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Yfraved trvn '"^-"--y ,»^,. -^.y ■''''''^^''''^ ^M'- m^ i^y \. \\ ■//m^ mm '^^'"^^/.^ |i-r- JCirt^ Pou'lutaii coinantb CSiiiidt to heyimme, hit fttut^rfrVokxAiaaXtAtwffs /tif ^ Tur tJiah^fidht^s and how h t .tiihiteted A; ^tfuir7{iM^ reade-j^ Tiifioiy graved trom the t'm/inu7 »is2*ttNf'sfietf li/ C/trFSJiaxtt fiiniself. 4. w Ili Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1832, By JusiAH Drake, in tlie Clerk's office of the District Court of Massachusetts. MCCH or } ^ Boston : 8. N. Dickinson, Printer, 52. Waghington Street. INDIAN BIOGRAPHY, COKTAimNO THE LIVES 0^ MORE THAN * TWO BORDMD INDIAN CHIEFS: ALSO SOOH 0THIR8 OF THAT lUOS A8 HAVE RSNDIRED THKIR NAMES coirspiovovs iir THE history oy morth America from its first BBIiro KROWN to EDBOPBANS TO THE PRESENT PERIOD. GIVING AT LARGE THEIR MOST (CELEBRATED SPEECHES, MEMORABLE SAYINGS. NUMEROUS ANECDOTES; AND A HISTORY OF THEIR WARS. MVCB or WHICH IS TAKBR PROM MAROSORIPTS PETER BEFORE FOBLISHID. BY SAMVEL G. DRAKF O time ! the beautifier of the dead, Adomer of the rain, oomforter And only heider when the heart hath bled — .rrime ! the corrector where onr jodgments err.. .Byron. Niahnoh oondoUidi pith qaii6hqatte«ann, iuh tiuhqaohqntUviiaaui Jfiidim BWei. wadehu, kah wadehuemea pith * tniah XI,. 4. BOSTON. PUBfcl8HE0 BY JOSUn PHAKI, AT TH« ANTIQUARIAN R0OK8T0R*. 56 CORj^aHiL. olOf lO. 00C7CXXII. /H^li^^iiUDIH i^iAliiVii jH IM lilCI ^AtU A I 'O •■> ' } n TO THE REVEREND WILLIAM JENKS, D. D. The eminent Antiquary, Renowned Scholar, and Friend of the Indian This work is respectfully dedicated, by the AUTHOR ADVERTISEMENT. Whoever expects here a preface of apologies, will looae but little time in finding a disappointment. Wo have none to make. All must acknowledge the great want of such a work, which is deemed a suflicient excuse for adding another title to the long catalogue of books. No exertions have been remitted, to render it as perfect as its magnitude would ad- mit. It is the first general attempt to embody Indian history in the only proper manner. The following notices have been thrown together within a few months, although many years have elapsed since the author began the collection of materials, and set about gain- ing a knowledge of this kind of history. The first adventurer in any untrodden path, must oAen find himself embarrassed for want of landmarks, by which to direct his course. This will be apparent to the reader. But he will not be the first to whom it has been thus apparent. A small edition is now offered, which if well received, will be much improved and enlarged, and placed at the public disposal. It will be remembered by some, that in an edition of Church's History of Philip's War, published by the author five years ago, he advertised in a note upon page ninety-seven of that work, that he had it in contemplation to publish a work ADVERTI8KMCNT. of this kind. This he consider* a redemption of that pledge. It has been composed with much freedom of expression, and freedom of examination ia expected in return. The eiition of Hubbard' 3 Indian Wars which he some time since announced, as preparing with large notes, is in a for* ward state. The reader should be reminded, that where the *< History of New England" is cited, reference to Mr. Hubbard's is un- derstood. We have no other worthy of that title. Acknowledgements are due to several individuals, who have directly or indirectly aided the author in his work ; and he can only express his regret that, he ia not indebted to more, equally oinineiit in thio branch of American antiquities. The reverend Dr. Jtiik.i, to whom, by permission, his work is de- dicated, has many thanks for his kindness in facilitating hff rcRearchcs in the library of tlic IMasaaclmsetts Historical So- ciety ; aa also Mr. Joshua Coffin, of Boston, and the reverend Dr. HuTT.'.., of Dorchester, who have obligingly loaned him several valuable manuscripts ; and Edtcard D. Jiangs, Esq. Secretary of State, for his politeness in accelerating the ex- amination of our State Papers. Boston, May 20th, 1832. INDEX OF SOME OF THE MOoT PROMINENT EVENTS, jiNbDIBECTIONS I TO THE AMOUNT OF SOME CHIEFS, WHOSE LIVES ARE GIVEN UNDER OTHER NAMES THAN THEIR OWN. America, of the first peopling of, Little-turtle. Attakullakulla, same as Little-carpenter. Autossee, battle of, M'ltUosh, Battle of Tallapoosie, Fife. of Presqueisle, Blue-jacket. of Lake George, Hendrick. ,, of Rehoboth Plain, Oneko. of Pequawket, Paugus. of the Great Kanhawa, Logan. of the G. Bend in the Ta.l\&poo8ie,. -.Jiflntosh. of Sachem's Plain, MiantunTtomoh. of Tippecano, Tecumseh. of the Thames, > Tecumseh. Beer's Fight, Philip. Cherokees take Fort Lowdon, .Little-carpenter. Hostages massacred, Little-carpenter. Church, col., his first eastern expedition,. .Lightfoot. Color of Indians, how caused, Like-turtle. INDEX. VII Death, viewed without terror, Arruhavsikwaiemtf Barroio, Carunichet, Pumham, ^c. Defeat of Gen. St. Clair's army, LitiU'turtU. Detroit, siege of, Pantiac. Dieskau's Defeat, Hendrick. Fartner'a-Brother, Red-jacket. Fight, first with the English, Chikatauhwt. with Capt. Beers, Philip. with Capt. Lothrop, Philip. with C&pt. Lovewell, Paugus. Letters written by Indians, JVepanet, and Hankamagus. Lovewell's fight, Paugus. Massacre, of the English at Michilimakinak,. Ponttac. of a Boat's crew, in Appalachacola river, Homotlimed. of Major Waldron, ahd his garrison at Dover, Hankamagus. of Wyoming, Brandt. of Salmon Falls, Hopehood. of 700 French, in Natchez, Grand'Sun. of 500 English, in Virginia, Opekankanougk. of Fort Mims,, Wetherford. of 10 Indians, at Lovewell's pond,. Paugus. Mistic fight, Sassacus. Money of the New England Indians Philip. Narraganset fight,; Philip. New England, first settlement in, Dehamda. Norridgewock, destruction of, Mog. Oratory, Big-tree — Coru' plant — Logan — Keewaygooshkum — Metea — Little-turtle — Red- jacket — Tecumseh — Weth- erford-~Powhatan — OpekuTikanough, ^c. ,p VllI INDEX. Pequots, destruction of, ....... ; ♦ • • Sassacus. Plague, great among the Indians, Squanto. Salmon Falls massacre, Hopehood. Settlement of Plimouth, Massasoit. Siege of Detroit, Pontine. , \_ Siege of Wells, and death of Labrocre, Madokawando, Smith, Capt., adventures of, ..Powhatan. / ' Speeches and memorable Sayings, Canonchct, J{inegret — Barrow — Miantunnomoh — Philip, ^"C. St. Clair's defeat, Little-turtle, Swamp fight at Narraganset, Philip. , near Warwick, R. I Magnus. at Pocasset ....Philip. \: Tallapoosie, battle of the Great Bend of,. .. .Fi/c. Tift, an adopted Indian, note to Philip. Tobacco first known to the English, Ensenore, Jack-straw. Wayne, Gen., victory at Presqueisle, Blue-jacket. Weils, siege of, Madokawando. Wyoming, massacre at, , Brandt. h \ INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. ** We call them Savage— O be just ! Their outraged feehngs scan ! A voice comes forth, 'tis from the dust — The savage was a man ! I venerate the Pilgrim's cause, Yet for the red man dare to plead ; We bow to Heaven's recorded laws. He turned to nature for a creed." Spraguc. •McOOVnpanet, (James,) one of the Eleven Christ- ian Indians accused as concerned in the murder of the people of Lancaster, 22d Aug. 1675. Mr. Gookin calls him "a very understanding fellow," who plead- ed in behalf of himself and the rest, that what David said against thetn was to save his own life, and to re- venge himself of them because they had seized and delivered up to the English his brother Jlndrew^ whom they had taken in the service of the English.* See articles David, Andrew, and Monoco. •Mdnvio^ Chief of the Dinondadies.f About 1687, the Iroquois, from some neglect on the part of the governor of New York, owing, says Smith,t to the orders of his master, " king James, a poor bigoted,- popish, priest ridden prince," were drawn into the French interest, and a treaty of peace was concluded. The Dinondadies were considered as belonging to the • Manuscript of Hon. D. Gookin. < t Dinondadies, Colden. Tionontazed, Charlavoix. t Hist. N. Y. 56 (4to ed.) 10 ADARIO. confederate Indians, but from some cause they were dissatisfied with the league with the French, and wish- ed by some exploit to strengthen themselves in the in- terest of the English. For this purpose, Adario put himself at the head of J 00 warriors, and intercepted the embassadors of the Five Nations* at one of the falls in Kadarakkui river, killing some and taking oth- ers prisoners. These he informed that the French governor had told him, that 50 warriors of the Five Nations were coming that way to attack him. They were astonished at the governor's perfidiousness, and so completely did the plot of Adario succeed, that these embassadors were deceived into his interest. In his parting speech to them he said, " Go, my brethren, I untie your bonds, and send you home again, though our nations be at war. The French governor has made me commit so black an action, that I shall never be easy after it, till the Five Nations shall have taken full revenge." This outrage upon their embassadors, the Five Nations doubted not in the least to be owing to the French governor's perfidy, from the representa- tions of those that returned. They now sought iih- mediate revenge ; and assembling 1200 of their chief warriors, landed upon the island of Montreal, 26 July, 1688, while the French were in perfect security, burnt their houses, sacked their plantations, and slew all the njen, women, and children without the city. A thou- sandf persons were killed in this expedition. In Oc- tober, following, they attacked the island again with * These associated nations were -known by this name until 1712, at which time they were joined by the Tuskaroras from Carolina, which added another, and hence afterwards Uiey were properly called the Six JVations. t So says CoIden,but Charlevoix says 200. There can be no doubt but that the truth is between them, as there is am- ple room. » ■* done 1 f J peace .^vi" despei 1 anoth Si: self, a i| • *Mt ■ t«'S ■ same t ■ with t I hatht I 60. a ■ •ubon ^ ''^' AXiDSEMAN. 11 success. These horrid disasters threw the whole coun- try into the utmost consternation. The fort at lake Ontario was abandoned, and 28 barrels of powder fell into the hands of the confederate Indians. Nothing now saved the French from an entire extermination from Canada, but the ignorance of their enemies in the art of attacking fortified places. •MhaiOHm (William,) a Christian Indian who lived atPunkapogin 1675, and was a principal man of that station. In the consternation that then prevailed, the Funkapogs were ordered to leave their dwellings and repair to Dorchester. Capt. Brattle with an armed force was directed to see the order executed. This done, " the court, afler they had spoken with William Ahaion, and others of their principal men, received such satisfaction from them that they were all returned back to their habitations, except 3 or 4 men that were suspected."* •Md^emian^ the Indian that shot Philip. He was a subject of Weetamore, the Squaw Sachemf of Pocasset. In the commencement of Philip's war he went to the governor of Plimouth, and desired to re- main in peace with the English, and immediately took up his residence upon an island, remote from the tribes engaged in the war. But meeting with Philip in com- pany with his brother, ventured to advise him to make peace with the English. Philip now being driven to desperation, one company of his people taken after another, in quick succession, could not govern him- self, and in a moment, when he even looked upon his * Manuscript of Hon. D. Gookin. f " Sachems or Sagamores — which are but one and the same title, the first more usual with the southward, the other with the northward Indians, to express the title of him that hath tl^e chief command of a place or people." Hist. N. E. 60. Many modern writers, however, consider Sagamore a subordinate chief. I 12 ALEXANDER. " i i own race with horror and hatred, put to death this brother of Mderman. The rest of our notice of him will be given in the life of Philip, with which it is im mediately connected. But we should not omit to mention here, that as a compensation for the great ser- vice he had done in killing Philip, he was allowed the head of the chief, which for a long time he carried about as a curiosity to show to people for money, and by this means he accumulated considerable sums. Mexander^ The English name of the elder son of Massasoit. His real name appears at first to have been Mooanam, and afterwards Wamsuita, and lastly Alexander. The name of Mooanam he bore as early as 1639; in 1656 we find him noticed under the name Wamsatta. About this year, he and his yo>mger brother Mdacomd, were brought to the court of Pli- mouth, and being solicitous to receive English names, the governor called the elder Alexander, and the younger, Philip, probably from the two Macedonian heroes, which on being explained to them might have flattered their vanities. A lasting and permanent interest will always be felt, and peculiar feelings associated with the name of this chieft Not on account of a career of battles, devas- tations or murders, for there were none of these, but there is left only for us to relate an account of his death. Mr. Hubbard's account of this event is in the hands of almost every reader, and cited by every writer upon our early history, and hence is extensively known as by him related. Dr. I. Mather agrees very nearly in his account with Mr. Hubbard, but being more minute, and rarely to be met with, we give it entire. *♦ In A. D. 1662, PHmouth colony was in some danger of being involved in trouble by the Wa^panoag In- dians. Afler Massasoit was dead, his two sons, called ▲LEXAIfDKR. 13 Wamsutta and Metacomet, came to the court at PH. • mouth pretending high respect for the English, and, therefore, desired English names might be imposed on them, whereupon the court there named Wamsutta^ the elder brother Alexander^ and Metacomet, the younger ^ brother, Philip. This Alexander, Philip's immediate predecessor, was not so faithful and friendly to the English as his father had been. For some of Boston, having been occasionally at Narraganset, wrote to Mr. Prince, who was then governor of Plimouth, that Alexander was contriving mischief against the English, and that he had solicited the Narragansets to engage with him in his designed rebellion. Hereupon, capt. fVUlet, who lived near to Mount Hope, the place where Alexander did reside, was appointed to speak with him, and to desire him to attend the next court in Plimouth, •for their satisfaction, and his own vindication, he seemed to take the message in good part, professing that the Narragansets, whom, he said, were his ene- mies, had put an abuse upon him, and he readily prom- ised to attend at the next court. But when the day \ for his appearance was come, instead of that, he at that very time went over to the Narragansets, his pre- tended enemies, which, compared with other circum- stances, caused the gentlemen at Plimouth to suspect there was more of truth in the information given, than at first they were aware of Wherefore the governor and magistrates there, ordered Major Winslow (who is since, and at this day [1677] governor of that colony), to take a party (>f men, snd fetch down Alexander. The major considering that semper rocuit deferre paratis, he took but 10 armed men with him from Marshfield, intending to have taken more at the towns that lay nearer Mount Hope. But divine providence so ordered, aathat when they were about the midway between 14 ALEXANDER. f I Pliinouth and Bridgewater,* observing an hunting house, they ,rode up to it, and there did they find ^exander and many of his menf well armed, but their guns standing together without the house. The major, with his small party, possessed themselves of the Indian's arms, and beset the house ; then did he go in amongst them, acquainting the Sachem with the reason of his coming in such a way ; desiring Alexander with his interpreter to walk out with him, who did so a little distance from the house, and then understood what commission the major had received concerning him. The proud Sachem fell into a raging passion at this surprise, saying the governor had no reason to credit rumors, or to send for him in such a way, nor would he go to Plimouth, but when he saw cause. It was replied to him, that his breach of word touching apoearance at Plimouth court, and, instead thereof going at the same time to his pretended enemies, augmented jealousies concerning him. In fine, the major told him, that his order was to bring him to Plimouth, and that, by the help of God, he would do it, or else he would die on the place ; also declaring to him that if he would submit, he might expect respective usage, but if he once more denied to go, he should never stir from the ground whereon he stood ; and with a pistol at the Sachem's breast, required that his next words should be a positive and clear ' ' '■ 1 - * Within 6 miles of the English towns. Hubbard, 10 (Edition, 1677.) Massasoit, and likewise Philip, used to have temporary residences, in eligible places for fishing, at varions cites between the two bays, Narraganset and Massachusetts, as at Raynham, Namasket, Titicut, Tin Middleborough] and Munponset pond in Halifax. At which of these places he was, we cannot with certainty decide ; that at Halifax, would, perhaps, agree best with Mr. Hubbard's account, t Eighty, says Hubbard } 6. ▲LBIANDKR. 10 answer to what was demanded. Hereupon his inter- preter, a discreet Indian, brother to John Sattsamaiif being sensible of Alexander's passionate disposition, entreated that he might speak a few words to the Sachem before he gave his answer. The prudent discourse of this Indian prevailed so far as that Alexander yielded to go, only requesting that he might go like a Sachem, with his men attending him, which, although there was some hazard in it, they being many, and the English but a few, was granted -to him. The weather being hot, the major offered him an horse to ride on, but his squaw and divers Indian women being in company, he refused, saying he could go on foot as well as they, entreating only that there might be a com- plying with their pace, which was done. And resting several times by the way, Alexander and his Indians were refreshed by the English. No other discourse happening while they were upon their march, but what was pleasant and amicable. The major sent a man before, to entreat that as many of the magistrates of that colony as could, would meet at Duxbury. Wherefore having there had some treaty with Alexander, not willing to commit him to prison, they entreated major Winslow to receive him to his house, until the governor, who then lived at Eastham, could come up. Accordingly he and his train were courteously enter- tained by the major. And albeit, not so much '^s an angry word passed between them whilst at Marshfield ; yet proud Alexander^ vexing and fretting in his spirit, that such a check wp given him, he suddenly fell sick of a fever. He was then nursed as a choice friend. Mr. Fuller, the physician, coming providentially thith- er at that time, the Sachem and his men earnestly desired that he would administer to him, which he was unwilling to do, but by their importunity was pre- m 16 ALtXAItOSn. vailed with to do the best he could to help him, and therefore gave him a portion of working physic, which ' the Indians thought did him good. But his distemper afterwards prevailing, they entreated * to di|mi8s him, in order to a return home, which upon engagement of appearance at the next court was granted to him. Soon after his being returned home he died." Thus ends Dr. Mather's « relation" of the short reign of Alexander. And although by a document lately published by Judge Davis of Boston, which sets the conduct of the English in a very favorable light, yet it is very difficult to conceive how Mr. Mather and Mr. Hubbard could have been altogether deceived in their information. They both wrote at the same time, and at different places, and neither knew what the other had written. Of this we are confident, if, as we are assured, there was at this time, rather a misunderstanding between these two reverend authors. It now only remains that we make such extracts- from the above mentioned document, as will exhibit all the evidence on the side of the English. I recol- lect to have seen in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, a manuscript paper headed " J^ara- ttve de Alexandra." This paper contains an account of this transaction, drawn up by the authorities of Plymouth, and Mr. Mather's and Mr. Hubbard's ac- counts are the substance of it. As the affair had caused much excitement, and, judging from the writers of that time, particularly the latter, some recrimination upon the conduct of the government of Plymouth, by some of the English who were more in the habit of * " Entreating those that held him prisoner, that he mieht have liberty to return home, promising to return again irhe recovered, and to send his son as hostage till he could so do. On that consideration he was fairly dismissed, but died before h9 got half way home.^-^Hvibara. ▲lIZAIfDKR. 17 using, or recommending mild measuresi than they appear to have been. After thus premising, we will ofTer the document, which is a letter written by the Rev. John Cotton of Plimouth, to Dr. /. Mather^ and now printed by Judge Davis in his edition of Morton's Memorial, 42G-7. There is no date to it, at least the ' Editor gives none ; but if it were written in answer to one from Mr. Mather to him, desiring information on that head, dated 21st April, 1677,^ we may conclude it was about this time ; but Mr. Mather's " Relation" would not lead us to suppose that he was in possession of such information, and therefore he either was not in pos- session of it, when he published his account, or that he had other testimony whicn invalidated it. i^ The letter begins, '* Major Bradford [who was with Mr. T"" Winslow when Alexander was surprised] confidently ' assures me, that in the narrative de Mexandro, there are many mistakes, and fearing lest you should through misinformation, print some mistakes on that subject, from his mouth I this write. Reports being here, that Alexander was plotting or privy to plots against the English, authority sent to him to come do>vn. He came not. Whereupon major Winslow was sent to fetch him. Major Bradford with some others went ^ with him. At Mnnponset river, a place not many miles hence, they found Alexander with about 8 men, and sundry squaws. He was there about getting canoes. He and his men were at breakfast under their shelter, their guns being without. They saw the English coming, but continued eating ; and Mr. Wins- low telling their business, Alexander^ freely and readily, without the least hesitancy consented to go, giving his reason why he came not to the court before, viZ: because he waited for captain WUleVs return from the "* See his Memorial, 288. IB AMOS. Dutch, being desirous to speak with him first. They brought him to Mr. Collier^s that day, and governor Prince living remote, at Eastham, those few magistrates who were at hand, issued the matter peaceably, and immediately dismissed Alexander to return home, which he did part of tlie w6y ; but in two or three days after, he returned and went to major Winslow^s house, intending thence to travel into the bay and so home ; but at the major's house be was taken very sick, and was, by water, conveyed to major Bradford'a, ond thence carried upon the shoulders of bis men to Tethquet river, and thence in canoes, homo, and about t^vo or three dnys nl\er died." Thus it is evident that there is error some where, and it would be very satisfactory, if wo could erase it from our history ; but at present we are able only to agitate it, and wuit for the further discovery of docu- ments, before Alexander's true history can be given ; and to suspend judgment, although some may readily decide that the evidence is in favor of the old printed ac- counts. It is the business of an historian, where a point is hi dispute, to exhibit existing- evidence, and let the reader make up his own judgment. We are able, from the first extract given upon this head, to limit the time of bis Sachemship to a portion of the year 1GG2. In this year bis father died. •ttmOSy (' aptain.) One of the friendly Indians who accompanied col. Church in his first expedition upon the eastern coast of Maine, in 1689. He was probably from some part of Cape Cod. It was in September that the Indian and English forces arrived before Casco, now Portland. They landed their men the same night with secrecy, having learned that a great number of the enemy were near by and about to fall ▲NOftKW- 19 upon the town. The next daf, being 31it September, some companiei were sent out, which loon fell in with about 400 Indianif, aa they judged. A fight followed, in which eight of the English were killed and many more wounded. Two of captain t^mo»* men were badly wounded. A fViendly Indian by the name of Sam Moses was killed. The sudden attack upon the enemy here at this time, when they, no doubt, fell perfectly secure, so disconcerted their plans, that they drew off without making any ftirlher attempts. An Indian company under captain Danid was also in this fight, one of whose men was killed. He waa of Yarmouth.* •ttnd^rew^ A sufferer in the great Indian war. He belonged to the Christian Indians, and had gone some months before the war began on a hunting voyage towards the lakes. Returning, he fell among the enemy Indians about Quabaog, where it appears ho was at the time captains Hutchinson and Wheeler were attacked at Wikkabaug pond. We have no evidence that he took any part with the enemy, and it is probab)o ho only remained with them while a good opportunity ol escape to his friends presented ; for soon afler he was hiet with in the woods near Marlborough by si»me Christian Indian scouts, with whom he returned to that place. The English soldiers there stationed, accused liimof aiding in the affair of Quabaog, and without any orders, shot him. The English authorities were displeased at this precipitate step ; and had it not been for the general consternation of the English on account of the success of the enemy, they had no doubt been dealt with aa they deserved. But the comm(»n enemy now so en- grossed all consideration, criminals at home escaped * Manuscript letter of Captain Basset, of the expedition. 90 AWWAWOir. without their reward. Provided he had been guilty, much valuable information relative to the enemy might have been obtained before his execution * mSitl'dreW^ brother of the preceding, was in com- pany with him when he was taken, and was sold into slavery, out of the country. •tfltllf^tC) known also by the name of Pooky Johrij lived m the vicinity of Amesbury upon the Merrinuick, in 1677. He belonged to a small party of about 20, who made daily inroads upon the inhabitants about in this quarter. As this party were led by one Symon^ the particulars will be found under that head.* •Mnnawon^ a Wampanoag, and one of Philip's most famous captains. The first notice we have of him is at the fight when Philip was killed. He was his fast friend, and fought with desperation as long as there was a beam of hope ; when he gave himself up, it was in the most heroic manner, as will appear in the following account. At the swamp when Philip was killed, he escaped with most of his men, by his thoroughly understanding the situation of his enemies. " Perceiving they were way-laid on the egst side of the swamp, tacked short about. One of the enemy, who seemed to be a great surly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and oflen called out, I-oo-tash, I-oo-tash. Captain Church called to his Indian Peter, and asked him who that was that called so. He answered that it was old Annawon^ Philip's great captain, calling on his soldiers to stand to it, and fight stoutly." « Captain Church had been but little while at Pli- mouth, [after killing Philip] before a post from Reho- both came to inform the governor, that old Annaworiy Philip's chief captain, was with his company ranging * Manuscript documents. AiriTAWOir. 21 about their woods, and wai very oiTensive and perni- cious to Rehoboth and Swanzey. Captain Churdi was immediately sent for agun, and treated with to engage in one expedition more. He tcld them their encour. agement was so poor, he feared his soldiers would be dull about going again. But being a hearty friend to the cause, he rallies again, goes to Mr. Jabez Howlandy bis old Lieutenant, and some of his soldiers that used to go out with hinri ; told them how the case was circumstanced, and that he had intelligence of old t^nnawon's walk and haunt, and wanted hands to hunt hTm. They did not want much entreating, but told him they would go with him as long as there was an Indian leil in the woods. He moved and ranged jthrough the woods to Pocasset." In the early part of this expedition, some of cap- tain Church's Indian scouts captured a number of t^nnawon's company, but from whom they could learn nothing of the old chief, only that he did not lodge " twice in a place." " Now a certain Indian soldier, that captain Church had gained over to be on his side, prayed that he might have liberty to go and fetch in his father, who, he said, was about four miles from that place in a swamp, with no other, than a young squaw. Captain Church in- clined to go with him, thinking it might be in his way to gain some intelligence of Annawon ; and so taking one Englishman and a few Indians with him, leaving the rest there, he went with his new soldier to look his father. When he came to the swamp, he bid the In- dian go and see if he- could find his father. He was no sooner gone, but captain Ch- .ui discovered a track coming down out of the woods, upon which he and his Hitle company lay close, some on one side of the track, and some on the other. They heard the Indian 2 22 ANNAWOK. soldier making a howling for his father, and at length somebody answered him ; but while they were listen- ing, they thought they heard somebody coming towards them. Presently they saw an old man coming upy with a gun on his shoulder, and a young woman fol- lowing in the track which they lay by. They let them come between them, and then started up and laid hold of them both. Captain Church immediately examined them apart, telling them what they must trust to, if they told false stories. He asked the young woman what company they came from last. She said, from cap- tain Annawori's. He asked her how many were m company with him when she left him. Hhe said ' fifty or sixty.' He asked her how many miles it was to the place where she left him. She said she did not un- derstand miles, but he was up in Squannaconk swamp. The old man, who had been one of Philip's Council, upon examination, gave exactly the same account." On being asked whether they could get there that night, answered, "if we go presently, and travel stoutly, we may get there by sunset." The old man said he was of Annaioon's company, and that Anna- won had sent him down to find some Indians that were gone down into Mount Hope neck to kill provi- sions. Captain Church let him know that that compa- ny were all his prisoners. The Indian who had been permitted to go after his father, now returned with him and another man. Captain Church was now at great loss what he should do. He was unwilling to miss of so good an opportu- nity of giving a finishing blow to the Indian power. He had, as himself says, but "half a dozen men beside himself," and yet was under the necessity- of pending some one back to give Lieutenant Howlandy yvhom he left at the old fort in Pocasset, notice, if he ANNA WON. 23 should proceed. But without wasting time in ponder- ' ing upon what course to pursue, he put the question to his men, « whether they would willingly go with him and give Jlnnawon a visit." All answered in the affirmative, but reminded him, " that they knew this captain Annawon was a great soldier; that he had been a valiant captain under Asuhmequin, Philip's father; and that he had been Philip's chieftain all this war." And they further told captain Church, (and these men knew him well,) that he was " a very subtle man, of great resolution, and had often said, that he would never be taken alive by the English." They also reminded him that those with Anna- won were " resolute fellows, some of Philip's chief soldiers," and very much feared that to make the at- tempt with such a handful of soldiers, would be, hazardous in the extreme. But nothing could shake the resolution of captain Church, who remarked to them, "that he had a longtime sought for Annawon, but in vain," and doubted not in the least, but providence would protect them. All with consent now desired to proceed. A man by the name of Cook, belonging to Plimouth, was the only Englishman in the company, except the captain. Captain Church asked Mr. Cook what his opinion of the undertaking was. He made no othier reply than this, " I am never afraid of going any where when you are with me." The Indian who brought in his father, informed captain Church that it was im- possible for him to take his hoi-se with him, which he had brought thus far. He therefore sent him and his father with the horse back to Lieutenant Howland, and ordered them to tell him to take his prisoners immedi- ately to Taunton, and then to come out the next morn- ing in the Rehoboth road, where, if alive, he hoped to meet him. #«* AR5AW0N. I) Things being thus settled, all were ready for the journey. Captain Church turned to the old man, whom he took with the young woman, and asked him whether he would be their pilot. He said, " You hav- ing given me my life, I am under obligations to serve you." And they marched for Squannaconk. In lead- ing the way, this old man would travel so much faster than the rest, as sometimes to be nearly out of sight, and consequently might have escaped without fear of being recaptured, but he was true to his word, and would stop until the wearied followers came up. Having travelled through swamps and thickets un- til the sun was setting, the pilot ordered a stop. The captain asked him if he had made any discovery. He said, « About that hour of the day Annawon usual- ly sent out his scouts to see if the coast was clear, and as soon as it began to grow dark the scouts returned, and then we may move securely." When it was suf- ficiently dark, and they were about to proceed, capt. Church asked the old man if he would take a gun and fight for him. He bowed very low and said, « I pray you not to impose such a thing upon me, as to fight against capt. Annawon, my old friend, but I will go along with you, and be helpful to you, and will lay hands on any man that shall offer to hurt you." They had pro- ceeded but a short space, when they heard a noise, which they concluded to be the pounding of a mortar. This warned them that they were in the vicinity of Annawon^s retreat. And hero it will be very proper to give a description of it. It is situated in the south- easterly comer of Rehoboth, about 8 miles from Taun- ton green, a few rods from the road which leads to Providence, and on the south-easterly side of it. If a straight line were drawn from Taunton to Providence, it would pass very nearly over this place. Within the '♦■di^'. ANNAWON. a» # limits of an immense swamp of nearly 3000 acres, there is a small piece of upland, separated from the main only by a brook, which in sbme seasons is dry. This island, as we may call it, is nearly covered with an enormous rock, which to this day is called Anna- won's rock. Its southeast side presents an almost per- pendicular precipice, and rises to the height of 25 or 30 feet. The north-west side is very sloping, and easy of ascent, being at an angle of not more than 35 or 40°. A more gloomy and hidden recess than this, even now, although the forest tree no longer wave's over it, could hardly be found by any inhabitant of the wilderness. ** And here forlorn and lost I tread yf\i\i fainting steps and slow, Where wilds iinmeasureably spread, Seem lengthening as I go." When they arrived near the foot .of the rock, capt. Church, with two of his Indian soldiers, crept to the top of it, from whence they could see distinctly the situation of the whole company, by the light of their fires. They were divided into three bodies, and lodged a short distance from one another. Annawon^s camp was formed by felling a tree against the rock, with bushes set up on each side. With him lodged his spn, and others of his principal men. Their guns were discovered standing, and leaning against a stick resting on two crotches, safely covered from the weather by a mat. Over their fires were pots and kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their spits. Capt. Church was now at some loss how to proceed, seeing no possibility of getting down the rock with- out discovery, which would have been fatal. He therefore creeps silently back again to the foot of the rpck, and asked the old man, their pilot, if there were 26 ANNAWON. no Other way of coming at them. He tinswered, «No," and said that himself and all others belonging to the company were ordered to come that way, and none could come aiiy other without danger of being shot. The fruitful mind of Church was no longer at loss, and the following stratagem was put in successful practice. He ordered the old man and the young wo- man to go forward, and lead the way, With their bas- kets upon their backs, which, when Annaxoon should discover them, would take no alarm, knowing them to be those he had lately sent forth upon discovery. " Capt. Church and his handful of soldiers crept down also, under the shadow of those two and their bas- kets. The captain himself crept close behind the old man, with his hatchet in his hand, and stepped over' the young man's head to the arms. The young Anna- won discovering him, whipped hid blanket over his head, and shrunk up in a heap. The old captain Annawim started up on his breech, and cried out << Ho' woh /" which signified " I am taken." All hope of es- cape was now fled forever, and he made no effort, but laid himself down again in perfect silence, while his captors se6ured the rest of the company. For he supposed the English were far more numerous than they were, and before he was undeceived his company were all secured. One circumstance much facilitated this daring pro- ject. It has been before mentioned that they heard the pounding of a mortar, on their approach. This con- tinued during their descent down the rock. A squaw was pounding green dried corn for their supper, and when she ceased poundin'g to turn the corn, they ceased to proceed, and when she pounded again they moved. This was the reason they were not heard as ■m^ ANNA WON. 27 4 they lowered themselves down, from crag to crag« supported by small bushes that grew from the seams of the rock. The pounded com served afterwards for a supper to the captors. Annawon would not have been taken at this time but for the treachery of those of his own company. And well may their Lucan exclaim as did the Romany " A race renowned the world's victorious lords, Turned on tiiousands with their own hostile swords." Of all the woes which civil discords bring. And Rome o'ercome by Roman arms I sing." The two companies situated at a short distance from the rock, knew not the fate of their captain, until those sent by Church announced to them that they were all prisoners. And to prevent their making re- sistance, were told that capt. Church had encompassed them with his army, and that to make resistance would be immediate death ; but if they all submitted peacea- bly, they should have good (Quarter. « Now they being old acquaintance, and many of, them relations," readi- ly consented ; delivering up their guns and hatchets, were all conducted to head quarters. « Things being thus far settled, captain Church ask- ed Annawon what he had for supper, ark ^ of Totatomet^ and SomagaonetJ'* Plimouth,24th July, 1671. Awashonks was at Plimouth when the above articles were executed, from which it appears there was con- siderable alarm in Plimouth colony. There were about this time many other submissions of the Indians in differ- 36 AWASHONK0. ent places. This step was taken to draw them from Philip, or at least to give a check to their joining with him, as he was now on the point of attacking the English settlements, undei- a pretence of injury done him in his planting lands. Not only the chiefs of tribes or clans subscribed articles, but all their men that could be prevailed with to do so. The August following, 42 of Awaahonks men signed a paper approving what she bad done, and binding themselves in like manner. Out of 4i2 we can give nttmes of three only ; Totatoimty Tunuokum and Sausaman. It appears from the following letter written by AtffosJun^ to gov. Prince, that those who submitted themselves, delivered up their arms to the English. "August 11, 1671, Honored Sir, I have received a very great favor from your Honor, in yours of the 7th instant, and as you are pleased to signify, that if I continue faithful to the agreement made with your* selves at Plimouth, I may expect all juft favors from your Honor. I am fully resolved, while I live, witli all fidelity to stand to my engagement, and in a peacea> ble submission to your commands, according to the best of my poor ability. It is true, and I am very sensible thereof, that there are some Indians who do seek an advantage against me, for my submitting to his Majesty's authority in your jurisdiction, but being conscious to myself of my integrity and real intentions of peace, I doubt not but you will afford me all due encouragement and protection. I had resolved to send in all my guns, being six in number, according to the intimation of my letter ; but two of them were •o large, the messengers were not able to carry them. I since proffered to leave them with Mr. Barker, but he not having any order to receive them, told roe he con. you, AVAflHOIfKS. 37 c<--t*^-^j^<^'^>^ i-<-£C') t%^ I ^ ' / i^^vlA C3 j,\.- «► **. h 1^ 7/ r G s 4; ^-^ ' 40 AWABttONlia* These aix Pokanoketa came over to*Sogkonate itith two of Awaihonks men, who seemed very favourably inclined to the measures of Philip. They expressed themselves with great indignation, at the rash advice of Church. Another of her men, called LittU'eyea, one of her council, was so enraged that he would then have taken Church's life, if lie had not been prevented. His design was to get >Ir. Church aside from the rest, under a pretence of private talk, and to have assassi- nated him when he was off his guard. But some of his friends seeing through the artifice prevented it. The advice of Church was adopted, or that part which directed that Awashonks should immediately put herself under the protection of the English, and she desired him to go immediately and make the arrange- ment, to which he agreed. After kindly thanking him for his information and advice, she sent two of her men with him to his house, to guard him. These urged him to secure his goods, lel^st in his absence the enemy should come and destroy them ; but he would not, because such a step might be thought a kind of preparation for hostilities ; but told them, that in case hostilities were begun, they might convey his effects to a place of safety. He then proceeded to Plimouth, where he arrived 7th June, 1675. In his way to Plimouth, he met, at Pocasset,the hus* band of Wteiamore^ commonly known by the name of Bquaw Sachem of Pocasset. He was just returned from the neighborhood of Mount Hope, and confirmed all that had been said about Philip's intentions to be- l^n a war. But before Mr. Church could return again to Atvci- ahonJtSf the war commenced, and all communicatioa was at an end. This was sorely regretted by Churchy and thel benevolent Awashm^ was^ carried away io AWASHOMXfl. «r the tide of Philip'g successes, which was her only al« teraative. Mr. Church- was wounded at the great Swamp fight, 19th December following, and remained upon Rhode Island until about the middle of May, 1676. He now resolved to engage again in the war, an& tak- ing passage in a sloop bound to Barnstable, arrived at Plimouth the first Tuesday in June. The governor and other officers of government were highly pleased to see him, and desired him to take the command of a company of men to be immediately sent out, to which he consented. We thus notice Churches pro- ceeding, because it led to important matters connected with the history of Awaahonks. Before he set out with the soldiers raised at Plimouth, it was agreed that he should first return to Rhode Island, for the purpose of raising other forces to be joined with them. In his return to the lslan(L as he passed from Sogkone3set, now called WootTs hole, to the island, and when he came against Sogkonate poini:, some of the enemy were seen fishing upon the rocks. He was now in an open canoe, which he had hired at Sogko- nesset, and two Indians to paddle it. He ordered them to go so near the rocks that he might speak with those upon them ; being persuaded that if he could have an opportunity, he might still gain over the Sogkonates to the side of the English, for he knew they never had any real attachment to Philip, and were now in his interest, only from necessity. They accordingly pad- dled towards them, who made signs for them to ap- proach; but when they had got pretty near, they skulked away fimong the rocks, and could not be seen. The canoe then paddled off again, lest they should be fired upon ; which when those among the rocks ob- served, showed themselves again, and called to them / ■' '-^5' 43 ▲WA8BONX8. / to coQie ashore ; and said they wished to speak with thenar The Indians in the canoe answered them, but those on shore informed them that the waves dashed so upon the roclcs that they could not understand a word they said. Church now made signs for two of them to go along upon the shore to a beach, where one could see a good space round, whether any others were near. Immediately two ran to the place, one without any arms, but the other had ajance. Know- ing Church to be in the boat, they urged him to come on shore, for they wanted to discourse with him. He told him that had the lance, that if he would carry it away at considerable distance, and leave it, he would. This he readily did. Mr. Church then went ashore, left one of his Indians to guard the canoe, and the other he stationed upon the beach to give notice if any should approach. He was surprised to find that George was one of them, a very good man, and the last Sogkuiiate he bad spukuu with, being one of those sent to guard him to his house, and to whom he had given charge of his goods when he undertook his mission to Plimouth. On being asked what he wanted that he called him ashore, answered, " that he took him for Church, as soon as he heard his voice in the canoe, and that he was glad to see him alive." He also told him that Awashonks was in a swamp about 3 miles off, and that she had left Philip and did not intend to re- turn to him any more ; and wished Mr. Church to stay while he should go and call her; this he did not think prudent, but said he would come again and speak with Awashonks, and some other Indians, that he should name. He therefore told George to notify AuHishonks, her son Peter, their chief captain, and one JVompash, to meet him two days after at a certain rock, "at the lower end of captain Richmond*8 farm, which AWAIBONkl. 48 wu a very noted place.** It waa provided that if that day should prove stormy, the next pleasant day should be improved. They parted with cordiality ; Georgt to carry the news to Awaslwnki^ and Church to New- port. On being made acquainted with Churches intention to visit /these Indians, the government of Rhode Isl- and marvelled much at his presumption, and wouJd not give him any permit under their hands ; assuring him that the Indians would kill him. They said also that it was madness on his part, after such signal ser- vices as he had done, to throw away his life in such a manner. Neither could any entreaties of friends al- ter h's resolution, and he made ready for his depar- ture. It was his intention to have taken with him one Daniel WUcox^ a man who well understood the Indian language, but the government utterly refused ; so that his whole retinue in this important embassy, consisted only of himself, his own man, and the two Indiana who conducted him from Sogkonesset. As an impor- tant item in his outfit, must be mentioned a bottle of rum, and a roll of tobacco. The day appointed having arrived, after paddling about three miles, they came to the stated rock, where the Indians were ready to receive them, and gave him their hands in token of friendship. They went back from the shore about fifty yards, for a convenient place fbr consultation, when all at once rose up from the high grass, a great many Indians, so that they were entirely encompassed. They were all armed with guns, spears and hatchets; faces painted and hairs trimmed, in complete warlike array. If ever a man knew fear, we should apprehend it would discover it- self upon an occasion like this. But like Mentor in the fable, <* qui craigrwU let maux avani gu^U arrivattenty 1 ■ n 44 AWAIHOlfKf. i ^ fi ix.Ac ( fietoooii jrftM ee que e'etoU guide Ut eramdre dki qu^ %l$ itoient etrrivie," , „ ^ , ,, As soon as be could be heard, Mr. Churen told Jhoa- ehonk* that Oeorge had said that she desired to see him, about making peace with the English. She said, « Yes.** Then, said Mr. Churchy " it is customary when people meet to treat of peace, to lay aside their arms, and not to appear in such hostile form as your people do.** He observed that it would be very proper for her men to lay aside their arms while they discoursed of peade. At this there was much murmuring among them, and Awashonka asked him what arms they should lay aside. Seeing thp*r displeasure, he said only their guns for forms' sake. With one con- aent they then laid away their guns and came and eat down. He then drew out his bottle of rum and asked Awashonks whether she had lived up so long at Wachusett as to forget to drink occapechea. Then drinking to her, observed she watched him very nar- rowly to see whether he swallowed, and on offering it to her, she wished him to drink again. He then told her there was no poison in it, and pouring some into the palm of his hand, sipped it up. AAer he had ta- ken a second hearty dram, Awashonka ventured to do likewise ; tiicn passed it among her attendants. The tobacco w&B next passed round, and they began to talk. Awaakonka wanted to know why he had not come as he promised the year before, observing, that if he had, she and her people had not joined with PhUip, He told her he was prevented by the break- ing out of the war, and mentioned that he made an attempt, notwithstanding, soon after he left her, and got as far as Punkatesse, when a multitude of enemies set upon him, and obliged him to retreat. A great mur- mur now arose among the warriors, and one, a fierce AWASHONXl. ^ «nd gigantic fellow, raised his war club, with intention to kill Mr. Churchf but some laid hold on him and pre- vented him. They informed him that this fellow's brother was killed in the fight at Punktdeese^ and that he said it was Church that killed him, and he would jiow have his blood. Ckurch told them to tell him that his brother began first, and that if he had done as he had directed him, he would not have been hurt. The chief captain now ordered silence, telling them they should talk no more about old matters, which put an end to the tumult, and an agreement was soon con- cluded. Awashonks agreed to serve the English " in what way she was able," provided " Plimouth would iirmly engage to them, that they and all of ihem, and their wives and children should have their lives spared, and none of them transported out of the country." This, Church told her he did not doubt in the least but Plimouth would consent to. Things being thus matured, the chief captain stood up, and afler expressing the great respect lie had for Mr. Church, said, " Sir, if you will please accept of me and my men, and will head us, we will fight for you, and will help you to Philip's head before the In- dian corn be ripe." We do not expect that this chief pretended to possess the spirit of prophecy, but cer- tainly he was a truer prophet than inaqy who have made the pretension. Mr. Church would Jiave taken a few of the men with hira, and gone directly through the woods to Phmouth; but Awaahonks insisted that it would be very hazardous. lie therefore agreed to return to the island and proceed by water, and so would take in some of their company at Sogkonate point, which was accordingly brought about And here it should he mentioned that the friendship now renewed by the 4 /• I 46 AWABBOIfO' industry of Mr. ChureJh wa« never afterward broken. Many of these Indians «Iways accompanied Church in his memorable expeditions, and rendered great service to the English. When Philip's war was over, Chweh went to reside again among them, and the greatest harmony always prevaile"!. But to return to the thread of our narrative : On returning to the island, Mr. Church " was at great pains and charge to get a vessel, but with unac- countable disappointments; sometimes by the false- ness, and sometimes by the faint heartedness of men that he bargained with, and sometimes by wind and weather, &c." was hindered a long time. At length, Mr. Ardhony Low, of Swanzey, happening to put into the harbor, and although bound to the westward, on being made acquainted with Mr. ChurcVs case, said he would run the venture of his vessel and cargo to wait upon him. But when they arrived at Sogkonate point, although the Indians were there according to agree- ment waiting upon the rocks, they met with a contra- ry wind, and so rough a sea, that none hut Peter Awa- ahonk3 could get on board. This he did at great haz- ard, having only an old broken canoe to get off in. The wind and rain now forced them up into Pocasset sound, and they were obliged to bear away, and return round the north end of the island, to Newport Church now dismissed Mr. Lotr, viewing their ef- fort as against the will of Providence, and drew up an account of what had passed, and despatched Pefer, on the 9th July, by way of Sogkonate, to Plimouth. » Major Bradford having now arrived with the army V at Pocasset, Mr. Church repaired to him and told him of his transactions and engagements with Awtuhonka. Breulford directed him to go and inforAi her of hia ar- rival, which he did. Auxuhonks, doubtless now discov* ▲WABHOlfKI. 47 ered much uneaiinoM and anxiety, but Mr. Church told her. "that if she would be adviied and observe order, the nor her people need not fear being hurt by them.** He directed her to get all her people together, •* lest if they ahould be found straggling about, tniaohief might light on them ;'* and that the next day the army would march down into the neck to receive her. Af- ter begging him to consider the short time she had to collect them together, promised to do the best she could, and he led her. Accordingly two days aAer she met the army at Punkateese. Awcuhonlu was now unnecessarily per^ plexed by the conduct of Major Bradford. For she expected her men would have been employed in the army ; but instead of that, he « presently gave forth orders for AtoaskonkSf and all her subjects, both men, women and children, to repair to Sandwich, and to be there upon peril, in six days." Church was also quite disconcerted by this unexpected order, but all reason- ing or remonstrance was of no avail with the com- mander in chief He told Mr. Church he would em- ploy him if he choose, but as for the Indians^ " he would not be concerned with them," and accordingly sent them off with a flag of truce, under the direction of Jack HaverUj an Indian who had never been engag- ed in the war. Mr. Church told Awashonka not to be concerned, but it was best to obey orders, and he would shortly meet her at Sandwich. According to promise, Church went by way of Pli- mouth to meet the Sogkonates. The governolr of Pli- mouth was highly pleased at the account C^urc^ gave him of the Indians, and so much was he now satisfied of his superior abilities and skill, that he desired him to be commissioned in the country's service. He left Plimouth the same day with six attendants, amoi^ 48 AWA9H0NKS. whom were Mr. Jahez Holland, and Mr. JSrathgniet Southworth. They slept at Sandwich the first night, and here taking a few more men agreeably to the governor's orders, proceeded to Agawoni, a small river of Rochester, where they expected to meet the Indians. Some of his company now became discour- aged, presuming, perhaps, the Indians were treacher- ous, and half of them returned home. When they came to Sippican river, which empties into Buzzard's bay in Rochester, Mr. Rowland was so fatigued that they were obliged to leave him, he being in years, and somewhat corpulent. Church left two more with him as a reserve in case he should be obliged to re- treat. T^hey soon came to the shore of Buzzard's bay, and hearing a great noise at considerable distance from them, upon the bank, were presently in sight of a « vast company of Indians, of all ages and sexes, some on horseback, running races, some at foot-ball, some catching eels and flat fish in the water, some clamming, dec." They now had to find out what Indians these were, before they dared make themselves known to them. Church thenefore halloed, and two Indians that were at a distance from the rest, rode up to him, to find out what the noise meant. They were very much surprised when they found themselves so near Englishmen, and turned their horses to run, but Church making himself known to them, they gave him the de- sired information. He sent for Jack Havens, who im- mediately came. And when he had confirmed what the others had related, there arrived a large number of t})«m on horseback, well armed. These treated the English very respectfully. Church then sent Jack to AtoashonkSy to inform her that he would sup with her that night, and lodge in her tent. In the mean time the English returned with their friends the^ had left at AWA8H0NKS. 49 Blppican. When they came to the indian company, "were immediately conducted to a shelter, open on one side, whither JJwasTionka and her chiefs soon came and paid their respects." When this had taken place there were great shouts made by the " multi- tudes" which *'n\ade the heavens to ring." About sunset " the JSTetopa* came running from aU quarters, laden with the tops of dry pines, and the like combus- tible matter, making a huge pile thereof, near Mr. ChurcKs shelter, on the open side thereof. But by this time supper was brought in, in three dishes, viz : a curious young bass in one dish, eels and fiat fish in a second, and shell fish in a third," but salt was want- ing. When the supper was finished, " the mighty pile of pine knots and tops, &r.. was fired, and all the In- dians, great and small, gathered in a ring around it. Awa- shonkSf with the eldest of her people, men and women mixed, kneeling down, made the first ring next the fire, and all the lusty stout men standing up made the next ; and then all the rabble in a confused crew, sur- rounded on the outside. Then the chief captain step- ped in between the rings and the fire, with a spear in one hand, and a hatchet in the other, danced round the fire, and began to fight with it, making mention of all tfie several nations and companies of Indians in the country that were enemies to the English. And at naming of every particular tribe of Indians, he would draw out and fight a new fire-brand, and at his finishing his fight with each particular fire-brand, would bow to Mr. Church and thank him." When he had named overall the tribes at war with the English, he stuck his spear and hatchet in the ground, and left the ring, and then another stepped in, and acted over '■ n il — ■■ - ■ ' ' ■ ' ■ ■■ — ' I I I 11 ■ I ■■ II im^t^mti^ * Signifyiag friends, in Indian. «0 AYfASaOVILS. v V r the same farce ; trying to act with more fury than the first. After about a half a dozen had gone through with the performance, their chief captain stepped to Mr. Church and told him " they were making soldiers for him, and what they had been doing was all one swearing of them." Atmshanks and her chiefs next came and told him « that now they were all engaged to fight for the English." At this time Awaahonka presented to Mr. Church a very fine gun. The next day, July 22, he selected a number of her men and proceeded to Plimouth. A commission was given him, and being joined with a number of English, vol* unteers, commenced a successful series of exploits, in which these Sogkonates bore a conspicuous part, but have never, since the days of Church, been anywhere sufficiently noticed. It is said* that Awashonks had two sons, the young-' est was William Mommynewit, who was put to a gram- mar school, and learned the Latin language, and was intended for college, but was prevented by being seized with the palsy. The bounds of Awashonks territo- ries were a line from Pachet brook to the head of Coaxet. About 130 years ago, i. e. 1700, there were 100 Indian men of the Sogkonate tribe, and the general assembly appointed JVumjpatM their captain, who lived to be an old man, and died about 1748, after the taking of Cape Breton, 1745. At the commencement of the eighteenth century, they made quite a respectable re- ligious congregation ; had a meeting-house of their own, in which they were instructed by Rev. Mr. BU- lings, once a month, on Sundays. They had a steady preacher among themselves, whose name was John Si- mon, a man of a strong mind. See Art. John Simon.'' t See Col. Mm. His. Soc. ^ 'h yl tUv (.' » C'Vv • SlCH-tRfiti. 