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BY THE HONORABLE ISAAC BUCHANAi\, ♦ PRESIDENT OF THE HAMILTON BOARD OF TRADE, ■'And lately member in the Canadian Le2:islative Assembly for Hamilton, and President of the Executive Council of Canada. r- # • :' ^ 1 • HAMILTON: • -- -^ .^.. PBINTBD AT THB " SPECTATOR " STEAM PRESS, PRINCF's SQUARE. i 1865. 4> 4 tin. *■ » •• -1 .■ife-' ;Mft r..<^^ ■■s^^ vt .„..-_...--.--•• ■■•■'•-•■-~;:;.::r':;: i. THE BRITISH AMERICAN lit FEDERATION A NECESSITY, ITS INDUSTRIAL POLICY, ALSO A NECESSITY. sptit are ! as will nerica ?' In retiriiif]^ from public life, I have no peculiar personal object in issu- ing this Brochure^ except as a means of getting my mind rid in a greater degree of public questions with which I have so long been officially connected, and because I am some- what under the feeling which Dr. Abernethy said had led him to pub- lish his medical vade mecuin^ that he could save himself much verbal re- petition by referring people to the particular page of his book. It was indeed with the same view that, sometime ago, I countenamred a gathering by a friend in a volume, '' The Relations of the Industry of Canada with the Mother Country and the United, States^'''' of s])eeches and writings of mine, and that 1 went at such length in ray retiring address to my constituents into what [ know from long experience to be the })ractical interests of the cofin- try. But I find that I have not been understood (not to say misunder- stood) in various essential matters, especially that of legal tender paper, which I say i3,in our circumstanoes, absolutely necessary, as the hand- maid of our provincial industry, es- pecially now that paper money exsits in the United States. And I feel it, therefore, a duty now to give such explanations as that people will ap- proach these vital considerations free from any prejudice of my cre- ating. 1 shall have much to explain about the emblematic money pro- posed, but I may mention here the great fact that its existence in the Un- ited States,however unregulated, and ill regulated, is a boon to industry, and creates an ever increasing extent of emjiloyment for all classes of the ])eople, which we never can ralizee tiere without paper money. TuE particular reason in the pres- sent which makes me feel the object of recapitulating these explanations is that 1 see the British American Colonies, " at the loimmuj or the losing^^^ in consequence of an indus- trial chaos here, the result of the Lnperial authorities having thrown open the markets of l»ritaiu to the U. S. without stipulating for re- ciprocity, especially witlithe colon- ies contiguous to the United States. 1 believe that the Provinces of British America have within them the elements of independent great- ness and pros])erity, but that these can only bo reduced from chaos by a certain most energetic policy im- mediatly gone into. Such a policy, I believe, would have the effect of saving to British America the ad- v.ntages of the continuance of the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States, in the only way this can be done, viz : — By rendering us inde- pendent of it. Such a policy would at all events save these North t. American Provinces to liritivin, while, without' a hi>nicly and patri- otic poluty, the loss of thi'iii to tlic Empire will he nunv than likt'ly, especnally it' the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States is withdrawn. My ^reat ohject, therefore", is to impress others with my own stronji- convictions that rr is Vhal TiiAr THE CAXAinAN FaRMKK SUOri.D IM- MEDIATELY HAVE IX IMK MaKKKT oF THE MaKATIME PROVrXCES A SUBSTI- TUTE FOR TlIK, MARKETS WE MAY KOSE IN THE UmTED ■ I'ATK.S, ASV TIWV IT 18 EQUALLY VITAL THAT THE MaRI- TiM.-: Provinces photld immediate- ly' have in the Canadas a sub- stitute for the Tuade they are now carry'ing on with the United States, under the Reciprocity Treaty . WHAT THE CONFEDERATIOX MUST BE. The British American Confedera- tion must be a large and gradually increasing field in America, under British Institutions, in which the greatest and best paid employment for those of Her Majesty's subjects who inhabit it. Like all other nor- thern countries in America, our pro- duce is largely not exportable ; we, therefore, cannot turn it into money abroad with which to pay for Bi'it- ish home labor ; so that the only course left to us is to invite any British labourers who have a dilli- culty of living at home to come out to us, seeing that, though we have not money abroad to pay them for their labor, wc have plenty of food and clothing for them here and other advantages, such as advance- ment fur their families, possessed by very few M'orking men in Britain. What we want of Britain is, that she shall in no way restrict our Re- sponsible Government, but allow public opinion within this British American field of labor to dictate the policy within its boundaries which our peculiar circuiiistances render necessary ; it being al)80- lutely necessary, to the retention of this country to Kugland, that its in- liabitants have as much freedom of action in regard to its industrial in- terests as the peo])le have in the ad- joining United States— and that, in a word, our people here shall have nothing to envy in the material cir- cumstances of this neighboring peo- ple, any more than we have in their political institutions. The Instrumentality which I see NECESSARY TO CARRY OUT THIS IN- DEPENDENT POLICY. The immediate construction of the Intercolonial railway is clearly neces- sary to our independent policy, whe- ther viewed in an industrial or defen- sive point of view, being carried out successfully, and I insist that, added to this, the immediate enlargement of tlu; St. Lawrence canals— which would enable the Western States to receive seagoing vessels at their Lake Shores, would secure the continu- ance of the Reciprocity Ti'eatv, — while nothing short of the combined influence of the immediate construc- tion of the Intercolonial Railway andthe enlargement (,)i' these inte- rior canals, will effect this great ob- ject for the people of British Amer- ica^ I, therefore, to facilitate the construction without delay of these great national works, ])ropose an is- sue bv the (Tovernment of leiral ten- der paper money to something like the amount at ])resent required to be kept l)y the l)anks in specie — say $2^ })er liead of the population — and a large part of my object in these explanations is to show the necessity of paper money — especi- ally now that it exists in the United States, and to satisfy the public of its perfect safety, if limited by the Constitution to $2^ per head of the 5 I popnlation. Evkn inouon srcn pa- VKli MoM.y WAS NOT WANTKH TO All") IN TIIIO CONSTUIXTION OK GIMCAT A'a- TIONAL WOUKS, IT 18 WANTKD, Afi AN iNDKi'KNDKNT CtlUlfKNl'Y. WIIOSK HASIS CANNOT \iV. Jil.MnVKl) |. ROM JIllS CoUN- TUY, TO (rIVK ANY IIOI'K IN OUIi CIliCL'M- 8TANCK8 OK OUIt HAVING AN InDKI'KN- DkNT Indi'suky in JJunTBii Amkkica. And in this ediiiiectioii it iiuiy not he inappropriate to j;;ive here the I'ol- lowiii. It rises and falls, expands and contracts, and sometimes seems to slip away from bineath the city alto- gether. Then goodly houses go down by the dozen — not because they are ill- bnilt — not iVoni any i'ault ol the archi- tect or occupants, liut simply because the foundation on -which they all stand has given way. Of late years, these oscillations have become more frequent and more serious ; and every ten years or so a convulsion takes place — not of nature, but hi/ Act (■/ Parliament — which spreads terror and disaster throughout the Golden City, and paral- yses the whole country as eft'ectually as if an earthquake had strewed Avith ruins the great seats of our national industry. The merchant and the manufacturer, the shop-keeper and the day-laborer, alike find their trade sl()p|)ed,"and their gains swept away. Suffering aiul want spread over the land iis if there were a' famine. 'I'lit re is a paralysis of trade, a d(;arlh of em|)li)yment ; and the hard times are fell by the mill worker and brick-layer, not less than by the mag- nates ot' the trading and connnercial world. Js there not something wronjr here .' Ought the presence or absence of a few millions ot gold to make the difference hetw(;en national prosperity on the r)nc hand, ami national disaster and wide-spread suffering on the other? How WILlPuSTKKITV SPKAK of U8 wuen IT SEES THAT WE MADE THE HUGE FAHIUC UK ouK National Industkv stand like AN iNvianKD Pyramid, kestino on a Nahkow Apex formed uy a Ciiambek- FLL OF Yellow Dkoss ? Will they !iot laugh at our folly, our barbarisu ? When the usual supply of gold is tem- porarily diminished, Avhy should our usual credit system be restricted in pro- portion, or totally suspended? Of what use is credit but to take the place of payments in coin / Was it not for this purpose, and tor this alone, that credit and paper money were adopted ? Why, then, not make use of our credit system as a means of compensating the tem- porary absence of gold { Why not tide over the difficulty instead of aggravat- ing it .' and so avoid the tremendous suf- fering which areever recurrent underour present system of monetary legislation. Sutf(iring thousands and starving my- riads signalise each great monetary crisis. Even during the last year, though the crisis of evil has been escap- ed, the usurious bank rate of i) or 10 per cent, has swept away the profits of trade into the pockets of Itankers and capitalists, l^arliament infficfs misery upon the country out ot an anti(piated deference to some bits of yellow dross. Is THIS WISDOM, IS it humanity, is it civilisation '? It is baruarism and FOLLY, preached UP BV THE MONEYED interest, the high PRIESTS OF MaMMON, AT THE EXPENSE OF THE COMMUNITY." It is no doubt a noble enterprise to call into existence new und en- larged 'channels of Government, as we are now doinir, hut to he ahle, nndi-r these, to secure the oltjeot ot" all (Joveriinient, the hap])ine88 of the ])tH)i)le, is anohler nussiun still ; and if we are to make liritish Ame- rica an (!xamj)le of imxterial itrospo ritv nowhere else to befoimd,! firmly helieve it must he hy the instrumen- tality of a well-regulated i'acku MONKY. 1 do not think it necessary to dwell on the necessity of Federation to save the industry of Jiritish Amer- ica and thus preserve ,the province to J3ritain. The threatened repeal of the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States must have settled that question in the minds of all who know anything of the circumstances of America, its traditions, and its proclivities. To me it seems self- evident that now we must either be drifted by Industrial necessity into Annexation, even in the absence of any disloyalty in these provinces, or must tind markets for our industry, and an outlet for our ti-ade thi-ough means of an intimate and indissolu- ble union of all the provinces (!um- prising British North America. But long hefore there existed that great necessity for federation, which arises from tlie Americans having given notice of the termination of the lleci]>r()city Treaty, the neces- sity of constitutional changes had been forced on the Canadas, the best way perha})S to describe which will be in the words of an explanation which 1 made to my constituents at the termination of the last session of the Canadian Parliament: AGITATORS HAVE MADE PC) i- TICAL CHANGE UNAVOIDABLE IN CANADA. [To the p]ditor of the Sptctatoi.^ " Hamilton, 8th July, 1864. "SiK, — On my arrival from the Seat of Government, yesterday a letter of a Ratepayer was p(jint(!d out to me in the Spectator ot yester- day morning, suggesting that I, as the member for the city, be enter- tained at a grand Cvoalition dinner, and giving as reasons for my being entitled to some mark of public favor th(! following : " First — That as a mendxir of the Goveriimiint 1 eo-operati'd in the ]»re8ent arrangement to get a settle- ment of our great Prindneial Con- stitutional (Question : " SecoTid — That 1 have managed to cari'v through the City Relief Bill: •'Thi .'d — That another great meas- ure for which J have long laboured has Iteon curried through : The In- solvency Bill : "Fourth. — I'he well known fact that my presence in the Govermnent saved the Tobacco nnxnufacliirers from being charged 10 cents on their present huge stocks, which would have been a great loss to them all, and utter ruin to many of them. '' And in the Spectator of this morning I ol)serve the letter oliti(!al oa])ital of the Agitators was the question of theOonstitution or Re]iresci:tation by Population. TriE PEllSISTKNCK IN TmS CONSTITUTIONAL AGITATION IS WHAT HAS MAt)E PARLIAMEN- TAUV GOVERNMENT IMPOSSIBLE IN^'^ANADA. This quarrel as to the mere maehin- cry of Government, banished prac- tical or industrial (piestionsfrom the hustings. Tha ivtcri'Hts of Canada have ceased to he the politics of Ca- nada. This has been practically, though silently., the ease for many years, just as nuu^h so as it is now, when particular \){)\\i\ii?> hvg -puhlichj put to one side, and the three new Ministers ask for re-election merely as INSTRUMENTS OF A CHANGE IN THE Constitution. Legitimate Respon- sible Government, or Responsible Governmenr under the Canadian Constitution (as embodied in the imperial Act of 1840) has for years boon rendered impossible ))y Agita- tors, with Mr. I'.iowiiat their head, insisting on raising (tbr theii* own .seltisli eleetioneei'ing ends so far as we eould judge, and was shown by their afterwards (Mtlufr deserting their preteiidiMl principle for tlu! sake of otlue, or sustaining those of their number who did so,) the qnea- tion of tln' goodness or suitableness of that C(»n.-.titution. Their jionitioii was simply this — what matters it to discuss the practical interestsof tlio eonntry, in our view of which we know the population will never g(» with us? To raise the question of the maidiliiery of the Constitution will be much more popular in Up- p(ir Camula, on the votes of whi(di wedejiend, and what is it ti>us that this will be exactly the miiasure of its unpopularity in Lower Canada? It was felt by many, like myself, that this Representation by Population which all in Upper Canada desired, if it could be got honorably, and without endangeriiig the union of the Provinces, would come in good time, and that we ought not to bo too i)reci[)itate about it, seeing that our great object ought to be to carry along with us, as friends, oiir Lower Canadian fellow subjects, who had long submitted to the present scale (•f equal representation at a time when Lo^ver Canada was Three Ilundi'cd Thousand more in num- bers than the ])opulation of Ujipcr Canada. Unless by a general agrce- nu-nt, and as the only question at the hustings (as will now be the case when as was announced by the Fin- ance Minister, the new Government will ask for their measure of Feder- ation the sanction of the people at a general election) we felt that it was a most dishonest tricky thing to bring the subject of the Constitu- tion to the Hustings, seeing that however much an elector might ob- ject to an unscrupulous candidate 5 I etll .i^' ti / w % w, f ra in pr '.) AMI i> of ti«>n it to t" tlio I wo •r ijo )n of iition B that I re of If, that ilation .csh'L'cl, V, and 'lion of II aood jt to 1)0 ng that to carry • Lower 'ho had snt scale a time s Three in nuni- ,f Upper •al ajirec- lestion at Lithe case >' the Fiu- vernnient of Feder- people at :lt that it ieky thing Constitn- >eing that . might oh- candidate an in iiU o|>iiiiuti :m iiii-ciiilinry, (ir as licdiliii::' iiriiii-i|il('-* m- |i.ilii'y sul»- Vt'l^ivi' III' \vll:|f lln' fli'ctol' l»i'l!oVfll till' illtiMt'^t (if till' I'l'iivillCl', tills ciiiiiliilafi' had the ii'lviiiita;;;:', as the |tL'i»li!t' ill l''|i|H'!- ( '.iiiMila wi'i't; Just us .