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It point of V and one tl to liave ar question ii touch the : when and The onl this inquir less stood North Am er of tliat { tlie name o marauding coiiilned to THE ENGLISH REDISCOVERY and colonization of America. SPAIN DID NOT FIND OR FOUND THE NATION There is one question that lias many times been asked, but probably not so often ^tisfac- toril J answered, since the idea of a great World's Fair m lionor of Columbus first took root in the piibhc mind. It has been asked in public and asked in private : asked in the columns of news- papers and asked "Over the Teacups" and per iai36 even at the immortal Breakfast Table itselt It IS a question that, from a national point of view, lies at the root of the whole matter and one that every patriotic American will wish to have answered definitely and decisivelv The question is, "Did Christopher Columbus ever touch the mainland of Korth America, and, if so when and where ? " ' >. > The only answer that can possibly be given to tills inquiry is, that Columbus never saw, much bs stood upon, the shores of the continent of JNorth America. In no sense washe the discover- er of that great country which is now known by the name of the United States of America. His ^namuding and slave-hunting expeditions were conlmed to the islands, and the adjacent coasts d THE ENGLISH REDISCOVERY AND of South and Central America. The very situ- ation of the first land he saw is doubtful : it is known that it was one of the islands of the Bahamas, but which one it was is still a question. Governor Blake, of the Bahamas, " after a great deal of minute and well-reasoned observation on the spot, has come to the conclusion that the real place where Columbus landed was what is now called Watling's Island, and not Cat Island, as has hitherto been usually believed." It was from this spot that he " wrote home to their Catholic majesties that he should be able to supply them with all the gold they needed, with spices, cotton, mastic, aloes, rhubarb, cinnamon, and slaves.' Slaves — as many of these idolaters as their high- nesses shall command to be shipped. Thus ended the visions of those simple natives who, on the arrival of the Europeans, had run from hut to hut, crying out, ' Come, come and see the people from heaven.' Some of them lived to suspect the bearded strangers had quite a differ- ent origin." (Sir Augustus J. Adderley, in a description of the Bahamas written for the Commissioners of the Colonial Exhibition, Lon- don, 1886.) In connection with this subject, it may be remarked that Columbus came very near discov- ering the mainland of Florida, for he was heading directly for the southern part of the peninsula when he was induced to turn and take a more southerly course — some say by a flight of sea-birds, wliile others affirm that he was guided by the more practical counsels of Martin Alonzo Pin- zon, his second in command, who is shrewdly suspected of having been in those v/aters before, COLONTZA TION OF AMERICA. 8 and of knowing bettor wliere lie was tl.an Colum- l.ns himself. TJiis point is ablj brought forward by I rofessor Paul Gaffarel, iu his important work, "Les Deoouvreurs Fran^ais du XIV°>« uu XVI- Siecle," published at Paris in 1888 find Ins account may bo briefly summarized as loliows: Jean Cousin, in 1488, sailed from Dieppe then the great commercial and naval port of trance, and bore out to sea, to avoid the storms so j)revalent in the Bay of Biscay. Arrived at the atitude of the Azores, he was carried west- ward by a current, and came to an unknown country near the mouth of an immense river lie took possession of the continent, but, as he iiad not a sufficient crew nor material resources adequate for founding a settlement, he re-em- barked. Instead of .returning directly to Dieppe he took a southeasterly direction-that is, toward feouth Africa-discovered the cape which has smce retained the name of Cap des Aiguilles (tape Agulhas. the southern point of Africa) went north by the Congo and Guinea, and re- turned to Dieppe in 1489. Cousin's lieutenant was a Castilian, Pinzon by name, who was jealous of his captain, and caused him consid- erable trouble on the Gold Coast. On Cousin's comj)laint, the Admiralty declared him unfit to Borve m the marine of Dieppe. Pinzon then retu-ed to Genoa, and afterward to Castile, ^very cn-cumstance tends toward the belief that ins is the same Pinzon to whom Columbus atterward mtrusted the command of the Pinta • . . We must recollect that Columbus had iost all iiope, when lie was suddenly accosted b^ wm i THE ENGLISH REDISCOVERY AND three mariners of Palos, skilled, prudent, and re- nowned, who became his friends. Were these men inspired by the enthusiasm of