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 1 
 
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 / 
 
 Popular Control 
 
 of the 
 
 Liquor Traffic. 
 
 BY 
 
 DR. E. R. L GOULD, 
 
 special Commissioner of the Unite.l States Labour Department. 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY 
 
 The Rt. Hon. J. CHAMBERLAIN, M.P. 
 
 The work of the experts of the United States Labour Department leaves 
 ,( nothing to be desired.— 7,A<r Times (Oct 4, 1894). 
 
 PUBLISHED FOR THE 
 
 FUBLIC-HOUSE REFORM ASSOCIATION 
 
 BY 
 
 CASSELL AND COMPANY, Limited, 
 LONDON, PARIS &» MELBOURNE. 
 
 if94. 
 [all rights resbrvbd.] 
 
/2 9'/ 
 
 254548 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Those advocates of reasonable reform in the control and 
 management of the liquor traffic who desire to eliminate 
 altogether the element of private gain from the sale, are 
 generally spoken of as adherents of the Scandinavian or 
 the Grothenburg system. The description is not altogether 
 accurate, because, in the first place, there is, strictly 
 speaking, no uniform system in either Sweden or Norway, 
 and the practice not only varies in the two countries, but 
 also in the separate towns and districts in each; ond, in 
 the second place, because no one has yet proposed that any 
 of the plans adopted in either Sweden or Norway should be 
 transferred bodily, and without adaptation, to this country, 
 where the history and character of the trade, the habits 
 of the population, and many other important conditions, 
 are widely different. 
 
 The Public-House Reform Association claims, therefore, 
 to be judged in regard to the principle which it seeks to 
 establish, and not according to tlie particular application of 
 that principle which may have either failed or succeeded in 
 some other country. The reasonableness of this contention 
 will at once be conceded if we i-ecall the numerous reforms 
 now firmly established in the United Kingdom, which we 
 should have been deterred from attempting at all if we 
 had suffered ourselves to be exclusively guided by the 
 imperfect experience of other lands ; and especially it may 
 
iv POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 be pointed out to the friends of prohibition and local veto 
 that any other conclusion would be fatal to their pet 
 schemes which have already been tried and found wanting 
 in such important communities as the States of Massa- 
 chusetts, New York, Illinois, and Ohio. On the other 
 hand, it may be readily admitted that the result of all 
 experiments made elsewhere should be watched with in- 
 terest for tlie suggestions they may afford to ourselves, and 
 that when these experiments have conspicuously failed, we 
 should exercise even greater caution than usual before we 
 assume that they will be more successful with us than with 
 them by whom they have been already tried. 
 
 C a this account I welcome the exhaustive and impartial 
 history of temperance legislation in Sweden and Norway 
 which Dr. Gould has contributed to the discussion of 
 the general question. Appointed to report on the subject 
 by the United States Department of Labour, the author of 
 the following treatise commenced his task, as he tells us, 
 "absolutely without prejudice," and he came away "a con- 
 vert to the system." 
 
 Is not this general statement from a competent observer 
 of more value in itself than any statistics, however elaborate, 
 especially when it is confirmed, as I believe it is, by every 
 person who has studied the results on the spot without 
 preconceived opinions ? 
 
 Nearly eighteen years ago 1 visited Sweden on a similar 
 errand, although perhaps with a less impartial mind than 
 Dr. Gould, since I had already satisfied myself by a jjriori 
 reasoning that the result of removing altogetlier from the 
 conduct of the trade all considerations of pecuniary interest 
 and personal profit must conduce to the discouragement 
 of excessive drinking, and consequently to the spread of 
 
INTRODUCTION. V 
 
 temperance and the diminution of drunkenness, with all its 
 attendant evils. 
 
 I argued as the Corporation of Stockholm did when 
 they reported in favour of the application in some form 
 of the Gothenburg system to the capital. " It is clear," 
 they said, " that as the consumption of ' Branvin ' is de- 
 pendent on the desire for stimulants, and the power of 
 satisfying that desire, and also the desire of gain on the 
 part of the seller, the consumption must decrease in pro- 
 portion as one of these influences ceases to operate. .... 
 But if, contrary to all probability, such should not be the 
 case, so many advantages in other respects would, in our 
 opinion, result from the adoption of the Gothenburg system, 
 that we have no hesitation in recommending it." 
 
 Their forecast has been amply justitied by experience, 
 and the tables in the following pages show that in Stock- 
 holm, as in Gothenburg, the consumption per head has been 
 reduced by more than one-half, while all the collateral 
 advantages anticipated in regard to the policing of the 
 trade, the observance of regulations, the good conduct of 
 the houses, and of their frecjuenters, have been fully realised. 
 
 The first thing which struck me in the course of my 
 inquiries in Sweden was the almost unanimous favour 
 which the plan has won from those most qualified to ex- 
 press an opinion. The legislature and the municipalities, 
 the provincial governors find the clergy of all ranks, the 
 police authorities and the organs of the Press, vied with 
 each other in singing its praises. Even the strenuous 
 adherents of prohibition accepted it as a great step in 
 advance, and the best practicable until public opinion could 
 be induced to favour total abolition. The Gothenburg 
 system has now been in operation for thirty years, while in 
 
vi POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Stockholm tlie same system has been applied for seventeen 
 years; and after all this time Dr. Gould found that the 
 prevalent opinion in Sweden was still as strongly favour- 
 able to-day as it was eighteen years ago. Again, I ask, is 
 not this more conclusive as to the success of the experi- 
 ment than any argument drawn solely from figures, which 
 always require to be studied in the full light of local 
 conditions, and which must be used with all the qualifi- 
 cations which only local knowledge can supply. 
 
 But even if we decide to rest our case on statistics 
 alone, the conclusion will be the same. Not only has the 
 consumption been reduced, but the returns of drunkenness 
 and of crime show considerable improvement. Of twenty- 
 five provincial governors applied to for information, twenty- 
 one reported that drunkenness had considerably diminished. 
 The police-reports are, I believe, uniformly satisfactory, 
 and it must be remembered that these results have been 
 obtained under a system which is still confessedly imper- 
 fect, but which the legislatures of both Norway and Sweden 
 have been encouraged by the experience already obtained 
 to extend and improve. 
 
 Another point which impressed me during my visit to 
 Sweden was the homely and unpretentious character of the 
 public-houses, and the good conduct which prevailed in 
 them even when most crowded. No adventitious attraction 
 of flaming gas, gilded mirrors, nor brilliant decorations is 
 permitted. They are evidently established to provide for a 
 want already felt, but not to induce it by artificial allure- 
 ments. It would be impossible to imagine a greater 
 contrast than is presented by the gin-palaces in some of 
 our large cities and the unpretending buildings in which 
 the trade is carried on in Gothenburg. After visiting a 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 vu 
 
 numljer of these houses, and finding them all of the same 
 character, I said to the Chief of Police, who was accom- 
 panying me : — " I have seen enough of this sort of house. 
 Now take me, if you please, to the worst house in the 
 worst corner of Gothenburg." " You are there now," was 
 hit reply. " This house is on the quays frequented by the 
 lowest gradf? of the maritime population. In old days 
 it was the haunt of prostitutes and l)ad characters of every 
 kind, and a constant scene of riot and disorder. You can 
 judge for yourself of the change effected." I can only 
 say that the place in which I was then would compare 
 favourably with any average public-house in any of our 
 great cities. I gather from Dr. Gould'* report that the 
 state of things has certainly not altered for the worse 
 during the last eighteen years, for he says that gambling 
 and immorality have been entirely disassociated from the 
 public-house. 
 
 When we add to the testimony of all authorities on 
 the spot, and the evidence of every impartial observer, the 
 significant fact that no community that has once adopted 
 the system has ever abandoned it, I do not see how we can 
 resist the conclusion that, in spite of its admitted imper- 
 fections, the Gothenburg system has done more for the 
 promotion of temperance than any other plan yet proposed 
 or tried. , • 
 
 Hostile critics of the system have one great argument 
 in reserve. Granted, they say, that it has reduced drunken- 
 ness and the consumption of liquor in Sweden, the improve- 
 ment, even now, still leaves Sweden in a worse position 
 than England is at present, and without any system at 
 all. Statistics — sometimes of vny questionable authority — 
 are brought forward to prove this assertion; but, without 
 
viii POPULAR CONTKOL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 discussing them, we rnay say at once that they have no 
 bearing on tlic question. We are agreed that there is still 
 too much drinking and too m\ich drunkenness in England, 
 and surely it is not contended that there is a fixed level 
 below which the principle which has produced such remark- 
 able results in Sw(;den will cease to operate. Experience 
 is opposed to such an illogical conclusion. When Norway 
 followed the example of Sweden, its consumption per head 
 was, according to the diagram prepared by Mr. Brooks, 
 of Massachusetts, and reproduced by Dr. Gould, less than 
 half that of Sweden. Yet a further reduction of more than 
 one-half has followed upon the trial of this experiment. It 
 does not seem likely that English experience would con- 
 tradict the results which have been uniformly observed in 
 other cases. 
 
 Dr. Gould's book throws light on all the points that 
 I have touched upon in this introduction. To all who can 
 nfford the time and the expense I heartily recommend a 
 personal visit to Scandinavia, where, in addition to the 
 knowledge they will gain on the subject of this impor- 
 tant social experiment, they will make the acquaintance 
 of a hospitable, intelligent, and charming people, and will 
 enjoy some of the most beautiful scenery in Europe. To 
 those to whom this privilege is denied I commend the 
 perusal of the able and comprehensive Rej)ort which follows. 
 
 J. CHAMBERLAIN. 
 
 Dec. 13. 1894. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 A WISE control of the liquor traffic is the most pressing 
 social problem of the age. Immoderate drinking is uni- 
 versally recognised as a leading factor in crime, pauperism, 
 and a host of moral evils. Its economic significance is by 
 no means so clearly understood. The annual drink bill of 
 the United Kingdom approaches £140,000,000. In the 
 United States not far from £200,000,000 are spent every 
 year in alcoholic indulgence. In Germany, Austria, 
 and France the consumption of both spirituous and malt 
 beverages is progressing at a dangerous pace. Belgium 
 to-day has a liquor shop for every thirty-nine inhabitants — 
 a situation which might ofl'er contemporary sanction to the 
 remark of Quirini, the Venetian envoy in 1505, that there 
 beer replaces water as the fourth cosmic element. 
 
 The danger resident in these huge national liquor bills 
 reaches beyond misery and moral degradation. Civilisation 
 itself is menaced by this growing economic waste. If it be 
 true — and there seems to be a general opinion to that effect 
 — that excesses are less frequent now than formerly amongst 
 the upper classes, the burden must be falling chiefly upon 
 those who are relatively least able to support it. Certainly 
 the family budget of the wage-earner is not so flexible 
 that liberal expenditures for drink may be made with 
 impunity. So delicately adjusted is the balance that the 
 status of a new generation is largely determined by the 
 quantity of liquor the fathers consume. Let all interested 
 
X POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 in the well-being of democracy reniemljer this fundamental 
 fact. 
 
 In the course of official experience I have had occasion to 
 investigate the social condition of several thousand working- 
 men's families in Europe and the United States. One result 
 of my observations proves that had alcoholic drinks been 
 entirely abjured, each family, on the average, might have 
 added two more rooms to its habitation. Abstinence con- 
 sistently followed by industrial operatives over a period of 
 years would have created a fund sufficient to purchase a 
 home and appreciably elevate the standard of life. As it 
 is, publicans, if my figures are representative, receive from 
 this element of the population in five leading countries of 
 the world three fifths as much as landlords. Even those — 
 and they are many — who cannot regard total abstinence as 
 the last word on the subject, and must hold that drunken- 
 ness rather than drinking is the real foe to be combatted, 
 will ijevertheless allow that there is ample room for reduc- 
 tion and, so to speak, redistribution of expenditure. 
 
 The liijuor interest in recent years has grown to be a 
 factor of considerable political importance. Especially in 
 American cities has its baneful influence l)een felt. Should 
 the representatives of the traffic gain still greater prestige, 
 as they surely will if not checked, civic life will be cor- 
 rupted to the roots. Entire dissociation is the only 
 .safeguard. 
 
 Few people will deny that the liquor traffic presents 
 grave public dangers. Yet there is wide divergence of 
 views regarding proper methtxls of control. A most 
 exemplary body of citizens would like to see radical 
 repression attempted by law. A still larger contingent 
 are partisans of a liberty so brojid as to l^e anarchic. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XI 
 
 Between these two stand the great masses of the people, 
 not committed to any particular doctrines, well enough dis- 
 posed perhaps, but failing to appreciate the urgency of 
 action. They profess themselves disgusted with fanaticism, 
 while apprehensive of the consequences of present licensing 
 methods. Is not this the class which especially needs to be 
 awakened, informed, and rallied in support of a rational 
 reyinie 1 They constitute the majority — in Anglo-Saxon 
 countries, at all events — and on them rests the responsibility 
 of initiative. 
 
 I have watched with sympathetic interest the growth 
 of English sentiment in favour of rational temperance 
 reform. It has given me unlx)unded pleasure to note the 
 formation of the " Public-house Reform Association." 
 Under the able leadership which the movement already 
 commands wiser action than has hitherto characterised 
 English policy should result. The present volume has been 
 prepared with the purpose of aiding the association in its 
 campaign of education. I esteem it a privilege to help, 
 however humbly, in this good work, and I wish to acknow- 
 ledge my obligation to that indefatigable worker, the Lord 
 Bishop of Chester, for the opportunity. 
 
 About two years ago, I undertook a mission for the 
 United States Department of Labour to Sweden and 
 Norway, for the purpose of studying and reporting upon 
 the methods of controlling the liquor traffic adopted })y 
 those countries. I went there absolutely without prejudice 
 of any sort ; I came away a convert to the system. The 
 testimony of facts and the object-les.sons afforded on every 
 hand were so conclusive that I could not help feeling that 
 the Scandinavian method is the only really practical means 
 of dealing with the liquor evil in this generation. This 
 
Xll 
 
 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 opinion is fortified by knowledge and observation of other 
 systems, gained from nearly five years' experience as an 
 investigator of social problems in Great Britain and on 
 the continent of Europe. It is far in advance, too, of any 
 method which has been tried in the United States. I do 
 not regard the Scandinavian plan as perfect, but I do 
 believe it to contain tiie "promise and the potency" of 
 higher things. It is a measure of progressive reform, sound 
 in principle, operating harmoniously with well-defined 
 laws of social advance, anci is easily adaptable to English 
 and American conditions. Its trial will do more than 
 anything else yet suggested to mitigate an intolerable social 
 curse. 
 
POPULAR CONTROL OF THE 
 LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 -♦<>•- 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 LEGAL BASIS OP THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 
 
 In Norway the right to distil is granted to citizens living Production of 
 in towns, and to owners and occupiers of land in the - Liquors^* 
 country upon which taxes are paid. In Sweden the 
 payment of a tax on ground owned or leased confers 
 this privilege. There are exceptions in both countries, 
 which, generally speaking, cover the judiciary, clergy, 
 municipal, military, police and fiscal officers. None of 
 these may engage in the manufacture of spirits. Dis- 
 tilling apparatus in Norway must have a minimum capacity 
 of twenty five gallons ; no kindred restriction prevails in 
 the sister kingdom. Distilling in both countries is con- 
 ducted under licences granted by the provincial governors, 
 who are appointees of the Crown. It may be carried on 
 in Norway during nine-and-a-half months, and in Sweden 
 during eight months, of the year. A tax is levied in 
 Norway every time any distilling is done, counting fifteen 
 days as a minimum time of operation, and 5,065 gallons 
 as the assessed production. This provision is aimed at 
 domestic distilling, and is designed to concentrate the 
 business in a few hands. In Sweden the nuninium pro- 
 duction for the total period of eight months is fixed at 
 6 
 
2 
 
 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Wine and 
 
 Malt 
 Beverages. 
 
 Definition of 
 terms " Re- 
 tail "and 
 
 •• Bar trade." 
 
 2,113 gallons. The ordinary revenue tax is two shillings 
 per gallon, but a supplemental excise of fivepence a gallon 
 is assessed whenever the daily product is less than 132 
 gallons or exceeds 1,320 gallons. The general object of 
 these regulations is to make distilling an industry instead 
 of a domestic pu^'suit, as it formerly was. Their effect 
 has been to notably diminish the number of manufactories. 
 In Norway only twenty-one distilleries are in operation 
 at the present time. The minimum quantity which 
 distillers may sell at one time is fixed at 10 J gallons by 
 Norwegian, and 66 gallons by Swedish law. 
 
 A sharp distinction is drawn in both countries between 
 the sale of spirituous liquors and of wine and malt 
 beverages. Historically, there is a reason for this. When 
 temperance agitation first l>egan, effort was directed solely 
 against the abuse of spirits, and it was considered distinctly 
 a temperance measure to advocate wine and beer as 
 substitutes. Naturally, since public agitation concerned 
 itself so much with the one, the law has been uniquely 
 occupied therewith. Now, however, the encouragement 
 of wine and beer drinking is no part of the temperance pro- 
 paganda, and the efforts of teetotalers and moderates alike 
 are being directed to secure an effective control of the sale 
 of fermented beverages as well. 
 
 By " retail and bar-trade " is meant traftic in native 
 spirits* in quantities less than 10 J gallons at one time in 
 Norway, and in Sweden less than 66 gallons. The alco- 
 holic content ranges from 40 to 50 per cent. In Norway 
 
 • The 3 spirit of the Scaudinaviaus is commonly called *' braend- 
 
 vin," gei y trauslated into English as ** brandy." When, therefore, 
 in tlie succeeding pages the occasion arises to use this word, it must 
 be understood as referring to a liquor distilled from potatoes or com, 
 and containing from 40 to 50 per cent, of alcohol. 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 
 
 the minimum for retail sales is placed at '35 of a quart, 
 while in Sweden it is a little over a quart ^'056 quarts). 
 
 The licensing system is the underlying principle of the 
 liquor !• w of Sweden and Norway, but so modified that pro- 
 hibition is not only made possible but actually encouraged 
 in rural communities. For the larger municipalities also 
 the door is left wide open to local option, as no licence 
 may be granted if the people so express their will through 
 their chosen representatives. In the country the policy is 
 to favour prohibition. So successfully has this latter been 
 carried out, that few licences are in operation in the rural 
 districts of either of the two countries. In Norway a 
 country inn-keeper is not obliged to keep spirits on hand, 
 and he is expressly forbidden to sell to any person living 
 within a radius of 3 J miles from his hostelry. Probably 
 few men are thirsty enough to hitch up their horses and 
 drive more than seven miles for the purpose of getting 
 a drink. 
 
 The licensing authorities in the cities, towns, and 
 villages of both countries are the magistracy, acting with 
 the advice of the municipal representatives or general town 
 meeting, and with the formal assent of the governor. The 
 reason why the latter functionary is made a party to the 
 transaction is that, ex-ojicio, he is the chief of the police 
 system of the province. Hence, when consenting to 
 licensing concessions he will naturally have in mind the 
 facilities offered for policing public-houses, and knows 
 better, perhaps, than any one else the records of the 
 applicants. 
 
 The theory is the disposal of licences at auction to 
 the highest bidders, which means in Sweden to parties of 
 approved character and competency to carry out engagements, 
 6 2 
 
 Licenstiijf 
 System. 
 
 Licensing^ 
 Authoritlea 
 
 Disposal of 
 Licences. 
 
4 roPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 who offer to pay a tax on the probable consumption of 
 spirits dining the licensing period at the rate of a frac- 
 tion less than '2d. a quart, with the annual quantity 
 sold fixed at 79 2| gallons as a minimum. In Norway the 
 assessed tax is slightly over l^d. a quart, without a pre- 
 scribed minimum ; but it is the practice there, after having 
 decided on the number of public-houses and retail shops 
 to be licensed, to divide the total assessed probable con- 
 sumption equally between them. No account is taken of 
 the special business advantages of any one situation. The 
 result is a practical restriction of the business to a few 
 places, and the driving out of existence of the smaller and 
 lower kinds of drinking places, which, in order to make a 
 living, are obliged to resort to exceptional means, usually 
 indefensible from a moral standpoint, to push their wares. 
 Reducing the number of places where liquor is sold renders 
 policing much easier. In order to prevent the up-growth 
 of public-houses just beyond the municipal boundaries, 
 the Norwegian law tixes the excise for drinking-places 
 located within a radius of 3.^ miles at the same figure as 
 for those situated within the towns themselves. The excise 
 on probable consumption is liberally estimated in both 
 countries, and even though at the end of the year it is 
 shown to have been largely in excess of the amount which 
 the actual sales would justify, no part of it is recoverable 
 by the payers. In Sweden the destination of the tax is 
 the municipal treasury, while in Norway it is devoted 
 solely to the poor fund. ' 
 
 The Company The prevailing method of public control is the so-called 
 ^^ ^' "company monopoly." This feature was authorised in 
 Sweden in 1855, aud in Norway in 1871. It has so 
 largely superseded the practice of disposing of licences at 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 5 
 
 auction that in Norway, to-day, fifty-one towns and landiug- 
 
 places, including all of any importance, have adopted the (a) Extent ; 
 
 plan. In Sweden s(;venty-eight towns have granted the 
 
 monopoly to brandy companies, in twelve the sale by auction 
 
 is still adhered to, in ten there are privileged licences only — 
 
 i.e., licences granted previous to 1850 l)y royal warrant, 
 
 and g<j<>d for the lifetime of the holder — and in two small 
 
 towns prohibition prevails. Generally speaking, in the 
 
 country, prohibition, and in the towns, the company system, 
 
 represent normal conditions. Considering the enormous 
 
 territorial extent of the two Scandinavian kin;jdoms and 
 
 the preponderance of the agricultural population, it is not 
 
 difficult to see that the majority of the people live under a 
 
 r^lfime of local option. The veto power is in Sweden and 
 
 Norway a concomitant of the company system. 
 
 The licensing authorities in any community are author- (b) Applica- 
 ised t<:) grant a monopoly of the retail and bar sale of spiritu- * 
 
 ous liquors to a commercial company formed for t)ie jnirpose 
 of undertaking them, without any other financial return 
 than a rate of interest on capital invested of r» pci'r cent, 
 in Norway and 6 per cent, in Sweden. Strictly speaking, 
 the Norwegian law does not fix the rate, the by-laws of the 
 companies prescribing it under the sanction of the Home 
 Department, Five per cent, has become the customary 
 figure. All remaining profits go either to the municipal 
 treasuries (Sweden) or are applied (Norway) directly to 
 objects of public utility. The company receives the 
 monopoly because of the fact that it thus otters so much 
 better terms than private individuals. 
 
 The fundamental idea in the minds of the inaugurators (c) Funda- 
 was to create a system where the element of private gain pjSSples • 
 should be eliminated from the sale of intoxicating liquors. 
 
(d) Constitu- 
 tion: 
 1. Bliare- 
 holders ; 
 
 6 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 They meant to attack the evil directly from its economic 
 side, and in this they acted wisely. Any plan to be 
 effective must comprise this feature. Men engage in the 
 liquor traffic, not deliberately to ruin their fellow-kind, but 
 to make money, and, as a rule, all the money they can. 
 Remove the motive, and a bulwark is erected against abuse. 
 It is true that there will be for a time an overflow, but this 
 represents a positive demand for consumption, and can be 
 provided for by the company monopoly plan. SoTinder 
 education, temperance propagandism, hygienic ameliorations, 
 and a host of other things will so diminish the feeding 
 streams that ultimately the overflow may entirely cease. 
 
 The shareholders in the companies are, as a rule, persons 
 who have public interests deeply at heart. If we take tlie 
 Christiania company as an example, we find that the 
 original subscribers comprised the governor of the district, 
 two ex-members of the Norwegian cabinet, two royal 
 chaml)erlains, one chief of police, two foreign consuls, two 
 army oflScers, the headmaster of a school, seven Government 
 officials, five physicians, ten lawyers, one member of Parlia- 
 ment, nine wholesale merchants, twelve retail dealers, six 
 manufacturers, and seven owners and managers of breweries 
 2. Shares; (not distilleries). At the present time the shares have 
 become more widely distributed. Never have they there 
 nor in any other place, as is sometimes alleged, been held 
 for speculative purposes. Three-fourths of the shares of all 
 the companies in Norway are now owned in holdings of 
 one. In Sweden the shares often figure in the list of 
 donations to public and philanthropic institutions, the 
 original owners having so disposed of their holdings at 
 death. During recent years, in Norway, shares have 
 sometimes changed hands at a premium. Enemies of 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 
 
 the system have cited this as evidence that speculation was 
 rife. A satisfactory explanation is easily found when one 
 understands that the possession of a share gives the holder 
 the right to vote at the annual distribution of the profits 
 arising from the company's operations. Persons interested 
 in particular institutions naturally seek the privilege 
 of voting in order that due recognition may be given 
 them. 
 
 The statement that shares have changed hands for 
 speculative purposes is positively ridiculous. In Norway, 
 as I have already pointed out, three-fourths are dis- 
 tributed in holdings of one. The capital stock is always 
 small, both absolutely and in proportion to business done. 
 The Christiania company is capitalised at £8,805, and 
 the Langesund company at £32. They are resjiectively 
 the largest and smallest in Norway. Mr. Koren, in the 
 report of the Massachusetts Legislative Commission, has 
 pointed out that the largest dividends in 1892 were 
 paid to the shareholders in the Christiania company, 
 and they received on the average £3 each. The pro- 
 portion declines until we reach the Tonsberg company, 
 whose shareholders were remunerated at the rate of 6|d. 
 
 Small as the share capital of companies is, it is hardly 
 ever fully called in. Frequently not more than 25 per 
 cent, is paid up. Interest is received only on the quota 
 paid in. Even though the rate may be slightly higher than 
 current payments by sound financial institutions, it amounts 
 to nothing when we consider what a mere pittance 
 individuals receive. There never was a more senseless 
 charge against the Norwegian system than that which 
 intimates that liquor companies are run for the benefit of 
 shareholders. 
 
 3. Capital 
 Stock ; 
 
 4. Dividends, 
 
POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Checks on 
 Companies, 
 
 And their 
 Relation to 
 
 Public 
 Authorities. 
 
 But what guarantee is there that the companies will 
 entertain a loftier conception of civic responsibilities than 
 individual liquor-sellers? Will they not seek to exploit the 
 business j)ro bono publico? In the first place, they are 
 puljlic corporations, whose by-laws receive official sanction, 
 and who make, one may say, with the licensing authorities 
 certain definite contracts. Secondly, for forgetfulness of 
 public weal or any breach of trust, the governor has the 
 right to withdraw tlie licence privileges without compensa- 
 tion. Approval of the by-laws also being " only for the 
 present," the Government may at any time bring a faithless 
 corporation to a change in policy simply by threatening it 
 with extinction. The control is strict, and one company has 
 been so treated. More frequent necessity has not arisen. 
 Thirdly, the licensing periods are very short, five years in 
 Norway and three years in Sweden, except in the smaller 
 towns, where one year completes the term. Fourthly, the 
 character of men, who, if not precisely from a sense of duty, 
 at least with the certainty of no financial reward, become 
 interested in the liquor traffic, is almost alone a guarantee 
 that philanthropic management will prevail. 
 
