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Les diagrammas suivants illustrent la mAthoda. irrata to palure, n A I n 32X t ^ -^ 2: ^ r s ' 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^f- IM ^ |i SPEECH ov R. M. T. HUNTEK, OF VIRGINIA, ON. On the resolution of notice to Great IhHuin to abrogate the convention of joint occupancy relative to the Oregon territory. DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 10, 1848. ' Mr. HUNTER rose and addreased the House M follow* : Mr. Cumrman: 1 was one of those who regretted that ibis debate should have arisen when it did. I regarded it as (ircnviture and unfortunate, and I feared that it inii;ht udd u> the difficulties in the way of a wise and dispassionate settlemtnt of the ques- tion before us. But, so much has now been said, that a yet fuller development of the opinion of this House is perhaps due to the cuuntry, and oiurselves. For myself, 1 have been the more anxious to ex* press my opinions at an early stage of the debate, because I foresaw that I should be separated from many, perhaps from most of my political friends upon the question before us. I am happy to believe, however, that the differences between us are not so wide and deep as to be irreconcilable. This difier- cnce relates not somuch to the end which we all desire to attain, us to the means by which it is to be pur- sued. From whut I have fathered of the opinions of this House, I believe that all desire the pos- Keasion of Ores^on, not only up to the parallel of 49°, but to that, of 54° 40.' Nearly all, so far as I am informed, believe tliat our title to this country is good, not only to the 43th parallel, but up to that of 54° 40\ I, for one, entertain that opinion. The whole question between us is as tu the best and wisest means of attaining an end which we all equal> ly desire. Mr. Chairman, I have expresseu the opinion, that, without regard to the distinctions of party or of sections, all of us desire the possession of the whole territory in Oregon, to which we are entitled. There is no man with an American heart in his liosom who could be insensible to the pros- pect of planting our fla^' and our settlements upon ilie shores of the Pacific, There is no suclv bosom which woujd not swell with emotions of hope and of pride at the prospect of the influence, commercial, I)olitical,and military, which we should derive from u position on the shores of Oregon and California, should we be so fortunate as to be able to obtain the last by just and equitable means. Looking to the map of the globe, and taking the world over with a view to its Rocinl and political relations, and to physical characteristics, there is no such position 6a luilitiu-y strcujjiii uiid conuuercial ^iuprcutucy, lu we shall occupy if our settlements should cover th« whole breadth of the continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, underour present form of goyeni« ment. In the centre, lien the vast valley of the MiMU*- sippi, destined to be not only the hive, but tb* storehouse of nations, and impregnably secured b<^ hind the Alleghanies on the one side, and 0\B Rocky mountains on the otiter. In time of war, a mighty reserve, ready to debouch OB either the Atlantic or the Pacific slope, to orw whelm witli irresistible force any foreigti invaaion, an The possession of Ore;." , and the peaceful acqui- sition of California, wo^,- place this Union in a po- sition of impregnable strength and stable greatncAt* vnthorrfiann on the Atlantic sea and the other on the Pacific shore, ready to strike in either direction with a rapidity and an efficiency not to be rivalled by any nation on the earth. I know that these spcculadona oa the future ore uncertain and often dangerous; but it would seem to lie next to impossible «that, with this position, and with all these elements of military strength and of political and commerciol greatness, we should not be able, not only to commeMd the largest share of the commerce of both seas, but also t« protect and advance the march of civilization throughout thd entire extent of this continent. With theae view* of the subject, how could I be insensible to the im- portance of maintaining our claims to Oretrott? But ahall we best promote our purpoae by adopting tli* recommcuduliuu uf iIm Coaauw*tea oa Foreiga A£> ILibJJU 'i tain in relation to the notice? With great defer- ence to their matured and, perhapa, better opinion, I must aay that I think not. To dctcrnriine this queation, it will be ncceaaary to aacertain, oa far oa possible, the probable conaequcnces of either courae, aa we may give, or refuse to give, the notice ipr the termination of