i^. ^^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) ^^? A I^J^ 1.0 1.1 12.8 IAS ■2.5 1^1^ 12.2 ui SB4 ^^^ — 1 1^1^ IL25 nil 1.4 II! 1.6 Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 93 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. M5C0 (71«) S73-4i03 ^V iV ^.^^ ^^ ^^^ '^^ CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. [. CIHIVI/iCMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Tschnical and Bibliographic Notaa/Notaa tachniquaa at bibliographiquaa Tna Instituta has attanptad to obtain tha baat original copy availabia for filming. Faaturas of this coE>v which may ba hibliographicaHy uniqua, which may altar any of tha imagaa in tha raproduction, or which may significantly changa tha usual mathod of filming, ara chackad balow. □ Colourad covars/ Couvartura da coulaur I I Cova>a damagad/ D D n D Couvartura andommagAa Covars lastorad and/or laminatad/ Couvartura rastaurte at/ou palliculAa □ Covar titia miasing/ La titra da couvartura manqua I — I Colourad mapa/ Ccrtaa gitegraphiquas an coulaur Colourad ink (i.a. othar than b*ua or black)/ Encra da coulaur (i.a. autra qua blaua ou noira) I — I Colourad plataa and/or illuatrationa/ Planchaa at/ou illuatrationa an coulaur Bound with othar matarial/ Rail* avac d'autras documanta Tight binding may cauaa shadows or distortion along intarior r.iargin/ La re liura sarria paut causar da I'ombra ou da la diatorsion la long da la marga IntAriaura Blank laavas addad during rastoration may appaar within tha taxt. Whanavar possibla. thasa hava baan omittad from filming/ II sa paut qua cartainaa pagas blanchas oioutAaa iors d'una rdstauration apparalssant dana la taxta. mala, icrsqua cala itait possibla, cas pagas n'ont paa At* filmAas. Additional commants:/ Commantairas supplAmantairas; L'Institut a microfilm* la maillaur axamplaira qu'il lui a *ti possibla da sa procurar. Las diteils da cat axamplaira qui sont paut-Citra uniquas du point da vua bibliographiqua. qui pauvant modifier una image raproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger unA modification dana la mithoda normaia de f iSmaga sont inciiqute d-daasous. |~~1 Colourad pagas/ D D D n Pagaa da coulaur Pagas damagad/ Pagas andommagiaa Pagas restored and/or laminated/ Pagas raataurias et/ou palliculies Pagaa discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pagas dicolorias. tacheties ou piquies Pagaa dataehed/ Pagas ditachies Showthrough/ Transparanca r~l Quality of print varies/ Quality inigale da rimpression Includes supplementary matarial/ Comprand du material suppMmantaira Only edition available/ Saule Mition disponible I d a fa rl r( n Pagas wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., hava been refiimed to enaura tha bast possibla image/ Lea pagas totalament ou partiellement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, una pelure, etc.. ont iti film*es i nouveau da fapon k obtenir la mailleure image poasibia. This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est filmi au taux da riduction indlquA ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X &x MX 30X / 12X IfX »X 24X 28X 32X Th« copy film«d hem has bMn r«produc«d thanks to th« ganarooity of: Library of tha Public Arcliivas of Canada L'axamplaire film4 fut raproduit grAca k la gAnAroaitA da: La bibiiothiqua das Archivas publiquas du Canada Tha imagas appaaring hara ara tha baat quality poaaibia conaidaring tha condition and laglbliity of tha original copy and in kaaping with tha filming contract spacif icationa. Original coplaa in printad papar covara ara filmad baglnning with tha front covar and anding on tha last paga with a printad or iiluatratad impraa- slon, or tha back covar virhan appropriata. All othar original coplaa ara filmad baglnning on tha first paga with a printa^i or iiluatratad impras- sion, and anding on tha laat paga with a printad or iiluatratad impraasion. Tha laat racordad frama on aach microficha ahall contain tha symbol —«»•( moaning "CON- TINUED"), or tha symbol ▼ (moaning "END"), whichavar appllaa. Laa imagaa auh^antaa ont AtA raproduitaa avac la plus grand aoln. compto tanu da la condition at da la nattat* da i'axampiaira film*, at an conformity avac laa conditions du contrat da filmaga. Laa axamplairaa originaux dont la couwrtura an papiar aat ImprimAa sont filmis an commandant par la pramiar plat at an tarminant salt par la darnl#ra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'imprassion ou d'iiiustration, soit par la sacond plat, salon la cas. Tous las autras axampiairas originaux aont filmte sn comtnanpant par la pramlAra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'imprassion ou d'iiiustration at an tarminant par ia darnlAra paga qui comporta una taiia amprainta. Un daa aymboias suivants apparaftra sur ia darnlAra Imaga da chaqua microficha, salon ia cas: la symbols — ^ signifia "A SUiVRE", ia symbols ▼ signifia "FIN". IMaps, platas, charts, ate, may ba filmad at diffarant raductlon ratioa. Thoaa too larga to ba antiraiy includad in ona axposura ara filmad baglnning in tha uppar iaft hand cornar, laft to right and top to bottom, aa many framaa as raquirad. Tha following diagrama iilustrata tha mathod: Las cartaa, planchas, tablaaux, ate, pauvart Atra fiimia k daa taux da reduction diff Grants. Lorsqua la documant ast trop grand pour fttra raproduit an un saul cllchA, 11 aat film* A partir da i'angia supAriaur gaucha, da gaucha A droita, at da haut 91% has, an pranant ia nombra d'imagas nAcassaira. Las diagrammas suivants iilustrant ia mithoda. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 il TI- PRD LETTERS ILLU8TEATIVE OF WktWmmi Wmim d WMm iisr C j^N ^T> A., WBITTEH ON THE OCCASION OF THE POLITICAL COMEMON, Which met at Toronto, on 9th Nov., 1859. 'OB'^ ISA.-A.O B■C^aH[-A.3^T-A.lS^, ' V • M.P.P. FOR HAMILTON. HAMirrON: PBINTBD AND PUBLISHED AT THE "sPEOTATOK" OFFICE, COUKT HOUSE BQUABS. 1859. 5 staD i T f Tacl reee ling Can the tod pose ao n the hop< dian ) tion 1 doul the] » 8 LETTER I. ■:( ■, [to TBK KDITOR of TBI SPBOTATOB.] . Hamilton, Nov. 2, 1869. Sir, — Circumstanced au I am, I do not feel at liberty to take measures to have deleeates sent to the coming Convention, which as member of this city I have been called upon to do. As a mere preliminary meeting or op- I>ortunity for discussion, there is, of course, ess objection to this gathering, but a Con- vention with the view of proposing constitu- tional changes should uertainly be a Conven- tion of the whole people of the Province through their delegates. The Hon. Wm. Hamilton Merritt takes even a more serious view of it, having given notice of the follow- ing motion in Parliament: " That an humble address be presented to Her Majesty, praying that Her Majesty may be pleased to authorize His Excellency the Governor General to take immediate steps for the election, by the Parliamentary elec- tors of the Province, of twenty-four deletfates (twelve from each section of the Province), to a general Convention, charged with the preparation of a Constitution for the future Government of Canada, and for the submis- sion of the same, when prepared, for the ap- proval 01 Tfjection of the people of the Pro- vince, and subsequently of the Imperial Gov- ernment." In the meantime there seems to mn, at least, some danger that, to get quit of long protract- ed exertion and trouble, a general Federation of all the American colonies may be precipi- tated, for which we are aot yet prepared. I desire, therefore, to reproduce for public consideration my view of a compromise to which a trial should be given, before entirely abandoning (as such a step could never be retraced) the hope of our still being able to work the British system of Government in a shape modified to suit the peculiar circum- stances of Canada. Though one of the first (when Colonel Tache called us Pharisaical Brawlers) to resent the then apparent intention of tramp- ling on the feelings and interests of Upper Canada; I have smce become satisfied that the isower Canadians have in truth no desire to dominate over Upper Canade, and that the possibility of their doing so has flowed from BO many Upper Canadians having supported the principle of the single majority in the hope eventually of getting the Lower Cana- dians under their feet in the continued opera- tion of this principle. Nor have I now any doubt that the simple declaration by us that the present Legislative union of the Csnadaa is Federative, and therefore that the princi- ple of the double majority must hereafter be acted upon, would be found sufiicient guar- antee against French domination. I now also see that with a little good management and forbearance, we may avoid organic cbangea for the present at least The evils we complain of arise in our circumstances.— I doubt very much whether even in England, Responsible Government, as practised here, can in every feature be perpetuated, but at all events, we, in Canada, evidently have not a class of men so independent in their circumstances and mir.ds as it demands. I think, therefore, that we should restrict the responsibility of our Canadian Ministers to Exet-utive acts, or the carrying out of the laws and the details of the Government, leaving to the people's representatives the whole responKihility of making the Laws — Under our present system, two great praoti- cal evils have no doubt sprunsr up. ard whether these have arisen from the systeia itself, or from the circumstances of this Pro- vince, they must Ve euied immediately. The first of these evils which we experienced was that Ministers, being ohliced to sustain their msjorities in every vote, hHVe to ask too much of their conscientious supporters, and have to yield too much to their unscrupulous ones. This I think may very simply be cured by the members of Government appearing in the House, simply as members of Parliament, taking no particular reeponsibility of particu- lar Legislative measures more than any other members.