>,iii'(; tn aiisurr 'Vi'.i' \i tin; iiiics- IJoii. >,liiiiiliiiig that Mr. I'rowii should enter into llie ( lusci'iiiiieiif.and share thu respoiiHibiiify of the (Mjuiingcon- stinitioii d chaiige-i. All I regret la that till! minority in Lower Canada should havol'eci 1-,'t'f the party i)riv- of not Itciii;:' rcpi't'setitod, re- (..r,. il mei'ibcr'iig as I do that the militia Commission iniretend to be in favor, of constitutional changes. And to do simple justice to the industry or material interests of the coiiiitry, it would b(> found absolutely necessary that another geiier;',! election should occur, after the distraction of the coTistitutional question has been removed from the hustings. J therefore think that it would be better if the way of get- ting the peo])le'3 opinion of Federal- ism was not by a general election. Looking to the tact that any method 10 « of getting at the public opinion about tlio constitution, must neces- sarily be a comparative farce, if mingled with individuality, we must see that a general election is not the proper means to be taken ; and I would therefore suggest that the votes of the people, for and against exchanging their present constitu- tion for Federalism, be taken in all the diftcrent localities of the Prov- ince by a simple vote, and without a general election. This seems the only way to get an unbiased vote, as having no names or individuals mingled with it, " And if the foregoing is an obvious matter not only of the plainest reason, but of the most absolute necessity, how chaotic and worse than revolutionary, both as regards our constitutional and indus- trial principles, must have been the effect, in the past, of Mi-. Brown's liaving xisur])ed the hustings for the constitutional question, and to the same extent vitally damaged the country by banishing from its legiti- mate position at the hustings the question which ought to be the first question in the politics of every country — the /question of the conn- try's material interests f In calcu- lating how the vote with regard to the constitution will go, the main feature will not be the very general opinion that the union of the Cana-' das has worked very well — has worked far better than could have been anticipated, and Avill be given up by the most intelligent observers with deep regret — and that, but ibr the sectional jealouses and mutual distrusts raised by Mr. Brown, the union would have been all that could have been desired. Bnt the main feature will be that, from what- ever cause arising, the public mind in Upper Canada has got so drugged that it will never be content until there is a \!!onstitutional Change ; but even although that change will be for the worse, and under it tlie assimilation of the two populations will be slower, while both arc less or more injured, yet there is no al- ternative; that, in a word, having sown the wind we must Teap the whirlwind. " Yours faithfully, "ISAAC BUCHANAN." I omitted above to say, that I see that it would alone be sufficient argument for the adoption by British America of Paper Money, that l)y such step the great bulk of our people would be removed more beyond the influence of the calamities which the ever recurring " Hard Momy''' crises occasion in Britain, and, indirectly, in all countries, in the pro]ior- tion of their trade with her. ]3ut in the fact of our friends in the mother country not having their eyes open to the practical patriotism, in regard to their own country, involved in the Monetary Eeform which I deniimd, lies the great danger of their not, hefore it is too late, coming to see its even greater importance in our circumstances. While the nuvtter is not mended by so few among ourselves seeing the necessity of looking beyond the mere form, or Governmental maehinery, of the proposed Federation, to its operation industrially — although by this, and by this alone, it nuifet either stand or fall as a permanent organization on this Continent. 8iire I am that unless these countries are i»ut into possession of the Indutetria! liberties which I have desiderated (or, in other words, are not left, as the triumph of the Manchester ideas has left British subjects at home, witli a heritage merely of duties and not of any particular privileges,) they will cease to be British or become depopulated. And unless the most 11 coun- •alcii- ard to main eneriil Can a-' — has :l have 3 given servers but I'or mutual \vn, the ill that r.nt the m -\vhat- lic mind dvu!l repeat what most of you already know, that I have had no object in being in public life, except as a means of gett- ing the atfairs of this city, in which I am so de-ply interested, reduced out of the chaos they had got into — which great work has been accomplished in the most complete way, as all must admit, how- ever little gratitude they may be willing to extend to me in the matter, I would have sent my I'esignation the moment the City Eelief Bill, which I carried through Parliament, got the Royal as- sent ; but the persistence till now in the protest against my election has prevent- ed my having it in my power to do so ; so that you must not lay it to my door that for a week or two at the beginning of the coming Session, Hamilton will be without a representative in ih'i Legisla- tive Assembly. And without further preface, I think I shall best improve the publicity of the occasion by again explaining my practi- cal views on the great question of the day — Federation — thechief importance of my opinions arising, as I am aware, from no one having a greater stake in the country, and from no one now in public life having had so long an experi- ence of the Province practically as I have had. The Federation op British America MADE AN industrial NECESSITY BY OUR UNCERTAIN TENURE OF THE RECIPRO- CITY Treaty with the U. S, Federation is a necessity as a means of preserving the Canadas to the British Empire — which does not want territory to blight but to bless — because it is a necessity to save the Canadas from re- maining immeasurably lower in material industrial advantages and prospects than the United States. It were suicidal to shut our eyes to the obviovs fact that the 12 i : I' Free Import Legislation (for it is not bona fidet\o sided Free Trade) which Sir Robert Peel iiiiiiigurated in 184(5, left the Canadas in so ilegraded a pf)sitinn industrially, asconip-ired with the United States, that Brisish principles as well as humanity would liiv(! revolted at their long remaining British — however anxious the populaimn might be to do so — as this would in other words bo their remaming /jli;/htcd. To [u-ove the practically dreadful ell'ect on the (,'ana- das of the geometrical, not to say itisoii- sate,Britisliludusli'ial Li'gislation,alluded to, 1 quote the following fioni a >peeeh of Lord Elgin, when Governor (jeneral of Canada, in LSSd, at the period of his triumph in sicuring for ton years the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States : — "Gentlemen, whvu I last visited the " town of London, as was very truly " stated in the address which the muni- "cipality presented to me yesterday, it " was a time ot political excitement,. " But there was on.' circumstance at that "period which was nuL alone prejudicial " to the interests of tlie country, but was " the occasion ot solicitude and I'cgret to "those anxious to pronuAe its pros- " perity and ber his pro- " duce, in which he !■ compete, after " paying all freights r. ; expenses acro.ss " the Atlantic, with wheat of countries " where labor and money are not worth " one third what those are in Canada, " while it gave to the American farmer " (on the south bank ofthc St. Lawrence) " this English market to avail of when- " ever it. suited him, in addition to the "American mark' t. from which latter " Canadians are excluded. "To take a practical efample vital to " ourselves of the result of the Free "Trade measure in 1840, to which the " Manchester School through indaming " th^i minds of th(^ people of England, "drove Sir Robert Peel — (Hear, hear) •' Take the xNiagara River, which is the "boundary between the United States " and Canada. The lot of 200 acres at " the end of the Suspension Biidue on "the American side had the advantage "of both the American and British Mar- " kets, while the lot of 200 acres on the " north side in Canada had only the Bri- " tish Markets; the American farmer in " a word, uot a shilling per bu>hel (from "the American's having an immense '• home demand from theirmanufacturing "population,) lor his whi-at more than '• the Canada farmer could get. As left " by the free tra;le measures of England " it was the maierial interest of Canada "to be annexed to the United States. " So much tor the legislation of the " great Sir Robert Peel. (Hear, hear.)" At another time, I wrote a Brochure, of uhirli the contents were : Political A'cou'iun/, or a Free Trade and Ilurd Mo- ney Siistiiii,thc eontnini si/sU-m tu that of , Empire or even of Comitri/ — Sir li. Peel ovcrl-iokvd the (jrcat fact of our having Colonies irhcn he firopused Free Trade., Free trade and Colonies beiiKj ihincjs in- compili/ile luitk each other — Rapid alien- ation of the Colonies or deadening/ of the extremities of ihe Empire — The sacrifice of the national viUilUies of Britain the Empire, no national benefit to Britain the country, but only to illegitimate classes 13 ree (on ice) pTO- ifler ;ross tries rorth niula, inner •ence) when- to the latter * * 'itftl to ,u Vree iieh the 1 flaming Mir the public the above Prerogative of coining paper aa well as metal, while at the same time introducing a restrictive principle Jn regard to the amount per head of the population that could be legally issued of a commodity that has not in itself intrin- sic value'? By doing so, in one of the ways explained in the foregoing para- graph, a great advantage would be ob- tained by the people in the introduction of the principle of legal tender paper- money, and also a saving of taxes either to the extent of the interest on the am- ount which two dollars and a half per head of the population would give, say ten million of dollars, or to the larger extent of the interest on the amount which five dollars per head would give, r r I f 17 say twenty millions of dollars of lej»al tender pupur money, amounts which would either build, or secure the build- ing (jf the Intercoloiii il Riiilroad, and secure the eiihirciMnent of the St. Lawrence and Weiland CaiiaN, bo ns to make Lake Superior and all the Inland Seas east of it arnisof ths Atlantic Ocean. Such would be my plan of showing the Northern Slates the advantoge to ihem of (heir insisting that the lieciprocity Treaty be perpetuated. THE QUESTION AS TO THK VOTE OF THE PEOPLE BEING TAKEN ON FED- ERATION. After all I have seen, I hnld the same opinion as when 1 first thought on this subji'ct, when Federation 'Was first pro posed six months ago. I feel that a corn ct vote on a Constitutional question cannot be got through a General Elec- tion ; but I think a short act of Parlia- ment should bo passed enabling the peo- ple to record their vcites, ilu- result of which to be conveyed through His Ex- cellency the Guvernor General to the Imperial Government, to help to guide them in their decision. I think such a 15111 should be passed before the vote in Parliament is taken, seeing that although the question should fail in any particular Local Parliament, such failure ought not to be fatal to il in thceyrs of the Imperial Government, if there was shewn to be an overwhelming majority of the whole people in its favor. And with every good wish for you in- dividually and cjjUectively, I am, gentlemen, Yours faithfully, ISAAC BUCHANAN. Hamilton, Jan. 17, 18G5. i««-4* • ►-••*^ Explanatory of Mr* Baclianan's Views in Regard to tlie Industrial Policy which i*^ the Necessity par Excellence of the British American Federation. [To the Editor of tlia Quebec Dally News.] Hamilton, 27ib Jan, 1865. Dbab Sin,— I have received your number of the 23'.h, in which you review my address to my constitjents on resigninpr my seat as re- preaentative of Hamilton. You say, it ia a review of the policy of the Government, and to this statement I have no objections, nor would I have objected bad ynu characterised it as a protest against the soundness of British Indus'rial policy as a whole, or what the Shef- field politicians, (at whos<' instance the Duke of N'3wcastle, but for Mr. Gait's firmness, would have interfered with our Provincial Respon- sible Government) called the principles of the Empire TBB VIEWS TOC EXPRESS NOT THOSB OF TBK MINISTBBS QSNBBALIiT. To the extent that what you say, is in my opinion fatal to the inception practically, in ttie Bcitiah Americao Federation,of all patri- otic element, I am anxioua to combat the deleterious effect of your remarks. Let me then explain that you narrow, and to some extent (no doubt uointentioQally) misrepres- ent my views and objects. It was what I knew of the practical ignorance of the Gov- ernment that impelled me to avail myself of the Imperial opportunity (as you call it) to state my personal knowledge (for it ix no matter of opinion) that the industry of Can- ada could not be much more hopelessly placed thm it is, and that the Federation must bave the same cruel experience if our present heartless theories of labour are introduced into it And the correctness of my opinion of the Government's wrong views could not be better proved than by the subsequent fact that they put into the mouth of His Excel- lency the Governor General at the opening of Parliament the following gross mis-Btate- ment on the subject of our Provincial proa- peiity— prosperity being a thing that doeanot ^ ts ( fiiit ta Canada at the preiant momant, and beioK a thing for the Buppoiition of irbioh there ii no excuse whatever : "la oalliog you together to reani/^ri >re " performaaoe of your c3Q8titutioDal duties, I *' desire to express my tbanlcfulness to a " benefloent Providence, that I am enabled to " eoagratulale you on the general prosperity, "&o., 4eo." The blander committed by the GoTernment arise* from the very heresy on the part of political economists, for which I am at en- mity with them, — viz —that inomasi or m* POBTB MaAMS INCKBASID PR03PiRITT, Wbilc the truth is, these muy mean, and in our ciroum- •tanoes. and the cireumatanoes of every coun- try in North America, they always mean excotly the contrary; our country and these countries having no exports at all adequate to pay for tbeamallest possible imports. Now as a particln of proof baa not been adduced, and cannot b'^ adduced, that the adoption of the name of Federalism will of itself mate- rially benefit the country, the followiog words in which you Qaish your article, don't stand for much : "If Federation collect the energy of the "people and give it direction ; if it open new "sources of enterprise, whether agricultural "or commercial; if by the unity it will " tffv'ct, it givea more coocentraiinn of eflFort, " and more vigor from that concentration ; "if it, as i' i) proposed, shape our present "and our futur»> to a destiny we could never " atiain whiln divided, and give U3 a conati- " fiuii)n more filed to our progreaaive stule' " than thij one wp have outlived, and which " we have trif-d and found wandng "wh»n the exigency of our preaent "posi'ion pressed on iis, then federation can •■not be n thing ot 'mere outward form,' " an inanimate theory rrquiriog to be vital- " iz?d with emblematic money .'" Messrs Gait and Brown'a views are just aa near the marl? in saving that, the federation means orosperity, na the Emneror of the French wits in eaying that the Empire meant pence In both cases it i~ an instance of vex et pretertn ni'nl. Now what I a»y i? that the qieation of forms of government, or any con- stitutional q-iestion whatever, is of no com- parative importance with the question of the bfliy. or the employment of our own people ; and, indeed, are only of importance aa insiru- moots of the people's industrial welfare and Fecuriiy. . And in regard to the federation of British America, I say that nil that baa been eugseeted by tha delegates would amount to no more than the altar without the sacrifice and the fire from heaven. I begin to think thit in exiling it the Skeleton Federation, I was too complimentary, for to judge by what your article indicates it will be apt to have a good deal of old iadiutiial prejudice or eorrnptlon remaining to hamper Itf yoaog ▼itallty. MT UACBIRIBT OF INDIPIHOIMT A'»JDper Iti yonog ■»T A'.D tIATtOMAb • MDlhATIOM. ustrial prosperity I nnd which would PederatioD, ia aa endent inatrument ■ I say that we Dly instrument to he labor of a peo. >8 comparatively so and market«) latlc of industry t an " Emblem " reply—ibat our Is that nothing? ■." would the In- built by it be a 'ernment are the fPDcy In excess iciaied." ' br the Govern, 'axes, and have be to the exact al was only $2J ■And you cim- issue, wtiich is P' what isao. [itiinnte enter- wbat ia repre. wealth. All t. 1 vpry practi- deht (1,1,1 the a liliunyf^lQ rony bj ap. not fee how an nrquire Atd I l«bour of 'be country, lard money » "8 y( u 8ay^ ler our prrs-' tbo wealth basii of the o the fx'ent 'bich we can any country ►•T Fiv,i p,r uotry whose on ihe pres- inir medium, en worse off larvisfs. we >frt and no te tf things B v-ry little Ttable pro. leotofpay. ment in tt.