51 About 1750, a very distressing fever carried off tnany of this tribe, and in 1803 there were not above ten in Compton, their principal residence. BWTTOW^ (Sam.) famous in Philip's war; fell into the hands of capt. Churchy in one of his successful .•expeditions in the vicinity of Cape Cod. Church sayu, in his history, that he was " as noted a rogue as any among the enemy." Capt. Church told him that the government would not p 'nit him to grant him quar- ter, "because of hisinhutrir) 'n-'irders and barbarities," and therefore ordered h:* o prepare for execution, *' Barrow replied, that th . ..tintence of death against him was just, and that indeed he was ashamed to live any longer, and desired no more favor, than to smoke a whiff of tobacco, before his execution. When he had taken a few whiffs, he said, « I am ready ;' upon which one of capt. Churches 'Indians sunk bis hatchet into his brains." Thus perished a martyr in a great cause, and with infinitely more honor than his murder- He was the father of Totoson. ers. Wtig''tP€€^ a chief of the Seneca nation, one who signed the treaty of fort Stanwix*, in 1784. We bear of no warlike exploits of his, but his name is often associated with that of Corn-plant and Half-lwmy in their appeals to government during the period im- mediately following the revolution. Although the following notices may more properly belong to Com- plantf we recite them here, as it is presumed that that article will be sufficiently long without them. In the year 1790, Big-trte^ Cam-plant and Half-toum ' appeared at Philadelphia, and by their interpreter, communicated to President Washington as follows : " Fathtr ; The voice of the Seneca nations speaks * Situated 15 miles north west of Utica, in the state of N. T* (■'X 8» ftt«-«RlS«i to you ; the great counsellor, in whttae heart the wiae men of all the thirteen Jires [13 U. S.] have placed their wisdom. It may be very small in your ears, and we therefore entreat y^u to hearken with attention ; for We are able to speak of things which are to us very great. « When your army entered the country of the Six ,. Nations, we called you the toum destroyer ; to this day, when your name is heard, our women look behind them and turn pale, and our children cling close to the necks of their mothers." rcliended all the military posts in the western^ Region. The government discovered some liberality to these tribes, on their relinquishing to it what they could not withhold, and as a gratuity gave them twenty thou- sand dollars in goods, and ogreed to pay them nine thousand dollars a year forever ; to be divided among those tribes in proportion to their numbers.^ It has been mentioned, that when the Indians were routed, they fled to fuit JVIaumee. This was a British gamson, and its coninmnder had promised the Indians protection within its walls, if the battle turned against them, but he broke his promise with them, and they never overlooked it in the British afterwards. Tecunu- seh alludes to the transaction in his famous speech to Proctor in our last war, and so did JVtdk-in-the-water upon another occasion. Many English Canadians from Detroit fought in this battle, notwithstanding ^he * The terms of this treaty were the same as were ofTerid to them before the battle, which should be mentioned, as adding materially to our good feelings towards its authors. It is generally denominated Wnyns'a treaty. It is worthy of him. M JULVE-iACKSf* mo nations were then at peace. The feet admitted of no contradiction, for several were found «mong the slain, who were known to be such. Mlue^aeket^ a Shawanese chief, who render^ ed his name famous during the last war. At a tinae when many of the north-western tribes were about to join the Americans, this chief, under a false pretence, intended to have joined others in the council appoint" ed to be held at Seneca with the American commis- sioners, in the summer of 1813, with the intention of assassinating the commandv r, general Harrison. He had formerly lived at Wapockonta, but from which he had been absent a considerable time, and had returned only a few days before the warriors of that town set out to join the American army. That they might not mistrust his intentions, he told them that he had been hunting on the Wabash, and at his request they per-" mitted him to marcli with them to Seneca. " Upon their arrival at M'Arthurs block-house, they halted, and -encamped for the purpose of procuring provisions from the deputy Indian agent, col. M^Pherson, who resided there. Before their arrival at that place, Blue-jacket had communicated to a friend of his, a Shawanese warrior, his intention to kill the American general, and requested his assistance, but his friend declined, and tried to influence him to give up the idea ; urging that he would assuredly loose his own life in the attempt. The determined warrior chief, like the famous JVanun- tenok, replied " I would kill the general, if I knew his guards would cut me in pieces not bigger than my thumb nail.'** This friend chanced to be a friend also of general Harrison^ which proved in the end, a means to save his life. His name was Beaver, and a Delaware, and was under peculiar obligations to * Memoirs of gen. Harriion, ftOMAZSCir. 63 general Harnsony who had been a father to him in hit youth, when his own father had been killed. He therefore felt bound to prevent an injury coming upon him, and on the other hand, he knew not how to rid himself of the obligation due, and almost always strictly observed, from one chief towards another. At length an opportunity preM&ted, in which he might discharge, as he conceived, his obligations. While they were encamped at the Block-house, and Beaver sat in his tent, Blue-jacktt drew near, reeling under the effect of ardent spirit, and uttering vengeance against M^PhersoHi who had turned him out of his house, for acting, it is provable, in a manner agreeable to what he bad received from its inmates, and as they ought to have expected. At this, B^avei's determination waa in a moment fixed, and raising his tomahawk, exclaim^ ed, " you must be a great warrior ; you will not only kill this white man for serving you as you deserve, but you will also murder our father, the American chief) and bring disgrace and misery upon us all ; but you shall do neither." At the same moment dealing a deadly blow upon his skull, with which he prostrated him upon the earth, and with a second end«d his life. « There" said he to some Shawanese present, "take him to the camp of his tribe, and tell them who has done the deed." Beaver was applauded for the act, and no resentment appemp to have existed against him aflerward. Nor could any one account for the design of Blue-jacket. Bomttzeen^ . or Bomazon, Sachem of Nerig wok, or Noffidgewock. Whether he was the next in succession to Arrvhamkwaibemt or not, we have not learned ; or whether he were a distinct chief among others of equal authority among the Nerigwoks. Whether this chief waa the leader in the attack up* u HOMAZEXff* on Oyster river in N.Hampshire, Groton m Massachu- setts, and many other places about the year 1694, we cannot determine, but Hutchinson says he was" a principal actor in the carnage upon the English," after the treaty which he had made with governor Phips, in 1693. In 1694 he came to the fort at Pemmaquid with a flag of truce, and was treacherously seized by those who commanded, and sent prisoner to Boston, where he remained some months, in a loathsome prison. In 1706 new barbarities were committed. Chelmsford, Sudbury, Groton, Exeter, Dover and many other pla- ces suffered more or less. Many captives were taken to Canada, and many killed upon the way. A poor woman who had arrived at the river St. Lawrence, was about to be banged by. her master. JUie limb of the tree on which he waiS executing his purpose gave way, and while he was making a second attempt, Bomazeen, happened to be passing, and rescued her. Here was humanity. What a thrill of gratitude would our natures receive, were we able to record, or read, that at a certain time the arm of an Englishman was stayed, when the axe was about to descend upon the neck of a poor helpless Indian prisoner ! We hear of him just after the death of Arrahawik- wabend, in October, 1710, when he fell upon Saco with 60 or 70 men, and killed several people, and carried away some captii^s. He is mentioned as a ** notorious fellow," and but few of his acts are upon record. Some time after the peace of 1701, it seem- ed to be confirmed by the appearance Af JSomozeen, and another principal chief, who said the French Fri- ars were urging them to break their union with the Engliaii, <* but that they had made no impression on them, for they were as firm as the mountains, and should continue so, as long as the sun and moon en- BaANDT. 65 dured." On peace being made known to the Indi'ans, as having taken plac<<) between the French and English nations, they came into Casco with a flag of truce, and soon afler concluded a treaty at Portsmouth, N. H., dated 11th July, 1713. BomazttiCa name and mark are to this treaty. When capt. Moulton was sent up to Nerigwok in 1734, they fell in with Bomazeen about Taconnet, where they shot him as he was escaping through the river. Near the town of Nerigwok, his wife and daughter were, in a barbarous manner fired upon, the daughter killed, and the mother taken. I purposely omit Dr. C. Mathers -account of Boma- zeeni's conversation with a minister of Boston, while a prisoner there, which amounts to little else than his recounting some of the extravagant notions which the French of Canada had made many Indians be- lieve, to their great detriment, as he said ; as that Jestui Christ was a French man, and the virgin Mary a French woman ; that the French gave them poison to drink, to inflame them against the English, which made them run mad, &c. Bvuntii^ &n Onondaga chief, conspicuous for his deception and treachery in the French war. About 1756, notwi.nstanding three of his sons were in the English army, yet he used wily arts that they might fall into the hands of the French at Oswego. In the revolutionary war he was commissioned colonel in the English army, and led a band of warriors in the Massacre of Wyoming, and in the attack on Minisink, in New York. He died in 1807. His father was a Ger- man, and his mother an Indian. His residence was at Anaquaqua^ in New York, about* 36 miles from the present cite of Cooperstown. His most noted exploit of barbarity was in the attack on Wyoming, at the' » < 6i) BRANDT. head of about 300 Indians. In this, however, if biUr- bvity be chargeable to one more than another, it ia to a Connecticut tory, by the name of John BuUer. Thia man had lived among the Indians on the fronti * BlUKDT. 67 totddnot htlp revenging hims^f on the ovUy ehitfof the forty that he aaut taken," ' d. v, The famous poem, Gertrude tff Wyoming^ often re- calls to our social circles, the recollection of Brandt. But it is as hard to find excuse for the author's puttingthe ^ords o{ Logan into his hero's mouth, in one of the stanzas, aA ifor a modem tragedy writer, those of JVati" untenoh into the mouth of Philip. However, as it is a beautiful stanza in other respects, I will not withhold it from the reader. << Scorningi to wield the hatchet for his bride, 'Gainst Brandt himself, I want to battle forth : Accursed Brandt .' he lefl of all my tribe Nor man nor child, nor thing of living birth : No ! not the dog, that watched my household hearth, Escaped that night of blood, upon our plains ! All perished '. I alone am lefl; on Earth ! To whom nor relation nor blood remains, ^■ No ! — not a kindred drop that rius in human veins !" It should be mentioned that a son of Brandt, has contradicted much of what has been said and written about his father. But what bis assertions are we know not ; none of them having ever come to our know- ledge, but in general terms. Whatever treachery or barbarity attaches itself to the name of Brandt, the friend of the Indian has the consolation that he was but a half blood, or in other words, that he was but half Indian. At the massacre of Wyoming, col. Robert Dvrkee, whose name was for several yeaip before conspicuous in the French war, was tortured in the most horrid manner. The Indians held him in the fire with pitch- forks until he expired. But whether col. Brandt or col. Butler presided upon the occasion we are not in- formed. King Ckorge conferred on Brandt a fine tract of land 68 BULL. on the west shore of lake Ontario, as a reward fpr hii inilimiy services, where a son and daughter were very recently living, in the English style ; but their mother ■would never conform to this mode of life. Brandt was a man of some learning, and translated a prayerbook and some of the bible into Indian ; copies of which may be seen in the library of Harvard College. jBtCll* (capt.) a chief among the Wabash tribe, who when gens. Scott and Wilkinson were sent into that country in 1791, did by his warriness, save many of his people from falling into the hands of the Americans. He discovered the army at a. considera- ble distance, and before they could come up, himself and nearly all his people, escaped across the Wabash. In one house, however, a detachment of 40 men killed two mrriors ! At another town a little higher up the riv«r, they fell upon the inhabitants as they were em- barking in their canoes. How many they killed in this situation is not distinctly stated, but they "de- stroyed all the savages with which five canoes were crowded." The river here being not fordable to the Americans, gave many an opportunity of escape. A detachment at the same time surprised a neighboring village, killed 6 warriors and took 52 prisoners ; most- ly wofMn and children. About 18 miles farther up, at the mouth of Eel river, a detachment burnt the town of Kethlipecanunk, and had a skirmish with a few warriors, in which three whites were wounded, but we hear of none on the other side. Some French people lived here with the Indians, as they ascertained by ma- ny French books and letters which they found in the houses. The village contained "about 70 houses, many of them well finished." The army, ai^er releasing 16 prisoners, who were unable to travel, by whom a proclamation was sent to die Thud not "Thi klUei B by those nate < This tyof gany called BULXr-BSAD. tiie Wabash tribes, decamped and left the country. Thus ended the expedition of general Scott ; in which not a white man was killed, and but five wounded." "Thirty-two, chiefly warriors of size and figure," were killed, and fifty-eight taken prisoners. JStCllCf • (captain.) A Seneca chief, was known by this name in 1791. His depredations, added to those of many others, was the cause of the uqfortu- ' nate expeditions afterwards, of Harmer and St. Clair. This chief, on the 22d March, in that year, led a par- . ty of his warriors to a frontier settlement on the Alle- gany river, in Pennsylvania, opposite to a small island, called Owen's island, where Bullet, with five of his men went into the house of one Mr. Cutwrighi,>m a friendly manner, and requested some victuals, which the family immediately gave thenn When they had finished eating, capt. Bullet told Mr. Cutuxright he must ^ve him his gun, and on meeting with a refusal, raised his tomahawk and gaVb Cutunight suqh a blow, that he instantly fell dead. By this time a son of Cut' Wright having provided himself with an axe, struck at and killed BvUet. Upon this a second Indian laid young Cuturright dead with his tomahawk. The atTray had alarmed the neighborhood, and others were en- gaged on both sidei^. No more of the whites appear to have been killed, but two of BulleVs company were added to the former number, and the Indians, to the number of 14, made their escape into the woods, and the few scattered settlers retired for, a time to the lower settlements. s ' J^vM^Headi^ chief of the lower Seminoles, no- ticed for the sake of exhibiting a custom of surprising^ barbarity, i He had escaped the ravages ot war, car- riied on by the .Americans against them for several years previous to and during 1818, and lived in a place 6 70 CANAMATEOO. of security, enjoying the rich plunder he had wrested from his enemies. In June of this year, 1818, he died, and agreeable to his direction, four beautiful hor- ses, and a negro man for whom he had great attach- ment while living, were burned as sacrifices upon the occasion. Busheag* & Pequot, who in the time of the first settlement of Connecticut, made an attempt to murder some of the people of the town of Stamford, and although he did not succeed, yet the English offered a reward for the intended murderer, and he was shortly after apprehended by one of his own na- tion and delivered up to the English, who put him to death at New Haven. €kUebm a Punkapog, one of those called praying Indians, bin who ha^ become disaffected, as was often the case among those professing Christianity. This CaUb being detected in attempting to run away to join the Narragansets with another man's wife, about the commencement of Philip's war, fled into the woods, and was taken soon after, and delivered to the English, who closely confined him ; his fate is unknown, but doubtless the fate of a slave in a distant land was his. CanaSStUegO^ a Mengwe chief of the Six Na- tions. In 1742, there arose a dispute between the Delawares and the government of Pennsylvania, rela- tive to a tract of land in the forks of the Delaware. The English claimed it by right of prior purchase, and the Delawares persisted in their claim, and threat- ened to use force unless it should be given up by the whites. This tribe of the Delawares were subject to the Six Nations, and the governor of Pennsylvania sent deputies to them to notify them of the trouble, that they might interfere and prevent war. It was on this oecasion that Canassat^o appeared in Philadelphia CANAIMATEOO. 71 with 330 warrion. He observed to the governor, *(that they saw the Delaware! had been an unruly people, and were altogether in the wrong ; that they had concluded to remove them, and oblige them to go over the river Delaware, and quit all claim to any lands on this side for the future, since they had received pay for them, and it is gone through their guts long ago. They deserved, he said, to be taken by the hair of the head, and shaken severely, till they recovered their senses, and became sober ; that he had seen with his own eyes a deed signed by nine of their ancestors above nfly years ago for this very land, and a release signed not many years since, by some of themselves, and chiefs yet living, (and then present) to the number of 15 and upwards; but how came you (addressing himself to the Delawares present,) to take upon you to sell land at all ? We conquered you ; we made wo- men of you ; you know you are women ; and can no more sell land than women ; nor is it fit you should have the power of selling lands, since you would abuse It. This land you claim is gone through your guts ; you have been furnished with clothes, meat and drink, by the goods paid you for it, and now you want it again, like children as you are. But what makes you sell lands in the dark ? Did you ever tell us that you had sold this land ? Did we ever receive any part, even the value of a pipe shank, from you, for it ? You have told us a blind story, that you sent a messenger to us, to inform us of the sale ; but he never came^ amongst us, nor did we ever hear any thing about it. This is acting in the dark, and very different from the conduct our Six Nations observe in the sales of land. On such occasions they ^ve public notice, and invite all the Indians of their united nations, and give them all a share of the presents they receive for their lands. » ^ 73 CANONCHET. This is the behaviour of the wise united nations. But we find you are n6ne of our blood ; you act p dishon- est part, not only in this, but in other matters ; your ears are ever open to slanderous reports about your brethren. For all these reasons, we charge you to re- move instantly ; we dont give you liberty to think abo%U it. You are women." They dared not disobey this com- mand, and soon after removed, some to Wyoming and Shatnokin, and some to the Ohio.* When Canassatego was at Lancaster, in Pennsylva- nia, in 1744, holding a talk about their affairs with the governor, he was informed that the English had beaten the French, in some important battle. " Well," said he "if that be the case, you must have taken a great deal of rum from them, and can afford to give us some, that we may rejoice with you." Accordingly a glass was served round to each, which they called a French glass, t We are not to look into the history of Pennsylvania for a succession of Indian wars, although there have been some horrid murders and enormities committed among the whites and Indians. For about 70 yearsi their historic page, is very clear of such records, name- ly, from 1682, the arrival of William Penn, until the French war of 1755. Cnnonchet^ or by some ^uanonshety was son of Miantunomoh. Canonchet was the last name by which he was known ; that of JVanunlenoo he bore some time previous to Philip's war. He was a famous warrior, and commanded in the fight when capt. Michael PiercCf * Gordon's Pa. A very pleasant stoiy is tr)ld of Canassate- go by Dr. Franklin, but is too long to lie here inserted, and u or ought to be in the hands of every person. It is printed in the common edition of his life. t Colden'B Hist. Five Nations, ii, 142. of in heri^ hatrd Ti the e| niesi fight I 16761 with loss nonch Nipni collec CAirONCBET. 73 of Scituate, and his company were cut off at Patuxet, in Rhode Island. He was, says Dr. TrumbuU^ an *< in- heritor of all his father'a pride, and of his insolence and hatred towards the English." The « sore defeat" of capt. Pterce, and the tide of the enemies previous success, caused the united colo- nies to send forth all the strength they could raise. The fight at Patuxet was on Sunday, the 26th of March, 1676, and before the end of the month Canonchet^ with many of his men, atoned by their lives for the loss of the English. During the winter of 1675, Co- nonchet took up his abode far into the country of the Nipmucks. He came down early in the spring to collect seed corn for the purpose of planting the dc(- «erted settlements of the English upon Connecticut river. It was in this service that his scouts discovered and watched the movements of capt. Piercers compa- ny, and fell upon them at such great advantage. Short' ly after this, capt. George Denison of Southerton,f with a considerable body of English, and a large number of Pequot and Mohegan Indians, came upon Canonchet near Patucket river. They first took a squaw belong- ing to his company , who informed them where Canon- chet was. He was nearly swrounded in his wigwam, when one of his men apprised him of the approach of the English, and he instantly fled with great precipi- tation. A friendly Indian by the name of Catapazetj discovering him as he fled, knew him and pursued him with all the speed he was master of. Several others * Since, Stoninffton, in Connecticut. He lived near Mystic river in l(i58, and was the chief officer in the place, civil, military, or ecclesiastical. Possibly some future historian may ask the editors of the Connecticut Gazetteer, who pretend to give biographical notices of the most eminent men in the towns, what they have done with capt. George DenUon. 74 CAIfOIfCHET. who were very swift of foot, joined in the purauit* When pressed to great extremity, he threw off his blanl(et, and again as they neared him, his silver laced coat, which was, some time before the war, given him at Boston, when he made a treaty with the English. A doubt no longer remained with his pursuers, as to the certainty that it was Canonchet, which gave them new ardor in the pursuit ; yet it seemed very doubtful whether they would be able to overtake him ; and but for an accident was linrdly probable. As he was cross- ing the river, his foot slipped upon a stone, which brought him into a deep place, and his gun under watLM', and he lost so much time in recovering himself, that one of the foremost of his pursuers, a Pequot named Monopoidc, came up and seized upon him, as he was flying upon the opposite shore, and within 30 rods of it. Canonchel made no resistance, although he was a man of great physical strength, and acknowl- edged bravery, and the one who seized Jiim very ordin- ary in that respect. Rohert Strmturif a young man, was the first Englislnnon who came up. He asked the captured chief some questions, who appeared at first to regard him with silent indignity, but at length casting a disdainful look upon him, said in broken English, " you too much child: no understand matters of war: let your captain come, him I will answer." ♦♦ Acting herein," says Mr. Hubbard, " os if by a Pythagorean metempsychosis, some old Roman ghost had possessed the body of this western pagan ; and like Attilius Reg- ulus,* he would not accept of hia own life, when it was tendered him," on condition that he would make peace with the English, observing that he knew his men would not submit. But the true cause no doubt was, his considering such an act contrary to his dignity. * Marcus Attilius Regulus, a Roman Consul. CAlfOlflCCB. 75 as For he had said before that " he would not deliver up a Wampcnoag, or the peering of a Wampanoags nail ; that he would burn the English alive in their houses." This his captors now reminded him of, and he' made no other answer, but this, " others wore as forward for the war as I," and ho desired to hear no more of it When-he was told that he must die, he said, *' he liked it well ; that ho should die before his heart was soil, or had spoken any thing unworthy of himself" Ho was taken to Stonington, where ho was shot by some of the Pequots and Mohegnns. His head was cut off and sent to Hartford, and his body consumed by fire. At the time ho was taken, there were killed and captured forty three others.* CaHOUiCUS^ t the great Sachem of the Narra- gansets. He was contemporary with Miantunnomoh who was his nephew. We know not the time of his birth, but a sou of his was at Boston the next year aAer it was settled, 1031. But the time of his death is minutely recorded by gov. Winlhrop in his "Jour- nal," thus: «* June 4, ]t{47. CanoniViw, the greot Sa- chem of Nurragunset, died, a very old man." He is mentioned with great respect by Rev. Rof^er WUliams,X in the year 1054. Afler observing that many hundreds of the English were witnesses to the friendly disposi- tion of the Narragunsets, says, ".Their late famous * Manuscript documents. t A name probably conferred on him by the English. Or perhaps it came nearest to the sound of the Indian word. The Philologists of that day miffht have raised an argument in favor of their having descended from the Latins upon it, if it were really Indian. There was a great poet, orator and art- ist, friar of Trinity Church, London, in the year 1200, sur- named Canonicus, mentioned by Hakluyt, as having travelled into Palestine, &c. Voyages, II, 30, ed. 1599. t Manuscript letter to the governor of Massachusstts. i 76 txsavictii. longlived Cauwmtcus so lived and died, and in the 8iim0 most honorable manner and solerafiity, (in their way) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace-maker, Mr. Winthrop, did they honor this their prudent and peace- able prince ; yea through all their towns and countries how frequently do many, and ort times, our English- , men travel alone With safety and loving kindness?" When Mr. John Oldham was killed neu- Block island, and an investigation set on foot by the English to ascertain the murderers, they Wen fully satisfied that Canonicus and MiantWnnomoh had no hand in the affair but that "the six other Narraganset Sachems had." tt is no wonder that he should have taken great offence at the conduct of the English concerning the death of Miantunnornoh. The Warwick ^eiders con- sidered ii a great piece of injustice, and Mr. Samuel Gorton wrote a letter for Canonicus to the government of Massachusetts, notifying them that he had resolved ro be revenged upon the Mobegans. Upon this the En- glish despatched messengers to Narraganset to inquire o£ Canonicus whether he authorized the letter. He treated them with great coldness, and would not admit them into his wigwam for the space of two hours after their arrival, aUhough it was very rainy. When they were admitted, he frowned upon them, and gave them answers foreigi: to the purpose, and referred them to Pessacus. This was a very cold reception, compared with that which the messengers met with when sent to him for information respecting the death of Mr. Old- ham. "They returned with acceptance and good success of their business; observing in the Sachem much state, greet command of his men, and marvel- lous v/isdom in his answers ; and in the carriage of the whole treaty clearing himself and his Neighbors of the murder, and offering revenge of it, yet upon very (safe «Dd wary conditions." CANONICUS. 77 This Sachem is said to have governied in great haraiony with his nephew. " The chiefeet government in the country is divided between a younger Sachem, Jlftanfunn- nanu, and an elder Sachem, Caunaunacus^of about four score years old, this young man's uncle ; and their agreement in the government is remarkable. The old Sachem will not be offended at what the young Sa- chem doth ; and the young Sachem will not, do what he conceives will displease his uncle."* We have yet to go a step back to relate some mat- ters of much interest in the history of this chief. It is related by Mr. Edward Winslow, in his " Good news from New England,! that in February, 1622, O. S., Canon- icus sent into Plimouth, by one of his men, a bundle of arrows bound with a rattlesnakes skin, and there left them, and retired. When Squantum was made acquainted with the circumstance, he told the English that it was a challenge for war. Governor Bradford took the rattlesnake's skin, and filled it with powder and shot and returned it to Cannntcus ; at the same time instructing the messenger to bid him defiance, and invite him to a trial of strength. The messenger, and his insulting carriage, had the desired effect upon Canonicus, for he would not receive the skin, and it was cast out of every community of them, until it at last was returned to Plimouth, and all its contents. This was a demonstration that he was awed into silence and respect of the English." In a grave assembly, upon a certain occasion, Ca- nonicus thus addressed Roger Williams, " I have never suffered any wrong to be offered to the English since they landed, nor never will ;" and often repeated the word Wunnaunewaycan, which signified faithfulness. " If the Englishman speak true, if he mean truly, then • Col. R. I. Hi«t. Soo. Vol. I. t Col. Mas. His. Soc. VIII. \ ,jft. 78 CANONICUS. shall I go to iny grave in peace, and hope that the En- glish and my posterity shall live in love and peace together." In 1635, Rev. Roger Williams found Canonictu and Miantunnomoh carrying on a bloody war against the Watnpanoags. By his intercession an end was put to it and all the Sachems grew much into his favor ; es- pecially Canonicus, whose " heart he says, was stirred up to love me as his son to his last gasp." He sold the island of Rhode Island to WiUiam Coddington, Roger Williams, and others. A son of Canonicus, named Mriksah is named by WUliam^, as inheriting his father's spirit.* There was another chief of the same name, in Phil- ip's war, which Mr. Hubbard denominates " the great Sachem of the Narragansets," and who, " distrusting the proffers of the English, was slain in the woods by the Mohawks, his squaw surrendering herself: by thl^f means hei life was spared." In 1632, a war broke out between the Narraganseis and the Pequots, on account of disputed right to the lands between Paucatuck river and Wecapang brook.f It was a tract of considerable consequence, being about ten miles wide, and Afleen or twenty long. Canonicus drew along with him, besides his own men, several of the Massachusetts Sagamores. This was maintained with ferocity and various success, until 1635, when the Pequots were driven from it, but who, it would seem, considered themselves but little worsted ; for , * Manviscript letter. t " The natives are very exact and punctual in the bounds of their lands, belonging to this or that prince or people, even to a river, brook, &c. And I have known them make bargain and sale amongst themselves, for a small piece, or quantity of eround ; notwithstanding a sinful opinion amongst many, toat Chiislians hare right to heaUien's lands." R. WiUiamS' CASSASSIITAMOir. f9' unds even 'gain tyof laay, am9. Ctmonieui doubting his ability to hold possesgion long, and ashamed to have it retaken from him, made a present of it to one of his captains, who had fought heroically in conquering it ; but he never held posses- sion. This captain, Sochoso^ was a Pequot, but desert- ing from them, espoused the cause of Canonicusj and was made a chief. CaSSaSSinnam&n^ a noted Narraganset chief, of whom we have some account as early as 1659. In that year a difficulty arose about the limits of Southerton, since called Stonington, in Connecticut, and several English were sent to settle the difficulty, which was concerning the location of V/ekapauge., " For to help us (they say) to understand where We- kapauge is, we desired some Poquatucke Indians to go with us." Cassassinnamon was one who assisted* r > They told the English that " Cashawasset,. {the governor of Wekapauge) did charge them that they should not go any further than the east side of a little swamp, near the east end of the first great pond, where they did pitch down a stake, and told us [the English] that Cashawasset said that that very place was Wekapauge ; said that he said it and not them ; and if they should say that Wekapauge did go any further, Cashawasset would be angry." Cashawasset was a Pequot, and after this had confirmed to him and those under him, 8000 acres of land in the Pequot country, with the provision that they continued subjects of Massachusetts, and "shall not sell or alienate the said lands or any part thereof, to any English man or men, without thii courts approbation." The neck of land called Quinicuntauge was claim- ed by both parties, but Ca8sa»ai*ir:amon said that when a whale was sometime before cast ashore tliek'% no one disputed Cashawaaaeta claim to it, which it ii believed 80 CAUNBITANT. settled the question: Cashatoasset was known gener- erally by the name of Harmon Garret* We next meet with Cassasninnamon in Philip's war, in which he commanded a company of Pequots, and accompanied capt. Denison in his successful career, and aided much in the capture of Canonchet.^ CwunMtaWti or Corbitanty a distinguished chief in the time of the settlement of Plimouth, whose resi- dence was at a place called Mettapoiset, in the present town of Swansey. His character was much the same as that of the famous Metacomet. The English were al- ways viewed by him as intruders and enemies of his .race, and there is little doubt but he intended to wrest the country out of their hands on the first occasion. When Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. John Hamden went to visit Massasoit in his sickness, in 1633, they heard by some Indians, when near Corbitants residence, that Massasoit was really dead, they therefore, though with much hesitation, ventured to his house, hoping they might treat with him, he being then thought the suc- cessor of Massasoit. But he was not at his place. The squaw Sachem, his wife, treated them with great kindness, and learning here that Massasoit was still aUve, they made all haste to Pokanoket. When they returned, they stayed all night with Corhitanly at hid house, who accompanied them there from MassasoiCs. " By the way (says Mr. Winslow) I had much confer- ence with him, so Ukewise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry jests and squibs'^ and never better pleased than when the like are re- turned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in case Kt were thus dangerously sick, as Mp^8a;soit had been, and should send word thereof to * Several manuicript documents. t Hubbard. * M CAUNBITANT. 81 Patuxet (their name of Plimouth) for masHest, [that is physic,] whether their master governor would send it ? and if he would whether I would come therewith to him ? To both which I answered, yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks." He then expressed his surprise that two Englishmen should adventure so far alone into their country, and asked them if they were not afraid. Mr. Winslow said, " where was true love, there was no fear." « But," sa|d Corhitant, " if your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh it to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand up> on your guard, with the mouth of your pieces present' ed towards us ?" Mr. fVinalow told him that was a mark of respect, and that they received their best friends in that manner ; but to this he shook his head, and answered, that he did not like such salutations.* Previous to what has just been related, in the year 1621, the English heard that Massasoit had been taken by the Narragansets, and wishing to learn the truth of the report, sent Squanto and Hobbomok to Namasket, where they understood Corbitant was trying to influ- ence the people against the English ; "storming at the peace between Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and Tis- qtuzntum [the same as Sqtianto] the worker of it." At Namasket, as they were in a house, they were sudden- ly set upon by Corbitant who seized tliem, but Hobbo- mck being a stout man, broke from them, while Cor- biiant held a knife at the breast of Squanto, and brought news to Plimouth th°t SqiMnlo was dead. Immedi- ately upon this, capt. Standis\ with ten men, proceed- ed with warlike parade to Namasket) beset a house in which they expected to find Corbiiant, but he had made his escape. As some were flying from the house the English fired upon them and wounded several, but by Good News from N. England. Col. Mas. Hist. Soc. 82 CHtKATAUBtJT. A^' the help of Hobbomok they conciliated many, though they could learn nothing of Corbitant, only that he was fled with many others whom he had made believe that the English would murder them. Hobbomok got up- on the top of the house and called for Squanto and Toktmahatnorif who soon came with a company of otherfc\ The English now returned to Plimouth, taking along with them two of those they had wounded, to heal them ; at the same time leaving such threats against Corbitant, which together with their conduct, struck them with such fear and dread of them, that he interceded with Massasoit and became friendly again, in appearance, but was always suspected by the En- glish. Chikatauhut^ or Chikkatabak, a Sachem of considerable note, and generally supposed to have had dominion over the Massachusetts Indians. Thomas Morton mentions him in his New Canaan, as Sachem of Passonagesit (about Weymouth,) and says his moth- er was buried there. I need make no comments upon the authority, or warn the reader concerning the stories of Morton, as this is done in almost eveiy book, early and late, about New England ; but shall relate the following from him. In the first settling of Plimouth, some of the company in wandering about up n discovery, came upon an Indian grave, which was that of the mother of Chik- atauhut. Over the body a stake was set in the ground, and two huge bear skins sewed together, spread over it ; these the English took away. When this came to the knowledge of Chikataubut he complained to his people, and demanded immediate vengeance. When they were assembled, he thus harangued them : " When last the glorious light of all the sky was underneath tbis globe, and bi: ^s grew silent, I began to settle. j^-'X CHIKATAUBUT. 83 9B my custom is, to take repose; before mine eyes were fast closed, me tho't I saw a vision, at which my spirit was much troubled, and trembling at that dole- ful sight, a spirit cried aloud, < Behold ! my son, whom I have cherished, see the paps that gave thee suck, the hands that clasped thee warm, and fed thee ofl, canst thou forget to take revenge of those v/ild people, that hath my monument defaced in a despiteful manner; disdaining our ancient antiquities, and honorable cus- toms : See now the Sachem's grave lies like unto the common people, of ignoble race defaced : Thy mother doth complain, implores thy aid against this thievish people new come hither ; if this be suffered, I shall not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation.'" f Battle was the unanimous resolve, and the English were watched, and followed from place to place, until at length as some were going ashore in a boat, they fell upon them, but gained no advantage. Afler maintaining the fight for some time, and being driven from tree to tree, the chief captain was wounded in the arm, and the whole took to flight. This action caused, the na- tives about Plimouth to look upon the English as in- vincible., and was the reason peace so long afler was maintai i<^d. Mourt's Relation goes far to establish the main facts in the above account. " We brought sundry of the prettiest things away with us, and covered the corpse up again," says Mourt, and, «' there was variety of opinions amongst us about the embalmed person," but no mention of t))e bear skins. From the agreement of the different accounts, there is but| little doubt that the English were attacked at \ If this be fiction, a modern compiler may have deceived some of his readers. The article in the Analectie Magazine may have been his source of information, but ihe whole may be seen in Morton's JVcto Canaan, 106 and 107. t , f 84 CHIKATACBUT. Namskekit, in consequence of their deprbdationi upon the graves, corn, &c. of the Indians. In 1621, Chikataubut, with eight other Sachems, acknowledged, by a written instrument, themselves thft subjects of King James. About ten years after this, when Boston was settled, he visited gov. Winthrop, and presented him with a hogshead of corn. Many of " his samops and squaws " came with him, but were most of them sent away "after they had all dined;" Chikataubut, probably fearing they would be burdensome, although it thundered and rained, and the governor urged their stay. At this time he wore EngHsh clothes, and sat at the governor's table, « where he behaved himself as soberly, &c. as an Englishman.'* Not long after he called on gov. Wintkrop and desired to buy clothes for himself, the governor informed him that « English Sagamores did not use to truck ;^ but he called his tailor and gave him order to make him a suit of clothes ; whereupon he gave th^ governor two large skins of coat beaver." In a few days his clothes were ready, and the gov. « put him into a very good new suit from head to foot, and after, he set meat be- fore them ; but he would not eat till the gov. had given thanks, and after meat he desired him to do the like, and so departed." June 14, 1631, at a court, Chikataubut was ordered to pay a small skin of beaver, to satisfy for one of his men's having killed a pig, which he complied with. A man by the name of Plaatowe, and some others, having stolen corn from him, the court, Sept. 27, '31, ordered that Plastowe should restore « two fold" and loose his title of gentleman, and pay £5. This I Efuppose they deemed equivalent to four fold. His * However true this might have been of the ffOTeraor, at best, we think, he shodd not have used the plunu. name OONSCtSHcK. 85 nccomplices were whipped, to the same amount ? The next year we find him engaged with other Sachems in an expedition against the Pequots, but the particulars are not recorded. The same year two of his men were convicted o^ assaulting some persons of Dorches- ter in their bouses. " They were put in the bilboes,** and himself required to beat them, which he did. The Small Pox was very prevalent among the In- dians in 1633, in which year, sometime in November. Chikataubut died. There is a quit claim deed from Josias JVnmpatuck, grandson of Chikataubut, dated in lt>95, of Boston and the adjacent country and the islands in the harbor, to the " proprietated inhabitants of the town of Boston," to be seen among the Suffolk records. Wampaivxk says, or some one for him, " Forasmuch as I am in- formed, and well assured from several ancient Indiana, as well those of my council as others, that upon the first coming of the English to sit down and settle in those parts of New England, my above named grand- father Chikataubut, by and with the advice of his council, for encouragement thereof moving, did give, grant, sell, alienate, and confirm unto the English planters," the lands above named. Conscience^ a native of Swansey in Massachu- setts, was one of the last of the Wainpanoags. In Janu- ary, 1677, as capt. Church was ranging the woods in the northwest of Plimouth colony, a party of the enemy fell into his hands. One among them, an old man. particularly attracted his notice, and on being askrd his name, said it was Conscience. " Conscience ! " ex- claimed Churchf »* then the war is over, for that is the very thing I am in search of." Conscience was sold to a person of his native place, agreeably to his desire, and this was, we believe, the last expedition of Church in Philip's war. » ^ 86 CORN-PLANT. CartP-piant, aignifying in Iroquoif, Oiet?, wis one of the principal Senecas, in 1821. * The most of our knowledge of him, is derived from himielf, and i» contained in a letter ient from him to the governor of Pennsylvania. And although written by an interpre- ter, is believed to be the real production of ObeU. It was dated " Alleghany river, 2d mo. 2d, 1 822," and it as follows : <« I feel it my duty to send a speech to the governor of Pennsylvania at this time, and inform him tlie place where I was from — which was at Conewaugus,t on the Genesee river. <« When I was a child, I played with the butterfly, the grasshopper and the frogs ; and as I grew up, I began to pay some attention and play with the Indian boys in the neighbourhood, and they took notice of my skin being a di^erent color from theirs, and spoke about it. I enquired of my mother the cause, and she told me that my father was a residenter in Albany. I still eat my victuals out of a bark dish — I grew up to be a young man, and married me a wife, and I had no kettle or gun. I then knew where my father lived, and went to see him, and found he was a white man, and spoke the English language. He gave me victuals whilst I was at his houro, but when I started to return home, he gave me no provision to eat on the way. He gave me neither kettle nor gun, neither did he tell me that the United States were about to rebel against the government of England. " I will now tell you, brothers, who are in session of the legislature of Pennsylvania, that the Great Spirit • Stansbury. * t This waa the Iroquois term to designate a place of Chrii' tian Indians, hence many places bear it. Ik is the same tm Caughneivaga. coftir-ruifV. 87 hu made known to me that I have been wicked ; and the cause thereof was the revolutionpry war in Ameri- ca. The cause of Indians having been led into sin, at tliat time, was that many of them were in the prac- tice of drinking and getting intoxicated. Great Britian * requested us to join with them in the conflict against the Americans, and promised the Indians land and liquor. I, myself was opposed to joining in the con- flict, as I had nothing to do with the difliculty that existed between the two parties. I have now inform- ed you how it happened that the Indians took a part in the B evolution, and will relate to you some cireum- stance that occurred after the close of the war. Gen. Putnam, who was then at Philadelphia, told me there was to be a council at fort Stanwix ; and the Indians requested me to attend on behalf of the Six Nations ; which I did, and there met with three commissioners, who had been appointed to hold the council. They told me they would inform me of the cause of the Rev- olution, which I requested them to do minutely, they then said that it had originated on account of the heavy taxes that had been imposed upon them by the British government, which had been for fiAy years increas- ing upon them ; that the Americans had grown weary thereof, and refused to pay, which affronted the king. There had likewise a difficulty taken place about some tea, which they wished me not to use, as it had been one of the causes that many people had lost their lives. And the British government now being af- fronted, the war commenced, and the cannons began to roar in our country. General Putnam then told me at the council at fort Stanwix, that by the late ^ar, the Americans had gained two objects : they had estab- lished themselves an independent nation, and had ob- tained some land to live upon ; the division line Qf '.»- ' ^^.^^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /q ^ <^^ 1.0 I.I 130 ^^^" liiM 1.8 ^ 11^ tL 6" Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WiST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80 (716)872-4503 *■ 4lg y.^ iL I 86 cotmf-tLxvr. which from Great Britian, run through the laked. I then spoke, and said that I wanted some land for the Indians to live on, and general PtUnam said that it should be granted, and I should have land in the state of New Vork, for the Indians. Gen. PtUnam then encouraged me to use my endeavors to pacify the In- dians generally ; i,nd as he considered it an arduous task to perform, wished to know what I wanted for ' pay therefor ? I replied to him, that I would use my endeavors to do as he had requested, with the Indians, and for pay thereof, I would take laud. I told him not to pay me money or dry goods, but land. And for having attended thereto I received the tract of land on which I now live, which was presented to me by governor Miflin. I told general Putnam, that I wish- ed the Indians to have the exclusive privilege of the deer and wild game, which he assented to. I also wished the Indians to have the privilege of hunting in the woods, and making fires, which he likewise as- sented to. " The treaty that was made at the aforementioned council, has been broken by some of the white people, which I now intend acquainting the governor with. Some white people are not willing that Indians should hunt any more, whilst others are satisfied therewith ; and those white people who reside near our reserva- tion, tell us that the woods are theirs, and they have obtained them from the governor. The treaty has been also broken by the white people using their en- deavours to destroy all the wolves, which was not spoken about in the council at fort Stanwix, by general Putnam^ but has originated lately. *< It has been broken again, which is of recent origin. White people wish to get credit from Indians, and da not pay them honestly, according to their agreement. In peo|| plar theid 0' COair-PLANT. 89 In another respect it has also been broken by white people, who reside near my dwelling ; for when I plant melons and vines in my field, they take them as their own. It has been broken again by white people, using their endeavors to obtain our pine trees from us. We have very few pine trees on our land, in the state of New York ; and white people and Indians often get into dispute respecting them. There is also a great quantity of whiskey brought near our reservation by white people, and the Indians obtain it and become drunken. Another circumstance has taken place which is very trying to me, and I wish the interference of the governor. « The white people, who live at Warren, call^ upon me some time ago, to pay taxes for my land ; which I objected to, as I had never been called upon for that purpose before ; and having refused to pay, the white people^ became irritated, called upon me fre- quently, and at length • brought four guns with them and seized our cattle. I still refused to pay, and was not willing to let the cattle go, after a time of dispute, they returned home, and I understood the militia was ordered out to enforce the collection of the tax. I went to Warren, and, to avert the impending difficulty, was obliged to give my note for the tax, the amount of which was 43 dollars and 79 cents. It is my desire that the governor will exempt me from paying taxes for my land to white people ; and also cause that the money I am now* obliged to pay, may be refunded to me, as I am very poor. The governor is the person who attends to the situation of the people, and I wish him to send a person to Alleghany, that I may inform him of the particulars of our situation, and he be au- thorized to instruct the white people, in what manner to conduct themselves towards the Indians, 90 Corn-plant. " The government has told us that when any dlflS- culties arose between the Indians and white people^ they would attend to having them removed. We are now in a trying situation, and I wish the governor to send a person, authorised to attend thereto, the fore part of next summer, about the time that grass has grown big enough for pasture. « The governor formerly requested me to pay at- tention to the Indians, and take care of them. We are now arrived at a situation that I believe Indians cannot exist, unless the governor should comply with my request and send a person .authorised to treat between us and the white people, the approaching itfmmer. I have now no more to speak."* Whether the government of Pennsylvania acted at all, or if at all, what order thoy took, upon this pathet- ic appeal, our author does not state. But, that an in- dependent tribe of Indians should be taxed by a neighboring people, is absurd in the extreme ; and we' hope we shall learn that not only the tax was remitted, but a remuneration granted for thg vexation and damage. Corn-plant was very early distinguished for his wis- dom in council, notwithstanding he confirmed the treaty of fort Stanwix of J 784, five years after, at the treaty of fort Harmer, giving up an immense tract of their country, and for which his nation very much reproached him, and even threatened his life. Himself and other chiefs committed this act for the best of reasons. The Six Nations having taken part with England in the Revolution, when the king's power fell in America, the Indian nations were reduced to the miserable alternative of giving up so much of their country as the Americans required, or the uhoU of it. * Buchanan's Sketches. CORN-PLAMT. 91 In 1770, Cont'-planti HaJf-town and fi^4ree, made « most pathetic appeal to Congress for an amelioration of their condition, and a reconsideration of former treaties, in which the following memorable passage occurs: « Faiher ; we will not conceal from you that the great God and not men has preserved the Com'planl from the hands of his own nation. For they ask con-^ tinually ' where is the land on which our children, and their children afler them, are to lie down upon ? You told us that the line drawn from Pennsylvania to lake Ontario, would mark^it forever on the east, and the line running from Beaver creek to Pennsylvania, would mark it on the west, and we see that it is not so r For, first one, and then another, come and take it away by order of that people which you tell us promised to secure it to us.' He is silent, for he has nothing to answer. When the suu gueu down he opens his heart before God, and earlier than the sun appears, again upon the hills he gives thanks for his protection during the night. For he feels that among men become des- perate by the injuries they sustain, it is God only that can preserve him. He loves peace, and all he had in store he has given to those who have been robbed by your people, lest they should plunder the innocent to repay themselvjs. The whole season which others have employed in providing for their families, he has spent in endeavors to preserve peace ; and this moment his wife and children are lying on the ground, and in want of food." In president WashingUnCa answer, we are gratified by his particular notice of this chief. He says, « The merits of the Corn-plant^ and his friendship for the United States, are well known to me, and shadl not be forgotten ; and as a mark of esteem of the United 9» DATID. Statet, I have diracted the Secretary of War to mak* hiin a present of tuo hundred and J\fhf doUan, either in money or goode, a» the ComitkuU shall like best" See article JBt^^iree. We find this notice of Corn-plant in the Pennsylva* nia Gazette^ of 1791. " The Indians in this quarter [fort Pitt] have been very peaceable for some time, but down the Ohio they are continually doing mischieC There are many conjectures in this country, about col. Proctoi's business in the Indian country, as it is known he has left fort Franklin, at French creek, in company with the Corn-planter and many of his people." M^VMm a Christian Indian of Marlborough ; was one of those unfortunate people, who in the beginning of Philip's war was suspected of disaffection to the English, and who shot at a boy keeping sheep at thai place. He was from some cause, now unknown, singled out by the commanding officer to be used aa an accuser of his fellows, of the Lancaster murdez. He was bound to a tree to be shot, and guns levelled at his breast. The soldiers were ordered not to fire if he would confess, which he promised to do; and which it will be inferred, that he must do to the liking of his inquisitors. For he accused eleven of them, then within the fort 9l Marlborough, of 6eing th* murderers of the people of Lancaster, but did not go sa far as to say that he saw them do it Himself with the others, fifteen in number, were all sent down pris- oners to Boston, to take their trial. Davids now relieved of the fear of immediate death, acknowledged that hn had accused them wrongfully, and they were cleared, after a protracted trial. But Damidy for his false ae- cusation, and shooting at the boy, was condemned t» be sold.* See ^. Monaco. * ManuBcript of Hon. Daniel Oookin. • ^ ^^. SOITET. 93 -^J JDawMf^ a preacher to his countrymen at a place called Obkonkemme, in Tisbury, upon Marthas Vine> yard, in 1698. At which time there was a congrega- tion of 73 persons. He had a brother Stephen who was united with him in the ministry. Daniel is mention- ed as " praying and preaching not only affectionately, but understandingly." JMehaWldiij 0. native of New England, whose name is associated with the first colony who settled in it. He was one of those taken from Pemmaquid by capt. Weymouth in his voyage for the discovery of a Northwest passage. On Weymouth?s return to England, he put into the harbor of Plimouth, where sir Ferdin- ando Gorges was governor^ of the castle. Gorges «' seized " upon some of the natives, among whom was Dehamda, ** This accident he says, must be acknowl- edged the means, under God, of putting on foot, and giving, life to all our plantations."f Accordingly, in 1607, two ships were sent over with Dehamda and another native, and 100 men, who arrived at the mouth of the Sagadahock, since called Kennebeck, in August. They made a settlement on an island and built a fort which they named fort St. George. What became of those two natives afler this we have no account, but the winter was so severe that many of the settlers died ; among whom was their governor. The rest, in the following spring returned to England. MPiOgenese^ & Sachem who lived upon Sheep- ecot river, in Maine, in 1663, and one among otHers who deeded the land there, which* is all we learn of him. From his having a name given by the English, no doubt he was particularly friendly, and perhaps re- sided among them. tPonty* The theatre of the actions of this chief • His description of New England, p 3. t Ibid. % 94 DONEY. were between the Pascataqua and Kennebeck rivers. The first notice we have of him is in the expedition of col. Church to those shores in 16U0. He was known by the name of Old Doney^ and was very active and con- spicuous in the eastern wars. His residence, in Sep- tember this year, was upon the Saco river, but a shtfrt distance from its mouth. It was probably temporary, and at this time he was preparing fish for winter, with about forty of his people. Church landed at Maquail, September ] 2th, before day, and after a wet, fatiguing march into the woods of about two days, on the southwest side of the An- droscoggin, came into the neighbourhood of an Indian fort. They came upon an Indian and his wife who were leading two captives ; and immediately pursuing and firing upon them, killed the Indian woman, who proved to be the wife of Young Doneyj which I sup- pose to be a son of Old Doney.