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']-\ *^^:'r „* ■ ."'^V '\' *'■■ '" ' fi-^i'-l/ ^ .i' "/'■ ^i;':!^-' 0. • \ V- y "iM '€ ;..'.,-}'. :'^''^;i^f:''^'-i::]p-i iPOLIT . VOL. IV. ': *;'i^ •:■'. V...,''r ■-■■'-■ ■-:''■// ■ ,'^ ■'■.'^■ v-~ ^^'■1>\v'''vVv''"'!iV;--; , • .i ■■' y'' . r^'.fM¥ )^^''^r 'n ' ' ■> U, "'■'"'('i^'ii'^'l:' *'^ :''■■•'-■•' .;':^;|,^-;^;Vg^ ■'. ■ I'" It is amoi cumstances the peacefu question has leading nati disguised gri here of inqi dispute wer value to hai conflict. It plished and enough to d lieves that a a vital poir may be fore tional secur, dignity and 1 defended. Tl itance wea are but poo: pie can long own regard, not defend 1 was sincere rights to be region —thai of the territc : admit of a ( who have n( ' duct. It mu among candi counter-clair \ more intellig American p sincerely all in its valid .'-.-•x • :-^'' ■ ■!':...'\:.f/-,,' V ' V '.- i^*.-^'- VV THE AMEEICAN REVIEW: A WHIG JOUKNAL or r POLITICS, LITERATURE, ART AND SCIENCE. VOL. IV. AUGUST, 1846. No. II. -■•H- THE OR EGO It is among the most encouraging crr- cumstanccs of tlie age, that the news of the peaceful settlement of the Oregon question has heen received by the three leading nations of Christendom with un- disguised gratification. There is no need here of inquiring whether the claims in dispute were in themselves of sufficient value to have bred the dfinger of such a conflict. It is enough when an accom- plished and proud nation, and powerful enough to defend its pride, sincerely be- lieves that any aflfair in question touches a vital point of its honor. Its interest may be foregone ; a point, even, of na- tional security may be yielded ; but its dignity and self-respect will be jealously defended. These area nation's best inher- itance wealth and power without them are but poor possessions;— but no peo- ple can long maintain themselves in their own regard, or in that of others, who do not defend their rights. That England was sincere in asserting that she had rights to be maintained in the Oregon region —that she believed a large portion of the territory was justly hers — cannot admit of a doubt in the minds of those who have noted her language and con- duct. It must be equally beyond doubt among candid men everywhere, that the counter-claim, so far as urged by the more intelligent and sober-minded of the American people, was in like manner sincerely alleged, and with a full belief in its validity Thus, however small N TREATY.-.^/ ^1 V" may have been the vafue of the territory in di.sputc — and to England, at least, it was comparatively of little consequence — there was, within certain limits on each side, a line of honor not to be trans- gressed by the opposing power, giving to the question a grave character in the eyes of other nations. Unfortunately, according to the feelings of large por- tions of the respective communities, these lines crossed each other in many jioints, thus allowing room for many positions to be looked upon by one side as aggres- sions, when to the other they were but the natural and necessary occupation of grounds of rigiit. It was, therefore, no causeless or insignificant cloud of war through which the star of peace so heav- ily struggled, and it required distinct con- cessions on each side, even from those in the State holding to the most moderate ot the claims put forth, before the heavens that cover the ocean "-^tween us could be made clear again. L.ese concessions were made. The affairs of the English Government, by a good Providence, were in the hands of an administration given to moderate counsels ; and the great bul- wark of our nation.al interests, the Sen- ate, exercised its ancient prerogative of educing wise results from popular tu- mult, factious cabals, and that most fatal of all things in a government, an execu- tive at once imbecile and ambitious. But, happily, this was not all. It might* indeed, have been sufficient for present i wiii i »m »»i im «* «* i '■iHMM-tMw 106 The Oregon Treaty. [August, tranquillity, that the controlling power in the hitate was on each side so wisely actuated ; but, fortunately for the encour- agement of those who hope for the com- ing of an age which shall know how to regulate the world without war, the great body of the people in both coun- tries were plainly impatient of any dis- turbance of the peace of Christendom. This is cviilent from the congratulations 80 widely exchanged in both countries — ■ongiatulations arising not altogether from c.ilculations of interest, but as well from a feeling every day more generally diffused, tliat a war which should have been avoided is crime. And this satis- faction is not entirely confined to the two nations more immediately concerned in the controversy. France also, vola- tile, ambitious, fond of glory and excite- ment — qualities of temper which render her the most dangerous of all the com- munities of Europe — has given unequi- vocal proofs of her gratiticationahatthe civilized world is not again io'oe con- vulsed with general hostilities. A few Parisian journals, which from opposition to