* The second evil has been, that a Ministry may attempt to retain possession of the patronage of the Province,without having a majority from both sections. And this also, I think is susceptible ot cure, especially if we a<^opt the first reform proposed above, leaving the people's representatives the eniire respon- "ibility of making the laws. Under such ar- rangement the Ministry would go out of oflice only on a vote of want of confidence being carried against them (for which a call of the house might be made necessary) and to cure the second evil,all that would be required in addition would be that a re- organization of the Government should always be made when- ever the Ministry was found to have against them a majority of the whole members from either section of the Province, absent as well as present. * The other present functions, or peculiar duties of a Government, such as originating money Bills, would, of course, still remain with Miniaten. Nor do I 8«e any great difficulty in making such an arrangement; responsible Oorern- ment was established when the Parliament sat at Kingston in 1841, in a very simple way by Resolution of the House of Assembly — and any amendment of the system would natural- ly be arranged in the same simple way. These my views, you are aware, I laid on the table of Parliament on 2nd April last, when I gave notice of the following amend- ment to the Hon. John Sandfield Macdonald's motion respecting the Double Majority princi- ple : "That our highly prized constitutional Erinoiple of Responsible Government has eoome in practice an instrument of the greatest legislative tyranny, and of the most flagrant Executive injustice. Members of this House, although repre8eni.ative8 of large majorities of their constituencies, and al- though also coinciding in sentiment with a majority of the whole people in their sec- tion of the Province, as expressed through their representatives, being practically de- prived of all influence in the legislation of the Province, and of all influence over the pa- tronage and other acts of the Executive Gov- ernment in their respective localities : That until the principle of Representation by Pop- ulation, without regard to a dividing line between Upper and Lower Canada, receives the sanction of the double minority, or of a majority of the representatives both of Upper and of Lower Canada, it is imperative to the well-working of Responsible Government that the Double Majority principle should be in praciical operation so far, that if, on a vote of want of confidence (of which a week's notice shall have been given) there is found a majority of the whole members from either section (or thirty-three members from either section of the Province) against the Govern- ment, it will be the duty of the Ministers re- presenting such section in the Cabinet to re- sign their offices, as no longer representing the public opinion of such section of the Pro- vince." Yours Respectfully, ISAAC BUCHANAN. LETTER II. [TO TBI «DITOB OF TBI SPI0TA.TOB.J Hamilton, Nov. 9, 1859. Sir — I send you some jottings which I bad made for use at the Convention, if I could have been satisfied that the parties with \. horn it originated have only in view the breaking down, or modifying of a system whose oper- ation has proved vicious, and not only the breaking-down of the present Canadian Min- iitrv who, to some extent at least, are mere ▼ictimg of the system. I have been recom- mended to take this means of laying these views before the members of the Convention, seeing that every one knows I have no party bias, and seeing that there will be few present at the Convention who, like me, were Mem- bers of Parliament at the former great Consti- tutional crisis of 1841, and were of the grand old liberal party of that year which initia- ted all the great reforms which have been in- troduced into Canada. And I, myself, have thisinducem:>nt to the publishingof my views that I am known not to be permanently in public life, but will leave it the moment my doing so will suit the interests of Hamilton. I feel, therefore, that my views may b« re- ceived with less prejudice than those of pro- fessional politicians, more especially as I have had the longest experience of the busi- ness and politics cf Canada. I am. Sir, Yours respectfully, ISAAC BUCHANAN. PHIAHBLI. It seems to me that, passing over any con- sideration of the prudence or otherwise of calling this convention in the way it has been called, we should at once address ourselves to the vital questions which have lately forced themselves upon the Province,and call loudly for immediate action. THB NBOKSSITT OF A OHAMOB OF ST8TKH. There can be few indeed who do not now recognise the necessity of a greater or lesser alteration of our system of responsible gov- ernment. Indeed, the making the Upper House elective did away with any remaining hope of our successfully working the princi- ple of responsible government as established in 1841. The Americans, prior to their revolution, and the formation of the constitution of the United States, had found out that th«7 had not a claae of men capable of working the British system, so they at once disunited the Legislature firom the BzecutiTe. They left to the representatives of the people the whole responsibility of making the laws, and they left to the Oovernment only the respon- sibility of carrying out the laws, after these were made by the people. It is not, there- fore, to be wondered at if British responsible government has been found by experience to be unfit for the