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Tous les autres exemplaires orlgino'ix sont film6s en commenpant par la premlAre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impresslon ou d'illustration et en termlnant par la dernlAre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparattra sur la dernlAre Image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols -^ signlfle "A SUIVRE", le symbols y signlfle "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre fllmte A des taux de reduction diff Arents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul cllchA, 11 est filmA A partir de I'engle supArleur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bas, en prenent le nombre d'Images nAcesssire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 8 6 ^ N 'no m IPn Floyd.- Baen.- lOVVai Decke —17 S SUTHERLAND'S POLITICAL LETTERS, ADDRESSED TO Dr. NELSON. Diagram of the Battle of Tippecanoe. (see letter no. in.) ^r!!^mmm£^ '^^^«iMii, '•; ,-• N^ ^tf> ■^sL k X 3C iw '';,',;iii".;f- ■^^iS^'^ ^^Sw^' ..:!;W J' 1 Prescott, 3 Sndling, 5 Larabee, 7 Hawkins, TJ. S. inf. commanded by Major Floyd.— 2 Brown, 4 Uook, 6 Peters, 8 Harton, U, S. inf. con:imanded by Captain Baen.— 9 Scott, 11 Albright, Indiana militia, rommanded by Major Redmond— 10 Warwick, 12 Wilson, 13 Hargrove, 14 Wilkins, commanded l)y Lieut. Col. Decker. — 15 Robb, 16 Geijier, mounted riflemen, commanded by Major Wells, — 17 Spencer, mounted rirtomcn, commanded by Capt. Spencer. — 18 , 19 , 20 Parke, dragoons, commanded by Major Daviess. NEW-YORK. 1840. 'mt' ■^ LA THREE POLITICAL LETTERS, ADDRESSED TO Dr. WOLFRED NELSON, LATE OF LOWER CANADA, NOW OF PLATTSBURGH, N. Y. BY TH: JEFFERSON SUTHERLAND. m NEW-YORK. 1810. LETTER No. I. New- York, June 4, 1840. To Dr. WoLFRED Nelsox, Late of Lower Canada, novo of Platlshurgh, N, Y. : Dear Sir — A gentleman who professes to reside in Clinton county, and to be acquainted with you, has just informed me that you are now engaging yourself in active measures for the support of the political party in our country, denominated and known as British Whigs ; and that you arp employing your in- fluence with the people among whom you reside, in order to in- duce them, at the coming election, to cast their votes for Gene- ral Harrison, and such other candidates as shall be proposed by the British Whig party, which has put him in nomination. Robbed of your property and driven from your homes by a merciless British Government, you and others of your country- men have sought an asylum within the borders of these states, where, by the blessings of Divine Providence, who made power- ful the arm of our forefathers, and gave liberty to our country, the poor subject escaping from the dungeon of the despot, and no longer dreading the nand of his oppressor, may set himself flown in quiet beside the banished noble, and the dethroned mo- narch, who here reside, fearless of the machinations of a corrupt court, or the waking vengeance of an injured people — and, here you have the undoubted right to attach yourself to whichever of ouf political parties your judgment or your partiality may di- rect, and it is not for me to say where, or where nci, you shall use your influence. Yet, sir, as we are now engaged in a politi- cal contest of no ordinary importance — but one of the deepest interest not only to ourselves, but to those who shall follow after us, and in which, as I conceive, are put in issue the funda- mental principles of democracy, and the question whether we shall longer remain as a free republic, with plain and simple laws, formed in accordance with democratic principles, and ha- ving effect alike upon the rich and the poor — or whether we are thus soon to be deprived of them and forced to accept of a gilded tyrannous aristocracy, who would tread us to the earth, I think myself justified in the course 1 have assumed. 1 M / 1 f It is but recently I saw you struggling for the liberties of your own country, and with your sword, endeavoring, as I supposed, to establish in the Canadas an independent democratic form of government, instead of the wicked and unjust colonial syi^tem, which was then, and is now still maintained therein by the bayo< nets of the British nation ; and then, being, as I am, an ardent admirer of democratic institutions, and an enthusiastic advocate ot political freedom — and being moved in your behalf — and with the desire to obtain the small share of applause which might chance to accrue to one of the humble agents in the erection of another independent republic on the continent of America, 1 put on my sword and joined the people of your country with a view to give you aid : and, therefore, I believe it proper for me to in- quire at this time whether you are now mistaken in your course —or, if I have been deceived as to your intentions. You having once embarked in the effort to achieve the inde- pendence of your country, and having staked your fortune and your life in the cause, I am not willing to believe you have aban- doned that cause ; and I must suppose you still to entertain the hope that your country, at no very distant day, will be able, in despite of the enemies of liberty on this side of the St. Lawrence, and the British power on the other, to assume a station among the independent nations of the earth. I must, also, believe that, at the present moment, in all your public acts, you have in view to promote the liberation of the Canadas from British thraldom ; and I cannot suppose that you and your compatriots in your late effort to rid yourselve. of the odious domination of Great Bri- tain, had nothing save independence for your country in view- but must still entertain the belief that the object of the strus^gle you commenced, was to raise up democratic institutions upon the ruins of British tyranny. Had I believed it your intention to establish any other form of government in the Canadas than that of a representative democracy — and that you had design- ed merely to rid the people of your country from one hateful evil, that you might saddle them with another as grievous, I should never have been with you. There has been some opportunity afibrded me to acquire an intimate knowledge of the affairs of the Canadas, and from such knowledge, I am satisfied that neither peace, repose, nor prospe- rity can be hoped for in them, while those provinces are under British Colonial rule. The parasites of present power will there hold on to their offices and sinecures with such tenacity, that nothing shall sever their hold but that instrument with which Alexander cut the gordian knot — the sword. Nothing but vio- lent means can give to the Canadian people a government, or put an end to the trampling upon their rights by British tyrants ! And is not political liberty worth fighting for — and the freedom of a nation a propel justitication for an appeal to arms? That it is so, the majority of the people of this country will bear wit- ness. Yet, if no better change could be hoped for the €anada8 than has been obtained for Greece, I must confess that my inte- rest, or at least my interference, as well as that of the democra- tic part of my countrymen, would be most likely withheld. A Christianas dungeon is a matter of the same kind with a Maho- metan's bowstrmg — nor is a Prince's sword ot less abhorrence than a Pacha's scimetar, to an American freeman. If, as I have supposed, you are desirous of establishing for yonr own country a democratic form of government, from whom in this country, allow me to inquire, do you expect sympathy and support for your people ? Can you expect to find any honest feeling in your behalf, resting with the British Whigs of our country ? Do you hope for assistance from that portion of our people who have put forward General Harrison as an available candidate for the Presidency ?(1.) That you cannot, I believe ( 1. ) Copy of a Letter from the Chairman of the Central Committee of the British Whig Young Alen of the State of New- York, accompanying a Circular distributed just previous to the nomination of General Hani> Don for the Presidency. " Albany, Oct. 23, 1839. " To THE Editor of the Sangamon Journal: " Dear Sir:— ( send you [confidentially] a Circular which is circu> iating here, and is producing great effect. Mr. Clay cannot possibly get (his State, or New-England. Our only hope is in Gen. Harrison, wlio is perfectly unexceptionable, and has no serious opposition to him on any possible ground. Tlie lenders do nut feel, perhaps, as sure of getting paid f >r their services as with other candidates who have impliedly come into their views. But we can make a glorious rally under Aw batmer.and reach the hearts of the people, with his services and virtues. Gen. Scott has been pushed by a few Anti-CIaymen, but it is all nonsense. I send you a pamphlet which is also circulating here, and which shows that no Jackson men or Clintonians can or will support him. The great point now is to have the public voice indicate a preference, or there may be fh- lal mistakes made at Harrisburg. I am the Chairman of the State Cen- tral Committee of Young Men, but do not speak officially. I should like to forward some papers and letters to your delegates, but their residence is not mentioned. Will you publish their residence and send me a paper? 'Youra truly, S. DE WITT BLOODGOOD." Extract from the Circulate [" Confidkntial."] ''Our party leaders want sagacity, or as I prefer styling it, philosophy. They act as if mankind were always actuated by the best motives, and that the holding ap an abstract truth, is the pledge of victory. Not so, Nations, like individuals, often rush blindly to ruin, from passion, pr^u- ilice, ambition, and many other causes. It is in vain to opp«se their will when they take a particular bias. They who attempt it are sacrificed, I( yon will be made to understand, ft Is our democracy afofTt* wh9 will give you support. Tlioso who compose the British Whig' party cannot favor a revolution in the Canadas, without violating their own principles, and assailing the policy of their party — a* any revolntion in the Canadas, to be succeoslul, must be carried on with a view not less for the establishment of a free represen- tative republic— than for independence. By consulting the pages of our history, you will be informed that when the people of this country assumed the sword, nnd stood forth upon their rights — when they took the field against British tyranny and the despotism of colonial rule, the object for which they united in their struggle, was independence. Thnt then the experiment of a free democratrc government had not been tried — and that when independence was gained for our country, our people were by no means unanhnous in its adop- tion. While they had all, alike, entered heartily into the con- test for independence, one part were for a democracy, and the other for an aristocracy. JefTerson, Franklin, and otiiers, enter- taining the same liberal principles, and who were front and fore- most m the cause, were democrats, and battled for democracy (2*.) and thus history tells us with its monitory page, of the downfall of patri- ots vainly slrtrggting against their erring countrymen, and tinully of the downfall of the masses therasclven- This le the inw of nature and th« Viill of Provifdencer. Let us also apply this fact to politics. We cannot expect pfrfectioii in the people at large; we can only rely on their gene- ral good intentions, sustained by a consciousness that their own interest9 indivixlually, are at stake with those of the mass. When they are right in the main, it is as much as we shauld expect. We cannot hope that they will cease to bo men in order to please us. In this knowledge coo- sists the tael of the Administration party. T)>ey studiously seek to know the public will, and they follow it long enough to profit by its force and power. How adroitly they availed themselves of the popuUirity of Jack- son I By bad measures they have lust much of its advantnce, and by prosecuting such a scheme as the Sub-Treasury, they will To»e morQ. But still they are strongly entrenched, and we must carry their entrench- ments, or be doomed to political slavery. How can this be done ? Only by uniting on the man who has less opposition to him than another. Su- perior or splendid talents or exalted claims are not the questioris to be conai- dered." (2.) Thomas Jefferson was the author of the Declaration of Indepen- dence, and its sentiments may justly be considered peculiarly his. Here are the principles of true democracy, viz: " That all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Cre- ator with certain innlienable rights ; that among these are hfc, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among mAi, deriving their just power* from the consent of the governed: that whenever any form of government becomes destruc- tive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government. laying the foundation on snch principles, tn- &8 well as independence, v/hile Adams, Hamilton, and their aa- sociates, who had entered into the cause as ardently as the oth< nnd organizing itn powers in such form, us to thorn siiall seem moat likely to pfTuct f'toir safftty and happiness." These principles wore upliold by the truo republicans in the conven- tion fur the formation of our constitution. (iEOROE M\su(r of Virginia, (pogo 7.'>4-.5 of the Madison Papers,) " ar- f(ued strongly for an election of the larger branch [of tlio legislature] by the people. It was to be the grand depository of tho democratic principle of the government." " We ought to attend to the rights of every class of the people." " Every selfish motive, every family attachment, ought to recommend such a system of policy as would provide no less carefully for the rights and happiness of the lowest, than of the highest, order of citi- zens." Again: page 914, " He took this occasion to repeat, that, notwithstand- ing his solicitude to establish a national government, he never would agree to abolish the state governments, or render them absolutely insig- nificant. They wore as necessary as the general government, and he would bo equally careful to preserve them." Again; page 1209, " Having for his primary object — for the polar star of his political conduct — the preservation of the rights of the people, he held it as on essential point, as the very palladium of civil liberty, that the great officers of state, and particularly the executive, should at fixed pe- riods return to that mass from which they were at first taken, in order that they may feel and rerpoct those rights and interests which are again to be personally valuable to them." Mr. Madison (p. 755,) " Conpidered the popular election of one branch of the national legislature 049 essential to every plan of free government.'' Mr. Wilson of Pennsylvania, page 801, said: " He wished for vigor in the government, but he wished that vigorous authority to flow immedi- ately from the legitimate source of all authority. The government ought to possess, not only, first, tho force, but sf cond the mind or tense, of the people at large. The legislature ought to be the most exact transcript of the whole society. Representation is made necessary only because it is impossible for the people to act collectively." John Dickinson, of Delaware, page 1213, said: "He doubted the policy of interweoving into a republican constitution a veneration for wealth. He had always understood that a veneration for poverty and virtue were the objects of republican encouragement." In letter 117, vol. 4. of his correspondence, Thomas Jefferson says: " I would say, that the people, being the only depository of power, should exercise in person every function which their qualifications enable them to exercise consistently with the order and security of society; that we now find them equal to the election of those who shall be invested with their executive and legislative powers, and to act themselves in the judi- ciary, as judges in questions of fact; that the range of their powers ought to be enlarged," &c. Again: letter 131, " On this view of the import of the term Republic, instead of saying, as has been said, ' that it may mean any thing or no- thing,' we may say, with truth and meaning, that governments are more or less republican, as they have more or less of the olemert of popular election and control in their composition: and believing, as I do, that the mass of the citizens ia the safest depository of their own rights, and eape- 8 1 -n era, for independence, but not for democracy, were aristocrats, and in favor of the establishment of an aristocratical government cially that the evils flowing from the duperies of the people, are less injurious than those from the egoism of their agents, I am a friend to that composition of government which has in it the most of this ingredient." Again, letter 132 : " Our legislators are not sufliciently apprised of the rightful limits of their powers, that their true office is to declare and en- force only our natural rights and duties, to take none of theru from us.