 267, 2!M).
Santa Ana, Pueblo village, i., 627,
600; lang., iii., 081.
Santa Ana, village. South California,
i.,460.
Santa Anna River, i., 457.
Santa liarbnra, town. South Califor-
nia, i., 403-4, 45ft; antiq., iv., 695.
Santa Barbara Channel, i., 404.
Santa Catalina, Puebla, antiq., iv.,
469.
Santa Catalina Cayamoa (Canioa),
village, Sonora, i., 607.
Santa Cataliiui Island, i., 402, 408,
460; myth., iii., 134.
Santa Catarina, village, Guanajuato,
i., 672; anti<i., iv., 578.
Santa Clara, mission, Central Cali-
fornia, i., 365, .398; lang., iii.,
053-4.
Santa Clara, Pueblo village, i., 527,
599; lang., iii., 681.
Santa Clara River, i., 464, 468.
Santa Clara Valley, i., 452, 600.
Santa Cruz, mission, Central Califor-
nia, i., 381, 389, .392.3, .306, .398,
454; lang., iii., 656; antiq., iv.,
696.
Santa Cruz, mission, Guatemala, i.,
788.
Santa Cruz, village, Sonora, i. , 60(i.
Santa Cruz del Quich<^, locality, Gua-
temala, "., 564.
Santa Cruz Island, i., 402, 459; lansr.,
iii., 658-9.
Santa Cruz River, i., 602.
Santa Deliina Canon, Utah, antiq.,
iv., 7.33.
Santa (Jertrudis, mission, Lower
California, lang., iii., 691-2.
Santa Inez, mission. South Califor-
nia, i., 420, 459; lang., iii., 65}.
Santa Margarita, village. South Cal-
ifornia, i., 460.
Santa Maria, mission. Lower Cali-
fornia, lang., iii., 6i)0.
Santa Maria, village, Daricn, i., 796.
Santa Maria, village, Oajaca, i.,
680, 682.
Santa Maria, Yucatan, antiq., iv.,
219.
Santa Maria Cliimalapa, village,
Oajaca, i,, 682.
Santa Maria de los Alannis, Mexico,
antitK, iv., 549.
Santa Alaria River, Guatemala, an-
tiq., iv., 120.
Santa Maria River, Vera Cruz, antiq. ,
iv., 448.
Santa-Marttt, province, Darien, i.,
796.
Santander, town, Tanmnlipas, i., 613.
Santa Rosa Island, i.,40!), 449; antiii.,
iv., 694-5.
Santa Rosalia, village, Sonora, i.,
601.
Santa Rosa de Nadadores, village,
Coahuila, i., 612.
Santa Sinfor6sa, village. Chihuahua,
i., 609.
Santa Ysalwl, village, South Cali-
fornia, i., 458.
Santiago, Pueblo village, i., 600.
Santiago, mission, Lower California,
i., 604.
Santiago Ixcuintla, Jalisco, antiq.,
iv., 575-7.
.Santo Domingo, Pueblo village, i.,
527, 600; lang., iii., 681; antiq.,
iv., 666-7.
Santo Domi'igo, village, Guatemala,
i., 789.
Santo Domingo, village, Chiapas, iv.,
290, 294.
Santo Tomas, village, Sonora, i., 606.
Santo T<nnas, Pern, antiq., iv., 707.
Santoton, Chiapas, antiq., iv., .35.3.
San Vicente, j>roviiiee and city, Sal-
vador, antiq., iv., 68-9.
San Vicente Mountain, i.. 791.
San Vincent, Leeward Islands, i.,
793.
^foiiS^"'""""' '•' 59». see Sa„ „,Je.
^"ff """■ P'«^"'««' Guatemala, i
>m450. ''■•^'''•■*01; location,
^aptiii Kivcr ; ako c, .
Sa|'"y«J Hanolo t ' "? ?'"•'''« K'ver.
Sanu^t" hL :■"''• •• • «95.
361-1/Ji. I .• "''^"""«" tribe i
'''«'» tril,e, i. 2-rf 01 I ^ Coluiii-
313, 315 -^>W-91; location, i.,
2;;H^rfits:'fs -i^
Sfirci s?"*"' ^'•■'««- S^rsi. Sorsi
^"ineh, i.. 114 07? j^*^'- '"'w of
'a„^.,iii;;'g^!t*-37; location, i.,j45.
'^Sbof^a^^'l^n.ian tribe.
''Trfe:T''i;-'"fInlandCol„n.bian
*" WS^'/"^ «^ I«">n.ians, i
l9«/>i . ^alifornian trilm ;
Satlco^, South vluh^-"^-
402-29. I X- "'"""'""» tribe i
oS. ^'^^'•' ••' ^-«; antiq., iv..
^'t'3«'l!«,?'i*'-«lP«"^o"..«n tribe
Sat., s, t Vni"?*'""' '- 453. ^'
i; 361-401- S *^"' ^"'•'"an trilns,
Satz-tzi-ntitl itf "/,'°"' '•• 453.
Saucelito SS,?!'' '"'•."*»'. i-. 193.
Saucon, CeiS S'"'*'*!' •^•' ^^0.
361-40I;tcatio'.;'fS" *"•"'•••
1-^/75, 298; sWdli^J;;;;;t7-
Sautatho,i..459. aee'sitolo
INDEX
749
Savaucric;, tribTl.V 'T/. '":• **-^l-
747-85; LatlSi,iy*''"''^'-J
mention, i r^wt '-*;• I '' ^••'♦^'a
iii..794. ' ^'^' '^^' 7«0; fang.,
, ♦';i-. iv., 70. ^' ""niluras, an-
Saviniuirs, tribe nf v ^1
^ 208; l"cati"lri"^,Jr ''"'•••' ^7^
•Sawaniish (Salit.r.wa;;;.!, « .
"'«>»iHl.. Sehelnvan hh • S'^^y;
.>»o"n«l Indians, i., m%\ /"'»f. "f
J-. 299, 301-2 '=^--'«; location,
^S, i.^ffig. 1 ""V> ^^"'•■^""•ia"
Saw-fi;b.Att^;-«-^^^^
oawijaws Iiii,..wi /V , • "*' 743.
Sayokenek, Soiitb r\.i.v
, , f>ain8tklas ' '^'■». see
«'Sn:;r'kar«eywan.ene«.
«ea|r.,Id«n'ie!^riSi7"tl,ii..7,,^^^
498:rK)0:g?:6"M^*^''*33-4,496:
'VandinaviaiiR V... •
« tracoH, V. 'iVlS """*" «"«'"■
sscarification i qo- j.«
580,588 743" 77^..^0. 521, 523,
•m 324, S 4oi "«^245' 279-80
678, 733;'iir f,2 7^; T^ Sf • 6«3
278,33(J.7 395 491 '-^f'i 249, 256,
Seatcbett^' .:!^,^2 • ^;»':2, 471. 486!
Sceptres, ,)!.;£■ ^^5 '^K'lts.
Scbaitls. North 1'„n/--
326-6,) locafio," "I^"" »"»-. i-
«fe"'.v5i4^/tJuS«;^tS9
«„/?,*"«: location, i., 'WW ' '•
S-chitcha-chon i «/• J.. .
Schools SCO T'l. ■• ?^- "*''' '^"kas.
sch.irs.^S;:r':^'-v^,,
174-208; locatioi aSr"-'"^' '•'
Schouchouap.i.,3i5.«,eSh«.hw«p.
760
INDEX.
SclircgonH, North ('tilifornian tribe,
i., 326-01; location, i., 444.
Schrooyolpi, i., 315, sec ("iiaudibrcH.
Schunia<;iiiHk, i., 142, nee Kliiitna<;iii.
Schwoyelpi, i., 314, wee ("iiaiidicri's.
Sciato;;aH, Iiilaiul CoIiiiiiMaii trilM!,
i., 250-0 1; location, i., 31!).
Sconialt. Okuiia'^an Koil, iii., 153.
Mconlas, triln; of (MiiiiookH, i., 222-
5(1; location, i., 308.
Scorpion, i., G40; iii., 379-80.
Scott iHland, i., 296.
Scottsbur}^, tril>c of Chinooks, i.,
222-50; location, i.,308.
Scott's Uivcr (Ottcticwa), i., 447; an-
tiq., iv., 707.
Scott's Valley, i., 447, 457; lang., iii.,
6.37-8.
Sculpture, Hyperboreans, i., 68, 80,
91, 107; ('oluinbiaim, i., 161-2, 165,
181, 183, l!»2-.3, 205-6, 238-9, 274;
antiq., iv., 734, 736; Californians,
anti((., iv., 715-17; New Mexicans,
i., 507 545-6; uiitin., iv., 576-7,
5W, 5',»3-7, 620; iMexicans, i., 031;
ii., 161, 169 72, 478-81, 524, 566;
auti.i., iv., 313-22, 332-41, 347-59,
.370-6, 381-8, 398, 415, 420-3, 427-8,
43.5-6, 444, 451 -.'564 passim; Cen-
tral Americans, i., 701, 769; ii.,
750-1,773-7; antiq., iv., 1617, 23-
8, ,39-138, l('>0-279 passim; Missis-
sippi Valley, antiq., iv., 781-5;
Peru, antiq., iv., 80.3-6; resem-
blances to L^yptian, v., 59-61.
Seacos, ('entral Californian tribe, i.,
.361-401; location, i., 362, 449, 451.
Seal Harbour, i., 204.
Sea-lion, i., 59-60, 86, 89-90.
Seals, i., 49-59, 54-60, 73-4, 77-8, 86-
8, 90-1, 160, 10.3, 186, 188, 190, 200,
214, 3.30, 383, 403, 627.
Scaniystys, tribe of C'hinooks, i.,
222-.'>0; location, i., .306.
Sea-otter, see Otter.
Seattons, see Calendar.
Seattles, trilm of Sound Indians, L,
208-22; location, i., .301.
Sea- water, uses of, i., 172, 762.
Sea-weed, various uses, i., 103, 163,
185, 187-8, 214; iii., 144.
Sebassas (Laluissas, Shebosha), tribe
of Haidalis, i., 155-74; location,
i., 155, 294; special mention, i.,
157, 159, 170, 174.
Secatquonays, tribe of Thlinkeets,
i., 94-114; location, i., 143.
Sechelt, tribe of Nootkas, i., 174-208;
location, i., 176, 296, 298.
Sechomawc, Puc' lo village and tribe,
i., 520-.')6; locution, i., 601.
Secos, tribe of Mo.s<initos, i., 711-17;
location, i., 712; sjiecial mention,
i., 726, 746; lauf,'., iii., 78.3.
Sccumnes (Sekamnc, Sekomnes, Si-
cumnes). Central Californian tribe,
i.,. 361-401; location,
iii., ()49-50.
Seeds, various uses, i
387-8, 400, 428, 4.30.
450; lang..
.340, 373-5,
.5.59-60, 577,
6.58, 7.34, 7.52; ii., 703; iii., 8.3, 297,
310, 344, .371, .39.").
Seekroc, Moaouito festival, i., 735.
Seekywa, food of Inland Columbian
tribes, i., 205.
Segatajenne, Apache tribal name, i.,
474; iii., 594.
Seguyoncs, North Mexican tribe, i.,
.571-91; location, i., 612.
.Schchwamish, i., 290, see Sawaniisli.
Schuatoba, Sinaloa god, iii., 180.
Sebuiiib, Clallam demon spirits,
iii., 05, 15.5.
Seienne, Apache tribal name, i., 474;
iii., 594.
Sekaniish, tribe of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., .300.
Sekomnes, i., 450, sec Sccumnes.
Selawik Lake, i., 141.
Sclf-inmiolation, i., 781-3; ii., 610,
020 2; iii., 443; v., 205.
Selish, i., 312, see Salish.
Sclloatpallalis (.Sewatpallas), Inland
Columbian trilte, i., 250-01; lo-
cation, i., 318.
Seltzerton, Mississii>])i Valley, anti(|.,
iv., 767.
Semianmas, tribe of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; special mention, i., 209.
Senacu, New Mexico, antiq. , iv. , (iOS.
Senijcxtces, tribal name of lakes, i.,
314.
Sennatuchs, tribe of Nootku.^, i., 174-
208; location, i., 205.
Sennelkamcen Uiver, i., 312.
Senotes, subterranean si)rings, Yuca-
tan, antiq., iv., 198, 201, 212, 221,
249.
Scnuisacal, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 199.
Sepulture, see Burial.
Sequcchul (Sequechil), QuichtS king,
v., 566, 695.
Serapc, Mexican dress, i., 532, 582.
690.
Seraque, village, Darien, i., 795.
Seredkinskojes, tribe of Aleuts, i.,
87-94; location, i., 141. .
Seris, i., 604, 8eo Ceria.
1^
INUEX.
761
SerouBkumnc, Central California,
lang., iii., M9.
Scrnont, HynilMila, etc., ii., Mf!, 572,
578, 585, 751, 791; iii., 129, l.'*4-7.
171-3, 180, 398, 400; antici., iv., 37,
185-7, 22(i-7, 229-31, 235; v., 87;
8CC alHO SnakcH.
Sor()cnt River, i., 317, m>o Snake
Iliver.
Serrano do Cajoncs, Zapotec dialect,
iii., 754.
Serrano do Ixtepec, Zapotec dialect,
iii., 754.
Serrano de ISlialinatlan, Zapotec dia-
lect, iii., 754.
Serrano.s, Kontli Californian tri))e, i.,
402-2'.!; location, i., 458.
ScrritoH, villa^^e, South California, i.,
4(M).
Scrvushnnmes, Central Californian
trilte, i., .'I(il-4<)1; location, i., 450.
SesagukH, tribe of Aleuta, i., 87-94;
location, i., 141.
Sesci>an1abti, Mo<iui village, i., 528.
Sc!4hats (ScHliahtH, Sliecharts), tribe
of NootkaH, i., 174-208; location,
i., 2{)5, 297.
Sespc, South Californian trilw, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Seven, sacred nnnil)cr, iii., 270.
Seven ('avc8, name for Chicoinoztoc
and Tulan Zuiva, q. v.
Sovcrnovskia, name for Chwacha-
niaju, i., 449.
Scvernozcr, name for Chwachunmju,
i. 449.
Sevier Lake, i., 422, 4(>4-8.
Sevier (Severe) Iliver, i., 467.
Sevier Valley, i., 404, 4(i8.
SewatpallaM, i., 318, xee Sclloatpal-
lalts.
Sexes, i., 93, 128, 170, 390, 393, 416-17,
551-2, .TCe, 703-4; ii., 243-5, 290,
695, 72.3.
Sextapay, South California lang.,
iii., 656-8.
Seywamenes (SaywaniincH), ('entral
Californian tribe, i., 361-401; loca-
tion, i.,450; lang., iii., (>49.
Shahaptans, i., 316, see Sahaptins.
Shaistches, Inland Ctdumbian tribe,
i., 250-91; location, i., 314.
Shaktolik (Schaktol, Schaktulack)
Bay, i., 141.
ShalachmushunmcB, Central Califor-
nian tribe, i., 361-401; location, i.,
450.
Shalalas (Shalalahs, Shallalahs), tribe
of Chinooks, i., 222^; location,
i., 306-7.
Slialt4ittoH (ShallatoH), inland Colum-
bian trilie, i., 250-91; location, i.,
.JJO-I.
Shamdn, a sorcerer, i., 77, 85, 522;
iii., 141-4, 147-8, 152.
Sliamooinaughs, Inland Columbian
tril>e, i., 250-91; location, i., 317.
Slianelkayas, Central Californian
tribe, i., 361-401; location, i., 451.
Shasta Itnttc, locality. North Cali-
fiirnia, i., 444, 447.
Shasta Mountains, i., 327, 447, 451.
Shasta Uiver, i., 446.
Shastas ((.'hastay, Sastt', Shastc,
Sha-sty, Weohows), North Califor-
nian trilte, i., 326-61; location, i.,
327, 44(5-7; special mention, i., 333,
342, .144, 351, .361; myth., iii., .547;
v., 19; lang., iii., 640.
Shasta Vallcv, i., 447, 457; lang.,
iii., 6.37-8.
Shaste, i., 447, se<! Sha-stas.
Sliastv, i., 447, sec Shastas.
Shawhaaptcns, i., 317, see Sahap-
tins.
Shaw's Flat, California, antiq., iv.,
700.
Shcastuklcs, i., 307, sec Shiastuck-
les.
Shebalne Ponios, Central ('alifoniian
triltc, i., 361-401; h>cation, i., 362,
448.
Shcbashitfl, i., 294, see Sebassaa.
Shelwretches, tribe of Shoshoncs, i.,
422-42; location, i., 470.
Shecharts, i., 295, see Scshats.
Sheep, i., 215-16, 489, 602, 505, .5.14,
583.
Sheep Indians, i., 145, see Ambaw-
tawhoot-Tinneh.
Shehees, tribe of Chinooks, i., 222-
50; location, i., ,309.
Shekoms, Central (californian tril)e,
i.. .361-401; location, i., 451.
Shells, various uses, Hyporboreans,
i., 48, 72, 80, 97, 122, 128, 1.33;
Columbians, i., 165, 179, 182, 186-
92, 201, 206, 211, 217, 229, 239,
258; antiq., iv., 739-40; Californi-
ans, i., 330, 3.33, .347, 367-8, 381-2,
385, 393-4, 403, 407-9, 424-6; an-
tiq., iv., 709-10; New Mexicans,
i., 482, ,506, 5.32-3, 561, 658-9, 56.3,
574-5, 584; Mexicans, i., 622, 630;
ii., 173, 175, 290, 292, 319, 325,
337, 374, 673; iii., .369, 385, 407,
416-17; Central Americans, i., 691,
706, 717, 752, 764; ii., 684, 713,
729, 732.3, 737, 752; MisBisBippi
Valley, antiq., iv., 782.
7M
INDEX.
Shelter Cove, i., 449.
Slic|Hiwlnwc, M<H|ui viltnxe, i.i CM.
ShcrwiKHl Valley, i., 3(ii!, 44S.
SlieHwiip, i., Mi, Hcc HIiiiHliwnpH.
Hliut-lu-caiie, (>kuimj;tui liiiir (irna-
iiicntM, i., 257.
SlicwliiipiiiHch, i., 2ni, Hco Hliimli-
Shcwim|m, i., 3I'2, hoc ShiiHliwapM.
tSliiastiickloH (SheiiHtiikleH), trilie of
('liiiiiiokM, i., 222-50; lucution, i.,
3(»7.
Sliii'ldtt, IlyiierborpaiiN, i., 79, 119;
<;<iluinl>iuim, t., '2Xi; ( 'nliforniaim,
i., 3-W, 4;«l-2; New Mexicaim, i.,
49a, 19(1, ."Ul, r>78-9; Mexicaim, i..
fi27-8, (i55; ii., 32«, .3.17, 4(M, 490-7,
rm, (il8, (i2l; iii., 284-42(i iiaMMiiii;
MavaH, ii., 742.
Sliiniiaiinioim, tribe of Koiiiid Iii-
<liaiiH, i., 208-22; location, i., 299;
laiig., iii., ()l<5.
Sliiii<^e NpringH, Calil»rnia, antiq.,
iv., 704-5.
Shipap, I'ticbln villa<;e, i., •'i27.
SliirrvilikaH, trilK5 of SIiohIioiich, i.,
422-42; location, i., 4(>l.
Shis hxlay, 'Men of the woodB,'
name for A|>ache.s, i., 474.
ShistakooHtees (SiHticooxtas), North
(^alifornian trilie, i., .S2(>-(>1; loca-
tion, i., 44.3.
ShinKnernii, (Central Californian
trihe. i., .3(>l-40l; h>cation, i., 454.
Shiwinnii, i., (>U0, hcc Kiwinna.
Bhtjain Scliod, Koniaga go<l, iii.,
14.3.
Shoalwater Bay, i.. 209, .303, .305.
Sill' Kvater Hay Indians, trihe of
(liinooks, i., 222-50; location, i.,
305.
Shoes, Hv|>erboreans, i., 49-!H), 73;
(''olumhuins, i., 258; Californians,
i., 331, 424-(>; New Mexicans, i.,
480-4, WM, .'531-2, 559, 6(59, o74;
Mexicans, i., (520, (550; ii., .32(5,
3:^, .3(59-70, 375, 39(5, 405; iii., 435;
C'entral Americans; i., 690, 710;
ii., (53.5, 731.
ShokoMiish, i., ,302, see Skokomish.
S'lionianiish, trilic of Nonnd Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 299, 301.
Shononines, Central ('atifornian trihe,
i., 3(51-401; location, i., 450.
Shookanys, trihe of Chinooks, i.,
222-50; location, i., .309.
Shoopshapet, i., 312, sec Shnslnvaps.
Shooshaps, i., 310, see Shnshwaps.
Shooshowaps, i., 310, sec Shush waps.
Shoremcc, Ocntrnl ralifomlan triW,
i., 31)1-401; location, i., 454.
Shoshokoes (hShoshocoos, SIio.sIiocoh),
trilio of Shoshones, i., 422-42; loca-
tion, i., 4(iO; s|K!cial mention, i.,
441-2; lang , iii., 0(51.
tShoshoncH, one of the four families
into which the Californians are <li-
vidcil; manners and ciistonm of
all its nations and trihes dcscrilicd
together; i., 422-42; )>hysi<|ue, i.,
422-3; dress, i., 423-(»; 'dwellings,
i., 42(5-7; food, i., 427-;K); jMjrsonal
habits, i., 4.30-1; weapons and wur,
i., 431-4; ini]>lenients, i., 434-6;
boats, pri»perty, government, i.,
435; slavery, i., 4.35-(l; marriage
and women, i., 43(5-7; amiisenients
and miscellaneous custoniK, i., 437-
9; nu'dicine and burial, i., 4.39-40;
character, i., 440-2; h cation, of
tribes, i., 152, .322, 422, 4(50-70;
nivth.. iii., 9.3-4, 167; lang., iii.,
.'•>(57-8, (5(50-79.
Shoshones (Shoshonco, Shoshonic),
i., 422, sec Snakes.
Shoshoteos, i., 4(59, see Tosawees.
Shothoucs, i., 4(52, see Snakes.
S'llotlemamish, trilte of Sound In-
dians, i., 208-22; hicatiim, i., :{01.
Shotos, trilte of ("liinooks, i., 222-50;
location, i., .30(5, 3()8.
Shouagan (Showgan), trilic of Hal-
dabs, i., 1.55 74; location, i., 292.
Shonshwaps, i., 310, sec Shushwaps.
Shroiiders, burial, ii., (50.3, 015, (519,
799-800; iii., 4(M5.
Sbucu, i., 458, see Xucu.
Shiimagin (Schumaginsk) Islands,
i., 01, 87, 142.
.Shumeias, Central Californian trilH<,
i., 3(51-401; sticcial mention, i.,
.379; location, i., 448.
Shi1muth])i\, Mo(|ui village, i., iVJS,
(500.
>Shuiigo|mwe, i., 001, sec Xougojiavi.
Shushwap Lake, i., 310; iii., 01.3.
.Shushwaps. one of the nine families
into which the Colnmhians arc di-
vided; manners and customs of
all its nations and triltes descrilied
together; i., 251-91; location, i.,
151, 251-2, 310-12.
Shush w-aps(Schoiiclinnap,Shoonsliaii,
Shooshaps, Sliooshcwa]>, Shousii-
wajis, Sliuflhwapniuch, Shuswap-
much, Shuswaiis, Soushwap, Su-
wapamuck). Inland Columbian
tribe, i., 2li0-9\; location, i., 310-
11; sitecial mention, i., 250,
INDKX.
763
2.W-fiO, 2fi4-r., 271, 276. 289; lung.,
iii., (>l.'<.
SliiitUc, i.. rt(»2, r>H-2.
Shiiycliii, i., 314, hoc <'hiiu<li*M'(>H.
SiuliH(hiiinH|, North <'ulifiirniaii Iriltc,
i., .'<2()'-(il; liKwitioii, i., 44(i; lung.,
iii., rm.
Siaiiiaiiu Luke, i., 2!K>.
SiuiiiaiiUH, trilx! of Sound liidiuiiH,
i., 208-22; ioration, i., 2<.K).
SiuiiiiltoneH, tril»c of ApurliUH, i.,
47;J-"»2(i; location, i., rm.
SiiiiiM, i., 44(!, Hi'c SiijliH.
Siiia^nn, South Culiforiiiau trilH;, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4W>.
SihuliapuH, North Mexican trilio, i.,
r)71-!»l; locafion. i., (;07.
SicanniH (SicauiiicH, SikauiH), triho of
Tinnch, i., 114-37; location i., 114,
140; H|iccial nuintion, i., 125, i;i7;
myth., iii., r>\7; Ian;,'., iii., 587.
Sicca, ('CUtral ('aliforniuu triltc, i..
.301-401; location, i., 4.'i3.
Sichi<-an, Cuntrul Califoruian trihc,
i., .301-401; locaticm, i., 453.
Sicklcy Uivcr, i., 4(i.3.
Sicknaahuttvs, trihunf Thiinkccts,
i., !>4-l 14;" location, i., 143.
SiitkncHs, HOC Medicine.
Sicuiraclm, Chichiuiec Wanacacc
ruler, v., 512-1.5.
SicuniucH, i., 450, hoc Sccunines.
Sicuraiia, Acaxee dialect, iii., 719.
Sicxacanics, North Mexican trilw, i.,
.571-itl; location, i., (1.
SidanakH, triln; of Aleuts, i., 87-04;
location, i., 141.
Sierra <le Aclia, i., 59.5.
Sierra Analiuac, i., 596.
Sierra An(dia, i., 595.
Sierra lilanca, i., 595.
Sierra de ( 'anoas, Qucrdtaro, antiq.,
iv., .5.50-2.
Sierra <lcl Diahio, iii., 594-5.
Sierra (iorda, i., 673; lang., iii.,
742.3.
Sierra Largua, i., .59.5.
Sierra dc Macuilajm, i., 679.
Sierra Madre, ii., 87; iii., 710.
Sierra dc Malinchc, Tloacala, antiq.,
iv., 477.
Sierra del Mczc^uital, i., 01.3.
Sierra dc Ioh MinibrcH, i., 475, .595-6;
iii., 594-6.
Sierra del Nayarit, i., 672.
Sierra Nevada, i., 323, 422, 444, 466,
471-2.
Sierra de FaloniaH, Zacatecos, antiq.,
iv., 683.
Sierra Pifial, i., 596.
ToL. T. M
I..
I.,
Sierra de Taniaulipa vieja, 1., 61.3.
Sierra Valley, i,, 4<i:».
SicrraH (CaruanaH). South (^'alifomian
trilic, i., 402-22; location, i., 468.
SicveH, i. , 544, 036.
SigualH, i., .380, 497-8, 619-20, 697;
ii., 426-7.
Sihinii, South ('alifornian iribo, i.,
4(>2-22; location, i.,4.58.
Sihkrau, MoH(|uito feaxt, i., 735.
Sihuiconi, South ralifurniaii trit)c,
i., 402-22; location, i.. 4.5!t.
Siioh, Yucatan, antiii., iv., 262.
SiKaniH, i., 12.5, hcc SicanniH.
Sikitiputr, South ('alifornian tril>o,
i., 402-22; location, i., 459.
Silan, Yucatan, anti<|., iv., 261.
SiliuuiHtuH, Soutli ('alifornian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i.. 4.58.
Silinii, South ('alifornian trilM3,
'l(V.'-22; h.cation. i.,4.58.
Silino, South ('alifornian trilHi,
402-22; location, i., 4,58.
SiliHUc, South ('alifornian tribe,
402-22; location, i.,4.58.
Silk, i., 370, (J48, (iriO, (i57.
Silla, I'ueblo village, i., 527; lang.,
iii,. (>81.
Silver, i., .370, 482-3. .504-5, 54.3, 574,
(i3l, 752; ii., 173, 285, .372, 4(M),
47:)-8; iii., .325; iv., 778-9, 792-4.
Silver Creek, i., 793.
SiiiibalakccH, Central ('alifornian
tribe, i., 361-401; locatiim, i., .362-3.
SinicroncH, trilte of IsthniianH, i.,
747-85; lang., iii., 794.
Sinii, South ('alifornian tril>c, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4.59.
Siniilkaniccn Uiver, i., 312.
SiniilkanieenM(('hitwout), Inland Co-
luuil)ian tribe, i., 2.50-91; locution,
i., :n2; lan^., iii., 613.
SinaahniiHh, i., 299, hcc SnohomiHli.
Siua<;Hho]>H, Inland (,'olunibian tril)o,
i., 2.V)-91; location, i., 320.
SiuahcuiiHh, i., .3(M), hcc SnohoniiHh.
Siuuhouii.sh, i., 299, hcc SnohoniiHh.
Siuahouniez, i, , .300, nee iSnohoniiHli.
Sinaloa, i., .591; lang., iii., 667, (>94,
70(>-10; antiq., iv., 601; Nahua
migration, v., 222.
Sinaloos, (Cinaloas), North Mexican
tribe, i., .571-91; location, i., 572,
GOT; Hpecial mention, i., 576;
myth., iii., 8.3, 180, .529; v., 20;
lang., iii., ()67, 694, 70(i-10.
Sinaminh, i., .300, nee SnohoniiHh.
SinapoilH, i., 316, Hce Sans Poils.
SinatchcggH, Inland Columbian trilte,
i., 250-91; location, i.. 311.
■li.'i li
7fi4
INDEX.
Sinccquomoniicli, Iiilniul ColHinbiiiii
trihc, i., '2rA)->n: locution, i.. 3iri.
SincwH, vurioiiH iisch, i., M, ~>H-\), 74,
7«, 01. 104, 117, IfiJ, ISC, ISS, '.'I.-.,
a-W, '-'(W, M\, 377-8, 4M'2, »»4,
641, 579; ii., 408.
Siiiicon, Soutli ('tiliforniaii tribe, i.,
402-22; locution, i., 4.")!l.
HinipoiuilH, !., .SKi. hoc Sans I'oilH.
Sini<oniun, nunio for Spoivuncs, i.,
:»ir..
Hinnock, Mosquito riHliin;;-s{ii'ur, i.,
720.
SinnoniiHh. i.. .301, hcc KnolioniiHli.
SinoquiiH), villa;rc, Sonoru, i., (fOO.
SinpuiUMisli, i., 3U>. hcc Suiih t'oilw.
SinpuvcliHt. i., 310, hcc Suhh I'oilH,
Sin|x)licllcclmcl)M, Inland Oolunibiun
trilw. i., 2.')0-!H; locution, i., 312.
Sinpoilisli (Sin|>oilHchnc), i., 315-10,
800 Suns I'oils.
SinscluwH, i., .308, hoc NuiuHtklus.
SinHcluw Kivor, i., .308.
SinHlililiooiHli, Inland Coluinbiun
tril)c, i., 2.')0-01; locution, i., 315.
8inHpeolisli, i., 315, hoc Suns PoIIh.
SintootooH (Sintoutoolish), Inland Co-
lunibian tril>c, i., 250-91; locution,
i., 31.'5.
Siiit/iclia Tan^ajiian, name for Tun-
jj;uxoan, v., 510.
Inland (^)lnni-
Sinwlioyolppctooks,
l>i-iii trilKi, i., 250-
91; locati<Hi, i.,
31 J.
Sio (\)tchniin, Central I'uliforniun
tribe, i., .301-401; locution, i., 4.54.
Sinununi, Central Californian tribe,
1., 301-401; locution, i., 4.53.
