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LMPERIAL
FEDER.VTION
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IN CANADA.
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S P K K C M
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ON
ANUARY 19th, 1888,
liY
X. McNBlLL, M.
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Vice-President.
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DELIVERED AT
THURSDAY, JAN. IQth, 1888,
— BY —
Vice President " Imperial Federation League in Canada."
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : It is a great pleasure
to me to be here in Paris to-night. 1 account it a great privikge to
be permitted to address such a meeting as this of my fellow-
countrymen, and of my countrywomen too, on that great theme which
has touched the hearts and stirred the enthusiasm of so very many
of the most eminent and practical statesmen in the Mother Country
and the colonies, and which in its magnitude and importance to the
British race dwarfs almost into insignificance all other political issues.
Imperial Unity or Imperial Disintegration — Empire or no
Empire — that is the question. Fortunately it is not a party ques-
tion. Sj little of a party question is it, that I see by the last number
of Imperial Federation, the admirable journal of the Imperial Fede-
ration League, that public meetings in the interest of Imperial Fede-
ration are being held in England, under the joint auspices of mem-
bers of Parliament and the political opponents they defeated at the
polls. Those who know anything of political election contests —
and I take it you are not all utterly ignorant of them in Paris — will
admit that this is a tolerably conclusive proof that Imperial Federa-
tion is not a party issue in England ; and, further, that it hjfe taken
a deep hold of the public mind.
The fact is, as Lord Rosebery happily remarked the other day
the greatest discovery of the century by the people of England is the
discovery of the British Empire. The colonies, he added, have not
made the discovery, for they have always been perfectly aware of the
existence of their Empire. Great popular movements in England are
like the making of the young flood tide upon her coasts. They are
slow movements at first, and even when they have gathered volume
and grown deep, and full, and strong, like the advance of the flood
in its spring, they are often like that mighty movement of ocean, so
silent that they are unheeded and unobserved till the appearance of
rising waters in some unexpected quarter startles the loiterer on the
beach and warns him that the world of waters is at hand. And
so it has b-*en with this movement in favor of Imperial Federation.
It has for years past been silently but surely making head ; but it
was altogether unheeded, till one day, the 29th of July, 1884, it
startled the British public by welling up in a most unmistakable way in
the city of London itself ; and from that point it has with astonishing
rapidity overflowed the land. This generation has witnessed no such
marvellous political movement in England as this movement in favor
of Imperial Federation. But it has not been conflned to England ;
it has extended to the remotest confines of the Empire. It has swept
over Australasia, ind it has kindled afresh the hopes and aspirations
of our fellow-countrymen in South Africa. It is here with us in
Canada too ; and — Professor Goldwin Smith to the contrary notwith-
standing — I say it has made great and substantial progress in the
Dominion. It was only in 1885 that the Canadian branch of the
league was formed, and already it comprises among its members
some 60 members of the Dominion Parliament, and many others of
the foremost men in the Dominion. Why, only the other day a
branch of the League was formed at Ottawa, and there in the capital
itself some 140 or 150 of their leading citizens, with Mr. Sanford
Fleming as president, enrolled themselves as members. And why?
I will tell you. Because the people of Canada have a warm heart
to their kindred beyond the seas ; because they regard with venera-
tion and gratitude the mighty mother of nations from whom they
spring ; because they glory in their own Empire ; and because they
are also firmly persuaded that their material interests are best
served by the maintenance of the connection between Great Britain
and her colonies.
" We rejoice in the connection as it exists now. It has been one
of unmixed good." And again : " It is im|X)ssible to exaggerate the
feeling of loyalty and affection that exists in Canada," i. e., towards
the Mother Country.
These are strong expressions. About as strong as can be framed
in English ; and they are specially significant ad coming from an
experienced lawyer and politician accustomed carefully to weigh his
words. They are the words of the Premier of this province, spoken
during the summer of 1884, only some three years ago, in the city
of London, the heart of your Kmpire, which we are proud to remem-
ber is also the metropolis of the world. " The connection," he says,
" has been one of unmixed good." " It is impossible to exaggerate
the feeling of loyalty and affection that exists in Canada."
Is there a man in this hall, be he Conservative or Reformer, who
is prepared to deny these statements of Mr. Mowat ? Not one.
There is not, I venture to say, one man present who does not from
his heart fully endorse them. There is not one man present who
does not know full well that there is no other political sentiment in
Canada that exceeds (if indeed there b< ^ny that at all equals) in
volume and intensity that sentiment of loyalty and affection to the
old Mother Land, which pervades all classes of our people. There
is not one man present who does not in his heart and conscience
know that Canada's connection with the Mother Country has been to
her a source of almost incalculable benefit and blessing. Who does
not know full well that by and through that connection this noble
young Canada of ours, that we all so glory in and love, has been
enabled to advance by leaps and bounds towards a place in the fore-
front of the nations of the world, unimpeded in the progress by the
jealousies or hostility of any powerful competitor ? There is not a
man who hears me that does not know full well that by and through
that connection it is that we can stand up to-day in the face of the
civilized world, and, v\ ithout risk of successful contradiction, make
the proud boast that, except within the confines of our own Empire,
except under the sheltering folds of our own flag, there never was
since the world began, there never was under the broad canopy of
heaven, a people who enjoyed so full a measure of true and perfect
liberty as th.<t which is the blessed portion of our people in Canada.