Columbus? Nothing is less likely. Reflection, not passio!! ; the knowledge of an earlier voyage, not blind confidence in a single man — decided these cool and cautious navigators. These men were three rel- atives, of the name of Pinzon : one of them was Alonzo, doubtless the old lieutenant of Cousin. . . . The conduct of Pinzon throughout seems to indicate previous acquaintance with the con- tinent. Columbus's son confesses that his father always consulted Alonzo Pinzon in circumstances of difficulty. lie held frequent and long con- sultations with the latter, both on board his own ship and on the Finta^ and decided nothing with- out having consulted him. At the trial of the suit between Diego Columbus and the Spanisli Crown, ten witnesses deposed that the admiral asked of Pinzon if they were on the right course, and that Pinzon had always answered in tlie negative until the southwesterly direction was taken. Columbus proceeded like a man wlio only dreamed what he was executing, and Pinzon as though he sought a road formerly traversed by him. He was so convinced, so sure of him- self, that Columbus ended by listening to him. 8(>ou after, they touched at San Salvador. The Journal of Columbus makes full admission of tue part played by Pinzon : " Martin Alonzo Pinzon expressed the opinion that we should do better to sail in a southwesterly direction ; before all else, it was necessary, he said, to reach the terra firma of Asia ; we saw the islands soon after." Pinzon also took a leading part at the discns- Hiun W11 tiimanc uiinouni seems t genius < and end j)(»Svsible Col urn b and Col as a seal and con ]\Iuch of the di the old 1 the amp a (.'oiitinc forming gellan, \\ antarctic 6unj)osed of 'the N( ida and t written i mil Cub hella, wh iiirds, in tested dig de i.eon, that it h d'Ocampc The qu( hy Colum tive.andi: imist be undertake COLONIZATION OF AMERICA. 5 Hiun with the seamen, and stroncrly urged the con- tiimance of the voyage. It was Pirizon who iirst announced the sight of land ; and, indeed, Pinzon scL-ms to have been both the good and the evil genius of the voyage, for ho 'delayed, deserted, and endeavored to anticipate Columbus at every ix.ssible opportunity. In fact, he behaved to Columbus much as he had behaved to Cousin ; and Columbus's son, while he praises his qualities as a seaman, complains bitterly of his malignity and contumacy. .Much confusion Jias been caused in the history (.f the discovery of America by a duplication on the old maps of the eastern portion of Cuba, and the amplifying of the western or false Cuba into a continent, just as the island of Tierra del Fue IS practically certain, also, that Sebastian was born before this period ; and that when the laMer ™s "almost a child," yet having some knowl edge of "humanities and the sphere," his fa^er Wugbt him to England. The p^obabiU y l.at he was born about 1473 or 1474, and came to England about 1490. The patent under which their first voyage was made was dated the 5th of March, in the elevemh year of Henry VII. fUQCV Ti,„ '"''™°"' rinl,., fioK„* J I. ^'*'"-> Ahe patentees (John Cabot and h,s sons Louis, Sebastian, and feanclio were authorized to sail under the Enghsh flag, wi hhve ships, at their own charges, to d eve,, islands, countries, e'^., hitherto uf ki^own to Chn bans; to set up the royal banners, occupy and possess the countries ; to pay one-fifth part of tC P'-*: ^ '"> «'«' ^'^Vb to returnCl^ portof Bristol ; to bring their goods and merchat =0 into the country free of customs, and to have ho e.c nsive right of trading with he connS Ley might discover; and all the king's sZTts are chaj^ed to render them help and^assistance The hrst expedition sailed from Bristol in tJic Matthew. On the 24th of June, in the mornino- ey .hscovered land and on the same day th y e I'i, 'f "-^'^Wch they named S. Juan^ because it was discovered on St. John's day J.™ppreservedintheBibliotheq„eNationae li' ' ! ® ""'■^ ''"'«"=' '■««°''d ^^ have which purports to come from the land of SebastLn 10 TEE ENGLISH REDISCOVERY AND Cabot, affords the above information, and calls the land first seen Prima terra vista. It marks this land at the northern extremity of Nova Scotia, or of Cape Breton Island, which is not separated from the mainland ; S, Jnan is marked in a position corresponding to that of Prince Edward Island. But as this is hardly likely to have been the first landfall after a voyage from England, and as the next record we have is that they coasted north or northwest, until they were stopped by the ice, it is very nmch more likely that the northern point of Newfoundland was the locality of the landfall, and that the island called S. Juan was Belle Isle, which could easily have been discovered on the same day as