IMAGE EVALUATIOhii TEST TARGET (MT-S) ;% A // v^ V :^ K. 1.0 1.1 1^128 |25 ■» ilii 12.2 !£ |i£ 12.0 11.25 i 1.4 mi* A" O (^ / ^:^*' '> Photographic Sciences Corporation ^^<^ n WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MSM (716) •72-4503 .h CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques .k Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibliographically unique, which may altar any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checlced below. D n D D n □ Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur I I Covers damaged/ Couverture endommagde Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaur6e et/ou pellicul6e I I Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque I I Coloured maps/ Cartes g6ographiques en couleur Coloured inic (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) I I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ Reli6 avec d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La re liure serr6e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge int^rieure Blanic leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajout6es lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais. lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6t6 fiimdes. Additional comments:/ Commentaires suppl6mentaires; L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a 4t6 possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la mithode normale de filmage sont indiqu6s ci-dessous. I I Coloured pages/ D D Pages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommag6es Pages restored and/oi Pages restaur6es et/ou peilicuides Pages discoloured, stained or foxe< Pages d6color6es, tachet^es ou piqudes I — I Pages damaged/ I I Pages restored and/or laminated/ rr^ Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ |~y| Pages detached/ LZJ Pages ddtachdes HShowthrough/ Transparence Transparence Quality of prir Quaiitd indgale de I'impression Includes supplementary materii Comprend du materiel supplimentaire I I Quality of print varies/ I I Includes supplementary material/ Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc.. have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partiellement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, etc., ont 6t6 film6es d nouveau de faqon A obtenir la meilleure image possible. Th to Th po of fill Or be< th( sic oti fin sic or Th shi Tir wh Ml dif enl bei rig rec m( This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checlced below/ Ce document est fiimi au taux de reduction indiqu6 ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X / 12X 16X aox 24X 28X 32;( The copy filmed here has be^ .1 reproduced thanks to the generosity of: La Biblioth^e da la Villa da Montrtel L'exemplaire filmA f ut reproduit grAce k la g6n4lirosit4 de: L.1 Blblloth^ua da la Villa da Montrfal The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy .^nd in iteeping with the filming contract specifications. Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et de la nettet6 de l'exemplaire f limA. et en conformity avec les conditions du contrst de filmage. Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, or the bacit cover when appropriate. All other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impression. Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture an papier est imprimte sont filmte en commen^ant par ie premier plat et en terminant soit par la dernlAre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second plot, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont film6s en commen9ant par la premiere page qui comporte una empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminent par la dernidre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol ^^- (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol y (meaning "END") whichever applies. Un des symboles suivants apparaftra sur la dernlAre image de chaque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — ► signif ie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". IVIaps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre filmfo d des taux de reduction diff^rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seui clichA, 11 est filmA A partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 I VAJ. ^1^%^^- \ \ THE pa^S^^^' \ vJ-';-;''';.y,:,^_j.;-..;,. , 43i*i;^l^»i»';?A:^r*:/^. ■ rvr 1 ^T PriA^ES Of THE COI^-fROVERST m^y fir'S&pBL BIWA^ BAirSOW, Li*. I>. (I«^) RO^ $0<^ OF CAKAil FOR if»d7 •S' :- >^ ) 8' ROY. SOC. CAN. N.S., VOL. III., SEC. II. THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS LATEST PHASES OF THE CONTROVERSY ] Si':',f, With the Compliments of the Author. Mr. S. E. Dawson, No. 277 Cooper Street, Ottawa, Canada. FOR SALE BY JAMES HOPE & CO., OTTAWA ; THE COPPCLARK CO., TORONTO BERNARD QUARITCH, LONDON, ENGLAND 1891 Q' ' ■■"^a^^T ROY. SOC. CAN. N.S., VOL. III.. SEC. II. THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS LATEST PHASES OF THE CONTROVERSY By SAMUEL EDWARD DAWSON, Lit. D. (Laval) t^.. FROM THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA FOR 1897 FOR SALE BY JAMES HOPE & CO., OTTAWA ; THE COPP-CLARK CO., TORONTO BERNARD QUARITCH, LONDON, ENGLAND 1897 90152 bHtiioN II., 1897 [139] Tranb. R. S. C. VI. — The Voyages of the Cabots. — Latest Phases of the Controversy. By Samuel Edward Dawson, Lit. D. (Laval). (Read .June 2:{rd, 1897.) 1. Preliminary. H. Opening of the Queation in ISSl. S. Recent Revival of the Controversy. 4. Methods of the Discussion, 5, Advocates of Cape Breton and La- brador. ti, Tlie Cape St. John Landfall. 7. The Labrador Landfall. S, The Point of Westward Departure. ft. Variation of the Compass. 10. The World Map of Juan de La Cosa. 11. The Bonavista Landfall, la. Sebastian Cabot. 13. Censorship over Spanish Maps. 14. The Map of 164^. 15. Dr. Grajales. 111. Cape Breton a Natural Landfall. 17. The Voyage of 1497. 18. The Island of St. John. 19. Date of the Landfall. A. The Labrador Coast. B. The Seven Cities. C. Cape Race in June. "M. Conclusion. APPENDICES. D. The Climate of Cape Breton. E. The Tana is. F. Prince Edward Island, not Cabot's St. John. 1. — Preliminary. The public commemoration of the four hundredth anniversary of the landing of John Cabot and of the planting of the English flag in the western world was an act of historical justice. The ceremonies which then occurred have, not only rescued a great name from the danger of utter oblivion, but have placed an event of momentous importance in its true historical perspective. The question was first publicly raised by the Eev. Dr. Harvey, of St. John's, Newfoundland, in a paper read before the Historical Society of Nova Scotia in 1893,' and the inception of the commemoration recently consummated will be found in the Proceedings of the Eoyal Society of Canada in 1894. A letter from Dr. Harvey is embodied in the report of the council, and the present writer contributed to the Transactions the results of a long and careful study of the whole subject. The progress of the movement may be followed in the Proceed- ings of 1896 (pp. xxiii.-xxxii.) and Transactions (sec. ii., p. 1), where a second paper may be found, and its completion is recorded in the Proceed- ings at the front of the present year's volume. It is reasonable to ex])ect that now, after the celebration is over, public interest in the subject will begin to flag and, as the present writer, in his paper of 1894 (Trans. E.S.C. 140 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA vol. xii.), revived the diHcussion, it may not seom proHuinptuous if ho attempts to summarize it to the present date. In doing so ho would repeat that, like the landfall of Columbus, the landfall of . vbot can only be demonstrated to a very high degree of probability, for .here has not been in either ease any succeeding occupancy, as in the case of the Plymouth landing, to prove the landfall by that continuous oral testi- mony known as tradition ; and here may be repeated, what will be seen from the report of the committee (Proceedings of 1896, p. xxx.), that thei-e was never any intention to commit the corporate society to any expression of opinion as to the conflicting theories. The opinion of individual mem- bers of the committee was clearly stated ; but the present writer, who di-ew up and moved the report, was careful to guard against any mis- conception on that point. In studying the subject the reader should bear in mind that the landfall of the voyage of John Cabot in 1497 was first dotinitoly located, in the year 1544, on the east coast of Cape Breton. That is not only the first locality specified (eighty yeai-s before the suggestion of any other), but it is the only one for which any positive evidence exists. Without anticipating the argument which must follow, the simple fact stands clearly out that the indication of the Cape Breton landfall rests upon the evidence of Sebastian Cabot reduced to graphic form in his lifetime. This had been forgotten and was rediscovered in 1843. In the mean- time other theories had replaced it, and the present writer has done nothing beyond vindicating the first — the original — and the almost con- temporary statement. In this present paper ho has sought to place before the reader the means of forming for himself a reasoned opinion, J'or that purpose the two great maps round which the controversy has raged have been reproduced, and citations from the authorities I'oferred to are made in the very words of their respective writei's. 2. — The Quention Opened in ISSl. Richard IJiddle's work, published in 1831, marks an era in the history of the Cabot voyages. Up to that date there had, for a long time, existed in England, although not on the continent of Europe, a belief that the landfall of the voyage of 1497 was in Newfoundland. He shook that theory by his researches ; in fact he was the first who applied modern critical methods to the subject, and the result among students was the general adoption of an opinion that the landfall was on Labrador north of the latitude of 53° — from 53° to 58° — on that part of the coast known as Northern Labrador. To that theory many scholars adhere to the present day. Other documentary evidence, however, unknown in Biddle's time came to light in succeeding years and largely influenced opinion, for it was of the nature of contemporary testimony. The result was a review \b. b. da who N'T THK VOYAOK8 OF THK C'ABOTS 141 of tho whole Hubjoct und the wide uccoptance of the i-evived belief that the lundfail was on Capo Breton iHlund. These two sehooJH ulono (x-cii- piod the Held in the lon however, beg the student to observe that the Arctic current does not stop short at Cape St. John, and a vessel will drift as easily south /rom Cape St. John as south to it. I shall return to the current later on. Having now got John Cabot to Cape St. John, it will bo in order to con- sider the marks of identification which point it out as a landfall. We learn that "it is (p. 36) a high and prominent headland" "fixed on by the " Treaty of Utrecht, A.D. 1713, as the limit of the French treaty rights." This is inaccurate, and, moreover, has no bearing on the landfall of 1497. [8. B. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS iBt If it bo relevant it will prove the claim of Bonavista, for that was the spot fixed by the Treaty of Utrecht." Wo are then informed that it in, as an island, a very early name on the maps, and that such transfers of names were " quite a customary thing " in those days. It is no doubt a fact that the name occurs 2(J years before that of Bonavista, and, as Bishop Ilowley observes, there is no island at Bonavista lying " before " the land." There are two islands there, but they are small, and are inside the cape. He then quotes (p. 37) Cabot's map of 1544 to prove that there was " a large island " marking the landfall. Ho forgets, how- ever, that he is quoting from the printed legends on the map ho saw at Paris, and which he pronounces to be of " ver3' recent date," *^ and that, elsewhere, in another argument (on page 22), he had quoted from Clement Adams's copy of the map to show that it was " a small island." Without stopping to reconcile this contradiction, he goes on to point out that near Capo St. John is an island with the remarkable name of " New World island," and anoth-^r called Fogo island — an old name on the maps. These islands are, it must be observed however, on the opposite side of Notre Dame bay and adjacent to the opposite headland, forty miles from Cape St. John. Either island might answer, for neither of them is very largo or very small. There is no lack of islands, for the bays on the east coast of Newfoundland are clustered with islands. Finally, there is a " tradition " here also, for we loam that " it is stated in the chronicle " that he (Verazzano) came to the land formerly [i.e., in 1497] discovered " by Cabot, which is in latitude 50" " — "the exact latitude of Cape St. " John." This shows, we ai-e told, " that at that early period the tradi- " tion was in favour of Capo St. John as the site of the landfall " (p. 38). This statement occure again on page 36, with particulars which enable the reference to be identified. He says of Verazzano, that ho coasted " north until he came to the land, which in times past [viz., 1497] was dis- " covered by the Britons [viz., Cabot], which is in latitude 50" north." The passage is thus seen to be a quotation from Verazzano's report to the King of France, Francis I., excepting the explanatory words which the bishop has inclosed in brackets. The reader would natui*ally infer that the Britons are the English under Cabot — a manifest error, for Hakluyt, whose translation is used, meant Bretons, not English, and throughout his work (as Eden also does) he spells the word Briton (sometimes Brit- ayne), as, for one instance out of many, in Drake's voj'age to the Isle of Ramea he speaks of the " Britons of Saint Malo and the Baskes of Saint " John do Luz." Verazzano was sailing on the coast to create a claim for France, and he was pointing out to the king that the land in question had been discovered by Bretons, subjects of Franco. The French always disputed the English claim on the strength of this very voyage. In Hakluyt Cape Breton is always spelled Cape Briton. The bishop has in- advertently disproved his own case. 1B2 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA f' i? In illustration of the preceding remarks 1 insert hero (fig. l)a recon- struction of Toscanelli's chart, made from materials existing in his letters to Columbus, and in other authorities, just preceding the discovery of America. It is found in Nordenskiold, Winsor, Kretschmer, Markham and other works of authority. The same information is on Martin Behaim's globe of 1492. What is there on this map, embodying as it does the belief of that period, to suggest a northwest passage ? Why passage ? The way was over an open ocean, there was nothing to pass round. That was the information patent to all sailors at the time. Fig. 1.— Toscanelli's Map. 11 II 7. — Labrador. The theory of a landfall at Labrador has not gained ground of late years. Sir Clements Markham, in his recent paper, declares that " La- " brador must bo rejected as out of the question." Judge Prowse is equally decided. He says : " The great cod fishery does not begin until " July, and its bleak and rugged shores could never be described as " wooded, or beautiful and pleasant." ^ Not one of those who argue for Labrador has over spoken of its attractiveness and fertility. Arch- bishop O'Brien, in his presidential address, " inexorably excludes Labra- dor, Cape St. John and Bonavista " by a very ingenious and original argument, dra" m from Soncino's reference to the " country of the Tanais." i i [S. a DAWSON 1 THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 163 It will not do, however, to allow the case for Cape Breton to i-eat upon that argument, for it is founded upon a misunderstanding of the con- ditions of the problem. The disputants in this controversy are not nearly so ignorant of ancient and mediieval cartography as the archbishop sup- poses, and while essaying to bar the main entrance of the fortress, he is letting his opponents in by the postern. To avoid confusion I have re- ferred to Appendix E the consideration of this point, and would merely ' observe thut if the archbishop's hypothesis were sound it would inexor- ably exclude not Labrador and Newfoundland, but Capo Breton and Newfoundland, and the theory he hiis laboured to construct would bo de- stroyed by striking away its fundamental proposition. Although Bishop llowloy advocates a landfall at Cape St. John, he has a kindly feeling for both Bonavista and Labrador. It is only Cape Breton— the first recorded landfall — which ho cannot abide. Thus he writes : " As a matter of fact there are immense forests on Labrador, *' where timber is found much larger than anything of the kind in New- " foundland or Capo Breton." If this really bo intended to apply to the coast of Labrador, one can only wonder and pass on. It is no doubt the fact that at the heads of such deep inlets as Sandwich bay and Hamilton inlet, in sheltered places, largo firs may be found, and recent explorations liavo revealed in the valleys of the interior the spruce and poplar of the sub-arctic forest ; but at 58° is the northern limit of the growth of trees, and throughout the peninsula north of 54° reindeer moss replaces the scanty and dwarfed tree growth on all open situations where there may be soil over the rock. In both my previous pa])ers I have given the testimony of sailors, from the time of Jacques Cartier to the present day, as to what the coast of Labrador really is, and must from the very nature of things ever be ; and I would especially ask the reader to consider the evidence in Appendix A to my paper of 1896 (R. S. C, Vol. IL, New Series). The coast in question is the Atlantic coast from 53° north to Cape Chidley, against which the Arctic current pours the whole ice- discharge of the Polar ocean. Hero is a description, from the Sailing Directions of the British Admiralty, from Cape St. Lewis, at 52°, south- ward : "The coast is composed of bare granite hills =(« * * that navigation " is difficult is due to the frequent fogs, the heavy easterly swell rolled in " from the Atlantic, and the icebergs which are almost always drifting " along with the current from the northward." '' Farther on we read : " The climate on this coast is extremely severe, the mean temperature of " the year being below freezing point ;" and at page 16 : " Field ice remains " in the vicinity of Greedy harbour until about the middle of July, soon *' after which the fishing fleet are enabled to sail northward." '^ Greedy island is at 53° 40'. Of the coast northwards we read again (p. 381) : *' Icebergs may be encountered all the year round, but arc most numer- " ous from June till August, when occasionally they are found in im- 104 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA if ijlji '' 11101180 numboi'8, consisting often of liugo cubes, and not, as a rule, pre- " sonting the picturesque shapes they assume when soon farther south at " a later date." That is about tho time when Mr. Ilarrisse pictures the little " Matthew " sailing leisurely along to Capo Chidloy and back, tho crow hunting on shore and replenishing their stock of provisions." Tho picture is idyllic, but here is tho reality copied from a bttor by tho corroa- pondent in Newfoundland of a largo Toronto daily newspaper. It is dated Septenibor 0th, 18!M} : '' This season the ice blockade, owing to " inshore winds, remained i)n the coast (i.e., tho Labrador coast) all tho " month of July, preventing huntlreds of crafts from reaching their " destination and hundreds of others from pursuing their operations, bo- " cause the ice chilled the water and kept the Hsh out in the deeper " loads, so that it was not till the first week in August that any quan- " titles offish really began to be taken." ^ Prom tho table in Appendix G to my soiond paper, it will bo soon that at latitude SI"* tho fish, in favourable seasons, strike the coast on July 15, and from 56° to 53' tho date is from July 28th to August 15th Tho weight of the argument against Labrador is that, on the first voyage, no mention whatever ia made of ice, and, on tho second, all tho narratives record it as a new phenomenon ; for the sailors of those days, accustomed to the eastern Atlantic, had oxperienced nothing like it before, because tho west coast of Europe is kept clour of ice by the Gulf stream. I have referred to Appendix A some farther notes upon the coast of Labrador, and I trust that students of this subject will read them and keep well in mind that tho Labrador landfall is supposed by those who support it to have boon some- where between Sandwich bay and Capo Chidloy, that is from '>3° 30' to 60° north latitude. I invito attention to the fact that tho titatomenta here and in Appendix A are quotations, and that those who deny tliera are contradicting not mo, but sailors who are familiar with the coast^ and who wrote without reference to this controversy. They wrote from actual knowledge and not with subjective views of what ought to be there to make a suitable landfall. While it seemed to me that I had demonstrated tho impossibility of such a landfall as John Cabot describes having occurred on June 24th on any part of the Labrador coast, Mr. Harrisse urges, both in his last book, " John Cabot," and in his " Forum " article, that " the date of the land- " fall must be sot back into May, or, at least, two or three weeks before " June 24th, to allow Cabot the necessary time to get back to Bristol." He thinks that the crew "rested awhile and devoted some time to refit " or repair their diminutive craft, as well as to take in wood and water ** and renew the stock of victuals, which could only be done by hunting- " and salting game on the mainland."'* In my paper of 1896 I fell into an error, which Mr. Harrisse haa very properly pointed out. At p. 55 of his " John Cabot," in connection i itft [b. b. bawbox] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAKOTS IBB with Soncino's account of tho quantity of fish found by Cabot, ho ways " thoHpot iiotod for itsamazingquantity is tho vicinity of Capo Chudloij^h, " which the abovo dotails and other reasons scorn to indicate as tho phice " visited by John Cabot in 1497." 1 too hastily assumed that tho visit was tho landfall, but Mr. Ilarrisso indicated his meaning more indefinitely at p. 110, where he says, " the critic must place tho landfall on some point "of the north coast of Labrador, probably between Sandwich bay and '' Capo Chudleigh." I did not observe until after my paper was printed that there was in the volume i\ map showing a landfall at Sandwich bay, and a coasting voyage north to Cape Chidley and a return south along tho coast to Newfoundland. T would, however, Dmark that anywhere from Sandwich bay north, June 21 or July IJ is too early for fish. Greedy harbour is clo.se to Sandwich bay — a littlo south of it — and there, as pointed out in tho Labrador Pilot, quoted aiitey). 153, " Field ico remains " until about the middle of July, soon after which the fishing fleet are " enabled to sail north," so that if John Cabot could have got there "two " or three weeks before June 24th," which is Mr. llarrisse's last theory, or even on June 24 or July 3, there would have been no fish, for according to the table given in Appendix G of my paper of 1894, the fish do not strike in at that latitude until about July 15. To suppose the little " Matthew " was plying up and down that coast for game at that season of the year is more difficult than to suppose that by some happy chance she got through tho ice at some one point, oven near Cape Chidley, and got quickly away again. It has been pointed out that, in the year 1497, tho calendar had not been reformed, and that Juno 24th was really much later, The exact retardation of tho calendar in that year was nine days, and translated into new style it would be July 3rd, but tho conditions are very little altered and the objections remain insuperable still. They are not based on a narrow margin of a few days, for an exceptionpl season might then be supposed to cover tho case. The date of the clearing of the ice from the coast north of latitude 53° is much later, as the table of the arrival of the cod will show, and the extracts given here and in Appendix A will substantiate. After the very full details in my previous papers, ai.d especially in Appendices A and G of the paper of 1896, it is unnecessary to dwell upon the subject longer. And now I would ask the candid reader whether it is probable that John Cabot, having made his landfall on the coast of Atlantic Labrador, and coasted it to Hudson's strait, would have dared to take there the next year a large expedition to settle that country, and with assorted stocks of caps, cloths, laces and miscellaneous goods for the inhabitants'"? A land where there are now no settlers but the Moravian Brethren and the Esquimaux round their missions ! I need not inquire why, when the second expedition steered north and went to Labrador, 136 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA the Cabot family, after its return, f"-.''! into the background, and the letters patent wore cancelled b/ the issue of new letters in the year 1501 to others. Yet of this formidable coast John Cabot is supposed to have reported that " it had an excellent climate where silk and dye-woods " grow." I can understand that in Cape Breton in the warm, sunny days of summer (Appendix D) a man might think anything possible in 80 pleasant a country, but if John Cabot did see Northern Labrador and said that about it, Sebastian did notinhe.'it the full power of the paternal mendacity. S. — The Point of Westward Departure. It is evident from Soncino's second letter tiiat John Cabot made some noi thing after ho passed the southern point of Ireland, and there is no mention in the papers of group A of how far he went north. Arch- bishop O'Brien thinks he made only a slight deflection to the north, but does not dwell upon the point, for he recognizes that the course could only be west. Sir Clements Markham supposes ho was driven north by stress of weather. It is possible that he went north far enough to get his true course in sailing westerly upon a globe, as is usually done to the present day.'^* Markham says, with great reason, " His course is clearly *' pointed out by the object of his voyage, which was, like that of Colum- " bus, to reach the territory of the Gi'and Khan. The course of Colum- " bus was west, and that of John Cabot must also have been west." " This was also manifestly the opinion of both the Spanish ambassadors. Puebla wrote that " a person like Columbus had come to England to " persuade the king to enter into an undertaking like that of the Indies," and later, when Cabot told them where he had been and the direction he had sailed, they both reported that the land he had found was already in the possession of Spain. The Italian correspondents reported that it was in the territory of che Grand Khan. The latitude of that country was known to Toscanelli and Behaim from the reports of Marco Polo and other travellers. A reference to the map of Toscanelli, ante p. 152, will show that Cambaluc, the capital city of the Grand Khan, is in lat. 50°. It is Mai'co Polo's name for Pekin (which is really in lat. 40°), and (^uinsay is laid down in lat. 45' . Columbus sailed south to Gomera to get upon the parallel of Zipango and Mangi, which he gave out he had found, and Cabot, by sailing west from the English channel, would strike the territory near the northern capital of the Grand Khan. These con- siderations all point to a westerly course. It was not Iceland Cabot promised to King Henry VII. '1 he Bristol merchants knew more about Iceland than Cabot did. It was the land of silks, spices and brazil-wood he promised and thought he too had found. Obscure though this point may be, we are not left without a guide. The latitude of 53°, which I assumed to be the point of departure, is [8. U, DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 187 supported by evidence nearly contemporary and by a man who made the voyage at that time. In the Ptolemy of 1508 is a supplementary map by John Ruysch. I give here a cut of the western half of this map, for it is a map of the world on a conical projection. It is the first engraved RuTSCH's Map, A.D. 1508. The projection is conical, so the map must be TURNED TO BRING THE APEX TO THB NORTH— (FROM LeLEWEL). 188 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA map containing a delineation of any part of the new world. The editor of this edition of Ptolemy -vaa Marcus Beneventanus, who published a commentary with it. Mr. Harrisse, without whom one cannot do any- thing in this inquiry, gives the following translation of the part referring to this map '" : " Johannes Euysch, who, in my opinion, is the most competent geo- " grapher, and the one who has best depicted the world, and upon whom " we rely in this little work, says he has navigated from the southern part " of England to 53° north latitude, and that he has sailed in the latter '^parallel as far as the eastern coasts." Eeferring to this, Bishop Ilowley (p. 20) thinks that 53° is a typo- graphical error, but, as Ruysch, like Cabot, said nothing about going to (Greenland, there is no reason to assume the existence of an error. We cannot correct his own statement and send him on so circuitous a route to suit a theory of where he ought to have gone. There was in the crew of the '' Matthew " a Burgundian, and Harrisse, Deane, Winsor and many others believe that Ruysch was the man. These were my reasons foi^fixing on 53° N. as the point where Cabot turned west. As before explained, it is not mathematical proof, but it amounts to a very high degree of probability, and, moreover, nothing of so positive a nature can be shown for any other theory. 9. — Varialion of the Compass. Capt. Fox, U.S.N., in his careful study of the "Landfall of Col- umbus," invites " the student to take notice that, notwithstanding the '' observations in regai'd to the westerly variation, on the 13th, 17th and " 30th of September the admiral did not alter his courses to make true " west, but that he held tirmly to west by compass.'' To this I would add the remarks of another scientific navigator and a life long sailor on these northern seas — Samuel Champlain. He wrote: "The early " navigators who sailed to parts of New France on the west, thought " they would not be more astray in going thither than when going to " the Azores, or other places near France, where the variation is almost " insensible in navigation, and where the pilots have no other compass " than those of France set to northeast, and representing the true meri- " dian there. And so, when sailing continually towards the west and " wishing to keej) on a certain latitude, they would shape their course " straight towards the west by their compass, thinking they were sailing '' on the parallel they wished to go upon, but continuing on in a straight " line and not in a circle, like ail parallel lines on the globe. After a " long distance, when in the sight of land, they sometimes found them- " selves three, four or five degrees more southerly than neces-sary, and " thus they were deceived in their latitude and vcckoning." * These two sailors will answer those who hold either that variation makes no matter, [8. B. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 189 or that it is about the same now as it was in 1492. The discussion con- cerning the landfall of Columbus was carried on chiefly by sailors, who knew what an essential condition the variation of the compass is in all nautical questions. It is amazing that any one should consider it to be merely of " academic intei'est " and " not germane " to the question. Strange though it may appear, 1 find myself compelled to explain that by " variation " I mean " declination," and that the two words are synonymous. " Variation " is the nautical word, and is exclusively used on the charts and in the books published by the British Admiralty — it is, therefore, sufficient for my use, and I do not pi-esume to improve upon it. " Dip," as called by mariners, or sometimes by othera ' inclination," is a very different phenomenon, and we have in this discussion nothing to do with it. It was solely " variation " with which Sebastian Cabot concerned himself, and which he affected to have discovered. That is clearly evi- dent in Legend No. 17 on his map, and is elementary in the literature of the question. The sluggishness of the needle in high latitudes had, as I pointed out in my first paper, been noticed and was recorded on Ruysch's map, but the minds of all the great sailors were intent solely ui)on dis- covering a series of magnetic meridians, distinguishable by the variation of the needle, and available as a sure indication of longitude. It was not until 1543 that the phenomenon of "dip" first attracted atten- tion, and in 1547, Affaytato dedicated to Pojie Paul III. a little treatise on the newly observed property or "descent" of the needle to the pole. The discovery was afterwards claimed, in 1576, by Robert Norman, who first introduced the "dipping needle," all of which goes to show the erroneousness of statements to the effect that Cabot claimed only to have discovered the dip of the needle, and that by '■ declination " he meant, or anybody else meant, " dip." That such a statement was ever made is not the least among the eccentricities of this discussion. It must be evident to those who have given this question long and serious study, with the view solely of arriving as nearly to the truth as the evidence will permit, that the I'ango of magnetic variation on the Atlantic in 1492-1500 must be an important factor in any conclusion as to the course of these voj'ages. In my first paper I endeavoured to form a reasoned opinion about it, and, as the subject is highly technical, I followed the guidance of the accomplished officers of the U. S. Geodetic Survey, whose calc ations I found ready to my hand. As might have been expected. Sir Clements Markham and Mr. Harrisse recognized at once the relevancy of the principle of my remarks. The former did not think that the variation assumed would carry Cabot clear of Cape Race, and the latter essaj'ed to demonstrate, by mathematical formulas, the fallacy'^ not only of my reasoning, but, strange to say, of the facts. In calculating the course, Sir Clements started out west at a point farther north, Blacksod bay in lat. 54° ; but Mr. Harrisse adopted a different tp- 160 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA method. lie took tho following sentence from my paper of 1894 as hi» text : '' If Columbus, on a direct western course, dropped 240 miles from " Gomera with a variation of one point west, it is altogether probable " that John Cabot, with a variation of a point and a half, would have " dropped about 360 miles to the south on his western course across the " Atlantic." To that Mr. Harrisse replies : " Yes, it is probable that then " Cabot would have dropped about 360 miles, provided his course had " been precisely of the same length as the course of Columbus." The objection is exceedingly well put, and does not require any mathematical support. The course of Columbus from Gomera to Wat- ling's island is usually estimated at 3,150 miles, and Mr. Harrisse has put that figure in his formula), but in doing so he vitiated the whole calculation ah initio ; for it is not the total length of the course which is the prime factor here, but the length of the course which was subject to the dis- turbing element— to wit, the westerly magnetic variation acting upon and modifying both. Perhaps 1 failed in clearness in not saying expressly that my argu- ment was not a pari but a fortiori ; still, on looking again over the paper, that idea seems to pervade it. At p. 59 I contrasted those very ditferences of condition which my critics urge. In the one case the steady trade wind astern — the smooth seas and the fair weather ; and, in the other, the variable winds and heavy seas of what I called " the moststorm- " tossed region in the world of ocean." I spoke of fogs, and made express mention of the Arctic current, and estimated its average rate correctly, according to the Admiralty Sailing Directions, at one mile an hour, show- ing that I had taken these conditions of difference into account and that the increment of variation was one only of several influences tending to draw Cabot to the south. The sentence being quoted from the portion of my paper devoted solely to the consideration oi variation, hardly ex- presses the full scope of the argument. It was not intended to be, and could not be, an argument in the least degree amenable to mathematical treatment, and when six hypotheses and two erroneous quantities are put by my critic into mathematical costume and treated by mathematical methods, it is no wonder that the results do not tally with the facts. I am glad, however, to have the opportunity of going over the subject again. Although the observations of Columbus in 1492 give a firm datum, the argument, in the main, rests upon the uniformity of the laws of nature, by which we are led to assume that in whatever way the mag- netic pole and curves of variation are shifting now they were shifting then, in that slow change which is still going on from year to year. It has been said that the subject is obscure, and that we do not know these laws in their full extent. That is quite true, and yet we are constantly acting in recognition of them so far as our knowledge extends. It is fair, [8. B. DAWKON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 161 then, to assume that, wherever the magnetic pole of that period may have been situated, the magnetic curves bore, in a general waj' over large areas, relations to each other similarto those existing at the present time. The variation now, at the admiral's point of observation in 1492, is 20'' W., and the variation at Cape Euce is 30° W., and it may therefore be fairly argued a ^n'or< that the relations between the quantities would bo the same at that date. We are not, however, shut up to an argument a priori alone. We have actual observations extending back for 250 years, and it was on these chiefly that I based my opinion that the average variation in Cabot's time over that part of the Atlantic traversed by him was one point and a half, and some details of these observations were given in my first paper. I then pointed out (at p. 69) that Ecinel's chart of A. D. 1505 showed plainly upon it, by its double scale, a variation on the New- foundland coast of nearly two points. If, in my first paper, I had given Mr. Charles Schott's map of the North Atlantic, drawn to accompany Capt. Fox's paper, this discussion might have been avoided. I give it here- with, and, for the sake of clearness, to avoid wandering over the whole field of terrestrial magnetism, 1 have eliminated all magnetic lines, saving the liaeof no magnetic variation of A.D. 1492 to AD. 1500, the period, now in question. Mr. Schott did not put forth this map as absolutely, but as approxi- mately correct, so far as data existed and the laws of terrestrial magnet- ism were ascertained. For the purposes of a general argument like mine, an appeal to the uniformity of nature in connection with the relative positions of the magnetic curves of the jirosent day would perhaps have been suflScient ; but I am glad here to bring under the attention of the reader the results reached by a scientific officer of high repute in this very difficult field, particularly as it enables me to show with more pre- cision the place where Cabot crossed into westerly variation. And now, if we examine this map, we will see the course of Columbus from Palos to Gomera. There he got upon the parallel indicated by Toscanelli as that of Zipango and Southern Cathuy. From Gomera he started on his western course as marked out by a due west line dotted on the map. That course, near the meridian of longitude 30° W., crosses a curved line extending northeastwards across the ocean. This is the line of no variation (agonic line), and when Columbus cro.ssed it his needles " wested." Farther on, about longitude 40°, he noticed a " westing " of a full point, and there the straight course on the map stops. The erro- neous datum which vitiates Mr. Harrisse's mathematical formula) is, that he counts the whole course as 3,150 miles from Gomera; whereas the length should be counted, for the purjjose of this argument, from the point where the disturbing influence first began to act. From the map it will be seen that the agonic . line extends to the northeast, as also do all the magnetic curves upon the present charts ; Sec. II., 1897. 