Compjtitwit C^aaaj for a Ul^ljousantt Ciitmia lirijt. \& IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND COMMERCIAL UNION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE: COMPRISKI) IN THE UNITKI) KINGDOM OF GREAT * BRITAIN AND IRELAND, BRITISH INDIA, AND ALL THE BRITISH COLONIES THROUGHOUT THE WORLD. BY . E. B. HATFIELD. I ... r December, /S^j. LIVERPOOL! DONALIJ KkNDAI.L, PrINTKK, IJ, HACKINS llKV. [Entered nt Stalwiwrs Hall. J IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND COMMERCIAL UNION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE ; COMPRISED IN THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, BRITISH INDIA, AND ALL THE BRITISH COLONIES THROUGHOUT THE WORLD. THF. above subject has exercised the mhids of leading men for the past twenty years, the writer having" frequently written and lectured upon it during that period. Speaking in round numbers, there are about 380,000,000 of people at present living under the sway of the British Empire that is to say, 40,000,000 at home in the Uiiited Kingdom, 5,000,000 in the Dominion of Canada, 5,000,000 in the Australasian and Cape Colonies, and 330,000,000 under the British rule in India and various Protectorates, and minor colonies. Of the above populations, about 50,000,000 are British, at home and abroad, and which may be called the dominant ruhng race of the Empire. These latter will, in common course, double their numbers in 50 years. The government of the world is developing into systems of great Federal Empires, composed of various nationalities, often, but not always, cf kindred peoples. The science of governing successfully in these systems will be to secure freedom, equality, and identity to all within the Imperial circles, so that there may be a maximum scope for local, national, and individual enterprise and progress, with a minimum of state inte Terence and restraint for Imperial purposes. Unity is strength, provided that unity is of such a nature that there is cohesion of parts. We need apprehend no danger whatever to the United Kingdom, nor to the union of the Empire generally, by granting local parliaments within federal union based upon well known principles of unity and of popular representative government ; in fact, the one condition necessitates the other. If Imperial Federation has become a necessity, local division of legislative labour is also a local necessity within the great governing circle. But there should be no ambiguity nor doubt as to the connecting principles of the union, especially in regard to Great Britain and Ireland, whose relations are closer and somewhat different to that of the Colonies. As to the necessity of Imperial Federation ; it is obvious from the natural order of things, viewed in the light of historical events touching the rise and fall of natioivs and systems of government, that the perpetuation and development of the British Empire, with the strength and growth of the Colonies, the peace of the world, revival of trade upon a sound and comprehensive basis, the prosperity and contentment of the people at home and abroad, depend now upon a federal, legis- lative, and commercial union of the mother country and her colonies. All other questions and considerations sink into insignificance beside this grand life-giving system to revive the languishing energies of a great people, scattered world wide, and occasionally dispirited and alarmed through misunderstandings and blundering politics, disturbed relations, and consequent bad trade, with distress and misery among the p^^ople at home, and nothing offered to them in the way of hope in the future, excepting the revolting doctrines of socialism, of plunder, and beggar your neighbours. The public pulse is throbbing upon this subject, and the great heart of John Bull is beating in sympathy with the wants of his children, and he knows not u-hat is best to do for them. They will naturally cling to those whom they think are in sympathy with them. There are two great political courses open to the people of this country ; the issues are life and death according to the course adopted. First as to the issues of life, on the one hand. The materials for Imperial Federal Empire have, for a long time and on an extensive scale, been shaping and preparing, like the building of Solomon's Temple, and it now requires but the master hand to put all things together, silently and swiftly, to lay hold of the disjointed masses and place them stone to stone, beam to beam, until this conglomeration of interests is erected into a great world wide imperial edifice of popular constitutional empire ; expanding, absorbing, and enlightening the world, as England, the great heait and centre, radiates her enlightened population to the furthermost bounds of the great family circle, brought near together by the operations of science and art, recognised and welded into a common brotherhood by ties of kinship and trade and equality of political rights. This great empire of free and enlightened people will then stand against the world as God's Kingdom upon earth, to the honour of God, the glory of kingdoms, the envy of nations, the peace and prosperity of all within its dominions. Other nations could be admitted to certain benefits of the Imperial Federation as they assimilated their laws and customs to ours, and thus would be laid the basis of a universal empire of peace. The moral and material effect for peace and good will upon other countries would be great, by presenting such a large proportion of the inhabitants of the world in our statistical reports in one united popular government, facilitating the arrangements of tariffs, trade, and commerce with all parts of the Empire, and establishing extensive, popular, and easy means of emigration. These are some of the Imperial concerns now pressing for attention, and, if not satisfactorily settled, must lead, on the other hand, to the issues of death or national decay, viz. : — An old country, small in its natural boundaries, crowded with population in all stages of idleness, want, and starvation ; subject to strikes and discontent, with burdensome laws and heavy taxation ; apprehensions of failing trade; catching at political straws, unscrupulous politicians; abandonment of principles to vain expediency ; contempt for law and authority ; organised rebellion ; separation of colonies ; contempt of nations ; overthrow of nobility and majesty ; civil wars ; plunders by lawless hungry multitudes ; — the end of national greatness. In the one view there is a strong united Christian Empire, domina- ting for good the politics and trade of the world, with extension and improvement of commercial relations and trade and political influence, established upon a popular and firm basis by an imperial and commer- cial federal compact. On the other hand, in the other view is an unwieldy disjointed empire, without concert of action, whose diverging interests wouldsometimeslead toantagonism, when thecolonies would be discontented and quarrel, and become a prey to all nations for plunder, destroying all settled prospects for the people. Let us now consider this vast and important project under two heads, the imperial political and the commercial aspects, and see what constitutional and practical basis can be found whereon to erect this modern colossal empire, in accordance with the soundest and most successful methods of enlightened popular government ; so that, being grounded and established upon broad popular principles of freedom and justice, internal growth and progress will serve to bind firmer the branches and strike deeper the roots of this Federal Empire ; and so, whilst progressing safely upon the lines of eternal principles of equity and justice, working out the problems of individual and national life, pressing forward to the goal of human perfection, a successful resistance may be given to the external shocks of decaying and exploding systems. First : The Politicai. Imi'eriai. Organisatiox. The head of our political system of constitutional government, as it now exists in the crowned monarch, has been amply proved to be efficient and glorious, a most fitting head, and grand completion to our ancient and noble system of government, which, by the grace of God, we pray may long continue. We next come to the second estate in the imperial edifice, the House of Lords. As a revising governing body, the House of Lords, being a highly educated class, instructed in historical matters and the arts of government, and being considerably replenished in every