^ Province bank notes to the eztrnt o( about Biftht iiilllions of dollnri, while ibn country owi 3 ttio banks For ty- five raill ions of dniUrd \i this, let me u^k, h currency suf- ficipnt, ei'ht-r lookinjj to the itilcrfsis of the hai.ki or the country 7 It is clear that ihoush thd Ufiiiadus are leeniitiK wlih imtuHirial, in* ternol aud mineral reftourcea, a bankrupioy, ut what, the Uw declares to be money, esisis — and there was, ihertfori', no jiHiilii^aiion for the cliiuse referred to in the b'peech (fora tlie Throne, unlesa Ihe Governor Oi-ne- rul was iiretmred to propose (what we know the Royal insiruciions prevent him doirfr,) thiit a money le/n esatialive if //itsc be cre- ated — thiia eurtbliog Ihe people who are in the posaesjiou of these to pny their dtbis— a state of things wLii;U is alone worthy of the teim PBCHPBHITV. Ur ARGUMitNT NOT AFrECTKD DT PAPRIl UONEY BIINU SECURiD IN TUB MOiT PEBrECT WAV. But I am too old at Ihe subject of money to allow myself to be stopped by the question cf the security ot my proposed paper n.oney, as you attempt to do when you a/iy : 'Public " conliience never yet was creatt;d and eus- " tained in the absence of material guaran- "teea." You may demand what security you will) ALL I WANT IS TUaT THE UON&Y B^ EMBLB- tlATIC 30 AS TO BB INCAPABLB CF BBINO HEMOVEO rauMTiiGC^UNTUY. If you think the Inter- colonial Railway, and the St. Lawrence ca- nals, backed by the guarantee of the Qovernmsnt, and the great fact that the Qovernment paper will pay debts are not security enough, I have no objec- tions that that which I see to be the one thirty needful industrially (the attainment of papsr money a l^gal tender to an extent to aubniiute the ipecie in the Banks' vaults and prevent a traj,it: t/i ihe legal lifehblood of our trade) should be attained by making the notes of our Chartered Banks a legal tender to the extent they hold gold. I demand an Emble- matic legal Tender, but I have no objections that it should be secured by property, per- sonal or real, or both, worth a hundred times as much. In any case the restriction of the Issue ia what will dictate the limit of the depreciation— and thb pbbuaninct or thb CIBODLATION WILL ItBASCBB ITS VALCB TO THB iNDDSTBT or THB ocDNTBY. It could easily be arranged that the Banks among them should gradually accumulate specie equal to$2i per head of the population. As England U a cmintry \^•lli^l^ in in possession ofpli'iity oCpnld, niifl llirrmglj its o.xtciidc'ii I'xport trado, ciiii casi' v iict more, ! iiiive al\va\ s ndvccatid that llm-e the \f>r\\ Inidcr paper slionld l)p Until; eir by eating too much ot thisgodd thing. And when on this subject I would slate my firm conviction that it is not the excessive issues of Green- backs to which much of the di-preciation of these as compared to gold is owing. I have all along seen timt there i^ a cause for the appreciutiun of (he gold.aho^ither apart from the dfprrciation of the paper monerj. Even after stopping specie pay- ments, and in direet contradiction of that necessary and whoiesnino measure, the Americans by the mos?, ignorant legisla- tion decreed that '• the customs" should be pa'd in gold, and that certain interest of public debt should be paid in gold. Tho Government a. id Legislature thus caused a nevcr-cmH»g run for gold on the people, as great as if every man holding sucja public stoclc was an enemy, and from animosity ran the Government for gold. This causes practicnily a de- mand each year for more gold than ex- ists in the United States ! Now, suppose that a similar additional demand inid been created fur wheat, the wheat would certainly have risen ns greatly ; but no one would have said, the money had de- preciated; they would have said the wheat had appreciated under the simple law of supply and demand. So far back as the panic of 1837, being in New York, I pointed out paper money as the only safeguard against the evils of over importations of foreign labour, with which the United States were periodi- cally cursed. To this it was objected that the Revenue would be reduced through being collected in a less or more depreciated paper money. My reply was, that I would collect the Custom's Duties as Oold ; o.\\di I believe this was the first time ever Gold Duties were mentioned in the United Stutes. But after having stopped specie payments / I never could have Intended, literally, to demand the Gold. All I meant wa«, that as much more paper currency would be due for Custom's Duties as the Gold had advanced in price, — thus securing that tho satiie amount of duties as measured in Gold would bo collect- ed. Hut the Americans, in their ignor- ance, actually demanded tho article, G the greater than in Brit- n tho United Lit'd Ten per •nrKkiit that itci/ restrict- I'opulation, in the Vn- is natural, > Its level. that if the no mf>re t take the paynient, same way, ould be no radually — All pri. nto public prices of 2her, while •ed for the / times as d ; and I ot in over raised the ; of their uDietancesf ilcrcu Stan- It farther proof were wanted of my sincerity in insiitinir on pn/ier money in every coiuilry, but especially in one like thlsj sviiicli has no money metul capital that bears any proportion to fixed pro[)('rty and its undeveloped stock of native lU)our, it might bo fourid in my iiaving S') often do .lared my b(Mng aware that in tho advocacy of a reftrni so revolutionary, or rather counti'r-revolutionary, I must necessa- rily, for tho time, be held to bo a fool by boLJi sidi's— both Ijy tho>e whodont know that tho tliinj; it-^elf i-i not fully, and by those who know this, but shrink from be- ing thought fools t)y admiuing if, seeing that it IS obvious ihat the world must either call tliein>elvos fuolsoryou afool, until [irepari'd publicly to approve of what they at pro^iciit appear at least to rogmd as impraoticablo or foolish. "Not only an opinion which all the world rejects, (says V'liiet, in his Folli/ of the Tnitli) but a hope which no one shares, or a plan with which no one as- sociates himself, brings the charge of folly before the inulliuide, against the rash man who has conceived it, and who cherishes it. Ilis opinion may seem just, and his aim reasonable ; he is a fool only for wishing to realize it. Ilis folly lies in believing possible what all the world esteems impossible. * * " Many reason upon this subject as if nothing had happened since the day when God, looking upon his work, saw that what he had made was good. They speak of truth as if its condition amongst us wore always the same. They love to represeiitit,enveloping and accompanying humanity, as the atmosphere envelopes and accompanies our earth in its journey through the heavens. But it is not so ; truth is not attached to our mind, as the Htmosphero to thu globa we inhabit. Truth is a suppliant, who, standing be- fore the threshold, id for over pressing towards the hearth, from which sin has baMi-,hcd it. As wo pass and re-pass before that door, which it never quits, that majestic and mournful figure fixes for a moment our distracted attention. Eiich time it awakens in our memory I know not what dim recollections of order, glory and hippiiiess ; but wo pass, and the impression vanishes. Wo have not been able entirely to repudiate the truth, we still retain some unconnected frag- ments of it; what of its light our enfee- bled eye can bear, what of it is propor- tioned to our condition. The rest wo reject or disfigure, so as to render it dilficult of recognition while we retain, — which is one of our misfortunes, — the names of things we no longer possess. Moral and social truth is like one of those monumental inscriptions (level with the ground) over which tho whole community pass as they go to their business, and which every day become more and more defaced ; until some friendly chisel is applied to deepen the lines in that worn-outstone, so that every one is forced to perceive and to read it. That ciiiskl is in the hands of a small numdek of men, who i'ersevehingly remain prosthate defork that ancient inscription, attiie risk of being dashed upon the pavement, and trampled under the heedless feet of the pa83- KRs-BV ; in other words, this truth dropped into oblivion, that duty fallen into disuse, finds a witness in the person of some man who has not believed that daril. Are Greenbncks to be considered in over issue ? I should any not, if they will not be parted with for (or are worth more interest than) Government stock paying interest in cur- rency pquivHientto per cent in gold. And if the people do not chuse to take such stock at par, (or the market piice if above par,) I would continue issuing Greenbacks until they do so. That thure may be no mistake as to what I mean by par, I would explain tiiat when Gold is at lOi) per cent premium and 6 per cent Gold Stock at par, the claimant on the Govern- ment would have his choice either of half the amount in Stock or the whole amount in Green- backs. 1 would, however, accompany this by giving up (in whatever way this could be arranged,) the paying interest otherwise than in currency at the rate of gold, and the collecting of duties otherwise than in the same way. The holders of the Bonds would all agree; but if they did not, I would decline continuing to sacrifice the people and endanger the public pence by [)erinitting the continuation of this senseless traffic in the life's blood of the country'$ Industry. In Extremis, people don't mind bo much about law ; and it will be well if the Amer- ican conscieuoe is never stretched farther than to hold that paying currency at the market pric$ of Gold is ideotiual with paying the Qolditself,vitb parties "ia Kxlremiii."— Isaac Bucbamait. \r M all the wnrlr] nre right, simply and solely beoitiiHH it is all the world. "'The Ktniugn Ihiii^H which ihnt strnn;;o man miyn, (\nd which some others rop^tt iifuT hirn, will nut fnil to b« be- liuvt) I sooiior or liitur, nnl kin ally or- c IMS TiiR UNivsRSAU OHiNlos. And why '? Uoc.iusi! tniili i< trntli ; b-ciimrf it oor. THspiMiiU to eVHrythiiij;, sktlHliei cvery- thiii;; ] bi'ciuide, both in general nnd in detiiil, it is better adiipted to ns than error; becuust', bound np by the nuist intiumte rclaiionx, with all the order in the universe, it hn, in our ititcresls and want-', a tliounand involuntary advocatcH? DSCAU3IC KVKKV TUINO DEMANDS I r, KViCliY TlltNO CRIBS AKTGK IT, BECAUSK EKKOR EX- HAUST'* AND DEORADEH ITSELF; OKCAL'SR FALSEHOOD, WHICH, AT FIRST ACPEAREU TO nKNKFIT ALL, MAS KMDKU DY INJLKINO ALL ; an t'lat truth sits down in its place, vacant us it were, tor the want of a suit- alile heir. Enemies concur with friends, obstacles with means, to the production ot that unexpected result. Combinations, of which it is impossible to givoaccount, and of which God only has the secret, secure that victory. But conscience is not a stranger here ; for there is within us, whatever we do, a witness to the truth, a witness timid and slow, but which a superior force drags from its retreat, and at last compels to speak. It IS THUS THAT TRUTHS, THE MOST COMOATRD, AND, AT FIRST, SU8TAINKD BY GROANS THE MOST DESI'ISED, END «Y DECOMINO IN THEIR TURM POPULAR CwNVICTIONS. " • This, however, does not prevent all such truths from being combated, and their first \vitnessps from passing for mad- men. At the head of each of those movements which have promoted the elevation of the human race, what do you see] In the estimation of the world, MADMEN. And the contempt they have attracted by their folly has always been proportionate to the grandeur of their enterprise, and the generosity of their intentions. The true heroes of humanity have always been crowned by that in- suiting epithet." 1 shall however hereafter, if not at present, draw some consolation from the reflection thati was perhaps the very first person oq either side of the AtlaQtio» who had th« hardihood to proclnim in uninihtaknblo t«>rin!i, that n country's le- gislation should hive in view itgii mIdit to dawn nn minds opi-n to hniii'sl cunvii lion, (if ih»»y only d iri'd to cxpresH il to tliiinsilves and others) that what we hnve bcrii in the way of callin;; thi» intt-rost of tho country, i* on!;/ the intivcst of the Go- vernment, and is often the ruin of tho workiuij classes; wliereaM, //»»«< tohirh in for the interest of the workiiif) rltigneit, can never lie ike ruin of a connlnj ; so that I live in liope that my viesv will bo seen to be the only philosophical one, that our rule should bo to make sure i>f the wi'll-bi'iiig ofoiir;j»o(/Hffr."«,asthe first object in the politics of every country, — seeing that producers form tho great bulk ut' l\\ii consiouers, and that it is as producers their greater interest lies; seeing that in fact their prodcctioh MUST RE MORE THAN THEIR CONSUMPTION, OTHERWISE IT WOULD DE UNPROKITAULE, AND NO ONE COULD AFFORD TO EMPLOT THEIR LABOUR. I iiii;iht, at this point, perhaps, leave the siilijt'ct of Paper Money, with tho satisfied feeling that I had done my duty in explaining the nature of it as tho in strument the use of which I think is in- dispensible to that amount of prosperity the presence of which, in the Federation, will be necessary, alongside as we are of a country in which industry receives a sure and generous reward. And know- ing that your (the Quebec Dailg Neios) feeling is friendly to me, and that you mean no disrespect, 1 would not seriously regard your quiet sneer that to Mr. Gladstone and the other immediate fol lowers of Sir Robert Peel may be left the answer to my attacks on the departed statesman's policy. But you do not be- lieve they will condescend to answer; and neither do 1. The public, they be- lieve, could not be better drugged or made more deluded than they are in re- gard to Peel and his Modern Political "ife I 3? ■ ^ -^ /. ^ I 28 o proclaim in n comitry's le- ii'w Uh inHin. < (ilnne, Boeing ■T fliissei nrei abniir, shows >t tllt'lll*t that conxx rtlcil \iir ; Imt 'i to (lawn (111 Ittiop, (if tllpy n tluMiisi'lves liHvo bei II in tiTcst of the nt of the On. t ruin (i| the thiti which in ^rkiiifi rliifsfit^ coiintfi/ ; so viuw will bo j<)|ihiea! cme, make sure of fr.