-— S'o man has a natural rieht to commit aggression on the equal rights of another; and tiiis is all from which the laws ought to restraiii him: Every man is under the natural duty of contributing to the necessities of the society, and this is all the laws should enforce on him : And no man having a natural right to be the judge between himself and another, it is his natural duty to submit to the umpirage of an impartial third. When thti laws have declared and enforced all this, they havo fulfilled their functions, and the idea is quite unfounded, that on entering into society we give up any natural right." Again, letter 135: " At the birth of onr republic, I committed that opi* niou to the world; in the draft of a constitution annexed to the Notes on Virginia, in which a provision was inserted for a representation perma- nently equal. The infancy of the fcubject at that moment, and onr inex- perience of self-government, occasioned gross departures in that draft, from genuine republican canons. In truth, the abuses of monarchy had so much filled all the space of political contemplation, that we imagined every thing republican that was not monarchy. We had not yet pene- trated to the mother principle, that ' governments are republican only in proportion as they embody the will of their people, and execute it.' " — " The true foundation of republican government is the equal right of every citizen, in his person and property, and in their management. Try by this, as a tally, every provision of our constitution, and see if it hangs directly on the will of the people. Reduce your legislature to a convenient number for full, but orderly discussion. Let every man who flghts or pays, exercise his just and equal right in their election. Sub- mit them to approbation or rejection at short intervals. Let the execu- tive be chosen in the same way, and for the same term, by those whose age . he is to be; and leave no screen of a council behind which to Akulk from responsibility." Again, letter 149: "It should bo remembered, as an axiom of eternal truth in politics, that whatever power in any government is independent, isabsolate also; in theory only, at first, while the spirit of the people is up, but in practice, as fast as that relaxes. Independence can be trusted no where but with the people in mass. They are inherently indepen- dent of all but moral law." Again, letter 172: " Ours, (the object of the republican party,) on the contrary, was to maintain the will of the majority of the convention, and of the people themselves. We believed, with them, that man was a ra- tional animal, endowed by nature with rights, and with an innate sense of justice; and that he could be restrained from wrong and protected in right, by moderate powers, confided lo persons of his own choice, and held to their duties by dependence on his own will. We believed that the complicated organization of kings, nobles, and priests, was not the wisest nor best to effect the happiness of associated men; that wisdom and vir- tue were not hereditary; that the trappings of such a machinery con- li 9 rats, lent 1688 that It." Kthe en- |U8.— iteof J him: ties of man |ier, it fhen their |>ciety for our country. (3^ The persons who composed this aris^ocra- tic party were at nrst called Federalists. sumed by their expense those earnings of industry they were meant to protect, and, by the inequalities they produced, exposed liberty to suffer- ance. We believed that men, enjoying in ease and security the full fruits of their own industry, enlisted by all their interests on the side of law and order, habituated to think for themselves, and follow their reason as their g?iido, would be more easily and safely governed, than with minds nourished in error, and vitiated and debased, as in Europe, by ignorance, indigence and oppression. The cherishnient of the people then was our principle, tho fear and distrust of them, that of the other party." In the philanthropic and consoling faith of a true demo^rat^ Mr. Jeffer- son lived and died. But ten days before his death, in reference to the De° claration of Independence and its fruits, he said. letter 193: " iMay it be to the world, what I believe it will be, (to some parts soon er, to others later, but finally to all,) the signal of arousing men to burst the chains under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of self-government. That form which we have substituted, restores the free right to the unbounded exercise of reason and freedom of opinion. All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. — The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been bom with saddles on their backs, nor a favorite few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God." These extracts distinctly show that broad differences of opinion existed among the Fathers of the Republic. These differences exhibited them- fielvea in the conventions to form the state constitutions, and more strik- ingly in the convention that formed the federal constitution. The demo- germans to the British Whigs who sustain Lord Mel- bourne and his associates. The one party is the representative of the wealth of the British nation — the other is the representa- tive of the same wealth, and the wealth and moneyed aristocracy of our own country. In England the British Whigs have chosen a monarch, who is stamped by nature with that distinctive weakness, which even in their own dominions, deprives her from any participation or trust in the execution of their laws, or the administration of the government, save the office of tool, which she now performs to the aristocracy. In this country the British Whigs have put in nomination a candidate for the presidency, who is known to be in the imbecility of age ; and who, when he was in the proudest days of manhood, had not confidence in his own capacity to hold his place in a high and exalted station— but relinquished it, while it oflTered him honor, and fame, and glory, fearful he should sink with disgrace under the responsibility by which the station was Again: " He contended that the executive should appoint the senate, and fill up vacancies." Again: " He did not hesitate to say, that loaves and fishes mur.t bribe the demagogues. They must be made to expect higher offices under the general than under the state governments. A senate for life will be a noble bait." Again: (page 1030,) '' State attachments, nnd state importance, have been the bane of this country, We cannot aunihikte, but we may per- haps take out the teeth of the serpents." Again: (page 1033,) On the proposition for fixing the representation in the hrst branch, at " one member for every forty thousand inhabitants," lie thought property ought to be taken into the estimate, as well as the number of inhabitants. Life and liberty were generally said to be of more value than property. An accurate view of the matter would, neverthe- less, prove that property was the main object of society." Again: (page 1043,) " As to the alarm sounded, of an aristocracy, his creed was that there never was nor ever will be a civilizei society with- out an aristocracy. His endeavor was, to keep it a« much as possible from doing mischief." 13 accompanied. The only qualities they claim for him are nega- tive—and the only ground he offers for their liking is his suppli- ancy — and the certainty, if elected, that he will be as subservi- ent to the British Whigs of this country as the British Queen ia to the aristocracy in England. In opposition to General Harrison, the democracy of our country offer Martin Van Bureu as a candidate for a re-election to the Presidency. He is selected from among our free citizens, because he is known to possess capacity of the highest order, and principles corresponding with those of the democratic party; while the candidate of the British Whig party is allowed to pos- sess no principles of his own, as he is, (if elected,) to be made to represent the principles of the party — which they dare not now avow. As they have their candidate's assent to be made to represent the principles of the British Whig party, it is not essential to them that he holds opinions in common with the aristocracy. Their only object at this time is to get into power ; the princi- ples by which the president, of their choice, is to be governed, is but a secondary consideration, according to their scheme, to be settled in convention, after they Iiave succeeded in his elec- tion — which they hope to do by keeping him entirely from the observation of the people, surrounded by a committee(4.) who (4.) '* Oswego, Jem. 31, 1840. " To THE Hon. William H. Harrison: " Dear Sir: In accordance with a resolution of the Union Association of Oswego, I am instructed to propose three questions to you in relation to subjects that a large portion of this section of the country feel a deep interest in. The first is — " Are you in favor of receiving and referring petitions for the iramedi' ate abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia? " Second— Are you in favor of an United States Bank, or some institu- tion similar to that, for the safe keeping und disbursing of the public rc\o- neys, and for giving an uniform currency throughout the United States. " And lastly — Would you favor the passage of a general bankrupt law by Congress, so that its operations might be equal in all the States in the Union. " I have only to say, sir, that the above enquiries are made in accord- ance with the unanimous wishes of this Association, the members of which, I am instructed to say, entertain the highest regard for your past services, and hope, should you be elected to the high office for which you are nominated, that nothing may occur to lessen you in the estimation of a great and free people. I am sir, respectfully, your ob't servant, " IWILE3 HOTCHKISS, Corresponding Secretary." " Cmcinnati, Feb. 29, 1840. "Oswego Union Association: "Gentlemen: Yourletterof the 31st ult. addressed to Gen. Harrison, has been placed in ow possession with a view to early attention. This 14 iir act in the capacity of the attaches of a British lord— or the la- dies of the bed-chamber to Her Majesty — while their mercenary prints patch him up on one side as a general and a hero, and on the other as a farmer, and the poor man's friend. (5.) is unavoidable, in consequence of the very numerous letters dcily recei- ved by the General, and to which his reply, in person, is rendered abso- lutely impracticable. As from his confidential committee, you will look upon this response, and if the policy observed by the committee should not meet with your approbation, you will attribute the error rather to ourselves and his immediate advisers, than General Harrison. That po- licy is, THAT THE GENERAL MAKE NO FURTHER DECLARA- TION OF HIS PRINCIPLES, FOR THE PUBLIC EYE. WHILST OCCUPYING HIS PRESENT POSITION. Such a course hns been adopted, not for purpose of concealment, nor to avoid all proper nesponsi- bility; but under the impression that the General's views, in regard tu all the important and exciting questions of the day, have heretofore been given to the pnblic, fully and explicitly; and that those views, whether connected with const'^utional or other questions of very general interest, have undergone no cliange. The committee are strengthened in regard to the propriety of this policy; that no new issue be made to the public, from the consideration that the Natiotial Convention deemed it impolitic, at the then crisis, to publish any general declaration of tlie views of the great Opposition party, and certainly the policy at the present retnains unaltered. In the mean time, we cannot help expressing the hope that our friends every where will receive the nomination of General Harrison with something akin to generous confidence. When we reflect upon the distinguished intelligence of the nominating convention— how obly all interests were represented in that body, we certainly have a high guarantee that should General Harrison be the successful candidate fur the Presidency, that of- fice will be happily and constitutionally administered, and under the gui- dance of the same principles which directed our Washington, Jeflerson, and Madison. Believing you will concur with us in the propriety of the policy adopted, we have pleasure in subscribing ourselves, " Your friends, " DAVID GWINNE, "J. C. WRIGHT, " O. M. SPENCER. "H. E. Sfekcer, Corresponding Secretary." (5.) General Harrison while Governor of the Territory of Indiana ap- proved of a law of which the following is an extract: A Law to Regulate Elections. Sec. 3, last clause, (the first clause is concerning the oath of judges of elections.) " It is therefore enacted, that every free male inhabitant of the age of twentj-one years; resident in the Territory, and who has been a citizen of any State in the Union, or who hath been two years resident in the Territory, and holds a freehold in fitly acres of land within any county of the same, or any less quantity in the county in which he shall reside, which, with the improvements made thereon, shall be of the value of one hundred dollars, or who has paid fur, and in virtue of a deed of cov- enant for further assurances from a person vested with the fee, i j in ac- tual possesion of fifty acres of land, subject to taxation in the county in which he shall be resident, shall be and are hereby declared to be duly ie ]a- jnary id on 15 I muflt take the occasion to remark, that their candidate may be a hero and a great general(6.) Yet, it is shown by the histo- qualified electors of Representatives for the counties in which they are respectively resident. J£S8C B. THOMAS, Speaker of the House of Representatives. B. CHAMBERS, President of the Council. Approved, 17th Sept. 1807. WM. HENuY HARRISON. Indiana, to wit:— I, William J. Brown, Secretary of State, for the State aforesaid, do hereby certify that the foregoing is a true copy of the last clause of the third section of "A law to regulate elections," which is now on file, in manuscript form, in my office. in testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my band, and have affixed [l. s.] the seal of said State, at Indianapulis. this 5th day of June, A. D. 1840. WM. J. BROWN, Secretary of State. (6.) It appears that the ladies of Chillicothe so estimated his (General Harrison's) services, that at the same time their husbands prepared a sword for Col. Croghan, they prepared. fur him a petticoat. Dayton, April 20, 1836. Mr. Bilger — In compliance with your request, I submit to the public a true statement, (as far as I am acq,uainted with the circumstance,) in relation to certain ladies of Chillicothe having prepared a PETTICOAT TO PRESENT TO GEN. HARRISON at the time the sword was pre- sented to the gallant Col. Croghan. I arrived at Chillicothe, some time in the fall or winter of 1814, and distinctly and clearly recollect that the subject of the Petticoat, at that time, was all the town talk. The fathe- and mother of try wife, Mr. John Munday, now dead, informed me of the whole transactions; I also heard the particulars from Mrs. Stephen Sissna, now old and blind, and who resides in Highland county. I'hese persons were old settlers of Chillicothe. Mr. Munday, who had seen the petticoat, informed me that it was of " many colors," and so stiffly quilted that it would nearly stand alone. Mr. James Foster, with whom I was employed fur some length of time as a book I inder, had also seen the petticoat, and one day when we were engaged stitching a pamphlet in relation to the surrender of Gen. Hull, he remarked to me that he wished he had a print of a pet- ticoat, and that if he had it, he would put it in a frame so as to preserve it. At Dr. Basey's tavern, where I then boarded, it was common talk almost every day; the names of the ladies were mentioned, and I believe I now am able to give the names, if requested, of most of them. I men- tion these facts to show that they are of such a character that I could not forget or mistako them. In all the conversations I ever heard upon the subject, I never heard it denied whilst I resided in Chillicothe, but I do recollect of hearing one, if not more of the ladies' husband's say, that the petticoat would have been presented to the General, had they not inter- fered. There are many citizens of Chillicothe who recollect the facts I have stated. There is one gentleman in the Ohio Delegation in Congress who, I am well persuaded remembers the circumstance well. That the ladies prepared and intended presenting the petticoat, is as undoubted a fact, as that the sword was presented to Col. Croghan. If any particular reference to the old citizens of Chillicothe, will be of ony service, I will freely give the same. Respectfully yours, JOHN ANDERSON. lii r. rl 16 rical records of our nation, that he resigned his office as a gene- ral while our country was in the midst of a war ; and that when the Indian war-whoop was resounding along our borders from Lake Michigan to the River St. Johns — when the homes of our frontier settlers were smoking in ruins, and our soil was being dyed with the blood of our best citizens — and when Bri- tish ships were hovering on our coast, blockading our ports, and landing their m^.