* From the known humanity of Church, we hope it was not his design to have thus killed an innocent woman. Which party it was that fired upon them, (for they divided themselves into three,) is unknown, and we in charity must sup- pose that at considerable distance, and in much con- fusion, it was difficult to know a man from a woman. As Church expected, Doney ran into one gate of the fort and out at the other, giving the alarm so ef- fectually, that nearly all within it escaped. They found and took prisoners " but two men and a lad of about eighteen, with some women and children. Five ran into the river, three or four of which were killed. The lad of eighteen made his escape up the river." The whole number killed in this action was " six or sev- en." The English had but one wounded. They took And the same called in the Magnalia Robin Doney. DD5ET. here at this time,* a considerable quantity ofcorn, guns and amniunition, and liberated Mrs. Huckings^ taken at Oyster river, Mrs. Barnard of Salmon falls, Anne Heard of Cocbeco, a young woman, daughter of one tViUia of Oyster river, and a boy belonging to Exeter. These captives, says Church, " were in a miserable condi- tion." They learned here that most of their men were gone to Winter harbor to get provisions for the Bay of Funday Indians. This information was given by a prisoner taken in the fort, who also said that the Bay of Funday Indians were to join them against the English. <' The soldiers being very rude would har4- ly spare the Indian's life, while in examination ; in- tending when he had done, that he should be exe- cuted. But capt. Hucking's wife, and another woman, down on their knees and begged for him, saying, that he had been a means of saving their lives, and a great many more ; and had helped several to opportunities to , run away and make their escape ; and that never, since he came amongst them, had fought against the English, but being related to Hakin^s\ wife, kept at the fort with them, having been there two years; but his living was to the westward of Boston. So upon their request his life was spkred." Two old squaurs were left in the fort, provided with provisions, and instructed to tell those who returned who they were, and what they were determined to do. They then put four or Jive to death, and decamped. Those, we must suppose, were chiefly women and children ! « Knocked on the head for an example" Wretch- ed is the state of man, when his mind is not above thinking that he can prevent barbarities by being*^ wretchedly barbarous himself. Old Doney was next to be hunted. As they were * Says my record, which is a manuscript letter from Church written at that time. i The same called Hankamagus, which see. * 1^1 96 DONSr. embarkiDg at Maquait, Mr. Anihony Bracket came to the shore and called to them to take him on board, which they did. He learning that an English army was there- about, made his escape from the Indians, with whom he had been some time a prisoner. The fleet now proceed- ed to Winter harbor, from whence they despatched a detachment of sixty men to Saco falls. When they came near they discovered Doney's company on the opposite side of the river, who chiefly made their es- cape. A canoe with three Indians were observed coming over the river, who did not see the English, and were fired upon, and « all three perished." This gave the first alarm to Doney'a company. They did not however leave their ground without returning the fire of the English, by which lieut. HunneweU was shot through the thigh.* When the parties fired upon each other. Old Donty with an English captive was up the river above, who hearing the firing, came down to see what it meant, and discovered the English time enough to escape. Doney fled from the canoe, leaving his captive, who came to the English. His name was Thomas Bakery who had lived before at Scarborough. There was many other movements of the English afler this, in which they got much plunder, and which tended to cause an uneasiness among the troops, and their determination to return home ; which, notwith- standing Church urged a longer continuance, but was out voted in a council of oflicers, and thus end- ed the expedition. Many in the country reproached Church with cowardice, and almost every thing but what we should have looked for. If putting to death captives )Mid been the^charge, many might have accorded Amen! But we do not find that urged against him. Two years after this, in 1693, Bohin Doney became * Manuscript Documents. recott tnaqu pecte( nnd ( way, is rat filCOIOMC. VT recottcited to the English, and signed a treaty at Pem- tnaquid. But within a year afterward he became sus- pected, whether with or without reason, we know not, tmd coming to the fort at Saco, inobably in a friendly way, was seized by the English. What his fate waa, is rather uncertain, but the days of forgiveness and mercy were not yet. J^ftflftltt^f** "A noted Indian that lived near Taunton,^ taken at the same time with Caleb, (which see) and doubtless shared the same fate. jDuhlety (Tom) the same as JVapanet, (which see.) He was one of 26, who, in 1684, deeded the tract of country, now called Marlborough, in Massachusetts, to the English.* JMuCOigne^ chief of tire Kaskaskias ; adopted as early as 1 803, the Roman Catholic religion, and was very much praised for his friendship to the Americans. By a treaty he made with them in that year, the United States agreed to build him a house and enclose him a field of 100 acres. lie is represented as a " gentleman- ly man, by no means addicted to drink, and possess- ing a very strong inclination to live like a white man ; indeed he has done so as far as his means would al- low."! Governor Harrison, writing to the Secretary of War says of him, " Ihicoignt's long and well proved friendship for the United States, of which the presi- dent is well informed, has gained him the hatred of all the other chiefs, and ought to be an inducement with us to provide, as well for his happiness, as his safety. He wishes to have some coffee, sugar, and chocolate, sent to him, and is also desirous to have a ten gallon keg of "wine, to show, as he says, the other Indians Iiow well he is treated by the United States, and how much like a gentleman he lives." f * WorceBter's Hist. Joumai. t Mem. Harrison. 96 KABRCMBT. Mgeremei^ an eastern Sachem, who with five others of like quality, were seized by the English when they came into Pemmaquid fort to treat with them. Egeremet and another was killed. This was February 16, 1696.* Their seizure cannot be out done by the greatest barbarian, for faithlessness ; and we shall learn that its author poid for it in due time with his life. We are not disposed to add to trans- actions which are in themselves sufficiently horrid, but we will venture to give the account as we find it in Dr. C. Mather's decennium luctttoaum.\ «< Let us before the year be quite gone see some vengeance taken upon the heads in the house qf the wicked. Know then, reader, that capt. March peti- tioning to be dismissed from his command of the fort at Pemmaquid, one Chub succeeded him. This Chuh found an opportunity, in a pretty chubbed manner to kill the famous Edgeremett and Abenquid^ a couple of principal Sagamores, with one or two other Indians, on a Lord's day. Some that well enough liked the thing which was now done, did not altogether like the manner of doing it, because there was a pretence of treaty between Chvb and the Sagamores, whereof he took his advantage to lay violent hands on them." Thus the manner is seen in which this horrid and cold blooded act is related ! ! Few are the instances that we meet with in history, where bulian treachery^' as it is termed, can go before this. The rev. author adds, « If there were any unfair dealing (which I know not) in this action of Chub^ there will be another February not far off, wherein the avengers of blood will take their satisfaction^* By "another February** he means to intimate the fate of capt. Chvb in that month. * Manuscript of Rev. John Pike. t Magnalia B. VII. kOKMCMXt. 09 The point of land called Trotts Neok, in Woolwich, in the state of Maine, waa sold, in 1685, by Egerenut and several other Sachems. In 1693, he with twelve other chiefs treated with sir 7^iam Pkipt, at Pem- maquid, and a long treaty was signed by them.* ' Before this, in 1691, "New England being quite out of breath," says C. Mather, a treaty, or truce waa entered into between^ the eastern Sachems, and Messrs. Huchinaon and T\>umsend of Boston, and others of the eastern coast, at Sagadahock. Here ten captives were gi^en up by them. One was a woman by the name of Htdl, who had been of great service to them, having written letters on various occasions, such as their af- fairs required, and with whom they regretted much to part. Another was JVcUhanid WhUe^ who had been bound and tortured in a wretched manner. H'is ears were cut off, and instead of food he was forced to eat them, aAer which, but for this timely treaty, the sen- tence of burning would have been executed upon him. This truce stipulated that no hurt should be done the English until May 1692, and that on the first of that month they would deliver, at\Vells, all English captives in their hands, and in the mean time would inform of any plots that they might know of the French against the English. Egeremet being the chief Sachem, and most forward in this business. Dr. Mather utters his contempt for him by saying, "To this instrument were set the paws of Egeremet, and five more of their Sagamores and noblemen." t The next year he was with MadokawandOf Moxus and a body of French un- der Labrocre, and made the notable attack upon the garrison at Wells, which will be found related under the head Madokawando. -- - - I * It may be seen in the MagnaiUa. t Magnalia Christ. Americana, Book VII. Art. VIII. ^ x 100 taHiitHt't. We must now inform the reader of the wretchecl fate of capt Paaco Ckub. It was not long after he committed the bloody deed of killing the Indian Sa- gamores, before he and the fort were taken by the French and Indians. He was exchanged and return" ed to Boston, where he suffered much disgrace for his treachery with the Iridians.^ He lived at Andover in Massachusetts, wherO the Indianji made an attack in February 1698, in which he Was killed. It was not thought they knew of finding him there, but when they knew they had killed him, it gave them as much joy« says Huchinson, "as the destruction of a whole town, because they had taken their, beloved vengeance of him for his perfidy and barbarity to their countrymen." They shot him through several times, after he was dead. The most favorable account given of the conduct of Chubf and indeed the only one, follows ; « an Indian Sagamore's son appeared with a flag of truce, and capt. Chub went out to them without arms, man for man. An Indian asked, for rum and tobacco, the capt. said no. It is Sabbath day. They sp?d, We wUl have rumf or tut will have, rum and you too. Two Indi-' dians laid hold on the captain. .Then he called to his men, to fall on, for God's sake. Then he made signs to his men, to come from the fort. One of the En-^ glish had a hatchet Under his coat, took it out and killed an Indian ; and then ours killed two' more In» dians, and took another alive, and wounded another, supposed mortally. Then many of the enemy came * Harris' Voyaffes, U, 3a5, (ed.'1764.) says Chub was ar- rested by col. Ueaney who was sent east with three ships of war on hearing of the surrender of the fort, and that no French or Indians could be found. That after he strengUi- «ned the garrison he returned home. neart Th notice EirSKNOBE. 101 )} near to the English, who retreated all safe to the fort."* There was another Sagamore of the same name, noticed in the following wars with the eastern Indi- ans, who was friendly to the whites. JEUSenwref sou of the famous Wingina or Pemis- sapan, a Sachem of Virginia. He was known to capt. Ralph Lane and his company during their short stay in that country, of about one year and two months, and was to them what Hobomok was to the people of Plimouth. Lane and some of his companions made a journey into the country of about 160 miles. They suffered greatly for want of provisions, and from con- ■ tinual watching, being much annoyed by the various tribes of the country. Wingina pretended to be their friend, but deceived them on every opportunity, by giving notice to his countrymen of their course and purpose, and urging them to cut them off. He thought at one time that the English were destroyed, and thereupon scoffed and mocked at such a God as theirs, who would suffer it. This caused his son Ensenore to join their enemies, but on their return he was their friend again. He and many of his people now be- lieved that " we could do them more hurt being dead, than lining, and that being an hundred myles frohn them, shot, and struck them sick to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we return again." Many of the chiefs now came and submitted them- selves to the English, and among others, Ensenore persuaded his father to become their friend, who, when they were in great straits for provisions, came and planted their fields, and made wears in the streams to * Manuscript letter in Lih. Mas. Hist. Soc., written in the following month. As it was written at a great distance fh>m the place, and from a report of the day, little reliance can be placed upon it. It may have been Chub's report of the case, i 103 ENSENOKE. catch fish, which were of infinite benefit to them. This was in the spring of 1586, and says Irone, "we not having one corn till the next harvest to sustain us." What added greatly to their distresses was the death of their excellent friend Ensenore, who died 20th of April, following. The Indians began anew their con- spiracies, and the colony availed themselves of the first opportunity of returning to England, which was in the fleet of sir Francis Drake, which touched there in its way from an expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies.* The conduct of Lane and his company in this fruit- less attempt to establish themselves in Virginia, was in the highest degree reprehensible. They put to death some of the natives on the most frivolous charges, and no wonder they were driven out of the country, as they ought to have been, f While they were there they became acquainted with the use of tobacco, and taking it to England, its introduction into general use soon rendered it a great article of commerce. And here it will not be improper to notice how many diflerent persons have had the credit, or perhaps I should say discredit, of introducing it into England ; as sir Francis Drake, sir Walter Ralegh, | Ralph Lane, and some others. Now, as some writer observes, the reader may father it upon whom he pleases, as it is evident sir Francis Drake took Ralph Lane and tobacco both to- gether into England, and no one will dispute the agency of the gallant knight, sir Walter Ralegh, for he sent out Lane in his employ. * Relation of Lane, printed in Smith's Virginia t Herriot's Observations, (one of Lane's company) printed in Smith. t So Prince spells his name, in his Worthies of Dewmshire, and he wrote from MSS. XPANOW. 103 JSpttHOWf one of those taken from an island near Cape Cod, in 16 J 1, by capt. Harlow^ and carried to England. Here he learned the English language, and was afterwards sent in a ship with capt. Hobson to the same coast, with the hope that by his means, the friendship of the natives might be regained, which capt. Hunt and others had so wantonly broken. Epanow ap- ' pears to have been an arch and cunning fellow, and had made sir Ferdinando Gorges and others believe that he knew of the existence of a gold mine in his own country. It was chiefly on his information that capt. Hobson was sent over in hopes of finding it. When they arrived at the island called Capawak they were welcomed by many of the natives, among whom were some of Epanow-s friends, who were kindly enter- tained on board the ship by capt. Hobson. This gave Epanow a favorable opportunity, of not only making arrangements to escape from the ship, but to finish his obligation of pointing out the gold mine. According- ly the next day, twenty canoes approached the ship, full of Indians with their arms concealed, Upanow jumped overboard, which was the signal for his friends in the boats to pour in their arrows upon the ship, which they did, until Epanow had got on board among them, when they paddled off. The English fired upon the canoes and killed and wounded some of the Indi- ans ; several of the English were also wounded by ' them. The design of the voyage being now frus- trated they returned to England. As capt. Dermer was passing from Monahigon to Virginia in the year 1619, having put tn to a place near Cape Cod, was fired upon and badly wounded by a party of Indians, led by Epanow, who also took him prisoner, but from whom he by some means made his escape, and got to Virginia, where he died of his / ^i 104 FIFE. ^^ wounda While he was with the Indians, Epanow told him of his stratagem and escape from capt Hob- son's ship, and at which he laughed merrily * Ephraim, (Peter) a Natick, who fought for, and rendered much valuable service to the English in Philip's war. He went out with Andrew Piiymt in January, 1676, and brought in many of the Nipnets, who had endeavored to shelter themselves under Un- cos. He commanded an Indian company, and had a commission from government. The news that many of the enemy were doing mischief about Rehoboth, caused a party of English of Medfield to march out to their relief; Ephraim went with them with his com- pany, which consisted of twenty-nine. The snow being deep, the English soon grew discouraged and re- turned, but capt. Ephraim continued the march, and came upon a body of them, encamped, in the night. Early the next morning he successfully surrounded them, and offered them quarter. « Eight resolute fel- lows refused, who were presently shot," the others yielded and were brought in, being in number forty- two.f Other minor exploits of this Indian captain are recorded. JF€ljiX% one of those Christian Indians who went out to Mount Hope in the beginning of Philip's war, and was very serviceable in those expeditions. When he returned, himself and two others presented to gov. Leverett four of the enemies scalps. | He was a Nipnet and had lived at Marlborough. Fif€^ (Jini)) & famous Creek warrior and chief of that nation, who in the war of 1812, joined the Amer- * Relations of Sir F. Gorges^ and Dr. I. Mather, Prince's Chronology, and Harris' Voyages, II. t Hubbard. \ Manuscript of Hon. D. Gookin. FIFE. 105 leans against his countrymen, and others in the Creek country. When gen. Jackson marched to attack the Indians upon the Tallapoosie, in 1814, and was en- camped at Talledega, Fife and several otljfer chiefe joined him, whose names are not mentioned, at the head of 200 Creek warriors. They marched with him to the bend of the Tallapoosie, where a hard battle was fought, and in which Fife and his warriors acted a conspicuous part. Having arrived within a short distance of the great bend, where the Indians were en- camped, spies brought information that they were whooping and dancing, as if aware of the approach of the Americans. The night before the battle, Jackson with his 200 confederate Creeks, and about 65 Chero- kees, encamped in a hollow square, and hourly expect- ed an attack ; and they were not disappointed, for be- fore it was light, the enemy fell upon their left flank, and fought with a determined bravery, that would not discredit veterans. And it is no disparagement to the men under the American general, to say, that they were not able to repel them for more than half an hour, and until many valuable men were slain. And not until it was light, and the artillery was brought to bear upon them, and repeated charges from the caval- ry, did they leave the ground ; and even then they re- tired slowly, as men driven from their country, will always do. After they were routed on the left, Fife at the head of 100 of his warriors was ordered to hasten to the relief of gen. Coffee, whose division was con- tending at fearful odds with a brave band of their en- emies, lye's arrival at a seasonable juncture decided the battle, and the enemy commenced a retreat. Gen. Coffee was badly wounded in the body, and his aid-de- camp killed, and but for the promptness of Fife and his warriors, doubtless the Americans must have re. . 9 106 FRANCIS. treated.* There were some other engagemeDts in the expedition, in all of which 28 Americans were killed and 75 wounded. Of the Indians, 189 were found dead.f Fiuelten* or as he was sometimes called, Fluel- len^umptimits, a Sachem of Maine in the first settle- ment of that country, and lived between Saco river, and Cape Porpoise, which tract of country he sold to William Philips-t FrwnciSm Sachem of Nauset, upon Cape Cod. He was suspected of being engaged in a treacherous design against the English, with Philip, in ] 662, and in August that year, he appeared at Plimouth with him, and subscribed articles, which allayed their fears. Francis^ (the Prophet) or Fronds HUlishago, was a very noted leader among the Seminole Indians in the war of their extermination, carried on by gen. Jackson, in 1817. He was the instigator and immedi- ate cause, it is said, of that war ; and had been to En- gland to get assistance of that government to repossess the Creeks of the lands taken from them by the United States. The belief was imposed upon him by some abandoned English traders, that there was a provision in the treaty of Ghent for the restoration of their coun- try. He received much attention while in England, and some encouragement, but nothing absolute. An English journal thus announces his arrival. "Thb sound of trumpets announced the approach of the pat- riot Francis, who fought so gloriously in our cause in America during the late war. Being drest in a most splendid suit of red and gold, and wearing a tomahawk set with gold, gave hitn a highly imposing appearance." * Deduced from een. Jackson's official account, in which the number of his killed is left blank. t Niles' Register, t Sullivan's Hist. District of Maine. GARANOULA. 107 About the end of November, or beginning of De- cember, 1817, a war party of Seminoles captured an American, and conveyed him immediately to their prin- cipal village, called Mickasauky. This place is de- scribed in the account of the chief Homotlined. Here it appears dwelt Francis and his family. I'he Amer- ican, whose name was JiTKrimmon, was ordered to be immediately burnt to death. The stake was set, M'Krimmon, with his head shaved, was bound to it, and wood was piled up about him. When they had finished their dance, and the fire was about to be kindled, a daughter of the chief, who had been wit- nessing the preparations with a sad countenance, flew, to her father, and upon her knees, begged that he would spare the prisoner's life, and it was not until, like the celebrated Pocahonta3f she showed a determi- nation to perish with him, that her father consented to > prolong his life for the present, It was still his inten- tion, that if he could not sell the victim for a certain sum, to have carried his former purpose into effect, but on offering him to the Spaniards, the demanded sum was paid for him, and thus his liberation was effected. Afler Francis fell into the hands of the Americans and was hanged, as related in the account of Homot- lined, his family, consisting of a wife and several daugh- ters, surrendered themselves to the Americans at St. Mark's. The youngest daughter, about fourteen years of age, was treated with great attention by all the offi- cers for having saved 'the life of J^TKrimmon. She was said to have been very handsome. CrarWiigUiiij & famous Onondaga chief among the Five Nations. In the year 1684, De la Barre, gov. of Canada, complained to the English at Albany, M 108 OARANOULA. that the Senecas were infringing tipon their rights of trade with some of the other more remote nations. Governor Dongan acquainted the Senecas with the charge made by the French governor. They admit- ed the fact, but justified their course, alleging that the French supplied their enemies with arms and ammunition, with whom they were then at war. About the same time the French governor raised an army of seventeen hundred men, and made other " mighty preparations" for the final destruction of the Five Na- tions. But before he had progressed far in his great undertaking, a mortal sickness broke out in his army, which finally caused him to give over the expedition. In the mean time the governor of New York was or- dered to lay no obstacles in the way of the French ex- pedition. Instead of regarding this order, which was from his master, the duke of York, he sent interpreters to the Five Nations to encourage them, with olRers to assist them. De 7a Bane, in hopes to efifpct something by this expensive undertaking, crossed lake Ontario and held a treaty with such of the Five Nations as would meet him. To keep up the appearance of power, he made a high toned speech to Garangvla, in which he ob- served, that the nations had oflen infringed upon the peace ; that he wished now for peace ; but on the con- dition that they should make full satisfaction for all the injuries they had done the French, and for the future never to disturb them. That they, the Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks had abused and robbed all their traders, and unless they gave satisfaction he should declare war. That they had conducted the English into their country to get away their trade heretofore, but the past he would overlook, if they would offer no more ; yet if ever the OAlUIrOOLA* 109 like should haippeti again, he had express orders ffrom the king, his master, to declare war. Oardngvla listened to these words, and many more in the like strain, with that contempt, which a real knowledge of the situation of the French army, and the rectitude of his own course were calculated to in- spire. And after walking several times round the circle, formed by his people and the French, ad- dressing himself to the governor, seated in his elbow chair, he began as follows : , ** Yonnondio ;* I honor you, and the warriors that are with me likewise honor you. Your interpreter has finished your speech. I now begin mine. My words make haste to reach your ears. Harken to them. " Yonnondio ; You must have believed when- you lefl Quebeck, that the sun had burnt up all the forests, which render our country inaccessible to the French, or that the lakes had so far overflown the banks, that they had surrounded our castles, and that it was im- possible for us to get out of them. Yes, surely, you must have dreamt -so, and the curiosity of seeing so great a wonder, has brought you so far. Now you are un- deceived, since that I and the warriors here present, are come to assure you, that the Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks are yet alive. I thank you in their name, for bringing back into their country the calumet, which your predecessor received from their hands. It was happy for you, that you lefl under ground that murdering hatchet that has been so often dyed in the blood of the French. <* Hear, Yonnondio ; I do not sleep ; I have my eyes open ; and the sun, which enlightens me, discovers to me a great captain at the head of a company of sol- * The name they gave the governors of Canada. 110 OARAMetJLA* dien, who speaks as if he were dreaming. He says, that he only came to the lake to smoke on the great calumet with the Onondagas. But Garangvla says, that he sees the contrary ; that it was to knock them on the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms of the French. I see Yonnondia raving in a camp of sick men, whose lives the Great Spirit has saved, by inflicting this sickness on them. ^^Hear^ Yonnondio; our women had taken their clubs, our children and old men had carried their bows and arrows into the heart of your camp, if our warriors had not disarmed them, and kept them back, when your messenger came to our castles. It is done, and I have said it. " Hear, Yonnondio ; we plundered none of the French, but those that carried guns, powder and balls to the Twightwies, and Chictaghicks, because those orms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow the example of the Jesuits, who break all the kegs of rum brought to our castles, lest the drunken Indians should knock them on the head. Our warriora have not beaver enough to pay for all those arms that they have taken, and our old men are not afraid of the war. This belt preserves my words. " We carried the English into our lakes, to trade there with the Utawawas and Quatoghies, as the Ad' irondaks brought the French to our castles, to carry on a trade, which the English say is theirs. We are born free. We neither depend on Yonnondio nor Corlear.* We may go where we please, and carry with us whom we please, and buy and sell what we please. If your allies be your slaves, use them as such, command them to receive no other but your people. This belt preserves my words. * The name they gave the governors of New York. * OAftAvetjtAi 111 tt We knock the Twightwies and Ctnctaghicks on the head) became they had cut down the trees of peace, which were the limits of our country. They have hunted beaver on our lands. They have acted contniry to the customs of all Indians, for they left none of the beavers alive, they killed both male and female. They brought the Satanas into their country, to take part with them, after they had concerted ill designs against us. We have done less than either the English or French, that hsve usurped the lands of so many Indian nations, and chased them from their own country. This belt preserves my words. « Hear, Yonnondio ; what I say is the v^ice of all the Five Nations. Hear what they answer. Open your ears to what they speak. The Senecas, Cayu- gas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks say, that when they buried the hatchet at Cadarackui, in the presence of your predecessor, in the middle of the fort, they planted the tree of peace in the same place ; to be there carefully preserved : That in the place of a retreat for soldiers, that fort might be a rendezvous for merchants: that in place of arniu and ammunition of war, beavers and merchandize should only enter there. *< Hear, Yonnondio ; take care for the future, that so great a number of soldiers as appear there do not choke the tree of peace planted in so small a fort. It will be a great loss, if, after it had so easilj»taken root, you should stop its growth, and prevent its covering your country and ours with its branches. I assure you, in the name of the Five Nations, that our war- riors shall dance to the calumet of peace under its leaves ; and shall remain quiet on their mats, and shall never dig up the hatchet, till their brother Yonnondio, or Corlear shall either jointly or separately endeavor to attack the country, whicu the Great Spirit has giveD iia OLIKHlCAir. to ouf Anoeiton. This belt prewrvei my woi^s, ahd thte other, the authority which the Fire Nations have given me.** Then addressing himself to the interpreter, said, «Take courage,' you have spirit, speak, explain my words, forget nothing, tell all that your brethren and fUends say to YontumdiOf your governor, by the mouth of Oarangvlaj who loves you, and desires you to ac- cept of this present of beaver, and take part with me in my feast, to which I invite you. This present of beaver is sent to YonnondiOf on the part of the Five Nations." De la Bane was struck with surprise at the wisdom of this chief, and equal chagrin at the plain refuta- tion of his own. He immediately returned to Mon- ireal, and thus finished this inglorious expedition of the French against the Five Nations.f Garangula was at this time a very old man, and from this valuable speech we became acquainted with him ; a very Nestor of his nation, whose powers of mind would not suffer in comparison with those of a Roman, or a more modern Senator. CUthhican^ & chief who in the year 1754 join- ed the French forces in an expedition against the En- glish settlements. At Conegocheague he took prisoner, among others, a female with a young babe. The child cried so incessantly as to cause such perplexity in the hurry of their flight, that to pri; vent falling into the hands of his pursuers, and at the request of some of his white companions, Glikkican put it to death. He afterwards became a convert to the Moravian Christians, and joined their congregation in 1770. He never forgave himself the crime of killing the child, although he re^ peatedly received the mother's forgiveness. From the - - t CoIden'sHist. of the tvre Nations, 5d— 71. ed. 1747. ORAIfOAIfXMKO. 113 time of his conversion his life was the most unexcep- tionable, and he died happy. He had been conspicu- ous as a warrior and counsellor, and in oratory, it is said he never was surpassed.^ €h'€tngitn€tneO» & brother of the well known fVinginia, Sachem of Wingandacoa, in Virginia. He was known to Amidas and Barlow in their discovery in 1585, which also was the year of his death. As soon as the arrival of the English was made known to him, he visited thom with about forty of his men, who were very civil and of a remarkably robust and fine appearance. When they had lefl their boat and came upon the shore near the ship, Oranganemeo spread a mat and sat down upon it. The English went to him armed, but he discovered no fear, and in- vited them to sit down ; ader which he performed some tokens of friendship ; then making a speech to them they presented him with some toys. None but four of his people spoke a word, or sat down, but maintained the most perfect silence. On being shown a pewter dish was much pleased with it, and pur- chased it with twenty deer skins, which were worth in England one hundred shillings sterling!! The dish he used as an ornament, making a hole through it, wore it about bis neck. While here the English treated him, with his wife and children, on board their ship. His wife had in her ears bracelets of pearl which reached to her middle. Shortly after. many of the peo{ile came out of the country to trade, " but when Oranganemeo was present, none durst trade but himself, and them that wore red copper on their heads as he did." He was remarkably exact in keeping his promise, « for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his day to keep his word." And these voyagers * Heckawald's Hist. Account of Indian Nations. J 14 ORAND-SUir. further report, that « commonly he sent them every day a brace of bucks, conies, hares, and fish, and sometimes melons, walnuts, cucumbers, pease and divers roots." This must close our account of the ex- cellent Granganemeo, and would that the (Kcount of the English would balance as well, but they exhibit their own, and one item more from it, and we close the comparison. l*'or a small kettle they took fifly skins, worth in England Jtll2. 10s. sterM-ig.* Crrillf ilized, cannot bear the thoughts of revenge and death, to prey upon them, for so great a length of time as men. And, as in the last case, I need [not produce examples, on our pages will be found many. A female Sun, having by accident understood the secret design of her people, partly out of resentment for their keeping it from her, and partly from her at- tachment to the French, resolved to make it known to them. But so fatally secure was the commandant, that he would not hearken to her messengers, and threatened others of his own people with chastisement, if they continued such intimations. But the great council of so many Suns, and other motions of their wise men, justly alarmed many, and their complaints to the commandant were urged, until seven of his own people were put in irons, to dispel their fears. And that he might the more vaunt himself upon their fears, sent his interpreter to lemand of the Grand-sun^ wheth- er he was about to fall upon the French with his war- riors. To dissemble in such a case, was only to be expected from the chief, and the interpreter reported to the commandant, as he desired, which caused him to value himself upon his former contempt of his peo- ples fears. The 30th of November, 1729, at length came, and with it the massacre of near 700 people, being all the French of Natchez. Not a man escaped. It being upon the eve of St. Andreul'a day, facilitated the eze« cution of the horrid design. In such contempt was *^ ORAND-SUI7. 117 M. Chopart held, that the Suns would allow no warrior to kill him, but one whom -they considered a mean person. He was armed only with a wooden toma- hawk, and with such a contemptible weapon, wielded by as contemptible a person, was M. Chopart pursued from his house, into his garden, and there met his death. The design of the Grand-sun and his allies, was to have followed up their success until all the French were driven out of Louisiana. But some tribes would not aid in it, and the governor of Louisiana, promptly sec- onded by the people of New Orleaus, shortly after, nearly annihilated the whole tribe of the Natchez. The Choctaws offered themselves, to the number of 15 or 1600 men, and in the following February, ad- vanced into the country of the Natchez, and were shortly after joined by the French, and encamped near the old fort, then in possession of the Grand-sun. Here flags passed between them, and terms of peace were agreed upon, which were very honorable to the In- dians; but in the following night, they decamped, taking all their prisoners and baggage, leaving nothing but the cannons of the fort, and bells behind them. Some time now passed before the French could ascer- tain the retreat of the Natchez. At length they learn- ed that they had crossed the Mississippi, and settled upon the west side, near 180 miles above the mouth of Red river. Here they built a fort, and remained quietly until the next year. The weakness of the colony caused the inhabitants to resign themselves into the hands of the king, who soon sent over a sufficient force, added to those still in the country, to humble the Natchez. They were ac- cordingly invested in their fort, and struck with con- sternation at the sudden approach of the French, seem 10 118 GREAT-MORTAR. 1 ^ to have lost their former prudence. They made a des- perate sally upon the camp of the enemy, but were re- pulsed with great loss. They then attempted to gain time by ncgociation, as they had the year before, but could not escape from the vigilance of the French of- ficer ; yet the attempt was made and many were kill- ed, very few escaped, and the greater number driven within their fort. Mortars were used by their enemies in this siege, and the third bomb, falling in the centre of the fort, made great hovoc, but still greater conster- nation. Drowned by the cries of the women and children. Grand-sun caused the sign of capitulation to be given. Himself, with the rest of his company were carried prisoners to New Orleans, and thrown into prison. An increasing infection caused the women and children to be taken out and employed as slaves on the king's plantations ; among whom was the wo- man who had used every endeavor to notify the com- mandant, Chopart, of the intended massacre, and from whom the particulars of the affair were learned. Her name was Stung-ann. These slaves were shortly af- ter embarked for St. Domingo, entirely to rid the country of the Natchez.^ The men, it is probable, were all put to death. €rreat-tnortnr^ or Yah-yah-tmtanage, a very celebrated Muskogee chief, who before the revolution- ary war, was in the French interest, and received his supplies from their, garrison at Alabamd, which was not far distant from hie place of abode, called Okchai. There was a time when he inclined to the English, and but for the very haughty and imprudent conduct of the superintendant of Indian affairs, among them, might have been reclaimed, and the dismal period of massi Mens, du Pratz, Hist, de Louisiana, Tome I, chap. XH, OREAT-MORTAft. 119 massacres which ensued, averted. At a great council, appointed by the superintendant, for the object of re- gaining their favor, the pipe of peace, when passing around, was refused to Greai-mortar^ because he had favored the French. This, with much other ungener- ous treatment, caused him ever afler to hate the En- glish name. As the superintendant was making a speech, which doubtless contained severe and hard sayings against his red hearers, another chief sprung upon his feet, and darting his tomahawk at him, it fortunately missed him, but stuck in a plank just above his head. Yet he would have been immediately kill- ed, but for the interposition of a friendly warrior. Had this firet blow been effectual, every Englishman present would have been immediately put to death. Soon afler. Great-mortar caused his people to fall upon the English traders, and they murdered ten. Fourteen of the inhabitants of Longcane, a settlement near Ninety-six, next were his victims. He now received a commission from the French, and the better to en- list the Cherokees and others in his cause, removed with hiefamily far into the heart of the country, upon a river, by which he could receive supplies, from the fort at Alabama. Neither the French nor Great-movy^ tar were deceived in the advantage of their newly chosen position ; for young warriors joined him therein great numbers, and it was fast becoming a general ren- dezvous for all the Mississippi Indians. Fortunately, however, for the English, the Chickasaws in their in- terest, plucked up this Bohon upas, before its branches were yet extended. They fell upon them by surprise, killed the brother of Great-mortar, and completely de- stroyed their design. He fled, not to his native place, but to one from whence he could best annoy the En- glish settlements, and commenced anew the work of 130 HANKAMAOUS. f death. Augusta, in Georgia, and many scattering set tiers were destroyed.* Those ravages were con- tinued until tlieir united forces were defeated by the Americans under gen. Grant, in I761.t The fate of Great-mortar, like many others, is hidden from up. MMankwmagUS^ commonly in the histories called Hogkins, Hawkins, or Hakins. He was a Pen- nakook Sachem, and an artful, persevering, faithful man, as long as he could depend upon the English for protection. But when governor Cranfidd, of New Hampshire used his endeavors to bring down the Mo- hawks to destroy the Eastern Indians, in 1 684, who were constantly stirred up by the French to commit depredations upon the English, Hankamagus, knowing they made no distinction where they came, fled to the eastward and joined the Androscoggins. He had a fort upon that river, where his family and that of another Sachem, called Wonmbos, lived. But before he fled his country, he addressed several letters to the governor, which discover his fidelity as well as his fears ; and from which there is no doubt but he would always gladly have lived in his own country, and on the most intimate and friendly terms with the English, to whom he had become attached, and had adopted much of their manner, and could read and write. The following letter fully explains the situation of his mind and his feeling, at the time he expected the Mohawks would ravage his country. « May 15th, 1685. Honor governor my friend. You my friend I desire your worship and your power, be- cause I hope you can do som great matters this one. I am poor and naked and have no men at my place because I afraid allways Mohogs he will kill me eveiy * Adair's Hist. N. American Indians, 254, &c. t Wynne's Brit. Empire, II, 883. ' HANKAMAOUS. ' 121 day and night. If your worship when please pray help me you no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Maiamake river called Panukkog and Nattukkog, I will submit your worship and your power. And now J want pouder and such alminishon, shatt and guns, because I have forth at my hom and I plant theare." Tiie above letter is signed by himself and fourteen of his principal men. Whether he were among the Pennakooks seized by major Waldron about ten years before, is not certain, or if he were it is not probable any resentment remained in his breast against him on that account, as the Pennakooks were an permitted to return home ; but it is certain that he was the director and leader in the dreadful calamity which fell upon ^u2(/ron not long afterward, and which is as much chargeable upon the maltreatment they received from the English, at least, as upon any agency of the French. It may be true that many belonging to the eastward, who were seized with the Pennakooks, and sold or lefl in foreign countries, had found their way back among their friends again, and were glad of the first opportunity of revenging themselves upon the author of their unjust expatriation. Major Waldrtm lived at Dover,* New Hampshire, in a strongly garrisoned house, where were also four more. Haixkamagus had aitfully contrived a stratagem to effect the surprise of the place, and had others be- «eide th : Pennakooks from different places ready in greai iiumbers, to prosecute the undertaking. The plan was this. Two squaws were sent to each gar- rison house to get liberty to stay all night, and when all should be asleep, they were to open the gates to the warriors. Maaandowetf who was next to Hankam' €^u8t yf^nt to major Waldron% and informed him that * Then called by its Indian name Q^uochecho. 122 HAMKAMA01TS. the Indians would come the next day and trade tvitb him. While at supper with the major, Masandomi said to him, with an air of familiarity, "Brother WaU drorif what would you do if the strange Indians should come?" To which he vauntingly replied, "that he could assemble an hundred men by hiding up his fin- ger." In this security the gates were opened at mid- night, and the work of death raged in all its fury. One garrison only escaped, who would not admit the squaws. They rushed into Waldron's house in great numbers, and while some guarded the door, others commenced the slaughter of all who resisted. Wd- dron was now eighty years of age, yet seizing his sword, defended himself with great resolution, and at first drove the Indians before him frotn room to room, until one getting behind him, knocked him down with his hatchet. They now seized upon, and dragged him into the great room, and placed him in an armed chair upon a table. While they were thus dealing with the master of the house they obliged the family to provide them a supper, which when they had eaten, they took off his clothes, and proceeded to torture him in the most dreadful manner. Some gashed his breast with knives, saying " I cross out my account," others cut off joints of his fingers, and said to him *' Now will your fist weigh a pound .'" Afler cutting off his nose and ears, and forcing them into his mouth, he became faint from loss of blood ; and some holding his owif sword on end upon the floor, let him fall upon it, and thus ended his misery. The Indians had been greatly abused and wronged in their trading with the whites, and it is a tradition to this day all over that .part of the country, that major Waldron took great advaiitage of them in trade, and did not cross out their aceounts whea they had paid BAWKIN8. 133 and him ; and that in buying beaver, his fist ivas accounted to weigh a pound. Although he may have taken no more advantage of the Indians than the majority of Indian traders, yet at this distant day, extenuation will not be looked for in impartial accounts of the transac- tions of our ancestors with th^ Indians. Several were killed at each of the garrison houses that fell into their hands. They kept the place until the next morning, when, afler collecting all the plun- der they could carry, took up their march with twenty- nine captives, into the wilderness towards Canada ; where the chief of them were bought by the French, and in time got home to their country again. Twenty- three were killed before they left the place. This af- fair took place on the night of the 27th of June, 1689. Several friendly Indians informed capt. Henchman at Chelmsford, of the certainty of an attack upon Dover, and he despatched a letter in season to have notified the people, but on account of some delay at Newbury ferry, the benefit was lost. Four years after, col. Church took Hankamagus* fort, which was upon the Androscoggin, about twenty or thirty miles from its mouth, but he was then absent. Hisjwife fell into Church's hands, who left word with some which he set at liberty, that if HakinSf as he was then called, wished to see her he must come to the garrison at Wells ; but whether he did, or what was his end we do not learn. MMwtAtng* (Josiah) one of the principal men of those confined on Deer Island, and sufiered greatly from sickness, in Philip's war. MMawkinS (Will) by birth a Narraganset, was employed by the English, in some ordinary ciqpacity, as many of the natives were. He was living near Salem before the time of Philip's war, but about the 134 BEOON. close of it) seems to have attached himself to the Wa- niesits. At this time there was a stack of hay burnt at that place by some of the enemy, but as the enemy offered no chance to gratify the ire of the English, they sought revenge upon those Christian Indians re- siding there. Consequently thirty-three of them were sent prisoners to Charlestown ; and, after some exami- nation, three of them, of whom Hawkins was one, were ordered to be sold into slavery. As a singularity in legislative proceedings, it may be mentioned, that a vote passed the house of deputies, finding all the Wamesits guilty of burning the hay, but that the magistrates did not see fit to consent to it. And thus, after being imprisoned some time, all ex- cept thirteen, including the three before named, were permitted to return home to their wives and children. More particulara will be found under the head JVamp- hoto. MMegOH* ^^ eastern chief. There is a tradition among many of the inhabitants of Maine, of the sin- gular fate of an Indian, which they say was tied upon a horse with spurs upon his heels, which from the manner he was lashed to the animal, continually goaded him. When the horse was set at liberty, he ran furi- 'ously through an orchard, and the craggy limbs of the trees tore him to pieces. Mather, in his Decennium Luctuosum,* seems to confirm something of the kind, which took place at Casco, in 1794, where the Indians having taken some horses, made a bridle of the main and tail of one, on which, «a son of the famous Hegon was ambitious to mount." " But being a pitiful horse- man, he ordered them, for fear of his falling, to tie hia legs fast under the horses belly. No sooner was this htggar $ei on Iwrst hackf and the spark, in his own * Magnalia, II, 546. ' ~~ UENDRICK. 125 opinion, thoroughly equipt, but the nettlesome horse fUriouHly and presently ran with hin^ out of sight. Neither horae nor man were ever seen any more. The a8tonis^od tawnies howled after one of their nobility, disappearing by such an unexpected accident. A few days after they found one of his legs, (and that was all,) which they buried in capt. BrackeVa cellar, with abundance of lamentation." tieigon (Mogg,) Sagamore of Saco river, was son of Walter Hiegon. He sold to William Philips, of Saco, in 1664, " a tract of land, being bounded with Saco river on the N. E. side, and Kennebunk river on the S. W. side." To extend from the sea up Saco river to Salmon Falls, and the Kennebunk to a point opposite the former. No amount is mentioned as a consideration, but merely « a certain sum in goods."* JUendiriclCy a gallant Mohawk chief, who took part with mcny of his men, against the French, in the war of 1755. The French were encouraged by the defeat of gen. Braddock, and were in high expectation of carrying all before them. Hendrick joined the En- glish army at the request of gen. Johnson, and met the French, consisting of 200 men under gen. Dieskau, at lake George. While the English and Indians were encamped in a slight work, their scouts brought news of the approach of the French, with a great body of Indians upon their flanks. Gen. Johnson despatched col. Wmiams of Massachusetts, with 1000 men, and Hendrick with 200 of his warriors to give them battle ; but falling in with them about 4 miles from camp, and unexpectedly, col. WiUiama and Hendrick were killed, with many other officers and. privates of the detach- ment, and the rest fled to the main body with great precipitation, infusing consternation into the v^hole * Manuscript documents. r 190 HEirDRtCIC. army.* The French followed closely and poured in a Iremendoua fire, which did very little execution, fVom the precaution of the English in falling flat upon their faces. They were now recovered from their surprise, and fought with bravery, having advantage not only in numbers, but artillery, of which the French had Done.f At length the brave Dieskau was wounded in the thigh, and his Indians being terrified at the havoc made by the cannon of the English, fled to the woods, and the regulars were ordered to retreat by their gen- eral, which they did in great disorder. Gen. Dieskau was found in the pursuit, supporting himself by the stump of a tree. Supposing plunder to be the first object of his captors, as he was attempting to draw his watch to present to them, some one supposing him to be searching for his pistol, discharged his gun into his hips. Notwithstanding he was thus twice wound- ed, he lived to reach England, but he died soon afler. The French lost 800 men in the attack. When gen. Johnson was about to detach col. fVil- liams, he asked Hendrick's opinion, whether the force was sufficient. To which he replied, •' if they are to fight, they are too few. If they are to be killed, they are too many." And when it was proposed to • divide the detachment into three parts, Hendrick ob- jected, and to forcibly express the impracticability of the plan, picked up three sticks, and putting them together, said to the general, " You see now that these cannot be easily broken ; but take them one by one, and you may break them at once." But from this valuable coun- cil very little advantage seems to have been derived. John Konknpot a Stockbridge Indian, was grandson ^ The English lost about 200 in this ambush. Guthrie's UniverBal history, X. 94. 1 Guthries U. Hist. Vol. X. 94. to // was moti Mi firwt yard. soon BCltlil rcligi and 40 yt at a sonic grave- sing - duu! HOBOMOK. iQr to Hendrick- And ho informs us thnt hia grandfather was 8(111 of the lf'o{fy a Mohegan chief, uud that his inotlicr wuj! a Mohawk.* MtlaCOOtnes^ a native of Edgnrtown, was the iirHt C'hi-i!?tian uiiioiig the Indians of IMartha's Vine- yard. Ho hccunie n noted preacher among them. Ho goon bccnniu familiar with the 1'^nglish, on their first Bciiling upon his island, in 1()4'2, and end)raced their religion with ardour. In l()4ti ho preached publicly, and continued to instruct his countrymen for about 40 years, lie is supposed to have died about 1690, at a great aj,;;, not liaving been able to preach for sometime previous.! Mr. Gookin says, | he was « a grave and serious Christian, and hath had a great bles- sing since upon his posterity ; for his sons and his dau<,'liters are pious, and one if no more of liis sons, a tcaclier.'* His eldest son's name was Joel, who was educated at Cambridge, but died young. Mtofwtiiok^ tt VVampanoag, became known to the I'ilgriujs soon af\er Mr. Winslow and Ilopkin's visit to Massasoil, as will be found in the life of that chief, for the purpose of securing more firmly his friendship, '• which was much furthered, says Morton, by an In- dian named Hobomok, who came to live among the English, he being a proper lusty young man, and one that was in account among the Indians in those parts for his valor." He lived with them, and was of the greatest service in learning them how to cultivate such fruits as were peculiar to the country, such as corn, beans, &c. The account of his mission to Massasoit, to learn the truth of a report that the Narra- gansets had made war upon him, and his interruption and trouble from Corbitani are related under that head. -v- * Col. Mas. Hist. Soc. t Mavhew's Indian Converts, 1-12. t In his Hist. Col. concerning the Indians. 128 HOBOMOK. Being a favorite of Massaaoit, the Pilgrims found that they need not apprehend any treachery on his part, as Hobomok was 'SO completely in their interest, and also in that of the great sachems, that he would advise them if anything evil were on foot against them. What strengthened them in this opinion was the following circumstance. In the spring of the year 1 622, Hobomok set out with a company of English to conduct them in a trading expedition to the Massachu- setts ; going by water, rfs soon as they were out of sight, a false messenger came running into Plimouth town, apparently in a great fright, out of breath, and bleeding from a wound in his face. He told them that Corbitant with many of the Narraganscts, and he believed that Massasoit with them, were coming to destroy the English. No one doubted of his sincerity, and the first thought of the people was to bring back their military trader, who had just gone in the boat with Hobomok. A piece of cannon was immediately discharged, which, to their great joy soon caused the boat to return^ not having got out of hearing. They had no sooner arrived, than Hobom^tk told them there was no truth in the report, and said it was a plot of Sqvanto, who was then with them, and even one of those in the boat ; that he knew Massasifii would not undertake such an enterprise without consulting him. Hobomok was confident because he was himself a great chief, and owQ^oi MassasoUs counsellors. Squanto de- nied all knowledge of any plot, and thus ended the ajQfair. But to entirely satisfy the English, Hobomok sent his wife to Pokanoket privately to gain exact in- telligence, and her return only verified what her hus- band had said. There is but little doubt, that Squanto was in the interest of Corbitant^ and lived among the English as a spie, while Hobomok was honestly, as he pretended, a strong friend to thena ; but for some time HOPEHOOD. 199 it was nearly impossible for them to know which was their best friend, as each seemed emulous to outvie the other in good offices. They were, however, at this time satisfied; for HohomoICa wife having told Massasmt what had happened, and that it was one of Squanto's men that gave the alarm, satisfied him that that Sagamore had caused it, and therefore demanded him of the English, that he might put him to death, ac- cording to their law. But the English regarding the benefit resulting to them from saving his life, more than keeping inviolate the treaty, evaded the demand, and Sqvanto was preserved. Hobomok was greatly beloved by Massasoit, notwith- standing he became a professed Christian, and Massa- soit was always opposed to the English religion him- self. It will be told in the life of the great Massasoitf how valuable was the agency of Hobomok, m faithfully revealing the mischievious plot of Corbitant, which terminated in the death of Wittuwamet and Peksuot. He was the pilot of the English when they visited \ Massasoit in his sickness, whom before their arrival they considered dead, which caused great manifesta- tions of grief in Hobomok. He often exclaimed as they were on their way, ^^JVeen womasu Sc^imus^ neen too- masu Sc^mus, ^c," which is " My loving Sachem, my loving Sachem ! many have I known, but never any like thee." In the division of the land at Plimouth among the Sv^ inhabitants, Hobomok^ received a lot as liis share, on which he resided after the English manner, and died a Christian among them. The year of his death does not appear, but was previous to 1642. MMWDehOOd/^ a chief of the Nerigwoks, son of a chief of the name of Robinkood, his native name 11 m 130 HOPEHOOD. appears to have been Wohawa.* The career of hi* warlike exploits was long and bloody. Our first no- tice of him is in Philip's war, at the attack of a house at Newichewannok, since Berwick, in Maine. Fifteen persons, all women and children, were in the house^ and Hopehood, with one only beside himself, thought to surprise them, and but for the timely discovery of their approach by a young woman within, would hftve effected their purpose. She fastened and held the door, while all the others escaped unobserved. Hope- hood and his companion hewed down the door, and knocked the girl on the head, and otherwise wounding her, left her for dead. They took two children, which a fence had kept from escaping. One they killed, the other they carried off alive. The young woman re- covered, and was entirely well afterwards. On the 18th of March, 1690, was the horrid massa- cre at Salmon falls. Hopehood had joined 22 French- men, under Hertel, with 25 of his warriors. They at- tacked the place as soon as it was day, in three places. The people defended themselves as well as they were able, in their consternation, until about 30 of their best men were slain, when they gave themselves up to the mercy of the besiegers ; 64 men were carried away captive, and much plunder. They burned all the houses, and the barns with the cattle in them. The number of buildings thus destroyed is unknown, but was perhaps about 30, and perhaps 200 head of cattle. In the same year Hopehood appears again upon our records. In May, of that year, at the head of a party, be fell upon Fox point, in New Hampshire, killed about * Harris, in his voyages, II, 302, says he was a Huron, but as he cites no authorities, we know not how he caiye by his information. J HORNOTLIHED. 