Cape Bauld, even by a vessel which had made tlie voyage out from Bristol at the rate of about 45 miles a day. The further direction of the voyage is reported with a variety of detail by those who profess to have had it from Cabot. They agree, however, that he went northwest along the coast : " But after some days," says Ea- musio, speaking as though quoting Cabot, "I found that the land prolonged itself toward the tramontane (north), which displeased me infinite- ly. I coasted, ne vertheless, in the hope of finding a gulf into which I could turn. I found none ; but I remarked that the land continued as far as 56" under our pole. Seeing that in this place the coast inclined toward the east, and despairing of finding a passage, I returned on my route in order to reconnoitre anew the said coast in the di- rection of the equator, always with the intention of finding a passage to go to the Indies, and I arrived at the part to-day called Florida," Qther COL> ZATION OF AMERICA. l\ accounts speal vast heaps of ice, which caused him to :rn soutliward until l,e came nearly to he latitude of the Straits of Gibraltar, and crelmg to the west until the isle of Cuba waa on h,8 eft, and nearly in the same longitude " (account by Peter Martyr). These accounts-allowing for errors, and re- mcmbering that latitude could be determined w.th approximate certainty, while longitude could on y be imperfectly stated-may be taken mean, that the Cabots, having discovered New- foundland Belle Isle, and Labrador, coasted along the latter until they came to the place, in about 06° north latitude, where the coa^t tu ns" not eastward, but in that direction relatively to .te former cour^ From a general northwester- ly dwjetion, Cabot would here find himself ohhged to steer almost due north in order tofol- ^w the coast of Labrador. This turn to the 1,E IT?,'' f ^? f»™e'' course, "displeased m nhmtely," and, taken in conjunction with "vast heaps of ice," determined him to re- n and seek a more southerly passage to Ca- ayChma) which, according to Eamusio, w^ the object of his search. Either on this voyage iru-T^^Vt """' ''" '""^^^ southward to the laftude of the Straits of Gibraltar, which vo»ld bnng him nearly to Cape HatteM t ..fore u.to that part of America which, at lie time Ramusio wrote, was vaguely and looselv ■ Sf 1! '.''^l'™ P""'*''"' "^ Cuba, which extends eastward of west longitude 75 ^ while v\ 1»: TEE ENGLISH REDISCOVERY AND From the short time that Cabot had for these extensions of his voyage, it seems more likely that this southward exploration was not under- taken during his first voyage. He was back in London the last week in August, and if liis progress during the other portions of his voyage was not more rapid than while crossing tlie Atlantic outward-bound, he must have had little more than time for his coasting voyage to latitude 56«^ north, and his return by way of Newfound- land. His reception in England was highly flattering. To sum it up in the words of Pasqualigo, a Vene- tian merchant : " The news of his discoveries of the isle* of Brazil, the seven cities, and the king- dom of the Grand Khan, produced a remarkable impression. Calbot bore tlie 'title of Admiral. They rendered him great honors : he was clothed in silk, and the English ran after him like mad- men." Perhaps this title of Admiral supplies the missing clue as to why, in the ambiguous inscrip- tion on Sebastian Cabot's portrait, either he or his father is described as miles. Another contemporary, Eaymondode Soncino, writing to the Duke of Milan, Dec. 18, 1497, says: "This Master John (Cabotto) hath the description of the world in a chart, and also in a solid globe which he made, and he shows where he landed. . . . And they affirm that the sea is cov- ered with fishes, which are caught not only rith the net, but with baskets, a stone being tied to them in order that the baskets may sink in the water, and this I heard the said Master John re- late, and the aforesaid Englishmen, his comrades, say they will bring so many i ^hes that this COLONIZATION OP AMKttlOA, 1| kiMgdom will no longer have need of Iceland, from which country there comes a very great store of fish which are called stock-fish." Here we have incidental confirmation of the English trade with Iceland. If more were needed we have It m an old map of Iceland, dated 1539 in winch ships labeled Bremen, Angli, Scoti, and fianiburg, are seen in the ocean off the coast of the island. The map is printed in the first vol- ume of Justin .Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, along with an immense mass 0. undigested information, out of which the readei 's left to pick his own conclusions as best he can. After Cabot's return from this voyage he re- ceived from Henry YII. a gift of ten pounds and an annuity of twenty pounds sterling, pay- Hble half-yearly out of the customs of the port of ^t .Ino^^' ^^^"^ ^^"- ^^' 1*^7' sealed Jan. 28, 1498.) On the third of February, 1498 a second patent was granted to John Cabot only' allowing him to take six English ships, of 200 tons burden or under, to convey and lead them to the Land and Isles of late found by the said John in our name and by our commandment " Ihis patent was found in the Rolls Chapel by iMl^ Liddle (Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, 1831) The re«ult of this voyage is not fully known. Ubots papers are, it is feared, irrecoverably ost having been last heard of as being in the hands of a certain William Worthington, who ^» 557 uiid.r Philip and Mary, was associated with Sebastian Cabot in the pension previously I'eld by the latter alone. In Hakluyt's earlier work (1582) he says that Worthington was wiM- 14 THE mOLtm kEDISCOVERY AND ing to have them pubhshed; but in his more complete " Principal Navigations" (1598-1600) he complains tliat he is nnable to get a sight of them. The inference is that they were no longer in Worthington's possession, and to this we shall return later. The evidences we have as to tlio second voyage are reports of Sebastian Cabot's conversations with his friends, and a letter quoted by Eamnsio, in which he speaks of " having sailed a long time west and by north, beyond those islands, unto the latitude of 67 degrees and a half under the North Pole, and at the eleventh day of June, finding still the open sea without any manner of impediment, he thought verily by that way to have passed on still the way to Ca- thaia, which is in the East, and would have done it, if the mutiny of the shipmaster and mar- iners had not hindered him and caused him to return homewards from that place." (Hakluyt, vol. 3.) Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Lord Bacon, and Hakluyt in his Discourse on Western Plant- ing, all name 67° or 67^° as the northern limit of Cabot's voyages. This would bring him to what is now called Cumberland Island, and in making this voyage he must have passed Hudson Strait. This strait is not shown in the Paris Cabot map of 1544, but it is mentioned by E. Willes, in a tract reprinted in Hakluyt, as being shown on the copy then preserved at Chenies, the property of the Earl of Bedford, which places the strait between 61° and 64'-^ north lat- itude, the true position being about 61° north latitude. It seems probable that Sebastian Cabot found this opening, and was unable at that time COLONIZATION OF AMERICA, 15 to explore it further, but reserved the knowledge for future use. After this voyage, he appears to have gone to Spain, giving as his reason the great tumults in England, " and preparations for wars in Scotland by reason whereof there was no more considera- tion had to this voyage." (Ramusio, quoted by Hakluyt.) Here he probably met with Juan de la Cosa, who, on a map dated 1500, has placed the words Mar descuhierta por Ingled (Sea discov- ered by the English) and several names along the coast, among which are Cape Ynglaterra and Cape S. Johan. This information must have been derived either directly or indirectly from Cabot himself. In 1512 Sebastian Cabot took service with Ferdinand of Spain, and in 1518 he was made Piloto Mayor by Charles Y., with the dutv of ex- amining all pilots leaving Spain for the Indies, as to their fitness for the work. In 1524 he attended the conference at Badajoz for determining the longitude of the Moluccas, and gave evidence as an expert along with Estevan Gomez, Nunez Garcia, and Diego Ribero, all of whom were ordered to produce their maps, globes, and instni- nients for deciding the matter in question, which was, whether the Moluccas were east or west of the line drawn by Pope Alexander VI., and sub- sequently altered by the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, by virtue of which the discoveries in one- half of the globe were to belong to Spain and tliose m the other to Portugal. This appoint- ment of Cabot to attend this conference places inm among the four most learned geographers ot the day, and emphasizes the high regard in te THE ENGLISH REDISCOVERY AND which he was held in Spain. Previous to this, in 1622, he had made overtures to the Venetians for the transfer of his services to the republic which he claimed as his native land, saying that he could show them a way of great profit which he had discovered. But these negotiations came to nothing, although the correspondence seems to have been kept up for many years. In 1547, he wa8 sent for " to serve and inhabit in Eng- land," and a pension was granted him by Edward VI., together with the rank of