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1 d

32X

BETTERS

TO THE

EARL OF CARLISLE,

PROM

WILLIAM EDEN, Esq.

;.'

1»"

■J

!
1

FOUR

LETTERS

TO THE

EARL OF CARLISLE,

FROM

WILLIAM

©n certain Perverfions of Po-

' IITICAL REASONING J

and on the Nature, Pro-
grefi, and Effeft of Par-
ty SriiiT and of Pak
T I c 1.
On the rxiscNT Circum-
iTAKcts of the Wa« be
twccn Great Britain

EDEN, Efq.

and the CM.ih'ned Power* of

France and Sfain.
On the Public Debts; oh

the Public Credit; and

on the Means of raifini

Surrtiis.
On <he Reprefentatinnsof I» t-

LAKD refpeAing a F«gi«

Trade.

"'?'s4.W^'«-*^

THE THIRD

To which ii added ««>•«»

I F T H L E I^.T e'r.

A FIFTH LE T^^.T E

Oft Population; on certain ^*'vt^9t'^'LgfKf(^tS
R«outATioN8 conneftcd with the lNTtiia«Tfl''''«f

)

Commerce ; and on Public Oeconomy.

MfiJIo'em ,veam q^od pervulfatam finhit effif tion ftra maltPi,
Ett tnim tt tcciderunt, jam ct itnfendent, ut tiflatum iJJ'e vtlim
de republua quid Jtn^erim, Cic. Ep. ad Alt. %,

LONDON*

PRINTED 70R B. WHITE, IN FLEET-STREET;

AND T. CADELL, IN THE STRAND.

MDCCLXXX.

Majores mftr't, cum lelUs afpcrvhnls prtmerenttir,
tquii, vir/s, pecutiiii, niinquam dcfi-JJl J'unt armati de
imperio certare. Nnn inopia terarii, non vis hojtium,
no» adverfa rts, ingentem torum animum fubegit , quin,
qiter virtute cepeiant, Jlmtil cum animd rctinerent.
■Jtque ea magis forli/jiis confiliis, quam hcnis preelilSf
fatrata funt. i!^!ppe apud illos una Re/publUa trat,
*i amnes confulebant ; failio contra hojles parabatur :
ttrput aiqui ingenium, patria, nou fua potentite,
ftii/que cxcicitabat.

Sallull. Orat. 2. de Rep. ordlnanda.

a/perrimis premeretttar,
am tieffjji J'unt armati de
fcrarii, non n;is hoftium,
um animum fuhfgit , quin,
I cum animci rctinerent.
its, quam hcnis preeJiiSf
illot una Re/puhlUa trat,
contra hojlcs parahatur :
'ia, non fua potentite,

. 2. de Rep. ordinanda.

dreenwich, Ofiober i(ftb^ 1779^

MY DEAR LORDf
T Frankly admit that a printed Anfwer to a
•^ private Letter is a mode of correfpondence
at leaft unufual, and fuch as in its firft impref-
fions cannot fail of giving you an uneafy fenfa-
tion.— But I (hall not offer any apology j— for
the times are unhappily fuch, as to juftify much
greater eccentricities of conduft wherever the in-
tention is good.

Your Lordfhip's letter from Caftle Howard
found me at Tunbridge Wells, where I had
been fome weeks endeavo> nnr; to divert lefs plea-
fant recoUcdlions, by wandei ng about a neigh-
bourhood, which, at different periods of our
hiftory, has been the fcene of chivalry andro-
B mancc.

roancc, of Love and the Mufcs, of royal di/Tipa-
tion and feftivity. Your reflections recalled mc
to times, in whicli romance and poetry and
mirth are no more. They led mc to look very
fcrioufly into the fituation of our country, and
to endeavour to form a juft eftimatc of the pub-
lic difficulties and rcfources. Having dcfcribed
in fliort but comprehenfive terms, the clouds
which darken our political horizon in every point
of the compafs, yoa cxprcfs your doubts, whe-
ther you may not fee matters blacker than they
really are, under the circumHances of havitig
lived fomc time in retirement, and with little
more intelligence than is to be collected from
printed ncwfpapers.

With refpedl to the want of all official Infor-
mation, I am at leaft on a par with your Lord-
fliip : unemployed in any adive line of public
bufinefs, I am in pofleffion only of fuch materi-
als as arc acccITible to every man in the kingdom,
who has leifure and inclination to make ufe of
them. But your Lordlhip will permit me to ex-
press a doubt, whether, even fo circumdanced,

/lufcs, of royal difTipa-
reflections recalled me
ance and poetry and
cy led me to look very
I of our country, and
ft eftimatc of the pub-
res. Having dcfcribed
ive terms, the clouds
horizon in every point
jfs your doubts, whe-
tters blacker than they
cumHances of having
:mcnt, and with little
i to be collected froth

int of all official infor-
i par with your Lord-
y adive line of public
)n only of fuch materi-
y man in the kingdom,
ination to make ufe of
p will permit me to ex-
even fo circumftanced,
wc

[3]

wc are not the more likely to fee the general

profpects in a juil point of view.

On my return to this place, I covered my
table with hooks of maps and gazettes of former
wars ; with lifts of fleets and armies ; with printed
accounts of the public debt and intercfts ; with
abftra«Ss of niiiujal fcrvices and of ways and
means; with Excife compares and Cuflom-houfe
returns : in (hort, with all that farrago of dead
letter and arithmetic, which is the beft fpccific
againft the v\ani!erings of the imagination. In
plain words, I have tried earneftly, with the help
of fuch imperfcCl inflruments as are within my
feach, to fee things as they are ; for it is certain
that all our liopes and fears rcfpcding the public
interefts and the public fafety, are idle, and in
fome degree mifchievous, unlefs we have previ-
oufly ufcd our beft diligence to appreciate the real
circumflances of the nation, as far as they are
refpeCtively open to us. This is however one of
Jhofe barren truths, whicli feldom generate any
effed : it is within the reach of every man's ob-
^rvation, but lies dormant and unproductive ;
B ;t as

[4l

as U would poflibly have continued to do alfp
in my mind, if your Loidrtiip's letter had not
awakened my attention to it.

Seeing now, from this enquiry, or believing
that 1 fee, much folid ground for hope, and none
for defpondcncy, I truft I fliall find fome fatif-
faflion in ftating the reafons of my belief. It
has been already intimated, that thofc reafons are
drawn from materials acccffiblc to all the world ;
they may perhaps receive feme colouring from a
friendly intercourfc with men of all opinions and
pcrfuafions ; as well as from a difpofition to
think better of mankind in general, and cfpecially
of our cotcmporaries, than has of late years been
fartiioiiable.

In the courfc of this tail<, which I havcunder-
takcn, it has been my intention to avow unrc-
fcrvedly, and without reftraint, fuch general
ideas as occur in the rcfult ; and this I fliall now
do, not feeking the reputation of ability, for I
know myfelf and the folly of fuch a purfuit too
well i but becaufe it is my carneft wi(h to (hew
and to promote a difpofition towards candour

and

; continued to do alfo

)id(hip's letter had not

>it.

I enquiry, or believing

und for hope, and none

I Hiall find fome fatif-
ifons of my belief. It
d, that thofc reafons are
eHible to all the world j
; fome colouring from a
tncn of ail opinions and

from a difpofition to
n general, and cfpecially
an lias of late years been

lie, which Iliave'under-
ntention to avow unrc-
redraint, fuch general
lit ; and this I (hall now
utation of ability, for I
lly of fuch a purfuit too
my carneft wi(h to (hew
)fition towards candour
and

[ 5 1

and moderation, 'vhith I conceive to be the moft
important of all public virtues in the prcfcnt mo-
ment. j|
*' That n''cat empires arc never overthrown ^
*• by fortune, and that the caufcs of public ruin, I '.
" though often accelerated by external injury ! j
*• and violence, always e\ift, in the firftinftance, j g
" within the Piciety itlclf, and may be traced in jij) f
** its hif^ory," is a pofiticn which we have oc-
cafionally clifcufTcd witli little diflferenc' of opi- ,j , :^
nion. The train of idea j to wliich the purfuit of
that difcuiTion will lead your Lordlhip, is par-
ticularly favourable to my prcfcnt object j for it
will not only explain fome difliculties placed in
the way of that jufl eftimate, which we wifli to
form, of the public diftrcfles, but will tend to | |
give us a clearer ir.iiglit into the main f|)rings and
fources of them. It will alfo fhew, that, though
the general principles of political a£lion and
judgment are the fame among all mankind, there
are fome clafTcs of charaiHcr euacr peculiar to our
countrymen, or which at leaft do not prevail to
a fimilar degree in any other nation under Hea- |
ven. - :.4; |

11^ I

[6} .

It Is impolTible not to admire that benevolence,
which, with a difpofition to promote the general
interefls and happinefs of mankind, applies its
iirft and Left exertions to the benefit of that par-
ticular fuciety, that has the neareft claim to them.
But the undiftinguifhing benignity, which pro-
fefles to think with equal affedion, and to talk
with equal philanthropy of all the world, and of
every individual, is defervedly confidcred either
as a vicious aflecbtion, or extreme weaknefs, or
both.

Oil the other hand, the oppofite turn of cha-
radter, though perhaps the vice of more active
?nd ftrongcr minds, is not lefs fatal to true judg-
ment : I'liis is a difpofition to aflume a tone of
inalignity, with certain pretenfions to flirewd-
nefs J to fpcak ill of every public man, and ot
every public mcafure; and with an unbridled
zeal of invedive to overleap all bounds of mode-
Jation and candour.

There is a third principle of felf- deceit, which
is lefs weak and more genuine than the firft that
I have mentioned, as well as infinitely more
amiable, though not lefs mifchievous than the

fi-cond :

]

Imire that benevolence,
to promote the general
r mankind, applies its
the benefit of that pqr-
i neareft claim to them,
benignity, which pro-

affedion, and to talk
f all the world, and of
/ediy confulcred either

extreme weaknefs, or

oppofite turn of cha-
e vice of ir.ore adtive

Jefs fatal totruejudg-
n to aflume a tone of
retenfions to fhrewd-
r public man, and ot
id with an unbridled
? all bounds of mode-

; of felf- deceit, which
line than the firft that
11 as infinitely more
mifchievous than the
fccond :

t 7 ]

fccond : Your Lcrdfliip will perhaps be aware,
that I mean that perfonal predileftion, that at-
tachment to focial connexions, which is na-
tural, and perfeftly virtuous, when kept within
juft bounds ; but the gentle dominion of the fo-
cial qualities over the breafts of men, which in
private life forms one of the fined efll'(9s in the
whole view of nature, is apt, when apolied to
political aftion, to degenerate into an unrelertt-
ing tyranny. It b rarely found that confiderable
bodies of men, who have afted long together in
public, can be faid to be either ingenuous or can-
did. I do not recolledt that either epithet has
ever been applied in hiftory to any party; a
party-man is fure to be approved by his own fet
for whatever promotes the common objeft of the
day. Overbearing clamour, contempt of anta-
gonifts, and a pertinacious adherence to argu-
ments, a thoufand times repeated, and a thou-
fand times refuted, form the brilliant accomplish-
ments, the folid proofs of merit j and that deli-
cacy of juft fcntiment, which is the pleafanteft
charac\erifiic of individuals, is foon loft amidft
tht applaufes of combined friends.

Thcr«

[8]

There is a fourth vice in political difcufllon,'
which, whether founded in fome conftitutional
pufillanimity, or in an acquired morofenefs, or
in a defire to flievv ingenuity and forefight fu-
perior to tliat of the reft of mankind, produces
a fingular effeft. The men alluded to here,
wreft every obfervation to prove, that their own
country is, and in the natural courfe of things
ought to be, ruined :— They undervalue her re-
fources, and exaggerat thofe of her rivals ; they
are fo well perfuaded that the virtuous druggies of
their countrymen are vain and fruitlefs, that they
learn by degrees to confider them as weak, and
even wicked ; the optics of thefe men are fo
ftrangely formed, that they fee every thing in a
diftorted and frightful fliape ; the joylefs regions
of their imaginations are filled with " antres vaft
*' and tiefarts idle;" they produce nothing but
" gorgons, hydras, and chimeras dire;" a de-
creafe of population, a decline of commerce, a
failure of naval force, a relaxation of national vi-
gour, the lofs of our chief refources, and the
impending hand of an angry Providence. They
talk for ever emine inauj'picato; they learn alfo

:e in political difcufllon,'
;d in fome conftitutional
acquired morofenefs, or
;enuity and forefight fu-
(t of mankind, produces
s men alluded to here,
to prove, that their own
natural courfe of things
They undervalue her re-
rhofe of her rivals j they
t the virtuous ftruggles of
in and fruitlefs, that they
fider them as weak, and
OS of thefe men are fo
they fee every thing in a
lape ; the joylefs regions
: filled with " antres vaft
liey produce nothing but
1 chimeras dire;" a de-
decline of commerce, a
relaxation of national vi-
chief refources, and the
ngry Providence. They
i/picato; they learn alfo
to

to derive a fatisfaaion and little triumph from
every event that fecms to confirm their doc-
trinss ; and if, in the various courfe of events,
any one of the calamities which they have an-
nounced, fiiould take place, they are from that
moment like the Paris aftrologer, who having
failed for fourteen years in an annual predidion
of the death of Henry IV. pronounced himfelf
infallible, becaufe his fifteenth prophecy was
verified.

The reverfc of this fct of men are ouropti-
imfts in political faith-men who are determined
to believe that every pofllble event is creditable to
the Government, and beneficial to the State,
under which they live. Having heard that the
produce of commodities is in proportion to the
confumption, they can believe that population is
belt promoted by wars and emigrations : they can
perfuade themfelves that a public debt is a public
benefit ; that it is an adual acceffion of fo much
property to the kingdom, and a fund of circula-
tion for the fupport of commerce and agriculture j
that every new tax creates a new ability in the
fubjea to bear it, and that every increafc of na*
C tional

a 1%

tional burdens Incrcafcs proportionably the in-
tluftry of the people. They believe in the infal-
libility of a fyftem, without regard to circim-
ftanccs ; wherever that fyftem is concerned, they
think perfeverance and fuccefs arc fynonimous
terms ; and, in (liort, can convince themfelvcs
that the pofTible lofs of many flouriOiing pro-
vinces is amply compenfated by the conqueft of a
little pcftilential illand.

Thefc gentlemen, being " bleft with a fet
phrafe," courtly in their manner, plaufible in
their do^rines, and difcourfing generally ac-
cording to the wilhes and interefls of the circle
in which they live, gain many profelytes to
themfelvcs, and do much mlfchief to the caufe

of truth.

There is another clafs of men who poflefs a
fort of nate-cmpiricifm, and carry about with
them a fpeclfic for every poflible diforder that the
body politic can labour under.— They have all
the confidence of undertaking projeaors, and
all the apathy of old praaitioners— They have
an exclufive faith in their own panacea, and are
fo intent in adminiftering it, that they never

think

; proportionably the In-
riiey believe in the infal-
thout regard to circim-
ryftem is concerned, they
fuccefs arc fynonimous
can convince themfelvcs
if many flouri(hing pro-
fated by the conqueft of a

eing " bleft with a fet
eir manner, plaufible in
iifcourfing generally ac-
nd intereOs of the circle
gain many profelytes to
ach mifchief to the caufe

ifs of men who poflefs a
1, and carry about with
y poflible diforder that the
ir under.— They have all
lertaking projedors, and
jraflitioners.— They have
leir own panacea, and are
ring it, that they never
think

[II]

think ofdiagnoftlcs, nor afk any queftions about
the condition and clrcumftanccs of the patient.

I put totally out of the queftion a feventh
fet of men, who eniift with and defert from all
or any of thefe irregular corps of reafoners, as
may bed fuit the interefts or objea of the day ;
who are not defirous to believe what they en-
force, but adopt the feveral languages of general
benevolence, indifcriminate cenfure, focial ho-
nour, foreboding dcfpondcncy, ill-founded con-
fidence, and political quackery, all in the fame
breath ; and can, from habit, enforce fophiftry
and falfehood with more vehemence and ability,
than they could difplay in the inveftigation and
fupport of truth.

Leaft of all would I wi(h to mention that he-
terogeneous clafs, who can profcfs and appa-
rently feel a joy in any calamity of their country,
becaufe it may afFe<ft the fituation of fome indi-
vidual whom they diflike ; who are fullen there-
fore, and filent amidft the tidings of a viftory,
triumphant and noify upon the news of a defeat.
The inftances of this kind are not uncommon.
They arc, however, a fort of ftatc monfters
C s which

[ 12 ]

Which providentially have the cmfo of all /u/l,t
"otura, and Iiappily for the world do not propa-
gate their fpecies.

It fliould fcem, that all thefe lines of abcrra,
tion from true judgment are fufficiently dininft
and obvious j and that every man might avoid
them, who wiflies in political life neither to
deceive himfelf nor to miflead others; yet your
Lordfhlp will find, through all the buHeft and
moft enlightened periods of our hiftory, that
nine-tenths of the thinking part of the natioa
have generally addided themfelves to one o?
other of the feds which I have defcribed.

Surely then it becomes every man who has
made, or admits the truth of, this remark, to
confider how far his own reafonings are frw and
unprejudiced; and accordingly the firft operation
of the mind, towards framing a juft decifion
upon the aftual fituation of public affairs, fhould
be, to divert itfdf, if poffible, of all weaknefles
derived from pad habits of intercourfe, and
from the popular altercations of the day. Per-
haps it would be no little help towards this end,
to take any fubjeft of prcfent controverfy, and

MhilJi.iiii.ii1

'««an»p>A«--»u«M«MUMlitM

■c the cmfc of all /u/us
he world do not propa-

II thefe lines of abcrra-
t are fufficiently diftin(a
every man might avoid
>olitical life neither to
iflead others ; yet your
ugh all the bufieft and
i of our hiftory, that
ing part of the natioa
themfelves to one o?
have defcribed.
5 every man who has
th of, this remark, to
reafonings are free and
ingly the firft operation
iming a juft decifion

>f public affairs, fhould
ible, of all weaknefles
of intercourfe, and
ons of the day, Per-
lelp towards this end,
fent controverfy, and
to

[13 J

to examine how it is treated by Its refpeaive
abettors. We fhould next afk ourfelves, whe,
ther much, if not the whole, of their adverfe
poHtions ought not to be rejeacd from all farther
regard, as the language of idle fpleen, unbecom-
ing paflion, or interefted falfehood, and as a
mere refult of that licentioufnefs which will at aU
times more or lefs degrade the generous charaaer
of this country, and is, perhaps, the greatcft
misfortune that belongs to us as a people.

Let us for a moment fuppofe the pofllble cafe
of an Englifli gentleman, arriving in London,
after thirty years refidence in the inland parts of
China, totally ignorant of the prefent ftate of
his country, but anxious to inform himfclf:
now, ifamong other matters he fliould wilh to
attain a competent notion of the Minifters for
the time being, and of their opponents -, and if
he ftiould happen (which is alfo poffiblej to have
two near relations or friends of different fides
in the fubjeft of his enquiry, he would be
aflured by the firft, with much heat and decla-
mation j-^

f* That

, i

m t

,.»3j|gP

[14]

«* That the afTair-s of the King and Country
*' are loofcly, negligently, and trcadu-roufly
" managed ; tliat the Minifters are an ignorant,
•* mercenary, and abfard cabal ; ralh in rcfolv-
*♦ ing, but flow in executing ; variable in their
*' principles, but uniform in their follies; unfeel-
*' ing to all fliame, but incurring daily difgraccs ;
*• without fliill to recover a misfortune, and with-
*' out prefencc of mind to make any ufe of an ad -
** vantage; giddy with fuccefs, and helplefs in ca-
*' lamity ; wife after danger, and diftia£led in it j
** that they have brought us into great wars, but
*• have neglected all preparations at home and
*' all alliances abro:id ; that the empire, under
*' their management, is like an unwieldy gigantic
•* body, which, being engaged v;ith aft aflive
•' combatant, receives twenty wounds, before it
•* can return one. — That irrefolutlon, barren-
*• nefs of invention, want of enterprife, conti-
•* nual delay, defenfive councils, and long pro-
** trafted aftion, are the charaf^eriftics of their
•* war-fyftem.— That though the refources of
the country are CAhaufted by their floyenly
' " profufion

««

'*4^

^ ]

the King and Country
tly, and trcacluToudy
inifters are an ignorant,
d cabal ; ralh in rcfolv-
uting ; variable in their
1 in their follies ; unfecl-
ncurrlng daily difgraccs ;
•a misfortune, and with-
o make any ufe of an ad -
iccefs, and helplcfs in ea-
ger, anddi(lia£led in it j
t us into great wars, but
:parations at home and
that the empire, under
like an unwieldy gigantic
engaged with aft aftive
wenty wounds, before it
lat irrefolutlon, barren-
ant of enterprife, conti-
councils, and long pro-
e charafteriftics of their
hough the refources of
aufted by their floyenly
*' profufion

C IS 1

*• profufion of her treafure, they aflert that their
** o-'conomy is pcrfedl, and that the public piirfc
*' feels no decay. — That though the body politic
•' has all the figns of death upon it, they yet fay
all is well, and continue as arrogant and
" afluming, as if they had faved the very people
*' whom their folly has in a manner ruined.—
" That they are growing rich whilft their coun-
*' try becomes poor ; are as carelefs of the public
*• honour as of their own j and, in (hort, that
*' fuch a Miniftry is a furcr engine to deftroy
*' the State, than any that its enemies can bring
*' againft it."

On the other hand, it would be ftated with
more gentlcnefs of exprcffion, but with an equal
difregard of all candour ,—■

'* That there is in this kingdom a party com-
" pofed of individuals of all defcriptions ; that
*' many of them poffefs high family pretenfions,
*' great perfonal virtues, and very fixtenfive
** abilities; that, however, they are a motley
*' congregation of the divifions, liibdivillons,
*' rents and remnants of former parties, brought

*' togetlier

1^' I

t:)

cc
<(
«(
«
<(
<c
(t
t(
((
*(
«c
((

«(
«(
tc
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((
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r i6T

together by the various calls of good and bad
ambition, by the frett'ulnefs ofrcafonablc and
unreafonable purfuits, in fome inOanccs by
the unaccountable turns of natural temper, or
by the fuppofcd importance of having their
names on fuch a mufter-roll :— That the lead-
ing men of this party hate each other, as well
from old recollciflion as from recent inter-
courfe ; that tliey arc irrcconcilcabJe to each
other in all their principles of government,
and diflcr in ail their purfuits, pall, prefent,
and to come :— That in the long concoaion
and fermentation of fo ftrangc a mafs, all the
public zeal and public virtue have funk to the
bottom, and qualities of a light and more ma-
lignant fpirit have gained the afcendant:—
That vwhatever might have been the original
objea of this party, it has long had the efFcfls
of a combination formed againft all good go-
vernment :— That the nation, indeed, has at
times looked towards it, in the liope of hav-
ing weighty Senators and rcfpedhble Statef-
men ; but that (he hitherto has found in them
all the littlenelTes of mere adventurers in poli-

o
ti
(I
((
((

C(
(C

((
((
cc

<(
cc

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cc

tics.

;alls of good and bad
lefs of reafonabic and
n fome inftanccs by
of natural temper, or
ancc of having their
roll:— That the lead-
te each other, as well
s from recent inter-
rcconcilcable to each
pies of government,
Lirfuits, part, prefent,
the long concoAion
Grange a mafs, all the
rtuc have funk to the
a light and more ma-
cd the afcendant : —
ive been the original
as long had the efFcfls
I againft all good go«
Jtion, indeed, has at
in the Iiope of hav-
id rcfpedhble Statef-
to has found in them
t adventurers in poli-
** tics.

<c
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cc

[17]

tics, and of men whofe fole drift It to gratify
perfonal animofities and private interefts:^
That they exhibit a childilh intemperance of
over-joy on any accidental appearance of ac-
quiring ftrength and numbers, and a malig-
nant rage on every fymptom of a contrary
kind } and that in each of thefe extremes, they
appear equally without feeling for the public
fafety, or the national honour : that they
grafp violently at power which they know not
how to hold, and are ready to fubvert that
ftate which they are not allowed to govern : —
That fometimes equivocal in their exprefTions,
but ever clear in their defigns, they mifrepre-
fent our fituation, undervalue our advantages*
and magnify our difficulties : that they rejoice
in the embarraffinents of government, and
boaft of having contributed to them ; that in
the frenzy of debate they can fupport rebel-
lion by juftifying its principles, and call for
foreign war by declaring that we are unable
to refill it : that building all their hopes on
the bad fortune or bad conduA of the ftate,
they endeavour to increafe the diArcfles which
D ** they

■^ '

C i8 }

" they tlicmfclves firft occafionrd, by cxpofinp;
'• our weak parts, by furcing into public tlif-
•• cufTion our prcparntion!>, dcligns, cxpcdiiiuns,
" and ftrcngtl), an 1 ♦luii i -"der thcmfclvcs, in
*• cfTeiSl, tl.c 1:13ft ;it^ive »'i '.ea and intelligencers
*' that n "rcHv 'li' a have. And finally, that
*' in ti' . 'ntinued display of a conduct fo un-
" iligiiiUeu in rcfpt-iit to thcmfclvcs, fo dcgrad-
" ing to the hon 'Ur of their country, and fo
*• niifchievous in all its confequcnccs, they have,
•• indeed, fucctcd<d in forcing their country to
•• the very brinic of dcllrudion, but have lull
*' all i-retenfions to tlic confidence of a brave,
** generous, and animated people."

The ftrangcr to whom thefe frothy declama-
tions are addrcfled, if he had any turn to ob-
fervatioii in his younger days, would reply,
*' This, my friends ! is an old ftory of forty
*' years ago ; the fame things, in the fame lan-
*' guage, were conftantly aiTerted and retorted
*' between the oppofite parties of that time, and
*' they occafionally made an imprclliun on that
*' fpecies of hearers who liften only to one fide :
*' But they were ever confidered, by all men of

" cool

Si.. It I

iccafionrd, by cxiiofinp;
jrcing into public dif-
i!>, dcfigns, cxpcdiliuiis,
I iV"dcr thcinfclvcs, iti
I'j ics and intelligencers
3VC. And Hnally, that;
y of a conduct fo un-
thcmfclvcs, fo dcgrad-

thcir country, and (o
jnfequcnccs, they have,
orcing their country to
rudtion, but have lull
contidence of a brave,
d people."

thcfe frothy dcclaina-
: had any turn to ob-
r days, would reply,
. an old ftory of forty
lings, in the fame lan-
f aiTerted and retorted
utics of that time, and
: an imprcfliun on that
lillen only to one fide :
nfidered, by all men of

<■ " cool

i*9i

*• ceo! rcflciflion and candour, atHklMlch ilH-
" bcral and unbecotning impertinence, which
" proved nothing but the intercltcd *eal, or
" fcurrilous vehemence, of the pen- retainers of
" each party. It is, indeed, pc c tlv.it there
" may at all times cxift individual - of tome note
*• and importance in a ftate, who are wretched
" enough to diCregard the fafety and mcrcarc of
♦' any intereft but their own, and weak enough
" to facrifice the mort facred c^jc^s ot their
" country to their own paflTions , out that alTo-
•' ciations confiding of the firft won ir. a great
" empire fhould come under fu filly md fo fordid
** a predicament, is too grofs to imi >tc even on
" thccommon fcnfeof a Samojeide; und though
" it has been the vulgar complaint in a! ages and
*' places, it is not the more credible on that ac-
" count. But give me your proofs j give me
*' fa(5ls and circumftancesj tdl me v hat has
** happened, and how it has happened ! ' Here
would open a new and ample field for the .ombat
of mifrcprefentations, and the ftranger wo -Id, in
the refult, find it neceflary to look fur vc; • dif-
ferent channels of intelligence.
m. Da The

~fi^'

[ 20 J

5 is

ilk

The truth is, and I am glad to let your Lord-i
(hip underiland, that in this inftance I am a mere
plagiarift} the charges above dated are by no
means of my manufaduring} they are fele£led
with Uttle trouble, and nearly verbatim^ from the
controvcrfies of 1695, between the Whig Mi-
niftry of William III. and the Tory Oppofition
of that time. The fame expreflions eroded over
into different lines of fervice, under the Tory
Miniftry and the Whig Oppofition of the four
laft years of Queen Anne. They were again in
vogue under Sir Robert Walpole, and furniflied
the printing prefles with daily employment, and
daily tautology, for the fpace of nineteen years.
Similar, or much harflier, things were faid of the
Minifter on the one hand, and his opponents on
the other, during the adminiftration immediately
preceding the prefent. And the very fame in-
vecSKves will be applied, in the fame manner,
fourfcore years hence. If any admlniftration has
efcaped them, we may fafely pronounce, that it
has either been ftill-born, or has periihcd in its
infancy,

glad to let your Lord-
is inftance I am a mere
>ove dated are by no
ingj they are felefted
irly verbatiniy from the
tween the Whig Mi-
1 the Tory Oppofition
sxpreffions crofled over
/ice, under the Tory
5ppofition of the four
. They were again in
i^alpole, and furnifhed
aily employment, and
>ace of nineteen years,
things were faid of the

and his opponents on
iniftration immediately
nd the very fame in-

in the fame manner,
any adminiflration has
ely pronounce, that it
or has periihed in its

^. ■:/.■ Is

f 2ll

It is an old remark, that the feeds of party and
of fa«aion thrive moft in the richeft foils. They
exift, indeed, but are unproduftive, in defpotic
governments; in a conftitution like ours, they
n. jft and will prevail. Men have a natural pro-
penfity to divide in opinion; and wherever the
government of a country is fuch as to put no re-
ftraint upon the avowal of fentiment, every tranf-
aftion, and every meafure of public note and
importance, has its refpedive cenfurers and ad-
mirers. The individuals of each fide unite into
parties for mutual fupport ; and, whatever may
be the predominant motive with each individual,
whether intereft, paffion, principle, or focial af-
feftion, the progreffion is almoft invariably the
fame. The ovcr-a£live zeal of friends gradually
raifes the like fpirit in antagonifts; reafon ceafes
to be the counterpoife of pafTion ; refentments
and antipathies take place; and the uncandid
virulence of habitual diilenilon forms itfclf into a
fyftem. Thus it happens, that when the ori-
ginal caufe or pretence of difference has ceafed to
be material, or even when that difference is totally

exhauftcd

s i

fm^

[223

cxhauficd or forgotten, the diftin£^ion furvives,
and is even maintained with new warmth and ob-
ftinacy. Nor will there be lefs co-operation and
concert in all party meafures, though it (hould be
evident and notorious that few of the leaders
agree in ths fame maxims of conduct, or even
though the principles of a great proportion of the
i»hole may have become more reconcileable to the
fyftem of their antagonifts, than to that of their
own friends. The party once formed becomes
the receptacle for all the ill-humours of a ftate,
the point of union for difappointed expedations,
iftuArsited ambition, defperate circumftances,
avowed and fecrct refentments. Fadion opens
her arms to every acceffion of malignancy; and
the fyftem being thus eAabliflied, the bufmefs of
that fyftem goes forward of courfe, and with as
little refle£lion as any other daily occupation.
Every difputable fubjedt is the occafion of mutual
inve£lives, which neither flow from the heart of
thofe who ufe them, nor reach the feelings of
thofe againft whom they are directed. ** It is
'* unlucky that the adverfary has advanced what

" is

%i-

ic diftin£tion furvlves,
h new warmth and ob-
£ lefs co'operation and
;s, though it (hould be
at few of the leaders
s of conduit, or even
great proportion of the
ore reconcileable to the
, than to that of their
once formed becomes
1-humours of a ftate,
ppointed expedations,
perate circumllances,
lents. Fadion opens
i of malignancy; and
lifhed, the buflnefs of
•f courfe, and with as
her daily occupation.
:he occadon of mutual
low from the heart of
reach the feelings of
ire diredled. ** It is
ry has advanced what

*' is right and fit ; we muft oppofe it as well ad
** we can ; we muft not permit him to carry any
*' point unmolcrtcd." Again, " We mufl. con-
*' fefs, among ourfelves, that what we have ad-
" vanced is miftaken and mifchievous; but we
'* muft fupport it ; we muft never confcfs that
" we are baffled." Such is ever the language,
or at leaft the condud, of party ; and thus it is,
that oppofite parties will facrifice, in their turns,
the caufe of truth and of the public.

Nor is this contradi^ion between fentiment
and condudt, which in perfonal tranfaflions
would be deemed difingenuous and uncreditable,
by any means a proof that the individuals of the
party do not poftefs all the large and generous
fentiments which do honour to human nature.
Party conformity is a perverfion of mind, in-
fenfibly acquired and formed into a habit, and in
fome degree fandified by hiftory ; every man
can whifper a plaufible apology for it to himfelf
and to others, either by alleging fome peculiar
confideration in his own cafe, to which he can
give a flattering epithet, or by intimating, that
the circumftances of the times make it ne-

celTary

lilll

I..".'-

[Hi

ceflary to a£l implicitly with friends, in or-
der to do good, and that the end muft . <lify
the means.

Amidft the humiliating weaicnefles of our
nature which I have defcribed, it is fome con-
folation to reflect, that to the diviftons and
civil contefts of eminent men we owe that con-
ftitution which was wont to be our happinefs
and pride. The genuine ufe of fuch divifions
is, to watch over the political rights of the
people, and to check the irregularities of the
executive power } for it muft never be forgotten
amongft us, that government is tlie buiinefs both
of thofe who are to govern, and of thofe whom
the conftitution has inftituted to controul ; nor
is it too much to fay, that parties ftill continue
to be falutary and beneficial, not only as a
check, but as a fpur to executive government j
except only when they maintain oppofite views*
afFeding the eflentials of the conftitution; or
when they aft with intemperate animofity and
eagernefs in times of foreign negociation and
foreign wars. When the laft mentioned cafe
arrives (and it is a cafe which well deferves a
i full

r with friends, in or-
tat the end muft < <lify

ing weaknefles of our
cribed, it is fome con-
t to the diviftons and
men we owe that con-
it to be our happinefs
ic ufe of fuch divifions
political rights of the
le irregularities of the
muft never be forgotten
nent is tlie builnefs both
•n, and of thofe whom
tuted to controuJ ; nor
lat parties ftill continue
eficial, not only as a
executive government j
aintain oppofite viewsj
f the conftitution; or
mperate animoHty and
)reign negociation and
le lad mentioned cafe
: which well deferves a
full

full inveftigation), fuch divifions more or lefs
impede every exertion of the country, and more
or lefs accelerate every public difficulty and
diftrefs, in proportion as the parties are com-
pofcd of men of rank, abilities, and perfonal
importance. And though fuch men, by the
advantages they enjoy in their country, arc ob-
vioufly moft interefted to promote its well-being,
we find it one of the problems of hiftory, that in
every age »nd in every nation, the moft en-
lightened and honourable minds have been found
capable of counteraaing, in times of public
danger, the known and evident interefts both
of their fellow-citizens and of themfclvcs. An
emulation for well-earned honours, a rivalftup
for public gratitude, the preeminence of intel-
ledlual faculties, the preference in wielding the
national forces, are all objefts which furnlfti juft
motives to the exertions of aftive and generous
minds. But in countries where the fituations
of power are open to the competition of all
candidates, it generally happens that the con*,
tention is not who ftiall ferve beft, but whofe
fcrvices fhall be ufed exdufively of another :
£ and,

I 26]

and, with rcfpe£t to this country, your Lord-
fhip will recollect, that confidersble parties have
hung like mill-ftones round her neck in all her
ftruggles with foreign powers, from the Revo-
lution to the prefent hour. To allay the heat
which nnutual ftrivings have ftirred up, is ever
the firft objeft in the commencement of our
wars. " Peace at home, and War abroad,"
has, on fuch occafions, been the text, from Mr.
Davcnant down to the political Eflayifts of our
own times : recommendations of unanimity of
courfe accompany the royal communications of
the infult received : a coalition of parties, is im-
mediately the topic of each moderate and well-
meaning orator who moves the addrefs of
thanks : the lullaby of faflion is forthwith fung
by the Poet Laureate j and the triumphs of unit-
ed Britons are anticipated by others,

" Whom the fillers nine inrpire

«« With Pindar's rage, without his fiie."

It is generally found, however, in the refult,
that the clamours of faflion grow louder amidft
the din of war.

That

is country, your Lord-
onfidersble parties have
und her neck in all hci
owers, from the Revo-
)ur. To allay the heat
liavc ftirred up, is ever
commencement of our
le, and War abroad,"
wen the text, from Mr.
political Eflayifts of our
lations of unanimity of
syal communications of
>alition of parties, is im-
;ach moderate and well-
moves the addrefs of
faction is forthwith fung
ind the triumphs of unit-
;d by others,

nine infpire

;e, without hi* fire.**.

, however, in the refult,
,Aion grow louder amidft

That

[ 27 ]

That a ftatc may be fo circumftanced as to
render it neither a wicked nor an unwife meafure

in Minifters

" to bufy giddy minds
" With foreign quarrel,"

I will not haftily deny ; but it is beyond difpute,
that fuch a refinement of policy would, in moft
inftances, be equally profligate and abfurd : and
with refpeft to this country it is proved, both
by reafon and by uniform experience, that
foreign wars never produce union among parties
within the kingdom. It will indeed fometimes
happen, that the favourable or finifter events of
wars may reduce one of two exifting parties to
an acquiefcence in the good will and pleafure of
the other ; but this is a very different confider-
ation, and what no more refembles union, than
conqueft refembles peace. If, for example, the
governing party could enfurc <« feries of brilliant
and uninterrupted fuccefles, their antagonifts for
power might poffibly be beaten down in the
triumph. A train of difgraces and calamities
may, in like manner, produce the fecefllon or
^nihilation of the governing paityj but the
E 2 events

::m

C a8 ]

events of a commencing war within an extended
empire muft be checquercd anil fludluating j
thofe events which difpirit one party, aniinate
the other ; and whenever affairs arc unfavour-
able, or even in fufpence, fadlions are mod
powerful. War, theiefore, does not naturally
produce union ; in general it produces onJy the
expe<ftation of defeating rivals ; and as fooii as
thofe expectations fail, the animofities are higher
than ever. It is time only, and the fchool of
advcrfity, that can bring the parties of this
country to hear of thofe concelfions, which
mufl be made, where new conduct is to be
reconciled to old fyftems ; where forae pre-
tenfions are to be waved on both fides } and
where many long fubfiftmg difficulties are to be
fully reconciled. It is time only, and the fchool
ofadverfity, that can bring them to hearken to
the voice of reafon and moderation i and, after
having marred and weakened the common in-
terefts, to feek tl t repofe and reconciliation
which it would have been happy for the public
if they had eftablilhcd peaceably from the begin-
ning.

war within an extended
ercd anil flu£luating j
rit one party, aniinate
r affairs arc unfavour-
ce, fadions are mod
re, does not naturally
al it produces only the
rivals ; and as foon as
e animofities are higher
niy, and the fchool of
g the parties of this
ife concelFions, which
lew conduct is to be
IS ; where fotne pre-
d on both fides; and
ig difficulties are to be
le only, and the fchool
ng them to hearken to
noderation j and, after
inad the common in-
Dfe and reconciliation
n happy for the public
ceably from the begin-
ning.

[ 29 ]

ning. In the interval they will continue deaf to
accommodation, deaf to the cries of their fellow-
citizens, and will drown, in a perpetual clamour,
the ftruggling groans of their country. I'hat
time will be fpent in vain and endlcls debates,
which fbould be employed in a^ion aiul in exe-
cution. Old reproaches will be renewed ; new
ones will be difcovered or invented j every mea-
fure taken will be feverely, examined ; every
meafure propofed will be thwarted ; every mca-
fure conje(aured will be difcufTed and canvafTcd j
fuppofed weaknefTes will be amplified ; the public
refources will be depreciated j and the fenfe and
fpirit of the people will be perplexed and de-
prefTed by thofe who have the ability to make the
worfe appear the better reafon. In a word, the
national interefts being fometimes facrificcd, and
always fabordinate, to the purpofes of party,
there will be more folicitude to gain an advantage
at home, than to reduce a foreign and danger-
ous enemy. Such an interval is indeed cruel to
that rcfpe£lable part of our countrymen, who
love order and deleft faction ; who, attached to
no party, and hitherto happy in the independ-
ence

C 30 ]

cnce of their own fituations, arc juftly anxious
for the well-being of that empire in which their
neareft and dearcft interefts are lodged. There
are many thoufands of this defcription, who fit
at this moment in their homes, deploring the
miferies into which the prevalence of party rc-
fentment has precipitated thefe kingdoms } and
longing to fee the nation returned (according to
the venerable and afTedting expreflion of Lord
Clarendon) to its primitive temper and Integrity }
to its old good manners, its old good humour,
and its old good nature. It is indeed the nation,
and not merely a party of public men, to whom
fuch a return is become necclTary. Nothing is
more true, than that in popular affemblies, a<5)ing
in times of general danger, the joint couticils of
a few are often able to obftru£t or fruftrate the
good intentions of all the reft : but when thofe
councils are compofed of a third or fourth part of
the moft confiderable men in the kingdom, whofe
weight, abilities, and adivity, enable them to
give the tone to a full proportion of their fellow -
fubjec\s, the evil does not confine itfelf to muti-
lating all the exertions of the ftatej it goes

much

]

ons, arc juftly anxious
empire in which their
\s are lodged. There
lis defcription, who fit
homes, deploring the
rcvalence of party rc-
thefe kingdoms ; and
eturned (according to
ing cxpreflion of Lord
e temper and integrity }
its old good humour.
It is indeed the nation,
public men, to whom
lecclTary. Nothing is
pular afTembiies, a<5)ing
r, the joint councils of
iftruft or fruftrate the
! reft ; but when thofe
I third or fourth part of
1 in the kingdom, whofe
ivity, enable them to
)ortion of their fellow-
confine itfelf to muti-
of the ftatej it goes
much

[ 31 ]

much fartljcr ; it may be faid of fuch parties as
I iiavc dcfciibcd, i^uoJ plus (xcmplo ^luvn pcaata
notent. They have a tendency to iiifc£l the
whole body of the people, and to loofen all the
bands of good government. Arguments and
examples are furnilhed by them to the capricious,
the felfifh, atui the luke-warm, for not taking
their (hare in the difficulties and ftniggles of
their country. The modeft pcrfeycrancc, obe-
dient patience, and habitual difcipline of the fe-
veral profeffions, which afford to the ftate its
moft efficient principles of energy, all gradually
wear off: a regular fubordination no longer pre-
vails through the different ranks of life : every
man of every degree, from the higheft to the
loweft, becomes a political reafoner : loofe en-
quiry into mif-reportcd fadls, hafty cenfure, and
unbridled licenfe of language take place, with a
contempt and difparagement of all fuperiors, and
a prefumption in every man that he is fit for
every thing. The good old Ifland then ceafes
to be confidered with due affe£lion and venera-
tion i and the veil is torn from thofe facred and
ufeful prejudices which were wont to fill the

3 hearts

fi.)

i4\

[ 32 ]

hcarti of Fnglinimcn with a generous warmth
and etithufialm.

Tl»ere is a pofition, I believe In Machiavtl,
that a country Ihould fomctimes be wiihcut or-
der, and over-run with all forts of calamities,
that men of great genius may diAinguiih ihcm-
fclves by rcftoring it. Now, wc certainly fee a
country fufficicntly difordcrcd and embarrafled
to fatiiify any fpecuiator in the utmoft wanton-
nefs of his imagination : I am pcrfuadcd too,
that we poflcfs many individuals of political
talents and genius equal to any that the world
ever law :— but by what means they will attempt
to change the narrow fpirit of faaion into the
diffufive fpirit of co-operation ; by what poli-
tical alchemy they will purge off the drols of all
parties, and reduce them ^11 to the fame metal
and Aandardj fuch genius as theirs only can
conceive, fuch talents as theirs only can defcribe.
I have endeavoured to rtiew the malignity of the
difeafc, and confefs that it is not within the
reach of my capacity to point out a method of
cure. But I fee alfo, or think that I fee, in the

crifts

th a generous warmth

believe In Machiavtl,
ictimes be wiihcut or-
ail forts of calamities,
may dininguiih them-
•w, we certainly fee a
lered and embarraiTed
in the utmofl wantun-

I am pcrfuadcd too,
idividuals of political
:o any that the world
(leans they v/ill attempt
rit of fadion into the
ration ; by what poli-
rge off the dro(s of all
fill to the fame metal
UB as theirs only can
heirs only can defcribe.
w the malignity of the

it is not within the

point out a method of

think that I fee, in the

crifis

l33l

crifis of that malignancy, fomc fymptoms wl»icli
forbid defpondency.

In the firft place, and notwithnanding all our
animofities, it does not appear that there is, at
this moment, any divifion within tlie bulk of
the people refpei5ling ar^y aflignable point yff po-
litical controverfy : whether there has been any
fuch diviiion in the origin and late progrcfs of
our calamities, would be an ovcr-curbus en-
quiry, equally invidious and ufelcfs, as well as
foreign to the temper and tendency of every
word that I am now writing. Thofc calamities
are at their height ; they furround us, and can-
not be fhunned by any retrofpefi. The heavy
wars in which we are engaged, are no longer
confiderations of choice, of honour, or of ex-
pediency : they are wars of lad neceflity, in
a£lual exiftence and progrefllon. No thinking;
man doubts that they are fuch wars as will fur-
nifh zmjAa fcope for the co-operation of the
fteadieft and beft councils, and of the braved
and moft unremitted exertions, that the col-
leAed wifdom and ignited valour of the nation
F cafi

ill

■' V

!«,!':

.1.V"''

',,',

* I.!