131 fourteen persons, and carried away six, after burning several houses. This was as easily done, says Mather,* « aq to have spoiled an ordinary hen roosL'^ Two com- panies of English eoon collected and pursued them ; came up with them, killed some and recovered consid- erable phmder. In this action Hopehood was wound- ^ ed, and lost his gun. Many were the horrid acts of barbarity inflicted on the prisoners taken at this time, but which our limits will not admit us to record. Not long after this, jFfope- hood went to the westward "with a design, says Ma- ther^ to bewitch another crew at Aquadocta, into his assistance." The Indians of Canada, and the Five Na- tions, were then at war, and he being in their country, was met by some of the Canada Indians, who taking him to be of the Iroquois nation, slew him and man^ of his companions. He had been once a captive to the English, and served a time in Boston as a slave. There appears to have been another Nerigwok chief of the flame name, who treated with gov. Dur*ey at Casco, in 1703.* Mornotiimed* a chief of a clan of Creeks, commonly called Red-sticks. This name was given them, in the late Seminole campaigns, from the singo- lar manner of their expressing themselves enemies to the United States. They were driven out from the rest of the Creek nation during the war of 1813, and established themselves at a village called Mickasauky. Here they erected poles, which they painted red, in mockery of the Americafi liberty poles, and hence the name of Recj-sticks. Their poles were ornamented with the scalps which they had taken from the Amer- icans. This village of the Red-stickb was upon the Magnolia Christ. Americana, B. VII. Art. ix. 9 132 HORNOTI.IMED. 1 I I! shore of a lake of the same name as their village, near the northern bounds of East Florida. General Gaines had orders to drive the Creeks from the lands ceded to the United States by the council of their nation, and accordingly proceeded to Flint river, where, near its junction with the Catahoochie, he erected a fort which he named for Scott. Three ves* sels having arrived at the mouth of the Apalachicola on the 30th November, 1817, with military stores for the supply of the garrison^ but from contrary winds was' unable to ascend. Lieut. Scott was dispatched for his assistance, in a boat with forty men. The old Chief Homottimedj who had just before been driven from Foul-town, by a detachment of gen. Gainers army, with a band of bis warriors, had concealed them- selves in the bank of the river, and when lieut. Scott and his men returned, were fired upon, and all ex- cept six soldiers, who jumped overboard and swam to the opposite shore, were killed. Twenty of the soldiers had been left for the aid of the ascending ves- sels, and about the same number of women and sick were in their place. These fell into the hands of Hor- noUimed and his warriors, who dashed out their brains upon the side of the boat, took off their scalps, and carried them to Mickasauky, where they exhibited them upon their red poles, in memory of their victory. This chief was doomed shortly to expiate with bis life for this massacre. The Mickasauky town was soon after visited by the army, but the Indians had al^ fled, their red pole was left standing, and the scalps upon it ; many of which were recognised as having been taken from lieut. ScoWs men. ' A vessel cruising near the mouth of Apa- lachicola river to prevent the escape pf the Indians in * See Penhallows Ind. Wars^ S. * ITANOUOH. 133 tli&t direction, with English colors displayed, decoyed on board the famous chiefs, Homotlimed, and the prophet Francis. These the Americans hanged with- out trial or delay. MMoVWyhlTOOlC^ an interpreter at the treaty made at Pemmaquid in 1693, between the English and Eg' ermet, Madokaioando^ Bomazeen, and ten other eastern chiefs.* MMwntCVi (John) one of the Christian Indians who went against Philip in the beginning of the war and performed signal services. He is one of the three meant, in speaking before of Felix, which see. MtCitnsiS^ a Sachem of the Penobscot tribe in Maine, in 1713. We meet with his name only to the treaty concluded by the English with them in that year, as mentioned under Bomazeen. His mark or signature to that instrument is a rude representation of a face.f Mtopatin^ a Sachem of Virginia, a second broth- er of Powhatan^ whom he succeeded, on the death of that chief in April, 1618, He ws a friend to the En- glish, and on his coming into power, came with Ope- kankanough and renewed the former league.^ His first name was Opitchepan, MynnwUghi Sachem of Cuminaquid and Matak- iest, (a tract of country between Barnstable and Yar- mouth, upon Cape Cod.) Noted for his friendship to the Pilgrims on their first coming to Plimouth, and one of those whose country was passed through by them when in search of one of their number which had been lost in the woods, as related under the head Jlspinei. m i II * Magnalia, II. 643. t Penhallow's Indiaft Wan. t Smith's Virginia, II. 37. 134 ITAnOUGH' In the work called Mourt's Journal, tve read as fol- lows concerning him : « They brought us to their Sa- chem, or governor, whom they call lyanov^h^ a man not exceeding twenty-six years of age, but very person^ able, and gentle, courtious, and fair conditioned, in- deied not like a savage, save for his attire. His enter- tainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various. One thing was very grievous unto us at this place. There was an old women, whom we judged to be no less than an hundred years old, which came to see us, because she never saw English ; yet could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion ; weeping and crying exces- sively. We demanding the reason of it, they told us, she had three sons, who, when Master Hunt was in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain, by which means she was deprived of the comfort of her children in her old age." They expressed sorrow for her, and gave her to understand that she need apprehend nothing from them, at the same time giving her a few trifles which seemed to soothe her. lyanough conveyed the English to and from the country of ^spinet, and assisted them much in the ex- pedition. His early and untimely death was brought about by the same melancholy circumstance as ^s- pinet We are inclined to believe that capt. HarloWj instead of Hunt, took away the three sons of this woman ; for capt. Smititt in his account of New England, mentions particularly that Harlow took three natives from Cape Cod, whose names were " PechmOy Monopetj and Peke- nimne." .And adds, "but Pechmo leaped overboard, and got away ; and not long after, with his consorts, cut their boat from their stem, got her on shofe, and so fillet rowj takii not I cut, er. the coun JAMES-PAIMTER. 135 filled ber with sand, and guarded her with bows and ar- rows, the English lost her." In his account of HunVs taking away tlie " twenty^four Savages," Smith does not mention from what part of the coast he took them. Jach-SiVaW% & native, who Uved some time in* England with Sir Walter Halegh,*^ and afterwards upon Connecticut river, with a Sagamore called IVahguma- cut, whom, I suppose he accompanied as an interpret- er. Wahgumacut having come to Boston to request the governor " to have some English to plant in hia country, and offers to find them corn, and give them, yearly, eighty skins of beaver." f But the governor distrusting his honesty did not comply. The fear Wahgumacut was in of the Pequots caused him to make these overtures. This was in 1631.| JfackoM^ a Penobscot chief, in J 7 13. We hear nothing of him in the eastern wars, and hence con' elude that he was not conspicuous in them. James-'Printet'^ & Christian Indian of Hassan- amesit, so called, from the circumstance of his having worked at the printing business. He was one of the deven given an account of under Monaco. He was a brother to ThikapetoilHn and AraweaUn. He was brought up among the English, and was employed as a pressman in printing the celebrated EllioVt Indian bible. * " The imputation of the first bringing in of tobtuxo into England lies on this heroic knight." Winstanley's Worthies, 259. " Besides the consumption of the purse, and impairing of our inward parts, the immoderate, vain and phantasticu abuse of the hellish weed, corrupteth the natural sweetness of the breath, stupifieth the brain ; and indeed is so prejudicial to the general esteem of our country." Ibid. 211. What think {'6 of this verdict? tobacco eaters ! If you are not satisfied, ook into King James's book, which he calls, " a counterblast of tobacco." t PrittcM Chronofegy, II, 25^ t Backers' New England, 34. 138 rfAMEMOtf. JfanMS^ Sagamore of Saugus, now Linn, whose native name was Moutowampatey* was brother of John^ Sagamore of Winisimet. He died in 1633, of the Bmall pox, « with most of his people. It is said that these two promised, if ever they recovered, to live with the English, and serve their God."t The histo- ries of those times give a melancholy picture of the distresses caused by the small pox among the «* wretch- ed natives." " There ars," says Mather, " some old planters surviving to this day, who helped to bury the dead Indians; even whole families of them all dead at once. In one of the wigwams they found a poor infant sucking at the breast of the dead mother." | The same author observes that before the disease be- gan, the Indians had begun to quarrel with the English about the bounds of their lands, " but God ended the controversy by sending the small pox among the In- dians at Saugus, who were before that time exceed- ingly numerous." Jfnncnwh^ an independent Narraganset chief, who if subject to the "great Sachem" Mianiunnomoh^ seems to have been nearly independent. In 1637, the « great Sachem" complained to the government of Mas- sachusetts that Janemoh and Wtqaash had done him injury, who * gociation among them at Deer island, engaged Job again, and James Quannapohit, alias Quanapavg. Their reward was to he Jive pounds a piece I They departed upon this service before day, the 30th of December, and during their mission, behaved with great pru- dence, and brought vduable information to the En- gave, KATTBNANIT. 141 glish on their return ; but which, iVom intestine bick- oringB, turned to small account. James ^fUtmuipohU returned 24th of Jan. following, nearly worn out and famished ; having travelled about eighty miles in that cold season, upon snow shoes, the snow being very deep. The information which he gave, was written down by major Gookin.* Among other matters he stated that the enemy had taken up their quarters in different places, probably near Scatta- cook, many others, including the Nipmuks, about Menumesse. The Narragansets had not yet joined Philip openly, but while James and Job were among the Nipmuks, .messengers arrived from Narraganset which gave them much joy, for they expressed' an ar- dent desire to join them and Philip in prosecuting the war. They said their loss in the great swamp fight was small. In three weeks, James learned, they would assault Lancaster, which accordingly came to pass, upon the very day, which he said they intended it. He learned and thus divulged their plans to a great extuut. A circumstance now occurred, which obliged him to make his escape, which was this : He found a friend and protector in Mauiamp, one of the Nipmuk chiefs, who, it seems, intended shortly to visit Philip ; and in- ^sted that Quannapohit should accompany him, and it was with no small difficulty he was able to elude the vigilant eye of Mautavip and make his escape, which howe.er, was effected, only by a cunning stratagem, as follows. He told Mauiamp that he had fought against Philip in the commencement of the war, and that Philip knew him, and that unless he could go to him with some important trophy, Philip would not believe him, and would immediately kill him. And moreover Tvkapawillin had privately told him that Philip had * The same published in Col. Mas. His. See. 1. vi. 305-208. 12 149 KATTBNANIT. ^ven out word that certun praying Indians should be sought after, and if possible, seized and brought to him :• for he wanted to put them to death in a cruel manner, with his own hands, and that he was one of them. He therefore told Mautamp that he would go, in the first place and kill some English, and take their heads along with him, and then he /hould consider himself safe. This being consented to, he lost no time in retracing his steps to the frontiers of the En- glish. He mentions MonocOf or One-eyed-john as a great captain among the enemy, who also treated him kind- ly, and entertained him in his wigwam during his stay there; he being an old acquaintance. They had served together in their wars against the Mohawks, ten years before. Job was requested to come away with Quannapohitf but saw no way of getting away his children, which was a main object with him. He knew too that James could give all the information they both possess- ed at that period, and not considering himself in im- inent danger, preferred to tarry longer. He returned to the English in the night of the 9th of February and said, as James had before, that on the next day Lancaster would be attacked, for he knew» about four hundred of the enemy were already on their march. The result has already betn told. He further informed the English, that the enemy would shortly atiack Medfield, Groton, Marlboro', and other places, and that the Narragansets had joined Philip and the Nipmuks. Before he lefl the en'^my he appointed a place of safety for his children, and sundry others of his friends, captured at Hassanamesit, where he would afterwards meet and conduct them to the English. He there- son, XATTKNANIT. 143 fore petitioned the council for liberty to mee them, which was granted. But he now had new difficuldea to encounter, owing to " the rude temper of those times," as one of the wise men of that age expressed it* Although both these men had acquitted them- selves to the entire satisfaction of the authorities who sent them forth, yet the populace accused them of giving information to the enemy, and that they were secredy their advisers, or else they had not returned in safety ; to appease which tliey were confined again to the Island. This so interfered with the time set by Job to meet his children and friends, that great suf- ferings ensued to them, as well as to himself; and he knew not that ever he should have an opportunity to see his children again. But it much sooner happened, no doubt, than he expected, although in an indirect way. About the time he was sebt to the island, a vote passed in the general court of Massachusetts, to raise an army of six hundred men, and major Tkomaa Savage was applied to, to conduct them in the war. He refused, unless he could have some of the friendly Indians from the island for assistants. On a messen- ger being sent among them, six of their principal and bravest men volunteered in that service, among whom was Job Kaitenanit, The army marched about the first of March, 1675, O. S. But when at Marlborough, Job got liberty of major Savage and major gen. Denni- son, to attempt the finding of his friends and children, whom he had appointed to meet near Hassanaraesit. When it was known to [capt. Mosdy,] \ he behaved * Major Daniel Gookin, who Was at least an hundred years in advance of that age. » t It may be a question with some whetlier the captain meant, in the original documents, were Mosely, but I think I conjecture rightly. 144 KATTENANIT, himself very unbecoming towards the commanding officer, and npthing but his popularity with the army saved his reputation. Indeed bis conduct seems quite as reprehensible as that of a more modern Indian hunt- er in the Floridas, which all friends of humanity joined to condemn. Mostly, it appears would place no con- fidence in any Indian, and doubtless thought he was acting for the best interests of the country. He urged that it was a most im{)olitic measure to suffer any In- dian to go away at this time, knowing their natural treacherousness ; and he doubted not but Job, (although a tried friend,) would inform the enemy of the ap- proach of the army, which would frustrate all their designs. The great ascendency which this officer held in the army can best be understood by a simple statement of the fact, that major Savage and gen. Den- riison, were obliged to send afler Job before the soldiery would cease their clamours. Capt. Wadstvorth and capt. Syll, acconipanied by James Quannapohit, went in pursuit with the utmost speed. But they did not overtake him, and he soon returned to the army with- out finding his friends ; they, from fear of discovery, having changed their place, the time having been much longer than was set, and their sufferings were indiscribable. We shall only add here concerning them, that they aflerwards fell into the hands of a party of English, who treated them very ill, taking every thing from them. But when they were brought to major Savage, he treated them kindly, and had them sent to Boston, all except four, who ran away from Marlborough, where they stopped for 'the night, from the fear of being murdered ; some of the people so abused them. And it was about two months afler, that they were found and brought in by JVepanet. Finally, Job recoT> KEEWATOOOflHKUM. 145 eied all bis children, and marrying again, lived very happily* His vrife was one of those which he had managed to deliver out of the hands of the enemy at such hazard and pains. She had, during their wan- derings nursed and kept alive his children, one es- pecially which was very young. When the Hassanamesits went off with the enemy, Jame$ Q^annapohit was in the neighborhood with the English forces. Capt. S^U ser>t ou^ a scout, and James and lUixer Pegin accomf ux. >d. Seven of the enemy were soon discovered, oi ' ?I-Dm was lead- ing an English prisoner. They d.. :• : ed the English 0cout and fled. James and Elizer pursued them and recovered the prisoner, whose name was Christopher Muchini who bad been taken from Marlborough. James also took one of the enemies guns.* MeeUJaygeoshtCWn^ a chief of the firat au- thority among the Ottoways in 1831, when governor Cass entered into a treaty with him and the chiefs oT several other tribes, at Chicago, on lake Michigan, and bought a large tract of country of them. In a speech which Keewaygooshkum made at the time, his remark- able knowledge of the historical events relating to the intercourse of the red and white men, is very striking. « A seried of misfortunes," says Mr. Schoolcraft, has since overtaken this friendly, modest, and sensible chief. On returning from the treaty of Chicago, while off the mouth of grand river, in lake Michigan, his ca- noe was struck by a flaw of wind and upset. After making every exertion, he saw his wife and all his children, except one son, perish. With his son he reached the bhore ; but as if to crown his misfortunes, this only surviving child has since been poisoned for the part ^e took in the treaty." ■■ ■ ■ ■■■Ml .m^M I ■ - , .-I — . I !■ » I —I I ■ — ^i^p^hiM^^ * Oookins MS. Hist Chriitian Indians 146 &E£WAT600SHKUif. The result of this treaty was the relinquishment ty the Ottaways, Chippeways, and Poitowattomys, of a tract of country in the southern part of the peninsula of Michigan, containing upwards of 5000,000 acres^ «nd for which they received of the United States, in goods, 35000 dollars, and several other sums to the separate tribes, to some yearly forever, and to others for a limited term of years. Some of the chiefs who attened to the treaty were opposed to this sale, and hence the reason that Keewaygooshkuni's son was pois*- oned. Koange in the following speech opposed it in a manly style. He was a chief of mature age, and of a venerable aspect. « My Father ; since you heard from our brothers, the Chippewas and Ottawas, we have Counselled to- gether. It is now your wish to hear the sentiments of the Three Nations. I shall deliver them. Some- times the Indians have acted like children. When requested they have signed away their lands without consideration. This he 3 always made trouble in the nation, and blood has been spilt in consequence. We wish to avoid such foolish and bad conduct. The last time we sat down in council together, we had not fully consulted each other ; and perhaps you drew a wrong conclusion from what we said. We did not consent to youf request. In times past, when you have asksd us for lands, we have freely sold them. At present there are a number of our people opposed to selling, and we have found it very difficult to agree in mind. One point in particular, we differ much upon ; it is the extent of the grant you request. We give you one more proof of our friendship, by meet- ing you in this council. You know our mir.d»— we now take you by the hand. Look down upon us kiSNEBIili U7 with compassion, and wish us well." This, Mr* Schoolcrafl says, was rather more favorably rendered by the interpreter, than it should have beenj in regard to the disposal of the land. We think it speaks in de- cided terms against it, but we find his name to the treaty. KetnpS^ a subject of Powhatan^ Sachem of Vir^ ginia. He was a great enemy to the English, and was taken prisoner by capt. Smith, with another call- ed Tassore. He says* they were "the two most exact villtiines in all the country," and who '< would have betrayed both king and kindred for a pe^ce of copper." The English kept them a consider* able time, " fettered prisoners, and did double task, and taught vs how to order and plant our fields : whom now for want of victuals we set at liberty, but so well they liked our companies they did not desire to goe from vs." Afterwards when some discontented Englishmen deserted their'company and went to these men, they made themselves sport with them, showing them how they had been treated while prisoners, and fed them according to the work they did, saying, *< those who will not work shall have nothing to eat," and then sent them by force, back to Jamestown. M£en€biSm a Sachem who conferred a name on a country or a country a name upon him. When Maine became known to the Europeans, a sagamore of this name resided upon th« Sagadahok, and they after' wards, like the Virginians in the case of Powhatan called the river by the name of the chief Sachem up- on it, and hence comes to us the name of Kennebeck. Sullivan f tells us that a Sachem of this name, who was contemporary with Abigadeset, granted nearly all * Hist. Virginia, I, 224. t Hist. District of Maine. 148 XUTqOEW* the land upon Kennebeck river, and much of it sever* al times over, to their English neighbors. In 1649, KeneMs sold the land, up as high as Taconnet falls, to Christopher Lawaon^ and about the same time the same tract to ^incer and Clark^ comprehending ten miles on each side of the river. JSu^ttera/mogiS^ ^^ one of the Nerigwok chiefs in 1693. M£i%ebenUit* & Penobscot Sachem, in 1713. At which time with seven others, he subscribed arti- cles of submission to queen Anne, at Portsmouth in New Hampshire. His mark is the first subscribed, and was made to represent a bird. M[oiCOpot0MMiUh^ one of the last Sachems of Connecticut His dominions included Derby, Milford and Stamford. He lived at the first mentioned town, where he died in 1731, at which time he had under bim about sixty men.* JETtff 4ftf6ft. ft sagamore, one of those who signed the letter about the release of captives, brought from the enemy by Tom JVepanet, in April, 1676.t (Su J^epanet.) A Narraganset of this name, in 1649, who, meeting with Uncaa in an English vessel in Connecti- cut river, ran a sword into his breast, which wound, it was thought for some time would prove mortal; ^< which murderous act, the assailant then confessed, he was for a considerable sum of wampum, by the Narragan- set and Niantick Sachems, hired to attempt. J^nigretj when examined, utterly denied his having a hand in that act, but affirmed that Cuttttquin, who accused himself, and the other Sachems, was drawn thereunto, by torture from the Mohawks." i JKwiShai^fUtQUinj Kutchmakin,Cutshamoqueii, * Col. Maa. Hist. Soc. t Mather's Relation. t Manuscript Documents. mean who i Englif tect that tc chem was at his cot the El quire Katshc expedi ofi'his among many pum.f Englis up his promis nomoh as the} occasii He to his would to be ! Mji glish. teered men, \ tribe i the c 1676, called LIOHTFOOT. 149 mean the same. He was one of the five Sachems who in 1643-4 signed articles of submission to the English, with the understanding that they should pro- tect him. In 1636, he sold to Dorchester, the part of that town since called Milton, and is named as the Sa- chem of Massachusetts, but subject to Massasoit. He was at first opposed to the settling of the English in his country, but aHierward became a Christian. When the English of Massachusetts sent to Canonicus to en- quire into the cause of the murder of John Oldham, Katshamaquin went with them as interpreter. In this expedition he waylaid a Pequot and shot him, took off his scalp and sent it to Canonicus, who sent it about among his Sachem friends, and gave the English many thanks, and Kutshamaquin four fathom of wam pum.f He seems to have been entirely devoted to the English, leagued with them against the Pequots, gave up his ammunitiion he had bought of them, by their promising to restore it, opi)osed the claims of Mianiun- nomoh ; in fine, he appears to have done in all things as they listed, without using his own judgment on any occasion. He told Mr. Elliot, that the reason he was opposed to his people becoming Christians, was, that they would then pay him no tribute. A weighty matter, to be sure, thus co have his laws destroyed. MjightfoOt^ a Sogkonate, so named by the En- glish. He was one of Awashonks tribe, who volun- teered to fight with capt. Church against his country- men, at the time the great dance was held by that tribe as mentioned in the life of Awashonks. When the chief, called Little-eyes, was taken at Cushnet in 1676, lAghtfoot was sent with him, to what is now called Palmer^': ;sland, near the mouth of that river, as t Winihrop's Journal. 150 LtaorrooT. « place of safety. He soon after joined the English captain and they sacceeded in capturing the Indians in muhitudes. Animated by the success some Bridgewater men had in killing Philip^s uncle, Akkompoint and taking PhUip*a wife and son, on the 30th of July, as they were attempting to cross Tehticut, now Taunton river, L^ht' foot requested capt. Church to permit him to make an expedition with a company of his countrymen. Wil- ling to encourage him. Church now gave him a cap- tains commission, and he set out. He was gone but •one day, and returned with thirteen prisoners, besides having killed several. His exploits were doubtless Tery numerous in most of Churches expeditions, in and about Plimouth Colony, but we meet with nothing more recorded of him, until we come to the expedi- tions among the eastern Indians. When Church landed at Casco, in 1689, and had a considerable fight with the Indians, Lightfoot is men- tioned for a remarkable feat of dexterity. The Indi- ans began the attack, before the English had got much of their ammunition on shore. The soldiers were to be supplied from the fort, where the bullets were first to be hammered before they would go into their guns. The tide4)eing up, made an estuary, which separated the battle ground from the town. As soon as a quan- tity of ball was prepared. Church ran with it to supply his men. On coming to the arm of the sea, he called to his men for some one to adventure across, to take it to the army. None appeared ready but Lightfoot, He immediately came, << taking the powder upon his head, and a kettle of bullets in each hand and got safe to his fellow soldiers." The English forces were by this means able to con- tinue the fight, and after some time, put the enemy to I UTTLS-CARPKNTKR. 151 flight. And but for thii timely arrival of Church at Casco, it must inevitably have fallen into the hands of the Indians. Twelve of the English forces were killed, and many wounded in tliis battle. Of the Indiana no account could be given as they had time to take awaj their dead and wounded with them. M/UiM€^arpe»Uer^ a Cherokee chief, oAngreat note in his time, especially as he acted a very con- spicuous part in the horrid wars those tribes were in- volved in with the English, shortly after BraddocVa defeat. His real name was ^ttakuUakuUcif and that by which he ought properly to appear in history. He had been in England, and had spent some time there previous to col. Montgomery's and gen. GrarWs exterminating wars, in 1761.* In 1756, embassadors were sent to the Cherokees, to bind them more strong- ly in the English interest, and to secure their aid against the French. While a council was convened and in favorable progress, messengers arrived, bringing information that the English had murdered a war par- ty of Cherokees, while returning from an expedition against the French, and in the cause of the English. A captain of militia, in Augusta county, Virginia, a back-settler, having entertained said party as friends, in the mean time stationed a band of ruffians in the way they were to pass, who fell upon and murdered them. Their scalps were doubtless the object, as a premium was then paid for them by the government, but the monster made another pretence, which was that they had stolen his poultry. The messengers who carried the tidings to the council, were some who escaped the ambush, and their information threw the whole into tumult, and a great nurhber of the council, and others present, were for taking revenge by murdering all the * British Empire in America. 153 LITTLE-CARPEIVT£R. English embassadors present ; but they were saved by the wisdom and magnanimity of AUakuUakuUa. The brave chief hastened to inform the embassadors of the iminent danger that awaited them, and advised them to conceal themselves in a strong place, and not to be seen abroad, which they speedily attended to. He tlfln summoned his people from all directions to ap- pear in council. When they were convened, he laid all circumstances before them, and recommended striking a deadly blow upon the English.. But in regard to the embassadors he spoke as follows : " Let us not violate our faith, or the laws of hospitality, by imbru- ing our hands in the blood of those who are now in our power. They came to us in the confidence of friendship, with belts of wampum to cement a perpet- ual alliance with us. Let us carry them back to their own settlements, conduct them safely within their con- fines, and then take up the hatchet, and endeavour to exterminate the whole race of them." This council was adopted, the embassadors were conducted home, and the murderer of their friends demanded, which was not granted, and thus commenced that desolating war, to which we have just referred.* At the commencement of their irruptions, gov. Lyttletotif of South Carolina, hastily marched into their country at the head of a strong force, and caused them to sue for peace, and a trraty was accordingly conclu- ded, agreeably to the dictation of the English. Twen- ty-one hostages were taken, and held at fort Prince George, where the treaty wan made, for its due obser- vance. But no sooner had the governor lefl the coun- try, than the Cherokees attempted to surprise it; liber- ate their friends and put the garrison to death. They failed in their attempt, but during the attack, some * Burnaby, Travels in N. America, 4to. London, 1798. LITTLE-TURTLE. 153 were killed and othera wounded on both sides. The hostages were ordered to be put in irons, in the exe- cution of which, a soldier was killed by them, and another wounded. This so enraged the English, that they fell upon the hostages and put them to death. Ravages were again commenced upon the frontiers, and continued until the expeditions of gen. Grant, not- withstanding col. JUbntgomeri/ destroyed many of their, towns and killed a great many of their warriors. It was known that IMUe-carpenter was opposed to his nation's breaking the late treaty, and he was there- fore informed by captives, set at liberty for the pur- pose, that he might come in with others of his chiefs and make peace , but none would hear to him, and col. Montgomery resolved on another expedition. He went out in June, 1760, and returned to fort Prince George, in July, with the loss of seventy men. Al- though he killed many, and done the Cherokees great damage, yet it only irritated them, and they immedi- ately blockaded fort Loudon, near the line of Virginia, and all chance of succour being cut off, the garrison was obliged to capitulate. It was agreed that they should march to their homes with their guns and neces- sary ammunition. They had not marched far, when they were surrounded by their enemies, twenty-five men and every officer killed, except capt. Stewart, whose life was saved by the exertion of Little-carpen- ter. This is the last act we are able to record of him. In July of the next year, the Cherokees were en- tirely subdued by gen. Grants at the head of about 2600 men.* MAtile^Urtle^ the English of MUhikinakwa, the name of a great chief of the Miamis, distinguished as a great warrior, and wise counsellor. He led the * British Empire in America, Oct. London, 1770. 13 154 LITTLE-TURTLK. united tribes which so successAilly fought the Ameri-' can army under gen. ened by the battles between them and detachments of gen. Harmer^s army, in 1 7U0, and under such a leader as Miahikinakusa^ entertained sanguine hopes of bring- ing the Americans to their own terms. One murder followed another, in rapid succession, attended by all the horrors peculiar to their warfare. President Washington took the earliest opportunity of recommending Congress to adopt prompt and effi- cient measures for checking those calamities, and 3000 men were immediately raised and put under the com- mand of gen. St. Clairy then governor of the North West Territory. He received his appointment the 4th of 3tarch, 1791 ; and proceeded to Fort Wash- ington, by way of Kentucky, with all possible dis- patch, where he arrived May 15th.* There was much time lost in getting the troops embodied at this place. Gen. BtUler, with the lesidue, not arriving un- til the middle of September. There were various cir« cumstances to account for the delays which it is un> necessary to recount here. Col. Darke proceeded immediately on his arrival, which was about the end of August, and built fort Hamilton, on the Miami, in the country of Little-tur- (/e, and soon afler fort Jefferson was built forty miles farther onward. These two forts being left manned, about the end of October the army advanced, being about 2000 strong, militia included, whose numbeHi were not inconsiderable, as will appear by the misera- ble manner in which they nut only confused them- selves, but the regular soldiers also. * St. Clair's Narrative, p. 4. LrrTLI-TURTLK. 155 Gen. St. Clair had advanced but about six miles in front of fort Jefferson, when sixty of his militia, from pretended disaffection, commenced a retreat, and it was discovered that the evil had spread considerably among the rest of the army. Being fearful they would seize upon the convoy of provisions, the gen. ordered col. Hamtramk to pursue them with his regi- ment, and force them to return. The army now con- sisted of but 1400 effective men, and this was the number attacked by lAttle-turtle and his warriors, fif- teen miles from the Miami villages. Gen. Butler commanded the right wing, and col. Darke the lef\. The militia wore posted a quarter of a mile in advance, and were encamped in two lines. They had not finished securing their baggage when they were attacked in their camp. It was their in- tention to have marched immediately to the destruction of the Miami villages. Of this their •movements ap- prised the Indians, who acted with great wisdom and firmness. They fell upon the militia before sunrise, 4th of November, who at once fled into the main camp, in the most disorderly and tumultuous manner ; many of them having thrown away their guns, were pursued and slaughtered. At the main camp the fight was sustained some time, by the great exertions of the of- ficers, but v/ith great inequality; the Indians under Little-turtle amounting to about 1500 warriors. Cols. Darke and Butler, and major Clark made several suc- cessful charges, which enabled them to save some of their numbers by checking the enemy .while flight was more practicable. Five hundred and ninety-three were killed and missing, beside thirty-eight officers, and 242 soldiers and twenty-one officers wounded ; many of whom died* Col. BuUer was among the slain. 156 LITTLE-TURTLE. Gen. St. Clair was called to an account for the dig. astrous issue of this campaign^ and was honorably acquitted. He published a particular narrative of the whole>t>'ansaction from beginning to ^nd, from which we collect the chief of our information. And we will add in his own words* what he says to the Secretary of war, of his retreat. " The retreat was, you maybe sure, a precipitate one ; it was in fact a flight. The camp and the artillery were abandoned, but that was unavoidable, for not a horse was left alive to have drawn it off, had it otherwise I ->en practicable. But the most disgraceful part of the business is, that the greatest part of the men threw away their arms and accoutren^nts, even after the pursuit, which con- tinued about four miles, had ceased. I found the road strewed with them for many miles, but was not able to remedy it ; for having had all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that could not be pricked out of a walk, I could not get forward myself, and the orders I sent forward, either to halt the front, or pre- vent the men from parting with their arms, were un- attended to." The remnant of the army arrived at fort Jefferson the same day, just before sunset, the place from which they Hed being twenty-nine miles distant. Gen. St. Clair did every thing that a brave general could do. He exposed himself to every danger, having during the action eight bullets shot through his <^lothes. In no attack on our records, did the Indians discover greater bravery and determination. After giving the first fire they rushed forward with tomahawk in hand. Their loss was inconsiderable, but the traders after- wards learned among them that Little-turUe had an hundred and fifty killed and many wounded.* " They * Penn. Gazette, of that year. X.I¥9L£~TtJRTLK. 157 rushed on the artillery heedless of their fire, and took two pieces in an instant. They were again retaken by our troops ; and whenever the army charged them, they were seen to give way and advance again as soon as they b^an to retreat, doing great execution, both in the retreat and advance. They are very dex- trous in covering themselves with trees; many of them however fe4l, both of the infantry and artillery." « Six or eight pieces of artillery fell into their hands, with about 400 horses, all the baggage, ammunition, and provisions."* It has been generally said that had the advice of this chief been taken t.t the disastrous fight afterwards with gen. Wayne, there is but little doubt but he had met as ill success as gen. St. Cl(ur.\ He was not for fighting gen. Wayne at Presque Isle, and inclined rath- er to peace than fighting him at all. In a council held the night before the battle he argued as follows : <♦ We have beaten the enemy twice, under separate commanders. We cannot expect the same good» for- tune always to attend us. The Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps : the night and the day are alike to him. And tluring all the time that he has been marching upon our villages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of oui' young men, we have never been able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is something whispers me, it would be prudent to listen tQ his oflfers of peace." For holding this language he was reproached by another chief with cowardice, which put an end to all farther discourse. Nothing wounds the feelings of a warrior like the reproach of coward- ice, but he stifled his resentment, did his duty in the * Letter from fort Hamilton, dated 6 days after the battle. I' Little-turtle told Mr. Vobey circumstances, which gave him that opinion. See his Travels in America, ed. Lond. 1804. 158 IITTLE-TURTLC. battle, and its issue proved him a truer prophet than hig accuser believed.* LitUe-turtte lived some years afler the Mrar, in great esteem among many men of high standing. He vras ' alike courageous and humane, possessing great ivisdom. " And," says my author, " there has been few individ- uals among Aborigines who have done so much to abolish the rites of human sacrifice. The grave of this noted warrior is shown to visitors, near fort Wayne. It is frequently visited by the Indians in that part of the country, by whom his memory is cherished with the greatest respect and veneration."* When the philosopher and famous traveller Volney, was in America, in the winter of 1797, LUtle-turtle came to Philadelphia where he then was, and who sought immediate acquaintance with the celebrated chief, for highly valuable purposes, which in some measure he effected. He made a vocabulary of his language, which he printed in the appendix to his travels. A copy in manuscript, more extensive than the printed one, is in the library of the Philosophical Society of Pennsylvania. Having become convinced that all resistance to the whites was vain, he brought his nation to consent to peace, and to adopt agricultural pursuits. And it was with the view of soliciting Congress, and the benevo" lent society of Friends for assistance to effect this llat^ ter purpose, that he now visited Philadelphia. While her? he was inoculated for the small pox, and was also afflicted with the gout and rheumatism. At the time of' Mr. Volney's interview with him for information, he took no notice of the ' conversation while the interpreter was communicating with Mr. Vclnejfy for he did not understand English, but walked about, plucking out his beard and eye brows. He * Schoolcrafls Travab. tlTTLE-TURTLE. 159 was dressed now in English clothes. ^His skin, where not exposed, IMr. Volney says, was as white as his ; and on speaking upon the subject, lAttle-turtle said, " I have seen Spaniards in Louisiana, and found no difTer- ence of color between them and me. And why should there be any ? In them, as in us, it is the work of the Faiher ofcolors^ the San that burns us. Vou white people compare the color of your face with that of your bodies." Mr. Volney explained to him the no- tion of many, that his race were descended from the Tartars, and by a map showed him the supposed com- munication between Asia and America. To this, LiU' Ue-turtle replied : « Why should not these Tartars, who resemble w*, have come from America ? Are there any reasons to the contrary ? Or why should we not both have been born in our own country ? " It is a fact that the Indians give themselves a name which is equivalent to our word indigine, that is, one sprung from the soil, or natural to it.* When Mr. Volney asked Little-turtle what prevented him from living among the whites, and if he were not more comfortable in Philadelphia than upon the banks of the Wabash, he said, " Taking all things together you have the advantage over us ; but here I am deaf and dumb. I do not talk 'our language ; I can neither hear, nor make myself heard. When I walk through the streets, I see every person in his shop employed about something : one makes shoes, another hats, a third sells cloth, and every one lives by his labor. I say to myself, which of all these things can ^ou do ? Not one. I can make a bow or an arrow, catch fish, kill game, and go to war : but none of these is of any use here. To learn what is done here would re- quire a long time." " Old age comes on." <* I should * See Volney 's Travels, ut Sh^pra. \ I 1^0 LOfiXK. f - be t piece of furjyture useless to my nation, useless to the whites, and useless to myself." " I must return to my own country." MtOffitHm a Mingo* chief, son of Shikellenms, 3 celebrated chief of the Cayuga nation. For Magua- nimity in war, and greatness of soul in peace, few, if any, in any nation, ever surpassed him. He took no part in the French wars whicli ended in 1760, except that of a peace maker; was always acknowledged the friend of the white people, until the year 1774, when his brother, and several others of his family were murdered. The particulars of which follow. In the spring of 1,774, some Indians robbed the people upon the Ohio river, who were in that country ex- ploring the lands, and preparing for settlements. These land jobbers were alarmed at this hostile carriage of the Indians, as they considered it, and collected them- selves at a place called Wheeling creek, the site on which Wheeling is now built, and learning that there were two Indians on the river a little above, one capt. Michael Cresap, belonging to the exploring party, pro- posed to fall upon and kill them. His advice, although opposed at first, was followed, and a party led by Cre- sap proceeded and killed the two Indians. The same day, it being reported that some Indians were discov- ered below Wheeling upon the river. Cresap and his party immediately marched to the place, and at first appeared to show themselves friendly, and suffered the Indians to pass by them unmolested, to seat themselves still low^ down, at the mouth of Grave creek. Cre- sap soon followed, attacked and killed several of them, having one of his own men wounded by the fire of the Indians. Here some of the family of Logan were slain. The circumstance of the afi%iir was exceeding * Mengwe, Maquas, Maqua, or Iroquog, all mean the samei LOOAN. 161 aggravating, inasmuch as the whiteapretendednoprovo' cation. Soon after this, some other monsters in human shape, at whose head wei^ Daniel Greathoust, and one Tondinson, committed a horrid murder upon a com- pany of Indians about thirty miles above Wheeling. Greaihouse resided at the same place, but on the op- posite side of the river from the Indian encampment. A party of thirty-two men were collected for this ob- ject, who secreted themselves, while Greaihouse^ under a pretence of friendship, crossed the river and visited them, to ascertain their strength ; which, on counting them, he found too numerous for his force in an open attack. These Indians having heard of the late murder of their relations, had determined to be avenged of the whites, and Greaihouse^ did not know the danger he was in, until a squaw advised him of it, in a friendly caution, "to go home." The sad re- quittal this poor woman met with will presently ap- pear. This abominable fellow invited the Indians to come over the river and drink rum with him. This being a part of his plot to separate them, that they might be the easier destroyed. The opportunity soon offered ; a number being collected at a tavern in the white settlement, and considerably intoxicated, were fallen upon, and all murdered except a little girl. Among the murdered was a brother of Logauy and his sister, whose delicate situation, greatly aggravated the horrid crime. The remaining Indians, upon the other side of the river, on hearing the firing, ^et off two canoes with armed warriors, who as they approached the shore, were fired upon by the whites, who laid concealed awaiting their approach. Nothing prevented their taking deadly aim, and many were killed and wound-* ' 'H I m 163 LOOAir. ed, and the' rest were obliged to return. This afTair took place, May 24th, 1774.* These were the events that led to a horrid Indian war, in which many inno- cent families were sacrificed to satisfy the vengeance of an incensed, and injured people The warriors now prepared themselves for open conflict, and with Logan at their head, were deter- mined to meet the Big-knives j as the Virginians were called, from their long swords, in their own way. The Virginia legislature was in session when the news of Logan's depredations was received at the seat of government. Gov. Dunmore immediately or- dered out the militia, to the number of 3000 men, half of whom, under col. Andrew Lewis, were ordered towards the mouth of the Great Kanhawa, while the governor ..imself with the other half marchefl to a point on the Ohio, to fall upon the Indian towns in the absence of the warriors, drawn off by the approach of the army under col. Lewis. The Indians met the division under Lewis at a place called Point pleasant, on the great KanHBwa, where a very bloody battle ensued. A detachment of 300 men first fell in with them, and were defeated, with great slaughter ; but the other divisions coming up, the fight was maintained during the whole day. Never was ground maintained with more obstinacy. Every step was disputed, until the darkness of the night closed the scene. The Indians slowly retreated, and while the Americans were preparing to pursue and take revenge for their severe loss, an express ar- rived from gov. Dunmore, that he had concluded a treaty with the Indian chiefs. In this battle above 140 Americans were killed and wounded, nearly half of which were of the former, among whom was col. * From facts published in Jefferson's notes. ' ^ LOHAff, 163 Charles Letoisj brother of Andrew, and col. FUld. These officers led the first division. Of the number of the Indians destroyed, we are ignorant ; though very pro- bably they were many, as their numbers engaged were said to have been about 1500.^ It was at the treaty held by gov. Dunmore before " mentioned, with the principal men of the Mingoes, Shawanese and Delawares, that the far famed speech of Logan was delivered. Not by himself in person, for, although desiring peace, he would not meet the Americans iu council, but remained in his cabin in sullen silence, until a messenger was sent to him, to know whether he would accede to the proposals. On which occasion, Logan, after shedding many tears for the loss of his friends, said to the messenger, who well understood his language, in substance as follows : « I appeal to any white to say, if ever he entered Logan*s cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat : if ever he came cold and naked and he clothed him not. « During the course of the last long bloody war, Loganf remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my coqntrymen pointed as they passed, and said, < Logan is the friend of white men.' « I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Col. Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan ; not even sparing my women aAd children. « There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it. I have killed many. I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought * Campbell's Virginia. -J., t 164 MADOKAWANDO. that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his hfe. Who is there to mourn for Logan ? — Not one !" Thus ended those times of calamity, commonly call- ed Crf»ap*8 war. Not long after which, Logan was cruelly murdered, as he was on his way home from Detroit. For a time previous to his death, he gave himself up to intoxication, which in a short time near- ly obliterated «11 marks of the great man ! JfMadokawandO^ a chief of the Penobscot tribe, of whom a remnant still remain. He was the adopted son of a chief by the name of AsaaminaBqua,* Some mischief bad been done by the Androscoggin In- dians in Philip's war, and the English, following the example of those whom they so much reprobated, re- taliated on any Indians that fell into their way. Mad- okatoando was not an enemy, nor do we learn that his people had committed any depredations, until after some English spoiled his com, and otherwise did him damage. At the close of the war of 1675 and 6, this Sa- chem's people had among them about 60 English cap- tives. When it was known to him that the English desired to treat about peace, he sent Mugg, one of his chiefs, to Pascataqua, to receive proposals ; and that he might meet with good acceptance, sent along with him a captive to his home. Gen. Gendalf of Massachusetts, being there, forced Mug on board his vessel, and carried him to 'Boston, foe which treacherous act, an excuse was pleaded, that he was not vested with sufficient authority to treat with him. Mudokawando^s embassador being now in the power of the English, was obliged to agree to such terms as the * Snliivan's Hist. Maine, copied, I bard, to whom he gives no credit. ^ suppose, from Hub- was I HADOKAWAITDO. 169 English dictated.* It is not to be wondered at there- fore, if the great chief soon appears again their enemy. Still, when Mug was sent home, Madokateando agreed to the treaty, more readily, perhaps, as two armed ves- sels of the English conveyed him. A son of rev. Jliomaa Cohbet had been taken, and was among the Indians at Mount Desert. It so hap* pened that his master had at that time sent him down to Casteen's trading house, to buy powder for him. Mvg took him by the hand, and told him he had been at his father's house, and had promised to send him Home. Madokawando demanded a ransom, probably to satisfy the owner of the captive, « fearing^to be killed by him, if he yielded him up without he were there to consent ; for he was, be said, a desperate man, if crossed, and had cromferff two or three in that way." Being on board one of the vessels, and treated to son>e liquor, " he walked awhile to and again on the deck, and on a sudden made a stand, and said to capt. Moore, < well captain, since it is so, take this man : I freely give him up to you, carry him home to his friends.' "| A red coat was given to Madokawando^ which gave him great satisfaction. The historians 'of the war, have all observed that the prisoners ui:der Madokawan o were remarkably well treated. In February, 1677, major Waldron, and capt. Frosty with a body of men, were sent into the eastern coast to observe the motions of the Indians, who still re- mained hostile. At Pemmaquid they were invited on shore to hold a treaty, but the English finding some * A treaty was signed 9th of Dec. 1676. Manuscript Jfar. of ree. T. Cobbet. It may be seen in Hubbard's Narrative, 4to edition. t The Indian word for killed. Wood's JV. E. Prospect, t Manuscript Narrative, before cited. '' 14 166 MADOKAWANOO. weapons concealed among them, thoughtita sufficient umbrage to treat them as enemies, and a considerable fight ensued, in which many of the Indians were killed, and several taken prisoners ; among whom was a sister of Madokawando. He had no knowledge of the affair, having been gone for several months at a great distance into the country, on a hunting voyage. We hear no more of Madokawando^ until 1691. It has been mentioned in the account of Egeremet, that in this year, a treaty was made with him and other eastern chiefs. This was in November of that year, and it was agreed by them, that on the first of May following, they would deliver all the captives in their possession at Wells. " But," says Dr. Mather,* " as it was not upon the ^rm Idnd^ but in their canoes upon the water, that they signed and sealed this instrument ; so, reader, we will be jealous that it will prove but a fluctuating and unstable sort of business ; and that the Indians will do a lie as they used to do." The time for the delivery of the captives having ar- rived, the English met at Wells to receive them, and to renew their treaty. They took care to be provided with an armed force, and to have the place of meeting at a strong place, which was Storer's garrison-house. But, as the author just cited, observes, "The Indians being poor musicians for keeping of time, came not ac- cording to their articles." The reason of this we cannot explain, unless the warlike appearance of the English deterred them. Afler waiting a while, capt. Converse surprised some of them, and brought them in by force, and having reason to believe the Indians pro- voked by this time, immediately added 35 men to their force. These "were not come half an hour to iS/o- rti's house, on the 9th of June, 1691, nor had thej * Magnolia, II, 529. MADOKAWANDO. 167 got their Indian weed fairly lighted, into their mouths, before &erce Moxus, with 300 Indians, made an attack upon the garrison,"* but were repulsed and soon drew off. Madokawando was not here in person, but when he knew of the disaster of his chief captain, he said, "my brother Moxus has missed it now, but I will go myself the next year, and have the dog Converse out of his hole." The old chief was as good as his word, and ap- peared before the garrison the 22d of June, 1G92. He was joined by Bumiff and Labrocre, two French offi- cers, with a body of their soldiers, and their united strength was estimated at about 500 men. Tliey were so confident of succesit, that they agreed before the attack, how the jjrisoners and property should be divi- ded. Converse had but 15 men, but fortunately there arrived two sloops with about as many more, and sup- plies, the day before the battle. Madokaioando's men had unwisely given notice of their approach, by firing upon some cattle they met in the woods, which running in wounded, gave the in- habitants time to fly to the garrison. Madokawando was not only seconded by the two French officers and a company of their men, as before observed, but Mox- us, ligeremd and fVorombo, were also among them. They began the attack before day, with great fierce- ness, but after continuing it for some time without suc- cess, they fell upon the vessels in the river ; and here, although the river was not above twenty or thirty feet broad, yet they met with no better success than at the garrison. They tried many stratagems, and succeed- ed in setting fire to the sloops several times, by means of fire arrows, but it was extinguished without great damage. Tired of thus exposing themselves and * MagnaUa, II, 529. '^ 168 MADOKAWAIfDO. throwing away their ammunition, they returned again to the garrison, resolving to practice a stratagem upon' that, and thus ended the first day of the attack. They at first tried to persuade the English to surrender, but finding they could not prevail, made several desperate charges, in which they lost many. Beginning now to grow discouraged, they sent a flag to the garrison to effect a capitulation, but Converse, being a man of great resolution, replied, " that he wanted nothing but men to come and fight him." To which the bearer of the flag said, " being you are so stout, >why dont you come and fight in the open field like a man, and not fight in a garrison like a squaw." This attempt proving inef- fectual, they cast out many threats, one of which was « we will cut you as small as tobocco, before to-mor- row morning." The captain ordered them " to come on, for he wanted work." Having nearly spent their ammunition, and general Jjahrocre being slain, they retired in the night, af\er two days siege, leaving several of their dead, among whom was the general just named, who was shot through th6 head. They took one Englishman, named John Diamond, whom they tortured in a most barbarous manner. About the time of their retreating, they fired upon the sloops and killed the only man, lost by the vessels, during the assault. During the attack upon the vessels, among other stratagems they prepared a breast work upon wheels, and endeavored to bring it close to the edge of the river, which was within, perhaps, ten feet of them. Whep they had got it pretty near, one wheel sunk in the ground, and a French soldier endeavoring to lift it out with his shoulder, was shot down ; a second V/1S also kUled on the same attempt, and it was aban- doned. They also built a rail in the creek above them MAONUI. 