Sipico, loculity, Miclioacan. v., 518.
Siplichiqiiin. ('entral Californian
tribe, i., .301-401; location, i.,453.
Sipuca, South (Californian trHM!, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Siquirionnis, Ontral (Jalifornian
tribe, i., .301-401; location, i., 450.
Siragucn Lake, Miclioacan, antic}.,
iv., 570.
Sirout, Acagcliemem mythical person,
iii., 104-5.
Siaa, South Califoi lian tribe, i. , 402-
22; location, !.,• <9.
Sisabanonasc, Sout Californiantribc,
i., 402-22; locati. , i., 459.
Sisac, name of n th in Chiapas,
ii., 700.
Sisahiahut, South t 'ifornian tril)c,
i., 402-22; location '., 459.
Siscostac, Central (.'. fornian tribe,
i., 361-401; locutioi i., 453.
SishuH (Lisbus), ("entral (Californian
trilie, i., .301-401; h>cution, i., 4.50.
SisilMituris, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; H|>ceial mention, i., 585, 687,
5iKt.
Sisichii, South (Jaliiiirnian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4.50.
Sisimbrcs, North Mexican tril)e, i.,
.571-91; locatiim, i.. 010.
Sisitcnno;{na. South (Jal ifornian tribe,
i., 402-22; locution, i., 4(M).
Sisjiilciov, South Culiforniun tribe,
i.. 402-22; location, i., 459.
Siskiyou County, ('alifornia, i., 413-
4; anti<i., iv., 707.
Siski.vou Niountains, i., 443, 44(!.
Sisolop, South ('alifornian tribe, i.,
4()2-2'J; locution, i., 4.58.
SiHticoostas, i., 44.3, sec Shistakoos-
tees.
Sisuchi, Soutli Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4.59.
Sitax, Yucatan, anti(i., iv., 230.
Sitintajea, Central (-alifornian tribe,
i., .3(il-tOI; locution, i., 453.
Sitka Hay, i., 142-3.
Sitkas ((i-tinkit, Schinkit, S-chit-
cba-chon, Sitcas, .Sitka-^uouays,
Sitka-Koans), tribe of Thlinkccts,
i., 94-114; location, i., 90, 143;
special mention, i., 102-3; lang.,
iii.. 579.
Sitlintaj, Central Californian tribe,
i., .301-401; locatitm. i., 4.5.3.
Sitolo (Sautatho), Soutli Californian
tribe, i., 402-22; locution, i., 450.
Sittintac, (Central Californian tribe,
i., .301-401; location, i., 4.5.3.
Situchi, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4.59.
Siur Polls, Iiilnnd Columbian tribe,
i., 250-91; location, i., 314.
Siuslaws, i., .308, see Saiustklus.
Sivano, Piniu mythical person, iii., 80.
Sivilih6a, town, Sonoru, i., 008.
Siwinna (Shiwinn^t), Moqiii villa;i;c,
i.,528, COO.
Siyanguayas, North Mexican tribe,
1., 571-91; location, i.. Oil.
Siyante (Typoxi), (Central Califor-
nia dialect, iii., ()50.
Skaddals, Inland (Columbian tribe,
i., 250-91; location, i., 320-1.
Skadjets, i., 299, see Skagits.
Skagit River, i., 299, 300.
Skagita (Saehcts, Scatchctts, Skad-
jets), tribe of Sound Indiana, i.,
208-22; location, i., 208, 299; spe-
cial mention, i., 211-12, 219, 222;
lung., iii., 015.
1
INDEX.
766
Bkuim;liilt'iiiH)i, IiilantI Columbian
trili(% i., '2r>iM)l; lociitioii, i., HXH.
Sktil/.i, iiiiiii(> for KootciiitiH, i., S51.
Kkaiiiti(iiiiiiiuu};lis, IiiIiiikI ('olutiil)iuit
ti'ilH!, i., 2.'i(>-{)l; locution, i., .'il7.
Skanioyiiiiiiiai'kH (SkuiiioyiitiniacliH),
liiluiid ('oliniil)ian trilH>, i., '250-
i)l; location, i., :\V2, ItlO.
Skatcat, triU; of Nootkax, i., 174-
'J*»H; location, i., L>!)ti.
SkatkiiilHclii, lnlan(l('olunil>inntril>o,
i., •2M-'.)l; location, i., ai4.
Skcawaniiiiii, trilivof Soiinil IndianH,
i., '20S-'22; location, i., .'{(K).
SkcawaniiHli River, i., 'MM).
SkcchcranionHC, Inland Colnmbian
trilie, i., 'jr>()-!M; location, i., 315.
KkccdanH, i., '2!)'J, Hce Skiildans.
Skccna Uivcr, i., IW, 174, '2'M-4.
SkecnaH, trilM) of llaidalis, i., l.5r>-74;
location, i., hV), '2<.M; H|iccial mun-
tion, i., 174.
SkcetHonii. \i, Inland('<dunibiantrilK!,
i., WO-IM; location, i., ."IH.
Skeletons, ;inti(|., iv., 71, 117-130,
237- tt», ''Ki'), 3(!8, .37(!, 428-3(), 451,
474-5, 5'.'7. 577, 5<.»7-«()0, 6JI2-707,
737-40. 775-(!.
S'Ketelilniisli, tribcof Sonnd Indians,
i., 208-2-'; location, i., .300.
Skcti},'ets, i., 202, wee Skiddu)j;atH.
Sketsoniisli, Inland Colnmbian tribe,
i., 2,5(M»1; location, i.. 313.
Skcvsclianiisb, tril>e of ISound In-
dians, i., 208-22; location, i., .300.
SkcvsclianiiHh River, i., 300.
Skida<;atc8 (Skida;;atcc8), i., 165,
292, see >Skiddc)^at8.
Skiddans (Skeedana), tribe of Hai-
dahs, i., 155-74; location, i., 292.
Skiddeyate C^bannel, i., 292.
8kidde<{at8 (.Sketigcts, Skidajratces,
Skida;;ate8, Skidegats, Skitta^^cets,
SkittdcfjatcB, SkitteRils, Skitte-
getts), tribe of Haidabs, i. , 15.5-74;
location, i., 1.55, 292; siiccial men-
tion, i., 1(55, 174.
Skiens, Inland Columbian tribe, i.,
250-91; location, i., 320.
Skillutes (Skilloots, Skiloots), tribe
of (^liinooks, i., 222-50; location,
i. . .304, .306-7; special mention, i.,
274; lanjj., iii., 626.
Skins, various utes, Hyperltorcans,
i., 46, 49-63, 69, 73-5, 79, 86-7, 89,
100, 102, 108, 117-18, 122, 128. 133;
Columbians, i., 159-60, 162, 166-
7, 170, 182-3, 211, 214-16, 228-31,
235, 239, 268-61. 266, 270-2, 289;
Calif orniuiiB, i., 330-1, 341, 343, 346,
347, 367-8, .377-8. 384. 388. 403, 423-
6, 432, 440; New McxicaiiH, i.,
481-3, 486-7, 49.V6, .505, .531-2, .541,
645, 558-W), 567, 5' 1, 579, 583;
Mexicans, i., 620 i, 627. 6:M), (S48.
0.50,657, 6.59; ii., 311, 363-9, .386,
4<Mi-7, 440, 486, .524; iii., .3.5.5-8,
413,41.5, 421; Ccntriil AiiK^ricaiis,
i., 70.5-6, 716, 72(i, 765, 768; ii.,
731,741-2.771.787.
Skitsuisb (Skitswisb), Inland ('(duni-
bian trilK\ i., 250-91; location, i.,
314; lan^'., iii., 618.
Skitlajjccts (Skittdcjii'-tes, Hkittc^ilh,
SkittcKctts), i., 2«)2, see Hkiddc-
,;a(s.
Sklallani (Sklallnni, S'klaluni), i.
.'102; iii., 61.5, see Clallam.
Nkoielpoi, name for ('olvilies, i., 2.52.
Skokoiiiisli (Sbokoniisb), tribe of
Sound Indians, i., 208-22; location,
i., 301-2.
.Skoocooin, Clallam evil spirit, iii..
1.5.5.
Skopealiniisli, tribcof Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; locatiim, i., 300.
Skowboniisli, Inland (.'olumbian tribe,
i., 2j50-91; location, i., 311.
SkowtouH, Inland Columbian tribe,
i.. 250-91; b)cation, i., 311.
Skrcllin^s, account of, v., 110-12.
Sktablejuins, tribe of Sound Indiani),
i., 208-22; location, i., 300.
Skuckstanajnm|is, tribe of Sound
Indians, i., 208-22; location, i.,
300.
Skuckstanajunips River, i., .300.
Skulls, i.. 12, 1.5. 46, 72, 158. 177,
204, 225; ii., 4.30-1, 585-6, 624; iii.,
293, 345; iv., 740.
Skwalls, i., .301, sec Nisquallics.
Skyappc, iii., 153, see Elcmebunikel-
lanwaist.
Sky use, i., 266, see Cay use.
Skvwbamisb, tribe of Sound Indians,
i'., 208-22; location, i., 300.
Slacus, i., 4.58, sec JIaac.s.
Slate, i., .59, 165, 188, 343; ii.; 784-5.
Slav«5, Kutchin dialect, iii., .587-8.
Slave Iliver, i., 144.
Slavery, ii., 62; Hyperboreans, i.,
65, 80-1, 108-9, 124-5, 135j Colum-
bians, i., 167-8, 171, 173-4, 177, 179,
188, 191, 195, 206, 217-18, 226-7,
240-1, 248, 276; Cnliforninns, i.,
.349, 388, 4.36-6; New Mexicans, i.,
510-11; Mexicans, i.,661; 11,217-
23, 456-62, 607-8, 610-13, 622, 626,
688-9, 737; iii., 511-13; v., .394,
413-14, 462; Central Americans, i.,
Ill
756
INDEX.
729, 771-2; ii., 649-51, 667-9; v.,
631.
Sler1ge8, i., 61-2.
Slings, i., 494, 541, 562, 627, 655, 696,
761; ii., 408-9, 743.
Slouacuss Tinnch (Slowacuss, Sliia-
cuss-dinais), tribe of Tinnch, 1.,
114-37; location, i., 145; lang., iii.,
5S5.
SniahoomcnaiBh, Inland Columbian
tribe, i., 250-91; location, i., 315.
Snialehhus, tribe of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 300.
Small-pox, i., 220, 246, 286, 394, 521,
568, 588-9, 638-9, 708, 742; ii., 594;
v., 625, 601, 629.
SnicIJoiniiali, triltc of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 300.
Smess, tribe of Nootkas, i., 175-208;
location, i., 298.
Smess Lake, i., 298.
Sniesa River, i., 298.
Smith Inlet, i., 294.
Smith Kiver, i., 3;J0, 333, 346, 446-6;
lang., iii., 593, 638.
Smocksliops, tribe of Chinookn, i.,
222-50; location, i., 306.
Smoke, i., 68, 133, 163, 184, 198-9,
213, 219, 243, 273, 282, 285, 339,
354, 380, 394, 433-8, 497-8, 615-17,
519-20, 650, 554, 666-8, 580, 633,
666, 720-1, 739, 742, 776; ii., 178,
285-8, 666, 673, 684; iii., 153, 171,
238
Smoky Valley, i., 466.
Smooa, tribe of Mosquitos, i., 711-47;
location, i., 712, 793; special men-
tion, i., 714, 716-17, 720, 746; lang.,
iii., 783.
Smulkainish, tribe of Sound Indiana,
i., 208-22; location, i., 300.
Snake River, i., 152, 263, 317-18,
461-3; iii., 620.
Snakes (Shoshonec, Shoshones, Sho-
ahonic, Shothoucs, Sitsbnnics), tribe
of Shoshones, i., 422-42; location,
i., 422, 461-3; special mention, i.,
424-6, 428, 430-6, 438, 440-1; lang.,
iii., 662.
Sniikea, i., 374, 379, 405, 417, 419,
521, 539, 561, 67(;, 578-9, 687-9,
626, 649, 743. 762, 778; ii., 600,
602; iii., 268, 281-2, 290-1, 294,
298, 321-2, 324, 343-4, 348, 429.
Snares, aee Trapa.
Snelling, Califomin, antiq., iv., 707.
Snihuax, South Califoruian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Snohomish (Sinaahmish, Sinaheraiah,
Sinahomiah, Sinahoumez, Sina-
miah, Snowhomiah), tribe of
Sound Indiana, i., 208-22; locu-
tion, i., 299-301; lang., iii., 615.
Snohomish River, i., 300.
Snoqualimich, tribe of Sound Indi-
ana, i., 208-22; location, !., 300.
Snoqualimich River, i., 300.
Snoqualniook, trilie of Sound Indi-
ans, i., 208-22; location i., 299-300.
Snoipiamish, tribe of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 301.
Snow, Eakimo dwellings, i., 53-4, 58;
heavy fall in Mexico, v., 413.
Snowhomish, i., 301, sec Snohomish.
Snow-ahocs, i., 63, 264.
Snuff, i., 76, 133; ii., 287-8, 600.
Soayalpis (Soaiatlpi), Inland Colum-
bian trilMS, i., 260-91; location, i.,
312; lang., iii., 616.
Sobaipuris, (Sobaypuris), tribe of
Pueblos, i., 626-66; location, i.,
603; lang., iii., 694-6.
Sobaa, North Mexican tribe, i., 571-
91; location, i., 606; lang., iii.,
695.
Sochimanque, iii., 420, aee Xochi-
nianqui.
Sockamukes, tribe of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 300.
Sockatchecnums, Inland Columbian
tribe, i., 250-91; location, 1., 311.
Socklunmes (Locklomnecs), Central
Califomian tribe, i., 361-401; loca-
tion, i., 450.
Soclan, Central Califomian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 453.
Socoas, Central Califomian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 362, 449, 451.
Socoiaukas, Central Califomian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 363, 452.
Socoliio, i. , 788, see Zakuleu.
SocoUomilloa, Central Califomian
tribe, i., 361-401; location, i., 363.
Soconuaco (Xocouochco), town and
province, Chiapas, i., 680, 787;
iii., 760; hist., v., 425, 473, 630,
534, 602, 604, 606.
Socorro, New Mexico, antiq., iv.,
663.
Soda Springs, Idaho, myth., iii., 93-4.
Sodomy, i., 81-2, 92, 416, 515, 685,
773-4; ii., 467-9, 664, 677-8; v..
198.
Sogups, tribe of Shoshonca, i., 422-
42; location, i., 464.
Soiilenn, i., 295, aee Soiitinu.
Soiitinu, (Soiilenu), tribe of Noot-
kas, i., 174-208; location, i., 296.
Soiaehme, Central Califomian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 463.
INDEX.
757
Sokt^akcits, North Californion tribe,
i., 326-(il; location, i., 445.
Sokci<, trit)c of Nootkas, i., 174-208;
locution, i., 175, 295-7.
Sokulks, Inland Columbian tribe, i.,
250-91; location, i., 321; special
mention, i., 258, 260, 267, 271,
278, 287, 289; lanjr., iii., 621.
Sola, town, Oujaca, i., 681.
Solano County, ("alifornia, i., 452;
iii., 650.
Solcdad de las Canoas, town, Queni-
taro, i., 672.
Soliman Point, Yucatan, antiq., iv.,
254.
Solodis Cape, v., 66.
80I0I4 town and province, Guate-
mala, i., 788; iv., 121; v., 577.
Sololumnea (Solomnics, Solunmeea),
Central Califomiun tribe, i., 361-
401; ocation, i., 450, 453; lang.,
iii., 649.
Sol tecs. South Mexican tribe, i., 644-
70; location, i., 681.
Sombrerito, Oajaca, antiq., iv., 422.
Somes (Soiiio), South Californiau
tribe, i., 402-22; location, i., 459.
Sona^na, South (Californiau tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 460.
Sonj^liies (Soiiges, Sonj^hish), tribe of
Nootkas, i., 174-208; location, i.,
29C-7; myth., iii., 522.
Songs, ;., 67, 112, 170-1, 190, 201,
219, 243, 281-2, 352-3, 358, 393,
516, 522, 550-2, 635, 664, 704, 707,
736-8, 782-3; ii., 243, 285, 289, 293-
4, 313, 607-8, 617-21, 669, 712; iii.,
62-3; see also Music.
Sononuis (Sonomellos,' Sonomis), Cen-
tral (Californian tribe, i., 361-401;
location, i., 362, 449, 453.
Sonons, Central t-alifornian tribe, i.,
361-401; locatiou. i., 463.
Sonora, tribes dcnoribcd, i., 671-91;
location, i., 604-12; mvth., iii.,
178-9, 529; lang., iii., .'583, 593-5,
667-70, 694-710. 717; antiq.,. iv.,
603; hist., v., 221, 509.
Sonora River, i., 605.
Sonoras, North Mexican tril)e, i.,
671-91; location, i., 607; mvth..
iii., 178-9, 529; lang., iii., 667^71.
Sonsonate (Zonzonatu), U>\\u, Salva-
dor, i., 790; anti<i., iv., 69; hist.,
v., 608.
Soones, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-526;
location, i., 598.
Soo-oo-it, name for inhabitants of
Kadiak, i., 70.
Sopono, i., 469, kcc Missopcno.
Sopotatumne, Central California,
laug., iii., 649.
So(iuumish, i., 301, sec Suquamish.
So(|ues, i., 647, sec Zotjucs.
Sorcerer, name given to an Uxmal
king, v., 633.
Sorcerers, Hvperboreans, i., 85, 113,
120-1, 124| iii., 141-4, 147-9; Co-
lumbians, i., Ifi7, 170-2, 192,
200-5, 219, 245-6, 284, 286-7; iii.,
130, 149-56; Californians, i., .344,
352-5, 386, .394-5, 418; iii., 158-65;
New Mexicans, i., 522, 554, 567-8;
iii., 170-1, 180; Mexicans, i.,()40.1,
667; ii., 253, 271-2, 317, 462, 601-2;
iii., 241-2, 364; v., 450, 469, .533;
Central Americans, i., 703, 707, 709,
740-.3, 777-80; ii., 211-12, 6.59, 688,
696-7, 719, 74.5, 797-8, 800; iii., 473,
495-.500; origin of, iii., 31.
Sormeli, feather ornaments, L, 482.
Sorsi, i., 145, see Siirsis.
Soshonies, i., 4(i2, see Sn.akes.
Sotcomellos (Sotomieyos), Central
Californiau trilw, i , 361-401, loca-
tion, i., 448.
Sotomoenu (Sotonoenui), South Cali-
fornian tribe, i., 402-22; location,
i., 4.59.
Souissouns, i., 4.53, sec Suisuncs.
Soul, idea.sof, iii., 34-.5, 51418.
Sound Indians, one of the nine fam-
ilies into which the Columbians
are divided; manners and customs
of nil its nations and tribes de-
scribed together, i., 208-22; phy-
sique, i., 156, 210; drc.s.s, !., 210-11;
dwellings, i., 21 1-12; food, i., 212-14;
implements and weapons, i., 214-
15; manufactures, i., 215-16; lumtB,
i., 216-17; pro|)crty .and trade, i.,
217; government and slavery, i.,
217-18; women and marriage, i.,
218-19; amusements, etc., i., 219;
medicine, i., 219-20; burial, i., 220;
character, i., 174, 220-2; location
of tribes, i., 151, 208-9, 298-304.
So.iscoc, South Califiirnian tribe, i.,
402-22; location,!., 4.59.
Soushwap, i., 310, see Shushwaps.
South Bay, 1., 301.
Southern Californians, sec Califor-
nians, Southern.
Southern Mexicans, see Mexicans,
Southern.
South Fork, i., 44.5, 448.
Sovonnom, Inland ('olumbian tribe,
1., 250-91; location, i., 317.
Soyopa, village, Sonora, i., 606.
Spampt, Okanagan weapon, i., 268.
i!;' n
758
INDEX.
Spaniards, arrival on the Coast, v. ,
464-()9, 473, 47(), 478-82, 52«, 535-«,
598-9, 601-2, 626-7, 029.
Spanish Flat, California, antiq., iv.,
705.
Spanish historians, bibliograpliy. ii.,
158-60; v., 142-9.
Spatlain, food of Inland Columbian
tribes, i., 265.
Spawn, tood, i., 104, 163, 187-8; ii.,
176.
Spears, Hyperlmrcans, i., 59, 77, 79,
104-5; Columbians, i., 162-4, 185,
188, 212- 14, 2.S3-fi, 262; Californi-
uiis, i., 338, .341-2, 377-8, 406, 428,
431-2; New Mexicans, i., 49.3-6,
5-H, 578-9; Mexicans, i., 627, 655;
ii., .351, '108, 410; Central Ameri-
cana, i., 096, 722, 760-1; ii., 742.3.
Speeches, i., 199, 352, .'".SO-l, 708; ii.,
146, 149-57, 252-3, 250-7. 266-8,
270-7, 387, 401-2, 439, 492-3, 607,
611, 621, 668; iii.,. 366-7, 588, 600-1.
Spells, see Charms.
Spies, ii.,.387, 420, 424- v., 415.
Spindles, i., 503, 698; ii., 485, (579;
iii., 372.
Spinning', i., 50.3-4,667,698,724; ii.,
245, 484-5, 752.
Spirits, belief in, i., 740-1, 777; iii.,
:«, 531-2.
Spirkin Island, i., 141.
Spokane Itivcr, i., 252, 315.
Spokanes (Spokans, S])okehnish, Spo-
keins, Spokihnish), Inland Colum-
bian trilKJ, i., 250-91; location, i.,
252-3, 315; special mention, i., 260,
264, 267, 273, 276-80, 289-90; lang.,
iii., 615.
Spokchnish (Spokihnish), i., 315, sec
Snokanes.
Spokeins, i., 315, sec Spokanes.
Spoons, i., 164, 187, 2:J4, 236, 271,
345.
Sprinirfield, Mississippi Valley, an-
tiq., iv., 769.
Sprucc-lir, various uses, i., .W, 61,
103, 130, 20.5.
Spuzzum, locality, Rritish (Columbia,
i., 310.
Squahsinawmish, tril>e of >>ound In-
dians, i., 208-22; location, i., .302.
Squaiaitl, tril>c of Sound Indians, i.,
208-22; location, i., 301.
Squaks'namish, tribe of Sound In-
dians, i., 208-22; location, i., 299.
Squalliamish (Squalliahmish, Sqal-
lyamislO, tribe of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 299, 301.
Squulliea, i., 301, see Nisquallics.
Squamaro,^ (Squamaros), Inland
Columbian tribe, i., 250-91; loca-
tion, i., 320-1.
Squawmisht, tribe of Nootkas, i.,
174-208; location, i., 176, 29(;, 298.
Squindmish, tribe of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., .300.
Squirrels, i., 50, 171, 488; iii.. 1.30
Srootlemamish, tril)e of Sound Indi-
ans, i., 208-22; location, i., .301.
Ssalayme, i-'entral (.'alifornian trilx),
i., 361-401; location, i., 46.3.
Ssicliitca, Central Californian tril)e,
i., 361-401; location, i., 4.53.
Ssipudca, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Ssiti, Central Californian tribe, i.,
.361-401; location, i., 4.53.
S'slomainish, tribe of Simnd Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 301.
Ssogcreate, Central Californian tribe,
i., ,361-4(»1; location, i., 45,3.
Ssnpiclium, Central Californian tribe,
i., .361-401; location, i., 4,53.
Stachines (Stachins), i., 96, sec Sti-
kines.
Stackine, i., 143, see Stikcen.
Stakhins, i., iWi, see Stikiiics.
Staktaniish (Staktomish), tribe of
Sound Indians, i., 208-22; location,
i., 299, 30-t.
Stalacom, i., .301, see Steilacooni.
Standards, see Flags.
Stanislaus County, California, antiq.,
iv., 707.
Stanislaus Hivcr. i., 456-6.
Stanu Creek, i., 793.
Statues, Mexicans, ii., .5,50; iii., 29'.',
294, 456; antiq., iv., 314, .3.36-7,
347-8, .372, 451-2, 457-8, 490, . '54 1;
Central Americans, nnti<j., iv., 2S,
.39-58,82, 89-99, 111-15, 150, 163,
186-9, 190-9, 20-'-3, 2I.ViO; Pern,
antiq., iv., 805.
Stature, Hyi)erboreaiis, i., 45, 71, 88,
110; Columbians, i., 176-7, 224-5,
254-6; Californians, i., 328, 364-6,
402, 422; New Mexicans, i., 477-9,
529-30, 558, 672-3; Mexicans, i.,
618, 646-7; ii.. 624-6; Central
Americans, i., 688, 714; ii., 802.
Stealiuf^, see Theft.
Stehchasiimish (Stitehassaniish, Stit-
chcosawmish), trilH) of Sound In-
dians, i., 208-22; location, i., 301-2.
Stchlluni (Stentluni), tribe of Sound
Indians, i., 208-22; location, i..
302.
Steilacooni (Stalacom) Creek, i., 301.
Stcilacoomish (Steilacoomamish),
INDEX.
750
tribe of Sound Indians, i., 208-22;
location, i., 301.
Stciliiqitaniisii, i., :i(K), .see Stilla-
quaniiHJi.
Stekins, i., 00, see .Stikir.ea.
Stcnthini, i., .Wi, see Stclilluin.
Kte]iiien8 I'assii^c, i., 143.
Steptoe Viilley, i., 403.
Stewart's Luke, i., 174.
Stickeens, i., 9(>, sec Stikincs.
Stietsliois, Inland Colnnibiun tribe,
i., 2.'i0-91; location, i., 1(14.
Stikeen (Stackino) Uivcr, i., 294,
U3; iii., 579.
Stikines(8tacliin, Stacliine, Stackinc,
Stakliin, Stckin, Stickcen, Stikeen,
Stikuin, Stikin, Stikine, Stycbine),
tribe of Tiilinkoets, i., 94-114;
location, i., <.N>, 143; Ian;;., iii., o79.
Stillaqnaniisb (Steilai[Mainisb, Sto-
liicliwilinish), Iribo of Sound In-
dians, i., 2US-2-_'; location, i., 300.
Stillmiuaniish River, i., .300.
Sti]>ii, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4.'>9.
Stit(;luissaniisli (Slilclieosawinish), i.,
,301, .302, see StelicliasAniisb.
Stkiinilsli, tril>e of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., .3(M).
Stobshaddats, name for Vakinias, i.,
.320.
Stockades, see Fortifications.
Stolucliwiliuisli, i., 300, sec Stilla-
quainisli.
Stone, various uses, i.,48, 51, 59, 70,
80, 91, 10.3, 107, 119. 12.3, Km, IK5,
187, 189, 213, 234, 2.37, 208, .339,
344, 374, 400-8, 42(», 434, 48(!,
530, .545, 574, 049, (i57, 090,
724; ii., 2.59, 372, 475, 478,
COO, 702, 75(»-l, 784-94; iii.,
485; iv., lO- 80;! passim.
Stony Mountains, i., 402, name
Rocky M(unitaiiiH.
Store-liousc.s, i., 5.', 487, .5.33-5, 575;
ii., 101, 10.3, 235, 349, .574; iii., 431.
Stotonias, tril>c of ('hinooks, i., 222-
50; location, i., .307.
Straits Lake, i., 14.5.
Strangers, Inland (Columbian tril>e,
i., 2i)0-91; location, i., 310.
Straunicy Island (Stream -Isle), v.,
109.
Straumfiiirdr (.Stream-Firtb), locality,
north-east coast of America, v.,
109.
Straw, various uses, i., 74, 259, 600,
5.3.3, .570, (^48, 051, 690, 778; ii.,
336, 784-.5.
Streets, ii., 656-0, 567, 787-90.
522,
717,
557,
281,
for
Strony-bows, tribe of Tinneh, i., 114-
37; location, i., 144.
Stnini-strum, musical instrument, i.,
738.
Stta Llimuh, Inland < 'ohiiiibiaii trilm,
i., 250-91; location, i., 311.
Stuurt Lake, iii., (Ml.
Stucco, ii.,.5,5(;, .572, .582, 794; antiq.,
iv., 126, 129, 171, 209, 215-10, 242,
247-59, 269, 276, .3(13-39, 351-2.
Stucu, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 159.
Sturpeon, i., 73, 213, 233, 202, 376.
Stychincs, i., 90, see Stikines.
Suanainiuchs, tril>e of Xootkas, i.,
174-208; location, i.. 29.5.
Suanga, village. South California, i.,
460.
Suangna, South Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 400.
Snaqui, viliiifie, Sonora.
Subcbiani, C<'iitral Californian tribe,
i., .301-401; location, i., 4.5.3.
Subtittva (Subtiaba), villaj^c, Nicara-
gua, i., 792; aiiti)]., iv., ,32, .54-7.
Succession, ii., 1.34-0, 140-3, 214,
6.33-41, (!47; see also Inheritance.
Nucliia])a, town, Chiapiis, i., 081.
Sucbicoathin, province, Mexico, i.,
(i7.5.
Siu'higin. Central Californian tribe,
i., 301-401; location, i., 4.5.3.
Sucliiltepeques, province, (iuatcmala,
i., 788-9.
Sucbiniiicos, i., 075, sec Xochiniilcus.
Sn(^lii!cper, locality, (juatcmala,
hin,'.,'., iii., 700.
Sucliiii, Central Californian tribe,
i., .301-401; location, i., 4.5.3.
Sucking, medical )»raeticc, i., 3.55,
.394-5, 5S9, 709, 779-80; ii., 600.
Sucnrawe, Micboacan ruler, v., 617.
Sii!,Mr- -ane, i., 0.30, (i.52, 7.39.
Suii'ide, i.. 121, 288. 744.
Suiesia, South Californian tril)e, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Suislaws, i., 2.50, see Sainstklas.
Suisunes (Souissouns, Suysum). Cen-
tral ('alifornian tril)e, i., .301-401;
location, i., 303, 4.52-3.
Snisun Valley, i., .30.3, 4.52.
Sui::iil, (iuateniala, anti(|., iv., 131.
Sukia, Mosquito sorceress, i., 740;
iii., 497.
Siikwiinies, tribe of Sound Indians,
]., 208-22; location, i., 299.
Snia, locality. Honduras, i., 79.3.
Snlaco Uiver, i., 793.
Sulanna, i., 29.', see Lulunna.
Sulones, i., 463, ace OhloueB.
I i
It '
if '■
I
760
INDEX.
Siinia, North Mexico, lang., iii., 714.
Stiiiiuch, Biibstitutc for tobacco, i.,
517.
Suniu, Rmziliuii k<mI, v., 2.')-4.
Sun, myth., i., .W;; ii., 3(W, 339, 706,
7.38; iii., 51, (50-1, 82, 85-6, 100,
lOlMl, 1.V2, 161, 170, 178, 187, 190,
193-5, 365, 428, 437-8. 461. 483-4,
498, .502, .''.47-50; v., 205, 528; j.hc-
iioiiuMioii of tlirco Minis, v., 5(!6.
Siiiiahiitiics, tril)c of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 299.
•Sunatoyu Mountains, i., 46.3.
Sunchaquc, Oiitral Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; locitioii, i., 4.".3.
SiiikIowiis (Sanidans), tribe of Tlilin-
keets, i., 94-114; location, i., 143.
Suti-hiintcrs, i., 470, sec Tabccliya.s.
Suntuho, .South Californian trilie, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4."f8.
Sii|M>rior Lake, iv., 778, see Lake
Superior.
