iMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 1.0 
 
 l«|2J. 1112.5 
 
 1 3. 2 
 1116 
 
 I.I 
 
 2.2 
 
 ll:"2.o 
 
 li 
 
 !.25 
 
 1.4 
 
 1.6 
 
 /a 
 
 ^, 
 
 % 
 
 >>, 
 
 
 /A 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 .■»s 
 
 C^^ 
 
 4v 
 
 ^N^ 
 
 #m-' ^^\ 
 
 :\ 
 
 \ 
 
 % 
 
 
 
 <\ 
 
 ?^€ 
 
 
 23 WIST MAIN STREET 
 
 WcBSTER.N.Y. 14S80 
 
 (716, 872-4503 
 
 

 CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Hisiorical Microreproductions / institut canadien de microreprodiictions historiques 
 
Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques 
 
 The Institute has attempted to obtain the best 
 original copy available for filming. Features of this 
 copy which may be bibliographically unique, 
 which may alter any of the images in the 
 reproduction, or which may significantly change 
 the usual method of filming, are checked below. 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 n 
 
 D 
 D 
 
 n 
 
 D 
 
 n 
 
 n 
 
 Coloured covers/ 
 Couverture dc couleur 
 
 I I Covers damaged/ 
 
 Couverture endommagee 
 
 Covers restored and/or laminated/ 
 Couverture restaurde et/ou pellicul^e 
 
 I I Cover title missing/ 
 
 Le titre de couverture manque 
 
 Coloured maps/ 
 
 Cartes gdographiques en couleur 
 
 Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ 
 Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) 
 
 Col' uied plates and/or illustrations/ 
 Plancl;8s et/ou illustrations en couleur 
 
 Bound with other materiai/ 
 ' Reli6 avec d'autres documents 
 
 Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion 
 along interior margin/ 
 
 La rdliure serr^e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la 
 distortion Ee long de la marge intdrieure 
 
 Blank leaves added during restoration may 
 appear within the text. Whenever possible, these 
 have been omitted from filming/ 
 II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajoutdes 
 lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, 
 mais, Irrsque celb 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont 
 pas 6td filmdes. 
 
 Additional comments:/ 
 Commentairos suppldmentaires: 
 
 L'institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire 
 qu'il lui a 6td possible de se procurer. Les details 
 de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du 
 point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier 
 une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une 
 modification dans la mdthode normale de tilmage 
 sont indiquds ci-des30us. 
 
 □ Coloured pages/ 
 Pages de couleur 
 
 n 
 □ 
 
 
 Pages damaged/ 
 Pages endommagdes 
 
 Pages restored and/or laminated/ 
 Pages restaurdes et/ou pelliculdes 
 
 Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ 
 Pages d6color6es, tachetdes ou piqu6es 
 
 Pages detached/ 
 Pages d^tach^es 
 
 Showthrough/ 
 Transparonce 
 
 I I Quality of print vanes/ 
 
 Quality in^gale de I'impression 
 
 Includes supplementary material/ 
 Comprend du materiel supplementaire 
 
 Only edition available/ 
 Seuie ddition disponible 
 
 Pages wholly or partially obscured by arrata 
 slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to 
 ensure the best possible image/ 
 Les pages totalrment ou partiellement 
 obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, 
 etc., ont dti film6es d nouveau de faqon d 
 obtenir la meilleure image possible. 
 
 This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ 
 
 Ce document est filmd aj taux de reduction Indiqud ci-dessous. 
 
 10X 
 
 
 
 
 14X 
 
 
 
 
 18X 
 
 
 
 
 22X 
 
 
 
 
 26X 
 
 
 
 
 30X 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12X 
 
 
 
 
 16X 
 
 
 
 
 20X 
 
 
 
 
 24X 
 
 
 
 
 28X 
 
 
 
 
 32X 
 
 
The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks 
 to the generosity of: 
 
 National Library of Canada 
 
 L'exemplaire film6 fut reproduit grdce d la 
 g6n6rosit6 de: 
 
 Bibliothdque nationale du Canada 
 
 The images appearing here are the best quality 
 possible considering the condition and legibility 
 of the original copy and in keeping with the 
 filming contract specifications. 
 
 Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le 
 plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et 
 de la nettet^ de l'exemplaire filmd, et en 
 conformity avec les conditions du contrat de 
 filmage. 
 
 Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed 
 beginning with the front cover and ending on 
 the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, or the back cover when appropriate. Ail 
 other original copies are filmed beginning on the 
 first page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, and ending on the last page with a printed 
 or illustrated impression. 
 
 Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en 
 papier est imprimde sont filmds en commengant 
 par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la 
 dernidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second 
 plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exempiaires 
 originaux sont film6s en commenpant par la 
 premidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par 
 la dernidre page qui comporte une telle 
 empreinte. 
 
 The last recorded frame on each microfiche 
 shall contain the symbol — »- (meaning "CON- 
 TINUED "), or the symbol V (meaning ' EiND"), 
 whichever applies. 
 
 Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la 
 dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le 
 cas: le symbole — •► signifie "A SUIVRE", le 
 symbole V signifie "FIN". 
 
 Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at 
 different reduction ratios. Those too large to be 
 entirely included in one exposure are filmed 
 beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to 
 right and top to bottom, as many frames as 
 required. The following diagrams illustrate the 
 method: 
 
 Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre 
 filmds d des taux de reduction diff4rents. 
 Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Stre 
 reproduit en un snul cliche, ii est film6 d partir 
 de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, 
 et de haiit en bas, en prenant le nombre 
 d'images n^cessaire. Las diagrammes suivants 
 illustrent la m6thode. 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 6 
 
M 
 
 p 
 
 ? 
 
 ( 
 
 ^ 
 
^:^^. - ...-— ~»-3|— J-aJ -^^ 
 
 TlfE 
 
 COMEDYOFTRADE; 
 
 OR. 
 
 EVERY MAIS' FOR HIMSELF; 
 
 AS RECENTLY PERFORM E0 AT 
 
 OTTAWA, 
 
 BY A DIsnXdUlSIIKI) (.OMl'AN'V OF AMATKUR I,KaiSI,ATOR.S. 
 
 J!3ij a Spivitual J^Ubium. 
 
 M O X 1' R I', A \.: 
 DAWSON PROTHERS, PUBLISHERS. 
 
 18 70. 
 
 ^ 
 
 mm I . 
 
 ■ii, %,f*t«»", -■•.»■ ,^ ■•.?;i^ ;■"•■••- 
 
THE 
 
 COMEDYOFTRADE; 
 
 OR, 
 
 EVERY MAN FOR HIMSELF 
 
 AS RECENTLY PERFORMED AT 
 
 OTTAWA, 
 
 BY A DISTINGUISHED COMPANY OF AMATEUR LEGISLATORS. 
 
 fifi a Sjjidtujil 4llcbium. 
 
 MONTREAL: 
 DAWSON BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS. 
 
 1 8 7 G . 
 
warn 
 
 HF /I 33 
 
The Editor of the following pages thinks it proper to 
 say. that a different account of these proceedings has already 
 appeared -but as that account conveys a very poor idea of 
 the performance - the s;.m7 having been altogether sacri- 
 ficed for the letler-he deems it due to the public, and to 
 the performers themselves, that a better version should be 
 published. 
 
 An -Ideal" Reporter has, therefore, been employed to 
 reconstruct the piece -with a true poetic insight, if not 
 with literal accuracy _ from his "inner consciousness." 
 
 The Editor has also added several entirely new parts, 
 which seemed necessary to the perfection, or dramatic unity 
 of the whole. 
 
 Montreal, 4th March, 1876. 
 
T II E 
 
 GREAT TARIFF DEBATE 
 
 IN THE 
 
 DOMINION TRADE CONGRESS, 
 
 OTTAWA, ^1876. 
 
 -♦-♦« 
 
 The members of this high deliberative body, representing 
 the business intellect of the Dominion, and whose functions 
 are somewhat analogous to those of the " Grand Jury," assem- 
 bled in their usual place of meeting, shortly before the opening 
 of Parliament. 
 
 The various greot trade questions of the day were to be 
 discussed and settled, to facilitate and abridge the labours of 
 the Legislature. 
 
 The President, Mr. Beauxtemps, took his seat, and said : 
 Bring on the Tariff ! 
 
 Mr. Blue rose and begged to move the following resolu* 
 tion : — 
 
 That the depressed state of the manufacturing interests of this Dominion, calls 
 imperatively for such legislaiiou as will enrich those now engaged in manufactur- 
 ing, encourage further investment of the kind, and afford employment to our 
 operatives. 
 
 That this depression is mainly due to unfair competition from the United 
 States, whoso manufacturers persist in selling here their productions at less than 
 cost. 
 
 That, therefore, our Government should adopt a thoroughly national policy, 
 by excluding, aa far aa possible, the manufactures of the United States: and that 
 the products of the soil, the forest, and the mine, be specially considered in this 
 connexion. 
 
 Mr. Blue spoke as follows in support of his motion : 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen : — You will observe that thi.s 
 resolution goes squarely for a " national " policy, which is 
 summed up in the sin^'le word " Protection." Yes, gentlemen, 
 We do not shirk the conclusion, that those who approve of our 
 
^ 
 
 resolution are protectionists, that is, they believe in protectmj^ 
 themselves from the mean encroachments of foreign competi- 
 tors, and in having their own country and countrymen to 
 themselves. Protectionists are a much-abused class. The 
 malignant spite of the little philosophers who style themselves 
 political economists, or free-traders, has done its worst to tra- 
 duce us, but we survive it all, and exist to-day, in every 
 country, a compact and invulnerable phalanx ! It is said of us, 
 tor instance, that we want to protect everything under the sun, 
 when just the reverse is true, for the true protectionist de- 
 mands protection only on what he makes himself, and does not 
 care to see the principle too extended. But protectionists, like 
 others, must give and take — taking as much as possible and 
 giving as little as possible— 4io they unite for the common weal. 
 Individually they cannot make headway against the gross 
 ignorance of society or of parliamentary bodies. A brutal out- 
 cry would be raised were one intlividual, or one branch of 
 industry, to demand the exclusion from the country of ibreign 
 goods competing with theirs, because they were sold too cheap ; 
 but when a great number of widely ditferent interests, spread 
 over the whole country, unite m asking for the same thmg, and 
 do it in the name of their destitute work-people, the ell'ect is 
 very different. The demand savours less of monopoly, and it 
 can easily be made to appear that the welfare of the whole 
 Dominion is identiiied with that of her manufacturers. (Cheers.) 
 