169 again to sin upon' . They ider, but esi)orate f now to rrjson to of great but men r of the Ju come fight in »g inef. ich was to-mor- o come general fler two r whom h rough d John rbarous 3y fired by the : other vheels, of the them, unkin to]ift lecond aban- »them unci placed on it an immense pile of combustibles, and setting them on fire, flouted it down towards them. But when within a few rods of the sloops, the wind drove it on shore, and thus they wore delivered from the most dangerous artifice of the whole. For it was said, that had it come down against them, they could not Iiavc saved themselves from the fury of its flames. Madokawnndo lived several years uflcr this, and is supposed to have died about 1(>!J8. Some have endeavored to ground an argument upon the singularity of the name of this chief, to that of Madock the VVelchman, that the eastern Indians are descended from a Welch colony, who in 1 170, left that country, and were never heard of after. The .Won/ of some white Indians speaking Welch, far up the Mis> souri river, is e(|ual to this ! JflnfftlUH^ called also Quaiapen, or Squaw- sachem, was contemporary with Awashonks, anil one «* of the six present [1(}75] Sachems of the whole Narraganset country. Canonicus, JVinigret, Maltatoag, Canonchel and Pwnham, were the others. In the beginning of Philip's war, the English army, to cause the Narrogansets to fight for them, whom they had always abused and treated with contempt, since before the cutting oft" of MiantunnomoK's head, march- ed into their country, but could not meet with a single 3achem of the nation. They fell in with a few of their people who could not well secrete themselves, and who concluded a long treaty of mere verbosity, the import of which they could know but little, and doubtless cared less; for when the army left their country, they joined again in the war. The English caused four men to subscribe to their articles in the name, or in behalf of Qtuttopen, and the other chiefs, and took four others as hostages for their due fulfil- 170 MAGNUS. \i ment. Their names were Wbhequob, Weowckim, Ptm* kes, and Wenew, who are said to have been, " near kinsmen and choice friends" to the Sachems. We hear no more of her until the next year, when herself and a large company of her men were dis^ covered by major Talcot, on the 2d of July, in Narra- ganset. The English scouts discovered them from a hill, having pitched tl eir tents in a valley in the vicin- ity of a swamp, as was usually their custom. About 300 of the English, mounted upon flee; horses, divided into two squadrons and fell upon them before they *were aware of their approach, and made a great slaughter. The Mohegans and Pequots, came upon them iii the center, while the horsemen beset them on each side, and thus prevented many from escaping into the swamp. When all were killed and taken within the encampment, capt. JVewbury, who commanded the horsemen, dismounted, and with his men rushed into the swamp, where, without resistance, they killed an hundred, and made many prisoners. In all they killed and took 171* in this swamp fight, or rather massacre. Not an Englishman was hurt in the affair, and but one Mohegan killed, and one wounded, which we can hardly suppose was done by Magnus^ people, as they made no resistance, but rather by themselves, in their fury mistaking one another. JStineiy of the captives were put to death ! among whom was Magnus.^ Her husband was a sen of Canonicus, whose name was Mriksah, Mexham' or Meihammoh. He died sometime previous to 1668. | This swamp is near the present town of Warwick, in Rhode Island. * Trumbull. 200 says Cobbet's Manuscript; 240 Hubbard t Hubbard, Ind. Wars, i, 97-98.' I. Mather's Brief Hist, 39. Trumbull's Hist. Connecticut, I. 347. t Manuscript documsnts. MAdSASOIt. 171 le vicin- About divided re they a great fie upon hem OR ,j (John,) Sachem of a tract of country in Massachusetts, a part of which he sold to sundry inhabitants of Roxbury, in 3686, which now consti* tutes the town of Hardwink, in the county of Worces- ter.* There is an eminence in the town of Needham, called Magu8 hill, from the circumstance of its having been once owned by this chief.f His name is also to the deed of Marlborough, in 1684, as a witness. | He was christianized, and could read and write. In Phi', lifs war he went out with the English,§ aa has been mentioned under Kattenanit. JftaSSaSOit^ chief of the Wampanoags, re- sided at a place called Pokanoket, by the Indians, which is now included in the town of Bristol, Rhode Island. He was a chief renowned more in peace than war, and was, as long as he lived, a friend to the En- glish, notwithstanding they committed repeated usur- pations upon his lands and liberties. His name has been written with great variation, as WocHsamequin, Asuhmequin, Oosamcquen, Osamekin, Ow' samequin, fyc, but the name by which he is generally known in history, is that with which we commence the article.* Mr. Prince, in his annals, says of that name, "the printed accounts generally spell him Mas- sasoit ; gov. Bradford writes him Massasoyt, and Mas- sasoyet ; but I find the ancient people from their fath- ers in Plimouth colony, pronounced his name Ma-sas- 80-it." Still we find no inclination to change a letter * Whitney's Hist. Worcester county. t Col. Mas. Hist. Soc. t Worcester Hist. Journal. § Gookin's' Manuscript Hist. Praying Indians. * Some have derived the name of'^Massachusetts from this chief, but that conjecture is not to be heeded. If any man knew, we may be allowed to suppose that Roger IVilliams did. He learned from the Indians themsslves, *^that the Massachusetts were called so from the Blue-hills" n 173 MASSiSOlf. in the name of an old friend, which has been so long' established, for if a writer suffer the spirit of innova- tion in himself, he knows not where to stop , and we pronounce him no antiquary. It has often been thought strange, that so mild a Sachem as Massasoit should have possessed so great a country, which has been increased when we con- sider, that Indian possessions are generally obtained by prowess and great personal courage on the part of a single individual. We know of none who could boast of such extensive dominions, where all were contented to consider themselves his friends and chil- dren ; Pontiac, Little-turtle, Tecumseh, and many more that we could name, have swayed many tribes, but theirs was a temporary union, in an emergency of war. That Massasoit should be able to hold so many tribes together, without constant war, required quali- ties, belonging only to few. That he was not a war- rior no one will allow, when the testimony of Anna- won is BO distinct. For that great chief gave capt. Church " an account of what mighty success he had had formerly in the wars against many nations of In- dians, where he served Asuhmequin, Philip's father." The limits of his country towards the Nipmuks or inland Indians is rather uncertain, but upon the east and west we are sure. The whole of Cape Cod, and all that part of Massachusetts and Rhode Island be- tween Narraganset and Massachusetts bays; extending inland between Pawtucket and Charles rivers, a dis- tance, not satisfactorily ascertained, as was said before, together with all the contiguous islands. It was filled with many tribes or nations, and all looking up to -him, O sanction all their expeditions, and settle all their ilifficulties. And it is even said by some of good au- thority, that the Nipmuks were his tributaries. And tl MASSASOIT. 173 this seems the more probable, for in Philip's war there was a constant intercourse between them, and when any of his men made an escape, their course was di- rectly into the country of the Nipmuks. No such in- tercourse subsisted between the Narragansets and either of these. But on the contrary when a messenger from the Narragansets arrived in the country of the Nipmuks with the heads of some of the English, to show that they had joined in the war, he was at first fired upon, though afterwards, when two additipnal heads were brought they were received. He had several places of residence, but the princi- pal was Mount Hope or Pokanoket, the former name is supposed to be a corruption of the Indian words Mon-taup. There was a place in Middleborough, and another in Raynham where he spent some part of par- ticular seasons, perhaps the summer. The place in Raynham was near Fowling pond. Whether any English landed upon the territories of Massaaoii previous to capt. Smith in 1G14, we are unable to say, but in that year he made a survey of the coast of what is now New England, and because the coun- try was already named New England, or which is the same. New Albion, upon its western coast, he thought it most proper to stamp it anew upon the eastern. Therefore capt. Smith neither takes to himself the honor of naming New England, as some writers of authority assert, nor does he give it to king Charles^ as Dr. Robertson and many others, copying him, have stated.* • Smith landed in many places upon the shores of Massasoit^ one of which places he named Plimoutb, which happened to be the same which now bears that name. * Look at Smith, (Hist. Virginia) and no more blunders need be made on this head. '^ 174 MAssAaoir. We can know nothing of the early times of Massa- soil. And our next visitor to his country was capt. Thomas Dermer, in May, 1619. He sailed for Monhi- gon, in that month for Virginia, in an open pinnace, consequently was obliged to keep close in shore. He found places which had been inhabited, but at that time contained none ; and farther onward nearly all \yeve dead, of a great sickness, which was then pre- vailing, but nearly abated. When he came to Pli- mouth, all were dead. From thence he travelled a day's journey into the country westward, and arrived at Nanjasket, now Middieborough. From this place he sent a messenger to visit Massa^oit. In this expe- dition he redeemed two Frenchmen from MrissasoiVs people, who had been cast away three years before upon Cape Cod. Dec. 11, O. S. 1620. The Pilgrims arrived at Plimouth, and i)ossessed themselves of a portion of his country. With the nature of their proceedings he was at first unacquainted, and sent occasionally some of his men to observe their strange motions. Very few of these however were seen by the Pilgrims. At length he sent one of his men who had been some time with the English fishing vessels about the coun- try of the Kennebeck, and had learned a little of their language, to observe more strictly what was progress- ing among the intruders at his place ofPatuxet, which was now called Plimouth. This was in March 1621. This man was a chief, and known by the name of Samoset. He welcomed the English in their own lan- guage, at which they were greatly surprised. They entertained him kindly, and then he returned to Mas- gasoit, with a promise to come again soon with oth- ers, which he did five days ader. Massasoit now came in person, accompanied with sixty men, but stop- ed u\ preve went] made ness him new MA83ASOIT. 175 ►f Massa- vas capt. r Monhi- pinnace, ore. He t at that early all len pre- to Pli. ivelled a 1 arrived lis place is expe- tssasoiVs before lived at »rtion oi' lings he Some of cry few lis. At fi some s coun- of their ogress- wliich 1621. ame of m lan- They Mas- h oth- now t stop. ed upon a hill just out of the village, and could not be prevailed upon to approach, until one of the English went to them with presents. The English man then made a speech to him, about his king's love and good- ness to him and his people, and that he accepted of him as his friend and ally. Afler this he invited Mas- sasoit to visit the English governor and trade with him, which he consented to, by having Mr. Winslow left in the custody of his brother, as a hostage, and the En- glish took six for one. As Mmsasoit proceeded to meet the English, they met him with six soldiers, who saluted each other. Several of his men were with him, but all left their bows and arrows behind. They were conducted to a new house which was partly finished, and spread a green rug upon the floor, and several cushions for Massasoit and his chiefs to sit down upon. Then came the English governor, followed by a drummer and trumpeter and a few soldiers, and after kissing one another, all sat down. Some strong water being brought, the governor drank to Massasoit, who in his turn « drank a great draught, which made him sweat all the time after." They now proceeded to make a treaty, which stip- ulated, that neither Massasoit nor any of his people should do hurt to the English, and that if they did they should be given up to be punished by them ; and that if the English did any harm to him or any of his people, they, the English, would do the like to them. ^ That if any did unjustly war against him, the English were to aid him, and he was to do the same in his turn, and by so doing King James would esteem him his friend and ally. At this time he is described as '< a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance. if*' 176 MA89ASOIT. and spare of speech ; in his attire little or nothing dif- ftring from the rest of bis followers, only in a great chain of white bone beads about his neck ; and at it, behind his neck hangs a little bag of tobacco, which he drank and gave us to drink. His face was painted with n sad red lik^e murrey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily. All his followers like- wise were in their faces, in part or in whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, and some white; some with crosses and other antic works ; some had skins on them, and some naked ; all strong, tall men in appearance. The king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knife." He retired into the woods about half a mile from the English, and there encamped at night with his men, women and children. This was March 22d, J 621. Durmg his first visit to the English, he expressed great signs of fear, and during the treaty could not re- frain from trembling. Thus it is easy to see how much hand he had in making it, but would that there had never been worse ones made since. It was agreed that some of his people should come and plant near by, in a few days, and live there all summer. The next day, after an exchange of civili- ties, Massasoit returned to Pokanoket. We should here note that he ever af' iv treated the English with kindness, and the peace now concluded was undis- turbed for nearly forty years. Not that any writing or articles of a treaty, of which he never had any ade- quate idea, was the cause of |iis friendly behaviour, but it was Xhe natural goodness of his heart. The Pilgrims report, that at this time he was at war with the Narragansets. But if this were the case it could have been nothing more than some small skir- mishing. Tl visitc Mr. f room, le weary ext day, e fishes ht their were at ianty as, ed two t which itnouth ly sick. >vemor dicinei and cordials, and Hobbonnok as interpreter; "having one Master John Hamden, a gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country, for my consort."* In their way they found many of his sulyects were gone to Pokunoket, it being tiieir custom for all friends to attend on Buch occasions. "When we cuine thither, says Mn Wins- low, wc found the house so full of men, as we could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, nuiking such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and therefore unlike to ease him that was sick. About liim were six or eight women, who chafed his armts, legs, and thighs, to keep heat in him. When they had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends, the English were come to see him. Having understand- ing left, but his sight Avas wholly gone, he asked, Who was come? They told him JVinsnow, (for they cannot pronounce the letter I, but ordinarily n in the place thereof.) He desired to speak with me. When I came to him , and they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very inwlirdly, Keen JVinsnoio? which is to say, ^rt thou Winsnow ? I answered, Jihhe, that is. Yes. Then he doubled these words: Malta neen wonckanet namen, Winsnow ! That is to say, O Wins- low, I shall never see thee again." But contmry to his own expectations as well as all his friends, by the kind * Winalow's Relation. The Mr. Hamden mentioned, is supposed by some to be the celebrated John Hamden, famous in tne time of Charles I, and who died of a wound received in an attempt to intercept Prince Rupert near Oxford, while supporting the cause of the Parliament. See Rapin's Eng- land, II, 477, and Kenaet, III, 137. 180 MASSASOIT. exertions of Mr. fVinsloWf he in a short time entirely recovered. For this attention of the English he was very grateful, and always believed that his preserva- tion at this time was from the benefit received from Mr. Winslow. In his way on his visit to Massasoit, he broke a bottle containing some preparation, and deeming it necessary to the Suchcm's recovery, wrote a letter to the governor of Plimouth for another, and and some chickens, and giving him an account of his success thtis fur. The intention was no sooner made know n to Massasoit, than one of his men was set off at two o'clock at night for Plimouth, who returned again with astonishing quickness. The chickens be- ing alive, Massasoit was so pleased with them, and being better, would not suffer them to be killed, and kept them, with the idea of raising more. While at MassasoiCs residence, and just as they were about to depart, the Sachem told Squanto of a plot laid by some of his subordinate chiefs for the purpose of cutting off the two English plantations, which he charged him to acquaint the English with, which he did. Massa- soit stated that he had been urged to join in it, or gfve his consent thereunto, but had always refused and used his endei'vors to prevent it. The particulars of the evils whicli that plot brought upon its authors will be found under the head Wittuwamtt. In 1632, a short war was carried on between Massa- soit and Canonicus, the Sachem of the Narragansets, but the English interfering with a force under the spirit- ed capt. Standish, ended it with very little bloodshed. Massasoit expected a serious contest ,* and as usual on such occasions, changed his name, and was everaf- ter known by the name of Owsamequin or (hisamequin* bur historical records furnish no particulars of his war with the Narragansets, further than we have stated. HABSA80IT. 181 e entirely 'h he was preserva- 'ived from Massasoit, ition, and ery, wrote thcr, and •nt of his ler made as set off returned :kens be- Jcm, and illed, and While at about to hy some utting off ged him Mgssa- t, or ghe »sed and cuJars of bors will I Massa- sets, but le spirit- odshed. s usual everaf- 'mequiiu his war stated. Wo may infer from a letter written by Bxiger fVU- lianu, that sonic of Plimouth, instigated Maaaaaoit or Ousamcquin, as we should now call him, to lay claim to Providence, which gave that good man some trouble, because, in that case his lands were considered as be- longing to Plimouth, in whose jurisdiction he was not suffored to reside ; and moreover ho had bought and paid for all he possessed, of the Narraganset Sa- chems. It was in 1635 that Mr. Williams fled to that country, to avoid being seized and sent to England. He found that Canonicua and Miantunnomoh were at bitter en'r..ty with Ouaamequin, but by his great exer- tions he restored peace, without which ho could not have been secure, in a border of the dominion of either. Ousameqmn was well acquainted with Mr. Williama, whom he had often seen during his two years residence at Plimouth, and was a great friend to him, and therefore he listened readily to his benevolent in- structions ; giving up the land in dispute between him- self and the Narraganset Sachems, which was the isl- and now called Rhode Island, Prudence Island, and perhaps some others, together with Providence. " And, saya Mr. Williama, I never denied him, nor Meantino- my whatever they desired of mo." Hence their love and attachment for him, for this is their own mode of living. In 1649, Ouaamequin sold to MUea Standiah, and the other inhabitants of Duxbury " a tract of land usually called Saughtucket," seven miles square. This was Duxbury. It had been before granted to them, only however, in preemption. They agreed to pay Ou- aamequin seven coats, of a yard and a half each, nine hatchets, eight hoes, twenty knives, four Moose skins, and ten and a half yards of cotton cloth. In 1656, the same writer says that Omamequtn by ^, IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1^ 12.5 2.0 m t^ - 1.25 1 1.4 || 1.6 M 6" ► ^> Hiotographic Sdences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716)872-4503 ^ ^^ '•b^ k £?. V.A %* ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 182 MASSASOIT. + one of his Sachems « was at daily feud with Puniham about the title and lordship of Warwick." And that hostility was daily expected. But we are not inform- ed that any thing serious took place. This is the year in which it has been generally sup- posed that Ousamequin died, but it is an error of Hutchinson's transplanting from Mr. Hubbard's work into his own. That an error should flourish in so good a soil as that ol the " History of the Colony of Massa- chusetts Bay," it is no wonder, but it is a wonder that the "accurate Hutchinson''^ should set down that date, from that passage of the Indian wars, which was evi- dently made without reflection. It being at that time thought a circumstance of no consequence. That the Sachem of Pokanoket should be unknown to our records between 165G and 1661, a space of only five years, is not very surprising, when we reflect that he was entirely subservient to the English, and nearly or quite all of his lands being before disposed of, or given up to them, is 9. plain reason that we do not meet with his name to deeds and other instruments. And be- sides this consideration, another Sachem was known to be associated with him at the former period, who, seems to have acted for the whole, or as Ou^amequin's representation. He was alive in 1661, and as late in that year as the 21st of May. Little more than a month previous to this date, Oneko, with about seventy men fell upon a defenceless town within the dominions of Ousame- quinj killing three and carrying away six captives. He complained to the general court of Massachusetts, which interfered in his behalf, and the matter was soon settled.* Original manuscript documents. MAS 9 AS oil?. 183 Prom the " Relation " of Dr. /. Mather, it is clear that he lived until 1662. His words are, "Alexander being dead [having died in 1662] his brother P/it7tp, of late cursed memory, rose up in his stead, and he was no sooner styled Sachem, but immediately in the year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of his bloody treachery against the English."^ See hehd, Mexander. Whether he had more than two sons is not certain, although it is confidently believed that he had. " A letter from Boston to London, dated Nov. W)th, 1675, says that a brother of Philip's, a privy counsellor and chief captain, who had been educated at Harvard col- lege" was killed in the Swamp fight at Pocasset.t It is probable that his family was large. A company of soldiers from Bridgewater, in a skirmish with Philip took his sister, and killed a brother of Ousamequin, whose name was Unkompoen, \ or Akkompoin. § That he had another brother called Q;uadequina, has been mentioned. Although this article be beyond the due proportion for this work, yet we cannot close it without giving the following anecdote of Ousamequin. As Mr. Ed- ward Winslow was returning from a trading voyage southward, having left his vessel, travelled home by land, and in the way stopped with his old friend MaS' sasoit, who agreed to acompany him the rest of the way. In the mean time Ousamequin sent one of his men forward to PJimouth, to surprise the people with the news of Mr. Winslow's death. By his manner of relating it, and the particular circumstances attending, no one doubted of its truth, and every one was grieved and mourned exceedingly at their great loss. But ^w"*!--^- , * Relation, 72. X I. Mather. 44. t Hutchinson, I, 291, 1st edit § Church, 38, edit. 4to. 184 MxtOONAB. presently they were as much surprised at seeing him coming in company with Ousamequin. When it was known among the people that the Sachem had sent this news to them, they demanded why he should thus deceive them. He replied that it was to make him the more welcome when he did return, and that this was a custom of his people. ' " Once Pawkanawkut's warriors stood, Thick as the columns of the wood ; • On shores and isles, unconquered men % CHled Massasoit fathetf then." Yamoyden. JWatOOnttSf a Nipmuk chief, who joined with all his force in Philip's war against the whites. A son of his was said to have murdered an Englishman in 1671, when "travelling along the road," which Mr. Hubbard says was " out of mere malide and spite," because he was " vexed in his mind that the design against the English^ intended to begin in that year, did not take place." This son ofMatoonas was hanged, ahd after- wards beheaded, and his head set upon a pole, where it was to be seen about six years after. The name of the murdered Englishman was Zachary Smith, a young man, who, as he was passing through Dedham, in the month of April, put up at the house of Mr. Ccdeb Church. About half an hour after he was gone, the next morning three Indians passed the same way ; who, as they passed by CJmrcVs house, behaved in a very in- solent manner. They had been employed as laborers in Dorchester, and said they belonged to Philip; they left their masters under a suspicious pretence. The body of the murdered man was soon after found near the Saw mill in Dedham, and these Indians were appre- hended, and one put to death as is stated above.* * Manuscript Documents, in the office of the Seot^aij of the State of MaMachusetts. w K MATTAHANDO. 185 ng him it waa ad sent lid thus ke him hat this in the Caleb le, the Mr. Hubbard supposes that the father, "an old ma- licious villain," bore " an old grudge against them," on the account of the execution of his son. And the first mischief that was done in Massachusetts colony waa charged to him; which was the killing of four or five persons at Mendon, a town upon Pawtucket river, which says /. Mather " had we amended our ways as we should have done, this misery would have been prevented."* When Matoonas was brought before the council of Massachusetts, as has been related under head Saga^ more John, "confessed that he had rightly deserved death, and could expect no other." «' He had often seemed to favor the praying Indians, and the Christian religion, but like Simon Magus, by his after practice, discovered quickly that he had no part nor portion in that matter." f JftattnhnnilO^ an eastern chief who came to Pemmaquid with others to make a treaty with the English in 1677, and was killed ki the attack which the English made upon them. The English were there in their vessels, with maj. Waldron on behalf of the government. Previous to going on shore, it was con- certed that if any thing like hostility should be observed among the Indians, the soldiers were to follow immedi- ately upon & given signal. Waldron and his suite had not been long ashore when the signal was given^ and all rushing on shore fell upon the Indians, killing seven, among whom was Mattahando, and taking several prisoners. Mr. HuhhardX mentions an old powow. among those killed, " to whom," he says " the devil had revealed, as sometimes he did to Saul, that on the same day he should be with him : For he had a little ^ * Brief Hist. 5. t Hubbard, JOl. % IndianWar«,P. II. p. 70. 186 MASCONOMO. before told the Indians, that within two days, the En- glish would come to kill them all, which was at the very same time verified upon himself." It was not the fashion in those days for authors to cite their authori- ties, but if it had been we should call loud for them in this case. Surely the historian of Hanknmagus might say that the devil was truer to this powow than he was afterwards to maj. JValdron, for he would not have it that the Indians were coming to kill him at all. JftaSCOnOfno^ Sachem of Aguwam, since call- ed Cape Ann. When the fleet which brought over the colony that settled Boston, in 1G30, anchored near there, he welcomed them to his shores, and spent some timi on board one of the ships.* We hear no more of him until 1643, when, at a court held in Boston, « Cutshamekin and Sguaw-sachsm, Masconomo, JVasha- cowam and fVassamagin, two sachems near the great •hill to the west, called Wachusett, came into the court, and according to their former tender to the governor, desired to be received under our protection f and government, upon the same terms that Pumham and Sacononoco were. So we causing them to understand the articles, and all the ten commandments of God, and they freely assenting to all, f they were solemnly received, and then presented the court with twenty-six fathom of wampum, and the court gave each of them a coat of two yards of cloth, and their dinner ; and to them and their men every one of them a cup of sac * Hist. N. England. t They desired this from their great fear of the Mohawks, who were always a terror to them. t The articles which they subscribed, will be seen at large when the Manuscript Hist, of the Praying Indians, by Dantel Gookin shall be published. They do not read precisely as rendered by Winthrop. .*:■ M£MECBO. 187 at their depnilure, so they took leave and went away ve^ joyful."* Tradition says that Agawam, in Ips- wich, was his place of residence, and that his bones Were early found there. That his squaw for some time survived him, and had a piece of land that she could not dispose of, or that none were allowed to purchase.f Jflegunnaway/f* Bin eastern Sachem. The visit of niaj. Waldron to the eastern coast at the close of Philip^s war, has been related under Madokawando. How much of treachery was manifested by the Indians at that time, which terminated in the massacre of many of them, we cannot take upon us to declare, yet this we cannot but bear in mind, that we have only the account of those who performed the tragedy, and not that of those on whom it fell. Capt. Charles IVost, of Oyster river, sirce Durham, was with Waldron upon that expedition, and next to him a principal actor in it. And like him was killed by the In'dians afterwards. Mr. Hubbard gives this account of his taking this chief. " Capt. Frost seized an Indian called Megunneway, a notorious rogue, that had been in arms at Connecticut last June, at the Falls, and saw that brave and resolute capt. Turner^ when he was slain about Green river ; and helped to kill Thomas Bracket at Casco, August last, [1676.] And with the help of lieut. JVutter, according to the major's order, carried him aboard" their vessel. We are not told what became of him, but no one will be at a loss to decide. JfMemechO^ (George) one of the three Christian Indians who were appointed to attend capts. Hutchin- son and Wheeler in their attempt to treat with the Nip- * Winthrop's, Journal. t MS. Hist, of Newbury, by J. Coffin. 188 ME8AND0WIT. muk Indians, July, 1675. He was taken by the enemy, but aflerward returned, and gave some important in» formation about the enemy, which, or a part ofit may be seen in Hutchinson's history of Massachusetts. . Had it not been for those three Indians, there is no doubt but the whole party would have been cut off; for none of the English knew any other way than that by which they came, for their retreat. But these two faithful guides, by an unfrequented path, led them back to Brookfield ; the one by which they went being ambushed at every strong place. It was so unpopular at this time to lisp a word in favor of an Indian, that cnpt. Wheeler gave no credit in his narrative of this affair, to these instruments of his and Brookfield's safety ; yet he gave them a writing acknowledging it, which follows:- " These are to cer- tify that Joseph, and Sampson, Indians, that were our guides in the Nipmuk country, behaved themselves courageously and faithfully, and conducted our dis- tressed company in the best way from the swamp where we wei't wounded, and divers slain, unto the town of Brookfieiu ; ind all the time of our being with them in the inn, at Brookfield when the enemy attack- ed us , those two Indians behaved themselves as hon- est and stout men. Witness my hand, the 20th of August, 1675. Thomas Wlieeler." " This cirtificate those Indians had, and I saw it, and took a copy of it, and spoke with capt. Wheeler before his death, and he owned it."* The end of these two valuable friends of the En- glish, it is melancholy to record, but it has been already done under the head Sampson. mlfXesan-dOWit^ one of the principal chiefs who destroyed Dover, in J 689., See Hankamagus. * Gookin's Manuscript History of the Praying Indians. METEA. 189 enemy, itant in* •fit may etts. . ere is no cut off; han that lese two ed them nt being word in 10 credit ments of I writing 3 to cer- were our emselves our dis- ! swamp unto the ling with y attack- i as hon- 20th of [ saw it, fVheeler the En- I already iefs who idians. JfttSieti^ a Pottowattomie chief, whose residence is upon the Wabash, or .was, in 1821. It has.been mentiobed under Ktewaygooshkum^ that commissioners ^nt by the United Statos met several tribes of Indians at Chicago, and treated with them for a tract of coun- try. Metea was present, and the most prominent ora- tor upon the occasion. Afler gov. Cass^ had informed the Indians what was the object of his mission, Metea made the following speech » « My Father, — We have listened to what you have said. We shall now retire to our camps and consult upon it. You will hear nothing more from us at pre- sent. [This is a uniform custom of all the Indians. When the council M'as again convened, Metea contin- ued,] *We meet you liere to day, because we had promised it, to tell you our minds, and what we have agreed upon among ourselves. You will listen to us with a good mind, and believe what we say. You know that we first came to this country, a long time ago, and when we sat ourselves down upon it, we met with a great many hardships and difficulties. Our country was then very large, but it has dwindled away to a small spot, and you wish to purchase that ! This has caused us to reflect much upon what you have told us ; and we have, therefore, brought all the chiefs an4 warriors, and the young men, and women and children of our tribe, that one part may not do what the others object to, and that all may be witness of what is going forward. You know your children. Since you first came among them, they have listened to your words, with an attentive ear, and have always hearkened to your counsels. Whenever you have had a proposal to make to us, whenever you have had a * The repetition of " My Father," at the beginning of every sentence, we omit. 16 190 METEA favor to ask of us, we have always lent a favorable car, and our invariable answer has been, ' yes.' This you know ! A long time has passed since we first came upon our lands, and our old people have all sunk into their graves. They had sense. We are all young and foolish, and do not wish to do any thing that they would not approve, were they living. We are fearful we shall offend their spirits, if we sell our lands ; and we are fearful we shall offend you, if we do not sell them. This has caused us great perplexity of thought because we have counselled among ourselves, and do not know how we can part with the land. Our coun- try was given to us by the Great Spirit, who gave it to us to hunt upon, to make our cornfields upon, to live upon, and to make down our beds upon when we die. And he would never forgive us, should we bargain it away. When you first spoke to /us for lands at St. Mary's, we said we had a little, and agreed to sell you a piece of it; but we told you we could spare no more. Now you ask us again. You are never satis- fied ! We have sold you a great tract of land, al- ready ; but it is not enough ! We sold it to you for the benefit of your children, to farm and to live upon. We have now but little lefl. We shall want it all for ourselves. We know not how long we may Kve, and we, wish to have some lands for our children to hunt upon.' You are gradually taking away our hunting grounds. Your children are driving us before them. We are growing uneasy. What lands you have, you may retain forever ; but we shall sell no more. You think, perhaps, that I speak in passion ; but my heart is good towards you. I speak like one of your own children. I am an Indian, a red-skin, and live by hunting and fishing, but my country is already too small; and I do not know how to bring up my chil- METEA. 101 DS, arable ear, This you first came sunk into young and that they ire fearful uids; and lo not sell >f thought I, and do Our coun- gave it to on, to live ;n we die. bargain it inds at St. o sell you spare no lever satis- land, al- to you for live upon. It it all for f live, and in to hunt r hunting fore them, ou have, lore. You my heart your own d live by ready too my chil- dren, if I give it all away. We sold you a fine tract of land at St. Mary's. We said to you then it was enough to satisfy your children, and the last we should sell: and we thought it would be the last you would ask for. We have now told you what we had to say. It is what was determined on, in a council among our- selves; and what I have spoken, is the voice of my nation. On this account, all our people have come here to listen to me ; but do not think we have a bad opinion of you. Where should wo get a bad opinion of you ? We speak to you with a good heart, and the feelings of a friend. You are acquainted with this piece of land — the country we live in. Shall we give it up ? Take notice, it is a small piece of land, and if we give it away, what will become of us ? The Great Spirit, who has provided it for our use, allows us to keep it, to bring up our young men and support our families. We should incur his anger, if we bartered it away. If we had more land, you should get more, but our land has been wasting away ever since the white people became our neighbors, and we have now hardly enough left to cover the bones of our tribe. You are in the midst of your red children. What is due to us in money, we wish, and will receive at this place ; and we want nothing more. We all shake hands with you. Behold our warriors, our women, and children. Take pity on us and on our wo'ds." Notwithstanding the decisive language held by Mc' tea in this speech, against selling land, yet his name is to the treaty of sale. And in another speech of about equal length, delivered shortly afler, upon the same subject, the same determination is manifest throughout. At this time he appeared to be about forty years of age, and of a noble and dignified appearance. He is allowed to be the most eloquent chief of his nation. 193 MIANTUNNOmOH. In the last wnr, he fought n'gaiiiflt the Americans, and in the attack on fort Wayno, was severely wounded^ on which account he draws a pension from the British government.* •WantUnnonMh,} uncle of Canonictu, and brother, or brother-in-law to .Yiiiigretyl and brother of Olash.^ Tn 1032 ho came with liis wife to Boston, being at this time known by the name of Mecumeh where they stayed two nights. He went to church with the English, and in the mean time some of his men, twelve of whom were with him, broke into a house and committed a thefl. On complaint being made to the governor, " he told the Sachem of it, and with some difficulty caused him to make one of his sannaps || to beat them." They were immediately sent out of town, but Miantunnomohf and the others he took to his house "and made much of them." H The English seem always to have been more favor- ably inclined toward the other tribes thon to the Nar- ragansets, as appears firm the stand they took in the wars of Ascassasoiick and JsPentkunnt. And so long as othei: tribes succeeded against them, the voice of the English was silent, but when the scale turned in favor of their enemies they were not slow to intercede. In the life of Canonicm, the part Miantunnomoh ex- ercised in the government of the great nation of the Narrfigansets is related. Beside the country upon Narraganset bay, the Nipmuks,t Nianticks, Block- islanders, and several places were subject to them. * Schoolcraft's Travels, t Oflener written Myantonimo. This only shows another pronunciation. Tho accent is usually upon the penultimate- syllable. Callender's Cent. Discourse, page 1. X Manuscripts of Roger Williams. f Mather's Relation. I The chief a,ttendanta were so called.. f Winthrops Journal. cans, anj voundedf ic British inUf and irottier of Boston, Mecumeh o church 10 of his ke into a int being of it, and r>e of his ntcly sent 's lie took Dre favor- the Nar- ok in the 30 ]ong as ce of the i in favor iede. lomoh ex- on of the try upon 8, Block- :hem. ivs another inultimate- i Relation. MIANTUNNOMOH. 193 In 1G34, captains Stone and JVbrfon were killed by the Pcquots, and in 1G3(), Mr. John Oldham^ by the Indians " near Block island." Miantunnomoh did all in his ])0\vur to assist in opprehcnding the murderers, and was at much pains and trouble in furnishing the Enghsh with facts relative thereto, from time to time. And when it was told at Boston that there was a ces- casion of hostilities between the Narragansets and Pe- quots, Miantunnomoh was immediately ordered to ap- pear there, which he did without delay, and agreed to assist thorn in a war against the Pequots ; without whose aid and concurrence, the English would hardly have dared to engage in a war against them. For, says Hubbard " being a more fierce, cruel, and war- like people than the rest of the Indians, camo down from the more inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest places near the sea, and becam" a terror to all their neichl)ors." Early in 1637, to show the governor of Massachu- setts that he kept his promise, of waring against the Pequots, sent by some of his men a Pequot's liund. The war with' them now commenced, and though of short duration, destroyed them to such a degree that they appeared no more as a nation. One hundred of the Narragansets joined themselves with the English in its accomplishment, and received a part of the prisoners as slaves for their services.* When the war was over Miantunnomoh still adhered to the English, and seized upon those of the Pequots who had made their escape from bondage, and returned them to their English masters ; gave up to them his claim to Block island, and other places where the English had found Pequots, and which they considered as belonging to them by right of conquest. * Miantunnomoh received eighty. Mather's Relation, 39. 194 MIANTUNNOMOH. Rev. Samuel Gorton and his associates purchasedSha- omet, afterwards called Warwick, from the Earl of War- wick, of Mianiunnomoh, but as Gorton could do noth- ing right in the eyes of the Puritans of Massachusetts, Pumham was instigated to claim said tract of country ; and although a Sachem under Miantunnomoh* did not hesitate when supported by the English, to assert his claim as chief Sachem. And the government of Mas- sachusetts to make their interference appear spotless, which it would seem ffom their own vindication, there was a chance for doubts, " Send for the foresaid Sachems, [who had complained of Mr. Gorton and others, through the English,] and upon examination fmd, both by English and Indian testimony, that Mian- ionomo was only a usurper, and bad no title to the foresaid lands."f This is against the testimony of every record, and could no more have been believed then, than that Philip was not Sachem of Pokanoket. In all cases of purchase in those times, the chief Sa- chem's gmnt was valid, and maintained in almost every instance by the purchaser or grantee. It was customary generally to make the inferior Sachems, and sometimes all their men pre :ents, but it was by no means a law. The chief Sacliems often permitted those under them to dispose of lands also, without be- ing called to account. In March 1637, Miantunnomoh with four other Sa- chems sold to William Coddington and others, the isl- and now called Rhode Island, also most of the others ■ .. — ..I-. -- - I ■ ^.ii. II. 11 . , ... . ■- ^ " The law of the Indians in all America is that the in- ferior Sachems and subjects shall plant and remove at the pleasure of the highest and supreme Sachems." Roger Wil- liams. This is authority, and we need no other commentary on the arbitrary proceedings of the court of Massachusetts. t In Manuscript on file, at the State House, Boston. t From the same Manuscript Document. /. ■* MfANTUNNOMOH. 195 shasedSha- arl of War- do noth- ssachusetts, >f country f h * did not o assert his Bnt of Mas- ar spotless, I'indieatiou, he foresaid Gorton and xamination that Mian- title to the stimony of in believed Pokanoket. B chief Sa- in almost e. It was : Sachems, t it was by 1 permitted ivithout be- other Sa^ ers, the isl- the others that the in- nove at the Roger Wil- :ommentary chusetts^ }Bton. in Narraganset bay « for the full payment of forty fathom of white peag to be equally divided " between them. Hence Miantunnomuh received eight fathom. ' He was to " have ten coats and twenty hoes to give to the present inhabitants, that they shall remove them- selves from the island before next winter."* When it was reported in 1640, that Mianiunnomoh was plotting to cut off the English, as mentioned in the account of Janemoh, and several English were sent to him to know the truth of the matter, he would not talk with them through a Pequot interpreter, be- cause he was then at war with that nation. In other respects he complied with their wishes, and treated them respectfully, agreeing to come to Boston, for the gratification of the government, if they would allow Mr. Williams to accompany him. This they would not consent to and yet he came agreeably to their de- ; sires. We shall presently see who acted best the part of civilized men in this affair. He had refused to use a Pequot interpreter for good reasons, but now ■he was from home and surrounded by armed men, he was obliged to submit. "The governor being as res- ■ olute as he, refused to use any other interpreter, think- ing it a dishonor to us to give so much way to them."!! The great wisdom of the government now displayed itself in the person of gov. Thomas Dudley. It is not to be expected but that Miantunnomoh, should resent their proceedings ; for to the above insult they added others; "would show him no countenance nor admit him to dine at our table, as formerly he had done, till he had acknowledged his failing, &c., which he readily did."f By their own folly, the English had m?.de themselves p jealous of a powerful chief, and they appear ever ready afterwards to credit evil reports of him. , * Manuscript Documents. t Winthrop's Journal. 196 MIANTUNNOMOH. That an independent chief should be obliged to conform to transitory notions upon such an occasion is absohitely ridiculous ; and the justness of the fol- lowing remark from him .was enough to shame good men into their senses. He said, " When your people come to me they are permitted to use their own fashions, and I expect the same liberty when I come to you." In 1642, Connecticut became very suspicious of Miantunnomoh, and urged Massachusetts to join them in a war against him. Their fears no doubt grew out of the consideration of the probable issue of a war with Uncas in his favor, which was now on the point of breaking out. Even Massachusetts did not think their suspicions well founded ; yet according to their request they sent to Miantunnomoh, who as usual gave them satisfactory answers, and agreeably to their re- quest came again to Boston. Two days were employ- ed by the court of Massachusetts in deliberating with him, and we are astonished at the wisdom of the great chief, even as reported by his enemies. That a simple man of nature, who never knew courts or law, should cause such acknowledgments as follow, from the civilized and wise, will always be con- templated with intense admiration. " When he came," says Winthrop, " the court was assembled, and before his admission, we considered how to treat with hinri, for we knew him to be a very subtle man." When he was admitted, "he was set down at the lower end of the table, over against the governor," but would not at any time speak upon business unless some of his counsellors were present ; saying " he would have them present, that they might bear witness with him, at his return home, of all his sayings." The same author further says, << In all his answers he was very )liged to occasion the fol- me good r people eir own I come cious of oin them rew out f a war he point ot think to their ual gave their re- employ- ng with fi of the ;r knew nents as be con- 3 came," i before ith him, When iver end would ome of Id have th him, e same as very MIANTtNNOMOH. 197 deliberate and showed good understanding in the principles of justice and equity, and ingenuity withal." He now asked for his accusers, urging, that if they could not establish their allegations, they ought to suffer what he expected to, if they did, meaning death ; but the court said they knew of none^ that is, they knew not whom they were, and therefore gave them no credit until they had advised him according to a former agreement. Ho then said, « if you did not give credit to it, why then did you disarm the In- dians?" Massachusetts having just then disarmed some of the Merrimaeks under some pretence. "He gave divers reasons," says gov. JVinthropf " ^Vhy we should hold him free of any such conspiracy, and why we should conceive it was a report raised by Uncos, &c., and therefore offered to meet Uncus, and would prove to his face his treachery against the English, &c., and told us he would come to us at any time," although he said some had tried to dissuade him, say- ing that the English would put him to death, yet he feared nothing, as he was innocent of the charges against him. The punishment, due to those who had raised the accusations, bore heavily upon his breast, and "he put it to our consideration what damage it had been ta him, in that he was forced to keep his men at home, and not suffer them to go forth on hunting, &c. till he had given the English satisfaction." After two days spent in talk, the council issued to the satisfaction of the English. During the council a table was set by itself for the Indians, which Miantunnomoh, appears not to have liked, and at first would not eat, until some food had been sent him from that of the governor's." That wisdom seems to have dictated to Massachu- setts, in her answer to Connecticut, must be acknaw 198 MlANTtJNNOMOH. ledged ; but as justice to Miantunnomoh abundantly demanded such decision, credit in this case is due only as to him who does a good act because it was his interest so to do. They urged Connecticut not to commence war alone, " alleging how dishonorable it would be to us all, that, while we were upon treaty with the Indians, they should make war upon them ; for they would account their act as our own, seeing we had formerly professed to the Indians, that we were all as one ; and in our last message to Miantunnomoh^ had remembered him again of the same, and he had an- swered that he did so account us. Upon receipt of this our answer, they forbare to enter into a war, but (it seemed) unwilUngly, and as not well pleased with us."- -The main ground which caused Massachusetts to decide against war was, " That all those informa- tions [furnished by Connecticut] might arise from a false ground, and out of the enmity which was between the Narraganset and Monhigen" Sachems. This was no doubt the real cause, and had Miantun- nomoh overcame Uncos, the English would from poli- cy as gladly have leagued with him as with the latter. For it was constantly pleaded in those days, that their safety must depend on a union with some of the most powerful tribes. There can be no doubt on fairly examining the case, that Uneasy used many ways to influence the English in his favor and against his enemy. In the progress of the war between the two great chiefs, the English acted precisely, as the Indians have been al- ways said to do : stood aloof, and watched the scale of victory, determined to join the conquerors. From the deliberations of the Massachusetts council, there cannot a doubt remain, but that they were fully satis- fied of the innocence of Miantunnomoh. The war brought on between Uncas and Miantun-' MIANTUNNOMOH. 199 nomoh, was not within the jurisdiction of the English, nor is it to be expected that they could with certainty, determine the justice of the cause of either. The broil had long existed, but the open rupture was brought on by Uncos* making war upon SeqvMSson, one of the Sachems under Miantunnomoh. The English accounts say (and we have no other) that about a 1000 warriors Were raised by Miantunnomoh, who came upon Uncas unprepared, having only about 400 men ;^ yet after an obstinate battle, in which many were kill- ed on l)oth sides, the Narragimset's were put to flight, and Miantunnomoh taken prisoner.* He endeavored to save himself by flight, but having on a coat of mail, was known from the rest, and seized by two of his own men, who hoped by their treachery to save them- selves, by delivering him to Uncas, but who were kill- ed by him as soon as they came into his presence. Two of the sons of Canonicus fought with Micmtunno- moh, and were wounded in this battle. Being brought before Uncas, he remained without speaking a word, until Uncas spoke to him, and said, " If you had taken me I would have besought you for my life." He then took his prisoner to Hartford, and at his request left him a prisoner with the English, until the mind of the united colonies should be known as to what disposition should be made of him. The sorrowful part of the tale is yet to be told. Tlie commissioners of the united colonies having convened at Boston, " who taking into serious consideration what was safest and best to be done, were all of opinion that it would not be safe to set him at liberty, neither had we sufiicient ground for us to put him to death." f * The place where this battle was fought was in the east- ern part of the town of Norwich, and the place to this day is called the Sachems Plain. h Winthrop, II, 131,, ~ r - soo MIANTUNNOMOH. The awful design of putting to death their friend^ they had not yet fixed upon, but calling to their aid in council— -whom ? — And must it be told !! — It has been told before — "^re of the most judicious elders." " They all agreed that he ought to be put to death." This was the final decision, and to complete the deed of darkness, secrecy was enjoined upon all. And their determination was to be made known to Uncos pri- vately, with direction that he should execute him within his own jurisdiction and without torture. When the determination of the commissioners and elders was made known to Uncas, he " readily under- took the execution, and taking Mianlunnomoh along with him, in the way between Hartford and Windsor, (where Uncas hath some men dwell,) Uncas' brother, following after Miantunnomoh clave his head with an hatchet."* Mather says, they "very fairly cut off his head."f Dr. Trumbull | records an account of cannibal- ism, at this time, which we ought to caution the reader against receiving as true history, as it no doubt rests on the authority of tradition, which is wont to transfer even the transactions of one continent to another. It is this. "Uncas cut out a large piece of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph ;" saying, "'it was the sweetest meat he ever ate, it made his heart strong.' "§ * Winthrop's Journal, II, 134. t Magnalia. | History of Connecticut, 1, 135. § That this is tradition, may be inferred from the circum- stances of an eminently obscure writer's publishing nearly the same story, which he says in his book, took place upon the death of Philip. Oncico, ne says, cut out a pound of PhUr ips' bleeding body and ate it. The book is by one Henry Trumbull, and purports to be a history of the discovery of America, the Indian Wars, &c. The reader will find it about stalls by the street side, but rarely in a respectable book store. It has been forced through many editions, but there is scarce a word of true history in it. MCINTOSH. 201 riendf they eir aid in t has beefn "They th." This 5 deed of And their Jncas pri- cute him J re. oners and ily under- noh along Windsor, ' brother, id with an ;ut off his ' cannibal- the reader oubt rests to transfer other. It shoulder, it was the strong. '"§ ie circum- ing nearly tiace upon nd of Phil- one Henry scovery of nd it about table book , but there The same author says, « the Mohegans, by the order of Uncas, buried him at the place of his execution, and erected a great heap, or pillar, upon his grave." In the proceedings of the commissioners of the United Colonies,* it is said, that Uncas before the bat- tle, told Miantunnomoh that, having many ways sought his life, he would now, if he durst, decide their differ- ence by single combat, but that Miantunnomoh «' pre- suming upon his number of men, would have nothing but a battle." It does not appear from the records last cited, that Uncas at first had any idea of jiutting Miantunnomoh to death, but to extort a great price for his ransom, of his countrymen ; that a large amount in wampum was collected for this purpose, appears certain, but before it was paid, Uncas received the decision of the En- glish, and then pretended that he had made no such agreement, or that the quantity or quality was not as agreed upon. tJfM^ JfntOsJl. a southern chief, who fought with the Americans in several battles against his country- men in the war of 1812-13 and 14. He is first men tioned by general Jackson,^ in his account of the battle^ as he called it, of Autossee, where he assisted in Jhe brutal destruction of 200 of his nation. There was nothing like fighting on the part of the people of the place, as we can learn, being surjiiis'il in their wig- wams, and hewn to pieces. " The Cowetaws," says the general, " under Mcintosh, and Zookaubatchians under Mad-dog's son, fell in on our flanks, and fought with an intrepidity worthy of any trooj's." And afler relating the burning of the place, he tiiMs proceeds: «It is difficult to determine the strength of tiie enemy, but * See Hazard's Historical Collections, II, 7-10. ;,, ' •, t Brannan's official Letters. 17 •-■•"■■ •■; ^^- :^ S02 m'intosh. from the information of some of the chiefs, which it IB said can be relied on, there were assembled at Au- tosse, warriors from eight towns, for its defence ; it be- ing their beloved ground, on which they proclaimed no white man could approach without inevitable destruc- tion. It is difficult to give a precise account of the loss of the enemy, but from the number which were lying scattered over the field, together with those de- stroyed in the towns, and the many slain on the bank of the river, which respectable officers affirm that they saw lying in heaps at the waters' edge, where they had been precipitated by their surviving friend8,[!!] their loss in killed, independent of their wounded, must have been at least QOO, (among whom were the Au- tossee and Tallassee kings,) and from the circumstance of their making no effiirts to molest our return, proba- bly greater. The number of buildings burnt, some of a superior order for the dwellings of savages, and filled with valuable articles, is supposed to be 400." This was on the 2'Jth of November, 1813. Mcintosh was also very conspicuous in the memora- ble battle of the Horse-shoe-bend, in the Tallapoosie river. At this place the disconsolate tribes of the south had made a last great stand, and had a tolerably regular fortified camp. It was said that they were 1000 strong. They had constructed their works with such ingenuity, that little could be effected against them but by storm. "Determined to exterminate them," says the general, "I detached general Coffee with the mounted, and nearly the whole of the Indian force, early on the morning of yesterday, [March 27th, 1814,] to cross the river about two miles below their encampment, and to surround the bend, in such a manner, as that none of them should escape by at- tempting to cross the river." " Bean's company of spies, which it led at Au- ice ; it be- ciaimed no le destruc- unt of the hich were I those de- I the bank I that they e they had 8,[!!] their ded, must re the Au- cumstance irn, proba- , some of a and filled 0." This B memora- i'allapoosie les of the a tolerably they were i^orks with id against (terminate eral Coffee the Indian arch 27th, jIow their in such a pe by at- y of spies, m'intush. 303 who had accompanied ^en. Coffee, crossed over in ca- noes to the extremity of the bend, and set fire to a few of the buildings which were there situated ; they then advanced with great gallantry towards the breast work, and commenced a spirited fire upon the enemy behind it." This force not being able to effect their object, many others of the army showed great ardor to participate in the assault. « The spirit which animat- ed them was a sure augury of the success which was to follow." « The regulars, led on by their intrepid and skilful commander, col. Williams, and by the gal- lant maj. Montgomery, soon gained possession of the works in the midst of a most tremendous fire from be- hind them, and the militia of the venerable gen. DoJier- ty's brigade accompanied them in the charge with a vivacity and firmness which would have done honor to regulars. The enemy was completely routed. Five hundred and fifty seven* were lofl dead on the peninsu- la, and a great number were killed by the horsemen in attempting to cross the river. It is believed that not more than tweniy hoye escaped. "The fighting continued with some severity about five hours ; but we continued to destroy many of them, who had concealed themselves under the banks of the river, until we were prevented by the night. This morning we killed 16 who had been concealed. We took about 250 prisoners, all women and children, .ex- cept two or three. Our loss is 106 wounded, and 25 killed. Major Jli '/n^osi^, the Cowetau, who joined my army with a part of his tribe, greatly distinguished himself."