a ministry disposed to maintain friend- ly relations toward the English Govern- ment, are accustomed to denounce all the movements of Great Britain, feel it of course their duty to be dissatisfied ; but the French people, it is evident, are mainly in favor of peace among civilized nations. This community of sentiment is an important fact ; — evidently, by a sin- gle reflection. There are four great na- tions, that virtually rule the atlairs, not only of Christendom, but of the world. They are England, France, the United States and Russia. Unquestionably, any one of these great powers — of itself, un- aided by any other — would dare to break up the present peace of nations, and would be able to carry on the war for a pe- riod, in the face of any combination. But it is nearly as certain that no other State, without the countenance of one of these, would dare to enter into a struggle of any moment. Austria would not: she has no vessels, nor even sea-board, to enable her to acquire power upon the ocean, and her position midway between France and Russia would " give her pause " be- fore she would undertake a war without the assistance, or at least the guarantied forbearance, of either. Prussia would not: having no ships, she is but the worse at present for lier sea-coast ; and, though a military state by education, she stands too much in awe of her powerful neighbors from without, and, from with- in, of the more dangerous free opinions so rapidly growing up in the minds of the people. Sweden and Norway have nei- ther fleets nor armies, nor a treasury by which they could be created; Italy and Spain, impoverished, oppressed, dispirit- ed, are only able to lament and bleed ; Turkey, broken in her pride and without resources, will here; fter see the cres- cent of Islam gleam only on the minarets of her mosques, no longer over the front of battle ; Mexico and the South Ameri- can States, are plainly unequal to any prolonged efforts of hostilities on a grand scale; and the nations of Asia, inert and inefficient, as they have been for 2,000 years, can never greatly disturb, with demonstrations of war, the aflairs of more civilized powers. Thus the vast inter- ests of general peace lie practically in the keeping of only four governments. Hostilities may be carried on by half barbarous nations among themselves; or some one of the great powers spoken oi may wage a desultory war on ihe out- skirts of civilized life ; but, as power is now divided, no great struggle, breaking the repose of Christendom, and checking the progress of civilization, can be entered into, if France, Russia, England and America, should stand against it. We may go farther ; for if the other three, especially France and England, should manifest strong and united opposition, Russia, without such an accession to her naval and military skill as cannot be looked for, will hardly feel disposed to disturb the peace of Europe. That those two governments, therefore, which can, together, practically hold the balance of power in the eastern hemisphere, should share with this republic, growing every day more powerful and important, so manifest a gratification that a warlike question has been peacefully settled, is a thing worthy of consideration among the signs of the times. It is true, that this expression is not to be relied on as implying any determina- tion, in the minds of these governments, to have no more to do with Christian warfare. They have by no means reached such a point. They are atj yet content with desiring it, in a manner, without coming at all to any clear pur- pose, or even to any definite perception of what is attainable. They have hardly begun fairly to lay aside old animosities, and the remembrances of ancient battles ; much less have they brought themselves 1846.] to conter four lead that there Chnstend It is, im enlighten( to accust war. table," is i in their themselve [August, i, from with- !e opiiiiona so minds of the ay have nei- treasury by tl ; Italy and ssed, dispirit- t and bleed; I and without ee the cres- the minarets ver the front ^outll Ameri- qiial to any IS on a grand iia, inert and en ibr 2,000 listurb, with Hairs of more e vast inter- iractically in ;overnments. on by half 3mselves ; or IS sjioken ol on ihe out- as power is ;le, breaking ind checking m be entered England and nst it. We other three, land, should opposition, ission to her cannot be disposed to That those which can, balance of lere, should wing every portant, so a warlike y settled, is lion among on is not to determina- ivernments, Christian no means are at. yet a manner, clear pur- perception ave hardly nimosities, eiit battles ; themselves 1846.] The Oregon Treaty. 107 to contemplate the possibility of three or four leading powers actually resolving that there shall be no more great wars in Christendom, and keeping their resolution. It is, indeed, wonderful, how rapidly an enlightened people, in this age even, come to accustom themselves to the idea of war. " Po.