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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m6thode. rrata o selure, 1 d D 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 BETTERS TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE, PROM WILLIAM EDEN, Esq. > ;.' ^ r 1»" i i ■J 1 1 ! 1 ' FOUR LETTERS TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE, FROM WILLIAM ©n certain Perverfions of Po- ' IITICAL REASONING J and on the Nature, Pro- grefi, and Effeft of Par- ty SriiiT and of Pak T I c 1. On the rxiscNT Circum- iTAKcts of the Wa« be twccn Great Britain EDEN, Efq. and the CM.ih'ned Power* of France and Sfain. On the Public Debts; oh the Public Credit; and on the Means of raifini Surrtiis. On •«» I F T H L E I^.T e'r. A FIFTH LE T^^.T E Oft Population; on certain ^*'vt^9t'^'LgfKf(^tS R«outATioN8 conneftcd with the lNTtiia«Tfl''''«f ) Commerce ; and on Public Oeconomy. MfiJIo'em ,veam q^od pervulfatam finhit effif tion ftra maltPi, Ett tnim tt tcciderunt, jam ct itnfendent, ut tiflatum iJJ'e vtlim de republua quid Jtn^erim, Cic. Ep. ad Alt. %, LONDON* PRINTED 70R B. WHITE, IN FLEET-STREET; AND T. CADELL, IN THE STRAND. MDCCLXXX. Majores mftr't, cum lelUs afpcrvhnls prtmerenttir, tquii, vir/s, pecutiiii, niinquam dcfi-JJl J'unt armati de imperio certare. Nnn inopia terarii, non vis hojtium, no» adverfa rts, ingentem torum animum fubegit , quin, qiter virtute cepeiant, Jlmtil cum animd rctinerent. ■Jtque ea magis forli/jiis confiliis, quam hcnis preelilSf fatrata funt. i!^!ppe apud illos una Re/publUa trat, *i amnes confulebant ; failio contra hojles parabatur : ttrput aiqui ingenium, patria, nou fua potentite, ftii/que cxcicitabat. Sallull. Orat. 2. de Rep. ordlnanda. a/perrimis premeretttar, am tieffjji J'unt armati de fcrarii, non n;is hoftium, um animum fuhfgit , quin, I cum animci rctinerent. its, quam hcnis preeJiiSf illot una Re/puhlUa trat, contra hojlcs parahatur : 'ia, non fua potentite, . 2. de Rep. ordinanda. dreenwich, Ofiober i(ftb^ 1779^ MY DEAR LORDf T Frankly admit that a printed Anfwer to a •^ private Letter is a mode of correfpondence at leaft unufual, and fuch as in its firft impref- fions cannot fail of giving you an uneafy fenfa- tion.— But I (hall not offer any apology j— for the times are unhappily fuch, as to juftify much greater eccentricities of conduft wherever the in- tention is good. Your Lordfhip's letter from Caftle Howard found me at Tunbridge Wells, where I had been fome weeks endeavo> nnr; to divert lefs plea- fant recoUcdlions, by wandei ng about a neigh- bourhood, which, at different periods of our hiftory, has been the fcene of chivalry andro- B mancc. to roancc, of Love and the Mufcs, of royal di/Tipa- tion and feftivity. Your reflections recalled mc to times, in whicli romance and poetry and mirth are no more. They led mc to look very fcrioufly into the fituation of our country, and to endeavour to form a juft eftimatc of the pub- lic difficulties and rcfources. Having dcfcribed in fliort but comprehenfive terms, the clouds which darken our political horizon in every point of the compafs, yoa cxprcfs your doubts, whe- ther you may not fee matters blacker than they really are, under the circumHances of havitig lived fomc time in retirement, and with little more intelligence than is to be collected from printed ncwfpapers. With refpedl to the want of all official Infor- mation, I am at leaft on a par with your Lord- fliip : unemployed in any adive line of public bufinefs, I am in pofleffion only of fuch materi- als as arc acccITible to every man in the kingdom, who has leifure and inclination to make ufe of them. But your Lordlhip will permit me to ex- press a doubt, whether, even fo circumdanced, we 1 /lufcs, of royal difTipa- reflections recalled me ance and poetry and cy led me to look very I of our country, and ft eftimatc of the pub- res. Having dcfcribed ive terms, the clouds horizon in every point jfs your doubts, whe- tters blacker than they cumHances of having :mcnt, and with little i to be collected froth int of all official infor- i par with your Lord- y adive line of public )n only of fuch materi- y man in the kingdom, ination to make ufe of p will permit me to ex- even fo circumftanced, wc [3] wc are not the more likely to fee the general profpects in a juil point of view. On my return to this place, I covered my table with hooks of maps and gazettes of former wars ; with lifts of fleets and armies ; with printed accounts of the public debt and intercfts ; with abftra«Ss of niiiujal fcrvices and of ways and means; with Excife compares and Cuflom-houfe returns : in (hort, with all that farrago of dead letter and arithmetic, which is the beft fpccific againft the v\ani!erings of the imagination. In plain words, I have tried earneftly, with the help of fuch imperfcCl inflruments as are within my feach, to fee things as they are ; for it is certain that all our liopes and fears rcfpcding the public interefts and the public fafety, are idle, and in fome degree mifchievous, unlefs we have previ- oufly ufcd our beft diligence to appreciate the real circumflances of the nation, as far as they are refpeCtively open to us. This is however one of Jhofe barren truths, whicli feldom generate any effed : it is within the reach of every man's ob- ^rvation, but lies dormant and unproductive ; B ;t as [4l as U would poflibly have continued to do alfp in my mind, if your Loidrtiip's letter had not awakened my attention to it. Seeing now, from this enquiry, or believing that 1 fee, much folid ground for hope, and none for defpondcncy, I truft I fliall find fome fatif- faflion in ftating the reafons of my belief. It has been already intimated, that thofc reafons are drawn from materials acccffiblc to all the world ; they may perhaps receive feme colouring from a friendly intercourfc with men of all opinions and pcrfuafions ; as well as from a difpofition to think better of mankind in general, and cfpecially of our cotcmporaries, than has of late years been fartiioiiable. In the courfc of this tail<, which I havcunder- takcn, it has been my intention to avow unrc- fcrvedly, and without reftraint, fuch general ideas as occur in the rcfult ; and this I fliall now do, not feeking the reputation of ability, for I know myfelf and the folly of fuch a purfuit too well i but becaufe it is my carneft wi(h to (hew and to promote a difpofition towards candour and 1 ; continued to do alfo )id(hip's letter had not >it. I enquiry, or believing und for hope, and none I Hiall find fome fatif- ifons of my belief. It d, that thofc reafons are eHible to all the world j ; fome colouring from a tncn of ail opinions and from a difpofition to n general, and cfpecially an lias of late years been lie, which Iliave'under- ntention to avow unrc- redraint, fuch general lit ; and this I (hall now utation of ability, for I lly of fuch a purfuit too my carneft wi(h to (hew )fition towards candour and [ 5 1 and moderation, 'vhith I conceive to be the moft important of all public virtues in the prcfcnt mo- ment. j| *' That n''cat empires arc never overthrown ^ *• by fortune, and that the caufcs of public ruin, I '. " though often accelerated by external injury ! j *• and violence, always e\ift, in the firftinftance, j g " within the Piciety itlclf, and may be traced in jij) f ** its hif^ory," is a pofiticn which we have oc- cafionally clifcufTcd witli little diflferenc' of opi- ,j , :^ nion. The train of idea j to wliich the purfuit of that difcuiTion will lead your Lordlhip, is par- ticularly favourable to my prcfcnt object j for it will not only explain fome difliculties placed in the way of that jufl eftimate, which we wifli to form, of the public diftrcfles, but will tend to | | give us a clearer ir.iiglit into the main f|)rings and fources of them. It will alfo fhew, that, though the general principles of political a£lion and judgment are the fame among all mankind, there are fome clafTcs of charaiHcr euacr peculiar to our countrymen, or which at leaft do not prevail to a fimilar degree in any other nation under Hea- | ven. - :.4; | 11^ I [6} . It Is impolTible not to admire that benevolence, which, with a difpofition to promote the general interefls and happinefs of mankind, applies its iirft and Left exertions to the benefit of that par- ticular fuciety, that has the neareft claim to them. But the undiftinguifhing benignity, which pro- fefles to think with equal affedion, and to talk with equal philanthropy of all the world, and of every individual, is defervedly confidcred either as a vicious aflecbtion, or extreme weaknefs, or both. Oil the other hand, the oppofite turn of cha- radter, though perhaps the vice of more active ?nd ftrongcr minds, is not lefs fatal to true judg- ment : I'liis is a difpofition to aflume a tone of inalignity, with certain pretenfions to flirewd- nefs J to fpcak ill of every public man, and ot every public mcafure; and with an unbridled zeal of invedive to overleap all bounds of mode- Jation and candour. There is a third principle of felf- deceit, which is lefs weak and more genuine than the firft that I have mentioned, as well as infinitely more amiable, though not lefs mifchievous than the fi-cond : ] Imire that benevolence, to promote the general r mankind, applies its the benefit of that pqr- i neareft claim to them, benignity, which pro- affedion, and to talk f all the world, and of /ediy confulcred either extreme weaknefs, or oppofite turn of cha- e vice of ir.ore adtive Jefs fatal totruejudg- n to aflume a tone of retenfions to fhrewd- r public man, and ot id with an unbridled ? all bounds of mode- ; of felf- deceit, which line than the firft that 11 as infinitely more mifchievous than the fccond : t 7 ] fccond : Your Lcrdfliip will perhaps be aware, that I mean that perfonal predileftion, that at- tachment to focial connexions, which is na- tural, and perfeftly virtuous, when kept within juft bounds ; but the gentle dominion of the fo- cial qualities over the breafts of men, which in private life forms one of the fined efll'(9s in the whole view of nature, is apt, when apolied to political aftion, to degenerate into an unrelertt- ing tyranny. It b rarely found that confiderable bodies of men, who have afted long together in public, can be faid to be either ingenuous or can- did. I do not recolledt that either epithet has ever been applied in hiftory to any party; a party-man is fure to be approved by his own fet for whatever promotes the common objeft of the day. Overbearing clamour, contempt of anta- gonifts, and a pertinacious adherence to argu- ments, a thoufand times repeated, and a thou- fand times refuted, form the brilliant accomplish- ments, the folid proofs of merit j and that deli- cacy of juft fcntiment, which is the pleafanteft charac\erifiic of individuals, is foon loft amidft tht applaufes of combined friends. Thcr« I [8] There is a fourth vice in political difcufllon,' which, whether founded in fome conftitutional pufillanimity, or in an acquired morofenefs, or in a defire to flievv ingenuity and forefight fu- perior to tliat of the reft of mankind, produces a fingular effeft. The men alluded to here, wreft every obfervation to prove, that their own country is, and in the natural courfe of things ought to be, ruined :— They undervalue her re- fources, and exaggerat thofe of her rivals ; they are fo well perfuaded that the virtuous druggies of their countrymen are vain and fruitlefs, that they learn by degrees to confider them as weak, and even wicked ; the optics of thefe men are fo ftrangely formed, that they fee every thing in a diftorted and frightful fliape ; the joylefs regions of their imaginations are filled with " antres vaft *' and tiefarts idle;" they produce nothing but " gorgons, hydras, and chimeras dire;" a de- creafe of population, a decline of commerce, a failure of naval force, a relaxation of national vi- gour, the lofs of our chief refources, and the impending hand of an angry Providence. They talk for ever emine inauj'picato; they learn alfo to 8] :e in political difcufllon,' ;d in fome conftitutional acquired morofenefs, or ;enuity and forefight fu- (t of mankind, produces s men alluded to here, to prove, that their own natural courfe of things They undervalue her re- rhofe of her rivals j they t the virtuous ftruggles of in and fruitlefs, that they fider them as weak, and OS of thefe men are fo they fee every thing in a lape ; the joylefs regions : filled with " antres vaft liey produce nothing but 1 chimeras dire;" a de- decline of commerce, a relaxation of national vi- chief refources, and the ngry Providence. They i/picato; they learn alfo to to derive a fatisfaaion and little triumph from every event that fecms to confirm their doc- trinss ; and if, in the various courfe of events, any one of the calamities which they have an- nounced, fiiould take place, they are from that moment like the Paris aftrologer, who having failed for fourteen years in an annual predidion of the death of Henry IV. pronounced himfelf infallible, becaufe his fifteenth prophecy was verified. The reverfc of this fct of men are ouropti- imfts in political faith-men who are determined to believe that every pofllble event is creditable to the Government, and beneficial to the State, under which they live. Having heard that the produce of commodities is in proportion to the confumption, they can believe that population is belt promoted by wars and emigrations : they can perfuade themfelves that a public debt is a public benefit ; that it is an adual acceffion of fo much property to the kingdom, and a fund of circula- tion for the fupport of commerce and agriculture j that every new tax creates a new ability in the fubjea to bear it, and that every increafc of na* C tional a 1% tional burdens Incrcafcs proportionably the in- tluftry of the people. They believe in the infal- libility of a fyftem, without regard to circim- ftanccs ; wherever that fyftem is concerned, they think perfeverance and fuccefs arc fynonimous terms ; and, in (liort, can convince themfelvcs that the pofTible lofs of many flouriOiing pro- vinces is amply compenfated by the conqueft of a little pcftilential illand. Thefc gentlemen, being " bleft with a fet phrafe," courtly in their manner, plaufible in their do^rines, and difcourfing generally ac- cording to the wilhes and interefls of the circle in which they live, gain many profelytes to themfelvcs, and do much mlfchief to the caufe of truth. There is another clafs of men who poflefs a fort of nate-cmpiricifm, and carry about with them a fpeclfic for every poflible diforder that the body politic can labour under.— They have all the confidence of undertaking projeaors, and all the apathy of old praaitioners— They have an exclufive faith in their own panacea, and are fo intent in adminiftering it, that they never think o] ; proportionably the In- riiey believe in the infal- thout regard to circim- ryftem is concerned, they fuccefs arc fynonimous can convince themfelvcs if many flouri(hing pro- fated by the conqueft of a eing " bleft with a fet eir manner, plaufible in iifcourfing generally ac- nd intereOs of the circle gain many profelytes to ach mifchief to the caufe ifs of men who poflefs a 1, and carry about with y poflible diforder that the ir under.— They have all lertaking projedors, and jraflitioners.— They have leir own panacea, and are ring it, that they never think [II] think ofdiagnoftlcs, nor afk any queftions about the condition and clrcumftanccs of the patient. I put totally out of the queftion a feventh fet of men, who eniift with and defert from all or any of thefe irregular corps of reafoners, as may bed fuit the interefts or objea of the day ; who are not defirous to believe what they en- force, but adopt the feveral languages of general benevolence, indifcriminate cenfure, focial ho- nour, foreboding dcfpondcncy, ill-founded con- fidence, and political quackery, all in the fame breath ; and can, from habit, enforce fophiftry and falfehood with more vehemence and ability, than they could difplay in the inveftigation and fupport of truth. Leaft of all would I wi(h to mention that he- terogeneous clafs, who can profcfs and appa- rently feel a joy in any calamity of their country, becaufe it may afFeA«--»u«M«MUMlitM ■c the cmfc of all /u/us he world do not propa- II thefe lines of abcrra- t are fufficiently diftin(a every man might avoid >olitical life neither to iflead others ; yet your ugh all the bufieft and i of our hiftory, that ing part of the natioa themfelves to one o? have defcribed. 5 every man who has th of, this remark, to reafonings are free and ingly the firft operation iming a juft decifion >f public affairs, fhould ible, of all weaknefles of intercourfe, and ons of the day, Per- lelp towards this end, fent controverfy, and to [13 J to examine how it is treated by Its refpeaive abettors. We fhould next afk ourfelves, whe, ther much, if not the whole, of their adverfe poHtions ought not to be rejeacd from all farther regard, as the language of idle fpleen, unbecom- ing paflion, or interefted falfehood, and as a mere refult of that licentioufnefs which will at aU times more or lefs degrade the generous charaaer of this country, and is, perhaps, the greatcft misfortune that belongs to us as a people. Let us for a moment fuppofe the pofllble cafe of an Englifli gentleman, arriving in London, after thirty years refidence in the inland parts of China, totally ignorant of the prefent ftate of his country, but anxious to inform himfclf: now, ifamong other matters he fliould wilh to attain a competent notion of the Minifters for the time being, and of their opponents -, and if he ftiould happen (which is alfo poffiblej to have two near relations or friends of different fides in the fubjeft of his enquiry, he would be aflured by the firft, with much heat and decla- mation j-^ f* That , i m t ,.»3j|gP [14] «* That the afTair-s of the King and Country *' are loofcly, negligently, and trcadu-roufly " managed ; tliat the Minifters are an ignorant, •* mercenary, and abfard cabal ; ralh in rcfolv- *♦ ing, but flow in executing ; variable in their *' principles, but uniform in their follies; unfeel- *' ing to all fliame, but incurring daily difgraccs ; *• without fliill to recover a misfortune, and with- *' out prefencc of mind to make any ufe of an ad - ** vantage; giddy with fuccefs, and helplefs in ca- *' lamity ; wife after danger, and diftia£led in it j ** that they have brought us into great wars, but *• have neglected all preparations at home and *' all alliances abro:id ; that the empire, under *' their management, is like an unwieldy gigantic •* body, which, being engaged v;ith aft aflive •' combatant, receives twenty wounds, before it •* can return one. — That irrefolutlon, barren- *• nefs of invention, want of enterprife, conti- •* nual delay, defenfive councils, and long pro- ** trafted aftion, are the charaf^eriftics of their •* war-fyftem.— That though the refources of the country are CAhaufted by their floyenly ' " profufion «« '*4^ ^ ] the King and Country tly, and trcacluToudy inifters are an ignorant, d cabal ; ralh in rcfolv- uting ; variable in their 1 in their follies ; unfecl- ncurrlng daily difgraccs ; •a misfortune, and with- o make any ufe of an ad - iccefs, and helplcfs in ea- ger, anddi(lia£led in it j t us into great wars, but :parations at home and that the empire, under like an unwieldy gigantic engaged with aft aftive wenty wounds, before it lat irrefolutlon, barren- ant of enterprife, conti- councils, and long pro- e charafteriftics of their hough the refources of aufted by their floyenly *' profufion c( C IS 1 *• profufion of her treafure, they aflert that their ** o-'conomy is pcrfedl, and that the public piirfc *' feels no decay. — That though the body politic •' has all the figns of death upon it, they yet fay all is well, and continue as arrogant and " afluming, as if they had faved the very people *' whom their folly has in a manner ruined.— " That they are growing rich whilft their coun- *' try becomes poor ; are as carelefs of the public *• honour as of their own j and, in (hort, that *' fuch a Miniftry is a furcr engine to deftroy *' the State, than any that its enemies can bring *' againft it." On the other hand, it would be ftated with more gentlcnefs of exprcffion, but with an equal difregard of all candour ,—■ '* That there is in this kingdom a party com- " pofed of individuals of all defcriptions ; that *' many of them poffefs high family pretenfions, *' great perfonal virtues, and very fixtenfive ** abilities; that, however, they are a motley *' congregation of the divifions, liibdivillons, *' rents and remnants of former parties, brought *' togetlier I 1^' I t:) M cc <( «( « <( , dcligns, cxpcdiiiuns, " and ftrcngtl), an 1 ♦luii i -"der thcmfclvcs, in *• cfTeiSl, tl.c 1:13ft ;it^ive »'i '.ea and intelligencers *' that n "rcHv 'li' a have. And finally, that *' in ti' . 'ntinued display of a conduct fo un- " iligiiiUeu in rcfpt-iit to thcmfclvcs, fo dcgrad- " ing to the hon 'Ur of their country, and fo *• niifchievous in all its confequcnccs, they have, •• indeed, fucctcd, dcfigns, cxpcdiliuiis, I iV"dcr thcinfclvcs, iti I'j ics and intelligencers 3VC. And Hnally, that; y of a conduct fo un- thcmfclvcs, fo dcgrad- thcir country, and (o jnfequcnccs, they have, orcing their country to rudtion, but have lull contidence of a brave, d people." thcfe frothy dcclaina- : had any turn to ob- r days, would reply, . an old ftory of forty lings, in the fame lan- f aiTerted and retorted utics of that time, and : an imprcfliun on that lillen only to one fide : nfidered, by all men of <■ " cool i*9i *• ceo! rcflciflion and candour, atHklMlch ilH- " bcral and unbecotning impertinence, which " proved nothing but the intercltcd *eal, or " fcurrilous vehemence, of the pen- retainers of " each party. It is, indeed, pc c tlv.it there " may at all times cxift individual - of tome note *• and importance in a ftate, who are wretched " enough to diCregard the fafety and mcrcarc of ♦' any intereft but their own, and weak enough " to facrifice the mort facred c^jc^s ot their " country to their own paflTions , out that alTo- •' ciations confiding of the firft won ir. a great " empire fhould come under fu filly md fo fordid ** a predicament, is too grofs to imi >tc even on " thccommon fcnfeof a Samojeide; und though " it has been the vulgar complaint in a! ages and *' places, it is not the more credible on that ac- " count. But give me your proofs j give me *' fa(5ls and circumftancesj tdl me v hat has ** happened, and how it has happened ! ' Here would open a new and ample field for the .ombat of mifrcprefentations, and the ftranger wo -Id, in the refult, find it neceflary to look fur vc; • dif- ferent channels of intelligence. m. Da The ;M K ~fi^' I [ 20 J m 5 is ilk The truth is, and I am glad to let your Lord-i (hip underiland, that in this inftance I am a mere plagiarift} the charges above dated are by no means of my manufaduring} they are fele£led with Uttle trouble, and nearly verbatim^ from the controvcrfies of 1695, between the Whig Mi- niftry of William III. and the Tory Oppofition of that time. The fame expreflions eroded over into different lines of fervice, under the Tory Miniftry and the Whig Oppofition of the four laft years of Queen Anne. They were again in vogue under Sir Robert Walpole, and furniflied the printing prefles with daily employment, and daily tautology, for the fpace of nineteen years. Similar, or much harflier, things were faid of the Minifter on the one hand, and his opponents on the other, during the adminiftration immediately preceding the prefent. And the very fame in- vecSKves will be applied, in the fame manner, fourfcore years hence. If any admlniftration has efcaped them, we may fafely pronounce, that it has either been ftill-born, or has periihcd in its infancy, J glad to let your Lord- is inftance I am a mere >ove dated are by no ingj they are felefted irly verbatiniy from the tween the Whig Mi- 1 the Tory Oppofition sxpreffions crofled over /ice, under the Tory 5ppofition of the four . They were again in i^alpole, and furnifhed aily employment, and >ace of nineteen years, things were faid of the and his opponents on iniftration immediately nd the very fame in- in the fame manner, any adminiflration has ely pronounce, that it or has periihed in its ^. ■:/.■ Is f 2ll It is an old remark, that the feeds of party and of fa«aion thrive moft in the richeft foils. They exift, indeed, but are unproduftive, in defpotic governments; in a conftitution like ours, they n. jft and will prevail. Men have a natural pro- penfity to divide in opinion; and wherever the government of a country is fuch as to put no re- ftraint upon the avowal of fentiment, every tranf- aftion, and every meafure of public note and importance, has its refpedive cenfurers and ad- mirers. The individuals of each fide unite into parties for mutual fupport ; and, whatever may be the predominant motive with each individual, whether intereft, paffion, principle, or focial af- feftion, the progreffion is almoft invariably the fame. The ovcr-a£live zeal of friends gradually raifes the like fpirit in antagonifts; reafon ceafes to be the counterpoife of pafTion ; refentments and antipathies take place; and the uncandid virulence of habitual diilenilon forms itfclf into a fyftem. Thus it happens, that when the ori- ginal caufe or pretence of difference has ceafed to be material, or even when that difference is totally exhauftcd s i fm^ [223 cxhauficd or forgotten, the diftin£^ion furvives, and is even maintained with new warmth and ob- ftinacy. Nor will there be lefs co-operation and concert in all party meafures, though it (hould be evident and notorious that few of the leaders agree in ths fame maxims of conduct, or even though the principles of a great proportion of the i»hole may have become more reconcileable to the fyftem of their antagonifts, than to that of their own friends. The party once formed becomes the receptacle for all the ill-humours of a ftate, the point of union for difappointed expedations, iftuArsited ambition, defperate circumftances, avowed and fecrct refentments. Fadion opens her arms to every acceffion of malignancy; and the fyftem being thus eAabliflied, the bufmefs of that fyftem goes forward of courfe, and with as little refle£lion as any other daily occupation. Every difputable fubjedt is the occafion of mutual inve£lives, which neither flow from the heart of thofe who ufe them, nor reach the feelings of thofe againft whom they are directed. ** It is '* unlucky that the adverfary has advanced what " is %i- 3 ic diftin£tion furvlves, h new warmth and ob- £ lefs co'operation and ;s, though it (hould be at few of the leaders s of conduit, or even great proportion of the ore reconcileable to the , than to that of their once formed becomes 1-humours of a ftate, ppointed expedations, perate circumllances, lents. Fadion opens i of malignancy; and lifhed, the buflnefs of •f courfe, and with as her daily occupation. :he occadon of mutual low from the heart of reach the feelings of ire diredled. ** It is ry has advanced what *' is right and fit ; we muft oppofe it as well ad ** we can ; we muft not permit him to carry any *' point unmolcrtcd." Again, " We mufl. con- *' fefs, among ourfelves, that what we have ad- " vanced is miftaken and mifchievous; but we '* muft fupport it ; we muft never confcfs that " we are baffled." Such is ever the language, or at leaft the condud, of party ; and thus it is, that oppofite parties will facrifice, in their turns, the caufe of truth and of the public. Nor is this contradi^ion between fentiment and condudt, which in perfonal tranfaflions would be deemed difingenuous and uncreditable, by any means a proof that the individuals of the party do not poftefs all the large and generous fentiments which do honour to human nature. Party conformity is a perverfion of mind, in- fenfibly acquired and formed into a habit, and in fome degree fandified by hiftory ; every man can whifper a plaufible apology for it to himfelf and to others, either by alleging fome peculiar confideration in his own cafe, to which he can give a flattering epithet, or by intimating, that the circumftances of the times make it ne- celTary t lilll m I..".'- [Hi ceflary to a£l implicitly with friends, in or- der to do good, and that the end muft . alition of parties, is im- ;ach moderate and well- moves the addrefs of faction is forthwith fung ind the triumphs of unit- ;d by others, nine infpire ;e, without hi* fire.**. , however, in the refult, ,Aion grow louder amidft That [ 27 ] That a ftatc may be fo circumftanced as to render it neither a wicked nor an unwife meafure in Minifters " to bufy giddy minds " With foreign quarrel," I will not haftily deny ; but it is beyond difpute, that fuch a refinement of policy would, in moft inftances, be equally profligate and abfurd : and with refpeft to this country it is proved, both by reafon and by uniform experience, that foreign wars never produce union among parties within the kingdom. It will indeed fometimes happen, that the favourable or finifter events of wars may reduce one of two exifting parties to an acquiefcence in the good will and pleafure of the other ; but this is a very different confider- ation, and what no more refembles union, than conqueft refembles peace. If, for example, the governing party could enfurc <« feries of brilliant and uninterrupted fuccefles, their antagonifts for power might poffibly be beaten down in the triumph. A train of difgraces and calamities may, in like manner, produce the fecefllon or ^nihilation of the governing paityj but the E 2 events ::m C a8 ] events of a commencing war within an extended empire muft be checquercd anil fludluating j thofe events which difpirit one party, aniinate the other ; and whenever affairs arc unfavour- able, or even in fufpence, fadlions are mod powerful. War, theiefore, does not naturally produce union ; in general it produces onJy the expe mit to your Lord(hip a few remarks on the nature of the war in which we are engaged, in the re- fult of which I (hall naturally be led to an exami- natioti 8] for at leaft to all its To- dmiration and refpedt of e no more. tions, which, however, :onfidencc m that Provi- watch over Great Britain we may hope once more , dignity and cfFeA rc- and proceedings. Tho change upon the fpirit rank, of men within the ncy to give equal glory ft of fovereignsj, are too 1. e, quit a fubje.£):, on o long, either the abun- eceived me, or I have abridge it. : my next Letter to fub- w remarks on the nature are engaged, in the re- rally be led to an exami- natiot) [29 1 ration of our refources.— In treating matters of fo much multiplicity, and of fome nicety, fa^ grante belkt ideas crowd towards the pen, and the chief difficulty lies in fele£ling them. I am, &c. ttfiiffa gauJiHi vaiit Di/tarJta palla .' ^Mom ium/attguiHtt/tquitur BiUtnaJlagtlh. ViRC. i£n. Ub. viii. I:;:; 'l-r-r - -■■< !■ I4>] bi/tarJia palla : uitur Billonafagtlh, Vine. i£n. lib. viii. Greenwich, Oflober t4th, 1779, If I have been fortunate enough to be ho- noured with your Lordfliip's attention to the preceding Letter, you will have obferved, that, though I endeavour to defcribe fully and m!