 An intimate relation exists between public authorities 
 and the companies. In the first place, as we have already 
 seen, the by-laws are subject to the approval of the magis- 
 tracy, municipal council, and governor. Closing the public- 
 houses in cases of emergency legally takes place upon the 
 order of the governor. The sanction of public authority 
 is given to the price-lists. A reduction in the number 
 of licences may be effected arbitrarily at the end of 
 any licensing period by po[>ular vote, without creating a 
 claim for compensation by the companies. In Norway 
 the appointment of bar-tenders and other officers is 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. U 
 
 subject to confirmation by the magistracy and municipal 
 council. 
 
 In this close alliance there reside a benefit and a 
 danger. Every effort made to enjoin upon the companies 
 a proper consideration of public interest and convenience 
 represents the former ; but from the civic standpoint, the 
 intimate intervention of the local government, especially in 
 conununities where standards of political morality are not 
 as high as they are in the Scandinavian peninsula, may lead 
 to serious inconvenience, and even danger. From these 
 theoretical considerations in the present instance a final 
 appeal nmst be had to the economic, social, and moral 
 experien(!es resulting from the operation of the system. 
 Their consideration will assuredly convince an impartial 
 person tliat the practical benefits have far outweighed the 
 possible drawbacks. Indeed, very few of the latter have 
 ever been realised.* 
 
 Regulations for policing public-houses and retail shops 
 respond, on the whole, to leading requirements. Sales 
 are forbidden to minors— that is, to persons less than 
 fifteen years of age. The companies have voluntarily and 
 universally raised the limit to eighteen. Retail shops are 
 closed on Sundays and holidays in ))otli countries. Public- 
 houses in Norway are shut from 5 p.m. on Saturday until 
 8 a.m. on Monday. On weekdays they are open from 8 a.m. 
 to 7.30 p.m., as a rule. In some of the towns they close in 
 the middle of the day for an hour and a half, the idea 
 being to withdraw from the working-man the temptation 
 to drink while going from his work to his home for the 
 midday meal. In the evening the hour for closing comes 
 so early that carousing is practically an impossibility. 
 
 * See Appendix A, page 99. • ^ 
 
 The Verdict of 
 Expexience : 
 
 (a) Police 
 Supervision ; 
 
 (b) Sales to 
 Minors ; 
 
 (c) Hours of 
 
 Business 
 in Norway 
 
10 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 And In Indeed, but little time is left after the working-day is over 
 ^ in which ^o secure drink at all. In Sweden bars are open 
 
 on Sundays at mealtimes only, and sale restricted to 
 guests eating. On weekdays the hours prescribed are 
 9 a.m. to 10 p.m. in towns and villages, and till 8 p.m. in 
 the country. As regards the morning hour, the governors 
 have authority — and usually exercise it in the case of larger 
 cities — to graniiexceptions to this rule, so as to permit the 
 i[ opening of the restaurant-bars at an earlier hour. This, 
 
 !J \ however, is not meant to afford extra opportunity for 
 
 l' \ drinking, but to respond to the needs of unmarried male 
 
 l| j workers, who from time iumiemorial, in Swedish cities, 
 
 j have been accustomed to take their meals in public-houses. 
 
 This practice furnishes the explanation of the Swedish law 
 j prescribing that cooked food shall l)e kept on hand in every 
 
 (d) Provision bar-trade place.* In Norway, national customs being 
 ® different, quite another policy as regards food has been 
 
 adopted. No loitering whatever is permitted in public- 
 houses ; indeed, in the majority of them no seats may be 
 found. As soon as a man has taken his drink, he must 
 leave the premises. In both countries the sale of brandy 
 to intoxicated persons, or in such quantities that intoxica- 
 tion is likely to ensue, is illegal, while debts contracted for 
 (e) Ready- liquor are not recoverable. Business is carried on strictly 
 ^ men^^" ^^^ ^'^^ at all places of sale belonging to the companies. 
 Advantages of Early-closing is fraught with important and beneficent 
 
 Early-Closing, consequences. The public-house is the one social institution 
 with which a vast majority of our city populations is 
 intimately acquainted. To its hospitable counter the 
 working-man repairs on pay-day to treat his foreman and 
 
 * There are scarcely any bars in Sweden such as one sees in England 
 and the United States. Bather should we call them " saloon-restaurants." 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 11 
 
 his comrades. Before leaving, a fourth-part of his weekly 
 wages lias disappeared. Enough ^*s saved to jxiy the rent, 
 the family must get along somehow with the rest. An 
 evening's conviviality has to offset restricted nourishment, 
 reduced vitality, loss of social opportunities to the children, 
 and an ever-widening domestic breach. The Norwegian 
 practice of opening pubiiohouses at eight in the morni 'g 
 on weekdays, and closing them at half-past seven — except 
 Saturdays, when they are shut up at five — is entirely com- 
 mendable. The temptation to carouse is almost obliterated, 
 for time and opportunity are lacking. But it is manifestly 
 impossible to insist on such early-closing where ordinary 
 licensing prevails. When financial gain plays no part, it 
 matters not how short is the period of sale ; but certainly 
 it is not just to charge the publican a good round sum for 
 his privilege, and then forbid him to ply his tnide when he 
 has the best opportunities for making money. 
 
 The Scandinavian method offers other important ad- 
 vantages for the reformation of what one may call the 
 "public-house habit" of working-people. Drinking is not the 
 only — nor, indeed, the principal — motive. The craving for 
 recreation, amusement, and human intercourse brings them 
 to the public-house. The Gothenburg company rendered 
 an important service when it candidly recognised the need 
 of popular social centres. A part of its profits are annually 
 spent in the maintenance of five reading, writing, and club- 
 rooms. Light refreshments are served, but ministry to the 
 gregarious instincts is the raison d'etre. The attendance 
 record of 217,207 visits in 1892 is a fair measure of 
 appreciation. 
 
 Not satisfied with this, the company has established an 
 intermediate agency for inducing working-men to break 
 
 WMch in In- 
 
 compatible 
 
 with Ordinary 
 
 Licensing. 
 
 Provision 
 by the 
 Company of 
 
 Reading- and 
 Club-Booms, 
 
 And 
 Restaurants. 
 
!'r 
 
 12 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 away from public-houses. It has opened four restaurants, 
 where bountiful portions of food are provided at cost price. 
 Cooking is maiKle an art, and the service all that can be 
 wished. Only a single glass of liquor is allowed (on paying 
 for it, of course) at meals ; but so superior have become the 
 attractions of good food, that not more than one-third of the 
 customers now think of demanding it. About £200 annual 
 loss results from running the eating-houses, but the policy 
 it indicates furnishes the strongest possible evidence that 
 the company has not forgotten its philanthropic aims. 
 Wine and As regards wine and beer, it is only necessary to say 
 
 that few restrictions are enjoined upon their sale. Licences 
 are granted for the bar-tnide upon payment of an exceed- 
 ingly small sum. It has been calculated that, for most 
 Norwegian towns, the profits derived from the sale of four 
 lx)ttles daily would amply indemnify the holder for the 
 Licences and cost of his licence. Any merchaut may dispose of beer in 
 |[X)ttles. Those who possess brandy licences have ipso facto 
 the right to dispense fermentei^l beverages. There is no 
 excise tax on either beer or malt. One cannot wonder, 
 therefore, that with the spirit trade so heavily handicapped, 
 and so large a measure of freedom accorded tjO fermented 
 
 Consumption, l^everages, the consumption of the latter should have 
 greatly increased ; still, the ratio of advance is much smaller 
 than in many other countries — the United States, for 
 example. 
 
 Capital Stock To persons unacquainted with the liquor trade it 
 
 ^ ' appears remarkable that the capita) stock of these brandy 
 monopolising companies should be so small. Were the 
 facts better known, surprise would not be felt, even though 
 tlie annual balance should frequently represent several 
 times the amount of the capital actually invested. This is 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 13 
 
 a general condition which happens to be particularly well 
 illustrated in the case of Norway and Sweden, as the follow- 
 ing statement will show : — 
 
 Locality. 
 
 Capital Stock. 
 
 Gross Ueceiptfl. 
 
 Net Prolits. 
 
 Christiania 
 
 Bergen .... 
 
 Gothenburg 
 
 Stockholm 
 
 Norway (as a whole) 
 
 £ 
 
 8,805 
 4,402 
 5,641 
 8,871 
 32,842 
 
 £ 1 £ 
 
 69,247 14,801 
 
 39,656 8,767 
 
 53,706 i 22,452 
 
 128,739 82,699 
 
 172,167 76,198 
 
 The figures in the column headed " net profits " in the 
 above table exclude the excise paid annually to the munici- 
 pality for the licence monopoly. In the present instance, 
 one might with perfect projjriety include these sums. If 
 one does so, taking Norway as an example, the credit 
 bahmce would be swelled ])y £21,191, or to the total of 
 .£97,389 instead of £76,198. 
 
 Reference to the table also shows that the ratio between 
 .sales and profits is by no means the same in the four 
 Scandinavian cities. The net surplus is alxjut 64 per cent. And Net Sur- 
 of the receipts in Stockholm, and 42 per cent, in Gothen- P ^ ^<* 8. 
 burg, while it represents 21 per cent, in Christiania and 22 
 per cent, in Bergen. There are several reasons for this, 
 but the jjrincipal one is that the consumption per head of 
 population is greater — indeed more than double — in the 
 Swedish than in the Norwegian towns. As between 
 Stockholm and Gothenl)urg a re-adjustment of accounts 
 this particular year explains the disparity. The ditierent 
 methods of sub-licensing also exert an influence. In 
 Norway the companies preserve the monopoly of sale of 
 higher-grade spirits, cordials, etc., whereas in Sweden 
 
14 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 this trade is largely conceded to regular wine merchants, 
 restaurant- and hotel-keepers. Interest-charges on large 
 stocks, shrinkage, and breakage, absorb considerable sums. 
 Neither has the Norwegian hotel-keeper a motive to push 
 
 1 1 the sale of spirits, since all pecuniary advantages belong to 
 
 ! I the companies. 
 
 j I CompensaMon When Stockholm, profiting by the example of Gothen- 
 
 1 1 In Stockho'lm. ... © ^ r 
 
 I ; burg in giving a company the control of the liquor traffic, 
 
 1 1 proposed to buy out and pension off all the publicans and 
 
 j retail dealers in spirits, in order to secure a complete 
 
 i monopoly of the business, the project met with opposition 
 
 i on the ground that to undertake such a financial risk would 
 
 ! not only be absurd, but would bankrupt all who were 
 
 I hardy enough to invest their funds in the enterprise. The 
 
 I city persevered, however, and, after one or two unsuccessful 
 
 j attempts, finally succeeded in arranging with every holder 
 
 of a licence for the surrender of his privilege in return for 
 a life-pension, varying, of course, in proportion to the value 
 of his business. It was found at the expiration of the 
 first year's operation that, after setting aside a fair sum for 
 reserve and paying a dividend of 6 per cent, to shareholders, 
 besides, of course, meeting all necessary expenses, a sufficient 
 sum remained in the treasury to liquidate the pensions of 
 all the ex-publicans of Stockholm for two-and-a-half years to 
 come. These facts may well be considered in connection 
 with the compensation question in England. 
 By-lawts of The by laws of the various companies are, as has already 
 
 Companies, jj^^gj^ noted, subject to the approval of the magistracy, the 
 munici|)al council, and the governor. Their contents deal 
 mainly with the amount of capital ^tyJk. and method of 
 payment for shares, the qualifications and duties of share- 
 • holders and directors, the obligations of employees, and rules 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 15 
 
 of internal administration. In Sweden, surviving share- 
 holders are usually given an option on the purchase of shares 
 offered for sale. The design is to secure a perpetuation of 
 management along good lines. 
 
 The contracts made with such employees of the com- Employees 
 panics as managers of bars, retail shops, and eating-houses, 
 show how much the public interest is considered. It is 
 specifically stipulated that all sidles shall be on corpora- 
 tion account, the employees deriving absolutely no benefit 
 therefrom. The original practice was different, and the 
 present one was inaugurated as the result of experience. 
 At Gothenburg, a certain kind of maudlin sympathy 
 dictated the employment of ex-bar-tenders and publicans as 
 servants of the company. Their salaries were provided for, 
 in part, by a certain percentage on sales. The experiment 
 resulted in abject failure, as might have been foreseen. 
 The keystone of the new regime is discouragement of drink- 
 ing ; and it should have been recognised as absurd to expect 
 men of this class to ignore both the influences of habit and 
 the stimulus of self-interest. Here is the groundwork of 
 the charge first formulated against the Gothenburg com- 
 pany — of disregarding the public interest, and of permitting 
 pretended philanthropy to degenerate into positive aggran- 
 disement. No company since, so far as I am aware, has 
 ever attempted to pay its employees in any other fashion 
 than a stipulated salary. The compensation is liberal in paidby 
 comparison with prevailing business stipends, and the "^^'^^j 
 companies have no difficulty in securing efficient help. 
 
 In Sweden, where managers are compelled to keep well- withBonuson 
 cooked food, non-spirituous beverages, and cigars always on foo'*. Cigars, 
 hand, the profits from these sales form an important per- 
 quisite. They employ their own assistants, subject to the 
 
16 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Under 
 Stringent 
 Regulations, 
 
 AndCivU 
 Service Rules 
 
 as to 
 Promotion. 
 
 i I 
 
 Inspectors. 
 
 1 1 
 
 approval of the company. The latter allows fixed indem- 
 nities — two-thirds of which are paid to the servant in cash, 
 while board and lodging stand for the other third. 
 Managers must follow the fixed tarifi' of prices, and serve 
 liquors in glasses belonging to the company. They are 
 held personally responsible for the observance of all 
 regulations, and are forbidden to sell to minors under 
 eighteen years of age (three years beyond the legal limit) 
 and to intoxicated persons. They are not allowed to 
 follow any other occupation whatever during their period 
 of service. Honesty, fidelity and eflSciency are the con- 
 ditions of continued employment, as their supposed posses- 
 sion furnished the sole motive for original appointment. 
 
 A perfect method of control and account prevents 
 either the giving away or fraudulent disposal of liquors by 
 managers or any of the company's assistants. Civil Service 
 rules are applied in promotions, the chief requirement being 
 length of service, combined with good conduct. In cases 
 where several individuals present equal merits on this point, 
 the preference would l)e given to the employee whose 
 record of sales was the lowest. 
 
 Besides the managers, each company has inspectors, who 
 go around and see that the quality of the liquor offered for 
 sale is good, examine the control books, and see that rules 
 and regulations are l>eing properly observed. 
 
 In addition to their salary managers are allowed the 
 profits resulting from the sale of mineral waters, beer, and 
 cigars, wliich sale they conduct on their own account. But 
 in Norway, and since October Ist, 1893, in Gothenburg 
 itself, recent regulations do not permit employees to 
 receive profits from the sale of beer. Practically, the only 
 other difference between the contracts made with company 
 
 I 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 17 
 
 officials in Sweden and Norway is, that in the latter country 
 the obligation to provide cooked food is not incurred. The 
 motive is quite clear. The habit of the Norwegian work- 
 ing-man is not to take his meals in drinking-places, whereas 
 in Sweden the contrary custom prevails. 
 
 An habitual drunkard, in Norway, finds it increasingly Treatment of 
 difficult to debauch himself. Many companies furnish Drunkards, 
 their bar-tenders with the names of persons who are sure to 
 " get on a spree " every time they commence to drink. 
 People so blacklisted are generally refused. The law fully 
 justifies the conduct of the company in requiring that 
 liquor shall not be sold to persons already intoxicated, or in 
 such quantities that intoxication is likely to ensue. The 
 smallest glass fires the appetite of the habitual drunkard 
 into perfect uncontrollability. 
 
 No loitering is allowed in Norwegian bars. A customer, 
 after drinking, must leave the premises forthwith. 
 
 Up to the present reference has only been made to the Management 
 places of bar and retail sale conducted by the company on ciubs*^ 
 its own account. Hotels, restaurants, and clubs have not 
 been considered. In this matter a radical difference prevails 
 in the practices of the two Scandinavian kingdoms, and, 
 therefore, an explanation of each must be given separately. 
 
 In Norway the custom is to make the proprietor or In Norway by 
 lessee of the hotel, restaurant, or club, for the time being, companies 
 an employee of the company. He is conceded the privilege 
 of selling spirituous liquors, both native and imported, but 
 he may not derive any personal benefit from their sale. As 
 the agent of the company he is paid a salary, but all profits 
 go into the corporation treasury. He likewise puts himself 
 under a heavy bond for the faithful performance of his ■ ' " ♦ 
 obligations. This is the general practice. In certain towns, 
 C 
 

 18 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 notably in Bergen, no privileges of the kind referred to are 
 conceded, and the only way in which a guest in a hotel can 
 obtain a drink is to buy a bottle at a time, just as if he had 
 gone to one of the retail stores of the company. 
 
 In Sweden by The Swedish practice is to grant sub-licences to owners 
 
 or lessees of hotels, restaurants, and bond fide clubs, whose 
 character has been approved by the licensing authorities, 
 for the sale of imported and high-grade liquors and, some- 
 times, also " arrac " punch. The companies reserve to 
 themselves, however, the traffic in all spirits or potions 
 compounded therefrom which contain, at 15° Centigrade, 
 more than 23 to 25 per cent, of alcohol. This is uniformly 
 reserved as the monopoly of the company. Neither do the 
 companies, in sub-licensing, transfer the sole right of selling 
 the weaker alcoholic beverages. They do a little of this 
 class of business themselves. The compensation required 
 of holders of sub-licenses is simply the regularly assessed 
 excise tax upon probable consumption. It is estimated in 
 different fashions. In Stockholm it is liberally guessed at, 
 but in Gothenburg sales' books have been called for in v 
 
 order that a correct assessment may be made. 
 
 Gambling and The company monopoly presents at this point certain ^ 
 thus Sup- advantages, which we should do well to consider. By this 
 pressed method of sub-licensing it is possible to suppress gambling 
 and immorality, which so frequently flourish in connection 
 with public-houses. The contracts are made annually with 
 the sub-licensees, and, as we have already seen, the friendly 
 relations between the companies and the public authorities 
 make it easier to interpose special stipulations to prevent 
 
 By Companies, any ulterior abuse. As a fact, the companies uniformly do 
 
 Police ^^^'^ whenever requested by the police. They sometimes go 
 
 so far as to withhold the privilege from an individual who 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. V.) 
 
 has wilfully or obstinately transgressed the bounds of pro- 
 priety in the past. 
 
 An interesting case came under my own observation 
 while in Stockholm. The lessee of a large amusement cafe 
 had, in contravention of his contract with the company and ' 
 
 in opposition to the expressed wishes of the police depart- 
 ment, conducted the sale of liquor in certain quarters of his 
 premises devoted to amusements. Paying no heed to 
 official remonstrances, he was brought to his senses at the 
 end of the year by the company refusing him a sub-licence 
 unless he conformed in every respect to the requirements of 
 the police department. His justification for the trans- 
 gression was that the sum he was compelled to pay was 
 already so high that he could not recoup himself unless he 
 offered some special attractions with the sale of drinks. In 
 the new contract he was obliged to accept all the conditions 
 imposed, and, as a kind of semi-official penalty, the large 
 amount he was compelled previously to pay was again 
 required. 
 
 It should be remarked that the semi-public relations of 
 these brandy companies are such that it is impossible for 
 them to allow any gambling or immoral features in connec- 
 tion with the sale of drink in their own saloons or other 
 places. If they did, considering their avowedly high aim, 
 public sentiment would be so aroused against them that the AndanEffec 
 monopoly would be very speedily done away with and their opinion, 
 existence ended. As regards other places, the method of 
 sub-licensing under such han^ and fast conditions effectually 
 brings the third party under the control of the police 
 authorities and systematically checks abuses. To say 
 positively, without fear of controversion in the smallest 
 detail, that gambling and sexual immorality have been 
 C 2 
 
aO POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Profits : 
 (a) Distribu- 
 tion in 
 Norway 
 
 entirely disassociated from the public-house, under the 
 Scandinavian system, is to sound no uncertain note of 
 praise. 
 
 There exists a sharp distinction between the methods of 
 distributing the profits of brandy companies in Norway and 
 Sweden. In the former, appropriations are determined by 
 a committee, in which the shareholders and the public are 
 usually equally represented. Shareholders elect their sub- 
 stitutes, while the municipal council selects the public 
 representatives. The surplus remaining after making pro- 
 vision for all expenses and a 5 per cent, dividend, and after 
 a reserve equal in amount to the capital stock has been 
 once created, is awarded to objects of public utility which 
 the municipality is not by law already obliged to support. 
 An analysis of the profits distributed during the decade 
 from 1880 to 1890 shows that the average annual amount 
 was equal to £66,037. Nineteen per cent, of this was 
 given to vajripus educational objects, 7 per cent, was 
 awarded to public institutions, 6| per cent, went for the 
 creation or improvement of parks and highways, and l^^ 
 per cent, was bestowed in the form of subsidies upon various 
 teetotal organisations for the purpose of aiding them in 
 their propaganda. 
 
 The Norwegian method is salutary from a triple point of 
 view. No part of the surplus can be applied to lessen the 
 tax-rate. The fact that in Sweden the local municipal 
 treasury is the chief recipient has been understood by 
 uninformed or hostile persons to indicate that public 
 cupidity had simply taken the place of private gain in the 
 conduct of the liquor traffic. The charge is quite unfounded, 
 unless with the rarest possible exceptions. Secondly, the 
 sense of local civic responsibility is maintained. Thirdly, 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 21 
 
 the philanthropic €;nergies of a community are stimulated - •• ► 
 
 and extended. 
 
 In Sweden a tripartite system of distribution prevails. And In 
 
 The municipality, as a rule, receives seven-tenths. Two- ' 
 
 tenths belong to the general government, and one-tenth is 
 
 accredited to the agricultural society of the ncighlx)urhood. 
 
 Accounts are audited by persons representing each of these 
 
 three parties, and, consequently, there is no loophole for 
 
 fraud. Stockholm receives eight-tenths, and smaller towns 
 
 get only five-tenths ; the country communities in the latter 
 
 case profiting from the relatively smaller share granted to 
 
 the urban. 
 
 Considerations of equity dictate that a portion of the The Countr: 
 
 Districts re 
 profits shall go to the country. Since the company-plan ceivinga 
 
 was inaugurated, licences have practically disappeared in Share ; 
 rural districts, involving necessarily the loss of excise. 
 Drinking, however, has not wholly ceased ; for peasants 
 coming to town very frequently provide themselves with 
 liquor, and, unfortunately, often take advantage of the 
 rare opportunity to absorb too much. The country com- 
 munities, therefore, claim that, having lost in two ways by 
 the company system, they are entitled to receive a portion 
 of the profits. Their plea has been admitted. In Sweden 
 farming is the staple occupation and the great source of 
 prosperity. Agricultural societies have for their object the 
 spread of scientific knowledge in relation to cultivation, the 
 inti (duction of better breeds of stock, kinds of cereals, etc. 
 Hence the subsidy. 
 
 The average annual profits of all Swedish brandy com- (h) Amount 
 panies during the decade from 1880 to 1890 was £323,061. 
 
 The question of profits of brandy companies under the 
 Scandinavian system has received a great deal of attention. 
 

 22 
 
 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 (c) Offence to Many temperance people believe that they have here found 
 " Temperance c/ x x x ^ . 
 
 a vulnerable point. Others take the high ground that 
 
 People," 
 
 But without 
 Cause : 
 
 public sanction, which, according to the Swedish practice, 
 is in a measure involved, is iniquitous ; and that financial 
 resources coming from the sale of drink should be considered 
 a kind of " blood-money." Furthermore, they believe that 
 distributing profits in this fashion entails a certain relief 
 from taxation, and, consequently, the system becomes 
 fastened more surely and jjcrmanently upon the body politic. 
 It is extremely bad morality, they say, for taxpayers to 
 receive benefit in any way from the consumption of drink. 
 Such arguments arc by no means unreasonable, but in the 
 present instance they do not represent facts. The annual 
 profit-balance is so light in comparison with the total 
 national tax, that the relief accorded the contributor is not 
 much greater than the lowering of the water-line of a large 
 reservoir whence a few buckets have been bailed. A 
 careful investigation upon this point leads me to believe 
 that, far from the tax-bills in any given locality having been 
 reduced as the result of this system of distribution, the 
 community has benefited by increased expenditures upon 
 objects of public utility, which otherwise might not have 
 been possible. T do not think it can be successfully 
 demonstrated that the tax-payers have been relieved owing 
 to the income from the brandy companies. That the com- 
 panies themselves have no motives to create profits, is incon- 
 testable. Shareholders can receive no pecuniary advantage 
 beyond that which a 5 per cent, or 6 per cent, dividend 
 upon the amount paid up on their shares confers. Owing 
 to the lucrative character of the business, the sum necessary 
 to pay this is easy enough to gain. The most that can be 
 said is that the municipal purse has been made more open, 
 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 23 
 
 and public contributions more generous, because of the pro- 
 ceeds received from the sale of liquor. 
 
 Norway, theoretically, has a better system for the (d) Theoreti- 
 distribution of liquor companies' profits than Sweden, but orlty of 
 investigation leads me to believe that ultimately the surplus ^SJISSd 
 reaches practically the same destination. It is true that 
 Norwegian law forbids any subsidy to an object or in- 
 stitution which the municipality is legally compelled to 
 support, but this does not at all prevent the creation of 
 objects and institutions similar in character and purpose, 
 and conducted often on more wholesome lines. Thus, tlie 
 large proportion of the surplus which has been donatetl 
 for educational purposes and for the extension of parks 
 and highways, might, with equal propriety, have come from 
 municipal treasuries. 
 
 A distinctive effect of the Norwegian system is that 
 local competition for financial favours from the company is 
 created, while the distribution committee represents only 
 in part the public interest. It has been this scramble for 
 recognition, so to speak, which accounts for the wide 
 distribution of the shares of Norwegian companies. Pos- 
 session of a share confers the right to vote for a repre- 
 sentative on the committee of management, whose duty 
 it is to apportion subsidies. It can be truthfully said 
 that no great abuse has so far arisen in Norway, not- Though Lla- 
 withstanding that there is an opportunity for it ; but one cimnot be 
 conspicuous instance fairness compels me to mention. In a ^^^1^1. 
 small town of western Norway, it has been the practice 
 for many years to close all saloons and liquor shops for 
 three weeks on the return of the fishermen from the sale 
 of their annual catch. With pockets gilded and little 
 to do, it was very natural that they should feel convivially 
 
34 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 disposed. Tlie company simply took upon itself the 
 paternal responsibility of removing the temptation, and no 
 great outcry resulted, because the inclination to celebrate 
 was gradually replaced by a spirit of thankfulness for the 
 real service rendered. There li\ed in this community, 
 however, a philanthropic doctor, who desired greatly to 
 build a hospital where the sick and injured of the neigh- 
 lK)urhood might receive proper treatment. He had applied 
 at different times for aid from the brandy company, but 
 obligations already incurred rendered a generous appro- 
 priation out of the question. Finally, to solve the dilemma, 
 it was suggested that the saloons be opened during this 
 period of three weeks when they had previously been 
 closed. This was done, and three years furnished the 
 resources necessary to complete the scheme. In this case 
 the motives of the doctor were good ; but his apprehension 
 of principle was so imperfect, and the effects of the means 
 adopted so bad from a moral point of view, that we may 
 say the system furnished him the opportunity to sin 
 socially. But have not wretched systems of error been 
 founded upon one-sided interpretations of Biblical law, and 
 is the Bible resposible for them 1 
 (e) No real in- Another purely theoretical objection is that, under the 
 
 Civic Greed Swedish method, public cupidity simply takes the place of 
 private. The fear is entertained that, once aroused, civic 
 greed may go farther, and show itself more difficult to 
 restrain. The answer to this is evident enough. A com- 
 munity which sought to thrive on the misfortune of its 
 members could not very long exist. The poor-rate and 
 expenses for criminal and reformatory establishments would 
 not be long in absorbing far more than the profits derived 
 from the liquor trade, no matter how much the consumption 
 
LEGAL BASIS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 25 
 
 of drink was encouraged. Thus, a practical limit exists to 
 tlie extension of public cupidity. The community if it 
 goes wrong has to bear its own burdens ; the private 
 trader pockets the gains and leaves the evil consequences 
 to the community. 
 