the convention of joint occupancy. Let us, then, Mr. Chairman, ex'*' 'nc this qura- tion calmly and dispsoaioimtclv. Let us view this aubject under none of the hallacinalionsof r itioruil .pride; let us approach it in no boanful or braggart spirit, and witn no disposition to use it as the mere meana of flattering national vanity. Let us come to it in tliat higher spirit which conscious strength should inspire — with the feelings of thoue who are too well satisfied of our title to the reN|)ect of the world, and of our ability to hold our own, to be- lieve that it can either be necessary or dignified to deal in extravagant pretension or cxaggtrated asser- tion. If there be such a spirit of inquiry in thia body to which I may addrca myself, 1 would ask, what are to be tltecoiiscquenccHif^we give t'lc notice' If the notice bo given, the beat result which ca.^ possibly flow from it will be anudjiistmentof the difficulty by trea- ty, upon the basis of a boundary on the 49ih parallel of latitude. Under ex iatina; circumstances, we can expect no better treaty, and it is manifest that we 'will take nothing worse. It is absurd to Ruppnse that Great Britain will offer to give ua more thou •wo have agreed to take. If this matter be amicably adjusted, it is evident, under the existing Htatc of the negotiations, that we get nothing bcyund the 49th parallel. Now, Mr. Chairmon, such an ad- juRtmcnt, in my opinion, would be fUr hiVcr than the doubtful chances of a war under the circum- stances which at present surround us. But I should ■rertainly prefer the whole country up to 54'^ 40', if there 1)0 means compatible with the peace and honor of the nation, na 1 think there are, by which we should probably obtain the whole territory. But how do those gentleman aland who support this reaolution as a peaceful measure, and yet maintain that we can lake nothing less than our whole claim on Oregon. If the measure l>e peaceful, is it not manifest ih.tt, by adopting it, they essentially aban- don the whole country north of the 49lh parallel? If they adopt it as the means of obtaining the whole country, they can only do so upon the supposition that it 13 to lead to war, and that thus we shall ob- tain the whole. I shall presently endeavor to ascer- tain what would be the probable consequences under that conjuncture of circumstances. But here I must pause to say, that I do not mean to disparage or disapprove ihe proposition made by the ndministra- ^on to settle the question amicably upon the basis of ^ boundary along the 49th pnrallct. Under the circumstances, and fVom the course of previous ne- gotiations, the President could have oonc no less than to have made ^uch an offer. It was due to public opinion-at home and abroad, it was due to our natioual character, and the great interests of humanity, that he should tnanifest a desire to do much for on honorable peace. The terms whicli he offered would have been considered by each party to the dispute as falling short of the full measure of their just claims, but in the more impartial, but, per- hapa, less informed opinion of the residue of the civilized world, they would have been regarded as fair, equitable, and honorable to both countries. He would have done much, too, for the country in thus securing, by peaceful and honorable means, tun Bdvaneed post for our population up to the 49th parallel. He would have acquired, as far as I have been able to inform myself, much the most valuable portion of the country, both for commercial and agricultural purposes. I know tliut the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs has expressed a dilfcrcnt opinion. But with great deference and respect for that opinion, I must l>e allowed to do- chirc my diosent from it. The opposite opinion ex- preHAcd by Mr. Grcenhow, to whose enlightened researches the country is so much indebted, seems to me to be sustiiined upon better grounds. The har- bor of Port Discovery, of which Vancouver speaks in terms fo high, and the harbors on Admiralty inlet, are s.iid to be admirably adapted to the uses of comini:rce. As I am informed, they arc better not only in nat- ural rapacity, but from position, than those higher up on the coast. Of the superior agricultural ad- vant. convince resuU. If the to consider this ic of an nmica- it very proba- ) accept it when nces which im- r proposition, or !f the British of his govern- li^position.s that ed to accept our it may suppose tice? If she re» nn compromise !, is thtrc anv- Ihnt she might nccs tia favora- iheblow? If she whole claim on p, nnd regards a ; think tnat the For hor.? Or if, on tie the question •re than terms Ic by lier ov..i •it be conciliated e circumstance! n up the whole, that if this step cat Britain, ir - le advantage of the other hand, , is it not more 1 renewal of ne> spirited people? probable ten- should think >f little value gilt be to ufl, esire for peace, a this notice M probable as that of war. One thing is prrfectly I dear; this measure must either lead to a settlement on the basis of a boundary along the 49th parallel, or it must produce war. Our western friends say that they will be content with noihin|( less than the whole extent of our claim; and if this be so, is not war ineviiaule, under present circumstances.' If war is to be the mode of settling this qu stion at lust, it would seem to mc that it would be far wiser to pre- serve the present slute of affairs, that we may be able lo choose our own lime for fighting, and velcct a period when we were better prepared for the con- (cst, and when the attendant circumstances might l>e moi't' propitious. Let us look, Mr. Chairman, into the oircuin'UuncL'S under which this war would now ' be WEigcJ, anil aseerlnin, if we ctui, iu< probable con- sequences. Have wc made any of the military prtparations ncccsHory lor such an event? Would ont, or evtn two yt'ui», suffice for the prcpai'iitioii proper fur such a contcBi.' If war be ineviiu'olc, is not our internal condition such a:^ to make dcl.iy desirable' The whole country is just rerovcring from a der|) flnancial dcprtssion. Many of the States arc either unable, or barely able, to pay their own debts. They are not in a condition to bear the weight of internal taxation, which must be one of the main resources of the war. A few years hence, a different and more favoral)le stain of thinga might be fairly expected. What, let me ask, would be our potuiion in the public opinion of the world.' We break oil' the negotiation because out proposi- < .tion was not accepted, and we give the notice under | circumstances which proclaim that there must be ' war, unless she will settle the question upon our own ! terms. She has offered us a mode of settling this, dispute, now universally regarded amongst civilized ! nations as a fair and honorable method of adju.iiing ' national controversies — I mean arliitration. This,' We have already refused; nor do I disapprove of that refusal, under the circumstances then exiRting. 6he will probably offur it a^ain, and we 8';ull iig^iin refuse it. I do not stand here, Mr. Clininiiun, as the advocate of arbitration; upon that qucstinn I have nothing to say at present; I am merely defil- ing in facts, wiih a view to the consequences. Wc shallagain refuse arbitration, Mr. Clmiririan; and why.' Because wo say there are none of the nntion.s of the world whose governments arc honest and im- partial eDou^li to decide this controversy between us This may all be so; but will a refusal of tirbiiration for such reasons be likely to win us much of the sympathy of the worm? Under these circum- stances, am 1 wrong in supposing that the world will be apt to legard us as the aggressor? The pub- lic opinion of Christendom would be thus deH' d at the time when Great Britain has a better un'icr- Standing with the continental states of Europe than she has ever enjoyed at any previous period of her history, so far as I am acquainted v/ltli it. The "conlial understanding" between herselfand France, her ancient enemy and our former ally, is notori>'":i throughout the world. Under these cirbum-ian- ces, what chance should we have fur cither syinpa thy or assistance from any of these powers in the event of a war? But this is not the whole view of the existing state of our furci^ relations, and its connexion with our prospects m a war. If we have a war with Great Britain about this time, shall we not probably have Mexico also on our hands? It is kiiown that she is sore under recent occurrences, and it is equally notorious that she is much under British influencs. We should probably hare a war notonly fur Oregon, but Texas also. Ths Indian tribes beyond the Rocky mountains are known to be under the influence of the Iludsitn Bay Companjr, and it is probable that moat of the weitem liniiaiis would take sides with Great Britain in the event of n war between her and this country. Under these circumstances, what would become ofOrernn, and of our infant settlements on the Columbia? I lielieve it is the opinion of our best military autl'oriiira, and, indeed, the very general opinion, that, during the war, Oregon it^iclf must be abandoned. And that ws should have to strike in anada, and upon the seas. And yet eenilnmcn coolly d>>mand war, or what will lead to war, as a duty which wn owe our |H!o- plc in Oregon, when it is nianifi'St ihatthe very first Htr.pof that war would be to abanihin Ihim unpro- tected to nriti.