> nutely the nature and confequence of party-fpi- rit, I carefully avoid confidering, whether any, or what particular proportion, of our misfor- tunes, may have arifen from that fpirit. — I wifl( indeed to hang a veil over fo fruitlefs, and fo Irkfome a controverfy : — 0^0 fonte derivata ciadei In patriam populumque ^uxit, may be an amufing difquiittion for hiftorians of the next century } — but, unlefs I could live to the next century* I defire to leave this thefis un« touched. m m ,ii G .My .tmimfu^imimmi- I 40 My prcfent wifli (I repeat it) U to fee things as they are :— It is not «• To mourn a mifchief that ii paft and gone," nor to make any retrofpefts, unlefs they can contribute to the two great obj efts, of union among ourfclves, and offcnfive war with our enemies. The fame fentiments prevail flill ftrongcr againft recurring to that more remote period of the dofe of the laft war againft the united Houfes of Bourbon, in order to enquire, whether on the one hand Great Britain, viftorious in every quarter of the globe i animated by her fucceflcs, and eager to profecute them -, high in her credit, and flouriftiing in her commerce ; regardlcfs of her burdens, and poflcffing a naval and military force unexampled in tht hiftory of any finjglc em- pire i ought not to have enforced the war through two or three more campaigns, in order to aufh beyond recovery the moft dangerous rombina- tion that ever was formed againft the interefts of Europe :— or on the contrary, whether the ap- pearances of our greatocfs at that time, were not rather kf leat it) U to fee things lat it paft and gone," pefts, unlefs they can jreat objefts, of union offcnfive war with our I prevail flill ftronger : more remote period of gainft the united Houfes enquire, whether on the n, viftorious in every imated by her fuccefles, lem } high in her credit, ommerce; regardlefs of ing a naval and military hiftory of any firijglc em- ;nforced the war through laigns, in order to cru(h loft dangerous rombina- d againft the interefts of }ntrary, whether the ap- fs at that time, were not rather t « 1 rather brilliant than folid ; and whether, con- fidering the uncertainties and reverfes to which all wars are liable, the acquifitions ceded to ui, as the price of peace, were not fuch as tlie ho- . nour and interells of the kingdom called upon us to accept. Cui bono ? is the beft anfwer to fuch queftions - whenever they are ftated for difcuffion ;— They • have no bencHcial tendency ; they are not the purfuits of any ufeful underftanding. If any man will fay that, neverthelefs, he now cordially re, grets our not haying perfpvered in the laft war, I can fay fo too, becaufe I feel as he does ; but the difquifition wil' ftill be fruitlcfs ; nor will it apply fairly to the queftion, whether, under all circumftances known at the time, thofe minifters aSed unwifely who advifed the peace of Paris, There are other repinings of a fimilar com- plexion ;— fuch as, that by the mode of finilhing the laft war, we ^ed a principal ally to confider us as unfriendly and even fai^hlefs i that we have ever fince remained deftitute of alliances, though the urg:nt need of them was eafy to be forefeen ; fb^t the fricridlhips of foreign powers are coHrted V -. - U [44l !n vtin by thofe who offer no reciprocal equivi- Icnt, and will not hazard any branch of com- merce, any fubfidiary expence, or the contin- gency of incurring war ) that from the^ace of Paris, to the day of M. de Noa}lles' departure, our fyftcm of continental politics has been cramped by the narrow infulated operations of trading prejudices, and exchequer oeconomy ; tliat we now ftand fricndlefa in the world, and that the occafions of being otherwife are loA, perhaps for ever. Again :— That the malevolent intentions of France and Spain, during three years previous to the commencement of this war, were written in legible charaflers upon ever/ line of all foreign intelligence, and upon every foreign tranfaftion official and extra-official ; that it vvas the extreme of weaknefs, therefore, in our Miniflers to flatter themfelves that the reduftion of the colonies (ad- mittmg their expettation of that event to have been reafonable) would defeat all other defigns meditated againft us, and re-eftabli(h the genera! tranquillity :— That in their unwillingnefs to in- troduce the c^amities and hatards of war into Europe, - 1 r no reciprocal cquivi* i any branch of com* (pence, or the contin* that from th«if>eace of deNoailles' departure, ntal politics has been infulated operations of chequer oeconomyi tliat in the world, and that herwife are loA» perhaps nalevolent intentions of ig three years previous )f this war, were written n ever/ line of all foreign ;very foreign tranfaAion ! ; that it ivas the extreme in our Minifters to flatter aion of the colonies (ad- >n of that event to have 1 defeat all other defigns id re-eftabli(h the general their unwillingnefs to in- and hazards of war into Europe, [ 45 ] Europe, they ought not to have lulled x\rem» Ptlves and their country into the llecp of death i but (houW have difabled the Family Comp»£»» "* , by a fudden and general attack on the Bourbon fleets aiul pofleflions. Again :— That when France had aflually commencul the war, by a perfidious, indeed, but great attempt to furprife our fleets and armies in North America, the interval of a year, wWch we afterwards allowed to Spain, was fo much time given to lier to place her own trade and pof- feffions in fecurity, and to augment and colleA her ftrength, in order to ftrike us to the heart ; and that we ought not to have been deceived by her overtures of mediation, but (hould have re- quired lier either to difann, or to declare wbilft (he was lefs prepared for war ', &c. In all this difplay of after-wifdom, we are obliged to take very difputable points for granted, in order to form every propofition ; after which, we arrive at nothing better than an unproduAiv^ lamentation upon the prefent ftate of our affairs, —If, however, any of the above, or if any other great national meafures, either precautionary or preventive, •p. ii*"-^ [46] prorentive, were clearly wife and praaicable, and if in any inftance fuch meafurei have been cul- pably negleiHed (fuppofuions which I am no^pre- pared either to admit or to refute), they are un- doubtedly proper fubjeas to exercife the juftice of the nation in a parliamentary enquiry.— Such an enquiry would probably commence with the old altercations, whether the accufcra or the ac- cufed have done moft public mifchief, and what fct of men are fittcft to manage the future con- cerns of the nation} and this tirefome game of crofc-purpofes would, after a great wafte of paper and of language, end in a deftruaion of much time and attention, that might be otherwife be* flowed on the prelfing concerns of the nation. Without examining then, what may have been the pad courfc of human conting«iciesi and without bufying myfelf as to what may be the fu- ture fate of particular perfons, of families, of dif- ferent connections, or of parties; I look only ro the importance, neceflity, and conduA of «*>• war now exifting ; to the advantages and diJiad- vantages of the nation in the prefent hour of trial J to our pradlicabia rcfources and probable exigencies :— ] re and praAicable, and afures have been cul- ls which I am no^pre- rcfute), they are un- to exercire the juftice mtary enquiry.— Such y commence with the the accufcrs or the ac- lic mifchief, and what anage the future con- 1 this tirefome game of r a great wafte of paper a deftrufiion of much night be otherwife be* icerns of the nation, n, what may have been in contingencies^ and to what may be the fu- jns, of families, of dif- parties; I look only to , and conduA of tb« : advantages and diiiad- n the prefent hour of refources and probable exigencies :— [47] exigenciei :— and in thefe confidcratiuns I fharc with your Lordftiip an extreme anxiety, that the pre«eminence of Great Britain among nations may be delivered down unimpaired to our chil- drcn's children, and to their poftcrity for ever. I am, in the private convidion of my own mind, fully fatisfied, that if France had not thrown away the fcabbard in the beginning of the lad year, your Lord(hip would have had the ho« nour of announcing to this country the recovery of her colonies, and of every permanent and folid advantage that can be drawn from them. I alfo believe, that if Spain hud not declared very early in the prefent fummer, the colonies would ftill have been recovered in the courfe of this cam- paign, and France 'educed to a fituation of dif- grace and diftrefs below any period of the lift war. But though thefe opinions connedl them- felves with the operations of the prefent moment, and open a field of future fpeculation neither un- pleafant nor unprofitable, I fhould not be anxious in the prefent ftate of the war to fupport them by arguments, if they were thought worth difputing. If any man chufes to believe that France, at the clofe %mmmiimi^^iismsmmuiii»mmmmmiimMi>>^-' hi, [48] clofe of the la(\ campaign, did not find, and by her conduft admit, her own incompetjpce to maintain the conteft in which Ihe had sngaged, without other allies than the Rebel Congrefs, he is welcome to his own creed :— He will at Icaft allow, that Spain, whether induced by French intreaties or not, has now thrown her weight into the fcale of the war ; and we will leave it to tim« to decide by what negociations, or other motives, this event has been brought about. The morality of States certainly takes, and perhaps is intitled to, a much greater latitude than is allowed to the morality of individuals ; but it would be too uncandid a treatment even of Trance and Spain, to fuppofe that tlie conduct tjhich they have purfued was the refult of fyftein and pre-de»ermination. We may even.put cue of the queftion their own folemn and repeated affertions to us; for every afcertained circum- ftaftce of tlieir management with the Rebel Ag«nts previous to 177S, (hews beyond a doubt, that they neither forefaw, nor meant, the confe- quences which have enfued.— Very deep reaches of policy exift in the page of hiftory, much oftencr than 3 , did not iind, and by own incompe3 ifed, and the c^il^iioire th gave ideas to France, td ventured to entertain, hich followed, are too o be repeated. to the conduft of either lufe of our prefent war le as much out of the principle of the Ameri- n time, it would be mere , to what pafles between tiV: '•'"'> which would be- )r> %vate life. The jri.a.;i, lefs exceptionable beciufe her profeffions of s us were lefs fervent and >wevep, no railing to add, th thefe powers exhibited ;e of mummery, in ad- cftive courts, to all Eu- ate appeals on the juftice pretended provocation rc- ain. [ 50 But thefe matters ought not to excite tlie paf- fionate feelingi of any man who poflcfles a mo- derate knowledge of the hiftory and nature of his fpecies :— fuch a man will know that fimilar events have luppeiied in every period of the world. He will indeed fee with concern any wanton or wicked infringement of thofe principles which Ihould be kept facred between nations tor their mutual uti- lity. He will perhaps aflc himfclf tiie ordinary quevtions, " What muft become of the world if " fuch practices become general ? How can fo- " ciaties fubfirt under fucli difordcrs ? If tlisfe " wild appetites for power are to have no re- " ftraints, will not a perpetual war of all againll « all be the confequence ?" He wijl wilh pollibiy that ptinqes wantonly difturbing the peace of mankind may meet with exemplary lofs and dif- grace. He will be glad to fee them branded in hiftory as violators of the rights of nations. But his earneft and urgent contemplation, if he loves his country, will be, in what manner the ftorm gathering round him may beft be refifted. The plain refult of our fituation (for we muft not cover any part of it from our own eyes) is Ha this ;-T * [ 5« 1 this :— We are engaged in a war againi^ the united force of France and Spain, under many new and confiderable difadvantages. . I. North Am-irica, once the ftrength of our loins, is now become our weaknefs j and not ne- gatively fo ; (he is aftually and extenfively em- ployid in the ha ids of our enemies to weigh us down. I avoid going into detail on this point} it would lead me too far. 3 The bitternefs of the above-mentioned cir- cumftance was the lefs wanting to complete the cup of our misfortunes, when it is confidered, that we begin this war, alreaHy fteeped in taxes to the very lips, and with a national debt of not lefs than 140 millions fterling, which abforbs almoft five millions fter'ing of our revenue for mere intereft. 3. It hasi already been ftated^ that we are defti- tute of allic&i. 4. It muft alfo beconfefled, that the united fleets of our enemies exceed in number, and in the aggregate of their apparent ftrength, any paval force that we are yet able to produce. Wo >1 in a war again^ the ind Spain, under many idvantages. ICC the ftrength of our ■ weaknefs j and not ne- lUy and extenfively em- )ur enemies to weigh us to detail on this point} le above-mentioned cir- vanting to complete the , when it is confidered, alrea'ly fteeped in taxes h a national debt of not fterling, which abforbs ling of our revenue for * ■ (lated^ that we are defti- nfefled, that the united :eed in number, and in apparent ftrength, any ret able to produce. Wo i53] We are to examine, on the other hand, the favourable particulars, fuch as they are, an4 however indireft or indecifive.— For having con- templated the (hape and fizc of our burden, it will be fair to confider the fmews and ftrength which are to fupport it. I. The natural circumflances of our fituation firft prefent themfelves : they are familiar to us, becaufe every geographical grammar dcfcribes them, but they are not the lefs important ; and they are what the combined powers cannot de- prive us of, unlefs they can poflTers themfelves of our ifland, or (which I truft is equally probablej fink it in the ocean. The particular pofition of Great Britain upon the globe (in which too her derivative ftrength from her fifter ifland and k <;- dom well defervcs obfervation, her extent, cli- mate, (bores, produftions, and, above all, her ports and harbours, ^ive her many advantages, as well in commerce as in war, which no other nation enjoys or can enjoy. 2. The eftablilhed honour and credit of her people ii> all pecuniary tranfaftioiis with foreign- ers. -r 'I m tm [54] ers, tlHJ enterprifing and induftrious difpofirion of her manufaaurers, and the commercial fkiH and fpirit of her merchants, enfure to her through a thoufand channels, both oftenfiblc and unfeen, a large and conftant influx of money, which is the fupport and ..fe of effeftive war. 3. The bravery and excellence of her mari- ners (of which 93,000 are at this day adually in the king's fervice) may, without any colouring of naiic al preju Jice, be called peculiar and un- rivalled :— the rifing flrength of her military efta- blifhments is next to be obferved j and the late exertions towards completing and forming that ftrength, miift, at leaft, be admitted to have had the merit of fuccefs.— But above all, we may contemplate the magnitude of our fleets, and the general complete condition of the (hips which compofe them. From fleets fo conftruaed, fo manned, and fo officered, as thefc are known to be, we have caufe for good expeSation as to the iflue of this ftruggle, and might perhaps venture to call anchor at this point of our hope. In 1 induftrious difpofidon nd the commercial (kill ts, enfure to her through ih oftenfible and unfeen, lux of money, which is Fcftive war. excellence of her mari- re at this day adually in , without any colouring 5 called peculiar and un- ngth of her military efta- (e obferved ; and the late ileting and forming that }y be admitted to have — But above all, we may ude of our fleets, and the ition of the (hips which fleets fo conftru£ted, fo ;d, as thefc are known to ;ood expeftation as to the id might perhaps venture )int of our hope. In In fpeaking of- fleets and armies, I enter into r.ofpecificarion of numbers, which are increafing whilft my words are penning. The particulars of our force are generally and fufficiently known, both to U9 and to our enemies, for any purpofes *:ithcr of confidence on the one hand, or of fe- rious reaction on the other. , But in aating the effeaive ftrength of Great Britain, we fliould not overlook our pi" vateers, which, whenever the nature of the king's fervicc ceafss to reftrain them, are in themfdves a power- ful and aftive aid in war, and the means of bring- ing n '"h wealth into our ports. 4. /*.. > though it is true, that we begin this war under new and confiderable dl fad vantages, it would be eafy, if national fuuations in diflferent periods were capable o. any very fatisfaftory comparifon, to (hew, that our fituation in former wars has been fubjea to cmbarrafTments, dif- ferent indeed from what we now experience, but not lefs preinng at the time. This, however, would be poor confolation at bed j and I might as reafonably remind your LordOiip of the wars maintained with fuccefs by a few Dutch filhing towns i.¥ Idg ' [56 ] w, that tlieir ftate was icdal by a thip without nfcription : *' Intertum lamp are fit only for towards dcfpondency. of this country are to ;nts of a very different jft appreciation of the I war, its neceffity, and that the eagcrnefs and je wars, feem to arraign in unfavourable picture var, confident with the re, and furnifti a fccne HIS exertion. een us and our enemies' Sft as* a nation, pofleflT- ling its own commerce^ juftice to all the world ? :prived of our depend- encies. [ 57] cncies, be ftiipt of our maritime power, become total and immediate bankrupts to all the world, and hold a crippled trade and commerce here- after at the good will and compaflion of the Houfe of Bourbon ? The ftakes, involuntarily indeed depofitcci on our part, are our Colonics, our Illands, all our commercial eftablilhmcnts and diftant poflelTions, our navy, our foreign garrifons, the free entrance and ufe of the dif- ferent feas, and all the various parts of that com- plicated machine of trade, credit and taxation^ which forms our pofition among the dates of the world. The declenfion of a ftate which has been great and flourilhing in its agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, is much more terrible in all its circumftances, than the extreme habitual poverty of another nation that has never experienced better days. If the fuperftruj !ts«aa^^ \,$: wk' [ 58 ] Nor would that downfall, melancholy as it is to contemplate, fill the mcafure of our woes : we hitherto know little or nothing, within this iiland, of the calamities of war; but wc (hould, from tliat hour, be open to thofc calamities as often as any neighbouring nation might think proper to bring them upon us. In (hort, we have more to lofe than any other nation under Heaven : what wc have to gain, exclufive of the recovery of our Colonies, and the reduftion of our enemies within due bounds, can be decided only in fumming up accounts and figning the pacification. Such is the predicament in which we ftand :— nor is the war which brings it on, a war of choice ta us : moft wars deferving of that name, have proved fatal follies to the nations which have undertaken them. Yet it generally happens that wars are of choice to one of the combatants, and fometimes to both. The wifdom and the forefight, the bodily ftrength and poliible exer- tions of man, arc confined by his nature to nar- row limits ; but under thefc humbling circum- ftanccs he conceives high thoughts j his difpofi- i. ' tion ] all, melancholy as It is tncafure of our woes : »r nothing, within this >f war ; but we (hould, to thofe calamities as ig nation might think »on us. In (hurt, we my other nation under gain, exclulive of the , and the reduction of ounds, can be decided :ounts and (igning the it in which we ftand :— gs it on, a war of choice ig of that name, have ie nations which have t generally happens that tne of the combatants. The wifdom and the [igth and poliible exer- :d by his nature to nar- [lefe humbling circum- k thoughts i his difpofi- tion [ 59 ] tion is refllefs, his ambition boundlefs : filling In iiimfelf a narrow fpace, he can labour in his imagination to add dominion to dominion i and can exert his (hort-livcd faculties to frame remote and immortal dcfigns. If the accidents of birth or fuuation in focicty give him a leading in- fluence over multitudes, he can ufc that power as a fcourge to his fellow-creatures, and for the purpofe of fprcading devaftation over the earth. But Providence, in the precarious and com- plicated difilculties attending all wars, has con- trived a falutary check to thefe airy elevations ; turbulent ambition generally defeats iifelf, and afpiring monarchies blindly work towards their own dcftruftion. It rarely happens in modern wars, that any fucceflos, however brilliant, are weighty enough to counterbalance the mere ex- pences which they occafion. ;. The natural ftrength, the commercial pre- eminence, and the naval and military fpirit of our country, arc confiderations of great weight, when aided by a conviaion of the unprovoked neceffity and effential importance of the war in which we arc engaged. Here, then, we come, I 2 • vvitii ■* ^fi l6o ] ^' ' t uaf*' with much advantage, to that point of ourconfo- lation ami hope, wliich is to be found in the very circumftances cf mir finance and taxation, how- cvir unprumillng they may appear to the fiift view. The nature and necefTity of j^reat mihtary force, ill modern Hates, form too obvious and too ttite a fubje^ to be infiaed on. That nc- ccflTity, as well as the cxpcnce attending it, both incrcafe with the progrcfs, advancement and riches of each particular ibcicty. The fyftem of modern war, which fpins out contefts through feveral campaigns ; the levying and preparation of armies for the field ; the re- cruiting of thofe armies, which, in the civiliza- tion of prefent times, can only be effcaed by Idra^ring individuals from manufadlures, agricul- ture, and other lucrative employments , the pay and fubfiftence of armies fo formed ; their tranf- port from place to place; their clothing, arms, camp equipage, ammunition and artillery, arti- cles of great coft (to which, in the inftance of * fnaritime ftatcj, muft be added, the immenfe and fomplicated charge of naval force) :— all thcfe -'^'■: I ,i confider- ' 1 that point of our confo- » to be found in the very ncc and taxation, how- may appear to the fnlt efTity of j^reat mihtary form too obvious and infiaed on. That nc- pcnce attending it, both refs, advancement and fociety. :n war, which fpins out campaigns; the levying ies for the field ; the re- s, which, in the civihza- can only be effctiled by 11 manufadlures, agricul- 'e employments , the pay s fo formed ; their tranf- :e; their clothing, arms, nition and artillery, arti- which, in the inftance of e added, the immenfe and naval force) :— all thcfe : , confider- [ 6i ] confiderations united, have made the modem Iciencc of war a bufincfs of cxpcncc unknown to former times. Perhaps it would not be difficult to Ihew that it is become, in great meafurc, a fcicncc of money i but it will be fufficicnt f 'he prefcnt purpofe, to admit that there are grc^» ...id evident advantages on that fide which is the moft opulent, and can b ft and longcft fupnort the charge of a contcft. It fccms to be the plain and fettled policy of this country, in a war 'ike the preient, to have a well regulated army properly Itationcd f « any purpofe of immediate defence againft f- .'v.^. in- vafion, and fufficiently large to deter an enemy from landing in force, in ort' a .u make a fettle- mcnt or continued war. The old and favourite idea, of trufting chiefly to our wooden walls, will again be wife, when we are agam decidedly in poiTelTion of our old and favourite fuperiority at fea. At prefent, the predilj^ion for wooden walls would be a fatal difadvantage, if it led us to ufe them as if they were fi^ed into our coaft for its defence. The faying of Dc Witt, rela- tive to one of our Kings, " Impenit^r Maris, " Terra 1 ■# !gj CMWi3ac *dga>< ^^i»' [ 62 ] " Terra Dminus" is wife only when propeily conftrued. Fleets employed to cover a coaft, are not only precarious in their exertions, which de- i.cnd much on winds, but are miferably con- fined as to all the effefls of naval war. Thofe efFefts are only felt when our fleets can keep the fea, in order to protedt our commerce, and annoy that of our enemies, as well as to defend our diftant poffeflions, and to cover defcents and con- tinual incurfions. Such objeas, however, can- not be purfued, nor can we in wifdom hazard any thing, whenever the ftatc of our internal de- fence is fuch as to require the prcfence of our fleets for the protei5\ion of our dock- yards, of our pci'ts, and even of our metropolis. It is for thefe reafons that the late efforts of this country, to make herfelf internally ftrong, afford very aufpicious hopes of the enfuing years (for years I fear it muft laft) of this war.— Our fleets will hereafter have a full liberty of aftion and exertion. In completing this fyftem of internal ftrength, it is, perhaps, to be regretted, that the original idea of our militia murt gradually wear off. A recruit W ] ife only when propeily ed to cover a coaft, are ir exertions, which de- )ut are miferably con- of naval war. Thofe our fleets can keep the r commerce, and annoy well as to defend our cover defcents and con- )bje£ls, however, can- we in wifdom hazard [late of our internal de- re the prefence of our our dock-yards, of our etropolis. that the late efforrs of erfelf internally ftrong, )es of the enfuing years jft) of this war.— Our a full liberty of a£tioii !m of internal ftrength, ctted, that the original gradually wear off. A recruit [63] recruit for that body of men muft begin to mean the fame thing as a recruit for mere mercenary troops ; and the militia itfelf will, in efFeft, be- come a difciplined and well exercifed ftanding army; it will, however, retain the advantage of being ftill officered by men who hold their fitua- tions only from a difinterefted love to their coun- try : nor would it be difficult, perhaps, to (hew, that a militia degenerated from its original infti- tution thus far and no farther, is the bed fpecies of military ftrength that an opulent and free country can have i being excepted from the or- dinary jealoufies juftly annexed to (landing ar- mies, and compofing, at the fame time, a folid fuppori againft foreign enemies. The expences which this whole fyftem muft occafion are great j they are not greater, how- ever, in any refpedt than muft be incurred by our adverfaries, unlefs they will fubmit to the certainty of carrying on a lofing war. It rarely happens that wars ceafe for the want of mutual animofity in either party, or for the want of men to fight the quarrel ; that fide muft firft quit the field whofe exchequer firft fails.— I do not mean to m I I' ^■ [ 64 ] to follow up this idea, by going into any detail of the finances of France and Spain ; I am totally unequal to fuch an attempt : foreign revenue is an affair of continual fludluation and (bme myftery ; and thofe atnongft us who are the bed informed on this fubjed feel, 1 believe, that they pofiers very little precifion with regard to it. The beft accounts, which I have feen, lead me to be- lieve, that fo late as the beginning of 1778, the perpetual debt of France amounted to one hun- dred and twenty millions fterling, and about thirty millions fterling charged on life-rents and tontines ; and that her annual income, even in times of peace, and under the management of an excellent financier, was not equal to her an- nual expenditure.— With regard to Spain, it is well known that (he is fubjeft alfo to a large per- petual debt ; that her ordinary revenue is about five millions (lerling, and that her fyftem leads her, even in times of peace, to unftring every iinew of the public ftrength, and to keep in a ftatc of beggary that numerous clafs of fubjefts from which alone any extraordinary aid is to be expeded. going into any detail of nd Spain ; I am totally mpt : foreign revenue is fludluation and (bme igft us who are the beft fieel, I believe, that they I with regard to it. The ave feen, lead me to be- beginning of 1778, the amounted to one hun- ns fterling, and about larged on life-rents and innual income, even in let the management of iras not equal to her an- 1 regard to Spain, it is bjeft alfo to a large per- -dinary revenue is about d that her fyftem leads leace, to unftring every ngth, and to keep in a imerous clafs of fubjefts traordinary aid is to be t'xpedled. [65] cxpeQed. I do not defire, however, to dwell upon a fubjea, on which our reafonings would, perhaps, be impcii'ea and erroneous, even if our informations were better. The prefllng otjcnly of thofe means, as :e, is matter of delibera- upid and wilful blindnefs ;s to which we are tend- is, are thofe difficulties leceffities, wc muft meet The exertions already what might have been It had hefitated about the id had not felt that we burces from which that r, it fometimes happens )ecomes a purpofe of the fecond [ 67 ] ^ ■ iecond or third magnitude. The original great objea of this war is the recovery of our colonies (and we (hould never lofe fight of that objeft) ; but our firft purpofe at prefent is to eftablifh our fiiperiority at fea againft France and Spain. If by our naval exertions we can effeflually proteft our commerce, and prcferve our carrying trade ; our riches, the life of war, are as fafe as our fprings or rivers ; and floods of treafure will flow into the kingdom with every tide. In a wide extended empire like this, the oc- cafional lofs of very valuable pofleflions and de- pendenfcies will be the fate of every conteft in which we are engaged ; but thcfe circumftances, though cruel to our feelings at the time, may be fet right at the dofe of a wa- Our exer- tions inuft not be checked by a daily dread of fuch contingencies. If we are to wafte our ftrength in guarding againft rumours, and in protecting by our fleets every acceflible corner, we may reft afFurcd that every wind will bring us an account of fome new lofs. A war carried oa by this country, muft be a war of enterprize, K 2 and C 68 ] iMil n jt /defence ; the advantages of the former >?: pt'CMjr." ta Great Britain.— In the opening indeed of a war, wliilft the force of the country is formliig, and whilft proper means arc takinjj to rtrengthcii the acceflible parts of the coaft, it may be i ,ht to keep our principal fleet within re.\..h J becaufe it is always the wifdom of a ftate ?o adapt its fituatioa to its circumftanccs ; but we mult never forget tiiat this is not our natural mode of making war. No private man of moderate difcrction will attempt to enter into any fpccification of niea- fures to be purfucd. If he is ill informed, his advice will be prefumptuous ; if he happens to be right, which is unlikely except in very ob- vious inftances, his fpeculations may be mif- chievous ; thofe only who arc fo fituated as to receive all informations, and who know the force to be fpared, together with the pofllble combinations of that force in regard to other collateral objedls, can decide what mcafures are proper to be purfued. And it is happy when that decilion is repofed in able capacities, with- out idvantages of the former iritain.