circumstances of Canada. And this is still less to be wondered at when we see that, even in England, their once con- stitutional political parties, representing the great interests of the country and empire, are now no longer embodiments of principles, but only conspiracies of men, quite as void of any common principle as our political parties are in Canada, and which can only be allowed the name of constitutional parties by an ex- cess of courtesy, which violates the truth. I have long seen the necessity for some change of system, and on 2nd April last I laid on the table of Parliament a notice of the following motion, which I give here as the best way of illustrating my view of our provincial posi- tion: '* That our highly prized constitutional principle of Responsible Oovernment has become in practice an instrument of the greatest legislative tyranny, and of the most flagrant Executive injustice — members of this House, although representatives of large majorities of their constituencies, and al- though also coinciding in sentiment with a majority of the whole people in their Section of the Province, as expressed through their Representatives, being practically deprived of all influence in the Legislation of the Pro- vince, and of all influence over the patronage and other acts of the Executive Government in their respective localities : That until the principle of Representation by Population, vrithout regard to a dividing line between Upper and Lower Canada, receives the sanc- tion of the double majority, or of a majority of the Representatives both of Upper and of Lower Canada, it is imperative to the well- working of Regponsible Government that the Double Majority principle should be in practical operation so far, that if, on a vote of want of confidence (of which a week's notice shall have been given) there is found a majority of the whole members from either Section (or thirty-three members from either Section of the Province^ against the Govern- ment, it will be the duty of the Ministers representing such Section in the Cabinet to resign their ofiBces, as no longer representing the public opinion of such Section of the Province." WBAT TBI OBANQI Of BTBTIM MOnLO 11. In my Parliamentary motion, I have in- dicated my view to be that before adopt- ing the American principle of ofQcers di- rectly elected by the people, we should give another trial to a Responsible Government modified to suit the circumstances of Canada. I have no objections that to be a member of Parliament should be a nesessary qualifi- cation for the heads of depariments or Cana- dian Ministers of the Crown, but I think that these Ministers, though in Parliament, should not be held responsible for the legislation of the country. I think their responsibility should extend no farther than for their Exe- cutive acts, and they should go out of o£Bce only on a solemn vote of want of confi- fidence being carried against them by a majority of all the members, absent as well as present, from their particular section of Canada. All which, I see, can be easily arranged in the same way as Responsible Government was established in 1841, viz., by Resolution of the House of Assembly. THB NBOBSSITT OV ODB ADOPTINO A PATBIOTIO POLICY IN RIOABD TO THB IHPLOTHBHT OV OUB OWN PEoru. But political systems or forms of Govern- ment are, after all, not the most important considerations, for people will starve under a Republic equally as under a monarchy. Even if we could attain Representation by Population in Canada, or something that would suit the same purpose, we should only have attained a popular machinery, and the question would remain as to the object to which it will be applied. At present, howe- ver, neither our Ministry nor Parliamentary Opposition possess any very distinctive prin- ciples or policy— the practice of the Govern- ment being Protectionist while their princi- ple is Free Trade as much as is that of the Opposition, the members of both knowing that they dare not avow the principle of Free Trade or at least dare not attempt to practise it. The time seems, therefore, to have come when individuals and parties should be no longer tolerated in usurping for church ques- tions and abstract theories of Government the first place in our Provincial politics, and should be told that the question of the em- ployment of a people is thb great constitu- tional QUESTION IN EVERT COUNTRY, and ouc in importance far before all other questions, even those of forms of Government. WHAT THB TBUB BCONOMIOAL POLICY POB CANADA 18. Of old, He was said to be the greatest patriot who made two blades of grass grow where formerlj there was bnt one ; but in Oanada production will take care of itself ; and he is the gfreatest patriot who can secure better markets for Canadian productions. Political economists, who get their knowledge from books, regard the people only as consumer!, and try to convince them that their whole or their main interest is in cheapness, whereas the distinctive characteristic of the people la that they labour— ihtki they are pro(iucerf,aDd have therefore as their main interest more bidders for their labour, which means more, not