Grand Pilot of England. In 1549, the emperor sent for him to return to Spain, but he refused to do so ; and a similar answer was returned to a further demand after the accession of Mary. In 1553, and again in 1555, companies were chartered to open u]), if possible, a northeast passage to China, and Cabot was made governor for life of those companies. He did not, however, sail in these expeditions, but made his last appearance in public, bein^ now over eighty years of age, at an inspection and farewell banquet held on the occasion of the departure of the Searchtkrift on the second of these expeditions in 1556. He is said to have died in 1557, in which year an event occurred that has been already alluded to, and that is not without a certain significance in regard to the almost entire absence of direct memorials of his voyages. As has been remarked, a pension of £166 135. 4:d. was granted him by Edward VI., to date from Michaelmas 1548. In 1550, tiie pension granted by Henry VII. was renewed, and a further re- newal or confirmation was granted by Mary. In 1557, Cabot was induced, we do not know under a,;8 m COLONIZATION OF AMERICA. 17 what pretext, to resign liis pension, and two days f n.^ Yx.^^^ ^ "^'^ ^'•^"*= ^^^« "^ade to him and \V lUiani Worthington, jointly. This was during the reign of a Roman Catholic queen, who was married to a Spanish king ; and when we remem- ber that Sebastian Cabot had been in great re- quest m Spain, and had been twice sent for by the I^mperor, diaries V., and Jiad refused to leturn ; also, that lie was supposed to be in pos- session of information as to a passage to Cliina which lie considered of great value-consider' ing all this we cannot wonder if Philip of Spain used all his influence to get hold of his maps and papers. After Cabot's death they certainly came into the Iiands of Worthington, as re- lated by Hakluyt; and, as certainly, Worthing- ton never produced them, though repeatedly yu'-ed to do so, and though he had in the first instance declared liimself " very willing to suffer tlieiri to be overseen, and published in as good order as may be, to the encouragement and bene- Jitot our countrymen." (Ilakluyt, 1582.) This suppression of "all his (Cabot's) own maps and discourses, drawn and written by himself," looks on tlie face of it, very much as if the King of ^pam had used Jiis position as husband of the Queen of England to obtain Cabot's papers, which must have fallen into Worthington's hands '"'inediately on the death of the Grand Pilot ^pain had from the first worked against the i^ngiish discovery, and tried to turn Henry VII ^tt fioni the matter. In the transcripts from the ^panish archives relating to England, there is a etter from Ferdinand and Isabella to Dr. de iiebla, their representative in England, dated I 18 THE ENQIISH REDISCOVERY AND March 28, 1496, wliich contains the following significant passage: "You write that a person like Columbus has come to England for the pur- pose of persuading the king to enter into an un- dertaking similar to that of the Indies, without prejudice to Spain and Portugal. He is quite at liberty. But we believe that this undertaking was thrown in the way of the King of England by tlie King of France, with the premeditated intention of distracting him from his other business. Take care that the King of England be not deceived in this or in any other matter. The French will try as liard as they can to lead liim into such undertakings, but they are vQry uncertain enter' prises, and must not be gone into at present. Be- sides, they cannot be executed without prejudice to us and to the King of Portugal." This last remark no doubt refers to the cele- brated line of demarcation drawn by the Pope, and finally settled by the Treaty of Tordesillae, by which all lands discovered west of a line drawn 370 leagues west of the Azores were to belong to Spain, and those east of that line, to Portugal. The prolongation of this line on the other side of the globe was also to form a boundary between the possessions of the two countries, and in the then uncertain state of all calculations of longi- tude, it was not easy to say what lands lay on the Spanish side of this line and what on the Por- tuguese side. The Portuguese, for instance, who claimed Brazil, as being on their own side of this line, made the same claim with regard to the lands discovered by Cabot. They accordingly sent Cortereal to take possession of them in the name of Portugal ; but his expedition came to COLONIZA TION OF AMERICA. 