>f,nstlie(irst cry country, ni the preat that it is at iitercst lies; PKUDt'CTIOtr ;0S8LMPTI0N, I'llOKlTAULE, TO EM PLOT hnpg, leave Y, with the ne my duty t as the in think is in- rrosperity Federation, as wo aro ry receives And know- >ailif Neios) d that you )t seriously lat to Mr. nediato fol nay be left le departed do not be- o answer; c, they be- rugged or are in re> \ Political Economy ; to discussion could do no good. It niiftht do horni, di'«pcllir,j5 part of the fU'lumon. Now I am happy in knowing that in the minds of vant iiuin' bi'r«, and amonj^ tliiin sunio of the Chiff Financial minds in Mritain, Franco and America, lh<' delusion has lunf? bcfn gradually dispcllrd, tSucli men urn satis- fied that of a Nuddcn (and notayiiig how iioon) the whole heartless conspiracy will be exposed and forever exploded, of tlie men of money, of which I'eel was the instrument, Against the men of pro- perly and labour. I myself am wil- lin.; to believe that I'eel's being the instrument was from his being himself dcceivc(l,Hsben)g «)ne of those niinds that caiiiKtt understand so deep njii;/i/le, or Beo that though a sovereign is a pound, this is only because tho law has made it so ! This will be easily compre- hended by thnso who rcfltct how few me>/, ev^-n after tho Financial juggle ralleil " Hard Monpy" has been enacted for half a it dear. A tree is known by its ffiiit, and tlio first fruif of " ilio Hard Money sytein " w,ih Usury, if. indeed. Usury was not (ns many suppose) tlio object for whifli it was nivoiitcd nt tlrst. as certainly this was tho object for wliicli it was resurrection- ized. nnir liobfrt I'ccl and Mr, Jones Loyd lend.s to realize exaetly tho same injnsli^e nnd ruin from extortion and Usury as Ciiiisrd llio downfall of Home. — The cool cnlcnintion ciil.fr on the want ot r('lk<'iioii or ot all independence on the part of Irs nndiciice. (if it was not evMi ro of want of retloction on his own part ) is made very Apparent by his qnctlon: — W/ial tow ran prnliilal sxich a rati- of inttresll TTiiiil within n few years, iho law in Knj^land had proluliiird more lliaii ."i per cent, interest! It wa^oidy the 2 nnd 3 Vie., chap. '.VI. that ennclcd lliat Hills not having inoro than twelve months to nm were not to be affected l)y the Usury Law. In fact ibo pircunistanee that, at the perif'd of tho currency disciiPsions. 1810 to 1810. money tt% a mat.'- r iif interest was bylaw pricml was what alone ennliled the men of money to succeed in (rettini; Kotd priced bv law. What will yon do then? (said a remnrkai/le pamphlet piililished in ;847 soon after I'eel's speech, on Parliament beiiiK calleil tojrether at an iiniisiuil puriod of tho year in coiHeqnonce ol" the Kinancial Distress,) The worst may not yet he past ; and cenaiiily is not so, slicnilil a deiiinnd for bullion similar to that of this year be early renewed. All iiniii'di-nlii roviv.il of the Diak rtstrirtion Act. or n scale of commercial and pohticul contusion far siirpHsiiix anytliiii'.; that has yet occiirreii must in that event ensue. And suppose ic should be otherwise: what may yet be the 4«;i/e/ of the money panic of 1847? Aro its consequences conlined to the losses of the fallen lion.se,-? Wc fear this impression is too penernl. What proportion can tlieso iicar to tiie appre^rate ot" those losses sustained by lionses which stand, many and perhips tho larper of them, on the very brink of the precipice; over which, loo, they must ijel lull, indeed, are lalliiiji' weekly; and from winch nothing can save them, short of tho restoration of their capital — {x\ot property, of which they still may hoid as UVCH as at any time)— their workivg capital, which has evaporattd in the faUing market price of their stock in trade." It is, liowever, obvious that with the uew Elefflent— Free Trade — which gives foreigners a claim ■a M* 34 / In passing I would just say that no one can object to pay 10 per cent, in a time of prosperity, or aii a mere deduc- tion from his profits, or a means of malting them more, but when scarcity is the cause of money being dear, business is unprofitable, and paying 10 per cent, means ruin ; everything therefore that law can do should be done to prevent its being scarce,from any violation of the law of supply and demand, or any arbitrary limit to tbecirculation imposed by the Legislature, not absolutely necessary as the security of the Bank note. If the export of specie is the cause of scarcity of money, (as was the cause in 1847) this should, as it certainly could be by the adoption of paper money, be pre- vented from hereafter being a cause. But, as the whole object of my writ- ings has always been to lead other men's minds to the particular subject, attention to which I see at the moment to be vital, I feel that it will be better forme, before leaving the subject, to make such expla- nation as will furnish sufficient justifica- tion of the long held aver. — and has in fact ceased to be that glorious British system of great National Inter- ests, the admiration and envy ot the world, as the most splendid embodi- ment of Natical Patrintisin, as well as' Power. The Reorganization of Party Govern- ment A GREAT Political Necessity — AS AM INSTRUMENT FOR ATTAINING AND PERPETUATING FOR THE PROPOSEO BrITISII American Federation, that greatest OF necessities, the Independent Em- ployment OF OUR OWN people OK SUB- STITUTING the omnipotence OF THE CON- STITUENCIES AS OF OLD, FOR THE OMNIPO- TENCE OF Parliament of thkse De- generate DAYS OF Free Trade. For the fact is that in the foul atmosphere of the modein Economists, political life, equally with physical, is and a great practical extinguished, •The game is the hard experience of the Canadian Farmer. The foreign mereliant ■wifiiiiiir to buy his wheat has always gold in his power at a certain price by law ; i.e., for his $5 Dote he can get about a sovereign or about a quarter of an ounce of gold, wliiuh he can transport abroad at little or no coat, so that it is not his interest to take oui' fiunicrs' wheat except at such a deduction, from the price abroad, as will cover nil freitjhts and (.'hiirgeB and a very full margin against depreciation from any cause. Tf, however, we had paper money. the commodity gold would rise like every other commodity, and the fanner would reniize a better comparative price for his wheat. He would in fact realize all he ought to get, as he would have the advantage of the law of supply and demand of which, as has been explain- ed, the Hard Money system practically deprives the Canadian faimer. — Isaac Buchanan. / V 27 3 the country unt of labour in the nrtides r would have ?peat that the ecoiidiiiists is well as their 3t being sacri rheor^ . expected, the or stufiiJity, law of supply ate to ouUii'fe iliiiii when the >nal wrong be- -• A pailia- t high protec- ectidu lu Uri- ■viih all pro- '"(irdes, or by latiunal inie- 't and until tish Govern- lonie, cannot onal and (la- 1S4<;— and b.it glorious itionai Inter- 'iivy ot the iid etiibodi. 1, as well as TY GoVERN- ^ECESSITY VIMNO AND SEoBKITIStl !■ GHEATKSr N'DENT Em- E OK SL'B- F THE Con- IE OMNIPO- rnKSE L)e- DE. tlie foul eononiists. lysical, is practical »nt wishitiir for Ilia $5 ioli he can it-rs' whcnt 'largeg and >ei- rni-iiiev. il'] reniize 1:ting credit of the spirit of British fiarty that it refused to live when principle was barefacedly laid aside by our polilicans. The consequence of the two great parties repudiating principle is, that the best Jeature ot the British Government, a constitutional opposition in the Legis- lature, (oiitiiuially acting under the responsibility of h:iving, at any moment, the Executive handed over to it, has not existed since Lnrd John Russell assumed the reins in 184(). At that period, we were lauyhed at when we talked of the breaking of the Constitution ; but it Peel, ill bringing about this state of things, (by so outraging the constitu- encies as to set entirely to one side their late most triumphant decision at the hustings.) has not broken the terms of the C(Jn^titution, it is self-evident he has broken its spirit. What, a few years ago, would have been said if we had been told of the possibility of the Empire or the province, being entirely left to the tender mercies of any one set of men, or to any combination amounting to no more, ( uid the present Cabinet of Eng- land is no more) than a Conspiracy of i7un, instead of the cabinet being as ft)rmorlv an HJnibudiment of principles ! And, in truth, THE DEVOTION OF THE PEOPLE TO HER MA- JESTY, AND A MORE GENERAL LOYALTY TO THE MONARCHY, THAN EVER BEFORE EXISTED, IS OUR ONLY NATIONAL CON- SOLATION AND SAFETY. Paper Money not to be regarded as an end, but seen to be a means — as hand-maid of tub indspkndsnt employment of our own people. Having dwelt at such length upon my great machinery of independent na- tional prosperity for the Federation — an enlarged paper money whose perpetual presence within its boundaries can be re- lied on as a basis of transactions, I see it vitally important that I should bring back into the foreground, the reality itself at which I aim, viz : the indapen- dent Employment of our own people, it being only as a machinery to attain and to perpetuate this, that I propose pnper money. And under the oppressive feeling that the moment is a critical one, 1 desire to insist still farther on the ne- cemty of this being the first question in politics of the proposed Confederation. The PRACTICAL Patriotic object to AIM at to PREVENT BRITISH AMER- ICA BECOMING A SECOND IRELAND, * UN- DER THE Blighting Influence of Britain's Cruel and Unpatriotic Industrial Theories. The clearest way for us to judge of a great principle is to remember that our children are to be blessed or blight- ed by it. In this way, we shall gene- rally form a correct judgment and see our path of duty to interfere when other- wise we would not see it. Take Reli- gion for instance — looking to oneself, we are ashamed to say that it is com- paratively the only thing of any value, and which is alone really worthy of en- * Tlius far, Irish afrriculture had been protected in the English market, as some small com- pensation lor tho sacritice of llie domestic one; but now, even that boon, trivial as it was, was witlidrawu Like the people of Jamaica, those of Ireland had become, poor, and their trade had ceased to be of value, altliough but seventy years before they had been the fiesicustomers of Eng- land. Tho system having exhausted all the countries in which commerce hud been eacriticed to trade — India, Portugal, Turkey the West Indies and Ireland herself— it had become necessary to make an effort to obtain markets in those which had to a greater or less extent placed the coiisiuner by the side of tlie producer, to wit: this country, (U S ) France, Belgium, Germany, and Russia ; and Vie mode of accomplishing this was the offering them the same system by which Ireland had bft'i c.chawittd. The Farmers were everywhere invited to impoverish their soil hy sending its Products to England to he consumed; and tlie corn laws were repealed for the purpose of enabling them to enter into competition with the starving Irishman, who was thus at once deprived of the market of Ku-ilaud, as, by tho act of Union, he had been deprived of his own. — Principles of social Science, by H. C. Carey, vol. ii., chap. 10, p. 527. It will be observed that by Commerce he means Home Trade, and by Trade he means Foreign Trade. « 28 grossinj? onr thoughts ; but, looking to the viti\l consideration that the decision is for our children we at once get quit ot our false shanu*. So it is with that question in Patriotic or Si)eial Economy, which is the only thing of any compara- tive importance', the THE INDEPEN- DENT EMPLOYMENT OF OUR OWN PEOPLE. To avoid the recog- nition of this we find to be death, not to ourselves only, but to our children, as leading to the perpetuutioii of what is most delusively called Free Trade, al- though it is only freed 'm for us to buy foreign labour,without being freedom for us to sell our labour, evL'n to the particu- lar foreigner to whom we may be pay- ing large sums of money ni hard cash for his labour ! On behali' of uur children, therefore, we protest a;:aitiat the Httetnpt to put to one side this THE ONLY RATIONAL CONSIDERATION — THE ONLY ONE WHICH IS REAL- LY WORTHY OF ENGROSSING THE ATTENTION OF PARLIA- MENT—THE OTHER QUESTIONS OF POLITICS BEING MELIE (H)M- PAiiATlVELY INSIGNIFICANT DE- TAILS—GENERALLY MORE OR- NAMENTAL THAN USEFUL. Let us, if we rare, decide against this being the question of questions — but until we do so, let us admit it to be TFIE FIRST QUESTION IN THE POLITICS OF EVERY COLONY, (INDEPEND- ENTLY OF THE CONSIDERATION OF ANY OTHER PART OF THK EMPIRE,) AS WELL AS OF EVEIiY COUNTRY, AND KEEP IT PER- PETUALLY IN VIEW. If your space permitted, I would feel greatly obliged by your giving my more detailed explanations of the one practical object I have so long aimed at. Thesehave been given by me to the public on many occasions, but perhaps they will be found in the most concise shape in my speech at the Toronto dinner to the Opposition on 17th December, 1803, and in thirteen articles in defence thereof afterwards written by me for the Ham- ilton Spectator, under the caption, '-The Olobe versus the Canada Farmer." 1 never had any mere party politics or triumph in view ; and I have always been ready to support any man who would take a patriotic view of Canadian industry. 1 have not hesitated to de- clare, and desire now again tt declare, that, in my opinion, British American industry has more to fear from Mr. George Brown than any other public man ;* yet I also desire frankly to admit that I have very little more *aith in Mr. Gait's freedvim from English Free Trade influences, or in his practical knowledge of the Industrial Interests of the country. | And that there may be no doubt as to * " And Mr. Buchanan may rely upon it that the further Free Trade is carried by Canada the more she will prosper. If w» could abolish the tariff altogether, and pay the expenditure by, direct taxation, we should do more for the prosperity of Canada than all that was ever dreamed of by a Protectionist." — Globe, January, 1864. This shows an entire want of practical experience of America, and of ability to appreciate the peculiar interests and circumstances of a new Country. One would have supposed that Mr. Brown's friends had already had enough of direct taxation and its dreadful etfocta in the Muxici- PAUTiEa But supposing that the tax gatherera could collect directly, at the farm houses of Canada, the same amount which is now collected indirectly by Customs Duties (a feat which even backed by bayonets they could never achieve) it would be no less the same payment by our people, while we would be involved in an annual bankruptcy, and uualleviated beggary, through the unrestrained impoit of foreign labour to supplant our own, without our even having the countervailing advantage of freedom to export our labour! And it Canadians got the liberty ,to send their labour, in tlie shape of productions and manufkctures, to the United States, what is this but the proposed ZoUvereiu against which Mr. Brown protests. " The adoption ot Free Trade.also, has been accompanied by the concession of large measures of liberty of action to the colonies, which tends more than anything else which can be conceived f " Intellectus humanus ex proprietate euafacile supponit majorem ordinem et icqualita- tem in rebus quam invunit. Et cum multa sint in natura monodiua, et plena imparitatis, tamen ufHngit parallela, etcorreepondentia, et relativa, quoa non snnt." — (Nov. Obo.) Lord Bacun here warns us against the tendency of the human mind to the worship of lytteni, from its being inclined to believe in a greater degree of order, regulrtrity, and con- formity witlt general rules, than really exists : and this is, I oouaider, the error of Mr. Gait. .^N 29 (rNDEPEiVD. «lD£iiATiON mr OF Trip i-EP IT PEli. ■d, I would fuel ^•^ giving my "'' of' the ONE J^ng aimed at. le to the public •haps they will 'C'se shape in •dinner to tho ember, istjg f>inee thereof '')'• the Ham- 'aption, "7%e t^armer." ( ' politics or have always y man who of Canadian :ated to de- t'> declare, ' American from Mr. ''*-''' public 'y to admit iHh in Mr, ■''"ee Ti-.-,de iiiowledge country.