 It will be seen that our resolution Hows naturally from 
 these principles. The one is the complement of the other. 
 
 Few will dispute our first proposition, viz : that our manu- 
 factures are utterly depressed. If we cannot point to many 
 failures, dividends are few and inlinitesimal ; and it is no 
 answer to our complaints to say that other lines of business arc 
 in a similar condition. This may, and does allbrd, a moral 
 satisfaction ; but pecuniary satisfaction is what we want. 
 Besides, let other lines look alter themselves. 
 
 The evil admitted, it will just as little be disputed that we 
 owe it to the "slaughtering" of United States goods in our 
 markets. This "slaughtering" — (I love that word; it iinely 
 fills the mouth, but I detest the thing) — I say, this " slaughter- 
 ing " is not to be mistaken for sacrificing. It is something quite 
 ditt'erent, for our rivals in the Slates, by haviji^ the privilege of 
 selling some of their productions here below cost, can allbrd to 
 keep their factories and mills at work, and get better price for 
 what they sell at home. It may puzzle some to corapreh nd 
 how manufacturers can find it advantageous to do this, un ess 
 compelled by a temporary glut or crisis, as men sometimes tide 
 over a difficulty by borrowing money at ruinous rates of 
 
 I 
 
 Hi 
 
 1«| 
 
 vl 
 
rotectino- 
 competi- 
 ymeii to 
 ss. The 
 emselves 
 st to tra- 
 in every 
 aid of us, 
 ' the sun, 
 onist de- 
 does not 
 lists, like 
 iibie and 
 ion weal, 
 he gross 
 'utal out- 
 a'anch oi" 
 f Ibreign 
 )0 cheap ; 
 s. spread 
 mig, and 
 ellect is 
 Y, and it 
 e whole 
 (Cheers.) 
 ly Irom 
 her. 
 
 Hr manu- 
 to many 
 it is no 
 iness are 
 a moral 
 e want. 
 
 that we 
 5 in our 
 t hnely 
 lughter- 
 g quite 
 ilege of 
 lord to 
 •ice for 
 reh nd 
 un ess 
 les tide 
 ates of 
 
 interest; but to these I would simply say: if you lack under- 
 standing, I am not bound to supply you with it. The philo- 
 sophy of the thing should be obvious to the meanest intel- 
 lect, always excepting the free-trade intellect, which is imper- 
 A'ious to reason — of this description. 
 
 Hut we need not stop to discuss the why and the where- 
 fore, lor there is the f net . It stares us in the face. Our un- 
 happy country is Hooded with these cheap productions, which 
 our imnorters persist in bringing, and our shopkeepers in dis- 
 seminating, without the least regard for the true interests of 
 our people. They would seem indeed to be in league with the 
 American manafacturer to etfect the ruin of our native indus- 
 iries, and to tempt our lower classes from their allegiance, by 
 deJjauching them with a pedlar-like display of cheap and nasty 
 wares. (Cheers.) And ou^ sapient legislators connive at this 
 state of things by keeping the taritf low enough to make it pos- 
 sible. It is time for these to wake up, and by prompt action, 
 avert the impending ruin. 
 
 Let them at once prohibit the importation of these goods, 
 by adopting the policy of our resolution. It should be the only 
 policy witii any government, worthy of the name ; and I would 
 gladly see it applied to England as well as to the United tStates 
 — not reciprocal duties, of course, in her case, but high prohi- 
 biiory duties. (Hear ! hear !) 
 
 1 am a thorough Briton, and I yield to no man in devoted 
 loyalty to the British Crown — when it costs nothing — but loyalty 
 to that crown is one thing, and loyalty to our own pockets 
 another! (Hear! Hear!) If it be asked why we cannot now 
 compete with English cottons and woollens, since we are nearer 
 the raw material, we can get the same machinery and the same 
 skilled workmen ; we have abundant water ))ower to save fuel, 
 and the natural protection allorded by distance, with its con- 
 comitants of freight, insurance, &c., and the prolits of the 
 importer here, to say nothing of the considcable tariff protection 
 we already posset^s, I answer at once: i\\\^^ I don't know I 
 (Hear! Hear!) without it be that manufa i,urers in new 
 countries naturally expect to grow rich faster than ih^xv confreres 
 in old ones. We can scarcely be expected to content ourselves 
 with the slow process of accretion by which the great houses 
 of etl'ete monarchies have attai; ed their present dimensions. 
 We should do the same thing in half a generation ! We have, 
 moreover, to pay higher wages, and our market is too limited. 
 Now I do not object to high wages, for, paradoxical as it may 
 seem, high wages means cheap labour. When a man is paid well 
 he works well, so that, in truth, the more you pay a man the 
 cheaper he becomes to you. Hi dull times, therefore, when 
 
8 
 
 labour is abundant, (they generally go together) instead of 
 reducing wages, as is usually done, we should raise them. And 
 herein, perhaps, might be found an antidote for our troubles, 
 all in our own hands, and 1 make you a present of the idea. 
 But in the meantime, we may as well keep it to ourselves, and 
 resort to it only, if we cannot induce Government to shut out 
 irapeTtinent competition. If we succeed in this we may still 
 make good profits, in spite of loio wages, Our manufactures 
 will flourish, and that will attract immigrants, and these in 
 turn will need our cottons and woollens, and so we ^o on in a 
 ceaseless round of ever increasing prosperity. (Cheers.) 
 
 Another effect of our national policy will be to extend our 
 markets ; for our neighbors, when they find that Canada is no 
 longer to be their slaughter-house, will promptly cry peccavi, 
 and allow us to slaughter there. Why should all the slaughter- 
 ing, with its rich train of advantages, be on one side only ? Let 
 us hasten the time when our turn may come to send our cottons 
 and our woollens— our stoves and our saddlery hardware, to the 
 United States, and offer to sell them at almost any price. 
 
 And I tell you, gentlem3n, we shall soon reach this condi- 
 tion of prosperity if our statesmen will but scatter to the winds 
 the vagari'^s of free-traders, and inaugurate the grand national 
 policy prefigured in our resolution. (Enthusiastic cheers.) 
 
 Mr. Aaron rose to second the resolution, and said : 
 
 I differ, Mr. President, from my friend Mr. Blue in some 
 respects, but we have the same end in view, the promotion of 
 our own interests, or in other words, of the interests of our 
 native land. 
 
 In theory, I am a free-trader, but in practice I am a protec- 
 tionist, for I could not for a moment allow my principles to 
 interfere with my business interests. The difference, howe 'or, 
 is only one of time, and the time has n&t yet come for free-trude 
 in this country, nor will it do so until cur manuracturers hav^e 
 all grown vich. 
 
 When we shall have been protected long euoujh, we may 
 indulge in the luxury of free-trade This was the course of 
 events in England. After some centuries of a most restrictive 
 commercial policy, her manufactures had attained such gigantic 
 strength, tliat they could defy competition; and th3n,"but not 
 till then, did her wise rulers go in for freedom of trade. She 
 had become the richest nation in the world, and had surplus 
 millions to invest. 
 
 Our astute neighbour!? are fast following in England's foot- 
 steps, but as they started later, they have not yet r ..ached the 
 
instead of 
 hem. And 
 r troubles, 
 f the idea, 
 selves, and 
 > shut out 
 3 may still 
 tiufactures 
 d these in 
 fjo on in a 
 ers.) 
 
 sxtend our 
 tiada is no 
 ;ry peccavi, 
 slaughter- 
 mly? Let 
 lur cottons 
 vare, to the 
 rice. 
 
 this condi- 
 the winds 
 d national 
 leers.) 
 
 id: 
 
 e in some 
 
 amotion of 
 
 ts of our 
 
 a protec- 
 
 nciples to 
 
 howe 'Qr, 
 
 ee-trude 
 
 rcrs hav^e 
 
 wo may 
 course of 
 cstrictive 
 
 gigantic 
 1, but not 
 do. She 
 J surplus 
 
 nd's foot- 
 ,ched the 
 
 free-trade epoch. Soon, however, by their deep policy of 
 " slaughtering" in unprotected markets, the United State..- will 
 reach the maximum of wealth, when they, too, may safely 
 reduce to practice the theories of economists. If we adopt the 
 same policy, we may expect the same result, and so on with 
 every nation in the world. 
 
 It may suit oui* adversaries to say that the removal of trade 
 restrictions in England was a very gradual process, the effect 
 of the growth of enlightenment rather than the growth of 
 wealth, and of many a hard-fought battle in Parliament and iii 
 the press between those calumniously cJled monopolists, and 
 the leaders of liberal opinion ; but I neod not answer assertions 
 so palpably absurd as these. Look for a moment at France. 
 Cobdon and Bright inoculated the Emperor with their radical 
 notions, and persuaded him to try " free-trade" for seven years. 
 What was the consequence? And let it be o, solemn warning. 
 IJelbre the seven years had lied, that silly Emperor way driven 
 into exile, and I will add, at the risk of committing an anach- 
 ronism, Cobdon was call'^l away to where free-traders cease 
 from troubling, a'.id manufacturers are at rest ! (G-roans for 
 Cobden.) But, hapnily for France, Mr. Thiers arose, swept 
 away the wretched delusion, and returned to the old policy of 
 I)rotection, with the result we behold to-day — a rehabilitated 
 country, contentment and smiling ]>rosperity everywhere, and 
 some hundreds of millions of that terrible war debt paid oifin 
 two or three years. (Cheers.) Such has been the eflect of a 
 A'ery few years of protection in France, gentlemen, and a sim- 
 ilar result might be expected here. 
 