! Truly this was a war of extermination I ! The philanthropist may enquire whether all those poor * These are the general's italics ', at least Brannan so prints bis official letter. t Branaaxi, tU supra. ,,..,■ 204 MIOXEO. wretches who had secreted themselves here and there in the " caves and reeds " had deserved death ? They were first taken prisoners, then murdered ! JfMiOXeOm one of* the chiefs of Martha's Vineyard, His place of residence was at a place called Numpang, within the limits of Edgarton. Mr. Mayhew writes his name Miohqsoo.* He was converted to Christianity through the endeavors of the celebrated Hiacoomes, in 1646. When in a time of great sickness among the Indians of that place, Hiacoomes and his family were observed by those who had opposed his doctrine to have entirely escaped the calamity ; they were ready to attribute it to his being a Christian. Among others Mioxeo sent for him, to learn something about his God. Glad of the opportunity to disseminate religion, Hia- coomes repaired immediately to Mioxto^a residence, where he found not only a great many of the common people, but Towanquatiik, a chief Sagamore. Mioxeo asked Hiacoomes how many Gods the English did wor- ship ? he answered " one." Then Mioxeo enumerated thirty-seven of his, and said " shall I throw away these thirty-seven for one ?" Hiacoomes replied, " I have thrown away all these, and a great many more, some years ago, yet am I preserved, you see, this day." This was argument enough with Mioxeo, and he said " you speak true, therefore I will throw away all my Gods too." From that time forward he engaged zealously in the cause of Hiacoomes. Towanquatick became al- so engaged in the same cause, f and was the first Sag- amore that became a Christian upon the island. He died about 1670. The time of the death of Mioxeo is unknown, but he lived to a great age. A son and daughter of his were put under the instruction of Mr. * Indian Converts, 76. t History of N. England. MOO. 205 and there ? They Vineynrd, ^urnpang, writes his ristianity coomes, in mong the Tiily were octrine to 3 ready to rig others t his God. [ion, Hia- residence, ! common . Mioxeo 1 did wor- lumerated way these "I have ire, some y." This aid " you my Gods zealously scame al- first Sag- tnd. He Mioxeo is son and >n of Mr. ngland. Mayhew. The daughter became a pious woman, and the son was sent for England, but was lost at sea with the rest of the ship's crew.* JffisMkinakwa, the same as lAttle-tuHle, which see. The similarity of his name to Michilima- kinak is apparent. That place was so culled from its resemhlance to a turtle's back, at a distance. Jftog^ an old chief of the Norridgewoks, or more properly, Nerigwoks, in 1724. In the French and Indian wars of that period, the Nerigwoks were con- sidered as the chief source of the depredations upon the frontiers, and nothing short of their extermination, it was thought, could relieve them. RalU, a Roman Catholic missionary, who had been thirty-seven years among the Indians, lived there, and wut supposed to have encouraged their depredations. ' In August 1724, a force was dispatched, consisting of 208 men, and three Mohawk Indians, under capts. MouUon, Harinan and Bourne, to humble the Nerig- woks. They came upon the village, while there was not a man in arms to oppose them. They had left forty of their men at Teconet falls, which is now with- in the town of Winslow, Upon the Kennebeck, and about two miles below Waterville college, upon the opposite side of the river. The English had divided themselves into three squadrons, eighty under Harman proceeded by a circuitous route, thinking to surprise some in their corn fields, while Movilon with eighty more proceeded directly for the village, which being surrounded by trees, could not be seen until they were close upon it. All were in their wigwams, and the English advanced slowly and in perfect silence. When pretty near, an Indian came out of his wigwam, and accidentally discovering the English, ran in and * Mayhew's Indian Converts, 79. 82. 906 Moa. seized his gun, and giving the war whoop, in a few minutes the warriors were all in arms, and advancing to meet them. Moullon ordered liis men not to fire until the Indians had made the first discharge. This order was obeyed, and as he expected, tliuy overshot them. His men ttien fired upon them in their turn, and did great execution. When the Indians had given another volley, they fled with great precipitation to the river, whither the chief of their women and chil- dren had also fled during the fight. Some of the English pursued and killed many of them in the river, and others fell to pillaging and burning the village. Mo^ disdained to fly with the rest, but kept possession of a wigwam, from wliich he fired upon the pillagers. In one of his discharges he killed a Mohawk, whose brother observing it, rushed Ufion Mog and killed him ; and thus ended the strife. There were about sixty warriors in the place, about one half of whom were killed. The famous RalU shut himself up in his house, from which he fired upon the English, and wounding one. Lieut. Jaques^* of Newbury ,t burst open the door and shot him through the head, although Moulton had given orders that none should kill him. lie had an English boy with him, obout fourteen years old, who had been taken sometime before from the frontiers, and whom the English reported RcdU was about to kill. Great brutality and ferocity are chargeable to the English in thi ^ affair, according to their own ac- * Who I conclude was a volunteer, as I do not find his name upon the return made by Moulton, which is upon file in the garret, west wing of our State House. t Manuscript History of Newbury, bv Joshua Coffin, S. H. S., which should the world ever be so fortunate as to see in print, we will ensure them not only great gratification, but a fund of amusement. MONAttOOt. 907 in a few advancing >ot to fire 'ge. This overshot their turn, had giv«n )itation to and chil- no of the I the river, ie village, possession ! pillagers, vk, whose :illed him; bout sixty horn were lis house, wounding n the door foulton had [e had an I old, who frontiers, 9 about to rgeable to ir own ac- lot find his 8 upon file ■offin, S. H. s to see in ition, but a eount. Such as killing women and children, and scalping and mangling the body of father Ralli.* They had here a handsome church, with a boll, on which they committed a double sacrilege, firll robbing it, then setting it on fire. Herein surpassing the act of the first great English circumnavigator, in his de- predations upon the Spaniards in South America ; for ho only took away the gold and silver vessels of a church, and its crucifix, because it was of massy gold, set about with diamonds, and that too, upon the ad- vice of hia chaplain. *< This might pass," says a rev- erend author,f ('for sea divinity, but justice is quit* another thing." Hainan was the general in the expedition, and for a time had the honor of it ; but Moulton, according to gov. Hutchinson, achieved the victory, and it was afterward acknowledged by the country. He was a prisoner when a small boy among the eastern Indians, being among those taken at the destruction of York, in 1692. He died about 1759. The township of Moultonbor. ough, in New Hampshire, was named from him, and many of his posterity reside there at the present day. Jflonnhooe^ a distinguished chief of the Creek nation, who in 1814, made a last stand against the Americans, at the great bend of the Tallapoosie, call- ed by the Indians, Tohopeka, and by the whites the Horse-shoe. In a letter, afler the battle of the Great Bend, gen. Jackson writes,| " Among the dead was found their fa- mous prophet MonahooCy shot in the mouth by a grape shot, as if heaven designed to chastise his impostures by - * I follow Hutchinson chiefly in this account, t Prince, in his Worthies of Devonshire . t Brannan's Official Letters, 32S. 208 MONOCO. en appropriate punishment."^ In the article JW Inioah we give a history of that battle. JffonOCO^ (John) commonly known by the name of One-0^ed.john ; « a notable fellow," who when PhiHp's war began, lived near Lancaster, and conse- quently was acquainted with every part of the town, which knowledge he improved to his advantage, on two occasions, in that war. On Sunday, 22d August, 1675, a man, his wife and two children were killed at that place.f At this time the Rassanamesit praying Indians were placed at Marlborough by authority. No sooner was it known that a murder was committed at Lancaster, than not a few were wanting to charge it upon the Hassanamesits. Capt. Mostly, who it seems was in the neighborhood, sent to their quarters, and found " much suspicion against eleven of them, for singing and dancing, and having bullets and slugs, and much powder hid in their baskets." For this offence, these eleven were sent to Boston, on suspicion, and there to be tried. <' But upon trial, the said prisoners were all of them acquitted from the fact, and were cither released, or else were, with others of that fort, sent for better security, and for preventing future trouble in the like kind, to some of the islands below Boston, towards Nantasket."t It appears that there were " eleven Indians and a squaw, that were tried for their lives," on account of the Lancaster murder. And it also seems that some * Such language might lead one to suppose that the gen- eral had just been reading a portion of the Mornalia. t The above is Mr. Hubbard's account. Mr. Willard, in his excellent history of Lancaster, gives us the names of six, and says eight were killed. But in his enumeration I count nine. t Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians. Mcintosh the name 10 when nd conse- the town, ntage, on i August, 3 killed at praying ority. No imitted at charge it > it seems irters, and them, for slugs, and lis ojence, icion, and prisoners and were that fort, ig future ids below tns and a ecount of hat some MONOCO. 209 gen- t the a. Villard, in les of bIx, m I count ians. time elapsed afler the murder was committed, before the «« eleven" were sent down for trial, or that tfaey had returned back to their homes again ; for Ephraim Thimer and William Kent were not sent up to find out where " they all were," and what answers they could get from those they met with, until the beginning of October; at which time, these eleven Indians were scattered in every direction, about their daily con- cerns ; and all the information they appear to have handed into court, was, that they were thus scattered. Wahan and Mr. John Watson seem to have been the only persons questioned. Watson was appointed by authority, to reside there, to look after them, and hie voice was always in their favor. After a trial of much vexation, to these innocent natives, in which David, the main witness against them, acknowledged his perfidy, one of the enemy was brought in a prisoner, who avowed that it was One- tyed-john, and that he had boasted much of the ex- ploit ; and after a short time another was taken who confirmed it.* Notwithstanding the English had notice of the in- tent of the enemy, to fall upon Lancaster, yet it was so little heeded, that on the 10th February, 1676, it was almost entirely destroyed. The onset was made by a great body, of perhaps 5 or 600 Indians, who divided themselves into several strong companies, and made the attack in different places. Monaco led one of these bodies. On the 13th March, following, Groton was surpris- ed. In this affair, too, John Monaco was principal ; and, on his own word, we set him down as the de- stroyer of Medfield. When James Quannapokit was ou; as a spy, Monaco Gookin's MS. History. 310 MONOCO. kindly entertained him, on account of former acquain- tance, not knowing his character. Even this, in a less barbarous war, would have saved him from the gal- lows. Whatever were his intentions, the deed was good, but met with a sad requital. He was pleased to see his old friend again, with whom he had served in their wars against the Mohawks. He was one of those who delivered themselves up at Cocheco, and was executed at Boston. After he had burned Groton, except one garrison house, he called to the captain in it, and told him he would burn in succession, Chelmsford, Concord, Water- town, Cambridge, Charlestown, Roxbury, and Boston ; and added, « What me will, me do." He boasted he had 480 warrioi-s.* JfMononottO^ a famous Pequot chief in the war which terminated in their destruction, in 1637. Hub- hard calls him a "noted Indian," whose wifi and children fell into the hands of the English, and as " it was known to be by her mediation that two English maids (that were taken away from Weathersfield, up- on Connecticut river) were saved from death, in re- quittal of whose pity and humanity, the life of herself and children was not only granted her, but she was in special recommended to the care of gov. JVinthrop, of Massachusetts." Mononotto fled with Sassacus to the Mohawks, for protection, with several more chiefs. He was not killed by them as Sassacus was, but escaped from them wounded, and probably died by the hands of his English enemies. He is thus mentioned by Gov. JVolcott, in his poem upon Winthrop's agency, &c. " * Prince Mononotto sees his squadrons fly, And on our general having fixed his eye, ■. Rage and revenge his spirits quickening, He set a mortal arrow in the string.'" * Hubbard's Narrative, 75, 4to. edition. MUO. 311 JftbXUS^ or, as he was sometimes called, ^gama' gus, a noted Penobscot chief, and one of Madoka- wando's principal Sagamores. We can add little con- cerning him, to what has already been said in the life of that chief. After that great Sachem was dead, and the war between the French and English nations ceased, the eastern chiefs were ready to submit to terms. • Moxus seems the successor of Madokawando, and when delegates were sent into the eastern country to make peaco with the Indians, in 1699, his name stood first among the signers of the treaty.* He concluded another treaty with gov. Dudley, in 1702. The next year, in company with Wanungonet, Assacomhuity and a number of French, he invested capt. March in the fort at Casco, now Portland. After using every en- deavor to take it by assault, they had recourse to the fol- lowing stratagem.* They began at the water's edge to undermine it by digging, but were prevented by the timely arrival of an armed vessel under capt. Soutliack, They had taken a vessel and a great quantity of plun- der. About 200 canoes were destroyed, and.the ves- sel retaken. From which circumstance it may be in- ferred that their number was great. We last shall notice Moxxis in 1713, in which year he is again making peace with the English, at Casco.f tJfMug'^ a chief among the Androscoggins, and very conspicuous in the eastern war of 1676-7, into which he seems to have been brought by the same cause as Madokawando, already stated. He had been very friendly to the English, and had lived some time with them. On the 12th Oct. 1676, he made an assault upon Magnalia, II. 543. t Penhallow. 212 NAHATON. Black Point, now in Scarborough, with about 100 warriors. " All the inhabitants being gathered into one fortified place upon that point, which a few hands might have defended against all the Indians on that side of the country."* While the captain of the gar- rison was gone out to hold a talk with Mug, the peo- ple fled from the garrison, and took all their effects along with them. A few of his own servants, however, remained, who fell into the hands of the chief, who treated them kindly. His being seized and sent to Boston, when attempt- ing to effect a treaty, has been related in the life of the chief before named. When Francis Card was a prisoner among his men, he told him " that he had found out the way to burn Boston," and laughed much about the English, saying he would have all their vessels, fishing islands, and whole country, and bragged much about his great numbers. He was kill- ed at Black Point, the same place, where the year be- fore he had had such good success, on May IGth. He had besieged the garrison three days, killed three men and. took one captive. The celebrated Symon, who had done so much mischief in many j)laces, was with him here. Lieutenant Tippin, who commanded the garrison, " made a successful shot upon an Indian, that was observed to be very busy and bold in the as- sault, who at that time was deemed to be Symon, the arch villain and incendiary of all the eastward Indians, but proved to be one almost as /jood as himself, who was called Jtfbg"."! JWihaton^ (William) a Christian of Massachu- setts, was the first who gave information to the En- glish, that John Sassamon had been murdered by order Hubbard, Ind. Wars, ii, 46. t History New England. \- NATHANIEL. 913 of Philip.* Early in 1676, the general court voted to raise an army of 600 men, to be sent forth against Philip^ and requested major Savage to take the com- mand of them. He objected, unless some of the Christian Indians upon Deer Island should accompa- ny him as guides. The court being well aware of the sound judgment of major Savage, granted his request. Accordingly,' six, " all principal men," volunteered and set forth with the army^. William J^ahaton was one of them.f No more particulars are found of him, but Savage's successes must be shared with J^dhaion and his companions. I conclude this person to be the same as Ahaton, which see. JVnnuntenoO' See Canonchet, which was the last name he bore. JWVlOff^. one of those Christian Indians who were forcibly taken away from Hassanamesit, as will be mentioned in an account of Tuckappawillin, who was his son. iN'axtas was at this time about eighty years old, and somewhat accustomed to a stationary . l;fe, which made his situation among the enemy very distressing. He was deacon of the church, and in- cluded in the number which Job Kattenanit made such extraordinary exertions to deliver from bondage, which has already been mentioned under that head. The party of English who took him, with the rest of Job^s friends, robbed them of every thing, even of a pewter cup which they used at their sacraments. Nothing was ever returned to them again. JVilthaniei^ a Sagamore who lived about Gro- ton. He was the leader in the mischief when the hay was burned at Chelmsford, as related under Hawk- ins. His end was in a measure answered by this en- * Mather's Brief History Philip's War, 2. t Manuscript History Christian Indians. 18 314 SrEPAJNET. terprise, which was to effect a breach between the Christian Indians and the English. He was among those executed at Boston, after delivering himself up at Cocheco, at the close of Philip's war. One of this name attended capt. Church in his successful enter- prise in Philip's war. JVawashaWSMCk, a Wampanoag, and a chief under Massasoit. His name appears in the Warwick controversy as disputing the claims of Pumham to that place. And is mentioned by Roger Williams a* one of the Sachems who must be brought out, for that he was at daily feud with Pumham, and the quiet of the inhabitants was much disturbed by a constant fear of war between the two Sachems.* JVenetCfinttt. a principal chief among the Narra- gansets, a contemporary with Massasoit. The amount of our information concerning him is included under Potok. We are of opinion that he is the same as JVtn- igret, which see. jyPRpnnet^ (Tom) a faithful and valuable man to the English in Philip's war. Although unjustly suffer- ing with many of his brethren upon a bleak island in Boston harbdr, consented to go into the enemy's country, for the benefit of the English, whose sad condition at this period of the great Indian war, is we should apprehend, known to every one. That they might gain time during the winter this expedition of JVepanet was set on foot. Scarcely anything of im- portance had as yet been done against the enemy, and the council, afler repeated solicitations from captain Henchman, who had charge of them upon the island, and many others, consented that some of them should be employed. The hatred of the populace was so ex- cited against all Indians, that the enlightened few T, ' , * Hazard. ' . NBPANET. dis between tb« was among himself up One of this jssful enter- , and a chief he Warwick nham to that iams ai one for that he quiet of the stant fear of g the Narra- The amount luded under lame as JVin- jable man to justly suffer- ak island in the- enemy's , whose sad a war, is we That they xpedition of hing of im- enemy, and rom captain I the island, them should i was so ex- htened few who composed the government were oflen over awed into a compliance with their views. J^epanet set out, April the 12th, 1676, to make over- tures to the enemy for the release of prisoners, espe- cially the family of Mr. Rowlandson, which was taken at Lancaster. He soon returned with a written an- swer from the enemy saying, «.We no give answer by this one man, but if you like my answer sent one more man besides this one Tom J^epanetj and send with all true heart and with all your mind by two men ; because you know and we know your heart great sor- rowful with crying for your lost many many hundred man and all your house and all your land and woman child and cattle as all your thing that you have lost." At the same time, and I conclude in the same letter, they wrote a few words to others as follows : « Mr. Roiolandson your wife and all your child is well but one dye. Your sister is well and her 3 child.— JbAn Kittell your wife and all your child is all well and all them prisoners taken at Nashua is all well. Mr. Rowlandson se your loving sister his hand Hanah. And old Kettel wif his hand ^ Brother Rowlandson pray send thre pound of Tobacco for me, if you can my loving husband pray send thre pound of tobacco for me. " This writing by your enemies — Samuel Uskaitvh- gun, and GunraaMt^ two Indian Sagamores." J^epanet learned by the enemy that they lost in the lig'-i when capt. Pierce was killed, "scores of their men that Sabbath day.*'* As they refused to treat with Tom JVepanet alone, Peter Conway was joined with him on a second expe- dition, which led to several others, to which some * JIfaauscripts of Rev. J. Cotton. 316 5IMR0Dr English ventured to add themselves, which resulted in the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandaon and several others. It is now certain that this negociation was the im- mediate cause of their final overthrow. For before this time the Pokanokets and Narragansets went hand in hand against their common enemy, and they were the most powerful tribes. This parleying with the English was so detestable to Philip, that a separation took place among these tribes, and he and the Narra- gansets separated themselves from the Nipmuks and other inland tribes and went off to their own country. Hence the reason that they were so easily subdued afler this took place. It was through J^epamVs means that a party of En- glish, under capt. Htnchman, were enabled to surprise a body of his countrymen at Weshakom ponds near Lancaster, in May, 1676. Following in a track point- ed out by J^epanet, the Indians were fallen upon while fishing, and being entirely unprepared, seven were kiHed and twenty -nine taken, chiefly women and chil- dren. JYeSUtun. (Job) a Christian, killed in the first expedition to Mount Hope, in Philip's war. He was a valiant soldier, understood well the English language, and was of great assistance to Rev. John Eliott in mak- ing his version of the Bible into Indian. JVicUotawatWe^ a Sachem of Virginia. See the last paragraph of the life of Opekankanough. JViinrod:^ a Pokanokit. When Philip fled out of the swamp at Pocasset,. August 1675, be was pur- sued by several companies of English, a company of Mohegans and a company of Naticks. They overtook him, and a smart fight ensued, in which fourteen of his chiefs were slain. One of these was JVimrod, See iriNIORET. 217 ich resulted and Heveral 'as the im- For before I went hand they were with the I separation the Narra- 1pm uks and vn country. ly subdued arty of En- to surprise ponds near rack point- upon while leven were in and chil- in the first He was a 1 language, ^tt in mak- pnia. See ugh. Ip fled out 5 was pur- ompany of y overtook fourteen of Imrod, See OneJko. He was with Philip at Taunton, in 1671, and with him signed articles of submission to the English, as will be found mentioned under that article. JYlnigiret^ oflen called J^inicrajl, and sometimes Nenekunat*and Aini^Zttrf; was generally styled Sach- em of the Nianticks, a tribe of the Narragansets ; whose principal residence was at Wekapaug, now Westerly, in Rhode Island. He was a brother, or brother-in-law, to Miantunnomoh,\ and contemporary with Janemoh, whom he succeeded. He is commonly mentioned in history as the chief Sachem of the Nianticks, which always made n part of the great nation of the Narragansets. The relation in which the Nianticks stood to tlicm is plain, from the representation given by Miantunnomoh to the government of Massachusetts, in 1G42. In treating with that chief at that time, gov. Winihrop says, " Some difficulty we had, to bring him to desert the Nianticks, if we had just cause of war with them. They were," he said, " as his own flesh, being allied by continual intermarriages, &c. But at last he conde- scended, that if they should do us wrong, gs he could not draw them to give us satisfaction for, nor liimself could satisfy, fis if it were for blood, &c. then he would leave them to us." We hear little oP JVinigret, until after the death of Miantunnomoh. In 1644, the Narragansets and Nian- ticks united against the Mohegans, anil for some time obliged Uncas to confine himself and men to his fort. <* The English thought it their concern," says Dr. /. Mather,X " not to suffer him to be swallowed up by those adversaries, since he had, (though for his own ! _,_ * So wri ten, by /fo^er Williams. See ^scassassotick, t Prince says he was uncle to Miantunnomoh, but that o6a\d not have been. Chronology, II. 59. t Relation, 58. 18^^ 218 mNIORET. ends,) approved himself faithful to the English fnom time to time." An army was accordingly raised for the relief of Uncos, "But as they were just marching out of Boston, many of the principal Narraganset Indi- ans, viz. Pesaecus, Mexano,* and Wilawaah, Sagamores, and Jiwasequin, deputy for the Nianticks ; these with a large train, came to Boston, suing for peace, being willing to submit to what terms the English should see cause to impose upon them. It was demanded of them that they should defray the charges they had put the English to,t and that the Sachems should send theii' sons to be kept as hostages in the hands of the English, until such lime as the money should be jmid." After remarking that from this time the Narraganscts Imrborod venom in their hearts against the E'iglish, Mr. Mather proceeds : "« In the first })lace they endeav- ored to play leirerdemain in their sending hostages ; for instead of Sachem's children, they thought to send some other, and to make the English believe tliAt those base papooses, were of a royal progeny ; but they had those to deal with, who were too wise to be so eluded. After the expected hostages were in the hands of the English, the Narraganscts, notwithstanding that, were slow in the performance of what they stood engaged for. And when upon an impartial discharge of the debt, their hostages were restored to them, they be- came more backward than formerly, until they were by hostile preparations again and again terrified into better obedience. At last capt. Atherton of Dorches- * The editor of Johnson's Wonder-working Providence, in Col. Mass. His. Soc. makes a great mistake in noting this chief as Miantunnomoh. \ A yearly tribute in wampum was agreed upon. Manu- script Narrative of the Rev. T. Cobbet, which places the affair in 1645. MlNfOAEf. 319 nglish fpom raised for « marching ganset Indi- Sagamores, these with leace, being lish should ernonded of ley had put ihould send aiuls of the hi be paid." farragansets ic English, ley endeav- jstages ; for jht to send e tliAt those ut they had e so eluded. jands of the ? that, were od engaged large of the m, they be- I they were errified into >f Dorches- rovidence, in L noting this ipon. Manu- ces the affair ter, was sent with a small party^ of English soldiers to demand what was due. He at first entered into the wigwam, where old JVinigret resided, with only two or three soldiers, appointing the rest by degrees t<, follow him, two or three dropping in at once ; when liif^ small company were come about him, the Indiana it< tlie moan time supposing that there had been many more behind, he caught the Sachem by the hair of his head, and setting a pistol to his breast, protesting who- ever escaped he should surely die, if he did not forth- with comply with what was required. Hereupon a great trembling and consternation surprised the In- dians ; albeit, multitudes of them were then present, with spiked arrows at their bow-strings ready to let fly. Thij event was, the Indians submitted, and not one drop of blood was shed."f This, it must be con- fessed, was a high handed proceeding. The poor na- tives were in tl>e first place overawed to promise what they were not al)le to perform. How was it to be ex- pected that those people, who lived one day upon what they procured the preceding, should be able to pay a yearly tribute ? " , . " Soine space after that, JS/'inigret was raising new trouble against us. amongst his Nianticks and other Indians ; but upon the speedy sending up of capt. Davis, with a party of horse to reduce him to the former peace, who upon the news of the captain's approach, was put into such a panic fear, that he durst not come out of his wigwam to treat with the captain, till secured of his life by him, which he was, if he quietly yielded to his message, about which he was sent from, the Bay. To which he freely consenting, that storm was graciously blown over."* * Twenty, says a MS. document among our State Papers. t Relation of the Troubles, &c. 4to, 1677. I Cobbet's MS. Narrative. 990 NIIflORCT. Like MimUunnomohf JVinxgret was oflen ordered to appear at Boston, the occasion of which was nearly as oAen, no doubt, upon some false rumor of his evil designs against the English. Being there in 1047, according to a summons, one charge laid against him and his people, was, that they had said that " nothing but the head of Uncaa should satisfy them ; and that if the English did not withdraw their garrison from the defence of Uncaa, they would heap up their cattle as high as their wigwams ; and that he was the man that had given out that on Englishman should not step out of his doors, [ — ] lest they would kill him.* JVini^ret not being able to deny these chorgcs, and somewhat appalled thereat, begun to comply with the reasonable demd^ids of the English. A day's time was allowed to him for consideration and advice with the rest of the Indian deputies that were then at Boston." When the time was expired, ho reported, that if he might return home, the tribute which he had formerly agreed to pay, should be paid the next spring, and ho WUH permitted to rctiu'n to his country. In 1G53, he passed the winter among the Dutch of New York. This caused the English great suspicion, especially as they were enemies to them at that time ; and several Sagamores who resided near the Dutck, had reported that the Dutch governor was trying to hire them to cut off the English. Nothing of the kind, however, transpired to corroborate the rumor. In 1654, the government of Rhode Island, commu- nicated to Massachusetts, that the last summer JVini- gret, without any cause, " that he doth so much as allege, fell upon the Long Island Indians, our friends * This Mnigret had said to the English messengers who were sent to him. The reason which he gave for saying it, was, that they " provoked him." Hazard's Hist. Col. II, 79. ordered to ivas nearly of his evil J in 1047, gainst him " nothing ; and that rison from heir cattle IS the man ihould not kill him* urges, and y with the ) time was 3 with the it Boston." that if he 1 formerly ig, and ho Dutch of suspicion, that time ; he Dutck, trying to !* the kind, I, commu- ner Aim- much as ur friends ngers who ' savins it, :ol. 11779. NlNIOREt. 031 and tributaries," and killed many of them, and took others prisoners, and will not restore them. "This stitniiior he hath made two assaults upon them ; in one whereof he killed a man and woman that lived upon the land of the English, and within one of their town- ships ; and another Indian that kept the cows of the Enjjlisli." He hud drawn many of the foreign Indians down from Connecticut and Hudson rivers, who ren- dezvoused u|)on Winthrop's Island, where they killed some of his cattle.* This war begun in 1G53, and continued «« several years."t The connnissioncrs of the United Colonies seemed blind to nil compluints against Uncus ; but the Narra- gansets were watched and hanassed without ceasing. Wherever we meet with an unpublished document of those times, the fact is very apparent. The chief of the writers of the history of that period, copy from the records of the United Colonies, which accounts for their making out a good case for the English and Mo- hegans. The spirit which actuated the grave com- missioners is easily discovered, and I need only refer my readers to the case of Miantunnomoh. Desperate errors require others, often times, still more desperate, until the first appear small compared with the magni- tude of the last ! It is all along discoverable that those venerable records are made up from one kind of evi- dence, and that when a Nnrraganset appeared in his own defence, so many of his enemies stood ready to give him the He, that his indignant spirit could not stoop to contradict, or porley with them ; and thiis his assumed guilt passed on for history. The long silen- ced and borne down friend of the Indians, of Moose- hausic,t no longer sleeps. Amidst his toils and perils, * Manuscript documents^ t Wood's Hist. Long Island.. } Providence. ? {222 MNIORET. he found time to, raise his pen in their defence; and though his letters for a season slept with him, they ore now daily awaking at the voice of day. The great Indian apostie looked not so much into these particulars, being entirely engaged in the cause of the praying Indians ; but yet we occasionally meet witli him, and will here introduce him, as an evidence against the proceeding of Uncus, and his friends the commissioners. " The case of the Nipmuk Indians, so far as by the best and most credible intelligence, I have understood, presented to the honored general court [of Massachu- setts]. 1. Uncos his njen, at unawares, set upon an unarmed poor people, and slew eight persons, and carried captive twenty-four, women and children. 2. Some of these were subjects to Massachusetts gov,ern. ment, by being the subjects of Josias.* 3. They sued for relief to the worshipful governor and magistrates. 4. They were pleased to send, (by sozne Indians,) a commission to capL Denison, [of Stonington,] to de- mand these captives. 5. Uncas, his answer was (as I heard,) insolent. 6. They did not only abuse the wo- men by filthiness, but have since this demand, sold away (as I hear) some or all of those captives. 7. Thd poor bereaved Indians wait to see what you please to do. 8. You were pleased to tell them, you would present it to the free court, and they should expect their answer from them which they now wait for. 9. JSTenecroJl, yea, all the Indians of the country wait to see the issue of this matter."t This inemoPHl is dated 12th May, 1659, and signed by John Eliot. From which it is evident there had been great delay in relieving those distressed by the * Grandson of ChickatauhU. t Manuscript State Paper. MNIGRET. 233 ience ; and him, they much into 1 the cause mally meet n evidence rlentls the r as by the mderstood, Massachu- t upon an rsous, and ildren. 2. ts gov,ern. They sued magistrates. Indians,) a )n,] to de- ' was (as I se the wo- nand, sold 3. 7. Thd I please to ou would lid expect it for. 9. ;ry wait to nd signed there had sd by the haughty Uncas. And yet, whether he was caused to make remuneration in any way we do not find. In 1660, "the general court of Connecticut, did by their letters directed to the commissioners of the other colonies, this last summer, represent an intolerable affront done by the Narraganset Indians, and the same was now complained of by the English living at a new plantation at Mohegan, viz : that some Indians did in the dead time of the night, shoot eight bullets into an English house, and fired th^ same ; wherein five Englishmen were asleep. Of which insolency the Narraganset Sachems have so far taken notice, as to send a slight excuse by maj. Atherton that they did neither consent to nor allow of such practices, but make no tender of satisfaction."* But they asked the privilege to meet the commissioners at their next ses- sion, at which time they gave them to understand that satisfaction should be made. This could not have been other than a reasonable request, but it was not granted ; and messengers were forthwith ordered to "repair to JVinigret, Pessicus, Woqaacanoose, and the rest of the Narraganset Sachems," to demand " at least four of the chief of them that shot into the English house." And in case they should not be delivered, to demand five hundred fathoms of wampum. They were directed in particular, to " charge ^inigrd with breach of covenant, and high neglect of their order, sent them by maj. Willard^ six years since, not to invade the Long Island Indians ; atid [that they] do account the surprising the Long Island Indians at Gull Island, and murdering of them to be an insolent car- riage to the English, and a barbarous and inhuman act." These are only a few of the most prominent te Paper. Record of the United Cclonies, in Hazard. t 324 NiNIGRET. charges, and five hundred and ninety-five* fathoms of wampum was the price demanded for them ; and " the general court of Connecticut, is desired and em- powered to send a convenient company of men, under some discreet leader, to force satisfaction of the same above said, and the charges of recovering the same ; and in case the persons be delivered, they shall be sent to Barbadoes,"t and sold for slaves. ij It appears that the force sent by Connecticut, could not collect the wampum, nor secure the offenders ; but for the payment, condescended to take a mortgage of all the Narraganset country, with the provision that it should be void, if it were paid in four months. Qiiia- soquus,t JVeneglud, and Scuttup, signed the deed. JSPinigret did not engage with the other Narraganset chiefs, in Philip^s war. Dr. Malher§ calls him an "old crafty Sachem, who had with some of his men with- drawn himself from the rest." He must at this time have been an «an old Sachem," for we meet with him as a chief, as early as 1632. He was opposed to Christianity ; not perhaps so much from a disbelief of it, as from a dislike of the practices of those who professed it. When Mr. Mayhew desired J^Tinigret to allow him to preach to his people, the sagacious chief " bid him go and make the English good first, and chid Mr. Mayhew for hindering him from his busi- ness and labor." II There must have been another Niwitick Sachem of this name, who succeeded him, if the anecdote be true, related by the author of the " Memoir of the Mohegans," published in the collec- tions of the Massachusetts Historical Society ; for ha * The additional ninety-five was for another offence. f Records of the United Colonies, in Hazard. X Passacus. It may be seen on file among our State Paper§, § Brief History, 30. I Douglas' Summary, H, 118. NOUEI.. 235 i^e* fathoms them ; and ed and em- men, under jf the same : the same ; hall be sent iticut, could offenders ; mortgage of ision that it ths. Quis- deed. ^arraganset im an "old men with- nt this time ;t with him opposed to disbelief of those who Ninigret to cious chief i first, and i his busi- m another jeded him, thor of the the coUec- ty ; for ha Fence. 'iate Papen, can hardly be supposed to have been alive in 1718. He is mentioned by Mason in his history of the Pequot war, as having received a part of the goods taken from capt. Stone, at the time he was killed by the Pequots, in 1634. The time of his death has not been ascer- tained. On a division of the captive Pequots, in 1637, JWm- gret was to have twenty, " when he should satisfy for a mare of Edward Pomroi/e's, killed by his men." This remained unsettled in 1659, a space of twenty-two years. This debt certainly tvas outlawed ! Poqidn was the name of the man who killed the mare.* JYOiill^ f^ distinguished preacher at Nantucket, in 1698, mentioned here to show ! lat Indians, as well as white people, are capable of abstaining from ardent spirits. In this year a general " visitation" of tli' pray- ing Indians took place, by persons appointed by the government. In tlieir report it is mentioned that JVoah is « a person never known to be overtaken with drink, but a zealous preacher against it." •/%'VHfCl. (Josiah,) a Christian Indian, murdered by the Maquas, in the summer of 1677. He was brother- in-law to James Speen, with whom he was in company in or near Sudbury. They had been separated about half an hour, but under an ai)pointment to meet again at a certain place. James came according to appoint- ment, but could find nothing of his friend. Immedi- ately after, a Mohawk or Maquas passe d through Had- ley, where he showed the scalp of this man. He had with him some prisoners, squaws and children, which the people of Hadley tried to ransom, but could not. They sent an armed force afler him, but it was too late. This murdered man lefl a wift and four small child- ren. Several parties of the Mohawks, about this time, * Hazard. ,? 19 236 NUMPHOW. caused great trouble and consternation to the Christian Indians.* J^I\§mphOW^f a Wamesit, and one of their principal men, and «* one of the blood of their chief Sachems," Some account of the burning of a barn or stack of hay at Chelmsford is given under the head Hawkin's. This was a cause of gr^nt sufferings to them and doubtless contributed to further them in the present case. Many of the Wamesits having been sent down to Boston on suspicion of being the per- petrators of that act, and acquitted, perhaps added to the rage of the English living at Chelmsford, and fixed their resolution for taking revenge for a barn also which appears to have been burnt by some of the en- emy about Groton. To this end about twelve or fif- teen armed men under pretence of scouting for the enemy, went to the wigwams of the Wamesits for the purpose of killing them all. Having paraded them- selves before the wigwams, ordered out all within them. They immediately obeyed, men women and children, without apprehending" what was their real design. Two of the English, whose guns were load- ed with pistol shot, fired upon them ; severely wound- ing five women and children, and killing a boy of about twelve years old. Whether the horror of the spectacle now before them, caused them to stay the work, or whether the leaders in it dreaded condign punishment, which they knew if justice took place they must sufier, cannot be told, but no more violence was at this time oflfered. When the authorities of Massachusetts heard of the murder^ they issued war- * MS. of Hon. Daniel Gookin. t The same perhaps called JVob Hmo, in History Chelms* ford, who, June 8th, 1656, with John Ltne,and George Mistic, on the part of the " Indian court " were employed to run the line from Chelmsford to Wamesit. NUHPHOW. 227 the Christian ne of their f their chief ig of a barn ler the head lufFerings to them in the ving been ing the per- ips added to rd, and fixed a barn also e of the en- velve or fif- :lng for the lesits for the aded them- t all within women and IS their real s were load- rely wound- g a boy of orror of the to stay the ]ed condign took place ore violence iithorities of isBued war- ory Chelms* reorge Mistic, ed to run the rants for the apprehension of Lorgin and Robins, the two who fired, who were forthwith secured ; but who upon trial were cleared, to the amazement of all judi- cious persons. The jury pretended want of clear evi- dence, but it is presumed that no one even then doubt- ed as to their guilt, any more than of the juror's fear to pronounce them guilty. Immediately afler this massacre they fled from their place of residence into the woods towards Pennakook. They took nothing with them for a journey, and con- sequently their sufferings in that cold season must have been distressingly severe. No sooner was it known to the authorities, than messengers were dis- patched to overtake them and urge their return, but they could not be prevailed upon. And in the following letter gave their reasons. " I Numphow and John Line we send the messenger to you again {Mecoposit) with this answer. We cannot come again we go towards the French we go where Wonnalansit is, the reason is we went away from our home we had help from the council but that did not do us good, but we had wrong by the English. Secondly, the reason is we went away from the English for when there was any harm done in Chelmsford they laid it to us and said we did it but we know ourselves we never did harm to the English but we go away peaceably, and quietly. Thirdly, as for the island we say there is no safety for us because many English be not good and may be they come to us and kill us as in the other case, we are not sorry for what we leave behind, but we are sorry the English have driven us from our pray- ing to God, and from our teacher, we did begin to un- derstand a little of praying to God, we thank humbly the council, remember our love to Mr. Henchman and James Richardson,** 228 OiVKAS. 7 Notwithstanding their determination to go out of hearing of the Enghsh, yet about the 10th of Decern- ber the most of them ventured to return to their wig- wams again at Wamesit. The council now took measures to make their situation more easy, and things for some time wore a more favorable aspect. Clam- ors at length began to be raised against them, and they were all sent to Deer Island.* There was a Sam JVumphow, a Natick Christian, brother to Jonathan George^ who barely escaped the gallows at Boston, being among those who came in to Cocheco. ObtittCieSi^ one of the Sachems of the Massa- chusetts when the Pilgrims came to Plimouth, and brother of fVassapinewat. Some account of him will be given under Wittuwamet. OcCUfHy (Sampson,) a famous and celebrated Mohegan preacher, was of the family of Benoni Ocum, near New London, in Connecticut. He was educated by Rev. Mr. Wheelock, "and the first Indian preacher of the gospel in Great Britain,'* which was about 1765. He went there for the purpose of soliciting aid in support of a school among his brethren at Leb- anon. He kept school for a time on Long Island, and preached to the Montauks. Many flocked to hear him preach in Boston and New York. The Oneida tribe having given these Indians a tract of land, he emigrated with many others to that country in or about iJpSC. The place where they settled was called New Stockbridge, and was in the state of New York. Here the rev. Mr. Occum died in July, 1792, and rev. Mr. Kirkland preached his funeral sermon. Onhns^ see Uncas. Sometimes written Ohase. Gookin's Manuscript History of the Praying Indians. OlfEKO. 239 go out of of Decetn- tbeir wig- now took and things ct. Clam- n, and they Christian, scaped the came in to the Massa- nouth, and )f him will celebrated noni Ocum, IS educated n preacher was about f soliciting en at Leb- •ng Island, flocked to ork. The a tract of at country ettled was te of New uly, 1793, lermon. n Okase. 0ne1CO^ Bon of Unccu, chief of the Mohegans. Although the Mohegans were opposed to having any thing to do with Christianity, yet they were the friends of the English, and rendered important services in Philip^s war. Sometime in July, 1675, Oneko^ with two other brothers, and about fifty men, came to Boston, by direction of Uncas, and declared their desire to assist the English against the Wampanoogs. A few English and three Naticks were added to their company, and immediately dispatched, by way of Plimouth to the enemy's country. This circuitous route was taken, perhaps, that they might have their instructions imme- diately from the governor of that colony ; Massachu- setts at that time, probably supposing the war might be ended without their direct interference. This measure, as it proved, was very detrimental to the end in view ; for if they had proceeded directly to Seekonk, they would have been there in season to have met Philip and his warriors in thoii* flight from Pocasset And this force being joined with the other English forces, then in the vicinity, in all probability might have finish- ed the war by a single fight with him. At least, his chance of escape would have been small, as he had to cross a large extent of clear an 1 open country. Where they must have been cut down in flight, or fought man to man. Whereas Oneko was encamped at some dis- tance, having arrived late the night before, and some- time was lost in rallying.* . They overtook thcjm about 10 o*clock in the morn- ing, of the 1st of August, and a smart fight ensued. Philip having brought his best men into the rear, many of them were slain ; among these, was JVtWorf, Indians. Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians. 230 ofekankanougU. a great captain and counsellor, who had signed the treaty at Taunton, four years before. From what cause the fight was suspended, is un- known, though it would seem from some relations that it was owing to Oneko's men, who seeing themselves in possession of considerable plunder, fell to loading themselves with it, and thus gave Philip time to escape. From this view of the case, it would appear that the Mohegans were the chief actors in the offen- sive. It is said Uiat the Naticks urged immediate and further pursuit, which did not take place, in conse- quence of the extreme heat of the weather ,• and thus the main body were permitted to escape. He had a son called Mahomet. Oonit§n,Og\ one of the principal Sagamores of Wamesit, who died before 1675, His widow occupies a considerable space on the page of suffering, being among the wounded, when the Christian Indians were fired upon, as has been told under the account of JVamphow. Ol^ekanknWOVlgh^ a distinguished chief in Virginia, who flourished during the first years of its settlement by the whites. He was brother of the great Powhatan ; and to the accoimt of that chief, we will refer the reader for much concerning him, which we roust defer, as intimately connected with his history. He was not the immediate successor of Powhatan, al- though in some passages in capt. Smithes history, he is so called. Opitchepan came first in the order of succession. Opekomkanough was Sachem of the Pa- munkies, and it was by his n>en that capt. >r> rf lolred to give his country to the son of gov. Winthrop, of Connecticut. — Hazard. t MS. Letter, Bubscribed with the mark of PttmAani. 9<4 PES8ACU9. gret, Janemohf and others, in which Pessacus was oflen a prominent character. Mr. Cobbet* makes this record of him : <* In the year 1G45, proud Pessacua with his Narragansets, with whom Ninigret and his Niantigs join ; so as to provoke the English to a just war against them. And accordingly forces were sent from rfll the towns to meet at Boston, and did so, and had a party of fifty horse to go with them under Mr. Leveret^ as the captain of the horse." Edward Gibbons was command- er in chief, and Mr. Thompson, pastor of the church in Brantree, " was to sound the silver trumpet along with his army."t But they were met hy deputies from Pessacus and the other chiefs, and an accommodation took place, as tnentioned in the account of JVinigret. In 1647, the commissioners of the United Colonies were called together before their usual time, occasion- ed by a report that the Narragansets were about to be- gin hostilities. They dispatched messengers to him *' and other Sachems there, that the English commis- sioners expected their appearance at Boston, and that if they did refuse or delay, they should no more be sent unto." Pessacus excused himself for not meeting them the year before, from mistaking the time, and that he could not go to Boston now, as he was sick ; yet the messengers could not discover "any such dis- ablement." He however gave JVinigret power to act for him. , To avoid hostilities from his English enemies in 1645, before remarked, he had agreed to pay a large amount in wampum, which had not been paid. He urged in extenuation of this neglect, that he was awed into a compliance of their demand by the presence of the army *« which was then ready to invade the Nam- ganset country, and he thought they would follow him * MS. Narrative. f Mather's Relation, and Hazard. FHILIP, 24$ le, occasion- home, and there kill him if he did ijot promise to do as the English would have him."* These are among the last notices we find of " Proud Pessacus." Hi» time for the payment of the tribute was extended, >iind the next year he is mentioned as being ** behind near a 1000 fathom of wampum." There were some mil- itary movements of the English this year, 1648, to- wards his country, occasioned by the nonpayment of the tribute, and some other less important matters* Pessactis having knowledge of their approach fled to R. Island. « JVinicraft entertained them courteously, (there they staid the Lord's day,) and came back with them to Mr. Williams'*^ and then Peasacua and Canon,' icus* son, being delivered of their fear, came to them ; and being demanded about hiring the Mohawks against Uncos, they solemnly de#ied it ; only they con- fessed, that the Mohawks, being a great Sachem, and their ancient friend, and being come so near them,, they sent some 20 fathom of wampum for him to tread upon, as the manner of Indians is."f The matter seems to have rested here ; Pessacris having as usual promised what was desired. His mortgaging his coun- try, as related in the account of JVinigret, in 1660, is our last notice of him. He seems to have possessed a character much like that of JSJinigret, and greatly in- ferior to that of Miantunnomohf Canonchet and Pumham. Phtttp^ alias Metacomet, of Pokanoket, chief of the Wampanoags, was second son of Massasoitf and < the immediate successor of Alexander, in 1662, as has been already mentioned. Whether the conduct of the people of Plimouth towards Alexander made them sus- picious of Philipy as it had before of Miantunnomohy or whether he were in reality " contriving mischief,'* the same year of his coming in chief Sachem, remains * Ibid. t Winthrop's Journal. 346 PHILIP. a problem. But the year 1662 is the first in which we find him mentioned as chief, and what were hii acts previous to that period, must, in all probability, re- main fijrever unknown. " He was no sooner styled Sachem," says Dr. /. Mather,* " but immediately in the year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of his bloody treachery against the English." This author wrote at the close of Philip^s war, when very few could speak of Indians, but with bitterness. Mr. Mortonj is the first who mentions Metacomet, (for this was his In- dian name,) which being before any difficulty with him, is noticed in a more becoming way. " This year," he observes, <* upon occasion of some suspicion of some plot intended by the Indians against the English, PkU- ip, the Sachem of Pokanokct, otherwise called Metacom, made his appearance %t the court held at Plimoi^th, August 6, did earnestly desire the continuance of that amity and friendship that hath formerly been between the governor of Plimouth and his deceased father and brother." The court expressing their willingness to remain his friends, he signed articles, subjecting himself to the King of England. To that instrument Francis, of Nau- set, was also a subscriber, and John Sassamon a witness. For about nine years, succeeding 1662, very little is recorded concerning Philip. During this time he be- came more intimately acquainted with his English neighbors, learned their weakness and his own strength, which rather increased than diminished, un- til his fatal war of 1675. For during this period, not only their additional numbers g*ained them strength, but their arms were greatly strengthened by the En- glish instruments of war put into their hands. Roger fVilliams had early brought the Narragansets into * Relation, 72. 1 In his N. England's Memorial. PHILIP. 247 fViendship with Masscuoit, which alliance gained ad- ditional strength on the accession of the young Meia- comtt. And here we may look for a main cause of that war, although the death of Alexander is generally looked upon by the early historians, as almost the only one. The continual broils between the English and Narragunsets, (we name the English first, as they were generally the aggressors,) could not be unknown to Philip ; and if his countrymen were abused he knew it. And, what friend will see another abused, without feeling a glow of resentment in his breast ? And who will wonder, if when these abuses had followed each other, repetition upon repetition, for a series of years, that they should at last break out into open war. The Narraganset chiefs were not conspicuous at the period of which we speak ; there were several of them, but none appears to have had a general command or as- cendency over the rest ; and there can be little doubt but that they unanimously reposed their cause in the hands of Philip. JVinigret was at this time grown old, and though for a series of years after the murder of Miantunnomoh, he seems to have had the chief as- cendency, yet pusilanimity, was always rather a prd- dominant trait in his character. His age had probably caused his withdrawal from the others, on their resolu- tion to second Philip. Canonchet was at this period the most conspicuous, Pumhani next, Potok, Magnus^ the squaw Sachem, whose husband^ had been dead several years, alid lastly Mnttaioag. What grounds the English had in the spring of the year 1671, for suspecting that a plot was going for- ward, for their destruction, cannot satisfactorily be as- — — — ■ — ■ — J * Mexam, the son of Canonicus. In several manuscripts in my possession, written by Roger WilliaTnSf his name is verj variously spelt. See Art. Magnus. / 348 PHILIP. / ^,' cortained ; but there con be no doubt that there were some warlike prcparntions made by the great chief, which Tery much alarmed the EngUsh. Their sus- picions were forther confirmed when they sent to him to come to Taunton and make known bis causes for his operations ; as lie discovered " shyness," and a reluct- ance to comply. At length on the 1 0th of April, this year, he came to a place about four miles from Taun- ton, accompanied with a band of his warriors, attired, armed and pniuted as for a warlike expedition. From this place ho sent messengers to Taunton to invite the English to come and tniut with him. The governor either was ofraid to meet the chief, or thought it be- neath his dignity to comply with his request, and there- fore sent several persons, among whom was Roger Williams, to inform him of their determination, and their good dis|)osition towards him, and to urge his at- tendance at Taunton. He agreed to go, and hostages were left in the hands of his warriors to warrant his safe return. On coming near the village with a few of his warriors, he made a stop, which appears to have been occasioned by the warlike parade of the English, many of whom were for immediately attacking him. These were the Plimouth people that recommended this rashness, and were prevented by the commission- ers from Massachusetts, who met here with the gover- nor of Plimouth to confer with Philip. In the end it was agreed that a council should be held in the meeting house, one side of which should be occupied by the Indians and the other by the En- glish. Philip had alledged that the English injured the planted lands of his people, but which, the En- glish say, was in no wise sustained. He said his war- fike preparations were not against the English, but the Narragansets, which the English also say was proved .X \ PRiLir. 949 to his fkce to be false ; and that thia ao confounded him that he confessed the whole plot, and « that it was the naughtiness qf his own heart that put him upon that rebellion,, and nothing of any provocation from the English."