— In the opening the force of the country proper means arc takiiijj )Ie parts of the coaft, it >ur principal fleet within lys the wifdom of a ftate ) its circumdances ; but it this is not our natural moderate difcrction will ny fpccification of niea- he is ill informed, his uous ; if he happens to cely except in very ob- ;culations may be mif- \o arc fo fituated as to t, and who know the jether with the poflible orce in regard to other ecide what mcafures are And it is happy when n able capacities, with- out , . - 4. out which the application of wealth, of na- tional vigour, and of the other refources of war, muft be of very uncertain avail. The fuccefsful conduct of war is a bufinefs of invention as well as of deliberation ; it de- pends much on fudden, fccret. Frequent, and well concerted enterprizcs ; varying the point of attack, and often connedled with and fupporting each other. This fuccefs is alfo much promoted by 111- fpiring a confidciKe in all employed, that meiit will be rewarded, and milconduiSl ftritJily and feverely punilhed : the multitude love valour even when it is unfiiccefsful, and it is the in- tereft of the State to fccoud and fupport that fentimcnt. It is farther the intereO of the State to efta- blilh through its armies and navies, a firm per- fuafion that the profclfional point of honour is a zeal for the public, fupcrior not merely to perfortal difficulties (for perfonal courage, and the difiegard of perfonal hardfhips, are qualities Vvhich Englilhmcn neVvV wnnt), but alfo to al} .JJ [70] all caprice, private paflion, and fudden dif- guft. Laft of all, our exertions muft be unremitted and perfevering } we muft not be flartled by the untoward events of a day : if wo mean to proceed with honour, and to end with fuccefs, we muft never in our aftions or councilts hefitatc or ftuink, as if we thought the bufinefs too weighty for us. It is certainly to be regretted that we are deftitute of allies, but we muft not forget that intereft is the only efficient principle of alliance. Intereft indeed may i& through very different mediums. It may be the int. eft of neutral powers, not to fufFer the aggreftbrs in war to break unprovoked through all the ufages of good faith eftablifhed between nations, and to difturb the pe?ce of the world, in order to aggrandife themfelves. Again, it may be their intereft not to permit the balance of power in Europe to be put in hazard : and though that balance in our times has had great changes, it is demonftrably the intereft of all the leading empires to maintain it in its prefent pofition. Again, it may become the '^•':!Lif'.y A^ii^t:Si^i iL -. ion, and fudden dif- ons mud be unremitted uft not be flartled by a day : if we mean to 1 to end with fuccefs, ons or councils hefltate •ught the bufinefs too regretted that we are : muft not forget that :nt principle of alliance, through very different the inti.eft of neutral e aggreiTors in war to h all the ufages of good nations, and to diAurb in order to aggrandife ay be their intereft not power in Europe to be >;h that balance in our ;es, it is demonflrabiy ng empires to maintain Again, if may become the [71 ] the intereft of a power bound to us by old treaty, to eftabliili \n opinion of her own good faith ; or it may be the intereft of a power to afllft us rr»( re- ly from a recent or cuftomary interchange of friendfhip, or from confiderations of commerce : but all thel'e are interefts of which the particu- lar nation concerned muft and can be the only judge. Great Britain ftands among nations, like an armed man amongft his fellow-creatures in the iron age of the world ; (he has fome menacing enemies, and many fpe^tators. If (he calls ior help, it will not be given to her till (he has (liewn that (he has ftrength and refolution, fuch as will make her an ufeful ally, rather than a danger- ous friend. The great principle of alliance, the only folid and effe£live one, is a right refulting from a firm and dignitied national courage to a(k other powers to become (harers in our ftrength, and not partners in our weaknefs. This right we (hall foon acquire, if we entertain a juft fenfe of our own circumftances ; thofe cir- cumftances are critical, but they are the critical circumftances of a great and mighty nation. Having :fg^fl]ISSiriii£mxim!Vstmm.» ■ * in] H:»ving hi'ul fo much ftrefs on the hope to !.c «!rawn from the power of this country to liip'jioit tlic cxpcuce of the war, I mean, ia another Letter, to otter ro your Lordlhip tome ii-mnrks rcfpcifling onr debt, credit, and flip- lilies, I cannot, however, rclinciuKh this fubjoft witlioiit obferving, tliat t!\e popular jcaloufy refpefting the due difburfcment of treafure given for carrying on the public fervices, is equally natural and commendable. The truth is, that war and ceconomy are not cnfily reconciled : — the exigencies of war are extenfive and various } and tliofo who fupply tl\cni have, in all wars, been accufed of regardiig the wealth of the nation as in.'xhaurtlblc. Living amidft pro- fufion, they have been faid to grow carelefs of any expcnce that could be brought to account ; and though it might be lur(h and iinjurt to in- fer that they liad learnt to make up accounts with dexterity, the fufpicion was at all times the !cfs unreafonable, as it has been found, from uniform experience, that the annual charge of onr wars increafed every year of their con - 4 ^ ; tinuance. I' ftrefs on the hope to vcr of this country to the war, I mean, in to your Lorcllhip tome debt, credit, and fup- rcliiKjuKh this fubjocfl the popular jcaloufy foment of trcafure given blic fcrvices, is equally le. The truth is, that lot cafily reconciled : — e extenfive and various j !\cni liave, in all wars, ling the wealth of the Living amidft pro- faid to grow carelefs of be brought to account ; hnilh and iinjiill to in- t to make up accounts cion was at all times the has been found, from hat the annual charge very year of their con- ; tinuance. [73 1 tinuance, beyond any apparent increafe of fcr- vices performed ;~cxclufive alfo of ai rears accumulating by fcamen's wages, army txtra- oidinaries, traniport bills, ordnance deben- tures, &c. The delay, too, in fettling public accounts, has always been very great ; and the manner in which fome of confiderabic magni- tude ar • ftated, is not obvious to every capa- city. But on the other hand, occonomy in war is often a moft (hort-fighted virtue ; and when it tends to parfimony, or a defalcation from ufe» ful fervices, it becomes a wretched manage- ment, for whicfi the nation in the event payg twenty-fold, I am, S(c. 3ae®^iSEe(«»»:'aw*te**^*»*»*Ba»^*«fc^ tim'M\ %; IWil :f.> !.• yamqut mttnt/trrum. /trrejyi nacenliut aurutn ProJierat, prtdit hillum quod pugnat ulrtqut, SaniuiMiaqui muHU trtpitaiilia ttHcutit »rma. Ovid. Met. 1. I. -, ...luwiMIJU^J^t [75] , firrejui noetnliui aurum im quodpugnat ulrtqut, tpitantla cantutit »rma. Ovid. Met. 1. I. Greenwich, Oft. 19, i779' NOTHING being more eafy than a dc- fultory progrcfs of the imagination over the open fields of domeftic diffenfion and foreign war, I have advanced thus far in the propofed plan of my Letters to your Lordlhip, peirhaps in lefs time, and I fear with much Icfs reflcaion, than ought to have been allotted to fubjcas of fuch importance. The truth is, in adhering ftriaiy to my fir§ idea of avowing honeftly the natural and current reafonings of a plain mind, upon circumftances known to every man in the kingdom, I have pulhed forwards without fear or wit, and am now brought to recolleflion by finding myfelf at a point where the mere refult of firft imprelTions muft not be hazarded; and wlxence it will be difficult to advance without much better aids than any that I poffefs. The multitude of objeas which the confidera- tions now before me embrace i the comparifons L a ^"'^ mmmf**"^ C 7<5 ] and combinations to which they lead ; and the ncceflity which will arife in every page, of form- ing opinions upon difputable and unfettled points of finance make this part of my undertaking a matter of much anxiety : I mud befpeak more than ordinary indulgence for the ewcution o^ it^ and I feel my claim to that indulgence thf more neafon^d^le, becaufe I do not mean to entrench' myfelf behind a parade of accounts with which the pariiaraentary Journals, and fome more ufc- ful books, would furnifh me : ftilj lefs (hall X enter inta any of thofe difcuflions which feem ealculated rather to perplex the undcrftanding, than to fimplily the fubjeft : I Hliail gain my pur- pofe, if, without deep refearches (which I leave to ftronger minds), I can fee reafon to reft per- fuaded, that under all the known circurnftances of the public debts and their confeq^uences, we ftill poffefs ample war-refources, without mate- rially affefting the flouriflling ftate of our manu- fadlures, commerce, and agriculture, any tar- ther than war muft affcft them, in all countries aad at all times. *,■. Thf ich they lead ; and the in every page, ofform- ible and unfettled points irt of my undertaking a : I mud befpeak more for the ewcution of if; Mt indulgence thf more not mean to entrench' of accounts with which tis, and fome more ufe- 1 me : ftilJ lefs (hall t difcufTions which feem >Iex the underftandingy £b : I (kail gain my pur- fearches (which I leave n (ee reafon to reft per- ; known circuthftances their confeq^uences, we fources, without mate- lling (late of our manu- d agriculture, any tar- t them} in all countries Thr The fpirit of trade, which has been fo fottu* Hate for this country in its operations and cfFeds, has not always been kindly difpofed towards the true and liberal principles either of commerce or taxation j and it muftbe confelTed, that the pre- fent fyftem of our trade and revenue laws, though in appearance lefs burdenfome, and in h6\ more produAive, than the fyftem of any other nation, is, when analyfed, in fome of its parts, a very motley mixture of political oeconomy and popu- lar prejudice. The intricate queftions and con- fiderations nccelTarily fpringing from fubjedts of fuch extent, nicety, and variety, have been ren- dered /nore intricate by the induftry of different writers, fome of whom have adapted all their riafonings to fupport the ftate financier of the day, whilft others have been equally anxious to rcprefent his meafures as replete with danger and ruin, cither to trade, or agriculture, or popula- tion, according to the objeft in difpute. Much, error and obfcurity has alfo been imported from France, and manufaftured too at home, by men who come under the oppofite defcription of fhaUow thinkers and abftrufe thinkers, and who, without ^^^saftatrntof^fuM [ 78] without any unfair or iiuerefted view', have been, perhaps, equally fuccefsful in deceiving* themfeives and perplexing others. Thefe infi- nuations, however, are in no degree dppHcable to tlie immediate writers of our own time, who are making a very rapid progress in deftroying tlie abfurdities and explaining the fallacies of their predeccflbrs : and thougii eminent men ftill differ on important points of political ccconomy, we are beginning, at laft, to comprehend all the juft caufes of our wealth and profperity, about the time that ruin and wretched ncfs are fuppbfed (even by fome of our bell: inilruilors) to be flaring us in the face. Thcfe alarming phantoms are created chiefly by the ftate of the public debts (amongft other Icfs general caufcj.) ; and in order to bring before our eyes a juft idea of thofe debts, and of their fife and progrefs, it wil! be neceilary to call to mind, in the fewclt words pofTi! le, the different obje£ls of national expence. The religious ertabliftiment fliould be firft mentioned, and is likely to have engaged due at- tention in the carlieft infancy of focieties. In addition I ] terefted vie\^, have ccefsful in deceiving' others. Thefe infi- no degree dpplicable ■ our own time, who jrefs in deflroying the the fallacies of their ninent men ftill differ htical ccconomy, we )mprehendail thejuft profperity, about the liedncfs are fuppbred ft inftruilors) to be ns are created chiefly debts (amongft other 1 order to bring before fe debts, and of their e neceflary to call to pofTi? le, the different lent fliould be firfl have engaged due at- aiicy of focieties. In iidditioa [79 1 addition to the exclufive pofTcfUons Tecurcd m this country from the public to the church, the tythes have been confidered by feme as a fpecie? of appropriated taxes. It is perhaps juft matter of regret, that an equivalent fupport has not been furnifhed in fome mode more favourable to agri- culture and improvements. The fupport of the fovereign dignity is anoi- ther branch of public expence. Formerly in this country the expenditure of the fovereign included ail the charges of civil and military government : — the revenue of the crown was only aided by the people when the emergency grew great, and they were difpofed to give their aid. But from the nature of the conftitution, and the increafing progrefs of public expence, this fyftem became a matter of conftant uneafinefs both to the prince and people, and a feparate private revenue, now called the Civil Lift, was afligned to the crown. The expence of jtiiiic' next prefents itfelf. No ftate, or large fociety of men, ever exifted with- out an eftablifhment of judicial authority, which has, however, in its firft ink1:!tution been always very imperft . In our own hiftory, the tribu- nals #-^' [80] najsof juftice were for fome centuries a fourcc of revenue, and the judges refeinbled tax-gather- ers. In the evolution of our conftitutional li- berty, the judicial pov-^r was made, in great meafure, independent of the executive ;— and the fupportofour judges became an objeA of na- tional regard. But the e> pence is inconfiderable, and bears no proportion to he advantage refult- ing from the wifdom, dign-ty, and purity pf thofe who are the objeds of it, , There are other obje£ts of public expencc, fuch as public works, public inftitutions, road§, bridges, ports, &c, but many of thefe, from their general utility, have very early been con- verted into fources of revenue. But the great occafion of expence is the na- tional defence. In the early ftate of civirization, when incurfions between neighbouring focieties Vrere either to he attempted or refifted, the fer- vice was fo Ihort, and the general danger (o preffing, that it was eafy for the parties to fupport themfelves, and natural for them to ferve without pay. In the early periods of our own hiftory, it was ufual for the great men of the kingdom to attend 9 V fl V c I p t f i i t ii a me centuries a fourcc of i refeinbled tax-gather- jf our conftitutional li- >.r was made, in great the executive ;— and the icame an objet of rtli^ equity Bnt of HUeefirtyi that thofe yth& Mndmotk th» military duties of the itatfe rhouW be mainnsiiied in their abfericeby thdr felldw*citi«eiw, wltd ftaid at' hoAte, ^d retained the peaceable advantages of agrieulture and manu6i6tures. It is urineceffiity to purfue this fubjeft of eh-' ^uiry'titfough alt its progrefs and improvements; the rntUlt is, tiiat in all modem focieties^ » piro- portion of the people who do not ferve in the vntrSf but purfue produi^ive labour at home, muft, e^fclufive of their own maintenance, main- M . . tain tain thofc who are employed in the defence of the country, and dfo all individual* in other pro- fcflions and fituations, who produce nothing to the common ftock. Subjed to this obfervationy it has been commonly calculated, that it is cer- tain ruin to a country to employ more than the one hundredth part of its people in military fer- vice (which of courfe includes (hips of war) :— this,' however, muft be received as applicable only to the general fyftem of a country, and not to times of emergency. Our armies and navy in the prefent year employ in a£lual fcrvice at leaft •ne-fiftieth part of all the inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland— taken upon the large com- putation of ten millions. I Ihall not enter into the difputed queftion upon the proportion in which^ the national ftock is diminilhed by expence of fleets and armies, and how far that proportion is affected by the different circumftances of the ex- pence being at home or abroad : but it muft be admitted^ that the long abience ot one-flftieth part of alK our inhabitants from produ^ve lo- hour, which is the fource of commerce and' re- venue, would much impoverifti the ftate, amf tend I -v 2j >]oyed in the defence 6£ individuals in other pro- who produce nothing to bje^l to this obfervation* alcuhted, that it is cer- ) employ more than the ts people in military fer- cludes fliips of war) :— ! received as applicable n of a country, and not Our armies and navy in in a£lual fervice at leaA \ie lithabitants of Great en upon the large com- l (hall not enter into the :he proportion in which^ kinilhed by expence of vr far that proportion is ircumftances of the ex- broad : but it muft be abience ot one-fiftieth ts from produ^ve !». of commerce and' te- overifti the ftate, ami tend [83] tend to its rum:--and I have ftepped out of mf way to bring forward this remark, as one in- ducement to us to obviate that rufn by acce.- lerating our exertions. The feveral objeas of public expence aboye mentioned, imply the neceflity of a public reve- nue belonging either to the fovercign or to tlie ftate^ or to be drawn by contributions or taxes from the people, It was the praflice of antiquity to make provi- fipn of public treafurc in time of peace, as the inftrument either of conqueft or defence ; and this was nccefiary, as there was little confidence in thf ftate in general, and efpeeially in times of danger and confufion. But as it does not happen, in the progrefs of luxury and expence, that there Is in modern ftates a public revenue either in land or ftock, or any public hoard in itfelf fuflicient to fupply the expence in war, as well as in peace, the deficiency muft be made up by the contribu- tion of private revenue for public purpofes. The enemy threatens, and is in motion: an army ihuft be augmented, and all the charges belonging p it arc to be provided for; fleets muft be fitted fioT} fortificatioiM muft be rtp4!rtb«%hterfojit, ; 14 ' Jefides, : be r«p9!r«d« and tar*- ! coffers of the ftate sine n commenoet the art of raw from indtvidual fu- folutely necefikry forge- noney from the poicket4 mce introduced into j^ \ rapidly. There is ^ men to impfove it, arid tmoft lilierality of fcpti- il prejudice, the rising r countries. On the univqial difpofitioD in res as much as poffible terity. viduals to be taxed ope» Ic on the alacrity of Mi- it it is this rcIuSance ) Miniver the idea of sbt} ividitalfo induces in his loading pofterity ichiiw can for the pre- [ 85 1 ficHdes, m t!ie urgexit expeaces of a cottn^ mencing war, the produce of taxes comes in too |Iow. It is an obvious nteafure, then* to bor* row on the credit of the ftate, and when that is pearly exhau^ed, to help it forward by aiTigo- ments of accruing taxes, the produce of, which is accordingly anticipated. In all commercitj free Aates there are lenders fufiicient, becaufe merchants have at all times a pioportion of theij: capital, and of the average returns of trade, within their reach. Their natural confidence in the ftaie where their property is lodged, leads them to truft that ftate ; but if they think that there is any unufual liCk, the collateral advan- tages wiiiph they exaral', and than the re^nements duftion of thirfyftem^ , Arft, topofiticatfote- ' to feeure^ the jittaoh- govemntenf, firom the erty on its fupport and difpofition in miniftdt ain patronage} thirdlft , to the view of increaf- ' the kingdom, ind continued anticipa- confiderable extent in Spaini / ;u«rfh^ mi «5 w \r 1^. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 1.1 121 u lU §23 £ us 12.0 L25 II u l^liigi 1.6 Ita)gFapliic Scimces Qaporation -^ a>^ \ ^v <^ 79 VnST MAIN STIUT WIKTIR,N.V. USM (716) •72-4503 ^^ ^\ ^rvV : iaMihiiiii"-t*" I ;\ ■immffonil^: CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques i 1 t^9l ^paTn,*by ?hilip 11. in the (Ixteenth century j and towards the end of the feventeenth century was (!ated by Mr. Davenant to this country, as the principal caufe which had contributed to (ink the Spanifh monarchy. But he foretold in- deed at the fame time, that trade muft languifli here till the annual burdens could be reduced be> low four millions. funding began in France about a century later than in Spain, -and Mr. Colbert is faid to have remonftrated flrongly againft it. From the firft commencement of this pra£lice in England, it was a fubje£l of perpetual lament- ation with well-meaning writers ; and anticipa- tions of our rmn attended every anticipation of the revenue, till 17 17, when the increafed produce of taxes, the falling of the market-rate of intereft, and th« expiration of annuities, hav- ing combined to create a large annual furplus, Sir Robert Walpole inftituted the finking fund. Nor (hould it pafs unnoticed, that this wife and falutary inftitution was a fubjeA of ridicule and (arcafm to a cdiirifiderablc party, then a^ng in oppoiition to the Minifter. N It ;'!;''! /^^■» t90l It is beyond a doubt, that if the finking fund liad always been facredly appropriated according to its firft inftitution, the aggregate effe^s of fuch a fyftem would have been of that ftupen- dous importance which Dr. Price has demon- ftrated. But it (hould not efcape remark, that if tilts plan had been adopted, all the exifting taxes muft have been continued; and all new exigencies of war, as well as the deficieruries of the peace eftablifliment (the latter alone amount- ing to about a million fterliiig, for many years* above the ordinary unappropriated revenue), muft have been defrayed and made good, either by fupplies r:iifed within the year, or by funds to be fecured by new and perpetual taxes. It is ob- vious to fee in this cafe, what immenfe burdens, additional to what were a£tually laid, the Country muft have borne from 1717 io this time. Dr. Price has, howeve- 'Hewn in a very ftrik- ing point of view, the efllve confequences of accumulating intereft ; and though (he prefent is rather an inaufpicious moment to difcufs fchemes fci j aying the national debt, there can ke no doubt that much good might reiliilt to the kingdom. k tl if C( ri ti fi n P I c ii c il h a t ( (! t X c .*'*.*" that if the finking fand appropriated according le aggregate efFe^s of e been of that ftupen- Dr. Price has demon- lot efcape remark, that [opted, all the exiting )ntinued} and all new 11 as the deficieruries of :he latter alone amount- erliiigf for many years* opriated revenue), mud made good, either by year, or by funds to be letual taxes. It is ob- what immenfe burdens, £tually laid, the Country 17 io this time. ■ "^ewn in a very ftrik- efllve confequences and though (he prefent is moment to difcufs lational debt, there can )od might rei'iilt to the k'mgdom,' t9«l kingdom, if, even now, a certain proportioit of the annual produce of the fmking fund were veiled in parliamentary dire^ors, having perpetual fuc- ceflion, and fubje^ to proper cautions and fecu- rities for the purpofe of difcharging certain por- tions of the public debt, at fuch time, and in fi)ch manner, as tliey might find mod conve- nient } this fund to accumulate by the appro- priation of the intereft of the debts difcharged. If fuch a truft were well adminiftered, it would comprehend all the advantages of an aflua! fav- ing and compound intereft, and would either check the depreciation of public fecurity, or turn it to the public profit. It was fooB difcovered that a finking fiind, however well calculated to pay old debts, was, at Icafl, equally well fuited to facilitate the con- tracting new ones ; being always at hand, as a fubfidiary mortgage to new taxes of doubtful pro-* duce : — nor would this mifchief have been great, but it was alfo difcovered, that the produce of the finking fund itfelf was an obje£): of much con- venience in times either of imaginary or real emergency, by preventing the neceffity of fome N? taxes. -i ^^■^"^ [ 9» 1 taxes, and evading, confequently, th« feelingl ?nd obfervation of the people. Great incroachments w«re accordingly made upon the finking fund, in time of peace, «nd a total alienation of it in time of war. And it hai not, I believe, in the courfe of fixty-tviro years, been applied towards paying more than twenty. three millions of the public debts. To relieve the prefent exigency, is the obje(fl of ftatefinen, who feel themfelves in duty bound to confult the eafc of their cotemporaries, in preference to the eventual fonvenience of a remote pofterity, which they will never fee, or the tacit approbation of 4 few fpeculative men. Our public debt, which began in the nine years war immediately foyowing the Revolution, was about fourteen millions fterling at ttie deati^ of King William. At the death of Q^een Ann« it amounted to fifty millions. In 1721, it waf fifty-five millions j 17*6, it was fifty-two mil-* lions } 1739, after feventeen years peace, it wa< fofty-feven millions; front which period I b^ le«ve to refer your Lordfiup to the following 90te: J do not r«colIe^ wh«pc«jt.is j^r^wn, but ''■^- ■": it s I i I 1 II c e ■ * i t r t t i • ] nfequently, tlu feelingi :ople. w«re accordingly made in time of peace, «nd a me of war. And it hai urfe of fixty-two yean, ring more than twenty- iblic debts. To relieve the objed of ftatefinen, uty bound to confult the es, in preference to the remote pofterity, which le tacit approbation of 4 lich beg^n in the nine )Vowing the Revolution, 3ns fterling at ttie deat)^ lie death of Q^een Ann« llion;. In lyax, it waf }, it was fifty-twQ mil-* een ye^rs peace, it wa< am which period I beg rdflup to the following whence jt. is drawn, but it ■•^'i 193] it is at leaft fufBciently accurate to anfwer thd general purpofes before us. >74? jC* 46,382,650 Debt. ' 3 1,784,256 increafe during the war. * — — — .a 1749 78,166,906 Debt. 3,089,641 decreafe during the peace* . i7Sf 75,077,265 Debt. 71,505,580 increafe durmg the war. J763 146,582,845 Debt, ;| ; »o. 639,7^4 decreafe during the peace, >77S M5,9f 3.061 Debt. .f The refuk of all this is, that by the burdens inherited from our anceftors, we arc obliged, in- cluding the expence of coUedling, to pay in time of profound peace near twelve millions fterling annually ; and if the mortgaged part of that revenue were free, we (hould poflefs fuppMes aAually raifed within the year, nearly adequate to the foppeit of a very vigorous war, though not indeed fo extenfive as that of 1761, wHeri the public expence amounted to nineteen millions Aerllng. It is an obfervation rather of curiofity than of ufe; t>ut your Lordfhip will ^d, ! be.^ Jieve, [ 94 1 lieve, that all th« Aims levied upon the fubje^ of this kingdom in ninety years (being from the Revolution to the prefent time), for public fer- vices, have amounted to abput feven hundred millions fterling, of which about two hundred millions have actually been paid for the intereft of public debts. In confidering our a(!lual fituation, the cfkSts of fuch a debt as I have defcribed certainly d^- ferve attention. I. It is fome inconvenience that we are made tributary to foreign nations, by the obligation to pay to them a large fum annually, < or t!'e intereft of their property lodged in our funds. Opinionf differ much as to the amount of this intereft, bu( it cannot be eftimated at lefs than one millioi) ijterling.— And fo large a (^rain would turn th^ fxchange too perceptibly againft us, if the far vourable balance of our trade, by whatever mode tffedied, 4id not operate to reftore the level. Having mentioned this circumftance of ex- change, I fliall digrefs for a moment to obferve, that the courfe of exchange is at this day (^tpth 0/^oberj mqre in our favour vfith Cadiz, Lif^ . bon. h w til bi th pj as th ui ta n( CO tr; m in El ni CO ti< fa' ca m br evted upon the fubjc^ / years (being from the It time), for public fer- abput feven hundred ich about two hundred en paid for the intereft iial fituation^ fhe tfkSts defcribed certainly de- lience that we are made ns, by the obligation to nnually, lyt tbe intereft 1 our funds. Opinionf sunt of this intereft, bu( t lefs than one million I i^rain would turn th^ r againft us, if the far ade, by whatever mods to reftore the level. s circumftance of ex- r a moment to obferve, ige is at this day (99th vowr yrith Cadiz, Lif^ bon. l95l bon, Genoa, and Leghorn refpcAively, than If was in a medium eftimate which was printed for the year 1770. With Amfterdam and Ham- burgh it is much lefs againft us now than it was then ; with Paris and Venice it is now nearly at par, but in 1770 was much againft us. To men who confider the courfe of excltange as a criterion of national commerce and riches this account muft appear highly favourable to us ; and the prefumption, as far as it goes, cer- tainly is fo. It muft be confefted, however, that no decifive concluitons are to be drawn from the courfe of exchange} which is made irregular by transfers of ftocics, receipts of dividends, and mercantile combinations for the purpofe of draw- ing and re-drawing through different parts of Europe, as well as from various other more mi- nute cireumftances. The exchange, if not counterafted by other tranfadlions and fpecula- tions of merchants, ftiould evidently be in our favour whenever our export trade flouriflies j be- caufe the balance muft be remitted to us : but it may alfo be in our favour, even when certain branches of our commerce, both outwards and /lomewards. '"ti "|: ':^^^^^ »,.■ ItofflewarcfS} are fuflTering much, i nd nearTy in t flate of ftagnation, becaufe there may be large balances in courfe of remittance to Englifh Mer- diants ; as in the prefent inftance of Cadiz inA Madrid, where the price of exchange is at 36!^ and the par at 43. Here it is only a fymptom that a tide is fetting in, which may foon ebb with equal or greater velocity to fome other part of the world. And in all other inftances, the courfe of exchange between any two fpecified places ia fiable to be raifed or lowered by the dealings and interchange of both with many other countries. The price of bullion (which, however, bears alfo a favourable appearance at prefent) is ftill lefs a certain thermometer of commerce than the courfe of exchange ; for it is equally a fubjeA of Bicrcantik fpeculations and Bneflv, and is alfo Kable to be affeded by the (late of any particular manufactures ufing the precious metals 1 by the arrival in Europe of a Spanilh or Portuguefe iota i by wars in Ruflia and in the interior part of Germany, both diftant from the center of di- iribution i by the (late of remittances of bullion to or &om the £a(l Indies i and by the various other M. o g much, ind nearTy In t lufe there may be large nittance to Englifh Mer- it ir.ftance of Cadiz « )ue of that commodity in the market. But though thefe points of obfervation do not prove much as to commerce, nor decifively as to the quantity of money in a country, they afford at leaft a fair prefumption, that the national wealth is not diminilhed. a. Another principal inconvenience of the pub* lie debts is to be feen in all the tranfaAions of public borrowing. There is of courfe a great competition of lenders, becaufe there is a general expectation of certain gain. If the fum to be borrowed is very large, a proportion of the mo- ney to furniih it will be drawn either from chan- nels of produAive labour, which are accordingly impeded, or from the holders of public ftock, which is confequently depreciated. The general rule of intereft to be paid for money is indifferent to the fubfcribers of a public loan ; becaufe what- ever it is, they are to enhance upon the public ; ^d the advantages, or douceurs (for money- lenders in their exertioiis againft France make |;ood ufe of her language}, are at all times in- ^rinHcally worth more than what is computed (.}•■ ■P&s.. t9«l and ftated to parliament } and though, from tht ordinary modes of fubfcription, ' ofe advantages (in whatever form given) are much divided by transfers within forty>cight hours after the bar* gUin is declared, the expence of the nation is the fame, whether the firft fubfcribcrs or the! fubftr« quent (lock-holders receive the benefit. Thia tendency of public borrowings to raife the inte- reft of money through the country, has exten« five and bad effe&i in fefptd to trader agricuK fure, and the value of land ; and it tends alfo to depreciate the public funds, much beyond the operation of any. doubts or uneafmeis as to thef' ftate or fafety. It is, in our days, dearly underftood, that the intefeft given for money it not regulated by the proportion of gold or ftlver aftually exifting within the country; but by (he demand for bor- rowing, and the ftate of commerce and induftry which regulrite the competition for lending. And though, at prefent, we in truth borrow at a rate fully equal to $ pertm,^ confidering the advantages above defcribed, and perhaps at a higher i^te of intereil than in any period of the -^. ^ .