generation from the ranl;s of the people, through high merit and noble attainments qualifying them for the high position, are eminently fitted to fulfil the functions of legislation in the Upper House, Therefore, to give colonial representation in both houses of the Imperial Parliament, there should be men elected in the colonies for Royal approval, to sit in the House of Lords, The Royal prerogative to be so exercised that, whilst admitting the popular representative, there shall be nothing derogatory to the noble estate and traditions of the House, The number of Colonial Peers to be elected on a territorial basis, say one for each province or self-governing colony ; thus from the Dominion of Canada there would be as many Peers as there are Provinces in the Dominion, The same rule to apply to the Australiasian Colonies, also in Africa and other self-governing colonies and groups, British India also to be represented by territorial Lords in the same manner. Each Colonial Peer representative shall be elected by the people's representatives from amongst their own number in local parliament assembled in each Province, and the vacancy so made shall be filled up by re-election of another member from the constituency within one month after the Royal assent has beeii sis^nified to t!ie election of the I'eer. The Peer so created shall be paid by the Province sendint^' him ;£'2,ooo sterling' per annum. The style of his title, unless he holds in liis own right a liigher title, shall be Lord of the Pro\incc which he represents. For instance, a Peer from Ontario would be Lord Ontario; from Nova Scotia, Lord Xova Scotia ; and from Queensland, i>ord Queensland, &c. He shall be a man of property in his Province, to the extent of twenty thousand dollars; he shall be elected for life, but the title shall not be hereditary in his family ; it shall not descend to his son unless the son be duly elected for the position. It shall be a political titlej and only for life ; but if the Sovereign chooses to confer upon such person a separate peerage or title for distinguished services, there sludl be no bar to such or any promotion. The third estate in the imperial edifice is the Commons, and their representatives sitting in London shall be styled the Impeiial Parlia- ment. Each Province or self-governing Colony shall send one representative to the Imperial Parliament. He shall be elected by the people, so that imperial concerns may be discussed and understood by the people throughout the Empire. Each Province shall pay their Imperial representative at the rate of ;^i,ooo a year, which shall cover all his expenses, excepting his election expenses, which, being a large and popular poll, shall be paid one-half by the Province and one-half by the candidates. But no expenses shall be allowed for canvassing, or conveying electors to the poll. The expenses shall be restricted to the necessary addresses, advertisements, and placards, halls and platforms for public discussions, and the oflicial routine expenses of such elections. Each large territorial district of British India shall also be represented in the House of Lords and Imperial Parliament in the aforesaid manner, or in some oIIkm" popular representative way for Imperial purposes. Now, having constituted the Imperial authoriiies of a Federal I'nion of the Empire, the local authorities, their modes and procedures need not be interfered with, but leaving them to their local aspirations and the spirit of the times to work out their own improvements. In following up Imperial concerns and procedures, it will be unnecessary to continue the office of High Commissioner from any of the Colonies, seeing that they will all have direct representation in London. The oflfice of Colonial Secretary should be kept on in a modified form only, as a convenient channel of commimication. This office has become autocratic and anomalous in our system of popular government in our great Colonies ; it is unsafe. The great offices of state and seals of office to be entrusted and held as at present. The Vice-Regal establishment in Ireland to be abolished, the Sovereign to hold court there occasionally. Draw closer the bonds of union and brotherhood in constitutional' means. Let Royalty live within the touch and direct intercourse of the Emerald Isle, "which, in turn, would reflect the Royal efTulgence, shining as a bright jewel in the Roval diadem. The colonies have never yet attained to a voice in the Imperial Parliament ; it has ever been their ambition and desire to do so. Had it been done in 1773 there would have been no revolt of the United States from the mother country. Let that be done now, and give representation to the imperial interests of the whole Empire. All matters of general and imperial interests, fiscal duties, treaties, foreign relations, peace and war, would devolve upon tiie hnperial Parliament and Lords ; also the control of the finances relating to the army and navy and auxilliary forces, the colonial and consular services, and whatever shall appertain to the imperial welfare, including the maintenance of the Crown ; for which they shall produce estimates and have power to raise money from their respective peoples in such manner as shall be deemed most equitable and convenient by the Imperial Parliament. The army, navy and consular services being necessary for protection and benefit of all, should be maintained at the expense of all, somewhat in the following proportions : --The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland possessing the honour and dignity of the Crown in location, and the patronages arising from the Royal establishments, should pay first, one-half the cost, and the remaining half to be paid by the whole Empire, including the United Kingdom, in proportion to their wealth, protection, and also repre- sentation in the Imperial Parliament. It may be said that this ystem would leave the bulk of the burden to be borne by the United Kingdom, which is quite true, and must necessarily be so. At the same time it would impose a sensible contribution upon the Colonies and India quite as much as they would at present be willing to bear. Besides, it must be borne in mind that the Royal establishments in this country are centres of a great deal of wealth and employment. For instance, when a battle-ship is built, the whole cost is produced and expended in this country, and it is only when she goes into service that the colonies may derive a benefit, and for that they should contribute, each in proportion to the wealth and commerce protected, which, taken together with their proportion of representation in the Imperial Parliament, forms a sound and equitable basis of measured and recognised responsibilities ; the Crown sliould then have an additional grant and title to confirm and embrace the new order of things. The following would be appropriate :-" Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India, and Imperial Sovereign of the British and Colonial Empire." The latter part of the title is requisite in order to remove the isolated signification of the term "Colonial" in respect to those countries which would have direct representation in the Imperial Parliament, and solidify the extended relations of the Empire. With these brief arguments and outlines for a Federation of this great British, Indian, and Colonial Empire, and with the Imperial political aspects, requirements, and interests before us, we now come to the particular interests, and practicability of the union from a commercial standpoint. Commercial treaties, tariffs and taxes for all Imperial purposes, are matters for the combined wisdom of the Imperial Parliament, which would have local and practical knowledge from the various parts of the Empire. But as our leading men of both parties seem to tread so cautiously and gingerly around the 8 subject, in evident fear of stepping upon the eggs of free-traders, who have been brooding- long after the appointed time of incubation, it is high time to draw our own brood and count our chickens, or they may run from us wild. It would be well to have a standing committee of the Imperial Parliament, composed of the members from the various colonies and India, with an equal number of able representatives of the United Kingdom, to consider and prepare plans .'uid schedules of trade, treaties, tariffs and regulations, to be submitted to Parliament for approval and legislation. The overwhelming preponderance of members representing the United Kingdom, would always hold the balance of voting power