History of the Girtys 
 
 BEING A CONCISE ACCOUNT OF THE GIRTY BROTHERS- 
 THOMAS, SIMON, JAMES AND GEORGE, AND 01 THEIR 
 HALF-BROTHER, JOHN TURNER— ALSO OF THE PART 
 TAKEN BY THEM IN LORD DUNMORE'S WAR, IN 
 THE WESTERN BORDER WAR OF THE REVOLU- 
 TION, AND IN THE INDIAN WAR OF I790-95 
 
 WITH A RECITAL OF THE PRINCIPAL EVLNTS IN THE WEST DURING 
 THESE WARS, DRAWN FROM AUTHENTIC SOURCES, ,; 
 LARGELY ORIGINAL 
 
 BY 
 
 CONSUL WILLSHIRE BUTTERFIELD 
 
 Author of "An Historical Account of the Expedition against Sandusky under 
 Col. William Crawford in 178a," etc. 
 
 CINCINNATI 
 
 ROBERT CLARKE & CO. 
 
 1890 
 

 /l'ld\) 
 
 0152- 
 
 Copyrighted 
 ROBERT CLARKE & CO 
 
 1890 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 It adds much to the pleasure of an author, in writing biog- 
 raphies of persons, to be in sympathy with them ; but this oc- 
 casionally results in unmerited praise. On the other hand, where 
 the writer pursues his self-imposod labor with a feeling of antago- 
 nism, unjust detraction may ensue. 
 
 While it is true that an extended notice of the three Girtys — 
 Simon, James, and George — was undertaken because of the notori- 
 ety they had obtained, yet the principal reason for prosecuting this 
 work to a final completion has been that there is an apparent neces- 
 sity for our Western annals to be freed, so far as may be, from 
 error, every-where permeating them as to the part actually taken 
 by these brothers — particularly Simon — in many of the important 
 events which, to a considerable extent, make up the history of the 
 Trans-Alleghany country. 
 
 It is because so manv "ccuflictiuo; statements" have heretofore 
 been published concerning the Girtys — sometimes, however, in frag- 
 mentary form, but generally incorporated in Western historical 
 works — that, along with the accounts of them in these pages, are 
 also given brief sketches of the principal occurrences in which they 
 took part to a greater or less extent. These events are drawn from 
 authentic sources, largely original ; and as they are interwoven 
 with the life-record of the three brothers, they are arranged, of 
 course, in chronological order. This book, then, is historical as 
 well as biographical. And it may here be added that the author has 
 kept constantly in mind one object as paramount to all others — the 
 statement of facts, as he understands them. 
 
 To confine these pages, however, to a bare mention of occur- 
 rences, giving the name of the Girty who took part in any particu- 
 lar one, would be simply to make a dry chronological record ; this 
 might be useful, but it would not be entertaining. If it should 
 appear that Simon's name, during the Revolution, became a house- 
 hold word of terror all along the Western borders of Pennsylvania 
 and Virginia, the reader will naturally want to know the reason why. 
 Details, therefore, become necessary. We shall see that not only 
 Simon, but James and George, were cognizant of, or participants in 
 
 (iii) 
 
iv Preface. 
 
 many of those events which make the history of our country so full 
 of interest. Their lives, from boyhood to old age, were indeed 
 " tragically romantic." 
 
 Pennsylvanians by birth, they were prisoners to the Indians in 
 the old French war. Simon was a noted scout in Lord Dunmore's 
 war ; and he, with his two brothers before named, was actively en- 
 gaged in the interest of Britain during the last five years of the 
 Revolution. In the Indian war of 1790-95, Simon and George 
 aided the savages — the former in a way especially effective. But 
 what has given the three brothers particular notoriety was their 
 warring against their countrymen in connection with the Indians, 
 from 1778 to 1783, inclusive. 
 
 An inteiest in another of the Girty brothers — Thomas — and a 
 half-brother — John Turner — is awakened because of the bearing 
 their lives have upon the career of their three more noted relatives. 
 Therefore it is that they, too, are oticed at some length in the 
 pages following. Other members of the family are mentioned — 
 only, however, in an incidental manner. 
 
 It only remains for me to acknowledge my indebtedness to 
 Douglas Brymner, Esq., of Ottawa, Canada, for promptly furnish- 
 ing whatever copies have been called for of the transcripts of the 
 Haldimand Papers in his charge as Public Archivist. The extent 
 of the obligation I am under to him for this courtesy can be best 
 understood by observing the number of citations from these Pa- 
 pers which hereafter occur. 
 
 Consul Willshire Butterpield. 
 
 Omaha, March, 1890. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. PAGE. 
 
 Simon Girty, Sr., emigrates from Ireland to Pennsylvania 1 
 
 Marries Miss Mary Newton 1 
 
 Death of Girty 5 
 
 John Turner, Sr., marries Mrs. Girty 5 
 
 The Turner family made prisoners by Indians 8 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 Turner's awful death by torture 11 
 
 Thomas Girty rescued at Kittanning 13 
 
 Simon, James, and George Girty adopted by the savages 15 
 
 The Girty family, in 1759, brought into Pittsburgh... 16 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Employment in Pittsburgh of Simon, James, and George 
 
 Girty 19 
 
 Thomas Girty, before 176S, settles at Pittsburgh 22 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Boundary troubles between Pen.nsylvania and Virginia 23 
 
 Simon Girty sides with Virginia 24 
 
 Lord Dunmore's War 25 
 
 Girty translates Logan's "speech'.' 29 
 
 Boundary troubles renewed in the West 30 
 
 Girty commissioned second lieutenant by Virginia 31 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Backwoodsmen, in 1775, enthusiastic for liberty 34 
 
 Simon Girty goes as guide for James Wood 35 
 
 John Neville, for Virginia, takes possession of Ft. Pitt 36 
 
 Girty appointed interpreter for the Six Nations 37 
 
 Savages begin hostilities on the Western border 40 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Simon Girty made second lieutenant by the patriots 41 
 
 Lieut.-Gov. Henry Hamilton, at Detroit, excites the Indians... 41 
 
 Brig. -Gen. Edward Hand takes command at Fort Pitt 42 
 
 Alexander McKee, at Pittsburgh, distrusted by the Whigs 43 
 
 Girty arrested as disloyal, but acquitted 45 
 
 Thomas Girty's early career at Pittsburgh 46 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 George Girty enlists with Capt. James Willing 47 
 
 (V) 
 
vi Contents. 
 
 Gen. Hand goes upon a " Squaw Campnigii " 48 
 
 MoKoe spcretly preiiares to desert to the British 49 
 
 James Girty goes to the Shawanese for the Americana 49 
 
 McKee, Matthew Elliott, Simon Girty, and others, start for 
 
 Detroit 50 
 
 . The reason why Simon Girty fJeserted his country •'52 
 
 Mistakes and erroneous traditions as to Girty 64 
 
 lie had no landed property in Pennsylvania 55 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Delaware Indians excited by tlie wiles of McKee and 
 
 Simon Girty 58 
 
 McKee, Elliott, and Girty go to the Shawanese towns 60 
 
 The three, with others, depart for Detroit 61 
 
 Received with open arms by Hamilton 62 
 
 Simon Girty employed as interpreter in the Indian Depart- 
 ment 63 
 
 James Girty, having deserted his trust, also goeb ^^troit 64 
 
 Hamilton's barbarous policy against the Americans. 65 
 
 McKee, Elliott, Simon and James Girty attainted of high 
 
 treason 66 
 
 Hamilton vainly endeavors to arm the " Moravian " Indians... 67 
 
 Simon Girty given no military office 68 
 
 Hamilton takes delight in the sufferings of American prison- 
 ers 69 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 George Rogers Clark sends spies to the Illinois 71 
 
 Capture, by Indians, cf Daniel Boone and others 72 
 
 Clark's conquest of the Illinois and ^abash towns 72 
 
 Simon Girty and his brother James sent to the Ohio wilder- 
 ness 73 
 
 Simon goes among the Mingoes; James, among the Shawanese.. 73 
 
 With warriors, they raid into the American settlements 74 
 
 Hamilton, at Detroit, disregards his orders 75 
 
 Capture of Simon Kenton by the Shawanese 76 
 
 His life saved by Girty 78 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Hamilton seeks to recover the Illinois 86 
 
 Major A. S. Peyster, at Michilimackinac, aids him 86 
 
 Brig-Gen. Lachlan Mcintosh takes command at Fort Pitt 87 
 
 Mcintosh builds Forts Mcintosh ard Laurens 88 
 
 Simon Girty ambuscades a detachment at Fort Laurens 89 
 
 Hamilton captured by Clark at Vincennes 90 
 
 Girty becomes bitterly hostile toward Americans 91 
 
ContenU. vii 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Cnpt. Henry Biivl goes with Indians against Fort Laurens 93 
 
 He bosiegos tiie tort 94 
 
 Failure of Bird to cai)turi' the post 95 
 
 Delaware Indians try to take Simon CSirly's scalp 95 
 
 Col. Daniel Brodhead takes command at Fort Pitt 95 
 
 Col. John Bowman marciies troin Ky. against Chillicothe 96 
 
 Bird plans another expedition against Fort Laurens 96 
 
 Its failure 97 
 
 Simon Girty goes after a jmekage of loyalists' letters 97 
 
 Why his name became a household word of terror on the 
 
 border 98 
 
 He accidentally meets David Zeisberger, the Moravian mis- 
 sionary 98 
 
 The Moravian fiction as to his meeting Zeisberger 101 
 
 Girty's determined hostility to the borderers 104 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 George Girty deserts his company a!id goes to Detroit 105 
 
 Engaged by the British commandant as interpreter 108 
 
 He is paid the same as his brothers Simon and James 108 
 
 Simon Girty's intention again to go against Fort Laurens 
 
 abandoned 109 
 
 James Girty is to reconnoiter "toward the Weas" 109 
 
 David Rogers, with supplies for the Americans, attacked 110 
 
 He and his force defeated by Simon and George Girty and 
 
 Elliott 110 
 
 Major De Peyster takes command at Detroit Ill 
 
 Clark's success at the Illinois and on the Wabash causes dis- 
 affection among the Indians Ill 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Catharine Malotl (afterward Simon Girty's wife) captured by 
 
 Indians 116 
 
 The three Girtys at Detroit in the spring of 1780 117 
 
 Lieut.-Gov. Patrick Sinclair organizes a raid against St. Louis.. 117 
 
 The expedition virtually a failure 118 
 
 De Peyster assembles at Detroit whites and Indians to assail 
 
 Kentucky 118 
 
 Capt. Bird takes command 118 
 
 The three Girtys — Simon, James, and George — go on the ex- 
 pedition 118 
 
 Ca|:)ture of Ruddle's and Martin's Stations 119 
 
 Clark, in retaliatiim, marches from Ky. against Chillicothe 
 
 and Piqua 121 
 
 George and James Girty help defend Piqua 121 
 
viii Contents. 
 
 CH AFTER XIV. 
 
 Thomas (liity still resitles at PittHburgh 124 
 
 Deliiwiiro Indians become hostile to the Americans 125 
 
 •Simon Girty brings in prisoners from Kentucky 126 
 
 Col, Brodhnad goes on a successful expedit'.on against Coshoc- 
 ton 126 
 
 Simon flirty saves young Henry Baker's life 127 
 
 He (flirty) writes De Peyster from Upper Sandusky 128 
 
 Clark plans an expedition against Detroit 129 
 
 Capt. Andrew Thompson marches to interpose a barrier to 
 
 his advance 129 
 
 Col. Archibal I Lochry defeated by Brant and Geo. flirty 129 
 
 Capt. Brant and Simon dirty have a personal encounter 130 
 
 Brant and McKee at the Long Uun massacre 131 
 
 Fort Henry (Wheeling) visited by savages 132 
 
 Moravian missionary establislimentson the Tuscarawas bioken 
 
 up 133 
 
 Andrew and Adam Poe, and others, attack seven Wyandots 
 
 successfully 133 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Simon flirty associates intimately with the Half King 136 
 
 Aids that chief in getting the "Moravians" from the Sandusky. 137 
 
 Goes on a raid into the border settlements 141 
 
 Returns with John Stevenson as prisoner 141 
 
 De Peyster writes Girty to take the missionnries to Detroit 143 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Zeisberger and Ileckewelder frightened by Girty 147 
 
 The two missionaries go to Detroit 149 
 
 Thomas Edgerton condemned to be tortured, but saved ISO 
 
 Girty speaks kindly to young Christian F'a^t 152 
 
 Thomas Girty petitions Brig.-Gen. Irvine 153 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Col. David Williamson conducts an expedition to the Tus- 
 carawas 155 
 
 Ninety " Moravian" Indians captured and killed 155 
 
 Sensational stories of Simon Girty related 158 
 
 Girty writes De Peyster from Upper Sandusky 159 
 
 A volunteer force organized against the Wyandots 161 
 
 Command given to Col. William Crawford 161 
 
 The Wyandots prepare to defend themselves 162 
 
 Preparations by De Peyster to meet the danger 163 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Crawford attacks the enemy on the Sandusky Plains 167 
 
Contents. ix 
 
 The Ameiionns retroat from the Samiusky 169 
 
 Another battle fought 171 
 
 Crawford and Dr. Knight cai)lured hy the Deluwn es 172 
 
 The Colonel meets Simon Oirty at the Half King's town 172 
 
 Oirty makes no etlort to save Crawford from torture 174 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Oirty again meets T'rawford 177 
 
 The Colonel lied to i>, Htnke by the Delaware^ 178 
 
 Jle is cruelly tortured 180 
 
 Oirty delighted at the horrid spectacle 180 
 
 Crawford's awful suffering 181 
 
 Death finally ends bis misery 183 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Oirty informs Capt. Wm. Caldwell of Crawford's death 183 
 
 Does not claim to have interceded for him 183 
 
 Oeorge Oirty now liviinf with the Delawares 184 
 
 •John Slover captured 184 
 
 Bndly treated at Wapalomica by James (iirty 185 
 
 Cursed by Oeorge Oirty 186 
 
 Sentenced to be tortured, but escapes 186 
 
 " Dead men tell no tales " 187 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Oreat Indian council held at Waputomica 190 
 
 Capt. Caldwell goes there from Lower Sandusky 192 
 
 Marches against Fort Henry, but returns before reaching the 
 
 ! fort ." 192 
 
 Capt. Andrew Bradt sent to reinforce him 192 
 
 Clark supposed to be on the march for the Siiavvaiie.se towns.. 19.3 
 
 A large Indian force near Piqua assembles to meet him 193 
 
 The report of ('lark's coming a false one 194 
 
 The Indians disperse 194 
 
 Caldwell, with Rangers and Indians, crosses into Ky 194 
 
 Bryan's Station attacked 194 
 
 A fiction as to Simon Oirty demaniiing a surrender 196 
 
 The enemy fail to reduce the Station (Bryan's) 197 
 
 Battle of the Blue Licks 198 
 
 Oirty had no command in the battle 199 
 
 The victors return across the Ohio 200 
 
 Capt. Bradt assails Fort Henry 201 
 
 Clark destroys a Shawanese town on the Oreat Miami 201 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 News of peace with Oreat Britain reaches the West 210 
 
 Capture by Simon Girty of young Burkhart 210 
 
Contents. 
 
 A fiction as to Samuel Brady 211 
 
 Giity recalled from the Ohio wilderness 211 
 
 De Peyster informs the Indians that peace is made 213 
 
 Girty visited by his brother Thomas and half-brother, Jolin 
 
 Turner 213 
 
 Sir John Johnson couns^els the Indians not to yield their 
 
 hinds • 214 
 
 Girty marries Miss Catharine Malott 215 
 
 They locate in Canada, on the Detroit river 216 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Col. Josiah Ilarmar commands the First American Regiment.. 220 
 
 A treaty with the Western Indians held at Fort Mcintosh 221 
 
 Simon Girty directed wholly by Alex. McKee 222 
 
 Girty and others inflame the savages against the Americans... 223 
 
 Another treaty held — this time at " Fort Finney " 225 
 
 The Western savages, owing to British emissaries, getting 
 
 hostile 226 
 
 Col. Harmar ordered to protect the border 227 
 
 Girty and McKee go to Niagara to an Indian council 227 
 
 Capt. Joseph Brant urges the Indians to unite 228 
 
 The savages determined to oppose Western settlements 229 
 
 A fiction regarding James Girty being on the Ohio 229 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Capture of James Moore by the Indians 233 
 
 Mary Moore, his sister, afterward taken prisoner 235 
 
 She is purchased of the Indians by a loyalist 235 
 
 Simon Girty and McKee aid her in getting released 237 
 
 Thomas Girty sent as a messenger to the Indians 238 
 
 Simon Girty is very active withthe Ohio savages 239 
 
 He has great influence among the Indians 240 
 
 A Mrs. Thomas Cunningham captured by the savages 240 
 
 Girty and McKee get her ransomed 241 
 
 Portents of an Indian War in the West 241 
 
 A treaty in 1789 held at Fort Ilarmar. 242 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Simon Girty is not very active in 1789 244 
 
 He is again visited by his half-brother, John Turner 245 
 
 Hostility of the Wabash and Miami Indians 245 
 
 An unsuccessful expedition led by Gen. Harmar against the 
 
 Mianiis 246 
 
 Maj. Flamtramck lays waste Wabash towns 247 
 
 The Western savages determine upoji war 248 
 
 A fiction ns to Simon Girty attacking Baker's Station 249 
 
 John Dunlap forms a hettiement on the Great Miami 249 
 
Contents. xi 
 
 Girty leads an Indian force against Dunlap's Station 251 
 
 Shocking torture of Abner Hunt 252 
 
 The siege of Dunlap's Station raised 254 
 
 The U. S. endeavor to treat with the hostile savages 256 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 "Moravian" Indians paid in rum, by Simon Girty, for labor... 259 
 
 Gen. Arthur St. Clair marches against the Miami towns 260 
 
 St. Clair's army defeated 262 
 
 Girty tights bravely in the battle 263 
 
 He recognizes Gen. Richard Butler on the battle-field 263 
 
 He captures a white woman 264 
 
 Girty and a party of Indians attack Fort Jefferson 265 
 
 A grand council of Indians to be held at "The Glaize" 266 
 
 Young Spencer captured 267 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Simon Girty the only white man in the "Grand Council" 274 
 
 An armistice determined upon by the Indians 274 
 
 The U. S. attempt to treat with the savages 275 
 
 Commissioners reach the Detroit river 276 
 
 Negotiations with the savages fail 278 
 
 Gen. Wayne immediately moves toward the Maumee 278 
 
 Quakers hold a meeting at Simon Girty's home 279 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 Simon Girty is very active as interpreter 281 
 
 He is seen by Jacob Lewis in Detroit 281 
 
 Savages under Little Turtle attack Fort Recovery 283 
 
 The enemy repulsed 283 
 
 Girty fights bravely in the attack 283 
 
 Battle of the " Fallen Timber" 285 
 
 Wayne's victory complete 286 
 
 A vain attempt by the British to induce the savages to con- 
 tinue the war ,.... 287 
 
 Proposals for peace made by the Indians to Wayne 288 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 James Girty marries Betsy, a Shawanese women 289 
 
 Locates as a trader at St. Mary's 289 
 
 Removes to the "Grand Glaize" 290 
 
 Young Spencer is frightened by him .* 292 
 
 Girty, with his family, in 1794, removes to Canada 292 
 
 George Girty gives himself up wholly to an Indian life 293 
 
 Meets young John Brickell 293 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Simon Qirty, McKee, and Brant endeavor to prevent peace.... 296 
 
xii Contents. 
 
 John Jay concludes a treaty with Great Britain 297 
 
 The U. S. and the Western Indians treat at Greenville 298 
 
 The Indian War ended 298 
 
 Possession obtained of the Western posts 299 
 
 The treaty of Greenville a "bitter pill" for Simon Girty and 
 
 McKee 300 
 
 Girty swims his horse across the Detroit river 3U0 
 
 Girty's banter to an Indian 301 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Girty, at his home, continues as interpreter for Britain 304 
 
 Sketch of Prideaux, Simon's last child 304 
 
 Simon gets a grant of land from the Crown 305 
 
 He separates from his wife 306 
 
 Marriage of his three eldest children 307 
 
 Deeds half his land to bis son Thomas 307 
 
 Went to Detroit when it capitulated to the British 308 
 
 He goes to the Mohawks to be out of danger 309 
 
 The property of Matthew Elliott destroyed by the Americans.. 310 
 
 CHA PTER XXXII. • 
 
 Death of Thomas, son of Simon Girty 315 
 
 George Girty marries and dies among the Delawares 315 
 
 James Girty returns to the Maumee to trade 316 
 
 Granted land in Gosfield, Essex county, Canada 316 
 
 Death of his wife 316 
 
 Gives up his business on the Maumee 317 
 
 Dies in Gostield, on his farm, in 1817 318 
 
 His character 318 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 Simon Girty retufns home totally blind 320 
 
 His wife lives with him again 321 
 
 His death and burial 322 
 
 His personal appearance described 323 
 
 His ill-will toward the Americans 324 
 
 His general character 324 
 
 He was never a vagabond 327 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 Thomas Girty moves from Pittsburgh 331 
 
 Dies on "Girty's Run," across the Alleghany 331 
 
 He was never an " Indian hunter" 332 
 
 Death of John Turner at " Squirrel Hill" 332 
 
 Bequests in bis will 333 
 
 Turner described in the Pittsburgh Daily Gazette 333 
 
 Death of Mrs. Catharine Malott Girty 333 
 
Contents. xiii 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 A — First published account of the Girtys 335 
 
 B — Record of the baptism of John Turner (translation) 337 
 
 C — Mention of Georjie Girty as a trader 337 
 
 D — Fictitious account of Simon Girty joining the Indians in 
 
 1774 339 
 
 F — Oaths taken by Simon Girty when commissioned second 
 
 lieutenant under Major John (Connolly 341 
 
 F — " Letting loose the horrible hell-hounds of savage war."... 342 
 G — Simon Girty and the siege of Fort Henry, Wheeling, in 
 
 1777 344 
 
 H — Simon Girty's visit to the Seneca towns up the Alleghany, 
 
 in the fall of 1777 346 
 
 I — The reason why General Hand gave up his intended expe- 
 dition to French creek, in the spring of 1778 .-,48 
 
 J — Concerning certain orders said to have been given by Gen. 
 
 Haldimand to Lieutenant-Governor Henry Hamilton while 
 
 at Detroit 348 
 
 K — Kenton and the Mingo Logan 350 
 
 L — Lochry's defeat 351 
 
 M — Why the Moravian missionary establishments on theTus- 
 
 carawas were broken up 353 
 
 N — Simon Girty and Colonel Crawford on the Sandusky 355 
 
 * O — A Rotitious account of Simon Girty attitudinizing as an 
 
 orator 372 
 
 P — Concerning the Blue Licks campaign 373 
 
 Q — The Haldimand Manuscripts 377 
 
 R — George Girty to Captain Alexander McKee 382 
 
 S — Examination of John Leith 382 
 
 T — McKee the principal stimulator of the war of 1790-95 385 
 
 U — Governor Simcoe, of Canada, prevents peace in 1794 386 
 
 V — Simon Girty and the Scotch-Irish of Western Virginia 387 
 
 W— Deed of Simon Girty to his son Thomas 389 
 
 X — General Harrison in Canada in 1813 390 
 
 Y— Letters of William Charles Mickle 392 
 
 Z — Published estimates of Simon Girty 394 
 
 AA— James Girty's will 397 
 
 BB— John Turner's will 399 
 
 CC — Simon Girty and boy prisoners 401 
 
 DD— "Simon Girty" in a Cyclopoedia 403 
 
 EE — Illustrative notes, al.xo extracts from printed accounts, 
 
 concerning the Girtys .' 405 
 
HISTORY OF THE GIRTYS. 
 
 CIIAPTEK I. 
 
 On the Susquehanna river, there Hved, in the second quar- 
 ter of the eighteenth century, upon the soil of what was then 
 Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, an Irishman, whose name 
 was Simon Girty — sometimes written, in early accounts, 
 "Girte;" sometimes, " Girtee ; " and frequently, " Gerty." 
 At least one writer has declared, though erroneously, that the 
 word is a corruption of " Guthrie." * 
 
 Girty emigrated from the Emei'ald Isle at middle age, en- 
 gaging, soon after his arrival in America, and in the province 
 just named, in the Indian trade, in the employment of pack- 
 horse driver. Subsequently, after he had saved enough of his 
 earnings to go into business for himself in trafficking with the 
 Indians, he married Mary Newton, an English girl.-i- Of pre- 
 vious events in her life, nothing whatever is known. Girty 
 was married about the year 1737. His first child, named 
 Thomas, was born in 1739.| The birth of a second child, 
 called Simon after the father, was in 1741. § A third son — 
 
 * Chftrles Cist, in Cincinnati Miscellany, Vol, I, p. 126. 
 
 T Registres des Baptesmes et Sepultares qui se sont faits au Fort Du- 
 quesne. Pendant les annces 1763, 1754, 1765, and 1766. New York, 1859. 
 pp. 43, 44. 
 
 The writer of this narrative, by putting reliance upon an erroneous tra- 
 ditionary account, states, in a letter published some years since, that the 
 maiden name of Mrs. Girty was Crosby. See History of Clark County, 
 Ohio, pp. 377, 378. 
 
 t In Niles's Weekly Register, Vol. XIX, p. 262, the year 1731 is incor- 
 rectly given as the date of Thomas Girty's birth. 
 
 § It is declared by John MacLeod, in the Amherstburg (Canada) Echg, 
 of November 21, 1884 (Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. VII, p. 123; 
 
 1 (1) 
 
IIutor<i of the Girtys. 
 
 James — was born in 1743. The birth of George, the fourth 
 child, was in 1745. There were no daughters.* 
 
 It is certain that the home of the Girty family, it least 
 from the date of the birth of their first child, was at Cham- 
 bers's Mill, on the east side of the Susquehanna, above Har- 
 ris's — that is, above the site of the present city of Ilarris- 
 burg — then in the county of Lancaster, in that portion which 
 has since been formed into Dauphin county. The place was 
 familiarly known, at that period, as " Chambers's, in Pax- 
 tang." 
 
 Five miles above Harrisburg, there empties into the Sus- 
 quehanna, on the eastern side, a small stream, called Fish- 
 ing creek. At the mouth, or, rather, several hundred yards 
 from it, at an early day, at least prior to 1730, several 
 brothers of the name of Chambers erected a mill, hence, 
 the name of the place — " Chambers's Mill." It was this 
 family of Chambers that settled Chambersburg, Pennsyl- 
 vania, in 1736. During the French and Indian war, a fort, 
 or stockade, was built at Chambers's Mill, named " Fort 
 Hunter." This was subsequently called " McAllister's ; " it 
 is yet known as " Fort Hunter.",! Chambers's Mill was a set- 
 tlement not famous for its morality. Indeed, it had few, if 
 any, rivals, for its wickedness, in the province. J 
 
 Of those who lived at Chambers's and in its vicinity, em- 
 ployed, as was Simon Girty, Sr., in the Indian trade, the 
 names of several have been preserved, some of Avhom were 
 then (^and others afterward became) noted in their calling ; but, 
 in that class, " Girtee," of " Paxtang," can not be reckoned. 
 
 Of Indian traders, licensed fronx the 10th of August, 1747, to 
 
 , _» 
 
 Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 266), that Simon Girty, Jr., 
 was born in 1744; but this is error. 
 
 * There is a tradition afloat in Essex county, Canada, which I have met 
 with, to the effect that the Girty boys above mentioned had a sister; but this 
 is clearly erroneous. 
 
 -j- Compare Rupp's History of Dauphin, Cumberland, Franklin, Bedford, 
 Adams, and Perry Counties (Pa.), pp. 69, 80; also, Egle's History of Dau- 
 phin County, pp. 60, 51. 
 
 % Consult, in this connection. An Account of the Life of the Late Rev- 
 erend Mr. David Brainerd. Boston, 1749. p. 200. 
 
Hiatory of the Girtys. 3 
 
 the same day of the next year, the list is extant ; also, of those 
 not licensed ; among the latter is found the name of Girty.* 
 However, there is no evidence that he fell into the clutches 
 of the law for his dereliction ; as, on the 10th of August, 
 1748, he received the proper authority to traffic with the sav- 
 ages ; when, it is probable, the amount of license for the year 
 previous was paid. 
 
 The home of Girty, at this time, was on the confines of 
 civilization ; nevertheless, the " course of empire '*' was '' west- 
 ward," across the Susquehanna — "beyond the Endless mount- 
 ains, on Juniata, on Sherman's creek, and elsewhere," to the 
 great uneasiness of the Indians, vor more than thirty families 
 of white people, in the spring ol' 1741', had settled on their 
 lands. t 
 
 The number of adventurers increased, and the Indians be- 
 came thoroughly alarmed. They demanded their removal. 
 Pennsylvania could not do otherwise than to comply with the 
 wishes of the savages ; but it was resolved to try peaceable 
 measures — warnings to the interlopers — and, if these failed, 
 force would be employed. So the sheriff of Lancaster county, 
 and three magistrates, with a government agent, were sent to 
 the Trans-Susquehanna settlements to warn the people to leave 
 immediately. Little heed was given to their words. Not 
 only were there no returns to the east bank, but settlers con- 
 tinued to arrive. Among these, in 1749, was Simon Girty, 
 Sr., and family, from Chambers's. He settled on Sherman's 
 creek, in what is now Perry county. But his career as a far- 
 mer was suddenly cut short. 
 
 On the 22d of May, 1750, eight provincials, good and true 
 men, appointed by the government, and accompanied by an 
 under-sheriff of the county (Cumberland), proceeded " by 
 force of arms," to carry out the wishes of the Indians. The 
 first settlement reached contained five log cabins. The occu- 
 pants were taken into custody, and the houses burned. 
 
 * For the entire list of "Indiiin Traders Lycensed" and " Unlyoensed," 
 see Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series, Vol. II, p. 14. 
 t Pennsylvania Archive!', Old Series, Vol. II, p. 24. 
 
Hutory of the Qirfys. 
 
 Thence, the valorous nine proceeded to Sherman's creek, 
 where they found, besidoa Girty, nine other trespassers. The 
 ten were taken also into custody. It was found that each had 
 settled upon a separate tract of land, and erected a cabin 
 thereon. The houses, like those in the first settlement vis- 
 ited, were burned to the ground. Each settler was bound in 
 a recognizance of one hundred pounds to appear and answer 
 for his trespass on the first day of the next county court, 
 which was to be held at Shippensburg.* In view of all the 
 circumstances, this violation of the law on the part of Girty 
 and the others can not be set down greatly to their discredit. 
 The former returned to Chambers's. It was the last of his 
 farming oj rations. 
 
 Girty was not free from the vice, which every-where pre- 
 vailed upon the border, of drinking too much. It is a tradi- 
 tion, long since hardened into print, and many times repeated, 
 that he was "beastly intemperate;" that a "jug of whisky 
 was the extent of his ambition ;" and that " grog was his 
 song, and grog would he have." This, however, is overdrawn. 
 He would have his sprees, bui he was not an habitual drunk- 
 ard, although, after his return with his family to Chambers's, 
 an end was put to his existence, remotely, by his indulgence. 
 Concerning his final " taking off," the same tradition is also 
 at fault. It is asserted that " his hours were wasted in idle- 
 ness and intemperance, and he was finally knocked on the 
 head by a neighboring boor, who bore off Mrs. Girty as a tro- 
 phy of his prowess." f Another published statement is, that 
 he had a difficulty with a neighbor. Girty challenged him. 
 They met ; rifles were used ; but both missed. They were then 
 
 * Rupp's History of Dauphin, Cumberland, Franklin, Bedford, Adams, 
 and Perry Counties (Pa.), p. 655. 
 
 t This tradition was first given to the publi(3 in the Missouri Gazette, of 
 May 7, 1814; then in " The Girtys," in John W. Campbell's Biographical 
 Sketches (Columbus, Ohio, 1838), p. 147. From the latter it has been fre- 
 quently copied. Campbell drew for his article wholly from the Gazette. 
 In the supplement to Vol. IX, of Niles's Weekly Register, p. 181, the Ga- 
 zette article is given verbatim, but with credit. 
 
History of the Oirtys. 
 
 furnished with swords by their seconds and Girty fell mortiiUy 
 wounded — run through his body by the weapon of his antag- 
 onist. 
 
 So much for traditionary accounts. The following are the 
 facts : He was killed, in a drunken frolic, by an In<lian 
 named " The Fish," at his home, about the ending of the year 
 1751.-'^ While, therefore, he received liis death- wound at the 
 hand of a savage, it can not be said, as some accounts have it, 
 that he was " killed by the Indians '' — the inference being that 
 he was the victim of a war-party, marauding in the white set- 
 tlements.! 
 
 The killing of Girty was a deed which must needs be 
 avenged, and the avenger was at hand. Ilis name was John 
 Turner. He lived with Girty. To make things equal, he put 
 an end to the existence of " The Fi.^h " — the murderer of his 
 friend. So, in the backwoods, justice was satisfied. It was 
 the law of — an eye for an eye ; a tooth for a tooth ; a life for 
 a life. But Turner must have his reward; and he married, 
 in Paxtang, early in 1753, Mrs. Girty, the widow, a woman of 
 unblemished character. At the commencement of 1754, a 
 son was born of this union, who was named John, J after his 
 father. 
 
 About six months subsequent to this event, the lands in 
 Sherman's Valley, and on the Juniata, besides much other, 
 were purchased, by the Penns, of the Indians, and a land of- 
 fice opened for their sale, on the 3d of Februaay, 1755. § 
 
 Immigration quickly began to make rapid strides into the 
 
 *Seo, as to the name of the Indian who killed Girty, Magazine of Amer- 
 ican History, Vol. XV, p. 257. It is erroneously asserted by Theodore 
 Roosevelt (The "Winning of the West, Vol. I, p. 96), that Girty was tort- 
 ured at the stake — tomahawked, finally, by a papoose held up by its father 
 for that purpose. 
 
 t See Sparks's Library of American Biograpliy, Second Series, Vol. XIII 
 (Peck's Life of Boone), p. 109, note. 
 
 X llegistres des Baptosmes et Sepultures qui se sont faits au Fort Du- 
 quesne, loc. cit. 
 
 g Wright's History of Perry County, Pennsylvania, pp. 13, 14. The 
 deed from the Indians was dated July 6, 1754. 
 
6 Hi%lory of the Oirlyn. 
 
 Trans-Susquelmnna roi^ioii. Woll had it been had the pioneers 
 postponed their coming. Among those who crossed the river 
 into Sherman's Valley was John Turner and family. lie took 
 up his residence near where Simon Girty, Sr., had previously 
 located.* 
 
 There was now open war between France and England. 
 Braddock's defeat, in July, IT-");"), was a humiliating blow to 
 the power last named. The savages of the West — allies of 
 the French — were soon murdering and burning in the border 
 settlements of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. In the 
 province first mentioned, these marauds were carried on far 
 down the streams which, on the west, enter the Susquehanna. 
 Forts, as they were called, were erected in various places 
 for the security of the inhabitants. Among these was one 
 called Fovt Granville. It was located at Old Town, on the 
 bank of the Juniata, not a great distance from the pres- 
 ent sight of licwistown, then in Cumberland county, now 
 Mifliin. Its position was unfavorable. 
 
 Alreiidy had more than a score of persons been killed or 
 carried off by the Indians. " Thereupon," so runs the rec- 
 ord, " on the 23d of October, 1755, forty-six of the inhab- 
 itants on Susquehanna, about Harris' Ferry, went to Shamo- 
 kin [the Forks of the Susquehanna], to inquire of the Indians 
 there who they were that had so cruelly fallen upon and ruined 
 the settlement." The result of this mission of inquiry was 
 most disastrous. On their return from Shamokin, they were 
 fired upon by some Indians who lay in ambush, and four were 
 shot, four drowned, and the rest put to flight. 
 
 It would be foreign to the object in view in this narrative, 
 t » enter into particulars concerning the devastation upon the 
 frontiers which followed. Our story, for the present, must 
 center at one point, and that point Fort Granville. 
 
 Sometime during the month of July, 1756, a party was 
 made up at Fort Duquesne, " at the forks of the Ohio," where 
 
 * Not "oil the Juniata," us stated in the Magazine of American His- 
 tory, Vol. XV, p. 257. 
 
UiMury of the. Uirtyn, 
 
 now stands IMttsburgli, consisting of twenty-thrftc Fronchinen, 
 iind thirty Indians, nndor tho command of Noyon do Villiers, 
 for a maraud into the hack settlements of Pennsylvania, or to 
 attack some of the forts therein.* De Villicrs's band was re- 
 inforced up the Alleghany hy nearly seventy savages. f Tho 
 Indiatis were largely Delawares,.]; with some Shawanese, and a 
 few Scnecas. They appeared before Fort (Jranvillc, on the 
 twenty-second of the month, and challenged the garrison to 
 combat; but this was declined by the commander, in conse- 
 quence of the weakness of his force. The enemy did not 
 leave the vicinity, but contented themselves with harrassing 
 the nearest settlements, keeping an eye, however, upon tlie 
 fort; b\it this was unknown to the commander, Captain Ed- 
 ward Ward, who took it for granted that the assailants had re- 
 turned to their homes. 
 
 Captain Ward's company was made up of enlisted men ; 
 they were all provincials, in the pay of Pennsylvania. The 
 first in command under ' ''n was Lieutenant Edward Arm- 
 strong ; the second, John Turner, the avenger of Simon Girty, 
 Sr., who had with him his whole family, for their better pro- 
 tection. Indeed, Sherman's Valley was wholly depopulated ; 
 but grain had been sown in the spring by the settlers, who 
 were compelled to do their work under guard. The harvest 
 was now ripe — the fields were suffering for the reapers — but 
 no one dared to venture out without a protector. Captain 
 Ward determined to guard the laborers, and, on the 30th of 
 July, marched all his force, except twenty-three, who were 
 left, under the command of Lieutenant Armstrong, as de- 
 fenders of the fort if assailed. Tho enemy were at once 
 aware of this withdrawal, and, the very day of the marching 
 
 * New York Colonial Document?, Vol. X, p. 480. "^ 
 
 t The whole force under De Villiers wiis iibout one hundred and twenty. 
 See Colonial Kecords of Pennsylvunia, Vol. VII, p. 23'2. 
 
 X Deposition of Thomas Girty, in Calendar of Virginia State Papers, 
 Vol. I, p. 280. "A party of Delawares, Shawuneso, and French " — Deposi- 
 tion of Simon Girty, in Jeft'erson MSS, Fifth Series, Vol. VIII, in Depart- 
 ment of State, Washington. 
 
8 Ifiufnri/ of fhr Girfi/a, 
 
 of Wartl, cominoiiccd a furious attack upon tlio fortilioation — 
 if Huch it could bo callod. 
 
 Having aNHaultod the fort in vain during the afternoon and 
 night, the enemy took to the Juniata crock, and, protected by 
 its bank, attained a deep ravine, by wliicb they were enabled 
 to ajtproach, without fear of injury, to wiliiiii thirty or forty 
 feet of the stockade, whicli they succeeded in setting on fire. 
 Througli a liole made by the flames, tiicy killed the lieutennnt 
 and one private, and wounded throe others, who were endeav- 
 oring to put out the fire. The enemy then ofl'ering (juartor to 
 the besieged, if they would surrender, Turner opened the gate 
 to thorn.''- 
 
 At this time there were inside the stockade the enlisted men, 
 besides a number of women and children, including Turner's 
 family. One of the soldiers, named IJrandon, was toma- 
 hawked, and one, Peter Walker, afterward escaped. The loss 
 of the eneniy in killed was more than that of the besieged. 
 
 Colonel John Armstrong wrote, on the 20th of August, that 
 "McDowell [an interpreter with the French] told Walker [the 
 prisoner who afterward escaped] they had two Indians killed 
 in the engagement ; but the captains, Armstrong and Ward, 
 whom I ordered, on their march to Fort Shirley, to examine 
 every thing at Granville, and send a list of what remained 
 among the ruins, assure me they found some parts of eight of 
 the enemy, burnt in two different places, the joints of them 
 being scarcely separated, and parts of their shirts [were] 
 found through which there were bullet Iioles ; to secrete these 
 from our prisoners [that is, ' our men made prisoners '] was, 
 doubtless, the reason why the BVench oflicer marched our peo- 
 ple some distance from the fort before he gave orders to burn 
 the barriicks, etc." f 
 
 The fort was burned, and the prisoners — among whom were 
 Turner, his wife and children — were quickly hurried into the 
 western wilderness, " loaded with burdens." 
 
 In a letter written by Colonel William Clapham, from Fort 
 
 * Gcrdon's History of PeniiBylviiniH, p. C19. 
 
 t Penniiylvaniu Culoniul Uccord, yol. VII, p. 232. 
 
llimlory of the (Jirti/a. 
 
 AiigiiMta, oil the 14tli of August, to the governor of Penn»yl- 
 viiniti, the statonicnt is made, that the writer had "received by 
 oxproHH, the diHagrcoal)le news that Fort (Jraiivilio was taken 
 and hii'-nt to the grouiul hy a body of M)() French and Indians, 
 [and] that tiie wlioh* garrison had been kiUed, except one per- 
 son who was inucli wounded and made ids escape," * 
 
 This report, as to the number killed, was, as wo have scon, 
 erroneous.! 
 
 • Ponn»ylvHniii Arohlrw, Old 8«ric», Vol. II, p. 144. 
 t Seo thii HtHliMnt'iit o*" Pi'ter Walker, iis rolutod by Cnlotiol .lohii Anii- 
 gtPorig. Peniinylviuiiii Culoiiiiil Itui'orils, Vul. VII, p. \l<)'2, iilrciuly cited. 
 
10 History of the Girtys. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Leaving the unfortunates captives of Fort Granville in the 
 hands of the French and Indians, let us follow, briefly, the 
 current of events in the vicinity of that post for the next 
 month, August, 1756. From the fifth to the tenth, many 
 murders were committed in Cumberland county. This county 
 •was of great extent. It included " all and singular [the] 
 lands lying within the province of Pennsylvania, to the west- 
 ward of the Susquehanna, and northward and westward of the 
 county of York." It is not a matter of wonder that the 
 afi"righted inhabitants, in every direction, but especially of the 
 Juniata and Sherman's valley, should have deserted their 
 homes. About the twentieth, on the Salisbury plain, near 
 the mouth of Conococheague creek, as a number of men, 
 women, and children were attending a funeral, they were fired 
 on by about thirty Indians ; fifteen persons were killed and 
 scalped, and a number of others wounded. All around, 
 throughout the month, Avherever an opportunity offered, there 
 the wily savages were murdering, plundering, and burning. 
 But the day of retribution was at hand. It was determined 
 to carry the war into the Indian country — to attack the sav- 
 ages in some one of their villages beyond the mountains. 
 How this determination was carried out the sequel will show. 
 .. Far in the west, upon the east bank of the Alleghany river, 
 was the Delaware Indian village of Kittanning, now the site 
 of the present town of that name, county seat of Armstrong 
 county, Pennsylvania. Down the Alleghany, below the mouth 
 of the Kiskiminetas, a trail struck its banks, coming from 
 Shippensburg through the Indian village of Frank's Town, in 
 the present county of Huntingdon. Another from the same 
 place, " round Parnel's Knob and by Ray's Town [now Bed- 
 ford]," reached the Alleghany not far above its uniting with 
 the Monongahela to form the Ohio. These routes were the 
 
History of the Girtys. 11 
 
 ones usually followed by traders and others in passing over 
 the mountains, in Pennsylvania. On the northern trail, some 
 distance beyond Frank's Town, a branch trail led off to Kit- 
 tanning. After the commencement of hostilities, all these 
 trails were deserted save by war-parties of the enemy making 
 their way into the exposed settlements east of the mountains 
 to plunder and destroy. 
 
 The Indians who accompanied the French on their expedi- 
 tion, which resulted in the capture of Fort Granville, were 
 largely from Kittanning. No sooner, therefore, had the 
 stockade been burnt, than the enemy with their prisoners and 
 plunder began their march for that village. Each captive 
 able to carry a burden was loaded to the very limit of his 
 strength and endurance. It is a tradition that Turner's share 
 was a hundred pounds of salt. Arrived at Kittanning and 
 preparations were made by the savages to torture at least one 
 of their prisoners. Turner, so runs the tradition (and it is 
 only a tradition), was recognized as the one who at Chambers's 
 had put an end to the existence of The Fish — the slayer of 
 Simon Girty, Sr., and his fate was sealed. Be this as it may, 
 it is certain that he was doomed to the stake. " They tied 
 him to a black post ; danced around him ; made a great fire ; 
 and, having heated gun -barrels read hot, ran them through 
 his body ! Having tormented him for three hours, they 
 scalped him alive, and at last held up a boy with a hatchet 
 in his hand to give him the finishing stroke." * Such was the 
 awful death of John Turner. The miserable wife was com- 
 pelled to witness the terrible sufferings of her husband. She 
 sat upon a log near by with her young oon, a beholder of the 
 dreadful scene ! The four boys — Thomas, Simon, James, and 
 George — were also horrified spectators of their step-father's 
 agony.f The mother and her five sons were now left to the 
 
 •Gordon'8 History of Ponnsylvaniii, p. 619. It is surmised that Roose- 
 velt has confounded Turner with Simon Girty, Sr., and therefore applies 
 this method of giving " the finishing stroite" to the latter. 
 
 t Sparks's Library of American Biography, Second Series, Vol. XIII, 
 p. 109, note. Whether Sparks had any positive authority for the assertion, 
 is doubtful. However, it is probably true. 
 
12 History of the Girtys. 
 
 tender mercies of the sav<ages ; but the wrath of the Indians, 
 so far as the family was concerned, was spent upon the husband 
 and father; the others were spared. 
 
 The family were soon separated. Mrs. Turner and her 
 young son, John, were chiinied by the Delawares,and by them 
 taken down the river to Fort Duquesne, and there, doubtl'^ss 
 because of '' the immediate danger to which the tender life of 
 the child was exposed," the boy, on the eighteenth day of 
 August, 1756, was baptized by a RecoUet priest, Denys 
 Baron — John Ilannigan and Sai'ah Foissi standing for the 
 child as god-father and god-mother respectively ; * after 
 which, both mother and boy were taken to the Avilderness by 
 the savi^ges.f Thomas, Simon, James, and George were still 
 with the Indians at Kittanning. But the rescue of one of 
 them — only one — was nigh at hand. How this was brought 
 about will now be explained. 
 
 After the capture of Fort Granville, it was resolved by 
 Lieutenant-Colonel John Armstrong, in command of the provin- 
 ciiil forces west of the Susquehanna, to march against Kit- 
 tanning, the destruction of which, it was believed, would be a 
 serious blow to the enemy ; give, perhaps, temporary ease to 
 the suffering border ; and, perchance, set at liberty a number 
 of prisoners. He started on his expedition with about three 
 hundred men. This was on the 80th of August, 1756. On 
 the 3d of September, he joined an advance party near Frank's 
 Town. On the seventh, in the evening, being within six miles 
 of Kittanning, the scouts discovered a fire in the road and 
 reported that thero were but three or at most four Indiana 
 at it. This, as will hereafter be seen, was, to some, a fatal 
 mistake. It was not thought proper to attempt surprising 
 
 * " Re^islres dos Babtesrnes et Sepultures qui se sont fiiits au Fort Du- 
 quesne," lop. fit. See, also, Rev. A. A. Lambing's Register of Fort Du- 
 quesne, pp. 79, 06. 
 
 tTbat Mrs. Turner went with the Delawares, is made reasonably certain 
 by the relation of two captives, who saw her at one of their towns in 1769. 
 See the Narrative of Marie le Roy and Kurbara Leininger, in Pennsylvania 
 Archives, Second Series, Vol. VII, p. 4V2, where her name, by misprint or 
 inadvertence, is given as Mary Taylor instead of Mary Turner. 
 
Hulory of the Oirtys. 13 
 
 these few Indians at that time, lest if one should escape, the 
 town might be alarmed; so a lieutenant with twelve men was 
 left to watch them, with orders not to fall upon them till day- 
 break. Armstrong, thereupon, with his army, turned out of 
 the path to pass by their fire without disturbing them. 
 
 About three o'clock in the morning 'of the eighth, having 
 been guided by the whooping of the savages, at a dance in 
 their village, the provincials reached the river, one hundred 
 perches below the principal part of the town, near a corn-field. 
 As soon as day appeared, .the attack began. The result was 
 the destruction, by burning, of nearly thirty houses, and the 
 killing of between thirty and forty of the Indians ; besides 
 this, eleven white persons, held captives by the savages, were 
 rescued from their clutches, among whom was Thomas, the 
 eldest of the Girty boys. 
 
 A tradition, long current, which finally found its way into 
 print, was to the efi"ect that " One of the prisoners, named 
 [Thomas] Girty returned [having eluded his captors after the 
 burning of Fort Granville], in a wounded condition. When 
 he escaped, he was followed by two Indians to the head-waters 
 of Blacklick, where they attempted to recapture him ; but, in 
 the fight that followed, he slew one of the Indians, and the 
 other ran. He scalped the one he killed, and took his scalp 
 to Aughwick." * All this would be creditable to the bravery 
 of Thomas, were it true ; but the official report of Colonel 
 Armstrong disproves it, for, in his list of those who were re- 
 captured from the savages, is the name of Thomas, who, it is 
 expressly said, was retaken at Kittanning.f 
 
 Why a number of other prisoners were not rescued, among 
 whom were the three brothers of Thomas Girty — Simon, 
 James, and George — is best related in Armstrong's own 
 words: "Captain Hugh Mercer, who, early in the action, 
 was wounded in the arm, had been taken to the top of a hill 
 above the town, to whom a na<nber of the men and some of 
 the officers were gathered ; fr tu whence they had discovered 
 
 • Jones's History of the Junii ta V .:' v, p. 97. 
 
 t Pennsylvania Archives, Oil Series, V.i), II, p. 776. 
 
14 Hislorif of the Girtys. 
 
 some Indians cross the river [Alleghany] and take the hill 
 with an intention, as they thought, to surround us and cut off 
 our retreat. From these men I had sundry pressing messages 
 to leave the houses and retreat to the hills, as we should all 
 be cut oif ; but to this I could by no means consent until all 
 the houses were set on fire, though our spreading upon the 
 hills appeared very necessary, yet did it prevent our re- 
 searches of the corn field and river side, by which means sun- 
 dry scalps were left behind, and, doubtless, some squaws, chil- 
 dren, and English prisoners that otherwise might have been 
 got."* 
 
 The " English prisoners " not rescued — including Simon 
 Girty and his brothers James and George — were hurried across 
 the Alleghany, and immediately started, with a guard of sav- 
 ages, for the woods to the westward, in order that, should they 
 attempt to escape, in hopes of overtaking Armstrong's force, 
 they would have little or no chance of success. As soon as 
 danger was over, all were brought back to Kittanning.f 
 " There," say two eye witnesses, " we had the mournful op- 
 portunity of witnessing the cruel end of an English woman, 
 who had attem oted to flee out of her captivity, and to return 
 to the settlements with Colonel Armstrong. Having been re- 
 captured by the savages, and brought back to Kittaiining, she 
 was put to death in an unheard of way. * First, they scalped her ; 
 next, they laid burning splinters of wood, here and there, upon 
 her body ; and then they cut off her ears and fingers, forcing 
 them into her mouth so that she had to swallow them. Amidst 
 such torments, this woman lived from nine o'clock in the 
 morning until toward sunset, when a French ofiicer took com- 
 passion on her, and put her out of her misery. An English 
 
 soldier, on the contrary, named John , who escaped from 
 
 prison, at Lancaster, and joined the French, had a piece of 
 flesh cut from her body and ate it. When she was dead, the 
 
 • Pennsylvunia Archives, Old Series, Vol. II, p. 770. In copying this, I 
 have slightly changed the wording, but not the senee. 
 
 t Kittanning was only occupied temporarily by the Indians after it was 
 burnt by Armstrong. 
 
History of the Oirtys. 15 
 
 Indians chopped her in two, through the middle, and let her 
 lie until the dogs came and devoured her. 
 
 " Three days later, an Englishman was brought in, who had, 
 likewise, attempted to escape with Colonel Armstrong, and 
 burned alive in the same village, llis torments, however, con- 
 tinued only about three heurs, but liis screams were frightful 
 to listen to. It rained that day very hard, so that the Indians 
 could not keep up the fire. Hence, they began to discharge 
 gunpowder at his body. At last, amidst his worst pains, when 
 the poor man called for a drink of water, they brought him 
 melted lead, and poured it down his throat. This draught at 
 once helped him out of the hands of the barbarians, for he 
 died on the instant." * 
 
 But to return to the three Girty boys. What became of 
 Simon, is bes*^ lated in his own words : " Simon Girty de- 
 poseth and saith, that while the Frrnch were in possession of 
 Fort Duqncsne, he was made prisoner by a party of Dela- 
 wares, Shawanese, and French ; that he was carried to Kittan- 
 ning, which was then inhabited by Delawares, or Munceys, 
 upon which he was delivered to the Senecas, one of the Six 
 Nation tribes." f James went with the Shawanese ; George 
 with the Delawares. They were adopted by, and became 
 members of families belonging to the respective nations men- 
 tioned. 
 
 Captured, as Simon Girty was, at the age of fifteen, he 
 speedily mastered the Seneca language. His brothers James 
 and George also readily acquired the language of the tribes 
 to which they belonged. 
 
 Leaving the five captives — Mrs. Turner and her son John, also 
 Simon, James, and George Girty — with the Indians for " a 
 considerable time," as Simon afterward computQd the length 
 of his sojourn with the Senecas, let us turn our attention for 
 
 * Narrative of Mario le Roy and 'Barbara Leininger, in Pennsylvania 
 Archives, Second Series, Vol. VII, p. 405. 
 
 t From a deposition by Girty, printed in the Calendar of Virginia State 
 Papers, Vol. I, p. 280. This is a portion of the same deposition found in 
 the Jefferson MSS, Fifth Series, Vol. VIII, in the Department f)f State, 
 Wasiiington, already citi-d. It was probably taken in March, 1777. 
 
16 History of the Girti/s. 
 
 a moment to the events of most importance in the West fol- 
 lowing the attack upon Kittanning, to the disappearance of 
 the French from the Ohio. 
 
 The Delawares and Shawanese (notwithstanding the Indians 
 of the Susquehanna had made a treaty of peace with the En- 
 glish, at Easton, in 1757) remained hostile upon the Ohio, con- 
 ' tinuing their murderous attacks until the summer of 1758, 
 when the advance of General John Forbes, with a considera- 
 hle army, against Fort Duquesne, and the timely sending of 
 an emissary among them, brought these savages to reason. 
 When, therefore, the English army appeared before Fort Du- 
 quesne, the French were abandoned by their savage allies, and 
 the post would have fallen an easy conquest for the invaders, 
 even had not the enemy Avisely vacated it, leaving the fortifi- 
 cation little else than smoldering embers ; its former occu- 
 pants retiring, some of them to their posts up the Alleghany, 
 others, down the Ohio. 
 
 During the autumn, the Ohio Indians sent their deputies to 
 Easton, Pennsylvania, and a treaty was concluded with them 
 by the provinces. This treaty was followed by several con- 
 ferences at Pittsburgh, in that year and the one following, be- 
 tween agents of the English, on the one side, and the chiefs 
 of the Ohio Indians and Six Nations (Senecas), on the other. 
 Among those of the Indians first named, were Delawares, 
 Shawanese, and Wyandots. As a result of these " talks " with 
 the savages, all prisoners held by them were brought into 
 Pittsburgh and delivered up. Of these were the three Girty 
 boys, their mother, and her young son — John Turner.* This 
 took place some time during the year 1759. 
 
 * See Niles's Weekly Register, Vol. XIX, p. 262, as to the return of the 
 whole family to civilization, except Thomas Girty, who had previously es- 
 caped, as before mentioned. Compare, also, the Missouri Gazette, for May 
 7, 1814; Sparks's Library of American Biography, Second Series, Vol. 
 XIII (Pock's Life of Boone), p. 109, note; and Albach's Western An- 
 nals (1857), p. 261. But Albach makes the mistake of declaring that " only 
 the mother and Simon returned." In the Magazine of American History, 
 Vol. XV, p. 259, it is said, erroneously, that " there is nothing to show " that 
 Mrs. Turner ever escaped from the Indians. 
 
H'lHlory of the Girlifs. 17 
 
 Note. — Simon Girty's tleposition, before referred to as 
 from the Jeflerson MSS, Fifth Series, Vol. YIII, in the De- 
 partment of State, Wiisliington, D. C, is as follows : 
 
 " Simon Girty deposeth and saith that, while the French 
 were in possession of Fort Duquesne, he was made prisoner by 
 a part" of Delawares, Shawanese. and French ; that he was 
 carried to Kittanning, which was then inhabited by Delawares, 
 or Munceys, after which he was delivered to the Senecas, one 
 of the Six Nation tribes, where he continued a consider- 
 able time; that he always understood that the party who de- 
 feated Colonel Grant consisted of French, Wyandots, Senecas, 
 Delawares, Shawanese, and Ottawas, and that he hears that 
 Hiashota [usually written Guyasutha] was with them. The 
 deponent further saith that the party which defeated Captain 
 Bullitt consisted of about fifty-five Indians and French, a ma- 
 jority of which were of the Seneca Tribe. And the deponent 
 further saith that he heard Hiashota acknowledge that he was 
 in the engagement, and commanded when the attack was made 
 on Colonel Bouquet. 
 
 " The deponent further saith that he never understood the 
 Indians returned t« their side of the Alleghany river, or 
 formed any settlements, after the Kittanning being destroyed ; 
 and that he has been informed it is not customary for Indians 
 to re-settle a town after being destroyed by an enemy, or de- 
 serted on any other occasion. The deponent further saith that 
 he does not know of any settlements being made between the 
 mouth of MonoTigahela and the Little Kanawha till after 
 opening the Pennsylvania Land Office. Simon' Girty." 
 
18 IliHtoi'ij vf /III' Girfi/n. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of Mrs. Turner, mother of the Girty boys and John Tur- 
 ner, Jr., all that ha.s been preserved is that, subsequent to her 
 being delivered up by the Indians, she made her home in 
 Pittsburjrh and its vicinity. When she died has not been as- 
 certained. 
 
 The very brief captivity of Thomas Ciirty, extending only 
 from the time of the taking of Fort Granville to the destruc- 
 tion of Kittanning (less than forty days), precludes the idea 
 of his having received, during that short period, impressions 
 of savage life that could have become, to any extent, assim- 
 ilated with his own. If, then (as a published account says of 
 him), he was " an Indian of the worst stamp, in every thing 
 but complexion and costume," it certainly arose from his as- 
 sociation with them before or after his being taken prisoner. 
 However, it could not have been possible that before his 
 capture his education was of a savage cast ; as, from his birth 
 to that date, he lived at home ; and the idea that he became 
 an Indian in character and action subsequent to that event, 
 his life-career, as hereafter briefly recorded, sufficiently dis- 
 proves. 
 
 Brought in by the savages from the woods, as were Simon 
 Girty and his brothers James and George, after the French, 
 had been driven from the Ohio, only the first named was of an 
 age sufficient to engage in any regular employment, and even 
 he had only reached eighteen ; all were left, of course, to shift 
 for themselves ; however, when arriving at manhood, it is 
 probable that they might have settled down to something like 
 ordinary business habits had their lots been cast away from 
 the western border ; but, remaining in Pittsburgh, then a 
 rough frontier settlement, is it to be wondered at that their 
 lives were shaped by their surroundings ? Trading with the 
 Indians was the principal employment of the people at this 
 
HiMtory of thr GirhjH. 10 
 
 out-of-t!ie-way place, previous to the war of ITd-T, known as 
 " I'ontiac's Conspiracy;" and the traffic wa.s resumed imme- 
 diately after the restoration of peace. This brought into req- 
 uisition the linguistic ac(iuirement8 of the three boys, and 
 gave them employment as interpreters, frequently, for the 
 traders ; Simon speaking the Seneca language, George the 
 Delaware, and James tlie Shawanese, as already mentioned. 
 
 Simon soon made himself popular with the Delawares, many 
 of whom, before they were induced, by the artful wiles of 
 Pontiac and his fellow-" conspirators," to take up the hatchet 
 against the English, were constantly at I'ittsburgh; he ac- 
 quired their language, so as to speak it fluently ; and we find 
 that one of their principal warriors — Katepakomen, afterward 
 a chief of that nation — took his name.-'' But this assuming, 
 on the part of the savage, a white man's name, was not a 
 strange circumstance. Other Delawares had done the same. 
 It was something, als6, not unusual for Indians of other tribes 
 to do. 
 
 Now, as Katepakomen, under the name of " Simon Girty," 
 was delivered to Colonel Henry Bouquet, in 1704 (upon the 
 occasion of that officer's marching with lin army beyond the 
 Ohio), as a hostage, but escaping soon after, it has been sup- 
 posed that the real Simon Girty had not, at that date, left the 
 Indians and returned to civilization, f and that his brothers, 
 James and George, were still held as captives % — a supposition 
 wholly unfounded, as already shown. The Delaware " Simon 
 Girty " as we have said, afterward became a chief.§ 
 
 It is a grave error to suppose that, after the return of the three 
 Girty boys to Pittsburgh, and while residing there, they did 
 
 • Early History of Western Pennsylvania, Appendix, pp. 161, 173; Colo- 
 nial Kecords of Pennsylvania, Vol. IX, pp. 212, 228, 250. 
 
 t Compare An Historical Account of the Expedition against Sandusliy, 
 under Colonel William Crawford, in 1782, p. 183. 
 
 X See Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 259. 
 
 § That Katepakomen afterward became a chief, see Pennsylvania Archives, 
 Old Series, Vol. IV, p. 532; also, American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. 
 I, p. 545. At this time (June, 1774), "Thomas McKee" and "William 
 Anderson" were also Delaware chiefs. 
 
20 Ilixhjt'ji of iJt,' airti/x. 
 
 not give up, to a grout oxteiit, the lialiits and iuaniiei'8 wliich 
 hail hecii acriuirecl ]jy them during their eaptivity.''" How- 
 ever, they did not forget the wihi, free life of the woods, and 
 they continued their liking for the Indians, enjoying heartily, 
 whenever occasion offered, visits to their eaiups, which were 
 frequently to be seen in .ho vicinity. 
 
 Simon (and, it is probable, ids two brothers, also) made 
 many friends among the white people of Pittsburgh ; nay, 
 among a certain class, he was a man of intiuence. lie took 
 an interest in public affairs, and it is one ' *he incidents 
 preserved of his history that he voted at tiie iirst eloctioa 
 ever held in Bedford — a county, at that datj (1771), made to 
 include the whole of western Pennsylvania. At this time, 
 there was a small garrison maintp.ined at Fort Pitt, and Simon 
 is represented, by one who there made his acquaintance, as 
 " a man of talents,'' and that he " had great influence in the 
 garrison and with the Indians." Though employed during 
 the year 1772 in the congenial work of interpreting, he found 
 time to join in frequent disputes concerning the boundary 
 line, which was not yet run in the west, between Pennsylvania 
 and Virginia. He sided with the Virginians. But of this 
 hereafter. i 
 
 Several traders from Pennsylvania, in 1772, had their head- 
 quarters beyond the Ohio, among the Shawanese ; and, with 
 the same nation, at that date, was James Girty, who, it is to 
 be supposed, passed much of his time in the employment of 
 these white men, in their traffic with the savages. A traveler, 
 Rev. David Jones, from Freehold, New Jersey, saw him among 
 
 • " It is even said that they [Simon, James, and George Girty] returned 
 to their tribes [after their being brought in by the Indians and delivered 
 up], but that the Indians were again compelled to give them up. . . . 
 Much of their time after their rescue was spent about Fort Pitt; and the 
 then wild and wooded locality in that vicinitj-, which later received the 
 name of Squirrel Hill, seems to have been one of their favorite haunts." — 
 Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 269. This is all wrong- 
 wrong as to their returning to their tribes after being once delivered up; 
 wrong as to one of their haunts being Squirrel Hill; wrong as to the gen- 
 eral idea that they were then so much imbued with the instincts of savage 
 life as to actually shun civilization — anxious to flee from it. 
 
Hialory of the. Girti/s., 21 
 
 those In liiins the next year, and niado his nc(|uaiiitanco. 
 Jones reached Paint creek, a tributary of tho Scioto, intend- 
 ing to labor anioiii; tlic Shawanese is a missionary. Hut his 
 idea of preaching to tlie savages was given up, because of 
 their opposition, an<l of liis failu o to secure a good interpre- 
 ter. One had been recommended, and, on the iotli of Janu- 
 ary, of the year last mentioned, he instituted inquiry about 
 him ; but " he was hunting beavers and would not be in till 
 spring.'' "This news," he wrote in his diary, " blasted all 
 my prospects of making an useful visit; anw, naving no other 
 remedy, [I] applied to one James Gerty [Girty], who was well 
 ac(iuainted with their [the Shawanese] language, but a stranger 
 to religion ; neither hud he any inclination to engage in such 
 solemn matters contrary to the tenor of his life, [he] having 
 little or no fear of God before his eyes; yet he was civil, and, 
 after much persuasion, engaged to assist mc ; but [he] dare 
 not proceed, he said, before some head men came home, who 
 were out hunting, but expected soon to return. In the mean- 
 time, I employed myself in making a vocabulary of the Shaw- 
 anese language, by his [Girty's] assistance and Mrs. Henry's 
 [the wife of a white trader, herself a white woman]." -^ How- 
 ever, the temper of the Indians was such that the good man 
 did not wait for the return of the " head men," but soon 
 started on his journey homeward. 
 
 From all that is known of Simon Girty during the time that 
 elapsed after his return from captivity to the end of 1773, it 
 is evident that his employment was, to a great extent, that of 
 Indian interpreter, getting, when working for the Crown, a 
 dollar a day. His brother, James, seems to have had no per- 
 manent wav of obtaining a livelihood ; sometimes he found 
 work as a common laborer, sometimes as an interpreter for 
 traders. Their brother, George, however, became (for a por- 
 tion of the time we have just mentioned) a trader Avith the 
 Indians on his own account. t What is known of Thomas 
 Girty, for the twelve years immediately suceeding his return 
 
 ♦ Jones's Journiil (Sabine's reprint, New Yorl«, I8G0), pp. 55, CO, 61. 
 t See Historical Magazine for 1870, New Series, Vol. VII, pp. 103-107 
 
22 Hittory of the Girfi/n. 
 
 to tlio Siis(|iu'liaiiiia hottlotnciits from Kittanniiig, is only tlint ho 
 8ou;;lit a homo in the West after Pontiao's war of 17<)'^ but somo 
 time before IT'lH,* was niarrietl, and aettled down to a compar- 
 atively (|uiot life at I'ittHbur;;li. At the date last mentioned, 
 wo catch a ^linij)S()of him. Durinjr that year, ho sold to Richard 
 llutler and his brother, William, "one humlred pounds of old 
 iron, sixteen pounds of fall skins, and a bushel of potatoes." 
 And ho purchased from those brothers, during the same year, 
 three 'vood screws and a number of articles necessary to the re- 
 pair of a rille. Now, this looks like a domestic life for Thomas ; 
 and tradition confirms the ao|)euranco. thouj:;h it is certain ho 
 was at one time engaged in "packing" goods for the traders. 
 
 * CHlnrulur of VirKitiia Stnto Piipers, Vol. I, p. 280, where \w ti'stittos to 
 ocrtiiin diclf', from which tostinmny Iho iil)ov() Hlnlomunl aa to bis living in 
 the West some time before 17C8 i» to be inferred. 
 
I/lxlonj of Ihi- (>irli/x. 23 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Tlio year 1774 was jjrolilic of troublo in that part of tlie 
 country west of tho Alleghany inouiitaiiis, which includes the 
 rt'i^ioii now constitutinj^ .South-west l'cnn?ylvania and tl»o 
 north-west portion of ^Vcst Yirjfinia. It was a year i.iade 
 consjjicuous because of the intensity of ill-feeling between 
 those residents who ailhcred to Pennsylvania in her claim to 
 considerable territory upon the Ohio river, and those who in- 
 sisted that Virginia included IMttsburj»h, and extended a con- 
 siderable distance to the eastward of it. The contest for juris- 
 diction was a bitter one, and came well nigh, on several oc- 
 casions, reaching a point enkindling actual war. 
 
 In 177?5, Westmoreland county was formed by Pennsylvania 
 out of tho western portion of IJedford, and its county-seat es- 
 tablished at Ilannastown, about thirty miles e, stward of 
 Pittsburgh. During the summer, Lord Dunmore, governor of 
 Virginia, visited the western country, and soon after adopted 
 measures looking to a contest with Pennsylvania for jurisdic- 
 tion over it. M'.>anwhile, Simon Girty was getting demon- 
 strative on the side of Virginia. At the October session of 
 1773, of the court of Westmoreland county, at Ilannastown, 
 a true bill for a misdemeanor was found by the grand jury 
 against him. Process was issued for his arrest, but he es- 
 caped. =•■ 
 
 Lord Dunmore's chosen agent in the disputed territory was 
 Dr. John Connolly, of Pittsburgh, who began, the first of Jan- 
 uary, 1774, to carry out the instructions of his superior, by 
 calling on tho people to meet on the twenty-fifth of that 
 month, as militia, when he would "■ communicate matters for 
 the promotion of public utility." " His Excellency, John, 
 
 * Cnnnrine's History of Washington County, Pennsylvania, p. 162. 
 AVhether he was actually arrested is not known. 
 
24 ffistory of the Girfi/x. 
 
 Earl of Duninorc, Govcrnor-in-Chief and Captain-General of 
 the Colony and Dominion of Yirr;inia, and Viro-Adiniral of 
 the same/' said Connolly, "has been pleased to nominate and 
 appoint me captain commandant of the militia of Pittsburgh 
 and its dependencies, Avith instructions to assure his majesty's 
 subjects, settled on the western waters, that, having the great- 
 est regard for their prosperity and interest, and convinced, 
 from their repeated memori.als, of the grievances of which 
 they complain, that he proposes moving to the House of Bur- 
 gesses the necessity of erecting a new county, to include 
 Pittsburgh, for the redress of your complaint, and to take every 
 other step that may tend to afford you that justice which you 
 solicit," This was the commencement, in earnest, of the 
 boundary troubles west of the mountains. . 
 
 The champion of Pennsylvania in the dispute was Arthur 
 St. Clair, one of the justices of the peace of Westmoreland 
 county. He soon caused the arrest of Connolly, and had him 
 imprisoned at Hannastown. The latter, however, was, not 
 long after, released upon parole. Disturbances multiplied, es- 
 pecially at Pittsburgh. The Pennsylvania Court at Hannas- 
 town was assailed by Connolly with an armed force of " Vir- 
 ginia militia ;" and, afterward, three of its justices were sent 
 to Staunton, Virginia, to jail. Fort Pitt was taken posses- 
 sion of by Connolly, and its name changed to " Fort Dun- 
 more." Pennsylvania justices in Pittsburgh seemed, in an 
 especial manner, the objects of his wrath. In an assault by a 
 party of his militia on iEneas Mackay, the life of Mrs. Mac- 
 kay was put in jeopardy. One of the militia officers struck 
 at her head with the barrel of his gun, with great violence; 
 but an eye witness declares that Simon Girty, who stood by, 
 " parried off the stroke with his hand." * This exhibition of 
 manliness on the part of Girty, is heightened by the circum- 
 stance of his being present at the house of Mackay as a Vir- 
 ginia partisan. 
 
 It Avas not, at this date, the boundary troubles only that 
 
 * Pennsylvania .-\rc'hive?, Old Series, Vol. IV, pp. 565, 506. 
 
Hutory of the Girtys. 25 
 
 brought distress to the region of the upper Ohio. There was 
 a portentious war-cloud arising south-west of Pittsburgh. 
 Virginians on the one side, Shawanesc and Mingoes '^" on the 
 other — these were the combatants. The general antagonism 
 of the red and white races, now being brought continually 
 nearer to each other, as the tide of emigration broke through 
 the Alleghanies, and rolled down in a continuous flow upon the 
 Ohio valley, was the remote cause of the conflict. The im- 
 mediate cue was acts of aggression on both sides. For ten 
 years following the so-called " Conspiracy of Pontiac," in 
 1703, there was peace upon the border; nevertheless, mur- 
 ders were frequent on both sides — but particularly on that of 
 the savag'es. Neither the Indians nor the Virginians were 
 prepared by a continuous forbearance to avoid a conflict, 
 which, sooner or later, would surely be brought on between 
 them. The redmen charged the '' Long Knives " with com- 
 mencing hostilities ; the " Long Knives " declared the Shaw- 
 anese and Mingoes the aggressors. The killing of the rela- 
 tives of the Mingo chief, Logan, and other Indians, brought 
 matters to a crisis, and " Lord Dunmorc's War " ensued, the 
 first movement of importance, on the part of the Virginians, 
 being that of Major Angus McDonald against the Shawanese 
 towns upon the Muskingum, which was successful. 
 
 In this war, 8iinon Girty was an active participant. Tak-, 
 ing sides with Virginia in the boundary troubles, naturally he 
 would not be backward in aiding her against the savages. 
 That he was a Pennsylvanian did not deter him. 
 
 So, when Dunmore reached Pittsburgh, on his way with the 
 northern division of a Virginia army to attack the Shawanese 
 and Mingoes if these savages did not comply with his terms, 
 Girty enlisted under his banner as scout and interpreter. 
 " He [Dunmore] " says a recent writer, already cited, " had 
 
 * The Aliiiijoes, west and north-west of the 0\\\o, iit this diite and later, 
 were mongrel band?, made up principallj' from the Six Nations (particularly 
 the Senecas) and Dolawnrei". The liitter were mostly of the sul>-tribo 
 known as the Monseys (t;enerally written ^luncoy's). <.)f all their chiefs, 
 the most noted was Logan, a Cayuga, soon to be mentioned. 
 
26 Hidory of the, Girli/n. 
 
 with him as scouts many men famous in frontier story, aiLOng 
 them, George Rogers Chirk. Jresixp, and Simon Kenton — aft- 
 erwards the bane of every neighboring Indian tribe, and re- 
 nowned all along the border for his deeds of desperate prow- 
 €l's, his wonderful adventures, and his hair-breadth escapes. 
 Another, of a very different stamp, was Simon Girty. . . 
 At the moment he was serving Lord Dunmore and the whites ; 
 but he was, bv tastes, habits, and education a red man, who 
 felt ill at ease among those of his own color." * But this is 
 robbing him of too much — far too much — of his white " tastes, 
 habits, and education," as will hereafter be fully shown. 
 
 With Givtv, went his half-brother, Jo'm Trrner. John was 
 brought back to civilization at a tender age, as already indi- 
 cated, lie grew to man's estate in the vicinity of Pittsburgh, 
 and married there ; but nothing is known of his wife : chil- 
 dren, he had none. 
 
 Governor Dunmore, with about twelve hundred men, now 
 started down the Ohio. It was his intention, originally, to go 
 as far down that stream as the mouth of the Great Kanawha ; 
 but, before reaching Pittsburgh (and while at Old Town), he 
 changed his plan, resolving to stop at the mouth of the Lit- 
 tle Kanawha. However, at Pittsburgh, he concluded the 
 mouth of the Hockhocking would be the better place to make 
 ,his first stand in the enemy's country : so his forces were put 
 in motion, destined for that point. 
 
 The southern division of the army was put under command 
 of Colonel Andrew Lewis, whose orders were to move down 
 the Great Kanawha to its mouth, these orders being changed, 
 however, by Dunmore before leaving Old Town, as just inti- 
 mated, so that the two divisions were to unite at the mouth of 
 the liittle Kanawha. But this arrangement was made known 
 to Lewis at so late a date that he could not change his route, 
 and he moved on down the river first mentioned. 
 
 At the Little Kanawha, Dunmore, in ignorance as to whether 
 Lewis had reached Point Pleasant (mouth of the Great Kan- 
 
 Konsevelt, in The Winning of llie Wen, Vol I, pp. 219, 2-JO. 
 
Hidory of (he Girti/s. 27 
 
 awha), sent him a message for information, and containing in- 
 structions, also, for that oificer to move his force up the Ohio, 
 to join him at the Hockiiocking. Girty and at least one 
 other scout were detailed to carry this message."''" When they 
 reached the mouth of the Great Kanawha, they found Lewis 
 had not arrived there ; whereupon, they deposited their letters 
 in a hollow tree, posting a notice in a conspicuous place which 
 gave directions where the documents could be found. Tliey 
 then returned to Dunmore's army. 
 
 The governor and his force reached the mouth of the Hock- 
 hocking, early in October, when another express was dis- 
 patched to Lewis to move up the Ohio and join him there, 
 which, on the 8th of October, found him at Point Pleasant, 
 where he had arrived two days previous. t It was impossible, 
 however, for him to start at once, on account of the non-ar- 
 rival of supplies and ammunition, and of a portion of his 
 troops. Meanwhile, scouts had been sent to tlie governor by 
 him. These returned on the thirteenth, with an order from 
 his lordship to march directly toward the Sliawanese towns, in 
 what is now Pickaway county, Ohio, and join him at a certain 
 point on the way. J 
 
 Dunmore now put his division in motion for the same desti- 
 nation. His march was enlivened by an occasional sight of 
 an Indian. One was shot by Girty, but whether killed or not 
 is uncertain. A skirmish also took place with the savages, on 
 the march, but to the discomfiture of the Lulians.S It is here 
 
 * Hildreth's Pioneer History, p. 88; l)e Huss's History of the Early Set- 
 tlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia, p. la'i, note. 
 
 t "On the 9th [of October, 177-1], iSimon Girty arrived in cnnip, bringing 
 a message from Lord Dunmore." — Roosevelt. "Some accounts say," iidds 
 that author, "that he [Girty] was accompanied by Kenton and McC'uUoch." 
 But, as already explained, it was the first messaije sent by Dunmore (of 
 which message Roosevelt is ignorant) that was intrusted to Girty. 
 
 t This message is by Uoosevelt confounded with the one wliich hn says 
 reached Lewis by the hands of Girty on the (Hh of October. The lirst two 
 messages ordered Lewis up the Ohio to unite with Dunmore; the last one 
 directed him to cross that river at Point Pleasant and meet him on the way 
 to the Shawanese towns. 
 
 J See Dunmore's Official Iteport, in Magazine of Western History, Vol. 
 
28 Hisfori/ of ilw Girtiis. 
 
 > ' ' ' ^^^^^ 
 
 ■worthy of notice, in view of Girty's subsciiuent career, that 
 he manifested tlic stronsicst desire to kill anv savage that 
 might be found lurking in front of the army ; indeed, his an- 
 tipathy, apparently, to the redskins, was very marked. 
 
 On the march to the Indian villages, Lord Dunmore was 
 overtaken by a courier from Lewis, acquainting him of a 
 hard fought battle on the lOth of October, at Point Pleas- 
 ant, where his army had contended all day long with a large 
 force of Shawanese and other savages, commanded by the 
 Shawanese chief Cornstalk, only to claim the victory at night- 
 fall, after a severe loss in killed and wounded. 
 
 A wholly erroneous, and, withal, most ridiculous story, has 
 found its way into print, to the effect that Simon Girty was 
 the leader of the Indians at the battle of Point Pleasant; 
 that he was not only an express sent by Dunmore to Lewis, 
 but that he had a wordy encounter with the latter, threat- 
 ening him, and finally carrying his threat into execution, by 
 fleeing to the wilderness and marshaling the savages across 
 the Ohio against him, and leading them to the conflict just 
 mentioned. -•• 
 
 On the seventeenth, Lewis crossed the Ohio, and took up 
 his line of march to the Scioto, to join Dunmore. His lord- 
 ship was met, before he reached the Indian villages, by a mes- 
 senger (a white man) from the enemy, anxious for an accom- 
 modation ; for a peace had already been conqueied by the 
 Virginians, at a sacrifice, as just related, of many valuable 
 lives, in the battle at Point Pleasant. Dunmore sent back the 
 messenger Avith John Gibson and Girtv. The two soon 
 
 I, p. 457 (March, I880). It i? a letter froni Diinnicire to Dartmouth, from 
 "Williamsburtih, dated December 24, ITT-l. 
 
 * William D. Gallagher, the poet, tir?t gave to the world this story, which 
 is by odds the most fictitiously fictitious that lias as yet appeared in print 
 Concerning any of the Girtj's. However, lie is not t>< be censured for tliis, 
 for he was assured of its truth by one who claimed to have been associated 
 with Girty and knew whereof he spoke! Mr. Gallau'her''; article is entitled 
 " Girty, the Renegade,'' and first appeared in The Hesperian, Vol. I, pp. 
 340, 423, which will be found republished. substHntially, in The IJackwoods- 
 men, pp. 498-525. See also (with some variations " in the tradition," as it 
 is styled) The Trans-Alleghany Pioneers, pp. 223-225. 
 
Historij of the Girft/s. 29 
 
 brouglit an answer to liis lordship from the Sliawanese. Gib- 
 son, nearly twentv-six years after, in relatinrr the affair, Uf- 
 nores the presence of Girty entirely.* But his memory was 
 certainly at fault, for a number of persons present, afterward 
 declared that he was accompanied by Girty. 
 
 While ne_!j;otiations were going forward, the Mingo chief, 
 Lo2;an, held himself aloof. " Two or three days before the 
 treaty," says an eye witness, " when 1 was on the out-guard, 
 Simon Girty, who was passing by, stopped with me and con- 
 versed : he said he was going after Logan, but he <lid not like 
 his business, for he was a surly fellow. He, however, pro- 
 ceeded on, and I saw him return on the day of the treaty, and 
 Logan was not with him. At this time, a circle was formed, 
 and the treaty begun. I saw Jonn Gibson, on Girty's arrival, 
 get up and go out of the circle and talk with Girty, after 
 which he (Gibson) went into a tent, and soon after returning 
 into the circle, drew out of his pocket a piece of clean, new 
 paper, on which was written, in his own handwriting, a speech 
 for, and in the name of Logan." f This was the famous 
 " speech," X about which there has been so much controversy. 
 It is now well established that the version as first printed, 
 
 * See Gibson's Statement, in Appendix to the Notes on Virginia [Jeffer- 
 son's] Relative to tbe Murder of Logan's Family (Philadelphia, 1801), pp. 
 13-16. 
 
 t From lionjiiinin Tomlinson's testimony, as given in Jacob's Life of 
 Cresap, pp. 76, 108, 109. "Ho [Tomlin.son] hints," says Roosevelt (in The 
 Winning of the West, V<il. I, p. Soil, "but does not frankly assert, that 
 Oibson was not sent ai'ter Logan, but that Girty was." It is suggested that 
 his "hint" is about as plain as any frank assertion could be. In An Histor- 
 ical Account of the Expedition again.'t Sandusky, etc., pp. 30, 31, the writer 
 of this narrative gives credit to Gibson's statement, which says nothing 
 about the part taken by Girty in connection with Logan's "speech;" but I 
 am now abundantly satisfied that Tomlinson's testimony in this respect is to 
 be relied upon. Gibson was not ambitious to have his name connected with 
 that of Girty, after tho'latter became odious. " There is some uncertainty," 
 says Roosevelt, " as to whether Logan came up to Gibson at the treaty and 
 drew him aside, or whether the latter went to seek him in his wigwam." 
 See The Winning of the West, Vol. 1, p. 237, note. But there is no " un- 
 certainty" about it; thej' did not meet each other at all. 
 
 + "I appeal to any white man," etc. 
 
30 History of the GirtyH. 
 
 Avas substantiiilly the words of" Logan ; but it is ecjually 
 certain, that he (Logan), in attributing the miiriler of his 
 rehvtives to Colonel Cresap, was mistaken. Oirty, from 
 '•ecollection, translated the "speech" to Gibson, and the 
 latter put it into excellent English, as he was abundantly 
 capable of doing. 
 
 I'eace followed with the Slmwanese ; but the Mingocs, in 
 attempting to escape without making terms with Dunmore, 
 were, by Major William Crawford, who led a few brave men 
 against them, severely punished. 
 
 It was while on the inarch from the mouth of the Ilock- 
 hocking to the Shawanese towns, that Dunmore, knowing that 
 Girty and his half-brother, John Turner, as well as the broth- 
 ers, Joseph and Thomas Nicholson, Avho were also with the 
 army as scouts, had lived among the Indians, desired them to 
 get up, for his diversion, an Indian dance ; which they did, 
 greatly to the admiration and astonishment of the governor. 
 They interspersed the performance with Indian songs and 
 yells that made the welkin ring. 
 
 Lord Dunmore's War did not lessen the severity of the 
 boundary troubles in and around Pittsburgh, 'and Girty wa» 
 rewarded for the part he had performed upon the expedition 
 against the Shawanese, and for the interest taken by him on 
 the side of Virginia, concerning the unrun boundary line, with 
 a commission in the militia at "Fort Dunmoi'e." The list of 
 officers stood thus : John Connolly, major ; George Aston, 
 captain; William Christy, first lieutenant; Simon Girty, sec- 
 ond lieutenant; Jacob Bousman, ensign. 
 
 There is evidence that these officers were not idle. An eye 
 witness deposed " That, on this instant — 24th of December 
 [1774] — a number of armed men came to the jail of the said 
 [Westmoreland] county [at Hannastown], and ordered him 
 [the deponent] to open the prison doors and turn out a certain 
 William Thomas, then in his custody on sundry executions ;. 
 that he believes a certain William Christy and Simon Girty, 
 who seemed to be officers from their dress, were at the head. 
 
History of the Girtys. 31 
 
 of their party ; that he, this deponent, refused to deliver his 
 prisoner or open tlie door wiiere he was confined ; that they 
 then talked of throwing down the house ; when a certain Ma- 
 jor Connolly came up, inquired who resisted the releaseinent 
 of the prisoners, [and] threatened to tie and carry him off. 
 [The said Connolly] then ordered the party to fire their pieces 
 against the house, and strip off the roof; on which, he (this 
 deponent), being afraid of ill consequences, both to his person 
 and property, did open the door to allow the prisoner to speak 
 to the party ; and one of them rushed in, seized him, and 
 dragged him out, and also turned out a certain William Daw- 
 son, who was likewise in his custody on execution ; and that 
 it was Connolly, himself, who laid hands on Thomas and drag- 
 ged him out." '■^' 
 
 At about the time of this transaction, Virginia courts were 
 organized in the disputed territory, presided over by justices 
 of the peace, appointed by Uovernor Dunmore. The county 
 court of Augusta county was also adjourned from Staunton to 
 " Fort Dunmore." It was one of the orders of this court that 
 .all militia officers should take the oath of allegiance, the oath 
 of supremacy, the test oath, and the oath of abjuration ; 
 therefore, " on the 22d of February, 1775, came Simon Girty, 
 in open court, and took and subscribed "' all of them. 
 
 Girty did " sincerely promise and swear " that he would be 
 "faithful and bear true allegiance to his Majesty King 
 George the Third," and that from his heart he did "abhor, 
 detest, and abjure as impious and heretical, that damnable 
 doctrine and position, that princes excommunicated and de- 
 prived by the pope, or any authority of the see of Rome," 
 might be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or any other 
 persons. He also swore that he believed there was not " any 
 transubstantiation in the sacrament of the Lord's supper, or 
 in the elements of bread and wine at or after the consecration 
 thereof, by any person or persons whatsoever." Then, after 
 
 * Peimsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. X, pp. 227, 228. , _^:.-u_^ 
 
32 Hi»tor\j of the Girtys. 
 
 "truly and sincerely " acknowledging King George the Third 
 to bo the "■ lawful and rightful king " of the realm, he sol- 
 emnly declared his belief that the pretender, " James the 
 Third," had no title whatever to the crown. IIo further 
 swore that he wouM defend to the utmost of his power his 
 lawful sovereign " against all traitorous conspiriR;ios and at- 
 tempts whatsoever," which might be " made against his per- 
 son, crown, or dignity," promising " to support, maintain, 
 and defend the succession of the crown against him, the said 
 James, and all other persons whatsoever." 
 
 So it was, says the court record, that •' Simon Girty took 
 the usual oaths to his majesty's person and government ; sub- 
 scribed the abjuration oath and test; which [fact] is ordered 
 to be certified on his commission of a lieutenant of the militia 
 of Pittsburgh and its dependencies."' ^• 
 
 There can be no doubt that, at this time, Girty, notwith- 
 standing there was trouble of a serious nature between the 
 colonies and the mother country, was " well-disposed " toward 
 the latter ; for Lord Dunmore furnished his government a list 
 of those who were considered by him as loyal, which included 
 his name. It was as follows : 
 
 "At Fort Pitt : Alexander McKee, deputy agent of Indian 
 
 affairs ; McKee, brother to Alexander ; Alexander Ross, 
 
 a Scotchman ; John Campbell ; Captain George Aston ; Lieu- 
 tenant Simon Girty ; Lieutenant William Christy ; Lieuten- 
 ant Jacob Bousman. 
 
 " Indians to be heard of at Fort Pitt : White Eyes, chief of 
 the Delaware Indians; White Mingo; Cornstalk, chief of the 
 Shawanese ; Kayashuta [usually written Guyasutha], chief of 
 the Mingoes ; John Montour, half white, half Indian ; Logan, 
 a great warrior of the Mingoes. 
 
 "At the Alleghany mountains, and to bo heard of at Fort 
 
 * Compare, in this connection, Creigh's History of Washington County, 
 Pennsylvania, pp. 13, 14, 23; also, Crumrine's history of the same county, 
 p. 205. See, in addition, The Centennial Celebration of the Organization of 
 Washington County, Pennsylvania, by the writer last mentioned, p. 31; 
 also, Centennial History of Alleghany County, Pennsylvania, p. 98. 
 
Ilixtori/ of the Girtya. 88 
 
 Pitt : Major William Crawford ; Valentine Crawford, brother 
 of William ; John Stephenson [half-brother of William and 
 Valentine] ; William Harrison [son-in-law of William Craw- 
 ford] ; Thomas Gist, and his brother." * 
 
 That Simon Girty wmh labored with by Connolly to remain 
 "loyal to govornnicnt," thoro is littK' doubt. The words of 
 the Major imply as much. lie had ])repared u banquet at 
 " Fort Dunmore," and invited to the feast such of his friends 
 as he thought he could best depend upon. " The gentlemen 
 present," says Connolly, " Avere most of them either ofticer? 
 in the militia, or magistrates of the county, consequently were 
 those whose influence and wealth could most effectually serve 
 the cause. A solemn compact was immediately entered into, 
 stating, that if an accommodation did not take place, and I 
 could procure the necessary authority to raise men, tliey would, 
 at the risk of life and property, most Avillingly engage to re- 
 store the constitutional authority, as far as any co-operativo 
 measure from that county could contribute to so salutary a 
 design." t Now, as Girty was not wholly without influence, 
 though having no wealth, and as he was one of the officers of 
 Connolly's militia, — that he was present at the Major's enter- 
 tainment and was one of those who entered into the " solemn 
 compact," is probable. But he soon changed his mind. Dun- 
 more's "list" was doubtless made by Connolly. 
 
 * :MS. List of Persons Well-disi)osed to His Majesty's Govornment, Living 
 on the Frontiers of Virginia: Halditnand Papers, 
 
 t From A Narrative of the Transactions, Imprisonment, and Sufferings 
 of John Connolly, an American Loyalist and Lieut. Col. in His Majesty's 
 Service, reprinted in Ponn. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Vol. XII, p. 317. 
 
 3 
 
34 llulory of the Girfi/s. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The iiniiiediiito result of tlic successful termination of Lord 
 Dunraore's War was, to Virginia, comparative innnnnity from 
 savage aggressions upon her western border, causing a re- 
 newal of emigration to the " western waters " (whic'. had re- 
 ceived a decided check) ; and, as to Pennsylvania, a quick 
 resumption of trade with the Indians beyond the Ohio. 
 Both these, however, were destined soon to be seriously in- 
 terfered with, for the War of the Revolution was at hand. 
 
 After the battle of Lexington, the fires of patriotism west 
 of the mountains were quickly lighted. The hearts of man}' 
 of the backwoodsmen were soon aglow with enthusiasm for 
 the cause of liberty. On the Ifitli of May, 1775, conventions 
 were held at Pittsburgh and Hannastown, for citizens to 
 give expression to their views and sentiments regarding the 
 troubles with the mother country. All of those of the whites 
 on Dunmore's " list," with one or two exceptions (and Simon 
 Girty was not of the latter), quickly and patriotically rallied 
 with the Whigs. The people in the Trans-Alleghany country, 
 however, had little to fear from invading armies of Great 
 Britain. Their dread was of a more merciless foe. 
 
 It had been arranged at " Camp Charlotte," between Lord 
 Dunmore and the Shawanese, that a supplemental treaty 
 should be held in the ensuing spring to settle some minute 
 matters that could not be, as his Lordship averred, well at- 
 tended to at the first meeting. The whole matter, however, 
 because the " rebellion " had made it impossible for Lord 
 Dunmore to keep his promise, was put into the hands of 
 Connolly, who, although notifying these Indians that he was 
 ready to treat and deliver up the hostages who had been 
 turned over to Dunmore at the conclusion of peace, could not 
 induce them to put in an appearance ; but, as the Delawares 
 
Hittlory of the Uirtijt. 85 
 
 and Mingoes had also been invited, a few of these went to 
 Pittsburgh and liad a " talic " witli Connolly. 
 
 The Virginia House of Burgesses, distrusting Major Con- 
 nolly's treaty, just then being held, and hearing of the discon- 
 tent of the Ohio Indians because the understanding with 
 Lord Dunniore had not borne fruits, appointed commission- 
 ers to meet those savages and ratify the " Camp Charlotte " 
 agreement. One of the men appointed — James Wood — not- 
 withstanding the " talk " of Connolly, made an extended trip 
 into the Ohio wilderness, inviting the various tribes to a gen- 
 eral meeting at IMttsburgh.''- With him, as guide and in- 
 terpreter, went Simon Cirty, also under pay of Virginia. 
 The sympathies of the latter were now fully enlisted on the 
 side of the colonics against the home government. He was 
 outspoken in his donunciatiDUS of its arbitrary acts. 
 
 The two left Pittsburgh in July, and made their way as 
 far west as the upper Wyandot town, on the Sandusky river, 
 within the present limits of Wyandot county, Ohio. Girty 
 had learned, by associating witii Wyandots during their fre- 
 quent visits at Pittsburgh in the years gone by, to speak 
 their language quite intelligibly. lie had also taken several 
 trips into the Ohio wilderness after his return from captivity 
 among ^ho Senecas ; so that he could readily act as guide as 
 well as interpreter even so far west, among the Ohio Indians, 
 as the Sandusky. On the return of the two, they visited 
 Pluggy's Town, on the Scioto, at the site of the present town 
 of Delaware, in Delaware county, Ohio, and the " Big Salt 
 Licks," in what is now Franklin county, that state. f Girty, 
 for his services upon this tour, was paid but five shillings a day, 
 notwithstanding he underwent, as he afterward declared, " the 
 greatest fatigues, difficulties, and dangers." He subsequently 
 
 • Magazine of Western History, Vol. VIII, pp. 70-72. 
 
 t The Journal of Wood is extant. Important parts of it will bo found 
 published in Karcheval's History of the Valley of Virginia, pp. 181, 185; 
 Force's American Archives, Fourth Series, V ;. Ill, pp. 76-78; Washing- 
 ton-Irvine Correspondence, p. 9, note 4; Jacob's Life of Cresap, pp. 70, 85. 
 Compare, also, Mayor's Logan and Cresap, pp. 134, 135. 
 
JJC Iliafory of the Qirlyn. 
 
 — in Miiy, 1777 — petitioned the Virginia Executive Council 
 for an additional compensation, which was not granted. 
 
 By the middle of the year 177'), (Mtiinolly, having previously 
 disbanded and discliargod his militia, l)y wliicli means (iirty 
 lost his oflice of second lieutenant, h'l't Pittsburgh, much (lis- 
 gusted, to confer with Dunmore. lie declares "the dcmu- 
 gogues of faction wore active." 
 
 About this time (that is, in July, 177;")), Congress created 
 three Indian departments — the o!;o west of the AHcglianies to bo 
 known as the "Middle Department," three commissioners be- 
 ing appointed to preserve peace and friendship with the sav- 
 ages therein. These commissioners joined their efforts with 
 those aj)pointed previously by Virginia to bring about a treaty 
 with the western savages. Tn October, a largo body of Dcla- 
 wares and Muncoys, some Shawaneso and Mingoes, also a 
 few Sandusky Wyandots and Ottawas, came to Pittsburgh, A 
 strict neutrality, as between the mother country and the col- 
 onics, was urged upon the Indians, to which they agreed. 
 But did they keep tlieir promise? We sliall soon sec. 
 
 On the 11th of September, Captain John Neville took pos- 
 session, under orders of Virginia, of the dihxpidated Fort Pitt 
 (its name being now fully restored), at the head of one hun- 
 dred of the militia of that commonwealth, not to further its 
 interest in the boundary dispute with Pennsylvania, but to 
 cover and protect the border from the savages whose depreda- 
 tions might be counted upon with certainty. 
 
 Tho Indian policy of Neville, upon taking possession of 
 Fort Pitt, was one of strict neutrality, powerless, however, 
 to a great extent with the western tribes, except the Dela- 
 wares, who were located on what are now known as the Tus- 
 carawas and Muskingum rivers, in the State of Ohio. Their 
 most important village was at Coshocton, near the site of the 
 present tov m of that name, county-seat of Coshocton county. 
 In the Tusi awas valley, Moravian missionaries had stations, 
 where were their Indian converts, brought from Pennsylvania. 
 
 In November, Henry Hamilton arrived at Detroit as lieu- 
 
JJiatory of the OirtifB. 87 
 
 tenant-governor and Indiiin superintendent, ^i' and was im- 
 mediately importuned by the IndiatiH in the vicinity for his as- 
 sent to their making inroads upon the frontiers of Pennsyl- 
 vania, but not having received positive orders on tlie subject, 
 he declined to give it; so the evil day of a general Indian war 
 was postponed. 
 
 In Fincastle county, Virginia — that is, in that part then ly- 
 ing west of the Big Sandy, including the whole of the present 
 State of Kentucky — ^during the last half of the year 177;'), 
 settlements increased. IJut, from the first appearance of 
 spring, in 1770, not only these settlements, but the more nu- 
 merous ones on the head streams of th6 Ohio, ])egan to be un- 
 easy as to the savages beyond that river. IJefore this time, 
 Richard IJutlcr had been agent of Indian affairs, in the Mid- 
 dle Department; but, on the 10th of April, ho was succeeded 
 by George Morgan. One of the first duties to be performed 
 by the latter was the appointment of interpreters to assist hira 
 in his laljors. Of those employed were William Wilson, Joseph 
 Nicholson, Simon Girty, and Peter Long. 
 
 Girty was appointed on the first day of May of the year 
 last named, to interpret for the Six Nations, at Pittsburgh, 
 which meant, practically, for the Senecas. He was to receive 
 " at the rate of five-eighths of a dollar per diem during good 
 behavior, or the pleasure of the Honorable Continental Con- 
 gress, or their commissioners or agents for the Middle Depart- 
 ment. ' He was, upon all occasions, to use his "utmost en- 
 deavors to promote the public tranquillity, andmaintain a good 
 understanding between the United Colonies and the Indians," 
 and inform Morgan of all intelligence which might come to 
 his knowledge. He was to obey all of Morgan's reasonable 
 
 * In 1783, Hamilton addressed a memorial to the commissioners of his 
 majesty's treasury, in which ho says that, "in the month of April, 1775, I 
 was appointed lieutenant-governor and superintendent of the settlement of 
 Detroit, at a salary of £200. In the month of September following, Sir 
 Guy Carleton sent me to that post with verbal orders, the state of the prov- 
 inco [of Quebec] at that time pressing my departure." He did not reach 
 Detroit, however, until the 9th of November. See Michigan Pioneer Col- 
 lections, Vol. IX, p. 490. 
 
38 History of (he Girtys. 
 
 and lawful orders during the agency of the latter, and faith- 
 fully to keep secret all private councils between the commis- 
 sioners, ajrents, Indians, and himself, so far as the public good 
 should require it. He was also to visit and confer with all 
 Indians who should reach Fort Pitt, so early after their ar- 
 rival as possible, to learn their business, and immediately to 
 acquaint the agent therewith. In the event of any discon- 
 tent among the Indians, he was, at once, to inform Morgan of 
 the fact ; and he was to take care that none of them, on any 
 account, should be insulted or injured by the inhabitants. lie 
 was, likewise, to be equally cautious to prevent any of them 
 injuring the inhabitants. 
 
 Girty was, upon no account, to be . concerned in trade, or 
 assistant therein, unless when called upon to see justice done 
 betweoii traders and Indians. For extraordinary services, he 
 was to be entitled to further reasonable allowance, as the case 
 might be. 
 
 The office was accepted by Girty, who engaged to fulfill and 
 comply with all the directions imposed by Morgan, to the ut- 
 most of his ability. 
 
 While thus engaged, he was sent once into the Indian coun- 
 try.* However, he only held the position three months ; for, 
 on the first day of August, it was found necessary to discharge 
 him " for ill behavior." f 
 
 * Compiire Journals of the Old Congress, Vol. II, p. 467, and Girty's ac- 
 count, below. 
 
 t Historical Register, Vol. II (June, 1884), p,.. 165-157. A few days 
 after his dismissal, Girty rendered the following bill for extra pay : 
 
 " Pittsburgh, August 11, 177G. 
 "The United States of America, 
 
 "To Simon Girty, Dr. 
 
 " To a horse taken by Mr. Geo. Morgan, and given out in the serv- 
 ice of the public £20 
 
 "To casV expended on his jnurney to the Indian country, [as] per 
 
 acct. rendered [below] 3 
 
 "CASH EXPENDED. 
 
 "To hire of horse 16 
 
 "To finding a horse when lost 15 
 
 "To rum to chiefs of the Indians, at their request 15 
 
History of ihe Qirtys. 89 
 
 Girty, it seems, was, sometime after being relieved from his 
 duties as interpreter, sent as express on pul'ic business to 
 Carlisle, Pennsylvania. His " ill-behavior," it appears, was 
 not of such a character as to lessen the confidence of the 
 AVhigs at Pittsburgh and vicinity in him as a trustworthy 
 patriot. " It made us very uneasy," wrote a daughter of 
 John Montgomery from Carlisle, on the 13th of September, 
 " the reports that we have up here, that there were ten hun- 
 dred Indians ready to attack Fort Pitt, and [that the attack 
 is] intended in a very little time. There was one Girty that 
 came express here and asserted it for truth, and that there 
 Avere some hundreds of white people killed up the river. A 
 great many, including myself, believe it here." * Doubtless 
 what Girty did report was considerably exaggerated by the 
 time it reached the cars of the writer of the letter. 
 
 It having been determined in May, 177G, to hold another 
 treaty with the Indians at Pittsburgh, as there was evidently a 
 constantly increasing bitterness of feeling on their part against 
 the Americans, Morgan, in June, sent two trusty mes- 
 sengers to the Shawanese, to urgently request them not to 
 go to Detroit, where a conference was also fo be held by 
 Hamilton with the savages, but to await Morgan's arrival among 
 them. The latter, on his reaching the Shawanese, was sui-cess- 
 ful in keeping that tribe away from Detroit, and in getting a 
 promise from tliem to attend the proposed council at Pitts- 
 
 " To hcir.'.e shoeing 3 9 
 
 "For meat 3 9 
 
 "To ail Indian whu accompanied me, to buy legsjings with.. 7 6 
 
 £3 
 
 " Aly constant wages in the service! hikI extra paj' when in the Indian 
 country, Air. Morgan knows; it i.«, theretnre, not inserted hero. Errors ex- ■ 
 cepted. Ills 
 
 "Simon -|- Girty." 
 
 MARK 
 
 * Mas^azine of Western History, Vol. IV (September, 1880), art., "An 
 Antiquarian's Scrap Book." It is beiieved that the "one Girty" mentioned 
 by Montgomery's daughter was Simon ; as his coming as " express" indicates 
 that he was on some public business, a duty wo do not find his brothers 
 were called upon, so early in the llevolution, to fulfill. 
 
40 History of the Girtys. 
 
 burgh. He also sent word to the Wyandots upon the San- 
 dusky, inviting them to be present. 
 
 Open acts of hostility were now begun by the savages in 
 Kentucky ; however, when, in October, Morgan had got to- 
 gether Mingoes, Delawarcs (including Munceys), Mohicans, 
 and Shawanese, at Pittsburgh, they all gave their solemn as- 
 surance to remain neutral. A significant circumstance was 
 that no Ottawas, no Wyandots, Pottawattamies, or Chippe- 
 was, came to the council ; they had been kept aAvay by the 
 activity of Hamilton. His policy was by no means for neu- 
 trality, but to engender hostility.* Before the close of the 
 year the Mingoes, living at Pluggy's Town, a lawless gang 
 who had no representatives at the Pittsburgh treaty, com- 
 mitted a number of depredations across the Ohio, between the 
 mouths of Grave creek and the Great Kanawha, killing and 
 making prisoners of the borderers without distinction of sex 
 and regardless of age. And now even the Shawanese began 
 their work of devastation and death — a party of that tribe 
 killing three persons in Kentucky. 
 
 During the year, the fortification at the mouth of the Great 
 Kanawha was rebuilt, and named Fort Randolph. Fort Fin- 
 castle, " at the mouth of Wheoling," was repaired, and occu- 
 pied by a small force, its name being changed to Fort Henry. 
 
 * The arrival of Hamilton at Detroit was, as before mentioned, November 
 9, 1776, yet Koosevelt (The "Winnini; of the West, Vol. II, p. 2, note) makes 
 it a ypiir latter: "There were several coiinoils held at Detroit during this 
 fall [1770], and it is difficult — and not very imiiortiint — to separate the inci- 
 dents that occurred at each. Some took place before Hamilton arrived, 
 which, according to his 'brief accnunt,' was November 0th [1770], He as- 
 serts that he did not send out war ]iarties until tiie following June [1777]; 
 but the testimony seems conclusive that ho was active in instigating hostility 
 from the time of his arrival." It is true that, in Hamilton's Journal, as 
 published in 1880, in the Jlichigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX., pp. 48'J- 
 616, the year of his arrival at Detroit is not given, but the context shows 
 clearlj' that it was in 1775, and there is an abundance of outside evidence 
 extant (besides Hamilton's own words, already cited) to prove it. 
 
ffistory of the Girtys. 41 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Early in 1777, Neville's force at Fort Pitt was relieved by 
 Virginia troops raised for that purpose ; but, on the first day 
 of June of that year, Brigadier-General Hand, of the Conti- 
 nental army, assumed chief command of that post. 
 
 Not long after Simon Girty's dismissal as interpreter by 
 Morgan, he exerted liimsclf in and around Pittsburgh in en- 
 listing men for the patriot army, expecting as a reward for 
 his success and assiduity a captain's commission ; in this, 
 however, he was disappointed ; he was made second lieutenant 
 in Captain John Stephenson's company of one year men. 
 This company went to Charleston, and was there during the 
 attack on Sullivan's Island. Girty did not, for some reason, 
 go south, but remained in Pittsburgh on detached duty. As 
 late as July, 1777, he was present at Fort Pitt — still a sub- 
 altern. "He seemed wholly taken up in intercourse with the 
 Indians, a great number of whom were in and around the 
 fort." * It is probable that his influence with the Indians 
 was the cause of his remaining at home ; as he could be of 
 service to the country, notwithstanding he was not regularly 
 employed as interpreter. He resigned his commission aa 
 second lieutenant early in August. 
 
 It was, at the beginning of 1777, the first and great object 
 of Hamilton, at Detroit, to keep the Ohio Indians and those 
 beyond, firm in the interest of the king, and ready, if need 
 be, to take up the hatchet against the Americans. The sav- 
 ages were not slow to perceive the general trend of his 
 thoughts as manifested by his words and actions. Again 
 Shawanese raided into Kentucky, and the Mingoes of Pluggy's 
 Town were particularly hostile on the border of what is now 
 
 •See Slatement of Frnncis Dunlavy, in An Historical Account of the Ex- 
 pedition against Sandusky, under Col. William Crawford, in 1782, p. 264. 
 
42 IliHtonj of the Girtya. 
 
 West Virginia, even as far from the Ohio as to strike the set- 
 tlements in South-western Pennsylvania. 
 
 Hamilton had proposed to his superiors " the making a di- 
 version on the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania by 
 parties of Indians conducted by proper leaders ; " and, after 
 maturely weighing the proposition, Lord George Germain di- 
 rected him to assemble as many Indians of his district as he 
 conveniently could ; place proper persons at their head (to 
 whom he was to make suitable allowances) to conduct their 
 parties and restrain them from committing violence on the 
 well-o fleeted and inoff"ensive inhabitants ; and then send them 
 to make a diversion and excite an alarm upon the frontiers of 
 Virginia and Pennsylvania* — "to let loose," in the language 
 of Chatham, " the horrible hell-hounds of savage war" against 
 the exposed settlements. This order was received by Hamil- 
 ton in June, and before the end of July, two hundred and 
 eighty-nine braves, in fifteen several parties, were sent out by 
 him. He had, by his own suggestions, induced Germain to 
 adopt this most barbarous policy, which, witli a iiastc and a 
 zeal bespeaking his delight for it, he was now successfully 
 carrying out. For the Western Border War, then, with its 
 innumerable horrors, he must be held accountable. 
 
 General Hand, soon after arriving at Fort Pitt, resolved 
 upon an expedition against the savages, whose depredations 
 were now alarmingly on the increase. He had a frontier to 
 protect all the way from Kittanning to the mouth of the 
 Great Kanawha. Below Fort Pitt were Fort Henry and Fort 
 Randolph. Rude stockades and block-houses were multiplied 
 in the most exposed settlements, defended by squads of 
 militia, generally, on short tours of duty. The general was 
 particularly desirous of marching against the Wyandots, upon 
 the Sandusky river, in what is now the northwestern part of 
 Ohio, and the Pluggy's Town Indians on the Scioto ; but, for 
 a number of reasons, he failed and was compelled to remain 
 on the defensive only. 
 
 * Germain to Curleton, March 26, 1777, in Michigan Pioneer Collections, 
 Vol. IX, pp. 346,347. - -• - 
 
History of the Oirtys, 48 
 
 The prini'ipal aggressive movement of the enemy during 
 1777, across the herder, was an attack on Fort Henry, on 
 the first day of September, by a force of about two hundred 
 Indians. Fifteen of the Americans were killed and five 
 wounded, when the assailants withdrew across the Ohio, hav- 
 ing suffered but a trifling loss. 
 
 Although Simon Girty, as may be premised, subsequently 
 signalized his zeal for the British cause in a manner at *^"mes 
 peculiarly savage, the western settlements had not as yet suf- 
 fered from his cruelty ; notAvithstanding this fact, histories of 
 the West teem with his (supposed) exploits against his country- 
 men while, yet, he was dwelling at Pittsburgh. It has Ijeen 
 particularly set forth how ho concentrated an Indian array on 
 the Sandusky to move against Wheeling in the attack just 
 mentioned, and that he commanded the savages in assailing 
 Fort Henry on that occasion ; ■'^ but tins is all pure fiction. f 
 
 General Hand learned, upon taking command at Fort Pitt, 
 that there was a distrust amono; the Whifj-s of Pittsburgh and 
 vicinity of a number of the inhabitants as to their loyalty. 
 One, in particular, was looked upon with suspicion. This was 
 Alexander McKee, who had been deputy Indian agent under 
 Sir William Johnson from 1772, until the death of the latter in 
 1774, and had not yet resigned his office — the same person 
 mentioned in Dunraore's " list." McKee was a native of Penn- 
 sylvania, of that part of the province lying east of the mount- 
 ains, lie early became a trader with tlie Indians, carrying 
 on the business on a largo scale from Pittsburgh, in conjunc- 
 
 ■' See Amoricsin Pioneer, Vol. II, p. 305. 
 
 f Alrcuiiy have published statements sufficiently exposed this falhu'v; see, 
 espfMally, the note of Isaac Craiir, in the Maitazino of American History, 
 Vol. ill, p. 613 (August, 1879); still, in Appleton's Cyclopcediii of Ameri- 
 can Biography, art. Simon Girty, and in The Story of Ohio, by Alex- 
 ander Black, p. 74, it is repeated; and in The Winning of the West, it is 
 declared that "there seems to bo a doubt whether [Simon] Girty did or did 
 not commiind the Indians" at the first siege of Wheeling (Vol. II, p. 9, 
 note). But, subsequently, this declaration is modifled to some extent by the 
 author averring that he does not know whether either ["of the two brothers 
 Girty"] was at the first attack (p. 119, note). He has no knowledge of a 
 third brother. Neither of them was there. 
 
44 History of the Girtya, 
 
 tion with Alexander Ross, from 1768 to 1772. He had, in 
 1771, upon the erection of Bedford county, been appointed, 
 by the governor of Pennsylvania, one of its justices of the 
 peace; and, upon the organization of Westmoreland county, 
 in 1773, his commission was rencAved for that county. Upon 
 the breaking out of the Revolution, he was a citizen of con- 
 siderable means and influence in Pittsburgh and its vicinity. 
 As early as the 9th of April, 1776, he had been required by 
 the committee of AVest Augusta — the Virginia name of the 
 district including Pittsburgh — to give his parole not to transact 
 any business with the Indians on behalf of the crown or min- 
 istry, and not to correspond directly or indirectly with any 
 crown or ministerial officers, nor leave the vicinity of Fort 
 Pitt, without the consent of that committee.* 
 
 About the end of August, 1777, General Hand found it 
 necessary, both to appease the popular clamor, and for his 
 own security, to bring McKee from his farm and confine him 
 to his own house in Pittsburgh. On inquiry, the general dis- 
 covered he had not violated his parole given the year before. 
 During the violence nf the outcry, he was anxious to move 
 down the country to Lancaster county, but he soon changed 
 his mind and desired to remain in Pittsburgh, having a con- 
 siderable interest in the neighborhood, but the real reason 
 will soon appear. General Hand did not think it necessary to 
 refuse him his request, at least, until the sense of Congress 
 could be learned with regard to the matter. He took up his 
 old parole and gave a new one, more to the satisfaction of the 
 committee.! 
 