,?.'J

j|'i

1:3+3

can fupply. I may be told, indeed, and it
may be true, that there are controverfies within
the bulk of the people, as to the merits and de-
merits of certain claffes of public men, or of
certain individuals ;— but fuch controverfies are
limited and (hort-lived, and will change their
objeawith the events of the day. When the
bulk of the people have no grievance, either
real or fuppofed, refpcfting the great outlines
and efTentials of government, it is their difpb-
fition, as it is their intereft, to give a cordial
fupport and grateful afFedlion to every pnblic
man who, in the hour of public danger, exerts
himfelf with zeal and ability; even if that
zeal and that ability fliould be repeatedly
crofTed by untoward circumftances, iiiftead of
leading to early and uninterrupted fuccefles.
The bulk of the people neither regard, nor
(hould they wi(h to regard, the wretched
jumble of perfonal animofity and party craft
which prevails among the different candidates-
for their confidence.

When

told, indeed, and it
ire controvcrfies within
s to the merits and de-
of public men, or of
fuch controverfies are
and will change their
" the day. When the
; no grievance, either
ling the great outlines
nent, it is their difpb-
:reft, to give a cordial
:6lion to every public
f public danger, exerts
ability; even if that
fliould be repeatedly
:umftances, iiiftead of
ninterrupted fuccefles.
B neither regard, nor
regard, the wretched
nofity and party craft
le different candidates

When

t 15 ]

When fuch are the tone and temper of a coun-
try, and when the nature, extent, and fatal ten •
dency of our internal difcords are within the ob-
fervation of all men, and lie heavily on the hearts
of all good men, we may perfuade without flat-
tering ourfelves, that thofe difcords will foon ex-
pire J not perhaps by any union between the ^
leading competitors ; fuch an hope mud not be
entertained, though the moment is come when
every man (hould cheerfully devote his talents and
his life, in whatfoever line, either civil or mili-
tary, the voice of his King and Country may
deem him fit to aft. — But fuch an hope is, I
fear, chimerical. — The effeft is more likely to be
produced by a ceafing of the competition, which^, .
would equally be the confequence of the party in
poflelTion finding that they can no longer, con-
fiftently with their own honour, or the intereft
of the State, conduct the public bufmefs under
the obftruftions to which they are expofed } or
of the party inexpeflation, fufpending all farther
efforts, either from an acquiefcence in the even-
tual fucceffes of their antagonifts, or from a de-r
f^rence to the anxieties of the people.

^^^

V In the next place, and whatever may be th?
probable fate of our difcords, whether union,
extind:ion, or even perfeverance, it is a comfort-
ing fymptom, that there is ftill within the na-
tion, and within the parties which we lament,
an extraordinary fund of fine talents and gene-
fous feelings.

Of the firft we have ample proof in the ex-
treme of our mifchief, in that whole fyftem of
parliamentary attack and defence which has fo
long been carried on before our eyes. They are
not the mufhrooin politicians of every age, who
could have raifed and fupported the Aorm which
we fee } they are not fuch (latefmen as may be
drawn from behind every defk, who could have
held the helm of government through . fo long
and fo ferere a temped.

Of the fecond, we have a touching and glori-
ous inftance in the alacrity with which our lead-
ing men of all defcriptions, difpofitions, and
parties, have concurred, in calling forth the na-
tional force, in giving up the fweets of domeflic
eafe, and in facriiicing to the protection of their
country, all the fecond ary confiderations of (elf-

intercft.

n -

d whatever may be th^
fcords, whether union,
:verance, it is a comfort-
is ftill within the na-
rties which we lament,
f fine talents and gene-
ample proof in the ex-
in that whole fyftem of
.d defence which has fo
are our eyes. They arc
cians of every age, whQ
pported the Aorm which
ch (latefmen as may be
ry defk, who could have
nment through. fo long

ive a touching and glori-
ity with which our lead-
tions, difpofitions, and
, in calling forth the na-
p the fweets of domeflic
o the protection of their
iry confiderations of (elf-
in tered.

f 37 3

i^tereft, perfonal conftitution, and pad habits of
life. We fee that, by the adlivity and perfe*
verance of their fpirit, tltcy have formed an in-
ternal force for Great Britain, which in every
rcfpeil of appearance, difcipline, fpirit and ef-
fedlive ftrength, may challenge the completed
military eftablifliment, of equ^l numbers, that
the world can produce. Such men will not reft
fatisfied with having preven.^d the invafion of
external enemies; they muft know, and will
feel, that this country never can have a firm ex-
iftence in time of war, but by the co-operation of
all the force and abilities belonging to it, not
faintly, but cordially ; and as well in councils as
in camps. — They will not then permit any men^
or any fct of men, of any party, who may be as
blind as Samfon, to adl like him in their rage,
and to pull down this noble edifice of our ancef-
tors, though they (hould overwhelm themfetves
in its Tuins. It is ftill lefs in the nature of things
fat that edifice, with fuch fupports around it, m
moulder away, and fii^k piece-meal into ruins ;
^Uid Ji errOf lihenier /rrc;— It muft and will be

reftored

[38]

reftored to all its extent for at leaft to all its fo-
Edity), and (land, the admiration and refpedl of
nations, till time (hall be no more.

Under thefe prefumptions, which, however,
mud be aided by a due confidence in that Provi-
dence hitherto found to watch over Great Britain
in the hour of danger, we may hope once more
to fee order, uniformity, dignity and effcA rc-
ftored to all our councils and proceedings. Tho
conlequences of fuch a change upon the fpirit
and difpofttion of every rank of men within the
kingdom, and its tendency to give equal glory
and happinefs to the beft of fovereignsj, are too
obvious for farther detail.

1 (hall now, therefore, quit a fubje.£):, on
which if I have dwelt too long, either the abun-
dance of matter has deceived me, or I have
wanted (kill and time to abridge it.

It will be the objeft of my next Letter to fub->
mit to your Lord(hip a few remarks on the nature
of the war in which we are engaged, in the re-
fult of which I (hall naturally be led to an exami-

natioti

for at leaft to all its To-
dmiration and refpedt of
e no more.

tions, which, however,
:onfidencc m that Provi-
watch over Great Britain
we may hope once more
, dignity and cfFeA rc-
and proceedings. Tho
change upon the fpirit
rank, of men within the
ncy to give equal glory
ft of fovereignsj, are too
1.

e, quit a fubje.£):, on
o long, either the abun-
eceived me, or I have
abridge it.

: my next Letter to fub-
w remarks on the nature
are engaged, in the re-
rally be led to an exami-
natiot)

[29 1

ration of our refources.— In treating matters of
fo much multiplicity, and of fome nicety, fa^
grante belkt ideas crowd towards the pen, and
the chief difficulty lies in fele£ling them.

I am, &c.

ttfiiffa gauJiHi vaiit Di/tarJta palla .'
^Mom ium/attguiHtt/tquitur BiUtnaJlagtlh.

ViRC. i£n. Ub. viii.

I:;:;

'l-r-r - -■■< !■

I4>]

bi/tarJia palla :
uitur Billonafagtlh,

Vine. i£n. lib. viii.

Greenwich, Oflober t4th, 1779,

If I have been fortunate enough to be ho-
noured with your Lordfliip's attention to the
preceding Letter, you will have obferved, that,
though I endeavour to defcribe fully and m!>
nutely the nature and confequence of party-fpi-
rit, I carefully avoid confidering, whether any,
or what particular proportion, of our misfor-
tunes, may have arifen from that fpirit. — I wifl(
indeed to hang a veil over fo fruitlefs, and fo
Irkfome a controverfy : —

0^0 fonte derivata ciadei
In patriam populumque ^uxit,

may be an amufing difquiittion for hiftorians of
the next century } — but, unlefs I could live to
the next century* I defire to leave this thefis un«
touched.

,ii

.My

.tmimfu^imimmi-

I 40

My prcfent wifli (I repeat it) U to fee things
as they are :— It is not

«• To mourn a mifchief that ii paft and gone,"
nor to make any retrofpefts, unlefs they can
contribute to the two great obj efts, of union
among ourfclves, and offcnfive war with our

enemies.

The fame fentiments prevail flill ftrongcr
againft recurring to that more remote period of
the dofe of the laft war againft the united Houfes
of Bourbon, in order to enquire, whether on the
one hand Great Britain, viftorious in every
quarter of the globe i animated by her fucceflcs,
and eager to profecute them -, high in her credit,
and flouriftiing in her commerce ; regardlcfs of
her burdens, and poflcffing a naval and military
force unexampled in tht hiftory of any finjglc em-
pire i ought not to have enforced the war through
two or three more campaigns, in order to aufh
beyond recovery the moft dangerous rombina-
tion that ever was formed againft the interefts of
Europe :— or on the contrary, whether the ap-
pearances of our greatocfs at that time, were not

rather

leat it) U to fee things

lat it paft and gone,"

pefts, unlefs they can
jreat objefts, of union
offcnfive war with our

I prevail flill ftronger
: more remote period of
gainft the united Houfes
enquire, whether on the
n, viftorious in every
imated by her fuccefles,
lem } high in her credit,
ommerce; regardlefs of
ing a naval and military
hiftory of any firijglc em-
;nforced the war through
laigns, in order to cru(h
loft dangerous rombina-
d againft the interefts of
}ntrary, whether the ap-
fs at that time, were not
rather

t « 1

rather brilliant than folid ; and whether, con-
fidering the uncertainties and reverfes to which
all wars are liable, the acquifitions ceded to ui,
as the price of peace, were not fuch as tlie ho- .
nour and interells of the kingdom called upon us
to accept.

Cui bono ? is the beft anfwer to fuch queftions -
whenever they are ftated for difcuffion ;— They •
have no bencHcial tendency ; they are not the
purfuits of any ufeful underftanding. If any man
will fay that, neverthelefs, he now cordially re,
grets our not haying perfpvered in the laft war, I
can fay fo too, becaufe I feel as he does ; but
the difquifition wil' ftill be fruitlcfs ; nor will it
apply fairly to the queftion, whether, under all
circumftances known at the time, thofe minifters
aSed unwifely who advifed the peace of Paris,

There are other repinings of a fimilar com-
plexion ;— fuch as, that by the mode of finilhing
the laft war, we ^ed a principal ally to confider us
as unfriendly and even fai^hlefs i that we have
ever fince remained deftitute of alliances, though
the urg:nt need of them was eafy to be forefeen ;
fb^t the fricridlhips of foreign powers are coHrted

V -.

- U

[44l

!n vtin by thofe who offer no reciprocal equivi-
Icnt, and will not hazard any branch of com-
merce, any fubfidiary expence, or the contin-
gency of incurring war ) that from the^ace of
Paris, to the day of M. de Noa}lles' departure,
our fyftcm of continental politics has been
cramped by the narrow infulated operations of
trading prejudices, and exchequer oeconomy ; tliat
we now ftand fricndlefa in the world, and that
the occafions of being otherwife are loA, perhaps
for ever.

Again :— That the malevolent intentions of
France and Spain, during three years previous
to the commencement of this war, were written
in legible charaflers upon ever/ line of all foreign
intelligence, and upon every foreign tranfaftion
official and extra-official ; that it vvas the extreme
of weaknefs, therefore, in our Miniflers to flatter
themfelves that the reduftion of the colonies (ad-
mittmg their expettation of that event to have
been reafonable) would defeat all other defigns
meditated againft us, and re-eftabli(h the genera!
tranquillity :— That in their unwillingnefs to in-
troduce the c^amities and hatards of war into

Europe,

- 1

r no reciprocal cquivi*
i any branch of com*
(pence, or the contin*

that from th«if>eace of
deNoailles' departure,
ntal politics has been

infulated operations of
chequer oeconomyi tliat
in the world, and that
herwife are loA» perhaps

nalevolent intentions of
ig three years previous
)f this war, were written
n ever/ line of all foreign
;very foreign tranfaAion
! ; that it ivas the extreme
in our Minifters to flatter
aion of the colonies (ad-
>n of that event to have
1 defeat all other defigns
id re-eftabli(h the general
their unwillingnefs to in-
and hazards of war into
Europe,

[ 45 ]

Europe, they ought not to have lulled x\rem»
Ptlves and their country into the llecp of death i
but (houW have difabled the Family Comp»£»» "* ,
by a fudden and general attack on the Bourbon
fleets aiul pofleflions.

Again :— That when France had aflually
commencul the war, by a perfidious, indeed,
but great attempt to furprife our fleets and armies
in North America, the interval of a year, wWch
we afterwards allowed to Spain, was fo much
time given to lier to place her own trade and pof-
feffions in fecurity, and to augment and colleA
her ftrength, in order to ftrike us to the heart ;
and that we ought not to have been deceived by
her overtures of mediation, but (hould have re-
quired lier either to difann, or to declare wbilft
(he was lefs prepared for war ', &c.

In all this difplay of after-wifdom, we are
obliged to take very difputable points for granted,
in order to form every propofition ; after which,
we arrive at nothing better than an unproduAiv^
lamentation upon the prefent ftate of our affairs,
—If, however, any of the above, or if any other
great national meafures, either precautionary or

preventive,

•p.

ii*"-^

[46]

prorentive, were clearly wife and praaicable, and
if in any inftance fuch meafurei have been cul-
pably negleiHed (fuppofuions which I am no^pre-
pared either to admit or to refute), they are un-
doubtedly proper fubjeas to exercife the juftice
of the nation in a parliamentary enquiry.— Such
an enquiry would probably commence with the
old altercations, whether the accufcra or the ac-
cufed have done moft public mifchief, and what
fct of men are fittcft to manage the future con-
cerns of the nation} and this tirefome game of
crofc-purpofes would, after a great wafte of paper
and of language, end in a deftruaion of much
time and attention, that might be otherwife be*
flowed on the prelfing concerns of the nation.

Without examining then, what may have been
the pad courfc of human conting«iciesi and
without bufying myfelf as to what may be the fu-
ture fate of particular perfons, of families, of dif-
ferent connections, or of parties; I look only ro
the importance, neceflity, and conduA of «*>•
war now exifting ; to the advantages and diJiad-
vantages of the nation in the prefent hour of
trial J to our pradlicabia rcfources and probable

exigencies :—

]

re and praAicable, and
afures have been cul-
ls which I am no^pre-
rcfute), they are un-
to exercire the juftice
mtary enquiry.— Such
y commence with the
the accufcrs or the ac-
lic mifchief, and what
anage the future con-
1 this tirefome game of
r a great wafte of paper
a deftrufiion of much
night be otherwife be*
icerns of the nation,
n, what may have been
in contingencies^ and
to what may be the fu-
jns, of families, of dif-
parties; I look only to
, and conduA of tb«
: advantages and diiiad-
n the prefent hour of
refources and probable
exigencies :—

[47]

exigenciei :— and in thefe confidcratiuns I fharc
with your Lordftiip an extreme anxiety, that the
pre«eminence of Great Britain among nations
may be delivered down unimpaired to our chil-
drcn's children, and to their poftcrity for ever.

I am, in the private convidion of my own
mind, fully fatisfied, that if France had not
thrown away the fcabbard in the beginning of the
lad year, your Lord(hip would have had the ho«
nour of announcing to this country the recovery
of her colonies, and of every permanent and
folid advantage that can be drawn from them. I
alfo believe, that if Spain hud not declared very
early in the prefent fummer, the colonies would
ftill have been recovered in the courfe of this cam-
paign, and France 'educed to a fituation of dif-
grace and diftrefs below any period of the lift
war. But though thefe opinions connedl them-
felves with the operations of the prefent moment,
and open a field of future fpeculation neither un-
pleafant nor unprofitable, I fhould not be anxious
in the prefent ftate of the war to fupport them by
arguments, if they were thought worth difputing.
If any man chufes to believe that France, at the

clofe

%mmmiimi^^iismsmmuiii»mmmmmiimMi>>^-'

hi,

[48]

clofe of the la(\ campaign, did not find, and by
her conduft admit, her own incompetjpce to
maintain the conteft in which Ihe had sngaged,
without other allies than the Rebel Congrefs, he
is welcome to his own creed :— He will at Icaft
allow, that Spain, whether induced by French
intreaties or not, has now thrown her weight into
the fcale of the war ; and we will leave it to tim«
to decide by what negociations, or other motives,
this event has been brought about.

The morality of States certainly takes, and
perhaps is intitled to, a much greater latitude
than is allowed to the morality of individuals ;
but it would be too uncandid a treatment even of
Trance and Spain, to fuppofe that tlie conduct
tjhich they have purfued was the refult of fyftein
and pre-de»ermination. We may even.put cue
of the queftion their own folemn and repeated
affertions to us; for every afcertained circum-
ftaftce of tlieir management with the Rebel
Ag«nts previous to 177S, (hews beyond a doubt,
that they neither forefaw, nor meant, the confe-
quences which have enfued.— Very deep reaches
of policy exift in the page of hiftory, much oftencr

than

, did not iind, and by
own incompe<spce to
liich (he bad sngaged*
;lic Rebel Congrefs, he
reed :— He will at Icaft
her induced by French
thrown her weight into
we will leave it to tim<
tions, or other motives,
;ht about.
cs certainly takes, and

much greater latitude
lorality of individuals ;
idid a treatment even of
jppofe that tlie conduct
was the refult of fyftem

We may cven.put out
m folemn and repeated
ery afcertained circum-
:ment with the Rebel
, (hews beyond a doubt,
', nor meant, the confe-
led.— Very deep reaches
of hiftoryt much oftener
than

t 49 1

than in real councils: nations, like the indivi-
duals of which they are compofed, a6l generally
either from puHion, or from contingent circum-
ftances ; feldom from long forefight and prefcribed
fyftem.

It was indeed confident with all the workings
Cf human nature, that the reputation and me-
mory of our former viflories over France and
Spain, inftead of quieting for ever the reAlefs
fpirit of the Family Compa£l, Ihould make
thofe powers more alert than ever to in}ure us,
and ait the fame time more cautious. — They ac-
cordingly had, or conceived that they had, an
intercft in making the rebellion of our Colonies
tedious and expenlive to us. Every interference
for this purpofe was forwarded^ and in fome me^-
fure protefled, by the increafe of their ruval
eftabli(hments ; nor were they without fome little
degree of that fufpicion, of which they pretended
fo much, that it might be the policy of Great
Britain, on any fudden recovery of the Colonies,
to turn her force againft nations which were
giving her fo much, provocation. — Whatever
mijght be the reafonings, the preparations on all
H . ndes

'tjimtiiUeiiil Hmmv r'd.v^

Lul

\^'-lm

150}

fides were gradually increafed, and the c^l V'«ow
campaign of 1777 at length gave ideas to France,
which (he never before had ventured to entertain.
—The circumftances which followed, are too
recent in our memories to be repeated.

I give no harlh names to the conduft of either
of our enemies i— the caufe of our prefent war
with them will foon be as much out of the
queftion as the original principle of the Ameri-
can revoh :— in the mean time, it would be mere
unmanly railing to apply, to what paffes between
nations, any of thofe attf '« which would be-
long to fimilar tranfaaion %vate life. The
conduft of Spain was ceri.a.;i, lefs exceptionable
than that of her ally, beciufe her profeffions of
peace and amity towards us were lefs fervent and
lefs frequent.— It is, however, no railinjg to add,
that the minifters of both thefe powers exhibited
a very undignified piece of mummery, in ad-
dreffing from their refpcftive courts, to all Eu-
rope, folemn and feparate appeals on the juftice
of their caufe, and the pretended provocation re-
ceived from Great Britain.

?ut

ifed, and the c^il^iioire
th gave ideas to France,
td ventured to entertain,
hich followed, are too
o be repeated.
to the conduft of either
lufe of our prefent war
le as much out of the
principle of the Ameri-
n time, it would be mere
, to what pafles between
tiV: '•'"'> which would be-
)r> %vate life. The

jri.a.;i, lefs exceptionable
beciufe her profeffions of
s us were lefs fervent and
>wevep, no railing to add,
th thefe powers exhibited
;e of mummery, in ad-
cftive courts, to all Eu-
ate appeals on the juftice
pretended provocation rc-
ain.

[ 50

But thefe matters ought not to excite tlie paf-
fionate feelingi of any man who poflcfles a mo-
derate knowledge of the hiftory and nature of his
fpecies :— fuch a man will know that fimilar events
have luppeiied in every period of the world. He
will indeed fee with concern any wanton or wicked
infringement of thofe principles which Ihould be
kept facred between nations tor their mutual uti-
lity. He will perhaps aflc himfclf tiie ordinary
quevtions, " What muft become of the world if
" fuch practices become general ? How can fo-
" ciaties fubfirt under fucli difordcrs ? If tlisfe
" wild appetites for power are to have no re-
" ftraints, will not a perpetual war of all againll
« all be the confequence ?" He wijl wilh pollibiy
that ptinqes wantonly difturbing the peace of
mankind may meet with exemplary lofs and dif-
grace. He will be glad to fee them branded in
hiftory as violators of the rights of nations. But
his earneft and urgent contemplation, if he loves
his country, will be, in what manner the ftorm
gathering round him may beft be refifted.

The plain refult of our fituation (for we muft

not cover any part of it from our own eyes) is

Ha this ;-T

* [ 5« 1

this :— We are engaged in a war againi^ the
united force of France and Spain, under many
new and confiderable difadvantages.
. I. North Am-irica, once the ftrength of our
loins, is now become our weaknefs j and not ne-
gatively fo ; (he is aftually and extenfively em-
ployid in the ha ids of our enemies to weigh us
down. I avoid going into detail on this point}
it would lead me too far.

3 The bitternefs of the above-mentioned cir-
cumftance was the lefs wanting to complete the
cup of our misfortunes, when it is confidered,
that we begin this war, alreaHy fteeped in taxes
to the very lips, and with a national debt of not
lefs than 140 millions fterling, which abforbs
almoft five millions fter'ing of our revenue for
mere intereft.

3. It hasi already been ftated^ that we are defti-
tute of allic&i.

4. It muft alfo beconfefled, that the united
fleets of our enemies exceed in number, and in
the aggregate of their apparent ftrength, any
paval force that we are yet able to produce.

in a war again^ the
ind Spain, under many
idvantages.

ICC the ftrength of our
■ weaknefs j and not ne-
lUy and extenfively em-
)ur enemies to weigh us
to detail on this point}

le above-mentioned cir-
vanting to complete the
, when it is confidered,
alrea'ly fteeped in taxes
h a national debt of not
fterling, which abforbs
ling of our revenue for

* ■

(lated^ that we are defti-

nfefled, that the united
:eed in number, and in
apparent ftrength, any
ret able to produce.

i53]

We are to examine, on the other hand, the
favourable particulars, fuch as they are, an4
however indireft or indecifive.— For having con-
templated the (hape and fizc of our burden, it
will be fair to confider the fmews and ftrength
which are to fupport it.

I. The natural circumflances of our fituation
firft prefent themfelves : they are familiar to us,
becaufe every geographical grammar dcfcribes
them, but they are not the lefs important ; and
they are what the combined powers cannot de-
prive us of, unlefs they can poflTers themfelves of
our ifland, or (which I truft is equally probablej
fink it in the ocean. The particular pofition of
Great Britain upon the globe (in which too her
derivative ftrength from her fifter ifland and k <;-
dom well defervcs obfervation, her extent, cli-
mate, (bores, produftions, and, above all, her
ports and harbours, ^ive her many advantages,
as well in commerce as in war, which no other
nation enjoys or can enjoy.

2. The eftablilhed honour and credit of her
people ii> all pecuniary tranfaftioiis with foreign-
ers.

-r

[54]

ers, tlHJ enterprifing and induftrious difpofirion
of her manufaaurers, and the commercial fkiH
and fpirit of her merchants, enfure to her through
a thoufand channels, both oftenfiblc and unfeen,
a large and conftant influx of money, which is
the fupport and ..fe of effeftive war.

3. The bravery and excellence of her mari-
ners (of which 93,000 are at this day adually in
the king's fervice) may, without any colouring
of naiic al preju Jice, be called peculiar and un-
rivalled :— the rifing flrength of her military efta-
blifhments is next to be obferved j and the late
exertions towards completing and forming that
ftrength, miift, at leaft, be admitted to have
had the merit of fuccefs.— But above all, we may
contemplate the magnitude of our fleets, and the
general complete condition of the (hips which
compofe them. From fleets fo conftruaed, fo
manned, and fo officered, as thefc are known to
be, we have caufe for good expeSation as to the
iflue of this ftruggle, and might perhaps venture
to call anchor at this point of our hope.

1 induftrious difpofidon
nd the commercial (kill
ts, enfure to her through
ih oftenfible and unfeen,
lux of money, which is
Fcftive war.

excellence of her mari-
re at this day adually in
, without any colouring
5 called peculiar and un-
ngth of her military efta-
(e obferved ; and the late
ileting and forming that
}y be admitted to have
— But above all, we may
ude of our fleets, and the
ition of the (hips which
fleets fo conftru£ted, fo
;d, as thefc are known to
;ood expeftation as to the
id might perhaps venture
)int of our hope.

In fpeaking of- fleets and armies, I enter into
r.ofpecificarion of numbers, which are increafing
whilft my words are penning. The particulars
of our force are generally and fufficiently known,
both to U9 and to our enemies, for any purpofes
*:ithcr of confidence on the one hand, or of fe-
rious reaction on the other.
, But in aating the effeaive ftrength of Great
Britain, we fliould not overlook our pi" vateers,
which, whenever the nature of the king's fervicc
ceafss to reftrain them, are in themfdves a power-
ful and aftive aid in war, and the means of bring-
ing n '"h wealth into our ports.

4. /*.. > though it is true, that we begin this
war under new and confiderable dl fad vantages,
it would be eafy, if national fuuations in diflferent
periods were capable o. any very fatisfaftory
comparifon, to (hew, that our fituation in former
wars has been fubjea to cmbarrafTments, dif-
ferent indeed from what we now experience, but
not lefs preinng at the time. This, however,
would be poor confolation at bed j and I might
as reafonably remind your LordOiip of the wars
maintained with fuccefs by a few Dutch filhing

towns

i.¥

Idg '

[56 ]

<owns agalnft the whole Spanifli monarchy in
the zenith of ail its Arength ; and tliis at one
lime in circumftances fo low, that tlieir ftate was
reprefcnted in their own medal by a thip without
fails or rudder, with this infcription : *' Imertum
•* quo fata ferant"

Confolations of that flamp are fit only for
minds which are verging towards dcfpondency.
The refources and virtues of this country are to
be called forth by arguments of a very different
fpirit ; by a manly and juft appreciation of the
nature of this unprovoked war, its neceffity, and
its importance.

And it will be found, that the eagernefs and
animofities, which, in fome wars, feem to arraign
our fpecies, and to give an unfavourable picture
of mankind, are, in this war, confident with the
beft qualities of our nature, and furnifh a fccne
for every great and generous exertion.

The only queftion between us and our enemies
is, whether we are to fubfift as a nation, pofleff-
ing its own liberties, purfuing its own commerce*
vtd obferving the rules of juftice to all the world ?
or whether we (hall be deprived of our depend-
^"^- ■ ' encies.

]

Spanifli monarchy in
tgth; and this at one
>w, that tlieir ftate was
icdal by a thip without
nfcription : *' Intertum

lamp are fit only for
towards dcfpondency.
of this country are to
;nts of a very different
jft appreciation of the
I war, its neceffity, and

that the eagcrnefs and
je wars, feem to arraign
in unfavourable picture
var, confident with the
re, and furnifti a fccne
HIS exertion.

een us and our enemies'
Sft as* a nation, pofleflT-
ling its own commerce^
juftice to all the world ?
:prived of our depend-
encies.

[ 57]
cncies, be ftiipt of our maritime power, become
total and immediate bankrupts to all the world,
and hold a crippled trade and commerce here-
after at the good will and compaflion of the
Houfe of Bourbon ? The ftakes, involuntarily
indeed depofitcci on our part, are our Colonics,
our Illands, all our commercial eftablilhmcnts
and diftant poflelTions, our navy, our foreign
garrifons, the free entrance and ufe of the dif-
ferent feas, and all the various parts of that com-
plicated machine of trade, credit and taxation^
which forms our pofition among the dates of the
world.

The declenfion of a ftate which has been great
and flourilhing in its agriculture, manufactures,
and commerce, is much more terrible in all its
circumftances, than the extreme habitual poverty
of another nation that has never experienced
better days.

If the fuperftru<aure of our greatnefs ihould
give way, this gaudy fcene of natio. al fplendor
and national happinefs, would foon be changed
into a dreary picture of general wretchednefs and

rum.

Nor

J-

Bt.'^g».<Maii<a^aita^iitaw^^fcWiii88ais»i r nr c i t>j !ts«aa^^

\,$:

wk'

[ 58 ]

Nor would that downfall, melancholy as it is
to contemplate, fill the mcafure of our woes :
we hitherto know little or nothing, within this
iiland, of the calamities of war; but wc (hould,
from tliat hour, be open to thofc calamities as
often as any neighbouring nation might think
proper to bring them upon us. In (hort, we
have more to lofe than any other nation under
Heaven : what wc have to gain, exclufive of the
recovery of our Colonies, and the reduftion of
our enemies within due bounds, can be decided
only in fumming up accounts and figning the
pacification.

Such is the predicament in which we ftand :—
nor is the war which brings it on, a war of choice
ta us : moft wars deferving of that name, have
proved fatal follies to the nations which have
undertaken them. Yet it generally happens that
wars are of choice to one of the combatants,
and fometimes to both. The wifdom and the
forefight, the bodily ftrength and poliible exer-
tions of man, arc confined by his nature to nar-
row limits ; but under thefc humbling circum-
ftanccs he conceives high thoughts j his difpofi-

i. ' tion

]

all, melancholy as It is
tncafure of our woes :
»r nothing, within this
>f war ; but we (hould,
to thofe calamities as
ig nation might think
»on us. In (hurt, we
my other nation under
gain, exclulive of the
, and the reduction of
ounds, can be decided
:ounts and (igning the

it in which we ftand :—
gs it on, a war of choice
ig of that name, have
ie nations which have
t generally happens that
tne of the combatants.
The wifdom and the
[igth and poliible exer-
:d by his nature to nar-
[lefe humbling circum-
k thoughts i his difpofi-
tion

[ 59 ]
tion is refllefs, his ambition boundlefs : filling In
iiimfelf a narrow fpace, he can labour in his
imagination to add dominion to dominion i and
can exert his (hort-livcd faculties to frame remote
and immortal dcfigns. If the accidents of birth
or fuuation in focicty give him a leading in-
fluence over multitudes, he can ufc that power
as a fcourge to his fellow-creatures, and for the
purpofe of fprcading devaftation over the earth.
But Providence, in the precarious and com-
plicated difilculties attending all wars, has con-
trived a falutary check to thefe airy elevations ;
turbulent ambition generally defeats iifelf, and
afpiring monarchies blindly work towards their
own dcftruftion. It rarely happens in modern
wars, that any fucceflos, however brilliant, are
weighty enough to counterbalance the mere ex-
pences which they occafion.

;. The natural ftrength, the commercial pre-
eminence, and the naval and military fpirit of
our country, arc confiderations of great weight,
when aided by a conviaion of the unprovoked
neceffity and effential importance of the war in
which we arc engaged. Here, then, we come,
I 2 • vvitii

■*

^fi

l6o ]

^' ' t

uaf*'

with much advantage, to that point of ourconfo-
lation ami hope, wliich is to be found in the very
circumftances cf mir finance and taxation, how-
cvir unprumillng they may appear to the fiift
view.

The nature and necefTity of j^reat mihtary
force, ill modern Hates, form too obvious and
too ttite a fubje^ to be infiaed on. That nc-
ccflTity, as well as the cxpcnce attending it, both
incrcafe with the progrcfs, advancement and
riches of each particular ibcicty.

The fyftem of modern war, which fpins out
contefts through feveral campaigns ; the levying
and preparation of armies for the field ; the re-
cruiting of thofe armies, which, in the civiliza-
tion of prefent times, can only be effcaed by
Idra^ring individuals from manufadlures, agricul-
ture, and other lucrative employments , the pay
and fubfiftence of armies fo formed ; their tranf-
port from place to place; their clothing, arms,
camp equipage, ammunition and artillery, arti-
cles of great coft (to which, in the inftance of
* fnaritime ftatcj, muft be added, the immenfe and
fomplicated charge of naval force) :— all thcfe
-'^'■: I ,i confider-

' 1

that point of our confo-
» to be found in the very
ncc and taxation, how-
may appear to the fnlt

efTity of j^reat mihtary
form too obvious and
infiaed on. That nc-
pcnce attending it, both
refs, advancement and
fociety.

:n war, which fpins out
campaigns; the levying
ies for the field ; the re-
s, which, in the civihza-
can only be effctiled by
11 manufadlures, agricul-
'e employments , the pay
s fo formed ; their tranf-
:e; their clothing, arms,
nition and artillery, arti-
which, in the inftance of
e added, the immenfe and
naval force) :— all thcfe
: , confider-

[ 6i ]

confiderations united, have made the modem
Iciencc of war a bufincfs of cxpcncc unknown to
former times. Perhaps it would not be difficult
to Ihew that it is become, in great meafurc, a
fcicncc of money i but it will be fufficicnt f 'he
prefcnt purpofe, to admit that there are grc^» ...id
evident advantages on that fide which is the moft
opulent, and can b ft and longcft fupnort the
charge of a contcft.

It fccms to be the plain and fettled policy of
this country, in a war 'ike the preient, to have a
well regulated army properly Itationcd f « any
purpofe of immediate defence againft f- .'v.^. in-
vafion, and fufficiently large to deter an enemy
from landing in force, in ort' a .u make a fettle-
mcnt or continued war. The old and favourite
idea, of trufting chiefly to our wooden walls, will
again be wife, when we are agam decidedly in
poiTelTion of our old and favourite fuperiority at
fea. At prefent, the predilj^ion for wooden
walls would be a fatal difadvantage, if it led us
to ufe them as if they were fi^ed into our coaft
for its defence. The faying of Dc Witt, rela-
tive to one of our Kings, " Impenit^r Maris,

" Terra

■#

!gj CMWi3ac *dga>< ^^i»'

[ 62 ]

" Terra Dminus" is wife only when propeily
conftrued. Fleets employed to cover a coaft, are
not only precarious in their exertions, which de-
i.cnd much on winds, but are miferably con-
fined as to all the effefls of naval war. Thofe
efFefts are only felt when our fleets can keep the
fea, in order to protedt our commerce, and annoy
that of our enemies, as well as to defend our
diftant poffeflions, and to cover defcents and con-
tinual incurfions. Such objeas, however, can-
not be purfued, nor can we in wifdom hazard
any thing, whenever the ftatc of our internal de-
fence is fuch as to require the prcfence of our
fleets for the protei5\ion of our dock- yards, of our
pci'ts, and even of our metropolis.

It is for thefe reafons that the late efforts of
this country, to make herfelf internally ftrong,
afford very aufpicious hopes of the enfuing years
(for years I fear it muft laft) of this war.— Our
fleets will hereafter have a full liberty of aftion
and exertion.

In completing this fyftem of internal ftrength,
it is, perhaps, to be regretted, that the original
idea of our militia murt gradually wear off. A

recruit

]

ife only when propeily
ed to cover a coaft, are
ir exertions, which de-
)ut are miferably con-
of naval war. Thofe
our fleets can keep the
r commerce, and annoy
well as to defend our
cover defcents and con-
)bje£ls, however, can-
we in wifdom hazard
[late of our internal de-
re the prefence of our
our dock-yards, of our
etropolis.

that the late efforrs of
erfelf internally ftrong,
)es of the enfuing years
jft) of this war.— Our
a full liberty of a£tioii

!m of internal ftrength,

ctted, that the original

gradually wear off. A

recruit

[63]

recruit for that body of men muft begin to mean
the fame thing as a recruit for mere mercenary
troops ; and the militia itfelf will, in efFeft, be-
come a difciplined and well exercifed ftanding
army; it will, however, retain the advantage of
being ftill officered by men who hold their fitua-
tions only from a difinterefted love to their coun-
try : nor would it be difficult, perhaps, to (hew,
that a militia degenerated from its original infti-
tution thus far and no farther, is the bed fpecies
of military ftrength that an opulent and free
country can have i being excepted from the or-
dinary jealoufies juftly annexed to (landing ar-
mies, and compofing, at the fame time, a folid
fuppori againft foreign enemies.

The expences which this whole fyftem muft
occafion are great j they are not greater, how-
ever, in any refpedt than muft be incurred by
our adverfaries, unlefs they will fubmit to the
certainty of carrying on a lofing war. It rarely
happens that wars ceafe for the want of mutual
animofity in either party, or for the want of men
to fight the quarrel ; that fide muft firft quit the
field whofe exchequer firft fails.— I do not mean

m I

I' ^■

[ 64 ]

to follow up this idea, by going into any detail of
the finances of France and Spain ; I am totally
unequal to fuch an attempt : foreign revenue is
an affair of continual fludluation and (bme
myftery ; and thofe atnongft us who are the bed
informed on this fubjed feel, 1 believe, that they
pofiers very little precifion with regard to it. The
beft accounts, which I have feen, lead me to be-
lieve, that fo late as the beginning of 1778, the
perpetual debt of France amounted to one hun-
dred and twenty millions fterling, and about
thirty millions fterling charged on life-rents and
tontines ; and that her annual income, even in
times of peace, and under the management of
an excellent financier, was not equal to her an-
nual expenditure.— With regard to Spain, it is
well known that (he is fubjeft alfo to a large per-
petual debt ; that her ordinary revenue is about
five millions (lerling, and that her fyftem leads
her, even in times of peace, to unftring every
iinew of the public ftrength, and to keep in a
ftatc of beggary that numerous clafs of fubjefts
from which alone any extraordinary aid is to be

expeded.

going into any detail of
nd Spain ; I am totally
mpt : foreign revenue is

fludluation and (bme
igft us who are the beft
fieel, I believe, that they
I with regard to it. The
ave feen, lead me to be-
beginning of 1778, the

amounted to one hun-
ns fterling, and about
larged on life-rents and
innual income, even in
let the management of
iras not equal to her an-
1 regard to Spain, it is
bjeft alfo to a large per-
-dinary revenue is about
d that her fyftem leads
leace, to unftring every
ngth, and to keep in a
imerous clafs of fubjefts
traordinary aid is to be
t'xpedled.

[65]

cxpeQed. I do not defire, however, to dwell
upon a fubjea, on which our reafonings would,
perhaps, be impcii'ea and erroneous, even if our
informations were better. The prefllng otjc<a is
to afcertain that we are able to raife fupplies for
many years of war, if our exigencies fliould re-
quire them :— a great public charge is neceflary j
the great bufincfs is to contrive that it may
be forthcoming, and as little burdenfome as

polTible.

It is true that our debts arc now near fifty
millions beyond what our ftouteft Statefmen of
forty years ago thought it poflible for us to
bear.— And it was the aflertion of our beft po-
litical writers, prior to the late war, that our
debt (then feventytwo millions) had brought
us to the brink of inevitable bankruptcy : yet
the debt was doubled in that war ; and though
our taxes were multiplied much beyond any de-
tail that can come within the compafs of thefc
Letters, our fituation both in credit and in com-
merce was at the clofe of that war more flourifl*-
ing than ever. ^j:

fr»

«^iEfc<ttM£»4iA«1^1iSM»<MAM4«V«»A«!«30&«W»^^

!t.:

f'',

[ 66 ]

C" ne moHte jamais ft haut que qmnd on ntfcaU
pas ou an va^ faid Cromwell to the prefident de
Bellievre. Thi'i idea may be applicable to our
prefent debt and exertions; though we mud
not indeed proceed with a carelefs fpeed, unfuf-
picious of confequences, and infenfible of the
precipice towards which we are advancing. Our
fituation obliges us to go on, we have only to
ufe the bed caution that we can. — Means mud
be found ; the choice only of thofe means, as
far as there is any choice, is matter of delibera-
tion. It would be a dupid and wilful blindnefs
not to fee the difficulties to which we are tend-
ing. But the quedion is, are thofe difficulties
necefTary ? If they arc neceffities, we mud meet
them like neceffities. The exertions already
made go far beyond what might have been
thought practicable, if wr had hefitated about the
date of our finance, and had not felt that we
are contending for the fources from which that
finance is drawn.

In the courfe of a war, it fometimes happens
that the original obje6l becomes a purpofe of the

fecond

56]

haut que quand on nefcait
tiwell to the prefident de
nay be applicable to our
:ionsj though wc mud
I 2 carelefs fpeed, unfuf-
s, and infenlible of the
1 we are advancing. Our
go on, we have only to
It we can.—Means inuft
>nly of thofe means, as
:e, is matter of delibera-
upid and wilful blindnefs
;s to which we are tend-
is, are thofe difficulties
leceffities, wc muft meet
The exertions already
what might have been
It had hefitated about the
id had not felt that we
burces from which that

r, it fometimes happens

)ecomes a purpofe of the

fecond

[ 67 ] ^ ■

iecond or third magnitude. The original great
objea of this war is the recovery of our colonies
(and we (hould never lofe fight of that objeft) ;
but our firft purpofe at prefent is to eftablifh our
fiiperiority at fea againft France and Spain. If
by our naval exertions we can effeflually proteft
our commerce, and prcferve our carrying trade ;
our riches, the life of war, are as fafe as our
fprings or rivers ; and floods of treafure will flow
into the kingdom with every tide.

In a wide extended empire like this, the oc-
cafional lofs of very valuable pofleflions and de-
pendenfcies will be the fate of every conteft in
which we are engaged ; but thcfe circumftances,
though cruel to our feelings at the time, may
be fet right at the dofe of a wa- Our exer-
tions inuft not be checked by a daily dread of
fuch contingencies. If we are to wafte our
ftrength in guarding againft rumours, and in
protecting by our fleets every acceflible corner,
we may reft afFurcd that every wind will bring
us an account of fome new lofs. A war carried
oa by this country, muft be a war of enterprize,
K 2 and

C 68 ]

iMil n jt /defence ; the advantages of the former
>?: pt'CMjr." ta Great Britain.— In the opening
indeed of a war, wliilft the force of the country
is formliig, and whilft proper means arc takinjj
to rtrengthcii the acceflible parts of the coaft, it
may be i ,ht to keep our principal fleet within
re.\..h J becaufe it is always the wifdom of a ftate
?o adapt its fituatioa to its circumftanccs ; but
we mult never forget tiiat this is not our natural
mode of making war.

No private man of moderate difcrction will
attempt to enter into any fpccification of niea-
fures to be purfucd. If he is ill informed, his
advice will be prefumptuous ; if he happens to
be right, which is unlikely except in very ob-
vious inftances, his fpeculations may be mif-
chievous ; thofe only who arc fo fituated as to
receive all informations, and who know the
force to be fpared, together with the pofllble
combinations of that force in regard to other
collateral objedls, can decide what mcafures are
proper to be purfued. And it is happy when
that decilion is repofed in able capacities, with-
out

idvantages of the former
iritain.— In the opening
the force of the country
proper means arc takiiijj
)Ie parts of the coaft, it
>ur principal fleet within
lys the wifdom of a ftate
) its circumdances ; but
it this is not our natural

moderate difcrction will
ny fpccification of niea-
he is ill informed, his
uous ; if he happens to
cely except in very ob-
;culations may be mif-
\o arc fo fituated as to
t, and who know the
jether with the poflible
orce in regard to other
ecide what mcafures are
And it is happy when
n able capacities, with-
out

, . - 4.
out which the application of wealth, of na-
tional vigour, and of the other refources of war,
muft be of very uncertain avail.

The fuccefsful conduct of war is a bufinefs
of invention as well as of deliberation ; it de-
pends much on fudden, fccret. Frequent, and
well concerted enterprizcs ; varying the point of
attack, and often connedled with and fupporting
each other.

This fuccefs is alfo much promoted by 111-
fpiring a confidciKe in all employed, that meiit
will be rewarded, and milconduiSl ftritJily and
feverely punilhed : the multitude love valour
even when it is unfiiccefsful, and it is the in-
tereft of the State to fccoud and fupport that
fentimcnt.

It is farther the intereO of the State to efta-
blilh through its armies and navies, a firm per-
fuafion that the profclfional point of honour is
a zeal for the public, fupcrior not merely to
perfortal difficulties (for perfonal courage, and
the difiegard of perfonal hardfhips, are qualities
Vvhich Englilhmcn neVvV wnnt), but alfo to

al}

.JJ

[70]

all caprice, private paflion, and fudden dif-
guft.

Laft of all, our exertions muft be unremitted
and perfevering } we muft not be flartled by
the untoward events of a day : if wo mean to
proceed with honour, and to end with fuccefs,
we muft never in our aftions or councilts hefitatc
or ftuink, as if we thought the bufinefs too
weighty for us.

It is certainly to be regretted that we are
deftitute of allies, but we muft not forget that
intereft is the only efficient principle of alliance.
Intereft indeed may i& through very different
mediums. It may be the int. eft of neutral
powers, not to fufFer the aggreftbrs in war to
break unprovoked through all the ufages of good
faith eftablifhed between nations, and to difturb
the pe?ce of the world, in order to aggrandife
themfelves. Again, it may be their intereft not
to permit the balance of power in Europe to be
put in hazard : and though that balance in our
times has had great changes, it is demonftrably
the intereft of all the leading empires to maintain
it in its prefent pofition. Again, it may become

the

'^•':!Lif'.y A^ii^t:Si^i iL -.

ion, and fudden dif-

ons mud be unremitted
uft not be flartled by
a day : if we mean to
1 to end with fuccefs,
ons or councils hefltate
•ught the bufinefs too

regretted that we are
: muft not forget that
:nt principle of alliance,
through very different
the inti.eft of neutral
e aggreiTors in war to
h all the ufages of good
nations, and to diAurb
in order to aggrandife
ay be their intereft not
power in Europe to be
>;h that balance in our
;es, it is demonflrabiy
ng empires to maintain
Again, if may become
the

[71 ]

the intereft of a power bound to us by old treaty,
to eftabliili \n opinion of her own good faith ; or
it may be the intereft of a power to afllft us rr»( re-
ly from a recent or cuftomary interchange of
friendfhip, or from confiderations of commerce :
but all thel'e are interefts of which the particu-
lar nation concerned muft and can be the only
judge.