For it is a full measure of Biitish liberty. And what is that ? It is
alxsolutely uncontrolled freedom of thought, word and action, within
the bounds of wise and just laws. Outside those bounds lie licenbe
and anarchy. There British freedom wills and dies ; and just in pro-
portion to the degree in which those bounds are jealously guarded,
just in proportion to the degree in which those wise and just laws are
carefully administered and firmly enforced, do we have a more or
less perfect form of that British liberty which the good sense and
j)atriotism of the people of this country have so happily conserved
for themselves and their children after them. I say there is not a
man present who does not know that to this British connection we
owe this British liberty, and there is not within the four corners of
this broad Dominion a man who does not in his heart know and
confess that it is through and by virtue of that British connection
alone that Canada, with her 5,000,000 of people, has been enabled
to maintain her just rights against the high-handed encroach-
ments of her powerful neighbor to the south, and is to-day enabled
to treat upon terms of the most perfect and absolute equality with
that great republic and her 55 or 60 millions of inhabitants. Talk of
using our fishery rights as a lever with which to move the United
Slates to trade with us upon fair terms ! I should like to know where
our lever would have been to-day were it not for the protecting
power and influence of Great Britain ; and I venture to think the
value of our lever is none the less that we have the weight and might
of Britain at the right end of it. But, thank God, it is there for us to-
day as it has ever been of yore, ready, aye, ready, at our need. And
yet, oh, burning, blistering shame ! oh, poor, frail humanity ! there
are those among us who would strive to persuade themselves and
you that we might in all honor and with conscience clear use this
power with which the Mother Country thus willingly and affection-
ately supplies to us and fashion with it a weapon to wound her own
breast ; that at the very moment v/hen she is lending us her strength
to struggle with our adversary, we should use that (her own) strength
to betray her own best interests and dismember her own empire. In
other words, that we might as honest and honorable men use those
fishing rights which, but for the sheltering power and influence of
the Mother Country, would long since have been filched from us
and which are to-day ours to use solely by reason of that power and
influence, that we might use those fishery rights as a bribe to in*
duce the United States to enter into such trading relations with us
as would virtually exclude the Mother Country from our mprkets.
The proposal is horrible. It is unnatural. It is altogether too
hideous and monstrous a thing to be born of this glorious, beauteous
young Canada. She must, she will disown, she has disowned it.
But to return to what Mr. Mowat said : After stating that it was
impossible to exaggerate the benefits that Canada had derived from
British connection, that it had been for us unmixed good, Mr.
Mowat went on to say that in his opinion and in the opinion of many
of the people in Canada, it was quite impossible for the present state
of things to be permanent. The people would sooner or later
demand some voice in Imperial affairs. (In this view of the situa-
tion Mr. Mowat is, I think, sustained by all the leading statesmen of
England.) The difliculty was, Mr. Mowat said, to see how that
could be arranged. He was not as sanguine as some as to the dis-
covery of a satisfactory solution of the difficulty. But what, he
asked, were statesmen for, if not to solve difficulties ? And for his
own part he could .say that no man was more anxious than he that
this difficulty should be solved ; and he (Mr. Mowat) accordingly,
on the 29th of July, 1884, the day to which I have already referred,
seconded this most important resolution. " That for the purpose of
enlightening and instructing the people, both in the United Kingdom
and the colonies, as to the incalculable advantages which will accrue
to the whole Empire from the adoption of such a system of political
organizations, a society be formed of men of all parties, to advocate
and support the principle of Federation."
The meeting in London to which I have referred, and at which
Mr. Mowat spoke, was the conference held by leading men of all
parties for the purpose of considering the advisability of forming a
Society to promote the cause of Imperial Federation ; the resolution
which Mr. Mowat so gladly seconded was, as you see, the resolution
by virtue of which the Imperial Federation League has its existence.
It is for the purpose of saying a few words to you about this
principle of Federation of the Empire, thus advocated by Mr. Mowat,
that I am here to address you to-night. I have sought to emphasize
the fact that the principle meets with Mr. Mpwat's approval,
because I am anxious that you should all understand that from the
very inception of the movement until the present time the promo-
ters of Imperial Federation have striven by every means in their
power to keep it clear and pure from all taint of party politics. We
have felt that the maintenance of the unity of our Empire was a
principle upon which Conservative and Radical, Grit and Tory,
could well agree. We have felt that upon this one issue at least we
might well lay aside our local differences and jealousies, and remem-
bering only that we are alike citizens of a matchless Empire,
strive with all our strength, with all our energies, to preserve intact
the mighty heritage bequeathed to us by the prowess and wisdom of
our forefathers. And thus we find that as we have the leader of the
Reform party in this Province actively engaged in promoting this
movement by seconding the resolution on the strength of which the
League was founded, so also you have Sir John Macdonald and Sir
Charles Tupper countenancing it by their presence and their utter-
ances at the great initial meetings in London. And in England, while
the first president, the leading spirit of the association, was a Liberal
— one of the truest and ablest and most single-minded statesmen of
modern times — I mean the late Mr. Forster — and while the present
president is also a Liberal, and a Gladstonian Liberal, too. Lord
Roriebery, yet Conservatives have just as warmly espoused the cause,
and public opinion there has, as I have said, moved in favor of Im-
perial Federation with a rapidity, volume and power which has
utterly astonished its warmest and most sanguine supporters. And
now what is Imperial Federation ? What do we mean by it ? What
is the object we have in view ?
The object we have in view is to preserve to ourselves and our
children after us for ever the unity of our Empire. There are, I
think, sir, few people in Canada, siill fewer of the British breed, who
will deny that this is a good object. The preservation of our .
Empire — our Empire — mark you, my friends ! It is just as much
ours as it is the empire of the British people living in any other
part of it — living in England, Ireland, or Scotland, for example. We
have, in fact, to all intents and purposes, a greater share of it under
our own immediate control than they have ; and no one who has
given even a casual thought to these matters can havt failed to
observe that our influence is year by year becoming more and more
potent in reference to matters of a less strictly local nature. Our
right to be consulted as to matters of imperial moment is being
more and more fully recognized. The most obvious and striking proof
of this fact is the summning of the Imperial Conference last year.