10 an unfortunate end, and little was accomplished The IWtugiiese kept up their claim by marking on their maps the name Terra Corterealis, or Term de Cortereal, above which they placed Tma de Lavm^ador de Rey de Portugall, and above that again, far away to the northward Terra de loa LufWes (English). The emphat- ic marking twice over on the Cabot map of 1644 of Pri7na terra vista, and claiming it as a por- tion of the mainland, together with the note describing the discovery, seem to have been in- tended by way of counter-claim to the Portu- |?nesc claims on behalf of Oortereal. Another voyager whose alleged discoveries are marked on these early maps was Estevan Gomez, whom we liave mentioned as one of the Spanish experts at the conference at Badajoz, and who in 1525 made a voyage along the coast of the United Mates, but does not appear to have got farther iioi-th than 42^-, or near Cape Ann, to the north of Boston. The only important disputant of the claims of Cabot appears then to be Cortereal, and iiis name IS regularly placed against the coasts ot Labrador and Newfoundland on the Portu- guese maps, while the Spanish and English maps name the English as the discoverers of those iands. A Latm note on a Portuguese map sum- marizes the voyages of Cortereal : " This land Uspar Cortereal, a Portuguese, first discovered, and took away with him savages from the woods, and white bears. In it is a very great multitude of anmials and birds, also fishes. The next year iie suliered shipwreck, and never returned The same thing happened in the following year to liis brother Michael." The name Labrador is JO TOE ENQLISH liEDJSCOVERY AND said to liavo been derived from this circMiinfetanoc of slaves (labourers) having been taken tliere. Others say that it was a " labourer," or hhive, taken on board at the Azores, who first saw tiie land, which was therefore called "Labourers land." These voyat^es of Cortereal in 1500 and 1501, however,- cannot bo regarded as serious rivals to that of Cabot, since they were evid* iitly only un- dertaken in order to claim these landn alrcadjr discovered, on behalf of Portufral. The Enjrlisli claim was recognized in Spain, even as earlv as 1500, since Cosa, in that year, inscribed on his celebrated map the words " Sea discovered by the English." The Spaniards were able to take an unprejudiced view of the matter, because these lands were at that time believed to be within the Portuguese hemisphere as defined at Tordesillas. And here it must be remarked, that the claims of Spain and Portugal to all new discoveries, each country liaving a hemi- sphere to itself, left no room for other nations to make discoveries for their own advantage, or even to make voyages to the lands already discovered. "Whatever was done, had to be done in a furtive way, and at great risk. Speaking of the French vc;,ago& in these waters. Professor Gaffarel says: " A.^ one of tiiem were igno- rant of the daagerd to which they exposed tliem- selves in thus braving the power of Spain, they prudently kept the secret of their operations, and the silence of contemporaries on the subject of these voyages to Central America may thus be explained." (Gaffarel, " Jean Ango.") From another part of the same book we take the fol- COLOmZATION OF AMKHlCA. H lowing paasage :->-« Spanish and Portngnese ex- ercised a jealous and careful eurveilianco over all ships, of whatovor country, and woo to the iinpriidont stranger who allowed himself to be surprised by them I He was considered as a pirate, and treated witliout pity." The French, alid especially the Bretons, were 111 reality the only rivals of the English in the region of the Baccalaos, as the Gulf of St Law- reiK-e and the adjacent lands were called, from the u bundance of codfish that were taken tliere Die hrst voyages of the Cabots were followed in 1501 and 1502 by expeditions, probably abortive or at any rate, without striking results, under' taken by Englishmen, in conjunction with Por- tu^mese from the Azores. In 1503, Sebastian Cabot IS believed to have undertaken a third voya^^e, when he bi ought home three savages, and a record has been found of the payment of one pound to a man that brought hawks from tlie new isle. In 1504, two pounds were paid to a preste that goeth to the new Ilande," and in lo04-6, we find the first authenticated voyages of the Bretons and Normans. From 1506 we tl.f^T*''!"?