Great Britain ftands among nations, like an
armed man amongft his fellow-creatures in the
iron age of the world ; (he has fome menacing
enemies, and many fpe^tators. If (he calls ior
help, it will not be given to her till (he has (liewn
that (he has ftrength and refolution, fuch as will
make her an ufeful ally, rather than a danger-
ous friend. The great principle of alliance, the
only folid and effe£live one, is a right refulting
from a firm and dignitied national courage to
a(k other powers to become (harers in our
ftrength, and not partners in our weaknefs.
This right we (hall foon acquire, if we entertain
a juft fenfe of our own circumftances ; thofe cir-
cumftances are critical, but they are the critical
circumftances of a great and mighty nation.

Having

:fg^fl]ISSiriii£mxim!Vstmm.»

■ *

in]

H:»ving hi'ul fo much ftrefs on the hope to
!.c «!rawn from the power of this country to
liip'jioit tlic cxpcuce of the war, I mean, ia
another Letter, to otter ro your Lordlhip tome
ii-mnrks rcfpcifling onr debt, credit, and flip-
lilies,

I cannot, however, rclinciuKh this fubjoft
witlioiit obferving, tliat t!\e popular jcaloufy
refpefting the due difburfcment of treafure given
for carrying on the public fervices, is equally
natural and commendable. The truth is, that
war and ceconomy are not cnfily reconciled : —
the exigencies of war are extenfive and various }
and tliofo who fupply tl\cni have, in all wars,
been accufed of regardiig the wealth of the
nation as in.'xhaurtlblc. Living amidft pro-
fufion, they have been faid to grow carelefs of
any expcnce that could be brought to account ;
and though it might be lur(h and iinjurt to in-
fer that they liad learnt to make up accounts
with dexterity, the fufpicion was at all times the
!cfs unreafonable, as it has been found, from
uniform experience, that the annual charge
of onr wars increafed every year of their con -
4 ^ ; tinuance.

ftrefs on the hope to
vcr of this country to

the war, I mean, in
to your Lorcllhip tome
debt, credit, and fup-

rcliiKjuKh this fubjocfl

the popular jcaloufy

foment of trcafure given

blic fcrvices, is equally

le. The truth is, that

lot cafily reconciled : —

e extenfive and various j

!\cni liave, in all wars,

ling the wealth of the

Living amidft pro-

faid to grow carelefs of

be brought to account ;

hnilh and iinjiill to in-

t to make up accounts

cion was at all times the

has been found, from

hat the annual charge

very year of their con-

; tinuance.

[73 1

tinuance, beyond any apparent increafe of fcr-
vices performed ;~cxclufive alfo of ai rears
accumulating by fcamen's wages, army txtra-
oidinaries, traniport bills, ordnance deben-
tures, &c. The delay, too, in fettling public
accounts, has always been very great ; and the
manner in which fome of confiderabic magni-
tude ar • ftated, is not obvious to every capa-
city.

But on the other hand, occonomy in war is
often a moft (hort-fighted virtue ; and when it
tends to parfimony, or a defalcation from ufe»
ful fervices, it becomes a wretched manage-
ment, for whicfi the nation in the event payg
twenty-fold,

I am, S(c.

3ae®^iSEe(«»»:'aw*te**^*»*»*Ba»^*«fc^

tim'M\ %;

IWil

:f.>

!.•

yamqut mttnt/trrum. /trrejyi nacenliut aurutn
ProJierat, prtdit hillum quod pugnat ulrtqut,
SaniuiMiaqui muHU trtpitaiilia ttHcutit »rma.

Ovid. Met. 1. I.

-, ...luwiMIJU^J^t

[75]

, firrejui noetnliui aurum
im quodpugnat ulrtqut,
tpitantla cantutit »rma.

Ovid. Met. 1. I.

Greenwich, Oft. 19, i779'

NOTHING being more eafy than a dc-
fultory progrcfs of the imagination over the
open fields of domeftic diffenfion and foreign
war, I have advanced thus far in the propofed
plan of my Letters to your Lordlhip, peirhaps in
lefs time, and I fear with much Icfs reflcaion,
than ought to have been allotted to fubjcas of
fuch importance. The truth is, in adhering
ftriaiy to my fir§ idea of avowing honeftly the
natural and current reafonings of a plain mind,
upon circumftances known to every man in the
kingdom, I have pulhed forwards without fear
or wit, and am now brought to recolleflion by
finding myfelf at a point where the mere refult of
firft imprelTions muft not be hazarded; and
wlxence it will be difficult to advance without
much better aids than any that I poffefs.

The multitude of objeas which the confidera-

tions now before me embrace i the comparifons

L a ^"'^

mmmf**"^

C 7<5 ]

and combinations to which they lead ; and the
ncceflity which will arife in every page, of form-
ing opinions upon difputable and unfettled points
of finance make this part of my undertaking a
matter of much anxiety : I mud befpeak more
than ordinary indulgence for the ewcution o^ it^
and I feel my claim to that indulgence thf more
neafon^d^le, becaufe I do not mean to entrench'
myfelf behind a parade of accounts with which
the pariiaraentary Journals, and fome more ufc-
ful books, would furnifh me : ftilj lefs (hall X
enter inta any of thofe difcuflions which feem
ealculated rather to perplex the undcrftanding,
than to fimplily the fubjeft : I Hliail gain my pur-
pofe, if, without deep refearches (which I leave
to ftronger minds), I can fee reafon to reft per-
fuaded, that under all the known circurnftances
of the public debts and their confeq^uences, we
ftill poffefs ample war-refources, without mate-
rially affefting the flouriflling ftate of our manu-
fadlures, commerce, and agriculture, any tar-
ther than war muft affcft them, in all countries
aad at all times.

*,■.

Thf

ich they lead ; and the
in every page, ofform-
ible and unfettled points
irt of my undertaking a
: I mud befpeak more
for the ewcution of if;
Mt indulgence thf more
not mean to entrench'
of accounts with which
tis, and fome more ufe-
1 me : ftilJ lefs (hall t
difcufTions which feem
>Iex the underftandingy
£b : I (kail gain my pur-
fearches (which I leave
n (ee reafon to reft per-
; known circuthftances
their confeq^uences, we
fources, without mate-
lling (late of our manu-
d agriculture, any tar-
t them} in all countries

Thr

The fpirit of trade, which has been fo fottu*
Hate for this country in its operations and cfFeds,
has not always been kindly difpofed towards the
true and liberal principles either of commerce or
taxation j and it muftbe confelTed, that the pre-
fent fyftem of our trade and revenue laws, though
in appearance lefs burdenfome, and in h6\ more
produAive, than the fyftem of any other nation,
is, when analyfed, in fome of its parts, a very
motley mixture of political oeconomy and popu-
lar prejudice. The intricate queftions and con-
fiderations nccelTarily fpringing from fubjedts of
fuch extent, nicety, and variety, have been ren-
dered /nore intricate by the induftry of different
writers, fome of whom have adapted all their
riafonings to fupport the ftate financier of the
day, whilft others have been equally anxious to
rcprefent his meafures as replete with danger and
ruin, cither to trade, or agriculture, or popula-
tion, according to the objeft in difpute. Much,
error and obfcurity has alfo been imported from
France, and manufaftured too at home, by men
who come under the oppofite defcription of
fhaUow thinkers and abftrufe thinkers, and who,

without

^^^saftatrntof^fuM

[ 78]

without any unfair or iiuerefted view', have
been, perhaps, equally fuccefsful in deceiving*
themfeives and perplexing others. Thefe infi-
nuations, however, are in no degree dppHcable
to tlie immediate writers of our own time, who
are making a very rapid progress in deftroying tlie
abfurdities and explaining the fallacies of their
predeccflbrs : and thougii eminent men ftill differ
on important points of political ccconomy, we
are beginning, at laft, to comprehend all the juft
caufes of our wealth and profperity, about the
time that ruin and wretched ncfs are fuppbfed
(even by fome of our bell: inilruilors) to be
flaring us in the face.

Thcfe alarming phantoms are created chiefly
by the ftate of the public debts (amongft other
Icfs general caufcj.) ; and in order to bring before
our eyes a juft idea of thofe debts, and of their
fife and progrefs, it wil! be neceilary to call to
mind, in the fewclt words pofTi! le, the different
obje£ls of national expence.

The religious ertabliftiment fliould be firft
mentioned, and is likely to have engaged due at-
tention in the carlieft infancy of focieties. In

addition

]

terefted vie\^, have
ccefsful in deceiving'
others. Thefe infi-
no degree dpplicable
■ our own time, who
jrefs in deflroying the
the fallacies of their
ninent men ftill differ
htical ccconomy, we
)mprehendail thejuft
profperity, about the
liedncfs are fuppbred
ft inftruilors) to be

ns are created chiefly
debts (amongft other
1 order to bring before
fe debts, and of their
e neceflary to call to
pofTi? le, the different

lent fliould be firfl

have engaged due at-

aiicy of focieties. In

iidditioa

[79 1

addition to the exclufive pofTcfUons Tecurcd m
this country from the public to the church, the
tythes have been confidered by feme as a fpecie?
of appropriated taxes. It is perhaps juft matter
of regret, that an equivalent fupport has not been
furnifhed in fome mode more favourable to agri-
culture and improvements.

The fupport of the fovereign dignity is anoi-
ther branch of public expence. Formerly in this
country the expenditure of the fovereign included
ail the charges of civil and military government :
— the revenue of the crown was only aided by
the people when the emergency grew great, and
they were difpofed to give their aid. But from
the nature of the conftitution, and the increafing
progrefs of public expence, this fyftem became a
matter of conftant uneafinefs both to the prince
and people, and a feparate private revenue, now
called the Civil Lift, was afligned to the crown.

The expence of jtiiiic' next prefents itfelf. No
ftate, or large fociety of men, ever exifted with-
out an eftablifhment of judicial authority, which
has, however, in its firft ink1:!tution been always
very imperft . In our own hiftory, the tribu-
nals

#-^'

[80]

najsof juftice were for fome centuries a fourcc of
revenue, and the judges refeinbled tax-gather-
ers. In the evolution of our conftitutional li-
berty, the judicial pov-^r was made, in great
meafure, independent of the executive ;— and the
fupportofour judges became an objeA of na-
tional regard. But the e> pence is inconfiderable,
and bears no proportion to he advantage refult-
ing from the wifdom, dign-ty, and purity pf
thofe who are the objeds of it, ,

There are other obje£ts of public expencc,
fuch as public works, public inftitutions, road§,
bridges, ports, &c, but many of thefe, from
their general utility, have very early been con-
verted into fources of revenue.

But the great occafion of expence is the na-
tional defence. In the early ftate of civirization,
when incurfions between neighbouring focieties
Vrere either to he attempted or refifted, the fer-
vice was fo Ihort, and the general danger (o
preffing, that it was eafy for the parties to fupport
themfelves, and natural for them to ferve without
pay. In the early periods of our own hiftory, it
was ufual for the great men of the kingdom to

attend

f
i

t
ii
a

me centuries a fourcc of
i refeinbled tax-gather-
jf our conftitutional li-
>.r was made, in great
the executive ;— and the
icame an obje<Sl of na-
K pence is inconfiderable,
to he advantage refult-
dign'ty, and purity pf
of it, ,

<Sj:s of public expencc,
ib!ic inftitutions, roads,

many of thefe, from
e very early been con-
en ue.

of expencc is the na-
arly ftate of civifization,
1 neighbouring focieties
)ted or refifted, the fer-

the general danger [o
for the parties to fupport
jr them to ferve without
Is of our own hiftory, it
aen of the kingdom to
attend

C SO

attfendi fliit fdVd-efifet* AHifmg his wars, in per fori^
with tMir v»flkl4, aiid <6 fappott them alfo in the
Bdd. TYAsi Hovtrtfvd^, tciAf^ tA itklf « ptitti^
fp«ei«i tff t^fttidtl, itii often ^Mifenwly (tvettt
wafrfdoil tfkAfcr iXiiartgeA for mdney, or, whijre
eotftirt«fed iM atlf ctegrM^, vtas, among< other
fcudat bardAips, * eaufe of itiueh heart-burriing.
In the progrefe of arts, that of war tiildei'went
perhaps the greateft change, and die revdutiod
made in the fyOetti of wsHfarts induced atocho* nt
that df military eftabMim^tttst the art of war
from an octdflotial occupation' ht&btie a t*ade.
And it Mizs found a niattef n<>t of rtli^ equity
Bnt of HUeefirtyi that thofe yth& Mndmotk th»
military duties of the itatfe rhouW be mainnsiiied
in their abfericeby thdr felldw*citi«eiw, wltd ftaid
at' hoAte, ^d retained the peaceable advantages
of agrieulture and manu6i6tures.

It is urineceffiity to purfue this fubjeft of eh-'
^uiry'titfough alt its progrefs and improvements;
the rntUlt is, tiiat in all modem focieties^ » piro-
portion of the people who do not ferve in the
vntrSf but purfue produi^ive labour at home,
muft, e^fclufive of their own maintenance, main-

M . . tain

tain thofc who are employed in the defence of
the country, and dfo all individual* in other pro-
fcflions and fituations, who produce nothing to
the common ftock. Subjed to this obfervationy
it has been commonly calculated, that it is cer-
tain ruin to a country to employ more than the
one hundredth part of its people in military fer-
vice (which of courfe includes (hips of war) :—
this,' however, muft be received as applicable
only to the general fyftem of a country, and not
to times of emergency. Our armies and navy in
the prefent year employ in a£lual fcrvice at leaft
•ne-fiftieth part of all the inhabitants of Great
Britain and Ireland— taken upon the large com-
putation of ten millions. I Ihall not enter into the
difputed queftion upon the proportion in which^
the national ftock is diminilhed by expence of
fleets and armies, and how far that proportion is
affected by the different circumftances of the ex-
pence being at home or abroad : but it muft be
admitted^ that the long abience ot one-flftieth
part of alK our inhabitants from produ^ve lo-
hour, which is the fource of commerce and' re-
venue, would much impoverifti the ftate, amf

tend

I -v

>]oyed in the defence 6£
individuals in other pro-
who produce nothing to
bje^l to this obfervation*
alcuhted, that it is cer-
) employ more than the
ts people in military fer-
cludes fliips of war) :—
! received as applicable
n of a country, and not
Our armies and navy in
in a£lual fervice at leaA
\ie lithabitants of Great
en upon the large com-
l (hall not enter into the
:he proportion in which^
kinilhed by expence of
vr far that proportion is
ircumftances of the ex-
broad : but it muft be
abience ot one-fiftieth
ts from produ^ve !».
of commerce and' te-
overifti the ftate, ami
tend

[83]

tend to its rum:--and I have ftepped out of mf
way to bring forward this remark, as one in-
ducement to us to obviate that rufn by acce.-
lerating our exertions.

The feveral objeas of public expence aboye
mentioned, imply the neceflity of a public reve-
nue belonging either to the fovercign or to tlie
ftate^ or to be drawn by contributions or taxes
from the people,

It was the praflice of antiquity to make provi-
fipn of public treafurc in time of peace, as the
inftrument either of conqueft or defence ; and
this was nccefiary, as there was little confidence
in thf ftate in general, and efpeeially in times of
danger and confufion. But as it does not happen,
in the progrefs of luxury and expence, that there
Is in modern ftates a public revenue either in land
or ftock, or any public hoard in itfelf fuflicient to
fupply the expence in war, as well as in peace,
the deficiency muft be made up by the contribu-
tion of private revenue for public purpofes. The
enemy threatens, and is in motion: an army
ihuft be augmented, and all the charges belonging
p it arc to be provided for; fleets muft be fitted

fioT} fortificatioiM muft be rtp4!r<d« apd {ar-
rifons Aipplied.^But the coflFers of the ftate sine
found tmptf. Here then commsnoet the art of
^ance, whicli is to draw from indWiiiual fu-
pcrabundance what ix abfolutfEly necefiary for ge-
neral relief.

Thjs art of drawing money frotn the pocket*
of the people, when once introduced into s^
country, advances moft rapidly. Thew is ^
promptitude in all ftatefmen to impfove it, and
to adopt alfo with the tttnwft lit)erality of fcnti-
ment, and without local prejudice, the rifing
improveonenty of other countrie^. On the
other hand, therp i» an univqial difpofitioa in
mankind to fet theinfelves as much as poffible
p gainft this fpecies of dexterity.

The relui^?nce of individuals to be taxed ope-
rates certainly as a check on the alacrity of Mi-
nifterfi to ta^f thein : but it is this rclu&ance
siM^h drft fugg^fts to 9 Miniiler the idea of
•running 9 qQuatry ioto debt} qod it alfo induces
th« Pfople to acquiefce ia his loading pofterity
with a burden, if the raachiiw can for the pre-
J^»c>tb«%hterfojit,

; 14 ' Jefides,

: be r«p9!r«d« and tar*-
! coffers of the ftate sine
n commenoet the art of
raw from indtvidual fu-
folutely necefikry forge-

noney from the poicket4
mce introduced into j^
\ rapidly. There is ^
men to impfove it, arid
tmoft lilierality of fcpti-
il prejudice, the rising
r countries. On the
univqial difpofitioD in
res as much as poffible
terity.

viduals to be taxed ope»
Ic on the alacrity of Mi-
it it is this rcIuSance
) Miniver the idea of
sbt} ividitalfo induces
in his loading pofterity
ichiiw can for the pre-

[ 85 1

ficHdes, m t!ie urgexit expeaces of a cottn^
mencing war, the produce of taxes comes in too
|Iow. It is an obvious nteafure, then* to bor*
row on the credit of the ftate, and when that is
pearly exhau^ed, to help it forward by aiTigo-
ments of accruing taxes, the produce of, which
is accordingly anticipated. In all commercitj
free Aates there are lenders fufiicient, becaufe
merchants have at all times a pioportion of theij:
capital, and of the average returns of trade,
within their reach. Their natural confidence in
the ftaie where their property is lodged, leads
them to truft that ftate ; but if they think that
there is any unufual liCk, the collateral advan-
tages wiiiph they exa<!l will ibe raifed in propor-
tion. As they may foon want to ufe their
money in the progrefs of their trade, they of
CourXe require the obligation from the ftate to be
transferrable } and by the transfer wiiich the
firft creditors make, the trial of the confidence
r^pofed in the ftate grows more general. The
readiaefs to lend increafes the diipofitiori tjOf
\xVTow, and the facility of getting money
|e;(Ieqsthf anxiety to lave. Taxes, at firft pledg-
Befide?, ctl

ed for a limited time, a-c now mortgaged for
farther loans and longci periods, and at length
are converted into perpetual annuities.

This mode of raifmg money is the leaft un-
pleafing to the people, becaufe large fums are
pbtained for fmall annual taxes ; and even when
thofe annual taxes are mn'tiplied, the expendi-
ture of the fums raifed upon them furmflies
occupations which benefit the mafs of the people,
'and Is a fource of great and intereftin^ events,
which amufe and fill their imaginations^ ev^n
when the events, upon the whole, are un-
favourable to the public interefls. The con-
tingencies of a great war are the caparifons and
bells, which by their ftiow and jingle induce a
poor animal to jog on cheerfully under a great
load.

On the ceaHng of a war, it may happen that
the produce of the taxes is high enough to make
fomc progrefs towards the redutSlion of the debt
incurred ; but even in times of peace fomc un-
toward event will arife, or foms favourite ex-
pence is to be incurred ; and in either cafe it is
Riore picafant, both to the minifters and the

people.

!_:.

re now mortgaged for

periods, and at length
jal annuities,
noney is the leaft un^
becaufe large funis are

taxes } and even when
iii'tiplied, the cxpendi-

upon them furmrtics
c the mafs of the people,

and intereftin^ events,
leir imaginations, ev^li
1 the whole, are un-
; interefts. The con-
are the caparifons and
ow and jingle induce a
heerfuUy under a great

irar, it may happen that
Is high enough to make
e redu(Stion of the debt
nesof peace fome un-

or foms favourite ex-
and in either cafe it is

the minifters and the
people.

[ 87 ]

people, to leave the debt undiminiHied than to
call for a new contribution.

Thus the progrefs is (hort and plain. The
borrowing commenced on the faith and fecurity
of the fo' -a or ftatej when tliat pledge
WM fir 'ir as it would go, the old re*

fource i id other countries was to

lodge pa dingly Henry III. gave to

the Archbiihop of York poteflatem impignorandi
jocalia Regis ubicunque in Anglid pro pecunia ptr-
qiarend^ j and there are many fimilar and much
later inftances. When this expedient was ex-
hauiled, recourfe was had to the people, and it
was not unufual for a King of England to ad-
drefs his fubje«£ls in the following rtrain : ** PaU-^
*' ptr Jum omni dejlimtus thtfauro^ ttecejji habet
** ut mejuvetis, net aliquidexigo nifi per gratiam.'"
In the progrefs of hidory, the defence of the
kingdom became the joint concern of the Par-
liament with their overeign, and large revenues
were raifed for the public expenditure. Th«
praAice of anticipating was next introduced,
and die income of particular taxes was aifigned
to diuharge the debt within i ftipuhted term*

. But

[ 88 ]

feut as it gr«w convenient to Art-dttf^ rfiefe trt-
ticipations, and to poftptfnt aft paymetil o^ th€
principal debt, the affignffientl ym& prohNtgedf
and at iengtiv made perpetual^

But tlte failure of fome taxes thus fnortfaf^e^
the furplus of others, and the complicaled niff*
nagement of them all, nrade it an objeA of eon"
veniene« to tlirow (everal clafles of the public
debts into one, which completed the (fUtttn of
ftmding.

I truft that yotn- Lord (hip wilF think thi» ac-
count of the whole bufinefs more irittiral', and
therefore more probable, than tht re^nements
which afcribed the intfoduftion of thirfyftem^
foon after the Revolution, Arft, to political' fote-
tlght and defign, in order to fteure^ the jittaoh-
ment of individuals to government, firoiti the
dependence of their property on its (upport and
fecurity } fecondly, to a difpofition in miniftlot
to multiply places, and gain patronage} thirdljr*
which is a mere abfurdity, to the view of incresaf-
* ing the capital property of the kingdom.
' This fyftem o^ large and continued anticipa-
fions was carried to a confiderable extent in

Spaini

! ta fv(r<i\mj^ tticfe »Ai
ittt all pn/meM o^ tiM
tienti v«ierd prohHtged)

tax^s thus moTtgaie^i
d the contpKcttfed ifNP*
3de it an objeA of eon"
I dafles of the public
mpleted the (yftem o#

hip wilF think thi» Mf-
tefs lAore n;ltt>ral', and
than the re^nements
duftion of thirfyftem^
, Arft, topofiticatfote-
' to feeure^ the jittaoh-
govemntenf, firom the
erty on its fupport and
difpofition in miniftdt
ain patronage} thirdlft
, to the view of increaf-
' the kingdom,
ind continued anticipa-
confiderable extent in
Spaini

;u«rfh^

«5

w \r 1^.

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.0

1.1

121

u lU §23
£ us 12.0

L25 II u

l^liigi

1.6

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Scimces

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a>^

79 VnST MAIN STIUT

WIKTIR,N.V. USM

(716) •72-4503

^^ ^\ ^rvV

iaMihiiiii"-t*"

■immffonil^:

CIHM/ICMH

Microfiche

Series.

CIHM/ICMH
Collection de
microfiches.

Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques

t^9l

^paTn,*by ?hilip 11. in the (Ixteenth century j
and towards the end of the feventeenth century
was (!ated by Mr. Davenant to this country,
as the principal caufe which had contributed to
(ink the Spanifh monarchy. But he foretold in-
deed at the fame time, that trade muft languifli
here till the annual burdens could be reduced be>
low four millions.

funding began in France about a century
later than in Spain, -and Mr. Colbert is faid to
have remonftrated flrongly againft it.

From the firft commencement of this pra£lice
in England, it was a fubje£l of perpetual lament-
ation with well-meaning writers ; and anticipa-
tions of our rmn attended every anticipation
of the revenue, till 17 17, when the increafed
produce of taxes, the falling of the market-rate
of intereft, and th« expiration of annuities, hav-
ing combined to create a large annual furplus,
Sir Robert Walpole inftituted the finking fund.
Nor (hould it pafs unnoticed, that this wife and
falutary inftitution was a fubjeA of ridicule and
(arcafm to a cdiirifiderablc party, then a^ng in
oppoiition to the Minifter.

N It

;'!;''!

/^^■»

t90l

It is beyond a doubt, that if the finking fund
liad always been facredly appropriated according
to its firft inftitution, the aggregate effe^s of
fuch a fyftem would have been of that ftupen-
dous importance which Dr. Price has demon-
ftrated. But it (hould not efcape remark, that
if tilts plan had been adopted, all the exifting
taxes muft have been continued; and all new
exigencies of war, as well as the deficieruries of
the peace eftablifliment (the latter alone amount-
ing to about a million fterliiig, for many years*
above the ordinary unappropriated revenue), muft
have been defrayed and made good, either by
fupplies r:iifed within the year, or by funds to be
fecured by new and perpetual taxes. It is ob-
vious to fee in this cafe, what immenfe burdens,
additional to what were a£tually laid, the Country
muft have borne from 1717 io this time.

Dr. Price has, howeve- 'Hewn in a very ftrik-
ing point of view, the efllve confequences

of accumulating intereft ; and though (he prefent
is rather an inaufpicious moment to difcufs
fchemes fci j aying the national debt, there can
ke no doubt that much good might reiliilt to the

kingdom.

tl
if

ri
ti
fi
n

P
I
c
ii
c
il

h
a
t
(

(!
t
X

.*'*.*"

that if the finking fand
appropriated according
le aggregate efFe^s of
e been of that ftupen-
Dr. Price has demon-
lot efcape remark, that
[opted, all the exiting
)ntinued} and all new
11 as the deficieruries of
:he latter alone amount-
erliiigf for many years*
opriated revenue), mud
made good, either by
year, or by funds to be
letual taxes. It is ob-
what immenfe burdens,
£tually laid, the Country
17 io this time.

■ "^ewn in a very ftrik-

efllve confequences

and though (he prefent

is moment to difcufs

lational debt, there can

)od might rei'iilt to the

k'mgdom,'

t9«l

kingdom, if, even now, a certain proportioit of
the annual produce of the fmking fund were veiled
in parliamentary dire^ors, having perpetual fuc-
ceflion, and fubje^ to proper cautions and fecu-
rities for the purpofe of difcharging certain por-
tions of the public debt, at fuch time, and in
fi)ch manner, as tliey might find mod conve-
nient } this fund to accumulate by the appro-
priation of the intereft of the debts difcharged.
If fuch a truft were well adminiftered, it would
comprehend all the advantages of an aflua! fav-
ing and compound intereft, and would either
check the depreciation of public fecurity, or turn
it to the public profit.

It was fooB difcovered that a finking fiind,
however well calculated to pay old debts, was,
at Icafl, equally well fuited to facilitate the con-
tracting new ones ; being always at hand, as a
fubfidiary mortgage to new taxes of doubtful pro-*
duce : — nor would this mifchief have been great,
but it was alfo difcovered, that the produce of
the finking fund itfelf was an obje£): of much con-
venience in times either of imaginary or real
emergency, by preventing the neceffity of fome

taxes.

-i

^^■^"^

[ 9» 1

taxes, and evading, confequently, th« feelingl
?nd obfervation of the people.

Great incroachments w«re accordingly made
upon the finking fund, in time of peace, «nd a
total alienation of it in time of war. And it hai
not, I believe, in the courfe of fixty-tviro years,
been applied towards paying more than twenty.
three millions of the public debts. To relieve
the prefent exigency, is the obje(fl of ftatefinen,
who feel themfelves in duty bound to confult the
eafc of their cotemporaries, in preference to the
eventual fonvenience of a remote pofterity, which
they will never fee, or the tacit approbation of 4
few fpeculative men.

Our public debt, which began in the nine
years war immediately foyowing the Revolution,
was about fourteen millions fterling at ttie deati^
of King William. At the death of Q^een Ann«
it amounted to fifty millions. In 1721, it waf
fifty-five millions j 17*6, it was fifty-two mil-*
lions } 1739, after feventeen years peace, it wa<
fofty-feven millions; front which period I b^
le«ve to refer your Lordfiup to the following
90te: J do not r«colIe^ wh«pc«jt.is j^r^wn, but

''■^- ■": it

i
I

II
c
e
■
*
i
t
r
t
t
i

• ]

nfequently, tlu feelingi
:ople.

w«re accordingly made
in time of peace, «nd a
me of war. And it hai
urfe of fixty-two yean,
ring more than twenty-
iblic debts. To relieve
the objed of ftatefinen,
uty bound to confult the
es, in preference to the
remote pofterity, which
le tacit approbation of 4

lich beg^n in the nine
)Vowing the Revolution,
3ns fterling at ttie deat)^
lie death of Q^een Ann«
llion;. In lyax, it waf
}, it was fifty-twQ mil-*
een ye^rs peace, it wa<
am which period I beg
rdflup to the following
whence jt. is drawn, but
it

■•^'i

193]
it is at leaft fufBciently accurate to anfwer thd
general purpofes before us.

>74? jC* 46,382,650 Debt. '

3 1,784,256 increafe during the war. *
— — — .a

1749 78,166,906 Debt.

3,089,641 decreafe during the peace* .

i7Sf 75,077,265 Debt.

71,505,580 increafe durmg the war.

J763 146,582,845 Debt, ;| ;

»o. 639,7^4 decreafe during the peace,

>77S M5,9f 3.061 Debt. .f

The refuk of all this is, that by the burdens
inherited from our anceftors, we arc obliged, in-
cluding the expence of coUedling, to pay in time
of profound peace near twelve millions fterling
annually ; and if the mortgaged part of that
revenue were free, we (hould poflefs fuppMes
aAually raifed within the year, nearly adequate
to the foppeit of a very vigorous war, though
not indeed fo extenfive as that of 1761, wHeri
the public expence amounted to nineteen millions
Aerllng. It is an obfervation rather of curiofity
than of ufe; t>ut your Lordfhip will ^d, ! be.^

Jieve,

[ 94 1

lieve, that all th« Aims levied upon the fubje^
of this kingdom in ninety years (being from the
Revolution to the prefent time), for public fer-
vices, have amounted to abput feven hundred
millions fterling, of which about two hundred
millions have actually been paid for the intereft
of public debts.

In confidering our a(!lual fituation, the cfkSts
of fuch a debt as I have defcribed certainly d^-
ferve attention.

I. It is fome inconvenience that we are made
tributary to foreign nations, by the obligation to
pay to them a large fum annually, < or t!'e intereft
of their property lodged in our funds. Opinionf
differ much as to the amount of this intereft, bu(
it cannot be eftimated at lefs than one millioi)
ijterling.— And fo large a (^rain would turn th^
fxchange too perceptibly againft us, if the far
vourable balance of our trade, by whatever mode
tffedied, 4id not operate to reftore the level.

Having mentioned this circumftance of ex-
change, I fliall digrefs for a moment to obferve,
that the courfe of exchange is at this day (^tpth
0/^oberj mqre in our favour vfith Cadiz, Lif^
. bon.

h
w
til
bi
th
pj

th
ui
ta

tr;
m
in

El
ni

ti<
fa'
ca
m
br

evted upon the fubjc^
/ years (being from the
It time), for public fer-

abput feven hundred
ich about two hundred
en paid for the intereft

iial fituation^ fhe tfkSts
defcribed certainly de-

lience that we are made
ns, by the obligation to
nnually, lyt tbe intereft

1 our funds. Opinionf
sunt of this intereft, bu(
t lefs than one million
I i^rain would turn th^
r againft us, if the far
ade, by whatever mods
to reftore the level.

s circumftance of ex-
r a moment to obferve,
ige is at this day (99th
vowr yrith Cadiz, Lif^
bon.

l95l

bon, Genoa, and Leghorn refpcAively, than If
was in a medium eftimate which was printed for
the year 1770. With Amfterdam and Ham-
burgh it is much lefs againft us now than it was
then ; with Paris and Venice it is now nearly at
par, but in 1770 was much againft us.

To men who confider the courfe of excltange
as a criterion of national commerce and riches
this account muft appear highly favourable to
us ; and the prefumption, as far as it goes, cer-
tainly is fo. It muft be confefted, however, that
no decifive concluitons are to be drawn from the
courfe of exchange} which is made irregular by
transfers of ftocics, receipts of dividends, and
mercantile combinations for the purpofe of draw-
ing and re-drawing through different parts of
Europe, as well as from various other more mi-
nute cireumftances. The exchange, if not
counterafted by other tranfadlions and fpecula-
tions of merchants, ftiould evidently be in our
favour whenever our export trade flouriflies j be-
caufe the balance muft be remitted to us : but it
may alfo be in our favour, even when certain
branches of our commerce, both outwards and

/lomewards.

'"ti

"|:

':^^^^^

»,.■

ItofflewarcfS} are fuflTering much, i nd nearTy in t
flate of ftagnation, becaufe there may be large
balances in courfe of remittance to Englifh Mer-
diants ; as in the prefent inftance of Cadiz inA
Madrid, where the price of exchange is at 36!^
and the par at 43. Here it is only a fymptom
that a tide is fetting in, which may foon ebb with
equal or greater velocity to fome other part of
the world. And in all other inftances, the courfe
of exchange between any two fpecified places ia
fiable to be raifed or lowered by the dealings and
interchange of both with many other countries.

The price of bullion (which, however, bears
alfo a favourable appearance at prefent) is ftill lefs
a certain thermometer of commerce than the
courfe of exchange ; for it is equally a fubjeA of
Bicrcantik fpeculations and Bneflv, and is alfo
Kable to be affeded by the (late of any particular
manufactures ufing the precious metals 1 by the
arrival in Europe of a Spanilh or Portuguefe
iota i by wars in Ruflia and in the interior part
of Germany, both diftant from the center of di-
iribution i by the (late of remittances of bullion
to or &om the £a(l Indies i and by the various

other

g much, ind nearTy In t
lufe there may be large
nittance to Englifh Mer-
it ir.ftance of Cadiz <nd
e of exchange is at 361^
'e It is only a fymptom
which may foon ebb with
' to fome other part of
ther inftances, the courfe
ly two fpecified places is
ered by the dealings aiul
1 many other countries.

(which, however, bears
mce at prefent) isftill lefs

of commerce than the
' it is equally a fubjeA of

and Bnefle, and is alfo
:he ftate of any particular
precious metals 1 by the
I Spanilh or Portuguefe
a and in the interior part
int from the center of di-
of remittances of bullion
liesi and by the various
other

i97l ♦

other contingencies of trade which tftcSt the va>«
)ue of that commodity in the market.

But though thefe points of obfervation do not
prove much as to commerce, nor decifively as to
the quantity of money in a country, they afford
at leaft a fair prefumption, that the national
wealth is not diminilhed.

a. Another principal inconvenience of the pub*
lie debts is to be feen in all the tranfaAions of
public borrowing. There is of courfe a great
competition of lenders, becaufe there is a general
expectation of certain gain. If the fum to be
borrowed is very large, a proportion of the mo-
ney to furniih it will be drawn either from chan-
nels of produAive labour, which are accordingly
impeded, or from the holders of public ftock,
which is confequently depreciated. The general
rule of intereft to be paid for money is indifferent
to the fubfcribers of a public loan ; becaufe what-
ever it is, they are to enhance upon the public ;
^d the advantages, or douceurs (for money-
lenders in their exertioiis againft France make
|;ood ufe of her language}, are at all times in-
^rinHcally worth more than what is computed

(.}•■

■P&s..

t9«l

and ftated to parliament } and though, from tht

ordinary modes of fubfcription, ' ofe advantages

(in whatever form given) are much divided by

transfers within forty>cight hours after the bar*

gUin is declared, the expence of the nation is the

fame, whether the firft fubfcribcrs or the! fubftr«

quent (lock-holders receive the benefit. Thia

tendency of public borrowings to raife the inte-

reft of money through the country, has exten«

five and bad effe&i in fefptd to trader agricuK

fure, and the value of land ; and it tends alfo to

depreciate the public funds, much beyond the

operation of any. doubts or uneafmeis as to thef'

ftate or fafety.

It is, in our days, dearly underftood, that the
intefeft given for money it not regulated by the
proportion of gold or ftlver aftually exifting
within the country; but by (he demand for bor-
rowing, and the ftate of commerce and induftry
which regulrite the competition for lending.

And though, at prefent, we in truth borrow
at a rate fully equal to $ pertm,^ confidering the
advantages above defcribed, and perhaps at a
higher i^te of intereil than in any period of the

-^. ^ .■• >' ^ tW9

tVI

fc
th
fa^
ft<

Wi
all
n<

tb
th
fl<
th
fit

er
fo

P<
il
fa
tt]
til

} and though, from tht
iption, ' ofe advantages
) are much divided by
ght houra after the bar^.
ence of the nation is the
fubfcribcrs or the! fubftr«
:ive the benefit. This
mings to raife the inte-
the country, hasexten*
rped to trader agricuK
id i and it tends alfo to
ids, much beyond the
}r uneafmeis as to thef'

ly underftood, that the
il not regulated by the
Itlver aftually exifting
t>y (he demand for bor-
commefce and induftry
tition for lending,
t, we in truth borrow
er ctfit,, cohfidering the
sd, and perhaps at a
n in any period of the

tW9

C 99 ]
two laft wars i yet this is fo little the cffcSk of »
fcarcity of monty, or of a want of conhdence in
the ability of the nation, that the contrary is the
fatSl, and was proved by the continued rife of
(lock above the price dated at the laft logn -, as
well as by the great premium, at which it is
known to h?ve been current before any transfers
\vere adually made to under-purchafers ^ and
alfo by fo great a proportion of the whole loan as
nejtf five millions being paid in the Hr(\ tvyp
months, at a difcount at the rate of 3 p*r cftit. ptr
anitf Mr. Hyme has fliewq, beyond difputc,
that interell is ^ tru^ barometer pf the ftatej and
the lownefs of intereft is an infallible fign of a
Hourilhing people : but he did not mean to apply
that remark indifcriminately to all the occafional
fituations of a (late. In periods of particul;^r
emergency, where there is an extreme preiTurf
for money, the ifitereft may be high, and fhe
people Qill 4oifri(hing. And though it is tru^
that low iqtereft and plenty of money are, it)
fa^, generally concomitants it is equally true,
that the fudden influx of money may, for 4
t)qie, lowf r interfft without introducing a plenty %
O 2 and

'^ 'S

[ 100 ]

and it is alfo true, that a great demand for money
will raile the intereft, without implying any fear-
city. It is demonftrable that, in time of peace,
a kingdom would fuflfer little if half its money
Were annihilated, or locked up in the coffers of
theftate: prices of labour, and its produce, would
be lowered j other countries would be underfold •
the level would be rcftored, and the prices would
gradually rife again. In time of peace, too, there
may be lefs coin and more paper in circulation ;
but the quantity of circulating ca(h in time of
. War is of the utmoft importance ; and therefore I
have been the more folicitous to offer to your
Lordftiip thefe remarks on the prefent rate of in-
tereft. '^S^^'^ii-

The inconveniences above mentioned are very
poorly compenfate<J by the bare cortfideration that
rite funds are an eafy and profitable fecurity to
mercantile people in general, and particularly to
the merchants who refide in the metropolis, and
♦the having a mortgage for fiich part of their
property as. they can fpare, bearbg intereft and
transfcrrable m an hour, by ftepping fifty yards
from their <cottnting-houfe, can afford to fell
' / their

100 ]

It a great demand for money
without implying any fear-
able that, in time of peace,
iflrer little if half its money
locked up in the coffers of
lOur, and its produce, would
untrie? would be underfold •
[lored, and the prices would
In time of peace, too, there
more paper in circulation ;
circulating cafh in time of
mportance ; and therefore I
folicitous to offer to your
ts on the prefent rate of in-

s above mentioned are very
^ the bare cortfideratton that
r and profitable fecurity to
general, and particularly to
!fide in the metropolis, and
age for fiich part of their
fpare, bearbg intereft and
our, by flepping fifty yards
-houfe, ran afford to fell
/ their

their commodities cheaper. In other refpeits,
the «ify transference of ftock is no comprchenfible
benefit to the nation ; and it is remarked by a
very eminent writer on this fubje<a, that the po-
litical mifchief to this kingdom would be very in-
confider^ble, if Change-alley and all its inhabit-
ants were for ever buried in the ocean. ■■'■• ^
3. I have feen 't defcribed as one bad confe-
quence of the public debts, that the creditors of
the public are maintained by the contributions of
the poor, and the labour of the induftrious.
This, however, is only a melancholy way o*
flating, that when poor men owe money, it is
inconvenient to them to pay it.

There is more folidity in the obje<aion to thft
fends, as giving too much influence to the
crown: the increafe of taxes being ever attended
with an augmentation in the profits, or with an
Hicreaie in the number of revenue-officers,

4. But the great inconvenience of the funding
fyftem, refblts from the complication and weight
of the taxes which it has occafioned.

Our friend Mr. Adam Smith, whom political
iirience may reckon a great bencfaclor, has dif-

cufled

[ I02 ]

cuffed this fUbjea fo fully, that it is haitlly
poffibk to fay any thing new upon it; but it
is, nevcrthclefs, material to confider how the efta.
hli(hed principles of taxation apply to the fituatioit
in which we find ourfclves.

The equality of taxation confifts in the obliging
every individual to contribute in proportion to
the revenue which he enjoys within the ftatej—
the taxes laid for this purpofe ihould be certain,
and as convenient as they can be made with
refpe<a to the time, ipanner, and quantum of
the cpqtribution. They (|iou}d ic$ep as little out
Qf the pocket? pf the peoplp as poffible; they
(hould not bear hard upon apy branch of in-r
duftry; and they (hould Acer c'saf qf 9II op-
preflion.

The revenue on which they are to operate re-;
fults from rent, profit, or wages. With refpe^
to the ^, it is for the benefit of agriculture that
the taxes qn land fliould be 9ccording to fome
fixed regulation or fettled eftimate (as in Eng,
land), and not variable according to the progrefn
or dedenfion of the value of each landed eftate {
for fuqh variations amoyftt.to a bounty on ba(|

haftandry.

ill/, that it is hzrdly
: new upon it; but it

confider how the efta.
on apply to the fituatioti
s.

1 confifts in the obliging
ibute in proportion to
)ys within the ftate; —
}ofe ihould be certain,
eyr can be made with
)ner, and quantum of
^ould keep as little out
opip as poflible; they
on a|iy branch of in<
(leer c'i^ qf 9II op-

they are to operate re?

wages. With refpe^
tiefit of agriculture that
be according to fome

eftimate (as in £ng«

cording to the progrefn

of each landed eftate ;

t.to a bounty on ba^

hufbandry.

t >0S ]

fiu(baildry, and a penal law againft improvtftlndnff
The amount of capital ftock, though in fome de^^
gree aflefled in England, is difficult to be regu^-
larly taxed } becaufe a ftate, and efpecially a met*
cantile ftate, ihould avoid any feverc inquifition
into the circumftances of individuals.

The wages of labour Ihould in no cafe be made
an object of direct taxation.

Taxes on confumable commodities include a
large extent of obje^s ; and, though they operate*
in genei.i, according to the voluntary humour
of the individual, reach all the three fofurces of
revenue, the rent of land, the profits of ftock,
and the wages of labour.

In felefiing confumable commodities for taxcs<
luxuries (hould invariably be preferred to tlie ne-
cei&ries of life, and to the raw materials of ma-
nufaduic. It is admirably contrived by Nature,
that every thing ufeful to the life of nvan arires
from the ground^ but few things in that degree
«f ufefulnefs of which they arc capable j and th©
fame idea applying ftrongly to many articles of
luxury, there is, betwew the firft exiftence of

confumabls

•W^-^'JK^

confumable commodities, and the time of t|}eir
confumption, an extenfive fkld to engage the in-
genuity and vigilance of financiers. Yet taxes
on confumable commodities will never b^ pro-
duflive of a very confuierable income to the ftatei
unlefs they extend to luxuries of general ufe; the
aggregate confumption of the inferior ranks of
people being mucli greater, both in quantity and
in value, than that of the opulent, who form«
in every ftate, a very fmall proportion of the
whole number: — at the fame time it (hould be
obferved, that to the happincfs and affluence of
the lower clafles, comparatively with the fame
clafles in other nations, we are to look for the
real health and ftrength of the kingdom.

It is difficult, however, to draw a 1\ri£t line
between luxuries and neceflltics ; many articles
pf clothing, furniture, and providon, being ren-
dered neceflary to the individual by the ufages of
his country and the opinion of his equals. A
due diftin£lion can only be made by the difcern-
ment and good temper of the ftate, which (hould
ever remember, that taxes dircAly ftriking at the

' -"u a<ftuai

4].

s, and the time of tjjelr
re fkld to engage the in-
f financiers. Yet taxes
ditics will never b^ pro-
rable income to the ftatei
Luries of general ufe; the
of the inferior ranks of
er, both in quantity and
the opulent, who form^
rmall proportion of the
fame time it (hould be
^pincfs and affluence of
aratively with the fame
we are to look for the
)f the kingdom.
;r, to draw a &n€t line
eceflitics; many articles
nd providon, being ren-
lividual by the ufages of
inion of his equals. A
be made by the difcern-
f the ftate, which (hould
es dircdtly ftriking at the
a^uai

t'05 3

a£lual necefl&ries of life, operate like the barren^,
nefs of the earth, or the inclemency of the hea»
vens.

Some proportion Oiovdd be obfervcil jn throw-
ing the burdens between the owners of land
and of capital ftock, the great fources of re-
venue J otherwife the one will ceafe to improve
agriculture, or the other will be difpofed to re^
move his capital from trade* The variovis pb-
jf^s of ta)(9tion, which do not come ftri£lly
under the defcription either of landrtaxes of
dutiei on confiimable commodities, will farnith
« wife Legiflature with fufficient means to attain
this end.