But on this subject the present leader of the Imperial House of
Commons has said,— on the same day on which Mr. Mowat seconded
the resolution by virtue of which the League has its existence — " We
regard our colonial friends as Englishmen in the full and true intent
of the word, and they are entitled and should obtain as complete a
place in the management and in the control of the affairs of the
Empire as we Englishmen claim in our own little island." And
again he said : " Let us at least assert the principle that unity is to
be maintained, that some method shall be found, some course
adopted, which shall give our colonists all the rights, and the inte-
rests, and the advantages which belong to resident Englishmen in
Great Britain and Ireland." This statement of Mr. Smith's was
received with cheers. And he emphatically added : '' I beliove
it can be done." That is the deliberately expressed opinion of that
eminently practical statesman who at present leads the greatest
legislative body in the world , that was the opinion of the late Mr.
Forster, than whom no man in England was more prized fur calm,
clear-sighted sagacity; that was the opinion of Lord Shaftesbury,
that is the opinion of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, of Lord Carnarvon,
of the present Secretary for the Colonies, of the present Priipe
Minister of England. I understand that to be the o])inion of
Mr. Chamberlain. That is the opinion of premiers and ex-premien^
of colonies in Australia, New Zealand and South Africa ; that is the
opinion of scores and scores of the most eminent and practical
statesmen of the Mother Country and the Empire over. And yet,
as I have said once before, we are to be told by one or two anony*
mous writers, by half a dozen Yankee sympathizers, and forsooth
by Professor Goldwin Smith, that the deliberately formed and
openly expressed opinion of all these great, experienced and prac-
tical statesmen is mere childishness — a dream, a vision, a phantasy
— something quite unworthy the consideration of sober-minded,
sensible people.
m}
Now, who is Professor Goldwin Smith ? What weight ought to be
attached to his opinions on this subject? Mr. Goldwin Smith is a
man of learning and culture, who writes singularly graceful and
forcible English. He is a gentleman who for his great literary
attainments is deservedly held in much esteem by the people of
Canada. But no one dreams of regarding Mr. Smith as a statesman.
His opinions on such a subject as Imperial Federation are not for a
moment to be weighed against that of any one of the phalanx of
great Imperial statesmen who have approved the principle ; and it
simply vanishes from the calculation altogether when opposed to the
combined weight of the opinions of them all.
The fact is that Professor (loldwin Smith is a good deal like the old
harper in Sir Walter Scott's Lay of the Last Minstrel. And it occurs
to me that we have a representative of the Orphan Boy, too, in the
person of poor, innocent Erastus Wiman, who so prettily prattles
one version of his little story in Canada, and with childlike unconcern
qu'te another version of it in the United States. Professor Goldwin
Smith is an interesting relic of a bygone time, and almost as great
a curiosity as that famous ornithological specimen, a live dodo. He
is, in fact, about the only extant specimen left to us of the once
famous Manchester school. That was the school that would have
confined England within the bounds of th» famous ** silver streak.*'
That was the school that taught that England's colonies were a source,
not of strength but of weakness — that they were prepared to turn
their backs upon her on the first favorable opportunity. That was
the school of disintegration and surrender that urged the cutting
adrift the Empire of England the getting rid of the obligation to
defend the colonies, and the leaving them to shift for themselves as
best they might at the earliest possible moment. I will show you
that Mr. Goldwin Smith was one of the leading apostles of that
school which was once influential in England, and I will show you
what is thought in England of his teaching to-day.
•* The dominant party in the State was," (at that time) says the
Times, " powerfully influenced by the ingenious and passionate
arguments of writers like Mr. Goldwin Smith, and by reaction
against the policy of Lord Palmerston."
" Cut and dried schemes of deliberate separation, such as that
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which Lord Rosebery connected tnily enough with the name of Mr.
Goldwin Smith," says the radical Daily News.
The Goldwin Smith propaganda is thus described by the London
Globe : " If Imperial disintegration resulted, what matter ? Canada,
Australia, New Zealand and South Africa would still be open to our
trade as ever, while we should save a great deal of money by with-
drawing from their protection."
These are the views and sentiments of the gentleman who is, all
unconscious of evil — for to him it seems no crime — seeking to foul
the fountains of Canadian loyalty to that old Mother Land that
guards in her bosom the bones of our forefathers.
But let us see what is thought of Mr. Goldwin Smith's doctrines
in England now. The Pall Mall Gazette is, as you all know, one of
the ablest exponents of the views and principles of the Liberal
party in England. It says : " To-day, when we take up newspaper
after newspaper, we are in amazement. The advocates of a little
England, where are they now ?***** Judging from the com-
ments of the newpapers, the journalist of the school of Mr. Goldwin
Smith is as extinct as the Megatherium. The contraction of England
has not one articulate advocate left in the daily press, and Liberals
and Radicals vie with Conservatives in professions of enthusiastic
patriotism in that larger sense which regards all the English, whether
they live at home or are dwellers beyond the seas, as fellow-citizens of
a common realm."
You see that Professor Goldwin Smith is therefore, as I have said,
a relic of a bygone time, and with but little variation Sir Walter
Scott's lines accurately describe him :
His fad, his sole remaining joy,
Was mnnagcd by an alien l)oy.
The last of all that School was he
That deemed disgrace in chivalry—
That urged on Britain infamy.
For happily its date is fled :
Its sordid doctrines all are dead :
And he, discredited, distressed,
Could he grow wise, would be at rest.