 The reason for the general clamor just at that time against 
 McKee was, the report that a conspiracy was on foot to mur- 
 der the Whigs in the West, and to accept terms which had 
 been offered by Hamilton, the lieutenant-governor of Detroit, 
 in a proclamation issued by him of June previous,^ and that 
 
 * Washington-Irvine Correspondence, p. 16; and see the authorities there 
 cited. _ , ,^ 
 
 fid., p. 17. 
 
 I This proclamation of Hamilton was issued in obedience to the orders 
 of Lord George Germain, of March 26, 1777, the object being "to divide 
 
History of the Girtys. 45 
 
 McKee was one of the conspirators. Among others suspected 
 of being in the plot, Simon Girty was one. He was arrested 
 and sent " to the common guard-house," He soon made his 
 escape, just to sliow, as he affirmed, liis ability to break down 
 the barriers interposed between him and his liberty ; how- 
 ever, the next day he returned of his own accord and was 
 again locked up. lie was afterward examined before a magis- 
 trate and acquitted.* 
 
 As Girty was now fully restored to the confidence of the 
 Fort Pitt commander, he was, during the fall, sent with 
 messages to the Senecas living upon the upper waters of the 
 Alleghany, who, there were reasons for believing, were now 
 hostile to the United States. Girty would have been held by 
 the savages as a spy and taken to Niagara, but he managed 
 to escape, reaching Pittsburgh in safety and reporting that 
 many of the Senecas were, in reality, on the Avar-path. Sub- 
 sequent developments confirmed, in the main, his statements. 
 
 It finally came to the cars of General Hand, so well authen- 
 ticated that he could not wholly ignore it, the report that 
 IMcKee was really making preparations to leave Pittsburgh 
 and join the enemy. Thereupon, on the 2iith of December, 
 1777, he requested hira to repair to York Town, in Pennsyl- 
 vania, there to await further orders from the Continental 
 Board of War. But the wily Tory made excuses, and he Avas 
 allowed to remain at his home. 
 
 the attention of the rebels" in the East, "obliging them to collect a con- 
 siderable force to oppose him" (Humilloii) in the West. It was, however, 
 as will hereafter be seen, the hostility of the Indians, not the proclamation, 
 which brought this about. 
 
 * "The grandfather of Kev. J. B. Johnston, of St. Clairsville, Ohio, who, 
 during the Kevolution, had command of a block-house [probably guard- 
 house], in Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, on one occasion held Simon 
 Girty as a prisoner, but the date of the event we are unable to obtain. He 
 effected his release by pretending to be friendly to the Americans." — New- 
 ton's History of the Pan-Handle, West Virginia, p. 150. This must have 
 reference to the imprisonment spoken of above; but the account, it will be 
 noticed, says he effected " his release by pretending to be friendly to the 
 Americans There is no doubt of his genuine friendship for the patriot 
 cause at that time. 
 
46 Hwtory of the Oirtys. 
 
 But little is known of Thomas Girty at this period. At a 
 term of the West Augusta court held at Pittsburgh on the 
 16th of January, 1776, he was compellod to enter into bond 
 to keep the peace, he having been charged with threats 
 against, and an assault upon, the wife of one Samuel Sample. 
 And ho had other troubles. In the court of Yohogana county, 
 on the twenty-seventh of August of the next year, a suit was 
 determined wherein Ignaw Labat was plaintiff and he defend- 
 ant. But he was a man of his word ; a man whose oath had 
 its weight, as is made certain by the fact that, in 1777, when 
 a band of traders were seeking to make good their title to a 
 large part of what is now the western portion of the State of 
 West Virginia — then called by them "Indiana" — they took 
 (on the tenth of March) his deposition as to certain matters : 
 "Thomas Girty deposeth and saith that he was made a pris- 
 oner by a party of Indians, most of whom were Dolawares ; 
 that he continued at the Kittanning 'till it was destroyed by 
 the English ; that the Delawares removed to the other side of 
 the [Alleghany] river, and never returned after the Kittan- 
 ning was destroyed to his knowledge ; [and] that he does not 
 know of any settlements being made within the Indian grant 
 ['Indiana'] before the year 1768." * 
 
 * Calendar nf Virginia Statu Papers, Vol. I, p. 280. 
 
History of the Girtys. 47 
 
 CIIAPTEll VII. 
 
 George Girty lived quietly at Pittsburgh during Lord Dnn- 
 more's War, and was looked upon as a zealous Whig at the 
 commencement of the Revolution. There was no reason 
 known to the patriots for suspecting his loyalty. As a citi- 
 zen, he was not without some influence in the community. 
 Like his brother Simon, he would occasionally indulge in a 
 spree ; but he was b}'^ no means a sot. Early in tlie year 
 1778, Captain James Willing, with a company of United 
 States marines, reached Pittsburgh, on his way down the 
 Ohio. Here he recruited his force to more than one hundred 
 men, George Girty joining his company. On the Gth of 
 February, the latter was commissioned a second lieutenant, 
 drawing pay at the rate of thirty-three and one-third dollars 
 a month.* lie proceeded with the capt.ain to the Mississij)pi, 
 on a predatory expedition against the British planters down 
 that river.f 
 
 General Hand, in command at Pittsburgh, having previously 
 received intelligence that a rjuantity of stores was lodged by 
 the British at an Indian town on the Cuyahoga river, formed 
 a project for capturing them. Gathering a party of about 
 five hundred men at Fort Pitt, mostly from Westmoreland 
 county, he proceeded, in February, 1778, on the expedition. 
 It was the first time the Americans marched in force into the 
 Indian country during the Revolution. Heavy rains falling, 
 and the snows of winter melting, Hand was obliged to relin- 
 quish his design, after having arrived at a point a considerable 
 distance above the mouth of the Beaver, on the Mahoning 
 
 * Potter's American Monthly, Vol. VII (November, 1876), p. 388. S(!0, 
 as to "Willing's company generally, Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series, 
 Vol. XII, pp. 143, 216; also, some of the current histories of the West, ns 
 well as histories of the United States. 
 
 t Post, Chap. XII. 
 
48 Ifistori/ of the Qirli/H. 
 
 river. Just at this place, Indian tracks were discovered, 
 conjectured to be of warriors on a marauding expedition into 
 the settlements. Tiiese were folloAved to a canij), " supposed 
 to contain between fifty and si.xty Indians," which was imme- 
 diately attacked ; " but, to my great mortification," wrote the 
 commander, " only one man, with some women and children, 
 Avas found." The Indian and one of the squaws were killed. 
 "Another Avoman was taken," adds the chagrined and thor- 
 oughly disgusted general, " and with dillicnlty saved ; the re- 
 mainder escaped." The prisoner reported that ten Muncey 
 Indians — Delawarcs — were making salt about ten miles fur- 
 ther up the Mahoning. A detachment was sent to secure 
 them. This enterprise proved even more inglorious than the 
 first. The enemy " turned out to be four women and a boy," 
 Avrote Hand, " of whom one woman only was saved." " In 
 performing these great exploits," arc the felicitous words of 
 the commander, " I had but one man — a captain — wounded, 
 and one drowned." This enterprise into the enemy's country 
 was long after spoken of in the West as the " Squaw Cam- 
 paign ! " - 
 
 The particular incidents of this expedition have thus been 
 narrated because of the fact that Simon Girty was one of 
 the five hundred who went out under Hand — the only time he 
 ever actually marched against the foe under the American 
 flag. He led tlie detachment against the supposed ten Mun- 
 ceys at the Salt Lick, showing that he was acquainted with 
 the country, and had been there during his abode with the 
 Senecas in previous years. 
 
 United States commissioners at Pittsburgh, who had been 
 sent there late in 1777 to inquire into the disaifection of the 
 frontier people and to provide for carrying the war into the 
 enemy's country, recommended to Congress that a treaty be 
 held in July, 1778, at that place, with the Delawares, Shawa- 
 nese, and other Indians. The recommendation was approved, 
 and it was resolved that three persons should be appointed 
 
 • Washington-Crawford Letters, p. 66, note; Washington-Irvine Corre- 
 spondence, pp. 16, 16. 
 
History of the Girlyn. 49 
 
 to negotiate with the red men. But the coniniissioners did 
 not await the action of Congress before sending messengers 
 carrying presents into the Indian country, ^vith speeches and 
 invitations to the savages to attend the conference. The 
 messenger sent to the Shawanese was James (Jirty.* lie had 
 returned from tlie Indian country just before the beginning 
 of Lord Dunmore's War, and had since remained in IMttsburgli, 
 cnii)loying himself, generally, as a common laborer. f His se- 
 lection was duo to the fact of his supposed loyalty, and of his 
 ability to speak the Shawanese language with great ease and 
 accuracy ; besides, he was personally known to many of the 
 tribe. About the 1st of March, 1778, he started on his mission. J 
 Additional evidence having been laid before Gener il Hand, 
 during the month of January, to the effect that Alexander 
 McKee was making preparation to lea\fe the country and join 
 the British, he wrote him as follows : 
 
 " Fort Pitt, 7 Feb., 1778. 
 
 *' Sir : — I am sorry to be under the necessity of repeating 
 ray desire of the 2!*th Dec. last, viz., that you may imme- 
 diately repair to Yorktown, in Penn., on your parole, there to 
 receive the further directions of the Hon. Continental Board 
 of War. Edward Hand. 
 
 "Ale.xander McKek, Esq." 
 
 As this order was peremptory, it was only by McKee feign- 
 ing sickness that he Avas permitted to remain in the W^est. 
 Meanwhile, he was secretly preparing to take as much of his 
 property as was portable with him, and, at the earliest possible 
 moment, start for the Indian country, on his way to Detroit — 
 his ultimate destination. Simon Girty was also, shortly after 
 
 * Waehington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 19, 26; Hildreth's Pioneer His- 
 tory, p. 12C. 
 
 t Pennsylvania Colonial Record, Vol. XI, pp. 513-518, where he is so 
 represented at that date. 
 
 % Hildreth's Pioneer History, p. 130. Compare Magazine of American 
 HiBtory, Vol. XV, p. 2G1. 
 
 4 
 
60 Ilititory of the Oirtya. 
 
 his return from the " Siiuiiw Catnpni;^ii," aiJproachiMl by him 
 witli specious arguments to induce liim to go ah)ng. These 
 wiles were successful ; and it recpiired no groiit eflort to in- 
 duce him to turn against his country. He, therefore, made 
 preparations to join McKee in the flight of the latter to the 
 enemy. 
 
 On the night of the 2Hth of March, every thing being 
 ready, McKec and his cousin, Robert Surphlit,-'^ together 
 with Miitthew Elliott, Simon Uirty, a man by the name of 
 Iliggins, and two negroes belonging to MeKee — in all, seven 
 ])ersons — took their departure for the Indian country, on. their 
 way to Detroit. 
 
 Matthew Elliott was an Irishman by birth. He had for- 
 merly resided in Pennsylvania, east of the Alleghany mount- 
 ains, and early engaged in the Indian trade — head-quarters 
 at Fort Pitt. lie was thus employed when hostilities began, 
 in 1774, between the Virginians and the Shawanese and Min- 
 goes. Ho remained in the Indian country until after the bat- 
 tle of Point Pleasant and the marching of Lord Dunmore to 
 the Scioto river, protected by the savages. He was, in fact, 
 their messenger sent by the Shawancse asking terms of peace 
 Avith the Virginia governor. After the ending of Lord Dun- 
 more's War, he again traded from Pittsburgh with the Indi- 
 ans beyond the Ohio, continuing until October, 1770, when he 
 was overtaken, near wliat is now Dresden, Muskingum county, 
 Ohio, by a party of six Wyandots, and his goods confiscated. 
 He and Michael Herbert, his servant, afterward made their 
 way to Detroit, where, in March, 1777, the former was ar- 
 rested as a spy. Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton sent him 
 thence to Quebec a prisoner. The next year he was released 
 on parole. He then returned to Pittsburgh, by way of New 
 York.! 
 
 * See The Olden Time, Vol. II, p. 486, and Taylor's Ohio,)). 450, for men- 
 tion of this man. His name is printed wrong in Wash.-Irvine Corr., p. 17. 
 
 1" Hamilton to Carleton, Ajtril 23, 1778 — MS. letter, Haldimand Papers. 
 This letter corrects all previous published accounts as to the status o£ Elliott 
 at the time of his flight with McKee. He was not a British spy, nor had he 
 a commission in his pocket, of any sort, from the British government. 
 
Iliitfori/ of Inf Oirfi/M. 51 
 
 "Last Siitiiiilay iiiy;lit," HtiyH ii l(>tt(>r written I'loiii Titts- 
 bm-j,'li, on the .'.(Uli of Marcli, "Mr. McKoe, Matt. KUiott, and 
 Simon Girty, together with one Ilij^gins, ran off. McKce's con- 
 duct on tliirt oceasion is of ho infuinous a nature, that it will for- 
 ever rondcM' him odious. The general's [Hand's] behavior to 
 him, time after time, when he was ordered lielow, and his piti- 
 ful excuses, seem to infer that his escaj>e was premeditated. 
 His intimacy with Elliott has been very great, and it is con- 
 jectured that Elliott brought dispatches for McKee from Que- 
 bec. .\s he was reputed to be a gentleman of the strictest 
 honor and probity, no body had the least idea of his being 
 capable of acting in so base a manner. A man of his capac- 
 ity, and 80 well ac([uainted with the situation of our affairs in 
 this department, will bo no unwelcome guest at Detroit."* 
 
 Just at this time, (Jeneral Hand was contemplating -an ex- 
 ))edition to French creek ; indeed, he had commenced gather- 
 ing men for the enterprise ; but he now wrote Colonel William 
 Crawford, who was to take part in the movement, that it would 
 be improper to proceed any further with the undertaking, ow- 
 ing to the escape of the renegades to the enemy. 
 
 McKee, with his associates, started from his home, at what 
 is still known as " McKee's llocks," on the Ohio river, below 
 Pittsburgh. It was reported on Saturday, at Fort Pitt, that 
 they intended to start the next day for the Indian country ; 
 whereupon, General ]Iand ordered out a lieutenant, the next 
 morning, to arrest them, putting under his command a small 
 force for that purpose ; but, before the detachment began to 
 march, information was received at Pittsburgh of their flight. 
 
 There are numerous traditions current, a number of which 
 have been published, as to the reason or reasons for Simon 
 Girty going over to the enemy. All these are in ignorance 
 of the facts concerning his journey in the fall of 1777 to the 
 Senecas, and his joining, in February, 1778, the expedition 
 under General Hand — the " Squaw Campaign *' — in both of 
 which he demonstrated his loyalty to the cause of liberty. 
 They all give some previous (fancied) grievance as the cause 
 
 * T. Ewing to Jusper Yeates, in Historical Register, Vol. II (June, 1884), 
 p. 15". . . :;iir.' )■" tli/^;;: ■'■-'>. 
 
52 Hktorij of the Girtys. 
 
 of his defection. Thus : he tli<l not get an additional allow- 
 ance from Virginia for his trip Avith Wood to the Wyan- 
 dots in 1775; he was discharged by Colonel CJeorge Morgan 
 as hiterprctcr in 1770; he did not succeed in getting the 
 chief command of the military company he. had assisted in 
 raising, the office being given to John Stephenson ; * he was 
 arrested as a conspirator in 1777. Not one of these was 
 the true reason, for to no one did he let it be known that he 
 intended to flee his country, except to McKee and those col- 
 lected at the house of the latter ; and, surely, they gave no in- 
 formation. How, then, could any patriot know the cause of 
 Girty's flight? However, it is evident that the recent per- 
 suasions of McKee and Elliott were the inducements for him 
 to take what he subsequently said was a " too hasty step." 
 Beyond this it were vain to speculate.)- 
 
 Great was the consternation all along the border when it 
 became known that these men had fled their country, as none 
 could doubt what their influence would be among the hostile 
 savages, to whom it was generally believed they had fled. 
 
 "As we drew nearer to Pittsburgh," says one who reached 
 there soon after, " the unfavorable account of the elopement of 
 McKee, Elliott, Girty, and others, from the latter place [Pitts- 
 burgh] to the Indian country, for the purpose of instigating 
 the Indians to murder [caused great excitement]. . . . In- 
 deed, the gloomy countenances of all men, women, and chil- 
 dren, that we passed, bespoke fear — nay, some families even 
 spoke of leaving their farms and moving off". 
 
 " Far greater was the consternation of the people at Pitts- 
 burgh," continues the writer, " and especially that of the com- 
 mandant of the place. Colonel [General] Edward Hand, and 
 Colonel John Gibson, on whom all eyes were fixed with regai-d 
 to future safety. Of those men who had eloped but a few days 
 since, the worst might reasonably be expected ; their disafi'ec- 
 tion to the United States, their disposition to act hostile, the 
 influence they would have over the minds, at least, of many of 
 
 * Compare, for other versions, An Historical Account of the Expedition 
 against Sandusky, etc., pp. 184, 200. 
 
 t That Girty subsequently gave reasons for his defection there is no doubt, 
 but that he gave different ones is equally true. 
 
History of the Girfys. 63 
 
 the poor Indians, and the means they would have at coniniand 
 for the purpose of enforcing their evil designs, might be cal- 
 culated on with certainty." * 
 
 But desertions to the enemy did not stop with the seven per- 
 sons already named. Others were disaffected, including some of 
 the garrison at Fort Pitt. Several, on the night of the 20th of 
 April, stole a boat and Hed down the Ohio. Luckily they were 
 overtaken at the mouth of the Muskingum by a party sent 
 after them, and the ringleaders killed or captured. Six of 
 the soldiers and two citizens escaped. Two of those taken 
 were shot, one hanged, and two whipped, receiving one hun- 
 dred lashes each.f 
 
 " I am able to inform you," wrote John Proctor, of West- 
 moreland county, to Thomas Wharton, president of the Su- 
 preme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, on the 2Gth of 
 April, " that Captain Alexander McKee, Avith seven [six] 
 other villains, is gone to the Indians ; and, since then, there 
 are a sergeant and twenty odd men gone from Pittsburgh, of 
 the soldiers. What may be the fate of this country, God only 
 knows, but at present it wears a most dismal aspect." X 
 
 A recent writer says : •' Of the reasons which iniluenced, 
 of the hopes and fears which agitated, and of the miseries and 
 rewards which awaited the loyalists — or, as they were called 
 in the politics of the time, the ' Tories " — of the American llevo- 
 
 * .Jdlin Iluckiiwt'ldur, in liis Niirrjitive of the Moravian 3Iissions, pp. 174, 
 175. It is surprising, considering tiio narly date (18'J0) of the publication of 
 that book, that the year of the flight of these men to the enemy should not 
 eince have been generally noted by writers of Western history; j^et, with 
 a few exceptions, tlie year has been heretofore incorrectly given. The state- 
 ment, virtually, of Heckewelder, that the elopement of McKeo, Elliott, 
 Girty, luid others, from Pittsburgh to tlie Indian country, was "for the pur- 
 pose of instigating the Indians to murder," is erroneous. 
 
 t Washir.gton-Irvino Correspondence, p. 18. 
 
 t Tennsylvanitt Archives, Old Series, Vol. YI, p. 445. It has been pub- 
 lished that twelve soldiers escaped with the McKee party (An Historical 
 Account of the Expedition against Sandusky, etc., p. 184) | but this is er- 
 ror. The facts are as disclosed above. In the Magazine of Amc-ican 
 History, Vol. XV, p. 261, it is also said that soldiers escaped with McKee. 
 I had previously corrected the mistake in the VV^ashington-Irvine Corre- 
 spondence, p. 17, note 2. 
 
54 Nixturif (if I he Girlya. 
 
 lution, but little is known." And he adds : "Men who, like 
 the loyalists, separate themselves from their friends and kin- 
 dred, who are driven from their homes [or voluntarily leave 
 them], who surrender the hopes and expectations of life, and 
 who become outlaws, wanderers, and exiles, such men leave 
 few memoriak behind them." * In a marked degree, this Avas 
 the case with Simon Girty.f Unlettered (for he could neither 
 read nor write), he loft no papers for the inspection of the 
 curious. Had his life then terminated, his name would 
 (juickly have passed from the memory of men. A modern 
 Moravian historian declares that " Simon Girty, an adopted 
 Seneca, an inveterate drunkard, a blustering ruffian, seduced 
 by British gold to forsake the Americans, whose interpreter 
 he had been, was now espousing the royal cause with all the 
 baseness of his character." % But it is error to say that he was, 
 at this date, an inveterate drunkard, although he occasionally 
 got intoxicated; nor can it be said with justice that he was a 
 ruffian ; as, Avlien sober, he was not inclined to be quarrelsome. 
 One fact may be noted — he was, by his friends, very easily 
 persuaded. That he was " seduced by British gold to forsake 
 the Americans," is a groundless charge. lie got no gold nor 
 the promise of any. As to " the baseness of his character," 
 he certainly had not at that date a general reputation for 
 meanness — vileness — or even worthlessness ; but he was now 
 a I'enegade — " the base deserter of his native land" — faithless 
 to the patriots, with whom he had previously been identified, 
 and to their principles, which he had all along avowed. 
 It has long been a tradition that Girty oAvned landed prop- 
 
 * Lorenzo Sabine, in Riographical Sketches of Loyiilists nf the American 
 Eevolution (preface to Vol. I). 
 
 f Sabine (in his Biographical Sketches, just cited) puts Girty down, along 
 with McKee and Elliott, as a loyalist — that is, a Tory. It will be hereafter 
 seen that he was also so recognized \>y the British government. It seems, 
 however, rather technical to call him such — yesterday a Whig, to-day a 
 Tory. He may be properly designated a renegade, but not in the sense of 
 a vagabond. He is spoken of by Canadian and British historians as a 
 refugee loyalist; and, by siimn Aiiu'ricau writers, as simply a refugee. 
 
 X The Life and Times of David Zeisborger, by Edmund de Schveinitz, 
 p. 402, citing Taylor'.s Ohio, pp. '281, 282. 
 
History of the GirtyK. 65 
 
 erty in Westmoreland county ; that, at or, - ♦ i; •, he possessed 
 a hirgc tract at or near llannastown ; and that the property 
 afterward belonged to his half-brother, John Turner, being 
 conveyed to the latter by the former. But Girty never pos- 
 sessed any real estate in Western Pennsylvania at any time, 
 as the public records show. 
 
 Before following the career of Girty as a renegade, it is to 
 be noted that there is a tradition, which has been repeated 
 with many variations, that he was at one time living at Pitts- 
 burgh Avith a woman, who was his reputed Avife ; that she was 
 a half-breed, whoso f.ithcr, a white man, resided in one of the 
 settlements not far away ; that she was a tall, pretty-looking 
 woman ; but that she was frequently treated with cruelty by 
 Girty. Farther than this, nothing is related with any degree 
 of particularity. Whether or not she Avas alive at the time 
 Girty went over to the enemy with McKee and Elliott, is not 
 added to the relation. But the whole story, it is evident, is 
 fictitious. 
 
 NoTK I. — "All the Indian in Girty impelled hira to side with 
 the frisky companions of his forest life, and when at this dan- 
 gerous crisis., he was again approached with specious arguments 
 and seducti' " promises by Elliott and iSIcKee, avIio had been 
 for months in the secret pay of the British commander at 
 Detroit, the untaught creature [Simon Girty], with the face 
 of a white man and the heart of an Indian, and with no feel- 
 ing of loyalty to any flag, either English or American, threw 
 in his lot with the savages and their allies." — Magazine of 
 American History, Vol. XV, p. 261. In this extract are con- 
 veyed a number of erroneous impressions: (1) "All the In- 
 dian in Girty " had nothing to do with his determination, 
 finally, to go over to the enemy, along with McKee and Elliott. 
 The latter had resolved to join their fortunes with the govern- 
 ment which was oppressing the colonies, and they induced 
 Girty to go with them ; they sided with the Western Indians 
 on their journey to induce them to become the firm allies 
 of Britain. With the Delawares they failed ; their success 
 was better with the Shawanese ; they made no attempt to 
 
56 History of the Girtys. 
 
 especiiilly influence the Sandusky Wyandots while on their 
 way to Detroit; (2) Elliott and McKee were not then in pay of 
 the British commander at Detroit; (3) Girty was at times, as 
 hereafter shown, ferociously cruel, and exhibited the utmost 
 savagery, but he was not at heart an Indian ; nor did he leave 
 Pittsburgh to tlu-ow in his lot with " the dusky companions 
 of his forest life," but with " their allies,'' the British. 
 
 And the same account also says : " Corrupted by Connolly, 
 disappointed in his military hopes, sore over his discharge, and 
 too much of an Indian to be moved by the feelings and princi- 
 ples then stirring the patriotic garrison [of Fort Pitt], but little 
 was needed to induce him to cast his lot with the people of 
 his adoption and their powerful employers/' Why,^t is proper 
 to ask, would Girty be disappointed in his military hopes — 
 why sore over his discharge if he had no feeling of loyalty to 
 the American flag? And why had he just marched under 
 the same flag and with the same garrison upon the " Squaw 
 Campaign, " if " too much of an Indian to be moved by the 
 feelings and principles then stirring "' the same soldiers ? 
 
 Note II.—" On the night of the 28th of March, 1778, three 
 or four years later than some writers claim, this now notori- 
 ous trio [McKee, Elliott, and Simon Girty], together with 
 seven soldiers, fled from the long familiar walls of Fort Pitt, 
 and severed their connection with their country forever. The 
 date of their departure and the attendant circumstances are 
 established beyond question by the official records of Major 
 Isaac Craig, now in the hands of his grandson, the accurate 
 and accomplished Isaac Craig, Esq., of Alleghany, Pennsyl- 
 vania." — Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 261. 
 But McKee, Elliott, and Girty fleeing " from the long familiar 
 walls of Fort Pitt" is not strictly correct; it conveys the 
 impression that they belonged to the garrison there, which, 
 of course, they did not, or that that fortification Avas the point 
 whence they started for the wilderness. How the " official " 
 records of Major Craig could show the date of their flight, 
 is not apparent, as that officer did not reach Pittsburgh for 
 more than two years after. 
 
HiHtorij of the Girh/n. 57 
 
 CHAPTER YIII. 
 
 In all the American settlements west of the Alleghany 
 mountains (that is, in the country watered by the Ohio river 
 and its tributaries), there were not to be found previous to their 
 flight three persons so Avell fitted collectively to work upon 
 the minds of the western Indians for evil to the patriot cause 
 as Simon Girty, MatthcAV Elliott, and xVlcxandcr McKee. 
 General Hand, therefore, believing they had gone to make 
 their homes with the hostile savages, feared the worst from 
 the arrival of these three men among them. Especially was 
 he apprehensive that their wiles Avould induce the Delawares 
 to break their neutrality and immediately declare Avar against 
 the border. 
 
 Not General Hand only, but Colonel Morgan prepared at 
 once pacific and urgent " speeches " to be sent to the Dela- 
 wares ; so certain were they that these savages Avould be 
 visited by the renegades ; and, as a matter of fact, they did 
 go at once to Coshocton, their principal town. But who could 
 be found willing to take the risk of delivering the messages, 
 Avhen it was known that there Avcre war-parties of other tril)es 
 hovering about the frontiers ? The question was soon settled 
 by John lleckcwelder and Joseph Bull, Moravian mission- 
 aries, offering to be " bearers of dispatches " to Coshocton. 
 These men had arrived at Pittsburgh anxious to obtain in- 
 formation concerni'ig the missionaries of their church Avhich 
 Avere located in th.'^ Muskingum valley as at present knoAvn, 
 and in the valley of the river noAv called the TuscaraAvas. 
 This, added to their laudable desire to serve their country, 
 induced them to brave the dangers of the trip, Avhich, it may 
 be premised, Avere thought greater than they really Avere. 
 
 The tAvo Moravians reached the TuscaraAvas in safety, and 
 IIcckcAvelder proceeded at once to the Coshocton, Avhere he 
 found the DelaAvares nearly ready to take up arms against the 
 
58 Ilutorij of the Girtys. 
 
 Americans. They had been tohl by the renegades (who, as 
 we have said, had made tlieir town a visit) tliat the patriot 
 armies were all cut to pieces, that General AVashington was 
 killed, that there Avas no more Congress, that the English had 
 hung some of the members and had taken the remainder to 
 England to hang them there, and that the few thousand Amer- 
 icans who had escaped the British soldiers were now embody- 
 ing thcnisolvcs west of the mountains for the purpose of kill- 
 ing all the Indians beyond the Ohio — even the Avomen and 
 children.* But the missionary, by the aid of the friendly 
 "speeches" brought with him from Pittsburgh, and some 
 newspapers which confirmed the capture of Burgoyne and his 
 army, soon convinced the savages that they had been deceived ; 
 and the visitor was welcomed as a brother. The surging pas- 
 sions of the Delawares, which had been so aroused by the mis- 
 representations of Girty and his companions, soon settled 
 down to a peaceful calm.t 
 
 But where now were the renegades ? They had left the 
 banks of the Muskingum before the arrival of Ileckcwelder. 
 They had done all the mischief in their power while at the 
 Delaware town. 
 
 Besides inflaming the savages against the border, McKee 
 had written, on the 4th of April, to Lieutenant-Governor 
 Hamilton, at Detroit, informing him of his flight. lie men- 
 tioned that no expedition of any consequence could be under- 
 taken from Fort Pitt by the Virginians against Detroit, but 
 that they meditated some attempt against the Indian villages 
 upon French creek.]; " Edward Ilazle," wrote Hamilton vo 
 Sir Guy Carlcton, " who had undertaken to carry a letter 
 from me to the Moravian minister at Coshocton, returned, 
 having executed his commission. He brought me a letter and 
 newspapers from Mr. McKee, who was Indian agent for the 
 crown, and has been a long time in the hands of the rebels at 
 
 * .Such is the account given many yeiirs after by Heckewelder, which is, 
 doubtless, an oxaggerution to some extent. 
 
 t Heckewelders Narrative, jij). 175-181. 
 
 X Hamilton to General Curleton, April 23, ^778. — MS. letter, Haldimand 
 Pajjerg. 
 
Iliatori/ of (he (Jirti/H. 59 
 
 Fovt Pitt. At length, he has found means to make his escape, 
 with tliree other men, two of tlic name of Gii'ty (mentioned in 
 Lord Dunmore's list), interpreters, and Matthew Elliott, the 
 young man who last summer was sent down from this place a 
 prisoner. This last person, I am informed, has been in New 
 York since he left Quebec ; and, probably, finding the change 
 in affairs unfavorable to the rebels, has slipped away to make 
 his peace here."" '■• 
 
 The " list "' of '• well-disposed "" persons sent by Dunmoro 
 to Lord George Germain was inclosed to Sir Guy Carleton in 
 Canada in a letter dated at Whitehall on the 20th of March, 
 1777. "Inclosed," says Germain, " is a list of names of sev- 
 eral persons, residing on the frontiers of Virginia, recom- 
 mended by Lord Dunmore for their loyalty and attachment to 
 government, and who his lordship [Dunmore] thinks will be 
 able to give great assistance to Lieutenant-Governor Hamil- 
 ton through their extensive influence among the inhabitants." 
 On the 21st of May, after its reception, the "list" was sent 
 by Carleton to Hamilton.!- To those who imagine that Simon 
 Girty, when he tied from Pittsburgh, was little else than an 
 Indian, the statement of Lord Dunmore that he was one of 
 the number Avhom his lordship thought had " extensive influ- 
 ence among the inhabitants " there, is especially commended. 
 Dunmore was personally acquainted with Girty, having seen 
 
 * ilS. letter, A}iril 20, 1778, Huldinmnd Papers. IIiizlo's niitno is erro- 
 neously i;iven "Ilayle" by Koosevelt. For mention of Hiizle in ii previous 
 publication, see An Historiciil Account, of the Expedition njjftinst Sandusky, 
 p. 182, note. 
 
 t -.Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX, p]). 340-o48. It seems that 
 Hamilton, either from a misconception of ^fcKee's letter, or from erroneous 
 information derived from Hazlo, got the idea that both Simon and James 
 Girty — " two of the name of Girty" — were with McKee in his fliijht from 
 Pittsburgh. Without any e.xplanntion, the account as it stands in The Win- 
 ning of the West (Vol. II, i>p. 4, 5) contradicts itself. Roosevelt first speaks 
 of McKee, Elliott, and Girfi/ fleeing together from Pittsburgh. " They all 
 ihree vn\rr3d against their countrymen," etc. (The italicizing is mine.) By 
 "Girty," that author means Simon Girty. A foot-note is then added Ly 
 Roosevelt, containing the letter of Hamilton to Carleton, which says, as we 
 have just seen, that McKee made his escape with three other men, " two of 
 the name of Girty." 
 
60 Jlitifory of the (lirfi/n. 
 
 him at Pittsburgh, luul having employed him, as we luive 
 shown, in his division, when inarching against the Shawanese 
 and Mingoes, as one of his trnsted scouts and interpreters. 
 
 McKec and his party had, as already mentioned, left Co- 
 shocton. They moved further into the wilderness, away from 
 this neutral tribe, to one already in great part in arms against 
 the border — to the Shawanese, upon the Scioto, to a point 
 some distance down that river from the site of the present 
 city of Columbus, Ohio, lint a message soon followed them, 
 sent by the Delaware chief. White Eyes: "Grandchildren, ye 
 Shawanese I Some days ago, a flock of birds that had come 
 on from the East lit at Goschochking [Coshocton], imposing a 
 song of theirs upon us, Avhich song had nigh proved our ruin ! 
 Should these birds, which, on leaving us, took their flight 
 toward the Scioto, endeavor to impose a song on you likewise, 
 do not listen to them, for they lie." * It was in this emphatic 
 but figurative language the Delaware chief made known his 
 views to the Shawanese concerning the visit of the three rene- 
 gades and their followers ; but the words of White Eyes did 
 not avail any thing with the " grai dchildren'' of his tribe 
 upon the Scioto. 
 
 The stay of the white men at the Scioto towns was some- 
 what prolonged. They met there, James Girty, who was eas- 
 ily persuaded to desert the cause of his country and remain 
 with the Shawanese. He at once committed himself to the 
 British interests, and helped, in no small degree, to turn those 
 of the tribe who Avere yet wavering, .from all thoughts of 
 peace with the United States. lie appropriated tlie presents 
 that had been intrusted to him for the Indians, and was, thence- 
 forward, a traitor to the cause he had beer, so recently aiding. f 
 
 On the 23d of April, Hamilton, at Detroit, wrote to Carle- 
 ton, that " Ilazle went off again, to conduct them [McKeo and 
 his party] all safe through the [Indian] villages, having a let- 
 ter and wampum [from the lieutenant-governor] for that pur- 
 pose." 
 
 * Tleekewelder Narrative, p. 182. 
 
 f Conipure llildreth's Pioneer History, p. 130. _ 
 
II is fori/ of the Glr/yn. 61 
 
 "Alexiuuler McKee," adds Hamilton, " is a man of good 
 character, and has great intlucnco with the Shawanesc; is 
 well ac([unintcd with the country, and can probably give some 
 useful intelligence. Jle will probably reach this place [De- 
 troit] in a few days." -'■ 
 
 In May, McKee, Elliott, Simon Girty, and others, departed 
 from the Shawancso towns for Detroit — the point of destina- 
 tion when they lied from the vicinity of Pittsburgh — but 
 James Girty was not of the party. They were conducted on 
 their journey by Ilazlc. Their route was through the Wyan- 
 dot villages upon the Sandusky river ; they were helped on 
 particularly by Snip, a Wyandot war chief, from the Scioto. f 
 One of the Wyandot towns — Upper Sandusky — was, at that 
 time, located less than three miles up the stream (but upon 
 the opposite side) from the present site of the town of the 
 same name — county seat of Wyandot county, Ohio ; the other 
 — Lower Sandusky — was situated at or near what is now Fre- 
 mont — county seat of Sandusky county, that state. 
 
 It has been published that Girty was made prisoner by the 
 Wyandots ; but being recognized by some Scnccas, the latter 
 demanded him as their prisoner ; stating, at the same time, 
 the nature of their claim to him ; that he had been adopted by 
 them, and had n^'torward returned to his countrymen, and 
 joined them in their war against the tribe who now demanded 
 him. The Wyandots ignored the claim of the Senecas, so the 
 story runs. " By your own showing," said they, " he only 
 returned to his own country and people. After that, he was 
 not yours. When again captured, he belongs to those who 
 took him. This was done by our Avarriors. He is therefore our 
 prisoner." Then Girty said to his captors in the Seneca tongue 
 (as if he had not yet learned to speak the Wyandot language 
 with much fluency), that he had been badly treated at Fort 
 Pitt by his own people, on account of being true to the king 
 and his cause, and that he was, therefore, forced to leave the 
 country, and that he was now on his way to Detroit to take 
 
 * MS. letter, Haldimand Papers. 
 
 t Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX, pp. 450, 451. 
 
()2 Hinlory 0/ the Girti/8. 
 
 up arms iigiiinst the Americans. He was thereupon set at lib- 
 erty. But all this has no foundation in fact.* 
 
 Leaving the Sandusky, McKeo and his associates had all 
 reached Detroit before the middle of June,t whore they were 
 received with open arms by the lieutenant-governor, wlio im- 
 mediately engaged Girty as interpreter for the Six Nations — 
 he t.lnis becoming a regular employe of the British Indian de- 
 partment, his compensation being fixed at two dollars (sixteen 
 York shillings) a day. That this was the pay he was to re- 
 ceive is inferable from a list, in existence, of oilicers, inspec- 
 tors, smiths, and others in the Indian department at Detroit, 
 dated the 24lli of October, 1770, containing the amount al- 
 lowed each for his services. Although this list was made out 
 more than a year after Girty reached Detroit, yet there would 
 seem to be no good reason why he should have received a less 
 amount at the time of his first engaging his services to the 
 British commandant than is therein specified, which is " six- 
 teen shillings, York currency, per day.":j; 
 
 It may now be stated that Girty's life was thenceforth very 
 largely devoted to the interests of the British government, di- 
 rectly or indirectly. " We heard," wrote White Eyes, from 
 Coshocton, to Morgan, on the 19th of July, "that Simon 
 Girty and Lamothe [a noted French-Canadian], were gone 
 down the river St. Lawrence, with as many men as they could 
 spare at Detroit." But Girty was not sent eastward. Ilis 
 field of operations, as will presently be shown, Avas to be prin- 
 cipally the Ohio wilderness and the western border settlements. 
 
 At a council began at Detroit on the 14th of June, 1778, 
 ■with the Ottawas, Chippeways, Ilurons (Wyandots), Potta- 
 wattamies, Delawares, Shawanese, Miamis, Mingoes, Mohawks, 
 and others, there were present, besides the Indians, Lieuten- 
 
 * See An Historical Account of the Expedition against Sandusicy, under 
 Col. William Crawford, in 1782, p. 186, for this story, given to the public 
 by the writer of this narrative, upon l..j assurance of William Walker as to 
 its being a reliable tradition; but it is now known to be wholly fictitious. 
 
 t Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX, p. 442. 
 
 t Walker's Address before the State Historical Society of Wisconsin 
 (1871), i).41. _- - ^ - — ,-—*--- ^ — "• 
 
Hhiorij of Ih'. Girli/n. 68 
 
 ant-Governor Ilainiltoii, superintendent ; Lieutenant-Governor 
 Edward Abbott, bite of Vincenncs ; Jehu llay, department 
 agent; " Mr. McKce, bite department agent" at Fort Pitt; 
 Hcveral oflieers of tlie Indian department ; Captain Ijernoult 
 and Lieutenant Cablwell, of the King's regiment; inter- 
 preters William Tueker, Joseph Drouilbird, Simon Girty (not, 
 however, recognized as such until the next day), Lsidore 
 Cliesne, Duperron ]>aby, and Charles J?caubin. On the fif- 
 teoiith, it is recorded that " Simon (Sirty was then brought 
 forward and declared an interpreter as having escaped from 
 the A'irginians and put himself under the protection of his 
 majesty, after giving satisfactory assurances of his fidelity." * 
 
 That ILimilton should have favorably looked upon Simon 
 Girty is not a matter of Avonder ; he had, as we have seen 
 previously, heard of him through the "list" of Lord Dun- 
 more as not only " well disposed to his majesty's governnient," 
 but as a lieutenant in the Virginia militia at IMttsburgh. Of 
 course, also, he was vouched for by McKee. 
 
 McKee was, as might be expected, better rewarded than 
 Elliott or Girty. He Mas at once made capr in and interpreter 
 in the Indian department ;t also subsec^uently appointed Indian 
 commissary, or deputy Indian agent. As captain, he was 
 thenceforth known as an " Indian officer," a title bestowed 
 upon all those who had previously, or who afterward, received 
 such an official niilitMry recognition (or one of less rank) in 
 the British Indian L lartment. Elliott had to abide his time ; 
 but Girty was not then, nor was he subsequently, honored 
 with any position other than that of interpreter, Avhich was 
 in no sense a military office. 
 
 A recent Avriter declares that Hamilton " organized a troop 
 of white rangei'S from among the French, British, and tories 
 at Detroit. They acted as allies of the Indians, and furnished 
 leaders to them. Three of these leaders were the tories 
 
 * Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX, pp. 442, 444. 
 f Id., p. 470. Hamilton early commenced appointing persons as captains 
 of Indians.— (p. 433.) . 
 
64 History .of Ike Girfyn. 
 
 McKec, Klliott, iiiul [Simon] (iirty/'- Hut the licutcniuit- 
 govoriior did not organize " a troop of white rangers " at that 
 place, nn will herciit'tor ho more fully explained. Nor was 
 Simon dirty over a Icailcr in any niilitiiry <tr;;ani/,iition formed 
 cither hv Miat ollicer or Iuh suecessors. ilamiltun organized 
 the militia tiiere, it is true, hut neither McKee, Elliott, or 
 Girty was enrolled therein.! 
 
 James (Jirty did not reach Detroit until the middle of Au- 
 gust. "A hrother of Simon (lirty (the interpreter)," wrote 
 the lieutenant-governor, " who made his escape from Fort Pitt 
 with Captain McKee, came in a day or two ago. lie says the 
 Delawares still go to Fort Pitt, but it is only until their corn 
 be ripe enough to allow their moving to the head-waters of the 
 Scioto, a place pointed out for them by the Six Nations. If 
 they do remove, the frontiers will repent it severely." j" James 
 immediately returned and took up his residence among the 
 Shawancse, engaged by Hamilton at two dollars a day to go to 
 war with, or interpret for them, as his services might be most 
 needed. He spoke the language of those Indians, as before 
 explained, with fluency. Simon, also, in obedience to instruc- 
 tions, accompanied James to the Ohio wilderness, going at once 
 to reside among the Mingoes to interpret for them, or to go 
 with war-parties of those savages against the border, as the 
 exigencies of the times might demand. Each was allowed one 
 and one-half rations a day, and presented with a gun, a sad- 
 dle and bridle, and three horses. 
 
 Hamilton found the two (Jirtys willing and effective agents, 
 as will be presently shown, in helping to carry out the policy 
 
 » Koosevclt's Tho "Winning of the West, Vol. II, p. 4. 
 
 t llooscvelt, in five piiges liirther on than the one lust cited, gets better in- 
 formation on the point of Simon Girty's emi)loyment. "lie sei'ms," timt 
 author now assures his readers, " to have often fought with the Indians as 
 one of their own number." 
 
 t Hamilton to Lieutenant-Governor H. T. Cramahe, Au;j;ust 17, 1778 — 
 MS. letter, Haldimand Papers, lioosevelt says (in The Winning of the 
 West, Vol. II, p. 21, note) : "August 17, 1778, Girty reports that four hun- 
 dred Indians have gone to attack ' Fort Kentuck.'" Tho inference here is 
 that it was Simon Girty, and that he had just come (or returned) from the 
 Ohio wilderness, which, of course, is error. _ . ^ ._ _ 
 
ll'txlory of l/ie ifirlijx. 05 
 
 of the Uritish f^ovormnoiit (iniulc more cruel \>y lii.s own har- 
 hiirouM mctlio(ls) toward llic Americans. The latitiulo given 
 liiin ill liis instructions was taken mlvantaj^e of to make more 
 wMiitoii anil Iiloodtliirsty tlio war tlicn raging along tlic west- 
 ern liorilors of I'onnsvlvania iiml \ irginia, ami for wliieli, as 
 lias heen shown, he wiis directly responsiliie. Scalps of tliose 
 wlio, tn the iiKHiu'iit of receiving the fatal Imllet or their death- 
 hlow by the tomahawk, were unsuspecting and ludplcss, and 
 prisoners of all ages and hoth sexes who had survived the 
 perils of the march to Detroit, wore received hy i>iiii from the 
 savages with delight, which immediately afterward would find 
 expression in presents bestowed with a liberal hand upon his 
 barbarous allies. Hamilton attempted to justify himself by 
 declaring that the American borderers, by " their arrogance, 
 ilisioyalty, and impudence, had justly drawn upon them this 
 deplorable sort of war." J>ut those exercising cruelty arc 
 never in want of excuses for so doing. ■'' 
 
 By the middle of June, 177S, the government of Pennsyl- 
 vania had been suiliciently advised of the d.ofection of the two 
 <iirtys, and of Elliott and McKec, to proclaim them as 
 aiding and abetting the common enemy. On the lifteenth, 
 at Lancaster, the Supreme Executive Council of the state or- 
 dered tliat a proclamation under the state seal be issued, de- 
 claring that Alexander McKee, formerly Indian trader : 
 Simon (lirty, Indian interpreter; James (Jirty, laborer ; and 
 Matthew Elliott, Indian trader ; and one other — all then or 
 late of the county of Westmoreland (among many more in 
 different portions of the state) — had severally adhered to and 
 knowingly and willingly aided and assisted the enemies of the 
 state and of the United States of America ; therefore, " the 
 
 * Roosevelt (Vol. II, ji. 87) speaks of Hamilton as one "wlio merely car- 
 ried out the orders of his superiors." That this is erroneous there can be no 
 qiu'stion. Ho did more. Hut that he offered a standing reward for white 
 scaljis, as has been stated by many writers (and among them the author of 
 this narrative), is a mistake. However, the course taken by the lieutenant- 
 governor in ainpl}' rewarding the Indians (though in the form of ))resents) 
 immediately after the presentation to him of their bloody trophies, was, to 
 the savage mind, equivalent to such an offer. 
 
 5 
 
GG History of the Girtys. 
 
 Supreme Executive Council aforesaid, by virtue of certain 
 powers and autliorities to" them "given," did charge and re- 
 quire Alexander McKee, Simon Girty, James Girty, and 
 Matthew Elliott, to "render themselves" respectively to some 
 or one of the justices of the Supreme Court, or of the justices 
 of the peace of one of the counties within that state, on or 
 before the third day of August, and abide their legal trial for 
 adhering to the enemies of the country, on pain, if not so ap- 
 pearing, of standing and being attainted of high treason."''^ 
 
 The crime of ^IcKee, viewed from the American stand- 
 point, was especially flagrant because of his being in reality a 
 prisoner to the patriots on parole, and of Simon Girty because 
 of his having previously accepted a commission in their service 
 and taken the oath of office. As to Elliott, it was not quite 
 so bad — it was. simply that he was now " aiding and abetting 
 the common enemy ; "' so, also, as to James Girty. As 
 neither one of the four fugitives made his appearance before 
 any Pennsylvania tribunal to be absolved from the charge 
 made against him, all were declared guilty and adjudged 
 traitors."!" 
 
 Note I. — That a letter was sent by Hamilton, at De- 
 troit, to one of the Moravian missionaries upon the Tusca- 
 rawas (in the present state of Ohio), naturally awakens a 
 curiosity to know its contents. It was dispatched January 
 11, 1778. The writer of the missive afterward gives the pur- 
 port of it in a letter to his superior : 
 
 " Four days since, a young man [Edward Hazle] set out 
 from this place [Detroit] to the Delaware towns, where a 
 Moravian minister resides, with tl;e uusign of engaging him 
 to disperse some papers signed by several of the prisoners 
 taken and brought in by the Indians — the purport of them to 
 shew that persons well affected to government may be assured 
 
 * ronnsylviiniii Coloniul Record, Vol. XI, pp. 6i;;-ri8. 
 
 t This is evident from the pi-litioii of .Tiitnes McKer of the 18th of August, 
 1778, presented to the Supremo E.M'Cutive Council of Pennsylvania. See 
 Pennsylvania Colonial I'pcord, Vol. XII, p. 76. 
 
History of the Girfi/s. 67 
 
 of a safe conduct to this place, if they will agree upon a 
 place of rendezvous, and that an officer (of the Indian De- 
 partment), with an interpreter, shall be sent to escort them 
 through the Indian villages." — Hamilton to G neral Carleton 
 [January 15, 1778], in Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. 
 IX, p. 432. It is certain, however, that it contained, in ad- 
 dition, a request for the missionaries to arm their Indians 
 and march against the " rebels." But that he actually wrote 
 the Moravian teachers to attack them indiscriminately on 
 their farms and in their settlements, slaying Avithout mercy, 
 and to bring their scalps to Detroi*^, as the exaggeration of 
 lleekewelder has it, can not be believed. Hamilton would 
 not have so written, however much the language would have 
 been in accord with his wishes. Schweinitz, in his Life of 
 Zeisbergor (pp. 400,461), not dreaming that it can be possible 
 for lleekewelder to " stretch the truth," is in great doubt as 
 to the genuineness of Hamilton's letter, notwithstanding it 
 had " an official seal ' affixed. 
 
 Note II. — "About 1777 [spring of 177S], both brothers 
 [Simon and James Girty] had been [were] seduced by the 
 British emissaries," says an Oliio writer, "and are known to 
 border tradition as renegades. This is hardly just. They 
 should not be regarded otherwise than as Indians of their re- 
 spective tribes. Such had been their training — their educa- 
 tion. They were Avhite savages — nothing else." — Taylor's 
 Ohio, p. 2S2, note. Here, however, far too much stress is 
 put upon the previous Indian training of the tAvo brothers. 
 They were not then " white savages — nothing else." They 
 were not " savages in every respect, except in the color of 
 their skin" — "white Indians," as they have also been called — 
 when they left Pittsburgh; and thej' did not ily to the wilder- 
 ness simply because of the cravings of their untamed natures; 
 for, had their sojourn with the tribes, which had adopted them 
 in their young days, caused such longings for the Avoods, they 
 Avould have, years before, escaped from the haunts of white 
 men. It Avas, to a great extent, the influence brought to bear 
 
68 Hisiory of the Girtys. 
 
 or them by others who were disaffected (which influence 
 was exerted because of the war then existing) that induced 
 them, in 1778, to leave their country to put themselves under 
 the protection of Hamilton at Detroit. 
 
 Note III. — It has found its way into print concerning Simon 
 Girty, that " although he called himself ' Captain Girty,' yet 
 whether he ever received a commission from the British gov- 
 ernment as did his associate Elliott, is a mooted question." — 
 See An Historical Account of the Expedition against San- 
 dusky under Col. William Crawford in 17S2," p. 187. 
 But there is no longer a doubt on the subject ; he was not 
 commissioned to any military office — simply hired as an in- 
 terpreter, as pi'eviously declared in this chapter. He is al- 
 ways spoken of in the correspondence of the commandants at 
 Detroit as " interpreter," never as an "Indian officer;" nor 
 is he ever calleci " captain" by them, as was McKce and sub- 
 sequently Elliott. 
 
 Note IV. — A young man, John Leith, an American by 
 birth, who had been a number of years among the Indians, 
 and who was then at Detroit, reports an interview which took 
 place between himself and Governor Hamilton : " He [Hamil- 
 ton] said ... if I Avould join the Indian department 
 under his command, he would give me two dollars per day, 
 and one and a half rations, exclusively. I then asked him 
 what he wanted me to do. He answered he wanted me to in- 
 terpret for them [the Indians], and sometimes to go to war 
 with them against their enemies." — A Short Biography of 
 John liceth, by Ewel Jeffries, pp. 9, 10. See, also, a reprint 
 of the pamphlet, by Robert Clarke & Co. (Cincinnati, 1883), 
 with illustrative notes, pp. 24, 25. 
 
 Note V. — Hamilton, with the opening of the year 1778, in- 
 creased his efforts in sending along the frontiers of Pennsyl- 
 vania and Virginia (in the last named is included Kentucky), 
 " parties of savages, whose reckless cruelty won his applause." 
 
History of the Girtys. 69 
 
 " The parties sent hence," he wrote on the 15th of January^ 
 to Carleton, from Detroit, " have been generally successful, 
 though the Indians have lost enough to sharpen their resent- 
 ment." " They have brought in seventy-three prisoners alive,'' 
 he adds, " twenty of which they presented to me, and a hun- 
 dred and twenty-nine scalps," which bloody trophies, torn 
 from the heads of men, women, and children, he could have 
 said with truth, were also given him. On the 17th of Sep- 
 tember, 177H, he wrote to General Frederick llaldimand, that 
 since the preceding May, the Indians in his district had taken 
 thirty-four prisoners, seventeen of which they had <lelivered 
 up, and eighty-one scalps. Several prisoners that had been 
 captured and adopted by the savages were not included in 
 this immber. — Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX, pp. 
 4^1. 47G, 477. 
 
 Lcith relates that upon one occasion, in Detroit, while upon 
 the bank of the river, he saw Hamilton and several other 
 British officers standing and sitting around. " Immediately, 
 . . . the Indians produced a large quantity of scalps ; the 
 cannon fired ; the Indians raised a shout, and the soldiers 
 waved their hats Avith huzzas and tremendous shrieks which 
 lasted some time. This ceremonv beino; ended, the Indians 
 brought forward a parcel of American prisoners, as a trophy 
 of their victories, among whom were eighteen women and 
 children, poor creatures, dreadfully mangled and emaciated, 
 with their clothes tattered and torn to pieces in such a man- 
 ner an not to hide their nakedness ; their legs bare and stream- 
 ing with blood, the effects of being torn with thorns^ briers, 
 and brush. . . . The governor . . . seemed to take 
 great delight in the exhibition." — A Short Biography of John 
 Leeth, before cited, p. 11 (Cincinnati reprint, pp. 29, 30). 
 Compare Washington-Irvine Correspondence, p. 7. 
 
 NcTE VI. — After a general denial as to Hamilton having 
 paid out money for scalps, Roosevelt erroneously adds (The 
 Winning of the West, Vol. II, p. 3) : " But scalps were cer- 
 tainly bought and paid foi at Detroit," citing, as an authority. 
 
70 History of the Girtys. 
 
 ■which is now known to be wholly fictitious, The American 
 Pioneer, Vol. I, p. 291. Again (on p. 87), Roosevelt declares, 
 that " undout'odly the British, at Detroit, followed the [pre- 
 vious] example of the French, in paying money to tlie Indians 
 for the scalps of their foes. . . . Apparently," continues 
 that writer, "the best officers utterly disapproved of the whole 
 business of scalp-buying ; but it was eagerly followed by many 
 of the redcless agents and partisan leaders, British, Tories, 
 and Canadians." He also says (p. 3) : " But they [the De- 
 troit commandant and the higher British officers] . . 
 connived at the measures of their subordinates. These were 
 hardened, embittered, men who paid for the zeal of their In- 
 dian allies accordingh' as they received tangible proof thereof; 
 in other words, they hired them to murder non-combatants as 
 woli as soldiers, and paid for each life, of any sort, that was 
 taken." This last sentence is error beyond all question. 
 
Hutory of the Girfys. 71 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 ^Mention has already been made of the migration, imme- 
 diately after tlie conclusion of Lord Dunmore's AYar, to the 
 Kentucky country, and tliat the people there were soon at- 
 tacked by the savages. The year 1777 was one of stirring 
 incidents for that region. The Indians early began to appear 
 around the forts Avhich had been erected by the settlers for their 
 protection. In March, a large war-party appeared before 
 Ilarrodsburg. Boonesbomugh, in April, was assailed; then 
 again by a large party of savages, in May, but without capt- 
 uring the fort. Soon after, a party of forty-five Avhite men 
 reached the place from North Carolina. On the thirtieth, Lo- 
 gan's fort was attacked. 
 
 In the same month, burgesses were chosen to represent 
 Kentucky county in the Virginia legislature, and in k optem- 
 ber the first court was held. Geor-jre Ro^^jers Clark, conceiv- 
 iiig the idea of capturing the Illinois country, sent spies 
 thither, who reported to him the condition of things existing 
 there. lie subsequently went over the mountains. While 
 there, the Virginia authorities determined to undertake the 
 conquest of the Illinois, then in possession of the British, 
 and they put Clark at the head of the expedition. The I'e- 
 sult will presently be given. 
 
 During this year, so severe and disastrous had been the ag- 
 gression'; of the Indians, that many of the settlers became 
 discouraged — in fact, only three settlements proved perma- 
 nent: " Harrodotown," Boonesborough, and Logan's f)rt. 
 8iiaon Kenton, soon to be more particularly mentioned, was 
 employed mainly as a spy to give the forts timely notice of 
 the approach of the savages. 
 
 In tlie early part of the year, 1778, Indian marauds were 
 
72 TriHfori/ of the Girhjx. 
 
 more than usually successful. Daniel Boone •'• anil twenty- 
 seven others Avere captured. Boone, who had been taken 
 across the Ohio, havin<; kiiowledjie of the assemblinij of a 
 large number of warriors with the avowed intention of at- 
 tacking Boonesborough, made his escape and reached the post 
 in time to save it and the others from capture. 
 
 In January, Clark, now a lieutenant-colonel, arrived from 
 the Virginia capital, in the settlements upoii tjio Monongahcla, 
 to enlist soldiers for the enterprise against the Illinois. By 
 the end of the month, ho had all his recruiting parties prop- 
 erly disposed, and, at lledstone-old-fort, he prepared boats, 
 light artillery, and ammunition. Many of the backwoodsmen 
 opposed the undertaking; and he only succeeded in collecting, 
 with some aid east of the mountains, about one hundred and 
 fifty men, when, on the 12th of May, he " set sail for the 
 falls " of the Ohio, " leaving the country," he wrote, " in great 
 confusion — much distressed by the Indians." " General 
 Hand," he added. " pleased with my intentions, furnished me 
 with every necessary I wanted." lie was reinforced, on his 
 Avay down the river, by a small number of troops at Fort 
 Randolph. His men were mostly Virginians, and all were in 
 the Virginia service. The result was the capture of Fort 
 Gage and the Illinois towns — a conquest, as it proved, of great 
 importance to the United States, and one reflecting much credit 
 upon Virginia. An envoy sent by Clark to Vincennes, upon the 
 "Wabash, where there were no British troops stationed, induced 
 its inhabitants to side with the Americans, and Weatanon, 
 further up that river, was also captured by a small force ; so 
 that, without the loss of a man, the reduction of the Illinois 
 and Wabash settlements was complete. 
 
 With Clark, in his march to the Illinois country, went Simon 
 Kenton, who had joined the former on his way down the Ohio.f 
 
 * Roosevelt, in The Winning of the West, siiells the niinie of this Ken- 
 tucljy Pioneer without nn e. But " Hoone" is too firmly established ever to 
 be clinnged. 
 
 t Jfany writors, in giving the paitiriiliirs of Simon Kenton's life, speak of 
 his playing a prominent part under Cliirk in ilm csijitiire of (lie Illinois. 
 All such traditions which have found their way into print are wholly erro- 
 
Hiatory of the Girfi/s. 78 
 
 Kenton, before the capture of Vincennes, returned to Ken- 
 tucky, when, with Boone and nineteen men, he undertook an 
 expedition in a small way against the Shawancse on the north 
 side of the Ohio. The party mot a number of Indians, and 
 put tliem to ilight. This was followod by an immediate but 
 unsuccessful attack, on the part of he Indians, against Booncs- 
 borough. Kenton then lay about the last-named fort and 
 Logan's until inactivity became irksome to him ; so, about the 
 1st of September, 1778, he prepared for another foray across 
 the Ohio. Alexander Montgomery and (Jeorge Clark joined 
 him, and they set oft' for the Indian country, not so much for 
 the purpose of killing savages as of obtaining horses from 
 them. The result of their expedition -will presently be 
 shown. 
 
 It was, as we have already seen, understood by Hamilton, 
 at Detroit, that Simon Girty and liis brother, James, were not 
 to remain passive with the tribes they were to join in the Ohio 
 wilderness, but each was to do the best possible service, either 
 in interpreting or fighting — Simon to go to the Mingoes, and 
 James to return to the Shawanesc. And it has also been ex- 
 plained that they took up their residence with the tribes just 
 mentioned. The villages of the ]\Iingoes were to be seen as 
 far down the Scioto as what is now Columbus, the capital of 
 Ohio, and up that river to its head streams, while some were 
 located on the upper waters of the Mad river, a tributary of 
 the Great Miami. There were two principal routes from 
 Detroit to the Mingo country, one down the Detroit river 
 and across the head of Lake Erie to the Sandusky bay, 
 thence up the Sandusky river and across a portage to the 
 waters of the Scioto ; another ran around the west end of 
 the lake, crossing the Maumee, and leading thence to the 
 Mingo towns. The Shawanese occupied a more extensive re- 
 gion. Their villages were not only upon the lower Scioto, but 
 westward upon the two Miami rivers. In the Mad river 
 country, there were several. The routes to them from Detroit 
 
 neous. In the various accounts of that expedition given by Clark himself, 
 Kenton's name is not once mentioned. 
 
74 Historij of l/ic OhiijH. 
 
 were but continuations of those to the homes of the Mingoes, 
 leading on further southward and south-eastward.-'' 
 
 When the two Girtys had reached the Indian tribes to which 
 they liad been accredited by Hamilton, neither had yet im- 
 bued his hands in the blood of his countrymen. Neither one 
 had marched, as yet, against the border to kill and destroy. 
 But a Avar-party was now made up, and the two, with one 
 John Ward, and a number of Mingoes and Shawanese, started 
 for a maraud into Kentucky. <>f the particulars of this ad- 
 venture we know noth ng further ban that it resulted in the 
 taking of seven scalp.^ and the bringing of a INFrs. Mary 
 Kennedy and seven child) en as captives into the Avilderness.f 
 The three white men and the Indians returned to the Shaw- 
 anese villages, and were received with yells of delight by the 
 savages. The two Girtys and Ward, pnssing ouAvard, finally, 
 with one Indian, reaching Wapatomica, an Indian town,J where 
 a council was being held by the Shawanese over a prisoner, 
 particulars of whose capture it is now our ]iurpose to relate, 
 not, however, until the circumstances under which Simon and 
 James Girty commenced their death-dealing career in the set- 
 tlements southward across the Ohio are briefly considered. 
 
 The language of the British minister, in his instructions to 
 Hamilton, to place " proper persons " at the head of the sav- 
 ages, " to conduct their parties and restrain them from com- 
 mitting violence on the well-affected and inoffensive inhabit- 
 
 * Ilooscvelt, in Tho Winnins^ of tho West, Vol. 11, p. 143, classes the 
 SliuwHiiese iilong with other trilu!.? us " SHndiisky Imlinns." ]5iit no Slmw- 
 ane.si! ever dwell U|ion the Siindiisky or iiny of its trilmtiiries. 
 
 t Sketches of Western Adventure, h\ John A. McClung (Philsidelphiiii 
 1882), p. 115. This work is not nlwiiys to 1 ■ de)wnded upon. However, 
 the iicoount very brieflj- given ol' th<! two Girtys' first lulventuro upon the 
 \viir-i)nth seems to be entitled to full <;redit. One f:iet stilted above is from 
 iitiother authority. 
 
 X .Synonynis; Waiipatomica, Waukataumikeo, Wagetomiea, Wapatomika, 
 Wiikiitomika, Wachatomakak, WaecotomicH, Wakitamiki, "Waughcotomoco. 
 It was sometimes s])oken of during the Kevolution as "the up))or Shawa- 
 nese village," from its being the u])iicrmost upon any of the tributaries of 
 the Great Miami. It was, of course, the nearest of any to Detroit. It was 
 the head-quarters of James Girty. 
 
Jlifilori/ of the GlrfijH. 75 
 
 ants " wag plain cnou^li, l)ut was wliolly disregarded by the 
 lieutenant-governor. J?y him, many persons of little or no 
 character, but who had a strong liking for Indians generally 
 and for their savage ways, were engaged to go to war as lead- 
 ers of the Indians, when the probabilities all were that, instead 
 of restraining their dusky associates, they would only strive 
 to vie with them in their deeds of cruelty toward the " in- 
 olTensive" borderers. Simon and James Girty had long been 
 intimate Avith Indians, and it is not surprising that, under the 
 direction and at the request of Hamilton to go to Avar Avhcn 
 expedient, they soon took up the hatchet, and along with Min- 
 goes and Shawancse marauded into the exposed settlements 
 of Kentucky. 
 
 That tlie journey of the two brothers to Detroit when they 
 first placed themselves under the lieutenant-governor there, 
 Avas not made Avith any intention of going upon the Avar-path 
 along Avith the savage allies of IJritain, there is every reason 
 to believe. If they had had a particular desire at the time 
 tliey Avere in the Ohio Avilderncss before seeing Hamilton to 
 tomahaAvk and scalp their OAvn countrymen, Avhy did they not 
 at once join the Indians at the Scioto towns for that purpose ? 
 The lieutenant-governor, then, Avas directly responsible for 
 encouraging — nay, requiring — the tAVo Girtys (as he had al- 
 ready others), to go Avith the Indians against the American 
 settlements. IIoav ferociously they subsequently performed 
 this duty that had been assigned them, may be imagined by 
 tlie success attending their first foray across the Ohio. It 
 is especially erroneous to suppose that Avhen Simon Girty left 
 his countrymen for good that he did so for the express pur- 
 pose of returning to savage life — simply to go back to the 
 Indians to live Avith them. This, hoAvever, has heretofore 
 been the prevailing idea.* 
 
 • See An Historical Account of the Expedition against Sandusky Under 
 Col. William Crawford in 1782, pp. 184, 185. Compare "Girty. The White 
 Indian," in Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, pp. 200, 261. 
 
 "Ho [Girty] soon returned to the Indians [after Lord Diinmore's "War]," 
 saya lloosevelt (The Winning of the West, Vol. I, p. 220), "and dwelt 
 among them ever afterwards, the most inveterate foe o'J the Avhites that was 
 
76 Hidory of the Girti/H. 
 
 It will be remembered that Kenton, when ho left Boone's 
 Station to eross the Ohio into the Indian country, had for his 
 companions Alexander Montgomery and George Clark. The 
 party after crossing the river proceeded cautiously toward llio 
 Shawanese village of Chillicothe, fre([uently callcil in early 
 accounts "Old Chillicothe,"' locate<l upon the upper 'vaters of 
 the Little Miami, three miles north of what is now Xenia, 
 Ohio. It has generally been supposed that the Chillicuthe 
 toward which Kenton and his com))anions made their way was 
 the one known as Old Town, in what is now Ross county, on 
 the site of the present Frankfort ; such, however, was not the 
 fact, as will hereafter be seen. 
 
 In the night they fell in with some horses that were feeding 
 in the rich prairies. The adventurers were prepared Avith salt 
 and halters, still they had much dilliculty in catching the ani- 
 mals. Seven were secured, and the whole were started with 
 all speed for the Ohio, the party reaching the river near the 
 mouth of Eagle creek, in what is now BroAvn county, Ohio. 
 The horses, because of a strong wind blowing at the time, 
 which raised the waves high, could not bo urged to take the 
 water. Upon the bank of the stream, therefore, Kenton and 
 his companions remained until the next day, when their efforts 
 to cross to the Kentucky side were equally futile. As there 
 could bo no doubt but that they were now pursued by the sav- 
 ages, no time was to be lost; so they undertook to make the 
 best of their way down the river to the falls, but it was too 
 late; the Indians were upon them. Kenton was captured, 
 Montgomery was killed and scalped, but Clark made his es- 
 cape, reaching Logan's Station in safety. 
 
 The savages started the next day for their towns, but not 
 until Kenton had been tied Mazeppa-like upon the back of 
 one of their wildest horses, which was then turned loose for 
 the amusement of the Indians. The animal, after running, 
 
 to he found in nil the tribes. He lived to bo a very old nmn, and is said to 
 have died figliting his iincient foes and kinsmen, the Americans, in our 
 second war acaiiist the British." In this extract there are radical errors, 
 which are sufficiently corrected in subsequent chapters of this narrative. 
 
History of the Girfys. 77 
 
 pluiigini^, roarini^, iiml kickiiii;, iiiiiilly ,«ul)niitttMl to its hurdcn, 
 ;n)(l quiotly followed tlio others. Just before reachiii;^ Cliilli- 
 cotlie, the population of the place came out to see the pris- 
 oner, and he received a terrible beating at tlioir hands. After 
 this, he was forced to run the <:;auiitlot, which cainc! near put- 
 ting an end to his existence. When he had somewhat revived, 
 he was given something to eat and some water to drink. It 
 was now determined that he should be tortured to death at 
 t'.e stake, but not there. 
 
 Kenton was then taken first to Piqua (sometimes in early 
 histories incorrectly spelled Pickaway), which was about 
 twelve mile^j in a northerly direction from Chillicuthe, and on 
 the north baidc of the Mad river, five miles west of the pres- 
 ent site of (Springfield, in Clark county, Ohio ; thence to Mac- 
 a-chack (or Mac-a-cheek, as it is now written), near what is 
 now West Liberty, in the same state. At both these Indian 
 villages, he V as again compelled to run the gauntlet. While 
 at the one last mentioned, he cauio very near making his 
 escape. 
 
 His treatment was now more terrible than before ; still his 
 life was spared, llis tormentors moved with him finally to 
 Wapatomica, where he was to be tortured, which was just l)elow 
 the present Zanesfield, in Logan county, Ohio, not a great dis- 
 tance from Mac-a-cheek. Here, as before, he was compelled 
 to run the gauntlet, during which he was severely hurt. Im- 
 mediately after, he was taken to the council house. While sit- 
 ting upon the fioor, silent and dejected, with his face black- 
 ened — a sure indication that he was doomed to death — the 
 door suddenly opened, and in walked Simon Girty, his brother 
 James, John Ward, and the Indian, with their eight captives 
 and seven scalps. 
 
 Kenton was instantly removed from the council house. The 
 arrivcil of the two Girtys and their party chiinged the delib- 
 erations of the assembled warriors from Kenton for the time. 
 The meeting Avas, in consequence, protracted until a late hour. 
 At length, Kenton was brought back. He Avas greeted, as he 
 entered the house, with a savage scowl. Simon Girty threw 
 
78 History cf the Oirtys. 
 
 a blanket upon the floor, and harshly ordered him to take a 
 seat upon it. The order was not immediately complied with, 
 and Girt}- impatiently seized his arm, jerked him roughly 
 upon the blanket, and pulled him down upon it. This inso- 
 lence clearly shows that the renegade had no sympathy for 
 the helpless prisoner. It proves conclusively that he had not 
 in any way, in the council, attempted to save his life. He 
 was only anxious to learn of the unfortunate captive where 
 he lived, that he might get from him as many facts as possible 
 to aid Britain and her savage allies in their depredations upon 
 the border, when he would leave him to his doom. 
 
 Of course, Simon Girty did not recognize his old compan- 
 ion-in-arms, blackened as was the visage of the latter ; so he 
 began to question him in a rough and menacing tone, little 
 dreaming that he was talking to Simon Butler — the name 
 Kenton was known by upon the border — though the latter at 
 once knew Girty.* To the first inquiry as to where he lived, 
 Kenton replied, " in Kentucky." Then Girty asked him how 
 many men were there, and other similar questions, Kenton 
 leading him astray in many ways by his answers. Finally, 
 the prisoner Avas asked his name. The answer Avas " Simon 
 Butler ! " Girty eyed him a moment, then rushed to him and 
 embraced him, calling him his dear and esteemed friend. 
 " AVell, you are condemned to die," said he to Kenton ; " but 
 I will use every means in my power to save your life ! " 
 
 Girty immediately made a long speech to the savages to 
 save the life of their prisoner. As he proceeded, Kenton 
 could plainly see the grim visages of the Indians relent. 
 When Girty had concluded his appeal for his old-time 
 friend, the savages rose with one simultaneous exclamation of 
 approbation, and Kenton was saved. Girty at once took him 
 under his care and protection. British traders from Detroit 
 had an establishment at this time in Wapatomica. Girty took 
 
 * " It WHS indeed the hated traitor, . . . who never before or after- 
 ward was known to spare one of his own race whom fortune y)laced in his 
 power." — K. P. Coleman, in Harper's Magazine, Vol. XXVIII, p. 298. 
 T'.a latter part of this statement is most erroneous, and could only have 
 been made by one wholly ignorant of his i)revious and subsequent career. 
 
History of the Girtys. 79 
 
 Kenton with him to the store, and dressed him from head to 
 foot; he also provided him with a horse and saddle. 
 
 Some time after this, a war party of Indians who had been 
 on an expedition to the neighborhood of Wheeling, returned ; 
 they had been defeated by the borderers — some killed, others 
 v.ounded. They were sullen, chagrined, and filled Avith re- 
 venge. They were determined to kill any prisoner they met. 
 Kenton just then was the only one upon whom they could 
 pour their vials of wrath. He and" his deliverer were then kt 
 Solomon's town, a small distance from Wapatomica. It was 
 a Mingo village on the way northward to Upper Sandusky, 
 and was the headquarters of Girty.* A message was imme- 
 diately sent by the infuriated savages to the latter to return 
 and bring Kenton with him. The messenger met them on the 
 way, shook hands with Girty, but refused the hand of Ken- 
 ton. Girty, after talking aside with the Indian some time, 
 said to Kenton that they had been sent for to attend a grand 
 council at Wapatomica. All three hurried to the village, and 
 when they reached the council-house it was crowded. When 
 Girty went in, the Indians all rose up and shook hands with 
 him, but the proffered hand of Kenton Avas refused with a 
 scowl of contempt that boded evil. After those present were 
 seated, the war-chief of the defeated party stood up and made 
 a vehement speech, frequently turning his fiery and revengeful 
 eyes on Kenton during its deliverance. The purport of the 
 savage's harangue was that the prisoner should be put to 
 death. The next speaker was Girty, who again made an earn- 
 est appeal for the life of his friend. He was followed by sev- 
 eral chiefs, giving their views in the matter. It was finally 
 decided, by an overwhelming majority, that death at the stake 
 should be the doom of Kenton. 
 
 Girty •'poke kindly to the unfortunate man, but frankly de- 
 clared he could do no more for him. However, at Girty's re- 
 quest, Kenton was taken by the Indians to Upper Sandusky 
 
 * Solomon'8 town was three miles north of the present Huntsville, or 
 about nine nbovo what is nosv Bellofontaine, Ohio. It was subsequently oc- 
 ouiticd by Wyundots. 
 
80 History of the Girtys. 
 
 to suffer torture ; once there, and he escapev^ death through 
 the intercession of a trader; was sent to Detroit, from which 
 place he subsequently fled, and arrived in Kentucky in safety.* 
 
 In after years, Kenton frequently related to interested 
 spectators the particulars of his escape from death by the ef- 
 forts of Girty. " He was good to me," he would say. 
 " When he came up to me, after the Indians had painted me 
 black, I knew him at once. He asked me a good many ques- 
 tions, but I thought it best not to be too forward, and I held 
 back from telling him my name ; but, -'hen I did tell him, oh! 
 he Avas mighty glad to see me. He flung his arms around me, 
 and cried like a child. I never did see one man so glad to 
 see another. He made a speech to the Indians — he could 
 speak the Indian tongue, and knew how to speak — and told 
 them, if they meant to do him a favor, they must do it now, 
 and save my life. Girty afterward, when we were together, 
 cried to me like a child often, and told me he was sorry for 
 the part he had taken against his countryman ; that he was 
 too hasty. But he was good to me ; and it was no wonder. 
 When Ave see our fellow-creatures every day, avc don't care 
 for them ; but it is diff"erent when you meet a man all alone 
 in the woods — the wild, lonely woods." 
 
 Girty " exhibited on this occasion [the saving of Kenton's 
 life]," says an account already frequently referred to, " at 
 least, a generosity and nobility of soul which would have done 
 credit to a more enlightened and more civilized character." f 
 But, tlie question is, what would Girty have done for him had 
 he (Kenton) proved a stianger? We can only judge by what 
 his actions were toAvard him before he Avas recognized. These 
 clearly indicate that he Avould have left him to his fate, Avith- 
 out any eff"ort in his behalf. The dictates of a broad human- 
 
 * Compare, as to tli' captivity of Kenton and the saving of hib life by 
 Girty, McCluiig's Sketolies of Western Adventure, pp. 104-124; John Mc- 
 Dwnald's Biographical Sketches, pp. 221-240; Harper's Magazine, Vol. 
 XXVIII, art. "Simon Kenton," where a cut is given (imaginative, of 
 course) of the interview between Girty and Kenton, at Waputomica. 
 
 f Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 262. 
 
History of the Glrtys. 81 
 
 ity had, therefore, little or nothing to do with his exertions in 
 Kenton's behalf; it was simply a spasmodic feeling of com- 
 passion for an old associate and friend; which, a mere impulse 
 as it was, is nevertheless to be commended. 
 
 Girty's remorse for wliat he had ah-esidy done against the 
 borderers, as might be expected, gi'adiially wore off; and he 
 soon became, as we shall presently see, very vindictive in his 
 feelings. Kenton never saw him afterward. 
 
 ■o" 
 
 Note I. — That it was determined at Chillicothe to tor- 
 ture Kenton to death at the stake, there can be no doubt. 
 And it was there also settled by the savages that it was to 
 take place at their principal town — Wapatomica. It seems 
 equally certain, also, that his face was painted black as soon 
 as he Avas sentenced to die. Roosevelt erroneously supposes 
 that it was the second place the Indians came to, and that 
 that place was the Pickaway Plains, where sentence was first 
 passed upon him by his captors. The next place reached 
 after leaving Chillicothe (near Avhat is now Xenia, Ohio) was 
 the Shawanese village of Piqua. No council was held there. 
 It is a fact, therefore, that sentence of death was not passed 
 upon the captive at the Pickaway Plains, nor was he to be tor- 
 cured there. The Pickaway Plains are on the east side of the 
 Scioto, below the present Columbus, Ohio. Kenton was not 
 there at any time during his captivity. 
 
 The Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 262, also 
 makes a mistake as to the place where Girty rescued Kenton. 
 " It was while Girty was in the Ohio country, and in the fall 
 of the same year that he fled from Fort Pitt, that the most 
 creditable act of his life took place. The Indians, who were 
 then constantly on the war-path, brought home many captives, 
 and among them the redoubtable Simon Kenton, whom they 
 had taken to Wapakoneta, and had already doomed to the 
 stake, when he was recognized by Girty with astonishment 
 and delight as his old comrade of the Dunmore expedition. 
 At once, and at the risk of destroying both his standing and 
 6 
 
82 Hiaiory of the Girtys. 
 
 influence among his inflamed and suspicious people, Girty ex- 
 erted himself to the utmost to save him, and at length, after 
 the most earnest and impassioned speeches, the power of 
 ■which is attested by the eflect it had upon a crowded council 
 of prejudiced and revengeful savages, he succeeded, and tak- 
 ing the rejoicing Kenton to his own cabin, he fed him, clothed 
 him and dressed his neglected wounds." But there was no 
 AVapakoneta in existence until long after the Revolution. 
 
 There are other errors to be noticed in this extract. The 
 Indians, when they captured Kenton, were not on the war- 
 path, as is here inferred. Girty did not " at once " exert him- 
 self to save Kenton. The writer also speaks of the Indians 
 who had captured Kenton as "his [Girty's] inflamed and sus- 
 picious people." Now, these Indians were Shawancse ; but 
 had they been Mingoes, they could not properly be spoken of 
 as Ms people. No tribe was Ids tribe— no savage nation his 
 nation. 
 
 Note II. — Kenton's captivity and the incidents connected 
 with it are, to a large extent, only known through John A. 
 McClung's Sketches of Western Adventure. That writer de- 
 clares that Kenton's adventures (meaning, among others, his 
 being taken prisoner, when his life was saved \>'j Jirty) were 
 copied by him from a manuscript account dictated to another 
 by the pioneer himself. It is certain, however, that much of 
 what is said concerning the action of Girty is purely imaginary, 
 and could not have been taken from Kenton's lips. Words 
 are put into the mouths of Indian chiefs which they could not 
 have spoken. And Girty himself is credited with saying 
 what, had he so said, would have been known to his hearers 
 as being absolutely untrue ', as, for instance : " He [Girty] en- 
 treated them [the chiefs] to have compassion upon his feel- 
 i'ic;8; to spare him the agony of witnessing the torture of an 
 oid friend by the hands of his adopted brothers ; and not to 
 refuse so trifling a favor, as the life of a white man, to the 
 earnest intercession of one who had proved, by three years'' 
 faithful service, that he Avas sincerely and zealously devoted 
 
History of (he Girfi/s. 88 
 
 to the cause of the Indians." (The italicizing is mine.) To 
 have spoken to Shawanese chiefs, asserting they were " adopted 
 brothers," would have been absurd ; and to have claimed 
 " three years' faithful service " to the Indians, when he had 
 been among the Mingoes only a few weeks, would, of course, 
 have been ridiculous. It is not alone in the speeches said to 
 have been made, that McClung (or tho one he copies from) 
 draws upon his imagination. lie gravely asserts, among 
 other fallacies, that Kenton was introduced by Girty to his 
 own family; as if, indeed, the latter had a wife and children 
 with him I 
 
 Note III. — After Kenton had a second time been sentenced 
 to death, and had started for Upper Sandusky, where the tor- 
 turing was to take place, ho met Logan, the Mingo chief, who 
 made an attempt to save him by sending messengers in ad- 
 vance to the pliice last mentioned to intercede for him ; but 
 they failed. However, Roosevelt declares to the contrary, in 
 The Winning of the West, Vol. I, p. 241 : " He [Logan] saved 
 Simon Kenton from torture and death, when Girty, moved by 
 a rare spark of compassion for his former comrade, had al- 
 ready tried to do so and failed." " But each time [after being 
 twice sentenced to be burned alive], he was saved at the last 
 moment," that writer also declares, in Vol. II, p. 29 : " once 
 through a sudden spasm of mercy on the part of the renegade 
 Girty, his old companion in arms at the time of Lord Dun- 
 more's war, and again by the powerful intercession of the 
 great Mingo chief, Logan." The truth is, that his second re- 
 prieve was brought about by Girty artfully persuading the 
 chiefs to send him to Upper Sandusky to be tortured, and by 
 the shrewdness of a white trader after his arrival there. 
 
 Note IV. — The account of the intercession of Girty in 
 Kenton's behalf, as given by James Hall (The Romance of 
 Western History, pp. 303, 304), is particularly erroneous : 
 "After running the gauntlet in thirteen towns, he [Kenton] 
 was taken to Lower Sandusky to be burned. Here resided 
 
84 History of the Qirtys. 
 
 the miscreant [Simon] Girty, Avho, having just returned from 
 an unsuccessful expedition against the frontiers of Pennsyl- 
 vania, was in a particularly ill humor, and hearing that there 
 was a white prisoner in town, he rushed upon him, struck him, 
 beat him to the ground, and was proceeding to further atroci- 
 ties, when Kenton had the presence of mind to call him by 
 name and claim his protection. They had known each other 
 in their youth ; Kenton had once saved the life of Girty ; and 
 deaf as the latter was, habitually, to every dictate of benevo- 
 lence, he admitted the claim of his former acquaintance ; and 
 actuated by one of those unaccountable caprices so common 
 among savages, interceded for him, rescued him from the 
 stake, and took him to his houi?'i.'' The same author pre- 
 viously declares that it was " pity," instead of an "unaccount- 
 able caprice," that prompted Girty to intercede for the 
 prisoner. Now, Girty did not reside at Lower Sandusky, nor 
 did he ever meet Simon Kenton there. As yet, he had not 
 been on an expedition against the frontiers of Pennsylvania. 
 Kenton had never saved Girty's life, nor had they known each 
 other in their youth. Besides, as will hereafter be shown, 
 Girty was not "'deaf," "habitually, to every dictate of benevo- 
 lence." 
 
Hutory of the Girfi/s. 86 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 It was in the month of October, 1778, that Simon Girty 
 parted with Kenton at Wapatomica, Avheil the hitter was 
 started on his way to the Wyandot town of Upper Sandusky, 
 guarded by five Shawanese — for there is no evidence that he 
 accompanied his old time companion thither. That the en- 
 suing months of tlie year were spent by Girty at the variouG 
 Mingo vilhiges in the vicinity is certain. 
 
 It has been said (and the report has a number of times been 
 repeated by Western Avriters) tliat Girty was dispatched not 
 long after his saving Kenton's life, as a British emissary, 
 along with Elliott and McKee, to the homes of the " Mora- 
 vian " Indians, to induce them, if possible, to join in the war 
 against the Americans. No such journey, however, was made 
 by them. 
 
 The fall of this year (1778), in Kentucky, was marked by 
 some events of importance beside those already mentioned. 
 Immediately after Kenton and his companions set off for the 
 country north of the Ohio, upon the expedition which, as previ- 
 ously explained, resulted in his capture, Boonesborough was 
 besieged by a few white men — Canadians — and a large num- 
 ber of India as ; but the enemy in the end were untsuccessful. 
 In October, several men joined their labors in making im- 
 provements where Louisville now stands, laying the per- 
 manent foundation of that city. George Rogers Clark or- 
 dered Captain William Linn and tlie discharged troops from 
 Kaskaskia to return to the falls of the Ohio. A station, which 
 had been established on an island in the river, was abandoned, 
 and a fort on the main shore, in Kentucky, commenced. 
 
 The news of the disaster to British interests in the Illinois 
 and upon the Wabash, aroused Lieutenant-Govei'nor Hamil- 
 ton, at Detroit, to the most vigorous efforts to retrieve it. It 
 was obvious that Clark's success had panic-stricken the In- 
 
86 Hintory of the Oirtys, 
 
 dians, and threatened the whole British power in the North- 
 west. At the very time when Hamilton received the news, 
 there was a large gathering of Indians at his post with whom 
 ho was holding negotiations. " J le gave them the hatchet 
 anew, and urged them to more general and violent assaults 
 upon the frontier, and to hold themselves in readiness to join 
 him in proposed movements against the Americans.'' He sent 
 a menacing letter to the Council of the Delawares, upon the 
 ^luskingum, calling upon them " for the last time" to take 
 up the hatchet, and was greatly infuriated at their firm re- 
 fusal. 
 
 He, immediately planned an expedition for the recovery of 
 tlio Illinois, to be conimaiided by himself. 1 '"> composed 
 of tliirty-five regular soldiers, including officers ., 1 men ; of 
 " irregulars," forty-four rank and file ; of militia, about 
 seventy ; and about sixty Indians, his force of savages being 
 augmented on the way. The volunteers were subsequently 
 paid for tlieir services from the seventeenth of September, but 
 the expedition did not leave Detroit until the seventh of Oc- 
 tober. He proposed to march first to Vincennes, in what is 
 now the State of Indiana; thence, he intended to proceed to 
 Kaskaskia, where Ciark's force was mostly stationed. He 
 urged Major Arent Schuyler De Peyster, in command at 
 Michrlimackinac, to send him assistance. De Peyster had 
 also received special orders from General Frederick Ilaldi- 
 mand, commanding at Quebec, to do all in his power to aid 
 Hamilton in his enterprise ; and, on the twenty-fifth of Oc- 
 tober, he dispatched officers to arouse the Indians around Lake 
 Michigan and assemble them at Fort St. Joseph, a stockade 
 near a Pottawattamie village, in the vicinity of what is now 
 South Bend, Indiana. They were to march thence and join 
 Hamilton with all the force they could raise, or descend the 
 Illinois, if that would be better calculated to promote the 
 success of Hamilton's operations. These officers were told 
 to use economy, " as the nations in general " had " many 
 presents from his Majesty." They were to exhort the war- 
 riors to use humanity toward their prisoners, who would be 
 
His(ori) of the Oirtyx. 87 
 
 nuisomcd. It was thus that De Peyster early in the war 
 showed himself a humane soldier. 
 
 Hamilton was greatly delayed by storms and bad weather, 
 and did not reach A'^incennes until the seventeenth of Decem- 
 ber. This place, as we have seen, had yielded to the Ameri- 
 cans, and it was now held by Captain Leonard Helm, who at 
 once capitulated. The British commander " dismissed his In- 
 dian allies to prowl upon the frontiers or return to their 
 homes, with the purpose in the early spring of re-assembling 
 them, with a largely increased force both from the north and 
 the south, and then, after re-establishing the British power in 
 Illinois, of marching to Fort Pitt, sweeping Kentucky" and 
 what is now West Virginia on the way, and thus completing 
 the conquest of the American settlements in the West. 
 
 Eastward, along the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia, 
 and westwardly across the Ohio for a considerable distance in 
 the Indian country, throughout the year 177H, after the flight 
 of Girty, Elliott, and McKee to the British, there were stirring 
 events continually transpiring. General Hand at Fort Pitt 
 was succeeded by Brigadier-General Lachlan Mcintosh. To 
 that post marched the Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment, com- 
 manded by Colonel Daniel Brodhead. Previous to this, that 
 portion of the Thirteenth Virginia remaining at Valley Forge 
 had been placed in marching orders for the same destination. 
 The residue of the regiment were already in tlie West. The 
 command of this body of men was given temporarily to Colonel 
 John Gibson, the same person who wrote down from the verbal 
 translation by Simon Girty, the famous " speech " of the 
 Mingo, Loijan. Active measures against Detroit were now 
 concerted. A treaty with the Delaware Indians was held in 
 September. These savages stipulated to join the troops of 
 the general government with such a number of their best and 
 most expert warriors as they could spare consistent with their 
 own safety. Just below the mouth of the Beaver, upon the 
 right bank of the Ohio, Fort Mcintosh was erected. There, 
 as early as the 8th of October, the head-quarters of the army 
 was moved, where a large force of Continental troops nd 
 
88 Ifhfon/ of the QiriijH. 
 
 militia, mostly from the western counties of Virginia, was as- 
 sembled. ''■ A march was made into the wilderness, and Fort 
 Laurens erected on the west bank of the Tuscarawas river be- 
 low the mouth of Sandy creek. A garrison under Colonel 
 Gibson of one hundred and fifty men, with scant supplies, 
 was left to guard the post, and General Mcintosh returned 
 with the residue of his army to tlie fort at the mouth of 
 Beaver.t 
 
 Some time near the close of the year, Simon Girty received 
 from Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton orders to watch the 
 movements of the enemy near Fort Pitt. On the Hth of 
 January, 1770, with seventeen Indians, mostly Mingoes, he 
 proceeded from the upper Scioto on his mission. lie had in- 
 formation of the building of Fort Laurens, and he started to 
 reconnoiter the post to gain what news he could from the cap- 
 turing of any prisoners. He would also, if possible, take 
 some scalps, particularly Colonel Gibson's. He Avas, in this 
 instance, it must be said, engaged in legitimate warfare. 
 
 But the secret of Girty's movements became known to Kill- 
 buck, a Delaware chief. The Delaware at once informed Zeis- 
 berger, and the last named wrote immediately to Colonel Gib- 
 son in Fort Laurens : " Captain John Killbuck sent messen- 
 gers here [one of the Moravian missionary establishments] re- 
 questing me to inform you of the following intelligence they 
 had to-day [January 19th] by two warriors who came to 
 Coshocton and were going to war but were stopped [by the 
 Delawares] : They told that thirteen days ago two companies 
 of warriors, one of seven, the other of eighteen men (among 
 the latter is Simon Girty), were gone to Fort Laurens in or- 
 der to get Colonel Gibson's scalp. Their scheme is to de- 
 ceive you by carrying deer's tails on their heads and by that 
 means to get into the fort." | This carrying of deer's tails on 
 
 * It was much the largest army of whito soldiers got together in the West, 
 either by the Americans or British, during tlie Revolution, 
 t VViishington-Irvine CorreP]K)ndence, ])j). 20-28. 
 % Zeisbergor to Gibson, January 19, 17"!). — MS. letter, Haldimand Papers. 
 
History of the Oirtys. 89 
 
 their heads was the token used by the friendly Dchiwarcs to 
 find a speedy entrance to (Jibaon's (quarters, which token the 
 enemy had in some way found out. 
 
 Tlie colonel does not scetn to have been at all alarmed 
 about losing his scalp. " Mr. Girty," he wrute Colonel Mor- 
 gan, on the twenty-second, " has not yet made his appearance ; 
 I hope, if he does, to prevent his taking my scalp." ■'■ And 
 thus he wrote General Mcintosh at the same time: "I hope, 
 if Mr. Girty comes to pay a visit, I shall bo able to trepan 
 him." t 
 
 Girty was, meanwhile, approaching Fort T, aureus ; and 
 on arriving in its immediate vicinity he took care not to dis- 
 cover himself and his savages to the garrison, but lay in am- 
 bush on the road leading to Fort Mcintosh, watching an op- 
 portunity to strike an effective blow. He and his dusky fol- 
 lowers had not long to wait, for Captain John Clark, of the 
 Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment, who had commanded an escort 
 of provisions from Fort Pitt to Colonel Gibson, reaching the 
 latter on the twor.cy-first, was seen returning with a sergeant 
 and fourteen men. About three miles from the post, they 
 were suddenly attacked by Girty and his Indians, suffering a 
 loss of two killed, four wounded, and one taken prisoner. The 
 remainder, including the captain, fought their way back into 
 the fort. Letters written by Gibson (two of which have al- 
 ready been cited), containing information of importance, were 
 captured by Girty. J The success of the latter in this at- 
 tack was at once made known to the Fort Pitt commander, 
 who learned through advices from the Tuscarawas who it wr3 
 that commanded the savages in the ambuscade. § This be- 
 
 • Gibson to Mort;iin, January 22, 1779. — MS. letter, Haklimand Papers. 
 
 f Gibson to Alelntosh, January 22, 1779. — MS. letter, llakliniand Papers. 
 
 I Copies of tbeso letters I have bet'oro me. Com])aro, as to the ambus- 
 cade, Washington-Irvine Correspondence, p. 31. The braver}' displayed by 
 Clark, who was outnumbered by the e?iemy, shows he was on the alert. 
 
 § "1 am just informed that Capt. Clark, of the 8th Pennsylvania llefjm't, 
 who was sent to command an Escort to Fort Laurens, as ho was returning 
 with a Sergeant and 14 men, three miles this side of that fort, was attacked 
 
90 History of the Girtpn. 
 
 coming known in the border settlements, tended to increase 
 the terror of Gii-ty's name. He afterward boasted greatly 
 of this exploit of killing his own countrymen. 
 
 On the 20th of January, "! 770, Clark heard the news of 
 Hamilton's occupation of Vincennes, and the condition of his 
 forces. He saw that he must capture the lieutenant-governor, 
 or be taken by him ; so, on the 7th of February, with a force 
 of one I'li.ulred and seventy-six men, he started for Vincennes, 
 and on Vne twenty-fifth the post was taken, and Hamilton 
 m.ade prisoner. 
 
 From the vicinity of Fort Laurens, Girty hastened on his 
 way with his prisoner and captured correspondence, to De- 
 troit, to turn them over to Captain Lernoult, then in command 
 there — Governor Hamilton being at that time, as we have 
 just shown, in the hands of the Americans. Girty also took 
 with him " strings " from the Mingoes, from the Shawanese 
 and Sandusky Wyandots, and from a few Delawares who had 
 become allies of the Britisl^. He arrived on the 4th of Feb- 
 ruai'y, giving the Detroit commiindant full particulars, as he 
 had learned them, of the marching of Mclntosli to the Tusca- 
 rawas in the previous fall ; of the building, upon that river, of 
 Fort Laurens ; and of the intentions of the American com- 
 mander to move toward Detroit " the latter end of March." * 
 That Girtj gave to Lernoult the particulars of his ambus- 
 cading the soldiers at the post just mentioned may be pre- 
 sumed. ,' 
 
 Heckewelder wrote to Colonel Brodhead from Coshoctor 
 that Girty had " gone to Detroit, . . . but seemed to be 
 very low-spirited." This information the Moravian had ob- 
 tained from some Indians. It would seem, therefore, that 
 Girty's heart was not yet fully steeled against his countrymen, 
 
 by Simon Girty and a party of Min^xoes, who killed two of our men, 
 wounded four, and took one prisoner." — Mclntogh to Colonel Lochry, Jan- 
 uary 29, 1779, in Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series, Vol. VII, p. 173. 
 
 * Colonel Mason Bolton to General Hadlimand, March 24, 1779. — MS. let- 
 ter, Haldimand Pajiers. This letter has been published. See Michigan 
 Pioneer Collections, Vol. IX, p. 427. 
 
History of the (-irtys. 91 
 
 notwithstanding his boasting concerning his success at Fort 
 Laurens. He had not yet become, as some have supposed, to 
 all intents and purposes a white savage — 
 
 "Whose vengeance shamed the Indians' thirst for blood; " 
 
 Still, it is clear that his prestige among the Ohio Indians, was 
 increasing. 
 
 The letters of Colonel Gibson revealed to Girty that he was 
 particularly pointed out as one who, if captured, could expect 
 little mercy from that officer, causing at first a feeling of de- 
 spondency, which was succeeded by vindictiveness against his 
 countrymen such as before had not possessed him. In his 
 maraud into Kentucky along with his brother James and 
 another white man, with a few Indians, he was acting under 
 the advice of Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton, he having been 
 persuaded, doubtless, that such expoilitions were a necessity. 
 It is evident, from what he afterward told Kenton, that Avhat 
 he had thus far done was under mental protest, to a certain 
 extent. Now, however, the letters of Gibson awakened his 
 animosity — the " rebels " were his personal enemies. It is 
 clear his feelings were undergoing a change ; soon the " tiger 
 was unchained." His hatred of Gibson thenceforth was in- 
 tense. 
 
 :®f 
 
92 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 ■ CHAPTER XL 
 
 The two warriors from Sandusky, who were stopped at Co- 
 shocton by the Delawares, and who communicated the intelli- 
 gence as to Simon Girty marching with a party of Indians to 
 take Colonel Gibson's scalp at Fort Laurens, also gave infor- 
 mation, which was promptly sent to the colonel, that the sav- 
 ages, about the '2d of March, 1779, intended, with a great num- 
 ber of warriors, to attack the fort ; and they would get white 
 soldiers from Detroit to aid them if possible. At this very day, 
 declared the two warriors, they ai'e assembling and mustering 
 at Sandusky and Detroit, to be ready at the appointed time. 
 This news was discouraging to Gibson, who had no doubt that 
 an expedition Avas on foot by the enemy against his post ; but, 
 though short of supplier, he resolved to fight to the last. No 
 braver man than he commanded American soldiers during the 
 Revolution. 
 
 Upon the return of Girty to Detroit, after his success at 
 Fort Laurens, he declared that seven or eight hundred war- 
 riors intended to attack Fort Laurens, and that when he left 
 the Sandusky river, that number of Six Nation Indians (Min- 
 goes), Shawanese, Wyandots, and Delawares, was assembled 
 at Upper Sandusky. While they had little expectation of 
 making any particular headway against the fortification itself, 
 they would drive off and destroy the cattle ; and, if any of 
 the main army from Fort Mcintosh attempted to go to the as- 
 sistance of the garrison, they were resolved to attack them in 
 the night and to distress them as much as possible. 
 
 Girty not only asked of Captain Lernoult ammunition to be 
 given the Indians in their proposed expedition, but /earnestly 
 solicited, on behalf of the savages, that an English captain 
 might be sent with them, '* to see how they would behave." 
 
History of the Girtys. 93 
 
 Captain Henry Bird,* of the Eighth (or King's) regiment, 
 and ten soldiers, all volunteers and •' anxious to go,"' were at 
 once dispatched to Upper Sandusky, along with Girty, to aid 
 the undertaking ; several Ottawas and Chippewas also went 
 with them from Detroit. Captain Bird took with him a large 
 supply of ammunition and clothing to encourage the savages, 
 besides presents to the chief warriors. f 
 
 Upon arriving among the Wyandots, Captain Bird found them 
 not at all anxious to. march at once against the Americans ; for, 
 just then they were enjoying the immediate prospect of tortur- 
 ing a prisoner at the stako, to the exclusion, in their minds, of 
 all else. " The captain," fov so the story runs, " on hearing this, 
 did all that was in his power to save the poor man, begging 
 and praying their head men tc save his life, and frequently 
 oiTering four hundred dollars for him on the spot, and, indeed, 
 was about to oifer one thousand dollars, but he found it all to 
 no purpose. He then went to the prisoner, told him he could 
 do nothing ; that if he (the captain) was in his place he would 
 pick up a gun and defend himself as long as he could. Bt'*^ 
 the prisoner seemed pretty easy, and only told the Indians 
 that the time would come that they would pay dear for all 
 their murders. He was then taken away and murdered at a 
 most horrid rate." 
 
 Captain Bird " took the body [and] buried it, but they (the 
 Wyandots) dio;ging it out again and sticking the head upon a 
 pole [the captain] had to bury it a second time. After all was 
 [over] the captain went up to them (they were all assembled) 
 and spoke to them in the following manner : ' You damned 
 rascals, if it was in ray power, as it is in the power of the 
 Americans, not one of you should live. Nothing would please 
 me more thau to see such devils as you all are killed. You 
 cowards, is that all you can do, to kill a poor, innocent pris- 
 
 * In many histories relating to the West, this officer's name is erroneously 
 •pelled " Byrd." 
 
 ■f Bolton to Haldimand, March 24, 1779, already cited. Captain Lernoult 
 declared that he did every thing in his power to encourage the Indians, 
 showing that Girty's solicitations ^^erc c:r,:"ently successful. 
 
94 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 oner ? You dare not show your faces where an army is ; but 
 there [here] you are busy [brave ?] when you have nothing to 
 fear, (ret away from me ; never will I have nothing [any 
 thing more] to do with you.' " * After this defiant and de- 
 nunciatory speech, the irate but humane captain, it may bo 
 presumed, did not treat his Wyandot allies with much respect, 
 for a time at least. 
 
 About the 22d of February, one hundred and twenty sav- 
 ages, mostly Wyandots and Mingoes, but all under Captain 
 Bird (who, it seems, had conquered his disgust for the former), 
 reached the Tuscarawas from the Sandusky and lay in ambush 
 near Fort Laurens. LukeAvarmness on part of the Wyandots 
 toward the British operated to keep back much the larger 
 number of warriors of that tribe living upon the Sandusky 
 from going upon this expedition. The Mingoes (all Senecas) 
 who marched with Bird were under the immediate lead of 
 Girty, and were far more vindictive at this time against the 
 Americans than were the Wyandots. Captain Bird, it should 
 be borne in mind, Avas an officer in the British army, and was 
 on the campaign as a volunteer from his regiment, the Eighth 
 (or King's). 
 
 On the twenty-third, Colonel Gibson, in command of Fort 
 Laurens, unwisely (for he had knowledge, as we have seen, 
 that the enemy contemplated a movement against him) sent 
 out a wagoner for the horses belonging to the post, to draw 
 w^ood. With him went a guard of eighteen men. The party 
 were fired upon and all killed and scalped in sight of the fort, 
 except two, who were made prisoners. The whole besieging 
 force then shoAved themselves, and Fort Laurens was com- 
 
 * Heckewelder to Colonel Brodhcnd, from Coshocton, June 30, 1779, in 
 Pennsylviinia Archives, Old Series, Vol. VII, pp. 624, 625. It has often 
 been said, and the tradition has found its way into print (see An Historical 
 Account of the Expedition against Sandusky under Col. William Craw- 
 ford, in 1782, p. 164), that the Wyandots did not torture their ))ri8oner8 at 
 the stake, as was frequently done by other tribes (compare, also, Magazine 
 of American History, Vol. XV, p. 266) ; but 1 have since seen an abun- 
 dance of both published and unpublished evidence to the contrary, of the 
 moBj authentic character. 
 
Hi»tovij oj the Girfys. 95 
 
 pletely invested. The siege was continued until the garrison 
 was reduced to the verge of starvation ; a quarter of a pound 
 of sour flour and an equal weight of spoiled meat constituting 
 a daily ration for each ; but the assailants themselves, about 
 the 20th of March, ran short of supplies, and, because of tliis, 
 and treachery on part of the AVyandots, returned home.* 
 
 The siege (although a failure), considering that the fort was 
 a regularly built fortification, planned by an engineer of the 
 regular army of the United States, and garrisoned by regular 
 troops, and considering, also, the persistency of the besiegers, 
 nearly all of whom were savages, and who closely invested the 
 post for twenty-five days, was the most notable of any in the 
 West during the Revolution. 
 
 Soon after the return of Bird to Upper Sandusky, what he 
 believed was a well-authenticated report reached him that a 
 party of Delawares, stimulated by a reward of eight hundred 
 dollars offered by the Americans for Girty's scalp, did 
 actually go in .pursuit of the renegade, expecting to find 
 him marching homeward from the siege of Fort Laurens Avith 
 his Miijgoes along with that officer; but, discovering he was 
 not in the company of the latter, went off without any hos- 
 tile demonstration against the captain's command. Thereupon, 
 Girty went with " his Senecas [Mingoes] in quest" of the Dela- 
 Avare warriors, but it is probable he did not find them. "Girty, 
 I assure you, sir," says Bird, in writing to Captain Lernoult 
 of the circumstance just narrated, " is one of the most use- 
 ful, disinterested friends in his department that the govern- 
 ment has." t 
 
 General Mcintosh, in April, was relieved, at his own re- 
 quest, of the command of the Western Department, being suc- 
 ceeded by Colonel Brodhead, all thoughts of moving against 
 the Indians upon the Sandusky, and going thence to Detroit, 
 having been abandoned by him. 
 
 * See, as to most of these facts, Washington-Irvine Correspondence, ])p. 
 31, 32; also, pp. 32-38 of the same work, for further particulars as to Fort 
 Laurens and its final abandonment. 
 
 t Bird to Lernoult, , 1779. — MS. letter, Ualdimand Papers. 
 
96 History of the Girtys. 
 
 After the siege of Fort Laurens, Simon Girty busied him- 
 self in the Mingo country, attentive to the behests of Captain 
 Lernoult. On the 28th of May, Ileckewelder, at Coshocton, 
 wrote Brodhead : " Simon Girty acts wickedly, and does all 
 ho can against you." * His remorse for joining the enemies 
 of his country was rapidly wearing off. 
 
 Colonel John Bowman, in the month .last mentioned, col- 
 lected a small army in Kentucky, to attack Chillicothe, the 
 Shawanese town (before spoken of as " Old Chillicothe," in 
 connection with the capture of Simon Kenton), about three 
 miles north of the present Xenia, Ohio. With two hundred 
 and sixty-two men, early in the morning of the thirtieth, he 
 encompassed the village and set fire to it. His success was only 
 partial, the council-house of the enemy defying the assaults of 
 the Kentuckians. After killing several savages, and securing 
 considerable plunder, the expedition returned with slight loss, 
 proving by no means a failure, although not as much had been 
 accomplished as had been expected. f A report, which, how- 
 ever, was erroneous, reached the ears of Bowman during the 
 attack, that Simon Girty and a hundred Mingoes were at 
 Piqua (the Shawanese town already mentioned as on Mad 
 river, not a great distance away), and that they had been sent 
 for. This, it has been alleged, without any authority, caused 
 the Americans to retreat. 
 
 Af^er the return of Captain Bird to the Sandusky from the 
 siege of Fort Laurens, another incursion was planned by him 
 against the same post, J 
 
 "After much running about," said he, in writing from Up- 
 per Sandusky, on the 9th of June, " and making some presents 
 to chiefs, we had collected at Mingo town [on the upper waters 
 of the Scioto] near two hundred savages, chiefly Shawanese, 
 
 * Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series, Vol. VII, p. 616. 
 
 f The Washington-Crawford Letters, p. 71, note 2. See also, for further 
 particulars, CoUins's History of Kentucky, Vol. II, p. 425. Accounts of 
 this expedition, more or less accurate, are likewise to be found in many 
 Western histories. But the actual date of the attack on Chillicothe was first 
 published in the Washington-Crawford Letters, just cited. 
 
 X McKee to Lernoult, May 26, 1779. — MS. letter, Haldimand Papers. 
 
History of the Girtys. 97 
 
 when lo ! a runnei* arrived with accounts of the Shawanese 
 towns being attacked by a body from Kentucky." This was 
 the expedition of Bowman. " News flew," continues Bird, 
 " that all the towns were to be attacked ; and our little body 
 separated in an instant, past reassembling^." " Girty," he 
 adds, " is flying about." * So, as we have said, the report 
 that Simon Girty, with a hundred Mingoes, was at Piqua Avhen 
 Bowman attacked Chillicothe, and had been sent for, was a 
 false one, although the gathering of the two hundred savages 
 by Bird at the Mingo village may have been the inspiring 
 cause of it. 
 
 Toward the end of June, Simon Gii ty, with seven Mingoes, 
 reached Coshocton, on his way to one of the settlements near 
 Fort Pitt, where he had been advised there was a bundle of 
 letters hid in a hollow tree, which it was important to ob- 
 tain.f No sooner, however, had he got to the Delaware town 
 than a messenger was dispatched to Colonel Brodhead by 
 the friendly Delawares informing him of Girty 's arrival, and 
 that it was his intention, after securing the letters he was to 
 go in search of, to make a raid into the settlements near 
 Holiday's Cove, in what is now West Virginia. Thereupon, 
 the American commander dispatched Captain Samuel Brady 
 
 * Bird to Lernoult — MS. letter: Iliildimiind Papers. This letter has re- 
 cently been published (see The Winning ofthe West.Vol. II., pp. 397, 898). In 
 it will be found a brief account brought to Bird by the Indians of Bowman's 
 attack on Chillicothe. Koo.sevelt declares, without, so fur us I can discover, 
 a shadow of authority, that Bird, in gathering "two hundred Indians at 
 the Mingo town," intended to march, not toward the Tuscarawas, but against 
 Kentucky. He then reasons that, because, on hearing of Bowman's expedi- 
 tion, " the Indians dissolved in a })anic," therefore, although a defeat, " the 
 expedition was of great service to Kentucky, though the Kentuckians never 
 knew it," as it kept Bird away. 
 
 t "I should think it a very proper thing for you to keep two Delaware 
 men as spies at the mouth of Gajahoga [Cuyahoga] river, who might hunt 
 there without being discovered. I further inform you that Simon Girty, 
 with eight Mingoes, is gone to the inhabitants [American settlements east- 
 ward] to fetch a packet of letters out of a hollow tree, I understand, some- 
 where about Fort Pitt." — Heckewelder to Brodhead, June 29, 1779, from 
 Coshocton. 
 
 7 
 
98 History of the Girtys. 
 
 and John Montour with a party of men from Fort Pitt to en- 
 deavor, if possible, to capture the renegade and his Mingoes ; * 
 but they were unsuccessful. 
 
 Girty reached Coshocton on his return, with -ne prisoner, 
 early in July, he having also secured the letters he was so 
 anxious to get. This was his first raid across the Ohio to the 
 eastward — the first time he ha ] ventured with a war-party 
 east of the Tuscarawas river. It was this foray and the ambus- 
 cading of Captain Clark at Fort Laurens, every-where quickly 
 heard of upon the frontiers of South-western Pennsylvania 
 and North-western Virgi_iia, that made his name a household 
 word of t( ror thenceforth all along the border from Kittan- 
 ning to Louisville. There was no longer any question in the 
 minds of the borderers as to his actual presence, frequently, 
 with tomahawk and scalping-knife, killing the inoffensive in- 
 habitants regardless of age or sex. This belief was, of course, 
 as to the frequency of Girty's visits, greatly an exaggeration 
 of the facts ; that he himself ever killed women and children 
 as did the Indians with whom he associated on his raids and 
 whom he frequently led, has not been positively proven, al- 
 though there can, seemingly, be no doubt that such was the 
 fact. lie could not ask the savages to do what he himself 
 would hesitate about doing. In the minds of the Indians, it 
 would be arrant cowardice. 
 
 Accidentally, while Girty was returning to Coshocton, he 
 and his party met David Zeisberger, the Moravian mission- 
 ary, who was on his way from a small " Moravian " Indian 
 village called Lichtenau to another missionary station some 
 distance above. " Mr. Zeisberger," wrote Ileckewelder to 
 Brodhead, a few days after, from Coshocton, " who had been 
 here to see us, and who, on his way home, met with those fel- 
 
 • " Captain Hrady and John Montour, with a party of men, are gone to 
 bring in Simon Girty and seven Mingoes, who are come toward Holliday's 
 Cove, and an express is dispatched by the Delaware chiefs [who were then 
 at Pittsburgh] to order the Delawares of Coochoching [Coshocton] to seize 
 Girty and his party should he return there; and they are to be brought to 
 mo." — Brodhead to Bayard, from Pittsburgh, July 1, 1779, in Pennsylvania 
 Archives, Old Series, Vol. XII, p. 134. 
 
Hisfory of the Girtys. 99 
 
 lows, had certainly bean killeil by them if not accidentally 
 Caleb and some more of the Delawares had met together. 
 He [Girty] expressed himself here with great dissatisfaction 
 concerning the disappointment, and wished us all in his power."* 
 Now, this expression of disappointment at not being able to 
 kill Zcisberger, and his wishing the missionaries all in his 
 power, was, on the part of Girty, if actually indulged in, all 
 bluster ; he was the last person who Avould have harmed the 
 Moravian. He knew too well what effect such a proceeding 
 would have at Detroit, The fear and easy credulity of Hecke- 
 welder made it, however, seem certain to the latter that the 
 renegade only needed an opportunity, and that then his 
 threats would certainly bo carried into execution. 
 
 A hostile demonstration on part of Girty and his Mingoes 
 at their meeting, Zcisberger and " Caleb and some more of 
 the Delawares," was only what would naturally occur at the 
 moment of discovery and until there was a recognition as to 
 who constituted the party. It was enough, however, to con- 
 vince Heckewelder, when he learned what had taken place, 
 that Zcisberger " had certainly been killed " but for the 
 presence accidently of his protectors. And the expressions 
 and Avishes of Girty made, in his mind, " assurance doubly 
 sure," that his Moravian companion had had a very narrow 
 escape. 
 