There arc cafes in taxation where we may
cut off the roots in attempting to extend the
branches. It Ihould not efcape remark, {hat an
enhancement of a particular duty (riqn^^tly
operates to leffen the produce of the antecedent
duty, and that the new produce will fometimes
be lefs than the produce of the old tax j— ac-
cording to Dean Swift's maxim, that in the
Cuftom-houfe arithmetic, two and two do not
always make four. In the well-known inftances

P of

i ^06 ]

of augmenting the duties on gum fenegal, and
reducing thofe on teas, the confequences were,
that the increafed rate dimini(hed, and the
lowered rates increafed the produca of the re-
^iftive taxes.

The freedom of exportation ftioufd be kept
facred, and be untouched by taxes, except in
very few articles, when it may be found expe-
dient to make a tax operate in the nature of a
prohibition, or to favour feme particular ma-
nufadure.

It is to a certain degree true, that taxes im^
pel labour; and if it were poffibic for this
country to pay all her debts, a reafonable
doubt might arife, whether it would be expe-
dient for her to reduce her taxes, farther than
a few exceptionable ones which affeft the ne-
ceiTaries of life, and the materials of manufa&>
ture.

Whilft taxes amount only to a dedudUon from
the conveniencies of the individual for the
public fcrvice, they may be extended, without
fcruple, as far as the public exigency requires :
but there is a certain point where they begin to

>6 3

es on gum fenegal, and
the confequences were,
e diinini(hed, and the
the producs of the re^

)rtation (faoufd be kept
ed by taxes, except in
it may be found expe-
'ate in the nature of a
IT fome particular ma-

rec true, that taxes \m>-
were polTible for this
:r debts, a reafonabie
ther it would be expe-
her taxes, farther than
s which affecEl the ne-
vnaterials of manufacN-

>nly to a dedudUon from
he individual for the
|r be extended, without
ublic exigency require! :
nt where they begin to
be

[ 107 3

be exorbitant and deftroy induftry, by producing
defpair in the induftrious. To toil inceOantly
in want, is too hard a condition for human na-
ture to bear ; yet an induftrious country may
long continue rich under fevere taxes, as a ftrong
and adtive body may enioy health under un-
wholefome diet and hard labour, -

It would anfwer little purpofe to enter here
into a deduftion of our contributions and taxe»
from their origin, and to ftate to your Lordihip
the danegeldts, efcuages, carucages, tallages,
purveyances, ranfoms of Jews, difmes, quinzi-
emes, and benevolences.— The progrefs toward?
any liberal notions of taxation was flow ; fo late
as the 31ft Henry VI, taxes were laid on every
ftranger abiding fi^f weeks in England } in the
reign of Edward VI, there was a poll-tax on
(heep { under the ufurpation of Cromwell, a
weekly meal was a favourite contribution } and
even under William III, there was a regular aA
of parliament to levy 4 tax on all inarriages.
Prin<:iples of commerce feem not to have en-
gaged the parliamentary attention before the aera
of the Rebellion, and articles of export trade
Pi wr«

1 j

,.H5||^,

C 108 ]

Vfere to • late period a principal branch of tli«
Cuftoms. Our trade regulations, including thtt
various detail of prohibitions drawbacks an4
bounties, are fince become extremely volumi-
nous, and by the daily acceHront of a century,
have certainly contra::led many defeas, and
much intricacy } nor is there a doubt but that
they might be fimplified and revifed with much
advantage both to commerce and revenue.

For the prcfent, however, it feems fufficient
to obferve, that our. fyftcm of taxation, though
obliged to comprehend fo large a variety of ob-
jeAs, and drawing fuch immcnfe fums from
the people, is in general guided by juft principles
of political oeconomy, and has be(»n found thus
fer apparently compatible whh the induftry, af-
fluence, and profpcrity of the State. (J>ur prin-
cipal taxes on neceflaries are on fait, leather,
foap^ and candles, which produce on the annuil
average near 200,000!. each ; they are all to a
certain degree detrimental to the induftrious
poor, and raife the wages of labour ; but they
have a gradual operation which much foftens
their tendency, and they are not hitherto found

o8 ]

I principal branch of tli4
cguhitions, including the
ibitions drawbacks an4
:omc extremely voiumi-
I acccHiont of a century,
ed many defedls, and
there a doubt but th^t
1 and revifed with much
lerce and revenue,
wever, it fecms fufficient
cm of taxation, though
fo large a variety of ob-
h immcnfe fums from
guided by juft principles
rid has beftn found thus
le whh the induftry, af-
)f tlic State. Our frin-
?s are on fait, leather,
h produce on the annuAl
each ; they are all to a
ital to the induftrious
;es of labour ; but they
•n which much foftens
' are not hitherto found
to

[ «09 ]

to cramp tlic maintenance and fupport of the
)ower clafs, fo as to diminilh tlve ufeful popular
tion of the country.

We (hould not derive much advantage from
an enquii7 into the taxation of other States, bcr
caufe regulations which are wife in one country,
may be quite inapplicable to another ', yet fome
comparative fati&fa<%ion may rcfult to an Englilh^
man, from recolicding the duties in Holland on
the confumption of bread, tiih, and fruit, &c. ;
the excifes upon butchers meat, and the chief
neceflaries of life, in many of the Italian States ;
the Spanifti aUavala of fix per cent, upon every
fale of any property moveable or immoveable ;
the French capitation, their corvees. Farmers
General, depreciations of coin, taxations of the
public debt, and above all the perfonal taille,
wliich conrtrues every (hew of improvement
into a propf of wealth, and taxes it accordf
ingly.

In the rcfult, France raifes lefs than fifteen
millions ftcrling, and with much ditlrefs arul
iditficulty, upon three times the number of in-
habitants from which Great liritain raifes above

ten

C "0 ]

'HI

ten millions ; and yet this iflan^i, thank God,
does not, under all her burdens, yet exhibit any
fymptom of internal decay : the univerfal luxury
of her inhabitants, though a thefis for moral
cenfure, is a decifive proof of her opulenGe.-<-
Her Excife and Cuftoms * have rifen in the pre-
fent year, even beyond their ulual level, and
by (hewing the extent of home-confumption,
imply an increaftng produce, and quick circu-
lation; every known criterion, and every ex-
ternal appearance, concur in proving the quan-

* The groA produce of tl>e Excife
for the year 177S, endiag 5th July,
amounted to — — _

Ditto for 1779, — **~

5»754.07fi o I
SiSfi9,ol| il 7

The groft receipt of the Cultoms
for the whole year 1777, amounted
to .

Ditto for 1 77S, -^ tm

3,i93,too

The net payment! of Cuftomt into
the Exchequer for Lady-Day, Mid«
fnmmer, and Michaelmai 1778, a*
mounted to —

pi^to for 1779, -• 5--»

I|8|S,769 It i|i
tity

his iAini, thank God,
burdens, yet exhibit any
ay : the univerfal luxury
sugh a thefis for moral
roof of her opuIence.-<-
! ♦ have rifen in the pre-
I their ulual level, and
of home-confumption,
duce, and quick circu-
Ti»erion, and every ex-
ir in proving the quan-

e Excife

th July, /. /. J.

—— 5»754.076 o i

Cultoms
nounted
""^ 3i*93isoo o o

DOM into
ly, Mid*
1778, a*

5-^ i|8i 8,769 It iii
tity

rity of money within the country to be unufually
great.

The next condderation is, how to derive from
fuch appearances the foiid aflldance which our
emergencies require } and this tafk, after a few
curfory remarks, I Ihall chearfully leave to thofe
who have financial ability, and will employ it on
the refources and fpirit of the nation.

It is a paradox without ingenuity, an extra*
vagance without fancy, to ftate that burdens
create powers, and that this country is become
proportionably affluent by the increafe of her in-
cumbrances i but it is a plain truth, that though
the incumbrances are great, her trade and com-
merce are ftill flouriOiing. It has, in former
times, been made an argument for adding to tlM
public burdens, that their bulk has not yet over-
whelmed us : at prefent we want no argument
beyond the iron one of necefllty. We have no
choice :— great and vigorous exertions both of
linance and force are become eflential to tli«
maintenance of our rank among nations, our
credit, and our commerce.

■ ■ ' Some

■■,*»*•"

[.12]

jome refpe£^ablc individuals have prdpofed, on
the prcfcnt emergency, to fufpend the prailice
of borrowing, and to call upon every fubjcdt in
the kingdom, for a dircft aid equal to the public
wants ; that aid to be proportioned either to real
capital, or to inconre.—It is impoflible not to
treat v^rith the utmoft deference and regard, any
propofal originating in that fpirit of public virtu''.,
which ought to guide the whole country l.iro
the ftorm in which (he is ftruggling. Yet it m: /
be doubted whether fuch an idea would be in
any degree praaicable^ and if it were, whethe?
it would be expedient.

Suppofing the general income of the kingdom
to be lOo millions, or the total capital to be looo
millions (which however are points at beft very
corjeftural), it is indifputabiy clear that 7 i per
ctnt. collefted on the one, or \ per ctnt. collected
on the other, muft produce 7 millions and a
half, which if raifed in fterling money within
the year, might well be applied towards the fup-
port of the war.

The different adopters of thefe ways and
means, do not quite agree whether they would

draw

iduals have prdpofed, on
to fufpcnd the practice
II upon every fubjcdt in
it aid equal to the public
■oportioncd either to real
-It is impoflible not to
fcrence and regard, any
liat fpirit of public virtue^
iC whole country i.ircj '■
I (Iruggling. Yet it m: /
ch an idea would be in
and if it wert, whethcf

I income of the kingctom
le total capital to be looo
;r are points at heft very
lutabiy clear that 7 i per
le, or ) per ctnt. colledled
reduce 7 millions and a
n fterling money within
; applied towards the fup-

ters of thefe ways and

grce whether they would

draw

t MJ]

draw for this Aipply on the apital of una iiing-
doro, or on the revenue 1 but they concwri uui
with an abiiity which indeed warms tJ»c.iir.«gi»
nations, and expands the hearts of their leaderst
in ftat' 1;) wliat m fimpkr words amounts to no
mk,rv than r '-, th« there is a certain quantum
.*pj>iTirty ithin the ifland, acertitin propor-
:o. ' vvhxh amounts to a certain fum» wJi«sH
wilt be \ very convenient afliilaoce, if FwrliHOHm
can contrive io get it.

So tar, however, as the pra£ticahility is )n
qucftion, the corner-ftone of the whole expec-
tation is to be laid in the airy regions of fenti-
ment, and in that unanimous concurrence, ge.
ncrpfity, and public zeal, of eight millions of
people, which is to lead them with one heart,
and one hand, to ftate and to give accurately and
fcrupuloufly their refpeflive proportions.

There is, indeed, a precedent of fuch exer-
tions in Holland, where a per (tnt, was fuppofed
to be faithfully paid by voluntary contribution }
but the exigency was of the mod urgent kind,
as it operated upon 3 people colle£ted within a
foiall territory, and engaged in a general infur-
Q_ relation,

.Ai«g^'-

C"4l

tt&\<m» At Hamburgh alfo, it is a fi«qtient
pn€ike to obtain a confcientiou* payment of i
ptr €iHt. on the whole property of the inhabit-
ants, and it is delivered into a puUic coffer,
without declaration of the amount of each con-
tribution} but this is a very inconfiderable im-
poft, XvntA too within a fingle city, and not
More rtmarkabie than a firiftol fubfcription to
iny ofcje£l of popular r^ard.

It is not likely that any ^reat difficulty would
anfe here firom the fum being too large for 6ur
proportion of circulating caffi. If it were poffible
to mfufe into every breaft a quantum fuffiai of
ptiblic enthufiafm, there can be little doubt that
jfeven millions and a half extraordinary might be
drawn together in this way, as pradicably as by
a loan on new taxes.— We know that there is
within the kingdom above twenty millions fter-
ling of gold currency} for above (ixteen millfons
of guineas actually appeared upon the laliitary
operation of reforming the gold coin ; an opera-
tion which cannot be mentioned, vnthout a wi(h
to fee it extended to our filver coinage, both for

"4 1

irgh alfo, it is a fitquent
confcientious payment of i
le property of the inhabit*
rered into a puUic coffer,
>f the amount of each con-
s a very inconfiderable im-
hin a fingle city, and not
ui a fihftol fubfcription to
r r^ard*

t any ^reat difficulty would
im being too large for 6ur
ting caffi. If it were poffibte
breaft a quantum fuffitit of
here can be little doubt that
half extraordinary might be
i$ way, as pradicably as by
t.— We know that there is
above twenty millions fter-
'l for above (ixteen millfons
appeared upon the jalutary
ig the gold coin ; an opera-
: mentioned, iinthout a wi(h
our fiiver coinage, both for

the

C "5 J

the benefit of trade, and for the prevention of ^
capital crime which it become vqy frequent !

The truth is, that a contribution, which in
order to be effe^ive muft be to general as to
extend even to the daily fcrapings of halfpence
from the hands of pcafants, cannot be th< volun-
tary meafure of an eKtenfive empire.— We know
that opulent ai^d zealous fubjeas ^an exclude the
rays of the fun from their houf^s, in order to
ihut out a window-tax j we fee wearied coaifh-
horfes (trained twenty miles extraordina^fy, ^o
fave two-pence per mile on poft-horfcsj and yet
we are to expeft fevep millions fterling, as a vo-
luntary bentjvolefice ! Difinterefted enthufiafm is
a rare and (hort-lived plant, and not of a ram-
pant growth : It is of the fcnfitive kind too, and
(brinks when touched l?y the hand of a tax-
gatherc^. U tl^e propofed contribution were
fecret, it would fall hard on the bed and warmeft-
hevted fubjeft^ of Ae ftate, but would bring
more blank? than a guinea lottery from indivl-
' duals of another defcription. Jf it were open, it
would be oppreffiye and odious ; nor would the
fpirit or tranfaftions of a mercantile country bear

ih tthlverfal publication of twy man'* clivuiq.
ftanwi ---^d hnhtr, m ffM ^schiiitioni xrf p»-
fchil iJrdpettf wouM to ^^Mtzl be mqch con-
<ra<!»ed wfthin their real value, ths diflermce
tWJuld fall on land.ownera and mm having often-
fib!e poflcflrons.

Happily, however, tWs idea is not praaicable,
for it certainly would not be expedient. Few
ptople could make the requifite exerrion, with-
out encfoachlng more or lefs on their capital :
and this general efFea would operate as a fatal
Wow to oXir manafai^dres and agriculture, which
pot only raife and diftribufe a competertt portion
pf maintenance to every part of the nation, but
fumifti the fund to all the fupplies of theydtf.—
The fHperior ranks in the State would reduce
their domeftic eftablirhments j the lower d&ilh
.would curtail their expehccs ; the feveral vehdert
pf fuperfluities would fuffer ; the farmers markets
would be ielTened; the general decay of trade
would occafion a decreafe ot the public revenue i
and the deficiency muft either fall on the fihklrtg
fund, or be made up by frefti taxe?. And
^_|hough a proportion of the money voluntarily

contributed.

(ffu

116 I

m of tvwjr man'« ciivuiq.

* M Hw 4oc]ariitioni xrf" pas-

Jh ^Meral be. mijch con-

retl value, ths diflTerance

tiers and men hvf'mgoibm*

tWs idea is not pra^icabl«,
I not be expediwt. Few
e requifite exertion, >i^th-

• or lefs on their capital :
I would operate as a fatal
res and agriculture, -which
ibute a competerit pottrori
y part of the nation, but
the A)ppliesoftheyear.~
i the State would reduce
liments } the lower clailh
ehces i the feveral vehdeft
iffer ; the farmers markets
e general decay of trade
ife ot the public revenue i
either fall on the fihkirtg

' by frefli taxe?. And

if thie money voluntarily

contributed.

[ 117 3

contributed, and thus diverted from taxed ob*
ie£ls of expence, would in a courfe of time re-
turn to pirculation, and be again produ(Stive to
the State, the prefent obje£t would not be at^
tained*

In 1720, Mr. A. Hutchinfon ftated in the
Houfe of Commons, and afterwards publifhed
in liis Treatifes, a fcheme for the payment of the
public debts. He propofed that every individual
ihould charge himfelf with his proportionable
iharp of thofe debts, and contribute that fliare
for the entire difchargc of all our funds and pub-
lic mortgages, Thp idea was magnificent, and
filled the mind ; but every man who reafoned
upon it agreed, that fuch a fcheme (fuppofirtg it
pradtipable} would fall partially and heavily on
yifible poflefllons of lands and houfes, and that
pvery other fpecies of property capable of con-
cealment, would be concealed.

It might poffibly become expedient to colle^
from individuals as much as they would give.
An extremity too might arrive, in which, under
1 dioice of neceflary evils, it might be the heft
attemative to raiiip fuf^ies vpon the ordinary tm-

appro-

^''■:w'

Ill ' :

■ft-

appropriated revenue, or upon the produce of
the finking fund, which together would afford
an intereft equal to about one hundred and thirty
millions fterling.

But I truft again and again, that the times are
Very far from wanting fuch alfiftance and fuch
aids. ■■■'■J V.

There is every reafon to hope, that under th«
four confiderations of new taxes, increafe of par-
ticular fubfifting taxes, improvements in the
prefeiit modes of colIe«^ing, and appropriations
of public claims, polleflions, and contingencies,
there are ample, eaTy, and fafe Kfouices for
many years :

I. Under the head of luxuries there remain
many objects to affift revenue, and new ones
daily arife to exercife the talents of a financier.
It is an old-fa(hioned witticifm, that of all mines
of public revenue vanity is the moft inexhauftible,
and the eaiieft to be worked.

M To catch the manners livuig as they rife/*

Is an ufefiil art in taxation } it muft be exerdfed,
bowsver, with gentlenefs j nor muft it bear hard

upon

Ii8 ]

or upon the produce of
ich together would afford
>ut one hundred and thirty

i again, that the timet ar«
I fuch affiftance and fuch

n to hope, that under the
lew taxes, increafe of par*
, improvements in the
;<3ing, and appropriations
lltons, and contingencies,
, and fafe refources for

of luxuries there remain
revenue, and new ones

he talents of a financier.

Htticifm, that of all mines

r is the moft inexhauftible,

trked.

en livuig as thqr rife,"

ion; it muft be exerdfed,

tfss nor muft it bear hard

upon

tM9]

upon objeAS} which exift rather in the caprice
than in the convenience of the confumcr, and
which, from their inui x5c value, cannot bear
any confiderablt impoft. In 1767, i,soo,oco/.
was borrowed on a duty upon ladies chip hats j
the duty was made large in proportion to the
value, that it might be productive j the confe-
quence vras, that chip hats were difcontinued,
and the tax produced nothing.

The articles of luxury, which are not of met«
vanity, but of general utility, are extremely nu*
merous in a rich and populous country like this.
And though it muft be confeflitd that this, field of
taxation, which is highly produAivc in its na-
ture, has been reaped with great induftry, there
are feveral good gleanings ftiU to be coUeded
from it. A tax on all faddle-horfes might, per<>
haps, be laid and levied much in the fame man-
ner as the late tax upon fervants : fuch a tax
would certainly be produftive ; and if it (hould
operate in any degree as a difcouragement to that
fpecies of expence, it would not be unfavourable
to agriculture } the retrenching of individuals in
this article would operate in favour of others

■J

li:

inore beneficial to the revenue ; and rii« innJpor4
lation of foreign oats, which is at f>r«renc con-
fiderable, would be reduced. A moderate taxy
however, would not occaiion any check or re-
vulfion in the prefent fyftem of expence i and if
foch a tax were extended to the coach and chaife
horfes of private perA}ns, it would give fome little
collateral fupport to the prefent tax on po(U
horfes. The laft-mentioried tax being at jj^
percent, is thought by foine too high^ and to
have given a fudden check to that mode of <x-
pence. This may be fo in fome degree i but we
muft alfo uke into the account thie difpofitioQ
whicl) men feel to evade the operation of ev^ry
new tax ; and alfo the prefent circumfiwice of
the eamps, which prevent much of the gsneraj
iatercourfe at other times going forwards, through
the kingdom ; and it is taore feverdy felt by the
kutkcepers, becaufe they are, at the fame time,
cxpofed to great lofles and hard(hips hotn the
frequent marchings and quarterings of troops for
the public fervice.— -There can h^ little doubt
but that the pofting bufinefs wiH gradually reco^
vcr its tone. In the mean time thJs tax, though

-M

'^i*-^-

11(5 ]

revenue ; and th« !nnipor4
, which is at prefent conw
iduced. A moderate taxy
iccafion any check or re-
fyftem of expencci «nd if
ed to the coach and chaife
s, it would give fome iittic
he prefent tax on po(U
itioned tax being at 3^
' foine too higii^ and to
heck to that mode of <x-
6 in fome degree ; but we
e account thie difpofition
ide the operation of ev^ry
I prefent circuniflwice of
ent much of tfa« gsneraj
!s going forwards, through
taore feverdy felt by the
!y are, at the fame time,
and hardlhips hotn tbe
quarterings of troops foe
tiere can h^ little dou(A
inefs win gradually reco^
an time thJs tax, though
it

It may in fome degree lower the produce of tha
wheel duty, and indircdlly of other minuter
taxes, is very produaive j and it will be much
improved whenever the door is clofcd againll
fome frauds, to which the prefent mode of col-
legion is open, and which have alfo crept in
tlirough the exemptions given by the aft of par-
liament.

Primed pamphlets and hand bills arc not un-
fair nor unpromifmg objedls for a fmall ftamp-
tax. Nor would learning fufFer, or its produc-
tions be difcouraged, if books were moderately
taxed. Bills of entrance, clearances, cockcts,
and other formal papers ufed in commercial
tranfaaions, are certainly numerous enough to
make a fmall ftamp-dtrty very produaive j thefc,
however, are objefls which require caution and
previous enquiry. A new ftamp-duty on cerri-
ficatcs to be given to all perfons qualifying theni-
felves for lucrative offices and employments,
might be laid whh much lefs fcruple,

Publie places of amufement are with fome a
favourite objeA for a flight impoft. But this
meafure" would, perhaps, be grating to the feel-

'.■*:■

iiT

' ' 1 1" 1

ings of the people, beyond other more produc-
tive taxes, and, if it operated as a difcourage-
ment to public amufements, would collaterally
alfei5l other fources of revenue.

The vicejima hareditatum of the Romans has
long been adopted by the Dutch, in regard to all
collateral fuccelTions of property ; and fome of
the Dutch regulations might br borrowed with
advantage, if any inftitution ot the fame kind
were attempted here. Many fucceflive Englith
Minifters have had it in contemplation, but have
always found it liable to difficulty, and op«n to
much evafion, from the nature of Britifh pro-
perty both real and perfonal, and from the vari-
ous enablilhed modes of trufts and transfers.
Such a tax, if eftabliflied, would iti many cafes
be paid with perfed cheerfulnefs to a confider-
able amount, and in others would contribute
towards drawing fomething to the revenue from
long minorities, where there is much property
hoarding :md increafmg under the proteAion of
the public, without paying any proportion to-
wards the public expence.

m I

». The

,rond other more produc*

>perated as a difcourage-

ments, would collaterally

evenue.

itum of the Romans has

he Dutch, in regard to all

f property ; and fome of

might be borrowed with
itution ot the fame kind

Many fucceflive English
n contemplation, but have
;o difficulty, and open to
lie nature of Britifh pro-
rfonal, and from the vari-

of trufts and transfers,
hed, would in many cafes
heerfulnefs to a confider-

others would contribute
thing to the revenue from
E there is much property
g under the prote£lion of
aying any proportion to-
ice.

». The

■•- "*^iiltii/li1i|ffi'ilKuL'tti'"-'- '

[ "3 ]

a. The augmentation of fubfifting taxes is a ,
moft ufeful expedient, wherever the commodity
to be taxed will bear the additional import ; be-
caufe there is a probable foreknowledge of the
produce, and little expence in the colleftion. It
has hitherto been found in moft inftances, that
our general confumption has gained ground under
the preiTure of increafed taxes \ but there is a
point beyond which particular duties cannot ad-
vance, without the hazard of a fall, from which
they may never rife again. Indigo was a princi-
pal produft of Jamaica, and flourifhed much
under the pld duties j but when the legiflature
impofed threp (hillings and fixpen^e ^^r pound on
it, the pUnters dropped the cultivation entirely ;
and though the Parliament repealed the tax, the
people were either unable or unwilling to recover
the manufaaure, which in 1747 revived in the
Carolina?, arid was fupported by a Britifti
bounty.

There is no doubt that ftamp-dutles might be

increafed with advantage in many cafes, according

to the value of the fums or property to be fe-

fur^ or transferred. A fmall duty of regiftra-

|C i lion

'■■«

tlon might alfo be required on the trinifcr of
fomc particular fpecics of property} fuch i duty,
however, would fall frequently upon the feller,
under fuch circumftancej a> to operate in aggra-
vation of tiiftrefs. A confiderable Ibmp-duty on
the probates of wills, on letters of adminiftm.
tion, and on the copies of all wills, was granted
by an aft of the laft fertion j but the proving of
v/ills was not at the fame time futnciently en-
forced.

The entire abolition of franks would un-
doubtedly be attended with an ad^Iitional reve-
nue, which might moderately be ertimatcd at
80,000/. a year J many aukward and expenfive
arrangements muft however be Aibilituted in
refpc(ft to correfpondence on parliamentary and
official bufineflls. Public expediency may in
due time require fuch a meafurej it would,
however, be matter of fome regret to fee Parlia^
ment deprived of an old, and not unreafonablc
diftin£lion.

Some refpeftable writers have propqfed as a
good meafure to equalize the land-tax. I may
poffibly be milled by a partiality towards our own

part

54 ]

ircd on the transfer of
• property } fuch i duty,
lucntly upon the feller,
a» to operate in aggra-
ifiderable Ibmp-duty on
I letters of adminiOri.
f ail wills, was granted
>n { but the proving of
le time futnciently en»

of franks would un-
ith an ad^Iitional reve-
.•rately be eftimatcd at
lukward and expenfive
ever be fubrtituted in
on parliamentary and
ic expediency may in
I meafurc} it wouI4,
tie regret to fee Parliar
, and not unreaTunable

rs have propofed as a

the land-tax, I may

tiality towards our own

part

t 125 ]
part of England ; but I conceive fuch an idea t«
be replete with objedlions. It is always dangerous
to change the eftablifhed courfe of a very pr»,
duiStive tax : It would in this inftancc be unjuft,
becaufe the proprietors oflow rated eftates have,
in many innances, purchafed them upon the faith
of a fettled and permanent tax :— It would b«
inexpedient, becaufe it would operate as a punilh-.
ment on late improvements, and would ruin
many landlords now in a courfe of beneficial cul-
tivation. It has hitherto been deemed the beft
feature of our land-tax, that it is not fubje6t to
variations. It may be true that the rent of lands
alone amounts to twenty millions fterling; and
that the land tax, taken at one-fifth not only of
all the land rents, but of all houfe rents, and
of the intereft of all capital flock, produces a fum
equal to one-tenth only of twenty millions : but
adry deduction of arithmetic isnojuft argument
for a forcible and violent operation of revenue,
Xhe more plaufible arrangement of levelling the
whole prefent duty to two (hillings, in order to
colled it upon a new furvey and equal valuation,
is cxpofcd to all the fame objcaions. It might;

however.

u^.

however, be left unfair, if a fifth fliilling were
ever to be granted, to take that addition upon a
new valuation.

It it the opinion of fome credible and well in-^
formed nxn, that the bounties paid on corn ope-
rate httic with the farmer, either direflly or in-
dire(Hly, as an encouragement to that branch of
agriculture \ that they accrue to the benefit chiefly
of artful factors, are fometimes fraudulently ma-
naged and received upon corn, which is adluaUy
brought back to the kingdom even without
quitting our coaAs} and that, admitting thofe
bounties to have hitherto had the falutary effedk
afcribed to them (which however is difputable),
they are at prefent a fource of much unavailing
cxpence to the kingdom. I underftand ihe fub-
jeA too imperfe£Uy to fay more than that, in fad,
the expence is fometimes near i $0,000/. a year,
and that the annual faving of that fum, would
be equal to the intereft of a loan of five mil-
lions.

There are other extfti|ig bounties which may

deferve an enquiry; and it is a common fuf(>iGion

too, that many frauds have crept into the wMe

^^~ bufinefs

^^Uihi*

« 1

if a fiAh (hilling were
ke that addition upon a

ne credible and well in-
unties paid on corn ope-
r, either direflly or in-
ement to that branch of
:rue to the benefit chiefly
letimes fraudulently ma-
corn, which is aAually
kingdom even without
d that, admitting thofe
:o had the falutary effedl
li however is difputable),
urce of much unavailing
t. I underftand ihe fub<
f more than that, in fad,
!s near i $0,000/. a year,
ring of that fum, would
t of a loan of five mil-

ifig bounties which may

1 it is a common fufpidon

)ave crept into the w)io]e

bufmefs

[ 127 ]

bunneft of drawbackx , as well by the re-exporta-
tion of foreij^n goods, which arr aftcrwardi re-
landed for home confumption, as by favourable
certificates on manufactured materials, and by
other modes, to the difadvantage of fair trade,
and to the great dctrime.it of the revenue.

3. Nor is there any doubt that the Income
of the public might be greatly increafed, and
commerce at the fame time be benefited, by
improvements in the prefent modes of colledl-
ing.

In articles which mud remain fubje£t to a
Cuftom-houfc duty, much improvement may
be made by a liquidation of the duties, and a
revifal of the book of rates. — New taxes having
been added and fupcradded to the old from time
to lime, it is become a matter of fcience to know,
and an occupation of great dexterity to compute
.them. For example, a pound of nutmegs is
charged with nine different duties, is. 8 </. ^ f §
1^, &C. &c. &c. This method, or rather want
of method, is embarrafling to commerce ; for it
takes up time, which is valuable to the mer-
chant, and muft be paid for i it creates an addi-
tional

1.1

#i»P

¥i'S

[ 128 ]

tional cxpence in management, and it makes the
attendants about the Cuftom-houfe the agents
of the importers : which circumftance is either
burdenfome to the merchant, or has a manifeft
bad tendency to the revenue. The duty, like-
wife, by thefe fmall fra<aional additions, has, at
laft, in many inftances, been raifed too high, and

' the article is then either fmuggled or debafed.
£y a liquidation of duties, the expence of col-
le&ion might be much diminished ; and the pay-
ment being made eafier, and confequently lefs
chargeable to the merchant, his temptations to
clandeftine trade would be lefTened, and the re-
venue would gain.

How far it might be expedient to convert tlic
liquidated duties into duties ad valorem^ may be
a matter of fome doubt^ and would well deferve
a previous enquiry and confideration. The pre-;
talent fyftem of fixed duties has the important
merit of long acquiefcence and experience in its
favour. Nor would it be eafy to obviate the
frauds ufed in fixing the value, though improve-
ment might certainly b<; made in that rcfpe<a, if
a conGderable part of the Coiloms were fo

mm »-* ii charged.

,«

*i^W

I',

28 ]

;ement, and it makes thtf
^uftom-houfe the agents
:h circutnftance is either
chant, or has a manifeft
venue. The duty, like-
^ional additions, has, at
been raifed too high, and
ler fmuggled or debafed.
tics, the expence of col-
diminifhed; andthepay-
r, and confequently lefs
:hant, his temptations to
be leflened, and the re-
expedient to convert tlic
uties ad valerem^ may be
••i and would well deferve
confideration.- The prc-
iuties has the important
!nce and experience in its
: be eafy to obviate thef
! value, though improve-
c made in that rerpe<^, if
the Coftoms were fo
charged.

charged. At preJTent, the duties ad valorem ttk
upon an Additional article in the book of i-ates,
direding that when ahy goods are imported not
aUvady rated in that book, they ire to pay aj
per tent, on their raluc accoiidin^ to the oath df
theimpOTter.

The advantage of laying different t«es on a
commodity, through the feveral ftages of itspro-
grefs towards the confumer, Li preftrenci io col-
leding the whole upon one of the ftages^ confifts
in dividing the tettjptation to fraud through the
different individuals: but this idea ha^ been
thought by fome to be caitied too faf. It is Kip.
pofed, for example^ that a confiderabfe advantage
would reftilt both to the revenue and to confu-
liiers, if the different taxes upon beer were sdl
lud on the rtalt, it being mufch eafier to defraud
the revenue m a brewery thsn in a ittalf-houfe}
and fuch « duty would reach private breweries,
which at prefent have a parti;d advantage. The
objeftion, that this plan would lay too great a
load upon the makfter, is in foim degree
weakened, by dbfcrving that the whole is at
prefent paid, with all farther additions, by the
^ brewer.

f'l 4

KiL

t,','

_.„, ,;. _J.

'i»i--5fti««WflStS»3a«*3*t*J>-'

a- m

m
1 1

t '30 1

l^gy^er.^In other inftances, it is thought that
the revenue fulFers by the duty being paid in the
firft ftage. Sugar, for example, is charged with
a duty on importation } the Weft India merchant
pays that duty } the fugar-refiner repays him with
intereft and commiilion ; the grocer repays the
refiner in like manner, and is repaid by the con-

fumef.

A charge of intereft and commiflion upon the
fum advanced for the duty, certainly arifes upon
a taxed commodity every time that it is fold be-
fore its confumption; and this- confideration,
ar^'^Td to the time and expence of tranfa£ling bu-
finefs at the Cuftom-houfe, has led fome to fup-
. pofe, that, in all articles which do not pafs di-
redly from the importer to the confumer, the
fum added to the price, on account of the duty,
may be computed at one-third above the duty.
This is one reafon why excifes are more pro-
duAive than Cuftoms, and preferable in a mere
■ queftion of revenue.

It certainly appears too, from experience,
that the Excife laws confound the opaiations of
the fmugglers much more than thofe of the

Cuftoms,

^■Smm^.

nces, it is thought that
le duty being paid in the
xample, is charged with
ihe Weft India merchant
r-refiner repays him with
; the grocer repays the
and is repaid by the con-

nd commiffion upon the
ity, certainly arifes upon
y time that it is fold be-

and this* confideration,
(pence of tranfading bu-
ufe, has led fome to fup-
es which do not pafs di-
:<r to the confumer, the

on account of the duty,
te-third above the duty,
y excifes are more pro-
and preferable in a mere

too, from experience,

>nfound the opa^tions of

norc than thofe of the

Cuftoms,

[ 131 ]
Cuftoms, and that the nearer the latter, without
vexation to the people, can be made to approxi-
mate . to the former, the more produdive they
will be. There are many articles of great and
valuable confumption, where the goods might
be warehoufed and pafs by permit. It is evident,
that the £xcife laws might be applied to the duty
on wine, without any danger to popular liberties,
and with great benefit to the general health. I'ea
is fo portfible and fo valuable an article, that it 19
the favourite objedl of fmugglers, by which the
revenue is defrauded to a great amount j and
large fums, for this clandelline trade, are fent
annually out of the kingdom into the continent.
It has be^n eftimat^d, that above eight millions
of pounds of adulterated, unwholefome, and
fmuggled tea, are annually confumed within
Great Bptain, It is this article too which bear^
the expence of m^ny fmuggling veflfels, and fup*
ports them in bringing other objeifts of dandeftine
trade. If it were praflicable to fubje(ft tea to ji
general excife, the duty might, perhaps, be
lowered, fo as to leave this commodity at t\vo-
thirds q( the pref<;nt price to the confutqer-s, and

S » f^

'!\.i

.;iH0»«s*»

11'

[ »32 ]

yet to raife a much larger duty to the State. In
Hollandi a tax it levied on eacif perfon for a li-
cenfi; to drink tf a. This, on individuals, would
tniount to a capitation J upon fitmilies, it would
be a mcK houff-tax ; and in either cafe, would
loTe the advantage of a tax on cenfumable com-
modities, which (hould operate according to the
voluntary eonfumption.

The expenee of levying the Cuftoms, in the
wlary of officers, and other incidents, including
^quarantine, cruizers, &c. amounts to ten pfr
itHt. that of the Excife to about five and a half
pit cm.

Duties at firft are frequently rmpofed as expC"
rtments, and there is great excufe for the makers
of the feveral revenue laws, however eonfufed
and ill contrived they may appear. But after fo
many years experience gained, it is furprHtng
that no perfon has had the pubKc fpirit to form
a ^plan for making the rolle£lton of the revenue
more fimple, and of courfe more produi^ive*
Many individuals have knowledge enough hi the
management, myfteries, and intricacies of trade,
to reduce fuch a reform to pradice; and the

refpcAable

^l«r-

J2 ]

!r duty to the State. In
I on eacif perfon for a li-
Js, on individuals, would

upon fitmilies, it would
nd in either cafe) would
tax on cenfumable com-

operate according to the

ing the Cuftoms, in the
ther incidents, including
kc. amounts to ten pfr
to about five and a half

[uently impofed as expC"
eat excufe for the makers
laws, however confufed
tay appear. But after fo
gained, it is furprHing
the pubKc fpirit to form
roUe£lion of the revenue
:ourlb more produi^ive*
^owledge enough in the
, and intricacies of trade,
m to pradice; and the
refpeAable

[ »33 1

fefpedable merchants of England would aea-
iDufly aflift. — It is an unfortunate, but generally
received opinion, that great fchemes of reforma-
tion muft have quiet times to give them birth
and cffe&. The rcverfe of this is perhaps the
truth; for when affairs go fmoothly on, idleneft
and felf-indulgence are generally an over-match
for public fpirit ; and men are not eafily prevailed
upon to quit the beaten road. ])ut times of
fiifHculty naturally and forcibly call forth aelivitf
and exertions*

4. In the appropriation of public clalmls, poflef*
0ons, and contingencies, there are various great
fcfources accruing to the public.

Some individuals have built high expediationi
on the crown lands ; others have taken poflbflioA
of all the public toils and turnpikes ; and others
•gain have looked into the poor-houfes for t
large fupply of revenue. \Yithout reprobatingi
or even difputing the notions of refpedable men^
whofe fpirit and abilities are exemplary, and
ufeful to the public, I am content to call youf
hotdfhip's attention to matters more obvious.

lit-

I '34 3

In 1781, nineteen millions fterling will hl\
from an intereft of 4 ptr tent, to 3 ^^r ««/. In
1/ 82, 4 millions and ^ will fall from 3i to 3 p/r
««/. J and the favjng in thcfe inftances alone will
furnifh a fund for the intereft of fpven millions.
There are feveral acceffions alfo annually ac-
cruing to the public from the expiration of life
annuities.

But the £a(l-India Company alone prefent
great and ample refources. In their approaching
application for a renewal of their charter, there
can be no doubt that the foftering attention and
tendernefs which was fhewn to them on a late
occafion, will be continued to an eftabli(hment,
from which this empire has derived, and con-
tinues to derive fo large a branch of its commerce
and revenue. On the other hand, it is as little
to be doubted that the Company will be fenfible
of the conftitutional right (and perhaps the
equity) of the claim to their territorial acquifi-
tions i and that, in the arrangement of thefe
great confiderations, they will, in return for the
continuance of their fortunate monopoly, be able

not

llions flerling will ^11
tent, to 3 per tent. In
11 fall from 3^ to 3 per
icfe inftances alone will
ereft of ftsven millions*
ons alfo annually ac-
the expiration of life

ompany alone prefent
In their approaching
of their charter, there
foftering attention and
;wn to them on a late
;d to an eftabliHiment,
has derived, and con-
branch of its commerce
!ier hand, it is as little
}mpany will be fenilble
;ht (and perhaps the
:heir territorial acquili-
arrangement of thefe
' will, in return for the
nate monopoly, be able
not

not only to furnifli a confiderable afllftancc to
this country in money, but an ample income
from their acquiiitions, to be employed as a
farther and permanent refourcc.

Here I (hall clofe this fubjeft ; and if in the
candid confideration of our difficulties and re-
fources, I have been fortunate enough to im-
part any Ihare of that confidence which has
grown upon me through the whole progrels of
this enquiry, or to invite better reafonings to a
iimilar effe£t, I (hall feel fatisfied with the facri-
fice of a leifure in other refpeifls of little confe-
quejice.

i' I

.1: .'

:y.-

'■i^^tMii^immmsfmammeme'SsmMmaa^ita^vmsBtsmm!^!^^

Sic nes i» luee timemus
hurdum, nihih qua/unt metutnJa magis, juam
^j^puiri in ttnehri$ pavitant, finguntque futura.
fiiff igitur lirrorem animi, ttncbrafyut neajf* eft^
Hm radii ftlit, tuc lucida tela diti
B^/eutiant, fid Nalura-fptcits, rmfiafMe.

LucRlT. 6.

*^w^

I '37 3

• ms i» luce timemut
\etutnda magis, quam
tut, fiHgunttpii futura.
ttnebra/que nectj^pt tft^
tla dlei
Wt rmtio^M.

LucRET. 6.

Orcenwich, Nov. 4, 1779,

T T PON clofing the preceding Letters, I have
^^ had Icifure to advert to the printed accounts
of occurrences which have lately engaged the
public attention } and I (hould think that I ha4
very imperfe^lly executed my firft propofition,
of dating to your Lordfli'p " the fincere fenti-
*' ments of a plain mind upon things as they
«* are," if I were to keep back the firft and
genuine ideas which occur to me refpeiSling thf
recent applications of the Iri(h Parliament for 1
free trade. I proceed, however, in this new
talk, more deftitute of competent information,
if poffible, than your Lordihip has thus far
found me ; but my pen will at leaft be guided by
a fimilar anxiety to promote candiu rccolledtion,
and fiiir enquiry.

And here too we muft diveft ourfelves of ali
prejudices contrafted from the popular altefca-
•^ ' * T tions

f"'

1 138 ]

t'lont of the day ; we mud endeavour to enter
upon the fubje^l before ut with as much bene-
volence, and as little partiality, as may be com-
patible with the juft interefts of the fociety to
which we belong.— The wi(h, indeed, of all
good and prudent men, both in Great Britain
and in Ireland, mud be, to (hun wuh abhorrence
all the contagious delirium incident to national
queftions) and to promote only that conftitu-
tional warmth, which may a£t kindly, and with
an invigorating influence, in both kingdoms.

It is not the ftri£t policy of a former century,
or the accidental diftrefs of the prefent hour^ it
is not the fuppofed procrafiination of a reafon-
able hope, or the harlh tone of a precipitate de-
mand ) it is not an imaginary neglcA on the one
hand, or an urgent eagerncfs on the other, which
Hiould call forth between two countries con-
nt&ed together by the ties of fovereignty, lan-
guage, law, blood, interefts, and fituation, any
unbecoming expreffion, or any ungenerous fenti-
ment.— A kind and manly confidence in the
equity and wifdom of Great Britain (hould regu-
late the cxpe^ations of Ireland^ a due perfua-

i)OQ

[8 3

luft endeavour to enter
ut with as much bene-
rtiality, as may be com-
terefts of the fociety to
c wifli, indeed, of all
I both in Great Britain
to (hun wiih abhorrence
jm incident to national
lote only that conftitu-
tay a£t kindly, and with
!, in both kingdoms,
cy of a former century,
I of the prefent hour; it
rraftination of a reafon-
tone of a precipitate de-
inary negleft on the on«
ncfs on the other, which
;en two countries con-
ties of fovereignty, lan-
refts, and fituation, any
or any ungenerous fenti-
lanly confidence in the
reat Britain (hould regu-
: Ireland^ a due perfua-

C '39 I

(ion that Ireland is incapable of unworthy mo-
tives, or unreafonable wiihes, (hould prefide over
the deliberations of Great Britain.— Hafty in-
ferences, and decifive adertions, are fit only for
difputants who do not feek fair dircu(non, and
cannot or will not underftand each other -.—The
refpeAive interefts of Great Britain and Ireland
(hould be confidered in a very different tone and
temper; without pafTion, but with earnednefs;
without precipitation, but with all practicable
difpatch. The diftrefs of Ireland, by whatever
circumftances occafioned, exifls and operates;
Great Britain cannot hefitate to give relief;
the principal wing of her buildings is in dan-
ger; it is for he fafety and (Irength of the
great center-ei ifice, that every part (hould be
diligently examined, and fufllicientl/ repaired.

It is an indifputable and undifputed fa£t, that
there has prevailed through the times in which
we live, a voluntary and warm-hearted anxiety
in this country, toexprefs her fenfe of the affec-
tionate conduct of Ireland. It would be fuper-.
fluous to refer your Lordlhip to the various adi
pf parliament) made in this difpolition, during
T * tbf

I' :

1(1 ;.

rt|m>» r it , j i , . , , ^|,g , ^- ff frii;iiitw»imi i .Tfii ni ir

C HO }

the laft five years; they were numerous, but
have not had the beneficial cft'ci^s which were
meant :

Nam ncquf chorda fonum reddic, quern vult manM

et niciii,
Pofcentique gravem perfxpe fcmittit aeiitum.

The growing diftreflcs of Ireland havf Qvcr*
powered the endeavours of Great Britain to avert
them i apd we are now told that ** nothing Ihert
•* of a free trade" can give relief !

It was wifdom in the Irilh Parlianvsnt, to
^hufe an undefined exprelfion upon a fubjeA (o
complic:Ued and extenfive in all its connexions
and confcquences. The whole confideration is
DOW opened to both kingdoms, and it is the in'^
tereft of both to come to an early, kind, and
efficient conclufion.