^ Therefore, with four of his counsellors, whose names were Tavoaer, capt. fFispoke, Wotmhap- oneAunt, and Ntmrod^ he signed a submission, and an engagement of friendship, which also stipulated that he should give up all thb arms among his people, into the hands of the governor of Plimouth, to be kept as long as the government should " see reason." The English of Massachusetts having acted as um- pires in -this affair, were looked to by both parties, on the next cause of complaint. PhUip having delivered the arms which himself and men had with them at TauntOD,t promised to deliver the rest at Plimouth by a certain time. They not being delivered according to agreement, and some other differences occurring, both parties sent messengers to Boston, who met there at the same time,| to make their complaints. It wwi agreed that commissioners from all the United Colo- nies should meet Philip at Plimouth, where all difficul- ties were expected to be settled. What time this meeting, took place, whether the same year or not, we are unable to state, though probably about September, 1671, but the parties met according to agreement, where the issue of the meeting was very nearly the same as that at Taunton. <*Tiie conclusion was," says Mr. Mather,t " Pkilip acknowledged his offence, and was appointed to give a sum of money to defray the chafes which his insolent clamors had put the col- ony unto." * Hubbard, Indian Wars, 11, Ist edition. f Mather's Relation, 73. / t Baylies' N. Plimouth, iii, 88, 350 PHILIP. As usual, several articles were drawn up by the En' glish, of what Philip was to submit to, to which we find the names of three only of his captains or coun^ sellers, Uncompaen, who was his uncle,* fVotokom, and Samkama. A general disarming of the neighboring Indians was undertaken during the spring and summer of 1671, as has been mentioned in our history of Awashonks, and nothing but trouble could have been expected to fol- low. The English 'lad, by nearly forty years inter- course, rendered their arms far more necessary to the existence of the Indians than to their own, and many depended upon nothing else whereby to gain a suste- nance ; hence their unwillingness to part with thera. We meet with nothing of importance until the death of Sassamon, in 1674, the occasion of which was charged upon Philip, and was the cause of bringing about the war with him a year sooner than he had ex- pected. This event prematurely discovered his inten- tions, which occasioned the partial recantation of the Narragansets, who, it is reported, were to furnish 4000 men, to be ready to fall upon the English in ] 676. Concert therefore was wanting, and although nearly all the Narragansets ultimately joined rgainst the English, yet the powerful effect of a general simul- taneous movement was lost to the Indians. PhUiph own people, many of them were so disconcerted at the unexpected beginning of thj war, that they continu- ed some lime to waver, doubting which side to show themselves in favor of, and it was only from their be- ing without the vicinity of the English, or unprotected by them, that determined their course, which was in almost all cases in favor of Philip. Even the Praying Indians, had they been lefl to themselves, would no * Called by- Church, w^ftftompoin. PHILIP. 251 doubt, many of them have declared in his favor also, as some of them did. John Sassamon was a subject of Philip, an unstable minded fellow; and living in the neighborhood* of the English, became a convert to Christianity, learned thei» language, and was able to read and write, and had translated some of the bible into Indian. Being rath- er insinuating and artful, was employed to teach his countrymen at Natick, in the capacity of a schoolmas- ter. How long before the war this was, is not men- tioned, but must have been about 1660, as he was Philip*^ secretary, or interpreter, in 1662, and this was. after he had became a Christian. He left the English from some dislike, and went to reside with Alexander, and afterwards with Philip, who it appears improved him on account of his Learning. Always restless, Sas- samon did not remain long with Philip, before he re- turned again to the English ; " and he manifested such evident signs of repentance, as that he was, after his return from Pagan Philip, reconciled to the Praying Indians and baptized, and received as a member into one of the Indian churches ; yea, and employed as an instructor amongst them every Lord's day."t Just before the war, we presume in the summer of 1674, Sassamon was sent to preach to the Nemaskets,J a small community of Philip^s people upon Tehticut river, which is now included in Middleborough, Mas- sachusetts. While here he learned that the Wampa- noags, Narraganscts, and some others were conspiring to destroy the English, and immediately communicat- ed his discovery to the governor of Piimouth. " Nev- * " This Sassamon was by birth a Massachusett, his father and mother livinv in Dorchester, and they both died Chris- tians." — /. Mather. t Mather's Relaiion, 74. The inhabitant-} of the place call it JVamaskct. 352 PHILIP. ■ \ .■ eitheless, his information, (because it had an Indian origina], and one can hardly believe them when they do speak the truth,) was not at first much regarded."* In the inean time some circumstances happened tkat gave further grounds of suspicion, and it was intended that messengers should be sent to Philip ^ to gain, if possible, the real state of the case. But before thia was effected, much of the winter of 1674 had passed away, and the rev. Sassamon still resided with the Na- maskets, and others of his countrymen in that neigh- borhood. And notwithstanding he had enjoined the strictest secrecy upon his English friends at Plimoutb, of what he had revealed, assuring them that if it came to Philip's knowledge he should be immediately mur- dered by him, yet, it by some means got to the ehiefs knowledge, and Sasaanum was considered a traitor and an outlaw ; and by the laws of the Indians, he had forfeited his life, and was doomed to suffer death. The manner of effecting it was of no consequence with them so long as it was brought about, and it is proba- ble that Philip had ordered any of his subjects who might meet with him, to kill him. Early in the spring of 1675, Sassamon was missing, and on search being made, his body was found in As- sawomset pond, in Middleborough. Those that killed him not caring to be known to the English, lefl his hat and gun upon the ice, that it might be supposed that he had drowned himself; but from several marks upon his body, and the fact that his neck was broken, it was evident he had been murdered.f Several persons * Mather's Relation, 74. t Gookin's MS. Hist, of Christian Indians. This author lays '< Sasanum was the first Christian Martyr," and that " it B evident he suffered death upon the account of his Christian trofession, and fideUty to the Enghsh." PHILIP. 253 were suspected, and upon the information of one called Pai%ickaon, Tobias, one of Philip's counsellors, his son, and Mattashinnamy were apprehended, tried by a jury, consisting of half Indians,* and in June, 1675, were all executed at Flimouth. " One of them before his execution confessing the murder," but the other two denied all knowledge of the act, to their last breath. The truth of their guilt may reasonably be called in question, if the circumstance of the bleeding of the dead body at the approach of the murdcicr, had any influence upon the 'jury. And we are fearful it was the case, for if the most learned were misled by such hallucinations in those days, we are not to sui)pose that the more ignorant were free from it. Dr. Increase Mather wrote within two years of the affair, and he has this passage. " When Tobias (the suspected murder- er) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh, as if it had been newly slain ; albeit, it was buried a considerable time before that."f Until the execution of the three Indians, supposed to be the murderers of Sassamon, no hostility was committed by Philip or his warriors. About the time of their trial, he was said to be marching his men " up and down the country in arms," but when it was known that thv.y were executed, he could no longer re- strain his young men, who upon the 24th of June, provoked the people of Swanzey by killing their cat- tle and other injuries, until they were fired upon, which was a signal to commence the war, and what they had desired. For the superstitious notion prevailed among the Indians, that the party who fired the first gun would be conquered.! They had probably been made to believe this by the English. * Mather's Relation, 74. t Ibid. 75. ' t Callendar. ^54 PHILIP. It was upon a fast day that this great drama was opened. As the people were returning from meeting, they were fired upon, by the Indians, one was killed and two wounded. Two others going for a surgeon, were killed on their way. In another part of the town six others were killed the same day. Swanzey was the next town to Philip's country, and his men were as well acquainted with all the walks of the English as they were themselves. It is not supposed that Philip directed this attack, but on the otiier hand it has been said that it was against his wishes. But there can be no doubt of his hostility and great desire to rid his country of the white -intruders ; for had he not reason to say ? -:i " Exarsere ignes animo ; subit ira, cadentem Ulcisci patriam, etsceleratas sumere poenas." The die was cast. No other alternative appeared, but to ravage, burn and destroy as fast as was in his power. There had been no war for a long time, either among themselves or with the English, and therefore, numerous young warriors from the neighboring tribes, entered into his cause with great ardor ; eager to per- form exploits, such as had been recounted to them by their sires, and such as they had long waited an oppor- tunity to engage in. The time they conceived had now arrived, and their souls expanded in proportion to the greatness of the undertaking. To conquer the English! to lead captive their haughty lords! must have been thoughts to them of vast magnitude, and exhilarating to a great degree. Town afler town fell before them, and when the En- glish forces marched in one direction, they were burn- ing and laying waste in another. A part of Taunton, Middleborough and Dartmouth, in the vicinity of Po- PHILIP. 355 at drama was rom meeting, ne was killed br a surgeon, t of the town Jwanzey was lis men were ie English as this attack, that it was doubt of his of the white 51X1 18." ve appeared, as was in his g time, either nd therefore, )oring tribes, eager to per- ] to them by ed an oppor- mceived had proportion to conquer the lords! must ^itude, and ijen the En- were bum- of Taunton, inity of Po- casset, upon Narraganset bay, soon followed the de- struction o^ Swanzey, which was burnt immediately after the 34th of June, on being abandoned by the inhabitants. Philip commanded in person upon Pocasset, where upon the 18th of July, he was discovered in a "dismal swamp." He had retired to this place, which is adja- cent to Taunton river, with the most of his Wampano- ags, and such others as had joined him, to avoid fall- ing in with the English army, which was now pursu- ing him. From their numbers, the English were near- ly able to encompass the swamj), and the fate of PhU- ip they now thought sealed. On arriving at the edge of the swamp, a few of Philip^s warriors showed themselves, and the English soldiers rushed upon them with ardor, and by this feint were ^^ ^^^ far into an ambush, and " about fiileen were slain." The leaves upon the trees were so thick, and the hour of the day so late, that a friend could not be distinguished from a foe, « whereby 'tis verily feared, that [the English themselves] did sometimes unhappily shoot English- men instead of Indians."* A retreat now was order- ed, and considering Philip's escape impassible, the most of the forces lefl the place, a few only remaining, " to starve out the enemy." That Philip's force was great at this time is certain, from the fact that a hun- dred wigwams were found near the edge of the swamp newly constructed of green bark. In one of those the English found an old man who informed them that Philip was there. He lost but few men in the encounter, though it is said, that he had a brother killed at this time, " a privy counsellor and chief cap- tain, who had been educated at Harvard College."! * Mather's Brief Hist. War. 5. t In a Note to Hutchinson's Hist. 1, 291. I I use PHILIP. The idle notion of building a fort here to starve out Philip, was sufficiently censured by the historians of that day. For as capt. Church expresses it, to build a fort for nothing to cover the people from nobody,* was rather a ridiculous idea. This observation he made upon a fort's being built upon Mount Hope neck, some time afler every Indian had left that side of the coun- try, and who in fact were laying waste the towns be- fore mentioned. The swamp where Philip was now confined was upon a piece of country which projected into Taunton river, and was nearly seven miles in extent. After i)eing guarded here thirteen days, which in the end was greatly to his advantage, and afforded him suffi- cient time, to provide canoes in which to make his «scape ; he passed the river with most of his men, and made good his retreat into the country upon Connec- ticut river, as will be found mentioned in our account of Oneho. Having now taken a position to annoy the back set- tlements of Massachusetts, his warriors fell vigorously to the work ; one town after another, and one compa- ny of soldiers after another were swept off by them. A garrison being established at Northfield, capt. Rich- ard Beers, of Watertown,* with 36 men, were attacked while on their way to reinforce them, and 20 of the 86 were killed. Robert Pepper, of Roxbury, was taken captive, and the othera effected their escape. Philip's men had the advantage of attacking them in a place of their own choosing, and their first fire was very destructive. Beers retreated to a small eminence, and maintained the unequal fight until their ammu- nition was spent, at which time a cart containing am- - i— -■ I — I . . .. .. , . ■ II - , , .,.., II. ..I — ■■ I ■ . . -h * Hist. Philip's War, p. 6, ed, 4to. t Manuscript Documents. to starve out historians of it, to build a \,obody^* was n he made neck, some if the coun- e towns be- Dnfined was ito Taunton tent. After in the end id him suffi- 10 make his lis men, and ion Connec- oiir account he back set- 1 vigorously one compa- ifF by them. , capt. Rich- ere attacked d 20 of the , was taken e. PkUip^a I in a place e was very eminence, leir ammu- taining am< PHILIP. 237 munition fell into the hands of the Indians, and the captain being killed, all who were able took to flight. The hill to which the English retreated at the begin- ning of the flght, was known afterwards by the name of Beers mountain. About this time some English found a single Indian, an old man, near Quabaog, whom they captured. As he would not give them any information respecting his countrymen, or perhaps such as they desired, they pronounced him worthy of death ', so " they laid him down, Comditu, the Dutchman lifting up his sword to cut off his head, the Indian lifted up his hand between, so that his hand was first cut off, and partly his head, and the second blow finished the execution."* • On the 18th of Sept., captain Lothrop of Salem, was sent from Hadley with about eighty-eight men, to bring away the com, grain, and other valuable articles, from Deei^eld. Having loaded their teams, and com- menced their march homeward, they were attacked at a place called Sugarloaf-hill, where almost every man was slain. This company consisted of choice young men, the flovver of Essex county. Eighteen of the men belonged to Deerfield.^ Capt. Mosely being not far off, upok a scout, was drawn to the scene of action by the report of the guns, and having with him seventy men, charged the Indians with great re- solution, although he computed their numbers at 1000. He had two of his men killed and eleven wounded. The Indians dared him to begin the flght, and exult- ingly said to him, " Come^ Mosdy, come, you seek In- dians, you want Indians, here is Indians enough for youJ** After continuing a fight with them, from eleven o'clock * Manuscript in Library of Mas. Hist. Soc. t Hubbard's Narratives. I These were the teamsters, 358 PHILIP. until almost night, he was obliged to retreat. The Indians cut open the bags of wheat and feather-beds, and scattered their contents to the winds.* After Moaely had commenced a retreat, major Treat with one hundred English, and sixty Mohegans, came to his assistance. Their united forces obliged the In- dians to retreat in their turn.f The Indians were said to have lost in the various encounters, ni)iety-six men. It was a great 9versight, that captain Lothrop should have suffered his men to stroll about, while passing a dangerous defile. " Many of the soldiers having been so foolish and secure, as to put their arms in the carts, and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear and deadly grapes to them:"| The same author ob. serves, " this was a black and fatal day, wherein there were eight persons made widows, and six and twenty children made fatherless, all in one little plantation and in one day ; and above sixty persons buried in one dreadful grave ! " The Narragansets had not yet heartily engaged in , the war, though there is no doubt that they stood pledged so to do. Therefore, having done all that could be expected upon the western frontier of Massa- chusetts, and concluding that his presence among his allies, the Narragansets, was necessary, to keep them from abandoning his cause, Philip was next known to be in their country. An army of 1500 English, was raised by the three colonies, Massachusetts, Plimouth and Connecticut, for the purpose of breaking down the power of Philip among the Narragansets. They determined upon this course, as they had been assured that in the spring they would come with all their force upon them. It * Manuscript Letter, written at the time. t /. Mather's History of the War. | Ibid. 12. PHILIP. 25^ was not known that Philip was amongBt them when this resolution was taken, and it was but a rumor that they had taken part with him. It was true, that they had promised to deliver up all the Wampanoags, who should flee to them, either alive or dead ; but it is also true, that those who made this promise, had it not in their power ; being persons, chiefly in subordinate circumstances, who had no right or authority to bind any but themselves. And, therefore, as doubtless was foreseen by many, none h^ Philip's people were deliv- ed, although many were known to have been among them. Thus in few words have we exhibited the main grounds of the mighty expedition against the Narragansets in the winter of 1675. Upon a small island, in an immense swamp, in South Kingston, Rhode Island, Philip had fortified himself, in a manner superior to what was common among his countrymen. Here he intended to pass the winter, with the chief of his friends. They had erected about five hundred wigwams of a superior construction, in which was deposited a great store of provisions. Bas- kets and tubs of corn, were piled one upon another, about the inside of them, which rendered them bullet proof. It was supposed that about three thousand persons had here taken up their residence. Afler nearly a month from their setting out, the English arrny arrived in the Narraganset country, and made their head quarters about eighteen miles from Philip's fort. They had been so long upon their march, that the Indians were long enough apprized of their approach, and had made the best arrangements in their power to withstand them. They had already suffered much from the severity of the season, being obliged to encamp in. the open field, and without tenta to cover them ! 260 PHILIP. The 10th of Decemher, 1675, is a memorable day in the annals of New England. Cold, in the extreme — the air filled with snow — the army were obliged, from the low state of their provisions, to march to attack Philip in his fort. And but for the treachery of one of his men, who, from his having an English name, is supposed to have lived among the English — and by hope of reward, betrayed his countrymen into their hands. His name was Peter, and it was by accident that himself, with thirty-five others, had just before fallen into the hands of the fortunate captain Moady. No Englishman was acquainted with the situation of PhUip'a fort ; and but for their pilot, Peter, there is very little probability that they could have effected anything against it. For it was one o'clock on that short day of the year, before they arrived within the vicinity of the swamp. There was but one point where it could be assailed with the least probability of success ; and this was fortified by a kind of block- house, directly in front, and having flankers to cover a cross fire. Besides high palisades, an immense hedge of fallen trees, of nearly a rod in thickness, sur- rounded it upon the outside, encompassing an area of about five acres. Between the fort and the main land, was a body of water, over which a great tree had been felled, on which all must pass and repass, to and from it. On coming to this place, the English soldiers, as many as could pass upon the tree, which would not admit two abreast, rushed forward, but were swept from it in a moment, by the fire of Philip's men. Still, the English soldiers, led by their captains, sup- plied the places of the slain. But again and again, were they swept from th(| fatal avenue. Six captains and a great many men had fallen, and a partial, but momentary recoil from the face of death took place : I ; PHILIP. 301 and but a hnndful Iiad got within the fort. These were contending hnnd to hand with the Indians, and at fearful odds, wlien the cry of "they run! they run!" brought to their nsHistnnce n consideruhle body of thoir fellow-soldiers. They were now enabled to drive the Indians from thoir main breoHt-work, and their slaugh- ter became imnicnsc. Flying from wigwoni to wig- wam — men, women, and children, indiscriminately, were hewn down and lay in hen|)s upon the groimd. Being now masters of the fort, at the recommendation of Mr. Church* general JVinsloio was about to (]uarter the army in it for the present, which offered comfort- able habitations to the sick and wounded, besides a plentiful supply of provisions. But one of the ca|)tuinB and a surgeon oppoied the measure ; probaldy fVom the apprehension tliat the woods was full of Indians, who would continue their attacks upon them, and drive them out in their turn. There was, doubtless, some reason for this, which was strengthened from the fact that many English were killed afler they had pos- sessed themselves of the fort, by those whom they had just dispossessed of it. Still, had Cnurck^s advice been followed, perha|)S many of the lives of the wounded would have been saved ; for ho was seldom out in his judgment, as his long successes proved afterwards. After fighting three hours, they were to march eigh- teen miles, before the wounded could be iliessed, rnd in a most horrid and boisterous night. Eighty English were killed in the ftght, and one hundred and fifty wounded ; many of whom died afterwards. The Eng- lish left the ground in considerable haste, leaving eight of their dead in the fort. PhiUp, and such of his war- * Afterwards the famous colonel Church. He led the se- cond party th^t entered the fort, and was badly wounded, after nghtmg some time. sa ^¥i H M ^M 11 ■ |;i iw* 1 ana PHIIilP. riore as escaped unhurt, flud into a place of safety, uutil the enemy had rotu'cd ; when they returned again to the fort. The English, no douht, apprehend- ed a purouit, but Philip not knowing their distressed lituation, and perhaps judging of their loss from the few dead which they letl, made no attempt to harrass them. Before the fight was over, many of the wig. warns were set on fire. Into these, hundreds of inno- cent women and children had crowded, and perished in the general conflagration ! and as a writer of that day ex|)resHes himself, " no man knoweth how many.*' The English learned afterwards from some that fell into their hands, that in all about 700 perished.^ Soon after this, Philip, with many of his followers, left that part of the country, and resided in dififerent places upon Connecticut river. Some report that he took up his residence near Albany, and that he solicit- ed the Mohawks to aid him against the English, but without success. The var'ous attacks and encounters * There is printed in Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. I, ."iOO, a letter which givcH the particulars of the Narrajjanset fight. I have compared it with the original, and find it correct in the main particulars. He mistakes in ascribing it to major Bra4lford, for it is signed by James Oliver, ono of the Pli- mouth captains Hutchinson copied from a copy, which was without signature. He omits a passage concornmg Tift or Tiffe — who, OZt'rcr says, confirmed his narrative. That he had "mirried an Indian, a Wompanoag — he shot twenty times at us in the swamp — was taken at i-'rovidence [by captain Fewncr,] Jan. 14th, brought to us the 16th — executed the IBth ; a sad wretch. He never heard a sermon but once this four- teen years; he never heard of the name of Jesus Christ. His father going to recall him, lost his head, and lies unburied." Hubbard t^ays, Narrative 5!), that " he was condemned to die the death of a traitor, and traitors of those days were quarter- ed. As to his religion, he was found as ignorant as an hea- then, which no doubt caused the fewer tears to be shed at his funeral." A sorrowful record this !!! PHILIP. ♦i63 nee of Bafety, they rotiirned »t, Hpprohend- eir distressed loss from the iipt to harrasB y of tlio wig. Ireds of inno- and perished vritor of that 1 how many." ome that foil rished.* his followers, d in different repon that he hat he solicit- 3 English, but nd encounters Mass. I, 300, a rriifranset fight, nd It correct in )ing it to maiur no of the Ph- jpy, which was ;crning Tifi or ?. That he had t twenty times ce [by captain cuted the ISth ; once this fotir- ms Christ. His lies unburied." idemned to die I were quarter- rant as an hea- to be shed at he had with the English, from February to August, 1676, are so minutely recorded, and in so many works, that we will not enlarge upon them in this place. When success no longer attentiod him, in the west- ern parts of Massachusetts, those of his allies whom he had seduced iuto the war, upbraided, and accused him of bringing all their misfortunes upon them ; that they had no cause of war against the English, and had not engaged in it but for his solicitations ; and many of the tribes scattered themselves in different direc- tions. With all that would follow him, as a last re- treat, Philip returned to Pokanoket. On the 11th of July, he attempted to surprise Taun- ton, but was repulsed. His camp was now at Mata- poiset ; and the English came upon him under captain Church, who captured many of his people, but he escaped over Taunton river, as he had done a year before, but in the opposite direction, and secreted him- self once more upon Pocasset. He used many strata- gems to cut off capt. Church, and seems to have watch- ed and followed him from place to place, until the end of this month ; but continually loosing one company after another. Some scouts ascertained that he, with many of his men, were at a place upon Taunton river, and from appearances were about to repass it. His camp was now at this place, and the chief of his war- riors with him. Some soldiers from Bridgewater fell upon them here, July 31st, killed ten warniors ; but Philip having disguised himself, escaped. His uncle, Akkompoin, was among the slain, and his own sister taken prisoner. ' The next day, August 1st, the intrepid Church came upon his head-quarters, killed and took about one hun- dred and thirty of his people, and himself very nar- rowly escaping. Such was his precipitation that he 264 PH1L1I». . leA all his wampum behind, and his wife and son fell into the handy of Church. Some (jf PhUip^s Indiana, who now served under Church, said to him, "You have now made Pkilip ready to die ; for you have made him as poor and miserable as he used to make the English. You have now killed or taken all his relations — that they believed ho woidd sood have his head, and that this bout had almost broken his heart." Philip having now but-few followers left, was driv- en from place to place, and lastly to hrs ancient seat, near Pokanoket. The English for a long time had endeavored to kill him, but could not find him off his guard ; for he was always the first who was apprized of their approach. Having put to death one of his men for advising him to mak? reace with them, his brother deserted him, and gave captain Church an ac- count of his situation, and offered to lead him to the place. Early on Saturday morning, Aug. 12th, Church came to the swamp where Philip was cHcamped. And before he was discovered, had placed a guard about it, so as to encompass it, except a small place. He then ordered captain Golding to rush into the swamp, and fall upon Philip in his camp ; which he immediately did — but was discovered as he approached, and as usual, Philip was the first to fly. Having but just awaked from sleep, had on Lut a jiart of his clothes, he fled with all his might. Coming directly upon an Englishman and an Indian, who composed a part of the ambush at the edge of the swamp, the Englishman's gun miss- ed fire, but Alderman, the Indian, whose gun was loaded with two balls, "sent one through his heart, and another not above two inches fi-om it. He fell upon tiis face in the miui and water, with his gun under him." PHILIP. 365 and son fell lip^s Indiana, him, "You or you have he used to led or taken would soon I most broken ft, was driv- ancient seat, ig time had 1 him off his rvas apprized one of his til them, his Church an ac- him to the 12th, Church amped. And lard about it, !e. He then amp, and fall diately did — nd as usual, just awaked , he fled with Englishman the ambush I's gun miss- se gun was ;h his heart, it. He fell vith his gun " Cold with the beast he slew, he sleeps, O'er him no filial spirit weeps ; * * * * * Even that he liv'd, is for his conqueror's tongue. By foes alone his death-song must be sung ; No chronicles but theirs shall tell His mournful doom, to future times ; May these upon his virtues dwell, And in his fate forget his crimes." With the great chief, fell five of his most trusty foU lowers, one of whom was his chief captain's son ; and the very Indian who fired the first gun at the com- mencement of the war. The barbarous usage of beheading and quartering traitors, \eas now executed upon the fallen Philip. His head was sent to Plimouth, where it was exposed upon a gibbet for twenty years, and his hands to Boston, where they were exhibited in savage triumph, and bis mangled body was denied the right of sepulture.* During the bloody contest, the pious faihers wrest- led long and often with their God, in prayer, that he would prosper their arms and deliver their enemies into their hands ; and when upon stated days of prayer the Indians gained advantage, it was looked upon as a rebuke of Providence, and animated them to greater sincerity and fervor ; and on the contrary, when their arms prevailed upon such days, it was viewed as an immediate interposition in their favor. The philoso- phic mind will be shocked at the expressions of some, very eminent in that day, for piety and excellence of moral life. Dr. Increase Mather,\ in speaking of the efficacy of prayer, in bringing about the destruction of the^Indians, says, "Nor could they cease crying to the * Authorities as heretofore. a ' t In his " Prevalence of Prayer," — page 10. '^66 PHILIP. / Lord against Philip, until they had prayed the bullet into his heart." And in speaking of the slaughter of Philip's people, at Narraganset, he says, "We have heard of two and twenty Indian captains, slain all of them, and brought down to bell in one day."* Again, in speaking of a chief who had sneered at the English religion, and who had, " withal, added a most hideous blasphemy, immediately upon which a bullet took him in the beach and dnshed out his brains, sending his cursed soul m a moment amongst the devils, and l)las- phemers in hell for ever."t Theoe extracts are made for no other purfiose than to 3how the habits of thinking, in those times. Like Massnsoit, Philip always op|»osed the introduc- tion of Christianity among bis {>eople. When Mr. Eliot urged upon Tiim its great importancf, he sa 1 he cared no mvre for the gospel than he did for a button upon his coat.f And Dr. Mather adds, «J as not long, before the hand which now writes, [17o0| upon a certain occasion took off the jaw frouj the exposed «(ttl/of that blasphemous leviathan; and the renowned Samuel Lee hath since been a pastor to an English congregation, sounding and showing the praises of her.ven, upon that very spot .»f ground, where Philip and his Indians were lately worshiping of the devil."§ The error that Philip was grand-son to Massascii, is Ro well known to be such, that it would hardly seem to have required notice, but to inform the reader of * /. Mather's Prevalence of Prayer. \ Ibid. 7. X Magnalia. § Mr. Lee was taken by the French in a voyage to Eng- land, and carried into that country where he died, in 1691. This event, it was thought, hastened his end. Perhapi the ■urviving natives did not attribute the disaster, to his usurp- ing their territory, and teachiffg a religion they could not believe ; but might they not with equal propriety ' ; PHILIP. 267 its origin. The following passage from Mr. Josselyn^s work,* will, besides proving hirn to be the author of the error, at least the first writer that so denominates him, furnish some valuable information. Speaking of the Indians in general, he says, " Their beads are their money ; of these, there are two sorts, blue beads and white beads ; the first is their gold, the last their silver. These they work out of certain shells, so cunningly, that neither Jeto nor devil can counterfeit. They drill them and string them, and make many curious works with them, to adorn the persons of their Sagamores and principal uien, and young women, as belts, girdles, tablets, borders for their women's hair, bracelets, neck- laces, and links to hang in their ears. Prince Philip, a little before I came for England, [1G71,] coming to Boston, had a coat on and buskins set thick with these beads, in pleasant wild works, and a broad belt of the same ; liis accoutrements were valued at £20. The English merchant giveth them iOs. a fathom for their white, and as much more, or near upon, for their blue beads." "The roytelet now of the Pocanakets is prince Philip^ alias Melacoriy the grand-son of Mcusa- soitr^ In November, 16(i9, Philip sold to the selectmen ot Dedham, the tract of land called Woollommonuppogue ♦'within the town bounds, [of Dedham,] not yet pur- chased." What the full consideration paid to him was, we do not learn. In an order which he sent to them aflerwards, he requests them " to pay to this hearer, for the use of king Philip, £5 5«. money — and £5 in trucking cloth, at money price." In a receipt ' Account of tvro Voyagea to New En'rland, 142-3. t Ibid, 140. He is also called grand-son of Massasoit in the work entitled Present State of Yew England, in resput to the Indian War Fol. Fondon : 1C76. f:i' « . 368 PHILIP. 1,14 signed by Peter^ the following amount is named : « In reference to the payment of kingP/it'/tp of Mount Hope, the full and just sum of £5 5^. in money, and twelve yards of trucking cloth — three pounds of powder, and us much lead as to make it up ; which is in full satis, faction with £10 that he is to receive of JVathaniel Pane:'* If Indian tradition do not err, some of the blood of the immortal Philip, now circulates in this city. The Rev. fVm. Apes, of the Independent Methodist order, .a Pequot, is preaciiing occasionally among us. He has seen u cheiiuered and various life, as appears by a book which he has published, entitled, "A Son of the Forest." He contemplates giving the traditionary, as well as the real history and antiquities, of the Pe- quots ; which must be a work desired by every one. Mr. Apes is thirty-four years of age, very active and intelligent. He makes a wide mistake in his life, by calling Philip king of the Pequots ; for Philip was not born when that tribe was destroyed. And there is no tradition that the Wampanoag chiefs ever claimed dominion over the Pequots, but on the contrary the latter were «a terror to all their neighbors." We will close this life with a few additions from a curious work.f Philip having resolved to war against the English, «' in order thereunto, his first errand is to Squaw Sachem, [Awashonks ?] who is the widow of a brother, [Alexander,] to king Philip, deceased ; he pro- mising her great rewards if she would join with him in his conspiracy, (for she is as potent a prince as any round about her, and hath as much corn, land, and men, et her command,) she willingly consented, and * MS. Documents among our State Papers, t Present State of New Blngiand, by a Merchant of JBottoa. Fol. London : 1676. PITIMEE. 269 was much more forward in the design, and had greater success than king Philip himself."* "Thus after king Philip had secured his iyterest in Squaw Sachem, (whom he perswaded that the English liad poysoned her husband, and thereupon she was the more willing to join with him,) he privately sent messengers," to the other Sachems.f The same author in relating the commencement of the Hvar, says, " About the 20th of June last, [1G75,] seven or eight of king Philip^s men came to Swanzey, on the Lord's day, and would grind a hatchet at an inhabitant's liouse there. The master told them it was the Sabbath day, and their God would be very angry if he should let them do it. They returned this answer ; " They knew not who his God was, and that they would do it fur all him or his God either." They then went to another house, and after taking some victuals, went away peaceably ; but meeting a man in the road, took him and kept him a short time, telling him he should not work on his God's day, and when they dismissed him charged him not to tell lies. PiawboiV^ a Natick, next to Waban, in the government and religious affairs of that tribe. When a church was established at Natick, in 1071, he wa3 made ruling elder. He was the father of Tuckapewil- lin, who at this time was the minister. "Ho brought many Indians with him, to the second meeting, at Wa- barCs house, on Nonantum," since Newton. M'itifnce^ (Andrew,) one of the six Christian In- dians who volunteered to go out with the English army, under major Savage, in March, 1676, and was their captain. II«5 is chiefly to be remembered, from that horrid affair, the murder of his wife and another woman, and three children, at a place called Whrrtle- * Present State of Ne\y England, p. 3, f Ibid, p. 4. » 5i70 fOCAHONTAS. berry-hill, in Watertown, by some Englishmen.* The particulars of which will be found under the account of Thomas Speen. He is naentioned but ojice by our best historian of those times, who in a single line sums up the whole business. Af\er mentioning that those of the enemy who had thought to have shelterd them- selves under Uncas, were " stabbed," off by him ; and that "they were in the beginning of the winter [of 1676,] brought into Boston, many of them, by Pdtr Ephraim and ./Indreto Pityme^ with their fellow8."t Pocnhontns^ daugther of one of the most cel- ebrated chiefs recorded in history ; whose name will always occupy one of the most conspicuous places in the annals of Virginia. It is impossible to say, what would have been the conduct of the great Powhatan, her father, towards the English, if he had been treated by the first English as he ought to have been. The uncommonly amiable, virtuous, and feeling disposition of his daughter, will always be brought to mind in reading his history ; and notwithstanding he is describ- ed by the historians as possessing a sour, morose, and savage disposition, full of treachery, deceit, and cun- ning — and whose word was never to be de|)ended upon, yet on the very page that thus represents him, we shall find the very example set h>m by the English. The first and most memorable events in the life of Pocahontaa, must necessarily be detailed in the ac- count of her father ; therefore, we shall, under her own name, give those which are more disconnected with his. Pocahontas was born about the year 1594 or 5, and hence was no more than twelve or thirteen years old, * Gookin's MS. Iliat. Praying Indians, t Hubbard History of the War, « POCAHONTAS. 271 norose, and when she saved the life of the celebrated capt. Smith, in 1607. Every particular of that most extraordinary scene will be exhibited, when we come to the life of Powhatan, where it more properly belongs. It will also be mentioned under that head, that at the sugges- tion of capt. JVewport, Smith went with a few men to Werowocomoco, to invite Powhatan to Jamestown to receive presents, hoping thereby to influence him to trade his corn with him. When he arrived at that place, Poivhatan was not at home, but was at the distance of thirty miles off. Pocahontas and her women received him, and while he waited for her father, they thus ciitertainod him ; which we will give in his own words. " In a fayre plaine field thoy made a fire, before which, he sitting upon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and shreckiiig, that the English hetooke themselves to their arms, and siezed on two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan with all his power, was come to surprise thorn. But pre- sently Pocahontas cnme, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended ; and the beholders, which wero men, women, and children, satisfied the captain there vvas no such matter. Then presently they were pre- sented with this anticke ; thirty young women came naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene leaues, their bodies all paint- ed, some of one color, some of another, but ail diflfer- ing. Their leader had a fayre payre of bucks homes on her head, and an otter-skinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrows in her hand. The next had in her hand a sword, and another a club, another a pot-sticke, all horned alike ; the rest every one with their seuerall devises. These fiends, with most hellish shouts and 272 POCAHONTAS. cryed, rushing from among tho trees, cast themselves in a ring alioiit the tire, singing and dancing with most excellent ill varietie, of\ failitig into (lieir infornali pas- sions, and solemnly again to sing and dauncc. Hav- ing spent nrare an honro in this nuiscarado, as they entreil, in like manner they departed." Afmr a short time they came and took tho English to their wig. wams. Here they were more tormi.nted tlian before, "with crowding, pressing, hanging nhont them, most tediously crying, ' Love yon not mo ? love you not?'" When they had finished their caresses, they set before them the best victuals their country afforded, and then showed them to their lodgings. In captain Smithes excursion into the country to sur- prise Powhafan, a melancholy accident hnp[iened to a boat's crew, which had been sent out in very severe weather, by one who was impatient to have the direc- tion of matters. In the boat were captain JVnldo, mas- ter Scrivener, the projector of the ex[)edition, Mr. AnCho- ny Gosnold, l)rother of the well known Bartholomew Gosnold, and eight others. By the sinking of the boat these all perished, and none knew what had become of them, until their bodies were found by the Indians. The very men on whom Smith depended to remain at the fort for his succor, if in case he sent for them, were among the number. Therefore, to prevent the failure of his project, some must be sent to apprise him of the catastrophy. None vohmteered for the hazard- ous service, but Mr. Richard WyJlfm^ who was obliged to undertake it alone. This being a time when Pow- hatan was very insolent, and urged the killing of (Smi/fc, Nevertheless, after many difficulties, he arrived at We- rowocomoco. Here he found himself amidst prepar- ations for war, and in still greater danger than he bad yet been. But Pocahontas appeared as his savior. POCAHONTAS. 273 Knowing the intention of the warriors to kill him, she first secreted him in the woods, and then directed those who sought him, in an opposite direction ; and by this means he escaped, and got safe to Smith at Pa- inunkey. This was in the winter of 1609. We next hear of her saving the Uffe of Henry Spil- man, who being one of thirty that went to trade, upon the confidence of Powhatan, and who were, all except Spilman, killed by his people. From 1609, Hhe time Sinith left the country, until 161 1, Pocakonlas was not seen at Jamestown. At this time she was treacherously taken prisoner by captain Argal, and kept by the English to prevent Powhatan from doing them injury, and to extort a great ransom from him, and such terms of peace as they should dictate. At the time she was betrayed into the hands of captain Argal, she was in the neighborhood of the chief of Potomack, whose name was Japazaws, a par- ticular friend of the English, and an old acquaintance of captain Smith. Whether she had taken up her re- sidence here, or whether she was here only upon a visit, we are not informed. But some have conjec- tured, that she retired here soon after Smilh''8 depar- ture, that she might not witness the frequent murders of the ill-governed English, at Jamestown. Captain Argal was in the Potomack river, for the purpose of trade, with his ship, when he learned that Pocahontas was in the neighborhood. Whether Japazaios had acquired his treachery from his intcrcourso among the English, or whether it were natural to liis disposition, we will not undertake to decide here ; but certain it is, that he was ready to practice it, at the instigation of Argal. And for a copper kettle for hiinself and a few toys for his squaw, did he deliver the innocent girl on board ArgaVs ship. It was effected, however, without 23 874 POCAHONTAS. compulsion, by the aid of his squaw. The captain had previously promised that no hurt should befall her, and that she should be treated with all tender- ness ; which should go as far as it may, to excuse Ja- pazaws. The plot to get her on board, was well con- trived. Knowing that she had no curiosity to see a ship, having before seen many, Japazaws wife pretend- ed great anxiety to see one, but would not go unless Pocahontas would go on board with her. To this she consented afler some hesitation. The attention with ■which they were received on board, soon dissipated all fears, and Pocahontas soon strayed from her be- trayers into the gun-room. The captain, watching his opportunity, told her she was a prisoner. When it was known to Japazaws and his wife, they feigned more lamentation than she did, to keep her in ignor- ance of the plot ; and af>er receiving the price of their perfidy, were sent ashore, and Argal with his pearl of great price, to Jamestown. On being informed of the reason why she was thus captivated, her grief, by de- grees, subsided. The first step of the English was to inform Powha- tan of the captivity of his daughter, and to demand of him their men, guns and tools, which he and his peo- ple 1 id from time to time taken and stolen from them. This unexpected news threw the old stern, calculating chief into a great dilemma, and what course to take he knew not ; and it was three months before he return- ed any answer. At the end of this time, by the ad- vice of his council, he sent hack seven Englishmen, with each a gun which had been spoiled, and this answer : that when they should return his daughter, he would make full satisfaction, and give them five hundred bushels of corn, and be their friend forever; that he had iio more guns to return, the rest being POCAHONTAS. 975 loBt They sent him word, that they would not re. store her, until he had complied with their demand ; and that as for the guns, they did not believe they were lost. Seeing the determination of the English, or his inability to satisfy them, was, we apprehend, why they " heard no more from him for a long time after." In the spring of the, year, 1613, Sir Thomas Dale took Pocahontas, and went with a ship, up PowhaiatCs river, to Werowocomoco, the residence of her father, in hopes to eftcct an exchange, and bring about a peace. Powhatan was not at home, and they met with nothing but bravadoes and a disposition to fight, from all the Indians they met with. After burning many of their habitations, and giving out threats, some of them came and made peace, as they called it, which opened the way for two of Pocahontas^ brothers to come on board the ship, where they expressed great joy at seeing their sister. A particular friendship had sometime existed be. tween Pocahontas and a worthy young Englishman, by the name of John Rolfe ; which at length growing into a sincere attachment, and being mutual between them, he made known his desire to take her for his com. panion. This being highly approved of by Sir Thomas Dale, and other gentlemen of high standing and autho- rity, was soon to take place. Acquainting her brother \Yith her determination, it soon came to the knowledge of her father also ; who as highly approving of it as the English, immediately sent Opachisco, her uncle, and two of his sons, to witness the performance, and to act as her servants upon the occasion : and in the beginning of April, 1613, the marriage was solemnized according to appointment. Powhatan was now their friend in reality ; and a friendly intercourse commen- ^, IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) <° 1.0 1.1 11.25 mt^ ■^y^s 125 2.2 us u 140 2.0 1^ % 7 4 %v > Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. USSO (716)S72-4S03 '^ .v^^ ^r^^ ':% f/i c\ \ 276 POCAHONTAS. ced, which was without much interruption, continoed until his death. ' Pocahontas lived happily with her husband, and be- came a believer in the English religion, and expressed BO desire to live figain among those of her own nation. When Sir Thomas Dale returned to England, in 1616, Pocahontas accompanied him, with her husband, and several other young natives. They arrived at Plimouth on the 12th of June of that year. She met with much attention in that country, being taken to court by the lord and lady Delaware, and others of distinction. She was at this time called the lady Rebecca. Her meeting with captain Smith, was affecting ; and at which time she thought herself, and very justly no doubt, too slightly noticed by him, which caused her much grief. Owing to the barbarous nonsense of the times. Smith did not wish her to call him father, as it would affect his standing among his countrymen ; being afraid of giving offence to royalty, by assuming to be the father of a king^s daughter. Yet he did not intend any cause of offence, and did all in his power to make her happy. At their first interview, after remain- ing silent some time, she said to him, '^You promis- ed my father, that what was yours should be his; and that you and he would l)e all one. Being a stran- ger in our country, you called P/)U}hatan father ; and I for the same reason, will now call you so. You were not afraid to come into my father's country, ani strike fear into every body, but myself; and are you here afraid, to let me call you father ? I tell you then^ I will call you father, and you shall call me child ; and 8o I will for ever be of your kindred and country. They always told us, that you were dead, and I knew not otherwise till I came to Plimouth. But Powhatan commanded Totnocomo to seek you out, and know the '■^■ »OCAttO!ftA8. 277 truth, because your countrymen are much ^ven to lying." Tomocomo is the same person mentioned by Smith, but he called him Uttamaccomack. He had married a sister of Pocahontas^ and was one of Powhatan's princi- pal counsellors. And as will be mentioned in the Hie of that chief, was sent to England as a spy, with orders to number the people, &c. ; and who, when he return- ed. It is said, was asked by his chief how many people there were ? and that he replied, " Count the stars in the skjf, the leaves on the trees, and the sand upon the sea shore — for such is the number of the people of England." The useful and worthy young Pocahontas, being about to embark for her native country, in the beginning of the year 1617, fell sick at Gravesend, and died ; having attained only the age of twenty-two years. She left one son, whose name was 7%>mas Rolfe, very young ; and whom sir Lewis Steukly, of Plimouth, de. sired to be lefl with him, to get his education. But from the unmanly part this gentleman took against the unfortunate Ralegh, he was brought into such merited disrepute, that he found himself obliged to turn all his attention to his own preservation ; and the son of Pocahontas was taken to London, and there edu. cated by his uncle, Mr. Henry Rolfe, He afterwards came to America, to the native country of his mother, where he was a gentleman of great distinction, pos- sessing an ample fortune. He left an only daughter, who married colonel Robert Boiling, and died, leaving an only son, major John Boiling, who was the father of colonel John BoUing, and several daughters. One of whom married col. Richard Randolph, from whom are descended thoflb bearing that name, in Virginia, at this day.* * Smith's Virginia, with addition! from Stith. 278 <*: TOtVK, if- Barlow thus notices Pocahontas i — ' " Blest Pocahontas! fear no lurking guife ; Thy hero's love shall well reward thy smile^ Ah, sooth the wanderer in his desperate pliffht^ Hide him by day, and calm his cares by nignt ; Tho' savage nations with thy vengeful sire, Pursue their victim with unceasing ire — And tho' their threats, thy startled ear assail, Let virtue's voice o'er filial fears prevail." — Columh, fotoh^ & famous Narraganset ebief, notorious for the stand be took against the promulgation of religion among that nation. When the war began with Philipf the Narragausets were thought to be inclining to bim^ and the army was ordered to Pettyquamscot to fight or treat with them according as they were disposed, Afler some parleying, a treaty was concluded, at great length ; to which no attention seems to have been paid, and as we may suppose,, no great sagacity wasre^ quired to foresee. At this negociation, PofoJb was a conspicuous chief,, although little or nothing is said of him in the printed accounts ; nor does it appear that he acquiesced in it, from the fact that bis name is not to the treaty. Indeed, we now find the best authority for such conclusion. It has been said, that at this- treaty, Potok ^ urged tk ploring the country, that hostile feelings were manifest- ed among the Indians, and he sent men on purpose to ascertain the fact, who on their return dissipated all fears. Major Roberts was a messenger to him, and took with him for a present, what he thought would be most agreeable to him, which was a quantity of Veau- de-vie. When it was presented, his men thinking it to be a stratagem to poison him, entreated him not to taste of it. But that the English should not in the least apprehend fear or disaffection in him, he said to his people present, **It is not possible that this man, who knows my love for him, who is also sensible of the great favors I have done him, can think of taking away my life." And taking the -spirit, drank it with as much confidence of its purity and good effect, as did Socrates his fatal cup. And adds the historian, <' Cent traits tPune iUvation parielle avoientjixi sur PoU' iheack les yeux des nalions sauvages. 11 vovioii Us retmtr tovtes sous les memes drapeauXj pour /aire respecter leur # FONTIAC. 281 [lakinak and ossession in nations who at the same lost conspi. d united the great kind-' Miamis, Ot- iiies, Missis- bagos, con. did that of oit, in 1763, Aniherat, he lad been ex> re manifest- n purpose to issipated all m, and took tit would be tity of Veau- binking it to 1 him not to I not in the n, he said to It this man, sensible of ik of taking Irank it with od effect, as he historian, fixi aur Pon- loit Us reunir reapeder hur ierntoire et leuriAddperulance. Dea drconataneea nudheu' reuses Jirent avorter ce grand project."* In the mean time several traders brought news to the fort at Micbilimakinak, that the Indians were hostile to the English. Major Etherington commanded the garrison, and would believe nothing of it. A Mr. Ducharme coniinunicated the information to the major, , who was much displeased at it, ^'and threatened to send the next person who should bring a story of the same kind, a prisoner to Detroit." f The garrison at this time, consisted of 90 men, be- sides two subalterns and the con)mander in chief. There were also at the fort four English merchants. Little regard was paid to the assembling of sundry bands of Indians as they appeared friendly ; but when nearly 400 of them were scattered up and down throughout the place, " I took the liberty," says Mr. Henry, " of observing to major Etherington, that in my judgment, no confidence ought to be placed in them ; in return the major only rallied me, on my timidity." On the fourth of June, the king's birth day, the In- dians began as if to amuse themselves to play at a fa- vorite gams of ball, which they called baggatiway, which is thus described by Mr. Henry, " It is played with a bat and ball, the bat being about four feet in length, curved and terminated in a sort of racket. Two posts are placed in the ground, at a considerable distance from each other, as a mile or nnore. Each party has its post, and the game consists in throwing the ball up to the post of th^ adversary. The ball, at the beginning, is placed in the middle of the course, and each party endeavors as well to throw the ball out of * Raynal,Hist. Philos. et. Politique, &c. iz. 89, ed. Gene- va, 1781. t Travels in Canada by Alexander Henry, Esq. from which this account of the destruction of Micbilimakinak is taken. :•' • 989 totntAC, the direction of its own post, as into ihat of the adver- sarys." This farce drew many off their guard, and some of the garrison went out to witness the sport. *'The game of baggatiway, (he continues,) as from the description above will have been perceived, is ne- cessarily attended with much noise and violence. In the ardor of contest, the ball, as has been suggested, if it cannot be thrown to the goal desired, is struck in any direction by which it can be diverted from that de- signed by the adversary. At such a moment, there- fore, nothing could be less liable to excite premature alarm, than that the ball should be tossed over the pickets of the fort, nor that having fallen there, it should be followed, on the instant, by all engaged in the game, as well the one party as the other, all eager, all striving, all shouting, all in the unrestrained pursuit of a rude athletic exercise." And this was their plan, while in the height of their game to throw their ball within the pickets of the fort, and then all to rush in, and in the midst of their hubbub, to murder the gar- rison, and the stratagem succeeded to their wishes. They struck the ball over the stockade, as if by acci- dent, and repeating it several times, running in and out of the fort with all freedom, " to make the deception more complete,'^ and then rushing in in every direc- tion, took possession of the place without the least resistance. - They murdered the soldiers until their numbers were so diminished that they apprehended nothing from their resistance. Many of whom were ransomed at Montreal afterwards, at a great price. Seventy were put to death, and the other twenty reserved for slaves. A few days after a boat from Montreal, without knowing What had happened, came ashore with English passengers, who all fell into the * Carver's Travels, 19, 20; edit. 8 vo, Lond. 1784. POItTIAC. 983 hands of the Indians. PonHac was not personally concerned in this affair, but it was a part of his design, and therefore is very properly here related. A chief named MenehwehnOf was the commander in chief.