- derous bands of soldiers upon every defence, less spot, destroying our peaceful inhabitants, and despoiling our country, he abandoned us and left us to fight out our battles and to defend our country without his assistance. 1 would also re- biark, that General Harrison may be a farmer. But, neverthe- less, it is known that he has preferred the subservient employ- ment of a clerk in a petty court of law, to the more honorable, though, perhaps, more laborious and hardy occupation of plough- ing and planting ; and that he may be the poor man's friend — but this must be doubted, from the fact that he approved of a law in Indiana, and afterwards voted for a similar one in the Ohio le- gislature, providing that the poor man who could not pay his fine and cost of suit, on a conviction for a misdemeanor, should be sold as a slave to the highest bidder,(7.) and subjected to the (7.) Extract from the Territorial Laws of Indiana, Revised Code, 1807, page 39 and 40— Section 11, 30 and 31. "An Act Rkspecting Crimes and Punishments. " Section 11. If any person shall unlawfully assaulter threaten another in any menacing manner, or shall strike or wound another, he shall, upon conviction thereof, Y < fined in a sum not exceeding one hundred dollars; and the court before whom such conviction shall be had, may, in their discretion, cause the offender to enter into recognizance with surety for the peacd and good behaviour, for a term not exceeding one year. " i».9c. 30. When any person or persons shall, on conviction of any crime or breach of any penal law, be sentenced to pay a fine or fines, with or without the costs of prosecution, it shall and may be lawful for the court, before whom such conviction shall bo bad, to order the sheriiT to sell or hire the person or persons so convicted, to service to any person or persons who will pay the said fine and costs for such term of time as the said court shall judge reasonable; and if such person or persons so sentenced and hired, or sold, shall abscond from the service of his or her master or mistress before the term of such servitude shall be expired, he or she so absconding shai!, on conviction before a justice of the peace, be whipped with thirtyake the federal vote that of a majority. By this combination, legislative ex- positions were given to the constitution, and all the administrative laws were shaped on the model of England and so passed." up( I 21 »« Ask me not," says Lavater, " if I am loved 1 But for whati If I am hatedl But why]" This, sir, forms a proper text for an inquiry into the character of the British Whig party. Every British aristocrat who lands on our shores, while ha condemns and rails at our Democratic party, and our democratic institutions, is always found to have pockets full of compliments and praises for the principles of the British Whig party. Every British merchant or speculator resident in our country — be he Tory or Whig in England — is a British Whig here. Is notthii an evidence of an unison of principle 1 Most certainly. The British foresee that a continuance of the extended intercourse and commercial relations which now exist between the two coun- tries, must necessarily result in the formation of two republics or two aristocracies. England must become a republic, or the United States is changed to an aristocracy like England. A war between the two countries, it is true, might defer the result for a time — but nevertheless, it must so happen eventually. Then is it not natural, and to be expected, that there will be unison of feelin? — and unison of action between the aristocrats of Ameri- ca and Great Britain! The fact cannot be unknown to you, that this British Whig party, which is made up of the aristocrats known as federalists in 1798 — with those who opposed our war with Great Britain in 1812 — and those who are now clammoring for more banks, ap- pear to be terribly alarmed at the thought of a war with Great Britain. Think you they fear her power 1 They do not. The well organized bands of Great Britain have been met by the undiciplined yeomanry of our country, and defeated — and they may be again. Great Britain could never subdue us with he' sword — and the British Whigs know that fact. There is nothing to dread in the power of Great Britain — but we have this to fear — she may destroy our democracy by corrupting our people with her money and her goods. It is not a fear of the power of British arms which occasions the aristocra^-c part of our people to mourn at the mere thought of a wa* —but they fear a war with Great Britain, because it would put far away the accomplishment of their desires, and the hope ef fixing upon our country an aristocratic form of government ! Again : It is proposed by the British Whig party, that the ge- neral government should assume the debts contracted by the different states that have been pursuing a mad career of specu- lation, in what has been termed internal improvements— and that the public domain should be sold, and the proceeds applied to pay off the banks, which are now in the hands of the British ; having been bought up with their goods which they have forced upon our people, and for which they could not get specie. This 22 gives to the British aristocracy a direct and immediate interest in the result of the present contest. (11.) The democracy of our (11.) Extract of a Letter from a London correspondents ^T. Y. paper. " Lmdm, April 1, 1840. *' Dear Sir — I cheerfully avail myself of this oppcMrtunity to write you. I did not receive yours till the 23d ult. * * * * " Yuu I know, will be astonished when I inform you that our capital- ists are more concerned about the decision of the States in regard to your next President, than you are— judging fVom the tenor of your last letter. The policy pursued by the Democratic part} of your country, and sus" tained by the government at Washington, is alarmingly disadvantageous to the rich capitalists of this country — and hence every item of news goes to establish an opinion that your Pre^^ident and his ministers are losing ground, is received with astonishing avidity; and the general mornine salute in Thread-and-needle-street is, ' Any thing later from the U. States !' The graat question of discussion now is, ' Will the United States persist in recommending the Sub-Treasury Law ?' and this one question, " ' Like Aaron's serpent, swallows up the rest.' " It is th« general opinion here, that if this project is carried out, the consequences will be serious to our manufactures, and also to all other capi'-Iists. ####*# " For it is tl»e policy of Great Britain, ai all men know, to keep Ame- rica, and indeed all other countries in debt to her, that she may make them tributary to her, and dependent upon her; and it is a common boast here, that the United States, though ' free and independent,' are never- theless as much colonies of Great Britain as ever they were; and that though they make their own laws, yet Great Britain has something to say about that business also; because she has such a vast amount of mo- ney in the States that she can always have a party in her interest there, strong enough to keep things nearly as she wishes them to be. This was a common talk here a while ago, but the Sub-Treasury bill has cau- sed them ' to waive the conversation' lately, and now it is feared that the British Government will be beset with such difficulties as will cause the throne to to»ter to its base.' *#*#«# " It was thought a while ago, that the plan proposed by Messrs. Baring (fc Co., which received the sanction of the leaders of the Whig party of the United States, bnt was anticipated in your national Senate by the Democratic portion thereof, before it could be brought forward by the Whig members as a public measure, would be adopted, and that ihe American Government would take upon itself tlie responsibility rS pay ing those debts, but now there is no hope. It seems from all we can gath- er from the newspapers and letters which we receive, that the U. Statee are determined to cut ofTall communications with this country; and it is said by the knowing ones here, that unless the present administration is defeated at the next presidential election, or unless it reverses its policy on the purroncy question, it will lead, not merely to a dangerous crisis, but prove a death-blow lo the prosperity of England. ' ' Mr. remarked with great emphasis, the other day — and I place great confidence in what he says, ' that if the candidate of the American financiers, Gen. Harrison, was not elected, the great financial system of England, might bid farewell, a long farewell, to all its greatness,' and that a complete revolution in all our government aSairs would follow; a» •I 'f est our per, ). 'rite 23 country are opposed to the assumption of these state debts by the general government, as unconstitutional, and as unjust in its effect upon the people — which vould be as much so, as to re- quire the industrious and discreet man to contribute to pay the debts of his profligate neighbor. With a hope of having the payment of these state bonds, held by the British, provided for by our general govern meut, they have undertaken to assist in the elevation of General Harrison, and their friends, the British Whig party ; and to accomplish this, as I have it on good authority, they are about to send into our country large sums of money, to be used for bribery and bet- ting — and otherwise to be expended in the attempt to produce an influence with our voters in behalf of their friends here — who propose no measures which do not directly favor the withdrawal of the power of the government from the people. One of the leading measures of the British Whig party, is to carry on a series of internal improvements in certain of the states at the expense of the national treasury. (12.) Now, what could be the effect of this measure but consolidation — resulting in a demand for an extent* .1 and increase of the powers of the generel go- vernment, which would thus be made to require strengthening — and must necessarily be followed by the surrender of the rights of the people to a powerful aristocracy. one, though not the least of the effects of the Sub-Treasury law of the United States. " Our papers here, openly declare, that it is necessary for the healthy maintenance of our equilibrium, and a perpetuation of monarchy, that the Democratic party of America, should be put down; and, though I take no part in these questions, yet I am inclined to the same opinion." (12.) That General Harrison is in favor of this measure, is clear. In the House of Representatives on the 18th of March 1818, when he was a member, the following Resolutions were brought up for action, and voted for by him. " 1. That Congress has power under the Constitution, to appropriate money for the construction of post roads, military, and other roads, of ca- nals, and for the improvement of water courses. " On tiie vote being taken, it was decidffd in the negative, ayes 60, noes 75. [Harrison amongst the ayes.] " 2. That Congress has power under th« Constitution to constnict post roads, and military roads, provided, that private property be not taken for public use without just compensation. [82 ayes, 84 noes. Harrison amongst the ayes.] "3. That Congress has power mder the Constitution to construct roads and canals necessary for commerce bclween the States, provided that private property be not taken for public purposes without just com- pensation. [74 ayes, 95 noes, Harrison amongst the ayes. J " 4. That Congress has power under the Constitution, to construct ca- nals for military purposes, provided tliat no private property be taken for any such purpose, withoHt juft compensation being made therefor. [81 ayes, 83 noes, Harrison amongst the nye«.]" !! h ±_ 24 I I would now, sir, inquire, if you are willing to be numbered in the ranks of a party, whose principles are thus shown to be anti- democratic — or to be found laboring for the interests of the op- pressors ot your own country, and the enemies of liberty in ours 1 Do you suppose, sir, that by giving your support to that party, you will in any manner contribute to benefit the cause of your country, or find favor for your unfortunate people 1 If you do, in my judgement you greatly err. Do you doubt the influence of British goldl Then look at the bell-weather of the aristocracy of our country. He is marked with $52,000, the price at which he was bought. You may see many others in the party label- led with the rate of their purchase ; and have not these all, all, been among the first to traduce your people — to oppose the cause of your country — and to libel and villify those of our citi- zens who have offered to give you assistance in your struggle 1 By assisting to put the government of this country into the hands of a party acting upon such principles as are shown to be- long to the British Whigs — such principles as are inscribed upon their banners — you will not only make yourself an instrument in fixing incalculable evil upon this republic, but you will be the means of assisting to rivet the chains of the British aristocracy upon your ovvn country. For the Canadas, I have yet hopes — although their soil is now held by Great Britain with a glittering and panoplied host, which I have seen. Yes, I have seen theru exhibiting " all the pomp and circumstance of war," and moving with "the pride and per- fectness of discipline ;" and I have been oppressed with a feel- ing of humiliation when I have reflected what discipline can do towards the formation of an army. I say humiliation, because, the well organized bands of a despot, (like the British troops in Canada,) can by skilful dispositions and unity of effort, always d. jat numbers, vastly superior, of men animated by the purest patriotism that ever warmed or ennobled the heart, but unassis- ted by a practical acquintance with war. But we have good authority for saying " the battle is not to the strong." The best corps of British soldiers sent into Ame- rica, have been defeated by Patriots, half armed and but indiffe- rently organized. The host of the Sennacherib prevailed not against Jerusalem ; and the almost countless numbers led into Gicece by the despot of Persia, were routed on the plains of Marathon. The chosen bands of Great Britain were met at Sa- ratoga by the yeomanry of America, who were uninstructed in the art of war, and they were conquered — and may nat the yeo- manry of the Canadas do as much ? That they will, is to be ex- pected ; and that they mrs finally succeed in bursting the gal- ling bands of political slavery, cannot be doubted : 25 " For freedom's battle once begun, Sent down from bleeding sire to son, Though often lost, is ever won." If it be excepted by you, that the course of the present admic- istration of our government has been against the interests of your country — I answer that we have treaty stipulations with Great Britain which it is proper for our government to preserve until it is agreed by the whole nation, that they shall be disre* garded ; and if you charge any officer of our government with having taken steps against your people, and those of our citizens who desired to give you aid, which was uncalled for by our trea- ty obligations, you will understand that there was no approval given for those acts by the democratic part of our people — that plaudits for those acts alone came from the British Whig party, whose organs in this country, sung praises in tenor and treble, while they were responded to in base by the Toronto Patriot and the Montreal Herald. Be not deceived ! The cause of your country can never find support with the Brit jh Whigs of this. Be not disheartened ! But let the proper timo come, and come it will, for the people of the Canadas to make the effort for a political existence, and they will then find themselves liberally succored and assisted by the democracy of America. We have hearts enough willing and hands ready. The cause, is not the cause of your country alone — but of ours and of all mankind. It is the cause of free govern- ment, of religion, and of God. I have written this letter as an appeal to your good sense ; and for the purpose of bringing before your mind some of the features of the British Whig party of this country, which may possibly have escaped your attention : and I would have you be assured that I have done so with no other feelings towards you, than those of respect and esteem. My only desire is to be in- strumental in the extension of free democratic institutions to all the people, and to every part of the American Continent — and so far as in me lies, to assist in maintaining them, utiimpaired, in the land of my birth, where they have been bestowed, and where my forefathers assisted in establishing