less, price for the commodity. It is self- evident that if a man's production did not exceed his consumption there would be no profit, and his employment would cease ; and his production being therefore the larger quantity, be is more interested in the price of it than in the price of the smaller quantity — his consumption. But it is well for Canada that she can afford to throw theories to the winds, having a certain and unfailing barome- ter of her great interests. In her farmers, Canada has a great class, the prosperity of which secures the prosperity of all other classes ; so that the true economical policy for Canada is to promote the prosperity of the Canadian farmer. And how this is to be done is the simple political question of the Cana- dian patriot. Yet — to t' e shame of British statesmen be it said — a question so momen- tous to Canada was known to have had no consideration in England, when she, in 1846, diametrically altered her policy and repealed Navigation rights, to give us the Reciprocity Treaty, which, while it exists removes the Canadian farmer's cause of crmplaint. Now, therefore, the preservation of this Recipro- city with the United States is shewn to be not oolythe interest of the farmers and through them of all others in Canada,butof the British Qovernment, as without it Canadians are left in a position to be much benefitted by Canada being annexed to U.S. I speak plainly, viewing him the most loyal man who speaks most plainly at such aicrisis. And this Reciprocity Treaty can only even- tually be secured and rendered permanent, by the British Government adopting the great principle of decentralizing the manu- facturing power of the Empire — a principle which would aggrandise the British Empire and be an incalculable benefit to the working classes in England, Ireland and Scotland. — To preserve the Empire, Britain has to yield the selfish principle of centralizing which has ruined Ireland and India, so far as such countries could be ruined, and cost us the old American colonies. The principle of decentralizing the manufac- tures of the Empire is a principle which would secure for the Empire an enor- mous additional trade and influence. — Through the instrumentality of some one or other of her dependencies (which might be called England in America — England in Australia — England in India, &c., &c.,) she could secure Free Trade for all her mechanics (until all the old distinctions between Canadian and I that chose to go to these favored localities, American produce in her markets. The \ with countries that could never agree to direct and immediate effect of this precipi- 1 Free Trade direct with England, without tate introduction of free imports (for it is not | giving a death blow to their comparatively Free Trade) into the mother country was most ! comfortable populations. For instance. disastrous to Canada, and was more likely to prove subversive of her loyalty than any thing that could have been anticipated ; for it left the Canadian farmer (on the North Bank of the St. Lawrence) only the English market for bis produce in which he has to compete (after paying all freights and ex- penses across the Atlantic) with wheat of countries where labor and money are not worth one third what those are in Canada, while it gave to the American farmer (on the South Bank of the St. Lawrence) this Eng- lish market to avail of whenever it suited him, in addition to the American market. — Happily the British Government saw in time the error committed in bringing about a state of things in which it would have been impos- sible to retain, upon British principles, the Oanadas— British principles always involving the idea that the object of Britain in acquir- ing or retaining territory is to bless not to blight it. And Lord Elgin bribed the Am- ericans by sharing with them our Fishery and England could never get Free Trade with the United States in manufactured goods, but no doubt the United States would be prepared to extend the Reciprocity Treaty with Cana- da, thus throwing down all interior Custom Houses between Canada and the United States, which done, the Englishman, by com- ing to Canada, and manufacturing his goods at our endless water powers, will be able to save the 25 per cent charged on the same goods going direct from England to the U.S.; and hundreds of mill-owners now in uneasy circumstances in England, would, under such an arrangement, immediately transfer to Canada their machinery and hands to the infinite benefit of the population thus re- moved, and to the aggrandisement of the Empire. And this is the main thing wanted by the Canadian farmer, permanently, as giv- ing him a market on the spot for his roots and spring crops, thus rendering rotation of crops possible, while it would give him also that which is so valuable to him in the present iciprooity (antil he gets his rotation of crops estab- lished), the superior market for his white wheat furnished in the United States by the Reciprocity Treaty. To the United States, and more especially to the Western States, as making the St. Law- rence the great highway of America, free trade and navigation with Canada