 From the ethical point of view, it can make no dif- And not 
 ference whether the beverage which debauches is served 
 by a quasi-public corporation or an individual. But it 
 matters considerably in the economic sense. In the one 
 case, society bears the burden exclusively ; in the other, it 
 is partially recouped. The Scandinavian plan was never 
 designed to prohibit the consumption of liquor, or to 
 eradicate all the evils to which immoderate drinking gives 
 rise. It was intended to check the vice of drunkenness 
 by lessening temptation and by reducing consumption to 
 normal requirements. The public-house is put under such 
 heavy bonds, so to speak, that it is more and more re- 
 garded as a reformatory institution, and shunned by self- 
 respecting people. The liberty to drink, if one wants to, 
 and has the necessary means to purchase liquor, is fully 
 conceded, but abuse of this right is carefully and eflfectr.ally 
 restrained. In short, the methods employed are educa- 
 tional rather than repressive. The end sought is the 
 reformation of popular habits, and it is reached by a series 
 of evolutionary stages, each one of which finds its sanction 
 in advancing public sentiment. 
 
 Probably no system for distributing the profits of the Method of dlS' 
 liquor trade could be devised which would be entirely free Finland 
 from theoretical objections or practical difficulties. Neither 
 of the plans adopted in Sweden and Norway measures up 
 to an ideal standard. Finland has tried a compromise, 
 which is worthy of mention. The surplus is given, one-half 
 
26 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 to the town in which the brandy company is located, one- 
 fourth to the country communities of the province in pro- 
 portion to population, one-eighth to the local agricultural 
 societies, and one-eighth to the company itself. The ap- 
 portionment to urban and rural districts, three-fourths of 
 the entire sum, must be distributed amongst local objects 
 of public utility, those aiming at the promotion of tem- 
 perance public health and education, and the care of the 
 poor having the first claim. The part given to agricultural 
 societies is spent to further the obvious ends of these 
 organisations. The one-eighth left to the brandy company 
 is expended in the promotion of public welfare, but it may 
 not be given to any object or institution maintained either 
 ^^M^^itfl'^ wholly or in part by municipal taxation. The merits of 
 the Finnish practice are apparent. Liquor-money may no 
 longer be used to relieve local taxation, and the objects 
 for which the major part of it is expended are specified 
 by statute. 
 
 It is undeniable that a wise disposition of revenues 
 derived from the trade in spirits presents many perplexing 
 difficulties. I have elsewhere * referred to some of them in 
 discussing the adaptation of the Scandinavian system to 
 American needs. Standards of civic morality are lower in 
 the United States — and I believe in England, too — than in 
 the Scandinavian peninsula. Such safeguards must be 
 devised that leakage of any kind will be impossible. Dis- 
 position of at least the major portion of profits by legal 
 enactment seems highly desirable, while the strictest form 
 of public audit is a necessity. 
 
 •"Atlantic Monthly," October, 1893, and "The Forum," March, 
 1894. 
 
27 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 
 
 There is but one satisfactory test of the efficacy of any The Crucial 
 method of controlling the liquor traffic, and that is the nignea Con- 
 consumption of drink per head. Even such statistics do sumption, 
 not afford an entirely accurate judgment. For instance, 
 they cannot show the abuse of liquor, since one is unable 
 to measure the particular part which has produced intoxi- 
 cation. Every customer is by no means an inebriate. 
 Indeed, in some countries — such as Denmark, where the 
 annual quantity of spirits drunk per inliabitant is larger 
 than almost anywhere else — the people have a well-deserved 
 reputation for sobriety. There the practice is to drink 
 chiefly at mealtime. Neither can we consider consump- 
 tion of spirits apart from economic conditions. A rise or 
 fall in general prosperity is always a jcompanied by changes 
 in drinking habits. Particularly when the working classes 
 receive high or low wages will marked fluctuations be 
 observed. It is well known that the British Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer has recourse to the " spirit barometer " 
 in his budge tory estimates of national prosperity. 
 
 Before seeking to draw inferences from the statistics of DataofCalcu- 
 consumption of spirits in Sweden and Norway one must 
 understand on what basis they are prepared. Since the 
 Government regulates the manufacture, the total quantity 
 distilled each year is well known. The difference, too, 
 between exports and imports is easily established : but 
 in calculating the consumption for any particular year 
 
 latlons. 
 
28 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Sweden, 
 1856-1890. 
 
 alk>v^ance has to be made for a considerable quantity 
 stored away for some future time — a quantity which ought 
 to be credited to the 'ear when it is drunk. Furthermore, 
 it is not known just how much alcohol is consumed in the 
 industrial arts. The thing which is known absolutely is 
 the quantity sold by the companies. 
 
 The average annual consumption of spirituous liquors 
 in Sweden by five-year periods, beginning with 1856, has 
 been as follows : — 
 
 Quarts per 
 Inhabitant. 
 
 10-03 
 
 11-31 
 
 1874-1892. 
 
 1856-60 
 18G1-65 
 1866-70 
 1871-75 
 
 940 
 12-47 
 
 1876-80 
 1881-85 
 1886-90 
 
 Quarts'per 
 
 Inhabitant. 
 
 10-67 
 
 8-66 
 
 7-42 
 
 Part of the period from 1871-75 falls in the golden age 
 of wage-earners ; work was then abundant and remunera- 
 tion higher than it has ever been before or since. There 
 is nothing incongruous, therefore, considering what has 
 already been said on the influence of economic conditions, 
 in the sharp advance in alcoholic consumption during these 
 years. After 1876 or 1878 the company system took firm root 
 in the eastern Scandinavian kingdom, and since then there 
 has been a notable diminution in the quantities consumed. 
 
 The influence of the company plan on the consumption 
 of spirits is better shown in the table given below : — 
 
 
 Quarts per 
 
 
 Quarts per 
 
 
 Inhabitant. 
 
 
 Inliabitant. 
 
 1874 . 
 
 14-2 
 
 1884 . 
 
 8-5 
 
 1875 ,, 
 
 12-9 
 
 1885 . 
 
 80 
 
 1876 . 
 
 13-1 
 
 1886 . 
 
 8-2 
 
 1877 . 
 
 11-2 
 
 1887 . 
 
 7-3 
 
 1878 . 
 
 11-0 
 
 1888 . 
 
 7-0 
 
 1879 . 
 
 9-2 
 
 1889 . 
 
 6-5 
 
 1880 . 
 
 8-5 
 
 1890 . 
 
 7-3 
 
 1881 . 
 
 9-4 
 
 1891 . 
 
 . 6-7 
 
 1882 . 
 
 8-4 
 
 1892 . 
 
 , 0-8 
 
 1883 . 
 
 71 
 
 
 
BESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 29 
 
 In 1874 the first company, the Gothenburg, received a 
 monopoly of retail- as well as bar-trade. Beginning with 
 that year and closing with 1892, the latest date for which 
 statistics are available, we see that the consumption per 50 per cent, 
 head declined more than one-half. 
 
 Is not this a marvellous showing ? If not, it is at least 
 an exhibition which no country in the world with a difterent 
 method of control can present. The question of absolute 
 quantity of spirits drunk per individual is not relevant. 
 It is improvement in drinking habits which must be 
 considered. In 1874, with but one leading company in 
 possession of a monopoly of retail- and bar-trade within its 
 circumscription (except five privileged licences which have 
 not yet been given), Sweden occupied the second place as 
 regards consumption of spirits per head amongst the 
 twelve most civilised countries of the world. To-day her 
 place is about half-way down the list. That this result has 
 been reached against the formidable hindrances of national 
 customs and of climate brings powerful testimony in favour ^ 
 of the system. Credit cannot be given to Governmental 
 control of manufacture, because private distilling was 
 abolished nearly twenty years earlier — i.e., in 1855. Let it 
 be remembe.'ed, too, that only 60 per cent, of the entire 
 sales of spirits in Sweden (companies have no monopoly of 
 wholesale trade) is controlled by the companies. 
 
 Norway makes still better showing. National drinking Norway, 
 customs were not so fixed as in Sweden, but the influences 
 of climate are the same. The low limit of monopoly, ex- 
 tending only to 10| gallons at one purchase, has been a 
 very serious handicap. Nevertheless, from 1876, when the 
 companies began really to take root, to 1892, when they 
 sold slightly more than half of all the spirits dispensed. 
 
80 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 1876-1892. 
 
 consumption per head diminished from 7 to 3^ quarts, or, 
 as if emulating the record of the sister kingdom, more than 
 one-half. The following table gives the average consump- 
 tion per individual, and the percentage of companies' sales 
 each year. 
 
 
 Total con- 
 
 Per cent, of sales 
 
 
 Total con- 
 
 Per cent, of sales 
 
 Yeai's. 
 
 sumption per 
 
 by Companies of 
 
 Years. 
 
 sumption per 
 
 by Companies of 
 
 
 Inhabitant. 
 
 total sales. 
 
 I 
 
 Inhabitant. 
 
 total sales. 
 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 
 1876 
 
 7-0 
 
 8-3 
 
 ; 1885 
 
 3-7 
 
 31-9 
 
 1877 
 
 6-3 
 
 14-8 
 
 ! 1886 
 
 3-2 
 
 41-3 
 
 1878 
 
 4-7 
 
 22-3 
 
 ; 1887 
 
 3-0 
 
 43-4 
 
 1879 
 
 3-4 
 
 24-0 i 
 
 1888 
 
 3-2 
 
 401 
 
 1880 
 
 4-1 
 
 21-1 1 
 
 1889 
 
 3-4 
 
 41-8 
 
 1881 
 
 3-2 
 
 30-1 
 
 1890 
 
 3-3 
 
 49 1 
 
 1882 
 
 4-0 
 
 25-3 
 
 1891 
 
 3-8 
 
 42-9 
 
 1883 
 
 3-5 
 
 34-1 
 
 1892 
 
 3-3 
 
 51-3 
 
 1884 
 
 3-7 
 
 34-2 
 
 
 
 
 Evidence of 
 
 Concomitant 
 
 Variation, 
 
 i.e. tbe Larger 
 
 the Sale by the 
 
 Companies, 
 
 the Smaller 
 
 the Consnmp- 
 
 tion per 
 Inhabitant. 
 
 Concurrently with the growth of the company system 
 there has been a notable diminution in the consumption of 
 spirits per head. When the companies made one-twelfth 
 of all the sales, the average individual drank seven quarts, 
 reckoned at 50 per cent, of alcohol, per annum. When 
 they did one-half of the business the same individual con- 
 sumed but 3J quarts. Is there not here, again, strong 
 ground for asserting that the Norwegian method of control 
 has caused a notable decline in consumption 1 
 
 The decrease has not been steady from year to year. 
 Variations have taken place notably between 1879 and 
 1880, between 1881 and 1882, and again in more recent 
 years. Almost uniformly a rise in consumption per head 
 has been accompanied by a relative decrease of business 
 done during that year by the companies. Whatever was 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 31 
 
 the cause, the advance, therefore, could not have been due 
 to any laxity on their part or to any greater drinking by 
 their patrons. Let us note that in 1880 the companies sold 
 but 21*1 per cent, of the total quantity, whereas in 1870 
 they dispensed 24-5 per cent. In the meantime consump- 
 tion advanced from 3*4 to 4*1 quarts per inhabitant. 
 Again, in 1881 they monoix)lised 30*1 per cent, of the total 
 trade. The consumption per head was then 3*2 quarts; 
 but in 1882, when the business declined to 25-3 per cent., 
 consumption rose to 4 quarts. In 1887, when consumption 
 per head was the lowest, the companies' proportion of 
 total sales reached almost the highest point it has yet 
 attained. With that proportion, absolutely the highest, as 
 in 1892, individual consumption is infinitesimally near low- 
 water mark. To-day spirit-drinking in relation to popu- 
 lation is less current in Norway than in almost any other 
 civilised country. 
 
 Divorcing money-making from the public-house and retail The Result of 
 spirit business — in other words, the Scandinavian company private Prollt. 
 plan — furnishes incontestably the reason why nations like 
 Sweden and Norway, even though heavily handicapped by 
 climate and hard-drinking customs, are nevertheless able to 
 show a remarkable decrease in consumption, while other 
 countries which allow private profits to be made are being 
 slowly submerged by the alcoholic tide. The following 
 diagram, taken from the report of the Massachusetts 
 Legislative Commission, will repay careful study. In Mr. 
 Koren's words, " tracing the growth of business done by 
 the companies from the early beginning, we note con- 
 currently with it a very marked diminution of con- 
 sumption."* 
 
 * See Appendix B, page 100. 
 
32 
 
 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Table show- 
 ing Consump- 
 tion of 
 Spirits in 
 Norway, 
 1876—1892 
 
 OS 
 
 oo 
 
 o 
 
 CO 
 
 o 
 
 Ph 
 < 
 
 if 
 
 o 
 
 12; 
 
 H 
 i-t 
 
 Ph 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 H 
 03 
 
 ?; 
 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 t< ^ 
 
 
 - a> X 
 
 
 5 ^^■^-e 
 
 CO^OMO— iccfoioiraooo— ifN—iooeo 
 
 '/J - i< 2 
 
 o«>TjHcoTiHcoec?owccM(Meocoeocccc 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ooooooooooooooooo 
 
 ooooooooooooooooo 
 
 'TBt 
 
 ooooooooooooooooo 
 
 
 
 "irS 
 
 0>COi:0-<p-iOOGOTJ<03-<ti05000-*0 
 
 3 
 
 "^^OOS— IC^Ol-MIMOJiOt^t— QOOOO^rM 
 
 04 
 
 Gooooooosooososososasoscsooo 
 
 P4 
 
 .-ll-ti-HrHr-(i-(i-<l-lr-ti--.-l.— rHr-lC^JC^M 
 
 « 
 
 
 tPoj .. >> 
 
 
 enta 
 sale 
 
 pan 
 
 l^»r-HMi^MTj<b^(popc005ipoOC<l7^0i?0 
 CO'fjQOOt^-^Ot^t^cbMkOC^-^Olj^.^ 
 
 l-s-i 
 
 i-Hi-tC<li-iC^I<M(M(M(MeOCCCOCOTii-«^vO 
 
 ^ o 
 
 
 
 Q0(M(M(M<X>«0-*-?*<O:0C000<M-*OiOvO 
 
 « o: 
 
 >0 >0 'O 05 'O OS Tti C^ O »0 •— ' -^ »— < -^ CO Tt< 'O 
 
 !S.2^ 
 
 «b.^OSi*-'004l<(3iOOaOOOO«3iC.^OS-^W 
 
 ^a1 
 
 kO>O-*t-H00^iO»rat— (Mira'>:l«OSt~--«*<,— ICO 
 
 0_0 ifS '"I,'-"' 00 i-H O O ^CO •-I >ft_O^U5 OS ■— • 
 
 T3 = E 
 
 oocot— ■*^osoc^'*-*e*3'«'— "Os-^ooos 
 
 "?! O >S 
 
 «oooo5oocovraif>cccO'*'co-*-»t<cc^-eo<M 
 
 jco 
 
 a0e0»0'»C0-^iC000SQ0OOO(Mi0'M-«*< 
 
 
 
 rHr-li-li-l,-lrHl-(i-Hi-H(N(M<M(M01C*5Ctl 
 
 
 t— (CCic^-*(MkOO<£)OSO«>-iO'OOSO<X)CO 
 
 1 
 
 t~--^Mc<ioeoooQOTtiec.-HC^c<3Tj*c^r-ioo 
 
 §«-< 
 
 ibcbMosaoosireibo<fi»^M(Noc»3oo 
 
 «.i iS 
 
 oc»3»oococM-^o»occoo-«*<oocoeo»-(t— 
 
 tM-s'C 
 
 »O^U;>0 0S05C^>O«0»-l00O"*0i0S0STj< 
 
 
 
 osc^ocost-^osos'^t^cot^oooseoos'^ 
 
 CCO<Nt:^QOl-.m-«*<OS-^OOCOO(MOS'<iiOO 
 
 «0rt<l^C0<£>0S'<fi0 00OOt-(M»OC0r^«0 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 C<)-<*<Q0':0t^W5I:^<«C0t^;0>O«0«CiXit^O 
 
 
 •— 1 pH 
 
 ( 
 
 ................. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 cot— OOOSOf-iC^COTt<W5«Or— 00050i-«C^ 
 
 
 i-t^t-I^OOQOOOQOOOQOQOOOOOOOOSOSOS 
 
 
 QOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOQOOO 
 
hesllis of the Scandinavian system. :v1 
 
 Are these coincidences purely accidental 1 He would be a 
 bold man who would answer atfirmatively. 
 
 Prohibitionist exponents of temperance have sometimes Reduced Con- 
 been misled into asserting that improved conditions in Sweden and 
 
 Norway and Sweden are most lar<ifely to be credited to J^^^J"^^^}^ 
 ^ * *^ due to Growth 
 
 the growth of total abstinence. The teetotallers are re- of Teetotal 
 liably estimated to number about 300,000 to 350,000 in ^o^^^^ " 
 the two countries. They constitute about 4 to 5 per cent, 
 of the total po[)ulation. If the marvellous decrease in 
 consumption is due to them, there is no denying the fact 
 that they must have been very hard drinkers })revious to 
 conversion. A supposition of this sort only serves to show 
 the absurdity of the plea, especially when coupled with tlie 
 fact that half of their number are women and children. 
 
 Total abstinence societies are growing in membership, 
 and are exercising a certain amount of influence. 1'hat 
 they are not more powerful is due to the fact that few 
 amongst the really influential members of society are 
 adherents. 
 
 If decreased consumption per head were due to the Forthereisno 
 efforts of total abstainers, the results ought to be most variation bc- 
 
 evident during later times, because it is in recent years that „^^®f ^ their 
 » ' J Numbers and 
 
 they have grown in number and power. We have, on the Amount of 
 contrary, a slight increase of liquor-drinking since 1887. sumed 
 It is so small as not to be worth noticing except to dispose 
 of the claim before us. The phenomenon is undoubtedly 
 due to improved economic conditions, as the statistics of 
 small deposits in savings banks show that the masses of the 
 people are in a better position to indulge themselves now 
 than formerly. The company system in encouraging local 
 option, in reducing temptation, in stamping drinking as a 
 dangerous practice, and in struggling valiantly to reduce 
 D 
 
3t roPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC, 
 
 wmie Con- 
 sumption of 
 Uncontrolled 
 Beer has Ix^ 
 creased. 
 
 consumption to the lowest limits, ought rather to be con- 
 sidered as a factor in the extension of total abstinence. This 
 is more just than to give an undue measure of credit for the 
 good results accomplished to the propaganda and practice 
 of a comparatively small coterie of advanced temperance 
 reformers. One might quite as consistently argue that 
 teetotal societies have accomplished nothing in the United 
 States because liquor-drinking has advanced contemporane- 
 ously with their increase in membership and activity. Let 
 us cheerfully accord to this body in Scandinavia a due meed 
 of praise, especially where, as in some notable instances, 
 they have worked harmoniously with officials of the local 
 company to reduce drinking ; but let us not credit them 
 with feats they have not accomplished, and, in the very 
 nature of things, could not accomplish. 
 
 If it is teetotalism which is chiefly reducing the con- 
 sumption of spirits, why is it that the same effect is not 
 seen in connection with beer? Drinking malt beverages in 
 Sweden and Norway has increased, notwithstanding that 
 they are relatively dearer than spirits. The historical back- 
 ground reveals a mistaken sentiment which urged beer- 
 drinking as a temperance measure. The consequence is 
 that beer, with an exception or two in Norway, is not yet 
 included in the companies' monopoly, its sale is environed 
 with no restrictions worthy of mention, and it has become 
 the responsible factor in preventing a large decrease in 
 drunkenness. 
 
 Economic conditions have not brought about decreased 
 consumption per head. They play a part in yearly 
 fluctuations, but as we have already seen, savings bank 
 returns show that people could now drink more than for- 
 merly if they would. The growth of beer-drinking, a much 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 35 
 
 more expensive habit in Scandinavia, argues towards the 
 same conclusion. 
 
 To the company system belongs the almost exclusive Thus Credit 
 credit for reduced consumption per head. Elimination of Reduced Con- 
 money-making, decrease in places of sale, and almost every *?°^qJ^°° **** 
 reasonable metliod of regulation that could be adopted, System Alone. 
 speak for themselves. Many leading firms of distillers and 
 rectifiers of spirits in Sweden " openly state that there has 
 been a constant and marked falling-ofF of consumption of 
 domestic spirits, unaccompanied by a corresponding 
 increase of importations, and attribute it exclusively to the 
 wide adoption of the company system." Foreign diplomatic 
 and consular representatives and local police and adminis- 
 trative officers testify with practical unanimity, and from a 
 neutral standpoint, to the all-prevailing influence of the 
 company plan for good. Religious sentiment, advancement 
 of education, and the development of abstinence, fill a place 
 which in another generation will be larger still. The 
 company system has cleared the forest, and prepared the 
 soil for them to take firmer root. 
 
 Most methods of controlling the liquor traffic yet Difficulty Pre* 
 devised break down when applied to large cities. Will the LaJge^cities. 
 Scandinavian plan stand this supreme tesf? Let us see. 
 Below are the statistics of sales by the Gothenburg com- 
 pany from 1874 to 1892 :— 
 
 D 2 
 
30 
 
 POP UL Alt CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC, 
 
 Company's 
 
 Sales in 
 
 Gothenburg, 
 
 18741892. 
 
 ■Mi 
 
 >^ 
 
 < 
 w 
 
 c 
 
 n 
 y. 
 
 M 
 K 
 H 
 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 O 
 H 
 
 O 
 
 a; 
 
 O 
 H 
 
 o 
 
 02 
 
 c 
 
 
 5? 
 
 .a 
 S 
 
 3 
 
 O 
 
 (A 
 CA 
 
 o 
 
 s 
 
 to 
 
 3 
 O 
 
 3 
 
 CO 
 
 (1 
 
 3 
 
 v 
 
 S 
 
 3 
 
 o S s fc.ti 
 H 3 ^^i-S 
 
 " O .G 
 
 
 
 
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 S?5 
 
 
 a 3 2 
 
 
 03 
 
 tH 3 « 
 
 > 01 
 
 to u .fa 
 
 •a*s:S>1r 
 
 CO 
 
 B 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 >-. 
 
 <v 
 
 -o 
 
 'S 
 
 c 
 
 c4 
 
 s 
 
 -(J 
 
 PQ 
 
 cS 
 
 
 pq 
 
 I 
 
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 I I I I I I I I I ! I I I I I I I I 
 TtiiOCOt— OOOiO'-HiMCO'^iOCOl:— QOOiOi— * 
 t— t— t— t— l^t— 00000000000000000000O5OS 
 OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOQOOOOOOOOOOOOOQOOO 
 
 Oi 
 
 3 
 OS 
 
 T. 
 
 ♦ 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 37 
 
 During the period, the total sales of spirits declined 
 more thtan one-half — 29 quarts per inhabitant, to 14*3. 
 There is a salutary diminution in all branches of . lie trade — 
 bar, retail, and higher-grade spirits. Drinking in public- 
 houses shows the largest relative decrease. 
 
 It has been objected that these figures do not give the Uncontrolled 
 total possible consumption of spirits in Gothenburg. That is Gothenburg, 
 true. There are five privileged licence-holders in the city, 
 and statistical returns for them are needed. Mr. Koren, 
 who was recently in Sweden in the interest of the Massachu- 
 setts Legislative Commission, has prepared a table which is 
 here incorporated with a few remarks. 
 
 " As the table given below," says he, " differs some- Mr. Koren'a 
 what from those given in other publications, it is well to 
 state how it has been made up. In order to present as 
 accurate figures of the consumption per head as possible, 
 it is necessary to add to its population that of four subur])s 
 — forming, in fact, part of the city, though formerly belong- 
 ing to the country parishes — in which no sale of spirits 
 whatever takes place. The very large floating population 
 {Gotheyihurg is the chief port of Sweden, as vjell as the base 
 of supply for large country districts) has not been con- 
 sidered. Secondly, to the quantity of liquor sold by the 
 company has been added that disposed of by the licensees 
 having * burgess' rights,' calculated according to the excise 
 paid by them ; also the quantity sold by the twenty -three 
 wine merchants, according to the licence fees exacted from 
 them by the company. But as these dealers estimate that 
 at least one-half of their goods are shipped to points outside 
 of the city, only one-half enters into our figures. From 
 this quantity, however, has been deducted the quarts of 
 higher-grade spirits sold by the company, which are always 
 
38 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC, 
 
 Of Total Sales 
 
 in Oothen- 
 
 burg, 1876- 
 
 1892. 
 
 To Both 
 Inhabitants, 
 
 And Extra- 
 Local Con- 
 sumers. 
 
 purchased from the -wine merchants. In order not to make 
 the estimate too low, the quantity of higlier-grade liquor 
 bought by the privileged licensees from the same dealers 
 has not been entered. The results thus obtained are as 
 follows " : — 
 
 CoNSUMPTIOX OF LiQUOtt IN GoTHKNBUKG, 1875-1892. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Estimated 
 popula- 
 tion of 
 Gothen- 
 burg and 
 suburbs. 
 
 64,978 
 
 66,847 
 
 69,083 
 
 71,749 
 
 73,256 
 
 75,264 
 
 78,695 
 
 80,117 
 
 85,615 
 
 89,173 
 
 93,212 
 
 97,392 
 
 100,958 
 
 104,332 
 
 108,039 
 
 112,264 
 
 115,377 
 
 117,918 
 
 Sold by 
 
 Total 
 Sales. 
 
 Consump- 
 tion 
 
 Company. 
 
 Five 
 Privileged 
 Licensees. 
 
 Wine 
 Merchants. 
 
 per In- 
 habitant. 
 