the first altar of Liberty. Sir, I am, Very respectfully. Your obedient servant, TH: J. SUTHERLAND. n;J LETTER No. II. fi m I ' New.York, June 15, 1840. To Dr. WoLFRED Nelson, Late of Lower Canada, now of Plattsburgh, N. Y. : Dear Sir — The deep solicitude I feel that the democratic in- stitutions of this country, the land of my birth, should be perpe- tuated and preserved, unimpaired, and be handed down from this generation to the next, as they were given to us by our fore- Jathers — with the hope, which I entertain, soon to see the bene- fits of similar institutions extended to the people of the Canadas, has prompted me to address you once more on a subject which I deem of the highest moment at this time, to every lover of liber- ty and the equal rights of man. It cannot be doubted that so long as Great Britain rests her spreading and inordinate dimensions upon her conquests, and her colonies — just so long the people of that nation will be made to submit to the sway and government of a moneyed aristocracy ; and whether they, who exercise the government, are called Whigs or Tories, they will be aristocrats — or call them if you please, Radicals or Reformers, they will be aristocrats still, with all their usual charateristics of — cash and corruption. As in Great Britain the moneyed power and the government is in firm alliance to oppose the people, and thereby to sustain the power of the one and the wealth of the other — so whatever influence the British aristocrats may have with the citizens of this republic, you will find it in all cases operating against the principles of democracy, and openly opposing every measure which may seem to be calculated to favor the establishment of democratic insti- tutions in the Canadas. When the great charter of our rights was adopted in this countrj by our patriot sires — when our political freedom was es- tablished, and our independence was acknowledged, the enumies of civil liberty and equal rights were not made friends to free institutions. The British aristocracy are as little in love with our democratic form of government at this time, as they were at the moment they were struggling to put down and to smother the spirit of patriotism and of liberty which burst forth at Lex- 'i i i; 27 ington and Bunker Hill : and may not the British aristocrats reasonably be supposed as ready now to destroy the democracy of our country as they were then to oppose its establishment? British influence is as deadly hostile, at this time, to the exis- tence of democratic institutions in America as were their mer- cenary bands of soldiers who were brought against our fore- fathers during their revolutionary struggle by their Gages, their Howes, their Tarletons, their Rawdons, and their Burgoynes and Cornwallises, and require as much vigilance on our part to be resisted. The influence which the British aristocracy may have in this country almost entirely depends upon the state of th^ commercial intercourse between the two ccuntries. This intercourse has been for a series of years past decidedly to the advantage of the British, and to the injury and almost to the ruination of our coun- try. Therefore, any measure of our government which may tend to deprive the British of this advantage in trade, will not only confer pecuniary benefits on our people, but it will prove alike a measure for sustaining and extending the principles and institutions of democracy. By reviewing the records of the commercial intercourse be- the LFnited States and Great Britain, we shall find that there has been, for many years, an annual importation of British ma- nufactures into this country, amounting in value to more than $90,000,000, while the exportations from the United States to to that country amount in value to barely $60,000,000. Hence it appears the British have an advantage in their trade with us, annually, to the amount of ^SO.O'JOiOOO; and from this has come the result that our country is drained of specie — our people are in debt — our manvfaeturers are ruined — and British goMs have taken the place of those of every kind, which should have been produced by our own hands — and thus it is, our people walk upon British car- pets, sleep under British blankets, eat upon British porcelain with British knives and forks, drink their wine, (" gin-cocktails" or " hard-cider /") from British cut glass, and parade their per- sons in the streets and public places, shining in British cloths and British finery ; and while it so exists we may rest assured that our people, more or less, will imbibe British principles, which will have the effect to array them against any measures for the li- beration of your country, in which you might desire aid and as- sistance from us. To counteract these evils is one of the prominent measures of the Democratic party. To perpetuate them would be the result of the measures proposed and advocated by the British whigs of this country. A prominent measure of the party who have put General Har- 1; 38 i| f- !' f;'i rison in nomination for the Presidency, is a high tariff, which they advocate as a protection to the American manufacturer. But a more idle scheme for the purposes of protection, could not possibly be conceived by wiso and learned statesmen. Allow Great Pritain to have gold and silver for a circulating medium in her own country, while we have a paper currency, t^ich ohepre- scribes for us, and no duties that we could impose on her manu- factures would exclude them from our country, or protect our own in the least. For whatever may be exacted on British goods, in the way ot duties, would come out of the pockets of the consumer in this country, if the present policy of our com- mercia! intercourse be continued — which is thus : Of her manufactures, Great Britain exports to the United States, to the value of $90,000,000 annually. For $60,000,000 of this amount, she takes her pay in the produce of our country, leaving $30,000,000 to be paid in bullion, or otherwise. Now, we have no mines by the coinage from which we are able to af- ford an annual amount of thirty millions of dollars to pay for Bri- tish goods — which our people do not want. But, after taking from our country all the specie they can glean, to make up for the deficit, the British take the stocks of our nine hundred bankst which they have, by their friends and agents in the United States, procured to be created for the express purpose of paying them- selves for their own manufactures ; and whenever bank stock has failed to be procured in quantities sufficient for the purpose, state bonds have been made to meet the demanil ; in the creation of which the British have been no less indirectly concerned. We have imposed duties on their goods, and the consumers have paid it, and British manufactures have continued to flood the country — while new creations of bank stock, and an increase of bank bills, with the consequent rise in the price of labor and of every kind of property, has enabled the British manufacturer to obtam undiminished prices for his fabrics. Nor have the British been compelled even to afford the amount of the duties imposed on their goods from the specie which their agents have gathered in our country, for while they have lugged the gold and silver from our shores, they have been permitted to pay the duties n worthless bank paper, on which there were but promises to pay — that which the institutions had not in their vaults to give. What has most facilitated the British in palming their manu- factures upon us, is the disposition which has been made of the duties when paid in. These moneys have been put into the possession of the banks, and this has enabled them to double their issues, and thus to expand the currency, and blow up the bub- ble of speculation, while the British have poured into our coun- try their manufactures with good round profits ; making the ta- 1 29 ch Br. lot )W in rC' lU- >ur ish of m. fed ] KX) i try. ow. :' af. '. Jri- 'S rifl^ which was said to have been put on for the purpose of their obstruction, afford the very means of bringing their goods into the country at an increased advantage ; and such is the condi- tion of the commercial intercourse between the two countries which it is the avowed policy of the British Whig party in the United States to continue.(l.) These operations, so ruinous in their efiect, not oiJy upon the currency and business of the country, but upon our political and social condition, are now, however, in part frustrated and bro- ken up. The public treasures of the nation have been with- drawn from the United States Bank, (an institution most deadly hostile in its character to the principles of free government, which is now wasting, slowly, what is left of its once bloated, but now poor, lean and shrunken form, that will soon pass, "un- honored and unsung ;") and by a recent enactment of our Con- gress they are no longer to be given to the keeping of irrespon- sible bankers ; but the moneys hereafter collected from the peo- ph for the support of government are to be kept in the hands of the people's servants, to be paid out and used only for the purpo- ses for which they are levied; and the duties on British and (1.) Extract from a letter received very recently, by a commercial gen- tleman in New- York, from another in England. " Mancliester, England, July 22, 1840. " Our business continues extremely dull — and 1 see little prospect of immediate improvement. Our market with America, is in a measure cut off, and if your Mobocratic or Democratic, (as it is called) Administration, succeed in carrying out their vile measures of reforming the currency, we may expect to lose our foothold in the United States, almost entirely. " I see your papers speak with much confidence of the success of Gen. Harrison to the Presidency office. I don't know who he is, but hope he may be elected, for if the Aristocracy in America do not succeed now, they may expect to be ruled by the farming and laboring classes forever. I know very well that your currency has been as bad as any thing could well be, for ymir country, and was well calculated to inflate prices to an unnatural extent, but you see, as long as that was the case, you could send no produce or manufactures abroad, becouse prices were lower every where else, than they were with you. and WE could supply all other markets, and send any amount to your country, and undersell you in ev- ery thing and take back gold in return, which is not wanted as long as your banks can create a paper currency of their own; so you see all your banking interests are benefited, your aristocracy and rich men receive great dividends, the laboring classes, as long as they can get enough to eat and drink ought to be satisfied, while we have the entire control of your vast country; but let that demagogue Martin Van Buren succeed, the banks lose their immense power, the rich and high born will lose their proper influence, by giving a more equal chance to the low herd; your produce growers and manufacturers will be able to beard US in our own den, while the market that we have had in your country, we shall be cut entirely ofl'from." 30 other foreign manufactures are hereafter to be paid in gold and silver, the legal currency of our country ; and bank bills, there- fore, will no longer afford a passport for British goods to the Uni- ted States. This, sir, is regarded, by every true democrat, as the begin- ning of a glorious reform ; and if the triumph of the Democratic party, who have thus commenced it, at the coming election, shall allow them to carry it out, happy indeed will it be for this coun- try ; and, then, if British agents here are allowed to create no more bank stock, or state bonds — our currency will at least ac- quire a broader specie basis — no more of British manufactures will be sent into our country than our own products will be ac- cepted for in payment — and then our own manufacturers may create their fabrics, and sell them for a profit, in defiance of the competition of the British with their pauper labor — and they will find that protection for their own manufactures in the «• specie system" which the " American system," or ** high tariff system" could not give ; and in the end our country will be rid of British goods and British influences. On the other hand, should the British Whig party succeed in placing themselves in power by means of the deceptions they are now practising upon the people, what evils to our country may we not expect. Pandora's box will then be opened ! Our country will continue to be flooded with British manufactures, and American manufactories will be closed. Gold and silver will no longer form even a part of our circulating medium — the specie here will be carried off and its place supplied by a flood of paper money, which will pervade the country and the whirl- wind of speculation will continue to rage. Another national bank will be ci-eated, into the gorging stomach of which will be thrown the money of the people. Its stock passes, either directly or indirectly into the hands of British capitalists — and it becomes allied to the great central moneyed power in London — and Great Britain through this medium will then as effectually control the business and destinies of this country as she would if we were again colonies of her crown. Let this but happen and you and your friends may cease talking of a revolution in the Canadas, The difference of tne condition of your country, and what ours would be then, *yould not be worth fighting for ! While you would be left without a hope for your country, we should have re- maining but the privilf ^-^e of contemplating what we might have been, if we had not suffered our glorious inheritance, which was bequeathed to us by our forefathers, and which cost them such a vast amount of toil, of suffering, of blood and of treasure, bar- tered away. Should the British Whig party get into power, a high tariff', no 31 > doubt, will be levied on British manufactures imported into this country, under the specious pretext of protecting American man- ufactures. But the surplus revenue ihereiiy created would be used by the agents of the British themselves to increase the issues of bank paper, and consequently to' keep up an exorbitant price on every species of property — and thus enable the British manu- facturers to send still more of their goods into our country — and to obtain still better prices. The American manufacturers would receive no protection whatever, but on the contrary bo for- bid to attempt a competition with the British manufacturers — for although they might be enabled to get a greater price for their fabrics, than they could if it were otherwise, yet the in- creased price of labor and of the articles which they must neces- sarily consume, would throw the advantage entirely on the side of the British manufacturers with their pauper laborers ; and the only gainers by this in our country would be the rich bank spe- culator — while all the laborincf classes, who are the principal consumers, would be greatly the losers. Prom the moment of the commencement of our revolutionary struggle up to the present date, the British government has had its friends among the people of this country ; and since the days of our republican forefathers, there has grown up in our land a moneyed aristocracy of great strength, and alien to the interest of the laboring class of our fellow-citizens, making every thing of the nobility of wealth, and little or nothing of intellectual or moral worth ; aiming to control the currency, capital, and trade of the country, and boldly aspiring by the most corrupt applian- ces, to legislative and governmental control. This power is eve- ry where awake ; and it is the ever ready agent of the British aristocracy in this country. I have now, sir, but to ask, if you are willing to be found giv- ing aid to put the power of our government into the hands of this moneyed aristocracy, who are so deadly hostile to liberty and equality ? That these moneyed aristocrats are so hostile, we have from a knowledge of the principles of their leading men — from their open opposition to the measures and principles of de- mocracy and their adherence to British influence and British interest; and from the sentiments of the newspapers they support. Sir, I am. Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, TH: J. SUTHERLAND. LETTER No. III. !