 It is a common allegation with free-traders that protection 
 makes higher prices. But this is not correct, for the elfect of 
 that policy is s.mply to prevent pricet^ ^-oing loioer than they 
 should be. This is susceptible of instant demonstration. Will 
 anyone, for example, dare to maintain that his tweed pants cost 
 more because of our 20 per cent, tariif, unless ho be one of 
 those besotted creatures, who still wear the Scotch or English 
 article? And should we now succeed in our cUbrt to get 
 more protection, will that make the least diHerenco to the con- 
 sumer ? Certainly not. He and the wool grower will leap 
 all the advantage, in fact, it is mainly in their interest wa 
 speak. (Great applause.) 
 
 Mr. Druos was suifering from a severe cold in the head, 
 l)ut would venture to make a few remarks through his nose in 
 favour of the resolution. He said ; 
 
 Mr. Chnirman and Gentlemen — I have Just jott3d down, 
 Without a moment's rellection, a few propositions which, witl\ 
 
10 
 
 your permission, I will read. They are in the ibrm of a i 
 syilo<?ism. | 
 
 First. "We must encourage immigration ; but (second) I 
 immigrants won't come, or won't stay, unless they find work; | 
 we must, therefore, (third) encourage our manufactures. | 
 
 Now, I flatter myself, the most specious advocate of free- I 
 trade cannot successfully dispute these propositions, and they I 
 have this admirable quality : they will work any way you like | 
 to put them. You may turn them upside down without in the i 
 least distvirbing their logical security. The result always I 
 comes out the same. If we want immigrants, we must sustain I 
 our manufactures; if manufactures, we must attract immi- J 
 grants. In this last magic w'ord, gentlemen, will be found a 
 panacea for the evils that are upon us ; for with a large popu- 
 lation, there will come a large internal demand for our manu- 
 factures, and the more numerous we are, the easier it will be 
 to pay our taxes; provided those do not increase in greater 
 proportion, which is, I must admit, the rule in older countries, 
 but should not be so in this. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 Moreover, without a largo population, we can never attain 
 the rank of a great nation, that is to say, we cannot have a 
 very numerous class of wealthy men. Now, the individuals 
 composing small states, may be happy and virtuous, and all 
 that sort of thing, but these are not elements of greatness ; 
 and to form a i,'-/t'«/ state should be the ambition of every patriot 
 statesman. The virtue, &;c., may follow. For what is great- 
 ness but wealth, and does not wealth create happiness ? Halt- 
 crazy philosopliers may pretend to deny this, but the man of 
 the world knows better, and shows by his actions that he con- 
 siders wealth and happiness convertible terms. Legislation 
 should therefore aim at the pro(luctio:i of wealth, and it matters 
 nothing to our " greatness " that the wealth should accumulate 
 in the hands of the few rather than with the many. 
 
 If, in all civilized communities, we observe a tendency for 
 the rich to grow richer, and the ])oor poorer, we must ascribe 
 it to some wise dispensation of I'rovidonce, which we should 
 not blasphemously try to thwart. As the sacred writer 
 hath it: 
 
 " Order is Iloavou's firNt law, ami tills confessed, 
 Home are, and must be, great-ir than the rest." 
 
 But the dillerence is not so great as it appears ; for if the lower 
 classes have not the en/oi/tnenls, they escape the avps of wealth, 
 and they have oth'^r compensations in knowing that they have 
 contributed their mile towards the magniiicence of the rich, 
 
JS 
 
 IS g-reat- 
 ? ■ 
 
 he man of 
 at ho coii- 
 legislatiou 
 it matters 
 cumulate 
 
 deiicy lor 
 ;t ascribe 
 e should 
 
 ;d writer 
 
 :he lower 
 1" wealth, 
 hey have 
 the rich, 
 
 form of a 
 
 t (second) 
 ind work ; 
 ires. 
 
 ite offree- 
 5, and they 
 ly you like 
 lout in the 
 It always 
 1st sustain 
 •act immi- 
 ae found a 
 irge popu- 
 our manu- 
 ' it will he 
 in greater 
 countries, | 
 
 ivcr attain 
 Lot have a 
 iidividuals 
 ^s, and all 
 
 reatness ; 
 
 y patriot 
 
 11 
 
 and in thd glorious feeling that they belong to a great nation. 
 (Loud cheers.) 
 
 Let our government, gentlemen, adopt the policy we 
 urge upon them, and the effect will soon be apparent in 
 our national growth ; and before many generations have 
 passed away, we shall have accumulated so much money, and 
 such a teeming population — millionaires on the one hand, 
 paupers on the other — that we may alford to follow the example 
 of England, and export our pnor as well as our manufactures ! 
 (Prolonged applause.) 
 
 Mr, Assurance next addressed the meeting as follows : — 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen, — "We are all, of course, 
 agreed that our common country should be made as prosperous 
 as possible, but we ditler a little as to the manner, and as to 
 what constitutes " prosperity." Now the gentlemen who have 
 spoken, and those for wiiom they speak, appear to me to iden- 
 tify themselves entirely too much with their country. They 
 evidently think that it' the// are prosperous, the whole country 
 must or should be so; that, therefore, the simplest way to 
 dilfuse universal well-being is to get rich themselves; and 
 linally that the shortest way to get rich themselves is to coax 
 or bully Grovernment into granting f hem certain monopolies. 
 
 The last part of the proposition 1 shall not dispute It is 
 undoubteJiy a short way to get rich, to dip freely into the 
 public purse. But I stoutly deny that our manufactures and 
 our country are synonymous terms. — that the former are in 
 such a desperate state as to call "imperatively," or in any 
 other way, for Grovernment help, or that such help would be 
 proper and salutary under any circumstances. 
 
 For proof, I appeal to the fact that new manufacturing 
 enterprises are started here every day, and very olten, too, by 
 capitalists from the United States ! And which of us has not 
 been pestered to take stock in them, by their projectors, who 
 could assure us. and plainly demonstrate by iigures, that 
 prolits would be large and certain ! I wonder if any of these 
 gentlemen are here to-day, asking for more protection. (No !) 
 
 Finally, the depression, such as it is, is caused by the uni- 
 versal struggle to get rich fast, and is not a matter for legisla- 
 tion at all. (Ominous silence.) 
 
 We have already far too many " busines? men," and their 
 numbers are being constantly swelled by aspirants from the 
 ranks below. It is impossible that all can do well, in a 1 'gi- 
 timate way, so speculation, on crtdit, becomes rampant, 'fhe 
 bulk of transactions " on change " are simply gambling, and 
 
12 
 
 add as much to the general wealth and vvoU-being as so many 
 
 bets on a race-course. 
 
 zation is the inevitable result of this Plutus wor- 
 
 Dem 
 
 oral 
 
 ship; and "Over-reach thy neighbour^' might be adopted i'or 
 their motto by the business men oi' our day. In short, gentle- 
 men, manufacturers, like others, are now feeling the ellects of a 
 state of things they have largely helped to produce ; and 1 say, 
 it is good for them ! (Hisses and groans.) 
 
 Mr. Diffident now addressed the B.>ard, saying : — I am a 
 good deal oppressed with modesty, Mr. President, but I will 
 venture to say that I believe manufacturers to be better oil' 
 than any other similar class. On every side you witness their 
 "riotous living," and admire their palatial homos; and now 
 they modestly ask that every poor man In the land should be 
 forced to i^ay something to swell their money bags ! 
 
 The immigration and protection see-saw of Mr. Drugs 
 reminds one of the Irishman, who, by adding now whiskey and 
 now water to his toddy, managed to get a very big drink indeed, 
 before he got i». precisely to his taste. tSo, we must have immi- 
 grants for our manui'actures, and then manufactures for our 
 immigrants. In the meantime, our friend slakes his thirst, and, 
 after a while, retires complacently with a considerable swell- 
 ing about the region of the pucket. The immigrants we need, 
 are those who will cultivate our wild lands ; of other kinds, we 
 have more than enough already. And it is certainly a peculiar 
 way to promote immigration, to increase the cost of living to 
 the poor ! 
 
 Gentlemen, talk of the prosperity of the United States ! 
 Why, it is notorious that their manufacturing interests are in a 
 worse condition than our own. Mills and workshops closed in 
 every direction and few of the others paying dividends. Over- 
 protection has bred over-production there, as it will every- 
 where ; and it needs no great hardihood to predict that tlie 
 semi-barbarous commercial policy of the United States will 
 soon be replaced by one more in consonance with the spirit of 
 the age and of common sense. (Hear.) 
 
 Mr. BonsoN : I rise, Mr. President and gentlemen, to sub- 
 mit a few facts and iigures bearing on this question, vvliich, I 
 venture to think, will astonish Mr. IJlue and gentlemen who 
 have made so much capital out of that bug-bear — the "slaugh- 
 tering" of United States goods in this country. I say, my 
 Iigures will astonish these gentlemen; for I shinild bo reluctant 
 to think that they already know how little 'bundation there is, 
 in fact, for the outcry they have raised. 
 
 
13 
 
 so many 
 
 at us wor- 
 3ptod lor 
 rt, gentle- 
 liocts ol' a 
 iud 1 say, 
 
 : — I ara a 
 ut I will 
 better off 
 Less their 
 and now 
 ihould be 
 
 ^r. Drafts 
 iskey and 
 k indeed, 
 ive inimi- 
 is lor our 
 lirst, and, 
 )le swell- 
 we need, 
 dnds, we 
 peculiar 
 ivini>- to 
 
 1 >States ! 
 
 are in a 
 
 closed in 
 
 s. Over- 
 
 1 every- 
 
 ihat the 
 
 tes will 
 spirit of 
 
 I, io suh- 
 vl.ich, I 
 I'll who 
 slaugh- 
 siiy, my 
 eluctant 
 Ihere is. 
 