 1875 
 1876 
 
 1877 
 1878 
 1879 
 1880 
 1881 
 1882 
 1883 
 1884 
 1885 
 1886 
 1887 
 1888 
 1889 
 1890 
 1891 
 1892 
 
 Quarts. 
 1,740,110-8 
 1,844,739-1 
 1,801,056-7 
 1,721,830-6 
 1,547,276-5 
 1,461,892-5 
 1,447,927-7 
 1,358,094-2 
 1,484,126-3 
 1,553,262-6 
 1,611,915-3 
 1,655,502-1 
 1.633,007-4 
 1,670,564-8 
 1,657,070-2 
 1,714,668-3 
 1,633,688-6 
 1,523,251-2 
 
 Quarts. 
 28,209-8 
 28,209-8 
 30,422-0 
 30,422-0 
 34,570-6 
 34,570-6 
 34,570-6 
 35,953-4 
 35,953-4 
 40,102-0 
 40,1020 
 42,268-0 
 40,683-0 
 44,909-8 
 44,381-4 
 67,628-8 
 50,827-3 
 53,891-7 
 
 Quarts. 
 323,582-7 
 323,682-7 
 282,097-7 
 323,582-7 
 298,691-7 
 241,304-2 
 241,995-6 
 253,063-4 
 280,714-5 
 288,011-7 
 284,8630 
 271,035-1 
 219,793-6 
 219,793-6 
 215,038-5 
 215,038-5 
 214,510-1 
 214,510-1 
 
 Quarts. 
 2,269,490-1 
 2,380,431-6 
 2,269,1196 
 2,288,132-8 
 2,077,288-5 
 1,878,667-4 
 1,863,033-5 
 1,802,288-1 
 1,692,908-2 
 1,774,567-9 
 1,834,640-4 
 1,869,339-3 
 1,790,987-6 
 1,833,228-4 
 1,800,532-4 
 1,872,216-3 
 1,764,9150 
 1,675,874-3 
 
 Quarts. 
 34-9 
 35-6 
 32 8 
 31-8 
 28-3 
 249 
 23-6 
 22-4 
 19-7 
 19-9 
 19-6 
 19-1 
 177 
 17-5 
 16 6 
 16-6 
 1"^ 
 
 The facts in this table are even more favourable to the 
 company than the preceding one. The decrease in spirits 
 drunk in Gothenburg is considerably more than one-half 
 from 1875 to 1892. But no tabular statement can do 
 exact justice to hond-fide inhabitants. The average citizen, 
 in 1892, did not drink 14 2 quarts of spirits. This is easily 
 demonstrable inferentially, though not measurable statistic- 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 39 
 
 ally. Gothenburg is a large seaport, and a prominent 
 centre of trade and distribution. There is always a large 
 transient population, the sailor and fishermen elements of 
 which are hard drinkers. As a seaport town, provisioning 
 of steam, sail, and fishing-vessels is largely carried on ; and 
 this for our present discussion is a very important matter. 
 Dr. Sigfrid Wieselgren, than whom there is no higher 
 authority in Sweden, illustrates the position of Gothenburg 
 by another striking instance : — 
 
 ** In the province of Westmanland there are four little 
 towns, of which the two larger are Westerils, with a popula- 
 tion of a little more than 8,000, and Sala, with about 6,000 
 inhabitants. In both these towns there are ' brandy com- 
 panies,* which, during the year 1891-92, sold respectively 
 350,763 and 326,130 litres — *.e., about 43 litres per head of 
 the population in Westerns, and about 54 litres per head in 
 Sala. Now, are we to believe that there is such an 
 enormous consumption of spirits in these two towns ? By 
 no means. The great sale of these companies is very easily 
 accounted for by the fact that in the whole province there 
 is only one licence for the sale of spirits in the country. 
 The sale of spirits in the above-mentioned towns thus 
 represents the greater part of the consumption of spirits in 
 the whole province. And the consumption per head of the 
 population in the whole province is found to be 7 '24 litres. 
 
 " Now, if the method of identifying the sale of spirits in 
 a certain place with the consumption of spirits in the same 
 place is unreasonable with regard to Wester&s and Sala, it is 
 quite as unreasonable with regard to Gothenburg. Accord- 
 ing to the same calculation as in the former case, the con- 
 sumption of spirits in the province of Gothenburg was for 
 the year in question 8*50 litres per head." 
 
40 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Statistics of The statistics of sales by companies in any town are 
 
 Sales in any ... . 
 
 Town Unfair not a fair measure of individual consumption amongst 
 
 ^ Bumera^*^" citizens. Tlie more important the city is as a trade centre, 
 and the wider the area of no-licence country districts to 
 which it is tributary, the greater must be the allowance 
 made. Even the ^mall towns suffer in proportion. The 
 advance of prohibition, or practical no-licence, in the 
 country districts, has cast on them a burden, so far as 
 published statistics of drink consumption is concerned, 
 which they are not entitled to bear. Non-understinding 
 of this fact has led to foolish statements comparing, for 
 example, the consumption of spirits in Gothenburg with 
 other places outside lie country. Bond-fide residents in 
 Gothenburg and Stockholm, in Bergen and Christiania, in 
 reality, drink little, if any, more than their compatriots, 
 though statistically, from force of circumstances, they are 
 made to appear less temperate. 
 (Namberof The beneficial effects of the operation of the company 
 Licences. ^^^ gg^ forth in the following table, taken from the annual 
 report of the brandy company. Possessing 170 licences to 
 sell over the bar, in the year 1892, it made use of but 63 
 on its own account for tlie sale of native spirits, trans- 
 ferring 80 to other parties, to be utilised in traffic in 
 higher-grade liquors. Twenty-seven it did not utilise at 
 all. As regards retail licences, possessing 90, it made use 
 
 } of 27, transferred 51, and made no use of 12. 
 
 ' Uniform The sale of liquor over the bar in 1877, when the 
 
 Consnmption. company first came into existence, was 14*61 quarts per 
 inhabitant. Successive years mark an almost uniform 
 decline, until the last fiscal year reached low-water mark 
 at 6*49 quarts per head. In the same way, the retail 
 sales have declined from 13*46 q^uarts per inhabitant in 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 
 
 41 
 
 1877 to 7*91 quarts at the time when the last annual 
 report was prepared. Taking these two together, we find 
 tliat tlie total consumption per inhabitant, which in 1877 
 was 28 07 quarts, now amounts to but a little more than 
 half this amount, namely, 14*40 quarts. 
 
 Below are statistics of sales of the Stockholm company, Stockbolm. 
 both as regards absolute quantities and number of quarts 
 per inhabitant, since its organisation. 
 
 Quantity of Liquor Sold per Inhabitant from Ocrohi-.n 1, 1877, Table of Sale 
 
 TO September 30, 1892. ^^18?^?"^ 
 
 
 
 Quarts of 
 liquor sold. 
 
 Quarts 
 
 per Inhabitant. 
 
 Tears. 
 
 • 
 
 Inhabitants. 
 
 At bar- 
 trade 
 places. 
 
 At retail 
 places. 
 
 Total. 
 
 1877-78... 
 
 153,528 
 
 4,308,789-60 
 
 1461 
 
 1346 
 
 28-07 
 
 1878-79... 
 
 161,722 
 
 4,082,591-47 
 
 13-88 
 
 11 36 
 
 25-24 
 
 1879-80... 
 
 163,040 
 
 4,104,705 20 
 
 1347 
 
 11 71 
 
 25-18 
 
 1880-81... 
 
 167,868 
 
 4,145,62509 
 
 1382 
 
 10-88 
 
 24-70 
 
 1881-82... 
 
 174,702 
 
 4,072,594-04 
 
 13-10 
 
 10-21 
 
 2331 
 
 1882-83... 
 
 182,358 
 
 3,913,585-51 
 
 982 
 
 11 64 
 
 21 46 
 
 1883-84... 
 
 190,842 
 
 3,710,51819 
 
 901 
 
 10-43 
 
 19-44 
 
 1884-85.. 
 
 200,781 
 
 3,947,429-19 
 
 904 
 
 10-62 
 
 1966 
 
 1885-8G... 
 
 211,139 
 
 3,788.666-87 
 
 802 
 
 9-92 
 
 17-94 
 
 1880-87... 
 
 216,807 
 
 3,775,41036 
 
 779 
 
 9-62 
 
 17-41 
 
 1887-88... 
 
 221,549 
 
 3,645,74365 
 
 7-51 
 
 8-94 
 
 16-45 
 
 1888-89... 
 
 228,118 
 
 3,574,10290 
 
 6-99 
 
 8-68 
 
 15-67 
 
 1889-90... 
 
 236,350 
 
 3,722,89961 
 
 686 
 
 8-88 
 
 15-74 
 
 1890-91... 
 
 245,317 
 
 3,643,581-12 
 
 6-68 
 
 8-18 
 
 14-86 
 
 1891-92... 
 
 248,051 
 
 3,573,512 13 
 
 649 
 
 7-91 
 
 1440 
 
 The preceding table does not include the sales made by 
 the sub-licensees. The fees paid by the latter vary some- 
 what in proportion to the business done. As the amounts 
 received annually by the company for its concessions show 
 a decrease rather than an increase, it seems reasonable to 
 
42 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Total Sales, 
 1882-1892. 
 
 suppose that tliere has been no increase in the amount of 
 liquoi' consumed on the premises of sub-licensees. 
 
 Borrowing the table from the report of the Massa- 
 chusetts Legislative Commission, which has been made up on 
 a similar basis to the one already quoted for Gothenburg, 
 slightly different figures are reached. The lesson is the 
 same. There has been a marked reduction in individual 
 consumption of spirits. The table covers only the ten- 
 year period from 1882 to 1892. 
 
 Consumption of Liquor in Stockholm, 1882-1892. 
 
 
 Estimatetl 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 population 
 
 
 Estimated 
 
 
 Con- 
 
 
 of Stockholm 
 
 Sold by 
 
 Sales of 
 
 Total 
 
 sumption 
 
 
 and sur- 
 
 Company. 
 
 Private 
 
 
 per In- 
 
 
 rounding 
 
 
 Dealers. 
 
 
 habitant. 
 
 
 districts. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 
 1882-83... 
 
 240,725 
 
 3,913,585-51 
 
 1,690,720 
 
 5,604,305-51 
 
 23-28 
 
 1883-84... 
 
 250,149 
 
 3,710,518-19 
 
 1,690,720 
 
 5,401,238-19 
 
 21-59 
 
 1884-85... 
 
 261,089 
 
 3,947,42919 
 
 1,690,720 
 
 5,638,149-19 
 
 21-59 
 
 1885-86... 
 
 271,928 
 
 3,788,666-87 
 
 1,690,720 
 
 5,479,386-87 
 
 20-15 
 
 1886-87... 
 
 279,583 
 
 3,775,410-36 
 
 1,690,720 
 
 5,466,130-36 
 
 19-65 
 
 1887-88... 
 
 284,764 
 
 3,645,743-65 
 
 1,690,720 
 
 5,336,463-65 
 
 18-73 
 
 1888-89... 
 
 292,070 
 
 3,574,102-90 
 
 1,637,885 
 
 5,211,987-90 
 
 17-84 
 
 1889-90... 
 
 300,860 
 
 3,722,899-61 
 
 1,690,720 
 
 5,413,619-61 
 
 17-99 
 
 1890-91... 
 
 304,094 
 
 3,643,581-12 
 
 1,585,050 
 
 5,228,631-12 
 
 17-19 
 
 1891-92... 
 
 308,528 
 
 3,573,51213 
 
 1,585,050 
 
 6,158,56213 
 
 16-71 
 
 Compensation 
 at Stockholm. 
 
 These figures are far from just to the citizens of Stock- 
 holm. Only the inhabitants of the eight surrounding 
 parishes have been added to those of the city proper. No 
 account whatever has been taken of the floating population. 
 
 The history of the formation of the Stockholm company 
 possesses some interest because of the successful application 
 of the principle of compensation. 
 
 About the same time that the Gothenburg company 
 commenced its operations the authorities at Stockholm, 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 43 
 
 moved by the increase of drunkenness in their midst, 
 commenced to consider the question of how far the 
 company system might be applied with them. When the 
 municipal council first looked into the matter they found that 
 367 permanent licences existed ; of this number 135 were 
 privileged, and most of them were founded upon burgess 
 rights. None of the latter class could be taken away 
 without the consent or the death of the possessor, and, in 
 the case of those holding upon " burgess rights," until the 
 decease of the wife of the one possessing the privilege. A 
 commission was appointed to consider the legality of the 
 basis on which a part of the permanent licences reposed. 
 They reported in favour of a plan allowing life-pensions of 
 not more than £27 10s. annually to holders of licences by 
 " burgess rights '* who would surrender the privilege. 
 Later a somewhat smaller sum, £24 15s., was offered to 
 the holders of other permanent licences as an annuity. As 
 might have been expected, this offer did not meet with 
 much success, for the reason that the suggested com- 
 pensation was inadequate. Furthermore, no account was 
 taken of the value of separate businesses. All who 
 possessed " burgess rights " did not naturally derive the 
 same income, while as regards permanent licences, some 
 would certainly be more favourably situated than others. 
 It is, therefore, not astonishing that in 1875 there still 
 remained 14G permanent licences, of which 77 were founded 
 on burgess rights, which had not been surrendered for the 
 annuities proposed. These, of course, were the most 
 valuable fr nchises, and probably would never be sur- 
 rendered ui less some greater advantage were offered. 
 Another method was now tried. Instead of waiting for 
 the licensees to take the initiative, the commission set to 
 
44 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 work to make private arrangements with each individual 
 holder, and with such success that in a fortnight's time 
 they were able to announce that they held in their hands 
 the agreements of 133 licensees to renounce their priAdleges 
 in consideration of life annuities — which, in the case of 
 ** burgess rights," was to be extended to the wife — varying 
 from <£27 10s. to .£110. The total sum thus given for the 
 possession of these 133 licences constituted an annual 
 charge upon the municipal treasury at the outset of 
 £6,829 6s. So quietly had the matter been arranged, that 
 no opportunity was given for combination in order to 
 increase the price. The remaining thirteen who still held 
 out were, therefore, speedily brought to terms on most ad- 
 vantageous conditions to the city. 
 
 When the company began operations in October, 1877, 
 with a complete monopoly of all licences for the conduct 
 of the retail and bar sale of spirituous liquors in the city, 
 it seemed to be handicapped with the large annual charge 
 upon it for compensation to the expropriated licence- 
 holders. In fact, many wiseacres at the time predicted 
 financial disaster, but the results of the first year, after 
 paying all expenses and 6 per cent, dividend to the stock- 
 holders, showed sufficient surplus to provide for the com- 
 pensation fund for a considerable period in advance. The 
 annual charge on this account has diminished from year to 
 year, as the old licence-holders have died off, till eight only 
 survive at tiie present day. ., .. 
 
 Cbristianla Christiania, the capital of Norway, and a city now num- 
 
 Compensation. bering about 170,000 people, possesses a brandy company 
 which was organised in July, 1885. 
 
 Previous to this there were seventy-two saloon licences 
 in operation, the holders of which also sold liquor to a 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 45 
 
 considerable extent in bottles. Part of these privileges were 
 held for life, and could only be taken under the expropriation 
 proceedings authorised by the law of 1880, which gave a 
 life annuity to the previous possessor equal to the average 
 annual profit on his business during the three preceding 
 years. The bar-trade licences now held by the company 
 number twenty-seven, and the annual charge on account of 
 compensation to holders of life licences amounted at the To Holders of 
 commencement to .£1,210 14s. It has since been reduced ® Licences. 
 to £715 8s., owing to the death of several to whom indem- 
 nities had been adjudged. The company to-day possesses 
 the largest part of the bar trade of the city. It uses fifteen 
 licences on its own account, and concedes twelve to private 
 hotels and restaurants, whose owners have been approved as 
 managers in the service of the company. 
 
 Twenty -nine merchants in Christiania, the majority of Twenty-nine 
 whom are grocers, hold licences for retail and wholesale trade S^rivate 
 independently of the company. At first it was a question Hands, 
 of expropriating these also, in order that the company 
 might become the sole retail licensee, but after mature con- 
 sideration it was decided to leave things as they were, since 
 it was feared that too great a financial burden might ensue. 
 The majority of the holders of these licences are now old 
 men, and, in the natural course of affairs, at their death their 
 privileges will pass to the possession of the company without 
 payment. 
 
 The existence of these licences is a serious drawback, with 
 as are also the special bar-privileges enjoyed by a theatre, 
 an hotel, and two clubs. As a matter of fact, the company 
 dispenses barely 40 per cent, of the spirits sold in bottles 
 and over the bar. Consequently, it is not remarkable that 
 the following table giving the consumption per head of the 
 
 Unsatisfac- 
 tory Results. 
 
Company's 
 
 Sales, 
 1886-1S92. 
 
 Bergen. 
 
 46 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 company's wares does not show a decline. There is, indeed, 
 a slight advance. Whether or not more spirits are actually 
 consumed in proportion to population now than formerly, 
 cannot be estimated, as the figures of sale by the twenty- 
 nine merchants, the clubs, the theatre, and the hotel for 
 preceding years are not available. Such a proposition is 
 not at all probable. If true, it would constitute an excep- 
 ti'^n to experience elsewhere. The lesson to be drawn 
 from the table is the importance of entrusting the company 
 with a complete monopoly. 
 
 Sales fkom 1886 to 1892. 
 
 
 
 Quarts of spirits sold. 
 
 Consump- 
 tion per in- 
 habitant. 
 
 Year. 
 
 At bar- 
 trade places. 
 
 At retail 
 places. 
 
 Total. 
 
 1886 
 1887 
 1888 
 1889 
 1890 
 1891 
 1892 
 
 • •• 
 
 t • » • 
 
 • • • 
 
 ■ • • 
 
 169,848 
 150,123 
 165,466 
 187,274 
 192,380 
 216,589 
 215,796 
 
 129,033 
 159,448 
 184,054 
 210,691 
 207,785 
 202,254 
 232,050 
 
 298,881 
 309,571 
 349,620 
 397,965 
 400,165 
 418,843 
 448,046 
 
 Quarts. 
 2-2 
 2-3 
 2-5 
 2-8 
 2-6 
 2-8 
 2-7 
 
 The increase has been chiefly in the bottle trade, and 
 upon this the growth of Christiania as a seaport and com- 
 mercial centre has undoubtedly exercised an influence. 
 
 We come next to Bergen, the second city in Norway 
 and its chief seaport. 
 
 Statistics of the company's total sales are to be seen in 
 the following table. In 1877, the year when operations 
 were commenced, the total sales of spirituous liquors 
 amounted to 282,128 quarts; in 1892, to 351,695 quarts. 
 In the meantime, however, the population had augmented 
 one-third, so that, notwithstanding the absolute increase, 
 the consumption per inhabitant declined from 7 quarts in 
 1877 to 6*12 quarts in 1892. The decline is most noticeable 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDIJUAVIAN SYSTEM. 
 
 47 
 
 in dram drinking. Whereas in 1877 the average annual 
 consumption under this head was 2 '5 quarts per inhabitant, 
 in 1892 it was 1'7 quarts. 
 
 Sales of Bkandy in Bekgen, 1877-1892. 
 
 
 Estimated 
 population. 
 
 
 Number o 
 
 f Quarts. 
 
 ■ 
 
 Years. 
 
 Sold in 
 drams con- 
 sumed at 
 
 Sold in 
 bottles, not 
 consumed 
 
 on the 
 
 Sold at 
 chief ware- 
 house, not 
 consumed 
 
 Total. 
 
 Quarts 
 per in- 
 habitant. 
 
 
 
 the bars. 
 
 on the 
 
 
 
 
 40,760 
 
 103,566 
 
 premises. 
 
 premises. 
 
 
 
 1877 ... 
 
 166,810 
 
 11,752 
 
 282,128 
 
 7-0 
 
 1878 ... 
 
 41,512 
 
 90,962 
 
 140,689 
 
 7,933 
 
 239,584 
 
 5-8 
 
 1879 ... 
 
 42,280 
 
 73,812 
 
 134,291 
 
 8,389 
 
 216,492 
 
 51 
 
 1880 ... 
 
 43,062 
 
 68,508 
 
 136,010 
 
 8,123 
 
 212,641 
 
 4-9 
 
 1881 ... 
 
 43,858 
 
 73,574 
 
 147,603 
 
 8,526 
 
 229,703 
 
 5-2 
 
 1882 ... 
 
 44,669 
 
 77,569 
 
 156,654 
 
 7,025 
 
 241,248 
 
 5-4 
 
 1883 ... 
 
 45,493 
 
 78,744 
 
 160,126 
 
 7,064 
 
 245,934 
 
 5-4 
 
 1884 ... 
 
 46,332 
 
 81,853 
 
 165,761 
 
 7,083 
 
 254,697 
 
 5*5 
 
 1885 ... 
 
 47,995 
 
 83,719 
 
 159,820 
 
 6,091 
 
 249,630 
 
 5-2 
 
 1886 ... 
 
 48,335 
 
 85,629 
 
 154,500 
 
 11,893 
 
 252,022 
 
 5-2 
 
 1887 ... 
 
 49,623 
 
 86,924 
 
 146,220 
 
 21,446 
 
 254,590 
 
 5-1 
 
 1888 .. 
 
 50,902 
 
 84,569 
 
 139,961 
 
 26,351 
 
 250,881 
 
 5-0 
 
 1889 ... 
 
 52,252 
 
 86,286 
 
 153,052 
 
 28,421 
 
 267,759 
 
 5-1 
 
 1890 ... 
 
 53,686 
 
 88,844 
 
 177,652 
 
 30,894 
 
 297,390 
 
 5-5 
 
 1891 ... 
 
 55,112 
 
 97,101 
 
 195,108 
 
 39,133 
 
 331,342 
 
 6 
 
 1892 ... 
 
 56,513 
 
 101,406 
 
 204,825 
 
 45,464 
 
 351,695 
 
 6-2 
 
 Company's 
 
 Sales, 
 1877-1892. 
 
 It will be noticed, however, that since 188S the sales increase ainc€ 
 per inhabitant have increased. One cannot necessarily say 1^88 due to 
 that local consumption has risen, in view of the enormously CooBumption. 
 increased tourist traffic to Norway in recent years, of which 
 Bergen is the chief point of debarkment, the visits 
 of the British and German fleets, and the enhanced whole- ♦ 
 
 sale business of the company. From 1887 to 1892 wholesale 
 sales increased 112 per cent., and no part of them can be 
 credited to local consumption. There was likewise an 
 advance of 40 per cent, during the same years in the bottle 
 
iH POi^ULAB CONTROL OF THE LiqUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Total 
 
 Consninption 
 
 in Bergen, 
 
 1877-1892. 
 
 trade, a very large part of which was not'at all due to local 
 consumption, but to the tourist traffic. From 1887 to 1892 
 sales over the bar increased only 14 per cent., or in 
 exactly the same proportion as the advance in population, 
 this, too, notwithstanding the presence of at least 2,500 
 additional foreign seamen. 
 
 Mr. Koren has prepared the following table, in which he 
 has deducted quarter of the sales annually as extra-local 
 consumption. This estimate, in my opinion, errs on the side 
 of conservatism, as applied to present conditions. But even 
 if my view be incorrect, the proportion to-day is certainly 
 much greater than it was during the first few years of the 
 company's existence. There has really been a 
 decline than the table makes evident. 
 
 greater 
 
 Consumption of Liquor in Bergen from 1877 to 1892. 
 
 
 Esti- 
 mated 
 popula- 
 tion. 
 
 
 • 
 
 - *- 
 
 Sold at 
 
 
 Average 
 
 Total 
 
 Year. 
 
 Consumed 
 
 at the 
 
 bars. 
 
 Sold in 
 
 bottles at 
 
 retail 
 
 stores. 
 
 eliief 
 ware- 
 houses 
 at 
 
 Total, 
 
 deducting 
 
 one-fourth. 
 
 consump- 
 tion at 
 bar per 
 inhab- 
 
 average 
 consump- 
 tion per 
 inhab- 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 retail. 
 Quarts. 
 
 
 itant. 
 
 itant. 
 
 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 Qiinrts. 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 1877 
 
 40,760 
 
 103,566 
 
 166,810 
 
 11,752 
 
 211,596 
 
 2-58 
 
 5-19 
 
 1878 
 
 41,512 
 
 90,962 
 
 140,689 
 
 7,933 
 
 179,691 
 
 2-22 
 
 4-32 
 
 1879 
 
 42,280 
 
 73,812 
 
 134,291 
 
 8,389 
 
 162,369 
 
 1-79 
 
 3-84 
 
 1880 
 
 43,062 
 
 68,508 
 
 136,010 
 
 8,123 
 
 159,480-7 
 
 1-61 
 
 3-7 
 
 1881 
 
 43,858 
 
 73,574 
 
 147,603 
 
 8,526 
 
 172,277-2 
 
 1-70 
 
 3-92 
 
 1882 
 
 44,669 
 
 77,569 
 
 156,654 
 
 7,025 
 
 180,936 
 
 1-74 
 
 405 
 
 1883 
 
 45,493 
 
 78,744 
 
 160,126 
 
 7,064 
 
 184,450-5 
 
 1-73 
 
 4-05 
 
 1884 
 
 46,332 
 
 81,853 
 
 165,761 
 
 7,083 
 
 191,022-7 
 
 1-76 
 
 4-12 
 
 1885 
 
 47,995 
 
 83,719 
 
 159,820 
 
 6,091 
 
 187,222-5 
 
 1-79 
 
 3-90 
 
 1886 
 
 48,335 
 
 85,629 
 
 154,200 
 
 11,893 
 
 189,016-5 
 
 1-76 
 
 3-91 
 
 1887 
 
 49,623 
 
 86,924 
 
 146,220 
 
 21,146 
 
 190,717-5 
 
 1-74 
 
 3-84 
 
 1888 
 
 50,902 
 
 84,569 
 
 139,961 
 
 26,351 
 
 188,160-7 
 
 1-65 
 
 3-69 
 
 1889 
 
 52,252 
 
 86,286 
 
 153,052 
 
 28,421 
 
 200,819-2 
 
 1-64 
 
 3-84 
 
 1890 
 
 53,686 
 
 88,844 
 
 177,652 
 
 30,894 
 
 223,042-5 
 
 1-64 
 
 4 15 
 
 1891 
 
 55,112 
 
 97,100 
 
 195,109 
 
 39,133 
 
 248,506-5 
 
 1-75 
 
 4-50 
 
 1892 
 
 56,613 
 
 101,406 
 
 204,825 
 
 45,464 
 
 263,772-4 
 
 1-79 
 
 4-66 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. ^ 49 
 
 The late Mr. Thomas M. Wilson, of Bergen, gave in the 
 Labour Prophet for September, 1893, an interesting account 
 
 of the operation of the company system in Christianssand, ChristianB- 
 which is here reproduced. He says : — *** ' 
 
 " The first Norwegian controlling society was established Formation o 
 in the town of Christianssand, and commenced to operate ^R«8ulttng^* 
 
 on 1st January, 1872. The population of the town was Decreased 
 ^ _ . Consumption 
 
 11,600, and the population of the rural district, which drew 
 
 its supply of spirits from the town, was approximately 
 53,000. Both populations maybe described as having been 
 very intemperate. Only the urban population, of course, 
 became directly subject to the society's control, while the 
 rural population continued to have spirits in wholesale 
 quantities despatched into the country for home consump- 
 tion as before, the society being unable to exercise control 
 on that wholesale trade. In 1872 the entire wholesale 
 consumption of spirits supplied by private wholesale traders 
 was 78,897 litres, and by the society 10,263 litres: together, 
 89,160 litres. The total consumption of spirits in Chris- 
 tianssand and the rural district, wholesale and retail, was, 
 in 1872, 224,627 litres, while the corresponding consump- 
 tion had fallen in 1892 to 133,806 litres, that is equal to a 
 reduction of more than 40 per cent. In 1892 the consump- 
 tion was unduly increased, in consequence of a very large in- 
 flux of the roughest class of labourers, that followed upon the 
 commencement of the construction of a railway and a con- 
 flagration that destroyed half the town. If we compare 
 the consumption of 1891 with that of 1872, and that is, 
 under the circumstances, the truest guide, we find that the 
 consumption in 1891 was 115,890 litres, or a reduction of a 
 little more than 48 per cent. 
 