SiiperstitioiiH, Hyperboreans, i.,76,
124; tJolumbiiins, i.. 162, 171,
202-4, 219, 24.'>, 2S3; t'alifornians,
i., .S.'M-.'i, SCO, 391, .395, 414-18; New
Mexicans, i., 520, .'553-4. .'568-9,
.'587-8; Mexicans; i., (i;H, (Uil, (ifi.')-
7; ii., 267. .351, .'500, 601-2, 626; iii.,
110-1.3, 362-4, 3'.>4-5; iv., 408; ( en-
tral Americans, i., 707, 734, 74(»-3,
777; ii., 678,719-20,738, 796-8; iii.,
497-8, .-SKO-l; iv., 21.5-16,
luiimisli (SiH|iiainish), tribe of
Sound Indians, i., 208-22; location,
i., 299, 301.
Suramiiiis, Central Californian tribe,
i., .361-401; location, i., 4.50.
Surcis, i., 145, see Sarsis.
Surjjelp, evil spirit. Trinity lliver
tribes, iii., 176.
Surj'ery, see Medicine.
Surillos (Cartakas), South Californi-
an tribe, i., 402-22; locution, i.,
4.58.
Surites, Matlalzinca pul, iii., 446;
Tarasco high-priest, v. , 526.
Sursees, i., 145, see Sarsis.
Surii^ruiiti, tribe of Istlimians, i.,
747-85; location, i., 795.
Suscols, Central ('ulifornian tril)c, i.,
361-401; location, i., 363, 452;
lung., iii., 650.
Sussees, i., 14.5, see Sarsis.
Suthsctts, tribe of Nootkus, i., 174-
208; location, i., 205.
Sutter ('reek, i., 4JI56.
Suwiipamiick, iii., 613, see Shush-
wap.
Sunt
Suyacal, a species of palm leaf, i.,
690.
Suysum, i., 463, see .Suisuncs.
Swarrow, fooil of Pueblos, i., 540.
Sweat-houses, i., 83, .35(5, 395, 537-8;
ii., 59.5-6; iii., 159; iv., 048, 660,
(5.52, 0.59.
Swcetlaiui, California, untiq., iv.,
706.
Sweetwater Lake, i., 470.
Swielpree, tribal name of Colvillcs,
i., 314.
Swimming, i., 172, 198, 662, (i(i(i,
741; ii., 297.
Swoddmish, trilie of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; locution, i., 300.
Swords, i., 235, 379, 407, 6.55, 722,
761; ii., 310, 743.
Symbols, i., 18, 6:54: ii., 258, 272-3,
277; iii., 2(58, 280-5, 312-25, .3.52-4,
371-2, 396-8, 400, 403, 416-18; v.,
5M), 221.
Syphilis, see Venereal Disease.
Syrinx, a musical instrument, i., 7.38.
Szeiikha, Pima god, i., 553; iii., 78-
9; v., 14.
Taa, Honduras, lang,, iii., 78.3.
Tuamish, Iluiduh sorcerer, i., 170;
iii., 150.
Tabaliteas, Central ('aliforniaii trilH%
i., 361-401; location, i., 451.
Taliai, Maya god, ii., (598.
'raba.><cuiis, Nahiia nation, i., (i44-(i9;
ii., 133-629; special mention, i.,
648-9, e.55-6, 6.58-9, (561; ii., 408,
619; lang., iii., 72(5, 759, 763; v.,
616; hist., v., 239, 473, 631.
Tabasco (Tauasco), tribes described,
i., 644-70; ii., 1.3.3-629; location, i.,
682,790; ii.,112; name, ii.. Ill;
lang., iii., 726, 7.59, 763; untiq.,
iv., 287-8; hist., v., 2.39, 47.3, (531.
Tabasco, /ucatecas, untiq., iv., 592.
Tabasco Hiver, i., (f71.
Tuliecliyas (Sun-hunters), tribe of
Shoshoiies, i., 422-42; locution, i.,
470.
Tubeguuchis, i., 466, see Tubiui^his.
Tabe-nuches, i., 4(54, see Tabiachis.
Tubi, Yiicutun, untiq., iv., 217-18.
Tubiuchis (Tubeguuchis, Tulie-iiu-
ehes), trilje of Shoshoncs, i., 422-
42; locution, i., 464.
Table-cloths, Muyus, ii., 722, 787.
Table Mountain, Culifoniiu, untiq.,
iv., 698-9.
INDEX.
761
Tables, i., fiSfi; ii., 572; iv., 318.
Talaire, province, Daricii, i., 796.
Tulmroii, i., (j04, see Tilmroii.
Tdcames, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-91; location, i., (ill.
Tacatccatl, ii., 43(i, Hce Tlacatccatl.
Taches, (Jcntnil ('uliforniuu tribe, i.,
3()1-401; locution, i., 4rAi.
Tac66n8, tribe of ClhinookH, i., 222M;
location, i., .S07.
Tacu, Acagclicnieni mythical person,
iii., 105.
'I'li'iiachc, a medicinal root, ii., 599.
Tactiba (Tlacopiui), city, Mexico,
ii., 92; anti<|., iv., MS.
Tacubayii, locality, Mexico, iii., 405.
TuculIicH (CarrierH, 'J'acully, Takuli,
ToivaliM), tribe of 'riinieii, i., 111-
37; location anil name, i., 114-15,
121, 145; special mention, i., 12l-(!,
130, 137; myth., iii., 98, 143,
517; v., 19; lan^., iii., .'>84, 591-2.
Tacultas (Tahcultalis), tiilie of Noot-
kas, i., 174-208; location, i., 298.
Tac(!tcetan, trilie of Thlinkects, i.,
94-114; lonitiim, i., 143.
Ta^ualilos, North Mexican trilic, i.,
571-91; location, i., «1.3.
Taf{ii/}falpa, i., 79.3, see Tej^ucigalpa.
Tahaiitecn, lang., iii., .'>93.
Tahanos (Talianas), trilie of Pueblos,
i., .52(i-5C; locution, i., (iOU.
Tahatens, North Culiforniun tribe,
i., 32()-(il; location, i., 445.
Tuhco River, i., 148.
Tahcultulis, i., 298, sec Tucultas.
Tuhccchaypuh Pass, California, an-
ti(j., iv., ()95.
Tahijuas, South Culiforniun tribe, i.,
402-22; locution, i., 459.
Tuhlewulis, i., 44.'), sec Tolewahs.
Tahoe Lake, i., 4«9; iii., 89-90; v.,
14.
Tuhos, i., fiOO, see Taos.
Tahtoos, (Jcntral Culifornian tribe,
i., 3(il-401; locution, i., 448; speciul
mention, i., 391, .'i98; lung., iii.,
643.
Tabuas, tril)e of Mosquitos, i., 711-
47; location, i., 713.
Tahucuii, TaliuHcun canoe, ii., .398.
Tubus, North Mexican trilie, i., HTl-
91; special mention, i. , 584-5;
myth., iii., 180-1; lung., iii., 719.
Tuighs, i., 320, see Tairtlas.
Tailotlacs, tribe of Toltecs, v., 338.
TairtluH (Taighs), Inlund Columbiun
tribe, i., 250-91; locution, i., 320.
Taitinupums, trilie of Sound Indians,
i., 208-22; location i., 304.
Taitzacs, Maya nation, i., 644-69;
ii., 6;iO-803; lung., iii., 761.
Tajiniaroa, v., 624, see Tungimuroa.
TuKaitsky, name for Kaiyuh Mount-
ains, i., 148.
Takama Hiver, i., .304.
Tukunkou, Thlinkeetspirit-lund, iii.,
148.
TAkceyek, Thlinkcct land-spirit,
iii., 148, 516.
Takoo Inlet, i., 14.3.
Takoo iliver, i., 143.
Takoos (Takos), trilie of Thlinkects,
i., 96-114; hicution, i., 96, 14.3.
Taktik, locality, CluateMiala, i., 788.
Takuli, i., 145, see Tucullics.
Tu-Kutli-Kutchin, tribe of Tinnch,
i., 114.37; biiution, i., 146.
Tulam, (iuut,;iiiulu, uiitici., iv., 131.
Tuluiiiuncus, tribe of Istlimiuns, i.,
747-85; locution, i., 748, TM; spe-
cial mention, i., 758, 784; lang.,
iii., 7a3.
Taluquicliis, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-91; location, i., 612.
Tulutiii, Centrul Culiforniun trilie,
i., 36l-4v)l; locution, i., 450; lung.,
iii., 649-50.
Tulawas, i., 445, see Tolewahs.
Talaxuno, South (Julifoniiun tribe, j.
402-22; location, i., 4.59.
Tulcun, ('Cntrul Culiforniun tribe, i.,
.361-401; location, i., 4.03.
Talchcdunes, i., 698, sec Yulchc-
dunes.
Talcbes, Central Californiun tribe,
i., .361-401; locution, i., 363, 4.')5.
Tulkdtins (Tulcotiiis, Tautin), tribe
of Tinnch, i., 114-37; location, i.,
115, 146; special mention, i., 125-6.
Tullarcittos, locality, Centrul Cali-
fornia, i., 454.
Tallenclies, i., 4.')5, see TuUucbes.
Tulluches ('I'allcnclics), Central Cali-
fornian tribe, i., .361-401; location,
i., .3()3, 455-6.
Tahiuutees, trilie of Thlinkects, i.,
94-114; locution, i., 143.
Tultic, loculity, Cuutemula, i., 788.
Tainucuztobul, Nicuruguu angel, iii.,
493.
Tumagust, Nicaragua priest, iii., 495.
Tumugostut (Tumugostud), Nicara-
giia giKl, iii., 75, 4JH)-I.
Tumuiabs, i., .525, see Yamajubs.
Tamulunos, i., 452, see Tomales.
Tamulcs (Tamalli), a kind of meat
pies, i., 677, 620, 653-4,694; ii.,
Xm, 618, 722.
TamuUoH, i., 462, sec Toniulcs.
1
762
INDEX.
Tamals (Tamalcs, TamaloB), i., 4*^2,
ttce Toinales.
Taiimnowas, Chinook spirits, iii.,
156.
Taniath, Chinook parad'ic, iii., 519.
Tanmulipu Moza, locali:.y, Tamauli-
pu8, i., G13.
Tunmulipiis, tribes described, i.,6l7-
44; l()(;atiun of tribes, L, 571, 593,
G04, (i74; ii., 114; special menLion,
i., 624, 632, 635; lang., iii., 727,
744, 759, 776; antiq., iv., 693-7;
hist., v., 239.
TamaulipecoB, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-91; location, i., 613; lang.,
iii., 744.
Tainazula, village, Sinaloa, i., 609.
Tamaziihiiia, Miztcc dialect, iii., 749.
Tanibia, Honduras, aiitiq., iv., 71.
Tambourine, i., 91, 112, 170.
Tamerlane, an Asiatic prince, v., 46.
Tamissee Uivcr, Tamaulipas, antiq.,
iv., 594.
Tamlocklocks (Yamlocklocks), Cen-
tral Californian tribe, i., 361-401;
location, i., 450.
Tamoanchan (Temoanchan), first
home of Nahuas in America, v.,
189-97, 621.
Tamoldcas, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; locatiou and name, i.,
456.
Tampico, lang., iii., 781.
Tamp I'ah-utes, tribe of Shoshones,
i., 422-42; location, i., 464.
Tamub, Quiche princely family, i.,
789; v., 546-56, 560, 562, 665, 58S-
9, 592, see Dan.
Tananah River, i., 147.
Tananahs, i., 147, see Tenan Kut-
chins.
Tanaquiapemes, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-91; location, i., 613.
Tancah (Tancaj), locality, Yncatan,
v., 626.
Tanchi, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 211.
Tanela, locality, Panama Isthmus,
i., 754.
Tanctzc, locality, Oajaca, i., 679.
Tangaxoan I., Tarasco king, v., 516,
524.
Tangaxoan II., Tarasco king, v.,
525-6.
Tangcs-at-sa, i., 132, see Tengratsey.
Tangimaroa (Taiimaroa, Tlaximal-
oyan), city, Michoacan, v., 434,
4!?7, 625.
Tanks, see Reservoin.
Tankuch^, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 262.
Tanna-kutfthi, tribe of Tinnch. i.,
114-37; location, i., 147.
Tanning, i., 40, 271, 345, 544, 657;
ii., 363-5, 486.
Tanos, Pueblo village and tribe, i.,
526-56; location, i., 601.
Tantsaut-'dtinnii, name for Red-
knives, i., 144.
Tantsawhot-Dinneh, name for Cop-
per Indians, i., 144.
Tanub, Tulan king, v., 554.
Tno Mountains, i., 46.5.
Taos (Tahos), Pueblo village and
tribe, i., 526-56; locution, i., ri27,
599-(M)0; lang., iii., 681; antiq., iv.,
664-5.
Taos, tribe of Mosquitos, i., 711-47;
location, i., 713.
Tapaiaxin, a siNscies of animal, ii.,
599.
Tapalan, locality, GuntcTiiala, v., 214.
Tapaligui, Nicaragua title, ii., 740-1.
Tapanmsilac, SouUi ('ulifornian tribe,
i., 402-22; loration. i., 469.
Tapestry, ii., 161, 440, 484, 572.
Tapir, as food, i., 721; ii., 721.
Tapo, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; V -tion, i., 459.
Taptul River, i., 312, 319.
Taruucazcati, Nicaragua angel, iii,
493.
Taracones, i., 594, see Faraoncs.
Tarahumara (Tarauniara), district of
Chihuahim, i., (i()8-9.
Tarahumarcs (Tarahumilras), North
Mexican tril>e, i,, .''>71-91; location
and name, i., 572, 609-10; special
mention, i., 674-8, 582-3, 688,590;
lang., iiL, 666-7, 672, 678, 706, 710-
13
Turaichi (Taraitzi), village, Sinaloa,
i., 601, 609.
Tarapecha Chanhori, Chichimec
Wanacace chief, v., 518.
Tarar^cua, locality. Chihuahua, L,
609.
Taras, Tarascos god, iii., 403, 446.
Tarascos (Michoiicaques), Nahua na-
tion, i., 617-44; ii., 133-629; loca-
tion, i., 676; special mention, i.,
623, 625, 631, 640, (H3; ii.. 107-8,
130, 140-1, 214-16, 229, 353, 365-8,
371-2, 407-8, 417, 427, 468-9, 473,
490, 621-2, 609, 619-22, 625, 629;
myth., iii., 66-7, 403, 445-7, 541;
v., 13; lang., iii., 737, 744-7j v.,
508; hist, v., 307-10, 328, 434-6,
608-26.
Taraumara, i., 608, see Tarahumara.
Tariacuri, Tarasco king, v., 522-4
INDEX.
768
Tarigaran, Michoacan ruler, v., 617.
Turiini Chundido, locality, Michoa-
can, v., S20.
Tarpoin, a fish, i., 719.
Tarro, locality. Central California,
i., 455.
Tttrahish, location of, v., G4-5.
Tartars, American origin-traces, v.,
r*L
Tashhuantiu), North Californian trihe,
i., 326-61; location, i., 445.
Tusii Utcs (i'tiah Yutaa), tril)e of
Shoshones, i., 422-42; location, i.,
464, 470.
TaHHaio, dried meat, i., G95.
TuBsels, i., 691; ii., 366-7, 369.403,
405; iii., 369, 385, 407-17.
Tatuguas, i., 458, see Lagunas.
Tatavac, Quiche priiicc, v., 592.
Tatohc, South California, lung., iii.,
656-8.
TutiSma, Tarahumaro food, i., 677.
Tutlizey-KutHlii ((jiens dii Fou, Trat-
sb-Kutshi), trilio of Tinneh, i.,
114-37; locution, i., 147.
Tatiinolo, iii., 777, see Naolingo.
Tatlit-Kutchin (Feel liiver Indian^.),
tribe of Tiniieh, i., 114-37; loca-
tion, i., 146; special mention, i.,
127-8; lang., iii., 586.
Tutouche, tribe of Sound Indians, i.,
208-22; location, i., 302.
Tatquintc, Centnil Californian trilie,
i., :{61-401; locution, i., 453.
Tatsliiuutin, trilte of Tinneh, i., 114-
.*)?; location, i., 145.
Tattooing, HyiMjrboreans, i., 48, 72,
117, 127; CohiMibians, i., 159, 182,
210-11, 229, 257; Culifornians, i.,
332-3, 347, 369-71, 404, 424; New
Mexicans, i.. 480, 483, 532-3, 559,
574-5; Mexicans, i., 623, 651; ii.,
371; Central Americans, i., 691-2,
716-17, 753; ii., 651, 731, 733, 741.
Tauosco, i., 671, sec Tabasco.
Taiicos, Fueblo village and tribe, i.,
526-56; location, i., 600.
Taulepa, Guatcniulandialect,iii.,760.
Tauro, Sinaloa dialect, iii., 707.
Tautin, i., 145, see Talkotins.
Tavoriuo, a poisonous iish, i., 762.
Tawalcmnes (Touserlenmics, Turea-
lenines). Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i.,4d0; lang.,
iii., 649.
Taxcal, Mayapan lord, v., 626.
Taxco, locality, Guerrero, ii., 382,
473.
Taxes, i., 344, 659, 728, 770; ii.,
231-9, 380, 388, 464, 036, 642,
652-5, 720; iii., 430-1; v., 36S,
381-2, 575.
Taxlipu, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; locution, i., 459.
Tuyusul, Guatemala, untiq., iv., 133.
Tayauh, a Tcpancc prince, v., 384-^.
Taylor I'cak Mountain, iii., 86; v.,
14.
Tays, i., 194, see Tyee.
Taysacaa, Miztec high-priest, ii.,
207; v., 529.
Taywah, i., 601, see Tegua.
Tay-waugh, iii., 671, see Tcguo.
Tazi, iii., 350, see Tctcionan.
Tcatlaiz, town, TIascula, v., 498.
Tclialabones (Tcholovonis), Central
Californian tribe, i., 361-401; loca-
tion, i., 453.
Tchuilichs, i., .303, see Chehalis.
Tcliilouits (Tchelonits), tribe of Chi-
nooks, i., 222-50; locution, i., 306,
320.
Tchinkitftn^, i., 95, see Thlinkcots.
Tchinouk (Tchi-nuk), i., 304, see
Chinook.
Tchipantchicktchicks, Inland Co-
lumbian tribe, i., 250-91; location,
i., 320.
Tcliokoyems, Central Californian
tribe, i., 361-401; locution, i., 449.
Tchololahs (Bald Hill Indians),
North Californian tribe, i., 326-61;
location, i., 446.
Tcholoones, Central Californian
tril>e, i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Tcholovonis, i. , 365, sec Tchalaboncs.
Tchugatchih, i., 139,seeClingutsches.
Tcliutski, i., 139, see Tschuktschi.
Tcacuucitzica (Teakuueitzicai), Cora
dialect, iii., 719, 721.
Teukuaeitzizti, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-91; location, i., 672.
Tcatus, Noi-tli Mexican tribe, i., 571-
91; location, i., 607.
Teates, i., 298, see Tcets.
Tcatlahuiani, iii., 418, see Tezcat-
zoncatl.
Teatzelliuia, name for Napatecutli,
iii., 417.
Teayamiqui, v., 41, see Teoyuoniique.
Tobacas, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 614; lang., iii.,
718.
Teliochyas (Sun-hunters), trilio of
Shoshones, i., 422-42; location, i,,
464.
Tecali, a transparent stone, ii., 161,
557, 673.
Tecamachaico (Techamachalco),
town, Guerrero, i., 677, 679.
764
INDEX.
TecArgonia, North Mexican tribe, i.,
fi7l-OI; location, i., (iOO.
Tecat«i Viilluy, i., 408.
TocayaKulM, Nortli Mexican tribe,
i., 571UI; location, i., 607.
Tecayaliuatzin, lord of Hucxotzinco,
v.,fi04.
Tccayiis, North Mexican trilte, i.,
fi7M>l; location, i., 614.
Toccalli, an entail in Tlascala, ii.,
229.
Teccizcalli, Nahua temple, ii., 585.
Terhaniachalco, i., 670, see Tecania-
clmlco.
Tcclicatcpcc, Htation, Aztec niigni-
tion, v., .323.
Tcclicutitlan, station, Aztec migra-
tion, v., 823-4.
TeclicatI, Macrod meteorite, iii., 248.
TechivhiM, Mexican doga, ii., 721.
Tecliotl (Tccluitlala, Tochotlalatzin),
I'liichinicc king, ii., 188-91; v.,
335, .347-57, 366 7, 582; lord of
Iztapalapaii, v., 43)).
Techotiala (Tccliotlalatzin), v., 347,
see Tcchotl.
Tecoatcga, town, Nicaragua, ii.,713.
Teuolotlan, ancient name of Vera
I'az, v., .349.
Teconial, Mexico, antiq., iv., 546.
Tecomatl, a Mexican cnp, ii., 484
Tcconiic, a Mexican chief, v., 347.
Tccos, i., 677, see Tlapanocs.
Tocoxnpual, ijiiichd month, ii., 766.
Tccoxincs, i., 677, see Tloiianecs.
Tecozahuitl, ochre, ii., 487.
Tecnan, tf wn, (jiierrcro, i., 678; a
Ctiichimec chief, v., 293; station,
Ghichiniec migration, v., 294;
thirteen trilMss of, hist., v., 546,
555, 6<>.3.
Tecpan Atitlan, Guatemala, antiq.,
iv., 121.
Tccpancaltzin, Toltec king, v. , 265-6;
name for Huemac II., v., 267.
Tecpanccs, iii., 724, see Tepanecs.
v., 577.
Tccpan|)ouhque (Teci>antlaca), Pal-
ace people, ii., 224.
Tccpantialli, Palace lands, ii., 224.
Tecpatepec, station, Chichimec mi-
gration, v., 294.
TcciMititlan, i., 072, see Tepatitlan.
TecpatI, Nahua day, ii., 695, 512,
616-17; iii., 57-8; lord of Atoton-
ilco, v., 349.
Tecpatlan, town, Chiapas, i., 082.
Tecpatzin, a Nahnatlaca chief, v.,
88, 306.
Tecpayocan, station, Aztec migra-
tion, v., 323-4.
Tecpavuca, station, Aztec migration,
v., 323.
Tecftoyo Acauhtli, a Toltec noble,
v., 316.
Tec|)oyotl, a court crier, ii. , 430.
Tecualnics, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; lang., iii., 720.
Tecuciciotilmatli, a court mantle, ii.,
374.
TecucxicoUi, priest's dress, ii., 315.
Tecuexes (Tejucjue, Tcipiexes), Cen-
tral Mexican tril)o, i., 617-44; lo-
cution, i., 672; lavii, iii., 719.
Tecuhtlacuiloltzin, lord of Acolman,
V. 349
Tei-uhtli, Nahua title, ii., 194-200,
4.37.
Tecuiclio, Colorado River dialect,
iii., ()86.
Tccuilhuitzintli (Tecuilhuitontli),
Nahua month, ii., 325, 3.52, 510.
Tccuillecatl, an Acolhua prince, v.,
377-8.
TccuitlatI, Nahua food, ii., 356.
Tecum, Uuichtiking, v., 566, 694,602.
Tecumbalam, Quiclni mythic animal,
iii., 47.
Tecum Umam, Quiche king, v., 666.
69.5.
Tecutlatoqne, Nahua title, ii.. 137.
Tecuzistecatl (Tezcociztecatl), Nahua
god, iii., 62.
Tedexei^oH, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; locution, i., 613.
Teeswin, Apache drink, i. , 517.
Teeth, i., 40, 91, 117, 158, 163, 177,
225, 244, 256-0, .^33-4, 304-5, 630,
568, 019, 02^ 047, 661, 701, 714,
722, 760, 762, 771; ii., 371-2, 624,
731-2; iii., 325, .398.
TectH { Haitlins,Tcatcs),tribe of Noot-
kaH, i., 174-208; location, i., 176,
298; siMicial mention, i., 185, 191,
208.
TegiMi (Taywah, Tay-waugh, T<5(^Hk,
Tigua), Pueblo village and tril)e,
i., 526-66; location, i., 600; lung.,
iii., 671, 673, 681-3.
Teguuctt, Honduras, lang., iii., 783.
Tb/uantepeque, L, 679, see Tehuan-
te|)ec.
Tegucigalpa (Taguzgalpa), a district
of Hunduras, i., 790, 793; lang.,
iii., 760; antiq., iv., 70.
Tegu^co, town, Bonora, i., 608.
Tegueco River, i., 607.
INDEX.
766
TeguecM, i., 606, see Tehuecoa.
Tcgiiiinu, 0|mta diulcot, iii., 699.
Tuguiuu, iii., 246, 8ce Tezcatlipoca.
TeguiH, North Mexican trilie, i., fi71-
91; location, i., 606; lang., iiL,
699.
Tehama County, California, i., 442.
Tohamaa, Ccntriil Culifurnian trilio,
i., 361-401; special mention, i., 362.
Tehanghir, an Asiatic prince, v., 46.
Tohuocan el Viejo, Puehla, nntiq.,
iv.. 466.
Tehuantepeo (Teguantcpeciue, Teo-
quantepec), IsthmuB, i., 6M, 658,
670-80; ii., 111-12; lang., iii., 757;
antiq., iv., 368-74; hist., v., 298,
349, 426, 443-7, 630, 534-6.
Tehueco8(Tcgueco8), North Mexican
tribe, i., 571-91; location, i., 608;
special mention, i., 685; lang., iii.,
707-10.
Tehuisos, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-01; location, i., 607.
Teicauhtzin, Nahua vice-god, iii.,
427.
Toicu, iii., 380, see TIazoltecotl.
Teilpiloyan, Nahua jail, ii., 463.
Toiocoiani Tcliimatini, name for
Tezcatlipoca, iii., 210.
Teiotocan, locality, Mexico, ii., 441.
Toite, Nicaragua chief, ii., 645-6.
Teixamique, Nahua Hhrouders, iii.,
406.
Teixhuihuan,Tla8calan title, ii., 229.
Teja, (juicht^ mythic {Hirsonage, v.,
699.
Tejano, Coahuila, lang., iii., 714-15.
Tejar, locality, Ouatcmala, i., 789.
Tciey, Central (7aliforniuu trilic, i.,
361-401 ; location, i. , 454.
Tejon, locality, Houtli California i.,
468.
Tejon Indians, South Califomian
tribe, i., 402-22; location, i., 460.
Tejuas, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-
626; location, i., 474; iii., 596.
Tejuejue, iii., 719, see Tccuexcs.
Teiupilco, Mexico, antiq., iv., 480.
Telcax, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 219.
T^keeyeks, Thlinkeet water-spirits,
iii., 148, 516.
Tekep, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Tekunratums, Inland Columbian
tribe, i., 250-91; location, i., 312.
Telacalzin, Nahua chief, v. 243.
Telamd, South California, lang., iiL,
656-8.
Telemnies, South Califomian tribe,
i, 402-22; location, L, 467.
Telhuitl, paper offerings, iii., 343.
Telica, town, Nicaragua, i., 702.
Tololoa|>an. city, (Juurrcro, v., 442.
Telpochcalli, Nahua schools, it., 243.
Telpochtiliztli, Nahua religious or-
der, iii., 436.
Tcl|N)chtlato, Nahua teacher, ii., 243.
Telpuchtli, name for Tezcatlipoca,
ill., 199.
Telpuchtlitaquitlamani, Nahua title,
ii., 402.
Temacatzin, lord of Huexotzinco, v.,
349.
Tcmaciwico, locality, Mexico, iii.,
25:1. 267.
Temaitl, a priest's censer, iii., 335.
TenialacatI, gladiatorial stono, ii.,
429,586.
Tcnialcacaiotilmutlitenisio, a eourt
mantle, ii., 374.
Tcmulpaico, locality, Mexico, v.,
376.
Temaniacpaiitotique, sorcerers, iii.,
364.
Tematzin, prince of Huexotzinco, v.,
349.
Tenmzcalli (Tomescal), Nahua steam
bath, i., 355-<>, '(26, 639-40; ii.,
574, 596-6.
Temazcalteci, Nahua goddess, iii.,
353.
Temnzcaltitlan, locality, Mexico, v.,
345.
Tcmccauh, Nahua mistress, ii., 264.
Tcinecula, village. South California,
i., 460.
Temesathi, South Califomian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 459.
Temcscal, i., 355-6, see Tenmzcalli. <
Temeteti, California, antiq., iv., 692.
Temictzin, a Tlatelulco general, v.,
421.
Temimiltepec, province of Mexico,
v., 346.
Temoanchan, v., 191, see Tanioan-
chan.
Temoksees, tribe of Shoshones, i.,
422-42; location, i. , 468.
Temoris, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-91; locution, i., 610; sjteciai
mention, i., 675.
Tempanahgoes, i., 464, see Tim-
panogos.
Tempanecatl, v., 389, see Tlacoelelt-
zin.
Tempantzin, a Tailotlao chief, v.,
338.
Tempatlahuac, a Teo-Chichimec
chief, v., 490.
760
INDEX.
Temple of the Bean Relief, Chiapas,
antiq., iv., 328-30.
Temple of the Cross, ChiapaH, antiq.,
iv., 330^.
Temple of the 8nn, Chiapas, antiq.,
iv., 338-41.
Temple of the three Tablets, Chiapas,
antiq., iv., 323-7.
Temples, Columbians, i., 165; Call-
fomians, i., 405, 409; Mexicans,
il, 211, 227-8, 332-3, 414-15,554,
660, 57o-8U, 613; iii., 102, 259-60,
272, 292-4, 430-1. 437-8, 447-8;
antiq., iv., 298-352, 376-84, 391-
420, 431, 521-49, 574-5, 692-3; hist.,
v., 86, 265, 409, 422, 426, 438-40,
478; Central Americans, i., 734-6;
ii., 647, 787-94; iii., 477, 483-4,
494, 499; antiq., iv., 27-8, 82-9;
115-16, 136-7, 143-4, 154-286; Peni,
antiq., iv., 796, 800.
Tenaniatlac, locality, Mexico, v.,
378.
Tenamitec, locality, Mexico, v., 314.
Tenampiia, Honduras, antiq., iv., 71.
73-7.
Tenancacaltzin, Acolhiia king, v.,
333-5.
Tcnanchcs, sick nurses, i., 683.
Tenanco, locality, Mexico, v., 280.
Tenan Kutchin (Tananahs, Gens de
Buttes), tribe of Tinneh, i., 114-
37; location, i., 115, 131, 147; spe-
cial mention, i., 127, 131-2.
Teoawas, tribe of Apaches, i., 473-
526; location, i., 473.
Tenayocan, city, Mexico, ii., 104; v.,
292, 295, 311-12, 320, 332-5.
Tenayuca, serpent-symbols, iii., 137.
Tenexotzin, Tlascala, antiq., iv., 477.
Tenez, i., 681, see Chinantecs.
Ten^atsey (Tangcs-at-sa), Kutchin
tribal name, i., 132.
Tenimes, i., 677, see TIapanecs.
Teniqueche, South California, lang.,
iii., 686.
Tenisichs, Central Califomian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 456.
Tennessee, Mississippi Valley, antiq.,
iv., 766, 776.
Tenochtitlan, citv, Mexico, ii., 414,
659; v., 343-6,' 420-1, see Mexico
city.
Tenpenny Utahs (ITtes), i., 463, 470,
see Timpenaguchyas.
Tentetl, Nahua mouth-stone, ii., 404,
614
Tenuai, Navajo tribal name, i., 474-5.
Tenuch (Tenuchtzin), a Mexican
chief, v., 223, 346-6, 366.