«sib!e," " probable," " inevi- table," is the development of appellatives in their minds. First, they indulge themselves in talking largely, and with no great clearness, of certain injuries re- ceived from a foreign nation, insulted claims, or some oii'ensivc position as- sumed by them : it is declared not un- likely, it things go on .so, that hostilities may grow out of it. Next, the speech- making leaders opportunely delegated to be rulers, patriotic men in power, and the tinpurchasable press, take pains to show tiie country ajjgrieved, talk strong- ly as a government, and contrive by a bold front and skillful diplomacy to con- vert a previous measurably good under- standing into uneasiness and rancor. Their warlike tone being naturally re- echoed, the sober part of the community begin then to denounce the blundering government which has brought things to such a pass : — they acknowledge the na- tion partly in the wrong, but wluit of rigid there is in the case must be defend- ed ! Diplomatic issues, oblique as usual, shoot past each other — negotiation con- fuses itself — friendly argument is thrust aside as not sufficiently independent — military preparations begin to be made — and both nations, settling down into the feeling that there is " no help for it," philo.sophically " prepare their hearts for war." At length, after a long suspense, and a general checking of all prosperous business, the dominant parties in the re- spective States discover that no political capital can be manufactured by a war fever ; a few mutual concessions are then made, a treaty summarily follows, and both countries congratulate themselves, each other and the world, that they did not invoke the aid of arms, when they ought only to be ashamed that war was ever dreamed of between them. This, it •will not be denied, has been too much the history of the public mind in this country ; and in England, the body of the people were gradually and coolly adopt- ing the opinion that as the Americans " would have war," war it must be :— it seems never to have entered their minds that their own government might not have offered altogether so liberal, or just, a concession as could have been con- ceived of It offered to arbitrate — which was fair; . in the way of negotiation it had always been unreasonable. Such was the matter-of-fact acqui- escence of Christian communities in the alternative of blood ! It shows their con- gratulations of peace to be based, as yet, .'somewhat less on principle than could be wished. Afcclliiir, however, is evident- ly present, on which a received principle maij finally be established as a line of conduct for Christendom. And in this point of view, the fact that another con- troversy between nations has been set- tled by honorable concession, is of large importance. For its inherent nature, the moral effect of such an occurrence is great, and tends to produce in the minds of men that state of sentiment which shall be the perennial well-spring of the peace of humanity. With nations, moreover, as with individuals, custom, habit, rules, everything; — each new example of a question so settled, will render it more easy and natural for another to follow, by one step more, towards thai condition of the world when " the loudness of,the trumpet and the shock of armies " shall be forgotten. And in this conviction we cannot but advert to the tone in which the first men of both countries have ex- pressed themselves on this occasion. The language used by Mr. Webster, Mr. Man- gum, Mr. Crittenden, and other eminent members of the American Senate, was unequivocal and exalted : — It deprecated — and for higher reasons than the burn- ing of cities and the ruin of commerce — that useless intervention of arms, which, at the end of a long struggle, would but leave both nations impoverished and de- moralized, and the questidi still to be settled— % treaty! Similar terms had been uttered by the leaders of the British Parliament. Especially noble is the lan- guage used by Sir Robert Peel — a man ol generous and enlarged views, whom the world is very justly coming to consider one of the most enlightened statesmen of the age. In that noble and elevated speech, in which he has just taken leave of official power, he bestows a lofty en- comium upon Lord Aberdeen for "the exertions which he had made in the main- tenance of peace." " He has dared to avow," says the British Minister, " that he thinks in a Christian country there is a '-loral obligation upon a Chiistian minister .0 exhaust every effort before incurring the risk of war," And afterwards, having ii j-ir^i^{ The Oregon Treaty. 