^ >ubt as to ^y Canada "Jitiire by, ^ dreamed 'Ppreciate tliat Sir. lioii.ses of wliich ■^^ *y our "iroui^h 'ng the Joi-ty^to ^Wiat is ensures Jcoived "(tlita- j'tatis, lip of uon» Gait. what I object to in Messrs. Gait and Brown, I may state it shonly thus : Both of lliem, for the temporary interest of the Guvornment, cruelly forget the people, and push importations for ike sake of revenue or prosperity of the Oovern meat — although increased importations do not mean prosperity to the people but the contrary ; and both of them aggra- vate the depressing effects on the people of l;w^o importations of foreign labour by upholding our "Hard Money system," — neither ot them having practical know- ledge enough to be aware that the ab- sence of Hard Money payments is the only possible alleviation of over impor- tations to a people, and that, by the presence of emblematic money, the cal- amity of increased debt and difficulty would be greatly confined to the individ- ual delinquents who over imported, see- ing that then, even if foreign labour was brought here and displaced our own labour, this would not involve to the people the aggravation or second evil, of the money composing the circulating medium being sent away to pay for it, or, in other words, of the children's bread being thrown to the do(/s. And that there may be no doubt as to what the contrary view, which I approve of, consists in, I would here state it in a few words : We say that British Ame- rica ought not to buy foreign labour, ex- cept to the smallest extent possible, as even this will be over our ability to pay, but for the money that comes in yearly through immigration. That whiih is money in England, or "hard money," the proceeds of exportable produce, we possess in a very limited degree, from our having only a limited amount of exportable produce, and from our being without remunerative markets abroad even for that. British America has, however, any quantity of food and cloth- ing with which to pay manufacturers who choose, to come here and manu- to secure the permanence of their connection with the mother country." — Glohe, January, 1864. Uutbrtuuately for the cor'-ectness of this statement, Canada got Responsible Government, and .the power to legislate on its own trade in 18*1, (long before the Free Trade era.) This greatest lleform was gained by Canada before Mr. Brown arrived in the Colony. His insane course is to persuade England to take hack part of it, and veto any bill passed by the Provinc'al Legislature enabling Canada to co-operate with the United States in mutually shielding themselves from the deleterious eflfects on these countries of the low priced, not to say degraded, labour of Europe. Then again the Globe makes the following other mis statement : " Tiie only colony which Britain ever lost — the United States of America — was sacrificed, not to Preo Trade, but to the very opposite principle. It was, in fact, from the old ideas of colonial policy that the chief danger of a scverence of connection arose." Every reader of American history knows that the main thing which lay at the bottom of all the discontent of the old colonies was the determined and openly avowed policy of English states- men not to allow the colonists to engage in even the simplest manufactures. My protest against those, like Mr. Brown, who would not have our owa Government pro- tect our own provincial interests peculiarly, I cannot better express than in the words of a great French writer and statesman, M. Thiers. He denounced the let alone system (that system which would always and everywhere leave labour and capital to their own course) as '• a system of indiffcrenct, inaction, impotence and folly." See the great speech of M. Thiers, " Sur le regime commtrcial de France." — Isaac Buchanan. But, to speak in more homely phrase, I think Mr. Gait's weak point that which he and his friends consider his chief strength, uis oneness of views with tue statesmen ok Britain. He and they have taken for granted that Political Economy is a science ; but I deny that it is entitled to such distinction. A science is a thing of fixed facts, whereas tiie facts of Political Economy are ever varying circumstances I Beyond these I might have been glad to have had an opportunity to admit the subdivision of labour, and the law of supply and demand, as fixed facts on which to begin to form a scieace, but both of these hav»j been Bhamet'uUy outraged by the soidisant Political Economists. They have given away our Nation's labour, or all they could of it, to the foreigner, leaving little to subdivide and they have grossly abused and violated the law of supply and demand, infixing the price of Gold. I shall give below a translation of Lord Bacon's words quoted above. — Isaac Buchana.v. " The human mind, from its peculiar constitution, readily supposes a greater degree " of order and equality in things than it actually finds. And, though many things in nature *' are unique aad disparate, it yet frames for itself paralleiisms and corresDondencea whora ique Boud exist." correspondences where 7 80 >. frtcturc on tho spot ; and we therefore insist tiiat it is our true, and indeed only rational policy to promote manufactures in the Province, and thus gradually raise up an independent home market for our agricultural population, fisheries, «fec., &.C. h is as the handmaid of such a patri- otic Industrial policy for British America that I desire to see an idependent circu- lating medium cstablished,and one which can be depended on remaining amongst ourselves. Upon the Federation's being secured this, hangs, in my opinion, its cer- tainty of prosperity. Armed with the in- calculable advantages which I see would flow from a properly restricted em- blematic money, 1 should consider the prosperity and contentment of the Fede- ration quite certain. But if we are de- prived of this I am satisfied the contrary result is just as certain, even if the Btciprocity Law with the United States is retained by us, and much more so if our fanners are deprived of the markets of the United States, and nothing practi- cal is done to secure similar markets in our Maritiine Provinces, Inj raising up the population of the seaboard cities in- du\iriiiilt/. And It is not alone in case of P'edera- tion that we want the advantage of em- blematic money. The immense advan- tage onjiyod by the United States over Canada at the present moment, in the matter of the etnploymeni; of their population, in consequence of their Paper money, is daily attracting away numbers of the mo>t energetic of our people; and this evil must greatly increase as the prospect of employment in Canada is becon.ing poorer and poorer. Even already the distress from want of em- ployment in Canada West is very great, and should there be the prospect of our losing the Reciprocity Law with the United States, withciut having, in the present, the alleviation of an increased circulation of money, and, m the future, the iprospecv,(jf relief throughthepractical opening to us of the markets of the Con- federation, i believe;, very large part of the population of Taii .da will leave for other cnuntiies, especially for Australia, where patriotic principles in regard to its own resident labour has been adopt- ed, and I must frankly admit that it would be the interest of their families that they should take this step. It was under such convictions that, contrary to my own inclinations, I felt it my duty to avail of the occasion of my resignation to bring our Provincial position, and tho only remedy for the calamities that threaten zis, before my old friends, the members of the Parlia- ment and the public; and it is under these same convictions, and with even more reluctance, that I make this farther explanation. All will admit that I can have no ob- ject except to help to get a state of things est'iblished in which prosperity is possible, by banishing from this side of the Atlantic, (if we cannot influence the same happy result in our fatherland,) Britain's Industrial Theories which, in my opinion are so atrociously unpatriotic that I do not think human ingenuity could de- vise anything else so bad. One great result of this achievement would be our securing the retention of the Canadas to Britain ; but even this, althoujih it seems desired and valued by Her Majes- ty's subjects more and more in the ratio of their distance from the hteart of the Empire, is really a seentidary considera- tion to securing the existence of a state of thingsthroughout the population, in which the fate of each man (humanly speaking,) would be in his own hands — industry being sure of its reward, or of prosper- ity as a general rule, which I am sorry to say is not the case now, in conse- quence of the Province being carsjd by an alien " Hard money " system, under which the Bank Note circulation di Ca- nada, which seven years ago, was sixteen millions of dollars, is now only eight mil- lions, neve. theless the immense increase in internal commerce, and although the fixed property of the Province is worth nearly double what it was then. But exactly the contrary policy is what Mr. Brown and the English manu- factures suggest as our wi>est course. We, however, have actually experienced the advantage of the very contrary prin- ciple to that which their ignorance or self-interest lead them to advocate j and t *• 81 as ft result,'the prospects forCanacIft now, ill-cultivated Iftiid, and seeminL'ly incapa- Inough still weighed down by our Hard ble of improving their condition, presunt Money system, are very different from the most instructive contrast to their eii- what they wore when our Customs' terpriaing and thrivitigneighiioiiison tiie Duties on English goods were 2i- per American side. * * Tludiigh- cent. Every loyal subject, both in Bri- out the frontier, from Ainherstburgli tain and here, must rejoice in this, for to the ocean, the niiiiket value of land it would have been absurd to expect is muoribing (says Lord Durham) onesideof the fi'ontier and reversing the picture, the other woidd be described. On the American side, all is activity and bustle. Tlie forest has been widely cleared ; every year numerous settle- ments are formed, and thousands of farms are created out. of the waste ; the country is intersected with common roads, etc. * * On the Bi it'sh side of the line, with the exception of a few favoured spots, where some approach to American prosperity is apparent, all seems waste and deso- late. * * * * The ancient city of Montreal, which is naturally the cipital of Cmada,* will not bear the lea«t comparison, in any respect, with Buffalo, which is the creation of yester- day. But it is not in the difference be- the large towns, on th" two sides, that we shall find the best evidence of our inferiority. That painful but most un- deniable truth is most manifest in the country districts through which the line of nation il separation passes, for a dis- tance of a thousand miles. There, on the side of both the Canadas, and also of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, a British townships, only one dollar. On this side of the line a very large oxteiitof land is wholly unsaleable, even at snch low prices, while on the other side pro- perty is continually changing hands. * I am positively assured that superinr natural ferliliiy belongs to British terri- Loiv. In Upper C.u:ada, the wlioL' of the great peninsula between Lakes Erie and Huron, comprising nearly halt o( the available land of the i'rovinee, is gener- ally considered the best grain country of the American continent." In a word, the comuined old colo- nial AND Makd Moxev systems wore a death-blov to the Colonial Farmer. Lord Durham, however, did not sec Ca- nada in her lowest condition, such as she was in before the days of Bank NorES. Previously to Lord Durham's visit, and within my own recollection, the mighti- est amelioration had occurred in the cir- cumstances of the farmer of Up[)er Canada — the introduction by us of Banks, f followed by Business on a large scale, having simultaneously given him A TWKNTY PER CENT. KEDUOTION, AT LEAST, ON THE PUICE OF HIS SUPPLIES, AND FULLY AS GREAT AN ADVANCE ON THE PRICE HE GOT FOR HIS WHEAT — both ari-iniT ., , , , . J from the trade being no longer wholly in widely-scattered population Poor and ^^^ ^^^^^ of the foreigner, but bdng apparently unenterprising, though hardy ^^^^ competed for by Canadians through and industrious, separated from each ^^^^^ ^^. ^^^ jj,^^/^ other by tracts of intervening forests, without towns or markets,almost without " The British system, on the contray, roads, living in mean houses, drawing (says Carey) had for its object a stoppage little more than a rude subsis tence from of circulation among the Colonists, with a * To see how the rnisinii up of manufactures at Montreal has changed all this already, should shut the months f orever of Mr. Brown and the Free Traders. ^^^ •f Our local Banks have no more, than our Importers, the character of the Alien money power alluded to in these pages, for the greater the prices of Canadiau produce, the better the payments both get ei view to compel the export of raw mate- rials, and their importiiiion in the form of cloth iiini iron. Thiit such a policy leiiiJod towards the destruction of both land and man, was well understood by Franklin, according to whom it was in 1771, 'well understood that whenever a manufaeturo is established which em- ploys a number of hands, it raises the value of lands in the neighbouring coun- try ail around it, partly by the greater demand near at hand for the produce of the land, and partly from the plenty of money drawn by the manufactures to that part of the country. It seems, therefore,' as Franklin continues, ' the interest of all our farmers and owners of lands to encourage our young manufac- tures in preference to foreign ones im- ported among us from distant countries, such was then the almost universal feel- ing of the country, and to this, far more THAN TO THE TAX ON TEA, OR THE STAMP ACT, THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT WAS DUE. With the establishment of their independence, the necessity for submis- sion to the s>stem disappeared. The habit of submission continuing, however, its effects are felt in the fact that, with slight exceptions,the policy of the United States has been directed towards secur- ing markets for raw products — a pro- ceeding resulting necessarily in exhaus- tion of the land, dispersion of the popu- lation, and stoppage of societary circula- tion. * * * * The power to combine (continues Mr. Carey, referring to Virginia, which ignorantly had avoided manufactures) having no existence, coal could not be mined, nor could wool be spun, nor cloth be woven. The smaller the bulk of the commodities taken from the land, the less being the charge for transportation, the planter found himself limited to the most ex- hausting of all crops — Tobacco. He LIVED, IN FACT, BY THE SALE OF THE SOIL ITSELF, and noi by the product of his labour. He and his land becoming IMPOVERISHED TOGETHER, he was Compel- led to transport himself and his people to more distant lands, with constant in- crease of the tax of transportation, and as constant decrease ia the rapidity of circulation." ThB IMMKDTAT8 OrOANIZATION OF MaNU- FACTURKS IN THE BrITISH AmBRICAN Colonies a Great Political Necrs- 8ITV whether looking TO THE safety and AOURANDISEMENT OF THE Empire, or to tub saving from ruin ov the Agricultural Population of THE PARTICULAR CoLONIES. It is clear, then, that the early inhabi- tants of the United States were well aware how little a purely agricultural country really gets back when trading with a distant manufacturing one. Gee, ON Trade — the authority of his day states that the calculation then (in l7oO) was that the colonist got back about one-fourth the value of his production from England ! The Canadian farmer can easily understand that this could not be far from the mark, when at this day he finds that he cannot get more than about half the value which the English farmer does for the same quan- tity of wheat, from getting (in conse quence of the distance) 25 per cent, less for his wheat if it goes to England, and paying 25 per cent, more to pay the ex- penses of importing the £75 worth of supplies which his £100 worth of wheat has purchased in England. The whole expor*; and import trade put together of a country are only about ten per cent, of its transactions; yet, when dependent ON A FOFEIGN MARKET, THE PRICE WHICH THE FARMER GETS FOR HIS SURPLUS WHEAT WHICH HE EXPORTS FIXES THE PRICE OF ALL HE GROWS ; and herein lies the almost incalculable advantage, to British Amer- ice of the better market of the U. States wiien compared with that of Europe. The whole object I have in view is simply to impress " before it is too late" on those who have influence on our destinies, the absolute necessity of our securing on this side of the Atlantic a market for our agricultural produc- tions, and I cannot do this more emphat- ically than by giving the closing words of a very plain spoken Brochure, 'T/ie success of Canadian Manufacluring no longer doubtful" published by me in 1860, chiefly for circulation among the members of the Provincial Parliament, although I believe one was sent also to each member of the Imperial Parliament. I ( c n t t B f( O P a r t t t j 8 I! ik. 33 '• We neither respect nor feur the present race of men in Eiij^land who call themselvoa stulcHmiiU.