8. T 162 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA and if this curve be produced, as are the curves of the charts of the pre- sent day it will touch the west coast of Ireland. My answer, therefore, to Mr. Harrisse is that, in measuring the length of the line of divergence south of a due west course, we must commence in the case of Cabot near the coast of Ireland, and in the case of Columbus at a considerable dis- tance west of Gomera ; and it must be observed also that it was not until he reached longitude 40* that the admiral noticed a variation of a full point. Resuming the argument from the uniformity of nature, I would invite attention to the charts of the present day, by which it will appear that a course west from the coast of Ireland cuts the lines of magnetic variation in quick succession, while, farther south, they widen out, so that, in the south, a vessel in the last of its course is sailing on the circum- ference of a curve and towards a lesser variation, while, at the north, she is sailing constantly towards an increasing variation. This must have been relatively the case also 400 years ago, though to a lesser absolute degree. The amount of variation was less, but the relative variation would have been proportionate. Returning now to Mr. Harrisse's mathematical demonstration, it will appear that from his sum total of 3,150 miles" must be deducted at least 612 miles, leaving a distance of 2,4t8 miles ; but, by the admiral's course, as worked out by Capt. Fox, the distance was only 3,105 miles,^" so that at the outside oniy 2,433 miles were sailed subject to westerly variation. In the case of Cabot, however, sailing on a parallel twenty- three degrees farther north, the line of westerly variation would be crossed close to the coast of Ireland. His whole course on the Atlantic would be subject to this disturbing influence. The distance from that coast, at latitude 53° to Cape Race is not 1,600 but 1,'740 miles, as carefully measured on an Admiralty chart, and the admiral's course, subject to westerly variation, was 684 miles longer. Cabot, on a northern parallel, would, of necessity, cross the magnetic meridians in quicker succession, and the proportionate degree of variation would be probably correct, as stated in my first paper, Mr. Harrisse is quite right in stating that the conditions of the two courses were different, but he is not correct, however, in thinking that my " belief that the landfall actually was at " Cape Breton rests mainly on this supposition." It rests upon cumula- tive evidence, of which this is but one point. Moreover, it is not right to assume that the compass of Columbus showed any easterly compensation, for the custom was to correct the compass before sailing to the true north of each country, as explained by Champlain in Appendix A of my first paper. While adhering to the general conclusions of my first paper, and without going over Mr. Harrisse's calculations, which the measure- ment on the map demonstrates to be wrong, I would repeat that R. S. C, 1897. 68 in red Ire- ion id- t a lat ee- Int red lat in- on •iiy no ivo int :ht } a to ng iss an «d ir- ke >n- he lat th. iOd »iy iio 18 9d of jof lld [h. k. dawhon] Tin: VOYAGKS OF TI ]''ig. 8— to face pago 1( Tni<: VOYAGKS OF THE CABOTH K. S. C, imi. J-'ig. 3— to face pago 1(W. 7 f« M 10 thi to) iw th VI tb fe is b< d< w lei oq 801 VI tl ol a [a B. dawbon] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T3 163 mathematical mothods are out of place in inquiries such as this in which no solid mathematical datum is available. Mr. Harrisse has proved by his formulie that to sail from latitude 63" on the coast of Ire- land, and to miss Capo Eace, would require an angular deviation of twenty-nine degrees. On the other hand, 1 have taken an Ad- miralty chart (as any one may do for himself) and drawn upon it a straight course between the two points, and I tirul hy measurement that an angle of deviation from a true west lino of only twelve and three- quarter degrees would have enabled Cabot to clear Capo Kace. One point and a half is nearly seventeen degrees, so that my first calculation allowed plenty of room. The voyage of Columbus is not here in dispute, but that he did actually drop south from Gomera to Watling's island is ascertain- able by the l-'titudes on the map, and the amour t of westerly variation experienced is proved by his own recorded observations. It necessarily differed at different points, but the average quantity was probably one point as stated ; and now that, in order to explain my meaning, I have drawn a course on the map, I hope that no one will waste his time to point out the absurdity of any one supposing that Cabot sailed on a straight line to graze Capo Eace. We may all bo sure that his real course was a devious one. Wo may also bo sure that in sai ing west ho did his best to follow his compass, and if by head winds he was forced to make long stretches to the north or south, that he always returned to his compass course — more essential to him, if there could bo degrees in necessity, than to Columbus, because ho passed through a wide extent of fog-infested ocean. All the natural forces Ltill dominant upon the ocean — the cur- rents and the magnetic variation then existed and were tending to make his course swerve southwards. Tiiese other physical causes will be con- sidered elsewhere. 10. — The World Map ofJuo.n de La Cosa. On reference to my preceding papers it will clearly appear that the central point of my argument is La Cosa's map. Who he was, and what the map is, has been told in the previous papers at wearisome length, Mr. Prowse, junior," with a true appreciation of its importance, attacked the date of the map. Bishop Howley, in his long argument, scarcely mentions it, and Judge Prowse calls it " a rude sketch," " the most archaic " production that can be imagined, without a single name on it which is " not conjured out of the old Spanish pilot's inventive brain," *' forgetting that, at page 13 of his " History," he had called La Cosa " a distinguished " Biscayan navigator and geographer." Archbishop O'Brien speaks of the map as the " offspring of Cosa's imagination," and selecting a part of it, turns it up at right angles and sets it as he thinks that part should have been drawn. Those who know the map best admit that it " is not 164 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA " drawn to scalo, nor in Hlrict conformity with modorn maps as to figuro." It is an imperlbct map, because the materials are imperl'ect, for it is the very earliest existing map upon which any part of the now world is shown, and it was made only eight years after the discovery of the West Indies by Columbus, and three years ai'tor the first voyage of Cabot. There is no cast coast of Ahia on the map ; for the coast wo now know as America is taken as the east coast of Asia, as will aiijjcaron inspection of the map attached to this pai)or. Winsor romaiks that the drafts of John Cabot "were doubtless used by Juar, de Lu Cosa in delineating the " Asiatic coast in the map of A.D. 1500, now preserved in the Archives " of the Marino of Madrid." " Those who use it for measurements, as a modern map, must iall into error, ibr modern maj^s are based on scientific surveys ; and those who see only an extract from it must fail to under- stand it, because they do not see the extract in relation to the rest of the map. It is a map of the whole world, drawn on a plane, before Merca- tor's projection was invented, and, therefore, from the very necessity of the projection the east and west lines at the north must be enormously exaggerated. Any ore will see that who will peel an orange and layout one hemisphere of the skin on a ])lane surface. It was the glory of Mor- cator sixty years later to have invented a method of compensation by which true distances and courses on the sea may be ascex-tained, although it is still by enormously exaggerating the land areas at the north. La Cosa got his information where he could, from all existing maps, and from the charts of the Portuguese who, only three years befoi-e (in 1497), had doubled the Cape of Good Hope and sailed their ships in eastern seas. The original is in colours, and the continental areas are, after the manner of that age, filled with .kings and queens and towered cities. It is full of legendary and biblical lore — the three Kings of the East, the Queen of Sheba, the Great Khan of Tartary, Gog and Magog, are there, together with men whose heads axe set flat down on their shoulders, and many other traditional monsters. To reproduce these in colour would cost too much, and would not assist in this controvex"sy. Defective as the map is, it is distinctly superior to the majis nxado for many years after. It is faii'ly drawn, for France, Spain, Italy, the Levant and the Black sea and Sea of Azof ; the Mediterranean and Atlantic coasts of Africa are faix-ly well done, but Denmark, the Baltic sea and the Scan- dinavian countries are very imperfect and far out of correct proportion. In the east, Hindostan is scarcely indicated ; while Ceylon is enormously exaggerated and distorted ; Zanzibar and Madagascar are far out of position in the eastern ocean, and the fox'mer island is immensely too large. These islands had at that time been visited by the Portuguese, while only the Cabots had reached the northern part of America. A glance at the map will show how impossible it would be to apply measure- ments to the distorted delineations of the northern countries of Europe, [8. B. DAWSOS] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T8 16B known though thoy had been for hundreds of years, or to the countries of southern Asia just opened up by the Portuguese. If the total length of England and Scotland be compared on La Cosa's map with that of Franco or Spain on a north and south line, they will bo found to bo the same, but a glance at a modern map will show that while Franco and Spain each extend through seven degrees of latitude, Great Britain ex- tends through ton. And, again, wo know the length of Cuba to bo 720 miles, and the distance from Gibraltar point in Spain to the Hay of Biscay to bo 510 miles, but thoy are the same length on La Cosa's map. If La Cosa know Cuba, he knew Spain bettor. Even our own piano maps will mislead unless the principlesof their construction are carefully considered New York, on a Morcator chart, is exactly half way between Capo Race and Havana, but the real distances differ by more than two hundred rrilca. In a previous part of this paper the distance from Capo Farewell to Cape St. John was given at 115 miles, but measured on a modern chart with a scale it is very nearly the same as from Capo Race to New York, 1,025 miles ; or from New York to Havana, 1,230 miles. In like manner the west coast of Newfoundland is 316 miles long, but on tho chart Capo Breton and Nova Scotia together appear by the scale to bo the same length, though the true distance is 37*5 miles. In modern maps tho northern regions are unduly expanded in definite proportions well known to students, but before Mercator's method camo into use, the longitudes wero expanded out of proportion to the latitudes. Moreover it must be observed that the basis upon which Archbishop O'Brien's theory rests is arbitrary in all its extent. Ho states that the Spaniards knew well, not only tho latitude, but tho length and breadth of Cuba. The fact, however, is that the Spaniards at that time did not know any one of those things. Upon the very map itself is the proof; for the lati- tude of Cuba is from six to eight degrees too far north. He has not observed that Cuba and Hispaniola are drawn entirely north of the Tropic of Cancer, whereas they are entirely south of It. Not only on La Cosa's map, but on all tho maps down to 1520, Cuba is drawn north of tho tropic. It is so drawn on the Canerio map (1502), the Ruysch (1508), the Ptolemy (1511), the Peter Martyr (1511), the Ftolemy (1513), tho Reisch (1515), the Schoner (1520), and on many of later date. The reason is not far to seek, but it lies in those studies which the arch- bishop considers to be not germane to the subject. On any modern map the tropic just grazes Havana, the northernmost point of the whole group of the larger Antilles. Then the Spaniards did not know the length of Cuba, for it is shown on La Cosa's map as no longer than Hispaniola, whereas Cuba is nearly twice as long as Hayti. That they did not know the breadth of Cuba is evident by inspection and com- parison with a modern map, for the island is out of shape and proportion. Moreover, the uncertainty existing then about the dimensions of Cuba is f 1 n: > ' iii r 11 ;■■* 166 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA evident from the fact that Columbus to the day of his death, five years later than the date of this map, insisted that Cuba was a part of the mainland. And yet, after all, there is a method as to latitude on this map. The Equator and the Tropic of Cancer are given, and between them are 23° 28' of latitude ; so if we take Cavo do Ynglaterra to be Cape Eace, we OCEANUS 0GC\D£tiTAL\5 •0 DiLRli mrumu. '^ ^^j^:^^^^ . HAS hHJims ^ I aivHo^ a.<|yM.\ y\ o cAri aXk s Fig 4.— The Canting Map, 1501-2, showing the Greater Antilles north of tSe Tropic and the elongation of Mewfoundland to the east. shall find it to be in 54° 30', about the same distance too high as Cuba is too high. A similar result will appear if we measure from the rhumb-line running due west parallel to the tropi affair as is " often tacitly assumed,"'* And again : " In geographical discussion the " tendency to overlook the fa^ L that Columbus and his immediate succes- " sors did not sail with the latest edition of Black's General Atlas in their " cabins is almost inveterate ; it keeps revealing itself in all sorts of queer " statements, and probably there is no cure for it except in familiarity " with the long series of perplexed and struggling maps made in the six- " teenth century. Properly regarded, the discovery of America was not " a single event but a very gradual process." ''" Sq Bunbuiy, in his History of Ancient Geography, likewise observes : " Not only is geography in its " very nature a progressive science, but the slightest attention to its " history in raediajval or modern times will show that the steps of its " progress arc often vacillating and uncertain." A more extended survey of the maps of the period would have prevented any one from taking the flags on La Cosa's map so seriously as to suppose that they were intended to represent real flags, planted at regular intervals by Cabot along the coast, and that a search by officers of the Geological Survey could ever result in discovering along the shore holes drilled in the rocks, or piles of stones, reared to support the flagstaffs. The coast line I have taken as the south coast of Newfoundland is repeated in Kuysch's*^ map of the world, published with the Ptolemy of 1508, and there also it is portrayed as the east coast of Asia, because the Kiver Polisacus is shown. An extract from this map is given (p. 157) showing the western half. The extract from the Cantino map (fig. 4) shows Cortereal's discoveries on the oast coast of Newfoundland. On 1 if \B. H. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 169 the east coast of Greenland is a legend, which cannot be shown on the small sketch, stating that it (Cape Farewell) is taken to be the extremity of Asia. That was the opinion current at that time. It is admitted by all authorities that the outline of the northeast coast of America is based on John Cabot's map. That Ayala sent a map of John Cabot's fii-st voyage to the King of Spain is on record, and he sent it before the return of the second expedition. Some have thought that the results of the second voyage also appear, but, while that may be true, it is an assumption which has not the support of a document on record. The insertion of names shows that La Cosa had before him an authentic chart of that portion only of the coast he has placed names upon. The extension of the nameless coast north and south may, as some high authorities have supposed, have been borrowed from previous maps of Asia, or from a general report of the second voyage of Cabot. If he had had a chart of the second voyage he would have copied the names. In any case the second voyage did not reach farther south than 35" to 38°, according to the existing records, and beyond that the coast line must be conjectural. When it is asserted that La Cosa had procured a map of the second voj'^age more correct than the first, it is assuming something for which not the least shadow of proof can be adduced. The cardinal point of the controversy is the Cavo de Ynglaterra. If it be Cape Eace, then, of necessity, the named coast line is the south coast of Newfoundland, and the last name of the series, Cavo Descubierto, is a point by compass west from Cape Race. Cabot's discoveries are laid down as west from Bristol, and Columbus's discoveries are west from Go- mera — west from the point of departure of each ; while their true direc- tion is south of west by very nearly the angle of the course by their com- passes. It is significant that the Cavo de Ynglaterra is laid down on the same parallel as Bristol — exactly west of it, and it is too far north of its true latitude by the same distance that Cuba and the West India islands are too far north of theirs. This need not interfere with its identification as Cape Race, because in Reinel's map of 1505, C. Raso is 50° 30' b}' the perpendicular scale, and in the great mappemonde of Henry II., A.D. 1546, showing Cartier's discoveries, it was also placed at 50° 30', though its real latitude is 46° 39', or about four degrees farther south. That the longitude is far out need not be wondered at, for the sailors of those days had no means of ascertaining longitude save by dead reckoning. Nordenskiold informs us that " longitude could onlj' be got in excep- " tional circumstances," ^^ and Humboldt says : " The direction is more " important than the estimation of distances, for, as before stated, in the " voyages of those days they exaggerated the distances."^'' This map of La Cosa's must not be taken separately from the series of maps of the period, and the disproportion of the longitude upon it is not more than on the other early maps. '1 I :;! r hi- m m 170 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA It is just here where the archbishop's argument is the weakest. He has not taken into consideration the whole series of maps nor the fact that even the Mediterranean sea — the centre of the ancient and mediceval world, not only on La Cosa's but on all maps, was twenty degrees astray in longitude. Commenting on this, Kohl says : " "It is well known that " the great father of geography, Ptolemy of Alexandria, committed the " extraordinary error of assigning to the Mediterranean sea a length of " not less than sixty-two degrees of longitude, which was upwards of " twenty degrees too much. This amazing mistake affected all our maps " of the Mediterranean, more or less, until the beginning of the last " century. ... In this instance the contest between truth and error " lasted more than 1,500 years, until, at length, the French geographer, " Delille, gave to the sea its true limit." But while all these maps present difficulties of their own, they must be taken as they are or rejected in their entirety, and here would seem ta be the fatal error of Archbishop O'Brien's method. He cuts the Gordian knot heroically. To use his own words : " We say at once that Cosa, " having received a copy of Cabot's chart, joined it to his own, making it " run east and west instead of north and south He did not " tamper with its scale or reduce its proportion." That is, La Cosa took Cabot's supposed chart of the second voyage and simply stuck it on to his own, only turning it round the wrong way 1 This is surely the quint* essence of hypothetical geography. It is not possible in serious inquiries to detach a part of the coast line of a map and radically alter its direction without striking at the very foundation of all geographical studies. What these pilots did know was their compass course, and to suppose that a man of the experience of Juan de La Cosa could mistake a course of north and south for a course of east and west is jiractically to pronounce as incompetent and ignorant one of the three foremost 8v-.:.mcn of his age. This would be a very daring thing to do in any case ; but here is a man whom Humboldt calls " that great sailor," " that skilful pilot ; " whom Peter Martyr lauds for " his great ability in constructing marine charts ; " whom Las Casa& asserts to be the " best pilot who could be found for the seas of the " Western Indies ; " and he is charged, four hundred years after the events with a blunder, undiscovered until now, too gross to be made in an elemen- tary class in geography, and this in a map which was made for the King of Spain, and supposed to have been hung up in the office of Fon- seca, the Spanish minister of marine. All these old charts had wind- roses to show directions and lines of compass-bearing run across them. This map of La Cosa is oriented by the great wind-rose south of the east and west coast line, by the equinoctial line and the Tropic of Cancer, and by the meridional line through the Azores. If we are permitted to take it to pieces and wheel up a portion of its coast line at an angle of 90 degrees^ PI [8. B. PAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T8 171 all documents may be redrawn to suit the theories of any writer. Such heroic treatment is, in effect, making the documents to suit the theory, not the theory to suit the documents. If we are not to take docu- ments, such as maps, in a series, and use one to throw light on the other — use them to show the gradual development of the contour lines of a coast and the gradual evolution of the correct cartography of lands gradually discovered — then there can be no such thing as scientific geo- FiG. 6.— Canting Map, 1501-2. Fig. 7.— Canebio Map, 1502. Fig. 8.— King Map, 1502. C ik''jCo%cJi>* Fig. 9.— Ruysch Map, 1508. graphy, and theorizing will take the place of patient investigation of truth. Such a line of procedure is opposed to the entire course of modern methods of investigation, and is without a precedent in the history of cartographical research. In reasoning, the true course is from the premises to the conclusion ; but this is from the conclusion to the pre- mises and the whole character of the map is changed and its unity i» broken. If the Cavo de Ynglaterra be Cape Chidley, the whole of Hud- son's bay and strait is opened up one hundred and ten years before Henry u S 'I f \ 172 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA ■iii hi if, Hudson, and the map would stand alone— tho first map to show America, and containing features of enormous importance to be straightway for- gotten for over a hundred years. Tt will stand out distinct from the whole series of maps, nor, even then, will its contour be brought into har- mony with modern maps, for the coast of Atlantic Labrador runs to tho northwest and not due north. Eeturning, however to the line of my argument, and to show that Cavo de Ynglaterra is really no other than Cape Race, I give on the pro- ceding page the outlines of the corresponding headlands on the maps next succeeding in date until the cape is permanently nanied. It will be seen at once that from the very first this cape — the most striking feature on the northeast coast — was recognized as the key-point of the geography of tho western continent. There is no headland to compare with it in its commanding po.sition. It is the nearest point to England, and might well be called Cape of England, or Cape of Portugal, according to the nationality of the namer. In the Cantino map, 1501-2, there are no names on the coast, but the headland is there. The same may be said of the Canerio map. In the King chart, 1502, it is named C. Easo. In Ruysch's map, 1508, it is called C. de Portogesi. After that, upon every map, the name is Cape Easo— there was never any change. Sir Clements Markhara, in his paper before the Eoyal Geographical Society, identifies it as Cape Eace ; Kohl had done so previously ; Judge Prowse points out that the name still survives on the coast. He says : '' In 1500 we have unmistakable evidence, from Spanish sources, of English " discoveries in the map of Juan de La Cosa. Cape Race, or possibly " Cape English, in St. Mary's bay, is represented by Cavo de Ynglaterra " (English cape)." " The judge was not then entangled in controversy, but he now drops all notice of the map, excepting to say that La Cosa was an old pilot who invented all the names, and that none of the names he gave exist on tho coast. Cape English is a precipitous blutf, forming the eastern headland of St. Mary's bay, on the south coast of Newfound- land, thirty miles west 'of Cape Race.'* Humboldt took the Cavo de Ynglaterra to be some caj^e near Belle Isle, and supposed that the coast with flags was the Canadian Labrador inside the strait, and the long shore of the north side of the Gulf and River St. Lawrence. He never thought of altering its direction, for that, he says, is the one thing to be observed in studying these old maps. I can only join with Kohl in wonder at a theory which opens up the Gulf of St. Lawrence and still leaves it to be discovered by Cartier thirty- five years later ; which suppresses the whole south side formed by the peninsula of Gasp^ and the provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, and puts the north shore of the estuary of the St. Lawrence vis-A-vis to Cuba across an open ocean. The opinion will not, I think, be shared by [8. E. DAWSON ] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 173 many who know tho gulf. They will recognize at once that all the Mari- time provinces of the Dominion are etlaced by it, and the whole Gulf of St. Lawrence (inclosed from the ocean and entered by throe straits, Belle Isle, Cabot and (^anso) is thrown open, ceases to be a gulf, and its northern shore, for it will have no southern one, lies open to the coast of South America over a stretch of unbroken ocean. The theory of the jiresidential address is indeed original. It not onl}' opens up Hudson's bay, but it sweeps away all the eastern part of the Dominion, for it draws a straight north line from Cape Henry, in Vii- ginia, to Cape ChidJey. Let anyone draw such a line. It will be seen to pass through Quebec and cut aWay Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Eastern Quebec and all the New England States, and ex])Ose a north and south line to the Atlantic ocean. Humboldt's line is at right angles to this. Thin theory supposes a ]ieriplus of the gulf; but no gulf is loft to make a periplus in, for wheeling up the coast line does not make a gulf there. The gulf began tirst to exist on the map of Viegas, in 1534, as is evident by the whole series of maj)8 shown in my former papers. The hypothesis fails also to comply with the requirements of the litur- gical method, for Cabot could not have discovered the Cavo Descubierto on June 24, and tho Cavo de S. Jorge on April 23. He did not leave Bristt.l until May. Again, the Cavo de S. Luzia is put down as Cape Freels on tho east coast of Newfoundland, and S. Luzia as Cape St. Michael on Northern Labrador, while there is only one St. Lucy, and her day is December 13. Then, St. Nicholas cannot be any other than the benign Bishop of Myra — tho evei'-ready helper of all sailors and mer- chants. The fort of St. Nicholas, ou the Lido, guarded then, as now, tho approach to Venice from the sea, and the Abbey and Church of St. Nicholas figure largely in Venetian history. Besides, he was the patron saint of seaports, and had been for a thousand years bci'ore 1440, when St. Nicholas of Tolentino was canonized. Then, at Bristol, a church of much resort was dedicated to him. The original foundation was in tho time of Canute, and the parish still exists. The festival of this St. Nicho- las was on December 6, as it is still. I do not know anything about the festivals of the ordination of St. Gregory, or of St. John of Nicomedia, but the dates of the festivals of St. Lucy, St. Nicholas and St. George are sufficient to show how insecure a theory founded upon the calendar may be. It seems, moreover, improbable that sailors would name a coast after festivals not in the Breviary, and known only to those specially in- structed in such subjects. The archbishop's " final proof " is in the very remarkable etymologies of the names on La Cosa's map. The descriptions supposed to have accompanied the hypothetical map of Cabot's second voyage, which La Cosa is supposed to have grafted upon his work, were packed into single words compounded from the resources of several languages. I shall not go Wi] m 174 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA over the words themselves, but would merely remark that the procedure is based on another hypothesis. The archbishop says that "Cosawas a " classic scholar imbued with the epigrammatic spirit of the age. Ho was " learned in the classicism of the Eenaissance, and condensed a description " into a compound word, adapting Spanish or Latin terms." Everything known of La Cosa points the other way. No record of his birth or bap- tism can be found, and although it is generally thought that he was born at Santofia, it is not proved. It is proved, however, that he belonged to a family of sailors, and that the greater part of his youth was spent at sea. He had been sailing and trading to Flanders when Columbus chartered his vessel, and himself with it, to go on his first voyage. No indication of his classical studies exists, but his consummate skill as a seaman is the theme of many Spanish authors, and his capacity as a geographer is evidenced by the fact that he was master chart-maker to Columbus, who became jealous of La Cosa's reputation. It will be necessary to cite some authority for hii Cosa's classical attainments before discussing his etymo- logies. History shows that he was an accomplished navigator and a skilful cartographer, while this hypothesis assumes that he was an accom- plished epigramioatist and a classical scholar, but so ignorant a sailor and cartographer as to mistake north and south for east and west. 11. — The Bonavista Landfall. At the time of the meeting of the Royal Society at Halifax, I had re- ceived a report, in an English newspaper, of the paper read by Sir Clements Markham before the Royal Geographical Society. It was a very full re- port, but since that time the Journal of the society for June has been published, containing an authentic copy of the paper. Judge Prowse informs us that "Sir Clements Markham lias seen the error of his ways, " and, in his recently carefully prepared address, goes out of his way to " refute the absurd Cape Breton theory." " And, again, he says Sir Clements Markham " made a complete recantation of his erroneous "views," adding that "I [Judge Prowse] took infinite pains to bring '• him round to the Newfoundland side." It is remarkable that an " absurd theory" which, the judge adds, "no sensible man would be- " lieve," '* should have been advocated for so many years by a man of Sir Clements Markham's attainments, and that it should have required "in- " finite pains" to remove it. Again, the judge informs us that he has, in the Marquess of Dufferin, another illustrious convert. Whatever Lord Dufferin may have written in the unpublished letter referred to, is not open to discussion. He wrote in Scribner's Magazine, depending upon Judge Prowse's " History " for the existence of an " immemorial tradi- " tion." In his address at the inauguration of the Cabot tower in Bristol, Lord Dufferin spoke of " the Cape of Bonavista, or whatever point on the ts. a dawson] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 178 " coast of Newfoundland, Labrador or Cape Breton, the learned may de- <' termine to be his landfall ; " "^ a sentence, in its non committal preg- nancy, worthy of a diplomatist of his lordship's great experience. He was evidently not anxious to bo the subject of " infinite pains " from any- body. A careful perusal of Sir Clements Markham's paper does not, how- ever, confirm the " recantation " represented by Judge Prowse. The paper is easily accessible, and I may spare the space of long extracts by a brief summary of those conclusions which bear on this special question. Sir Clements gives his opinion that Cabot set out to go west ; that, owing to bad weather, he at first made northing, being driven probably as far out of his projected course as Blacksod bay in lat. 54° ; that the magnetic variation existing then would probably bring him on a westerly course to Bonavista, which, if Soncino's evidence alone be taken, was his landfall; that there is nothing impossible about a landfall at Capo Breton ; that the drift may have taken him there, although it was unlikely at that time of the year ; that a chart by John Cabot of his first voyage was sent to the king of Spain ; that it was incorporated In La Cosa's map ; that Cavo de Ynglaterra is Cape Eace ; that the coast with names, to the west, is the south coast of Newfoundland ; that Cavo Descubierto is Cape Bre- ton. He sums up his opinion that if the map of 1544 is rejected, the landfall will be at Bonavista. Everything Sir Clements Markham says must be taken in the most serious manner. Two conditions must bo noted in this very restrained recantation, viz., the testimony of Soncino must be taken alone, and the map attributed to Sebastian Cabot must be rejected. He does not cate- gorically decide to adopt this course, and thus leaves the field open to those who take into account the whole evidence and accept the map of 1544 either in whole or in part. So far, then, the judge's illustrious con- verts leave the question open to an unlimited liberty of philosophising, and I return untrammelled to the subject of Bonavista. Judge Prowse, who, as has been shown, is the only witness, " contra " mundum," for Bonavista, puts his argument thus : " My argument is " founded on the name Bonavista — it is distinctly Italian. In Spanish it " would be Buena Vista, in Portuguese Boavista." '" He does not add that in Italian it would be Buonavista, and that it is actually Boavista on the first map where the name is found. The fact is that Bonavista is an un- changed Portuguese word. The nasal sound, though omitted in spelling, is sounded in the pronunciation. It is the name of the easternmost island of the Cape de Verde group, belonging to Portugal, and another of the same group is called Fogo. So, in Newfoundland, one headland of the same bay is Bonavista and the other Fogo — names given by the Portu- guese after their own home islands. All this argument about Boavista is the result of not considering that in Portuguese the nasal sound is not fe II . 4 11 It 176 KOYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA written — thus, Joao, John, is Joum or Johan ; capitao is capitano, and Lisboa is Lisbon. In like manner, the name of the poet Camiiens is writ- ten (y'aiuoes, and Don Sebastian is Dorn Sebastiao. In my second i>apor (p. G) I said that the name " Honavista docs not " appear on any map until Gaspar Viegas's. in 1534; that, is for thirty- " seven years alter Cabot's discovery." For this Judge Prowso takes mo to task, lie says, " Vhe MajoUo map (A. D. 1527) contains Bonavista ;" '' and again, "Dr. S. E. Dawson is quite astray in his statement that Bona- " vista does not appear on any earlier map than 1534. It ai)pears on pro- " bably the most important of the earlier charts, the Majollo map."" I would refer Judge Prowse to his own "History" (at i)age 31), where, in the chronological summary at the head of Chapter 111., is the entry, under date A. D. 1534, " Gaspar Viegas's map shows Bonavista /or the first " time on our coast.'' Bishop llowley is equally precise. Ho says, in the Magazine of Amer- ican History : " We have as early as 1527, on MajoUo's map, the beautiful " name Buonavista, which is found on all the earliest mups, and survives " to-day in Ncwibundland as the bay, the cape and the settlement of Bona- " vista ; " ''' and again, in his printed lecture (p. 35), he saj^s the name is " on all the earlier maps." I am sure the bishop thinks so, for in his paper on Jacques Cartier's voyages "" he gives a tracing (see fig. 10) of the Majollo map (p. Hci), on which C. Bona- vista ajipears. In my ])aper, at page 7(> of the same volume, I gave a tracing of the same map. My tracing was from Kretschmer, and the name Bonavista is not on it because it ia not in Kretschmer. Other facsimile copies of this map may he found in Winsor, "Narrative and Critical History," vol. iv., p. 38, and in Harrisse, "Discovery of America," p. 216. Bonavista is not found on any of them. A close inspection of fig. 11 will show the words " ben posta," and it will be found also thus on Kretschmer's, Winsor's and Harrisse 's fac- similes, but C. Bonavista will not be found. We may now be informed that " ben posta " means Bonavista, and that it is " absurd," "ridiculous," ''senseless " or anything else of From vol. xii.. Trans. R. S. C, a similar objectionable nature to think ditt'er- Sec. II., p. 176. , T ,. , ... ently. I did not recognize it, inasmuch as " ben posta" made sufficient sense ; and evidently Judge Prowse did not, or he would not have made such a statement in his "History." It is always better to put the names as they are written, and explain why they should be altered. Nor can the name Bonavista be ascribed to Cortereal, AfAc/OZLO Jinna BonavUia he Sftera ^Gflasso [8. K. DAWSON] THE VOYaGES of THE CABOTS 177 for, as a simple matter of fact, Bonavista is not on any map supposed to show Cortoreal's voyages, and, if wo take the whole series of maps known to exist, one by one, the result is as follows. Bonavista is not on La Cosa's map (1600); nor on Cantino's (1501) (there are no northern names on that map) ; nor on the King map (1602) ; nor on Salvat de Pilestrina's (1503-4)— this is evidently based on the Cortereal voyages and has names on the east coast of Newfoundland ; nor on Reinel's (1506) ; nor on Kuysch's (1508) ; nor on the portulan of Vesconte (1511) ; nor on the anonymous map of 1520 at Munich ; nor on Nuno Garcia's map If- t-X o ^h , ^ f«r^♦*r V^VuJ ''V^a, •9 9p •J r fi n % \>i .i r'< t Fio, 11.— The Maiollo map of 1527, from Harrisse. (See Dis. Am., p. 217.) of 1526 ; nor on the celebrated "Weimar map of lb?7 ; nor on the great map of Alonzo de Santa Cruz in 1542. I have omitted a few which have no names at all upon them, and therefore do not cojnt on either side. Then in order of date comes the map of Vesconte de Maiollo of A. D. 1&2'7, and upon this map is the name benposta. Bonavista is not on the great map of Diego Eibero (1629) ; nor on Verazzano's (1529) ; nor on the globe of Finseus. Then comes Viegas (1634), where the name is found for the first time, just as Judge Prowse says in his '* History," and it is found as Boavista, Sec. II., 1807. 0. t' 178 ROYAL POCIETY OF CANADA While on the subject of this map, I would remark that Binhop Iiowley U808 it to support another argument ?ii his lecture. At p. 21 ho quotes Soncino thus: "At 400 leagues ho (Cabot) found terra firma ;" and adds : "Now, on the map of Majollo (1527), Cape Farewell, in Green- "land, is quite distinctly given, as Is named, Terra Firma." It is given in the bishop's sketch (Hg. 10), although not in the atlas of Krotschmor, but I fmd in Winsoi-'s and llarriaso's facwimilos, not Terra Firma (for the laud is named Lavoradoro), but Ille Firme,''* referring to the islands on the coast. That argument, therefore, falls to the ground. The claim of Bonavista rests almost solely upon a map attributed to John Mason, governor of Newfoundland, first published in Vaughan's " Golden Fleece," in 1625. Under the name Bonavista is printed a Caboto primum reperta, and this is taken as proof that Bonavista was the land- fall. The first serious attempt at a colony hud boon made in 1610, and Vaughan's " Golden Fleece " was published as a description of the island to induce settlement. Any special authority resulting from Mason's name is, however, removed by a note at p. 106 of Judge Prowso's *' History." Ho says : " A close examination of this map shows that it was not con- " structed by Mason, all its features being traceable in much older maps; " the only contribution of Mason's being the groat lake or sea (Fortune " bay), which ho probably saw from some hill in Placentia bay on one of " his exploring expeditions. The map probably belongs to the Anglo- " Dutch group, and is mainly of French origin." It is difficult to see what importance a map published 128 years after the event in dispute can have as evidence of an "immemorial tradition." It is proof merely of the existence of an opinion in 1625. The same remark applies to the only new contribution to the evidence for Bonavista that this discussion has elicited — the Dupont map. Judge Prowse calls him " the celebrated "explorer and geographer,'"'' and adds that his map was "published in " 1625," but was " prepared much earlier." Latei, however, he says that it is dated in 1625, and is in the D^pot de Cartes of the Ministry of Marine, and that while the names on the map are in black ink, Bonne Viste is in red, and opposite are the words prima I'nvena, also in red ink. There is a fair presumption that one refers t '^^e other. Dupont was a carto- grapher of Dieppe, A. D. 1625-16? Harrisse mentions his name once in a foot-note at p. 216 of b" Sibastien Cabot, and it is found in Lelewel and in the list of a -ilection of maps exhibited at Paris. He was not an explorer, bu. lu of a school of cartographers at Dieppe. The map is in manuscript, and was never published, and it is a map of the Atlsniic ocean, on parchment, in two pieces. It is inscribed "par Jean Bu I'ont de Diepe, 1625," and dedicated " h Monsieur le Prisi. dent de Lozon, 1625." No mention of Cabot is upon the map, but the words 2>nma inten{t)a are presumed to refer to his discovery of Bona- vista. An extract from this map is given (fig. 12), and it will be seen to [b. e. dawbon] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 170 bo inferior to the publiahod muj»8 of tho samo period, e.i/., Mason's and Chuniplain'8 ; but in interesting from never having appeared before in this discussion. Tho names aro very difficult to read. Prima invena is in the centre of tho i.siund, and is much obscured by tlie lines of compass bearings. ♦Fig. 12.