But one of the interesting things about Professor Goldwin Smith
is that, clever though he be, he can't grow wise. He is like the
EH
■■
It
schoolman of old who made facts conform to their preconceived'
theories, not their theories to the facts. He has lived to see the con-
federation of the great German Empire, and the unification of Italy.
He has seen Alsace and Lorraine torn from the bleeding side of
France, and all Europe shuddering at the prospect of the death-
struggle which in consequence will sooner or later be waged. He
knows that Canada is teeming with the descendants of men who hold)
their world'y gear as dross in comparison with that precious jewel
they cherished in their hearts, — loyalty to king and country. And
yet a country is still, for Professor Goldwin Smith, but a geogra-
phical expression ; and the human beings who possess it are, with all
their hopes and fears, their joys and griefs, their sentiments and
aspirations, but money-making machines.
This gentleman and these few others I have mentioned either
cannot or will not see how a federation of the Empire may be
achieved. Those whose hearts are full of the great theme refuse to
formulate from any particular locality, without consultation with
representatives of the interests involved, a cut and dried scheme for
federation of a world-wide Empire. Many Imperial Federationists
hold that the work of the League is to inculcate the principle of
unity, to urge upon Local and Imperial Governments the adoption
of all measures tending towards unity and consolidation, and to leave
federation to develop and shape itself gradually as the exigencies of
the times may require — even as the British Constitution shaped
itself out of the practical business capacity, the saving commen sen^e
and the self-governing instincts of the Anglo-Saxon race. And so
because no such cut and dried scheme is propounded you are to be
told that Imperial Federr<tion is an impossibility, that the Imperial
Federation League is of no practical utility, and you are to sit down
and fold your hands, twirl your thumbs, and let your Empire fall to
pieces before your eyes if it will — let slip from your nerveless grasp a
heritage dazzling in splendor beyond the dream of man. I say No ! A
thousand times No ! Perish the thought : and perish the dastard who
would be so false to himself, to his fathers and to his children after him,
as to refuse to raise his voice, and, if needs be, his hand, too, in defence
of the matchless Empire of England of which this glorious young
Dominion of ours forms so great and important a part. The Empire
of England ! Your Empire ! And what an Empire I One is almost
'i
*1
n
afraid to say what an Empire it is. For the palest description of it
sounds like spread eagleism. It is an Empire four times greater
than the world famous Empire of Rome. The German Empire of to-
day is a mighty Empire. Yours is forty times its extent. It com-
prises within its limits one-fifth of the whole habitable globe. The
'sails of your innumerable fleets whiten every sea, and on every sea
yours is the proudest flag that floats at a mast-head. Just think of
this world of ours and see what a shaping, forming power your
Empire has been upon the face of it. Think of the shocks of battle
it has . withstood. Think of the glorious deeds of arms it has
achieved. Think of the lion deeds it has done in the cause of liberty
and justice. Think of the incense-breathing deeds of pity and mercy.
Think of all its triumphs in science, in literature and art, and then
tell me is not the preservation of this Empire of yours something
worth planning for, something worth working for, something worth
fighting, and, if needs be, dying for ? Certain it is that man never
died in a holier cause.
But because we refuse (simply to please our critics) to formulate
some crude cut and dried scheme of Imperial Federation, therefore
you are to be taught that the thing is impossible, the enemies of
Imi)erial unity are to have a free hand to work their own sweet will
among our people, and the friends of the empire are to sit stock
still and " grin and bear it." Did we do so we should deserve to
lose our cause and to go down to posterity branded as the men who
had betrayed their trust, and had stood idly by while their own
Imperial heritage crumbled into the dust before their very eyes.
Mr. Forster said that he "thought they were the real foes of
union, or at least the disbelievers of its possibility, who would ask
to day what should be the form of Federation or demand at this
moment a written Federal constitution." And Lord Rosebery said
that " if an absolutely perfect and complete scheme, to which no
possible objection of time or space could be urged, were introduced
to the Parliament of Great Britain, it would have no chance of
acceptance. The British Parliament would say, and wisely say, 'we
will go gently ; we wish to see how this scheme works in minor
matters before we proceed to any cut and dried constitution of the
British Empire.' "
12
The object of Imperial Federation is Imperial unity. What is
Imperial Federation itself? It is Imperial consolidation — Imperial
organization — the so ordering the great forces within the Empire
that they shall not oppose one another, shall not conflict with one
another — the so marshalling them that they shall act together for
the common good. The word " Federation " has been a stumbling-
block to many who are heartily in favor of Imperial unity. They
have imagined that it necessarily implied a confederation like our
own but on a vastly larger scale, and they have feared it would be
unworkable. But Mr. Forstei, the chief organizer of the movement
in England, as to this again says that " The word does not neces-
sarily imply a Federal Parliament. It may, for instance, be fulfilled
by a council of representatives of the different colonies. In fact all
that is implied is that there should be some combination together of
the colonies with the Mother Country which would bind them so
that separation would be felt to be a most improbable result." Mr.
Freeman, the great historical and constitutional authority, defines a
Federal Commonwealth in its most perfect form as " one which
forms a single state in its relation to other nations, but which consists
of many states in relation to its internal government." It is one of
the fundamental axioms of the Imperial Federation League that
must never be lost sight of, but which has carefully been kept out of
sight of the public by the opponents of Imperial unity, that " no
scheme of Federation should interfere with the existing rights of local
parliaments in relation to local affairs." So that when you are told
that it is the intention of Imperial Fede ration ists to interfere with
your local self-government, you are told what is exactly the opposite
of the truth. The word Federation, in its ordinary acceptation,
means simply, *' a league, a compact." The object of that league or
compact is the preservation of the unity of the Empire. The terms
of the compact and the details for carrying it out can only be arran-
ged by consultation among the parties interested — and that probably
only gradually and as occasion may require.