^^^''^"^^' "^""^ ^^ ^^y^^^^^ ""til, in 1527, John Rut, an Englishman, found in St. John s Bay nearly fifty ships, English, French, and 1 ortuguese, while in 1543-45, during the months of January and February, at least two B nps every day left the porte of JSformandy T for these regions. Into the later history of these rich fisheries, and the quarrels they have occasioned, it is not our province to enter In 1534, and again in 1535, 1541, and 1643, Jacques Cartier made voyages of exploration and 22 THE ENGLISH REDISCOVERY AND partial settlement along the St. Lawrence, whi^Ji may be said to have been the precursors, although not the real commencement, of the French oc- cupation of those regions. What especially strikes us in reading the his- tory of all tliese voyages, and in studying the maps to which they gave rise, is, that with tlie exception of one or two instances, about which opinion is much divided, such as the explorations of NTerrazano in 1523-4 and the alleged voyage of Thevet in 1555-6, the communication with North and Central America seems to have fol- lowed with almost in-variable persistency one or other of two well-marked routes, viz. : the Span- ish route to the West Indies and the English route to Newfoundland. Between New York and Florida the coast seems hardly to have been known. The earliest maps, up to about 1520, leave its very existence in uncertainty, and for many years after the voyages of Verrazano in 1523-4, and Gomez in 1525, who were the first to traverse and describe the coast, the maps made no indication of the long stretch of coast-line be- tween New York and Florida. The state of European knowledge regarding the American continent was still very unsatisfactory, when in 1584 Ricliard liakluyt wrote his famous Discourse on Western Planting, which has been published by the Maine Historical Society. In 1583 Sir Humphrey Gilbert sailed on his ill-fated voyage, as recorded in Hakluyt. The accounts of this voyage are interesting for the descriptions they give of Newfoundland ?t that period, but although, as one of the accounts tells us, the voy- age was taken partly in order to searcli for the COLONIZATION OF AMERICA. 38 .orthc-n El Dorado, Nornmbega, yet, owing to >ts disastrous ending, the expedition got „o arther than tlie coasts of Newfoundland The firs real attempt at a colonization of United States territory was that of Sir Walter Raleigh ... Vu-gmia. So little was known of the chamc ter of tuis partof the coast that the report of The wo captains, Amadas and Barlow, sent out by hn„, came hke the discovery of a new count,/ although th.8 was n 1584, nearly a century af L; thhrst voyages along the two main routes above .ndicated^ The iirst colonists in 1585 had to be taken off agam in 1586, and, other private at te-npts being also failures, the PlymCth and SrS^Tr' f'""'^ ^^-g-a Compant ei lormed The former extended from Lons fc and Sound to Maine, and on the dissolution of to company, ,n 1620, the Pilgrim Fathers made l.en- well-known settlement in New Engknd r W TTf/ '°°"^'^' *»''«" «'«'■• leave!f the Old World at the very port which had given its »...e to the company on whose abandoned" ntones they now landed. It is not our purpose to trace out the history of colonization in America. Enough ha^ beeniM show that it is to the northern line of route tl iXd V"' ''''^"""^" °^ i-i-^ 2 urv bv ?„/ Tfl'""^ '" ""^ "f'-^^n"' eent- 6t vov! '"'' ^'''f """ ^^-"^oKwho on their te voyage may probably have taken the old CZn -V'l''"''' "^ Hudson did at a wed U r " "'" '"''"' """^ *« t''«^« who iItt f 11) ^^ ™"'' "^"^"^ '•>« settlement of l.e United States of to-day. French, Dutch and Swedes, as well as English, all used'thirrlte 84 THE ENGLISH REDISCOVERY AND but tlio English became at last the dominant race in the country, and it was men of English birth or English descent, who, in 1776, took into their own hands the government of their own country. Quite different has been the part played bv Spain in the New World. Without entering intj) the history of the atrocities committed in other parts of America, we liere confine ourselves to denying tiiat Spain took any considerable or useful siiare in the founding of the United States. A settlement in Florida, which was ceded to Eiig- land, in exchange for Havana, in 1753, the ht- ter place having been capi;:.-ed during the war, and a line of missions and other settlements along the Pacific coast— these were the chief claims that could be made by Spain to anything like a share in the honor of having helped to found or form the present nation. And these amount to virtually nothing. The honor is due, not to the proud and selfish Spanish grandees-so ably drawn by Kingsley in his immortal '' West- ward Ho ! "—but rather to the Cabots, to the Drakes, Grenvilles, and Raleighs, who braved the power of Spain and defeated her huirest armadas, thereby arresting, in its full career and in the height of its power, a double tyranny of Church and State, which, had it been allowed to hold its course unchecked, would infallibly have strangled, in its earliest infancy, the civilization and freedom of which America now so loudly boasts. When the mines and treasure-houses of Aztecs and Incas had been exhausted, when the last Indian had succumbed to the white man's fetters or the white man's faith, what would have been the condition of the country, under a purely i COLONIZATION OF AMERICA. if, Spanish rule ? The national conditions and re- sources at present realized in tlie United States would not have been in existence. So far from ten,,, due to the trinmpl, of Cohnnbns and of Spin, they s.gnali;ie the defeat of both. The og,-,,e o cvihzation at present existing in Con: n. a,id ^onthern America is dne.ahnost entirely the same progressive forces working indireetly rough the medium of the United^Sta s^ ^^ «tl r advanced powe.