— D0 Font's Map, A.D. 1625. There are two other identifications — ono is that there is a place noar Bonavista called Keels; this is supposed to mean that the "first keel" grated "on the shingle there." The theory seems far-fetched. It is far more probable that tho settlers called it after Keel, in Mayo, in Ire- * The drawing of this map is very rough. This is a reduction from a photograph. Many of the names are illegible. They are upside down on the Newfoundland and New Brunswick coasts. Turning the map and reading from the south, on the east coast of Newfoundland, in order, are C. de Ras, C. St. Ian, C. St. Francis, Bonne Vis^^e, Tile St Marc, R. St. Ian, Port aux Aigles, CremailHere, C. Grat. In the centre of the island, running at right angles to the south coast, is prima in- ven(t)a, and behind that are three names, referring probably to the south coast. The first is illegible, the second is La Baleine, and the last Les Vierges. No doubt the islands of the Eleven Thousand Virgins were intended. They are on the south coast in the old maps. The names in italics are new names not found on early maps. For further remarks on this map see infra, App. F., where also Mason's map will be found. Ik m. '-'!'■ ■-*:•• -f Iltji^ ISO ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA il 1 land — a similar coast ; and, lastly, there is also a place near called King's Cove, and it is thought the name signifies that there the royal standard was f ot wp.^ There is no evidence to support this view. I come now to the grand argument — the ancient immemorial tradi- tion — of what ? Certainly it ought to bo of the landfall of John Cabot and an English crew in 1497. This tradition could not have existed in Newfoundland, where for a long time there was no permanent settle- ment, for the fishing fleet came in spring and went back in the ftill. It might have been that a few men would occasionally be left to cut wood and build wharfs and boats, but there are no definite traces of that having occurred. The stages and huts would, of course, remain from year to year. Judge Prowse finds the earliest narrative about the island to be ParkhurstV, in 1578. It is found in Hakluyt, and the passage is quoted in the judge's " History." ^* We learn from i*^ that at that time there were fishing in the harbours 100 sail of Spaniu. uS, 50 sail of Portuguese, 150 sail of French and Bretons, besides 20 to 30 Spanish whalers, "but of " English only 50 sail." There is no mention of settlers, and indeed if there had been any possession by settlement, the letters-patent of Queen Eliza- beth would have been unmeaning ; for they applied to lands only " if " they shall not be before planted or inhabited." Gilbert, in 1583, set up the royal standard, and took possession for the crown of England, and, in the contemporary report, it is expressly said that he " was the first of " our nation that carried people to erect an habitation and government in " these northern countries of America." " But 1583 was eighty-six years after Cabot's voyage, and there were no people then on the island to have carried a continuous tradition. In fact, it would seem, after all, that there is not at the present moment a tradition ; for it has been shown by Bishop Howley (p. 151, ante) that the tradition was for Cape St. John — a tradi- tion existing in Verazzano'B mind ; for, beyond all question, there was no one on the coast when Verazzano made his voyage ; therefore he must have carried the tradition there, and, inasmuch as his voyage was the foundation of the French claims by discovery, it is improbable he would have commenced by establishing those of England. Nevertheless, the bishop maintains that this " shows that at that early period the tradition " was in favour of St. John as the landfall." Bishop Howley thinks there really was a tradition attached to Bona- vista, not, however, a tradition of a landfall of English sailors, such as we are looking for, but of Cortereal and the Portuguese ; and this was the way it happened. ** He [Cortereal] had doubtless made himself well informed " of the whereabouts of Cabot's now lands. It is not at all improbable " that he may have got possession of Cabot's papere, map, log and globe, " 80 mysteriously lost. We have reason to believe that he made almost " directly the headland of Newfoundland, which was Bituated in 48^ « degrees north latitude, and which, being a most prominent and impor- (8. B. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 18t ** tant point, must undoubtedly have been seen and well located by Oabot. " To this important headland Cortereal gave the name of Bonavista. It *' was most probably his landfall."* At last, then, we have run this tradition to earth. It was a Portu- guese tradition of a Portuguese landfall, and the English tradition was for Cape St. John, and existed in the mind of a French captain ! But Bona- v^ista must have a tradition, after all that has been said about it, and this ill it. "Cabot first made land at Cape St. John, yet he afterwards fixed on ■' the point now called Bonavista as the signal point for voyagers from ^' Europe, and to taiifc a departure from on going eastwards. I am sure " John Cabot took special and particular bearings of this point. I believe " it to be the point of which Soncino is speaking when he says Cabot " made certain signal marks." " That is letting down Bonavista as easily as possible. There is a tra- dition of landfall, but it is Portuguese, aad the English tradition is not of landfall but of land -departure. I would merely observe that no trace has survived of any such special solicitude for Bonavista, and that theories based upon a chain of such phrases as " doubtless," " not at all improb- " able," " may have," " we have reason to believe," " most undoubtedly," " most probably," " I am sure," and " I believe," cannot help us much in this very difficult inquiry. Finally I come to La Cosa's map. It is generally admitted to be a map of the south coast of Newfoundland. But Bonavista is not upon the south coast of Newfoundland, but upon the east coast, and it is evident, therefore, that Bonavista is excluded from the first voyage. The first flag on the coast and the first name is at Cape Race. Bonavista is not near Cape Race. It is two degrees and three minutes of latitude to the north, equal to 123 geographical or 138J statute miles in a straight line. If, then, Bonavista was the landfall, Cabot never gave it a name — neve^ claimed it — but sailed many more than 138 miles along the sinuosities of the oast coast, and did not name one headland, but waited until he turned Cape Race, and then stai*ted up and studded the south coast with names, and La Cosa commenced at the same point and marked it out on his map with flags. This is seen at once by the very statement to be improbable up to the boundary of impossibility. I ^M<.' 'tm 12. — Sebastian Cabot. Before passing on t") the remaining points of this inquiry, it is neces- sary to consider again, lor a while, the character of Sebastian Cabot. My own view is stated at length in my first paper. In effect it was that he was boastful and vainglorious ; that he suppressed his father's agency in the voyages of 1491 and 1498, and that he was not so much a great sailor :l| III i iiti 182 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA as a great nautical theorizer. I suggested that many of the falsehoods at- tyibuted to him might be due to the fact that they came through second- hand reports ; that he might have been always talking of the second voyage, in which I believed he really took part, and that his suppression of the facts of the first voyage might be due to the suspicious jealousy of the Spanish authorities. I expressly said (p. 85) that it is hard to believe that Sebastian Cabot was a mere " pretender to nautical knowledge, " because Ferdinand and Charles Y. were good judges of men, and they " trusted him to the last." In former years Biddle and Nichols and others had almost succeeded in effacing the meni' ry of the father, and in effecting an apotheosis of his son. Now that the pendulum has swung to the other extreme, it is right to return for a moment and review my estimate of his character in the light of these recent papers. I think Mr. Ilarrisse is quite justified in saying that "Sebastian " Cabot was a man capable of disguising the truth, whenever it was to " his interest to 'lo so." •** In that re8pe:;t I think he was, for the period, in no way si'^ lar. I shall not venture to cite instances, for fear of stir- ring up new controversies, but when we are told that " he was, in an age " of mendacity and intrigue, the greatest liar of the age ;" '*' that " his " proved infamous character keeps him out of court ;" '" that he was " an " unmitigated charlatan, a liar and traitor," ^' I think that the case against him has been overatated. Other writei's have taken up the same theme, and I cannot help thinking that they are expecting from men of the Eenaissance period a standard of candour which was not in vogue at that time. There were similar weak points even in the character of the great admiral, brought out by Dr. Justin Winsor in his "Life." He was not free from self-assertion and boastfulness, nor from jealousy of the merit of others, nor from a tendency to arrogate for himself credit justly due to his companions, and ho was not always careful in such mattei'S to adhere closely to the truth. In Sebastian Cabot I think 1 see the defects of the great admiral magnified, and, then, I still think there is much force in the view expressed in the paper of 1894. The first voyage was more a voyage of reconnaissance tban an expedition. It was in one small vessel, which returned quickly when it touched land ; but the second was in reality an important enterprise and a survey of an ex- tended coast, and I cannot help thinking he sailed on the second expedi- tion and coasted from Labrador to Carolina. As I pointed out befoi*e, every allusion to Sebastian Cabot's voyage and every report of it on record contain notices of ice and northern latitudes. I shall not go over the ground again, for it is fully covered in the papei*s already in the " Transactions." I am not in the least disposed to palliate Sebastian's anfilial conduct, and I think that, for a strictlj' accurate man, he was born in too many places. I would, however, receive his tesiimony pro tanto, and I would allow it to confirm and even to explain statements [a. B. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 183 based upon other foundations. This is done continually in courts of jus- tice ; and to pronounce Sebastian Cabot a liar and dismiss him from the controversy is going further than is usual in historical inquiries. In fact, the matter seems almost to have got to the point that no ovidonco will be admitted to corroborate anything Sebastian Cabot ever said, or rather was ever reported to have said, for we have nothing direct from his own pen. Then again, it seems to mo to be going to an extreme to pronounce Sebastian to be no sailor and no geographer. It proves too much ; for, if Sebastian Cabot was an impostor, Ferdinand of Ai'agon, Charles V., Edward VI., and all the other exceedingly capable men around them were fools. Now we know that these men were statesmen of no common order — accustomed to deal with and make use of men — versed in every wile of statecraft. Ferdinand was a master in the art of dissimulation, wary and unrelenting. If, indeed, Cabot had been the only maritime authority at the court, one might imagine that he could deceive lands- men — but he was not. The court of Spain had many able sailors, com- petent to expose a nautical impostor, who, moreover, was a stranger — an English Italian among a jealous people as the Spaniards were. I do not think that we are justified in supposing he was a great sea captain, for ho failed as a commander. A man, even now, might be a distinguished secretary of the admiralty, an authority on naval affairs and an accomplished geographer, yet not competent to take an active executive command. I believe Sebastian Cabot to have been versed in all the nautical science of his time, but not necessarily capable to com- mand a fleet. I should not wonder if there were many men now in Her Majesty's service doing good, useful nautical work, who are in a similar position. I called Sebastian Cabot a theorist — a scientific theorist, with a fixed idea about the North Pole — but not, therefore, of necessity the absolute impostor that some of my critics conceive him to have been, and, in confirmation, I find in Mr. Harrisse's John Cabot (p. 229) the following quotation from Oviedo, which precisely expresses the view I have advanced. "Cabot is competent and skilful in his occupation of " cosmography, and for constructing plane as well as spherical maps of " the entire world. But there is a gi"eat difference between leading and " governing men, and handling an astrolabe or a quadrant." My belief has been that the failure of the expedition to the Moluccas, of which we have so full a record, is the explanation of the faihire of the second voyage to America, of the pai'ticulars of which so little has survived. It seems to me that there are, in the study of history, moral difficulties and Intel, lectual difficulties, as insurmountable as any physical obstacle can be, and here is one. An emergency arose in fitting out a military expedition, and Sebastian Cabot was picked out in all England to make a map of tho theatre of operations ; he went to Spain with Lord Willoughby, the gen- m 184 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA l\4 eral in command ; King Ferdinand wrote to Lord Willoughby to send Cabot to him, and the same day he wrote to Cabot. A few weeks later he wrote twice again, on the same day, letters concerning Cabot. He took him into his service in 1512, and made him a naval captain with a salary of 50,000 maravedis. Jn 1514 he was called to court to consult with the king about an intended expedition ; the next year his salary was raised, and, together with several distinguished sailors, he was^jmade royal pilot ; that year he was called to Badajoz on a commission with eminent cosmo- graphers to report on the line of demarcation, and in 1518 he was created pilot major of Spain. His duties were to examine and certify all pilots, to compile and keep up the standard official map, and to receive and embody on it the reports of all returning sailors. He had to certify all maps, and he was the supervisor of the professor of cosmography at the ministry of the Indies at Seville. In 1524 he was again put on a com- mission with distinguished cosmographers to settle the line of demarcation. He then went to South America, and his office was kept open for him. He incurred lawsuits and was punished by fine and banishment for some high-handed acts on the expedition, but was soon recalled and reinstated in hiii former office. In 1533 he made a large map of the world for the council of the Indies, and when he left Spain he was on a commission to examine Medina's " Art of Navigation." He had power to suspend pilots, and he appointed a friend as acting officer when he went to England, and the Emperor Charles V. repeatedly tried to get him back to Spain, and kept his office open for him until 1552. In England, where he went in 1547, an old man of 72, he was trusted by Edward VI., and his salary increased. He became governor of the Company of Merchant Adventurers and had charge of the nautical affairs of the realm. He had all his life, as Mr. Harrisse states, a high reputation in Italy and England. He was retained in high office in Spain, and he was placed in high office in England, a country not very tolerant of foreigners. Here, then, is a monstrous improbability ; that a man without any advantages of birth, wealth, or influential connections, a foreigner among two jealous nations, should have been all his lifetime at the head of the nautical affairs of the greatest naval powei's in Europe ; no geographer, and yet incessantly making maps for public departments ; no cosmographer, and yet called on as an expert in important suits and selected as a com- missioner to determine the line of demarcation ; no sailor, and the examiner and certificator of all the pilots of Spain ; no man of science, and the censor of the chair of cosmography for the council of the Indies, the Admiralty of Spain. This man served some of the most capable princes who ever sat upon a throne, and it remained after 350 years for us to find him out. Surely this is a stupendous improbability ; surely the view of his character, presented in my paper of 1894, must be nearer the [8. B. DAWBON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 188 truth. If we study that age in its own literature — in Machiavelli's works, in the life of Benvenuto Cellini, in the histories of Spain and Italy — we will obtain the measure of Cabot's character — insincere, shifty, vainglor- ious, jealous of the reputation of others, greedy of reputation for himself ; but not a fool, not an impostor, not a charlatan, not a liar more than the courtiers he lived among. While there is no palliation for the evident endeavour of the son to suppress and, even when in England, to minimize the achievements of his father, it must be remembered that it was common in those days foi sailors to pass from the service of one prince into that of another, and necessarily some negotiations must have preceded every such transfer. Humboldt remarks that " Vespucius, Cabot and Magellan passed alter- " nately from the service of one prince into that of another. Their " loyalty consisted in embracing with ardour the interests of the country "where they were resident, and their consciences were roubled the " less by the memory of benefits received in proport' iiie length " of the list of their grievances against the ungratCiiAj government '■' whose services they meditated abandoning."'' Cabot was not a native born Spaniard or Englishman, but Magellan was a "^i rtuguese who be- trayed to Spain the belief that the Moluccas were within the Spanish lines of demarcation, and commanded an exped" on to occupy for Spain rich islands in the east which his own countrymen had discovered. To the names above mentioned may be added many others. In Mr. Harrisse's list of pilots it will be seen that Eibero, Pedro Reinol, and Estevan Gomez were Portuguese who passed into the service of Spain between 1517 and 1524, and the pilots of Magellan's expedition were also Portuguese." These are only a few names hastily selected. The list might be much enlarged. Dr. Justin Winsor, in explanation of some of Sebastian Cabot's evidence in the case of the heirs of Columbus, says : " Too much should " not be made of these variances, however, since Sebastian Cabot at both " these dates was a paid officer of Spain, and could hardly be expected to " damage the interests of his Spanish masters or his own." "* While there are points in Sebastian Cabot's life worthy of repro- bation, he is not alone the object of these censures. One cannot fail to be struck with the arbitrary way in which the moral character and the abilities of the men who are subjects of this controversy are dealt with. Biddle blackened Worthington's character and Nichols assisted, while in reality the maps he was charged with selling to Phillip II. were safe in England many years later, in 1582.'' Bishop Howley " has a strong sus- *' picion that John Cabot's maps were purloined and sent off to Spain by ''Dr. Puebla," and again he suspects that "Cortereal may have got " possession of Cabot's papera, map, globe, and log so mysteriously lost." ™ The same papers Puebla stole for Spain were stolen again for Portugal, and, after all, John Cabot himself freely gave a map to Spain. All the I ■|^.i; 186 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA maps of Columbus have disappeared, and yet nobody has been charged with stealing them ; but Cabot's maps are stolen twice over, and by men of different nations I Too much has been said about these " mysterious " losses. Where are Cartier's maps, or the many maps of Alonzo de Santa Cruz ? Where is the great Padron Real ? Two maps at Weimar alono represent its features, and all official copies but those are lost. No docu- ment is so soon thrown away as an old map, for none are more useless. We do not miss them excepting in some controversy such as this. It is no wonder that Cabot's papers are lost by this time. We had nearly lost the discoverer himself out of our history, and we do not now know when either of the Cabots died or where they are buried. Bishop Howley charges Cortereal with palming off a false map,^' when that great sailor was dead in some unktiovvn region across the Atlantic. Who drew that map is not known, but it is certain that it was not Cortereal. If Soncino and Pasqualigo do not report in the direction of some favoured theory of the present day they are " not nautical men, and not particular to a point " or two." If John Ruysch, in 1508, says he sailed no farther than 53° north it must be a misprint, for he should have gone to 58°. If La Cosa's map is inconvenient, the " distinguished Biscayan navigator and pilot " is transformed into "an old Spanish pilot who made a rude sketch and " studded it with names out of his own head," and, last of all, we take the map of the man who made maps which were hung up in the study of Juan de Fonseca, the Spanish minister of marine at that period — and, as if he knew nothing about maps, we take a piece out of it — a map made for the King of Spain — and wheel it up to an angle of 90 degrees, as if he, the celebrated Biscayan pilot, the greatest native Spanish sailor of the time, did not know west from north. 13. — Censorship over Spanish Maps. It must not be supposed that an inquiry under this heading is of academic interest alone. It has a real and very important bearing upon the question ; first, as it may reveal the circumstances of Cabot's official life in Spain ; then, as affecting the publication of the map of 1544, and, consequently, the degree of importance to be given to the testimony of the map regarding the landfall at Cape Breton. " Sebastian Cabot," says Mr. Harrisse, " certainly enjoyed a high reputation at least in Italy and Eng- " land. The Mantuan gentleman said that he had not his equal in Spain '* as a man versed 'in navigation. Guido Gianetti de Fano told Livio " Sanuto that Cabot was held in the highest esteem in England." ™ It will not do, then, to accept ''^udge Prowse's dictum "that his proved in- " famous character keeps him out of court." We are bound to judge him by the standard of his day, and to measure him with the measure of his contemporaries. We do not put Lord Bacon "out of court" because of [b. b. dawson] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 187 his ingratitude and treachery to his friend and benefactor, the Earl of Essex; or because he degraded the high office of a judge by pa. dering to tyranny and accepting bribes from suitors before his court ; and, with all his faults, Sebastian Cabot was morally the better of the two. "We must remember that Cabot was a man without a country — a foreigner in Eng- land as in Spain, and the holder of an official position in both countries, which imposed upon him definite official duties. One fact stares us in the face at the outset, that, while maps were freely engraved and pil.j ,ed in all parts of Italy, Germany and France, none were printed in Spain — in the very country whose colonial exten- sion required them the most. Kohl says, and Winsor adds his testimony, that not even an edition of " Ptolemy " was printed there.™ The little map in the first edition of Peter Martyr quickly disappeared and was not reprinted. In 1549 there was a little map in Medina's Arte di Navegar, and a little one in Gomara in 1554. These are all and they were useless, being insignificant in size and detail. In a list of 200 printed maps given by Ortelius^" in his great atlas in A,D. 1570, not one was printed in Spain, and among eighty makers of maps not one was a resident thei'e. " This," says Winsor, " shows how etfectually the council of the Indies had con- " cealed the cartographical records, of their office." *■' The extreme rarity of the Peter Martyr map is attributed by Nordenskiold to the " suppres- " sion of the small drawing by the suspicious Spanish authorities,'"^- and Brevoort, commenting on the same fact, refers to the "jealous sensitive- " ness of Spain regarding her marine charts " -* as the cause. Nordenskiold mentions the three maps above cited, and adds " that, with the excep- " tion of some copies of mediajval maps which I suppose to exist in " Spanish editions of classical authors, this seems to be about the whole " contribution during the earliest period of printed cartographical litera- " ture from the countries from which the new world and the southeast " passage to India were discovered, and fi"om which hundreds of the most " important voyages of discovery started during that period.'"* " The kings of Spain," says Kohl, " from the very commencement of " the discovery of America, observed great caution and reserve, and gave " strict orders about the safe keeping of the maps which their captains " and conquerors brought home from the new world. All the originals of " these maps were deposited in the archives of Seville, and copies of them " were issued only to such Spanish sea captains and generals as could be " trusted. No map of Columbus, none of Cortes, of Magellan, or any of " the other innumerable explorers, was allowed to be engraved and pub- " lished ; and the consequence of this system has been that nearly all " these interesting documents are lost to us forever.'"'* " There is," says Dr. Winsor, " abundant evidence of the non-com- ** municative polic}' of Spain."''® In this point, at least, I have the sup- port of almost every writer of note, and the " liberal spirit which ani- ■■■ "i '* "Mi 188 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 'S. ^ " mated the government," **^ insisted upon by Mr. Harrisse, is inconsistent with the records of history and with the genius and traditions of the Spanish nation. In my first paper I cited many authorities for my belief, and the testimony is almost unanimous ; but while I foel that I am unfortunate in having to differ from Mr. Harrisse on this point, I venture to think that on closer examination it will be found that the difference between us is more apparent than real. In 1503 there was established at Seville, in Spain, an immense state institution called the Casa de la Contratacion de las Indias, charged with the administration of all matters relating to the new world, including licensing of pilots, making of maps, and supervision of all nautical matters. It was a department much resembling tho English Board of Trade. In 1508, an official, or model, map was ordered to be compiled and kept there, to which all maps were to conform, and a commission was appointed to prepare and supervise it. All pilots were compelled, under penalties, to use copies of this official chart, and tho grand pilot and certain others were appointed to prepare copies which they sold. Kohl remarks that they were kept in manuscript because the Spanish officials were desirous of preventing their discoveries from being known. The maps were stamped to witness their authentic character, and were kept locked up un er two locks ; the grand pilot had one key, and the other was in charge of another member of the commission. Mr. Harrisse informs us ** that the cartographers of Spain, although for thirty years under the im- mediate care of Sebastian Cabot, possessed no adequate geographical knowl- edge of the northeast coast of America. These Sevillian maps, he adds,^® uniformly located the discoveries of the English far to the north of Labra- dor, and even, in bome cases, in Greenland, from ^6° to 60° north — that iS) from the position of Nain northwards to Cape Chidley. There was, therefore, in Spain an absolute intolerance of charts not copied by the official cartographers from the official map, and if any other person made a map it could not be used without first being sub- mitted to the authorities of the Casa de Contratacion and approved by them. This was in effect a censorehip, and Sebastian Cabot was for a long time the chief censor, and it was his duty to compel all Spanish maps to conform to the standard official map. If, then, the Spanish maps possess the general uniformity above stated, it is only what might be expected under the conditions then existing. One of the notes of that uniformity was the rimning of the English discoveries north of 56°. It is of little avail in this controversy to say that Spain was not jealous of other nations, because the essential point of the argument is practically admitted. Spain would only permit the contours of the model map to be issued to the world, and those contours were drawn in accordance with the public policy of the Spanish nation. "The official map (Padron " Eeal; was apparently," says Mr. Harrisse (Dis. Am., 263), " the object [8. B. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 18d " of groat solicitude on the part of the government, particularly when it " was found to have bearing on political questions of great importance." Bearing this in mind, we will find it difficult to accept Mr. Ilarrisse's denial that Spain "ever laid claim to the northeast coast of America." My answer is that the Papal Bull of partition points to another conclu- sion. Briefly, for 1 need not dwell long upon the point, Portugal as well as Spain had made discoveries, and the Pope drew a line of demarcation to define the limits of the two powers, or, as wo should now say, of tho two spheres of influence. The lino was afterwards shifted, by the treaty of Tordesillas, between the two nations solely concerned. It eventually happened that Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Brazil fell to Portugal, and the rest of both continents to Spain, and Spain was directly inter- ested in preventing all interlopers and in suppoi'ting Portugal. At the time of Cabot's discovery, however, Spain did make a claim, which will bo found clearly stated in the warnings and lettera of Puebla and Ayala in 1497 and 1498. Ayala had been one of the commissioners to draw the line of demarcation in the treaty of Tordesillas.''" He had been talking with the discoverer in person, and, with Cabot's map before him, he wrote to Ferdinand that the land found belonged to Spain. The Baccalaoswas soon after conceded to Portugal, and for that reason the earliest maps are Portuguese, and show the voyages of Corteroal and his successors. All this is so clear that it seems to amount to a paradox to dispute it. The Cantino map (see p. 165, ante) has preserved for us a graphic deline- ation of the line of demarcation as it was supposed to exist in A. D. 1501-2. The policy of Spain is shown by the maps which are based upon the official map. On these maps the line of demarcation is laid down from north to south — from Brazil to Newfoundland — and it cuts the coast of North America a little oast of Cape Breton. Such maps arc tho two at Weimar. That of 1527, whether it be by Foriian Columbus or by Nuno Garcia de Toreno, is considered to be an official copy ; but the map of 1529 certainly is, as it purports to bo, by Diego Eibero, and it shows the Spanish flag to the west and the Portuguese to the east of the dividing meridian. Ribero was cosmographer to the king, and such a map as he has handed down to us all Cabot's official maps, made in Spain, of neces- sity must have been. Ribero placed, on tho Acadian coast, close to Cape Breton, the words, Tiera de Estevd Gomez, and claimed it as having been discovered for Spain by Gomez in 1525. Mr. Harrisse, in commenting on a map by Diego Guthierez in 1550, is astonished at finding that it knows nothing of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and of Cartier's discoveries, which six years previously had appeared in the Cabot map of 1544, for Guthierez was a colleague of Cabot, and was appointed as his locum tenens by Cabot when he went to England. This circumstance, however, only brings out in stronger relief the fact that Spain did at that time lay a claim to the whole territory of North America up to the line of demar- cation, and that the official map was witness to it. -I I -is t;.M ■m 190 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA The duty of Cabot, as chief pilot of Spain and one of the chief officials of the Caaa do Contratacion, was to see that all maps under his control conformed to that standard. Again, Spain did take steps to assert her claims on the northeast coast, though every attempt was abortive, for her strength was drawn away to the south. Navarrote tells us that King Ferdinand sent for Juan Dornelos in 1500,'" to plan an expedition to follow Cabot. In 1501 Alonzo do Hojeda was ordered to go on an expedition to the place *"* whore the English had made discoveries. Again, in 1511,''^ Juan de Agramonto was commissioned to take royal ships to seek out the secrets of tho now land- His instructions demonstrate the respective claims of the two nations to be as represented above. He was ordered to take with him Spanish Sailors, but to procure pilots from Bretagno, showing that the place sought was whore tho Bretons by that time wore accustomed to resort. He was ordered to make a settlement there, but to avoid infringing on tho territory of Portugal. That shows it was near the lino of demarca- tion, and the lino of demarcation on the Spanish official charts cut the coast of Newfoundland just east of Capo Breton. No record remains of the results, but the Spanish claims are manifested by their instructions. Just about that time Cabot arrived in Si>ain, in tho suite of Lord Wil- loughby, and Ferdinand secured his services at once because of his knowledge of Baccalaos — about which England cared nothing. It would be tedious, and it is scarcely necessary, to prove that Spain was jealous of any third nation interfering in America. It is in all the books, but I'will cite one of the most learned and most accurate of our own members. In the Transactions of 1890, the appendix C to a paper by Abbe Verreau shows the measures taken by Charles V. to prevent the settlement of Eoberval in Canada ; and, in tho Transactions of 1891, the continuation opens with these words : " Tho Spanish ambassador at the " court of Portugal, probably in obedience to the instructions of his " master, besought King John to join the emperor in a united expedition " against Cartier and his three vessels, to massacre tho whole party, and " deter the French for a long time, if not forever, of thinking of colonies " beyond the Atlantic." We learn, moreover, from Mi*. Harrisse"^ that, as late as 1541, Ares de Sea was sent to America to find out what Jacques Cartier was doing. It seems to me patent on the page of history that this jealousy existed. It was the Monroe doctrine of that day, but not so vague, and it had a wi-itten foundation in the papal bull, which, beyond doubt, was public law among Catholic nations at that time. This was tho reason, then, that none of the Spanish maps would admit the discoveries made by the English, and which, in truth, the Eng- lish undervalued and neglected; and this would justify Cabot, as a Spanish official, in suppressing on official maps any private information traversing the public policy of his sovereign. Similar suppressions have ^m [S. B. DAWBON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 191 been made in later times for similar reasons, and the histories of boundary commissions afford many inslances. The same political exigencies would compel Sebastian Cabot to withhold his name from a private map like that of 1544, and they would prevent him, while in Si)ain, from giving that map the colour of a Spanish oflBcial sanction, even though the laws in the other parts of the empire of Charles V. did not forbid the pub- lication of non-official maps. It is not fair to charge Cabot with falsehood for that. These wore not days of geographical societies oj* of travelling scientific associations, and Cabot's duty was to his own master, the king of Spain. All that time King Ferdinand and his successor, the Emperor Charles, had in their possession La Cosa's manuscript map admitting that the northeast coast of America had been discovered by the English. Cabot was as much, and no more, a liar than his royal masters, who would have dealt in the summary methods then in vogue with any official airing private opinions, geographical or otherwise, contrary to the official views of the public interest. Mr. Harrisse, in order to prove that none of the Spanish maps recog- nized English discovery south of Labrador, cites the map sent in 1527 by Eobert Thorne, an English merchant residing in Seville, to the ambas- sador of King Henry VIII. There are facsimiles of this map in Kretschmer, Winsor, Nordenskiold, and in Brown's History of Cape Breton. It has been reproduced (Fig. 13) on the following page, and it demonstrates my thesis ; not that of Mr. Harrisse. On the northern extremity of the east coast there is, as he says, the inscription, " Nova terra laboratorum dicta," but there is also the inscriiition, "Terra hec ab Anglis primum fuit inventa." This latter is not on its seuboard from 50° to 65° N., but it extends along the seaboard from about 40°, as shown by the scale on the margin, and a line of latitude drawn across to Europe would cut the north of Spain. Thorne sent the map secretly, and begged that it should not be shown, for it would get him into trouble, as it was forbidden to make any but official maps. My answer, then, to Mr. Harrisse is that Cabot, in obedience to the policy of the country whose paid official he was, deliberately suppressed much of the knowledge he possessed of the northeast coast, and that it was his duty to do so or to resign his office, and I would add, moreover, that La Cosa's map proves that his master (Ferdinand) knew of the English discoveries, and Eobert Thome's map proves that there were pilots in Seville who also knew that these discoveries extended as far south at least as 40°, and Robert Thome's letter proves that the map was known not to be in accord with the official map (for he could have bought a copy of that), and, therefore, he desired that it might be kept secret. It was not from motives of economy ',hat an English merchant of Eobert 1Q2 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Thome's Htiinding sent a rough draft like this to the representative of his Bovereign if a copy of the Spanish official map would have suited the purpose. Fig. 13.— Robert Thorne's Map, A.D. 1527. U-—The Map of ISU- As this map is discussed with a detail amounting to tediousness in the first paper of this series (E. S. C, Vol. XII., 1894), I may be excused from repeating what is there stated. Mr. Harrisse says of it ; ''* '' The " cartographical data, however, which served as a basis for these tabular " explanations" (the legends on it) "were certainly furnished by Sebas- " tian Cabot, or published with his assent, particularly as regards the " configuration of the northeast coast of the American continent and the •' alleged landfall at Cape Breton." The legends, he says, were written about 1544 by " one Dr. Grajales," the type in a pamphlet which he has [h. k. dawbon] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 108 (liscovored containing the namo legends in tlio HUtnc type nn was used in tho logonda [Jiwtod on the map, and, as those legends .