 I will now quote from the Customs' Blue Book for 1874, 
 where we find that while the total importations of woollens in 
 that year amounted to over $11,000,000, only $180,000 worth 
 came from the United States ! Surely here is a case of " much 
 cry and little wool ! " 
 
 Again, to take the boot auc^ shoe interest, we find that im- 
 portations from the States in 1874 amounted to only $14(J,0<J0. 
 Surely this is not the shoe that pinches ! But I need not read 
 the whole Blue Book to you. I refer you to it for more inform- 
 ation of this spicy kind. 
 
 Over-importation there certainly has been, but it is rather 
 from Europe than the United States. And there has also been 
 over-production. Our manufacturing capacities already, in 
 certain lines, exceed the demand. To merchants and manu- 
 facturers, I would say : " Import less, make less, and spend 
 less ; and you will all be better olfncxt year." (Dead silence.) 
 
 Mr. Savant, continuing the debate, said : — I have great 
 pleasure in supporting t lie resolution, although it scarcely gives 
 suiiicient prominence to the great iron interest I am here to 
 repre.sent, — an interest, gentlemen, hitherto too much neglected 
 by our rulers. Yet, if we could only get a sfart, we might 
 lead the world in that industry ; for we have the richest iron 
 deposits in the world, and we have coal and charcoal too. 
 
 How did our great mother, England, reach her proud 
 position of mistress of the world in iron manufactures ? 
 
 Not, as quibblers might allege, because she was so pre- 
 eminently favored by nature with vast deposits of coal and 
 iron, almost in the same spot, and thus saving immensely in 
 transportation, — but simply because her able legislators pro- 
 hibited for a couple of centuries or so, the importation of 
 foreign iron. 1 need not quote all their wise regulations in 
 this regard, l)ut at one time, about a hundred years ago, they 
 forbade, under dreadful penalties, the exportation of steam 
 engines and all machinery used in iron manufacturing. This 
 was rather hard perhaps on the makers of such machinery, 
 but in this way did England ))uild up her iron trade, and so 
 should we build ours. (Loud cheers.) 
 
 We may not, indeed, hope to rival that country in so short 
 a lime as two centuries — for we have vastly dili'erent competi- 
 tors,— but in three or four, we may fairly hope to surpass her ; 
 a retlection which must caus(3 great satisfaction to the present 
 generation. 
 
 In IS'lf), the price of iron in England was only cClO, while 
 on the Continent it ranged from 15 to 25 guineas; but she 
 
14 
 
 still thought it prudent to keep out the foreign article by high 
 duties. Soon after, however, her statesmen thought these 
 might safely be reduced. The enthusiasts, callod political 
 economists, pretended, indeed, that the whole system, was 
 absurd, when it was not mischievous, — a wretched concession 
 to the clamour of monopolista, — but practical men knew better, 
 and to practical men only do I address myself. (Hear ! Hear !) 
 To return to our own country, I will show you one of the 
 effects of living under a pusillanimous government. We have 
 iron ore in abundance, as I have said ; well, our neighbours 
 corae here, buy our ore, ship it to the States, pay heavy 
 freight, — for the freight is, of course, enormous, in proportion 
 to value on such material,— pay their own import diity of $4 a 
 ton, smelt the ore, send it back to us as iron, pay return freight 
 and our import duty of 20 per cent., and take our *' hard 
 cash" out of the country ! Now, is not this a startling state of 
 things? 
 
 Voice: Very ! and says mighty little for the enterprise of 
 our capitalists ! 
 
 Mr. Savant : Want of enterprise is not the cause, but 
 want of proper legislation. When our Government shakes off its 
 supineness ; shuts out improper competition and guarantees 
 large returns to investors, we may do this business for our- 
 selves and keep our " hard cash " at home ! (Cheers.) 
 
 It may be said, if we have cash to pay we get full value 
 for it ; but such cavillers clearly understand nothing of thj 
 •' balance of trade." Why, our imports last year were 33 per 
 cent, more than our exports ! 
 
 Voice : Because importers went mad ; they will soon get 
 tired of that ! 
 
 Mr. Savant : Mad or not, the fact remains, and it becomes 
 the imperative duty of Government to intervene. 
 
 Voice : Let them erect more lunatic asylums ! 
 
 Mr. Savant continuiiig : Mr. Bobson has made the won- 
 derful discovery that we can already manufacture as much as 
 we can consume. Well, Gentlemen, docs not England manu- 
 facture more than she consumes V Does not the United States, 
 as we see by her " slaughtering " V And so, indeed, should 
 every country — putting away the surplus for a rainy day, if 
 she cannot find a market for it. (Loud cheers ) 
 
B by high 
 ;ht these 
 political 
 item was 
 Jiicession 
 w better, 
 ■! Hear!) 
 
 ne of the 
 We have 
 ighboars 
 Y heavy 
 oportion 
 y of $4 a 
 11 freight 
 r " hard 
 ? state of 
 
 r prise of 
 
 use, but 
 ces off its 
 arantees 
 for our- 
 
 lU value 
 of thj 
 33 per 
 
 10011 get 
 
 e comes 
 
 e wou- 
 luch a,s 
 manu- 
 i3tates, 
 should 
 day, if 
 
 15 
 
 As uobodv wants to protect grain, I would like to see 
 "products of the soil" dropped from our resolution. 
 
 Mr. Blue : signified his willingness to meet Mr. Savant 
 in this matter. 
 
 A gentleman whom we had not before noticed at ti^e 
 Board, begged to correct Mr. Sav.a.nt when he said : nobody 
 wants to protect grain. Nobody at that Board, perhaps, 
 because by far the greatest interest of the country was not 
 represented there ; but farmers certainly wanted such protec- 
 tion. Canada is now a slaughter-m&rket for a great deal of 
 American wheat, which our millers are not slow to buy and 
 grind, to the manifest injury of their own country. Mr. Savant 
 had ably shown that we should copy the old policy of England 
 with regard to iron ; he thought we should also follow her 
 example in respect to grain, and absolutely prohibit impor- 
 tation. 
 
 The Chairman said : he would like to know the name of 
 the person who could gravely utter sentiments so extraor- 
 dinary, and from what local Board he was accredited; but the 
 gentleman had already disappeared. It was inferred that he 
 was a mere interloper. We afterwards learned that the unfor- 
 tunate man's name was "Grranger," and that he was a little 
 demented. 
 
 Mr. W. W. OaiiE said ; It is scarcely recessary, perhaps, 
 to answer the intruder who has just addressed the Board ; but 
 it is sufficient to say that we are not here to consider the 
 interests of agriculturists, but those of business men. Now, 
 I am a thorough protectionist, for I am a manulacturer. I 
 manufacture Hour, and it is therefore only ju.sl that flour should 
 be protected; but when it comes to protecting wheat — my raw 
 malerial, — that is just going a little too far. If I lind it to my 
 advantage to buy wheat in the tStates, why should I be pre- 
 vented, I should like to know! (Hear ! Hoar !) 
 
 Mr. Howl said ; The question before us, Mr. Chairman, 
 is not so much a fiscal as a social or natioiial one, and our first 
 consideration should be to cement more closely together the 
 elements of our confederation. 
 
 To effect this, we have but to make use of our Intercol- 
 onial Railway, — an elephant with which we should not, other- 
 wise, know what to do. 
 
 To bring about so desirable a consummation, we should 
 
16 
 
 all be willing to sacrifice something— to pay something — and I 
 am sure we are. 
 
 Which of us, lor instance, would not sell his goods cheaper 
 to a compatriot than to a citizen of the United States, or pay 
 a little more for what he wished to buy? I think, therefore, 
 if our Legislature forced Ontario to buy her coal in Nova 
 Scotia, by imposing a duty of two or three dollars a ton on the 
 Pennsylvanian article, and obliged Nova Scotia to buy her pro- 
 duce, &c., in Ontario, it would be a great advantage to both, 
 and neither would have reason to complain. Ontario would, 
 no doubt, pay a million or two a year more for her coal than 
 she now pays, but Nova Scotia would have to pay out as much 
 extra for her produce, &c., and thus balance the account. 
 There are practical dillicalties in the way, of course, but deter- 
 mination on the part of Crovernment, and patience on the part 
 of the people, would certainly overcome them. 
 
 For instance, Ontario might want more coal than Nova 
 Scotia wants of produce ; or, again, as all classes in the latter 
 are not interested in coal, so are thero many classes in Ontario 
 not interested in manufactures or produce, and these differ- 
 ences might produce discord — for a time, — but after a while we 
 would learn to run smoothly in the groove prescribed for us, 
 and support our burthens without feeling them. (Cheers.) 
 
 " Canada for Canadians " is my motto ! The more we live 
 within ourselves, and the less we have to do with the outside 
 world in the w^ay of trade, the better for us all, and the sooner 
 we will return to a state of primitive innocence and beatitude — 
 when the millennium would be no object ! (Great enthusiasm.) 
 
 Mr. D. Bell said : — 
 
 1 shall vote, Mr. President, against the resolution. The 
 arguments of gentlemen in favor of it are no arguments at all, 
 and dc» not support their own conclusions. They seemed to 
 believe that our government, by simple fin/, could cause all our 
 troubles to vanish, and place us at once on a footing with 
 nations ten times as populous, twenty times as rich, and a hun- 
 dred times better off m the matter of climate. 
 
 Our troubles arc due to the circumstance that we want to 
 go too fast, and the sooner our manufacturers " moderate their 
 transports," the better. 
 
 They are all the time hankering after the markets of the 
 United States, as if that would help them much. If they cannot 
 compete with United States goods here, with all the protection 
 they already possess, how can they do so there ? 
 
ing — and I 
 
 »ds cheaper 
 tes, or pay 
 , therefore, 
 al in Nova 
 toil on the 
 uy her pro- 
 ge to both, 
 ario would, 
 r coal than 
 lit as much 
 e account. 
 , but deter- 
 3n the part 
 
 than Nova 
 L the latter 
 in Ontario 
 lese dilter- 
 a v^'hile we 
 ibed for us, 
 pheers.) 
 