 Girty, it will be remembered, could neither read nor write ; 
 and he was desirous, on reaching Coshocton, on his way back 
 from his maraud into the settlements across the Ohio, to have 
 Alexander McCormick, who was in the Delaware village at 
 the time of his I'eaching there when moving eastward, to ex- 
 plain the contents of the letters he had secured ; but McCor- 
 mick, whose head-quarters were at Upper Sandusky, had 
 started for that place before Girty's return. There was, how- 
 ever, in Coshocton, besides Heckewelder, an American named 
 Richard Connor ; but, of course, he was not asked, nor was 
 the Moravian, to read what the renegade was so anxious to 
 
 • Heckewelder to Brodhead, July 8, 1779, from Coshocton, in Pennsyl- 
 vania Archives, Old Series, Vol. VII, pp. 541, 642. 
 
100 Hkiory of the Qirhjn. 
 
 lieur. Girty •' told Mr. Connor," wrote Ileckewclder to Brod- 
 iioad, *' to tell his brethren, the Americans, that he did not 
 ilesire they should show him any favor, neither (said he) 
 would he show thera any." Had it not been for Big Cat, one 
 of the Delaware chiefs, Girty would have been detained by 
 force in Coshocton, and sent to Fort IMtt, so Ileckewelder 
 declares.* And this is doubtless true ; as the majority of 
 the Delawares were still friendly to the Americans, and Brod- 
 head had sent, as we have seen, some of their chiefs (who 
 were at Fort Pitt) on purpose to have him seized should he 
 return to Coshocton, and brought to Pittsburgh. 
 
 Colonel Brodhead was kept by Heckewolder, at this period, 
 fully advised of Girty's movements, so far as the Moravian 
 had any knowledge of them, either personally or by what he 
 learned from others. Notwithstanding this fact, he wrote, 
 many years after, as follows : 
 
 " News being brought to Goschochking [Coshocton] that 
 the governor of Detroit [Henry Hamilton], who, a short time 
 before, had gone with troops to Port [Post] Vincennes, and 
 was there, together with his officers, taken prisoners by an 
 American army under General Clarke [Colonel George Rogers 
 Clark], and by him taken to Virginia, the peaceable Indians, 
 and the missionaries, entertained a hope that the threats, 
 so repeatedly circulated through the country, and attributed 
 to this governor, would forthwith be at end. They, however, 
 found themselves mistaken, as it now became more evident 
 that much had been laid to the charge of this gentleman, of 
 which he probably had no knowledge, but which had been the 
 work of McKee, Elliott, and [Simon] Girty. These three 
 men, whose hostility to the United States appeared to be un- 
 bounded, were continually plotting the destruction of the 
 Christian [' Moravian '] Indians' settlements, as the only means 
 of drawing the Delaware nation, and with these, the Christian 
 Indians, into the war. The missionaries, in particular, were 
 as a thorn in their eyes, being considered not only as the cause 
 that the Delaware nation would not join in the war, but they 
 
 • Heckewelder to Brodhead, July 8, 1779, already cited. 
 
History of the Girfyt. 101 
 
 also mistrusted them of informing the American government 
 of the part Ihey [>rcKce, Elliott, and Simon Girty] were act- 
 ing in the Indian country."'^ 
 
 The expedition of Girty from the upper Scioto, to secure 
 the letters whioli had l)een left by some unfriendly American 
 for Britisii perusal, was declared by Ileckewelder, over forty 
 years after, to have been for the purpose of taking " off the 
 missionary, Zeisberger, or to bring in his scalp." This Mo- 
 ravian author, after the lapse of so many years, had forgotten 
 that, no sooner had the renegade gone from Coshocton, on his 
 way eastward, than ho wrote to tiie Fort Pitt commandant, 
 giving the reason for his (Girty's) going into one of the set- 
 tlements near that post, leaving it to be inferred by Brodhead 
 that what was thus mentioned was the object of the renegade 
 coming to Coshocton, and of his going further on.f 
 
 "At the very time," says Ileckewelder, in contradiction of 
 this letter to Brodhead, "that the governor [Henry Hamilton] 
 was a prisoner of General Clarke [Colonel George Rogers 
 Clark], a plot was laid at Sandusky to take off the missionary, 
 Zeisberger, or to bring in his scalp ; and Simon Girty had en- 
 gaged to lead the party on for the purpose. Fortunately, 
 there lived, at the time, at Upper Sandusky, a trader, by the 
 name of Alexander McCormick, well known to the mission- 
 aries for many years past as a friend and admirer of missions 
 among the Indians, who, on learning the intention of this 
 party, found means to inform the writer of this, who lived at 
 Lichtenau, of the plot, and at which place, as it had hap- 
 pened, this very missionary, at the time, had come on a visit 
 from Shonbrun, which, the spies of the hostile party discover- 
 ing, they, to insure his capture, waylaid the path on which 
 
 * Heckewelder's Narrative, pp. 203, 204. It was exactly what Hecke- 
 welder himself did do — inform the American government of the part "they 
 [McKee, Elliott, and Girty] were acting in the Indian country." That 
 this trio were "continually plotting the destruction of the Christian In- 
 dians' settlements, as the only means of drawing the Delaware nation, and 
 with these the Christian Indians, into the war," or that they were so doing 
 for any other purpose, is wholly untrue. 
 
 t Heckewelder to Brodhead, June 29, 1779, from Coshocton, before cited. 
 
102 Uhhry of fhe Oirtyn. 
 
 ZciHbcr<>;or must return. Two spirited ludiiiii brethren, of 
 whonj Isiiiic (ilickliican was one, were selet'tcd to conduiit the 
 missionary home by way of Gnadenhuttcn, with directions, 
 liowever, to strengtiien the guard at that place, shouhl it bo 
 thought necessary. They left liichteiuiu, when, having scarcely 
 proceeded nine miles on the journey, all of a sudden the hos- 
 tile party, consisting of eight Mingoes (of the Six Nations), 
 and Simon (Jirty, the person who was to point out to them the 
 object thoy were come for, appeared before them on the path. 
 At this critical moment, and while Girty was uttering to the 
 captain of the gang the words, "This is the very man we are 
 come for ; now act agreeable to the promise you have made ! " 
 two young Delawares, on their return from a hunt, accidently, 
 and very fortunately, struck from out of the woods exactly 
 on the path where tiiese were standing, and concluding, from 
 the words spoken by Girty, as also by the appearance of the 
 party, that something bad was intended against the mission- 
 ary, they boldly stepped forward, with their arms in readiness, 
 to defend him, at the risk of their own lives ; Avhich, the cap- 
 tain observing, and justly conciuding that the two other Del- 
 awares, who accompanied the missionary, would join these 
 against them, were they to make the attempt, he, by a signal 
 prudently given, declined laying hands on him." * 
 
 That Mr. McCormick sent Heckewelder word that some 
 kind of a plot had been laid at Upper Sandusky to take off 
 or kill Zeisberger, is doubtless true ; but that he did not men- 
 tion Girty as in any way connected with it, or as having 
 been deputed to carry it out, is evident. In his letter to 
 Brodhead, written at the very time that Girty first reached 
 
 • Heckewi'lder'g Narrative, pp. 204, 205. Compare, in this connection, 
 and in nearly the same strain, Heckewelder's Indian Nations (Itichel's edi- 
 tion), p. 279. The discrepancy between this account and that given in his 
 letter, written over forty years before, will be noticed. It would have been, 
 forsooth, an act of great bravery for Girty and his seven Mingoes, who had 
 come all the way from the head of the Scioto for the express purpose of l<ill- 
 ing or capturing Zeisberger, now that the person they were looking for was 
 before them and unarmed, to have been deterred — frightened back, as i* 
 were — by four DelawKres I 
 
Uhlortj of thf dirtjH. 108 
 
 Coshocton, the Moravian not only dooa not say a word about 
 any plot, hut, as wc have soon, gives anotlier and the real rea- 
 son for liis ((lirty's) advent to the Delaware towii. After 
 many years, in turning the matter over in his mind, it was 
 enough for him that (lirty had mot Zeisbergcr on his way 
 back with his bundle of letters and one prisoner, and hail made 
 a threatening demonstration on the occasion, to connect him 
 with the plot. 
 
 A recent Moravian writer gives some additions to Ilcckc- 
 welder's recollections, just related, citing '' Ileckewelder's MS. 
 Biographical Sketch:" 
 
 *' Zeisbergcr passed much of his time [at this period] in vis- 
 iting the other stations, especially at communion seasons. In 
 the early part of July [177!*], he spent such a season at Lich- 
 tenau, and was about to return to Schihibrunn, when Alexan- 
 der McCormick, a trader and friend of the mission, arrived 
 with evil tidings. McKee, Elliott, and Girty, he said, were 
 still plotting Zeisberger's ruin ; a party of Indians, led by 
 Girty himself, was on his trail, with orders cither to bring 
 him alive to Detroit, or to shoot him down and take his scalp. 
 It was a most timely warning, to which, however, he listened 
 unmoved, and mounted his horse to go. . . 
 
 "A short distance from Lichtenau, the trail forked, one 
 branch leading to a salt-lick about two miles distant. Down 
 the branch he turned, lost in meditation, and did not perceive 
 his mistake until he had advanced a considerable distance. 
 Retracing his steps, he got to the fork just as his escort came 
 up. If he had not missed the road they would not have over- 
 taken him, and he would have been at the mercy of his ene- 
 mies. For suddenly, at the foot of a little hill, Simon Girty 
 and his band stood before them. ' That's the man !' cried 
 Girty to the Indian captain, pointing out Zeisberger. ' Now 
 do what you have been told to do.' But in that instant there 
 burst through the bushes two athletic young hunters of Gos- 
 chachgunk [Coshocton]. Divining at a glance the posture of 
 affairs, they placed themselves in front of Zeisberger, drew 
 their tomahawks, and began deliberately to load their rifles. 
 
104 History of the Girtys. 
 
 As soon as the Wyandot captain saw this, and moreover recog- 
 nized among Zeisberger's escort the great Giikkikan, he shook 
 his head, motioned to his men, and disappeared with them in 
 the forest. Girty followed him, gnashing his teeth in impotent 
 rage." * 
 
 It is thus we find set forth, finally, Ileckewelder's relation 
 of the meeting of Simon Girty and Zeisberger. Now, McCor- 
 mick goes himself to Lichtenau. Now, Girty is " ordered to 
 bring him [Zeisberger] alive to Detroit, or to shoot him down 
 and take his scalp." Now, it is a Wyandot (not a Mingo) cap- 
 tain that Girty addresses. Now, instead of saying to him, 
 " act agreeable to the promise you have made," Girty orders 
 him to do what he had " been told to do." Then the " two 
 athletic you''i2 hunt'irs " begin " deliberately to load their 
 rifles." This and the " great Giikkikan " wore too much for 
 the " Wyandot captain !" He disappears " in the forest," 
 followed by Girty, "gnashing his teeth in impotent rage!" t 
 
 It is not known Avhat became of the prisoaur captured by 
 Girty, but it is probable that he was tortured at the stake by 
 the Mingoes, after the return of the renegade and his warriors to 
 the Mingo villages. J The letters which Girty had secured were 
 taken by him to Detroit and delivered to Captain Lernoult. 
 
 Note. — Heckewelder's letters to Brodhead, mentioning the 
 name of Girty frequently, led to the conclusion that he was 
 already a leading spirit in the Ohio wilderness for evil toward 
 the Americans, and of course he was in the border settlements 
 every-where denounced. Girty heard of this general denun- 
 ciation. " They can do their best against me and I Avill against 
 them," were his words, in effect. 
 
 * Suhweinitz' Life and Times of Dnvid Zeislmrgor, pp. 47:^475. 
 
 t Rplying upon wiiut Sohweinitz siiys in his work just cited as to Girty's 
 meetini; Zeisbersjer, I have, in a previous account of the renegade, given 
 credenee to Heckewelder's fiction as rehited above (see pp. 189, 190, r'' A.. 
 Historical Account of the Expedition against Smidusky, etc.) 
 
 X " Simon Gii'ty is for the Mingo country us soon as he returns [from hii 
 search, not after Zeisberger, but after the ' packet of letters ']" — Hecke^ekler 
 to Broilhcad, June SO, 1T7',), in Penn^iylvanm Archive*, Old Series, Vol. VII., 
 p. 524. 
 
History of the Girty%. 105 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 That George Girty was not in the wilderness beyond the 
 Ohio at the beginning of 1778, has previously been explained, 
 so, also, his having been, on the 12th of February, of that 
 year, commissioned a second lieutenant in Captain Jame8 
 Willing's company of marines, in the Continental army. He 
 remained with his company until the 4th day of May, 1779, 
 when he deserted his colors,* making his way subse(iuently to 
 Detroit. His arrival was noted by some one who wrote out 
 a statement of his experiences after leaving Fort Pitt in the 
 early part of the previous year, doubtic w for the Detroit com- 
 mandant's perusal. But the account erroneously explains (as 
 might be expected) how he became a member of Willing's 
 company, and why he accepted a commission fi-om that 
 oflScer : 
 
 "August 8th [1779]. — Arrived [at Detroit] George Girty, a 
 person whom a Mr. McKee had employed at the commence- 
 ment of the present war and sent with a gentleman in the 
 king's service going down the Mississippi, to prevent his en- 
 tering into the service of the Americans — they having made 
 frequent application to him, being an active woodsman and 
 well acquainted with several of the Indian languages. 
 
 "■ He was taken and robbed on the Mississippi by a James 
 Willing, captain of a boat sent down the Ohio by Congress to 
 plunde" the merchants and inhabitants of that country, which 
 he did, without distinction. And as Girty was carried to 
 Orleans a prisoner by him, and threatened with being sent to 
 the mines, he acquiesced to a proposal of the said Willing to 
 appoint him an ersign [second lieutenant] in the American 
 service, in hopes of getting up to the Illinois, whence he could 
 make his escape to Detroit, where, he had been informed, he 
 
 • Potter'8 American Monthly, Vol. VII., p. 388. 
 
106 Hi%tory of the Oirtys. 
 
 would find Mr. McKee and his [Girty's] brothers. He had 
 neither taken the oaths nor acted in an official capacity, when 
 a party of Bj itish soldiers were brought prisoners to the Illi- 
 nois (soon after his arrival there), to some of whom he made 
 known his intentions, and offered to conduct them safely to 
 Detroit, which sixteen of them agreed to ; but one entering 
 an information and making oath against him, he was seized, 
 put into irons, and closely confined ; but soon after found means 
 to effect his escape to the Spanish side of the Mississippi, and 
 there collected five soldiers of the King's (or 8th) regiment, 
 three deserters from the Americans, and one man of Governor 
 Hamilton's volunteer company, all of whom he has brought to 
 this place [Detroit], having set out the 19th of June last from 
 the Illinois, 
 
 " He says that, upon his arrival at the Spanish garrison [in 
 St. Louis], the commandant ordered him into confinement, but 
 next morning, after '-^ome inquiry, released him, informing him 
 that it was not his intention to interfere with or molest any per- 
 son from either side, unless for murder or some capital offense 
 against civil society, and that it was his desire to remain in 
 tranquillity and treat all well who behave as becometh them. 
 
 " The rebels, he says, were preparing to carry on an expe- 
 dition against Detroit, but that their credit was hurt by their 
 bills being returned protested from New Orleans, and the only 
 recourse left them was to purchase provisions and pack-horses 
 with the merchandise taken from Governor Hamilton, as the 
 Canadians were concealing their property, rather than dispose 
 of it for Continental currency ; and that the number of Vir- 
 ginians that could be raised to come this way [towards De- 
 troit] from that quarter would not exceed two hundred, and 
 perhaps two hundred and fifty or three hundred Canadians, 
 the whole to make five hundred men, destitute of almost every 
 necessary requisite for such an undertaking ; the field-piece 
 taken at Vincennes being the only one fit for such a service in 
 their possession. 
 
 "As they fell upon the Wabash near the Vermillion town, 
 they were informed by the Indians of that village that a 
 
History of the Oirtys. 107 
 
 Colonel Clark, the rebel commandant ai. the Illinois, was on 
 his Way against Detroit, but that, notwithstanding, the In- 
 dians treated him [Girty] kindly, and furnished him and his 
 companions with provisions to carry them on their journey. 
 They pushed up the Wabash, and met on their way seven 
 Frenchmen, driving fifteen or twenty empty pack-horses 
 towarucs the enemy, which appeared designed for their [the 
 enemy's] use, and induced Girty to seize a Frenchman, whom he 
 looked upon to be the principal person of their party, in order to 
 bring him to Detroit, to account to the commanding officer for 
 his conduct ; but they were overtaken at a Miamis village 
 upon Eel river by a party of Weatanon Indians, under the in- 
 fluence of one Gamblier, a French trader, who, with the as- 
 sistance of some other Frenchman, robbed them of their arms, 
 released their prisoner, and endeavored to persuade the In- 
 dians to take them back and deliver them into the hands of 
 the enemy. 
 
 " The chiefs of the village, being made acquainted with the 
 design, assembled and made a speech to the following eflfect : 
 ' That the road leading to Detroit had been opened and made 
 clear by the mutual consent of their father, who sat at that 
 place, and his children, the chiefs ard wise men of all nations. 
 That it behooved them to keep it so, for, by it, all their wants 
 were supplied, and they would noc allow foolish young men, 
 instigated by ill-disposed Frenchmen, to disturb it. There- 
 fore, the subjects of their father, the king of Great Britain, 
 must travel it in peace ; and they recommended it to them to 
 keep the straight road forward, as it never yet was sprinkled 
 with blood. No nation would be so hardy as to molest them ; 
 and as to the Virginians, they had nothing to expect from 
 them ; they were unable to supply their own wants ; therefore, 
 they had nothing to spare to Indians.' " * 
 
 " George Girty," wrote Masmi Bolton to General Haldi- 
 mand, from Niagara, on the twoty seventh of August, "ar- 
 rived at Detroit on the nintL [e'l^hth] instant, with four 
 soldiers of the king's regiment vho were taken with Gov- 
 
 * MS. account, Haldimand P'l trj. 
 
108 History of the Girtys. 
 
 ernor Hamilton), three Virginia deserters and Captain La 
 Mothe's fifer.* George was at once engaged by Calptain 
 Lernouit, in the Indian Department as interpreter (also to go 
 to war when necessary), and sent to the Shawanese, with 
 head-quarters at Wapatomica, at the same wages paid his two 
 brothers, namely : sixteen shillings, York currency, a day.f 
 It was also the same pay as was then received by Matthew 
 Elliott, Pierre Drouillard, William Tucker, Robert Surphlit 
 (McKee's cousin), and Fontenoy Dequindre — all engaged in 
 the Indian Department. He (George) began his inglorious 
 career against his country as well equipped as his brothers 
 Simon and James ; for he was not only allowed one and one- 
 half rations a day, but was furnished with ii gun, three horses, 
 and a saddle and bridle. 
 
 George acted also as disbursing agent at the Shawanese 
 towns, dealing out supplies to the Shawanese. A cotempo- 
 raneods statement, as to himself and others, of goods thus 
 furnished the Indians, is extant: 
 
 £. s. d. 
 " Charles Beaubien furnished goods to In- 
 dians at Miami Town 1603 8 
 
 Matthew Elliott, in Indian country 47 6 9 ' , 
 
 : Captain McKee, " " 835 5 6 " 
 
 George Girty, " " 75 17 0" 
 
 A charge " to George Girty " at this period is also in ex- 
 istence : 
 
 Bucks. 
 
 " To salt at Shawanese towns 4 
 
 To 116 pounds flour 14 
 
 To 1 bag with do 2 
 
 To tobacco 3 
 
 23 
 
 >) 
 
 * MS. letter, Hnlditnand Papers. 
 
 t"I wish your excellency could allow Mr. [Duperron] Baby, the now 
 Actina; Indian Commissary, something more than the common and low-lived 
 interpreters — who all have, like he, two dollars per day." — Brehm to Gen- 
 
History of the Oirtys. 109 
 
 Deer skins then were worth about a dollar each. These skins 
 all through the Indian country, previous to and during the 
 Revolution, passed as money (under the names of "bucks" 
 and " does ") instead of sterling and York currency.* 
 
 After delivering to Captain Lernoult, at Detroit, the 
 " packet of letters " he had secured in one of the border set- 
 tlements to the eastward, Simon Girty returned to the Ohio 
 wilderness. A plan had been laid by the Detroit commander 
 for him again to march to the Tuscarawas to learn tlie true 
 state of aifairs at Fort Laurens. At Sandusky, Girty wrote 
 Lernoult that there were " no certain accounts of the rebels 
 leaving Tuscarawas [Fort Laurens]." " I intend," he adds, 
 " to go there directly, and shall send you the token you gave 
 me at Detroit, if they are not there. If the Delawares are in 
 possession of fort, I intend to turn them out and burn it 
 (if my party is able), as you gave me the liberty to act as 1 
 thought best ; and they and I are not on the best of terms." f 
 But the post had then been abandoned by the Americans for 
 about a month; and, as the fortification was not afterward 
 burned, it would seem that Girty did not march thither as he 
 had contemplated. Indeed, he soon went in quite another 
 direction, as will presently be seen. .; ' 
 
 In September, James Girty, who had spent a large portion 
 of the previous twelve months with the Shawanese, was at 
 Detroit, where Captain Lernoult needed his services ; as that 
 officer was just then greatly excited over the prospective visit 
 from the Americans led by George Rogers Clark. "As I can 
 not," wrote the Captain, " spare a soldier now (our numbers 
 are reduced), I intend to send one James Girty to the Shaw- 
 anese towns to endeavor to raise a party to reconnoitre toward 
 the Weas, and to communicate this news [the visit of Clark] 
 to all the Indians in our interest to harass the enemy should 
 
 eral Haldimand, from Detroit, July 5, 1779, in Michigan Pioneer Collections, 
 Vol. IX, p. 418. 
 
 * Address of Charles I. Walker before the State Historical Society of 
 "Wisconsin, January 81, 1871, pp. 28, 30, 41. 
 
 t Girty to Lernoult, September 6, 1779. — MS. lett«ir, Haldimand Papers. 
 
110 History of the Girtys. 
 
 they advance further." * But Clark's endeavors proved 
 [; abortive and James Girty's efforts were for naught. The lat- 
 
 ter remained at Wapatomica. 
 / In June, 1778, David Rogers, who, on the 14th of January 
 
 preceding, had been selected by Virginia to proceed to New 
 Orleans to purchase supplies for the use of the troops of 
 t that state, raised a party of about thirty men in the region 
 
 of what is now Brownsville, Fayette county, Pennsylvania, and, 
 in keel-boats, floated down the Ohio and Mississippi. He did 
 not reach ^iew Orleans until after considerable trouble and 
 delay. When he arrived, he found he would have to re- 
 turn to St. Louis, to obtain the goods, for which he was given 
 an order. From the latter place, in the autumn of 1779, he 
 ->^ made his way up the Ohio to the Falls, where he was rein- 
 
 '**A''^ /V<fc*^f«^ forced. On the ■27th of September, with about seventy men, 
 ^*^''-**^^ur€^ he continued up the river to a point above the mouth of the 
 ''*^^*^'*i-^. 5"- Licking, but about three miles below that of the Little Miami, 
 "i*- ^ k^ when, on the 4th of October, he discovered Indians. Rogers 
 ** 'VSZ.- made a disposition of his men upon the Kentucky side of the 
 Ohio to surprise the enemy, consisting of Senecas (Mingoes), 
 Wyandots, Delawares, and Shawanese, under the general di- 
 rection of Simon Girty, his brother George, and Matthew El- 
 liott, who had reached the Ohio river the evening before. 
 Their force wiis nearly a hundred strong, but over half were 
 out hunting. However, they had discovered Rogers, and they 
 acted quickly, with the result of killing not less than forty-two 
 of his party (Rogers among the number, shot by Simon Girty 
 probably) and making five of his men prisoners. The loss of 
 the Indians was two killed and three slightly wounded. Forty 
 bales of dry goods, a quantity of rum and fusees, together with 
 a " chest of hard specie," fell into the hands of the victors.f 
 "I . . . have the pleasure," wrote DePeyster to Hal- 
 
 • Lernoult to Bolton, Scpteniber 25, 1779.— MS. letter, Hald inland Papers. 
 
 t Washington-Irvino Correspondence, pp. 44, 45, and the authorities there 
 cited. Elliott to Captain Lermiult (Official Report), from the Shawanese 
 towns, October 11, 1779 — MS. letter; also, John Campbell to same, October 
 23, 1779— MS. letter; both from the Haldimand Papers. 
 
Hidory of the Oirly». Ill 
 
 dimand, " to acquaint you that . . . Simon Girty, hia 
 brother [George], and Matthew Elliott, have defeated a 
 Colonel Rogers on the Ohio, a stroke which must greatly dis- 
 concert the rebels at Pittsburgh." * This success increased 
 the prestige of the three white leaders in a marked degree 
 throi s^hout the Indian country and at Detroit. 
 
 After their successful attack on Rogers and his party, both 
 the Girtys and Elliott — " myself and the two Girtys,'' as the 
 last named wrote to Lernoult — proceeded to Detroit. Simon 
 subsequently returned to the Mingoes, George to the Shaw- 
 anese. 
 
 Although Simon and James Girty l:ad been outlawed and 
 were traitors, and George was a deserter, they were looked 
 upon by the British in quite a different light. To the latter 
 they were only escaped borderers, who were anxious to make 
 their peace with " his majesty ;" and it was now sufficiently 
 evident to the Detroit commandant that, all three could be re- 
 lied upon under any circumstances as faithful adherents to the 
 crown. 
 
 If we turn our eyes to the upper lakes during the summer of 
 1779, we shall still see Major DePeyster in command at Mich- 
 ilimackinac, who had, for a considerable time sought from Gen- 
 eral Frederick Haldiniand, at Quebec, to be transferred to some 
 other post. The general finally ordered him to the command 
 of Fort Lernoult, as the new fortification erected at Detroit 
 •was called, where he arrived in October. 
 
 The taking of the Illinois by George Rogers Clark, and the 
 utter defeat of all of Hamilton's plans of conquest and his 
 capture by the Americans, by this time had lessened the esti- 
 mation of the Indians in the West for the British, and DePey- 
 ster felt the necessity of striking an effective blow to recover 
 whatever of prestige had been lost by the failure of the lieu- 
 tenant-governor ; for the confidence of the confederated na- 
 tions in league with the English must be retained, let the 
 cost be ever so great. Disaffection, also, was rapidly spread- 
 ing among the French at Detroit ; they now had less liking 
 
 • MS. letter, November 1, 1779, Haldimand Papers. 
 
112 History of the Girtys. 
 
 for the British cause ; and, since the treaty between France 
 and the United States, they began to express, in various ways, 
 their sympathy with the Americans. Evidently DePeyster 
 must do something, and that quickly. 
 
 Note I. — " [Simon] Girty won the widest fame on the border 
 by his cunning and cruelty ; but he was really a less able foe 
 than the two others [McKee and Elliott]," says Roosevelt. 
 That he was not as able a foe, during the Revolution, as these 
 two men, particularly McKee, is true ; but it was not because 
 of a lack of bravery, but of military position. In hand-to- 
 hand encounters, he was as courageous as they. As to his 
 cunning, there is no evidence extant that he was particularly 
 gifted in that way. ,. 
 
 Note II. — " The frontiersmen hated [Simon] Girty as they 
 did no other man, and he was credited with numerous actions 
 done by other white leaders of the Indians." — Roosevelt 
 (The Winning of the West, Vol. II, p. 9, note.) This is 
 strictly true ; and the sentence following, by that author, can 
 not be questioned : " The British accounts say comparatively 
 little about him." But the next assertion, by the same writer, 
 is open to criticism : " He seems to have often fought with 
 the Indians as one of their own number, while his associates led 
 organized bands of rangers." The question here to be an- 
 swered is, who were his " associates " in' the Ohio wilderness 
 during the Revolution? No persons, surely, were more in- 
 timate with him than his two brothers, and they did not lead 
 " organized bands of rangers," nor did Captain McKee or 
 Elliott, during that war. There were no rangers at Detroit 
 during the Revolution but " Butler's," and these were always 
 led by their own officers, none of whom were Girty's " asso- 
 ciates " — none " Indian officers " or others, of the British In- 
 dian Department in the West. 
 
 Note III. — In "An Historical Account of the Expedition 
 against Sandusky, under Col. William Crawford, in 1782" 
 
History of the Girtys. 113 
 
 (p. 180), the inference is that DePeyster, esirly in 1770, found 
 Girty ready for any undertaking, cither against the Americans, 
 or the [Moravian] missionaries and their converts upon the Mus- 
 kingum, as his hostility to the hitter seemed as unbounded as 
 to the former.'" This needs correcting in two particuhirs. 
 DePeyster was not then in command at Detroit to give him 
 orders " for any undertaking,'' nor was lie (Girty) hostile to 
 the " Moravian "' Indians at that date, or subsequently. He 
 had, howcver,'no good feeling toward the missionaries. 
 
 Note IV. — The letter of Simon Girty to Captain Lernoult, 
 
 wherein he states his determination to march to Fort Laurens 
 
 and turn out any Delawares found there, " if my party is 
 
 able," is as follows : 
 
 " Sandusky, Sept. 6, 1779. 
 
 "Sir; — I take the liberty to acquaint you that I intend 
 leaving this place to-morroAv. There is a party of twenty-five 
 Wyandots that have been turned to go as volunteers with me 
 the road I proposed when I left Detroit ; likewise a party of 
 ten Mingoes, which party Sandithtas commands. The Wyan- 
 dots are commanded by Seyatamah. ' ; • 
 
 " Sir, I refer you to Captain McKee for the knowledge of 
 the above-mentioned chiefs, if you are not already acquainted 
 with their names. To-morrow, my friend, Nouthsaka, sets off 
 with ten warriors to the falls of the Ohio. Our great friend. 
 Captain Pipe, is gone to Fort Pitt to a council ; likewise 
 Maulmatas and Duentate. Six days ago, a party of Wyandots 
 brought here three prisoners from Kentucky. They say there 
 are three hundred men under pay in those parts. They also 
 say there are nine forts in and about Kentucky. 
 
 " There are no certain accounts of the rebels leaving Tus- 
 carawas [Fort Laurens]. I intend to go there directly, and 
 shall send you the token you gave me at Detroit if they are 
 not there. If the Delawares are in possession of the fort, I 
 intend to turn them out and burn the fort (if my party are 
 able), as you gave me the liberty to act as I thought best, and 
 they and I are not on the best of terms. 
 8 
 
114 Il'mhry of the Oirljn. 
 
 " Yesterday, Sandithtiis arrived here, with the account of 
 ten parties of Shawanese that are gone to war. This is all I 
 have to acquaint you with at present. 
 
 " I am, etc., 
 
 " Simon Girty. 
 " To Captain Lernoult, Commander at Detroit.'' 
 
 Note V. — "They [Simon, James, and George Girty] were 
 for a time apparently weaned away from the' ndopted breth- 
 ren, but they never even then tought ag^iine' them, were 
 always at ease in their company, and . . . ultimately took 
 up the savage life again." — Magazine of American History, 
 Vol. XV, p. 259. But, as we have already shown, Simon Girty 
 fought, not only against the Shawanesc, but against his 
 " adopted brethren," the Senecas (Mingoes), in Lord Dun- 
 moi'e's War. He took part, also, it will be remembered, in 
 the " Squaw Campaign " against the Indians. Neither Simon 
 nor James, strictly speaking, took up the savage life again : 
 dressing as the Indians dressed ; hunting with the Indians ; 
 conforming to their habits, manners, and customs in all things. 
 But of this hereafter. ' . 
 
 Note VI. — The site of Fort Laurens was about ten miles 
 due north from the present New Philadelphia, Ohio. Close 
 by, in 1764, Col. Bouquet erected a small stockaded fort (see 
 An Historical Account of the Expedition against the Ohio 
 Indians in the year MDCCLXIV, under the Command of 
 Henry Bouquet, Esq., Colonel, etc., pp. 51, 52). Fort Laurens 
 covered about half an acre of ground, and the parapet walls 
 were crowned with pickets made of the split halves of the 
 largest trunks of trees. It was one mile south of what is now 
 Bolivar, Tuscarawas county, Ohio. A plan of the fort was 
 made in January, 1850, — what then existed of the fortifica- 
 tion being taken as a basis for the drawing (see Mitchener's 
 Historic Events, in the Tuscarawas and Muskingum Valleys, 
 etc., pp. 128, 129). The fort remained entire as late as 1782. 
 
Jlintory of (he Girli/s. 115 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The spring of 1780 opened gloomily upon the western fron- 
 tiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia. As early as the middle 
 of March, the Indians began their depredj-** ns. At a sugar 
 camp on Raccoon creek, a stream Howing into the Ohio, on 
 the left, thirty-three miles by the course of the river below 
 Pittsburgh, five men were killed and three girls and three 
 boys taken prisoners. On the thirtieth, Ileckewelder, at 
 Coshocton, wrote Brodhead : " We have heard nothing at all 
 this whole winter what the enemy [British and their Indian 
 allies west] are about ; the snow being so deep and the weather 
 80 continually cold hag, I suppose, prevented this ; but this 
 day I am informed that three young fellows, two Delawares 
 and one Wyandot, have turned back from a body of warriors 
 consisting of twenty-six men. They inform that five or six 
 companies of warriors have gone out ; two parties of Wyan- 
 dots toward Beaver creek and the others down this river 
 [Muskingum]." -^ 
 
 On the 2d of April, Brodhead was written to by David 
 Zeisberger from the Tuscarawas : " I have not heard of any 
 hostile thoughts among the Cooshocking [Coshocton] Indians 
 [Delawares] yet, and if I should perceive any thing of that 
 kind I would give you intelligence by an express. But yes- 
 terday we heard that a party of warriors, among which was 
 the well-known Monsey, Washnash, has attacked a boat in the 
 river [Ohio], killed three men, and has taken twenty-one men, 
 women, and children prisoners, and likewise the whole boat. 
 No doubt this action will encourage them to do more mis- 
 chief." t There were three boats in all. They were attacked 
 a few miles below Captina creek, which empties into the Ohio 
 on the right, twe ty-one miles below Wheeling, and one of 
 
 • Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series, Vol. VIII, p. 152. 
 t Id., p. 159. 
 
IIG lI'tHfory of thi' OirfijH. 
 
 them captured, as mentioned by Zeisberj^cr ; the others 
 reached Kentucky witliout furtlior niolestatioii. Tlie boat 
 wliich fell into the hands of the savages belonged to !i man by 
 the name of Reynolds, who was either killed at the time or 
 was soon after tortured to death in the wilderness ; a small 
 child, his daughter, was shot in the Ixfat, probably by acci- 
 dent. The others of his family were i-n()tured. 
 
 In one of the boats which escajjcd was J'eter Malott, from 
 Maryland; but his wife Sarah and several children, being in 
 the boat which was taken, were made prisoners. The old- 
 est of the children was a daughter, Catharine, a girl in her 
 teens.-'- Sin\on Girty, who, it may be premised, afterAvard 
 married her, has generally been spoken of as having been 
 present at the time of her being made a prisoner ; but 
 such was not the case. There are accounts e.xtant, not only 
 of his having taken a prominent part, in the capture (»f Rey- 
 nolds's boat, but detailing the conversation which then took 
 place ; these, however, are fictitious. The Indians who did 
 the mischief were Munceys, a DelaAvare clan living to the 
 westward. With these Girty had not the particular fellow- 
 ship that he had with the IMingoes and Wyandots. The sav- 
 ages, with their plunder and prisoners, immediately made their 
 way to the Muskingum, where they halted for rest.f It was 
 either from " Moravian " Delawares who then saw them, or 
 from some of the Coshocton Delawares (the latter had not yet 
 taken up the hatchet against the Americans), that Zeisberger 
 learned the particulars which, on the 2d of April, he trans- 
 mitted to Brodhead at Fort Pitt, as before mentioned. 
 
 There were, at this time, straggling villages of Delawares, 
 from Coshocton Avestward, up the Walhonding, across to the 
 Scioto, thence to the Mad river; and, in general, the further 
 
 * Compare, in this connection, Waeliington-Irvine Correspondence, p. 47, 
 which gives a correct account of the afiair, so far as it goes, except us to the 
 number of boats. 
 
 t See, as to the capture of the Malotts, McKnight's Our Western Border, 
 pp. 42*2, 423. But the account there given is erroneous in suino of its par- 
 ticulars. 
 
History of the Oirtys. 117 
 
 roinoved from tlie Muskiiij^mii, the iiioro hostile to the Aiiier- 
 icaiis wcro the ()cc'ii|iuiits of these towns; but the loyalty of 
 Zoisberger and Ilcckcwelder could then bo counted on, under 
 all circumstances : the former being somewhat cautious and 
 circumspect; the latter, fearless and outspoken, though tak- 
 ing pains that his zeal and aid should not be discovered to the 
 enemy. 
 
 JJeforo entering upon an inquiry as to the part taken by 
 the Girtys in the stirring events of 1780 in the West, it is 
 proper to state that the winter following the victory obtained 
 near the mouth of the Little Miami over the force under Rog- 
 ers, was spent by them in the Ohio wilderness among the Min- 
 goes and Shawanese. Early in March, the three brothers — 
 Simon, dames, and George — arrived together at Detroit,-'' 
 called thither, it is presumed, l)y Del'eyster to get from them 
 whatever information they might have obtained during the 
 preceding three or four months concerning the movements of 
 the " rebels " upon the border. 
 
 In the spring of that year, emigration began early ; not 
 less than three hundred large family boats filled with emi- 
 grants arrived at the Falls, where the town of TiOuisville was 
 established by an act of the Virginia legislature. Colonel 
 Clark, by direction of Thomas Jefferson, then governor of 
 Virginia, erected a fort on the cast side of the Mississippi 
 river, five miles below the mouth of the Ohio, upon the lands 
 of the Chickasaws and Choctaws, calling it Fort Jefferson. 
 
 To keep up the spirits of the Indians, and in hopes of de- 
 stroying " the rebels " in Kentucky, on the Wabash, and at 
 the Illinois, Lieutenant-Governor Patrick Sinclair, in command 
 at Michilimackinac, and Major DePeyster, at Detroit, sent 
 some white soldiers and a large number of Indians against 
 those countries nearly simultaneously. The field of opera- 
 tions of Sinclair was not only to include the Illinois villages, 
 but the Spanish settlement of St. Louis as well ; for Spain 
 
 • DePeyster to Haldimand, March 8, 1780.— MS. letter, Haldimand Pa- 
 pers. As the "three Girtys" remained in Detroit until the 12th of April, it 
 is certain that Simon was not present at the capture of the Mulotts. 
 
118 History of the Girtys, 
 
 was now at war also with Britain. The result of the expedi- 
 tion fitted out by him was a few persons killed and a small 
 number of prisoners taken, in the vicinity of St. Louis ; while 
 Cahokia, one of the Illinois villages (thanks to the activity of 
 the inhabitants and George Rogers Clark, who hastened thither 
 froi 1 Fort Jefferson), met with a loss still smaller.* 
 
 But, as Ave shall now sec, the operations started by De- 
 Peyster proved much more serious. He assembled at Detroit 
 a force of about one hundred, and fifty Avhites and one hun- 
 dred lake Indians, provided with two small cannon, to assail 
 the fort at the Falls of the Ohio, when, if successful, they 
 would attack other forts in Kentucky.f He sent in advance 
 some Indians by way of the Wabash to re-capture Vincennes 
 ai.:' to amuse Clark, who was supposed to be at the Rapids 
 (Louisville) — the main force to move up the Mauraee and 
 down the Great Miami and the Ohio. The expedition was un- 
 der the command of Captain Bird. With him went " the 
 three Girtys." Proceeding to the Miami, he was joined by 
 Captain McKee (then Deputy Indian Agent in place of Jehu 
 Hay, who was captured with Hamilton) and a large Indian 
 force. The whole moved to the Ohio, when Bird, at the in- 
 stigation of the Indian chiefs, was compelled to change his 
 plans. He must attack, first, some of the interior stations — 
 " the forts on Licking creek " being most accessible ; after- 
 ward, he would drop down to the falls of the Ohio (Louisville). 
 So he urged his pirogues up the Ohio, from the mouth of the 
 Great Miami, his Indians then numbering over seven hundred. 
 
 * Michigan Pioiieor Collections, Vol. l'S.,passim. Consult, iilso, Calendar 
 of Viri»iniii State Pajiers, Vol. I, and ScharflTs History of St. Louis, ^'ol. I. 
 Some additional particulars may be gleaned from lMllon'.s Annals of St. 
 Louis. See, too, Wisconsin State Historical Society's Collections, Vol. XI. 
 
 t "Soon after the rush of spring iinniigration was at its height [in 1780, in 
 Kentucky] the old settlers and the new-coniors alike were thrown into the 
 utmost alarm by a formidable inroad of Indians, accompanied by French 
 partisans, and led by a British officer. DePeyster, a New York tory of old 
 Knickerbocker family, had taken command at Detroit." — Roosevelt. That 
 he came there from Michilimackinac, or, indeed, that there was any such 
 British post (which was, throughout the Revolution, second only to Detroit, 
 in the West), that writer does not inform his readers. 
 
History of the Girtys. 119 
 
 Captain Bird, after reaching the mouth of the Licking 
 river, proceeded up that stream. And liere, we may say, that 
 Simon Girty had no command in the expedition; he simply 
 acted as interpreter ; so, too, his brothers, as their services 
 were required. The enemy reached Ruddle's Station (or 
 " Fort Liberty," as it was sometimes called) without acci- 
 dent, when McKee, taking two hundred Indians, surrounded 
 the stockade in the night. Firing commenced at daylight. 
 Captain Bird arrived at noon with the rest of the force and 
 tlie smaller of the two field-pieces. After two discharges of 
 this gun, the captain sent Simon Girty with a flag of truce 
 demanding the surrender of the fort. According to Girty's 
 story, many rifles were pointed at him as he entered the 
 stocki ^e. He declares he kept cool, and informed those in- 
 side the pickets that, unless they surrendered, they would all 
 be killed ; a determination they clearly saw would be carried 
 out in the event of longer resistance, as the other field-piece 
 was now brought up. The two would soon, of course, batter 
 down the frail stockade. 
 
 But Isaac Ruddle, the commander of the garrison, deter- 
 mined not to surrender without making an effort, at least, 
 for terms. He told Girty he could not consent to open the 
 gates but on certain conditions, one of which was that the 
 prisoners should be under the protection of the British and 
 not suffered to be held by the Indians. To these conditions 
 Bird consented, he and Captain McKee going into the fort to 
 settle the terms of capitulation with Captain Ruddle. So the 
 station was surrendered, but the savages were uncontrolable ; 
 " they rushed in, tore the poor children from their mothers' 
 breasts, killed and wounded many," says Bird, — each Indian, 
 afterward, securing, if in his power, a prisoner; however, all 
 except the Lake Indians returned theirs to the Captain the 
 next morning. Near three hundred were takon. The cattle 
 at the post were all shot down by the savages ; this, in the 
 end, as we shall see, proved a serious affair. 
 
 Martin's Station was next assjiiled with a similar result. 
 Bird would then have been ^nppy could he have moved down 
 
120 History of the Girtys. 
 
 the Licking and Ohio, to attn k the fort at Louisville; but 
 this, now, Avas out of the question. He was nearly out of 
 provisions, and there was danger of his prisoners starving — 
 all because of the Avanton destruction of the catle at the first 
 fort by the savages. There was no other alternative but to 
 return, as quickly as possible, to Detroit. He made rapid 
 marches to his boats (Avhere most of his Indians left him), and 
 was soon upon the Ohio again. After ascending the Great 
 Miami, he was forced to leave his two cannpn at Lorimer's."'" 
 George Girty, who had remained with him to this point, now 
 returned to the ShaAvanese ; but Simon and James had previ- 
 ously gone back — the former to the homes of the Mingoes, 
 the latter to the ShaAvanese. George Avas of much service in 
 getting the prisoners along, Avho numbered in all about three 
 hundred and fifty. Bird reached Detroit on the 4th of Au- 
 gust. f His expedition Avas the most successful against Ken- 
 tucky of any during the Avar ; and but for the intractability 
 of his Indian allies, that Avhole region Avould have been de- 
 populated. J 
 
 We have already seen that the appearance of the savages 
 upon the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia in the spring 
 of 1780 Avas as early as the middle of March. These marauds 
 
 * Bird to DePeyster, .Inly 24, and BombHrdier Williuni Iloimin to Bird, 
 Aui;ust 18, 1780.— MS. Icttors, Hiildimiind Paimrs. 
 
 t Besides tiie various jmblished accuunts of the expedition, I have con- 
 sulted the foHowing MS. letters of 1780 from the Haldimand Pa])ers, in ad- 
 dition to the two already cited: McKee to Bird, May 3d ; DePeyster to 
 Haldimand, May 17th; same to Sinclair, May 18th; Bird to DePejster, 
 May 21st; same to DePeyster, June 3d; McKee to same, June 4th; Bird 
 to same, Juno 11th; same to same, .July 1ft; McKee to same, July 8th; and 
 DePeyster to Haldimand, August 18th. 
 
 X lloosevelt declares that " Bird was not one of the few men fitted to com- 
 mand such a force as that which followed him; and contenting himself with 
 the slight success ho had won, he rapidly retreated to Detroit, over the same 
 path by which he had advanced." But that author wrote, of course, without 
 knowledge of Bird's or McKee's Official Report, or ho would not speak of 
 the commanding officer, "contenting himself with the slight success he hud 
 won." Both Bird and JIcKee were well "fitted to command such h 
 force" — no two in the West were better; but the nature of Indians is not 
 to brook control in war for ativ lenjitli of time. 
 
History of the Oirtys. 121 
 
 continued Avith frequency throughout the summer and until 
 the coming in of winter. However, on at least one occasion, 
 the Indians Avere severely punished for their audacity.* 
 
 To prevent, if possible, another visitation of the savages in 
 force into the Kentucky settlements, as had been the case in 
 Bird's expedition, which resulted in the taking of Ruddle's 
 and Martin's Stations, and as a retaliatory measure for the 
 success of the enemy in that undertaking. General George 
 Rogers Clark, making all haste " with what men he could Avell 
 spare, t started from Fort Jefferson for Louisville, resolved to 
 lead an expedition against the Shawanese towns on the waters 
 of the Little Miami and Mad river, in what are now Greene 
 and Clark counties, Ohi". With a strong force and one field- 
 piece he reached Chillicothe on the 6tli of August only to find 
 it burning and the savages gone. On the seventh, having de- 
 stroyed all the corn in the vicinity, the march was rencAved 
 for Piqua upon the Mad river. This Avas reached on the 
 eighth and the village at once attacked. James ami George 
 Girty Avere there and took part in the defense. All but about 
 seventy, if McKee is to be believed, of the Indians immediately 
 fled ; the residue Avith the tAvo Girtys stood their ground man- 
 fully, but Avere finally compelled to leave the village to the en- 
 emy. J After destroying all the corn, Clark, on the tenth, began 
 his return march. Not less than six of the Indians As-erc killed, 
 but the Avhites lost seventeen. A number of Clark's men 
 were wounded, but only three of the savages. The destruc- 
 tion of the corn proved a very serious bloAV to the Indians, 
 and gave ease to Kentucky for a number of months fol- 
 loAving. 
 
 In nearly all the printed statements heretofore given to 
 the public, not only is Simon Girty represented as being 
 
 • Washington-Irvino Correspondence, pp. 47-50. 
 
 t Roosevelt gives credit to the oft-published Action of Clark having with 
 him but two men. Ho bad, in all probability, two hundred. That writer 
 also reprints the silly tale about Clark dressing himself as an Indian, " so as 
 to deceive the lurking bands of savages " while on the journey. 
 
 X Captain McKee to DePeyster, from the Upper Shawanese Village 
 (Wapatomica), August 27, 1780. — MS. letter, Haldimand Papers. 
 
122 History of the Girty%. 
 
 present at the battle, but as having command of a large force 
 of Mingoes, who ingloriously iled the town. The usual ac- 
 count is to the effect that " the action was so severe a short 
 time before the close, that Girty . . . drew off three 
 hundred of his men [Mingoes], declaring to them it was folly 
 in the extreme to continue the action against men who acted 
 so much like madmen as General Clark's, for they rushed 
 in the extreme of danger, with a seeming di!?reg;u'd of conse- 
 quences. This opinion of Girty, and the withdrawal of the 
 three hundi'ed Mingoes, so disconcerted the rest, that the 
 the Avhole body soon dispersed." 
 
 But there were no Mingoes in Piqua when the town was at- 
 tacked by Clark, neither was Simon Girty there.* 
 
 The conduct of James and George — his brothers — was 
 highly commended by the savages in their accounts subse- 
 quently given of the battle. 
 
 Notwithstanding the destruction of the Indian towns by 
 Clark, the Shawanese did not forsake their country. With 
 them remained James and George Girty ; Avhile Simon, who, 
 since Bird's campaign into Kentucky, had been inactive, con- 
 tinued with the Mingoes. The three occupied themselves in 
 the Ohio wilderness throughout the following winter, attend- 
 ing to the behests of DePeyster and looking after the inter- 
 ests of the tribes with whom they were particularly associated. 
 
 Note. — In a foot-note by Lyman C. Draper, added to Charles 
 I. Walker's Address before the State Historical Society of 
 Wisconsin, January 31,1871, on " The North-west During the 
 Revolution," is the following with regard to Bird's expedition 
 (the italicizing is by the writer of this narrative) : 
 
 " This memorable expedition Avas originally designed to 
 strike at Col. Clark and his garrison at Louisville ; but the 
 streams were unusually full that season, lohich circumstance 
 
 * Roosevelt says, that "both Simon Oirty and his brother were in the 
 town." Ho reaches this conclusion, evidently, from the circumstHnce that 
 McKee ispeaks of "the two Girtys." Ho did not know, as before intimated, 
 that there were three Girtys (brothers) in the Ohio wilderness. 
 
History of the Girtys. 123 
 
 induced Bird to change his original purpose of attackhig Louis- 
 ville first; and therefore, decided to ascend Licking river, into 
 the heart of the Kentucky settlements, conveying his artillery 
 by water to Ruddell's and Martin's Stations, and thence by 
 land to Bryan's Station and Lexington." 
 
 But the Official Report of the commander of the expedition 
 clearly shows that it was the determination of the Indian 
 chiefs, not high water, that " induced Bird to change his 
 original purpose." 
 
 t 
 
124 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The beginning of 1781 found Thomas Girty still a resident 
 of Pittsburgh. It is a matter of record that one Myndcrt 
 Fisher, a soldier, forged his name to a letter directed to a 
 loyalist, then in the Indian country. Fisher, for some cause, 
 had become disaffected, and had opened a correspondence with 
 the enemy. Being detected, he confessed that he had made 
 use of Girty's name. He was tried by court-martial at Fort 
 Pitt, on the 7th of January, and sentenced to death, but was 
 subsequently pardoned.* 
 
 From the time that Brodhead had taken command at Fort 
 Pitt, he had made the most strenuous endeavors to preserve 
 friendly relations with the Delawares, Avho, ever since the war 
 began, had been objects of suspicion to the borderers. It was 
 not known, of course, at Avhat moment they might take up 
 the hatchet, in which event their proximity to the settlements 
 would give them great advantages for mischief. Besides, it 
 was well understood that some of them were actually hostile 
 while the nation at large was, professedly, the ally of the 
 United States. The inability of the government to carry 
 out treaty stipulations, and the influences and threats of the 
 British and their Indian allies, induced them finally, though 
 unwillingly, to rise against the border, only a small band re- 
 maining in the interest of the United States. Thus the In- 
 dian war, early in 1781, became general — not a single tribe in 
 the Ohio country continuing friendly. 
 
 The commander of the Western Department was early 
 informed of the defection of the Delawares. " The people 
 at Coshocton," wrote Heckewelder, from one of the Moravian 
 villages upon the Tuscarawas, to Brodhead, on the 26th of 
 
 * As to the trial, sentence, and subsoquent pardon of Fisher, see Wash- 
 ington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 72, 82. 
 
History of the Qirtys. 125 
 
 February, " have been very busy in trying to deceive you this 
 long time." " I indeed believe," he continued, " that the 
 greater part of them will be upon you in a few days." " They 
 have arranged themselves in three parties," he added, " and, 
 if I am right, one party is gone already ; but I hope they 
 will receive what tliey deserve." And thus Avrotc, also, a 
 friendly Delaware. Indian from the Moravian towns: " Every 
 body here knows that the Coshocton men are getting ready to 
 go and fight you." Now, the leader' of these hostile Delawares 
 was the war-chief Wingenund. Brodhead, acting upon the 
 suggestion of the patriotic missionary, determined, thei'eupon, 
 to carry the war to the homes of the Coshocton Indians. 
 
 It was well that Brodhead made this resolve ; for the Del- 
 awares were now determined on war, and were earnestly solic- 
 iting the British commandant at Detroit to send traders among 
 them, declaring that they would no longer listen to " the Vir- 
 ginians," who, they said, had deceived them.* The artful De- 
 Peyster encouraged them, sending them, on the l'2th of April, 
 a speech by Simon Girty, who had been called, previously, to 
 Detroit from the Mingo country, by the commandcant : 
 
 " Indians of Coshocton ! I have received your speech sent 
 me by the Half King of Sandusky. It contains three strings, 
 one of them white, and the other two checkered. You say 
 that you want traders to be sent to your village and that you 
 are resolved no more to listen to the Virginians, who have de- 
 ceived you. It would give me pleasure to receive you again 
 as brothers, both for your own good and for the friendship I 
 bear to the Indians in general." f 
 
 Simon Girty, early in 1781, at the express direction of 
 DePeyster, took up his residence at Upper Sandusky, among 
 the Wyandots, sent thither from the Mingoes because his 
 services would be greatly enhanced by the change. It Avas 
 the beginning of a long intimacy with those Indians, but he 
 was never able to speak their language with as much fluency 
 as he did that of the Senecas (Mingoes). His oflicial duties 
 
 • Washington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 60, 61. 
 f DePeystor's Miscellanies, p. 253. 
 
126 History of the Girtya. 
 
 with the tribe were the same as with the last-named Indians ; 
 that is, he was to interpret for them, and go to war with them, 
 when occasions offered. He was at all times to do the bid- 
 ding of the Detroit commandant — " attending," as he well 
 expressed it, " to the king's business " — and his pay was the 
 same as formerly. He was not adopted by the Sandusky 
 Wyandots as one of their people, as generally supposed, 
 although highly respected by them ; * while with the Detroit 
 Wyandots, ho had no more affiliation than with other Indians 
 who were under the immediate direction of DePeyster. 
 
 From Wapatomica, early in March, McKee wrote DePey- 
 ster that Simon Girty, with a party of Wyandots (" Hurons," 
 he calls them) and Shawanese, had brought in three prisoners 
 to that place. It was the result of a raid into Kentucky. 
 How many scalps weve also brought in is not mentioned. So 
 it was that Girty signalized his change of domicil by going 
 upon this successful maraud. Kentucky was the theater, gen- 
 erally, of attacks by the savages earlier in the season than 
 were the settlements in South-western Pennsylvania and 
 (what is now) West Virginia; and this for obvious reasons — 
 the climate was milder. 
 
 Brodhead, with over one hundred and fifty regulars and 
 
 * Roosevelt, in speaking of Simon Girty (Tlie Winning of the West, Vol. 
 I, p. 220, oitina; tlif MiigHzine of Atnepican History, Vol. XV, p. 266), says: 
 " He was the son of u vicious Irish trader, who was killed by the Indians; 
 he WHS adopted by the latter, and grew up among them, and his daring fe- 
 rocity and unscrupulous cunning early made him one of their leaders." If 
 the idea here is, that Girty, while ho was held captive among the Senecas, 
 became one of their leaders, it is erroneous. Or, if the author means to say 
 that Giriy's "daring ferocity and unscrupulous cunning" alone made him, 
 during the Kevolution, a " leader " of the Indians, 't ; also a mistake. It 
 was not only the characteristic first mentioned (he had no " unscrupulous 
 cunning") that gave him prestige with the Jlingoes and Wyandots; it was 
 (2) his being sent among them by Hamilton and DePeyster; and (3) for the 
 reason that he spoke their 'anguage. And even then, his being a " leader" 
 must be taken in a restricted sense; ho was only such oii the war-path 
 with parties of Indians, when th j latter were not led by Rangers, or " Indian 
 officers." His voice was never, during that war, particularly potent in their 
 councils. 
 
Hhtary of the Girlys. 127 
 
 nearly as many militia (who joined him at Wheeling), crossed 
 the Ohio on the 10th of April, 1781, on an expedition against 
 the Delawares of Coshocton. The colonel's success was com- 
 plete. He returned with considerable plunder, after killing 
 fifteen warrioi-s and taking more than that number prisoners, 
 four of whom, Avith the women and children, he released. 
 
 About this time, and while Simon Girty was at Upper San- 
 dusky, a prisoner, Henry Baker, wat; brought in — a boy 
 eighteen years of age — by a small Avar-party. He was capt- 
 ured at thr narrows, on Wheeling creek, in what is now the 
 State of West Virginia. Nine prisoners were also at Upper 
 Sandusky besides young Baker. These were from Kentucky. 
 They were all compelled to run the gauntlet. The boy, being 
 very active, ran it easily and without receiving a blow. This 
 so enraged a young Indian that he knocked him down with a 
 club, after he had reached the council house. The nine Ken- 
 tuckians were all burned — one a day until all had miserably 
 perished. Baker was a witness to these frightful scenes. 
 Then came his turn. He was ordered to be taken out by an 
 old chief and tied to a stake. He resisted somewhat, and 
 tried to parley with the savages ; for, on starting, he espied a 
 white man on horse-back rapidly approaching. When he 
 came up, Baker ran up to him and implored him to save his 
 life. This white man was Simon Girty. The latter inquired 
 who he was and Avhere he was from, and at once interceded in 
 his behalf. His efforts were crowned with complete success ; 
 for the savages relented and let him go free. Girty asked him, 
 aside, a great many questions concerning Wheeling and its 
 vicinity, which induced the boy to believe that he intended soon 
 to make him a guide in an attack on that place. However, in 
 this he was mistaken ; for, through Girty's importunities, he 
 was sent to Detroit, where DePeyster set him at liberty. 
 Hiring himself to a man who traded with the Indians, he 
 afterward escaped, along with two others, and all three reached 
 their homes in safety.* 
 
 * Newton's History of the Pan-Handle, West Virginia, p. 362. 
 
128 History of the Girtys. 
 
 " \Vc sent to Coshocton," wrote Simon Girty after the de- 
 struction of that place, to the Detroit commandant, from Up- 
 per Sandusky, " twenty of our men [Wyandota] some time 
 ago, and this day they have returned with the following news ; " 
 
 " 20th April. (Joloncl lirodhead, with five hundred men, 
 burned the town and killed fifteen men. He left six houses 
 on this [west] side of the creek that he did not see. lie like- 
 wise took the women and children prisoners, and afterward 
 let them go. He let four men [Dclawares] go that w.;re pris- 
 oners who showed him a paper that they had from Congress. 
 Brodhead told them that it was none of his fault that their 
 people [the Delawares slain] were killed, but the fault of the 
 militia that would not be under his command. lie likewise 
 told them that in seven months he would beat all the Indians 
 out of this country. In six days from this date, he is to set 
 off for this place [Upper Sandusky] with one thousand men ; 
 and Colonel Clark is gone down the Ohio river with one thou- 
 sand men. 
 
 " There were one hundred and twenty Wyandots ready to 
 start off with me, until this news came. Your children [the 
 Wyandots] will be very glad if you will f^end those people you 
 promised to send to their assistance ; likewise send the In- 
 dians that are about you, to assist us. The Christian 
 [" Moravian "] Indians have applied to us to move them off 
 before the rebels come to their town. 
 
 " I have one hundred and sixty Indians at this place. 
 Their provisions are all gone ; and they beg that you will 
 send them some. 
 
 " Mr. Le Villier, when he heard that the rebels were in the 
 Indian country, went off to the lower town [Lower Sandusky], 
 where there was not a man but himself, and told the women 
 and children that the rebels were close by. He ran off in the 
 night [from Upper Sandusky] without giving notice to the 
 [Wyandot] chiefs or me. He minds trading more than the 
 king's business. 
 
 " I will be much obliged to you, sir, if you send me a little 
 
Hixtory of (he Oirtys. 129 
 
 provisions for myself, as I was compelled to give mine to the 
 Indians." * 
 
 The hostile Dolihvares now entirely forsook the valleys of 
 the Q\i8carawas and Muskingum, drawing back to the Scioto, 
 Mad river, and the Siiiidusky.r DePeyster thou addressed 
 them as his " children." :j; 
 
 General George Rogers Clark, who had gone from Ken- 
 tucky over the mountains to Virginia, and who had deter- 
 mined on an expedition against Detroit, reached the Ohio, and 
 began tlu descent of that river with a considerable force 
 about the end of July, i^ Following him was a Pennsylvania 
 body of soldiers, composed of volunteers and a company of 
 state troops (Rangers), all under the command of Colonel 
 Archibald Lochry, lieutenant of Westmoreland county, Penn- 
 sylvania. 
 
 Already had extraordinary ciforts been made to hasten to 
 the southward what Indians could be collected to interpose a 
 barrier to the advance of General Clark. These were under 
 the direction of Captain McKee; with them was a company 
 of one hundred Rangers (" Butler's ") commanded by Captain 
 Andrew Thompson. Captain Joseph Brant (Thayendanegea), 
 a noted Indian of the Six Nations, and George Girty, with a 
 party of Indians, " advanced upon the Ohio," capturing one 
 of Clark's boats. They soon learned that Colonel Lochry was 
 also on his way down the river, aud they lay in wait for him. 
 They attacked him on the twenty-fourth of August, about 
 eleven miles below the mouth of the Great Miami, in what is 
 now the State of Indiana. Every man present of the Ameri- 
 cans — numbering in all over one hundred — was killed or cap- 
 
 • Qirty to DePeyster, May 4, 1781.— MS. letter, Haldimand Papers. 
 
 t "Washington-Irvine Uorrespondenee, p. 52. 
 
 J DePeyster to the Delawares, June 7, 1781, in " Miscellanies " of that 
 officer, pp. 263, 264. 
 
 § lloosevelt makes the glaringly erroneous statement that Clark " passed 
 and repassed from Fort Pitt to the Falls of tl " Ohio and thence to the Illi- 
 nois in the vain effort to get troops" for this uxpedition. 
 
 9 
 
180 Hhtory of the. Oirti/n. 
 
 ttired."'' The fame of (leorge Girty was considerahly increaHotl 
 by this success. The knowledge lie liad gained of military 
 affairs iit Captain Williiig's company befor6 his desertion was 
 not lost upon him. 
 
 ('ai)tai)i Brant and George Girty, after defeating Lochry, 
 moved tlieir eonimand up the (Jreat Miami, forming a junc- 
 tion witli the Rangers and savages under (,'aptains Thomp- 
 son and MeKce. With the latter from Sandusky had marched 
 Simon Girty. The whole force of the enemy, except a ser- 
 geant and cighteeii men left to take care of prisoners and 
 stores, proceeded, August 28th, to the banks of the Ohio, to 
 watch the movements of Clark, who was at Louisville. f 
 
 While the enemy were thus "waiting and watching," Simon 
 Girty had an exceedingly narrow escape from death. His 
 would-be slayer was none other than the haughty and re- 
 doubtable Captain Brant. It is not surprising that the lat- 
 ter, after his success against Lochry, felt elated — that he 
 boasted in his cups of his prowess and of the capturing of a 
 number of the enemy by his own hands. Simon's envy was 
 awakene(L Bluntly he told the boastful savage that he lied. 
 The insult was instantly resented. Tliayendanegea struck Avith 
 his sword the head of the white man, who foil desj)eratcly 
 wounded ; but he lived, and finally recovered; carryir g, how- 
 ever, a deep scar upon his forehead ever after. He declared 
 
 * Wiishington-lrvine Correspondence, pp. 5;"), 5*J, 'J2'.>. 'JliO, and the hii- 
 thoriti'js there cited. But none of these lU'counts hiive the ijiven nntiio of 
 Cnptain 'rhonipsoii. This I have obtained elsowlieri'. "Gcnrue (liity, tlie 
 only one of the Girty brothers who, contrary to the pojiuiar impression, 
 ever actually deserted from the American army, waK iluly heard from in 
 the summer of 1781. General Irvine, then in command of Kort I'itt, records 
 the fact that a band of Indians under this loyal savage and the noted 
 Brandt attacked on the 24th of August and below the mouth of tlie Great 
 Miami a force of volunteers on their way to join Clarke, and killed or cap- 
 tured every i n in the expedition." — .Magazine of American History, Vol. 
 XV, p. 2C3. It General Irvine did not make this record about George 
 Girty, as here stated, but such a record was made by the writer of this nar- 
 rative in the Washington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 56, 230, drawn from 
 other sources than those of the Irvine letters. 
 
 f See McBride's Pioneer Biography, Vol. I, p. 280. 
 
UiHiorif of fhc dirh/K. 181 
 
 subsequently tlmt lio had received the saher-cut in battle and 
 had killed his assailant;* it beinj; hix turn now to boast! It 
 was a number of weeks before ho could sit up ; nevertheless, 
 his recovery, considering the dangerous nature of the wound, 
 was surprisingly rapid. It had no sooner healed so as to ad- 
 mit of his n\oving about than he started north, first reaching 
 the MingocH, and tiien going to Upper Samlusky, where he re- 
 mained during the winter. By the middle of January, 1782, 
 ho had fully recovered ; that is to say, ho was well and hearty 
 though the wound ever after gave him trouble, it having at 
 times, some effect upon his mental condition. t 
 
 The rejoicing of the savages over Lochry's defeat was great. 
 They believed that all danger of invasion by Clark was now 
 over, and it re(iuired much persuasion on part of Thompson, 
 McKee, and Urant to induce them to march further toward the 
 Falls (Louisville). On the !Hh of September, when within 
 thirty miles of that jjlace, they learned that Clark had aban- 
 doned his expedition, and they immediately began to disband. 
 However, two hundred Wvandots and Miamis under McKee 
 
 ' %■' 
 
 and Brant, moved southward into Kentucky " to attack some 
 of the small forts and infest the roads," while the Rangers 
 and the residue of the Indians returned to the northward. 
 McKcc and Brant's party (with which was George Girty) 
 succeeded in killing a number of men, women, and children at 
 Long Run ; after which, these warriors, too, returned to their 
 homes. Thompson reached Detroit early in October. ;[: 
 
 " Iiidiati Cuplivity: A Trvui Niirrative ot' tins CiiptuiH ot Rev. O. M. 
 S|>i'iii'cr, l)^ tins linliiins, in tlif Neighborhood of (Jiiifiimiili. WrittPii by 
 IliniM:'it'. |i. 811. ■' I WHS," says Sjienour, '-at'lt'i-waid told [tli« wound] was 
 inflicti'd i>y the tomahawk 'if thu culebrated Indian ohiL-f, Urandt [Mrant], in 
 a drunken fndie." History and tradition abundantly corroborate this, ex- 
 cept as to ihu instrument eniployed. For niention of tlie (juarrel (but {jiving 
 t,n erroneous statement as to its result), see Albach's Western Annals, p. 
 SS4. Compare, also, Howe's Ohio, p. 248. 
 
 t Concerning the affair between 8imon Girty and Brant, many traditions 
 have been preserved, all of a character more or less exaggerated, while some 
 are wholly fictitious. 'J'liat Hrant regretted the act after he became sober, 
 is probable. 
 
 t P'or particulars of this inroad, see the current histories of the West. 
 
132 History of the Girfys. 
 
 A party of Indians (not any, however, of those who had 
 previously started south under McKee) numbering about two 
 hundred and fifty, consisting of Wyandots, Delawares, Mun- 
 ceys, and a small number of ShaAvanese, also a few tories and 
 French Canadian partisans, the whole headed by Captain 
 Matthew Elliott (for that loyalist was now an "Indian 
 officer " of that rank), marched from the Sandusky eastward 
 until the Tuscarawas was reached at the " Moravian " Indian 
 towns. This was the latter part of August. A portion, after- 
 ward, moved on toward the border, appearing, finally, in the 
 vicinity of Fort Henry (Wheeling). There were three boys 
 outside the fort ; one was killed, one made prisoner, and 
 the other escaped inside the fortification. In a moment the 
 garrison (information having been sent from Pittsburgh to the 
 post of the danger threatened) was ready to receive the sav- 
 ages. The latter seeing the borderers fully prepared for them, 
 soon disappeared, doing but little mischief, except killing all the 
 cattle they could find. Their depredations up Wheeling and 
 Bufialo creeks, however, were, before they re-crossed the 
 Ohio, much more serious. They killed and captured several 
 persons. 
 
 Much fiction has found its way into print concerning this 
 attempt of the enemy against the fort at Wheeling. " Both 
 the date and the facts of the second demonstration against 
 Fort Henry," says a published account, already a number of 
 times cited, " which occurred earlj' in September, 1781, have 
 been badly mixed by different writers , but it is quite evident 
 that the Girtys participated in the siege." * It is now known, 
 however, that neither of the three Girty brothers — Simon, 
 James, or George — took part in this expedition ; nor was the 
 stockade sufficiently invested by the savages to justify the 
 movement being designated a siege. Fort Henry was twice 
 
 Additional facts recently publisliud may bt) t'uund in the The Winning of 
 the West, Vol. II, pp. 128-130; and the authori'uiiss there cited may be con- 
 sulted with advantage. See, too, McBride's Pion. Biog., Vol. I, p. 280. 
 * Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 2G3. 
 
History of the Girtys. 133 
 
 besieged and only twice ; cnce in 1777 as already mentioned, 
 and again in 1782 as will hereafter be shown.* 
 
 The enemy, before leaving the Tuscarawas on their return 
 home, broke up the missionary establishments upon that river, 
 taking the missionaries and their families, and all the " Mo- 
 ravian " Indians, with them to the Sandusky, where, at a point 
 a little over two miles above the present Upper Sandusky, 
 county seat of Wyandot county, Ohio, but, on the opposite 
 (east) side of the river, they (the Moravians and their Indians) 
 prepared to spend the winter. The Girtys, it must be un- 
 derstood, did not help plan the expedition, nor did they take 
 any part in it.f Zcisberger giving information to the Ameri- 
 cans was the cause of the enemy's action. 
 
 While the savages were on their way back to Sandusky, 
 seven of the Wyandots, of whom three were sons of the Half 
 King, left the main party and again marched for the border, 
 raiding into a small settlement on Harman's creek, in Wash- 
 ington county, taking one prisoner — a man about sixty years 
 of age. The savages immediately started on their return, 
 but were soon pursued by a number of settlers, to the Ohio 
 river, where they were overtaken and all killed except one ; 
 and he, their leader, Scotosh by name, one of the three broth- 
 ers before alluded to, escaped wounded. The white prisoner 
 was released. Andrew Poe, one of the pursuers, his gun 
 missing fire, boldly sprang upon and grappled two of the In- 
 dians — sons of the Half King. During a most violent strug- 
 gle, which was continued first on shore and then in the river, 
 
 * " It is absolutelj' impossible to find out the r; il tHcfs conoerning the 
 sieges of Wheeling; it is not quite certain even whether there were two or 
 three." — Uoosevelt. There is, however, it is suggested, no difficulty in find- 
 ing out all the iinportant facts concerning them, or in discovering that there 
 were but two. 
 
 t In a previous work (An Historical Account of the Expedition against 
 8andusl{y, p. 190), the writer of this narrative says: "[Simon] Girty was 
 one of the plotters of the scheme which resulted in the breaking up of the 
 missionary establishments upop the Muskingum [i. e., upon the Tuscarawas, 
 as afterwards known]." But^flirthcr investigation makes it certain tliat he 
 had nothing to do with it, directly or indirectly; neither had his brother 
 James or George. 
 
184 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 Andrew killed one of the Indians, but was himself badly 
 wounded. Adam Poe, a brother, coming to his relief, shot 
 the other savage. Meanwhile, Andrew then in the water, by 
 mistake, received a second wound from one of his own men. 
 The settlers lost one of their number. Neither of the Indians 
 killed by the Poes was named Big Foot, nor was either of 
 them of unusual size, as has been so long and persistently 
 claimed by Western writers.* 
 
 Note I. — It will not be forgotten that, in the first place, 
 Simon Girty was sent Ity Hamilton to dwell among the Min- 
 goes ; and that too, for specific purposes. It has, however, 
 been published that he first " allied himself with the Wyan- 
 dots, ' the bravest of the tribes,' with whom he was more or 
 less identified until the day of his death. They had known 
 him ever since his childhood, and they received him now as 
 an adopted Indian." — Magazine of American History, Vol. 
 XV, p. -61. (Compare, also, An Historical Account of the 
 Expedition against Sandusky, under Col. William Crawford, 
 in 1782," p. 187.) But Girty's residence upon the San- 
 dusky did not take place, as before narrated, for nearly three 
 years from the time of his joining the British, and then, at 
 the instigation of DePeyster. He had seen little of the San- 
 dusky Wyandots previous to the beginning of the Avar, except 
 at Pittsburgh; the Detroit Wyandots he had never visited; 
 nor Avas he received by the former as an adopted Indian. 
 
 Note II. — " Simon Girty (spelled Girtee in the old rec- 
 ords) was born and raised in the Cumberland valley, Pennsyl- 
 vania," declares a modern Pennsylvania author. " His par- 
 ents were Swiss-Germans, and were much addicted to the use 
 of strong drink and gambling, both of which became charac- 
 teristics of Simon. It was, doubtless, oAving to the fact that 
 Simon Girty's parents taught him by example these bad hab- 
 its, and left him no legacy but one of dishonor, that he for- 
 
 * Washington-Irvine Correspondonee, p. 61, where the niiinu of the leader 
 of the Indians is incorrectly spelled "Seotash." 
 
History of the Girti/s. 135 
 
 sook the settlements to serve with young Simon Kenton on 
 the frontiers. lie joined the Virginia militia, and seemed 
 anxious to distinguish himself as a soldier. He was disap- 
 pointed at being promoted, and instead, through the influence 
 of his colonel, publicly disgraced. He fled from the ^-ettle- 
 ments and took up his abode along with a number of others 
 on Sherman's creek, but here he was again followed by the 
 whites, who burnt his cabin in 1750, and turned him loose to 
 roam the wilds as an outcast under the ban of the law. He 
 took up his abode with the Wyandotte Indians, with whom he 
 lived a foe to the whites, more cruel and relentless than his * 
 adopted people." — Wright's History of Perry County, Penn- 
 sylvania, pp. 33, 34. In all that has come under my notice 
 concerning Simon Girty, I have found no such confusion of 
 dates and statements as this. 
 
 Note III. — Most writers on Western history give the name 
 of the unfortunate colonel killed while going down the Ohio 
 on his way to join Clark, as " Loughry " or " Loughrie," but 
 the proper spelling is "Lochry." Before Brant's return to 
 Detroit, he (Brant) was wounded in the leg (Powell to Haldi- 
 mand, October 20th ; and same to same, December 6, 1781. — 
 MS. letters, Haldimand Papers). This fact and the previous 
 quarrel between him and Simon Girty have led to the erro- 
 neous tradition, which is current, that Girty wounded Brant. 
 
 Note IV. — The story of the Poe fight was first written for, 
 and printed in, a magazine, with a number of fanciful embel- 
 lishments, about " Big Foot," etc. The whole article was 
 copied by Doddridge as veritable history in his notes. It has 
 since been re-copied numberless times and with many vari- 
 ations. I have given simply the facts, with the imaginary 
 portions omitted. 
 
136 History of the Girtys. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The year 1782 was one of great activity in the West. In 
 no year during the war were there enacted so many stirring 
 events. Simon Girty acted his part in the drama, but it was 
 not one so prominent upon the wilderness stage as history has 
 been disposed to assign him. He appeared in many " char- 
 acters ;" and just at this point, where we get a close view of 
 him, we find how perverse and cruel he had become. E'i- 
 dently, to a great extent, had his sorrow for hasty action in 
 leaving his country, which would occasionally possess his 
 mind, worn oif. More and more was he growing attached to 
 the cause he had espoused. Being naturally of an impulsive 
 turn, the dictates of humanity would occasionally get the bet- 
 ter of his pernicious feeling against his countrymen, prompt- 
 ing him to save the life of a fellow-being from the awful tor- 
 tures of the savages ; but increasing in frequency was his 
 giving loose rein to the ferocity of his nature. He was, in 
 the latter part of the winter, a constant companion of 
 Dunquat, the Half King of the Wyandots. Heckewelder saw 
 much of him at this time. In speaking of the suflFering of 
 the missionaries and the " Moravian " Indians, who, it will be 
 remembered, were left upon the Sandusky, at the coming in 
 of winter, he says : " Towards the end of January [1782], the 
 cold during the nights became almost insupportable ; the more 
 so, on account of the smallness of our huts, not permitting 
 the convenience of our having large fires made within them, 
 and even wood being scarce where we were. Our houses 
 having no flooring, whenever a thaw came on, the water, forc- 
 ing passages through the earth, entered in such quantities 
 that wc scarcely could keep our feet dry. The cattle finding 
 no pasture in these dreary regions, and we not being able to 
 procure any for them, now began to perish by hunger, and, 
 as provision for so many people could not be had even for 
 
History of the Girtys. 137 
 
 money, famine took place, and the calamity became general; 
 many had now no othei' alternative but to live on the carcases 
 of the starved cattle, and in a few instances suckling babes 
 perished for want of nourishment from the mothers' impover- 
 ished breasts. 
 
 "The missionaries had, at this time, reduced theii- daily 
 allowance of provision for bread to a pint of Indiar jorn, per 
 man, a day. Now and then Mr. McCormick sent them a 
 leg of venison purchased of the hunters. Yet, in this wretched 
 situation, the hungry Wyandots would often come in our huts 
 to see if there was any victuals cooking, or ready cooked. 
 At one time, just as my wife had set down to what Avas in- 
 tended for our dinner, the Half King, Simon Girty, and 
 another, a Wyandot, entered my cabin, and seeing the victuals 
 ready, without ceremony, began eating." * 
 
 The Half King at Sandusky, as may be supposed, lost 
 none of his animosity against the Americans because of the 
 killing of two of his sons (by the Poes, it will be remem- 
 bered) in the previous fall, while on a marauding expedition 
 across the Ohio. And that his enmity should be kindled 
 against the Moravian missionaries, Avho were upon the San- 
 dusky, was very natural, for he very well knew what their 
 sympathy had been for the Americans. That Simon Girty 
 should have been his willing instrument to aid him in getting 
 these men out of the country, is not at all a matter of 
 wonder. 
 
 " Girty (or ' Captain Girty,' as he called himself)," says 
 Heckewelder, " an outcast among mankind — dwelling among 
 the Wyandots, and frequently going with them to wai- against 
 the people of the United States, would instigate the former 
 [that is, the Wyandots] to do us all the mischief they could ; 
 and was a principal in raising their suspicion against us. 
 This man (as we were informed from good authority) came one 
 day about that time [February, 1782] to Mr. McCormick, and 
 requested him to write a letter for the Half King, the purport 
 
 • Heckewelder Narrative, pp. 299, 800. ~'~ ":""*' ^ 
 
138 History of the Girtys. 
 
 of which was : ' that the missionaries at Sandusky kept up a 
 continual correspondence with the Americans ; and received 
 regularly, every ten days, letters from Pittsburg ; and that 
 they were endeavoring to persuade the Virginians to destroy 
 the Wyandot nation, etc' That <rentlenian, hoAvever, inquir- 
 ing of him as to the truth of which he wanted written, and 
 being answered, ' that it made no difference to him [McCor- 
 mick] whether it Avas true or not :' and he peremptorily de- 
 clined writing falsehoods for him ; however, reports stated, 
 that he had got the letter written by some other person. A 
 letter was, shortly after this, written for the Half King to the 
 commandant [Major DePcyster, at Detroit], stating ' that he, 
 (the Half King) would be uneasy in his mind, as long as the 
 teachers [Moravians] remained at Sandusky, he fearing some 
 misfortune, and therefore requested the commandant to take 
 them away as soon as possible ; but that, if he refused, he 
 himself would know what to do!' 
 
 " This last letter had the desired effect, the commandant 
 [DePcyster] well understanding, what was meant to be done 
 to us, in case we were not removed : he sent an answer to the 
 Half King to that purpose, we however were entirely ignorant, 
 of Avhat was intended, until on the first day of March, a mes- 
 senger, sent by the Half King and Simon Girty arrived, 
 who by their order cited all the teachers ' to appear before 
 them to-morrow morning at the house of McCormick, there to 
 hear a letter read written by the commandant at Detroit to 
 the Half King and " Captain Girty " respecting us.' 
 
 " We considered it unnecessary for all of us to go so great 
 a distance, for the purpose of hearing the contents of a letter ; 
 David Zeisberger, and the writer of this, concluded to go by 
 themselves, and accordingly we set off on foot early on the 
 next morning, and having waded the eight miles through the 
 snow, found the Half King and Simon Girty there [about five 
 miles below the present Upper Sandusky, county seat of 
 Wyandot county, Ohio], waiting for us. The latter jeeing 
 but two of us arrive, impudently insulted us, for having dis- 
 obeyed their orders, to which we calmly, and in a civil manner 
 
History of the Girtys. 139 
 
 replied. After which, Girty liaving mounted on a kind of 
 sta<];e, about six feet in height, he took an open letter in one 
 hand and a black string of wampum beads in the other, and 
 addressed us with an air of contempt in these words : ' Gen- 
 tlemen ! At length you have brought upon yourselves what 
 you have so long deserved, by means of your attachment to 
 the rebels ! Your deeds are no more hidden ! tliey are known 
 to the comTnandant at Detroit! hear this letter read, which ia 
 sent to the Half King ! I will read it to you ; No ! take it 
 and read it yourselves — and look at this ! (holding up the 
 string of wampum) look well I do you see that it is black? 
 The cause of its being a black string instead of a white one, 
 you already know, so that I need not tell you ; mind ! it is 
 sent with the letter I' 
 
 " The contents of the letter alluded to were to this effect : 
 ' That in consequence of the Half King's request, the com- 
 mandant [DePeyster] had determined to remove the teachers 
 [missionaries] from among the Christian [" Moravian "] In- 
 dians — and he hereby did appoint " Captain Girty " to bring 
 them to Detroit. That, in case Girty should be otherwise en- 
 gaged, he should appoint another fit person to bring the 
 teachers on. That should Girty, or any other person bring- 
 ing thera in, want assistance, the Half King should help 
 him ! ' 
 
 " On those words, where the Half King Avas called on to 
 render him assistance, if required, Girty laid a particular 
 stress — meaning Y.hcreby, to threaten us if we refused to go, 
 and saying (with a loud laugh), ' Gentlemen ! take notice ! the 
 Half King is to help me ! ' 
 
 "We saw nothing in this message that tended to frighten 
 us. That the wampum beads sent with the speech of the com- 
 mandant, were black, did not surprise us in the least — Bor 
 was any thing bad meant against us, by asking the assistance 
 of the Half King in bringing us to Detroit, if Girty stood in 
 need of it ; for the commandant had closed his letter, or speech 
 to *^hem, with a special charge, ' not to plunder us, nor other- 
 
140 History of (he Qirtyis. 
 
 wise abuse us; neither to suffer us to be plundered or abused 
 by any person whatsoever.' " 
 
 "On the morning of the 13th of March," continues Hecke- 
 welder, " a Frenchmaft named Francis Levallie [Le Villier], 
 from Lower Sandusky, gave us notice that Girty, who was to 
 have taken us to Detroit, having gone with a party of Wyan- 
 dots to war against the Americans on the Ohio, had appointed 
 him to take his phice in taking us to Detroit, and that on the 
 next day after to-morrow (the 15th) he [Le Villier] would be 
 here again to set out with us. A little conversation with this 
 man satisfied us that we had fallen into better hands. He 
 told us ' that Girty had ordered him to drive us before him to 
 Detroit, the same as if we were cattle, and never make a halt 
 for the purpose of the women giving suck to their children. 
 That he should take us round the head of the lake (Erie) and 
 make us foot every step of the way ' — that he, however, would 
 not do this, but would take us to Lower Sandusky, and from 
 that place send a runner with a letter to the commandant at 
 Detroit, representing our situation, and taking further orders 
 from him respecting us." * 
 
 Leaving the missionaries preparing to obey the orders of 
 DePeyster, at Detroit, by getting ready for the journey to 
 Lower Sandusky as suggested by the loquacious Frenchman 
 who was to take charge of them, let us follow Simon Girty in 
 his raid with his war-party of Wyandots to the Ohio. He 
 left Upper Sandusky, on the 17th of March, under instructions 
 from the Detroit commandant, to see certain disaffected per- 
 sons on the border if possible. He had with him Scotosh, 
 the Half King's son, and eight other Wyandots. Before 
 reaching the Ohio, his force was joined by other Wyandots 
 under the lead of the war chief, Abraham Kuhn ; so that the 
 party then numbered thirty. Girty soon saw from the report 
 of an Indian he had sent ahead that it would be too danger- 
 ous to undertake the real object of his journey, the Virginians 
 having scouts so thick in that quarter. He determined at 
 once, upon getting this information, to see what he could do 
 
 * Heckewelder's Narrative, pp. 303-306, 308, 309. — 
 
History of the Girtya. 141 
 
 in the way of taking some scalps or prisoners, or perhaps 
 both.''^ The force divided — one party crossing that river at 
 Mingo Bottom, a short distance below what is now Steuben- 
 villc, Ohio; another numbering fourteen, with Abraham Kuhn, 
 proceeding to Fort Mcintosh, in hopes of ambuscading some 
 of the soldiers of that post. With those who crossed the 
 Ohio, went Girty. 
 
 Girty's party again divided, ten of the warriors going some 
 distance up the Ohio, Avhile he and the residue soon struck 
 inland. On the first of April, Scotosh, who led the ten war- 
 riors, captured Avith his own hands Thomas Edgerton, who 
 was on his way from his cabin, at the mouth of Harman's 
 creek, to Colonel James Brown's fort, to borrow a log-chain 
 of him. The Indians came suddenly upon him and made 
 signs to him to surrender ; but he made an effort to escape ; 
 was mired in the creek ; and the savages made him prisoner, 
 hurrying him with them across the Ohio. The warriors who 
 went to Fort Mcintosh were even more successful ; for they 
 ambushed five of tlie garrison, killing or taking prisoners the 
 whole party, who were out wooil-cutting and had carelessly 
 laid down their arms to load their wagon. Girty and his war- 
 riors went to the home of Zachariah Spriggs, near the site of 
 the present West Liberty, took prisoners John Stevenson of 
 the militia and one of Spriggs's negroes, the latter, however, 
 effecting his escape. The marauders passed a point of land 
 about a mile above the mouth of the Virginia Short creek, 
 which is still called " Girty's Point." They succeeded in re- 
 crossing the Ohio with their prisoner and one scalp, reaching 
 Upper Sandusky on the eighth of April. f 
 
 On the return of the whole force, Edgerton was left at the 
 Half King's town, where a portion of the Wyandots remained, 
 while the residue, with Girty among them, proceeded on to 
 Lower Sandusky, when, on the twelfth of April, Girty wrote 
 to DePeyster, giving him an account of his maraud. J So far 
 
 * Girty to DePeyster, April 12, 1782, from Lower Sandusky. — MS. letter, 
 Haldimand Papers, 
 t Girty to DePeyster, April 12, 1782.— MS. letter before cited, 
 tid. 
 
142 Jlitttori/ of the Girlys. 
 
 as sliootiiir; down inofTcnsivo iind iinsuspt'ctiug bonleniieti, or 
 hurrying them into the wihlcnu's.s us captives to be tortured 
 by the Indians, was concerned, he was now certiiinly acting 
 the part of a savage. If lie did not, with his own hands, 
 tonialiawk and scalp women and chihlren, it only serves to 
 show that his civilized nature revolted from doing directly 
 what his savagery prompted him to do indirectly in leading 
 and encouraging the Indians to such barbarity. It is not 
 known that he actually took part with the savages in tortur- 
 ing prisoners at the stake ; but it is certain, as we shall prea- 
 ently see, that he took delight in seeing it done. 
 
 Of the "Point" before mentioned as having received ita 
 name from the circumstance of Girty and his warriors pass- 
 ing the place with their prisoners, much has been written. 
 " Girty's Point, above the mouth of Short creek," says a 
 Western chronicler, " is a short distance from the Ohio, and 
 is the abrupt terminations of one of the elevated ridges. It 
 derived its name from the i'amous and infamous white rene- 
 gade, Simon Girty. It was his favorite place for striking into 
 the interior. The path first made by his Indians is still used 
 by the people of the neighborhood."" ■■- 
 
 "A settlement at West Middietown, in Washington county, 
 Pennsylvania, and one at West Liberty, in the adjoining 
 county of Ohio, in the State of Virginia," are the words of 
 another Western -writer, '" were, in the year 1781, the most 
 advanced posts of the North-western frontier. These settle- 
 ments had been the scenes of frequent skirmishes between the 
 settlers and savages. The tribes of the Scioto and Miami 
 valleys had made this frontier a favorite point of their maraud- 
 ing incursions. The war-parties generally crossed the Ohio 
 river at the Mingo bottom [on the west side of the river just 
 below the present Steubenville, Ohio] ; and, taking advantage 
 of a deep ravine above a high promontory that projects boldly 
 into the river, and known as Girty's Point, concealed them- 
 selves, if circumstances made concealment necessary, or as- 
 
 * De Iliis?, in his Hi'Jtorj' of the Pearly SuUlument and Indian Wars of 
 Western V'irginiii, j). 312. 
 
Hidory of lite Girti/s. 148 
 
 ccndcd into the liigliliinds of the interior, to the neighborhood 
 of the settlements. The infamous JSimon (iirty fre(iiiently 
 led these marauding parties to tliis high point bearing his 
 name, wlience he sent out his parties, and where he remained 
 till they returned ladene<l with the sanguinary spoils — pris- 
 oners and scalps from the devasted settlements." '•- 
 
 But these extracts are misleading. The maraud when 
 Stevenson was taken prisoner was the only one in which Clirty 
 ever led a war-party across the Ohio at or near the " Point," 
 80 far as there is any positive evidence. 
 
 NoTK I. — Ileckewelder's assertion that Girty was " an out- 
 cast among mankind " is wholly unwarranted. In no sense 
 (whatever was the cruelty — the savagery — of his nature) had he 
 been cast out or expelled by his countrymen ; he was not an 
 exile — one driven from home or country. 
 
 Note [I. — *' Friday, March 1 [1782], through a messenger 
 [we] were summoned to Pomoacan [the Half King], who sent 
 word he had something to tell us. Br. David [Zeisbergcr] who 
 was especiall^r summoned went there Saturday, the 2d [of March] 
 witli Br. Ileckewelder and two Indian brethren, where also a 
 council of Wyandots and Delawires Avas assembled ; there it 
 was told us by the Half King that a letter had come from the 
 commandant in Detroit [DePeyster], which a white man, Si- 
 mon Girtj' by name, had given him to read, and indeed it was 
 not written to us, but to him [Simon Girty] ; and to our great 
 amazement it contained the following sentence retjardinc us 
 missionaries : 
 
 " ' You [Simon Girty] will please present the strings I send 
 you to the Half King and tell him I have listened to his de- 
 mand. I therefore hope he will give you [Girty] such assist- 
 pnce as you may think necessary to enable you to bring the 
 teachers [missionaries] and their families to this place [De- 
 troit]. I will by no means allow you to suffer them to be 
 
 * S. C. Coffinborry, in the Monthly Literary Miscellany for September, 
 1851, p. 388. 
 
144 Hittory of the Oirlyn. 
 
 pluntlcrcd or any way ill-troatcd.' " — Diary of David Zois- 
 berger, Vol. I, p. (58. 
 
 NoTP III. — It ia altogether probable that Lc Villier told the 
 missionaries what was not true as to dirty having ordered him 
 to drive them like cattle to Detroit, between tliis Frenchman 
 and Girty there was no good feeling ; besides, it would have 
 been strange indeed for the latter to be in any manner in- 
 strumental in disobeying the positive injunction of DePeyster 
 that they (the missionaries) should not ')e in any manner ill- 
 treated. 
 
 Note IV. — The site of Upper Sandusky was no longer 
 up the river from what is now the county-seat of Wyandot 
 county, Ohio. Tiie Wyandots had moved their village eight 
 miles farther down the river and on the Avest side of the 
 stream. Here the Half King had his home ; and this was 
 now the kead-quartcrs of Simon Girty, although he was 
 frequently, so long as the Revolution lasted, at Lower San- 
 dusky. Upper Sandusky of 1782 and the Half King's town 
 were, therefore, identical. (For its exact location, see An 
 Historical Account of the Expedition against Sandusky un- 
 der Col. William Crawford in 1782, p. 162.) 
 
Ilintory fif the Girhjx. 145 
 
 ClIArTMK XVI. 
 
 Wo will now rotuni to the Moraviiiii missionaries at their 
 quarters upon the Sandusky, eight miles above the Half King's 
 town. Agreeably to the letter from DcPeystcr and the desire 
 of Le Yillier, they had departed for Lower Sandusky on their 
 way to Detroit, commencing their journey on the 15th of 
 March, with the person last named, instead of Girty, as their 
 conductor. " Many of the brethren and sisters [' Moravian ' In- 
 dians]," says lleckeweldor, " accompanied us part of the way, 
 and some continued with us until our arrival at this place 
 [Lower Sandusky] ; the sisters carrying our two small children 
 by turns on their backs well secured in their blankets from the 
 wet and cold. Our conductor, Mr. Lavallie [La Villier], see- 
 ing the senior missionary [David] Zeisberger, (at that time 
 upwards of sixty years of age) set out on foot, took his own 
 riding horse to him, saying : ' No, monsieur ! that will not do ! 
 here is my horse at your service ! Zeisberger replying : that 
 he would try to walk with the rest. ' No 1' (said the French- 
 man) ' respect both for your age, and the station you are in, 
 demands this of me as a duty !' and walking oft", he took his 
 post in the rear of us. It was a most fatiguing journey to 
 us all, on account of the badness of the roads ; and par- 
 ticularly to those who were afflicted with rheumatic pains. 
 
 "Arriving at Lower Sandusky, after several days traveling 
 through the wilderness and swampy grounds, Ave Avere kindly 
 received, by two English traders, who resided about a mile 
 from each other, with the principal village of the Wyandots 
 between them. Mr. Arundle having a spacious house, took 
 in those who had families, while Mr. Robbins made the two 
 single brethren welcome at his house, our conductor lodging 
 with the former. With the assistance of Mr. Arundle, a let- 
 ter was immediately written to the commandant at Detroit 
 10 
 
146 History of the Girtys. 
 
 [Major DePeystcr], and sent by express, to inform him 
 of our arrival at this pLace, setting forth our situation — the 
 impossibility of our traveling by land to Detroit (as Girty 
 had ordered it), and hoping he would assist us with a boat, 
 etc." * 
 
 The return to Lower Sandusky of the warriors of that place 
 who had gone against Fort Mcintosh and the settlements 
 above Wheeling, is thus given by Ileckewelder : 
 
 " It so happened, that one day, when all appeared quiet at 
 and about the village [of Lower Sandusky], I took a walk to 
 Mr. Robbins's house, where the brethren. Young and Edwards, 
 were lodged ; and while there, the scalp yell was sounded at the 
 same time, in two opposite directions; and both war-parties 
 could, owing to the very high situation of *he spot the house 
 was on, be plainly seen, coming on with their prisoners and 
 scalps, though yet a great 'distance : both parties having 
 prairie ground to travel on. Having asked Mr. Robbins's 
 opinion, which would be the best for me to do, to go straight- 
 way home to ray quarters, or wait until the storm was over, 
 he advised the first; for me it was fortunate that the situation 
 of the village, prevented the inhabitants hearing the yells on 
 the back side, the way I was coming; while from the other 
 side, they not only heard the yells plainly, but also saw the 
 party with their prisoners and scalps advancing, and knowing 
 that they would be taken to the dwelling of the captain of the 
 party (but about fifteen yards beyond Mr. Arundle's house), 
 they all ran full speed from the village to meet them ; Avhich 
 gave me an opportunity of passing through the village after 
 they left it; and I had just reached my lodgings, when the 
 party, consisting of fourteen warriors, with three prisoners, 
 and some scalps, which they had taken at Fort Mcintosh (they 
 being on fatigue while attacked and taken), were ascending 
 the bank at the back side of the house we lodged in, and from 
 whence these prisoners had to take their start, in running 
 what is generally called the ' gauntlet.' The other party, 
 
 • Heckewelder's Narrative, pp. 329, 330. 
 
History of the Girfys. 147 
 
 who came in from the back side, having none but scalps, 
 stopped at the viHagc, from where as from the opposite side, 
 the scalp yell was sounded and resounded at intervals." * 
 
 The missionaries, who had now been nearly four weeks at 
 Lower Sandusky awaiting an answer from the commandant 
 at Detroit, were getting uneasy lest Girty should return before 
 their departure ; in which event, they feared ill-treatment at 
 his hands, believing as they did all they had heard as to or- 
 ders he had given LcVillier respecting them. We will let 
 Heckewclder narrate what happened now that Girty had ar- 
 rived and found them not yet gone : 
 
 " He [Girty] did return, and behaved like a madman, on 
 hearing that we were here, and that our conductor had dis- 
 obeyed his orders, and had sent a letter to the commandant at 
 Detroit respecting us. He flew at the Frenchman, who was 
 in the room adjoining ours, most furiously, striding at him, 
 and threatening to split his head in two for disobeying the 
 orders he had given him. He swore the most horrid oaths re- 
 specting us, and continued in that way until after midnight. 
 His oaths were all to the purport that he never would leave the 
 house until he had split our heads in two. with his tomahawk, 
 and made our brains stick to the walls of the room in which 
 we were. I omit the names he called us by, and the words he 
 made use of while swearing, as also the place he would go to 
 if he did not fulfill all Avhich he ha^l sworn that he would do 
 to ua. He had somewhere procured liquor, and would, as we 
 were told by those who were near him, at every drink renew 
 his oaths, which he repeated until he fell asleep. 
 
 " Never before did any of us hear the like oaths, or know 
 any body to rave like him. He appeared like an host of evil 
 spirits. He would sometimes come up to the bolted door be- 
 tween us and him, threatening to chop it in pieces to get at 
 us. No Indian we had ever seen drunk would have been a 
 match for him. How we should escape the clutches of this 
 white beast in human form no one could foresee. Yet at the 
 proper time relief was at hand; for, on the morning, at break 
 
 • lli'ckeweldor's Narrative, pp. 'i'6l, 332. 
 
148 History of the Girtys. 
 
 of day, and while he still was sleeping, two large flat-bottomed 
 boats arrived from Detroit, for the purpose of taking us to 
 that place. This was joyful news ! And seeing the letter 
 written by the commandant to Mr. xVrundle respecting us, we 
 were satisfied that we would be relieved from the hands of 
 this wicked white savage, whose equal, we were led to believe, 
 was (perhaps) not to be found among mankind.-^ 
 
 And thus Zeisberger : "An Englishman [Girty] who lives 
 among the Wyandots, who received the order to conduct us to 
 Detroit, but, because, together Avith the Indians, he went to 
 the war, had got another to take his place to go with us, came 
 back from the war and showed himself a Satan towards us, 
 swore at us, and threatened to bury the tomahawk in our 
 heads. Through the whole nitjht he drank his fill in the house 
 where Ave were, and we Avero in danger of our life, not alone 
 from him : a Wyandot squaAV Avho robbed us in Sch(3nbrunn, 
 Ave heard say again and again, she Avould come and kill us all. 
 We could not sleep the Avhole night, for he [Girty] Avas like 
 one mad, and Avorse than the drunken Indians, yet the Savior 
 shielded us from harm and let the angels sing : ' They shall be 
 uninjured." " f 
 
 A curiosity is noAV naturally aAvakened to know if the confi- 
 dent expectations of IIcckcAvelder in escaping the Avrath of 
 Girty Avere realized. His account of the matter is inter- 
 esting : . 
 
 " The letter from the commandant [at Detroit — Major De- 
 Peyster] — after first thanking the gentlemen here [at LoAver 
 Sandusky], for their kindness to us ; ne.xt requested them to 
 inform him, if they knew any of the persons, Avho had taken 
 the liberty of insulting us, either before or since we had ar- 
 rived at this place [LoAver Sandusky], and if so, to give him 
 
 * Heckeweldcr's NdrrativR, pp. 332-334. 
 
 t Diiiry ot David Zeisberger, Vol. I, p. 80. Both the iiiissionarie!) were 
 unduly t'rightoned at the boisteroua behavior of Girty. H.id he broken 
 in ui)on them, the result would have been, beyond a doubt, only more 
 swearing and threatening; for the renegade stood in too much faar of De- 
 Peyster to have harmed them, drunk as he was. 
 
History of the Girius 149 
 
 their names, that he might punish tliem, etc. — That he had 
 given strict orders to the sergeant, who was to take us on, to 
 treat us kindly — not endanger our lives on the lake (Erie) by 
 sailing in stormy weather, nor even to proceed, when he found 
 that wo considered it dangerous, or showed marks of fear, 
 and finally that Francis Lavallie [Le Villier], who had brought 
 us so carefully thus far, should continue with us, till our ar- 
 rival at Detroit; and guard us against any insults, which 
 might be intended against us by Indians, &c. The letter be- 
 ing read to Captain Girty by Mr. Arundle, in the morning, 
 we saw no more of him while here. 
 
 " On the morning of the 14th of April, after a stay of 
 near four weeks at this place, we, after taking an affectionate 
 leave of our humane and hospitable hosts, Arundle and Rob- 
 bins, embarked in the boats, with seven men of the king's 
 rangers to each boat, the one under the care of Sergeant Race, 
 and the other under a corporal of the same name. The l)oat3 
 were either rowed or put under sail, as the wind was favorable ; 
 but lying to in boisterous weather. We were on the whole 
 iOyage treated by the boatsmen, with kindness; and not an 
 oath was heard during the voyage." '■'• 
 
 Some time after the return home of Scotosh to Upper San- 
 dusky from his raid to the eastward, the prisoner he had cap- 
 tured was presented to his mother, the wife of the Half King, 
 to be adopted in place of the sons she had lost in the Poe 
 fight ; but the squaw refused the present. It was thereupon 
 decided that he should be tortured at the stake. The story 
 of the whole affair subsequently reached the ears of Ilecke- 
 welder, who was misinformed, however, as to the person that 
 captured the prisoner, as well as regarding other matters con- 
 nected with it. The following is his version of the event : 
 
 " In the spring of the year 1782, the war chief [Abraham 
 Kuhn] of the Wyandots of Lower Sandusky sent a white 
 prisoner (a young man whom he had taken at Fort Mcintosh) 
 as a present to another chief, who was called the Half King 
 
 • Heckewelder's Narrative, pp. 334, 336. 
 
150 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 of Upper Sandusky, for the purpose of being adopted into his 
 family, in the place of one of his sons, who had been killed 
 the preceding year while at war with the people on the Ohio. 
 [In the Poe fight.] The prisoner arrived and was presented 
 to the Half King's Avife, but she refused to receive him, which, 
 according to the Indian rule, was, in fact, a sentence of death. 
 The young man was therefore taken away, for the purpose 
 of being tortured and burnt on the pile. While the dread- 
 ful preparations were making near the village, the unhappy 
 victim being already tied to the stake, and the Indians ai-riv- 
 ing from all quarters to join in the cruel act or to Avitness it, 
 two English traders, Messrs. Arundle and Jtobbins (I delight 
 in making this honorable mention of their names), shocked at 
 the idea of the cruelties which were about to be perpetrated, 
 and moved by feelings of pity and humanity, resolved to unite 
 their exertions to endeavor to save the prisoner's life by offer- 
 ing a ransom to the war-chief [Abraham Kuhn], which he 
 however refused, because, said he, it was an established rule 
 among them that when a prisoner who had been given as a 
 present was refused adoption, he was irrevocably doomed to 
 the stake, and it was not in the power of any one to save his 
 life. Besides, added he, the numerous war captains who were 
 on the spot had it in charge to see the sentence carried into 
 execution. The two generous Englishmen, however, were not 
 discouraged, and determined to try a last effort. They well 
 knew what effects the high-minded pride of an Indian was 
 capable of producing, and to this strong and noble passion 
 they directed their attacks. ' But,' said they in reply to the 
 answer which the chief had made them, ' among all those 
 chiefs whom you have mentioned, there are none who equals 
 you in greatness ; you are considered not only as the greatest 
 and bravest, but as the best man in the nation.' ' Do you 
 really believe what you say ? ' said at once the Indian, looking 
 them full in the face. 'Indeed, we do.' Then without saying 
 another word he blackened himself and taking his knife and 
 tomahawk in his hand made his way through the crowd to the 
 unhappy victim, crying out with a loud voice, ' What have you 
 
History of the Girtys. 151 
 
 to do with m?/ prisoner ? ' and at once cutting the cords with 
 which he was tied, took him to his house which was near Mr. 
 Arundle's, where he was forthwith secured and carried off by 
 safe hands to Detroit." * The name of the prisoner was 
 Thomas Edgerton, already mentioned. f Scotosh treated 
 Edgcrton with kindness on liis way to the Sandusky and upon 
 his arrival at the Half King's town. 
 
 After the departure of the missionaries from Lower San- 
 dusky, Simon Girty made his way (it was the thirteenth of 
 April) to Upper Sandusky, meeting Edgerton there and in- 
 forming him (which, before, he had not known ; for this was 
 before his narrow escape from torture) that the Indian whose 
 prize he (Edgerton) was, was none other than the survivor of 
 the Poe fight and the only remaining son of the Half King — 
 bearing on his hand the scar of a severe wound there re- 
 ceived. J Scotosh had previously given the particulars of the 
 encounter to Girty, the latter recounting them to Edgerton. 
 He (Scotosh) stated that, on finding himself disabled by his 
 wound, he stole away from the fight and, swimming the Ohio, 
 hid in the bushes until dark. He then constructed a raft, re- 
 crossed the river, and recovered the body of his slain brother 
 (the other one having floated off), conveyed it to the Indian 
 side of the Ohio, and there buried it, after which he made his 
 way in sorrow to the Sandusky. Edgerton paid a high tribute 
 to Indian virtue in his description of this warrior. According 
 to his account, he waa a man of excellent principles. He 
 (Scotosh) defended him on his way to the Sandusky, when his 
 life was in danger from the other warriors of the party, and 
 shared with him his blanket, even giving him the largest 
 part ; he also divided with him the last morsel of meat. 
 Edgerton wass afterward sent to Detroit and finally released, 
 reaching his home in safety. § 
 
 * Heckewelder's History Indian Nations, pp. 162, 163. 
 
 t Vermont Historical Society Collections, Vol. II., p. 350 (where Edger- 
 ton's name is given "Adgerton "). 
 
 X Newton's History of the Pan-Handle, West Virginia, ]). 114. 
 
 g Newton's History of the Piin-Handlo, West Virginia, p. 144. The Action 
 about the big Indian, in the P.)e fight, is retained by RiKisevelt. 
 
152 History of the Girtys. 
 
 Among those captured at Lochry's defeat was Christian 
 Fast, of Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, of that jiart 
 which afterward became Fayette — a boy about seventeen 
 years of age. He was wounded before being made prisoner, 
 suffering much, but his life was spared, lie was taken by 
 the Delawares to Upper Sandusky (the Half King's town), 
 thence to Pipe's town on the Tymochtee, some eight miles 
 away. Young Fast was adopted into a Delaware family, in 
 the place of a son who had lost his life in a border skirmish. 
 He was still residing with his IndiaTi parents on the banks of 
 the Tymochtee, in 1782, when Girty came up from Lower 
 Sandusky to the Half King's town. Girty was constantly on 
 the move ; first at Wingenund's camp in the present Jackson 
 township, Crawford county, Ohio, a short distance west of 
 what is now Crestline ; then at Pipe's town, where young 
 Fast was living. Naturally, the latter became at times very 
 melancholy. Thoughts of home stole upon him. Upon 
 one of these occasions, he left the wigwam where he was 
 staying and proceeded a short distance into the Avoods, and, 
 seating himself upon a log, soon was lost in meditation. 
 While thus musing, he was accosted by a stranger who had 
 suddeidy come near him unperceived. Fast Avas spoken to in 
 the Delaware language by his visitor, the latter inquiring 
 what he was thinking about. The reply was, that he had no 
 company and felt lonesome. " That is not it," said the 
 stranger, " you are thinking of home. Be a good boy and 
 you shall see your home again." The speaker was Simon 
 Girty. It was but another instance of his kindness to boy 
 prisoners. Fast afterward got pretty well acquainted with 
 Girty, and was the recipient of several favors at his hands. 
 The boy subsequently made his escape from a war-party with 
 which he had gone into the settlements, and reached home in 
 safety.* 
 
 In 1782, Thomas Girty is again heard of, from a petition 
 
 * For parliculiirs of the ciiiHure of Christian FheI, see Knapp's History 
 of As'hlaiid tMiinty, Ohio. pp. 007-509. CumiiHrf also Hill's History of the 
 Bame county, pp. 133-138. (See, too, Beach's Indiuii Miscellany, pp. 66, 67. 
 
\.f 
 
 History of the Girfys. 153 
 
 signed by him and four other citizens, addressed to Brigadier- 
 General William Irvine, then in command of Fort Pitt, and 
 dated the 29th of May of the year last mentioned. " The 
 humble petition," say the signers, " of a part of the inhabit- 
 ants of the town of Pittsburgh most humbly bcgeth : that 
 your honor Avill be pleased to take it into consideration, that 
 several of the officers and soldiers of this town have of late 
 made a constant practice in playing at long bullets in the 
 street that goes up by the brew-house, and that a number of 
 ■ children belonging to us, who are dwellers on the same street, 
 are in danger of their lives by the said evil practices, — we 
 therefore hope (since we have no civil magistrate to apply to) 
 that your honor will condescend to put a stop to such practices 
 in the street, by your own special orders." -^ The practice, it 
 is hardly necessary to say, was at once strictly prohibited. 
 
 • Washiiii;toii-Irvine Cori'osponclenco, pp. 290, Hill. " Thu power of cir- 
 ciimstniiL'es and educHtion to tiffect llie lives and conduct of men is here 
 strikingly exemplified. Tlionias Giicy, reared among patriotic and civil- 
 izing influences, was now one of the respected atid substantial citizens of 
 Pittsburgh (Fort Pitt), and at the very time his three Indian brothers 
 were joining in the war-whoop of the braves . . . he was known as a 
 lover of his country and was seeking to increase the security and good order 
 of his town." — Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, pp. 266, 207. 
 This statement is based upon the petition given in the text above, from the 
 Washington-Irvine Correspondence, where it is for the flrst time published. 
 
154 History of the Girfys. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Leaving Simon Girty upon the Sandusky chiefly in the 
 company of the Half King of the Wyandots, plotting against 
 his countrymen, doing all in his power to further British in- 
 terests, and urging parties of Indians onward to attack the 
 frontiers, let us turn our attention to the aspect of affairs in 
 the border settlements to the eastward. In the previous fall — 
 1781 — Colonel Brodhead had been relieved as commandant at 
 Fort Pitt by Colonel John Gibson, and the latter in November 
 following by Brigadier-General William Irvine. 
 
 Because of the scarcity of provisions upon the Sandusky, 
 about one hundred and fifty of the " Moravian " Indians, in- 
 cluding men, women, and children, were allowed to go back to 
 the Tuscarawas, by the Half King, to gather corn, which had 
 been left standing by them in the fields of their villages. 
 They started, some on the 16th and others on the 19th of Jan- 
 uary, 1782, neither of the missionaries nor any other white 
 persons accompanying them. However, it was the 9th of Feb- 
 ruary, before all had departed. With these "Moravians" 
 went ten other Indians,* but of what tribe is unknoAvn, though 
 doubtless they were Wyandots. On the 8th of February, war- 
 riors reached the border, killing one person — John Fink. A 
 party of Indians, numbering forty, as indicated by their 
 tracks, of whom not less than thirty were, from the best in- 
 formation that can be got " Moravians," raided from the Tus- 
 carawas into the settlements, capturing, on Raccoon creek, 
 Mrs. Robert Wallace and her three children, but the youngest 
 and Mrs. Wallace were tomahawked before the Ohio was 
 reached. This occurred on the tenth of the same month.f 
 
 * Dorsey Pentecost to the Governor of PennsylvHnia, May 8, 1782, in 
 Pennsylvania A.rchives, Old Series, Vol. IX, p. 540. 
 
 t The tracks of forty warriors were noted (see Pennsylvania Packet, 
 March 30, and April 10, 1782); there could not have been, therefore, less 
 than thirty of the party "Moravians," as no other Indians, save the ten 
 
Ilutorij of the Girtys. 155 
 
 Soon after, a war-party of six, of whom two were "Mora- 
 vians," also left the valley of the Tuscarawas, striking the 
 settlements on Buffalo creek and carrying off John Carpenter 
 as prisoner.* There was now no doubt in the minds of the bor- 
 derers that "enemy Indians" — that is, "British Indians" — 
 were harboring in the recently deserted " Moravian " Indian 
 towns upon the Tuscarawas. Thereupon, James Marshel, lieu- 
 tenant of Washington county, Pennsylvania, ordered out, ac- 
 cording to law, some of the militia to march across the Ohio and 
 attack them.f The force was commanded by Colonel David 
 Williamson. Upon reaching the Tuscarawas, ninety of the 
 " Moravian " Indians — men, women, and children — together 
 with six of the other Indians who had come with them from the 
 Sandusky, were captured at Gnadenhiitten, and subsequently all 
 killed, except two boys who succeeded in eluding the militia.J 
 The residue of those from the Sandusky were in one of the 
 other villages ; these, taking the alarm, made good their es- 
 cape. The militia supposed, until they learned the contrary 
 from their prisoners, that they had captured only British In- 
 dians. When they became assured that most of the captured 
 were " Moravians," they concluded to take them to Fort Pitt 
 and deliver them to General Irvine, who commanded there, 
 and they so informed their prisoners; but subsequently they 
 discovered garments and other things in possession of the 
 captives, which convinced them that they — the " Moravian " 
 Indians — had just been raiding into the settlements, and that 
 it was theii' trail which had been followed by the militia ; which 
 belief, as to about thirty of those Indians, there can be no 
 doubt was well founded. , 
 
 warriDrs already mentioned, had, up to that time, reached the Tuscarawas 
 from 'heir villages to the westward of that river. 
 