^ei-e extant and quoted in 1549, it is proved tiiut they are coittemporaneous with th«i map "' Bishop Howloy avoids the diflicuK problem presented by this map. lie says that he has seen and examined the map in Paris ; but he paspoa over this document, so supremely important, with the remarlc that it would require a lecture to itself. He says there is no date on tho map itself. The date is, in fact, in one of the legends^ which refer to numbers which are engraved on the map. Tho bishop says tho print- ing is "evidently of a very recent date" (p. 28, note), forgetting that those legends are also extant from another copy dated A.D. 1549, and are to be found in the works of Chytneus. Ho quotes Harrisse as referring tho authorship of tho legends to Grajalos, but does not add that Harrisse attributes to them tho same date as tho map, viz., A.D. 1544, nevertheless he relies on them (p. 29) to establish the date of the landfall, and (on p. 37) ho quotes the Spanish vei-sion, " unaysla grande," from one of those very legends, which he says are " evidently of very " recent date." He criticises Harrisse very severely for having charged Sebastian Cabot with mendacity, and is sorry to see (p. 17) Mr. Hari-isso's example imitated by others; but while admitting that the landfall at Cape Breton is indicated on this map, he does not accept it, but turn* round upon Dr. Harvey and me as if we had invented tho theory, and so escapes explaining how Cabot came to put it there in 1544, and why he himself does not believe Cabot's statement. Sir Clements Markhara, who had accepted tho map,** seems to have been shaken by the recent denun- ciations of Cabot's character, but does not very decidedly pronounce against it. Tarducci accepts it with all its consequences, but then he does not believe that 8r bastian Cabot was a liar and a scoundrel."' Judge Px-owse rejects Sebastian Cabot and all his works. He is willing to take an inscription, based on an unknown authority on Mason's and DuPont's maps in 1625, in favour of Bonavista, but not one upon Cabot's authority on a map of 1544 in favour of Cape Breton. The legends, as Dr. .Justin Winsor well observes, " interlink with the body of the map in such a " way as to make it apparent that they belong to the publication." '"' Tho importance of this map is so great that it will be more satisfac- tory to give in his own words Mr. Harrisse's explanation of the Cape Breton landfall marked upon it. The map is dated 1544, and in 1547 Cabot removed to England. In the belief that Cabot was a liar and charlatan, he thinks Cabot falsely placed the landfall there. He says : '-^^ " At that time (A.D. 1544) a great change had taken place in the '' relative importance of the northern coast of the new continent. The " seaa which bordered the Baccalaos region were no longer a commoni " fishing ground frequented by th , smacks of Portugal, Biscay, Nor^ Sec. II., 1897. 10. ■ J; W Hi ,5- m fil 194 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA " mandy and England. The successful explorations accomplished by " Jacques Cartier from 1534 until 1643 had been followed by the plant- '• ing of French colonies. The part selected was not Labrador, on which, " in all maps of the period, was inscribed the uninviting legend, ' No ay " ' in ella cosa de provecho ' (here there is nothing of utility). On the " contrary, the French had chosen the country around the Gulf of " St. Lavjrrence and Cape Breton, which the reports of Cartier and Eober- " val to Francis I. represented to be a beautiful and fertile country, with " rich copper mines, fine ports, and the most navigable waters in the " world. " Under the circumstances, the cartographical statement of Sebas- " tian Cabot, as embodied in the planisphere of 1544, may well have been *' a suggestion of British claims and a bid for the favour of the king of " England. To place near the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence the " landfall of 1497, was tantamount to declaring that region to be English " dominion, as the discovery had been accomplished by vessels sailing " under the British flag." Much of this is absolutely novel to Canadians. We know of no such colonies round the gulf or on the island of Cape Breton. What really happened is summarized in a sentence by Abb(5 Ferland '"" — the most accurate of our historians : " Apr^s le retour de Eoberval en France, il " s'dccula bien des annees, pendant lesquelles le Canada semble avoir ^M " compl^toment perdu de vue par la cour des rois tr6s chr^tiens. N^an- " moins la grande baye et I'entr^e du fleuve St-Laurent continuaient " d'etre frequent^es par les Malouins, les Normands et les Basques qui " remontaient jusqu'^ Tadoussac pour y fairo la traite des pelleteries." The history of Canada as we know it, is that Cartier's and Rober- val's expeditions were failures, and that the fii-st successful colony inside of the guli was led by Champlain in 1608, when he founded Quebec. The first settlement in Nova Scotia was at Port Royal, sixty years later than A.D. 1544, and as for Cape Breton, the old names of the bays — Baye des Espagnols, Havre aux Anglois, St. Anne's bay, Niganis — show that ICiiglish, French, Spanish and Portuguese fished in contiguous harbours. Settlement there was much inter than at Quebec. The pages of Hakluyt show that ve'?sel8 of all nations resorted to the Ramea islands in the gulf, and no exclusive claim is disclosed by England anywhere in Baccalaos until Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in 1583, forty years later, took formal possesbion of Newfoundland. They never claimed within the gulf. This is very clearly stated by Father Biard in the Jesuit Rela- tions, A. D. 1611-1(J. He says : " The English lay no claim to all of New " France. They do not dispute the shores of the gulf and river St. " Lawrence. They claim up to Campseau and the island of Cape Breton." Returning, however, to the strictures of Mr. Harrisse upon Sebas- tian Cabot in relation to this map of 1544, 1 would remark that it is mis- [8. B. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 10B understood by many persons because, in the books, an extract only can be given. That portion alone is shown which represents the eastern part of the continent of North America, and the majority of readers think that they have before them a complete map of what is now the eastern part of Canada and the United States, made as such by Sebastian Cabot. They are, indeed, told that it is a mappemonde, and, sometimes, that it is a planisphere, but often do not stop to think what these words mean. I am fori unately now, by permission of the Hon. Sydney Fisher, minister of agriculture and statistics, able to reproduce the whole map from a photographic negative procured by the Dominion archivist from Paris, and it will be seen to be a map of the world on an elliptical projection. No one knows what this map is better than Mr. Harrisse. He has no miscon- ception about it, but, just as another Cabotian scholar held a brief against the father, he would seem to hold a brief against the son, and he draws a bitter indictment against Sebastian for barefaced plagiarism in con- structing this map. Now, consider what the map is ; it is a map of the whole world, with geographical notes and remarks selected from all sources, ancient and modern. Suppose a publisher to-day makes a map, does he not draw from all sources as far as the copyright law permits ? Whoever made the map of 1544 did what Stanford, and Johnston, and Bartholomew are doing every day now. Jacques Cartier's maps were then accessible and con- tained the latest information, and they, as a matter of courae, were made use of. Every map-maker is, and must bo, a plagiarist. If Cabot had made an original map out of his own head, then there would be good ground for calling him a liar. Suppose he did copy Cartier for Now France ; he copied others for other places — copied from the maps of the sailors who sailed there. A map is not, like a poem, spun out of one's own brains, but every one adopts from and improves on its predecessor. Cabot is by some, most unfaii'ly, held to assort that all the North American geography laid down on this map is covered by the claim in legend No. 8. We say Columbus discovered America, and so he did ; but he did not discover the Mississippi. This map says that the Cabots discovered the Baccalaos, and so they did ; but it does not claim that they discovered the Saguenay, though laid down on tins map under a barbai'ous distor- tion of Jacques Cartier's name. All Cartioi's names are there twisted up in translations from French into Spanish and Portuguese by some one who, apparently, understood none of these languages, but compiled the Information from maps of all these nations. Legend No. 8 refers to the number on the map. It ib 3 there, by a palpable error, for, as it has been often shown, the map is carelessly engraved, but the heading identi- fies the reference. The spot on the coast of the region in question first discovered is marked, in the same characters as the rest of the map, Prima tierra vista (not terra), and we ar-^ '-formed in the legends when ii- ^^ ^ ii''\ it? Ill 196 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA and how the discovery was made. The description applies all over the region, and two bears are figured just under the Arctic circle, where bears are still, and yet some persist in bringing white bears down to the land- fall, wherever they place it. That is not the fault of the map. It is plain enough there. Here, then, is positive testimony, and everything tends to corroborate it. If Sebastian Cabot marks in 154.4 the same point on the coast as the "prima vista," that does not derogate from the statement of John Cabot on La Cosa's map in 1500. Let it be granted that Sebastian Cabot was a liar up to the n"* power of Ananiaa, the argument is unaffected. Suppose there was no such person, the evidence of La Cosa's map is sufficient. But if to this evidence be added the de- scription given of the country and other particulars recorded by the contemporary letters, the presumption in favour of Cape Breton is very greatly strengthened. It is strangely assumed that, because Sebas- tian Cabot in 1544 said the landfall waa at Cape Breton, therefore it w&t, somewhere else — at Labrador, Bonavista, Cape St. John, Mount Squirrel — anywhere, in fact, but not where he said it was. .^•'^—^ y^^,/^ni V sf c^ Fia. 14.— Michael Lok's Map, from Hakluyt's " Divers Voyages," A.D. 1582, In my first paper and in one of the appendices I discussed in detail the different editions of this map which existed in the sixteenth century. f S. H. DAWBON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 197 Eichard Eden, who was a personal friend and was with Cabot in hie last illness, knew this map, and translated one of the legends in a work pub- lished two years before Cabot died.'" Then, in Hakluyt's "Divers Voy- " ages," published in 1582, thei-e is a map by Michael Lok with the inscrip- tion, " J. Gabot, 1497," upon Cape Breton, and in Hakluyt's " Western " Planting," written in 1584, but published in print for the first time a few years ago, this map of Cabot's, identified by its legends, is referred to in detail. All these maps were of Clement Adams's edition, and Michael Lok, who in some important points followed Verazzano's map, must have got his Cape Breton landfall from Clement Adams's copy of the Cabot map ; and it is worthy of remark here that Lok has placed the island of St. John off Cape Breton and in the Atlantic. Here, then, we have the plainest evidence that in 1544 and in 1582 the landfall was placed at Cape Breton by Cabot himself, and by people who had his maps before them, and, arguing from Lok's map, one might assume that upon the copy he fol- lowed not only was the landfall at Cape Breton, but the island of St. John was off the point and in the Atlantic. It has been shown why Cabot could not print a map in Spain, and why the maps made in Spain of necessity were made to the oflBicial Span- ish pattern. Mr. Harrisse has an elaborate theory to prove Sebastian Cabot lied when he placed the landfall at Cape Breton, and now I may be permitted, in reply, to develop a remark in my first paper and to for- mulate at greater length a theory that, in this matter, Cabot was neither a liar nor a traitor. It has been shown in the previous pages that Spain did lay claim to the whole of the new world up to the line of demarcation, and that the king, by the attempts made, as well as by the engagement of Sebastian Cabot, meditated taking possession at the north. It was the special know- ledge of Baccalaos which Ferdinand stood in need of, for Ayala informed him that the land Cabot had discovered adjoined the land belonging to Spain under the convention with Portugal. Cabot had, therefore, found land close to the line agreed upon in the treaty of Tordesillas. and the king would take possession of it. But in the meantime long and heated discussions arose between the two courts in consequence of Magellan's discoveries in the far east, and commission after commission had vainly tried to determine the longitude of the Moluccas. The struggle was keen ; for, as the line of demarcation passed through the poles, any land gained in the west would be lost in the east. Experts were examined, and the pilots falsified the maps exhibited in the interest of their respective nations, so that the Portuguese refused to accept the Spanish charts altogether, and this struggle was going on when Eobert Thorne, in 152t, wrote to the Eng- lish ambassador, for he describes it at length. There was no way of ascertaining the longitudes of the places in dispute, and it resulted in the i" I'i 108 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA occupation of Baccalaos and Brazil by Portugal. The controversy set- tled itself, in fact, and Portugal asserted her rights by a grant to Fagun- dez in 1521. That grant covered the southern part of Baccalaos (Aca- dia) ; as for Newfoundland, it was from the first conceded to Portugal. It is evident, from the efforts made by Charles V. to induce the King of Portugal (ante p. 190) to join in crushing the expeditions of Cartier and Kobcrval, that the territory was at that period regarded as belong- ing to Portugal, and, on the refusal of Portugal to take action, nothing was done. Portugal was, in fact, too deeply interested in the east and south, and did not stir or even protest against the expeditions of France to the western world. The region of Baccalaos was tacitly relinquished. While Spain had claims in that region, and even while Portugal, her partner in the world division, strongly adhered to her rights there, a real duty devolved on Cabot to make no public statement of his special infor- mation which might in any way conflict with the public policy of his master ; but when the whole territory was abandoned by Spain, no such necessity continued to exist, and although he could not alter the standard map nor, of himself, give out in Spain a different map, there was nothing to prevent him from communicating information to othei-s in another part of the empire not under the local laws of Spain. That the English had made discoveries in 1497-1498 was in fact known all the while in Spain. Ferdinand know it, for he had La Cosa's map in A.D. 1500. Peter Martyr knew it in 1516, for he recorded then that Cabot had sailed south to the latitude of the Strait of Gibraltar. Kobert Thorne knew it in 1527, for the map he sent from Seville showed the English on the coast down as far as 40°, and Gomara, in 1552, and Eamusio, in 1556, record reports of previous yeare, making Cabot's dis- coveries reach as far south as 38°. There was nothing new, then, in Cabot fixing, m 1544, a landftill at 46° ; there was nothing specially in that to make a claim for England, for Cabot had often previously stated that an expedition under the authority of Henry VII. had coasted south to 38°. He had not concealed it in conversation, but he could not, as a public officer of Spain, put it down on the oflicial maps. When, however, the territory was, in fact, thrown open, by Portugal allowing her claims to fall into neglect, there certainly was no reason why ho should abstain from stating the truth, for, as a matter of fact, in 1544, all exclusive claims had been abandoned and the whole of Baccalaos was open to the world, for vessels of all nations resorted there. In 'Iving information for this map, Cabot gave it to a subject of his own moiiarch, to be published in one of that prince's cities, probably Antw^erp ; it bore upon it the imperial arms, and express reference is made to Sebastian Cabot as chief pilot to his imperial majesty, and as being authority for the map. The map bears no printer's name nor im- perial privilege, but no one would be likely to be bold enough to put the [b. b. dawson] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 199 imperial arms on the map unless he had some high authority to back him. The laws of Spain were not current in Flanders, and any publisher making a map would make as much use as possible of the name of the grand pilot of Spain to further the sale of his map, for the publishei-s of those days were as anxious to push their sales as publishers of our own times. If this theory be accepted it will explain the deviations from the official Seville pattern on the map, without having to charge Sebastian Cabot with being a liar, a scoundrel and a traitor, and will account for the fact that he continued to be held in esteem by our own Edward VI. and by all in England to the day of his death. That (Jabot did not see the proof of the 1544 map is clear from the gross errors in the spelling of the names in Spanish. Before passing to another point, I would invite special attention to the fact that the map refutes the theory that Cabot at any time entered Hudson's bay. Cape Chidley is not there, nor Cape St. John. The name of Bonavista is not found upon it, and the landfall is on the Atlantic coast. 15. — Dr. Grajales. Those who have given close attention to this subject have often wondered how Sebastian Cabot communicated information for the map of 1544. In Mr. Harrisse's Discovery of America, p. 640, we find that indefatigable scholar had unearthed in the king's library at Madrid a MS. in Spanish, the title of which he thus translates : " Explanation of the sailing chart of his lordship the admiral. It " contains a treatise concerning the sailing chart made (or written hecho) " by Dr. Grajales at Puerto Santa Maria, together with the use of two " tables to ascertain the rising of the sun and the setting thereof from the " altitude of 38° to 48°." All that is known of this matter is from Mr. Harrisse's books, and he tells us that he has found out nothing else about it. He speaks of the writer as a Dr. Grajales and one Dr. Grajales. This MS. contains, first, the account Columbus wrote of his third voyage ; and, second, a Simnish version of the twenty-two legends attached to the map of 1544. 1 pre- sume the tables are there also. Later, in his last book (John Cabot), we learn that he had found a copy of a pamphlet printed in Spanish (he thinks in Belgium) containing the Si^anish text of the legends in the same type as those pasted on the margin of the engraved map now at Paris. The connection between the map and the pamphlet is then clear — there is no date, nor author's nor printer's name, nor privilege, to give any cluo to where or when the pamphlet was printed. Dr. Grajales, how- ever, was, of necessity, an educated Spaniard, and he lived near Seville. 200 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA ^:i'i While there are some things to be noted in relation to this, there cannot be a long argument, as all the information is from Mr. Hannsse's own researches. In the first place I would remark that Grajales may have copied the legends for his own information, because he certainly did copy out Col- umbus's account of his third voyage, and the first legend in the pamphlet, as on the map, continues the history, for it commences, " No. 1 of the Admiral." Why should he be supposed to have been the author of the legends bound up in the same volume with the letter of Columbus, and covered by the same title ? Why one more than the other ? The question is not, however, important, for it has been admitted by Mr. Harrisse that the information came from Sebastian Cabot. Dr. Gra- jales was then merely the instrument by which Cabot worked, and it is immaterial whether Grajales wrote the legends or not. Somebody beside Oabot wrote them, and it may as well have been Grajales as anybody else. He lived at Pxierto Santa Maria, close to Seville, where Cabot re- sided. It brings the responsibility for the legends closer home to Cabot ; that is really the outcome of the discovery, interesting as it is and creditable to Mr. Harrisse's powers of research. It will not do, however, to take Dr. Grajales too seriously. He is not more likely to have written the legends out of his own head than to have written, of his own knowl- edge, Columbus's account of his third voyage. The conclusion I arrived at in 1894 concerning the celebrated map of 1544 was that, although it was not actually compiled by Cabot, it was largely based on information 8U])plied by him. It seems to me impossible to deny that he had some hand in it, and yet the only copy now surviv- ing was evidently not put forth under his immediate responsibility. In- deed, in 1544, he would not have dared to publish a maj) unofficially, for he was then holding an official position in Spain, and not long before he had suspended Guthierez for doing something of that kind. There were, however, of a certainty, some widely known maps existing in England during his residence there, which were attributed to him without a dis- claimer on his part, and upon them the information concerning the island of St. John did exist. It is the English maps — especially the Clement Adams's edition of this map, published in England when Cabot was alive and in high office there, which told of the date and place of the landfall three hundred yeai-s before this 1544 map was found, and three hundred and forty years before Mr. Harrisse came upon the track of Dr. Grajales's private cosmographical studies. I, [S. B. DAWBON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T8 201 16. — Cape Breton a Natural Landfall. If anyone will take the trouble to examine the map, ho will see that if a vessel continue past Capo Eaco on a westerly course she will make Scatari island as her landfall. This is not in the least an oiiginal opinion. Judge Haliburton, in his " History," makes the same remark. He says (vol. 2, p. 213) : " This island being usually the first land made by vessels " from Europe to any of the colonies east of the Bay of Fundy, and from " the common occurrence of vessels being ahead of their reckoning when '* steering to the westward, the first news of its propinquity being often " given by the roar of its breakers or the concussion of its rocks ; ship- " wrecks are of frequent occurrence, and few places on the coast of North *' America more obviously call for the protection of a lighthouse." He was writing sixty years ago, and a lighthouse has long since been built. It was in old days noted for fatal shipwrecks.'*^ The most celebrated of all was the " Chameau," a king's ship going to Quebec in 1725 with a number of distinguished officials on board."^ Not a soul was saved, but the ship's papers were subsequently found, and they showed that no sight had been possible for several days from fog, and that Cape Eaco had not been seen. Going back farther it will be found that Hore's expedition,'** sailing at the end of April, 153(>, about the same time of year as Cabot, was two months out, and never touched land until they brought up at the point of Cape Breton. In like manner the " Bonaventure," "'"' early in May, 1591, did not see Cape Eace, though they knew it was near, and they found their position, by the lead, on St. Pierre bank, and altered their course to the northwest for Cape Eay. Another voyage which throws light upon the question, is that of the "Marigold" in 1593. We learn from Hakluyt that she sailed for the island of Eamea (Magdalen), and being unacquainted with the locality, she beat up and down a long time, and at last " fell with Cape Breton." It has been stated in this dis- cussion that there were no Indians on the Atlantic side of Cape Breton, and that they never fished there. That was not the experience of the " Marigold," Hakluyt's informant continues : " Here diverse of our men " went on land upon the very cape'' There is no mistake possible about the place — " where at their arrival they found the spittes of oke of the " savages which had roasted meate a little before." It is Hakluyt I am quoting, although the passage reads as if it had been written specially for this controversy. Then the " Marigold " sailed on four leaguesto the west and the crew went ashore for water. Hakluyt continues : " And " passing somewhat more into the land wee founde certaine round pondes " artificially made by the savages to keep fish in, with certaine weares in " them made to take fish." This is clear proof that the very point of Cape Breton is a natural landfall ; that there were Indians there, and 202 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA that they did fish there. The crew had reason to know it, for they had a fight with the Indians. Then the narrator goes on to describe the country : There were " goodly okes, fir trees of a great height, a kind of " tree called of us quickbeame, and cherie trees and diverse other kindes " unknowne." The quickbeam is the mountain ash, and " they found " also raspeses, strawberries, hurtes (hurtleberries), and herbes of good " smell and diverse good for the skurvie, and grasse very ranke and of •' great length." All this is very much to the point, and Hakluyt could not have supported my view better if he had written expressly to com- bat, on my behalf, the idea that Cape Breton was a desolation of rocks and morasses, abandoned even by Indians. The people of the " Mari- gold " in 1593 were favourably impressed by the place, as John Cabot was in 1497. Again, in the JDiscorso d'un gran capitano, in Eamusio (III., 423), the next point to Cape Eace is said to be Cape Breton, and they are said to lie east and west. Chabert, a naval officer, sent by the king of France in 1750 on a scientific expedition, to correct the charts, says of Scatari : " This island is the usual landfall for all vessels sailing to Louisbourg." *°* He also sailed in a thick fog from the banks to Cape Breton. Markham, also, in his introduction to vol. No. 86 of the Hakluyt Society, has no difficulty in recognizing that, in case of fog, the island of Cape Breton is a natural landfall, and it is so natural that, in Sir Humphrey Gilbert's sail- ing directions for the expedition of 1583, Cape Eace was the first point of rendezvous, " And if we shall not happen to meet at Cape Ease, then the " place of rendezvous to be at Cape Briton, or the nearest harbour to the " westwai'd of Cape Briton." "" The above are instances from old voyages, and, on inquiry from those who have access to the logs of steamships sailing to the St. Law- rence, I am informed that in the month of June Cape Eace is not visible three daj's out of four, because of the fogs which at that season are the rule rather than the exception, and that from the vicinity of Cape Eace to St. Pierre island is the worst spot for fogs on the whole Newfoundland coast, for, unless the wind be either from the north or northwest, that coast in the summer months is wrapped in fog.'"* Any one may see for himself, who chooses to look at the pilot charts of the North Atlantic issued by the naval department at Washington, that such is the case. The weariness of this controversy is due to the singular fact that, no matter how absolutely trite any proposition may be, some one will be found to rise up and contradict it. Even the fog prevailing at Cape Eace in June is disputed, and, to save a tedious discussion about that, I have given in Appendix C a table from the returns of the lighthouse-keeper at Cape Eace, showing the number of foggy days in June during the last four years. Any one who knows better may contradict the lighthouse- keeper. [8. B. DAWBON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 203 There is, therefore, no a priori reason why Capo Breton should not have been the landfall, and even the "infinite pains" expended upon Sir Clements Markham have not resulted in eliciting from him an opinion to the contrary. Dr. Justin Winsor said, in 1892, of Capo Breton : " It " is quite possible that more satisfactory proofs can be adduced of another " region for the landfall, but none such have yet been presented to " scholars." io» On the other hand, there are strong documentary proofs in favour of Capo Breton, such as exist for no oth'jr place named. There is the map of La Cosa, which locates the Cavo descubierto on a course west by compass from Cape Race; the" point of contact is thus located upon a definite line. We have, then, the Cabot map of 1544 definitely fixing the landfall on the northeast point of Cape Breton island. Here is the inde- pendent testimony of father and son at an interval of forty-four yeare. As to the meaning of Cavo descubierto, we have a clue upon the map itself. On the coast of South America, opposite Cape St. Augustine, we have the landfall of the expedition of Vincent Yanez Pinzon in 149!) set forth as follows : " Este cavo se descubrio en ano de mily CGCQXGLX. por Gas- " tella syendo descubridor Vincensians." (This cape was discovered in 1499 for Castile by Vincent Yanez.) On the south coast of Newfound- land, and on a course west by compass from Capo Eace, the words cavo descubierto plainly tell us, was the landfall of the people who sailed in the mar descubierto par Ymjleses prior to A. D. 1500. Moreover, the conditions recorded on group A of contemporary documents agree with Cape Breton bettor than with any other place mentioned. The landfall was in a temperate, pleasant region, where the land was good, and gave promise that silk and brazil-wood grew there. Though the point of the cape itself, like every ocean-washed promontory, is bai'o and rocky, the country near and especially around Sydney is very beautiful. There is nothing on the continent of North America to equal the scenery of the Bras d'Or, which is open from the sea close to Sydney harbour. In mid- summer the climate is perfect. Fogs are infrequent there compared with other parts of the coast, and the summer heat is tempered by the ocean. Even this has been contradicted, although the beauty of the scenery and the special charm of its climate in the summer months are the constant theme of the Intercolonial railway guide books and are the attractions for summer tourists. They are the commonplaces of the newspapers, To put Cape Breton in the same category with northern Labrador is to underrate the information of one's readers. A few notices of the summer climate of Cape Breton have been placed in Appendix D, and to that 1 would refer; for to digress here would confuse the argument. In my first paper I stated at length my reasons for believing that Cape Breton and not Cape North was the landfall, and in Appendix C to my second paper I showed, by a careful tracing from a photograph of ' '» i 204 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA tho original map, that it was not Cape North, but Cape Breton, which ia indicated by the map of 1644. I am now in a position to show this clearly by a magnified photograph (fig. 15) of that part of the map taken from the negative procured by the Dominion archivist. I remarked in the same paper upon the accuracy with which Mr. Harrisso, in his first book, had read the meaning of the map and located the landfall at Cape Percy, only sixteen miles from Cajie Breton, " at a email capo at the Fig. 15.— Photographic Enlakgkment of outline of Cape Breton coast from Cabot's Map of 1544. " eastern extremity of the promontory." "" Mr. Harrisse's argument is worth citing in full, if for nothing else than for its admirable statement of the method of dealing with such documents — a method sadly departed from by many contributors to the present controversy. " Le critique, cependant, n'a pas quality pour corriger un monument *' graphique avec des hypotheses. II doit prendre une carte telle qu'elle est, " I'interroger le corapas en main, noter les differences, relever les l^gendes " et laisser les noms oil il les trouve. Or, c'est bien sur la lisi^re de I'isle " du Cap Breton, d, la pointe extreme, au nord-est, qu'on lit la phrase ; i» [b. k. dawson] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 205 "prima lierra vista, ot c'ost en cet endroit que nous dovonB la IniHSor. " La transposor plus au nord et d. I'ouost, serait arbitrairo, car rion no '* prouvo que Cabot, commo la plupart dea cosmographes et des marina du '* XVle 8iticle, ait nottf, ou mfimo jamais connu la longuo aiguille, qui " partant du port Dauphin, s'dl^ve en ligno droite, jusqu'au cap North. " C'oHt done au cap Perci'-, et nuUe part ailleura, quo solon la carlo de " 1544, Joan ot Sebastian Cabot ont attorri ; c'est.lA que, lea premiera ontro " lo8 navigateura di XVo siiiclo, ila auraiont f'ould lo sol du continent " Amuricain et planto lea banni^res de Saint-Georges ot de Saint-Marc, lo " aamedi, 24 Juin 1497, ib oinq heurea du matin." '" Capo Breton, and not Capo- Percy, is the very oaaternmoat point, and Scatari island is the first point made from sea, for it stretches farther east. Still, there is little to choose between them ; the capes are only sixteen miles apart, and no one can suppose that after a lapse of 400 years any spot could be located aa a landfall within a few milea. I take my atand beside Mr. Harrisso of 1882, but it is too much, after converting me, for him to ask mo now to go to Labrador. I might have to go to Capo Farewell next, or even to Spitzborgen, for the shortest lino byjgreat circle sailing to Japan from Bristol, is by Spitzborgen. 17.— The Voyage of 1497. I shall not protract thia paper by futile apoculations about John Cabot's doings upon this eventful voyage. I do not possess those powers of intuitive perception which enable some writers on the subject to follow the little " Matthew " on her lonely course. 1 do not know the extent of John Cabot's general information, nor what difficulties he had in engag- ing his crew or in raising money for his outfit ; nor do I know in any special way the nature and scope of hia meditations. When I am in- formed that *' he knew the position of Greenland," '"* I do not dispute it, but I think it is a very bad reason for asserting he wont there in May, 1491, when he set out for Cathay. When I am told that he "kept a daily log, " and plotted out his courses and distances on a map made especially for the " purpose," "^ I answer that all sailors have kept and still keep logs, and keep records in them of their courses ; but whether he worked up his map over}' day or reduced hia recorda into the form of a map when he returned, 1 do not know any more than I know where he could have got a map " especially made " of the unknown ocean ho aet forth upon. Col- umbus had Toscanolli's, for which see ante, p. 152, Cabot might have had one like it. Mr. Harrisso is, no doubt, correct in saying that Cabot was sailing in the region of " the brave west winds," for, in fact, hie course lay through what Lieut. Maury called the zone of northwest winds,"* and westerly winds do prevail ; but I would prefer saying that ho aailod in the region of variable winds, becauae I remember that in the late fall of 2oe ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA I: 1861 the wind blow east for twonty-fivo days in spite of Maury's book, and a ship I was sailing in took four weeks to got from Quebec to the longitude of Capo Race, which was not passed until December 9. For my part, [ feel sure that Cabot had wind from all points of the compass, although more from the west th,,n any other quarter, and probably, as it was Juno, a little more from the southwest than the northwest. I am not surprised that he told Soncino that he " wandered for a long time," and that leads me to think that Cabot's voyage was a greater trial of courage than the admiral's voyage in the sunny regions of the trades. Still, I like to believe in the uniformity of nature, and that, within certain limits of variation, the winds revolve in their courses as we read that they did in the days of King Solomon. As a refuge, then, from tho eccentricities of con- troversy, when winds and currents are improvised to sot ships on appro- priate la.ulfalls, I fall back on the pilot chart of tho North Atlantic for last June, where tho probable winds are laid down for the guidance of sailors by officials at Washington, reckless of Cabot and his landfall. There was nothing unusual about the Juno weather of 1897, and 1 find that tho winds expected were northwest, (J days ; southwest, 9 days ; calm, 2 days ; variable, 13 days. Total, 30 days. Wo shall never get nearer than that, argue as we may. A very good idea of the conditions of a voyage such as Cabot's may also bo formed from Kdward Ilaics's account of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's expedition in 1583. Haies was captain and owner of tho " Golden Hind." The fleet set sail from Plj'mouth on June Uth, for Cape Race as its firet rendezvous, and, missing that, the vessels were to meet at Capo Breton. Ho says : "From Saturday, the 15th of June, until t' -8th, we never " had faire day without fogge or rainc and winds bad, much to the west- " north-west, whereby we were driven southward unto 41° scarse." "' After saying that in March, April and May the winds are usually more favourable for western-bound vessels, he adds : "Also we were cncombrod " with much fogge and mists in manor palpable, in which we could not " keepe so well together." Kroni this we may see that John Cabot must of necessity have followed his compass. lie was sailing on an absolutely unknown sea, and there must have been long periods when he could not get an observation by day or even see the stars at night ; therefore, as he intended to return to England, he had only his compass by which to retrace his course. We may also see how easily Cabot might have dropped south of Cape Race and have passed it in a fog. For these very excellent reasons we may spare ourselves vain specu- lation as to Cabot's actual experiences upon the ocean. Still, we do know that there were, as there still are. certain invariable forces on the North Atlantic which exert a constant influence to divert southwards a vessel on a westward course. One of these, the magnetic variation, has already been discussed ; the other is the Arctic current, and Cabot must have I a. [8. r. uawson] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T8 207 entered into its influence at longitude 40" ; for there iH the oustern limit on the chart of '"".e drift of icebergs. I must now ank my readers to refer back to pa J 150, and they will see that Bishop Ilowley makes Cabot, sailing west from Capo Farewell, 345 miles to the meridian of Cape St. John, drop south to that cape through a distance in latitude of 600 miles. That is, as I observed there, a very immoderate use of the Arctic current. In my first paper I followed the Admiralty sailing directions and rated it, not at two miles, but at an average of one mile an hour. I submit, then, that all these influences must have carried Cabot well south of his proposed course, and thit* it is not "absurd," "ridicu- " lous " or " preposterous " to cbnclude that he " Matthew " did pass Cape Race and make a landfall at Cape Breton — a natural and probable land- fall, moreover, to which every indication of the contemporary documents (group A) points. From what precedes In this connection it will be clear to the reader that it will be lost time to base any argument on the rate of sailing of Cabot's vessel. Bishop Howley fixes upon a rate of 140 miles a day, or nearly six miles an hour."" His argument is that the navigators said on their return that, now they know the way, they could sail the distance in fifteen days ; then, taking the extreme distance, 700 leagues, as 2,100 miles, and dividing it by 15, he arrives at 6 miles an hour, or 140 miles as a day's sail. But such a loose statement is not a basis for a mathematical argument. To use it as a foundation of practical calculation is mislead- ing, for it is arguing fi'om the constancy of ideal conditions of weather. It is better * o inquire what was in other known instances really and actually the average rate, and here the log of Columbus will be of assist- ance. Now, I hope that no one will say again that I am arguing a pari, for I am not. I am arguing a fortiori, Capt. Fox, U. S. N., has with great pains gone over the log of Columbus, and, with the authority of a professional seaman, has ascertained his average rate of sailing to have been 4'4 miles an hour. I find also that, while on seven days he made 140 miles and a little over, on seven days he made less than 50 miles. My argument, therefore, is that if Columbus, with fair winds, fair weather and a straight course, made only 4-4 miles an hour on his whole course, Cabot, in a region of variable and, probably, much contrary wind, must have made less. I shall not venture to say how much less, for fear that Mr. Harrisse may again apply to a table of logarithms for a solution r' the problem. I come now to a really difficult point — to the varying statements given by the contemporaiy documents as to the distances reported by John Cabot, and here there must be some hypothetical argument, for the distances cannot be reconciled with the distances actually existent on the Atlantic, in whatever direction we may suppose the " Matthew " to have sailed. Before proceeding 1 would, however, observe that the word 208 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA "islands" in these old documents must not be construed too strictly. Humboldt warns the student against that. lie says (Ex. Crit., 1., 359) : " Dans les premiers temps de la conqufite de rAm^riqueon avait coutume " de consid^rer chaque partie nouvellement ddcouverto corame une ile " plus ou moins grande. Peu i peu on reconnaissait la contiguite de ces " parties, et lorsque les observations manquaient, on hasardait sur les " cartes de r^unir et de prolonger les cotes d'aprds de vagues indications." On examining the contemjjorary statements it will appear that Pas- qualigo says that the distance sailed was TOO leagues, or 2,100 miles, " to " the mainland of the country of the Grand Khan." The others indicate that some nearer land was at a distance of 400 leagues. Soncino says that two large and fertile islands were discovered, he does not give the distance, and adds then, " having, it would seem, discovered the Seven " Cities 400 leagues from England to the westward." "' A reference to the original will show the distinction between the two propositions : " Et a ritrovato due insule nove, grandissime et fructiffere, e„ etiam " trovato le septe citade lontane da I'insula de Ingliterra lege 400 per lo " camino de ponente." Weare's translation is more accurate than Mark- ham's, " having likewise discovered." If the statements of Ayala and Puebla be now examined, they will be seen to agree that something had been found not more than 400 leugues away. In other words, they are chiefly dwelling on the point that there was land 400 leagues west of England ; and Soncino savs what was 400 leagues away was the Seven Cities, while Pasqualigo alone gives the landfall as being on the mainland of the Grand Khan. This particular point has been most clearly brought out by Archbishop O'Brien, and had not previously received sufficient consideration. The difficulty is not with the 700 leagues ; it is with the 400 leagues, v.ncl that is one of the reasons why Bishop Howley sends Cabot to St. Kilda's, in the Hebrides, straight north through seven degrees, or 420 miles, of latitude, in order to get him to a place where he would be 400 leagues away from something. Pt. Kilda's is exactly 1,135 miles distant from Cape Farewell, and it is 420 miles from Cape Clear. That will not solve the problem, for Cabot is made to sail 1,550 miles to Cape Farewell instead of 1,200, and it is not, moreover, in accord with fact to say that the distance of Cape Farewell is 400 leagues west of England. It is not correct either as to distance or direction. Archbishop O'Brien dwells upon the nar^e " Seven Cities," and thinks that Chateau bay, on Labra- dor, is intended ; but that will not help, because the theory introduces many new difficulties both as regards the Seven Citi^d (see Appendix B) and as to the distance, which is not 1,200, but 2,000 miles awa)*. Under these circumstances we must make a disti iction between what was found at these two distances, and, as nothing exists ujjon the Atlan- tic 80 near to England as Cape Race, either that is intended or some en-or _ ■V .