■• >' ^ tW9 tVI fc th fa^ ft< W( kr Wi all n< an tb th fl< th fit er fo P< il fa tt] til n } and though, from tht iption, ' ofe advantages ) are much divided by ght houra after the bar^. ence of the nation is the fubfcribcrs or the! fubftr« :ive the benefit. This mings to raife the inte- the country, hasexten* rped to trader agricuK id i and it tends alfo to ids, much beyond the }r uneafmeis as to thef' ly underftood, that the il not regulated by the Itlver aftually exifting t>y (he demand for bor- commefce and induftry tition for lending, t, we in truth borrow er ctfit,, cohfidering the sd, and perhaps at a n in any period of the tW9 C 99 ] two laft wars i yet this is fo little the cffcSk of » fcarcity of monty, or of a want of conhdence in the ability of the nation, that the contrary is the fatSl, and was proved by the continued rife of (lock above the price dated at the laft logn -, as well as by the great premium, at which it is known to h?ve been current before any transfers \vere adually made to under-purchafers ^ and alfo by fo great a proportion of the whole loan as nejtf five millions being paid in the Hr(\ tvyp months, at a difcount at the rate of 3 p*r cftit. ptr anitf Mr. Hyme has fliewq, beyond difputc, that interell is ^ tru^ barometer pf the ftatej and the lownefs of intereft is an infallible fign of a Hourilhing people : but he did not mean to apply that remark indifcriminately to all the occafional fituations of a (late. In periods of particul;^r emergency, where there is an extreme preiTurf for money, the ifitereft may be high, and fhe people Qill 4oifri(hing. And though it is tru^ that low iqtereft and plenty of money are, it) fa^, generally concomitants it is equally true, that the fudden influx of money may, for 4 t)qie, lowf r interfft without introducing a plenty % O 2 and '^ 'S [ 100 ] and it is alfo true, that a great demand for money will raile the intereft, without implying any fear- city. It is demonftrable that, in time of peace, a kingdom would fuflfer little if half its money Were annihilated, or locked up in the coffers of theftate: prices of labour, and its produce, would be lowered j other countries would be underfold • the level would be rcftored, and the prices would gradually rife again. In time of peace, too, there may be lefs coin and more paper in circulation ; but the quantity of circulating ca(h in time of . War is of the utmoft importance ; and therefore I have been the more folicitous to offer to your Lordftiip thefe remarks on the prefent rate of in- tereft. '^S^^'^ii- The inconveniences above mentioned are very poorly compenfate0S ] fiu(baildry, and a penal law againft improvtftlndnff The amount of capital ftock, though in fome de^^ gree aflefled in England, is difficult to be regu^- larly taxed } becaufe a ftate, and efpecially a met* cantile ftate, ihould avoid any feverc inquifition into the circumftances of individuals. The wages of labour Ihould in no cafe be made an object of direct taxation. Taxes on confumable commodities include a large extent of obje^s ; and, though they operate* in genei.i, according to the voluntary humour of the individual, reach all the three fofurces of revenue, the rent of land, the profits of ftock, and the wages of labour. In felefiing confumable commodities for taxcs< luxuries (hould invariably be preferred to tlie ne- cei&ries of life, and to the raw materials of ma- nufaduic. It is admirably contrived by Nature, that every thing ufeful to the life of nvan arires from the ground^ but few things in that degree «f ufefulnefs of which they arc capable j and th© fame idea applying ftrongly to many articles of luxury, there is, betwew the firft exiftence of confumabls •W^-^'JK^ confumable commodities, and the time of t|}eir confumption, an extenfive fkld to engage the in- genuity and vigilance of financiers. Yet taxes on confumable commodities will never b^ pro- duflive of a very confuierable income to the ftatei unlefs they extend to luxuries of general ufe; the aggregate confumption of the inferior ranks of people being mucli greater, both in quantity and in value, than that of the opulent, who form« in every ftate, a very fmall proportion of the whole number: — at the fame time it (hould be obferved, that to the happincfs and affluence of the lower clafles, comparatively with the fame clafles in other nations, we are to look for the real health and ftrength of the kingdom. It is difficult, however, to draw a 1\ri£t line between luxuries and neceflltics ; many articles pf clothing, furniture, and providon, being ren- dered neceflary to the individual by the ufages of his country and the opinion of his equals. A due diftin£lion can only be made by the difcern- ment and good temper of the ftate, which (hould ever remember, that taxes dircAly ftriking at the ' -"u a ture. Whilft taxes amount only to a dedudUon from the conveniencies of the individual for the public fcrvice, they may be extended, without fcruple, as far as the public exigency requires : but there is a certain point where they begin to be r mi >6 3 es on gum fenegal, and the confequences were, e diinini(hed, and the the producs of the re^ )rtation (faoufd be kept ed by taxes, except in it may be found expe- 'ate in the nature of a IT fome particular ma- rec true, that taxes \m>- were polTible for this :r debts, a reafonabie ther it would be expe- her taxes, farther than s which affecEl the ne- vnaterials of manufacN- >nly to a dedudUon from he individual for the |r be extended, without ublic exigency require! : nt where they begin to be [ 107 3 be exorbitant and deftroy induftry, by producing defpair in the induftrious. To toil inceOantly in want, is too hard a condition for human na- ture to bear ; yet an induftrious country may long continue rich under fevere taxes, as a ftrong and adtive body may enioy health under un- wholefome diet and hard labour, - It would anfwer little purpofe to enter here into a deduftion of our contributions and taxe» from their origin, and to ftate to your Lordihip the danegeldts, efcuages, carucages, tallages, purveyances, ranfoms of Jews, difmes, quinzi- emes, and benevolences.— The progrefs toward? any liberal notions of taxation was flow ; fo late as the 31ft Henry VI, taxes were laid on every ftranger abiding fi^f weeks in England } in the reign of Edward VI, there was a poll-tax on (heep { under the ufurpation of Cromwell, a weekly meal was a favourite contribution } and even under William III, there was a regular aA of parliament to levy 4 tax on all inarriages. Prin<:iples of commerce feem not to have en- gaged the parliamentary attention before the aera of the Rebellion, and articles of export trade Pi wr« 1 j ,.H5||^, C 108 ] Vfere to • late period a principal branch of tli« Cuftoms. Our trade regulations, including thtt various detail of prohibitions drawbacks an4 bounties, are fince become extremely volumi- nous, and by the daily acceHront of a century, have certainly contra::led many defeas, and much intricacy } nor is there a doubt but that they might be fimplified and revifed with much advantage both to commerce and revenue. For the prcfent, however, it feems fufficient to obferve, that our. fyftcm of taxation, though obliged to comprehend fo large a variety of ob- jeAs, and drawing fuch immcnfe fums from the people, is in general guided by juft principles of political oeconomy, and has be(»n found thus fer apparently compatible whh the induftry, af- fluence, and profpcrity of the State. (J>ur prin- cipal taxes on neceflaries are on fait, leather, foap^ and candles, which produce on the annuil average near 200,000!. each ; they are all to a certain degree detrimental to the induftrious poor, and raife the wages of labour ; but they have a gradual operation which much foftens their tendency, and they are not hitherto found to o8 ] I principal branch of tli4 cguhitions, including the ibitions drawbacks an4 :omc extremely voiumi- I acccHiont of a century, ed many defedls, and there a doubt but th^t 1 and revifed with much lerce and revenue, wever, it fecms fufficient cm of taxation, though fo large a variety of ob- h immcnfe fums from guided by juft principles rid has beftn found thus le whh the induftry, af- )f tlic State. Our frin- ?s are on fait, leather, h produce on the annuAl each ; they are all to a ital to the induftrious ;es of labour ; but they •n which much foftens ' are not hitherto found to [ «09 ] to cramp tlic maintenance and fupport of the )ower clafs, fo as to diminilh tlve ufeful popular tion of the country. We (hould not derive much advantage from an enquii7 into the taxation of other States, bcr caufe regulations which are wife in one country, may be quite inapplicable to another ', yet fome comparative fati&fa<%ion may rcfult to an Englilh^ man, from recolicding the duties in Holland on the confumption of bread, tiih, and fruit, &c. ; the excifes upon butchers meat, and the chief neceflaries of life, in many of the Italian States ; the Spanifti aUavala of fix per cent, upon every fale of any property moveable or immoveable ; the French capitation, their corvees. Farmers General, depreciations of coin, taxations of the public debt, and above all the perfonal taille, wliich conrtrues every (hew of improvement into a propf of wealth, and taxes it accordf ingly. In the rcfult, France raifes lefs than fifteen millions ftcrling, and with much ditlrefs arul iditficulty, upon three times the number of in- habitants from which Great liritain raifes above ten C "0 ] 'HI ten millions ; and yet this iflan^i, thank God, does not, under all her burdens, yet exhibit any fymptom of internal decay : the univerfal luxury of her inhabitants, though a thefis for moral cenfure, is a decifive proof of her opulenGe.-<- Her Excife and Cuftoms * have rifen in the pre- fent year, even beyond their ulual level, and by (hewing the extent of home-confumption, imply an increaftng produce, and quick circu- lation; every known criterion, and every ex- ternal appearance, concur in proving the quan- * The groA produce of tl>e Excife for the year 177S, endiag 5th July, amounted to — — _ Ditto for 1779, — **~ 5»754.07fi o I SiSfi9,ol| il 7 The groft receipt of the Cultoms for the whole year 1777, amounted to . Ditto for 1 77S, -^ tm 3,i93,too The net payment! of Cuftomt into the Exchequer for Lady-Day, Mid« fnmmer, and Michaelmai 1778, a* mounted to — pi^to for 1779, -• 5--» I|8|S,769 It i|i tity his iAini, thank God, burdens, yet exhibit any ay : the univerfal luxury sugh a thefis for moral roof of her opuIence.-<- ! ♦ have rifen in the pre- I their ulual level, and of home-confumption, duce, and quick circu- Ti»erion, and every ex- ir in proving the quan- e Excife th July, /. /. J. —— 5»754.076 o i Cultoms nounted ""^ 3i*93isoo o o DOM into ly, Mid* 1778, a* 5-^ i|8i 8,769 It iii tity rity of money within the country to be unufually great. The next condderation is, how to derive from fuch appearances the foiid aflldance which our emergencies require } and this tafk, after a few curfory remarks, I Ihall chearfully leave to thofe who have financial ability, and will employ it on the refources and fpirit of the nation. It is a paradox without ingenuity, an extra* vagance without fancy, to ftate that burdens create powers, and that this country is become proportionably affluent by the increafe of her in- cumbrances i but it is a plain truth, that though the incumbrances are great, her trade and com- merce are ftill flouriOiing. It has, in former times, been made an argument for adding to tlM public burdens, that their bulk has not yet over- whelmed us : at prefent we want no argument beyond the iron one of necefllty. We have no choice :— great and vigorous exertions both of linance and force are become eflential to tli« maintenance of our rank among nations, our credit, and our commerce. ■ ■ ' Some ■■,*»*•" f. in 'A w. 1 1. [.12] jome refpe£^ablc individuals have prdpofed, on the prcfcnt emergency, to fufpend the prailice of borrowing, and to call upon every fubjcdt in the kingdom, for a dircft aid equal to the public wants ; that aid to be proportioned either to real capital, or to inconre.—It is impoflible not to treat v^rith the utmoft deference and regard, any propofal originating in that fpirit of public virtu''., which ought to guide the whole country l.iro the ftorm in which (he is ftruggling. Yet it m: / be doubted whether fuch an idea would be in any degree praaicable^ and if it were, whethe? it would be expedient. Suppofing the general income of the kingdom to be lOo millions, or the total capital to be looo millions (which however are points at beft very corjeftural), it is indifputabiy clear that 7 i per ctnt. collefted on the one, or \ per ctnt. collected on the other, muft produce 7 millions and a half, which if raifed in fterling money within the year, might well be applied towards the fup- port of the war. The different adopters of thefe ways and means, do not quite agree whether they would draw iduals have prdpofed, on to fufpcnd the practice II upon every fubjcdt in it aid equal to the public ■oportioncd either to real -It is impoflible not to fcrence and regard, any liat fpirit of public virtue^ iC whole country i.ircj '■ I (Iruggling. Yet it m: / ch an idea would be in and if it wert, whethcf I income of the kingctom le total capital to be looo ;r are points at heft very lutabiy clear that 7 i per le, or ) per ctnt. colledled reduce 7 millions and a n fterling money within ; applied towards the fup- ters of thefe ways and grce whether they would draw t MJ] draw for this Aipply on the apital of una iiing- doro, or on the revenue 1 but they concwri uui with an abiiity which indeed warms tJ»c.iir.«gi» nations, and expands the hearts of their leaderst in ftat' 1;) wliat m fimpkr words amounts to no mk,rv than r '-, th« there is a certain quantum .*pj>iTirty ithin the ifland, acertitin propor- :o. ' vvhxh amounts to a certain fum» wJi«sH wilt be \ very convenient afliilaoce, if FwrliHOHm can contrive io get it. So tar, however, as the pra£ticahility is )n qucftion, the corner-ftone of the whole expec- tation is to be laid in the airy regions of fenti- ment, and in that unanimous concurrence, ge. ncrpfity, and public zeal, of eight millions of people, which is to lead them with one heart, and one hand, to ftate and to give accurately and fcrupuloufly their refpeflive proportions. There is, indeed, a precedent of fuch exer- tions in Holland, where a per (tnt, was fuppofed to be faithfully paid by voluntary contribution } but the exigency was of the mod urgent kind, as it operated upon 3 people colle£ted within a foiall territory, and engaged in a general infur- Q_ relation, 1 .Ai«g^'- \ C"4l tt&\f the amount of each con- s a very inconfiderable im- hin a fingle city, and not ui a fihftol fubfcription to r r^ard* t any ^reat difficulty would im being too large for 6ur ting caffi. If it were poffibte breaft a quantum fuffitit of here can be little doubt that half extraordinary might be i$ way, as pradicably as by t.— We know that there is above twenty millions fter- 'l for above (ixteen millfons appeared upon the jalutary ig the gold coin ; an opera- : mentioned, iinthout a wi(h our fiiver coinage, both for the C "5 J the benefit of trade, and for the prevention of ^ capital crime which it become vqy frequent ! The truth is, that a contribution, which in order to be effe^ive muft be to general as to extend even to the daily fcrapings of halfpence from the hands of pcafants, cannot be th< volun- tary meafure of an eKtenfive empire.— We know that opulent ai^d zealous fubjeas ^an exclude the rays of the fun from their houf^s, in order to ihut out a window-tax j we fee wearied coaifh- horfes (trained twenty miles extraordina^fy, ^o fave two-pence per mile on poft-horfcsj and yet we are to expeft fevep millions fterling, as a vo- luntary bentjvolefice ! Difinterefted enthufiafm is a rare and (hort-lived plant, and not of a ram- pant growth : It is of the fcnfitive kind too, and (brinks when touched l?y the hand of a tax- gatherc^. U tl^e propofed contribution were fecret, it would fall hard on the bed and warmeft- hevted fubjeft^ of Ae ftate, but would bring more blank? than a guinea lottery from indivl- ' duals of another defcription. Jf it were open, it would be oppreffiye and odious ; nor would the fpirit or tranfaftions of a mercantile country bear i; ih tthlverfal publication of twy man'* clivuiq. ftanwi ---^d hnhtr, m ffM ^schiiitioni xrf p»- fchil iJrdpettf wouM to ^^Mtzl be mqch con- i^th- • or lefs on their capital : I would operate as a fatal res and agriculture, -which ibute a competerit pottrori y part of the nation, but the A)ppliesoftheyear.~ i the State would reduce liments } the lower clailh ehces i the feveral vehdeft iffer ; the farmers markets e general decay of trade ife ot the public revenue i either fall on the fihkirtg ' by frefli taxe?. And if thie money voluntarily contributed. [ 117 3 contributed, and thus diverted from taxed ob* ie£ls of expence, would in a courfe of time re- turn to pirculation, and be again produ(Stive to the State, the prefent obje£t would not be at^ tained* In 1720, Mr. A. Hutchinfon ftated in the Houfe of Commons, and afterwards publifhed in liis Treatifes, a fcheme for the payment of the public debts. He propofed that every individual ihould charge himfelf with his proportionable iharp of thofe debts, and contribute that fliare for the entire difchargc of all our funds and pub- lic mortgages, Thp idea was magnificent, and filled the mind ; but every man who reafoned upon it agreed, that fuch a fcheme (fuppofirtg it pradtipable} would fall partially and heavily on yifible poflefllons of lands and houfes, and that pvery other fpecies of property capable of con- cealment, would be concealed. It might poffibly become expedient to colle^ from individuals as much as they would give. An extremity too might arrive, in which, under 1 dioice of neceflary evils, it might be the heft attemative to raiiip fuf^ies vpon the ordinary tm- appro- ^''■:w' Ill ' : ■ft- appropriated revenue, or upon the produce of the finking fund, which together would afford an intereft equal to about one hundred and thirty millions fterling. But I truft again and again, that the times are Very far from wanting fuch alfiftance and fuch aids. ■■■'■J V. There is every reafon to hope, that under th« four confiderations of new taxes, increafe of par- ticular fubfifting taxes, improvements in the prefeiit modes of colIe«^ing, and appropriations of public claims, polleflions, and contingencies, there are ample, eaTy, and fafe Kfouices for many years : I. Under the head of luxuries there remain many objects to affift revenue, and new ones daily arife to exercife the talents of a financier. It is an old-fa(hioned witticifm, that of all mines of public revenue vanity is the moft inexhauftible, and the eaiieft to be worked. M To catch the manners livuig as they rife/* Is an ufefiil art in taxation } it muft be exerdfed, bowsver, with gentlenefs j nor muft it bear hard upon Ii8 ] or upon the produce of ich together would afford >ut one hundred and thirty i again, that the timet ar« I fuch affiftance and fuch n to hope, that under the lew taxes, increafe of par* , improvements in the ;<3ing, and appropriations lltons, and contingencies, , and fafe refources for of luxuries there remain revenue, and new ones he talents of a financier. Htticifm, that of all mines r is the moft inexhauftible, trked. en livuig as thqr rife," ion; it muft be exerdfed, tfss nor muft it bear hard upon tM9] upon objeAS} which exift rather in the caprice than in the convenience of the confumcr, and which, from their inui x5c value, cannot bear any confiderablt impoft. In 1767, i,soo,oco/. was borrowed on a duty upon ladies chip hats j the duty was made large in proportion to the value, that it might be productive j the confe- quence vras, that chip hats were difcontinued, and the tax produced nothing. The articles of luxury, which are not of met« vanity, but of general utility, are extremely nu* merous in a rich and populous country like this. And though it muft be confeflitd that this, field of taxation, which is highly produAivc in its na- ture, has been reaped with great induftry, there are feveral good gleanings ftiU to be coUeded from it. A tax on all faddle-horfes might, per<> haps, be laid and levied much in the fame man- ner as the late tax upon fervants : fuch a tax would certainly be produftive ; and if it (hould operate in any degree as a difcouragement to that fpecies of expence, it would not be unfavourable to agriculture } the retrenching of individuals in this article would operate in favour of others more m ■J li: inore beneficial to the revenue ; and rii« innJpor4 lation of foreign oats, which is at f>r«renc con- fiderable, would be reduced. A moderate taxy however, would not occaiion any check or re- vulfion in the prefent fyftem of expence i and if foch a tax were extended to the coach and chaife horfes of private perA}ns, it would give fome little collateral fupport to the prefent tax on po(U horfes. The laft-mentioried tax being at jj^ percent, is thought by foine too high^ and to have given a fudden check to that mode of perated as a difcourage- ments, would collaterally evenue. itum of the Romans has he Dutch, in regard to all f property ; and fome of might be borrowed with itution ot the fame kind Many fucceflive English n contemplation, but have ;o difficulty, and open to lie nature of Britifh pro- rfonal, and from the vari- of trufts and transfers, hed, would in many cafes heerfulnefs to a confider- others would contribute thing to the revenue from E there is much property g under the prote£lion of aying any proportion to- ice. ». The ■•- "*^iiltii/li1i|ffi'ilKuL'tti'"-'- ' [ "3 ] a. The augmentation of fubfifting taxes is a , moft ufeful expedient, wherever the commodity to be taxed will bear the additional import ; be- caufe there is a probable foreknowledge of the produce, and little expence in the colleftion. It has hitherto been found in moft inftances, that our general confumption has gained ground under the preiTure of increafed taxes \ but there is a point beyond which particular duties cannot ad- vance, without the hazard of a fall, from which they may never rife again. Indigo was a princi- pal produft of Jamaica, and flourifhed much under the pld duties j but when the legiflature impofed threp (hillings and fixpen^e ^^r pound on it, the pUnters dropped the cultivation entirely ; and though the Parliament repealed the tax, the people were either unable or unwilling to recover the manufaaure, which in 1747 revived in the Carolina?, arid was fupported by a Britifti bounty. There is no doubt that ftamp-dutles might be increafed with advantage in many cafes, according to the value of the fums or property to be fe- fur^ or transferred. A fmall duty of regiftra- |C i lion '■■« tlon might alfo be required on the trinifcr of fomc particular fpecics of property} fuch i duty, however, would fall frequently upon the feller, under fuch circumftancej a> to operate in aggra- vation of tiiftrefs. A confiderable Ibmp-duty on the probates of wills, on letters of adminiftm. tion, and on the copies of all wills, was granted by an aft of the laft fertion j but the proving of v/ills was not at the fame time futnciently en- forced. The entire abolition of franks would un- doubtedly be attended with an ad^Iitional reve- nue, which might moderately be ertimatcd at 80,000/. a year J many aukward and expenfive arrangements muft however be Aibilituted in refpc(ft to correfpondence on parliamentary and official bufineflls. Public expediency may in due time require fuch a meafurej it would, however, be matter of fome regret to fee Parlia^ ment deprived of an old, and not unreafonablc diftin£lion. Some refpeftable writers have propqfed as a good meafure to equalize the land-tax. I may poffibly be milled by a partiality towards our own part 54 ] ircd on the transfer of • property } fuch i duty, lucntly upon the feller, a» to operate in aggra- ifiderable Ibmp-duty on I letters of adminiOri. f ail wills, was granted >n { but the proving of le time futnciently en» of franks would un- ith an ad^Iitional reve- .•rately be eftimatcd at lukward and expenfive ever be fubrtituted in on parliamentary and ic expediency may in I meafurc} it wouI4, tie regret to fee Parliar , and not unreaTunable rs have propofed as a the land-tax, I may tiality towards our own part t 125 ] part of England ; but I conceive fuch an idea t« be replete with objedlions. It is always dangerous to change the eftablifhed courfe of a very pr», duiStive tax : It would in this inftancc be unjuft, becaufe the proprietors oflow rated eftates have, in many innances, purchafed them upon the faith of a fettled and permanent tax :— It would b« inexpedient, becaufe it would operate as a punilh-. ment on late improvements, and would ruin many landlords now in a courfe of beneficial cul- tivation. It has hitherto been deemed the beft feature of our land-tax, that it is not fubje6t to variations. It may be true that the rent of lands alone amounts to twenty millions fterling; and that the land tax, taken at one-fifth not only of all the land rents, but of all houfe rents, and of the intereft of all capital flock, produces a fum equal to one-tenth only of twenty millions : but adry deduction of arithmetic isnojuft argument for a forcible and violent operation of revenue, Xhe more plaufible arrangement of levelling the whole prefent duty to two (hillings, in order to colled it upon a new furvey and equal valuation, is cxpofcd to all the fame objcaions. It might; however. m u^. however, be left unfair, if a fifth fliilling were ever to be granted, to take that addition upon a new valuation. It it the opinion of fome credible and well in-^ formed nxn, that the bounties paid on corn ope- rate httic with the farmer, either direflly or in- dire(Hly, as an encouragement to that branch of agriculture \ that they accrue to the benefit chiefly of artful factors, are fometimes fraudulently ma- naged and received upon corn, which is adluaUy brought back to the kingdom even without quitting our coaAs} and that, admitting thofe bounties to have hitherto had the falutary effedk afcribed to them (which however is difputable), they are at prefent a fource of much unavailing cxpence to the kingdom. I underftand ihe fub- jeA too imperfe£Uy to fay more than that, in fad, the expence is fometimes near i $0,000/. a year, and that the annual faving of that fum, would be equal to the intereft of a loan of five mil- lions. There are other extfti|ig bounties which may deferve an enquiry; and it is a common fuf(>iGion too, that many frauds have crept into the wMe ^^~ bufinefs ^^Uihi* « 1 if a fiAh (hilling were ke that addition upon a ne credible and well in- unties paid on corn ope- r, either direflly or in- ement to that branch of :rue to the benefit chiefly letimes fraudulently ma- corn, which is aAually kingdom even without d that, admitting thofe :o had the falutary effedl li however is difputable), urce of much unavailing t. I underftand ihe fub< f more than that, in fad, !s near i $0,000/. a year, ring of that fum, would t of a loan of five mil- ifig bounties which may 1 it is a common fufpidon )ave crept into the w)io]e bufmefs [ 127 ] bunneft of drawbackx , as well by the re-exporta- tion of foreij^n goods, which arr aftcrwardi re- landed for home confumption, as by favourable certificates on manufactured materials, and by other modes, to the difadvantage of fair trade, and to the great dctrime.it of the revenue. 3. Nor is there any doubt that the Income of the public might be greatly increafed, and commerce at the fame time be benefited, by improvements in the prefent modes of colledl- ing. In articles which mud remain fubje£t to a Cuftom-houfc duty, much improvement may be made by a liquidation of the duties, and a revifal of the book of rates. — New taxes having been added and fupcradded to the old from time to lime, it is become a matter of fcience to know, and an occupation of great dexterity to compute .them. For example, a pound of nutmegs is charged with nine different duties, is. 8 -' i' a- m m 1 1 II il t '30 1 l^gy^er.^In other inftances, it is thought that the revenue fulFers by the duty being paid in the firft ftage. Sugar, for example, is charged with a duty on importation } the Weft India merchant pays that duty } the fugar-refiner repays him with intereft and commiilion ; the grocer repays the refiner in like manner, and is repaid by the con- fumef. A charge of intereft and commiflion upon the fum advanced for the duty, certainly arifes upon a taxed commodity every time that it is fold be- fore its confumption; and this- confideration, ar^'^Td to the time and expence of tranfa£ling bu- finefs at the Cuftom-houfe, has led fome to fup- . pofe, that, in all articles which do not pafs di- redly from the importer to the confumer, the fum added to the price, on account of the duty, may be computed at one-third above the duty. This is one reafon why excifes are more pro- duAive than Cuftoms, and preferable in a mere ■ queftion of revenue. It certainly appears too, from experience, that the Excife laws confound the opaiations of the fmugglers much more than thofe of the Cuftoms, ^■Smm^. 1 nces, it is thought that le duty being paid in the xample, is charged with ihe Weft India merchant r-refiner repays him with ; the grocer repays the and is repaid by the con- nd commiffion upon the ity, certainly arifes upon y time that it is fold be- and this* confideration, (pence of tranfading bu- ufe, has led fome to fup- es which do not pafs di- :nfound the opa^tions of norc than thofe of the Cuftoms, [ 131 ] Cuftoms, and that the nearer the latter, without vexation to the people, can be made to approxi- mate . to the former, the more produdive they will be. There are many articles of great and valuable confumption, where the goods might be warehoufed and pafs by permit. It is evident, that the £xcife laws might be applied to the duty on wine, without any danger to popular liberties, and with great benefit to the general health. I'ea is fo portfible and fo valuable an article, that it 19 the favourite objedl of fmugglers, by which the revenue is defrauded to a great amount j and large fums, for this clandelline trade, are fent annually out of the kingdom into the continent. It has be^n eftimat^d, that above eight millions of pounds of adulterated, unwholefome, and fmuggled tea, are annually confumed within Great Bptain, It is this article too which bear^ the expence of m^ny fmuggling veflfels, and fup* ports them in bringing other objeifts of dandeftine trade. If it were praflicable to fubje(ft tea to ji general excife, the duty might, perhaps, be lowered, fo as to leave this commodity at t\vo- thirds q( the pref<;nt price to the confutqer-s, and S » f^ '!\.i .;iH0»«s*» 11' [ »32 ] yet to raife a much larger duty to the State. In Hollandi a tax it levied on eacif perfon for a li- cenfi; to drink tf a. This, on individuals, would tniount to a capitation J upon fitmilies, it would be a mcK houff-tax ; and in either cafe, would loTe the advantage of a tax on cenfumable com- modities, which (hould operate according to the voluntary eonfumption. The expenee of levying the Cuftoms, in the wlary of officers, and other incidents, including ^quarantine, cruizers, &c. amounts to ten pfr itHt. that of the Excife to about five and a half pit cm. Duties at firft are frequently rmpofed as expC" rtments, and there is great excufe for the makers of the feveral revenue laws, however eonfufed and ill contrived they may appear. But after fo many years experience gained, it is furprHtng that no perfon has had the pubKc fpirit to form a ^plan for making the rolle£lton of the revenue more fimple, and of courfe more produi^ive* Many individuals have knowledge enough hi the management, myfteries, and intricacies of trade, to reduce fuch a reform to pradice; and the refpcAable ^l«r- J2 ] !r duty to the State. In I on eacif perfon for a li- Js, on individuals, would upon fitmilies, it would nd in either cafe) would tax on cenfumable com- operate according to the ing the Cuftoms, in the ther incidents, including kc. amounts to ten pfr to about five and a half [uently impofed as expC" eat excufe for the makers laws, however confufed tay appear. But after fo gained, it is furprHing the pubKc fpirit to form roUe£lion of the revenue :ourlb more produi^ive* ^owledge enough in the , and intricacies of trade, m to pradice; and the refpeAable [ »33 1 fefpedable merchants of England would aea- iDufly aflift. — It is an unfortunate, but generally received opinion, that great fchemes of reforma- tion muft have quiet times to give them birth and cffe&. The rcverfe of this is perhaps the truth; for when affairs go fmoothly on, idleneft and felf-indulgence are generally an over-match for public fpirit ; and men are not eafily prevailed upon to quit the beaten road. ])ut times of fiifHculty naturally and forcibly call forth aelivitf and exertions* 4. In the appropriation of public clalmls, poflef* 0ons, and contingencies, there are various great fcfources accruing to the public. Some individuals have built high expediationi on the crown lands ; others have taken poflbflioA of all the public toils and turnpikes ; and others •gain have looked into the poor-houfes for t large fupply of revenue. \Yithout reprobatingi or even difputing the notions of refpedable men^ whofe fpirit and abilities are exemplary, and ufeful to the public, I am content to call youf hotdfhip's attention to matters more obvious. h ir h M m }i lit- I '34 3 In 1781, nineteen millions fterling will hl\ from an intereft of 4 ptr tent, to 3 ^^r ««/. In 1/ 82, 4 millions and ^ will fall from 3i to 3 p/r ««/. J and the favjng in thcfe inftances alone will furnifh a fund for the intereft of fpven millions. There are feveral acceffions alfo annually ac- cruing to the public from the expiration of life annuities. But the £a(l-India Company alone prefent great and ample refources. In their approaching application for a renewal of their charter, there can be no doubt that the foftering attention and tendernefs which was fhewn to them on a late occafion, will be continued to an eftabli(hment, from which this empire has derived, and con- tinues to derive fo large a branch of its commerce and revenue. On the other hand, it is as little to be doubted that the Company will be fenfible of the conftitutional right (and perhaps the equity) of the claim to their territorial acquifi- tions i and that, in the arrangement of thefe great confiderations, they will, in return for the continuance of their fortunate monopoly, be able not llions flerling will ^11 tent, to 3 per tent. In 11 fall from 3^ to 3 per icfe inftances alone will ereft of ftsven millions* ons alfo annually ac- the expiration of life ompany alone prefent In their approaching of their charter, there foftering attention and ;wn to them on a late ;d to an eftabliHiment, has derived, and con- branch of its commerce !ier hand, it is as little }mpany will be fenilble ;ht (and perhaps the :heir territorial acquili- arrangement of thefe ' will, in return for the nate monopoly, be able not not only to furnifli a confiderable afllftancc to this country in money, but an ample income from their acquiiitions, to be employed as a farther and permanent refourcc. Here I (hall clofe this fubjeft ; and if in the candid confideration of our difficulties and re- fources, I have been fortunate enough to im- part any Ihare of that confidence which has grown upon me through the whole progrels of this enquiry, or to invite better reafonings to a iimilar effe£t, I (hall feel fatisfied with the facri- fice of a leifure in other refpeifls of little confe- quejice. |5 i' I .1: .' :y.