 " The society's share stock is Kr. 40,000-00 (£2,222), share Stock. 
 E 
 
60 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 but only half has been called up. The working capital is 
 therefore only £1,111, and was held in 1892 by 68 share- 
 holders. The net profit on the capital employed was, in 
 the first year's operations, Kr. 48,270*70 (£2,682), or close 
 upon 342 per cent. 
 Number of " The number of municipal spirit licences was fixed at 
 eight. The society acquired the monopoly of them, but only 
 exercised five, and have since reduced the number to four. 
 It now has three ordinary spirit bars, and one shop for sale 
 in bottles and wholesale quantities. ■ ' > 
 
 Reduction of "The reduction in consumption that followed on the 
 Crime, etc. 
 
 introduction of control was immediately accompanied by 
 
 results connected with crime, poor relief, savings banks, 
 increased consumption of current domestic necessaries, etc., 
 which all indicated great benefits derived from control. 
 For instance, the annual average of criminal cases for the 
 five preceding years was 71, and it fell at once to 47. 
 The annual average of police ofiences connected with 
 drunkenness was, in the five preceding years, 97, and it at 
 once fell to f>Q. Cases of picking the pockets of intoxi- 
 cated persons, previously a common offence, entirely ceased. 
 
 Hours of « x.t first the society kept its premises open for the full 
 
 Business. . . . . 
 
 hours permitted by the licensing law — viz., from 8 a.m. till 
 
 10 p.m., that is, 14 hours. Now it only keeps them open 
 for 9 J hours — viz., 9 a.m. till noon, and 1.30 till 8 p.m. — 
 the shop being closed at 7.30 p.m. 
 
 "The Christianssand Society's bar sales, which in 1872 
 were 41,376 litres, had fallen in 1876 to 32,387 litres, al- 
 though the total sales, which in 1872 were 224,627 litres, had 
 risen in 1876 to 269,046 litres. The times had in that quin- 
 queni.ial period been very flourishing, especially in the rural 
 district. There was abundance of employment at previously 
 unknown high wages ; yet it is a striking and satisfactory 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 51 
 
 circumstance to note that, in spite of the increased total 
 consumption, the bar sales were greatly reduced, as it is the 
 bar sales that afford the truest guide to the effects of control. 
 
 "In the 21 years the society has operated it has earned Net Profits, 
 net profits to the amount of £54,724 2s. 9d., whicli all has Expenditure, 
 gone, or will yet go, to support objects of public benefit and 
 utility, which are not statutory burdens on the local tax- 
 payers. To show the nature of the objects of "public 
 benefit and utility," I will name a few : — Workmen's Union 
 Evening School ; School of Cookery ; Board and Lodging 
 for Diligent Board School Children during their Holidays 
 in the Country ; Christianssand School of Industry ; 
 Christianssand Technical School ; Boys' Industrial School ; 
 Workmen's Union Library ; Cathedral School Library and 
 Museum ; Board Schools Pupils' Library ; Town's Library ; 
 numerous Abstinence Societies, Good Templar lodges, and 
 Blue Ribbonmen Societies ; Sick Nurses' Institution ; Mag- 
 dalene's Refuge ; Discharged Female Prisoners' Homes ; 
 Prisoners' Aid Society ; Public Sea Baths for Men ; Public 
 Sea Baths for Women ; Quay Labourers' Waiting Rooms ; 
 Workmen's Union Sick Fund ; Industrial Society for 
 Needy Women ; Workmen's Union Asylum ; numerous 
 Asylums for Children, and a host of other similar beneficial 
 objects too numerous to detail here. 
 
 "The burgomaster and the superintendant of police, Favourable 
 and tlie British and U.S. America consuls in Christians- Teetlmoiiles. 
 sand, have been good enough to favour me quite recently 
 with their opinions in writing of what the local controlling 
 society has effected, and they unanimously report that the 
 operations of the society have unquestionably been of 
 immense benefit in the promotion of temperance and 
 sobriety in the locality. 
 
 E 2 . 
 
52 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Consumption 
 of Liquor, 
 18721892. 
 
 " Personallyj I have known this town well for 34 years, 
 and my experience quite coincides with that of the four 
 gentlemen named." 
 
 The Massachusetts Legislative Commission has pub- 
 lished a table giving a resume of consumption per head 
 during the different years. It differs somewhat in the 
 estimation of the number of persons within the area of the 
 company's operations. Like Mr. Wilson, Mr. Koren 
 attributes the sharp rise in bar drinking during 1892 to 
 the influx of labourers employed in rebuilding the town 
 after the disastrous fire. 
 
 Consumption of Liquor in Christianssand, 1872-1892. 
 
 i 
 
 Estimated 
 population 
 of Chris- 
 tianssand 
 and Country 
 Districts. 
 
 Sold by the Company 
 
 Sold by 
 others at 
 wholesale. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Average 
 
 con- 
 sumption 
 
 per in- 
 habitant. 
 
 s 
 
 Over the 
 bars. 
 
 At retail. 
 
 At whole- 
 sale. 
 
 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 Quarts. 
 
 1872 
 
 31,897 
 
 42,874 
 
 97,498 
 
 10,635 
 
 81,763 
 
 23-2,760 
 
 7-29 
 
 1873 
 
 32,225 
 
 46,103 
 
 111,742 
 
 12,808 
 
 126,040 
 
 296,693 
 
 9-20 
 
 1874 
 
 32,405 
 
 41,314 
 
 127,187 
 
 6,076 
 
 152,110 
 
 326,686 
 
 1008 
 
 1875 
 
 32,737 
 
 38,294 
 
 137,284 
 
 11,675 
 
 123,746 
 
 310,879 
 
 9-49 
 
 1876 
 
 32,998 
 
 33,500 
 
 128,871 
 
 6,768 
 
 109,589 
 
 278,789 
 
 844 
 
 1877 
 
 33,316 
 
 37,965 
 
 125,977 
 
 2,763 
 
 116,.502 
 
 283,207 
 
 8-50 
 
 1878 
 
 33,501 
 
 40,849 
 
 109,046 
 
 2,227 
 
 45,452 
 
 197,424 
 
 6-89 
 
 1879 
 
 33,630 
 
 37,072 
 
 88,694 
 
 2,212 
 
 49,664 
 
 177,642 
 
 6-28 
 
 1880 
 
 33,894 
 
 38,354 
 
 86,168 
 
 1,020 
 
 38,064 
 
 163,609 
 
 4-82, 
 
 1881 
 
 34,164 
 
 35,699 
 
 94,143 
 
 1,689 
 
 26,090 
 
 157,621 
 
 4-61 
 
 1882 
 
 34,471 
 
 21,826-1 
 
 100,167-8 
 
 2,370-2 
 
 36,877-8 
 
 161,241-9 
 
 4-67 
 
 1883 
 
 34,684 
 
 16.439 
 
 102,413-3 
 
 3,107-8 
 
 48,859-7 
 
 170,819-8 
 
 4-92 
 
 1884 
 
 34,992 
 
 15,416 
 
 102,493-6 
 
 2,287-8 
 
 18,611-7 
 
 138,808-2 
 
 3-96 
 
 1885 
 
 35,214 
 
 16,578-6 
 
 97,859-9 
 
 1,192-0 
 
 49,513-8 
 
 165,144-3 
 
 4-68 
 
 1886 
 
 36,262 
 
 14,715-6 
 
 96,275-9 
 
 5780 
 
 21,869-5 
 
 133,439 
 
 3-77 
 
 1887 
 
 35,316 
 
 13,134-8 
 
 88,157-3 
 
 681-6 
 
 20,757-8 
 
 122,731-6 
 
 3-47 
 
 1888 
 
 35,616 
 
 13,202-3 
 
 86,323-9 
 
 528-4 
 
 21,899-1 
 
 121,953-7 
 
 3-43 
 
 1889 
 
 35,721 
 
 13,626-1 
 
 87,317-2 
 
 365-6 
 
 12,652-9 
 
 113,961-8 
 
 3-19 
 
 1890 
 
 35,878 
 
 14,866-6 
 
 100,580-9 
 
 696-4 
 
 12,664-5 
 
 128,788-4 
 
 3-58 
 
 1891 
 
 36,178 
 
 18,220-7 
 
 98,049 1 
 
 263'6 
 
 5,937-6 
 
 122,461 
 
 3-38 
 
 1892 
 
 37,000 
 
 23,265-5 
 
 114,917-1 
 
 675-2 
 
 2,134-5 
 
 140,982-7 
 
 3-81 
 
ItESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 53 
 
 The number of licences exploited furnishes in a measure Unused 
 a criterion of the companies' efforts to reduce temptation ^iJJJfJ^ 
 and to restrict consumption. When the system was in- 
 augurated in 1871 the number of public-house licences in 
 existence in Norwegian towns and cities was 501, to-day 
 but 227 are utilised. Companies have the legal right to 
 use nearly the original number, but they refrain from 
 doing so in the public interest. Expressed in the form of 
 proportion to inhabitants, the reduction has been from 1 
 for 591 to 1 for 1,413 persons. In the whole country 
 district of Norway but 25 licences for the sale of spirits 
 remain — 1 to about 8,000 people. Half of these are at 
 the fishing stations in the North. 
 
 Statistics for Sweden are not available far enough back 
 
 to show the full measure of improvement. In 1880 there 
 
 were G92 inhabitants to one licence to sell spirits (both 
 
 retail and bar licences are included); in 1892 there was but 
 
 one licence to every 1,073 people. In the country districts 
 
 the respective rates during the same period were 1 for 
 
 13,450, and 1 for 22,526 persons. 
 
 Following are tables for Gothenburg, Stockholm, and Proportion a 
 
 Licences to 
 Bergen. They speak for themselves. Population. 
 
64 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Gothenburg ; 
 
 GOTHENBURG. 
 
 Licences Used and Population Compared from October 1, 1866, 
 
 TO Skptember 30, 1893. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Retail licences 
 
 
 
 Licences used for 
 
 Retail licences 
 
 transferred to wine 
 
 
 Population 
 of 
 
 consumption on 
 
 used by the 
 
 merchants for tiie 
 
 
 the premiser?. 
 
 company. 
 
 sale of higher- 
 
 Years. 
 
 Gothen- 
 burg. 
 
 
 
 grade spirits. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Per 
 
 
 Per 
 
 
 Per 
 
 
 
 Number. 
 
 10,000 in- 
 habitants 
 
 5 
 
 Number. 
 
 ;10,000 in- 
 habitants 
 
 Number. 
 
 10,000 in- 
 habitants 
 
 1865-66 
 
 45,750 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 1866-67 
 
 47,332 
 
 28 
 
 5-9 
 
 
 
 
 
 1867-68 
 
 47,898 
 
 30 
 
 6-3 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1868-69 
 
 50,438 
 
 43 
 
 8-5 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 1869-70 
 
 52,526 
 
 42 
 
 80 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 — 
 
 1870-71 
 
 53,822 
 
 43 
 
 80 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 
 1871-72 
 
 55,110 
 
 42 
 
 7-6 
 
 
 
 
 
 1872-73 
 
 65,986 
 
 42 
 
 7o 
 
 
 
 
 
 1873-74 
 
 56,909 
 
 41 
 
 7-2 
 
 
 , 
 
 
 — 
 
 1874-75 
 
 58,307 
 
 35 
 
 60 
 
 7 
 
 1-2 
 
 13 
 
 2-2 
 
 1875-76 
 
 59,986 
 
 36 
 
 60 
 
 
 1-2 
 
 13 
 
 2-2 
 
 1876-77 
 
 61,505 
 
 38 
 
 6-2 
 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 21 
 
 1877 78 
 
 63,391 
 
 38 
 
 60 
 
 
 11 
 
 15 
 
 2-4 
 
 1878-79 
 
 65,697 
 
 40 
 
 61 
 
 
 11 
 
 16 
 
 2-4 
 
 1879-80 
 
 66,844 
 
 39 
 
 5-8 
 
 
 10 
 
 18 
 
 2-7 
 
 1880-81 
 
 68,477 
 
 40 
 
 5-8 
 
 
 10 
 
 17 
 
 2-5 
 
 1881-82 
 
 71,533 
 
 40 
 
 5-6 
 
 
 10 
 
 19 
 
 2-7 
 
 1882-83 
 
 72,555 
 
 40 
 
 5-5 
 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 30 
 
 1883-84 
 
 77,653 
 
 38 
 
 4-9 
 
 
 •9 
 
 23 
 
 30 
 
 1884-85 
 
 80,811 
 
 39 
 
 4-8 
 
 
 •9 
 
 23 
 
 2-8 
 
 1885-86 
 
 84,450 
 
 40 
 
 4-7 
 
 
 •8 
 
 22 
 
 2-6 
 
 1886-87 
 
 88,230 
 
 40 
 
 4-5 
 
 
 •8 
 
 23 
 
 2-6 
 
 1887-88 
 
 91,396 
 
 40 
 
 4-4 
 
 
 •8 
 
 23 
 
 2-5 
 
 1888-89 
 
 94,370 
 
 40 
 
 42 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 2-4 
 
 1889-90 
 
 97,677 
 
 40 
 
 41 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 2-4 
 
 1890-91 
 
 101,502 
 
 40 
 
 3-9 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 2-3 
 
 1891-92 
 
 104,215 
 
 40 
 
 3-8 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 2-2 
 
 1892-93 
 
 106,356 
 
 40 
 
 3-8 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 2-2 
 
 Since October 1, 1868, the company has held all the 
 licences for consumption on the premises, with the exception 
 of four houses which have ancient and special privilege for 
 serving superior liquors principally, and from October 1, 1874, 
 all the retail licences have been in the hands of the company. 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 
 
 55 
 
 Licences in Stockholm, 1886-1892. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Bar-trade. 
 
 33 C 
 
 •a ^ ^- . 
 
 fc g S U.-5 
 ■a = «■•;;.£ 
 
 H o o 
 
 I o 2 
 
 
 CIS 
 
 o 
 
 Retail. 
 
 >.>. 
 
 1 by 
 to 
 sale 
 rade 
 
 
 
 Used b 
 com pan 
 
 i> 3 O ili 
 
 13 
 
 -2 
 
 Licences used per 1,000 
 inhabitants. 
 
 ri ■ Bar-trade. 
 
 Retail. 
 
 Com- Trans- 
 pany. ferrcd. 
 
 Com- Trans- 
 pany. ferred. 
 
 Stcckholm ; 
 
 ERIIATA. 
 
 Puge 55, first table, for " Licence.s used per 1,000 iu- 
 
 liabitants," read " per 10,000 inhabitants." 
 Page 75, line 10, for ** Farmer ,' read " Forum'' 
 Page 79, line 9, for " Local limitation," read " Legal limita- 
 tion." 
 
 1877... 
 
 40,760 
 
 14 
 
 60 
 
 
 3-5 
 
 15-0 
 
 1878... 
 
 41,512 
 
 14 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 1879... 
 
 42,280 
 
 14 
 
 60 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 1880... 
 
 43,062 
 
 13 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 1881... 
 
 43,858 
 
 13 
 
 60 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 1882... 
 
 44,669 
 
 13 
 
 60 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 1883... 
 
 45,493 
 
 13 
 
 58 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 '— ^ 
 
 1884... 
 
 46,332 
 
 13 
 
 57 
 
 3 
 
 
 —' 
 
 1885... 
 
 47,995 
 
 13 
 
 56 
 
 
 
 ' — 
 
 1886... 
 
 48,335 
 
 13 
 
 56 
 
 
 — — 
 
 ■■ 
 
 1887.. 
 
 49,623 
 
 13 
 
 56 
 
 
 
 
 
 1888... 
 
 50,902 
 
 13 
 
 56 
 
 
 
 
 1889... 
 
 52,252 
 
 13 
 
 56 
 
 
 
 
 1890... 
 
 53,686 
 
 13 
 
 bG 
 
 
 
 
 1891.. 
 
 55,112 
 
 13 
 
 56 
 
 
 2-4 
 
 10-4 
 
m 
 
 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Qothenburg; . xr GOTHENBURG. 
 
 Licences Used and Populatiox Compared from October 1 1866 
 _^_^^_^___ TO September 30, 1893. ' 
 
 Ytiars, 
 
 Poi»ulation 
 of 
 Gothen- 
 burg. 
 
 Licences used for 
 
 consumption on 
 
 tlie premises. 
 
 Retail licences 
 
 used by the 
 
 company. 
 
 Retail licences 
 
 transferred to wine 
 
 merchants for the 
 
 sale of Jiifther- 
 
 grade spirits. 
 
 Pai- 
 
 1886-87 
 1887-88 
 1888-89 
 1889-90 
 1890-91 
 1891-92 
 1892-93 
 
 84,460 
 
 40 
 
 4-7 
 
 7 
 
 88,230 
 
 40 
 
 4-5 
 
 7 
 
 91,396 
 
 40 
 
 4-4 
 
 7 
 
 94,370 
 
 40 
 
 4-2 
 
 7 
 
 97,677 
 
 40 
 
 41 
 
 7 
 
 101,502 
 
 40 
 
 3-9 
 
 7 
 
 104,215 
 
 40 
 
 3-8 
 
 1 
 
 106,356 
 
 40 
 
 3-8 
 
 7 
 
 •8 
 
 22 
 
 •8 
 
 23 
 
 •8 
 
 23 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 23 
 
 2-6 
 2-6 
 2-5 
 2-4 
 2-4 
 2-3 
 2-2 
 2-2 
 
 Since October 1, 1868, the company has held all the 
 licences for consumption on the premises, with the exception 
 of four houses which have ancient and special privilege for 
 servingsuperior liquors principally, and from October 1, 1874, 
 all the retail licences have been iu the hands of the company. 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCAJ^DINAVIAN SVSTEM. 
 
 55 
 
 
 
 Licences in Stockholm, 
 
 1886-1892. 
 
 
 
 Ha r- trade. 
 
 Retail. 
 
 Licences used per 1,000 
 inhaliitants. 
 
 
 V3 S 
 
 67 
 
 Transferred by 
 
 couipauy to 
 
 others for sale 
 
 of higher-grade 
 
 spirits. 
 
 03 
 
 3 
 
 a 
 20 
 
 3 
 
 170 
 
 _ rt 
 ^8 
 
 27 
 
 Transferred by 
 
 compauy to 
 
 others for sale 
 
 of higher-grade 
 
 spirits. 
 
 i 
 I 
 
 o 
 H 
 
 Year. 
 
 IJar-trade. Retail. 
 
 
 Com- Trans- 
 paiiy. ferred. 
 
 Com- Trans- 
 pany. ferred. 
 
 1886-7 
 
 83 
 
 51 
 
 12 
 
 90 
 
 3-1 3-8 
 
 1-2 2-4 
 
 1887-8 
 
 67 
 
 86 
 
 17 
 
 170 
 
 27 
 
 51 
 
 12 
 
 90 
 
 — — 
 
 
 1888-9 
 
 m 
 
 84 
 
 20 
 
 170 
 
 27 
 
 51 
 
 12 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 1889-90 
 
 65 
 
 86 
 
 19 
 
 170 
 
 27 
 
 51 
 
 12 90 
 
 — — 
 
 
 1890-1 
 
 64 
 
 84 
 
 22 
 
 170 
 
 27 
 
 51 
 
 12 90 
 
 — — 
 
 1 
 
 1891-2 
 
 63 
 
 80 
 
 27 
 
 170 
 
 27 
 
 51 
 
 12 90 
 
 2 5 3 2 
 
 1-1 2-1 
 
 1892-3 
 
 63 
 
 80 
 
 27 
 
 170 ' 
 
 
 
 10 90 
 
 
 1 
 
 Stockholm ; 
 
 
 
 Licences 
 
 in Bergen, 1877-1891. 
 
 
 
 
 Bar-trade 
 and retail 
 
 Licences to 
 l)rivate in- 
 
 Licences 
 
 Licences per 
 10,000 Inhabitants. 
 
 
 
 
 Year. 
 
 Popula- 
 tion. 
 
 licences for 
 
 sale of spirits 
 
 monopolised 
 
 by the 
 
 company. 
 
 dividuals 
 
 for sale of 
 
 wine and 
 
 beer by grant 
 
 or privil»;ge. 
 
 to the 
 
 company for 
 
 sale of wine 
 
 and beer. 
 
 For sale of 
 spirits 
 held by 
 
 company. 
 
 For sale of 
 wine and 
 beer held 
 
 by private 
 indi- 
 viduals. 
 
 1877... 
 
 40,760 
 
 14 
 
 60 
 
 
 3-5 
 
 15-0 
 
 1878... 
 
 41,512 
 
 14 
 
 60 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 1879... 
 
 42,280 
 
 14 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 1880... 
 
 43,062 
 
 13 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 1881... 
 
 43,858 
 
 13 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 1882... 
 
 44,669 
 
 13 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 1883... 
 
 45,493 
 
 13 
 
 68 
 
 2 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1884... 
 
 46,332 
 
 13 
 
 67 
 
 3 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1885... 
 
 47,995 
 
 13 
 
 66 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 1886... 
 
 48,335 
 
 13 
 
 66 
 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1887.. 
 
 49,623 
 
 13 
 
 56 
 
 4 
 
 
 — 
 
 1888... 
 
 50,902 
 
 13 
 
 56 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 1889... 
 
 52,1.»52 
 
 13 
 
 66 
 
 4 
 
 — 
 
 __ 
 
 1890... 
 
 53,686 
 
 13 
 
 66 
 
 4 
 
 
 -_ 
 
 1891... 
 
 55,112 
 
 13 
 
 56 
 
 4 
 
 2-4 
 
 i 
 
 10-4 
 
 Bergen ; 
 
66 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 \ 
 
 I Entrance of the company upon the field of action has 
 
 j undoubtedly prevented the licences granted to private 
 
 i individuals for the sale of wine and beer over the bar from. 
 
 I ' keeping pace with the advance in population. 
 
 I Christiania In Christiania and in Christianssand, under the old 
 
 ; tianssand. r^git^Q, the ratio of public-house licences to population was 
 1 to 1,816 and 1 to 1,274. In 1892 the respective pro- 
 portions were 1 to 5,516 and 1 to 2,566, Compare the 
 figures for these five Scandinavian towns with cities of 
 the same size in England and America, and note the 
 difference. 
 Police Only the merest tyro in statistical science would 
 
 Arrests for attempt to gauge the efficiency of any method for con- 
 Drunkenness, trolling the liquor traffic by the number of arrests for 
 drunkenness. Especially will well-informed persons refrain 
 from making international comparisons. Laws relating to 
 drunkenness differ materially, and there is still greater 
 variance of police practice in dealing with offenders. In 
 1 Sweden the law requires that a person showing signs of 
 
 being fuddled shall be taken up. Anglo-Saxon policy is 
 based on the exhibition of utter helplessness or disorderly 
 I conduct. Regulations apportioning a part of the fines to 
 
 I police funds furnish an artificial incentive, while the 
 
 progressive popular intolerance of inebriety which accom- 
 panies a reforming regime, plays likewise a most important 
 part. Published statistics of drunkenness are usually 
 ♦ alueless, because they are rarely a.Jferentiated to show 
 how many times the same person was arrested. Only such 
 figures can indicate whether the actual number of persons 
 I drinking to excess is on the increase, or whether pro- 
 
 I fessional tipplers are simply indulging more freely. 
 
 Furthermore, the area to which any system applies must 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 57 
 
 be studied as a whole, and not individual districts alone. 
 It is evident that, if there be no licence in the country, 
 and licence in the towns, the former's more jovial in- 
 habitants will utilise occasional visits to the cities to drink 
 to excess. Statistically, though not really, such offences 
 belong to the places where they are committed.* 
 
 Statistics of drunkenness in Norway are not published 
 for the kingdom as a whole. In Sweden the number of 
 convictions declined from 6 '7 per 1,000 inhabitants in 
 1874 to 4'3 in 1891. For cities of prominence the advance 
 of prohibition in surrounding country districts has added 
 to the burden, but the prime cause of increase, where such 
 has taken place, is the uncontrolled consumption of beer. 
 All reliable authorities agree in this estimate, and their 
 opinions are confirmed by the statistics of beer drinking. 
 Consumption of malt liquors, which advanced in Sweden WMchls 
 from 16 quarts per inhabitant in 1874 to 28*2 quarts in SicoiSirolled 
 1890, and in Norway from 16 9 quarts per inhabitant in Beer,— 
 1871 to 31 '2 quarts in 1891, cannot have been without 
 potent influence. Is decreased consumption of spirits, 
 which are sold under strict regulation, or increased con- 
 sumption of beer, which is dispensed without restrictions, 
 in the nature of things, more likely to account for drunk- 
 enness 1 
 
 Returning again to the relation of drunkenness to the AndlsNotably 
 company system, the opinion of those in ^positions of ^ •" 
 
 administrative authority, where good opportunities exist 
 for correct judgment, is that, compared with previous 
 conditions, the effect of the existing rSyime has been to 
 bring about a notable decline in drunkenness and a very 
 marked imj)rovenient in general sobriety. The governors 
 of provinces in their last quinquennial reports submitted 
 
 * See Appendix C, page 101. 
 
58 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 answers to inquiries in this direction. Twenty-one of them 
 responded that drunkenness had considerably diminished 
 in their respective regions, one that the situation Iiad 
 remained unchanged, one that drunkenness had not 
 diminished, and two that it was difficult to form an 
 opinion. The testimony of experience, whether from those 
 favourably or unfavourably inclined to particular features 
 of the Scandinavian system, is that it has undoubtedly 
 effected an important reform in drinking habits, par- 
 ticularly of working people. 
 Statistics of Statistics of pauperism abound with even more treach- 
 erous pitfalls for the unwary. Everywhere public sense 
 of responsibility towards the unfortunate has deepened 
 during the last three or foTir decades. The logical result is 
 that this class is not only better cared for, but more are 
 being helped. To find the pauper constituency statistically 
 advancing does not necessarily argue deterioration of habit, 
 growing failure of self-respect, or the application of senti- 
 mental methods in reliei. The concentration of population 
 in urban centres represents in large degree a flocking 
 together of the unfit. Here public institutions to care for 
 those who fail in life's struggl*^ exist in great variety. 
 
 Complicated Methods of enumeratinix the poor differ in various 
 
 by Different . 
 
 MetUods. countries and at different periods. As an illustration, in 
 
 Sweden, during recent years, those receiving gratuitous 
 
 hospital or dispensary treatment figure in the pauper 
 
 record. Take another case showing divergence in systems 
 
 of registration. In Gothenburg, if the head of a family is 
 
 helped by having his rent paid from the poor rate, the 
 
 whole family are inscribed as paupers. Supposing there 
 
 are eight children, and that both parents are alive, there 
 
 would be ten recipients of relief. If rents were paid in this 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 
 
 59 
 
 manner monthly, during eight months the record would 
 show eighty paupers ; if weekly, during the same period 
 about 350. Figures which indicate that one pei*son in 
 every nine inhabitants of a thriving commercial city is a 
 pauper ought to arouse suspicion in any discerning mind. 
 Yet the totals have been accepted and quoted by adverse 
 critics in England and the United States as evidence that 
 somehow or other unparalleled poverty is closely connected 
 with the company system. 
 
 Crime bears a positive relation to drink, but the terms 
 of this relation cannot be mathematically expressed. There 
 is always a tendency among the lapsed, who especially 
 appreciate the value of sympathy, to lay all their mis- 
 fortunes to tippling. 
 