 )re we live 
 ;he outside 
 the sooner 
 )eatitude — 
 ithusiasin.) 
 
 on. The 
 uts at all, 
 'omed to 
 se all our 
 ig with 
 nd a hun- 
 
 e want to 
 srate their 
 
 3ts of the 
 ey cannot 
 )roteGtiou 
 
 17 
 
 I think the simplest way lor government to meet the 
 clamour, would be to grant bounties at once, or to pension oif 
 every manufacturer ! 
 
 Mr. Samuel Slick.— Thouj^h not a regularly accredited 
 member, was allowed a hearing in behalf of Nova Scotian coal 
 owners, and spoke as follows : 
 
 3Ir. President and Gentlemen — I need not tell you that our 
 coal mining interests are in a horrible condition, nor that I 
 think it the duty of government, or in other words, the Domi- 
 nion as a whole, to contribute to their relief. 
 
 It is surely a shocking state )f tb sgs that we cannot turn 
 to profitable account, the wealth of coal with which nature has 
 so bountifully supplied us. Is it because there is too much 
 coal in the world ? or that the nation'-, who want it most find it 
 in plenty in their own soil 1 Whatever the reason, we certainly 
 cannot hud a market for ours, so long as Pennsylvania is per- 
 mitted to sell hers in Ontario, for the misfortune of the article 
 is, its bulk. The cost o. transportation is so great that people at 
 a distance won't buy our coal, and as we can't burn it all our- 
 selves, even if we did nothing else, we shall be obliged to shut 
 up, unless government do something for us — " dam quick" as 
 the negro said. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 Now, the reverent observer of nature (in Nova Scotia) 
 detects the finger of Providence in the circumstance, that Onta- 
 rio and Quel)ec have not been blessed with coal, and when 
 confederation was consummated, He must have designed that 
 these provinces shouUl get their supplies from us ; for political 
 boundaries and considerations must always take precedence of 
 mere geographical ones. liut I fear public sentiment is not 
 ripe (in Ontario at any rate) for legislation in conformity with 
 this design. There is too much ignorance and prejudice for 
 our rulers safely to prohibit all importations of foreign coil. 
 
 I would recommend, therefore, as an alternative, that a 
 bounty be granted to Nova Scotian coal proprietors on all the 
 coal they export. At present we are debarred from sending 
 our coal to the Eastern States by an import duty imposed by 
 the United States Oovernment, at the instigation of the bloated 
 coal monopolists of Pennsylvania. If our government will but 
 pay this duty for us, or perhaps a little more, in the form of a 
 bounty, the tax would fall very lightly on the whole people, 
 while it would infuse new life into our business. We could 
 then undersell Pennsylvania in their own markets, and leave a, 
 snug thing Jbr ourselves. (Cheers.) 
 
 
 
It 
 
 Mr. Blue thought Mr. Slick's suggestion so reasonable as 
 to commend itself at once to the good sense ot" members, and 
 he would, thereiore, embody it in his resolution. 
 
 Mr Doodle — Though not a member of the Board, asked 
 to be allowed to say a few words in support of what had tallen 
 from Mr. kSlick. He resided, he said, in the United States, but 
 had a pecuniary interest in the welfare of our great Dominion, 
 for he, in conjunction with a lew speculative friends, had 
 bought one of the largest coal mines in >Jova Scotia, in antici- 
 pation that the Canadian Grovernment would do something to 
 check-mate Pennsylvania, and place Nova Scotia in a position to 
 supply the Eastern States with coal. He trusted this natural 
 and proper expectation wouldnotprove unfounded, as otherwise 
 their speculation must be utterly disastrous. 
 
 He need hardly add that he spoke as much in the inter- 
 est of the Dominion as in his own, for previous speakers had 
 clearly shown that one went with the other. 
 
 Mr. Talker — Familiarly known as the "Major," now 
 addressed the Board as ioUows : — 
 
 Mr. President — The " grand national policy " to which we 
 are invited to give our adhesion, seems to me to be a very small 
 potatoe indeed, and the resolution is entirely too hi-falutin. It 
 amounts simply to copying the absurd commercial policy of 
 the United States not because of its intrinsic merits, but avow- 
 edly as a discrimination against that country. It resembles a 
 contemptible mimicry more than anything else. Why not apply 
 the brilliant idea to other countries as well, on the principle 
 that what others do to us, whether particularly meant for us or 
 nor, we should do to them, whether particularly good for us or 
 not? This would spare us the mental anguish of working out 
 a tariff for ourselves. 
 
 Of course, gentlemen who favor this resolution, assume 
 that the United States will not retaliate our " retaliation," as it 
 is called, but how would they look if they discovered some tine 
 morning that that country had imposed prohibitory duties on 
 our barley, lumber, wool and cattle? Perhaps they might 
 argue, with their elastic logic, that it would be better for us if 
 these products were kept at home. They would certainly be 
 cheaper ; and the cheapness of barley and wool would encour- 
 age the manufacture of beer and woollen goods, — those who 
 wanted to build houses, would get cheaper lumber, while every 
 living soul in the Dominion, except babes at the breast, would 
 profit by the cheapness of beef ! 
 
 The resolution as it stood originally, was so comprehensive, 
 
sonable as 
 ibers, aad 
 
 ird, asked 
 tiad tallen 
 itates, but 
 Jominion, 
 jnds, had 
 in autici- 
 lethinj^ to 
 )osition to 
 is natural 
 otherwise 
 
 the inter- 
 akers had 
 
 |or, now 
 
 v^hich we 
 
 •^ery small 
 
 lutin. It 
 
 policy of 
 
 )ut avow- 
 
 embles a 
 
 not apply 
 
 principle 
 
 for us or 
 
 for us or 
 
 rking out 
 
 assume 
 
 on," as it 
 
 iome tine 
 
 uties on 
 
 ^ might 
 
 tor us if 
 ainly be 
 
 encour- 
 ose who 
 ile every 
 t, would 
 
 hensive, 
 
 19 
 
 that it might at once have said : " everything under the earth, 
 on the earth, and above the earth, with the combinations 
 thereof," but some gentlemen have objected to the company of 
 " products of the soil," so these have been " lelt out in the cold;" 
 though with what consistency I fail to comprehend. Perhaps 
 the distinction they meant to draw was between things found 
 in a natural state, the direct gift of God, and the product of 
 mere human labour when expended only on the surface of the 
 earth ! The whole argument is too absurd. None of these 
 things should be "protected," but, certainly, " products of the 
 soil " could show a better claim for such protection than those 
 of the " forest and the mine." 
 
 Mr. Black, Junr. now rose, and expectation was on tip- 
 toe, members expecting a treat from the known eloquence and 
 versatility of this gentleman. He said : — 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen, — The necessity for protectino 
 our country, and our more simple countrymen, against the 
 invasion of cheap goods from the iStates, is quite apparent to 
 the initiated, and it arises from the circumstance that that 
 country has now returned to her normal condition of great 
 prosperity. During and for some time after the great war, 
 manufactured goods were cheaper here than there, and her 
 citizens consequently Hocked here for pleasure travel, or for 
 business, and made a nice thing by smuggling our goods back 
 with them into their own country. The coming and going of 
 these pilgrims, brought a double blessing, for they left money 
 for their expenses, and they left more for the smuggled goods. 
 Alas! this happy state of things has passed away, never, I fear, 
 to return. (Audible sighs from the majority) The tables are 
 turned. Things are cheaper there than with us, and out oi the 
 very abundance of their prosperity, tht^y can atf.)rd to sell their 
 manufactures here at less than cost, which we could never do ! 
 
 (Voice : they will soon tire of that !) 
 
 I wish I could think so, but no doubt they find a profit in 
 this slaughtering, because of the enormous extent of their 
 business. l! such a state of things as this be allowed to endure, 
 our infant manufactures will soon be crushed to death, and 
 G-overnment will be clearly responsible for thi^ catastrophe. 
 They may not indeiMl, by increasing taxation, make our pro- 
 ducts cheaper, but they can easily make those of the United 
 States dearor, which amounts to the same thing, (llt^ar ! Kear !) 
 
 Gentlemen on the other side, indeed, pretend that this 
 will make our own goods dearer likewise, but nothing can be 
 
20 
 
 movG absurd. Our manufacturers simply say : " Give us this 
 " country to ourselves, and we will deal fairly by you. You 
 " may be sure we will never charge more than we can gfet." 
 Can anything be more reasonable ? But even were it true that 
 larmers would have, under <his system, to pay dearer for 
 manufactured goods, they would lind ample compensation in 
 the increased value of their products. We observe, 1 admit, 
 a disposition among agriculturists of densely peopled countries, 
 to migrate to pastures new, where land is cheap; but this can- 
 not be owing to a desive to be better oil', for previous speakers 
 have demonstrated that the more populous a country is, the 
 better for every body in it. 
 
 It is very desirable, that o^r farmers and lower classes 
 generally, should apprehend that their interests are identilied 
 with those of the great class of i,'o beliveens this Board represents. 
 If they will but allow us to establish a rich middle class, by 
 catering for them in our own way, they must eventually profit 
 by the overflow. 1 would, therefore, deprecate any attempt on 
 the part of the farmer to get protection on his grain. There 
 is no necessity for it. It would be a bread tax too, and raise 
 the price of bread to the poor. I have already shewn that such 
 taxes have not the same etl'ect with manufactures. I need not 
 stop to explain the reason of this difference ; a little reflection 
 will make it clear; besides, the majority of this Board need no 
 convincing on this point. 1 am glad, therefore, that "products 
 of the soil " have been taken out of the resolution. 
 