* From their patriotism we ex[ioct nuthlng, uny iiioru than from tli;ir lamentii 't^ iuiiKianci! of the Colonic ' but froiu their fears we might look fo. something, if they would only relloet how the old Ameriean colo- nies were lost to Britain, in the mean time we can only h(jpe that the people of Britain and through them the Govern- ments of Britain (which, in the present day, whether Whig or Tory, are mere mouthpieces of the Manchester school), will get their eyes open to the fact that Irreciprocal Free Trade is impossible, and, if possible, is the contrary principle to the principle ot Empire, if not of country ! Sum lioinamis — 1 am a Roman Citizen — was a proud, because a sub- stantial boast ; but while, this wretched Manchester iilea beara sway in the Imperial Councils and Legislature, a British subject has n iieritiige of Dudes to bo pertormed,' without being in the possession or prospect of a single peculiar privilege !.o be enjoyed — our national blnekheadism making him share his national advantages with all the coun- tries in the world, not one of which will shrtre its national advantages with Brit ish subjects ! In Canada our peculiar dinger arises from the influence of old country people, newly arrived, who seem all U> have, from not taki/i(j time to reflect^ eonlidingly believed the Manchester poli- ticians, and adopted as a truth that great est of all u:itruths, that free imports ia Free Trade — it (English Free Trade) being only freedom to huy fkom other COUNTRIES TUBIR LABOUR, BUT NOT FRBB- DOM TO SELL TO OTHER COINTRIKS OUR * "Our Cosniopolitical stfiteHiiien of tlie preaent day ure throwing up tiiose noble countries called the Brilisli Colonies with the same nonchalance as they departed from the patriotic maxima called British principles. To the countries and the principles ulhided to, there is the same moral certainty of a glorious resurrection, but whether this shall occur before or after these have been driven to repudiate the name of British and Jtake refuge under the American (lug, depends on how long the national delusion shall continue that holds up such men as Peel, Gladstone and Earl Grey." Thus I wrote at the Free Trade ern, and I feel the same distrust still. Tliey seem to think it none of their duty to direct public opinion, or even to stem it, when they see it setting in in a wrong direction. Their personal popularity for the present day seems all they think of, and they would not be accused of anytling .so old fashioned as patriotism, until being so becomes again popular. Inuumerablo instances of the ill judged admissions and speeches which they have made in regard to the Colonies, must occur to every one — made, too, by men who know that to speak of the independence of these Colonies is virtually to resign them to the neigiiborinp Republic. Could anything, for instance, be niore ill judged and imoalled for th;ui that Lord Clarendon, with all the weight of his great authority should have said in the House of Lords, some years ago, on the introduction of the Bill to alter the Constitution of Canada with a view to render the Legislative Council elective: — " He thought the time had arrived when the Colonies might separate from the Mother " Country with mutual advantage." Did this arise from sheer want of thought upon the subject, or had his Lordship contem- plated an act which would have placed the L^nited States in the first position in the world as a naval power? We may surely, then, be pardoned, if our feelings as Colonists are sometimes expressed in no very measured language, suidi us the foregoing language of this brO' c/wre, or the following from my speech at the Banquet given to the Pioneers of Upper Canada, which took place at London, U. C, on lOtli Decemoer, 1863 ; " On occasions like the present separate toasts are proposed to agriculture, comn;.erce, and manufactures ; but in Canada there is but one imerest. (Cheers. I should deplore the setting up, as in England, of a separate commercial interest, composed as Manchester is, of German Jews and others, whose only interest is in the prosperity of other countries; although they have the audacity not only to exercise political power in England, but think they should control the Government, as indeed they now do. I have little in common with President Lincoln and less with President Davis, but I would rather as a Colonist be under the rule of either, so far as my respect for them personally '^ concerned, than under that of such political athiests (as having no patriotism industrially) as the present English Chan- cellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Gladstone, or those men from whom he derives his vitality, such as Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Bright, and Mr. Cobden. (Hear, hear.") — Isaac Buchanan. t See the GloMs repeated exposures of tho ignorance of oven tho Times newspaper on Canadian subjecta 6 84 pbuplb's LABOun. This and the desire to get popularity with the many, or in fluenco with tho few, in Britain have hitherto prevented our' Provincial states- men speuiiing out, and malting clear to the Colonial Oflico the decision of Cana- dian public opinion on the most vital of all subjects for Canada. They will now however, I trust, speak out, and declare in the most unmistakable terms, that the use of the Canadian Legislature is not to make tho quixotic attempt to take care of other parts of the Empire, or of tho World, but practically and with every possible pains, to promote and to defend Canadian interests; .is well as make it understood by our friends in the mother country, that Canadians are no longerblind to the fact that this patriotic policy can best be attained, and can only be attained, by firmly adhering, under every possible circumstance, whatever be the result, to the substance of the fol- lowing Resi'lution : " That wh'.le we in Canada have no wish further to increase our Customs duties, and uhile we look to doing away entirely with those on Tea, Sugar, and all articles which we do not grow or manufacture, our Provincial policy is to prevent our people incurri^ig debt abroad for anything they can avoid, and we shall never consent to reduce — otherwise than as a matter of Rkciprocitt with TKE United Staths — the import duties on articles which we can grow or manufac- tare.'' Referring to the foregoing Resolution embodying what I saw to be the true policy for the Canadas, in 1860, I must explain that I believe all in Canada are agreeable that in the British American Federation we should at first lower our customs duties to meet the Maritime Provinces halfway; but from the greatly increased taxation in the United States, which has enormously increased the cost of manufacturing in that country, we feel that we shall run no risk of being injured by this temporary reduction of our customs' duties ; and I have confi- dence that public opinion in the Confe- deration will in good time restore them to the present, or within 5 per cent of the present tariff. All of course will come to bo dictated by public opinion after the formation for the British American Confederation ; but tho people compos, ing it are well aware of the extraordi- nary experience of the United States, and will, I am confident take warning therefrom. The policy of the United States, (.says Mr. Carey*) hits been very variable — tending occasionally, and for short periods, to the arrest of the export of raw materials, and of gold. As a rule, however, tho tendency has been in the opposite direction — the conseijuencos have exhibited themselves in the stoppage and failure of Banks above referred to. They are found, for tho first time, in the period from 1817 to 1824, WHEN MANUFACTURES CAME FREELY IN, AND COIN WENT FREELY OUT; for the second, in the calamitous years which preceded the passage of the Act of 1842. Excluding these two periods, it may be doubted if all the failures of Banks throughout the Union, in the thirty years from 1815 to 1846, amounted to the thousandth part of one per cent., or if tho losses of the people by t'.ie banks amounted to even the millionth part of one per cent, upon the business which they so much facilitated. The losses re- sulting from the use of ships in a single year would pay, a hundred times over, the losses by all the banks of the country for a century — with the exception of the six years ending in 1824, and the five which closed in 1842. "Then, as now, the country was strained in the effort to produce an export of raw materials, by which THE SOIL WAS TO BE EXHAUSTED ; and then, us now, the precious metals followt-d in their train. The policy foibade tlie use of gold and silver coin. It forbade the use of credit ; and hence it was that hoarding became so general in the years from 1837 to 1840, that the large export of coin to this country by the Bank of England, in 1838, had not even the slightest effect in restoring the confidence that had been lost. So it is now. The quantity of gold in the country is greater * Mr. Carey always uses the word commerce to mean internal, not external trade. ^ 86 5 per cent of the sourse will come ic opinion after ritish Aiiierican I people ootnpos- f the I'xtraordi. United States, t take warning ' of the [Jiilted *) has been very ionally, and for J8t of the export old. Ah a rule, has been in the i consequences J in the stoppage ve referred to. irst time, in the 1824, WHEN ME FREELY ^T FKEELY the calamitous passage of the 3se two periods, the failures of )n, in the thirty , amounted to J per cent., or by t!ie banks ionth part of uslness which he losses re- )s in a single times over, the country seption of the and the (ive It was strained xport of raw SOIL WAS nd then, as followed in ade the use forl'ade Ihe was that n the years arge export He Bank of even the e confidence now. The y is greater kl trade. fr«)m ■li^atc 'e and I" no A- far thiMB I baa >'V«r V'-^n, but it is shut up in t* «ury vaults ieo»u«e of w*nt of confiden i banks; » beii \Hkn»- m ported from 8outh lo North f West to East ; or it is shut ii|> hoards; but — and for th^ obvious reason, that confidei existence— IT IS NOT IN li TION. All are looking for an explosion similar to those of the periods of 1817- 20 and 1837-42; and all who can, pre- 1 pare for it." I " Directly the reverse of this is what I we meet with whenever the policy of the I country tends to raise the prices of home- grown raw materials, and thus to arrest their export.— UNDER THE TARIFF OF 1828, SO PERFECT HAD BE COME THE STABILITY OF THE PRICE OF FLOUR, THAT IT RE- MAINED ENTIRELY UNAFFECT- ED HERE, NORWITHSTANDING THE EXTRAORDINAR\ CHAN- GES OF FOREIGN MARKETS.*— t -i .(' Under tiat .riff, th( ^ reclous metula fu'^ed I ,.11. i confidence was complete. T' policy .las changed, and mines r i,,'l f.o opent.-d, while furnaces .sed to be built ; and then confidence tppoared. — Under the tariff of 1842, ii iiey became abun^'ant — not because largo increase of import, but because ihe almost instant re-establishment of public and private credit. — The gold and silver that had been hoarded, and thus for the time annihilau d, then camo forth, to become available for the pur- poses for which they were intended. " All the facts presented by the history of the United States may be adduced in proof of the assertion, that the country which maintains a policy tending to pro. mote the expoft of raw materials must have against it a balance of trade requir ing the export of the precious metals^ and must dispense with their services as mea- sures of value. \ * Let Farmers in Canada mark this. f " Oovernment should let things alone — Laissez /aire, laissez passer," " One of the most common and invincible fallaciea is thie — that things are good by nature and spoilt by art. So said Rousseaux of man as an individual ; so many still say of human society, ll is a common error ; most young men fall into it, and are only undeceived by bitter experience. It is invincible, for, having its root deep in human nature, it springs again with every fresh generation. But it is nevertheless an error. Everything may bo improved by culture. Nothing is so natural as art. The indigenous sloes and crabs and weeds of England, when cultivated &u<\ improved in orchards and gardens, are plums and ap[)le8 and flowers. Man without artitioial culture, without intellectual, moral, religious education, is a stupid, sensual, ferociou's, and disgusting savage. Such is natural uncultivated man, not an poets paint him, or philosophers imagine him, but as travellers actually see him. The same human creature, subjected to early culture, instructed, disciplined, christianized, is but a little lower than the angels. Nor is artificial regulation less necessary to man in the aggregate than to man individually. Life, personal liberty and inviolability, family, pro- perty, reputation, are guarded by laws, complex and artificial, in proportion to the advanced stage of society. Personal injuries, if not entirely prevented, are nearly extirpated, by an artificial system of pf^nal sanctions, and further diminished in number and intensity by the compensation which in roost oases the injured party is entitled to exact from the aggressor. The jealous and despotic supervision and enforcement of the marriage contract by the state, is the artificial source of the endearing and humanizing relationships of father and child, brother and sister, of family duties, family education, family restraints. Withdraw the interference of the law, leave things alone, and families no longer exist, society relapses into barbarism. The institution of property, the spring of all industry and improvement, leans entirely on an artificial system of laws, civil and criminal, defining its limits, protecting its enjoyment, and securing its peaceable and certain transmission. The vulgar eye, surveying the surface and admiring the achievements of modern society, penetrates not to its anatomy, — to its secret, but complex mechanism. Much, that is due to art, is attributed to nature. But a still deeper and steadier insight into the constitution of society, will disclose not only artificial political arrangements, but commercial and fiscal ones, tending to the virtue, the happiness, the wealth, the power, the grandeur and the duration of states. The possibility of such artificial regulations is agreeable to analogy and conformable to experience. But both analogy and experience forbid the expectation, that increase of wealth and its fair and equitable diBtribution, by the full, various, and permanent employment of the people, will 