 • Pennsylvania Packet, April 16, 1782. 
 
 t Washington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 239, 240, where this fact (that 
 is, that those who marched were not oni.' militia, but were regularly called 
 out by the proper authority) is, for the first time, published. 
 
 I "One of them [that is, one of the militia] took off with him a small In- 
 dian boy, whose life was thus spared." — Roosevelt. This has long since 
 been proven erroneous. 
 
156 Ilidorij of the Girlij». 
 
 Williamson's men, suddenly mside dcaporato by what thoy 
 had discovered (some of the bloody garments being recognized 
 as having belonged to the victims of one of the raids before 
 mentioned), resolved to put to death, Avithout discrimination, 
 all who were in their hands ; and this resolution, as we have 
 already mentioned, they proceeded to carry into effect. It 
 was a ghastly retaliation, only made possible by the previous 
 aggressions of the thirty " Moravian " Indians and the " Brit- 
 ish Indians " who were with them. 
 
 Dorsey Pentecost, a prominent citizen of the West, wrote 
 to the governor of I'cnnsylvania on the 8th of May. In 
 speaking of the killing of the " Moi-avians," he declares that, 
 " Thus far, I believe, it may be depended on, that they [Will- 
 iamson's men] killed rather deliberately the innocent with the 
 guilty, and it is likely the majority was the former ;" that is, 
 that a majority of the " Moravian " Indians taken prisoners 
 at Gnadenhiitten had not, it is likely, been on the late maraud 
 into the settlements. 
 
 It was no new thing for the " Moravians " to go upon the 
 war-path against the border settlements, though this was never 
 with the consent of the missionaries. T'ut the former could 
 not always be kept under control, much less watched. " Did 
 your Indians," afterward asked DePeyster of Zeisberger, 
 " ever go to war ? " " Never," was the reply, " while under 
 our charge." This was virtually an admission that they did 
 sometimes go to war when not under the missionaries' charge. 
 And it is certain they were not, at any time during the year 
 1782, under the charge of any one of th-^.n, either at Gnaden- 
 hiitten or any where else upon the Tuscarawas. That the sur- 
 viving " Moravians," some of them, afterward went to war 
 upon the Sandusky, is susceptible of the clearest proof. 
 
 That garments and other articles were found at Gnadenhiitten 
 in possession of the " Moravian " Indians, which had just been 
 taken from the Americans in the raids before mentioned, even 
 the Moravian writers do not deny. It must stand as a fact 
 that can not be gainsaid. " It is said here [in Pittsburgh], and 
 I believe with truth," wrote Pentecost in the letter already re- 
 
History of the Oirtys. 157 
 
 fcrred t(i, " Unit sundry articles were found amongst tho 
 [" Moravian "] Indiiins tliiit were taken from the inhabitants 
 of Wasliington county [on the then recent raids]." '-^ 
 
 "Tho borderers," wrote one who got his information from 
 the militia after their return, " discovered that some of the 
 ['Moravian'] Indians were wearing their friends' clothes who 
 had been killed and scalped ; and they also saw various kinds 
 of plunder that had been taken in the war." f 
 
 Corroborative, to a certain extent, of the " Moravian " In- 
 dians having taken part, in considerable numbers, in the raid 
 on Raccoon creek, which resulted in the killing of Mrs. Robert 
 Wallace, as before mentioned, is the opinion of II. II. Brack- 
 enridge, of Pittsburgh, as given to Francis IJailey, of Philadel- 
 phia, on the Hd of August, of the same year. " I am . . . 
 disposed to believe that the greater part of the men [" Mo- 
 ravian " Indians] put to death [at Gnadenhiittcn] were war- 
 riors ; this appears from the testimony of one against another, 
 from the confession of many, from their singing the war 
 song when ordered out to be tomahawked, from tho cut and 
 painting of their hair, and from other civcumstances." X 
 
 It is the uniform testimony of all persons who were under 
 Williamson and who afterAvard made statements concerning 
 the expedition which have been preserved, that it was the dis- 
 covery of articles of clothing in possession of tho " Mora- 
 vians," taken from persons killed on the then recent raids 
 into the se* 'ements, which induced the militia to change their 
 minds about taking them to Fort Pitt. 
 
 * Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series, Vol. IX, p. 540, already cited. 
 
 f James Smith, in a Treatise on Modern Miiniigement of Indian "War, 
 p. 68. 
 
 X From the Knight and Slover Narratives, original edition (1783), p. 31. 
 As to the •' Gnadcnhiitten Affair," compare, for many particulars, Wash- 
 ington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 07, 99, 127, 236-239, 240-242, 244, 282, 
 288, 289, 361, 372-374, 377, and the authorities there cited. For a weak at- 
 tempt of a Moravian writer to account for the "Moravian" Indians having 
 in their possession trophies of the raids into Washington county, and at the 
 same time to exonerate them from any participation in those marauds, see 
 Schweinitz's Life and Times of David Zeiaborger, p. 646, note. 
 
168 ITiHtory of the Oiriys. 
 
 A wild and wholly acnsationiil story — erroneous in every 
 particular — has found its way into print to the effect that 
 Williamson's expedition was planned in reality by the British 
 at Detroit; that it was part of the British policy matured 
 there, of 1 aving the " Moravian " Indians massacred by ex- 
 cited American borderers, -n order to bring over to the Brit- 
 ish side all the tribes, and unite them against the colonists; 
 and that Simon Girty in disguise went to the border settle- 
 ments and among his old acrjuaintances, where he started and 
 hurried on the expedition against the Moravian towns. "This 
 was the kind of doubh- life that Girty gloried in ; first on the 
 border, exciting the whites to kill the Christian [" Moravian "] 
 Indians and burn their towns in the valley ; next at the war- 
 riors' towns, inciting them to revenge the deaths of those 
 Christians ; and he lost no time in fanning the flame in their 
 camp fires." * 
 
 Appropos of the account of the killing of the '* Moravian " 
 Indians at Gnadenhiitten, is the fiction of Simon Girty hav- 
 ing, about that time, sold to one of them a young lad named 
 Isaac Walker. The writer of that romance mentions that a 
 patriarch of these Indians, named Abraham, visited in the 
 previous fall, " along with other worthies,'' the Wyandot vil- 
 lages on the waters of the Sandusky, for the purpose of pur- 
 chasing some captives that might have fallen into the hands 
 of the ruthless Wyandots that season. They remained on the 
 Sandusky until after the tragedy of Gnailenhiitten and then 
 set out to return (at least one of them — " Father Abraham). 
 The writer then goes on to say : 
 
 " Six weeks after the spoiler had left his bloody foot-prints 
 on the thresholds of the Moravian villages, the good patriarch, 
 Father Abraham, returned from his mission to the Wyandots. 
 He led in his hand a white lad of twelve years old, by the 
 the name of Isaac Walker, whom, at an exorbitant price, he 
 had purchased from [Simon] Girty, with a view of restoring 
 him to his pareivts in Virginia. But he found his village 
 
 * Newton's History of the Pan-Handle, West Virginia, pp. 112, 113. 
 
History of the Qirtyt. 159 
 
 [Gniidonhiittcn] in aslics, liis fields laid waste, and tlie blood 
 of his children dried in clots on liiw giant stairway. The poor 
 old man stood and gazed in silence over this scene of deso- 
 lation. The party that had acconipanied [him] remained in 
 the foreat behind him, to chase the elk and the nioonc. He 
 stood alone of all his people in the midst of this ruin. No 
 one was present but the fair-haired boy, he led by the hand, 
 lie turned to that boy and thus addressed him : 
 
 " ' lioy, I took you from the firm Wyandot to restore you 
 to the bosom of your parents; but go, plunge again into the 
 wilderness ; it is better to be a redman thiin a pale face. The 
 God of the pale face is false; he will not protect his children. 
 The pale face lies. He teaches the redman to spare the blood 
 of his victim, but drinks it himself into his belly. Go, boy, 
 Hy from the footsteps of the pale face and worship the Mani- 
 tou of the redman. The pale face is false.' 
 
 " This boy returned with Abraham to Sandusky, where ho 
 grew up a Wyandot chief, and where his posterity remained 
 till within a few years, when the Wyandots were removed by 
 Congress to a place Avest of the Mississippi." ''" 
 
 So far as Isaac Walker is concerned, all that is not pure fic- 
 tion in this account is, the fact of his capture by the Wyan- 
 dots, when a boy, his being adopted into their tribe, and his 
 descendants going West, when the Wyandots left the San- 
 dusky. 
 
 " The small parties that I served out ammunition to, the 1st 
 of March last," wrote Simon Girty from Lower Sandusky to 
 DePeyster, on the 12th of April, " are all returned except one 
 party. They have brought in fourteen men's scalps and four 
 men prisoners ; so that there have neither woman or child 
 suffered this time. There is one Indian killed and three 
 wounded. I shall leave this place to-morrow morning and 
 proceed to Upper Sandusky. I take with me one hundred 
 pounds powder and two hundred pounds of ball and eight 
 dozen of knives, for the use of the Wyandots, Monseys and 
 
 * C. S. Cofflnberry, in the Monthly Literary Miscellany, of September, 
 1851, pp. 386-394. 
 
160 • History of the Girtys. 
 
 Delawares. I was obliged to pui'cliase some little necessaries 
 from Mr. Arundel [the trader] that were not in the king's 
 store, which I hope you will be good enough to excuse, as I 
 did it for the good of the service. I should be very much 
 obliged to you if you would be kind enough to order me out 
 some few stores, tliat I may have it in my power to give a 
 little to some Indians that I know to be deserving." * 
 
 It is thus seen that Girty among the Wyandots was not, as 
 some have supposed, to all intents and purposes an Indian of 
 that tribe — roaming lawlessly about, with no aim, when not on 
 the Avar-path, but to pass his time in dancing, feasting, and 
 drinking. On the contrary, although only paid as an inter- 
 preter, he was frequently, attending to the king's business 
 upon the Sandusky for the Detroit commandant, as though he 
 had been actually a sub-ogent of the British Indian Depart- 
 ment. 
 
 At Detroit, Major DePeyster had been busy, during the 
 winter, in concerting measures for the Indians and British to 
 attack Fort Pitt, so soon as the weather in the spring would 
 allow ; but, in February, two deserters arrived at the Shuwa- 
 nese towns upon the Mad river from General Clark at Louis- 
 ville, giving the information that Fort Pitt was put into such 
 a state of defense as would render the reductica of it uncer- 
 tain ; but that the fortification at Louisville was weak and 
 cculd easily be taken. 
 
 However, just at this time, alarming intelligence came from 
 the East, sent to Detroit by Simon Girty, inducing an imme- 
 diate concentration of every available force upon the San- 
 dusky, to be prepared to act on the defensive. 
 
 Many schemes had been advocaUd — many plans had been 
 laid — in the border settlements and at Fort Pitt against 
 the Wyandots ; as it was well known their towns and those 
 of their neighbors were the prolific hives of mischief to 
 
 * MS. lettor, already cited. The words, "so 'hat there have neither 
 woman or child suffered this time," tell but too pli.itily n tale of woe — a hor- 
 rible title of thousands of innocent victims that ■■lad "suffered" by savages 
 as did the Indian worrien and children at Gnadenhiitten by white men. 
 
History of the Girtys. 161 
 
 the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia. As yet, the ex- 
 peditions that had actually marched to attack them were, first, 
 the abortive one under General Mcintosh, who, had he con- 
 tinued against Detroit, would have .assailed the enemy upon 
 the Sandusky on his way thither ; and, second, that of Brig- 
 adier-General Clark, in 1781, who, had he been able to 
 have marched from the Falls of the Ohio, would have struck 
 the Wyandots and their allies on his way also to Detroit. It 
 was finally determined (the consent of General Irvine having 
 first been obtained) to organize a volunteer force and assail 
 these savages in their homes; for their aggressions had be- 
 come wholly unendurable to the bordermen. Prominent citi- 
 zens of Westmoreland and Washington counties, Pennsyl- 
 vania, and of Ohio county, Virginia, engaged actively in re- 
 cruiting and in otherwise aiding the undertaking. 
 
 Of the volunteers who went upon the campaign, about twd 
 thirds were from Washington count}' ; the residue, except a 
 few from Ohio county, Virginia, were from Westmoreland. 
 The final rendezvous was at the Ivlingo Bottom, on the west 
 side of the Ohio river, where, on the twenty fourth day of 
 May, four hundred and eighty finally congregated. General 
 Irvine materially helped along the movement by furnishing 
 some supplies of ammunition and flints, and by sending his 
 aid (John Rose) and an assistant surgeon of his garrison (Dr. 
 John Knight) to accompany the expedition. 
 
 The whole force, with Colonel William Crawford, of West- 
 moreland county, Pennsylvania (an officer of the Cantinental 
 army), as their leader, began their march, on the 25th of May, 
 for Upper Sandusky.* All were mounted. But, previous to 
 
 * Itoosevelt, in The Winning of the West, Vol. II, p. lo9, says: "Colonel 
 Williiiin CrH\vt\)rJ whs h fiiirly good officer, a jusl and upright man, but 
 with no gpeeial fitness for such a task as that he had iindertiii;en." To say 
 that Colonel Crawford was "a fairly good officer, " is "damning with faint 
 praise." General Joseph Keed declared him a " very good officer," and 
 Washington said he was " brave and active." And it is positively and par- 
 ticularly wrong to assert that ho had "no special fitness for such u task as 
 that he had undertaken." - 
 
 u 
 
162 History of the Girtys. 
 
 giving further particulars of their march, it will be neces- 
 sary, to a proper understanding of the part taken by Simon 
 and George Girty oa the side of the Indians before the Amer- 
 icans reached the Sandusky, to follow up the chain of events 
 in the Sandusky country and at Detroit, from the time knowl- 
 edge of the movement first reached there until all measures 
 had been perfected for as complete a defense as possible. 
 
 The fear of an expedition under command of General Ir- 
 vine from Fort Pitt against Detroit, kept DePeyster, at the 
 post last mentioned, fully awake for early information, should 
 such an enterprise be undertaken by the former. From John 
 Stephenson, the prisoner taken by Gif ty in his raid across the 
 Ohio, information was gained of an expedition on foot against 
 Upper Sandusky ; and the latter, upon his return to Lower 
 Sandusky, sent the intelligence to DePe}ster.* However, 
 the intended campaign was given up almost a? soon as formed ; 
 but another was afterward set on foot, the one before noted as 
 being under command of Colonel Crawford ; which fact soon 
 came to the knowledge of the Wyandots, who sent to the De- 
 troit commandant an urgent request for help, DePeyster at 
 once responded to the appeal by getting ready a vessel (the 
 " Faith ") to convey Rangers to the Sandusky river. f Girty 
 was with the Half King when the account reached the Wyan- 
 dots of the actual marching of Crawford ; and he exerted him- 
 self to the utmost in aiding that chief to call in all the absent 
 warriors and hunters of the nation. The Delawares at Win- 
 genund's camp, near what is now Crestline, Ohio ; those on the 
 Tymochtee, at Pipe's town ; and such as Avere in their villages, 
 to the southward ; — all were quickly notified of the i\npending 
 danger. Runners were also sent to the Mingoes and Shawa- 
 nese with the intelligence that the Wyandots were to be as- 
 sailed ; for this fact was immediately made evident to the Indians 
 who were watching the movements of the Americans at the 
 Mingo Bottom, when the direction taken by the latter was ob- 
 served as they took up their line of march from the Ohio. 
 
 • Girty to DePeyster. — MS. letter of April 12th, already frequently cited, 
 t DePeyster to Powell, May 10, 1782. — MS. letter, llaUimand Papers. 
 
History of the Girtys. 163 
 
 DePeyster lost no time in dispatching Rangers and some 
 " Lake Indians " to the help of the Wyandots. The former were 
 a company commanded hy Captain William Caldwell.* Cross- 
 ing Lake Erie to Lower Sandusky, they began their march up 
 the Sandusky river, making all possible haste to succor their 
 Indian allies. The Rangers had with them two field-pieces, and 
 a mortar, which, however, they were coii.pelled to leave for a 
 detachment to bring forward as best they could, while the main 
 force was urged on to Upper Sandusky, where they arrived 
 "just in time of need," meeting there a wild assemblage of 
 whooping and stamping Wyandots and Delawares, and some 
 Mingoes. Adding to the foregoing the " Lake Indians," and 
 the whole Indian force numbered not less than two hundred. 
 These, with the white troops, were gathered at the Half King's 
 town, on the 4th of June, to give battle to Crawford's advanc- 
 ing army. In command of the entire army was Captain 
 Caldwell. Under him, to direct the movements of the Indians, 
 was Captain Elliott. Dunquat had the immediate command 
 of the Wyandots; Captain Pipe, of the Delawares. With the 
 latter was George Girty ; with the former, Simon Girty. 
 
 Note I. — No one of the prominent events occurring in the 
 West during the Revolution has been written about with so 
 much ignorance of the facts as Williamson's expedition to the 
 Tuscarawas, which resulted, as we have seen, in the killing of 
 ninety " Moravian " Indians and six " British Indians," pris- 
 oners — men, women, and children. Nearly all published ac- 
 counts from Doddridge (Notes on the Settlement and Indian 
 
 • Washington-Irv/iic Correspondence, pp. 122, 127, 305, 308, 370, 371, 378. 
 None of tlio ofScers or interpreters (or other employes) of the British In- 
 dian Departmental Detroit were Hangers. Nor were any French-Canadian 
 partisans, American prisoners, or loyalists, unless regularly enlisted in one 
 of the companies of " Butler's ltaiii:;er8,"' a.- the whole were usually desig- 
 nated, although they were sometimes spoKen of simply as " the Corps of 
 Rangers" (see DePeyster's Miscellanies, pp. 247, 261). Caldwell was not, 
 as Uoosevelt asserts, an Englishman. He was born in Ireland. At the 
 commencement of tbo Revolution, he lived in Pennsylvania. Ho was a 
 " refugee loyalist.' 
 
164 History of the Girtys. 
 
 Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania, etc.) 
 to Roose^ I'lt (The Winning of the West), contain many errors. 
 Among the Moravian writers, there is nothing lacking in col- 
 oring or in misstatements; and,^with some of them, there is 
 downright falsification. 
 
 As neither of the Girtys was directly or remotely (except 
 in foolish traditions) connected with the expedition, a more 
 extended account than that which is found in this chapter 
 could not be indulged in ; and even this has only been given 
 because it paves the way for introducing other events in which 
 they were actors of more or less importance. 
 
 Note If. — The letter of Simon Girty to DePeyster, of April 
 12, 1782, from which several extracts have heretofore been 
 given, was as follows : 
 
 " [Lower] Sandusky, April 12, 1782. 
 
 "Sir: —I left Upper Sandusky as early as the 17th of 
 March in company with the Half King's son and eight others ; 
 but, as to the place I intended to go, I found it impracticable, 
 for the Virginians were too thick scouting in that quarter, 
 which rendered my design abortive ; and the paper that you 
 gave me, I had no opportunity of delivering to them that I 
 wanted to see. I was obliged to go another way and make a 
 stroke, and push off ad fast as possible. We killed one sol- 
 dier and took one man prisoner, and arrived at Upper San- 
 dusky the 8th of April. The said prisoner informed me that 
 General Irvine had returned from the Congress to Fort Pitt ; 
 that he had been down for two battalions of troops; but 
 whether he had obtained them or not, he could not tell. He 
 further says on his [Irvine's] arrival at Fort Pitt, he had 
 called all Jie militia officers together and likewise the regular 
 captains to a council of war, and that it was determined to 
 start in a few days on a small campaign, their number to con- 
 sist of about 500 foot and 300 horse ; that they intended to 
 go to Sandusky — and are to march from Fort Mcintosh. 
 
 "The 'Moravians' that went from U;ier Sandusky this 
 spriug to fetch their corn from their towns where they lived last 
 
History of the Girtys. 165 
 
 summer, arc all killed by the Virginia militia ; the number of 
 (lead amounts to ninety-six men, women, and children. There 
 is a Delaware man arrived, that has been some time confined 
 at Fort Pitt. He made his escape, and informs that all the 
 Delawares that lived there as friends to the Americans are 
 killed by the Virginians — and as to the other news from that 
 quarter, it is just the same as given by the prisoner that I 
 brought in. 
 
 " The small parties that I served out ammunition to, the 1st 
 of March last, are all returned, except one party. They have 
 brought in fourteen men's scalps, and four men prisoners ; so 
 that tlicre have neither Avoman nor child suffered this time. 
 There is one Indian killed and three wounded. I shall leave 
 this place to-morrow morning, and proceed to Upper San- 
 dusky. I take with me one hundred pounds of powder and 
 two hundred pounds of ball, and eight dozen of knives for the 
 use of the Wyandots, Monseys, and Delawares. I was obliged 
 to purchase some little necessaries, from Mr. Arundell, that 
 wore not in the King's store, Avhich I hcie you will be good 
 enough to excuse, as I did it for the good of the service. I 
 should be very much obliged to you, if you would be kind 
 enough to order me out some few stores, that I may have it 
 in my power to give a little to some Indians that I know to 
 be deserving. 
 
 "These are the particulars the prisoner gave. As to what 
 Mr. Arundell or Levellee [Le Villier] has sent in, I know 
 nothing ; for what information they had was from an Indian. 
 I have nothing more particular to acquaint you with. 
 
 " I remain, with much respect, sir, your most obedient, 
 humble servant, " Simon Girty. 
 
 " Major DePkyster." 
 
 Note III.—" On the forenoon of the 4th day of June [1782], 
 there were [before the arrival of the Rangers] but few white 
 men in the wild assemblage of whooping and stamping Dela- 
 wares and Wyandots at their rendezvous. But of these few 
 was one deserving particular notice. He was dressed as an 
 
166 .History of the Girtys. 
 
 Indian, but without ornaments. He seemed, as he really was, 
 the very incarnation of fierceness and cruelty. Ilis name 
 was Simon Giuty. His voice rose high above the din and 
 tumult around. He spoke the Delaware and Wyandot lan- 
 guages fluently. As he rode furiously back and forth, he 
 volleyed forth fearful oaths in his native tongue." This, 
 principally upon the authority of William Walker, was given 
 to the public as fact in 1873, in An Historical Account of 
 the Expedition against Sandusky, under Col. William Craw- 
 ford, in 1782," p. 182. But, I am now satisfied that, so far 
 as the statement relates to Girty, it is, in the main, pure fiction. 
 
 Note IV. — That Williamson's men at Gnadenhiitten first 
 intended to take their prisoners to Fort Pitt and deliver them 
 to General Irvine, and that they so informed the captives, 
 there is not a shadow of doubt; but the Moravian writers, 
 with the full knowledge of this in the relation of one of their 
 church members, made public at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 
 soon after the expedition to the Tuscarawas, make no mention 
 of the fact. The reason is evident. It proves that, up to 
 that moment, the militia intended no harm to the " Moravian " 
 Indians ; that what was aftorivard discovered was the cause of 
 their putting them to death. One of the " Moravians," it is 
 true, was shot when the Americans first approached the town ; 
 but this was when the assailants supposed they were attacking 
 " British Indians " only. (Compare, in this connection, the 
 Washington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 237, 238.) 
 
t 
 
 History of the Oirtys. 167 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 On the fourth of June, Crawford and his army reached a 
 point a short dist.ance north of what is now Upper Sandusky, 
 Ohio, where the enemy was encountered and a battle com- 
 menced between two and three o'clock in the afternoon, which 
 ended at sundown Avith the advantage on the side of the 
 Americans. The firing wholly ceased as the daylight disap- 
 peared. The enemy had five killed and eleven wounded ; the 
 Americans, five killed and nineteen wounded. Captain Cald- 
 well was among the wounded, and was compelled to leave the 
 field at the beginning of the action.* Captain Henry Iloag- 
 land, of the Americans, Avas shot and instantly killed ; and 
 Captains James Munn and Ezekiel Ross were wounded ; both, 
 however, recovered. Major James Brenton was also slightly 
 wounded. John Rose and John Gunsaulus were the undoubted 
 heroes of the conflict on the side of the borderers ; while 
 Captain Elliott and Lieutenant Clinch, the latter of the Rangers, 
 " in particular, signalized themselves," on the British and In- 
 dian side.f The fighting was in and around a grove afterward 
 well known as " Battle Island," three miles north and a half 
 mile east of the present Upper Sandusky, and about two miles 
 south-westerly of the Upper Sandusky of 1782, or the Half 
 King's town, in what is now Crane township, Wyandot county, 
 Ohio. 
 
 It is a well authenticated tradition that George Girty be- 
 ha\ ad well upon the battle-field ; that he pxhibited consider- 
 
 '* Lieutenant John Tiirney to PuPeystor, from Upper Siindusky, June 7, 
 and Captain Ciiidwell to same, Juno 11, 1782. — Washiiijiion-Irvino Cor- 
 respondence, pp. 368, 309. 
 
 t " Too much can not bo said in praise of the officers and men and the In- 
 dians. No people could behave better. Captain [^Matthew] Elliott and 
 Lieutenant Clinch in particular signalized themselves." — Turney to DePey- 
 ster, Juno 7, 1782, before cited. 
 
168 History of the Qirtys. 
 
 able bravery and was active in encouraging his redskin com- 
 panions to greater exertions ; but as to the part taken by 
 Simon Girty, there is no mention ; none in all the British 
 and Indian official correspondence ; and even tradition itself 
 (as coming from the side of the enemy) is utterly silent as to 
 him. It was very different among the Americans. A large 
 number saw him, as they verily believed. Some thought they 
 heard his commands given in the Indian tongue and recog- 
 nized who was giving orders. Francis Dunlavy, Avho was 
 present, afterward declared, unhesitatingly, that several times 
 during the conflict his voice fell upon lis ears. Philip Smith, 
 too, not only heard him, but more than once saw and recog- 
 nized him — beyond gunshot, however, each time. He declared 
 that Girty rode a white horse; appropriately — "death on a 
 pale horse." Both Dunlavy and Smith had previously known 
 him ; nevertheless, both were, evidently, mistaken in their 
 man. It was the general belief that he commanded the entire 
 force ; yet nothing is more certain than that he had no com- 
 mand whatever during the battle. 
 
 That the volunteers could have been so easily and so gener- 
 ally deceived is by no means surprising. The fighting was 
 done in the tall grass of the Plains and the borderers had no 
 idea they were combatting besides a large force of Indians, 
 a considerable number of white men. It was their belief that, 
 except a few renegades, they had savages exclusively to deal 
 with. All knew that Simon Girty was making his home among 
 the Wyandots — to all his name was a familiar one. Therefore 
 it was that, whenever words were heard that seemed like those 
 of a white man, the volunteers at once imagined them as the 
 commands of Girty to his savages. Captain Elliott, as al- 
 ready noted, was conspicuous and active in his movements 
 during the battle, and he It was, doubtless, who was frequently 
 mistaken for Girty.* 
 
 * The statement in An Historical Account of tiie JCxpedition against 
 Sandusky (p. 208), as to Simon Girty being frequently seen and lieard, was 
 given upon what seemed to be wholly reliable evidence, but which has 
 since been discovered to be error. 
 
History of the Oirtys. 169 
 
 During the night after the .battle, both parties hiy on tlicir 
 arms, each adopting the plan of building large fires along their 
 lines and then retiring some distance, to prevent being sur- 
 prised. Daylight the next morning brought with it no change 
 in the relative position of the belligerents. Soon, however, the 
 firing was renewed between the contending parties, but in a de- 
 sultory manner and at long shot only. Crawford would gladly 
 have attacked the foe at early dawn, but there were obstacles 
 in the Avay ; several of his men were sick and a number 
 wounded. After nightfall a general attack was to be made. 
 Early in the afternoon an event transpired which changed the 
 aspect of affairs ; this was the arrival of not less than one 
 hundred and forty Shawanese under the command of Captain 
 Snake as a reinforcement to the enetny. With them came Cap- 
 tain McKee and James Girty from Wapatomica. Then it was 
 that the Americans discovered, for the first time, the presence of 
 the Hangers, whom they supposed had also just arrived as suc- 
 cors to the enemy. Crawford concluded, therefore, that the 
 contemplated attack had better be abandoned, and that a de- 
 fensive policy would have to be adopted. A council of war 
 was called and a retreat that night resolved upon. This was 
 effected, but not without considerable confusion, as might be 
 expected, and some loss in killed and captured. 
 
 Much fiction has found its way into print concerning an 
 alleged interview between Colonel Crawford and Simon Girty 
 during the 5th of June — the day after the battle. The ac- 
 count which has, probably, received the most credence, but 
 which is wholly without foundation in fact, is the following 
 Wyandot Indian tradition : 
 
 "The story respecting the battle is, that if Crawford had 
 rushed on when he first came amongst the Indians, they would 
 have given way and made but little or no fight ; but they had 
 a talk with him three days previous to the fight, and asked 
 him to give them three days to collect in their chiefs and head 
 men of the different tribes, and they would then make a treaty 
 of peace with them. The three days were therefore given; 
 and during that time all their forces gathered together that 
 
170 History of (he Oirlys. 
 
 could bo raised as fighting men, and the next morning Craw- 
 ford was attacked, some two or three miles north of the island 
 where the main battle was fought. 
 
 " The Indians then gave back iu a south direction until they 
 got into an island of timber ["Battle Island"], which suited 
 their purpose, which was in a large plain, now well known as 
 Sandusky IMains. There the battle continued until night. The 
 Indians then ceased firing; and, it is said, immediately after- 
 wards a man came near to the army with a white flag. Colonel 
 Crawford sent an officer to meet him. The man said he wanted 
 to talk with Colonel Crawford, and that he did not want Craw- 
 ford to come nearer to him than twenty steps, as he (Girty) 
 wanted to converse with Crawford, and might be of vast 
 benefit to him. 
 
 " Crawford accordingly went out as requested. Girty then 
 said, ' Colonel Crawford, do you know me ?' The answer was, 
 ' I soem to have some recollection of your voice, but your In- 
 dian dress deprives me of knowing you as an acquaintance.' 
 The answer was then, ' My name is Simon Girty ;' and after 
 some more conversation between them, they knew each other 
 well. 
 
 " Girty said, ' Crawford, my object in calling you here is to 
 say to you, that the Indians have ceased firing until to-morrow 
 morning, when they intend to commence the fight ; and as 
 they are three times as strong as you are, they will be able to 
 cut you all off. To-night the Indians will surround your 
 army, and when that arrangement is fully made, you will hear 
 some guns fire all around tht ring. But there is a large 
 swamp or very wet piece of ground on the east side of you, 
 where there Avill be a vacancy : that gap you can learn by th<) 
 firing ; and in the night you had bettor march your men 
 through and make your escape in an east direction.' 
 
 " Crawford accordingly in the night drew up his men and 
 told them his intention. The men generally assenting, he 
 then commenced his march east ; but the men soon got into 
 confusion and lost their course." * 
 
 * American Pioneer, Vol. II, pp. 283, 284. Joseph McCutchen, who fur- 
 
History of the Girtys. 171 
 
 At (laylircak, on the morning of the 0th of June, about 
 thi\'e hundred of the Americans, in retreating, had reached 
 what had fortnorly been Upper Sandusky (south of the present 
 town of that name, but on the cast side of the river), across the 
 site of which the army had passed «n its inward march. It 
 was then discovered that Coh)nel Crawford, Major McClclhmd, 
 Captain Biggs, Dr. Knight, und John Slover were among the 
 missing. McClelland was reported killed. The enemy had 
 not been very eager in the pursuit, or the loss would, doubt- 
 less, have been much greater. The command of the army 
 now devolved upon Colonel David Williamson. He was pow- 
 erfully assisted by the gallant John Rose, who at once prof- 
 fered his services as aid, which were gladly accepted. 
 
 Not long after the army had resumed its march, it was 
 seen that the enemy were in pursuit. A considerable body of 
 Indians and some Rangers were at lenrfth visible in the rear. 
 So hard was the retreating party pressed, that, at two o'clock, 
 when the eastern verge of the Plains was not far ahead and 
 the woodland had almost been reached, a halt was called, and 
 a general resistance determined upon by Williamson, to give 
 his light horse at the same time a chance to secure the en- 
 trance to the woods. Although the enemy attacked on the 
 front, left flank, and rear at the same moment, they soon gave 
 way in every direction, so well directed was the fire of the 
 Americans. Williamson lost three killed and eight wounded. 
 Among the latter was Captain Bane, who was shot through 
 the body, but recovered. The enemy soon rallied their scat- 
 tered forces in the open counti'y and renewed the pursuit ; 
 but on the morning of the seventh they were seen for the last 
 time, and Williamson's march to the Ohio was not again inter- 
 rupted. He recrossed the river on the thirteenth, and the 
 next day the ai'my Avas disbanded, it having received consid- 
 erable accessions from straggling parties on its homeward 
 march.* 
 
 nished this tradition for pubMoation, assured the writer of this narrative, 
 years after, that ho was satis -^ed of its being wholly fictitious. 
 • According to Roosevelt, the campaign against Sandusky " was badly 
 
172 History of the Girtys. 
 
 Colonel Crawford became separated from his men just as 
 the retreat commenced, on the evening of June 5th ; and, 
 witi, a few others, including Dr. Knight, made his way east- 
 ward, when, after striking the trail of the army, on the after- 
 noon of the seventh, at a "point just east of the present Lees- 
 ville, in what is now Jefferson toAvnship, Crawford county, 
 Ohio, he was captured by a party of Delawares, and most of 
 those with him. The camp of Wingenund, a war-chief of the 
 Delawares, was near by ; there the captured were taken, and 
 there kept until the tenth, when, early in the morning, they 
 all started, strongly guarded, tor Upper Sandusky Old Town. 
 Colonel Crawford had been told that Simon Girty, with whom 
 he was acquainted,* was at the Half King's town ; and he 
 had hopes, could he meet him, that an appeal to him might 
 save his life. He therefore made a request of his captors 
 that they would take him to the home of the Half King. 
 This was agreed to, especially as, in so doing, two horses that 
 had been left by Crawford's party, while retreating on the 
 same route, were to be hunted for. The colonel, guarded by 
 two Delawares, reached the Wyandot village — the Half King's 
 town — some time during the night, and had an interview with 
 Girty. 
 
 Girty told Crawford that William Harrison, the colonel's 
 son-in-law, and William Crawford, his nephew (both of whom 
 
 conducted from beginning to end, and reflected discredit on most who took 
 part in it; Crawford did ponrij', and the bulk of his men acted like unruly 
 cowards." This whole statement is tar removed from the fact. See, in this 
 connection, the Official lleport of John Kose, printed in the Washington- 
 Irvine Correspondence, pp. 307-378. 
 
 * In An Hiftorical Account of the Expedition against Sandusky under 
 Col. William Crawford, in 1782 (p. 184), it ia said: '• Ho [Simon Girty] was 
 frequentlj' the i^uest at Crawford's hospitable cabin on the banks of the 
 Youghiogheny." That Girty and Crawford were well acquainted is true; 
 but that the former was a frequent guest of the latter is probably erroneous. 
 The tradition, too, that Girty aspired to the hand of one of Crawford's 
 daughters, but was denied, it is altogether certain has no foundation in fact. 
 Crawford had frequently met him at Pittsburgh, and, it will bo remembered, 
 both were participants in Lord Dunraore's War, in the same divisioD of the 
 army. 
 
History of the Girtys. 173 
 
 came out with the army, and had been missing since the night 
 of the retreat from the battle-field, on the sixth), were capt- 
 ured by the Shawanese, but had been pardoned and their lives 
 spared at their towns. This information was true as to their 
 having been taken prisoners, but false as to their capture by 
 the Shawanese, for they had been taken by the Delawares ; 
 also false as to their lives having been saved : they had been 
 most inhumanly tortured at the stake. Girty assured Craw- 
 ford that he would do all he could for him. 
 
 Of the conversation which took place between the two, noth- 
 ing is known with any degree of certainty. A " Moravian " 
 Indian from the Tuscarawas, who understood English, was 
 near the two, it has been told, and heard what was said. Ac- 
 cording to the statement of this Indian, Colonel Crawford 
 offered Girty a thousand dollars if he would save his life. 
 But Girty afterward reported that the Colonel " declared he 
 would communicate something of importance if his life could 
 be saved, but that nothing else would induce him to do it — 
 intimating that some great blows would be struck against the 
 country," * Girty did noi mention any thing as to the al- 
 leged offer of a thousand dollars ; it is certain, therefore, that 
 it was not made. 
 
 Simon Girty must have known of Crawford's capture before 
 the arrival of the latter at the Half King's town, as a letter 
 written by Captain Caldwell to DePeyster from lower San- 
 dusky . the eleventh of June, says that " amongst the pris- 
 oners [are] Colonel Crawford and some officers." f Now, as 
 the colonel did not reach Upper Sandusky (the Half King's 
 town) until some time in the night of the tenth of that month, 
 it is not reasonable to suppose that Captaip Caldwell, at 
 Lower Sandusky, got the news of his being a prisoner for the 
 first time on the eleventh. It is quite probable that word of 
 the capture of the ''Big Captain" reached the ears of Girty 
 by the ninth, if not the day previous. Did he make any effort 
 
 • Cn.dwell to DePeyster, June 13, 1782.— MS. letter, Haldimand Col- 
 lection. 
 
 1" Wasbington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 370, 371. 
 
174 History of the Girtya. 
 
 in the colonel's behalf before the two h. d an interview during 
 the night of the tenth ? There is not tho slightest evidence 
 (nor is there any tradition) that he did. 0.1.'^ great anxiety 
 on the part of Girty to favor " his friend CrawK>rd," so per- 
 sistently paraded by himself and his frii3nds and relatives in 
 after years, was certainly not indicated in any manner before 
 the unfortunate colonel made an earnest appeal to him for 
 help. Did that indicate a friendly interest on Girty's part? 
 
 But, did Simon Girty, after his interview with Crawford, 
 make on effort to save the life of the latter? In other words, 
 did he do all he could for him, as he had promised? There 
 is nothing mentioned about any thing of the kind in any of 
 the correspondence extant between the British officers there 
 and DePeyster — not a word intimating that any thing was 
 said or done by Girty while at the Half King's town to save 
 the life of his " friend." Captain Pipe, head-chief of the 
 Delawares, was there, and if he was importuned by Girty to 
 spare the unfortunate colonel, certainly DePeyster was kept 
 in ignorance of it by the renegade.* Now, is it probable that 
 the latter would have kept this information from the Detroit 
 commander when he learned with what anxiety that officer 
 inquired into the affair ? Certainly he would not. Nor does 
 it make it any more probable that Girty fulfilled, on his part, 
 what he engaged to do, by his asserting strenaously, in after 
 years, that he did all he could with Captain Pipe for Craw- 
 ford while at the Half King's town ; for,' coupled with his sub- 
 sequent declarations to that effect, were others which have 
 been proven to be false. 
 
 Besides these statements of Girty, others have been pre- 
 served, taken from the lips of aged persons who, in previous 
 years, had been prisoners among the Ohio Indians, and were 
 present, as they claimed, upon the Sandusky (or not far away) 
 when Crawford was captured, all purporting to give certain 
 
 • It is said in An Historical Account of the Expedition against Sandusky 
 (p. 194), that Girty's influence, at this period, was as great with Captain Pipe 
 as with the Half King. But this is a mistake. He was never on intimate 
 terms with the Delaware chief. 
 
History of the Girtys. 175 
 
 facts showing Girty's determination while upon the Sandusky 
 to ransom, if possible, his " friend." But all these tradition- 
 ary accounts, in one way or another, impeach themselves. " I 
 have often heard, my mother-in-law speak of Simon Girty," 
 says an aged informant, as set forth in a published article 
 cited already many times in these pages. " She both saw 
 and heard him interceding with the Indian chief for the life 
 of Colonel Crawford ; and he oifered the chief a beautiful horse 
 whiih he had with him, and the stock of goods he then had 
 on hand, if he would release him, but the chief said ' No. If 
 you were to stand in his place it would not save him.' " * 
 Now, it is well known that Girty was not a trader — never had 
 any goods or a store upon the Sandusky, as will hereafter 
 be fully explained ; besides, the last declaration, as coming 
 from the Indian chief, is a gross absurdity. 
 
 Note. — The reasons why, on a previous page, I have given 
 as probably erroneous the tradition that Simon Girty, previ- 
 ous to his flight from Pittsburgh, had often enjoyed the hos- 
 pitality of Crawford, are (1) the distance of the home of the 
 latter from that town ; (2) the difference in the standing of 
 the two — in their habits and manners — Crawford being looked 
 upon as one of " the first gentlemen in the West ; " and (3) 
 the diverse employments they were engaged in — one a farmer, 
 surveyor, ofiicer in the American army latterly ; the other an 
 Indian interpreter. The writer in the Magazine of American 
 History, of the article cited in the preceding note, is indebted 
 to An Historical Account of the Expedition against San- 
 dusky, for the tradition concerning the aspiring of Girty to 
 the hand of one of Crawford's daughters, but he has added 
 to it by calling it a " romantic attachment," and changed it 
 somewhat, by referring to the girl as if she was the only 
 daughter of Crawford. 
 
 ' Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 266. 
 
176 Hidory of the Qirtys. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. • 
 
 When on the morning of the 10th of June, the Delaware 
 guard left Wingenund's camp having in charge eleven Amer- 
 ican prisoners (including Colonel Crawford and Dr. Knifi;lit) 
 to go to the Old Town — the former Upper Sandusky — twenty- 
 five miles distant, it was not long before Crawford was sepa- 
 rated from his companions to go to the Half King's town to 
 see Simon Girty, as before related. It was late in the after- 
 noon before the others reached their destination. Here they 
 ■were securely guarded during the night, and early the next 
 morning Captain Pipe and Wingenund, the Delaware war- 
 chiefs, came up the Sandusky river from the Wyandot village 
 to the place where they (the captives) had staid during the 
 night. Captain Pipe, with his own hands, painted the faces 
 of all the prisoners black. As he was painting Dr. Knight, 
 he told him (the war-chief spoke very good English) he should 
 go to the Shawanese towns to see his friends — an implication 
 that other American prisoners were there a d unharmed ; but 
 Knight knew very well the meaning of the work engaged in 
 by the wily savage — knew but too well if he saw any of his 
 friends there it would be to suffer with them frightful tortures 
 at the stake. 
 
 About an hour after the Delaware chiefs reached the Old 
 Town, Crawford also arrived, whither he had beer brought, as 
 he had been told, to marcV into the Half King'3 village with 
 the other captives. Capta 1 Pipe and W'ngenund, who had 
 avoided him at the town below, now ci me ibrward and greeted 
 him ; he was personally known to both. They had frequently 
 been in each others company. The colonel had met Captain 
 Pipe at Fort Pitt as early as 1759. The dissembling war- 
 chief told Crawford he was glad to see him, and that he 
 would have him shaved — that is, adopted by the Indians — 
 
Hhtory of the Girfys. 177 
 
 when he came to see his friends (the prisoners) at the Half 
 King's town ; but, at the same time, he painted his face black. 
 
 The painting the faces of their prisoners black by the Dela- 
 ware's and by other tribes, was their doath-warrant. These 
 Indians declared that tlio de<'roo was prompted by the killing 
 of the " Moravians '' at Gnadenliiitton. Altliough it served 
 as an excellent excuse,^" it'is altogecher probable that, without 
 such plea, the captives would still have been put to death. 
 
 The whole party now started on the trail leading to the 
 Half King's town — the Wyandot village, eight miles below, 
 on the Sandusky ; but, as the march began, Colonel Crawford 
 and Dr. Knight were kept back by Captain Pipe and Winge- 
 nund. They were, however, soon ordered forward. They had 
 not traveled far before they saw four of their comrades lying 
 by the path tomahawked and scalped. 
 
 The two war-chiefs guarded well the colonel and Dr. 
 Knight to the spot, the site of the present Upper Sandusky, when 
 another trail than the one leading to tlie Half King's town 
 was taken. Their course Avas now to the north-west, toward 
 the Delaware village — Captain Pipe's town — oi. the Tymoch- 
 tee. At the Little Tymochtee creek, the five captives besides 
 Colonel Crawford and Dr. Knight who yet remained alive 
 were overtaken. The prisoners were all now required to sit 
 down on the ground— Crawford and Knight with the rest, 
 but at some distance from the others. The doctor was then 
 given in charge of one of the Indians to be taken on the morrow 
 to the Shawanese towns. At the place where they had halted, 
 there were a number of squaws and boys. These now fell 
 on the five prisoners and tomahawked them all. The young 
 Indians came frequently up to the colonel and Dr. Knight 
 and slapped them in their faces with the reeking scalps. 
 
 Again the march began when they were soon met by Simon 
 Girty and several Indians, on horseback. The former, well 
 knowing what was to be the fate of Crawford, had come from 
 the Half King's town, across the Plains to Pipe's town, to be 
 
 - • Washington-Irvine Correspondence, p. 127. 
 
 12 
 
178 History of the Girtys. 
 
 present at his torture, and had started out on the trail iu meet 
 the Delawares with their prisoners. Girty rode up to the 
 colonel and spoke to him, but did not inform him that he was 
 soon to suffer at the stake. Crawford and Knight were now 
 separated — the former being about one hundred and fifty 
 yards in advance of the latter. As they moved along, almost 
 every Indian the prisoners met, struck them with sticks or 
 their fists. Girty waited until Knight was brought up and 
 then asked if that was the doctor. Knight answered him in 
 the affirmative, and went toward him, reaching out his hand, 
 but the renegade bid him begone, calling him a damned 
 rascal ; upon which the Indian having him in charge pulled 
 him along. Girty rode after him telling him he " was to go 
 to the Shawanese towns." At that place there lived about 
 thirty Delawares ; there, he was to be burnt, Girty said, " to give 
 some satisfaction for the killing of the ' Moravian ' Indians." * 
 Surely, in this, one can not fail to see an encouragement to 
 the Delawares to carry out their determination to burn the 
 doctor ; and, further, that it Avas a pleasure to Girty to know 
 that such would be the result. A short distance further brought 
 them near to the Tymochtee creek, Avhere another halt was 
 made. They had now arrived within three-quarters of a mile 
 of the Delaware village, which was further down the stream. 
 
 " When we were come to the fire," says Knight, " the col- 
 onel was stripped naked, ordered to sit down by the fire, and 
 then they beat him with sticks and their fists. Presently after, 
 I was treated in the same manner. They then tied a rope to 
 the foot of a post about fifteen feet high, bound the colonel's 
 hands behind his back and fastened the rope to the ligature 
 between his wrists. The rope was ^ong enough for him to sit 
 down or walk round the post once or twice and return the 
 same way. The colonel then called to Girty and asked if 
 they intended to burn him ? Girty answered, yes. The col- 
 onel said he would take it all patiently. Upon this Captain 
 Pipe made a speech to the Indians, viz., about thirty or forty 
 
 * Washington-Irvino Correspondence, p. 876. But it is not entirely cer- 
 tain whetlier he was told this at the time or a little later. 
 
History of the Girti/a. 179 
 
 men, sixty or seventy squaws and boys. When the speech 
 was finished they all yelled a hideous and hearty assent to 
 what had been said." * 
 
 It is very evident that, from the time Simon Girty met 
 Crawford on the road to t!'« Tymochtee, guarded by Captain 
 Pipe and Wingenund, to the moment when the chief first 
 named had finished his harangue, he (Girty) made not the 
 slightest effort to save his old acquaintance from the cruel 
 fate that awaited him ; nevertheless, there are stories handed 
 down from generation to generation, in the West, some as tra- 
 ditions among the whites, others as Indian traditions, to the 
 contrary. Some of these have found their Avay into print. 
 One preserved among the Wyandots runs as follows ; " He 
 [Crawford] was taken by a Delaware ; consequently the Dela- 
 wares claimed the right, agreeably to their rules, of disposing 
 of the prisoner. There was a council held, and the decision 
 was to burn him. He was taken to the main Delaware town, 
 on a considerable creek, called Tymochtee, about eight miles 
 from the mouth. Girty then supposed he could make a specu- 
 lation by saving Crawford's life. He made a proposition to Ciip- 
 tain Pipe, the head chief of the Delawares, offering three hun- 
 dred and fifty dollars for Crawford. The chief received it as 
 a great insult, and promptly said to Girty, ' Sir, do you think 
 I am a sqiiau) ? If you say one more word on the subject, I 
 will make a stake for you, and burn you along with the white 
 chief.' Girty, knowing the Indian character, retired and said 
 no more on the subject. But, in the meantime, Girty had 
 sent runners to the Mohican creek and to Lower Sandusky, 
 where there were some white traders, to come immediately 
 and purchase Crawford; knowing that he could make a great 
 speculation in case he could save Crawford's life. The traders 
 came on, but too late." f 
 
 * Knight and Slover's Narratives, p. 11. The citation is from the original 
 publication. 
 
 t The American Pioneer, Vol. II, p. 284. There is in all this not a word 
 of truth. It is u continuation of the Wyandot Indian tradition cited on a 
 previous page. 
 
180 History of the Qir/i/n. 
 
 m 
 
 There are statements by descerulants of Girty and others 
 preserved, wherein are recorded what are chiimed to be the 
 facts concerning his attempts upon the Tymoclitee to save the 
 life of Crawford. But all these come from interested parties, 
 and, when carefully examined, are found entitled to no credit. 
 
 So soon as Captain Pipe had finished his speech to the assem- 
 bled savages — men, squaws, and children — the Indian men 
 took up their guns and shot powder into Crawford's naked 
 body from his feet as far up as his neck. It was the opinion 
 of Knight that not less than seventy loads were discharged 
 upon him ! They then crowded about him, and, to the best 
 of Knight's observation, cut off both his ears ; for, when the 
 throng had dispersed, he saw thv. ' od running from both 
 sides of his head ! 
 
 The fire was about six or seven yards from the post to which 
 Crawford was tied. It was made of small hickory poles burnt 
 quite through the middle, each end of the poles remaining 
 about six feet in length. Three or four Indians by turns 
 would take up, individually, one of these burning pieces of 
 wood, and apply it to his naked body, already burnt black 
 with powder. 
 
 These tormentors presented themselves on every side of 
 him, 80 that, which ever way he ran round the post, they met 
 him with the burning faggots. Some of the squaws took 
 broad boards, upon which they would carry a quantity of 
 burning coals and hot embers, and throw on him ; so that, in 
 a short time, he had nothing but coals of fire and hot asheB 
 to walk on ! .■,',.■*:''-■■ -'„■;':■•'■;;•-."_ 
 
 In the midst of these extreme tortures, Crawford called to 
 Girty and begged of him to shoot him ; but the cruel ren- 
 gade ma,king no answer, he called again. Girty then, by 
 way of derision, told Crawford he had no gun ; at the same 
 time, turning about to an Indian who was behind him, he 
 laughtjd heartily, and, by all his gestures, seemed delighted at 
 the horrid scene ! 
 
 Girty then came up to Knight and bade him prepare for 
 death. He told him, however, he was not to die at that place, 
 
, Jfistory of the Gtrtys. ^ 181 
 
 but was to be burnt at the Shawimeae towns. lie swore, with 
 a fearful oath, that he need not expect to escape death, but 
 shouhl suffer it in all its extremities! He then observed that 
 some prisoners had given him to understand that, if the 
 Americans had him, they would hurt him. For his part, ho 
 said he did not believe it; but desired to know Knight's opin- 
 ion of the matter. The latter, however, was in too great an- 
 guish and distress, on account of the torments Crawford was 
 suffering before his oyos, and because of the expectation of 
 undergoing the same fate in two days, to make any answer. 
 Girty expressed a great deal of ill-will toward Colonel John 
 (lil)son, saying he was one of his greatest enemies — and more 
 to the same purpose;* to all which Knight paid but little 
 attention. 
 
 Crawford, at this period of his suffering, besought the Al- 
 mighty to have mercy on his soul, spoke very low, and bore 
 his torments with the most manly fortitude. He continued, 
 in all the extremities of pain, for an hour and three-quarters 
 or two hours longer; when, at last, being unable to stand, he 
 lay down upon his stomach. 
 
 The savages then scalped him, and repeatedly threw the 
 scalp into the face of Knight, telling him that was his " great 
 captain." An old squaw, whose appearance, thought Knight, 
 every way answered the ideas people entertain of the devil, 
 got a board, took a parcel of coals and ashes, and laid them 
 on the colonel's back and bond. He then raised himself upon 
 his feet, and began to walk around the -nost. They next put 
 burning sticks to him, as usual , but he seemed more insensible 
 to pain than before. Knight v,as now taken away from the 
 dreadful scene. f Crawford was then " roasted " " by a slow 
 
 * Ono of the letters of Gibson, captured by Girty at Fort Luurons, when 
 tlio latter ambuscaded Captr.in Clark, was well calculated, as already 
 stated, to stir up the wrath of the renegade, Gibson having declared, it 
 will be remembered, that if he i^'uught him he would trepan him. 
 
 t Knight and Slover's Narratives (edition of 1783), pp.11, ^'2, where what 
 took place at the torturing of Crawford is circumstantially, ;..id, beyond all 
 question, very truthfully described by Dr. Knight. 
 
182 History of the Qirtja. 
 
 firo" * until (leiilii put an ond to his frightful suffering. After 
 he (lied — so runs the tradition — the faggots wore heaped to- 
 gether, his hody placed upon them, and around his charred 
 remains danced the delighted savages for many hours. f 
 
 NoTK. — In the Washington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 308- 
 372, were printed, in 1882, from copies of the originals in the 
 Public Record (State Paper) Office, London, England, the 
 letters written by British officers engaged against Colonel 
 Crawford and by DePeyster, giving an account of the fighting 
 upon the Sandusky Plains; also one letter by an Indian chief 
 who was present, written to the Detroit commandant. 1'heso 
 transcripts were received by the author of this narrative after 
 the publication by him of An Historical Account of the Ex- 
 pedition against Sandusky under Col. William Crawford in 
 1782. They are, in general, extravagant in their estimate of 
 the number of men killed by the Americans under Crawford, 
 and erroneous as to the intent of the volunteers who marched 
 upon that expedition. They, however, corroborate, in many 
 cases, American statements, and, in some instances, especinlly 
 as to who had command of the Rangers from Detroit, correct 
 them. These letters also are a part of the Ilaldimand Collec- 
 tion in the British Museum, copies of which are in the public 
 archives in Ottawa, Canada. 
 
 • Caldwell to DePeyster, June 13, 1782.— MS. letter, Httldimand Collec- 
 tion. 
 
 t A.n Historical Account of the Expedition a; ainst Sandusky, under Col 
 William Crawford, in 1782, pp. 391, 392. 
 
IlUlory of the Oirtyit. 188 
 
 CHAPTLll XX. 
 
 After the torturing of Crawford upon the Tymoclitec was 
 Ci.dotl, Simon Girty returnctl to the Half King's town and im- 
 mediately started for Lower Sandusky, reaching there the 
 night following. And this was his report to Captain Caldwell 
 there of the awful scene, as that oflicor the next day informed 
 DePeyster by letter: 
 
 "Simon Girty arrived last night from the \ipper village 
 (Half King's town) who informed me, that the Delawares 
 had burnt Colonel Crawford and two captains, at Pipes- 
 Town, after torturing tliem a long time. Crawford died like a 
 hero; never ciianged his countenance tho' they scalped him 
 alive, nnd then laid hot ashes upon hia head; after which, 
 they roasted him by a slow fire. He told Girty if his life 
 could be spared, he would communicate something of conse- 
 quence, but nothing else could induce him to do it. He said 
 some great blows would be struck against the country. Craw- 
 ford and four captains belonged to the Continental forces. He 
 [Girty] said fourteen captains were killed. The rebel doctor 
 [Knight] and General Irvine's aid-de-camp [Rose] are taken 
 by the Shawanese ; tliey came out on a part}' of pleasure." -^ 
 
 It will bo noticed that Girty here puts in no claim to having 
 interposed, in any way, to save the life of Crawford while the 
 latter was being tortured ; but Captain Elliott, on returning 
 to Detroit, declared that he [Elliott] endeavored to save him, 
 but without avail. That this was true there can be no doubt ; 
 and it must ever stand as very greatly to his credit. Had 
 Girty made an efiFort in the colonel's behalf, Elliott, it is 
 more than probable, would have mentioned the fact to DePey- 
 ster. 
 
 • CaldwoU to DePeystor, Juno 13, 1782. — MS. loiter, Huldinmiid Papers, 
 cited in the previous chapter. Whether tho error as to Rose and the " two 
 captains," in this letter, are due to Girty or Caldwell, it is impossib'-i to r.ay. 
 
184 History of the Girtys. 
 
 James and George Girty soon made their way to the Indian 
 villages to the southward, the former going with the Shawanese, 
 the latter, with those Delav/ares (not belonging to the bands 
 of Captain Pipe and Wingenund) who had come to the assist- 
 ance of their friends and allies upon the Sandusky. George had, 
 al the direction of DePeyster, gone among the Delawares to 
 live, where he could be of more service than with the Shawa- 
 nese. This took place soon after Brodhead's visit to Coshoc- 
 ton and the Dela^jVtires had withdrawn from the waters of the 
 Muskingum. But what became of Dr. Knight after being 
 taken from the terrible scene of Colonel Crawford's torture ? 
 " The doctor," wrote General Irvine to Washington from Fort 
 Pitt, on the 11th of July, 1782, " returned the fourth instant 
 to this place." * On his way to the Shawanese town, under 
 guard of a single Indian, he "found an opportunity of de- 
 molishing the fellow and making his escape." He reached 
 Pittsburgh after suffering much from the want of food.f 
 
 Of the stragglers from the American army who became sep- 
 arated from it on the night Colonel Crawford commenced his 
 retreat from the battle-field of the 4th of June, John Slover 
 was one. He was one of the guides to the expedition. On the 
 ninth, when about twenty miles from the T"scarawas, he, with 
 two others, was, while making his way homeward through the 
 wilderness, captured by the savages — two of his compan- 
 ions being killed, and one, James PauU, making his escape. 
 The three prisoners were taken to the Shawanese towns. 
 After arriving at Wapatomica, one was killed in a shocking 
 manner ; one was sent to another village, while Slover re- 
 mained unharmed, except some injuries received previously 
 in running the gauntlet. He was now, at a council, closely 
 questioned in their own tongue ly the Shawanese (for he spoke 
 
 * VViishington-Irvine Correspondence, p. 126. 
 
 -j- Knight and Slover's Narratives, 1783, pp. 10-15, where the doctor gives 
 a full account of his escape. The route taken by him from the Tymachtte, 
 I have taken some pains to trace in An Historical Account of the Expedi- 
 tion against Sandusky, under Cul. William Crawford, in 1782, pp. 842, 343, 
 369-374. 
 
TTistory of the Qirtys. 185 
 
 their language, also the Miami and Delaware, the first two with 
 fluency, he having previously been a prisoner among the In- 
 dians). They interrogated him concerning the situation of his 
 country; its provisions; the number of its inhabitants; the 
 state of the war between it and Great Britain. He informed 
 them Cornwallis had been taken. The next day Captain Elliott 
 (who had arrived from the Half King's town) came with James 
 Girty to the council. The last-mentioned, it will be borne in 
 mind, had returned with the Shawanese from the Sandusky 
 soon after the retreat of Crawford's army. The former assured 
 the Indians that Slover had lied ; that Cornwallis was not 
 taken ; and the Indians seemed to give full credit to his 
 declaration. 
 
 Hitherto, Slover had been treated with some appearance of 
 kindness, but now the savages began to change their behavior 
 toward him. James Girty had informed them that when he 
 asked him how he liked to live there, he had said that he bad 
 intended to take the first opportunity to take a scalp and run 
 off". It was, to be sure, very probable that if he had had such 
 intention, he would have communicated it to him ! It was 
 simply a story concocted to bring the prisoner to the stake. 
 
 After Slover's examination, the Indians gathered for a num- 
 ber of days in council laying plans against the settlements of 
 Kentucky, the Falls (Louisville), and Wheeling, from fifty to 
 one hundred warriors being usually present, and sometimes 
 raore. Slover also was generally in attendance. Every war- 
 rior was admitted, but only the chiefs or head warriors had 
 the privilege of speaking — these being accounted such, from 
 the number of scalps and prisoners they had taken. The 
 third day Captain McKee, who had come on from Lower San- 
 dusky (having gone thence from Upper Sandusky), which 
 place he left or the 11th of June,* was in council, and after- 
 ward was generally present. He spoke little. He asked 
 Slover no questions ; indeed, did not speak to him at all. He 
 then lived about two miles from Wapatomica ; had a house 
 
 • Caldwell to DePeyster, June 11, 1782 (from Lower Sandusky). — Wash- 
 ington-Irvine Correspondence, p. .STl. 
 
186 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 built of square logs, with a shinglo roof. He was dressed in 
 gold-laced clothes. 
 
 Not long after this council ended, ahout forty warriors, ac- 
 companied by George Girty, who, as previously shown, had 
 returned to the Delaware villages from the Sandusky after 
 the retreat of Crawford's force, came early in the morning 
 round the house where Slover was. He was sitting before the 
 door. The squaw gave him up. They put a rope around his 
 neck, tied his arms behind his back, stripped him naked, and 
 blacked him in the usual manner. Girty, as soon as he was 
 tied, cursed him, telling him he would get what he had many 
 years deserved — showing clearly that he was delighted to 
 know that death by torture was to be his doom. However, 
 after the Indians had tied their prisoner to the stake, a sud- 
 den storm came up and they postponed their deadly work. 
 Before it was renewed, Slover found means to escape, reach- 
 ing the settlement at Wheeling in safety. "A certain Mr. 
 , Slover," wrote General Irvine to Washington, from Fort Pitt, 
 on the eleventh of July, in a letter already alluded to, " came 
 in yesterday [to Pittsburgh], who was under sentence of death 
 at the Shawanese towns." * He was the last of all to reach 
 home directly from the Western wilderness. f The entire loss 
 . to the Americans on the expedition, including those who sub- 
 " sequently died of their wounds, was less than seventy. 
 
 The truthful reports brought in by Knight and Slcver con- 
 cerning the three Girtys, conclusively show that they (the 
 Girtys) had lost all feeling of compassion for their unfortunate 
 countrymen held as captives by the Indians. It was now a 
 
 * Washington-Irvine Correspondence, p. 127. The fnll particulars of 
 Slover's escape are given in the Knight and Slover Narratives of 1783, 
 pp. 17-31. 
 
 t In a return of prisoners belonging to the provinces of New York and 
 Pennsylvania, made on the 2d of November, 1782, by Nicholas Murray, 
 commissary of prisoners, preserved among the Haldimand Papers, and 
 published in the second volume of the Collections of the Vermont Historical 
 Society, is the name of .Joshua Collins, taken at Sandusky, June 5, 1782. 
 Collins is the only one known to have been captured, besides Knight and 
 Slover, who was not put to death by the savages. 
 
History of the Girtys. 187 
 
 delight to them to know of, and to witness, the horrible suf- 
 ferings of these prisoners at the stake. Did they sometimes 
 actually assist the savages in inflicting these tortures ? This 
 question will never be answered. " Dead men tell no tales." 
 
 Note. — Simon Girty is not without an apologist as to the 
 part taken by liim upon the Tymochtee, at the burning of 
 Crawford. ■' Our border histories have given only the worst 
 side of Girty's character. He had redeeming traits. . 
 He certainly befriended Simon Kenton, and tried to save 
 Crawford, but could not. In the latter case he had to 
 dissemble somewhat with the Indians, and a part of the time 
 appear in their presence as if not wishing to befriend him, 
 when he knew he could not save him, and did not dare to 
 shoot him, as he himself was threatened with a similar fate." — 
 Lyman C. Draper, as quoted by Charles McKnight, in Our 
 Western Border, pp. 424, 425. 
 
 When it is said that " he [Girty] had to dissemble some- 
 what with the Indians," the meaning of Draper is, the Del- 
 aware Indians. Why, or for what cause, was it necessary for 
 Girty "to dissemble somewhat" with the Delawares? De- 
 Peyster declares that an " Indian ofiicfir " (Captain Elliott) 
 was present and did all he could to save Crawford. Surely 
 there was no dissembling on part of Elliott ; and why should 
 there have been on Girty's part ? And then Girty had " a 
 part of the time " to " appear in their [the Delawares'] pres- 
 ence as if not wishing to befriend him." Why was it neces- 
 sary for Girty to go about eight miles to see the Delawares 
 burn Crawford, " and a part of the time appear in their pres- 
 ence as if not wishing to befriend him [Crawford] ? " Espe- 
 cially, why did he go all that distance " when he knew he could 
 not save him ? " That Girty " did not dare to shoot him, as 
 he himself was threatened with a similar fate," is. a tradition 
 not entitled to a moment's consideration. Girty's cruelty and 
 hard-heartedness were manifested, not in his refusing to put 
 Crawford at once out of his horrible sufferings by shooting 
 him, but in the manner of his refusal. 
 
188 History of the Girtys. 
 
 " Dr. Knight, who was captured with Crawford and wit- 
 nessed his tortures, and who has long been accepted as a most 
 reliable authority on this subject, while he says that Girty re- 
 fused the prayer ot' the tortured man to shoot him and ' by 
 all his gestures seemed delighted at the horrid scene,' does 
 not make him in any way an assistant at it." — Magazine of 
 American History, Vol. XV, p. 265. This, however, must be 
 taken with some grains of allowance. By his presence and 
 delight, he encouraged the Delawares. 
 
 The Wyandots who were there, afterward affirmed, it would 
 seem, that Girty actually did take part in the torture. There 
 is also this additional on that point : " Dr. Knight, in his 
 narrative of his captivity and burning of Col. Crawford," says 
 Howe, in his Historical Collections of Ohio, p. 247, " speaks 
 of the cruelty of Simon Girty to the colonel and himself. 
 Col. John Johnston corroborates the account of Dr. Knight. 
 In a communication before us he says : ' He [Simon Girty] 
 was notorious for his cruelty to the whites, who fell into the 
 hands of the Indians. His cruelty to the unfortunate Col. 
 Crawford is well known to myself, and although I did not wit- 
 ness the tragedy, I can vouch for the facts of the case, having 
 had them from eye-witnesses. When that brave and unfor- 
 tunate commander was suffering at the stake by a slow fire in 
 order to lengthen his misery to the longest possible time, he 
 besought Girty to have him shot to end his torments, when 
 the monster mocked him by firing powder without ball at 
 him.'" But the statements made by the Wyandots present 
 were only the outgrowth of a desire on their part to fix as 
 much responsibility as possible on Girty for the torture of 
 Crawford. That he was present, encouraging the Delawares, 
 and, by his words and actions, seemed to take delight in the 
 awful scene, was the part taken by him on that occasion. 
 
 The artiale in the Magazine of American History, just cited, 
 says (Vol. XV, p. 264) : " It is easy ... to believe that the 
 blackest thing that has ever been alleged against him [Girty] 
 is that he not only did not save the tortured and slowly-dying 
 colonel [Crawford], but answered him with a mocking laugh 
 
Hutory of the Girtya. 189 
 
 when he begged him to shoot him and relieve him of his 
 agony. It is said that even the devil is not as black as he 
 is painted, and it is possible that the same may be said of 
 Girty. Exactly how far his savage and perverted nature car- 
 ried him on this occasion will never probably be accurately 
 known." But the facts as related by Dr. Knight none can 
 misunderstand ; and, just how he acted and just what he said 
 to Crawford and the doctor, are sufficiently described by the 
 latter in his narrative. 
 
 The following, from an old ballad, entitled "Crawford's De- 
 feat," is, of course, an erroneous account of the part taken 
 by Girty : 
 
 " "Well, now they have taken these men of renown, 
 And dragged them away to Sandusky town, 
 And there in their council condemned for to be 
 Burnt at the stake by cruel Girty. 
 
 " Like young Diabolians, they this act did pursue, 
 And Girty the head of this infernul crew — 
 This renegade white man was a slander-by 
 AYhilo there in the flro their bodies did fry." • 
 
 ♦This ballad, furnished by the author of this narrative to Frank Cowan, 
 is printed entire by him in Southwestern Pennsylvania in Song and Story, 
 pp. 353-356, and has since been copied into Newton's History of the Pan- 
 Handle, West Virginia, p. 123. 
 
190 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Assembled at Wapatomica, in June, after the battles upon 
 the Sandusky Plains, were all the tribes that were near — Otta- 
 was, Chippewas, Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanese, Munceys, 
 and a portion of the Cherokees. With the Wyandots went 
 Simon Girty, who stopped at Solomon's town. Although 
 plans were laid against the settlements in Kentucky, includ- 
 ing the Falls (Louisville), yet, as no further tidings of an ag- 
 gressive movement on part of Clark had been received, it was 
 determined, in the first place, to reduce Wheeling. 
 
 Captain McKee, the most influential white man at Wapa- 
 tomica umong the Indians, attended the most important of 
 their councils, and gave advice to the savages, which was, in 
 general, acted upon by them. The credit of this has, how- 
 ever, been erroneously given to Simon Girty in most pub- 
 lished accounts. An inflammatory speech against the Ken- 
 tuckians made, it is said, on the occasion, is credited to him. 
 We are told that, in order to stir up the minds of young warriors 
 against those settlers, he " took an elevated stand, when he dis- 
 engaged his arm from his blanket, assuming the attitude of an 
 orator, and to the painted savage assembly, equipped in all 
 the habiliments of war, delivered the following address : 
 
 '''■Brothers — The fertile region of Kentucky is the land of 
 cane and clover, spontaneously growing to feed the buffalo, 
 the elk, and the deer : there, the bear and the beaver are al- 
 ways fat — the Indians from all the tribes have had a right, from 
 time immemorial, to hunt and kill, unmolested, these wild ani- 
 mals, and bring off their skins, to purchase for themselves 
 clothing — to buy blankets for their backs and rum to send 
 down their throats, to drive away the cold and rejoice their 
 hearts, after the fatigues of hunting and the toil of war. 
 (Great applause from the crowd.) 
 
 " But, brothers, the Long Knives have overrun your country 
 
Hixtory of the Girtys. 191 
 
 and usurped your hunting grounds : they have destroyed the 
 cane, trodden down the clover, killed the deer and the buffalo, 
 the bear and the raccoon. The beaver has been chased from 
 his dam and forced to leave the country. (Palpable emotion 
 among the hearers.) 
 
 '^Brothers — The intruders on your lands exult in the success 
 that has crowned their flagitious acts. — They are building 
 cabins and making roads, on the very grounds of the Indian 
 camp and war-path. They are planting fruit trees and plow- 
 ing the lands where not long since were the cane-brake and 
 clover-fields. Were there a voice in the trees of the forest or 
 articulate sounds in th(i gurgling waters, every part of this 
 country would call on you to chase away these ruthless invad- 
 ers, who are laying it waste. Unless you rise in the majesty 
 of your might, and extirminate the whole race, you may bid 
 adieu to the hunting grounds of your fathers — to the delicious 
 flesh of the animals with which it once abounded, and to the 
 skins with which you were once enabled to purchase your 
 clothing and your rum." 
 
 Then, we are further informed, that, inflamed to frenzy with 
 this harangue (of Girty), the young warriors expressed their 
 approbation, and evinced their determination to comply with 
 the recommendations of the speaker, by extending outstretched 
 arms toward Kentucky, and by grasping their tomahawks 
 and striking them into the ground with an hideous yell. The 
 old warriors signified their apprgbation by a loud, sonorous 
 grunt.* 
 
 There was a request made immediately after Crawford's re- 
 treat from the Sandusky, by Captain Snake, of the Shawanese, 
 to DePeyster, that he would let Captain Caldwell, with his 
 Rangers, remain at Lower Sandusky about ten days, and then 
 
 * G. "W. Stipp's Western Miscellany (Bradford's Notes), pp. 81, 82. Com- 
 pare Marshall's History of Kentucky, Vol. I, pp. 132, 133. It is hardly 
 necessary to inform the reader that this speech is fictitious. It bears upon 
 its face its own refutation. Besides, the unlettered Simon Girty never did — 
 never could — talk in that manner oven in English; whereas, if the speech was 
 made at all, it must have been in the language of one of the Indian tribes. 
 
192 Hiniory of (he Girtys. 
 
 march to the Shawancse villager on the head-waters of tlio 
 Mad river.* This request was granted — that officer marching 
 to Wapatomica. In the early part of July, Caldwell, with hit 
 white soldiers and three hundred Indians, started eastward, 
 intending, in accordance with the wishes of the savages, to 
 attempt the reduction of the fort at Wheeling. A day or 
 two after his departure, vi'tiners came into Wapatomica, who 
 gave information that General Clark was approaching with a 
 train of artillery and a large body of troops. The alarm was 
 wide-spread, and an express was sent after Caldwell, who, 
 with McKee, returned to Wapatomica ; but, before turning 
 back, he sent forty warriors with two Frenchmen to watch the 
 frontiers to the eastward, and give intelligence of any move- 
 ments of the Americans, particularly if there was any expe- 
 dition in progress. t 
 
 Before recording events which took place as the result of 
 Captain Caldwell's countermarch, it may be mentioned that 
 in the border settlements east of the Ohio and around Pitts- 
 burgh, the miscarriage of the expedition under Crawford 
 stimulated the borderers to ask General Irvine to organize 
 another on a more extensive scale, the command of which he 
 was to assume in person. He finally commenced operations 
 looking to a compliance with their wishes. But this move- 
 ment soon reached the ears of DePeyster, at Detroit, who at 
 once dispatched Captain Andrew Bradt with a company of 
 Rangers to reinfo''ce Captain Caldwell at Wapatomica.J 
 
 • Captain Snake to DePeyster, from Upper Sandusky, June 8, 1782. — 
 Washington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 369, 370. The original of this let- 
 ter is one uf the Haldimand MSS. Its existence was, of course, unknown 
 to Koosevolt when he wrote The Winning of the West. 
 
 t McKee to DePeyster, from Wapatomica, July 22, 1782. — MS. letter; 
 also, Caldwell to DePeyster, August 26, 1782.— MS. letter: Haldimand Pa- 
 pers. Since the above was written, this last letter has been published in 
 The Winning of the West, Vol. II, pp. 402-404. Compare Washington- 
 Irvine Correspondence, pp. 332, 333, as to the march toward Wheeling. 
 
 X " We have been alarmed here [at Detroit] with the accounts of a for- 
 midable body of the enemy under the command of General Hands [Irvine], 
 advancing this way, which occasioned my reinforcing Captain Caldwell." — 
 DePeyster to Haldimand, August 18, 1782. — Washington-Irvine Corre- 
 
History of the Qirfyg. 193 
 
 There coming in to Wapatoinica what was believed to be 
 a cor.firmation of the report as to General Clark's movements, 
 tlu' utmost exertions were put forth by McKec to collect all 
 the Indians possible to resist the invader. It was resolved to 
 march south, tho determination on part of Caldwell being to 
 meet and fight the enemy near the town (Piqua) which Clark 
 had driven the Shawanese from two years before, which was 
 about forty miles away. The Indians that assembled on the 
 occasion were Shawanese, Delawares, Wyandots, Mingoes, 
 Munceys, Ottawas, and Chippewas, Under Captain Caldwell 
 were Captains McKee and Elliott ; the former having the 
 general marshaling and oversight of all the savages, while the 
 latter was, there are reasons for believing, in command only 
 of the Shawanese. In the army were the three Girtys. " We 
 had," wrote McKee, " on this occasion, the greatest body of 
 Indians collected, on an advantageous piece of ground near 
 the Picawee [Piqua] village, that has been assembled in this 
 quarter since the commencement of the war." * " I had," 
 says Caldwell, " eleven hundred Indians on the ground and 
 three hundred more within a day's march."! 
 
 Scouts soon returning from the Ohio informed Caldwell 
 
 spondence, pp. 373, 374. In ciirrpnt Western hislorioi", Brndt's mime is 
 usually (though erroneou'ly) spelK^d Pratt. 
 
 * McKee to DePeyster, August 28, 178"_'. — MS. lett(!r, Iluldininnd Papers. 
 This letter, since tlie almve was written, has been publii^hed by Iloosovelt 
 in The Winning of the West, Vol. II, pp. 399-402. 
 
 t Caldwell to DePeyster, August 2t), 1782, already cited. IJoosevclt (The 
 Winning of the West, Vol. 11, pp. 187, 188) gets excited over this "great 
 army:" "In July the British captains Caldwell and McKeo came down 
 from Detroit with a jiarty of rangers, and gathered together n great army 
 of dver a thousand Indians — the largest body of either red men or white 
 that was ever mustered west of the Alleghanies during the Revolution." 
 But Caldwell and McKee did not come down from Detroit in July at all. 
 After the battles with Crawford's force on the Sandusky Plains, both went 
 to Wapatomica. That writer has the erroneous idea, too, that Caldwell, in 
 marching toward Wheeling, had his "great army " along. It is also to be 
 inferred from what he says, that Captain A'cKeo had, along with Caldwell, 
 command of the Hangers, which, of course, is wholly wrong. lie has no 
 true conception of McKee's military office. 
 
 13 
 
194 HUtory of (he Oirly», 
 
 that the nccouiits lie lind received us to <'hirk's inurcliiiig 
 toward him Avero false. "This disapjx i.itinent," deelared 
 McKee, " notwithstanding all our cni'ivivors to keep them 
 [the savages] together, occasioned them to disperse, in dis- 
 gust with each other. The iidiabitants of this [the Shawa- 
 nese] country, who were the most immediately interested in 
 keeping in a body, were the first that broke away ; and, al- 
 though we advanced towards the Ohio with upwards of three 
 hundred Ilurons [Wyandots] and Lake Indians, few of the 
 Dclawares, Shawanese, or Mingoes followed us." * With the 
 returning Shawanese went James Girty; but Simon and 
 George remained with Caldwell on the march with his Rangers 
 and Indians to the Ohio. 
 
 " On our arrival at the Ohio," adds McKee, " wo remained 
 still in uncertainty with respect to the enemy's motions ; and 
 it was thought best to send scouts to the Falls, and that the 
 main body should advance into the enemy's country and en- 
 deavor to lead out a party from some of their forts, by which 
 we might be able to gain some certain intelligence. '"t "I 
 crossed the Ohio," are the words of Caldwell, " with three 
 hundred Indians and Rangers." % The point aimed at was 
 Bryan's Station, located in what is now Fayette county, Ken- 
 tucky, detached parties having prev.. ' ^^enetrated into the 
 settlements. 
 
 Captain Caldwell, with his Rangers and two hundred In- 
 dians, crossed the Ohio not far below the mouth of Limestone 
 creek (Maysville), probably at the mouth of Eagle creek, seven 
 miles distant. The place of destination was reached on the 
 nicht of the fifteenth and the station surrounded. On the 
 succeeding morning, the besiegers showed themselves, laying 
 siege, at sun-up, to the fort ; but, fortunately, the small gar- 
 rison were not surprised ; they were under arms, intending to 
 march to the aid of a neighboring settlement that had been 
 threatened. Two couriers from the garrison managed to 
 
 • From McKee's letter, just quoted. 
 
 tid. 
 
 X Caldwell to DePeyster. — Letter before cited. 
 
Hittory of the Oirtya. 195 
 
 make their way through Cahlwell's linos unohsorvod, and has- 
 tened to Lexington witii the news of the presence of the 
 enemy. 
 
 A reinforcement of thirty mi*n attempted to tlirow tliem- 
 sclves into the fort ; a number on horseback snccoedod. Those 
 on foot were driven back with the h)ss of one kille<l and three 
 wounded. It is said that one of the settlers — a stout, active 
 young fellow — who had come to the assistance of his besieged 
 friends, was so hard pressed by a white man and several sav- 
 ages that he turned and fired, and the white man fell. The 
 latter, it is claimed, was Simon Girty. " It hai)pened, how- 
 ever, that a piece of thick sole-leather was in bis shot-pouch 
 ut the time, which received the ball and preserved his life, al- 
 though he was felled to the ground. The savages halted upon 
 his fall and the young man escaped." But this story is un- 
 doubtedly fictitious. Who of the Americans knew about 
 Girty's shot-pouch? Besides, he was too much of a boaster 
 to let such an incident pass without afterward relating the 
 facts ; and in no instance, so far as can be discovered, did he, 
 in after years, ever refer to any such event.* During all the 
 time of the presence of the enemy around the station, they 
 contini'od their efforts without cessation. 
 
 Just here we must mention a tradition, Avhich is to the 
 effect that, before the close of the day, the garrison was sum- 
 moned by Girty to surrender. The particulars, as recorded 
 in many Western histories — notably in Mcf ^ng's Sketches of 
 Western Adventure — are that the day was well nigh ended, 
 and still the efforts of the enemy were unavailing. The In- 
 dians had become discouraged. Their loss in the morning's 
 assault was heavy ; they had made no impression upon the 
 fort ; and, without artillery, Simon Girty, in command, could 
 hope to make none. The chiefs spoke of raising the siege 
 and marching homewards ; thereupon it was determined to 
 
 * It was in the Kentucky settlements as in Western Pennsylvania and 
 Virginia: a white man seen in battle on the Indian side was almost certain 
 to be set down as Simon Girty by the borderers — as we have seen was the 
 case at the conflict upon the Sandusky Plains between Crawford's force and 
 the Hangers and Indians. 
 
196 Hi»lory of the Oirty», 
 
 "■ ■■■y ■■ -»^ II ■ I .^ ■ ■■ I ■ .- ■ — I I ■ ■— ■■■■■■ ^^■M i^-M ■ m il — 
 
 try ncpotiiition — Giriy lioping to obtain by n (Icniiitut wliat be 
 bad failed to spciiro l»y artiiH. He tor)k upon bimself to de- 
 mand tbo surrender of tbe station. Near one of tbe baHtions 
 of tbe fort tliere was a birge Htninp. To tbiw bo crept on bis 
 bands and knees, and, mounting it, bailed tbe garrison. He 
 had approacbed under cover of a tbick growtb of hemp — tbo 
 precisG spot wbero lie stood when be began bis parley was tbe 
 site of tbe " <l\velling-bouso of Mr. Rogers," in later years. 
 After demanding a surrender, be gave bis name, following it by 
 an inquiry as to wbetber be was known to tbo people of tbe fort. 
 He declared — so tbe story runs — tiuit il e people would be 
 protected if tbey would open tbe gate ; but tbis would be out 
 of bis power if tbe fort was taken by storm, as it would be 
 tbat nigbt, on tbe arrival of bis cannon and strong reinforce- 
 ments, then bourly expected. 
 
 Tbe garrison were intimidated. Tbey had listened in si- 
 lence to Girty's speech ; and the mention of artillery awak- 
 ened in them much dread ; as tbey well remembered the fact 
 that cannon bad been brought with the army of invasion 
 under Bird, when Martin's and Ruddle's Stations, two years 
 before, had been captured. But a young man, the story con- 
 tinues, by tbe name of Aaron Reynolds, highly distinguished 
 for courage, energy, and a frolicsome gayety of temper, per- 
 ceiving tbe effect of Girty's speech, took upon himself to re- 
 ply to it. To Girty's inquiry whether the garrison knew him, 
 Reynolds replied tbat be was very well known ; tbat be him- 
 self bad a worthless dog to which he had given the name of 
 " Simon Girty," in consequence of his striking resemblance 
 to the man of that name ; and that, if he had reinforcements, 
 he might bring them up ; tbat if either himself or any of the 
 naked rascals with him, found their way into the fort, they 
 would disdain to use their guns against them, but would drive 
 them out again with switches, of which they bad collected a 
 great number for that purpose alone; and, finally, he declared 
 that Ihey also expected reinforcements ; that the whole coun- 
 try was marching to their assistance ; and that, if Girty and 
 his gang of murderers remained twenty-four hours longer be- 
 
lliHtory of Ihc (j/ir/i/a, 197 
 
 fore tlio fort, tlicit sculps would bo found drying in tlio sun 
 upon the roofs of their ciiliins. 
 
 (lirty took ;;roii' offenso at the tone and hmj^uiij^e of the 
 younj; Kentuci<iiin, we lire assured, and retired with un ex- 
 pression of sorrow for the inevitable destruction which awaited 
 the people in the f .rt on the following morning. Ho quickly 
 rejoined his chiefs, and instant preparations were made for 
 raising the siege. The night passeil away in uninterrupted 
 tran<|uillity, and at daylight in the morning the Indian camp 
 was found deserted. 
 
 But this account, so circumstantially given by many writers, 
 carries with it its own refutation. It is too much to believe 
 that Captain Caldwell sent, without a flag and in the manner 
 indicated, a person to demand the surrender of the garrison ; 
 besides, Simon Girty was not so foolhardy as to creep up under 
 cover to a stump, and then suddenly show himself as a target 
 for the sharpshooters of u Kentucky station. And further, the 
 language imputed to him, speaking of himself as the 'com- 
 mander of the besieging force, and asking if the garrison knew 
 him, would have sounded strangely enough in the ears of 
 Caldwell, who must have been, like those inside the stockade, 
 within hearing distance of his speech, if one was made. The 
 fact was, the attack began about sunrise on the sixteenth, and 
 was continued unremittingly, as previously stated, all that 
 day, all the ensuing night, und until ten o'clock in the fore- 
 noon of the seventeenth. In all cotemporaneous accounts of 
 the siege, there is no mention of a demand for surrender — a 
 strange omission, had one been made. 
 
 During the forenoon of the seventeenth, the force under 
 Captain Caldwell, despairing of the reduction of the station, 
 began their return march in a leisurely manner, having burnt 
 five liouses which were a part of the fort, killed upwards of 
 three hundred hogs, one hundred and fifty head of cattle, and 
 a number of sheep, taken a number of horses, and destroyed 
 all the potatoes that could be found, cut down a great deal of 
 the corn growing, burned the hemp in the fields, and done 
 considerable other damage. The loss of the Indians was five 
 
198 Hists'^y of the Qirtys. 
 
 killed and two wounded. Of those defending the fort, tliere 
 were four killed and threo wounded. 
 
 The Kentuckians soon gathered in considerable force at 
 Bryan's Station, and determined to pursue the retreating 
 army, having little idea of its numerical strength. The pur- 
 suit commenced on the eighteenth, the whole number of the 
 pursuers amounting to one hundred and eighty-two. These 
 were under the command of Colonel John Todd. About 
 eight o'clock on the morning of the nineteenth, the enemy, 
 consisting of about two hundred Indiiins (one hundred having 
 previously left) and thirty picked Rangers,* was discovered 
 on the Licking river, in what is now Nicholas county, in sight 
 of where the Maysville and Lexington Turnpike crosses that 
 stream, not far north of the Lower Blue Licks. A battle 
 (known in history as that of the Blue Licks) immediately en- 
 sued, the result being disastrous to the Kentuckians : not less 
 than seventy were killed, a number badly wounded, and seven 
 made prisoners. The loss of the British was one killed ;t of 
 the Indians, ten killed and fourteen wounded. 
 
 Throughout all the western settlements of Pennsylvania 
 and Virginia, and especially in Kentucky, Simon "Girty was 
 afterward credited with having been the leader of the savages 
 in the battle of the Blue Licks ; though some were in the be- 
 lief that he was only one of the " many white men " who com- 
 manded that day. :-. ^.j^^^':;;^;ir;o'-v,/'-v<>.^^-;v C, -::;•.?: ' '--:^-:i.. 
 
 Beyond the mountains, in Virginia, eastward, the idea of 
 
 ♦ DePeysler to HiildimanH, September 4. 1782. — ilS. letter, HaldimHnd 
 Papers. " We were," says McKeo, " not much superior t« them [the Kun- 
 tiK'kians] in niimliers," whirli was true. After mu<;h tribulation, the author 
 of The Winninc: of the West, in V.'l. II, p. I!)9, figures out that Caldwell's 
 entire force, on the niorninft of the l!Hh of August, consisted of "nearly 
 three hundred men in all." The trouble with Roosevelt is, he is lacking; in 
 Haldimand MSS., notwithstandinj? in his Profuce he declares ho had all ho 
 " needed." A knowledge of what is contained in DePeyster's letter to 
 Haldimand ( f September 4, 1782, would have saved him an erroneous esti- 
 mate. 
 
 t This man was not a "ranger," as Uoosevelt declares, but belonged to the 
 British Indian Department, the same as his two companions in arms — Simon 
 and George Girty. 
 
Hiitory of the Girtyi. 199 
 
 Simon Girty's power in the Ohio wlldernesa to marshal the 
 savages, and of his prowess in battle, was even more exagger- 
 ated than upon the border. 
 
 "Never were the lives of so many valuable men lost more 
 shamefully," wrote a Virginian, not long after the battle of 
 the Blue Licks, in criticising those in command on the Amer- 
 ican side, " than in the late action of the 19th of August ; and 
 that not a little through the vain and seditious expressions of a 
 Major McGeary. How much more harm than good can one 
 fool do. Todd and Trigg had capacity, but wanted experience. 
 Boone, Harlan, and Lindsay had experience, but were defect- 
 ive in capacity. Good, however, would it have been had their 
 advice been followed. Logan is a dull, narrow body, from 
 whom nothing clever need be expected. What a figure he ex- 
 hibited at the head of near 500 men, to rji^ch the Held of ac- 
 tion six days afterward, and hardly wait to bury the dead, and 
 when it was plain part of the Indians were still in the coun- 
 try. General Clark is in that country, but he has lost the 
 confidence of the people and it is said become a sot ; perhaps 
 something worse. The chance is now against General Irvine's 
 succeeding [in the expedition against Sandusky and Detroit, 
 supposed at the date of the writing actually to have marched 
 from Fort Pitt, but which expedition was finally given up], 
 disappointed [as he is] in Clark's co-operation, which he was 
 promised ; and, it is said, [he] set out with only 1,200 men. 
 Simon Girty can outnumber him ; and, flushed with so many 
 victories, to his natural boldness, he will be confident." * 
 
 And from more than a month before that was written to the 
 present day (with few exceptions), Simon Girty has been 
 spoken of, by those who have written of the battle of the Blue 
 Licks (when the leader of the enemy has been mentioned at 
 all), as the master-spirit of that contest of arms;t dividing 
 
 • riolonel Arthur GHmpbell to Colonel "Wtti. Daviea, Oc'tober 3, 1782, in 
 Calendar of Virjiinia State Papers, Vol. Ill, pp. 337, 888. 
 
 t Ho is 80 crediled in An Historical Account of the Expedition against 
 Sandusky, under Col. William Crawford, in 1782, pp. 195, 196. A more 
 recent following in the same channel is the Magazine of American History, 
 Vol. XV, pp. 267, 268. 
 
200 Hidory of the Girtys. 
 
 the honor, however, sometimes, with Captain McKee ; at other 
 times, with both Captain Cahiwell and the last-named. That 
 he was in the battle is certain; but it is equally certain chat 
 he did not have command of the enemy's force — not tia of 
 the Indians. There are four official reports e: tant of the 
 battle of the Blue Licks — two American * and two British ; f 
 neither mention his name at all. He had no position except 
 that of interpreter. The same may be said of his brother, 
 George. 
 
 Leisurely, after the battle, the victors recrussed the Ohio, 
 Captain Caldwell with his Rangers returning to Wapatomica, 
 going thence to Upper Sandusky, where he arrived on the 
 24th of September.^ That officer soon left the Sandusky 
 for Detroit, very ill with intermitting fever.§ The savages 
 made their way to their homes || — George Girty going with 
 the Delawares to the Mad river and Simon with the Wyandots 
 to the Half King's town. 
 
 There were now prospects of peace ; and, during the last 
 half of August, DePeyster received from Brigadier-General 
 Powell at Niagara a letter directing him to act on the defensive 
 only in all operations in the Ohio country. He immediately 
 dispatched, therefore, an express to Captains Caldwell and 
 Bradt, and one to McKee, ordering them " not to make any 
 incursions into the enemy's country." " I hope," said De- 
 Peyster, " the courier will be in time to stop Captain Bradt, 
 who is on the point of setting out for the neighborhood of 
 Wheeling, but I fear Captain Caldwell has already passed the 
 
 » Calendar of Virj;inia State Papers, Vol. Ill, pp. 275, 333. 
 
 t Caldwell to DePeyster, August 26, and McKee to same, August 28, 
 1782. 
 
 X Caldwell to DePeyeter, September 24, 1782..— MS. letter, Haldimand 
 Papers. 
 
 g Dundas to Haldimand, October 0, 1782. — MS. letter, Haldimand Papers. 
 
 II Roosevelt, in informing his readers of the savages after the battle, says: 
 "The victorious Indians, glutted with vengeance, recrossed the Ohio and 
 vanished into the northern forests." He is in ignorance, it seems, us to 
 what became of Caldwell and his Hangers. 
 
History of the Oirtys. 201 
 
 Ohio, in order to be satisfied of the enemy's motions, in which 
 case he Avill strike some strokes before he returns." * 
 
 Captain Bradt, with liis company of forty Hangers and all 
 the Indians that couhl be mustered — two hundred and thirty- 
 eight in number — resolved, as mentioned by DePeyster, to 
 march at once against Wheeling, the courier ordering him to 
 act only on the defensive not reaching him in time to prevent 
 his departure ; so he proceeded eastward and crossed the 
 Ohio. He laid siege to Fort Henry, but with little success. 
 He reached the vicinity of Wheeling on the 11th of Septem- 
 ber, and continued around the fort until the morning of the 
 thirteenth, when he and his force disappeared. The garrison 
 had none killed and but one wounded. A small stockade — 
 Rice's fort — was next attacked by the enemy, but they were 
 repulsed with loss of two Indians killed — the besieged losing 
 one of their number shot. Captain Bradt with his Rangers 
 and Indians thereupon recrossod the Ohio, reaching Wapa- 
 tomica on the twenty-first, with his white troops and a few 
 Delawares. It was the last attempt of the British and In- 
 dians in force across the Ohio into the border settlements to 
 the eastward during the war. With the expedition was James 
 Girty, but he had no command.! 
 
 The counter-stroke to Caldwell's success at the Blue Licks 
 was the marching of General Clark with over a thousand men 
 against the principal Shawanese town on the Miami river, now 
 Piqua, Miami county, Ohio, and the complete sacking of that 
 
 * UePeyster to. Brigadier-Ge.neral Powell, Augiu-t 27, 1782.— MS. letter, 
 Haldiniand Pa])ers. 
 
 t Besides local histories of the Pan-Handle, West Virghiin, and other 
 "Western works, consult, as to this second siege of Wheeling, the Waiihing- 
 ton-Irvino Correspondence, pp. 312-310, 397. I have before ine, givina; in- 
 teresting particulars, MuKee to Caldwell, September 2; same to DePeyster, 
 September 23, 1782.— MS. letters, Haldimand Papers. "But its [Wheel- 
 ing's] most noteworthj siege,' says Roosevelt (The Winning of the West, 
 Vol. II, pp. 118, 119), "txTUTiod during the succeeding summer [after 1781], 
 -when Simon Girty, witi ie and drum, led a large band of Indians and De- 
 troit rangers against it, Oily to be beaten off." But in a foot-note on the 
 same page, he declai'es bij ui^eci "not know which of the two brothers Girty 
 was in command '' 
 
202 History of the Girtys. 
 
 village and Lorimer's at the portage above, early in Novem- 
 ber. This was the ending virtually of the Western Border 
 War, so far as Pennsylvania and Virginia were concerned, al- 
 though, as a matter of fact which will hereafter bo noted 
 more particularly, savage incursions did not entirely cease for 
 months afterward. 
 
 After the cold weather had set in, Simon Girty was kept 
 actively employed in ciirrying intelligence from the Sandusky 
 to Detroit and return — visiting the latter place at least twice 
 during the ensuing winter.* 
 
 Note I. — The relation of the supposed speech of Simon 
 Girty at Wapatomica to be found in the Bradford Notes, loses 
 nothing in the Magazine of American History (Vol. XV, p. 
 267) : " Elated by their victory over Crawford and spurred 
 on by rumors of a peace which would leave the choicest of 
 their hunting-grounds forever in the possession of their ene- 
 mies, the Indians were eager to make a crowning effort for 
 the recovery of Kentucky, and early in August of this year^ 
 1782, a grand council of the North-western tribes was held 
 at Chillicothe to decide the question of invasion. Simon 
 Girty, who was now one of the most trusted and devoted of 
 the Indian leaders, was the foremost figure at this meeting, 
 and is credited by Bradford with having made the decisive 
 speech of the occasion. . . . To the assembled chiefs his 
 words were the words of Katepacomen, their adopted brother, 
 who was as faithful to them as the panther to her cubs ; whose 
 tent-poles had been strung with the scalps of their enemies, 
 whose cunning was that of the fox and whose heart had never 
 failed him in time of battle. In his speech, which aroused 
 the warriors to the highest pitch of excitement, he depicted 
 the ruin the whites were making of their favorite hunting- 
 
 * In the Pindlay (O.) Courier, published Pome yearn since, it is asserted 
 that, "A short time ago, a dirk-jtnife was found imbedded in the center of a 
 tree on the farm of Alex. Morrison, about three miles nurth-eust of Findlay. 
 On being cleaned, thert-. was found on the blade of the knife, rudely cut, the 
 letters '8. Girty, 1782.' " This, however, I have not been able to verify. 
 
History of the Oirtys. 203 
 
 ground, urged an immediate blow for its recovery, and then 
 with significant flourishes of his tomahawk he closed his im- 
 passioned words by a fiery call for the extermination of their 
 enemies, which was answered by a wild and unanimous yell of 
 approval. The council promptly declared for invasion." 
 
 Note II. — The ubiquity of Simon Girty, as represented by 
 different writers, is remarkable. At the very time that he 
 was " on the wing " in the Mad river country, he was repre- 
 sented as being in Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, by 
 one writer, who says : " I had almost forgot informing your 
 excellency that the noted Girty has for some years past 
 threatened the town of Bedford with destruction, in like man- 
 ner as he has that of Hanna's Town. He has effected his de- 
 sij,. on the latter, and how soon he may eflfect a similar de- 
 struction on the former I know not.'' See Bernard Dougherty 
 to Moore, August 19, 1782, in Pennsylvania Archives (Old 
 Series), Vol. IX, p. 620. [Hannastown was burned July 
 13th.] 
 
 It is not enough that fiction has taken Simon Girty as far 
 eastward, after he went to live with the Wyandots, as Hannas- 
 town ; it has described him as making excursions even to the 
 Susquehanna, as the following indicates : *' He [Simon Girtyl 
 made frequent incursions from the Wyandotte settlement to 
 the Susquehanna. He is said to have" slept during his stay at 
 Halffall Hills in a cave next the river in the end of the moun- 
 tain. He came here for the purpose of watching the whites 
 at Fort Halifax from the top of this mountain. The narrow 
 channel in the river at the end of Halffall Hills was named 
 ' Girty's Notch.' The traveler is reminded [1872] of his ap- 
 proach to the notch, as he descends the river, by the sign 
 ' Girty's Notch Hotel.' " — Wright's History of Perry county, 
 Pennsylvania, p. 34. This, we believe, is as far toward the 
 sea-board as the wildest speculation has taken the renegade 
 in his marauds. 
 
 Note III. — Concerning the (supposed) attempt of Simon 
 
204 History of the Girtys. 
 
 Girty to induce the garrison of Bryan's Station to surrender, 
 Roosevelt, in The Winning of the West, Vol. II, pp. 195, 
 196, says : 
 
 " Girty, who was among the assailants, as a last shift, tried 
 to get the garrison to surrender, assuring them that the In- 
 dians were hourly expecting reinforcements, including the 
 artillery brought against Ruddle's and Martin's stations two 
 years previously ; and that if forced to batter down the walls 
 no quarter would be given to any one. Among the fort's de- 
 fenders was young Aaron Reynolds . . . and he now un- 
 dertook to be spokesman for the rest. Springing up into 
 sight he answered Girty in the tone of rough banter so dear 
 to the backwoodsmen, telling the renegade that he knew him 
 well, and despised him, that the men in the fort feared 
 neither cannon nor reinforcements, and if need be, could 
 drive Girty's tawny folloAvers back from the walls with 
 switches ; and he ended by assuring him that the whites, 
 too, were expecting help, for the country was roused, and if 
 the renegade and his followers dared to linger where they 
 were for another twenty-four hours, their scalps would surely 
 be sun-dried on the roofs of the cabins." 
 
 Roosevelt (p. 193, note) gives his reasons for not rejecting 
 the account of Girty's demand and of Reynolds's reply. "Of 
 course, his [Reynolds's] exact words, as given by McClung 
 [in his Sketches of Western Adventure], are incorrect ; but 
 Mr. L. C. Draper informs me that, in his youth, he knew sev- 
 eral old men who had been in Bryan's Station and had them- 
 selves heard the speech. If it were not for this I should re- 
 ject it, for the British accounts do not even mention that Girty 
 was along, and do not hint at the incident. It was probably 
 an unauthorized ruse of Girty's." What Roosevelt means by 
 " British accounts " is, " British cotemporaneous accounts ; " 
 and he might have said the same of American cotemporaneous 
 accounts ; none mention the name of Girtv at all. As to the 
 " ruse of Girty," it may be aflSrmed that he was altogether 
 too intelligent to attempt to shoulder any such responsibility 
 
History of the Girly». 205 
 
 as the demanding of the surrender of the fort without authority 
 from Captain Cakhvell. 
 
 As to the declaration of Draper, it will be observed that he 
 does not claim that " several old men " fold him they had 
 heard the speech ; but, suppose such was the fact, liow stands 
 the case ? These men must have been very aged ; for when 
 Draper became acquainted with them, it seems probable he 
 was a " youth " of some twenty-five years. (See Magazine 
 of Western History, Vol. V, p. 339.) These old men had 
 possibly read the account of Girty's demand and Reynolds's 
 reply, and had come to believe them as having actually been 
 made. Nothing is more treacherous than the recollections of 
 the aged. The whole story is based upon the fictitious idea 
 that Girty had command of the enemy. Some writers say 
 the parley was in the night. As to the " switches," that would 
 have been nonsense. 
 
 In An Historical Account of the Expedition against San- 
 dusky (pp. 195, 196), currency has been given to the story of 
 the parley between Girty and Reynolds — following the account 
 as usually published. See, also, the Magazine of American 
 History, Vol. XV, p. 268. , _[ 
 
 Note IV. — So much credence has been given to the report 
 that Simon Girty commanded the combined force of British 
 and Indians at the Blue Licks, and so interwoven is it in the 
 histories of the West — especially of Kentucky — that an in- 
 quiry is proper as to its origin. The first American accounts 
 of the battle, given by writers who took part in the action, 
 evidently had not heard the report. 
 
 " In the meantime,"' wrote Levi Todd to his brother, Robert 
 Todd, on the twenty-sixth of August, " the Indians made a 
 violent attack upon Bryant's Fort [Bryan's Station], and con- 
 tinued it all day and night." — Calendar of Virginia State 
 Papers, Vol. Ill, p. 333 (compare Boone to the Governor of 
 Virginia, August 30, in same, p. 275). The report, however, 
 soon became current ; but it coupled, oi'iginally, Girty's name 
 with " many other white men," as commander (Logan to Gov- 
 ernor Harrison, August 31, 1782, in Calendar of Virginia 
 
206 Hhlory of (he GiHys. 
 
 State Papers, Vol. Ill, p. 280) ; showing, conclusively, that 
 it was all guess-work — all iiuDgination. Then it was declared 
 he, alone, led the enoihy (Levi Todd to Governor Harrison 
 and Council, September 11, 1782, in Calendar of Virginia 
 State Papers, Vol. Ill, p. 300) ; which declaration has been, 
 more than others, the one to gain the greatest currency. 
 However, the credit, as before intimated, has been sometimes 
 divided between him and Captain McKee (Filson's Narrative 
 of Daniel Boone, of 1784). In one account, Caldwell, Girty 
 and McKee, are all sharers in the honor (CoUins's Kentucky, 
 Vol. I, p. 20). 
 
 The report is, it is believed, more strongly set forth in the 
 following from the Magazine of American History, Vol. XV 
 (pp. 267, 268), than in any other published account: 
 
 " Girty was chosen the leader of the savage army of nearly 
 six hundred warriors, and Bryant's and Lexington stations, 
 ■which were only five miles apart, were marked as the first in 
 order of destruction. By the middle of the month the dusky 
 horde, after a swift and stealthy march, reached the center of 
 the wilderness now so widely known as ' the Blue Grass Re- 
 gion of Kentucky,' and on the night of the 14th of August 
 silently settled around the famous Bryant's Station, which 
 they had expected would fall at once into their hands through 
 the absence of its usual male defenders. With admirable 
 skill the wily Girty had maneuvered to draw them out to the 
 relief of Hoy's Station, which he had caused to be threatentd 
 several days before for that very purpose, and the pioneers, 
 completely deceived by the device, were busy with prepara- 
 tions for a march by sunrise, when he arrived fortunately for 
 them a few hours before their intended departure. The de- 
 ceiver was himself deceived. Mistaking the bustle and the 
 lights within the fort to mean that his presence had been dis- 
 covered, Girty ordered a premature attack, which revealed to 
 the unsuspecting and astounded garrison the imminence of its 
 danger and ultimately resulted in the failure of its enemies. 
 The gallant charge of the men of Lexington, through the In- 
 dian lines and into the beleaguered fort ; the heroic exploit of 
 
Ilixlory of the Gir/t/n. 207 
 
 the women who marched into the jftws of deatli to get water 
 for the garrison, and the successful defense of Bryant's Sta- 
 tion, are now too celebrated in story and in song to need 
 another telling. 
 
 "At this siege Girty displayed his usual courage. He led 
 on the Indians when they stormed the palisades, and in a close 
 encounter with a Lexington rifleman barely escaped with his 
 life. His parley with the garrison, however, when ho tried to 
 negotiate a surrender, resulted only in his mortification and 
 the taunt of the fearless Reynolds that ' they knew him, and 
 he himself had a worthless dog that looked so much like 
 him, that he called him Simon Girty,' must have convinced 
 the White Indian how greatly he was detested by the pioneers. 
 The alarm had now gone forth, the rescue was sounded and 
 the siege was abandoned. Girty's plan, so admirably con- 
 ceived, so well conducted and so nearly realized, failed, but in 
 the very face of defeat and while the brave hunters of Ken- 
 tucky were gathering and marching against him, beset by 
 difficulties but undiscquraged, he formed a scheme still deeper 
 and more dangerous to his foes. He retreated, but it was a 
 subtle and seductive retreat, which lured the small but daunt- 
 less band of his pursuers to the fatal hills and deadly ravines 
 of the Blue Licks, where the advice of the sagacious Boone 
 was disregarded, and where, on the 19th of August, 1782, the 
 Indians struck a blow that sent horror and grief to every 
 cabin in the wilderness of Kentucky and invested the name 
 of a barren and rugged spot of earth with a sad and san- 
 guinary immortality. The criminal rashness of McGary, the 
 precipitate crossing of the fatal ford, the unequal struggle, 
 the desperate heroism of the pioneers and the sickening 
 slaughter of the flower of Kentucky's soldiery, constitute one 
 of the most familiar and interesting episodes of Western his- 
 tory." 
 
 To this, the following is added : " But the part played in 
 it [battle of the Blue Licks] by the principal actor, Girty, 
 has for some reason been substantially ignored by the writers 
 who have treated the event during the entire century that has 
 
llixtory of the Oirlys, 
 
 elnpBcd since its occurrence. The Uordcrcrs of 1782, exas- 
 perated at Estill's defeat, inflamed by tlio burning of Craw- 
 ford, and lashed into a fury of mortification and grief over 
 this lust and great disaster, were in no mood to admit the 
 ability of the man they hated and despised as a renegade. 
 The disaster was charged entirely to the recklessness of the 
 hot-headed McGary and the odious Girty was treated with 
 silent contempt. The example thus set seems to have been 
 followed by all the W( atern chroniclers since that day. But, 
 viewing now the cold I'acts with e^ ' • v.ndimned by prejudice 
 or passion, it becomes evident that Uie soldiership of Girty 
 had more to do with the defeat of the gallant pioneers than 
 the rashness of McGary." 
 
 As to what has been published heretofore, showing Captain 
 Caldwell to have been in command at the battle, see Ilaldi- 
 mand to Carleton, October 10, 1782, in Vermont Historical 
 Society's Collections, Vol. II, p. 304 ; Albach's Western An- 
 nals (1857), p. 395 ; McBride's Pioneer Biography, Vol. I, p. 
 208 ; Roosevelt's The Winning of the West, Vol. II, pp.' 191- 
 207,399-404. ■■■''\L:^'--'):\:-%'-'i ■■:'':■./- 'i' 
 
 Note V. — There has been heretofore a diversity of published 
 statements as to which of the three Girty brothers (Simon, 
 James, and George) was in the expedition to Wheeling in 1782. 
 Knapp, in his History of Ashland County (Ohio), p. 508, says : 
 " Connected with this expedition was the notorious James 
 Girty." Another account is to the effect that George Girty 
 was with the Indians and had command (see An Historical 
 Account of the Expedition against Sandusky, p. 276) ; still 
 another that Simon was the Girty who lead the savages ; but, 
 as we have shown, the two last named did not leave Captain 
 Caldwell. 
 
 "When the attack [on Fort Henry, Wheeling] began, there 
 were but about twenty efficient men to oppose nearly four 
 hundred savages led on by James Girty." — Dr. Geo. W. 
 Hill, in the Ashland (0.) Press, November 26, 1874. This is 
 copied in Beach's Indian Miscellany (see, for the whole ac- 
 
History of the airtya. 209 
 
 count, pp. r)l-r)4). So far as this relates to Jaiiioa Girty, the 
 statoment that ho was present is correct, but erroneous as to 
 his having command of the savages. Anotlior error of Dr. 
 Ilill, besides making the number of savages too »reat, is that 
 which makes their determination to assail Wheeli ig an after- 
 thought : "Arriving at that point [the ruins of the " Mo- 
 ravian " Indian towns on the Tuscarawas] a difference of opin- 
 ion arose as to the exact destination of the expedition. After 
 some consultation in council, as ilie expedition to Kentucky 
 was proving successful, it was decided that the Indian army 
 should proceed to and attack the small fort or block-houso 
 at what is now the city of Wheeling, West Virginia." 
 
 NoTK VI. — General Clark, in marching against the princi- 
 pal Shawanese town on the Miami river, in retaliation for 
 " Blue Licks," left the Ohio river on the 4th of November, 
 17H2, with one thousand and fifty men, reaching the Indian 
 village, now Piqua, Ohio, on the tenth, in the evening, com- 
 pletely surprising its occupants. Every thing the Shawanese 
 possessed was destroyed, except such articles as might be use- 
 ful to the troops. The British trading post at the portage 
 above — "Lorimer'a," but afterward usually written "Lora- 
 mie's " — shared the same fate. " The loss of the enemy was 
 ten scalps, seven prisoners, and two whites retaken." Clark 
 lost one killed and had one wounded. (See his Official Re- 
 port, printed in Washington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 401, 
 402.) 
 
 14 
 
210 Hhfory of thr dirfiju. 
 
 CIlArTKli XXII. 
 
 The nsiwrt of peace between tlic Unitetl States and Great 
 Britain tlid not readi Fort Pitt until May, 17H8,an(l cxcurniona 
 into tlie settlements by HUiall war-parties of savages were still 
 carried on. Simon (Jirty, from the Sandusky, led warriors to 
 Nine-mile Run, within five miles of Pittsburgh, where they 
 took some scalps. This was just at the time when the fact 
 became known at the fort that hostilities had been declared at 
 an end. To commemorate this, Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen 
 Bayard, then in command of the post, in the absence of Gen- 
 eral Irvine, was firing a salute, while the doath-dealing Av<^rk 
 of Girty was going on ; the sounds of the cannon being dis- 
 tinctly heard by him. 
 
 A lad named John Burkhart was captured. He was asked 
 by Girty the meaning of the firing. The boy told him that 
 there was peace. This the renegade did not believe, so he 
 took his youthful prisoner to Detroit, but DePeyster sent him 
 back in care of a person returning to Pittsburgh,* Young 
 Burkhart was kindly treated by Girty during his journey through 
 the wilderness — another instance of humanity to be passed to 
 his credit. This raid was the last of Girty's incursions during 
 the Revolution against the border of Western Pennsylvania, 
 or into any of the American settlements. He never again 
 visited his native state painted and plumed as a savage, to imbrue 
 his hands in the blood of his countrymen. But he remained 
 as interpreter in tke employ of the British Indian Depart- 
 ment on half-pay — on a " pension " as it was called f — making 
 at first his head-quarters at Detroit, as there was no longer a 
 necessity for his remaining upon the Sandusky, he having been 
 
 • Washinnton-Irvine Correspondence, p. 418. 
 
 t Howe's Hiiilorical Collections of Virginia, p. 367. 
 
JliHlory of the Girli/n. 211 
 
 recalled from tlio Ohio wiMcrncHs hy DoPcyHtor.-i' Ilowevor, 
 before wo (liHinisa him from hin sojourn iimoni^ the Wyundots 
 as interpreter and warrior, attention \h properly called to one 
 of the many absurd traditions with which his name is asso- 
 ciated — this time in connection with that of Samuel Brady, 
 who hatl been captured, according to the relation, by the In- 
 dians : 
 
 " Brady was taken [a prisoner] to the Sandusky villages,' so 
 the story goes, "and as ho was, and had been for years, the 
 most noted and feared white man, there was great rejoicing 
 amongst the Indians at his capture, and great preparations 
 and parade were made for torturing him. Kunners were sent 
 to all the neighboring Indiana, with the news that Brady was 
 a prisoner, and every Indian that got the news was there on 
 the day set for his execution. A very large body of Itidians, 
 old and young, wore collected together. 
 