in both houses of the Imperial Parliament, and so be a guarantee against any sudden and violent changes of policy which might be considered prejudicial to the interests of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, which must always be held as of paramount importance. The Colonial Conference, called at the instance of the Canadian Government, and held at Ottawa in June-July, 1894, when representatives from all the large colonies, and the Imperial Government, discussed matters of trade, mail service, and other concerns of Imperial and colonial policy, and to give effect to their views and labours, passed certain resolutions, all of which is an earnest and splendid evidence of the great desire on the part of the colonies to bind closer the ties of relationship and trade, and, in short, find a way to bring about Imperial Federation. The Colonial Conference at Ottawa was such an important event, and practical step towards federation, that the composition of it may here be stated, and the opinions and data supplied in the discussions may be cited as authoritative and useful. Names of Delegates. Imperial Government — The Rt. Hon. Earl of Jersey, P.C, G.C.M.G. Canada — Hon. Mackenzie Bowell, P.C, President. Sir Adolph Caron, P.C, K.C.M.G. Hon. George E. F'oster, P.C, L. L. D. Sandford F"leming, Esq., C.M.G. New South Wales- Hon. F. B. Suttor, M.L.A. Tasmanlv — Hon. Nicholas Fitzgerald, M.L.C Cape of Good Hope -Hon. Sir Henry de Villiers, K.C.M.G. Sir Charles Mills, K.C, M.G.C.B. Hon. J. H. Hofmeyr. South Australl\ — Hon. Thomas Playford. New Zealand — Lee Smith, Esq. Victoria— Sir Henry Wrixon, K C, M.G.Q.C Hon. Nicholas Fitzgerald, M.L.C. Hon. Simon Eraser, M.L.C Queensland — Hon. A. J. Thynne, M.L.C. Hon. William Forrest, M.L.C There was also a Mr. Davies representing Hawiian interests, chiefly respecting the cable and mail service. Hear what they say by their resolutions passed after full discussions, in respect to trade ; see page 67 of Colonial Conference : Moved by Sir Henry Wrixon, of Victoria ; seconded by Hon. F. B. Suttor of New South Wales, and carried : — " That provision should be made by imperial leg-islation enabling tiie dependencies of the Empire to enter into aj;"reements of commercial reciprocity, includinj,'- power of makins>f differential tariff with Great Britain, or with one another." Afjain on pag^e 168, Hon. Mr. Suttor moved an amendment to certain kindred resolutions, which having" been withdrawn, the Suttor amendment became a resolution, and after discussion was adopted on page 172. The amended motion is as follows: "That this Conference is of opinion that any provisions in existing treaties between Great Britain and any foreign power, which prevent the self-governing dependencies of the Empire from entering into agreements of commercial reciprocity with each other or with Great Britain, should be removed." Again on page 200 : Hon. Mr. I'oster moved a resolution in four parts, which after a very lengthy discussion was slightly altered, on page 230, and finally carried, see page 251, in the following form : - Whereas the stability and progress of the " British ICmpire can be best assured by drawing continually closer the bands which unite the colonies with the mother country, and by the continuous growth of a practical sympathy and co-operation in all that pertains to the common welfare ; and whereas this co-operation and unity can in no way be more effectually promoted than by the cultivation and extension of the mutual and profitable interchange of their products ; Therefore resolved :--That this Conference records its belief in the advisability of a customs arrangement between Great Britain and her colonies, by which trade within the Empire may be placed on a more favourable footing than that which is carried on with foreign countries. And further resolved :- -That until the mother country can see her way to enter into such an arrangement, it is desirable that, when empowered so to do, the colonies of Great Britain, or such of them as may be disposed to accede to this view, take steps to place each other's products, in whole or in part, on a more favourable customs basis than is accorded to the like products of the foreign countries." Thus, in the foregoing series of resolutions, we see upon what basis the colonies are prepared to co-operate in the departments of trade, with a view to mutual benefits and to consolidate imperial interests. It would be a dereliction of duty, little short of delinquency, on the part of the mother country to delay longer making an effort to carry into effect these loyal, ennobling, and sustaining aspirations to national life and unity in the imperial circle. The resolutions advise reciprocal trade within the Federal Union, with a measure of protective tariffs upon foreign goods ; and yet, recognising the difficulty in which the United Kingdom would be placed by interfering with her free trade policy, they are prepared to differentiate in her favour, as with one another, according to their several necessities. Therefore, it would seem that absolute free trade, though it may be the goal to be aimed at within the imperial circle, is hardly practicable in the initial stages of federal life, but must be worked out and arrived at by practical experience. And to this end, a committee of trade, as provided for in this federal scheme, will be an invaluable means of co-operation — assuming that free trade is a true and progressive lO principle of political economy and enlig-Jitenment which ought to be adopted by all nations. l-'irst, thi-n, let us say : That the ultimate object to be aimed at is free tirade amon^sl all within the Imperial Federation. Secondly : That elutics sIk.uIcI be levied upon all goods imported into any part of the feditral union from all countries not in the union. With our groat food producing" countries in the federation, the mother counlr}- -.vould b(^ perfectly safe in supplies, which is the first consideration at home, because it is the secured |)Osition of indepen- dence. .\nd this would also secure U) the British factories and industries a free trade to all under the British flag", the world wide, which is not the case now. h'oreign counties could then be allowed to have free trade with us in the federation in proportion as they lowered and abolished their duties on our goods and products. This system would cause the whole world to become freetraders, as they oug'ht to be, much quicker than the one-sided game that is now being played agfainst us. In the meantime, we sliall have gathered duties enough from them, probably to pay oiV our national debt, while the colonics would also be benefited. Seeing", then, that the goal of commercial federation is not to be attained all at once in the first instance of federal life, but is beset with difficulties common to all schemes where expediency has to play a part, until there is a practical developmcMit of the governing principles and objects aimed at, there are still common interests and grounds sulficient to i"naljrls area little less than a quarter from Ih-itish possessions, and little less than a third as to exports. These are potent fig-ures, showing th.at, as far as tlu- mother country is con- ceniL'd, the bulk of her tr.ide being" yet with foreign countries, she nuist be cautious in any changes of trade relations. This \iew is \cry clearly expressed by the Hon. Mr. Forrest, representati\ e of (Jueensland at the Ct)lonial Conference, page 171. He said, " It seems to me, however, ihat the discussion would have bien more ap-propriate had the quesli(.)n been that of commercial union between Ivngland and her colonies, and protection against the rest of till! world. I would ha\ e \'ott'd for liii. ibrm ; but at the same time I would s.iy we would be premature in asking iMigland to immediately ititerfere with i-xisting principles And, gentlemen, the foreign trade of I'jigland is of the \ astesl importance to Australia. 