My friend, Mr. D' Alton McCarthy, whose great name and influence
has been so valuable to the League in the Dominion, thinks that the
negotiations for closer union between the Mother Country and her
colonies will result ultimately in the formation of an Imperial
Federal Parliament, in which the colonies will have representation.
0'
a
i
13
The representation of Canada in such a Parliament would (on the
basis of population) be to-day about equal to that of Ireland, and
Australia would send about as many representatives as Scotland.
The representation from all the colonies would, therefore, even now
be a powerful factor in any such Imperial Parliament. And when
we think of what it would become by colonial growth and develop-
ment by the end of the century, it is apparent that the objection so
often urged that the colonies would have no influence in any such
body and would be hopelessly swamped is simple, unadorned non-
sense. And 1 might ask-, has the treatment of her colonies by the
mother country been such as to justify us in assuming that she would
vish to swamp us ?
Tlie objection of distance, too, falls to the ground. For if the
proposed fast transatlantic service so much spoken of lately be
effected — and such a service we must soon have — Canadian repre
sentatives from Ottawa could reach London in about half the time
required to bring members from British Columbia to Ottawa at the
commencement of the last Dominion Parliament.
But, on the other hand, as we have seen, Mr. Forster did not
think an Imperial Federal Parliament necessarily implied in Imperial
Federation ; and Sir John Macdonald takes the same ground, and
holds that the Federation is more likely to take the form of a close
and intimate aUiance between the mother country and her offspring.
Last year witnessed, as you all know, for the first time in the
history of the Empire an imperial conference. Delegates from all
the colonies, summoned by our common Sovereign, met together on
English soil to plan together with members of the Imperial Govern-
ment, for the weal of the whole Empire. It is simply impossible to
exaggerate the importance of this event. The experiment proved
eminently successful, and it can scarcely be doubted that recourse
will be had to it again. Here then we have a very apparent, a
very tangible advance towards Imperial uniiy, towards Imperial
organization and consolidation. Let us each and all help on the
glorious work, by giving to it our countenance, our sympathy, our
support, by pronouncing with no uncertain voice in favor of every
measure making for consolidation and unity and against every mea-
sure tending towards a loosening of those golden links of loyalty and
■
14
love that bind our Empire together. That is our work for the
present. The future will take care of itself. The descendants of
the men who framed the British Constitution may safety be trusted
to know how to shape a scheme that will give effect to the desire of
kindred beyond the seas for more intimate political relations with
one another.
But of this rest assured, the constitution of your Empire — if I
may use that term for want of a better — will be worked out by wise
heads, and defended, if needs be, by stror.g arms, in accordance
with the self-governing instincts of the race to which you belong.
A mighty movement is speading over the Empire making for a
more perfect unity. And I have too much " faith in the breed" to
doubt its being able to attain its object. I say more, I say it would
be a slander and a calumny upon the British race to assert that
they were incapable of guarding and keeping whole that Empire
which has been won and bequeathed to them by their forefathers.
The question we have to ask ourselves is simply this : '* Do we
wish to preserve our Empire ?" Every man who has that great
hope in his heart is with us. To him we extend the right hand of
fellowship, whether he be Liberal or Conservative, Grit or Tory.
He is with us in heart. We ask him to be with us in deed also, and
to become a fellow-worker in the cause. But it is objected in good
faith by friends of our Empire that we should not expect public
supi ort for the policy of Imperial Consolidation until we have for-
mulated a scheme for carrying it into effect. *' How," it is asked,
" can men support a thing that is without form, and void ? Let us
see the details of your scheme first, and then we will tell you what
we think of it. But until you do so you have no right to expect our
support."
Now, surely it is evident that the approval of the principle comes
first, the details afterwards. The people of Paris made up their
minds that they required and were determined to have a Town hall
before they entered into the question of the exact details of the
building they proposed to erect. So it is with Imperial Federa-
tion. The question to-day is, Do we approve of Imperial unity ?
If we do let us support it by strengthening the hands of those who
are laboring to maintain and perfect it. If hereafter any details are
IS
proposed which you disapprove, oppose them. But don't say you
won't have your Town Hall at all, merely because an architect may
perchance propose to make a ceiling loo low or a window too narrow.
In the meantime we can see some of the things which are implied
in and will go to make up the sum of this Federation of the Em<
pire. One«is that there shall be an organization for mutual defence.
Let us suppose that this does not entail any additional expense.
Let us suppose that each of the colonies is • paying its fair share
towards the common defence of the Empire. They may or may
not be. But suppose they are. Is it not clear that a thorough organ-
ization upon the best and most scientific principles of the forces thus
at the disposal of the Empire would add enormously to their effective
value ? Would not such an organization be in itself a great stride
towards a more perfect unity of our Empire? Well, but this great
stride has been taken. This organization for purposes of mutual
defence is in progress. For among the matters dealt with last year
by the great Imperial council was this very matter of an organization
for mutual defence, and one of the outcomes from this great Impe-
rial council was an ■ arrangement by virtue of which the mother
country agreed to supply a fleet of ships of war for Australian waters,
the cost of the maintenance of which our brothers and friends in
Australia cheerfully undertook to defray. So much for consultation
and organization ; and so much, too, for the Imperial Federation
League, at whose instance it was that this Imperial Conference was
convened. And which — visionary though its objects and impractic-
able though its methods may be made to appear — has in a very
short space of time achieved this somewhat substantial result. I
believe it was admitted at the conference that in the establishing and
maintenance of the Military College at Kingston, in the maintaining
of our militia forces, and in the construction of the Intercolonial
and Canadian Pacific railways, we have in the meantime been doing
our fair share towards Imperial defence. But I venture to say that I
express your sentiments when I assert and I hope you will correct me
if I misrepresent you) that should the integrity of the Empire be
menaced, or should the honor of the British race be assailed, no
colony under the Crown, no portion of the British people would be
prepared to make more substantial sacrifices than the people of
Canada to preserve that Empire intact «nd that honor invic^ate.
f
II
16
Imperial Recipocity.