 In concluding this chapter, a word may be offered on the 
 subject of the surplus revenues arising from the sale of 
 drink. The Norwegian method of distribution possesses 
 one strikingly meritorious quality. Ownership of a share 
 of capital stock carries with it the right to vote for repre- 
 sentatives on the committee of management, to which 
 belongs the function of apportionment. Public interest in 
 the operation of the company is thus widened. It is not 
 far from axiomatic truth to say that whenever civic spirit 
 is aroused, and the attention of that class of the community 
 which makes philanthropy a preoccupation is enlisted, 
 particular objects of scrutiny will behave circumspectly. 
 
 In the distribution of surplus revenues under the com- 
 pany system three principal objects should receive generous 
 recognition. The first of these is education, not in its 
 general but in its special phases. Part of the revenues 
 should be appropriated to found kindergartens, manual 
 training schools, and schools of industrial art. Kinder- 
 
 Crime. 
 
 Merit of 
 
 Norwegian 
 
 Method of 
 
 Distributing 
 
 Profits. 
 
 Objects 
 Claimingr 
 Special Re- 
 cognition : 
 (a) Education 
 of Children ; 
 
60 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 gartens are selected because results testify unimpeachably 
 
 to the useful moral effects of their training. What other 
 
 agency can boast of a record like that of the San Francisco 
 
 kindergartens ] An investigation, following ten thousand 
 
 children in after-life, has disclosed the astounding fact that 
 
 only one kindergarten child has been arrested. 
 
 Schools* Manual training institutions invite support because a 
 
 boy whose eyes and hands are early trained to translate 
 
 ideas into material objects is not likely later to become a 
 
 burden to society, through inability to earn a living. His 
 
 mechanical aptitudes become so much capital. Industrial 
 
 art schools have a claim, in order that scope may be given 
 
 young women as well as young men to develop higher 
 
 industrial capacities. 
 
 Kindergarten and manual training have received too 
 
 scanty recognition in Anglo-Saxon educational polity. 
 
 The one represents the ethical, the other the industrial 
 
 element in education. Neglect of home-training during the 
 
 period when the character is chiefly formed, and that 
 
 environment of childhood inimical to sound physical and 
 
 moral development which obtains in every large city, 
 
 emphasise the importance of the one, as the economic 
 
 benefits of superior craftship delineate the advantages of 
 
 the other. 
 
 (c) The Social Urban public houses minister in two respects to the 
 
 Entertain- , ^ ^ . 
 
 ment and working-man. They are labour exchanges and social 
 
 the^PeoSe.^ ^^^^^^^- ^^ abolish these without providing substitutes 
 would be rank injustice. Therefore it becomes necessary 
 to apportion a generous share of the profits of liquor com- 
 panies for this purpose. To carry out this idea, it is only 
 necessary to have in the same building, or next-door to the 
 company's liquor-shop, a coffee-house and rooms for reading 
 
RESULTS OF THE SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEM. 61 
 
 and entertainment, as well as for hire for social gatherings. 
 Let as many as possible of the recreative features of a 
 gentleman's club be introduced. The public-house proper 
 should be closed promptly at 7 o'clock, so that, from this 
 time on, the annexe may be the ral lying-ground. Soft 
 drinks, light refreshments, newspapers, pool and billiards, 
 draughts and chess, smoking and conversation, should be 
 elements in the entertainment. If possible, the attractive- 
 ness of the well-equipped modern public-house should be 
 outdone. Let these privileges accompany the purchase of 
 a soft drink or a portion of refreshment, and the American 
 free lunch of to-day will never be regretfully recalled. 
 
 There ought also to be liberal appropriations for popular 
 evening concerts. These should be held at frequent inter- 
 vals in different parts of a city, so as to be easily accessible 
 to everybody. The admission fee should be such as the 
 working-man and his family could readily support, and the 
 inevitable deficit made up by subsidies from the liquor 
 fund. The popularisation of music and art is of great 
 civilising importance. Its sociological import, too, is of 
 the highest. It reacts favourably upon family life, and 
 saves male members from the unfortunate or evil associa- 
 tions surrounding public-house and cheap music-hall enter- 
 tainments. No class of persons stand in greater need of 
 recreation than working-people, yet to no other is so little 
 available. The conditions of city life need to be vastly 
 ameliorated in this and other ways before there can be au 
 appreciable diminution of drinking. 
 
Private Profit. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE COMPANY SYSTEM THE BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 
 
 Advantages Of It may not be out of place to preface this final chapter 
 vian System • "^i^h a brief summary of the advantages and disadvantages 
 
 of the Scandinavian system of control. 
 Elimination of 1. The supreme advantage of the company system is the 
 elimination of private profit from liquor-selling. Through 
 this means, what we may regard as at best a dangerous 
 traffic is taken from the hands of a self-seeking class of 
 persons, frequently of a low type, and always, perhaps, 
 endowed with an imperfect sense of moral responsibility, 
 and given to an organisation representing disinterested 
 public welfare. The business is then carried on with a 
 view of reducing consumption to the lowest possible 
 limits. Not infrequently, as in the case of the Gothen- 
 burg company under the administration of Dr. Sig- 
 frid Wieselgren, the directing authority is composed of 
 men who abominate the whole business and take charge 
 only from a sense of public duty, and in order that they 
 may minimise the evils and ultimately extinguish them. I 
 think no company can give better evidence of its philan- 
 thropic aim than to place its direction in the hands of a 
 sensible temperance man, nor ought any high-minded 
 abstainer to shrink from the task. If liquor must be sold — 
 and few, even of the most ardent Prohibitionists, will deny 
 that it will continue to be for some time yet — is it not vastly 
 better to take the traflBc from the control of the present lower 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 03 
 
 element of society, representing but moderate intelligence 
 and inferior moral perception, and place it in the hands of 
 reputable men with no economic interest to serve 1 Is it 
 not also better to apply the vast profits of the business 
 which now go to enrich a dangerous class, to corrupt 
 politics and to debase social life, to objects of general public 
 utility and towards lessening the burdens entailed by strong 
 drir.lr 1* 
 
 2. A conspicuous merit is the complete divorcing of the Liquor Traffic 
 liquor traffic from politics. In these countries the elimina- ^PoUtics.^"^ 
 tion of the liquor element as a political power is complete. 
 
 The shareholders in the companies are, as a rule, prominent 
 citizens — in Gothenburg, for example, some of the very 
 best known — and this can be said of all the larger com- 
 munities. In none of them have shares become so concen- 
 trated that anything like a particular interest could be 
 created. It is true that in some of the smaller towns of 
 Sweden minor abuses have not been effectually guarded 
 against ; but, under the stricter regulations in Norway, 
 pernicious methods of administration are unknown. The 
 employees who deal directly with the practical details of the 
 companies' business are simply paid servants, and none of 
 them, so far as can be learned, hold any position whatever 
 under the city or local governments or have friends or 
 backers therein. Charges of "ring " politics in connection 
 with liquor companies may be completely discounted. 
 Especially in Norway is the divorce absolute and com- 
 plete. 
 
 3. The company monopoly has been so administered Number of 
 that a general reduction of the number of licences has been Reduced. 
 brought about everywhere. This means lessening of tempta- 
 tion to drink. The appropriate facts have already been 
 
 * See Appendix B, page 100. 
 
64 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Safeguards 
 Provided 
 Against 
 Abuses. 
 
 adverted to in the previous chapter, and need not be 
 reiterated. Certainly no nation in the world can show 
 such a low ratio of licences to population as can Sweden 
 and Norway, Side by side with the reduction of licences 
 there has been a marked improvement in the character of 
 the public-houses. The sites chosen have been, as a rule, in 
 public places, and they are thus open to the most rigid 
 scrutiny. In Sweden, where sub-licensing is resorted to, 
 the police authorities uniformly avail themselves of the 
 right afforded in the contracts made by the companies with 
 sub-licensees to impose conditions which put an effectual 
 stop to gambling or immoral practices in places where liquor 
 is sold. It is an iiaportant advantage that the companies 
 are directly amenable to public authority and public opinion 
 for the exercise of their trust. 
 
 4. A series of efficient checks is interposed against 
 breach of trust, supposing that under the company system 
 there may exist an inclination to commit it. In the first 
 place, the final decision concerning all matters in Sweden, 
 for example, rests with the governor, who is an officer 
 appointed by the crown, and a man of high character and 
 wide administrcttive knowledge. Secondly, the licences 
 hold good only during the governor's pleasure. In Norway 
 a faithless corporation may be brought immediately to task 
 simply by the threat of extinguishing it As has been 
 already shown, this was effectually carried out in the case 
 of one company which was inclined to place the economic 
 interests of the municipality above the social interests of 
 its inhabitants. Thirdly, an efficient c^-operation is 
 established between the company and police officials. 
 Blackmail and bribery under such circumstances become 
 an impossibility. Fourthly, the disposition of profits, 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 65 
 
 whether under the Swedish or the Norwegian plan, are so 
 provided for that fair dealing only can ensue. Fifthly, 
 the general conduct of the business is always open to public 
 inspection and criticism. The requirement that printtMl 
 reports of the transactions of the companies in Norway 
 shall be published every year, is a salutary measure. 
 Sixthly, the company monopoly secures strict enforcement 
 of legal and police regulations in relation to the liquor 
 traffic. 
 
 5. The companies have in some measure gone beyond 
 the legal requirements in the line of public interest, thus 
 emphasising their desire to contribute to the public weal. 
 This has been manifest particularly in raising the age of 
 minority from fifteen, where the laws puts it, to eighteen, 
 as regards selling drink to young persons, and also in 
 insisting upon immediate cash payment for liquors sold. 
 Again, they have gradually advanced the price of drinks, 
 at the same time reducing their alcoholic contents. Strin- 
 gent regulations against loitermg around public-houses 
 are also characteristic of Norwegian prescriptions. 
 
 6. Early closing under the company system has become 
 a fixed practice. In Norway saloons are closed on Sundays 
 and at those periods of the day when the working-man is 
 most tempted to drink. It is impossible for him to spend 
 his leisure moments carousing at bars, and thus be almost 
 involuntarily led to squander hard-earned wages. Nothing 
 whatever is found in Norwegian saloons which invites to 
 conviviality. Generally there are no seats, and the regula- 
 tions, which personal observation leads me to say are 
 enforced, are all designed for the orderly conduct of the 
 business, and render drinking to excess a very difficult 
 matter. 
 
 F 
 
 PubUo 
 Interests are 
 furtbered by 
 Companies 
 beyond Legal 
 Require- 
 ments. 
 
 Early and 
 Sunday 
 Closing:. 
 
I' ; 
 
 66 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Interests of 7, Employees being paid fixed salaries, fair in amount, 
 
 Employees ... . . . . . 
 
 and the and Civil Service principles bein«( established in promotion, 
 
 Identl^U. ^ there is not the same temptation to push the sale of drink ; 
 on the contrary, it is made distinctly an object to act 
 otherwise. 
 No Evasion 8. All taxes are paid under the company system — a 
 
 nor tendency nierit which cannot be predicated of every licensing regime. 
 Municinal "^''^ charge has sometiuH'S been made that the company 
 Cupidity. system has stimulated nmnicipal cupidity. This is ground- 
 less. There is a natural and impossible limit to cupidity of 
 this sort which, if overpassed, will bring ruin to any com- 
 munity. Municipal cupidity would mean stinmlation of 
 consum})tion, but the statistical data quoted in the last 
 chapter show tha^ consumption per head has notably 
 diminished in both Sweden and Norway under the company 
 ref/inie. Were the municipalities anxious to make money 
 directly out of the licpior traffic, the excise tax on the 
 consumption — which, in Sweden, goes entirely to the 
 municipal treasury, apart from the profits of sale in which 
 the municipality has only a share, and in Norway to the 
 poor fund, a municipal burden, would be more libeially 
 estimated than it is. The revocation of the charter of the 
 Langesund company furnishes further refutation of this 
 charge. 
 
 Sub-licensing 9, A distinctive merit of the Norwegian plan is, that 
 
 in STorw&v 
 and Sweden, indiscriminate sub-licensing is unknown. Such privileges 
 
 are granted only as public interest may require, and where 
 
 an effectual control can be exercised against abuse. In 
 
 Sweden, where sub-licensing prevails, a good sized fee is 
 
 usually required. In Gothenburg about .£140 per annum 
 
 is the average charge exacted for a sub-licence. 
 
 10. The assistance rendered, financially and otherwise, in 
 
COMPANY HYUTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 67 
 
 promoting the cause of temperance. In Norway a moderate 
 sum is annually expended iu subsidising temperance 
 societies. In several localities, particularly in Norway, 
 cordial co-operation exists between agencies for the spread 
 of teetotalism and the companies. 
 
 11. The attitude of the temperance party is particularly 
 important. Were the companies not succeeding in their 
 avowed aim and accomplishing successfully the huge task 
 of restricting the evils of the traffic, total abstainers would 
 become their most earnest opponents. On the contrary, 
 while they do not desire the system as a permanency, it is 
 equally true that all of the more intelligent abstainers 
 regard it as a salutary agency of progressive reform. 
 There are 30 total abstainers amongst the 238 members 
 of the Lower House of the Swedish Parliament. These, 
 with 40 others, have voted in favour of a prohibitory 
 rejime, but they havtj never officially clamoured for the 
 abolition of the existing system. The leader of the pro- 
 hibition party in the Lower House, in a letter to me, made 
 use of these significant words : " As to my personal view of 
 the results of the Gothenburg system, I will merely add 
 that, with all its defects, it is vastly preferal)le to free 
 trade in liquors, or to the ordinary licensing systems." 
 Dr. Wieselgren, President of the Swedish Temperance 
 Society, is the most doughty champion of the plan. In 
 Norway. Mr. H. E. Berner, of Christiania, is not only the 
 best authority on the company system, but also one of its 
 most ardent exponents. He is the authority for saying 
 that "a great mass of abstainei^s have vigorously united in 
 supporting a proposition recently formulated V)y a royal 
 commission, which does not advocate abolishing the 
 companies, but would grant them a complete monopoly of 
 F2 
 
 FinanciiJlAid 
 
 rendered to 
 
 Temperance 
 
 Work. 
 
 The System 
 has won the 
 approval of 
 the Temper- 
 ance Party, 
 
68 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 all sales of spirits." He also says that " the regulations of 
 the companies must be regarded as having worked success- 
 fully, and contriVjuted greatly to restrict drunkenness, 
 while the profits have generally been devoted to the 
 promotion of enlightenment, morality, and proper social 
 spirit." Much capital has been made out of the passage of 
 a resolution at the annual session of the Norwegian Grand 
 Lodge of Good Templars, in 1893, which was unfavourable 
 to the company system. The fact has since transpired 
 that this slipped through without the full knowledge of the 
 meeting, and the committee on resolutions has since refused 
 to acknowledge it. 
 Whose Mr. Lars O. Jensen, who is one of the most prominent 
 
 Leaders nagj^jbers of the order, and at present Right Worthy Grand 
 Templar for Norway, the representative of the society to 
 the recent International Alcoholic Congress at the Hague, 
 and the editor for Norway of the " Internationale Monat- 
 schrift," thus writes (his letter is in my possession) con- 
 cerning the matter in question : "This resolution is now, 
 I think, generally considered a mistake, even among the 
 Good Templars themselves. An old temperance man who 
 is very much opposed tu the company system sent a letter 
 to the meeting asking it to adopt the said resolution, which 
 it did. The resolution condemned the system in that it 
 declared that it had failed to materially decrease the 
 consumption of alcoholic liquors. This same old gentleman 
 wrote to the annual meetings of the Norwegian Total 
 Abstinence Society and the Blue Ribbon Army, but at 
 these meetings no such resolution was carried. As to the 
 attitude of the representative temperance men, I refer you 
 to my paper read before the International Alcoholic 
 Congress at the Hague in 1890. I do think that they 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 69 
 
 almost unanimously favour the company system as against 
 individual licensing, and in this very year (18U-4) they have 
 done their utmost to have the company system more fully 
 carried out through the law just passed by Parliament." 
 Mr. Sven Narrestad, a meml)er of the Norwegian Parlia- 
 ment, and editor of the official organ of the Norwegian 
 Total Abstinence Society, has also shown his good feeling 
 ))y assisting Mr. Berner in passing the new amendments to 
 the Norwegian law which will enable the companies to 
 operate more effectively. The attitude of such influential 
 spokesmen of the temperance parties of Sweden and 
 Norway will be deemed by any rational man as fairly con- 
 clusive testimony. It nmst not be supposed that total 
 abstainers are completely satisfied with the plan. They 
 believe, however, that it is the best measure for progressive 
 advance, and their efforts are directed to reforms in 
 matters of detail rather than to changing the principle. 
 They believe that the educational influence of the reyime 
 will, in the course of time, make prohibition a possi})ility. 
 Messrs. Berner and Narrestad, particularly, art? positive 
 in their statements that the company system is not a 
 hindrance, but a help to ultimate prohil)iti<)n. Mr. Berner 
 writes, " this view seems also to be acknowledged by the 
 Norwegian Total Abstinence Society with its 100,000 
 members, for at its great annual meeting at Christiania 
 hist August the warmest thanks were officially voted to 
 Mr. Narrestad and myself for having done our best in Presa for an 
 passing the new law to more fully carry out the company the Powers 
 system." The present efforts of the Scandinavian tern- of the 
 perance parties are directed particularly towards diM)rcing 
 the sale of beer from that of all other merchandise, ex- 
 tending the company monopoly to cover fermented as well 
 
70 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Reports of 
 Home and 
 Foreign Offl- 
 clals and Re- 
 presentatives 
 are unani- 
 mously Fa- 
 vourable.with 
 the Exception 
 of one Trebly 
 Discredited 
 Report by Mr. 
 Michell. 
 
 Once 
 
 Tried, Never 
 
 Abandoned. 
 
 as spirituous beverages, and changing the law so that after 
 a certain number of years it will be illegal to sell any drink 
 containing more than 25 per cent, of alcohol. 
 
 12. The highest police and administrative officials, as 
 well as foreign and consular diplomatic representatives, 
 liave almost unanimously testified in favour of the comi^any 
 system. The former characterise the difference between the 
 individual licensing plan of previous years and the present 
 reyime as " the difference between night and day." The 
 one noteworthy exception to the favourable A'iews of con- 
 sular ofhcers is found in the superficial and misleading 
 report of Mr. T. Michell, the British Consul-General at 
 Christiania. This report precipitated an event which 
 speaks volumes for favourable public opinion in Norway. 
 The Press teemed with protests, and Mr, Berner was 
 requested by the Norwegian Minister for Home Affairs to 
 prepare an official answer, which was later transmitted to 
 the British Foreign Office. Mr. Berner's reply is complete, 
 and effectually disposes of the gross misrepresentation of 
 facts which Mr. Michell's report contained. The Minister 
 for Home Affairs himself forwards a letter of denial to 
 Councillor D. M. Stevenson, of Glasgow, which was pub- 
 lished in the Herald of that city under the date of April 
 25th, 1803. No further notice, I think, need be accorded 
 Mr. Michell's misleading report, except to remark that 
 when a document is officially repudiate'' directly by one 
 government and indirectly by another, in lition to being 
 protested against by the writer's resident compatriots, it is 
 high time that all who prize fairness and uprightness in 
 controversy should cease quoting it. 
 
 13. An undeniably strong evidence of the efficiency of 
 the Scandinavian method of controlling the liquor traffic, is, 
 
GOMPAyr SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 71 
 
 Control 
 Incomplete 
 
 that no ninorle communitv which has ever tried it has 
 afterwards abandoned it. 
 
 Tliere are certain disadvantages, arising chiefly from Legal Defects, 
 defects in the law, not from maladministration. For these 
 the companies are in no wise responsil)le. 
 
 1. The company monopoly does not extend far enoiii^h. 
 In order to achieve a maximum of benefit, fermented 
 l)everages must also be included. As has already been 
 pointed out in the discussion of the causes of drunkenness 
 fluring recent years, one effect of restraining spirit-drinking 
 has been the development of a wider consumption of })eer. 
 Tliis is all the more serious since women drink it to a con- 
 siderable extent, whereas only rarely are they consumers of 
 spirits. Beer, too, is brewed much stronger than formerly. 
 This want of control o\ev the manufacture and sale of l)eer 
 is a serious drawback. Fortunately, this is so generally 
 recognised tliat we may expect an early change of policy in 
 both Sweden and Norway. 
 
 2. A second legal defect is that at present the l)ottle 
 trade in wine and beer in towns and country districts is 
 conducted in connection with general business, and with- 
 out special licence. This privilege is bound soon to be 
 abrogated. It is greatly to the credit of the companies 
 that more than half of them in Norway have acquired con- 
 trol of the bar-trade in beer. They have done this volun- 
 tarily, and at considerable financial loss. The present law 
 does not permit companies to monopolise more than the 
 bar-trade. 
 
 3. A serious defect in the Norwegian law is that the 
 limit for wholesale sales is fixed far too low. Swedish 
 practice in this regard is much better. Norwegian 
 statistics show that about three-fifths of all the liquors sold 
 
 And not Inclu- 
 sive of Wtre 
 and Beer. 
 
 Norwegian 
 
 Wholesale 
 
 Limit too low. 
 
72 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 in that country are destined presumably for home con- 
 sumption. The limit (10 J gallons) is sufficiently low to 
 permit grocers to sell spirits to their customers at a min- 
 imum figure and cheaper than the companies' rates. They 
 can do this because only a general-business licence is 
 required to sell spirits at wholesale. Spirits sold in this 
 way are exempt from the regular municipal tax of about 
 7(1. per gallon. Wholesale sales represent consumption in 
 country districts where prohibition prevails. People club 
 together and purchase a cask of 11| gallons. Dividing the 
 contents is not illegal, provided the money has been 
 collected before the liquor is bouglit. 
 Steps A royal com.mission appointed in 1888 has suggested 
 
 taken to remedies for the defects enumerated under 1, 2, and 
 remedy these 3 Tlieir recommendations have recently been incor- 
 porated in a new law. Much then that has been said 
 above does not now apply ; but the statement was 
 necessary in order to account for certain abuses which have 
 arisen. A full statement in reference to the new law 
 cannot now be made, as the copy of the measure is not at 
 hand. Mr. H. E, Berner is, however, engaged in prepar- 
 ing a commentary which will soon be available to English 
 readers. It is a significant testimony to the sense of 
 moral guardianship of the public interests felt by the 
 comjianies that they have exercised a potent influence in 
 faA our of the new reforms. 
 
 Special 4. Defects in the Swedish, as distinguished from the 
 
 detects o' 
 Swedlsh'^ Norwegian, method, may be summarised as follows : — 
 
 System. ^^^ L^gg perfect governmental supervision over the 
 
 business of tlie companies than exists in Norway — a fact 
 which is responsible for neglect of public interests in a few 
 places, chiefly smaller towns 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 73 
 
 (6) Permitting the sale of beer and spirits on the same 
 premises, and in general allowing eniploy<^es to reap pecu- 
 niary benefit from the former. 
 
 (c) Permitting, even under the restrictions which exist, 
 the sale of spirits on Sundays and holidays. 
 
 5. A drawback which rarely appears, but which fair- 
 ness compels me to mention, is, that in a few instances the 
 question of profits has been made undeniably conspicuous. 
 These are indeed notal>le exceptions to the well-nigh 
 universal rule. Attention is called to their existence in 
 order to make more apparent the contrast. The danger 
 can be easily averted by arranging for a strong system of 
 central supervision. It is safe to say that the alertness of 
 temperance sentiment in England and the United States 
 would not permit of the smallest evil of this sort. A 
 triennial referendum would keep every company up to its 
 professions. 
 
 Certain advanced temperance reformers, not satisfied with 
 evolutionary progress, express the feai that the company 
 system may please too well, and that it may become a 
 permanency. Such people should re-read the fable of the 
 dog with a bone who saw his shadow in the stream. We 
 have seen already that Messrs, Berner, Narrestad, and 
 other temperance leaders regard the Scandinavian methofl 
 as the precursor to something better still when society shall 
 have been fitted to receive it. So also do all well-informed 
 persons, no matter of what shade of opinion, reject the 
 notion that liquor-selling has been made more respectable 
 under the company regime. Individual testimony is pecu- 
 liai'ly positive on this point, and besides, numerous evi- 
 dences exist in support of the view. One alone need be 
 cited, as in itself it is fairly conclusive. It refers to 
 
 In Rare 
 
 Instances 
 
 Question of 
 
 Profits too 
 
 Conspicuous. 
 
 Opposition 
 
 of some 
 
 Advanced 
 
 Temperance 
 
 Reformers, 
 
 In the Face of 
 
 Conclusive 
 
 Evidence of 
 
 Reduced 
 
 Consumption. 
 
74 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 decline in the bar-trade. In Gothenburg the quantity of 
 
 spirits sold over the bar in 1874 represented a consumption 
 
 of 11-3 quarts per head of population ; in 1892 it was 51 
 
 quarts, considerably less than half. In Stockholm the 
 
 appropriate figures are 14-61 quarts during the first year 
 
 of the company's operations, and 6-49 quarts for 1892. In 
 
 the Norwegian cities of Bergen and Christianssand the 
 
 same phenon)eiia are apparent. The record for the former 
 
 in 1877 was 25 quaits per inhabitant ; in 1892 1*7 quarts. 
 
 For the latter 1'34 quarts, in 1872, and 0*63 quarts twenty 
 
 years later. Returns from smaller towns in the two 
 
 countries teach the same lesson. 
 
 DrinMng has The late Mr. Thomas M. Wilson, whose 35 years of 
 
 not been . . 
 
 rendered residence in Norway entitled him to speak authoritatively, 
 
 abS^'^bv the ^^y^' " -'^^ persons of the better class would dream of going 
 Company into a company's bar, and the respectable working class, 
 desirous of maintaining their position, avoid them like 
 poison. Th(! fact that customers are subjected to control, 
 and may be refused supply at the discretion of the bar- 
 keeper, has stamped the company's bars, in the opinion of 
 all classes, as something of a reformatory nature, and they 
 are avoided by all with any pretensions to respectability 
 and self-respect." Dr. Wiese)gren is equally positive, 
 averring that when one meets with the assertion that the 
 Scandinavian method has made liquor-drinking respectable, 
 one may safely reply that ''such has not been the case in 
 Sweden and Norway : the possibility of it is to us an in- 
 comprehensible saying." 
 Nor has Home Reduced drinking at the bar has not been accompanied 
 
 Increased. with increased consumption at home. The figures for 
 retail sale show also a decline, though not in the same 
 proportion. 
 