1 look upon I'-ngland as the great agent for recei\ing" our raw material and distributing it, aflir luanufacturing, throughout the world. It would be impossible for us to fiistribule our products without the assistance of England. I say again, if we do aflirm a principle of ri commercial union, I would recommend that \vc hasten slowly, because we are not prepared, &c." On the otlicr hand, the Hon. Simon Fraser, from Victoria, spoke as follows, on pajjfc 53 : "I would fondly look forward to the day when the colonies, including- Australia, could have one customs tariff. . . . I think it would be one of the wisest steps that we in,' Australia could take, if we coidd receive the j^oods of Canada and the Cape free, and vice \ ersa . . . and I can hardl}- see where the conflictini^- interests with Great Britain would come in." These views from Australia show lliat, while they keenly desire free trade or reciprocity within the Imperial circle, they recog'nise the unique position of the mother country, and are prepared to subordinate their action to the Imperial interests as a whole, which is a most excellent sentiment, and makes federation easy. The Canadian representatives appear a triflt^ stifter in their views of protection and sdf interests, still a most excellent spirit prevailed throughout, with an e\ ident desire to arrive at best solutions of the questions before them. In discussiiii,'- the practicability of arrantjins^- customs tariffs, the Hon. Mr. Foster, pas^e 253, remarked as follows: "We can easily make up a list of our products which we think we can advantag-eously send into the different colonies. By haxinj^- this conference w'ith each colony, we can compare lists, and we can come to a pretty g^ood practical conclusion as to what the subjects of the neg-otiations might be based upon." The Marquis of Lome's book furnishes the following- very useful statements : - r'opiil.itioii 1883. Canada 4,500,000 N.S. Wales \HH2...\ 800,000 Victoria ; 93i,iSoo N. Zealand ' 540,900 Tasmania ■ 126,200 S. Australia ' 304,500 W. Australia \ 31,700 Queensland i 287,500 Cape of (iood Hope! i ,250,000 Rc'vciiuf i8.S.i. iHxpiivliturc iS8.;.' Dt'lil iBSj. 7,007,400 7,410,700 5,611,300 3.''^7'>3"o 562,200 2,060, 100 284,360 2,5^3.500 5.443.500 T' 8,937,800 6,347,800 5,651,900 3,924,000 533,000 2,330,100 240,570 2,242,800 6,341,700 Tolals 8,772,400 35,494,360 36,549,670 £ 33.013.900 18,721,200 26,132,300 31,385,400 2,385,600 13,891,900 607,800 14,917,800 20,81 1,000 161,866,900 12 Total Imports '83. From Gt. Britain. Customs Rev, '83. PcrcentageDuties on total Imports, less Hullion. Canada £ 27.552,900 21,281, 100 17,743,900 6,310,000 6,223,300 516,900 7,974,000 1,832,600 6,681,000 £ 10,844,300 11,155,900 8,710,300 3,492,300 2,771,600 231,300 5,241,900 631,300 4,899,400 £ 4,793,662 1.545.946 1,832,792 618,871 798,992 119,685 I.4II.495 297.175 1.105,443 18 N.S. Wales » Victoria S. Australia 10 13 23 18 Queensland .. W. Australia N. Zealand Tasmania ifi Cape of Good Hope 17 £ 96,115,700 47,978,300 12,524,061 The second table is most useful, and particularly the last column showing the per centag-e of duties required for revenue. The following- statistics are gathered from various sources, and will be useful in a \\ork of this kind. The data for India and Canada are for 1892. rnitcd Kinjjdom and Colonics, itc. United Kixcdom, 1889-91 Ndtu. i'rodiulion Coal 1881;. 177, ()oo,o tons ,, Pit,' Iron ,, 8,.v>i,(,iKi , Inconn' assessed to Income Tax X.''M.v'SO,o<«) lUROFK : Gibraltar, Malta, and Gozo .... Population accordinjf to the most recent Census, includinj; th.it of i8qi 37,740,283 Imports i8<)o. E.xports i8go. Asia : India (Brit.) incl. tapper Kurmah Feudatory Slates, 1892 Ceylon Straits Settlements I long Kong Aden Labuan Protectorate 186,880 £ 420,885,6951 263. 542 500 (For 1889-qo.) 24,287,1 12 .Ai'KicA : Cape Colony. Bechuanaland Natal Hasutoland (lambia Gold Coast 284.837.210 84,155,045 2,850,000 4,172,790 506,000 23,429,859 200,990 2,171,286 34.711 2,521,963 6,298 62,363 1, 1 12,000 1.525.739 44.135 442,697 180,000 »4.J5o! 1,406,0001 10,841,451, 4.527.015 140,818 440,868 (For 1880-00.) 23,627,082 1 1 1460277 3,226,059 19,982,892 1, 129, 190 2,096,644 66,689 9,829,900 •.657,318 l()0,000 167.599 415,926 13 L'liitcd Kingdom and Colonies, &c. Africa (continued ) : Lagos Sierra Leone Mauritius Ascension Island Protectorates, Nis^er, &c. America : Canada, 1892 Newfoundland and Labrador. Bahamas Barbadoes Bermudas Jamaica and Turk's Island Trinidad Leeward Islands Windward Islands Ilondiu'as British Guiana Falkland Islands Population according- to the most recent Census, including: that of 1891. Australasia : Victoria N.S. Wales and Xorlblk Islands «S. Australia W. Australia Queensland Tasmania New Zealand Fiji and Rotumah Islands 67,165 60,546 361,404 200 35,000,000 4,450,000 197,335 43.521 '73-52^1 '5,347 585,5«^: i9q,7 ob\ious that witli b.'ire iists we cannot successfully hght a scientific I'oponent who |-,as weapons. We may argue that he is cowardly, that ours is the most manly exercise, that it is a wrong- t'^.ing to i''e weapons, that man to man is the righteous and noble .vay to compete in battle, as undoubtediy it is, yet nevertheless, if those cowai Jly wicker! neighbours persist in assail- ing us with guns and swords, we must, on the most liumane principles, use sufHcient armour to resist their destructive opt;nilions. The i;oint is this, and it is well worth the consideration at tiiis period, that however superior we may be to our opponents, there is such a thing as giving away too mimy points in the contest and so place ourselves at too great a disadvantage to have any i'air chance of success. There is a time when patience ceases to be a virtue, when duty and honour demand justice and fair dealing with suffering people. VVe have propounded a noble theory of free trade, we have followed its principles for fifty years, practising and preaching il as the gospel of trade, hoping that the woi-ld would follow us in the principle; but the world has laughed and mocked us, and imposed tariffs upon us while taking the benefit of our open markets, to the disadvantage of our ov.'n people. We still believe in the principle of free trade, we have never had it with the world, therefore we now create a worltl of our own and endeavour to carry out in a reasonable practical manner, our free trade amongst ourseKt s, in our own world of Imperial l''edera- tion against the foreign protection world. It is staled that in 1893 v/e imported from i'rancc goods to the value of ;£^45,658,o()"', and ex|)oried to thai count r\- goods to the value of ;£'"'3 production of South Australia is 160 gallons per acre, JV/ gallons per ncvc in Xeu South Wales, and 247 gallons in (Queensland ; Victoria also having a large production, and the C;ipe 220 gallons per acre. In I'Vance the avcragi' production per acre of wine is set down ;it 133 gallons, Algeri.a 300 gallons; and, therefore, Australia ought to be able with her wines to beat I'^rance or any other countr\-. In wool and mutton they have beaten the world. Kxcellent brandy is also made from the Australinn grapes. Also butler, cheese, canned fruits, and man}- other manufactured articles which we require, they can produce in great abundance. Seeing that there is within the Imperial circle such an enormous capacitv for the [jroduelion of manufactured articit s ot fc.(-d, it will be to the advantage of all to dev elope those resources, and the duty of the mother country to give the colonies a " quid pro (juo " for their acquiescence in free trade with all the world, to suit Kngland in the question of raw materials. It would be well to define here what shall be treated as raw, and i6 what manufactured. Speaking" generally, every article shall be considered manufactured which comes from factories, or is produced by skilled labour and art, to manipulate or preserve it, or enhance its value for use and marketable purposes. But that which conies from the earth, field, forest or sea, in its natural state, with no more labour or art expended upon it than is necessary to produce and convey it, shall be considered raw. For instance, corn, grain of all kinds, not ground, is raw, but flour is manufactured. Live animals of all kinds are raw, frozen meat is raw ; but bacon, hams, salted meat in casks and packages, all canned and cured meats and fruits are manufactured. Poultry, apples, oranges, bananas, grapes, onions, and eggs, are raw ; cream, butter, and cheese, are manufactured. Hides, dried or salted, wool, timber, pig iron and coals are raw ; but wood that is sawn fine, and planed for special purposes, is manufactured ; such as grooved and tongued ceiling boards and flooring stuff, whatever article a tool has been used upon, other than the axe and mill-saw, is manufactured. Having pointed out the principle upon which the manufactured shall be distinguished from the raw, with sufiicient examples as a guide, we will now endeavour to find an equitable mode of tarifl". We have seen that the English markets are flooded with foreign manufactured goods, to the serious damage of our skilled labour and manufacturing (existence. Therefore, put a tariff on all foreign maiui- factured goods imported into any part of the Imperial circle ; say, ID per ciMit. (ui-V(i/oniiii, over and above whatever the tariff may be tipon goods manufacturi:d and traded within the Imperial circle. The colonies require tarilfs for revenue purposes. The Marquis of Lome's tables show an average of about 15 per cent, on tlieir imports, some colonies more and some less. Suppose that was lowered to 10 per cent, or less on all goods m.uuifacturecl and tiadetl within the Imperial I*"ederation, the United Kingdom admitting goods manufactured in India and the colonies free, as a "quid pro quo" for their acquiescence in England's free trade in the raw with all the world. The mother country would thus preserve her free trade policy in the raw with all the world, and free trade in manufactured goods with all within the Imperial circle, but a tariff of 10 per cent, on all manufactured goods from foreign countries. With the tarifl" in the colonies and India at 20 per cent, against the foreigner ; and supposing that foreign goods under this tariff where imported into these parts to the extent of one- fourth, say, 20 per cent, on one-fourth, and 10 per cent, on three- fourths, would give about 15 per cent, upon the whole as at present for their revenues. The question of tariffs would then stand thus : The Federal circle of the United Kingdom and all the colonies including India, would have free trade in raw products with all the world, as a general principle of trade. A Federal tarifl" not exceeding 10 percent, on British and colonial manufactured goods, and 20 per cent, on ". 'ori'ign" manufactured goods imported into the colonies and India. The mother country would have free trade in the raw with all the world as at present, and would receive manufactured goods free from all countries within the Federal Union, but a tariff" of 10 per cent, upon all manufactured goods from countries outside the union. Thus the mother country could provide at the lowest cost raw material for »7 manufacturing purposes, for home consumption, and for exportation to all the world. England would continue to be the great receiver, manufacturer, and distributor. The colonies would have free access to the British markets with their products, both raw and manufactured, and would be protected in the British market against foreign manu- factured goods to the extent of lo per cent. Thus the colonies would be allowed a tariff of lo per cent., possibly less, for revenue purposes, upon goods manufactured and traded within the Imperial circle. At the same time there would be a tariff of 20 per cent, on all manu- factured goods imported from foreign countries into any part of the Imperial circle, excepting the United Kingdom, which would be 10 per cent, against foreign niaiuifactured goods only. This system would revive and encourage home factories and industries, and give employment to the people. At the same time, the colonies and India would also benefit by the tariff upon manufactured goods. They would have a preferential position in British and Federal markets to the extent of say 10 per cent., over and above whatever the domestic tariff might be. Thus Colonial wines, spirits, butter, bacon, canned meats, preserv- ed fruits and fish, &c, would have a preference in British and domestic markets against foreign goods of a like description, Vvhile England would have a similar preference in the home and Federal markets for all her manufactured goods. It will be seen that the principal upon which this commercial union is based, is: — First: — Free trade in the raw products, which enables all new countries to prosper and stocks the old country with that which she cannot sufficiently produce. Secondly : —A sufficient tariff upon manufactured goods to assist in raising the necessary revenues, and afford a reasonable encouragement and stability to manufacturing industries, which enables old countries to prosper in that which they have to dispose of, viz. : - Labour; and supply new countries with those things which they are short of— the results of skilled labour -goods manufactured. Thirdly: To recognise, defend and promote the Imperial and common interests of the Empire. It is (o be understood that while the principles are here laid down for a political and commercial union, there is no hard and fast line as to numbers and exact amounts, which may vary as times and circumstances change, and must be dealt with in the combined wisdom of the Imperial Parliament according to the new order of things; especially in the requisite amount of tariffs. After a year or two of practical experience, when trade will have adjusted itself to the new system, and it is seen the minimum amount of tariffs required for revenues, the question could be more definitely settled. As previously stated, other nations could be admitted to the Customs Union of the Imperial Federation whenever they assimilated their customs and tariffs to ours. It should always be an aim of the Federation to encourage other countries to join our Commercial Union, reduce tariffs to the lowest figure, and promote free trade. And with a view to carrying into effect the purposes of this Federation, all existing tariff treaties with foreign nations should be terminated as early as possible, with a notification of the intention and objects of this Imperial l<'ederation upon the lines herein set forth; with an i8 invitation to all, or as many as are favourably disposed, to join our Commercial Union and first adopt free trade in raw products ; and at whatever rate they were prepared to admit our manufactured g'oods into their countries, our tariff upon theirs to be the same. In this manner foreig-n nations would be forced to abolish their tariffs upon all British and Colonial raw products, which would be of immense benefit to all our raw producini^ countries; and also to get their manufactured i^oods upon the British and Colonial markets at a fair rate of tariff", they would be forced to lower their tariffs on our manufactured j^-oods according'ly. Differential rebates and drawbacks of duties to level up between members of the Federal Union, are not resorted to in this scheme. Such systems of compensations are open to abuses, and are always inconvenient, expensive and cumberous in administration. Therefore, straight lines of principles, upon a medium popular policy, for practical and g-eneral application, are recommended. It is to be understood, that in ag-reeinj;' to allow the Colonies and India to tariff British manufactured g"oods to the extent of lo per cent if required, as an expediency for raising- revenue only, it shall always be their aim to reduce that tariff upon domestic trade within the Kmpire, and educate their people to raise their revenues more by direct taxation, as in the United Kingdom, upon accumulated wealth, luxuries, &c.; and sobydeg-rees emancipate their British trade entirely. Defenxes of the Empire. Having' arrang"ed and stated the political and commercial basis of Imperial Federation, upon well-known economic and popular lines, and constitutional principles, it now remains to point out the best means of preserving- and defending- the interests and territories of these vast domains in the most efficient and economical manner. The volunteer system for military training for defences at home and abroad, is undoubtedly the wisest and most popular, reliable and economical systematic movement of modern times, and should be encouraged and more fully developed in every particular, with nostintcdmeansofsupport. Turnings to the navy, which is the right arm of British protection, it should be equal to the combined navies of the rest of the world, with a larg-e proportion of swift sea-going- fighting- cruisers. This is obvious from the fact that British maritime commerce is equal to that of all the rest of the world, and is distributed all over the face of the g-lobe. The basis of support and contribution to thi ^ service is set forth and explained in the early and political part of this essay or scheme. In connection with the question of a comparatively invincible British navy, must be considered the personnel of the oflicers and seamen in command of the same, which should be essentially British, and of the best cype, in sufficient numbers to man the whole navy at any time, upon the shortest requisite notice. Therefore, in order to have always available these necessary auxilliary forces, the Royal Naval Reserves should be recruited and kept up in the most liberal and popular