The summoning of this Imperial Council was a great stride
towards a more perfect unity. The organization for mutual
defence is another stride in the same direction. Soon we hope
to be able to record still another advance. We hoye soon to
see a mutual arrangement effected, by virtue of which the members
of the Empire will trade with one another on much more natural and
much more profitable terms than they do at present. The different
members of the Empire ought to trade with one another upon more
favorable terms than with foreign countries. The Mother Country,
for example, admits most of our products free of duty. The United
States has raised up an enormous tariff against us. We ought to
admit the products of the Mother Country to our markets on terms
more favorable than we admit those of the United States. We
purchase, per head of our population, much more from the Mother
Country than the people of the United States do. The Mother
Country ought to discriminate in our favor against the United States.
In otht. words, she ought to rearrange her tariff at least so far as
this, that it would advantage the producer in the Empire without
materially adding to the expenses of the consumer. For example,
she might begin in this way : In place of making poor people pay
a duty of 50 or 60 pcv cent, on their tea, she ought very much to
reduce the duty on China tea, and let in the tea produced by her
own people ia India free. She ought to reduce the enormous duty
on foreign tobacco, and let in the tobacco of her own people free.
§he ought to treat coffee, chickory and dried fruits in a similar
manner. She ought to give her own wine producers an advantage
iu her market over the foreigner, and the large revenues she thus lost
she ought to provide by taxing, for example, the butter and cheese
and dried fish, and horses and peas of the foreigner, letting ours in
free. It is not, perhaps, known to all of you that the cheese alone
we exported to the Mother Country last year and the year before
almost equalled in value all the wheat, wheat meal, wheat flour, oats
^nd oatmeal that we exported to Great Britain and Ireland during
the same periods of time. England might put a tax on foreign
lumber, too, and foreign furs, while admitting ours duty free. I
don't think there would be much injury done to the consumer if
17
there were a tax levied on the vile oleomargarine or bogus butter
with which our American cousins and commercial rivals flood the
English market, to the injury of the English and Canadian farmer.
All parties assisted in urging our own Government to exclude the
ville stuff from our markets — as much for the sake of the consumer
as of the producer of genuine butter — and this has been done.
Neither do I think a tax on seal or other furs would hit poor people
much harder than ' a tax on their tea and tobacco, which are as
necessary to them as either cheese or butter. And a very much
smaller tax than that now paid on tea, tobacco, coffee, etc. , levied
against the foreigner on the goods I have mentioned, and others thai
might be enumerated, would give to the Canadian farmer an
enormous advantage in the English market. And this tax would be
certainly, in part at least, borne by the foreigner, whereas the tea and
coffee tax is wholly paid by the English consumer.
If it be said that this is not free trade, I reply neither is 50 or 60
per cent, on tea free trade. If it be said that England will never
consent to anything like this, I say that, for my own part, I believe
she very soon will. In fact, while Free Trade is still the politico-
economic creed of the English people, there is a strong conviction
rooting itself in their minds that the foreigner is getting very much
the better of the bargain, and for my own part I am satisfied that it
needs but energetic action on the part of the Colonies to make the
movement in favor of Imperial Reciprocity irresistible. I have been
asked by the Toronto Mail to show any good ground for this belief*
I think the ground for it is very apparent. The difficulty is rather
to understand how anyone can be blind to its existence. In the first
place I may just remark that there is a very important and influen-
tial society, having its head-quarters in the great trading city of
Manchester, formed for the very purpose of advocating differential
duties in favor of members of the Empire. The Mail says there is
not a responsible politician connected with it. Well, I don't know
if the Mail admits that members of parliament are responsible poliii
ticians. Perhaps some are not held as responsible as they should
be. But at any rate this society, I find, numbers amongst its
members no less than twenty-eight of the Imperial House of
Commons, and the Duke of Manchester is at its head. The London,
Id
Sheffield and Glasgow Chambers of Commerce have approved the
policy advocated by this society.
What does the Mail make of the fair trade movement ? When
this movement was first heard of it was derided as something quite
too riduculous to have a place in free trade England. Then a
strange thing took place in the Imperial House of Commons. It
was surely a piece of gratuitous effrontery on the part of these fair
traders to ask for a committee to enquire into the whole fiscal
policy of England. That was rather "too, tool" Mr. Gladstone
rose in his wrath and declared that the granting such a commission
would shake Free Trade to its very base, even in its stronghold, and
the motion was defeated. Time went on. A general election took
place, and we were assured that fair trade was annihilated. But this
motion for enquiry into the causes of the depression of English
trade came up again in the House of Commons, and, marvellous to
relate, the motion was carried. The commission was appointed.
The investigation took place. The facts were made public ; and a
few weeks ago, at the great convention of the Conservative party in
England, when the question of fair trade versus free trade was
submitted to the meeting, every hand but twelve was held up for
fair trade; and there were at that meeting i,ooo delegates. I think
that is sufficiently conclusive evidence that tair trade has grown to
be a great power in England, and that it is a rapidly increasing
power. Fair trade in England means the discriminating in favor of
those who in their trade discriminate in favor of England. Every
fair trader in England would be in favor of discriminating in favor of
the Colonies, provided we returned the compliment.