It is poOible that there may be many indif
viduals in both kingdoms, who know as little
of this fubjeiS^ as I do ; and I will freely own
the doubts and difficulties which the firft view
of it fuggeOs to my mild-. The quefiions to bo
afked are indeed numerous, nice, and intricate,
'i'heoretical detki6ilons will not aifii^ us j trad-
ing

' were numerous, but
icial cffcf^s >which were

reddit, quern volt ni«nu4

pe fcmittit aeiitum.

of Ireland havf over*
)f Great Britain to avert
lid that '* nothing ihoft
vc relief !

e Irilh Parlianvsnt, to
elGon upon a fubjedt (o
e in all it} connections
: whole confideration i«
;doms, and it is the in<p
to an early, kind, and

:re may be many indi«r
t)s, who knew as little
and I will freely own
s$ which the firft view
. The quefiions to be
us, nice, and intricate.
will not aini^ us ; trad-
ing

[ «4i ]

ing eftablifhmcnts, regulations of commerctg
and the whole fyllem of revenue, are involved in
the propufttion, A principal fpring or wheel ol
• complicated clock>work may be deranged i
but to turn tlie key round upon the inftant with
violence, would tend only to demoliih all the
component parts i if we value the machine, we
(hould previuully examine it. — When 1 Hate mf
reafonings to your LordHiip, I (hall be better
underdood.

I do not wifh to carry back your attention x6
the days of Prince Fitz-Murchard or Earl Strong-
bow. It would give me little concern if the
hiftories left by Ciiraldus Cambrenfis, Hoveden,
and even Matlicw P^ris, had been buiicd with
the hilloriansj— nor do I feel anxious to bring
to light the ancient (latutes and ordinances of
Henry the Third, Edward the Firft, and other
early reigns, fuppofed to be made fur the pur-
pofe of binding Ireland. The ani.quated di(»
(ufllons upon the fa(^ at conqueil ; at what
particular point the nghu of the conqueror are
reftritXed by tlie lavs o/ nature and reafon j
If hither the |>rincii>k m rubjug;ition can extend

iwafc>*i«iim.'aiB»»at'aaM»i»,i>i,M<i ,m¥imM,hn wv4w.

i**i*=a« /-y.o'Wfi.^

|r,- [142]

'5 ' to any exorbitancy of power ; and whether im-

^ ^ ^ , plied acquiefcence conftitutes a politive accept-

il ' ance ; are queAions little calculated at any period

jl 'i^ ' of our hiftory to promote any good purpofe to

t; i cither kingdom.

Il l ] It is a political truth more material to be

|i < known, that happinefs and flrength (hould be

I <^: exteiided through the conftituent parts of an em-

V P<''Ci >s far as wife and beneficent laws can

I ' operate to that efFed. It would next be eafy

*" I, to (hew, that public happinefs and Arength are

s,f, djfFufed in proportion to the plenty and con-

: '' venience with which not only the natural want*

i of a people are fupplied, but fuch adventitious

|^f| ones as are fuperinduced by univerfal habit

•f*^ and induftry : when this end is not attained to

a certain degree, an empire may indeed exift,

and may increafe in numbers, but it will grow,

like an unwieldy body, liable to dangerous and

acute humours.

Whatever may have been the fyftem of go-
vernment adopted or accepted by Ireland, the
' recent and moft interefting faft is, that (he now

complains of fome diftrefies which (he con-

cfivcs

'■"*»«a^'!,i

3wer J and whether im-
tutes a pofitive accept-
: calculated at any period
te any good purpofe to

h more material to be
and flrength (hould be
nftituent parts of an em-
id beneficent laws can
It would next be eafy
ipinefs and Arength are
to the plenty and con-
t only the natural want*
I, but fuch adventitious
ced by univerfal habit
i end is not attained to
ipire may indeed exift,
nbers, but it will grow,
liable to dangerous and

been the fyftem of go-
:cepted by Ireland, ths
ng fad is, that (he now
rrefles which (he con-
cfivcs

[143]

ceives to rtfult from that fyftem. Thofe dif-
trefles are polTibly no more than may have re-
fulted from temijorary caufes ; — from the late re-
bellion within the colonies, or from the calamities
incident to war; but we know perfectly, that
the complaint is founded in real fuffcrings. The
iirft inference which would arife from this faiSt
in any mind reafoning kindly towards a part of
the empire, and difcreetly in rerpe£l to the whole*
is, that the Irilh, as fellow^fubjecHs, are en-
titled to every relief compatible with the general
interefts. Still, however, we decide without
precilion, and muft draw the drcumftances of
the two countries to a nearer comparifon, if w«
mean to form any ufeful conclufion.

The moft obvious remark which prefents it-
(elf is, that Ireland, pofleflTing, on a fmaller fcale,
nearly all the natural advantages of Great Britain,
and having, betides, in point of commerce,
fome others peculiar to her (ituation towards the
prevailing winds, has yet in all ages been com-
paratively poor and diftretTed. . ^ .^

The reafons why this phenomenon has fo
long exifted, and why Ireland has not hituerto

availed.

;:a

t »44 1

ivaited herfelf of the bleflfings which natur0
feems to hold forth with a liberal hand, are vari-t
oudy afllgned } and as tliey have generally re-
ceived fome colour from popular and occafiond
appearances, there is caufe to fufpe^l that they do
not reach the origin of the evil.

I have feen it fomewhere remarked, that the
madnefs of Ajax, who took a flock of (heep for
his enemies, would be tlie wifdom of Ireland }
and that a principal caufe of the poverty of the
Irifh was the fyftem of their landlords, who, in
defiance of the pradlice and prudence of all other
nations, had preferred pafturage to tillage, and,
by reftraining the induftry of the tenants, had
reduced numberlefs families to the alternative of
either leaving the kingdom or ftroUing about in
beggary. Sir William Temple attributed the
poverty and diftrefs of Ireland to her plenty and
fuperabundance. In another part of his work*
he takes notice, that the Dutch had turned over
to the Danes the patriarchal trade of cow-keep-
ing, for fupplying them with lean cattle, and to
the Polanders that of plowmen, for growing
com for their ufe, in order to relerve their own

lands

ieflfings which natura
liberal hand, are vari->
wy have generally re-
popular and oocafiond
to fufped that they do
evil.

ere remarked, that the
>k a flock of (heep for
te wifdom of Ireland }
s of the poverty of the!
eir landlords, who, ia
d prudence of all other
lurage to tillage, and,
f of the tenants, had
es to the alternative of
n or ftroUing about in
rcmple attributed the
land to her plenty and
her part of his work*
>utch had turned over
tal trade of cow-keep-
rith lean cattle, and to
lowmen, for growing
er to relerve their own
lands

[ H5 ]

lands and their own people for better and more
ufeful employments. Such, in fad, may be
the fituation of the nations alluded to, but per-
haps it is lefs the work of policy than of local
circumftances. At the fame time, if we even
(hould admit that a country which addicts itfelf
diiefly to grazing, or even to grazing and agri-
culture, will generally be poor, we do not de-
fcribc the cafe of Ireland : it has not been the.
fyftem of the Irifh merely to fupport herdfmen
and (hepherds by grazing, nor to raife cattle to
hefentir ^ocks to diftant countries; but they,
employ n )ful citizens in a variety of ma-

nufacture, . which the fimple occupations firll.
alluded to fumiih only the materials. It is Aill,
however, to be remembered, that the mere ne-.
ceflaries of life are raifed by the labour of a very,
Anall proportion of a people ; artificial wants and
habitual luxuries mud be introduced, to occupy,
thafe in manufactures who are not engaged in
agricultuie, and to promote a general induf-
try, interchange, and circulation through the
ftate.

Dean

t 146 ]

Dean Swift, who afcribed the poverty of hid
«^| country to a muhiplicity of caufes, and amongft
others, to a radical error in the whole fyftem of
Irifli leafes, to the avarice of landlorci, ii. drawing
fcvere rents, and to the undue encouragement
of grazing, admitted alfo that there was a want
of an induftrious difpofition among the people ;
but he attributed that want to the reftraints laid
upon their commerce, and to the difcouragement
of manufaftures, which had made their< mere
hewers of wood, and drawers of water, to their
neighbours. Under this impreflion, he was
wont to quote a verfe from the Book of Exodus :
— ** Ye are idle, ye are idle, cried Pharaoh unto
" the children of Ifrael j go therefore now and
** work } for there (hall no ftraw be given you,
*' yet (hall ye deliver the tale of bricks."'

It is a fimilar reafoning which has produced
the application now before us. And if in our
own days we were to ftate to an Iri(h gentlemaa
the long continued poverty and idlenefs which
have prevailed over fo large a proportion of his
countrymen, he would probably anfwer.

All

46 ]

tribed the poverty of his
ty of caufes, and amongft
ar in the whole fyftem of
:e of landlords ii. drawing
le undue encouragement
fo that there was a want
fition among the people ;
ant to the reftraints laid
nd to fhe difcouragement
!i had made ther> mere
awers of water, to their
lis impreflion, he was
m the Book of Exodus :
idle, cried Pharaoh unto
J go therefore now and
no ftraw be given you,
: tale of bricks,"'
ng which has produced
"ore us. And if in our
te to an Irifh gentleman
;rty and idlenefs which
arge a proportion of his
Tobably anfwer.

All

r U7 ]
*' All this may be true ; but the monopolizing
<• fpirit of our Sifter Kingdom is the caufe of it.
*' That fpirit exercifmg itfelf upon Ireland in a
*' very early ftate of her civilization, nipped her
♦* difpofition to induftry, and indeed made it
' impoflible for her to become induftrious. In
* he very infancy of our country, and whilft
" we were contenting ourfelves with the expor-
*• tations and falc of our cattle, you made an adt
" (b) to prohibit thofc exportations. We next
*' gave our attention to the increafe of our flieep,
" in order to export wool ; but you forthwitii (0
*' prohibited the exportation of wool, and made
" it fubjc£t to forfeiture. We then endeavoured
" to employ and fupport ourfelves by falling
" provifions for fale ; but you immediately (dj
" refufcd them admittance into Engbnd, in
*' order to increafs the rents of your lands,
*' though you thereby increafed the wages of
" your labourers. We next began a woollen
♦' manufa£ture ; but it was no fooner eftablilhed

(I,) 8 >:Uz. cnp. 3. (() 13 and 14 Car. 11. c. 18.
(*/; 18 Cu-. 11. cap. 2.

i .1

U 2

((

than

4N&*i*fAM4imWE.ti

1 +

I''

[■48]

" than deftroyed ; for you prohibited (e) thecx-
•' portation of inanuradurcd woollens to any
*' other place than England and Wales : and
*' this prohibition alone is reported to have
*' forced 20,000 manufadlurers out of the king-
*' dom.

. *' The Navigation Aft (J) had unwittingly
*« but kindly permitted all commodities to be im-
*• ported into Ireland, upon the fame terms as
" into England : but by an a^ (g) pafl'ed three
*' years afterwards, the exportation of any goods
*' from Ireland into aiiy of the Plantations was
*' prohibited ; and as if that had not fufficiently
«' crippled the benefits given by the Navigation
«* A(ft, we were foon (/;) afterwards forbid to im-
*' port any of the enumerated commodities from
*' the Plantations into Ireland. This feftridion
*' too was much enforced by fubfequent afts, and
*' the lift of enumerated goods wa^ much in-
«' creafed.— 7 '"ay nothing of your regulations re-
** fpe<aing glafs, hops, fail-cloth, &c. and

(e) 10 and 11 William Ilf. cap. 10.

(f) «i Cir. II. cap. 18. (s) 15 Car. II. cap. 7.
(b) It Car. II. cap. a6.

^ " other

hh:

>u prohibited (e) the ex-
Slurcd woollens to any
jiand and Wales : and
e is reported to havt
dlurcrs out of the king-

i£t (J) had unwittingly
all commodities to be itn-
upon the fame terms as
y an a^ (s) paAeJ «h''«e
exportation of any goods
y of the Plantations was
that had not fufficiently
given by the Navigation
) afterwards forbid to im-
erated commodities from
Ireland. This reftridiom
ed by fubfequentafts, and
ted goods wai much in-
ng of your regulations re-
ps, fail-cloth, &c. and

III. cap. 10.

(S) '5 C^'"* ^^* "P* 7-

((

Other

[ 149 ]

' other inferior barriers and obftru<5ions to our
' commerce : we fubfilkd under all this, and
' under a drain alfo, which has gradually in-
' crcafed upon us, by remiaances to our own
' abfentecs, Englilh mortgagees, government
' annuitants, and other extra-commercial pur-
' pofes, to the amount of half a million fteriir.g
' annually. And though we retained no trade
' but in linen and provifions, the latter has
' been under a three years prohibition, during
' which period we loft the principal market for
' our own beef, though three-fourtiis of our
' people were graziers. Many of us indeed c
• ricd on a clandeftine trade, and it was cllcn-
' tial to our fupport ; but that too has been lately
' checked, firft by the revolt of the Colonies,
' and now by the war with PVance and Spain.

" Our annual remittances and debts to Great
' Britain now increafc with our diftrcfles ; our
' fubicriptions for loans have been lately filled
' from Great Britam ; our eftates, when fold,
' are purchafed by Englifhmen ; our leafcs,
' when they expire, are raifed by abfentees j the
' drain is become greater than all our means can

"fupplyj

-I

[ »50 ]

** fupply ; our manufa(^urers find little demand
** for tlieir work, the fanners fell their produce
''* with difficulty ; our land rents indeed are cfti-
** mated at near three itiillions rterling, but our
*' landholders will foon be obliged to reduce
•' them. We allow that fcveral of your reflric-
*' tions upon us have lately been much foftencd
" or modified, but the want of an aiu.u^l
*' profit in our intcrcouife with Great Britain
'* equal to our remittances fiill prevails, and is
*' every hour more felt. By the unfortunate
" fituation of the Colonies, we have loft even
*' our old refuge in emigrations. — After hav-
*' ing for many years taken Britilh manufac-
*' tures, to the annual amount of perhaps two
*' millions ftcrling, we are for the prefent re-
*' duced to non-importation agreements, as a
*' meafure, not of expediency, but of neceflity.
*♦ It would have fuited the generofity of ourfccl-
*' ings, and the affe£lion which we bear towards
" you, to have made our rcprefentations in bet-
*' ter and more peaceable times ; but you fee that
" our circumftances are urgent, and that your
•' recent indulgences are infuiBcient. We de-

" fire

sjiiSfe

;o ]

urers And little demand
•iners fell their produce
nd rents indeed are cfti-
illions llerling, but our
I be obliged to reduce
t fcveral of your reftric-
ely been much foftened
e wnnt of an aimual
irfe with Great Britain
:cs flill prevails, and is
. By the unfortunate
nies, we have loft even
nigrations. — After hav-
aken Britilh manufac-
amount of perhaps two
are for the prefent re-
ation agreements, as a
iicncy, but of neceflity.
le generofity of our feel-
i which we bear towards
r reprefentations in bet-
: times ; but you fee that
urgent, and that your
e infuiScient. We de-
" fire

[ 151 ]

•* fire therefore a free trade, otherwife our di-
" Areffes muft, if poffible, increafe, and the
" conveniency of our ports will continue of no
•* more ufe to us, than a beautiful profpeift to a
" man (hut up in a dungeon."

There is nothing in the imaginary detail here
offered to your Lordihip, which has not been
ftated to you in better words, as often as you
have had occafion to converfe with friends who
wifh warmly towards Ireland, and arc mode-
rately acquainted with the principal features in
her fituation ; and as every complaint of human
hardfhip is entitled cither to a refutation, or to
fome rcdrefs, we are next to confider what an-
fwer might be given to the allegations now before
us.

Believing, as I do, that in ihefedays of gene-
ral fcience and liberal difquifition, the refpeciable
and leading men in this kingdom (of which de-
fcription there is a large proportion} are un-
likely to inclofe themfelves within the rufty and
rugged armour of Monopoly, I think it pofiible
that their firft imprcllions might be to the follow-
ing cfFecl :

" Many

^^g*'«^'*;»«aaa*fa;anTni*.-r,^^i^-»iglini»^a .

■ [ 152 ]

•• Many of the rcj;iiIations here complained of
•• reJate to England's internal commerce, and
" may be matters ot «grct to Ireland, but can-
" not afford any jud caufc of complaint :— other
*• circumftances may be admitted, to the extent
♦' ftatcd ; but wc fhould hcfitate before wc ad-
" mit the caufes to which they are afcribcd : wc
** might examine, for inftance, merely as a
*' queftion of commerce, whether before and
*' tiuring the late embargo on the ufual exports
" of provifions to France and Spain in time of
♦* peace, more extenfive, fafc, and protitable
** markets were not opened and encouraged } by
" which the price of the commodity, and freight,
** and the quantity of ^wcie were increafcd.—
" The emigrations too which are alluded to,
" as well as fome other effects of national di-
" ftrefs, were bccafioned, perhaps, by the in-
" creafe and injudicious mod'^s of land-rents,
" which were thought grievous fixty years ago,
** and have been generally advanced near one-
»* third fmce.— With refpeft to the larger quef-
" tion, we will neither criminate nor juftify the
" fyftem of our anceftors. The fad is, that,

*' aided

tions here complained of
nternal commerce, aiul
;rct to Ireland, but can-
ifc of complaint ; — other

admitted, to the extent

hefitate before we ad-
:h they are afcribed : we

inftance, merely as a
e, whether before and
Tgo on the ufual exports
:e and Spain in time of
e, fafe, and profitable
ned and encouraged ) by
commodity, and freight,

f\Kc\e were increafed. —
I which arc alluded to,
r eflfe6ls of national di-
:d, perhaps, by the in-
s mod'!s of land-rents,
grievous fixty years ago,
illy advanced near one-
efpe£t to the larger quef-
criminate nor juftify the
ors. The fad is, that,
" aided

C f53 ]

" aided by their general fyftem and progrcfTlve
" induftry, the commerce of Great Hritain has
♦* flouriftied, and continues to flourifti. We are
" forry that l\er Sitter Kingdom has not kept
" pace with her. That fhe has not done fo, is
" perhaps owing chiefly to tJie frequent inter-
** fercnce of civil dWraaions, and to other
" caufcs fo forcibly ddicribed by Dean Swift, as
•* bearing bar^ on the induftry of the miiWIe and
•• lower claffes of the people. We have already
*' given proofs of our conviiSlion, that our inte-
«* refts arc in a great degree mutual. We wifh
•' that Ireland may be afliftcd, but we dcfire,
*' that before proceedings are adopted to reverfe
** all the fyfttm puffued by wife flatefmen during
** two centuries, due information may be ob-
*' tained, and due difcretion excrcifed. Jn the
•** general anxiety to affift Ireland, it muft appear
** to be as Uttle her intereft as curs, to give any
•* fudden (hock or precipitate, revulfion to the
«' courfc of Britilh trade, commerce, and reve-
■•* nuc. Let the legiflaturcs of the two countries
•* aa with difpatch, but let that difpatch be
** guided by a previous and competent know-
X »' ledge

-*»^«M>0*Si.-* *<Mrtlt)B

r*i*^i5iS»* )*3<lSlW.i^

!i1

> .4

Vifi ■.

I 154 1

" ledge of all the operative and ihterefting cir-
'* cumAances !

** It is not pofllble, in thi nature of com-
'* mercc, to decide, without a full inveftigatioit
" of the fubj«£^, what can be meant, or ought
'* to be meant, bjr a free trade { and tiU the pro-^
*' pofltion hat been difcufled and arcertained,
** between well informed and well intentioned
** men of the refpe^tive ceuntriei, it mufl vary
" in every point of view that we can place it.

" I. Do the people of Ireland underft»nd, by
** what they afk, the power of exporting their
•* own produce to any foreign country, wherever
'* they can find the beft market, except only the
" countries which may at any time be at war
** with their Sovereign f

" a. Do they imply the power of drawing
'* fuch goods and confumable commodities as
•* they may want, from any country where they
'* may beft purchafe them ?

•* 3. Do they wilh to be allowed a commerae
«* to North America, the Weft Indies, md
•* Africa, free from the rcftraints to which it
^ was Ith fubjcdt when the 18th of his pre-

*' fen»

i4l

tive and ihterefting c'lt-

in thd nature of com-
hout a fiill inveftigatioit
:an be meant, or ought
trade i and till the pro^
cufled and arcertained,
d and well intentioned
ceuntriei, it muft vary
' that we can place it.
Ireland underlknd, by
>wer of exporting their
reign country, wherever
market, except only the
at any time be at war

the power of drawing
imable commodities at
tny country where they
a?

)e allowed a commerce

he Weft Indicsj .<nd

reftraints to which it

the i8th of his pre-

!' fin»

<(
«(
((
t(

tl
((
I(

a
((
tt
««
((

t(
((
t(
f(

t 'S5 1

fcnt Majcfty extended their power of export-
ation?

f* 4. Do they mean to a(k a free trade to
Great Britain, their manufaftures and pro-
duce, when imported into this country, being
fubjea to no other duties tlian the like ina-
nufadurej and produce of our own ?
*• 5. Do they mean a repeal of partici^Iar re-
ftriaions, which $he relative circumftances of
the two countrjei may, jn their opinion, no
longer make requifite ?

" Under all or any of thefc propofitioni,
there are many points of nice and difljcult
confideration. What regulations or burdens
are meant to be propofed, analogous to what
now prevail, in regard to the manuf^flurej,
imports, and exports of Great Britain ? What
prohibitions rcfpe^ing the export of certain
raw materials What arrangements in refpeft
to our diftant poflcfliorjs and fadlories? Other
fubjcfts of difcuflion will arife, and fome upon
nice and intricate points of commerce, in-
volved as it happens to be, in confiderations of
revenue, and in the mainteiiance of the public
X 1 ^* expence.

!&(

[ '56 ]

'* expence. V7e do not know, that emulation
** among manufadurers and merchants is miff
** chievous either to them or t6 the ftate: Wc
*• do not know that the entcfprifing indurftry and
" increafing wealth of Lancafliire have tended to
** obftru£^, inftead of promoting thofe of York-
" (hire : We do not kndw that the flourifhirig of

"** GlafgoW in her commerce, is any deti-iment
" either to Liverpool or Briftol: We do not
♦' know that the profperity of the ftaple manu-
" faflure of Ireland has icflened the advantages
** of a fimilar manufacture in Scotland. We
" admit at leaft that fuch competitions furnifh
^* employment, produce riches^ and encourage
••population for the general happincfs and
** rtrength of the empire; and we truft that there
*' will be demand and trade Enough in the world
'** for the indiiftry of us all : But we muft repeat,
** that if uhadvifed meafures are adopted, they
'** are likely to affe£l the profpirity of theBritifli
^* coinrricrcS, without promotin|| that of Irc-
■ikjjind,*' ' ■ ^ '^ ■■"■ *^-*— ■• ■

If ItiihcHiM be thte dif^o^tion of the refpeflablc
an<! leading men of Great Britain to feel fuch

fentiments

i *

156]

lot know, that emulation
rs and merchants is mif-r
hem or t6 the ftate : Wc
e ehtsfprifing indurftry and
Lancafliire have tended to
promoting thofe of Yorlc-
ndw that the flounrtilrig of

nmerce, is any deti-iment
I or Briftol: We do not
peHty of the ftaple manu-
las icflened the advantages
"allure in Scotland. We
fuch competitions furnifh
ice richest and encourage
; general hsppinefs and
ire; and we truH: that there
trade Enough in the world
IS all : But we muft repeat,
eafures are adopted, they
he profpftrity of the Britifli

t promoting that of Ire-

'■■■{■•"• ■ ■■ ■

ifjiblition of the refpeflablc

j'reat Britain to feel fuch

fentiments

fentSincnt$ and to hold fuch language, it li
beyond a doubt that much farther informatiort
might be colle<aed from them; and it feems
impradVicable to advance without their aid and
advice.

Ther^B are many theorems of trade whit.* jr*
plauilble on paper, yet it may be impoflible fot
trading njitions to adopt them. Maxims being
too narrow to embrace all the combinations of
human events, political operations mud often ht
influenced by circumftances.

It is art old, but not the lefs fallible principle
of (late- policy, that whoever is the caufe olF
another's advancement, contributes to his owtt
diminution. The oppofite pofition is oftener ap-
plicable to the refpedive fituations of merchants
and mercantile bodies, or of commercial nations^
It is now well underftood that the flourifhing of
neighbouring nations in their trade is to oUr ad-
vantage, and that if we could extingui(h their in-
du(lry and mfenufaftures, our own would ian^^
guifh from the want of emulation ari inter-
change. This reafoning is, or ought to be, ftitt
jjctter underftood with refpe£l to differdnt parts df
.' ' the

C 158 1 /

the fame empire. If wc arc capable of looking
beyond the extent of a finglc fhop-board, we
cannot confider the Iri(h as rivals in intereft, even
though they (hould become our aflbciates in lu-
crative purfuits. Mr. Davenant, who had fome
jealoufies refpefting their progrefs in particular
branches of trade, and who, in the clofe of the
laft century, reconomended the bill to prevent
the export of tlieir woollen manufaflures, was
ftill extremely doubtful as to his own reafonings,
and appears to have admitted a pofition current
in the fpeculation of thofe days, " that the
*• lucrum cefans of Ireland is the damnum emergens
♦* of England." Sir M. Decker, who wrote in
a fubfequent period, and upon fome points with
fingular ability, was clearly of opinion, that the
reftraints on the Irifti woollens contributed, in
their effeft, to diminilh the foreign trade of
Great Britain. He defcribes monopolies as a
fpecies of trade-tyranny, whereby the many ait
opprefled for the gain and good pleafure of a

few : «t Never yet (he obferves) was a mo-

** nopolized trade extended to the degree of a
♦• free one."-^*' We, in our abundant wifdom»

«
I
I
4

€
<

a
n
h

pay

8] ;.

arc capable of looking
fingle (hop-board, we
as rivals in intereft, even
me our aiTociates in lu-
avenant, who had fooie
r progrefs in particular
rho, in the clofe of thp
Jed the bill to prevent
lien manufa&ures, was
i to his own reafonings,
itt«d a pofition current
lofe days, ** that the
] is the damnum emergens
Decker, who wrote in
upon fome points with
ly of opinion, that the
Qollens contributed, in
1 the foreign trade of
ribes monopolies as a
whereby the many are
nd good pleafure of a
he obferves) was a mo-
led to the degree of a
I our abundant wifdom>
" pay

'IH9]

" pay Marly all the charges of Government,

" whilft large dafles of our fellow.fubje£ts are

" made unable to cdntributemore than a trifle to

« the general fupjiort."-^" They exift, indeed,

** under the proteaion of fleets which coft them

" not a doit I we contrive to ftarve them without

'* exp^nce, and ourfelves with; we drive one

•* part Of our people out of tfade by monopolies,

" and the other by taxes. We bleed ourfelves

" almoft to death, ahd think to recruit our fpt-

** rits by devouring millions of famiftied fel/ow*

" fubjeas : thus, bye*cef- of cunning, we make

** the ruin general/'

Theft h a /hodeni anecdote of a Dutchman,
vrho was employee to fettle the woollen manu-
faaure at Abbeville, and ftipulated that no work
of the fame kind fliould be carried on withiii
Airty leagues. This rtight help to introduce
and give rfabUity to an ufeful and expenfive ma-
nu&aure, fuch as in the everii that of Abbeville
has pi'o^^ed. When, however, the advantages
Are once fettled, and the art in queftion generally
known, fuch a monopoly may indeed give a per-
fonal advantage, hui k muft operate to the detri-
ment

U^ffii

Irtent of the whole circle which is fw "p* by \tt
radius. Particular merchants or inanuf»iftyrer^<
as well as prticular diuri6ls« may, as in the in-
(lance juft mentioned, derive a reafona^Ie ad-
vantage from th& exclufive pofleiFion of new
branches of tri.de ; but when thofe branches have
' fairly taken root, fuch advantages bear hard on
- othe^ merchants, manufa^urers, and diAri<Sts,
and operate powerfully againft general envdation*
and the interefts both of commerce and of the
ftite. It feems demondrable, that the export of
pativc manufa£lured commodities from any one
part of the King's dominions, m<ift be advanta-
geous to the whole, wher.ever the burdens and
duties are fo regulated as to leave no exclufive ad-
vantage ; for that again would operate as a mono-
poly.

Subjedl to the lad remark, it is farther idciQcjK-
itrable, that Great Britain lofes whenever Ireland
ts deprived of 'ny reafonabje gain. — ^Anji with
refpe<Sl: to the fituation of the latter for the
weftern navigation, we know that it is the in-
lerefl of a dominion to carry on her commerce,
from whatever corner (he can condvi£l it to the

belt

6o]

le which is h-p* hf \tt
:hants or inanufaift^rer^^
ri6ls« may, as in the in-
derive a reafona^le ad-
ufive poflcirion of new
when thofe branches have
advantages bear hard on
ufa^urers, and diAri<Sts,
igainfl general epfvdation*
of comiuerce and of the
[Arable, that the export of
immodities from any one
tinions, ir»ift be advaota-
/her.ever the burdens and
IS to leave no exclufive ad-
would operate as a moDp-

mark, it is farther idetQcn-
ain lofes whenever Ireland
ifonable gain. — ^Anfi with
tn of the latter for the
e know that it is the in-
3 carry on her commerce,
(he can condydl it to the
bed

[ i5i ]

beft advantage ; and it would be thought a gfofs
abfurdity in the City of London, if becaufe
Briftol is fo fituated as to have art advantage in
the Irifh traJe, the formci' (hould defire to have
the port of the latter fhut up.

In all thefe reafonings, the commercial and
political interefts are infeparably blended. When
tl»c liberty of commerce is unequally enjoyed,
one part of an empire may be in danger of be-
coming a burden to the other. An iticreafe of
fupport in aid of the common exertions, might
in courfe of time refult to Ireland fVom the ad-
vancement of her trade, and from the produce
of duties, analogous to thofe of Great Britain.

It is fotnetimes found, that a liberty to cxpoi^
manufactures, increafes the produce of raw ma^-
terials beyond the demand of the particular ma-
nufadure ; and from the experience of the lir.ea
trade, h might be doubted whether iefs woollen
yarn would be exported to Gre?/(; Britain by Ire-
land, if the e::port of manufa^ured woollens
werr Iefs retrained ; in which cafe the fmug-
gling of raw wool to the continent of Europe
might be checked. It is faid that, the wool of the
fouthern nations being tender, and that of the
Y northern

p t,

li^ll

I: 'V

I":

[ '62 ]

northern countries being Jiarfu. it is of great iir:
portance to both to obtKvi Briiiui or Irifli v.?fv .,
which, like a middle <jin;hty, anit'ia equn,!!;;
with tic iwo excreines, a .-! produces an exce!-
lent cloth, that rivali our own. — It is tlie com-
putation of many difintert-ited writers on th; '
fubjeft, that one pack of Iriih wool woiKs u|>
iwo packs oi" French wool, v,hic!"i woukil not
otherwifc be fale ..hie i and Sis M. D; "K er lafonurs
much to (hcv/ thu^ the betiefii refulting to Eng-
land, by every pack of wool manufa<Slured in
Ireland, inftead of being run to France, amounts
to fifty-fix pounds (Icrling; which indeed he
founds upon an eftimate, that one-third of what
Ireland gets centers at !aft in Great Britain. It
muft ftill be obferved, that no extent of the
woollen manufadure can be expelled to prevent
entirely the exportation of the raw materials, the
demand for which is fuch as to elude all the con-
trivances of law, and all th": vigilance of coaft-
officers even in Great Britain ; and this is analo-
gous to a remark of Mr. Locke's, that '* it is
'* death in Spain to export money, and yet they
** who furnilh all the world with gold and filver,
** have leaft of it »mong therafelves ; trade

S " fetches

harfv. it is of great irr:

VI Briiim or Iri(h v. ?n ,

Huahty, unit'i'a equ-iliv

a :.'! produces an excel-

r own. — It is the com-

:er((ted writers on th; ■

it Irilh wool woijcs up

'oolj whic!*! woukJ not

d Sir M. D; "K er labnurs

>etietii refulting to £ng-

wool nianufa<Slured in

run to France, amounts

Ingi which indeed he

that one-third of what

ft in Great Britain. It

that no extent of the

be expelled to prevent

f the raw materials, the

as to elude all the con-

di': vigilance of coaft-

tain ; and this is analo-

r. Locke's, that '* it is

rt money, and yet they

rid with gold and filver,

>ng therafelves; trade

" fetches

[ 163 ]

" fetches It away from that lazy and indigent
*' peo,)!e, notwilhftanding all their artificial and
*• forced contrivances to keep it there ; it follows
*' trade againft the rigour r.f their laws, and
** their want of foreign commodities makes it
" openly be carried out at noon-day."

I muft however again obferve to your Lord-
fhip, that all thefe theorems of trade, however
plaufible they may appear on paper, muft be
received fubjetSl to much previous exanr.ination,
and a diligent difcufTion of all collateral circum-
ftances. We are not to proceed with that (hort-
fighted wifdom which may enable us to ihun the
mere difficulty of a day ; ftill lefs are we, upon a
fudden outcry, which like other commercial
complaints may- be fallacious or ill-founded, to
make a fudden revolution in all the practical
fyftem of our trade ; and upon the fpur of a
moment to overturn a plan of commerce and
revsnue which has been the work of ages.

We are to proceed upon the principle, that
what we are to give fhall be for the good of the
whole : Ireland is a jewel to our crown, and not
a thorn in our fide. The point is, to know
^hat folid afliftance can be given, and in what
Y z form

I Hit '•'

form it can bcft be given. When men talk of
an union to be completed between two great na-
tions, as the cure of all their ills, they talk rafh^
]y, and like the ftate empiric defcribcd to your
XiOrdHiip in my firft letter. The cafe of Scot-*
]and was different in every point of view, and
the benefits rcfulting to her by the ad of union
do not apply to the prefent confideration. There
can be little doubt, that, in the prefent indaiice,
tlur feparate legiflatures of the two countries are
fully equal to all the difficulty :— we Ihall fuffici-
ently know, from a cordial and temi^erate com-
munication with Ireland herfelf, what fpecific
meafures will be of fervicc to her: we Hiall
know too, from the information to be collected
at home, what meafures may be adopted with
a due regard to the general interefts of com-
merce. We arc not to fubjeft ourfelves to the
remark left by Dean Swift, who fays, tha^ in
his time, when any thing kind had been intend-
ed towards Ireland, (he was invariably treated
like a fick lady, who has phyfic fent by doctors at
9 diftance, ftrangers to her conHitution and the
natureof her difeafe,

^m.

64]

ai. When men talk of
id between two great na-
their ills, they talk rafh"
mpiric defcribcd to your
tcr. The cafe of Scot-
/cry point of view, and
her by the ad of union
:nt confideration. There
, in the prefent inftaiice,
of the two countries are
iculty :— we Ihall fuffici-
dial and temperate com-
id herfelf, what fpecific
Tvicc to her: we iTiall
ormation to be colle£lcd
ss may be adopted with
;eneral interefts of com-
) fubje£t ourfelves to the
Iwift, who fays, tha^ in
ig kind had been intend-
B was invariably treated
i phyfic fent by doctors at
her conHitution and the

C 1^5 1

It may even dcferve enquiry, v^Mclher the un*
qualified grant of evry tiling that luiman inge-
nuity can bring within »!ic dcfwription of a fuc
trade, would have t!ic cfu'i^s cxpctSlcd, or con-
vey the relief which i:; wanted and intended. It
was once fuppofed, that becaufe the importation
of Irilh cattle Into England had been prohibited,
with a view to advance the rents of Englilh
landlords, and the intcrcrts of the feeding coun-
tries, the fufpcnfion of ihat mcafuro miglu be of
ufe to Ireland ; this was accordingly tried, and
nearly within our memory ; but it was a matter
of great offence to many cf the Irifli inhabitants,
who refilled the exportation ; few cattle, there-
fore, were bri ight to Great Britain, and thofe
were chielly lean.

We (hould recoiled, that though Ireland has
at all times had fuil liberty to manufadure goods
for her own confumption, the confumers have
hitherto found it eafier to purchafe from Eng-
land many articles both of luxury and conveni-
ence, than to make them at home. That jea"
loufy muft be very lively indeed, which, con-
templating this circumflance, can derive dif-
quietude from fuch reafonings, as that a people

(liould

V'-

[,66]

ftiouTd fuddcnly run away with an extenfive com-
merce, bccaufe they a e admitted to a participa-
tion of its advantages.

'I*hc change is more dilTicuIt from indolence
to induftry, than it is from labour to eafc ; and
it is forcibly obferved by Mr. Hume, that

when one nation has got the ftart of another
*' in a trade, it is very dilHcuJt for the latter to
** gain the ground which (he has loft, becaufe
" of the fuperior induftry and (kill of the former,
*• and the greater ftocic of which its merchants
*' are pofle/red,and which enables them to trade
*' for Co much fmaller profits."

Amidft the difficulties which time, and the
foftering attention of this country, alone can
enable Ireland to overcome, it deferves remark,
that flie has little coal, is ill provided with
wood, and is nearly without inland navigations.
—In ftiort, the conftitution and eftabliftiment
of a flourirtiing commerce imply a well regulat-
ed order through the nation, a fteady and effedt-
ive police, habits of docility and induftry, (kill
in manufaflurcs, and large capitals in trade;
all which can be the refult only of a continued
and gradual progrefs, aided by a combination of
other favouring circumftances.

i:\i

•6]

with an extcnfive com-
aclmittcd to a participa-

JilTicuIt from indolence
m labour to eafc ; and

by Mr. Hume, that
ot the ftart of another
itHcult for the latter to
) flie has loft, becaufe
and fkill of the former,
)f which its merchants
1 enables them to trade
ifits."

which time, and the
s country, alone can
le, it deferves remark,

is ill provided with
)ut inland navigations,
ion and eftablilhment
; imply a well regulat-
)n, a fteady and effedl-
lity and induftry, (kill
ge capitals in trade ;
t only of a continued
d by a combination of
ices.

[ '67 ]

Ko prudent man, howrvcr fure of his princi'
()Ies, will venture to iflue prophecies upon the
cnurfc o( human events j but I fee much folid
ground to hope that an amicable difcuiHon be-
tween the two kingdoms, promoted with a»fH-
vity, moderated by temper, and j^uided by dif-
cretion, may tend to convey ciTciuial beneiits to
Ireland, without any permanent difadvantage to
Great Britain. I am unwilling to think, tor a
moment, that the falutary cOeds of luch a dif-
cuiTion may be fruftrated by popular iitipatience
and precipitation.

I (hall fubjoin * to thcfe Letters a Table of
Englifn AiSls, refpeiting the trade to and from
Ireland ; and alfo an account of fume particu-
lars refpe^ling the Courfe of Exchange between
Dublin and Loudon, the eftates of abfentees,
the debt of Ireland, and the revenue and ex-
pences of the Iri(h Government. I happen to
have thefe papers in my pofTelFion, and they
feetn at leaft fufficiently accurate to be of fome
afliftance to your Lordlhip in the confideration
now before you. I am, Sic.

* Appendix, No. I, II, III, IV, V»

J.fifp^'lf^

i:'-f

,^^-

■■^ ^^i;V''"n'

Tfem ftpuli traHai ? ^jjij dt'indt loqufri f " ^irifet t
Hoc puto MHJufium fji ; ilLiJ malt ; rtiliui ijlud.^*

•^ 'H

[ I%]

tndt Uqufrt f " ^irita f
d malt ; rtitiui ijUd,**

Greenwich, Jan. 17th, 1780.

Q £ £ I N G occaflon to make fome additions
^ to the preceding Letters, I have once
more the honour of addrefllng myfclf to your
LordHiip \ and (hall proceed, without regard to
formal method, or other conne£lion than that
in which the Remarks to be fubmitted to you
prefent themfelves to my mind.

When an EngliHiman fubmits himfelf by
name to the public obfervation, as a writer on
the prevailing weakneflTes and inherent virtues,
the apparent embarrafTments and polTible exer-
tions, the misfortunes and refources of his
country and his cotemporaries { he ought to be
aware, that he is ftepping out of his ordinary
fphere into a perilous path:— He ought to
know, that integrity of motives, though a good
protection in the wilds of poetry againil
wolves and lions, is a very vulnerable armour in
the field of politics.— He muft iwpyi^, if he
2 knows

[ 170 ]

knows any thing, that, amidft the various cha-
raflers of which a free, aaive, and erlightened
nation is corapofcd ; amidft the multiplicity of
purfuits^ caprices, concurrences, and difcon-

, nedions, by which thofe charaders are influ-
enced, every public effort ftands expoferi to
much public mifconftruaion.— I have fome-
whcre fecn an account of a Mongall chief, who
was fo defirous to attraft obfervation, that he
built a large bridge on the fummit of a moun-
tain, near the road leading from Peteriburg to
Pekin, in the hope that all paffengers would a£k
the name of fo ftrange an architea.— The am-
bition was innocent, and might probably be
gratified in Mongalia, without producing a An-
gle witticifm, or one mortifying remark.— But,
at this end of Europe, names are not fo cheaply

* circulated ; and it muft be fome better motive
than mere vahity, which can induce any pru-
dent man to obtrude himfelf even into a J"
title-page. He may wilh to fupport thr
of thofe, who hare attempted, at dif >'
riods, to refcue political difcuffions frc'^
mous licentioufnefs j his motives anu' t

JO ]

amidft the various cha-

acftive, and enlightened
nidft the multiplicity of
currences, and difcon-
ife charaders are influ-
ffbrt (lands expoferi to
udlion. — I have fome-
f a Mongall chief, who
ift obfervation, that he
the fummit of a moun-
ling fronfi Peteriburg to
all paflengers would afk
n archited.— The anj-
nd might probably be
Ithout producing a fin-
artifying remark.— But,
ames are not fo cheaply ,
be fome better motive
i can induce any pru-
ifelf even into a J" '

to fupport thr
mpted, at dif j' »
difculfions frc^^

motives anu '

C '7' ]

of acTiion may be the defire of public approba-
tion direfled to the end of public profperity ;
but he muft forthwith be prepared either to en-
counter, or to bear, all the conditutional petu-
lance, fplenctic difparagement, and malevolent-
invedlives, as well of thofe who cannot, as of
thofe who will nqt, underftand him. '^

There are fome men, who think that the ce-
remonies fubfequent to conviAion are the only
important and enviable part of a judge's office :
— The truth is, their faculties, incompetent to
any rational or argumentative deduftions, natu-
rally lead them rather to decide than to exa-
mine : and they pronounce judgment, there-
fore, without fcruple, though they arc utterly
unable to go through the preliminaries of a trial.
Thefe men are gentle readers, and mercilefs
critics.

Others again are fo formed, that their favour-
ite fubjeds in painting are, the flaying of Mar-
fphc'it -plague at Athens, the mailacre of the
knpv^ t and the martyrdom of St. Law-
prote&i'"'^ .^ ,,„,. :,,..,,-,_

wolves -. V _ ■ ''■■'■

:lfee,a<fih ^*

:■' t

■ 1/

:l 1

■ ■ 1

4 1

■'i S'

SV :

ij ,1

1' ^ f

The

r 172 ]

«« The furly fpirit Melancholy

** Curdles their blood, and makes it heavy

" thick :"
—when men of this difpofition apply them-
felves to political fubjeas, they receive every
cheering communication with an auftere cold-
nefs bordeting en difguft, and treat every in-
ventory of profperous or promifing circum-
ftances as the fidion of an irregular brain.

Laft, and leaft worthy to be mentioned, there

will be fome chara<aers, in the mafs of man-

kitid, fo incurably perverted, fo inveterately

warped (whether from natural defefl, or by

their own induftry, is immaterial), that they rc-

je£l: even all femblancc of candour, and every

pretenfion to moderation. Eftimating others by

themfelves, they afcribe all generous exertions

to interefted motives, and conftrue the language

of plain fenfe into the inventions of a defigning

heart : holding themfelves forward in all the

glaring parade of aflumed, and perhaps real, fu-

pcriority of talents, they can twift and torture

their faculties, in order to bear down the honeft

efforts

y fpirit Melancholy
I, and makes it heavy

lifpofition apply them-
is, they receive every

with an auftere cold-
ft, and treat every in-
or promifing circum-
n irregular brain,
to be mentioned, there
, in the mafs of man-
verted, fo inveterately

natural defe(5l, or by
imaterial), that they rc-

of candour, and every
» Eftimating others by

all generous exertions
id conftrue the language
iventions of a defigning
ves forward in all the
d, and perhaps real, fu-
' can twill and torture
to bear down the honeft
cfTorts

t ^73 ]

efforts of humbler minds. Thcfc men are go-
verned by a fpirit of political intolerance, and
will bear no creed of national falvation, unlefs
the bulle, which prefcribes it, is iflued by them-
felvcs. With a bigotted and profcriptive fpirit,
they can conflrue every overture of union into
an a6t of holtiiity ; with a folemn and pompous
plaufibility, they can convert every demonftration
of refourcc into an admiffion of dirtrefs. It is their
fyftem to cover the naked fimplicity of truth
under flireds and patches of borrowed declama-
tion ; to fubftitute filly farcafms in the place of
folid reafoning ; and to convert public difcuflions
into mean perfonalities.

Such were the fpeculations of my mind when
I firft launched this publication into the world ;
and I now feel a pleafure in ccnfeifing that they
have proved groundlefs, or at moft have been
verified in inrtances, either fo infignificant, or
fo tJfplicable, that they do not merit to be far-
ther mt;:'ioncd or regarded.— I feel a pride too
in recolleaing, that 1 have told ferious and un-
flattering truths to my cotemporaries of every
party and denomination i that thofe truths have

. had

" f

]■ i

[ 174]

fiad a quick and extenfive circulation, both in
Great Britain and in Ireland ; and that they
have been received with general candour, and
Avith an indulgence much beyond what I could
have claimed in juftice, or even in favour.—
The impreflion of what I have farther faid may,
and perhaps ought, to be perifliable and tran-
fient:— Before, however, it is configned to ob-
livion, and whilft it continues to draw an exift-
ence from the interefts of the day, I wilh to
avail myfelf of fuggeftions, received both
through public and private channels, which de-
ferve refpeiland attention.— It was ftriftly true,
that I wrote without the advantage of official
intercourfe or official information. — The intel-
ligent and liberal communications, as well of
friends, as of others whom I am not fortunate
enough to call by that name, will now enable
me to explain and enforce fome material points j
and this I fhall do, without any mixture of
controverfy, which, in every fhape and fenfe,
I defire to avoid.