108 announceJ, amid tlie cheers of the House by two centuries and a half of "pre^crip. of Commons, that the last proposals of //o>r' along the whole I'acific shorcjCon- the Kii:;lish Government for the division of Ore^'on had been accepted hy America, Sir Robert Peel added a few imi)res.sive words, which are worth remembering. [August, I 1846.] " Thus, sir, these two great nations, im- pelled, I believe, by (he public opinion, whicli ou^lit to giiido and inllucnce states- men, have by moderation— by the spirit of mutual compromise — avoided the dreadful calamity of a war between two nations of kindred" race and common languajje, the brealuMH out of which would have involved the civilized world in calamities to an ex- tent which it is dithcult to foresee." We have thus spoken of the event it- self. It is worthy of all the congratula- tions that the country can bestow upon it. Against its provisions very little can be said. But in the manner of its accom- plishment we have not been so fortunate. As a party, indeed — if anything about the matter ever ought, as we have before mentioned, to have been looked at in a partisan light — the more sober portion of the community have nothing to regret in the transaction. The Whigs, with here and there a moderate mind from the oppo- site rank:., were always in favor of just the partition which has taken place. l?ut what have the Democratic party to felici- tate themselves upon in the whole afTair, from lirst to last? The history of their entire conduct on the question throughout is sufficiently sickening, and the country has heard enough of it. It is necessary, however, to open up a page or two here, that our own position may be placed on record. But we will promise to be brief. That a clear view of the whole case may be had, we present a short statement of the proposals made, at difTerent limes, by our government, and those offered by England, in return, together with the pro- visions of the present treaty. It will then be seen, what we have gained or lost by this treaty over our own former proposi- tion, and which party in the Republic stands on the most favorable ground in relation to this great national question. It will be remembered, that the first convention entered into between any two nations respecting the north-west coast, having any influence on our final claims, wasthatof NootkaSound.in 1790. Spain, by early discoveries from the year 1513, by occupation of the coasts as high as the Californias, by farther explorations in 1774-5, as high up as latitude 58°, and sidered herself as having e.'cclusive right to that entire region. Kngland, having made, alter 1768, several explorations, in the high latitudes below the SSth", more accurate than the Spanish — landing, more- over, and trading with the natives — con- ceived that she al.so had claims on that coast. Ditliculties arose, and were rapid- ly rijiening into war, when the Trjaty of the Kscurial, called the Nootka Conven- tion, was entc-ed into, by which, saying nothing of the original claims asserted by cither party, tiie north-west coast and seas were to he open to the subjects both of England and Spain, in a kind of common occupancy. So much was wrested, as we snowed more fully in the February article, from Spanish weakness. Still, once obtained, it was, undoubtedly, in some sort, an English acquisition. The first transaction entered into by our government alTecting the Oregon question, was the purcha.se of Louis- iana from the French, in 1803. This vast region, as originally held by Spain, and afterwards by France, seems never to have had any conceivable limits. Lying we.-^t of the Mississippi, and stretching north and north-west to an undefined ex- tent, it gave us, as against England, some indefinite claims on the Pacific. The dis- covery of the Columbia river, and subse- quent explorations of the branches, gave us.fl.s against her, a. still farther title to that regin. Great Britain, meantime, follow- ing up the advantage she had won from Spain, had begun to occupy, with trading posts, and — what is the strongest point in her final claim — had discovered and explored the second great river and val- ley of Oregon, Frazer's liver, running from above tlie 54th degree south nearly to the 49th parallel. The first distinct proposition made by us to the English government, bearing upon this question, was that in a prospective treaty, drawn up with their Commission- ers, soon after our acquisition of Louisi- ana, for the purpose of^ settling the north- ern boundary of that territory. It had been commonly believed — and the point is not yet wholly cleared up— ;-that Com- missioners, appointed according to the provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, had already adopted the 49th paral- lel as the dividing line between the then French possession of Louisiana and Can- ada and the British Hudson's Bay terri- tories ; and in the treaty now proposed, it ll SB [August, f o{"prescrip- ific shore; con- !xcliisive'right gland, having 'iplorations, in e SSth", more iandinjj.more- naiives— con- ilaiins on that nd were rapid- the Treaty of otka Conven- vhich, saying ns asserted by coast and seas bjects both of id of common 3 wrested, as the February kness. Still, doubtcdly, in sition. tered into by the Orc2;on ;e of Louis- )3. This vast nt if it was competent to England to negotiate for certain claims, as against Russia, knowing the necessity of alterwards settling with us about the same claims, manifestly it was equally competent for the United States to negotiate with Eng- land about similar claims held by us, as against her, though aware that the same must