Now we have it in our power to hold out very great inducements
to the Mother Country to adopt such a policy. By slightly raising
to the fo'*e^gner the duty on manufactured goods which England pro-
duces — by raising it to a much smaller degree than it has been lately
proposed to raise it against English goods — we give her an enormous
advantage in our markets over the foreigners. Our own manufac*
turer is not only not injured by this but is also a participator in this
advantage over his foreign competitor. A policy framed on the lines
of Imperial reciprocity is the trade policy advocated by the Imperial
Federation League in Ganada. It is the natural and I believe the
19
inevitable policy of the Empire, and it will, I am persuaded, com-
mend itself more and more to the people of Canada the more it is
enquired into and discussed. It is a policy that will act and react
to the mutual benefit of the colonies and the Mother Country.
Everyone knows that England finds her best markets within the
Empire, and we have seen, not without a pang, that in some cases
this market is slipping away from her, and falling into the hands of
the commercial rivals of the Empire. This policy would enormously
increase her market in the Colonies, both directly and indirectly.
Indirectly, because the better market obtained by the Colonies
would largely increase their purchasing power. It is a policy that
would benefit both the Canadian farmer and manufacturer, not a
policy which would put the industry of the one against that of the
other, and thus divide the country against itself. It is a policy hav-
ing a tendency to increase rather than diminish our revenue, and
this largely at the expense of the foreigner. It is essentially a policy
making for Imperial consolidation and unity ; not a policy tending
to disintegration or annexation ; and it will, I am satisfied, be ap-
proved by the good sense, the patriotism, the instincts of affection,
and the sentiments of loyalty of the Canadian people.
Now I don't wish to be misunderstood. I don't want anyone to
suppose that I put this forward as a scheme for Imperial Recipro-
city. I am speaking purely from a Canadian standpoint, and I wish
to point out that a scheme of reciprocity between Canada and the
Mother Country, mutually advantageous to each of them, could be
arranged without calling upon the English consumer to pay one
farthing more in custom duties than he does to-day, and this, too
without entailing the duty on breadstuffs.
You will probably see the Mother Country go further than this,
and the breadstuffs also. Be that as it may, I am satisfied that, as
with Canada, so, too, with the othci colonies of the Empire, recipro-
cal trading might be arranged between each of them and the Mother
Country, and also between the colonies themselves, which would be
mutually advantageous to all parties concerned.
Much better proposals than those I have made may be advanced.
These are merely thrown out in the rough in order to show that reci-
procity between the colonies and the Mother Country is not that in^-
possible thing it is so often represented to be.
so
CoMMiRCiAL Union,
I know, indeed, that another and very different policy has been
proposed to us — a policy which has been desperately and despair-
ingly thrust forward at the present moment for more reasons than
one, and for one, as a set-off to a policy of Imperial reciprocity. Our
sharp-witted commercial rivals and very good friends to the south
of the line are apprised by the Uhlans of their trading forces, their
ever vigilant consular agents, that this Imperial policy is looming up
in the near future. And the convening of the Imperial Conference
in London last year, together with the important discussions on this
very subject of Imperial Reciprocity, which afterwards took place
there, lent emphasis to the warning. They have over and over again
spumed our overtures for more intimate trade relations with them.
Now they are alarmed lest they lose our markets at the same moment,
and by virtue of the same policy which makes us to them more
formidable rivals than ever before in those markets which are most
valuable to them — the markets of England and the Empire. Hence
the flutter and alarm, and the desperate efforts that are being made
to absorb our rapidly growing trade with their own before it is too
late ; and to dominate our industries, and, if possible, to obtain con-
trol of that great railway which we have provided for ourselves, at
the cost of so much money and so much anxiety, and which is des-
tined to play so prominent and important a part in the Imperial
Reciprocity of the future. The alternative policy proposed to us
does indeed bear the stamp of Yankee thoroughness and audacity. It
is to us slow going Canadians a somewhat startling policy. For the
policy thus coolly proposed to us is a policy of national degradation
and abject surrender — rendered wise and justifiable because of the
squalid misery which has enabled our farmers and laborers and me-
chanics to increase their deposits in our Post Office Savmgs Banks,
from Mr« millions to only seventeen millions since June, 1879 — i.e.,
in eight years, and which is further evidenced by the substantial
houses and commodious barns springing up by the thousand in
every county in the Province ; a policy rendered wise and justifiable
also because of the extreme poverty in natural resources of this* half
ppntjnen^ of ours, and because our finances are in such desperate
ft
straits that the financiers of the world — regardless of reiterated warn*
ings — will insist upon lending us their money on terms far more
favorable than ever before ; and, above all, a policy rendered wise and
justifiable because of the well-known business benevolence and trad'
ing tenderness of cousin Jonathan, by reason of which he never could
or ever would seek to obtain an unfair advantage in any bargain I
Mark you, my friends, I am speaking of the policy called Com-
mercial Union with the United States, not of a policy of mere Reci-
procity with them. For my own part I should gladly see a fair and
equitable Reciprocity treaty arranged between Canada and the
United States. The people of the United States have many great
and good qualities, and I hope we shall always live in neighborly
friendship with them. But if you want a sure recipe for making
neighbors unneighborly, you cannot have a better than to tie them
fast down to an agreement for farming on shares, for example, by
virtue of which one of the parties has an unfair advantage of the
other. If they were good neighbors before that, it will very soon
make a coolness between them ; if there was a coolness before, it will
be fortunate if it does not now break out into open hostility. There
is no doubt that a reciprocity treaty might be framed to the material
advantage of both countries. But it is just as certain that such a
treaty might, be drawn up as would give more advantage to one coun-
try than to the other. Commercial Union, or anything the least like
it, would, in my opinion, give our country away to the United
States.