^ 1 [S. K. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 209 has crept into the record. It is probable that, with the wish to miriiraize the distance from the nearest point of the new land, or from a real error because of the inability at that time to compute longitude, or from hav- ing had a good run home with favouring west winds, Cabot stated the distance, not of the landfall, but of the new land, to be one-fourth less than it really is, and La Cosa's, as also the succeeding maps for a number of years, do in fact draw the east coast of Newfoundland a long way east of its proper longitude. On La Cosa's map, as before observed, it is drawn east almost to the longitude of the Azores. There remains now, therefore, the statement of Pasqualigo that the landfall on the new land was TOO leagues, or 2,100 miles away, and in the table of distances calculated in view of a proposed line of steamships I find the distance between Milford Haven and Sydney to be exactly 2,186 miles. Milford Haven is near Bristol, and Sydney is near the eastern- most part of Cape Breton. I am well aware that all I have said of the 400-league distance is hypothesis, but that is unavoidable. The nearest point must be taken, unless, indeed, we restore the mythical island of the Seven Cities to its old longitude on the map and put it twenty degrees north of its old latitude. The only remaining difficulty is that Pasqualigo says Cabot coasted for 300 leagues. There seems scant time for that. The distance from Cape Eace to Cape Breton is 300 miles. It is possible that Cabot may have coasted for some distance farther west along the shore of Nova Scotia before he turned to go back, and then counted the coasting twice as it really was, though in his outward course he did not see the New- foundland coast. Those considerations I put forward not as proved, but as hypotheses to reconcile the divergent statements which otherwise are irreconcilable, for it is impossible to get over the fact that nothing exists now across the Atlantic so near to England as Cape Kace, and that it is far more than 400 leagues distant. u '' 18. — The Island of St. John and the Legends of the " Cabot" Map. In the first paper of this scries, the legends on the map of 1544 were very fully discussed, and I would refer to that paT)or any one who may suppose that I am passing over this important point. It has, however, been necessary to make incidental mention of Legend No. 8, and some farther notice is required here in view of the more recent controversies. The statement in that legend on Clement Adaiis's map is, in effect, t' at the landfall was made early on the morning of June 24, and that there was an island, lying out before the land, discovered the same day, which Cabot called St. John. The landfall, if ascertained, will identify the Sec. H., 1397. 11. Oii! 210 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA island ; or the island, if ascertained, will identify the landfall. The con- ditions are : 1st. The island was discovered the same day. 2nd. It was opposite and near the landfall. 3rd. The landfall upon the map, to which the legend refers, was at the northeastern point of Cape Breton. I have shown (fig. 15) by a tracing from a photograph of the map of 1544 that Cape Breton was the northeastern point. I am not trying to demonstrate within a few miles where Cabot struck land. The fact, however, is undoubted that Cape Breton is the easternmost point ; that it was the first point to get a name ; that it was the best known point, and that it has an island opposite and near to it, which, inside of seven years after the first voyage and for 100 years subsequently, was called St. John. If I say that Scatari island is St. John's island, I am only, after all, repeating Pelro Eeinel, who drew it on his map in 1505 with its name. I would call attentioi to the fact that no other landfall mentioned complies so fully with the conditions as Cape Breton. The word " island ' is in the singular number. If, then, near any place suggested there are a number of islands, that place does not comply with the specified con- ditions. In the version on the map engraved by Clement Adams, while Sebastian Cabot was exercising in England that supervision of nautical affairs which pertained to his office, nothing is said of the size of the island. It is simply " an island.'' The version on the 1544 map calls it insulam qxiandam maynam, and the Spanish translation on the same map, " una isla grande," shows that the island was by that writer supposed to be large. On the only surviving copy of all the various editions of Cabot's map, there is indeed a large island named St. John, which has been shown at great length in my first paper (1894) to be in reality the large central island of the Magdalen group. In the same paper, in Ap- pendix F, I gave a series of tracings (repeated at the end of this paper) which I still think absolutely demonstrate the correctness of my view. I must refer the student to that paper, and remind him that I made no new discovery. The opinion had been held by Markham ; and Ganong in his most thorough investigation, had established it, and it was adopted by Harrisse. This seems to me to be the clearest part of the whole con- troversy, and it may bo reduced to absolute certainty (see App. F) without the help of assumptions, or postulates, or hypotheses of any kind what- ever. To discuss that point here, however, would have the effect of a digression, and I munt revert to the main current of my present argu- ment and call attention to two important facts. First, that the island of the landfall was a single island, and while the coasts of Newfound- land and Labrador ai*e studded with many islandfi, this single island in some way characterized the landfall ; and, second, that in the version [8. B. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 211 made five years after in London, during Cabot's life, the word magnam — " largo " — was omitted. From this it may be fairly argued that it was purposely omitted. Those who argue for a Labrador landfall can find no single island along the coast to mark any one place specially. The islands are numerous, and those who argue for Newfoundland are in the same position. Bishop Ilowley, when speaking of an island of St. Mark now existing on Labra- dor, incorrectly quotes Clement Adams as saying the island was small (Lect., p. 22). That island is jirobably one of tho many islands near the latitude mentioned, about 55°. It is not on my maps or in the index of the "Labrador Pilot" but when, at page 37, he is objecting to Judge Prowse's islands in Bonavista bay, he quotes the other version to prove that it was a " largo island," and decides that these are too small. The disputants take the islands as they find them at their landfalls, and quote either version as may suit. I, however, claim that the version made with Cabot's acquiescence is more probably right, and that he said noth- ing at all about the size of the island. The position of the island in relation to the landfall is described by different but almost synonymous words and the fact adds emphasis to this indication. It is " appositara " (Chytrajus), " oppositam " (Paris map), " ex adverso" (Clement Adams), " which liethout before the land " (Hakluyt). Bishop Howley takes the Latin and Spanish of the Paris version to mean "an island which stood out in front of the land "and " not far ofi'." "' The word " adversus " is defined in its relation to locality as "Juxta, vet potins in conspectu; e regione" by Ducange, *' Lexicon Manuale" (Ed. Migne), from all which definitions I conclude that the English phrase, " over against," with a sense of propinquity, would fairly convey the meaning. It was not one out of a cluster of islands. It was single, opposite and near, to all of which indications Scatari conforms. I come now to an objection which, as I previously pointed out, is based on a gloss of Hakluyt, and has ci"ept into his translation of Clement Adams's Latin original. If the Latin be taken it will be seen that after the word Baptistce is a colon and the next word, Hujus, commences with a capital letter, thus making it refer to the whole territory, to wit, Bac- calaos, described in Legend No. 8. This was argued in detail at page 67 of my first paper (1894), and I think that Sir Clements Markham has scarcely weighed my argument when he charges (Journal Geog. Soc. for June, 1807, p. 608) Sebastian Cabot with asserting that there were plenty of white bears on Cape Breton island. A glance at the map will show that the bears were in the region Bacallaos, for there they are portrayed, two of them, walking along close under the polar circle, and they are still there and catch fish in the way described."* The inscription there reads : De la tierra de los bacallaos a tabla primera No. 3. The figure 3 'si ;. I i 212 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA is an evident error for No. 8, because legend No. 8 does refer to Bacallaos and No. 3 to Mexico. Mr. Harrisse goes further, and puts the bears on the island of St. John,"" and thus adds another count to his long indict- ment of Sebastian Cabot's uundacity. 1 feel sure that if Clement Adams's text be taken alone, and apart from all glosses, it will be seen that no such meaning is intended. All the misconception has arisen from reading the extract of the map — the American portion as usually pre- FiG. 16,— Pedro Reinel's Map, A.D. 1505 (prom Kohl). oo'i'- I sented — and not taking the map, as a whole, and referring legend No. 8 to its corresponding heading on the map, as every reader at once does with the other legends. Legend No. 8 covers all Acadia, Canada East, Newfoundland and Labrador to the farthest north. I trust that the student of this question will refer to the map of 1544, given at the end of this paper in photographic facsimile. No other photographic copies of the complete map, excepting the twelve made for the late Dr. Deane, are known to me, and it is a great privilege to be able to publish this in easily accessible form. Close under the feet of the two bears will be found the reference in two lines : De la tierra delos bacalla | os ue a tabla primera No. 3. [a. B. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS S18 To make this clear I have repeated the extract of the American part of the map on a larger scale, and thus it will become plain that the infoi*- mation in the legend applies generally to the whole region, and is not an exception in that respect to all the others. And, finally, I come to the positive portion of my argument, the persistency on the maps of an island of St. John in the Atlantic and close to the easternmost point of Cape Breton. In my first paper I dwelt upon this point at great length, and gave tracings of very many maps. Some of these are, for other reasons, repeated here (the Majollo map, p. 177; Lok's, p. 197). Mr. Ilarrisse is a witness to this persistency.- It is a fact, impossible to explain away," that from the very earliest period, A.D. 1505, for one hundred years, the east point of Cape Breton is laid down with an attendant island, which, when named, is always St. John. At page 107 of Mr. Harrisse's " John Cabot," the following passage confirms my proposition : " So far back as the map constructed by Pedro Eeinel, " in 150-t or 1505, we find to the east of the peninsula of Cape Breton, in '* the latitude of 49° according to its scale, a large isle denominated ' Sam " ' Joha.' This island, which as such is fictitious, may owe its carto- " graphical origin to a misconception of the great peninsula which " stretches into the Atlantic from the southernmost or Sydney region of " Cape Breton island, to which it is joined by an extremely narrow " isthmus. We find it in all Lusitanian maps and their derivatives, in- " eluding those of Dieppe, and with the names of ' I" de S. Joan ' (Mag- "giolo of 1527); ' Y. de S. Juhan' (Wolfenbuttel B.) ; nameless in " Viegas's, but Y de St, Jeha in the Harleyan, and Sam Joam in " Freire's portolano." There was, indeed, a flying island called St. John Estevan far out in the ocean, and many others, as Antillia (the Island of the Seven Cities), St. Brandan and Mansatanaxio, They flew off the map eventually be- cause they never had any objective existence, but this island of St. John never flew, and there it is yet, in the Atlantic, opposite Cape Breton where it always was. I cannot repeat the whole of my argument of 1 894, but I would ask the reader to refer to what I have said there under this head, particularly to the argument from Lok's map of 1582. How utterly misleading, then, it is to talk of the Cape Breton theory as a new theory, and to associate with it Dr. Harvey's name and mine — to plead an immemorial tradition for two distinct places in Newfoundland — a tradition now French, now English, now Portuguese, when, in 1505, in 1527, in 1544, in 1582, in 1600, and in many intervening dates, the land- fall of Cape Breton laid down in 1544 and 1582 is identified by the island of St. John. ^ 214 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 19. — Bate of the Landfall. While the actual landfall has been long the subject of controversy, no one, until Mr. Harnsse has, so far as my reading goes, disputed the date of June 24:th. When it is remembered that June 24 has been accepted for 350 years — that it was accepted in Queen Elizabeth's time and before that by men in England who personally knew Cabot in his later years, and that it has been challenged only in 1896, one naturally looks for some new fact, or some new document, with which to disturb a belief founded on the statement of a contemporary, a son of the chief actor and a partner in the letters patent of 1496. No new evidence is adduced, and the date seems now to be disputed on the general ground that Sebastian Cabot was no sailor, no geographer, but a humbug, an impostor, a char- latan and a liar. But even if that were true, he had nothing to gain by fixing upon June 24. No profound political import attaches to that day more than to any other day, and it is incredible that even such a man as some assume Cabot to have been, should have told a wanton lie about a matter of so little moment. How, then, according to Mr. Harrisse, did "this spurious date" ever come to be named. lie says, in brief, that " one Dr. Grajales, living at Puerto Santa Maria about 1544, concerning " whom we do not know anything else," wrote the " matter of the " legends on the map, and that, when he saw on the map the name " Island of St. John, he may well have assumed that the landfall was on " St. John's day, and so wrote it down, because he knew of the almost " constant practice in those days of naming islands after the saints on "whose days they were discovered." Then, further: "That island " was probably supposed by Sebastian Cabot, in 1544, to be identical " with the one, also imaginary, when he (Cabot) then borrowed from a " French map, where it is inserted in the same place." ^'^* Here is an aggregation of hypotheses upon which to challenge a date in history accepted for 350 years ! Dr. Grajales, in this question, is an utterly superfluous person, inasmuch as Mr. Harrisse acknowledges that Sebastian Cabot supplied the information for the map and its append- ages. The argument is really nothing more than that the date cannot be true because Sebastian Cabot is the authority for it. Mr. Harrisse accepts August 10, 1497, found in the public records of England, as the date of John Cabot's arrival in London, on his return from his first voyage, and he thinks that August 5 is'a reasonable date to fix as that of his arrival at Bristol ; and he believes also, from independent testimony, that the date of Cabot's departure was the beginning of May. If, then, we fix upon the 4th of May as the day of departure, whatever happened must have occurred within 93 days. If the day celebrated at Halifax be the right day, that will allow 60 days out and 43|day8 for landing and the [b. b. dawbon] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 215 voyage back. We know by oxperionco that the outward voyage is usually longer][than the return, and Cabot also had to face the prevailing westerly winds for he himself told Soncino " that ho wandered for a " long time until he hit on land." When, however, he turned to go home he had a straight, known course, and the chances arc enormously in favour of his having had a continuously fair wind. Some actual ex- amples will assist in forming an opinion as to the length of the return voyage and they will be taken from voyagos under similar conditions. On June 19, 1536, Cartier left Cape Race and arrived at St. Malo on July 6, in 19 days. In 1(J03 Cliamplain made the same passage in 18 days ; in 1007 he was 27 days from Canso to St. Malo. Canso is close to Cape Breton, and if we allow John Cabot the extreme 27 days and the landfall be at Capo Breton, he will have had 1(5 days to spare for landings and examination of the country, and for wood and water, and refitting. In speaking of the distance John Cabot himself put it at 15 days from land to land, basing it, no doubt, on his run home from Cavo do Yngla- terra. No one but Pasqualigo mentions coasting ; but Mr. Ilarrisse takes his 300 leagujs of coasting and doubles it, because he thinks that Cabot retraced his course and went twice along the Labrador coast. It seems to him so easy to saunter along there ! The coasting need not have de- layed him if his landfall was Cape Breton. The south coast of New- foundland is high and the water bold in its whole length. Its features are cloai'iy visible from a vessel sailing along, and (^abot was not making a Hurvo}'-, but a reconnaissance preparatory to a future expedition. The 10th chapter of Mr. Karrisso's last book is headed, "June not the month of the landfall," and he throws it back into May. This navi- gation along Labrador, from Hamilton inlet to Cape Chidley (from 5-1:° to 60°). was not, according to his last theory, late in June and early in July, but late in May and early in June, because in his 02)inion "Cabot and his " crew rested a while, and devoted some time to refitting or repairing " their diminutive craft, as well as taking in wood and water, and renew- " ing tho stock of victuals, which could be done only by hunting and " salting game on shore." '■" Ver\' little wood could ])Ossibly be needed to cook the food of eighteen men. They might have tilled the '• Matthew " up in half a day. Water, no doubt, they required, and the rest of the day might have tilled their casks; a pool on any iceberg otf the coast of Labrador would have supplied them. He told Soncino that the sea swarmed with tish, and that they could be dipped up in a basket. What better food could he have than the food of the fishermen of the locality now? But then, at Labrador, he would be a month too early for the cod to strike in. Possibly he might have got ducks or geese, but as for caribou, they would not be down on the coast. Bears and seals, however, might have been numerous. There is one strange thing about 'all .this sailing up and down the Atlantic coast of Labrador — no mention is mado in the contemporary 216 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA documentH of ice. Of course, John Cabot would not have mentioned it if his landfall had been at Capo Breton on June 24, for the good reason that he would not see any, but Mr. Ilarrisse sends him up to Labrador in 54" to 60°, and omits to take into account the ice there. Let it be supposed that Mr. Ilarrisse is right, and the landfall was, to quote his words, "between Cape Sandwich and Capo Chidley," we shall be in the midst of difficulty, for how did Cabot's little cock- boat, the " Matthew," get across the outer stve m of Arctic ice, 50 to 100 miles wide, coming down along the Labi'ador coast, far outside of the ice which sots against the shore and fills the bays ? (See Appendix A.) Mr. Hari'isso himself suggests a solution of the problem when he says : '** " Either the landfall in 1497 was not effected on the 24th of " June,or, con^mr^ ^0 SehastianOahofs asseverations, both cartographical " and descriptive, only a very limited portion of the coast of the new " world was visited on that occasion." 1 accept the latter alternative, for I have maintained that the first voyage was merely a reconnaissance, only I cannot find that Sebastian Cabot said anything to the contrary, and in this passage is again evident the confusion of the two voyages, which I strove at such length to disentangle in 1894. The asseverations of Sebas- tian Cabot referred to the second voyage, and placed the landfall in a region of ice, and so tallied with his official duty in not compi'omising the Spanish view of the ownership of all the habitable portion of the west- ern world up to the line of demarcation where the claims of Portugal commenced. But, beyond all this, it is inaccurate to say that the date we are cele- brating rests exclusively on a statement made by Dr. Grajales, or even on the map of 1544 at Paris ; because the map was only discovered in 1843, and Dr. Grajales was only discovered in 1892. It has rested for 300 years upon numerous maps referred to by writers in Queen Elizabeth's time, and notably upon one map which hung up in the queen's gallery at Westminster. These maps were stated, by Hakluyt and all other writers of that day, to have been made by Sebastian Cabot. Hakluyt, in his " Western Planting," written in 1584, while Clement Adams was alive, saj's : "And the day of the moneth is also added in his (Cabot's) owne " mappe, which is in the queene's privie gallerie at Westminster, the " copie whereof was set onto by Mr. Clement Adams." Mr. Harrisse admits that Eden had seen the map when he wrote, and that Eden was personally acquainted with Cabot and published his work before Cabot's death, and, again, Clement Adams issued the map in 1549, while Cabot was alive and living in London. Here, then, is written evidence traced back to Sebastian Cabot and reduced to writing in his lifetime. Again, it is misleading to vary the proposition slightly and say that the date is only to be found in the legends on the planisphere of 1544, when we know that later editions of this map existed, dated 1549, and that, while ■ te. a dawson] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T8 217 they differed in the wording of the legends from the copy now extant, they agreed in this respect. Clement Adams's map was not an impression of the engraved plate from which the Paris map was struck, for it was re-engraved, and the legend which fixed the date of June 24 was copied by Hakluyt from that map, and thus had the authentication of Cabot while he was living in England. It matters not who wrote the words — the legend was hanging up in the queen's gallery on a map made by a royal officer, engraved by Clement Adams in the lifetime of that officer — Sebastian Cabot, to wit, whoso duty it was to supervise the maps and examine the pilots of P]ngland. The reader will, doubtless, notice that I have avoided reference to the interesting controverey going on between Mr. Ilarrisse, on one side, and Mr. G. B. Wearo and Mr. G. II. P. Prowse, on the other, relative to the Fust chronicles and the records of the city of Bristol. That subject can be much better treated in Europe than in Canada, and it is in competent hands. It is not essential to my argument, and I am glad to leave it with those upon whom it has fallen. 20. — Conclusion. And now. having, so far as my abilities permit, replied to my most •estimable even if too hasty critics, I am suddenly brought up by a most unexpected deliverance of Judge Prowse in his criticism of Archbishop O'Brien's address. He says : " The real landfall of Cabot in North ^' America must forever remain among the things that are unknown and " unknowable." O, most lame and impotent conclusion ! Has all this historic heat, then, been spent for naught ? Have all the names for stu- pidity in the English language been exhausted upon Dr. Harvey and myself for no practical utility ? Has all this rhetorical energy corus- cated in vain ? It cannot be. The judge's illustrious disciples must not be left thus to wander amid the " unknowable," for not to that end were "infinite pains" bestowed upon their conversion. There must be a con- clusion ; so, putting aside all superfluities of language^ let us address ourselves to that most desirable, nay, longed-for, result. It is true the great object has been achieved, and the name of John Cabot has been rescued from the obscurity in which for four centuries it had been en- veloped ; but something is still due to the irritated historical susceptibili- ties of the public, which will refuse to be satisfied by the '• unknown," and, still less, by the " unknowable." It will appear, upon a careful perusal of the preceding pages, that there is no physical or geographical reason a priori why Cape Breton may not have been Cabot's landfall, and that the voyage was intended to be upon a westerly course. It will also appear that all the conditions ex- isting upon the North Atlantic tend to make a westerly course swerve to 218 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA the south, ."id that thoro is, thoroforo, a strong propondonvnce of proba- bility in favour of a hmdfall at Capo Broton. To that samo conclusion tho positive evidence of the strictly contom- jtorary documents also j)oint8, and that same landfall was set forth eighty years before any other was speciHcally named. It has been shown that John Cabot gave to Pedro do Ayala, Spanish ambassador in London, a map of his discoveries on his first voyage, and that map was sent to Fer- dinand of Spain late in the year 1498, before the second expedition re- turned. The samo king employed Juan de La Cosa to make a mappe- monde in the year 1500, and that cartographer compiled it out of the materials then accessible. [lis raappe-mondo contains tho English dis- coveries on tho northeast Amoi-ican coast, to wit, tho discovorie.'^ of the Cabots, for there were none others made at tho time, and the conclusion is, therefore, irresistible that La Cosa's map contains the results of John Cabot's first voyage. It has been, moreover, made clear, and admitted by very high authority, that Cavo do Ynglaterra on that map is Cape Race, and it therefore follows that tho coast discovered and named was tho south coast of Newfoundland, and was directly west of Cape liace. At the end of tho list of names is Cavo descubierto, in a position, and direction on a magnetic cour,se, corresponding to Capo Breton. Cavo descubierto is a Spanish name, meaning '-the capo discovered,'' and denotes, when put plainly, the cape of landfall. Further proof is given that tho landfall was a southern one in the despatch of Dr. Puebla to their Catholic majesties expre.ssing his belief that the land found belonged to Spain. This belief is shared by Do Ayala, who says that from tho direction he is certain the lands belong to Spain, and because the map does not show the islands known to bo the property of Spain, i.e., the Antilles, he thinks the map is false. This proves that the direction and discovery was well to the south and west, but also near to the line of demarcation ; and the line of demarcation passed a little east of Cape Broton and cuts off Newfoundland and Labrador. It is proved that the land of the first landfall was in a temperate, well-wooded, pleasant region, where the sea abounded in tish. This cuts off the whole northern region. There was no ice there, for ico was a novelty to sailors, and it is not mentioned. It is a region where brazil wood and silk might bo expected to grow. That is John Cabot's testimony to his landfall of 1497. It has been proved that maps were made in the years 1544-49, if not by Sebastian Cabot, yet on information received fr^m him, and one dated 1549 was cut by, or for, Clement Adams in England, when Cabot was at the head of the nautical affairs of that kingdom and the official examiner of all pilots. [8. B. nAW80N] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T8 219 On lluit map the landfall Ih expressly laid down " prima tierra vista " at the northeast point of the island of Caj)o Breton. Tliis Is confirmed by Lok's map, in IlakUiyt's Divers Voyages, published in 1582, while Cabot's map was hanging in the queen's gallery. Lok's map also gives, on the point of Cape JJreton, the words, "J. Cabot, 1497," and places near it the island of St. John in the Atlantic. It was shown that Pedro Reinol's map of 1505 placed an island of St. John at the point of Capo Breton — cij^'ht years only after the voyage of 1497, and that ever since that time an i.'land has been shown to exist there. If we may argue from Lok's map (which is supported by all the other maps), the island of St. .lohn on Clement Adams's map of 1549 was also in the Atlantic, otf the cape. On the only copj^ existing of the map of 1544, and on that alone of all the maps, an island of St. .John is, indeed, inside the gulf, and occupies the place of the Magdalen group ; it must, moreover, bo held to be that group, because Prince Edward island was at that time, and for fifty years afterwards, su])posed to form part of the solid continent. The geography of the gulf has been proved to bo do- rived from Cartier, but Sebastian Cabot's evidence confirms that of his father as to the landfall on the Atlantic, and, if any persons in the world know where the landfall was, they did. These ai'o the main conclusions I venture to submit, and until some new map bo found, or some additional evidence be produced, T think that they arc probable to the very highest degree attainable in such matters. After fifty yeai-s of discussion, AVatling's island has been generally re- ceived as the landfall of Columbus, and a landfall for Cabot at Cape Breton is equally ])robable. There are, no doubt, difficulties in the case of Cabot, as, indeed, in that also of Columbus, but the weight of evidence is in favour of both. If, however, any one elects to turn his back upon the only positive testimony in existence, and to follow elaborately woven hypotheses; if he prefers to seek out new landfalls and propose them for general acceptance, the maps, at least, of this paper will assist the public to form a reasoned opinion concerning them. It is longer than I wished ; but all the really important maps are now presented, and the leading authorities are clearly indicated, and, if my conclusions be not accepted, the materials for an independent judgment are now plainly set forth. The inquiry is worth the trouble, for the primal event in Canadian his- tory is in debate. When all the capes on the northeast coast of America and the capes inside the Gulf of St. Lawrence have been exhausted, the general consensus of scholars will probably accept the only positive evidonce in existence, and fine-spun hypotheses and short-cuts of con- jectural geography will drop into the inevitable "budget of paradoxes" which awaits the close of every keenly fought controversy. Mi ■ ^^ via* IMAGE EVA!.UATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 14.5 1.1 1.25 I|2j8 12.5 0% Vl / y /A Photographic Sdences Corporation NJ iV \ \ <^ ;\ 23 WIST MAIN STMiT WEBSTER, N.Y. 145S0 (716) 872-4503 '^ ^ '^4^ if \ ^ 1 8. K. VAWSOK] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 221 APPENDIX A. The Labrador Coast. In both of the previous papers of this series I gave testimonies from the most unimpeachable authorities as to the real nature of the Labrador coast. I went back even to Jacques Cartier, and covered a period of 350 years, because it has sometimes been thought that the climate has de- teriorated in recent times. Similar testimony could be cited to an end- less length. I shall, however, add only a few more extracts, simply that they may remain in a place of convenient reference for those who, at some future time, may take up this inquiry. I would remark that it is no answer to this mass of evidence to say that sealing vessels enter the floe ice, or to postulaio certain exceptional conditions or circumstances in which a vessel might get through the ice and reach the shore. No ice at all is recorded on John Cabot's voyage of 149*7, and he reached the shore without mention of any trouble. The country he reached was of a tem- perate climate, and the sea swarmed with tish. On the contrary, in 1498, there was abundance of ice, and it is mentioned as something new and without precedent. Those who argue for Labrador must sweep the ice off the coast. They must find some proof that it does not exist — that somebody went there and saw no ice — and that the fisheries go on along Northern Labrador, as a usual thing, late in June and early in July. They must show that the climate is warm enough, and the soil is good enough to give promise of " silk and brazil-wood," and that the land is " fertile." It will not be sufiicient to show that some vegetables may be grown in little plots in sheltered places, where they may be covered during frosts, but that they grow without any precautions in the open air. It will not be sufficient to show that at the heads of the deep inlets spruce or other sub-arctic trees may be found, but they will bo required to show that the country is forested down to the shore, that the trees may be seen from a passing ship, and seen so that Cabot cbuld have formed an impression that he was coasting along a fertile country, or, on landing, that he could have found, a few miles from the seashore, indi- cations of the fertility he reported. In my previous papers 1 made reference to the voyage of the "Alert," under command of Lieut. Gordon, E.N. A further account of the voy- age will be found in "Good Words " for 1888, written by Captain (now Admiral) Markham, who accompanied the expedition. On the 1st of July the steamer rounded the eastern point of Labrador (latitude 53°), that is, south of the point supposed to be the landfall. " Icebergs innu- " merable lay stranded along the shore, some of them of very large di- " mensions." On July 2nd " snow was falling, the weather was gloomy, " and the ship was surrounded by loose, drifting ice, whilst the tempera- " ture was down to freezing point." " One of the icebergs wo passed " was estimated to be at least two hundred feet in height and half a mile r^ 1. • ■•If 11 ■y'l 222 ROYAL SOQETY OF CANADA " in length." " The coast of Labrador — a bleak and inhospitable country " — the utter sterility of which appeared its most noticeable feature ; the " summits of the hills and the valleys wore still retaining their wintry ** garb of snow." The following is a descnption of the coast off Cape Chidley on July 5th to 9th : " Our progress was stdly interfered witn, " and our movements hampered by ice and fog." " On deck the scene " was wild and dismal. The wind was howling through the rigging, " snow was falling heavily, and the ship was entirely surrounded by ice, " whilst the noise of the ice as it was broken by the irresistible pressure " of the pack, mingled with the howling of the gale that was raging, was " so great that it was absolutely impossible to hear people speaking close " alongside, v^n the 9th of July we passed Cape Chidley." This is the testimony of Captain Markham, one of the commanders on the "Nares" expedition, and now an admiral in the Royal Navy. The following is the testimony of an expedition of United States scientitic men which left St. John's, Newfoundland, in the steamer " Miranda." The extract will be found in a volume published by the Appletons, of New York, in 1896. It is entitled, " Greenland Icefields," and is written by G. Frederick Wright, D.D., LL.D., F.G.S.A., and Warren Upham, A.M., F.G.S.A. Starting on July 15th from St. John's, they intended to steam up along the coast of Labrador. On July the 17th they ran into an iceberg off Cape St. Charles, and had to go back to St. John's to retit. The book is nicely illustrated, and the engravings will be an antidote to any idea c f silk and spices on that coast. Thev met masses of floe ice and many bergs close to Belle-isle. The earlier chapters describe the condi- tions of navigation as follows : Floe ice is crowded by the earth's revolution on Labrador so " as " greatly to interfere with navigation. Oftentimes a whole summer " passes during which it is almost impossible to enter any of the northern " ports on account of the ice, and sometimes it is difiicult to get into any " of the ports even as far south as Hamilton Inlet, until past the middle " of summer." The following is a description of that part of the coast between Cape Charles and Hamilton Inlet, 50° to 54° latitude : " Everywhere the aspect of the coast is barren in the extreme. No " timber is in sight as one sails along the shore, and in the interior, what *' little there is in the lower valleys has small commercial value. Snow " lingers throughout the entire summer in protected places, even down •' to the water's edge, and a long, even line of water- washed rocks bear " enduring testimony to the height and violence of the waves." An extract from Mr. Low's description of the coast is given in Appen- dix A of my paper of 1896. The following extracts are from Dr. Bobert Bell's reports for the Geological Survey in 1885. He also was on the "Alert" expedition: "Beyond the straits of Belle-isle numerous icebergs were passed <« every day, both in the open water and among the field ice. When in " the latter position they were observed to be almost always, more or " less, completely surrounded by a space of open water. On the " voyage back from Newfoundland to the Straits, between the 2'7th of •' July and the 3rd of August, icebergs were again equally numerous, " especially as we approached the Labrador coast, but on neither occasion " did we meet with any of remarkable size or Leight, the great majority " of them being comparatively err all." (D. D., p. 6.) » . t:' [f, B. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T3 223 " We entered Nachvak inlet on the Ist of August, and were informed *' by Mr. Skynner, who had been in charge of the observatory station " there since the previous year, that the fixed ice of the inlet had only " disappeared on the 12th of July." (D. D., p. 7) " In the months of June and July wide lanes of open water were *' formed between the field ice and the land. As far as could be observed, " this ice was clear, or free from dust and rock-debris, as if it had been " formed away from the land. The clear ice continued until the end of " June, when foreign matter began to appear upon the slowly moving " floes." (D. D., p. 7.) " The annual precipitation at the present time is not great, otherwise " small glaciers would probably form among these mountains, which lie " between latitudes Sf and 60°, and which overlook a sea bearing field- " ice for half the year, and from which bergs are never absent. Patches " of snow, however, remain throughout .the summer in shaded parts of " the slopes and on the highest summits, which range from 4,000 to 6,000 " feet above the ocean." (D. D., p. 8.) In a paper on the Labrador peninsula, contributed by Dr. Robert Bell to the Scottish Geographical Magazine for July, 1895, we read : " The Labrador peninsula, as a whole, may be said to be more or " less clothed with forests, with the exception of a small area in the north- " western extremity, and another along the northern part of the Atlantic " coast, which may be called * barren grounds,' like those north of the " forests on the west side of Hudson's bay." In the map by Dr. Bell, appended to the report in 1888 of the select committee of the Senate of Canada, the whole coast from the Straits of Belle-isle north is coloured yellow, to show that it is part of the '' barren grounds." Such evidence as I have cited cannot be waived aside by mere confident assertions in a discussion. The ice is on the coast, and the trees are not, and it is now in order for those who praise the climate and fertility of Labrador to quote some authority to support their statements. Let it be supposed that one of my readers wishes to go to Labrador — to the supposed landfall of Cabot there in 1497 — to go now, in this year of commemoration. Ho would proceed first to St. John's, Newfoundland, and there he would find that the Newfoundland Coastal Steamship Com- pany would despatch the first steamer of the season on the first Tuesday in July (the 6th) and would be informed that she would go to Battle harbour (latitude 52° 17') and as much further up the coast as the ice will permit, and that while she may reach Hopedale, it is not probable she will be able to go so far. Ho will learn also, in St. John's, that the regular steamer on the northern route will proceed to the Strait of Belle-isle, on her first trip "on Labrador mail service," on July 13th, 1897. We are called upon to believe that the little "Matthew" dropped upon this coast and navigated up and down, and the crew landed, and hunted, and salted game, and saw nothing unusual. While the above lines were being written, the October, 1897, number of " The Toilers of the Deep " arrived, containing a narrative of the first trip this year of the mission steamer " Julia Sheridan " to Labrador. She was trying, from June 23rd to 26th, to get into Battle harbour — battling with the ice, and as she was specially built for such work, she drove in among the ice with sails set and every ]^^und of steam on. A steam launch close behind had its bows stove in But when the "Julia Sheri- dan " got into the harbour she could not reach the landing stage for ice. •11 224 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA M Battle harbour is not more than twenty miles north of Belle-isle island — as near as possibje in 52° 17', and far south of the supposed landfall. On July 3 the harbour was again full of ice, and on the return of the vessel on July 8, the cod had not struck in at the Strait of Belle-isle. It waa not until the steamer reached Blanc Sablon, inside the strait, that the fish were mot. The pilot charts record " an endless numbev of bergs " off the coast in Juno ; and, in July, they report the strait was full of bergs. I beg that it may be carefully borne in mind that these statements are not made on my authority. 1 have never seen any part of Labrador be- yond the southern coast. They are the statements of men who have sailed, and are sailing and working along the coast. It will not avail t& elaborate an ingenious hypothesis with " if," and " perhaps," and " possi- bly," and " it may be supposed," and " no man will doubt," that (Jabot might have slipped in through some opening in the ice, loosened by an off-shore wind, and got into the inner water and coasted between the ice and the shore ; any one who reads the testimony cited in this and my previoui papers — testimony of people not entangled in controversy, and with noCabotian theories to support — will see that the physical conditions of the coast of Northern Labrador are irreconcilable with the records of the vovage of 1497. This, then, is the coast which some insist answere to the contem- porary reports as fertile (fertile), as fruitful (fructiflfere), as temperate (temperata), as endowed with excellent soil (terra optimal and with such a forest growth as suggests silk and brazil-wood. If it be necessary that John Cabot should have found his landfall there in 1497 — if the documents say so and it can be demonstrated — then let us say that^ by some happy stroke of luck, he got through the field ice and touched the shore, and that on his return he and the rest of his crew conspired to make a false report, and that he dared to take an expedition there the next year to make a settlement. IP [8. ■. DAW80N] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 2S6 APPENDIX B. Thk Seven Cities. Among the mythical islands of the Atlantic was the island of An- tilia, or the Seven Cfities. The story is given shortly upon Martin Behaim's globe, made in the year 1492, and now at Nuremburg, to the effect that : In the year 734, after the conquest of Spain by the Mahometans, this island, Antilia, was discovered and settled by an archbishop from Oporto, in Portugal, who fled to it in ships with six other bishops, and otner Christian men and women. They built there seven towns, from which circumstance it has also been called " Septemcitade " (the island of the seven cities). In the year 1414 a Spanish vessel came very near to it. Behaim and Toscanelli place this island close to the Tropic of Cancer, but many of the maps put it a little further north, in the latitude of Lis- bon. Everybody believed in this island for a long time after Cabot, and we have in the name "Antilles " a survival of this universal belief. The shape of the island as laid down on the maps is uniformly an oblong, like the annexed cut, which is traced from Benicasa's map (A. D. 1482), in Kretschmer. It is interesting to note that there are names on the map. _jr^ Fig. 17.— The Island of the Sevkw Cities.— From Benicasa, A.D. 1482. and notches at regular intervals along the coast, probably the harbours — all of which is encouraging to those who take these mediaeval maps so seriously. As the island has disappeared, it is not worth while to spend time over the names. The chief value of the island in this discussion is that, as the latitude of the Seven Cities was never higher than 40° N., the indication is of a discovery in a low latitude. There were other islands to the north, laid down with equal precision. The Island of Mansatan- axio was the next farther north — the island of the hand of Satan — where, as some imagined, a great hand issued from the sea and dragged unfor- tunate mortals into the abyss. Others have supposed the name to be a corruption of San Athanagio (Athanasio), but the isle of demons which lingered on the maps for more than a hundred years longer on the New- foundland coast was probably a transference of this island. North of this was the island of Brasil, west of Ireland, and Isla Verde'** and Maida, both in the same part of the north Atlantic. All these islands have disappeared, but reminiscences of them lingered on the maps as uncertain dangers almost down to our own times, in names whose origins have been long since forgotten. One of the islands off the Cavo de Ynglaterra of La Cosa is the imaginary Isla Verde, and it is so named, although Archbishop O'Brien finds it to t>e an island northwest of Cape Ghidley. It will be remembered that the abortive expeditions from Sec. IL, 1897. 12. ■ 226 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Bristol, prior to Cabot, were all in search not of the Seven Cities, but of the island of Brasil. The search for the island of the Seven Cities had been long going on fVom the Canaries and Azores in more southern latitudes. In the presidential address of this year attention is called to the mention of the Seven Cities, bv Soncino, as having been found by Cabot at 400 leagues' distance, and Chateau bay, on Labrador, is supposed to be the place indicated, because of the basaltic cliffs which rise steep from the shore and form by their peculiar shapes a grand scene, suggestive of castles and turrets. The distance from England, however, is 2,000 miles, and the scenery, though imposing, is desolate, nor could the cliflls ever be mistaken for buildings, so that it is not easy to recognize in it any sug- festion of the rich and populous island colonized by the seven bishops, he whole story and the island itself are marely Middle- Age legends, and the residue of fact germane to the present question is that the iand found was to the west and well to the south, and that it was not over 400 leagues from England. The coast of Newfoundland, from Cape Bace to St. John's, is the nearest land to England, but it also is far more than 400 leagues away. There is nothing about it to suggest the Seven Cities. I venture to think that, if Soncino had been an Englishman or an Irish- man, he would have called the land Brasil or St. Brandan's ; but, being an Italian, the legend most familiar first suggested itself to his mind. These early maps and first impressions of the new world will lead us astray if we interpret them as if they were authoritative statements of geographical truth. Humboldt says that in the Middle Ages conjectures were religiously inscribed upon maps, as is seen by Antilia, S. Brandon or Borondon, the Hand of Satan (Mansatanazio), IsleVerte, Maida, and the immense continents of the south. The first chapter of Mr. Gr. E. Weare's recent book, " Cabot's Discovery of North America," gives a very inter- esting summary of the legendary lore about these imaginary islands. :•: [8. & DAWBON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T8 227 H <4 H o En O o o S 3 Oi 00 rH E as a o a o a u u I O 83 9 OQ O I I I .3 .a QQ 09 93 sttc s s t s-sa it •^a p4^ 55 S5 saaa o8 OQ g8 o8 -g_ ,,_ sa^ aa a^ .^ 03OO.S.SO0OOOO0.3 0OO00OO00OO-SO0OO 4J a 1 a .^ .r "O s a ^ «i A E ^ i 1 «S ^ 2 na-g .-o 1 1 • eB ^ e8 a a da Is iHMeO'^>ecoa>o^e4»-<« S^^SJ^^SSi^S^ wm J K Uam ^ 228 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA APPENDIX D. The Climate of Cape Briton Island. If the question of the Cabot voyages were debated only in America, it would bo unnecessary to say anything about the climate of Cape- Breton ; but the literature of the subject is studied by scholars in Euro- pean countries, who have never had the opportunity of visiting the shores of this favourite summer resort of tourists. I have elsewhere por- trayed the character of Labrador. Of Newfoundland I would only say that its farming lands and grand scenery are on the west coast. 1 shall confine myself to a few notices of the summer climate of Cape Breton by people not interested in this controversy, in order to show why John Cabot told Rairaundo da Soncino " that the land is excellent and the cli- " mate temperate, suggesting that brasil and silk grow there." The attractiveneps of the Capo Breton summer has become widely known on this continent since the Intercolonial railway opened up the island to travel. In the Badekor Guide (p. 87) the charm of this route is men- tioned thus : " The chief attractions of Cape Breton to the tourist are it& " delightful summer climate and the scenery of the Bras d'Or lakes." These are not lakes in the usual sense, but arms of the sea opening into the Atlantic, und the largest vessels may pass into them with ease. Sydney harbour is one of the best in America, and is a very beautiful spot ; it is about twenty-five miles from Scatari island, and close to it is the opening into the Bras d'Or, a veritable golden arm of all beauty of sea and shore which the poet or painter could dream of. The following is Charlevoix's description of the country around Ste. Anne's bay, where the French fishermen gathered in early days. It is a few miles beyond the opening into tbe Bras d'Or ; " La p6che y est tr^s-abondante ; qu'on y trouvo quantity de bona " bois, comine des Arables, dos hStres, des m^risiers, surtout dcs chgnes " trds-proprcs it, la construction et des m&tures, qui ont depuis vingt-huit " jusqu'^ trente-huit pieds de haut ; que le marbre y est commun, que la^ " plus part des terres y sent bonnes, que dans la grande et petite La Braa " d'Or, qui n'en sont qu'il, une lieue et demie le terrain est tr6s fertile et " qu'elles peuvent contenir un grand nombre d'habitants." (Histoire et description de la Nouvelle France, vol. 2, p. 398. Paris, 1744.) Bacqueville de La Potherie thus describes the island. He is writing of the Atlantic side of it : " En ^ffet, c'est une tr^s belle isle, a la c6te de I'Acadie, vis-A-vis la " pointe du Sud do I'lsle de Terre-Neuve, que forme I'entrdc du Golphe de " Saint Laurent. La terre y est admirable. Ce ne sont que Plaines, que " Pr^ries, que Forgts remplies de Chenos, d'Erables. de Cedres, de Noyera " & des plus beaux Sapins du monde & des plus propres pour la Mature. " L'on pourroit y construire des Moulins ii scier pour faire des Planches :" do Sapins, de Noyers, & de bordages de Navires, qui seroient d'un ," grand Commerce pour la France. " L'on y feroit une seconde Normandie si l'on vouloit y planter des f* Pepins de Porames, le Calville surtout y seroit d'un goftt exquis comme " celui de I'Acadie. Le Chanvro y vient naturellement, & Ton y en " trouve des champagnes toutes remplies. Le Bled y seroit plus beau qu'a " Quebec : le Houblon y viendroit aussi. (8. a. dawsom] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T8 220 " La Chasse aux Outarclop, " Franco, aux Golinotes do bois, aux Oyes sauvagos, aux Perdris do aux Tourtorellos, aux CanardoH, aux (( " Pluviers, aux SarcoUos, aux Boccassines, & a touto sorto do Gibior do riviere y rdgno do toutos parts. Jo no pari© point do la Pellotorio du ** Canada, qui n'y manque point. " L'on n'auroit paa si loin d, allor pour fairo la p6cho do la naorue *' coramo h Plaisanco, ot Ton n'y courroit point le m6ine risque, d'autant " qu'ello s'y fait prosque terro ii torro tout le long do I'islo." (Hist, do rAmeriquo Soptentrionale par Bacquoville do La Potherie, vol. 1, p. 20. Paris. 1763.^ The following is from Ilaliburton's " History of Nova Scotia " : "Although the soil of iho island has hitherto (I83i); been worked by " ill-instructed and careless cultivators, who, possessing abundance of " land, take little pains to make it productive, yet the discovery has " already been made that in fertility it-is superior to any of the uplands " of Nova Scotia." (Vol. 2, p. 258.) "A line of coast extends from tho groat Bras d'Or, in a southeast *' direction, as far as Cow bay, about thirty miles, which may be denoml- " nated the coal coast, nearly the whole range being faced with perpon- " dicular clitfs, streaked with veins of coal. Tho country on the summit " of these cliffs is level, but becomes undulating in the intodoi*. Tho land " is well adapted for cultivation, and in the unsettled parts is clothed " with timber of good size, except near the margin of tho cliffs, where it " is usually overspread with stunted spruce and other fir trees, all inclin- *' ing landwards from the fury of tho Atlantic storms, flattened at tho " *»p into the semblance of so many umbrellas. In tho cultivated parts, " however, the coast wears a very dissimilar aspect, the summits of the " cliflt's being arrayed in a green sward, gently rising as it extends back- *' wards to tho forest, which shows in tho distance a wall of majestic " trees, generally beech, birch or n;aple." (Vol. L', p. 204.) Speaking of Sydney, Haliburton says : " Tho surrounding land is a •' fine agricultural tract." Between Sydney and Lingan "the soil is for- " tile and well timbered both near tho shores and in the interior." Still continuing south, Haliburton says (p. 211) of Salmon river : " The waters " gush through a narrow channel, fourteen miles further, into the beauti- " ful Mird bay, a crescent of fair sandy beach, well wooded and com- *' manding a noble prospect of the ocean." Then follows, only five miles away, tho point of Capo Breton and Scatari island. The soil from thence southwards is poor, beyond Louis- bourg and along the coast, until it turns west at the Lennox passage. Cape Breton itself is the lowest part of the coast, and both it and Scatari island are exposed to the full sweep of the Atlantic. The coast there is rocky, and the rock is hard, being the terminal point of the hard Cam- brian rock which skirts the coast of Nova b'cotia. Haliburton says that the capo of Capo Breton is " better known to tho mariners of tho coast *' by the name of Port Novy Land, from tho small adjacent island of " Puerto Nuevo." This little islet is on tho charts as Port Nova,"" and the name is a survival of the earliest times of Portuguese voyages along the coast. I have preferred to make quotations from these older writers, because in 1*725 and 1833 tho coast was less changed, and both Father Charlevoix and Judge Haliburton have been long gathered to their fathers, and are beyond the reach of adjectives or other rhetorical mis- \t I £80 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA siles. The counties on the Atlantic are called Cape Breton and Victoria counties. An official description may bo found in a small book, published with the authority of the lieutenant-governor of the province, as fol- lows : "This county (Victoria) is 80 miles in length and only 15 to 20 " miles wide. The northwestern part is mountainous and but scantily " settled. The southwest is better adapted for agrici ure, and the soil is " particularly good in many parts." Of the other t. i description is as follows : " Tliere is good land, suitable for agricultural purposes, in this " (Cape Breton) county, but it is not in general well cultivated. Dairy " farming is carried on to some extent, and a good deal of butter is ex- " ported to Newfoundland. A large number of the people are engaged " in mining and shipping coal, and many earn a living by fishing." Mr. Bichard Brown resided on the island for many years as agent for some English mine ownera. The following is his account of it : " The summers of Cape Breton, say from May to October, may chal- " lenge comparison with those of any country within the temperate " regions of the world. During all that time there are, perhaps, not " more than ten foggy days in any part of the island, except along the " southern coast, between the Gut of Canso and Scatari. Bright, sunny " days with balmy westerly winds follow each other in succession week " after week, while the mid-day heats are often tempered by cool, re- '* freshing sea-breezes. Of rain there is seldom enough ; the growing " crops more often suffer from too little than from too much." (History of the Island of Cape Breton, etc., by Eichard Brown, F.G.S., F.R.G.S., London, 1869, p. 6.) The following is Charles Dudley Warner's description of the climate. Mr. Warner's writings are classic in America. " There was an inspiration in the air that one looks for in the moun- " tains rather than on the sea-coast ; it seemed like some new and gentle " compound of sea-air and land-air which was the perfection of breath- " ing material. In this atmosphere which seems to flow over all these " Atlantic isles at this season one endures a great deal of exercise with " little fatigue, or he is content to sit still and has no feeling of sluggish- " ness. Mere living is a kind of happiness. " Certainly, as we glided out upon the summer waters and began to " get the graceful outline of the widening shores, it seemed as if we had " taken passage to the Fortunate Isles. It was enough to sit on deck and " absorb by all the senses the delicious day." (Baddeck, by Charles Dudley Warner.) The cape of Cape Breton is a projection of a band of Primordial rock protecting the Carboniferous basin of the island. It is five miles wide from the sea to a narrow band of Silurian three miles wide, and then the Carboniferous rocks succeed. There is an outlier of Carbonifer- ous limestone on the south side of Mira bay, and at the north point the coal comes out on the shore in the Tracy seam. Scatari island is of Pri- mordial rock also. It is seen miles long, of a remarkable triangular shape and deeply indented by the sea. The outer portion consists of nigh barren moors 100 to 150 feet above the sea, not marshy, but with shal- low ponds, and the remainder is scantily wooded. The point of the cape consists of low moors with shallow ponds, backed by hummocky hills and thickly wooded with dwarf spruce. Only six miles distant from the point of the cape is Mira bay, into which the Mira river falls — "a noble " stream which broadens a few miles from its mouth into a long, expan- • ' ► [8. K. DAWMM] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T8 £81 " Bive lake surrounded by woll-wooded hills, and is justly named Grand " liira by the people." I have been particular in describing this point, be- cause an attempt has been made to apply to the whole iHJnnd the phymcal poouliaritios of this rocky point, exposed to the full swoop of the ocean, much as if one should an^uo concerning the fertility of Spain from the specimens presented at Gribraltar, Cape St. Vincent or Finistorro. The quotations I have given are from old authors or from writers not inter- ested in this controversy. It is not mo my critics are contradicting ; it is Charlevo'x, Bacquevillo, llaliburton, Brown, all of whom are dead ; it is Charlo''- Dudley Warner, who is a well-known living United States writer ; and Tilly the last sentence just preceding, in inverted commas, is by a living (Canadian, Dr. Bourinot, who was born within twenty miles of the vulley of Mira river. It is of no avail to say the point of Capo Breton and Scatari are rocky. Every promontory projecting into a wide and stormy ocean must be rocky or sandy. .It was not the poir/ Cabot wrote about; it was the general character of the country around \i if ii: 2S2 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA ' m APPENDIX E. The Tanais. I am very much afraid that our president underrates, in his address, the extent of general information concerning ancient, and especially mediajval cartography, because, in fact, that subject ^as been worked up in many excellent treatises, during the last fifty yeara. I do not think the attentive reader will be impressed with the ignorance of those who have, for so many years, been discussing this question, and I think it will be very unsafe for any one to count upon them being unfamiliar with anything reallj' important upon the subject. So far as the mediaeval fieople ai-e concerned, the case is very well put by Humboldt (Ex. Crit., , 120) : " Lo moyen-age ne vivant quo de souvenirs qu'il supposait clas- " siques, et n'ayant foi dans ses propres d^Scouvertesqu'autant qu'il croyait " en trouver des indices chez les anciens, a 4t6 agit<5, jusqu'au temps de " Colomb, par tous les a ves cosmographiques des sidcles ant«5r'eur8." They were in real truth excessively weak in geography, if their maps are the faintest reflex of what they knew, and until Ptolemy was (in ■'•409) translated into Latin their cosmographical notions were extrava- ant and fanciful ; and even afterwards, when the science of the Greeks began to spread, it was only such intellectual giants as Friar Bacon, Car- dinal d'Ailly and Albertus Magnus, few in number, who could apprehend it. The mass of men were of the order of mind which i"esisted Colum- bus for seventeen years. Still, in the manner of this special controversy there is much that reminds one of the Middle Ages, for the exceedingly strong mode of expressing dissent recalls the trenchant style of Cosmas Indicopleustes when he boiled over with indignation at those perverse ones who persisted in believing the absurd theory that there were anti- podes, and that men could walk with their heads downwards, and tb"* rain could fall upwards. That was indeed "absui-d," "senseless," "preposterous," "puerile," "childish," or anything else disagreeable which the outraged common sense of that irritable writer could suggest. The real state of geographical knowledge of that period is well ex- pressed by Nordenskiold : " During the next millennium after Ptolemy *' the art of drawing maps had become almost extinct among learned " men and scholars in Europe. Yet some passages in writings from this " long period may be cited showing that maps, of which a few are still *' to be met inserted in old manuscripts, were then in use." He then goes on to show that these maps were similar to the diagram fig. 18. He speaks of a map by Cosmas, which has survived, and of several others as " not deserving the name of maps," and says they exercised no more in- fluence on the development of cartography than the wind-heads on the maps of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. He continues : " From the " twelfth century the mediaeval maps first become of general interest in " the history of civilization through their greater fullness of detail, though " they were, with the exception of the portolanos, in every respect in- " ferior to the old work of Ptolemy." " Yet their only influence on the " art of map-making was the introduction of the custom prevailing to •' the end of the sixteenth century, of adorning maps with drawings of N3 \p, M. DAWBON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB013 233 " towers and temples, of kings sitting on their thrones in full attire, of " monsters and ethnographic details, and with inscriptions of a doubtful " geographical character, borrowed from the heathen mythology or " Christian mythology." In my first paper I ventured to state that when Sonclno said that John Cabot had reached the "region of the Tanais" he simply meant that Cabot had reached the regions of Asia on its northeastern side, and I will now give my reasons for that opinion. In inquiries of this kind it as before all things recessary to put one's self as much as possible in the position of a person living at the period under consideration, and I there- fore now give reproductions of some of the maps current at that time or anterior to it ; and here let me recall the fact that the time in question is previous to A.D. 1497, the date of Soncino's letter. Naturally Soncino could not have been referring to maps published one hundred years later — in A.D. 1618, for instance. Our own Alfred the Great, in his translation of Orosius, gave a sum- mary of geographical opinion which held good until the discovery of America. He wrote : " Our forefathers divided the orb of all this earth, ^' saith Orosius, which is encircled by the ocean, which is called Garsecq, " into three, and named those three parts Asia, and Europe, and Africa, though some men have said that there were only two parts, Asia, and " the other Europe. Asia is bounded to the southward and eastward by " the ocean, and this comprises half of all this ei?.rth from the eastern " part. Then on the north part, that is of Asia, and on the right i-ide, " Europe and Asia join together in the River Tanais ; and then from the " same Eiver Tanais south along the Mediterranean, and west of Alex- ^* andria, Asia and Africa join together." To illustrate this idea I give the following cut (fig. 18) from Norden- fikiold.*'* It is from the Orbis Breviarium of Zacharias Lilius, printed in 1493 — a very popular work at that time. This diagram, or something similar, is often found in old manuscripts, and in printed books down to And beyond the time of Cabot. Qrien^ 4( ptplelno[ Tanai^ Ni-lu$ iMeridie^ Pio. 18.— It must be turned half bound to bring the north on top. Fig. 19, on next page, is from a Codex of the eleventh century at Leipzic. It will, like most of the mediaeval maps, require to be turned half round to bo understood, because our method of i^ rawing maps, with p ■If n M \k s. ^ 284 ROYAL SOaETY OF CANADA V the north pole at the top, was derived from Ptolemy. Tanais will be fBoen at the top and Nilus at the bottom. Troy and Jerusalem occupy the centre. The Mediterranean sea is the rp.dius. The great ocean sur- rounds the world. Fig. 19.— From a Codex of thb Eleventh centttrt. The next map (fig. 20) is from a Codex at Paris of the twelfth or thirteenth century. The flumen Tanais is seen marking off the whole of Fio. ao.— This map must be turned upside down to get the north on. top. [s. E. davbon] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 23S the northern part of Asia to the surrounding ocean. Tho flumen Nilus marks off southern Asia. The following (fig. 21) is by Marino Sanuto (A.D. 1320). It is a fair map of the country round the Mediterranean and Black seas. At the end of the Black soa is the River Tanais flowing from the Biphsean mountains. Fig. 21.— From Marino Sanuto, A.D. 1320. The next (fig. 22, p. 236) is from a Codex in the library of Rheims, and illnstrates a manuscript of Fomponius Mela. The Tanais is seen there to be the dividing line at the north, as the Nile at the south. It is the western boundary of Scythia, a name synonymous with Tartary. One of the most learned men of his day was the Cardinal d'Ailly. He wrote a book which was a great support to Columbus in his anxioua moments. It was printed in 1483, long after the author's death. The map (fig. 23, p. 237) is his Imago Mundi, or map of the world. The word "thanai" will be found across the parallel of France and Rome, and Tanais is not a river but a region, and east of it are the Armenian moun- tains and the Caspian sea. While such maps as these are found in tho more learned treatises, the general conception of the habitable world was expressed in a concise form, in such popular manuals as existed, by the diagram fig. 18, and this figure is so expressive of the views of the 1 286 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA whole period that Nordenskioid has selected it as the characteristic adorn- ment for the cover of his great work on ancient and medieval geography. Whatever Asiatic land lay north of the lino of the great central sea was, in a general way, associated with the Tanais, and whatever land lay to the south was associated with the Nile. The Mediterranean, as itsname imports, was the great sea, central among the continents, and the most con- vonient and univereally known standard for reference. These are specimeuj of the maps upon which popular opinion was founded, and we see that while the Tanais was, no doubt, known to be a Fig. 22.— Iuaqo Mundi, A.D. 1417. river, the country of the Tanais was a region considered to answer to Scythia of the ancients. " Scythia was," says Heeren, "a vague name " for the country in the north of Asia occupied by the Scythians, and for " modems, Mongolia and Tartaiy, and of it the Tanais was the western " boundary separating it from Europe." Of this countrv Cambaluc (Pekin) was the capital. It was the northern capital of the Grand Khan ■of Tartary, Cabot sailed for that very country — the country of the Grand Khan (see Toscanelli's map, p. 152), and he thought he had found it and had sailed along its coasts, precisely as Columbus thought he had found Mangi. It is what we still call Chinese Tartary, and Cambaluc is still the capital. In 1403-6 Clavigo was sent on an embassy to the Emperor Ti- [b. b. dawson] THE VOYAGES (iF THE CABOTS 28T ■n- y. 18, to ae B.' as a mour, and Col. ^ule (who edited his travels for the Hakluyt society) points out, in r* note, that Grand Tartary extended from the Volga to the ocean, and from the Gihon to Siberia. " There was," says Kretschmer, " in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries still the ground idea of the " Tanais and the Nile, and the end of the Mediterranean being the western " boundary of Asia," and the region as shown on the preceding maps was a verj' indefinite one. The notion that Canada wa3 the extreme east ol Tartary survived for many years, and Allefonsce, in his " Cosmographie," savs of Canada : " Les terres tiennont h. la Tartarie, et pense que se soit " le tout del'Asie solon la rondeur du raonde." In like manner Jacques- f^^tsSeptAri^ Fig. 23.— Imago Mundi, D'Ailly, A.D. 1410. (See ante p. 233.) Cartier's commission read : " Des torres de Canada et Ochelaga passant, " un bout de I'Asie du cost de I'Occident." In like manner it is recorded that Columbus was encouraged by the tale of a sailor, who, when going to Ireland, was driven westward to a land which he thought to be Tar- tary. As a matter of fact, Tartary did then extend from the Tanais to the eastern coast of Asia, for the successors of Jenghis Khan ruled from Moscow to Pekin. In his well-known book, "Cathay and the Way •' Thither," Col. Yule illustrates this point as follows : " Thus Mela says •' that the remotest east of Asia is occupied by the three races^he " Indians, the Seres, and the Scythians, of whom the Indians and the " Scythians occupy the southern and northern extremities, and the Seres " the middle. Just as in a general way, we might say still, that the ex- 238 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA " treme east of Asia is occupied by the Indies, China and Tartary, the three *' modern expressions which answer with tolerable accuracy to the India, " land of Seres and Scythia of the ancients." That such a vague idea was prevalent at the time is manifest in the '' Historia rerum ubique ges- " tarum," by ^Eneao Sylvius (afterwards Pope Pius II.). A copy of this still exists iw the Columbian library, annotated by the admiral's own hand, and the following passage has a number of his remarks on ilie margin. Mr. Harrisse, in his " Notes on Columbus," gives a photograph of the le* half of the page, but the whole passage has been copied from another edition ; "Scriptores alii Scytharum nomen multo majus efficiunt, quos a " Germanico limite, usque ad ipsos Seras, et orientale pelagus occupare " arbitrantur ; et sicut habitabilis terrto australia iEthiopibus tradiderunt, " pari modo septentrionalia Scythis, quos cum Sarmatis confuderunt." Further on is related the origin of the Scj'thians from two brothers, the oiTspring of a being called Scythas, half snake, half woman. Their descendants conquered the regions west of the Tanais as far as Thrace, and then, turning their arms eastwards, reached the Nile, reducing all the intermediate nations, and their power extended to the Caspian sea and the Ocean of the East. To suppose that the disputants in this discussion had not weighed these matters is a serious error, for Harrisse'" has cited the very same Jassage from Soncino's letter to prove that the landfall was not south of labrador, but on its northeastern coast. It was a mistake for any one arguing for Cape Breton to build on so narrow a foundation as the ren- dering of a word so indefinite as assai, and to take a general name like Tanais in a sense so restricted. The archbishop's argument is as follows : That Tanais is not a broad or vague term, but a definite and well-known country, that region, to wit, inclosed within the great bend of the river Don and inhabited by the Tanaitse. The city of Tanais, he further points out, was lower down, at the mouth of the river, not in the country of Tanais, but on the Asiatic side. He then locates this country between 48° and 50'" N. lat., and he interprets Soncino to mean that Cabot con- siderably overpassed that country. He says that Cabot could not have overpassed its longitude, therefore he overpassed its latitude, and as Bris- tol is in 51** 30', Cabot sailed south and, considerably overpassing lat. 48", of necessity he made his landfall somewhere on the island of Cape Breton. He concludes : " The premises rest on ui ■ npeachable authority, " and the conclusion, therefore, emphatically and inexorably excludes " Labrador, Cape St. John and Bonavista." The argument relies much upon the translation of the word "assai," and it is based on Ptolemy and upon the assumption that this definite country inclosed within the bend of the Don was south of 61" 30' upon Ptolemy's maps at that time— which is not the case. It is necessary to remind the reader that, up to about A.D. 1569 or later, when Mercator and Oitelius broke frankly away from the tradi- tions of the ancient geography, the faith of the learned in Ptolemy was unbounded. The great edition of Ptolemy is that published at Bome in 14*78. The same copper-plates were used, unchanged, for the edition also printed at Kome in 1490. These very plates and no other could have been known to Cabot, Columbus, Soncino or anybody else before the year 1508. If these authorities referred to Ptolemy at all, that was the Ptolemy — the Greek Ptolemy of A.D. 141, andprinted in 1490 or previ- ously — the only Ptolemy existent for them. We learn from a note how . {g. 1. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 230 the archbishop got astray in this part of his theory. He was using the edition of Bertius, published in 1618-19, with Gerard Mercator's annota- tions, 120 years after the events now in controversy. The rtolemy maps then before the eyes of Soncino could be none other than those published at Rome in 1490, and these may be readily con- sulted in Nordenskiold's facsimile atlas ; but in it the great bend of the Tanais is not south, but north of Bristol. It is in latitude 56" not only on the special map of thfl region, but on the general map of the world. The city of Tanais is Lhere, and, as the archbishop says, it is to the south, and not in the country, as he supposes, of the Tanais. In the text of his geography Ptolemy also gives its latitude as 54" 40', three degrees north of 51° 30', the latitude of Bristol ; and the great bend of the Tanais, where the Tanailro were located, i« expressly stated in the text of Ptolemy to be in lat. 56°. It is Cape Breton which the archbishop has inexorably exclude*! as well as Newfoundland, and he has inadvertently exploded his own landfall and assisted that of the advocates of northern Labrador. In fact he might oarry us to Greenland, if the word assai bo stretched as far north as he has stretched it souta. It will be interesting to trace the origin of this singular error, for in fact the great bend of the Tanais is in 56° in all the editions of Ptolemy. Kind and very learned correspondents have examined for 'ne in the great libraries the series of Pt< lemy atlases, and have sent mo tracings, and it is certain that in the edition of 1511 (Sylvanus's), in that of 1535 (Ser- vetus's), in that of 1542 (Munster's), in that of 1564 (Ruscelli's), the latitude is 56°. These are the chief editions until Bertius's. After Bertius's edition Ptolemy ceased to have any weight, for then the modern era had been firmly established, for it commenced in 1569 with Mercator. But even in the Ptolemy of Bertius this whole region is north of Bristol. That edition is in reality a collection of geographical treatises in two volumes, usually bound together. It contains, 1st, The text of Ptolemy and the maps of Ptolemy ; 2nd, Annotations on Ptolemy by Gerard Mercator ; 3rd, The Itineraries of Antoninus Pius ; 4th, The Peutigerian Tables ; 5th, An Atlas of Maps by Ortelius. The work was printed by Hondins at Amsterdam and Leyden in 1618 and 1619. With the maps of Ortelius we have nothing whatever to do. The Ptolemy maps alone have any bearing on this question. Whoever consulted this atlas on behalf of the archbishop was unac- customed to such documents, for he did not observe, or did not report it if he noticed it, that by a palpable error of the engraver 60° was put for 56°, for 50° occurs below in its proper place. No expert could be deceived, because reading the latitudes upwards on the margin they follow thus, 64°, 55°, 50°, 57°, 58°, etc., etc., and the line of what is in reality 56° runs through the centre of the great bend of the Tanais. The edition of Bertius tnus corroborates the latitude of 56° in all the other editions, and the same latitude of 56° is confirmed by the text of Ptolemy. Con- venient reference may be made to Didot's edition (Greek, with a Latin translation), where the latitudes are as follows : Occidentale os Tanais fl. 54° 20', orientale os 64° 30', inflexio fluminis 66°. It will be seen then that the whole river is north of 51° 30', the latitude of Bristol, for the mouth is at 64° 30', and the great bend where the archbishop locates the TanaitSB is at 56°. The oppidum (city) Tanais is in Ptolemy's text at 54° 40'. The argument, therefore, of the address being based on an error falls to the ground, and, besides, on the very maps upon which the discussion if i II 240 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA IS".' is turning tho fact is apparent that the Tanais was supposed by every- body for 100 years after Cabot to be north of Bristol. Talce La Cosa's map and follow the east and west line running through tho great bend of the river. It passes to the north of Scotland and far north of the Cavo de Ynglaterra ; ncr will it help if the coast be wheeled up at right angles on the pivot of the last flag, for then the Cavo Descubierto, which the archbisnop admits to be the landfall on Cape Breton, is still north of the bend of the Tanuis and north of Scotland as laid down by La Cosa. The same is evident on the Cabot map of 15-44 and on the great Dauphin map of 1546. Tho passage in Soncino's letter which is the subject of this digression reads as follows : Et andando verso el levante ha passato assai el paese del Tanais. This is translated by Markham : "And proceeding towards " tho east he has passed as far as the country of the Tanais. Weare translates, " lias passed much of the country of the Tanais." Harrisse makes it, " lias passed far beyond the country of the Tanais." He statea that the country of the Tanais "was a welL defined coast bordering the " eastern seaboard of Asia." It seems to me a little strong to call it " a well defined coast " on tho east of Asia but it is nearer the truth than to place it in European Eussia and to inclose it in the bend of tho river Don. I have given tho Italian, and the reader may translate it for him- self. It seems easy enough, ana I hac no hesitation in following Mark- ham's translation, but tho coasting aloi.g the region Soncino called the country of the Tanais will allow any reasonable extension of the word assai. The coasting is not said to bo north and south, ind was, as I have tried to show, oast and west from Cape Race to Cape Breton, and applies to longitude and not to latitude. A few words are necessary about Tana — the oppidum Tanais of the Latin version of Ptolemy at 54° 40'. There has always been a city at the mouth of the Don, and this one was called Tana by the Genoese, who had factories there until twenty-two years before 1497. It had been the chief western entrance to the dominion of the Grand Khan, and, although destroyed by Jenghis Khan, had been rebuilt. It was taken by the Turks under Mohammed II. in 1471, and the Black sea was in 1475 absolutely closed to all Christian powers, so that it was not so likely to be referred to as a standard of latitude as any of the large commercial cities of western Europe ; and, indeed, it is of itself unlikely that a local- ity in the heart of the continent, the haunt of semi-barbarous tribes of Sclavs or Mongols, inclosed in the bend of a Russian river, should bo a standard of either latitude or longitude for a discovery upon the sea- board across the western ocean. I return, then, to the ground I took up in 1894, and I repeat that the country of the Tanais was an indefinite region cori-esponding to the ancient Scythia and the medioeval Tartary, and that it was generally understood so in the manuals and books of the Middle Ages, of which figure 18 is a general type ; that it was not in Europe, but in Asia ; that the TanaitJB of Ptolemy, if they ever existed as a distinct people, had been wiped out of human memory for a thousand years before 1497, as Soncino must have known ; for Huns, Avars, Bulgarians, Mongols of every conceivable race had swept over that country because it was the gateway through which the hordes of Asia had precipitated themselves upon Europe from the remotest period. / [S. B. DAWSON ] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABO'iS 241 APPENDIX F. Ui Prince Edwabd Island not CxBor'a St. John. I come now to a point of very great interest, not only in relation to the Cabot voyages, but to the early nistory of the Dominion, and on the threshold, I would express my indebtedness to Prof W. F. Ganong, whose I'csearches '* on the cartography of the Gulf of St. Lawrence have cleared up a subject very much obscured by hasty assumptions and imperfect information. The question has been raised anew in the president's address i)ub- lished at the commemoration, and to be found in permanent form in the " Proceedings " in the pi-esent volume. His position briefly stated is, that Cabot not only missed Cape Race, but passed through Cabot strait with- out seeing land ; that he got to the south after passing the strait, and that he made his landfall near Mount Squirrel on the inside (or gulf Ride) of Cape B.