subsequently be treated about with Spain, as holding a title prior to that of both. And there are, besides, two other considerations bearing upon this case. It had long been evident to American Statesmen, that the ancient vast domin- ion of Spain on this continent was rapid- ly breaking up. A few years longer of indolent efforts and misguided counsels would see it in fragments. It was but the part of common foresight so to interpose continirent grounds of title, that such parts of her immense territories as were greatly more valuable to us than to any foreign power should not fail of falling to our share. A second important fact is that, while our negotiations with England were pending, in 1818, we had already been treating with Spain two or three years for all her rights in the Oregon re- gion. That treaty was all the while ex- pected to be first consummated, but it was not till four months later ; and this we think matter of regret ; for had we, negotiating with Great Britain, definitely possessed the Spanish title, we might at that time have attained some settle- ment of the question, and saved all fur- ther altercation. Having strengthened our claim by the acquisition of ihe rights of Spain, we opened the negotiation again in 1824. Mr. Rush, on our part, proposed that any part of the territory claimed by ei- ther power, should be open to both na- tions for ten years: Provided, that in that time the British were to make no settlements north of the 55th or south of the 51st parallel. For the 51st°, Mr. Rush afterwards substituted the 49th''. The British Commissioners, Huskisson and Canning, proposed, on the other hand, that the boundary-line should pass from the Rocky Mountains along the 49th parallel, till it struck the great northern branch of the Columbia, thence down the middle of the river to the ocean — both nations being at liberty, for ten years, to pass by land or water through the ter- ritories on both sides of the boundary. This j>ropo.^al was, of course, rejected. Great Britain, it was declared, would make no other, and the negotiation was stopped. The original period of joint occupation, however, was drawing to a close, and our government again, in 182C, pressed for a settlement of the question. During this period, the "joint occupancy " had been all on one side. We had neglected the country. Scarcely an American was seen in the whole region, while through the vast e.vtent of wilderness, from Labra- dor to the Pacific, the Hudson's Bay Company had established trading-posts, and extended the laws, usages and inter- ests of Great Britain. This strengthened for England that kind of secondary claim recognized in law as created by occupa- tion, me : — but it did not at all affect the original title. The American right, by the Spanish title and by our own dis- coveries, was still, on the whole, para- mount. In this negotiation, the British Commissioners made, in effect, the same proposal as before. Mr. Gallatin, in re- turn, repeated the offer made in 1818— viz.: the 49th parallel, from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, but with this important addition, that " if the said line sltoitld cross anij of the branches of the Columbia at points from which they are navigable to the main stream, the naviga- tion of said branches of the main stream should be perpetiuillijfree to the citizens of both nations."* England refused to give up the territory on the north bank of the Columbia; — she offered, however, to give up " a detached territory, extending on the Pacific and the Straits of Fuca, from Bulfinch's Harbor to Hood's Canal," and that " no works should be erected by either power at the mouth or on the banks of the Columbia, calculated to im- pede free navigation." But the United States very justly resolved to yield no part of the country south of the 49th par- allel. They had offered, uniformly and consistently, a line of compromise quite below the claims of their abstract title, and they were resolved to abide by it. The provisions for jointoccupancy, there- r [August, 1846.] 7%e Oregon Treaty. Ill lore, were, in 1827, imlefmilely extend- ed — eacli jiower bein^ now at liherty, however, to abrogate the agreement, on giving a year's notice of sucli intention. NotwitbsUnding this friendly arrange- ment, some public gentlemen of more zeal than wisdom, the very ne.vt year, brought up, in the Mouse of llcprescnta- tives, the military occui)ation ot the Co- lumbia. After a aeries of excited debates, the more fiercely patriotic and radical por- tion of the House succeeded in getting a bill reported, authorizing the exploration of Oregon, and the establishment of forts and garrisons from the 42d parallel to that of 54° 40', and to extend over those territories the U. S. jurisdiction. The entire bill was in plain violation of the provisions for joint occupancy. As such, it was strongly opposed by the most eminent members of the House ; it was also perceived that the bill, covering the whole territory in dispute, was taking for granted that Great Britain, notwith- standing her long usage of that