Now, I am not going to enter upon a discussion of Commercial
Union to-night. And for these reasons : First, because you are, I
am sure, getting tired of me ; and, secondly, because I am getting
tired — certainly not of you, who have so kindly heard me — but of
myself. And in the third place, because, in order to discuss any ques-
tion, we must first of all clearly understand what the subject of dis-
cussion is; and just what is proposed to us by the friends and
supporters of Mr. Wiman, is one of those things that, as 1-ord
Dundreary would say, " No fellah can find out." One day it is
Commercial Union, pure and simple, if either of these terms are
applicable ; then it is Commercial Union with the union left out;
then it is unrestricted reciprocity ; then it is unrestricted recipro-
22
city restricted by custom houses on the frontier. What among
these mutually destructive propositions is left to us to-day
seems to me almost as difficult a problem to determine as the
problem of the three snakes set by a famous senior wrangler of
Cambridge. Suppose, he said, you have three snakes, each taking
hold of the tail of the other so that they formed a circle. Now
let them commence to devour one another; the circle will of
course grow smaller as the swallowing process proceeds. How small
can it become "* How much will be left of it when the snakes have
swallowed one another to the greatest possible extent ? It is said
that not one of the assembled wisdom of the University could solve
the problem. Well, if I were inclined to guess, I should say that
our Commercial Union snakes, when they had continued their con-
sumption of one another a little longer, may resolve themselves into
a harmless eel called simple Reciprocity — a slippery fish to catch
by hand but which is sometimes caught by bait.
But mark you, my friends, we had real snakes at first — venomous
snakes, too- — though they don't care to show their fangs so plainly
now.
You have had many reasons urged upon you in proof that you
should approve Mr. Wiman's scheme for your well-being. Perhaps
you have not had this one. It is Mr. Wiman's own. This is how
Mr. Wiman is planning for the welfare of the Canadian people. Un-
fortunately it happened to be mentioned by him, not here in Canada
but in the United States, so you may have missed it. But he would
regret that you should be without it. Here is an extract from
speech of Mr Wiman made in the United States.
" When one recalls the 5,000 miles of coast line fishing privileges
possessed by Canada ; the limitless forests of timber greatly needed
by the United States ; the exhaustless hills of iron ore, the copper,
nickel and other minerals ; the mountains of phosphates, the miles
and miles of coal in close proximity to eastern manufacturing centres
and western needs, the infinite variety of riches which God in his
Providence has placed in those regions for the good of all mankind ;
and when one recalls that for the most part these are lying silent,
dormant and dead, it needs only to turn and look into the earnest faces
of the great nation on the borders of Qanada to realize that the good
I
23
Providence has also provided a people whose high mission it is to take
these vast riches and most grate/ulli/ enjoy His bounty ! "
Do you quite agree to that ? Do you think this Canada of ours
was intended by the good Providence for the great nation on your
borders and not for you ? Are you prepared to accept Mr. Wiman's
views of the matter, and be guided by him, so that the Americans
may take the vast riches of your own native land and most gratefully
enjoy them ? I think if Mr. Wiman were here you would give him a
decisive answer.
Now hear what Alfred Tennyson says :
Sharers of our glorious past,
Brothers, must we part at last ?
Shall not we through good and ill
Cleave to one another still ?
Britain's myriad voices call,
" Sons, be welded, each and all
Into one Imperial whole,
One with Britain heart and soul !
One life, one flag, one fleet, one throne!"
Britons ? Hold your own !
And God guard all !
^/
^mpertaP ^cbevation B<^ao^\^t in Cdnciia.
D'ALTON McCARTIiY, Q.C, M.T., Toronto.
ALEX. McNEIL!,, M.l'., VViauton.
H. II. LYMAN, '384 St. Paul Street, Montuk.al,
ARCIL McGOUN; Jr., i8i vSl. James Street, Montkkai..
R. CASIMIR DICKSON, 15 Wilcox Street, Toronto.
JVIoNTRKAi.. — IIknry Lvman, ChairiTuui ; Roswei.l C. Lyma.n,' Treas"
urer. 384 St. Paul Street; Arch. McGoun, Jr.'
Secretary, 181 St. James Street.
Ingf.rsoll. — M.Walsh, President; J. Castell Hopkins, Sec.-Treas.
Halifax. — Sir Adams Archibald, President; K. G. Kenny, Treasur-
er ; C. IT. Cahan, " Heruld Office," Cor. Secretary ;
J. M. Geldert, Jr., Rec. Secretary.
Peterdorough. — J. H. Loxo, M.A., Chairman; \Vm. I^rundrette,
Treasurer; Fred. E. Bell, Secretary^
Ottawa.— Sandford Eleming, C.M.G., Ch.-'rman; Thomas Mac-
farlane, F.R.S.C , Treasurer ; R. G. Code, Sec.
Toronto. — J. Beverley Robinson, Chairman ; Commander Fred.
C. Law, Secretary-Treasurer.
Brantford. — Dr. T. M. MacIntvre, President; Col. J. V. GiL-
KiNSON, Treasurer; G, H. Muirhead and W. P,
Brewster, Joint Secretaries.
Port Arthur. — Rev. C. J. Macuin, Chairman ; L. A. Radcliffe,
Treaburer; R. N. K'ing, Secretary.
St. Thomas. — A. Giluert, President ; Ald. Sanders, Treasurer ;
'!'. W, Morton, Cor. Secretary ; W. P. Brewsieu,
Rec. Secretary.
OrUvLIA. — J<ji!n Gray, Coldwater, Hon. Cliairmaiij Dr. John McLean,
Orillia, Chairman ; Geo. H. Hale, " Packet,"
Treasurer; Stephen C. Lett, Secretary.