^, not to any virtue of their mother country. It is through the northern rome across he Atlantic that the North American con nont has received the „,eans and the Z;; to ^lio«; such evidences of culture and ciWIilaTion a--, be set forth at Chicago in 1893,and S ...tmn and exhibition may well serve a^^a tern,- rem.nder, to all „,ankind, that Spain' afall cveuts, d.d not either find or found the natln Ericksson ^^ Columbus. Brown. Brown. By Marie X.. u The Icelandic Discoverers of America. 12mo, cloth, ilhxstrated, 75c. Modern historians are pretty generally agreed that America was actually first made known to the eastern world by the indefatigable Norsemen. Yet in spite of this fact, Columbus has been, and still continues to be, revered as the one man to whose genius and courage the discovery of the New World is due. Miss Brown justly says u should be altogether foreign to American institutions aud ideas of liberty and honor to countenance longer the wor ship of a false idol. The author first proceeds to set forth the evidence upon which the claims of the Norsemen rest. The author charges that the heads of the Roman Catliolic Church were early cognizant of this discovery of the Norsemen, but that they suppressed this information. Tho motives for this concealment are charged to their well- known reluctance to allow any credit to non-Catl.olic be- lievers, under which head at that time the Norsemen were included. They preferred that the new world sliould first be made known to southern Europe by adherents to tho Roman Ciitholic faith. Most damaging evidence against Columbus's having originated, unaided, the idea of a western world or route to India is furnished by the fact that he visited Iceland in person in the spring of 1477, when he must have heard rumors of the early voyages. He is known to have visited the harbor at llvalf jord, on the south coast of Iceland, at a time when that harbor was most frequented, and also at the same time whtii Bishop Magnus is known to have been there. They must have met, and as they had means of commuuiciUing through the Latin language, would naturally have spoken of these distant countries. We have no hint of tlie object of this visit of Columbus, for he scrupulously avoids sub- secjuent mention of it ; but the author pleases to consider it as a secret mission instigated by the Church for the pur- Sose of obtaining all available information concerning tlie [orse discoveries. Certain it is that soon after his return to Spain we find him petitioning the King and Queen fur a grant of ships and men to further the enterprise ; aud lie was willing to wait for mOre than fourteen years before lie obtained them. His extravagant demands of the Kiugaud Queen concerning the rights, titles, and percentage of all derived from the countries * he was about to discover ' can hardly be viewed in any other light than that of positivu knowledge concerning their existence. The closing chap- ters of the book are devoted to a comparison between Ice- land and Spain — their customs, institutions, and learning — and between the brave Norsemen, who fearlessly sailed out into the unknown ocean in search of adventure, and the cowardly Spanish crew, procured with difllculty and constantly mutinous, who accompanied Columbi s. Tliis work is powerfully written, and it cannot fail to imoress whoever reads it." — Public Opinion. Washington. mbus. ica. By Marie X.. erally agreed n to the eastern t in spite of this !S to be, revered ;c the discovery justly says U ustitutious and onger the wor- leds to set forth Norsemen rest. toman Catholic scovery of the formation. The to their welj- )n-Catl'.olic be- Norsemen were )rld should first Iherents to the i^idence against the idea of a d by the fact ipring of 1477, I early voyages, llvalfjord, on ;hat harbor was le time when B. They must 3ommuuic;iting ly liave spoken it of the object sly avoids sub- les to consider •ch for the pur- concerning tlie ifter his return ind Queen for n-prise ; and lie years before lie of the King ami •ceutage of all discover ' can hat of positivu e closing chap- a between Ice- }, and learning earlessly sailed adventure, and difficulty and •lumbi s. This fail to im Dress ngtoD. I