manner. Second only in importance to the navy itself for the defences of this world-wide Empire and its maritime interests, is the possession of t0 coaling stations, and good harbours, well fortified ; naval depots, well supplied with all requisite stores, all over the world. So that the great British navy shall not be a mythical power, like the proverbial Dutchman's anchor, stowed away at home when wanted; but shall be in evidence as a naval power all over the world, practically in com- mand of the sea. We have the ships, we have the men, and we have the money too ! Therefore, let it be manifested for the protection of British interests, and the preservation of the peace of the world. Pacific Cable. Intimately connected with the political, commercial and defensive aspects of Imperial Federation, is the question of cable connections, and swift mail services between the United Kingdom and all the colonies. This is obvious in peaceful times for the promotion of commercial and social intercourse and trade, but it is of vital importance that there should be safe and rapid means of communi- cation between the seat of power and the distant parts of the Imperial circle in troublous times and times of war. The present means of cabling to Australasia is through the Eastern Extension Company, which is very expensive, nine shillings per word, -uid it is a notorious and deplorable fact that the existing lines of telegraph from England to India, South Africa and Australia pass over the territory of foreign powers, and might be cut oft" or interfered with. Imagine a hostile fleet ravaging, capturing, and destroying harbours and cities in those distant and isolated colonies ; the telegraphic communication cut olf, and the British government ignorant of the fact for weeks or even months, until the arrival of mails. One such disastrous delay would cost more than half-a-dozen independant cables from Vancouver to Australia, besides national ignominy consequent upon such a disaster. For, if England was at war with a powerful naval adversar}', it would not be the Thames, nor London, that would be attacked, but the most distant outlying wealthy colonies, the vulnerable points of the Empire. There appears to be a misconception in regard to the neutrality of telegraphic cables in time of war, but it is stated on page 1 15, Colonial Conference, by a quotation from a paper upon the subject, dated 5th July, 1893, by Mr. J. C. Lamb, of the Imperial Post Office, as follows: " The only international convention relating to the protection of submarine cables is that which was made at Paris, 14th March, 1884, and if reference be made to the copy of the convention annexed to the Submarine Telegraph Act, 48 and 49 Vic. ch. 49, it will be seen that it contained no provision for the neutrality of cables. " At the Colonial Conference, the utmost impoitance was attached to the establishing of telegraphic communication by cable between Vancouver and Australasia across the Pacific, touching only at two or three British Islands on the road, so that the cable would be entirely on British territory at the termini. Various routes in that direction were discussed, and the whole subject treated upon with great ability and the utmost candour. We cannot do better than consider the final conclusions which were arrived at, and the resolutions which were passed. Without going into details, the round conclusions io were, that the project should be pushed on without delay and the necessary surveys and reports made forthwith. That the distance is about 7000 nautical miles, more or less, according- to the route taken ; the cost about two millions sterling, which for obvious and cogfent reasons, should be borne equally by the respective governments of the United Kingdom, Canada and Australasia; and that for the same reasons the cable should be extended from Australasia to the Cape of Good Hope, to which of course the Cape government would contribute. Also some revenue and commercial advantages might be derived from having a branch off the Pacific cable, say from Fanning Island to Honolulu. As the object of this essay is to find true data and arrive at sound conclusions, we must here refer to the resolutions passed at the conference at Ottawa, and any other data found there, or elsewhere, bearing upon the matter before us. At a conference held in London in 1888, the following resolutions were passed : — "That the connection recently formed through Canada from the Atlantic to the Pacific by railway and telegraph, opens a new and alternative line of Imperial connection over the high seas and through British possessions, which promises to be one of great value alike in naval, military, commercial and political aspects." Also: — "That the connection of Canada with Australasia by direct submarine telegraph across the Pacific is a project of high importance to the Empire, and every doubt as to its practicability should, without delax', be set at rest by a thorough and exhaustive survey." This very urgent appeal elicited the following reply from Her Majesty's Government: —"Unless the Secretary of State has reason to believe that a submarine cable is likely to be laid from Vancouver to Australia very shortly, their Lordships would not propose to despatch a surveying vessel for the sole purpose of obtaining soundings over the route, but they will endeavour to arrange that soundings should be gradually obtained during the next few years in the ordinary course of hyurographic surveys." At the conference in Ottawa, July 1894, it was stated that up to that date, the)' were without any authentic report of survey over the proposed routes, but at the same time there was no cause whatever to apprehend the existence of any submarine difficulties at the bed of the Pacific Ocean. The depths are stated to be about 3000 fathoms, about equal to, or a trifle deeper than the depths of the North Atlantic between England and ,\merica. After lengthy discussions the follow- ing- resolutions were passed at that time in Ottawa, page 177 : — " That in the opinion of this conference, immediate steps should be taken to provide telegraphic communications by cable, free from foreig-n control, between the Dominion of Canada and Australasia." Also pages 186 to 189, the following resolution passed: "That the Imperial Government be respectfully requested to undertake at the earliest possible moment, and to prosecute with all possible speed, a thorough survey of the proposed cable route between Canada and Australia; the expense to be borne in equal proportions by Great Britain, Canada, and the Australasian Colonies." Also on the 19th Nov. 1895, the Right Hon. Mr Chamberlain, Secretary for the Colonies, received a deputation from the Agents it General for the Colonies, when the scheme was discussed for the laying of the proposed cable connecting" Canada with Australasia ; thus giving- quicker and cheaper communication between England and het principal colonies. Mr. Chamberlain said "That such a meeting- was in a sense, a meeting of the Council of the Empire, brought together for the purpose of common interests, and that the presence of representatives of the Cape and Natal, which were not concerned with the project in its present form, was evidence of its solidarity and sympathy. He expressed the opinion that the project showed very fair prospect of remunerative return, and intimated his willingness to join the formation of a Joint Commission which should report on the subject. It was arranged that the Colonial representatives should be named by the Colonial Governments and appointed by the Imperial Government, and that the respective governments should be approached on the matter." Cable Extension to the Cape. At the Colonial Conference at Ottawa, 1895, it was moved and carried, pages 189 to 190: "That it is for the interest of the Empire, that in case of the construction of a cable between Canada and Australasia, such cable should be extended from Australasia to the Cape of Good Hope ; and that, for that purpose, arrangements should be made between the Imperial and South African Governments for a survey of the latter route." As to Hawaiian interests, it is stated on page 118, that during the \'ear 1893, 12,000 passengers, 13 ships of war and 310 merchant vessels visited there, and the inference is, that if there was a cable communication, it would be greatly used and add considerably to the revenue of the concern. But as Hawaii is practically under foreign control, it could hardly be considered a safe station in the event of