Tcnuckttan, tribe of Nootkos, i., 174-
208; location, i., 296.
Teoamoxtii, divine book of Toltecs,
v., 251.
Teobut, Nicaragua idols, iii., 493.
TeocahuitI, a species of pitch, ii.,
372.
Tcocalli, Nahna temple, ii. , 676.
Tcocaltichc, village, Jalisco, i., 672.
Teocaltitlan, village, Jalisco, i., 672.
Teochiapan, town, Chiapas, i., 681.
Teo-Chichimecs, Nahua nation, i.,
617-44; ii., 133-629; location, ii.,
112-13; special mention, ii., 271,
596, 619; myth., iii., 403; hist., v.,
336-7, 487, 617.
Tcocii)actli, Nahua Noah, iii., 66, 68.
Teocuitlapopocatzin, lord of Cuetlux-
cohuapan, v., 349.
Teo-Culliuacan (Teo-Colhuacan, Ten-
culhuacan), station, Aztec migra-
tion, i., 610, 676; v., 221, 323.
Teohicpalpan, supreme tribunal at
Tezcuco, ii., 440.
Tcohuacan, town, Oajaca, i., 679.
Tcohuayacatzin, lord of Quiahuiz-
tlan, v., 503.
Teohuiznahuac, station, Chichimec
migration, v., 242,487.
Teoicpalli, a sacred box, iii., 303.
Te-ok-a-wilk, name for Humboldt
Bay Indians, i., 327, 446.
Teololinga, rocking stones. Vera Cruz,
antiq., iv., 434.
Teonanocntl, a kind of mushroom,
ii., 360.
Teopan, a quarter of Mexico city,
also temple place, ii., 663, 576; v.,
490.
Teopatli, divine unction, ii., 601; iii.,
436.
Teopixca, locality, Chiapas, v., 604.
Teopixnui, order of priests, ii., 202.
Teoquato, Nahua sacrament, iii., 300,
316.
Teoquantepec, v. , 349, see Tehuante-
pec.
Teotbilche, Nicaragua god, iii., 492.
Teotecuhtli, Nahua high-priest, ii.,
202; iii., 432.
Teotenancas, tribe of Nahuas, v., 280.
Teotes, Nicaragua gods, iii., 75.
Teotetl, name n>r obsidian, iii., 2S8.
Teoti, Pipile chief or pontiff, ii.,
648; iii., 489.
Teotihuacan, city, Mexico, ii., 114,
441, 613; iii., 187; antiq., iv., 629-
44; v., 55-6; hist, v., 190-2, 203-5,
238-9, 248, 281-84, 395.
Teotilac, Chiapas, antiq., iv., 353
INDEX.
w
Teotitlan (Tentitldn), town, Oajaca,
i., 680-1; hist, v., 444.
TeotI, NuHuu god, iiL, 110, 183-6,
193.
Tootlochco, locality, Mexico, iii.,
298.
Teotla Cochoulco, station, Teo-Chi-
chiiiici; iiiigmtiuii, v., 24*2, 487.
Teotlalule-Mutluvii-Tepcva, name fur
Toimcatuotlc, iii., 191.
Teotlalpaii, valley, TIascala, v., 498.
Teotlcco, Naliua niunth, ii., 332-4,
510.
Teotost. iii., 492, xee Teste.
Teotza|)otIuii, town, Uajaca, i., 679;
hist., v., 324, 446, 530-1.
Teoxcahualco, town, Mexico, v.,
412.
Teoxihnitl, Nahua divine year, ii.,
304; iii., 429.
Teoyaoniiqnc (Teayamiqui, Teoyao-
miqui), Niiliiia ^'oddcss, iii., 188,
397-400, 513; v., 41; Mexico, an-
tiq., iv., 512-15.
Tcoyuotlatohua, Nahua god, iii.,
399.
Tenzoinaco, station, Aztec migration,
v., 324.
Tepagucs (Tcpahues), North Mexi-
can tribe, i., 571-91; location, i.,
606, 610; Hpeuiul mention, i., 581;
lang., iii., 707.
Tepahpaca Teaaltati, name for Naim-
tcuutli, iii., 417.
Tepaiiahaz, Guatemalan drum, i.,705.
Tepanahuastc, Lacandon drum, i.,
705.
Tepaneca, station, Aztec migration,
v., 323.
Tepanecapan, a ward of Tezcuco
city, v., 404.
Tepaneca Tecuhtli, Tepanec imperial
title, v., 3i)6.
Tepanccs (Tecpanecs, Tecpaniiques),
Nahua nation, i., 617-44; ii., 13.3-
629; location and name, i., 675;
ii., 130; special mention, ii., 92,
330-1, 365, 413; lang., iii., 724-5;
hist, v., 307-482.
Tepanoaya, locality, Mexico, iii.,
253.'
Tepanteohuatzin, order of priests,
ii., 202; iii.. 433.
Tepantiatoani, Nahua lawyers, ii.,
444.*
Tepapayccan, station, Teo-Chichi-
mcc migration, v., 489.
Tepatec, loca'iiy, Mexico, v., 376.
Tepatitlti'ii (Tecpatitlan), town, Ja-
lisco, i., 672; antiq., iv., 573.
Tepeoco, Pueblo, antiq., iv., 467;
hist, v., 420, 490, 495, 500.
Tejiecanos, Central Mexican tribe,
1., 617-44; special mention, i., 628;
lang., iii., 719.
Topcchpan, Nahua title, ii., 441.
Tepecoacuilco (Tepecuacuilco), town,
(.iuerrero, i., 677; antiq., iv., 424.
Tepehuanes, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-91; location and name, i.,
572, 613-14; special mention, i.,
675, 585, 690; lang., iii., 667, 672,
678, 706, 717.
Tepeiac, town, Oajaca, i., 679.
TepcilhuitI, Nahua month, ii., 334,
511; iii., 343.
Tepfjacac, v., 323, see Tepcyacac.
Tcpemaxalco, city, Matlaltzinco, v.,
433.
Tepcnec, station, Chichimec migra-
tion, v., 242, 487.
Tepepul, Quiche king, v., 666, 681,
683.
Tepepul II., Quiche king, v., 594.
Tepcpnlco, station, Chichimec mi<
gration, v., 294; town, Mexico,
v., 338, 476.
Tcpcticpac (Texcalticpac), a quarter
of Tlascaltt city, ii., 412; v., 496-
498, 503.
Tepetla, station, Toltec migration,
v., 213.
Tepetlaoztoc, town, Mexico, ii., 441;
v., 317, 497.
Tcpetlapan ^Tepetlapa), station, Az-
tec migratmn, v., 324.
Te|)etoca, locality, Mexico, iii., 298.
Te])etzingo, locality, Mexico, iii., 333.
Tepeuh (Te|)cu), name for Uucumatz,
ii., 716-17; iii., 475; Guatemala
tribe, v., 21, 646; Quiche god, v.,
170; station. Quiche migration, v.,
562; name for Iztayul, v. , 674.
Tepeu Yaoui, (juich6 title, ii., 644.
Tepexe el Viejo, Puebla, antiq., iv.,
467.
Tepexic, locality, Mexico, i., 673;
station, Aztec migration, v., 323.
Tepexomaco, locality, Mexico, v. , 297.
Tepeyacac (Tepejacac), station, Az-
tec migration, v. , 323.
Tepeyollotli (Tepeyoloybhua), Nahua
calendar sign and god, ii., 616.
Tepeyoloybhua, ii., 616, see Tepeyol-
lotli.
Tepic, Jalisco, antiq., iv., 674.
Tepieme, Nahua idols, iii., 347.
Tepitoton (Tepictoton), Nahua idols,
iii.. 419.
Tepocas, North Mexican tribe, i.
TW
INDEX.
571-01; Wation, i., 572, 005; ape-
ciul iiiuiitioii, i., 683; Iniiu., iii., 704.
Tepuluhua, iiuiiio fur Xuyacania-
chaii, v., 407-8.
Tepoiiatttli (Toponaitlo), Mexican
miuical iiiHtrument, ii., 293; iii.,
63; iv., 478.
Tepopochuilixtli, iii., 422, see Tox-
cutl.
Tepotzotlan, a province of Mexico, v.,
37 o,
Tcpoxch, Nahua sacrifice, iii., 345.
Tcjiozotlan, sttition, Teo-Chicliiuiec
migration, v., 487.
TepUHpe, villose, Sonora, i., 607.
Tepiizculula (Tepuzculano), Miztec
dialect, iii., 749, 751.
Tepuztecatl, Nahua go<l, iii., 418.
• T«iqiiil, i., <J00, Hce Tegiitt.
Toquoquilli, Nahiiu chief priest, ii.,
206.
Tequechmecaniani, luiinc for Tezcat-
zoncatl, iii., 418.
Tcqiiepos (Tequepcs), South Call-
fornian tribe, i., 402-22; location,
i., 459.
Tcqucxcs, iii., 720, see Tecuexes.
Teqiliinos, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 606.
Tequinas, Isthmian sorcerers, i., 777.
Tequisquiac (Tequixquiac), station,
Aztec migration, v., 323.
Tequitintlacotl, tributary provinces,
Mexico, ii., 2,36.
TequizquitI, coarse salt, ii., 364,
Teremcndo, Michoacan, antiq., iv.,
671.
Terrabas (Tiribees, Tiribis). tribe of
Isthmians, i., 747-85; location, i. ,
748, 794-5; special mention, i.,
784-5; lang., iii., 793; autiq., iv.,
24.
Terra cotta, i., 705; antiq., iv., 22,
65-6, 72-3, 127. 263-5, 316-594 pas-
sim, 780.
Terrapa, village, Sonora, i., 606.
Tcrrcnate Mountain, i., 603.
Terwars, North Californian tribe, i.,
326-61; location, i., 442. 445.
T^sia, town, Sonora, i., ?'')i!,
Tesoro, see Cerro del Te:sori>.
Tesotal, locality, Arizona, i., tS02.
Tesuque (Tezuque), Fi»eh)o town,
New Mexico, i., r<27, l-i9; lang.,
iii., 681; antiq., iv., Sfi?.
T6te de Biche, locality, Utah, i.,
464, 470.
Teteionan (Tazi, Toccy, Toci, Tocit-
zin, Tozi), Nahua goddess, ii., 279,
308, 601; iii., 908-9, 360; v., 464
Teto Jauno Cache, locality, British
Culumliin, i., 310.
Tetenunoo, a city of Matlantzinco, v.,
433.
Tetepanco, station, Aztec migration,
v., 323-4.
Tetcvaltia, Nahua religious feast, ii.,
396.
Tetevitl, Nahua paper offerings, iii.,
346.
Tetikilhati, Totonac dialect, iii., 777.
Totipoc, Guerrero, antiq., iv., 424.
Tetipoc el Viejo, Uucrrcro, antiq.,
iv., 424
Tetlahto, Tezcucan title, ii., 189; v.,
350.
Tetlahuehuetquizitzin, a (^hicliimec
prince, v., 474-5.
Tetlimonamiquian, Nahua sacrifice,
ii., 340.
Tetliyacac (TetliyucatI), station, Teo-
Chichimcc migration, v., 489.
Tetzaapan, Nahua temple bath, ii.,
587.
Tetzateotl (TetzauhteotI), name for
Huitzilopochtli, iii., 289, 302.
Tetzauh, name for Tezcatlipoca, v.,
324
Tetzcoco, i., 676, see Tezcuco.
Tetzihuatzin, a Mexican princess, v.,
363.
TetzilacatI, Nahua gong, ii., 293.
Tetzitzimitl, a Teo-Chichimec chief,
v., 490.
Tetzontli, a species of stone used for
building, ii., 160, 557, 668, 570,
681; v., 454.
Teuculhudcan, L, 676, see Teo-Cul-
huacan.
Teuhchimaltzin, an Acolhua officer,
v., 44a
Teuhtlehuac, a Tepanec prince, v.,
355-6.
Tcul, locality, Jalisco, iii., 448; v.,
609.
Teumetl, maguey wine, iii., 243.
Teupa, Pipile temple, ii., 707.
Teutecomatl, Nahua drinking cup,
ii., 285.
Teutila, town, Oajaca, i., 680-1.
Teutitldn, i., 680, see Tootitlah.
Texas, tribes described, i., 473-526;
location, i., 691-4; lang., iii., 693-5,
660; antiq., iv., 597.
Texas Flat, California, antiqt, iv.,
702.
Texcalapa, locality, Mexico, iii., 246.
Texcalcevia, Nahua drink, ii., 359.
Texoalcevilo, Nahoa drink, il, 359.
INDEX.
Texcalla (Texcalticpae), v., 491, ae«
TlttBcalo.
Texcalpa, Mexico, antiq., iv., 536-7.
Texcalteiicc Mountain, v., 328.
Texcaltlauhco, mythical river, iii.,
246.
Toxcatlipocatl, name for Tezcatli-
poca, v., 249.
Texochipantzin, v., 301, lee Xochi-
pantziii.
Toxoloc, locality, Oajaca, i., 671.
Texones, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 613.
TexoxcB, Nicaraguan Horcerers, iii.,
495.
Teyahualco, locality, Mexico, v.,
Teyaohualohuani, Nahua slave
traders, ii., 381.
Teyohualminqui, a Tlascaltec chief,
v., 496-7.
Teyutlma, Clallam god, iii., 155.
TezahuitI, name for Huitzilopochtli,
iii., 289, 2<.»7, 303.
Tezcacalli, Naliua temple, ii., 585.
Tezcatliitflca (Taotzin, Teguioa, Tez-
catlipuca, TczcRtliuucatl, Titla-
ca&on), NiiUiia god, ii., 317-21,
332-4, 582, 603; in., 56-7, 62, 182-
282, 422-5, 507; v., 86, 249, '/SO,
261-5, 268, 271-86, 426, 484, 486,
499.
Tezcatzoncatl (Tealtlahuiani, To-
quechmecaniani), Nahua god, ii..
260; iii., 418.
Tezcocingo(Tezcozinco), city, Mexico,
ii., 168-73; antiq., iv., 523-6.
Tezcociztecatl, iii., 62, see Tccuzitite-
catl.
Tezcuco (Tetzcoco), city, Mexico, i.,
675-6; ii., 92, 104; antiq., iv., 520-
3; myth., v., 20; hist., v., 249, 283,
317-19, 332-482, 499.
Tezcuco Luke, v., 203.
Tezihuaccoahutl, v., 243, see Tzibu-
acohuatl.
Tezompan, town, .lalisco, i., 672.
Tezozomoc, Chichinicc emperor, ii.,
609; v., 341, 348-9, 351 -.5, 367-84;
lord of Azcapuzaico, v. . 464.
Tezpi, Nahua Noah, iii., 66-8; v., 13.
Tezulutlan ^Tezulutan), name for
Vera Paz, v., 565.
Tezuque, i., 599, see Tesuque.
Thamiens, Central Califomian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 363, 452;
lang., iii., 653.
Theatre, see Drama.
Theft, punishment of, i., 64, 386,
Vol. v. 49
509-10, 729, 770; iL. 455-8. «S0.
656-8.
Thetliotin, tribe of Tinneh, i., 114-
37; location, i., 145.
Thick-wood Indiana, i., 144, Me
Beaver Indiann.
Thilhoa, Nahua god, iii., 418.
Thipetotec, name for Xi|ie, iii., 411.
Thlingcha-dinneh (I)og-rifa«), tribe of
Tinneh, i., 114-37; location, i.,
144; special mention, i., 120-1, IM;
lang., iii., .'i85.
Thiinkeets (Klinkits, Tchiukit&ne).
one of the five families into which
the HyiMirboreuns are divided;
manners and customs of all its
nations and tribes described to-
S ether, i., 04-114; physique i., 97;
ress, i., 97-102; dwellings, i.,
102-3; food, i., 103-4; weapons
and war, i., 104-6; boats, i.,
106-7; manufactures and com-
merce, i., 107-8; government and
slavery, i., 1081\ Women, mar-
riage, etc., i., 82, 109-12; amuse-
ments, i., 112-13; medicine and
burial, i., 113; chnractcr, i., 113-
li; myth., iii., }'8-104, 129-31,
145-9, 616; v., 14, 19; lang., iii.,
579-83; location of trDies, i., 38,
94-6. 142-3.
Thlishatkmuches, Inland Columbian
trilM3, i., 250-91; location, i., 314.
Thljcgonchotana, trilteof Tinneh, i.,
114-.37; locution, :., 148.
Thljegon Hiver, i., 148.
Thnuina, i., 149, see Kenai.
Thoigarik-kah, name for Nez Per-
ces, i., 253.
Thompson Kiver, i., 261, 291, 310;
iii., 613.
Thongcith, name for Cowichin, i.,
175.
Thoranies (Totorames), Central Mex-
ican tribe, i., 617-44; location, i.,
672; hist., v., 509.
Thorns, various. uses, i., 665; ii., 242,
245-6, 259, 601.
Thread, i., 79, 91, 107, 503, 657, 766;
iii. 404.
Throne, ii.,. 440-1, 612, 62J, 632-3,
6.37, 641-2, G4<)', 789, 794; iii., 294
.390.
Thumiateri<H), a Phainician city, v;,
66.
Thunder^ i.:, 741; iii., 118, .324, 403.
Tiacapan, aaine for Tlazoltecotl, iii.,
380i'
Tiacapantzin (Tiacapapantzin), . v.,
330, seQ Tlacapautziu. . .
770
INDEX.
Tiahuanaco, Peru, antio., iv., 805.
Tianazatlaii, heights, Tlascala, v.,
498.
Tianguez, Guatemalan market, i. ,70U.
Tianguiztengo, province, Mexico, i.,
676.
Tianguiztepeti, locality, Mexico, v.,
25.
Tianquiztii, Nahua market, ii., 383.
TiazolteotI, name for Centeotl, iii.,
360.
Tiba, Isthmian title, i., 770.
Tibahagna, South Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 460.
Tibuica, cave near Copan, Honduras,
antiq., iv., 82-3.
Tibulon, city, Yucatan, v., 632.
Tiburones, North Mexican trib^, i.,
672-91; location, i., 672; e|)ccial
mention, i., 683, 585, 590; lang.,
iii., 704.
Tiburon (Taburon) Island, i., 672,
604-6.
Ticeuiracocl'a (Ticeviraco<!ha), v., 23,
sec Viriiuocha.
TicitI, Nahua midwife, ii., 268.
Ticul, Yucatan, antit^., iv., 237-40.
Ticuni, Yucatan, antiq., iv. ,219.
Tie-poo-eet, i., 54, see Topek.
Tierra Amarilla, locality, Utah, i.,
469-70.
Tierra Blanca, village, Chiapas, i.,
682.
Tierra Calicntc, ii., 89-90.
Tierra Fria, ii., 87.
Tierra Teniplada, ii., 87.
Tigalda Island, i., 141.
Tigaldas, tril)e of Aleuts, i., 87-94;
location, i., 141.
Tigers, i., 648, 716, 723, 762-3; ii.,
259, 351, 720-1; iii., 129.
Tigua, i., 600, see Tegua.
Tiguex, Pueblo province, New Mex-
ico, i., 527, 538.
Tihaz, Quicli6-Cakclii(iuel day, IL,
767.
Tihoo, city, Yucatan, iii., 467; antiq.,
iv., 243-4.
Tihugun, Tinnch god, iii., 142.
Tikal, (iuatemala, antiq., iv., 135-8.
Tilantongo, city, Oajaca, iii., 73;
hist., v., 416, 461, 527-9.
Tilapa River, v., G02.
Tilenia, Oajaca, antiq., iv., 374.
Tiliiacs (Tilijais, Tilijayiw), North
Nlexican tribe, L, 571-91; location,
i., 611-12.
Tillamooks, i., SOT, see Killaniooks.
Tilma (Tilmatli), Mexican mantle,
i.,674, 620; ii., 366, 727j
Tilofayas, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-91; location, i., 612.
Timbalakees, Central Californian
tribe, i., 361-401; location, i., 449.
Timita (Timigtac, Titmictac), Cen-
tral Californian tribe, L, 361-401;
location, i., 463.
Tinipana Yutas, i., 470, see Tim pe-
nu^uchyas.
TimpanigOB, lake and desert, i., 466,
467.
TimpanigOB Yutas, i., 440, see Tini-
panogos.
Timpanogos (Tempanaligocs, Tini-
panagos, Timpanigos Yutas, Tim-
panogcs, Timpanogs), tribe of
Shosnones, i., 422-42; location, i.,
440, 462, 464, 469-70.
Tinipenaguchvas (Tenpenny Utahs,
Tenpenny Utcs, Timpana Yutat*),
tribe of Shoshoncs, :., 422-42; lo-
cation, i., 470; sitecial mention, i.,
440.
Timsim, Central Californian trilje, i.,
361-401; location, i., 453.
Tin, i., 483; ii., 382, 473-6; iv., 7JI4.
Tinabsotis, Inland Columbian trilM>,
i., 250-91; location, i., 314.
Tinachi, South Californian tril)c, i.,
402-22; location, i., 469.
Tinajas Altas, Sonora, i., 603.
Tinapihuayas, North Mexican tribe,
i., 571-91; location, i., 612.
Tinneh(I)inneh, 'Dtinnfe, Tinnfe.Tty-
nai), one of the five families into
which the Hypci Iwreans are di-
vided; miinners and customs of
iiill its nations and tribes dc8cril>cd
together, i., 114-37; physique, i..
36, 116-17, 122, 127; dress, i., 117,
12i2, 128; marriage and women,
>., 117-18, 121, 12.3, 125-6, 132, 134;
Dwelling's, i., 118, 12.3-4; Food, i..
118, 121, 123, 129, 135; WeaiHins,
i., 119; Amusements, i., 119-20,
122; IJurial, i., 119, 125-7, 1.32,
1.34-5; Character, i., 120, 122, 135-7;
Governn/jnt, i., 121, 12.3-4, 130-1,
134; Medicine, i., 124; Itoats, lui-
iilcmcnts, &i\, i., 1.30; Myth., iii.,
105-6, 131, 141-.3,518; v., 19; Inn-r.,
iii., 5,'>7-8, 583-()03, 662-3; location
of tribes, i., 25, 38, 114-16, 143-!t.
Tinum, Yucatan, antiq., iv,, 236.
Tipitapa, village, Nicaragua, i., 792.
Tipitaj>a Uiver, i., 792.
Tipotani, Nicaragua god, iii., 492.
Tiribces (Tiribis), i., 794-5, see Ttr-
rabas.
Tiripito, locality, Michoacan, v., .*)2l.
INDEX
m
Tisayac, Central Californian mythic
person, iii., 125.
Titicuca Island, Peru, antiq., iv.,
8()0-2.
Titicaca Lake, Peru, antiq., iv., 800-
2, 805-6; v., 23.
TiiitI, Nuhua festival, ii., 337.
Titiyii, Central Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 453.
TitlucaAon (Titlaeahua, Titlacahuan,
Titlacaoanioquequeloa, Titlacoa,
Titlacoan), names for Tczcatli-
poca, iii., 5?, 70, 191, 199, 214,
256; v., 259.
Titniictac, i., 453, see Tiniita.
Tiubta, Central Californian tribe, i. ,
361-401; location, i., 455.
Tixualajtuu, Yucatan, antiq., iv.,
240.
Tizaapan, a district of Mexico, v.,
340-i.
Tizajotan, v. , 323, see Tizayocan.
Tizupetlan, Chiapas, antiq., iv., 353.
Tizatlacatzin, a Tlascaltec leader,
v., 459, 504.
Tizntlalli, a species of stone, ii.,
487.
Tizatlan, a quarter of Tlascala city,
ii., 412; v., 497-8, 503.
Tizayocun (Tizajocan), station, Aztec
migration, v., 323, 330.
Tizoc, king of Mexico, v., 417, 424,
436-9.
Tjuiccujenne, Apii'-'ie tribal name,
i., 474; iii., 594.
Tjulchide, Apache name for Kio
Colorado, i., 595.
Tjunchi, Apache nan»e for Rio Pecos,
i., 595.
Tka, i., 447, sec Hamburg Indians.
Tkliimkee, Aleut amulet, iii., 144.
T'kiiskes, i., 148, see Ingaliks.
TIaaltilzin, slaves for saeritice, ii.,
394.
Tlaamaviques, Xahua combatants,
ii., 396.
Tlacabepan, Nahua vire-god, ill.,
427.
Tlacacavili, Niuiiir> niist-.^ss, ii., :2C4.
Tlacaccbastla, Maya Quiclni dialect,
iii., 760.
Tlacacouhcan, Nahua temple, iii.,
387.
Tlacaeleltzin ;Tenipaui'catl), a Mex-
ican commander, v., 389-90; a
Mexican prince, identical with
Montezuma I., v., 423.
TIacahua, Nahua title, ii., 187.
Tlacahuepancuextotzin, Nahua ^rod,
iii., 30a
Tlacahncpatzin (Tlacahnepantzin). a
Mexican prince, v., 443, 459, 604.
Tlacalhuaztilmatli, a court mantle,
ii., 376.
Tlacamihtzin (Tlacamilitzin, Tla-
camitziu), a Toltec prince, v., 211,
220, 243.
TIacapantzin (Tiacapantzin, Tiacapa-
pantzin), an Aztec princess, v., 329.
Tlacatecatl (TacatecatI, Tlacatec-
catl), Nahua judge, ii., 436.
TIacatecololotI, Nahua evil spirit,
iii., 184.
Tlacateotzin, Acolhua prince, v.,
332, 334; Chimalpaucc chief, v.,
338; Kin^ of TIateluIco, v., 364-86.
TlacatlaoUi, a dish of human flesh,
ii., 309.
Tlacattecco, a temple in Mexico, v.,
441.
Tlacavcpan, name for Tezcatlepoca,
iii., 241, 246.
Tlucaxi[)cliualiztli, Nahua month,
ii., 306, 308-12, 509; iii., 309, 420.
TIaceiraailitlaxcalli, corn cake, >i.,
355.
TIachcala, i., 676, see Tlascala.
Tlachco, a play -ground, ii., 297;
town, (luerrero, v., 412.
TIaihiach, Nahua title, v., 264, 486.
TIacliicatzin, a Toltec city, v., 211.
TIachielonique, Nahua sceptre, iii.,
408.
TIacliihualtepec, locality, Puebla, v.,
2.30.
TIacbinotzin, v., 250, see Ixtlilcue-
chaliuac.
TIachmalacac, to%vn, Mexico, i.,677;
v., 412.
TIachiianquizqui, Huexotzmca chief,
v., 477.
TIach<iuauhyo, court <lress, ii., 403.
TIachquiauhco, city, llajaca, v., 416,
461.
TlachtU (TiAchtl, TIaxtIi), Nahua
ball-game, ii., 297; iii., 254; v.,
467.
Tlaciuaantin, Nahua mistress, ii.,
265.
Tlaeiup.ntli, Nahua mistress, ii.,265.
Tlao'/iuaui, iii., .M80. see Tlu/.oltcotl.
Tlo'.o, iii., 380, see TIazolteotl.
TIacochcalcatI, ii., 138, see Tlaco-
liccalcatl.
Tlacucbtli, a javelin, ii., 410.
TIaooculaquilo, cradle ceremony, ii..
276.
Tlacoliecalcatl (Tluroohcalcatl), Na-
hua title, ii., 137-8,201.
772
INDEX.
TIacolula, locality, Oajaca, i., 700;
antiq., iv., i)7S.
'i'lucoiiiihiia, a Toltnc chief, v., 243,
253; < >(olclulr4) riilt-r, v., 407.
'I'lacdpaii (Tuuiil)u), city, Mexico, i.,
fi74; ii., 02, i;M-f>; iv., 603; v.,
3»«-{».
1 acoteo, 'J'ezciicuii Huiniiiurv. i>-,
24«.
TIacotepec, town. Vera Cruz, i., ('»77;
uiitiij., iv., 445-(i.
'ria(!otin, a 'I'i!|iuiie<; prince, v., 'MiH.
Tluciitluii, town, .luliM(;ii, i., 072.
TiiKMit/iinlli, Nuliiiii ^mI, ii., 3S0.
TIacuitiiiiilluii, Htutioii, A/tec iiii;;ra-
tioii, v., .'<24.
Tlaj;};a •SilluH, trilw of Koniii^uH, i.,
<i!)S7; Idcittioii, i., 140.
Tlulitmc (Ciiitlaiiuac), Mexico, aiitii).,
iv., 4!W-!».
'i'lahuiciis, Niiliiia luitioii, i., t>l7-44;
ii., I.'i:<-r)2<.); ioiriitioii ami iiitiiH', li.,
W.), l.'tO; special ineiitioii, i., (122;
laiif,'., Hi.. 725; hist., v., ;U(7-I0.
'I'ialiiiicol ('I'lalliiiicol), a 'I'iancullcc
general, iii., 415; v., 477-K, Mli,
.'>25.
'I'lalniililitaii, Mexico, antiq., iv., 540.
'i'laiiiiil 'rc-culitli, a Xocliiniilcociiief,
v., 'MM.
'rialniiloll/iii, a<'liiciiiiiieei>rinco, v.,
475.
'rialniilxiii, my tlii^; pcrHon, iii., .'{70-80.
'riailoliaciiii, a waru if 're/ciico city,
v., 404.
Tlaitlanililoni, name for Napatecutii,
iii., 417.
Tlaixiiexia, Naliua feast, ii., 3!)5.
Tlaixpan, locality, Mexico, i., (i7.'<.
'riaioniiilco, town, >laliHco, i.,l!72.
Tlalamo/to(^ station, ('jiicliimitc nii-
i^ration, v., 204.
TIalciiiliiialtepec, name for Cliolula,
iv. , 473.
Tlaicliinolt/in, v., 250, see Ixtlilciie-
chalinac;.
TIaiciiitonatinli, Naliua period of
time, ii., 501.
Tlalcliinlitlanel/.iu, v., 245, see (y'liai-
eiiiiih 'riatonac.
TIalcoconiocco, locality, Mexico, ii.,
550; v., .330.
Tlal'iuicol, v., 477, hci- 'rialiuicol.
TIaliac, a niimral nuliNtance, ii,, 487.
'riallanianai', Nahua ^od, v., 103,
'rialliquamallas, trilie of Apaches,
i., 473-520; location, i., .5!K».
'rialmanaieo, M(!xico, aiiti<i., iv., 501;
liist,, v., 200.
TIaloc, Nahuagod.ii., 305,308,334-7,
582-4; iii., 07, 118, 120, i:i4, .'{24-48.
TIalocan, Naliua mythic ruf^iuii, iii.,
1)33; v., 107, 527.
Tiaiiicaii Mountain, v., 480.
'I'lalticatituclitli, name for TIaluc, iii.,
.'{24.
'I'laipeiHtxic, ravine, 'I'laHcala, v., 54)7.
'rialpirii, Nalina period uf time, ii.,
Tlahjiiiiniioltecuhtli, an order of
|iriestH, iii., -VM.
Tlalt4;catl, v., 2.50, see Ixtlilcueclia-
liiiac.
'rialt<!catl Huetiiiii, v., 2.50, ,.eu Ixtlil-
cuechahuac.
Tlaltecatxiii, name for Cjiuinantzin,
v., .347; lord of ijnauhchin'iiii:o,
v., .'{40.
'rialtete<Mii, a Naliua proiihet, v,, l!MK
Tlaltecnin, name for Yxtlit<in, iii.,
400.
TIaltcciitIi, Naliua ;;od, iii., 207.
'rialticpai|Ue, name for 'IVinacatco'tn,
iii., 101.