It is related of the Spartan Cleomenes, that,
on fome occafion of a long and laboured

I fpeech

(

a
r
t
t

i
a

n
fi

ri
o
ii

fe circulation, both In
sland ; and that they
general candour, and
I beyond what I could
or even in favour. —
have farther faid may,
: perifliable and tran-
ii is configned to ob-
nues to draw an exift-
if the day, I wi(h to
ions, received both
: channels, which de-
— It was ftriftly true,
: advantage of official
rmation. — The intel-
inications, as well of
•J I am not fortunate
ime, will now enable
fome material points j
lout any mixture of
.'ery fhape and fenfe,

tan Cleomenes, that,

long and laboured

S fpeech

fpeech being addrefled to him, in order to en-
gage his concurrence in a grSat war, he gave
this anfwer : " Tlie exordium entirely efcaped
" my -ttention ; nor have I any recolleaion of
" the reafonings which followed it; and as for
" the conclufion, I feel no difpofition to adopt
*' it."- I feared, and indeed forefaw, that the
firft Letter in this colleaion would meet with
a fimilar fa,e on the part of thofc to whom it
relates.— In lamenting the predominancy of par-
ty fpirit, and the diCunion of able men, it was
the honeft wifh of my mind to enforce the im-
portance of joining the compafled weight of
national talents, and national virtues, to the
velocity and energy of the executive power :—
But it required only a fuperficial view of the age
and country in which we live, to know, that
when popular divifions adt and operate with a
certain degree of permanence and effect, there
muft have been found and folid materials in the
firft compofition of each ; and that thofe mate-
rials muft have cemented by habit and the courfe
of years. Oppofite bodies of men, praftifed
in ftruggles and competitions, may become at

. 1 length

If: r

latM

t i76 ]
length fo utterly irreconcileabie in their views,
naffions, fentiments, and whole fyftem of con-
du£t, that though a preflure of circumftances
may difperfe or annihilate the one or both, no
poffible event can unite them to each other.

If, however, there is reafon to lament, that the
exertions of this country muft ftill continue,
from the want of a general co-operation, to be
in fome degree retarded in their courfe and
weakened in their effeft ; there is, on the other
hand, good reafon to hope, that the war, which
called for that co-operation, is, in the progrefs
of events, become lefs formidable. The truth
is, the contentions of empires, and the tranf-
z&ious of extenfive wars, exhibit, only on a
larger theatre, all the reverfes, difappointments,
and uncertainties, which are (een among indi-
viduals at a gaming-table. The houfe of Bour-
bon feized the hour of our embarraflincnts, and
came upon us like an armed man in the night,
in the hope of cruftiing us for ever ; they
came with all the greatnefs of collefied ftrcngria,
with the confidence of certain viftory, with
the forctafte of an early triumph. We were for

a time

a
B

ti
it

P
ei

ai
ir
ai
ft
£
b

a;
Ii
fi
n

icileabie in their views,
d whole fyftem of con-
eflure of circumftances
ite the one or both, no
them to each other,
jafon to lament, that the
ry muft ftill continue,
icral co-operation, to be
ed in their courfe and
; there is, on the other
pe, ihat the war, which
tion, is, in the progrefs
Formidable. The truth
jmpires, and the tranf-
ars, exhibit, only on a
verfes, difappointments,
h sre Teen among indi-
e. The houfe of Bour-
our embarrafllnents, and
rmed man in the night,
ig us for ever; they
lefs of colleiSed ftrength,
f certain viftory, with
triutnph. We were for
a time

t m 1

a time in the crifis fo well defcribed by the
Roman Poet }

jfj conjiigendum vetiiintlhui HHJifUi Pofnis,
Omnia quum helli tttpido concujfa tumuliu
HorriJa tontremuere fuh akis atheris auris ;
In duhioque fuit fub utrorum regna cttdendutit "
Omnihus humanit effit UrrJjue marijut.

But the balance of power (hitherto the per pe-
tttum mobile of politics) ftill remains fufpendcd ;
it is ftill a doubt wltether the combined enter-
prize of France and Spain will, in the refult,
enable them to pafe the )uft And proper bound-
aries of their ambition. The faith of nations,
indeed, ha» ftfftained a ftiiock, which is here-
after likely to introduce the dangerous and de-
ftroftive fyftem of an armed peace throughout
Europe: nor is it poilible that a conduct fo
baneful to the generril intcrcfts of mankind,
ihould not, in doc featfon, draw the attention
and interference of other eftablifhedl empires. —
In the mean time, the events of the warar&ihus
far glorious to Great Britain, and in the vthde
not favourable to het en6H>ie«. That pvovi-
A a dence.

■ I I

r
J-..

[ 178 ]

<!ence, whicK over-rules human machinations by
fecret and undifcovered fprings, docs not al-
ways give the race to the fwift, nor the battle
to the ftrong : Its bleffings, however, conveyed as
they are through fecond and fubordinate inftru-
nients, are to be fought by the diligent ufe of
our own faculties } and we are to expefl the
divine protection only in proportion as we ex-
ert ourfelves, in a juft caufe, to defervc it.

Under thefe, or fimilar impreffions, I oflfered, in
my fecond Letter toyourLord(hip, every confider-
ation tiiat occurred to me upon the circumftances
and conduftof this war. I do not now wilh
to reiraii, nor am I able to enforce any thing
therein ftated.— But, as the exertions to be
made, depend, both for their extent and du-
ration, on the national refources, which form
the fubjeft of the third Letter; and as that
Letter goes into the difcufTion of ponderous and
complicated interefts and accounts, I (hall here
avail myfelf of fuch farther information as I
may pofleft. Nor can it be caufe of fevere re-
prehenfion, if in fuch variety of matter I (houid
have fallen into fome inaccuracies, both of ex-
^ prefTion

human machinations b^
fprings, does not al-
:hc fwift, nor the battle
s, however, conveyed as
and fubordinate inftru-
t by the diligent ufe of
I we are to expert the
n proportion as we ex-
mfe, to deferve it.
impreffions, I offered, in
Lord (hip, every confider-
e upon the circumftances
r. I do not now wilh
le to enforce any thing
as the exertions to be
or their extent and du-
refources, which form
rd Letter; and as that
ufTion of ponderous and
id accounts, I (hall here
irther information as I
it be caufe of fevere re-
ariety of matter I (hould
naccuracies, both of ex-
prefTion

I 179 1

prcffion and of faa j— fo far as I am aware of
any fuch, I now mean to corred them.

When I ftatcd (a) that our taxes are nut hither-
to found to cramp the maintenance of the poorer
clafs, fo as to diminifl\ the ufeful population of
the country, and that this ifland, under all her
burthens, does not exhibit any fymptom of in-
ternal decay; I confefs that I confidered the
notion of any progrelfivc decreafe in the num-
bers of the people as a phantom (bJt which has in
all ages hiunted the joylefs imaginations of fome
fpeculative men, but which has not at prefent
any folid exiftence.— And accordingly, I founded
feveral other remarks (c) upon the oId-fa(hioned
eftimate of eight millions of inhabitants within
Great Britain. — Dr. Price's Obfervations en the
Populoufnefs of England and IValt: ■ mX at this
time efcaped my notice; but, like his other
works, it deferves the ferious attention of every
man, who wifhes to examine the circumftances
of thefe kingdoms, though he may neither ad-

(a) P. 109, 1 10. {b) P. 8.
(c)V. %i. 109. 113. &c.
A a «

V-

mit

t •S'^ 1

mlt all the premifci, nor cunftquently adopt aB
the concluHons.

Qucftions rerpe£ling the populoufnefs of dif-
ferent dlflri(as of the earth, at different periods
of time, may lead to endlefs refearches of curi-
ofity and amufemcnt; but they arc valuable
only in proportion as they produce difcufllons to
afcertain the caufes of the dccreafe and incrcafe
of the fpccies, that mankind in general may de-
rive profit from the intelligence} or fo far as
they enable pai ticular nations to form '. due ef-
timatc of their own aftual fituation, and the
virtues or defers of their government. — With
regard to natural caufes, it is not found that there
has been any univerfal difference difcemible
amon^' the human fpecles in the hiftory or ex-
perience of ages fubfequent to the deluge. But
particular national caufes, fo far as they can
be fuppofcd to operate, afford fomc prefump-
tions in favour of modern population.— This
country has not been afflided by pcftilence with-
in the memory of man ; and the difcovery of
inoculation has averted the malignity of another

difeafe.

di
a

ti
ft
n
a
u
li
t
c

\
1

cjnAtquently adopt all

e populoufnefs of dif-
1, at different periodi
Icfs refearches of curi-
lUt they arc valuable
produce difcufllons to
decreafe and incrcafo
ind in general may de-
slligcncej or fo far as
ions to form 1 due ef-
jal fituation, and the
r government. — With
t is not found that there
difference difcernible
;s in the hiftory or ex-
it to the deluge. But
5, fo far as they can
afford fome prefump-
ern population.— -This
&zd by pcftilence with-
; and the difcovery of
K maligni(y of another
difeafe.

[ 181 ]

difewM , which wai fometimes nearly as fatal at
a petlilcnce.

We ar to look then to another clafs of caiifcs,
which operate very differently in different focic-
tivh. Thefe are, the conftitution and circum-
flancc. of the rcfpeaive government, the man-
ners of the people, war, and emigration. B"-
after having fatigued ourfelves with difquifu, '«
under c:i h of tbele heads, we (hall find, tha?
like many other qucftions of general policy,
they may be lupportcd by plaufible arguments
either way, and even by contradidory exam-
ples drawn from the tuppofcd experience, and
pretended records of nations. On the one
hand, it will not be difputed, that civil liberty is
favourable to induftry and to ..griculture, to
marriage and incrcafe. On the other, it may
be afferted, that the populoufnefs of France,
and of other monarchies, appears to advance in
larger proportions than that of freer nations j
and the defpotic empires of China or Japan may
be pcinlcd out as the moft populous diftri(5ls in
the known world.— Again, it may be faid, that
limplicity of living, few inequalities of proper-

■:M'

♦y, fmallnefii of farms, and cheapneft of provU
fions, arc favourable to population :--But to
this it may be anfwcred, that, though thefc
apparent advantages exift only in the firft rudi-
ments of fociety ; yet they arc amply compen-
fatcd in the advanced ftages of civilization, when
the aggrandizement of individuals, and the
aftive and refined demands of luxury draw
forth the exertions of ingenuity and induftry,
and promote that facility of fubfiftence, by
which the increafc of mankind is beft encou-
raged.— It may indeed be true, that large and
crouded cities occafion an annual waftc and
confumption of mankind, and cxafl a continual
recruit from the country j but it will be ftated,
as fome compcnfation, that the neighbourhood
of fuch devouring cities is always well peopled,
and pofTibly more produftive than in proportion
to the demand.— Still it may be faid, that the
increafe of public debts and of taxes, by occa-
Coning an extreme difficulty of fubfiftence, may
alone prefs fatally on the populoufncfs of the
frceft country under heaven j but we might
fairly reply, that a poffible caufe docs not imply

52 J

and cheapherj of provl-
population :— But to
:rf, that, though thefc
ft only in the firft rudi-
hey arc amply compen-
;es of civilization, when
individuals, and the
lands of luxury draw
ngcnuity and induftry,
ity of fubfiftence, by
lankind is bcft encou-
•c true, that large and
an annual waftc and
, and cxacft a continual
; but it will be ftated,
hat the neighbourhood
is always well peopled,
tive than in proportion
may be faid, that the
and of taxes, by occa-
ty of fubfiftence, may
e populoufncfs of the
ven } but we might
; caufe does not imply
an

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[ 183 ] *

an cxiAIng cffeU ; and that the particular e(fe&a
here alluded to certainly do not exift. Whilfl
we fee, in every corner of the kingdom, the
progreflive improvements of barren waftes into
produ£tive fields, it may be prefumed, that
more food being raifed, there are more people

to confume it. Even wars and emigrations,

though caufing the atflual expenditure of a
certain number taken from the particular
fociety, may be argued not to depopulate
in proportion to that expenditure. For here too
there is infeafibly fome reprodu«Aion created by
the demand. — It is known from hiftory that
particular nations, under a regular and conflant
wafte of war, regularly increafed and multiplied.
And, with refpe£l to emigrations, we are
aiTured, that thofe provinces in Spain, which
fend the largeft numbers of their people to South
America, continue the mod populous ; — nor
can it efcape notice, in other ftates, that many,
who emigrate, would have perished unproduct-
ive in the parent foil, though they profpter with
Jittle exertion in another country, iad become
fources of new commerce, wealth, . and popu-
5 lation

1 184]

ktion to the world.- — In (hort, the compenia«
tions of fuppoTed di fad vantages, in every human
predicament, as well of nations as of individuals}
are mixed and noanifold } and thus it is, that
firft. appearances, in great branches of political
fcience, are often fo deceitful, and always to
difputable, that it is impofliible to truA to the
conclufions, whidi ingenuity and acutenefe may
find in general caofes and abftraiSt rcafonmgs.
The lights are fo fcattered, that a well inten-
tioned mind may naturally take either fide, or at
leaft will check all hafty determination.

Enquiries then concerning the caafcs of popu-
lation muft not ralhly be afdmitted to prove
any thing, farther than they are fupported by
feds. It is a hSt of no deciiive confequencer,
which (hews only, that a particular rillage,
diftrift, or even a whole country, is more thinly
copied than heretofore. It may be anfwered,
(hat the inhabitants of towns in general appear
to have increafed in a greater proportion, than
thofe of villages and cottages have decreafed;
k may be (hewn, that emigrations From one
part of the kingdom to the other, are often the

t fore-

14 ]

[nfhort, the compenia<>
ntages, in every human
lations as of indivtdualfj
i } and thus it is, that
at branches of political
;ceitful, and always fo
ipoflible to truA to the
tuity and acutenefs may
md abftraiSt rcafonings.
ered, that a well inten*
ily take either fide, or at
determination,
ling the caafes of popu*

be admitted to prove
. they are fupported by
ID decifive confequencer.
It a particular village,
country, is more thinly
It may be anfwered,
towns hi general appear
;rcater proportion, than
}ttages have decreafed;

emigrations from one

the other, are often the

fore-

C »f5]

fojAc-runners of population to the whole coun-
try. We fee waftes ^row into villages, other
villages into towns, and towns exceeding the
boundaries of cities ; and thcfe again flourish-
ing, and augmenting in ftrength, people, and
opulence. We are not then to infer a general
depopulation from partial inftances. The moft
decifive fadt would be an ai^ual enumeration of
the whole people at flated periods ; but, as enu- '
merations are perhaps impra£licable in great ftates,
and in truth have not been attempted with regard
to the country and periods now in qucftion, re"
courfe muil be had to inductions from the compa-
rifon of collateral circumftances at different times :
It is with this view probably that Dr. Price,
tho gh he lays much ftrefs at the fame time ort •
many of the general rcafonings above mentioned,
ftates upon inferences drawn from Davenant's ac-
count of the Hearth Books, that the number of%
houfes in England and Wales has decreafed near
one- fourth fince the ULevolution ; whence he con-
cludes, that the decreafe of inhabitants has been
proportionable, and profefles to fhew, that it hjts
made a rapid progrefe during the laft twenty years, ?
Bb Thefe

mm^

^P4

1^4

[ i86 ] .

Thefe pofitions are maintained by other remarki
fele£led from the bills of mortality and the excife
books, which apparently afford prefumptive ar-
guments in favour of the point to which they
are brought, but which, I am perfuaded, would
have been ftated with much more hefitation, if
there had been competent and fuller information
within reach } I (hall attempt at leaft to (hew,
among other matters in the feparate note (d)
annexed, that the fcietSion of different periods
from the fame documents would equally imply
an increafed and progrefllve population.

The exifting ftrength of a nation does not fo
much depend on the multitude of its inhabitants,
as on the manner in which they are employed i
yet it furely is of confequence not to admit,
except on manifeft proof, that the popiiloufnefs
cf Great Britain is rapidly approaching to the
level of that of Naples ; and therefore I have
been tempted to dwell upon a fubjeiSt, which,
however dry, cannot be unimportant. — I fhould
not indeed have faid fo much in reference to a
writer of lefs eminence than Dr. Price ; but his

(d) See Appendix, No. VI.

condufions,

86 ]

ntained by other remarks
f mortality and the excife
ly afford prefumptive ar-
the point to which they
, I am p>erfuaded, would
nuch more hefitation, if
nt and fuller information
ttempt at leaft to (hew,
n the feparate note (d)
Hon of different periods
nts would equally imply
live population.

of a nation does not fo
iltitude of its inhabitants,
liich they are employed i
ifequence not to admit,
sf, that the populoufnefs
lidly approaching to the
i i and therefore I have

upon a fubjeft, which*
3 unimportant. — I fhould
> much in reference to a

than Dr. Price ; but his

pendix, No. VI.

conclufions,

, i 187]

tfbnduiions, even when drawn from a mifap*
jfrehenfion or mifmformation, are fo ingenioufly
Hated, that they make an impreflion, which irt
fuch a cafe he certainly would not with. Ilaving
rendered this due acknowledgment to his abili-
ties, I owe a farther tribute to that liberality oi
inind with which he has communicated to me
the knowledge of fome of my own errors, at the
fame time that he diPIered from me, as to the
principal pofitions, which t had wiftied to efta-
blifli.

Much retiiains to be fald rcfpcftitig the ftatci
ti our population, and the prefumptions to be
tollefted from all thfc circumftances of ourap-
liarerit ftrength and real exertions. But this
Would draw me from other cOnfiderations, and
is in truth a fubjeft, with r^fpedk to which man-
kind have differed, and will continue to differ in
fcvery ptiriod and irt every countty, where they
have no aftual eriumerations to put an end t6
tjncertainty and to force aflfent. We have feenj
In our own tinle, a very able and learned difput*
between Mr. Hume and Mr. Wallace on the
populoufnefs o*" ancient nations. The difpofition
i)f men has generally inclined towards the melan-
B b 2 choly

*.|

m i

[ i88 ]

choly Tide of the queftion. Dio4oru» Siculutf,
who wrote in the age of Julius Cae&r, obiierves,
that we muft not form a notion of the populouf-
nefs of ancient times from the deflation and
emptinefs which, in his days, prevailed in the
world } and Montefquieu, fpealcing of Gaul
from Caefar's Commentaries, and of the fuppofed
populoufnefs of Rome^ and other places, accord-
ing to claflical accounts, concludes with a re-
mark, that in our days the world has hardly a
tenth part of the number of inhabitants, which
it formerly had. Mr. Hume, in quoting the firft
of tlufe puflagcs, obferves, that *' the humour
** of blaming the prefent and admiring the paft
** is ftrongly rooted in human nature, and haa
** an influence even on perfons endued with the
*' profounded judgment and moil extenfive
** learning."

In thefe times an empire is certainly not to be
peopled, like the fields of Pyrrhaor of Cadmus^
with pebbles and dragons teeth. The populai
tion of modern ftates depends much on national
virtues and wifeinflitutions } and though we (hould
avoid the extravagant and vifionary profperity of
the Athenian, who perfuadcd himfelf, tliat every

Ihip,

S8 ]

on. Dio4oru« Siculutf,
Julius Cae(ar, obiiervcs,
notion of the populouf-
rora the deflation and
days, prevailed in the
eu, fpealcing of Gaul
Ties, and of the fuppofed
ind other places, accord-
, concludes with a re-
ths world has hardly a
;r of inhabitants, which
ume, in quoting the firft
es, that *' the humour
I and admiring the paft
luman nature, and has
>errons endued with the
it and moft extenfive

re is certainly not to be
F Pyrrha or of Cadmus«
ns teeth. The populai
>ends much on national
s i and though we (hould
I viHonary profperity of
adcd himfelf, that every
(hip,

[ 189 ]

(hip, which entered the Piraeum, came freighted
with his property from a fortunate voyage ; it is
reafonablc on the other hand to rejed>, except on
the compulfion of clear and firm proofs, any
pofitions tending to depreciate the fuppofed
ftrength of our country, and of the fprings
which move it.

Sir William Petty's mixed education, and
courfe of life, did not difpofe him to involve
plain fenfe in refined exprelfion ; but his natural
wifdoni, and chearfulnefs, led him to doubt and
to controvert the gloomy fpeculations, current
among his cotemporarics, relative to " the finking
" of rents, the decay of trade and commerce, the
*' poverty and depopulation of the kingdom, and
*' the rifing omnipotence of France." ** Thefe,
«» with other difmal fuggeftions, fays he, I had
** rather ftifle than repeat :" '* They affed the
*• minds of fome to the prejudiceofall."— "Anili
*' opinion of their own concernments rep'^irs men
*' languid and ineffc<aual in their endeavcoi >, " —
*' Upon this confideration, as a member of the
•* commonwealth, next to knowing the precife
** truth, in what condition the common intereft
B b 3 «« ftands,

■i t

jril

^' ftan^s, I would in all doubtful cafes think
*» the beft, and confequcntly not defpair, without
" ftrong and manifeft reafons ; carefully examin-
«• ing whatever tends to Icflen my hopes of the
•* public welfare."—

«* That fome are poorer than others ever was
«» and ever will be, and that many are naturally
♦* querulous and envious, is an evil as old as

** the world.

" Thcfe general obfcrvations, and that men
«* cat, and drink, and laugh, as they ufed to
** do, have encouraged me to try, if I could
«♦ alfo comfort others ; being fatisfied myfelf,
«• that the intereft and affairs of England are in
•' no deplorable condition."

§ In defcribing the general circumftances of
our revenue and refources, I never pro-
pofed either to argue, or to infinuate, that a
fufpenfion of commerce has not taken place to
a confiderable extent in this, as in every other
commercial country, which has the misfortune
to find itfelf in a Hate of war. It is evident, and
indifputable, that the wars, in which we are
engaged, have diverted many of the principal
Q channels

ill doubtful cafes think

ntly not defpair, witFioiit

jfons ; carefully examin-

Icflen my hopes of the

er than others ever was
that many are naturally
us, is an evil as old as

:rvations, and that men
laugh, as they ufed to
me to try, if I could
i being fatisfied myfelf,
affairs of England are in
Qnt

general circumftances of
fources, I never pro-
or to infinuate, that a
5 has not taken place to
I this, as in every othev
hich has the misfortune
f war. It is evident, and
wars, in which we are
1 many of tlie principal
channels

C '91 ]

channels for the interchange of our merchandire
and the extenfion of our trade. At the fame
time, it is matter both of remark and confola-
tion, that the exertions of our countrymen,
under all their difadvantages, have already
opened various ftrcams for a prodigious influx of
wealth from the fources of our enemies. To
which may be added, that lefs brifliant, indeed,
but more regular profits arc daily rcfulting from
new, revived, and extended intercourfes in Eu-
rope.— Now though our anxiety for the Cuftom-
houfe returns, if they were even fuffcring a cori-
fiderable diminution, cannot (land in any com-
petition with the eHential intereds of the war ;
yet it furely is a moft heartening fymptom to
find, that thofe returns continue nearly unim-
paired and flourilhing. The average annual neat
payments of the Cuftoms into the Exchequer
were for four years, ending in 1775, 2,503,353/.
— for the year, ending in 1779, 2,502,273/. (t)

(e) The average annual neat payments of ilje
Cuftotns in'o the Exchequer for five)eai.-, ending in
»76o, during the lall war, were 1,855,3^4/.— for five
years eidi.;g in 1765, 1,076,735/.; but allowance nuift
be made for the produce of additional du ies laid fince.

• To

1='^

[ '92 ]

To this great produce for the year 1779, the
ne\ liity o( ; per cent., >which commenced on
the 5tli of April ]al>, contributed 89,280/.
Exclufive therefore of the new duty, the neat
payments of the year 1779 were 2,412,993 /.—
And though the captures, derived principally
irom our fpirited and excellent fyflem of pri-
vateering, have alfo contiibuted much to tiie
)aft mentioned fum, and are at bed a fpecies of
forced and unnatural commerce ^ it mud be
allowed, that the balance of captures has ope*
rated, not only as depriving the enemy of re-
fources, but as an increafe of the national capi-
tal, and a fubjecft of reprodu(flion to the State. —
This comparifon of the Cudom-houfe returns,
if taken on the two periods lead favourable to
it, will fall little fhort of what I have jud dpted.—
For example, the average annual neat payments
o( the Cudoms into the Exchequer, for eight
years ending in 177;, were 2,535,72^/. For
four years ending in 1779 they were 2,313,424/.
—the 5 per cent, new duty is deduiSicd from th^e
latter period} nor is any allowance taken fof
the drawbacks on tobacco paid in 1776, which
were above 200,000/. higher than the duties
Received that year on tliat commodity.

2 1

i for the year 1779, tlie
, which commenced on
, contributed 89,280/.
he new duty, the neat
r79 were 2,412,993 /.—
'es, derived principally
:xcellent fyftem of pri-
nttibuted much to tiic
i are at bed a fpeciet of
:ommerce; it mud be
:e of captures has ope-
iving the enemy of re-
ife of the national capi-
'odu(Hion to the State. —

Cuftom-houfe returns,
iods lead favourable to
vhat I have juddpted. —
;e annual neat payments
e Exchequer, for eight

were 2,535,72^/. For
9 they were 2,313,424/.
Lity is deduiSieu from thf
ny allowance taken fof
:o paid in 1776, which
higher than the duties
It commodity.

r »93 1

If that ftrangc anxiety of difpofition, which
leads fome of us to turn with Impatience trom
every glimmering of funftine, (hould here fug-
ged, that nevertJjelcfs tlie grofs receipts of th«
Cudoms have, fince 177$, faJJcn above a mil-
lion and a half derling per annum, the ob..
fcrvation ought not to pzb without no.
tice :—

When the unhappy interruption of our trade
with the Colonies took place, it was eafy to
forefee, that the Cudoms would, during that
interruption, ]ofe the whole amount of the
duties, which had been ufually received on
American produce, and would alfo fuffer by
a reduced importation of fuch European goodf
as merely paded through this country in their
way to North America.— But as the greatcd part
of the American tobacco was always export*
ed from Great Briuin with a drawback of the
whole duties, and as the foreign goods fent
from our ports to the Colonies alfo received
a drawback, it would argue either a want of
knowledge, or an inadvertence, or an inten-
tional fallacy, if we diould edimate the lofs to
the public from the grofs receipt, and not from
C c the

J. ■

li>

■ii>¥

^ 1 194] '

the real or neat produce after dedufting the

drawbacks.

. I. The annual average grofs receipt on tobac-
co, for ten years, from 1766 to 1775, was
1,231,051 A The fame, for three years, from
1776 to 1778, was 176,8*5 1' i therefore the
diminution of the annual imports on the artid*
of tobacco, for the three years ending in 1778,
compared with the ten years ending in i775»
was, i,o5+,*36 /. i or nearly the amount of the
fum annually repaid on drawbacks of tobacco
1 exported previous to thefc unfortunate troubles.
2. The neat annual average remains, to the
Exchequer, of duties on tobacco, for the firft
period, was 186,679/. i but there were not any
remains to the Exchequer of duties on tobacco
for the fecond period ; for, in confequence of
the drawbacks paid in 1776, the drawbacks
and duties for the three years were nearly ba-
lanced. The diminution, therefore, of the neat
produce of tobacco, for thefe periods, was about
186,006 /. a year.

3. The annujil average grofs receipt, excliifive
of tobacco, for the firft period, was 3,586,z79/.;

that for the fecond period was, 3>335»4>8/';

and

)4 ]

uce after deducing the

je grofs receipt on tobac-
)m 1766 to 1775, was
e, for three years, from
76,8x5/.) therefore the
al imports on the article
rce years ending in I778f
n years ending in 1775,
nearly the amount of the
m drawbacks of tobacco
efe unfortunate troubles,
average remains, to the
on tobacco, for the firft
; but there were not any
[uer jf duties on tobacco
; for, in confequence of
n 1776, the drawbacks
•ee years were nearly ba-
ion, therefore, of the neat
r thefe periods, was about

ige grofs receipt, excliifiVe
\ period, was 3,586,279/.;

jeriod was, 3»335»4**''»
and

c 195 r

Ad therefore the diminution of grcfs receipts of
the Cuftoms on the general imports, exclufivc
of tobacco, has, for thefe periods, been only
250,861/.; which may in feme meafurc be
accounted for by the non-importation of foreign
goods for the American market. And, as thefe
alfo would have been exported with a drawback*
the neat remains to the Exchequer would have
been little improved by them.

The apparent lofs thus reduced, fo far as thefe
reafonings are admitted, is alfo counterbalanced
to the Revenue by the non-payment of bounties
pn feveral articles of American produce, fuch-
as indigo, hemp, naval ftores, timber, isfc.

It is not meant however by this to intimate
that the tobacco trade was not attended with many
collateral and great advantages to our merchants,
to (hipping, and to the country ; but when it is
ftated that the annual grofs receipt of the Cuftopis
for three years ending in 1775 was about 5 mil-
lions fterling, and that of the fame period ending
in 1778 little more than 3 millions and it. H is
material to underftand that the annual grofs re-
ceipt on tobacco for the former three years was
1,458,003/.— that of the latter three years only
C c 2 176,825/.

11*

[196T

r76,825 /. And that the public Revenue, ivhei|
this trade was at the higheft, was in truth only be-
nefited about 200,000/. per ann. bein^ all the
Duties that remained on the tobacco ufed for
home confumption. — Thefe too will probably
continue to be received on prize tobacco, im-
ported for the fame purpofe ; fo that the Exchequer
will fcarcely feel the interruption of this trade._

§ That our general Export trade I is fufTered a
great diminution, is beyond a doubt -, it would
indeed be abfurd not to expert it, in the prefent
Kate of our American, African, and Mediterra-
nean trade, and under the interruption of all
intf jourfe with France and Spain.

The annual average value for ten years, end-
ing in I77S, was, £.

On Imports, - 12,390,524
Exports, - 14,989,485
The value for the year 1776 was.

On Imports,
£xp/}rts.
For 1777,

On Imports,
Exports,

11,696,754
»3.7«9.73«

>'>84i,577
12,653.363

The

6]-

public Revenue, trho}
\, was in truth only be-
per ann. bein^ all the
1 the tobsKco ufe^ fiar
i«fe too will probably
on prize tobacco, im-
! i fo that the Exchequer
'uption of this trade.

)ort trade his fufTered a
3nd a doubt ; it would
xpe<Si it, in the prefent
frican, and Mediterra-
the interruption of all
kd Spain,
ue for ten years, end-

- 14,989,485
776 was,

- n. 696,754

- »3.7«9»73»

- > '.841,577

- «zj653.363

r 197 J

The accounts of Imports and Exports for
1778 and 1779 are not yet adjufted ; but I hav»
good reafon to believe that we n»ay fafely eftimate
their average by the account for 1777}— and a
great part of the diminution, as well in the value
of Exports as in that of the Imports, is already
explained by what has been faid in regard to
the interruption of the carrying-trade of tobacco ;
that, as well as rice, indigo, and other articles of
American produce, being valued inwards and
outwards as part of our Imports and Exports.

It farther deferves remark, that the latter part
of the period ending in 1775 was diftinguifhcd
above all others by the fpeculations of many
and the foreknowledge of fome on each fide of
the Atlantic, who fwept the fields and maga-
zines in both countries of every exportable
commodity. In the latter period too it may
be doubted, whether the dexterity of exporters,
which in times of regular trade occafions oftea-
tatious and exaggerated entries, may not, ia
many indances, have operated to undervalua-
tions and concealments.

I cannot

vi!

The

I- C 198!

i % I cannot difmifs this fubjea, without aJdihg

a few remarks refpeaing the lift of goods pro-
hibited to be imported into, or exported from,
i Great Britain. It is enormous to a degree

which cannot be conceived or credited by any
perfon who has not examined it ; and it increafes
li lirom time to time^ upon the reprefcntations of

interefted manufa6hirers, or the occafional com-
plaints of a want of work. It has made this pro-
grefs, notwithftanding that wife and experienced
men, converfant in trade, cuftoms, and the
pdicy of nations, have long thought that
prohibitions in general partake of the monopo-
lizing fpirit, and arc prejudicial to the commu-
mty.
R Prohibitions on Imports either drive, perfons,

not otherwife ill difpofcd, into ob'taining goods
by fuch clandeftine means as, when once in-
vented and pradtifed with fuccefs, are employed
to the introduiSion of goods liable to cuftoms j
or they become a fubjeit of general connivance :
and accordingly, at this hour, many prohibited
articles are bought every where, in the courfe of

trade,

8 1

'ubjeA, without aJdlhg
g the lift of goods pro-
into, or exported from,
enormous to a degree
ivcd or credited by any
nined it ; and it increafes
>n the reprefentttions of
, or the occafional com-
ic. It has made this pro-
hat wife and experienced
ad«, cuftoms, and the
ive long thought that
partake of the inonopo-
ireiudicial to the commu-

orts either drive, perfons,
ifed, into obtaining goods
leans as, when once in-
vith fuccefs, are employed
F goods liable to cuftoms j
•.A of general connivance :
is hour, many prohibited
;ry where, in the courfe of
trade,

r^DP T

trade, and even by perfons ftridly conrcicntibus,
who do not know that they are concerned in an
illegal tranfa«aion. In either cafe, tiie public
treafury fuffers ; nor can any revenue arife from
prohibitions, except by forfeiture in coiifequcnce
of their violation.

With refpeft to trade, it is not found that
prohibitions contribute, citiier to the improve-
ment of the particular fabrics which they are
meant to favour, or to the induftry of a people j
for the want of competition and comparifon
tends only to produce indolence, and to damp
the exertions of ingenuity. On the contrary,
it is thought, that the liberty of importing all
articles now prohibited, fubjea to fuc!» a duty as
might give a moderate, but dccifive advantage
to our manufactures, would encourage emula-
tion, produce improvements, extend trade,
interchange, and employment, and be alio
beneficial to the revenue.— Under this idea, a
reafonable tax (hould in like manner be fubai-
tuted in the place of exorbitant duties, wind*
operate as prohibitions, and produce a veiy jull:
retaliation in foreign ftates, higiily inifchievous

to our commerce.

Q Q X Prohibitions

m n

: [ 200 3

Prohibitions on Exports are alfo believed,
though from different and obvious reafonings,
both to cramp trade, and to affea the revenue j
and fome are hardy enough to think, that it
would be expedient even to repeal the prohibition
of exporting wool, and to fubftitute a confider-
able duty in the place of it.— The average price
of wool, fay they, is much lower at prefent than
it was in the time of Edward III. becaufe it is
now confined to the market of Great Britain;
whereas then (e) the market of the world was open
to it ; and the duty upon its exportation was the
moft important branch of the Culloms. The
lownefs of the price, according to thefe reafoners,

(e) There is a table of the prices of Wool at dif-
ferent periods from the ; ear 1198 to 174.3. in Mr.
Young's Political Arithmeiic, p. 151, 151- — The average
price during the 50 years rcijjn of Edward III. was, in
prelent coinage, about 1/. qs. b.l. per Tod ; and though
the value of money lias funk fo niucii during the 400
fubfequeiit yeais, the sveiage price of wool during tlie
prefent century has I believe been undtr 19/.— There
are many exctlleiit renmrks on the tme iiiierefts of the
woollen trade, and on the general effect of prohibitions,
in the twenty laft Chajiters of M;. John Smith's
Mtmoirs of H'oal.

tends

»rts arc alfo believed,
nd obvious reafonings,
I to affetSt the revenue j
jugh to think, that it
:o repeal the prohibition
to fubftitute a confider-
it. — ^The average price
ch lower at prefent than
Iward III. becaufe it is
arket of Great Britain;
ict of the world was open
1 its exportation was the
of the Culloms. The
)rdiiig to thefe reafoners,

lie prices of Wool at dif-
ear 1198 to 174.3. in Mr.
, p. 151, 151.— The average
eijjn ot. Edward III. was, in
r. 6./. per Tod i and thougli
k fo niucii during the 400
ge price of wool during the
e been undtr 19 j. — There
s on the tiiie iiuerefts of the
ent ral eifec\ of prohibitions,
:ers of M;. John Smith's

tends

[ 201 ]

rends to debafc the value of the commodity, and
may thus, in its confequences, rather hurt tha
manufadure than promote it j in ihe mean tima
the intereft of the grower is evidently facrificedl
to that of the mariufafturer, and a real difad-
vantagc is laid upon the one for the fuppofed
benefit of the other.— In confidering this fubjeft,
it is difficult to difcover any good objeAion t<*
the free export of raw wool from Great Britaire
to Ireland, under the fame regulations as Iri(h
wool may be imported here, and fubjedt to fuch;
certificates as may efFedually prevent fmuggling.

§ A right comprehenfion of the expediency,
or inexpediency, of prohibitions would perhaps
throw fome light on the oppofite fyfiem of boun-
ties. Upon looking farther into this fubjefl than
I had been able to do when I wrote the preced-
ing Letters, I find, that the. bounties on ex-
portation in England and Scotland, amount to
above zoo,ooo /. a year exclufive of the bounty
upon corn : Thj« bounty in 1761 amounted to
'S9>3<'5 ^' > and its annual average for 19 years
ending in 1765 was 138,000 /. from which period
D d the

[ 202 ]

the high price put a ftop to it till within the iaft
four years.— For the three years ending 1778, it
had amounted to 44,759 '• a y"""- — That the
bounties in general, then, arc a great cxpencc to
the kingdom is certain, but how far they are an
unavailing expence, open to many frauds, and
calculated in modern days to give only an ill-ap-
plied fupport to feeble and languiftiing branches
of commerce, is a queftion which might perhaps
deferve a full inveftigation. — It would be pre-
fumptous to fpeak haftily on what has fo long
been a favourite, though perhaps a miftaken,
branch of commercial policy j more efpecially
with regard to the corn bounty, which has many
refpeaable prejudices in its fupport. " It is
" erroneous (fay thofe who defend this bounty)
" to fuppofe, that the Revenue fufFers by it a
" diminution of 150,000/. a year, for the Cuf-
*« tom-houfe recovers at leaft fome proportion
" of that fum by the increafed interchange of
*' other taxable commodities, which the corn-
** cxportations occafion ; fo that the encourage-
«* ment given to agriculture turns to the profit
»* of the Cuftoms."

§ Having

mi»«(«ff»*^>^«^OMA»-W'

to it till within the laft
ee years ending 1778, it
9/. a year. — That the
1, arc a great cxpencc to
but how far they are an
;n to many frauds, and
ys to give only an ill-ap-
nd languiftiing branches
on which might perhaps
on. — It would be pre-
ily on what has fo long
5h perhaps a miftaken,
policy i more efpccially
>ounty, which has many
1 its fupport. " It is
vho defend this bounty)
Revenue fufFersby it a
o/. a year, for the Cuf-
it leaft fome proportion
ncreafed interchange of
dities, which the corn-
; fo that the encourage-
ilture turns to the profit

§ Having

[203 ]

§ Having ill the preceding Letters alluded to
the frauds, fujipofed to be pradtifed in regard
to drawbacks, I am fince informed, that, ac-
cording to the beft opinions, they amount to
about 10 per cent, on the whole fum repaid.
This muft be near 200,000/. a year, whenever
our Export trade is at its ufual level. The truth
is, that the requiring high Import duties to be
repaid in the fliape of drawbacks is, in its
prefent fyftem, unfriendly to the commercial
interefts, and tends not only to tjftri£t all the
ineftimable advantages of the carrying trade,
double freight, commiiFion, &c. but to make
it impofllble for this country to become the re-
pofitory for the goods of trading nations, as the
United F'ovinces are in fo many inftatices, and
in fome even for the goods of our merchants.

In order to illuftratc this, we will fuppofe

the grofs receipt of the Cuftoms, upon any
particular fpecies of goods, to be 50,000/., and
the drawbacks to be 20,000 /. ; the real gain to
the Revenue will be only 30,000 /. The mer-
chant however is obliged to pay down the whole
50,000/, and though afterwards, on exporting
D d 2 a certain

''^^ "^l

[ 204 1

« certain proportion of the goods, he receives
back ao,ooo/., he muft, in the mean time,
cftimate the intereft of the grofs fum j and the
intcreft of the 20,000/. muft cither be charged
in tlic foreign markets, to which he will confe-
quently go with a aifadvantage •, or it will be
charged on tlie proportion fold for home-con-
fumption, whereby the public is fruitlefsly
burthened, and the temptations to clandeftine
trade are increafed.

Some well-informed men have thought that
thcfe difadvantagcs might be remedied, by
repealing all drawbacks, and reducing the duties
on all goods entitled to drawback, in proportion
to the aclual export of each fpecies, upon an
average of a certain period of years. — Others
think, that it- would be fafer and more advan-
tageous, both for revenue and commerce, to
adopt a plan for warehoufing all foreign goods,
Vpon the fame principle as we now warehoufe
. India goods, rums, and tobacco, abolilhing the
import duty, and colledting the revenue upot^
confumable commodities, on their adtual deli-
Yf(y (or home- confumption,

How

04 ]

f the goods, he receives
jft, in the mean time,
• the grofs fiim -, and the
'. muft either be charged
, to which he will confe-
advantagej or it will be
tion fold for home-con-
he public is fruitlcfsly
mptations to clandcftine

men have thought that
night be remedied, by
1, and reducing the duties
1 drawback, in proportion
of each fpecies, upon an
period of years. — Others
be fafer and more advan-
enuc and commerce, to
:houfing all foreign goods,
pie as we now warchoufe
id tobacco, abolifhing the
ledling the revenue upot^
ties, on their adtual deli-
ptiop^

How

[ 205 ]

How far cither of thefe ideas, wlicn reduced
to detail, with all the requifite qnaliiications and
limitations, would be either pra«nicable or expe-
dient, I am unable to pronounce. — In the
mean time, it certainly is matter of icrious
regret, that thefe lAands, though aided by the
greatefl local advantages, poiTefs fo little of what
is peculiarly called the carrying trade of Europe;
which confifts in fupplying the North with the
goods of the South, and the South with the
goods of tlie North. The annual amount in
the United Provinces of the value of all the
foreign commodities imported and exported
under this fpecies of commerce has been eftimatcd
at 18 millions flcrling, and in Hamburgh at 2
millions. Thefe however are wide confidera-
tions.— I refumed the fubje(5t only to remark,
that the lofs to the public Revenue by fuppofed
loHes and frauds in drawbacks being computed
at 10 per cent, would in times of regular trade
amount to 200,000 /. the annual average amount
of drawbacks for five years ending in 1775 hav-
ing been *,o76,s 2 2/.

§ Having

[ 206 ]

$ Having rtuicd in the foregoing Letters, that
the income of the ftate and the intcrcfts of com-
merce might be mutually promoted, by confoli-
dating the branches of the CuAoms, ! y ufiurm-
ing the book of rates, and h;- iip- ro' '-inents in
the prefcnt mode of co"' Vtint* , thvU tonfider-
itions may dcfervc for '. fiiiier explanation.
The fubfidy of tt i '..'C and poundage, granted
h the rcip;n of v. id.ics II. was formed on eafy
and plam ,-rincip!cs ; the giaiiual and multiplied
deviatons from that plan now leave the officers
under much perplexity, as well in computing the
duties, where the fame goods are ciiargcablc
partly on the value, and partly on the quantity,
as in proportioning the particular difcounts and
allowances.— For example, a dozen hammers
imported are rated or valued at 4;., and arc to
pay gd. and -^^ of a penny and ^ of a 20th of a
penny neat duty ; befides, for every cwt. of iron
contained in the hammers the importer is to pay
41. id. and ia of a penny. — Here then feveral
diifcrent computations muft be made from the
fuppofcd value or rate, the number and fpecies
of the goods, and the weight of the materials,

d6]

; foregoing Letters, that
nd the intcrefts of coin-
er promoted, by confoli-
icCurtoins I y lofiurm-
ind .;' ip' ro' '•merits ia
"••i^Unp, thoK confidcr-
vu', fiMher explanation,
and poundage, granted

II. W11 formed on eafy
: giai'uial and multiplied
n now leave the officers
as well in computing the
E goods are ciiargeable

partly on the quantity,
particular difcounts and
>]e, a dozen hammers
alued at 4;., and arc to
my and | of a 20th of a
s, for every cwt. of iron
rs the importer is to pay
ny.— Here then feveral
nuft be made from the
the number and fpecies
/eight of the materials.

f »07 1

'n order to difcovcr the Cudorfls , aivl, in th«
rcfult, the fradUoi '■ will probably b« luclt m
can neither be paid nor carried to ac\(ninr.— After
thii, the amount is again to be fubdividcd into
(ix branches, and entered in as many columns,
under the titles of *' SubfiJy inwards or o,4

iSublidy," •♦ new S." " { S." " S."

" Subf. 1747", and " Impoft 1^90." —

Added to theic, there arc forty-nine other parti-
cular appropriations of the Revenue of Cuftows
cxclufive of the new duty of 5 per cent, wak-
ing in ail 56 branches as they are called, accr' \g
upon goods and merchandizes imported, ex-
ported, and brought or carried coaftways i al! of
which, according to the goods and merchandizes
which they may happen jointly or fcparately t»
afFedl, arc to be accounted for under their refpec-
tive denominations.-—

I have attempted to (hew, in my third
Letter, how much the trading interefts fuffer by
thefc embarraflments. It feems indeed too
obvious a truth to be repeated, that the encou-
ragements to which merchants are intitled, the
duties to which they are fubjca, and the
S penalties

/ f 2o8 ] : ^ -

penalties to which they are expofed, ought not
to be involved in this cloud of complicated
materials and abftrufe fcience.