- '■i^^tMii^immmsfmammeme'SsmMmaa^ita^vmsBtsmm!^!^^ Sic nes i» luee timemus hurdum, nihih qua/unt metutnJa magis, juam ^j^puiri in ttnehri$ pavitant, finguntque futura. fiiff igitur lirrorem animi, ttncbrafyut neajf* eft^ Hm radii ftlit, tuc lucida tela diti B^/eutiant, fid Nalura-fptcits, rmfiafMe. LucRlT. 6. *^w^ » I '37 3 • ms i» luce timemut \etutnda magis, quam tut, fiHgunttpii futura. ttnebra/que nectj^pt tft^ tla dlei Wt rmtio^M. LucRET. 6. Orcenwich, Nov. 4, 1779, T T PON clofing the preceding Letters, I have ^^ had Icifure to advert to the printed accounts of occurrences which have lately engaged the public attention } and I (hould think that I ha4 very imperfe^lly executed my firft propofition, of dating to your Lordfli'p " the fincere fenti- *' ments of a plain mind upon things as they «* are," if I were to keep back the firft and genuine ideas which occur to me refpeiSling thf recent applications of the Iri(h Parliament for 1 free trade. I proceed, however, in this new talk, more deftitute of competent information, if poffible, than your Lordihip has thus far found me ; but my pen will at leaft be guided by a fimilar anxiety to promote candiu rccolledtion, and fiiir enquiry. And here too we muft diveft ourfelves of ali prejudices contrafted from the popular altefca- •^ ' * T tions f"' 1 138 ] t'lont of the day ; we mud endeavour to enter upon the fubje^l before ut with as much bene- volence, and as little partiality, as may be com- patible with the juft interefts of the fociety to which we belong.— The wi(h, indeed, of all good and prudent men, both in Great Britain and in Ireland, mud be, to (hun wuh abhorrence all the contagious delirium incident to national queftions) and to promote only that conftitu- tional warmth, which may a£t kindly, and with an invigorating influence, in both kingdoms. It is not the ftri£t policy of a former century, or the accidental diftrefs of the prefent hour^ it is not the fuppofed procrafiination of a reafon- able hope, or the harlh tone of a precipitate de- mand ) it is not an imaginary neglcA on the one hand, or an urgent eagerncfs on the other, which Hiould call forth between two countries con- nt&ed together by the ties of fovereignty, lan- guage, law, blood, interefts, and fituation, any unbecoming expreffion, or any ungenerous fenti- ment.— A kind and manly confidence in the equity and wifdom of Great Britain (hould regu- late the cxpe^ations of Ireland^ a due perfua- i)OQ [8 3 luft endeavour to enter ut with as much bene- rtiality, as may be com- terefts of the fociety to c wifli, indeed, of all I both in Great Britain to (hun wiih abhorrence jm incident to national lote only that conftitu- tay a£t kindly, and with !, in both kingdoms, cy of a former century, I of the prefent hour; it rraftination of a reafon- tone of a precipitate de- inary negleft on the on« ncfs on the other, which ;en two countries con- ties of fovereignty, lan- refts, and fituation, any or any ungenerous fenti- lanly confidence in the reat Britain (hould regu- : Ireland^ a due perfua- C '39 I (ion that Ireland is incapable of unworthy mo- tives, or unreafonable wiihes, (hould prefide over the deliberations of Great Britain.— Hafty in- ferences, and decifive adertions, are fit only for difputants who do not feek fair dircu(non, and cannot or will not underftand each other -.—The refpeAive interefts of Great Britain and Ireland (hould be confidered in a very different tone and temper; without pafTion, but with earnednefs; without precipitation, but with all practicable difpatch. The diftrefs of Ireland, by whatever circumftances occafioned, exifls and operates; Great Britain cannot hefitate to give relief; the principal wing of her buildings is in dan- ger; it is for he fafety and (Irength of the great center-ei ifice, that every part (hould be diligently examined, and fufllicientl/ repaired. It is an indifputable and undifputed fa£t, that there has prevailed through the times in which we live, a voluntary and warm-hearted anxiety in this country, toexprefs her fenfe of the affec- tionate conduct of Ireland. It would be fuper-. fluous to refer your Lordlhip to the various adi pf parliament) made in this difpolition, during T * tbf I' : 1(1 ;. rt|m>» r it , j i , . , , ^|,g , ^- ff frii;iiitw»imi i .Tfii ni ir \m C HO } the laft five years; they were numerous, but have not had the beneficial cft'ci^s which were meant : Nam ncquf chorda fonum reddic, quern vult manM et niciii, Pofcentique gravem perfxpe fcmittit aeiitum. The growing diftreflcs of Ireland havf Qvcr* powered the endeavours of Great Britain to avert them i apd we are now told that ** nothing Ihert •* of a free trade" can give relief ! It was wifdom in the Irilh Parlianvsnt, to ^hufe an undefined exprelfion upon a fubjeA (o complic:Ued and extenfive in all its connexions and confcquences. The whole confideration is DOW opened to both kingdoms, and it is the in'^ tereft of both to come to an early, kind, and efficient conclufion. It is poOible that there may be many indif viduals in both kingdoms, who know as little of this fubjeiS^ as I do ; and I will freely own the doubts and difficulties which the firft view of it fuggeOs to my mild-. The quefiions to bo afked are indeed numerous, nice, and intricate, 'i'heoretical detki6ilons will not aifii^ us j trad- ing ' were numerous, but icial cffcf^s >which were reddit, quern volt ni«nu4 pe fcmittit aeiitum. of Ireland havf over* )f Great Britain to avert lid that '* nothing ihoft vc relief ! e Irilh Parlianvsnt, to elGon upon a fubjedt (o e in all it} connections : whole confideration i« ;doms, and it is the in

work may be deranged i but to turn tlie key round upon the inftant with violence, would tend only to demoliih all the component parts i if we value the machine, we (hould previuully examine it. — When 1 Hate mf reafonings to your LordHiip, I (hall be better underdood. I do not wifh to carry back your attention x6 the days of Prince Fitz-Murchard or Earl Strong- bow. It would give me little concern if the hiftories left by Ciiraldus Cambrenfis, Hoveden, and even Matlicw P^ris, had been buiicd with the hilloriansj— nor do I feel anxious to bring to light the ancient (latutes and ordinances of Henry the Third, Edward the Firft, and other early reigns, fuppofed to be made fur the pur- pofe of binding Ireland. The ani.quated di(» (ufllons upon the fa(^ at conqueil ; at what particular point the nghu of the conqueror are reftritXed by tlie lavs o/ nature and reafon j If hither the |>rincii>k m rubjug;ition can extend to iwafc>*i«iim.'aiB»»at'aaM»i»,i>i,Ms far as wife and beneficent laws can I ' operate to that efFed. It would next be eafy *" I, to (hew, that public happinefs and Arength are s,f, djfFufed in proportion to the plenty and con- : '' venience with which not only the natural want* i of a people are fupplied, but fuch adventitious |^f| ones as are fuperinduced by univerfal habit •f*^ and induftry : when this end is not attained to a certain degree, an empire may indeed exift, and may increafe in numbers, but it will grow, like an unwieldy body, liable to dangerous and acute humours. Whatever may have been the fyftem of go- vernment adopted or accepted by Ireland, the ' recent and moft interefting faft is, that (he now complains of fome diftrefies which (he con- cfivcs '■"*»«a^'!,i 2] 3wer J and whether im- tutes a pofitive accept- : calculated at any period te any good purpofe to h more material to be and flrength (hould be nftituent parts of an em- id beneficent laws can It would next be eafy ipinefs and Arength are to the plenty and con- t only the natural want* I, but fuch adventitious ced by univerfal habit i end is not attained to ipire may indeed exift, nbers, but it will grow, liable to dangerous and been the fyftem of go- :cepted by Ireland, ths ng fad is, that (he now rrefles which (he con- cfivcs [143] ceives to rtfult from that fyftem. Thofe dif- trefles are polTibly no more than may have re- fulted from temijorary caufes ; — from the late re- bellion within the colonies, or from the calamities incident to war; but we know perfectly, that the complaint is founded in real fuffcrings. The iirft inference which would arife from this faiSt in any mind reafoning kindly towards a part of the empire, and difcreetly in rerpe£l to the whole* is, that the Irilh, as fellow^fubjecHs, are en- titled to every relief compatible with the general interefts. Still, however, we decide without precilion, and muft draw the drcumftances of the two countries to a nearer comparifon, if w« mean to form any ufeful conclufion. The moft obvious remark which prefents it- (elf is, that Ireland, pofleflTing, on a fmaller fcale, nearly all the natural advantages of Great Britain, and having, betides, in point of commerce, fome others peculiar to her (ituation towards the prevailing winds, has yet in all ages been com- paratively poor and diftretTed. . ^ .^ The reafons why this phenomenon has fo long exifted, and why Ireland has not hituerto availed. ;:a t »44 1 ivaited herfelf of the bleflfings which natur0 feems to hold forth with a liberal hand, are vari-t oudy afllgned } and as tliey have generally re- ceived fome colour from popular and occafiond appearances, there is caufe to fufpe^l that they do not reach the origin of the evil. I have feen it fomewhere remarked, that the madnefs of Ajax, who took a flock of (heep for his enemies, would be tlie wifdom of Ireland } and that a principal caufe of the poverty of the Irifh was the fyftem of their landlords, who, in defiance of the pradlice and prudence of all other nations, had preferred pafturage to tillage, and, by reftraining the induftry of the tenants, had reduced numberlefs families to the alternative of either leaving the kingdom or ftroUing about in beggary. Sir William Temple attributed the poverty and diftrefs of Ireland to her plenty and fuperabundance. In another part of his work* he takes notice, that the Dutch had turned over to the Danes the patriarchal trade of cow-keep- ing, for fupplying them with lean cattle, and to the Polanders that of plowmen, for growing com for their ufe, in order to relerve their own lands 1 ieflfings which natura liberal hand, are vari-> wy have generally re- popular and oocafiond to fufped that they do evil. ere remarked, that the >k a flock of (heep for te wifdom of Ireland } s of the poverty of the! eir landlords, who, ia d prudence of all other lurage to tillage, and, f of the tenants, had es to the alternative of n or ftroUing about in rcmple attributed the land to her plenty and her part of his work* >utch had turned over tal trade of cow-keep- rith lean cattle, and to lowmen, for growing er to relerve their own lands [ H5 ] lands and their own people for better and more ufeful employments. Such, in fad, may be the fituation of the nations alluded to, but per- haps it is lefs the work of policy than of local circumftances. At the fame time, if we even (hould admit that a country which addicts itfelf diiefly to grazing, or even to grazing and agri- culture, will generally be poor, we do not de- fcribc the cafe of Ireland : it has not been the. fyftem of the Irifh merely to fupport herdfmen and (hepherds by grazing, nor to raife cattle to hefentir ^ocks to diftant countries; but they, employ n )ful citizens in a variety of ma- nufacture, . which the fimple occupations firll. alluded to fumiih only the materials. It is Aill, however, to be remembered, that the mere ne-. ceflaries of life are raifed by the labour of a very, Anall proportion of a people ; artificial wants and habitual luxuries mud be introduced, to occupy, thafe in manufactures who are not engaged in agricultuie, and to promote a general induf- try, interchange, and circulation through the ftate. U Dean t 146 ] Dean Swift, who afcribed the poverty of hid «^| country to a muhiplicity of caufes, and amongft others, to a radical error in the whole fyftem of Irifli leafes, to the avarice of landlorci, ii. drawing fcvere rents, and to the undue encouragement of grazing, admitted alfo that there was a want of an induftrious difpofition among the people ; but he attributed that want to the reftraints laid upon their commerce, and to the difcouragement of manufaftures, which had made their< mere hewers of wood, and drawers of water, to their neighbours. Under this impreflion, he was wont to quote a verfe from the Book of Exodus : — ** Ye are idle, ye are idle, cried Pharaoh unto " the children of Ifrael j go therefore now and ** work } for there (hall no ftraw be given you, *' yet (hall ye deliver the tale of bricks."' It is a fimilar reafoning which has produced the application now before us. And if in our own days we were to ftate to an Iri(h gentlemaa the long continued poverty and idlenefs which have prevailed over fo large a proportion of his countrymen, he would probably anfwer. All 46 ] tribed the poverty of his ty of caufes, and amongft ar in the whole fyftem of :e of landlords ii. drawing le undue encouragement fo that there was a want fition among the people ; ant to the reftraints laid nd to fhe difcouragement !i had made ther> mere awers of water, to their lis impreflion, he was m the Book of Exodus : idle, cried Pharaoh unto J go therefore now and no ftraw be given you, : tale of bricks,"' ng which has produced "ore us. And if in our te to an Irifh gentleman ;rty and idlenefs which arge a proportion of his Tobably anfwer. All r U7 ] *' All this may be true ; but the monopolizing <• fpirit of our Sifter Kingdom is the caufe of it. *' That fpirit exercifmg itfelf upon Ireland in a *' very early ftate of her civilization, nipped her ♦* difpofition to induftry, and indeed made it ' impoflible for her to become induftrious. In * he very infancy of our country, and whilft " we were contenting ourfelves with the expor- *• tations and falc of our cattle, you made an adt " (b) to prohibit thofc exportations. We next *' gave our attention to the increafe of our flieep, " in order to export wool ; but you forthwitii (0 *' prohibited the exportation of wool, and made " it fubjc£t to forfeiture. We then endeavoured " to employ and fupport ourfelves by falling " provifions for fale ; but you immediately (dj " refufcd them admittance into Engbnd, in *' order to increafs the rents of your lands, *' though you thereby increafed the wages of " your labourers. We next began a woollen ♦' manufa£ture ; but it was no fooner eftablilhed (I,) 8 >:Uz. cnp. 3. (() 13 and 14 Car. 11. c. 18. (*/; 18 Cu-. 11. cap. 2. i .1 .M U 2 (( than 4N&*i*fAM4imWE.ti 'n 1 + I'' [■48] " than deftroyed ; for you prohibited (e) thecx- •' portation of inanuradurcd woollens to any *' other place than England and Wales : and *' this prohibition alone is reported to have *' forced 20,000 manufadlurers out of the king- *' dom. . *' The Navigation Aft (J) had unwittingly *« but kindly permitted all commodities to be im- *• ported into Ireland, upon the fame terms as " into England : but by an a^ (g) pafl'ed three *' years afterwards, the exportation of any goods *' from Ireland into aiiy of the Plantations was *' prohibited ; and as if that had not fufficiently «' crippled the benefits given by the Navigation «* A(ft, we were foon (/;) afterwards forbid to im- *' port any of the enumerated commodities from *' the Plantations into Ireland. This feftridion *' too was much enforced by fubfequent afts, and *' the lift of enumerated goods wa^ much in- «' creafed.— 7 '"ay nothing of your regulations re- ** fpeu prohibited (e) the ex- Slurcd woollens to any jiand and Wales : and e is reported to havt dlurcrs out of the king- i£t (J) had unwittingly all commodities to be itn- upon the fame terms as y an a^ (s) paAeJ «h''«e exportation of any goods y of the Plantations was that had not fufficiently given by the Navigation ) afterwards forbid to im- erated commodities from Ireland. This reftridiom ed by fubfequentafts, and ted goods wai much in- ng of your regulations re- ps, fail-cloth, &c. and III. cap. 10. (S) '5 C^'"* ^^* "P* 7- (( Other [ 149 ] ' other inferior barriers and obftru<5ions to our ' commerce : we fubfilkd under all this, and ' under a drain alfo, which has gradually in- ' crcafed upon us, by remiaances to our own ' abfentecs, Englilh mortgagees, government ' annuitants, and other extra-commercial pur- ' pofes, to the amount of half a million fteriir.g ' annually. And though we retained no trade ' but in linen and provifions, the latter has ' been under a three years prohibition, during ' which period we loft the principal market for ' our own beef, though three-fourtiis of our ' people were graziers. Many of us indeed c • ricd on a clandeftine trade, and it was cllcn- ' tial to our fupport ; but that too has been lately ' checked, firft by the revolt of the Colonies, ' and now by the war with PVance and Spain. " Our annual remittances and debts to Great ' Britain now increafc with our diftrcfles ; our ' fubicriptions for loans have been lately filled ' from Great Britam ; our eftates, when fold, ' are purchafed by Englifhmen ; our leafcs, ' when they expire, are raifed by abfentees j the ' drain is become greater than all our means can "fupplyj '1 -I [ »50 ] ** fupply ; our manufa(^urers find little demand ** for tlieir work, the fanners fell their produce ''* with difficulty ; our land rents indeed are cfti- ** mated at near three itiillions rterling, but our *' landholders will foon be obliged to reduce •' them. We allow that fcveral of your reflric- *' tions upon us have lately been much foftencd " or modified, but the want of an aiu.u^l *' profit in our intcrcouife with Great Britain '* equal to our remittances fiill prevails, and is *' every hour more felt. By the unfortunate " fituation of the Colonies, we have loft even *' our old refuge in emigrations. — After hav- *' ing for many years taken Britilh manufac- *' tures, to the annual amount of perhaps two *' millions ftcrling, we are for the prefent re- *' duced to non-importation agreements, as a *' meafure, not of expediency, but of neceflity. *♦ It would have fuited the generofity of ourfccl- *' ings, and the affe£lion which we bear towards " you, to have made our rcprefentations in bet- *' ter and more peaceable times ; but you fee that " our circumftances are urgent, and that your •' recent indulgences are infuiBcient. We de- " fire sjiiSfe ;o ] urers And little demand •iners fell their produce nd rents indeed are cfti- illions llerling, but our I be obliged to reduce t fcveral of your reftric- ely been much foftened e wnnt of an aimual irfe with Great Britain :cs flill prevails, and is . By the unfortunate nies, we have loft even nigrations. — After hav- aken Britilh manufac- amount of perhaps two are for the prefent re- ation agreements, as a iicncy, but of neceflity. le generofity of our feel- i which we bear towards r reprefentations in bet- : times ; but you fee that urgent, and that your e infuiScient. We de- " fire [ 151 ] •* fire therefore a free trade, otherwife our di- " Areffes muft, if poffible, increafe, and the " conveniency of our ports will continue of no •* more ufe to us, than a beautiful profpeift to a " man (hut up in a dungeon." There is nothing in the imaginary detail here offered to your Lordihip, which has not been ftated to you in better words, as often as you have had occafion to converfe with friends who wifh warmly towards Ireland, and arc mode- rately acquainted with the principal features in her fituation ; and as every complaint of human hardfhip is entitled cither to a refutation, or to fome rcdrefs, we are next to confider what an- fwer might be given to the allegations now before us. Believing, as I do, that in ihefedays of gene- ral fcience and liberal difquifition, the refpeciable and leading men in this kingdom (of which de- fcription there is a large proportion} are un- likely to inclofe themfelves within the rufty and rugged armour of Monopoly, I think it pofiible that their firft imprcllions might be to the follow- ing cfFecl : " Many ^^g*'«^'*;»«aaa*fa;anTni*.-r,^^i^-»iglini»^a . ■ [ 152 ] •• Many of the rcj;iiIations here complained of •• reJate to England's internal commerce, and " may be matters ot «grct to Ireland, but can- " not afford any jud caufc of complaint :— other *• circumftances may be admitted, to the extent ♦' ftatcd ; but wc fhould hcfitate before wc ad- " mit the caufes to which they are afcribcd : wc ** might examine, for inftance, merely as a *' queftion of commerce, whether before and *' tiuring the late embargo on the ufual exports " of provifions to France and Spain in time of ♦* peace, more extenfive, fafc, and protitable ** markets were not opened and encouraged } by " which the price of the commodity, and freight, ** and the quantity of ^wcie were increafcd.— " The emigrations too which are alluded to, " as well as fome other effects of national di- " ftrefs, were bccafioned, perhaps, by the in- " creafe and injudicious mod'^s of land-rents, " which were thought grievous fixty years ago, ** and have been generally advanced near one- »* third fmce.— With refpeft to the larger quef- " tion, we will neither criminate nor juftify the " fyftem of our anceftors. The fad is, that, *' aided tions here complained of nternal commerce, aiul ;rct to Ireland, but can- ifc of complaint ; — other admitted, to the extent hefitate before we ad- :h they are afcribed : we inftance, merely as a e, whether before and Tgo on the ufual exports :e and Spain in time of e, fafe, and profitable ned and encouraged ) by commodity, and freight, f\Kc\e were increafed. — I which arc alluded to, r eflfe6ls of national di- :d, perhaps, by the in- s mod'!s of land-rents, grievous fixty years ago, illy advanced near one- efpe£t to the larger quef- criminate nor juftify the ors. The fad is, that, " aided C f53 ] " aided by their general fyftem and progrcfTlve " induftry, the commerce of Great Hritain has ♦* flouriftied, and continues to flourifti. We are " forry that l\er Sitter Kingdom has not kept " pace with her. That fhe has not done fo, is " perhaps owing chiefly to tJie frequent inter- ** fercnce of civil dWraaions, and to other " caufcs fo forcibly ddicribed by Dean Swift, as •* bearing bar^ on the induftry of the miiWIe and •• lower claffes of the people. We have already *' given proofs of our conviiSlion, that our inte- «* refts arc in a great degree mutual. We wifh •' that Ireland may be afliftcd, but we dcfire, *' that before proceedings are adopted to reverfe ** all the fyfttm puffued by wife flatefmen during ** two centuries, due information may be ob- *' tained, and due difcretion excrcifed. Jn the •** general anxiety to affift Ireland, it muft appear ** to be as Uttle her intereft as curs, to give any •* fudden (hock or precipitate, revulfion to the «' courfc of Britilh trade, commerce, and reve- ■•* nuc. Let the legiflaturcs of the two countries •* aa with difpatch, but let that difpatch be ** guided by a previous and competent know- X »' ledge -*»^«M>0*Si.-* * .4 ml Vifi ■. I 154 1 " ledge of all the operative and ihterefting cir- '* cumAances ! ** It is not pofllble, in thi nature of com- '* mercc, to decide, without a full inveftigatioit " of the fubj«£^, what can be meant, or ought '* to be meant, bjr a free trade { and tiU the pro-^ *' pofltion hat been difcufled and arcertained, ** between well informed and well intentioned ** men of the refpe^tive ceuntriei, it mufl vary " in every point of view that we can place it. " I. Do the people of Ireland underft»nd, by ** what they afk, the power of exporting their •* own produce to any foreign country, wherever '* they can find the beft market, except only the " countries which may at any time be at war ** with their Sovereign f " a. Do they imply the power of drawing '* fuch goods and confumable commodities as •* they may want, from any country where they '* may beft purchafe them ? •* 3. Do they wilh to be allowed a commerae «* to North America, the Weft Indies, md •* Africa, free from the rcftraints to which it ^ was Ith fubjcdt when the 18th of his pre- *' fen» i4l tive and ihterefting c'lt- in thd nature of com- hout a fiill inveftigatioit :an be meant, or ought trade i and till the pro^ cufled and arcertained, d and well intentioned ceuntriei, it muft vary ' that we can place it. Ireland underlknd, by >wer of exporting their reign country, wherever market, except only the at any time be at war the power of drawing imable commodities at tny country where they a? )e allowed a commerce he Weft Indicsj . " pay 'IH9] " pay Marly all the charges of Government, " whilft large dafles of our fellow.fubje£ts are " made unable to cdntributemore than a trifle to « the general fupjiort."-^" They exift, indeed, ** under the proteaion of fleets which coft them " not a doit I we contrive to ftarve them without '* exp^nce, and ourfelves with; we drive one •* part Of our people out of tfade by monopolies, " and the other by taxes. We bleed ourfelves " almoft to death, ahd think to recruit our fpt- ** rits by devouring millions of famiftied fel/ow* " fubjeas : thus, bye*cef- of cunning, we make ** the ruin general/' Theft h a /hodeni anecdote of a Dutchman, vrho was employee to fettle the woollen manu- faaure at Abbeville, and ftipulated that no work of the fame kind fliould be carried on withiii Airty leagues. This rtight help to introduce and give rfabUity to an ufeful and expenfive ma- nu&aure, fuch as in the everii that of Abbeville has pi'o^^ed. When, however, the advantages Are once fettled, and the art in queftion generally known, fuch a monopoly may indeed give a per- fonal advantage, hui k muft operate to the detri- ment U^ffii Irtent of the whole circle which is fw "p* by \tt radius. Particular merchants or inanuf»iftyrer^< as well as prticular diuri6ls« may, as in the in- (lance juft mentioned, derive a reafona^Ie ad- vantage from th& exclufive pofleiFion of new branches of tri.de ; but when thofe branches have ' fairly taken root, fuch advantages bear hard on - othe^ merchants, manufa^urers, and diAri iwo packs oi" French wool, v,hic!"i woukil not otherwifc be fale ..hie i and Sis M. D; "K er lafonurs much to (hcv/ thu^ the betiefii refulting to Eng- land, by every pack of wool manufaetietii refulting to £ng- wool nianufang therafelves; trade " fetches [ 163 ] " fetches It away from that lazy and indigent *' peo,)!e, notwilhftanding all their artificial and *• forced contrivances to keep it there ; it follows *' trade againft the rigour r.f their laws, and ** their want of foreign commodities makes it " openly be carried out at noon-day." I muft however again obferve to your Lord- fhip, that all thefe theorems of trade, however plaufible they may appear on paper, muft be received fubjetSl to much previous exanr.ination, and a diligent difcufTion of all collateral circum- ftances. We are not to proceed with that (hort- fighted wifdom which may enable us to ihun the mere difficulty of a day ; ftill lefs are we, upon a fudden outcry, which like other commercial complaints may- be fallacious or ill-founded, to make a fudden revolution in all the practical fyftem of our trade ; and upon the fpur of a moment to overturn a plan of commerce and revsnue which has been the work of ages. We are to proceed upon the principle, that what we are to give fhall be for the good of the whole : Ireland is a jewel to our crown, and not a thorn in our fide. The point is, to know ^hat folid afliftance can be given, and in what Y z form I Hit '•' form it can bcft be given. When men talk of an union to be completed between two great na- tions, as the cure of all their ills, they talk rafh^ ]y, and like the ftate empiric defcribcd to your XiOrdHiip in my firft letter. The cafe of Scot-* ]and was different in every point of view, and the benefits rcfulting to her by the ad of union do not apply to the prefent confideration. There can be little doubt, that, in the prefent indaiice, tlur feparate legiflatures of the two countries are fully equal to all the difficulty :— we Ihall fuffici- ently know, from a cordial and temi^erate com- munication with Ireland herfelf, what fpecific meafures will be of fervicc to her: we Hiall know too, from the information to be collected at home, what meafures may be adopted with a due regard to the general interefts of com- merce. We arc not to fubjeft ourfelves to the remark left by Dean Swift, who fays, tha^ in his time, when any thing kind had been intend- ed towards Ireland, (he was invariably treated like a fick lady, who has phyfic fent by doctors at 9 diftance, ftrangers to her conHitution and the natureof her difeafe, 1% ^m. 64] ai. When men talk of id between two great na- their ills, they talk rafh" mpiric defcribcd to your tcr. The cafe of Scot- /cry point of view, and her by the ad of union :nt confideration. There , in the prefent inftaiice, of the two countries are iculty :— we Ihall fuffici- dial and temperate com- id herfelf, what fpecific Tvicc to her: we iTiall ormation to be colle£lcd ss may be adopted with ;eneral interefts of com- ) fubje£t ourfelves to the Iwift, who fays, tha^ in ig kind had been intend- B was invariably treated i phyfic fent by doctors at her conHitution and the C 1^5 1 It may even dcferve enquiry, v^Mclher the un* qualified grant of evry tiling that luiman inge- nuity can bring within »!ic dcfwription of a fuc trade, would have t!ic cfu'i^s cxpctSlcd, or con- vey the relief which i:; wanted and intended. It was once fuppofed, that becaufe the importation of Irilh cattle Into England had been prohibited, with a view to advance the rents of Englilh landlords, and the intcrcrts of the feeding coun- tries, the fufpcnfion of ihat mcafuro miglu be of ufe to Ireland ; this was accordingly tried, and nearly within our memory ; but it was a matter of great offence to many cf the Irifli inhabitants, who refilled the exportation ; few cattle, there- fore, were bri ight to Great Britain, and thofe were chielly lean. We (hould recoiled, that though Ireland has at all times had fuil liberty to manufadure goods for her own confumption, the confumers have hitherto found it eafier to purchafe from Eng- land many articles both of luxury and conveni- ence, than to make them at home. That jea" loufy muft be very lively indeed, which, con- templating this circumflance, can derive dif- quietude from fuch reafonings, as that a people (liould -< m4 J: V'- [,66] ftiouTd fuddcnly run away with an extenfive com- merce, bccaufe they a e admitted to a participa- tion of its advantages. 