 " Brady said that when he was first taken to Sandusky, 
 there was something in one of the chiefs which struck him 
 very forcibly. He soon became satisfied that he had some- 
 where seen him before. And after close observation and ex- 
 amination, he became satisfied that this person was Simon 
 Girty, the boy who was brought up with him as a brother. Ho 
 took the first opportunity he could get to say to him that he 
 knew him as Simon Girty. Ho told him who he was, and re- 
 lated transactions that took place when they were boys and 
 that he could not possibly have forgotten. For some time 
 Girty refused to know him, or even to understand a word of 
 English ; but at last he owned himself as Simon Girty. He 
 was at this time a noted chief amongst the Indians, and was 
 noted as being the most savage amongst the savages. 
 
 "Another tradition of Girty was, that Brady and he were 
 
 * "The great struggle in which the savages hud been so actively engaged 
 ■was now over, and Girty, resigning for a season the ambitions of military 
 life, betook himself again to his old desultory occupations of trader, hunter, 
 and interpreter." — Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. '269. But 
 the change was simply this: he dropped for the time all warlike endeavors 
 against his countrymen, simply continuing his occupation us interpreter. 
 That he was never a trader will more fully appear in a subseijuent chapter. 
 
212 History of the, Girtya. 
 
 young together and intimate acquaintances and associates; 
 that Girty was at one time a leader in the excursions against 
 the Indians, but for some reason he left the whites, joined 
 with and became a celebrated and savage chief amongst the 
 Indians. 
 
 " Brady plead with Girty at first to assist him to escape ; 
 that he could do it without the fear of detection ; that from 
 their early associations and friendship, he was bound to do it. 
 He used and urged by every reason and argument he could 
 think of to induce him to do so, but without eflFect. Girty 
 would have but little conversation with him, and refused to 
 assist him in the least. 
 
 "As the time for Brady's execution drew nigh, be begged 
 of Girty to furnish him with the means to take his own life 
 and escape the tortures preparing for him, but all Avithout 
 eflFect. The time for his execution arrived ; the fires were 
 lighted, and the excitement among the Indians became in- 
 tense. Their pow-wows had commenced, and the circle 
 around him was drawing closer, and he began sensibly to feel 
 the eflfects of the fire. The withes which confined his arms 
 and legs were getting loose by the eflfects of the fire, and he 
 soon found he could at any time free himself from them. 
 He watched his opportunity, when, in the excitement of the 
 scene, a fine looking squaw — a squaw of one of the chiefs — 
 ventured a little too near him for her own safety and entirely 
 within his reach. He, by one powerful exertion, cleared 'him- 
 self from every thing by which he had been confined, caught 
 the squaw by the head and shoulders and threw her on the 
 top of the burning pile, and in the confusion that followed 
 made his escape." * r ;'^' -:.• ^ " - 
 
 At Detroit, in July, 1783, DePeyster gathered together the 
 chiefs of eleven Indian nations, comprehending all the tribes 
 as far south as the Wabash and the Great Miami. At this 
 council the services of Simon Girty as interpreter were brought 
 into requisition. Colonel DePeyster informed the savages 
 
 • See the letter of Frederick Wadsworth in tnict No. 29, published by the 
 Western Reserve and Northern Ohio Historical Society, December, 1876. 
 
Rkiory of the Girtys. 213 
 
 that peace was at hand and counseled them to bury the 
 hatchet. He then praised them for their valor, and dismissed 
 them with presents. 
 
 After five years of residence among the Indians, Simon Girty 
 now left (so far as actual and continuous living was concerned) 
 the wilderness and its dusky occupants, never to return. 
 When making his home with the Mingoes and Wyandots, he 
 did not become, as many have supposed, one of these people, 
 adopting their style of dress, falling in with all their habits, 
 hunting with them, and going with them to their councils at 
 Detroit as an Indian — he was never considered by these peo- 
 ple as one of their number. It is safe to say that from 
 August, 1778, to August, 1783, not much more than half his 
 time was spent with these savages. He was constantly "on 
 the wing " — " flying about," as the British reports of that pe- 
 riod so frequently aflirm — now in the wilderness, now at De- 
 troit. At the close of the Revolution, he was not so much 
 enamored of Indian life as his brother James, and the latter 
 was not so much charmed with it as their brother George. 
 
 Late in August, 1783, Simon Girty was visited at De- 
 troit by his brother Thomas and his half-brother, John 
 Turner. The truth was that, at the close of the Revolution, 
 both the last-named were somewhat dissatisfied with the turn af- 
 fairs had taken. Neither had the cause of his country deeply 
 at lieart. During the war, both had been suspected of tory 
 proclivities, and there is a tradition current that during the 
 early days of that conflict, Turner had actually been arrested, 
 but nothing was proven against him and he was discharged. 
 The object of their journey, which will now be explained, 
 shows that their patriotism was not, at the date of their visit, 
 of a genuine character. " Three men," wrote DePcyster, on 
 the ninth of October, to Brigadier-General Maclean, from 
 Detroit, " are lately arrived froii Redstone creek [now 
 Brownsville, Fayette county, Pennsylvania]. They [that is, 
 two of them — Thomas Girty and John Turner] are brothers 
 to our interpreters, the Girtys, and [one, Nathaniel McCarty, 
 to] a McCarty lately killed. The sole intent of their journey 
 
214 History of the Oirlys. 
 
 is, to see what encouragement they will meet [with] if they 
 settle under the British government, [they] assuring me also 
 that several hundred will be glad to come oft', as they see 
 nothing but persecution preparing for such as were not hearty 
 in the American cause." * 
 
 But the mission of the visitors to Detroit was a failure — why, 
 it is not known positively, although the fact that the persecu- 
 tions which were expected did not follow in their cases, doubt- 
 less had something to do with it. Both Thomas Girty and 
 John Turner remained in their own country and became loyal 
 and good citizens. 
 
 In the fall, the different Western tribes in British interest 
 were again assembled in council ; this time at Sandusky, and 
 by Sir John Johnson, then Superintendent-General of In- 
 dian Affairs. He made a powerful appeal to the Indians to 
 stand up for their rights as against the Americans, counseling 
 them to take up the hatchet again ratlicr than yield to the 
 latter the possession of their lands. Simon Girty was also 
 present at this gathering, acting as interpreter. 
 
 The next year [1784], being one unusually free from 
 Indian assemblages, gave Simon Girty time to turn his 
 thoughts upon a subject of a wholly different character from 
 that which had heretofore burdened his mind. In short, he 
 resolved to m<arry. But the object of his affections was much 
 younger than himself and a prisoner among the Indians. How 
 much genuine love there was on either side, in the affair, is 
 the merest conjecture. She who was to become his wife was 
 Catharine Malott, who, it will be remembered, was captured 
 upon the Ohio river in 1780 f — a girl then in her teens, but 
 now grown to womanhood. To her, a savage life was more 
 terrible than death — she would even marry Girty would he 
 
 * MS. letter, Huldimund Papers. That the visitors were " lately arrived 
 from Redstone creek," implies (at least so far as Girty and Turner were 
 connerned) that they were lasily fom there, where they had been, probably, 
 to get a list of such as might desire to change their habitations. The three 
 gave to DePeyoter the names of twenty-throe persons besides themselves, 
 all of whom, save two, had families. A copy of iYta list is bofore me. 
 
 t Ante, p. 116. 
 
•History of the Girtys. 215 
 
 daviso some means for her escape from captivity rather than 
 remain with the Indians — this is doubtless the correct view to 
 take of the matter. And Girty, who had made her acquaint- 
 ance in the Indiaa country, was not slow in planning for her 
 release, making a trip for that express purpose to the tribe 
 where she was living ; for the maiden was " fair to look upon ;" 
 and, in her old age, it is said, her comeliness did not forsake 
 her. 
 
 It was in August, 1784, that Girty, on his way out of the 
 wilderness, having in charge the one who was soon to become 
 his wife, reached the mouth of the Detroit river. Here, on 
 the Canada side of that stream, they were soon after married ; 
 and here they at once took up their abode, at a point less than 
 two miles below the present Amherstburg, Essex county.* In 
 the vicinity, a settlement had already been commenced. 
 
 " I take the opportunity of Commodore Grant's going to 
 Quebec," wrote the then lieutenant-governor of Detroit to 
 the governor of Canada, to inclose to your excellency a list 
 of the names of those who claim Indian lands in the vicinity 
 of this place, from grants recorded in the recorder's office 
 and as I understand by the knowledge of the commanding 
 oflficers here since the year 1780, by which it will appear your 
 excellency's orders to me to discountenance such proceedings, 
 is something too late to have any effect, as almost all the 
 land between the Lakes Erie and Huron on both sides the 
 strait [Detroit river] is claimed, and a great part settled upon 
 and improved. If it is your excellency's pleasure this should 
 be stopped nothing but your excellency's public and positive 
 orders will effect it. As Lieut.-Governor Hamilton knows 
 most of the claimants, he can inform your excellency many of 
 them are very unworthy any indulgence in that way. 
 
 " I have consulted Mr. McKee upon the most probable 
 method of obtaining a tract for the Crown to be distributed 
 
 • In An HistoricHl Account of the Expedition Hgninst Sandusky, under ' 
 Col. William Crawford, in 1782, p. 198, it \a erroneously stated, in effect, 
 that, in 1795, Oirty settled just below Maiden and married there. The 
 date wag 1784. 
 
816 History of the Girtys. 
 
 as your excellency may think proper, and he is of opinion 
 with me, that a strip of two or three leagues deep on the 
 strait between the Lakes Erie and Huron may easily be ob- 
 tained, but that a greater quantity might give umbrage to the 
 nations on the lakes. He likewise tells me the pur'^'iase which 
 has been made at Niagara has not been made knowa to the 
 lake Indians, and it is more than probable they will not be 
 pleased with the boundaries extending so far up Lake Erie. 
 
 " I am informed several of the reduced provincial officers 
 and many of the soldiers wish to settle on the south side 
 of Detroit rather than any-where else. Several have built 
 upon and improved lands who have no other pretension than 
 the [lake] Indians' consent to possession ; Captains Bird and 
 Caldwell are of the number, at a place that they have called 
 Fredericksburg [Amherstburgh] ; besides all which, there pre 
 some concessions of lots in the town of which I have not yet 
 got a full account." * 
 
 It was less than a month after this letter was written that 
 Simon Girty determined to locate on a site chosen by him i:ii- 
 mediately after his marriage, which tract was washed along 
 its western boundary by the Detroit river, he having, however, 
 at the time no other right "than the [lake] Indians' consent 
 to possession ;" the same that was relied upon by Captains 
 Bird and Caldwcll.t 
 
 * Jehu Hay to General Haldimand, July 22, 1784.— MS. letter, Haldimand 
 Papers. " During the same season [1784], a settlement was made . . . 
 at Amherstburg [Maiden] by tho Loyalists." — Cannifl''8 Hi.st()ry of Canada, 
 p. 182. 
 
 t " Hero [at Fort Maiden, in 1706] ho [Simon Girty] found many war- 
 riors of his own tribe preparing to settle on lands granted them as allios of 
 the crown." — Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 273. IJy "his 
 own tribe" is here meant the Wyandots; but no lands, at this pt-riod, were 
 granted the Detroit Wyandots, "as allies of the crov/n," so far as I have 
 been able to learn, at or near Fort Maiden; and certainly none became the 
 property of the Sandusky Wyandots. Hay's letter of 1784, when Girty really 
 settled near what was afterward Fort Maiden, speaks of tho beist method, it 
 ■will be noticed, of obtaining a tract /or the erownfrom the Indiana — not /or 
 the Indians from the crown. 
 
History of the Girtys. 217 
 
 Note I. — "Girty was now [after the battle of the Blue 
 Licks] by far the most prominent and influential leader among 
 the Ohio Indians, and was dreaming of still greater military 
 achievements, when fortunately for the distressed and weak- 
 ened pioneers his career as a soldier was checked for a while 
 by the close of the War of Independence, but not before he 
 had, according to Bradford, made a narrow escape from the 
 swiftly moving forces of George Rogers Clarke, ' the Napoleon 
 of the West,' who pursued him to the valley of the Miami. 
 The autumn, so dreaded by Boone, instead of bringing In- 
 dians, brought the glad tidings of the cessation of hostilities, 
 an event which crushed all the hopes of the savages of ever 
 recovering Kentucky — hopes which seemed just after their 
 great victory at the Blue Licks to be on thr very verge of a 
 glorious realization. Girty learned with disgust of the return 
 of peace while at the head of an Indian force operating about 
 Fort Pitt, and the news, strange to say, was first made known 
 to him by the salutes of rejoicing fired from the very fort that 
 he had shamelessly abandoned and whose downfall he had so 
 confidently predicted." — Magazine of American History, Vol. 
 XV, p. 269. 
 
 It is error to declare (1) tliat Simon Girty, after the battle 
 of the Blue Licks, was by far the most prominent and influen- 
 tiiil leader among the Ohio Indians ; (2) that he was dreaming 
 of still greater military achievements [than at the Blue Licks] ; 
 and (3) that afterward he made a narrow escape from " Clarke," 
 who pursued him to the valley of the Miami. 
 
 Again : That the savages north of the Ohio, after the battle 
 of the Blue Licks, had hopes, which then seemed to be just on 
 the verge of realization, of recovering Kentucky, is an unwar- 
 ranted statement. And it may be added that Simon Girty 
 was never a soldier during the Revolution in Fort Pitt (except 
 in the first half of 1775 as a Virginia partisan under Major 
 Connolly, who called it Fort Dunmore) ; he never, therefore, 
 shamelessly abandoned it ; and never confidently predicted its 
 downfall, so far as the writer of this narrative has been able 
 to discover. 
 
218 History of the Girti/s. 
 
 • 
 
 Note II. — It lias only been within late years that any thing 
 has appeared in print as to the marriage of Simon Girty. 
 
 " Catherine Malott, the oldest daughter of the family, was 
 in her fifteenth year at the time of the capture [of the Malotts 
 already mentioned in this narrative] and was carried to one 
 of the Shawnee [Delaware] towns on Mad river [it was on 
 the Scioto]. Simon Girty seems to have come across her on 
 one of his circuits among the various Indian towns, and fell 
 violently in love with her. This was about three years after 
 her capture, and while her mother was known by Girty to be 
 in Detroit for the purpose of collecting her family from cap- 
 tivity. Indeed, it is probable that Girty had been employed 
 by Mrs. Malott to trace up, if possible, her lost children. 
 [This about Mrs. Malott is error.] However this may be, he 
 found Catherine now grown and very pretty, and adopted into 
 an Indian family [of the Muncey tribe or clan of Delawares]. 
 They refused to give the girl up; but, on Girty's promising to 
 bring her back after she had seen her mother in Detroit, he 
 succeeded in getting Catherine away."— McKnight's Our 
 Western Border, p. 423. : \ • 
 
 The following is a more recent account; nevertheless, as 
 will be seen, it contains mistakes. Miss Malott was never a 
 resident of Detroit, and was not, as we have already shown, 
 captured by the Shawanese : 
 
 " It was during the, to hira [Simon Girty], monotonous calm 
 of the first year after the war, 1783, that he secured a white 
 wife by marrying Catharine Malotte, a young lady about half as 
 old as himself, and reputed to have been at that time the beauty 
 of Detroit. There is an air of romance even about his marriage. 
 His wife, like himself, had been a victim of a border tragedy 
 and a prisoner among the Indians. A party of settlers, in- 
 cluding her own family, while descending the Ohio in a flat- 
 boat, seeking new homes in the wilds of Kentucky, were fired 
 into by a band of Shawanese, who seized the boat, killed sev- 
 eral of the party, and carried into a miserable captivity all 
 the survivors, including the then young girl, Catharine Ma- 
 lotte. She was released through the interposition of Girty. 
 
History of the Girtyx. 219 
 
 Gratitude paved the way for love, and when her deliverer re- 
 turned from the war as the victor of the I>lue Licks, she 
 turned away from her red-coated and more civiliyx'd admirers 
 of the British post [Detroit] and accepte*! their strange and 
 notorious white savage confederate." — Magazine of American 
 History, Vol. XV, pp. 269, 270. 
 
 Note III. — That ^imon Girty, immediately after his mar- 
 riage, took up his residence in Canada, below Amherstburg, is 
 fully established. He was frequently in Detroit afterward, 
 which has led some writers to assert that he lived there; but 
 this is error. His determination to settle where he did was 
 due to the fact that he could be a resident of Canada, and at 
 the same time secure to himself, as he believed, a valuable 
 tract of land ; and also because it Avas a very accessible point 
 for him (still engaged, as he was, in the British Indian De- 
 partment), with Detroit on one side and the Ohio Indians on 
 the other, the close relations of these savages with his de- 
 partment not having been particularly interrupted by the es- 
 tablishing of peace. The Magazine of American History, 
 Vol. XV, p. 273, not only gives the wrong date for his set- 
 tling in Canada (1790), but adds : "As this society (about 
 Maiden), Indians, refugees and British, was the most home- 
 like Girty could expect to find, the soil fertile, the I'egion 
 sufficiently wild and abounding with game, and no war prom- 
 ising immediate excitement, he settled with his family on a 
 piece of land at the head of Lake Erie and about a mile and 
 a half below Maiden." 
 
220 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 The acknowledging by Great Britain of the independence 
 of the United States of America, could it have been imme- 
 diately followed by the yielding possession to the latter of the 
 military posts of the former in the West, would have brought 
 at once to terms the various Indian nations therein located, 
 and the loss of the fur trade to the English would have been 
 the result. But possession was withheld; and it was of vital 
 importance to that traffic that the different tribes should con- 
 tinue to occupy their hunting-grounds north-west of the Ohio. 
 To stir up an animosity, or, rather, to keep alive the war 
 spirit engendered in the late conflict, was the policy of the 
 traders. And the emissaries of Great Britain were not slow, 
 as we have already shown, in urging the Indians to stand up 
 for what they told them were their rights. 
 
 It was aid (first covert and then open) given the savages by 
 the English, which finally brought on between them and the 
 Americans actual war. A powerful agent in its instigation 
 was Simon Girty.* He is now suddenly brought forward as 
 a leading character for mischief to the United States. For 
 the next ten years, nearly, he stands forth, as will be shown, a 
 prominent figure in the West. To him much is to be charged 
 in bringing about the discomfiture of one of our armies and 
 the loss of another. And yet, until quite recently, so little 
 had been recorded of his career during this period, that what 
 had found its way into the current histories of the West was 
 only to the effect that, some years after his marriage, he was 
 comparatively quiet, attending to the affairs of his growing 
 family, and largely occupied in trading with the Indians. 
 
 Troops raised under resolutions of Congress of the 3d of 
 June, 1784, were embodied in what was known as the First 
 
 • Journal of Capt. Jonathan Heart, p. 72, 
 
History of the Girti/x. 221 
 
 American Regiment, in command of which was Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Josiah Ilarmar.* It was determined to hold a treaty 
 with the Western Indians at Pittsburgh, and mess'nges were 
 sent into the Indian country beyond the Ohio, inviting the 
 various tribes to meet at that place. The troops (Ilarniar's) 
 raised in Pennsylvania were ordered to march there ; and by 
 the last of October two detachments had arrived out. The 
 United States Commissioners to hold the treaty were Arthur 
 Lee, Richard Butler, and .George Rogers Clark. They did 
 not meet in Pittsburgh until the 5th of December, when, be- 
 cause of the season being so far advanced, and for other rea- 
 sons, it was determined to hold the treaty at Fort Mcintosh. 
 There the troops immediately marched, where chiefs of the 
 Wyandots, Chippewas, Delawares, and Ottawas, together with 
 the three government Commissioners just named, were after- 
 ward assembled ; and there, early in January, 1785, a treaty 
 was held and articles duly signed. 
 
 Could the Wyandots and Delawares, after the treaty of 
 Fort Mcintosh, have been left to themselves — could they have 
 followed out (without the fur trader and the British agent in- 
 terfering) the dictates of their own better judgments, a good 
 understanding would doubtless have continued between them 
 and the Americans. The result of that treaty was already 
 having its effect upon the Shawanese on the Mad river and to 
 the westward, notwithstanding they were not represented at 
 the meeting with the United States Commissioners, for it was 
 soon manifest that they too were desirous to treat with the 
 Americans ; but just then came the British fur traders from 
 Detroit, first to the Wyandots and Delawares upon the San- 
 dusky and then to the other tribes, sounding the note of alarm 
 that peace only meant the driving of the nations from their 
 homes and their hunting-grounds. And Simon Girty also 
 followed with his harangues, which were far more potent for 
 mischief than were the declarations of the traders. Thus 
 •was the seed of disaffection sown among the Ohio Indians just 
 
 * Journal uf Capt. Jonathan Heart, p. 86, note 2. 
 
000 
 
 Jlixlory of the Qirtyn. 
 
 at the time when the American government wiia using every 
 efTort to treat with the various tribes and bring about a per- 
 manent understanding with them. 
 
 It was one of the articles of the Fort Mcintosh treaty that 
 " three chiefs, one from among the Wyandot and two from 
 among the Delaware nations," should " be delivered up to the 
 Commissioners of the United States, to be by them retained 
 till all the prisoners, white and black, taken by the said In- 
 dians, or any of them," should be restored. 
 
 Simon Girty was now wholly under the direction of McKee 
 — as completely so as he had been in the Revolution under 
 that of Hamilton, of Lernoult, or of DePeyster. His general 
 movements in the Indian country — in the Ohio wilderness — 
 were all at the bidding of his old-time friend, still agent in 
 the British Indian Department. lie did not go among the 
 savages after peace between the United States and Great 
 Britain had been proclaimed, to live with them, but as a Brit- 
 ish emissary, to counsel them as dictated to him by McKee, 
 and, in the end, as we shall hereafter see, to go to war with 
 them, as circumstances might best require. 
 
 On the first day of June, 1785, Colonel Ilarmar, in com- 
 mand at Fort Mcintosh, wrote the Secretary of War of the 
 United States as follows (which, it will be seen, is confirmatory 
 of the statement as to the evil effects produced by the wiles 
 of the fur traders and Girty) : 
 
 " The Wyandot and Delaware nations have brought in their 
 prisoners (fifteen in number), agreeably to treaty, .and the 
 hostages left in my possession are now dismissed. These na- 
 tions are friendly, and I believe wish to cultivate a good un- 
 derstanding with the Americans. The Shawanese make great 
 professions of peace, and are desirous of a treaty being held 
 with them. The Cherokees are hostile, and have killed and 
 scalped seven people near the mouth of the Scioto, about three 
 hundred and seventy miles from hence. 
 
 " Speeches have been continually sent by the British 
 from Detroit to the Indians since the treaty, and I have good 
 intelligence that several traders have been amongst them, 
 
IIiKlory of the Girhj». 223 
 
 using all lucnns to make them entertain a bad opinion of the 
 Americans. One Simon Girty, I am informed, lias been to 
 Sandusky for that purpose. I have taken every means in my 
 power to counteract their proceedings, and have directed the 
 Indians not to listen to their lies, but to tie and bring in here 
 any of those villains who spread reports among them in- 
 jurious to the United States, in order that they may be pun- 
 ished."* 
 
 Of the regularly authorized agents of the British, it is 
 highly probable that (Jirty was the very first one to revisit 
 the Ohio wilderness, to awaken in the minds of the savages 
 animosities against the United States. And he played well 
 his part, as the sequel shows. 
 
 The General Government resolved to hold a conference with 
 the Western Indians at the mouth of the Great Miami, and 
 messengers were dispatched to the various tribes inviting 
 them to the meeting. But, since the treaty at Fort Mcintosh 
 in the previous January, stirring events had transpired in 
 the wilderness west. The intrigues of Girty and the fur 
 traders with the Wyandots and Delawares, before mentioned, 
 awakened the slumbering war-spirit of some of the braves 
 of these tribes ; and now, for tlic first time, savage aggressions, 
 wholly independent of Great Britain, though stimulated by 
 her agents, took place ; five or six people at the mouth of 
 the Itockhocking river falling victims during the summer to 
 the tomahawk and scalping-knife. And, at the Tuscarawas, 
 these aggressions were afterward repeated. Indeed, at the 
 
 * St. Cliiir Piipers, Vol. II, pp. 6, 7. See also Memoirs of the Historical 
 Society of Pennsylvaniii, Vol. VII, p. 417, where the same is jjiven, with a 
 number of sentences oinilted; but w!:nt is j;iveii follows the originiil closer 
 thim the other. Com|)Hre, in tlii* connection, Hcmt's .loiirniil, pp. 71-73. 
 Tlie MiigHzine of Anierii'an IIi.>-tory, Vol. XV, p. '270, siiys: "The Indians 
 at this time, 1785, anil for year.j after, were constantly agjjravatcd by the en- 
 croachment of the whites upon their Morth- western lands, and certainly 
 Girty did his best lo fan the increasing flame, which finally resulted in llar- 
 mar's campaign of 1790." I'hi' accuracy of this statement as to "encroach- 
 ments," in 1785, of the white-; upon the North-western lands of the Indians 
 is doubtful. The Indians in interest had acluiowledged the paramount 
 rights of the United Stales lo ail lands "encroached upon" by the whites 
 during that year. 
 
824 71 info ry of the Cirfi/a. 
 
 very time — that is, in tho latter part of Septcmher, ITH'), and 
 in tho early dayn of October followiiif:^ — when Richard Uutler, 
 one of the Cominissioiier.s of tlie United States, waw passing 
 down the Ohio, on his way to the mouth of the Great Miami, 
 to tlio treaty to be there hehl, a council had convened, near 
 the Delaware village of New Coshocton, three miles north of 
 the present site of Hellcfontaine, in Ligan county, Ohio, at 
 •which were chiefs of the Delawares, Wyandots, Shawaneae. 
 Mingoes, Cherokecs, I'ottawattamies, Kickapoos, and Miamis, 
 •with belts and speeches from the Wcatenons, Ottawas, Chip- 
 pewas, anil tlie Fox nations, to form an alliance against tho 
 Americans. Simon Oirty, also, had no sooner heard of tho 
 intended treaty at the nioutli of the Miami than he hastened, 
 along with William Caldwell, from Detroit to tho Sandusky, 
 to use his utmost endeavors to prevent tho Delawares and 
 Wyandots from attending the conference.* Thence, Girty 
 passed on to the Shawanese, employing every means in his 
 power to stop those Indians also from going. f 
 
 Richard Butler, United States Commissioner, with Captv^.in 
 Walter Finney and his company of infantry, from Fort Mc- 
 intosh did not reach the mouth of the Great Miami until the 
 twenty-second of October. Two days after, a place on the 
 north side of the Ohio, just above the junction of the two 
 rivers, was fixed upon as a proper one to be occupied while 
 holding the treaty, and orders were immediately issued to 
 clear it of trees. The same day, George Rogers Clark, another 
 of the government Commissioners, arrived, and on the twenty- 
 fifth. Captain Finney " began to lay out and clear the ground 
 for four block-houses and quadrangular work, which was 
 pushed on with great alacrity by himself and officers." To 
 this post was given the name of Fort Finney. By the arrival, 
 
 * For the fiict that Girty and Captain CakhvoU, "of the British Rangers," 
 ..ore at the Delaware and Wyandot towns in October, 1785, persuading the 
 Indians not to go to the treaty at the Big Miami, see MeCormick's State- 
 ment, in St. Clair Papers, Vol. II, p. 11, note; and Leith's Statement, in 
 same, p. 683. 
 
 t Taylor's Ohio, p. 450. 
 
IliHlory of the dirttjH. 22.') 
 
 on the tliirtoiMilli of NovonilxT, of Siitiuicl II. Parsons, tlic 
 Hoiird of (Joinniissioricrs was filled and tlio l)iisinoss of treat- 
 ing with iho sava^^es wiis ready to be entered upon ; however, 
 hut few Indiiins liad arrived. Suffice it to say that it was hito 
 in January, 17H(>, before articles had been agreed upon, iind 
 when higned (which was on the first day of February), only 
 the SI awanese of the Indian nations were fiubscribers, nlong 
 with the United States Coniniissioner.s. Tliis treaty is known 
 in history as the Treaty of Fort Finney. 
 
 By article sixth of this compact, the United States granted 
 to the Shawanese " lands within their territory to live and 
 hunt upon, beginning at the south line of the lands allotted 
 to the Wyandot and Delaware nations, at the place where the 
 main branch of the Great Miami, which falls into the Oliio, 
 intersects the said line ; then down the river Miami to the 
 fork of that river next below the old fort which was taken by 
 the French in one thousand seven hundre<l and iifty-two ; 
 thenco due west to the River de la I'anse ; then down that 
 river to the river Wabash ;" beyond which lines none of the 
 citizens of the United States were to settle or disturb that 
 nation in its settlements and possessions. These Indians re- 
 linquished to the United States all title or pretense of title 
 they ever had to the lands east, west, and south of the east, 
 west, and south lines before described. 
 
 It may be said that the same policy was pursued toward 
 the Shawanese in this treaty as was pursued toward the 
 Wyandots and Delawares in the one at Fort Mcintosh the 
 year before ; that is, both were based upon the opinion of 
 Congress that the treaty of peace of 1783 with Great Britain 
 absolutely invested the government with the fee of all the In- 
 dian lands within the limits of the United States, and that they 
 had the right to assign or retain such portions as they should 
 judge proper. Enough information was obtained at Fort 
 Finney by the United States Commissioners to make it certain 
 that the chief cause of the disturbance in the West by the 
 Indians was owing to the wiles of men (like Simon Girty) 
 15 
 
226 Hhtory of the Giriij». 
 
 kept in employ by the British Indian agent, and to some traders 
 who wished to monopolize the peltry trade. These designing 
 parties had much the advantage of the Americans. They 
 were constantly among the Indian nations, and there had been 
 no counteracting influence brought directly to bear by the 
 United States. 
 
 It was in the previous April, that the settlement near the 
 mouth of the Scioto river. was, as mentioned by llarmar, broken 
 up by the Cherokees. These Indians continued their hostil- 
 ities. The close of the war with Great Britain and the call- 
 ing in of the Indian braves by that power hiid little or no ef- 
 fect upon these bands, who inhabited a few villages in various 
 parts of the North-west. They were not satisfied to wreak 
 their vengeance upon emigrants who had crossed over to the 
 north side of the Ohio, but carried their forays into Kentucky 
 and what is the present West Virginia. 
 
 And now the Wabash Indians, as they had not come for- 
 ward to the treaty at Fort Finney, joined these hostiles in 
 their attacks upon the Americans. Their incursions became 
 so galling that the Governor of Virginia, on the 16th of 
 May, 1786, brought the subject to the attention of Congress. 
 By this time, the Shawanese, also, in open disregard of their 
 treaty stipulations, showed, unmistakably, their warlike in- 
 tentions; for already had Simon Girty and other emissaries 
 from Detroit reached that tribe upon the head-waters of the 
 Great Miami, and, to a considerable extent, counteracted the 
 policy determined upon at their late conference with the 
 United States Commissioners. But the principal work for mis- 
 chief was done by Matthew Elliott, who had taken up his res- 
 idence with the Indians last mentioned, at one of their villages. 
 
 To the letter sent by the Virginia governor to Congress, 
 that body, on the thirtieth of June, replied that they were 
 desirous of giving the most ample protection in their power 
 to the citizens of the Un.Lod States, and that they had directed 
 their commandant (Colonel Harmar) on the Ohio, to detach 
 two companies of infantry to the rapids of that river (Louis- 
 ville). They requested the governor to give orders to the 
 
Huiory of the Girty». 227 
 
 militia of Kentucky to hold themselves in readiness to unite 
 with the federal troops in such operations as the commanding 
 officer of the latter might judge necessary to protect the 
 frontiers. This proved, in the end, a declaration of war 
 against the Western Indians, though not so intended by 
 Congress at the time ; for " an Indian war," wrote the Sec- 
 retary of War to Colonel Harmar, " disagreeable at all times, 
 would be peculiarly distressing in the present embarrassed 
 state of the public finances ; therefore, it must be avoided if 
 possibly consistent with the interest and dignity of the United 
 States." " The emissaries," he continued, " who are stimu- 
 lated by the British officers or their agents, will be industri- 
 ous to urge the Indians to open hostilities; it will be your 
 duty to counteract them ; and I shall flatter myself that you 
 will be effectually able to accomplish it." But the sequel will 
 show how futile were his efforts against these "emissaries." 
 
 Simon Girty, by the first of June, had returned from the 
 Shawanese towns to the Sandusky, along with McKee and 
 Elliott, and some Shawanese, when the principal chiefs of 
 the Wyandrts were persuaded to go along with them to 
 a treaty to be held at Niagara by Sir John Johnson, who had 
 invited them and the Six Nations to be present on that occa- 
 sion. The three emissaries just named, with forty Indians, 
 among Avhom were three Wyandot chiefs and one each of the 
 Ottawas and Chippewas, living upon the lower Avaters of the 
 Maumee, sailed from Lower Sandusky, on the seventh, under 
 Commodore Grant, giving out that they (McKee, Elliott, and 
 Girty) were going to Quebec to purchase lands on the north 
 side of the lake (Erie) from he Indians. This was only a 
 pretense to cover the knowledge of their going to meet Sir 
 John, which these Indians were desirous should be kept from 
 the Americans, they being, ostensibly, at peace with the lat- 
 ter, and constantly affirming that they desired to so remain.* 
 
 * Col. Josiah Harmar to Brig.-Gen. Knox, July 3, 1786, in Momoirs of 
 the Historical Society of Ponnsylvanitt, Vol. VII, pp. 419, 420. However, to 
 obtain lands was really one of the objects in view in the three going to 
 Niagara. 
 
228 Hutory of the. Girfi/x. 
 
 Besides, us Great Britain, too, was at peace with the United 
 States, it wouhl not do to make public the fact that the 
 SuptM'intendent-General of British Indian Affairs in America 
 had presumed to invite a nation living upon the soil of the 
 United States to a treaty in Canada. 
 
 At Niagara, Johnson told the Indians they would be no 
 people in a short time if they did not unite. They should all 
 be one people; and what they did, cither to make war or 
 peace, would then be of some avail. Of course, the savages 
 well understood this to be directed against the United States; 
 and a much larger assemblage, in the following December, 
 brought together by Thayendanegea (Captain Brant), in Can- 
 ada, set forth effectively the same policy. 
 
 At the Niagara gathering, Simon Girty, McKee, and El- 
 liott obtained the promise of certain lands in Canada, on the 
 east side of the Detroit river, as a reward for their services 
 during the Rgvolution. Girty, having previously obtf.ined, as 
 we have already seen, at least a tacit consent from the Lake 
 Indians to a tract, was already living upon it;* and it was 
 here that his daughter, Ann, was born, late in the fall of 1786. 
 A child born in the first half of the previous year had died in 
 infancy. 
 
 Encouraged by the presence of so many Indians from the 
 country south of Lake Erie, in the summer, at Niagara, 
 another council was planned by Sir John Johnson, to be held 
 in Canada, at the Huron (Wyandot) village, on the Detroit 
 river, in hopes to bring together a large representation of the 
 tribes living within the limits of the United States north-west 
 of the Ohio, where the same policy could be urged more ef- 
 fectively of uniting the Western nations, in opposition to the 
 United States acquiring the Indian lands, as had been done in 
 the previous treaties held with them. Captain Brant, of the 
 Mohawks in Canada, was put forward to guide the movement. 
 To this end, he visited the Sandusky. Representatives from 
 some of the Six Nations — from the (Hurons) Wyandots, Ot- 
 tawas, Miamis, Shawanese, Chippewas, Cherokees, Delawares, 
 
 • The exact locality will hereafter be described. 
 
Hinfory of the Girtys. 229 
 
 Pottawattamies, and Wabash nations — assembled at the ap- 
 pointed place, and, on the 18th of December, 1786J agi-ecd 
 upon a message to Congress, the tone of which was pacific — 
 provided the United States made no encroachments upon their 
 lands beyond the Ohio. It was but the reflex of what had 
 been said by Johnson at Niagara, and was, to the United 
 States, a grand deception ; no chief put his sign-manual to 
 the document ; but, in lieu thereof, as a cunningly devised 
 scheme, appeared the names of each nation, with the proper 
 emblems following them. 
 
 The address did not rjacli Congress until the next July, 
 when action was taken upon it, hereafter to be mentioned. 
 At this council, Simon Girty was extremely active, along with 
 McKee and Elliott, in stirring up the minds of the savages 
 against the Americans. Many other emissaries and some fur- 
 traders, from Detroit, were present to fan the flame of discon- 
 tent. In their message, the Indians proposed a council with 
 the Americans, at some half-way place, the ensuing spring, 
 and they recommended to the United States that, in the mean- 
 time, their surveyors and other people be prevented from 
 crossing the Ohio. 
 
 Note I. — During the year 1785, many families went down 
 the Ohio river in boats, landed at Limestone (now Maysville), 
 and continued their route to such parts of Kentucky as 
 pleased them. Among them was Thomas Marshall, who had 
 embarked witii a numerous family on board a flat-boat, and 
 descended the Ohio without any incident of note until he 
 passed the mouth of the Great Kanawha, when, about ten 
 o'clock at night (so we have the relation), he was hailed from 
 the northern sliore of the river by a man who announced 
 himself as James Girty, the brother of Simon. The boat 
 dropped slowly down within one hundred and fifty yards of 
 the sliore, and the man made a corresponding movement 
 along the beach. The conference was kept up for several 
 minutes. 
 
 After the person on shore had given his name, he inquired 
 
230 Hidory of the Girtya. 
 
 as to that of the master of the boat. When toUi it was Mar- 
 shall, he said he knew him (Marshall) well and respected him 
 highly. He had been posted there, he said, by order of his 
 brother, Simon, to warn all boats of the danger of permitting 
 themselves to be decoyed ashore. The Indians, he said, had 
 become jealous of his brother, who had lost the influence 
 which he formerly held amongst them, and now deeply re- 
 gretted the injury he had inflicted upon his countrymen, 
 .and wished to be restored to their society. Simon, in order 
 to convince the Americans of the sincerity of his regard, had 
 directed him to warn all boats of the snares spread for them. 
 Every eff'ort would be made to draw passengers ashore. White 
 men would appear upon the bank, and children would be 
 heard to supplicate for mercy. " But," continued the man, 
 " do you keep the middle of the river and steel your heart 
 against every mournful application you may receive." Mar- 
 shall thanked him for his intelligence, and continued his 
 journey. 
 
 He who is responsible for publishing this story adds : " From 
 this it would appear that [Simon] Girty's situation was by no 
 means enviable. The superior intelligence which had first 
 given him influence, gradually attracted envy. Combinations 
 were probably formed against him, as they are in civilized 
 life, against every man who is guilty of the unpardonable of- 
 fense of mounting rapidly above his fellows. Ambition, 
 jealousy, intrigue, combinations for particuhir objects, prevail 
 as strongly among savages as among civilized beings, and spring 
 in each from the same source — a tender, passionate, inordi- 
 nate love of self — a passion the most universal, deeply rooted, 
 and infinitely diversified in its operations of any in existence — 
 a passion as strong and easily offended in the degraded Hot- 
 tentot as in the Emperor Napoleon, in the superannuated old 
 woman as in the blooming belle — the only human passion 
 which age can not tame or misery extinguish, or experience 
 cure, or philosophy expel ; which flutters as strongly in the 
 jaws of death as in the vigor of life, and is as buoyant and 
 ridiculous in the breast of the philosopher, as in that of a vil- 
 
History of the Girfi/s. 231 
 
 lage beauty. Nothing more was ever heard of Girty's wish 
 to be restored to his station in society ; but his warning,' by 
 whatever motive dictated, was of service to many families." 
 
 As to the foregoing tradition, it is only necessary to say, 
 that if such a conversation with Marshall as is therein related 
 actually took place, the man claiming to be James Girty was 
 an imposter, for at that time James was, i*^ may be premised, 
 quietly trading with the Indians at his establishment, where is 
 now located St. Marys, Ohio. (For this relation concerning 
 Thomas Marshall, see McClung's Sketches of Western Ad- 
 venture, pp. 195-197.) The subsequent history of Simon 
 Girty, as given in this and the following chapters, shows the 
 fallacy of the story of his " deeply regretting the injury he 
 had inflicted upon his countrymen," and of his wishing •' to 
 be restored to their society." Whether his influence with the 
 savages was on the wane will also presently appear. 
 
 The Magazine of American History, V^ol. XV, p. 270, has 
 this to say concerning the account : 
 
 "About two years after his marriage, 1785, Girty did an 
 act of kindness, as singular as it was unexpected, and the mo- 
 tive for which has never been clearly explained. According 
 to Colonel Thomas Marshall, he posted his brother, James 
 Girty, who was himself a thorough savage, on the northern 
 bank of the Ohio, near the mouth of the Kanawha, to warn 
 immigrants traveling by boat of the danger of being decoyed 
 ashore by the Indians. McClung says that this timely notice 
 was of service to many families, and that those who did not 
 heed it suff"ered. It is asserted that Girty did this to curry 
 favor with the Americans, and to help pave the way for his 
 return to the people he had abandoned, bat nothing has been 
 produced to support this opinion. His conduct otherwise did 
 not indicate it." 
 
 As to James Girty being at this time " a thorough savage," 
 it may be remarked, that his employment did not indicate it. 
 He had a cruel and savage nature, it is true, but he had by no 
 means given himself up to the simple and lazy life of an In- 
 
232 Jlislory of the Girtys. 
 
 (lian, living upon scanty food like the red men, hunting as 
 they did, dressing like them, or depending upon gifts from 
 the British, or obtaining the necessaries of life by selling 
 skins to traders. He was himself a trader, and a thrifty one, 
 as will hereafter be shown. It may. be mentioned that Mar- 
 shall did not assert that the man who hailed him was m fact 
 James Girty — only that he announced himself as such. It 
 can not be affirmed then, as a verity, that, "according to Col- 
 onel Thomas Marshall, he [Simon] posted his brother, James 
 Girty," on the northern bank of the Ohio, to give warning 
 to emigrants. And if, as stated by McClung, " this timely 
 notice was of service to many families," its effectiveness in no- 
 wise depended upon the one hailing being actually the person 
 he represented himself to be, but upon the claim that he was 
 James Girty. 
 
 Note II. — The depredations of the Wabash Indians, in the 
 summer of 1786, into Kentucky were so frequent and deplor- 
 able that George Rogers Clark commanded an expedition 
 against them, whicii proved " a shameful failure." Not so, a 
 campaign under Benjamin Logan against the Shawanese upon 
 the Mad river. With five hundred Kentuckians, he " burned 
 eight towns, laid waste many hundreds of corn-fields, killed 
 twenty braves, and, with eighty prisoners, hastened back to 
 Kentucky." (Compare McMaster's History of the People of 
 the United States, Vol. I, pp. 385-388, and the authorities 
 there cited ; also other current Western histories, local and 
 general.) The Cherokees, also, it may be said, met their 
 deserts. 
 
History of the Girtys. 233 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 In the first half of the year 1787, Simon Girty was fre- 
 quently at Detroit, going there from his Ijome in Canada. On 
 one of these visits, he was called npoji by James Moore, a young 
 American, to assist him in obtaining from another American, 
 but a loyalist, his sister, whom the latter had purchased from a 
 Shawanese Indian. Moore had himself been a captive ; and, 
 before giving the result of his application to Girty for help, 
 it will be interesting to learn the particulars of the young 
 man's captivity, which began the 4th of September, 1784, in 
 App's Valley, Virginia. He was then in the fourteenth year 
 of his age. His father had sent him to a waste plantation, 
 about two miles and a quarter away, to get a horse to go to 
 mill. He had reached a point within a short distance of the 
 horses, when he was suddenly confronted by Indians, one of 
 •whom took him prisoner. There were three of the savages. 
 They were Shawanese from the upper waters of the Mad river, 
 in what is now Logan count}', Ohio. He was captured by the 
 leader of the band. Black Wolf by name. It was about one 
 o'clock in the afternoon, and in a few minutes the Indians 
 started with the boy on their return down the north fork of 
 Sandy river. 
 
 After about twenty-two days' traveling, Wapatomica (still 
 a Shawanese town) was reached. They had crossed the Ohio 
 between the mouths of Guyandotte and Big Sandy, on a raft 
 made of dry logs tied together with grapevines. They lay 
 one day on the Scioto, where the Indians made pictures on 
 the trees of three warriors and their prisone'r. The boy was 
 not taken directly to Wapatomica, but to the residence of the 
 Black Wolf's half-sister, some distance away, to whom he was 
 sold for an old gray horse. } , — — 
 
 In about two weeks after young Moore had been sold, he 
 was sent, in company with the half-brother of the squaw who 
 
234 • HiHlory of the Oirtijs. 
 
 had purchased iiiiii and others, on a winter's hunting excur- 
 sion. They wore very unsuccessful. The sufferings of the 
 boy from hunger and cohl were very great, as he had scarcely 
 any clothing. The 'snow was knee deep, and his blanket too 
 short to cover him. Often, in lying down and drawing his 
 feet up to get them under the blanket, he would get so be- 
 numbed that he could not without considerable exertion get 
 his limbs stretched out ng;iin. At his return from hunting, in 
 the spring of 17H5, he was given up to Matthew Elliott, who 
 acted as trader among the Shawanese and as British emissary. 
 But the old woman who had purchased him, finding it out, 
 got very angry, threatened Elliott, and got him back. Young 
 Moore was then living at Pigeontown, not far from the pres- 
 ent West Liberty, Ohio. He was frequently at the Shawa- 
 nese Indian town of Mac-a-cheek, where, some time in 
 April, there was held a large dance. This dance young 
 Moore was permitted to attend, in company with the Indian 
 to whom he belonged. He there met with a French trader, 
 who took a fancy to him on account of his having a resem- 
 blance to one of his sons. The Frenchman purchased him for 
 fifty dollars in brooches and other trinkets, and took him 
 to Detroit. He was treated by his purchaser with great 
 kindness, living with him until October, 1789, the latter 
 ever ready to give him up whenever any chance might pre- 
 sent itself for his return to his friends. 
 
 While living Avith Baptiste Ariome, his generous protector, 
 the boy always ate at his table and slept in a good feather bed 
 with his son. In him and his wife he met with a father and 
 mother indeed. Sometimes he went with Ariome to trade 
 with the Indians in the Ohio country. While on one of these 
 expeditions, young Moore heard from a Shawanese with 
 whom he had become acquainted while living at the Mad river 
 towns, of the destruction by the savages of a part of his father's 
 family and the captivity of the balance, the relator being one 
 of the party on that occasion. The event occurred, he was 
 told, in July, 1786, and the circumstance was related to him 
 not long after. In the winter following — that is, early in the 
 
History of the Oirti/H. • 235 
 
 your 1787, he learned that a sister of his was living with a 
 white family some distance from Detroit. She had been pur- 
 chased by a man named StfickwoU,* an Aniorican loyalist, from 
 the Shawanese. lie "^ot the information from Stockwell him- 
 self, by whom he was told that he intended in the spring to 
 move to Frenchtown, below Detroit. As soon as the young 
 man learned that Stockwell had taken up his residence there, 
 he went to sec his sister — Mary by name, generally called 
 Polly by the family. lie found her in a most abject condi- 
 tion, almost naked, clothed in a few dirty rags, an objec*^ of pity 
 indeed. Her owner was, of course, unfriendly to the Amer- 
 icans — a refugee from his countrymen — " in short," Moore 
 declared, " a man of bad character and an unfeeling wretch." 
 "It is impossible," he says, *' for me to detail my feelings; 
 sorrow and joy were combined : and I suppose her feelings 
 on that occasion were similar to my own." Having found 
 his sister in so disagreeable a situation, he was advised to 
 apply to the commanding officer at Detroit, informing him of 
 her treatment, in order to effect, if possible, her release. But, 
 before reciting the particulars of his exertions in that direction 
 and the result, and of the part taken by Simon Girty to aid 
 him, it will not be amiss to recount briefly the disasters which 
 had befallen the young man's family, and concerning which he 
 had now obtained from his sister a much fuller account than 
 from his Indian acquaintance. 
 
 James Moore (lather of young James, whose captivity 
 has just been narrated), his wife, Martha, and their chil- 
 dren, John, Jane, Mary, and Margaret, were living in App's 
 Valley on the 14th of July, 1786, when the disaster overtook 
 them we are now about to relate. Another one of the family, 
 Joseph by name, was away from home, at the time, attending 
 school, while James, the second son, was, as before related, at 
 
 •"My father was well acquainted with Simon Girty, with Elliott, Mc- 
 Kee, Caldwell, Stockwell, Uazle, the L^tleu, and all the other renegades in 
 Canada West; but there was very little of the entente eordiale between him 
 and them."— MS. letter of William Walker, March 21, 1872, from Wyan- 
 dotte City, Kansas. ^ .___. >_-_-r— T—-^ 
 
280 ■ History of the Oirtys. 
 
 that (late living at Detroit with the good llaptiste Ariome. A 
 party of ShawancHo had conic up Sandy river, crossed over to 
 the liead of Clinch, passed near wiiere Tazewell Court-IIouso 
 was afterward erected, murdered a Mr. Davidson and wife and 
 burned their dwelling, and then passed on to App's Valley 
 hastily, before any alarm could be given, and lay in ambush for 
 the Moore family. The savages numbered about thirty. James 
 Moore, the father, was shot dead, while the mother, with her four 
 children, John, Jane, Mary, and Margaret (an infant) were cap- 
 tured. In a short time the Indians were on their march to the 
 Shawanese towns, in what is now the State of Ohio, with their 
 prisoners and plunder. The son, John, was soon tomahawked, 
 and on the third day the infant's head was dashed against a 
 tree by one of the savages, and its lifeless body, without a 
 word, tossed into the bushes ! Upon reaching the Scioto, Mrs. 
 Moore and her two remaining children were shown the hiero- 
 glyphics upon some trees which represented her son, James, 
 and his captors, mention of which has before'been made. The 
 mother was informed that he was still in captivity. The pris- 
 oners were then taken to Wapatomica and Mack-a-cheek, 
 where they were v-ell treated by the Shawanese. This was in 
 August, 1780. 
 
 After a few days, a council was called to discuss matters 
 appertaining to the attitude of the nation against the Govern- 
 ment of the United States. The aged chief, Moluiitha, made 
 a long speech dissuading the Shawanese from war; but the 
 warriors shook their heads and retired. This chief was 
 killed soon after by one of Colonel Benjamin Logan's men, 
 in the expedition of the Kentuckians before spoken of, 
 to the Shawanese towns on Mad river. Mary Moore was. 
 taken by the old chief to his wigwam, and treated by him 
 with great kindness ; his actions clearly evincing that he com- 
 miserated her condition. But the mother and sister were soon 
 tortured at the stake by some Cherokees while the Shawanese 
 were on a drunken frolic. Their sufferings were prolonged — 
 their agony, what words can picture ! After Logan's expe- 
 dition, the Indians, because of the destruction of their pro- 
 
HiHtory of the Oirtys. 287 
 
 visions, and winter Hottinjj; in, Honirlif aid from Detroit. Of 
 tlioHo wlio joiirnev(>(l thither, ono was the Indian with wliorn 
 lived Mary Moore, llcr SMlTeriniis on the road wore terrible. 
 Arrived at their destination, the Indians gave thetiiselvcs up 
 to drinking ; and, to indulge their appetites, sold their captives, 
 among whom was Mary, who was purchased by Stockwell for 
 half a gallon of rum. The latter, as we have already seen, 
 took her to his home, some distance away, and made a serv- 
 ant of her, furnishing her with very little clothing and com- 
 pelling her to eat the most scanty fare. Upon the moving of 
 Stockwell to Frenchtown, her brother, James, was gratified 
 to meet her there, grieved, however, at her cruel treatment, 
 as we have seen. 
 
 Young Moore, some time during liis captivity, or while' 
 living with Baptiste Ariomo, had made the acquaintance of 
 Simon Girty. To him the young Virginian applied for assist- 
 ance in releasing his sister from the slavish bondage in which 
 she was held by Stockwell. Girty interested himself in the 
 boy's behalf, and the two laid the matter before Alexander 
 McKee, who was still the deputy Indian agent of the British 
 for Detroit and its dependencies. McKee had Stockwell 
 brought to trial for ill-treatment of the girl, but her brother 
 failed, for the time, not^/ithstanding the aid given him by Girty, 
 in having her released from the service of her master ; how- 
 ever, it was decided that, when an opportunity should present 
 itself for the return home of both brother and sister, the lat- 
 ter should be given her liberty. This event subsequently oc- 
 curred, and both reached their friends in Virginia without 
 accident.* 
 
 Simon Girty was employed during the year 1787 some- 
 times at his home attending to domestic matters, but oftener 
 at Detroit or in the Indian country south, to do the bidding 
 of the Detroit commandant, but particularly of McKee. 
 
 As no reply had been received from Congress to the address 
 
 • For an "account of the captivity and destruction of the Alooro family 
 by the Indians," see Howe's Historical Collections of Virginia, pp. 489-494; 
 also, Foote's Sketches of Virginia (1850), pp. 606-524. 
 
2yH IHxtory of Ihe Qirlyif. 
 
 sent the previous full by tlie Indians iisscmbled at the Wyan- 
 dot village, Canada, but was expected early in the autumn of 
 1787, a iiuinbor of nations gathered at tlu' foot of the Rapids 
 of the Mauincc, awaiting its arrival, llrant was present at 
 the Mauniee council; so, also, was, McKeo, at whose instiga- 
 tion Simon Girty had visited the Sandusky Indians and per- 
 suaded both the Wyandots and Delawares to take part in its 
 proceedings. The Indians sent forward a request that any 
 message from the United States should be forwarded to them 
 at that place, which was at the principal crossing of the Mau- 
 mee river, on the south side thereof; but, as none came, the 
 Indians there concluded to send another address, and to meet 
 again at the same place the next year for the purpose of con- 
 sidering the answer. 
 
 The resolution of the savages upon the Maumee to meet 
 again upon that river in the ensuing year (1788) becoming 
 known to Richard Butler, the superintendent of Indian af- 
 fairs, he resolved to use every exertion in his power to pro- 
 duce at least a division in their councils, if he could do no 
 better; so a trusted trader was sent to the point of the pro- 
 posed gathering, where some of the Indians had already ar- 
 rived. Singularly enough, one of the messengers dispatched 
 from Pittsburgh to the Sandusky by Butler, to gather infor- 
 mation, was Thomas Girty, Simon's brother.* The loyalty of 
 Thomas to his country, although, as we have seen, of a doubt- 
 ful character at the close of the Revolution, was now to be 
 depended upon. But the brothers did not meet in the wilder- 
 ness, for Simon, at that time, was at his home in Canada. 
 
 It was soon developed that the Wyandots upon the San- 
 dusky and near Detroit were anxious to have the meeting at 
 the Wyandot village on that river ; for these Indians could 
 then exert a powerful influence in favor of peaceful measures, 
 which they were inclined to, with the United States. But the 
 arrival at that village, in August, of Captain Brant, turned 
 
 * "[ThoniHs] (iirty and foine other persons broiiubt iilartnini^ Accounts 
 from Sundusky." — Gonnral Hicburd Butler to St. Clair, July 1, 1788. — St. 
 Clair Papers, Vol. II, p. 47. 
 
J/lKtory of the Giriyg. 2ai> 
 
 the scale in favor of tlio Maumee river ns n place of meeting, 
 ■where lie attended with a number of MoIiuwk» and a few 
 others of the Five Nations. 
 
 The Western tribes represented at the council were the Wy- 
 andots (of Sandusky and Detroit), Chippcwas, Ottawns, Pot- 
 tawattamies, and Delawares ; also the Shawanese, Miamis, and 
 Kickapoos, and some of the Sacs. At this gathering was Mc- 
 Kee, who sent full reports of the proceedings to his superiors. 
 
 More time had been spent by Simon Girty since the be- 
 ginning of 1788, to this time, at his Canadian home, than during 
 all of 1787. Notwithstanding this, he was active in his en- 
 deavors to obey the behests of tho Detroit commandant and 
 Deputy Indian Agent McKee. lie was several times sent 
 into the Ohio wilderness ; and finally (as during the year pre- 
 vious), to the foot of the Rapids of the Maumee, to the Indian 
 conference, at or near the site of the present Perrysburgh, 
 Ohio. Girty's wife remained at their place on the east side 
 of the Detroit river, where, in the summer, a son was born, 
 and named Thomas, after its uncle living at Pittsburgh. 
 
 Governor Arthur St. Clair, of the North-west Territory, 
 and Indian Agent Richard IJutlcr, had, previous to the meet- 
 ing of the Indians on the Maumee, sent invitations to the 
 various nations to meet at the falls of the Muskingum, at a 
 place afterward known as Duncan's Falls, near the present 
 Taylorsville, Muskingum county, Ohio, to hold a treaty. The 
 point fixed upon was about seventy miles up that river from 
 its mouth, at the head of boat navigation. The place of meet- 
 ing was afterward changed to Fort Ilarmar, at the mouth of 
 the Muskingum. 
 
 The result of the conference on the Maumee was that the 
 Indians resolved to go to the treaty to be held at Fort Ilar- 
 mar; but, on their way to that post, they met a message from 
 Governor St. Clair, which asserted positively that the obliga- 
 tions of former treaties must be carried out. This caused 
 Brant, with his Mohawks and the others of the Five Nations 
 with him, to turn back ; as he now saw, positively, that, as 
 between war and the Ohio river being made the boundary of 
 
240 History of the Girtys. 
 
 the Indian lands, the United States would choose the former. 
 With him returned not unlv those Delawares wiio now resided 
 upon the Maumee, but the Shawanese, Mianiis, and Kicka- 
 poos — the very tribes that St. Clair was most anxious to treat 
 with, but which, in fact, he did not much expect to see. 
 
 Although, at the council held by the savages at the Maumee, 
 Simon Girty played but a subordinate part, it was an effective 
 one. No white man so readily entered into fellowship with 
 many of the chiefs there assembled as he. His acquaint- 
 ance with individual members of the various tribes was much 
 extended. He spoke with many o'f them in their own tongue. 
 He was recognized now more than ever as the true friend of 
 the Indian. Still, the peace party gave him the cold shoulder. 
 He was the mouth-piece for McKee and powerfully aided 
 Brant. Whatever were their cminsels were his. In the meet- 
 ings he was a most prominent figure, but a silent one ; his 
 work was prosecuted outside the council-house. While at this 
 gathering, he aided in obtaining the freedom of an American 
 woman held as a prisoner by one of the Indians attending the 
 conference. It was as creditable to his magnanimity as were 
 his efforts on behalf of Mary Mooro, and much more speedy 
 in its results. The particulars of her captivity and its ter- 
 mination are interesting. 
 
 In the latter part of June, 1785, a small party of Indians 
 reached a branch of the West Fork of the Monongahela, in 
 what is noAv West Virginia, on a marauding expedition. Here re- 
 sided an enterprising settler by the name of Edward Cunning- 
 ham. A brother, named Thomas, lived in a house almost ad- 
 joining. At the time spoken of, Edward and his family were 
 in one cabin, and the wife of Thomas, with her four children 
 (her husband having gone east on a trading expedition), was 
 in the other. Both families were eating their dinner, when 
 they were attacked by the savages. The result was the kill- 
 ing of the four children and the capturing of Mrs. Thomas 
 Cunningham, while the family of Edward made a successful 
 defense in their house, keeping the Indians at bay until, fear- 
 
History of the Girtys. 241 
 
 ing a longer stay, the savages beat a retreat, carrying with 
 them their prisoner. 
 
 Mrs. Cunningham suffered untold mental ond physical 
 agonies on her march to the Indian towns across the Ohio. 
 For ten days her only nourishment was the head of a wild 
 turkey and a few paw-paws. She remained over three years 
 with the 8av\.^°?, and finally was brought by them to the 
 council at the Maumee last mentioned, where she saw Simon 
 Girty, to whom she appealed for aid in getting released from 
 the Indians, lie told her at first that she was better off there 
 than at home, but her importunities were continued, when he 
 declared, in a jocose manner, that his saddle-bags were too 
 small to conceal her. Mrs. Cunningham persevered, implor- 
 ing on her knees for his help to get her away from the sav- 
 ages. His stubborn heart finally relented, and he brought 
 the matter to the notice of McKee, who furnished him with 
 some Indian trinkets, and he secured her ransom. She 
 reached her home, finally, in safety.* 
 
 No sooner had the council upon the Maumee broken up 
 and the Indians departed for Fort Ilurmar, than McKee and 
 Girty returned to Detroit, the latter soon proceeding to his 
 home across the Detroit river, where he remained during the 
 winter. 
 
 It was plain to be seen that a war-cloud in the western 
 horizon was rising ; and, all around, there were portents of a 
 coming storm. By no one were the signs welcomed Avith 
 more delight than Simon Girty. lie had been all along really 
 for war, though counseling peace could the Americans be kept 
 from crossing the Ohio, which he very well knew was impos- 
 sible ; and he was especially certain that war was not far off, 
 after the return to the Huron village, on their way home, of 
 the Mohawks led by Brant — upon the latter informing him, 
 as he had already done the Detroit commandant and McKee, 
 of St. Clair's ultimatum. 
 
 It was not until the middle of December, 1788, that a suf- 
 
 • McKiiight's Our Western Border, pp. 714, 716. 
 
 16 
 
242 History of the Oirtym. 
 
 ficient number of Indians had arrived at Fort llannar to 
 justify St. Clair in attempting a treaty. The representativea 
 of the Six Nations (other than the Mohawks) came down the 
 Ohio, notwithstanding Brant, as early as the eighth of July, 
 had written from the mouth of Buffalo creek to Butler, Ameri- 
 can Indian agent, tliat " we [the Five Nations] are preparing 
 to meet your council, and shall be able to write you from the 
 Miami river [the Maumee *] what time you may expect to 
 see us ; " — as though Ac was to lead them to the treaty and 
 by way of Detroit and the Maumee — a pure deception on his 
 part. From the great Indian conference came only repre- 
 sentatives of the Wyandot, Delaware, Chippewa, Ottawa, 
 Pottawattamie, and Sac nations. To the demand made by 
 these Indians for the Ohio river to be declared the boundary 
 line, St. Clair, of course, refused to listen. 
 
 The business was concluded on the 9th of January, 1789, 
 and two separate treaties entered into : the first with the Six 
 Nations (excepting the Mohawks) ; the second with the residue 
 of the Indians. The first confirmed the treaty of Fort Stan- 
 wix of October, 1784 ; the second confirmed and bettered the 
 treaties of Fort Mcintosh and Fort Finney. It can hardly 
 be said that the treaties of Fort Ilarmar recognized the In- 
 dians as having a title in fee to the lands claimed by them, 
 although in both it is declared they did " release, quit-claim, 
 relinquish, and cede " all that they had before granted by 
 previous treaties. It was scarcely yet saying to them " you 
 are the absolute owners of certain lands which we, the United 
 States, are desirous to purchase of you, and for which we vill 
 pay you whatever sum can be agreed upon, or whatever 
 amount we, the United States, think you are entitled to." 
 But, had they said so, and had words of that import been in- 
 corporated in the treaties, it would not have changed the 
 aspect of affairs in the least as to those Indians who did not 
 
 * The Muutneo river was usually spoken of at that date an the "Oinoo" 
 or " Omi," rometimos as the " Miami," or " Miami of Lake Erie," often as 
 "Miami of the Lakes," again as the ''Ottawr." frequently abridged to 
 "Tawa." — ~ —I . — - .__ 
 
History of the Girtys. 243 
 
 attend at Fort Harmar, Of these, one part was for war 
 without regard to any boundary ; while the other was for the 
 Ohio river as a boundary, or for war if that could not be 
 agreed upon. 
 
 Note. — By the treaty of Fort Stanwix, of October 22, 
 1784, with the Six Nations, the latter ceded their claim to all 
 territory north-west of the Ohio. By the treaty of Fort 
 Mcintosh, concluded January 21, 1785, the Wyandots and 
 Delawares agreed to limit themselves to the west side of a 
 line drawn from what is now Cleveland to the Tuscarawas, and 
 to the north side of one drawn thence to the Great Miami 
 river — through nearly the center of the present State of Ohio. 
 What territory was yielded by the Shawanese at Fort Finney, 
 February 1, 1786, has already been stated. It was, therefore, 
 a captious right which the other Western nations insisted upon, 
 of claiming the Ohio as the boundary between the United 
 States and the Indians, begotten only from a desire to have 
 an excuse to bring on a war with the Americans. There had 
 been no encroachments upon " Indian lands " either by indi- 
 viduals or by any of the states or the genernl government; 
 for there were now no such " lands," speaking in general 
 terms, in the south half of what are now the States of Ohio 
 and Indiana, to be encroached upon. But Great Britain de- 
 termined to use every means to induce the savages to repu- 
 diate the treaties held with the United States — to insist that 
 the Ohio must be fixed upon as the boundary line between 
 the two, and to go to war rather than yield the point. 
 
244 History of the Girtyn. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 The year 1789 was one of comparative inactivity for Simon 
 Girty. One reason for this was that the Wyandots, Chippe- 
 was, Ottawas, Pottawattamies, and a part of the Dehiwares 
 with whom he was the most intimate, and over Avhom he 
 had the most influence, had formed, hefore the treaty at 
 Fort Harmar, a confederation in order to uphold peace 
 with the United States by all the means in their power. 
 Because of this, and the death of the Half King of the Wy- 
 andots in the summer of 1788, he was received at the Mau- 
 mee conference not with the unbounded favor he had expected, ' 
 although his influence with the "war faction" was great; and 
 after the council broke up, and he had returned to Detroit, there 
 was still rankling in his mind considerable feeling against " the 
 peace party " for their determined peace talk, and this feeling 
 he could not divest himself of so long as their actions toward 
 the United States were of a friendly character, which was the 
 case throughout the year. So far, then, as Indian affairs 
 were concerned, he had much less to do than usual. There 
 were no councils of importance held by the tribes near De- 
 troit. B it tradition, with her busy tongue, has made him, 
 of course erroneously, an active participant during the year 
 in some of the cruel raids of the Indians across the Ohio 
 into what was then the State of Virginia. 
 
 " Mr. John Van Meter," says one of 'these accounts, "at 
 one time, lived in this fort [Van Meter's, on the south side of 
 Short creek, a few miles above its junction with the Ohio 
 river, in Ohio county, Virginia], and at the period of the occur- 
 rence narrated, resided on the farm now owned by Alexander 
 Walker, Esq., in the immediate neighborhood of the fort. It 
 was during his occupancy of this farm, in 1789, that a party J 
 of Indians visited his peaceful doraicil, murdered his wife, 
 daughter, and two small sons, taking the three elder sons _.: 
 
History of the Oirtyn. 245 
 
 prisoners, and burning the house Hannah, the daughter who 
 was killed, was washing at a spring a short distance from the 
 house ; she had on a sun-bonnet and was stooping over the 
 tub, unconscious of danger, when one of the savages stealthily 
 advanced, and, supposing her to be an old woman, buried his 
 tomahawk in her head. When the Indians saw her face and 
 perceived that she was young and beautiful, they deeply la- 
 mented their precipitancy, saying, 'she would have made a 
 pretty squaw.' This information was subsequently communi- 
 cated by the notorious Simon Girty, who was one of the party 
 which committed the murders." * 
 
 There is a tradition, seemingly well authenticated, that 
 some time during the autumn of 1789, Girty was visited at 
 his home upon the east side of the Detroit river, by his half- 
 brother, John Turner, from Pittsburgh. The whole matter 
 was kept from the neighbors and friends of the latter, as he 
 did not care to incur the odium of having paid a visit to one 
 who was so thoroughly detested by all Americans — to one 
 whose very name was still a terror to the whole country 
 around. The object of his journey is unknown ; but it was 
 probably undertaken to close up some business affairs. There 
 is extant a receipt, which adds to the credibility of the story. 
 It is as follows : 
 
 "Received 2d January, 1790, of James McKee, Esquire, 
 the sum of eighteen pounds two shillings Pennsylvania cur- 
 rency, being in full of an order drawn by me on said Jas. 
 McKee and accepted by him in fiivor of my brother John 
 Girty, alias Turner. ills 
 
 " Simon + Girty. 
 ''Witness — I. Selby, mark 
 
 . M. Elliott." t 
 
 Early in 1790, measures were taken to conciliate the Wa- 
 bash Indians and those at the head of the Maumee, but all 
 
 • Doddridge's Notes (Revised Ed.), p. 308. 
 
 f For a copy of this receipt, I am indebted to Isaac Craisr, of Alleghany, 
 Pennsylvania. At an early day, Turner was often called "Girty." 
 
24G Ilishry of the. Girli/K. 
 
 efforts in tliat direction proved unavailing ; and it was decided 
 that they must be brought to terms by force of arms. Gen- 
 eral Harmar, with militia from Virginia, Kentucky, and Penn- 
 sylvania, and his own regulars, would march against the 
 Miamis, where Ft. Wayne, Indiana, now stands, while a force 
 under Major J. F. Ilanitramck was to move against the sav- 
 ages upon the Wabash, llarmar's force amounted to nearly 
 fourteen hundred and fifty men. His army was well under 
 way by the 3d of October, from Fort Washington — Cincin- 
 nati. During the previous months, Girty had been active. 
 
 The Indians, in 1790, had seven villages, it seems, cluster- 
 ing about the junction of the rivers St. IVIary's and St. Joseph, 
 which form, as is well known, the Maumee. These were, first, 
 the Miami village, which lay in the forks of the St. Joseph 
 and Maumee; second, a village of thirty houses, also of the 
 Miamis, called Kekionga, in the fork of the St. Mary's and 
 Maumee ; third, Chillicothe, down the Maumee, on its north 
 bank, of fifty-e^ht houses; opposite this was another of the 
 same tribe (Miami) of eighteen houses. The Deiawares had 
 two villages on the St. Mary's, about three miles from its 
 mouth and opposite each other, with forty-five houses to- 
 gether ; while a third one, of thirty-six houses, was on the 
 east side of the St. Joseph, two or three miles from its 
 mouth. 
 
 The Miami villages were reached by Ilarmar on the seven- 
 teenth, and found deserted. After the destruction of every 
 thing that could be of use to the Indians, the army began its 
 return march, not, however, until a detachment, meeting the 
 savages, had suffered severely from them. Soon after this, 
 another and larger detachment, under Hardin, met Avith a 
 still worse fate.* The expedition proved a defeat rather than 
 
 • "Tho very riHme of tho "White Indian [Simon Girty] seemed an omen 
 of evil to the pioneers, for it was at 'Girty's Town,' now St. Mary's, Ohio, 
 that Hardin was defeatod in this campaign [that of Harmar, in 1790]." — 
 Magazine of American History, 'S^ol. XV, p. 270. This connectinj; Simon 
 Girty with "Girty's Town" is error; so, too, placing the defeat of Hardin 
 at that point. 
 
History of the Oirtys. 247 
 
 a victory. Major Ilamtramck was more successful. He laid 
 waste several deserted villages, and returned to Vincennes, 
 Indiana, unmolested. 
 
 " The military expedition," says a recent writer, " of Gen- 
 eral Ilarmar, in 1790, against the hostile Indians in the north- 
 west, was the first one organized after civil government was 
 established in the ' territory north-west of the river Ohio.' 
 General Ilarmar who was appointed the previous year, was at 
 that time comniander-in-chiet' of the Western Military Depart- 
 ment. The relations between the Indian tribes north-west of 
 tlie Ohio river, and the frontier settlers, were those simply of 
 intensified hostility. The Indians had undoubtedly assumed 
 their thrcateninj: attitude toward the western frontiersmen 
 througli the instigation of the British agents in the north- 
 west — notably of AlexanJer McKee and Matthew Elliott. And 
 the infamous renegade, Simon Girty, was conspicuously pre- 
 eminent, in rendering such services, as he could, favorable to 
 the interests of En';;land, and which would be as detrimental 
 as possible to the north-west, and to Kentucky, to whose set- 
 tlement by the white race he determined to interpose all pos- 
 sible obstacles. It may be premised, however, that Girty's 
 movements in this direction were dictated more by his in- 
 grained and long-cherished hafred of the western pioneers, 
 tlian by any affectionate regard he had for British in- 
 terests." * 
 
 While it is true that Simon Girty, at this period, had no 
 love for " the western pioneers," still, his hatred did by no 
 means stop at that point ; there was a general antagonism in 
 his heart against all his countrymen who were not loyalists, 
 with a very few exceptions. It does not seem that he, at this 
 date, was particularly opposed to the settlement of Kentucky 
 by the whites. He had already seen how absurd such oppo- 
 sition was ; and, along with McKee and Elliott, as carrying out 
 the policy of the British government, he was, it may be stated, 
 advocating among the Indians the necessity of keeping the 
 
 * Isaac Smucker, in Ohio Statistics, 1880, p. 14. 
 
248 History of the Oirti/s. 
 
 hated Americans, as much as possible, from settling on the 
 Indian side of the Ohio, not on the soulh side. 
 
 The marching of General Ilarnmr aj»ainst the Indians of tlie 
 Maumee, and of Major Ilamtranick against those of the Wa- 
 bash, as the result of the hostile attitude of those savages, 
 induced the calling at once of a grand council by the Indians 
 at the foot of the rapids of the Maumee. The object was to 
 take into consideration the propriety of the nations all uniting 
 against the Americans. McKce attended the conference and 
 put forth active exertions to fan tlie hostile spirit of the red- 
 men into a flame. He summoned Simon Girty from his home 
 in Canada. Immediately " great quantities of provisions, 
 ammunition, and other necessaries were sent to the Maumee 
 to supply the Indians," all under Girty's charge and that of 
 " sonic other persons from the garrison of Detroit." * Nothing 
 was left undone by the Deputy Agent of Indian Affairs and 
 the commandant, at that post, in their power to do, to help 
 the savages, short of sending actual reinforcements of British 
 soldiers to the Maumee. 
 
 Girty took part in the deliberations of the chiefs who were 
 assembled at the Maumee. His voice was for sending speeches 
 to all the nations far and near to assemble at that point in the 
 early spring to combat the forces which would be sent against 
 them. Before the council broke up, a general war was de- 
 termined upon, to the great delight of all the British agents 
 and traders there assembled, and to none more so than 
 Girty, whose advice as to sending war-belts to the nations was 
 adopted. A deputation was appointed to go to Quebec to con- 
 fer with Lord Dorchester. Active measures were not post- 
 poned until the coming spring on the part of the Indians. Al- 
 ready the chilling blasts of winter were felt at the north. A 
 car.ipaign, but not on a large scale, was proposed by Girty 
 against some one of the forts or stations north of the Ohio, 
 to be carried on notwithstanding the inclement weather. He 
 
 • Col. Thomas Proctor's Journal, in Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, 
 Vol. IV, p. 698. 
 
Hutory of the Girtys. 249 
 
 would lead the force himself. The proposition was favorably 
 received and soon acted upon, it was now December, 17!'0. 
 
 And here it is proper for a moment to digress somewhat 
 in our narrative. About this period, Baker's Station, lo- 
 cated not far below Grave creek, on the Virginia side of the 
 Ohio, was "attacked by about throe hundred Indians," so the 
 tra<lition runs, " with Simon Girty at their head." Tliis was 
 another instance of mistaken identity. Girty never crossed 
 the Ohio to the eastward or southward — either into Virginia, 
 Pennsylvania, or Kentucky — during tiie Indian war which 
 followed the Revolution. The account goes on to say : " The 
 whites had sufficient warning of their approach to enter the 
 fort, and were prepared for its defense. When the Indians 
 advanced along the hill-side (near the. base of which the fort 
 stood), Simon Girty called out to those in the fort to turn out 
 and surrender. The voice of (Jirty was recognized by some 
 of the men, who answered him by curses, telling him, if they 
 did not leave before morning (this being between sundowh and 
 dark), they would come out and drive them from the country. 
 The Indians, however, fired upon the fort, and perceiving that 
 their shots would not take effect from their present position, 
 they proceeded further up the hill, in order the more easily to 
 discover those in the fort. From this position, they engaged 
 the fort all the next day and part of the next night. But the 
 whites concealed themselves under cover of the walls so se- 
 curely that no one sustained <any injury. The Indians finding 
 their eff"orts to be vain, abandoned the attack, and went off" 
 without eff'ecting their purpose." * 
 
 In 1790, John Dunlap, who had been one of John Cleves 
 Symmes's confidential surveyors, formed a settlement on the 
 east side of the Great Miami river, at a point eight miles from 
 where the town of Hamilton now is, and seventeen miles from 
 Cincinnati; " The county of Hamilton," says a writer in 
 1791, " lies between the two Miami rivers. Just below the 
 tnouth of the Little Miami, is a garrison called Fort Miami ; 
 
 * Commiinication of A. B. Tomlinson, in American Pioneer, Vol. II, pp. 
 
 352, 05P,. 
 
2r>0 HUtory of the Girfi/K. 
 
 at a small distanco below thia garrison, is the town of Colum- 
 bia. About six miles from Columbia, is the town of Cincin- 
 nati, which is the county-seat of Hamilton [county] ; and 
 here is erected Fort Washington, the head-quarters of the 
 Federal army. Tiiis fort is pleasantly situated on the banks 
 of the Ohio river. Seven miles below this, is a settlement of 
 eiglitoen or twenty families callotl South Bend. About seven 
 miles from this, also on the Ohio river, is the City of Miami 
 founded by the Hon. John Cloves Symmes. Twelve miles up 
 the Great Miami is the settlement called Dunlap's Station ; 
 and twelve miles up the Little Miami, is a settlement called 
 Covalt's Station. The number of militia in these places, ac^- 
 cording to the best accounts I have received are, at Colum- 
 bia, two hundred ; Cincinnati, one hundred and fifty ; South 
 Bend, twenty ; City of Miami, eighty ; Dunlap's, fifteen ; and 
 at Covalt's, twenty."* 
 
 The settlers at Dunlap's erected a fortification for their se- 
 curity, consisting of several block-houses built of logs and a 
 number of cabins, with pickets in the unoccupied spaces be- 
 tween them, in the form of a square, inclosing a little more 
 than an acre of ground. TMs situation was considerably ex- 
 posed, and Indians were frequently hovering about. The con- 
 sequence was that, in the early part of the winter of 1790- 
 1791, General Harmar sent them a detachment of soldiers for 
 their protection, from Fort Washington, consisting of a lieu- 
 tenant — Jacob Kingsbury — and eighteen privates. 
 
 On the night of the 7th of January, 17!*1, four men were en- 
 camped on the river bank just above the settlement. They 
 had been out exploring the country on the west side of the 
 Miami, and were wholly unsuspicious that danger was near. 
 The next morning, they had not proceeded more than a 
 hundred yards from their camp, when they Were attacked by 
 savages, who fired a volley of eight or ten guns. One of the 
 men was killed ; o z made prisoner, whose name was Abner 
 Hunt; the other two escaped (one badly wounded), and finally 
 
 * Dr. W. Goforth, from Ft. Washington, N. W. Territory, September 3, 
 1791. See Cist's Cincinnati Miscellany, Vol. I, p. '200. 
 
IltHhn'ii of I he dh'hjs. 251 
 
 renclicd tlio station (Diinlap's), apprising the garrison of tlio 
 prcsonco of tlie Indians in tho vicinity. The next day, a 
 party of six men went out, fouml the dead man, huricd tiie 
 body, and returned to tho fort. The utmost vi^^ihinre was 
 exercised hy the officer in command, during that day and 
 the next. Tiiere were in tlie incloaure, besides Lieutenant 
 Kingsbury, " thirty-five men total, ohl and yourjg, sick and 
 well, in such bad works;" also ((uite a number of women and 
 children. The commander fully reali/eil tho peril he was in, 
 80 far in the country, with so small a force, and he did not, 
 for a moment, relax his watchfulness. It was this unusual 
 caution, as we shall soon see, that saved the station. 
 
 Simon CJirty, who had, as we have shown, solicited the com- 
 mand of a war party, went on to the Miami towns at the head 
 of the Maumce, with the Indians who lived there and in the 
 vicinity, soon after the breaking up of tho council at the 
 Rapids, and immediately organized a force to march toward 
 the infant settlements on the north side of the Ohio. Their 
 destination was Dunlap's, the first that could bo reached 
 after crossing over to the upper waters of the Glreat Miami, 
 and then descending that stream. They numbered nearly 
 three hundred. 
 
 Girty sent a few warriors in advance of the main force to 
 reconnoitre the situation. It was this party that attacked 
 the four men on the morning of the eighth of January, mak- 
 \\.^ prisoner of Abner Hunt. These savages returned 
 leisurely up the river with their captive securely bound. 
 Girty, on his downward march, was soon met and the whole pro- 
 ceeded toward the station, arriving in its immediate vicinity in 
 the evening of the ninth, undiscovered. IJefore sunrise the next 
 morning, Girty and his Indians suddenly made their appear- 
 ance, firing a volley as they approached the fortification, 
 which wounded one of the soldiers. The commander inside 
 the stockade immediately posted his men to the best advan- 
 tage, and the fire was returned. 
 
 The investment of the works was soon made complete, 
 and the attack was kept up during the entire day. Attempts 
 
252 Hinhry of Ih,' Girtyft. 
 
 were niiule by the suvaj^cs to fire tlie ciibins anil pickets, but 
 these were foiled by tlie vi^iliiiicc iiiid activity of those within. 
 During the niglit, the enemy shot blazing arrows against the 
 stockade and upon the roofs of the buildings, but these cfl'orts 
 were everywhere thwarted by the coolness and bravery of 
 the regulars and settlers. Ikd'ore morning two of the beslege<l 
 managed to silently pass out of the station, cross the river, 
 and hasten toward Cincinnati, to obtain aid from General 
 Ilarmar, at Fort Washington. On their way they met a force 
 nnirching rapidly to the relief of the place from Columbia 
 and Cincinnati, alarm having been given by some hunters 
 who had heard the firing at the fort when it fir.st began, and 
 had rightfully concluded it was attacked by savages. Be- 
 tween ten and eleven o'clock, the relief party arrived at the 
 top of the hills overlooking the plain on which the station 
 was located, when it was discovered that the Indians had 
 raised the siege and were gone. Such, in brief, was the at- 
 tack on Dunlap's Station, during which, it must be admitted 
 the enemy evinced under the leadership of dirty, who had 
 with him his brother George, a determination to succeed 
 that nothing but the presence of regulars and the coolness 
 of their commander could have withstood. But there was one 
 circumstance (which is now to be related) which is but an ac- 
 cumulation of positive evidence of the savagery of Simon at 
 this period. 
 
 The unfortunate prisoner, Abner Hunt, was brought back 
 by the Indians to the vicinity of the station, accompanied by 
 the party that had captured him, and, soon after the attack 
 commenced, was placed on a stump within speaking distance 
 of the garrison and compelled by Girty to urge a sur- 
 render, which, in hope of saving his own life, he did in the 
 most pressing terms, promising that, if it were done, life and 
 property would be spared. As he carried a flag, the garrison 
 ceased firing and listened as best they could to his enforced 
 plea, but determined not to yield. His failure doomed the 
 unfortunate prisoner to the stake. He was tortured with the 
 most shocking barbarity during the night of the siege. " The 
 
lliHiory of the (rirfi/s. 25o 
 
 Indiana tied him to a sapling witliin eight of the garrison, 
 who distinctly heard liis screams, and built a large fire so near 
 as to scorch him, inllicting the most acute pain ; then, ns his 
 flesh, from the action of the fire and the frequent application 
 of live coals, became less sensible, they made deep incisions 
 in his limbs, as if to renew his sensibility of pain. They an- 
 swered his cries for water, to allay the extreme thirst caused 
 by burning, by fresh tortures. Finally, when, exhausted and 
 fainting, [and] death seemed approaching to release the 
 wretche<l prisoner, they terminated his sufferings by apply- 
 ing flaming brands to his naked bowels." 
 
 "They stripped him naked," says William Wiseman, who 
 was inside the fort, " pinioning his outstretche<l hands and 
 feet to the earth, kindling a fire on his naked abdomen, and 
 thus, in lingering tortures, they allowed him to die. Ilis 
 screams of agony were ringing in our ears during the re- 
 mainder of the night, becoming grndanlly weaker and weaker 
 till toward daylight, when thoy ceasjJ." * 
 
 " During the night, ' is the language of Samuel Ilahn, who 
 was also of the garrison, " and at a late hour, finding that 
 they could do nothing with us, they brought up Hunt, within 
 a short distance of the fort, for the purpose of burning him 
 alive. Accordingly, having stripped and fastened him to a 
 log, they kindled a fire of dead limbs upon his belly, and 
 commenced a horrid dance, whooping and yelling around the 
 wretched object of their revenge. The screams of Hunt were 
 plainly heard by the garrison, in the midst of these yells, for 
 a long time, growing fainter as life expired." t 
 
 * Cist's Cincinnati in 1859, p. 05. 
 
 t Id., p. 100. iliiny western writers have heretofore not been well in- 
 formed as to Hunt's death. "In Fobruarj-, 1791," says the Maga- 
 zine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 270, "at the head of a large 
 force of savaijus, he [Simon] Girly attacked and besieged Dunlap's Station, 
 on the Great ^liaini, but he failed as he did at Bryant's, after trying by every 
 device of skill and terror to induce the brave and determined garrison to 
 surrender. It was at this place that Abner Hunt met his death, but ex- 
 actly how will probably never bo known. O. -M. Spencer, who was cap- 
 tured by the Indians about Ibis time, and while he was yet a child, says in 
 
254 Ilufori/ of the Girtys. 
 
 If Simon Girty did not actually assist in this liorrible affair, 
 he must have ordered it, or, at least, given it his approval ; and, 
 judging from Avhat Dr. Knight saw Avhen the unfortunate 
 Cra\\ford was undergoing a like fate, he must have looked 
 upon the cruel scene with the keenest pleasure. 
 
 The retiring of the besiegers on the morning of the 11th 
 of Jannary, was because they had come to despair of success 
 and were apprehensive of the alarm having reached Fort 
 Washington. They soon returned to the Miami towns, and 
 Girty hastened onward to Detroit, nowise discouraged by his 
 failure to capture Duidap's Station. 
 
 It was not long after this gallant defen le before Lieutenant 
 Kingsbury received the following from General Harmar : 
 
 "FouT Wasuinoton, 14/7t January, 1791. 
 "Extract of General Orders: — The general is highly 
 pleased Avitl the cool and spirited conduct displayed by Lieu- 
 tenant [Jacob] Kingsbury in repulsing a body of about three 
 hundred savages, who surrounded Dunlap's Station on Mon- 
 day last and besieged it, endeavoring to set it on fire with 
 their arrows, and keeping up a heavy fire against his small 
 party for the space of twenty- four hours. . . . The spir- 
 ited defense uiade by Lieutenant Kingsbury, with so small a 
 force as thirty-five men total, old and young, sick and well, 
 and in such bad works, reflects the greatest credit upon him 
 and his party. The general returns his thanks to him, and 
 directs that the adjutant transmit him a copy of these orders 
 by first conveyance. Jos. Harmau, 
 
 Brigadier-General." * 
 
 Before dismissing the subject of the attack on Dunlap's 
 Station, it is proper to consider what has passed into current 
 
 his Captivity, that Hunt was bL'mfrl and tortured to death by Girty's In- 
 dians. Judge Burnet, in his wf)l-ktiown and valuable Notes, maltes no 
 mention whatever of the burninif,, but says : ' Mr. Hunt wac killed before 
 he could reach the fort.' " 
 • Wo..'dward's History of Franklin County, Connecticut, pp. 85, 86. 
 
History of the Girtya. 255 
 
 history as the conversation had hetween the prisoner, Hunt, 
 and Lieutenant Kingsbury, beside what has already been sug- 
 gested in this narrative. It is stated, that " Lieutenant Kings- 
 bury took an elevated position vhere he could overlook the 
 pickets, and promptly rejected all their propositions [made 
 through Hunt], telling them that he had dispatched a messen- 
 ger to Judge Symmes, who would soon be up to their relief, 
 with the whole settlement on the Ohio. He failed, however, 
 to impose on them [the savages]. They replied that it was a 
 lie, as they knew Judge Symmes was then in New Jersey ; 
 and informed him that they had five hundred warriors, and 
 would soon be joined by three hundred more ; and that, if an 
 immediate surrender was not made, they [the Americans] 
 would all be massacred and the station burned. Lieutenant 
 Kingsbury replied, that he would not surrender if he were 
 surrounded by live hundred devils, and immediate' leaped 
 from his position into the fort. The Indians fired ai liim, and 
 a ball struck off the white plume he wore in his hat." * Much 
 in this account, it is evident, is an exaggeration. It is hardly 
 to be presumed that the lieutenant would have referred to 
 Judge Symmes, when the name of General Harmar, at Fort 
 Washington, would have been so much more effective ; besides, 
 it is quite incredible that he would have exposed himself, as 
 stated in the account, to the treacherous foe he had to deal 
 with.f 
 
 After remaining in Detroit a fcAV days, Simon Girty went 
 to his home in Canada. Bv the end of winter, he was eager 
 for the time when he could again start for ;he Ohio wilderness 
 and join the Indians in the war against h s countrymen ; for 
 he had fully determined to continue in active service with the 
 savages. In April, a third child was born into the family — a 
 daughter, to whom was given the name of Sarah. It was but a 
 
 * McBride'g Pioneer Biography, Vol. I, p. 18. 
 
 f As to the altiick, see, in addition to the authorities already cited, Farns- 
 worth's Cincinnati Directory, 1819; American Pioneer, Vol. II; Burnet's 
 Notes; Gist's Cincinnati Advertiser for March 21, 1848, and August 22, 
 1849 ; and Howe's Ohio. 
 
256 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 few days after the hirth of his daughter, before the father was in 
 Detroit. He was then sent to the Maumee, as in the previous 
 fall, to assist in the transportation thither of arms, ammuni- 
 tion, clothing, provisions, and other articles for the Indians, 
 who Avere to assemble on that river, or had already reached 
 there. 
 
 Steps were now taken to bring the hostile savages to treat 
 with the United States. Colonel Thomas Proctor was sent 
 on a mission to the Miami and Wiibash Indians, to impress 
 them " with the candor and justice " of the United States, 
 asking them to "demean themselves peaceably." He was to 
 journey to these nations by way of " Cornplanter's residence," 
 which was upon a branch of the Alleghany river, to Sandusky ; 
 thence to the Miami towns which General Ilarmar had at- 
 tacked ; and from there to Fort Washington. 
 
 While one Thomas Rhea, a prisoner to the Lidians, was at 
 the " great crossing " of the Maumee " called Sandusky," he 
 mentioned to McKec, and the other officers who were there, 
 that he had seen Colonel Proctor on his way to Fort Franklin 
 (the name of the post erected at Venango by Captain Jonathan 
 Heart, at the command of Colonel Harmar) — that he under- 
 stood he was on his way to the Miami towns or Sandusky, 
 with some of the Senecas, that he expected that Cornplanter 
 would accompany him in order to settle matters with the hos- 
 tile nations, and that he anticipated getting shipping at Fort 
 Erie, just across the Niagara river, at its head, in Canada, to 
 bring him and the Senecas to th? Miami villages or Sandusky. 
 It was the further testimony of Rhea, that the officers at the 
 Rapids of the Maumee, in their conversation with each other, 
 said that if tliey were at Fort Erie, Colonel Proctor should get no 
 shipping there. The Mohawks, who were then at the Maumee 
 crossing, as well as other Indians, declared that if Proctor, or 
 any other Yankee messenger, came where they then were, he 
 should never carry messages back. This was frequently ex- 
 pressed not only by the Indians, but also by Simon Grirty. 
 But the latter, along with McKee, left for Detroit, before 
 
 is&^ 
 
Hidory of the Girtys. 257 
 
 Rhea, who embarked on the 4th of June.* It being reported 
 that the Americans, in a large body, were again approaching 
 the Miami towns, Girty immediately returned to the Mauniee, 
 determined to join the Indians, taking passage with Matthew 
 Elliott, who sailed on the 8th of June for that river, with a 
 boat load of goods for the savages, so that, by the middle of 
 that month, he had doubtless reached the head of that stream. 
 But the report of the m.a"ching of Americans was a false 
 alarm. It served, however, to hasten forward all the parties 
 who had reached tlie Rapids. Girty now made his way home- 
 ward, arriving at his residence early in July. 
 
 Note I. — It has been stated on a previous page that George 
 Gi»'ty was present at the attack on Dunlap's Station. Will- 
 iam Wiseman, in 1850, told Charles Cist that it was indicated, 
 in the course of the parley which ensued, not only that Simon 
 Girty was in command, but that his brother, George, was with 
 him. Mr. Cist was also told by Samuel ILuin, at the same 
 time, that George was of the party. (Sec Cist's Cincinnati 
 in 1859, pp. 94, 105.) I find no evidence to the contrary of 
 this. Wiseman and Ilahn were both in the fort when it was 
 beset by the enemy. 
 
 " In 1850, I had the pleasure of bringing together, after a 
 separation of sixty years, two of the surviving defi'nders of 
 Dunlap's Station, which, it will be remembered, Avas attacked 
 by the Girtys and a large body of savages on the 7th Feb- 
 ruary [January], 1791." — Charles Cist, in Cincinnati in 1859, 
 p. 90. This has led some writers to suppose that all three 
 of the Girtys — Simon, George, and James — were present ; 
 
 • Narrative of Thomas Rhea, in Amerii'an State Papers — ''Indian Af- 
 fairs," Vol. I, pp. 190, 197. Sec, as to the transtnission of liis Narrative to 
 President Washington, the St. Clair Papers, Vol. xl, p. '224. The character 
 of Kliea was, it was afterwards ascertained, none of the best; nevertheless, 
 his statements of what ho saw and heard during liis captivity were true. 
 Colonel Thomas Proctor !;ot no farther than Buffalo creek, New York, on 
 his mission. See his Journal, in Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, Vol. 
 IV, pp. G51-G2'2. 
 
 17 - ^ ^ 
 
258 History of the Girty%. 
 
 but tlio context shows that the writer meant by " the Girtys," 
 only Simon and George. See pp. 94, 105, in the publication 
 of Cipt referred to. 
 
 "George iind James Girty were as completely identified 
 with the Indians all this time as if they had been actually 
 born savages. They lived with them, fought with them, and 
 apparently wanted no other society. . . . They partici- 
 pated in the attack on Dunlap's Station, and each took an In- 
 dian's part in the struggle then in progress." — Magazine of 
 American History, Vol. XV, p. 271. But James was not at 
 the attack on Duidnp's Station ; did not fight with the Indians 
 against the Americans after the close of the Revolution; and, 
 besides, it is improper to suppose (as already mentioned) that, 
 in all respects, he was as thoroughly an Indian as if born one. 
 
 Note II. — Chronological Record: (1) Peace with Great 
 Britain proclaimed April I'J, 178;5. (2) Claiming states (ex- 
 cept Connecticut) yield tiicir claims to the Northwest on or be- 
 fore March 1, 17.'^4. (3) Surveying began west of the Ohio, 
 September, 1785. (4) Fort llarmar at mouth of the Mus- 
 kingum erected 1780. (5) Ordinance for government of the 
 North-west passed July 13, 1787. (G) The Ohio Company 
 and John Cleves Symmes make large purchases in south- 
 eastern a- I southern portions of the present State of Ohio in 
 October following. (7) Arthur St. Clair commissioned gov- 
 ernor of the territory north-west of the Ohio, February 1, 
 1788. (8) Marietta settled April 7, following. (9) Cincin- 
 nati founded January 7, 1789. (10) Fort Washington com- 
 pleted at Cincinnati, December following. 
 
 Note III. — In 1790, Symmes's Purchase had a population 
 of 1,300; the Ohio Company's, 1,000. Against this popula- 
 tion, the savages were then particularly hostile ; although, as 
 ■we have seen, they had made, since the close of the Revolu- 
 tion, numerous raids across the Ohio, southward and eastward. 
 
Hislory of the Qirtys. 259 
 
 CHAPTEll XXVI. 
 
 The " Moravian " Indians, under the charge of Moravian 
 missionaries, moved, in the spring of 1791, from the Huron 
 river, in the present State of Oliio, to the Detroit river, on 
 the east side, just above its mouth. "We examined the 
 country," says Zeisberger, on the 4th day of May, in his jour- 
 nal, " and encamped with the Indian brethren for the most 
 part on [Alexander] McKee's plantation, where no one lived ; 
 for it had been vacated for us, where there is much cleared 
 land for planting. Next to this is Elliott's plantation, where 
 also we got much cleared land and a house to live in." This 
 little "Moravian" settlement, which received the name of the 
 Warte, or the Watch-Tower, stood in full view of the lake. 
 Opposite to it, on the American side of the Detroit river, 
 was a Wyandot village-r-not of the Sandusky Wyandots, but 
 of those of Detroit. A few Canadian farmers lived in .the 
 vicinity of the Watch-Tower. Of these, one, of course, was 
 Simon Girty. Planting soon followed the arrival of the ''Mo- 
 ravians," and the harvest came on in due time; but there waa 
 trouble among the " Christian " Indians; "for," as Zeisber- 
 ger declares, "there was drinking in the neighborhood, so 
 that our people were also led astray." Girty was, in particu- 
 lar, a thorn in the side of the missionary ; as he uot only em- 
 ployed some of the "Moravian:?," but paid them in rum, mak- 
 ing them drunk.* That he called in the services of others in 
 harvest shows conclusively that he was prospering as a 
 farmer. 
 
 On the 2d of May, General Scott and Colonel James Wil- 
 kinson left the Ohio, opposite the mouth of the Kentucky river, 
 for the Wabash towns, marching directly for the Wea village — 
 Weatenon. This and other important towns were destroyed, 
 
 • Zeisberger's Diary, Vol. II, pp. 202, 203. 
 
260 Ilinforn of the Girtys. 
 
 and a few Indians killed, and some captured. A second ex- 
 pedition was authorized by St. Clair on the '25th of June. It was 
 commanded by Wilkinson, and consisted of five hundred mounted 
 men. Tiie march commenced from near Fort Washington, on 
 the 20th of July, for the Indian village of I'Anguille, situated 
 on the Eel river, about six miles above its confluence Avith the 
 Wabash. This and various other towns were destroyed ; 
 also several hundred acres of corn. Some Indians were 
 killed, and a considerable number captured. These active 
 operations were in strange contrast with the tardy measures 
 put forth to furnish St. Clair with men and the munitions 
 of war to prosecute a campaign, which had been resolved upon, 
 against the Miami towns. It was the 7tli of September before 
 Major-Gentral Richard Butler, the second in command, and 
 Quartermaster-General Ilodgdon, reached Fort Washington. 
 By this time, General St. Clair had already moved two thou- 
 sand men about twenty-four miles on the way northward; but, 
 before repeating the story, so often told, of his dire disaster, 
 we must turn our attention to the enemy upon the Maumee, 
 against which his forces were particularly directed. 
 
 Throughout the summer there was an unwonted activity 
 among the Miami Indians and those who dwelt near them. 
 The expeditious of Scott and Wilkinson to the Wabash towns 
 kept alive the fears of the savages at the head of the Maumee. 
 In the month of August, ammunition which had been received 
 from Detroit, was dispatched to the Wabasli, but it came too 
 late to be of use against the Kentuckians in the last expedi- 
 tion. The march of AVilkinson so near to the Miami towns 
 had caused a second concentration of all the warriors, within 
 reach, at that place. As to Simon Girty, who made haste 
 (his harvest being over) to reach the Miami villages from his 
 Canadian home, it may be said that ho busied himself in 
 advising Avith the Indians ; and, on at least one occasion, 
 he joined a war-party in an attempt against the Americans. 
 He may have returned once or twice to Detroit to take charge 
 of supplies which were sent forward to the Maumee, but this 
 is not probable, as he was resolved on fighting. 
 
 Now that the army under St. Clair, so long gathering upon 
 
History of the Qirttjs. 261 
 
 the Ohio, had actually taken up its line of march up the Great 
 Miami, there could be no doubt in the minds of the Indians 
 as to its destination. The warriors, from the heads of the 
 last mentioned river, from the Sandusky, from the Maumee, 
 and from the vicinity of Detroit and other places, gathered to 
 oppose the advance of the Americans. The principal tribes, 
 ready to send their braves to contest the onward progress of 
 St. Clair, were the Delawares, Shawanese, Wyandots, Miamis, 
 Ottawas, Kickapoos, Chippewas, and Pottawattamies, with 
 some Mohawks from Canada, and a few Creek Indians. Mu- 
 nitions of war and other supplies continued to arrive at the 
 Miami towns from Detroit. But all this was entirely unknown 
 to General St. Clair. He was ignorant from the commence- 
 ment of his march to the end, of the collected force and situ- 
 ation of the enemy. The Miami chief, Little Turtle, the 
 Shawanese chief. Blue Jacket, and the Delaware chief, Buck- 
 ongahelas, formed an alliance not to be despised. And these 
 powerful chiefs not only had the aid of Simon Girty, but of 
 McKee and Elliott, of the British Indian Department, and of 
 a number of British and French traders " who generally re- 
 sided among the Indians, and supplied them with arms and 
 ammunition, in exchange for furs and peltries." One of these 
 traders, as the sequel shows, was James Girty, the brother of 
 Simon. 
 
 The first move made by the Indian chiefs upon hearing of 
 St. Clair's forward progress, was to dispatch the Shawanese 
 chief, Tecumseh, at the head of a small party of spies, to 
 watch the motions of the American army and report its ad- 
 vancement. This work he accomplished most faithfully. So 
 well were the Indians kept informed of its march, and of the 
 failure of the Americans to send forward a sufficient number 
 of scouts, that they were all soon greatly inspired with hopes 
 of surprising their enemy. Their courage and determination 
 were thus kept up. At the proper time they, too, advanced. 
 Simon Girty led the Wyandots. The whole force amounted to 
 less, probably, than fifteen hundred men. 
 
 But what of General St. Clair? Twenty-four miles from 
 
202 History of the Glrhju. 
 
 Fort Washington, on the Great Miami, he erected a stockade 
 fort with four bastions. To this fortification was given the 
 name of Fort Hamilton ; it was on the site of what is now 
 Hamilton, Ohio. On the 4th of October, St. Clair resumed 
 his march, and, in ten days, had advanced forty-two miles 
 only. At a point six miles south of what is now Greenville, 
 Oiiio, another fortification was built and named Fort Jefferson. 
 It was made of logs laid horizontally. The army did not 
 move again untd the twenty-fourth. For the ne.\t nine days, 
 there was much desertion among the militia; heavy rains fell ; 
 provisions ran short ; St. Clair was sick ; when, on the even- 
 ing of the iJd tf November, the army of fourteen hundred 
 men encamped at the site of the present town of Fort 
 Recovery, Ohio, at a distance, in a straight line, of fifty miles 
 from the head of the Maumee, the objective point, as we 
 have seen, of the expedition. Meanwhile, the enemy were 
 marching directly to meet St. Clair, sending out in ad- 
 vance numerous scouting-parties, some of which during the 
 night came so near as to draw fire from the pickets of the 
 Americans. On the morning of the 4th of November, the 
 troops at early dawn i)araded and had been dismissed but 
 a few minutes (the sun nut yet uj)), when the woods in front 
 rung with the yells and firing of the savages. At this mo- 
 ment, St. Clair was lying sick in his tent. 
 
 The storv of the battle whicli ensued Inis often been told. 
 At the first fire, the militia in front fied through the first line 
 of regulars, causing some confusion. Then the whole camp 
 seemed to be surrounded by the foe. The soldiers were 
 pressed toward the center and fell in scores. St. Clair quickly 
 arose from his sir': couch and endeavored, but in vain, to re- 
 form die lines. The officers fell on every hand. Major-Gen- 
 eral Butler was early wounded, but continued to urge re- 
 sistance. When, at last, all the artillery officers had either 
 been killed or wounded, and the Indian fire was threatening 
 a total annihilation of the army, preparation was made for re- 
 treat, which was accomplished, though in a disorderly man- 
 ner, after such of the wounded as could be moved were 
 
Hixtory of Ihc Glrh/s. 263 
 
 gathered together. The killed and missing numbered thirty- 
 seven ofliccrs and five hundred and ninety-tlirce privates; tlio 
 wounded, thirty-one officers and two hundred and fit'ty-two 
 privates. Such was '' St. Clair's Defeat !" 
 
 Tlie Wyandots fought most courageously, and none with 
 more bravery than their leader, Simon dirty, who was pre- 
 sented with three of the captured cannon ; ''• but the present 
 proved of no value to him, as he could not remove them. 
 lie afterward told a prisoner (William May)t that there 
 were twelve hundred Indians of the whole force, three hun- 
 dred of which were not in the battle, but were left in the rear 
 to take care of the horses. The same prisoner was also in- 
 formed- that three hundred savages were on the march at the 
 time, under the comniiind of a white officer. Lieutenant Pri- 
 deaux Sclby, of the Fifth British Regiment, but did not get 
 up in time to participate in the action, and that Captain 
 Joseph liunbury, of the sanie regiment, was in the action, but 
 did not learn that he took any command. Both of these offi- 
 cers also belonged to the British Indian Department. 
 
 Amonji those who fouixht with the savajjes Avore considerable 
 numbers of Canadians, mostly youug men, and in particular 
 such as were born of Indian mothers. There were also some 
 refugees present. Girty was not the only one who, on that 
 day, fought against his countrymen. After the action, he 
 found General Butler on the field, writhing from the agony of 
 his wounds. The general spoke to him and lecjuestcd him to 
 end his misery. '"The traitor refitsed to do this, but turning 
 to one of the Indian warriors, told him the wounded man Avas 
 a high officer ; whereupon the savage planted his tomahawk in 
 his head, and tlius terminated his sutYerings. Ilis scalp was 
 instantly torn from his crown, his heart taken out and divided 
 into as many pieces as there were tribes engaged in the 
 battle." X 
 
 * Keo May's Slutument (HlRtliivil), in Ainerit'iin Stutu Piipdrs — "Indian 
 Affairs," Vol. I, p. 243. 
 
 1' May's Statement, just cited. 
 
 J Of the various published accounts of the doatli (.f General lUitli'r, the 
 above seems the most trustworthy. See Stone's Life of Brant (cd. of 18C5), 
 
264 Hhtory of the Giriyn. 
 
 On the retreat and general rout of the army, Girty cap- 
 turcMl, it is said, a wliitc woman. A Wyandot sijuaw ^vllo ac- 
 c tnpanied the warriors of her nation, perceiving this, de- 
 manded the prisoner, on the ground that usage gave all female 
 captives to the women accompanying the braves. Girty re- 
 fused and hocanie furious ; when some warriors came up and 
 enforced a compliance with this rule of the Indians — to the 
 great relief of the prisoner. The woman was afterward sold 
 to a respectable French family in Detroit.* 
 
 The valor displayed by Girty at St. Clair's defeat greatly 
 increased his reputation among the savages, and more 
 than ever were the Wyandots his friends after that signal vic- 
 tory, lie returned to the Maumee with them ; and the com- 
 mencement of 1702 still saw him upon that river. Whether 
 or not he visited Detroit and his home during the latter part 
 of winter is uncertain ; but, in the early spring, he is known 
 to have been again with the Indians. The Miami towns were 
 no longer the principal point for the rendezvousing of the 
 savages. It was seen that a place not so much the object of 
 the Americans would be preferable ; so the junction of the 
 
 Vol. II, p. 310| Siibinu's Aineik'rtn LoyHlists, Vol. II, p. 474; KvenU in In- 
 diiiii Hi.-tory, Ijiiiicustui', IS-lIi, p. '200. In rimiiy stiitciiu'iiis tlmt tmve lieon 
 printed, it is siiiil, simply, thiit. after llui Imttlt!, Girty I'oiind iiinong tlio dciid, 
 the body oi' Uiitl«r, whicli he rccogiiizud. Compiiro An IlisturicHl Account 
 of th<' Expedition iigninst Sandusky under Cnl. William Crawford, in 178'2, 
 p. 107. 
 
 Concerning General Butler's death, the old ballad entitled "St. Clair's 
 Defeat " has this to say : 
 
 " VVo hud not been loni; broken when General Butler found 
 lliuLself so badly wnundod, was forced to quit the ground. 
 ' My God,' says he, ' what shall we do; we're wounded every man ; 
 So charge tiieui, valiant heroes, and beat them if you can.' 
 
 " He leaned his buck airainst a tree and there rosi>rned his brenth, 
 And like a* valiant soldier sunk in the arms of death; 
 When bles-ed aiiu'els did await his spirit to convey; 
 And unto the tele^tial tields he quickly went his way." 
 
 • William "Walker, in Wyandotte (Kas.) Gazette, April 18, 1872. The 
 anecdote will be found, also, in An Historical Account of the Expedition 
 against Sandusky, p. 197. 
 
Hutory of (he Girti/s. 265 
 
 Auglaize with the Mauinoo hociimo the Indian head-quarters. 
 It is the site of the present Defiance, Oliio, 
 
 On the l!]th of April, William Mny, whoso name has pre- 
 viously been mentioned, a private soldier, was sent from Fort 
 Hamilton on the trail of three men who had previously left 
 that post, dispatched as a flag to the Itidians. May was soon 
 after captured and brought to a Delaware town abotit ten 
 miles above the mouth of the Auglaize, " where he was much 
 beat." At the junction of the Auglaize with the Maumee, 
 the prisoner found a number of English traders ; and either 
 here or at the Delaware village above, he met Girty, who 
 saved his life, he having been condemned to death.* lie 
 was then sent to war with twenty-two Indians. This was 
 about the first of May. The party in eight days reached 
 Fort St. Clair, a post which had recently been estal)lished by 
 the Americans, twenty-five miles north of Fort Hamilton, and 
 near where Eaton, Ohio, is now located, where they killed one 
 man, and returned through the battle-field of the previous 4th 
 of November. 
 
 On the twenty-fifth of June, about one hundred Indians 
 commanded, it is believed, by Girty, made an attack on a 
 party of soldiers at Fort Jefierson, five miles south of 
 the present Greenville, county-seat of Darke county, Ohio, 
 who were out cutting hay, not far from the fort. Sixteen 
 Avcre killed and taken prisoners ; four dea(' bodies only could 
 be found. t 
 
 May was employed for the next three months in the trans- 
 
 * It )8 a mRtter of rpgrot that nothing whatever is i<no\vn of the particu- 
 lars of this act of liindiiess on part of Girty. I'« rt'duuiuN inoro to liig 
 credit — when we consider tliat May was a total stnmger to him — lliaii in 
 saving the life of Kenton. That ho lias not heretofore received cointnenda- 
 lion for what he did, is because the incident has, 'm a great e.xtent, escaped 
 the notice of Western historians. 
 
 f American State Papers. — Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 238. It is not en- 
 tirely certain that Girty commanded thi- savages on this occasion ; but thorb 
 is no doubt of his presence. — See Rondthnler's Life of Heckewelder, p. 113. 
 Historians of the West have overlooked this affair. I find it nowhere re- 
 corded by them. Compare, also, Pa. Mag. of Hist., Vol. XII, p. 45. 
 
2GG History of the Girtys. 
 
 port service, on board a schooner that carried about one hun- 
 dred and sixty barrels. As he had formerly followed the sea, 
 Elliott purcliased him from the Indians to utilize his knowl- 
 edge in the way just mentioned. He made a trip from the 
 Maumce to Detroit and back generally in from eight to 
 twelve days. It was at the foot of the rapids of the river, 
 that McKee, as agent in the Indian Department, kept his 
 stores to supply the savages, and Elliott was engaged in their 
 transportation and distribution. "From the mouth of the 
 [Maumee] river to Detroit," says May, " is one hundred and 
 eight miles, or ninety miles along the lake and eighteen up 
 the [Detroit] river." " It was the common opinion," is his 
 testimony, " and the common conversation, that no peace 
 would take place unless the Ohio river was established as the 
 boundary line between the Indians and the Americans." * 
 
 May left Detroit about the first of September, sailing doAvn 
 the lake to Fort Erie, where he arrived on the fifth, and not 
 long after was permitted to return to Pittsburgh. Before his 
 leaving the Maumee, a grai\d council had been called of all 
 the Northwestern tribes to assemble at "the Glaize" in 
 October. Already there were gathered thirty-six hundred 
 Indians — Pottawattamics, Shawanese, Miamis, Ottawas, Wy- 
 andots, Delawares, Munceys, and Chippewas. They drew 
 daily rations from the British government, wliich were sup- 
 plied to them from Detroit. May affirmed that it was the 
 general and unanimous sentiments of all the Canada Indians 
 and other nations who had assembled and were assembling at 
 " au Glaize " (generally known as ." the Glaize " or " Grand 
 Glaize") to confer together, that ihe Ohio must be the bound- 
 ary line, and that all the Western savages would join the Con- 
 federacy against the Americans unless the latter would agree 
 to it. Nor would they return home until they had compelled 
 a compliance with their wishes in that regard, they having 
 brought their families with them or sent for them.f It was 
 the great coming on of this grand council that kept Girty at 
 
 * May's statement, before cited, 
 tid. 
 
History of the Girtys. 267 
 
 or near "the Glaize" during the summer. From the subse- 
 quent relation of another prisoner, 0. M. Spencer, we gather 
 further information of him during this time, and also, as will 
 hereafter appear, of his brother James. 
 
 It was on the 3d day of July, 1792, Avhen young Spencer 
 (his age was eleven years) left Columbia, a settlement just 
 above Cincinnati, on the north side of the Ohio, for Fort 
 Washington, to participate in celebrating "the glorious 4th." 
 On the seventh, the boy, with four others, started in a canoe 
 to return up the river. The persons with him were a Mrs. 
 Coleman, Mr. Jacob Light, and a drunken man whose name is 
 unknown. They were, when well on their way, fired on by two 
 Indians in ambush on the river bank; the intoxicated man was 
 killed and Light wounded. The latter and Mrs. Coleman 
 jumped into the river and escaped, but young Spencer was 
 captured and hurried into the wilderness.'^ The party crossed 
 Buck creek in »vhat is now Clark county, Ohio, and soon after 
 forded the Mad river, striking thence in a north-westerly di- 
 rection to the Great Miami. After crossing this stream, 
 probably not far from the present location of Sidney, Ohio, 
 the boy was taken to the Auglaize, down which river he was 
 conducted to its confluence with the Maumee, which place, 
 " the Glaize," was reached " a little before noon of the thir- 
 teenth of July." Here, on the opposite side of the river last 
 mentioned, he was left in charge of an jld widowed squaw, 
 occupying a bark cabin near its bank. Concerning her family 
 we have sr e interesting particulars. 
 