86 " Those fftcts may briefly thus be \T\g to free trmlo h oommorco thnt gnve stated : — nii uxcess import of spocin— ft highly " Protection censod in 1818, bt-quoath- prosperous pooplo — State (toverntnontii Ing to froo trado a comiimrco that, unvo rpstorcd to credit — n rapidly growiiiii an 0XCC8.S import ot spi-cin — a pi'opln ooimnerce— a lar^o piililio r«vcmi»! — and among whom there exi^ifd grwil pros- a declining lori'ign debt, perity — a largo public revenue — and a '• Since that time, California has sup- rapidly diminiahing Mutilie deUt. plied himdrciU it' millions of dollars in " Free trade ccasccf ill 1 8.J4, bc(iuoath- gold, nearly all of which has been ex- ing to protection a oiniiiiu-rci' that- gave ported, or is n<>\v locked up in public an excess 6j;/;or< of speoii^ — an inipover- and private ho .rds ; the consequence'* of ished people, a declining piiblio revenue which are seen in the facts that coM- — and an increasing public debt, MKRcii is paualyzbd — that the pkicb " Protection ceased in 1834-35, be- of money in the commercial cities has queathing to free iraiie a conitnerce that hanoku yon Koirii years between ten gave an excess imporl of specie — a [>eo- and Tiiiurv ckii cent, per annum — and pie more prosperous than any that had that the inoeutedness to forkion na- even then been known — a revenue so tions has increased to sucii an amount great that it had been rendered necessary as to keiji'iue, for the payment op in- to emancipate tea, eolleo, and many tehest alone, a sum equal to the other commodities from duty — anil u avehaoe export of all countries in treasury free from all chanjif, on account the world. of public debt. While upon this point, that of the ne- " Free trade ceased in 181\i, bequeath- cemty of the Colonies manufacluriiiff for ing to protection ti commerce that gave themselva; 1 shall quote trom a letter an excess export of specie — a people ruined, and their governments mi a state of repudiation — a public treasury bank- rupt, and beggii/g everywhere for loans at the highest rate of interest — a reveiiuii collected and disbursed in irredeemable published in Scotland last month, (.Ian- nary, 1805) by an old friend «it mine, William li. Grahame, Esq., for a quar- ter of a century a resident farmer in Vaugham near Toronto. Mr. Gruhame's great Colonial experience has taught him paper money — and a very large foreign that the only chance for the Empire is debt. in decentralizing its manufactures in " Protection ceased in 1847, bequeath- the way I propose; and his present resi- flow from the Ift a/o«e system. On thu contrary, there is too much reason to apprehend that the na' ural course of things will here, as elsewhere, be a vicious one ; that the sum of national wealtli will not increase, as it might be made to increase; that its distribution will be imperfect ; that land will be but half cultivated; that employment will he precarious and wages scanty Let us incline ourselves before the teachings of history. What triumphs has the let a/owe system to show, siuce the world began ? Ou the other iiand, history is full of the marvellous achievements of industry forced into artificial channels, by the foresight and power of wise governments Ancient and modern history each present examples of mankind, by an artificial direction of their industry, not only assailing antl subduing the apparently invincible infecundity of the «oil, but compelling it ever after, to feed genera- tions and sustain the power of mighty kingdoms. What was Kgypt by nuture? a steiile a moving sand. It has bi en well observed that its pestiferous river full of black mud, too filthy to slake the thirst or wash the person, was of little use, except to the rats, the in.-ects, and the hideous reptiles. Immense labors at length achieved a dominion over it. Canals, reservoirs, and multiform contrivances for irrigation, led it at length to every door — the mini't'.er of health, cleanliness, and fertility. Now there was, and ever since has been corn in E^ypt. Ever since, in spite of bad government under the Pharaohs, the Persians, the Ptolemys, the llomaus, the Caliphs, the Mamelukes, and the Pachas, it has been the land of plenty. What would it have been all this while, if from the slime of the Nile, three thousand years ago, had crawled forth not crocodiles, but political economists. Their cry would have been, " Don't attempt to force labour and capital into artificial channels, and at such an expence to bring into culivation sterile lands, buy at a cheaper rate from your neighbours, the Arabs, the Numidians, the Cathaginians, the Syrians, the Sicilians. As for your means of purchase, let them take care of themselves. Laissez faire, laissez paiser." Sophiamt of Free Trade and popular political economy examined — BYLEa .\. at rco thnt pnve -i« — ft highly <»)ymeiit. lie complains that the scheme of the Political Kconimisls is to prevent these men emigratim.', seeing that this as lessening the supply of labour would tend (o cause the rise of wages in the mother country : — " I propose (says Mr. (irahame), 1st To state the immediate and necessary cause ot the want of em[)loyment, if such there be. '2nd, to state in some detail the grctUer nperativn (es of the want of employment, and proofs of the reality ofthit want, together with arguments, illusliationa and suggestions pointing to a remedy. 3d, the fundamental cause — the cause of all the other causes of the want of employment. " When men ori> able and willing t > work, but cannot get work, the imme- diate cause of tlitMr want of employni( lU must bo that 'he supply of labour ex- ceeds the den.uid; and this is the case iu all kinds of industrial occupation, whether agricultural or manufacturing. So much is undeniable. Hut what is the cause of such excessive supply of labour? In some countries it may bo the limited extent of their territory as compared with the number of people, — that and the want of colonies. In others the vice and follies of the Government or State. And in so far as mere human power and human action influence the relations of supply and demand, an excessive supply of labour must be owing either to limit- ed territory or to vicious or unwise Government, whatever the form of government may be, whether monar- chical like Russia, republican like America,, or mixed or parliamentary like our own. "Seeing that Great Britain is certainly not deficient in territory — at least in the colonies — the excessive supply of workmen in the United Kingdom, com- pared with the demand for them, must be owing to bad and uawisegovernment, view h JJimv whether tho evil be in the Ministers of State alone, t)r in Parliament too, or whether it be also in inlluential indi- viduals and claHHe4 operating upon (lovernment or I'arliami-nt. " lift us here divule lln' over supply of workmen into two classes — Ist, tho luiuiutiii'turing ; and '2iid, all other work- men, of whieh the great body is agricul- tural workmen. And first, let us cH)n8ider the manufacturing ones. What is it that hinders the surplus manufao turers from emigrating} Uiuj cause is that the Lancashire master mamifacturers have combined to deter the Government from assisting the wretched unemployed operatives to emigrate. And why ] what coul.l their motive be ? — Interest : Their kr wing and steadily kee[)ing in ' '•• .i supply and demand, supply of workmen, and tor them would increase, and jmaiul wages must increase. * ' TO in the Southron States ...... vcloro the war begun was •• orih — how much ?— i''2U0 to X'oOt), I suppose ; surely not less than il'^iOO. What is tho worth of an average opera- tive] iJy tho happy loijiiacity of the celebrated statistician, ftlr. Cliudwiek, 1 am able to tell you. At the last meeting of the Social Science Congress at York this year, Mr. ("haduielc was so good as to tell us that according to a minute calculation of Mr. Ih^ywood, secretary to the Cotton Supply Associa- ti(»i, £80 was the money. Thinking his very words may be interesting I quote tliem : — "Mr. Hey wood, the secretary of the Cotton Supply Assoeiation, has fslimated, by a division of the margin of wages and profits in the year iStiO, that the sum of £80 would be lost to the trade for every working hand that emigrates," £80, then, according to the excellent authority of Mr. Hey wood, indorsed by Mr. Chadwiek, — £80 is the money ; and remember that was for the prosperous year of 1800 ; consider, also, that the negro is fed and Lis family are fed by the master, and when he gets old and past work he is still fed by his master ; while the operative, st) long as he can work, has to feed himself and his family — and when he is past work,' 'f 88 the parish or the union is his por- tion ! Of course the millowner is rateable to the parish or iininii ; but now-a-days even the unions are ii» Lan- cashire considered too small for poor-rate purposes ; and at Stockport, only last month (see Manchester Ouardian of the 22nd Nov.) — the Guardian of the Union at Stocltport memorialized the Poor-law Board to abolish the existing law of parochial-settlements,and urged a national charge as — what do you think ? — as more equitable. Mr. Villiers, President of the Poor-law board, there is reason to suspect, sails in the Lancashire boat ; and Mr. Cobden, too, in his great speech at Rochdale last month, pronounced the restrictions of parish settlements to be abominable. Now, in passing, let us ask, does not this scheme for sharing the charge of the poor with the whole country lead to the conclusion that in the manu- facturing of paupers Lancashire expects hereafter to have a great balance of beggary at her credit as compared with the pauperism of the kingdom at large ? " Last year, when the starved people of Stailybridge broke into some victual- lers' and bakers' shops, and helped themselves to bread and cheese, and perhaps alittle drink, a number of people thought, now at last the deluge is coming Emigration was needed. "S. G. O.," the famous correspondent of the Times, asked — " Is there at this moment any trade which will bear further pushing into it say only 200,000 subsidized hands 1 How about the effect of this on the present workers at that trade ,sup- posing it exists at all ?" The celebrated writer, Mr. Kingsley, too, urged emigra- tion. Hesaid— "The thing which must have happened has happened. The Lancashire operatives have begun to consider alms as their right, and to riot inconsequence." Of the master manu- facturers he said : — " Now they have a perfect right to use the glut of the labor marketfor their own advantage — (strange doctrine for a clergyman !) — and to keep their workmen in England, provided only that they do it at their own expense." The Times, too, took the alarm, saying — " The feeling of independence is gone. Mr. Potter may keep lus working ^ower if he can, but he will never get any more .good out of it !" Tnis is that Mr Potter M.P. for Carlisle, who in a letter to the Times had said — " The master cannot willingly see his labor power removed." If certain parties would purchase and pay for such labor, " they had a perfect right to do so." " But Mr. Potter and his cotton-lord brothers knew better. They know how the "big loaf" bawlers had been got to bawl the "big loaf" in old times, and how demonstrations of " public opinion" had been got up in Lacnashire and else- where. They knew how useful the press had been, and they knew the reason why. In order to prevent the emigration of their hands, they got the Government, through Mr. Villiers, to send Mr. Rawlinson to Lancashire to pave the way for the public works scheme, and then get the Public Works Act passed through Parliament. Messrs Farnall and Rawlinson were sent to Salford. Mr. Farnall, in a speech flattering the operatives, told the General Purpose Committee of the Salford Town Council, that " there could be no doubt but that the conduct of the people had been admired by the whole world, and that it was impossible to meet with a more civil or better behaved people ; that the Government were prepared to recom- mend to Parliament the lending of money at 3^ per cent, to employ the people at home, and keep them from emigrating." But he told them, too, what he had no need to tell them, that it would be necessary to take care how the people were employed, or they would not go back to the Mills when wanted. Whereupon Alderman Pochin asked if instead of 3i per cent, the Government would not take 3 or 3^ per cent. This huxtering, it must be confessed, either looked, or seemed to look, as if there was really some intention of repaying the loan. Well, the Public Works Act was passed for employing the destitute workmen ; Manchester took £227,860 of the money, and of that sum not more than £12,000 is to go into the hands of those for whose benefit the Act was passed. Thus Manchester succeeded in arreBt- 39 ing the movement for emigration ; and not only so, but managed to appropriate the far greater portion of the £227,860 of the Government loan, intended fur the employment of the poor, in order to iru- cotton cultivation in India; and such de- mand might, and by this time ought to have produced an abundant and superior supply in Eiijiland at |>rices much below the lowest rates current in Liverpool prove and embellish the property of the this year; but seeing that the imposi- rich employers and merchants, who, ac- cording to the Times, not only escaped bankruptcy by the opportune occurrence of the American war, but almost made an enormous profit out of it. In that way the benevolent efforts of many indi- viduals, to proportionate more equitably the relations of supply and demand in the labour market of manufactures, have been frustrated, and to this day the im- mense interests of labour and property of all kinds in the United Kingdom and all its dependencies are left to hang on the issues of a quarrel 3,000 miles away, the endurance and period of which no man can calculate, or tell whether it will be for months, or for lens of years. It is said that the cause of the distress of the workers is far beyond our control. If so, what is the reason of tne national impotency 1 What is it but the vain AND IMPIOUS DESIRE STILL CHERISHED TO SWAMP THE MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY OF ALL OTHER LANDS,* AND TO MAKE THIS COUNTRY THE WORKSHOP OF THE WORLD ? And if there be one other cause, is it not simply this — that our Government and great men are ashamed to confess tha proved fact that their political economy has been wrong? '' I have sinned " is a hard word for a proud man to say, even when he fears that without a con- fession and repentance both he and his country may perish. The fact is, how- ever, that the cure of the distress is not, and never was or could be, wholly beyond our control. India, if secured against the contingency of her cotton cul- tivators being ruined by a possible sudden close of the American war, and a consequent raising of the blockade and outflow of cotton from the South, couhi with safety both have vastly increased the quantity, and with profit increased the quality of its cotton production, A duty of Is. or perhaps 6d. on Ameri- can cotton would have produced an effi- cient and reliable demand for cotton and tion of such a duty would have shamed the wisdom of our wise men, and would have let h.ose the ridicule of the whole world upon our transcendent statesmen and economists and their trumpeted liberal and enlightened policy, which was boasted to be a light to lighten foreign nations, and which was and is the glory of unconverted Israel, — no man among them :ill has been found honest enough to confess that he is wiser to day than he was yesterday. " Another cause for retaining the enormous over-supply of manufacturing workmen at home may well have been the fear that should they find their way to advanced colonies such as Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, or Victoria, or New South Wales in Aus- tralia — the cry for establishing manufac- tories in these colonies — the cry for protection to native industry there — would have become irresistible, and have overthrown the barriers raised up by importing merchants and bankers with ' all their newspapers ; and the people would even laugh at the veto of the governors, esteeming these to be not the representatives of the Queen, but of a Government holding its position by the grace and at the mercy of Manchester and Lombard Street. ****** * " It used to be said that the adoption ot free trade and of direct taxation would benefit England, the Colonies and foreign countries, and that all of those in Europe would, within twelve years imitate England : Not one of these countries has li a'ed her, and Mr. Gladstone said " iy i )st summer that an extension of diiect u'^ation would be intolerable to flesh and blood. And as for the colonies, the following consecutive pro- positions, or rather axioms, form a chain of argument leading distinctly to the conclusion that not free trade but pro- tection to native industry is the way to The epecial attempt has been to swamp macufacturiiig colonies. 