 Manufactures, rather than agriculture, is what we need. 
 Now, as 1 have just said, ibrmer speakers conclusively estab- 
 lished that increase of population and increase of prosperity 
 •were identical terms. Well, gentlemen, I find by a close 
 scrutiny of the United States census statistics, that the greatest 
 increase of population there has taken place, not in exclusively 
 agricultural districts, but in busy manujaclurin^ centres ! (Loud 
 applause.) 
 
 I must now protest, sir, against the language of Mr. 
 Talker, when he urges this Board to hesitate before we adopt our 
 grand, national, protective and retaliatory policy, lest, forsooth ! 
 our neighbours may retaliate too ! Such language is an insult 
 to this Board, and should rally us to a man around our 
 glorious ensign of " Protection to our capitalists ! " (Cheers.) 
 What ! shall we be asked to modify a policy founded on what 
 the United States has done, by any considerations of what she 
 may do in return ? I scorn the recommendation, although I 
 do not doubt that the United States ivill retaliate, for they have 
 always adopted a policy of coercion towards this country. 
 There can be no doubt of this, for a prominent citizen of theirs 
 
21 
 
 Give us this 
 y you. You 
 we can g-et." 
 'e it true that 
 y dearer lor 
 ipeiisatiou in 
 rve, 1 admit, 
 led countries, 
 
 but this can- 
 ous speakers 
 »untry is, the 
 
 ower classes 
 are identilied 
 •d represents. 
 Idle class, by 
 iitually proiit 
 ly attempt on 
 rain. There 
 too, and raise 
 \vn that such 
 . I need not 
 tie reflection 
 )ard need no 
 it "products 
 
 lat we need. 
 sively estab- 
 )i' prosperity 
 by a close 
 the greatest 
 exclnsively 
 es ! (Loud 
 
 ag-e of Mr. 
 ve adopt our 
 st, ibrsooth ! 
 is an insult 
 around our 
 (Cheers.) 
 ed on what 
 jH what she 
 although I 
 r they have 
 is country, 
 en of theirs 
 
 divulged the secret one day after dinner, at Detroit ! ! But 
 shall such a policy succeed ? They must learn that Britons 
 are never, never, never to bo bullied or cajoled ! (Tremendous 
 applaase, members repeating " never, never never," to the 
 tune of " Rule Britannia.") 
 
 One word more, gentlemen, in conclusion. Anticipating 
 a question a certain honorable gentleman is probably about to 
 ask, I will tell him that we are not here to discuss mere details, 
 but to lay down great fundamental principles for the guidance 
 and instruction of our statesmen ! (Great cheering.) 
 
 The Honorable Mr. Old followed, and said : 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Genflemen, — Believing, as I do, in Adam 
 Smith and his disciples, McCuUoch, Peel, Mill, Cobden, Bright, 
 Gladstone, and Young, 1 cannot vote for the resolution before 
 us. 
 
 Exactly one hundred years ago, the illustrious founder of 
 the science of Political Economy wrote as foUov/s about arbi- 
 trary restrictions on trade : 
 
 "The mean rapacity of merchants and manufacturers would thus erect into 
 political maxims, for the conduct of a great nation, the sneaking arts of underling 
 t.adesmen ; but they who teach these doctrines are by no means such fooltiasthey 
 believe them. In every country It is, an, I always must be, the interest of the great 
 body of the people to buy whatever thev want of those who sell it cheapest. The 
 proposition is so manifest, that it could never have been called in question, had 
 not the interested sophistry of merchants and manufacturers confounded the com- 
 mon sense of mankind. Their interest it is to secure the monopoly of the home, 
 mark'jt, and is therefore directly oi)po.;ed to that of the great body of the people." 
 
 The principles here laid down, gentlemen, are as immut- 
 able as truth itself, and it is strange that they should still need 
 enforcing ; but the spirit of selHsh monopoly which Adam 
 Smith thus denounced is still alive and aggressive, as we have 
 heard here to-day: For one, I shall make no concession to it. 
 
 The resolution, moreover, aims a deadly blow at our com- 
 merce with the United States — by far the most valuable we 
 possess, and which I have done so much to create. When I 
 went to Washington in eigbtecn hundred and fif 
 
 (Voice from factious member of the other side 
 come now, we have heard all that before ! ") 
 
 Oh! 
 
 The honorable gentleman sat down abruptly, in great 
 disgust. 
 
 Mr. Fluke. I am here, sir, to represent the flour mills of 
 Ontario, and I think it will not be denied that that interest is in 
 
22 
 
 such a wretched slate as to demand the prompt attention of 
 Grovernment. It is all very tine for emigration agents, gover- 
 nors in vacation, the press, travellers, &c., &c , to laud and })utf 
 the " great prosperity " of the Dominion, but we, the manufac- 
 turers, certainly see things in a different light. The Hour-mill- 
 ing business, at any rate, is in a condition the very reverse of 
 pr sperous, and we owe it to the fact that American millers are 
 allowed to "slaughter" their flour in this country, w'lile we 
 have no such liberty in theirs: we can only slaughter here. 
 They send flour here, too, of i\ n uality we cannot easily produce 
 at all, and, of course, undersell us, simply because our misera- 
 ble Government won't keep it out ! Surely such a monstrous 
 state of things cannot long bo endured. 
 
 I do not dispute the fact, that we have far too many mills, 
 and that internal competition cuts down prices, but since the 
 mills are there, it is surely the duty of Government to see that 
 they can be protilably worked, by securing to us our home 
 market, if they cannot find one for us elsewhere. (Cheers. " Of 
 course it is !") 
 
 Mr. Starling said : The resolution, Mr. Chairman, is based 
 or false assumptions. Gentlemen who support it seem to 
 imagine that Government should have the management of 
 every business in ilie country. It would only be going a small 
 step further to assume tha*^^ Government should be held re- 
 sponsible for, and be made to father, the losses of every insol- 
 vent ! Now I believe that Government should interfere as 
 little as possible v-'ith the natur. ' course of trade ; and the only 
 justification for customs duties at all is, that a certain revenue 
 must be raised. 
 
 " Incidental protection " is a senseless shibboleth, for " protec- 
 tion" and revenue raising by import duties are utterly incom- 
 patible things. It is an easy matter indeed to make foreign 
 goods dearer, but if the consumption is not thereby diminished, 
 there is no " protection," and exactly in proportion as the pro- 
 tection thus afforded becomes efficient, does the revenue from 
 imports decline, until finally there is none. 
 
 There is much talk about the necessity for giving our bud- 
 ding manufactures "a start." I can as3ure you, gentlemen, it 
 will take a century or t vo before some of them can "go it 
 alone." I have, myself, been manutactnrins.'; a certain article 
 (I shall not name it, lor, of course I do not want the duties 
 removed from that article,) for twenty years, thanks to "inci- 
 dental protection." Well, during that time our Government 
 has derived no revenue whatever from that article, because 
 none has been imported; yet we could not continue that busi- 
 
28 
 
 attention of 
 ^ents, gover- 
 md and putf 
 he manufac- 
 le fiour-mill- 
 ■y reverse of 
 n millers are 
 J'', w'uie we 
 .lighter here. 
 sily produce 
 
 our misera- 
 a monstrous 
 
 many mills, 
 ut since the 
 it to see that 
 is our home 
 Cheers, "Of 
 
 nan, is based 
 
 : it seem to 
 
 lagement of 
 
 ^oing a small 
 
 be held re- 
 
 every insol- 
 
 interfere as 
 
 uid the only 
 
 a,in revenue 
 
 for " protec- 
 ?rly incom- 
 ake foreign 
 diminished, 
 as the pro- 
 venue from 
 
 !!]!• our bud- 
 eutlemen, it 
 
 can "go it 
 tain article 
 
 the duties 
 ks to " inci- 
 
 overnraent 
 lie, because 
 
 that busi- 
 
 ness for a day^ if the duty were removed. The only industries 
 worth cultivating — I speak, of course, from a statesman s point 
 of view — are those that take root naturally, and require no 
 forcing under glass, so to speak. 
 
 I wonder some protectionist has not asked Goverment to 
 exclude foreign grapes, in order to encourage our native vine- 
 yards; or to bring in an act to ameliorate the climate at once. 
 
 In conclusion, if " protection " is going to do such wonder- 
 ful things for us, let us have the " courage of our convictions," 
 and consistently apply it to all the world; and not a the 
 United States only, who do not discriminate against us. 
 (Silence.) 
 
 Mr. Straw (U. S.) said : I rise, Mr. Chairman, merely to 
 explain that this " slaughtering," so called, is simply the natural 
 effect of over production, and it must soon subside, for these 
 things regulate the.'.nselves. Precisely the same tiling is taking 
 place between different States of our Union. 
 
 We are sending wool from Michigan to Massachusetts, 
 which comes back to us in the shape of "slaughtered" goods, 
 while our woollen mills are standing idle; but Michigan does 
 not cry out for protection against Massachusetts. 
 
 Competition of this kind (or of any kind, for that matter, 
 and whether it comes from abroad or from our neighbour across 
 the street, makes no ditference), is no doubt very unpleasant 
 to every business man; but it is still more unpleasant to those 
 who are compelled to "slaughter" their accumulating stocks, 
 and must very soon prove suicidal to the butcher. 
 
 In short, gentlemen, "slaughtering" menns dull times and 
 bad business. There is a joke current in our Eastern States that 
 pretty well illustrates the state of things there. A man, being 
 told that ' ten mils make a cent,' replied, " that it was not so 
 where he came from, as no ton mills in that region made a 
 cent ! 
 
 Mr. Wat {fils) said : Since " protection " is evidently the 
 order of the day, Mr. Chiiirinan, I would like to put in a claim 
 for a little industry down in JNew Brunswick. 
 
 I refer to ship-})uilding, in which we employ some fifty 
 millions of capital. There will doubtless be a dilhculty in the 
 application of your principles to this branch of " manufactur- 
 ing," for our American friends are not in the habit of "slaugh- 
 tering " their s/i«7;s in this country, so that to shut these out 
 would not help us much. I think, however, this desirabio end 
 
24 
 
 may be secured by granting us a boudty of about SIO a ton, or 
 $15, 000 a ship. 
 