-^ton island. He supposes that Cabot remained on land for only two hours, and then sailed west at 8 o'clock a.m., and discovered Prince Edward Island about 6 p.m. on the same day, which island thus, became his Island of St. John ; that thereupon he sailed through North- umberland strait and went northwest, inside of Anticosti, which he cir- cumnavigated, and passed out by Belle-isle, seeing Chateau bay as he passed and taking it to be the Seven Cities. The reasons I gave in my paper of 1894 against a landfall at Cape- North I still hold to be conclusive. Cabot's westerly course by compass would bear him to Cape Breton, and, as he was sailing on e.n unknown ocean, and had not seen land, there was nothing to suggest to him, at a. certain point south of Newfoundland, to turn sharply to the northwest, and strike the centre of Cabot strait. This is fully covered in my first paper, and nothing has occurred since bearing upon it, save the surveys of Mr. W. Bell Dawson, to be considered later on. A careful consideration of the presidential address will reveal the highly theoretical bases upon which its conclusions rest. There are three conditions declai-ed to be essential : First, the landfall must be west of Bristol — no one disputes that. Then, it must be south of the Tanais, which is assumed to be in 48° and south of Bristol, whereas a reference to Appendix E will show that, according to the knowledge of that day, as well as according to the authorities ne has cited, the country taken by the archbishop to be the Tanais was in 50°, and north of Bristol. Then the landfall must be 2,100 miles distant from Bristol. This is near enough for an approximate distance ; if, however, we are to make the landfall inside the Gulf of St. Lawrence at Mount Squirrel, we shall be compelled to add at least 125 miles, for we shall have to sail round the whole northern part of the island fif wo can do so) without seeing land. The landfall inside the gulf fails, therefore, to comply as fully as a land- fall at the cape with the condition of distance. The archbishop, moreover, concludes that the landfall could not be on the Atlantic coast of Cape Breton, because no part of that coast com- plies with the required conditions of soil and climate, in answer to this Sec. II., 1807. 13. 242 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA i I I would refer the reader to Appendix D, where I give, not my own account, but the testimony of a catena of authors far removed in time and HDuce from this controversy. I would, moreover, observe that, as the wnole northern promontoi'v of the island is equally elevated above the sea, there seems very little difference in the conditions of a landfall on the Atlantic at the foot of Capo Enfumd, 950 feet high, or at the foot of Mount Squirrel, in the gulf, 1,220 feet high. It is exactly on the far side of the same tableland. The landfall I nave suggested as that indi- cated by Sebastian Cabot is a low rocky point, within five miles of which the land is fertile continuously to where the beautiful harbour of Sydney opens up, and beyond where the mouths of the Bras d'Or permit ships to sail into the nearest approach to a summer paradise which this continent affords. From the point of Cape Breton to the commencement of the high table-land is a stretch of sixty miles, along which the interior car- boniferous basin of the island opens upon the Atlantic in numerous capes, harbours and inlets plainly visible in a map on the smallest scale. That it should have occuiTed to any one to suggest a discovery of America from the inside of a landlocked gulf like the Gulf of St. Law- rence is one of the strangest things in this remarkable controversy. Not only is it landlocked, but, at Cabot strait, and for a long distance, as the shores of Cape Breton and Newfoundland approach, the land on both sides is exceedingly high and bold. The height of these coasts is easily seen upon the Admiralty charts and the Geological Survey maps. Com- mencing at Capo Dauphin, whore the northern ))romontoiy of Cape Breton begins, in a distance of 45 miles to Cape North are Cape Dauphin, 1,045 feet ; St. Anne's mountain, 1,025 feet ; Capo Enfum^, 950 feet, and in rear, the Sugar Loaf, 1,218 high ; and a little further away is Cape North, 1,000 feet high. Turning westwards through the strait is Cape St. Lawrence, eight miles oft' and 1,000 feet high. The coast then turns south and a succession of capes follow, from 950 to 1,130 feet high, until at 35 miles distance from Cape St. Lawrence is Mount Squirrel, l,22ii feet high. The simple fact is that all this north extension of the island is a tableland, of which the outer edge is from 800 to 1,200 feet above the Atlantic on the east and the gulf on the west. It is everywhere visible from sea at a distance of forLy miles. The south coast of Newfoundland is bold, also. Table mountain, three miles in rear of Capo Eay,i8 1,700 feet high. The cape is a very remark- able headland and is visible at a distance of 50 miles. While the strait is nearly 60 miles wide, St. Paul's island divides the distance. It is 14 miles from Cape North to St. Paul's island, and 42 miles from St. Paul's island to Cape Kay on the coast of Newfoundland. St. Paul's is 500 feet high and is visible for 30 miles from sea. For the purpose of this argument Cabot strait is, therefore, not more than 42 marine miles wide, and Cape Eay is visible all the way across. The time of the voyage was midsum- mer, when the weather is good and the nights are very short, and while the fog sweeps up from the south and frequently hides St. Pierre and Cape Race, the pilot charts for June show no probability of fog in Cabot strait at the western end of Newfoundland, and, in fact, there is very little fog in that region. I have given the height of land from the Admiralty charts, and the well known laws of visibility from sea prove that the ranges of visibility of two coasts 80 high as these greatly overlap the mid-channel of a strait 42 miles wid9. Therefore it is plainly impossible that a vessel, even if she [s. 1. dawbon] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 243 Htruck the very centre, could pass in anything like clear weather through the strait without seeing for many hours the land on one side or the other. For my part, while 1 have given the above details for the sake of those who have not sailed through the strait, I know, of my own personal knowledge, that the land is soon on both sides from the deck of a passing vessel. The circumstance of such a fact being disputed will justify this mention of a personal experience. It was my fortune in May, 1882, to bo returning homo in the SS. •' Peruvian," and on the 7th wo entered field ice off St. Pierre island. While the vessel was slowly steaming through the openings, a small piece of ice passed unnoticed under the ship and stripped off all the flanges of the screw close to the boss. This happened at 5.20 a.m. and in broad day- light. We had mot what is locally called •' the bridge," for the last of the field ice coming down from the gulf, had filled up the strait. The vessel was then precisely in Cabot strait ; St. Paul's was 10 miles and Cape Kay 22 miles away on either hand, and there, in the very strait itself, she drifted about from May 8th until May l!)th, so that for the space of 11 days I had the opportunity of studying at leisure the contours of all these surrounding lands— St. Paul's, Cape North, Cape St. Lawrence and Capo Ray. Being helpless we drifted close under the land in the bay between Cape St. Lawrence and Cape North (for tho water is everywhere deep), and then, caught by tho outward current, passed seawanls between St Paul's island and Cape North. All this while tho land around was visible, and I nm, therefore, in a position to be more certain than most people that for John Cabot to get through Cabot strait without seeing land was impracticable. Let us consider tho conditions involved in this now theor3\ John Cabot set out to sail due west and that course would bring him to Labi-ador, Magnetic variation is waived aside as being a merely ^'academic question," so he did not sail by his compass. Still, by the force of the Arctic current and perhaps tho winds, ho dropped south of Capo Race, lie still sailed west and naturally one would expect him to strike Capo Breton, but he did not. He turned instinctively to the north- west, just at tho point to strike the middle of Cabot strait. The inward current off Cape Ray carried him through and, although to be in that current he could not have been farther from the Cape than 10 or 16 miles, he did not see Table Mountain, 1,700 feet high, three miles in roar of tho point of land. Then he changed his course and again sailed west, and the Magdalen Islands lay in front of him, but tho other current running out through Cabot strait caught him and turned his course southwest until ho saw Mount Squirrel, 35 miles south, on the Cape Breton coast. Here is another difflculty. Entry Island, of the Mag- aw land to the south far behind him, 500 feet less in elevation. It is understating tho case to say that such a course is impossible ir any an-angeraent of winds, tides, currents, or fogs, which can bo imagined. This very circuitous navigation, out of sight of land, is supposed to have been effected by currents in tho strait, and we have at our hand at p. xvii. of tho "Proceedings" in the front of this volume, Mr. W. Bell Daw- son's summary of his surveys in the gulf during the past three years. On r T 244 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA in> 1 ': I i'S reference to pp. xvii. and xviii. it will be Been that the main outflow of the St. liHwronco river is by Cabot strait on the Hide of St. Paul's Island, and that the circulation of the ^ulf is kept up by an inflow on the Cape^ Ray or northern side of the strait, and that there is a space of neutral or variable current between. As the strait between St. Paul's and Capo Ray is 42 miles wide a vessel to be influenced by either current must stand well in to the land. The current inwards turns round Cape Ray and flows, not northwest, but to the north northeast along the coast of New- foundland, crosses the gulf to the north shore towards Cape Whittle, and thence flows westward to Anticosti, to the outflowing Gaspc- current. In- that way the circulation of the gulf is maintained. The hydrography of the gulf, as ascertained by the very latest surveys, thus shows that a vessel, in the influence of the current on the Cape Ray side, would be drawn to the north along the lofty coast of Newfoundland ; if, however, she should bo on the St. Paul side the current flowing out would set her on the Atlantic coast of Cape liieton, for as the whole discharge of the St. Lawrence passes out there, it is a well defined and persistent current and is often felt as far south as Scatari island (p. xviii). The archbishop considers it very unreasonable to suppose that any one sailing along the Atlantic coast of America should not nave seen and sailed through tne entrances to the gulf. I have just stated the width of Cabot strait. The only other entrances are the Strait of Canso, eight- tenths of a mile across, and the Strait of Belle-isle, not thirty but twelve miles across, because a strait is measured where it is most strait. There is nothing surprising in the fact that the gulf was not opened up until Cartier's time. Similar things have taken place almost in our own day. In 1818 Sir John Ross mistook Lancaster Sound, 30 miles wide, for a bay surrounded by mountains, and he even named them the Croker Mountains,. Again, on the Pacific coast of the Dominion, precisely parallel cases occurred. Captain James Cook made a survey of that coast in HTS and did not find out that Vancouver was an island. He touched at Nootka Sound on the west coast of the island, but missed both the Strait of Juan de Fuca a id the Dixon channel. Fur traders had b«. n for some years^ on the coast when Meai-es named the strait in 1781 which Barclay had discovered in 1787, and Dixon named the channel after himself, which he discovered the bame year. Captain Vancouver conducted a scientific- survey of the whole coast in 1792-3, and discovered and named Pugct Sound and Burrard inlet, and was the first to circumnavigate Vancouver Island. But even Vancouver supposed the broad estuary of the Colum- bia to be a bay until after Captain Gray had entered it. Then, again, it is the fact that the Bay of Fundy does not appear oik any of the maps or in any description of the coast for a very long period. Cartier gives no hint of observing the entrance to the River St. Lawrence on his first voyage, but sailed from Gaspd to Anticosti. He entered by Belle-isle and sailed out the same way, not knowing then of the existence of Cabot strait. On his second voyage, however, he sailed out by way of St. Paul. If Cabot did, as the archbishop supposes, sail round Anticosti, how is it that he did not see the great estuary of the St. Lawrence leading to- the west, for it is 81 miles wide, and the north shore is low, and not visible from the south shore until opposite Point de Monts ? There is no " pal- " pable absurdity" whatever in supposing the early sailors to have passed the opening of Cabot strait, and, moreover, we know for a fact that Stephen Gomez, in 1525, actually did so. He spent ten months on the Ijli t". ■. dawhon] TPE V0YA0E8 OF THE CABOTS 24B coast, searching from (hi\w Ruco to Floriilu for a wostwanl piiHuago ; and in tho account of Oviudo and tho map of Rihuro, wo can trace his courHO from point to point along tho coa^t an Laureittej ' $»*S(l.Ajt^1 ♦ »V \^^7 M V ^ v*^^ Ctx/AKfi aTTsrgi ^f? ''*X. ' m stamped beyond dispute by the little island in the jaws of the main island, which is the very remarkable position of Entry island (compare modern map, fig. 35, p. 257). On the mainland are E. des barques, C. d'angou- lesme, Baye de lunarie, answering to St. Lunario, and on the same coast C. de d'espoir — the Cap d'esperance (Mi3cou)of Cartier. Prince Edward Island is adherent, therefore, to the mainland, and its north coast is seen extending from the semi-circular bay of St. Lunario down past the Eivi^re des Barques, to where a break in the coast line marks the inlet at the east end of the strait of Northumberland. Take now the map of Mer- cator (1569) also appended (fig. 27). There the island is identified as the Magdalen by its position, its axis, and the three islets on the northeast, and the Prince Edward names on the mainland are S. des barques, C. des [S. F. OAWBOM ] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T8 261 ' Sinus SJ^autemty- BslTtittdeSlinre Cof JeMtiKitrtnM Gf Jit 3. Ai»^ t o Fig. 28— Whytfliet, A.D. 1597. Sauvages, and Bay St. Lunarie. The same indications are on the Whyt. fliet map (15t^7) (fig, 28) — there are Miscou (C. d'esperance) Bay de St- Lunarie, C. des Sauvages, E. de» \yui/fa j^A*-> barques, and there, very plainly, • '' "^ as also on the Mercator map, is Cap de S. Jean, on that part of the coast where we shall see the real Isle de St. Jean separate away later on. Continuing, I append (fig. 29) an extract from Hakluyt's map (1600). On it the shape, the position, the axis, and the attend- ant islets, identify the isla? 1 con- cave to the east as the Magdalen ^ and there is no other island there. This closes the series of 16th jgoQ century maps. I come now to the works of the men who colon- ized New France, and I give an extract from the map (1609) of Mare Lescarbot (fig. 30). The names are indicated by numbers on the map. Only the more important are written out at length. The numbers refer to a table, and I cite only those bearing on this point. Fig. 29.— Haklutt, A.D. r ■8- 2B2 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 2'"f''1' S"'w*' ,.••■•• • •■• ■ • • ^''|^K^» FiQ. 30.— Lkscabbot's Map, A.D. 1600. [S E. DAWBON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 268 It will be observed that the only islande in that part of the gulf are, in Lescarbot's own words, Nos. 45, lies Colombaires, alias lies Ram^ea (which we know as the Magdalen) ; 46, Isle des Margaux (Bird Rocks) ; 47, He de Brion (Brion Island) ; 48, lie d'Alezay — the sharp pointed rock of Cartier (Deadman's island). Then on the mainland are the Prince Edward Island names— 50, Flouve des Barques, 51, Cap des Sauvages, 62, Gulfo Sainct Lunaire. My point is that Lescarbot did not know of any island in the gulf which can be strained to do duty for Prince Edward Island. No. 53 is Cap d'esp^rance (Miscou Point). 1 come now to Champlain. No. 1 (fig. .31) is his map of 1611. The only islands are the islets of the Magdalens, which are those he saw when sailing to Quebec. On No 2, (fig. 32, p. 254) (1613) these islands of the Magdalen group are more developed, and are named, and here, just where on VVhytfliet, Mercator and other maps was placed Cap de St. Jean, Champlain has put Isle St. John, which marks the east end of tMilk C-AP{azfi Champlain No. 1, A.D. Prince Edward Island, then separating from the mainland for the first time This map is absolutely conclusive, for Prince Edward Island is given as Isle St. Jean, in addition to the other islands we have seen on the ina])8 all along. Wo now see it begin to appear, and the proof is posi- tive as well as negative. I give, as next in order of date (fig. 33, p. 255), Mason's map (1625). It is the mainstay of Judge Prowse's argument for Bonavisla, but I place it here because, in the position of Prince Edward Island, he has plainly set down and named Nova Scotia. This map will require to be turned upside down to get the geography right. Lastly (fig. 34, ]y. 256), I give Champlain's map of 1632, on which the true Island of St. John — our Prince Edward Island — is shown for the first time so far as my reading goes. If there exist some map of an earlier date showing it, why does not somebody more learned than I produce it ? I cannot prove an absolute negative, but until such a map be produced, rhetorical argument is wasted. 14 > 284 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA Before passing on, a few words are necessary concerning the Mag- dalen islands. In my paper of 1894 I collected, in Appendix F, a num- ber of notices showing what they really are. Some who write on this question minimize the length of the main island to twenty miles. The following is the official description, extracted from the sailing directions published by the Admiralty : " When first sighted from sea the Magdalen islands appear like " several hilly islands with channels between, but, on nearer approach, they " are seen to be all connected together, with the exception of Entry island, " by a double line of sand bars and beaches inclosing extensive lagoons " having very narrow entrances by which the tide finds access and egress." (" St. Lawrence Pilot," vol. 1, p. 41.) Pig. 32.— Champlain No, 2, A.D. 1613. (See p. 253.) C lU rui With regard to the length of the great Magdalen it will be seen on page 40 (vol. 1, " St. Lawrence Pilot ") that it is given as thirty-five miles, and the whole stretch of the group from southwest to northeast lies across in front of Cabot strait for a distance of fifty-six miles, from Deadman's island to the Great Bird. This is not my measurement. It is that of Admiral Bayfield, and is on the Admiralty chart as well as in "The St. Lawrence Pilot." Any one may read it there. Any one may measure it. (See map, p. 257.) It is very evident that on its western and southern sides the gulf was very little known for a very long time ; and the reason is plain. They (b. e. dawson] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 288 were fishermen, not furmei's or explorers, who resorted to those coasts, and they found the cod swarming in all the Atlantic harbours of Nova Scotia, Cape Breton and Newfoundland far beyond their needs, Canso, in Nova Scotia, near by, was a great fishing station. On Capo Breton the English frequented the Havre aux Anglais (Louisbourg) ; the Span- iards, Baye aux Espagnols (Sydney) ; the French, Baye do Ste. Anne (Port Dauphin) ; and the Portuguese have loft their traces in Port Nova island and Mira bay. The Magdalen islands wore well known and frequented for hunting seals, walruses and whales by Basques and Bretons, and later by English, as has boon shown in the voyages cited from Hakluy t. The fur traders to the St. Lawrence also passed by these islands and necessarily know them. None of these people were searching J !»«/«' •^ liiiNta nw^< tnrDIt Km^J,iilnl ttgli,'Cmu,iiS£ai, it f ihi > i Z ^UIU HCk. l l |, li-i f » a . T liMA «£M* tmriiiiatir4UArm^^nm4it^^mi\ S.HM. iamJtw Mil . Jcjimtt « tt* MUtflri ""^""^^^ Fig. 33.— Mason's Map, A.D. 1625. (See ante, p. 253.) (Turn upside down to get the north to the top.) for farm lands to settle upon, and the rocks and sands of the Magdalen and its harbours gave them all the facilities they required for shelter and refitting, as well as for drying fish and trying out oil. This is expressly stated by Hakluyt in the voyage of the " Bonaventure " in 1591. He describes those islands, and sets forth the advantages of the good pebble beach for drying fish. The ship is said to have sailed with the "fleet" for Canada, and she had two consorts. They killed 1,500 morses or sea- oxen on the islands. All the vessels then came in the spring and went in the fall, pnd their object was purely commercial ; not in the least agri- cultural jr scientific. In the pages of Hakluyt no knowledge of Prince Edward Island can be detected. There are voyages to the gulf, such as the voyage of the " Bonaventure" in 1591 to the island of Eamea, and that mentioned TTT" 206 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA in the letter of Thomas James, of Bristol, to Lord Burleigh the aam& year, and the voyage of the " Marigold " in 1593, and George Drake's voyage the same year ; as well as those of Sylvester Wyatt and Charles. ' Fi«. 34.— Champlain's Map, A.D. 1632. (See ante, p. 263.) Leigh. Then we read of the voyage of the " Grace," of Bristol, in 1694^ to Natiscotec (Anticosti) for whales, and of the "Hopewell" and " Chanoewell" in 1697 to the island of Bamea for morses. These voy- ' ITf [a. ■. DAWflOIt] THE VOYAGES OF THE CAB0T8 2S7 MjQB Hakluyt introduces by such headings as " a discovery of the island of " iiamea " — not in any such sense as wo now use the word, but " because " they are the first for ought that hitherto is come to my knowledge, of " oar own nation, thai have conducted English ships so farre within this " gulf of St. Lawrence and have brought us true relation of the mani- " fold gaine which the French, Britaynes, Baskes and Biscaines do yearly " return from sayd partes." Would Hakluyt have said that if he had thought that Cabot had sailed round the gulf, or if Cabot's maps hanging ^,0^' ,!>»•• "bi^ » IP FiQ. 35.— Maqdalen Islands, trackd and reduced from the Admiralty chart. in the queen's gallery had given any hint of such a thing ? The lan- guage excludes any such idea, and if it had been written for this contro- versy it could not oe more appropriate. Having so far discussed the maps, I would observe that there are notices of the island of St. John found in the works of early writers which prove conclusively that it was not within the gulf. In Appendix D to my paper of 1894 1 called attention to the report of Estevan Gomez in 1525, as contained in notices by Oviedo and Cespedes. From these it appears, as indeed the map of Ribero shows, that he reported a continuous Sec. II., 1807. 14. 208 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA coast and that tho iHland of St. John wan on tlio Atlantic seaboard and that the Cui)o of ('apo Hroton waw u )()n it. A paHsugo in tho Cosmo- graphy of Joan AUofonsco (1545) ex )ro8Hly montions those places. He says : — " Turning to tho isle of St. John, called Capo IJroton, the outmost " part of which is in tho ocoun, in 45° from tho Arctic polo, I say Capeof " St. John called Capo Broton." That is surely precise enough. There is no need to follow it further, lie know nothing about any other island of St. John. Much more to the same ollbct might be cited, but it cannot be necessary further to prove what is so plain. Before closing it is proper to advert to a passage "" from tho treatise of Galvao (Galvano), cited in tho presidential address. Tho archbishop suggests that the discovery of tho gulf by ('abot is indicated in it. lie gives tho original Portuguese : " Descobindo toda a baya, rio, onseada, " p'ra vor so passava da outra banda." Ho then says : "Hakluyt trans- " lates it — discovering all the bay and river named Desoado to soo if it " passed on tho other side." That is correctly quoted from the volume, but the conclusion is not justiHed when all tho facts are known. The arch- bishop says that Hakluyt may have had reason to know that Enseada was the name of a bay and river. '-Thus," ho adds, "wo have the name " given by Cabot to tho Gulf of St. Lawrence and to our noblo Canadian " river, for no other bay or river could bo possibly meant. A beautiful " and ap])ropriate name in sooth. It is tho desired or desirable." Tho meaning is correct of " Dosoado," but not of Galvano's word, which is " enseada," for that is the Portuguese way of writing tho Spanish " ensenad; ," creek or inlet ; and the passage simj.ly means in English, " searching every bay, river, and inlet, to see if it passed on the other " side." Any argument founded on an evident mistranslation and substi- tution of words must fall to the ground. We know from Oviedo where the Rio do la Ensenada was, and it is ])ut down on the groat maj) of Alonso do Santa Cruz (1542), far away from tho place whore ho has indicated the |)osition of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. While upon this point I would observe that tho presidential address seems to indicate a radical misconception of this matter, because Hakluyt expressly hays that the translation ho edited of Galvano was not his. In real truth he never had the original. He tells us that it was a manuscript which had been in his possession for twelve year.s — a translation made by " some honest and " well aflfecied merchant" whose name oven ho did not know. Tho original work was published, after Galvano's death, in 1563, and we are in a better position than Hakluyt to know what is in it, for a copy has recently been found and published by the Hakluyt Society, in connection with the translation Hakluyt acquired. Hakluyt says he annotated and supplemented the manuscript in places, but as ho had not a eopy of tlio original work he was unable to correct the errors of translation which evidently existed in it. There is no doubt about the meaning of enseada, for elsewhere Galvano mentions a enseada de Blijala — the Bay of Bengal — and elsowhoro Galvano, in describing an island discovered by Columbus, calls it Desejada. The translation says : " Dosoada, that is, " the desired .or wished island." 1 need scarcely add that desejada is a different word from enseada, and no argument based on a substitution, even by Hakluyt's well disposed merchant, of one for the other can possibly be valid. My argument is now closed, not from want of matter, but from reluctance to occupy more space. The question is now placed before those who will give the time and attention necessary to understand it. ^ J J (8. B. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 2B0 No one can ro^rot more than I do tho length of the |)U|)ur, but if thoro is one duty moro than another incunibont on tho momi)ors of this sect ion it is to 800 that tho history of Canathv is built upon a solid foundation. Wo must not loavo it to bo olucidatcd by scholara of other nations. Such ques- tions as those cannot be sot at rest by authority, nor by rhetoric. Long and patient investigation is absolutely necessary, and scholai*s of many nations have cheerfully given it. Many very learned luon have joined in the discussion, au,d. their loartiiug has not boon wasted, for much concern- ing the Cabots, which wasobsetlro, has bcon solidly established. It is not erudition which has entangled this controvei'sy, it i • assertion and contra- diction without evidence. Myth and legend are well ii\ their places. They are interesting and poetical, b'lt in a question of geographical his- tory, such sliort cuts to knowledge are inapplicable. Note on .Ton.v Cabot's Pension. The Marquess of DuH'erin and Ava, in his address at the Cabot com- memoration at Bristol on Juno 24, 18!t7, brought to public notice, for the first time, some original manuscripts of tho accounts of the Collectors of Customs at that port, in which the name of .iohn Cabot twice appears. The manuscripts were found in tho Chapter House of Westminster Abbey by Mr. Kdwartl Scott of the British ^[uscum, and ho, with the co-opera- tion of Mr. Coote (also of the British Museum), deciphered the crabbed writing into i)lain Latin, translated the documents into English, and teccurod their reproduction by the autotype proce.ss. These documents are of much interest, for while they are not al)solut('ly conclusive, thoy afford a presumption that .Iohn Cabot returned alive to Hngland alter his second exi)cdition — that is, from the expedition whicli sailed in tho spring of 14!)8. It will be rememberod that up to October 28, 1408 (when William Purchas ceased to be Lord Mayor of London), tho expe- dition had not returned, and also that no mention of its return has hitherto been found ; nevertheless, Cabot's pension for that year would seem to have been drawn. On December 13, 1497, in the thirteenth year of liis reign, Henry VII. granted, during pleasure, to John Cabot, a pension of £20 per unnum, charged upon the King's revenues at Bristol, to date back from Lady Day, or March 25tli. tho usual commencement of the year at that period. On January 28, 1498, this grant passed the seals. On Februaiy 22, 1498, another royal order was issued, it set forih that -'Caboot" had been delayed in obtaining pa3'ment because the king's otKcors at Bristol had no funds. Tho order waa, therefore, directed to tho lilx- chequerto issue to " Caboot " two tallies for £10 each. Tallies so issued were available for payment of taxes or other moneys due to any public accountant, and when they came to tinal clearance were checked by being placed against the counterstock or other half of the split slick, when the notches would at once be seen to correspond, if no fraud had been com- mitted. The accounts of the collectors ran from Michaelmas, September 29, and they have been reproduced in autotype for the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth years of tho king. The annexed phototype is a facsimile of a few lines of the account in the thirteenth and fourteenth years of Henry VII., or from September 29, 1497, to September 28, 1498. On the 260 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA fifth line is the entry : Et in thesaurio in una talUa pro Johanne Cobooty. XX Li. : In the treasury in one tally in the name of John Coboot, £20. The presumption is that one tally was really issued for the whole amount, and that John Cabot negotiated it with some one who owed the king money for dues. So far the transaction seems clear, for we kno^- John Cabot was in England until May, 1498, during the currency of that account, but the account for the following ye»r has also been reproduced (that is the year September 29, 1498, to ^ptember 28, 1499), and in it is also an entry to Cahot as follows — this time spelled right : In the treasury one tally in the name of John Cabot, £20. It would therefore appear that a tally for the second year of the pension was issued and negotiated, but whether it could have been issued, during Cabot's absence, to his representative, or whether, of necessity, it had to issue to him in person, some one more learned in such matters than I am must decide. The second year of the jiension, it must be remembered, began to accrue on March 25, 1498, be- fore Cabot sailed, although the tally was passed in after September 29, 1498. The point is, whether a tally could issue in advance against the second year of the pension, which really had commenced to be curi-ent while Cabot was straining his resources to fit out his second expedition. If that was not possible, Cabot must have returned after September 28, 1498, and have got the tally himself. The question is not easy to answer, for it demands a very intimate knowledge of the rules of the Exchequer at that time, and it is unsafe for any one in a new country to express an opinion upon such a subject without long and careful inquiiy. No doubt every facility possible was aflbrded to Cabot, for the king advanced £30- to Thomas Thirkill and £30 to Thomas Bradlay, as straight loans, and he gave a gratuity to John Carter of £40 5s in aid of their ventures " going " to the new ile." These autotypes came to hand just as this paper was closed, and hence are not referred to in their proper place. Only 150 copies were issued. (William George's Sons, publishers, Bristol.) Mr. G. E, Weare, in his " Cabot's Discovery of North America " (London, 189Y), published for the first time an extract from a statement of the accounts of the collectors of the port of Bristol, by which it appears that they had in their possession an acquittance for £10 paid to " John Calbot, a Venetian, late of the town of Bristol," on account of his annuity of £20 per annum, " to wit, for the term of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary." Mr. Weare concludes that the term referred to was "lip to and inclusive of the 25th of March, 1498, and that there- fore John Caboc sailed on his second expedition at some time after that date. Other considerations lead to the same conclusion. Questions con- cerning the history and antiquities of Bristol will, however, be more appropriately left in the hands of those who, like Mr. Weare, have made an especial study of them upon the spot. The materials for lorming a sound judgment do not exist in Canada. f I ' m I Co f r 4& "^- - t f^f 44 ^4 » > •:t ts. K. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOrS 261 TRANSLATION OF ANNKXKD EXTRACT. £ 8. d. Bristol,— Arthur Kemys and Richard ap Moryk, collect- ors of the King's Customs arid Subsidies lliero, from Mich, 13th y'of this king, to the same feast next following, render their account of 1282 8 llj In the ti-easury in three tallies in the name of the King's household 600 In the treasury in two tallies in the name of p]astmarch .." 121 12 5 In the treasury in three tallies in the name of said collect 01-8 l 8 &(•.., &c., &c.. &c. ' ^ i.nj'^f™ f ^ [B. B. DAWSON] THE VOYAGES Ot THE CABOTS 263 "§1 NOTES. 1 -(Pace mt). Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Vol. !», 1893-94. The paper was read Nov. 14, 1893, and is entitled "The Voyages and Discoveries of the Cabots." .,,,,„.-. t i • 2 -(Page 141). Cabot's Voyages ; a Lecture delivered at St. Patrick 8 Hall, St. John s, Newfoundland, January, 1897, by the Rt. Rev. Bishop Howley. St. John's, N.F., pp. 29. . . ^ . . 3. -Trans. Royal Soc. Can. for 1894, Sec. 2. First paper of the series of Cabot papers, pp. 55, 4.-Jean et S6bastien Cabot par Henri Harrisse. Paris, 1882. 5. -The Discovery of America by Henry HarriHse. London, 1892. 6.-(Page 142). Letter, Sept. 5, 18!K5, to Evening Telegram, St. Johns, N.b. 7.— Magazine of American History, Vol. 26, p. 207. 8,-Letter, Jan. 27, 1897, to St. John's Telegram. 9.-The Forum for June, 1897, p. 473. New Yr.k. ^ „ im i«ff7 xO -This paper was published in the Morning Chronicle, Halifax, N.S May 13, 1897. Capt. Smith commanded for many years steamships of the Allan Line. Valuable tables of ocean distances and courses are given. ^,. . , 11 -(Page 143). Presidential Address before the Royal Society of Canada, published in the Halifax Herald, June 26, 1897, and in the Proceedings at the com- mencement of the present volume. 12.— Morning Chronicle, Halifax, N.S., Aug. 7, 1897. 13.-Letter in Evening Telegram, Sept. 19, 1896. St. John s, N.l^ 14 -The Earth and fts Inhabitants. Appletons, New York. See the volume on America. Translated from the original Pans edition 15._(PaD;e 144). Life of Columbus, p. 342. . „. , ,t i • 16.-St. John's Evening Telegram, Jan. 26, 1897. Letter criticising Bishop Howley s Lecture. 17.— St. John's Evening Telegram, Jan. 26, 1897. | 18.— /6. Same date. 19.— (Page 145). Lecture, p. 36. 20.-(Page 148). lb., p. 16. 22 -(Page 149). lb., p. 13. John Cabot had heard this during his travels in the earlier part of his life. As the Christian names are not given in this passage, the personalities of the two Cabots are confused. 23.-/&., p. 17. 25 -(Page 151).' See Art. 13 of the Treaty-ccnveniently in Prowse's History, p. 258. The error is, doubtless, a slip of the pen, for the fact is well known to everybody in Newfoundland. It was not until 1783 that Cape St. John was fixed upon by the Treaty of Versailles. 26.— Lecture. Note at p. 28. . ^. . , a t 27.-(Page 152). Answer to Archbp. O'Brien in Halifax Morning Chronicle, Aug. 7, 1897. ^ 28.-Newfoundland and Labrador Pilot, p. 349. London, 1887. 29.— (Page 153). lb., p. 16, and p. 381. m- (Page 154). Forum, June, 1897 ; and " John Cabot, p. 63. 31.— Toronto Globe, Sept. 22, 1896. 264 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 32.— (Page 154.) John Cabot, p. 03. London, 1896. 33.— (Page 155). E'abyan's Chronicle. 34.