■;■ m \if ii New.Yorh, June 25, 1840. To Dr. WoLFRED Nelson, Late of Lower Canada, now of Plattsburgh, N. Y. : Deae Sir — I penned my letter of the 15th inst. with the view te make that my last communication to you through the public prints. But, sir, while looking over the gross frauds which are daily and indefatigably being resorted to by the British Whig party, (in their present game for power,) to deceive the people — and, now, beholding their leaders endeavoring to combine the rich, by assuring to them the creation of new facilities to in- crease their already overgrown store, at the expense of the la- boring man — to attach the poor with the devices of log cabins, and the promise of high prices for services, and goods at low rate — to bring in the religious, by kissing their hands to the church — to gather the dissolute, by dealing out to them potations of hard ci- der — to entice the young and vain, by bringing women and girls to their pol'tical meetings, and to participate in their processions and spectacles — and to draw the friends of your country to their course, by whispering to their ears a hypocritical profession of patriotism and love of liberty, in order to procure the united sup- port of all these, for the candidate they have put in nomination for the office of chief magistrate of these United States — a man with nothing but a factitious character — the mere popinjay of the party by whom he has been brought forward, I could but feel myself justified in addressing you again on a subject to which you cannot, at least, be indifferent. In the nomination of General Harrison as a candidate for the office of President of the United States, by the British Whig party, " superior or splendid talents were not considered." So says their State Central Committee. «• But," say they who have put him in nomination, " we can make a glorious rally under his banner and reach the hearts of the people by his services." There- fore, you will perceive, sir, it is evident that they thought to ob- tain for him more consideration for his past services, than for his talents and capacity now to serve the people in the office for which they propose him. 33 According to my understanding there is no citizen of the Uni. tod States who can establish for himself claims to ate office, by any services which he may render his country in another. If the people confer upon a citizen an office which he accepts, and he performs its duties faithfully, according to the best of his abi< lities, he has done no more than was obligatory upon him ; and when he has received the salary or fees annexed to the of- fice, he has got all which he has a right to demand of the people in consideration of his services. Our citizens select from among themselves, individuals to fill the offices of government on ac- count of their supposed capacity to serve them in such offices — and they do not give their public offices to any as a reward for past services, however faithfully and efficiently those services may have been performed. Nevertheless, I would not be understood to say, that when a citizen has periled his life in the defengp of his country, or oth- erwise served it in a faithful and efficient manner, he has not en- titled himself to the esteem of his fellow-citizens ; and God for- bid that I should be found laboring to tarnish any honestly ac- quired fame, or to destroy the esteem which such person may have obtained with the people of this country. But, whenever a citizen lays claims to merit, for his services, which is not his due, and allows himself to be put up as a candidate for the high- est office in the gift of the people, and asks for their suffrages on account of his services, then the services of such citizen become a proper subject for public inquiry, and his claim to honor and merit is made a matter for the consideration of the people. If the claims of General Harrison for the suffrages of the Ame- rican people, are alone based upon the merit of his past services, (which are only in a rightful manner to be considered as afford- ing evidence of his capacity and abilities for future services,) then, certainly, the nature and character of his services may be inquired into, by any citizen, without being justly subjected to the charge of attempting to detract from any merit which does really belong to him, and if upon a fair examination of those per- formances, in which General Harrison claims to have rendered services to his country, it is shown that he has exhibited a want of capacity to perform, efficiently, the duties of any office with which he may have been entrusted, however correct his inleru tions might have been, it is a ffood objection to him now, and a sufficient reason why he should not at the coming election receive the votes of the people of the United States for the highest office within their gift. To attempt to form any just opinion of the movements and operations of an army, or of the talents and capacity of its com- mander, from those accounts which float along upon the public 3 .^l 11 i 94 1^ i voice, and which are picked up and catered, by the condnctr^rs of newppapprs, to foed the public curiosity, would b«3 t-xtrcriiely idle. Individuals not connected with an army, are allowed to obtain but very littio correct information of its movements and operations; and the only information worthy to be relied upon, is that which comes from persons holding military stations with the force — and from the reports of the commanding offu -^r. These last constitute, by far, the best and most certain ini'urma- tion, upon which to found an estimation of the conduct and cha- racter ot such officer. In the report of the proceedings of the Congress of the United States on the 17th day of December, 1811, there appears a copy of a letter over the name of General Harrison, bearing date at Vincennes, I8th of Nov. 1811, giving a detailed ticcoiiiit of tlio "Battle of the Wabash" or Tippecanoe ; which letter was ad- dressed by General Harrison to the Hon. William Eusiis, thea Secretary of War, ami was communicated by President Madi- son to the House of Representatives. The letter being thus communicated, and appearing with the published procet dings of Congress, puts its authenticity beyond a doubt, but if there was any thing more wanting to establish its genumeness we have it in the declaration of General Harrison himself — "that no honest man would sufTer his friends to publish documents in his name which were not genuine, and which he was not then willing to endorse." Wherefore, it will be conceded, that this account of the Battle of Tippecanoe, may be taken as coming from General Harrison himself, a.id just as it would now be endorsed by liini. By referrmgto the accounts given of the occurroncos of those times, it appears that in the summer and autumn of 1811, the In- dian tribes located alon^ the borders of our Western Territories had assumed attitudes of hostility towards our frontier settlfre, instigated, as it was supposed, by agents of the British Govern- ment, who wer-' then even more hostile to our people than the savages theraselv'''s. "In the year 1810," (says the National Intelligencer, of September, 1811,) "a Miaiii Chief havitjg re- ceived at Fort Maiden his usual donation of goods, was thus ad- dressed by Ellicott, the British Agent : ♦ My son, keep your eyes fixed on me — my tomahawk is up — be you ready — but do not strike until 1 give you the signal !' and every ace I'unt," (coru tinues the InleWgencer,) "we receive from that convuiy confirms the belief, that British agents among the Indiane i-xcite them against us, and furnish them with muskets, powder, ball, provi- sions," &.C. A great belt had then lately been sent around among the diffe- rent tribes for the purpose of forming a confederacy of the Indi- ans, in order, as our government was currently advised, " to o t 1! '-! 35 tcrs lely to and pon, ^vith >r. • ma- dia- ited opy e at tlic ad- lieQ adU thus r3 of ■roK^nt the great tcatcrs and prevent it from overjlowing them ;" and a cliiefof the Sliawanese, the Propliet, had coliect(!daHrnaU body of Indian warriors at his town on the northerly side of the Wabash, near the junction of tie Tippecanoe with that river, consistinff, principally, of the members of his own tribe, but re- inforced oy a few warriors from the neipliboringf tribes, with a view, as it was supposed, to make an attack upon tlw people of the frontiers of Indiana. Advitft'd of these proceedings on the part of the Indians, the President of the United States issued iiis order to General Har- rison, then Governor of the Territory of Indiana, directing him to take command of the forces of the United States stationed in the territorj', consistir;ij of tiie fourth regiment of infantry, and one company of tho 7th rc^jimcnt, under the command of Colonel Boyd, a small detachment of drajjoons, and a fraction of a compa- ny of ridemen, and after reinforcing tliem with detachments ot mounted riflemen and Indiana militia, which were ordered out for that purpose, to march npontho Prophet with such force, and to chastise him for his insolence, if he could not awe him into «ul)jection. Tho troops for ilm expedition having been concen- trated at Vincenncs, then the seat of government of the territory, from thence, or from Fort Harrison, about sixty miles above. Ge- neral Harrison took up his lino of march, sometime about the be- ginning of November. On the second or third day of the same month, lie arrived with his forces at Vermillion river, on the northerly side of the Wabash, where he erected a block house, for the protection of his b lats, which he was there obliged to leave, and as a depository for his heavy baggage and such part of his provisions as he was unable to transport in wagons. " On the raoririRg of the 3d instant," says General Ilnrrison, in hi« nc- «c;ount of tho btuiie of Tippecanoe, " I commenced my march from the hlock house. The VValiusli above tliis, turning considerably to the east- ward. I was ohhged, in order to avoid t!io broken and wco-'y coverts, whicii border upon it, to change my course westward of north, to gain e back of those woods. At the end of one clay's march. 1 was cnabu a to take tho proper direction, (N. E.) which brought me on the evening of the 5th, to a small creek at about eleven miles fiom the Prophet's town. I had on the preceding day, avoided the dangerous pass of I'ine cr/.ink, by inclining a few miles to the left, where The troops and wagons were crossed witli expedition and safety. Our ronto on the Gth, for about six miles, lay through prairies separated by ^mall points of wood." As the American forcea approached within four or five miles of the Prophet's town, understanding that the remaining part of the route was through an open wood, and the probability being greater that they should be attacked in front than on either flank, e several corps, three timea^ to range with if, and renew the (conflict. Tiie main body of the militia composed this line, with General Pickens at its head. At a suitable dis- tance rn the rear of the first Tin*, a second was stationed, composed of the continental infantry, and two companies of Virginia militia, commanded by Colonel Howard. Washington's cavalry, reinforced with a company of mounted railitia, armed wilii saijres, were held in reserve. " Posting himself, then, in the line of the regulars, he wailed in silcncff the advance of tjie enemy. "Tarleton, coming in sight, hastily formed his dispositian for battle, and commenced the -jsault. Of this condict, the folia wing picture is fron> rfie pen of General Lee ; " ' The American ligiit parties quickly yielded, foil back a»d arrayetl with Pickens. The enemy, shouting, rushed I'orwartl upon the front line, which retained its station, and poured in a close fire: but contin- uing to advance with the bayonet on our militia, they retired, and gained; with haste the «3Gond line. Here, with part of tlie corps, l^ickens took, post on Howard's right, aiwJ the rest lied to their horses, probably witli orders to remove tliem to a farther distance. Tarlelon pushed forward, and was received by his adversary with unshaken firmness. The con- test became obstinate; and each party, animated by the example of its- leader, nobly csntended for victory. Our line maintained itself so firmly, as to oblige the enemy to order up his reserve. Th3 advance of McAr • ihur reanimt.ted the British line, which again moved forward, and out- stretchinf jui front, endangered Colonel Howard's right. This othcer instantly took measures to defend his Hank, by directing his right compa- ihy to change it» front; but mistaking this order, the company fell back, upon which the line began to retire, aid General Morgan directed it ta retreat to the cavalry. This manoDUV j being performed with precision, our flank became relieved, and the new position was assumed witii promptitude. Considering this retrograde movement tlio precursor of ilight, the British line rushed on with impetuosity and disoi-der, but as it drew near, Howard faced about, and gave it a close and murderous lire. Stunned by this unexpected siiock, the most advanced of the enemy, re- coiled in confusion. Howard seized the happy moment, and followed hiff advantage with tho bayonet. This decisive step gave us the day. The reserve having been brought near the line, sliared in the destruction of our fire, and presented no rallying point to the fugitives. A part of the enemy's cavalry, having gained our rear, fell on tiiat portion of the mili- \..\ who had retired tO' their horses. Washington struck at themwi^h his dragoons, and drove them before him. Thus by a simultaneo eflbrt, the infantry and cavalry of the enemy were routed. Morgari prcssej home his success, and the pursuit became vigorous and gei>eral. '<^" ' In this lecisive battle, we lost about seventy men, of whom, twelve only were killed. Tlie British infontry, v,ith the exception of »lie bag- gage guard, were nearly all killed or taken. One hundred, including ten officers, were killed; twenty-three officers and five hundred privates, were taken. The artillery, 300 muskets, two standards, thirty-five baggagw- wagons, and one hundred dragoon horses, fell mto our possession-' " i:ll' 39 T ii:id »a the flislaiiciB of a mile. At half past two o''clock, we passed a 6.7iaU creek at il»e distance of one mile and a lialf from tl>o town, and entered an open wood, where the army was halted, and again drawn up in order <>( battle." This precautionary course, so just and proper to secure him- self against ambcscade or surprise, pursued by General Harris son in his approach upon the Indians, renders still more strange and unaccounrabjp, his extraordinary remissness alter his arrival at the Prophet's Town. A natural weakness must, indeed, be attendant upon the mind of that man who could exhibit at one time so much praiseworthy vigilance,and at the next moment,(with evidences crowding upon hiin of the danijers by which he was surrounded, and the necessity for continued vigilance,) be found tlisregarding all proper prec .ution, and thereby afford evidences of such a want of ordinary perception, as did General Karri- son, according to his own account of his conduct, on that occa- sion. " During ihe whole of the last day's march," says General Harrison, ''^parties of Jiidiaus icne co7)stantly about us, and every fjfiwl teas made by die irttei-prelers ■ ti' specJc to tlieiii, but in vain-! New attempts of the kind were no' t ma. » nt proving equally ineflectual, a Captain Dubois, of the spies on J ' ' firing to go with a flag to tlie town, I despatched him with an iu,.'?r) :;eter to request a conference with the Propiiet; \n a few mo- monls, a message was sent by Captain Dubois, to inform me that in his attempt to advance, the Indians appeared in both his flanks, and although ire had spokew to them in the mo3t friendly manner, they refused to an- swer, but beckoned him to go forward, and constantly endeavored to c.t hira off from the army> V/jon this information, I recalled the Captain, and determined to encamp for the night, and take some other means for opeu' t7!g a conference with the Prophet, (2.) Whilst I was engaged in tracing {2.) Burr's life of Harrison, gives the following: " The Captain started forward with an interpreter, and the army mo- ved slowly after, in order of battle. " The gallant envoy had not been gone long, before he sent back a fpessenger, to say tliat the Indians were around hnn in considerable num- bers, and endeavoring to cut him off from the army; and that they would not listen to the interpreter. The Governor immediately recalled the Cap- lain, and resolving to tre( ' '. • /ndians as enemies, moved on to attack them. He was met directly n'' >• '»y three Indians, one a counsellor of the Pro- phet. They vvere seiii to owvhy the army was advancing upon them, and stated that the F Oi • t is. ^d to avoid iiostilities, and had sent a pa- cific message by the li.dk .