war, especially with the United States; therefore, to carry out the project of having a cable entirely under British control, it would seem necessary to tap Honolulu with a short branch from one of the adjacent Islands to be placed under British control for that purpose, or else let Hawaii get up its own company and tap the British cable at Fanning Island upon the best terms it can make. In any case, each of those stations in the Pacific would need to be defended in the event of war, and would become, more or less, places of rendezvous, to hear the news, receive orders and various purposes ; therefore, every station of the cable should be suitable for, and made into a naval station. That should be a s/'/ie qua no)i with the Imperial government. It may also be stated that early in 1894, at a conference of Colonial delegates at Wellington, a very lengthy resolution was passed, urging the construction of a Pacific cable, their respective governments to guarantee 4 per cent interest upon the Capital of ;^' 1,800, 000; cost of ordinary messages to be not more than three shillings per word, also suggesting two alternative routes. Therefore, seeing that there has been such a consensus of opinion, so recently and repeatedly expressed by representative bodies, urging the utility and necessity of such cable for Imperial and commercial purposes, it does seem strange that the Imperial Government has not hitherto been induced to take a more practical interest in the project. And anythiiif^ which may be said or done to stir up a more lively interest and sense of duty in this matter is surely doin^ a national service. Notwithstanding- whatever may have been said to the contrary, it has been urg-ed by hig-h authorities, that a British line of communication independent of foreign control is indispensable for the defence and safety of our southern Colonial Empire. General Lord Wolsey, General Herbert, and others, both naval and military, have so ex- pressed their opinions ; see page 301 Colonial Conference. It is also stated upon reliable authority that unless the British cable is proceeded with very promptly, France and the United States are under certain preliminary arrang-ements, intending- to carry out a similar project, which would greatly injure the prospects ofa British cable. There was also abundant proofs and data elicited at the Colonial Conference showing that a direct Pacific cable would pay commer- cially ; see appendix of report. Therefore, seeing that there are so many urg-ent and cogent reasons for Imperial and commercial purposes why the Pacific cable should be laid under British control, we must here recommend it as an adjunct to this scheme of Imperial Federation, if not earlier pro- ceeded with ; the exact loute, ways and means, and other details to be mutually agreed upon by the governments interested. It is stated in the press that Sir Geo. Baden Powell has two notices of motion upon the paper of the House of Commons for next session. The first is to call attention to the urgency tor strategic and commercial purposes of instituting and working telegraphic cable communication from British Columbia across the Pacific Ocean; and to move a resolution. And the second, to call attention to the urgency for strategic and commercial purposes, of instituting mail communication by rapid steamship service between the Canadian Dominion and the Australasian Colonies. This shows the tendency of public interest upon the subject in this country, which undoubtedly will ripen into action. Fast Mail Service. Having dealt with the question of a Pacific cable, we now come to the consideration of quick mail service between the United Kingdom and Australasia, via Canada, crossing the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans ; an Imperial Federal service, upon similar lines and principles as advocated for the Pacific cable. It may be argued that for strategic and defensive purposes there is not the same necessity for fast steamers as there would be for a clear and reliable cable communi- cation in the event of war ; that fast steamers for mails or transport service are already at the disposal of the British Government, and others could be hired quickly for any purposes that they might be required ; whereas, it would be impracticable to so quickly construct and lay a telegraph cable of such enormous length, so far away. While admitting all the force that such an argument possesses, it must be borne in mind that war, although of the utmost vital im- portance in itself, and should be provided for incontestably, yet it is a very remote contingency, and must be weighed accordingly in 23 comparison with the many vig'orous operations in all the ramifications of projifressive national life. For instance, while it is admitted that forts, citadels, and other defences, are necessary for the protection of harbours and cities, it is not for a moment disputed that g'ood roads, hij^hways and thoroug^h- fares are essential to national life and pros^ress, and to ensure a hig'h state of efficiency, must be kept up at public expense. As a matter of fact, everv y-reat maritime nation does subsidise and assist, in one way or another, some great leading- lines for mails and passenger service. Taking it then as an axiom that mail services and highways for thetravellingpublic, both onland and sea, must bekept up to the highest state of efliciency, even at the public expense, the solution of the question of an improved mail and passenger service on the Canadian Pacific route, or elsewhere, becomes easy. At the present time Australia and New Zealand appear to be served in a manner by six steam lines, such as the}' arc, \\z. : The P. & O., the Orient, the Queensland Company, the San Francisco route, two direct boats from New Zealand, and the Canadian Pacific line from New South Wales to Vancouver. It is this latter route that the Conference at Ottawa last year proposed to develop and improve to a first-class service, entirely in British ships and on British soil. The route to be from England to Halifax in winter, and Quebec in summer, thence by the Pacific Canadian Railway to Vancouver, thence to Sydney, and a port in New Zealand to be arranged, and probably touching at Honolulu and Fiji. It is said that the present line on that route is insufficient, and does not carry out the views of those who aim at having a quick, reliable mail and passenger service to London. The time now occupied for mails from the Australasian colonies to London appears to be about 34 da3's ; it is stated that this could be reduced to 31 days or less by the proposed swift line on the Ciuiadian Pacific route. For the purpose of carrying out this project on a comprehensive scale, it is proposed to build four 20 knot steamers for the Atlantic service to run weekly, and five similar boats for the Pacific service to run fortnightly. The cost of the nine steamers is estimated at ;£,'3,ooo,ooo, and a subsidy required of ^^300,000 per annum for ten years ; to be contributed in the following manner : Canada as likely to derive the most trade benefit, to pay half, say ;£ri 50,000, towards the Atlantic service, and ;^^25,ooo towards the Pacific service; Australasia together pay ;£'50,ooo to the Pacific ; England to pay ;^75,ooo upon the whole service. After fully discussing the subject, the Conference passed the following resolution, pages 286 to 300: — "Resolved that this Con- ference expresses its cordial approval of the successful efforts put forth by Canada and New South Wales for the establishment of a regular monthly steamship service between Vancouver and Sydney, and affirms the advisability of a reasonable co-operation of all the colonies interested in securing the improvement and permanency of the same." Second, "That the conference learns with interest of the steps now being taken by Canada to secure a first-class fast mail and 24 passenger service with all the modern appliances for the storage and carrying- of perishable goods across the Atlantic to Great Britain, and the large subsidy which she has ofTered to procure its establishment." Third, '-That it regards such an uninterrupted tlirough line of swift and superior communication between Australasi;i and Great Britain, as is above contemplaUd, as of paramount importance to the development of inter-colonial trade and communication, and to the unity .and stability of the Empire as a whole." Fourth, "That ds the Imperial Post Office lontributes towards the cost of the Mail Services between England and Australia, via Brindisa or Naples, the