 Gentlemen who have so ably defended the principle of 
 protection to native industries will scarcely, I think, object to 
 so reasonable a proposition. 
 
 Ml'. Wat's remarks were, however, received with coldness. 
 It was thought that the interests he advocated had no more 
 claim for protection than "products of the scil." 
 
 Mr. Scantling now claimed the attention of the Board, 
 and spoke as foUows : Mr. Talker found it difficult to under- 
 stand why products ot the forest and mine were more deserv- 
 ing of pro'.ection than those of the soil. I will make the 
 thing plain, even to his comprehension. 
 
 In one word, it is capital that needs protection. Now it 
 requires a good d^^al of capital to carry on mining or lumber- 
 ing, whereas any pauper may go into the woods and turn 
 farmer. 
 
 When a man has nothing to lose, he has nothing to protect ; 
 but when the rich invest their accumulations in speculative 
 enterprises, (for the beneht of their work-people) it becomes 
 the duty of Government to see that they do not " come to 
 grief." It is well known that the lumber interest is in a veiy 
 melancholy state, and something must be done to resuscitate it. 
 
 Following the able argument of Mr. Slick, I may say that 
 ilenven has been very bountilul to us in the matter of timber ; 
 and, as throughout all nature, we trace benehcent design, — it 
 must have been intended that we should turji every stick of 
 this timber to account, as speedily as possible. 
 
 Many capitalists desiring humbly to act as instruments in 
 this design, have therefore engag-ed themselves in the exploit- 
 ation of this nati: -al wealth. 
 
 The result, however, has not, so fjr, been successful, for 
 the people of the United States, less penetrated with providen- 
 tial design, won't buy our lumber as fast as we can make it ! 
 
 It now remains for our Government to do something, or 
 we must slop cutting timber, which is not to be thought of. 
 (Hear! Hear!) 
 
 I would recommend that a bounty be granted to exporters 
 of lumber, as our neighbors aro. 
 results, with their reiine<l sugars, 
 
 The effect of that bounty in the United States (for bovmty 
 it no doubt is, in part, tho' called a "drawback") has been 
 such that their reliners are now exporting sugars in 
 immense quantities, even to England and Scotland. It may bg 
 
 doing, with such excellent 
 
 i ' i -i* 
 
2& 
 
 ) a ton, or 
 
 rinciple of 
 , object to 
 
 I coldness, 
 d no more 
 
 the Board, 
 
 to under- 
 
 )re deserv- 
 
 make the 
 
 . Now it 
 
 ir lumber- 
 
 and turn 
 
 ^o protect; 
 ipeculative 
 it becomes 
 " come to 
 |3 in a vei y 
 uscitate it, 
 
 ly say that 
 ■ timber ; 
 esig-n, — it 
 stick of 
 
 ments in 
 10 exploit- 
 
 5essful, for 
 irovideu- 
 uake it ! 
 ethini^, or 
 lought of. 
 
 exporters 
 excellent 
 
 )r bounty 
 has been 
 is^ars in 
 It may bo 
 
 said that if the people of England are thus supplied with su:^:irs 
 for less than they can make them, it is at the expanse ol the 
 people of the United States. Very good; but these, again, are 
 well repaid by the impetus given to so important a branch of 
 industry. This has been proved over and over again to the 
 satisfaction of every unbiased protectionist. 
 
 If we can induce our Grovernment to apply these princi- 
 ples to our lumber trade, there is no limit to the business we 
 will speedily do with all the world. Make the bounty higii 
 enough, and we will send our timber to Maine and to Norway, 
 and undersell dealers there. We would send it even into the 
 heart of the great Desert ot Sahara ! We could then employ 
 hundreds of thousands of the lower classes in this trade, build 
 up& rich middle class, and generally add to the prosperity of 
 the whole nation, (Cheers.) 
 
 Before sitting down, I would remind gentleriien who 
 have quoted from the political economists, that one of the 
 Litest and greatest of that school — Mill — has admitted, that 
 protection in a young country, may, under certain coiniitions, 
 be defensible. (Hear ! hear !) 
 
 Mr, Candid : I will gladly vote for the resolution, but I 
 would like to see it changed in one particular. 
 
 The words " encourage Jurlher investment,'" are in evident 
 contradiction with the general sense and aim of the resolation, 
 and should therefore be lelt out or altered. It would be a 
 queer way to enrich manufacturers to bring a multitude of 
 competitors into the field. The benefits to accrue Irom our 
 resolution should be strictly limited to those at present en- 
 gaged in manufacturing, at any rate, until these had made 
 enough to retire. 1 would suggest, theretore, that the words 
 " discourage further investment," be substituted. 
 
 Mr. Blue thought Mr, Ganoid's idea a good one, and he 
 altered the resolution accordingly. 
 
 Mr Quibble said: I can quite appreciate, Sir, the view 
 Mr. Candid takes of the question beloie U8. llti, at any rate, 
 is consistent, and sees that home competition is just as oOjec- 
 tionable as foreign, to the man who wants to make money ; and 
 we may as well admit, enlre nous, that money-making is what 
 brings us all here to-day. 
 
 Of course, we are all Free-traders in principle, just as we 
 are all believers in republicanism, or in doing to others what 
 we would like others to do to us, <Scc., &;c. ; but, unlbrtunati'ly 
 we cannot, in the present state of socicity, reduce our principles 
 
to practice. Every man who has a thing for sale, tries to 
 get the highest price for it, and would regard it as simple 
 idiotcy, to help his neighbour to undersell him. Now, I 
 happen not to be a manufacturer, and may therefore express 
 rayself more freely than I should probably do, if I had any- 
 thing to " protect." 
 
 The main diflS-culty with me, in this resolution, and in all 
 similar ones, is, that there is no logical or practical end to 
 them ; for the more you protect, the greater will grow the need 
 for protection. Internal competition becomes worse than the 
 foreign — stimulated as it is by an abnormal state of things, — 
 and so cuts down prices, until there is another cry for more 
 protection, and so on and on. In cases where foreign goods 
 are shut out altogether, things are no better — perhaps worse, — 
 but it will always be hard to bring manufacturers to admit 
 that there are too many factories, and that some must be shut 
 up to save the rest. Much has been made of the fact that 
 prices have not advanced here under protection. This is very 
 true, in a certain sense, and we see the reason, but it is, never- 
 theless, quite evident that paying prices are still too high, or 
 at least higher than those of foreign goods, with all expenses 
 added, or else why the demand, more importunate than ever, 
 to keep these out by higher duties? A manufacturer will rise 
 iii his place ;n Parliament and say it is " perfectly absurd" to 
 allege that protection makes higher prices, and in tLe same 
 breath ask for legislation to prevent the consumer from getting 
 foreign goods so cheap ! These reasoners confound, or pre- 
 tend to do so, the vltimale with the immediate or temporary 
 effect of high protective duties. 
 
 Allusion has been made to a certain passage in the writ- 
 ings of Mr. Mill, who was once betrayed into saying something 
 about protection that seems to be in contradiction with all his 
 other utterances on the subject. Now, whether it is true or not, 
 as some maintain, that Mr. Mill afterwards cancelled that pas- 
 sage, it is certainly straining it very much to apply it to our 
 circumstances, and such a use of it would, I think, have given 
 the author a tit ; for he is careful to quality it by adding that : 
 " Such protection should be confined to cases in which there is 
 " good assurance that the industry it fosters will, after a time, 
 " be able to dispense with it ; nor should the domestic pro- 
 '• ducers ever be allowed to expect that it will be continued to 
 " them beyond the time necessary for a fair trial." 
 
 Our protectionist friends must surely be very hard up for 
 authorities, when they appeal to this passage in support of 
 their clamour for more protection on every conceivable thing 
 
 "■llHWMiJ! 
 
« 
 
 , tries to 
 
 as simple 
 
 Now, 1 
 
 e express 
 
 had any- 
 
 and irL all 
 al end to 
 V the need 
 3 than the 
 [ things, — 
 jT for more 
 ign goods 
 s worse, — 
 I to admit 
 ist be shut 
 i fact that 
 iis is very 
 ; is, never- 
 »o high, or 
 1 expenses 
 than ever, 
 r will rise 
 bsurd" to 
 tLe same 
 m getting 
 d, or pre- 
 emporary 
 
 the writ- 
 omething 
 ith all his 
 ue or not, 
 that pas- 
 it to our 
 ive given 
 ing that : 
 there is 
 31 a time, 
 stic pro- 
 inued to 
 
 rd up for 
 pport of 
 )le thing 
 
 they may try to manufacture, and on the ground th^t the high 
 protective duties they have enjoyed for a generation or more 
 have not yet enabled them to compete with their foreign 
 rivals ! 
 
 To accede to this demand, would be to do what Mr. Mill 
 expressly warns us against. 
 
 Mr. Pigtail was the next speaker ; he said : The tobacco 
 interest, Mr. President, is in a sinking condition, and natarally 
 looks to Ottawa for succour. The stoppage of onr factories 
 would amount to a national calamity, for it would leave the 
 consumer — to whom tobacco has become the prime necessary 
 of life, — entirely at the mercy of rapacious foreigners. You 
 will agree that it is of the utmost importance, that tobacco 
 should be cheap, for it exercises a most benign influence over 
 the passions of the lower classes. It would bo sad, indeed, in 
 these hard times, if the poor man — in addition to the misery of 
 knowing that his children were without bread, — should also 
 be deprived of his pipe. (Hear ! Hear !) 
 
 The satisfaction tobacco manufacturers derive from these 
 reflections is very great, but it does not altogether compensate 
 for lack of dividends ; and it therefore devolves upon Grovern- 
 ment to sustain us in our philanthropic efforts. The importa- 
 tion of manufactured tobacco, in any shape, should be prohib- 
 ited, and the Excise Duty reduced or removed. The loss to 
 revenue could be made up in some other way. 
 