would gire great development, would give,in a word, all the commercial advantages of annexation. The natural policy of Canada ia seen clear- ly therefore to be thi ibtablishhent or an Ahirioan Zolvibiin, such as exista among the German States. Under this the United States and Canada would neither of them levy any customs taxes on their interior fron- tiers, but only at the seaports from Labrador to Mexico — the same duties being levied and each country getting its share in the propor- tion of its population. Let it be therefore resolved, that for our commercial system, the principle should be adopted by Canada of an American Zolverein, or, in other words, free trade with America, but not with Europe. And this will be a yA.19. COHFROMISB BBTWXEN THE VIBWS OV THB TWO CLASSES or raiENDs or the Canadian rARHBB, ONE or WHICH HOLDS THAT OCR FARMER IS TO BB MOST BXNBriTBD BY GENERAL FhBB TrADB AND DIRECT TAXATION, AND THE OTHER BV KEEPING ODR MONET IN THr COUNTRY THROCGH THE bbbtriction or importations and indirect TAXATION. This would terminate our present unprin- cipled posi.ion of political parties in Canada By setting up a policy of Canadian patriotism we should have, as the opposition to us, whether government or parliamentary oppo- sition, the foreign, or foreign trade, party ; and that the aims of such a party never has more than mere personal selfishness in view is clearly enough shown in this that while in England it is in favor of local manufactures because there shey are manufacturers, here,in Canada, it would be agaiust local manufac- tures because here they are merchants, and in fact represent an English local Faction in- stead of a great British Interest. AS A PRELIMINARY, THE BALANCB Or THE OHtniCH QOE8T10N, THAT STILL DISTRACTS THE PROVINCE, MUST BB RJiMOVED. The bane of the British Empire is the fact that, though in British theory the peoples' question is the first thing, in practice it is not so. Of the Members of the English House of Commons, two-thirds are from Counties or constituences where the Church question is thi first question at the Hustings, and the question of the Industrial Rights and Privi- lege of the people has no influence at all on the elections. The peoples' question can, therefore, never ai a matter of fact be diieui* sed, except in appearance, in England ; for nothing ia seriously discussed in Parliament, except matters which afifect the Hustings.— ^ The ruling party in England was, therefore, prior to 1846, as now, the Church party, and the individuals of that party having thought only of their own interests, except to the ex- tent to keep off outbreak among the people, had entirely lost the confidence of the masses in England, Ireland and Scotland. This fact formed a fine vantage ground for the foreign party in England, or Manchester school, to propose and introduce ideas the very contrary to those held by this deservedly hated, because selfish class. The attempt was made, and free trade was introduced, not because it was the interest of the British em- pire, or even of England, but because it was opposed by the governing class, who were known to think only of themselves, and al- ways to be against the people. If Free Trade (uod not only free imports) had beea introduced into England, it might have suited the circumstances of England, tho' even this would not have suited for the Empire diversified as are its circumstances and interests ; and but for the most obvious providencies, among which is the obtaining of our Reciprocity Treaty with the United States, the disruption of the Empire would have been endangered ere now. Free Trade is the contrary principle to that of Empire ; for if England lakes every dirty child off the street and treats him like her own child, her own child will not long feel towards her very differeutly from the dirty child. And not to extend remaiks regarding the operation of Fre: Trade in England herself, I would just aa}- that its comparative success has been entirely such as could not have been calcu- lated upon. It could not indeed by possibility have occurred had the state offsets remained the same as when Sir Robert Peel's leap in the dark in Legislation was committed, and any appaient success has been caused solely (and Revolution has been prevented solely) by the providential discovery of gold in California and Australia. Even all this altogether unexpected success i8,however,not enough to raise England above being the most artificial nation on Earth. She is now so much so that the delay in arriving of a couple of vessels with gold from Australia gives rise to monetary uneasiness in London. For long in Canada we also bad this odious Church question as the first question in our politics, thus preventing the vital issues of the Province being the simple issues at the hustings ; but happily the settlement of the Clergy Reserve question did away with this so far as Protestants are concerned. 