Books of rates, and neat duties, have been
prepared, at different times, with great accuracy
and ability, and particularly by Mr. Burrow in
1774; but I apprehend that they mufl: now be
entirely new computed, in confequence of the
additional duty of s per cent.— Such books,
when complete, are undoubtedly very ufeful,
as well in pointing out the total charge on
particular goods, as in enabling the merchants,
and the officers, to check each other's compu-
tations and demands: But many complex
operations ftiU remain j and, whatever may be
tbe totality, the officer muft ftill divide k to the
minuteft fraaion, and enter it into as many
feparate columns, as there are different branches

payable on the goods in queftion. The

expence, occupation, delays, miftakes, and
frauds, which rafult from this uianagemcnt of
the duties, extend ihemfelvcs^ to the whole
bufmefs of difcounts and drawbacks. — It feem»
highly expedient, then, to attempt a reform, fo

far

8 ] : f "

are expofed, ought not

cloud of complicated
ence.

neat duties, have been
les, with great accuracy
arly by Mr. Burrow in

that they muft now be
, in confequence of the
ler cent.— Such books,
idoubtedly very ufeful,
xt the total charge on
:nabling the merchants,
ck each other's compu-
But many complex

and, whatever may be
muft ftill divide k to the

enter it into as many
sre are different branches
Is in queftion. The

delays, miftakes, and
om this liianagement of
emfelvcs^ to the whole
d drawbacks. — It feems
, to attempt a reform, fo
far

t 409 1

far at leaft as to fimplify and confojidate thtf
branches of Cuftoms, dffe£ling each article, or
fpecific quantity of merchandife ; and it would
be ufefbl alfo to difcontinue, as far as may be
practicable, ill fVad^ional parts and decimal
calculations ; and to convert them into whole
numbers, either by increaflng or diminilhing
the r^fpeAive duties, as may be found mutually
moft expedient for trade and revenue.

Believing, as I do, that an improved ar-
rangement of the exifting taxes would afford 1
permanent refource to the public, with many
beneficial confequences to commerce and manu-
fadures ; I am tempted to extend thefe obferva-
tions to other circumftances, conneited both with
the Cuftoitis and Excife.— But I ought rather to
apologize for having already faid too much,
when there are at each of thofe Boards individuals
of known experience in buiinefs, of activity,
difcretion, and public fpirit ; and when they tdo
have many able affiftants. Commercial reforms
never can be taken up with greater advantage
than at a period when the leading merchants and
principal trading companies fhew a liberality of
E e fentiment

;;f ■*:

[ 210 ]

feniiment unknown in foriner ages. I reft then
in confidence tliat thefe confideratioas will, in
due time, be brought irtt^ difcuflion, with that
cordial alacrity which aims at a general beneEt,
and alio with all that caution and tendernei's
which are requiiite in a meafure tending towards
the derangement of a great, eftablKhed, and
produdlive fyftera of commerce and revenue. .

§ 1 incline upon fuller information to believe,
that if the quantity of fmuggled and adulterated
tea, confumed within (Great Britain, (hould be
thought to fall fliort of 8 millions of pounds (h)^
as fome have computed} it is perhaps as
far beyond the general eftimate of others who
have not made it a fubjeft of their enquiry.

The average annual delivery of tea from the
Eaft-India Company's warehoufes for home-
confumption, in a period of fifteen years, from
1762 to 1777, was; — lb.

On the Company's account 5i49^)i9'

By avowed piivate trade allowed 7 g g^^
to their officers *

(h) P. X31.

210 ]

1 fonder ages. I reft then
efe confideratloas will, in
t int9 difcu^ion, with that
\ aims at a general benefit,
It caution and Xendemei's
a meafure tending towards
a great, eftablifbed, and
:otnn\erce and revenac.;.;

Her information to believe,
f fmufgled and adulterated
1 iGreat Britain, (hould be
fS millions of pounds (h),
luted} it is perhaps as
ral eftimate of others who
bje£t of their enquiry,
d delivery of tea from the
''s warehoufes for honie-
riod of fifteen years, from

lb.
I account 5 1496,19*
trade allowed 7

f"'"...irj' - <u
2YI ]

84,801

lb.

210,930

I P. X31.

To which may be added the an-
nual average of the tea feiz-
ed in tlie fame peViod by the
Cuftoms and Excife

Hence it appears that the legal annual con-
fumption, including feizures, has for 15 years
amounted to near fix millions of pounds.

If, however, we divide this period into three,
the annual average on each will ftand thus :

lb.
From 1762 to 1767 - 4,623775

1767101772 - 7,194,249
1772 to 1777 - 5.557.74+
The middle period comprehends the live years
lowered duty (which perhaps was a falutary
operation and right to be continued) ; the
average annual diminution in the firfl and third
periods amounted to 2, 1 53,475 lb. : and is pe- ,
culiarly eftimated to be fupplied by fmuggling,
cxclufive of tea otherwife fmuggled and adul-
terated ; for it is not to be fuppofed, arid indeed
would be contradifted by the feizures, that the
lowering of the duties had, by any means, an-
E e z nihilated

V -*■ -.v.^,v'*.-*^ vjQ?4*w»e6»5;

[ 212 1

nihilated the clandcftine trade, though it greatly

checked it.

The Abbe Raynal (i), after dating particu-
larly the quantity of tea brought into Europe
in 1766, and the fuppofed diftribution of it,
eftimates the confumption of Great Britain at
1 2 millions of pounds; and he fpccificaHy
adds, that one half of that quantity muft be
fmuggled. " Ce/eroit (dit il) ignorance eu mau-
« vaife fo'u que d'oppofer a cette fupputation fau-
♦* torUi des Douanes :—k contrebande^ qui fe fait m
" AngUterre^ de citte marchandife^ ejl generaUment
*« eonnue."— It is a dennonftrable and well-Kno>ivn
}a£l, that the importation of teas into Europe
by the foreign companies on the continent has
increafed fmcc 1766, though the confumption
within the continent has decrcafcd firom' the pre-
ference given to cofffee.— The quantity annually
imported at prcfent, according to publilhed re-
turns, by the Portugucfe, French, Dutch,
Panitti and Swcdilh companies, is ij millions
pf pounds. The confumption in the continent

(k) Hitt. PJiilof. & Polit. torn. i. p. 584.

;I2 ]

: trade, though it grcjitly

i;, after ftating particu-
ea brought into Europe
pofed diftribution of it,
tion of Great Britain at
ds ; and he fpccificaHy
f that quantity muft be
r (dit il) ignorance m mau-
'.r a cettefupputationf au-
la contrebandff gaife/ait en
archandife^ ejl generalement
ionftrable and well-KnoMvn
ition of teas into Europe
lies on the continent has
though the confumption
las decrcafcd firoiri the pfe-
.— The quantity annually
iccording to publilhed rc-
uguefe, French, Dutch,
companies, is ij millions
ifumption in the continent

Polit. torn. i. p. s«4.

[ 2»3 ]

of Europe, and the trade to the Atlantic Iflands,
including the contraband exports to North
America and the Weft-Indies, is not computed
at more than 7 millions; the Abbe Raynal,
after a long refearch, did not eftimate it at more
than 5 millions and i : This then leaves a ba-
lance of 8 millions (l)y exclufive of which,
great allowances are alfo to be mad? for private
trade, both in foreign and Britifh (hips, and
alfo for the Dutch weight, which exceeds the
Englifti about 8 per cent,

Thefe reafonings and circumftances, if well
founded, would prove, that the fale of tea by
our Eaft-India company under all their advan-
tages has lelTenedi whilft that of the foreign

(I) It is raid to have been ftated fome yean ago to the
Houfe of Commons l>y Sir Stephen Theodore Janflbn,
a* the opinion of a committee after examination, that
vfe pay ^ million tlerling per atmum for fmuggled tea.
This v/as probably over- rated; but iftnie, it might be
eftimated to g^ve nearly the following rtfiM 1

lb. /.

7,500,000 Black tea, at I «. 6</. • j6»(SOO

2,500,000 Singlo, at3X. 6</. - 437^500

|0,000,0«0

1,000,000
companies

1*2^4 1"

-a

Jf!

cdmpsfhies ha^ ?ncrcafcd. — Bur, without giv-
ing way to fo uiip!i*afinga fpeculation, if the fur-
iriife of the quantity of tea fmuggled (hould be
admitted to a third part only of the extent ftat-
ed, it will amount to near one half of the
pfefeht confumption ; and the produce of that
confumption in the neat duties of Excife and
Cuftorts is about 700,000/. per ann.

% The low price of bullion, and the favour-
able courfc of exchange (r/t)y continue nearly
as defcribed to your Lordfliip in my third Let-
ter («)} fioce which I have ktn fome very good,
opinions, that confirm me (o) in eftimating the
ctirrent coin of the kingdom at 20 millions,
fterling. At the fame time both the fcarcity,
fo far as it prevails among individuals in their
private tranfzdions, and the rife of intereft may
be fet down to the account of the wir, and the
Iiigh demand for public loans within the cai»-
tal. — In ftating this matter it feemed fufficient
to eftimatCj, that Axteen millions of guineasr had

(hf) See Appendix, No. VII.

actually

%..

. — Bur, witliout giv-
a fpeculation, if the fur-
tea fmuggled fliould be
only of the extent ftat-
near one half of the
id the produce of that
It duties of Excife and
10 /. pit ann.

ullion, and the fuvour-
;e (r/i), continue nearly
dfliip in my third Let-
ave feen fonie very good
ne (g) in edimitting the
ngdom at 20 millions,
ime both the fcarcity,
ong individuals m their
1 the rife of intereft may
mt of the wsir, And the
c loans within the capn-
itter it feemed fufficient
millions of ^'ineashad

). VII.
P. ii*.

adlually

[ ^15]

adually appeared upon the falutary operation of
reforming the gold coin. I was indeed anxious
in. thi5, as in other pofitions, to avoid the im-.
putation of over-ftating any poim of evidence ;
but, I believe, that the fbllowing is a true
account of the qiiantity of light money jvhich
appeared on the late recoinagc.

The total brought to accput\t oinder tht; thre$
prpclainations was 1;, 563, 593/, 10^. $</.

Exchifive of which, the eftiqnsite of the dif-^
fereoce between weight and tale, which difference
fell upon the holders of the clipped gold coin,
purchafed under the firft proclamation, amounted
to 380,643 /. And exclufive alfo cf bars melted
from guineas purchafed by the Bank, which
have been computed at two millions {lerling.

Total, 1 7,944,2 j6/. los. Sd.

§ When I ftated (n) a poffiblc ejctremity of
national emb^rraflments, in vvbich, under Ji
dwiipe of neceff^ry eyils, it ipnigbjt fa^cofnc f^
beA alternative to raife fupplies upon thp ordinary

(»; p. 117.

revenue.

C 416 ]

itvenue, or upon the produce of the Sinking
Fund, which together (amounting to near fout
millions and a half per ahn.) would afford art
intereft equal to about one hundred and thirty
millions fterling ; I exprefsly added, and pro-
ceeded to (hew, that the times were very fat- from
wanting fuch afliftance j ftill lefs Could 1 mean to
infinuate, that 4,400,000/. would pay the intercft
of 130 millions, as money i' now borrowed.—*
Under a fimilar rcafoning, it is faid, in a fubfe-
quent paflage (0), that the faving of ijo.oco/*
in bounties, would be equal to the intereft of a
loan of 5 millions.— Again it is faid (p)^ that the
(avings to accrue by the falling of 19 millions
in 1 78 1 from 4 to 3 per cent, i and of 4 i mil-
lions in 178a, from 3 i to n per cent., will
fumifh a fund (viz. ai»,363/. per artn.) fo
paying the intereft of feven millions.— It was
evidently not intended, in anyof thefe inftances,
to defcribe the fums, which would be adually
received by the Exchequer } for it had already
been ubferved {q), that we in truth borrow at a

(9) P. ia6.

iP) P. 134.

r?-)p 9»-

rate

*«-

,6]

produce of the Sinking
'amounting to near fouf
ahn.) would aflford atl
one hundred and thirty
irefsly added, and pro-
times were very fat" from
ftill lefs eouid I mean to
)/. would pay the intercft
»ney i« new borrowed.—*
ig, it is faid, in a fubfe-
thc faving of i{0,oco/«
equal to the intereft of a
lin it is faid (p)y that th«
e falling of 19 millions
r cent, i and of 4 i mil-'
T to ) per cent., will
219,363/. per artn.) fo
feven millions.— It was
in any of thefe inftances,
which would be actually
luer; for it had already
t we in truth borrow at a

P. ij^. (q)? 9»'

ratf

[ 217 ]

lyii-

rate fully equal to j per cent, and perfiap* at a
higher rate than in any period of the two laft
wars. I had in view the praftiftd mode of
borrowing at an invariable intereft; this
being lower than the current intereft, is made
good by advantages, producing either no charge
to the Public, as in the inftancc of lotteries, or
a temporary chirge, as in the inftances of long
and of ftiort annuities (which latter, though a
favourite and perhaps unavoidable fpecies of
dmfur to the lenders, are generally the moft

cxpenfive premium that the Public pays). 1

ufed then the fame fcale by which the national
debt is mcafured, and thought it more confonant
to ftate the nominal fum, for which the nation
would be pledged to its creditors, at the deter-
mined intereft of 3 per cent., than to hazard
conjedkurcs upon the uncertain fum which the
ncchequer would receive.

4 In ftating («) that the grofs produce of tho
Excifc for the year 1779, ending the sth of July,

(») P. no.

amounted

[ »\8 ]

amounted to To large a Aim, as 5,86;,o8i /,
I ought perhaps to have added, that no part
thereof was to be afcribed to the s per cent, new
duty, which had indeed commenced on the
quarter day preceding, but had not yet been
brought to account. On the other hand, how-
ever, the hop duty had contributed largely to
that account, having amounted to 160,095 /.—
The produce of that duty may naturally be
cxpe '^t ed to vary much } and the late annual
variation ha? been alternately high and low.—
For ihe year ending July sth, 1780, it will not
produce more than $3,000 /.—For the 5 years
ending July 5th, 1779, its annual neat averag;c
was about 95,000/.

It is eafy, and has not been unufual even
^mong wife and refpeflable men, to affert, that
nothing can be inferred from a large produce of
Excife duties to counterbalance the evils which
give it birth. It is an evidence, fay they, that
an inordinate, and fatal confumption, has tal^en
place among all ranks of people ; that a profut
fion, fed by paper credit, prevails through the
iungdom, • >

■*i

i<8 ]

a Aim, as 5,86;,o8i /.
ve added, that nu part
cd to the s per cent, new
ed commenced on the

but had not yet been
>n the other hand, how-
d contributed largely to
mounted to 160,095/.—

duty may naturally be
h } and the late annual
irnately high and low. —
jly 5th, 1780, it will not
(,000 /.—For the 5 years
, its antiual neat average

not been unufual even
table men, to alfert, that
i from a large produce of
crbalance the evils which
I evidence, fay they, that
il confumption, has talj,en
of people ; that a profui
dit, prevails through the

I'i

fit

t 219 }

Jj/ tuyui pupulatnr opum, quern ftmptr alhtrtnt
Jiifeiix iumili grrjfu (omiiatur Eg'flas,

1 feel difpofed to meet every well meaning and
moral remark, with all pofllble deference and
refpefl } I feel too, that the mifchief here de-
fcribcd is, if it exifts, as much a thefts for
political, as for moral cenfure ; but it mud be
remembered that no term is fo vague as luxury ;
It is a fpe^lre, which was feen by many in the
very infancy of Rome, and in the hardy fchool
of Lycurgus. Before we admit then, that (he
is ftalking over our land, with all her debafing
and devouring attributes } it is furcly fair to look
round, and to examine, whether in truth there
exift fuflicient appearances to furnilh fuch a
pidure. We are not to draw political condu-
fions from individual inftances, nor to infer a^
national depravity from the confequences of a
partial influx of wealth, or the limited and tern*
porary prevalence of fome fafhionable folly and
profufion. We (hould mildly afkourfelves, whe- .
ther the general methods of living have gone be-
yond that point of commodious elegance, which
F f a the

[ 220 ]

the Improvements of an adlive age r^a-
fonably furnHh j whether the rcfinemcnta of
fome ranks, and the magnificence of others,
exceed what ought to accompany the neceflary
inequalities of property ; and whether the focial
intercourfe of men is of that corrupt, impovi''
riHiing, and defolating kind which tends to
popular didrcfs, and to the annihilation of pri-
vate and public virtue.— Do we then fee any
fymptoms of general effeminacy ? Is there any
vrant of martial ardour ? are not the young men
of the firft ranks and property in the kingdom
among the fird to facrifice the indulgences which
their fituations would fupply, and to offer them-
felves to every inconvenience that military dif-
cipline, military fervice, long fea voyages, and
unwholefome climates can threaten i In (hort,
an there not various examples, among the dif-
ferent clafles of our cotemporaries, of as much
high-fpirited fentiment, as much genuine fcience,
and as much true relifh of moral and intellectual
beauty, as can be traced in any period of hiftory {

§ I Ihall now bring this enquiry towards a con-

duiion i nor can I forefec any probable circum-

* ftance.

220 ]

of an »£tivc age rc>*
licthcr the refincmcnu of
e magnificence of others,
> accompany the neceflary
ty ; and whether the focial
of that corrupt, impov^ >
ng kind which tends to
to the annihilation of pri-
le.— Do we then fee any
effeminacy? Is there any
ir i are not the young men
property in the kingdom
ifice the indulgences which
fupply, and to offer thcm-
cnicnce that military dif-
:e, long fea voyages, and
can threaten? In Ihort,
»camplcs, among the dif-
}temporarie8, of as much
, as much genuine fcience,
1 of moral and intellectual
i in any period of hiftory ?

^is enquiry towards a con-
efiK any probable circum-
■* ftance.

ftance, which will ever induce me to refume it.
In fuch a variety of reafonings and calculations
as I have taken occafion to (late, feme Inaccu-
racies may naturally be expeded } but they
certainly are not intentional, and I truft that
they are neither frequent, nor confiderable
enough, to affe£t the general purport of what
I have faid. The anxiety ** to fee things as they
are," has never quitted nK. I have never beea
confcious of a difpdition either to exaggerate
our own refources, or to depreciate thofe of
our enemies i it would be a Ihort-fightcd folly
to do either the one or the other. — -I lament
indeed, that more is not known with regard to
foreign finance, and (hould have gladly gone into
fome farther detail on that fubjeCl -, but I am not
aftiamed to confefs, that I continue unable to
attempt it.— It is fufiicient to obferve on the
French Edicts which have lately been publidied
with fo much induftry through Europe, that
they are tertaiply as little calculated to infpire
terror, as they are to give information. They
ipay poflibly lefien in fome degree the diffidence
of money-lenders, and alCft a ftraincd credit ;

but

^■: '

C 222 i "

but time only can fhew, whether more is to be
expedted from them. When we fee gracious
communications from Marly, and edi£t after
edift, defcribing grofs abufes in refined language,
and untried remedies in plaufible fchemes of
feform ; we in truth fee nothing more, than has
been feen under every minifter of finance that
France has had in our memory : and thofe who
colleft the ftrength of France from the circula-
tion of fuch papers, give fome countenance to
Helioga^alus, who formed his eflimate of the
extent of Rome from 10,000 pounds weight of
cobwebs, which had been found within the city.
— At the fame time, it muft be admitted, that a
part want of credit may have proved favourable to
prefent refources ; and it is beyond a doubt, that
the kingdom of France can furnilh materials which
will be found very produdive in the hands of fo
able a minifter as Mr. Neckar. We know that,
whatever interruption this war may have given
to his on'ginsi phns of reform, he mud in any
event find great prefent aides in the eftablifhed
power of the crown to borrow on refcriptions
and anticipations, new afleflments of the fecond-

vingtieme

-4W.

22]

', whether more is to be
When we fee gracious
Marly, and edi£l: after
jufes in refined language,
in plaufible fchemes of
nothing more, than has
minifter of finance that
lemory : and thofe who
France from the circula-
ve fome countenance to
Tied his eflimate of the
10,000 pounds weight of
sn found within the city,
mufl be admitted, that a
lave proved favourable to
t is beyond a doubt, that
in furnilh materials which
jftive in the hands of fo
leckar. We know that,
his war may have given
eform, he mud in any
t aides in the eflablifhed
3 borrow on refcriptions
afTefTments of the fecond-
vingtieme

t 223 1

vlngtinm and capitation, tlie flock of corpora-
tions, contributions, free-gifts,— together with
other expedients praftifed in the Jaft war, fome
of which the edi£ls prove to be already under tria?,
fuch as the markets of Sceaux and Poiffy, &c, j
— exclufive of a longer train of unfcen expedients,
undermining, indeed, thofe which are oflenfible,
and impairing ail the finances of the fiate, but
furnifhing an cfFciaive and immediate fupply.

We are not to put a mafk over our fituation )
we are to look it fairly in the face ; flrong trutJis
prove offenfive only to weak eyes. The obje<a
of good citizens, in a moment like the prefent,
(hould be not to footh the nation into the fe-
curity of an infant, but to encourage that man-
ly confidence, which has thus far fupported the
national ftrength and exertions. We are en-
gaged in a war which we did not provoke ; The
path which we have to purfue, is indeed a path
of toil and embarrafTments, but it is direft and
unavoidable. We may wifh for peace ; but, in
order to force the war to a fpeedy and juft con-
clufion, great national expences arc neceflary.
Under thefe circumftances, I have had the
j fatisfaiSion

«^

ii I

[ 224 ]

fatisfa£^ion to convince myfelf at leaft, that we
poflefs ample refources, and without any preflTure,
cither on the occupations of the induftrious, or
on the maintenance of the lower clafle; in general.
But if any man will point out new objc£ls of re-
fource, which have not occurred to me, he wilt
not only prove (what I will chearfully admit),
that he is better informed, but will add to the
fatisfa£lion which I feel j and I (hall honour him
for making the bed ufe of fuperior talents.

I have gone into a detai? of many fpeculatlve
reforms, in the hope of (hewing, that an im-
proved colle£iion of fubfifting taxes, and a
better arrangement of commercial duties, would
alone furni(h a confiderable and permanent
fupply.— I have mentioned too(a)t that the
delay in fettling public accounts has always been
Tery great, and that the manner, in which fome
of coniiderabie magnitude are ufually managed,
. has never been fatisfadlory ; but I have not
prefumed to fay more upon what is the mo(t
obvious duty of the reprefentative body. |

r«; P. 7J.

have

I myfelf at leaft, that we
and without any preflTure,
ns of the induftrious, or
lie lower clafle; in general.
It out new obje£ls of rc-
t occurred to me, he will
I will chearfully admit},
led, but will add to the
: J and I (hall honour him
of fuperior talents.

letail of many fpeculatlve
of (hewing, that an im-

fubfifting taxes, and a
:ommercial duties, would
fiderable and permanent
tioned too (aj^ that the
accounts has always been
le manner, in which fome
:ude are ufually managed,
i£loryi but I have not
: upon what is the mo(t

reprefentative body. |

P. 7J.

have

[245]

have farther ftated fa) " the great afliftanc«
" derivable from the appropriations of public
" claims, po(re(rions, and contingencies :"and fo
far as this exprelTion may include the views of
fome refpeftable men towards the fale of fuch
demefnes, and other royal rights, as a(Ford little
benefit to revenue, and no circumftance of
fplendour or convenience to the crown; it feenu
right to add, that, though fuch a meafb.e would
give little immediate aid to the Public, it would
prove a folid benelit to the general cultivation
and future produce of thefe kingdoms.

Laftly, I have faid (bjy ** that oeconomy in the
" conduA of war is often a moft (hort-(ighted
** virtue :" when Cicero exclaimed, ** O Dii
immor tales ! non inteUigunt homines quom magnum
veSligal fit parfmonia-y" he was fumming up his
(ixth paradox to prove, that for an individual,
poverty is preferable to riches } that virtue is a
more folid poflelTion than houfes and land } and
that the fewer dedres a man feels, the fewer
gratifications he will want. Buc if, inftead of

(») P- >3>

(h) P. 73.

ftoical

ftoical aaorility, he Inti been engaged in a dif-
fertation on the praJlical policy of a great
kingdom invdved in a ftruggle with furround-
ing empires, lie would have furniihed me with
better words, than I ufed (tj^ to exprefs, that
" parfitKOoy in war, when it tends to a defal-
•* cation of ufeful fervices, becomes a wretched
** management, for which the nation in the event
*' pays twenty- fold."— I neither meant however,
nor do I now mean, to differ from thofe, who
look for refources in the profecution of any
meafures, which, without clogging the executive
power, naay inforce a ftri(ft and efficient manage-
ment of the public money. — -I think fuch
meafures highly laudable j I know them to be
difficult J yet I believe them not to be impracti-
cable.

But when thefe ideas are carried to a branch
of public revenue, diftinil from that which
bears the iaation^l expences, the propoiition is
very different, and (o novel, that, without pro-
pofing to difcufs it in an adverfe line, it may bCi

O) P. 73.

reafonable

<iL^

126 ]•

d been engaged in a dlf'
ii5ltcal policy of a great
a llruggle with furround-
1 have furnilhed nae with
ifed (t)y to exprefs, that
when it tends to a dcfal-
ices, becomes a wretched
lich the nation in the event
-I neither meant however,
to differ from thofe, who

the profecution of any
lout clogging the executive
lri£t and efficient manage-

money.— I thinic fuch
blej I know them to be
; them not to be impracti-

as are carried to a branch
jiflin£^ from that which
lences, the proportion is
novel, that, without pro-
an adverfe line, it may be

P. 73.

reafonable

[ as; ]

reafonable iowaicfor full information with regard
to it- — We know that the ordinary revenue of
our kings has either fubflfVed time out of mind,
or elfe has been granted in Parliament by way
of purchafJB, or exchange, for fuch inherent
hereditary revenues and prerogatives, as were
objedte either of jealoufy, pofTible oppreffion,
or experienced inconvenience to the people.—.
Wo all concur in feeling, that the kings of thefe
iflands, though ftridly circumfcribed m their
powers, reign unlimited in the afFeaions of their
people. It has ever been thf pride of their
l)€0|Je, and perhaps the policy^ to indulge their
fovereigns, not merely in the expences of aiSual
fervice, but in thofe of magnificence, pleafure»
and beneficence. How far fuch a fyftem has
liitherto tended to break the balance eflential
between the different powers of the conflitution ;
—whether, in the nature of a free monarchical
government, there ought to fubfifl any, and
what degree of that influence, which refuus
from the diflribution of honours, offices, emolu-
ments, and perfonal gratifications j —whether, if
thatdiftribution were greatly nan owed, men of
G g a talents,

( 228 ]

talents, however impelled by a juft and proper
fenfe of public virtue, would engage in the
career and competition of public duties j or,
qmd (ontra pUripu ad honorti adipifcindai tt ad
rempublitam gerendamy nudi vinirtnt atpu intrmis \
nulld cognations rtrum, nuM/ctentid ornati i—znd
laftly, what precautions are neceflary in thefe wide
propofals (»f innovation, to fatisfy ferious men,
that the conflitutional fyftem, under which they
poiTefs every thing dear to them, will not in
confequence be either fatally (haken, or reftcd
on fome more dangerous principles : — All thefe
confiderations, and the various fubordinate quef-
tions both of hSt and abftraA reafoning which
they involve, muft be argued and aicertsined, if
ever the expedient alluded t J Hiould be brought
forwards as an eligible mode of raifing money.
To thefe remarks it may not unfairly be re-
plied, that the meafure is not ftated as eligible
at all times and in all national circumftances ;
but that at prefent it is reafonable to doubt
the practicability of raifmg the neceflnry^
fupplies, without public diflrefs ; and therefore

that

228 ]

iled by a juft and proper
e, would engage in the
>n of public duties, or»
[ honores adipifttttchs rt ad
nudi vtnirtnt atpu ifurmts ;
nuMfdenti& crnati }—»nd
8 are neceflary in thefe wide
m, to fatisfy ferious men,
fyftem, under which they
»r to them, will not in
r fatally (haken, or reftcd
9us principles : — All thefe
ic various fubordinate quef-
i abftrad reafoning which
argued and aicertained, if
uded tj Hiould be brought
e mode of raifing money.
it may not unfairly be re-
re is not ftated as eligible
ill national circumftances ;
it is reafonable to doubt
f raifing the neceflnry^
lie diflrefs ; and therefore
that

[ 229 ]

that it will be right to adopt an expedient
tending both to relieve the burdens of the coun-
try, and to evince the integrity of thbfe who
lay them. But here alfo it muft be (hewn, what
may well be queftioned, that a doubt fo dif-
heartening to the nation, fo injurious to public
credit, and fo encouraging *o the public ene-
mies, has its foundation in truth.— And after
all, if this dreadful ftate of penury were ad-
mitted to exift, it niight ftill be found impradi-
cable to draw any extenfive fupply from the
fource alluded to. — In a country where nearly
all the leading and opulent families derive a
part, and fome the whole of their hereditary
incomes from the crown ; where various royal
grants are enjoyed, of different dates, and found-
ed in very different pretenfions j where the juf-
tice and fubftantial merits of a pretenfion of
ten years (landing, may be as folid, or at lead
hi thought fo, as that of a century } it will be
difficult to draw any line : nor is much volun-
teering alacrity to be expected among mankind
in fo harfti an undertaking.— We happily were
not bom in the days of Lyfias, who ftates in

one

fm\''\

I J

[230]

one of hU Orations, noi: as a fubjeiSl of ccnfure,
but as the ordinary ways and means of raifing
• fupply, that when tiie Athenians wanted mo*
ney for public emergencies, it was not unufual
ivith them to put fome rich citizen to death for
the fake of his forfeiture.

If, lailly, it is faid, that all refources mud
be good which tend to cut up public corruption
by the roots, it is impoflible not to admit fo
juft and obvious a pofition -, and if it is founded
in the actual circumftances of any exifting fyf>
tem, the people of this country may reafonably
be expeded to deftine their approaching fuf.
frages and future confidence to thofe who (hew
moft alacrity towards the reform which is found
fo edential. — No man ^vill difpute that public
corruption is a crying evil ; the mere 'rumour
merits a Ari£l and fatisfactory examination, to
what extent it exifts, and if it exiAs, by what
mode it may beft bfi rrilified. Herculies would
have gained little credit by his fixth labour, if L-
had not afcertained the condition of the Augean
Stablesi, before he turned the courfe of the river
Alpheus to purify tliem^ and to walh away all

*he accumulations of a century.

I (hall

30 ]

It as a fubjeiSl of ccnfure,
16 and means of raifing
: Athenians wanted mo*
lies, it was not unufual
rich citizen to death for

ft
■••

that all rerources tnuft

cut up public corruption

loflible not to admit (o

on ; and if it is founded

inces of any exifting fyf-

I country may reafonably

I their approaching fuf.

lence to thofe who (hew

le reform which is found

>ivill difpute that public

evil ; the mere rumour

sfactory examination, to

nd if it exiAs, by what

lified. Herculies would

by his fixth labour, if L^

:ondition of the Augean

:d the courfe of the river

[)« and to walh away all

century.

I (hall

[ 23» J
I (liall difniifs this fubjetSl in the words of a
modern writer, who unites the eloquence of
fpeech to that of the pen, and the moft pleafing
virtues of private life to the difpiay of public
ability. ** Nothing would be more unworthy
** of this nation, than, with a mean and mecha-
*• nical rule to mete out the fplendour of the
** crown." — '* A vigilant and jealous eye over
" executory and judicial magiftracy ; an anxious
" care of public money j an opennefs, approach-
" ing towards facility, to public complaint:
" thefe fcem the true chara£teriftics of the
" Hotiffe of Commons."— But, •« whenever
" parliament is perfuadcd to afCame the offices
" of executive government, it v»ill lofe all the
*• confidence, love, and veneration, which it has
*• ever borne, whilft it was fuppofed the corrt.^ivt
" and contrcul. This would bq the event, though
** its conduit in fuch a perverfion of its func-
*' ticus ftiould be tolerably juft and moderate;
'-* but if it (hould be iniquitous, violent, full
** of paflion, and full of fad ion, it would be
•' confidered as the moft intolerable of all
*' modes of tyranny."

§ I have

■I

ftS*""'

[ 232 ]

5 I have nothing to add to my Fourth Lcttcf .
•— Th': principlei which produced that t>etter,
and the reafoningj conveyed by it, were equally
and cordially applied to confolidate the manu-
fa£luring and trading intercfts of Great Britain
and Ireland. I rejoice to fee this new, and I
• truft, immortal, ph'xnomcnon of a complete
commercial union between the two nations,
founded on the bafis of equity, juftice, and
acknowledged wifdom. In removing the re-
ftridlions which pad ages had impofed on the
ingenuity and induftry of our fifter kingdom, I
reft convinced that we are promoting our own
opulence and greatnefs, at the fame rime that
we convey employment and profpcrity lu a loyal,
brave, generous, grateful, and ai^vdionate
people.

I am, my dear Lord,

xefpeAfuUy and affeAionately, &c*

WILLIAM EDEN.

'32 ]

tdd to my Fourth Letter.
:h produced that letter,
veycd by it, were equally
to confulidate the manu-
ntcrefts of Great Britain
e to fee this new, and I
nomcnon of a complete
:tween the two nations,

of equity, jufticc, and
. In removing the re-
iges had impofed on the

of our fifter kingdom, I
e are promoting our own
fs, at rhe fame rime that
it and profpcrity u a loyal,
ateful, and aivAionate

Lord,

' and aifedlionately, &c.

YILLIAM EDEN.

t a-t=

APPENDIX.

No. I.

ACTS made in England, rcftraining
Trade to and from Ireland.

SheePt Wool, kc.

PIt.OHlBITStheexportatidnofranis,t Eiit.c 3.
(heep, or laihbi alive, from England
or Ireland.

Prohibit the exportation of (heep or wool, itCar u.t-nt.
wool-fells, mortlings, fliortlings, yarn^^',* ''*^'"""
made of wool, wool-flocks, fullers-earth,
and fulling-clay, from England or Ire-
land.

Prohibits alfo the exportation of tobacco- stA. 8.
pipe clay; ■

Fullers-earth or fcouring clay not to be 9 * to w. ]ii.
exported from Great Britain into Ireland. *• ♦**• ^'^' '*

Prohibit the exportation of wool, wool-«»*"W. ni.
fells, ice. J and alfo worfted-yarn, woollen- ^ cw. 1. c. i j .
yarn, cloth, ferge, bays, kerfeys, fays, '««• »«
frizes, druggetts, cloth-ferges, fhalloons, ^ °"- "* *' *'*
or other drapery ftufFs, or woollen-manii-
[AJ fa£ture.s

iiCie». ll.Cll.
Ie£t, 9.

sta. II.

] a Car. II. c, 18.

ha. 18.

at & iiCar. II.
c. 26. (eCt. 10 &

7 & 8 W. HI.
c. at. fefl. 14

3 & 4 Ann. c. 5.
U£t. 12.
2 1^4 Aim. c. 10.

8 Geo. 1, c. 15.
ien. 94.
8 Geo. I. c. 18.

frft. 22.

4 Geo. 11. c, 1$,
i Geo. II, c. I }.

[ii]

l^flufts from Ireland, txitptto Gnat BiU
tijiny as by Lift No. II.

Extends the prohibition to coverlids, wad
dings, or other manufaflurcs made ot"
wool, nightly ftitchcd or worked togc-
tlur, fo as to be reduced to wool again,
and to matraiTcs and beds, Auffed with
combed wool, or wool tit for combing.

1 he above articles are not to be laden on
board any (hip bound to foreign parts, or
be laden or carried coaftwife from one
part of Great Britain or Ireland to ano-
ther, without a licenfe from the commif-
fioncrs or officers of the cuftoms, and le-
curity given to land accordingly.

Navigation and P.'antations.

By thefr afts, the following articles being
the growth, produft, or manufa(f>ure of
any Hritilh Plantation in Africa, Afia, or
America, cannot be imported into or
landed in Ireland, except they are firft
landed in Great Britain, viz. fugar, to.
bacco, cotton-wool, indico, ginger, fn'"-
tic, or other dying wood. Specie or ].:
maica wood, rice, melaffcs, tar, pitcli,
turpentine, mafts, yards and bowlprus

beavti-

[ il ] •

Ireland, txctptto Great BiU
tNo. II.

libition to coverlids, wad
er manufaflurcs made ot'
(Pitched or worked togc-
be reduced to wool again,
iTcs and beds, ftuffed with
or wool (it for combing.
:Ies are not to be laden on
> bound to foreign parts, or
:nrried coadwife from one
Britain or Ireland to ano-
a licenfe from the commif-
ers of the cufloms, and fe-
) land accordingly.

tlon and Plantations.

the following articles being
irodu^l, or manufa<f>ure of
antation in Africa, Afia, or
rmot be imported into or
:Iand, except they arc firft
cat Britain, viz. fugar, to.
i-wool, indico, ginger, fi'f-
tlyiiig wood, Specie or I.:
rice, melalTcs, tar, pitch,
iiafts, yards and bowlprus
beavti-

[ iii ]

bcaver-flcins and other furs, copper ore, ^O'*-'"-
coffee, pimento, cocoa-nuts, whale-fins, ^'or,,, in,
raw filk, hides and fkins, pot and pearl- '<^*- 4-
aflies, and gum fenega.

iJut all other goods (except hops) of the 4 "eo- "•
growth, produA, or manufacture of the'*^'*"' '"'
Plantations, may be imported from thence
into Ireland, in Britifh thipping, whereof
the mailer, and three-fourths of the ma< ^

riners, are Britilh. >

Goods the pro«.!u£l of Europe, cannot be i5C<r. ii.
imported into any Britilh Plantation, un- ^"^z |\v
lefs fhipped in Great Britain, and carried c n. k^t
diredlly from thence in Britilh-built (hip-
ping.

Except fait for the fifheries. Florfes and
visual and linen cloth from Ireland, by
3 & 4 Ann, c. 8. and 3 Geo. I. c. 21.
Provifions, and implements For the (ifh-
eries, by i; Geo. III. c. 31. fed. ;.
Clothing and accoutrements fur the army,
by I? Geo. III. c. 45. and other ai tides
(i( Irilh manufadlure permitted to be ex-
ported direflly from thence into the Bri-
rilh Plantations, by 18 Geo. III. c. 55.
^'ide No. II.

C.15.

t.37.

c. n.
c. 1,

C.7.

111.
. 1.

[A]

Salt,

¥;i!

[iv]

Salt.

% & 3 Ann. e. 14. gjij^ ^f ^^ f^^^ Ireland, not to be imported
into Great Britain, except neceflary pro-
viHons for the (hip, or for curing fi(h.
See Burrow's Book of Rates, p. 115.

fiops.
A Ann. e. i». jjops not to be imported into Ireland, ex-

5 Geo. II. c. 9. cept from Great Britain only, and of Bri^
7Peo.ii.c.i9. ti(h growth.

6 Geo. I. c. II. Hops of Britifh growth, exported to Ire-

' ' ' I^d, not to drawback the duty.

Eaji India Goods.
5Geo.i. c. II. Wrought filks, bengals and ftuffs mixed
isGeo'ii.cia. w't'^ ^^^^i ^"^ herba muflins and other
^t*^' ?• . callicocs of tl^e mariufadlure of Perfia,

China, or Eall India, are not to be im-
ported ipto Ireland, eifcept from Great
Britain.

7 Gea I. c. 31. Nq comiTiodity of the growth, produ^, or
'*^' ' '* manufacture of the £aft Indies, and

other places beyond the Cape of Good
Hope, is to be 'imported into Ireland,
' except from Great Britain, in (hips navi-

gated according to law.

[iv]

[ V]

Salt.

[reland, not to be imported
itain, except neceflary pro-
: (hip, or for curing fi(h.
Bopk of Rates, p. 1x5.

flops.

imported into Ireland, ex-
it Britain only, and of Bri#

growth, exported to Ire-
rawback the duty.

1 1ndia Goods.
bengals and ftuffs mixec)
herba muflins and other
^e manufa£lure of Perfia,
\ India, are not to be im-
elapd, e}fcept from Great

t>f the growth, produ^, or
of the £aft Indies, and
teyond the Cape of Good
be 'imported into Ireland,
Ireat Britain, in (hips navi-
g to law,

fiurn,

Runtf Spirits^ and Sugar, ^e.

Sugars, panelles, fyrups, or melaiTes, of'''^«" Ji'««>3'
the growth, produd, or manufaduie of " ' *"
any colonies in America, and rum or fpi-
rits of America (except of the growth or
manufacture of the Britilh fugar colonies
there), are not to be imported into Ire-
land, unlefs ihipped in Great Britain, in . ,
(hips navigated according to law. ;

Con(irmed, as to fugar, by iz Geo.
II. ^. 30. fe£t. 16. and by 4 Geo. III. c. . ,

i;. fe^. 19.

3randy, rum, or other fpirits, not to besGeo.ni.c.43,
exported from Ireland in (hips under 100 '* ' **'
tons burthen.

Rum, fugar, coffee, or any goods which n Gm. hi.
are by law prohibited to be imported from '" ^^' *' •
Ireland into Great Britain, are not to be '

exported, or entered for exportation, from
Ireland to Great Britain.

Rum or fpirits of the Britifh Colonies or Sea 5.
Plantations in America, are not to be
imported into Ireland in any (liip under
70 tons burthen, either from the Colo-
nies or from Great Britain ; and foreign
Brandy, or other fpirits, from any other
place whatr'iever, are not to be imported
jfi (hips under loo tons.

No :■.■// - .

-: 9i*T.T:rT-"'^i'rr

f'l'^

I* G«o. in.

c. 60. left. 6.

No part of the old fubfidy to be drawn
back for any fugars of the growth, pro-
duce, or manufacture of any foreign Co-
lony or Plantation not under the domi-
nion of his Majefty, which (hall be ex-
ported from Great Britain to Ireland.

Glafe.

>?Oeo. II. e. i«. No glafs of any kind or denomination, other
than the manufacture of Great Britain,
may be imported into Ireland.

Sea. 94, j^Q gi jfs Qf 3,,y |j.jnj| njjjy |jg exported from

Ireland, or laden on any hoife, carriaga
or vefiel, with intent tp b« 1 , irted.

Sail-cloth.

isGeo.ii.c.ai. An additional duty was laid upon all canvas
' '* or fail-cloth, the manufacture of Ireland,

imported into Great Britain during the
continuance of a Iwunty granted in Ire-
land, by an a£t 19 Geo. II. upon the ex-
portation of fail-cloth from that kingdom,
viz, for fail-doth of the value of i\d,
per yard, and upwards, 4 d. per yard.

Of lod. and under i\d. p:r yard, zd. per
yard.

I ; ' , Corn.

old fubfidy to be drawn
igars of the growth, pro-
fadure of any foreign Co-
:ion not under the domi-
ajeftjr, which (hall be ex-
reat Britain to Ireland.

Glafi.

nd or denomination, other
ifa£lure of Great Britain,
:d into Ireland,
ind may be exported from
en on any ho/fe, carriaga
ntenttQbRi , xted.

Sail-cloth,

y was laid upon all canvas
le manufacture of Ireland,
Great Britain during the
a bounty granted in Ire-
: 19 Geo. II. upon the ex<
-cloth from that kingdom,
)th of the value of i4</.
ipwards, 4.d. per yzrd.

:r 14^. ^.-ryard, id. per

Cern,

[vii]

Ccrn,

Corn exported from Great Britain or Ire- s Oeo-^in.
land, to the Hie of Man, not to be al- "' ^'*'
lowed any bounty.

Cambricks or Laivns.

No cambrick or lawn whatfoever to be im- 7 Ceo. iii,
ported from Ireland into any part of '* ^'' *'" ' **
Great Erita.n, until the importation of
cambricks and French lawns into Ireland
(hall be prohibited by law.

Tobacco.

Tobacco, the growth, produ£l, or manu- 19 *^*"^ '"•
fadure of Ireland, not to be exported '' ^^'
from thence to any place except Great
Britain.

Duties.
By the book of rates and fubfequent afls, liCar.ir. c. 4.
all goods imported into Great Britain
from Ireland, unlefs in particular cafes
where Ireland is exprefsly excepted (Fidt
No. II.), are liable to the fame duties as
the like goods are chargeable with if im-
ported from other foreign parts.

The

vm ]

The following articles may be importec!
from Ireland, but are fubjedt to duties
which are equal to a prohibition, viz.

The duty.
Woollen cloths, i iz 8ii per yzrd.

— ftufFs, 049 peryitd.

Tallow candies, i 4 i^^^^rcwt.
Sope, - - 13 g-reptrcvit.

No. 11.

ACTS made in England in favour
of Trade to and from Ireland.

ff^cely JVooUeny and other ManUfa£iurts.

3 Edw. IV. c. 4. Tj E R M I T S the importation of woollen
JT cloths, woollen caps, andirons, and a
great variety of enumerated manufadlurcs
in leather, iron, ftcel, &c. to W: fold in
this kingdom, if made and wrought in
Ireland} which are prohibited to be fo
imported from other parts.

(t Geo, li.csi. Permits the importation of Woollen and
bay-yarn into Gteat Britain from Ice-
land, duty-free.

I And

vm ]

rticles may be imported
but are fubjedt to duties
to a prohibition, viz.

The duty.
, I 12 8ii per yzrd.

049 ^^yard.

« + i^^^^rcwt.
13 g^spercv/U

sTo. 11.

n England in favour
and from Ireland.

and other ManUfa£lurts.

le importation of woolfen
;n caps, andirons, and a
Enumerated manufadlurcs
fteel, &c. to Iv: fold in
if made and wrought in
1 are prohibited to be fo
)ther parts.