« '. -> .atched by the Governor from Fort Har- rison, but that these men ha ; '.fifortunately taken the southern route in their return, and thus missed tin. army." Then, in an article in the Tippecanoe Text-Iinok, stated to be an ex- tmct from McAffee's History of the War in the Western country, it is said: "Governor Harrison, during tliis last effort to open a necotiaiion, which was sufiicient to show his wish for an uccommodation, resolved no longer to hesitate in treating the Indi.tns as enemies, lie, therefore, recalled Cap- tain Dubois, and moved on with a ddsrmiiiatioii to attack them," All thcso 40 I f i^'l m the lines for the encampment, Major Daviess, who commanded the dra- goons, came up to inform mc that he had penetrated to the Indian fields—' that the ground was entirely open and favorable— thut the Indians in front, had manifested nothing but hostility, and had answered every attempt ta bring them to a parley, with contempt and insolence. It was immediately advised by all the ofhcers around me, to move forward. A similar wish, indeed, pervaded all the army— it was drawn up in excellent order, and every man appeared eager to decide the contest immediately. Being informed that a good encampment might be iiad upon the Wabash, I yielded to what appeared the general wish, and directed tlie troops to advance, taking care, however, to place the interpetrers in front, with directions to invite n conference with any Indians they might meet with. We had not advan- ced above four hundred yards, when I was informed that three Indians had approached the advanced guards, and had expressed a wish to speak to me. I found upon their arrival, that one of them was a man in great estimation with the Prophet. He informed me, ' that the chiefs were mucli surprised at my advanang upon them so rapidly— that they were given to understand by the Delawares and Miamies, whom I had sent to them a few days before, that I won'd not advance to their town, until I had re- ceived an answer to my demands made ih "t.h them. That this answer had been despatched by the Potawatamie chiei ' . c, who had accompanied the Miomieg and Delawares on their retu. >t they had left the Pro- phet's town, two days before, with a design i^ • etme, but unfortunately taken the road on the south side of the Wabash.' I answe 'ed them ' that I hadno intention of attacking them, until I had discovered that they would not comply with the demands which I hadmade — that I would go on and encamp at the Wabash, and in the morning would have a7i interview with the Prophet and his chiefs, and explain to them the determination of the President — that in the mean time, no hostilities should be committed.' He seemed much pleased with this, and promised m& that it should be observed on his part. I then resumed my march; we struck the cultivated grounds about five hundred yards below the town, but as they extended to the bank of the Wabash, there was no possibility of getting an encampment which was provided with both wood and water. My guards and inter- preters being still with the advanced guards, and taking the direction of the town, the armv foI-Lowep, and advanced within about 150 yards, when about 50 or 60 Indians sallied out, and with loud exclamations, called to the cavalry and to the militia infantry, which were on my right flank, to halt. 1 immediately advanced to the front, caused the army to halt, and directed an interpreter to request some of the chiefs to come to me. In a few moments, the man who had been with me before, made his appearance. I informed him that my object for the present, was to pro- cure a good piece of ground to encamp on, where we could get wood and water— /f« informed vie that there was a creek to the norihtcest, which he thought would suit our purpose. I immediately despatched two officers to examine it, and they reported that the situation was excellent. I then took leave of the chief, and a mutual promise was ngain made for a suspension of hostilities until we could have nn interview on the following day." If "during the wole of the last day's march, parties of Indians were constantly hovering about him," General Harrison was accounts were cither published by General Harrison — or under his per- sonal supervision. Which is the truth 1 Let his confidential committee answer. 41 thereby notified, that they were reconnoitering his forces, and that they were keeping a good look out upon his movements ; and their hostility was as clearly evidenced by the fact, " that every effort thai was made by the interpreters to speak to them, was but in vain." If these circumstances had not satisfied General Harrison, that the Int'ians were belligerant in their in* tentiuns towards him and his army, the fact that they refused to communicate with Capt. Dubois, and attempted to cut him off; and the communication of Major Daviess, " that the Indians in front had manifested nothing but hostility, and answerd every at- tempt to bring them to a parley, with contempt and insolence," ought to have done so— ought to have put him on his guard, and prompted him t.. the greatest precaution against a surprise — and by efficiency of measures, he ought to have satisfied the Indians of the strength and vigilance of his army. When " every man appeared eager to decide the contest," and the chiefs of the Indians " were much surprised at his advancing upon them so rapidly," was it not then, sir, the time for him to have struck the blow — or, to have put himself in such position as to have been able to destroy the savages at the moment they refused his terms ? and should he not have required them to comply instanter? Until he "had received an answer to his demands," should he not, 1 would again inquire, have taken and held possession of their town ? If " an answer had been dispatched by Winemac, who had gone down on the aouth side of the Wabash," the Pro- phet, notwithstanding, was there, ready to give an immediate answer himself. If the conduct of the Indians had not convinced General Harrison that it was not their intension to comply with his demands, I know not what could have done so. Until iie had Iiad an intci view, at least with the Prophet himself, his troops should not have laid by tlieir arms. Why delay till morning to demand an answer which had already been made up by the Pro- phet and sent off with Winemac] What General, (save Har- rison,) who had regard for his own life and that of his officers and soldiers, would hav^ allowed sleep to come over them, while they lay within the grasp of a hostile wily Indian foe 1 Energy of character and promptitude of action, are among the most essential qualities of an able military chieftain. But, these, without promptitude of decision, which is alone to be found where genius abides, would leavj an individual extremely deficient as the commander of an army. Then, sir, I ask you, and every oth- er individual of a discerning mind — and I care not whether they have so nii:ch knowledge of military operations as a spinster, to read the account of the battle of Tippecanoe, as given by General Harrison himself, and tell me if he did not, by his own showing, there exhibit a most palpable, and as it proved, a most unfortu- m 42 m W .; i> ^ l! :i nate and sinful want of decision. Having onco •' determined to encamp for the night" on ground of his own choosing, " while he was tracing the lines for the encampment," he was induced to ^^ yield to tvliat appeared to be the general wish, and directed the troops to advance." This ** general wish*' as he informs us, was ^^ to decide the contest immediately.^' But, when the enemy sent their messengers to him to express "their surprise at liis ad- vancing upon them so rapidly," forsooth ! he tells the savages " he had no intention of attacking them — until he had discovered that they would not comply with the demands which he had made" — a matter which they had already fully shown to him by their deportment. Yet, notwithstanding, he suflers "his ad- vanced guards" to be «• followed by his army," and " to advance within about twenty-seven rods" of the Prophet's Town — then when he hears the " loud exclamations" of the frightened sava- ges, " he advances to the front and causes his army to halt," and at the request of the terrified Indians, turns off to the left, and takes up his encampment on ground selected for him hy his savage foes ! " But stop, sir," I fancy you may say, " You are assailing Gen- eral Harrison's reputation as an officer — and do you not know that his conduct at the Tippecanoe, was approved of by President Madison, and that his military genius and skill has been applaud- ed by Genew~' Miller?" That I do, sir, I answer — and I do fur- ther know, that the learned Bishop Berkley once wrote a book to prove that there was no sxch thing as matter; and that the Rever- end Gotten Mather wrote another book with a view to prove that there were such creatures as witches ! Notwitl:standing, every body still perceives there is matter, and no body now believes in witches.(3.) (U. ) That it may not be said that it is a rib vv thing to question General Harrison's character' as a military commander, and that 1 am among the lirst to do so, 1 give the following extract from the New- York Spectator, (if October 20, 1813, then a leading federal paper, and now one of the first oF the British Whig organs of this state, and among the most ardent sup- porters of General Harrison for the Presidency: "Harrison was employed, and Ohio militiamen hy thousands, and oven tens of thousands, placed in his hands. With the aid of the unfor- fanate Winchester, ho delivered one army to death and captivity at the kiver Raisin; and sacrijked half of aiiothei- at 'Fokt: Mkigs.'" "He was besieged in that Fort for months by a few British and Indians ; and instead of marching to Maiden or retaking Detroit, ho always acted on the defensive. " He called loudly, more than once, for all the militia of Ohio, to save him from the tomahawk of the savage. More than once, Kentucky, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and even the mountains of Virginia, poured forth their motley hosts to his relief and rescue. Discvmjiture, cajitivilt/ and disgrace, attended all his movements." ^ 43 "I found the ground destined for the encampment," says General Har • rison, " not altogether such as I could wish it." Again, by turning to the 5th voL of Niles' Register, page 172, of the 6th of INovember, 1813, the following passage will be found: " At a special meeting of the Couiuion Council of New- York, n motion was made to present Major (Jencrikl Harrison with a sword and the free- dom of the city, as tiie like had been bestowed on Decatur, Perry, &c. But the motion was NEGATIVED ; Ayes 5— WOES 12." Then, here is an extract from the Journals of the fSenate of the United States, as reported in Niles' Register, April 13, ICIC: " The Senate resumed the consideration of the joint resolution, direct- ing medals to be struck, and, together with the thanks of Congress, pre- sented to Major General Harrison and Governor Shelby, and for other purposes. After some discussion, Mr. Lacock moved to amend the reso- lution, by striking therefrom Mcjor General Harrison. The motion was determined in the affirmative, by the following vote: " Yeas — Messrs. Giilard, Gore, Hunter, King, Lacock, Mason, Roberts, Thompson, Jackson, Tait, Turner and Varnum — 12. " Nays — Messrs. Barber, Barry, Coiidit, Horsev, Macon, Morrow, Ruggles, Talbot, Wells, and Williams— 10." The following opinion of Gen. Harrison's military qualifications, was expressed by the officers of his army, at tbe time he was in command. They were certainly better judges then, tliau others can bo after the lapse of twenty-five years. " Grand Camp, Ohio Mlitia, August 29, 1813. ****** " Resolved, That alter tiie various requisitions and complicated demands from his Excellency, Major General Harrison, we highly approve of his Excellency, the Governor's conduct on the occasion, and fully coincide with iiim in the propriety of leaving force sufficient to answer any emergency. » # # # • " DU' Resolved, That the conduct of his Excellency, the Commander- in-Chief, WILLIAM H. HARRISON, of the North-western Army, oa this occasion, is shrouded in mystery, and to us. perfectly inexplicable. ** Resolved, That the foregoing preamble and resolutions bo signed by the general and field officers and commandants of independent corps, ap- proving the same in their own and in behalf of tlieir respective com- mands; and that a copy of the proceedings be delivered by the Secretary tc his Excellency the Governor, and a copy to the printer at Franklmton, and each of the printers in Chillicothe, with a request that all the prin- ters in the State would give publicity to the same; also, that the same be signed by the president, and attested by the secretary. " JAMES MANARY, Brigadier General, President. " Attest: Ezra Osburn, Brigade Quartermaster, Secretary. Robert Lucas, Brig. Gen. Allen Trimble, Major, John McDonald, Col. N. Beasley, Capt. Com't. James Denny, Col. James Wilson, Major, William Keys, Col. Presly Morris, Brig. Major, John Furgison, Col. John Boggs, Major. Isaac Bonser, Col. Wm. Rutledgc, Brig. Major, James Kilgore, Major, Richard Hooker, Capt. Com't. John Willet, Major, Eden Fennimoro, Brig. Q. M. "WILLIAM KEY BOND, Judge Advocate," t J. 44 ;r.1 f flj Why, then, in the name of common sense, did he puthia army dcrt'n upon itl The possession of the most ordinary perceptive faculties would have sent him to some other spot. Why was the ground "not altogether such as he could wish iti" To this question, he affords the answer. The ground, he says, " was indeed, admirably calculated for the encampment of regular troops that were opposed to regulars — but it afforded great faci- lity to the approach of savages .'" Were his troops opposed to regulars — or were there any in the country from ivhom he might fear an attack 1 No — not one! But there was an Indian foe whom he had marched out to subdue, and whose approach, un- der the cover of night, he had leason to fear. Yet, (as we have it in his own account of his conduct,) within an enemy's territory, and that enemy savages, " who had manifested nothing but hos- tility," he encamped his men, and suffered them to sleep on ground pointed out for him by the enemy, and which he also knew ** afforded great facilities to the approach of savages." General Harrison states that he followed the practice of Gene- ral Wayne, in the formation of the columns of his army, and it would seem that there were much more which he might have copied to advantage from the conduct of the old hero of the In- dian wars. Had General Harrison remembered the lessons of military instruction which were communicated to him by General Wayne, he had not applied to his enemy to point out to him the ground on which he loas to encamp his army. For it is well known to have been the principle and practice of Wayne, not to let his adversary know where his men were encamped for the night. "It was a piece of dry oak land," says General Harrison, "rising ahoitt ten feet above the level of the marshy prairie in front, (towards the In- dian town,) and nearly twice that height, above a similar prairie in the rear, through which, and near to this bank ran a HmaWaiTeamclothedwith willows, aiid other limshwood. Towards the left flank, this bencli of high land widened considr/rably, but became gradually narrower in the oppo- site direction, and at the distance of one liundred and fifty yards from the right flank, terminated in an abrupt point. The two columns of infantry, occupied the front and rear of this ground, at the distance of about one hundred and fifty yards from each other on the left, and something Gen, Miller, who lately wrote a letter to the Hon. Mr. Webster bols- tering up Gen. Harrison's military character, told a different story at Hancock, N. H., where the people gave him a public dinner, directly af- ter the war. In his speech on that occasion. Gen. Miller, after compli- menting most of the promintint officers of thearmy, said, " as for General Harrison, he sliould not speak of him as HE DID NOT CONSIDER HIM AS POSSESSING EITHER THE COURAGE OR ABILITIES NECESSARY TO MAKE A GOOD OFFICER." This can be proved by unimpeachable evidence, if Gen. Miller or his friends deny it. — Bost. Post, rmy tive was this was ular 'aci- to ight foe 45 more than half that distance on tho right flank — these flnnki were filled up, tlie first, by two companies of moimtedrijleinen, nmounting to about one hundred and twenty men, under tho command of Major General Wells of the Kentucky militia, who served as Major; the other by Spericer'a com- pany of viounted riflemm, which amounted to eighty men. The front line was composed of one battalion of United Stotes infantry, under com- mand of Major Floyd, flanked on the right hy two covipanies oi mWxlm, and on the left by one company. The rear line was composed of a battalion of United States troops, under the command of Captain Baen, acting as Major, and four companies of militia ivfantry, under Lieutenant Colonel Decker. The regular troojif) of the line joined the mounted ritlernen, un- der General Wells on the left flank: and Colonel Decker's battalion form- ed an angle with Spencer's company on the left, fright.] (4.) " Two troops of dragoons, amounting to, in the aggregate, about sixty men, were encamped in the rear of the left flank, and Captain Parke's troop, which was larger than the other two, in the rear of the front line. Our order of encampment varied little from that above described, excep- ting when some peculiarity of the ground made it necessary. For a night attack, the order of encampment, was the order of battle, and each man slept immediately opposite to his post in tho line. It was my constant custom, to assemble all the field oflficers. at my tent every evening, by signal — to give them the watch-word and their instructions for the night — those given the night of the sixth, were that each corps which formed a part of the exterior line of the encampment, should hold its own ground until relieved. The dragoons were directed to parade, dismounted, in case of a night attack, with their pistols in their belts, and to act as a corps de reserve. The camp was defended by two captain's guards, con- sisting each of four non-commissioned officers and forty-two privates, and two subaltern's guards of twenty non-commissioned officers and privates. Tne whole under the command of a field officer of tho day." (4.) In the Tippecanoe Text-Book, pije 10 and 11, appears an extract from McAffee's history, with a certificate of Waller Taylor, who was aid to General Harrif.on. certifying that the same is entirely correct, as it re- lates to the situation of the ground upon which Harrison encamped his ar- ray. Mr. Taylor in his certificate, says—" the spot was selected by him- self and one Clark, who acted as Brigade Major to Colonel Boyd," and hp declares " that no intimation was given by the Indians of their wish that the Americans should encamp there.'" Mr. Walter Clark also further certifies — " that he did not go to the Wahaxh above the town — but that it has ever been his belief [strong testimony !] that the position General Harrison's army occupied, was the best that could be found any where near them; and that he believed that nine-tenths of the officers were of that opinion:" and "J. Snelling. Lieutenant Colonel of the 6th infantry," gives his certificate also, " that in his opinion, the ground on which the army encamped, combined the advantage of wood and water, and a de- fensible position in a greater degree than any other spot in that section of the country." These certificates were made to sustain General Harrinon's character, as a military chieftain. But the only force I can discover in them, is to contradict General Harrison. If he has written truly, then their certifi- cates pass for nothing. Further, if General lii\rt\aon trusted no Colonel or other officer, as he has himself stated, the certificates of his subordinates are without credit. 