— (Page 156). Maxwell's Newfoundland and Labrador Pilot, p. 17. " It is better to " make northing on leaving the channel. The New York sailing packets " and the autumn sailing vessels now go up to 53° to make the Gulf of St. " Lawrence." In the Newfoundland and Labrador Pilot, published by the Admiralty, 1887, it is stated at p. 17, that "Admiral Lavand, of the " French navy, observes that the best route to follow on leaving the Eng- " lisb Channel is to make a little northing." Cabot could not have known all the reasons which now dictate this course, but he did know well that he was sailing on a globular, and not on a plane surface. Introduction to V^ol. 86 (181)3), Hakluyt Society, p. xv. (Page 158). Discovery of North America, p. 451. See Appendix A to my paper of 1894 for a translation of this valuable and apposite treatise. (Page 159). The Discovery of North America by John Cabot, the alleged date and landfall ; also, the ship's name, the " Matthew," a forgery of Chatterton. Third edition, revised and enlarged, with a supplement— Mathematical Demonstration of the Fallacy, etc., etc. London, B. F. Stevens, 1897. (Page 162). United States Coast and Geodetic Survey. Report for 1880, p. 414. -lb., p. 407. (Page 163). Discussion following the reading of Sir Clement Markham's paper. Halifax Morning Chronicle, Aug. 7, 1897. (Page 164). The Cabot Controversies, p. 12. Cambridge, Mass., 1896. (Page 168.) The Discovery of America by John Fiske, Vol. 2, p. 14. ■lb.. Vol. 2, p. 16. ■lb.. Vol. 1, p. 447. Dr. Justin Winsor (Cabot Controversies, p. 12) says there is good reason to believe that Ruysch used Cabot's charts. (Page 169). Facsimile Atlas to the early History of Cartography, by Baron A. E. Nordenskiold. Stockholm, 1889. Examen Critique, Vol. 4, p. 161. (Page 170). Lecture on Mediieval Maps. (Page 172). History of Newfoundland, p. 13. Newfoundland and Labrador Pilot, p. 27. (Page 174). Halifax Morning Chronicle, Aug. 7, 1897. ■lb. (Page 175). Report and hiditorial in London Times. -Letter in St. John's Evening Telegram, Sept. 14, 1896. (Page 176). lb. -lb. -Magazine of American History, Vol. 26, p. 287. -Trans. R. S. C, Vol. 12, Sec. 2. (Page 178), The best facsimile of this important map is in Harrisse's Discovery of America, p. 217. It is reproduced twice in Winsor Narr. and Crit. Hist., in part Vol. 2, p. 219, and fully in Vol. 4, p. ;^8, where the features noted in the text will be found. Kretschnier's facsimile is defective on the coast of Greenland in not indicating Hie ferme. Terra or Tierra flrma is not found in any of them. 62.— Discovery of Newfoundland by John Cabot, St. John's, N.F., 1897, pp. 10. A facsimile of Mason's map is given on p. 253 ante. 6:i.— (Page 180). Letter to Evening Telegram, St. John's, N.F., Jan. 27, 1897. 64.— History of Newfoundland, p. 60. 65.— Edward Haies's Account of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Expedition in Hakluyt's Principal Navigations. 66.— (Page 181). Lecture, p. 35. 35. 36. 37. 38.- 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48.-I 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55.- .56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. Is. E. dawsonJ THK VOYAGKS OF THK CAB0T3 268 67 68, 69. 70, 71. 72. 73. 74, 75. 7fi, 77, 78, 79. 80, 81, 82. 83, 84. 85. 86. 87. 88, 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99, 100. 101. 102, 103. 104, 105. 106. 107, 108, 109 110. Ill, 112, 113. 114. 115. .-(Page 181.) Lecture, p. 37. —(Page 182). John Cabot, p. 115. —Letter to St. .Tohn's Evening Telegram, Jan. 2.'', 1897. —Halifax Morning Chronicle, Aug. 7, 1897. —Rejoinder to G. K. VVeare-Notes and Queries, Aug. 14, 1897. —(Page 183). Exanien Critiiiue, Vol. 5. p. 1.52. —John C.ibot, p. 8S. Note. —(Jabot Controversies, p. 14. —Divers Voyages. Quoted also in Harriase, John Cabot, p. 373, and in Weare, Cabot's Discovery of North America, p. 2.51. —Lecture. Page 11 for Puebla's theft, and p. :J5 for Cortereal's. —(Page 186). Lecture, p. 25. —John Cabot, p. 281. —(Page 187>. Life of Columbus, p. 027. —Ih. These statements are the veriest commonplaces, but they may be seen here at a glance. -76., p. 0.39. —Facsimile Atlas, p. OS. —Notes on the Verazzano Map. Journal of the New York Geographical Society, Vol. 4, ]). 240. —Facsimile Atlas, p. 51. —Lecture on Mediieval Maps. —Life of Columbus, p. ,531. —(Page 188). Discovery of America, p. 267. -John Cabot, p. 86. —Th., p. 80. (Page 189). 7^., p. 10. -(Page 190). Discovery of Maine, p. 193. (Vol. 1, Maine Hist. Soc.) —Tb., p. 193-Harrisse, Jean et Sebastien Cabot, pp. 206, 272, 274. —John Cabot, p. 279. —(Page 172.) lb., p. 112. —(Page 193). Forum, June, 1897. -Introduction to Journal of Columbus, p. xxi. (Hakluyt Soc, Vol. 86.) —John and Sebastian Cabot, pp. 7, 51, English translation. Detroit, 1893. Cabot Controversies, p. 13. —Forum for June, 1897. -(Page 194). Histoire du Canada, Vol. 1, p. 58. —(Page 197). Arber's Three First Books on America, p. .350. —(Page 201). St. Lawrence Pilot, Vol. 2, p. 304. One of the causes of these wrecks, l)efore the lighthouse was built in 1839, is stated to be the prevailing current setting out of CaboL Strait upon the starboard bow of vessels on a westerly course. This was pointed out in my paper of 1894. -Histoire de la Nouvelle France, Vol. 2, p. 409. Further particulars will be found in a Note to Charlevoix's Letters. —Principal Navigations. ~-/b. —(Page 20J). Voyage par ordre du Rol, p. 41. Paris, 1753. —Principal Navigations. —Newfoundland and Labrador Pilot, p. 8. —(Page 203). Life of Columbus, p. 342. —Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 04. -(Page 205). Uk, p. 60. —Lecture, p. 13. —lb., p. 11. — G, jgraphy of the Sea, by Lieut. Maury, U.S.N. —(Page 206). Principal Navigations. il 266 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA 110.- 117.- 118.- 119. 120. 121.- 122. 123.- 124.- 125.- 12(t.- 127.- 128. 129. i:iO. -d'age 207). Lecture, p. 15. -(Page 208). Hakluyt Society, Vol. 86, p. 202. (Paae 211). Letter to St. John's Evening Telegram, Jan. 27, 1807. Decade-s. (A.D. 1510.) (Page 212). John Cabot, p. 77. (Page 214). Forum, June, 1897. (Page 215). lb.; John Cabot, p. 63. -JohnCabot, p. (58. (Page 225). Examen Critique. -(Page 229). St. Lawrence Pilot, Vol. 2, p. 302. -(Page 2:«). Facsimile Atlas, p. 38. -Page 2;W). Discovery of America, p. 407. -(Page 241). Mr. Ganong'.s papersjare : Jacqucs^Cartier's First Voyage, R. S. C Trans., Vol. V., and Cartography of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, R. S. C. Trans., Vol. VII. -(Page 247). St. Lawrence Pilot, Vol. 1, p. 51. -(Page 258). The Discoveries of the World, by Antonio Galvano. Hakluyt Society, Volume for 1862. The MAfiDALEN Group. As represented on the earliest maps. \i J.- — ■»^wTH)r«»*y^ »SJ Fiiifjj/ I \ / /S^-" . A' .It. ^MpP't^ ! rV<< -^., ?'■«<^ / I B ;^'*k«ni» \ "^ i^-v --.^. ^.v :x !"i*rd ^^ k /I .J. -Wril ^V-^t. tivvrc ta ii'vArrWi I rtlr .y y it. -/-- V \ \ \.»v:i'* s > ^-/-- in\\\ smvf^ iW. ™j»i*fv*f?^ A( p« «2:::z5f >^--c Kii^yir.:*: :rM; .•: .-vak ii:_A .usa.fh Bi'xvfsifecLii.irMRTiii:.! ItHHUHHtT ♦ I' _L_L WORLD MAP OF JUAN DE LA COSA, A. D. 1500. Reduced by Photo-Lithography to a little less than half-size from the fac-simile in Jomard's Monuments de la WORLD MAP OF JUAN DE LA COSA, A. D. 1500. bto-Lithography to a little less than iialf-size from the fac-simile in Jomard's Monuments de la Geographic. VL 11 / 'U fit V'iifE'M'-l.M^. ■■sahN*- / :» tnuy ricu , . DEL ALMIKANTH. i>^ F^afallnnec DonCtirifto(ulCoton:dc nadon glnoucy, ft nfVtfno ilot CithattioiRrycf.dc gtoriofa manorij.qtic 6tti\ihf*' r SiaiiQalyttaTaBnncdcLttlnai>t,purrt o«alik;,^' iwclvKlAitnodt i49ipiJrua4U(Lritbrit Ui,y JtihIi iiiuliUmtUiruiiiuctMJipuloiuiUipio&Kudo.ckliihatkfinJtnmMiio* l'-^f*> "• ArcfWtlJiflu%I>»mlnu*ChnlluplipnuCk>ton:iUhoiKLigui,4lKnum>mff ArnJcnnlfa!ndoiimtliifu^ I I '^' ' JtifiCatholKii fccliclf mrirtofu polbana dl.Ri a«l hjiic prouuuuni i4^ctKnJim , nevcduui tibi ftbund< imptrKkruit.ffnippc qui aAifBAuuMgrcgivxpp«ranj^o'nniliut,luHut(iiiiiirmM»'ni>ti, Anno^utbcrttUiiipio 149a. j»olti« tliulu i^[ui a Unti itcki ifiioiit paui . I |,^*^j ' EtitaUkElpfAolf ay nuKhoiiVidcruli^iiucnioyAUtlmiiy lino.y it'iKboiOKar.y tanaH]lolj,^infuufDgank:lotfett>dafu(fW I LotpwUTQidciUilU'tuniktsdr^tntft.coiiMuiciiMUcHraipanru.tinnoTiiMccUa Jhai(bmudtfH[^ I pnndpaldc^«iUnbtiidikR>nlJ~)ofl>ntpit,i]iui^uiMcib'-IailniuyliiKiu,yf ,y (HubljtJoi put l(\U:fpanurci.V cnU iluUc Cuba,/ iJ( latii kvii,v(iitoJ.ii I tivMru ilUi tV: (wrra tinm ft halUmfKhu Oro dciUkiniicncViyciiUcilKlaiiJcbarKtlDininftotifmhiinagfruJl'uiltaiiulUnaKral.y cinoduslaioirof piKbla),YP'0Mo>R<* btriiadura,yK£gMk>rtittiiilai|:ob(c/iuiiyngtii,|nninuflia luMxM.y ij.UfJialV uaii dctaibrkitdonuouiiicrrsiyttrouiiinu I pot dondc nocHra laiHlafittMiholii'i,chyJiraiTtuyiuiiKiiuJa,y cltQiUcynoidc CalUlaJuiigtiiidckidosdemuy gl» I I y ti(]ursak. ' I iN'.x Hilpaiiiahrc Inliila innuinaipra*A£ >niKflttpimcl) Pluiiino indc (xita/loabundai auro.Saccaio ^CafTia fduU [ pn-niulixnaiiiuinnaiionrj^ctuMliinlAkOriuiM iHinuf.lVjn^uvautrmonuivjfai^lljm'ti l)oiriiiMu.>iuxnuiuiiiingnu(irc p< iiir,inulii>ii cutnnKrai,Trliuuxli((\»l«in(^'olwuj: diu'lx ib Hil[3aiiii ^V coiiditx ruiii.V.)uba: at Jiut loarnu r^ttiMtf omnibui IcM liilii,MubtrnafnT(i&jiopuiotrr]*ttnr.rM I ii.)ii<^l<^uiuriiKcriiaicpo(iu:iqiumfni}nia(fiv'iibuf Jnfo^iiujT(uigiiiMXiiobi«tttdgnnnr[k;ioiuiiiUKiapci(iailw I (III <4 J^xio iidco £i(li>ilici tccli\ at t'atflliliniJpLt iiicrc quar?u Uiiui'a Ay (11 dtu abdad y tniodu U«unmi prouuiiiu I • '~ inucho 01 1> I'laia drnafcitnicruo.y dc i*du gawiQ Jt picdra\pT(ciolai,y atalf ciiLi dluncrra y prouinnat^Ailllia feda y nwy bucxu I - ■ yi(godoi<,yaluinbr<,orcKiJlaypaAcl,<;TaiMyacalrai) y acuiary Jttotlolii f bio dxho nui(ha niti{dad.ddlv)iiaIiiHHMfenaoiuicn I *f w ^- ciuarf;adaiaello>Rrynoidii picdrai nt chn(ai,y prlrai dc lulot, Vlandio* ItuW ^ ' \ eacifrta crpcuedcpapcl,cnciquaf(trfitf lugai dckiiai. NiincatuuicTonpax(nir<(l» (DK,anlca KisunaipciGif^auan alovtKipKtftnbatairaycAniiiiuat.riilai qukka lov qu< cranprrfo* dc i;iu ptm y d< oira.kM rnlmi# goiloiraortbcauan iTutdiolcscuyoinilrpoi murno* rranmaiiiciiiinicit^i»piiilkoala hurfl< Erati ydoUnuyadonnnloquf W* Uianioiaiu.cranmuyamig^ojdccdmrrcam^hununapurf. t.qiiralprtrtiucrcdrrpouirundraquflUtlicruyciuck^atlKimbrtijf fcuilWronJc UritChrlrtouTyiiidvdcbucncoiaionuuciirafaiu'Ul'.yHuangtlici.yobcddaendu^liii^ainadn y^fu yaw* mandamKniOf fan^tiOimot. tT.t HarKConniimKHrpamlfuunomtne noitam HiTpaniaindtiitiiniriaiittrii.q^aniilluniu.donimus FfmanduiConcnus.Vallu &GiUKact NUrthioc«pugriauit,cHttplunnixinruitLprDuiiwi;r.uibcc>f itinuntrrxhabitaniur.quaruniDifignioc ^'lcxK^llnnanol piritrJndoniinnnniinc.HrcliquKhninuiiKro.qunf^rnuiiKolojUJinnutiacic);dii.cam paral^^i\,ind<-ciTnAarTMximiann&af^aiiicopij,acprcaoli«Iapillii,cumrcliqua'a[ixhuia«proumdxurbTigridijnipafiiniuat;4iuT,auiiiin^ uu|jtiltuiiiiiickhau(ta propcmodum iiiuliiuJo .qiut (liiidtin locx Tmnt'iiimiriwiil plriTa.liaCjcnsdoCliliinM&appnmanudio&clt.uin aJK)rTnamlai(]uidcrttniiprtisli:ulp:iviianc,i.|Uamadrffigi«iKia»qiiaiuiacai* Artigurisgraphic<>^nntmmulUfCsgannii\,udionibu<&prrciofisUpitli3adoriianiur.PapynquodUingrjKrcIndiutuiMur,ui(^ |igiuiiquibuAlanidcbniaiii,qiJxcuiu}UiuIurniiiprolitcns.Nunqu]miiiu(uopa<.tmiracniittconconli racdcit.quiiuiDorcuuuccai inrcqucbamm bcUtsa6idiiuacdcicluiKbi.Qiuucnjntu(racyacicuiclicapitbinir,liir(u iiM^unadqipam)iptouictaifabtaklMVa quoruincidaucrapropiiblicudapibumtrtquupparabaiiiur. Lagcmldolurumtulinx (Mdrarnu hominimi auidi&ima.ldorv batcy onuiuqmba'i animua cajtrd(protjuatur,ucnrr(uir,&colj(:EuangfliaL tiJiN.ChnlLcuIf^ircligionlKnmtcrcrcdciHj cnEran^q)Caiholicxonhudo\ormnH<^lrljf rync(risnion]tiidiuiiii5qiprxccpllalulf iinsJnnidaqiirrumaodUdmaiuluhaztrp rati JdcnibnmicniodclaidiidsilV)s,y por loJiiSiiullun del Camip.ci ai'aluT uucti duho Fcnundo dc NiagaJanca dcftubrio C CKTCcno de todoi lanctoi^l qua( nu Ai«)). gndo-: y mo hana^l polo AnraTiiiu.yddpueidcaucrpanadoddkliDylttd lynDrandiAimoirjbaioypcligro,pn>G5;uiolu uiaif naztalaidnhj^iynu ,por e{i>aGo d^muchoi dtailkgoa unu yflu ddaaqi Ui Ij nundjoiul ddUi kIu en xu .gradoi>y por fcr i^cttic Jr Ila taiihulicioU y por qudct hurtarond huddc uninao .hpulki notnbrc U ilU dfloa ladroncs,ydc ay palT^utoidii ru'maie,(umodidio n.detoibuo Biui ilU quck pufit^^ <}ucaytor;iaionagiu,yd(ayadclanu:dc^ubtii:conotraqutrcdirrBunhain,yAccilatu>yo[r]i qucfedizf CubU|Cnla(^iidyfll& noddid\oCapitanHrmandodcMaf(lUaat*,munadaiJ)iorCapitandclla dquatdcrpufidciciibdtfhyili dchmdanaotm nqBdayfM orodena(bmtriUo,ycandanuiyKna,nafiymirmod(lcubnoala yflade Poloan.yaladeBnuuy, yaXackQjMD>yaHffltdtf w» dori.yaladcTcrrnaii.yMotil.yon'asiiiiKliaiciitaiqualfiaymufhnoroydauoyaurz moTcada yotioKaurvwk^Citlaydrail gucria Cargo d ^ctio Stbaftiaiid.'lCsnnodojnao* qiicksaiiuqufdadodcancoquet^te^^^^^ m m i^Mnr^^M _porqun dlftUfMiddC«uwcitu(i c indorum Infulaiapcnuidi* S.c.(.Maicilai Carob ImpcrtfOTU dotnilti n All huiiu nomine qLJinnJiurtgiaHifpanorumUariiduccm&gubrmator.-mprffrcirat.qufquidtmirafturpormHillMUan dibuiislVucxprouuuixnautKumloliiir.liit2C|iprimohYiiunOnnuumSanAt: daud line inaxuno Tui pcnculo fuonimiy labotc v fcUi.ultrnustuuigarcptigcrtt.Tijtdcml'Jntfopo/ttanporcqLiibufdamappuliitiirult^iJqiubuiiPokiArAiro.qiucmi^ada tidtnnrxpchonun« agUiiiit appnmr cillidiruiit, quorum l^^gM^. qui cymbuUpctuicmaimdidK^ coU«m iquanim iteillitoiwigii; i^famftil *. *" Badtfha Fcmwdm MaLgallumttcnngrtfTu quodam Indonan Hoftum uiafiai Aim d^^ loanncs ScbaAianut tl^C^fto rotiui dafaia (uffrasin,uont(^ omnium de fbis fodidter ruccdni,qui pof)ra fcqucntnla |UasBcApoloam.Brun«i,0[k4oiAHdori,TcTratari, MMil.aluKpqiiAmplurimul^^ pro^ifW 3pcrult,quibuamuujn J ■uri copfacKOriMg.Qaano|rfBto»iw,C«l i iflo m i.micfab wimflKF.ac omnium aromimmSf mfrdum.adcd ui ipf< da&iarim loannu SAift a wmdd C«»diMiuuca'crt|iiWb^airr>(iiirohimcs,Tidori hiTuia GarinpKifliionrrauu . In iDa PiqufttL ■^T«fltiaiinnan*tnabiiiMrolnUl«mitaiimprodtidihir«:Abum^ qMtoinn eriammntlniamaiplam indub^m. Dum^i it ad Hifpamam pn man Irxlinim rcdi^ fHumpraptrmt; ahcranafhuni, lenrinam eiandartbaud ^il« uairm . nc Ruchbut obruoYror , Ttdod InfiiUm iterum prnr< ro« Am Wt.unA iriarwiK tin tocprai. loannti u«ro Scbaftianu^ dd Canno bonjc fpci pronionrQnuprriMiiabu,naui/ku uthc batur J niingnirfmiiii/h-iT ^UIliaHdpab« dutuan Bcacscrtgionis tuco adirc podcut cfljundc primuinnli^ut uicfaouiati Aiua tf ll«ta^KdfH^»diiftl.Eicquofari»amftailo3nnfm?.b^^^^^^ * J «kojpdcniafcmpbg.midq.pmncauu.u.cam™ii;nuad.rc.i,R:fcaH,,.ZT5S«o^M£jHSBS*''"'**" """'i uin.fcmyo oewmw. «i "■iiW^cnnl.d.Afoibdi'M.fciJimf tMJttHfJuL ' I' '"""'"; ^ yw.lHt pf tJicy uiite KiO,iii!l;Ii^,.,, K oih illu nctri tuii, y rm (i„ r;r,- Ji(,ir . y priigroi af^Slfu prifotuconi bxU. Jhi oicnid.,*i«dw UgblSanrdKU uuftd, fr^iV^l "' T ? ""'■'"""' Y """> ""S^.y "««" kguuur dixaiqiK If "lii.llj II. rKquciiofr nonr iinik i.„i-.,n r.,. i... njof.y,oi,.cr6(iitgf>«i«l mMmathSi(JHacamrM^witfwSli a caujji J no / / !".'f'E'J'"mV 91™''' Imimemtndirl rry lUjii i/ra / s faymiiiirbnmJrmdirniHiAj'gitqml^ i.J-J^ ' ['T^^W.'E&Sd^Hff^'^li'^ 2^ V 1 ;yr JMlvN^V4i<- >3^^ -V- A- \ \x j^A-X\\-^ r7\W\^: / I i i 1 ' \ \ V \ ^ I ' I i \ ' iv. V V \ t» \ /. "f-: 'U-UU ' f|-ar.:; Ki /! ^I^j — ^-1— L It T'l/ \ I ocbi\t> Eik L ■"?=r Hti jletnAda N, f " ""^T •'"^'^ i|i 04 Uin/it\iif lant li cent nttfiad a ami mif^ , ifafm tat "DELjSViR c^^ \ Ciy--:a..Ai \ M 1 ^ 'V^*^. --+•- frJu:^ f:*-" '^ %XlJ.Vy' -rf xf .y»rw A/ ^, m'w^Ij f'. J^*A ^ ^S^i^X* i,brt^niiii tSk^S^^^T ip5v ri^ Tw^D^ 1 R3^ tW^ tej gSvp^ Efvr^ ri^^T*-" 'xRa ^^ ^^M yig S^^ m^^ ill 0£i •.wr,';y- ../ "ffour j^cJKi -j-i — f- -+■ u. :pa J 1>I.. '•■!»l'l..; WM'' S^r-i' AT /■ qr^num -"(/fu. h^t '^■^" a^t] ■T ■ '•■ V i Tj^-Wl^. •H — 'if Jill \tT lir 'itpirlrw i \ i \ I J -i -.- PIT i flif4r'f«_u p^.iL I f U/fh'iJJrlttU^^^^ { !%•• ^A \:\. i^-,; ;: i-/^,,, f ^i! ^ : ^ f ;•■>? \ \ J^>4j..%--r/r?afev»| Vf^qSrrrJflibfriicifplrtru' A ^t-"^ 1 _^.- ?_.A- "tpiV, kl»Av.> .'If^ ruhn ftiA^Pigmm ijf ncraniur nuqitni* \n\Ut ■ W'l> A(|utAymo<|^i.l>'itjhntuiK .jvfni>^f rnjHi>!<'l ii<(*i:ta otKnir-w MiM^4yuiiothombr(ti|WMiKiiai(oyon(u(jn*Mf^hAml')Kfat«JfT,v«',f Jir llafoi Uquttfrtc (iri liu , Ual*i»ijmiiiiu)inmeilinn*,haT';iiin')"i*KinijdKrui«r >iljniijiifn(ti*4itj!vnhinM)JcioJjrK|Ml^nuiNilihillJi|iif(ur^ jk>ritbjijlMjlb;iiiumiiinu^hi<\r.r«boruii>.t.*n«- f'nut tjqmlgflK* ■ «v \-ivt Hilton qui'ivth4hliiim4>litf1.iii 'oI> i'Hi'.Jt y tii t*ft • .,'11 It. loJiipoi()ji,- rI))r
  • r.lii»(u>»iuflo»"g"Kf ^■^'ttri'jff^ftfujlWr] if lljm4iulurt((ytl«ft*ui(jiJioJi9ilo«uVot;jcli:^"ii((iii.i ..iiK\pi,r>itcclt(iiiiiiiJni (oiuirdiuM/,ifilt*ixupoi'.'''iUi^iit lriidt'bilut.>iirtiin(tiiiuir>in)if(uprrclo!.iii.Hw.citac]ihi'»!l'ii:il< loif)i>ciniliuni([rt,faAtt(onlbi,trun)uEoM,Kttrndl ' rii4l,bi(JnJt*i^p4T*i.t,.fi».uit:iMi.ht*j>'imti% 1 .iri.ruiiiMir. .'■'LiJJi%lt,|I,ctKor.j;rclfu.T»ioJi»icuin(uj)fTA«focli(ii«f p'o'*'* ml,. iufCiiintrtniimaiinJUiii>iiuiiiliiT|i4uit,l.!l)nlt'ioiii.j..i]Ut>li.ii ii.-itHii niucr^i impunctcti^iunc i\u»ii dfrtuitivOJUftottilpn^-j Rfi;t-fnnjiuiiniilJ«'iiiKi.'^iJtiniTr>nKnr>biuiiiJ<.jbjni.i]ufinaJiiiaiilLiLjiij(!(j}.\Timi,rt-cun\ln&(riilut-lriif ^npioduirrforr, f>r.i4 t:iKrydlcCifiyjy poJfrufti (<'>'i.'ty nuic J.haxpdr rurriiii«(iamiiflus^ibdjj(kyinuy £nmla y.U iiiit(rKiimoia)'CH^i1epiuui'|'>'C|<>'>^u4iiy ijiiinJorlirijndo mutrc <)tinMro<,'iclim(l* ^rr.nn. ni.(ir U muC"^""' tom t tn jn.*o tlirtt nJo.qiif ua aj'orir ton rlcn»l piro numiltvy v* d. (b maiKraqu' munffido cl mando ^^nurrr)ii:(itn^]i4JiJ(onibiu y 1. \u>\- .litotina^^icoi utHidoiqi'riitiKal t]uj(r(>mbiiruiciit*n i^<)otfut panrnrt* yJ(t piarido !fflUrtV»c* *'c 'ucr lOriiJouaf Ija « umm Jj la genu * uiiluj^ir tlottdc tn*h((hoiin |fraiulir^'"^''^' irt-indodcitfroy lur^ofllafcdt'CpulcdrrutparifnKiyaniiiii^tyif lanftv^l niff- I ^o^iiiicUat|utmi«.(ibrraIinrTur,lr hr^hjui(niit|>oaquclUdah*nrr)a^d»^ J ' tf ^ l ^ CiMpfwrngL.t tti ita.^iiffsn f ftri rllo< y Its ditroiiatMicudtr quc l')iOt nur(lrofm .'i}iiiuii>'tu«iuulti(udir)(niininjknAiin>>Lul>tajinrRrf/,qtio< unipcrpctunioadUil tt^uj^rfc tnctrik cKOpiipruuniiiCiramnnit.t.ianopJhWuni , /?in:ibctH,Pip,kSLnuxur>lu(a:iq(ili<>utuiid((frul(ct,(umfouiuamriU]*r>uf'cpriu>,us & dndU4^ iiiilHiili'iHiiiii.ijiimii ijiii (ill I III iiliiiiiiiri pfiiinri hfin1lll^•^^^^^f^^Il^|l]llyhl|'||'t|^^T)^i i|l^^Tl(lI ^^ ' * <- ^ . K* t< ^'p ■'»f^''"'r'''' '''' ''''"•T, fiarot;5m;iv-:r>Ji'',uT>of.rv)rymii¥riMltr«ronmiH(^CTJyjrfcLlfj*S^ f.iKiKfilHvuIliiniliri. J.d-.r4(ii%\'rft.>i"tii.:tl'dD*nvz*; ucrfjciiffaT>iio^i(tcr«^rii>dil>iiiu*tirtb^quel»air«aic*a«ua annD»y_ ()laiudlidur^NliMtJi oiiirn.M iuKii,t4:L:imb(ili.Ld drlk^pcH'i:>a'>.aqiiii-n kday:i >J klH. Pogio PIokhupio Stirrtl* iidd.lPapW iipviit'.,>i.irro,)^fii I jLlliodchili-t^uiuloMiuujii-rfaiii' MlrUuaiMviJin mmiJan^rf J< lafumBufaucfnu^ctiopa< iUtxirihrniis'Oii.UU"liii;cIJi^!u'M«i>oPo!»tvUriHfWtiifii libi", - -• . PruKcpstl'. r.utJii«um,^iucnMHiIgynKigiuimO*iiioiNitiaiu,Ioji|'i.cirinuMpoKTjils!mu';j)i^]ip«iirj'ub*ti^ifup*^ - iiu>iitci.fl."iir»i'- r. y.iiii.t;tim.n. piWimijiii oi,ii'..;ni pnii.((^anai'p<'ll.iri Huu'ii.'rcinclle *nmt.n»uiritoiTiriibiii^uiinciuiau' & fuomiititlii ij itiri.l I iK-rfjimii ,ti rdcviiii Jn !ius If l^l^, <;iio» tiinBiio hoiiure pc luli jm riiti i|uniaiytw ctlebni , nam** pr;ciofiiIii.iiiii.iiiinulaiidui f ficnurrporrof H'acKiqi(Of.^(K« iiiicr nm dum8Wwl^*belU}■lOUKVll^ll^ovudllM:.AllllUl^|u^KMn,pJ^f'Il^«o^pnlKlp^•m^uulIleo^llU^lri^^tallllOTb^: dcbiMftruitutii i^fci* quialWpril^nda:nu^1ani«ijm«MUo".»MiiiK* t.'inH.>'3cmukivi>iib"*u>uf"*"'«l>^iur,pfiruafun»habtnifi.ejoiwu^^ nipnOimmtialWuiiur.i.Mor)ito Viogtiihoruin I 3n.tn'^i'"''^>*'^^9^|^BiSf'''*^ lwininncrr/imiminouumi.iii)uiM»ii>:difcrr;iiii jl.n* .qui iioii Jubiaqufcl i pynofcripuruiu.apiiiittTmijltmMiWiani., . ' ' • - .. nma(!copiiiio)K%fly(iiialfiaIa ^npouaMaAlp'^•«^j^lJo*!^(^Mn1l.0«.vpo^u^;^lc^anl^ceiron(InurlfM^ifOlfchmal>CT^^ N'. riU % Welt N".l<< clPtoUmloUrKIK^uUl^J^H)^!;rJdo^tklollttlmJyl.^lluld..T*oqlu.u■'.^Jsf.JllO€o[loa^KlJ^«d^!o^w■lcnu>1ddhJb^Jdl mn»iiKlai.it»Hr(ciUinesb(i4|iou3na onpi itViKii (|tif .■^ !»i*44 J*-(-i.jma.ri.tniocf.v.ucdcraTiJp»jll^njfnTur.ftulihrorj3lol xsij.y d.it ;-'^;- ii\-iiipni;iiv timtcriMiopi. i iiiliuc U Trapoiratu lii'k olrumiiiido.\ qii.- OlbniaQaT^ntiHuono , y (|uc /Xlottt drottn-.-ljuuit.ro.qitcnnKdiniwnVn )i|iifUilci i ! yor« clfphaiKcs.y ma*bf :lKt'tm*iiif ciih l.i.l'- .y .;i jy ciulla 5111.I1J so .a.lj uliio fcl,-vtiitn< u;l' iiv . . nianojrlltUim l>al"ol^locJhiiofKli"' '' ' fui-dcIiii(molVfrnuimi4JiTanrp.^na.!o.l--i't r ■ ■ . nlifru.-il.IKc-. Iil).-ul.f.i.iiaili.iiu i.lvl.l 1.-. ...i.. u„.1,ilul.|j:!.!.>.....ilU.-yl<:.l:vo.iii. I..>l^.-i. :-. J(Nllb(lc.'l..-ia.-"i>.l.-y!;iul|>.r,. ..i.j, . ..:. d.vrsaH..mi,.-|j'im>(.-ntiK!.'-- :• ; ...i's''--r :■ <....ia.t.-..v.l".".''lP'-'t'.''-.'"''-^' ' -. --I'""' • ■ y.p' :Oi>rk.liTiiU.)!li; iia^iudc i.tJaqLC tTi(atFhaitIad.-l'Tai.nuJnaayiii2^ ■■ q;i- .-iil< ..,|1...:.- .1.1...; .l-..l- ,.l, ...f.. 11.1. run 1.1..;... .'u. ^'i..'.).,"t.l- .rjrauil'iiiii-. "ii.- 1 In .;>u!.-' r.ilo .' \' ti.li l'n|-.-.i..... I :.i ...i.rufi..l.' i*. .. .;.-ci.f.>p.-.i ...0 .',.!.-. !.S.,..lr.'... T.iimii.aii Ji' ImilluK-iUllIJill'i' j^^i^adosdl■lll■lo: ., X* 10' T"p.'>u.iiutjii.v ., tiimtu;iip.mttp:' *miUiiia'«iut«i'M..Mi. • n :■■•■■, " f!!"rur.:..-dm.rPl.-»uis'. ■ '- |1»I1 jlui'.|U|(U1lp3llJtlll..-\' 11 .■iuv.-\..ir;.-.|jlKi*r,-t;n.Hv, -.. I.ii,"iiijJiiu-Ur;i'ui.l.!);ijlUi!ji.' ^ii-oiwflo>anm)mfra»inir.Af 'ir-ri.hi(irioiifn;r,,| • ,^e tiicd< taula&' ranoiu,L>bcrtu.t L^aniiL.-i 1 'lot jhh „-pO. Ml.. Dllil.Klllli M i;*UacpCiPunrl.i|nti::ijrinrtrrniU^brfd^d^a^i^hiir.isiiKO itiiH qitc iv,^" : .net pi iiKipii? d<' Ct4iidii't ntnirron cmmlKtrcs lUla .Iti.) i-h .1 Romi , dcikr >< .'> .v .!t-hrcptibli«>tla^i-it[jJv'l(>iJi utTfTKio.ynaitf^^iidn Jrcdi-doi dc.Ambait .- il .-iH:tioJ>'Oniftdijfnrroci)iinpiicriodclad]ianl:i,rl (; ' ;t(< ilczi.i bipnp,^^ I ,',i.. ! •„ oiicilfiiriKsdf Jlk•^.■^l4dol■|■.'tdlulsla^f|SltKl.■^ api.ji'm lal«ngnj .yqiic" ■ ■{ I,ii(uT4dof..-iViidi-in.'iidi(jtiirfOJ,yrn.-.-tRcvniiijni'nbnMJfKiJiqwii- . •!,. .Ill '« .lr.iM krt!cdiiK*ifo-lni|A*r.i.l4trr<;,niouuKi.i.ito,cmbiofnil>ai4 r :■ . ■ii.onC'a^lllu^-ua,yac^a^ ■' ; .... '.iSrcl. fi.*iTj,ftiij.lilo;'>JUo»Iia.lall.ifli]iiir;o d.uniOaViiiJxit'unifnMfi* ■ ^.^.ii■^^.yllo!l.-..'•'!'■••o.^.]UP^■h^lhJll^ft:JlJdl.■^irJ,^ll■pll^lf^■ jUlit,A*lra,pw ■ *.^",r! '..,.'.-n.!r.l it*.ilii-'lii>. iM.tpoiif.ii.fpJi.lVi.'-.ltrill.iiU V'oifp.liqiulpii-ai^^ I .If -:.».!.■. !.'.i.l; If ;'m|.'.-Mi,"i..ItlM ■ Pir.i.^Pr.'*|j»ii«',\ jl..iniiiionuip(vJnalu Ifc"ivk;h|V*ru>,rLi*l.uvlj-)<'r.Mil..'u-.'v'i,vi>oli ri.ipiil>iin.v .;.i.lKfy d»UdhaiJa 11 I'.-.y 'iiiiiinwy ti d/1,'.i:» '■i-I.'j;ttK>t.i.,'*uJtJl«al!;imn l..»!:o In l>i><«iipun.-ii,v<]u]ii .l-ii^lr.tK-v no piK'.liiOi,K'.'jrjj- J ijyd/ li(.mi.i,.M p.iiri:.U'I.'* dhi« iii\ ticvjiia fonlac l.llvi.Wl.lli.i .t>iid/iij*!oi>u»df!ipclai paiitlpiiiIilo,.-IniiJluct;oilii;fii Kt.-ma hirzci unit. lit'- •.;<(.lo,d.vilop.>rLl'iu,y3quirLk>Hceiilcii-ioi.^tii-tu..iunrnion({ciurlo, q^tiiiq nlinipi.' ijiii.i.. . ' ■ • . iim'ifa.iijiii'jii fnii"* li)iniii'i.r\qiJoabi"vi*Iivf'fii.-.rit;V>nh,nifnoi; I iifitani^iiiarcTndi' i.ciii.niiuli >pu lit I jrmidi.i*"'n j*r.iJiiri ic fi>iii;itudij'tlk,ftMicuaomniiJinU4bcbaiiir^iid' Antkh I'priinri .-> r):;ii. qi;» > .-ni r.'fiU tit . nooi bnn iitdifaafTit.uiqiOnnlf.-nius dtf»t !.:»■■ I IcpJ.jnfrsoinmbill.quoi iota India. nu'T*t..ii'u\ itifiil.v Mi»5jflo( s'ji}ipi.i.>)ul.i-piu»>il. Poii.^ icKnim((«,(-iiinrtiit idionuUimppniiK^JdtciiIcr, ac lon]i*(}kr< inoncregcfnaUoquiuKnirn.)iTabar,ai'nJiKrT Ji* uctfiBnmotictxgtntukonianorutndiiuiiciiiiilpik-.'rct.qitod Ltbrmi\t'ii'irjn;J..rj'cjt'ti> Inipcraiuiuni utiagnumimpriiroiivr* choi.Pondiis urro S'qut unuiium iJun aninuducntnscum(0pacl5l(rd^uinlltl»,fUl<^m^^^^«T^Rac^^a■>'^^^ofuntfl^»c(^cbtTT^^ll^lsClJl^dlUlTl >onaliiuii .tKCjuibua v^m^>fntorqiiui^ mclFc la^ilf *tt«.'t.'pii.fnL}i Iua cnc!i pli);a St pii'nrrionaliin arv'iumK uiTgiluru ortjfn mtni« rtWuidtn.qiul>'»>."nl]>f-^idmirabJr..-if.i'tq3TJcThl;yr fui»r«fiia''-; -oi;- "vv" u.'Ji-^" -.niUiiapuji.-rf jdifchit.i*rtrfT(aLu - naihabociaut)jdqiuniuniJvvimt;inurv|idim:uii(rmpTOlpiA auhv' 'Iiiida>rtii1uninii.' atficicbViquctJunv ^jVr;'':'dcinorfirudccauinvVi rtii>iiibiitc(i'iliii,.ir^ruiiih)C 'nfuIa.ajiLiiH-riusapiJultriiiuijuJtndcniquudasLtbcTnii infulim faiWh l^urcntr) jiwi 4UU m 'I'aptobanam ad'i;. SKjind> 111 r X I jbrmKurfu & lauig^iioiKtCtuti aiiyiK^ oniomm id Ti^^ ell.mfufa.nii ipft Libtriu'. Damiuv Plofitnf* appudr.bati J 'lajirobana liiiii(*fd p3iiii« iiiruuTriiT LVartrui) . Huk mluLrnioris Wli aiunc,r(p;mcfciiionbiit i-ligcrcio«ii;inf[mv.>iii.a};ti«,quirtaiitritia,comiiair,acingrnuijiinnib(ilit{i;.iai> '.' i^: ?m.^^ Cupr ia*>-i,t|iti^lin< libtTiiKptoK- tit. Hicitai|tr(rpno IJIII pot jnii,lTm(cn't)|ibcivt?d(piinh'i(ur,mptnnaiiti'!liJiri,i!Uiit-m iiMli.uiidfcvmtuituF.HKatitiirmmcinoiiiadindicart'poir'tjtOhjhct. 111 pn* usniaiorcaTumiiiinKru^ipli(ul1iii;<'iiir,adhrcitirrrr.ipi'titi)niiur,qui :l<'^t6.'l:l.l^ .ont^li]in% morn adiudKatijM-lt,po|iijlurniii ruidtf(nrionciTiprii(ia.a'<*,li.> pio(in4-ii'i-.*rnnrfiirhiiitONiiidic(sdrlii>ii,qui(iiuciulanidilii;citttrrxaFra nant,hi fi itu^ iiiorii< 1 ii ;iii .1:' '> miuf ..-iii aiittir.ini oin ' tinnifcndtionipf rf: mt .cum i!k c< I'l-inili^ roluiinl.ac pnttinx I'^riki/' Al(ulini,C0iirilia)iOku.-ji't,iii.iiiii:iiK pMu.iin iduik ir,at: prrptiua i^iionMHijalfmumk^^^S^ rHauIo del juaor t-iu ^unaM jroait - .L-h ir.i'.'^ioii que iurc I'l agiiia d(^n3rf ir voti la f iVrlU dd None . N*.l7 S(baniinCaboiocapuaii,y piloio rr.ayoi dflaS.c.c.in. d.llnipcijil.ii donCarIosqiiimodfllcnombrft,vR'"ynii(flTT> IrniKThi- lo(ihKciirac\tci)ririipUno,aniiodi:li jTiini dcnrolaliuJor IcfuC'irii'tttdir M.o.XL.|)|.aiiiio«,iindaporgradflidt lati'udy loii> i'«uddofnparic al (hot.^nKu.y cnp^nealos iiicijfnws di-lIt.bTiJorcs , afrf: Tpamv^k v «omoPt'fiiiL;ue(c5.y parte porrup.»di.',y por*IJ,(iii|ji(ro,pord.»nJt*|iidiiinautgJrcotnoporf.ir(adi-riarfai,rfnieti.iorafpr.'[o aliii»iii\i vitpif lu:ffligui:i J.-Iin4r.;jr,ior.Iatnr.llj.!flNVr(C,il«*rti^i.iri.i,iu tf qiiicr*«pirnrdcIdf f.i!i^eiTrJ,iiuiidara^i;.v"'"i3rniiiiii|i,>al N''r.'i.i^'iii.. .-c.'i ^ ..■ (u ii;uudcniJrcai ir Nar*ll^hwuqu.iTi.i uirl dit. ^gffel Hium uitahin (\ -It -.■■t»»,nMSa»»fti»nUf fUVCaftofonuiaitiwttiftripH.tiOiHtfomwumclfa mUrlj/ fi^lum&ii.'ViipolUllcq^ _ fu!a.HWi).Ji*«|..|..*rap!uiim0ffln:..prolpfrKr.« «nnium uom.nim J< r.ir rt.i.m.jJrt ui ipf* '''("•ntM low 8ci»riilImuidclC«f.oauiiniueif»auai^iw:Abiifta((iiiilrmCminiomumKnumn^^ q«mimaumm«un»nicop4Mninjmipif>dH.(i..f).«inpfrmtnIrd.aimirdim.« imifcpropibiiiobrii(r«jr. 1 ulori InftiUm iK nwi pmrt W* AwaBl untV m^rf^nt.inrtKT"" lo«nrHfrmfMKmKni(^aKnmu ^tiui Im1I<'X>I3 nfiin n\ fiu f(uaTiiaraM,yhf>iHki,ylinui, fctfj ■llipgtjfci Ibndroroy pbit,4y en Ui lUuiproumciu unuauois tk hcthuta >lc pt^ncnnot unwlo« umcM li luti ipin iNUtlvnarn >cliuin)».Abuiiddiiut6f prfootto^tnJngJti.Piniironif ■IlloUikuocur,0/uf^tm(]UAJbtbul1Cexqualbmfpirlff^nndJi^(|uxtndorllm^)K1mJlt^llalpp(IU^Jr.Klf;rrtlbcft^ tit J ■aifaCOWMdoloHimcyculnix.unnir^f mhdlo Bindi*.4rcu{^'ucu)i). Armiunv lurumaunj hiiu\iTf[cnic«. 0na(l),tJuigUHipanb I _^^ ilrtlfltiiiiiiHiiliiHiliiiiiiiiiiilii II. 1 [iiidiii^li |iliwiiiiW rilucdunm(toIumJrn>-iiombrc4dftiahuntiid{tt IBuycand:!ib>><:adtncKk).yrWcUbtfncJro ^' * cnra.por qtif kii yndim dt ti dfu tKm Id rrutarort f k>'n9nucftMi,y^W^uk«'pa(rKlM muib(>t AniKti lo boIiMah'' botoCipinnyPitoio nrnKV tic ikf«(<-iilr4cll>tpall^rdoii Cn1n(ipHa»«irfhimmbiT^d^Q|M|MprtMir;lIiIiiSviupor.V. piiuigrnCrat>1eunaann>ortarofonvUD^Ml4MIM yiujclt pf rdu^.y >iiiht ()ur no pcdiifrguir t\<^ uguuf iHiUtucldiclioKK), ui!i.:lai^jrtuiUun)riUUHnqutloK mdiOkdcuru|^KU)f iliimo irabiio y hamtw , v pcligrv>« All orTii pnfoiu toi IN-.T ,. .,-r. .. ; - r - ..^-Jpro**- ,- ^ ,y ptocum c] dlko aptun dr hazfrccrci del ^^o no ilguiuu p<>liliiio.-> drU f;(tr ij llcuodc dp jFu.BAc Km td nyngunodtquJroiarafctenorctiiricncdcimhornlaenflndit'lcrrrJuiUrrtir.urinti y nncok(;uif,y trciKU%Ugof,yf ot .'r6lif(f;o(ntt mnd fl«3Kmbrtci'iqiiru,ydoimdI^rano(d) ttfnTii t'laiia lanj finaconiokdd.yoiratmtiydiucrfaiajumak^'L^gfntcdciadbiiif.Tjfimtivdilicmrfmr'ii.purqiir li^Aht dt pr iTfi^otroi d< li rodilla ibaxo romo dv AbcHiutiytpic cHoi ion jjnnttrirrabaijdorcii.y^co*! grniniKhomay»df(juf baxrnpinyuinodel,otrjirnitch»iroU»dts4-;idca([U.IUit, riiquciio(*poiwiif«y porno frrtyolivu, I Va/hjinflumenhodndoriiiigujVniJi,HifpaiiotKr^idioiriiif Rii»dft-piJraiuKii|»atur,i:uiaffluii^aliu»fli'uiua i^nanomil lK,Koilidf (bl»muicnf«i(t»omiafholu'Orri'«irgumFf?dtniiidl^^1i:3b.;ihirchifttibrrniii»pnnm\apailit tcnus.qui a nnminf ^utufdam nautx fuAclifM* ibi (i-pultt,Infi,r.-!;i.iiif ilVi 4uro \ arjjrio Duxtiu upuittimiim J rRr ,quo (o* I mom* du;t»,u|a con Jci« diligftCT airt I (uffcntiir.S: iriiu hofliu Indora imic propclJTn.Kii.- flum^n maun flloinhibui tiibii ."Opnitii , cu* I iiwitisinriqumry parafant.'isprot'r.diifui.RiliqmUuiiiWiil'.airfaiMaiortm lan(u.l:iK duohui I pat ungudimciimr.amuuiftaprottiiidiiascauraturfx niuIror{ia>tiflu.tu iii^»trtiuflu.iiorrjMnil;i*iKtr(idaiA»>piimitpircibuioin| mum qua* mart nutri:.Gf mTwlirarii pninu \\\f appulii on* , an oiltarrllii* iIIj ;. . t iN i c flj t ^ apnrMii; . \r\i\ fcnt U\nte^ pihcuhim 1 f(cir,colkA»<^inqu»Ruitaduohutmnogrim<,quicm(oia.t-rQ(rnrimivii.ia.i(i.i iir<,SfpumbiiKmrin-iuJauu. t>termbiiuw I ro dito mtllia fupra quinqyigima nKnlinr.aliorri ku-»n» ic IcguminumcadOf ii t(riilita> \ ttt.y* i r gioiitt m«)f.r rioprcKiil mdc crlfot I tIuofd.npon(«indre3|imu^quthM*-««J(ni?auricopi4me«trahfrcrc>In,f,nccmu:ioto^ ibua f ^ilare»fpc«m^^m«r..nUa^qu-rumiirlJ«4pcnIh■^hacffl.UlUllnaia^ 0majicui4iii«9 aUaqtrimplurima ditKrfonirrniiim-/iiini i;cnrrj.Htii.j* r^^atu^ UmiiK*. luniu .% vr-Uirc mur (i inng< yUfTmir*,! ft^uidf m iju. Ill momibu. .l«Kuiit ,albi folorc St iiobi . fimik% im-r : .;«. luroflumjms npai ii*olu.K,(.itulro& icirw folor* nin-rBl. T INoiimilbf orurn fiii.ru.n Uncm Kabcrt pcihibtmur.^iJam amc » |v Jcs & nbi-» ad (uuiiioc-mHorum Im^linidnicm I.ibcni. 1 rt n "i'"* *'" ''''"'^'"" P"f lo*" C;*^!" V'ttudaiM.y SfbaU.anCaboio f..lino.aM.>oddi>-(,-i..ii«iridf .lu.Hn* Sriuador Icfu I e_hrjrto(kH.ctt..xchi,.aunnwyquatrodflunio|K»UnMjiinti..aUqu4lp;;lKron.i.>tmpilh^^^ lHJpa^d y oif.u piiuthas dm. r..Jjdf j^k pctados . •, b ..Myor iiinl'iKud drllo* Tf ditcn barcalliov . y aO I m.(moayt.1laahancrraHJ(onfM'"cro»(omo^Jr^uo,Ap^.lU,J>rrdAcsJ•4rd,(h^.yotras.numloar,,,wpm.lu,^K^^ p.iiiijulli.jpiciili*.. hull (ip«,=.& fund,, u,ui,qiiiLUi;utn3calIioiapprllar >-*»•'■'"<<."■» ; — --■• ■. _ . . . _ i hiliifamc K rtrti omniu krhbitnioduK &,' arcbigi aii,(]uibiuHifpaniin«iljti ' iuioRu fitf'* adfluenria' uartx nauli qu i qpr i r« pjBpn •i^Ksrt] a tai^^JiiM ,,-,,,.,,, , , . ' " •"'"puur.rpor(aJojdrxci oy^nhab , ,, , t, . ■, ■£- ' -■ •' ~T«'"rJdhiilUlJi".'f jyt-nillj. ^ Ha^[,,n.Uu.Mumerapll:-m,nuIM.lu^,,Kal.;.,d«.qyot:,..wn^^b■^^,■,n.■r^pmnfA^^ ;n.p;;.', Arfn rTaorci.lan>«,.-aaPd.-tr.y.HcJin>»g,.dfnc.-.ndo.Io..,nm ^ui. ucr. An^!* .t>n.unMli,™4d'"^*N«' ^P'^^"« uM,uL-.ifn^.MNfuprriaphltprniindrf,„ccci]fl,,,,K,rtri,Krc4(i.ul-:Juon.o!,rr.q,.-o.-ndib^ Hrcb5l.aa.nRc;mn.p.faum.npJarnabtjfJu.a.moum,m.,.S.Jth,r..r.c;uor.m,.onu^ FOiiL.M»arm,.^p.i.,v«r..,uM.r.rcrrur.qaihuribmbocmj.c,m..j:«n:,krradrtl«mpnKr(,T,yrtr.«pror^^^ u,n3,uwpD-.mMd.rca.M..nr.q,K>Mam,»&uc^Wtamp,fm«dc;iOfc..Lb.:ub-b.«u*i.:.ol,fcb.ma^^ 4vK.n^;^,p.ncmIr:d1u»1.• ,mix,m ippdUr.ei.tfu.m lio.nirt,bm m>n«;„«,uf .ppiruc,.4t«b.tW, a.f.u no„,.na.c^^M.ou^d.c.r.pv■^hdK^,rA ^ qrramawdcttKba«a,ltt«r>m..yo.llami»o^,,rno..p^rquiJrnoc!v i.alladrt1(X.MKdffrnwmbreM.4X.U.n.,..o(o.,rin,v-c{«rr.o,.r,.;o.^ h....tMn,lov4p^anporiy.crrcan...o.M,g..nanon5cfijrfurt^,I,fonapormN;foJ,tKMk^^^^ Kob.n.a.<>.^^.qui,«rufd.■^a,«'ala.^,.^.^yu..poa^ld.Ur.rtdrt^>,nf.■^..nm..^ MUK.,,odocu.«rjx,comodcpcr(onahi,nunai4(..o!icab.r-.qnW.<:«H,J.pu^ ^.K^,^^«^lc,m*ac.ppr^a^^,q.«^.3..p.orum-.mpub^o.ii,^lVi:.*,KKl.v;.^■nudmod^^^ bc.r ,«...n.aM-„K4Ucagfr,ip.f.:m4ril c.i^,M,q.-^^ o/ ft in, '-,^/ muitpinf%fii.mfjii,tt im.Jti:vnAw.' . frm,W^. «MliW *tn^ ai« Ut^ Cri Ui On Wi ■ao »• \> J. -.7 10 (/rta'r&M*- »7 f l» !■• • f ID 1 ilu.rm,. . M If .*' ' *r t ■■,ftmS:km^ . 47 • -J*. *e ri. !• ^- .A.«. .,/«•»•* .■ f > '• f4 11 /f0H(r .iufjn /, ... V ■f H-J_,/W» '■"',>"" '^/^/T!/ ****'*"""'«''?• '^"•■"'"'f^ - ^v A^^ ^v V V V X V V LDt*r^^n< ':■> d, ri. A^-'l'*fri wj.ir:' IrMrm ft a^nn-mari wrri - , '•■■/■/■/y'y^C trr Wtc/ '■i'^^"%-:^.ii ... ~ ' •*'^r*fr5"" Us^i fLt'ii «"^»ni; i^f^mj. ji^ie *tf«j.j-^i' *.tW*-,/ rfirjftrrt . Sti^Mimtrf "fhdt^mtj tit • .0»M VtisffwftS, f lam li IfUttll VMi _,-^ fiik'awt fWi ^^r^■, I ;. .r-Tt.„ \ ?? r^i-ii 7J1B vnA' a^". ■i' vntj i'Sk/V: .-— 4— ,tj: ^SrS, \ \ \ WA \ \ A \ ■ \ HrA — C"' 1 "T" — 1~ II- > if- 1 ijif !(*,;«/( ■4- till j|/.' V.t III! Uiif X i irrrf f/lirr M'iipirirh' immtHfic'iitK Sir l'.' dMhlfilli - .i TJ -4- -r -' V— f — /— 4"--V— - — T' 1 Vmn r/fhi.\ I iMWiiiV/.;;. iniiiurnf ii/'.i I I \ I ■ '!i<:l"n.Un.-\ -fr — j — / — 7- \ ~- — ->.mrni^:r!;j I \ . > ; X / :r.-h ;:iti.U.n4\ R Jpi~~\f flJ'^lM iht 'k'Nl CO G N f f ;^^;m' "^ ^ / 4-4V-t-4- -^4. i\ ! I ■i---t i-^V I m .f .. _u — ; ("T^"^ ■' / \ ' ' '■■ ill; nn////\ I I / ■ 7 7-r7 ; / y- /■- ' i M I I I ' > ■ / /■ / / / ' . .' .■' / / \/ Ay^ ■■''' yy ,#^ WORLD MAP OF A. a 1544, ( The Sebastian-Qbot Map. ) Reduced i^v Photojitaphy to a little Icsi- than lulf-size. Fioni a nou.itive t.ikc-n Iron; \\\^ l:ki m \;l if ^1^1 yi 'All ' ' 1 i "^--v /» n 1 ^7rlfc! ^^ -A^ ^ if-^ (Ann.T ~N f\^ i "■■» -^ ••- h*-* r,' / / ^ X fr-^'-V -^ ■•.T2»».< v . V bL 1 _>. I. . . '^ -="■— - . ,.. '\' t^fl^l^l^:■mtffniM ton r rata id. U«^i'0 'IJ^^I^ ^f^^W"^' 1 --f— 1^-tx" ■ -l-V- -t— v-f-- •9'//tfrr ,ir ifgtrlru- B*',';-! wmmfl^fri'fi' , ft,*.,.,.,; " " - to (■' .//trr/.i/ ^/ 1 -fr; ' i' ; -i- ■■«i H j ,1/1* .4.i?^ ^(•^iiiSf^- ^ / ! ' ' '^ t I ' ! ^ ' ' ' / ' \ / / f^elprfcaiir ijurarnrnr ,' '/'X III ! \ ! itimfn.Tj.j ' I "x ^ I ■ I ' -\ j \ ' ^ j~i'^timf T/lfilff ftftmr.$JmT^Xem^u!ef)ynucdrin!n^^ J j / J~ / / -L / \ / jlli>l)^un.^filll>'^'^m^f0frauffa^fy:urln|iwJ nil,jij!r,yif^^ / ' .(, '^'h jtij^iati^rlifj'y,. fifii ■'■ciriauruifi un.tu lim^ptiKAtjabCk' ilfCi^'uiil ^ / / ^N^' mndtr,yiir>lahllf/lhrajnM^n]hiJii',iralffciTpriJ-r^\Lt7vm / / / '"-- I ) ' ' ' ' ■ rt7"-/ ./• Ay ~y^-A \ \ \ _j[ — : -^f--\ — •: -V-^- T-T-i: -i \ '^ ^, \ i UJi/ 1. JJ-. |Vi ; /M/ mr/ \t \\\\\\ 4 « \ \ \ \ ' ■ A-U4 \ "^ \ \ \ \ \ m-\ I ORLD MAP OF A. D. 1544. (The Sebastian-Cabot JVlap) ill' less than half-size. From a nei;Ative taken Ironi the original i\ Pjris by order of the Minister of AgiiculUire and Statistics. I ) h^-^^^^^Mkfl . l.i.(\'i;il.)'t.i N\n( (Mil I'lSl' T. I ti»tiiutiol«":t'.''ti'"l i>' ,1 ,1. ,|.|Cii.l.'.'inir. t,ttm>t. jnJv<>iiif''»'»"»" '•■ ,..r 7 Tar.'-- rjfir* ^' fjngrl^r. . .- ■j^.'.*>fi I ■■..-/ -. ^tff' ..' ■'J.', r'-r^aifjiiah j r^rtft' * (H.'fto'-.Cu ' fir nnittii'f-.^-f. mJu; i ffTtm. '. Qiffr'rfad rrnarl. /-//j D.firrrf .w^wif- Ari rggmi BIT niaiert -i/r:t. ut^ ■ _; r trTf-'i'ffi.jJ'iU'ai'. M-i:-: jii cy>U'\^ rtiait^m tfrntfi'mr t't .ijr7*.-:.r fil J ' iiatfiir •nuiL -at Dijirrjt^'pmffrtuiftf'aii' i fliiSefitifniamrif'iir.i-u ■. - Th-Jtlifiul fijffty dvn .-.-ij',. t^uandp ntdfUtri 5<' '7'-'«' (tr/.r nifdiffatijr! -.•rrirc rum ujUnr ud ntrlf.ri^Ur- ..T-riTI ^•'l rfttl On.'fVki/ I:- I ■ uff adlitmv futfifnu yi.7SfnjW,- •n.'tarrni^'i^iiiruf lutiifmi-i ■initinut 'iUiiiSiri h4$rfiirn':dr etatt n." ' V Mill* .ijnr j.f mndium f,fiitmii{ muii.tkfi.-. n't&a/ S'/fM«tt* 'fifdinaiT . Tftfi t4'fift Mfc*/!"/;' ^ff^'' j]ftom.uf»6t m mrJifWfm 1 laV H.miMmmt^l^ At*if» — -^m llllUtU*l'»ll.t'l'H. ' II. *ttif. fll-^.piur.liiiit I'l '' ' i..n4livi»niiiu'' • ,.|«.Ti..lijli.-R4li'n."t.,n>i''""""'"" .•'•' i-T , vr, .i". „ .,;..:,„i.',i;,*i.up4r.i ;,M,^,..l^.^l..lVHl....^wl.-Ml.no.r..^••-l^•^• i.,„. ,,. ., ..,.i.Lv .. J'i,"i<' I .i-i^t......->J-" " •"•. ■■;■•••-' ■'•; 'I*'"-"* •I;""- V,.. ,,,HU,«ul,\|jnii..h..-.nrrair,i,f,M,i.mdii.4.....J.I.MS.tii..™ii"">.iil«cr.<..il.o.,\oij_l -• . 1> , .'...iiniJir'.li.lllJni''l''l-' 'Jr''''"'"'"''''''''*""' *''"""' ""'™'™'' II. '. ••: m,. irS.i illflitimri." „■;' .....■.■.i-u'.i , • :. ■ .M.' ^ ,,,a((iTrtihi»«llc,l'.-mCu*omni«nihtlifKnur,un.l' Anutil I !,-.uiill';''iliii> .niiii(iUrir.,ii.>uih(inii«lKJii«ll.ii«»<'™''"""" 'I''"" • '. .,l,-|il.jiifiniiil»".>ii«>li'>l""""' "' '"''''■' M>5'l''« i> - M ,1,1 ..■ .|.,,,,uioiii'iM.'junlJ-iJ"»'''"''"!l''V"'«'""-'»"'''"'"''''""'''''l'"'*'""''""""''' . tol,K(i«c«&fcriti«.<.Lib,j.n.ui4Kiu«,l>pl,rinc»,4l,.ucom.iiNra,rui*^ •«Jl.I««uU™'»>' •,r-....l....lp,m,M.|,l,n.K.,;..T,,^,,m.l«i.|.foru.nlt8(<»Kh,.li„M,^o.>p.,m....•r.ll.ur.foWm,,,U.lr.«o.l^.lo^ ,,|,,,,,,lw^l.l^....W..^..la.I,a.rtu.llhKltJul^,,-ull,1^•.^u,lpH'^"■''l".''''J'''■H*»l'^'-''•"''""^^^^ Ul.ttmn,;.ol1-ul.nl^.lnobJnJln^..l^Sl.,ll,.l.l..rJJbr^n.u^l;lVll.u,J.llOl...nUll..w.^lO^|onlm.JTl^^ ",n(u(.ni,mf.l.l".i.'-l'"™>l'l"<.i.....irpul,..h*i.lT.).r..ba:..l|i..,frJ|.". i,l..r.r„TrSTlr««l) . H.« mluU-i..,fi, .(Tt I .,,i,i lib. ri. KPiol .,..H,o.-.yl..rM. i.,,.p...im^fi™.n.i, IU«r... ..Up.u.h.J.'1im K^ |,|.„ur.in"inii<.iiiiliJin..|iiii.vnK,li4iiidmniiuiiiif.HKJUiii«mm..iioiiijJiiiJk»r.poic!Ui.nili(i.iiipi,. .,pll(,ifln»;'i.ir.;.llixti,.t,rt,.|..-iimilinit,.l." I'CtA »." ."illli"'-.' "»'" j.liuill.iliiYll,po|.ulum..i i.f,h,.pioi,mi>l<|'i.ii.i„inU^ ,,r,n(,iiiH..i.iuii,l.iiM.uijK-<..l.!iiui.i.,i . , .■: i.i-.n. ulliliinlu.i:,.< pii.. i.u,i(ic,i. |.trp(tu r,„ Jctdifioncni pr.iiUv; nant.hirnru'r Mionn i; lll(uunl,coiil.tiai i'» .J.I' ' Kciulo dt! an 'lor (.11,^1111 JM.tsiiii«. Lhii M(ioii qui 'Hrf , ! Igiiii dilinjrr ir »o" U fib, lU J p.loioii.P"'"'''l'''l''"'".l''''J'''''l-"''''«''""'8'"°"°f°V;''';'''r „m,.IJ...J''..'"-<"'.'"'"d"'>.>-''''"""'"'"''>'lN.M..|vr,.,..p,,..,l.m.r.«yy..wd.,d^^ """" •»■ ....■.,.! udniMit>il'NocM<*aM<|ii<'i.i ii.'l Jl|..a< .,|iiin.,.MN. ■.Ml.-,.. iiji^uudciiijrt)ii'Nar4^l»« ,„i.i.U.J..<.>„,i„Jii,i iiliiu. uN ,.„.,ulsui.J,.i.Jt,ar,i«niM»*rjJNmlt.iuJri.d|l 1 »uii.bJ%.iJlil.W.'.l. lJ"ll-Ut«d.l.mliii..Jjpi")i.....ri™'ddeftflr.i'lifill<'P""l'".l<">.l' l''l"l"'""'l' .,.11 .\l. J< Tentiif.- .mindirji f.iuanar »l SiKMV.po. l,i.i:l.i.a y yt.i> il.. 11. "!. dill puma dr hari [Kwlo ,|i ; ,,r.r.-l".noi;V.alS,,d,,^ j;u,ad.m...a. „ NonWl„n,Sa nKd ,,..,,.,... Ia,8..i~.l.r.iu ;rm.J,Nm.ln.lo h uar; ..nu,- .,!..--. U Jha .«,„- ,1,- .„a,«,.co,.la (llr.l a d,l M..i.<.p<» qu. la diu apn. ?« H bKl LlNo.i,rn.-..!o!.,.-a,,™,a>l.gunpo,,.pmn,p.fcu,<,aUai,,ai,cn, olam^ ,^unluClr|x-.d™d,ad.m<.,..,,.r(o,^po,l.,Ka,<,1.™rq.l.l,riKru,mio.pi.fu'.c.rnopo,vr<"la'.V''ITyaofal,a...ll Zu m^r VK i; la .11,. a...... I f.- biLluKfc IN"..- . ..la y i«Aii;1orIiuiiiiChsnr,rcddutmiir«jonei,u«i)Uomi«nubi«u!«rwi(k«id(WI^ PJ*.I7 Sv-h»AiinuiC*bofu*Djx3f jrdiigiilji-niiu^ S.c.c.M.dttiijiriiCtfoliIrnpcritorit.hiiiirtnomtnjtquintiAR'ftitHirpanfxiIoml nMuillrt,ru(nm>m'mthirn)niiimmpoluii,a' i-itarininiltaiK proir>iiiriit,)iUiuh^uriincdcltiii4Uii,iiinoiboThKi,n)i*i)it« Cf DofniiM noHn Icfu Chtirti i (^.^unui- iiinn ^r^i l-iuii> loni^iniJ nrni kUiicuJidi in , urnioruni.-filutmi , cuih >loac luiti Kikliicr, niUipatpnrCh4rt*iniurdtknprK,Cl»i.J|>f^ tnniim MmHifpuiorum (juim l-iifiia-ioruni ti.|.-m tWimmn, iicoioi; ck ufu ac inJulira Uingr naaii;auoms iiiicgr mmi uiri luaj.ni* Obodnartonr Vc)wn,iic]|!::h3liianiaMraruinp(riliin3iifgan(li'|tirif omiiiuntdo'ti^iini.ciui bin aihflont'^-iKi.quialiquorim OTbnpancmJiurwI^iiibukdauTjmaixm.iut.ijiupropici'inc tiliK'liltii»a^niagilVa,ccul-Iydrui;rjphKa(luiuiiic ^r cfl animm niifv iii'i< .^Kroproniniiioiioadorainf'iiii' irm-rur* fuindimpnlVi't,«d Ar:ttiinTitlnlni).iu{in acuiuu iKa it'pioitrnoni^Crcianii;rru%JianJcmnaiu^anoiUifonnJrratio<|^6b r.'iuiSfril,aMi^S)lincdiiiabrctiircopii1iifoq;mjri,iiic\i:iip.>rim(jii^tii.>K-.TadNagxoTamTcnci)lja' bifulzMauigirf diCrcucriit nm( fiquidcmlket aJUTicn ftu Aphrnuin luui-mMgwr lin.l.-j> Hydrogiapliicx char: a- obfi.rutnoni-.iTf'hHaim ihiwni turfmnaiw licrtciKprobibfliorcfidipcrApKriciimqitarra^'coanipliiii. Aullruiniicifii'iproailduhiofnt.SilnKdUixnmipf aMNagimnau*" gatK) quana lonftr nvnu« i]uim Hydrogr-iplnta cliana iitdi{at,nit!fit « acut d.-ir oflrjr. Vitdr prorompmo habcbit.iiWh ^Saao pro . inrahoiinin rol-;frhSq?irnmoitupcfiiuru>,r^ucKlitv-r ruiiincricp(r(]it.)rF.imAr^iC.raamucril».Bodcmnv>do(t}iiin,(|U itpo'iui 'utc)tprnciiii>coiiliai calibfinuolujiilciti immorum rrddrrc Tt<'\» liiua,nonaimnKinu1a^^.lc|ucn)uuiicmnMiiii Ar/iopiOM;niiin,?if hacdc tiufaaot^jia.iiicatidjiuariJitjr.nafnficjJc aoii t^wMit cxommbwtfHistiCTUrctuf id ATk1uin.nullAHcn:rtiu%uai.arf0.ii'{ii^u ti'i.i-prrcirciiUicnilinramU-mpcruMmdmwiJlrarfr.cxqua rt^ucrrnviiUndrm xqiK Jiftantfm fcii parailf lum hfijuiimrc , .;ii^il imtlo tuodo .'oniingtt re'ti liiica rirnjlartm f ad ''o'citi ortum ucl occaftim i I'nva rmndinmh fctedeitubJ ami nauncx drpi* iftUfnmiumaJAr.1umdirctt^oflaiT]i.',fomar(^ ab Ar^oi> iIu'mk pri'>i-omc- •<.'riJioiiiIi'>,r^uini naiinf r acm Iiliiim rct^ifsmn St* pttntrionriollmdit,Jirtita'"IoiumInriiIjir(L"iii'.TpJraraiiyn,t]ii( iiiiiJ.'miil.ni.i 3mpi'trum!»ruIirrtoccidnro!T:>'^jni ,o|>itiion;m''^,)i(aion(xrorumrolcTn txprni-ntil ,(]uar> diu^ii afiiJu-mi muigit(oiif1boturcprofiniimr.lTq(iiJ.-"'-Ai'ii:rtKiii'nii-i.- V l'i-*K-umi'idi«r»m(nn afdicraim.Adhif ScbaftiinmCjIxjiuwiK-' iUUi^4f,c{cic)cniat(m Ocfirun adujiiii^Ui'-.iU .n i..i i;t i'iJ't'iiidiiiniit£*'pljgim,»ibtc)uir(ii pine Si-pfrmn.viimnu'da C.r.\ j^linutniii|ioi*nainj»;tionjcL*«"ilfirf..'ii!Mni: Ar.'rui'ini(.-nd>T.".niiil»md-M.i'in^X'ratiombinf< imifmnanaui gmdmn cn Iiii- ni.TXt)t.«f(Tiuc- N* 1 8 Q'iv-dcTi';uhJaddcv^clR•■yd^■(^^lltIuM]ua!.•^»rJll jumdoi ''(-Iniir IndKorontorruntfraiirporuJo's en Cknnanja. ^;\|A BnrOii hill RDfn(aytuwdetiIj;rjndcra'ri-g;iadirfn)v fuirva.quf fomjinuiiboy yfomitntjohndu pirafomrr.ymit df. Cftiqucfomioi un battl por gi.'iidrqn»n rn ;:ri.iJcjI(\Ti^-dc(",njtslode)(anci«r,y tomci\f< lo»hombiT*.y cllV. trircba fcnwUiitf cnrm« todiw en fu lil»ro d* pmfpi 1 1 , y idutri J fonuna . N'. ifi Aycnlaysladflot*! tCalcnguanL«3«n.TigiM,Hoii(ai,Gfruo'yotrwni*J?hai diufWIdaihidfanimilfj.ifi mifmoivigiiiljv y Pipagayoablv^l.t « hublui nn diro eomo pcrfontA.loquf arlloilu a c.Jc r.itdo, y otrii mufhu aiKsf^^nUincra.dc diur r6» lay0onci,ligmtcdtH idnhUAn ydoJami , comer, camt bumana. N*->l Hallo tUaitladvru i ftA« Uf\»tModyqfnh«yaydiTcnaufriyroofOfwtPa.^nop<>rTugtitfc N*al. ^nefbUt dc (tOai y oncU (kwloiirioKoy Rubiajiigm&>]'^Q>' "■>iHK**^^