}rtation of Woollen and
a teat Britain from Ife-

And

tix}

And fcvcral fubfequertt a£ls permitted the 'W.&M.c.jt.
exportation of raw and manufadlurecl ^'^ sf w. iir.
wool from particular ports in Ireland to «• »8. feft. 5!
particular ports in England, enumerated ^°*" ^' '"'
in the ads upon the lecurity to land it
accordingly, and other regulations pre-
fcribed by the 10& 11 W. III. c. 10.—
but.

Permits wool, woollen, or bay-yarn, wool- **Geo.ll.c. 11,
fells, (hortlings, mortlings, wool-flocks,
and worfted-yarn, to be exported from
any port in Ireland to any port in Great
Britain, under the fecurity and regula-
tions prefcribed by 10 & 1 1 W. III. c. 10.
for the former articles.

Clothing and accoutrements, the produce's Cm- !"•

. of Great Britain or Ireland, for the ufe *" *^'
of his Majefty's forces abroad, paid in
part out of the Irifli revenue, may be ex-
ported from Ireland.

Navigation and Plantations.

Ships built in Ireland, navigated with the i^Or. 11. cts.

people thereof, are deemed BritiJh, and ' * * w. in.

qualified to trade to and from the firitilh

Plantations.
Ships built in Ireland, and navigated with i«.Car.li c. iS.

his Majefty's fubjea -f Ireland, are in- ?jV.'^ Car. 11,
[BJ titled c. ". i«a. ^

i8 Geo. III.
c. 55. (ett 9.

[x]

titled to the fame abatement and privr-
leges to which importers or exporters of
goods in Briti(h*built (hips are intitled by
the book of rates.
Ships built in Ireland, and owned by his
Majefty's fubjefts refiding in any part of
the Britiih dommions in Europe, to be
deemed Britifh built, and intitled to the
like privileges and advantages in all re-
fpe^ts, as ihips built in Great Britain ;
and
Ships belonging to any of his Majefty's fub-
je6ls refiding in Ireland, and not Britifh
built, are to be intitled to the fame pri-
vileges and advantages in all parts of his
Majefty's dominions, as ftiips belonging
to his Majefty's fubje^s refiding in Great
Britain, and not Britifli or Jrifh built, are
intitled to.
i; Car. II. c. 7. Permits the exportation of fervants, horfes,
f*^' 7- and viftual from Ireland to the Britifti

Plantations.
J *4 *«»•«•'• Permit the importation of linen cloth of
iea.'ii ' *' '* and from Ireland, into the Britifli Plan-
tations.
18 Ceo. III. Makes it lawful to export, under certain rc-
c. 55. fe«. I. gulations, dircftly from Ireland, into the

firitiih

fame abatement and priv»-
i importers or exporters of
h*built Hiips are intitled by
tes.

reland, and owned by his
e&s refiding in any part of
nmions in Europe, to be
I built, and intitled to the
and advantages in all re>
>s built in Great Eritain ;

to any of his Majefty's fub-
n Ireland, and not Britifh
3e intitled to the fame pri-
vantages in all parts of his
unions, as Ihips belonging
's fubje^s refiding in Great
9t Britifli or it'iih built, are

trtation of fervants, horfes,
om Ireland to the Britifh

ortation of linen cloth of
and, into the Britifli Plan-

;o export, under certain rc-

'.&.\y from Ireland, into the

Britiih

[xi ]

Britilh Plantations in America or the
Weft I:idies, or any Britilh fcttlement on
the coaft of Africa,
Any goods the produce or manufa£lurc of
Ireland, except wool and woollen-manu-
fa£lures, cotton-manufaAures ;
Hats, glafs, hops, gunpowder and coals ;
And all goods of the growth, produft, or
manufafturc of Great Britain, legally im-
ported from thence into Ireland, except
woollen-manufa£lures and glafs ;
And all foreign certificate goods, legally im-
ported firom Great Britain into Ireland i
But not to exten'' to foreign linen painted,

&c. in Ireland,
Nor to bar-iron, iron flit or rolled, plated
or tinned, nor any manufadured iron-
wares, till a duty is impofed thereon in
Ireland ;
Nor to any fuch articles, if a bounty or pre-
mium is allowed thereon :
And not to take place with refpe£l to goods
the manufafture of Ireland, except and
until they arc chargeable with duties to as
great an amount as the like goods arc
charged with on expo: ♦".tion from Great
Britain.

[ B ] « Permit

i xii]

5 Om. 'it 'c ''; P*''"'* *^« importation of all non-cnuitie-

7 Ceo! III. c. a." "■**«<* K^ods (except hops) of the growth,

produ<a, or maniifa£ture of the Britifh

Plantations, dircdlly from thence into

Ireland.

Hemp, FiaXf Line/ty andCetton.

1. tq! ^' '"' ^^""P ""^ ^^^'* '"** ^"y manufafture made
i6Ceo.ii.c.a6. thereof in Ireland, may be imported into
ft«. 6. (jieat Britain from thence, free of all

duties, upon certificate verifying the ma-
nufa<5ture, &c.
All linen made in Ireland, and imported
into Great Britain, may be again export-
ed to any Britifh Plantation in America,
without payment of any duty whatfoever.
Cotton yarn, the manufadure of Ireland,
may be imported into Great Britain duty-
free.

3 Geo. I, c, J I,
fea. a.

i8 Geo, III.
c. 56,

Other Articles which are permitted to he im-
ported into Great Britain from Ireland^ or
exported duty-free^ viz,

fta*"'"^'*"**"^""* '^"^^'* or gum arable; 30 tons may
be exported annually from Great Britain
to Ireland duty-free, by licence from the
Treafury, to be ufeu in the linen manu-
(a<Jiures of that kingdom.

Raw

ftd. 5.

xii ]

'tation of all non-enuitie-
ccept hops) of the growth,
ianiifa£turc of the Briti(h
jrc<aiy from thence into

I!-, Lineriy and Cotton.
ind any manufacture made
ind, may be imported into
from thence, free of all
ertificate verifying the ma-
in Ireland, and imported
tain, may be again export-
fh Plantation in America,
nt of any duty whatfoever.
B manufaClure of Ireland,
:d into Great Britain duty-

ich are permitted to be im-
at Britain from Ireland^ or
ee^ viz.

gum arable ; 30 tons may
nually from Great Britain
-free, by licence from the
e ufeu in the linen manu-
kingdom.

Raw

[ xiii ]

Raw hides of fteers, cows, or any other 9f''"'".«. J9.
cattle (except horfes, mares, or geldings), c.Si."'' '"'
and calve fkins, or goat flcins, raw or un-
drefTed, may be imported into Great liri-
tain from Ireland, duty-free.

Rape feed and rape cakes may be imported 15 Geo. lir.
into Great Britain from Ireland, duty- *^- 34-
free.

Salted beef, pork, bacon, and butter, and ifi Cea. ill.
cattle, the laws permitting the importa- ""' *'
tion from Ireland into Great Britain
duty-free, are made pci jietual.

Permit the importation of tallow, hog's 7Ceo.iii.c. i»,
lard, and greafe, duty-free, till the asth ""SoI'liV
March 1782, from any place. c.«.*fca.^

Tea.

Tea exported xo Ireland as merchandize, to 17 Geo. lU.
drawback the whole cuftoms, fubjeiS to "' *t'
the regulations prefcnbec! Sy 12 Geo. III.
c. 60. and 16 Geo. III. c. 51.

Bounties granted and payable in Great Britain^
for encouraging the Linen Manufaiiures.

Grant the fame bounty on Irifli linen made jgGeo.ii.c.ij.
pf hemp or flax, exported from Great '' °*''' '"•

Britam,

Ij Ceo. III.
c, 45. feft. J.
16 Geo. III.
c. 41.

19 CtOi

e.37'

III.

[ xiv ]

Britain, as is allowed on Britiih linen ex

ported, viz.

For every yard a; inches

broad, and under the value

of yd. per yard.
Of the value of ; d. and under

6d. per yard.
Of the value of 6d. and not

exceeding is. 6d. per yard,
Grant an additional bounty of j »• pcr hogf-
head upon flax feed imported into Ire-
land, for which a bounty is allowed ia
that kingdom, by Afts made there in the
third and fixteenth years of his Majcfty.
Grants the following bounties on hemp,
the growth of Ireland, imported from
thence into Great Britain.

f J Geo. HI.
c. 31. left I.

£. s. d.

O O I

o o 1;

From

r t4 June 17T9 7 \ «4 J""« '7«6. 8'- ^ pet
^»4june 1786^.10 ^»4 June I79S» "•(IVn.
(a4junei79ji ^14 june 1800, 4l- J

Bounties^ iifc. for the Eneouragement of tbt
Fijheries.

Britilh-built (hips, owned by his Majefty'
fubjefts refiding in Great Britain or Ire
land, &c. catching a certain number of
fi(h on the Banks of Newfoundland, and
arriving with the fame at Newfoundland,

undei

xiv ]

lowed on Briti(h linen ex*

ird 25 inches

inder the value

«rd,

f 5 d. and under

}f 6 d. and not
5. 6d. per yard, o o i\
nal bounty of $ »• pcr hogf-
X feed imported into Irc-
:h a bounty is allowed in
by Afts made there in the
:enth years of his Majcfty.
owing bounties on hemp,
(f Ireland, imported from
reat Britain.

'9? C«4j«ne«7«6. 8'0 per
J6S.to^»4 ]>»"« "79i» "•(Ton,
93 J 414 June 1800, 4l' J

ir the Entouragemtnt of th
Fijheries.

ips, owned by his Majefty'
ing in Great Britain or Ire
tching a certain number
anks of Newfoundland, am
the fame at Newfoundland,
unclei

[XV]

under the regulations prcfcribcd in the
A«Jl, are to be allowed,

Tothc»< vefTcltfiiftarruini, 40I. each7 .,_.„ii e.

100 next ariiving
ICO next irrivins

20 1, each >'
10 1, each 3

II yean.

firitifli-built (hips owned by his Majefty's Seft. j.
fubjedls, rcfiding in Great Britain or Ire-
land, proceeding from thcr.cc and killing
one whale, at Icail, in tlie Gulph of St.
Lawrence, or on the coaft of Labrador,
Newfoundland, or in any fcas to the
fouthward of the Greenland feas and
Davis Streights, and returning within the
fame ye ir tu fome port in England with
the oil of fuch whales fo taken, are to be
allowed for Hve (hips, viz.

For ihefliip arriving

with tile greateft <|<iantit]r

with the next Do.

with the next

viith the next

with the next

And the oil to be landed free of duty.

Grants the fame bounties to whales foiCCeo. m.
taken in the feas to the fouthward of the ** *^*
latitude of forty-four degrees North.

Ships fitted out from Ireland in the whale 15 Geo. tu.
fifhery, to the Greenland feas, Davis*' ^'•'*^**'*
Streights, and the adjacent feas, under
the regulations prefcribed, are to be al-
5 lowed,

t'«\

l8 Geo. III.
c. j5. feci. ?«

I5 0en, III.
c. )i. (e(\, 5.

SeQ. 9.

Seft. 10.

From

[ xvi ]

lowed, on their return to fomc port in
Great Britain,

f ijDm. 17757 CisDee. 1776, 401.7

i 15 Dec. i778>to.<n l)«c, I7)li, io«. >I
1*5 Dec. 1781 i ii$D*c. 1786, J0I.3 ""''

The above-mentioned bounties for fliips
employed in the whale Blherics are to be
ailowcdi although the whole and entire
property of the (hip doth not belong to
fome of his Majcfty's fubjedls rcfiding in
that part of his Majefty's dominions from
whence the Ihip is fitted and cleared out.

His Majefty's fubjefls refiding in Ireland
may tranfport, direiiUy from thence to
Newfoundland, or to any part of America
where the Hlhery is carried on, provifions,
hook?, lines, netting, or other tools or
implements ncceffary for the filhery,
being the produ«Sl and manufadlurc of
Great Britain or Ireland.

Oil, blubber, or whale fins, taken 'n any
part of the ocean by, and imported in any
Ihip [belonging to, his Majeily's fubje£ls
of Great Britain or Ireland, to be im-
ported duty-free.

Seal (kins, raw and undrcHed, caught by
the crew of any veflel belonging to, and

fitted

xvi ]

r return to fome port in

} C»jDeM776, 401.7

\ i«5D««. 1786. »o».3
ionccl bounties for fliips
: whale filhcries are to be
igli tiic whole and entire
! (hi|) doth not belong to
ijefty's fubjeds rcfiding in
Majefty's dominions from
) iii fitted and cleared out.

bjefls rcfiding in Ireland
diretiMy from thence to
, or to any part of America
■y is carried on, provifions,
letting, or other tools or
jceffary for ihc filherj',
Ju(5l and manufadlure of
)r Ireland.

whale fins, taken 'n any
in by, and imported in any

to, his MajeAy's fubjedls
in or Ireland, to be im-

:e.

and undreiled, caught by

y veffel belonging to, and

fitted

fitted out from, Great Britain or Ireland,
may be imported duty-free.

Tobacco.

Tobacco exported to Ireland, if lefs appears *^*''g'* *'*^'
to be landed than fhipped in Great tiri- * ' * '
tain, an allowance not exceeding Two
per cent, may be made for wal^e during
the voyage.

Repeals the Ai^s it and 15 C\r. II. and 'pCw-i^^
any other Adl which prohibits or reftrains * ' *'
the fetting, planting, or improvin,^, to
grow, making, or curing tobac. \ either
in feed, plant, or otherwife, in Ireland.

TJjert are othur A£ii offering Ireland^ wh. r
cannot properly bejlatcd under either of i v
foregoing defcriptions ; fuch as, the A^ for
the Encouragement of Seamen belonging to
the Royal Navyy i\ Geo. II. c. 38; the
A£ii refpeaing the Light Houfe Duties i
thofe refpefling the Ijle of Man ; the Ai Is
ejiablijhlng and regulating the Peji Office^

iiQ. ice.

[C]

f f4l

,Lv

i xviii Jl

No. III.

rx^

Cotirfe of Exchange.

THE par between London and Dublin is
87 per cent. — 100/. Britifh being worth
108/. 6s. Sd. Irifli.

During the years 1778 and 1779, the Ex-
change of Dublin on London has varied from
si to 9I— Oftober 27, 1779, it was at 6i :

This is remarkably low; and the fojiowing
caufes are afligned for its being fo much in fa-
vour of Ireland :

1. A large importation of fpecie, by the loans
negociated with monied people, &c. in England,
and by the late remittance to Ireland for public
lervice.

2. The non-payment of rents, which h^s kept
within Ireland much money, that would other-
wife have been remitted to abfehtees.

3. The non-importation agreements, and the
large exports in the provifion trade, ^nd in the
linens.

Prices

!»',i«ti.:.*«rt'»'

Kviii 2

). III.

f Exchange.

1 London and Dublin is
3o/. Britifh being worth

778 and 1779, the Ex-
London has varied from
1779, it was at<5^:
low; and the following
its being fo much in fa-
in of fpecie, by the loans
i people, &c. in England,
nee to Ireland for public

t of rents, which h^s kept
nopey, that would other-
1 to abfehtees.
tion agreements, and the
rovifion trade, ^nd in the

Pruts

:i. .

f xix j

Prices of Bullion.

Gold, in Oaober 1779, was at 4 /. per ounce
in Dublin. The ufual price had been from
4/. IS. to 4/. 2 J. The fall is imputed to the
exchange, which fufficicntly accounts for it.

Silver, in '" 'tober 1779, was at 5^. 6d. per
ounce. The medium price had been 55. 10 d.
This is imputed to the felling more old plate,
and to the manufa(Suring lefs new plate, than
ufual.

No. IV.

Ccording to an abftraft of » lift of the
eftates of abfentees, publilhed in January
1769,

The eftates of thofe who live conftantly abroad,
and are feldom or never in Ireland, amount to
371,900/. -

And the eftates of thofe who live generally
abroad, and vifit Ireland occadonally, amount
to 117,800/.

The debt of Ireland, at Lady-day 1779, a-

mounted to ',141,591/. js. ii^d. exclufive of

which, Ireland has raifed 740,000/. by fale of

annuities, with benefit of furvivorfliip, viz.

440,000/. zi 6 per cent, and 300,000/. at7i^^r

cent,

[C] i *

£xx ]

l^f

No. V.

A Two years average eftimate of the revenue,
and expence of the Iri(h Government, i(C-
cording to late experience.

Hereditary Revenue, grofs-^

about - - 1,200,000

Old additional Duties— about 380,000
New additional Duties— about 140,000
Stamp Duties — about - 40,000

Vice-Treafurers, and Pells, andent

Fees anV Salaries— about • 40,000

■ /. i,8oo,oo«

Dedua
Bxpence of Management*--about 483,000
Drawbacks, &c.— about - 3,000

Expence attending Stamp Duties--
about ... 14,000

' ' 500,000

Nett Produce £. 1,300,009
Expenccs.
Civil Lift'~about • 330,000

Military Eftabli(hment— about 938,000
Extraordinary Expences— about 431,000

Total Expence £. 1,700,000

«]

; eftimate of the revenue,
le Irifli Government, v
ce.

£>

rofs-^

1,200,000

}ut 380,000
lOUt 140,000
40,000
andent
t • 4.0,000

■ ^. 1,800,009

-about 483,000
3,000
Duties-—

14,000

500,000

Nett Produce £. 1,300,009

330,000
bout 938,000
-about 431,000

ice £. 1,700,000

t J^*' I

No. VI.

Pandere res alta terra et caligiiie merfas.-^

CT'HE Obfervatiom on the Population of England
"^ and Wales (hew (a)^ that according to the
returns of the furveyors of the houfe and win-
dow duties the number of houfes were.

In 1759 — 986,482
1765 — 980,692
1777 _ 952,734;—

They next proceed to ftate, upon the authority
of Davenant, that the total of houfes in 1690
was, 1,319,215 :— from thefe premifes it is in-
ferred (b}i that " our people have decreafed fince

1690 near (2 quarter •" and that the depopulation
in the laft twenty years has been progreflive.—

It fhould perhaps have been added, that Dr.
Halley, whofe authority is at leaft as good as
Davenant's, eftimates the number of houfes in

1 69 1 at 1 , 1 7 5,9 5 1 . Tliey both argued from the
Hearth Books, over which oblivion has fome-
where contrived to fpread her cobwebs; for I
cannot learn, after a ftricl fearch by gentlemen

(a) Obrervations, p. aS8.

(b) lb. p. »91.

peculiarly

[ xxii ]

peculiarly aole io make it, that there is now any
trace of thofe books either in the Tax-office or
ixchequer. We want the lights therefore which
might be collefted from the original materials of
information ; we know however from the Statutes,
that the tax was impofed not upon houfes, but
upon every fire-hearth, r. ftovc, in every houfe,
to be paid by the owners or occupiers. Tw*
entries then were required, one of the owners
or occupiers charged, and the other of the hearths

rated. Davenant accordingly (t) prints two

columns, the one intitled, *' Number of Houfes
*• in each County according to the Hearth Books
" of Lady-day 1690— Total i,3i9,!»i5 '•" The
(ither, *' Number of Hearths in each County
** according to the Books of Ladyday 1690 —
" Total a,563,52?." It is believed, but we
cannot decide, that thefe numbers, whatever they
cay import, were founded on conjectural efti-
mates, and not on adlual enumerations, fiut
under Dr. Price's conftrudion of th i firft cdumn
when compared with the fecond, it would follow
that there were lefs than two fire-hearths or floves
upon an average to every houfe in the kingdom. -
The firfl then feems to be &i; account not of
houfes but of ftmilies. It is plain that Davenant

(t) Eflay upon Ways and Meant, edit. 1695, p. 16.

underfland«

, that there is now any
cr in the Tax-office or
e lights therefore which
the original materials of
twever from the Statutes,
1 not upon houfes, but
/ ftovc, in every houfe,
;rs or occupiers. Tw*
ed, one of the owners
the other of the hearths
rdingly (t) prints two
I, ** Number of Houfes
ing to the Hearth Books
*otal i,3i9,!»i5'.** The
Earths in each County
a of Lady*.day 1690 —
t is believed, but we
numbers, whatever they
led on conjectural efti-
lal enumerations. But
£lion of tt? i firft column
fecond, it would follow
wo fire-hearths or ftoves
r houfe in the kingdom. •
be &u account not of
t is plain that Davenant

«Ieani, edit. itf95> p> 76*
underftand«

[ xxiii ]

underftands it in this fenfe, and that by the word
houfes in the title of his Account referred to
by Dr.Price, he mezns hou/eholds not tenements ; for
lie lays (d) in the fame publication, "And though
** it appears from the Books of Hearth-money,
** that there are not above 1,300,000 families
•* in England j and allowing fix perfons to a
** hufe one with another, which is the common
" way of computing, not quite eight millions of
" people ; and though (as likewife appears by the
** Hearth fiookO there are 500,000 poor families
*' in the nation, living in cottages.who contribute
" little to the common fupport ; yet the 800,000
" remainingyaw/7/« would be able to carry on
" the prefent bufinefs a great while longer, and
" perhaps till France is weary of it."— Davenant
is countenanced in this plain explanation of his
own fenfe, by the account of the produce of the
tax fo far as it can be relied on : The a.iount
of the tax, on an average, as it was delivered to
the Houfe ot Commons on the day of prefenting
the King's meiTage which confented to the repeal
v;a8 ioo,ooo/. which at zs. per l)€arth gives

2,000,000; there remains therefore 563, ^aT hearths
for the "500,000 families living in cottages, whom
" Davenant repeatedly ftates to have contributed
** little towards the common fupport." Dr. Price

(d) Ot>fervaiion8, p. 34.

feems

t xxiv ]

k-..iis to have tinf/cipated this objciSion, byatJ
t«!0',:tlnjr ♦o flu v iMt the number of perfons in
a Jami'/ are -quu upon an average taken in
particular places to the number in a houfe. But
in the eftitnates which fupport that pofition, and
which at beft muft be uncertain, due attention
has not bee , paic, to the numbers in fchools,
colleges, Isvfpitals, prifons, barracks, (hipping,
dock- 'tds, and other public buildings.

Acc^raing 4c Dr. Price's conftrudlion of Da-
venant's Paper, the number of houfes in Lon-
don, Weftminfter, and Middlefex, in 1690,
was 111,215; and the houfes in the fame
places, with the addition of Southwark, are
fuppofed, by the lateft accounts, not to exceed
91,000; a difference totally difcountcnanced by
every account, and every map of London and
the environs! We might indeed try it by the
ufual criterion of the Bills of Mortality j— thus,
the number of houfes, in 1690, in London,
Weftminfter, and Middlefex, according to the
cxpreffion ufed in Davenant, was 111,215; the
number of houfes for the fame d>ftria, with the
addition of Southwark, in 1757, according to an
aftual furvcy, was only 87,614: yet for fifteen
years, ending in (e) 1690, the annual average

(e) The annual average burials for the fifteen years
fubfequent to 1690 were only 20,877. j ±. • ]

:xiv ]

cd this objedlion, by at-»
the number of perfons in
ion an average taken in
number in a houfe. But
fupport that pofition, and
uncertain, dua attentiort
the numbers in fchools,
fons, barracks, (hipping,
public buildings,
rice's conftrudion of Da-
imber of houfes in Lon-
tid Middlefex, in 1690,
he houfes in the fame
tion of Southwark, are
accounts, not to exceed
otally difcountcnanced by
'ery map of London and
night indeed try it by the
lills of Mortality ; — thus,
i, in 1690, in London,
Idlefex, according to the
renant, was 111,215; the
he fame diftrid, with the
, in 1757, according to aa
ly 87,614: yet for fifteen
690, the annual average

;e burials for the fifteen years

nly 20,877.

burials

burials within the Bills of Mortality, were
21,657 J and for fifteen years, ending in 1757,
they were 22,76*1 cxdufive of the great incrcaf«
in Marybone and Pancras, if the number of
u:?jhii iq thofe two parithes could be lea^d, and
added refpcdlively to the two periods here com-,
pared.-^It is allb beyond a doubt, that London
was become much healthier''in the latter period
than in the former.— It is truci indeed, that, in
the former period, thefc weic only 134 parilhes.
within the Bills, and, in the fetter, 147 j but
this obje(£iion would not furnlilh any adequata
explanation, even if it were not known that tlie
extenfion of the Bills of Mortality has arifea
only from tlif ^ fpreading out of buildings,
crouded formerly yvithin the walls (fj^ but now.
upon a larger fpace. The dilemma then Ui,
that, during a confiderable period, when we are

(/) 'the medium of annual burials in the 97 parlllies
within the walls, was from

1650 to iSSo — 311J
1680 to 1690 •» 313^
17J0 to 1740 — 2316

But the medium of annual burials within the whole
Bills of Mortality was, for the

Firft Period •— . 11,886
Second Period — — a«,36» "
Third Puiod •>— 16,49a

[ xxvi ]

,f:.r

tofuppofe the inhabitants ^thmore in number, wc
are to admit that the annual burials were v«th Itfs,
and yet that the condition of the people was
more unhealthy.

As a farther proof of the modern depopulation
of London, it is mentioned (g), that the annual
average of burials in London from 1774 to 177S
inclufive, was 20,835 ; but that the average for
five years before 1690 was 22,742.— Here we find
a colourable evidence ; but it is furnifhcd by
the ufe of a particular period. The average of
twenty years ending in 1690, was 20,733, ^'^^
average of ten years ending 1700, was 20,770.—
The average of feventeen years ending in 1690,
was 21,371. — Now in comparing the leaft fa-
vourable of thofe periods with the preP nt times,
we Ihall find that the average of 17 years ending
in 1778, happens to have been 22,765. — The
average of eleven years ending in 1772, was
23,743 — and for five years ending in 1766, it
was 24,562 ; — and, though Dr. Price fuppofes
our depopulation to have made a great progrefs
during the laft twenty years, it will be found,
that, for five years, ending in 1761, this average
was only 19,877. — London feems indeed to have
been moll crouded during the period from 1720

^%j^

Cj^ Obfervations, p, %lt, '*4'

tv>

cxvi ]

Its ^th more in number, we
nual burials were v«tb Itfs,
idition of the people was

f the modem depopulation
ioned (g), that the annual
l^ondon from 1774 to 177S
; but that the average for
/vas 22,742. — Here we find
e ; but it is furnifhcd by
ir period. The average of
ti 1690, was 20,733. ^'^^
nding 1700, was 20,770.—
teen years ending in 1690,
n comparing the leaft fa-
ods with the prePnt times,
average of 17 years ending
have been 22,765. — The
;ars ending in i77z> was
: years ending in 1766, it
hough Dr. Price fuppofes
have made a great progrefs
ty years, it will be found,
nding in 1761, this average
)ndon feems indeed to have
iring the period from 1720

xvations, p, »it.

I xxvii ]

to 174;, when the annual average of burials was
above z6,ooo ; but tiiis too is in a great meafurc
accounted for, wiien we recolleft again, how
much the town has, within the laft ihirty-fivc
years, expanded itfelf into the paridies of Ma-
rybonc and Pancras, which are not within the
Bills.— The prefentqueftion, however, is, whe-
ther London appears to be now lefs populous
than it was in 1690 j and, if we ufe the old-
faihioned mode of calculation, to which we
might be entitled in comparing the two periods,
we (hould, as authorized by Sir William Petty,
multiply 22,765 (the average burials of the laft
17 years) by 30 (a fuppofed proportion of lives
to burials) which would give 682,950 people.
But I am convinced, by another work (hj of
Dr. Price's, that this mode of computation is
extremely erroneous ; and it feems but lO pro-
bable that the annual number of deaths 'n
London is much greater than in the proportion of
I to 30. — I mean, however, only to compare our
very imperfedt data, in fuppofed fads, fo far as
they are known ; I do not wifh to propofe any
conclufion without much better premifes than
any which the very wretched ftate of this
branch of national police can furnirti. *' In the

(b) On Reverfionary Payments^ p. 198, S;c.

year

,*,

[ xxviii ]

*• year 1603, fays Mr. Andcrfon (l), the weekly
♦' Bills ot Mortality, at London, began to be
" regularly kept, as it\ our da^s ; yet many of
*' thufc Jiili:., in earlier times, have been loft;
*' and even the Bills in their modern conditioti
** afford us but an imperfeifl conjcvniire of the
•• magnitude of London, as comprehending only,
'• or moflly, the chriftenings and buriils of thofe
*' oftheeftabllfhed church ; though tlic Diffenters
•* of all denominations form a luimerous body
*' of people. Thofe alfo who are buried in St.
*' Taul's cathedral, in the abbey church at Weft-
*' minfter,inthcTemplechurch,thcRollsclinpel,

•* Lincoln's Inn chapel, the Chapter Houfe, the
*' Tower of London church, and fome other parts,
•' are faid to be entirely omitted." Exclufive of
thefe, and other defedts, which arc anxioufly dc-
fcribed in Maitland, all who are carried into the
country to be buried are alfo omitted, and the very
populous pari(hes of Marybone and Pancras arc

not yet included in the Bills." In (hort, if I

could bring niyfelf to that difpofition, which
fomctimes leads us, firft to frame a conclufion,
and then to look for premifes, I could fuggeft
inany rcafons to imply an increafed population ;
^)ut, wiihing merely to refift the negative, and

0) Dcdudiiou of Commerce, ii. p. 461

having

vni

]

\ndcrfon (i), the weekly
It London, began to be

our (iays ; yet many of
r times, have been lofl;
1 their modern condition
perfeift con]eJ\iire of the
>, as comprchcndins only,
nings and biiii ils of thofe
ch ; though tlic J^ifTcMters
i form a numerous body
Ifo who are buried in St.
le abbey churcli at Weft-
e church, the Rolls chnpel,
I, the Chapter Houfe, the
urch, and fome other parts,
Y omitted." Exclufive of
i, which arc anxiouflyde<
1 who are carried into the
; alfo omitted, and the very
larybone and Pancras arc

ic Bills." In (hort, if I

5 that difpofition, which
rft to frame a concliifion,
premifes, I could fuggeft

an increafcd population ;
refift the negative, and

Commerce, ii. p. 461

having

[ xxlx ]

having no wlll\ with fuch materials to att.:mi>t
the atlij-miitivt' iiropofitiori, I Hiull only add a
([\oa rcuiaik on the Uittjdlion of a btc apparent
tlecreafe.

The number of houfcs in Kngland and VVaJct
by the Surveyors returns was,

In 1759 — 9n6,4Si
1765 — 980,69*
1777 — 9^'»7345
But 1 finii 01. enquiry that the tfital of houfet
returned as charged and chargeable were.
In 1799 — 704,053

:■ ,-6; — 704,544. '.

>777 — 7<J«.8j3:
And though of the laft mentioned number 7,360
were afterwnrds difcharged on appeal, it appears
clearly that the houfes brought into charge were
more in 1777 than in 1759. The apparent di-
minution of the total number is in the cottages
not liable on account of poverty, with refpci^t
to which, it is notorious and avowed, that the
Surveyors returns arc conjectural and very de-
fodive. Nor indeed is there much regularity in
their returns of houfes liable to duty ;— for ex-
ample, the houfes returned as charged and
chargeable in 1750 were 729,048; and in 1756
only 690,702-, but in 1759 they were again
yp4,S44,— The Surveyors have lately received

[ XXX I

an order to mnke rtritSt returns of all hniifcs
every third year ; it will however be ditficult to
cntorcc it to any purpofc of the kind now in
qviclHon.

Here tlicn I (liall difmifs a fubjca wliich,
♦lioui^h it contains matters of ciiriofity and
relative inipurtancc, is involved in cndlcfs con-
jecture and uncertainty. 1 expctll to (hew that
it is equally unavailable to have recourfe to the
Kxcife.

It is certainly true, as cxprcHeJ in the Olijfi-,
vationsy that " the grols annual pro iucc of the
hereditary and temporary Exeifc fur three
years ending in 1689 was, as appears from the
Kxcife books, 740,147 /. ; and its grofsannutil
produce, for four years, ending in 1768,
•' only 527,991/, It had dccreafcd, therefore,
*' 2r2,i;6/. per ann. ; dedutSling, however,
*' 112,156/. for tlie duties on low wines and
*• fpirits (which duties, about 70,000/ per ann.,
•' were in 1736 carried to the aggregate fund)
*' and for the ufc of the f|)ir!*uous licjuors and
*' wine, which inay have arte£led the confunip-
** tion of beer, there will ftill remain a diminu-
" tion unaccounted fcr, and amounting to
*' 100,000/. a year."

This inftance, if unexplained, would war-
rant the inierencc meant to be conveyed by

'' -^saiif^i:

XX J

t returns of .ill houfcs

however be clitficult to

fc of the kind now in

fmifs a fuhjctit wliich,
ttt-rs of curiofity ami
volvcil in cncllcfs con-
I cx|)ccl to (l(cw th;it
to have recourfc to the

cxprcHeJ in tlic Obft'i-r
annual proiuce of the
jiary Excife for three
as, as appears from tiic

/. i anil its grofs aiuuiii!
?ars, ending in 1768,
d decrcafcd, tlicreforc,

dedu(Sling, however,
ics on low wines and
bout 7o,oco/. per ann.,
:o the aggregate fund)

f|>ir!*uous liquors and

-• arte£ted the confunip-

I dill remain a diminu-

and amounting to

vplained, would war-

X to be conveyed by

it,

it. In tlic furt place, however, there is not any
mention made of the large allowance given Xo
brewers by the .TlteratitMi of mriifurc which took
place afnr the Revolution, and which made
a.i immediate and perceptible difference in the
grofs annual produce of tl»e Kxcife. The codee
duty was alio taken from the Excife in 1690, and
fubjedled to the Cuftoms : Hut, without infilling
on thefe points, or on thedecreafed confumptiori
which may have been occafioned by fubfequent
additional duties, the very fame medium of
proof, if different pciiods are felcflcd, will af-
ford Wronger prefumptinns of a great increafcd
population. For example ;-— the grofs annual
produce of the hereditary and temporary Excife
for three years, ending in i6jj, was 484,183 /.,
and its grofs annual produce for four years,
ending July sth, 1774, was 520,623/.— Again,
the annual produce of the fame branch of Re-
venue, for three years, ending in 1693, was
464,142/. ; and for four years, ending in 177*?,
it was 554,460/. — I have not, in either of thefe
inflanccs, dedu(5}ed from the produce of the
two early periods the 112,156/. per ann. above
mentioned : my argument, though entitled to
thofe advantages, does not want them, it
affords, prima fadcy a prefumption of a regular,
increafed population.

The

! \

'"it--

((
«(

[ xxxii i

The Obfervatiom proceed in the following
Ipvords : " in conformity to this fadl, it appears
*' that there has been a propoi tionable diminu-
*' tion in the quant ^ of beer brewed for la!e
•* and in the number of vi£tualicrs ; — for three
years ending in 1689 the annual average of
ftrong barrels brewed for fale, was 5)055,870.
** The average of fmall barrels, w?s 2,582,248.

*• For three years ending in 1768 the former

" average was 3,925,131 ; the latter, 1,886,760.
** — The average of common viduallers in the
whole kingdom for the former three years,
was 47,343 ; for the latter three years, 34,867.

This lad fad feems of particular confe-

** quence," &c.

Here again a reference to different periods will
prove the inverfe of every propofition. — Thus,
for three years ending 1700, the annual average
of ftrong barrels brewed for fale» was 3,074,256;
the average of fmall barrels, was 1,966,065 ;
but for three years ending 1762, the former average
was 4,244,783 —the latter was, 2,073,197 ; the
average of common vidluallers in the whole
kingdom for the formrr three years, was 37,170 j
for the latter three years, 39,803. — We differ
oiily in the choice of inftances, and any perfon
who finds his leifure as unimportant as mine,
5 and

;d in the following
) this fadl, it appears
opoitionable diminu-
beer brewed for Tale
idualicrs ;— for three
le annual average of
' fale, was 5,055,870.
irrels, w?s 2,582,248.
ngin 1768 the former
the latter, 1,886,760.
non viduallers in the
former three years,
r three years, 34,867.
s of particular confe-

different periods will
propofition. — Thus,
I, the annual average
•fale» was 3,074,256 J
;ls, was 1,966,065 i
52, the former average
was, 2,073,197 ; the
lallers in the whole
:e years, was 37,170 j
39,803. — We differ
nces, and any perfun
limportant as mine,
and

[ xxxiii ]

and who will take the trouble of examining the
Excife Books, will obferve, that the periods which
I have adduced are not feledled with any parti-
cular induftry and attention. The four years
ending in 1768, are almoll the lowed period for
Excife produce that can be found in modern
times } and it cannot be forgotten, that during
that period the fcarcity of grain and high price
of provifions were fuch as to excite dangerous
tumults, and occafion an exertion of preroga-
tive, for which the Legiflature pafled an A61 of
Indemnity :— the three years ending in 1689, were
as remarkable in the oppofite extreme, and indeed
unparalleled in any inftance prior or fubfequent.
If, however, we lengthen even that favourite
period, the refult will be different : Thus, the
average annual produce of the hereditary and
temporary Excife for fifteen years, ending in
1702, and including the period ending in 1689,
was 549,175/. That of four unfavourable
years in the prefent century, was 527,991 /., to
which muft be added, the duty on fpirits and
low wines, 70,000/. Total, 597,991/.— The
fame average produce for four years immediately
preceding Dr. Price's publication, was 554',46o/.
to which, in like manner, muft be added, the
duty on fpirits and low wines, 70,000 /. — Total
624,460 /.

[E] I do

i ll

[ xxxiv ]

1 do not mean to draw any conclufion ; I have
endeavoured only to fliew, that, with equal
plaufibiJity, and by fimilar modes of proof, it is
cafy, from fuch dark materials, to produce op-
pofite inferences ; and it furely is neither unfair
nor unreafonable to prefume that each inference
is inconclufive and fallible : —

Jmus obfcuri foldfub tioHe per umbram

Ptrque domos Ditis 'vacuas, et inania regna. ■ —

Siua/e per incertam lunam, fub luce maligna,

EJi iter injyl'vis : ubi ceelum (ondidit umbra

Jupiter, et rebus nox abftulit atra colorem.

'^0%

^^M,%r:: :

*>- '

-"^ '"" '"'mwM

civ ]

any conclufion ; I have
lew, that, with equal
ar modes of proof, it is
laterials, to produce op-

furely is neither unfair
iine that each inference
le:— ■

per umbram

■, et inania regna, —

, Jub luce malig/id,

'4m condidit umbra

ilit atra colorem.

'.-'.^Tinjpi

[ XXXV ]

No. VII.

THE following Table (founded on one
which was publiflied in 1771) fliews the
current Rates of Exchange taken in London, at
a medium for tlie firft half-year 1770;— and the
Prices of Exchange on ihe zzd Odlober 1779—
and on the i8th January 1780; compared with
the Rates which may be called the Pars, whilft
the coinage price of filver continues to be 5;. zd.
per Ounce.

Mtciium of Price the Price the

half-year

1770

Venice

Genoa

Leghorn

Lifbon

Paris

Cadiz

5'
49

"JO

I s

I n
S

i2<i oa.
1779

- 49

1 8th Jan.
178U

Par

Prices

3> I
39 k

45 i

47^
7
n

29 I

- 65

— 48

— 45

— 47

49 .V:^

62 i

— 51-69

- 67

_ 36 i - 36 ^

— 29 i -- 29-149

43-2

AmllcrJam34 3^—35 8 — 35 9 —36-59
Hamburg 33 2^—34 7—34 6—35-17

Note The two laft mentioned places chiefly govern the Ex
changes in the Ni.rihern parts of Europe, and the fix i.ther
Cities chiefly thofe of the Southern parte, in refpeft to London.
And it (hould he oblerved, that H-.'A: of Exchange being ncgo-
ciated between London, Amrterd^- d H.inburg.by tlienuin-
ber of fchellings and jiennini;-, u.^.^o ff pound fterling, the
.idvantajie in favour of London, Aith thole two places, is in

proportion of the prices above \':.r. But the prices m B.lls

of Exchange being rated m florling money for the pieces ot
eight in Cadiz, the c own pieces at l^aris, .he millrea in Lil-
bun, the ducat in Vtni' ", the przzo in Genoa, and the dollar
at Leghorn, the advam.;-.. to London ate in propuilion to me
prices below Par, ...

^ [E] ? IN-

IvV'S'

' *i^f**fey ^^'s^w^giw.

INDEX.

13? The Cyphers denote the Pages of the Letters, and th«
ftnall Numerali the Pages of the Appendix,

•Accounts, public, fome not fatisfaftory, 71, 424
jlftir'iuifdom, unavailing, 41, 43
AlUancct, the want of, 43, 44

how to be accjuired, 70, 71
jinnuities, an expenfive premium in public loans, 117
jinticipat'ions ef Revenue, 88,89

BountUt, doubts with regard to the ufc of, 126, 101

on corn, ib.
BmrbtH, boufe of, how affefted by the reculle£>ion of the late
war, 49
Their refcripts on the priifcnt war an uniiguili-d

mummery, 50 .

Thus far difappointed, 177
Butt'un, its price, 96, 1 14
how afFeifled, ib.

Carrying Trade, how checked in Great Britain, 105
Coin, the quantity of, on the late recoinagc, si 5
Coloniet, their rebellion how far fupported by France, 47
Corruption, public, 229
C»/7mii, the neat produce of, no. 191, I9Z

How affeAed by drawbacks, 192 — 195

The rates and duties very defedively arranged, 127,
128. zo6»209
Crewn, Grants, 129

Influence, 227,228, « .

Revenue, 227

Deitt,

^?il^

II'.,

[' xxxviii ]

Dtits, national, ^it ^i . , .j ",

Their inconveniences, 97— 104 4 _^'

Dratubacks, ill effeft of, »oj— tt6 , ;

jt)H(c£ carrying trade, aoj. 105
Taxei, 109. isa

EaJl-JndiaCbarttr, TtnvnA of, ti^
Emigrations, the effeft of, 183
Emulation, in political life, how far laudable, aj
Excift, grofs produce of, no. 218

More produftive than Cuftomt, 130, iji ^

Exchange, courfe of, 94

explained, 95, 96
Table of, xxxv
£.rporti, value t)f, at different periods, 196, 197

Foreign Revenue, uncertain, 64, azi

France, the debts of, 64

French Taxes, the produce of, 109

£di£l!, 221

Kefuurces, 2«s, 223 ,

Great Britain, thegeneralfpirjt of, 36

Situation of, at the clofe of the lad war, 62
Circumftances of, in the commencement of the
' prefent war, 52, 53
Her local natural ftrength, 53. 59
Her credit, 53
Marine, 54

Privateers, 55

«i

Heartb-monty, account of, xix, xx

floji Duty, its produce at different periods, 218

Horfes, how far taxed and taxable, 119, 120

Jm/cris, value of, at Oiffertatferi^ds, ig6, 197

IntligO;

-y«jg$ ^ w,! jife i i ii r a'yi*g^ti

nil ]

p— 104

LC6

»34

far laudable, 35
18
ftomt, 130, 131

Erlods, ig6, 197
1 09

; of, 36

;he clofe of the laft war, 6»,

", in the commencement of the

ii 51

ftrcngth, 53. 59

;nt periods, »i8
)le, 119, 120

peripds, 196, 197

Indigo^

[ xxxix ]

//n/(^«, how affcfted by a fax, 113

tf.terifl of moniy, how affcftid, 98. I0»

In/and, the pretenfionj of, to a free trade, 137— '^i?

Laws affefting, i, ii— xvii

Her abfentees ettatci, xfiii

Her debt, ib. ._

Expencei of her government, ib.

Exchange and bullion, xvii
Land-tax, queftion as to equalizing the, i»4— 116
Luxury, public, confidered, 119, aio

The beft objeft of taxation, 118

Mililia, when moft perfeft, 6a, 63

ilfoBfy, quantity of, in the kingdum, 114.114,215

yifora/iVy of ftates, 48 > .

• ■■.'■-■*

Ocantmy, public, 73. az5

Parftmtny in war, 73. as5
Parly mifreprefentaiions, 13—10

Us origin and progrefs, n— 14 "*

Farlitt, their ufes, 24 '

Their evil ctfefts, 19

Are never reconciled, 3$
fWWffl/ reafoners, 6 — 12

Readers and critics, 171— <«74
Population, its caufes phylcal and political, 180— 19O
Pefiulouftiefs of England and Wales confidered as not affefled

by any evidence yet known, xix — txxiv
PrthibUiom in commerce, their nature and tendency, 198 —

100

Rtvenue Lanvs, why defeftive, 77

Rnenuf, its origin and objefts in governments, 78—81

How managed in ancient times, 83

Its progrefs, 84—88

Sink,

[ xl ]

Skiing Fund, !ri cummencemcnt anii importance, 91, 9a, )$
Sfanifi t.txei, 109
Revenue, 64

Vtucalhif principle! and objcA uf, lox— 108
Long mirunderftood in England, 107
Tsxe$, the annual amount of, 9}
On neceiraries, 108
On luxuriei, 118
On other objeftt, izi, lis
Tt.i, a very favourable ubjeft to fmuggleri, 131

Farther particulari wilh regard to it( confumptlon,
aic— ai4

UKammity and Umon always recommended, t6

never attained, 39
UtiUn, comRierc'al with IrclanJ, »3»

tVar, commencement of the prefent, 45

Interefts involved in it, 55, 56, 57. 91, 9a
lt» general nature and origin, 58, 59
It! uncertainty, 176

WW, fuperioritjr-of Briiifli and Irifti, i6i

Doubt whether the exportation fliould be prohibited,

100, ftOI

Iti pricenA prefent money in the time of Edward Illr
compared with this century, ii. ^

FINIS.

J-

1 ]

It and iinportance> 91, 9a, )$

uf, lox—ioS
England, 107

Ita

fmugglera, 13 1
regard to iti confumpttoni

iTiRiended, i$
led, 19
. »3»

cfent, 45

S« 56. 57- 9>. 9a

gin, 58, 59

Iri(h, 16s
irutioo fliould be prohibited,

y in the time of Edward IIU
ntury, it.

N I S.

/82