Tiamacatoton, liov priest» , <i.,.'.t3.
TIaimicat/in, ('liicliimec kii:..'. v.,
'220, 2<.)0,
TIaniacaxqui, ('riamiii;a/qiii), an < r-
der of priests, ii,, •203-4; iii., 4,'{(i.
'I'lainacaxcatlotl, an order of priests,
ii., 203.
TIamaca/caviaque, an order of
pri(!HtH, iii., .'{.'{.5.
Tlamaca/cayoti, an oi'd(!r of priests,
ii., 204.
'riamaca/iineciiicaiiiiiic, an order of
priests, iii., .'{.'l.'i.
Tlaniaca/teqiiioa;;iies, an order of
pricHts, iii., .'{.'{5.
Tlaiiiaca/t<;/calioan, an order of
priests, iii., .'{.'{5.
Tlamaitl, tenants, ii., 231.
'I'lainalhiiiliii, miiHical iiiHtnimciit,
Mexi(;o, iintiq., iv., rA)4.
'I'lamania, Naliua carriers, ii., ,'tH(i.
'riamatliH ('riamati), i. , 44 1, sec
K'lcmatlis.
'riamatziiii;atl, name fur Tozcatlipo-
ca, iii., 100, 405.
Tlamaxcacayotl, a reliKioim order,
iii., 4:{0.
TIami, Te/cncaii title, ii., 180; v., .'{50.
Tlanatzi, Tarasco mantle, ii., .'{08.
Tlaneliiiiolticpac, locality, Mexico,
i., 075.
'rianemiliani, Naliua Holicitors, ii.,
444.
Tlaiiem|H)|Hiloa, iiainu for Napate-
cutii, iii., 417.
INDEX.
7W
TIanotliic (Tlajrlotlac, TIaylotlut),
Naliiia jikIkv, ii., 4.')fS.
Tluiii{iiac(!iiiilhiyiiic (Tlanciuaceiiiil-
liiii<|iU!), Ijiictxiilcoati lullifrtMilH,
iii, '241, '255.
TIanlli (TIaiilli), driod corn, ii., 'M7.
TlaoiiiiiM|ui, iiivnitor uf Imiw and ar-
row, ii., 343.
'ri»<M|iiat<'li, i., 'ilt.'t, Hcj ClayoqnotH.
'riii|)iila, V(!ra('rnx, antiq., iv., 445.
Tla|iait'uli'|M'-i;, locality, Nicara^rna,
i., 7i(0.
'riapalliuit/. (Tlaiialliiiii!), a Nahiia
chief, v., '2»:».
'I'laiiali/i|nixocliitl, a Hontli Mexican
|ilant, v., 4'il.
'I'lu|ialla ('ria|iallaii), an ancicMit
Konlli .Mexican kingdom, iii., '253-
4, •Jl.M; v., '211, '214, -284-5, 558.
Tlaiiallani-onco('ria|iallantoMco,'ria|)-
allan/inco, Tla|ijiallanxin){o), hIu-
lion, 'I'oltuc ini^'ratiou, v., '211,
'215, •2'2I.
Tlaiiallun tU: ('ort.cH, a region in
llondiiras, v. , '215.
'ria|iiiilariliinco, v., 211, hoc 'I'lapal-
lanconco.
'ria|)iii!aul./inco, v., '211, m!C Tiapal-
lancoiit'o.
Tla|)alni(!t/.in, a 'j'ollct; itriace, v.,'2l.'(.
'ria|ialiut!t/ot/in, a Nalina <diicl', v.,
'213.
TIaiianccH ((!liii!i|uiniOH, (!hocliona,
( 'llOCllOntCH, {( 'llUcllOH, ( 'lincllOMCH,
(.'oviMCaM, •loltCH, I'ilMIUK^H, I'ilioll-
<'li()c|ionN, I opoloraH, l'o|i()lilcaH,
'I'ccoM, 'i'(!CoxincH, 'r(-MinicH, Voim-h,
YohinicH, YopiH, \'o|i|ii), Nanna
nation, i.,(>l7-44; ii., l3.'<-*i'21); loca-
tion and name, i., (i77; ii., 10',), 130;
H|M!<'ial mention, i., (!rtl-'2, (i<i5-(l;
lanK., iii., 75'2, 7H3; hint., v., '207,
5-23-4.
'riapatl, a niedi<'iiial plant, ii., 5!)().
i lapitxaliuacan, name for (jiiialiiii/.t-
lan, v., 4!(7.
'i'iapit/.cut/in, till order of pricHlH, ii.,
'203; iii., 4:i4.
T^uppallan/.in^o, v., '211, hcc Tlapal-
'iv conco.
T'Kiuaiinallo, a niiuitli ii., 3'2I.
riat|ueuliinlican, a(|narierof Mexico
city, ii., MX
TliKiniliiia, Nalina title, ii., IH7.
'ria(|iiillaiiKliH, Okanagaii HorcercrH,
i., -2S7.
Tlm|iiilxo(-hitl, princenH of /iiin-
paiiK") v., 3'2<).
TIaqiiiniilloli, Macrc-d rclicH, ii., '202;
iii. , (i'2.
Tla<^iiimiloI-Teciihtli, an order of
prioNtH, ii., '20-2.
Tlamuila (Texiiilla, Tuxcaltic|MM%
Tlacli(-ala, TIaxcala, TIaxcalian),
trilniM dcHcrilMtd, i., «!l7-44; civ-
ilixeti iiatioiiM, ii., l33-(i'2{); location
and name, >., (>74, <t7(!, 7111; ii.,
Il'2, I:H); nivtli.,iii.. Ill, 1))5, 4.37,
443, rm, Si2; v., -20; lanj^., iii.,
7'25; antii)., iv., 477-H<»; liiKt., v.,
'2(}'2-3, 403, 45H-»K), 470, 41»3-.')07.
TliiHcaltecH, Naliiia nation, i., <II7-
44; ii., l33-()'20; location and name,
i., (i7(i, 701; ii., l.'tO; Hpecial men-
tion, i., (i'22; ii., l4l-'2, 21.'), '2'2.-> tl.
\tM, '271, '277, 331, HMi-l. 3.>», 371.
405-(i, 41 1-1-2, 4Hi-l7, 4-23 31, 44<i,
5(iH, mi, <i-2K-0; myth., iii.. Ill,
l!»5, 437, 443, rm, 512; v., '20;
laiiK'., iii., 7'25; hint., v., .307-IO,
'MH, 417-18, 4.W(Mt, 47(1, 493-507.
'I'latecaiooa, Naliiiapid, iii., 418.
'rialeciiinxocliicaoaca, inventor of
ine<licine, ii., .'i!l7.
TIatcliilciiM, Nahiia nation, i., (SI7-
44; ii., l33-(i-20; Hpecial mention,
ii.. 3H0-I, 5(i5; liiKt.., v.,;«-25-«, XtCt-
48-2.
TIateliiIco (Xiilteliilco), city, Mexic4>,
ii., :<Ht)-l, ,'i<>5; iii., -2!I8; hiHt., v.,
3.'i7-!»0, 411, 4-21, 4'2'(-;tl.
TlatliiiilKiiiii'cnteotl, name for l'(!n-
teoti, ill., 3riO.
'riatlnicaH, ('(Mitral Mexican tribe, i.,
(il7-44; locution ami name, i., t>75.
Tlaloaiii, Nalina title, ii., l8(i-7; v.,
248.
TIatopil/iiilli, Nahiia title, ii., I8<l.
'riato)|iic, Nalina title, ii., I8(i.
'I'latsapH, i., .'{it-i, HCC CJatHopH,
TIatHkanais, triln! of t'hiiiookH, i.,
'2'22-5(); location, i.,.'i07; laiiK.. iii.,
502.
'I'lat/alaii, v., '205, hi!(! Tlaxalan.
'l'hiiilii|necliol, a mythic, hird, iii.,
-241.
'riaiiliiiiiecholt/.ontli, a feather tlrcHH,
ii., :{7<!.
'riiiiilli, ii., 347, Hce TIaolli.
'riavite/.i|iii l'riavilcc(|iii), a fentivul
cliaiaclcr, iii., .'{.Vl.
'riii\callan, v., 101, mcc 'I'laHcala.
'riuM'alli, a kind of cake, ii., ;J54.
'riaxi-al|)acholii, a kind of cake, ii.,
:i.'.5.
'riaxcallotopochlli, a kind of cake,
ii., 4-25.
'I'laxiaco, Mi/.teiMlialect, iii., 740.
i'laxicolincan iTIaxi Colinhcan), n
ri'ifion of Mi!xico, v., 211, 218.
^dkii
774
INDEX.
'riaxiinulnynii, town,
077. Ht'o rnii;jiiiiiin>i
Michoacan, i.,
_ iiiiinMi.
Tlux(>chiiii»cii, Nuliua iiioiitJi, ii.,
327-8, 38U, 610, 018.
TlaxuniiiltecM, (Joiitrul Mcxiciiii trilm,
i., SI7-44; location, i., (iT2; lunK->
iii., 710.
Tlaxtli, ii., '207, Hce Tluvlitli.
Tlayiotiu«;, ii., 4mi, mc« Tiiinotlac.
Tlaylotlut, ii., 4:{(!, hcu 'J'lanotlai;.
TIazalan (Tlatzalun), locality, Mex-
ico, v., 205, 207.
Tlazoaloyan, Chiupaii, aiitiq., iv.,
354.
Tla/oitootl (Tcicii, 'I'lacapan, 'I'iucl-
qnani, TIaco, Tlu»>lv{>liiia), Naiiua
KodduHH, ii.,33(».7, 510; iii., 377-81.
Tlazolyiiliiia, ii., 510, hcc Tlu/oltcotl.
TIcUiiuxolotI, ioril of TL>]Mttii-|>uc,
v., 503.
station, Aztvc migration,
Tioiuaco,
\ .. ::-J4.
Tit
Tle.i
vrcnHor, ii., 323.
iiliir Hi^n, ii., 510-17.
a lirii/icr, ii., 32.*).
Tlilcoai/.in, 'r<)lt(!<-. kin;;, v., 200.
Tlil(',nctz]Nilin, an Otonii ciiiof, v.,
4:w-4.
Tlillan, nanio of atcniplo in Mexico,
v., 441.
TliilanralcatI, an order of priuHtx, ii.,
202.
Tlillanculmii, Naliua title, ii., 1.38.
Tliliiucciuuinitc, v., 250, hvo Ixtlil-
cuecliuliuac.
TliI<|Ho <'liaocatialiinolt7.in, v., 2.'>0,
Hce Ixtlilcuec^lialiiiuc.
Tliltejiec, locality, .Mexico, v., 443.
Tlingcha-dinneli (Do^-rilm), triitu of
Tinneli, i., 1 1 4-:<7; location, i., 144.
Tlolpintzin, iii., 270, hco Topilt/in.
TI<Miuatch, i., 207, hcu ('luyoquotH.
Tloqnu, name for Tonacateotle, iii.,
101.
TI(H]uu, Maya-Quiclic dialect, iii. , 700.
Tlo(|nc-NiiliiiiM£no (Ipalnenioaloiii,
limlncinoan, Ipalneinolinaloni),
Niilinagod, iii., 50, 182-0, 105; v.,
252.
Tiotii, Nahua divine niuMtcnger, iii.,
68.
Tlotlit(!cnhtli,a Teo-Chichiniec chief,
v., 4!K).
Tlot/in I'ocliotI, (Jhichimcc king, v.,
314-20, 3:<0-3.
Tnaina Ttvnai, i., 110, hoc Konai.
ToaiU, i., 530, 70«i, 703; ii., 721.
ToandoM, i., 'MY2, hcu Tounkoocli.
Toaiikoovli (ToandoH, Toanlioocli,
Tunnoh, Tuanoooh,) tribe of Sound
IndiaiiH, i., 208-22; l<M;ation, i., 302.
Toapo, village, Sonora, i., (i07.
ToIhicco, variouM uhch, i., (J8, 7(i,
1.^3, 190, 219, 282, 354, .304, 430,
517, 660, 608, 580, (ir>'2, 0<i7, 700,
730, 775-fi; ii., 287-8, («)1, 705;
iii., 80.
Toliacco PlainM, i., 311.
Toilet, name for Chinigchiniih, iii.,
100.
Tolwyo, v., 271, sec Tovcyo.
TolMtliar, firHt man, Loh AngelcH
trilHjM, iii., 84.
ToInihoh, North Moxic.in triln;, i.,
.571-01; location, i., 010-12; H|M'(i.il
mention, i., .'>70; lang. , iii., 714.
Tohreytrota, trilw of iHthniiauM, i.,
747-85; location i., 700; lang., iii.,
794.
TocaH, North Mexican trilw, i., 571-
01; location, i., 012.
Tocaxepnal, Cakcliiouel month, ii.,
70(J.
Toccy, iii., .350, see Tctcimuin.
Tochintecnhtii (Tocliin Tc<iilitli, Tn-
chintzin), a Tepancc chief, v., 317;
Acolhua ]irince and lord of llue-
xotla, v., .3.32-3, ;i35.
Tocliinlzin, a Mexican )>rince, v.,
.374; Hce uIho Tochintecnhtii.
Tochniiico, town, I'nehia, i., 071.
Toclit.'.'t, North Mexican triltc, i.,
571-01; location, i., 010.
TochpanecatI, hird of /iinipan;{o, v.,
320.
Tochtepec (TnrliteiHtque), locality,
Vera Cruz, v., 214, 410.
To(!htla, town, ('hiapax, i., 081.
Tochtii, Nahua day and year, ii.,
505,511-12,510-17; iii., 57.
Toci, iii., .3.T0, w-c Tctcionan.
Tociiui, Pueblo tianct!, i., .'i.'VI.
Tocitzin, iii., 3.')0, nee Teteionan.
Tocivitl, a military drcHH, ii., 405.
Tocoico, station, Aztec migration,
v., 324.
Tocontin, (Suatenialan dance, i.,70.\
Tocoy, locality, (iuateinala, v., 5.'i!).
Tocpacxochitzln, princoHsof Quahua-
tla|ial, v., 314.
Toll, (juiclu'-t'akchiqnel day, ii., 7<S7.
Tohil, (juichi^ god, li., 048, 704, iii..
40-.'5O, 207, 470; v., 181-2, 517,
640-51, 554, Urtti-l, 5(i2, 582, 504.
Tohohil Mountain, name for llacn
vit/. Mountain, v., 6<14.
Tohnt'-yo, v., 271, mo Tovcyo.
Tokalis, i., 11.5, 145, see Tacnllius.
Toker Point, i., 62.
INDEX.
776
Tulcnofl, Central Californian tribe,
i., :M3I-401; locutiiiii, i., »(>3, 4A2.
TolewiiliH (TulilowuliM, TuliiwitM, Tul-
uwoH, ToluwiiH, ToIdwiih), Nnrtli
Cttliforiiiuii trilx!, i. , :)2(i-(>l; locn-
tioii, i., 3*27, 445; H|HH'iul iiiuiitioii,
i., 348, 3fi7, 3(>l; myth., iii., A24;
laiiu., iii., A<.>3.
Tollan (Tula, Tiilun, Tiillia, Tiillii,
Tiillnii), city, Mcxiro, i., 073; ii.,
08-0; iiiitii|., iv., 547; liiHt., v., >2l,
181-2, 180-7, l»l-'2, '2m, 'JIS. 21»,
243-80, 2»3, 323, 32«, 473, SM-O,
Mil, mi5, 023.
ToliiiiiritiKo (Tolliuitziiico), v., 101,
'2\3, MW Tiiliiiiiriii^o.
Toliiahuiii;, Nitlniti tviniilo, iii., 402.
ToI<m;uii, i., 077, hw. 'rorma.
TolukliHtiM, iiuiiu! for ('iihu del Adi-
viiKi, Hxtiiul, utiliti., iv., IU2.
Tiilolotliiii, town, 'tJiiiiHco, i., 072;
iiiiii(i., iv., 575.
Tololotlaii itiver, Miclioacnn, v., 5()8.
Toloii<'liaiite|MUij, name for llolon-
('lian-'re|ieiili, v., 024.
ToiowaH, i., 301, Hee TolewaliH.
Tol|M!tlac, v., 32.'<, Hee 'rnltejietlac.
Tol(|om, a (iuateinalaii i^liiet, v. ,500
'r<iltei'at, iv., 521), Hce 'reotiiiuacun.
ToilecatJteculitli, Teo-diicliimec
chief, v., 4!HI.
ToltecH, Naliua nation, i., 017-44;
ii., I.'<3 020; name, i., 070; ii., 131-
2; H|M!i'ial mention, i., 24; ii., 08-
101, I4<», 173-4. 21:M4. 20.'>-0, Mil,
370, M)l, 478, 5(M!, 55.t, 507, 0(M,
(MM), 013; iii., 270-1; mytii., iii.,
55-0; lauj?., iii., 724; v., 510; ori-
gin, v., 10-21; hist., v., 208-18,
2.37-3:;0, 500, 527-8, 541-3,640, 557-
8, 501, 504-7, 004, 011-10.
Tolnca (Tdlocan), city, Mexico, i.,
070-7; huiK., iii., 747-8; v., 433,
523.
TnmahawkH, i., 188, 2:i5, 208, .341,
378, 403-4.
Tonniltm ('I'anuilcH, TamalloH, Ta-
nutlanoH), ( '«;n(ral < 'aliforniiin trilu^
i., 301-401; hicatinn, i., 452.
Toniallan, Htatimi, ('hichimec nii);ra-
tion, v., 242. 487.
Toma«)tcot, Nicaragua K<>d, iii., 402.
TomaHiit, viUaK*'. duatemala, i., 788.
TomatocH Cromall), Mexican HmmI, i.,
624, 053; ii., .y>ti.
Tomaxohipan, <'itv, Mexico, v., 412.
Tonilw, anti<|., iv., 17-18, 20-.'H), .'172-
88, 412, 410, 422, 428-30, 447-51,
405, 474, 405, 610-17, 60.3, 602.
Tnniiyanli, Otomi priuccHH, v., 310.
Nalina diviuin); book.
A/tec niiKrutinn,
Tonioy, Central Califnniian tribe, i.,
301-401; location, i., 454.
TompiraH, trilw of PuubloH, L, 026-
60; location, i., (iOO.
'I'onu, a guardian Mpirit, i., 001-2.
Tonacacigutt, name for Chiconiocoatl,
iii.,:i62.
Tonacajuhutt, name f«ir ('entuotl, iii.,
.350.
Tonacntocotii, iii,, 272, m)o Tonaca-
tcotl.
Tunacatccuhtii (Tonacatocutii), name
for Tonatinh Itxacuai, iv., 535.
Tonacalenti (( 'itinatonali, Tonacat*!-
cotii, 'I'onacateotle, Tonucatlucotle).
NahnaK<Hl, iii., 101, 208, 272, .352,
Tonacate|Mttl, Nahna mytiiic locality,
v., 103-4.
Tonalii, riiinpaH, antiq,, iv., .'154.
Tonala, town, .laii.siut, i., (i.'tt); antiq.,
iv., .'(72; liiMf., v., 5t)8-0.
TonalamutI,
iii., :i8l.
Tonalan, Htation,
Tonal|Miiiiii|iii. N'ahua Horcorer, ii..
271, 301, .'MK).
Tonaltnt, a ripile lord, v., 600.
Tonantzin, name for Cliicomccoatl.
iii., .350, X>'2.
Tonatacin^'a, iiami! for Chicomecoatl.
iii., 352.
Tonatinh, Naliua god, iii., 100, 183.
Tonutiuh It/acunl, temple, Mexico,
anli<|., iv., .'i.'l5-(i.
Ton^jarxcH (Ton^'aH), i,, 143, hcc
Tun^aHH.
T(m);laH, llon<luraH, lan^., iii,, 78.3.
Ton((ue Point, i,, ',UMi-7.
ToUK'he, i., (MHi, mut Tonit/i.
Tonila, nanu) fur Ococin^o, iv., .347.
Ti<iiit/i, town, Sonora, i., 000.
TontoH, trilu) of A|>ai'licH, i., 47.3-520;
|(M;ation. i., 474, 505; Hpecial men-
tion, i., 404-5, 511, 510.
Tonvel'M Hay. i., 20.3.
Tookarikkalm, trilKS of KhoHhoneH, i.,
422-42; location, i., 4(i3.
ToomedtM'H, Cent rait -alifornian tribe,
i.,. 301-401; loitalion and name, i.,
450.
TiHunuuH, ('entral Californian tribe,
i., 301-401; lo<-ation ami name, i.,
4.'>0.
Tooii;^'laH, tri)>e of MoHquitoii, i.,
711-47; location, i., 71.3, 703; Hp«v
cial mention, i., 714, 718, 740;
lang., iii., 78.3.
T(M>|M>k. i., 54. see To|M'k.
Too-pote, i., 64, Hce Topck.
776
INDEX.
Toos, tribe of Haidahs, i., 165-74; lo-
cation, i., 292.
Tootoouh, thuiider-biril, Aht myth.,
iii., 96, 152.
Tootooton, i., 327, 443, see Itogue
River Indians.
Topck (Tie-iHM)-eot, T(»o|iek, Toopote,
Topak, Tupftik), Eskimo tent, i.,
54.
Topia, province, Nortli Mexico, i.,'
607, 613-14; lang., iii., 718-19.
Topila (-reek, Taniaulipas, antiq.,
iv., 596-7.
Topila Hills, Tamaulipas, antiq., iv.,
595.
Topilli, constables, ii., 437.
Topiltzin (Tlolpintzin, Topil), an or-
der of priests, ii., 201, 301; iii.,
279, 434; v., 248; Toltei- imjHjrial
title, ii., 609; v., 256, 2(!0, 276,
299; see also Acxitl.
Topiltzin Qiietzalcoatl, name for
Quetzalcoiitl, v., 25.
Topopochiiiliztli, iii., 422, sec Tox-
catl.
Toqualit (Toquart, T»)quatnx), trlUo
of Nootkas, i., 174-208; location,
i, 295-7.
Toquetzal, Tco-Chichimec chief, v.,
490.
Toquii ias, trilie of Shoshoues, i.,
422-42; locution, i., 468.
Toral, S))anish bishop in Yucatan, v. ,
627, 629.
Torches, use of, i., 185-6, 213, 338,
719; ii., 491, 573, 618, 621-3; iii.,
375.
Torin, village, Sonora, i., 608.
Tornilla, Apache food, i., 488.
T6ro, village, Sonora, i., 608.
Toromruqiii, Opata festival, i., 586.
Torose, «. entral Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 453.
Torresqiics, tribe of Isthmians, i.,
747-85; location, i., 748.
Tortilla, a sitccics of cake, i., 489,
540, 577, 626, 653, 694, 721; ii.,
.347, 354-5, 722; iii., 360.
Tortoise, symbols, v., 73-4.
Tortoise-siiell, various uses of, i. , 393,
705, 717, 725-6, 768; ii., 285, 406,
713.
Tortuga Island, i., 605.
Torture, of captives, i., 164, 269, 433,
681; ii., 656, 746.
Tosawees (Shoshoteas, Tosawitches,
Tosawwitches, Tosiwitches, White
Knives), tribe of SlHtshones, i.,
422-42; location, i., 469; special
mention, i., 440.
Tosemiteiz, i. , 452, see Yoaemites.
Tosiwit<;hes, i., 461, see Tosawees.
Toste (Teotost;, Nicaragua god, iii.,
492.
Totanquitlaxcallitlaquclpacholli, a
species of cake, ii., 175, 355.
Totec, iii., 411, see Xipe.
Totc{)cuh Nonohualcatl (Totepauh,
Totcpeuhque), Toltec king, v.,
250, 252-5.
Totcpeuh II., Toltec king, v., 266.
TotoKoniula, Californian mythic per-
son, iii., 124-6.
Totola, Central Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 453.
Totolapan, province, Mexico, v.,
346, 412.
Totoliun, locality, I'uebla, v., 490.
Totolohuitzii.rhichimec-Toltecchief,
v., 48.1.
Totolo(|ue, Nuhua };amc, ii., .301.
Totoltej)ec (Tototepec), city. North-
east Mexico, v., 297-8, ,3.35, 472.
Totonialotecuhtli, Teo-Chichimec
chief, v., 490.
Totoniihuacan (Totomiuacan), town,
I'ucbla, i., 670- 1; v., 4!K), 495.
Totonacapan, jirovince. Vera Cruz, i.,
675; v., 413, 41.'».
Totonacs (Totonaqnes), Nahua na-
tion, i., 617-44; ii., 133-629; loca-
tion and name i., (i75; ii., 113-14,
132; special mention, i., 635; ii.,
278, 5.54; myth., ii., 214; iii., 3.50-1,
43.3, 437, 445; lang., iii., 759, 776-9;
v., 204; hist., v., 2035, 239,
441-2, 476.
Totonicapan, town, (Guatemala, i.,
787-8; v., .577, 586, 602.
Totonquiatolli, a kind of gruel, ii.,
355.
Totoposte (Totoposti), a corn cake,
i., 663-4, 695.
Totoquihuatzin, king of Tlacopan,
v., 396, 399, 410, 426.
Totot^uihuatzin 11., king of Tlaco-
pan, v., 440-1.
Totoramcs, i., 672, see Thoranics.
Tototecti, sacrificial victims, ii. , .309.
Tototen (Tototin, Tototutna, Totu-
time, Totutunes), see Uogue Hiver
Indians, i., .327, 442-3.
Tototlan, locality, Mexico, v., 416.
Totten's Inlet, i., 301.
Totzapan, station, Toltec migration,
v., 21.3.
Totzapantzin, a Toltec prince, v., 21.3.
Tonchon-ta-Kutchin, tribe of Tinneh,
i., 114.37; location, i., I '-4.
INDEX.
777
Tonserleinnics, i., 450, sec Tawaleni-
iiea.
Touatchipos, Inland Columbian
tribe, i., 250-91; locution, i., 319.
Toutouni, i., 327, see Kogne Kiver
Indians.
Tovares, i., 609, see Tubares.
Toveyo (TolHjyo, Tohudyo), name for
Tezcatliiwca, iii., 243-6; v., 271-3.
Towers, ii., 556-7, 671, 744, 792-3;
antiq., iv., 134-5, 187-8, 2.50, 254,
260, 315, 446-6, 6.52, 580, 723-9, 804.
Towkas, tribe of Mosquitos, i., 711-
47; location, i., 712, 793; special
mention, i., 714, 725, 732, 7.36, 746;
lang., iii., 78.3.
Towns, sec Dwellings.
Tox, Tzendal day, ii., 767; Chia-
panec hero, v., 605.
Toxas, tribe of Isthmians, i., 747-85;
location, i., 748.
Toxcachocholoa, Nahua dance, ii.,
323.
ToxcatI (Tepopoclmiliztii), Nahnn
montli, ii., 50!); iii., 422-8.
Toxilniolpilia, Nahua cycle feast,
ii., 274; iii., 393-6.
ToxpalatI, name of a fountain, ii.,
587.
Toxpan (Tnx|>!(n), station, Toltec
migration, v., 212, 216.
Toxpilli, an Acolhua chief, v., 378.
Toyl)ipet, South Calirornian trilie, i.,
402-22; location, i., 460.
T()yon, Aleutian title for chief, i.,J)2.
Toy Pi Utes, tribe of ShoMhones. i.,
422-42; location, i., 4ti7.
Tozantia, town, iNlichoacan, i., 677.
Tozcuecuex, an Aztec prince, v., 329.
Tozi, iii., 309, see Teteionan.
Tozoztii, Nalina month, iii., 70.
Tozoztontii (Tozcotzintii), Nahua
month, ii., 315, 509; iii., 420-1.
Tozquentziu, name for Atototzin, v.,
372.
T'nuaquaniish, trilMS of Sound In-
dians, i., 208-22; location, i., 301.
Trade, see ("oinmerce.
Traditions, ii., .367-8, 427, 559-(i0,
716-17; iv., 104, 730-1; v., 137-40;
sec also history.
Trak Pocoma, (iuateniala, antiij., iv.,
131.
Tran-jik-koo-chin, Kutcliin dialect,
iii., 686.
Traps, i., 91, 123, 187, 336-9, 344,
6.52; ii., 720.
Trats^-Kutshi, i., 147, see Tathzey-
Kutshi.
Treason, panishment of, ii., 469, 646,
669, 746.
Treaties, i., 164, 189, 269-70, 433-4,
500, 580, 628, 636-7, 723; ii., 747;
v., 363, 391-2, 397-9, 414, 445.
Trees, i., 173, 205-6, 220, 288, 767;
ii., 329-30, 567, 616, 619; iii., 386-
9, 400, 469.
Trench Bar, California, autiq., iv.,
707.
Tribute, see Taxes.
Trile Kalcts, tribe of Chinooks, i.,
222-50; location, i., 366.
Trincheras, see Cerro do las Trin-
cheras.
Trinidad, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv. 463.
Trinidad Bay Indians, North Califor-
nian trilxi, i., 326-61; s|>ecial men-
tion, i., 329-30, 3,12, 348, 351.
Trinity, myth., ii., 648; iii., 462, 476-
7, 45(2; v., 87, 547.
Trinity County, California, antiq.,
iv., 707.
Trinity River Indians, North Cali-
fornian tril>e, i., 325-61; location,
i., 445; special mention, i., 327-9,
.334, 348, .361; myth., iii., 175-6;
lang., iii., .592, 642.
Tripas Blancas, North Mexican
tril)e, i., 571-91; location, i., 612.
Tripoli, native place of Votan, v.,
71.
Troano MS., ii., 771-4.
Troe, Sinaloa dialect, iii., 707.
Trophies, war, i., iM, 344, .380, 4.33.
4, .581, 629: ii., 306, 316, 329, 429,
746.
Truckee Uiver, i., 466.
Truckee Valley, California, antiq.,
iv., 707.
Trumnets, i., 766; ii.,292, 713.
Truxillo,town, Honduras, i., 793; iii.,
496.
Tsakaitsitlin, Inland Columbian
tril)e, i., 250-91; location, i., 312.
Tsamak, Sacramento Valley dialect,
iii., 649-50.
Tsatsnotin, Tinneh tribe, i., 114-37;
location, i., 145.
Tschageljuk Uiver, i., 148.
Tschernow-skojes, tribe of Aleuts,
i., 87-94; locution, i., 141.
Tschigmit, i., 149, see ('higmit.
Tscliiisolomis, Inland (Columbian
tribe, i., 260-91; location, i., 314.
Tschnagmjuten (TschnagniUten), i.,
141, see Chnagmutcs.
Tschugatschen (Tchugatchih, Tchut-
ski, Tschgatzi, Tschugatschcs,
Tschugatschi, Tschngatsi, Tschu-
778
INDEX.
^aszi, Tschuktchi, Tsehnktaehi), i.,
10, 72, 130, Hco ChiigatBchoH,
Twill iiuutHk, i., l.tU, see Chiigachuik.
TBcliiiniiii, i., 17(S, nee ClallaiiiB.
raliikdtHtut, tribe of Suuiitl ludiaiis,
i., 208-2*2; locution, i., 2»9.
TRhiiiiik, i., <'{<>4, ttce ('liinook.
TmliailiHli, i. , .'(03, hoc Clieliulu.
TMilkotiii, I4fi, Hee Cliilkutiii.
Tsillnnci), Iiiluiid ('oliinibiuii tribe,
i., 250-0I; location, i., 312.