 I would recommend also, that the growth of the native 
 Canadian tobacco be stopped. The use of this article, in its 
 unmanufactured state, exercises a demoralizing efl'ect on the 
 mind, and a most unsavory effect on the person of the con- 
 sumer, besides depriving the maniifacturer of his jtist profit. 
 (Hear ! Hear !) 
 
 Mr. Shuttle said : I have listened with great pleasure to 
 the remarks of Mr. Pigtail. They have the true ring about 
 them, and recall to mind the good old times when England 
 protected her manufactures right royally. 
 
 I would like to see his suggestion, about native tobacco, 
 applied to the homespun garments worn in the Province of 
 Quebec, which subject woollen manufacturers to a most unfair 
 competition. 
 
 These home-made things should be interdicted, and 
 farmers compelled to bring their wool to our factories. (Hear ! 
 Hear !) 
 
 Mr. Savant, iu his excellent and learned speech, showed 
 
r^ 
 
 us how England had, in former ages, built up the iron trade 
 of that country. He might have shown that nearly all her 
 great industries had been " built up " in the same way. Her 
 woollen trade, for instance, was one of the special objects of 
 her solicitude, and this was how she encouraged it. No minc- 
 ing matters with her ! 
 
 By the 8th Elizabeth, chap. 3, — it was enacted that the 
 •' exporter of sheep, lambs or rams was, for the first offence, to 
 •' forfeit all his aoods, to suffer one year's imprisonment, and 
 •♦ then to have his left hand cut off." For the second offence, 
 be was to sutler death. By the 18th and 14th Charles II., the 
 exporter of wool was at once to suffer the extreme penalty. 
 The hscal leuislation of our mother country continued of this 
 character, unto the close of the 18th century, or until all her 
 great manulacturing industries were well established, and we, 
 as Mr, Savant had so conclusively shown, should follow her 
 example. Our penal clauses might, of course, be less severe, 
 but the exportation of wool should be prohibited at once, if we 
 are to " build up" our woollen manufactures after the English 
 style. (Loud cheers) 
 
 Mr I. R. Shuh followed, and sai<l : I will gladly vote for 
 the resolution, because the great rubber interest I represent 
 is run to earth, like everv other, by the " unfair " and iniqui- 
 tous competition of the United States. 
 
 Since that country has returned to what Mr. Black has 
 BO aptly termed " her normal condition of great prosperity," 
 we have been literally over-run with her rubber shoes, tuid 
 althou'Jfh these are not, it is true, sold at lower nrices than our 
 own, they are made (by a most contemptible duplicity,) of a 
 much superior quality, so that it amounts to the same thin<»', — 
 for under cover of getting a hiijher price, they are in reality 
 "slaughtering," by giving a better article. It is to be hoped 
 that our Grovernment will understand the importance of 
 thwarting this crafty design by iir,,osing such duties as will 
 banish these odious foreign wares altogether; or, at least, make 
 them so costly as to place them beyond the reach of any but 
 the rich and i'ancilul. Certainly, if the present apathy of our 
 rulers continue much lonyer, there will soon be no demand for 
 our shoes, and we must close our factories— with what disas- 
 trous consequences to the whole country I need not point 
 out. (Hear ! Hear !) 
 
 Mr. Stout said : Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I cordially 
 appr< ve of the spirit of the resolution, and of the letter too, as 
 tar as it goes, but 1 quite agree with Mr. Blue that it would b^ 
 
ron trade 
 [y all her 
 ^•ay. Her 
 objects of 
 No mine- 
 that the 
 offence, to 
 ment, and 
 d offence, 
 js II., the 
 » penalty. 
 :»d of this 
 itil all her 
 1, and we, 
 bllow her 
 ss severe, 
 nee, if we 
 le English 
 
 y vote for 
 represent 
 id iniqui- 
 
 LACK has 
 osperity," 
 hoes, II lid 
 
 than our 
 •ity,) of a 
 
 thin<»-, — • 
 in reality 
 be hoped 
 rtance of 
 es as will 
 ast, make 
 
 any but 
 hy of our 
 
 mand for 
 
 at disas- 
 luot point 
 
 Icordially 
 
 |er too, as 
 
 ,'ould be 
 
 29 
 
 wise to extend its operation to England as well. 1 mean, of 
 course, hi^li duties, for in her case reciprocal ones would be of 
 no avail. The industry 1 am more particularly interested in 
 suffers most from the competition of that country, and it has 
 been very clearly established by the able speeches we have 
 listened to to-day, that competition of any kind is to be depre- 
 cated and put down if possible. 
 
 I would, therefore, recommend that Government be in- 
 structed to impose heavy duties on English ales, — amounting 
 to prohibition, — and on all foreign wines and spirits too. 
 There can be but one opinion as to the advantages that would 
 flow to the whole Dominion, not only in a material, but also in 
 a moral or temperance point of view, from the adoption of this 
 policy; and if the exportation of barley were likewise forbidden, 
 it would give an additional stimulus to our business, and prove 
 a great blessing to the poor and thirsty, by reducing the price 
 of beer. 
 
 " Products of the soil," have been very properly eliminated 
 from the resolution, as deserving of no consideration, and we 
 must do our rulers the justice to say that they have not hitherto 
 bestowed much consideration upon them ; but a very absurd 
 and very pernicious exception to this rule has been made in 
 the case of hops, which are n^^vv highly protected. 
 
 I am sure you will all agree with me, that to protect my 
 raw material is, as Mr. Ogle so cogently observed, "going just 
 a little too far." Grovernraent should be instructed to correct 
 this anomaly. (Hear ! Hear !) 
 
 Mr. Blue thought the recommendations of Messrs. Pigtail, 
 Shuttle, Shuh and Stout, well worthy of attention, and he 
 would embody them in his resolution. 
 
 Mr. Fossil brought the debate to an appropriate close in 
 the following terse and eloquent speech : 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen, — I should be false to my sense 
 of honor and of duty, did I fail to record my indignant protest 
 against the arguments used here to-day by the opponents of 
 our resolution. These gentlemen have quoted from the 
 scribblings of that arch-humbug, Dr Adam Smith, in favor of 
 their theories, as if he could possibly have known anything 
 whatever of the Canadian tariff, or of any other tariff" indeed, 
 for he was never in business of any kind ! 
 
 They call him the " founder of the science of political 
 economy." "Why, political economy— of a kind, too, vastly 
 
3B 
 
 superior to his — had been in existence a hundred years before 
 he was born ! as Mr. Savant and others have shown ; and, in 
 fact, we may date the decline of that glorious system by which 
 England "built up" her industries from the publication of 
 Smith's radical notions. 
 
 This pseudo-philosopher and his disciples professed to 
 take very comprehensive views of fiscal matters, embracing the 
 whole of the lower orders in their purview ; and wrote glibly 
 about the "greatest good of the greatest number," and similar 
 balderdash. But I should like to know, if our men of business 
 are not the best judges of their own affairs ? 
 
 Moreover, if we want authorities at all on these subjects, 
 we need not go so far away, or so far back. We have them 
 here at home. I, of course, allude to those eminent Canadian 
 litterateurs and very original thinkers — " Kuklux," the founder 
 of the new philosophy of " promotion," and Mr. J. M. Verdant, 
 the great exploder of Youngism in all its pestilent ramifications. 
 To the latter we owe much ; for while he has often proved, to 
 the simplest capacity, that the United States is a much better 
 country than this, for the man of business, hasyet kindly con- 
 sented to live here in order to set us right in commercial 
 legislation. 
 
 " Kuklux", in his last great work, the " Ideal Tariff, or 
 Sevelation applied to Customs," says (I quote from memory) : 
 
 " Promotion is the equivalent, or resultant, of several co-relative economic 
 forces, set into motion by sound science (which is not, be it ol)served, the same as 
 'science of sound') ; and acting and re-acting on one another in such a way as to 
 create a beautiful social harmony, in which Home Industry becomes idealized, and 
 the labourer is not to be confounded with the thing, labour — tliough we cannot 
 always with certainty determine their relative values, nor whether they really do ; 
 but it does not matter to the issue that they should, because " 
 
 Member : Would you please to jay that again ? 
 
 Mr. Fossil was about to comply, but members showed so 
 much impatience to get away, and there were so many cries of 
 " vote !" " vote !" that he was obliged to take his seat. 
 
 The vote was then taken, and the resolution, with all its 
 amendments and embodiments, was, of course, carried by a 
 large majority. 
 
 Members hurried out with a somewhat unseemly haste, 
 of which we only afterwards learned the cause. It appears 
 they entertained no doubt that Government, at the approaching 
 session, would adopt the policy of the resolution, and they were 
 
ears before 
 n ; and. in 
 a by which 
 )lication of 
 
 rofessed to 
 bracing the 
 ;^rote glibly 
 nd similar 
 of business 
 
 31 
 
 therefore anxious to communicate at once with their .-presen- 
 tativGs at home, and instruct them to import as many " Slaugh- 
 tered goods as possible before the tariff was raised ° 
 
 # 
 
 # 
 
 # 
 
 # 
 
 * 
 
 # 
 
 As we go to press, we learn that aovernment has disap- 
 
 ouentt 1"'" ''''V?^ f "^ ^r' «^P««t-tion, and there is cons?, 
 quently, a general ieeling of indignation. 
 
 3 subjects, 
 ^ave them 
 Canadian 
 le founder 
 ^.Verdant, 
 aifications. 
 proved, to 
 ich better 
 :indly con- 
 ommercial 
 
 Tariff, or 
 lemory) : 
 
 ive economic 
 , the same as 
 h a way as to 
 idealized, and 
 h we cannot 
 ey really do ; 
 
 ihowed SO 
 iy cries of 
 
 th all its 
 fied by a 
 
 nly haste, 
 t appears 
 )roaching 
 hey were