* When PotUiac was obliged to make peace afterwards at Detroit, he surrendered Michilimakinak again into the. hands of the English. The garrison at Detroit was closely besieged by Poniiac in person, before the n^ws of the massacre of fort Michilimakinak arrived there. It was garrisoned by about 300 men, and when Pontiac came with his warriors, although in great numbers, they were so intermixed with women and children, and brought so many commodities for trade, that no suspicion was excited, either in the mind of major Gladwiriy or the inhabitants. He encamped a little distance from the fort, and sent to the major to inform him that he was come to trade, and preparatory thereto, wished to hold a council with hi/n for the purpose of « brightening the chain of peace" between the English and bis people. No suspicion was yet entertained, and the m&jor readily consented, and the next morning was fixed upon for the council. The same evening a circumstance transpired which saved the garrison from a dreadful massacre. An In- dian woman who had made a pair of moccasins for major Gladtoin, out of a curious Elk skin, ^brought them home, and returned the remainder of the skin. Bejng much pleased with them, the major wished her to take the skin and make another pair, as he had con- cluded to give the others to a friend, and what was left to make into shoes for herself. She was then paid for her work and dismissed. But when those whose duty it was to see that the fort was clear of strangers, * Henry's Travels. ■'** 884 PONTUC. and to close the gates for the night, went upon their duty, this woman was found loitering in the area, and being asked what she wanted, made no reply. The major being informed of her singular demeanor, direct- ed her to be conducted into his presence, which being done, he asked her why she did not depart before the gates were shut. She replied, with some hesitation, that she did not wish to take away the skin, as he set so great a value upon it. . This answer was delivered in such a manner, that the major was rather dissatisfied with it, and asked her why she bad not made the same objection on taking it in the first place. This rather confused her, and she said that if she took it away now, she never should be able to return it. It was now evident that she \e put to one Jrning, they 3 treated his indness, and most trusty )ne to carry t too heavie, :hem, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree loaded with isickles, the yce and branches came so bumbling down, that the poore salvages ran away half dead with fear. But at last we regained some con- ference with them, and gave them such toyes, and sent to Powhatan^ his women, and children such pre- sents, and gave them in generall full content."* Powhatan was now completely in the English inter- est, and almost every other day sent his daughter, Poca- hontas, with victuals to Jamestown, of which they were greatly in need. Smith had told Powhatan that a great chief, which was captain JVeioport, would arrive from England about that time, which coming to pass as he had said, greatly increased his admiration of the wis- dom of the English, and he was ready to do as they desired in every thing ; and but for the vanity and ostentation of N'ewport, matters would have gone on well, and trade flourished greatly'to their advantage. But be lavished so many presents upon Powhatan, that he was in no way inclined to trade, and soon began to show his haughtiness, by demanding Ave times the value of an article, or his contempt for what was offered. By J^ewporVs imprudence, what had cost Smith so much toil and pains to achieve, was blown away by a single breath of vanity. Nevertheless, his great mind, continually exercised in difficult matters, brought the subtle chief again to his own terms. Himself, with JSTewport, and about twenty others, went to Powhatan^s residence to trade with him. "Wherein Powhatan carried himself so proudly, yet discreetly, (in his salv- age manner,) as made us all to admire his natural * This is captain Smith's own account, which I shall follow minutely ; adding occasionally from Stith, to illustrate the geography of the country. 35 398 POWHATAN. gifts." He pretended that it was far beneath kis dignity to trade as his men did. Thus his craft to obtain fivn) Newport his goods for whatever he pleased to give in return. Smith saw through the plot and advised JV*eti>- portj but he being determined to show himself with as much dignity as the Indian chief, was left to repent of his folly, like too many others, when it was too late. Smith was the interpreter in the business, and A*et/>porf the chief. Powhatan made a speech to him, when they were about to enter upon trading. He said, <' Captain J^etvport, it is not agreeable to any greatness, in this peddling manner to trade for trifles; and I esteem you also a great Werowance. Thei'efore lay me down all your commodities together ; what I like, I will take, and in recompense give you what I think fitting their value." Accordingly, JVetoport gave him all his goods, and received in return only about three bushels of corn, for what they expected to have had twenty hogsheads. This business created some hard thoughts between Smith and JVewport. If it add to raise Powhatan in our admiration, it can detract nothing from the character of Smithy to say that he was as wily as the great Indian chief. For with a few blue beads, which he pretended that he had shown him only by accident, and which he would hardly part with, as he pretended, because they were of great price, and worn only by great kings. This tantalization, had the desired effect, and Powhatan was so infatuated with the lure, that he was almost beside himself, and was ready to give all he had, to possess them.. " So that ere we departed," says my relation, •( for a pound or two of blew beades, he brought over my king for 2 or 300 bushells of come." An English boy was left with Powhatan^ by captain v^ortj to learn the language, manner, customs and POWHATAN. 909 geography of bis country ; and in return, he gave him ^amontackf one of his servants, of a shrewd and subtle capacity, whom he afterwards carried to England. Powhatan became offended with captain Smith when J^twport left the country, in 1G08 ; at whose departure he sent him twenty turkies, and demanded in return twenty swords, which were granted. Shortly after, he sent the same number to Smithy expecting the like return ; but being disappointed, ordered his men to seize' them wherever they could find them. This caused difficulty — many of the English being robbed of their swords, in the vicinity of their forts. They continued their depredations until Smith surpri/ed a number of them, from whom he learned that Powhatan was endeavoring to get all the arms in his power, to be able to massacre the English. When he found that his plot was discovered, he sent Pocahontas with presents, to excuse himself, and pretended that the mischief was done by some of his ungovernable chiefs. He directed her to endeavor to effect the re- lease of his men th^t were prisoners, which Smith consented to, wholly, as he pretended, on her account ; and thus peace was restored, which bad been continu- ally interrupted for a considerable time past. OiH the 10th of September, 1608, Smith was elected governor of Virginia. JVewportf going often to Eng- land, had a large share in directing the affairs of the colony, from his interest with the proprietors. He arrived about this time, and among other baubles, brought over a crown for Powhatan, with direction^ fbr his coronation ; which had the ill effect to make him value himself more than ever. J^ewport was iif- atructed to discover the country of the Monacans, a nation with whom Powhatan was at war, and whom they would assist him against. Captain Smiih was ■V ^ 300 , POWHATAN. I » sent to him to invite liim to Jamestown to receive presents, and to trade for corn. On arriving at Were- wocornoco, and delivering his message to tlie old chief, he replied, " If your king have Hint nie presents ] also am a king, and this is my land. Eight days I will stay to receive them. Your father [meaning jyivipwrt] is to come to mo, not I to him, nor yet to your fort — neither will I hito at such a hate. As for the Mona- cans, I can revenge my own injuries ; and as for At- quanachuck, where you say your hrother was slain, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it ; but for any suit water beyond the mountains, the relations you have had from my people are false." Some of them had made the English believe that the South sea, now called the Pacific ocean, was but a short distance back. To show Smith the absurdity of the story, he drew a map of the country, upon the ground. Smitk returned as he went, A house was built for him about this time, by some Germans, who came over with JVewport. These men thinking that the English could not subsist in the country, wantonly betrayed all the secrets of the Eng- lish to Powhatan^ which was again the source of much trouble. They indeed urged him to put all the Eng. lish to death, agreeing to live with him and assist him in the execution. Powhatan was pleased at the pro- position, and thought by their assistance to effect what he had formerly hoped to do by engaging Smithy in such an enterprise. Their first object was to kill captain Smith ; by which act the chief obstacle would be removed. Accordingly they took every means^ in their power to effect it. Having sent for Smith to come and trade with him, used every art he was master ofj to make him and his men to leave their arms behind them, but fuling, to avoid trading with him, absented POWHATAir. 801 hlmielf, until night, when he meant to come upon him with his people, and Iciil him in his cabin. Here he was again saved by PocaJumtas. She came alooe in a dismal night, through the woods, and informed Smith of her father's design. For this most signal favor, he offered her whatever he had, that he thought would picuse her, but she would accept of nothing. And with tears standing in her eyes, said if her father should see her with any thing, he would mistrust her, and instant death would be her reward ; and she rd- tired by herself into the woods, as she came. Powhatan was so exasperated at the failure of his plots, that he threatened death to his men if they did not kill Smith. Not long ailer, a circumstance occur* red, which gave him security the rest of his adminis tration. One of PowhaiaiCs men having by some means got a quantity of powder, pretended that he could manage it like the English. Several came about him, to witness his dexterity, when by some means it took fire, "and blew him, with one or two more, to death." This struck such a dread into them, and so amazed and frightened Powhatan, that they came from all directions, and desired peace ; many of whom re- turned stolen articles that the English had never miss- ed. He would now send to Jamestown such of his men as had injured the English, that they might be dealt with as they deserved. The same year, 1609, he sent them nearly half his crop of com, knowing them to be greatly in want. Captain Smith having by accident, been shockingly burned by his powder-bag taking fire, for want of sur- gical aid, was obliged to go to England and leave the country, to which he never returned. He published the account of the first voyages to Virginia, and his n adventures, which is almost the only authori^ 302 POWHATAir. for the early history of that country. He died in Lon- don, in 1631, in the 52d year of bis age. Thou thus admir'd, Didst make proud Powhatan, his subjects send, To lames his towne, thy censure to attend : And all Virgina's lords, and pettie kings, Aw'd by thy vertue, crouch, and presents brings, To gain thy grace ; so dreaded thou hast beene : Anu yet a heart more milde is seliome eeene."* The Dutchmen who had been so assiduous to bring ruin upon the colony, came to a miserable end. One of them died in wretchedness, and two others hrd their brains beat out by order of Powhatan, for their deception. After Smith had left Virginia, the Indians were made to believe that he was dead. Poivhatan doubted the report, and sometime after ordered one of his coun- sellors, named Ultamatomakin, or Tomocomo, who was tak?n to England, to find out, if possible, where he was. He instructed him, also, to note the number of the people — to learn the slate of the country, and if he found Smith, to make him show him the God of the English, and the king and queen. When he ar- rived at Plimouth, he took a long stick, and began to perform a part of his mission by cutting a notch for every person he should see. But he soon gave up that business. His remarkable speech is given in the life of Pocahontas. The difficulties were almost perpetual between Pow- hatan and the English ; very little time pae^jed, while he lived, but what was full of broils and dissatisfaction,, on the one part or the other. Few Indian chiefs will fall under our notice, possessing such extraordinary * Laudatory verses affixed to the Erst volume of bis history of Virginia. PVMttAM. 303 characteristics as Powhatan. He died at peace with the English, in April, 1618, and was succeeded by OpUchapan, his second brother, who was known after- wards by the name of Itopatin, Prophet^ an elder brother of Tecumseh, noted for his great success in spreading infatuation among his countrymen. He may justly be termed an impos- tor, as it was impossible that he could believe himself capable of performing superhuman actions. His his- tory being intimately connected with that of Tecumsehf what we have to say of him will appear under that head. His true name is Ellskwatawa. JPtflttllHllt. sachem of Shawomet, now War- wick in Rhode Island, a noble and heroic chief who died fighting valiantly in Philip^s w&r. We have been obliged already to say considerable concerning him in our accounts of Miantvnnomoh, Philip, and several oth- ers. In relating his capture and death, Mr. Hubbard says* " he was one of the stoutest and most valiant sa- chems that belonged to the Narragansets ; whose courage and strength was so great that after he had been mortally wounded in the fight so as himself could not stand ; yet catching hold of an Englishman that by accident came near him, had done him mischief if he had not been presently rescued by one of his fel- lows." This was in July, 1676. Pumhanif with a few followers, had for some time secreted themselves in Dedham f woods, where it was supposed they were " almost starved for want of victuals." In this sad con- dition they were fallen upon by the English under capt. Hunting, who killed fifteen and took thirty-five * Narrative, 100, 4to. edition. t WooUummonuppogue was its Indian name, or a put of it. w "'in l> 304 PUMHAM. of them without resistance.* They found here con- siderable plunder ; <' besides kettles, there was about half a bushel of Wampumpeag, Which the enemy lost, and twelve pounds of powder, which the captives say they had received from Albany but two days before."f A son of Pumham was among the captives, "a very likely youth," says Hubhard^X " and one whose counte- nance would have bespoke favor for him, had he not belonged to so bloody and barbarous an Indian as his father was." It would seem from this horrid account that he was put to death. Dr. Mather says he was carried prisoner to Boston. From the same author we must add to the revolting picture of the father's death. *'This Pumham, after he was wotmded so as that he could not stand upon his legs, and was thought to have been dead, made a shift, (as the soldiers were pursuing others,) to crawl a little out of the way, but was found again, and when an Englishman drew near to him, though he could not stand, he died, (like a beast,) in rage and revenge, get hold on the soldier's head and had like to have killed him, had not another come in to his help, and rescued him out of the enraged dying hands of that bloody barbarian." § A short time b-^fore this a grandson of this chief was killed by a party under Den{son,\\ " who was also a sachem, and another sachem called Chickon" Pum- harn's town was destroyed soon after the Narraganset fight, which it is said contained "near 100 wigwams.'* About 1645, Pumham and Soconnnoco complained to the court of Massachusetts, "that many Indians living * MS. Narrative of rev. T. Cobbet. t Narrative et supra, i Mather's brief Hist. 43. § MS. Documents. II Many write Dennison, but his own signature in my possession is as in the text. ({UANNAFOHIT. 305 twenty miles beyond them" have come and settled upon their lands, and they desired assistance to remove them, " they not being able themselves." * QuntleQUina^ brother of Massasoitf and proba- bly o( Akkompom, or Unkompaen. All that can be gath- ered of him is related in the Life of Massasoit. His name is among those subscribed to articles of submis- sion. QunnOHCheim the same as Cnnonchet, which see. Dr. Mather usually began him with a q, but Mr. Hubbard always with a c. In speaking of his death, the former f says he " he was a principal ringleader in the Nan-aganset war, and had as great an interest and influence as can be said of any among the Indians;" and that " the English caused the Pequods, Mohegans, and Ninnegret Indians to joyn together in shooting him." Quannnpohity (James,) called alsoQuanapmg. His history being so entirely interwoven with 'that of Job Katenanit that we have given it in connexion with that head, except some particulars which have come to light since that was written.): The following relates to his mission in company with Katenanit among the Nipmuks in the character of a spy. At Wanexit,X>r Manexit, they fell in with seven Indians who took them and coBveyed them about twenty miles, across the path leading to Connecticut, northward from Quabaog. These were some of the Quahmsits and Segunesits. At this place were three towns which con- tained about 300 wstrriors well armed. Here they were threatened with death, their mission being truly guessed. But going to the wigwam of One-eyed-john, or Monaco, * MS. Documents. t Brief Hist, the War. t MSS. in Lib, Mass. Hist. Soc. ' " 806 qUiNAPOHlT. j'f Dip he charged his gun and said, "I will kill tthomsoever shall kill Quanapohit." Some said he had killed one o( Philip'' s counsellors at Mount Hope, and Philip had hired some to kill him ; also James Speen, Andrew Pitimy, capt. Hunter, Thomas Qiianapohit, and Peter Ephraim. On being ordered to visit Philip, as is re- lated under the head before named, " Job and he pre- tended to go out a hunting, killed three dear quickly, and perceiving they were dogged by some other In- dians, went over a pond and lay in a swamp till before day, and when they had prayed together he ran away." Job was to return to the enemy and tell them that James ran away because they had threatened to kill him. Job, not being particularly obnoxious to them, conclud- ed to remain longer for the end of ransoming his children. While James was there, " a Narraganset brought to them one English head, they shot at him, and said the Narragansets were the English friends all last summer. Afterwards two messengers came with twelve heads, craving their assistance, they then accepted them." QuanupohHy (Thomas,) called also Rurfmey- marsh, a brother of the preceding, a Christian Indian. In the beginning of hostilities against Philips major Gookin received orders to raise a company of praying Indians to be employed against him. This company was immediately raised, and consisted of fifty-two men, and w^e conducted to Mount Hopf, by capt. Isaac Johnson. Quanapoliit was one of these. The office)^ under whom they served testified to their credit as faithful soldiers ; yet many of the army, ofhcers and men, tried all in their power to bring them into disre- pute with the country. Such proceedings, we should naturally conclude, would tend much to dishearten those friendly Indians ; but on the contrary they used QVANAPOHIT. 307 every exertion to win the affection of their oppressors. Quanapohitf with the? other two, received from govern- ment a reward for the scalps which they brought in. Though not exactly in order, yet it must be mention- ed that when Thomas was out, at or near Swansey, in the beginning of the war, he by accident had one of his hands shot off. He was one of the troop, and carried a gun of remarkable length. The weather being ex- cessively hot, his horse was very uneasy, being dis- turbed by flies, and struck the lock of the gun as the breach rested upon the ground, and caused it to go off, which horribly mangled the hand that held it ; and notwithstanding it was a long time in getting well, yet he rendered great service in the war aflerward. One signal exploit having been preserved shall here be re- lated. While capt. Henchman was in the enemy's country he made an excursion from Hassanamesit to Packachoog, which lies about ten miles N. W. from it. Meeting here with no enemy, he marched again for Hassanamesit, having got a few miles on his way, discovered that he had lost a tin case which con- tained his commission and other instructions. He therefore dispatched Thomas and two Englishmen in search of it. They made no discovery of the lost arti- cle until they came in sight of the old wigwam pt Pacha- choog, where, to their no small surprise, they discov- ered some of the enemy in possession of it. They were but a few rods frorh them, and being so few in number, to have given them battle would have been desperate in the extreme, as neither of them were arm- ed for such an occasion. Stratagem therefore could only save them. The wigwam was situated upon an eminence ; and some were standing in the door when they approached, who discovered them as soon as they came in sight. One presented his gun, but the weath- 308 RED JACKET. er being stormy it did not go off. At this moment our chief looking back, called, and made many gestures, as though he were disposing of a large force to encom- pass them. At this manoeuvre they all fled, being six in number, leaving our heroes to pursue their object. Thus their preservation was due to Qtianapohit ; and is I the more to be admired, as they were, in so far, desti- tute of .the means of defence. Capt. QuanapoMt had but a pistol, and one of his men a gun without a flint, and the other no gun at all.^ QuU880n^ (John,) a sachem of Monnamoit, and another called Mattaqunson, sold a large tract of that island, in 1672, to William JVickerson, for the consider- ation of one shallop, ten coates of trucking cloth, six kettles, twelve axes, twelve hoes, 12 knives, forty shil- lings in wompum, a hat, and twelve shillings in money. This same chief was called also Towsowet. Quinapin^ one of the Narraganset sachems, whose real name, I apprehend was Panoquin, and was blended with it by the early writers. Quaiapen,Quan- opin, Quenoquin and Quinapin, we therefore consider the same, and names of the squaw Sachem Magnus, whose history has been given. " Sachem Quanepin's brother" was wounded in the Narraganset fight, 19th Dec. 1675, and died soon afler.f QuiSSOQUUS^ a name found among our state papers, but which it appears is no other than Pessacus, which see. Red'jachet^ the English name of a celebrated _ chief among the Six Nations. His place of residence (in 1827) was a few miles from Buffalo, at the Seneca missionary station. A part of the Indians who reside * Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians, t Present State New England, p. 13, by a Merchant of Boston, Fol. London, 1676. RED-JACKET. 309 here are Christians, but Red-jacket will not hear to any thing of the kind. He was formerly considered of su- perior wisdom in council, and of a noble and dignified behaviour which would have honored any man. But, like all his race, he could not withstand the temptation of ardent spirits, which, together with his age, renders liini now of less notice. Formerly, scarce a traveller passed near his place of residence who would not go out of his way to see this wonderful man, and to hear Ills profound observations. In the year 1825, a council was held at Bufllilo, in the state of New York, at which was present many of the Seneca chiefs and warriors, assembled at the re- quest of a missionary from Mtissachusetts. It was at this time that Red-jacket delivered his famous speech, ahout which so much has been said and written, and which we pro[)ose to give heic at length, and correctly, as some omissions juul errors were contained in it as published at the time. It may be taken as genuine, at least as nearly so as the Indian language can be translated, in which it was delivered, for Red-jacket would not speak in English, although he understood if. The missionary first made a speech to the Indimis, in which he explained the object for which he had called them together; namely, to inform them that he wus sent by the missionary society of Boston to instruct them " how to worship the Great Spirit," and not to gfc* ■!\v:'y their lands and money : that there was but one religion, and unless they embraced it they could not be happy : that they had always lived in darkness and great errors all their lives ; he wished that if they had any objections" to his religion they would state them : that he had visited some smaller tribes who waited their decision before they would consent to re- ceive him, as they were thoir '« older brothers." 2Q '■' '"- ''^: V 310 RED-JAOKEr. Afler the missionary had done speaking, the Indians conferred together about two hours, by themselves, when they gave an answer by Red-jacket, which fol- Jows. " Friend and brother, it was the will of the Great Spirit that we should meet together this day. He or- ders all things, and he has given us a fine day for our council. He has taken hii garment from before the sun, and caused it to shine with brightness upon us ; our eyes are opened that we see clearly ; our ears are unstopped that we have been able to hear distinctly the words that you have spoken ; for all these favors we thank the Great Spirit, and him only. Brother, this council fire was kindled by you ; it was at your request that we came together at this time ; we have listened with attention to what vou have said ; you requested us to speak our minds freely ; this gives us great joy, for we now consider that we stand up- right before you, and can speak what v^'e think ; all have heard your voice, and all speak to you as one man ; our minds are agreed. « Brother, you say you want an answer to your talk before you leave this place. It is right you should have one, as you are a great distance from home, and we do not wish to detain you ; but we will first look' back a little and tell you what our fathers have told us, and what we have heard from the white people. «* Brother, listen to what toe say, There was a time when our forefathers owned this great island,* Their 43eata extended from the rising to the setting sun. The Great Spirit had made It for the use of Indians. He had created the buffalo, the deer, and other animals for food. He made the bear, and the beaver, and their * A general opinion among all the Indians that this coun^ try was an island. . '• HfD-JACKEt. dii skins served us for clothing. He had scattered them over the country, and taught us how to take them, lie had caused the earth to produce corn for bread. All this he had done for his red children because he loved them. If we had any disputes about hunting grounds, they were generally settled without the shed- ding of much blood ; but an evil day came upon us ; your fo re fathei*s. crossed the grSat waters, and landed on this island. Their numbers were small ; they found friends and not enemies ; they told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men, and come here to enjoy their religion. They asked for a small seat ; \ye took pity on them, granted their re- quest, and they sat down amon'^st us: we gave tKem corn and meat : they gave us poison* in return. The white people had now found our country, tidings were carried back, and more came amongst us ; yet we did not fear them, we took them to be friends ; they called us brothers ; we believed them and gave them a larger seat. At length their numbers had greatly increased ; they wanted more land ; they wanted our country. Our eyes were opened, and our minds became uneasy. Wars took place ; Indians were hired to fight against Indians, and many of otu* people were destroyed. They also brought strong liquors among us: it* was strong and powerful, and has slain thousands. '^ Brother, our seats were once large, anu yours were very small ; you have now become a great people, and we have scarcely a place left' to spread our blankets; you have got our country, but are not satisfied ; you want to force your religion upon us. •" Brother, continue to listen : You say that you are sent to instruct -us how to worship the Great Spirit hat this coun^ .» Spirituous liquor is alluded to, it is supposed. 312 RED-JACKET. agreeably fo his mind, and if we do not take hold of tlio religion which you white people teach, we shall bo unhappy Jiereaftor : you say that you are right and we arc lost ; how do we know this to be true ? Wo under- stand that your religion is written in a book ; if it was intended for us as well as you, why lias not the Great Spirit given it to us, and not only to us, but why did he not give to our foncfathcrs the knowledge of that book, with the means of understanding it riglitly ? We only know what you tell us about it ; how shall we know when to believe, being so often deceived by the white people. '^Brother, you say .there is but one way to worship and serve the Great Spirit ; if there is but one religion, Avliy do you white people differ so much about it ? why not all agree, as you can all read the book? *^ Brother, we do not understand these things; wo arc told that your rcfigion was given to your fore- fathers, and has been handed down from father to son. Wo also iiave a religion which was given to our forcfathors, and has been handed down to us llicir children. >Ve worship lliat way. It teachdh us to he thankful for all the favors ive receive ; to love each other, and to be united; we never quarrel about re- ligioti. " Brother, the Great Spirit has made us all : but he lias made a great diflerence between his white and red children ; he has given us a difterent coni])Ic?iion, and different customs ; to you he has given tiie arts : to these he has not opened our eyes : we know these things to be true. Since he has made so great a dif- ference between us in Other things, why may we not conclude that he has given us a different religion ac- cording to our understanding; the Great Spirit does right ; he knows what is best for his children ; we are satisfied. RED-JACKET. 313 take hold of 1, we shall be right and we ? Wo under' ok ; if it was lot the Great but why did ledge of that rightly? We )w shall we :eived by the "i to worship one religion, )outit? why things ; wo your fore- lu father to I'as given to down to us It tcac/idh us to love each :l about I'e- all : l)ut he liite and red )le.Tcion, and ho arts : to know these great a dif- lay we not religion ac- Spirit does en ; we are \ «» Brother, we do not wish to destroy your religion, or take it from you, we only want to enjoy our own. « Brother, you say you have not come to get our land or our money, but to enlighten our minds. I will now It II you that I have been at your meetings and eaw you collecting money from the meeting. I can- not tell what this money was intended for, but sup[)ose it was for your minister, and if we should conform to your way of thinking, perhaps you may want some from us. " Brother, we are told that you have been preaching to white people in this place ; these people are our neighbors ; we are acquainted with them, we will wait a little while and see what effect your preaching has upon them. If we find it does them good, makes them honest, and less disposed to cheat Indians, we will then consider again what you have said. ^^ Brother, you have now heard our answer to your talk, and this is all we have to say at prosunt. As we are "going to part, we will come and take you by. the hand, and hope the Great Spirit will protect you on your journey, and return you safe to yoin* friends." The chiefs and others then drew near the missiona- ry to take him by the hand, but he would not receive them, and hastily rising from his seat, said, "that there was no fellowshij) between the religion of God and the works of the devil, and therefore could not join hands with them." Upon this being interpreted to them "they smiled, and retired in a peaceable manner." Red-jacket took part with the Americans in the war of 18r2, but was not distinguished for that prodigality of life which marked the character of Tecwnseh, and many others, but on all occasions was cool and collect- ed, lie was living recently. A very excellent likeness of him may be seen in the Talisman for 1829. 314 ROIilNIIOOI). Tho fatuous Scnoca eliief, called the Farmer* s-hroth- CTy is oftoii montioiiod in thu accounts of Red-jacket. His native nuino was llo-na-ya-wiut. Ono of iiis most celebrated speeches was delivered in q coinicil at Gon- csoo river, in 1708, and after being interpreted was signed by tlic chiefs present, and sent to the Legishu ture of Now York. lie was a great warrior, and al- though "eighty snows in years" when the war of 1812 began, yet he engaged in it, and fought with the Ameri- cans. IIo did not live till its close, but died at tlie Soncca village just after battle of IJridgewatcr, and was interred with military honors by the fifth regi- ment of U. S. iijfantry. He usually wore a medal |)rc- Bcnted liiui by Gen. Washijigton. In tho revolution he fought successfully against the Americans. Per- haps there never flowed from the lips of man a more fiublime metaphor than that made use of by this chief, in a speech, when alluding to the revolutionary contest : " The Great Spirit s[)oke to the whirlwind, and it was n '» sti. Slohiil, Several persons bore this name. One especially deserves notice, mentioned by Rlr. Cohhd* us saving tho town of Ipswich from a meditated attack by the Tarratines, aljout iCuil. At this time there were belonging to tho town between twenty and thirty inhabitants. The Indians came well armed and in forty canoes, but finding themselves discovered, drew off. Mr. Jossdijn\ mentions two of thoiuuno. Anoth- er is often mentioned in tho records of the United Colonies, but of not much interest. MRobiilhOOil ^ i ^vell known chief in his time, among the Torratines, or eastern nations. His resi- dence was near the mouth of the Kennebcck, in 1(549, as a|)pears from his selling the island of Jcrremysquam, * MS. Narrative, 1 Voynges to N. England. 8AMOSET. 315 mer'^s.hroth' Jietl-jackct. of iiJH most "ciJ at G'on- rprutdd WQ8 Je Legisliu nor, (iiid nl- vvurofl 81 2 the Anicri- ied nt tlio tor, nnd was iUWi legl- I rnt'dul \no- icvoliition caus. por- mill n more y tJiis chief, ary contest : , and it wag in'iie. One ^Ir. Cohhd* tated attack time iJiero f and thirty led and in •'JC'd, <]re\v 0. Anotli- thc United ' his time, His resi- k, in 1049, iniysquam, . Encjland. on the cast side of that rivor, to the English. In 1054 • ho sold to Edward Bnttman and John Brown, Negnaa- Beap, Hiiice called Woolwich. At •the commencement of Philip^a war the English hegan to diHarm all the In- dians on the coast, which may he thought a isuf!icient reason for their connnitting hostilities. The next day aller the disarming began, Robinhood, the Kennebeck chief, called together his people aiidhiade a dance, and imtnediately withdrawing from the neighborhood of the whites, soon arter began the eastern war. Pcr- ha|Ks his real name was RogomokJ* In 1()(]3 he is mentioned as a Sachem of note among the eastern chiefs.f f^adHOSet, " Welcome, Englishmen ! welcome. Englishmen !" are words so inseparably connected >vith the name of Samoset, that we can never hear the one without the pleasing association of the other. These were the first accents our pilgrinj fathers heard from any native. They had seen Indians before Sam- oset, but who would only "show themselves afar off." It was on Friday, the Kith of IMarch, that he came to Plirnouth ; and says Mourt, " he very boldly came all alone, and along the. houses, strait to the rendezvous, where we intercepted him, not suffering him to go in, as undoubtedly he would, out of Ids boldness." Ho was naked, " only a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long." It was cold, and the pil- grims covered him, very humanely, with «'a horsc- nian's coat." At night be lodged in the house of Stephen Uopk'in^, but the pilgrims warrily watched him. He told them he was a Sachem of Morattiggon, a place "lying hence, [to the eastward] a day's sail, with a good wind." — " He was a tall, straight man ; the hair * Compare Sullivan, 1'14 with 297. t Josselyn's Voyages. 316 8ASSACUS. •.of his head black, long behind, only short before j none on his face at all." He told the English, that the place where tliey were was call Patuxet, and that about four years before, all the inhabitants died of a plagu'). Savn^ (Sagamore.)" See Shoshanim. Sanipso^n^ brother to Joseph, and kinsman of Memecho, which see. Sampson, notwithstanding the very great service rendered in the affair of Hutchinson and Wheeler, at Quabaog, was so ill treated, that both he and George Memecho afterwards joined the enemy ; the former was killed in fight, and the latter taken prisoner and sold into slavery. ISuSStiCttSy chief of the Pequots, whose name was a terror to all the neighboring tribes of Indians. His tribe was locatq^ upon the Thames and its branches, * then called Pequot river, from these natives, which flows into Long Island Sound, at New London, in Connecticut. Having for a long time exercised their power without restraint among their countrymen, ac- „ cording to the custom of savage nations, which was a right always assumed by the strongest, and yet too much the case with those nations calling themselves civilized. The Pequots, therefore, extended the same carriage towards the English as to the rest of their neighbors — killing such as came in their way, who refused a compliance with their demands. Captains Stone, JVorlon, and Oldham, were successively murder- ed by thetn, in and about Connecticut river. The English could get no satisfaction, and beings assured of the assistance of t?iT Narragansets, determined to subdue them. Early in the summer of 1637, forces from Connecticut, under captain John Mason, and from Massachusetts, under captain Israel Stoughton, entered Ijpon this expedition. A part of the Massachusetts ^^1 ^ASSACVSi 817 forces only, under captain Underhill, who was before . stationed at Saybrook fort, shared in the taking of the strong fort of Sassactis. This fort was situated upon an eminence in the present town of Groton, Connecti- cut. The English arriveQ in its vicinity, on the 25th of May ; and on the 3Gth, before day, with about 500 Indians, encompassed it and began a furious attack. The Mohegans and Narragansets discovered great fear on approaching the fort, and could not believe that the English would dare to attack it. When they came to the foot of the hill on which it was situated, captain Mason was apprehensive of being abandoned by them, and making a halt, sent for Uncas, who led the Mohe- gans. and Wequash, their pilot, who was a fugitive Pe- quot chief, and urged them not to desert him, but to follow him at any distance they pleased. These In- dians had all along told the English they dared not fight the Pequots, but boasted how they would fight themselves. Mason told them now tliey should see whether Englishmen would fight or not. Notwith- standing their boastings, they could not overcome the terror which thfe name of Sassncus had inspired in them, and they kept at a safe distance, until tUe fight was over ; but assisted considerably in rej)elling the attacks of the Pequots, in the retreat from the fort ; — for the Pequots on recovering from their consternation collected in a considerable body, and fought the con- federates for many niilcs. The English had but seventy-seven men, ■'.hich were divided into tw'o companies, one led by Mason, and the other by Undtrhill. The Indians were all within their fort, asleep in their wigwams, and the 1)arking of a dog was the first notice they had of the approach of the enemy,, yet very few knew the cause pf the alarm, until met by the naked swords of the di8 SASSACtS. V foe. The fort had two entrances at opposite points, into which each party of English were led, sword in band. '« Wanux ! wanux /" * was the cry of Sassacus^ men ; and such was their surprise, that they made very feeble resistance. Having only their own missile weapons, bows and arrows, they could do nothing at hand to hand with the English broad-swords. They were pursued from wigwam to wigwam, and slaugh- tered in eveiy secret place. Women and children were cut to pieces, while endeavoring to hide them- selves in and under their beds. At length fire was set in the mats ;hat covered the wigwams, which furi- ously spread over the whole fort, and the dead and dying were together consumed. A part of the English had formed a circumference upon the outside, and shot such as attempted to fly. Many ascended the pickets to escape the flames, but were shot down by those stationed for that purpose. About 600 persons were supposed to have perished in this fight ; or perhaps I should say, massacre. There weVe but two English killed, and about twenty wounded. Sassacus, himself, was in another fort, and being informed of the ravages of the English, destroyed his habitations, and with about eighty others, fled to the Mohawks, who treach- erously beheaded him. Notwithstanding the great slaughter at Mistic, there were great numbers of Pequots in the country, and were hunted from swamp to swamp, and their num- bers thinned continually, until a remnant promised to appear no more as a nation. The English under captain Stoughton, came into Pequot river about a fortnight after the Mistic fight, * Mien's History of the Peqaot War. It signified, Englishr men ! Englishmen ! In Mason's history, it is written Owanux. Mien merely copied from Mason, with a few such variation?. SA8SACU3. 319 and assisted in the work of their externnination. After his arrival in the enemy's country, he wrote to the governor of Massachusetts, as follows: "By this pin- nace, you shall receive forty-eight or fifty women and children, unless there stay any htre to be helpful, &c. Concerning which, there is one, 1 formerly mentioned, that is the fairest and largest that I saw amongst them, to whom I have given a coate to cloathe her. It is my desire to have her for a servant, if it. may stand with your good liking, else not. There is a little squaw that steward Culacut desireth, to whom he hath given a coate. Lieut. Davenport also desireth one, to wit, a small one, that hath three strokes upon her stomach, thus: — |{{ +. He desireth her if it will stand with your good hking. Sosomon, the Indian, desireth a young little squaw, which I know not. "At present, Mr. Haynes, Mr. Ludlo, captain Masorif and thirty men are with us in Pequot river, and we shall the next week joine in seeing what we can do against Sassacus, and another great Sagamore, Mono- waituck. \Mononoilo.'\ Here is yet good work to be done, and how dear it will cost, is unknown. Sassa- cus is resolved to sell his life, and so the other with their company, as dear as they can."* Perhaps it will be judged that Stougldon was look-u ing more after the profit arising from the sale of cap- tives, than for warriors to fight with. Indeed, Mason^& account does not give him much credit. The Pequot war has generally been looked upon with regret, by all good men, since. To exterminate a people before they had any opportunity to become enlightened, that is, to be made acquainted with the reason of other usages towards their fellow beings * Manuscript letter of captain Stoughtmi, on file among our State Papers. 320 SA9SAM0N. than those, in which they had been brought up, is a great cause of lamentation ; and if it proves any thing, it proves that great ignorance and barbarism lurked in the hearts of their exterminators. We do not exclude by 'these remarks, the great body of the present inhab- itants of the earth from such barbarism. * Dr. Dwight thus closes his poem upon the destruc- tion of the Pequots : " Indulge, my native land ! indulge the tear, That steals, iinpassioii'd, o'er a nation's doom. To me each twig, from Adam's Stock, is near, And sorrows fall upon an Indian's tomb. And, O ye chiefs ! in yonder starry home. Accept tive humble tribute of tliis rhyme. Your gallant deeds, in Greece, or haughty Rome, By Maro sung or Homer's liarp sublime. Had charm'd the world's wide round, and triumph'd over time. Greenfield Hill, p. 104-5. SfiSSfimOH* III our account of Philip, it was necessary to speak particularly of this Christian In- dian, but as every thing concerning him is of peculiar, interest, we add the following extract from an exceed- ingly scarce tract.* "About five or six years since, [1G75,] there was brought up, amongst others, at the college at Cambridge, (Mass.) an Indian, named Soso- mon ; who, after some time he had spent in preaching the gospel to Uncos, a Sagamore Christian in his terri- tories, was, by the authority of New Plimouth .sent to preach in like manner to king Philip, and his Indians. But king Philip, (heathen-like,) instead of receiving the gospel, would immediately have killed this Sosomon, but by the persuasion of some about him, did not do it, but sent him by the hands of three men to prison ; * Entitled, The Preterit State of New England, 4to. Lon- don. 1675. 80C0N0N0C0. 391 who, as he was going to prison, exhorted and taught thena in the Christian religion. They not Uking his discourse, immediately murthered him after a most barbarous manner. They returning to king Philip^ acquainted him with what they had done. About two or three months after this nuirther, being discovered to the authority of New Plimouth, Josiah Winslow be- ing then governor of that colony, care was taken to find out the murtherers, who upon search were found and apprehended, and, afler a fair trial, were all hang- ed. This so exasperated king Philip, that from that day after, he studied to be revenged on the English — judging that the English authority had nothing to do to hang an Indian for killing another."* ScOXWay, * The first f or travel- i many, as le camp is ngs to the which he aves it no own to us, !orrespond it may give h ought to ithor from was, « that ea coasts, the ]akes, md where nds us of lies, when barbarians I beats us ve are ex- drowned ns against imidst his Jid, « that his conti. ion of all he Shaw- lich they had been 'rison, purchased from the Miamies, who were the true and original owners of it. That it was ridiculous to assert that all the Indians were one nation ; for if such had been the intention of the Great Spirit, he would not have put six different tongues into their heads, but have taught them all to speak a language, that all could understand. That the Miamies found it for their interest to sell a part of the'" lands, and receive for them a further annuity, the in> ?fit of which they had long experienced, from the ) ' i-ty with which the seventeen fires [the seventeen • i.t. a States,] com- plied with their engagements ; and that the Shawanese had no right to come from a distant country and con- trol the Miamies in the disposal of their own property." The governor then took his seat, and the interpreter proceeded to explain to Tecumseh what he had said, who, when he had nearly finished, suddenly interrupt- ed him, and exclaimed, "/< is all false ;" at the same time giving to his warriors a signal, they seized their war clubs and sprung upon their feet, from the green grass on which they had been sitting. The governor now thought himself fn iminent danger, and freeing himself from his arm-chair, drew his sword and pre- pared to defend himself. He was attended by some ofiicers of his government, and many citizens, more numerous than the Indians, but all unarmed. Most of whom, however, seized upon some weapon, such as stones and clubs. Tecumseh continued to make gestures and speak with great emotion, and a guard of twelve armed men stationed in the rear ^frere order- ed up. For a few minutes it was expected blood would be shed. Major G. R. Floyde, who stood near the governor, drew his dirk, and Winnemak cocked his pistol, which he had ready primed ; as he said Tecxi,m- ath had threatened his life for having signed the treaty 88 ■MM mmtmm 334 TECUMSEQ. and sale of the disputed land. A Mr. WiiuUy the Methodist minister, ran to the governor's house, and taking a gun, stood in thp door to defend the family. On being informed what Tecumseh had said, the governor replied to him, that " he was a bad man — that he would have no further talk with him — that he must return to his camp, and set out for his home im- nudiately." Thus ended the conference. Tecumseh did not leave the neighborhood ; but the next morning having reflected upon the impropriety of his conduct, sent to the governor to havft the council renewed, and apologized for the affornt offered. To which the gov- ernor after some time consented ; having taken the precaution to have two additional companies of armed men in readiness, in case of insult. Having met a second time, Tecumseh was asked whether he had any other grounds, than those he had stated, by which he could lay claim to the land in question. To which he replied, "No other." Here, then, was an end of all argu nent. The indignant soul of Tecumseh, could not buf be enraged at the idea of an "equivalent for a country," or what meant the same thing ; a compensation for land, which oflen repeated, as it had been, would soon amjourd to a country ! "The behavior of Tecumseh at this interview, was very dif- ferent from what it was the day before. His deport- ment was dignified and collected, and he showed not the least disposition to be insolent. He denied having any intention of attacking the governor, but said he had been advised by white men,"^ to do as he had done ; that two white men had visited him at his place of residence, and told him that half the white people were opposed to governor Harrison, and willing to re- linquish the land, and told him to advise the tribes * Memoirs of £farrt«on. TECtmSER. 335 not to receive pay for it ; for that the governor would l)e soon put out of office, and a « good man" sent in his place, who would give up the land to the Indians, The governor asked him whether he would prevent the survey of the land, he replied that he was deter- mined to adhere to the old boundary. Then arose a Wyandot, a Kikapbo, a Patowatomie, an Ottawa, and a Winnebago chief, each declaring his determination to stand by Tecumseh^ whom they had chosen their chief. After the governor had informed Tecumseh that his words should be truly reported to the President, alleging at the same time, that he knew the land would' not be relinquished, and that it would be maintained by the sword, the council closed. The governor wished yet to prolong the interview, and thought that possibly Tecumseh might appear more submissive, should he meet him in his own tent. Ac- cordingly he took with him an interpreter, and visited the chief in his camp the next day. The governor was received with kindness and attention, and con- versed with him a considerable time. On being asked by the governor, if his determination really was as he had expressed himself in the council, and he said *♦ Yes." And added, " that it was witl. great reluc- tance, he would make war with the United States — against whom he had no other coniplainf, but their purchasing the Indian's land ; that he was extremely anxious to be their friend, and if he, (the governor,) would prevail upon the President to give up the lands, lately purchased, and agree never to make another treaty, without the consent of all the tribes, he would be their faithful ally, and assist them in all their wars with the English ;" whom he knew were always treat- ing the Indians like dogs, clapping their hands, and hallowing stu-boy. That he would much rather join 336 TECUMSEH. the seventeen fires ; but if they would not give up said lands, and comply with his request in other re- spects, he would join the English. When the gover- nor told him there was no probability that the Presi- dent would comply, he said, <» Well, as the great chief is to determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit will put sense enough into his head, to induce him to di- rect you to give up this land. It is true, he is so far off, he will not be injured by the war. He may sit still in his town, and drink his wine, whilst you and I will have to fight it out." He had said before, when asked if it were his determination to make war unless his terms were compHed with, *< It is my determination ; nor will I give rest to my feet, until I have uuited all the red men in the like resolution." Thus is exhibited the determined character of Te- cumseh, in which no duplicity appears, and whose re- sentment might have been expected, when questioned, again and again, upon the same subject. Most religiously did he prosecute this plan ; and could his extraordinary and wonderful exertions be known, no fiction, it is believed, could scarcely sur- pass the reality. The tribes to the west of the Missis- sippi, and those about lakes Superior and Huron, were visited and revisited, previous to the year 1811. He had raised in these tribes, the high expectation, that they should be able to drive the Americans to the east of the Ohio. The famous Blue-jacket was as sanguine as Tecumseh, and was his abettor in uniting distant tribes. At one of the meetings at Vincennes, afler Tecumseh had made a speech to governor Harrison, and waa about to seat himself in a chair, when he had closed,, observed that none had been placed for him. One was immediately ordered for him, by the governor. TECUMSEH. 337 but was indignantly rejected by the chief. The inter- ])reter said to him, " Your father requests you to take a chair." "My father?" says Tecumseh, "the sun is my father, and the earth is my mother ; and on her bosom I will repose," and immediately seated himself in the Indian manner, upon the ground.* The fight at Tippecanoe, followed soon after, in which it is supposed, Tecumseh acted a dangerous part, while the Prophet, his brother, was more safely acting up his conjurations, upon an eminence near by ; sing- ing and dancing, and urging his men to fight, assuring them that they should conquer. But his prophecy, as usual, proving him a false prophet, he fell into disre. pute. This affair took place in the night of Nov. 6th, 1811, in which sixty-two Americans wore killed, and 126 wounded. The Prophet was supposed to have lost a still greater number. His men displayed great bravery, and the fight was long and bloody- Harrison lost some of his bravest officers. The late colonel SneUing, of Boston, then a captain, was in this fight, and took prisoner with his own hands an Indian chief, the only Indian taken by the Americans. The chiefs, White-lion, Stone-eaier, and fVinnemak, were conspicu- ous at this time. The latter was the pretended friend of the gove' nor, but now appeared his enemy. Just before hostilities commenced, in a talk governor Harrison had with Tecumseh, the former expressed a wish, if war must follow, that cruelty to prisoners should not be allowed on either side. Tecumseh assur. ed him that he would do all in his power to prevent it ; and it is believed he strictly adhered to this reso- lution. Indeed, we have one prominent proof at the time of the horrid massacre at the river Raisin. Al- though Ti,cti:,iseh was not himself in that battle, yet * Schoolcraft 338 TECCMSEH. he arrived aAer the massacre commenced, and actual' ly put to death with his own hand a chief who would not desist from murdering the American soldiers. The chiefs Spit-logj and Round-head were principal in the affair, but what became of them we do not yet learn. It is said that Tecumseh had been in almost every important battle with the Americans, from the destruc- tion of general tiarmer's army, till his death upon the Thames. He was under the direction of gen. Proctor^ in the last great act of his life, but was greatly dissat. isficd with his course of ])roceedings, and is said to liave remonstrated against his retreating before the Americans, in very pointed terms. Perry's victory had just given the Americans the command of lake Erie, and immediately after Proctor abandoned Detroit and marched his majesty's army up the river Thames, accompanied by gen. Tecumseh^ with about 1500 war- riors, Harrison overtook them near the Moroviau town, Oct. 5, 1813, and after a bloody battle with the Indians, routed and took prisoners nearly the whole British army ; Proctor saving himself only by flight. After withstanding almost the whole force' of the Americans for some time, Tecumseh received a severe wound in the arm, but continued to fight with desper- ation, until a random shot laid him prostrate in the thickest of the fight.* One hundred and twenty of his warriors were left upon the field of battle. Thus fell Tecumseh, in the forty-fourth year of his age. He was about five feet ten inches in height, of a noble appearance, and a perfectly symmetrical form. * The story that he fell in a personal rencounter with col. Johnson, must no longer be believed. Facts are entirely op- posed to such a conclusion. Indeed we cannot learn that the colonel ever claimed the honor of the achievment. TECUMSEH. 339 id actual, lo would soldiers, incipal in not yet Dst every destruc- upon the Proctoi'f ly disaat. s said to efore the victory i of lake d Detroit Thames, 500 war- Vlorovian with the le whole )y flight, 3 of the a severe 1 desper- e in the iventy of ar of his eight, of lal form. with col. tirely op- earn that it. «« His carriage was erect and lofty — his motions quick —his eyes penetrating — his visage stern, with an air of hauteur in his countenance, which arose from an elevated pride of soul. It did not leave him even in death." He is thus spoken of by one who knew him. His dress on the day of the fatal battle, was a deer- skin coat and pantaloons. That the American soldierb should have dishonored themselves after their victory, by outraging all decency in indignities upon the lifeless body of the fallen chief^ cannot meet with too severe condemnation. Pieces of his skin were taken away by some of them as me- mentos ! He is said to have borne a personal enmity to general Harrison at this time, for having just before destroyed his family. The celebrated speech, said to have been delivered by the great " Shawanese warrior," to general Proctor, before the battle of the Thames, is believed by many not to be genuine. It may be seen in every history of the war, and every periodical of that day, and in not a few since, even to this. There- fore, we omit it here. The speech of Logan, perhaps, has not circulated wider. Another, in our opinion, more worthy the mighty mind of Tecumseh, published in o. work said to be written by one who heard it,* is now generally, (on the authority of a public jour- nal,)t discarded as a fiction. The place of this renowned warrior's birth, was upon the banks of the Scioto river, near what is now Chillicothe. His father's name was Pukeesheno, which means, I light from flying. He was killed in the battle of Kanhawa, in 1774. His mother's name was Jtfee- iheetashe, which signifies, a turtle laying her eggs in the sand. She died among the Cherokees. She had at one birth, three sons. Ellskwatawa, which signifies, * John Dunn Hunter. t North American Review. 340 TIBPEQVIIV. a door opened — was called the Prophet. Tecumaekf which is, a tiger crouchii^^ for his prey ; uiitl KunukakOf a tiger that flies in the air.* The Shawanoe warrior is gone — The light of his valor is fled ; And his cruel oppressor, alone, Can show where he battled and bled. The fate of the chief is fulfill'd, His foes from his vengeance are free ; But the heart of the white man is chill'd, When he speaks of the bold Shawanoe. — Hall. TlSpe^Uin* & noted chief in Philip's war, who was nearly as distinguished in his time, as Annawon. He was considered a great powow, and made his men believe that a bullet could not kill him. Some time afler the capture of Annawon, he surrendered himself up to the English at the instigation of captain Church. They barbarously put him to death. It is true, that be had done them great mischief — carried his depre- dations nearly to Plimouth village, and actually burned a part of the town. He was called the black Sachem's son, and was held in great abhorrence. Church had promised him a commission under him if he would surrender ; but the authorities of Plimouth, knowing that he bad pretended that his person was invulnera- ble, seized that wretched opportunity to revenge them- selves, by his death. Their excuse was, that he was not bullet proof as he had pretended, for be "fell dead at the first discharge of the English guns." Church very much reprobated their conduct. The principal and most aggravating act of Tispequin, was the surpri. sal of a Mr. Clark's house, at Plimouth, and murdering all the people, being eleven in number. This was in ** Schookrtjft. TOTOPOTOMOI. 341 the early part of the war, and Church had just been importuned to leave his family there for safety, it be- ing considered a strong garrison house. His refusal proved their safety. This massacre ' their resi< dence with ChikatauhuCa people. The history of these affairs afforded the celebrated Butler the means of extending the renown of his Hu« dibras, in nearly half the world. See Tottopotomoi, l^Otnesh^ a Narraganset chief, of note and con. sequence, in 1 637. His name stands next to that of Canonicus, upon the instrument conveying the island of Aquidnek to the English, and before that ofMian- tunnomoh. Wifnanum^ the last Sachem of the Pequots, who lived at Niantic. He died in 1740. FINIS. lat fFUtw bragged ess of his exposed ards that langed at the set- * several fteir resi- :e]ebrated r his Hu- totnoi, and con. to that of le island of Mian - Pequots, ■fi r ^E:^^.^ . I C Hi \ 'S k