THillnwdiiwlKMitM, tribe of Tiniieh, i.,
114-37; lcH.ntioii, i., 145.
TsiniHlieuunH, i., 293, see ChiinHvanH.
TBoi-Kiili, iiunic for Ncz Perccu, i.,
253.
Tboiiiuhh, tribe of Nootkaa, i., 174-
208; location, i., 205.
Ttattah-Akbul, Cakeliiqucl king, v.,
584.
Ttynui, i., 148, nee Tinnch.
Tunnoh (Tuanooch), i., :102, eee To-
unkcHich.
Tubananiii, province and tribe of
latliniianN, i., 747-85; lunation, i.,
7JM5.
TubareH (TovarcH), North Mexican
tribe, i., 571-01; locution, i., 572,
609; lauii., iii., 715-1(>.
TiibcB, variouM nHcs, i., 170, 627, 705,
700, 723, 7<K)-3; ii,, 351; iv., 316,
375, 461.
TubiHUHte, ('entral Californian tribe,
i., 361-41)1; location, i., 453.
Tucu, ('entrnl Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; locution, i., 453.
Tucannon (Tukanun) River, i., 317.
Tnca|iucliu, Turusco god, iii., 445.
TucliKiuctzal, name for Chicomc-
coatl, iii., ^152.
Tucuincari Occk, i., 691.
Tucunui, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; Io(;ation, i., 468.
Tucurii, village, and tribe, Guate-
mala, i., 788; v., 561.
Tucrto, tribe (if i'uebloa, i., 526-66;
locution, i., ({(M).
Tuhaiha, Guutcniulun tribe, luHt., v.,
646, 561.
Tuhccuyan, abode of Aztec V'enuB,
iii., 377.
Tnira, iHthniian god, iii., 500.
Tuitlan, name for Qucniuda, iv., 580.
Tukauon, i., 319, sec Tucannon.
Tuk-Kuth, Kutchin dialect, iii., 686.
Tukuchcs, (jiuatenialan tribe, hist.,
v., 561, 596-7.
Tula (Tulan, Tulha, TuUa, Tullan)^
ancient city, Mexico, i., 673; un-
tiq., iv., 547-9; station, Aztec
migration, v., 323; ancient hoin«
of Quich^H, v., 21; ancient city.
Central America, v., 150, 181-2,
185-7, 191-2. 233, 653-7, 561, 619,
623; see alno Tollan.
Tula, California, antiq., iv., 090.
Tuluncingo (Tollancingo, Tollantzin-
co, Tulantzincu), city ami iirovincc
Mexico, antiq., iv., 544; iiii«t., v.,
213, 260, 320, 335, 411, 489.
Tulan-zuivu (Tulanzu, Seven ('avcH,
Zuina), ancient home of Quichc^H,
iii., 40; hiMt., v., 181, 188, 191, 197,
203, 219-21, 223, 228, 326, 422-4,
627, 547, 561, 665, 580, 624.
Tulupan, ancient home of Tutul Xi-
UH, v., 227-8, 624.
TulurcH (TularefioH) Central Cnlifor-
nian trilic, i., 361-401; location, i.,
452, 456; lung., iii., 650-1.
Tulare Luke, i., :)63, 465, 457.
Tnlure Valley, i., 460; Culiforniii.
antiq., iv., 690.
Tula Kivcr, v., 243, see Montezuma
river.
Tule, term for rushes, i., 336, 3(i7,
384, 466; ii., 357.
TulcN, tribe of Isthmians, i., 747-85;
lang., iii., 704-5.
Tule River, i., 45(i.
Tulhd, city, Chiapas, ii., 633; antiq.,
iv., 346-7.
Tuliia River, iv., 297, 343.
Tuliks, tribe of Aleuts, i., 87-94;
location, i., 141.
Tulkays, Central Californian tribe,
i., 3(!1-401; location, i., 363,452.
Tulla (Tullan), iii., 240-1, 288; v..
243, sue Tollan.
Tullanutl River, v., 243, see Monte-
zuma River.
Tulomus, i., 363, sec Tnolomos.
Tuloom, city, Yucatan, ii., 744-5;
antiq., iv., 254-9, 2()8, 277.
Tultecutl, Nuliuu god, iii., 418; a
Uuexotzinca general, v.,4.'>2, 500-1.
Tultepetlac (Tolpetlac, Tuljuttlac),
station, Aztec migration, v., 323-4.
Tultitlan, city, Mexico, v., 284, 296,
360, 405.
Tuluraios, ('entral Californian tril>e,
i., 361-401; special mention, i.,
365.
Tulyahualco, Mexico, antiq., iv.,
600.
Tumalehnios, Central Californian
tribe, i., 361-401; location, i., 440.
Tumapacanes, North Mexican trilw,
i., 571-01; location, i., 613.
INDEX.
779
Tiinac-eel, name for Hunac Eel, v.,
(i25-6.
Tiiflc Cha Viillcy, i., 596.
'ruiiunBB (Tuii<;ar8eM, ToiiKaH, Tun
<>liiuiHc, TiinKhiiHc), tri>N! of Tlilin-
koctM, i., 90-114; Ictcutiuii, i., IMS,
143; liuiu., iii.. 670.
Tuii<;uHH iHland, i., 143.
Tiiiikul, niimicttl inHtrumcnt, i., G66,
HCA; ii., 712; v., (>3'2.
Tuoldiniw (Tuloniim), Central Cali-
fnrnian tribe, i., 3()1-401; iMcation,
i, 363, 453.
Tuoiunine (.'uuuty, i., 455; lang,, iii.,
05U; antiq., iv., 608-703.
i'liolumnu Uiver, i.,455-G; lang., iii.,
«5!.
Tuparan, I'cricui evil spirit, iii., 529.
Tiiiuitaro, (iiianajiiato, antiq., iv.,
577.
Tuiic'H, i., 592, nee Jupes.
Tu|Niuu,voM, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 607.
Tuppek, i. , 54, hcv Topek.
Tuppkak, Maya feiiHt, ii., 691-2.
Tupuic, ('cntral Califoniian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 4.'>3.
Tupuinte, ('untral Oalifurnian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Tupiixanchucn, locality, Michtwcan,
v., 523.
TnqucHa Kiver, !., 796.
Tiiranii, ('entral ('alifornian trilie, L,
361-401; locution, i., 454.
TnrlH>, locality, I>iiri<-n, i., 797.
TiirealcnincH, i., 4i. ' ^co Tawalcm-
nuH.
Tnrialba Valley, CoHta Uica, antiq.,
iv., 21.
TnrkoyH, i., 723; ii., 703, 721.
Turlitcpeque, v., 214, hoc Twihtciicc.
Tuniiioisc, i., 545, 583; ii., 173, 376-
7, (iO<i.
TurrctH, hcc Towers.
Turtle, !., 551, 563, 576-7, 655, 694,
720, 725-6, 759; ii., 721.
TuKancH, North Mexican tril>e, i.,
571-91; location, i., 612.
TuBapan, Vera (Jruz, antiq., iv.,
456-8.
TuHayan, New Mexico, anti(|. , iv. , 674.
TuHhet)awB(TuMHhupawH), Inland ('o-
lumoian trilte, i., 250-91; location,
i., 311-12; special mention, i., 259,
274.
Tunki, i., 139, see ChugatHches.
Tuw|uin, Attache kettle, i., 489.
Tntacbro, South Califoniian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 458.
Tutahaco, Pueblo province, i., 527.
Tutchone Kutchin (Gens de Foux),
tribe of Tinneh, i., 114-37; l<M;a-
tion, i., 115, 147; lan^;., iii., 587.
Tutecotzemit, I'ipile king, v., (>08-9.
Tutotcn, i., 443, see Itogiie Kiver
Indianx.
Tutul XiuH, Maya nation, ii., (UM)-
803; Httecial mention, ii., 118-20,
132, 633, 649, 720; hist., v., 227-8,
621-34.
Tutunahs ((.'(HiuiiiH), North (valifor-
nian trilie, i., 326-61; location, L,
443.
Tntutamy, i., 327, aee Itogue Kiver
Indiaim.
Tutute|iec, city, Oajaca, i., 078;
uiitiq., iv., 374; hist., v., 462,
472-3, 631.
Tuvares, North Mexican trilie, i.,
571-91; location, i., 572, <!07.
Tuwanahs, Central ( 'alifornian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 449.
Tuxpan, v., 216, mcc Toxpan.
Tuxpan Kiver, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv.,
458.
Tuxtepec, Oajaca, anti(|., iv., 421.
Tuxtia, Vera ('riiz, antiq., iv., 426-7.
Tuzania])a, Vera Cruz, antiq., iv.,
439.
TuzMJiit, Central Califoniian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Twaka Kiver, i., 79.3.
TwigH, various uses, i., 190, 217,675;
iii., 383.
Twocan, name for Han Miguel Island,
i., 402.
Tyee (Tays), Nootka title of chief,
i., 194.
Tyiclis (Tyicks), Inland Columbian
trilie, i., 250-91; location, i., 316,
320.
Tyich Valley, i., 320.
Tykothee-dinneh, name for Kutcli-
ins, i., 115.
Typoxi, iii., 650, see Siyante.
Tyiigas, Central (.'alifornian trilie,
i., 361-401; location, i., 362, 451.
Tzactit(!atl (TzacatecatI), v., 260, see
Ixtlilcucclialiuiic.
Tzacatl, Nahua chief, v., 243.
Tzaciia, a Mexican bird, iii., 374.
Tzaputlatcna, Nahua goddess, iii.,
409.
Tzatzapaltamale, amaranth cakes,
ii., 316.
Tzatzitepetl Mountain, Mexico, iii.,
241.
Tzauhtli, a species v.. tree, ii., 487,
489.
780
INDEX.
Tzayaquocon, Contml Mexican tribe,
i., (>l7-44; lo»itioii, i., ((72.
Tzoc (Zvec), Muya month, ii., 7A7.
Tiseetzuiiik (T/ucttzaiuk), Iluilt/uk
wircerer, i., 170, 204.
T/eleii Kill, iifUtriKion, ii., 756.
TzondaicH (('ultiilcH, ZcldiilvH), Mayu
nation, i., 044-70; ii., l);«l-803; Iw-a-
tion, i., ({4.5, (Ml; ii., 1*20; Hjiorial
mention, i., (iA*2; laiiK-, ii., 120;
iii., 7(iO-:{; liiHt., iii., 4A2-3; v., 593,
(M».4, (iU).
T/('iitir|HM% i., 072, Hee Zeiitipac.
T%ci|iiil, town, ('eiitrul America, v.,
(UI-70, 101.
Tze(|iiilcH, comiiaiiioiiB of Votan, iii.,
452; v., Ida, 187.
T/e Yaxkiii, ii., 757, hcc Yaxkiii.
T/ianlicoliuac, jirovinco, Vera (<mz,
v., 420.
TzUh> I'on, (.jiiiclitS inoiitli, ii., 7<((i.
Tziciiii Moiintaiim, v., 610.
Txilinacoliiiati (Te/iiinaccoaliutI, Tzi-
liiiivc-('()liii»ti, Tziuhcoatl), Naliiia
chief, v., 243.
Tzihiiuiipi, v., HM, Hce Zwan^^a.
Tziiniiicliac, Hav ^od, iii., 4K3.
Tziniu-4inte|)er, a city of Matialt-
ziiico, v., 4;J3.
Tzinacaiitia (Tziiiacantlan, Tziiia-
caiitaii), town, ()liia|iaH, i., 681; v.,
5(il, (U>.5.
Tziiicanoztoc, locality, Mexico, v.,
378.
Tziiiteotl (Tzintcutl), iii., 350, 354,
Bce Centcotl.
TzintzuntzMii, city, Michoacan, ii.,
m; aiitiq., iv., .')(i<>-70; v., 508,
516-18, 624.5.
Tzi({nin, (.juichi^-('akclii(|uel day, ii.,
7(!7; (!hia|iaiiec licro, v., (505.
Tzii|uinalia, ijniche palace, ii., 044;
Uuatciiialan trilic, hiut., v., 547,
540. 5.U
Tzi(|iiin (iih, (juichiS-Cakchiquel
moiitli, ii., 7(>(S.
Tzit/.imitlc8, Nahuaevil spirits, iii.,
394.
Tzitzol, tribe of Ouatemalaim, i.,
(>8(>-711; location, i., 787.
Tziuhcoatl, v., 243, see TzihuacoatI .
TziulitecatI, Cnlhiia king, v., 257,
:uo-i.
Tzizi Liiwiii, (jnic)ie month, ii., 766.
Tzoalli (Tzoali), doii^'h mixed with
honey, ii., 321, 396; iii., .32.3.
Tzocoytitl, cakes of Hour and honey,
ii., 279.
Tzolohche, ancient city, Guatemala,
v., 687.
Tzololo, a Guatemalan lordnhip, v.,
597.
TzoiiicH, Yucatan dom, ii., 7 1.
'rzoiiipahiiacan, locality, Michoar.'>i,
i..(i77; v., 412.
Tzompaiico ('rzompaii), locality, Mex-
ico, ii., 473; v., .323-4, 329, hco Ziim-
pango.
Tzoiiipaiic, a TIaHcaltec chief, v.,
497-8.
Tzoiii|Niiitli. ]iiacc of skullH, Mexico,
ii., 320, .321>, 585; v., 463.
Tzoiitccoiiia, an Acoiiitia chief, v.,
m3, 310-11.
Tzoiipanco, v., 323-4, hco Znmpango.
Tzoiitciiioc, name for Mictlaiitecutii,
iii., 3!N!, 401; v., <.H), 19.3.
Tzotzilia Chanialcan, name for Cha-
malcan, v., 549.
TzotzilcH, i., 681, hcc ZotzilcM.
Tzotzolan, city, Oajaca, v., 461.
'rzotzomatzin, lord of (Joynhiiacan,
v.. 4.5.3.
Tzotzoiuiztii, a knife used in weaving,
iii., 347.
Tzoz (Zoc, Zotz), Maya month, ii.,
(i99, 757.
Tzuni]iaiico, v., 323, see Ziiinpaiigo.
T/iiii, name i>f month, OhiujiaH, ii.,
7(!(5.
'rzuiitecuin, Mnynpan lord, v., 62(>.
Tziiniinilia (Tziiiiiini-ha), ijiiiclu^
third created woman, iii., 48; a
tribe of llocab, v., 5.5,5.
Tzuriiva, (iiiatemala, aiitiq., iv., 131.
Tziitiilia, a Gnatcmaluii sacred Htoiic,
v., 5.59.
'rziitiiiii, (tuatemala, aiiti(|., iv., 131.
Tzy, tjiiich^-t'ukchiqucl day, ii., 7()7.
U
U, Maya month, ii., 766.
Ihillik'Kiver, i., 140.
Uavab, Maya intercalary days, ii.,
7.59.
llbaklica.s. Central Californian trilie,
i., 361-401; location, i., 461.
IJbuH, i., 4.50, Hce Yulua
U ('ab Ligiii Ga, Quichd month, ii.,
7(?fi.
U ("ab Mam, Qnichd month, ii., 766.
U ('ab I'ach, Qiiichd month, ii., 7()0.
U CabTzili, Qiiichd month, ii., 7«6.
UcaltiiH, i., 29(i, see (Iclctat).
Ucas, i., 447, see Yukiis.
Uchabaha, liluatemalan tribe, hist.,
v., 546, 661.
Uohidio, iii., 687, see Uchitia.
INDEX.
781
UchitiH (ITchidio, Uchitiw, UchUi,
UcliitifH, UtHiiliitnH, UtHcliiti, Vchi-
ticH, VuliitiH), liOwtT ('itliforiiiiiii
tril)c>, i., rM(i-7l; l(M-uti<iii, i., (iU.'{-4;
liiiiK., iii., (>M7-1>:t.
rrliiniii, (Ittiitml ('alifiiriiiiin li'ilK>,
i.. :<fil-40l; Idvulioii, i., 45:<.
Ucliiicli ('uiiilui, (jiiiclii) titit!, ii., (>44.
Ueliiiltii, i., 'iiXi, H<-« IJclftu.
lT<:liiiiii, ( 'likuliiiiuvl iiionlli, ii., 7(>6.
I'oluiiiiH, triliv of N<><>tkuH, i., 174-
2()H; ioctitioii i., 2iN).
IJclvtllH (UvilltltH, llcllllItU, r'clt-tullH,
IJcilltiiH, Yt)ii);li;tiiH, Voit^lctiltH,
Yiicli'tiiliH, YiiklrtuH), trilHS of
NootkiiM, i., I74-'2()H; loi-iitioii, i.,
I7'i, '21)5-<i; HpcMriiil MiiHitioii, i., 'MH.
rfiirniiiiti River, i., 71Hi.
UfrilllM'llllliliti, i., !lti, HIHt U}ritlcll/(!H.
I'L'iili'ii/cH (l'};iilii('liiiiiiiti, li);uloii/i,
IJ^'iiljiuiliiiijiitcii, ll^^aliikniiitoH,
rK'tl.vucliiiiiit/.i), ii'ilxt of Tliliiik-
votH, i.,i»4-ll4; locution, i., »(!, 142.
UKuljitt'iiiiijuUMi ( lI;;uiiikiuuU>H,
Upilyiioliiinit/i), i., SMi, mv, Uniil-
ciizes.
U;{iiiisikH, tiilic of Alouls, i., 87-!>4;
locutiiiii, i., 141.
V\uU'. Collect ion, of Mexican nntiii.,
iv., .'».'"».">.
ITiiiiil, Mavii iiioiitli, ii., ITtK.
Uiiilalis (i;inla I'tcs, Tiiita Ytitiw,
I'wintvM), i., 4<J4, 4(!!>, wee Kwintcs.
Uintah (IHiita) Valley, i., 4(i4, 4(ia
l'it/(;H, Mava nation, liiHt., v., 020,
<»2», (iXl '
l'ka.s, i., 447, hcc Ynka.s.
Ukiali, town. Central ('alifornia, i.,
•Mi-2.
I'kialis (('kias, Yokian, Ynkai), Cen-
tral ('alifoiniaii tribe, i., ,'«il-40l;
location, i., .'<02, 448; myth., iii.,
524; Ian-,'., iii., (i-t3-4.
Ulaha'i'l, locality, (inateniala, v., 68.*).
lJlhiU|ia, Chinook deinonH, iii., <J5.
mil, kin;{of l/anial, v., 026.
Ullaa, Kox Islanil dwcliin;;8, i., 89.
Ulli, HiHi Inilla-rnhlter.
UlliilataH, Central Californian trihe,
i., :<(!l-4l)l: locati i., 308, 4.'>2.
Ulniccatl. Nahna chief, v., 22.3.
UlniecH, iii., 724, wee OIniecH.
lllniil. If/akin-,', v., 020, 031.
IJIol, nanu; of month, ChiapaH, ii.,
700.
U iHcaliH, i. , .'{07, see AlHcaB.
Ultcteu, India-riihher iihdH, iii., 340.
Ulna, Central America, lung., iii.,
7(iO.
Uliicus (Uluka), Central Californian
trilc, i., S6!-401; location, i., 363,
452; lang., iii., 65U.
riiilalo. '. untrul Culiforninn trilje,
i., 361-4UI; location, i., 4rta.
VUnift, MoH<|iiito drink, i., 73U.
U liuuniil Cntx, l< LuumilCel>((]lu-
mil ('nz, KthelCeh), uncii^nt name
uf Yiicutan, v., 014.
ITnmtilla (Unnitallow) Uiver, i., 319.
UniutilluH (UtillaH), Inland Colum-
bian tri>M), i., 250-UI; locution, i.,
319; H|H;cinl mention, i., 255, 260,
267.
llmvteohtRoonmiotiluitttli, a court
mantle, ii., 374.
('niiak, i., 00- 1, hco Oomiak.
I 'ink wan, i., 249, hcu (Iin|M|naH.
Ilninak IhIuihI, i., 141; lanj^., iii.,
579.
llmitin. Central Californian triho, i.,
301-101; location, i., 45;i.
('ni|M|na IVIonntaiim, i., 222, 308.
('in|Miua Uiv(!r, i., 150, :i07-8, 442;
latiK., iii.. 592.
rm|M|uaH (I'nikwaH), triho of Clii-
nookH, i.. 222-.'"»0; loiation, i., 223,
307-8, 442; Hjiecial mention, i.,
2;J4, 249, 344; lang., iii., .'i84, .W2.
U nu hiuih, Maya intercalary dayH,
ii., 7.')9.
rnakatanuHlYunakakhotanaH), tribe
of Tinneh, i., ll4-.'<7; location, i.,
133, 147; H|>ecial mention, i., \',\',i.
I'nalaklik KiVi;r, i., 141.
(JnahiHchkaer, i.,l4l, nee CnalaHkanH.
('nalawka iHland (NaKiiii-alayekHa,
OonalaHhka, Oonalaxka, OiitnilaH-
ka, (JnalaHchka, I'nalashka), i.,
37, 141.
Unala.skanH (Unalaschkaer), tribe of
Aleuts, i., 87-94; location i., 87,
141; 8|iucial menti<ni, i., 61, 90;
lull},', iii., .577-9.
Umilpv iHland, i., 141.
Unalj^a.s, tribe of Alcutn, i., 87-94;
locution, i., 141.
Undameo, city, Michoacan, v., 52.3.
Ungu Inland , i., 141.
IJn^oweuh MountainM, i., 408.
I'niniuk iHland, i., 141.
|Inji}j;ah Uiver, name for Peace Uiv-
er, i., 14.5.
Unkribikun, Mosquito cv I! case,
i., 742.
Uo (Voo, Woo), Maya nitiulii, ii.,
cm, 757.
UpanguaymoH, North Mexican
triltc, i., 571-91; location, i., 605.
Upantzin, Otomi king, v., 319.
Ui>ar, province, Darien, i., 796.
78i
INDEX.
Upatsesatncli (Upatso Satiich), tribe
of Nootkiui, i., 174-2()S; location,
., 295, 298.
UplegohH, North r'nliforiiiHii tribe,
1., 326-(!l; locHtioii, i., 445.
Uqluxintui-h, tri)H! of Nootkuft, i.,
174-208; looitioii, !., 21)5.
Uquincnt, citv, (iiiatcnmla, L, 780;
v., 655, 573."
Uquitinac, ('ciitral (^alifoniian tribe,
1., 3G1-401; looutiuii, i., 453.
Urabd, province unci tribe of Isth-
mians, i., 747-85; locution, i., 705,
707; Mpcciul mention, i., 761, 765,
786.
VraU, Gulf, i., 797.
Urari, i., 703, see Curari.
Urebure, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
UrcB, village and river, Sonora, i.,
601, 605-6.
Urine, uses of, i., 49, 83, 236, 659;
ii., 699.
Urns, see Vases.
Urran, locality, Guatemala, i., 788.
Usal Creek, i., 362, 448.
Usiils, i., 448, see Camal^l Pomos.
Usap, a poisonous herb, i., 541.
Uscapcmcs, North Mexican tribe,
i., 671-91; location, i., 613.
Uakeemi, i., 41, see Eskimos.
Uspantan, Guatemala, antiq., iv.,
1.31.
IJsquemowa, i., 116, see Eskimos.
Ussete, ('cntral Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 4.'>3.
Ustus, Central Californian tribe, i.,
361-401; location, i., 4.'>0.
Usuniosintu (Usunuicinta) Uivcr, i.,
68.3, 786; v., 168-9. 186, 230.
Utah, tribes dcscribetl, i., 422-42; lo-
cation, i., 460-70; uutiq., iv., 714-
18, 729-34.
Utah Lake, i., 42.3, 464.
Utaii Mountains, i., 466.
Utahs(Eutahs, Eutaws, Utaws, Utes,
Youtas, Yutahs, Yutas), tribe
of Shoshones, i., 422-42; location,
i., 422, 463-5; s|)ccittl mention,
i., 423-4, 4.30-2, 434, 440-1; myth.,
iii., 170; Inn^'., iii., 660-2, 670-2.
UUlla River, i., 319.
Utalliam, Central Californian tribe,
i., .361-401; location, i., 464.
Utatl, a merchant's staff, iii., 416.
Utatlan (Gunmrnauh), city, Guate-
mala, ii., 121, 6.37, 744, 788-9; an-
tiq., iv., 124-8; hist., v., 180, 186,
541, 544, 560, 663-7, 673, 576, 679-
84, 587-96, 699, 601-2.
UtawR, i., 464, sec Utahs.
Utensils, sec Implements.
Uthlecan, i., 214, sec Kulachon.
Utillas, i., 310, sec Umatillas.
Uti'u, a mjrthic i)enMinn};e, v., 182-4.
Utlctocas, i., 788, see Quichiii).
Utschim, Central (.'alifornian tril)e,
i., 361-401; location, i., 463.
Utschitaa (Utshiti), iii., 687, sec
Uchitis.
Uturpe, Central Californian tribe, i.,
361-401 r location, i., 453.
U tnz kin, Maya intercalary days,
ii., 750.
Utzam-Achih, Quiche title, v., 580.
Uwintys, i., 464, see Ewintes.
Uxab, name for I'okomams, i., 788.
Uxuial, city, Yucatan, ii.,6.33; antiq.,
iv., 140-200, 267-77, 'J85; hist., v.,
69, 630-4.
U yail haab, Maya intercalary days,
il, 759.
U yail kin, Maya intercalary days,
il., 759.
Uzilopuchtli, iii., 57, 106, see Huit-
zilopochtli.
Uzpantcca, Guatemala, lang., iii.,
760.
VacoreRucs, North Mexican tr' i.,
571-91; location, i., 608; In ;.,
707.
Vajjerpe, Central Califomiu.. ..v-,
i., ,361-401; location, i., 463.
Vahxaki-Caam, Quiche king, v.,
566, .')94.
Vuirubi, Sinaloan tirst man, iii., 83;
v., 20.
Valdes Island, i., 181, 184, 206, 298.
Valicntes, trilie of Isthmians, i.,
747-86; location, i., 748, 794-.');
special mention, i., 784; lang., iii.,
78.3, 793.
Vallecito, (California, antiq., iv., 704.
Yullcdc Sail Bartholome, Chihuahua,
i., 610.
Valic de las Viejas, South California,
i.,468.
Valley of Taos, New Mexico, i. , 597.
Valuni Votan, locality connected with
Votan, v., 69.
Valverde, New Mexico, antiq., iv.,
66.3.
Vaniiccos, v., 611, see Wanacaces.
Vancoh, tribe of Guatemalans, i.,
686-711; location, i., 789.
Vancouver Island, tribes described.
INDEX.
788
i., 174-208; namef* and location of
tribcti, i., 151, 292, 295-8; spcciul
niuntion, i., 175, 178, 182, 184;
myth., iii., 13(); lang., iii., 607-12,
631; unti(i.. iv.. 737.
VandaliHin, Ht'u IconticlnHni.
Van DiiMvn'M Fork, loi-ality, Central
California, i., 446.
Vanqiiecli, a Ciilifomian temple, i.,
405; iii., ltMi-7.
Vantu-Kiit(;liin (Vantah-koo-chin,
Vuntn-Kiit»lii), trilic of Tinneh, i.-,
114-37; location, i., 115, 146; lang.,
iii., 586.
Vaqucros, tri1>c of Apaches, i., 473-
526; locution, i., 474.
VoroRioH. North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-UI; location, i., ^; Iang.,iii.,
707,71011.
VasapallcH, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 611.
Vases, ii., 573, 750-1, 787; iii., 362;
antiq., iv., 25-7, 60. 72, 129-33,
236-9, 344-5, 372, 428-647 passim,
786, 793-6.
Voshon's (Vnston's) Island, i., 301.
Vaults, sec Hnrinl.
Vauqiiltamahiualiztii, Nahua feast,
iii., 391.
Vchitics. i., 604, see Uchitis.
Vcbetlatcca, Central America, lang.,
iii., 760.
VdcUica, Central Califomian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Vccula, Naliiia dance, ii., 338.
Veearda, North Californian tribe, i.,
326-61; location, i., 446; special
mention, i., 336-7, 342, 345, 352.
Vegetables, i., 162, 214, 234, 430,
487-9, 677-8, 624-6, 662-3, 658; ii.,
347, 719.
Vch, name of month, Chiapas, ii.,
766.
Vehitis, i., 658, see Uchitis.
Vcitioacan, name for Teotihuacan,
iy., 529.
Veitozoztli, iii., 421, sec Hueytoz-
oztli.
Vcnado, see Cerro del Venado.
Venados, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 613.
Venereal Diseiwe, i., 86, 204, 246.
354, 394, 419, 4.39, 521, 664, .'>68,
688, 6.38, 778; ii., 594, 599, 794-5.
Venison, see Deer.
Venus, Nahua worship of, ii., 586;
iii., 113.
Vera Cruz, tribes described, i., 617-
44; ii., 133-629; location and
names, i., 674-6; ii., 112; special
mention, i., 618, 624. 631. 6,'W,643;
ii., 629; lanj;. iii., 737. 759, 776;
v., 207; antiq., iv., 4-.'5-i>:{; hist.,
v., 203, 207-8, 239, 442,621.
Veragua, province, Daricn, i., 766-7,
769, 784, 79«); untiq., iv., 15, 17,
19.
Vera I'az, province, (iuateniala, !.,
682-3. 710, 78(5-8; ii., 651, 66.5-6,
674-7; lang., iii., 760; antiti., iv.,
130-2; hist., v., 349, 472-3, 544,
666-8 .')6!-2 612
Vermin, i.," 188, 377, 576, 654, 721,
743; ii., 234-6.
VcsnackslVcHlianacks), Central ('al-
ifornian triltc, i., 3(31-401; loca-
tion, i., 450.
Vestals, ii.. 246, 647; iii., 473.
Vctzinco, iii., 248, see Chapultcpe-
cuitlauilco.
Vcutelolotli, dough oflcrings, iii.,
336.
Vevequanhtitlan, locality, Mexico,
iii., 252.
Vevetl, a kettledrum, iii.. 63.
Viccitas, trilH! of iHthmiaUH, i., 747-
86; location, i., 79>'>.
Vichiloouchitl, iii., .*)2.3, see Huitzi-
lopociilli.
Vicilnpiiii, l<M;ttlity. Puebia, i., 671.
Victoria, town, British Columbia, i.,
167, 297.
Villages, see Dwellings.
Vinak-Bam. Quichd prince, v., 567.
Vinland, name for North-eost Amer-
ica, v.. 107-8.
Viniii ettinenne. A]Huhc tribal name,
i., 474; iii., .'»!»4.
Vipilli, i., 650, see Huipil.
Viracoclia (Ticeuiracocha, Ticcvira-
coclia), Peruvian go<l. v., 23.
Virgen Uiver, i., 464, 468.
Virginia city, Nevada, i., 469.
Virginity, marriage, i., 632; ii., 260-1,
670.
Viriseva, Sinaloan goddess, iii., 83;
v., 20.
Visits, of ceremony, i., 68, 84, 169,
519, 708.
Vitalattt, town, Guerrero, i.. 677.
Vitziliputzli(Vitzilopii(htli), ii., 603;
iii., 288, see Huitzilopoclitli.
Vixachtlan (Huixachtla), locality,
Mexico, iii., 393.
Vixtocioatl, Nahua goddess, iii., ,369.
Vixtoti, Central Mexican tribe, i.,
617-44; location, i.. 671.
Vizilipuztli, iii., 192, see Huitzilo-
pochtli.
784
INDEX.
Vizliputzli, iii.,30<>,8ce Hiiitzilopouli-
tli.
Voc, messenger of Hurukiiii, v., 174,
177.