'I*hc change is more dilTicuIt from indolence to induftry, than it is from labour to eafc ; and it is forcibly obferved by Mr. Hume, that when one nation has got the ftart of another *' in a trade, it is very dilHcuJt for the latter to ** gain the ground which (he has loft, becaufe " of the fuperior induftry and (kill of the former, *• and the greater ftocic of which its merchants *' are pofle/red,and which enables them to trade *' for Co much fmaller profits." Amidft the difficulties which time, and the foftering attention of this country, alone can enable Ireland to overcome, it deferves remark, that flie has little coal, is ill provided with wood, and is nearly without inland navigations. —In ftiort, the conftitution and eftabliftiment of a flourirtiing commerce imply a well regulat- ed order through the nation, a fteady and effedt- ive police, habits of docility and induftry, (kill in manufaflurcs, and large capitals in trade; all which can be the refult only of a continued and gradual progrefs, aided by a combination of other favouring circumftances. i:\i •6] with an extcnfive com- aclmittcd to a participa- JilTicuIt from indolence m labour to eafc ; and by Mr. Hume, that ot the ftart of another itHcult for the latter to ) flie has loft, becaufe and fkill of the former, )f which its merchants 1 enables them to trade ifits." which time, and the s country, alone can le, it deferves remark, is ill provided with )ut inland navigations, ion and eftablilhment ; imply a well regulat- )n, a fteady and effedl- lity and induftry, (kill ge capitals in trade ; t only of a continued d by a combination of ices. [ '67 ] Ko prudent man, howrvcr fure of his princi' ()Ies, will venture to iflue prophecies upon the cnurfc o( human events j but I fee much folid ground to hope that an amicable difcuiHon be- tween the two kingdoms, promoted with a»fH- vity, moderated by temper, and j^uided by dif- cretion, may tend to convey ciTciuial beneiits to Ireland, without any permanent difadvantage to Great Britain. I am unwilling to think, tor a moment, that the falutary cOeds of luch a dif- cuiTion may be fruftrated by popular iitipatience and precipitation. I (hall fubjoin * to thcfe Letters a Table of Englifn AiSls, refpeiting the trade to and from Ireland ; and alfo an account of fume particu- lars refpe^ling the Courfe of Exchange between Dublin and Loudon, the eftates of abfentees, the debt of Ireland, and the revenue and ex- pences of the Iri(h Government. I happen to have thefe papers in my pofTelFion, and they feetn at leaft fufficiently accurate to be of fome afliftance to your Lordlhip in the confideration now before you. I am, Sic. * Appendix, No. I, II, III, IV, V» J.fifp^'lf^ i:'-f ,^^- ■■^ ^^i;V''"n' Tfem ftpuli traHai ? ^jjij dt'indt loqufri f " ^irifet t Hoc puto MHJufium fji ; ilLiJ malt ; rtiliui ijlud.^* fi •^ 'H [ I%] tndt Uqufrt f " ^irita f d malt ; rtitiui ijUd,** Greenwich, Jan. 17th, 1780. Q £ £ I N G occaflon to make fome additions ^ to the preceding Letters, I have once more the honour of addrefllng myfclf to your LordHiip \ and (hall proceed, without regard to formal method, or other conne£lion than that in which the Remarks to be fubmitted to you prefent themfelves to my mind. When an EngliHiman fubmits himfelf by name to the public obfervation, as a writer on the prevailing weakneflTes and inherent virtues, the apparent embarrafTments and polTible exer- tions, the misfortunes and refources of his country and his cotemporaries { he ought to be aware, that he is ftepping out of his ordinary fphere into a perilous path:— He ought to know, that integrity of motives, though a good protection in the wilds of poetry againil wolves and lions, is a very vulnerable armour in the field of politics.— He muft iwpyi^, if he 2 knows [ 170 ] knows any thing, that, amidft the various cha- raflers of which a free, aaive, and erlightened nation is corapofcd ; amidft the multiplicity of purfuits^ caprices, concurrences, and difcon- , nedions, by which thofe charaders are influ- enced, every public effort ftands expoferi to much public mifconftruaion.— I have fome- whcre fecn an account of a Mongall chief, who was fo defirous to attraft obfervation, that he built a large bridge on the fummit of a moun- tain, near the road leading from Peteriburg to Pekin, in the hope that all paffengers would a£k the name of fo ftrange an architea.— The am- bition was innocent, and might probably be gratified in Mongalia, without producing a An- gle witticifm, or one mortifying remark.— But, at this end of Europe, names are not fo cheaply * circulated ; and it muft be fome better motive than mere vahity, which can induce any pru- dent man to obtrude himfelf even into a J" title-page. He may wilh to fupport thr of thofe, who hare attempted, at dif >' riods, to refcue political difcuffions frc'^ mous licentioufnefs j his motives anu' t m JO ] amidft the various cha- acftive, and enlightened nidft the multiplicity of currences, and difcon- ife charaders are influ- ffbrt (lands expoferi to udlion. — I have fome- f a Mongall chief, who ift obfervation, that he the fummit of a moun- ling fronfi Peteriburg to all paflengers would afk n archited.— The anj- nd might probably be Ithout producing a fin- artifying remark.— But, ames are not fo cheaply , be fome better motive i can induce any pru- ifelf even into a J" ' to fupport thr mpted, at dif j' » difculfions frc^^ motives anu ' C '7' ] of acTiion may be the defire of public approba- tion direfled to the end of public profperity ; but he muft forthwith be prepared either to en- counter, or to bear, all the conditutional petu- lance, fplenctic difparagement, and malevolent- invedlives, as well of thofe who cannot, as of thofe who will nqt, underftand him. '^ There are fome men, who think that the ce- remonies fubfequent to conviAion are the only important and enviable part of a judge's office : — The truth is, their faculties, incompetent to any rational or argumentative deduftions, natu- rally lead them rather to decide than to exa- mine : and they pronounce judgment, there- fore, without fcruple, though they arc utterly unable to go through the preliminaries of a trial. Thefe men are gentle readers, and mercilefs critics. Others again are fo formed, that their favour- ite fubjeds in painting are, the flaying of Mar- fphc'it -plague at Athens, the mailacre of the knpv^ t and the martyrdom of St. Law- prote&i'"'^ .^ ,,„,. :,,..,,-,_ wolves -. V _ ■ ''■■'■ :lfee,aie«. That pvovi- A a dence. ■ I I r J-.. [ 178 ] ntages, in every human lations as of indivtdualfj i } and thus it is, that at branches of political ;ceitful, and always fo ipoflible to truA to the tuity and acutenefs may md abftraiSt rcafonings. ered, that a well inten* ily take either fide, or at determination, ling the caafes of popu* be admitted to prove . they are fupported by ID decifive confequencer. It a particular village, country, is more thinly It may be anfwered, towns hi general appear ;rcater proportion, than }ttages have decreafed; emigrations from one the other, are often the fore- C »f5] fojAc-runners of population to the whole coun- try. We fee waftes ^row into villages, other villages into towns, and towns exceeding the boundaries of cities ; and thcfe again flourish- ing, and augmenting in ftrength, people, and opulence. We are not then to infer a general depopulation from partial inftances. The moft decifive fadt would be an ai^ual enumeration of the whole people at flated periods ; but, as enu- ' merations are perhaps impra£licable in great ftates, and in truth have not been attempted with regard to the country and periods now in qucftion, re" courfe muil be had to inductions from the compa- rifon of collateral circumftances at different times : It is with this view probably that Dr. Price, tho gh he lays much ftrefs at the fame time ort • many of the general rcafonings above mentioned, ftates upon inferences drawn from Davenant's ac- count of the Hearth Books, that the number of% houfes in England and Wales has decreafed near one- fourth fince the ULevolution ; whence he con- cludes, that the decreafe of inhabitants has been proportionable, and profefles to fhew, that it hjts made a rapid progrefe during the laft twenty years, ? Bb Thefe mm^ ^P4 1^4 [ i86 ] . Thefe pofitions are maintained by other remarki fele£led from the bills of mortality and the excife books, which apparently afford prefumptive ar- guments in favour of the point to which they are brought, but which, I am perfuaded, would have been ftated with much more hefitation, if there had been competent and fuller information within reach } I (hall attempt at leaft to (hew, among other matters in the feparate note (d) annexed, that the fcietSion of different periods from the fame documents would equally imply an increafed and progrefllve population. The exifting ftrength of a nation does not fo much depend on the multitude of its inhabitants, as on the manner in which they are employed i yet it furely is of confequence not to admit, except on manifeft proof, that the popiiloufnefs cf Great Britain is rapidly approaching to the level of that of Naples ; and therefore I have been tempted to dwell upon a fubjeiSt, which, however dry, cannot be unimportant. — I fhould not indeed have faid fo much in reference to a writer of lefs eminence than Dr. Price ; but his (d) See Appendix, No. VI. condufions, 86 ] ntained by other remarks f mortality and the excife ly afford prefumptive ar- the point to which they , I am p>erfuaded, would nuch more hefitation, if nt and fuller information ttempt at leaft to (hew, n the feparate note (d) Hon of different periods nts would equally imply live population. of a nation does not fo iltitude of its inhabitants, liich they are employed i ifequence not to admit, sf, that the populoufnefs lidly approaching to the i i and therefore I have upon a fubjeft, which* 3 unimportant. — I fhould > much in reference to a than Dr. Price ; but his pendix, No. VI. conclufions, , i 187] tfbnduiions, even when drawn from a mifap* jfrehenfion or mifmformation, are fo ingenioufly Hated, that they make an impreflion, which irt fuch a cafe he certainly would not with. Ilaving rendered this due acknowledgment to his abili- ties, I owe a farther tribute to that liberality oi inind with which he has communicated to me the knowledge of fome of my own errors, at the fame time that he diPIered from me, as to the principal pofitions, which t had wiftied to efta- blifli. Much retiiains to be fald rcfpcftitig the ftatci ti our population, and the prefumptions to be tollefted from all thfc circumftances of ourap- liarerit ftrength and real exertions. But this Would draw me from other cOnfiderations, and is in truth a fubjeft, with r^fpedk to which man- kind have differed, and will continue to differ in fcvery ptiriod and irt every countty, where they have no aftual eriumerations to put an end t6 tjncertainty and to force aflfent. We have feenj In our own tinle, a very able and learned difput* between Mr. Hume and Mr. Wallace on the populoufnefs o*" ancient nations. The difpofition i)f men has generally inclined towards the melan- B b 2 choly *.| m i [ i88 ] choly Tide of the queftion. Dio4oru» Siculutf, who wrote in the age of Julius Cae&r, obiierves, that we muft not form a notion of the populouf- nefs of ancient times from the deflation and emptinefs which, in his days, prevailed in the world } and Montefquieu, fpealcing of Gaul from Caefar's Commentaries, and of the fuppofed populoufnefs of Rome^ and other places, accord- ing to claflical accounts, concludes with a re- mark, that in our days the world has hardly a tenth part of the number of inhabitants, which it formerly had. Mr. Hume, in quoting the firft of tlufe puflagcs, obferves, that *' the humour ** of blaming the prefent and admiring the paft ** is ftrongly rooted in human nature, and haa ** an influence even on perfons endued with the *' profounded judgment and moil extenfive ** learning." In thefe times an empire is certainly not to be peopled, like the fields of Pyrrhaor of Cadmus^ with pebbles and dragons teeth. The populai tion of modern ftates depends much on national virtues and wifeinflitutions } and though we (hould avoid the extravagant and vifionary profperity of the Athenian, who perfuadcd himfelf, tliat every Ihip, S8 ] on. Dio4oru« Siculutf, Julius Cae(ar, obiiervcs, notion of the populouf- rora the deflation and days, prevailed in the eu, fpealcing of Gaul Ties, and of the fuppofed ind other places, accord- , concludes with a re- ths world has hardly a ;r of inhabitants, which ume, in quoting the firft es, that *' the humour I and admiring the paft luman nature, and has >errons endued with the it and moft extenfive re is certainly not to be F Pyrrha or of Cadmus« ns teeth. The populai >ends much on national s i and though we (hould I viHonary profperity of adcd himfelf, that every (hip, [ 189 ] (hip, which entered the Piraeum, came freighted with his property from a fortunate voyage ; it is reafonablc on the other hand to rejed>, except on the compulfion of clear and firm proofs, any pofitions tending to depreciate the fuppofed ftrength of our country, and of the fprings which move it. Sir William Petty's mixed education, and courfe of life, did not difpofe him to involve plain fenfe in refined exprelfion ; but his natural wifdoni, and chearfulnefs, led him to doubt and to controvert the gloomy fpeculations, current among his cotemporarics, relative to " the finking " of rents, the decay of trade and commerce, the *' poverty and depopulation of the kingdom, and *' the rifing omnipotence of France." ** Thefe, «» with other difmal fuggeftions, fays he, I had ** rather ftifle than repeat :" '* They affed the *• minds of fome to the prejudiceofall."— "Anili *' opinion of their own concernments rep'^irs men *' languid and ineffc, " — *' Upon this confideration, as a member of the •* commonwealth, next to knowing the precife ** truth, in what condition the common intereft B b 3 «« ftands, ■i t jril ^' ftan^s, I would in all doubtful cafes think *» the beft, and confequcntly not defpair, without " ftrong and manifeft reafons ; carefully examin- «• ing whatever tends to Icflen my hopes of the •* public welfare."— «* That fome are poorer than others ever was «» and ever will be, and that many are naturally ♦* querulous and envious, is an evil as old as ** the world. " Thcfe general obfcrvations, and that men «* cat, and drink, and laugh, as they ufed to ** do, have encouraged me to try, if I could «♦ alfo comfort others ; being fatisfied myfelf, «• that the intereft and affairs of England are in •' no deplorable condition." § In defcribing the general circumftances of our revenue and refources, I never pro- pofed either to argue, or to infinuate, that a fufpenfion of commerce has not taken place to a confiderable extent in this, as in every other commercial country, which has the misfortune to find itfelf in a Hate of war. It is evident, and indifputable, that the wars, in which we are engaged, have diverted many of the principal Q channels o ill doubtful cafes think ntly not defpair, witFioiit jfons ; carefully examin- Icflen my hopes of the er than others ever was that many are naturally us, is an evil as old as :rvations, and that men laugh, as they ufed to me to try, if I could i being fatisfied myfelf, affairs of England are in Qnt general circumftances of fources, I never pro- or to infinuate, that a 5 has not taken place to I this, as in every othev hich has the misfortune f war. It is evident, and wars, in which we are 1 many of tlie principal channels C '91 ] channels for the interchange of our merchandire and the extenfion of our trade. At the fame time, it is matter both of remark and confola- tion, that the exertions of our countrymen, under all their difadvantages, have already opened various ftrcams for a prodigious influx of wealth from the fources of our enemies. To which may be added, that lefs brifliant, indeed, but more regular profits arc daily rcfulting from new, revived, and extended intercourfes in Eu- rope.— Now though our anxiety for the Cuftom- houfe returns, if they were even fuffcring a cori- fiderable diminution, cannot (land in any com- petition with the eHential intereds of the war ; yet it furely is a moft heartening fymptom to find, that thofe returns continue nearly unim- paired and flourilhing. The average annual neat payments of the Cuftoms into the Exchequer were for four years, ending in 1775, 2,503,353/. — for the year, ending in 1779, 2,502,273/. (t) (e) The average annual neat payments of ilje Cuftotns in'o the Exchequer for five)eai.-, ending in »76o, during the lall war, were 1,855,3^4/.— for five years eidi.;g in 1765, 1,076,735/.; but allowance nuift be made for the produce of additional du ies laid fince. • To 1='^ [ '92 ] To this great produce for the year 1779, the ne\ liity o( ; per cent., >which commenced on the 5tli of April ]al>, contributed 89,280/. Exclufive therefore of the new duty, the neat payments of the year 1779 were 2,412,993 /.— And though the captures, derived principally irom our fpirited and excellent fyflem of pri- vateering, have alfo contiibuted much to tiie )aft mentioned fum, and are at bed a fpecies of forced and unnatural commerce ^ it mud be allowed, that the balance of captures has ope* rated, not only as depriving the enemy of re- fources, but as an increafe of the national capi- tal, and a fubjecft of reprodu(flion to the State. — This comparifon of the Cudom-houfe returns, if taken on the two periods lead favourable to it, will fall little fhort of what I have jud dpted.— For example, the average annual neat payments o( the Cudoms into the Exchequer, for eight years ending in 177;, were 2,535,72^/. For four years ending in 1779 they were 2,313,424/. —the 5 per cent, new duty is deduiSicd from th^e latter period} nor is any allowance taken fof the drawbacks on tobacco paid in 1776, which were above 200,000/. higher than the duties Received that year on tliat commodity. If 2 1 i for the year 1779, tlie , which commenced on , contributed 89,280/. he new duty, the neat r79 were 2,412,993 /.— 'es, derived principally :xcellent fyftem of pri- nttibuted much to tiic i are at bed a fpeciet of :ommerce; it mud be :e of captures has ope- iving the enemy of re- ife of the national capi- 'odu(Hion to the State. — Cuftom-houfe returns, iods lead favourable to vhat I have juddpted. — ;e annual neat payments e Exchequer, for eight were 2,535,72^/. For 9 they were 2,313,424/. Lity is deduiSieu from thf ny allowance taken fof :o paid in 1776, which higher than the duties It commodity. If r »93 1 If that ftrangc anxiety of difpofition, which leads fome of us to turn with Impatience trom every glimmering of funftine, (hould here fug- ged, that nevertJjelcfs tlie grofs receipts of th« Cudoms have, fince 177$, faJJcn above a mil- lion and a half derling per annum, the ob.. fcrvation ought not to pzb without no. tice :— When the unhappy interruption of our trade with the Colonies took place, it was eafy to forefee, that the Cudoms would, during that interruption, ]ofe the whole amount of the duties, which had been ufually received on American produce, and would alfo fuffer by a reduced importation of fuch European goodf as merely paded through this country in their way to North America.— But as the greatcd part of the American tobacco was always export* ed from Great Briuin with a drawback of the whole duties, and as the foreign goods fent from our ports to the Colonies alfo received a drawback, it would argue either a want of knowledge, or an inadvertence, or an inten- tional fallacy, if we diould edimate the lofs to the public from the grofs receipt, and not from C c the J. ■ li> ■ii>¥ ^ 1 194] ' the real or neat produce after dedufting the drawbacks. . I. The annual average grofs receipt on tobac- co, for ten years, from 1766 to 1775, was 1,231,051 A The fame, for three years, from 1776 to 1778, was 176,8*5 1' i therefore the diminution of the annual imports on the artid* of tobacco, for the three years ending in 1778, compared with the ten years ending in i775» was, i,o5+,*36 /. i or nearly the amount of the fum annually repaid on drawbacks of tobacco 1 exported previous to thefc unfortunate troubles. 2. The neat annual average remains, to the Exchequer, of duties on tobacco, for the firft period, was 186,679/. i but there were not any remains to the Exchequer of duties on tobacco for the fecond period ; for, in confequence of the drawbacks paid in 1776, the drawbacks and duties for the three years were nearly ba- lanced. The diminution, therefore, of the neat produce of tobacco, for thefe periods, was about 186,006 /. a year. 3. The annujil average grofs receipt, excliifive of tobacco, for the firft period, was 3,586,z79/.; that for the fecond period was, 3>335»4>8/'; and )4 ] uce after deducing the je grofs receipt on tobac- )m 1766 to 1775, was e, for three years, from 76,8x5/.) therefore the al imports on the article rce years ending in I778f n years ending in 1775, nearly the amount of the m drawbacks of tobacco efe unfortunate troubles, average remains, to the on tobacco, for the firft ; but there were not any [uer jf duties on tobacco ; for, in confequence of n 1776, the drawbacks •ee years were nearly ba- ion, therefore, of the neat r thefe periods, was about ige grofs receipt, excliifiVe \ period, was 3,586,279/.; jeriod was, 3»335»4**''» and c 195 r Ad therefore the diminution of grcfs receipts of the Cuftoms on the general imports, exclufivc of tobacco, has, for thefe periods, been only 250,861/.; which may in feme meafurc be accounted for by the non-importation of foreign goods for the American market. And, as thefe alfo would have been exported with a drawback* the neat remains to the Exchequer would have been little improved by them. The apparent lofs thus reduced, fo far as thefe reafonings are admitted, is alfo counterbalanced to the Revenue by the non-payment of bounties pn feveral articles of American produce, fuch- as indigo, hemp, naval ftores, timber, isfc. It is not meant however by this to intimate that the tobacco trade was not attended with many collateral and great advantages to our merchants, to (hipping, and to the country ; but when it is ftated that the annual grofs receipt of the Cuftopis for three years ending in 1775 was about 5 mil- lions fterling, and that of the fame period ending in 1778 little more than 3 millions and it. H is material to underftand that the annual grofs re- ceipt on tobacco for the former three years was 1,458,003/.— that of the latter three years only C c 2 176,825/. 11* [196T r76,825 /. And that the public Revenue, ivhei| this trade was at the higheft, was in truth only be- nefited about 200,000/. per ann. bein^ all the Duties that remained on the tobacco ufed for home confumption. — Thefe too will probably continue to be received on prize tobacco, im- ported for the fame purpofe ; fo that the Exchequer will fcarcely feel the interruption of this trade._ § That our general Export trade I is fufTered a great diminution, is beyond a doubt -, it would indeed be abfurd not to expert it, in the prefent Kate of our American, African, and Mediterra- nean trade, and under the interruption of all intf jourfe with France and Spain. The annual average value for ten years, end- ing in I77S, was, £. On Imports, - 12,390,524 Exports, - 14,989,485 The value for the year 1776 was. On Imports, £xp/}rts. For 1777, On Imports, Exports, 11,696,754 »3.7«9.73« >'>84i,577 12,653.363 The 6]- public Revenue, trho} \, was in truth only be- per ann. bein^ all the 1 the tobsKco ufe^ fiar i«fe too will probably on prize tobacco, im- ! i fo that the Exchequer 'uption of this trade. )ort trade his fufTered a 3nd a doubt ; it would xpe '.841,577 - «zj653.363 r 197 J The accounts of Imports and Exports for 1778 and 1779 are not yet adjufted ; but I hav» good reafon to believe that we n»ay fafely eftimate their average by the account for 1777}— and a great part of the diminution, as well in the value of Exports as in that of the Imports, is already explained by what has been faid in regard to the interruption of the carrying-trade of tobacco ; that, as well as rice, indigo, and other articles of American produce, being valued inwards and outwards as part of our Imports and Exports. It farther deferves remark, that the latter part of the period ending in 1775 was diftinguifhcd above all others by the fpeculations of many and the foreknowledge of fome on each fide of the Atlantic, who fwept the fields and maga- zines in both countries of every exportable commodity. In the latter period too it may be doubted, whether the dexterity of exporters, which in times of regular trade occafions oftea- tatious and exaggerated entries, may not, ia many indances, have operated to undervalua- tions and concealments. I cannot vi! The I- C 198! i % I cannot difmifs this fubjea, without aJdihg a few remarks refpeaing the lift of goods pro- hibited to be imported into, or exported from, i Great Britain. It is enormous to a degree which cannot be conceived or credited by any perfon who has not examined it ; and it increafes li lirom time to time^ upon the reprefcntations of interefted manufa6hirers, or the occafional com- plaints of a want of work. It has made this pro- grefs, notwithftanding that wife and experienced men, converfant in trade, cuftoms, and the pdicy of nations, have long thought that prohibitions in general partake of the monopo- lizing fpirit, and arc prejudicial to the commu- mty. R Prohibitions on Imports either drive, perfons, not otherwife ill difpofcd, into ob'taining goods by fuch clandeftine means as, when once in- vented and pradtifed with fuccefs, are employed to the introduiSion of goods liable to cuftoms j or they become a fubjeit of general connivance : and accordingly, at this hour, many prohibited articles are bought every where, in the courfe of trade, 8 1 'ubjeA, without aJdlhg g the lift of goods pro- into, or exported from, enormous to a degree ivcd or credited by any nined it ; and it increafes >n the reprefentttions of , or the occafional com- ic. It has made this pro- hat wife and experienced ad«, cuftoms, and the ive long thought that partake of the inonopo- ireiudicial to the commu- orts either drive, perfons, ifed, into obtaining goods leans as, when once in- vith fuccefs, are employed F goods liable to cuftoms j •.A of general connivance : is hour, many prohibited ;ry where, in the courfe of trade, r^DP T trade, and even by perfons ftridly conrcicntibus, who do not know that they are concerned in an illegal tranfa«aion. In either cafe, tiie public treafury fuffers ; nor can any revenue arife from prohibitions, except by forfeiture in coiifequcnce of their violation. With refpeft to trade, it is not found that prohibitions contribute, citiier to the improve- ment of the particular fabrics which they are meant to favour, or to the induftry of a people j for the want of competition and comparifon tends only to produce indolence, and to damp the exertions of ingenuity. On the contrary, it is thought, that the liberty of importing all articles now prohibited, fubjea to fuc!» a duty as might give a moderate, but dccifive advantage to our manufactures, would encourage emula- tion, produce improvements, extend trade, interchange, and employment, and be alio beneficial to the revenue.— Under this idea, a reafonable tax (hould in like manner be fubai- tuted in the place of exorbitant duties, wind* operate as prohibitions, and produce a veiy jull: retaliation in foreign ftates, higiily inifchievous to our commerce. Q Q X Prohibitions m n Si m : [ 200 3 Prohibitions on Exports are alfo believed, though from different and obvious reafonings, both to cramp trade, and to affea the revenue j and fome are hardy enough to think, that it would be expedient even to repeal the prohibition of exporting wool, and to fubftitute a confider- able duty in the place of it.— The average price of wool, fay they, is much lower at prefent than it was in the time of Edward III. becaufe it is now confined to the market of Great Britain; whereas then (e) the market of the world was open to it ; and the duty upon its exportation was the moft important branch of the Culloms. The lownefs of the price, according to thefe reafoners, (e) There is a table of the prices of Wool at dif- ferent periods from the ; ear 1198 to 174.3. in Mr. Young's Political Arithmeiic, p. 151, 151- — The average price during the 50 years rcijjn of Edward III. was, in prelent coinage, about 1/. qs. b.l. per Tod ; and though the value of money lias funk fo niucii during the 400 fubfequeiit yeais, the sveiage price of wool during tlie prefent century has I believe been undtr 19/.— There are many exctlleiit renmrks on the tme iiiierefts of the woollen trade, and on the general effect of prohibitions, in the twenty laft Chajiters of M;. John Smith's Mtmoirs of H'oal. tends »rts arc alfo believed, nd obvious reafonings, I to affetSt the revenue j jugh to think, that it :o repeal the prohibition to fubftitute a confider- it. — ^The average price ch lower at prefent than Iward III. becaufe it is arket of Great Britain; ict of the world was open 1 its exportation was the of the Culloms. The )rdiiig to thefe reafoners, lie prices of Wool at dif- ear 1198 to 174.3. in Mr. , p. 151, 151.— The average eijjn ot. Edward III. was, in r. 6./. per Tod i and thougli k fo niucii during the 400 ge price of wool during the e been undtr 19 j. — There s on the tiiie iiuerefts of the ent ral eifec\ of prohibitions, :ers of M;. John Smith's tends [ 201 ] rends to debafc the value of the commodity, and may thus, in its confequences, rather hurt tha manufadure than promote it j in ihe mean tima the intereft of the grower is evidently facrificedl to that of the mariufafturer, and a real difad- vantagc is laid upon the one for the fuppofed benefit of the other.— In confidering this fubjeft, it is difficult to difcover any good objeAion t<* the free export of raw wool from Great Britaire to Ireland, under the fame regulations as Iri(h wool may be imported here, and fubjedt to fuch; certificates as may efFedually prevent fmuggling. § A right comprehenfion of the expediency, or inexpediency, of prohibitions would perhaps throw fome light on the oppofite fyfiem of boun- ties. Upon looking farther into this fubjefl than I had been able to do when I wrote the preced- ing Letters, I find, that the. bounties on ex- portation in England and Scotland, amount to above zoo,ooo /. a year exclufive of the bounty upon corn : Thj« bounty in 1761 amounted to 'S9>3<'5 ^' > and its annual average for 19 years ending in 1765 was 138,000 /. from which period D d the ?l i [ 202 ] the high price put a ftop to it till within the iaft four years.