COMPANY tiYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 75 
 
 The pith of the whole matter resides here. Iii the 
 present stages of social evolution no system can be devised 
 which will completely eradicate the evils to which the 
 drink-traffic necessarily gives rise ; but so long as spirits are 
 allowed to be manufactured and sold, the Scandinavian 
 method of control is the only practical one to adopt. The 
 justice of my assertion is made clear by reference to the 
 experience of the United States, which has been a pecu- 
 liarly fertile field of experiment. This ex})erience I have 
 fully related in the Farmer for November, 1894, and tlie 
 salient features are here reproduced.* 
 
 In seven American commonwealths what is known as 
 prohibition is the prevailing form of control. This term 
 indicates the withdrawing the right to manufacture and 
 sell spirituous and malt beverages from domiciled residents 
 within the borders. In the sense in which it is incorporated 
 in American practice, it does not further attempt to regulate 
 the conduct of individual citizens. A man may buy liquor 
 in another State and have it shipped to him, provided it is 
 destined for his own private use. Still more, he may pur- 
 chase it surreptitiously from a fellow-resident without 
 rendering himself liable to punishment. It is the manu- 
 facturer and the seller, not the consumer of drink, who 
 are placed under the ban. Prohibition is now the law 
 of seven States — Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, 
 Iowa, Kansas, North Dakota, and South Dakota. Four 
 of these— Maine, Kansas, and the two Dakotas — have 
 prohibition amendments to their constitutions. Prohibition 
 has been tried and abandoned in Delaware, Rhode Island, 
 Massachusetts, Connecticut, Indiana, Nebraska, New York, 
 Illinois, and Ohio. 
 
 All the States in which prohibitory legislation obtains 
 
 * See Appendix D, page 103. 
 
 Superiority of 
 Scandinavian 
 
 System 
 evidenced by 
 
 Failure of 
 American Ex- 
 periments 
 In- 
 
 (a) Frohibi. 
 tion, 
 
 Which has 
 
 beenTriedand 
 
 Abandoned, 
 

 Except in 
 
 more or less 
 
 sparsely 
 
 populated 
 
 Districts : 
 
 Is Danger- 
 ously Liable 
 to produce 
 Disrespect 
 for Law ; 
 
 And, by 
 becoming 
 a Party 
 Question, to 
 degrade 
 Politics. 
 
 76 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 to-day are relatively sparsely populated. The largest urban 
 coininunity in any of tlieni is the city of Desmoines, Iowa, 
 which contains 50,093 people, according to the last census. 
 IJut it is in large cities where the liquor tratiic is hardest 
 to control. Therefore I think it is perfectly fair to make 
 answer to the friends of prohibition, that the soundness of 
 their views has not been sufticieiitly apparent from practical 
 experiments. Massachusetts, Rliode Island, New York, 
 Illinois, and Ohio are States containing large city popu- 
 lations, and tliese have abandoned the prohibitory recjime. 
 
 The chief difficulty with all restrictive measures directed 
 {t.^ainst social vices, is to secure their enforcement — or, 
 indeed, their moderate observance — in urban centres. 
 People should take account ot this, remembering that 
 virtue can never be inculcated by legal enactment. Its 
 springs are in the human heart, and before they will flow 
 they must be struck with the rod of a quickened intelligence. 
 Marching too far in advance of public sentiment always 
 renders success problematical. Depositing the ballot is too 
 often accompanied on our part by a thrill of satisfactic^n 
 that duty has been done, whereas it should be understood 
 as having been only just begun. We should reflect that a 
 majority vote for prohibition establishes a new legal mis- 
 demeanour, and that, unless there is hearty and effective 
 cooperation to secure enforcement, damage is more likely 
 to be done than good accomplished. Disrespect for law is 
 tiie most dangerous of all things under a democratic form 
 of government ; and those who assist in making laws which, 
 for one reason or another, cannot be enforced, assume 
 weighty responsibilities. 
 
 The control of the liquor traffic is a moral and social 
 question, and has no place in the arena of politics. It is 
 
COMPANY SYSTEAf BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 77 
 
 greatly to be feared that making prohibition a political 
 issue has compelled the liquor interests to seek political 
 means of defence. But whatever the cause, the result has 
 been an alliance with the dominant party, or the lower 
 elements of both political parties, which has degraded 
 American politics to the lowest depths. 
 
 Another favourite American method of dealing with (b) Local 
 the liquor traffic has been through local option. This, by 
 many, is called prohibition in its more rational form. The 
 advantages claimed are that the limited area to which it 
 applies renders its introduction easier. There is not only a 
 strong local feeling behind it, but concentration of attention 
 upon a limited territory with a greater likelihood of 
 rigorous enforcement. Again, the movement advances 
 slowly, and ground once gained rarely has to be surren- 
 dered. 
 
 Local option represents evolutionary advance, whereas 
 prohibition is cataclysmic. Opponents of local option 
 enumerate amongst its drawbacks — 
 
 1. That drinking is made a local question, whereas it 
 ought to be considered from a national point of view. 
 
 2. The ethical basis of the problem is lowered to that Confined to 
 of mere expediency. Disl^S, 
 
 3. It has only been successful in practice in country 
 districts, and then at the expense of adjoining neighbour- 
 hoods. 
 
 Local option has been tried in several States. Better 
 results seem to have been achieved in Massachusetts than else- 
 where. In several of the Southern States, also, a feeling of 
 satisfaction with its operation has been expressed, though 
 generally the areas to which it has been confined are almost 
 exclusively country districts. The experiences of Michigan 
 

 
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71 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 (c) High. 
 Licence 
 
 Decreases 
 Number of 
 
 AndHarmfta and Missouri give a reverse side to the picture. In the 
 
 owni^ea** former commonwealth an important contention of critics 
 
 seems to have been justified. The ratio of licences to 
 
 population in areas not under local option increased during 
 
 the last census-period 8 per cent. 
 
 High-licence is the method most in favour for large 
 cities where restrictive measures have been practised at 
 all. Advocates claim that it is the only effective form of 
 control as demonstrated by experience. It may he applied 
 to places where prohibition and local option would both 
 fail, and it reduces the number of public-houses within 
 measurable limits, both as to number and geographical 
 situation. 
 
 It is true that, where a really high-licence fee has been 
 
 DrlnlE-BboDB ^^^''g^* dram-shops have notably decreased. In Omaha, 
 in 1881, the licence fee was raised from £20 to £200. At 
 that time the ratio of licences to population was 1 to 2G7. 
 In 1891 it was 1 to 600, The experience of St. Paul is almost 
 equally significant. During the six years from 1886 to 
 1892, when a similar change took place, the ratio of licences 
 to population declined from 1 to 152 to 1 for 368. In 
 Philadelphia results have been even more remarkable. 
 Previous to the enactment of the Brooks law in 1888, there 
 was one licence to every 160 inhabitants. In 1891 the 
 proportion was 1 to 600. This favourable statistical 
 showing, be it noted, applies to three States where the 
 licence fee is fixed at £200. Other high-licence cities 
 require only £100, and it is undeniably true that no such 
 conspicuously useful results have there been attained. 
 There seems to be somewhere a normal limit of efficiency, 
 and whenever the sum charged is below the line the useful 
 ' effects of control are lessened, 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 79 
 
 Perhaps the most effective form of higli-licence prevails 
 in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. To my mind there 
 are two reasons for this. In the first-named State, while 
 the number of permits is not limited by law, complete dis- 
 cretion is vested ''n the licensing commission, which is con- 
 stituted of judges in courts of secondary instance. Massa- 
 chusetts has recourse to limitation, Boston being allowed 
 one licence to every 500 of population, and every other 
 city one licence to every 1,000 persons. Local limitation of 
 number, and especially a high-class commission of judges, 
 are features which should accompany every high-licence 
 regime. 
 
 Opponents of this plan dispute the fjict that it has been Bnt 
 
 much of a success anywhere. Again, they assert that it AjSuiace 
 forges more closely the alliance l)etween liquor and politics. y|^*^5Sii 
 Licensing boards have usually a distinct political element and Politics; 
 in their composition, so that in the distribution of 
 privileges political bummers may be properly looked after. 
 Furthermore, it is alleged that consolidation of liquor 
 interests more readily occurs, and " tied houses " become 
 substitutes for individual tap-rooms. Finally, those who 
 take the high ground that licence fees represent blood- 
 money, so to speak, contend that enhanced revenues are a 
 salve to the conscience of the weak-kneed brother and 
 lessen his practical interest in the suppression of liquor- 
 drinking. 
 
 The latest form of experiment is that inaugurated by (d)Diap6naary 
 South Carolina under the law of Deceml)er 24, 1892. The south 
 constitutionality of this measure has just been affirmed by Carolina. 
 the Supreme Court of the State. Private liquor-selling is 
 abolished, and a State dispensary system substituted. At 
 least one of these dispensaries is opened in every county not 
 
80 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC, 
 
 under local option, and in the cities of Charleston and 
 Columbia more are provided for. A State board of 
 control, composed of the governor, comptroller-general, and 
 attorney-general, is the highest business authority. A 
 State commissioner, who is believed to be an abstainer, is 
 appointed by this body, as well as county boards of 
 control, which are composed of three members serving for 
 two years, and who are likewise teetotalers. Dispensaries 
 are opened by the county boards of control upon motion of 
 a majority of freehold voters. The State commissioner 
 purchases the liquors (under a saving political clause which 
 gives preference to manufactures and brewers doing 
 business in the State), and the State chemist analyses the 
 beverages to see if they are pure. They are then done up 
 in packets varying from five gallons to one half-pint in size, 
 shipped to the county dispensaries, and sold at prices not 
 exceeding 50 per cent, profit. Considerable formality is 
 required in the purchase of drink. The dispenser must 
 demand of his would-be client a written or printed request, 
 properly dated, stating the age and residence of the signer 
 for whose use the liquor is requested, as well as the 
 quantity and kind required. The certificate is then 
 attested and put on file. 
 Advantagea At first glance one would think that a law which 
 
 byCtovenfor lengthened the time between drinks would not be ^ery 
 Tillman. popular with a South Carolina governor. The present 
 incumbent, however, in his last annual message, urges the 
 following claims in support of his dispensary system : — 
 
 " 1. The element of personal profi . destroyed, thereby 
 removing the incentive to increased sales. 
 
 " 2. A pure article is guaranteed, and it is subject to 
 chemical analysis. 
 
 I 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 81 
 
 "3. The consumer obtains honest measure of standard 
 strength. 
 
 " 4. Treating is stopped, as the bottles are not opened 
 on the premises. 
 
 "5. It is sold only in the daytime. 
 
 " 6. The concomitants of ice, sugar, lemons, etc., being 
 removed, there is not the same inclination to drink remain- 
 ing. The closing of the public-house^ especially at night, 
 and the prohibition of sale by the drink, destroys the 
 inducements and seductions which have caused so many 
 men and boys to be led astray and enter on the downward 
 course. 
 
 " 7. It is sold only for cash, and there is no longer chalk- 
 ing up for daily drinks against pay-day. The working- 
 man buys his bottle of whisky on Saturday night, and 
 carries the rest of his wages home. 
 
 " 8. The local whisky-rings, which have been a curse to 
 every municipality in the State, and have always controlled 
 municipal elections, have been torn up root and branch, and 
 the influence of the bar-keeper as a political manipulator is 
 absolutely destroyed. The police, removed from the control 
 of this debauching element, will enforce the law against 
 evildoing with more vigour, and a higher tone and greater 
 purity in all governmental affairs must result." 
 
 Were the history of this unique measure not so well Origin of 
 known, the contentions of Governor Tillman might be more 
 generally accepted. It is a fact that the plan had its 
 origin in an effort to raise revenue, not in the virtuous 
 desire to reduce the consumption of drink. Prohibitionists 
 were cajoled into its support by promises that the coming 
 enactment would be a stepping-stone to their ideal. It is 
 much to be feared that the local whisky-rings which the 
 G 
 
 Measure, 
 
82 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Wliich must 
 not be con- 
 founded with 
 Scandinavian 
 
 Ssrstem : 
 1. Points of 
 Difference ; 
 
 governor denounces may give place to a State politico- 
 liquor machine. The claim that the consumer will obtain 
 an honest measure of drink, standard in strength and 
 quality, may have local grounds for favour, but one can 
 hardly accept it as possessing great moral weight. Taking 
 away from the tippler his ice, his lemons, and his ugar, 
 may be a hardship ; but it is not a positively reformatory 
 measure — the shadow departs, but the substance remains. 
 But selling only in the daytime and for cash, the abolition 
 of treating, weeding-out gambling-dens and other immoral 
 co"^comitants of the saloon, are undoubted advantages. 
 
 There has been an absurd confounding, in the minds of 
 many people, of this South Carolina experiment with the 
 Scandinavian system of controlling the liquor tratiic. 
 Points of similarity do exist, but modes of operation and 
 effects are quite different. The cardinal principle of the 
 South Carolina plan is State monopoly of all sale of drink ; 
 that of the Norwegian is local control through commercial 
 companies, organised often by the best and most patriotic 
 citizens, who renounce all profits and take merely the 
 ordinary rate of interest on the small amount of capital 
 invested. Wherein both of the plans agree, and where 
 both, in my judgment, strike at the root of the whole 
 matter, is in eliminating private profit from liquor-selling. 
 But here the parallel ceases. These local companies in 
 Norway engage in the traffic in order that they may con- 
 trol it and restrict it until such time as municipalities may 
 do away with licensing for liquor-selling altogether. So 
 well has their aim succeeded, that the vast majority of the 
 inhabitants of the Scandinavian peninsula are to-day under 
 a no-licence regime. In South Carolina the profits go to 
 the State, and the very conception of the measure reposed 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. H3 
 
 on the idea of relief to taxpayers. Indeed, Governor 
 Tillman apologetically remarks that the revenues are not 
 yet as high as they will l)e. A State monopoly makes 
 licjuor-selling a part of the machinery of the Government, 
 and therefore gives to it a more or less permanent ex- 
 istence. The essence of the other plan is liberty to abolish 
 the traffic whenever a community is ready, hut, in the 
 meantime, to regulate it so that the least possible damage 
 may be done. Another most significant difference between 
 the two systems is that State dispensaries involve regula- 
 tion of the traffic by political appt>intees. In Norway 
 every vestige and semblance of political influence i? 
 eliminated Indeed, to my mind, this absolute separation 
 which has been practically effected between liquor and 
 politics is a conspicuous merit. Again, Scandinavian 
 control brings about progressive reform by educating 
 public opinion. The South Carolina plan, being nearly 
 prohibitive in character, is a measure too far in advance 
 of public opinion to be accepted and enforced to-day. 
 
 The minor points of similarity represent borrowings a. Points of 
 from Scandinavian practice. They include reduction in ^" 
 
 the number of places of sale, early closing, selling only 
 for cash, and furnishing pure liquor. Presumably, also, 
 gambling and immorality are divorced from dispensaries 
 as they are in every instance from the company's liquor- 
 shops in Sweden and Norway. The South Carolina plan 
 offers avenues of political interference and possibilities of 
 corrupt exploitation. Revenue and partisan convenience 
 may easily become dominant motives. In these vital 
 features it must be distinguished from the Scandinavian 
 system, from which it is often popularly and erroneously 
 supposed to have lx>rrowed likeness. 
 G 2 
 
M Popular control of the liquor traffic. 
 
 Non-effecUye- Notwithstanding the variety of American experiments 
 
 these Methods in controlling the drink traffic, results show in a general 
 ConsurnDtton ^^^^ *^^^ practically nothing has been accomplished. In 
 1850 the consumption of all kinds of liquor averaged 4*08 
 gallons per inhabitant ; in 1892 it was 17 04 gallons, 
 considerably more than a fourfold increase. During tliis 
 period the consumption of spirits diminished, it is true, 
 from 2^^ to 1^ gallons per head, but beer-drinking shows 
 an advance from 1'58 to 15*10 gallons per head of popula- 
 tion. Wine-drinking increased only slightly, viz., from 
 27 to 0*44 gallons per head. Taking the year 1874 — 
 chosen because at that time the oldest Swedish company, 
 the Gothenburg, secured the licences for the retail sales of 
 spirits in addition to the bar-trade, which was conceded it in 
 18G5 — and making a comparison with the present, the 
 consumption of spirits and wines in the United States has 
 remained stationary, but beer- drinking has very much 
 more than doubled. It is true that during the last half- 
 century the United States has received large accessions 
 of populations from countries where beer is the national 
 beverage, and doubtless it will lie said that since spirit- 
 drinking has not adviinced it is unfair to assume a de- 
 terioration in habits. It must be conceded, however, that 
 no progress has been made. 
 Or Crime. There is another significant fact. Returns of the 
 prison population in the United States show an increase of 
 358 pei'sons per million inhabitants during the last census- 
 period. The advance Las been greatest in the North 
 Atlantic division, which contains the largest city popula- 
 tions. Exactly what proportion of criminality springs 
 from drink is a question which, so far, has not been accu- 
 rately determined. The best studies, however, go to show 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 85 
 
 that tippling is a prolific source of wrong-doing ; indeed, 
 probably the most potent factor in petty crime. 
 
 Here, then, is a summary of the situation. Prohibition, Sninmary of 
 local option, State monopoly, high-licence and low-licence, JSSrtcim 
 have been tried, and most of them during long periods and Experiments, 
 in many parts of the country : — 
 
 1. The consumption of liquor has increased and the 
 prison population is rapidly advancing. 
 
 2. The proportion of licences to inhabitants in large 
 cities often now attains to disgraceful proportions. In the 
 257 largest cities the ratio of public-house licences to 
 inhabitants is 1 to 250. 
 
 3. The alliance between liquor and politics is being 
 
 drawn closer and closer. 
 
 There remain three leading alternatives in future Tlie Three 
 action— Alternatives : 
 
 1. Hopelessly to give up the struggle, at least for the Despair, 
 present, and allow the evil to become unendurable, trusting 
 to a great wave of moral enthusiasm to sweep it entirely 
 away. Municipalities exercise this method to free them- 
 selves from political corruption, but it is generally noticed 
 that spasms of virtue come at longer intervals, while re- 
 lapses follow more speedily and are more severe. Generally 
 speaking, the last condition of the patient is worse than the 
 first. Such doctrines are dangerous in the extreme. They 
 cannot for one moment be admitted in dealing with grave 
 moral issues, because ere long recuperative virtue would l)e 
 debauched and silenced. 
 
 2. Great numbers of people, while candidly admitting AavoiJicyof 
 that present conditions are not satisfactory, are so wedded to problematical 
 preconceived notions, or attached to a narrow system, that Measures, 
 they will not hear of moving outside of regulation methods. ' 
 
18 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 They are partiHans of a faith-cure such as prohibition at 
 this time is, especially when applied to large cities. More, 
 perhaps, l^elieve in very mild homu-opathic treatment, and 
 so recommend liigh-licence, forgetting that a consolidation 
 of li(]uor interests and the exercise of political favouritism 
 are necessary incidents thereto. Instead of removing it, 
 the impulse of private gain is stimulated by success being 
 rendered uncertain unless business is pushed and resorts 
 made seductive. No-licence — or local option, as it is usually 
 called — cannot \)e successfully enforced in the case of large 
 municipalities unless there is some adjacent community 
 near by upon which to unload the burden. I doubt very 
 much if Cambridge could have shown such good results, 
 did not a bridge span the stretch of water between it and 
 Boston. 
 Investigation 3. The third alternative is to study impartially the 
 
 Reform. liquor problem from all points of view, and adopt those 
 methods which have lt>een proven most efficient in practice 
 as measures of progressive, if not ideal, reform. 
 The There has been formed recently, with headcjuart^rs in 
 
 "Stfty ^^^ ^^^y ^^ New York, a national Committee of Fifty on 
 the study of the liquor problem. Distinguished men in 
 clerical, professional, academic and business stations, repre- 
 senting all shades of opinion, are banded together with the 
 sound determination to probe the matter rationally and 
 thoroughly. The very numes of Presidents Seth Low, 
 Eliot, Oilman, and Andrews ; Doctors Billings, Welch, 
 Bowditch, and Chittenden ; Bishops Potter and Vincent, 
 Fathers Doyle and Conaty, and the Reverend Doctors 
 Hunger, Peabody, and Felix Adler ; Francis A. Walker, 
 Carroll D. Wright, William E. Dodge, W. Byai-d Cutting, 
 and Robert T. Payne, are a guarantee of sincere purpose 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 87 
 
 and determined aim. When such men as these and 
 twenty-nine others scarcely less distinguished surrender 
 time and attention and contribute money and effort to the 
 work, it does not seem unreasonable to hope for good 
 results. Gauging the attitude of fellow memljers })y a 
 personal standard, I may say that never was any question 
 approached with greater earnestness. Four leading sub- 
 committees will investigate the physiological and patho- 
 logical effects of alcohol upon the human system, the 
 legislative status of the drink traflSc and the success 
 attending various forms of control, economic phases with 
 relation to crime, pauperism, industrial efficiency, and 
 finally, ethical aspects in their broadest extensions. When 
 results are reached and published, the American people 
 will have data for judgment which have never existed 
 before. To my mind, one reason why so little solid 
 swlvance has hitherto l)een made is that the liquor problem 
 has been largely dealt with from the standpoint of senti- 
 ment. Sentiment is undoubtedly a tremendous force, but, 
 like other motive powers, unless usefully directed, no 
 progress can be made. A locomotive with furnace blazing 
 and lever drawn may remain at a complete standstill. It 
 must have a track upon which to run if ground is to Ikj 
 traversed and a goal reached. Now, this National Com- 
 mittee of Fifty, if it does nothing else, will certainly lay a 
 track. 
 
 In the meantime, thoughtful people in the United Growth of 
 States are turning to the Scandinavian method as the best ^j^on 
 
 and safest means of control. The publication in 1893 of towarda 
 
 Scandinavimi 
 the official report I had the honour of being commissioned System. 
 
 to make to the United States Department of Lalx)ur struck 
 
 a responsive chord. The first edition, numbering several 
 
POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Tbe Mas- 
 ■aohosetts 
 LeBislatlve 
 
 thousand, was Hpeedily exhausted. The diHtribution record 
 of this public document disclosed the gratifying fact that a 
 very large proportion of applicants l)elonged to the Christian 
 ministry. 
 
 A little over a year ago, Massachusetts, which has 
 always taken the lead amongst American States in in- 
 CommissioD, dustrial and social reform, began to evince signs of par- 
 ticular interest. A committee of propaganda, composed of 
 many of the most influential citizens, was formed. In 
 this body clergymen of various denominations were liberally 
 represented. Indeed, a published list of one hundred of 
 the most prominent exponents shows more than one-fourth 
 to be ministers. The governor appointed a strong legisla- 
 tive commission to study the question and report a Bill. 
 The measure was discussed in the Legislature last spring, 
 but was finally defeated, principally because of the liquor 
 interest, in combination with a few misguided prohibi- 
 tionists, by one vote. Considering the brief time a measure 
 of such great public importance had to become known and 
 properly understood, it is felt that a great moral victory 
 has been achieved and that final success at an early date 
 is reasonably certain. 
 And Bill. The text of the Bill is as follows : — 
 
 An Act to Establish the Norwegian System of 
 Selling Intoxicating Liquors. 
 
 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Represent- 
 atives in General Court assembled, and by the authority of 
 the same, as follows : — 
 
 Section 1. A petition signed by qualified voters of any city 
 or town, not less in number than one for every one 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 80 
 
 hundred persons who voted at the next preceding 
 annual election in such city or town, hut in no case 
 less than fifty, may be presented to the board of uIcUm*- 
 men of such city, or to the selectmen of such town, 
 asking them to insert in the warrant for the annual 
 municipal election or town meeting an article providing 
 for a vote upon the question : " If licences for the sale 
 of intoxicating liquors are grant<Kl in this city (or 
 town), shall they be granted under the Norwegian 
 system ? " If said petition is duly filed with the lx)nd 
 as hereinafter provided, the alderman or selectmen, as 
 the case may l^e, shall insert such article in said 
 warrant. The vote shall be taken tliereon, and the 
 result reported in the manner provided by law for the 
 vote on the question : " Shall licences be granted for 
 the sale of intoxicating liquors in this city (or town) 1' 
 
 Section 2. Said petition before l)eing filed shall be season- 
 ably submitted to the registrars of voters of tlie city or 
 town in which the signers purport to be qualified 
 voters, and the registrars, or a majority of the board 
 to whom the same is suljmitted, shall forthwith certify 
 thereon the number of signatures which are names of 
 qualified voters in the city or town for which they are 
 registrars. And said petition, together with the l)ond 
 duly approved as hereinafter provided, shall be filed 
 with the city or town clerk, as the case may be, at 
 least ten days before the time fixed for the issue of the 
 warrant for the city or town election. 
 
 Section 3. The question relating to the Norwegian system 
 shall not be inserted in the warrant or printed on the 
 ballot, as provided in section 1 of this Act, unless 
 there is filed, together with said petition, a bond to 
 
90 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 said city or town, in the penal sum of one thousand 
 dollars in towns, and of five thousand dollars in cities, 
 executed by not less than five citizens of such city or 
 town, approved by a master in chancery and con- 
 ditioned upon the formation, before the first day of 
 May following said election, of a corporation to receive 
 the licences, which may be granted to it under the 
 provisions of tins Act, and upon the carrying on of 
 business under such licences for at least three years 
 from said first day of May, but to be void if such city 
 or town shall not vote to grant licences under the 
 Norwegian system. 
 Section 4. In any city or town voting to grant licences to 
 sell intoxicating liquors under the Norwegian system, 
 every such licence shall continue in force until three 
 years from said first day of May, unless sooner forfeited 
 or rendered void, and no vote shall be taken in such 
 city or town on the question of granting licences for 
 the sale of intoxicating liquors until the third annual 
 election or town meeting following the one at which 
 such city or town voted to grant such licences, under 
 the Norwegian system ; and in such city or town 
 wherein a corporation is organised to take licences of 
 the first and second classes, as hereinafter defined, no 
 licences of these two classes shall be granted except to 
 such corporation, and such corporation shall apply all 
 the profits of the business above 5 per cent, on its 
 capital, except as hereinafter provided, to the aid of 
 objects of general public benefit and utility, to be 
 decided upon as hereinafter provided. There shall be 
 but one such corporation doing business within such 
 city or town, and if more than one is formed and 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 91 
 
 applies for licences, that one shall receive them which 
 a commission composed, in cities, of the mayor, the 
 city treasurer, and the chairman of the board of 
 assessors, in towns, of the chairman of the board of 
 selectmen, the town treasurer, and the chairman of the 
 board of assessors, shall decide to be the one which 
 will best conduct its business to secure sobriety and 
 good order conformably to the provisions of this Act. 
 Whenever more than one such corporation applies f<ir 
 licences, said commission shall l>e called together by 
 the mayor or the chairman of the l)oard of selectmen, 
 as the case may be ; it shall hear the claims of all 
 applicants, and shall make its decision between them, 
 which, with the reasons therefor in writing, shall be 
 filed with the city or town clerk, as the case may be, 
 and be open to public inspection. 
 Section 5. The by-laws and regulations governing the 
 business of the corporation shall conform to existing 
 law, and in this respect shall be approved by the judge 
 of probate of the county within which such city or 
 town is situated before the corporation shall begin it« 
 business ; they shall l>e conspicuously posted in every 
 place where the business of the corporation is carried 
 on. No shareholder shall receive more than an annual 
 dividend of 5 per cent, on the par value of his stock, 
 payable semi-annually ; and after all the expenses of 
 the business and the dividend have been paid there 
 shall first be established a reserve fund equal to the 
 par value of the capital stock, and after the payment 
 of said dividend and the establisliment of said reserve 
 fund the remainder of the net profits, if any, shall at 
 a fixed time in each year be expende<l for one or more 
 
92 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 objects of general public benefit and utility, such as 
 industrial education, coffee-houses and reading-rooms, 
 parks, hospitals, public baths and sanitary improve- 
 ments. The objects of such expenditures in each year, 
 and the proportion of said remainder to be expended 
 for each one of the objects selected, shall be determined 
 by the shareholders at a meeting called for that purpose. 
 Section 6. The commissioners of savings banks shall 
 investigate, examine and proceed against every such 
 corporation in like manner and with the same powers 
 as is now or shall hereafter be provided in the case of 
 savings banks, so far as such provisions are applicable 
 thereto ; and if it shall appear to said commissioners 
 that the business of such corporation is being carried 
 on so that its shareholders are receiving or will receive 
 therefrom, directly or indirectly, more than the 
 dividend of 5 per cent, as hereinbefore provided, said 
 commissioners shall apply to a justice of the Supreme 
 Court to issue an injunction to restrain such corpora- 
 tion, in whole or in part, from further pToceeding with 
 its business in like manner as is now provided by 
 sections six, seven, eight, nine, and ten of chapter one 
 hundred and sixteen of the Public Statutes with 
 respect to savings banks; and such justice shall have 
 the same power and duties in respect to such applica- 
 tion as are now given by section six of chapter one 
 hundred and sixteen of the Public Statutes in respect 
 to savings banks. Said commissioners may cause any 
 such examination to be made by aii expert under their 
 direction at the expense of the corporation. Every 
 such corporation shall annually, within ten days after 
 the last business day of its fiscal year, make a return 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 93 
 
 to said commissioners, which return shall specify such 
 details of its business as said commissioners may 
 direct, and shall include the names and member of its 
 employees and the salaries paid to each, and the 
 salaries, if any, paid to any officers of said corporation. 
 Blank forms for such returns shall be furnished by 
 said commissioners. Said annual returns shall l)e 
 published in a newspaper of the city or town where 
 such corporation is established, or, if no newspaper 
 is published in any such city or town, in the newspaper 
 published nearest such city or town, at the expense 
 of such corporation, at such times and in such manner 
 as said commissioners may direct. Said commissioners 
 shall annually make report to the general court of 
 such facts and statements respecting such corporation, 
 and in such form as they deem that the public interest 
 requires. 
 Section 7. Every licence granted to a corporation under 
 the provisions of this Act shall be subject to all exist- 
 ing laws and to all the conditions now imposed upon 
 licences granted to private licensees, and which are not 
 inconsistent with the provisions of this Act, and they 
 shall be further subject to the condition that no sale 
 whatever shall be made on credit. 
 Section 8. Licences to be granted in a city voting to grant 
 licences under tlie Norwegian system shall be of the 
 following classes : — 
 First Class. — To sell liquors of any kind to be drunk on 
 
 the premises. 
 Second Class. — To sell liquors of any kind, in quantities 
 
 of less than fifty gallons, not to be drunk on the 
 
 premises. 
 