Vocarros, North Mexiciiii trilHj, i.,
.'>71-01: locntion, i., (il'2.
Volvoii (Hollxm, Itiilhoii), Centr.-il
Califoniiun tribe, i., .101-401; loca-
tion, i., 4."i.'{.
Voo, ii., 7r>7, i»oi' I'o.
Votan, Miivu j;...!. ii., 117, (>.*)l-2,fi38,
647, 71<>, 770; iii., 4">0-4; v., '-•7-8,
09-70, 1 ">!»-(;.-), 2*25, 2.31, 004.5, 0I8-S».
Votttii, Tzendal dav, ii., 7t>7.
Vows, Nahuas, ii., 30J>, 4.S1-2.
Voya^jes. to Aniurinv l»v IMui'nicians,
v., (i,"i-8; liy Norlhint-n, v., 102-15;
by Wi'lslinien, v., 110-8; see also
Kxploration.
Vuci'batz, ('akiliiipiel king, v., 5ft2-H.
Vncub-N(.b, v.. .J'W, 5»», see Vukub-
Noh,
Vnkab Hun .Mipu (Viicub Hunahini,
Viikul) lliinalipu), Qnicli6 god, iii.,
478-80; v., )74-8(», 544.
Vukub-,\li, t^uichi^ prinee, v., .'>07.
VukiibCakix, Quiche god andXibal-
bau king, iii., 480; v., 172, 184,
187.
Vukub t'anu%Xibalban king, v., 175-
80, 184.
Vukub-X(di (Vucub-Noh), Quiiht'
kiuL', v.,.'>(;0, .'■>!».'■., .500.
V'uie T'uyas, i., .'UO, see Calapoovas.
Vulture," myth., iii., 07, 120.
W
Waadda. i., .'W2, see Neah Hav.
Wiuikiacunis (W'aakicunis), i., .S(W,
;{07, see Wakiakunis.
Wabi, i., 080, see M naves.
Waci name for Tuparau, iii., 100.
Wacalamns, tribe of Chinooks, i.,
222-.'>0; h>cation, i., .S()4; lang., iii.,
020.
\Va<'lies Notoowthas, i., 450, see
Watchea
Wftcouu'apps, trilM* of (Miinooks, i.,
222-.'>0; location, i., .100.
Wahclcllahs, trila' of Cliinooks, i.,
222-.'M»; location, i.,.1O0.
\VahkiiicnmH(>Vabkiakuine, Wahky-
ekinu), i., IMH, ,'107, ••'t'e Wakia-
kunis.
Wahonia, village, South t'lilifomiu,
i.. 4tM).
Wahowpuins, Inland Cohunbian
tribe, i., 2fi0-0!; location, i., 319;
s|MKMal mention, i., 281.
Wahsatch Mountains, i., .123.
Wahsbcrrs, North Citliforuian trilte.
i., o20-0l; location, i., 444.
WaicuroH, iii., (>87, sec (inaicuris.
Waiilatpns (Waiilaptua, WilletiMwn),
Inland Columbian trilH>, i., 2.50-91;
locaiicm, i., 316, 319; lang., iii.,
025.
WaiknoH, tribe of Mosijuitos. i.,
712-47; location, i.. 71.1.
Waikur, iii., 087, s«'e tiuaicnri.
Waisko-tlusa, Mosi^uito Harpoon, i.,
719.
Waiuomnea, i.,450, pee VVapoomnes.
WaliAlla, Central (^iliforniun tribe,
i., .101-401; IiK'ation, i., 4.5.5.
Wakahwny, CentralCalifornian tribe,
i., 3lil-401; location, i., 4.55.
Wakaluniytoh, Central Califomian
tribe, i., 301-401; location, i., 45(i.
Wakainass, trilic of CbinookH, i..
222-50; location, i., .KH5.
NVakiakuins (Waakiacum, Waaki-
cum, Wahkiacum. Wabkiakumc.
Wabkyckum, Waksiiakum, Wa-
kaikuni, Wakaikam), trilic of
CbiiKioks, i., 222-50; location, i.,
223, MH, 307; lang., iii., 620.
Walagunine8(\Valacumnie»), Central
Califomian tribe, i., 3(il-401; loca-
tion, i., 450; lang., iii., 049.
Walawaltz, i., 318, sec Walla Wal-
las.
Walckhe, grave at Han Luis Obispo,
California, anti(|., iv., 092.
Wulhalla, i., .102, kcc (iualala.
Wttlhamette, i., .105, .see Willamette.
Walker Lake, i., 4(!(i.
Walker Kiver, i., 404, 4(i0.
Wallulla, i., 449, see Cualala.
Wallaniivt (Wallamctte), i., 224, 309,
see Willamette.
Wallanmai, Central Cnliforiiian tribe,
i., 301-401; location, i., 4.54.
Wallas, Central Califomian trilie, i..
3(il-401; location, i., 4.55; s])ecial
mention, i., .19,1, .198.
Wallashimmcz, Central (^ilifornian
tribe, i., .161-401; bication, i., 4.55.
Wttllaumut, i., 30!t, see Willamette.
Walla Wallas (Oualla-Oulhis, Wala-
waltz, Wallah Wallahs, Walla-
W'lllalis, Walla WallapuniR, Walla
W :»lle, Wollaolla, Wolhiwalla, Wol-
law Wollabs), Inland Coliinibiaii
tribe, i., 250-91; location, i., 25.1.
318-19; special mention, i., 2.55-8.
260, 262, 266, 271-4, 278-81, 287-9;
INDEX.
785
nivtli., Hi., 96, 156; lang., iii.,
6'2CM.
Walla Walla River, i., 253, 318-19.
Walla Walla Vallev. i., 319.
Walla Walloo, i., 327, 446, nee Wee-
yots.
Wallies ^Wal!a«), North Californiaii
tribe, i., 32(i-l{l; location, i., 327,
440, 45A; siHscial mention, i., 328,
343.
Wallpays, i., 478, aee Hualapaia.
WalruB. i., 60, 69.
Wanacaces (Vaniiccos), Cliirliinicc
invaders of J^i^ijjian/'nn, hist., v.,
51116.
Wankanaga, Shoshone god, iii., 94.
Wankecs, trilie of Mos4|uitoH, i.,
711-47: Hi>eciHl mention, i., 726.
Wanks (Wanx) lliver. i., 793-4.
Wanlish, trilMs of Nootkati, i.. 174-
208; location, i., 29<>.
Wanuswcf^k, evil Kpirit, Trinity
Itiver tnbos, iii., 176.
Wanwanwis, name for Dcs Chutes,
i., 319.
Wanx, i., 794, see Wanks.
Wapato, ntot used as food, i., 234.
Wapeani, a (.'hichiniec Wanacuce
ruler, v., 515, 518-22.
Wapooninea (Wajuor.mes), Central
Californian triltc, i., 361-401; loca-
tion, i., 450.
WapoH, Central Californian tribe, i..
361-401; location, i., ,362, 452;
lang., iii., 648.
Wappeckqnciuow, ;;od of Trinity
Kivcr tril>cs, iii., 1V5-6.
Wapticacoes Kivcr, i., 317.
War, HviH'r'NH'cans, i., 91, 105-(5,
113, r29-:i0; Columbians, i., 160,
164, 180-1, 188-!K), 194. 215, 2Xiii,
268-70, 275; Ciiiifornians, i., .143-4,
.S81, 407, 4.^3-4; Ne*v Mexicans, i.,
496-500, 542-3, .562-3, 579-82, 586;
Mexicans, i., 628-9, 655; ii., .399-
4.32, 616-18; iii., 206-10, .3(i4, .3!H>,
632-3; v., AW, 263, 279-84, 21» 4,
302-5,35 passim; Central Anu>ri-
cans, i., 6{M»-7. 723, 763-5; ii.. 64.'),
664, 662, 707-8, IM, 739-47; iii.,
53; v., .V) 1-6 13 passim.
Warorerccks, trilKJ of Shoshones,
i., 422-42; special nnMition, i., 431.
Wasakshes, CentralCalifornian tril)e,
i., .361 401; location, i., 4.'>6.
WaACo|>am, name of Waaco country,
i., 319.
WascoB ( Waacopams), Inland Colivm
biou tribe, i., 260-s>!.: locatiori and
you V. 60
name; i., 254, 310-20; s]M;cial men-
tion, i., 268, 271, 287, 289, 291.
Washakecks, tribe of SlioshuneH, i.,
422-42; location, i., 46.3.
WashinKt<m County, Mississippi
^ alley, antiq., iv.,*770.
WiMhinutou Territory, trilies de-
scril)ed, i., 208-91; location, i.,
298-321; myth., iii., 94-8, 163-7,
519-20; lang., iii., 615-34; antiq.,
iv., 735-6.
Washoe, city, Nevada, i., 4(J9.
WashocB, tribe of Sbosliones, i. , 422-
42; location, i., 422, 468-0; special
mention, i., 440-1; lang., iii., 661.
Wasoricuare, Michoacan god, v.,
512.
Wasps, as allies of Quichi^s, v., 651.
Watarecha, Tarasco priests, iii., 447.
Watches (WachcsNotoowfluis), ("en-
tral Californian tribe, i., 361-401;
location, i., 455-(i.
Water, various uses, etc., i., 103,
172, 188, ^90, 204, 216, 708; ii.,
601, (>04, 611, 614: iii., 80, 101-3,
119-20, 12J), !71, :i67-76.
Wcter-fowl, see Wild-fowl.
Watlalas, trilie of Chinooks. i., 222-
50; location, i., 22.3, 304-5.
Watsahewahs (Watsahcwas), North
Californian tril)e, i., .326-61; loca-
tion, i., 447; lang., iii., 642.
Wattokcs, Centnil Californian tribe,
i., .361-401; location, i., 46.').
Wauhtecq, village, North t'alifor
nia, i., 444.
Wawa River, !., 794.
Wa\innco, capital of Chichimec
Wanacaces, v., 514.
Waylccway River, i., 317, 319.
Wavvampas, Inland ('olumbian
tr'iiie, i., 25001; location, i., 317.
Wealth, see l"rojK>rty.
Weapons, Hv|)crlM)rcans, i., 58-9, 79,
84i. iN», 104-.\ 119; Columbians, i.,
164, 188, '2Xi, 268; Califoinians, i.,
.341-3, .377-9, 407, 431-3; Now Mex-
icans, i., 493-6, 641-2, ■'MW, 678-9;
iii.. 180; Mexicans, i., 627-8, (i56;
ii., 40(>-ll, 475. 618, 622; iii., 404;
iv., 372; Central .Americans, i., 69(!,
722-3, 7()0-3; ii., 741-3: iv., 18-20,
."W-ftO. 127, 278; .Mississippi Valley,
antii[., iv., 781.
Weaving, i . 16.5, ,')02-4. 6.57. 698-9.
724. 7(«i-7; ii., 24.5, 484-.5, 752.
WcIkt I'tcs, trlN' jf Sboshoiies, i.,
422-42; liH-ation, i., 469; special
mention, i., 441.
Weber Valley, i., 4G9.
766
INDEX.
Wechummiea, Central Californian
tribe, i., 361-401; location, i., 456.
Wedding, see Marriage.
Wedges, i., 182, 184, 189, 211, 270,
434.
Weekeinoch, tribe of Haidahs, L,
155-74; location, i., 294.
Weetletoch, i., 294, sec Wcitletoch.
Weeyots ( Walla- Wulloos, Weyots),
North Californian tribe, i., 326-b'l;
location, i., 327, 446; special men-
tion, i., 329-30, 351; lang.,iiL, 642.
Wcht'lquas, North Californian tribe,
i., 326-61; location, i., 444.
Weights, Nahua commerce, ii., 382-3.
Weirs, for Ashing, i., 129, 162, 168,
262, 337-9. 429, 720.
Weitletoehs (Wcetlotochs), tribe of
Haidahs, i., 155-74; location, i.,
294. *
Weitspeks (Witspuks), North Cali-
forniun tribe, i., 326-61; location,
i., 444-5; lang., iii., C42.
Wells, see Heservoirs.
Welsh, language traces, iii., 705;
American origin traces, v., 116-21.
Wemcnuche (Weminuchc) Utcs, i.,
470, sec Winiincnuches.
Wcnuss Uivcr, i., 320.
Wcohows, i., 446, sec Shastas.
WesselowskojcM, trilH3 of Aleuts, i.,
87-94; location, i., 141.
Wewarkka, tribe of Nootkas, i., 174-
208; location, i., 295.
Wowurkkuin, tril)e of Nootkas, i.,
174-208; location, i., 295.
Weyelihoos, Inland Columbian trilie,
i., 250-91; location, i., .321. -
Weyots, i,, 44(!, see Weeyots.
Wlmillahay, Navajo god, iii., 171.
Whales, various uses, etc., i., 49, 51,
64-5, 00-2, 73-6, 79, 90, 103, 166,
179-81, 185-8, 213-14, 233, 376, 405.
Whale's Head, locality, North Cali-
fornia, i., 443.
Whar hoots, tribe of Chi nooks, i.,
222-50; locution, i., 305.
Whatcom Lake, i. , 299.
Wheat, i., 5.38, 586, 652.
Whcelcuttas, North Californian tri1>e,
i., 326-61; locution, i., 446; hing.,
iii., 643.
Wlieelpo, i., 313, boo Chaudif-rcs.
WhidlH'y Island, i., 208, 212, 299,
see Whitby's Island.
Whincgus, triUi of Tiilinkects, i.,
94-114; ImnUion, i., 142.
Whiskers, sec lleunl.
Whisky, i., 169, 188.
Whiskkahs, tribe of Sonnd Indians,
i., 208-22; location, i., 303.
Whistles, i., 393, 774; ii., 292, 713,
787; iv., 19.
Whitby's (Whidbey) Island, i., 208,
212, 296, 299.
White Knives, i., 469, see Tosawees.
White Man's Island, iii., 153, sec
Samahtumiwhoolalu
White Mountains, i., 464, 593.
White Kiver, i., 300, 4(>4.
Whulwhypi'Tns, i.,321, see Kliketats.
Whyelkine, food of Inland Colum-
bian tribes, i., 265.
Wicannnish, i.,29.5, see Wickinninish.
Wichouna, Zapotec god, iii., 449.
Wickanninish, i., 296, see Wickin-
ninish.
Wickinninish (Wicananish, Wickan-
ninish), tril)o of Nootkas, i., 174-
208; location, i., 297; special men-
tion, i., 178.
Wickinninish Islands, i., 296.
Widows, i., 125-6. 169, 173, 277-8,
357, 385, 515, 5.55, 7.30-1, 744, 781-3;
ii., 251, 466, 668, 671; iii., 154.
Wihinasiits, tribe of Shoshones, i.,
422-42; location, i., 462; lang.,
iii., 660-3, 672.
Wiiiwin, Mosquito evil spirit, iii.,
497.
Wikuchnmnis, Central Californian
tribe, i., 361-401; location, i., 456.
Wi-Lockees (Wye Lukees, Wylaks),
Central Californian tribe, i., 361-
401; location, i., 442, 41;J.
Wilapah (Wlsiiupah) Kiver, i., 303,
.305.
Wilapahs (Wiiilapahs, Willopahs),
tribe of Sound Indians, i., 208-22;
location, i., 30.3. 305.
Wild-fowl, i., 56, 2.33-4, 264, .367,
375, 406.
Willamette River (Walhamette, Wal-
laniat, Wnlluniette, Wallaumut,
Willamcttoc), i., 223, 227, 231, 309-
10; lung., iii., 630.
Willamette Valley, i., 223, 225-6, 232,
240, 308-9, 320.
Willctimos, i., 310, see Waiilatpus.
Willewuh River, i., 319.
Willcwahs, Iniund Columbian tribe,
i., 250-91; locution, i., 319.
William Lake, iii., 013.
Willo])ahs, i., 305, see Wilapahs.
Willow, various uses, i., 61, 79, 1.30,
215, 2.59-60, 270, 337, 371, 382,
429, 4.34, 481, 494, 617, 633, 641,
543, .589; ii., 145.
WinmtenuchoB (Wemenuohe, We-
INDEX.
787
minncho Utes, Womenunchc), tribe
of Shoahones, L, 422-42; location,
i., 469-70.
Winnos, tribe of Shoshoncs, L, 422-
42; location, i., 463.
Wintvions, North Californian tribe,
i., 326-61; location and lang., iii.,
640-1.
Wiriu Quarampejo, forest, Michoa-
can, v., 611.
Wisconsin, Mississippi Valley, antiq.,
iv., 770.
Wishhams (Wisswhams), Inland Co-
lumbian tribe, i., 250-91; location,
i., 320.
Wishosk, North Californian tribe, i.,
326-61; location and name, i., 327,
446; lan^., iii., 642.
Wishtcnatiiis (Wishtanatans), North
Californian tribe, i., 326-61; loca-
tion, i., 442-3.
Wisscopanis, Inland Columbian tribe,
i., 250-91; location, i., 317.
Wisswhams, L, 317, sec Wishhams.
Witches, see Sorcerers.
Witchita Mountains, i., 592.
Witnesses, government, ii., 443-5,
464-5, 666.
Witspuks, i.,445, see Wcitspcks.
Wives, see Marriage and Women.
Wixe)K!cochu (Wixineuocha), Zapo-
tec apostle, ii., 209-10; iii., 465;
iv., 372; v., 23, 628-9.
Wiyana, onlerof priests, ii., 212.
Wiyntao (Huijatoo), Zapotcc pontiiT,
ii., 143, 209; v., 529.
Wizaeclii, order of priests, ii., 212.
Wizards, see Sorcerers.
WocuB, un U(juatic plant, i., 340.
Wolves, i., 109, 182, 258, 284, 330,
424; iii., 80.
Wollaolla (Wollawalla, WoUaw
WoUtth), i., 318, see Walla- Wal-
las.
Women, Hyperl>oreans, i., 65-6, 81-
3, 02, 10911, 117-18, 121, 123, 131-
3; Columbians, i., 163, 167-9, 177-
8, 181-.3, 186, 189, 195-8, 218-19,
241-3, 277-9; Californiuns, i., 328-
9, 343, 347, :{49-51, 365, ,S85, 388-
93,436-7; iii., 15SI; Now Mexicans,
i., 511-15, 647-9, 666-6. 684-6; iii., 78;
Mexicans, i., 632-6, 661-4; ii., 246-
7, 2(W-81, an, 460-1, 616; iii., 59-
60, 63, :«9, 3(!2-7, 394, 436-6, 533;
Central Americans, i., 702-4, 729-
34,772-4; ii., 636, 6(;4-86, 711-13,
728-30, 73.% 737, 802-3; iii., 48, 74.
Womonunchea, i., 466, see Wim-
nienuohe&
Wonagan, i., 292, see Houaguan.
Woo, li., 757, see Uo.
Wood, various uses of, i., 52, 88,
91, 106, 333, 368-9, 631, 649, 717,
722, 766; ii.. 407-8, 482,742, 750-1;
iv., 269-70.
Woodpecker, i., 331, 347, 368.
Woods Creek, California, antiq.,
iv., 701.
Wookaok, Ah-Tziquinehayi ruler,
v., 596, 598-9.
Wool, various uses, L, 100, 107, 191,
602-4, 544. 620-1, 630, 648.
Woolsaw, iii., 497, see Wulosha.
Wool was, tribe of Mosquitos, i.,
711-47; location, i., 712; special
mention, !., 714-15, 722, 731-2,
737, 741, 745; lang., iii., 78.3.
Woorali, Isthmian poison, i., 763.
Woowclls, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 36.3, 455.
Worms, use of, i., 374, 488, 560-1,
676, 638, 742; ii., 600, 795.
Wounds, cure of, i., 521, 588-9, 638;
ii., 699-600, 79.5.
Wright Lake, i., 444.
Writing, see Hieroglyphics.
Wulasha (Oulasser, Woolsaw), Mos-
quito evil spirit, i., 740; iii., 497.
Wyumpams, trilte of Chinooks, i.,
222-.W; location, i., 306.
Wyatch River, i.,30.3.
Wychus Creek, Oregon, antiq., iv.,
734.
Wyeilats, i., 2.54, see Cayusc.
Wynoochcs, triltc of Sound Indians,
1., 208-22; location, i., 303.
Xacxam, a spccios of palm, ii., 722.
Xagua, a dye plant, ii., 371.
Xalunaj, South (Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Xalatlauhco, city, Matlaltzinco, i.,
677; v., 43.3.
Xalisco, station, Toltcc migration,
v., 212; see also Jalisco.
Xalliteuctii, a rhichinicc leailcr, v.,
2S0.
Xalou, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 4.59.
Xalpan, locality, Vera Cruz, v., 492.
Xaman v l'ontc|)ee, Totonac dialect,
iii., 777.
Xaltaianquizco, locnlitv, Mexico, v.,
472.
Xaltelulcu, v., 367, see TIatelulco.
■mil
788'
INDEX.
Xaltemoc, lord of Quauhtitlan, v.,
369, 372.
Xaltepec, Miztec dialect, iiL, 740;
Mijocity, v., S32.
Xaltepetlapan, locality, Puebla, v.,
490. .
Xalteijozauhcan, station, Aztec nii-
gmttion, v., 324.
Xaltocan, city, Mexico, ii., 104; v.,
284, 294, 311, 320, 323, 331, 334,
347-8.
Xampon, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 211-12.
Xan, a mythical animal, v., 178.
Xanambres, North Mexican tribe,
571-91; location, i., 572.
Xaoalquauhiotilmatlitenisio, a court
mantle, ii., 374.
Xaracuero, island, Michoacan, v.,
519, 622.
Xaratanga, Tarasco goddess, iii.,
446-6; v., 517.
Xaseum, ("entral Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 464.
Xayacamachnti ( Xayacainachantzom-
pane), a Tlascaltec noble, v., 497-8.
Xbakivalo, Quich<i goddess, iii., 479;
v., 174.
Xbalanqiie, Quiche god, iii., 479;
v., 172-80, 184-7, 544-6, 560.
Xcanchakan, Yucatan, antiq., iv.,
240.
Xchanibalvinquil, name of month,
Chiapas, ii., 766.
Xchibalvinquil, name of month, Chi-
apas, ii., 766.
Xchmel, Guntcmalau god, iii., 74.
Xcoch, pyramid, Yucatan, antiq.,
iv., 201.
Xcoopoop, ruins at Kabah, Yucatan,
antiq., iv., 206.
Xebalax, ancient city, Guatemala,
v., 589.
Xecamac, ancient city, Guatemala,
v., 589.
Xecotcovach, Quiche mythic bird,
iii., 47.
Xclahuh, ancient city, Guatcninia,
antiq., iv., 124; v., 585, 587, 591.
602.
Xelhua, a legendary giant and Na-
hua chief, iii., 67-8; v., 200, 223,
484.
Xelitla, locality, Mexico, i., 675.
Xeocok (Xocok), Guatemala, antiq.,
iv., 131.
Xerez de Choluteca, locality, Guat-
emala, lang., iii., 760.
Xet, an Ahquehayi chief, v., 564.
Xetaco, a Chichimec Wanacace
princt, v., 622.
Xexulpituc, South Californian tribe,
i., 402-22; location, i., 459.
XhemlM>l)el-Moyos, name for Palen-
que, iv., 295.
Xibalba, Maya evil spirit, iii., 467;
Quich<S hell, iii., 642; ancient
Central American empire, iii.,
478-9; iv., 295; hist., v., 174-88,
231, 539, 643-7, 556, 500-2, 681-2,
618-19, 621, 623.
Xicalancas, Nahua nation, i., 617-71,
ii., 133-629; location and name,
i., 671; ii., 112, 132; special men-
tion, ii., 343, 379; lang., iii., 724;
hist.,, v., 195-202, 239, 488, 527,
616, 621, 632.
Xicalancatl, Xicalanco ruler, v., 196,
223.
Xicalanco, town. Vera Cruz, i, 671;
antiq., iv., 434; v., 196.
Xicales (Xicalli), cupsor vessels made
of gourds, ii., 177, 484.
Xicapoya (Xipacoya, Xiuhpacoya),
locality, Mexico, iii., 241, 256.
Xicnqiics, tribe of Mosquitos, i.,
711-47; location, i., 712, 792-3;
special mention, i., 716, 720, 722,
728, 746.
Xicarillas (Jicarillas, Jicorillas),
tribe of Apaches, L, 473-526; loca-
tion, i., 594-5; special mention, i.,
4SK), 504-5, 511.
Xicayaii, town, Oajaca, i., 677.
Xico Island, Lake Chalco, Mexico,
antiq^., iv., 500; hist, v., 284.
Xicochimaico, v., 492, see Xochi-
milco.
Xicocoges, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; location, i., 611.
XicoUi, priest'H badge, ii., 207; iii.,
336.
Xicotencatl, a Tlascaltec noble, v.,
414-15, 498, 503.
Xicotepec, locality, Puebla, ii., 441;
antiq.. iv., 479.
Xicuintia, Vera Cruz, aniiq., iv.,
445.
Xihuilpopoca, lord of Zacatlan, v.,
349.
Xihuiltenioc, Culhua king, v., 330-1,
338-9; lord of Xochiniilco, v., 432.
Xihuitl, Mexican year, ii., 504-5,
610.
Xiianics, i., 611, see Xiximes.
Xila, i., 601, see Gila.
Xilcftos, iii., 686, see Gilefios.
Xilomanaliztii, Nahua month, ii,,
609; iii., 419-20.
Xiloiien, name for Centeotl, ii., 326;
iii. , 350, 369.
INDEX.
789
Xiloqnetzin, a Chimalpanec chief,
v., 338.
Xilotcpec (Xilotcpeque), i.,673, 787,
sec Jiloltepec.
XilotI, an car of com, ii., 326.
Xilotziii, a Toltcc prince, v., 285.
Xiloxuchitla, locality, TIascala, i.,
671; v., 504.
Xipacoya, iii., 241, see Xicapoya.
Xipc (Totcc, Xipetotcc), Naliiia go<l,
11., 306-12, 457, 478; iii., 411-15.
Xipeme, flayed sacrilirial victims, ii.,
309.
Xipetotcc, iii., 411, sec Xipe.
Xiqiiipilas, Chiapas, antiq., iv., 353.
Xiquipilco (Xiq^uilpo), a city uf
Matlaltzinco, i., 673-4; hist., v.,
433.
Xiquipilli, term to express 8000, ii.,
382, 425.
Xiq^iiitzal, a Cakchiqiiel king, v. , 590.
Xiripa, village, Sonorn, i., 606.
Xitayul-Hax, name for Iztuyiil II.,
v., 583.
Xitzin (Ecitin), a Tultec chief, v.,
297.
Xiuchtiniatl, v., 299, see Xiulitcnioc.
Xiuhguzaltzin, a Tlascaltec noble, v.,
497.
Xiuhtnolpilli (Xinhniolpiu, Xiuhtlal-
pilli), Nahua cycle, ii., 140, 341,
505-7; iii., 393.
Xiuhnel, Toltec king, v., 242, 249.
Xiuhnenetl, baptismal name, ii., 275.
Xinlipacoya, iii., 256, see Xicaiinya.
Xinhpopooa, a Toltec i)rince, v., 297.
Xiubquentzin, v., 265, see Xiulitlal-
tziii.
Xiuhquctzaltziii, an Acolhiia prince,
v., Xi-2. 45X).
XiuliquilitI (Xiuhquilipitzahnac), a
dye plant, ii., .S70, ilH>.
Xiulitccutii (flueluicteotl, Xiuhtciic-
yhliua), Nahua god, si., 285, 329-
30, 338, 516; iii., 114, .385-91.
Xiuhtcnial (Jiuhtenml, Jiutcmal),
Qniclni kinjj, v., 5()fi, .577-9.
Xiiiiitcmoc (Xiuchtiniatl, Xiuhthc-
inal), a Toilcc iioblo, v., 286, 21M)-
300; king of Culhuacun, v., .S44,
49<J.
Xiuhtemoctzin, Toltec king, v., 2.57,
331.
Xiuhtenancaltzin (Xiuhtcnnn),a Tol-
tec noble, v., 272, 277.
Xiuhtcpcc, city, Mexico, v., 406.
Xiuhthcmal, v., 299, see Xiuhtemoc.
Xiuhtilnmtli, a court mantle, ii., 374.
Xiuhtlal[iilli, girdles, ii., 396.
Xiuhtlaltzin (Xiuhqueutzin, Xiiilit-
zaltzin, Xiuhzaltzin, Xiuliquent-
zin), Toltec aueen, v., 265.
Xiuhtlanohualli, year circle, ii.,608.
Xiuhtleuui, Huexotzinco prince, v.,
492.
Xiuhtomoltetl, a medicinal stone, ii.,
600.
XiuhtototI, a mythic bird, iii., 241.
Xiuhtzaltziii (Xiuhzaltzin), v., 265,
sec Xiuhtlaltzin.
Xiuliquentzin, v., 265, see Xiuhtlal-
tzin.
Xiximes (Xijanics), North Mexican
tribe, i., 571-91; location, i., 672,
614; lan^'., iii., 718.
Xixiqui]nlihui, name for Chalchihui-
tlicue, iii., .367.
Xma Kaba Kin, Maya intercalary
days, ii., 759.
Xmucane, Quiche goddess, ii., 717,
723; iii., 474; v., 170, 174-80.
Xoccn, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 236.
XachetecatI, sacrifice to TIaloc, iii.,
345.
Xochicaico, Mexico, alitiq., iv., 48.^-
94; v., 265.
XoehilhuitI, flower festival, iii., 407.
Xochimanqui (•Sochimanquc, Xoch-
inianqiies), llower dealers, ii., 315;
iii., 420.
Xochimilcas (Suchimilcos), Nahua
nation, i., 617-44; ii., 133-629; lo-
cation, i., 675; name, ii., 132; lang.,
iii., 725; hist., v.. 307-9, 341-2,
4056, 492.
Xoi'himilco (Xicochiniaico), Mexico,
anfi<i., iv., 497-9; hist., v., 307-9,
;M1-2, 405-6, 492.
Xochiocotzotl, liquid amber, ii., 287.
Xochipalli, a dye plant, ii., 487.
Xochi|)aiitzin (Texocliipantzin), a
Toltec |)rinccsH, v., 301.
Xochiquctzal, Tlascalan goddess; ii.,
.3.16-7; iii., 66-8, .377; v., 13; a
Chicliiniec prince, v., 450-1.
XochitecatI, I'lascalun goddess, ii.,
3.36-7; antiq., iv., 477.
XochitI, Nahua day, ii., 512, 516-17;
a Mexican general, v., 476.
XocliitI (Quctzalxochitzin), a Toltec
jtrinccss, v., 269-70, 283-4.
Xoihitla. lociility, Mexico, iii., 248.
.Xochitliilpan, town, Mexico, v., 284.
Xochitlycacan, alntde of Aztec Ve-
nus, iii., 377.
Xocliitzin, a Toltec princess, v., 260.
Xocok, iv., 131, see Xeocok.
Xoconochi'o, i., 680, see Soconusco.
Xocotiimalli, snuill pies, iii., .360.
Xocutitlun (Xocothui), suburb of
790
INDEX.
Mexico city, i., 676; ii., 560;
carlv Toltcu Bcttletncnt, v., i243.
Xncotf, a fcHtival tree, iii., 386.
Xonotliiuctxiii, NhIiiki month, ii.,
329,510, 618; ill., 508-0.
Xocotlvctzi, Nahua rcligioug feast,
iii., 386.