— For the three years ending 1778, it had amounted to 44,759 '• a y"""- — That the bounties in general, then, arc a great cxpencc to the kingdom is certain, but how far they are an unavailing expence, open to many frauds, and calculated in modern days to give only an ill-ap- plied fupport to feeble and languiftiing branches of commerce, is a queftion which might perhaps deferve a full inveftigation. — It would be pre- fumptous to fpeak haftily on what has fo long been a favourite, though perhaps a miftaken, branch of commercial policy j more efpecially with regard to the corn bounty, which has many refpeaable prejudices in its fupport. " It is " erroneous (fay thofe who defend this bounty) " to fuppofe, that the Revenue fufFers by it a " diminution of 150,000/. a year, for the Cuf- *« tom-houfe recovers at leaft fome proportion " of that fum by the increafed interchange of *' other taxable commodities, which the corn- ** cxportations occafion ; fo that the encourage- «* ment given to agriculture turns to the profit »* of the Cuftoms." § Having mi»«(«ff»*^>^«^OMA»-W' to it till within the laft ee years ending 1778, it 9/. a year. — That the 1, arc a great cxpencc to but how far they are an ;n to many frauds, and ys to give only an ill-ap- nd languiftiing branches on which might perhaps on. — It would be pre- ily on what has fo long 5h perhaps a miftaken, policy i more efpccially >ounty, which has many 1 its fupport. " It is vho defend this bounty) Revenue fufFersby it a o/. a year, for the Cuf- it leaft fome proportion ncreafed interchange of dities, which the corn- ; fo that the encourage- ilture turns to the profit § Having [203 ] § Having ill the preceding Letters alluded to the frauds, fujipofed to be pradtifed in regard to drawbacks, I am fince informed, that, ac- cording to the beft opinions, they amount to about 10 per cent, on the whole fum repaid. This muft be near 200,000/. a year, whenever our Export trade is at its ufual level. The truth is, that the requiring high Import duties to be repaid in the fliape of drawbacks is, in its prefent fyftem, unfriendly to the commercial interefts, and tends not only to tjftri£t all the ineftimable advantages of the carrying trade, double freight, commiiFion, &c. but to make it impofllble for this country to become the re- pofitory for the goods of trading nations, as the United F'ovinces are in fo many inftatices, and in fome even for the goods of our merchants. In order to illuftratc this, we will fuppofe the grofs receipt of the Cuftoms, upon any particular fpecies of goods, to be 50,000/., and the drawbacks to be 20,000 /. ; the real gain to the Revenue will be only 30,000 /. The mer- chant however is obliged to pay down the whole 50,000/, and though afterwards, on exporting D d 2 a certain ''^^ "^l '^ [ 204 1 « certain proportion of the goods, he receives back ao,ooo/., he muft, in the mean time, cftimate the intereft of the grofs fum j and the intcreft of the 20,000/. muft cither be charged in tlic foreign markets, to which he will confe- quently go with a aifadvantage •, or it will be charged on tlie proportion fold for home-con- fumption, whereby the public is fruitlefsly burthened, and the temptations to clandeftine trade are increafed. Some well-informed men have thought that thcfe difadvantagcs might be remedied, by repealing all drawbacks, and reducing the duties on all goods entitled to drawback, in proportion to the aclual export of each fpecies, upon an average of a certain period of years. — Others think, that it- would be fafer and more advan- tageous, both for revenue and commerce, to adopt a plan for warehoufing all foreign goods, Vpon the fame principle as we now warehoufe . India goods, rums, and tobacco, abolilhing the import duty, and colledting the revenue upot^ confumable commodities, on their adtual deli- Yf(y (or home- confumption, How 04 ] f the goods, he receives jft, in the mean time, • the grofs fiim -, and the '. muft either be charged , to which he will confe- advantagej or it will be tion fold for home-con- he public is fruitlcfsly mptations to clandcftine men have thought that night be remedied, by 1, and reducing the duties 1 drawback, in proportion of each fpecies, upon an period of years. — Others be fafer and more advan- enuc and commerce, to :houfing all foreign goods, pie as we now warchoufe id tobacco, abolifhing the ledling the revenue upot^ ties, on their adtual deli- ptiop^ How [ 205 ] How far cither of thefe ideas, wlicn reduced to detail, with all the requifite qnaliiications and limitations, would be either pra«nicable or expe- dient, I am unable to pronounce. — In the mean time, it certainly is matter of icrious regret, that thefe lAands, though aided by the greatefl local advantages, poiTefs fo little of what is peculiarly called the carrying trade of Europe; which confifts in fupplying the North with the goods of the South, and the South with the goods of tlie North. The annual amount in the United Provinces of the value of all the foreign commodities imported and exported under this fpecies of commerce has been eftimatcd at 18 millions flcrling, and in Hamburgh at 2 millions. Thefe however are wide confidera- tions.— I refumed the fubje(5t only to remark, that the lofs to the public Revenue by fuppofed loHes and frauds in drawbacks being computed at 10 per cent, would in times of regular trade amount to 200,000 /. the annual average amount of drawbacks for five years ending in 1775 hav- ing been *,o76,s 2 2/. § Having [ 206 ] $ Having rtuicd in the foregoing Letters, that the income of the ftate and the intcrcfts of com- merce might be mutually promoted, by confoli- dating the branches of the CuAoms, ! y ufiurm- ing the book of rates, and h;- iip- ro' '-inents in the prefcnt mode of co"' Vtint* , thvU tonfider- itions may dcfervc for '. fiiiier explanation. The fubfidy of tt i '..'C and poundage, granted h the rcip;n of v. id.ics II. was formed on eafy and plam ,-rincip!cs ; the giaiiual and multiplied deviatons from that plan now leave the officers under much perplexity, as well in computing the duties, where the fame goods are ciiargcablc partly on the value, and partly on the quantity, as in proportioning the particular difcounts and allowances.— For example, a dozen hammers imported are rated or valued at 4;., and arc to pay gd. and -^^ of a penny and ^ of a 20th of a penny neat duty ; befides, for every cwt. of iron contained in the hammers the importer is to pay 41. id. and ia of a penny. — Here then feveral diifcrent computations muft be made from the fuppofcd value or rate, the number and fpecies of the goods, and the weight of the materials, m d6] ; foregoing Letters, that nd the intcrefts of coin- er promoted, by confoli- icCurtoins I y lofiurm- ind .;' ip' ro' '•merits ia "••i^Unp, thoK confidcr- vu', fiMher explanation, and poundage, granted II. W11 formed on eafy : giai'uial and multiplied n now leave the officers as well in computing the E goods are ciiargeable partly on the quantity, particular difcounts and >]e, a dozen hammers alued at 4;., and arc to my and | of a 20th of a s, for every cwt. of iron rs the importer is to pay ny.— Here then feveral nuft be made from the the number and fpecies /eight of the materials. in f »07 1 'n order to difcovcr the Cudorfls , aivl, in th« rcfult, the fradUoi '■ will probably b« luclt m can neither be paid nor carried to ac\(ninr.— After thii, the amount is again to be fubdividcd into (ix branches, and entered in as many columns, under the titles of *' SubfiJy inwards or o,4 iSublidy," •♦ new S." " { S." " S." " Subf. 1747", and " Impoft 1^90." — Added to theic, there arc forty-nine other parti- cular appropriations of the Revenue of Cuftows cxclufive of the new duty of 5 per cent, wak- ing in ail 56 branches as they are called, accr' \g upon goods and merchandizes imported, ex- ported, and brought or carried coaftways i al! of which, according to the goods and merchandizes which they may happen jointly or fcparately t» afFedl, arc to be accounted for under their refpec- tive denominations.-— I have attempted to (hew, in my third Letter, how much the trading interefts fuffer by thefc embarraflments. It feems indeed too obvious a truth to be repeated, that the encou- ragements to which merchants are intitled, the duties to which they are fubjca, and the S penalties / f 2o8 ] : ^ - penalties to which they are expofed, ought not to be involved in this cloud of complicated materials and abftrufe fcience. Books of rates, and neat duties, have been prepared, at different times, with great accuracy and ability, and particularly by Mr. Burrow in 1774; but I apprehend that they mufl: now be entirely new computed, in confequence of the additional duty of s per cent.— Such books, when complete, are undoubtedly very ufeful, as well in pointing out the total charge on particular goods, as in enabling the merchants, and the officers, to check each other's compu- tations and demands: But many complex operations ftiU remain j and, whatever may be tbe totality, the officer muft ftill divide k to the minuteft fraaion, and enter it into as many feparate columns, as there are different branches payable on the goods in queftion. The expence, occupation, delays, miftakes, and frauds, which rafult from this uianagemcnt of the duties, extend ihemfelvcs^ to the whole bufmefs of difcounts and drawbacks. — It feem» highly expedient, then, to attempt a reform, fo far 8 ] : f " are expofed, ought not cloud of complicated ence. neat duties, have been les, with great accuracy arly by Mr. Burrow in that they muft now be , in confequence of the ler cent.— Such books, idoubtedly very ufeful, xt the total charge on :nabling the merchants, ck each other's compu- But many complex and, whatever may be muft ftill divide k to the enter it into as many sre are different branches Is in queftion. The delays, miftakes, and om this liianagement of emfelvcs^ to the whole d drawbacks. — It feems , to attempt a reform, fo far t 409 1 far at leaft as to fimplify and confojidate thtf branches of Cuftoms, dffe£ling each article, or fpecific quantity of merchandife ; and it would be ufefbl alfo to difcontinue, as far as may be practicable, ill fVad^ional parts and decimal calculations ; and to convert them into whole numbers, either by increaflng or diminilhing the r^fpeAive duties, as may be found mutually moft expedient for trade and revenue. Believing, as I do, that an improved ar- rangement of the exifting taxes would afford 1 permanent refource to the public, with many beneficial confequences to commerce and manu- fadures ; I am tempted to extend thefe obferva- tions to other circumftances, conneited both with the Cuftoitis and Excife.— But I ought rather to apologize for having already faid too much, when there are at each of thofe Boards individuals of known experience in buiinefs, of activity, difcretion, and public fpirit ; and when they tdo have many able affiftants. Commercial reforms never can be taken up with greater advantage than at a period when the leading merchants and principal trading companies fhew a liberality of E e fentiment ;;f ■*: » 4i [ 210 ] feniiment unknown in foriner ages. I reft then in confidence tliat thefe confideratioas will, in due time, be brought irtt^ difcuflion, with that cordial alacrity which aims at a general beneEt, and alio with all that caution and tendernei's which are requiiite in a meafure tending towards the derangement of a great, eftablKhed, and produdlive fyftera of commerce and revenue. . § 1 incline upon fuller information to believe, that if the quantity of fmuggled and adulterated tea, confumed within (Great Britain, (hould be thought to fall fliort of 8 millions of pounds (h)^ as fome have computed} it is perhaps as far beyond the general eftimate of others who have not made it a fubjeft of their enquiry. The average annual delivery of tea from the Eaft-India Company's warehoufes for home- confumption, in a period of fifteen years, from 1762 to 1777, was; — lb. On the Company's account 5i49^)i9' By avowed piivate trade allowed 7 g g^^ to their officers * (h) P. X31. To 210 ] 1 fonder ages. I reft then efe confideratloas will, in t int9 difcu^ion, with that \ aims at a general benefit, It caution and Xendemei's a meafure tending towards a great, eftablifbed, and :otnn\erce and revenac.;.; Her information to believe, f fmufgled and adulterated 1 iGreat Britain, (hould be fS millions of pounds (h), luted} it is perhaps as ral eftimate of others who bje£t of their enquiry, d delivery of tea from the ''s warehoufes for honie- riod of fifteen years, from lb. I account 5 1496,19* trade allowed 7 f"'"...irj' - ivn }a£l, that the importation of teas into Europe by the foreign companies on the continent has increafed fmcc 1766, though the confumption within the continent has decrcafcd firom' the pre- ference given to cofffee.— The quantity annually imported at prcfent, according to publilhed re- turns, by the Portugucfe, French, Dutch, Panitti and Swcdilh companies, is ij millions pf pounds. The confumption in the continent (k) Hitt. PJiilof. & Polit. torn. i. p. 584. of ;I2 ] : trade, though it grcjitly i;, after ftating particu- ea brought into Europe pofed diftribution of it, tion of Great Britain at ds ; and he fpccificaHy f that quantity muft be r (dit il) ignorance m mau- '.r a cettefupputationf au- la contrebandff gaife/ait en archandife^ ejl generalement ionftrable and well-KnoMvn ition of teas into Europe lies on the continent has though the confumption las decrcafcd firoiri the pfe- .— The quantity annually iccording to publilhed rc- uguefe, French, Dutch, companies, is ij millions ifumption in the continent Polit. torn. i. p. s«4. Of [ 2»3 ] of Europe, and the trade to the Atlantic Iflands, including the contraband exports to North America and the Weft-Indies, is not computed at more than 7 millions; the Abbe Raynal, after a long refearch, did not eftimate it at more than 5 millions and i : This then leaves a ba- lance of 8 millions (l)y exclufive of which, great allowances are alfo to be mad? for private trade, both in foreign and Britifh (hips, and alfo for the Dutch weight, which exceeds the Englifti about 8 per cent, Thefe reafonings and circumftances, if well founded, would prove, that the fale of tea by our Eaft-India company under all their advan- tages has lelTenedi whilft that of the foreign (I) It is raid to have been ftated fome yean ago to the Houfe of Commons l>y Sir Stephen Theodore Janflbn, a* the opinion of a committee after examination, that vfe pay ^ million tlerling per atmum for fmuggled tea. This v/as probably over- rated; but iftnie, it might be eftimated to g^ve nearly the following rtfiM 1 lb. /. 7,500,000 Black tea, at I «. 6 ■*i i<8 ] a Aim, as 5,86;,o8i /. ve added, that nu part cd to the s per cent, new ed commenced on the but had not yet been >n the other hand, how- d contributed largely to mounted to 160,095/.— duty may naturally be h } and the late annual irnately high and low. — jly 5th, 1780, it will not (,000 /.—For the 5 years , its antiual neat average not been unufual even table men, to alfert, that i from a large produce of crbalance the evils which I evidence, fay they, that il confumption, has talj,en of people ; that a profui dit, prevails through the I'i fit t 219 } Jj/ tuyui pupulatnr opum, quern ftmptr alhtrtnt Jiifeiix iumili grrjfu (omiiatur Eg'flas, 1 feel difpofed to meet every well meaning and moral remark, with all pofllble deference and refpefl } I feel too, that the mifchief here de- fcribcd is, if it exifts, as much a thefts for political, as for moral cenfure ; but it mud be remembered that no term is fo vague as luxury ; It is a fpe^lre, which was feen by many in the very infancy of Rome, and in the hardy fchool of Lycurgus. Before we admit then, that (he is ftalking over our land, with all her debafing and devouring attributes } it is furcly fair to look round, and to examine, whether in truth there exift fuflicient appearances to furnilh fuch a pidure. We are not to draw political condu- fions from individual inftances, nor to infer a^ national depravity from the confequences of a partial influx of wealth, or the limited and tern* porary prevalence of fome fafhionable folly and profufion. We (hould mildly afkourfelves, whe- . ther the general methods of living have gone be- yond that point of commodious elegance, which F f a the [ 220 ] the Improvements of an adlive age r^a- fonably furnHh j whether the rcfinemcnta of fome ranks, and the magnificence of others, exceed what ought to accompany the neceflary inequalities of property ; and whether the focial intercourfe of men is of that corrupt, impovi'' riHiing, and defolating kind which tends to popular didrcfs, and to the annihilation of pri- vate and public virtue.— Do we then fee any fymptoms of general effeminacy ? Is there any vrant of martial ardour ? are not the young men of the firft ranks and property in the kingdom among the fird to facrifice the indulgences which their fituations would fupply, and to offer them- felves to every inconvenience that military dif- cipline, military fervice, long fea voyages, and unwholefome climates can threaten i In (hort, an there not various examples, among the dif- ferent clafles of our cotemporaries, of as much high-fpirited fentiment, as much genuine fcience, and as much true relifh of moral and intellectual beauty, as can be traced in any period of hiftory { § I Ihall now bring this enquiry towards a con- duiion i nor can I forefec any probable circum- * ftance. 220 ] of an »£tivc age rc>* licthcr the refincmcnu of e magnificence of others, > accompany the neceflary ty ; and whether the focial of that corrupt, impov^ > ng kind which tends to to the annihilation of pri- le.— Do we then fee any effeminacy? Is there any ir i are not the young men property in the kingdom ifice the indulgences which fupply, and to offer thcm- cnicnce that military dif- :e, long fea voyages, and can threaten? In Ihort, »camplcs, among the dif- }temporarie8, of as much , as much genuine fcience, 1 of moral and intellectual i in any period of hiftory ? ^is enquiry towards a con- efiK any probable circum- ■* ftance. ftance, which will ever induce me to refume it. In fuch a variety of reafonings and calculations as I have taken occafion to (late, feme Inaccu- racies may naturally be expeded } but they certainly are not intentional, and I truft that they are neither frequent, nor confiderable enough, to affe£t the general purport of what I have faid. The anxiety ** to fee things as they are," has never quitted nK. I have never beea confcious of a difpdition either to exaggerate our own refources, or to depreciate thofe of our enemies i it would be a Ihort-fightcd folly to do either the one or the other. — -I lament indeed, that more is not known with regard to foreign finance, and (hould have gladly gone into fome farther detail on that fubjeCl -, but I am not aftiamed to confefs, that I continue unable to attempt it.— It is fufiicient to obferve on the French Edicts which have lately been publidied with fo much induftry through Europe, that they are tertaiply as little calculated to infpire terror, as they are to give information. They ipay poflibly lefien in fome degree the diffidence of money-lenders, and alCft a ftraincd credit ; but ^■: ' C 222 i " but time only can fhew, whether more is to be expedted from them. When we fee gracious communications from Marly, and edi£t after edift, defcribing grofs abufes in refined language, and untried remedies in plaufible fchemes of feform ; we in truth fee nothing more, than has been feen under every minifter of finance that France has had in our memory : and thofe who colleft the ftrength of France from the circula- tion of fuch papers, give fome countenance to Helioga^alus, who formed his eflimate of the extent of Rome from 10,000 pounds weight of cobwebs, which had been found within the city. — At the fame time, it muft be admitted, that a part want of credit may have proved favourable to prefent refources ; and it is beyond a doubt, that the kingdom of France can furnilh materials which will be found very produdive in the hands of fo able a minifter as Mr. Neckar. We know that, whatever interruption this war may have given to his on'ginsi phns of reform, he mud in any event find great prefent aides in the eftablifhed power of the crown to borrow on refcriptions and anticipations, new afleflments of the fecond- vingtieme -4W. 22] ', whether more is to be When we fee gracious Marly, and edi£l: after jufes in refined language, in plaufible fchemes of nothing more, than has minifter of finance that lemory : and thofe who France from the circula- ve fome countenance to Tied his eflimate of the 10,000 pounds weight of sn found within the city, mufl be admitted, that a lave proved favourable to t is beyond a doubt, that in furnilh materials which jftive in the hands of fo leckar. We know that, his war may have given eform, he mud in any t aides in the eflablifhed 3 borrow on refcriptions afTefTments of the fecond- vingtieme t 223 1 vlngtinm and capitation, tlie flock of corpora- tions, contributions, free-gifts,— together with other expedients praftifed in the Jaft war, fome of which the edi£ls prove to be already under tria?, fuch as the markets of Sceaux and Poiffy, &c, j — exclufive of a longer train of unfcen expedients, undermining, indeed, thofe which are oflenfible, and impairing ail the finances of the fiate, but furnifhing an cfFciaive and immediate fupply. We are not to put a mafk over our fituation ) we are to look it fairly in the face ; flrong trutJis prove offenfive only to weak eyes. The obje3> (h) P. 73. Gg ftoical *' ftoical aaorility, he Inti been engaged in a dif- fertation on the praJlical policy of a great kingdom invdved in a ftruggle with furround- ing empires, lie would have furniihed me with better words, than I ufed (tj^ to exprefs, that " parfitKOoy in war, when it tends to a defal- •* cation of ufeful fervices, becomes a wretched ** management, for which the nation in the event *' pays twenty- fold."— I neither meant however, nor do I now mean, to differ from thofe, who look for refources in the profecution of any meafures, which, without clogging the executive power, naay inforce a ftri(ft and efficient manage- ment of the public money. — -I think fuch meafures highly laudable j I know them to be difficult J yet I believe them not to be impracti- cable. But when thefe ideas are carried to a branch of public revenue, diftinil from that which bears the iaation^l expences, the propoiition is very different, and (o novel, that, without pro- pofing to difcufs it in an adverfe line, it may bCi O) P. 73. reafonable n of public duties, or» [ honores adipifttttchs rt ad nudi vtnirtnt atpu ifurmts ; nuMfdenti& crnati }—»nd 8 are neceflary in thefe wide m, to fatisfy ferious men, fyftem, under which they »r to them, will not in r fatally (haken, or reftcd 9us principles : — All thefe ic various fubordinate quef- i abftrad reafoning which argued and aicertained, if uded tj Hiould be brought e mode of raifing money. it may not unfairly be re- re is not ftated as eligible ill national circumftances ; it is reafonable to doubt f raifing the neceflnry^ lie diflrefs ; and therefore that [ 229 ] that it will be right to adopt an expedient tending both to relieve the burdens of the coun- try, and to evince the integrity of thbfe who lay them. But here alfo it muft be (hewn, what may well be queftioned, that a doubt fo dif- heartening to the nation, fo injurious to public credit, and fo encouraging *o the public ene- mies, has its foundation in truth.— And after all, if this dreadful ftate of penury were ad- mitted to exift, it niight ftill be found impradi- cable to draw any extenfive fupply from the fource alluded to. — In a country where nearly all the leading and opulent families derive a part, and fome the whole of their hereditary incomes from the crown ; where various royal grants are enjoyed, of different dates, and found- ed in very different pretenfions j where the juf- tice and fubftantial merits of a pretenfion of ten years (landing, may be as folid, or at lead hi thought fo, as that of a century } it will be difficult to draw any line : nor is much volun- teering alacrity to be expected among mankind in fo harfti an undertaking.— We happily were not bom in the days of Lyfias, who ftates in one fm\''\ % 5' u I J i; [230] one of hU Orations, noi: as a fubjeiSl of ccnfure, but as the ordinary ways and means of raifing • fupply, that when tiie Athenians wanted mo* ney for public emergencies, it was not unufual ivith them to put fome rich citizen to death for the fake of his forfeiture. If, lailly, it is faid, that all refources mud be good which tend to cut up public corruption by the roots, it is impoflible not to admit fo juft and obvious a pofition -, and if it is founded in the actual circumftances of any exifting fyf> tem, the people of this country may reafonably be expeded to deftine their approaching fuf. frages and future confidence to thofe who (hew moft alacrity towards the reform which is found fo edential. — No man ^vill difpute that public corruption is a crying evil ; the mere 'rumour merits a Ari£l and fatisfactory examination, to what extent it exifts, and if it exiAs, by what mode it may beft bfi rrilified. Herculies would have gained little credit by his fixth labour, if L- had not afcertained the condition of the Augean Stablesi, before he turned the courfe of the river Alpheus to purify tliem^ and to walh away all *he accumulations of a century. I (hall 30 ] It as a fubjeiSl of ccnfure, 16 and means of raifing : Athenians wanted mo* lies, it was not unufual rich citizen to death for ft ■•• that all rerources tnuft cut up public corruption loflible not to admit (o on ; and if it is founded inces of any exifting fyf- I country may reafonably I their approaching fuf. lence to thofe who (hew le reform which is found >ivill difpute that public evil ; the mere rumour sfactory examination, to nd if it exiAs, by what lified. Herculies would by his fixth labour, if L^ :ondition of the Augean :d the courfe of the river [)« and to walh away all century. I (hall [ 23» J I (liall difniifs this fubjetSl in the words of a modern writer, who unites the eloquence of fpeech to that of the pen, and the moft pleafing virtues of private life to the difpiay of public ability. ** Nothing would be more unworthy ** of this nation, than, with a mean and mecha- *• nical rule to mete out the fplendour of the ** crown." — '* A vigilant and jealous eye over " executory and judicial magiftracy ; an anxious " care of public money j an opennefs, approach- " ing towards facility, to public complaint: " thefe fcem the true chara£teriftics of the " Hotiffe of Commons."— But, •« whenever " parliament is perfuadcd to afCame the offices " of executive government, it v»ill lofe all the *• confidence, love, and veneration, which it has *• ever borne, whilft it was fuppofed the corrt.^ivt " and contrcul. This would bq the event, though ** its conduit in fuch a perverfion of its func- *' ticus ftiould be tolerably juft and moderate; '-* but if it (hould be iniquitous, violent, full ** of paflion, and full of fad ion, it would be •' confidered as the moft intolerable of all *' modes of tyranny." § I have ■I ftS*""' [ 232 ] 5 I have nothing to add to my Fourth Lcttcf . •— Th': principlei which produced that t>etter, and the reafoningj conveyed by it, were equally and cordially applied to confolidate the manu- fa£luring and trading intercfts of Great Britain and Ireland. I rejoice to fee this new, and I • truft, immortal, ph'xnomcnon of a complete commercial union between the two nations, founded on the bafis of equity, juftice, and acknowledged wifdom. In removing the re- ftridlions which pad ages had impofed on the ingenuity and induftry of our fifter kingdom, I reft convinced that we are promoting our own opulence and greatnefs, at the fame rime that we convey employment and profpcrity lu a loyal, brave, generous, grateful, and ai^vdionate people. I am, my dear Lord, xefpeAfuUy and affeAionately, &c* WILLIAM EDEN. '32 ] tdd to my Fourth Letter. :h produced that letter, veycd by it, were equally to confulidate the manu- ntcrefts of Great Britain e to fee this new, and I nomcnon of a complete :tween the two nations, of equity, jufticc, and . In removing the re- iges had impofed on the of our fifter kingdom, I e are promoting our own fs, at rhe fame rime that it and profpcrity u a loyal, ateful, and aivAionate Lord, ' and aifedlionately, &c. YILLIAM EDEN. t a-t= APPENDIX. No. I. ACTS made in England, rcftraining Trade to and from Ireland. SheePt Wool, kc. PIt.OHlBITStheexportatidnofranis,t Eiit.c 3. (heep, or laihbi alive, from England or Ireland. Prohibit the exportation of (heep or wool, itCar u.t-nt. wool-fells, mortlings, fliortlings, yarn^^',* ''*^'""" made of wool, wool-flocks, fullers-earth, and fulling-clay, from England or Ire- land. Prohibits alfo the exportation of tobacco- stA. 8. pipe clay; ■ Fullers-earth or fcouring clay not to be 9 * to w. ]ii. exported from Great Britain into Ireland. *• ♦**• ^'^' '* Prohibit the exportation of wool, wool-«»*"W. ni. fells, ice. J and alfo worfted-yarn, woollen- ^ cw. 1. c. i j . yarn, cloth, ferge, bays, kerfeys, fays, '««• »« frizes, druggetts, cloth-ferges, fhalloons, ^ °"- "* *' *'* or other drapery ftufFs, or woollen-manii- [AJ fa£ture.s ii iiCie». ll.Cll. Ie£t, 9. sta. II. ] a Car. II. c, 18. ha. 18. at & iiCar. II. c. 26. (eCt. 10 & 7 & 8 W. HI. c. at. fefl. 14 3 & 4 Ann. c. 5. U£t. 12. 2 1^4 Aim. c. 10. 8 Geo. 1, c. 15. ien. 94. 8 Geo. I. c. 18. frft. 22. 4 Geo. 11. c, 1$, i Geo. II, c. I }. [ii] l^flufts from Ireland, txitptto Gnat BiU tijiny as by Lift No. II. Extends the prohibition to coverlids, wad dings, or other manufaflurcs made ot" wool, nightly ftitchcd or worked togc- tlur, fo as to be reduced to wool again, and to matraiTcs and beds, Auffed with combed wool, or wool tit for combing. 1 he above articles are not to be laden on board any (hip bound to foreign parts, or be laden or carried coaftwife from one part of Great Britain or Ireland to ano- ther, without a licenfe from the commif- fioncrs or officers of the cuftoms, and le- curity given to land accordingly. Navigation and P.'antations. By thefr afts, the following articles being the growth, produft, or manufa(f>ure of any Hritilh Plantation in Africa, Afia, or America, cannot be imported into or landed in Ireland, except they are firft landed in Great Britain, viz. fugar, to. bacco, cotton-wool, indico, ginger, fn'"- tic, or other dying wood. Specie or ].: maica wood, rice, melaffcs, tar, pitcli, turpentine, mafts, yards and bowlprus beavti- [ il ] • Ireland, txctptto Great BiU tNo. II. libition to coverlids, wad er manufaflurcs made ot' (Pitched or worked togc- be reduced to wool again, iTcs and beds, ftuffed with or wool (it for combing. :Ies are not to be laden on > bound to foreign parts, or :nrried coadwife from one Britain or Ireland to ano- a licenfe from the commif- ers of the cufloms, and fe- ) land accordingly. tlon and Plantations. the following articles being irodu^l, or manufaure of antation in Africa, Afia, or rmot be imported into or :Iand, except they arc firft cat Britain, viz. fugar, to. i-wool, indico, ginger, fi'f- tlyiiig wood, Specie or I.: rice, melalTcs, tar, pitch, iiafts, yards and bowlprus beavti- [ iii ] bcaver-flcins and other furs, copper ore, ^O'*-'"- coffee, pimento, cocoa-nuts, whale-fins, ^'or,,, in, raw filk, hides and fkins, pot and pearl- '<^*- 4- aflies, and gum fenega. iJut all other goods (except hops) of the 4 "eo- "• growth, produA, or manufacture of the'*^'*"' '"' Plantations, may be imported from thence into Ireland, in Britifh thipping, whereof the mailer, and three-fourths of the ma< ^ riners, are Britilh. > Goods the pro«.!u£l of Europe, cannot be i5Cf the growth, produ^, or of the £aft Indies, and teyond the Cape of Good be 'imported into Ireland, Ireat Britain, in (hips navi- g to law, fiurn, Runtf Spirits^ and Sugar, ^e. Sugars, panelles, fyrups, or melaiTes, of'''^«" Ji'««>3' the growth, produd, or manufaduie of " ' *" any colonies in America, and rum or fpi- rits of America (except of the growth or manufacture of the Britilh fugar colonies there), are not to be imported into Ire- land, unlefs ihipped in Great Britain, in . , (hips navigated according to law. ; Con(irmed, as to fugar, by iz Geo. II. ^. 30. fe£t. 16. and by 4 Geo. III. c. . , i;. fe^. 19. 3randy, rum, or other fpirits, not to besGeo.ni.c.43, exported from Ireland in (hips under 100 '* ' **' tons burthen. Rum, fugar, coffee, or any goods which n Gm. hi. are by law prohibited to be imported from '" ^^' *' • Ireland into Great Britain, are not to be ' exported, or entered for exportation, from Ireland to Great Britain. Rum or fpirits of the Britifh Colonies or Sea 5. Plantations in America, are not to be imported into Ireland in any (liip under 70 tons burthen, either from the Colo- nies or from Great Britain ; and foreign Brandy, or other fpirits, from any other place whatr'iever, are not to be imported jfi (hips under loo tons. No :■.■// - . -: 9i*T.T:rT-"'^i'rr f'l'^ I* G«o. in. c. 60. left. 6. No part of the old fubfidy to be drawn back for any fugars of the growth, pro- duce, or manufacture of any foreign Co- lony or Plantation not under the domi- nion of his Majefty, which (hall be ex- ported from Great Britain to Ireland. Glafe. >?Oeo. II. e. i«. No glafs of any kind or denomination, other than the manufacture of Great Britain, may be imported into Ireland. Sea. 94, j^Q gi jfs Qf 3,,y |j.jnj| njjjy |jg exported from Ireland, or laden on any hoife, carriaga or vefiel, with intent tp b« 1 , irted. Sail-cloth. isGeo.ii.c.ai. An additional duty was laid upon all canvas ' '* or fail-cloth, the manufacture of Ireland, imported into Great Britain during the continuance of a Iwunty granted in Ire- land, by an a£t 19 Geo. II. upon the ex- portation of fail-cloth from that kingdom, viz, for fail-doth of the value of i\d, per yard, and upwards, 4 d. per yard. Of lod. and under i\d. p:r yard, zd. per yard. I ; ' , Corn. old fubfidy to be drawn igars of the growth, pro- fadure of any foreign Co- :ion not under the domi- ajeftjr, which (hall be ex- reat Britain to Ireland. Glafi. nd or denomination, other ifa£lure of Great Britain, :d into Ireland, ind may be exported from en on any ho/fe, carriaga ntenttQbRi , xted. Sail-cloth, y was laid upon all canvas le manufacture of Ireland, Great Britain during the a bounty granted in Ire- : 19 Geo. II. upon the ex< -cloth from that kingdom, )th of the value of i4 >s built in Great Eritain ; to any of his Majefty's fub- n Ireland, and not Britifh 3e intitled to the fame pri- vantages in all parts of his unions, as Ihips belonging 's fubje^s refiding in Great 9t Britifli or it'iih built, are trtation of fervants, horfes, om Ireland to the Britifh ortation of linen cloth of and, into the Britifli Plan- ;o export, under certain rc- '.