94 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Third Class. — To sell distilled liquors of any kind, but 
 only in quantities of fifty gallons or more, not to be 
 drunk on the premises. 
 Fourth Class. — To sell malt liijuors of any kind, but only 
 in quantities of fifty gallons or more, not to be 
 drunk on the premises. 
 Fifth Class. — Licences to clubs, as now provided by 
 
 law. 
 Sixth Class. — Licences to druggists and to apothecaries, 
 as now provided by law, except that sales of intoxi- 
 cating liquors of any kind by retail druggists and 
 apothecaries for medicinal purposes shall be niiide 
 only upon the prescription of a physician. 
 Section 9. The number of licensed places in which said 
 corporation may exercise the licences granted under 
 the provisions of this Act shall be fixed by the directors, 
 subject to the approval of the licensing authority for 
 the time being ; but the number of licensed places for 
 the sale of intoxicating liquors under the first four 
 classes, as hereinbefore detined, shall not exceed one 
 place for each two thousand of the population of the 
 city or town in which the licences are to be granted, 
 as ascertained by the last preceding national or state 
 census ; and all licences grani^ed contrary to or in 
 excess of the provisions of this Act shall be void. 
 Section 10. The foregoing section shall not prevent the 
 licensing of one place in any town voting to licence 
 under the Norwegian system where the population is 
 less than two thousand. 
 Section IL The fees for licences granted under the pro- 
 visions of this act shall be as follows : — 
 
 For a licence of the first class, not less than one 
 
 St 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 95 
 
 thousand nor more than two thousand dollars ; foi a 
 licence of the second chiss, not less than five hundred 
 nor more than one thousand dollars ; for a licence of 
 the third class, not less than five hundred nor more 
 than one thousand dollars ; for a licence of the fourth 
 . class, not less than five hundred nor more than one 
 thousand dollars ; for a licence of the fifth class, not 
 less than fifty nor more than five hundred dollars; 
 for a licence of the sixth class, one dollar. 
 
 Section 12. All existing laws relating to the issuing, 
 control and revocation of licences for the sale of in- 
 toxicating liquors, and not inconsistent with the 
 provisions of this Act, shall apply to licences granted 
 under this Act ; and said corporation sliall be subject 
 to all existing pecuniary penalties for the violation of 
 the conditions of licences or of the laws relating to 
 the sale of intoxicating liquor, and shall appoint a 
 manager for each licensed place where its business is 
 to be carried on, who shall be personally liable to all 
 penalties for said violations occurring in the licensed 
 place of business under his management. 
 
 Section 13. For the purposes of carrying on the business 
 of selling intoxicating liquors under the provisions of 
 this Act, five or more persons may form a corporation 
 under the provisions of the general laws relating to 
 the formation of business corporations, and on the 
 formation of such corporation shall be subject to the 
 provisions of said laws, and may exercise all the 
 powers of a business corporation formed thereunder, 
 together with the power to sell intoxicating liquors. 
 
 Section 14. Nothing in this Act shall be construed to 
 affect existing laws regulating the granting of licences 
 
96 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 Co-operation 
 of Intelligent 
 Prohibi- 
 tionists. 
 
 The wisdom 
 of " The 
 Trada" 
 
 for the sale of intoxicating liquors in a city or town 
 voting to grant such licences, and in which no cor- 
 poration shall be established to take the same as 
 herein provided. 
 Section 15. This Act shall take effect upon its passage. 
 
 An encouraging feature of tlie Massachusetts agitation 
 is that the hearty co-operation of many of the more intelli- 
 gent prohibitionists has been enlisted. The chairman of 
 the State prohibition committee and candidate of the post 
 for Governor, in 1890 endorsed the measure, declaring 
 publicly that it seemed to him " wiser to encourage than 
 to antagonise the movement." Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, 
 the world-renowned champion of woman's progress and a 
 consistent temperance advocate, wrote, " First, last, and 
 always, I am a prohibitionist, and I favour the Norwegian 
 Bill, because, if righteously administered, its tendency wiU 
 be towards prohibition, and if our good temperance people 
 would carefully study the Bill I think their objections 
 would disappear. I hope the Bill will pass." 
 
 Such unqualified endorsements — many more might be 
 quoted — from great leaders in the advanced temperance party 
 ought to cause persons of similar views everywhere to hesi- 
 tate before assuming a hostile attitude. Absolutely no 
 sacrifice of principle is demanded. The end is the same, 
 the way of reaching it, if longer, is surer and safer to 
 travel. 
 
 The liquor interest * in England will, it may be hoped, 
 adopt a wiser and more patriotic policy than that of the 
 
 * In addition to whatever allowance in money, or time, or a combina- 
 tion of both, the nation may decide to award to the dispossessed licensees 
 as compensation or equitable consideration, the transfer of the retail 
 traffic to public hands will bring with it some indirect, though by no 
 means unimportant, advantages to the brewer and distiller. In an article 
 
COMPANY SYSTEM BEST METHOD OF CONTROL. 07 
 
 Brandy League in Sweden, which— with the shortsighted 
 alliance of the Temperance Extremists — for sixteen years 
 fought tooth and nail, but fought in vain, the infant 
 Gothenburg system, at that time strong only in the sound- 
 ness of its principles. Promoters of public weal will favour 
 it. The prohibitionists if they do not positively hold the 
 balance of power are at least a potent factor in the contest. 
 There are numerous instances in the past where this higli- 
 rainded, self-sacrificing element of the conmiunity has been 
 found in alliance with rumsellers to defeat moderate 
 measures of control. While such an attitude involves censure, 
 abuse should be spared. The error was in judgment, not in 
 motive ; their practice has simply been better than their 
 precept. What organised bodies of abstainers will do for 
 or against the introduction of the Scandinavian plan is a 
 most important question. Will they help the liquor in- 
 terest to defeat the scheme and then retire to the hill-top 
 to invoke the judgment of Heaven upon all concerned in 
 the traffic ; or will they conceive the truer mission of 
 responsibility for the wisest available management of this 
 weighty social matter ? 
 
 Helping along the company system is wise policy as The claims 
 well as a humanitarian act. He must be very obtuse who 
 
 cannot understand that one or two generations passed with 
 restricted consumption, diminished drunkenness, fewer 
 
 iu the Economic .Tournal for June, 1894, on "The Results of the Retail 
 Liquor Traffic without Private Profits," Mr. John Graham Brooks wrote 
 as follows : — "In 1892 a large distiller told the writer, ' We were fairly 
 beaten, and now have adjusted ourselves to the new regime. Ii is, 
 moreover, turning to our advantage in one unexpected way. We sell 
 far less alcohol than we could sell if we controlled the retail 
 sellers, but litigation has ceased, and we have no worry about our 
 payments. I had rather do less business, and have more quiet in my 
 affairs.' " 
 
 H 
 
 Company 
 
 System 
 
 to support. 
 
98 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 temptations to drink, and a wholesome off-setting of the 
 impulses to indulgence by the creation of better social 
 centres for the poor, the best of all vantage-grounds for 
 ultimate annihilation of abuse will be reached. Countries 
 are groaning under the liquor curse. Does it not behove 
 all well-disposed people to cast aside prejudice in order to 
 gain substantial betterment 1 Let not the attitude of ab- 
 stainers in relation to controlling the " unholy thing " any 
 longer savour of the conduct of the priest and the Levite — 
 passing by on the other side. 
 
 It is no part of my present purpose to find fault. T 
 wish only to appeal. I have written this volume in the hope 
 of contributing to public enlightenment, and so furthering 
 tlie laudable ends which the Bishop of Chester and his dis- 
 tinguishefl associates have in view. Personally, I believe 
 profoundly in the system, because it operates educationally, 
 it does not repress by force of law. I grant it is not an 
 ideal i/d those who look upon every sort of alcoholic drink- 
 ing as unfortunate or wrong; but it furnishes the surest 
 path of progress. The true ideal is as far beyond this 
 system as it is l)eyond prohibition maintained by police 
 power, an ideal which cannot be attained until the moral 
 nature of man shall have been so renovated, that he will 
 instinctively or rationally shun all agencies of evil, and 
 make wise use of everything with which he comes in con- 
 tact. As a means of education towa/rdc so lofty a standard 
 the Scandinavian plan offers superior advantage. Power- 
 ful object-lessons awaken the intelligence and move the heart. 
 Best of all, it offers a common meeting-ground where 
 moderate and advanced exponents of temperance may join 
 hands with simple well-wishers of the race, to unitedly 
 advance momentous human interests. 
 
APPENDICES. 
 
 -•o«- 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM AN ARTICLE ON "RETAIL 
 LIQUOR TRAFFIC WITHOUT PRIVATE 
 PROFITS," IN THE ECONOMIC JOURNAL 
 FOR JUNE, 1894, BY MR. JOHN GRAHAM 
 BROOKS, MASSACHUSETTS COMMISSIONER. 
 
 A.—'^THE PROOF OF THE PUDDING." 
 
 The retail traffic without personal gains makes possible 
 for the first time any real and genuine enforcement of the 
 law for any long and continuous period of time. After 
 the three distinct personal investigations in Norway and 
 Sweden above referred to, and after exhaustive examina- 
 tion of the data furnished by Dr. Gould and Mr. Koren, 
 the Massachusetts Commission, in their preliminary report, 
 use the following words : " This great reform in the 
 legislative control of the retail sales of distilled spirits 
 began in Gothenburg nearly thirty years ago. From town 
 to town it has slowly spread by the sheer force of its 
 admitted superiority over any method under which private 
 profits are made. Scores of objections as to the difficulties 
 of management, politics, use of the profits, evasions of the 
 law, etc., have proved in this long experience of town and 
 country to be without foundation. Both countries are now 
 practically covered by this system, for the sole reason that 
 every moral and social interest has been found to be the 
 gainer. The earlier fears of the temperance party that the 
 
100 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 principles of local option and prohibition would suffer are 
 no longer felt by the leaders of the temperance movement. 
 The Commission may be allowed after its investigation to 
 express the confident opinion that the evidence for this 
 system, if fairly considered, abundantly justifies in Massa- 
 chusetts such an experiment with the Norwegian method 
 as might be tried under a Permissive Bill." 
 
 B.— ELIMINATION OF PRIVATE PROFIT. 
 
 It is no longer doubted that at least the excessive use 
 of intoxicating liquors is, if measured by the sheer bulk of 
 misery that flows from it, one of the most appalling of 
 social evils. Innumerable legislative and other attempts 
 have been made, leaving the pecuniary gains upon the 
 liquor to the individual seller. This identifying of personal 
 advantage with the distribution of a stuff so dangerous is 
 found ultimately to defeat alike the schemes of the 
 philanthropist and the law-maker. In every page of this 
 Scandinavian history the fact which stands out in the 
 clearest light is, that this laying of the axe to the tap-root 
 of personal profit-making in the liquor traffic was the 
 deadliest blow ever struck at the evil. The more 
 thoroughly the evidence is examined, the more manifest 
 it becomes that almost every separate advantage that conies 
 from the system is traceable ultimately to this fact, that in 
 the whole retail business no individual makes money from 
 it. Because of this, the credit system, with its enormous 
 practical abuses, is absolutely stopped, the hours of sales 
 a greatly restricted, the places and conditions regulated 
 and limited, adulteration is checked, and licences are made 
 fewer and fewer in proportion to the population. Because 
 of this, youths can be refused, and all loafing and gaming 
 
APPENDICES. 101 
 
 at the baia put an end to. If the distillerH lose tlie control 
 over the retail traffic, we can understand why politics 
 should become divorced from the business. That a single 
 company should deliberately lose 5,000 dols. in one year by 
 refusals to serve spirits becomes intelligible to us. We can 
 understand why the principles of a sound civil service can 
 be made to work even among the servants and officials of 
 this trade in drink. Think of the " rum-ring " in Boston 
 promoting those bar-tenders who sold least liquor ! Yet 
 this is done in Norway, because the man who sells least is 
 recognised by the company as one who serves the com- 
 munity best. It is again because of this elimination of 
 the private profit-maker that the company is enabled easily 
 and naturally to make many advances and improvements 
 beyond what the law requires. In scores of instances it 
 will be found that in the limiting of licences, hours of sale, 
 raising the age at which youths may be allowed at the bars, 
 as with several other improvements, the companies are 
 going distinctly beyond what the law prescribes. 
 
 What, then, is the claim which the soberest advocate 
 may make for this scheme? Not that it is either a 
 panacea or a solution, hut that it is incomjyarahly more 
 efficient tlian any other form 0/ licence, 
 
 C— ARRESTS FOR DRUNKENNESS. 
 
 In several Massachusetts cities where prohibition pre- 
 vails, arrests for drunkenness have in some cases doubled, 
 as compared with conditions under licence, but it is known 
 that the reason for the increase is in the far sharper 
 control of drunkenness by the kind of administration which 
 a public opinion, powerful enough to vote no licence, 
 upholds. In Cambridge, the largest city in the state in 
 H * 
 
102 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 which prohibition obtains, the present mayor was elected 
 largely upon this very issue. This fact, together with that 
 of a strong personal interest in the temperance cause, has 
 brought al)Out under his administration the severest police 
 supervision over drunkenness that the city has ever known. 
 The number of arrests has more than doubled, but no 
 citizen of Cambridge who knows the facts doubts that the 
 consumption of spirits in that community has fallen oft*. 
 The changes in public sentiment, both in Sweden and 
 Norway, differ from this only in degree. The chiefs of 
 police and Dr. Wieselgren, as Director-General of the 
 prisons, give the sti'ongest evidence as to this fact. It can 
 be shown with incontestable certainty that to the extent 
 that this company-method covers the problem, the con- 
 sumption of alcohol steadily diminishes, and that in a 
 degree greater than can be shown in any other country. 
 
 It is this experience which is forcing public opinion in 
 both countries to consider seriously an extension of the 
 system. Norway has made a beginning by including beer 
 in eighteen towns. It is believed that the ** socialising of 
 the profits," and the consequent stricter inspection, will 
 produce results not unlike those that have been brought 
 about in the case of alcohol. After the company system 
 begc'in, the use of beer increased rapidly, not only in 
 amount but in alcoholic strength. The evidence is over- 
 v/iielming that much of the drunkenness is owing wholly to 
 this increased consumption of a very strong beer. The 
 cases in Gothenburg, as analysed by the police authorities 
 in that city, show that in 1875 but 130 arrests were made 
 in beer saloons, while in 1892 819 arrests were made. 
 
 At the company bars no increase of arrests can be 
 shown. Mr. Koren's conclusions from the latest official 
 
APPENDICES. 103 
 
 statistics are as follows : — " First, that the cases of drunken- 
 ness directly traceable to the Imrs of the company have 
 greatly declined in number; and, secondly, that the in- 
 so))riety still prevalent in Gothenburg is chiefly attributable 
 to the almost unrestricted sale of strong malt liciuors." 
 The latter conclusion is unconditionally endorsed by totid- 
 abstinence people who now regard beer as their chief 
 enemy. In the auditor's report upon the Gothenburg 
 company's account for 1892, it is said, " It is undeniably 
 in full hannony with the pur|X)se of the company, as well 
 as with the demands of the public and the interests of 
 temperance, that the company should take charge of this 
 traffic. Such a measure on the part of the company would 
 be a first step towards the desired end that all bar trade in 
 the stronger malt Ijeverages containing alcohol, such as 
 beer and porter, might he carried on under the same 
 control as is now provided for the bar trade in spirituous 
 liquors." Tlie sentiment in Sweden is thus growing in the 
 direction of those experiments already begun in the eighteen 
 Norwegian towns. It is known that the beer consumption 
 has nearly doubled within twenty years. Scarcely any 
 restrictions are placed upon the retail sales, and a licence 
 may be obtained upon easy terms — the precise conditions 
 under which alcoholic abuses spread so rapidly before those 
 restrictive laws that preceded the company system. 
 
 D.— LESSONS FROM AMERICAN EXPERIENCE. 
 
 The prohibitionists in the United States tell us con- 
 tinually that prohibition is full of promise and success, but 
 what is meant by success when the flood of per capita 
 consumption is rising steadily from 1878 to 18931 
 
 The appalling fact in the United States at the present 
 
104 POPULAR CONTROL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 moment is that private profit-making in the saloon has 
 so allied itself with political influence that the drink 
 passion is stimulated into acute and unnatural forms which 
 threaten the very centres of legislative life and action. 
 
 To see the perils of the present situation we have but to 
 take the measure of this plain fact, that we stupidly allow 
 two such powerful passions as the lust for money and the 
 craving for spirits so to combine that the force of each 
 is increased to unnatural proportions. Every variety of 
 the " free lunch," every description of petty gambling and 
 betting games, ample space and comfort as a smoking and 
 loafing room, all the coarse product of the pictorial and 
 sporting press — these are among the strong enticements 
 which attract and hold crowds of working men. Com- 
 petition is so fierce among these saloon keepers that these 
 attractions show a very amazing ingenuity in the skill 
 with which they appeal to their victims. But year by year 
 another influence has become a closer and closer part of 
 this alliance l>etween these passions for money and for 
 intoxicants. The saloon in American cities is at last the 
 deadliest centre of corrupt political influence known to us. 
 We have had recentl}- in a great city more than half 
 the year's caucuses held in saloons. The saloon is helpless 
 in the grip of a powerful " rum ring " which uses these 
 with terrific effect in controlling city politics. 
 
 Not only the police, but a large part of those officials 
 who have to do with granting licences, or enforcing liquor 
 laws and regulations, are directly and indirectly so tainted 
 by this combination of money and political influence that 
 hardly a law or regulation which touches the liquor traffic 
 can be enforced. It seems fatuous not to see that nothing 
 will have great promise in it which does not strike at 
 
APPENDICES. 105 
 
 the root of the evR If the private money-gains are taken 
 from the saloon it instantly becomes useless as a betting 
 gaming, and loafing centre. Every reason for making the' 
 saloon a political centre falls away. It was thus inevitable 
 that the saloon should have been (as admittedly it has 
 been) taken wholly out of politics in Sweden and Norway 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Alcoholic content of spirits, 2, 18, 
 
 66 
 American experience, 75 — 85, 103 
 Arrests for drunkenness, 56, 101 ; 
 
 decrease of, 57—68 
 Audit of accounts, 21, 26 
 
 B 
 
 Bar-trade, 2 
 
 Bars, 10 
 
 Beer, Sale of, 2, 12, 16, 34, 69, 71 
 
 Bergen — 
 
 Capital stock, 13 
 
 Company's sales, 47 
 
 Licences, 56 
 
 Net surplus profits, 13 
 
 Total consumption of spirits, 48 
 Bonus to managers, 16 
 By-laws of companies, 8, 14 ; in 
 
 advance of law, 9, 16, 65, 101 
 
 C 
 
 Capital stock, 7, 12, 13, 49 
 Checks on companies, 8, 64 
 Civic greed, 20,24, 66 
 Christiania — 
 
 Capital stock, 7, 13 
 
 Company's sales, 46 
 
 Compensation, 44 
 
 Licences in private hands, 4o 
 
 Net surplus profits, 13 
 
 Shareholders, 6 
 Christianssand, 49—63 
 
 Clubs, 11, 17 
 Compensation — 
 
 Christiania, 44—45 
 
 Stockholm, 14, 43, 44 
 Consumption of beer, 12, 31, 57 
 Consumption of spirits — 
 
 Decrease of, 27—35, 73 
 
 Extra-local, 39 
 
 at Christianssand, 49, 52 
 
 ,, Bergen, 47, 48 
 
 „ Gothenburg, 37, 38 
 
 „ Stockholm, 41,42 
 Cooked food, 10, 15, 17 
 Crime, 59, 84 
 
 D 
 
 Decreased consumption of spirits, 
 
 27—35 
 Dispensary system — 
 Advantages claimed for, 80 
 Not to be confounded with Scan- 
 dinavian system, 82 
 Origin of, 81 
 South Carolina, 79 
 Distilling, 1, 2, 29 
 Distribution of Profits — 
 Finland, 26, 26 
 Norway, 7, 20, 23, 61, 69 
 Sweden, 5, 21 
 Dividend to shareholders, 7 
 Drunkenness, Arrests for, 66, 101 
 tt Decrease of, 67, 58 
 
 ^, Resulting from beer- 
 
 drinking, 67 
 
INDEX. 
 
 107 
 
 E 
 
 Early closing, 10, 11, 6,5 
 
 Eating-houses, 10, 12, 60 
 
 Education, 59, 60 
 
 Employees of companies, 15, 66 
 
 Entertainment of the people, 11, 60 
 
 Excise, Law of, 4 
 
 Extent of system, 5 
 
 Extra local consumption, 39, 46, 48 
 
 Finland, distribution of profits. 25 
 Food, Provision of, 10, 15, 17 
 
 G 
 Gambling, 18, 19, 64, 83 
 Gothenburg — 
 
 Capital stock, 13 
 
 Decreased consumption, .']<S 
 
 Licences, 54 
 
 Surplus Profits, 1 3 
 
 Table of company's sales, 'M\ 
 Good Templars, 68 
 
 H 
 
 Habitual Drunkards, 1 7 
 
 High Licence, 78 
 
 Home consumption of spirits, 74 
 
 Hotels, 17, 18 
 
 Hours of business, 9, 10, 11, 50 
 
 Immorality, 18, 19, 64, 83 
 
 Inspectors, 16 
 
 Interest to shareholders, 5 
 
 KindergartenB, 59, 00 
 
 L 
 
 Legal defects of system, 71—72 
 Licences — 
 
 Disposal of, 3 
 
 to sell beer, 12, 55 
 
 at Bergen, 65 
 
 at Christianssand, 50, 56, 
 
 „ Christiania, 44 — 45, 66 
 
 ,, Gothenburg, 54 
 
 „ Stockholm, 43—44, 55 
 
 „ Norway, 53 
 
 Reduction of, 63 
 Licensing authorities, 3 
 i ,, periods, 8 
 Liquor Traffic and politics, 63, 76, 
 
 j 79, 104 
 Local Option, 77 
 
 M 
 
 Managers' salaries, 15 
 
 M Bonus to, 15 
 
 Massachusetts — 
 
 Legislative Commission, 31, 88 
 
 Permissive Bill, 88—96 
 Michell, Report of Consul, 70 
 Minors, Sales to, 9, 16, 65, 101 
 Monopoly of trade essential to 
 
 success, 45 — 46 
 Municipal treasurj', 4 
 
 N 
 
 Norway — 
 
 Capital stock of companies, 13 
 Decreased consumption of spirits, 
 
 29—30, 32 
 Net surplus profits, 13 
 Number of licences — 
 Bergen, 66 
 Gothenburg, 64 
 Norway, 63 
 Stockholm, 43, 56 
 
10,S 
 
 POPULAR CONTPOL OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 • S 
 
 Sales to minors, 9, 16, 65, 101 
 Sale of spirits {see Consumption of) ; 
 
 by companies, 30 - 
 
 Shares, 6 
 Shareholders, 6 
 South Carolina Dispensary Law, 
 
 Pauperism, 58 
 
 Payment of managers, 16 
 
 Police supervision, 9, 18 
 
 Politics and liquor traffic, 63, 76, 
 
 79, 104-105 
 Price list, 8 
 Private profit, Elimination of, o, 6, \ 79 — 82 
 
 31, 62, 100 i Stockholm- 
 
 Profits, Amount of, 13, 21, 51 Capital stock, 13 
 
 Profits, Distribution of— Compensation, 14, 43, 44 
 
 Finland 25 26 Decreased consumption of spirits, 
 
 Norway, 7, 20, 23, 51, 59 41—42 
 
 Sweden, 5, 21 | Number of Licences, 43—44, 55 
 
 Production of spirits, 1, 2 j Sales by company, 41 
 
 Prohibition, 3, 5, 75—76, 101, Surplus profits, 13 
 
 103 I Total sale of spirits, 42 
 
 Prohibitionists, 86, 96—97 j Sub-licensing, 13, 14, 18, 19, 45, U 
 
 Public authorities and companies, 8 Su.iday-closing, 65 
 Public-houses, Uses of, 60 
 Public opinion effective, 19 
 
 li 
 
 Tax on beer licences, 12 
 ! " The trade," Attitude of, 96 
 
 Technical schools, 51, 60 
 Temperance party, Attitude of, 67, 
 
 68, 73 
 Total abstinence bodies, 33. 34, 68 ; 
 
 aided by companies, r>7 
 
 Rational reform, 86 
 
 Reading rooms, 1 1 
 
 Ready-money payments, 10 
 
 Recreation of the people, 60 
 
 Koduced consumption of spirits, '■ „ 
 
 ,,-„'",',„,.,. ^. Verdict of experience, 9, 99 
 
 "Respectable drinking, « 4 ^ 
 
 Restaurants, 10, 11 W 
 
 Retail trade, 2 Wine, Sale of, 2, 12, 71 
 
 Rural districts, 3, 5, 21, 26 Wholesale trade, 2, 71—72 
 
 21 
 
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