46 ,1; Such was the tllsposition midc by Gon. Ilarrison of his forces, on the ill-fated evening of the Glh of November, 1811, when hie people lay down to sleep, to be awakened by "the yells of the savages," — and many were aroused i)Ut to meet the Indians at the door of their tents, and to have their brains knocked out with their murderous tomiiliawks. "The camp was defended by two captain's guards, consisting nnch of four non-commissioned officers and forty-two privates and two subaltern's guards of twenty non-commissioned officers and privates." Tliis formH an aggregate of 112 officers, non-commissioned officers anu privates. Deducting for the officers and non-commissioned of- ficers twelve, the guards are sdown to have embraced one hun- dred sentinels, which by appointing one-third, the usual number, to be on duty at a time, would give men for thirty-three posts with single sentinels; and thefo camp guards were all the pro- tection which was aHbrded to General Harrison and his sleeping army. Not a picket did he send out ! Not a single out-post did he establish, to watch the movements of the enemy ! «» It may, perhaps, be imagined," says General Harrison, " that some means might have been adopted, to have made a more early discovery of the approach of the enemy to our camp — but," continues ho, "if I had employed two-thirds of the army, on out-posts, it would have been ineffectual." Who, ever be- fore, or since, has read or heard of a commander of an army having put himself do^vii within the neighborhood of an enemy, and under his v»Ty eye, without sending out a single picket, or establishing an out-post to observe the movements of his adver- sary? In this. General Harrit^on's conduct is wittiout a parallel; and what is his excuse? Why, "that if he hadu^ed two-tliird< of his army for that purpose, it would have been ineffectual; that the Indians would have found means to pass between them !" JMonstrous ! It is but a common circumstance that pickets and out-posts arc surprised and cut off and that sen'inels are evaded — but what commander, save General Harrison, with the sup- position that this might pose-bly be done, has neglected to esta- blish out- posts, to send out pickets and to post sentinels? In my opinion, if General Harrison had acted with due precaution, even after he had taken up his position on the untavorable ground, (for him,) which had been pointed out by his enemy, he would have established out- posts in or so near the Prophet's town, as to have been able to watch the movements of the Indians — with pickets sent out in difTorent directions from his camp, taking posts at such places as affijrded the best advantage to observe the approacli of the savages ; and to these he would have added frequent patroles. Had he made such precautionary arrangements, (instead of laying himself down to sleep with but a few senti- «' .'fc 47 ncls within hia camp,) though they all might possibly havn been evaded by tlio savages, the probability is, lliat they wou'd not, at least, ho far as to have allowed them to furround his wholo force, before he was aware of their approach. One would have supposed that the vigilance of the Indians, "who were constantly about him durii ^' the whole of the last day's march," observing his movements and liis every step, would have admonished General Harrison of the necessity of keeping a look out for them, (if his military genius had not suggested it to his mind,)but it seems it (lid not. The wholo conduct of General Harrison on that occasion, so unfortunate toour fellow-citizens who served under his command, was highly censurable. Any one who will take the trouble to examine the account published by himself, will find nothing to commend — but every thing to condemn. The forces of General Harrison, amounted to very little above eight hundred non-com' missioned officers and "privates. Tho Prophet's forces, he thinks to have been but a trifle inferior to his own. He is *^ convinced they were at least six hundred.'^ The Indians had observed all his pr-viotis movements, and when they saw him enscoiiced in camp on I he extremity of the table of land, just where they desi- red him, surrounded by marshy prairies and bushes close up to his linos, within which, (as they found, upon reconnoitering,) the whole of his forces were drawn, quiet and sleeping, with not a man outi^ido of the lines of his camp to observe their movements — they, no doubt, thought his people an easy prey — they then looked upon G!>noral Harrison and his men, as they did upon the animals that blindly run into their snares — and trusting in the weakness as well as the unwaryness (jf the Americans, and the advanta- ges which a surprise would afTord them, and being emboldened by the n«ar equality of their numbers, they resolved to make tlie attack, which resulted in the killing and woundingof one hundred and ei'fhty-cight of the Americans, among which number fell some of thu most valuable and exalted citizens of our country, at the expense of the lives of thirty-six or forty of the Indians — who had been mistaken ; fir what they supposed the rccakness ot the Ame: jans, was but the weakness of their General! The following is the account given by General Harrison of the proceedings of his forces during the attack : " The troops were rogiilarly called up an hour before day, and made to continue underarms until it was quite light. On the morning of the 7th I had risen at a qunrtcr after four o'clock, and the signal for ctiling out the men, would have hecn given in two minutes, when the aUack com- menced. It t)egari on the left flank — but a sivgte gun wns fired by the sen- tinets, or hy tlie guard in that direction, which made not the lenst resist- ance, i)ut almndoned the officer, and fled into camp, and the first notice which the troops of that flank had of the danger, was from the yells of the 48 II •; j/i»fl4<'i, teilh'in a short dUtanc* of the /j/i*— but evea under those circum* atnnct'S, the men were not wanting to thomselveii or to the oucusion. Such of tliem an were awake, or were easily awakened, seized their arms and took their stations : ot/ters which were more tardy, had to cottteiid with the eiumy in the doors of their tents. The siorm /irnt foil upon Captain Barton't company of mounted ritlemen, which formed the Ifft angle of the rear line. The fire upon these was oxccsaively severe, and thoy sud'ered considera- bly before relief could be brought to them. Hume few Indinns passed into the encampment near the angle, and one or two penetrated to some dis- tnnce before Ihey were killed. I believe all the other companios were un- der orms, and tolerably formed before thoy were fired on. 'I'ho morning was dark and cloudy — our fires affonkd a partial light, which, if it gave us some opportunity of taking our position:!, wiis still more advantageous to the enemy, affording them the means of taking a surer aim — they were therefore extinguished as soon us possible. Under all those discouraging circumstances, tlie troops, (ninoteen-twentieths of whom had never been in an action before,) behaved in a manner that can never be too much ap- plauded. I'hey took their places without noise, and with less confusion than could have been expected from veterans placed in a similar situation. As soon as I could mount my horse, I rode to the angle that was attacked — I found tliat Barton's company hadsuflered severely, and the left of Gei- ger's entirely broken. I immediately ordered Cook's company, anr! the late Captain Wentworth's, under Liejitenant Peters, to be brought iipfrom the centre of the raar line, where the ground was much more defensible, and formed across the angle in support of Barton's a'ld Ueiger's. My at- tention was then engaged 6y a heavy firing from the left of the front line, where wore stationed the small company of United Stales Riflemen, (then, however, armed with muskets,) and the compa lies of liaen, Sn-lling, and Prescott, of the 4th regiment. I found Mnjor J )uvic8s forming th" Dragoons, in the rear of those companies, and understanding that the heaviest part of the enemy's (ire proceeded from sonie trees about fifieen or twenty pa- ces in front of those companies, I directed the Major to dislodge them ioith a part of the Dragoons. Unfortunately, the Major s gallantry deter- mined him to execute tlie order with a smaller force than was siffficient, which enabled the enemy to avoid him in front, and attack h's flanks. The Major was mortally woutided, arid his party driven back. The Indians were, how- ever, immediately and gallantly dislodged from their advantageous! posi- tion, by Captain Snelling, r* the head of his company. Li the course of a few minutes after the commencement of the attack, the fire extended along the LEFT FtANK, the WHOLE OF THE FRONT, the RIGHT FLANK, and PART of the rear line. Upon Spencer's mounted Riflemen, and the right of Warwick's company, which was posted on tlio right of the roar line, it was excessively severe; Captain .Spencer and his first and second Lieu- tenants were killed, and Captain Warwick was morlally wounded — those companies, however, still bravely maintaining their posts, but Spencer's had suffered so severely, and having originally ton much ground to occu- py, [ reinforced them with Robb's company of Riflemen, which lind been driven, or by mistake, ordered from their position, on the left Hank, to- wards the centre of the camp, and filled the vacancy thnt had been occu- Sied by Robb with Prescott' s company of the 4th United States Regiment. [y great object was to keep the lines entire, to prevent the enemy from breaking into the camp, until day-light, which snould enable me to make a general and effectual charge. With this view, I I ad reinforced every part of the line that had suffered much; and as soon as the approach of 49 morning diicovored itself, I witlidrow from the front lino SiuUiHg'i, Po- 9*y'», (under Lieutenant Albrig.Jj and Scott's — and from tiie roar line. WiUon's companies, and drew them up upon tho left flnnk, and at the ■ame time, I ordered Cook's and Saen's companies, the former IVora the roar, tho latter from the front line, to reinforce the right Hank; foroaoeing that at these points, the enemy would make their last efTorts. Major WelU, who commanded on the left flank, not knowing my intentions pre- cisely, had taken the coinntfind of t/tese companies, and charged the enemy, be- fore I liad formed the dragoons, with which I meant to support tho in- fantry; a small detachment of these, wore, however, ready, and proved amply sufficient for the purpose. The Indians were driven at the point of the bayonet, and the dragoons pursued and forred them into tho marsh, where they could not be followed. Captain Cook and Lieutenant Lar- abee had, agreeably to my order, marched their companion to the right flank, had formed them under the fire of the enemy, and being then joined by the riflemen of that flank, had charged the Tndimt->, killed a number, and put the rest to a precipitate flight. A flavor^ ble oppo •tunity was here offered to pursue the enemy with dragoons, but being engaged at tliat time on tht other flank, I did not observe it until it was too late."{i,) Such is General Harrison's account of the affair at Tippeca- noe — so disgraceful to him, as a military commander — and unfor- (5.) DIAGRAM OF THE BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 1 Prescott, SSnellins, SLaiaboe, 7 Hawkins, U S inf. commanded by Major Floyrt.— 2 Brown, 4 Cook, 6 Peters, 8 Banon, U. S. inf. comiiiandod by Captain Baen.— 9 Scott, 11 Albright, Indiana tniliiia, r.uminanded by Major Redmond— 10 Warwick, 12 Wilson, 13 Hargrove, 14 Wilkins, coininanded i)y Lieut. Col. Uecker.— 15 Robb, 16 Geijier, mounted riflemen, commanded by Major Wells. — 17 Spencer, mounted riflemen, commanded by Capt. Spencer— 18 , If , 20 Parke, dragoons, cuuiuianded by Major Daviess. 50 1 .1 ?i . tnnate to the brave men whorr he commanded. He eilhwed his army to be placed in a position where they could ;iot aet, and to be surprised — and all they could the/i do, was to keep their liaes entire, and the savages from penetrating their camp, until daylight, (as it was stated by General Harrison ;) and standing there in their places they could but receive the shot of the ene- my, the darknass of night preventing any movement by them * and though they might fire their rifles in the direction of the foe, their shots were but at random — and when the day dawned the Indiana were easily routed ; the hopes of the savages having been based upon a surprise, and the condition of th<^ir unwary adversary — if no charge at all had been made uron them by the Americans, the light of the morning would have dispersed them. The attack «« begar, on the left Jtank** — and the first notice the troops on that flank had of their danger, was **from the yells of the savages," who were then already upon them. " Such ofikem,'* says General Harrison, ♦« as were awake, or easily avjakened, sei- zed their arms and took their stations : others which were more tardy, had to contend with the enemy in the door of their ^ral Harrison had under his command ; and those who fell were the most gallant and efficient of his army. (7.) (7.) A general return of the killed und wounded of the army under the command of his Excellency William Henry Harrison. Governor and Commander- m-Chief of t'>e Indiana Territory, in the action with the In- -dians, near Prophet's Town, November 7, 1811. Kiited—Qae aid-de-catnp, one contain, two subalterns, one sei^eant, Swo corporals, thirty privates. Woimded— -since dead—Oae major, two captains, twenty-two privates. WouTtded— Two lieutenant-rolonels, one adjutant, nine sei^geoats, five post been stationed in the vicini- ty, it is not to be supposed that they all would have behaved in like manner and fled into camp without firing so as to alarm the whole army before the Indians were upon them. But there were no out-posts. Soon after the attack commenced, as we are informed by General Harrison, " having his attention enga- ged by a heavy firing from the left of his front line," he proceed- ed in that direction, where he states he found Major Daviess form- ing the dragoons, <*and understanding that the heaviest part of the enemy's fire proceeded from some trees, about fifteen or twenty paces iii front, he directed the major to dislodge them with a part of the dragoons." But what part of the dragoons were then formed, or what part of them he directed Major Daviess to make the charge with, does not appear. He tells us, howe- ver, " that unfortunately the major's gallantry determined him to execute the order with a smaller force than was sufficient, which