region, and the successive negotiations on our part for making an equable division, had in fact no right whatever on the Pacific coast. The bill was accordingly re- jected. In 1842, public attention Laving been again attracted to the Oregon question, a bill was brought into the Senate, pro- viding, among other things, for the grant- ing 01 specified tracts of land for perma- nent settlements, for the construction of forts from the Arkansas and Missouri rivers to the pass of the mountains, and atthemouth of the Columbia; and also for extending U. S. jurisdiction over that portion of Oregon lying between the i2(l and the 49th parallels, saying nothing of territory farther north. Ths bill, then, covered only that por- tion of Oregon which all our offers of compromise, so far, had claimed. It was, however, in spirit and in fact, an infringe- ment of that same Convention of 1827, which neither power had yet abro, ited ; and it is quite a matter of wonder how it should ever have passed the Senate of the United States. It did pass, but hap- pily it was never carried through the House. Had it passed both Houses, the President would undoubtedly have vetoed it. Otherwise, if carried into effect, Eng- land would, we think, have had a just cause of war. Such, then, had been the various dis- cussions, negotiations and proposals, on the subject of Oregon. It will be seen at once, that no proposition from Govern- ment, no l'resith parallel. What sudden light, then, we ask, has fallen ujion the minds of the " leaders of the people," that the miscellaneous caucus at Baltimore, wiser than three generations of diplomatists, senators and statesmen, should so stringently declare, that the "Model Republic" was unquestionably owner of the entire region, and that the claim must be enforced to the last degree and minute ? What equal illumination was reflected from them upon the mind of the President they made.' what vast sense of duty to the nation lay at once on his " instructed " shoulders, that Mr. Polk, manifestly without studying the question, should declare in his inaugural address and first message, that our right to the whole of a territory which had been for 40 years the subject of dispute and compromise, was unquestionable and must be maintained .' VVhat wisdom- dronping cloud had suddenly passed over the capitol, that belligerent senators should see grounds of action which their predecessors never dreamed of.' What shadow of the spirit of Jefierson, that the patriotic " peace-maker," the " Organ," should burst itself daily with denuncia- tion of England .' And what did all this loud and martial front, kept up for months together — the violent tone of the radical pre.ss — apparent (though strangely tar- dy !) preparations for war — the depres- sion of public confidence — the stagnation of business — the general uncertainty brooding over the minds of men — what did all this practically mean .' That the Administration were sincere .' That they really thought a war with Great Britain was necessary to save the honor and rights of the nation .' That on the whole a war must come .' Nothing of the kind. The whole country long since saw through the entire movement. It is now clearer than ever. It was, from first to last, a soulless bubble, blown up for po- litical effect. Could war, indeed, have been even transiently popular with the body of the nation — could it have pre- served to the authors of it their ill-gotten, ill-starred power for a single year — we should no doubt have had - -nflict bloody and exhausting enough io have satisfied the " hearts of the people." Had the country, indeed, been thoroughly pre- 119 The Oregon Treaty. [August, pared, the rcsoiirces of the nation abuii- daiit lor ii loiiK and deadly Mriiii^lf, we believe tlin I'losiik'nt would not have hesitated to plunge us into it, in mere hones that cucccsH would inakeit )io(iulnr. liut the ['resident and his advisers were very soon aide to see — wiiat every one else saw— that the country was un- prepared, and tiie nation opposed to it — that the community, in general, had no other feeling than that the question could he honorahly settled hy .loiitc kind of compromise, ilaving suHered him- self, however, to consider liis Executive conduct as marked out for him hetore- band by an utterly irresponsible as- eembly, (the JJallunore Convention,) whose ill-advised hasty dicta, were based on little reasoning and less knowledge; Mr. I'oik, to preserve a poj)ularity of so mean origin, kept out the declaration of extreme claim.