Xocotoc (Cojo, Cojotoc), South ('iili-
fornian trilio, i., 402-22; locatiun,
i., 458.
Xociiaiihtli (Xoqiiauchtli), a festival
cluiractiT, iii., 354.
Xoluuilatoiiuc, v., 331, see Yohualla-
toiiac.
Xolabuh, i., 789, Rcc Xoyabah.
Xolttcul, Ounteinala, uiitiq., iv., 131.
Xoloc (XolotI), city, Mexico, v., 294.
XolotI, Nuhiiagod, iii., 59, 61; Chi-
chiincc king, v., 219, 289-96; see
aUo Xoloc.
XolotI II., (^hichiniec king, v., 296-
319.
.Xolotinn, locality, Nicarngua, i., 792.
Xoniocuil, Nahnagod, iii., 416.
Xonacutupcc, Mexico, antiq., iv.,
495.
Xongopavi, i., (>01, o Xougopavi.
Xoquauchtli. iii.,.'l.>l,sccXocnauiitIi.
Xougopavi (tlongoapi, Shungopawe,
Xongopavi), Aloqui village, i.,
6001.
Xoyalwh (Xojabah) Mountains, i.,
789.
Xozintun, Guatemala, antiq., iv.,
131.
Xpiyacoc, Quichii god, iii., 474; v.,
170, 174.
Xpuch, a (iuiitcnialun itrincess, v.,
560-1.
Xqui<i, Quich6 princess, iii., 478-9;
v., 175-6, 545.
Xtah, a Ijiuatcnialan princess, v.,
550-1.
Xtayuit, Q»>*'b(^ king, v., 566.
.Xtniaiui, (iuatenialu'.i princess, iii.,
74.
Xttanier-/aqu<!ntul, Cakcliiqucl king,
v., 583.
Xubabal, Ountcinnia, antin., iv., 131.
Xubiltenain.city, (jiuateinala, i., 787.
Xuchicalli, Nahua batii, ii., 268.
Xuchicaltzin, Nahua gcnl, ii., 268.
Xuchicaoaca, a Nahuu prophet, v.,
190.
Xuchiltepec, province, Guatcnmla,
v., 447.
Xuchilte|tcc8, (Suatenialan tribe, hist. ,
v., («)6-7, 612.
Xuchipiias, North Mexican triltc, i.,
i.. 571-91; lang., iii., 710.
Xuchipiltopetl, Jalisoo, antiq., iv.,
575.
XuuhiteiHsc, town, Mexico, v., 429,
471.
Xuchu-Cuet (Xuch-ucuet), a Maya-
pan lord, v., 626.
Xucotsi, name for Tlazoltootl, iii.,
380.
Xucu (Shucu), South Califoniian
trilw, i., 402-22; location, i., 458.
Xul, Maya month, ii., 690, 757.
Xul, village, Yucatan, antiq., iv.,
218-10.
XnloH, Nivaraguan dogs, ii., 721.
Xulpiti, locality, South-eoat Mexico,
v., 6(!2.
Xulu, Cjuich^ god, v., 170.
Xuniiltcpcc, ancient Toltec capital,
v., 100.
Yoat, an herb used to allay hunger,
ii., 722, 745.
Yabacoh, tribe of (iuatemalans, i.,
687-711; location, i., 789.
Yabalan (Yahalan), 'Jhia|>anec god,
iii., 458.
Yahipais, i., 475, see Yampais.
Yucacoliiihqui, iii., 416, see lyaca-
tecuhtli.
Yacahualiuqui, Nahua brccch-cloth,
ii., 375.
Ya(;ancx (Ixcazozolot, Yacatzotzoloc,
VacazozolotI, Yanex), a Chichi-
mec noble, v., 317-18.
Yaciipichtia, city. South-west Mex-
ico, v., 412.
Yacapitziioac, Nahua god, iii., 416.
Yacatecutii, ii., 3SS, see lyacate-
ciilitli.
Yacatzotzoloc, v., 317, see Yacancx.
YacuzozolotI, v., 317, sec Yacancx.
Yaclid, iv., 134, see Yaxiiaa.
YachachumnoH (Yacliichumnes), Cen-
tral Califoniian trilte, i., .%l-40l;
location, i., 363, 450, 452.
YacliiiiicscH, Central Califoniian
triltc, i., 361-401; location, i., 452.
Yaekuinans, i., 320, see Yakiiiias.
Yaciiiui (Yacoinui), IVntral Cali-
foniian tribe, i., 361-401; location,
i., 463.
Yacol Atnm, Qviil.6 title, ii., 644.
^'acniiiui, i., 453, see Yucniui.
Yacsumncs, i., 4r>0, sec Yosuninis.
Yajfualictt, i., 672, 675, see Yaliiia-
Ilea.
INDEX.
791
Yaguarato, Michoacan, antiq., iv.,
570.
Yaliulaii, iii., 458, occ Vultalaii.
Yahau Kiiiin, Mnya temple, iii.,
4«7.
YuhshutcB (Yah Sliuteti), Nortli Cal-
iforniiin tril>c, i., 326-Ul; Ideation,
i., 442-3.
Yahualica (Yogualica, Yaliualiiih-
can), locality, Mexico, i., 072, (i75;
ii., 617; antiq., iv., 495.
Yajiimiii, Central Californian tribe,
i., 3til-401; location, i., 4r>3.
YakaniOH, i., 253, 3I(), Hce Vakiinaa.
Yakatzib, Yucatan, anti(]., iv., 253.
Yakiinas (K'yuckinmliH, Eyakenias,
Yuckaniana, Yakuinas, Ytmkoo-
mans). Inland Columbian tril)c,
i., 250-91; location and name, i.,
253-4, 317-20; special mention, i.,
227, 204, 272-4, 280, 287-90; myth.,
iii., 97-8; lung., iii., 020-4.
Yakima Kivcr, i., 320; antiq., iv.,
73fi.
Yakima Valley (Kyakema, Yaki-
inaw), i.,254, 280, 3.'0.
Yakoncs (.lakons, Vouiconea, Yon-
kones), tiilte of Chiiiooks, i., 222-
50; location, i., 307; lang., iii.,
G40.
Yakutats, tril)e of ThlinkectH, i.,
04-114; location, i., 96, 142; himi-
cial mention, i., 100, 103.
Yalaliao, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 201.
Yalcliuduncs (Julclicilmius, Talclic-
duncH), trilie of ApiiclicH, i., 473-
520; location, i., 475, 598; lau'^.,
iii., 084.
Yale, town, British Columbia, i.,
298; lanjr., iii., 013.
Yalcsumncs (Valcyumncs, Yuleyum-
nes), (\'uti'al ('uiiforiiian tribe,
i., 301-401; location, i.,450; lung.,
iii., 049-50.
Yalisco, i., 618, see Jalisco.
Vamajubs(('o.siiiuas,Cucsnina8,Cuis-
nicr, Culisnisiias, Culisnurs, Jani-
ajabs, Taniajabs), tribeof A|uichcs,
i., 473-626; location, i., 475. 598;
iqiecial mention, i., 52.'); lan<r.,
iii., 684-(i.
Yamkallics, triln; of Cbiiiooks, i.,
222-50; location, i., 31)9; lang.,
iii., 6:<0.
Yam lock locks, i., 450, see Tamlock-
locks.
Yam Pah Utcs (Ampayouts), tribe
of Shoshoncs, i., 422-42; location,
i., 409; special mention, i., 441.
Yumpais (Yabipais, YampatM, Yavi-
pais), tribe of Apaches, i., 473-
o26; location, i., 475, 598; special
mention, i., 478, 504, 519; lanK.,
iii., 684-6.
Yampai Valley, i., 597.
Yamjtapus, trilio of .Shoshoncs, i.,
422-42; location, i., 463.
Yainpuracks (Vumpuricas, Yam|Hix-
icas), tribe of Apuciies, i., 473-526;
location, i., 473.
Yttmpas, Central Californian trilM>,
i., 361-401; location, i., 454.
Yampatickura, tri)>e of Shoshoncs.
i., 422-42; location, i., 461.
Yanipaxica-M, i., 592, sec Yamnaracks.
Yampuk, Guatemalan lordship, v.,
597.
Yanabopos, North Mexican trilH;, i.,
571-91; location, i., 611.
Yancuitlulpan, locality, Puebla, v.,
487.
Yanex, v. , 317, see Yacanex.
Yaiiguitlan, valley, Michoacan, v.,
528.
Yanguitlan(Yanguistlan), to\yn, Oa>
jaca, lang., iii., 749-51; anti(|., iv.,
422-3.
Yangna, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 400.
Yauostus, (Central Californian tribe,
i., 301-401; location, i., 454.
Vantuckets (Yatuckets), North (Cali-
fornian tribe, i., 320-61; location,
i. , 442, 445.
Yaiiunti, a cbild's collar, iii., 430.
Vdotl, tt Naliiui mythic person, iii.,
378-80.
Yaotlalli, Nahua war lands, ii., 225.
Vapaincs, triiic of Apaches, i., 473-
ii'2(i; location, i., 592.
Yaparclicas, tribe of Apaches, i.,
473-520; location i., 592.
Yapico, Nahua temple, iii., 421.
Yappan, a Nahua mythic person, iii.,
378-80.
Ymiui River, i., 001, 008.
Yaquis (Itiaquis), North Mexican
tribe, i., 571-91; location, i., 572,
608; Kpocial mention, i., 574-8,
.Wa-t, .W, .WO-Ol; lang., iii.. 067,
707-10; Quicliii name for Mexicans,
v., 187-8, 547, 597.
Y i' lela, Honduras, antiq., iv.,71-2.
Yaaja, iv., I.'W, see Yaxliaa.
Yasunnies, Ontral Californian tribe,
i., .10I-(OI; locution, i., 450; lang.,
iii., 049.
Yatuckets, i., 442, see Yantuckets.
Vttubte|M3c, town. South-west Mexico,
v., 412.
79a
I JEX.
Yaiihtlalli (Jootlalli, Quiahtlalc), lo-
cality reserved for battle, ii., 425.
Yuuhtfi, u incdieiiic, ii., 601.
Yuutcrrlis, North Califoriiian tribe,
i., 32(>-(>l; locution, i., 444.
Yautl, name for Tczeutlipoca, iii.,
109.
Yuntlnccociaittlnioncncqui, name for
Tezcntli]>oca, iii., '20(1
Yavipais, iii., (i84, see Yanipais.
Yavisrt, town, Darien, i., ^9H.
Yox (Yaux), Maya month, ii., fiOO,
757-8.
Yuxcocuhinut, name for Zamnii, iii.,
462.
Yuxhaa Tiake (YachiV, Yasja), (Siiato-
mala, uutiq., iv., 134-5.
Yaxkin (Dzc-Yaxkin, Tze Yaxkin),
Maya month, ii., 700, 757.
Yaxiiuin, name of month in Chia-
pas, ii., 700.
Yaxtaxita.xitannc, Apache god, iii.,
170.
Ycaiut, Acagchemem cod, iii., 16.'>.
Ychal-Amollac, Akahale ruler, v.,
506.
Ycuexoan, Nahua devotees, iii., ti'tj.
Yceatlis, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 448.
Yehahs, Inland Cohimltian tribe, i.,
250-91: locution, i., 317.
Yehl (Ycthl), Tiilinkeet },'od, iii., 98-
103, 145-6, 149.
Ycj-ak-<Mins, Inland Columbian tribe,
i., 250-91; location, i., 314.
Yek, Thlinkect s])irits, iii., 148.
Yekus, i., 447, we Vrckus.
Yelumrt, ('entrul ('aliforniun tribe,
i., .361-401; locution, i., 45.3.
Yelctpoo, luluud Columbinn tribe,
i., 2.">0-91; locution, i., 317.
Yellow-cuni, Mukuli chief, i., 217.
Yemt^, Tunuiulipus, lung., iii., 744.
Yengbics Kivcr. i., 317.
Ycrbu Huciiu, locality. Central Culi-
forniu, i., .363.
Yctau (Yotus), i., 592; iii., 660, see
(^onninches.
Ycthl, iii., 149, see Yehl.
YctI, tolwcco, ii., 287.
Ycunubu. Centrul Culiforniun tribe,
i„ .361-401; locution, i., 4.'>4.
Yennata, Centrul Culiforniun tribe,
i., .361-401; locution, i., 454.
Yeunator, Centrul Californian tribe,
i., ,361-401; locati<m, i., 454.
Yew, bows, etc. made of, i,, 188,
214, .341, 494.
Yph, ii., 767, see Igh.
Yhuixoch, v., 299, see Ixmixnch.
Yhyozochd, v., 209, see Ixmixuch.
Yiacatccutli, iii., 416, ace lyocate-
cuhtli.
Yiauhqueme Mountain, a place of
sui-rilice, Mexico, iii., .33.3.
Yiuuhtli, an herb, ii., 330; iii., 339,
387.
YiaulatccatI, Nahua god, iii., 418.
Yinkuccoiis, Inland Columbian tribe,
i., 250-91; location, i., 314.
Yiuhtas, i., 592, see Noconi.
Yiz (Itz), (juiche-Cakchiqucl day,
ii.. 767.
Ylackaa (Ylakas), North Californian
tribe, i., 326-61; location, i., 442,
447.
Ymitchcs, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i.. 456.
Ymix, Maya day, ii., 75<>, 760.
Ymunacani, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 4.'>5.
Ynyoomaxaliuhqui, a brcculi-cloth,
ii., 376.
YouUiehccatl, name for Tezcatlipoca,
iii., 2()7. 381.
YoaltecatI, a place of sacrifice, Mex-
ico, iii., 33.3.
YoaltecutIi, Nahua god, ii., 27.'>.
VoulticitI, Nahua goddess, ii., 268-9;
iii., 363.
Yobua, iv., 389, see Liobaa.
Yocolles, Central (^ulifornian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 4.')6.
Vocut, Ontral Culiforniun trilw, i.,
361-401; locution, i., 4.'»7; lang.,
iii., 651-2.
Yobuallatonac (Xohiiulutonac), Cu\-
hua king, v., 254, 257, 261, 263.
.331; Teo-Chichimoc chief, v., 490.
Yohuutl Cliichiinccutzin, lord of
CoatcjMjc, v., 349.
Yoiontzin, a Chichimcc prince, v.,
475.
Yoke, sacrificial, iii., 413; iv., 436.
Yokius, i., .362. sec Ckiubs.
Yolunclnis, ('cntral Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 4.'>6.
Yoluys, i., 362, Yolos.
Yolcuut, name for Quctzalcoatl, iii.,
2()7.
Yolcuat Quitzalcuut, name for Tohil,
v., 182, 188.
Yolhios. i., 4.52, see Petalunias.
Yolo County, ('aliforniu, i., 4CiO.
Volos (Yolays), Ontrul i^ilifomiau
tril»e, i., 361-401; location and
nuinc, i., 362, 4.'>0.
Yolqui, Tozcucan title, ii., 189; v.,
.350.
Yonglctats, i., 208, sec Ucletas.
INDEX.
793
Yonio, Central California, lang., iii., I
643-4.
Yonwil Poinos, Central California
tribe, i., 3(il-401; locution, i., 448.
Yoo)(ooiiiHnH, !., 32(), M;e VnkimiiH.
Yopna, iv., 389; v., 5*28, oce l^ioboA.
Yopes (Vo|)iinc8, Vopis), i., (!77, bco
TIapnnecM.
Yopivutl Atonal, kin); of Zacatollun,
v., 448.
Yopitzincas, trilie of Nahuos, hist.,
v., 471.
Yopitzinco, locality, Guerrero, v.,
471.
Yoro, locality, Hoinlnros, i., 700, 79.1.
YoseniitcH ('roseiiiiteiz), Central Cul-
ifornian tril>c, i. ,361-401; location,
i., 452.
YoHeniitc Valley, i., 452.
YoHiunniH (YacHUntne8, Yusunincx),
Central Culifoniian tril)c, i., 3()1-
401; location, i., 450.
Youahnoe, tribe of MuiduhH, i., 155-
74; location, i., 292.
Youclulalit, trilic of NootkaH, i. , 174-
208; location, i., 2fl.'».
YoucooluninicH(YoHconlnnine8),Ccn-
tral Californian tril>e, !., 3(il-401;
location, i., 450.
Youj;lctatH, i., 298, nee Uclctas.
Youicones, i,, 307, hcc YukoncH.
Yonitts, tril>e(>f CbinookH, i., 222-50;
location, i., .'X)7.
Youkones, i., 307, see Yakoncs.
Yonniatallas, InlandColunibinn tribe,
i., 250-91; location, i., 317.
Young's iUver, i., 305.
Yourt (Yurt), Eskimo dwelling, i.,
54.
Youruk, Klamath name, i., 327, 445.
You tan, i., 4<>4, see UtaliH.
Yoxibalvinijuil, name of month,
(Miiapas, li., 7(iG.
Yoyontzin, name for Nezahualcoyotl,
v., 372.
Ypalncmoaloni, Nahiui god, iii., 193.
Ypnc, South Californian tribe, i.,
402-22; location, i., 459.
Yreka, California, anti<i., iv., 707.
Yrcka« (llolcdav, Yekas), North
Californian triiie, i., ,32(i-r(l; loca-
tion, i., 447; lang., iii., (i40.
YtHimptc, Yucatan, anti(|., iv., 248-9.
YtzahuaziilniaxtiatI, u lireech-clotli,
ii., 375.
Ytzamnd, iii., 4(52; v., 617-19, 621,
see /am ml.
Ytzcnat, n Mayapan lonl, v., 626.
Ytznml, nanu! for Izunial, v., 626.
YtzteucyMiua, Nahua calendar ciign,
ii„ 616.
Ytztlacolinhqui, a priest's hoo«l, iii.,
356; Nuhna mythic per-son, v,, 00.
Yuba Kiver, i., 461; untiii., iv., 707.
Ynbas (Yuvum), Central Califoniiun
tribe, i., 361-401; location, i., 461;
lang., iii., 648.
Yncals, (\>ntral Californian trilic, i.,
.361-401; location, i., 451.
Yucatan, triltes descrilwd, i., 646-
747; ii., ($,30-803; nivtb., iii., 461-73,
641-2; v., 87; lang.', iii., 558, 671,
724, 759-62, 77.3-6; anti.|., iii., 118;
iv., 143-286, .3.56-0; v., r^; name,
v., 614-15, 626; hist., v., 223.30,
614-.34.
Yucca, a plant used for fo<Ml, i., 734,
759; ii., 357.
Vncletahs, i., 208, see lldetos.
Yucuatl, name Utr Vancouver Island
tribes, i., 29().
YuC, Tanniulipns, lan;^., iii., 744.
Yukai, i., 448, see Ukmhs.
Ynkas (llcjw, Cka.-*, V'ukehs, Yu-
qncs), Nortli Californian trilte, i.,
32(>-(il; location, i., 447; siiecial
mention, i., 361, 390, 398; lang.,
iii., ()4.3, 648.
Yukletos, i., 2iK">, see Uclctas.
Yukon Kiver, i., ll.'i, 146-8; lang.,
iii., 58(i-7.
Yukon Valley, i., 14(!.
Yukulmcs, Central Californian trilK\
i., 3(»1-401; location, i., 45().
Yukuth Kutchins, tribe of Tinnch,
i., 114-37; location, i., 115.
Ynkutnevs, Central Californian tribe,
i., .361-401; location, i., 4.'>0.
Ynlcyunnies, i., 450, see V'alesumes.
Ynlonees, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i.,45(i.
Yulus, Central Californian tril)o, i.,
361-401; location, i., 4'i(>.
Yumagatocks, Central Californian
trilw, i., 361-401; locution, i., 460.
Yunms (Chirunias, Cncluins), tribe
of Apaches, i., 473-,')2(>; location
and name, i., 475, .')97-8; H|HM-ial
mention, i., 477-8, 480, 487, 489,
494, 5(M-.'), 510-11.516, 519,521-3;
myth., iii., .V27; lung., iii., (!84-(!.
Ynnakakhotamis, i., 147, see Unaku-
tanuH.
Yuncemil, Maya god, iii., 4(i7.
Ymiuachcs, Nortli Californian trilie,
i.. .32(5-61; location, i.,443.
Yuques, i., 447, see Ynkas.
Ynoue-Yunqne, Pueblo province, i.,
527.
IM
INDEX.
YuTgaimes, North Mexican tribe, i.,
671-01; locution, i., 611.
Yort, i., 54, sec Yourt
Yusumnes, i., 450, see Yosumnis.
Yutas, i., 440, see Utahs.
Yiitahkaii, luinic for Navajoa, i., 475.
Yutajenne, Apache tribal name, i.,
474.
Yuvas, i. , 451. see Yubas.
Yx, Maya calendar sign, ii., 703.
Yxauio, South Calif omian tribe, L,
402-22; location, 1., 459.
Yxchebelyax, Maya goddess, ii., 752;
iii., 467.
Yxcuina, name for Tlazolteotl, iii.,
Yxcum, Guatemala, antiq., iv., 1.38.
Yxillantonan, locality, Mexico, iii.,
405.
Yxteucalli, Nahua vice-god, iii. , 427.
Yxtliton (Ixtlilton), Nahua god, iii.,
409.
Yxtutz, Guatemala, antiq., iv., 138.
Yzaes, i., 683, sec Itzas.
Yzanind, ii., 691, see Zamnd.
Yzcalli, Nahua month, iii., 390-3.
Yzpuntcque, Nahua god, iii., 396.
Yzquitecatl, Nahua god, iiL, 405,
418.
Yztaccaltzin, v., 267, see Huemac II.
Yztaccuixtli, a mythic bird, iii., 247.
Yztachucxucha, station, Toltec mi-
gration, v., 213.
Zaachilla, Zapotec dialect, iii., 754-5.
Zuachilla I., Zapotec king, v., 5,32.
Zuacliilla, III., Zapotec king, v.,.*).34.
Zuachilla Yoho, name for Teotza-
potlun, v., 5.30.
Zuoacilthan, Maya feast, ii., 694.
Zac (Zak) Maya month, ii., 691,
757-8.
Zaca, Itza drink, ii., 723; Nahua
chief, v., 243.
Zacabalia, ancient city, Guatemala,
v., 587.
Zacah, Maya incense, ii., 702.
Zucaliu, Guatemalan tribe, hist., v.,
647, 561.
Zacal Bacale, Maya god, iii., 466.
Zacapantzin, a Toltec hero, v., 213.
Zacapulas (Sacapulus), town, Guate-
nulla, i., 788.
Zacatccas, antiq., iv., 578-93.
Zacatccos ( Zacatecas, Zacatecs), North
Mexican tribe, i., 671-91; location.
i., 614: special mention, L, 677;
lang., iii., 710; hist, v., 503, 637.
Zacatepec, i., 787, see 8acatepeque.
Zacapetec Mountain, Mexico, iii.,
247.
Zacatlan, name for Chiapas, i., 681;
station, Toltec migration, v., 213;
town, Puebia, v., 298, 314, 400.
Zacatollan, province, Guerrero, ii.,
109, 473; hist., v., 448. 473, 508-9.
Zacatula, town, Guerrero, ii., 100.
Zacatula Uiver, Puebia, antiq., iv.,
467.
Zacatzontii, Nahua ^od, ii., 380.
Zachila, Uajaca, antin., iv., 384-8.
Zactecauh, Cakchiquel chief, v., 662,
569-70.
Zactzuy, locality, Guatemala, i.,788;
v., 564.
Zacualco, town, Jalisco, i., 622.
Zacualpa, city, Guatemala, v., 587.
Zacualpan, Mexico, autiq., iv., 480.
Zacualtipan, town, Mexico, i., 675;
antiq., iv., 646.
Zacuapan, Vera Cruz, antiq. , iv. , 447.
Zak, ii.\ 766, see Zac.
Zakbim, a Guatemalan chief, v., 663.
Zakcah, Zutugil, city, v., 598.
Zakik, a Quich^ noble family, ii.,
648; v., 580, 6»2.
Zaki Nim Ak, Quichd god, v., 173.
Zaki Nima Tzyiz, Quiche goddess,
v., 170, 173.
Zakiqahol, city, Guatemala, v., 684.
Zakiqoxol, Quiclu5 mythical person,
v., 669.
Zakitzunun, a Cakchiquel chief., v.,
570.
Zaklohpakap, name for Mame lung.,
iii., 766.
Zakultiu (Socol^o), ancient city,
Guatemala, i., 787; antiq., iv., 128-
30; hist., v., 587, 591.
Zalaias, North Mexican tribe, i., 671-
91; location, i., 612.
Zaizun, a magic crystal, i., 667.
Zamaucb(Zameneb), city, Guatemala,
i., 789; autiq., iv., 131.
Zama Iliver, i., 600.
Zamnd( Ytzamnd, Yzamnd), Mayagod,
ii., 117, 127, 632, 647; iii., 462-6;
iv., 247; v., 23, 224-6, 617-19, 621-
2, 630.
Zamorra, Nahua food, ii., 278.
Zancopinco, a suburb of Mexico
City, ii., 560.
Zandia (Sandia), village and tribe of
Pueblos, i., 626-56; location, i.,
600; lang., iii., 681.
Zapatepec, locality, Mexico, iii., 405.
INDEX.
795
Zapatcro Island, Nicaragua, antiq.,
iv., 30, 39-47, 68-62.
Zapc, Durango, antit}., iv., 600.
Zapotectipan, a Uajacan kingdom,
v., 443-7, 52G-3G; 8ce also Zapotecs.
Zajpotecs, Naiiua nation, i., 644-70;
II., 133-629; location and name, i.,
645, G79; ii., 132; special mention,
L, 646, 648, 651-3, 656-61, 667-9;
ii., 109-10, 142-3, 228, 277-8, 368,
379, 410, 522, 624, 629; myth., ii.,
209-3, 308; iii., 73-4, 268, 448-60,
541; lang., iii., 754-6; v., 527;
hist., v., 206-7, 2.39, 443-7, 473, 526-
36, 616.
Zapoteros, North Mexican triltc, i. ,
571-91; location, i., 61.3.
Zapotitlan, locality, Ciimtemala, v.,
586.
Zapotlan, Jalisco, antiq., iv., 574;
hist., v., 416.
Zaquan, a mythic bird, iii., 241. ,
Zarahemla, name of Hebrew colony
in America, v., 99.
Zayi, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 211-15,
270.
ZayoUan, province, Mexico, v. , 346.
Zecc, ii., 757, see Tzec.
Zeetopaa, city, Oujaca, v., 532.
Zeilusaua, liellacoola baskets, i., 166.
Z^k^-tnaka (Ziunka-kutslii), tril)c of
Tinnch, i., 114-37; location, i., 147.
Zekilna, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 212.
Zeldales, i., 681, see Tzendules.
Zeldal-Quelcn, Chiapas dialect, iii.,
760.
Zcnianahuaca TIatoani, Mexican im-
perial title, v., 471.
Zentipac (Tzenticpuc), town, Jalisco,
i., 672; v., 509.
Zia, Fueblo villa<;e, i., 600.
Zibiliiocac, Yucatan, antiq., iv., 252.
Zibolos, North Mexican tribe, !.,
571-91; location, i., 611.
Zichajucuero, locality, Michoacan,
v., 513.
Zicliu, locality, Mexico, v., 524.
Zihil, Maya bantisnial rite, ii., 682.
Zima, North Alcxican tribe, i., 571-
91; location, i., 612.
Zingomenes, Inland Columbian tril)c,
L, 250-91; locution, i., 314.
Zintzicha, name for Tangaxoon, v.,
516.
Zip (Cijp), Maya month, ii., 696, 757.
Zipucapan, town, riuutenmla, i., 787.
Zipacna, Quiche god, v., 172-3, a pre-
Toltec ruler, v., 184.
Zipattoval, iii., 491, see Cipattonal.
Ziranziran Camaro, Michoacan chief,
v., 511.
Zirumbo, a Michoacan kingdom, v.,
623.
Zitacuarencuaro, Mutlaltzinca festi-
val, iii., 446.
ZitzimitI, name for Mictlantecutii,
iii., 396.
ZiuhcohuatI, a Toltec prince, v.,
212-13.
Ziunka-kutshi, i., 147, see Z^kit-
thaka.
Zivenaritzcatl, birth-place of Quetz-
alcoatl, iii., 271.
Ziyan-caan, name for Baoalar, v.,
624.
Ziziz Pandacuare, Tarasco king, v.,
524-5.
Zoo, ii., 757, sec Tzoz.
Zococ Aztahua TIacaztalli, a Tlascal-
tec chief, v. , 498.
Zoes, North Mexican tribe, i.„ 571-
91; location, i., 609; lung., iii., 707.
Zoltcpec, locality, Mexico, i., 677.
Zolton, a Toltec noble, v., 254.
Zomiomi, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
Zonzonate, i., 790, see Sonsonate.
Zoological collection, Montezuma's,
ii., 163-6.
Zoot, musical instrument, Yucatan,
v., 632.
Zopilotes, North Mexican tribe, i.,
571-91; locution, i., 611.
Zoqucs (Koques), South Mexican
tribe, i., 045-70; location, i., 682;
special mention, 1., 646-7, 649,
652, 657-8, 668; lang., iii., 760,
763; hist., v., 60.3-4, 606.
Zoquitlun, Mije town, v., 5,32.
Zotutu, province, Yucatan, v., 632.
Zotz, ii., 757, see Tzoz.
Zotziles (Tzotziles), South Mexican
tribe, i., 644-70; location and
name, i., 645, 681; ii., 132; v.
561-2; lang., iii., 760, 764; hist.
v., 547-8, 561, 570, 590, 593, 596,
603-4.
Zotzilhd, name for Tzinacantlan, i.,
681.
Zotzilen-Tukuches, ( ; uatcnialan trib<!.
hist., v., 5(12, 569, 574-5, 590.
Zquina, locality, (tur.tcniala, v.,5.">9.
Ztnyul, Niliaib i)rince, v., 5<i7.
Zuaques, North Mexican tribe, !.,
571-91; location, i., 572,608; lang.,
iii., 707.
Zucigen, Central Californian tribe,
i., 361-401; location, i., 453.
796
INDEX.
Zugen (Zuyen), South Mexican man-
tle, i., 650; ii.. 727.
Zuhuy Zipi, Mayaffod, ii., 608.
Zuina, v., 624, see Tulan Zuivu.
Zukli Island, i., 139.
Zumpango (TzMnipan, Tzonipanco,
Tzonpanco, Tzunii>nnco, Zuninan-
co), locality, Guatemala, i., 780;
Hfation, Aztec migration, v., 323-
4, 329, 476.
Zuiii, town, New Mexico, i., ff27,
600; antiq., iv., 645-6, 663, 667,
674.
ZufiiKiver.i., 600; antiq., iv., 644-50.
Zufiis. tribe of Pueblos, i., 526-66;
location, i., 600; special mention,
i., 545; myth., ill., 120-1, 132;
lung., iii., (Ml-3.
ZutugilcbjKip, Zutugil king, v.,5&4-5.
ZutugiU (Zutuhiles), Maya nation,
i., 687-711; ii.. 6.30-803; location,
i., 780; special mention, ii., 732;
lang., iii., 760, 762, 772; hist.,
v., 661, 566-7. 570-2. 675-8, 584-6,
593, 598-9, 602.
Zuyen, ii., 727, sec Zugcn.
Zwanga (Tzihuunga), Turasco king,
v., 516, 525.
END OF THK FIFTH VOLUME.
ition,
132;
U.5.
tion,
tioii,
732;
list.,
B4-6,
>ng.