sum of _;jmmei"cial industries, and binding together the colonies and the mother (-ountry in unity of interests, u iiich is essen';ial for the permanent union and stability of the ICmpire. Hesides, to begin with, the whole lleet of nine steamers would be built and ef|ui|iped in the I'nited Kingdom, spending about three millions sterling amongst th<' shipbuilders and tradesmen of the count r}'. The colonie> should ha\'e every encouragement in tlu'ir vigorous undertaking to establish such a useful and niagnilku-nt line, and 10 ensure it being carrii-d out in an adequate manner on high j^rinciples of Imperial policx', the Hritisii (loxcrnnn'iil should at oiux' signify their intention to grant a subsidy ol" ^.'i(X),()()() to the Atlantic service, and ^,'100,000 to the Pacific service for a period ol ten years, at ihe end of which, Ihe matter to l)e fuither consideretl, always with a view to the permanency of the lini'. In bringing this Mssay to a conclusion, let us glance at the Imperial Hdifice thus ericted. IJehold then, this world-wide Ivmpire, i-mbrac- 26 in^ nearly a third of the inhabitants of the world, under the most enlightened forms of Christian Popular Government ; bound totfether by the strongest ties of humanity and power, enjoyini,-- individual freedom and Imperial citizenship of the y^reatest Empire in the world ; wieldins^ a power, the <;reatcst on earth for peace and j^-oodwil! amongst all nations. With her swift steamers and vast fleets of commerce running- to and fro over t!ie surface of the globe, bringing- the riches of the world to the United Kingdom, the centre of systems; and her educati-d and scientific sons and daughters radiating to the uttermost bounds of the Imperial circle, enlightening and captivating- the world; whilst millions upon millions of fellow subjects, proud of their Hritish connections join with heart and voice to shout and sing: **(5oa ir^avc the Cfiuccn!" " Nl'MlJER SUN'FNTI: KN. K. H. MATFll'TJ). Stia^iviarv. I'.U.K I -Iiili-oduclorv Titli'. T, Statistics urpopiilation 1)1' I'liilfd Kiiis^cloni, Canada. Australasia, Cape, Hritisli India, iS:i-., in round luunbrrs, aliout _v'-!o,o()0.<)0(), of wliirli I lie liritisli dominant race arc about 50,000,000. ^ — Evident necessity of Imperial l'"edei-ation. Two v^rcat political courses open to tiiis country. The issues of life and death. Terms upon which othei- nations to he .itlmitted. Moral and material effect lor |)eace and .yood will uixin the woild. ^ — Reverse of Imperial l-'edcration ; the issues of death, or national decay. PoJitical Imperial Organisation. Monarchy; the Crf)wned Head of our system. 6 House of Lords, creation of Coloni.tl and Indian Lords, their titles for life only, sal.'iry, &c . Imperial Parliament, House of Commons, Indi.'in and Coloni.'d Representatives, how to be elected and paid. Local (iovernments are not to be disturbed. Ol'lices of Hii^h Conmiissioncrs ;uul .\|.;-ents Cicneral for Colonies to be .abolished Oflice of Colonial Secretary to be modilied. The C.re.il Ollices - f St.ale ;uul Se.ils of ( )ni( c to be lu Ul as .it present, file \ice-royally of Ireland to be .ibolislu li, .ind the Sovereij;n to hold court then; - Importance of Colonial rcpresiiit.ition in the lni])cri.il l'.iili;iiucnl. Dcfmin.n- matters of Imperird interests, including' control of .\rnu- and .V.ivy, and Consular servicis; their n\ainten;ince, ami how llie proportions of conlributions .are to be arrived ;it with Ir.di.a .and llie Colonies. The Crown to h.ave ;in .iddilional i^r.int ;ind title to conlirm ;ind embrace the new order of thinifs. The foUowi li;- title is sutr.uested: "Queen of the Cniled Kini^dom ofC.re.it nrit.iin .and Ireland, i'.mpress of (nilia, :\u<\ lmpci-i;il Soverei<.;-n .if the British and Coloni.al Lmpire." The Imixrial I'.irli.iment .and Lords, with Coloni.al and Iiuli.in represenl.ation, are t(j h.ave control of the I'inanccs relating- to the Army and Navy, and .all I''orces .and Seivices .aiipertainin^ to Imperi.al welfare, including- the m.ainten- ance of the Crown, for which lhe_\- shall have the |)ower to r.aise money from their respective peoples, in such manner .1-1 they sli.ill deem mosi ei|iiit.ible iinil con\ cni'Mil . Particular interests, ;md pr.iclicabilitv of the Cnion from a commerci.al stanilpoint. S .\ standing committee of tr.ide to In- .appointed, including all the Indi.an .and Colonial members of the Imperial P.irli.ament, with an eijujil number of .able representatives of the Cnited Kingalom, to consider .and jjrep.are matters of commercial interests for leuislation. The safely of Imperial anil British interi'sts is secured by the preponderance of British members in the lm[)eri;il P.arliamenl. 8 I'hf Colonial CoiifcTincc ;tl Ottawa, in 1894, was sncli an inipoilani i-vciU and practical stop towards Imperial l'"c(lcration, thai tlu- toinposition of it and names of the delegates arc stalr Distinction bcHwecn r;iw and nianufai tund articles of trade, examples. The mother country is to preseiv e her Iree liadc with all the world in raw |)ro- ducls, and free trade in manuf.iilured u^oods with ;tll within the Imperial circle, but impose a tarilT ol 10 |)cr »'enl on , ill manuiactm'cd i;oods iVom foreign countries. The C.^olonies and India i'('(|uire tarilV.-. ioi' re\eiHie |)urpiises, therefore, ihev .are to 111' .allowed to impose a t;iritV t(j tlie cxteiU of 10 per cent ad-v^iliivuiii on i;(jods manulacliu'cd .and traded within liie Imperial circle: but at the s.imi' timi' thc\ nuist impose a tarid'of 10 per i enl. iid-vii/nnini <>ver ;ind >abo\'e the domestii' t.arifl, whatever that may be, upon ;dl " /ujiw'irji " m.anufacturcd i.!;oods imported; .and ;is an Imperial jiolicy they .are to admit the r.aw pi'oducts ol' ;tli llu' wni'ld free. 17 It is to be imderslooil th.at while pi-ini'i|)l<'s .are here l.iid (.lown for a political ■ iiid commcrci.tl union, theic is no hai'd ruid last line .c. to (|u;inlitics .and and amoimts, which nuist be de.alt with in the combined wisdom of the Imperi.d P.arliameni, .accoi-dinL;' to circumst.ancc', and the new iiriJei- of things, I'specialh' in |-espe( t to the .amount of l.ai'iffs In be lc\ietl. iS The Defences of the l'anpir<'. The X'oluntcer sN-'tem foi- inilit.ary t r.a'iuin;4' is llic wise'>t mo\emenl of modern times, and should be encour;iL;<'d .ami inuri' fully dexcloped in e\cr\' |j,trticul.ir, with no stinted me.ans ol' su])])orl . .Si'cond only to the Xavy itsell in impdrt.ance foi- the del'iiK cs of the l']mpirc .audits .M.aritiiv.c interists, is the |)ossession of (o.ilins; sl.itions .and j;'ood h.arbours well fortitied ; \a\al depots well sup|)lied wil h .all ictniisitc stores .all over the woi-Rl, so tlual the Ijrilish \.i\,il I'nwer sh.all bi' in e\iilence, practically in command of the sea lor the |)i';ice of the world. ic) PaciI'IC C.\nt.i:: Intimately connected with the political, commercial .and defi'usivi- asjiects of Imperi.al I'edeialion, is the question of of cable com lections .and swift mail services between the Cnited Kin^'dom ;ind. Colonics. JO \arious ari;iiments, d.at.a .and resolutions upon the sul)ject, .and llnal re< onunen- tiation to establish the I'aiitie cable, wholly under British (ontrol, .as an aiijunct to this scheme of Impi'ii.al h'cder.ation, if mil e.arliei- pi-o( ei'ded with. ji The exact route, w.avs .and me.ans .and olhei' det.ails lo he mutu.alb .I'^ieed b\' the !.;(n CI iiments intercsled. 22 A last m.ail ser\ice is required betweiMi the Cnited Kinu'dom ,and Austr.al.asi.i, via Can.ada, crossing- tlie .Vtl.antic and I'acillc Oceans. J_^ Armiiiiriils, (lata ami icMilulioiis in la\ our of siu.li swilt line, showinj;- that llu' ri)',itr is sale ami i'X))i'ililii)ii.s between Mii^laml, Halifax and (Jueliee, and can 1)0 mad<' to compete siieeesslully with tjie Xi'w \'ork lines, as it diil albrelinie iVoni 1865 to iSritish j^oxernment should at once siijnity their intention to t;rant a subsidy of/.iiuo,oooto tlu' Atlantic service, and/' 100,000 to the Pacific, t'oi- a period of lo ye;ii-s, at the I'nd of which, the matter to be further considered, always with a view to lln' permanency of the line '/V//x lissiiv (iiitl Siiniiiiiti'v coiihiins ahaii/ z^.^^ao Civ^/v/.v, //i/i/ /v Inimhly yiihniUh'ii lo the juil^niciil of I he noble aiii/ h'tiinu'd judges, liv Iheir liinnl)le sei'viiii/, " Ni .\ii!i;i? SiA i;\ I i;i-:\." I-:, n. IIMI'IKLLK Lu'i^KrooL, Dtceinoer, loo;^. .Villi:. I he Nnni ill pUii'ie. ".Number Sexenieen, is a combination ol the l)i\inr cycle .mil number 7, with the sccul.ii decimal number of the World. 10. m)wm