-", such us no previous Administration had thought of insisting upon, and held up to the country the constant assurance of a triumph over Great Britain, in negotiation or in war ! The Administration knew that England would not yield to such extreme claims ; they knew, as well, their own intention of not entering into hostilities; but if by a firm front, iiery press, violent debates, and fruitless negotiation, the question could be kept open and the public ex- cited, what better means of maintaining themselves in power? Unfortunately, it was soon seen, that the English Gov- ernment would not be trifled with ; that the question must speedily be settled by reasonable concessions, or there would e a war in earnest. IJesides, from the bate changes of public policy in England, Ithere was some chance that free trade might at length become captivating to the" people of tlie United States — a mea- sure for i)opularity quite inconsistent with war, and much safer. The question then was, how to get the most credit by settling the Oregon controversy on those moderate grounds on which all preced- ing Administrations had agreed in placing it. The fir.st thing necessary was to let themselves down gracefully from the high position so long assumed. This was not easy to be done, except by a great man. However, the ideas of the Execu- tive were kept in the dark ; some Senators were employed to break ground against the too patriotic and belligerent; arbi- tration was rejected, as taking the credit of settling the question quite away from the Administration, but a notice of abro- gating joint occupancy wns prepared, in sjunt aliout half-way between war and j)eace ; and the Uriti.'-h (iovernmeiil is given to understand, that the prospects lor British manulaetiirers in this country are about to brighten grcativ, and that the Oregon dispute, it is thouglit, can now be settled on very reasonable grounds. The British proposal accordingly in gladly transmitted. But how to accept at once, under his own hand, an oiler so far short of what he had constantly claimed, and i.kss tlinn anij prmwnn Ad- miiiistrtilion had ever proposed.' How unfortunate it is, sometimes, to have too much authority ! If he could but shii't the resp -sihility ! If the atiair could seem to nu e been taken (juite out (d his hands ! He will refer the matter to the Senate ; he will make it appear highly "proper" — indeed, "necessary" — so to do ; lie will then have it understood, that he " wished to reject" the British pro- po.sal, but that the Senate would iiave it, and " courtesy towards that excellent body" forced him to conform. The pro- position is accordingly sent to the Senate, and in the Message (confidcntud ac- compiuiying it, he uses a deal of dis- criminate reasoning, which eventually made jmhlk would show the entire pro- priety of a step he had never before dreamed of adopting. "General Washington," he says, "re- peatedly consulted the .Senate and asked their previous advice, to which he always conformed his action. The Senate are a branch of the treaty-making power, and by consulting them in advance to his own action, the President secures harmony of action between that body and himself. The Senate are, moreover, a branch of the war-making power, and it may be eminent- ly proper for the Executive to take the opinion and advice of that body in advance upon any great question which may in- volve in its decision the issue of peace or war." Moreover — " recent debates and proceedings in Congress render it, in my judgment, not only respectful, but neces- sary and proper.'" All this is undoubtedly true — but how late was it entering the Executive mind ! Would it not have been equally " respect- ful" and "proper" — was it not equally " necessary" — to consult the treaty-mak- ing, war-making Senate before — to take its advice, for instance, before the offer to arbitrate was so summarily rejected .' Was it well to be ignorant of vhat "General Washington repeatcily did," 1846.] The Oregon Trealij. 113 nnil h'.i tlio country siinTer moiitha of ruin- oils miccrtiiinty and depression before (liscovi-rin;; tlmt the counsels of that boily inif;ht hi'lj) along the wiHiloin of the I'resiilciU ? I(uvir)g ilemoiiHtratcd the courtesy of the sto|), and the extreme desiraldenesi of " harmonious action" between him- self ami them, he takes occasion to de- clare that he is still lor SI" 10', and if they will have him accept such a jiropo- sitioa, why, of course, the responsibility must rest upon them. " My opinions and my notion on tho OrenDU ipiestidn were fully miule known to Con),'rR3s in my annual iVIesHajju of tlie 2J of Dfccinber last, and tliu opinions therein exprctisi-d remain unclidiifffd." " Shoiild the Senate," he adds, " by tho Constitutional majority renuircd for the ratification of Tri'iiies, ndviso tho accept- ance of this propu^iiiion, or ad^•ise it with such modifications as they may upon full delib 'i ition deem proper, / shall cun- form my action to their advice." With what sagacity does that beautiful race-horse of a bird, the ostrich, stick its head, when hard pushed, under a bush and imagine that all its featherless pos- teriors, from the eyes backwards, are entirely concealed! Such was the Message ; — and " The Organ," with other Democratic presses, were then commissioned to say, that the President wished the Senate to advise him 7wl to accept the British ofTer. No pretence could be more evidently false. He knew perfectly well, that the body of the Senate had never favored the e.vtreme claims which he had assumed ; and he knew that they were anxious to settle the question. This he knew when he referred