40 of its agricultural make the colonics prosper. Take Canada for an example : — " 1st, Canada being an agricultural country, the sure way to beuelit it is to enhance the value products. " 2d, The only sure way of doing that is by by producing an internal demand for them. '• 3d, The only known way to produce such demand is by promoting manufac- tures. " 4th, The sure way of promoting manufactures is by making their pro- ductions safe and profitable. "5th, The only way of making their production safe and profitable, is by exacting a highly protective taritf. "1 would also add 'hat, by taking this plan alone, Canada mu, possibly prevent war with the United States, or annexa- tion ; for the smuggling of British cloths, &c., from Canada must become intole- rable to American maijufacturers, and so injurious to American industrial independence as to render war upon Canada a political necessity for the American people. " Now, before concluding, that you may sec how beneficially the policy of protection has worked in a really great country, I shall not enter into details upon the prodigious progress which America before the war broke out made under the protective policy — for I presume no grown-up man can be wholly ignorant on that matter, and how the main stream of immigration from these islands has steadihj been to the foreign but protected United States^ rather than to the home-governed but unprotected provinces of British America, magnifi- cent tnough their natural capacities are. I shall rather give yu a short extract concerning Kussia from " Der Interna- tionale Handel," that is, in English, " The Foreign Trade " — a work of the Continental Economist, Dr List. Dr List very simply explains that Russia's modern greatness took its date from her repudiation of the new school of econo- my ; — " Soon after the wnr or ! S15 (he says) there arose a teacher of the free- trade theory, a certai . S;.vch (Storch being the Surname of this teacher), who taught in Russia what Say did in France, and Dr Smith in England, viz., that balance of trade is a mere phantom, a chimera engendered in the disordered brain of the teachers of the mercantile system. Government gave the free trade system a fair (rial, until the Chancellor of the Empire, Count Nessel- rode, declared in an official circular, of the year 1821, "That Russia finds her- self compelled by circumstances, to adopt an independent system in com- merce. As the raw productions of the country find but an indifferent market abroad, the native manufacturers are becoming ruined, all the ready cash is going abroad, and the most solid mer- cantile houses are about to break.' In a few weeks afterwards the new protec- tive tariff was issued, and the benefiicial consequences soon manifested themselves. Capital, talent, and mechanical industry soon found their way into Russia from all parts of the world, and more especially from England and Germany. Nothing more was heard then of com- mercial crises caused by over-trading, the nation has grown prosperous, and the manufactures are flourishing." What a contrast (ad, Is Mr. Grahame) is here ])resentedto the state of England any time these three years — Bankruptcies not only of farmers^ hilt of banks, of m'lnvfac- turers, and of merchants" * * * But under no circumstances can I anticipate any great disagreement of views among the parties who are to form the British American Confederacy. That they have a common interest, will very soon come to be understood. And in the meantime I have no doubt that the other sections will join it with the same determination as Canadians do, to respect the views and experience of their new friends, a sentiment well ex- pressed in the old lines : " Who seeks a friend must come disposed, T' exhibit, in full bloom disclcsed, The prnoes and the benuties That form the character he seeks, For 'lis a union tlmt bespeaks Reciprocated duties." And in now closing remarks, whose object throughout has simply been to assert for the subject of the Employ- J 41 MENT OF OUR OWN PEOPLE the first pluce in British Ainfrioan pulitics, I would taka thu o{iportiiiiity to -t;U(! my entire cmicurreiice with thf words ot'varlyle : '•This that tlii'v cill orj^aiiizin^ of la- bour is, it well uiidersLnijil, liio pr^>b- lern ot the whole kiture f. ir all who pretend to govern men-" And with the slill more striking; words of Byles : '•To litid einplo\ mi'Ut i'Mp the people, is just the very tliiiiu; wliich is so supremely dillicult as to he olten pro- nounced impossilile It IH the f>rohiem remainintf (or thi' trur Political Econo- mist to resolve. Its sirintion will be an event not le-s brilliant, and far more important to mankind thin the discovery of the solar system." A little rcfl'ct on wdl show us how true this is, for however advantageous may bo a Unowledifc of the general laws • •f nauire, their d/xr i/io/j is in no way alfeeted by our own knowledge or ignor- ance of iheni. \n social sxieiice, on the contrary circumslnnces are the facts, and the laws must be adopted by our- fitdves in conformity with these; for it is clear that what may be prudence in an old and rich man, or an old and rich country, may be the height of tolly in a young and poor man, or in a new country. An 1 tha' a sister colony has lately become alive to this is a matter of great congratulation to us all, while it is a matter for profound thankfulness to the hostsof unemployed and under-paid work- men in the United Kingdom. I allude to the Province of Victoria in Australia, whicli is now determined to follow the e.\;ample of the United States in regard to native industry, as I recommend Bri- ti-^h America to do ; so that workmen from the mother c 'uniry will now emi- grate thither in large numbers, sure not onlv of gettinii a fair day's wage, but of meeting their fellow countrymen and fellow subjects, with whom to recipro- cate their [{ritish sympathies. The practicd pairioti-^m of the Aus- tralians will only make them more loyal to the British Crown,and so would it be in British America were we to adopt, what may appear in Britain, selfish principles in favor nf British American Industry, and insis' on iaipirtiiig the labourer not the 1 ibiMir from tin- mother country. We .-lull then hiive sonie/hiii;/ material to fight for, Ahiletvery British subject will have it at any moment in his power to come here and share with us, without any change of allegiance, any peculiar advantage we m-iy have had to achieve fir r any u\\\m pur- suit ? It is to ha"e a fluiin-sliiiig, riV, nid inerfasii'g miinher of customers. VVithuul tiirit no husiiipss can prosper. You, agriculturists, above all things, want acoiiNtamly increasing wealth in yonrcus- turners — the niaiiutaciuring, mining, and industrial population of this country. Above all thuiga, you want a prosperous conitminity who can pinchaseyour cattle and your st.(jck, because I need not tell you who are so advanced in the science of agriculture, that that which lies at the very foundation of all scientific agricul- ture is the large and cunslaiilly increas- ing production of the nninure-prodnciiig aninnds, the cattle and sheep, which you raise on your land. But you cainiot find cuHtoiners for thit stock which is so necessary to advance agriculture, unless you have a thriving manufacturing, iiiiniiii:, and industrial population. You cannot send these articles abroaii, I can understand yuu might grow some com- modities, such as hops and other articles, that you niiuht send altroad, but the cattle and sheep — the animal \\\q that you rear on your firm — nuist be sold to your near neighbours, the manufacturing, min- ing, and industrial population. You have had a constantly increasing development of wealth, a constantly increasing export of your nuxtmfactures, and a constantly increasing demand for your cattle, your sheep, and your wool. These have been the foundations of your prosperity. I have always thought that both the land- owners and farmers took a very unworthy and ignoble view of their own interest, when ihey measured the value of the land only by the price at which they could sell their wheat. Wheat., gentlemen., is a barbarous estimate-a barbarous measure of the value of land. Wheat was the sole dependence of your grandfathers., when living here at one quurltr of (he rent you now pay, and not enjoying half the prosperity you now enjoy with your fourfold renty \ X. \ / 47 r- Surely the afjrlcnlturists of East Lothian would not rofjai'd the eman- cipation of their colonial brethren from a barbarous system of arcent!ige e ich year it took to represent the deterior.illon of the Sv)il under such treatment of it. And what \ wish for Upper Canada is a system of rotation of crops, to render which possible it is essential for us to have an oppidanie or manufacturing pop ulation to oat the vegetables and other perishable or bulky productions of the Canadian farmer. ****** " But it is well for Canada that shi' can afford to throw theories to the winds, having a certain and unfailing barouieti.r of her great interests. In h'ir fanners. Canada has a great clas.s, the prosperity of whii h secures the prosperity of all other classes; so that the true economi- cal policy of Canada is to promote the prosperity of the Canadian farmer. And how this is to be done is the simply poli- tical question of the Caiiadian patriot. [Cheers.] Yet — to the shame of British statesmen be it said — a question so mo- mentous to Canada was known to have no consideration in England, when she, in 1840, diametrically altered her policy and repealed all the old distinct- tions between Canadian and Atnerican produce in her markets. The direct and imtuediate effect of this precipitate in- troduction of free imports (f)r it is not Free Trade) into the mother country was most disastrous to Canada,and was more likely to prove subversive of her loyalty than any thing that could have been an- ticipated ; for it left the Canadian firmer (on the north bank of the St. Lawrence) only the English market fir his foduce in which he has to compete (after paying all freights and expenses across the At- lantic,) with wheat of countries where labour and mon jy are not worth one- third what those are in Canada, while it gave to the American farmer (on the south bank of the St. Lawrence) this English market of which to avail himself, whenever it suited him, in addition to the American market, " Happily the British Government saw in time the error committed in bringing about a state of things in which it would have been impossible to retain, upon Bri- tish principles, the Canadas — British pria- •.\ 48 V A \ ciples alwAys involving the idea that the object of Britain in aoquring or retaining territory, is to ble«8 not to blight it. And Lord Elgin bribed the Americans by sharing with them our Finhery and Navigation rights, to give us the Recip- rocity Treaty, which, while it exists, re- moves the Canadian farmer's cause of complaint, [Hear, hear.] Now, therefore the preservation ot this lleciprocity with the United States is shewn to be only the interest of the farmers, anil through them of all others in Canada, but also of the British Government, as witliout it Canadians are left in a position, unless Intercolonial or other industrial arrange- ments are secured for them, to be much benefited industrially by Canada being annexed to the United States, I speak plainly ,^viewing him the mo.st loyal man who speaks most plainly at such a crisis. [Applause.] MR. JOHN W. GAMBLE'S DENUNCIA- TION OF DEPENDANCB ON WHEAT- GROWING. (Beinfc a criltcism by him when member of the Cana- dian Parliament, at the Free Trade Era, of an article in London Economttt.) '"The article alluded to asserts that farmers and millers in Canada favoura- ble to annexation, adopt that plan from an opinion of its necessity, and as a coun- tervailing benefit, contingent upon our colonial condition, points to the protec- tion on Canadian timber in the British market.* The Montreal Herald, to add strength to the annexation caHse,successs- fully shows the superiority of the United States as a market for that staple, thus rendering valueless the only commercial advantage remaining to us as a colony, and leaving the argument of necessity, as stated by a subordinate minister of the Crown, to exert its full force in fa- vour of annexation. * * * " ' I hold that to insure continuous prosperity to Canada, consumer and pro- vantnges. The editor of the Economist, this subordinate miiiistur of tlio down, the great fi'eo trade advocate of England, arlmitx, as his (Iclibci'ato conviction, that the only relief, the only refuge (or the denressi'd agricultural and nulling in- terests ot Canada, is (o be sought and and foinid — whoio'J Why in the mar- kets caused by the " protected corjtora- tions of New England." Here it is : — ' F repeat the remedy pointed out by the h'conoinht as the only source of relief, annexation excepted, for the agricultural and milling interests of Canada is to be found in the maikets caused by the pro- tected corporati(»ns of New England. Wherein, llien, do we diilur { rrotcction, as a. system, is equally the beneficial cause of the remedy, whclher that re- medy be attained by atinexatiou, or by the more subtle mode, of the free ingi'ess into the United Stutesof our natuialpro" ducts, promised us by the Economist by treaty of Reciprocity. * '•'' * The diilerence is just this: I say, and common sense says, ami the facts and reasoning of the Economist say, adopt yourselves the policy of the Union, and your protected ciirporations will soon furnish you with a market of your own, for your agriculluial products at home. ' The Economist .says, free trade with the Union in raw produce makes their high prices youi-s, but, true to England's inteiest, neglects to add, then will we gather those high prices inio our own bosom, in exchimge for the r.igs and devil's dust of Manchester And Leeds. No, no, Mr. E-onomist, England must consult the interest of her people abroad equally with those at home — they are no longer to be gulled with such words as " Britif*h subjects" and'- integral parts of the empire." They have the tluidow — they want the substance ; she must consult their interesis, or they will con- ducer must be brought still nearer — suit them for themselves. Annexation placed side by side — and that the mode is far preferable industrially to your to accomplish this, and to aid the " Free Trade in Raw Products," unac- farmer in inducing the mechanic to take companied by protection to home indus- hls place beside him, is a high protective Iry ; and I submit whether the question tariff on all those articles for the manu- of protection is not virtually conceded by facture of which we possess natural ad- t^his Free Trader. * This Tittb«r protcetioa tlio bu gone Biac«. <«' \ / •V