 There vas a dark Indian girl (an orphan) two years older 
 than Spencer, and a half Indian boy, about a year his junior, 
 both her grandchildren. The mother of the girl and boy was 
 then the wife of George Ironside, a British Indian trader, liv- 
 ing at a trading station, on a high point directly opposite the 
 grandmother's cabin, a few hundred yards above the mouth of 
 the Auglaize. The boy was reputed to be the son of Simon 
 Girty, and was very sprightly, but, Avithal, passionate and will- 
 
 • See, in this connection, Rondtliiiler's Life of Hecitewelder, p. Ill ; also 
 5[cBri<lo'i- Pioneer Biog-apliy, Vol. T, p. 36. 
 
268 History of the Girtya. 
 
 ful, a perfectly spoiled jhild. The grandmother called him 
 Simo-ne ; that is, Simrn.* 
 
 About the twenty-f.rst of July, the old squaw took the boy 
 prisoner on a visit to a Shawanese village located farther 
 down the Maumee. They were kindly received by an Indian 
 acquaintance, whose wife, a very pleasant and rather pretty 
 woman of twenty-five, set before them, according to c'stom, 
 some refreshments, consisting of dried green corn boiled with 
 beans and dried pumpkins, making, as the youngster thought, 
 a very excellent dish, indeed. After spending a few hours 
 with this family, they went to pay their respects to Blue 
 Jacket, the most noble in appearance of any Indian Spencer 
 had ever before seen. His person was about six feet high, 
 was finely proportioned, stout, and muscular ; his eyes large, 
 bright, and piercing ; his forehead high and broad ; his nose 
 aquiline: his mouth rather wide ; and his countenance open 
 and intelligent, expi'essive of firmness and decision. He was 
 cofisidered one of the most brave and accomplished of the In- 
 dian chiefs, second only to Little Turtle, of the Miamis, and 
 Buckongahelas, of the Delawares. He had signalized himself 
 on many battles, particularly in the defeat of Colonel Hardin's 
 detachment in Harmar's campaign, and that of General St. 
 Clair on the previous fourth of November. He held, as the 
 boy was told, the commission and received the half-pay of a 
 brigadier-general from the British crown. 
 
 On the day of their visit to Blue Jacket, this chief was ex- 
 pecting what, to him, was distinguished company ; it was none 
 other than Simon Girty, accompanied by a chief of a neigh- 
 
 * " The family of Coi)h-ci>o-cheeh [the old squHW in whose chHi'go he had 
 been left], consisted of a dark Indian girl (an orphan) two years my elder, 
 and a half Indian boy, about a year younger than myself, both her grand- 
 children by her only daughter, now the wife of Georije Ironside, a British 
 Indian trader, living at the trading station, on the high point directly op- 
 posite to her cabin, a few hundred yards above the mouth of Auglaize. The 
 boy, reputed to be the son of the famous, or rather infamous renegade, 
 Siin<m Girty, was very sprightly, but withal, passionate and willful, a per- 
 fectly spoiled child, to whom his mother gave the Mohawk name of Ked- 
 zaw-saw, while his grandmother called him Simo-ne [Simon]." — Spencer's 
 Indian Captivity, p. 78. 
 
History of the Qirlys. 269 
 
 boring village — the Snake, a Shawanese warrior, spoken of in 
 a previous chapter. In honor of the occasion. Blue Jacket 
 was dressed in splendor ; had on a scarlet frock, richly laced 
 with gold, and confined around his waist with a parti-colored 
 sash ; also, red leggins and moccasins, ornamented in the 
 highest style of Indian fashion. On his shoulders, he wore a 
 pair of gold epaulets, and on his arms broad silver bracelets ; 
 while from his neck hung a massive silver gorget, and a large 
 medallion of his majesty George III. Around his lodge were 
 hung rifles, war-clubs, bows and arrows, and other implements 
 of war, while the skins of deer, bear, panther, and otter, the 
 spoils of the chase, furnished pouches for tobacco, or mats for 
 seats and beds. His wife was a remarkably fine-looking 
 woman ; his daughters, much fairer than the generality of In- 
 dian women, were quite handsome ; and his two sons, about 
 eighteen and twenty years old, educated by the British, were 
 very intelligent. 
 
 The expected visitors soon came ; and, to young Spencer, 
 who had often heard of him, Simon Girty was a person of 
 more than usual curiosity ; and he subsequently wrote of his 
 personal appearance in an exaggerated manner. 
 
 Girty wore the Indian costume, but without ornament, upon 
 this occasion ; and his silk handkerchief, while it supplied the 
 place of a hat, hid the unsightly scar in his forehead, caused 
 by the wound which, the reader has already been told, was 
 given him by Captain Joseph Brant. On each side, in his 
 belt, was stuck a silver-mounted pistol, and at his left hung a 
 short, broad dirk, serving occasionally the uses of a knife. 
 He made many inquiries of Spencer ; some about his family 
 and the particulars of his captivity, but more of the strength 
 of the different garrisons, the number of American troops at 
 Fort Washington, and whether the President of the United 
 States intended soon to send another army against the In- 
 dians. He spoke of the wrongs he had received at the hands 
 of his countrymen, and, with fiendish exultation, of the re- 
 venge he had taken. He boasted of his exploits, of the num- 
 ber of his victories, and of his personal prowess ; then, rais- 
 
270 History of the Qirtys. 
 
 ing his handkerchief, he exhibited, to his youthful listener, the 
 deep scar in his forehead ; said it was a saber cut which he re- 
 ceived in the battle at St. Clair's defeat, adding that he had 
 sent the damned Yankee officer who gave it to hell.* IIo 
 «nded his talk by telling young Spencer that he would never 
 see home again ; but, if he should turn out to be a good hun- 
 ter and a brave warrior, he might one day be a chief. The 
 captive boy then returned, with the old squaw, up the river.f 
 
 Note I. — "A few years after the close of the Revolution," 
 says a published account, " a daughter of Captain John Van 
 Bebber, named Rhoda, aged seventeen, and Joseph Van Beb- 
 ber, a young lad of thirteen, . . . had crossed over in a 
 canoe, one morning, to the west side of the Ohio, opposite 
 Point Pleasant, on an errand to Rhoda's father, then living 
 temporarily in a house that side of the stream, when a party 
 of Indians suddenly made their appearance. Dave, a black 
 man belonging to Captain Van Bebber, gave the alarm, and 
 rushed into the liouse. The Indians attacked the house, but 
 were driven off by Dave and Captain Van Bebber with the loss 
 of two or thi-ee of their number. Joseph and Rhoda, in their 
 terror, hastened to the canoe, whither the Indians pursued 
 them, killed and scalped the young lady and took Joseph a 
 prisoner to Detroit. . . . While at Detroit, he became ac- 
 quainted with the notorious Simon Girty, then [as he said] a 
 pensioner [on half pay] for services in the Revolution He 
 said Girty was an affable man, but extremely intemperate. 
 Girty denied to him that he was the instigator of the death of 
 Colonel Crawford ; but that he went so far to save him that 
 his own life was in danger." — Howe's Historical Collections 
 of Virginia, p. 367. It is evident that ihe capture of the 
 son of Van Bebber was in the early days of the Indian 
 war, whicii, in this chapter, is described as actually exist- 
 ing in the West ; but it is an exaggeration to say that, 
 at that period, Girty was extremely intemperate. He would 
 
 • Of course, this was all false. 
 
 t Spencer's Narrative ("Indian Captivity"), p. 36 et soq. 
 
History of the Girtys. 271 
 
 occasionally get dnink ; and he was rather more inclined to 
 the " flowing bowl " than when he left Pittsburgh ; but he was 
 far from being an habitual drunkard. 
 
 Note II. — The part taken by Simon Girty at St. Clair's 
 defeat has not, heretofore, been well o iderstood. 
 
 " Simon Girty figured in the terrible defeat of the brave 
 but unfortunate St. Clair, November 4, 1791, and was evi- 
 dently a personage of some importance, but owing to the fact 
 that the Indian side of the story of these early and bloody 
 days is not recorded, the part he took is not clear." — Maga- 
 zine of American History, Vol. XV., p. 271. It is to be pre- 
 sumed that the affidavit, or statement, of May, before referred 
 to, escaped the notice of the writer of the foregoing, ar it 
 makes very clear the part Girty took in the action. 
 
 "At about half an hour before sunrise (but after the morn- 
 ing parade), the militia, . . . while engaged in preparing 
 their morning meal, were attacked, unexpectedly attacked, by 
 a large body of Indians, supposed to have been commanded 
 by the infamous renegade Simon Cirty." — Isaac Smucker, in 
 Annual Report of the (Ohio) Secretary of State, 1880, p. 31. 
 While it is certain that Girty commanded the Wyandots only, 
 on that memorable occasion, it may have been that he led in 
 the attack — that the Wyandots were the first to engage in the 
 action. • 
 
 Note III. — Two prisoners to the Pottawattamies came in 
 to Fort Jefferson in July, "^7*2, reporting that the Indians 
 would hear no propositiohs lor peace until all forts and set- 
 tlements north of the Ohio ".sere abandoned; that they would 
 kill all peace messcr-gers and deserters coming to them ; and 
 that Simon Girty was personally present at the last attack on 
 Fort Jefferson (June 25th), made by more than one hundred 
 Indians. — Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 
 Vol. XII, pp. 45, 46. 
 
272 Hidtory of the Oirtys. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Indian Agent McKee, at the Mauniee Rapids, was rontin- 
 ually planning expeditions against the Americans, to be car- 
 ried on by the Indians, under the leadership of white men^ 
 when they could be induced to go; and none were, as a gen- 
 eral thing, more willing to engage in this warfare, and, 
 with tomahawk and scalping-knife, march toward the settle- 
 ments upon the Ohio, than refugees from the states. The 
 prowess exhibited by Simon Girty of late made it an easy 
 matter to induce the savages, with him in command, to un- 
 dertake expeditions of more than ordinary danger. It was 
 at McKee's suggestion and request that he marched, with 
 two hundred and forty-seven Wyandots and Mingoes, with 
 two white guides (prisoners among the savages, and k'\. id to 
 the disagreeable duty), to strike at the pack-horses at a place 
 called "The Fallen Timber," between Forts St. Clair and 
 Hamilton. 
 
 It was Girty's determination, if he missed of his object 
 there, to go to Columbia, and do every mischief in his power 
 before the meeting of the proposed council, so as to influence 
 its sittings ; in short, to use his own words, he " would raise 
 hell to prevent a peace." * This preventing peace was the 
 great end and aim — the work to be accomplished by the Brit- 
 ish in Canada, although the letters of those high in office to 
 American officials were characterized by a pacific tone. How- 
 ever, Girty and his warriors were recalled. The presence of 
 the former was iitiperativelv demanded at " the Glaize." It 
 was resolved oy the Indians, notwithstanding, to undertake an 
 expedition of the kind after the proposed meeting of the na- 
 
 * Mny's Statement: American State Papers — "Indian Affairs," Vol. 1, p. 
 244, already cited. 
 
History of the Qirtys. 278 
 
 tions; anil that resolution was successfully carried out, but 
 under the lead of Little Turtle, instead of Girty. 
 
 The meeting of all the Indian nations of the North-west 
 took place in the fall of 1702, at "The Glaize." The place 
 where the council was held was liigh ground, on the point be- 
 tween the Auglaize and the Maumee. Here, extending from 
 the latter river up the first-mentioned stream, was an open 
 space, on the west and south of which were oak woods, with 
 hazel undergrowth. Within this opening, a few hundred yards 
 above the point, on the st-^ ?p, high bank of the Auglaize, were 
 five or six cabins and log-houses, inhabited principsilly by In- 
 dian traders. The most northerly, a large hewed log-house, 
 divided below into three apartments, was occupied as a ware- 
 house, store, and dwelling, by George Ironside, the most 
 wealthy and influential of the traders " on the point." Next 
 to this was the house of Pirault, a French baker, and Mc- 
 Kenzie, a Scotchman, who, in addition to merchandising, fol- 
 lowed the occupation of a silversmith, exchanging with the 
 Indians his brooches, ear-drops, and other silver ornaments, 
 at an enormous profit, for skins and furs. Still farther up, 
 were several families of French and English ; and two Amer- 
 ican prisoners, Henry Ball and wife, were allowed to live 
 there. They were captured at St. Clair's defeat, and were 
 permitted by their masters to work and earn the price of their 
 ransom ; he by boating to the Rapids of the Maumee, and she 
 by washing and sewing. 
 
 Fronting the house of Ironside, and about fifty yards from 
 the bank, was a small stockade, inclosing two log-houses. In 
 one of these, McKee and Elliott stored their supplies of arms, 
 and other articles which were now being handed out to the 
 savages in lavish quantities ; in the other, lived a trader, men- 
 tion of vhom will hereafter be made, and with whom Simon 
 Girty had his home while the council continued. From this 
 station, a fine view could be had of a large Indian village — 
 more than a mile south, on the east side of the Auglaize — 
 Blue Jacket's town; and of the Maumee river for several 
 18 
 
274 History of the Qirtyt. . 
 
 miles below. An extensive pruirie, covered with corn, di- 
 rectly opposite, could also be seen — the whole fo/ming a very 
 handsome landscape. 
 
 It was in October when the grefj '. council was held. The 
 chiefs of all the North-wciil tribes were present. There were 
 representatives of the sov^n nations of Canada also in attend- 
 ance. Thither went more than forty chiefs of the Six Na- 
 tions. "Besides these," said Cornplanter, "there were so 
 many nations that we can not tell the names of them." 
 Twenty-seven from beyond Canada were there — of course, by 
 their representatives. A largo number came from westward 
 of the Mississippi. B< * in all tl.'at assemblage, there was but 
 one white man — only oii Imitted to the council — and that 
 one, Simon Girty ! This was a very clear and striking proof 
 of the hold he had upon the feelings of the Indians. To him, 
 but to none other, not even McKee or Elliott, who were below, 
 at the Rapids, could they feel safe in confiding their inmost 
 thoughts. It was, doubtless, a proud moment for the rene- 
 gade. Well had he earned the confidence now reposed in him 
 by the savajos. He advocated to the fullest extent what the 
 Indians desired; and he could, therefore, be trusted by 
 them. 
 
 The Shawanese chiefs spoke for war ; but the Six Nations, 
 through Red Jacket, the Seneca chief, advocated peace, de- 
 claring to the assembled multitude that the United States de- 
 sired to hohl a council with the nations. The eloquence or 
 Red Jack C;t '.iduced them finally to consent to an armistice ; 
 they would .'lear what the President had to say, at the Rapids 
 of the Maumee, the next spring, " or at a time when the leaves 
 are fully out." But, even while the Indians were in council, 
 two hundred Shawanese and Miamis, under Little Turtle, 
 learning of some threatening movements of the Americans 
 to the southward, marched to one of their camps near Fort 
 St. Clair, and attacked it pretty successfully on the 6th of 
 No> ember. The savages returned with a number of scalps, 
 many horses, and a great deal of captured baggage. 
 
 In December, the American forces, now recruited and 
 
History of the Oirtt/a. 276 
 
 trained, were gathered at a point about twentj-two miles be- 
 low Pittsburgh, on the Ohio. The array was called the Legion 
 of the United States, and was divided into four sub-legions, 
 and provided with legionary and sub-legionary officers. 
 
 The United States early took measures to meet the hos- 
 tile tribes at the foot of the Rapids of the Maumee, as had 
 been suggested by them. Three Commissioners* were ap- 
 pointed, but the proposed meeting, it was determined, should 
 be held at Lower Sandusky. A number of Quakers (and Heck- 
 ewelder, the Moravian) were also deputed to take part in the 
 conference.! Meanwhile the Indians of the West, dissatisfied 
 with the response of the United States to the address sent 
 by them in the previous October, had held another council at 
 " the Glaize." This was in February, 1793. Word was sent 
 the Six Nations that they would not listen to any proposition 
 from the United States save upon the basis of the Ohio river 
 as the boundary, and the removal of the American forts from 
 the Indian territory. They also informed them that the 
 Western nations would hold a private council at the Maumee 
 llapids before they would meet the American Commissioners. 
 Simon Girty was present at the meeting in February, so that 
 the probability is he remained upon the Maumee during the 
 winter. 
 
 The " Preliminary Council " (that was to be such) was be- 
 gun in June, at the Maumee Rapids, by the North-western 
 Indians. Soon after its commencement a message was trans- 
 mitted to the American Commissioners — meeting them at Fort 
 Erie, in Canada — asking explanations as to whether they were 
 authorized to establish a boundary between the United States 
 and the Indians, and indicating' an uneasiness at the demon- 
 strations of the American troops upon the Ohio. Sending 
 back a satisfactory answer, the Commissioners, on the 14th 
 
 * B^nj. Lincoln, of Massacbusetts; Btjverley Randolph, of Virginia; and 
 Timothy Pickering, of Pennsylvania. For their instructione, see American 
 State Papers—" Indian Affairs," Vol. I, pp. 340-342. 
 
 t For the names of the whole party, bcl Rondthaler's Life of Hecke- 
 welder, pp. 131, 182. 
 
276 History of the Qirtyt. 
 
 of July, embarked for the mouth of the Detroit river, which 
 they reached on the twenty-first, wliere they were obliged to 
 land, the British authorities at Detroit forbidding their ap- 
 proach farther toward Sandusky. 
 
 Leaving the Commissioners where they had landed, which 
 was on the Canada side of the river, lot us consider for a mo- 
 ment the condition of affairs upon the Ohio and tlio Maumee. 
 General Wayne advanced hif^ head-quarters from Legionville, 
 a short distance below Pittsburgh, on the JJOth of April, to a 
 point near Fort Washington (Cincinnati), and was there en- 
 gaged in organizing and drilling his army, in forwarding sup- 
 plies to Fort JeflFerson, and in cutting military roads north- 
 ward — making preparations for an immediate campaign in the 
 event of the failure of the Commissioners to make peace with 
 the Indians. 
 
 At the Rapids of the Maumee were assembled representa- 
 tives of the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanese, Miamis, Pot- 
 tawattamies, Ottawas, Connoys, Chippewas, Seven Nations of 
 Canada, Senecas of " the Glaize " (Mingoes), Nantckokies, 
 Mohicans, Messassagoes, Creeks, Cherokees, and Munoeys. 
 But the Six Nations Avere excluded. Simon Girty was in at- 
 tendance having remainc<l at the Rapids since the gathering 
 in February at " the Glaize." McKee was also there coun- 
 seling with the savages and dealing out supplies right and left 
 from the government stores. 
 
 The Commissioners of the United States upon leaving their 
 vessel in the river took up their abode at the house of Elliott, 
 which was not far from Girty's. As McKee was Deputy In- 
 dian Agent for the Crown and was at the council upon the 
 Maumee, along with Girty, they addressed him a note, inform- 
 ing him of their arrival and requesting that the meeting with 
 the Indians might be hastened. This message was sent in 
 charge of Elliott, on the morning of the 22d of July, to the 
 Rapids. 
 
 On the 29th, a deputation of " upwards of twenty Indians," 
 including a Wyandot chief, and accompanied by Elliott, Thomas 
 
History of the Quiy». 277 
 
 MoKee (son of Alexander), Simon Girty, and Thomas Smith,* 
 an interpreter, arrived on the island in the Detroit river near 
 where the CommisdioncrH were stopping, and the next morn- 
 ing the chief dclivci d a message to them in writing, in the 
 name of the "Confederacy" demanding a-i explicit answer 
 to the question — "Are you fully authorized by the United 
 States to continue and firmly to fix on ti>e Ohio river as the 
 boundary between your people and ours." In presenting the 
 documcat, the Wyandot made a speech which Girty translated. 
 
 A lengthy reply in writing was made by the Commissioners 
 on the thirty-first, the gist of which was that they were not 
 authorized to fix the Ohio river as the boundary. This was 
 interpreted by Girty and a Mr. Jones in the Seneca tongue, 
 which was well understood by the Wyandot chief and by others 
 of the deputation. The rejoinder was made on the 1st of Au- 
 gust by the same Wyandot (Girty again interpreting), the pur- 
 port of which was that they would lay the written document 
 of the Commissioners before the warriors upon the Maumee; 
 but he added, so Girty interpreted, that they (the Commis- 
 sioners) might " now go homo !" 
 
 This piece of strategy on part of either the Wyandot or 
 Giity to end the council with the Western nations, was ira- 
 mrdiately foiled by Elliott mentioning what had been said, to 
 a Shawanese chief who was present, declaring that it was 
 wrong, and the latter agreed with him ; but Girty insisted that 
 he had interpreted truly what the Wyandot had spoken. How- 
 ever, as the words were of vital importance and contrary to 
 what the interpreters of the Americans had heard other chiefs 
 say, the evidence is strong that the declaration was wholly *'ie 
 work of Girty. Besides, the Wyandot himself came back and 
 said it was wrong. The matter was settled, finally by the chief 
 adding (what Girty now correctly interpreted) — *' Brothers : In- 
 stead of going home, we wish you to remain here for an answer 
 from us. We have your speech in our breasts and shall con- 
 sult our head warriors." The Indians with Elliott and Girty 
 
 * For this man's given name, I am indebted to Rondthaler's Heckewelder, 
 p. 138. 
 
278 History of the Qirtya. 
 
 thereupon returned to the Rapids of the Maumee with the 
 written speech of the Commissioners. Heckehelder, who was 
 present at this meeting on the island, declares that Girty 
 " supported his insolence by a quill or long feather run through 
 the under part of his nos'? cross ways." * 
 
 On Friday, the 16th of August, two Wyandot runners ar- 
 rived at the Detroit river and handed to the Commissioners a 
 final answer from the Indian council. It was in effect that 
 the Ohio river must bo made the dividing line between the In- 
 dian lands and those of the United States ; that they would 
 agree to no other boundary. A brief reply was returned, 
 that this was impossible and that the negotiation was &t an 
 end.f Information of the failure of the Commissioners to ar- 
 range matters with the Indians was rapidly communicated to 
 General Wiiyne and hostile movements were made at once 
 from the Ohio toward the Maumee. On both sides the war 
 was renewed. 
 
 There are incidents connected with the visit of the Com- 
 missioners and the Quakers to the mouth of the Detroit of in- 
 terest to our narrative, as they refer to the f.mily of Girty. 
 One of the Friends (William Savery) kept a journal, from 
 which we make an extract, beginning with the 3d of August, 
 1793, just at the time when all were awaiting the final answer 
 from the Indian council : 
 
 " 3d. The vessel called Detroit, bound to Fort Erie, ap- 
 pearing in sight, I wrote a hasty letter. Appointed a meeting 
 to be held at Simon Girty's, to-morrow at ten o'clock. 
 
 " 4th. First-day morning. Very rainy, and much wet in 
 my tent ; rose about three o'clock, bundled up my mattress, 
 and tied it in jl painted cloth, and sat upon it till sunrise. The 
 rain continuing, three of us went to Simon Girty's, but find- 
 
 • Hecke'welder's Narrative, pp. 402, 403. 
 
 t American State Papers — ' Indian Affairs,' Vol. I, pp. 842-357. While 
 it 18 true, as we have shown, that Girty took a very active part with the In- 
 dians and aided powerfully to bring to naught the negotiations, it can not 
 be said, with truth, that he alone secured the failure. It is error, therefore, 
 in Appleton's Oyclopadia of American Biography (art. "Simon Girty") to 
 claim it for him. 
 
History of the Girtya. 279 
 
 ing none met, except the family, returned. Captain Hamil- 
 ton, an amiable man, and an officer in the Fifth Regiment, 
 dined with us. The Chippeway, a vessel bound from Fort 
 Erie to Detroit, brought one hundred and eighty Indians and 
 landed them at the Miami [Maumee] river. The afternoon 
 being pleasant, had a meeting at Simon Girty's, about one and 
 a half miles from our camp, at which a number of Indians 
 were present and behaved soberly. General [Benjamin] 
 Lincoln, General Chapin, Captain Hamilton, Lieutenant 
 Givans, and several seamen, also attended ; I believe it was to 
 satisfaction. The few scattered white people in this Indian 
 country, many of whom have been prisoners of war, have no 
 opportunity of public worship; yet some of them are glad of 
 our meetings; among whom was the wife of Simon Girty, who 
 also had been a prisoner among the Indians." * 
 
 Along the Maumee during the remainder of the year, after 
 the breaking up of the council at the Rapids, there was 
 much excitement. It was plainly foreseen that that stream 
 the next year would be the seat of war with the savages. 
 Causes of irritation having arisen between the United States 
 and Great Britain, war also seemed not to be among the im- 
 possible events that might soon happen between the two gov- 
 ernments. So the savages were more openly encouraged ; for, 
 in case of a rupture between the two powers, they would be 
 found, as during the Revolution, valuable auxiliaries. Girty 
 returned to his home (only two days' sail from the Rapids) 
 some time during the autumn. Here he remained during the 
 winter, frequently, however, visiting Detroit. 
 
 NoTK. — Heokewelder's account of the termination of the 
 Commissioners' efforts to arrange matters with the savages 
 assembled on the Maumee is as follows (see his Life by Rond- 
 thaler, pp. 134, 135) : 
 
 "August 16th. Two young Wyandots arrived from the 
 council, with a written speech to the Commissioners in re- 
 
 * A Journal of the Life, Travels, and Religious Laburs of William 
 Savery (Pbiladelphia, 1863), p. 67. 
 
280 . History of the Girtys. 
 
 ply to their former speech delivered on this ground ; which 
 address was both impertinent and insolent, being intended to 
 put an end to the treaty business. The language in the 
 speech was such that no person having knowledge of the In- 
 dians and their modes of expression, would believe it an In- 
 dian speech ; but be that now as it may, there were assembled 
 at Miami [Rapids of the Maumee] by this time fifteen hundred 
 warriors, and, anxious for mischief, they threw off the mask. The 
 messengers [the two young Wyandots] having gone off agreeably 
 to Simon Girty's orders, after they had delivered their message, 
 the Commissioners sent after them, desiring them to take an 
 answer back to the council, which they agreed to. We saw 
 quite plainly that the Indians were not allowed .to act freely 
 and independently, but were under the influence of evil ad- 
 visers ; wherefore this speech was to convince them of the pains 
 the United States had taken to bring about a peace with them ; 
 and that as they had slighted this golden opportunity and been 
 inattentive to their own welfare and disappointed the United 
 States, they mast abide by the consequence, and blame them- 
 sei /es and their advisers alone if the result should be dis- 
 astrous." 
 
History of the Oirtys. 281 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 The year 1794 was one of great activity for Simon Girty 
 as " British interpreter " — for this was his Dnly official desig- 
 nation. He received pay by the day for this work. Besides 
 this, he got regularly his half pay, or pension, and was, sub- 
 sequently', as will be hereafter seen, granted the land by the 
 Crown which had been promised him. He was seen in Febru- 
 ary, in Detroit, by an American, under circumstances which 
 will now be related. 
 
 On the 3d of February, 1794, Jacob Lewis, in an endeavor 
 to rescue from captivity a sister of his — Mrs. Joseph Kinan — 
 reached Detroit from New Jersey. One day while sitting 
 talking with a gentleman — Dr. Freman — at his house in the 
 outskirts of the town, the latter suddenly exclaimed : " Here 
 comes Simon Girty." As Lewis had heard of the renegade, 
 and knew v/hat his reputation was among Americans, he was 
 not only surprised, but alarmed. Girty entered the house 
 without knocking; and, without saying a word, stood looking 
 at the American stranger. He had evidently been drinking, 
 which fact made his presence any thing but agreeable. After 
 a few minutes, in which he stood still as a statue, Lewis 
 asked him if he had ever seen him before. " No," was his 
 emphatic answer ; " but if ever I see you again, I shall know 
 you," at the same time drawing out from its sheath a large 
 butcher-knife and throwing it down between the American and 
 the gentleman with whom the latter was conversing. It was 
 not long, however, before he picked up the dangerous weapon 
 and left the house. Lewis saw Girty several times afterward, 
 but was always well treated by him. 
 
 Jacob succeeded, finally, in rescuing his sister, after much 
 difficulty, from the savages. He looked upon Girty as " grown 
 old, broken down, and dissipated, so much so that he was 
 
282 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 neither fit for a soldier or an Indian." * But this estimate 
 made of the " British interpreter " was quite an erroneous 
 one. It is true that, at home and in Detroit, he was frequently 
 under the influence of liquor, but he was not " grown old," as 
 onr previous record discloses, nor was he " broken down," as 
 the sequel shows. 
 
 In the same spring of 1794, Girty was again upon the Mau- 
 mee. His services as interpreter were now greatly in de- 
 mand, for the Governor of Canada was marching thither with 
 a force of regulars, not actually to join with the savages in 
 taking the field against Wayne, but in doing every thing he 
 well could, to assist them short of this. After reaching the 
 Maumee, he proceeded to the erection of a fort at the rapids, 
 to the great indignation of Washington. The fortress was 
 located on the north-west side of the river, nearly opposite 
 the site of what is now Perrysburgh, Ohio. It was built for 
 the express purpose of supporting the operations of the In- 
 dians. The British authorities were almost in open war with 
 General Wayne.f 
 
 The time had now arrived for active operations on part of 
 the Indians. A blow was to be struck against the advancing 
 array of the Americans, and Girty was to join in the affair. 
 It was planned by McKee that the warriors should march to 
 attack convoys and any garrisons that could be enticed out of 
 forts. The Indians were led by Little Turtle. His force 
 amounted to more than one thousand savages. Many white 
 men besides Girty helped to swell the ranks of the enemy — 
 Thomas McKee, son of Alexander McKee, was one of these. 
 By the twenty-seventh of June, the Indians had reached the 
 site of the present town of St. Mary's, in what is now Au- 
 glaize county, Ohio, which shows they must have started 
 from " the Glaize " (or " Grand Glaize," as it was frequently 
 
 • McBride's Pioneer Biogrnphy, Vol. II, pp. 269-276. "He [Simon 
 Girly] had a fiimily and lived at Maiden, on the opposite side of the [De- 
 troit] river."— Id., p. 276. 
 
 t Compare Smith's History of Wisconsin, Vol. I, p. 199. 
 
History of the Oirtys. 283 
 
 called), marched up the Auglaize river to a point where it 
 was necessary to leave the stream in order to march directly, 
 in a south-west direction, for Fort Recovery. 
 
 At seven o'clock on the morning of the thirtieth of June, 
 one of the American escorts, consisting of ninety riflemen 
 and fifty dragoons, commanded by Major William McMahon, 
 was attacked by the Indians, who had now reached their ob- 
 jective point — Fort Recovery. The fighting began under the 
 walls of the fort, and was followed by a general assault, " im- 
 prudently made," afterward said McKee, upon the post and 
 garrison. The enemy were soon repulsed with considerable 
 loss, but immediately rallied and renewed their attack. 
 They kept up a heavy and constant fire, at a more re- 
 spectable distance, for the remainder of the day, which was 
 answered with spirit and effect by the garrison, and that part 
 of Major McMahon's command that had regained the post. 
 The savages were employed during the night, which was dark 
 and foggy, in carrying off their dead by torch-light, which oc- 
 casionally drew a fire from the fort. They succeeded so well, 
 however, that there were but eight or ten bodies left on the 
 field, and those were within easy reach of the fire from the 
 fortification. 
 
 The enemy, on the morning of the next day, renewed the 
 attack, but were ultimately compelled to retreat ingloriously, 
 from that very field where, on the fourth of November, 1791, 
 they had been so proudly victorious. The loss of the Ameri- 
 cans was twenty-two killed, thirty wounded, and three miss- 
 ing ; that of the enemy, according to their own admission, 
 was very severe — more than they suffered at St. Clair's de- 
 feat. It was an unexpected reverse to the Indians ; and, 
 upon their return, it required the most active exertions of 
 the British at their new post at the foot of the rapids (" Fort 
 Miami," as it was called), to keep up the spirits of the sav- 
 ages, notwithstanding they could boast of having inflicted con- 
 siderable loss upon the Americans. Girty, in this attack, fought 
 with his usual bravery ; but whether he had any command is 
 
284 History of the Qirtya. 
 
 unknown. It was the last battle against his own countrymen 
 in which he took an active part.* 
 
 All through the early months of 1794, Wayne was busily 
 engaged in preparing for a sure blow when the proper time 
 came. On the 26th of July, a large number of mounted men 
 from Kentucky joined him at Fort Greenville, and on the 
 twenty-eighth the legion began its forward movement. The 
 point aimed at was " the Glaize," but Wayne feinted to draw 
 the attention of the savages to the head of the Maumee and 
 to the Rapids. It is probable but for the desertion of one of 
 his men he would have succeeded in his strategem and sur- 
 prised the " Grand Glaize." As it was, he was so near, that 
 they were compelled to abandon the place precipitately. Here 
 at the junction of the Auglaize and Maumee, Wayne built 
 Fort Defiance. 
 
 From this post, it was determined to march down the river 
 and meet the foe who were in force near the British fort. 
 Meanwhile, an effort was made for the last time to bring about 
 peace with tha savages without further bloodshed, but it re- 
 sulted only in the foe asking for time, which Wayne was not 
 disposed to give. On the 15th of August, the legion was 
 again on the march. Three days more, and forty-one miles 
 had been reached, when some light works were commenced to 
 secure the baggage during the expected battle. On the 
 twentieth, all baggage being left in " Fort Deposit," as the 
 place was called, the army moved down the Maumee, on its 
 north bank, to fight the Indians, if it was war they wanted. 
 
 The enemy, upon abandoning " the Glaize," soon began to 
 rendezvous at the Rapids, near the British post. The de- 
 ficiencies in arms, ammunition, and equipments were there sup- 
 plied them by the commander of the fort. There, they were 
 
 •"Girtyand his Wyandots," says the Magazine of American History, 
 Vol. XV, p. 272, "were found arrayed against the Americans in the cam- 
 paign of 1794, and they toolc part in the desperate attack on Fort Recovery, 
 on the 30tb of June." But I have seen no evidence that he either Ittd those 
 savaged or fought more especially with them than with others present on 
 that occasion. 
 
History of the Qirttji. , 285 
 
 fed with regular rations from the king's stores, consisting of 
 flour and Irish beef. This was substantial aid. 
 
 On the 13th of August, McKee wrote the commandant at 
 Detroit that he was glad that such exertions were being made 
 by hiin to supply the Indians with provisions. He declared 
 that scouts had been sent up to view the situation of Wayne's 
 army, and he added : " We now muster one thousand Indians. 
 All the lake Indians from Saginaw downwards should not lose 
 one moment in joining their brethren, as every accession of 
 strength is an addition to their spirits." The principal na- 
 tions there gathered were the Miamis, Shawanese, Delawares, 
 Ottawas, and Wyandots — something less than fifteen hundred 
 in all, when, on the 20th of August, they chose their ground 
 and awaited the attack of Wayne. Their position was a 
 formidable one, about four miles above the British fort, and 
 on the same side of the Maumee. In their front, the ground 
 was covered by old fallen timber, occasioned, years previous, 
 by a tornado. The Indians formed in three lines, within sup- 
 porting distance of each other. They extended for nearly 
 two miles at right angle.-» with the river. Girty, Elliott, and 
 McKee " were in the field, bat at a respectable distance and 
 near the river." * They doubtless had a premonition that the 
 day would end in disaster. 
 
 The American army moved to the attack — the legion on the 
 right, its flank covered by the Maumee ; one brigade of 
 mounted volunteers on the left, and the other in the rear. 
 A select battalion of like troops moved in front of the 
 legion, which was directed to keep sufficiently advanced, 
 so as to give timely notice for the soldiers to form in case of 
 action, it being yet undetermined, so far as Wayne was con- 
 cerned, whether the Indians would decide for peace or war. 
 After advancing about five miles, the corps in front received 
 so severe a fire from the enemy, who were secreted in the 
 woods and high grass, as to compel them to retire. The legion 
 was immediately formed in two lines, principally in a close, 
 
 * American State Papon — " Indian Affairs," Vol, I, p. 494. 
 
286 History of the Qirtys. 
 
 thick wood, which extended for miles on the left and for a 
 considerable distance in front, the fallen tirooer before spoken 
 of rendering it impracticable for the cavalry to act with effect, 
 and affording the Indians thfe- most favorable protection for 
 their mode of warfare. Wayne soon discovered, from the 
 weight of their fire and the extent of their lines, that the 
 savages were in full force and in possession of their favorite 
 ground, and were endeavoring to turn his left ilank. He 
 therefore gave orders for the second line to advance and sup- 
 port the first. At the same time, the whole of the mounted 
 volunteers were directed to gain and turn the right flank of 
 the enemy by a circuitous route. > .. 
 
 The front line was now ordered to advance with trailed arms 
 and rouse the Indians from their coverts at the point of the 
 bayonet, and, when up, to deliver a close and well-directed 
 fire on their backs, followed by a brisk charge, so as not to 
 give them time to load again. The legionary cavalry Avere 
 ordered to turn the left flank of the savages next the river, the 
 ground affording a favorable field for that corps to act in. 
 All these orders were obeyed with spirit and promptitude, but 
 the charge by the first line of infantry was so rapid and im- 
 petuous that the enemy — Indians, Canadian militia, and 
 volunteers — were quickly driven back, giving the mounted 
 volunteers and second line of the legion little opportunity to 
 engage the foe, who were forced back, in the course of an 
 hour, more than two miles, and finally were put to flight. 
 The victory was complete. Wayne's loss was — killed, thirty- 
 three ; wounded, one hundred : that of the Indians is un- 
 known. Girty made good his escape ;* so, also, McKee and 
 Elliott. Such was " the battle of the Fallen Timber." 
 
 * "Oirly and his Wynndots . . . were present at the battle of Fallen 
 Timber on tho 20th of . . . August [1794], when old Mad Anthony 
 Wayne visited such a crushing defeat upon the brave but fitted savages." — 
 Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 272. It is true that Girty and 
 the Wyandots were in this battle. He did not, however, lead them in the 
 action, nor was he actively engat^ed therein. They were not, therefore, 
 " his Wyandots." But the latter fought bravely. 
 
Hi$lory of the Oirtya. 287 
 
 After the battle of the Fallen Timber, McKce wrote to the 
 Detroit commandant that it would require great efforts to in- 
 duce the Indiana to remain in a body. He and Girty now 
 sailed for Detroit, where plans were concerted to call the sav- 
 ages again in council. The governor of Canada, with McKee 
 and Captain Brant (the latter having with him one hundred 
 Indians — Mohawks and Messassagoes), repaired to the Miami 
 fort upon the Mauraee. The chiefs of the various nations 
 were gathered there, and invited by the governor to meet him 
 at the mouth of the Detroit river, to hold a treaty, which in- 
 vitation was immediately accepted. At this gathering, which 
 was held in October, the Indians were advised to propose 
 a truce until snring. More presents than ever were made 
 by the British. The chiefs were asked to hold a grand 
 co'v oil, after the next winter was over, for the purpose of 
 compelling the Americans to cross to the east side of the 
 Ohio. Meanwhile, they could convey all their lands on the 
 west side of that river to the king, to be held in trust, so as 
 to give the British a pretext for helping them. The Indians 
 promised to do what the governor asked — at least some of 
 them. At this council was Simon Girty. He exerted himself 
 to the utmost to further the wishes of the British.* But it 
 was the last opportunity for him to display, in a general 
 council, his animosity to his countrymen — the Americans. 
 The chiefs had experienced enough of war. 
 
 During November, Girty assisted McKee, at the mouth of 
 the Maumee, where the Indians (who had had all their corn 
 destroyed by Wayne) were in huts, in furnishing them with 
 provisions. About the Ist of January, 1795, he returned to 
 his home in Canada. His wild career in the Ohio country 
 was well-nigh ended. 
 
 • "Camp Miami Villages [Ft. Wayne], 11th October, 1794. — A Canadian 
 (Rozello) with n flag arrlyed this evening; hia business was to deliver up 
 three prisoners in exchange for his brother, who was taken on the 20th Au- 
 gust; he brings information that the Indians are in council with [Simon] 
 Girty and McKee near the fort of Detroit ; that all the tribes are for peace 
 except the Shawan38e, who are determined to prosecute the war." — Daily 
 Journal of Wayne's Canipaig -, in American Pioneer, Vol. I, p. 855. 
 
288 History of the Qirtys. 
 
 It was not long after Wayne's return to Fort Greenville 
 (whither he had retired subsequent to his victory over the 
 savages), before the wishes of the Indians to make peace be- 
 gan to be made apparent to him. On the last days of Decem- 
 ber, the chiefs of the Chippewas, Ottawas, Sacs, Pottawatta- 
 mies, and Miamis came into Fort Wayne, a post which had 
 been erected — now the site of the city of the same name in 
 Indiana — with friendly messages. During the month of Jan- 
 uary, 1795, these chiefs, together with representatives from 
 the Delawares, Ottawas, Wyandots of Sandusky, and Shawa- 
 nese, entered into preliminary articles at Fort Greenville 
 with the commander-in-chief. During the winter, prisoners 
 were exchanged, and preparations made on both sides to meet 
 in June for the purpose of forming a definite treaty. These 
 arrangements coming to the ears of the British, Simon Girty 
 was sent to admonish them to desist. It was his last effort, 
 in a public way, to endeavor to influence the Western nations 
 to still hold out against the Americans ; and the effort was a 
 signal failure. He returned to Detroit to report that nothing 
 could change the minds of the chiefs of the various tribes. 
 He then made his way to his Canadian home, never again to 
 appear in the Indian country as a British emissary to antago- 
 nize the interests of America. 
 
Hiittory of the Qirtyn. 289 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 In going with the enemy to assail Fort Henry at Wheeling, 
 in September, 1782, James Girty, for the last time, so far as 
 it is known, marched to attack his own countrymen. Living 
 with the iShawanese at Wapatomica, he hn<l become well ac- 
 quainted with the country to the westward, especially upon 
 the St. Mary's, luid upon the west branch of the Great Miami, 
 now known as Loraniie creek. Td his mind, tlie point where 
 the portage began at the head of the St. Mary's, leading south 
 across to the last-named stream, was one where a trading- 
 house might properly be established. It was identical with 
 the site of the present town of St, Mary's,* in Auglaize 
 county, Ohio, and was then a small Indian village. He had 
 already been trafficking to a considerable extent with the 
 Shawanese and other tribes, purchasing his supplies at De- 
 troit. He had also married a Shawanese woman, who was 
 known to the whites as Betsey. She could speuk English. 
 In 1783, immediately after being assured that peace between 
 t}i9 United States and Great Britain had been made, he moved 
 his family and effects to the place just described, where he 
 was soon established as a trader. His new homo subsequently 
 received the name of " Girty's town," because of his ^avin<i 
 lived there, which it retained long after he had left.f 
 
 James enjoyed for a little over seven years a complete mo- 
 nopoly of the Indian trade at his trading-house. He shipped 
 peltry down the St. Mary's to the Maumee ; thence, down the 
 stream last mentioned to the Rapids (a point already fre- 
 quently mentioned), and from that place across Lake Erie to 
 Detroit, returning with stores to be disposed of to the Indians 
 
 * See An Historioal Account of the Expedition again^it Sanduslty, p. 108. 
 t Compare, in this connection, Sutton's History of Auglaize County, 
 Ohio, pp. 26, 27. 
 19 
 
290 Hintory of the Oiriyn. 
 
 at large profits. These goods wore brought by water, right to 
 his door. 
 
 During his residence nt what id now St. Mary's, James was 
 frc<|ucntly frightened by reports of the advance of American 
 troops, especially in 17HG of Colonel Logun ; and on several 
 occasions, he had his goods packed nady for iminediuto re- 
 moval ; but, until the fall of 1700, thty all proved false alarms. 
 lie had timely warning of the approach of General Ilarmar in 
 that year ; whereupon, he moved his stock first to the head of 
 the Maumee, and immediately after down that river to " Grand 
 Glaize," where he was out of harm's way. 
 
 Mention bus been made of the captivity of young Spencer, 
 and of his visit upon the Maumee, in July, 1792, to the 
 Shawanese chief. Blue Jacket. He remained at " the Glaize" 
 until the next February, when, near the close of the month, 
 he and the Indian family with whom he lived proceeded down 
 the river some four or five miles, and engaged in sugar- 
 making. Wliile thus employed, a messenger arrived at their 
 camp, and privately informed the old Indian woman that the 
 British Indian agent from Detroit had arrived at the Grand 
 Glaize ; that the boy had been purchased by him ; and that he 
 (the messenger) had been sent to conduct him to the Point — 
 that is, to " the Glaize." The young prisoner, the next morn- 
 ing, was on his way with the man who had been sent to get 
 him, greatly excited at the prospect of being released from 
 captivity. 
 
 "It was a pleasant morning on the last day of February, 
 1793, that young Spencer bade adieu to his Indian friends. 
 The sun, just setting, seemed to shine with unusual splendor ; 
 never before, as he thought, had it appeared so bright and 
 beautiful. The captive had been ut first " as one that 
 dreamed," scarcely crediting the fact that he was no longer a 
 prisoner ; gradually, however, as he left his late dwelling far- 
 ther and farther behind him, he became assured and conscious 
 of the truth that he was indeed free ; he was, as a conse- 
 quence, like a bird loosed from his cage, or a young colt from 
 his stall ; to suppress his feelings, or restrain his joy, would 
 
HtMtory of the Oirtyn. 291 
 
 have been almost iinpossiMe. lie laii;^lic<l, he wept, ho whis- 
 tled, ho shouted, and srnj; by turns. Never had ho moved 
 before with step so elantic — now skipping over logs, jumping, 
 dancing, and running alternntoly, while the messenger, a 
 Frenchman (whose mime he found on itujuiry to be Joseph 
 Blanch), sometimes stopped and looked at him intensely, as if 
 suspecting he was more than half crazy. 
 
 By degrees, the boy became more temperate; his e.^trcme 
 joy gradually subsided. He now confined tlie expression of 
 his happiness to singing and whistling, which he kept up al- 
 most without intermission until the Auglaize was reached, 
 when, stepping into a canoe, and crossing that river, in u few 
 minutes he entered the hospitable dwelling of Mr. Ironside. 
 This gentleman received him with more than usual kindness, 
 and, congratulating him upon his release Prom captivity very 
 heartily, introduced him to Matthew Elliott, the assistant Brit- 
 ish Indian agent, and to a Mr. Sharpe, a merchant of De- 
 troit, who had accompanied Elliott to the Auglaize. Elliott 
 received young Spencer with considerable hauteur, and with 
 a look that spoke that his noticing him was condescension, not- 
 withstanding, as the boy afterward learned, he had been sent 
 by the express order of Governor Simcoe, of Canada, to ef- 
 fect his ransom and convey him to Detroit. 
 
 As if such service as rescuing Spencer was degrading, El- 
 liott pretended that, being at Auglaize on public business, he 
 had accidently heard of the captive, and, actuated wholly by 
 motives of humanity, had procured his release, for which he 
 had agreed to pay one hundred and twenty dollars. The wife 
 of Ironside now kindly invited the boy to breakfast ; but El- 
 liot, objecting to the trouble it would give her, ordered the 
 Frenchman to take him over to James Girty's, where, he said, 
 their breakfast would be provided. Girty's home was one of 
 the two log houses before spoken of as within a small stock- 
 ade at " the Glaize," where his brother Simon made his head- 
 quarters while at that place ; the other house being occupied 
 by McKee and Elliott, occasionally, while on the Maumee. 
 James Girty's domicil served the doable purpose of a living- 
 
292 History of the Girtys. 
 
 room and store. Girty's wife soon furnished Spencer and the 
 Frenchman with some coffee, wheat l)rcad, and stewed pork 
 and venison, of which the boy ate with great gusto, it being so 
 mucii bettor than the food to which he had lately been accus- 
 tomed ; but he had not more than half breakfasted when 
 James Girty came in. 
 
 The latter seated himself opposite Spencer, and said to 
 him : " So., my young Yankee, you're about to start for 
 home?" The boy answered: " Yes, sir; I l.ope so." That, 
 he rejoined, would depend upon his master, i i whose kitchen 
 he had no doubt tlie youthful stranger should first ?prve a few 
 years' apprenticeship as a scullion. Then, taking his knife, 
 said (while sharpening it on a whetstone) : " I see your ears 
 are whole yet; but I'm greatly mistaken if you leave this 
 without the Indian ear-mark, that we may know you when we 
 catch you again." Spencer did not wait to prove whether 
 Girty was in jest or in downright earnest ; i>ut, leaving his 
 meal half finished, he instantly sprang from the table, leaped 
 out of the door, and in a few seconds took refuge in Mr. Iron- 
 side's house. On learning the cause of the boy's flight, Elliott 
 uttered a sardonic laugh, deriding his unfounded childish fears, 
 as he was pleased to term them ; but Ironside looked serious, 
 shaking his head, as if he had no doubt thi.t if Spencer had 
 remained Girty would have executed his threat. The boy 
 soon started down the Maumee, and reached Detroit on the 
 3d of March, 1793, when he was delivered to Colonel Richard 
 England, the officer in command of that post.* 
 
 The arrival of General Wayne in the vicinity of " the 
 Glaize," in 1794, was made known to James Girty in time for 
 him to pack up his goods and make a safe retreat with his 
 family, consisting of his wife and two children — James and 
 Ann — down the Maumee. He finally made his way to De- 
 troit, thence to Essex county, Canada. 
 
 George Girty, after the battle of the Blue Licks, returned, 
 it will be remembered, in the latter part of August, 1782, to 
 
 •Spencer's Narrative ("Indian Captivity"), pp. 117-129. 
 
' :" -''■' History of the Girtys. _ 203 
 
 the upper waters of the Mad river. He afterv^ard so com- 
 pletely gave himself up to savage life that his identity is with 
 difficulty traced. It is known, however, that he continued to 
 reside with the Delawares. From '' Buckungehelas town," 
 inhabited by Indians of that tribe, and located upon the up- 
 per waters of the Great Miami, he wrote Captain McKee, on 
 the 5th of September, 1784, concerning aff'airs there and 
 further westward. " I have to acquaint you,'" he says, " that 
 some of the Cherokees and Shawanese nrc gone a horse-hunt- 
 ing again. I am likewise informed that the Kickapoos and 
 Weas have taken several prisoners lately from about the Falls 
 [Louisville] and Salt creek, which has occasioned an army to 
 march from the place first mentioned against tlicm."' This 
 and other information was given McKec with as much partic- 
 ularity as if there was still war between the United States and 
 Great Britain. His letter shows, in strong light, how the 
 Kentucky settlements were harassed, even at so late a date 
 as the fall of 1784. 
 
 It will be remembered that, after the commencement of hos- 
 tilities between the Western Indians and the United States, 
 George again took part against his countrymen, as his pres- 
 ence at the attack upon Dunlap's Station proves, and as the 
 following relation concerning the capti/ity of a boy in West- 
 ern Pennsylvania sufficiently demonstrates : Joiin Brickell 
 was captured in February, 1791, on the Alleghany river, at 
 the age of ten years, by Delawares, and muuediately hurried 
 into the wihierness. After going a little distance, the savages 
 and young iJrickell felf in with George Girty. He spoke to 
 the boy in English, and told him that white people had killed 
 Indians, and that the Indians had retaliated, and now there 
 was war, and that he (Brickell) was a prisoner. "We will 
 take ^cu," said he, " to oar town and make an Indian of you. 
 You Avill not be killed if you go peaceably; but, if you try to 
 get away, we will not be troubled witli you, but we will kill 
 you and take your scalp to our town." Brickell informed 
 Girty that he would go peaceably and give them no trouble. 
 
 The next morning, the Indian who had captured the boy 
 
294 HUtory of the Girtys. 
 
 delivered him to the care of Girty,aiul took another direction. 
 The latter, with his young prisoner, continued his course to- 
 ward the Tuscarawas. They traveled all that day through 
 hunger and cold, camped at night, and continued until about 
 three o'clock in the afternoon of the third day, since BiickoU 
 had tasted a mouthful of food. A fire was then made, and 
 the boy was tied to a sapling, while Girty went to kill some- 
 thing to eat. The boy untied himself before the return of 
 Girty, but did not attempt to run away. Girty left him at 
 the Tuscarawas in charge of his Indian captor, whom they 
 met there. The lad, after remaining a considerable time with 
 the Indians, was released from captivity.* 
 
 NoTK. — In "An Historical Account of the Expedition 
 against Sandusky," it is stated (pp. 197, 198) that, " After 
 this [St. Clair's defeat, Simon] Girty was engaged in the In- 
 dian trade at Lower Sandusky, going thence to ' Girty's town,' 
 on the St. Mary's, where he established a trading-house." 
 But this, it is now well known, is erroneous. He never was a 
 trader with the Indians, either at Lower Sandusky, "Girty's 
 town," or eldewhere. The statement (only inferential) 
 first appeared in print in Howe's Ohio, p. 353, and then 
 in the Wyandot (Kan.) Gazette, of April 18, 1872, in an ar- 
 ticle by the late William Walker, which has already been cited 
 in this narrative. It will be found repeated in substance in 
 Appleton's Clyclopaedia of American Biography, Art. " Simon 
 Girty." "We all know that the headwaters of the St. Mary's 
 
 ■■ • — — *— ■ — ■■ — ' 9 • — • •••-- ' ' ■- ■I — — ..- 
 
 • Narrativoof .John Brickell, in th« American Pioneer, Vol. 1, p. 53. 
 The Ma!;azine of Amerieiin History (Vol. XV, p. 271) tajs : "Geori^e and 
 James Girty were as ..-omplHtely identified with the Indiatis all ti)is time, us 
 if they had been actually born savages. They lived with them, fought with 
 them, and apparently wanted no other society, and rid all they could to 
 make Indians out of the white children they frequently captured.' But 
 the writer of this narrative has not discovered any uttempt of James (iirty 
 to make Indians out of white children he "frequently captured." He was 
 from all accounts, willing, when upon the war-path, to tomahawk young 
 and old; and if children were taken prisoners by the Indians when he was 
 on a maraud into the border settlements, he seems to have given himself no 
 trouble as to what became of tbem. 
 
History of the Girtys. 295 
 
 are where old Fort Barbee stood, just below where the three 
 streams — the east, middle, and west branches — form that 
 river. . . . We have spoken of James Girty as being the 
 Girty who lived at the headwaters of the St. Marys, and gave 
 his name to the old Indian town here. It has been supposed 
 by many that it was Simon who lived here." — Sutton's His- 
 tory of Auglaiae County, Ohio, pp. 26, 27. Consult, farther, as 
 to the location of " Girty's town," Wayne's dispatches ; also 
 the articles of the Greenville treaty. Several early published 
 maps give the location correctly. 
 
296 History of the Qiriyg, 
 
 ::^,r: :.;::„:. ;. ,,.;,,;.,^ chapter xxx. :-;:,:■.:,,:,-,;:.:,;,;.;.:• 
 
 Let us now consider the condition of affairs in the Indian 
 country, as preparations were going forward looking to a gen- 
 eral gathering of all the nations determined to make peace 
 with the United States. Even Simon Girty, as we have seen, 
 had signally failed in his last endeavor to move any of the 
 chiefs from their firm resolution to bury the hatchet. They 
 had had enough of war — enough of the misery which war had 
 brought in its path. Nothing could prevent the holding of a 
 great and definitive treaty with General Wayne. 
 
 Nevertheless, both Girtv and McKee continued to influence 
 those Indians living contiguous to Detroit, preventing, in the 
 end, a few from going to Greenville. And Captain Brant 
 was even more influential at this time than they in his appeals 
 to the savages, arguing against any arrangement looking to a 
 permanent peace. " We should have come in greater num- 
 bers," said a Chippewa sachem to General Wayne on the 18th 
 of July, 1795, '' but f*.:- Brant's endeavors to prevent us." 
 
 " The commission you receiveil from Johnson," said McKee 
 to the Shawanese chief, Blue Jacket, some time before, " was 
 not given you to carry to the Americans. I am grieved to 
 find that you have taken it to them [referring ',o the pre- 
 liminary treaty of January previous, made with General 
 Wayne]. It was with much regret I learned thiit you had de- 
 serted your friends, who always caressed you, and treated you 
 as a great man. You have deranged, by your imprudent con- 
 duct, all our plans for protecting the Indians, and keeping 
 them with us. T^hey have always looked up to you for advice 
 and direction in war, and you'have now broken the strong ties 
 which held them all together under your and our direction. 
 You must now be viewed as the enemy of your people and 
 the other Indians whom ynu are seducing into the snares the 
 Americans have formed for their ruin ; and the massacre and 
 
History of the Girtys. 29T 
 
 destruction of these people by the Americans must be laid to 
 your cliarge.*' But all was unavailing ; no arguments, no per- 
 suasions, no presents, of McKee had any eft'ect upon the great 
 majority of the war chiefs and sachems. 
 
 The struggle which ended in the imlependence of the United 
 States was hardly over before the treaty which had been 
 negotiated between this country and Great Britain was, as we 
 have previously noted, openly violated by the last mentioned 
 power. In England it was complained that there was in the 
 United States an equally open violation. And so with crim- 
 inations and recriminations matters went on. As has already 
 been intimatcMl, one of the principal causes of the Indian war 
 wliich had now for nearly six years raged in the North-west was 
 the refusal of the British government to give up the military 
 posts in this region. There could be but little hopes of a perma- 
 nent peace so long as these forts were garrisoned by English 
 troops. It was an imperative necessity that a new treaty be 
 entered into between the two countries. 
 
 John Jay was sent to England, and the result was that ne- 
 gotiations wore concluded and the " Jay treaty," as it is called 
 in the United States, signed on the 10th of November, 1704, 
 ninety days after the victory of Wayne over the Indians upon 
 the Maumcc. The particular article of the treaty most im- 
 portant to the North-west was the one stipulating that the 
 Western posts should be vacated by the English soldiers. 
 Therefore it was that, in the spring and early summer of 1795, 
 with the lofty spirit of the hostile Indian tribes subdued, there 
 seemed to be, and there really was, with the certainty that 
 soon the Americans would have actual possession of all the 
 military posts in the North-west, the brightest prospects of 
 peace of a lasting nature with all the savage nations between 
 the Great Lakes on the north and the Ohio river on the south. 
 It was " a consummation devoutly to be wished." 
 
 Now, from far and near came the sachems and war chiefs 
 and others of the different tribes to Greenville ; and they con- 
 tinued to come until twelve nations had their representatives on 
 the ground, swelling the number of the latter to eleven hundred 
 
298 History of the Girtua. 
 
 and thirty. Tl»e ussemMed iniiltitude were of the Wyandots, 
 Delawares, Sliawanese, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies, 
 Miamis, Eel Rivers, Weas, Piankashaws, Kickapoos, and Kas- 
 kaskias. It was the most notable gathering that had ever be- 
 fore taken place at any council with the Indians, so far as the 
 United States was concerned. Considering the interests in- 
 volved and the magnitude of the questions settled, it must 
 ever bo considered, perhaps, the most important of our Indian 
 treaties. The result was this : 
 
 The Indian boundary was to commence on the north side of 
 the Ohio, opposite the mouth of the Kentucky river ; thence 
 to extend north a little east of Fort Recovery ; thence east- 
 wardly to the Muskingum (now Tuscarawas river) ; thence 
 up the latter to Cuyahoga portage, and down the last named 
 stream to Lake Erie, where Cleveland now stands. All west of 
 this line, to the Great Lakes and the Mississippi, except a few 
 small tracts, was to remain Indian territory. This settled the 
 question of boundary. It ceded to the United States a tract 
 of country west and north of the Ohio river of not less than 
 twenty-five thousand square miles — all east of the line drawn 
 as before described. There were sixteen detached portions of 
 territory west of the line, also ceded, including, among 
 others, all the military posts with contiguous territory, soon 
 to be vacated by the British. " It is with infinite pleasure," 
 wrote General Wayne (who, by a commission dated the 4th 
 of April, 1794, and another of the 15th of April, 1795, had 
 authority ' for settling a peace with all the tribes ') to the 
 Secretary of War, on the ninth of August of the year last 
 mentioned, " I now inform you that a treaty of peace between 
 the United States of America and all the late hostile tribes 
 of Indians north-west of the Ohio, was unanimously and vol- 
 untarily agreed to, and cheerfully signed by all the sachems 
 and war chiefs of the respective nations on the third, and ex- 
 changed on the seventh instant."* The Indian war of 1790-95 
 \ras ended. 
 
 * The gpveral Hrtieles of the treaty of Greenville, together with a lengthy 
 
History of the Girtys. 299 
 
 " The relations between the two countries [Great Britain 
 and the United States] were not permanently established [by 
 the recognition of our independence], and discussions soon 
 commenced, which assumed a character of severity. They 
 ■were fraternally closed by Jay's treaty, at the moment when 
 a war appeared inevitable. But during the progress of these 
 discussions, the usual indications of Indian hostilities, such as 
 have preceded and accompanied all our differences with the 
 British Government, gave unerrinsj warning' of the storm 
 •which was approaching. It burst upon our frontiers ; and 
 during the administration of General Washington this unpro- 
 voked war embarrassed and perplexed the infant government. 
 . . . Detroit was then, as in the period of the Re\olutiori, 
 the British Indian head-quarters. The elder McKee avus at 
 the head of the Indian Department, and he was aided by 
 Elliott and [Simon] Girty, men well qualified to serve in such 
 a cause, where hands that stayed not, and hearts that relented 
 not, and zeal that tired not, could furnish examples which 
 even savages might admire in despair." * 
 
 It now only remained for the United States to get posses- 
 sion of the military posts of the North-west — of Fort Miami 
 upon the Maumee, and of the forts at Detroit and Mackinaw. 
 About the middle of May, 1796, a force was sent from Fort 
 Wayne for that purpose. In July, the fort upon the Maumee 
 -jind the one at Detroit received each an American garrison ; 
 and, in October, the United States flag floated out upon the 
 breeze at Mackinaw. So the general government was in 
 actual possession before the close of the year of all its terri- 
 tory "north-west of the river Ohio;" but the Indian nations 
 had for their homes (where Americans, wilh but here and 
 there small tracts as exceptions, had no right of occupation) 
 the north-west half of what is now the State of Ohio, nearly 
 all of the present Indiana, and the whole of the region now 
 
 account of the proceedings attending the negotiations of the same, are to be 
 found in American State Papers — " Indian Affairs," Vol. I, pp. 502— 333. 
 • Lewis Cass, April, 182". 
 
300 Hiislvry of the Girtys. 
 
 constituting the States of Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and 
 80 much of Minnesota as lies east of the Mississippi river. 
 
 When the treaty of Greenville became known at Detroit 
 and ill its immediate vicinity, and the particulars of the "Jay 
 treaty" had been fully digested there, it was apparent to- all 
 the inhabitants, as well as lo the British officers of the army 
 .and Indian Department, that longer opposition to the march 
 of Ainferican jurisdiction westward was unavailing. This was 
 a bitter pill (as may well be imagined) for the loyalists in that 
 quarter to swallow. The oaths of McKee were long and loud. 
 Simon Girty drowned his deep-mouthed execrations in the 
 " flowing bowl." lie continued, however, to visit Detroit, de- 
 claring he would make that post a place of resort, to defy the 
 power of the United States until their soldiers should appear 
 in sight. And he made good his word. 
 
 When the fort at Detroit was taken possession of, it was 
 discovered that " the wells had been filled with stones, the 
 windows broken, the gates locked, and the keys deposited 
 with an aged negro, in whose possession they were afterward 
 found." As the detachment of American soldiers neared the 
 town, it became known that they were approaching. There 
 •were no British officers to turn over the post to the Ameri- 
 cans ; but in the town was Simon Girty, who declared he 
 •would not stir one inch, unless driven out. However, at the 
 sight of boats coming up the river with American troops on 
 board, he became so much alarmed that he could not wait for 
 the return of the ferry-boat, but plunged his horse into the 
 stream, at the risk of drowning, and made for the Canada 
 shore, which he reached in safety, pouring out a volley of 
 maledictions, as" he rode up the opposite bank, upon the 
 United States government and troops, mingled with all the 
 diabolical oaths his imagination could coin.* The truth was, 
 that ever since his desertion from Pittsburgh in the spring of 
 1778, he had upon one subject seemed to be ill at ease. He 
 
 * Compare, in this connection, the Wyandotte (Kas.) Gazette, of April 
 18, 1872; aUn, An Historical Account of the Expedition against Sandusky, 
 p. 201. • 
 
Ilintory of the Girtys. 301 
 
 was curious to know of prisoners what was in store fur him 
 should he be captured by the Americans. The i<lca of his 
 falling into their hands was a terror to him. It was only 
 that he had nerved himself up with strong drink that he 
 remained as long as he did before making himself secure 
 on British soil. He often boasted in after years of his 
 exploit in swimming the river, and of the power of the horse 
 that carried him safely over.* Henceforth, except when De- 
 troit was in possession of the British in the War of 1812, the 
 river he had so heroically crossed was the boundarv between 
 him and the country of his birth, which he never passed. 
 
 It does not appear that Girty was possessed of an extraor- 
 dinary amount of courage ; nevertheless, there is nothing on 
 record to imply that he was a coward. In battle, he usually 
 displayed a fair amount of bravery. As to his foolhardiness, 
 there is some testimony, if the following story is to be cred- 
 ited. He got into a quarrel at one time with a Shawanese, 
 caused by some misunderstanding in a trade. While bandy- 
 ing hard words to each other, the Indian, by inuendo, ques- 
 tioned hist opponent's courage. Girty instantly produced a 
 half-keg of powder, and snatching a fire-brand, called upon 
 the savage to stand by him. The latter, not deeming this a 
 legitimate mode of settling disputes, hastily evacuate<i the 
 premises.! 
 
 Note I. — The Magazine of American History (Vol. XV, 
 p. 272), says : " [Simon] Girty was now getting on in years, 
 and when the treaty of Greenville, in the summer of 1795^ 
 closed the old Indian wars of the West, and brought his hunt- 
 ing grounds and his adopted kinsmen under the authority of 
 the people he had fought so long and hated so cordially, the 
 
 * Brice's Historj' of Ft. Wayno, p. 186. There is a tradition, seemingly 
 well authenticuted, that the plunge into the river was off a high bank, and 
 WHS really a daring affair. See Farnner's History of Detroit, p. 269. 
 
 t Wyandotte Gazette, before cited. See, also, An Historical Account of 
 the Expedition against Sandusky, p. 200. The story is also copied in 
 the Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 271. 
 
802 Hinlory of the Girtyit. 
 
 bftttlc-scarred warrior, disappointed, disgusted and furious, 
 abandoned forever his old home on the St. Mary's and fol- 
 loweil the retiring British to Detroit.'* In this extract are to be 
 noted a number of errors : (I) Girty had no liunting-grounds in 
 the West, nor were any of the tribes there his adopted kins- 
 men (unless, indeed, the Mingoes are to be so considered) ; 
 (2) he did not abandon iiis old home on the St, Mary's, for he 
 never, as already slio-.vn, lived there ; and (3) he did not fol- 
 low the retiring Bncis! to Detroit, but had years before taken 
 up his residence in Ciswau'* 
 
 Note II. — The Mngnzine of American History, Vol. 
 XV, p. 278, also says : " Driven at last from American 
 soil, Girty found a refuge at Fort Maiden, a post which had 
 been established by the British on the east side of Detroit 
 river, on the Canadian frontier just before the evacuation of 
 Detroit [in 179G], and distant only fifteen miles from that 
 stockaded village so famous in the annals of Indian warfare. 
 Fort Maiden commanded the entrance to Detroit river and 
 from its walls the red-coated sentinel could look for many a 
 mile up the stream which separated him from the territory of 
 the new Republic, and turning, view the beautiful waters of 
 Lake Erie spreading out before him as far as the eye could 
 reach. The ground once occupied by this defense is now the 
 property of Hon. John McLeod, ex-member of the Canadian 
 Parliament. A platform of elevated earth cast up in the 
 long ago by the veterans of George III., and the stump of the 
 flag-staff that once surmounted it, are now the only remains 
 of the fort from whence issued the invading forces which 
 brought death and disaster to the American soldiers of the 
 War of 1812. The very name ' Maiden ' has almost disap- 
 peared from the maps, and its successor, 'Amherstburg,' now 
 designates the picturesque spot in the county of Essex, Up- 
 per Canada, where once the royal stronghold stood." But, as 
 has before been shown, Girty was, at the close of the Revolu- 
 tion, re-called by DePeyster from "American soil " — he was not. 
 driven from it; nor did he find a refuge at Fort Maiden ; but». 
 
}Ii»iory of the Oirty». 303 
 
 as we have scon, he quietly settled, In 1784, about two miles 
 below the sjiot whore that fort was subsequently built. 
 
 Note III. — "The Maiden of 1706," is the further language 
 of the same article — Magazine of American History, Vol. 
 XV, p. 278 — (the writer of which article supposes it was in 
 that year that Simon Girty first made his home in that neigh- 
 borhood), " which 0'"'y sought, though hut an outpost of the 
 wilderness frontier, was busy enough just then, surrounded as 
 it was by hundreds of hungry refugee Indians, from the war- 
 desolated North-west, who were clamoring for aid and cjra- 
 fort from their British jMiiployers. Here, . . . safely 
 ensconced wore Elliott and McKoo, his corrupters of Fort 
 Pitt and his boon companions for twenty years. They had 
 found it convenient to bo among the earliest arrivals. These 
 educated white mercenaries grow rich from the fruits of their 
 treason, while the illiterate Girty, Indian like, waxed poorer 
 and poorer. It was well said lately to the writer by a schol- 
 arly correspondent who owns original papers bearing upon the 
 Girty case, that ' Girty was terribly punished for his conduct, 
 whilst men who deserved it more escaped almost unscathed.' " 
 
 But Girty ha<l little or nothing when he was married and 
 settled near what was afterward Fort Maiden. He was, at 
 the close of the Revolution, as shown in a previous chapter, 
 granted half-pay by the Crown, and, as will be presently 
 seen, was further rewarded by the government in a grant of 
 land, 80 that he did not grow poorer and poorer, dating either 
 from 1784 or 1796 ; nor was he ever terribly punished for his 
 conduct, unless, indeed, from remorse arising from cruelties 
 to his countrymen, or from a knowledge of the execrations 
 heaped upon him by the Americans. 
 
 Note IV. — The article referred to in Note III, also says 
 that the troops of Wayne, as they approached Detroit, felt 
 sure " that now at last the daring and notorious White Indian 
 [Simon Girty] would fall into their clutches." This is error. 
 
«04 HiHlory of the Girtyn. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 From tlio tiiking possession of Detroit by the Americana in 
 17S)l), the career of Simon Girty vas, to the end of his days, 
 one hirgely appertaining to his home life. Tliat his enforced 
 and somewhat novel farewell to the American side of the De- 
 troit river, ended his intercourse, to n very great extent, with 
 the Ohio Indians, will readily be imagined, lie continued, 
 nevertheless, to act as interpreter, when occasion required, at 
 conferences between Indians in Upper Canada and the British 
 authorities. A resident of his vicinity, many years after, 
 4i8serted, that " he used to go to Fort Maiden as interpreter 
 under the omploynicnt of tlie government." * 
 
 The region of Canada where Girty had his home, was 
 formed into the county of Essex by proclamation of the 16th 
 of July, 171*2. It was made to include all the territory 
 b'>unded on the east by the county of Suffolk ; on the south 
 by Lake Erie ; on the west by the river Detroit to Maison- 
 eille's mill ; thence by a line running ''parallel to that river 
 and Lake St. Clair, at the distance of four miles, until it met 
 the river La Tranche, or Thames ; and thence up that stream 
 to the north-west boundery of the county of Suffolk. f 
 
 In October, 1797, Girty's last child was born. It was a 
 boy, and was named Prideaux, after Prideaux Selby, before 
 mentioned, a friend of the father. The child grew to manhood, 
 married, and settled in Essex county. He raised a large fam- 
 ily. In 1830, upon the death of King William IV, a dissolu- 
 tion of the Canadian Parliament occurred, and a new election 
 ensued. The candidates for seats from the county of Es- 
 
 * See the statement of Mrs. McCormick, as copied into the Michigan Pio- 
 neer Collections, Vol. VII, p. 120. 
 
 f Compare Smyth's Topographical Description of Upper Canada (Lon- 
 <lon, 1799), pp,74, 75, 
 
Hhlory of the Girty». 806 
 
 • 
 
 sex were John Prince, Francis Caldwell, Prideaux Oirty, and 
 Dominique LungloiH, of whom, the first two named were 
 Buccossful. Mr. Girty was u resident of Colchester — a man 
 of bomo influence in his own locality, where he afterward fig- 
 ure 1 in municipal affairs. He was commissioned a major 
 during the Canadian rebellion, and in that capacity served un- 
 der Colonel Prince throughout the continuance of the ruflied 
 state of affairs in that region. He died in Ohio, in January, 
 1853, leaving a widow, Catharine Mackenzie Girty. 
 
 "At the close of the war of 17S3," says a Canadian his- 
 torian, " it was determined by government to confer grants 
 of land to the refugee loyalists in Canada, on the same scale 
 to officers and men as had been done after the conquest of 
 Canada, 1703, with the exception that all loyalists under the 
 rank of subaltern were to receive two hundred acres." 
 
 "The settlers of Upper Canada," continues the same writer, 
 *' up to 1790, may be divided into those who were forced away 
 from the states by persecution during and after the war ; the 
 disbanded troops ; and a nobler class who left the states, be- 
 ing unwilling to live under other than British rule." * To 
 this latter class belonged McKee and Elliott, and, in a cer- 
 tain sense, Simon Girty and his brother James and George. f 
 
 Simon did not, however, secure his land just below Ara- 
 herstburg, upon which ho had lived ever since his marriage, 
 until the 6th of March, 1798, when the Crown granted him Lot 
 No. 11, Concession 1, in the township of Maiden, Essex county, 
 Canada, described as " beginning at a post on the bank of the 
 river Detroit, marked |^; thence east 131 chains; thence 
 
 • 
 
 * CanniiTi Hislury of CanHda, pp. 165, 18S. 
 
 t It WH8 not, as bag been shown, that Simun Oirty was unwilling to re- 
 main a Whig — a patriot — under the new order of things inaugurated by 
 the determined spirits of the Kttvolution, that induued him to put himself 
 under British rule, but the persuasions of McKee and Elliott; and James 
 was prevailed upon by all three not to return to Pittsburgh again — not, 
 however, because he was particularly averse to living under "rebel" sway; 
 while George, undoubtedly deserted for the reason that his two brothers had 
 gone over to the British. 
 20 
 
806 History of the Girtyg. 
 
 south li' chains, 52 links; thence west to the river Detroit, 
 and thence northerly along the shore of the river against the 
 stream to the place of beginning, containing 164 acres." ^• 
 
 Simon and his wife, a few months after the birth of their 
 son, Prideaux, separated. Drunkenness, and cruelty caused 
 by it, on his part (he would often, when intoxicated, strike 
 Mrs. Girty on her head with the flat of his sword), were the 
 reasons for the separation — the wife leaving her home. Fre- 
 quently, at this period, he would go to Maiden and gtt drunk. 
 In 1800, he broke his right ankle. He suffered much from 
 the accident, and was lame the rest of his life. Because of 
 this mishap, he was, to a great extent, incapacitated from la- 
 boring on his farm, even had he been inclined so to do. Then, 
 his previous. training, his habits of intoxication, and his sight, 
 which was now beginning to be impaired — all militated against 
 outdoor work on his part. Besides his half-pay, his support 
 was mostly obtained from what he received occasionally from 
 the government for interpreting, and from the proceeds of his 
 farm. 
 
 " Sometimes," says a published account (already often re- 
 ferred to in these pages) in mentioning the life led by Girty 
 during these years, " he sought e:i^citement in the rum he 
 loved so much and which was dealt out so freely at the fort 
 [Maiden], and then he was an Indian indeed, and would tear 
 around on liorseback flourishing an Indian war club, singing 
 Indian war songs, and filling tht- air with the terrible sounds 
 of the scalp halloo. Sometimes his recreation would be a 
 long hunt with a party of savage kindred, and again it would 
 be some dangerous expedition."! But liis taking, an occa- 
 sional recreation in a long hunt with a party of savage kin- 
 dred (if any such kindred there had been), and his indulging 
 in some dangerous expedition occasionally, are to be doubted : 
 his age, habits, and his physical condition would seem to pre- 
 clude, on his part, enjoyment of such things. As to savage 
 
 • Magazine <il' Western History, Vol. Ill, pp. 321, 322. 
 t-Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 274. 
 
History of (he Qirtys. 307 
 
 kindred, he had none — neither Idood rehitives, nor relatives 
 by adoption — in his vicinity. 
 
 There are a number of traditions afloat concerning a visit 
 said to have been made by Girty in 1811 (or just before* that 
 time) to his brother, Thomss, and his half-brother, John 
 Turner, both residing near Pittsburgh. No two of these agree 
 as to particulars.* Besides, it is now known that he had not, 
 at any time after 1796, and before the war of 1812 was fully 
 inaugurated, been in the Uuited States — not once had he 
 crossed the Detroit river. He was, indeed, too much disabled 
 from his infirmities to have undertaken the journey, which 
 would have been at that day one of hardships. 
 
 Down to 1811, Girty's three eldest children — Ann, Sarah, 
 and Thomas — had all married ; Ann to Peter Govereau, Sarah Ou»- 
 to Joseph Munger, and Thomas to Miss Moneka Evans. 
 Girty's eye-sight, which had been for some time impaired, as 
 already mentioned, was now seriously failing him. 
 
 On the first day of May, 1812, Girty, " in consideration of 
 natural affection "' and the sum of five shillings, made a deed 
 to his son, Thomas, of the north half of " Lot number eleven 
 in the first Concession of the Township of Maiden, in the 
 County of Essex and Province of Upper Canada, containing 
 by measurement eighty-two acres, be the same more or less." 
 Girty's mark is made in signing this deed, for, it will be re- 
 
 * For one of these tradition?, see MiiitHzine of American History, Vol. 
 XV. J). 274: ''All sort-* of wonderful itnd improbable tales are told of this 
 bold appearance of Simon in the very niidsl of his enemies. One of the 
 wildest recounts an attack that was made upon him while he was concealed 
 at Turner's house, und the statement is made tliav, he then received a saber- 
 cut in the head which ultimately caused his death. Unfortunately for this 
 thrilling tale, the saber-cut dated back to St. Clair's defeat. He was con- 
 vinced, however, that ho was still cordially detested, and especially at that 
 time when the hostile movements of the Wabash Indians caused the savage 
 horrors of the past to be s> vividly recalle^l. His presence was detected 
 and vengeance was threjitened, but he escaped, and returning home found 
 all Upper Canada in excited commotion over the rapidly approaching war 
 between the United States and England and the certain invasion of the 
 province." But the saber-cut, as we have shown, was not given at St ''lair's 
 defeat. 
 
308 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 membered, he could not %vrite ; and the imlenture did not 
 have the signature of Mrs. Girty appended, as she and her 
 husband still lived apart. The names of "A. Masonvillo, of 
 Aniherstburg, merchant," of " William Elliott, advocate," and 
 William Duft' appear in the instrument as witnesses. But the 
 deed was not actually signed b}' Girty at the date of its being 
 written — that is, on the day just mentioned. 
 
 Stirring scenes were now at hand in the vicinity of Girty's 
 home. War had been declared between Great Britain and the 
 United States, and Detroit, in August, 1812, was surrendered to 
 the enemy. *' At the capitulation of Detroit," says Brice, " Mrs. 
 Suttenfield and her husband being there, [they] saw Simon 
 Girty. . . . When he had last visited Detroit some years 
 prior [1796], he had caused his horse to jump off a consider- 
 able embankment into the river and then swam her over the 
 same. ' Here's old Simon Girty again on American soil I ' he 
 exclaimed as he approached a crowd gathered at a prominent 
 point in the place. . . . ' What did you do with the black 
 marc you jumped into the river when Wayne was after you? ' 
 inquired one of the crowd. ' (J, she is dead, and I burie<l her 
 with the honors of war,' replied Girty." * 
 
 It had been sixteen years since Girty set foot upon "Ameri- 
 cal soil ; " and in the conflict of arms now carried on, he took 
 no part. "Old Girty" was too far advanced in life — too 
 feeble — for military service, however much he may have de- 
 sired again to engage in deadly strife against his countrymen. 
 He was only with the British army as a looker-on when the 
 red-coats took possession of Detroit; and, for the next few 
 months, he frequently visited the town. 
 
 On the 3d of July, 1813, Girty finally signed the deed 
 already noticed (which had been written over a year) of the 
 north half of his farm. It was registered, on the ninth day 
 of August following, in the registry office for the county of 
 Essex. 
 
 When the news of Perry's victory reached the east side of 
 
 the Detroit river. Proctor and Tecumseh were at Fort Maiden 
 
 - 
 
 * History of Fort Wayne, p. 135, note. 
 
History of the Girtys. 309 
 
 with a motley army of British and Indians, two thousand 
 strong, waiting to lay waste the frontier of the United States. 
 It may be presumed that Proctor's hopes had not, of late, 
 been of a very sanguine character, for his repulse at Fort 
 Meigs and defeat at Fort Stephenson were not calculated to 
 strengthen, in any marked degree, his expectations of success. 
 Girty was advised by his old-time friend, Elliott, to leave his 
 home and retire out of harm's way, well knowing that he 
 would be in danger — in imminent peril, in fact — should he re- 
 main upon his farm, as it was now a certainty that Canada 
 would at once be invaded by General Harrison. Girty gave 
 heed to the warning and immediately made preparations for his 
 journey, intending to go to the Mohawk Indian country upon 
 Grand river. It is related by one who saw him soon after his 
 departure, but before reaching Sandwich, that he said despond- 
 ingly he was nearly blind and somewhat old, and thought it 
 doubtful if he should ever return to his home.* 
 
 After his victory of September 10, 1813, Commodore Perry 
 converted a part of his captured vessels into transports, and 
 taking Harrison's troops on board, conveyed them to Canada — 
 to the east side of the Detroit river. Proctor having antici- 
 pated this movement, dismantled Fort Maiden, burned the 
 barracks, and, after securing all the horses and cattle in the 
 neighborhood, commenced a retreat.f 
 
 The American army landed just below Amherstburg. The 
 right wing was composed of Kentucky volunteers under 
 command of Governor Shelby. The latter issued an order 
 to his men to the effect that while the army remained 
 in the country of the enemy, he should expect the inhab- 
 itants to be well treated — " with justice and humanity "' — 
 and their property be secure from unnecessary and wanton in- 
 jury. Upon the .approach of the Americans, most of the peo- 
 ple in the whole region around hastily abandoned their houses, 
 
 • Note from William Walker to the writer. 
 
 t Girty did not follow but preceded Proctor. The statement to the cnn- 
 trary in An Historical Account of the Expedition amiinst SanduRlfy, ]i. 198, 
 ig error. It is copied into Mugazine of AmericHn Hittory, Vol. XV, p. 276. 
 
810 History of the Oirtya. 
 
 having hid their property as best they could. But Mrs. Girty 
 remained at the home of her daughter — Mrs. Ann Govereau — 
 in Amherstburg, where she had jbeen living for considerable 
 time. There was much fear and trepedation in the place as 
 the soldiers approached, and a numbei -^^ the women came out 
 to implore the protection of the commander. They were, of 
 course, quickly assured that no harm would be done them or 
 their property. 
 
 Just here it may be proper to state, for reasons that will be 
 presently seen, that Simon Kenton, the same whose life had 
 been saved by Girty, was with the army. He had volunteered 
 with the Kentucky troops as a private for no other reason 
 than to serve his country. He was a privileged member of 
 Governor Shelby's military family. As he passed with the 
 rest of the Kentucky troops, on the 27th of September, the 
 house of his old companion in arms in Dunmore's War, he 
 was totally ignorant as to who was its owner ; nor had he the 
 slightes't suspicion that in Amherstburg was the wife and 
 daughter of Simon Girty. 
 
 Some time after Harrisen landed in Canada, Commodore 
 Perry had occasion to send one hundred Kentucky soldiers to 
 Detroit. They went on shore on the Canada side of the river, 
 below Maiden, and proceeded thence to their point of destina- 
 tion ; but, before reaching there, the men destroyed the house 
 and furniture of Elliott (then known in all that region as 
 " Colonel Elliott "), also ruining his fences, barn, and store- 
 houses. 
 
 In thus destroying the property of Colonel Elliott, the Ken- 
 tuckians were prompted by right motives, but acted upon er- 
 roneous information. Elliott (and this must be said to his 
 especial credit) had n^ hand in the massacre at the River 
 Raisin in urging on Indians, or in any way inciting them to 
 murder prisoners, as the American soldiers who destroyed his 
 property believed ; ^' on the contrary, he was kind to those 
 
 * Colonel Elliott's son William, then a captain in tbe Kritish army, was 
 at the river Raisin; and, because of the course pursued by him, there are 
 lomo grounds for the belief that he winked at the terrible slaughter. " I 
 
History of the Girtys. 311 
 
 who afterward were so fortunate as to reach Maklen, seven of 
 whom he ransomed. Neither can it be charged against Girty 
 that lie aided or abetted the bloody work, as was, immediately 
 afterward, reported, lie was not on the west side of the 
 river at this period, and could not have taken part either by 
 counseling or otherwise in the butchery of the unfortunate 
 troops. Doubtless had his property been pointed out to the 
 Kentucky detachment, it would likewise have been ruined. 
 There is a current (but erroneous) tradition that his house 
 was about to be burned when Simon Kenton stept forward 
 jind declared it should not be done; that Girty was his friend, 
 who had once done him a great kindness ; and that, there- 
 upon, the soldiers desisted. But, as we have shown, Kenton 
 vas, at this time, with Harrison, and could not, therefore, have 
 interposed to save the property of "his friend." 
 
 Note I. — " Girty," it has been published, " was an old man 
 when the war [of 1812] commenced, but not too old to en- 
 courage a band of Wyandots to rally around Tecumseh and 
 the British standard. After the lapse of many years the 
 aged victor of the Blue Licks, and the remnant of his broken 
 people, were again united against their ancient and inveterate 
 North western foes. But the lieal'th of Girty was shattered, 
 and he was so nearly blind that he could lead no more his 
 dusky hosts to battle, but he dimly saw the flash of the guns 
 which announced the shameful surrender of Hull ; stood once 
 again within the stockaded walls of Detroit, to which he had 
 been so long a stranger, and heard the exultant shouts of his 
 lessening tribe as it returned from the bloody massacre of 
 Raisin, a deed which inspired every Kentucky soldier with the 
 feelings of an avenger, revived bitter memories of the Indian 
 
 frequentl}', and on every ocfasion," sjiid .John Todd, surgeon of the Fifth 
 Kentucky Kegiment, "urged the British officers to exert themselves and 
 procure the release of the wounded from the Indians — urging the necessity 
 of having their wounds dressed. In a conversation on this subject with 
 Captain Elliott, and while urging it, he replied, ' the Indians are excellent 
 «urgeon8.' " 
 
812 HUlory of the Girtys, > 
 
 tragedies of the past, and with them the name of Girty, which 
 was mentioned again with threats and curses." — Magazine of 
 American History, Vol. XV, pp. 274, 275. (1) If Simon Girty 
 encouraged any Wyandots to rally around the British standard, 
 it must have been those whose homes were near Detroit, for 
 the Ohio Wyandots remained friendly to the United States 
 during the war. Now, of course, the Indians I have first 
 mentioned were not " the remnant of his broken people." 
 That Girty gave encouragement, therefore, to a band of Wy- 
 andots more than to other Indians there could be no good rea- 
 son for, unless he saw no others to encourage. (2) Girty's 
 name was mentioned with threats and curses not simply be- 
 cause there was a bloody massacre at the River Raisin, but 
 for the reason that he was supposed to have taken part in it. 
 
 Note II. — The following story is related in the Magazine 
 (Vol. XV, pp. 271, 272, 276), quoted in the previous note : 
 
 "An incident which is thought to have occurred shortly after 
 St. Clair's defeat, and which is given on British authority, in- 
 dicates that Girty shared the feelings of his tribe [the San- 
 dusky Wyandots] agiiinst the horrible practice of burning 
 prisoners. Several captives who had been taken during the 
 recent battle bv some of the Indian allies, were condemned to 
 the stake, and, in spite of every influence that Girty could 
 bring to bear, the fatal fires were kindled to the delight of the 
 assembled multitude of drunken braves, screeching squaws, 
 and capering children of all ages. Among the prisoners was 
 an American officer, in whose behalf Girty especially exerted 
 himself, but without effect. Finally, when his doom seemed 
 inevitable, Girty, who was always fertile in expedients, seized 
 a favorable moment when unobserved and dropped him a sig- 
 nificant hint. The officer, very fortunately, instantly compre- 
 hended it, and, as he was being taken to the stake, he sud- 
 denly snatched a papoose from the arms of a squaw an threw 
 it toward the flames where another prisoner was burning. The 
 wildest excitement instantly en.sued ; men, women, and chil- 
 dren fell over each other in the simultaneous rush that was 
 
History of the Girtys. 313 
 
 made to save the baby. The child wag rescued, but, in the 
 midst of the frantic and indescribable confusion, the officer 
 made good his escape. To his credit, be it said, that he never 
 forgot his deliverer, and . . . did his best to prove his 
 gratitude in 1812, when the fortunes of war brought trouble 
 to Girty. . . . 
 
 "The tide of war turned [that is, the War of 1812], the 
 British fleet was destroyed. Maiden was captured, and Girty 
 became a fugitive. But one at least of the soldiers who pur- 
 sued the retreating forces of Proctor wished the White Indian 
 [Simon Girty] no evil. It was the American officer whose 
 life he had saved by suggesting the desperate expedient of 
 casting the Indian papoose toward the flames. A British au- 
 thority asserts that, though this officer had retired from the 
 American army, he rejoined it in 1813, with the express pur- 
 pose of doing his best to protect Girty in the event of his cap- 
 ture. It was an exhibition of that rarest of noble qualities, 
 gratitude, which makes one think better of his race. But the 
 ill-starred Girty, from whom happiness always stood afar off", 
 was denied the pleasure of ever knowing that he had a single 
 friend among the advancing Americans. They never met." 
 
 The allusion to a retired American officer being with the 
 army in pursuit of Proctor for the express purpose of doing 
 his best to protect Girty, and that that officer was one who 
 had been saved by a hint from him, makes it certain that the 
 story is but a revamping of the account of Kenton's life hav- 
 ing been spared at his solicitation (as before related) when 
 Kenton was a prisoner. 
 
 Note III. — " Simon Girty was not only not killed at the 
 battle of the Thames, but he was prevented by blindness and 
 rheumatism from taking any part whatever in the engage- 
 ment. . . . The collapse of the British at the Thames 
 found Simon Girty homeless and a wanderer ; but, moved by 
 the same instinct of savage brotherhood which ever character- 
 ized him, he sought and found a refuge at a village of the Mo- 
 hawks on Grand river. This village, which was located in the 
 
814 Hidory of the Qirtyt. 
 
 midst of some of the finest land in the Dominion, and on 
 probably the most picturesque of Canadian streams, was set- 
 tled at the close of the American Revolution, under the lead- 
 ership of Girty's Indian friend and comrade, the distinguished 
 Brandt. It is a singular coincidence that Campbell, the cele- 
 brated poet, should have made a mistake about Brandt so 
 similar to the one made by another and more obscure Camp- 
 bell [John W.] about Girty. In Gertrude of Wyoming, ' the 
 monster Brandt ' is mentioned as a participant in that cold- 
 blooded massacre, of which Thomas Campbell so touchingly 
 sung, though the fact is established that he was not present 
 on that tragic occasion." — Magazine of American History, 
 Vol. XV, pp. 275, 376. (1) This was written, it is evident, 
 with the erroneous Understanding that Qiiriy followed the re- 
 treating British army. (2) It was not the instinct of savage 
 brotherhood which determined him to choose a village of the 
 Mohawks on Grand river as a temporary place of refuge, but 
 because it was the nearest place of safety. (3) I have not 
 been able to discover that Girty was a comrade of Brant, 
 •either in the Revolution or subsequent thereto. 
 
UUtory of the Girtyn. 315 
 
 CHArTKll XXXII. 
 
 Simon Girty's son Tlionias dictl from being overlieatcl in 
 carrying a wounded British officer from a field of buttle,* 
 but what battle is unknown ; that he had fought gallantly during 
 the war is generally conceded. At the time of his death, he 
 had three children. These and their father were buried on 
 the Girty farm below Maiden, where the family was living.f 
 And now that we have Simon safely domiciled in one of the 
 Mohawk Indian villages, secure from the vengeance of Amer- 
 ican soldiers, let us turn our attention for the last time to his 
 brothers, James and George. 
 
 George married among the Delawares, and had several 
 children. During the latter years of his life, he was an 
 habitual drunkard. He died at a trading post on the Mau- 
 mee, belonging to his brother James, about two miles below 
 Fort Wayne, near a bend of the river, just before the last war 
 with Great Britain. He was drunk at the time. His family 
 remained with the Delawares. Of his personal appearance 
 there is no account extant. He was, as we have before ex- 
 plained, more of an Indian in habits and proclivities than 
 James. For a number of years after his death, his surviving 
 savage associates, many of them, delighted to talk of his 
 bravery in battle — especially in the conflict on the plains of 
 Sandusky, where the Indians and Rangers encountered the 
 Americans under Colonel Crawford, as previously related, 
 and in the battle of the Blue Licks. 
 
 James, who left the Maumee for Canada upon the approach 
 of General Wayne's arniy, in 1794, remained there until after 
 the treaty of Greenville, in 1795. He then returned, and 
 
 * Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 276; Michigan Pioneer 
 Collections, Vol. VII, pp. 126, 127. 
 
 t Statements of Mrs. McCormick, of Pel£e Island, and of James Mickle, 
 of Maiden, — Michigan Pioneer Collections, loc. cit. 
 
816 History of the Girtys. 
 
 again engaged in trading with the Indians on that river, leav- 
 ing his family, however, in Canada — in Gosfield, Essex county.* 
 On the 17th of May, 1802, he was granted "Lot No. 8, in 
 Front [First] Concession, Western Division," of that town- 
 ship, amounting to two hundred acres, described as "lying 
 between Cedar creek and Mill creek." Meanwhile, his wife, 
 " Betsey, an Indian woman," of the Shawanese nation, had 
 died. In 1804, when at his home in Gosfield, he made hi» 
 will. 
 
 To his son James and his daughter Ann, who were then 
 living with him, he gave the land, a description of which has 
 just been given, directing how it should be divided between 
 them. He also bequeathed to his son six negro slaves, ni.m- 
 ing them ; and to his daughter, a negro wench " called Sal," 
 likewise a negro woman named Nancy and her five children. 
 As to all the remaining part of his personal estate, including 
 household furniture, cattle, horses, swine, poultry, money, 
 grain, and all other descriptions of personal property, and 
 also all the cattle and other stock which was the property of 
 his " deceased wife Betsey, an Indian woman," and the mother 
 of his children — he directed that the whole be equally divided 
 between his son and daughter, except the utensils of hus- 
 bandry, which he gave to his son, and a negro named Paul, 
 •who was to have his freedom " for his long and faithful 
 services." f 
 
 On the 7th of July, 1807, James was granted an additional 
 tract of land — " Lots 23 and 24, in the 6th ',Conces8ion, East- 
 ern Division," in the same township in which was located the 
 
 • " Leaving Lani^imrd, you arrive at Point Peliie, or the South Foreland, 
 which malcea a great projection into the lake [Erie]; and having doubled 
 that point, you enter the settlements made by the loyalists, in the townships 
 of Mersea, Gosfield, and Colchester."— Smyth's Topo'^raphical- Description 
 of Upper Canada (1799), p. 36. 
 
 t The witnesses to the will were T. McKee, T. Alox. Clarke, and Geo. 
 Ironside. The executors named were Leonard Scratch and James Stewart. 
 Girty declares in the will that the slave Nancy was the property of the 
 mother of his children, and intended by her for Ler daughter Ann, The 
 land bequeathed is bounded by Lake Erie on the south. 
 
Hittory of the Oirtys. 817 
 
 first grunt, This donation consisted of four hundred acrea. 
 To this date, and for some yours subsecjuont thereto, ho con- 
 tinued iiis trufKc with the Indians upon the Maunice, but hia 
 family, numbering still but his two children, remained in Gos- 
 field. "Mrs. Suttenfield informed the writer," says the his- 
 torian of Kort Wayne, Indiana, " that she learned some time 
 subsequent to the arrival of herself and husband at the fort 
 here [Fort Wayne], in 1814, that Simon and James Girty 
 had lived for some time prior to the [commencement] of the 
 War of 1812, near the bend of the Maumce, about two miles 
 below Fort Wayne." * It was, however, George instead of 
 Simon who was with James. That it was not Simon is made 
 clear from what Mrs. Suttenfield herself afterward relates ; for 
 she avers, as we have seen, that Simon's last visit to Detroit 
 before Hull's surrender was when he swam the Detroit river 
 to escape General Wayne's soldiers (in 17!)G).t Now, to have 
 traded with the Indians upon the Mauraee without having once 
 visited Detroit for the purchase of supplies, or in going to and 
 from his home in Canada, is of course what he would not have 
 done. 
 
 James gave up his business upon the Maumee and retired 
 permanently to hia Gosfield home in Canada before the be- 
 ginning of the War of 1812, for the reason that he did not 
 find it so profitable as previous to the Indian War of 1790-95, 
 as the Indian trade had been largely transferred to the Wa- 
 bash and its tributaries. 
 
 The last place where James had a trading-house on the 
 Maumee was at what is known as " Girty's Point," five miles 
 above the present Napoleon, Ohio, near which is " Girty's 
 Island," in the Maumee ; both of which received their names 
 from the circumstance of hia having been there engaged in 
 traffic with the Indiana. After a time Simon waa confounded 
 with James as haviug been the trader there ; and some writers 
 have gone so far aa to fix the exact spot where he dealt out 
 paints, trink ts, blankets, and " fire-water " to the savagea : 
 
 * Brice's History of Fort Wayne, p. 135, note. 
 f Ante, p. 300. 
 
818 Mil lory of the Girlyg. 
 
 "The notofioufl Simon Girtyonco resided five inilcH above Nn,- 
 poleon, lit a place called ' (Jirty's Point.' His cabin was on the 
 bank of the Mauniee, a few yards west of the residence of Mr. 
 Elijah Gunn. xVU traces of his habitation have been obliter- 
 ated by culture, and a fine farm now [1846] surrounds the 
 spot."* It is not impossible that the location mentioned was 
 really the site of James's trading-house. 
 
 Durinir tlie VVar of ISIJ-IT), .James was too old and infirm 
 to take part, notwithstanding it has been repeatedly as- 
 serted that he was in the battle of the Thames. He 
 died on the 15th of April, 1817. During his last years 
 he suffered much from rheumatism. He had always been 
 thrifty, and bail turned his intercourse with the Shawa- 
 nese and other Indian tribes to good account, as he had accu- 
 muliited at his death considerable property, largely the result 
 of his labors as trader with them, although the grants of land 
 which he obtained and the procei-ds of his farming operations 
 tended materially to increase his store; all of which, as he 
 made no other will than the one already descL'ibed, descended 
 to his two children, both of whom survived him. 
 
 Througii .life James, unlike Simon and George, was tem- 
 perate in his habits. He was^ tall in stature, and lithe 
 in limb. His general character has been generally 
 painted by those who have written of him as bad ; and 
 his course during the Revolution exhibits him as a raan of 
 sanguinary spirit when impelled by hatred or roused by anger. 
 In his predatory incursions into Kentucky with small war- 
 parties (for that country was his field of operations), he was, 
 from all accounts both published and traditionary, as indis- 
 criminate in his cold-blooded murders as the most forocious 
 savage — as the most blood-thirsty or the warriors with whom 
 he was associated. Neither age nor sex was spared at his 
 hiinds. He would often boast, it is said, Avhile in the wilder- 
 ni ss, that no woman or child escaped his tomahawk, if he got 
 
 * Hijwe'g Ohio, p. 246. Compiiro Knapp's Maumee Valley, |p. 679. In 
 'An Historical Auoount of the Expedition ugainBt Sandusky (p. '.^01, note),' 
 it is incorrectly stated that "Giriy's island" was named after Siuion Girty. 
 
llnlory of the Qirtyn. 319 
 
 ivithin reach of the victim. Traders who wore acquainted 
 with him rehited that he never turned on hiu heel to save a 
 wretched priHoner frunt torture at the stake ; and, though tak- 
 ing no active* part himself, woukl, nevertheless, instruct the 
 Indians in new and more terrible methods of torture ! * 
 
 NoTK I. — It is incorrectly stated in the Magazine of Amer- 
 ican History, Vol. XV, p. *27o, that Jumcs, when he took up 
 his abode in Canada,' settled on Middle Sister Island : " lie 
 settled with his Shawnee squaw, his dogs and his wild young 
 children, on Middle Sister Island not far from his brother 
 [Simon]." So, also, in the Michigan IMoneer Collections, 
 VoL VII, p. 127, we have this account: "He [Mr. James 
 Mickle, of Maiden] remembers Simon's brother, Janic:: Girty, 
 who lived on Middle Sister Island, and raised tobacco r.nd 
 ■water-melons. lie was then living alone." 
 
 Note II. — As to the death of James, the writer who reports 
 Mr. Mickles recollection (mentioned in the previous note) 
 says that, according to the hitter's statements, he (James) 
 " was either drowned or was found dead in the bush.'' And 
 this is made still more erroneous in the magazine article ; 
 " Shunned by white people, and deserted even by his Indian 
 squaw, the miserable creature [James] lingered on through 
 months of pain and at last was found dead on the beach of 
 Middle Sister Island." (See Magazine of American History, 
 Vol. XV,p. 276.) 
 
 * Missouri Uazelte, M»y 7, 1814 (copied in Niles's Weekly Register, 
 Supplement to Vol. IX, p. 181.) The article is before referred to in this 
 narrative. I am inclined to think James has usually been painted worse 
 than he really was, from a desire to heap the Girty odium on his shoulders, 
 to ease the load from his brother Simon's. But uf this hereafter. 
 
820 History of the Oirlys. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. * 
 
 The coming back to his home, just below Maiden, in 1816, 
 from his three years residence among the Mohawks and 
 at Burlington Heights, of Simon Girty, was, to him, far from 
 being a pleasant return, for he was totally blind.* While ab- 
 sent, he had not been entirely idle, having, on several occa- 
 sions, been employed as interpreter by the government. He 
 now spent much of his time at the home of his dauf' ter, 
 Ann, in Amherstburg, whose husband, Peter Govereau, kept 
 there a house of entertainment. " In 1813 [1816]," says 
 Daniel Workman, " I went to Maiden and put up at a hotel 
 kept by a Frenchman [Peter Govereau]. I noticed in the 
 bar-room a grey-headed and blind old man. The landlady, 
 ■who was his daughter [Ann], a woman of about thirty years 
 of age, inquired of me, ' Do you know who that is ? ' pointing 
 to the old man. On my replying, ' No,' she rejoined, ' It is 
 Simon Girty.' He had then been blind about four years." f 
 
 It was reported, immediately after the battle of the Thames, 
 
 * The Maunzifie of American History, Vo'. XV, p. 276, says with 
 truth: "Girty shared the whisky and venison of his Indian friends until 
 the close of the war in 1816, when he .returned to his solitaiy farm near 
 Maiden. It was solitary indeed. His two daughters were married, and in 
 homes of their own ; the son of his heart hud died during the war." The 
 son here referred to was Thomas. That author then adds: "And his 
 [Girty's] wife, worn out by his wild and irregular life and Indian-like ways, 
 had left him long ago. Only one of his family,, his son Prideaux, lingered 
 about him." But it was Girtj''8 drinking, and that only, which caused his 
 wife to leave him, as before explained. His Indian-like ways no one would 
 be more likely to overlook than Mrs. Girty, who was longer a captive to the 
 savages than was her husband. 
 
 t Howe's Ohio, p. 248. It is certain that Mr. Workman is mistaken as to 
 the year of his visit. The age of Mrs. Govereau, and the circumstance of 
 Girty being totally blind, show it to have been not pearlier than 1816. Be- 
 sides, Mr. "Workman would scarcely have ventured in Maiden in 1813 — the 
 most dangerous period for an American to have gone there during the war. 
 Ho is also in error as to the length of time Girty had been blind. 
 
History of the Girtys. 821 
 
 among the American troops, that Simon was among the killed, 
 and the next year it was so stated in print : " For the last ten 
 years," so runs the account, " he had been crippled with 
 rheumatism, yet he rode to his hunting-grounds in pursuit of 
 game, and would boast that he preserved a war-like spirit in 
 the midst of bodily pain, and would often exclaim, ' May I 
 breathe my last on a field of battle ! ' In this wish Simon has 
 been gratified ; for in the battle of the Moravian towns, on 
 the river Thames, he was cut to pieces by Colonel Johnson's 
 mounted men."* But all this (including his riding "to his 
 hunting-grounds in pursuit of game ") is pure fiction. 
 
 From the time of Girty reaching home, until late in the 
 summer of 1817, was a period to him not only of darkness 
 to all surrounding objects (deprived, as he was, totally of 
 sight), but of mental gloom. He would manage to obtain oc- 
 casionally a flask of whisky at Maiden, though he seldom 
 drank so much as to be intoxicated. Finally, as if having a 
 premonition that he would live only a few months, he gave up 
 entirely the use of liquor. He was taken suddenly ill on the 
 ;.fternoon of the 15th of February, 1818, and he at once re- 
 alized fully that he was at the threshold of eternity. He 
 seemed very penitent as his end drew nigh. He listened 
 with the utmost attention to the words of his wife, who was 
 again living with him, and who now administered to his wants 
 as though he had ever been kind to her.f She explained to 
 
 • Missouri Qnzottu, Miiy 7, 1814 (copied in Niies's Weeldy Register, Sup- 
 plement to Vol. IX, p. 181, luid alrewdy cited). Compare p. 330, post; 
 Perkins's Western Annuls, pp. 170, 171, note; Claniptieli's Biojjraphicttl 
 SI<Ptehes, p. 147; Johti Mason Brown's Oration, pp. 3G, 50; where the er- 
 ror rts to Girty's death is repeated. Many recent writers liave also helped 
 to perpetuate the mistake. " Over thirty years later he [Kichard Johnson] 
 led the Kentucky mounted riflymen at the victory of the Thame.», when 
 they killed not only the great Indian chief Tecumseh, but also, it is said, 
 the implacable renegade riinion 'Jirty himself, then in extreme old age." — 
 Eoosevelt, in "The Winning of the West," Vol. II, p. 197. 
 
 ■)■ That Mrs. Girty was a very kind-hearted and most exemplary woman 
 there can be no doubt. 
 
 21 
 
822 History of the Qirtys. 
 
 him how he might still obtain pardon for his sins, and prayed 
 earnestly for him at his bedside. 
 
 In an article oft-quoted from in these pages, it is said that 
 " he [Girty] had paid no attention to religion as understood 
 by white men ; and if he died in any faith at all it was in that 
 of the Indian — a simple trust in the power and goodness of 
 the Great Spirit." * It is true he had paid little heed here- 
 tofore to religion, but he understood far more of the Chris- 
 tian's faith than the untutored savage ; and, just as he had 
 asked forgiveness of all those near him for any wrongs done 
 them, his perturbed spirit fled its clay tenement. 
 
 It was on the 18th of February, 1818, that Simon Girty 
 died. "And so ended the unhappy life of a creature who 
 became, by force of warping circumstances, the anoriially 
 of Western History." lie was buried on his farm two days 
 after his decease, his funeral being attended by a detachment 
 of troops from Fort Maiden. British soldiers fired a parting 
 salute over his grave. He was laid to rest with military 
 honors and as a loyal subject of Great Britain — but at that 
 very moment his name was held in abhorrence by all Ameri- 
 cans who had heard of him ! " He died in the winter," says 
 a Canadian writer, " and it was said that his body could not be 
 carried through the gate on account of the snow-banks, and had 
 to be taken over the fence. . . . The place [of burial] can still 
 be pointed out, though it is not inclosed or marked in any 
 way, Avhile a farm-gate swings over the spot." 
 
 Going south from Amherstburg some two miles, the traveler 
 sees, as he drives along, a carriage road, the Detroit river to 
 
 * Miigazine of Anieric«n History, Vol. XV, p. 277. In "An Historical 
 Account of the Expedition against Sandusdy" (p. 198), is the following, 
 which eonvpys an erroneous impression: ': [Simon] Girty married in the 
 neighborhood [of Maiden] and raised a family. In vain he tried to become 
 a decent citizen, and command some degree 6f respect. The depravity of 
 his untamed and undisciplined nuture was too apparent. Ho was abhorred 
 by all his neighbors." The same in effect had been prieviously published of 
 him, and has since been repeated in several works in the West. The truth 
 18, he was on friendly terms with his neighbors, and, when not intoxicated, 
 was far from being shunned by them. 
 
History of the Girtys, 823 
 
 the right and some Vces growing between liira and the stream ; 
 to the left is the farm on which Girty died. The house in 
 which he breathed his hist breath was located toward the 
 south-west corner of the tract, while his final resting-place 
 is to the north-east of the spot Avhere his log dwelling 
 stood.* 
 
 " The subsequent career," says the tnost evrroncous, prob- 
 ably, of all the accounts ever hitherto published of Girty's 
 death, "of this notorious man is uncertain. It is probable 
 that he was killed by Col. Clayton, in Kentucky. It is re- 
 lated that Girty stole Clayton's wife from his home while the 
 latter was with Forbes and Bouquet in the expedition against 
 Fort Duquesne, in 1757 and 1758. Clayton returned home 
 after the war to find that his wife had been stolen by an In- 
 dian, which he devined to be Girty, whereupon he pursued the 
 renegade with a savage thirst for revenge, and finally met the 
 dispoiler of his household on ' the dark and bloody soil of 
 Kentucky,' where, in a desperate contest, Girty was slain ! " f 
 
 Girty was about five feet nine inches in height. His hair, 
 originally black, turned gray several years before his death. 
 His eyes Avere black and piercing ; his face round and full. 
 His neck, unlike his brother James's, was short, and his whole 
 frame heavy. Ilis intemperance, and the scar upon his fore- 
 head, marred, to some extent, his features. It can not be 
 said, however, that he was a repulsive looking man.| In his 
 prime, he was very agile. 
 
 * For most of these facts, I am indebted to William Chsii-les Mickle, son 
 of William Miclde. Compare, also, the statement of James Miekle as pub- 
 lished in the Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. VII, p. 127. "The house 
 that Simon Girty iived in has disappeared. It was a lo'j;-house with two 
 windows and a door in front, and one window in the end upstairs." — W. C 
 Mickle to the writer, January 21, 1887, already cited. 
 
 •)• Wright's History of Perry County. Pennsylvania, p. 34. 
 
 X For published statements of Girty's personal appearance, see Brice's 
 Fort Wayne, p. 136, note; Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. VII, p. 126; 
 Wyandotte (Kan.) Gazette, of April 18, 1872. A decidedly sensational de- 
 scription is by O. M. Spencer : " His dark, shaggy hair; his low fo'ehead; 
 his brows contracted, and meeting above his short, flat nose; his gray, 
 sunken eyes, averting the ingenuous gaze; his lips thin and compressed; 
 
324 Hutory of the Girtys. 
 
 What the feeling of Girty was toward the Americans at the 
 date of his last illness may now be properly spoken of; and 
 as this brings up the whole subject of the ill-Avill entertained 
 by loyalists in Canada West, it will be considered from that 
 stand-point. During the Revolution (or, as the tories called it, 
 the Rebellion), many loyalists — some voluntary, others under 
 compulsion-:— abandoned the United States and retired to De- 
 troit and its vicinity, subsequently settling in Canada, where 
 they received land (as did Simon Girty and his brother James) 
 as a reward for their adherence to the British government ; 
 all of which has heretofore been suiiiciently disclosed. The 
 aversion with which they regarded the " rebels " did not die 
 out after peace had been declared ; and this, of course, was 
 shared in by their children and their children's children. 
 
 At the date of Girty's decease, a considerable part of the 
 population of Upper Canada consisted of loyalists and their 
 children. It is true that the Americans, after the Revolution, 
 returned their dislike with vehemence, and there was but very 
 little intercourse between them. It so continued to the year 
 1812, when events culminating in a war between the two 
 countries made both sides in the West still more bitter in 
 their hatred. Girty entertained a deep animosity to the 
 Americans down to the time when death put an end to his 
 career, which was shared in by a large portion of the residents 
 of the county of Essex. 
 
 That Girty's general character tended to recklessness — 
 drunkenness — baseness — there is no question ; yet it had 
 many bright spots up«n it; hence, it was singularly contra- 
 
 and the dark and sinister expression of his countenance; — to mo seemed the 
 very picture of a villain." The delineation in the Wyandotte Onzetti; is by 
 ■William Walker, and may be found also in An Historical Account of the 
 Expedition auiainst Sandusky, p. 199. For an incidental mention of Girty's 
 "make-up" on a certain occasion during the Revolution, see Mai^azine of 
 American History, Vol. XV, p. "207: "Nearly six feet tall, straight, strong 
 and broad-chested, with massive head and big black eyes, deeply bronzed by 
 exposure, dressed in savage fashion and adorned with paint, feathers, and all 
 the war-trappings of his tribe, he looked every inch the Indian leader that 
 circumstances and his peculiar talents bad made him." 
 
History of the Girtys. 325 
 
 dictory ; and this is the reason why it is so difficult to form a 
 just estimate of it. That he witnessed, during his captivity 
 with the Senecas, the torturing of unfortunate white pris- 
 oners, and became familiar with the most horrible barbarities, 
 is evident. Possibly, when these scenes were again enacted 
 before his eyes upon his taking up his abode with the Mingoes 
 during the Revolution, thev did not impress him with such 
 detestation as otherwise they would, had he never before wit- 
 nessed such cruelties ; then, their frequency, afterward, made 
 them less odious, until, finally, from indifference he came to 
 enjoy them, particularly as they were inflicted on his hated 
 enemies. 
 