8 And tlM first thlag w« ihoald do U to drir* the Ohnreh qmttion, m it affectf the Romu Ottbolic popblttion, from the huitinfi.Meing tliAt all experience hM thown that if Oharoh qneitiou are Allowed to go to the huitingi •t ftU, they will go there m ihtfir$t queitiou in our politioi, thui expelling from thif, iti natural place, the rital question of the coun- try's industry. We dare not any longer shut our eyes to the fact that a great feature di- rides, and always will divide, the population of Upper Oanada into two classes — those who beliere that the eternal salvation of their children would be imperilled by the use in the school of our authorised version of the Bible, and those who will never submit to allow it to be banished from the school, but, on the contrary, will feel it their duty for ever to exert themselves to have it more and more blended with the education of their children. And surely, in these circum- stances, it is doing the Roman Oatholio pop- ulation no more than the barest justice to allow them to get the amount which Roman Oatholics are assessed, and a proportionate amount of the public school money, to sup- port Roman Catholic schools— these endowed schools to be, of course, equally with the Protestant schools, open to public inspection. That any set of men claiming the name of Liberal party should continue to avoid set- tling this vexed question in this liberal way seems incredible. It Would amount to party suicide. And church questions out of the way, the population will not long submit to theoretieid questions or questions as to fbrms of Government taking the first place in Ca- nadian politics. The question of the plan in which we can best promote our Provincial in; dustry is sow seen to be the question of ques- tions— to be indeed a question in importance far before any question of theories or forms at Government — and I mistake very mnoh the temper of the public mind, if any man or set of men will ever again be tolerated in im- posing upon the Province any other question as the FIRST QUESTION IX OUR POLITICS. COMCLCBIOH. It seems to me that the great thing which the convention has to avoid is preuTpitancy. With bodies of men, as with individuals a feeling of weakness is the cause of violent ac- tion to cover it ; and the convention cannot in any more telling way evince confidence in itself than by avoiding the appearance as well M the reality of excitement or precipi- tancy. Bven .if the cc vention separates Without committing its members to any de- finite proposal, this would perhaps be its strongest position with the country, especial- ly if the retiult of it has been to give the lib- eral party distinctive priueiples, ■nffidmUj^ liberal not to exclude the Roman Catholics as a body, and a patriotic policy in regard to Canadian labour. A constitutional op- position is the finest part of the British Gov- vernment ; it is indeed the feature in which the British Government differs from all othitrs. An unprincipled Opposition is however a thousand times worse than an unprincipled government, as being without the restraints which office imposes; and the Canadian Eublio should not allow itself to be any longer umbugged either by the Government or the Opposition, or by both united, in delaying action on the great subject of the pna/'Li's iMPLOTHiNT. We want practice not theory. We must no longer be fooled into the admis- sion that political economy is a science, in the common understanding of the term. A science is a thing of fixed fkcts, whereas in political eu ..nomy, circumstances are our facts I It should indeed be termed a science of circum- stances; and while continuing to fly the British flag in all the British colonies, w« should have a different political economy for each, to the extent their circumstances are dif- ferent. And hetein I see the great difflcnlty of a general federation of all the British American Colonies. Their ciroumstances and interests are different ttom ours, and so should be their politieal economy. Unless indeed bound to- gether by an American lolverein, such as I have proposed, we would have great difficulty in condescending on anlndnstrial policy which would equally suit Canada and Nova Scotia. The Canadas on the other hand have all their material interests in common. So that TBI VIDIRATIOII Or TBI TWO OaNADAS, WITH TBI lUARD or M ONTUAL TBI SIAT OP TBI FiD- IBAL GovnmniHT amo oommoh oround, is all that the wildest should now contemplate. Shotild the Convention, however, take up my Zolterein view,it will greatly smooth the way to federation of the Canadas now, and of all the British Colonies in America evenfu- a//y.The great practical end of all our efforts is TO ABBAMei TBAT TBI CaHADIAN FABinR BAB BOTBIKO TO MVT IB TBI OORDITIOB OV TBI Amibioab rABViB, (flrom whom he is only separated by the River St. Lawrence,) either as a matter of the market for his farm pro- dttOOt or of the untaxed price at which he eats the necessary articles which cannot be grown in Canada, such as tea, sugar and coffee.— And this great object can only be attained by our svbtainino tbi RioiPBOoiTt Tbiatt. the only way to do which eventually, is, as I have explained, to carry Reciprocity farther, and get the Americans to Join us in an Ame- rican Zolverein, each conntrv adopting tui POLIOT or trKLIMITID Fill TBAOI WITH lAOH OTHM, ABO or TBB lAm PBOTIOTIOH ASAIMt THi DIQHADID LABOUBOf ZUBOri. iHlH ^