&.\y from Ireland, into the Britiih [xi ] Britilh Plantations in America or the Weft I:idies, or any Britilh fcttlement on the coaft of Africa, Any goods the produce or manufa£lurc of Ireland, except wool and woollen-manu- fa£lures, cotton-manufaAures ; Hats, glafs, hops, gunpowder and coals ; And all goods of the growth, produft, or manufafturc of Great Britain, legally im- ported from thence into Ireland, except woollen-manufa£lures and glafs ; And all foreign certificate goods, legally im- ported firom Great Britain into Ireland i But not to exten'' to foreign linen painted, &c. in Ireland, Nor to bar-iron, iron flit or rolled, plated or tinned, nor any manufadured iron- wares, till a duty is impofed thereon in Ireland ; Nor to any fuch articles, if a bounty or pre- mium is allowed thereon : And not to take place with refpe£l to goods the manufafture of Ireland, except and until they arc chargeable with duties to as great an amount as the like goods arc charged with on expo: ♦".tion from Great Britain. [ B ] « Permit i^ i xii] 5 Om. 'it 'c ''; P*''"'* *^« importation of all non-cnuitie- 7 Ceo! III. c. a." "■**«<* K^ods (except hops) of the growth, produ»"« "79i» "•(Ton, 93 J 414 June 1800, 4l' J ir the Entouragemtnt of th Fijheries. ips, owned by his Majefty' ing in Great Britain or Ire tching a certain number anks of Newfoundland, am the fame at Newfoundland, unclei [XV] under the regulations prcfcribcd in the A«Jl, are to be allowed, Tothc»< vefTcltfiiftarruini, 40I. each7 .,_.„ii e. 100 next ariiving ICO next irrivins 20 1, each >' 10 1, each 3 II yean. firitifli-built (hips owned by his Majefty's Seft. j. fubjedls, rcfiding in Great Britain or Ire- land, proceeding from thcr.cc and killing one whale, at Icail, in tlie Gulph of St. Lawrence, or on the coaft of Labrador, Newfoundland, or in any fcas to the fouthward of the Greenland feas and Davis Streights, and returning within the fame ye ir tu fome port in England with the oil of fuch whales fo taken, are to be allowed for Hve (hips, viz. For ihefliip arriving with tile greateft <|to.I 1*5 Dec. 1781 i ii$D*c. 1786, J0I.3 ""'' The above-mentioned bounties for fliips employed in the whale Blherics are to be ailowcdi although the whole and entire property of the (hip doth not belong to fome of his Majcfty's fubjedls rcfiding in that part of his Majefty's dominions from whence the Ihip is fitted and cleared out. His Majefty's fubjefls refiding in Ireland may tranfport, direiiUy from thence to Newfoundland, or to any part of America where the Hlhery is carried on, provifions, hook?, lines, netting, or other tools or implements ncceffary for the filhery, being the produ«Sl and manufadlurc of Great Britain or Ireland. Oil, blubber, or whale fins, taken 'n any part of the ocean by, and imported in any Ihip [belonging to, his Majeily's fubje£ls of Great Britain or Ireland, to be im- ported duty-free. Seal (kins, raw and undrcHed, caught by the crew of any veflel belonging to, and fitted xvi ] r return to fome port in } C»jDeM776, 401.7 \ i«5D««. 1786. »o».3 ionccl bounties for fliips : whale filhcries are to be igli tiic whole and entire ! (hi|) doth not belong to ijefty's fubjeds rcfiding in Majefty's dominions from ) iii fitted and cleared out. bjefls rcfiding in Ireland diretiMy from thence to , or to any part of America ■y is carried on, provifions, letting, or other tools or jceffary for ihc filherj', Ju(5l and manufadlure of )r Ireland. whale fins, taken 'n any in by, and imported in any to, his MajeAy's fubjedls in or Ireland, to be im- :e. and undreiled, caught by y veffel belonging to, and fitted fitted out from, Great Britain or Ireland, may be imported duty-free. Tobacco. Tobacco exported to Ireland, if lefs appears *^*''g'* *'*^' to be landed than fhipped in Great tiri- * ' * ' tain, an allowance not exceeding Two per cent, may be made for wal^e during the voyage. Repeals the Ai^s it and 15 C\r. II. and 'pCw-i^^ any other Adl which prohibits or reftrains * ' *' the fetting, planting, or improvin,^, to grow, making, or curing tobac. \ either in feed, plant, or otherwife, in Ireland. TJjert are othur A£ii offering Ireland^ wh. r cannot properly bejlatcd under either of i v foregoing defcriptions ; fuch as, the A^ for the Encouragement of Seamen belonging to the Royal Navyy i\ Geo. II. c. 38; the A£ii refpeaing the Light Houfe Duties i thofe refpefling the Ijle of Man ; the Ai Is ejiablijhlng and regulating the Peji Office^ iiQ. ice. [C] H f f4l ,Lv i xviii Jl No. III. rx^ Cotirfe of Exchange. THE par between London and Dublin is 87 per cent. — 100/. Britifh being worth 108/. 6s. Sd. Irifli. During the years 1778 and 1779, the Ex- change of Dublin on London has varied from si to 9I— Oftober 27, 1779, it was at 6i : This is remarkably low; and the fojiowing caufes are afligned for its being fo much in fa- vour of Ireland : 1. A large importation of fpecie, by the loans negociated with monied people, &c. in England, and by the late remittance to Ireland for public lervice. 2. The non-payment of rents, which h^s kept within Ireland much money, that would other- wife have been remitted to abfehtees. 3. The non-importation agreements, and the large exports in the provifion trade, ^nd in the linens. Prices !»',i«ti.:.*«rt'»' Kviii 2 ). III. f Exchange. 1 London and Dublin is 3o/. Britifh being worth 778 and 1779, the Ex- London has varied from 1779, it was at<5^: low; and the following its being fo much in fa- in of fpecie, by the loans i people, &c. in England, nee to Ireland for public t of rents, which h^s kept nopey, that would other- 1 to abfehtees. tion agreements, and the rovifion trade, ^nd in the Pruts :i. . f xix j Prices of Bullion. Gold, in Oaober 1779, was at 4 /. per ounce in Dublin. The ufual price had been from 4/. IS. to 4/. 2 J. The fall is imputed to the exchange, which fufficicntly accounts for it. Silver, in '" 'tober 1779, was at 5^. 6d. per ounce. The medium price had been 55. 10 d. This is imputed to the felling more old plate, and to the manufa(Suring lefs new plate, than ufual. No. IV. Ccording to an abftraft of » lift of the eftates of abfentees, publilhed in January 1769, The eftates of thofe who live conftantly abroad, and are feldom or never in Ireland, amount to 371,900/. - And the eftates of thofe who live generally abroad, and vifit Ireland occadonally, amount to 117,800/. The debt of Ireland, at Lady-day 1779, a- mounted to ',141,591/. js. ii^d. exclufive of which, Ireland has raifed 740,000/. by fale of annuities, with benefit of furvivorfliip, viz. 440,000/. zi 6 per cent, and 300,000/. at7i^^r cent, [C] i * £xx ] l^f No. V. A Two years average eftimate of the revenue, and expence of the Iri(h Government, i(C- cording to late experience. Hereditary Revenue, grofs-^ about - - 1,200,000 Old additional Duties— about 380,000 New additional Duties— about 140,000 Stamp Duties — about - 40,000 Vice-Treafurers, and Pells, andent Fees anV Salaries— about • 40,000 ■ /. i,8oo,oo« Dedua Bxpence of Management*--about 483,000 Drawbacks, &c.— about - 3,000 Expence attending Stamp Duties-- about ... 14,000 ' ' 500,000 Nett Produce £. 1,300,009 Expenccs. Civil Lift'~about • 330,000 Military Eftabli(hment— about 938,000 Extraordinary Expences— about 431,000 Total Expence £. 1,700,000 I «] ; eftimate of the revenue, le Irifli Government, v ce. £> rofs-^ 1,200,000 }ut 380,000 lOUt 140,000 40,000 andent t • 4.0,000 ■ ^. 1,800,009 -about 483,000 3,000 Duties-— 14,000 500,000 Nett Produce £. 1,300,009 330,000 bout 938,000 -about 431,000 ice £. 1,700,000 t J^*' I No. VI. Pandere res alta terra et caligiiie merfas.-^ CT'HE Obfervatiom on the Population of England "^ and Wales (hew (a)^ that according to the returns of the furveyors of the houfe and win- dow duties the number of houfes were. In 1759 — 986,482 1765 — 980,692 1777 _ 952,734;— They next proceed to ftate, upon the authority of Davenant, that the total of houfes in 1690 was, 1,319,215 :— from thefe premifes it is in- ferred (b}i that " our people have decreafed fince 1690 near (2 quarter •" and that the depopulation in the laft twenty years has been progreflive.— It fhould perhaps have been added, that Dr. Halley, whofe authority is at leaft as good as Davenant's, eftimates the number of houfes in 1 69 1 at 1 , 1 7 5,9 5 1 . Tliey both argued from the Hearth Books, over which oblivion has fome- where contrived to fpread her cobwebs; for I cannot learn, after a ftricl fearch by gentlemen (a) Obrervations, p. aS8. (b) lb. p. »91. peculiarly I [ xxii ] peculiarly aole io make it, that there is now any trace of thofe books either in the Tax-office or ixchequer. We want the lights therefore which might be collefted from the original materials of information ; we know however from the Statutes, that the tax was impofed not upon houfes, but upon every fire-hearth, r. ftovc, in every houfe, to be paid by the owners or occupiers. Tw* entries then were required, one of the owners or occupiers charged, and the other of the hearths rated. Davenant accordingly (t) prints two columns, the one intitled, *' Number of Houfes *• in each County according to the Hearth Books " of Lady-day 1690— Total i,3i9,!»i5 '•" The (ither, *' Number of Hearths in each County ** according to the Books of Ladyday 1690 — " Total a,563,52?." It is believed, but we cannot decide, that thefe numbers, whatever they cay import, were founded on conjectural efti- mates, and not on adlual enumerations, fiut under Dr. Price's conftrudion of th i firft cdumn when compared with the fecond, it would follow that there were lefs than two fire-hearths or floves upon an average to every houfe in the kingdom. - The firfl then feems to be &i; account not of houfes but of ftmilies. It is plain that Davenant (t) Eflay upon Ways and Meant, edit. 1695, p. 16. underfland« , that there is now any cr in the Tax-office or e lights therefore which the original materials of twever from the Statutes, 1 not upon houfes, but / ftovc, in every houfe, ;rs or occupiers. Tw* ed, one of the owners the other of the hearths rdingly (t) prints two I, ** Number of Houfes ing to the Hearth Books *otal i,3i9,!»i5'.** The Earths in each County a of Lady*.day 1690 — t is believed, but we numbers, whatever they led on conjectural efti- lal enumerations. But £lion of tt? i firft column fecond, it would follow wo fire-hearths or ftoves r houfe in the kingdom. • be &u account not of t is plain that Davenant «Ieani, edit. itf95> p> 76* underftand« [ xxiii ] underftands it in this fenfe, and that by the word houfes in the title of his Account referred to by Dr.Price, he mezns hou/eholds not tenements ; for lie lays (d) in the fame publication, "And though ** it appears from the Books of Hearth-money, ** that there are not above 1,300,000 families •* in England j and allowing fix perfons to a ** hufe one with another, which is the common " way of computing, not quite eight millions of " people ; and though (as likewife appears by the ** Hearth fiookO there are 500,000 poor families *' in the nation, living in cottages.who contribute " little to the common fupport ; yet the 800,000 " remainingyaw/7/« would be able to carry on " the prefent bufinefs a great while longer, and " perhaps till France is weary of it."— Davenant is countenanced in this plain explanation of his own fenfe, by the account of the produce of the tax fo far as it can be relied on : The a.iount of the tax, on an average, as it was delivered to the Houfe ot Commons on the day of prefenting the King's meiTage which confented to the repeal v;a8 ioo,ooo/. which at zs. per l)€arth gives 2,000,000; there remains therefore 563, ^aT hearths for the "500,000 families living in cottages, whom " Davenant repeatedly ftates to have contributed ** little towards the common fupport." Dr. Price (d) Ot>fervaiion8, p. 34. feems t xxiv ] k-..iis to have tinf/cipated this objciSion, byatJ t«!0',:tlnjr ♦o flu v iMt the number of perfons in a Jami'/ are -quu upon an average taken in particular places to the number in a houfe. But in the eftitnates which fupport that pofition, and which at beft muft be uncertain, due attention has not bee , paic, to the numbers in fchools, colleges, Isvfpitals, prifons, barracks, (hipping, dock- 'tds, and other public buildings. Acc^raing 4c Dr. Price's conftrudlion of Da- venant's Paper, the number of houfes in Lon- don, Weftminfter, and Middlefex, in 1690, was 111,215; and the houfes in the fame places, with the addition of Southwark, are fuppofed, by the lateft accounts, not to exceed 91,000; a difference totally difcountcnanced by every account, and every map of London and the environs! We might indeed try it by the ufual criterion of the Bills of Mortality j— thus, the number of houfes, in 1690, in London, Weftminfter, and Middlefex, according to the cxpreffion ufed in Davenant, was 111,215; the number of houfes for the fame d>ftria, with the addition of Southwark, in 1757, according to an aftual furvcy, was only 87,614: yet for fifteen years, ending in (e) 1690, the annual average (e) The annual average burials for the fifteen years fubfequent to 1690 were only 20,877. j ±. • ] KH :xiv ] cd this objedlion, by at-» the number of perfons in ion an average taken in number in a houfe. But fupport that pofition, and uncertain, dua attentiort the numbers in fchools, fons, barracks, (hipping, public buildings, rice's conftrudion of Da- imber of houfes in Lon- tid Middlefex, in 1690, he houfes in the fame tion of Southwark, are accounts, not to exceed otally difcountcnanced by 'ery map of London and night indeed try it by the lills of Mortality ; — thus, i, in 1690, in London, Idlefex, according to the renant, was 111,215; the he fame diftrid, with the , in 1757, according to aa ly 87,614: yet for fifteen 690, the annual average ;e burials for the fifteen years nly 20,877. burials burials within the Bills of Mortality, were 21,657 J and for fifteen years, ending in 1757, they were 22,76*1 cxdufive of the great incrcaf« in Marybone and Pancras, if the number of u:?jhii iq thofe two parithes could be lea^d, and added refpcdlively to the two periods here com-, pared.-^It is allb beyond a doubt, that London was become much healthier''in the latter period than in the former.— It is truci indeed, that, in the former period, thefc weic only 134 parilhes. within the Bills, and, in the fetter, 147 j but this obje(£iion would not furnlilh any adequata explanation, even if it were not known that tlie extenfion of the Bills of Mortality has arifea only from tlif ^ fpreading out of buildings, crouded formerly yvithin the walls (fj^ but now. upon a larger fpace. The dilemma then Ui, that, during a confiderable period, when we are (/) 'the medium of annual burials in the 97 parlllies within the walls, was from 1650 to iSSo — 311J 1680 to 1690 •» 313^ 17J0 to 1740 — 2316 But the medium of annual burials within the whole Bills of Mortality was, for the Firft Period •— . 11,886 Second Period — — a«,36» " Third Puiod •>— 16,49a [ xxvi ] ,f:.r tofuppofe the inhabitants ^thmore in number, wc are to admit that the annual burials were v«th Itfs, and yet that the condition of the people was more unhealthy. As a farther proof of the modern depopulation of London, it is mentioned (g), that the annual average of burials in London from 1774 to 177S inclufive, was 20,835 ; but that the average for five years before 1690 was 22,742.— Here we find a colourable evidence ; but it is furnifhcd by the ufe of a particular period. The average of twenty years ending in 1690, was 20,733, ^'^^ average of ten years ending 1700, was 20,770.— The average of feventeen years ending in 1690, was 21,371. — Now in comparing the leaft fa- vourable of thofe periods with the preP nt times, we Ihall find that the average of 17 years ending in 1778, happens to have been 22,765. — The average of eleven years ending in 1772, was 23,743 — and for five years ending in 1766, it was 24,562 ; — and, though Dr. Price fuppofes our depopulation to have made a great progrefs during the laft twenty years, it will be found, that, for five years, ending in 1761, this average was only 19,877. — London feems indeed to have been moll crouded during the period from 1720 ^%j^ Cj^ Obfervations, p, %lt, '*4' tv> cxvi ] Its ^th more in number, we nual burials were v«tb Itfs, idition of the people was f the modem depopulation ioned (g), that the annual l^ondon from 1774 to 177S ; but that the average for /vas 22,742. — Here we find e ; but it is furnifhcd by ir period. The average of ti 1690, was 20,733. ^'^^ nding 1700, was 20,770.— teen years ending in 1690, n comparing the leaft fa- ods with the prePnt times, average of 17 years ending have been 22,765. — The ;ars ending in i77z> was : years ending in 1766, it hough Dr. Price fuppofes have made a great progrefs ty years, it will be found, nding in 1761, this average )ndon feems indeed to have iring the period from 1720 xvations, p, »it. to I xxvii ] to 174;, when the annual average of burials was above z6,ooo ; but tiiis too is in a great meafurc accounted for, wiien we recolleft again, how much the town has, within the laft ihirty-fivc years, expanded itfelf into the paridies of Ma- rybonc and Pancras, which are not within the Bills.— The prefentqueftion, however, is, whe- ther London appears to be now lefs populous than it was in 1690 j and, if we ufe the old- faihioned mode of calculation, to which we might be entitled in comparing the two periods, we (hould, as authorized by Sir William Petty, multiply 22,765 (the average burials of the laft 17 years) by 30 (a fuppofed proportion of lives to burials) which would give 682,950 people. But I am convinced, by another work (hj of Dr. Price's, that this mode of computation is extremely erroneous ; and it feems but lO pro- bable that the annual number of deaths 'n London is much greater than in the proportion of I to 30. — I mean, however, only to compare our very imperfedt data, in fuppofed fads, fo far as they are known ; I do not wifh to propofe any conclufion without much better premifes than any which the very wretched ftate of this branch of national police can furnirti. *' In the (b) On Reverfionary Payments^ p. 198, S;c. m* (C year ,*, [ xxviii ] *• year 1603, fays Mr. Andcrfon (l), the weekly ♦' Bills ot Mortality, at London, began to be " regularly kept, as it\ our da^s ; yet many of *' thufc Jiili:., in earlier times, have been loft; *' and even the Bills in their modern conditioti ** afford us but an imperfeifl conjcvniire of the •• magnitude of London, as comprehending only, '• or moflly, the chriftenings and buriils of thofe *' oftheeftabllfhed church ; though tlic Diffenters •* of all denominations form a luimerous body *' of people. Thofe alfo who are buried in St. *' Taul's cathedral, in the abbey church at Weft- *' minfter,inthcTemplechurch,thcRollsclinpel, •* Lincoln's Inn chapel, the Chapter Houfe, the *' Tower of London church, and fome other parts, •' are faid to be entirely omitted." Exclufive of thefe, and other defedts, which arc anxioufly dc- fcribed in Maitland, all who are carried into the country to be buried are alfo omitted, and the very populous pari(hes of Marybone and Pancras arc not yet included in the Bills." In (hort, if I could bring niyfelf to that difpofition, which fomctimes leads us, firft to frame a conclufion, and then to look for premifes, I could fuggeft inany rcafons to imply an increafed population ; ^)ut, wiihing merely to refift the negative, and 0) Dcdudiiou of Commerce, ii. p. 461 having vni ] \ndcrfon (i), the weekly It London, began to be our (iays ; yet many of r times, have been lofl; 1 their modern condition perfeift con]eJ\iire of the >, as comprchcndins only, nings and biiii ils of thofe ch ; though tlic J^ifTcMters i form a numerous body Ifo who are buried in St. le abbey churcli at Weft- e church, the Rolls chnpel, I, the Chapter Houfe, the urch, and fome other parts, Y omitted." Exclufive of i, which arc anxiouflyde< 1 who are carried into the ; alfo omitted, and the very larybone and Pancras arc ic Bills." In (hort, if I 5 that difpofition, which rft to frame a concliifion, premifes, I could fuggeft an increafcd population ; refift the negative, and Commerce, ii. p. 461 having [ xxlx ] having no wlll\ with fuch materials to att.:mi>t the atlij-miitivt' iiropofitiori, I Hiull only add a ([\oa rcuiaik on the Uittjdlion of a btc apparent tlecreafe. The number of houfcs in Kngland and VVaJct by the Surveyors returns was, In 1759 — 9n6,4Si 1765 — 980,69* 1777 — 9^'»7345 But 1 finii 01. enquiry that the tfital of houfet returned as charged and chargeable were. In 1799 — 704,053 :■ ,-6; — 704,544. '. >777 — 7ir!*uous liquors and -• arte£ted the confunip- I dill remain a diminu- and amounting to vplained, would war- X to be conveyed by it, it. In tlic furt place, however, there is not any mention made of the large allowance given Xo brewers by the .TlteratitMi of mriifurc which took place afnr the Revolution, and which made a.i immediate and perceptible difference in the grofs annual produce of tl»e Kxcife. The codee duty was alio taken from the Excife in 1690, and fubjedled to the Cuftoms : Hut, without infilling on thefe points, or on thedecreafed confumptiori which may have been occafioned by fubfequent additional duties, the very fame medium of proof, if different pciiods are felcflcd, will af- ford Wronger prefumptinns of a great increafcd population. For example ;-— the grofs annual produce of the hereditary and temporary Excife for three years, ending in i6jj, was 484,183 /., and its grofs annual produce for four years, ending July sth, 1774, was 520,623/.— Again, the annual produce of the fame branch of Re- venue, for three years, ending in 1693, was 464,142/. ; and for four years, ending in 177*?, it was 554,460/. — I have not, in either of thefe inflanccs, dedu(5}ed from the produce of the two early periods the 112,156/. per ann. above mentioned : my argument, though entitled to thofe advantages, does not want them, it affords, prima fadcy a prefumption of a regular, increafed population. The ! \ '"it-- (C (( «( [ xxxii i The Obfervatiom proceed in the following Ipvords : " in conformity to this fadl, it appears *' that there has been a propoi tionable diminu- *' tion in the quant ^ of beer brewed for la!e •* and in the number of vi£tualicrs ; — for three years ending in 1689 the annual average of ftrong barrels brewed for fale, was 5)055,870. ** The average of fmall barrels, w?s 2,582,248. *• For three years ending in 1768 the former " average was 3,925,131 ; the latter, 1,886,760. ** — The average of common viduallers in the whole kingdom for the former three years, was 47,343 ; for the latter three years, 34,867. This lad fad feems of particular confe- ** quence," &c. Here again a reference to different periods will prove the inverfe of every propofition. — Thus, for three years ending 1700, the annual average of ftrong barrels brewed for fale» was 3,074,256; the average of fmall barrels, was 1,966,065 ; but for three years ending 1762, the former average was 4,244,783 —the latter was, 2,073,197 ; the average of common vidluallers in the whole kingdom for the formrr three years, was 37,170 j for the latter three years, 39,803. — We differ oiily in the choice of inftances, and any perfon who finds his leifure as unimportant as mine, 5 and ;d in the following ) this fadl, it appears opoitionable diminu- beer brewed for Tale idualicrs ;— for three le annual average of ' fale, was 5,055,870. irrels, w?s 2,582,248. ngin 1768 the former the latter, 1,886,760. non viduallers in the former three years, r three years, 34,867. s of particular confe- different periods will propofition. — Thus, I, the annual average •fale» was 3,074,256 J ;ls, was 1,966,065 i 52, the former average was, 2,073,197 ; the lallers in the whole :e years, was 37,170 j 39,803. — We differ nces, and any perfun limportant as mine, and [ xxxiii ] and who will take the trouble of examining the Excife Books, will obferve, that the periods which I have adduced are not feledled with any parti- cular induftry and attention. The four years ending in 1768, are almoll the lowed period for Excife produce that can be found in modern times } and it cannot be forgotten, that during that period the fcarcity of grain and high price of provifions were fuch as to excite dangerous tumults, and occafion an exertion of preroga- tive, for which the Legiflature pafled an A61 of Indemnity :— the three years ending in 1689, were as remarkable in the oppofite extreme, and indeed unparalleled in any inftance prior or fubfequent. If, however, we lengthen even that favourite period, the refult will be different : Thus, the average annual produce of the hereditary and temporary Excife for fifteen years, ending in 1702, and including the period ending in 1689, was 549,175/. That of four unfavourable years in the prefent century, was 527,991 /., to which muft be added, the duty on fpirits and low wines, 70,000/. Total, 597,991/.— The fame average produce for four years immediately preceding Dr. Price's publication, was 554',46o/. to which, in like manner, muft be added, the duty on fpirits and low wines, 70,000 /. — Total 624,460 /. [E] I do i ll [ xxxiv ] 1 do not mean to draw any conclufion ; I have endeavoured only to fliew, that, with equal plaufibiJity, and by fimilar modes of proof, it is cafy, from fuch dark materials, to produce op- pofite inferences ; and it furely is neither unfair nor unreafonable to prefume that each inference is inconclufive and fallible : — Jmus obfcuri foldfub tioHe per umbram Ptrque domos Ditis 'vacuas, et inania regna. ■ — Siua/e per incertam lunam, fub luce maligna, EJi iter injyl'vis : ubi ceelum (ondidit umbra Jupiter, et rebus nox abftulit atra colorem. '^0% ^^M,%r:: : *>- ' -"^ '"" '"'mwM T civ ] any conclufion ; I have lew, that, with equal ar modes of proof, it is laterials, to produce op- furely is neither unfair iine that each inference le:— ■ per umbram ■, et inania regna, — , Jub luce malig/id, '4m condidit umbra ilit atra colorem. '.-'.^Tinjpi [ XXXV ] No. VII. THE following Table (founded on one which was publiflied in 1771) fliews the current Rates of Exchange taken in London, at a medium for tlie firft half-year 1770;— and the Prices of Exchange on ihe zzd Odlober 1779— and on the i8th January 1780; compared with the Rates which may be called the Pars, whilft the coinage price of filver continues to be 5;. zd. per Ounce. Mtciium of Price the Price the half-year 1770 Venice Genoa Leghorn Lifbon Paris Cadiz 5' 49 "JO 66 I s I n S i2 I 39 k 45 i 47^ 7 n 29 I - 65 — 48 — 45 — 47 49 .V:^ 1 4. 62 i — 51-69 - 67 _ 36 i - 36 ^ — 29 i -- 29-149 43-2 AmllcrJam34 3^—35 8 — 35 9 —36-59 Hamburg 33 2^—34 7—34 6—35-17 Note The two laft mentioned places chiefly govern the Ex changes in the Ni.rihern parts of Europe, and the fix i.ther Cities chiefly thofe of the Southern parte, in refpeft to London. And it (hould he oblerved, that H-.'A: of Exchange being ncgo- ciated between London, Amrterd^- d H.inburg.by tlienuin- ber of fchellings and jiennini;-, u.^.^o ff pound fterling, the .idvantajie in favour of London, Aith thole two places, is in proportion of the prices above \':.r. But the prices m B.lls of Exchange being rated m florling money for the pieces ot eight in Cadiz, the c own pieces at l^aris, .he millrea in Lil- bun, the ducat in Vtni' ", the przzo in Genoa, and the dollar at Leghorn, the advam.;-.. to London ate in propuilion to me prices below Par, ... ^ [E] ? IN- IvV'S' ' *i^f**fey ^^'s^w^giw. INDEX. 13? The Cyphers denote the Pages of the Letters, and th« ftnall Numerali the Pages of the Appendix, •Accounts, public, fome not fatisfaftory, 71, 424 jlftir'iuifdom, unavailing, 41, 43 AlUancct, the want of, 43, 44 how to be accjuired, 70, 71 jinnuities, an expenfive premium in public loans, 117 jinticipat'ions ef Revenue, 88,89 BountUt, doubts with regard to the ufc of, 126, 101 on corn, ib. BmrbtH, boufe of, how affefted by the reculle£>ion of the late war, 49 Their refcripts on the priifcnt war an uniiguili-d mummery, 50 . Thus far difappointed, 177 Butt'un, its price, 96, 1 14 how afFeifled, ib. Carrying Trade, how checked in Great Britain, 105 Coin, the quantity of, on the late recoinagc, si 5 Coloniet, their rebellion how far fupported by France, 47 Corruption, public, 229 C»/7mii, the neat produce of, no. 191, I9Z How affeAed by drawbacks, 192 — 195 The rates and duties very defedively arranged, 127, 128. zo6»209 Crewn, Grants, 129 Influence, 227,228, « . Revenue, 227 Deitt, ^?il^ II'., [' xxxviii ] Dtits, national, ^it ^i . , .j ", Their inconveniences, 97— 104 4 _^' Dratubacks, ill effeft of, »oj— tt6 , ; jt)H(c£ carrying trade, aoj. 105 Taxei, 109. isa EaJl-JndiaCbarttr, TtnvnA of, ti^ Emigrations, the effeft of, 183 Emulation, in political life, how far laudable, aj Excift, grofs produce of, no. 218 More produftive than Cuftomt, 130, iji ^ Exchange, courfe of, 94 explained, 95, 96 Table of, xxxv £.rporti, value t)f, at different periods, 196, 197 Foreign Revenue, uncertain, 64, azi France, the debts of, 64 French Taxes, the produce of, 109 £di£l!, 221 Kefuurces, 2«s, 223 , Great Britain, thegeneralfpirjt of, 36 Situation of, at the clofe of the lad war, 62 Circumftances of, in the commencement of the ' prefent war, 52, 53 Her local natural ftrength, 53. 59 Her credit, 53 Marine, 54 Privateers, 55 «i Heartb-monty, account of, xix, xx floji Duty, its produce at different periods, 218 Horfes, how far taxed and taxable, 119, 120 Jm/cris, value of, at Oiffertatferi^ds, ig6, 197 IntligO; -y«jg$ ^ w,! jife i i ii r a'yi*g^ti nil ] p— 104 LC6 »34 far laudable, 35 18 ftomt, 130, 131 Erlods, ig6, 197 1 09 ; of, 36 ;he clofe of the laft war, 6», ", in the commencement of the ii 51 ftrcngth, 53. 59 XX ;nt periods, »i8 )le, 119, 120 peripds, 196, 197 Indigo^ [ xxxix ] //n/(^«, how affcfted by a fax, 113 tf.terifl of moniy, how affcftid, 98. I0» In/and, the pretenfionj of, to a free trade, 137— '^i? Laws affefting, i, ii— xvii Her abfentees ettatci, xfiii Her debt, ib. ._ Expencei of her government, ib. Exchange and bullion, xvii Land-tax, queftion as to equalizing the, i»4— 116 Luxury, public, confidered, 119, aio The beft objeft of taxation, 118 Mililia, when moft perfeft, 6a, 63 ilfoBfy, quantity of, in the kingdum, 114.114,215 yifora/iVy of ftates, 48 > . • ■■.'■-■* Ocantmy, public, 73. az5 Parftmtny in war, 73. as5 Parly mifreprefentaiions, 13—10 Us origin and progrefs, n— 14 "* Farlitt, their ufes, 24 ' Their evil ctfefts, 19 Are never reconciled, 3$ fWWffl/ reafoners, 6 — 12 Readers and critics, 171— <«74 Population, its caufes phylcal and political, 180— 19O Pefiulouftiefs of England and Wales confidered as not affefled by any evidence yet known, xix — txxiv PrthibUiom in commerce, their nature and tendency, 198 — 100 Rtvenue Lanvs, why defeftive, 77 Rnenuf, its origin and objefts in governments, 78—81 How managed in ancient times, 83 Its progrefs, 84—88 Sink, mg [ xl ] Skiing Fund, !ri cummencemcnt anii importance, 91, 9a, )$ Sfanifi t.txei, 109 Revenue, 64 Vtucalhif principle! and objcA uf, lox— 108 Long mirunderftood in England, 107 Tsxe$, the annual amount of, 9} On neceiraries, 108 On luxuriei, 118 On other objeftt, izi, lis Tt.i, a very favourable ubjeft to fmuggleri, 131 Farther particulari wilh regard to it( confumptlon, aic— ai4 UKammity and Umon always recommended, t6 never attained, 39 UtiUn, comRierc'al with IrclanJ, »3» tVar, commencement of the prefent, 45 Interefts involved in it, 55, 56, 57. 91, 9a lt» general nature and origin, 58, 59 It! uncertainty, 176 WW, fuperioritjr-of Briiifli and Irifti, i6i Doubt whether the exportation fliould be prohibited, 100, ftOI Iti pricenA prefent money in the time of Edward Illr compared with this century, ii. ^ FINIS. J- 1 ] It and iinportance> 91, 9a, )$ uf, lox—ioS England, 107 Ita fmugglera, 13 1 regard to iti confumpttoni iTiRiended, i$ led, 19 . »3» cfent, 45 S« 56. 57- 9>. 9a gin, 58, 59 Iri(h, 16s irutioo fliould be prohibited, y in the time of Edward IIU ntury, it. N I S. /82 ® I