enabled the Indians to avoid him in front, and to attack his flanks — ^that the major was mortally wounded, and his party dri- ven back." This is, to say the least of it, an ingenious manner, if not an honorable one, for a Commander-in-Chief to account for the failure of a movement made under his own personal direction. Major Daviess was among the dead, when General Harrison drew up his account — and he could not contradict it, however false the statements of his general might be. If I should en- deavor to make the account probable, I would suppose that Ma- jor Daviess attacked the savages at the moment he was directed to do so by General Harrison, and with every dragoon who had got his breeches on, and whom he had then formed — and that he was defeated in his attempt to drive the enemy from their lodg- ment, from the insufficiency of his force, and the want of support. *' The Indians were, however, immediately and gallantly dislodg- ed from their advantageous position by Captain Snelling, at the head of his company," but it does not appear that Snelling, in making this charge, acted under the direction of General Harrison. In a few minutes after the battle commenced, says General HarrisOi^v " the fire extended along the leftjlank, the whole of the front, the right flank, and part of the rear line." This shows him to have been completely surrounded at the moment of the attack ; and now I would appeal to you, sir, and to the judgment of every man of sense in the whole country, whether acquainted with military science or not, if this could have been effected ay the savages, without having given the alarm to General Harri- I 11 son and his army, had he Bent out any reasonable n'imber of pickets and established proper out-posts. The rear angle of the lines on the left had been attacked and broken, the anele on the left in front had been severely attacked, and one of the compa- nies driven in— the rear angle on the right, had been as violent- ly assailed, as well as the company covering the intervening ground between the two lines on the right ; and if they were not broken, they had suffered so much, that it had been necessary to reinforce them. Thus was our brave countrymen sorely beset, when — " as the approach of morning discovered itself. General Harrison withdrew from his front and rear line, four companies which he drew up on the leil, and two companies which he sent to the right, foreseeing, (as he sayn he did,) that at these points the enemy would make their last effort." Major Wells, who commanded on the left flank, « not knowing General Harrison's intentions, precise'y, had taken the command of these companies, and charged the 3nemy, before the general had formed the dra- goons, with which he meant to support the infantry." JTie In- dians vxre routed and driven by Major Wells—hut certainly, this gallant achievement of his, could not be placed to the credit of the military skill of General Harrison, who did not even direct it. and of whose intentions the gallant Wells was ignorant at the time he made the movement. Captain Cook and Lieutenant Larabee having arrived on the right flank with their companies, and being join^ by the riflemen of that flank, charged the In- dians, killed a number, and put the rest to a precipitate flight. But neither this gallant act, which drove the Indians entirely ofii and terminated the engagement, could be given to the credit of General Harrison, as he does not claim to have ordered it, and he states himself to have been engaged, at the time, on the other flank. Thus examining the conduct of General Harrison at Tippecanoe, from the account furnished by himself, it appears he had little hand in the movements which resulted in the dispersing of the Indians, and that every charge that was made by nis for- ces upon them, except the one conducted by Major Daviess, (6.) (8.) The following has appeared in the " Log Cabin," as a note to an extract from Burr's Life of Harrison; and if it is true, then even the at- tack made by Major Daviess, did not originate with Gen. Harrison; and therefore, whether that act brought honor or blame, it should not be charged to Gen. Harrison. " Upon theiirst alarm, the Governor mounted his horse, and proceeded toward the point of attack; and finding the line much weakened there, lie ordered two companies from the centre of the rear line to march up, and -form across the angle in the rear of Barton's and Geiger's companies. In passing through the camp toward the left of the frontline, he met with Major Daviess, who informed him that the Indians, concealed behind !:,;_- 54 i 1 In' |il which vas a pecnTiarly unfortunate one, waa mad'c without anjr directioDH from him. Hence, it is plain and palpable, that the arrangement of the army, in which there was exhibited bo much re* missness and weakness, as to provoke t^e savages to make their attach^ was the offspring of the mind of Greneral Harrison, him-^ self, while all those gallant acts which repulsed the enemy, and put them to flight, were performed without his direction, and •would have all been done, if he had not been there. That the forces of GJeneral Harrison should have conducted themselves with coolness and determined bravery in the defence of this eamp, was to bu expected — for they were brave men; and/ then, they had no choice — as it was death or victory. There was some attempt by'General Harrison, in drawing up> his account of the Battle oi Tippecanoe, to gloss over his ex- tremely culpable conduct in that unfortunate and deplorable af- fair ; and with this view he exultingly adds a postscript to bis let- ter, in which he states ♦* that not a man of his waa taken prison- er ; and that of three scalps taken bi/ the Indians ftwo of them were recovered.** To say nothing of the fact that the Indians had been permitted to penetrate his lines, and to kill and scalp hii"* men within his camp — it was u very strange matter to boast of, ^haf the Indians took none of his men prisoners r when it is well un- derstood, that even with belligerents who are civilized, it is not usual for the party making an assault to take prisoners until they shall have become successful^ and that the savages seldom take prisoners m battle at all; and the more strange was hia boastings when he accompanied it with the statement, that his loss amounted to one hundred and eighty-eight, killed and wounded, while of the Indians, all he could make out^ was forty-six kiWeAr and one wounded ; which one, was all tl^ prisoner taken by his army. In a letter to the Secretary of War, dated Prophefs Town, Nov. 8, 1811, General Harnson, after announcing the attack which had been made on him at that place by the Indians^ says, ♦'^ their precipitate retreat, leaving a number of their warriors dead on the field, and the subsequent abandonment of their town r attest for us a complete and decisive victory f" and auch a vic- tory r Having thrown himself a willing sacrifice within the grasp of tiie savages, presenting before them every indacement to attempt his surprise ; and, then, when his men, rouse* from their slumbers by the yells of the savages, were enabled by their some trees nea» the line, were annoying the troops very severely in that Cfuarter, and reqnested permission to dislodge them. In attempting this ex- ploit he fell mortally wounded, as did Col. Isaac White of Indiana, whc acted as a volunteer in his troop." — Judge HulL I m !''!■■ pw« 55 own superior prowess, to repel them—but not without the loss of many of the most valuable citizens of our country — shall General Harrisoi; for this, be dubbed a hero? The Indians having been repulsed, abandoned their town, and when it contain- ed not a savage. General Harrison took possession of it, and of 5000 bushels of corn, and then burned the town; but the In- dians had previously captured and carried off all his beef, and a great number of his horses ; (9.) and with this result, and no other, ended the campaign ; and do such services give him claims to the suffrages of our people ? After thus reviewing the conduct of General Harrison, in hia campaign against the Indians, I cannot regard it otherwise than as discreditable to himself as a military commander, and ex- tremely unfortunate in its result to our country. Tne fall of the brave men whom he sacrificed at Tippecanoe, was really a na- tional loss. The Indians were in no manner humbled. In the next season, (1812,) we found them equally hostile, arrayed against us with our worse than savage foes — the British. The conduct of General Harrison is the more to be condemned from the fact, that the eff"°*i!i of blood might have been avoided if he had pursued a prompt, energetic and vigilant course towards the Indians from the moment of his arriving within their country, as no reasonable person can doubt that it was his remissness and his vascilating course with the Indians, which provoked them to attempt his destruction by surprise ; and what advantage resul.. €d to our country from the destruction of 5000 bushels of corn, (which had teen produced by the labor of the women which General Harrison did not happen to get nigherthan two miles distant,] that General Harri- son had added a new mnnaenvre tn the science of military tactics — chargikg BAYONET ON HORSEBACK !" (17.) or subordination. Their troops are a mob — their marcli a riot — their bat- tles, duels, and their war a scene of robbery and plunder; and experience has proved them totally inadequate to combat with the organized cavalry of Europe, though their whole lives have been spent in military exerci- ses ;" and such would be the character of any force thus organized. (16.) On this point, allow me to show an extract from a " Life of Har- rison," published by his political friends. It is thus: " In the plan for the ensuing campaign, to the surprise of the public, General Harrison was designated for a service far removed from any post of danger, and inferior to that which ho had a right to expect. Regard- less of the memorable victories(?) which this gallant and experienced of- ficer had won, and unmindful of the various and important services which he had rendered to his country, the secretary of war, (Armstrong,) saw fit to assign to him the command of a district, where he would be compelled to remain inactive, while others were appointed to those more arduous duties which he had heretofore performed with so much honor to himself and to the nation. As if still unsatisfied with this egregious insult, which he had offered to General Harrison, Secretary Armstrong, on the 25th of April, 1814, appointed a subordinate ofHcer to a seperate command with- in bis district, and at the same time, opened a correspondence with the 6uA- altems of the anny under his command; and even went so far as to issue orders to them directly, instead of communicating his orders through the commander, a course which good discipline required to be observed, and which all previous practice had sanctioned. On the receipt of this intel- ligence, General Harrison instantly addressed a letter to the Secretary-, tendering his resignation, with a notification thereof to the President." 1 will not urge that General Harrison acted improperly for a man who had not confidence in his own capacity, when he tendered his resigna- tion: for it does seem that the course of conduct pursued by the then ad- ministration towards him, was a very frank indication on the part of the government, that his services were no longer desired — or at least, that they were not held iti any very high estimation I But, why should he have com- plained, if he had treated his own officers in the same manner, as he says he did ? The President was the commander-in-chief of the whole military force of the nation, and it was as just for him to put no trust in Ge- neral Harrison, .is it was for General Harrison to put no trust in the offi- cers who were pticed under his command ! (17.) If a commander-in-r'aief trusu; "no colonel or other officer" with 62 fit m ^ it'. The only advancement of any principle made by General Har- rison in hia speech at Fort Meigs, was a declaration in fpvor of the pension system — and the claim of a pension for himselt. There is no principle more at variance with republican institu- tione, than ih^lai granting pensions to individuals for services per- formed as public officers. Of monarchy, the pension system is the foundation, and of an aristocracy, it is its pillars. Ip Great Bri- tain it has been uised, as well as in all other nations of Europe, to BUfltnin the prerogative of the crown, and a titled nobility ; and one of its most recent acts has been to take from the pockets of the laboring people of Great Britain, an annual sum of $10,000, and to bestow the t^ame upon Sir John Colborn, with the title of Lord Seaton, as a reward for havitig murdered and destroyed your people, and laid waste your country. But for the system of granting pensions, which is used by monarchical and aristocrati- cal governments as a license to rob the many to enrich the few, the oppressed millions would no longer live in abject and degraded servitudp, but according to the laws of their own being, would fully enjoy the birthright of their creation. To assume it here, would soon put an end to civil liberty in our country ; and if it could be supposed that the people of your country were willing to re-establish a system, so destructive in its operations to political freedom, I believe that the desire which is now enter- tained by a large portion of the people of the United States, for the liberation of your country from the domination of Great Britain, would then cease to exist. " I see my old companions here," said General Harrison. '* Would to God that it had been in my power, to have made them comfortable and happy — that their sun might go down in peace. But, fellow-citizens, they rcmiin unprovided for — mnnmnerits of thf ingratilnde of my country! It was with the {greatest difficulty, that the existing pension act, was pass- ed through Congress. [The act granting pensions to the soldiers uf the revolutitm.] Why were the brave soldiers who fought under Wayne, excluded ? Soldiers, who suffered far more, than they who fought in the revolution proper. #**### •' I can only say," continued he, " that if it should ever be in my pow- er to pay the debt which is due these brave, but neglected men, that debt shall first of all, be paid." the arrangements of his army, and he falls at the moment he is attacked by an enemy, the army must necessarily be defeated from the want of a second officer, acquainted with its details, to command. Such was the condition of most of the ancient Greek armies ; and the loss of their chief generally proved the loss of the battle. But, the history of the military operations of more modern times, where the armies have not consisted of mere " master and slaves," but officers and soldiers, intelligent, and duly informed of the matters in which they were engaged, and all having their Irusts and their responsibilities, gives us accounts of many battles, among which I might name that of the Plain? of Ahruham, where victories have been achieved by armies after their chief bad fallen. 63 In granting pensions to the soldiers of the revolution, our go- vernment diabut give them their pay for their services, which they had not before rectived. The amo'uit was due them. Not 80 with the soldiers who served urder vVrtyno. They received their wages in good and current money ; and there was no im- propriety "in excluding the soldiers who fought under Wayne," while pensions were bestowed on those " who fought in the re- volution," for their claims were debts which we owed to men who had perilled their lives for the inestimable blessings which we now enjoy, not in the ordinary capacity of soldiers — but they had battled for us against British executioners, by whom, if they had been subdued, they would have been led to the scaffold ! «*I have said," says General Harrison, "that the soldiers un- der Wayne experienced greater hardships, even than the soldiers of the revolution — and it is so." If, in this, General Harrison speaks the truth, then, indeed, has all history on the subject lied. The soldiers ot every army have to endure more or less of pri- vations. But where could the soldiers of Wayne's army have endured privations a id sufferings, which should compare with those of the soldiers of the revoltion ? If pensions were granted by our government to the Indian war- riors who served under Wayne, are there not other classes now and liKe to be still more, of Indian warriors, whose clauns are as just as theirs I May not those who served at Tippecanoe, those wh" served with .Johnson at the Thames, those who served with Jarkson in the Seminole war, and those who are now on eervices in the Floridas, put in equal claims 1 In think so, and that we might go on and pension half the nation if we should once adopt and act upoi: General Harrison's principle, which is like unto John Randolph'*- i. e. *, under reins of lND. ■■''1 : '.T