 Girty's delight in witnessing, on at least one occasion (that 
 of the burning of Colonel Crawford), the torturing of a dying 
 man — an old acquaintance — who was suffering the most fright- 
 ful agonies, and his ferociousness while going with small war- 
 parties into border settlements, when there was an indiscrimi- 
 nate killing of inoffensive inhabitants, or capturing of borderers 
 to suffer the most awful cruelties at the stake — in which forays 
 he generally took a leading part — fix upon him the certainty 
 of having become a remorseless foe to his countrymen — as 
 bloodthirsty as he was unpitying. It is certain, also, that he, 
 at least once, when in command of Indians, did not object to 
 having (if indeed he did not order) a white prisoner — Abner 
 Hunt — tortured to death in the most horrid manner. Hence it 
 is, that, as he was a white man — by no means " an Indian in 
 all but the color of his skin" — it is not too strong language 
 to say of him that, in the war for American independence, 
 after he left Pittsburgh, and '"n the Indian war which followed 
 it, he proved himself, at times, more than a savage in cruelty. 
 
 In a general summing up of Girty's character by the author 
 of "Girty. The White Indian," it is said that no estimate can 
 be either correct or just which does not take into account the 
 influence which captivity and savage training had upon it. 
 This is true ; but it is certain, also, that too much stress is 
 here put on the effect of that* influence. "How powerful 
 it was," says that writer, " is shown by the significant facts 
 
826 History of the Girtys. 
 
 that it not only effaced the natural antipathy for the destroyers 
 of his parents, but so perverted his normal instinct of race 
 that he was never again in full sympathy with his own people, 
 while, as far as kno'.vn, he was always true to the Indians, 
 and retained their confidence and friendship to the end of his 
 days." 
 
 " The early settlers," continues the same author, " knowing 
 that he was a white man by birth, but ignorant of his captivity 
 and its effects, very naturally hated and despised him as a 
 renegade. The term, however, does not apply to him in its 
 infamous sense as it applies to Elliott and HcKee, who had 
 nothing whatever in common with the Indians, while Girty 
 was one of them in almost every thing but complexion. Ho 
 was more of a savage than a renegade ; more of a Brandt 
 than an Elliott ; and took part in the forays and outrages 
 against the whites, not with the cowardice and mean malice of 
 an outcast, but as a leader of his adopted people, and with 
 the bravery and open hatred of an Indian. He was substan- 
 tially an Indian ; was neither better nor worse than an Indian, 
 and should in the main be judged as such." * 
 
 It is suggested, in reply, (1) that Girty's bravery and open 
 hatred were of a kindred nature to that which induced Elliott 
 to join with the savages in forays and outrages against the 
 frontier settlements ; (2) that he (Girty) was both better and 
 worse than an Indian ; (3) that he should be judged of as be- 
 ing at times, after he became a refugee and while engaged in 
 war, a very bad white man — excelling the redman in savagery 
 in this, that his civilized training had been abundantly suffi- 
 cient to have made it clear to him that he ought to have 
 been more merciful; while the Indian, from his infancy, is 
 taught to thirst for the heart's blood of an enemy. (4) It 
 is safe to say that, wherever Simon Girty was known 
 upon the border, he was also known as having been once a 
 prisoner among the savages ; and the bordermen despised him 
 far less for being a renegade than for his (as they believed) 
 
 * Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 277. 
 
History of the Girtys. 327 
 
 heartless cruelty. (5) He was the superior of the savage in 
 many ways ; and it is believed that the previous pages of this 
 book abundantly prove that he was not substantially an Indian. 
 
 (6) He was not always true to the Indians, or they to him, as 
 has already been stated ; and there is nothing on record show- 
 ing that he had lost his natural sympathy for white people. 
 
 (7) The term renegade, in its infamous sense, does not apply 
 to Girty, as the magazine article rightfully asserts ; nor does it 
 to McKee or Elliott. Neither one was a vagabond.* 
 
 It was early published to the world that to James Girty 
 might " be justly attributed most of the barbarities said to have 
 been perpetrated by his brother Simon" (post, pp. 336, 337). 
 And the descendants of the latter have not been slow to declare 
 that most (if not all) the cruelty charged to Simon rightfully be- 
 longed to James. t This trying to shift the burden of savagery 
 from the shoulders of one brother to those of another must 
 •wholly fail. That James, during the Revolution, was heartless 
 and ferocious toward the Americans, there can be no question ; 
 but the savage acts positively known to have been performed 
 by Simon (and it is upon these alone that a just estimate of 
 his course is to be formed), who shall say can be turned over 
 to the account of James? 
 
 Note I. — "And here [at the battle of the Thames] also, ac- 
 cording to the veracious Campbell [John W., author of Bio- 
 graphical Sketches, already cited in this narrative], Avas ended 
 the checkered career of the notorious White Indian [Simon 
 Girty]. Campbell says : ' It was the constant wish of Girty 
 that he might breathe his last in battle. So it happened. He 
 •was at Proctor's defeat on the Thames, and was cut to pieces 
 
 • This j'stimate of Girty is diflferent from that heretofore made by me. 
 See An Historical Accoui;t of the Expedition against Sandusliy, pp. 199, 
 200. 
 
 t "He [Simon Girty] left descendants below Amherstburc, one of whom 
 came to see me some twenty-five years ago, to complain that Simon had 
 been charged with his brother's sins. I was then told my visitor was a man 
 of good character." — James V. Campbell to the writer, July 14, 1884. Com- 
 pare, also, Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. VII, p. 126. 
 
328 Himtory of the Oirtyss. 
 
 by Colonel Johnson's mounted men." [Compare p. 336, post.] 
 Nearly three-quarters of a century have elapsed since the 
 battle of the Thames occurred, and though in that long period 
 books and pamphlets without number on Western history and 
 the War of 1812 have been published, still, strange to say, in 
 spite of all this investigation, this statement of Judge Camp- 
 bell was the nearest approach ihat writers made to the actual 
 truth concerning Girty's death, and was, with one very late ex- 
 ception (Mr. Buttorfield) received by all as authentic his- 
 tory." — Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 275. 
 Compare, in this connection, as " to the one very late excep- 
 tion," An Historical Account of the Expedition against San- 
 dusky, p. 198. But see, also, a previous publication : Brice's 
 Fort Wayne, p. 135, note. 
 
 Note II. — The Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, 
 p. 276, also says : " He [Simon Giity] declined rapidly [in 
 his last illness], but showed no concern whatever about his 
 condition, and bore his sufferings with the proverbial stoicism 
 and fortitude of his adopted race. During the bitter weather 
 prevailing but few bothered themselves about the now deso- 
 late and sinking recluse. The remnant of his old tribe, how- 
 ever, did not entirely forget him in his extremity, and occa- 
 sionally a solitary Wyandot, as seamed and scarred and griz- 
 zled as himself, would come to his bedside suddenly and un- 
 announced, take the thin hand of his dying brother ' Kate- 
 pacomen,' and with tender grasp, but impassive countenance, 
 greet him in the familiar tongue of his dusky people." 
 
 As to the remnant of Girty's old tribe not forgetting 
 him in his last illness, and as to a solitary Wyandot now 
 and then taking him by the hand, we may say, that the 
 Detroit 'Wyandots never had any particular relations with 
 him, and the Ohio Wyandots, in . 1818, were very careful 
 to denounce him in unmeasured terms to the whites (see 
 An Historical Account of the Expedition against San- 
 dusky, p. 194, note) ; and none, surely, would have gone 
 
History of tlie Girtys. 329 
 
 all the way to his home to take him by the hand, even had 
 they known of his illness, which, it is very probable, they 
 did not. The magazine article seems to have overlooked the 
 fact that the Ohio Wyandots — those with whom Girty was 
 wont to associate in previous years — were friendly to the 
 United States in the War of 1812-15. That Girty " showed 
 no concern whatever about his condition " when dying, " and 
 bore his sufferings with the proverbial stoicism and fortitude of 
 his adopted race [that is, the red race]," are statements already 
 answered suflBcicntly, it is believed (ante, pp. 321, 322). The 
 phrases, his "adopted race," "his old tribe," "his dying 
 brother," " his dusky people," are all given, it is evident, 
 under the mistaken apprehension that he was an adopted Wy- 
 andot. That the cold weather prevented some friends from 
 visiting him during his last illness who otherwise would have 
 been by his bedside, is not improbable ; but there were with him, 
 besides his wife, his two daughters and their husbands, and 
 his son Prideaux. There were also a number of near neigh- 
 bors who frequently called. His funeral was a large one. It 
 is wildly erroneous to speak of him as being, on his death- 
 bed, " a desolate and sinking recluse." 
 
880 Hiatory of the Qirtya. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 During the Indian War in the West which followed the 
 Revolution, the reliability and patriotism of Thomas Girty 
 could always be counted on. Having the name of Girty, 
 however, was the cause of some trouble to hiui. A French- 
 man, in 1792, was in jail in Pittsburgh, suspected of being a 
 spy. This was at a time whon the whole people of Western 
 Pennsylvania were greatly excited because of the appearance, 
 across the Ohio, of hostile savages. The man acknowl- 
 edged that he was sent to gain information of the strength of 
 the town, and that he had his orders from Colonel Butler, of 
 Niagara, He also stated, but falsely, that two men of Pitts- 
 burgh " Avere concerned with him — one of them a confidential 
 character in the public service ; the other, Tom Girty." But 
 the fact was Thomas took an active part against the savages 
 in tl 's war. He went out several times as a scout in the 
 years 1792, 1793, and 1794, doing valuable service. 
 
 Some time previous to 1792, Thomas, with his family, 
 moved across the Alleghany river, never returning to Pitts- 
 burgh to live.* On the 22d of May of that year, a white 
 woman was captured by the Indians at Reed's block-house, 
 twenty-five miles from Pittsburgh. During her captivity, 
 which was brief (as she soon escaped), she was asked by one 
 of her savage captors if she knew Thomas Girty; she said 
 she did. The Indian then said that he (Girty) lived near 
 Pittsburgh ; that he was a good man, but not so good as his 
 brother (Simon) ; but that his wife was a bad woman — "she 
 
 * It has been published that Thomas resided in Pittsburgh as hite as 1793 
 (sue Johnson's statement, as mentioned in Howe's Ohio, pp. 247, 248). He 
 was, it is true, generally credited with still living there instead of near 
 there, as he should have been. 
 
Hidory of the Oirtya. 831 
 
 tella lies on tlio Indians, and ia a friend to America." * It is 
 thus that the loyalty of the wife of Thomas was made known, 
 strange to say. by a savage. Ho had heard the account of 
 her probably from the lips of Simon ; doubtless it was true. 
 Except the foregoing, nothing has been preserved of Mrs. 
 Thomas Girty. Her life-career is wholly unknown. 
 
 The spot chosen by Thomas for his home was afterward 
 known as "Girty's Run," so called because of his living there, 
 and not, as sometimes stated, for the reason that the "Girty 
 family " had there their residence.! The brothers, Simon, 
 James, and George, left Pittsburgh before there were any set- 
 tlements on the north side of the Alleghany. " The neigh- 
 borhood of Pittsburgh, across the . . . river," as one 
 account has it, "was the stamping-ground, as the early set- 
 tlers called it, of the Girtys, and the scenery of that neigh- 
 borhood still attests their former residence. Girty's Hill ia 
 some four or five miles north of the city, and Girty's run 
 flows along its base." J But the region thus mentioned was 
 not the " stamping-ground of the Girtys," but of Thomas and 
 his family simply ; and the scenery of that neighborhood still 
 attests only their " former residence." 
 
 Thomas died on Girty's Run.g Hchad raised there and in 
 Pittsburgh a respectable family. Two children — John and 
 Nancy — are hereafter incidentally mentioned. The father 
 breathed his last on the 3d of November, 1820. An obituary, 
 published in the Pittsburgh Gazette, although containing er- 
 rors, mentions some f^cts concerning the deceased tha' are of 
 importance, but which have already been given in thi? narra- 
 tive. " Could the incidents of his life," says the Gazette, " be 
 collected, they would form a valuable work, and would give a 
 
 * Loudon's Indinn Wars, Vol. I, p. 90. 
 
 t This error is made in An Historical Account of the Expedition against 
 Sandusky (p. 183, note), and in some previous publications. 
 
 X Cist's Cincinnati Miscellany, Vol. I, p. 126. 
 
 g Not at "Squirrel Hill," hereafter described, east of Pittsburgh, as stated 
 in the Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 274; nor do I find that 
 he ever lived there as mentioned on p. 259 of the article just referred to. 
 
882 Hifitory of the Oirtyt. 
 
 proper idea of the intropiflity, enterprise, and heavy suffering 
 of that chvss of early settlers who were formerly called ' In- 
 dian hunters.'"* But Thomas was never an "Indian hun- 
 ter;" the title helongs to such men as Brady and Wetzel, but 
 not to Girty, or his brothers. 
 
 Some strange statements have found their way into print 
 concerning Thomas. Just how many errors can be compressed 
 into a short paragraph, will hero be seen : " Thomas Girty, 
 alone, of the four brothers, returned to civilized life. IIo 
 was one of Brady'f spies in the Indian wars after the Revolu- 
 tion, and died, perhaps, in Butler county, Pa., in 18"20 !" f 
 
 John Turner, half-brother of the Girty boys, survived the 
 last of them nearly twenty years. His death occurred at 
 "Squirrel Hill," on the 20th of May, 1840.^ The "Hill" 
 spoken of is on the east side of the Monongahela, immediately 
 south of the mouth of Four Mile Run ; that is, four miles 
 from the confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela. 
 The river bottom is quite narrow there, and the hill is higher 
 than others in the vicinity. Earth-works were raised on it in 
 the summer of 1803, when the Confederates threatened the 
 city. Turner, it is believed, lived near a spring about half % 
 mile back from the front. 
 
 Turner made a will on the tenth of the month preceding 
 that in which he died, which was probated and recorded three 
 days after his death. He devised his farm where he lived, of 
 113 acres, to John McCasslin and Priscilla, his wife, during 
 life, and then in fee to their children. He gave to Prideaux 
 Girty, son of Simon, $1,000; to his niece, Sarah, sister of 
 Prideaux, then the wife of Joseph Munger, the same sum ; to 
 John, son of his half-brother Thomas, $500 ; to Nancy Gib- 
 son, sister of John, $100; to Joseph Munger, "for his atten- 
 tion and friendship," $500 ; and to Catharine Bealer, one dol- 
 
 • Compare Niles's Weekly Register, Vol. XIX, p. 26'2, already cited in 
 a previous chapter. 
 
 t See Newton's History of the Pan-Handle, West Virginia, p. 150. 
 
 X The date of his decease, I have obtained from a record preserved in Al- 
 legheny county, Pennsylvania. 
 
JIutory of the Oirty». H38 
 
 lar.* Tho fact that the deceased had previously donated a 
 burying-ground to the citizens of tho lociility where ho lived, 
 gave him tho reputation of being " the benefactor of Squirrel 
 
 Ilill/'t 
 
 In tho Pittsburgh Daily Gazette, of the date of July, 1868, 
 is a translation of the record previously referred to in this 
 narrative, of John Turner's baptism. "By the way," says 
 the translator, " does not the name of the baptized child, Jean 
 or John Turner, remind some of our old citizens of a tall, up- 
 right, active man named John Turner, who used often to be 
 Been walking our streets, and whom, it was always supposed 
 by us boys, had once been a prisoner with the French or In- 
 dians ? Was our 'John Turner the baptised child ? " Of 
 course; the will just mentioned answers that question, beyond 
 any mistake, in the affirmative, as he was tho "John Turner" 
 of Squirrel Ilill.t 
 
 Catharine Mnlott Girty, widow of Simon Girty, survived 
 her husband many years. She died in Colchester South, at 
 the home of Joseph JIunger,§ in January, 1852. Before 
 1845, she sued William Mickle for dower in what had so long 
 been the Girty homestead, but was unsuccessful in her suit.|| 
 The papers in the case are not in existence.^[ Mrs. Girty's 
 life was, indeed, a most romantic one. It was a consolation 
 in her old acje to know that those of her children who were 
 dead had lived lives of respectability, and that those who 
 were yet living had established, each one, an unsullied repu- 
 tation. 
 
 * John, son of Thomas Girty, is nneniioiied in Cist's Cincinnati Miscellany, 
 p. 122. 
 
 t Mai;Bzine of American History, Vol. XV, p. 266. The benefaction 
 was made by a deed, executed July 31, 1838. 
 
 {Compare Lambing's Register of Fort Duquesne, p. 96, and his Cath- 
 olic Historical Kesearche?, Vol. Ill, pp. 38, 89. For mention of " Squirrel 
 Hill," see Calendar of Virginia State Papers, Vol. I, p. 297. 
 
 2 William C. Mickle to the writer, January 21, 1887, before cited. 
 
 II Id. 
 
 % MS. letter of James Bartlet, dated December 28, 1886. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 FIRST PUBLISHED ACCOUNT OF THE GIRTYS. 
 [Ante, pp. 4, 319.] 
 
 "That western portion of Pennsylvania and Virginia bor- 
 dering on the Ohio has been considered by the Indians as a 
 country highly favored by heaven ; covered with every kind 
 of game, i'; was not to be supposed they would ';amely surren- 
 der theii right to the soil. But when the wliites commenced 
 the settJrment of Western Virginia — now Kentucky — the 
 spirit of the savage wairior assumed an attitude of phrensy 
 in their aitacks which called forth a corresponding spirit to 
 repel. At this period, the Girtys, with the Shawanese, Dela- 
 wares, Mingoes, etc., gave a new character to Indian warfiire. 
 
 " Old Girty was one of those peasants who early emigrated 
 from Europe to Pennsylvania, in pursuit of liberty and ease ; 
 but like many of his fellows, he was incapable of enjoying it ; 
 for his hours were wasted in idleness and intemperance, and 
 he was finally knocked on the head by a neighboring boor, 
 who bore oflF Mrs. Girty as a trophy of his prowess. He had 
 four sons: Thomas, Simon, George, and James. 
 
 " George, Simon, and James were taken prisoners by the 
 ShaAvanese, Delawares, and Senecas, in that Avar Avhich first 
 developed the military talents of General Washington. George 
 (the supposed son of Colonel C.) Avas adopted amongst the 
 Delawares, and continued Avith them until his death. His 
 manners Avere perfectly Indian, combining Avith them the dar- 
 ing intrepidity of a frontier white man. His bravery at the 
 battles of KanaAvha, Blue Licks, and Sandusky are yet spoken 
 of by his red brethren. In hip later days, he resigned himself 
 to intemperance, and died drunk some time ago, on the 
 Miami of the Lakes [Maumee]. ,, ■ 
 
 (886) 
 
336 History of the Girtys. 
 
 " Simon was adopted by the Senecas, and became as expert 
 a hunter as any of them. His character, as related in Ken- 
 tucky and Ohio, ' of being a savage, unrelenting monster,' is 
 much exaggerated. It is true that he joined the Indians in 
 most of tlieir war-parties, and conformed to their mode of 
 warfare, but it is well authenticated that he has saved many 
 prisoners from death. He was considered an honest man, 
 paying his debts to the last cent ; and it is known that 
 he has sold his only horse to discharge a claim against him. 
 It is true that he was a perfect Indian in his manners ; that his 
 utmost felicity was centered in a keg of rum ; that under its 
 influence he was abusive to all around him, even to his best 
 friends. Yet we must recollect that his education was bar- 
 barous, and that mankind are more apt to sink into barbarism 
 than they are to acquire the habits of civilized life. 
 
 " For the last ten years he had been crippled with rheuma- 
 tism, yet he rode to his hunting-grounds in pursuit of game, 
 and would boast that he preserved a warlike spirit in the 
 midst of bodily pain, and would often exclaim, 'May I breathe 
 my last on a field of battle.' In this wish Simon has bcjn 
 gratified ; for in the battle of the Moravian towns, on the river 
 Thames, he was cut to pieces by Co. Johnson's mounted men. 
 [He lived nearly four years after this was written.] 
 
 " James Girty was adopted by the Shawanese, and became 
 an expert hunter, and imbibed as he arrived at manhood the 
 sanguinary spirit of the most ferocious savage, with the 
 vicious habits of the white men with whom he associated. It 
 is said that he joined the Indians in all their attacks on the 
 first settlers of Kentucky ; neither age nor sex were spared at 
 his hands ; and it was his boast, although unable to walk from 
 rheumatism and other diseases, that neither women nor chil- 
 dren ever escaped the tomahawk, if he got within reach of 
 them. Traders who are acquainted with him say that he 
 never turned on his heel to save a wretched prisoner from the 
 torments of the fire, but would rather instruct the Indians in 
 new and more refined torture. ^ --^^-^ --^+-^-^-r-^ 
 
 " To this ruthless tiger may be justly attributed most of 
 
Appendix B, C. 337 
 
 the barbaritiuj daid to have been perpetrated by his brother 
 Simon. By Elliott and Proctor, James Girty was caressed, 
 for congenial souls ever mingle in sentiment." — Missouri 
 Gazette, May 7, 1814. See pp. 321, 327, ante. 
 
 B. 
 
 UECORD OF THE BAPTISM OF JOHN TURNER (TRANSLATION). 
 
 [Ante, pp. 12-333.] 
 
 In the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-six, on 
 the eighteenth of August, was baptized with the customary 
 ceremonies by us, Recollet priest, the undersigned chaplain 
 of the king at Fort Duquesne, under the title of the Assump- 
 tion of the Blessed Virgin, John, of English parentage, aged 
 two and a half years, son of John Turner, an Englishman, 
 and Mary Newton, an Englishwoman, the father and mother 
 being united in lawful wedlock. The god-father was John 
 Hannigan [or Ilogan], an Irishman and a Catholic, the god- 
 mother Sarah Foissey, an Irishwoman and a Catholic, who de- 
 clared they could not sign. 
 
 In testimony whereof we have here signed : 
 
 Fr. Denys Baron, P. R., 
 
 Chaplain. 
 
 0. 
 
 mention of GEORGE OIRTY AS A TRADER. 
 [Ante, p. 21.] 
 
 " 16/;t [of July, 1773]. Left Bedford ; crossed the Alle- 
 ghany Mountains ; came to a place called the Shades of 
 Death — a damp and lonesome place — and arrived at Stoney 
 creek, in the evening, where we staid all night. 
 
 " nth. We had good roads until we came to Laurel-hill ; 
 22 
 
338 History of the Girtys. 
 
 passed Ligonicr, a small town surrounded by extraordinary 
 good land, and put up at Larry Irwin's. 
 
 " 18^//. We traveled a hilly and swampy road, but the land 
 very good. We arrived at Pittsburgh before dark, and put 
 up at Sample's. 
 
 " 19//i. Concluded to rest ourselves and horses. The peo- , 
 pie here treated us very kindly. We had a conference with 
 Captain White Eyes, a Delaware chief, who was on his return 
 from Philadelphia. He expressed much satisfaction at our 
 arrival, and said he would go with us, but that he was under 
 the necessity of waiting for Joseph Simmons, from Lancaster, 
 who was to bring his goods from there. He informed us that 
 John Gibson, an Indian trnder, had set out that morning for 
 Newcomer's town, the place we were going to, and advised us 
 to endeavor to overtake him, as he would be a very suitable 
 person to accompany us. 
 
 " 20//t. We had made preparations to set out early this 
 morning in order to overtake the Indian trader [Gibson] ; but, 
 upon inquiry, learned that he had returned and said that John 
 Logan, a Mingo Indian, was lying in wait to kill him. He 
 had returned to town among the Indians for protection. He 
 got G.iy-a-shuta, a Mingo chief, and Captain White Eyes to 
 agree to go and see what was the matter with Logan and en- 
 deavor to pacify him. White Eyes said he would attend us 
 all tiie way to Newcomer's town; he thought the behavior of 
 Logan would make us afraid, as he should be were he in our 
 place. — They set out in a canoe ; and we, with a Delaware In- 
 dian, by land. We crossed the Alleghany branch [river] in a 
 canoe, and our horses swam by the side. When we came near 
 to a place called Logtown, where Logan lay, our guide stopped 
 and hearkened very attentively, though we could not tell what 
 he was listening at ; but, before we had proceeded much fur- 
 ther, we heard a great noise. Our guide, who could not speak 
 one word of English, made motions to us to stop and retire. 
 He took us up a hollow to some water, where we staid while 
 he went to the camp whence the noise proceeded. He, for 
 our safety, secretly informed George Girty, a trader, where 
 
Appendix D. .889 
 
 we were. lie [Girty] immediately came to us and conducted 
 us around the camp to the river side. He told us that an In- 
 dian had got drunk and fell in the river and was drowned ; and 
 that Logan suspected Gibson of making him drunk, and kill- 
 ing him. Soon after we came to the river, Captain White 
 Eves and our Indian y;uide came with canoes, and we again 
 swam our horses by the side [of the canoe] over the [Ohio] 
 river, to the house of John Gibson." — From the Journsd of a 
 Mission to the Indians in Ohio, by Friends from Pennsylvania, 
 July-September, 1773, published in the Historical Magazine 
 for 1870, New Series, Vol. 7, pp. 103-107. 
 
 D. 
 
 FICTITIOUS ACCOUNT OF SIMON (ilKTY .iOINIXCl THE INDIANS IN 
 
 1774. 
 
 [Ante, ).. 28.] 
 
 " The two [Simon Girty and another] were acting as scouts 
 in an expedition set on foot by Governor Dunmore, of Vir- 
 ginia, in the year 1774, against the Indian towns of the Ohio. 
 The two divisions of the force raised for this expe<lition — the 
 one commanded by Governor Dunmore in person, the other 
 by General Andrew Lewis — were by the orders of the governor 
 to form a junction at Point Pleasant, where the Great Kanawha 
 empties into the Ohio. At this place. General Lewis arrived 
 with his command on the eleventh or twelfth of September; 
 but after remaining here two or three weeks in anxious ex- 
 pectation of the approach of the other division, he received 
 dispatches from the governor informing him that Dunmore 
 had changed his plan and determined to march at once against 
 the villages on the Scioto, and ordering him to cross the Ohio 
 immediately, and join him as speedily as possible. 
 
 " It was during the delay at the Point that the incident oc- 
 curred which is supposed to have had such a tremendous in- 
 fluence on Girty's after life. He and his associate scout had 
 
340 Hutory of the Girlyn. 
 
 rendered some two or three months' service, for which they 
 had iis yet drawn no part of their pay ; and in their present 
 idleness, they discovered means of enjoyment, of which they 
 had not money to avail themselves. In this strait, they called 
 upon General Lewis in person, at his head-quarters, and de- 
 manded their pay. For some unknown cause, this was re- 
 fused, which produced a slight murmuring on the part of the 
 applicants, when General Lewis cursed them, and struck them 
 several severe blows over their heads with his cane. Girty's 
 associate was not much hurt, but he himself was so badly 
 wounded on the forehead, or temple, that the blood streamed 
 down his cheek and side to the floor. Ho quickly turned to 
 leave the apartment ; but on reaching the door, wheeled 
 around, planted his feet firmly upon the sill, braced an arm 
 against either side of the frame, fixed his keen eyes unflinch- 
 ingly upon the general, and uttered the exclamation, ' By God, 
 sir, your quarters shall sivim in blood for this;' and instantly 
 disappeared beyond pursuit. 
 
 " General Lewis was not very much pleased with the sud- 
 den and apparently causeless change which Governor Dun- 
 more had made in the plan of the expedition. Nevertheless, 
 he immed'ately prepared to obey the new orders, and had 
 given directions for the construction of rafts, upon which to 
 cross the Ohio, when, before daylight on the morning of the 
 tenth of October, some of the scouts suddenly entered the 
 encampment with the information that an immense body of 
 Indians was just at hand, hastening upon the Point. This 
 was the force of the brave and skillful chief. Cornstalk, whose 
 genius and valor were so conspicuous on that day, thoughout 
 the whole of Avhich raged the hardly contested and most 
 bloody ' Battle of the Plains.' 
 
 " Girty had fled from General Lewis immediately to the 
 chief, Cornstalk, foresworn his white nature, and leagued him- 
 self with the red man forever ; and, with the Indians, he was 
 now advancing, under the cover of night, to surprise the Vir- 
 ginian camp." ,__ .,^, _^- i^i;;^^, . 
 
Appendix E. 341 
 
 E. 
 
 OATHS TAKEN HY SIMON (ilRTY WHEN COMMISSIONED SECOND 
 LIEUTENANT UNDER MAJOR JOHN CONNOLLY. 
 
 [Aiitp, p. ;u.] 
 
 " 1. I, Simon Girty, tlo sincerely promise and swear that I 
 will be faithful, and bear true allegiance to his Majesty King 
 George the Third. So help me God. 
 
 " 2. I, Simon Girty, do swear that I from my heart abhor, 
 detest, and abjure as impious and heretical, that damnable 
 doctrine and position, that princes excommunicated and de- 
 prived by the pope, or any authority of the see of Rome, may 
 be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or any other what- 
 soever. And I do declare, that no foreign prince, person, 
 prelate, state, or potentate, hath or ought to have any juris- 
 diction power, superiority, pre-eminence or authority, ecclesi- 
 astical or spiritual, within this realm. So help me God. 
 
 " 3. I, Simon Girty, do declare that I do believe there is 
 not any transubstantiation in the sacrament of the Lord's 
 supper, or in the elements of bread and wine at or after the 
 consecration thereof, by any person or persons whatever. So 
 help me God. 
 
 " 4. I, Simon Girty, do truly and sincerely acknowledge, 
 profess, testify, and declare in my conscience before God and 
 the world, that our sovereign lord. King George the Third, is 
 lawful and rightful king of this realm and all other his 
 Majesty's dominions thereunto belonging. 
 
 "And I do solemnly and sincerely declare that I do believe 
 in my conscience that the person pretended to be Prince of 
 Wales during the life of the late King James, and since his 
 decease pretending to be and takes upon himself the style and 
 title of King of England, by the name of James the Third, or 
 of Scotland by the name of James the Eighth, or the style and 
 title of King of Great Britain, hath iiOt any right or title 
 whatever to the crown of this realm or any other the domin- ^ 
 
342 History of the Girfi/n. 
 
 ions theroiuito beloiigiiij^, aiid I do renounce, refuse, and ab- 
 jure any allegiance or obedience to him. 
 
 "And I do swear that I will bear faithful and true allegiance 
 to his Majesty King George the Third, and him will defend to 
 the utmost of my power against all traitorous conspiracies 
 and attempts whatsoever, which shall bo made against his per- 
 son, crown, or dignity, and I will do my utmost endeavors to 
 disclose and make known to his Majesty and his successors all 
 treason and traitorous conspiracies which I shall know to be 
 against him or any of them. 
 
 "And I do faithfully promise to the utmost of my power to 
 support, maintain, and defend the succession of the crown 
 against him, the said James, and all other persons whatsoever, 
 which succession (by an act entitleil an act for the further 
 limitation of the crown and better securing the rights and 
 liberties of the subject) is and stands limited to the Princess 
 Sophie, late Electress and Duchess Dowager of Hanover, and 
 the heirs of her bodv being Protestants — and all these things 
 I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear, according 
 to these express words by me spoken and according to the 
 plain and common sense and understanding of the same words, 
 without any equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reserva- 
 tion whatsoever, and I do make this recognition, acknowledg- 
 ment, abjuration, renunciation, and promise heartily, willingly, 
 and truly upon the true faith of a Christian. So help me 
 God." 
 
 "LKTTINO loose the IIORRIBIiE HELIi-llOUNDS OF SAVA(JE WAU." 
 
 [Ante, p. 42.] 
 
 " Sir ; — In consideration of the measures proper to be 
 pursued in the next campaign, the making a diversion on the 
 frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania, by parties of Indians 
 conducted by proper Leaders as. proposed by Lt. Gov. Ham- 
 ilton has been maturely weighed. 
 
Appendix F. 343 
 
 " That officer in liis Letter to the Earl of Darttnouth dated 
 at Detroit the 2d of September hist, that he liad then with him 
 Deputies from the Ottawas, Cliippewas, Wynndots, Shawancse, 
 Senecas, Dehiwaros, Cherokcea, and I'ouattouattamies. That 
 their inclination was for War and tliat it was with much ditii- 
 culty he had restrained them from Hostilities, which he thought 
 it his duty to do, finding by a letter from you dated the 19th 
 of July, that you had sent back some Ottawas, who had offered 
 their Services desiring them to hold themselves in readiness 
 next Spring. 
 
 " There can be little doubt that the Indians arc in the same 
 disposition and that they will readily and eagerly engage in 
 any Enterprize in which it may be thought fit to employ them 
 under the direction of the King's officers, and as it is His 
 Majesty's resolution that the most vigorous Efforts should be 
 made, and every means employed that Providence has put into 
 His Majesty's Hands, for crushing the Rebellion & restoring 
 the Constitution it is the King's Command that you should di- 
 rect Lieut. Governor Hamilton to assemble as many of the In- 
 dians of his District as he conveniently can, and placing proper 
 persons at their Head, to whom he is to make suitable allow- 
 ances, to conduct their Parties, and restrain them from com- 
 mitting violence on the well affected and inoffensive Inhabitants, 
 employ them in making a Diversion and exciting an alarm 
 upon the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania. 
 
 "And as there is good ground to believe there are consider- 
 able numbers of loyal subjects in those Parts who would gladly 
 embrace an opportunity of delivering themselves from the 
 Tyranny and oppression of the Rebel Committees; it is His 
 Majesty's pleasure that you do authorize and direct Lieut 
 Govr Hamilton to invite all such loyal subjects to join him & 
 to assure them of the same pay and allowances as are given to 
 His Majesty's Corps raised in America and that such of them 
 as shall continue to serve His Majesty until the Rebellion is sup- 
 pressed and peace restored shall receive His Majesty's Bounty 
 of 200 Acres of Land. These offers it is to be hoped will in- 
 duce many Persons to engage in the King's Service ; which 
 
IJ44 History of the Girtyt. 
 
 may enable Lt. Gov. Hamilton to extend his operations, so as 
 to divide the attention of the Rebels, and oblige them to collect 
 a considerable Force to oppose him, which can not fail of 
 weakening their main army k facilitating the operations di- 
 rected to be carried on against them in other Quarters, and 
 thus bring the War to a more speedy Issue and restore those 
 deluded People to their former State of Happiness and pros- 
 perity, which are tlie favorite wishes of the Royal Rreast and 
 the great object of all His Majesty's measures. 
 
 "A supply of presents for tlie Indians & other necessaries 
 will be wanted for this Service, and you will of course send 
 Lieut. Govr. Hamilton what is proper and sufticient. 
 
 " Inclosed is a List of the Names of several Persons resid- 
 ing on the Frontiers of Virginia, recommended by Lord Dun- 
 more for their Loyalty and attaclunent to Government, and 
 who His Lordship thinks will be able to give great assistance 
 to Lieut. Gov. Hamilton through their extensive Influence 
 among the Inhabitants." — Lord George Germain, from White 
 Hall, March 20, 1777, to Sir Guy Carleton, and sent to Lieu- 
 tenant-Governor Hamilton, from Quebec, May 21st, fol' owing. 
 
 G. 
 
 SIMON GIRTY AND THE SIEGE OF FOUT HENHY, WHEELING, 
 
 IN 1777. 
 I. 
 
 QIRTY INVESTS THK FORT— A MYTHICAL ACCOUNT. 
 
 , [Ante, p. 415.] 
 
 "In the early part of September [1777], it was ascertained 
 that an immense Indian army was concentrating on the San- 
 dusky river, under the direction of the notorious white rene- 
 gade, Simon Girty. This scheming outlaw had almost un- 
 bounded command over the Wyandots, and was so far influen- 
 tial with the Mingoes and Shawanese as to secure a large ac- 
 cession to his force from the warlike tribes. The Indian 
 
Appeiidir 0. 346 
 
 army was well appointed, having received an al ndanl supply 
 of arms and ammunition from Governor Hamilton, at Detroit, 
 Girty liimsclf was armed by this enliglitoncd functionary with 
 full power to grant protection, if ho saw fit, to such of tho 
 settlers as might choose to swear allegiance to the Britisli 
 crown, and was furnished by tlie governor with a proclama- 
 tion, under his own hand, guaranteeing the royi' pardon to 
 every rebel who would accept tho boon which Girty was au- 
 thorized to offer. The savage host, numbering, by various es- 
 timates, from three liundred and eighty to five hundred war- 
 riors, having completed every preparation for their campaign., 
 left tiie Sandusky upper village, and took up their line of 
 march in the direction of Limestone, in Kentucky. 
 
 " Ignorant and cowardly, as many represent Girty to have 
 been on the field of battle, he certainly possessed a degree of 
 cunning when not in the immediate presence of danger, which 
 served to keep him high in the confidence of the Indiana 
 throughout the chief part of his military career. The man- 
 ner in which he conduted the march of his army evinces the 
 high order of his sagacity, and the craftiness of his manage- 
 ment; for, althougli Colonel Shepherd [at Wheeling] kept con- 
 stantly in service a body of the most trusty and experienced 
 scouts that ever figured in border warfare, Girty succeeded in 
 deceiving them as to the point of his destination, and actually 
 brought his whole force before the walls of Fort Henry be- 
 fore his real design was discovered." — American Pioneer, Vol. 
 II, p. 305. 
 
 II. 
 
 SIMON OIKTY AND TllF. ATTACK ON FORT HKNRY, 1777. 
 
 [From Magazine of Americun History, Vol. Ill, p. 518.] 
 
 "J. E. Cook, in his Stories of the Old Dominion, repeats 
 the old story that Simon Girty led the Indians in their attack 
 on Fort Henry in September, 1777. Where and when this 
 story originated I have never been able to ascertain. With- 
 ers, in his Chronicles of Border Warfare, published in 1831, 
 asserts it, and De Hass, in his History of Indian Wars in West- 
 ern Virginia, repeats it. McKnight, in Our Western Border^ 
 
846 Hintory of the Girfyn. 
 
 contnulictfl the Htory, hut Hays : ' It must have heen Gcorgo 
 or James Girty who wore living among the savuges.' Now 
 the fact ia not one of the Girtys was with the Indians at the 
 time of tlicir attack on Fort Henry in September, 1777. 
 There is no hi^jtorical fact better estahlishetl than the dates of 
 the (lesertion of Simon, James, and George Girty. Thomas 
 Girty never did desert. Col. George Morgan was Indian 
 agent for the Middle Department of the United States during 
 the Revolution, with his Iiead(inarters at Fort Pitt, and his 
 Journal proves that Simon and .James Girty were employed 
 by him as Indian Interpre't-rs ; it also shows that on the 28th 
 of March, 1778, Simon Girty deserted with McKee and El- 
 liott, and that at that tine .Tames was on a message to the 
 Shawanese for Colonel Morgan, ami was induced to desert the 
 cause ot his country and attach himself to the interest of hia 
 brother Simon. See Ilildrcth's Pioneer History, pp. 129-30. 
 The muster-roll of Capt. James Willing's company of ma- 
 rines, at the time under Gen. George llodgers Clark, now 
 in the State Archives at Ilarrisburg, shows that George Girty 
 was commissioned a Second Lieutenant in said company on the 
 Gth of February, 1778, and that he deserted May 4, 1779. 
 See Potter's American Monthly, VII, 388. There is other 
 evidence, but this is sufficient to prove that none of the 
 Girtys could have led the attack on Fort Henry in Septem- 
 ber, 1779. Isaac Craw. 
 "Alleuiiany, Pa." 
 
 H. 
 
 SIMON OIUTY'S visit TO THE SENECA TOWNS UP THE ALLE- 
 GHANY, IN THE FALL OF 1777. 
 
 [Ante, p. 45.] *. ; 
 
 *' [Mentions' James Kelly and Thomas Nicholson going with 
 messages to the Delawares.] Simon Girty, another messenger, 
 who was also sent by you with messages to the Seneca towns 
 on the head of the Alleghany, returned and informed me that 
 he went to the towns without meeting any Indians, though, by 
 
Appendix H. 847 
 
 the tniirkH of the warriors on tlio roadH, lie could discover they 
 had been at war : that, on his arrival there, he acquainted 
 them with the success of our army at the northward, and 
 asked them if they had not heard of it. They replied that 
 they had not. lie then told them that they might depend on 
 it for truth, and desired them to ait still, as they would hoar 
 it in a few days from their own people. They then told him 
 they looked upon him as a spy, and that they would take him 
 to Niagara. They then informed him that all the Western 
 Indians had taken up the tomahawk against the Americans, 
 excepting White Eyes and a few Uelawares, and that they 
 would he ready to strike in the spring. 
 
 "He then learned that seven parties were actually out 
 against our frontiers; that Gu-a-slio-tu had been twice at war 
 against our settlements; that he killed four people near Ligo- 
 nier; that the White Mingo had also been at war; that the 
 Flying Crow brought in a white woman, daughter of Dudley 
 Daugherty, who was taken ne.ir Ligonier whilst he was there, 
 and some scalps; that All-Face, the head warrior, was out 
 with a party of twenty-five men. That the evening before 
 they were to set off ibr Niagara, he pretentled to hunt his 
 horse, and after going out he returned in a great hurry, say- 
 ing he saw a flock of turkeys and snatched up his gun and 
 came away. That in the night he came to onother town on 
 the river where he got a canoe and came by water. That near 
 the Kittanning, early in the morning, an Indian from the 
 shore, hailed him and asked him who ho was; that he told him 
 his name was a chief's name whom he left in the towns ; that 
 the Indian told him he lied, that he knew him to be Girty and 
 desired him to come to shore ; that on his refusal he fired sev- 
 eral shots at him. Girty says he thiii^-s they will wait to hear 
 from the northward, as they are guided by a chief of the Sen- 
 ecas there ; and the surrendering of Burgoyne's army will 
 have a good effect upon them." — Colonel John Gibson, from 
 Fort Pitt, to General Hand (absent), December 10, 1777. 
 
348 HiHtory of the Girtys. 
 
 I. 
 
 THE REASON WHY (iKNEUAT, HAND (?AVE UP HIS INTENDED EX- 
 PEDITION TO FRENCH CUEEK, IN THE SPRING OF 1778. 
 
 [Ant>', p. (")!.] 
 
 •' Fort Pitt, March 30, 1878. 
 
 "Dear Craweoho : — I received your favor of yesterday 
 and am sorry for the accident that befell Mr. DeCanip, and 
 send the doctor to his assistnnce. 
 
 " You will no doubt be surprised to hear that Mr. McKee, 
 Matthew Elliott, Simon Girty, one Surphilt and Hif:^gins, with 
 McKee's two negroes, eloped on Saturday night. This will 
 make it improper to proceed on the intended expedition to 
 French creek, which I beg you may give the proper notice of 
 to the gentlemen wlio are preparing for it ; and as your as- 
 sistance may be necessary towards preventing the evils that 
 may arise from the information of these I'unaways, I beg you 
 may return here as soon as possible. 
 
 "I am, dear Crawford, sincerely yours, 
 
 " Edw'd Hand. 
 
 "Col. Wm. Craweopd."' 
 
 J. 
 
 CONCERNING CERTAIN ORDERS SAID TO HAVE liEEN GIVEN IJY 
 (iEN. HALDIMAND TO LIEUTENANT-(iOVERNOn HENRY HAJi- 
 ILTON WHILE AT DETROIT. 
 
 " Hamilton and his subordinates, both red and white, were 
 engaged [in 1778] in what was essentially an effort to exter- 
 minate the borderers. They were not endeavoring merely to 
 defeat the armed bodies of the enemy. They were explicitly 
 bidden by those in supreme comniand to push back the fron- 
 tier, to expel the settlers from the country. Hamilton him- 
 self had been ordered by his immediate officral superior to as- 
 eail the borders of Pennsylvania and Virginia ^^'ith his sav- 
 
Appendix J. 349 
 
 ages, to destroy the crops and buildings of the settlers who 
 had advanced beyond the mountains, and to give his Indian 
 allies, — the "lurons, Shawnccs, and other tribes, — all ihe land 
 of which they thus took possession." — The Winning of the 
 West, Vol. II, pages 5 and 6. And the author of that work 
 cites, in support of what he writes, Ilaldimand to Hamilton, 
 August G, 1778 : Ilaldimand MSS. 
 
 I find nothing in the orders given by Ilaldimand to Hamil- 
 ton which authorizes the assertion that the latter, and his sub- 
 ordinates, " were explicitly bidden . . . to push back the fron- 
 tier, to expel the settlers from the country ;" nor do I find 
 that Hamilton had been ordered " to assail the borders of Penn- 
 sylvania and Virginia with his savages, to destroy the crops 
 and buildings of the settlers who had advanced beyond the 
 mountains, and to give his Indian allies, -the Ilurons, Shaw- 
 nees, and other tribes, — all the land of . hicli they thus took 
 possession." The whole matter was this : On the 25th of 
 April, 1778, Hamilton wroie Carleton that the Ilurons, and 
 those at Sandusky (meaning the Detroit and Sandusky Wyan- 
 dots), had lately told him that thoy expected what lands they 
 should drive the rebels (Americans) from would be vested in 
 them by right of conquest. " I told them," says Hamilton, 
 " that was a point I could not pretend to decide, but that I 
 should write to your Excellency, and [I would] inform them 
 what answer 1 should receive."" 
 
 In General Ilaldimand's ans\i or, he says that it would " be 
 good policy to give the savages the entire property of all lands 
 they should conquer from the rebels, provided they make such 
 conquests without any expense to his Majesty and that it docs 
 not interfere with any rights or claim of the Five Nations or 
 any other nation of Indians, whom it is our business to keep 
 united as much as possible, not to lay foundation of division 
 amongst." Now, these provisos would certainly have ren- 
 dered wholly null any offer that Hamilton could have made ; 
 besides, when he received the order, he was too busy in pre- 
 paring to move against George Rogers Clark in the Illinois, to 
 give Ilaldimand's answer to the Wyandots. Any attempt, there- 
 
35C History of the Girtys. 
 
 fore, or part of Hamilton, to instigate Indians to do any of 
 the acts mentioned by Roosevelt in the extract just given, 
 against "well affected and inoffensive inhabitants" "upon 
 the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia," would have been 
 in excess of the orders given him by his superiors. 
 
 K. 
 
 KENTOX AND THE MINGO LOGAN. 
 [Ante, pp. 79-84.] 
 
 In speaking of Kenton and his two companions' movements 
 after first crossing the Ohio, McDonald says, that they " pro- 
 ceeded cautiously to Cliillicothe." That this was the Chilli- 
 cothe situated on the Little Miami, in the present county of 
 Greene, Ohio, is certain from what he afterward says : " From 
 Chillicothe to Wapatomika they had to pass through two other 
 Indian towns, to wit : Pickaway [Piqua] and Machecheek 
 [Mac-a-cheek]." But this would not have been the case, had 
 he been at the other Chillicothe — Old Town — in what is now 
 Ross county, Ohio. 
 
 McDonald's account of Girty's speech, intei'ceding the second 
 time for Kenton, is even more absurd than McClung's recital of 
 his first speech. " He told them that he had lived with them 
 several years ; that he had risked his life in tliat time more fre- 
 quently than any of them ; that they all knew that ho had 
 never spared the life of any one of the hated Americans ; 
 that they well knew that he had never asked for a division of 
 the spoils ; that he fought alone for the destruction of their 
 enemies." 
 
 McDonald declares that Logan sent his young men to tap- 
 per Sandusky with a message to Peter Druyer ; that the lat- 
 ter, a British captaii., " connected with the British Indian 
 agent department, ' also an interpreter, had great in^uence 
 with the Indians ; that he concluded to make an effort to save 
 the prisoner ; and finally succeeded by their consenting to 
 have him taken by the captain to Detroit, to be brought back 
 
■'>1.';'' 
 
 Appendix L. 361 
 
 to Upper Sandusky, after being examined by the commanding 
 officer at the former phice. Now, if this be true, then the 
 honor of having finally saved Kenton from the stake is due 
 jointly to Simon Girty, the Mingo Logan, and Peter Druyer — 
 by no means to Logan alone. Both McDonjild and McClung 
 say that Girty induced tlie savages to send the prisoner to 
 Sandusky, and that yj>on the return of the runners sent by 
 Logan to that town, he (Logan) gave to Kenton no informa- 
 tion as to the result of his effort in his behalf; but McClung 
 says that " from Logan's manner he [Kenton] supposed that 
 his intercession had been unavailing, and that Sandusky was 
 destined to be the scene of his final suffering. This appears 
 to have been the truth." The weight of evidence is, there- 
 fore, against Logan having succeeded, and in favor of Girty 
 and Druyer being the only persons who were instrumental in 
 finally saving the prisoner. 
 
 lochuy's defeat. 
 
 [Ante, pp. 129, 130.] 
 I. 
 
 ROOSEVKLT's account— GKORGK OIRTY IGNORED. 
 
 " One body of Ponnsylvanians that did go [to join Clark 
 down the Ohio] met with an untoward fate. This was a party 
 of a hundred Westmoreland men under their county lieuten- 
 ant. Col. Archibald Loughry. They started down the Ohio 
 in flat-boats, but having landed on a sand-bar tc butcher and 
 cook a buffalo that they had killed, they were surprised 
 bv an equal number of Indians under Joseph Brant, and 
 being huddled together, were all slain or captured with small 
 loss to their assailatits. Many of the prisoners, including 
 Loughry himself, were afterward murdered in cold blood by 
 the Indians."— The Winning of the West, Vol. II, p. 117. 
 [Roosevelt gives his authorities.] It will be noticed that 
 George Girty'o name is not mentioned. But see the following : 
 
352 History of the , Girtyn. 
 
 II. 
 
 THK OFFICIAL KKPOUT OF CAPTAINS MC KKE AND THOMPSON. 
 
 [From Vermont Historical Society's Collections, Vol. II, pp. 342, 343.] 
 
 " Camp neau the Ohio, Angmt 29, 1781. 
 
 " Sir : — The 26th you had inclosed an account that Captain 
 Brandt and George Girty, with the Indians, advanced upon the 
 Ohio, [and] had taken one of Clark's boats after having passed 
 down the river in the night. Not thinking themselves in number 
 sufficient to attack him, and having found by his orders to 
 Major Craigcroft [Major Charles Cracraft] that mere troops 
 were to folloAv under the command of a Colonel Lochry, [they] 
 lay in wait for them, attacked and took the whole, not allow- 
 ing one tc escape. Agreeable to a return, it appears there 
 have been thirty-seven killed, amongst whom is Lochry, their 
 commandant, with some officers. 
 
 " This stroke, with desertions, will reduce Clark's army 
 much, and if the Indians had followed advice and been here 
 in time, it is more than probable he would have been now in 
 our possession with his cannon. 
 
 " The prisoners seem to be ignorant of what his intentions 
 are. Perhaps loss may oblige him to change his measures. 
 However, we shall endeavor to keep the Indians together, and 
 watch his motions. His first intention was to penetrate to San- 
 dusky through the Indian country, from whence the troops 
 from Fort Pitt were to return home and he to Kentucky. 
 
 "We are, with great respect, sir, your most obedient and 
 
 most humble se I'vants, 
 
 "A. Thompson, 
 "Alex'r McKee. 
 " To Major DePeyster." 
 
 [The Vermont Historical Society obtained a copy of the 
 original from the Haldimand Papers.] 
 
) :v ' , ■ • ■ , ' 1 ' 
 
 Aiypend'u- M. 858 
 
 M. 
 
 WHY THE MORAVIAN MIS.SIONAHY ESTABLISHMENTS ON THE 
 TUSCARAWAS WERI BROKEN UP. 
 
 [Ante, p. i;!S.] 
 
 An expedition against tiic Virginia l)order, and especially 
 Fort Henry at Wheeling, had been determined upon at San- 
 dusky, with the approval of De Peyster, to be carried on un- 
 der the lead of Captain Elliott, by a considerable war-party of 
 savages, with whom was to inarch a small number of English 
 and French. Ileckewelder, in his Narrative, pp. 231, 232, 
 says the expedition was intended against the Christian (" Mo- 
 ravian ") Indians. (See also Schweinitz' Life and Times of 
 David Zeisbei'ger, pp. 480, 490.) But nothing could be fur- 
 ther from the truth. On the 18th of August, 1781, Zeisberger 
 dispatched a messenger to Colonel Brodhead, the commander 
 at Fort Pitt, with a written message to the effect that a large 
 number of Indians — aoout two hundred and fifty in all — was 
 approaching the settlements with the intention, probably, of 
 going to Wheeling, but they might attack some of the other 
 posts. " They will try," said he, " to decoy the garrison out 
 where they will lie in ambush." " The party is headed," con- 
 tinued the missionary, " by Matthew Elliott and a few English 
 and French. The Indians are Wyandots, Delawares, Monseys, 
 and a small number of Shawanese." " You will be careful," 
 he added, " not to mention that you had this intelligence 
 from our towns ; for it would prove dangerous for us if the In- 
 dians should get knowledge of it ; which might happen by a 
 prisoner if they should take one." But this admonition was 
 unheeded. 
 
 " Last evening I was honored with your obliging letter," 
 was the responee of Brodhead to the missionary, " for which 
 be pleased to accept my best thanks. We shall be upon 
 our guard and give the wicked a warm reception." The com- 
 manding officer at Fort Henry (Wheeling) was soon informed 
 
 _ 23 -- -- 
 
864 Hwfory of the Girtyn. 
 
 by Brodlieatl of the coming of the enemy. "You will imme- 
 diately put your gai'iison in the best posture of defense," he 
 wrote, " and lay in as great quantity of water as circumstances 
 will admit, and receive them coolly. Tliey intend to decoy 
 your garrison, but you are to guard against stratagem, and de- 
 fend the post to the last extremity." " You must not fail," 
 he added, "• to give the alarm to the inhabitants within your 
 reach, and make it as general as possible, in order that every 
 man may be prepared at this crisis." Brodhead also sent let- 
 ters to the county lieutenants and one to the conimandjtnt of 
 Fort Mcintosh, with information of the threatCTied attack. 
 
 As might be expected, the excitement was intense all along 
 the border. Fort Henry was immediately placed in a proper 
 condition for defense. The borderers every-where put them- 
 selves in readiness to meet the foo. " The country has taken 
 the alarm," wrote Brodhead, " and several hundred men are 
 now in arms upon the frontier." It was not long before the 
 Indians made their appearance, as was expected, in the vicin- 
 ity of Wheeling, being but a part, however, of those who 
 were at the " Moravian" Indian towns. Of three boys outside 
 of Fort Henry, at the time, one was killed, and one — David 
 Glenn — was made prisoner. The other effected his escape 
 inside the fortification, slightly wounded. In a moment, the 
 garrison was ready to receive the savages. Tlie latter, seeing 
 the borderers fully prepared for tliera, soon disappeared, doing 
 but little mischief, except killing all the cattle they could 
 find. Tlieir depredations up Wheeling and Buffalo creeks, 
 however, were, before they re-crossed the Ohio, much more 
 serious. They killed and captured several persons. 
 
 The intelligence sent by Zeisberger, the Moravian mission- 
 ary, to Brodhead was not well kept. The captured boy, Glenn, 
 informed the savages " that the garrison at Wheeling and the 
 country in general were alarmed and on their guard ; that 
 they had been notifi^^d of the intention of the Indians by 
 letters sent to Pittsburgh by the Moravian ministers. This 
 exasperated the warriors so much that they took the mission- 
 aries prisoners, tied them, and destroyed every thing they had, 
 
Appendix N. 855 
 
 and ordered the whole of the Moravian Indians to get up and 
 move off with their families, or they would cut them all oft", 
 which they were obliged to consent to." The day after the 
 arrest of the ministers, another party of savages returned 
 fi'om the border settlements to Gnadcnhiitten, bringing with 
 them as prisoner a white man who had been captured some 
 distance from Wheeling. He corroborated the story of the 
 boy-prisoner as to the missionaries having sent word to Fort 
 Pitt of the intentions of the Indians. 
 
 The missionary establishments upon the Tuscarawas were 
 thus broken up, news of which was brought to Fort Pitt 
 by a " Moravian " Indian woman who made her escape from 
 the warriors and came into that place on the 7th of Septem- 
 ber. (See Washington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 58-60, 
 where the real reason for the breaking up of these missionary 
 establishments is for the first time published.) 
 
 N. 
 
 SIMON (ilRTY AND COLONEL CKAWFORD OX THE SANDUSKY. 
 [Ante, pp. 169, 170, 172-175, 179, 180, 183.] 
 
 I. 
 
 • nil) OIKiV EXKKT IIIMSKLF TO SAVB ORAWKOKD? 
 
 " Simon Girty, Mho had been a prominent leader in the 
 conflict [on the Sandusky Plains], and who witnessed this ter- 
 rible scene [of torturing Crawford], had known Crawford dur- 
 ing the Dunmore war ; had often enjoyed his hospitality, and, 
 tradition says, had even formed a romantic attachment for his 
 daughter. It is therefore easy to believe that the blackest 
 thing that has ever been alleged against him is that he not 
 only did not save the tortured and slowly-dying colonel, but 
 answered him with a mocking laugh when he begged him to 
 shoot him and relieve him of his agony. It is said that even 
 the devil is not as black as he is painted, and it is possible 
 that the same may be said of Girty. Exactly how far his 
 
866 Jlhtury of the Qirtys. 
 
 savage a.w\ perverted nature carried him on this occasion will 
 never probably be accurately known, but the commonest prin- 
 ciples of justice require that some things that are known 
 should be stated. It should be remembered right at the be- 
 ginning that Crawford was a prisoner of the Delawarcs, and 
 that they only could therefore decide his fate; and that he was 
 burnt at a Delaware town and in retaliation for an outrage 
 upon Delawarcs, for the Moravians [' Moravian ' Indians] were 
 of that tribe. The statement printed time and again that the 
 ill-fated colonel was burnt by Girty's tribe, the AVyandots, be- 
 trays a gross ignorance, both of the transaction itself, and of 
 the customs peculiar to the different tribes of that day. The 
 writer was not surprised therefore that a Canadian descendant 
 of Wyandot Indians, with whom he corresponded, should en- 
 ergetically })rotest that his ancestral tribe did not at that time, 
 if ever, burn jjrisoners of war. Regarded simply from a 
 tribal stand- point, Girty had no authority whatever to release 
 Crawford. As to the influence which he might have exerted 
 in favor of the condemned man, that is another* matter, for he 
 was certainly a person of no little power and importance 
 among the Indians at that time. Dr. Knight, who was cap- 
 tured with Crawford and witnessed his tortures, and who has 
 long been accepted as a most reliable authority on this sub- 
 ject, while he says that Girty refused the prayer of the tor- 
 tured man to shoot him and, 'by all his gestures seemed de- 
 lighted at the horrid scene,' does not make him in any way 
 an assistant at it. On the contrary, he even asserts that 
 Crawford said to him : ' Girty has promised to do all in his 
 power for me, but the Indians are very much inflamed against 
 us.' An examination of the principal authorities on this sub- 
 ject will convince any unprejudiced person that Girty was 
 true to his promise to Crawford, but that he was utterly pow- 
 erless to save him. Heckewelder, who certainly had not one 
 spark of love for Girty, anfl whose testimony is unimpeach- 
 able, says of Crawford: 'It was not in the power of any man, 
 or even body of men, to save his life.' Wingeraund, a Dela- 
 ware chief, when appealed to by Crawford, replied : ' li Will- 
 
Appendix N. 357 
 
 iamson had been taken you might liavo been saved, but, as it 
 is, no man wouUl dare to interfere in your behalf; the King 
 of Enghmd, if lio were to come in person, could not save you; 
 we have to learn barbarities from you white people.' (See 
 Howe, 547.) If the statements of the savage but brave and 
 manly Wyandots are to be believed, Girty did not forget the 
 sac-red obligations of accepted hospitality, but remembered 
 old ties in Crawford's case as he did in Kenton's. McCutchen, 
 who claims to have obtained his information from Wyandots, 
 says, in the Ajucrican Pioneer, that Girty tried to save Craw- 
 ford at the only time when it was possible to do it, viz., the 
 night before his capture. That he went to him in Indian 
 dress, and, under a flag of truce, warned him that he would be 
 surrounded that night, and told him how he might escape; 
 that Crawford tried to act on his advice, but that his men 
 were too much demorafized to carry out the plan. After say- 
 ing this, McCutcheon strangely adds that afterward, as a mat- 
 ter of speculation, Girty offered the Delaware war chief. Pipe, 
 three hundred and fifty dollars for Crawford, but was himself 
 threatened with the stake for his interference ; that he was 
 afraid after that to show the sympathy he felt for the doomed 
 man, but sent runners, however, to the Lower Sandusky, to 
 traders there, to hasten to buy Crawford, but that he was 
 fatally burned by the time they arrived. The latest contribu- 
 tion to this subject is from the venerable Mrs. McCormick, of 
 Pelee Island, now in her ninety-sixth year, and it is doubly 
 interesting from the fact that she was not only personally ac- 
 quainted with Simon Girty, but received her information di- 
 rectly from her mother-in-law, who was captured by the Ohio 
 Indians when she was about grown, and was at the Delaware 
 town when Crawford was burnt. Mrs. McCormick kindly 
 sent the writer the following statement, often repeated to her by 
 her mother-in-law, in recounting the incidents of her captivity. 
 She says : ' I liave often heard my mother-in-law speak of 
 Simon Girty. She both saw and heard him interceding with 
 the Indian chief for the life of Colonel Crawford, and he of- 
 fered the chief a beautiful horse which he had with him, and 
 
858 Hutory of the Oirtyg. 
 
 the stock of goods ho then had on hand, if he wouM release 
 him, but the chief said "No! If you were to stand in liis 
 phice it would not save him." She also went to see Colonel 
 Crawford, and talked with liim, mid ho told her that (tirty had 
 done all ho could to save his life.' This was no Kenton case. 
 Crawford had invaded the Indian country with the declared 
 intention of granting no (juarter, and, what was even worse 
 in the eyes of the infuriated savages, his intimate associate 
 and right-hand man was the guilty Williamson. Crawford 
 was burnt by the Delawares in retaliation for the wanton and 
 cowardly massacre of their Moravian kindred [' Moravian ' 
 Indians], and there was no hope for him from the moment of 
 his capture. Authorities differ as to the motives which actu- 
 ated Girty's conduct toward Crawford, but close inquiry ren- 
 ders positive the declaration that Girty was not only power- 
 less to save him, but that he would have endangered his own 
 life if he had persisted in an open effort to do so." — Magazine 
 of American History, Vol. XV, pp. 204-26G. 
 
 To understand fully the part enacted by Simon Girty in 
 connection with the captivity and tortiiring of Colonel Craw- 
 ford, it is necessary to bear in mind one fact, which no his- 
 torian can, and which nothing but a fiction has presumed, to 
 gainsay, and that is, that the two met for the first time on 
 the Sandusky Plains at the Half King's town during the night 
 of the tenth of June. This Girty never denied ; on the con- 
 +,rary, he stated within two or three days thereafter, by infer- 
 ence, that he saw him there. And he also related what the 
 colonel said to him (ante, p. 183). It must not be forgotten 
 that this place of meeting was about eight miles to the eastward 
 of the spot where the next night the torturing of Crawford 
 took place. Much confusion has arisen from confounding 
 this first meeting with the second one between them, which 
 last was in the afternoon of the next day, and near Captain 
 Pipe's village on the Tymochtee — a difference of nearly one 
 day in time and of nearly eight miles in distance. As to the 
 first meeting, the writer of the article just quoted from only 
 gives what is said above by him — that is, he relates the Mc- 
 
Appends N. 869 
 
 Cutclien tradition simply, which is fiction (imtc, p. .170). 
 Crawford did not meet Girty until live days after his cap- 
 ture. 
 
 We h;ive already given the facts and probabilities concern- 
 ing what took place at the Half King's town — what Girty 
 promised and the reasons for believing that ho did not make 
 good his promise (ante, pp. IT-'J-IT")). Nevertheless, it is said 
 in the foregoing extract that " an examination of the principal 
 authorities on this subject will convince any unprejudiced per- 
 son that Girty was true to his promise [to do all he could for 
 Crawford] but that he was utterly powerless to save him." 
 Now, the trouble with this is, there are no " principal authori- 
 ties on this subject," except Girty himself, in what he told 
 Captain Caldwell, and he is silent about any promise — silent 
 at a time when, to be so, is equivalent to a confession that he 
 did not carry out what he promised (ante, p. 18;)). What i.s said 
 in the extract above about lleckewelder gives not the slightest 
 clue to any supposed effort being made on part of Girty. As 
 to " AVingemund's " declaration to Crawford that " no man 
 would dure to interfere in your [Crawford's] behalf " — that is 
 lleckewelder speaking and not the Delaware chief (see An 
 Historical Account of the Expedition against Sandusky, pp. 
 542, 356-;561). But, if " Wingeraund " really said so, and it 
 was true, what becomes of the oft repea^^ed assertion of Girty 
 and others, made in after years, that he (Girty) did in fact 
 do all he could to save Crawford? Thiin much of the first 
 meeting. Let us now examine what is said as to the second 
 one. 
 
 " Exactly how far," says the foregoing extract, "■ his 
 [Girty's] savage and perverted nature carried him on this 
 occasion [the torturing of Crawford] will never probably be 
 accurately known." But it is suggested that Dr. Knight's 
 relation of what he saw and heard of the renegade upon that 
 occasion makes it extremely clear just " how far his savage 
 and perverted nature carried him." As to " the latest contri- 
 bution to this subject " " from the venerable Mrs. McCormick," 
 vrho got her information from her mother-in-law, it may be 
 
360 Htsfory of the Girtys. 
 
 said that doubtless the aged lady first mentioned, recited what 
 she remembered, as nearly as she could, of the conversation 
 of another person who " was at the Delaware town when 
 Crawford was burnt." This second-handed tradition impeaches 
 itself, as already shown (ante, p. 175) ; besides, is it to be 
 presumed that she (the mother-in-law) " went to see Colonel 
 Crawford, and talked with him, and he told her that Girty 
 had done all lie could to save his life" — in view of what is re- 
 
 ■ 
 
 lated by Dr. Knight as to Girty's behavior? It could not 
 have been so. " This," it is said in the extract above " was 
 no, Kenton case. Crawford had invaded the Indian country 
 with the declared intention of granting no quarter." Surely 
 nothing can be farther from the fact than this (see An His- 
 torical Account of the Expedition against Sandusky, p. 158, 
 note). "And what was even worse in the eyes of the infuriated 
 savages," continues the extract, " his [Crawford's] intimate 
 associate and right hand man was the guilty Williamson." 
 But it is morally certain that neither Captain Pipe noi Winge- 
 nund nor any of the residue of the Delawares knew, at the 
 time of the torture, either that Williamson led the militia to 
 Gnadenhiitten or that he was along with Crawford. The ex- 
 tract, it will be seen, also avers that " authorities differ as to 
 the motives which actuated Girty's conduct toward Crawford 
 [at the burning]." This is to be taken with a good deal of al- 
 lowance. Only one writer (Lyman C. Draper) is reported as 
 having ascribed any " motives " at all to Girty's conduct, and 
 he evidently volunteers to give what, in his (Draper's) mind 
 seems likely, without having any evidence to support it. 
 
 II. 
 
 8IM0N GiaXV TO COLONEL CRAWKORD AT THE BTAKK. 
 
 [Thf following, by Frank Cowan (see Southwestern Penn8,'-'-r<ini8 in Song 
 and Story, pp. 93-100), is inserted as a cutiasit^.^ 
 
 You say I am accursed. I am accursed. 
 Of all tiie damned on earth, 1 am the worst. 
 
 And it is well I am, that you receive 
 Your just deserts which only I can give. 
 
Appendix iV. 361 
 
 Compared with me, the Delaware is tame — 
 A suckling wolf— a savage but in name. 
 
 The great is grown alone within the great; 
 A Girty can alone the White create. 
 
 The Delaware had killed you at a blow; ■■ 
 But I despise his mercy — and am slow I ' 
 
 Speed seldom makes a single wise reflection, 
 "While Haste is very careless in .selection. 
 
 You are within youri M' a brother man, 
 Or good or bad, as but a brother can. 
 
 But in this pastime you will play the Good, 
 And I the Evil, of the White Man's blood. 
 
 You, naked as at birth, bound with a thona;, 
 Will symbolize the Right enthralled by Wrong. 
 
 While I, in savage guise, will play my part. 
 The unseen Savage of the White Man's heart. 
 
 Nay, friend ; your role is easy — While I speak, 
 'Tis but to writhe in pain about a stake. 
 
 Your face is blacked, with that of others here, 
 That in your fate your own may now appear. 
 
 Behold I the tomahawk sinks in the brain 
 Of all so marked — The inference is plaih. 
 
 Nay, shudder not and shriek. All men must die. 
 You are not an exception — nor am I. 
 
 But you, the chieftain of these slaui^htered men, 
 Are blessed above them all — in knowing when. 
 
 That in anticipation you may feel, 
 
 A thousand times, the keen-edged butchering stepl. 
 
 What I groan beneath the blows, of feeble squaws 
 And feebler children, with their scourge of straws! 
 
 It is my care and kindness that the small 
 Be given first that you endure — the all I 
 
 Besides, these squaws and children will remind 
 You of your wife and children left behind — 
 
 To look for your return — to mope and muse — 
 And mourn your death with every breath of news.. 
 
■862 History of the Girtya. 
 
 Until, port'bnnce, the midnight axe descend — 
 Of widow's wail and orphan's woe, an end ! 
 
 Until, perchance, the Gnadonhiltten Maul 
 Tires not, till it has crushed the skulls of all. 
 
 Nay, shudder not and fall upon your knees — 
 I'll change the subject, since it does not please. 
 
 Behold the stake! and this rope round the post, 
 / ■■ To keep you in position — while you roast. 
 
 And these encircling faggot?, as you turn. 
 
 To roast you through »»''""'»>'8'' — before you burn. 
 
 Yea; Simon Girty has pronounced your doom; 
 The ashes of this wood shall be your tomb ! 
 
 Win-gay-nund? Yea ;""= chief "" cat y»" bread — 
 Beg him to save yoi:r life? He shakes his head I 
 
 Now, while the squaws and children fire the wood. 
 Consider what the Pipe speaks to his brood. 
 
 And since the Redman's tongue you cannot hear, 
 And understand, I'll be to you an ear. 
 
 " Upon this man, the chieftain of our foes, 
 Let each and all of us avenge our woes. 
 
 " For all the wrongs to us the Whites have done. 
 Let now their cbiefiain in himself atone. 
 
 " For he is as an army, though but one— 
 As to the stars at noonday, is the sun. 
 
 " All cast in him, by the Great Manito, 
 That we may kill an army at a blow. 
 
 " All cast in him by the Great Spirit of Good, 
 That we may drink at once an army's blood ! 
 
 " That each and all of us may say, ' My knife 
 Has taken a great English army's life ! 
 
 '" Behold this un wiped stain upon tbvi blade — 
 This Colonel UrawforU's ebbing life's blood made 
 
 " Then let an Hrmy e'er invade our land, 
 Alone, each one of us, may trake a stand. 
 
Appendix N. 363 
 
 " For we are each an army in the wood. 
 When we have each drank of iin army's l)lood. 
 
 "Strike, one •"* all, then, «"i' the knife-blado's tip, 
 That all alike may in the warm blood dip! 
 
 "That all may kill in all — not all in one; .; ■: 
 
 And he an army's death die, though alone. 
 
 "That all may kill in all — not nil for one; 
 That he atono for all the Whites have done. 
 
 " Glut, glut •""" vengeance, now ! Strike, ™" •"•* all I 
 Remember Gnadenhiitten's murderous Maul I , 
 
 " The White Man's army's '" "" Redman's gripe — 
 Obey the words of the avenging Pipe ! " 
 
 What ! cut •""• gnashed »"'' slashed from lop to toe I 
 Well, do not moan — I said, it would be so. 
 
 Yea ; I am Eure; for I was filled with fear, 
 
 Lest when your ears were off, you might not hear. 
 
 And now — Yea, there is nothing half so good 
 As a live coal for quickly staunching blood. 
 
 What, 6;roan again ? Why, man, your flosh is hard, 
 And callous to the brand, it is so charred. 
 
 I doubt if '»" could feel— (Yea, fire !)— the wad 
 Of any musket here, at half a rod. 
 
 (Go on — gc on — go on I He'll stand a score 
 Of pops like those, and still cry out for more! ) 
 
 Wh&t, shoot y»" *«"'«'"*» heart, I?— Simon Girty? 
 To think that I could do an act so dirty ! 
 
 Ob, no! Besides, you see, I have no gun ; 
 And could not, if I would, stop this 'are fun ! 
 
 But since you beg me still to take a part. 
 
 With words, ■>•' wade, I'll shoot y" """"s'' the heart! 
 
 Nay, sink not to the ground upon your knees, 
 To raise the ashes but to make you snee/.e. 
 
 And call not on your God to do what I — 
 The devil — would not do to make you die ! 
 
864 History of the Girtys. 
 
 The sky is cleur — You iieod not look for rain : ' ' 
 And for the thunderbolt, you pray in vuin I 
 
 Nay, couritgo, friond ; this fainting is not death; 
 The gases of the coals but take your breath. 
 
 (Quick ! "'"' the scalping-knifo, •"'' bare his skull I 
 Before his chest with the foul gas is full I ) 
 
 Why, man, J"" are ""' dead I Stand up ! there! hoi 
 And walk around your stake — there! steady I sol 
 
 But how you bleed I (C^uiok! with a cap of lire. 
 And clap it on his head, ere he expire! ) 
 
 Hurrah I that jump is worth a thousand groans 
 And that sharp shriek a myriad of moans I 
 
 But why — why do you stand and stare at me, 
 As if you knew me not — in mockery? 
 
 I'm sure, I have not changed from worse to worst, 
 '■ . : Since we began ; for I set out accursed. 
 
 But f'" are changed '"i""!"" — y»ur features marred^— 
 A scorched skull staring on a corpse half charred I 
 
 Still, you are William Crawford, Esquire, Judge, 
 Or Colonel, as they style you, while you budge. 
 
 But sink not to the earth again, my friend, 
 Lest to this conference, there be an end. 
 
 Nay, close your eyes not 1 See me kneel again, 
 Before your daughter's feet, and kneel in vain! 
 
 Nay, close your ears not! 'Tear my vow once more, 
 And her refusal as in days of yore ! 
 
 Oh, close your eyes not, till you see me spurned. 
 And from your cabin like a leper turned! 
 
 Oh, close your ears not, till you hear again 
 
 Your curse that maddened then as now my brain! 
 
 I loved y""' daughter — Mark! — till I *" driven 
 From her — '"'" earth — •"* every hope of heaven I 
 
 I love your daughter still, though I, accursed, 
 Am, of th«j faendii of !iell, the first and worst! 
 
 I love your daughter, Sarah Crawford, still ; 
 And, at her name, my vengeance can not kill t 
 
Appendix N. > 355 
 
 Spoaklspeak! Iler hand's within your own Hgain, " 
 
 : , ' Fur Hnrrigon is numbered with the alain. 
 
 Speak! speak! Her hand ! And you shall live! 
 Spuak! spenkl before it is too lato to give! 
 
 To late to Hold! Save. Girty, save thy breath; 
 
 For Crawford's ears are closed for aye in death ! 
 
 Great God, I curse thee, and thy love I loatl), 
 For Thou'st denied my prayer and kept my uath 1 
 
 Thou hast denied my love, and, when too late, 
 Fulfilled my vow of vengeance and of hate! 
 
 In ">'" black, ugly thing! — "''"steaming flesh! — 
 ■ , This sickening stench !—"■'» """"Wifi"* shapeless ash I '. 
 
 This act— to live within the brain of Man, 
 Till he hath made an end wheru he began. 
 
 -■'■'••■ "^v '■-:■■ ■^-.- III. '.:■■'■ ■ : ': >:,■-■■ 
 
 CAPTAIN KLLIOTT's KNDEAV0R8 TO HAVE TUB I.IKK OF CKAWKOKD. 
 
 [Ante, p. 183.] v . 
 
 " Detroit, July 18, 1782. 
 
 " Sir : — I am liappy to inform you that the Indians from 
 this quarter have gained a complete victory over six hundred 
 of the enemy w'lo had penetrated as far is Sandusky, with a 
 view of destroying the Wyandots, men, women, and children, 
 as they had done with ninety-six of the Christian Indians at 
 Muskingum [Tuscarawas] a few weeks before. 
 
 " The affair of Sandusky happened on the 4th of June, 
 when the enemy left two hundred and fifty in the field ; and 
 it is believed that few of the remainder escaped to Wheeling. 
 
 " Their major, [John] McClelland, and most of the officers 
 were killed in the action. Colonel Crawford, who commanded, 
 was taken in the pursuit and put to death by the Delawares, 
 notwithstanding every means had been tried by an Indian 
 officer [Captain Matthew Elliott] present, to save his life. 
 This the Delawares declare they did in retaliation for the af- 
 fair of Muskingum [the ' Gnaddenhiitten affair.']. 
 
 " I am sorry ihat the imprudence of the enemy has been 
 the means of reviving the old savage custom of putting their 
 
366 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 prisoners to death, whicli, with much pains and expense, we 
 had weaned tlie Indians from, in tliis neighborhood. 
 
 " I have the pleasure to inform you that all is well in 
 Canada and that we arc too well fortified here to fear any at- 
 tempts from the enemy. The Western Indians are most firmly 
 united in the interest of his Brittannic Majesty against all 
 his enemies. . . . A"t S. De Peyster. 
 
 " Tiios. Biiowx, Sup't Indian Affairs." 
 
 " Dr. Knight, u surgeon I sent with Colonel Crawford," 
 wrote General Irvine to Washington, from Fort Pitt, on the 
 11th of July, 1782, " returned the 4th instant to this place. 
 He brings an account of the melancholy fate of poor Craw- 
 ford. The day after the main body retreated, the colonel, 
 doctor, and nine others, were overtaken, about thirty miles 
 from the field of action, by a body of Indians, to whom they 
 surrendered. They were taken back to Sandusky, where they 
 all, except the doctor, were put to death. The unfortunate 
 colonel, in particular, was burned and tortured in every man- 
 ner they could invent. 
 
 " The doctor, after being a spectat •: of this distressing 
 scene, was sent, under guard of one Ini'ian, to the Shawanese 
 town, where he was told he would ^jliaro the same fate the 
 next day ; but fortunately found an opportunity of demolish- 
 ing the fellow, and making his escape. The doctor adds, that 
 a certain Simon Girty, who was formerly in our service, and 
 deserted with McKee, and is now said to have a commission 
 in the British service, was present at torturing Colonel Craw- 
 ford, and that he, the doctor, was informed by an Indian, that 
 a British captain commands at Sandusky; that he believes he 
 was present, also, but is not certain ; but says he saw a per- 
 son there [Captain Elliott] who was dressed and who appeared 
 like a British officer. He also says the colonel begged of 
 Girty to shoot him [Crawford], but he paid no regard to the 
 request. . . , Dr. Knight is a man of undoubted ve- 
 racity." — Washington-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 126, 127. 
 
 " The character of Dr. Knight is well known to be that of a 
 
Appendix N. 867 
 
 good man, of strict veracity, and of a calm and deliberate 
 mind, and using no exaggeration in his account of any mat- 
 ter." — H. H. Brackenridge, 1782, in the Knight and Slover 
 Narrative. (See letter of Brackenridge on next page.) 
 
 IV. 
 
 DR. JOHN knight's ACCOVNT OK WHAT HE SAW AND HKAKP OK HIMON 
 
 OIKTY. 
 
 [Ante, pp. 177, 178, 180, 181.] 
 
 As Di. Knight and John Slover were the only ones of all 
 the captured of Crawford's army who escaped from the sav- 
 ages, and immediately returned to the border, their recital of 
 what they saw and suffered made at once a deep impression 
 throughout the Trans-AUcghany settlements. Their Narra- 
 tives were published together in a pamphlet already cited, en- 
 titled, "Narratives of a late Expedition against the Indians; 
 with an Account of the Barbarous Execution of Col. Craw- 
 ford ; and the Wonderful Escape of Dr. Knight and John 
 Slover from Captivity, in 1782. Philadelphia: Printed by 
 Francis Bailey, in Market street. M,DCC,LXXIII." An X, 
 in the date, is accidentally omitted. Copies of the original 
 edition of this work are exceedingly rare. Subsequent but 
 imperfect editions have been published from time to time. 
 The Narratives have also«been printed, with more or less va- 
 riations iVom the first one published, in several border histories. 
 
 In the original pamphlet is the following address by the 
 publisher — Francis Bailey, printer of the Freeman's Journal, 
 in Philadelphia : 
 
 " To the Public : The two following Narratives [Knight's 
 and Slover's] were transmitted for publication, in September 
 last [1782]; but shortly afterwards the letters from Sir Guy 
 Carleton, to his Excellency, General Washington, informing 
 that the savages had received orders to desist from their in- 
 cursions, gave reason to hope that there would be an end to 
 their barbarities. For this reason, it was not though*^ neces- 
 sary to hold up to view what they had heretofore done. But 
 as they still continue their murders on our frontier, these 
 Narratives may be serviceable to induce our government to- 
 
368 Hitstory of the Girty*. 
 
 take somo effectual stepa to chastise and supprubs them ; as 
 from hence, they '■ 11. see tliat the nature of an Indian is fierce 
 and cruel, and that an extirpation of them would be useful to 
 the world, and ho!.orab1e to those who can effect it." 
 Immediately following the address is this letter: 
 " Mr. Bailky : Enclosed are two Narratives, one of Dr. 
 Knight, who acted as Surgeon in the expedition under Col. 
 Crawford, the other of John Slovcr. That of Dr. Knight was 
 written by himself at my request; that of Slover was taken 
 by myself from his mouth as he related it. This man, from 
 his childhood, lived amongst the Indians ; though perfectly 
 St. ' ^e and intelligent, yet he can not write. The character 
 of b. Knight is well known to be that of a good man, of 
 strict veracity, of a calm and di-liberate mind, and using no 
 exaggeration in his account of any matter. As a testimony 
 in favor of the veracity of Slover, I thought proper to pro- 
 cure p certificate from the clergyman to whose church he be- 
 longs, and which I give below. 
 
 " These Narratives you will please publish in your useful 
 paper, or in any other way you may judge proper. I con- 
 ceive the publication of them may answer a good end, in 
 showing America what have been the sufferings of some of 
 her citizens by the hands of the Indian allies of Britain. To 
 these Narratives, I have subjoined some Observations which 
 you may publish or omit, as it may be convenient. 
 
 " H. [H J BRACKEyiilDQE. 
 
 « Pittsburgh, Aug. 3, 1782." 
 
 [Certificate of the Clergyman.] 
 *' I do hereby certify that John Slover has been for many 
 years a regular member of the church under my care, and is 
 worthy of the highest credit. William Reno." 
 
 [An Episcopalian.] 
 
 Brackenridge, to whom the world is indebted for the Nar- 
 ratives of Knight and Slover, was an eminent lawyer and au- 
 thor of Pittsburgh, from 1781 until his death in 1816. The 
 
Appendix N. 8»)9 
 
 last fifteen years of his life, ho wiis one of the judges of tho 
 Supremo Court of Pennsylviinia. lie was noted for his talents, 
 learning, and eccentricity. Ho was tho author of " Modern 
 Chivalry," " Inciuents of tho AVhisky Insurrection," and other 
 works. Tho "Observations" ho speaks of, in hiw letter to Mr. 
 Bailey, wsro printed by the latter, witli the Narratives of 
 Knight and Slovor. They are, as the writer quaintly calls 
 them, "Observations with regard to the animals, vulgarly 
 styled Indians." Tin y contain, however, nothing in relation 
 to tho expedition against Sandusky. lie also wrote "A Short 
 Memoir of Col. Crawford," which was sent by him at the 
 same time of tho transmission of tho Narratives, and printed 
 along with them. A " Memoir of John Slovor," to bo found 
 in some of tho subsequent editions of tho pamphlet, is not 
 in tho original edition. 
 
 The Narrative of Knight, up to the commoncomont of tho 
 retreat of the army, contains little that is not suppliablo from 
 other sources ; after that event, however, his account of what 
 he saw and suffered, is exceedingly valuable and complete. 
 Ho throws no light, of course, upon the retreat of tho army ; 
 neither does Slover. Both Narratives, it will be noticed, were 
 written immediately after the return of these men from cap- 
 tivity. There was no printing done in Pittsburgh until the 
 establishment and issuing of the Pittsburgh Gazette, in July, 
 1786 ; hence, the publicat'on of the pamphlet in Philadel- 
 phia. 
 
 All the statements have been examined that could be found 
 made by Knight and Slover after their return not contained 
 in their printed Narratives. Most of these are either in man- 
 uscript OD in the Philadelphia newspapers of 1782, furnished 
 by Western correspondents. From these sources, a few addi- 
 tional items have been obtained, all corroborative, however, 
 of tho pamphlet. Subsequent relations of deserters and 
 of the savages themselves fully substantiate its authenticity 
 and correctness. "After a treaty or temporary peace had 
 taken place, saw traders who had been with the Indians 
 24 
 
870 JIiHtory of the Oirlys. 
 
 nt Snndusky nnil lind the same nccount from tlic suvn^cs thcm- 
 8elvo8 which Knight gave of his esciipe. Tlie Indians con- 
 firincd the rehition of Sh)ver in all particulars, save as to the 
 circumstunces of liis escape, which thoy said was with the as- 
 Bistance of the squaws." — II. 11. Brackenridgo, in Loudon's 
 Indian Wars, Vol. I, pp. viii, ix. 
 
 Many incidents arc mentioned in both the American and 
 British official correspondence concerning Crawford's expedi- 
 tion, identical with those to be found in the Narratives just 
 mentioned. Besides, there are numerous statements extant 
 of those who marched from the border into the wilderness 
 upon that campaign, all substantiating, to a greater or less ex- 
 tent, the publislied relations of these two men. There is not, 
 therefore, the slightest reason to doubt Dr. Knight's state- 
 ments concerning the words and actions of Simon Girty at 
 and before tho terrible scene of Colonel Crawford's torture. 
 
 The relation of Dr. Knight, so far as Girty is concerned, is, 
 in the original publication, as follows: 
 
 " Monday morning, the 10th of June, we were paraded to 
 march to Sandusky, about thirty-three miles distant; they had 
 eleven prisoners of us and four scalps, the Indians being sev- 
 enteen in number. 
 
 "Col. Crawford was very desirous to see a certain Simon 
 Girty, who lived with the Indians, and was on this account 
 permitted to go to town the same night, with two warriors to 
 guard him, having orders at the same time to pass by the 
 place where the Col. had turned but his h^rsc, that they might 
 if possible, find him. The rest of us were taken as far as the 
 old town which was within eight miles of the new. 
 
 " Tuesday morning, the eleventh. Col. Crawford was brought 
 out to us on purpose to be marched in with the other 
 prisoners. I asked the Col. if he had seen Girty ? He 
 told me he had, and that Girty had promised to do every 
 thing in his power for him, but that the Indians were very 
 much enraged against the prisoners ; particularly Captain 
 Pipe one of the chiefs; he likewise told me that Girty 
 had informed him that his son-in-law Col. Harrison and his 
 
Apptndix N. 871 
 
 nophow William Crawford, were made prisoners by the Siiaw- 
 ancse but luid been pardoned. . . . 
 
 "We were then eonducted along toward the place whero 
 the Col. was afterward executed; when we civnio within about 
 half a mile of it, Simon Oirty met us, with uoveral Indians on 
 horseback ; ho spoke to the Col., but as I was about one 
 hundred and fifty yards behind could not hear what passed 
 between them. 
 
 "Almost every Indian we met struck us either with sticks 
 or their fists. Girty waited until I was brougiit up and asked, 
 was that the Doctor? — I told him yes, and went toward him 
 reaching out my hand, but he bid me begone and called me a 
 damned rascal, upon which the fellows who had me in charge 
 pulled me along. Girty rode up after me and t^ld me I was 
 to go to the Shawaneso towns. 
 
 " When we were come to the fire the Colonel was strip- 
 ped naked, ordered to sit down by the fire and then they beat 
 him with sticks and their fists. Presently after I was treated 
 in the same manner. They then tied a rope to the foot of a 
 post about fifteen feet high, bound the Colonel's hands behind 
 his back and fastened the rope to the ligature between his 
 wrists. The rope was long enough for him to sit down or 
 walk round the post once or twice and return the same way. 
 The Colonel then called to Girty and asked if they intended 
 to burn him ? — Girty answered, yes. The Colonel said he 
 would take it all patiently. 
 
 [Then follows the Doctor's account of the Colonel's suffer- 
 ing at the hands of the savages.] 
 
 " In the midst of these extreme tortures, he called to Si- 
 mon Girty and begged of him to shoot him ; but Girty making 
 no answer he called to him again. Girty then, by way of de- 
 rision, told the Colonel he had no gun, at the same time turn- 
 ing about to an Indian who was behind him, laughed heartily, 
 and by all his gestures seemed delighted at the horrid scene. 
 
 " Girty then came up to me and bade me prepare for death. 
 He said, however, I was not to die at that place, but to be 
 burnt at the Shawanese towns. He swore by G — d I need 
 
372 History of the Girtys. 
 
 not expect to escape death, but should suffer it in all its ex- 
 tremities. 
 
 " He then observed, that some prisoners had given him to 
 understand, that if our people had him they would not hurt 
 him ; for his part, he said, he did not believe it, but desired to 
 know my opinion of the matter, but being at that time in 
 great anguish and distress for the torments the Colonel was 
 suffering before my eyes, as well as the expectation of under- 
 going the same fate in two days, I made little or no answer. 
 He expressed a great deal of ill-will for Col. Gibson, and said 
 he was one of his greatest enemies, and more to the same 
 purpose, to all' which I paid very little attention." — Knight 
 and Slover's Narratives (ed. of 1783), pp. 9-12. 
 
 A FICTITIOUS ACCOUNT OF SIMON «IHTY ATTITUDINIi-INU AS AN 
 
 ORATOIl. 
 
 [Ante, pp. 190, 191, where the address mentioned below, said to have been 
 delivered, is given. Hee al.-o pp. 202, 203.) 
 
 "Early in August, 1782, large detachments of Indian war- 
 riors from the Cherokee, Wyandots, Tawas, and Pottowatto- 
 mies, as well as from several other tribes bordering on the 
 lakes, assembled in grand council at Chillicothe, where they 
 were met by Simon Girty and McKee, two renegade white 
 men, unprincipled in disposition, and stained with the blood 
 of innocent women and children — their lives were assimilated 
 ♦,o the customs and habits of the Indians, from which and their 
 general knowledge of the white people, they had acquired the 
 confidence of the Indians, were faithful to their interests, and 
 assisted ut, and were conspicuous in their councils. 
 
 " Girty, in order to inflame the njinds of young warriors 
 against the Kentuckians, took an elevated stand, when he dis- 
 engaged his arm from his blanket, assuming the attitude of an 
 orator, and to the painted savage assembly, equipped in all 
 
Appendix P. 378 
 
 the habiliments of war, delivered the following address.' 
 From Bradford's Notes. 
 
 OONCERNINO THE BLUE LICKS CAMPAIGN. 
 [Ante, pp. 201, 205-208.] 
 
 " In the summer of 1782, the British commandant at Detroit 
 ordered Major Caldwell to take Simon Girty, a few traders, 
 a company of provincial militia, together with whatever In- 
 dians could be collected at Detroit and by the way, and with 
 these forces to attack and destroy settlements the rebels were 
 making south of the Ohio. Caldwell collected his men, was 
 joined by a party of Indians at Detroit and by other parties 
 on the Maumee, on the Great Miami, and from other points 
 along the line of march. When he reached the Ohio, his 
 forces thus increased amounted to about four hundred men. 
 It was Caldwell's intention to attack the station at Beargrass 
 (Louisville) first, but receiving information that Clark was 
 there, and that the place Avas supplied with cannon, he changed 
 his plan, and led his force up the Kentucky river, and thence 
 to Bryant's station. Before they arrived there, they were 
 discovered, and the inhabitants were so well fortified that 
 a siege of two days and a half made no impression upon 
 them, and gave no hope that they would be compelled to sur- 
 render. 
 
 " Under these circumstances, Caldwell withdrew his forces 
 from the station and fell back as far as the Blue Licks, where 
 game was supposed to be sufiiciently abundant to support 
 them until he could find some other and weaker point of at- 
 tack. At first the Indians were unwilling to alarm the buffa- 
 loes by encamping too near the Licks, but Caldwell, a vigilant 
 and efficient commander, suspecting the Kentuckians were in 
 pursuit, overruled their objection and selected a position near 
 the Licks most favorable for defense. They had not been 
 twenty-four hours in their new location before the Long Knives 
 
374 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 came. They were supposed to number about two hundred 
 men, many of whom fought on horseback, and appeared to 
 have several commanders. All of them who were fairly 
 brought into action fought desperately, but it seemed they 
 were more blind than orave ; for, in a battle of one hour only, 
 their loss was sixty-five killed, and many wounded. Of these 
 several were carried off by their companions, and the re- 
 mainder were massacred by the Indians. Many more of the 
 Kcntuckians must have fallen had the Indians continued to 
 fight instead of scrambling after the spoils, and even fighting 
 among themselves for choice rifles, which were found near the 
 dead and in some instances wounded wen." — Albach's West- 
 ern Annals (1857), pp. 395, 396. 
 
 It is claimed that the foregoing statement was made by an 
 individual who was under Caldwell at the time. But another 
 account has been published, which will now be given to be 
 compared with the one just inserted. 
 
 " Mr. [Joel] Collins [whose biography is being given] could 
 detail all the circumstances connected with the disastrous bat- 
 tle of the Blue Licks. I will u^ontion one singular fact related 
 by him which I have not seen referred to in history. He said 
 he learned it from an old man, since he resided in the State of 
 Ohio. This man was charged by some of his neighbors with 
 being a tory in the Revolutionary War, and having served the 
 British with the Indians under the notorious Simon Girty. It 
 was alleged that he was present at the siege of Bryant's sta- 
 tion, and, subsequently, at the battle of the Blue Licks. Mr. 
 Collins stated that after he had become acquainted with the 
 old man, and acquired his confidence by several little acts of 
 kindness and friendship, he felt a strong desire to hear what 
 the old man would say on the subject. He sought a fitting 
 opportunity, and asked him if what he had heard was true. 
 He confessed that it was. They then sat down on a log to- 
 gether (for they were alone in the woods), and the old man 
 saying he would tell him all about it, made the following state- 
 ment : 
 
Appendix P. 876 
 
 *' ' He resided in the State of New York at the time the 
 American Revolution commenced; 'a cousin of his, who had 
 received a lieutenant's commission in the American army, 
 made him drunk, and while in that condition induced him to 
 enlist during the war ; when he became sober he repented of 
 his engagment, but the officer refused to let him oif. He de- 
 serted and fled to Detroit, then in possession of the English. 
 Some time after he had been i'l that country an expedition 
 was planned against the settlements in Kentucky, to be com- 
 posed chiefly of Indians arid such of the white inhabitants as 
 could be prevailed on to join them. The expedition was con- 
 ducted by an officer of the' British army, named Caldwell. 
 The deserter attached himself to this party and marched with 
 the expedition. After they had failed in their attack on Bry- 
 ant's station and had retreated as far as Licking river, near the 
 Blue Licks, Officer Caldwell consulted w'.th the Indians as to 
 the probability of their being pursued by the white people, 
 for the position in which they were was a favorable one to 
 give battle to and repel the whites should they come on. The 
 Indians assured the Englishman that they had in their com- 
 pany an old man that by prophecy or conjuration could tell 
 whether they were pursued or not. The old Indian after figur- 
 ing awhile with his conjurini;, tools, pointed to an elevation 
 in the skv above the horizon, which would leave the sun 
 about three hours high in the afternoon, and said : When the 
 sun gets there, the Long Knives will be here. The Indians 
 immediately crossed the river and formed an ambuscade 
 where the battle was fought. Officer Caldwell, however, not 
 placing implicit confidence in the conjuration of the old In- 
 dian, mounted a couple of his most trusted spies on fleet , 
 horses and sent them back to make discoveries. They htid 
 not proceeded very far when they discovered that the Kentuck- 
 ianu were coming on. The conjuration of the Indian was 
 strictly true. The result is known.' " — McBride's Pioneer 
 Biography (1869), Vol. I, pp. 207, 208. 
 
 It will be noticed that the " old man " referred to by Mr. 
 MoBride does not say that the " Indians " were " under the 
 
876 History of the Girtys. 
 
 notorious Simon Girty." This is by McBride himself or by 
 Mr. Collins ; and is so asserted as one of the facts which 
 every body understood. But this " old man " was either a 
 fraud or he had an exceedingly bad memory. If the former, 
 he had gleaned enough about the story of the Blue Licks to 
 assert one thing not generally known at that day — the fact 
 that Caldwell was the leader of the enemy at the battle of the 
 Blue Licks ; but it is evident that he was in the expedi- 
 tion, and that his recollection on many points was at fault. 
 A careful examination of his statement and of the one pub- 
 lished by Albach discloses the fact that the last was also the 
 account of the same " old man." " It will be remembered that, 
 in the Albach account, Simon Girty is represented by infer- 
 ence as having no command. 
 
 Compare, as to this campaign, " Keith " (Thomas M. Green), 
 in Cincinnati Commercial Gazette, August 19, 1882 ; Richard 
 H. Collins, in Louisville Courier-Journal, August 17 and 19, 
 same year. . 
 
 In connection with the supposed Girty-Reynolds episode, a 
 few authorities as to the point that there was no cessation in 
 the attack on the station (Bryan's) after it began until its 
 final ending, is here given : 
 
 " The siege continued from about sunrise till about ten 
 o'clock the next day, then they [the enemy] marched off."— 
 Boone to the Governor of Virginia, August 30, 1782, in 
 Calendar of Virginia State Papers, Vol. Ill, p. 275. " They 
 attacked the station closely and defeated different parties en- 
 deavoring to tlirow in assistance." — Logan to Harrison, Au- 
 ,gU8t 31, 1782, the same, p. 280. " They . . . kept up a 
 smart fire till the morning of the 17th, when they went off." — 
 Levi Todd to Harrison and Council, September 11, 1782, id., 
 p. 300. " In the meantime, the Indians made a violent attack 
 upon Bryant's Fort and continued it all day and night, and 
 a storm was expected. However they met with some loss, 
 and on the morning of the 17th went off." — Levi Todd to 
 Rob't Todd, August 26, 1782, id., p. 333. Not one of these 
 
Appendix Q. 37T 
 
 writers mention any demand having been made for a surrender,, 
 ■while Levi Todd, it will be noticed, in his letter of the twenty- 
 sixth expressly declares the attack " continued " •' all day and 
 night." Surely, so important a matter as a demand to give 
 up the station would have been known by these writers had. 
 it been made ; and, having been known by them, it is cer- 
 tainly to be presumed they would have mentioned it. 
 
 Q. 
 
 THE HALDIMAND MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
 "After 1831 the accessions [to the manuscript collections 
 of the British Museum] have been arranged in one series, 
 called 'Additional Manuscripts,' and including the Sloane Col- 
 lection, 4,000 vols. This later classification contained, in 
 1881, 31,380 volumes. Though there are papers of much in- 
 terest in the King's, Egerton, and the other earlier collections,, 
 it is among these Additional Manuscripts, in the Ilaldimand 
 Papers, that we find the richest stores pertaining to the 
 American Revolution. These Ilaldimand Papers are em- 
 braced in 232 volumes, covering the years 1758-1785, mainly 
 in Canada, though an interval was passed by Ilaldimand in 
 Florida. These papers, catalogued in the printed Index to 
 MSS. in the British Museum (London, 1880), p. 679, are 
 marked as having been acquired between 1854 and 1875,^ 
 and are called Official Correspondence and Papers of Gen. 
 Frederick Ilaldimand during his various Commands, 1758- 
 1785 (British Museum, Additional Manuscripts, Nos. 21,661- 
 21,982). They include letters of Earl Howe to Ilaldimand, 
 1778-1785 (No. 21,709); Sir William Howe's, 1778-1779,. 
 1781 (Nos. 21,734, 21,807, 21,808); Sir Henry Clinton's, 
 1777-1783 (Nos. 21,807, 21,808); Burgoyne's, 1779-1782 
 
 ' They weru tnuinly bequeathed to the Museum by Willitim, nephew (or, 
 probably, grand-nephew) of General HaUlimHnd. Compare aceount of 
 Haldimand by G. I). Soull, in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, 1884, 
 Vol. VIII, p. 300, and IJryinner's ui'oouiit of Haldimand in hid Report for 
 1887. 
 
378 History of the Girtys. 
 
 (No8. 21,732, 21,733, 21,734), and Washington's, 1780-8 (in 
 No. 21,835). 
 
 "There is a volume of copies of those relating to the 
 French war among the Parkman Papers in the Massachusetts 
 Historical Society; but the most extensive transcripts in 
 America is the series made from them for the Canadian gov- 
 ernment at Ottawa, which have been described in the Reports 
 of the Dominion archivist Douglas Brymner.' In his Report 
 for 1884, he has begun an elaborate calendar of the entire 
 collection, which it is intended finally to publish separately. 
 
 " The Haldimand Papers include a series of correspondence 
 with the governors of the American colonies, 1765-1774; his 
 correspondence with Germain and the hoUiC government, re- 
 poriing cm affairs in the colonies ; and the minutes of the 
 Council at Quebec, 1778-1784, beside a great variety of other 
 important papers. It is the fullest repository which we have 
 of the attempted negotiations for sundering Vermont from the 
 American cause.'' 
 
 " Haldimand was a friend of Henry Bouquet (who died 
 1765), and inherited his papers, so that what are known as 
 the Bouquet Papers are a component part of the Haldimand 
 Papers. These are also indexed in the Catalogue of MSS. in 
 the British Museum. 
 
 " Many papers supplementing the Haldimand Papers are in 
 the Quebec series in the Public Record Office, making ten 
 volumes, and these are noted in Brymner's Report for 1883, 
 p. 79." — Justin Winsor, in Narrative and Critical History of 
 America, Vol. VIII, pp. 461, 462. 
 
 " The fact as to the originals of the Haldimand Papers 
 being both in the State Paper Office and in the British Mu- 
 
 ' Compare his Report (appended to the reports of the Commissioner of 
 Agriculture) for 1873, 1881, 1882. 
 
 * Compare Haldimand Papers, with Contemporaneous History, 1779-1783, 
 in Ve^mont Uistorica) Society Collections, Vol. II, and the statements re- 
 specting the importance- of these papers in investigating this question, as 
 detailed in Vol. VI of Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America. 
 Haldimand at one time .captured B. Arnold's papers. — Pennsylvania Maga- 
 zine of History, Vol. VIII, p. 309. 
 
Appendix Q. 379 
 
 fleum," writes Douglas Bryniner to the author of this narrative, 
 on the 20th of January, 1890, " is easily explained : 
 
 *' The uncertainty of transport was so great that triplicate 
 (soraetimos quadruplicate) originals were sent from both sides. 
 Haldimand kept a complete collection of what was sent him 
 and copies for his own use of all the letters he sent to the 
 ministry. Hence the originals in the Museum. The original 
 letters from Haldimand and copies of all letters fipnt to him 
 were kept in the Colonial OflSce and subsequently transferred 
 to the Record (State Paper) Office. Hence the possession of 
 originals there also. But the correspondence in the latter is 
 very limited as compared with Haldimand's own collection, 
 only 9 volumes as compared with 232, every sort of subject 
 <5oming within range of Haldimand being kept on record. 
 Besides the 9 volumes there are others in the Treasury, etc., 
 but the whole of those in the government departments can not 
 make any thing like the number in Haldimand's own collec- 
 tion." 
 
 "Among the most valuable of the hitherto untouched manu- 
 scripts which I have obtained," says Theodore Roosevelt in 
 his Preface to The Winning of the West, are the Haldimand 
 papers, preserved in the Canadian archives at Ottawa." And 
 that author continues : " They [the Haldimand Papers] 
 give, for the first time, the British and Indian side of all the 
 northwestern fighting ; including Clark's campaigns, the 
 siege of Boonsborough [sic], the Battle of the Blue Licks, 
 Crawford's defeat, etc." 
 
 In the Vermont Historical Society's Collections, Vol. II, 
 are published many letters and documents from the Haldi- 
 mand Collection, as before noted. That volume was given to 
 the public a number of years ago ; and, of the particular letters 
 and documents thus printed, there may be mentioned those re- 
 lating to Crawford's defeat and notably those concerning 
 Clark's abortive campaign against Detroit in 1781, being the 
 official report of Lochry's defeat and a letter from General 
 Haldimand to Sir Henry Clinton, of September 29, 1781. 
 
 But further : In the IXth volume of the Michigan 
 
380 History of the Girtys. 
 
 Pioneer Collections, published in 1886 (pp. 343-658), is 
 printed a large number of letters and documents from the 
 Haldimand Papers (and more are promised), copies having 
 been made for that purpose from the Ottawa transcripts. 
 Many of these are the same as those used in The Winning of 
 the West. 
 
 So, also, early in 1888, there were printed in the Xlth 
 volume of the Collections of the State Historical Society of 
 Wisconsin (pp. 97-212), many of the Haldimand Papers, copies 
 for that purpose having been obtained fnm the Canada tran- 
 scripts. These are ably annotated by Reuben G. Thwaites, 
 Corresponding Secretary of that Society. 
 
 Again : In the Washington-Irvine Correspondence (Madi- 
 son, Wisconsin, David Atwood, 1882), in an historical sketch 
 of one of Clark's campaigns (see pp. 55, 56), Haldimand 
 Papers are cited by the author of this narrative and relied 
 upon ; and in the same volume are published from the same 
 all of the most important of the letters of that Collection re- 
 lating to Crawford's defeat (pp. 368-371). And in the Maga- 
 zine of Westeru History, Vol. YII, pp. 153-165, 357-368 
 (June and August, 1888), Haldimand Papers, are relied 
 upon and frequently cited in a narrative of principal events " 
 occurring in the Ohio valley and in the North-west from the 
 commencement of 1779 to the end of 1781, referring to much 
 of, though not to " all the northwestern fighting " during that 
 period. 
 
 In Bancroft's History of the United States, in Farmer's 
 History of Detroit, and in an able paper entitled The West, by 
 William Frederick Poole, to be found in the Vlth volume of 
 Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, Haldi- 
 mand Papers are used. All these publications (and others 
 might be mentioned) were given to the public before the two 
 volumes of Roosevelt. 
 
 It is proper here to examine the declaration of Roosevelt as 
 to the Haldimand Papers giving " the British and Indian side 
 of ail the northwestern fighting ; " he means *' all the north- 
 western fighting " between the Americans on one side and the 
 
Appendix Q. 381 
 
 British and Indians on the other during the Revolution. This 
 is not strictly correct, although the Papers refer, more or less, 
 to the principal contests of arms in that region from 1777 to 
 1783 inclusive — the period covering " the northwestern fight- 
 ing." But the mischievousness of the stateinent lies in the 
 fact that it conveys the idea that the writer (Roosevelt) is in 
 possession of all the " papers " of the Ilaldimand Collection 
 bearing upon those conflicts, or, at least, of all that are 
 necessary to a correct understanding of them. 
 
 Farther on in his Preface, Roosevelt complicates matters. 
 " I have been obliged," he says, " to rely mainly on these col- 
 lections of early documents [the Haldimand Papers and other 
 manuscripts which ho mentions] as my authorities, especially 
 for that portion of western history prior to 1783." Confining 
 ourselves to the Haldimand Papers, the question is pertinent, 
 how could that writer rely with positive certainty upon them, 
 in particular cases, when by far the most important — the most 
 necessary — of them relating to the events he is describing he, 
 probably, had not seen ? He declares in the paragraph, from 
 which the last quotation is made, that " the mass of original 
 material, in the shape of official reports and contemporary let- 
 ters, contained in the Haldimand MSS. [and others mentioned 
 by him], not only cast a flood of new light uoon this early his- 
 tory [that is, the early history of the country west of the 
 AUeghanies], but necessitates its being entirely re-written." 
 And he nerves himself to this task of re-Avriting a part of 
 early Western history in one notable instance (and there are 
 others, in his pages), that of giving an account of Bird's cam- 
 paign into Kentucky — than which there was none more impor- 
 tant in the West during the Revolution — by describing it 
 without having seen, it is believed, the Official Correspondence 
 of the British commander concerning the expedition, which is 
 among the Canadian transcripts of the Haldimand Papers. 
 (See pp. 120, 182, 198, ante.) 
 
882 Hutory of the Girtys. 
 
 R. 
 
 (JEORdK OIRTY TO CAPTAIN ALKXANl>KR m'kEK. 
 
 [Ante, p. 29.1.] 
 
 "BucKUNOEilELAS TowN, September 5, 1784. 
 
 " Sir : — I have to ncquiiint you that Home of the Cherokees 
 and Sliawanese InilianH are gone a horse-hunting again. I 
 am likewise informed that the Kikapoos and Wcas have taken 
 several prisoners lately from about the Falls and Salt creek, 
 which has occasioned an army to march from the Falls against 
 them. They have been met by Indian spies from Weatenon. 
 The Indians say they did not mean to kill Wilson only to 
 frighten him. His man was killed by Snake's nephew. 
 
 "A Shawancse Indian with two white men who came from 
 the Falls lately, informs me, that four Spaniards who came 
 from New Orleans to that place made a speech to send among 
 the Indians, informing them that now the Knglish and Ameri- 
 cans were one. The latter were to be supplied with every 
 thing they wanted by the former which occasioned the Ameri- 
 cans to be very saucy. 
 
 '' I am, sir, your most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 " Geobob Girty. 
 
 "Alexander McKee, Esq." 
 
 S. 
 
 EXAMINATION OF JOHN LEITH. 
 [See p. 224.] 
 
 " The deponent eaith that he was storekeeper for himself 
 and company at Tuscarawas, where he had a quantity of goods 
 and furs ; that there was another store at the same place, kept 
 by James Chambers, for Messieurs Hamilton and Greenough, 
 where was also a considerable amount of goods and ckins; 
 
Appendix A'. 
 
 that the whole property in both stores was about the value of 
 one thousand pounds. < 
 
 " That on Tuesday, the 27th of September, seven of the 
 Wyandot nation came to the store, about nine o'clock in the 
 morning ; the deponent and Chambers were together at his 
 house, sitting by the lire; the Wynndots told tht Delawares, 
 a party of whom had been trading with him for some <lays, that 
 there wiis war — tliat the hatchet was taken up; upon which, 
 one of the Dehiwarea came to him and bid him rise and go 
 with him ; the deponent went with him, when the Delaware 
 told him that Chambers would bo killed ; lie soon heard the 
 stroke n)ade at Chambers by one of the Wyandots ; ho was 
 immediately tomahawked and drawn out before the house, 
 where he was left ; the deponent having been a prisoner with 
 the Delawares for twelve years, and being adopted as a brother 
 in that nation, was the reason, he supposes, why his life was 
 spared ; the Wyandots took the goods and furs, except the 
 property of the deponent, and made two parcels of them ; they 
 gave one division to the Delawares, and took the other them- 
 selves. 
 
 " TRe deponent was carried to the Delaware towns, to a place 
 called Coshurking, on the head-waters of the Big Miami; at 
 the time of his arrival, there was a grand council of the In- 
 dians, at which were present the chiefs of the Delawares, Wy- 
 andots, Shawanese, Mingoes, Cherokees, Putawatimees, Kicka- 
 poos, and the Twigtees, with belts and speeches from the 
 Ouiatinons, Tawas, Chipeways, and the Fox nations. 
 
 " The council was held on the first of October, and lasted 
 two days and nights ; they held it three miles from the town ; 
 he could not learn the object of their meeting. 
 
 *' The deponent further saith that he met with Captain Pipe 
 at the council, and, as soon as the council was over, the de- 
 ponent was released from confinement ; Captain Pipe and 
 George Washington went with him to Pipe's residence, a Dela- 
 ware town on the Sandusky River ; they immediately went to 
 work to collect the goods that were taken at Tuscarawas, and 
 had collected a considerable quantity to be redelivered to the 
 
884 HUtory of the Oirty». 
 
 owners ; tlioy staid two nights at Pipe's town, when Pipe, 
 (icorgo Washington, and deponent went to the Wyanilot towns 
 whore they were collecting the goods also ; that the chiefs of 
 both nations seemed very averse to tlio outrage committed at 
 Tuscarawas; the deponent verily believes that a considerable 
 quantity of the goods will bo returned ; the deponent is of the 
 opinion, fr(»ni the frequent conversations he has had with the 
 Indians, before and since the late affair at Tuscarawas, that 
 the chiefs of the Delaware and Wyandot nations are for peace, 
 but that the young men and bad characters of both nations can 
 not be kept at peace; that Simon Girty and Captain Caldwell 
 of the British rangers, were lately at the Wyandot towns, and 
 that he verily believes, from the information given him by a 
 man well acquainted with these matters, that Girty and Cald- 
 well were using their endeavors to prevent the Delawares and 
 Wyandots from going to the treaty to be held at the mouth of 
 the Big Miami. 
 
 " The deponent further saith that, from every observation he 
 could make, and from the general talk of the Indians, ho is 
 led to believe that they are, in general, averse to giving up 
 their lands ; he is certain it will be dangerous for tlfb Con- 
 tinental surveyors to go on with their business, until some fur- 
 ther treaty is made with the Shawanese, Mingoes, and Chero- 
 kees, who appear to be most averse to this business. 
 
 " The deponent further saith that he was at the Lower San- 
 dusky, when the articles of peace between Groat Britain and 
 America were made known to the Indians ; that they were 
 told that the hatchet was only laid down, but not buried ; that 
 the Half King of the Wyandots remarked that, if it was peace, 
 it should be buried — that there were many of their foolish 
 young men Avho would take it up, unless it was covered. And 
 further saith not.' 
 
 " Sworn to before me, at Fort Mcintosh, this 17t'a day of 
 October, 1785. 
 
 "John Douqiity, 
 
 ''Major Corim'dt." 
 
 [St. Clair Papers, Vol. II, p. 632, 633.] 
 
 ■ . 
 
 ^ MS. Harniar Papers. 
 
AppniiUx T. 885 
 
 T. 
 
 m'kKK TIIK. I'llINCIl'AL STIMUI.ATOIl OV THI-; WAR OK ITHO-OG. 
 