the proposition to them. But fearing that not only his own party in the Senate, but the Whigs, might be dis- posed to hold him to the responsibility which he had so long arrogated, and re- fer the question back to himself, he added a concise clause : — " Should the Senate, however, decline to give such advice, or to express any opinion on the subject, I shall consider it my duty to reject the offer." Here was the alternative : take this responsibility upon yourselves — save me from eating my own words — or keep the question unsettled and the coun- try indefinitely disturbed and anxious. Mean and miserable subterfuge ! As if it were necessary for a man to cherish his " consistency," who, by a public let- ter, written with deliberate purpose to deceive, had risen to power and betrayed the nation ! But we consider it a fortu- nate thing that our government is so con- structed, that a place can be |)rovi(led by which an Kxecutivc of such qimlities can creep from under a burden of duties and of trusts. Had not Mr. I'olk found, or thimirht he had found, such a " hole of escape," should we have obtained the (/ri'gon Treaty .' We think not. He had been forced to know what was right in settling the question. But it is necessary to l,e consistent ! He would have negotiiilcd, ""•ered, re- fused, till the powerful goviMni'ient in treaty with us, justly irritaud, would have decided upon war, i « the easiest method of ending so fruitless o contro- versy. Happily, a majority of the Sena.'*, are wise and calm-minded men. The ueaty, as it came to them, was plai'ily ilclective, and disadvantageous in two or three re- spects. It docs not specify with sufficient distinctness to avoid, we fear, future troublesome controversies, the guaranties of the possessory rights and lamis of Brit- ish subjects on both sides of the Colum- bia river. Especially, it conceded, not only the lower end of Vancouver's Island — which was entirely right — but the perpe- tiuil navigation of the Columbia, a point quite worthy of hesitation on our part, and about which the President and his whole party had uttered the most pp.i ticular denunciations. It was also evident, from Mr. McLane's letter to the Secretary of State, that this treaty was not England's ultimatum ,• but intended to re-open the negotiation, with the prospect of a demand on our part, that the free navigation of that river should be confined to a term of years; and this demand would probably have been yielded to. But the Senate dared not, by any modification, trust it back again to the uncertain action of the Exec- utive, or in any form to the hands of a bungling negotiation. They, therefore, ratified it, as it stood ; ami the President, with a saving of consistency which must gratify all his friends, signed it. The terms of the Treaty are as follows : "Article 1. — ' From the point on the 49th parallel of north latitude, where the boundary, laid down in existing treaties and conventions between Great Britain and the United States, terminates, the line of boun- dary between the territories of Her Britan- nic Majesty and those of tho United States shall be continued westward along the -lOth parallel of north latitude to the middle of 114 77ie Oregon Treaty. [August, the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver's Island, and thence south- erly througli the middle of the said chan- nel, and of Fuca Straits, to the Pacific Ocean; provided, however, that the navi- gation sf the said channel and straits, south of the IDth parallel of north latitude, remain free and open to both parties.' " Articlk 2. — ' From the point at which the ■liJth parallel of north latitude shall be found to intersect the great northern branch of the Columbia river, the navi- gation of the said branch shall be free and open to tlio Hudson's Bay Company, and to all Eritisli subjects trading with the same, to the point whore the said branch meets the main stream of the Columbia, and thence down the said main stream to the ocean, with free access into and through the said river or rivers, it being understood that all the usual portages along the line thus described, shall in lii ;!■*•/■ y great scale, !« ! ? , undred miles l'^^ :■' ' lother nation, llf f ', 3 rapids and .; ' ".' ' tish subjects W i' 1 in time of , , '.,"' ' ' . actually shut.V;'., -^/.^j, ' ' ' .■.'.' a few high- • ';■■',.>'. ' ■'. f posing ranks, • j ' - ' . :?,• orable. It is ^ ^' ■ ".: 'e always de- >,•''.,"■ !\ ;' , vant nothing : ,f:'|/t!;:Yr*f -^S '■ ; '^ ' i can concede V"',V', ; ,. ', annot lail to \,'* ' f' ,': ' , It the credit .[/. "':' ;;= ' ■ ' )n was due, rtion of the ;ses of Con- r . _'' ■ ' ■■.... , ..i ■ > : -'.r '^( i !>•:;. A . ■■■ * y ; .■t: vvr.es parly, to its officers, to its imatory Con- and double- xcept two or lanan, for his inal Spanish f this treaty The history cient answer. to add — but themselves, ministration, eat question dangerous a ) be trusted hers equally ■t>.j.; . ■' -i \ 1 r -- tj-^ ■ ■• ■ ■i):''' ' ■ 1'"^!' '--'ky'y^v . ■■■■.■', J. '••'.• :--y'' 'y ;;•,; }■ • ',',^.:^ '-■''' '■k ■■ -iv-/^' v-v' ■' ; ' V,'