 MoKoe, 118 Hritish Indiiin ajj;(nit, reported, on the. 8(1 of 
 June, 17!M, from the " Mintiiia Ilapids'' (Hiipids of tlie Mnu- 
 ineo), tlmt a deserter liad come in from tlic American army at 
 Fort Greenville. In ;;iviiig inform.ttioti as to tlie intelligence 
 brought by him, McKee says : " Wells and May, two spies, 
 with sixteen others, dress and ])aint themselves like Indiana, 
 and were out on a scout when he deserteil. They are paid 
 forty dollars for every Indian's scalp, besides a dollar each per 
 day ; and one thousand dollars are offered for the scalp of Simon 
 Girty." (Consult, for a copy of McKee's Report, transcripts 
 of the Ilaldimand Papers, in Canadiiin Archives, Ottawa, Se- 
 ries " C," Vol. 247, p. 105.) But neither General Wayne nor 
 any of his officers offered a bounty for Indian scalps during 
 this war, nor was any sum offered by them for the scalp of 
 Simon Girty. They would certainly not have taken such 
 responsibility w ithout orders : and their official instructions 
 contain no such authority. The deserter had either been 
 wrongly informed, or he purposely told what was false. Gen- 
 eral Wayne looked upon McKee as being " the principal stim- 
 ulator " of the war then existing ; and had he been authorized 
 to offer one thousand dollars reward for the scalp of any white 
 man, it would, doubtless, have been for his. Besides, Wells 
 and May went out to take prisoners, not scalps. 
 
 That, in the opinion of Wayne, MeKee was the chief insti- 
 gator of the war is proven by the letter of the former to the 
 secretary of war from head-quarters, Grand Glaize, 28 Aug., 
 1794. "... We remained three days and nights on 
 the banks of the Miami [Maumee] in front of the field of bat- 
 tle [of August 20th], during which time all the houses and 
 corn-fields were consumed and destroyed for a considerable 
 distance, both above and below the fort Miami, as well as 
 within pistol shot of that garrison, who were compel]^ to re- 
 25 
 
386 History of the Qirtys. 
 
 main tacit spectators to this general devastation and confla- 
 gration, among which were the houses, stores, and property 
 of Colonel McKee, the British Indian agent, and principal 
 stimulator of the war now existing between the United States 
 and the savages." — American State Papers, Vol. V (fnd. 
 Afl"., Vol. I), p. 491. The following ara in corroboration : 
 
 Examination of a prisoner, 11 Aug., 1794. "Where are 
 the Indians at this time ? "—"At Colonel McKee's." " Where 
 are the British?" — "In a fort ab'.it one mile below Colonel 
 McKee's." 
 
 "About seventy of the militia including Capt. Caldwell's 
 corps, were in the action. Colonel McKee, Capt. Elliott, 
 and Simon Girty, were in the field, but at a respectable dis- 
 tance, and near the river. The Indians have wished for peace 
 some time, but Colonel McKee has always dissuaded them 
 from it." — From an examination of Antoine Lassell, a native 
 Canadian, and a volunteer in Capt. Caldwell's company of 
 refugees, friends and allies of the hostile Indians, captured in 
 the action of the 20th August, 1794. American State Papers, 
 Vol. V (Ind. Aff., Vol. I), p. 494. 
 
 In addition to the above, is the following from anoti^er pris- 
 oner : " The Indians are regularly supplied with provisions 
 drawn from the British magazine, in the garrison, by Colonel 
 McKee. The militia of Detroit and vicinity amounts to 
 nearly two thousand. Colonel Baubee commands them. Mc- 
 Kee is also a Colonel of militia. One company of volunteers 
 commanded by Capt. Caldwell was in the action [of the 
 ♦ Fallen Timber,' August 20th]." 
 
 U. 
 
 GOVERNOR SIMCOE, OF CANADA, PREVENTS PEACE IN 1794. 
 
 [Ante, p. a87.] 
 
 " In the month of October following this defeat [the battle 
 of the '^Fallen Timber,' August 20, 1794J Blue Jacket con- 
 
Appendix f. 387 
 
 curred in the expediency of suing for peace, and at the head 
 of a deputation of chiefs, was about to bear a flag to General 
 Wayne, then at Greenville, when the mission was arrested by 
 foreign influence. Governor Siiucoc, Colonel McKee, and the 
 Mohawk chief, Captain Joseph Brant, having in charge one 
 hundred and fifty Mohawks and Messasagoes, arrived at the 
 rapids of the Mauinee, and invited the chiefs of the combined 
 army to meet them at the n.outh of the Detroit river, on the 
 10th of October, To this Blue Jacket assented for the pur- 
 pose of hearing what the British officers had to propose. 
 Governor Simcoe urged the Indians to retain their hostile at- 
 titude towards the United States. In referring to the en- 
 croachments of the people of this country on the Indian lands, 
 he said: 'Children : I am still of the opinion that the Ohio is 
 your right and title. I have given orders to the commandant 
 of Fort Miami [the fort recently erected by the British on the 
 Mauraee] to fire on the Americans whenever they make their 
 appearance again. I will go down to Quebec and lay your 
 grievances before the great man. From thence they will be 
 forwarded to the king your father. Next spring you will 
 know the result of every thing you and I will do.' He urged 
 the Indians to obtain a cessation of hostilities until the fol- 
 lowing spring, when the English would be ready to attack the 
 Americans and by driving them back across the Ohio, restore 
 their lands to the Indians. These counsels delayed the con- 
 clusion of peace until the following summer." — Drake's Te- 
 cumseh. But it is certain peace was not, because of this, 
 counsel of Governor Simcoe, much delayed. 
 
 V. 
 
 BIMON OIRTY AND THE SCOTCH-IRISH OF WBSrERN VIRGINIA. 
 
 It is a fact (which is not at all a matter of surprise or won- 
 der) that certain localities in what is now known as the '* Pan- 
 Handle," in West Virginia, escaped the visitations of the sav- 
 
388 Hidory of the Girfys. 
 
 durins; the Revolution and the Indian war which fol- 
 
 "O 
 
 ages 
 
 lowed ; but, that that fact was owing, in any way, to the ef- 
 forts of Simon Girty, is the height of absurdity. " It is re-r 
 lated," says a recent account, " that no murders or depreda- 
 tions were ever committed in a certain neighborhood in the 
 eastern part of Ohio County [West Virginia] and it is pretty 
 certain that not many happened on the easttrn side of 
 Brooke [county, same state], until we reach the region on the 
 head-waters of Cross creek and thence northward on Harmon's 
 and King's creeks. Some attributed this to favoritism. This 
 region was peopled, says the account, by Presbyterians of the 
 Scotch-Irish stock, who located there to secure homes for 
 themselves and their children ; and with the high sense of jus- 
 tice, characteristic of them, they refused to aid or counte- 
 nance any aggressions against the Indians. There were no 
 scouts or Indian fighters a;nong them, and noae of the lawless 
 class. They acted strictly on *;he defensive. From the light 
 that has since been thrown upon the character of Simon Girty, 
 it appears that they were unknowingly indebted to him for 
 their exemption from Indian trouble ; notwithstanding that 
 they always considered Girty to be their Avorst enemy. Girty, 
 it is very certain, was well acquainted with the character of 
 the settlements." — Jacob's Brooke County, West Virginia, 
 
 p. 25. 
 
 That the Scotch-Irish, of Western Virginia, during the 
 dark days of the Revolution and the Indian War of 1790-5, 
 had " no scouts or Indian fighters among them," is a veiy dif- 
 ferent story from what authentic history tells us. None 
 fought the Indians with more zeal and determination; none 
 were more ready and willing to repel savage aggressions ; 
 none marched into the Indian country with more heroic valor 
 than they. And, to this rule, there were no exceptions ; there 
 were no localities where they were not ever on the alert to 
 protect their homes against the visitations of the stealthy foe ; 
 none where the inhabitants were not instant in their responses 
 to the calls for volunteers to pursue war parties of the mur- 
 derous enemy. To talk of these people refusing " to aid or 
 
Appendix W. 389 
 
 countenance any aggressions against the Indians " is non- 
 sense. The " aggressions " were from the other side. And 
 when Simon Girty visited the Pan-IIandle during these wars, 
 which he did but once after fleeing his country, it was to kill 
 and capture, regardless of nationality or creeds. 
 
 W. 
 
 PEED OF SIMON (IIKTY TO HIS SON THOMAS. 
 
 [Auto. pp. 307, 808.] 
 
 A Memorial to be registered pursuant to an Act of the 
 Legislature of Upper Canada of an Indenture of bargain and 
 sale made at Amherstburg on the first day of May, A. D., one 
 thousand eight hundred and twelve, between Simon Girty of 
 the one part, yeoman, and Thomas Girty, his son, of the other 
 
 Whereby the said Simon Girty for and in consideration of 
 the natural aflfection, which the said Simon bears to his said 
 son Thomas and also for and in consideration of the sum of 
 five Shillings paid by the said Thon>a.s. to said Sii.ion the re- 
 ceipt whereof is hereby acknowledged. 
 
 The said Simon Girty, doth hereby grant, bargain, sell, and 
 alien, and confirm to the said Thomas Girty, his heirs and as- 
 signs forever, all that certain tract or parcel of land and tene- 
 ment commonly called or known by the name of the north 
 half of lot number eleven, in the first Concession of the 
 Township of Maiden, in the Countyof Essex, and Province of 
 Upper Canada, containing by admeasurement eighty two 
 acres, be the same more or less, butted and bounded as fol- 
 lows : (that is to say) beginning at a post on the bank of the 
 River Detroit in the limits between limits of lots number 
 ten and eleven, then east one hundred and thirty one chains, 
 then south six chains twenty-six links, then west to the 
 River Detroit, then northerly along the shore of the river 
 against the stream to the place of beginning, with the rever- 
 sion and reversions, rents, issues and profits, with their and all 
 
890 Hintory of the Girtya. 
 
 their appurtenances to tlie said tract of land and premises 
 above described. 
 
 To have and to hold to the said Thomas Girty, his heirs and 
 assigns forever. 
 
 Which said Indenture of bargain and sale is witnessed by 
 A. Masonville, of Amherstburg, merch't, and William Elliott, 
 advocate, both of Amherstburg, county, district and province 
 as aforesaid, and is hereby required to be registered by me 
 the said Simon Girty, the grantor in the said deed named. 
 
 As witness my hand and seal at Amherstburg aforesaid 
 this 3d day of July, A. D. 1813. iiis 
 
 Simon f Girty. [i.. s.] 
 
 Signed and sealed in mark 
 
 presence of 
 W. Elliott, 
 Wm. Duff. 
 
 I certify that the foregoing is a true copy of an instru- 
 ment as entered and registered in the Registry office for the 
 County of Essex, in Old Book " C." for said County, at 9 
 O'clock A. M., on the 9th day of August, A. D., 1813, as No. 
 176. 
 
 Given under my hand and seal of office at Sandwich, in the 
 County of Essex, this tith day of September, A. D., 1885. 
 
 J. Wallace Arkin, 
 
 Jiegistrar. 
 
 (lEXKRAL HARRISON IN CANADA IN 1813. 
 
 [A (lie, j>. !!09.] 
 
 Concerning the arrival of General Harrison's men in Can- 
 ada, immediately after the victory upon Lake Erie, many ac- 
 counts have been published. A trustworthy one is Jiere in- 
 serted : 
 
 " The whole army embarked from the Middle Sister [one of 
 the islands in Lake Erie] for the Canada shore, on the 27th 
 of September, 1813], and presented in its denouement one of 
 
Appendix X. 891 
 
 the finest occasions for the pencil of the iirtiat ; iin«l the inter- 
 est of the scene was not a little awakened by the momentary 
 expectation of the opening of the enemy's fire from the shore. 
 No opposition, however, was made to the landing of our 
 troops, and Commodore [who was present] frequently ex- 
 pressed his admiration for the promptness and discipline dis- 
 played on the occasion. Just at the moment of debarkation 
 the General issued along the line of boats the following la- 
 conic and impressive order : 
 
 '"Head-Quarters on Boakd the Ariel, 
 
 September 27, 1813. 
 " ' The General entreats his brave troops to remember that 
 they are the sons of sires whose fame is immortal ; that they 
 are to fight for 'the rights of their insulted country, whilst 
 their opponents combat for the unjust pretensions of a mas- 
 ter. 
 
 " ' Kentuckians ! remember the River Raisin; but remem- 
 ber it only whilst the victory is suspended. The revenge of a 
 soldier can not be gratified upon a fallen enemy. 
 " ' By command, 
 
 "'RcBBRT Butler, A.-Adjutant-Qcneral. 
 
 " In an hour after landing, the troops entered Amherstburg ; 
 and the American flag was hoisted. The following is the Gen- 
 eral's official letter from that place : 
 
 ♦"Head-Quarters, Amherstburg, September 27, 1813. 
 " ' Sir : — I have the honor to inform you that I landed the 
 army under my command about three miles below this place at 
 8 o'clock this evening, without opposition and took possession 
 of the town in an hour after. General Proctor has retreated to 
 Sandwich with his regular troops and Indians, having previously 
 burned the fort, navy-yard, barracks and public store houses, 
 — the two latter were very extensive, covering several acres 
 of ground. I will pursue the enemy to-morrow, although 
 there is no probability of my overtaking him, as he has up- 
 
892 History of the Girtys. 
 
 wards of one thousand horses, and we have not one in the 
 army. I shall think myself fortuniito to he able to collect a 
 sufficiency to mount the general officers. It is supposed here 
 that General Proctor intends to establish himself upon the 
 River French, forty miles from Maiden. 
 
 " ' I have the honor to be, etc., 
 
 "'Wm. H. Harrison.'" 
 
 The army under General Harrison left Amherstburg on the 
 next day (September SSth), and entered Sandwich on the 29th. 
 General McArthur's brigade immediately crossed over and 
 took possession of Detroit, which had previously been aban- 
 doned and the public buildings and property destroyed. On 
 the same evening, General Harrison issued his proclamation 
 for re-establishing the civil government of the Territory; but 
 the order previously issued by Proctor, declaring martial law 
 on the Canada side of the river, was continued in force. Col- 
 onel Richard M. Johnson arrived with his regiment at Detroit, 
 on the 30th of September, and joined the main army at Sand- 
 wich on the evening of the 1st of October. General Harrison 
 had awaited his coming before commencing his pursuit of 
 Proctor. This began on the following day, ending gloriously 
 for the Americans at the battle of the Thames. 
 
 Y. 
 
 LETTERS OF WILLIAM CHARLES MICKLE. 
 [Ante, pp. 80o, 321, 322, 333.] 
 
 I. 
 
 Amherstburg, Jan. lot, 1887. 
 Mr. C. W. BuUerfield. 
 
 Dear Sir; — My two youngest brothers, George L. and 
 Alexander Mickle, live on the [Simon Girty] farm and own it. 
 
 You want to know if it is true Simon Girty's widow 
 brough. suit for dower against me ? It is true she brought suit 
 
Appendix Y. 393 
 
 for (lower, but olie did not bring it against me ; she brought it 
 against my father ; his name was Willinm Micklc. He has been 
 dead a number of years and there is no one as I know of who 
 knows any thing about it. There is no one I am acquainted 
 with who knows Mrs. Girty's age, or when she was married. 
 But my mother in-law, who is one of the oUlest women in the 
 county being nearly ninety, says she thinks Girty and his 
 wife were married in Detroit, but she is not sure ; as for her 
 (Mrs. Girty's) nge she (mother-in-law) does not know any 
 thing about it. She was taken prisoner by the Indians 
 during the Revolutionary War ; she does not know whether 
 she was a child or a young womiin when she was captured. 
 My mother-in-law thinks it would have been as well if she had 
 staid among the Indians instead of marrying Girty, for he 
 used to take his sword and hii her alongside the head just 
 for fun. 
 
 Mrs. Girty's maiden name was Catharine Malott. 
 
 As near as my mother-in-law knows, Girty died some time 
 either in 1816 or 1817. 
 
 Mrs. Girty brought suit for her dower at Sandwich, but I 
 do not know who her lawyer was. 
 
 I do not know whether her declaration is on file or not. 
 
 I suppose you have hoard of Girty's activity. My mother- 
 in-law says her father knew Girty and said he (Girty) jumped 
 over a very high gate and broke his ankle and never was so 
 active afterwards ; but I suppose you have heard all about his 
 activity. He (my mother-in-law's father) said Girty could 
 drink the most whisky of any man he knew of. 
 
 Yours Very truly, 
 
 WiLUA.M Charles Mickle. 
 
 II. 
 
 Amiierstmurg, Jati. 21«/, 1887. 
 Mr. C. W. Butterfield. 
 
 Dear Sir: — The house that Simon Girty lived in has dis- 
 appeared. As near as I can remember it w.as a log house 
 
394 History of the (iirtys. 
 
 with two windows and u door in front find one window in the 
 «nd up-stairs. 
 
 My mother-in-lttw says that Mrs, Girty had not been living 
 with Girty for sometime ; but when he got sick and blind she 
 went and took care of him at her son Pridcaux'. She (my 
 raother-inlaw) saya Mrs. Girty died in Colchester South at 
 Mr. Joseph Munger's, but she does not know in what year. 
 
 My mother-in-law's full name is Susan Arner and her 
 father's was Jacob Ilcr. 
 
 Mrs. Girty did not succeed in her suit against ray father 
 for dower. I do not know whether the records were burned 
 or not. Yours Very Truly, 
 
 William C. Micklk. 
 
 Z. 
 
 IMIBLISHKD K8TIMATES OF SIMON rtlRTY. 
 [Aiitf, pp. 8-.»6-827.] 
 
 A diversity of opinion has heretofore existed as to the acts 
 of Simon Girty during the Revolution and the Indian war 
 which followed. Speaking of him, a recent Canadian writer 
 aays : " The life and bloody record of this man are made 
 famous not only in history, but have been the foundation of 
 many contributions to our literature ; and that '■ truth is 
 stranger than fiction * is amply illustrated by his many daring 
 adventures, almost superhuman exploits, and miraculous 
 «8capes from death at. the hands of the Americans. Yet, 
 notwithstanding the fiendish barbarity which some historians 
 attribute to this man, it can not be gainsaid that in many in- 
 stances he exhibited a degree of generosity and tender- 
 heartedness and gave succor to those in distress under cir- 
 cumstances in which the exercise of these virtues covered a 
 multitude of sins." 
 
 Exceeding any thing that has yet been said in praise of 
 <jirty, is the panegyric of an Ohio poet, who, upon reading 
 
Appendix Z. 896 
 
 an account of a noble net of his (but which account whh, in 
 fact, fictitious), gives vent to his feelings in these words : 
 
 Oh, great'gouled chief! — go long maligii'd 
 • By bold calumniatorf" ; 
 
 Tho world ghall not be always blind, 
 
 Nor all men be thy haterg. .: . 
 
 If ever on the field of blood, . 
 
 Man'g valor meritg jjlory, ». 
 
 Then Girty'g name and (iirty's fame 
 
 Shall shine in song and story. 
 
 But, in censure of Girty, far more has been written (how 
 justly or unjustly let the previous pages disclose) than in 
 praise. " Girty became an Indian by adoption — acquired 
 their habits — participated in their deliberations — inflamed 
 their passions — and goaded them on to deeds of human 
 atrocity. I called him an incendiary. He was worse — 
 he was a monster. No famished tiger ever sought the 
 blood of a victim Avith more unrelenting rapacity, than 
 Girty sought the blood of a white man. lie could laugh, in 
 fiendish mockery, at the agonies of a captive, burning and 
 writhing at the stake. He could witness, unmoved, the sacri- 
 fice of unoffending women and children. No scene of torture 
 or of bloodshed was sufficiently horrible to excite compassion 
 in his bosom." — James T. Morehead, in "An Address in Com- 
 memoration of the First Settlement of Kentucky," p. 90. 
 
 And a versifier has condemned him in the most forcible in- 
 fective, as — 
 
 The outlawed white man, by Ohio's flood. 
 
 Whose Tengeance shamed the Indian's thirst for blood ; 
 
 Whose hellish arts surpassed the redmun's far; 
 
 Whose hate enkindled many a border war, 
 
 Of which each aged grand-dame hath a tale, — 
 
 Of which man's bosom burns and childhood's cheek grow'* pale I 
 
 "A wretched miscreant, named Simon Girty, was another 
 agent in these nefarious proceedings [marauds into the border 
 settlements during the Revolution] — a native of one of tho 
 British colonies, — who, in consequence of his crimes, or of 
 some injury which he supposed himself to have received, had 
 
896 Hinlory of the Oirfi/K 
 
 fled from the abode of civilized men ; lie became a sftvnge in 
 maiinery and in principle, and spent his whole life in the per- 
 petration of a demoniac vengeance against his countrymen. 
 lie planned many expeditions against our [the American] 
 borders, some of which he led in person ; was present at the 
 conflagration of the settler's cabin, witnessed the expiring 
 agonies of the mother and the infant, and assisted in the 
 dreadful solemnities which attend the torturing of a pris- 
 one j^ the stake. It was in vain that the unhappy victims 
 appcaii i. to his humanity; a single instance only is known 
 [the saving the life of Simon Kenton is here referred to], in 
 which he suffered the dictates of pity to actuate his conduct; 
 with the same cold indifference or hellish malignity, did ho 
 witness the butchery of the infant, the murder of the tender 
 woman, and the excruciating torture of the gallant soldier." 
 — The Romance of Western History, p. 288. 
 
 " Several persons who had lived among the Indians were 
 . . . employed by Hamilton to instigate them to hos- 
 tilities, and among then) were the brothers Simon, George, 
 and James Qirty, who were regularly paid as British agents 
 at Detroit, and who personally took part in raids upon the 
 settlements. The monstrous barbarities of some of these 
 men almost stagger belief, a-nd force upon us the unwelcome 
 truth that in civilized society, and within the sound of Chrib- 
 tian bells, there may be bred and reared savages as fiendish 
 in their cruelty as any the world has ever known, Hamilton, 
 in his dispatches to his superiors, gave tliem to understand 
 that he should »end out parties of Indians ' to fall on the 
 scattered settlers on the Ohio and its branches,' and he se- 
 lected to lead these raids fit instruments who would be 
 troubled by no compunctions and no emotions of pity in 
 making the work of destruction complete." — Cooley's History 
 of Michigan, pp. 91, 92. 
 
 " No other country or age ever produced, perhaps, so 
 brutal, depraved, and wicked a wretch as Simon Girty. He 
 was sagacious and brave ; but his sagacity and bravery only 
 made him a greater monster of cruelty. All of the vices of 
 
Appendix A A. 897 
 
 civiliziition Hcemcd to center in him, and by liim wcro in- 
 grafted upon tiioHO of the 8iivtij»o stiito, witliout the usual 
 redeeming (juiilities of either. He moved about tliroujjh the 
 Indian country during the war of the Revolution, and the In- 
 dian war which followed, a dark wliirlwind of tury, despera- 
 tion, and barbarity. In the relinenients of torture inUictod 
 on helpless prisoners, as compared with the Indians, he ' out- 
 *• 'oded Herod.' In treachery lie stood unrivaled. 
 
 " There ever rankled in his bosom a most deadly hatred of 
 his country. IIo seemed to revel in the very excess of ma- 
 lignity toward his old associates. St horriti was his wild fe- 
 rocity and savageness, that the least relenting seemed to be 
 acts of positive goodness — luminous sparks in the very black- 
 ness of darkness ! * I have fully glutted my vengeance,' said 
 the Mingo Logan, when ho had taken a scalp for each of his 
 relations murdered ; but the revenge of Simon Girty was 
 gorged with numberless victims of all ages and of either se.K ! 
 It seemed as insatiable as the grave itself." — An Historical 
 Account of the Expedition against Sandusky, under Col. 
 William Crawford, in 1782, pp. 1U9, 200. 
 
 AA. 
 
 JAMES OIRTY's will. 
 
 [Antp, p. ;n«t.] 
 
 In the name of God, Amen. 
 
 I, James Girty, of the Township of Gosfield, in the County 
 of Essex, in the Western District of Upper Canada, yeoman, 
 being of sound mind and memory but considering the uncer- 
 tainty of human life, do make this my Last Will and in manner 
 following, to wit : 
 
 My desire is to be buried at as little expense as decency 
 will permit and after the paying of all my just debts and fu- 
 neral expenses, I make the following disposition of all my 
 property real and personal. 
 
 To my son James Girty and to my daughter Ann or Nancy 
 
898 IliHtory of the Oirfi/H. 
 
 Girty who are both now living with nic, I give and doviBO all 
 my lands and tenements with their tippurtonancoH nituate 
 and being in the said Township of GoHfield and known by 
 the name and description of lot nunibor eiglit, in the first 
 Concession, containing two hundred acres or there abouts, to be 
 divided between them in the following manner, namely: by a 
 line run across the centre of the said lot dividing it equally 
 into two parts, the one half on the north or rear of the said 
 lot and the other half on the south or front of said lot. 
 
 That half in the front which is hounded by the said line on 
 the north and by Lake Erie on the south I give and devise to 
 my said son James, and the other half in the rear and on the 
 north side of the said line, I give and devise to my said 
 daughter Nancy and to their respective heirs forever. 
 
 I also bequeath to my said son James the following six 
 negro slaves or such of them as may be living at the time of 
 my death, viz : Jim or James, Hannah, Joe, Jack, Betsy and 
 Tom, and also the children which may hereafter be born of the 
 said Ilannnh and Betsy. And to my daughter I bequeath my 
 negro wench called Sail, and also a negro woman called Nancy 
 with her five children, which said Nancy was the property of 
 the mother of my said children and intended by her for my said 
 daughter and also the children who may hereafter be born 
 of their bodies or the bodies of their children respectively; 
 And as to all the remaining part of the personal property 
 which I may die possessed of, including household furniture, 
 cattle, horses, swine, poultry, money, grain and all other de- 
 scriptions of personal property, and also all the cattle and 
 other stock which was the property of my deceased wife Bet- 
 sey, an Indian woman and the mother of my said children, and 
 also the increase thereof, my will is that the same and every 
 part thereof shall be equally divided between my said son and 
 daughter share and share alike according to the judgment of 
 my executors hereinafter named, except the utensils of hus- 
 bandry, which I give to my said son James for his own proper 
 use and benefit, and except also my negro slave Paul, whose 
 
Appendix HIi. 899 
 
 froedoin I livrohy hoquoiUli to hint for IiIh long nnd fnithfu) 
 8ervice». 
 
 And I do licruhy Momiiiiitc iitid appoint Mr. TiConard Scratch 
 nnd Mr. JuniuH Stewart, both of tho snid Township, yeomen^ 
 ExccutorH of- thiH my Lant Will and Testament, hereby revok- 
 ing all former wills by me made. 
 
 In witness whereof, I, the sai<l Jumes (Jirty, to this ray 
 Last will and Testament, have set my hand and seal this 
 day of in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
 
 dred and four, and in the forty fotirth year of His Majesty'* 
 reign. Jamkh Gikty [h. a.]. 
 
 Signed, Sealed, Published and Declared by the said James 
 Girty testator as and for his Last Will and Testament in the 
 presence of us, who, at his request and in his presence and in 
 tho presence of each other, have hereunto subscribed our 
 names as witnesses. T. McKee, T. Alex. Clarke, Geo. Iron- 
 side. 
 
 BB. 
 
 .louN ti'knkk's will. 
 
 LAi.f, ,.. :WJ.] 
 
 In the name of God, Amen. 
 - I, John Turner, of the Township of Peebles, County of Al- 
 legheny and State of Pennsylvania, yeoman, being weak in body 
 but sound in memory, mind and understanding, blessed be the 
 Almighty for the same, but considering the uncertainty of this 
 life and the certainty of death do make and publish this my 
 last will and testament in manner and form following : First 
 of all I commend my soul into the hands of my God who gave 
 it and my body to the earth to be buried in the burying ground 
 on my own farm in a decent, Christian-like manner at tho dis- 
 cretion of my Executors hereafter mentioned. 
 
 item fint. As to my worldly affairs, it is my will and I do 
 order that all my just debts and funeral Expences be duly. 
 
400 History of the Girty», 
 
 paid and satisfied as soon as it can be conveniently done after 
 my decease. 
 
 2tidli/. 1 give and bequeath the upper part of ray tract of 
 land where I now reside and adjoining the land I sold to John 
 •Patterson containing one hundred and thirteen acres be the 
 same more or less to the children of John McCaslin and Pris- 
 cilla his wife, only that they, said John McCaslin and Priscilla 
 his wife, are to have and to hold the said tract of land with all 
 the improvements thereon during their natural lives unless that 
 death should occur to either the said John or Priscilla his wife 
 and the survivor should marry again, then in such case their 
 right, title, claim and interest shall expire and the said land 
 so described become invested and divided equal share and 
 share to each of said children as 'aforesaid the same as if both 
 their parents were dead or deceased. I give unto my nephew 
 Breden [Prideaux] Girty, son of Simon Girty, one thousand 
 Dollars, unto my niece Sarah Girty alias Ssrah Munger one 
 thousand Dollars, unto John Girty five hundred Dollars, being 
 the son of Thomas Girty deed. I give unto Nancy Gibson, 
 sister of John Girty, one hundred dolliVfi, and one dollar to 
 Catherine Bealer ; and for the attendance and friendship I have 
 received of Joseph Hunger, I will and Lsqueath him five hun- 
 dred dollars. I do reserve free of all encumbrance the burying 
 ground for use of the public forever and when all ray debts 
 and funeral expences are paid and all the legatees are settled 
 with, all of my effects whether personal, mixed, or real estate, 
 shall be placed in the hands of Arthur F. Gore to be distrib- 
 uted as he shall think proper without any reserve. 
 
 Lastly. I nominate, constitute and appoint my much esteemed 
 friends James Sutch and John Patterson to be my Executors of 
 this my last will and testament hereby revoking all other wills, 
 legacies and bequeaths by me heretofore made and declaring 
 this ray last will and testament. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have set my hand and seal the 10th 
 <lay of April, 1840. John Turner [Seal]. 
 
 Signed, sealed in presence of us, 
 
 Abe Hosmer. 
 Thos. B. Sutoh. 
 
Appendix CO. 401 
 
 00. 
 
 SIMON GIRTY AND BOY PRISONERS. 
 
 Much has been written about the kindness of Simon Girty 
 to boy prisoners. But all these statements are to be taken 
 with some grains of allowance. We have shown that, in his 
 first incursion with the savages, he assisted in taking a num- 
 ber of children captives, among which, it is almost certain 
 there were boys. These were, beyond all question, adopted 
 into Indian families, and it is quite probable some of them 
 led, ever after, the lives of savages. There was no kindness 
 in this. In saving the life of young Baker (ante, p. 127), he 
 performed a noble act — more so than when he rescued Simon 
 Kenton from the stake ; for there were no inducements except 
 humanity moving him in the former case ; in the latter he was 
 befriending an old associate. So, for that act, he is entitled 
 to credit ; also for his kind treatment of young Fast (ante, 
 p. 152). We will now relate an incident which certainly is 
 not to Girtv's discredit. 
 
 It may be mentioned that forays of the savages continued into 
 the border settlements for a considerable time after DePeyster 
 had let it be known among all the western tribes that hostilities 
 must cease. " This moment," wrote Lieut.-Col. Stephen Bay- 
 ard, from Fort Pitt, to Gen. Irvine, then at Carlisle, Pa., on 
 the 5th of April, 1783, " I was informed by a man from the 
 widow Myers' [in Westmoreland county, east of Pittsburgh], 
 that one Thomas Lyon, who lived about four miles from her 
 house, was yesterday killed and scalped." (Washington-Irvine 
 Correspondence, p. 409.) Two of the children of the man 
 killed, Eli and James, were captured and hurried into the 
 Ohio wilderness. The savages who did this work were Dela- 
 wares, and they soon reached Wingenund's camp n the San- 
 dusky with their boy prisoners. (For the exact locality of that 
 Delaware war-chiefs camp, see An Historical Account of the 
 Expedition against Sandusky, p. 168). 
 26 
 
402 History of the Qirtys. 
 
 The youngest of the boys — James — in a narrative published 
 by himself many years after, says : 
 
 " The first town [Wingenund's] we came to was small ; they 
 [the warriors] had stretched my father's and my sister's scalps 
 (as we thought one was ray sister's and the other my father's, 
 both had bhvck hair), on small hoops painted red, and then at- 
 tached them to long poles, also painted red. The Indians 
 fired off their guns and raised the war-whoop, and held up the 
 poles which had the scalps tied to them. A number of the 
 Indians of the village came out to visit us and escorted us in. 
 We had not been long in camp until they commenced smoking, 
 and amongst those that visited us was a white man. Imme- 
 diately on his coming into camp, I went up to him and he 
 took me on his knee. I was glad to see a white man. Ho 
 kept me all the time on his knee while he staid, and treated 
 me kindly. When he got up to go away I wanted to go with 
 him. He had no other way of getting me pacified but by 
 promising to come and see me again, but that was the last I 
 saw of him. My brother told me> that he was Simon Girty, 
 that he had seen him frequently at my grandmother Myers* 
 tavern, where we both often visited." 
 
 The two boys were afterward sent in to Fort Mcintosh, 
 reaching that post in the winter of 1784-85, and delivered to 
 their relatives in Westmoreland county. Their sister was not 
 killed, as the boys had supposed, but their father was captured, 
 taken into the woods and tomahawked. (Compare the Olden 
 Time, Vol. II, pp. 87-92.) This treatment of James was a 
 pleasant act of the renegade, but it will be noticed it only ex- 
 tended to caressing the boy a short time — he made no attempt 
 to rescue the two from captivity. 
 
 " I knew Simon Girty to purchase, at his own expense, 
 several boys who were prisoners, take them to the British and 
 have them educated." — Jonathan Alder, cited in Howe's Hist. 
 Coll. of Ohio, p. 249. This is a very positive declaration, not- 
 withstanding which, it is certainly error. Girty, in the In- 
 dian country, had no means wherewith to purchase "several 
 boys who were prisoners," nor had he the money to pay for 
 
Appendix DD. 403 
 
 educating them. Besides, there were no schools nearer than 
 the Sj;. Lawrence for the education of children during that 
 period. 
 
 Faint is the praise due Girty for treating young Burkhart 
 kindly, while at the same time making a captive of him. And, 
 so far as he knew, he was consigning him to years of savage 
 life ; for he did not believe, it will be remembered (ante, p. 
 210), that there was peace between the two countries when 
 the boy was taken. And to young Spencer, he gave no hope 
 of ever being released from captivity (ante, p. 270). 
 
 DD. 
 
 ♦* SIMON GIRTY " IN A CYCLOP(EDIA. 
 
 Girty, Simon, leader of Indians, b. in Pennsylvania about 
 1750 ; d. about 1815. His father had died and his mother 
 had married again, when in 1755 the whole family were taken 
 captive by Indians, and the step-father was burned at the 
 stake. .Simon remained a prisoner till 1758, when he was re- 
 leased. In 1774 he was a soldier and spy under Lord Dun- 
 more at Fort Pitt, and a friend and companion of Simon 
 Kenton. Being an active loyalist, he left Pennsylvania at the 
 beginning of the Revolution, became a leader of the savages, 
 and was concerned in many atrocities. It is not known 
 whether he was given a British commission. He had been 
 held a prisoner by the Whigs, at Pittsburg, but escaped, col- 
 lected about 400 Indian warriors, in the summer of 1777, and 
 in September attacked Fort Henry (now Wheeling, W. Va.), 
 which was garrisoned by about forty men. After defeating, 
 with great slaughter, a reconnoitering party, and reducing the 
 garrison to twelve men, he made a demand for its surrender, 
 but was refused. The Indians now laid siege to the fort, but, 
 as they had no artillery, the garrison held its own until it was 
 relieved next day by forty mounted men. In 1778, with two 
 other Tories, Girty went through the Indian country to De- 
 troit, urging the savages to take up arms against the Ameri- 
 
404 History of the Oirtys. 
 
 cans. He was present at the torture and death of Col. William 
 Crawford, in 1782, and is charged with showing delight at his 
 BuflFerings ; but Girty averred that he did what he could to save 
 Crawford's life. Subsequently, when his old associate, Simon 
 Kenton, was captureJ by the Indians, Girty exerted himself 
 to the utmost to save him from torture, and succeeded in ef- 
 fecting his release. In August, 1782, Girty invaded Kentucky 
 and with 600 savages made an attack on Bryant's station, near 
 Lexington, which was garrisoned by about fifty men. After 
 an unsuccessful ambuscade Girty laid siege to the fort till 
 the approach of re-enforcements under Daniel Boone caused 
 him to retreat. He was rapidly pursued, and the battle of the 
 Blue Licks followed, in which many of the Kentucky leaders 
 lost their lives. This was the last great Indian battle on 
 Kentucky soil. In the same year Girty was active in the ex- 
 pulsion of the Moravian missionaries who had been laboring 
 quietly among the Wyandottes. He lived for some time on 
 Sandusky river, where he had established a trading-station, 
 and planned and led many marauding excursions. He was 
 present at Gen. Arthur St. Clair's defeat in 1791, and directed 
 a savage to kill and scalp Gen. Richard Butler, who lay 
 wounded on the field. Girty acted as interpreter to the com- 
 missioners that were appointed by the U. S. government to 
 meet the Indians in 1793, and treated them, with insolence, 
 finally securing the failure of the negotiations. He also aided 
 the British in the war of 1812, and is said by some authorities 
 to have been killed in the battle of the Thames, in 1813, while 
 others say he died a natural death two years afterwards. — Ap- 
 pleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography (1887), Vol. II, 
 p. 662. 
 
Appendix EE. 405 
 
 EE. 
 
 ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES, ALSO EXTRACTS FROM PRINTED ACCOUNTS, 
 CONCERNING THE GIRTYS. 
 
 now LIKUT.-GOVKRNOR HAMILTON RESTRAINED THE INDIANS. 
 
 [Ante, pp. 42, 342-344.] 
 
 " The opening of the Revolution brought evil times to the 
 American frontiers. The Indians, supplied with English arms, 
 and led by men in English pay, carried devastation every- 
 where. I am aware that bills authorizing the employment of 
 Indians were repeatedly defeated in Parliament, and that Brit- 
 ish officers claimed that the natives were driven to war by the 
 cruel wrongs inflicted on them by Americans ; but these were 
 the orders : ' It is the King's command that you should direct 
 Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton to assemble as many of the 
 Indians of his district as he conveniently can, and placing a 
 proper person at their head, to conduct their parties, and re- 
 strain them from committing violence on the well-affected, in- 
 offensive inhabitants, exmploy them in making a diversion and 
 exciting an alarm on the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylva- 
 nia ' (Lord George Germaine to Sir Guy Carletori, March 26, 
 1776 : Haldimand Coll.). Such proper persons as Simon 
 Girty, William Lamothe, Joseph Brant, and others, were em- 
 ployed by Hamilton as leaders of these parties, ahd, in order 
 to restrain them still further, he offered a premium for the 
 scalps of Americans (Jefferson's Works, Vol. I, p. 456)." — 
 Dunn's Indiana, p. 131. [Brant was not employed by Hamil- 
 ton, and the latter did not offer a premium for scalps, but 
 he did employ such improper persons as Girty and Lamothe 
 *' to restrain the Indians from committing violence on the 
 well-affected and inoffensive inhabitants, as Dunn inferentially 
 declares."] 
 
406 History of the Girtys. 
 
 II. 
 
 " oirty's town." 
 [Ante, pp. 289, 290, 294, 296.] 
 " St. Mary's was from early times a noted point, being a vil- 
 lage of the Shawnees. Gen. Wayne on his campaign camped 
 here and called the place ' Qirty's town,' from James Girty, a 
 brother of Simon, who lived here with the Indians and gave 
 his name to the place ; Harmar was also here prior to Wayne. 
 In the war of 1812, there was a fort at St. Mary's, which for 
 a time, was the headquarters of Gen. Harrison. It was 
 called Fort Barbee by the regiment of Col. Barbee which built 
 it. . . . 
 
 - " There were four Girty brothers, Thomas, George, James 
 and Simon. James was adopted by the Shawnees, George 
 by the Delawares, and Simon by the Scnecas. James was the 
 worst renegade of them all and took delight in inflicting the 
 most fiendish cruelties upon prisoners, sparing neither women 
 nor children. Simon was the most conspicuous, being a leader 
 and counsellor among the Indians." — Howe's Ohio (Centennial 
 Edition), Vol. I, pp. 302, 303. [But " Girty's town " was not 
 named by Gen. Wayne.] 
 
 III. 
 
 CLAKK's attack on the 8HAWANESK TOWN OF PIQUA. 
 
 [Ante, pp. 121, 122.] 
 
 " The action was so severe a short time before the close, 
 that Simon Girty, a white man who had joined the Indians, 
 and who was made a chief among the Mingoes, drew off three 
 hundred of his men, declaring to them it was folly in the ex- 
 treme to continue the action against men who acted so much 
 like madmen, as Gen. Clark's men, for they rushed in the ex- 
 treme of danger, with a seeming disregard of the conse- 
 quences. This opinion of Girty, and the withdrawal of the 
 three hundred Mingoes, so discouraged the rest that the whole 
 body soon after dispersed." — Bradford's Notes on Kentucky. 
 [The only statement in this account of the attack of Clark on 
 
Appendix HE. 407 
 
 the Indian town of Piqua, that is not erroneous, is the one 
 made, by inference, that Girty then had his home with the 
 Mingoes.] 
 
 IV. 
 
 BKIKK HldOKAFHY OF SIMON OIRTY FROM UIS BIRTH TO THE TORTURING 
 
 OF CRAWFORD. 
 
 [Prom Wnshington-Irvine Correspondence, p. 127.] 
 
 " Simon Girty was born on an island in the Susquehanna 
 river in the then province of Pennsylvania, and when a boy 
 was captured by the savages, and adopted by the Seneca tribe 
 of Indians. He afterward returned to the settlements, lo- 
 cating at Pittsburgh. He fled to the enemy across the Ohio, 
 along with Alexander McKee and others, in the spring of 
 177^. Arriving at Detroit, he was engaged in the Indian 
 department and sent back into the Ohio wilderness with his 
 headquarters among the Wyandots, upon the Sandusky river. 
 He immediately entered upon a career of savage ferocity 
 against the border settlements of Pennsylvania, Virginia and 
 Kentucky. He was in the battle of the 4th of Juno, 1782, 
 between the volunteers under Crawford and the enemy, taking 
 part with the latter, and was present ... at the tortur- 
 ing of the unfortunate colonel. He had no commission in the 
 British service. He and Crawford were well acquainted." 
 The principal errors in this extract are (1), in giving Girty's 
 birth-place as "on an island in the Susquehanna river," and 
 (2), in stating by inference, that he went at once to live with 
 the Wyandots after being "sent back into the Ohio wil- 
 derness." 
 
 MAJOR WILLIAM CROQUAN'S RECOLLKCTION OF WHAT DR. KNIGHT TOLD 
 HIM AS TO girty's COURSE AT THE BURNING OF CRAWFORD. 
 
 " We had no certainty of this unhappy affair until yester- 
 day, when Doctor Knight, who was taken with Crawford, came 
 into the garrison, in the most deplorable condition man could 
 
408 History of the Oirtyt. 
 
 be in iind bo alive. He says that the second day after they 
 were taken, they were carried to an Indian town, stripped and 
 then blacked, and made to march through the Indians, when 
 men, women and chihlren beat them with clubs, sticks, fists, 
 etc., in the most cruel manner. 
 
 "Colonel Crawford and the doctor were confined together 
 all night. The next day, they were taken out, blacked again, 
 and their hands tied behind their backs, when Colonel Craw- 
 ford was led by a long rope to a high stake, to the top of 
 which the rope about the colonel was tijed. All around the 
 stake a great quantity of red hot coals were laid, on which 
 the poor colonel was obliged to walk barefoot, and at the same 
 time the Indians firing squibs of powder at him, while others 
 poked sticks (on fire) into every part of his body ; thus they 
 continued torturing him for about two hours, when he begged 
 of Simon Girty, a white renegade, who was standing by, to 
 shoot him, when the fellow said, ' don't you see I have no 
 gun ?' Some little time after this they scalped him, and struck 
 him on the bare skull several times with sticks, and being 
 nearly exhausted he lay down on the burning embers, when 
 squaws put shovelsful of coals on his body, which, dying as 
 he was, made him move and creep a little ; the doctor was 
 obliged to stand by to see this cruelty performed." — Cro- 
 ghan to William Davies, Virginia Secretary at War, July 6, 
 1782. See American Historical Record, Vol. I, p. 176 ; also 
 Washington-Irvine Correspondence, p. 293, note. Compare 
 pp. 180-182, ante. 
 
 VI. 
 
 FIKBT PUBLISHBD ACCOUNT OF SIMON OIRTY's BRU&VIOK AT THK TOKTUBi- 
 INQ Olf COLONKL CBAWKORD. 
 
 •' Dr. Knight, who was taken with Col. Crawford arrived 
 here after living for 21 days upon herbs in the woods. He 
 says that five days after they were taken the Delaware Indi- 
 ans burnt the Col. with the most excruciating pain, first tied 
 him to a long post with room to walk round it, then cut ofi* his 
 ears, after that blew squibs of powder on diflferent parts of 
 
Appendix EE. 409 
 
 his body ; then the squaws procured hickory brands and dar 
 against such parts as they thought might most affect h 
 they then scalped him and slapped the scalp in the Dr.'s face,- 
 told him that was his big captain ; the Col. was still alive. 
 This he thinks was an hour after the Col. was tied up, when 
 he (the Dr.) was taken away. Just as he was leaving him 
 the Col. leaned upon his knee and elbow for rest, when a 
 squaw took a shovel of hot embers and threw upon his back 
 to put him again in motion. The next day under the guard 
 of one man the Dr. passed the same place and saw some of 
 the Coi.'s bones in the ashes. The Col., ho says, made little 
 noise ; he begged one Simon Girty, Avhom he formerly knew 
 at Fort Pitt, to shoot him, but Girty said with a laugh he 
 had no gun, that examples must take place." — Pennsylvania 
 Journal and Weekly Advertiser, July 23, 1782. (See Wash- 
 ington-Irvine Correspondence, p. 376, note). 
 
 VII. 
 
 INDIANS KMPLOYKU BY THK UNITED STATK8 IN THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 [Allto, p. 133.] 
 
 " Both sides in the Revolutionary struggle tried to employ 
 the Olijo Indians. The British were most active and most suc- 
 cessful in this enterprise. A party of Wyandots under Simon 
 Girty, an ugly-spirited ruffian who had been adopted by the In- 
 dians, and was now in British pay, made a memorable attack upon 
 Fort Henry, on the Ohio near Wheeling, but was cheated of 
 success and badly disabled after a desperate struggle during 
 which young Elizabeth Zane performed an act of supreme 
 heroism in securing a keg of powder from a point outside the 
 fort." — The Story of Ohio, by Alexander Black, p. 74. 
 
 The United States, during the Revolution, employed sav- 
 ages against the British and Indians, it is true (see Washing- 
 ton-Irvine Correspondence, pp. 25, 26), but they were en- 
 gaged in the regular service ; they were never sent on forays 
 into Canadian settlements, to kill inoffensive white settlers, as 
 they were employed to do, by the British, on the American 
 
410 History of the Oirtyt. 
 
 border. As to the Elizabeth Zano incident mentioned by 
 Bhick, there is a bitter controversy in the Pan-Handle concern- 
 ing who was the heroine, and rehitivo to the time when the 
 affair took phice. (Consult Dellaas, Hist. Ind. Wars W. Va.; 
 Newton's Hist. Pan- Handle, W. Va.; and local histories of 
 that region generally.) 
 
 VIII. 
 
 UPPKK HIIAWaNKSK towns ON MAD UlVKll, IN THE IIKVOI.UTION. 
 
 [Anto, pp. 78, 79-84.J 
 
 Near a small creek emptying into Mad river, on the oast 
 side, there was a small Shawanese village, called Wapakoneta, 
 in the present Salem township, Champaign county, Ohio, about 
 two miles and a half south of the present West Liberty, in 
 Logan county. The next town was Mac-a-cheek ; then a small 
 one called Pigeon town, on the west side of the river, three miles 
 north-west of Mac-a-cheek ; then Wapatomica, below what is 
 now Zanesfield, a short distance ; then Blue Jacket's town, on 
 the site of the present Bellefontaine. Three miles north of 
 the latter was a Delaware village — Buckongahelas'. About 
 nine miles above Blue Jacket's village was Solomon's town. 
 When it said (see p. 82, ante) that " there was no Wapakoneta 
 in existence until long after the Revolution," reference is made 
 to the present town of that name, the county-seat of Auglaize 
 county, Ohio, where, after 1780, there was a Shawanese town. 
 The Wapakoneta first mentioned above was an insignificant 
 Shawanese village, having no council-house ; and, therefore, it 
 <50uld not have been the town where Simon Girty first met 
 Kenton in the Ohio wilderness. 
 
 IX. 
 
 THOMAS QIKTY DKAL8 WITH RICUAKD AND WILLIAM BUTLER, IN 1768- 
 
 [Ante, p. 22.] 
 
 Alleghany City, Pa., June ITth, 1875. 
 Dear Sir : In overhauling a box of old papers belonging 
 to my grandfather, Major Craig, I found a day-book of 
 Richard and William Butler, kept at Fort Pitt. In it is an 
 
Appendix EK. 411 
 
 account ngiiinut Thomas Girty. Supposing it might interest 
 you, I enclose you a copy. Tliere is no other date than 1768 
 to this account. Of course you know that Richard Butler was 
 Gen. Butler, who fell at St. Clair's defeat, and that William 
 was the Colonel of the Fourth Pennsylvania regiment, in the 
 Revolutionary war. Yours, truly, 
 
 Isaac Cbaio. 
 To C. W. Buttcrfield. 
 
 'TllOMA'S GeRTV 
 
 In acct. with Richard & William Butler, Dr. 
 1768. £ 
 
 To a new gun stock 20«., to a lock 15«., to 
 
 mounting 15«., 2 10 
 
 " a new breech 6»., to a trigger Is. 0(i., to rifling 
 
 12«. Qd , 1 . 
 
 " a trigger plate and pin 2«., to 3 wood screws 
 
 at 18(f 4 
 
 ** a hind sight 2«., to a silver fore do. 2«. 6rf.... 4 6 
 
 £3 18 6 
 
 contra. 
 
 By 100 lbs. old iron at Zd. per lb. ...#.. 1 5 
 
 " 16 lbs. fall skins at la. 7d. per lb 1 5 4 
 
 " a bushel of potatoes @ bs 5 
 
 2 15 4 
 
 By balance due Richard & William Butler, £ 1 3 2 
 
 X. 
 
 "QIRTY'S island" — PUBLISHED ACCOUNTS. 
 
 [Ante, pp. 317, 318.] 
 
 A. 
 
 "Girty's Island is seven miles above Napoleon [0.], and 
 comprises, as we are informed, about forty acres. The soil 
 is remarkably prolific, and an extremely dense growth of veg- 
 
412 History of the Girtyt. 
 
 etation is tho ro6uIt. [Simon] Girty's cabin was on the left 
 bank of the river ; and it is said that when he was apprehen- 
 sive of a surprise, he wouhl retire to the ishmd, as tho tiger 
 to the jungle, with a sense of almost absolute security from 
 his pursuers [a most nonsensical tradition].'- 
 
 "■ .^ \ i. •■.■-..■ '','"•' 
 
 " Girty's island. Six miles from Napoleon, up tho river 
 [Maumec] is Girty's Island, so called from tho Great Rene- 
 gade [Simon Girty], who once lived in a cabin on the onpo- 
 sito shore. Between tho village and the island is an uninter- 
 rupted succession of beautiful farms, in a high state of 
 cultivation. No where does the Maumee present a more 
 charming appearance than on tho route to the island. The 
 broad and deep current flows between high banks, which are 
 crowned with a dense growth of willows, where foliage, at 
 this season, is of the brightest green. 
 
 The island, we are informed, is about forty acres in extent. 
 A small portion is cultivated, but mueh the greater part is a 
 primeval wilderness. Viewed from tne shore it would seem 
 that neither bird nor beast could penetrate the tangled and 
 interwoven masses of trees, shrubs, and vines which are nur- 
 tured by its fertile soil. Aside from its great natural beauty, 
 that island will be interesting from its association." 
 
 XI. 
 
 nONCRRNINO JOHN TURNKR. 
 
 [Ante, [). '245.] 
 '* There is a curious matter relating to John Turner, aUa$ 
 ' Girty.' He died and is buried near here. After his death, 
 it was in evidence in court, that he was a full brother of 
 Thomas, Simon, James, and George Girty, and that his name 
 ' Turner,' was adopted after Simon and his two brothers 
 had made ' Girty ' unpopular. I have very little doubt 
 about the evidence being false. The descendants of Thomas 
 Girty were trying to obtain John Turner's property from his 
 adopted child, the defendant in the suit." — Isaac Craig to the 
 author of this narrative, March 30, 1882, from Alleghany, Pa. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abbott, Lioiit.-Oov. Edward, (i3. 
 Aldnr, Joiintliuii, 402. 
 All FikCP, uii Iiidiaii oiiiff, .'{47. 
 AmherHtl)urg, 215, 210, 219, 309, 
 
 310, 322, 327, 391, 392, 393, 
 Ariotne, Baptisto, 234, 230, 237. 
 Armstroii):, Col, .John, 8, 9, 12, 13. 
 Armntrong, Lit-ut. Edward, 7. 
 Arner, tSiiHai), 394. 
 Arundel, a trader, 145, 140, 148, 
 
 149, l.-iO, 151, IfiO. lO.'). 
 Aatoii, Ciipt. (leo., 30, 32. 
 Haby, Duperron, 03, I OS. 
 Railey. Francis, 157, ;!07, 368. 
 Riiker, llonry, 127, 4Ul. 
 Hull, Il^nry, 27.3! 
 Bane, Capt., 171. 
 Barbee, Col., 400. 
 Baron, P. H., Fr. Dennis, 337. 
 Bartlet, .lames, 333. 
 " Battle Island," 167, 170. 
 BaubeeC'Baby"), Col., 386. 
 Bayard, Lieut-Col. Stepben, 401. 
 Bealer, Catliarino, 3:'.2, 400. 
 Beaubin, Cbarles, 03, 108. 
 Betsey, a .Sbawanese woman, wife 
 
 of James Cirty, 289. 
 "Big Foot," a myth, 134, 1.3.^ 
 Biggs, Capt., 171. 
 Bird, Capt. Henry, 93, 94, 9,5, 96, 97, 
 
 118,119, 120,122,123, 126. 
 Blanch, .Joseph, 291. 
 Black Wolf, 233. 
 Black, Alexander, 409. 
 Blue Jacket, a Shawanese chief, 
 
 261,268,290,296, 387. 
 Blue Jacket's town (near Mad 
 
 river), 410. 
 Blue Jacket's town, on the Mau- 
 
 mee, 268, 273. 
 Blue Licks, battle of, 198-200, 205, 
 
 379, 404. 
 Blue Licks, campaign of, 193-200, 
 
 203-208, 373-377, 404. 
 Bolton, Maaon, 107, 
 Boone, Daniel, 199, 205, 206, 404. 
 Bouquet, Colonel Henry, 114. 
 Bouquet Papers, The, 378. 
 
 Boundary troubles between Pa. 
 
 and Va., 23, 24, .30, 31, 30. 
 Bousman, Lieut. .lacob. 3'i. 
 Bowman, Col. .lolin, 90, 97. 
 Brackenridge, 11. II., 1.57,367,308, 
 
 309, 370. 
 Braddock's defeat, 0. 
 Bradt, Capt. Andrew, 192, 193, 200, 
 
 201. 
 Brady, Samuel, 97, 98, 21 1, 212. 
 Brainerd, Kev. David, 2. 
 Brandon (a soldier), killed, S. 
 Brant, Cuj)t. .Joseph (Thayendano- 
 
 gea), 129, 130, 131, 1.35,228,2.38, 
 
 2H, 269, 287, 290, 314, 351, 352, 
 
 387, 401, 405. 
 Brenton, .James, 107. 
 Ibiekell, John, 293, 294. 
 Brod head. Col. Daniel, 87,95, 100, 
 
 101, 104, 115, 124, 12.5, 120, 127 
 
 128, l.H 3.53, 3.54. 
 Brown, 'riiomas, 300. 
 Bryan's Station, 123, 195, 198, 205, 
 
 200, 374, 376, 404. 
 Brymner, Douglas, 377, 378, 379. 
 Buckongahelas, a Delaware ehief, 
 
 2f.l. 
 Buekongahelaa's town, 382, 410. 
 Bull, Joseph, 57. 
 Bunburv, Capt. Joseph, 263, 269. 
 Burkhnrt, John, 210, 403. 
 Butler, Richard, 37, 221, 224, 2.38, 
 
 239, 200, 262, 263, 204, 404, 410, 
 
 411. 
 Butler, Simon (Simon Kenton's as- 
 sumed name), 78. 
 Butler, William, 410, 411. 
 Caldwell, Capt. William, 163, 107, 
 
 173, 183, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 
 
 197, 198, 200, 208, 216, 235, 373, 
 
 374, 375, 376, 384, 386. 
 Caldwell, Francis, 305. 
 Caldwell, Lieut., 63. 
 Campbell, John, 32. 
 Campbell, Judge James V., 327. 
 Campbell, John W., 4, 314, 321,327. 
 Campbell, the poet, 314. 
 
 (413) 
 
414 
 
 Index. 
 
 Carleton, Sir Guy, 344, 349, 405. 
 
 Carpenter, John, 155. 
 
 Cass, Lew is, 299. 
 
 ChamberH, .James, 382, 383. 
 
 Chambers's Mill, 2. 
 
 Chapin, Oon., 279. 
 
 Chesne, Isidore, t)3. 
 
 Christian Inclians. See "Moravian" 
 Indians. 
 
 Christy, Lieut. William, 32. 
 
 Cist, Charles. 1, '.'57, 2)8, 331. 
 
 <'incinnati founded, 258. 
 
 Claphani, Col. William, 8. 
 
 Clark, Capt. .John, 89. 
 
 Clark, George Rogers, '26, 71, 72, 90, 
 101, 109, 117, 118, 121, 122, 128, 
 129, l.iO, 131, 135, 192, 199, 201, 
 202, 209, 221, 224, 232, 348, 349, 
 351, 3')2, 40H. 
 
 Clark, T. Alex., 31^0, 399. 
 
 Clinch, Lieut., Km. 
 
 Clinton, Sir Henry, 379. 
 
 Coleman, Mrs., 267. 
 
 Coleman, H. F., 78, 
 
 Collins, Joel, 374, 376. 
 
 f^ollins, Joshuii, iHfi. 
 
 Collins, Richard H., 376. 
 
 Connolly, Dr. John, 23, 24, 30, 31, 
 33, 36. 
 
 Connor, Richard, 99, 100. 
 
 Cornplanter, a Seneca chief, 256, 
 274. 
 
 Cornstalk, a Shawanese chief, 32. 
 
 Cowan, Frank, 189. 
 
 Cracraft, Maj. <Jharles, 3.')2. 
 
 Craigcroft, Miij. See Cracraft. 
 
 Craig. Isai.c, 43, 56, 245, 346,411, 412. 
 
 Cniig, Maj. Isaac, .i6. 
 
 Crawford's (Jampuign against San- 
 duskv, 160-163, 167-189. 
 
 "Crawford's Defeat," extract from 
 the ballad entitled, 189. 
 
 Crawford, Sarah, 364 
 
 (.'rawford, Valentine, 33. 
 
 Crawlbrd, Major William, 30, 33, 
 (now Col.) 161, 162, 167, 169,170, 
 171, 172, 176, 177. 178, 179, 180, 
 181, 1S2. 183, IH4, 187, ISS, 189, 
 325, 348, 355, 356, 357. 358, 359, 
 360,361, 31)2, .-63, 3ti4, 365, 366, 
 367, 368, 3(19, 370, 371, 372, 404, 
 405, 407, 40^. 409. 
 
 Crawford, William (ntphew of Col. 
 (;r,«wf(.rd), 172. 
 
 Cresap, Col., 3(». 
 
 Croghan, Major Wm , 407, 408. 
 
 Cunningham, Mrs. Thomas, cap- 
 tured by the I'idiaiis, 240; is res- 
 cued by Simon Girty, 241. 
 
 Davies, William, 40s 
 
 De Peyster, A. S.. 86, 87, 111, 112, 
 117, 118, 122, 125, 126. 127, 129, 
 134, 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 
 145, 146. 162, 163, 191, 192, 211, 
 212, 213, 215, 222, 352, 356, 366. 
 
 De Villiers, Neyon, 7. 
 
 Doughty, Maj. tJohn, 3S4. 
 
 Draper, Lyman C, 122, 187, 204, 
 205, 360. 
 
 Drouillard, Joseph, interpreter, 63. 
 
 Druyer, Peter, 350, .351. 
 
 Duentate. a Wyandot, 113. 
 
 Duff, Williat ,"3'.10. 
 
 Dunlnp, Join., 249. 
 
 Dunlap's Station, 249. 250: attack 
 on, 250-2.^5, 257, 258. 
 
 Dunlavy, Francis, 168. 
 
 Duninore, Lord, 25, 27, 30, 35, 50, 
 
 59. 339, 403. 
 
 Dunmore's War, 25-.30, .50, 114, 310. 
 Diiii(|uat(lI)eWvandot Half King), 
 
 136, 163. 
 Edgerton, Thomas, 141, 151. 
 E.l wards (Wdliam), 146. 
 Elliott, Matthew, .50, 51, 56, 57, 5S, 
 
 60, 65, 66, 108, 132, 133, 167, I ('8, 
 183, 185, !87, 193, 226, 227, 228, 
 229, 234, -.'35, 24.-), 247, 257, 259, 
 2iit;, 273, 274, 276, 277, 285, 286, 
 291, 29'.», 303, 305, 310, 326, 327, 
 337, 348, 3:i3, 36(>. 
 
 Elliott, William, 308, (now Captain) 
 
 310, 311, (now advocate) 390. 
 England, Col. Hi'hard. 292. 
 Evans, Miss Moneka, marries 
 
 Thomas Girty, son of Simon, 
 
 307. 
 " FalltMi Timber," The, battle of, 
 
 2.s.i, 286, 287, 386, 
 " Falleti Timber," .The, between 
 
 Forts St, Clair and Hamilton, 
 
 272. 
 Fast, Christian, 152, 401. 
 '' Father Abraham," in a mythical 
 
 story, 158. 1.59. 
 F'ink, John, killed by Indians, 154. 
 Finney, Capt. Walter, 224. 
 Fisher, Myndert, 124. 
 Flying Crow, .347. 
 Forbes, Gen. John, 16. 
 Fort Augusta, 9. 
 Fort Barbee, 295, 406. 
 
Index. 
 
 415 
 
 Fort Defiance, 28 \. 
 
 Fort Deposit, 284. 
 
 Fort Duiimorc, 24, 31. 
 
 Fort Duquosiie. C. 10. -JSl, .'iSS, 337. 
 
 Fort Erie, 275, '-'78. 279. 
 
 Fort Fincastle, 40. 
 
 "F.irt Finnev," 224. 
 
 Fort Granville, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, II, 12. 
 
 13. 
 Fort Greenville, 284. 
 Fort Hamilton, 262, 2f).5. 272. 
 Fort Harmai', 242, 244. 
 Fuvt Henrv. 40, r..!, 132, 133, 201, 
 
 a 18. 209, '289, 345, 353, 354, 403, 
 
 409. 
 Fort Hunter, 2. 
 F'ort Jetter.-'on (on the Mississippi), 
 
 117, 118, 121. * 
 Fort -lett'ersoii (in IIk^ present State 
 
 of Ohio), 2tJ2, 2().i, 270. 
 Fort Laurens, 88, 9ii. 92, 93, 94, 95, 
 
 96, 98, 109, 113, 114. 
 Foit. Lernoull (Detroit), 111, 117, 
 
 299, ;;0(). 
 Fort Mcintosh, 87, 89, 92, 141, 146, 
 
 224, 402. 
 Fort Maiden, 302, 303, 304, 306, 
 
 ;-:09. 
 
 Fort Miami (on the Ohio). 259. 
 Vovt Miami (on the Maumee), 282, 
 
 284, 2S7, 2119. 387. 
 Fort Michilimackinac. Ill, 117, 
 
 •j99. 
 Fo'rt Pitt, 24, 40, 97, 113, 129, 130, 
 
 409. 
 Fort Randolph. 10. 
 Fort Recovery, 28.1, 298. 
 Foi't Recovery, town of, 202. 
 Fort Shirlev, 8. 
 Fort St. Clilir, 265, 272, 274. 
 Fort Stephenson, 3o9. 
 Fort St. .Joseph, 86. 
 F.Hi Washington, 240, 250, 252, 
 
 254, 250, 258, 202, 209, 276. 
 Fort Wavne, 317. 
 " Four-Mile Run." 332. 
 Freman, Dr., 281. 
 Gallagher, W. D., 28. 
 Gambier, a French trader, 107. 
 "George Washington," an Indian, 
 
 383. 
 Germain, Lord Georpe, 42, 344. 
 Gibson, (;ol. John, 28, 29, 52, 87, 88, 
 
 89,91, 154, 181, .S39, 340. 
 Gibson, Nancy, 332, 400. 
 Girty, Ann (daughter of Simon), 
 
 born, 228; marries Peter Gover- 
 eati. 307; is seen by Daniel 
 Workman, 320; pre.sent at the 
 last illness of her lather, 329. 
 
 Girty, Ann (daughter of James), 
 taken from the wilderness, 292; 
 lett property liy her father's will, 
 316,397, .398. 
 
 Girty, Betsey, wife of James, 289, 
 292, 3 If), 398. 
 
 Girty, Catharine Mackenzie (wife 
 of Prideaux Girty), 305. 
 
 Girty, Cathai ine Malott (wife of Si- 
 mon Girty), a meeting by Qua- 
 kers held at her home, 219 ; sep- 
 arates fioni her hu.sband, 306; 
 lives with her duughtcr, Ann, 
 310; is with her husband during 
 his last illness, 321, 322; over- 
 looked, probably, her husband's 
 Indian ways, 32ii; death of, 333; 
 had sued William Mickle for 
 dower, 333, 393; was unsuccess- 
 ful, 394. 
 
 Girty, George, birth of, 2; captured 
 at Fort Granville, 8; taken to 
 Kittanning, II; is present at the 
 torturing of his step-father, ib.; 
 why he was noi rescued by Col. 
 Armstrong, 13; adopted l)y the 
 D-jlawares, 15; in 1759, brought 
 in to Pittsburgh, by the Indians, 
 If); employed as interpreter, 19; 
 trades with the Indians, 21 ; con- 
 tinued to reside at Pittsburg'a 
 duiing Lord Dunmore's War, 47; 
 enlists in Capt. James Willii'g's 
 company, ib.; commissioned a 
 second lieutenant, ib.; proceeds 
 with his company down thcOhio 
 and Mississippi, il> ; deserts his 
 company. Id"); his journey to 
 Detroit, ib.; en^iaged in the In- 
 dian department, 108; sent to 
 the Sliawanese ns interpreter, ib.; 
 acts asdisbuising agent for the 
 British, (6.; couUl l^e relied on as 
 faithful to P)ritish interests. III; 
 goes to Detroit again in 1780, 1 17; 
 goes on Bird's expeditif)n i'lco 
 Kentucky, 118; aids Bird mate- 
 rally, 120; tights bravely at 
 Pi(|iiH, 121 ; in winter of Hf^O-l, 
 with Shuwa.iesc, 122; kills and 
 caiitures (with Brant) Col. Locl»- 
 r\'8 whole company, 129; fame 
 
416 
 
 Index. 
 
 increased, 130; rejoins CHpt. 
 'i'hompson, ih.; goes vvitli McKee 
 and Brant into Ky., 131 ; did not 
 /io to Wheeling in 1781, 132; at 
 Sandusky awaiting attack of Col. 
 Crawford, 163; in the battle 
 against Crawford, 1(57; returns 
 to the Delawares, 184; lives with 
 them, ib.; his ill-treatment of 
 Slover, 186; marches under Capt. 
 Caldwell, 193, 194; returns to the 
 Delawares, 200; did not march 
 under Bradt against Wheeling, 
 208; goes against Dunlap's Sta- 
 tion, 252, 257, 258; continues 
 with the Delawares, 292; writes, 
 
 : in 1784, to McKee. 293; takes 
 charge of young Brickell, 293, 
 294; marries among the Dela- 
 wares, 315; dies on the Maumee, 
 ib.; his bravery, iA.; first printed 
 account of. 335; mention of as a 
 trader, 337; not at Wheeling in 
 :777 ; his letter to McKee given 
 in full, 382. 
 
 "Girty's Hill," 331. 
 
 "Girty's Island," 317,411,412. 
 
 Girty, .lames, birth of, 2; captured 
 at Fort Granville, 8; taken to 
 Kittanning, 11; witnesses the 
 torturing of his step-father by 
 the savaees, ib.; why he was not 
 rescued at the attack on Kittan- 
 ning, 13; adopted by the Sliaw- 
 anese, 15; brought in, in 1759, to 
 Pittsburgh, 16; employed as in- 
 terpreter, 19; goes to the Shaw- 
 anese in the Ohio wilderne.ss for 
 trader.s, 20; is there seen and 
 described by Rev. David Jones, 
 21; sometimes worked in Pitts- 
 burgh as a common laborer, ib.; 
 remained in Pittsburgh during 
 Dunmore's War, 49; sent to the 
 Shawanese with a message and 
 presents by American commis- 
 sioners, ib.; persuaded to desert 
 hi8 country, 60; inflames the 
 minds of the Shawanese against 
 the Americans, ib.; arrives at 
 Detroit, 64; sent back as inter- 
 preter to the Shawanese, ib.; ac- 
 companied to the Ohio wildtr- 
 ness by his brother Simon, ib.; 
 Attainted of high treason by 
 Pennsylvania, 65, 66 ; what Ham- 
 
 ilton expected of him in the 
 Ohio wilderness, 73; goes upon 
 a maraud into Kentucky, 74; re- 
 turns with scalps and prisoners 
 to Wapatomica, ib.; meets Ken- 
 ton at Wnpatomica, 77; goes to 
 Detroit, 109; sent back to Wajja- 
 toniica, 110; faithful to British 
 interests, 111; early in 1 780 goes 
 to Detroit, 117; thence upon 
 Bird's expedition into Ky., 118; 
 returns to the Shawanese, 120; 
 tights bravely at PiquH, 121; in 
 winter of 1780-1, with Shawa- 
 nese, 122; did not go to Wheel- 
 ing in 1781, 132; arrives at San- 
 dusky to aicl the Shawanese 
 against Crawibrd, 169; returns 
 to Wdpatomicn, 184; informs 
 against Slover, 185; miirches un- 
 der Capt. Caldwell, 193; returns 
 to the Shawanese towns, 194; 
 maiches under Capt. Bradt 
 against Fort Henry, 201, 208, 
 209; his warning of euiigrnnts 
 on the Ohio a fiction, 229-232; 
 locates at St. Mary's as a trader, 
 231; not at the attack on Dun- 
 lap's Station, 257, 258; marries a 
 Shawanese woman, Betsey, 289; 
 his locating at St. Mary's again 
 mentioned, ib.; ships peltry to 
 Detroit, ib.; moves to " The 
 Glaize," 290; visited by 0. M. 
 Spencer, 291 ; frightens the boy, 
 292; removes to Gosfield, Essex 
 county, Canada, ih.; his savage 
 disposition, 294; returns to the 
 Maumee to trade, 316; granted 
 lands in Gosfield by the Crown, 
 ih.; makes his will, ib.; contin- 
 ues to trade on the Maumee, 
 317; finally gives up the busi- 
 ness, ib.; his last trading-post, 
 location of, ib.; not at the battle 
 of the Thames, 318; death of, in 
 Gosfield, Canada, ib.; his per- 
 sonal appearance and character, 
 318, 319; erroneous accounts as 
 to the place of his death, 319; 
 his savagery probably overstated, 
 ib.; first published account of, 
 335 ; not in the attack on Fort 
 Henry in 1777, 346; his will 
 given in full, 397-399. 
 
Index. 
 
 417 
 
 Girty, James (son of James, brother 
 of Simbn), 292, 316, 397, 39S. 
 
 Girty, John (son of Thomas), 332, 
 333, 400. 
 
 Girty, Mrs. Mary Newton, 4, 5,( Mrs. 
 John Turner) 8, 11, 12, 15, 18. 
 
 "Girtv's Notch," 20;i 
 
 " Girty's Notch Hotel," 203. 
 
 "Girty'.s Point" (in the present W. 
 Va), 141, 142. 14.3. 
 
 "Girtv's Point" (on the Maumee), 
 31?; 
 
 Girtv, Prideaux, 304, 305, 329, 332, 
 394, 400. 
 
 "Girty's Run," 331. 
 
 Girty, Saiiih, born, 255; marries 
 Joseph Munger, 307; is given 
 proi)erty by her lialt'-uncle, John 
 Turner, 332; mention ol, in 
 Turner's will, 400. 
 
 Girty, Simon, 8r., emigrai<'3 to 
 America, 1 ; in the Indian trade 
 at " Paxtiiiig," ib.; settles on 
 Shermiin's creek, 3; returns to 
 Chiimbers's, 4; df-ath of, 5. 
 
 Girty, Simon, born, 1 ; captured by 
 the Indians at Fort Granville, 8; 
 taken to Kittanning, 11; wit- 
 nesses the torturing of his step- 
 father, ib ; why he was not re.s- 
 cued by Col. Armstrong, 14; 
 claimed by the Senecas, 15; 
 brought by them, in 1759, to 
 Pittsburgh, 16; employed as in- 
 tei'preter, 19; a Delaware chief 
 takes his name, i6.; visits Indian 
 camps frequently, 20; makes 
 friends at Pittsburgh, ib.; takes 
 part with Va. in boundary con- 
 troversy, ib.; employed by the 
 Crown as interpreter, 21 ; in- 
 dicted in the boundary troubles 
 for misdemeanor, 23; protects 
 Mrs. MacKay, 24; takes part in 
 Lord Dunmore's War, 25; car- 
 ries a message to Point Pleasant, 
 27; shoots an Indian, 28; sent 
 by Dunniore with John Gibson 
 to the Shawanese, 29; goes after- 
 ward alone to meet John Logan, 
 the Mingo chief, ib.; translates 
 Logan's " speech " to Gibson, 30 ; 
 gets up an Indian dance with 
 others, for Dunmore's diversion, 
 ib.; commissioned second lieu- 
 tenant, ib.; aids Major Connolly 
 
 27 
 
 in a jail delivery at H annas- 
 town, 31; takes the prescribed 
 oaths when commissioned a mili- 
 tia officer, ib ; is said to be " well- 
 disposed" toward the Mother 
 country, 32; is probably influ- 
 enced by Connolly, 33; goes as 
 guide to the Western Indians, y 
 35; petitions the Virginia Ex- 
 ecutive Council for extra pay 
 tor the trip, 36, loses his of- 
 fice of second lieutenant, 36; 
 apiiointed inte -preter by Mor- 
 gan at Fort Pitt, for the Six 
 Nations, 37; his instructions, 
 38; discharged for ill-behavior, 
 ib.; sent as express over the 
 mountains, 3'J; enlists men at 
 Pittsburgh tor tlip patriot army, 
 41 ; mado second lieutenant, ib.; 
 soon resigns, ib.; not at the at- 
 tack, in 1777, on Fort Henry, 43; 
 arrested as a conspirator, 45 ; dis- 
 charged, ib.; fully restored to the 
 confidence of Gen. Hand and 
 sent with a message to the Sen- 
 ecas, ib.; goes out upon the 
 "Squaw Campaign," 48; influ- 
 enced by McKee to flee to the 
 enemy, 49, 50, 51 ; why he went 
 over to the enemy, 51 et seq.: left 
 no papers behind, 54; his char- 
 aster at the time of his flight, 
 if.; owned no lands in West- 
 moreland county. Pa., 54, 55; a 
 fictitious tradition as to his liv- 
 ing with a woman — his reputed 
 wife, 55; left Pittsburgh to go to 
 the British, not to the Indians, 
 56; was not at heart an Indian, 
 ib.; did not flee from Fort Pitt, 
 ib ; goes with McKee and Elli- 
 ott to the Delawares, 57; helps 
 inflame their minds against tlie 
 Americans, 58; goes to the Shaw- 
 anese, 60; a fiction as to his be- 
 ing captured by the Wyandots, 
 61; reaches Detroit, 62; em- 
 ployed in the British Indian De- 
 {lartment as interpreter to the 
 Six Nations, ib.; is fiaid two dol- 
 lars a day, ib.; belonged to no 
 military organization, 64; goes 
 to the Mingoes ns interpreter, 
 ib.; attainted of high treason by 
 Pennsylvania, 65, 66; not "a 
 
418 
 
 Index. 
 
 white savage — nothing else," 67; 
 why he left Pittsburjih to join 
 tlie British, 07, 68; what Hamil- 
 ton expected of him in the Ohio 
 wilderness, 73 ; goes upon a foray 
 into Kentucky, 74; returns with 
 prisoners and scalps to VVapa- 
 tomica, ib.; in going over to the 
 British did not intend to live 
 with the Indians, 75; meets Ken- 
 ton at Wapatomica, 77 ; ill-treats 
 him, 77, 78; saves his life, 78; 
 again intercedes for him, 79; se- 
 cures his being taken to Upper 
 Sandusky, 79, 80; was "good to" 
 Kenton, 80; said "he was too 
 hasty " in going over to the 
 enemy, ib.; not entitled to great 
 credit for saving Kenton, 80, ><l ; 
 erroneous report has been pub- 
 lished that he was dispatclied to 
 the "Moravian" Indians, 85; or- 
 dered by Hamilton to wtvtcii the 
 enemy near Fort Pitt, 88; goes 
 with a party of Mingoes to Fort 
 Laurens, ib.; ambushes Ca[»tain 
 John Clark and a detachment of 
 troops, ib.; returtis to Detroit, 
 90; his hatred of Col. Gibson, 
 and '..lie reason, 91; asks ('apt. 
 Lernoult for aid to go against 
 Fort Laurens, 92; leads the Min- 
 goes to Fort Laurens, 94; Dela- 
 wares try to waylay him, it is 
 said, to get reward for bis scalp, 
 95; he goes in pursuit ol his 
 would-be slayers, ib.; returns to 
 the Mingo country, 96 ; goes with 
 seven Mingoes after a bundle of 
 letters, 97; reaches Coshocton, 
 ib.; returns there with a prisoner, 
 98 ; his name a terror now on the 
 border, ib,; that he killed women 
 and children not positively 
 proven, ib.; accidentally meets 
 bavid Zejsberger, ib.; takes 
 the bundle of letters to De- 
 troit, 104; returns to the Ohio 
 wilderness, 109; could be relied 
 upon as faithful to the British, 
 111 ; letter of, from Sandusky to 
 Capt. Lernoult, 113, 114; fought 
 against Indians,when, 114; early 
 in 1780, goes to Detroit, 117; 
 
 foes upon Bird's expedition into 
 [y., 118; returns to the Min- 
 
 goes, 120; remains, in the winter 
 of 1780-i, with the Mingoes;, 122; 
 goes among the VVyandots to re- 
 side, 125; goes on a raid into 
 Ky., 126; saves the life of young 
 Henry Baker, 127; sends Wyan- 
 dots tu Coshocton, 128; writes to 
 De Peyster concerning Brod- 
 head's expedition to Ci>shooton, 
 ib.; says the C'liristian {" Morav- 
 ian ") Indians ajiplied for lielp to 
 be removed before the " rebels" 
 reached their town, ib.; goes with 
 McKee to repel Clark, 130; has 
 a personal encounter with Capt. 
 Brant, i6.; nearly killed, »4 ; did 
 not go to Wheeling in 1781, 132; 
 more and more, in 1782, attached 
 to Britain, 1 30; the constant 
 companion of the Half King, ih.; 
 enters Heckewelder's cabin, 137; 
 depicted by that missionaty, ib.; 
 gets a letter from De IVysler as 
 to the missionaries, 1:^8; goes on 
 a raid eastward a<^voss the Ohio, 
 140; returns to Lower Sandusky, 
 141 ; took delight in seeing 
 prisoners tortured, 142; writes 
 to De Peyster concerning his 
 raid, ib.; his headquarters at the 
 Half King's town, 144; gets 
 drunk at Lower Sandusky and 
 frightens the Moravian mission- 
 aries, 147, 148; goes to Upper 
 Sandusky, 151 ; fiction as to 
 his going in disjjuise into border 
 settlements, 158; one, also, as to 
 selling young Isaac Walker, ib.; 
 writes to De Peyster from Lower 
 Sandusky, 159, 100; attends to 
 the " King's business," ib.; sends 
 alarming intelligence to De Pey- 
 ster, ib.; awaits the coming of 
 the expedition under Crawford, 
 163; lette. of, to De Peyster 
 from Lower Sandusky, 164, 165; 
 he takes part in the battle on the 
 Sandusky Plains, 168; interview 
 with Crawford before the battle 
 a fiction, 169, 170; sees Crawford, 
 172; did he endeavor to save 
 him as he promised? 173-175; 
 meets him again near the Ty- 
 mochtee, 177; at the torturing of 
 Crawford, 178-182; after Craw- 
 ford's torture returns to the 
 
Jndiix. 
 
 419 
 
 Half King's town, 183; goes 
 thence to Lower Sandusky, ib.; 
 reports the burning of Crawford 
 to Cnpt. Caldwell, ib.; goes to 
 Solomon's town, 190; supposed 
 speecn of, error, 190, 191, 202; 
 marches under Capt. Caldwell, 
 193; reaches Bryan's Station, 194; 
 fiction of his 'Jemanding its sur- 
 render, 19r>-197; did not have 
 any commund at the battle of 
 the Blue Licks, 198-200, 205- 
 208; returns to the Half King's 
 town, 200; actively employed be- 
 tween Sandusky and Detroit, 
 202; his uhiquity, 203; did not 
 march ngiiinst Wheeling under 
 Bradt, 208; noes against the Pa. 
 border, 210; captures young 
 Burkhart, ib.; recalled from the 
 Ohio wilderness by De Peyster, 
 ib.; receives half-pay or pen- 
 sion, ib.; fictitious account as to 
 his meeting Brady, 211, 212; 
 present at a council with the 
 savages at Detroit as an inter- 
 preter, 212; time previously 
 spent with the Indians during 
 the Revolution, 213; is visited by 
 his brother Thomas, and halt- 
 brother, John Turner, ib.; goes, 
 in 1783, to an Indian council at 
 Sandusky, 214; marries, in 1784, 
 Catharine Malott, 214, 215; takes 
 up his abode on the east side of 
 the Detroit river, 21o, 216, 219; 
 excites the savages against the 
 United States, 220; is under Mc- 
 Kee's direction, 222; is informeii 
 of by <Jol Harmar, 223; goes to 
 the Wyandots and Shawanese to 
 prevent them from treating with 
 the Unite! States, 224; again 
 visits the Shawanese to stir up 
 their animosity, 226; goes to 
 Sandusky, thence to Niagara, 
 227; is promised lands for his 
 services in the Revolution, 228; 
 has a daughter born, ib.; active, 
 in 1786, at a council with the In- 
 dians on Detroit river, 228, 229; 
 was known by Walker, 235; aids 
 young Moore to release his sister 
 from caf)tivity, 2S7; labDrs to 
 have the savages, in 1787, meet 
 in council on the Maumee, 23H ; 
 
 his activity, in 1788, for McKee, 
 239; is sent to the second Indian 
 council on the Maumee, 239; 
 has a son born, ib.; assists in res- 
 cuing Mrs. Thomas Cunningham 
 from captivity, 241; returns to 
 Detroit, ib.; is comparatively in- 
 active in 1789, 244; fiction as to 
 his raiding intoVa. in that year, 
 ib.; visited again by his half- 
 brother, John 'iurner, ib ; goes, in 
 1790, to a council on the Mau- 
 mee, 248; his advice followed by 
 the savages, ib.; proposes a cam- 
 paign against the American 
 forts, ib.; a fallacy as to his 
 raiding into Virginia, 249; leads 
 savages against Dunlap's Station, 
 251; attacks the stockade, and 
 is unsuccessful, 251-254; orders, 
 or approves of, the torturing of 
 Abner Hunt, 254; returns home, 
 255 ; birth of another daughter, 
 ib.; sent again to the Maumee, 
 256 ; threatens any U. S. commis- 
 sioner sent to make peace, ib.; 
 employes "Moravian" Indians on 
 his farm, 259; pays them in rum, 
 ib.; goes to the Miami villages, 
 head of Maumee, 260; leads the 
 Wyandots at St. Clair's defeat, 
 261; fought bravely in the bat- 
 tle, 263; refuses to "end the 
 misery" of (len. Butler, ib.; cap- 
 tures a white woinan, 264; his 
 reputation as a brave man great- 
 ly increased, ib.; returns to the 
 Maumee, ib.; saves the life of 
 William May, 265; commands 
 at the attack on Fort Jefferson, 
 ib.; is at"The'01aize ' during the 
 surrmer of 1792, 266; has a re- 
 puted son on the Maumee, 267, 
 268; Girty described by young 
 Spencer, 269 ; is seen at Detroit 
 by Joseph Van Bebber, 270; de- 
 nies that he was the instigator 
 of Colonel Crawford's death, ib.; 
 part taken by him at St. Clair's 
 defeat again mentioned, 271 ; his 
 presence at the attack on Fort 
 Jefferson reaffirmed, ib.; goes 
 against the " Falle"n Timber," 
 but is recalled, 272; is at a great 
 Indian council at "The Glaize," 
 in October, 1792, 273; at an- 
 
420 
 
 Index. 
 
 other council with the sp.v- 
 atfes, in 1793, on the Maumee, 
 ^7l); interprets incorrectly at a 
 meetitisr with U. S. Commission- 
 ers, 277; his insolenco, according 
 to Heckewolder, 27S ; Quakers 
 hold a iDeelini; iit iiis liome, 279; 
 in 1794, is very ative. 281; paid 
 l)V the day as British interpreter 
 in addition to his pension, ib.; is 
 seen by Jacob Lewis, ib.; goes to 
 the Maumee. 282 ; marclies 
 against Fort Kecovery, 282, 283 ; 
 figlits bravely, ib.; is at the battle 
 of the "Fallen Timber," 28o, 
 286; attends an Indian council, 
 in 1794, near his home, 287; 
 goes to the mouth of the Mau- 
 mee to assist McKee, ih.; nX- 
 tempts for the last time to ad- 
 monish the Indians not to treat 
 for peace, 288; goes home never 
 atiain to appear in the U. S. as a 
 British emissary, ib.; prevents a 
 few Indians from going to Green- 
 ville to make peace with Wayne, 
 29(); his zeal described by Cass, 
 299; swims Xhr-. Detroit river, 
 300, 301 ; his bravery, 301 ; how 
 treated bv the British govern- 
 ment, 303; of ills domestic 
 career, 3U4 ; birth of his son Pri- 
 deaux, 304; granted land by the 
 Crown, 305. 306; separates from 
 his wife, 306; liotion as to his 
 visiting Pittsburgh, 307; deeds 
 half his farm to his 8i>n Thomas, 
 307, 308; in Detroit in 1812, ib.; 
 is nearly blind. 309; prepares to 
 go among the Mohawks, ib.; not 
 at the massacre of the River 
 Raisin, 310-312; fictions with re- 
 gard to him and Kenton, 311- 
 313; not killed at the battle of 
 the Thames, 313; finds refuge 
 with the Mohawks, 313, 315; fic- 
 tion as to his once trading on 
 the Maumee, 317, 318; returns 
 home from the Mohawk coun- 
 try, 320; is total' V blind, ib.; re- 
 ported as killed, 321 ; his death, 
 322; his burial, ib.; an error as 
 to his death, 323 ; his personal 
 appearance, ib.; his house has 
 disappeared, ib.; his ill-will to- 
 ward the Americans, 324; hia 
 
 general character, 324-327; first 
 published account of, 335; fiction 
 as to his joining the Indians in 
 1774, 339; the oaths in full taken 
 by him when commissioned by 
 Connolly, 341; concerning the 
 fiction of his being at Wheeling 
 as an enemy, in 1777, 344; par- 
 ticulars of his visit to the JSeneca 
 towns in the same year, 346; 
 evidence as to his being in.utru- 
 mental in finally saving Kenton 
 from torture, 351 ; did not exert 
 himself to save Crawford, 355; a 
 fiction as to his attitude when 
 ready to deliver n speech to the 
 Indians. 372; what John Leith 
 says of him, 3^14; a fiction con- 
 cerning his not visiting the 
 Scotch-Irish of W. Va., 387; his 
 deed in full to his son Tliomas, 
 389, 390; W. C. Mickle tells how 
 he broke his ankle, 393; pub- 
 lished estimates of, 394-397; 
 seen tiy James Lyon, 402; what 
 Jonathan Alder says of his treat- 
 ment of boy-prisoners, ib.; not 
 much to be praised for his treat- 
 ment of young Burkhart or 
 young Spencer, 403; an account 
 of him in a Cyclopmdia, 403, 
 404; not a proper person to re- 
 strain the savages, 405; most 
 conspicuous of the Girtys, 406 ; 
 the fiction of his being at Piqua 
 when that village was attacked 
 by (,'lark, 406; his living with 
 the Min<;oes confirmed, 407; not 
 born on an island in the Susque- 
 hannah, 407 ; error as to his go- 
 ing at once to live with the Wyan- 
 dots, 407; his acquaintance with 
 Crawford reiterated, ib.; present, 
 as previously stated, at his tor- 
 ture, ih.; what Dr. Knight told 
 Croghan concerning his actions 
 at (Crawford's death, ib.; first ac- 
 count published of his course at 
 the torture of Crawford, 40S, 409; 
 another fictitious account of his 
 being present, in 1777, at the at- 
 tack on Fort Henry, 409; a fool- 
 ish tradition co ecting his 
 name with Girty's Island on the 
 Maumee, 412; false evidence as 
 
Index. 
 
 421 
 
 to Jolui Turner l)eiiig Iiiu lull 
 brotht'f, i/t. 
 
 Girly, ThomiiH, Ixnn, 1; CMptured 
 Hi Fort Gi'iiiiville, 8; taken to 
 Kittiiiiniii^, 11; present at the 
 torturinj: of his step-father, ib.; 
 rescued by Col. Armstrong, 13; 
 before 17G8, settles in Pittsburgh, 
 21, 22; gives bond to ke(>p the 
 I)eace, 4G; is sued by Ignaw 
 Labnt, ih.; gives a deposition, ih.; 
 residing, in 1781, at Pittsburgh, 
 124; his name forged by Myn- 
 dert Fisher, ih.; petitions Gen. 
 Irvine, 152, 153; visits his brother 
 Simon, 213 ; becotnes a loval cit- 
 izer^ 214; goes to the Western 
 Indians sis a messenger, 238; fic- 
 tion ns to his bro'her Simon 
 making him a visit, 307; a 
 patriot after the Revolution, 
 330; moves across the Alle- 
 ghany, iA.; death of, 331; errors 
 concerning, 3.S2; first pub- 
 lished account of liim, 335; dealt 
 with the Ilutlers, 411; his de- 
 scendants try to get .John Tur- 
 ner's property, 412. 
 
 Girtv, Mrs. Thomas, her loyalty, 
 330, 331. 
 
 Girty, Thomas (son of Simon), 
 born, 23',(; marries Miss Moneka 
 Evans, 307; is deeded half his 
 father's farm, 307, 308; death of, 
 
 • 315. 
 
 Gist, Thomas, 33. 
 
 Givans, Lieut., 279. 
 
 Glenn, David, 354, 
 
 Glikkikan, Isaac, 102, 104. 
 
 "Gnadenhiitten Affnir," 154-157. 
 
 Gore, Arthur F., 400. 
 
 Govereau, Mrs. Ann (nee Girty), 
 310, 320. 
 
 Govereau, Peter, marries Miss Ann 
 Girty, 307, 320. 
 
 Grant, Commodore , 215. 
 
 Green, Thomas M., 376. 
 
 Gu-a-sho-ta (Guyasutha), 347. 
 
 Gunsaulus, John, 167. 
 
 Guyasutha, 17, 338,347. 
 
 Hahn, Samuel, 253, 257. 
 
 Haldimand, Gen. Frederick, 86, 
 107, 111, 348, 349. 
 
 Haldimand MSS., see Haldimand 
 Papers. 
 
 Haldimand Papers, 182, 18'>, 192, 
 
 352, .377-381,385. 
 Haldimand, William, 377. 
 Half King, 12.5, 133, l.'.G, 137, 138. 
 
 139, 140, 143, 144, 149, 150, 154, 
 
 162,244, 384. 
 Half King's towrn, 141, 144, 145, 
 
 ft 1,163, 172, 176, 177, 200. 358, 
 
 359. 
 Hamilton, dipt., 279. 
 Hamilton, biout.-(70v. Henry, 36, 
 
 37, .39, 40, 41, 42, 44, .5m, h8, 59, 
 
 60, 61, 62, 6.3, 64, 6.5, 66, 67, 68, 
 
 69, 74, 75, 85, 86, 87. 88, 90, 100, 
 
 101. 126, 21.5, 222, 343, 314, 348, 
 
 349. 350, m. 
 Hamtramck, JIajor .1. F., 246, 247, 
 
 248. 
 Hand, Rrig. Oen. Edward, 41, 42, 
 
 43, 44. 45. 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 57, 
 
 87. 347, 348. 
 Ilarmar, Col. .Josinh. 221, 222, 226, 
 
 227 ((ienoral), 246, 247, 248, 250, 
 
 254, 256, 290, 406. 
 Harmar Papers, 384. 
 Harrison, Cie.n. William Henry, 
 
 309, 310, 390, 392, 406. 
 Harrison, Gov, (of Va.). 205. 206. 
 Harrison, William, 33. 172, 365. 
 Hav, .lehu, 63, 118, 215, 216. 
 H.izle, Edward, 58, 60, 61, 66, 235. 
 Heart, ('apt. .lonathan. 2-')6. 
 Heckewelder, .lohn, 53, 57, 90, 96, 
 
 97, 98, 99. 100, 101, 102, 10.3, 104, 
 
 11.5, 117, 124, 125, 136, 137, 140, 
 
 143, 145, 146, 275, 278, 279, 353, 
 
 3.56. 
 Helm, Capt. Leonard, 87. 
 Herbert, Michael, a servant of 
 
 Matthew Elliott, 50. 
 Hiashota (Guvnsutha). 17. 
 Higgins, one, 50, 51, 348. 
 Hoagland, Capt. Henry, 167. 
 Hodgdon, Quartermaster General, 
 
 260. 
 lloman, Bombardier William, 120. 
 Hosmer, Abe, 400. 
 Hull, Gen., 311. 
 Hunt, Abner, 250. 251, 252, 253, 
 
 254, 255. 
 Her, Jacob, 394. 
 Illinois, conquest of the, 71, 72. 
 "Indiana," grant of, 63. 
 "Indian officers," 63, 126, 
 Indian villaiies in the Ohio coun- 
 try, 61. 73. 74. 
 
422 
 
 Index. 
 
 Ironside, George, 267, 208, 273, 291, 
 
 316, 399. 
 Irvine, Brig. -Gen.William, 130, 153, 
 
 154, 161, 164, 166. 184, 189,401. 
 Jay, John, 297. 
 "Jay Treaty," 297, 299. 
 Jefterson, Thomas, 117. 
 Johnson, Col. Richard M., 321, 336, 
 
 392. 
 Johnson. Hir John, 214, 227, 228, 
 
 229. 
 Johnson, Sir William, 43. 
 Johnston, Col. John, 188. 
 Johnston, Rev. J. B., 45. 
 Jones, an interpreter, 277. 
 Katapeconien, 19, 2!d2, 328. 
 Kayashuta (Guyasutha), 32. 
 Kenton, Simony 26, 72, 7,S, 76, 13."), 
 
 187,310, 312, 313, 350, 351, 396, 
 
 401,403, 404, 410. 
 Kinan, Mrs. Joseph, 281. 
 Kingsbury, Lieut. Jacob, 250, 251, 
 
 254, 255. 
 Killbuck, Capt. John, 88. 
 Knight, Dr. John, 161. 167, 177, 
 ' 178, 180, 181, 188, 189, 366, 367, 
 
 368, 369, 370. 407, 408, 409. 
 "Knight and Slover Narratives," 
 
 157, 179, 181, 186, 367, 368, 369- 
 
 372. 
 Kuhn, Abraham, a Wyandot war 
 
 chief, 140, 141, 149. 
 Lamothe, William, 405. 
 Lassell, Antoine, 386. 
 Lee, Arthur, 221. 
 Leith, John, 68, 69, 382-384. 
 Lernoult. Capt. R. B., 63, 90, 92, 93, 
 
 104, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113, 114, 
 
 222. 
 Le Villier, 128, 140, 144, 145, 147, 
 
 149, 165. 
 Lewis, Col. Andrew, 26, 27, 28, (now 
 
 Gen.) 3;i9, 340. 
 Lewis, Jacob, 281. 
 Light. Jacob, 267. 
 Lincoln, Benj., 275. 279. 
 Linn, Capt. VVilliam, 85. 
 Little lurtle, a Miami chief, 261, 
 
 273, 274, 282. 
 Lochry, Col. Archibald, 129, 130, 
 
 135. 
 "Lochrv's Defeat," 129-131, 152, 
 
 35 1 379 
 Logan, Col. Benj., 199, 205, 232, 
 
 236, 290. 
 
 Logan, the Mingo chief, 25, 29, .30, 
 83, 338, 339, 350, 351. 
 
 " Long Knives," Indian name for 
 Virginians, 25. 
 
 Long Run, massacre at, by McKee 
 and Brant, 131. 
 
 Lorimer's, 120, 202, 209. 
 
 Louisville (Ky.) founded, 85. 
 
 Lower Sandusky, Wyandot village 
 of, its location, 61. 
 
 Lyon, Eli (a boy), 401. 
 
 Lyon, James (a boy), 402. 
 
 Lyon, Thomas, 401. 
 
 Mac-a-chack. See Mac-a-cheek. 
 
 Mac-a-cheek, 77, 234, 236, 350, 410. 
 
 MacLeod, John, 1, 312. 
 
 Maiden (Amherstburg), 30p, 310, 
 311, 313. 
 
 Malott, Catharine, taketi prisoner 
 by the Delavvares, 116; marries 
 Simon Girty. 214, 215; men- 
 tioned by Charles McKnight, 
 218; also by Mag. Amer. His- 
 tory, 218, 219. 
 
 Malott, Peter, 116. 
 
 Malott, Sarah, 116. 
 
 Marietta founded, 258. 
 
 Marshel, Col. James, 155. 
 
 Marshall, Thomas, 229, 230, 231, 
 232. 
 
 Martin's Station, 119, 121. 
 
 Masonville, A., 308, 390. 
 
 May, William, 263, 265, 266, 385. 
 
 McArthur, Gen., 392. 
 
 McCarty, Nathaniel. 213. 
 
 McCaslin, John, 332, 400. 
 
 McCaslin, Priscilla, 332, 400. 
 
 McClelland, Maj. John, 171, 365. 
 
 McClung, John A., 80, 82, 83, 231, 
 231, 232 
 
 McCormiok, Alexander, 101, 102, 
 103, 137, 138,357,3.59. 
 
 McCutchen, Joseph, 170, 357, 358, 
 359. 
 
 McDonald. Maj. Angus, 25. 
 
 McGeary, Major, 199. 
 
 Mcintosh, Brig.-Gen. Lachlan, 87, 
 8S, 89, 95. 
 
 McKee, Alexander, 32, 43, 44, 45, 
 49, 50, 51, 52, 56, 57. 60, 62, 63, 65, 
 66, 108, 118, 1.30, 169, 185, 190, 
 192, 193. 194, 200, 206, 215, 222, 
 227, 228. 229, 235, 237, 238, 239, 
 241, 247. 248, 251. 266, 272, 273, 
 274. 276, 282, 283, 285, •J86, 287, 
 291, 293, 296, 297, 299, 303, 305, 
 
Index. 
 
 423 
 
 321), 327, 348, 3r)2, 372, 382, 385, 
 
 386, 387, 407. 
 McKcc, .Iiimes, 245. 
 " McKee's Rocks," r.l. 
 McKee, Thomas, 270, 277, 282, 31fi, 
 
 399. 
 McKenzie, a Scotchmftn, 273. 
 McKniglit, Charles, 116, 187, 218. 
 McMahon, Mi\j. William, 283. 
 Mprcer, Capt. liunh, 13. 
 Miami Indian villages, at head of 
 
 Maumee, 246. 
 Mickle, .James, 319, 323. 
 Mickle, William, 333. 
 Mickle, William Charles, 323, 333, 
 
 393, 394. 
 "Middle Department" of the TJ. 
 
 S.. 36. 
 Moluiitha, Shttwanese chief, killed, 
 
 236. 
 Montgomery, John, 39. 
 Montour, John, 98. 
 "Moravian" Indians, 85, 100, 101, 
 
 133, 136, 137, 139, 145, 154, 155, 
 
 163, 164, 165, 177, 178, 259, 365. 
 Moravian missionaries in the West, 
 
 88, 133, 136, 137, 138, 139, 145, 
 
 149, 353, 354, 355, 356, 404. 
 Moravian missionary stations on 
 
 the Tuscarawas, 36. 
 Moore, Mary, 235, 236, 237. 
 Moore, young James, 233, 235, 236, 
 
 237. 
 Morgan, George, 37, 57, 346. 
 Morrison, Alexander, 202. 
 Hunger, Joseph, 307, 332, 394, 400. 
 Munn, Cant. James, 167. 
 Murray, Nicholas, 186. , 
 
 Neville, Capt. John, 36, 41. 
 Newton, Mary, marries Simon Gir- 
 
 ty, St., 1; maiden name given, 
 
 337. 
 Nicholson, Joseph, 30. 
 Nicholson, Thomas, 30. 
 " Ohio Company," The, 258. 
 Ordinance of 1787, 258. 
 " Parkman Papers." The, 378. 
 Parsons. Samuel H., 225. 
 I'auU, James, 184. 
 Pentecost, Dorsey, 156. 
 Perry, Commodore 0. FT., 308, 309, 
 
 310. 
 " Perry's Victory," 308. 
 Pickaway Plains, 81. 
 Pipe, Capt., a Delaware war chief, 
 
 113, 163. 174, 176, 177, 178, 179, 
 180, 360, 362, 363, 3^3, 384. 
 
 Piqua. Shawaneae village, 77, 121, 
 I '.10, 192, 193, 350,406, 4(l7. 
 
 Pirault, a Frenchman, 273. 
 
 Pluggy's Town, 35,40. 
 
 Poe, Adam, 134. 
 
 Poe, Andrew, 133, 134. 
 
 " Poe Fight," The, 133, 134, 135. 
 
 Point Pleasant, battle of, 28. 
 
 Pomoacan, Delaware Indian name 
 for the Wyandot Half King, 
 143. 
 
 Poole, William Frederick, 380. 
 
 Posts (British), Western, not given 
 up, 220; each, finally, receives 
 an American garrison, 299. 
 
 Prince, John, 305. 
 
 Proctor, Col. Thomas, 256, 257. 
 
 Proctor, Gen., 308, 309, 313, -327, 
 337, 391, 392. 
 
 Proctor, John, 53. 
 
 Randolph, Beverley. 275. 
 
 Rangers ("Butler's"), 129. ' 
 
 lied Jacket, a Seneca chief, 274. 
 
 Reed, Gen. Joseph, 161. 
 
 Reno, William, 368. 
 
 Revnolds, Aaron, 196, 197. 204, 205, 
 376. 
 
 Rhea, Tliomas, 256, 257. 
 
 Rohbins, a trader, 145, 146, 149, 150. 
 
 Rogers, David, 110. 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore (in The Win- 
 ning of the West), 5, il, 26, 27, 29, 
 40, 64, 69, 70, 74, 75, 81, 83, 97, 1 12, 
 118, 120, 121, 122, 126, 129, 133, 
 161, 163, 164, 171, 19.3, 198, 200, 
 201, 204, 208, 321, 351, 379, 380, 
 381 
 
 Rose.'john, 161, 167, 172. 
 
 Ross, Alexander, 32. 
 
 Rosa, Capt. Ezekiel, 167. 
 
 Ruddle, Capt. Isaac. 119. 
 
 Ruddle's Station. 119, 121, 123. 
 
 " Salisbury plain," 10. 
 
 Sample, Mrs. Samuel, 46. 
 
 Savery, William, 278, 279. 
 
 Scotosh, son of the Half King, 133, 
 140, 141,149, 151. 
 
 Scott, Gen., 259, 260. 
 
 Scratch, Leonard, 316, 399. 
 
 Scull, G. D., 377. 
 
 Selby, I., 245. 
 
 Selby, Lieut. Prideaux, 263. 
 
 Sharpe, a Detroit merchant, 291. 
 
424 
 
 Index. 
 
 Shawaneae towns (u[)per) on or 
 
 nenr Mad river, in tho Revolu- 
 tion, 410. 
 Shelby, Gov.. 309, 310. 
 Slierman's creek, 3, 4. 
 Sherman's Valley, 5, 6, 7, 10. 
 Simcoe, Gov., 2S2, 287, 2'JI, 38r), 
 
 3«7. 
 Sinclair, Lieut.-Gov. Patrick, 117, 
 
 US. 
 Slover, John, 171, 184, 185, 186, 
 
 367, 368, 369, 370. 
 Smith, Philip, 168. 
 Smith, Thoma.s, 277. 
 SniucktT, I-iiac, 271. 
 Snnko, ('apt, a Shawanece chief, 
 
 191, 192, 269, 382. 
 Snip, a Wyandot war chief, 61. 
 Snloinoh's'town, 79, 190, 410. 
 Si)enc.'r, O. M., 131. 253, 267, 268, 
 
 269, 270,290, 291, 292,323. 
 Sprij;g8, Zachariali, 141. 
 " Squaw Campaign," The, 47, 48, 
 • 50,51,114. 
 
 " .Squirrel Hill," 20, 331, 332, 333. 
 St. Clair, Arthur, 24, (now Gov.) 
 
 239, 241), 241, 242, 258, 260, 261. 
 "St. Clair's Deleat," 260-264, 270, 
 
 271, 283, ;]07, 404, 411. 
 St. Mary's, town of, 289, 290, 406, 
 Stephenson, John, 33. 
 Stewart, James, 316, 399. 
 Stockwell, a renegade loyalist, 235, 
 
 237. 
 Surphlit, Hobert, 50, 62, 348. 
 Surveying begins west of the Ohio, 
 
 258. 
 Sutch, Thos. B., 400. 
 Suitenfield, Mrs., 308, 317. 
 Symmes, John Cleve, 249, 250, 255, 
 
 258. 
 Tecumseh, a Shawanese chief, 261, 
 
 308,311, 321. 
 Thames, battle of, 313, 320, 321, 
 
 327, 404. 
 The " Fallen Timber," battle of, on 
 
 the Maumee, 285, 2*<6. 
 The '' Fiillen Timber," pack-horses 
 
 at, 27-2; attacked by Little Tur- 
 tle. 273. 
 " The Fi.sh,'' an Indian, kills Simon 
 
 (iirty, Sr., 5. 
 "Tne'l'oe Fight," 133, 134, 135, 
 
 137, 150, 151. 
 Thompaon, Capt. Andrew, 129, 131, 
 
 352. 
 
 Thwaites, Heubon f J , 380. 
 
 Toniliiison, Henj , 2'X 
 
 Todd, Col. Johii, 198, 199. 
 
 Todd, Levi, 206. 
 
 Todd, John, a surgeon, 311. 
 
 Todd, Robert, 205. 
 
 Treaty of Fort Finney. 225, 226, 243; 
 of Fort Greenville, 295, 297, 298, 
 300, 301; of Fort Uarn.ar, 239, 
 241, 242; of Fort Mcintosh, 221, 
 222, 243; of Fort Stanwix, 242, 
 243. 
 
 Treaties at Pittsburgh, 36, 40. 
 
 Trigg, Col., 199. 
 
 Tucker, William, interpreter, 63. 
 
 Turner, Mrs. John, taken prisoner, 
 8; witnesses the awful torture of 
 her husband, 11; at Fort Du- 
 (juesne, 12; is heard of in the 
 wilderness, ii.; is brought in to 
 Pittsburgh, 16; her death un- 
 known, is. 
 
 Turner, Sr., .lohn, kills "The Fish," 
 5; marries Mrs. Simon Girty, 
 Sr., if) ; son .John born, ib.; moves 
 into ,'^lierman's Valley, 6; a sec- 
 ond lieutenant in FortGrnnville, 
 7; surrenders the fort. 8; made 
 prisoner by the French and In- 
 dians, ih.; taken to Kittanning, 
 1 1 ; tortured at the stake, ib. 
 
 Turner, John, Jr., birth of, 5; 
 made a prisoner at Fort Gran- 
 ville, 8; taken to Kittanning by 
 the Inilians, 11; bai)tized at Fort 
 Duquesne, 12; carried to the 
 wilderness, ib.; brought in to 
 Pittsburg, 16; engaged in Dun- 
 morf's War, 26; dances Indian 
 fashion for Dunmore's diversion, 
 30; visits Simon Girty, 213; be- 
 comes a loyal citizen, 243; makes 
 a second visit to Simon, 307; 
 makes his will, 332; death of, 
 ib.; concerning his baptism, 333; 
 translation of the record of his 
 baptism at Fort Duquesne, 337; 
 his will given in full, 399, 400; 
 his property, after his death,' 
 sought to be obtained V)y de- 
 scendants of his half-brother, 
 Thomas, 412. 
 
 Turney, Lieut. John, 167. 
 
 Upper Sandusky, the old location, 
 61; site changed, 144, 172. 
 
 Van Bebber, Capt. John, 270. 
 
Index. 
 
 425 
 
 Villi HcblxM-, J(m«ipli, 270. 
 
 Van Bebbov, llhodii, 270. 
 
 Van Meter's fort, 244. 
 
 Van Meter, Hannah, killed by In 
 dians, -4'). 
 
 Van Meter, John, 244. 
 
 Walker, William, 235, 2r.4, 3-i4. 
 
 Wallace, Mrs. Robert, l.')4, \ul. 
 
 Walker, young Isaac, 158, 15?. 
 
 Walker, Peter, 8, 9. 
 
 Ward, John, 74, 77. 
 
 Wapakoneta, 82, 410. 
 
 Wapatomica, 74, 77, 193, 350. 
 
 Ward, Capt. Edward, 7. 
 
 Washington, Gen. George, lGI,(now 
 Pre8t.)299. 
 
 Washnash, a DcUawaro Indian, cap- 
 tures Catharine Mdott, 115. 
 
 Wayne, (Jon. Anthony, 276, 277, 
 282, 284, L'S.'), 280, 288, 292, 296, 
 297, '-"W, 303, 308. 309, 406. 
 
 Wharton, Thomas, 53. 
 
 Wheeling, first siege of, 43, 344, 
 345, .'(-16; second siege of, 201, 
 208, 209. 
 
 White Eyes, a Delaware chief, 32, 
 60, 62, 338, 347. 
 
 While Mingo, 32. 
 "Widow Mvors's," 401, 4n2. 
 Wilkinson.CoI. James, 259, 260. 
 Willing, Capt. James, 47, 105, 130, 
 
 346. 
 Williamson, David, 155, 156, 1.57, 
 
 HW, 166, 171,356,3,57.358,360. 
 " Williiunson's Expedition to the 
 
 Tuscarawas," 155-157, 163, 164. 
 " Wingemund" (Wingenund), 356, 
 
 359. 
 Wingenund, a Delaware war chief, 
 
 125, 172, 176, 177, 179, 356, 359, 
 
 360. 
 "Wingenund's Camp," 152,401,402. 
 Winsor, Justin (on " Haldimand 
 
 Papevs"). 378. 
 Wiseman, 253, 257. 
 Wood, James, 35. 
 Workman, Daniel, 320. 
 Wyan<lot towns, location of, on the 
 
 Sandusky, 61. 
 Young (Michael), a Moravian, 146. 
 Zane, Elizabeth, 409, 410. 
 Zeisberger, David, 88, 98, 99, 101, 
 
 103, 104, 115, 117, 133, 143, 144, 
 
 145, 148, 156, 259, 353, 3.54. 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Fttge 11. For"app1iefi this method of giving," read "giveH, in like 
 manner," etc. 
 " 16. Strike out, in foot-note, "also tVie Missouri Gazette, for 
 May 7, 1814." 
 • " 19. For " Katnpekbmen," each time, read " Katapecomen." 
 " 24. Strikeout "that" after "complain." 
 " 57. For " to tlie Coshocton," read " to Coshocton." 
 " 74. For " reaching Wapatomica," read " reached Wapatomica." 
 " 98. Strike out the rest of the paragraph after the words "posi- 
 tively proven." 
 " 120. P'or "without knowledge of Bird's or McKee's Official Re- 
 port," read "without having seen Bird's or Mc'Kee'a 
 official correspondence." 
 " 123. For " Official Report," read " Correspondence." 
 " 130. For "But General Irvine did not," etc., read "General 
 
 Irvine did not," etc. 
 " 1.56. For " previous aggressions," read " previous aggression." 
 " 182. For " killed by the Americans," read " killed of the Amer- 
 icans." 
 " 236. For " Mack-a-cheek," read " Mac-a-cheek." 
 " 258. For " March 1, 1784," read "April 19, 1785." 
 
 " 273. For " Flue Jacket's town; and of the Maumee," read 
 
 "and of Blue Jacket's town on the Maumee, and down 
 that." etc. 
 " 310. For "after Harrisen," read "after Harrison." 
 " 328. Strike out one of the quotation points after — Johnson's 
 
 mounted men," 
 " 332. For " McCasslin," read " McCaslin." 
 " 336. For "Co. Johnson's mounted men," read "Col. Johnson's 
 
 mounted men." 
 " 346. The last '1779 "should be "1777." 
 " 350. For " any of the acts," read " most of the acts." 
 " 353. For " from the truth," read " from the fact." 
 " 354. Strike out — "The intelligence sent by Zeisberger, the Mo- 
 ravian missionary, to Rrodhead was not well kept." 
 " 360. Strike out the words — " in the extract above." 
 
 (426)