-i'^ht well ask the chairman of Foreign Affairs if this be what he cidls " acking of hi.i friendx?" In snch a contcat, is it not proimble that Oregon would be lost only to be recovered, if ever, lnt)8t with honor, I do not doubt; but that weshoidd lose as much or more of Oregon than w.iuld be given up by any treaty likely to I'emade, I rcgird a-< hNo probable If war be the only nioile of maintaining our rich s in Ore- gon, that war ou!»ht to be def rird, as it is miiiifest ihiit our I luuireM for snee.es i m :St n^ reU'^e with cv^ ry year of delay. But if ilierc be pf'airriil and hon- orable means (aa I shall end avoi ro show hereafter) which wouM m.ire pro 'ably give ns the wliolc terri- tory, we owe it to oui'selvi s and to the world to adopt them. But gcnilemen have promised that if war be once commenced with Great Britain, we shall terminate ii. by driving her from this con incnt, and depriving her of all that she claims or possesses upon it. I do not stand here, Mr Chairman, to take issue with that proposition; I mean neither to aflii'm nor deny it. I will not even ask if ''our old men see visions and our young men dream dreams " I will suppoas the anticipation to be true; and I shall endeavor to trace such a war as this would be to its oonwc^iien- ues, to see if the chanoe or the certainty of acquirinf Oregon a few years somer, would coRiiiensale ua for them. Mr. Chairman, I know of no inslancs in which « faiidohiphiindTAg tfli itidep«ridcrte«,ftnd the itquolity •Mppowd to remit from it. hu yielded up the Vhuk Mubjvct of dUpute which had led to the ware There i«, U in true, more than one shining iriNtanc. in whic}i a nation ha.s conquered itH indeprndcnc'b without imPttiring the position of criuality of it.s op- ponenl. There uro instances, too, in which a con- quered people hiivc yielded all. But I know of no treaty in modern times, between equals, in which one of the jwrtiea, after a war, liaa given up the whole subject in controversy without an e(|nival(.nt. There may be such instances, but 1 do not rcmciu- ber one, even in the most Hucressful period of the career of iS'aiMJJcon. Neither Miirenijo nor Austcr- ]itz't;ver gave him such results in liis trentiesv/ilh Austria. Of all the Europeim nations, Great Brit- ain is the moHt di3tin<;uished for the pertinacity with which siie has hitherto Kirugg'e'l for her riijhts and her honor. Nov/, Mr. Chairman, ia there a niiui amonj^si us wiio supposes — docs the wildest dream- er of us all believe — that she would ever clone a war by yielding not only the whole subject in dis- pute, but her own undoubted territory until she hud £rsl waged it, and been defeated in it, us a war not only of raa.stery, but of existence? Would her .sa- gacious statesmen be slow to perceive that any treaty which branded her with the visible stamp of inferiority alter a war, would be the sure precursor of her downfall? She knows that the hungry and expectant eye of contineiital Europe is fixed upon the prey which a division of her mighty em- pire would afford. She is uwurc, too, that the cal- culation has already been made as to how far the invention of steam ha.s destroyed the security of ber natural defences — of her insular position. Site no longer feels able to continue the proud bon^t that ^'Britannia needs no bulwarks, no towers along the , Btcep;" for she is now engaged in constructing coast defences. She must feel that the whole charm of her power lies in the idea of her invincibility on tlic st^as and in her colonial poKsessions. To destroy by her one act this idea, would be to hold forth the .signal for the eagles to gather to the banquet, and would involve the losa of power, empire, and churucteritself. Can I be mistaken insuppoving that a war which brought her to such a conclusion, would probably be the longest and bloodiest ever known in the annals of mankind ? Gentlemen have promi.sed that this thine shall be done. I do not stand her to dispute it. In the event of a war, I wish that they may be able to make good llicir words. But before this can be accomplished, we must track the British lion in his blood from the rining to the setting sun. "We must hunt him from stronghold to stronghold, until we have pursued him throughout the circum- ference of the elobe. Every sea, every rlime must become familiar with the noise of the terrific strife. Far distant people, nations to whom as yet we are scarcely known, must be startled at the apparhion of this new power which in to struggle with Urcat Britain for the mastery in places where ■he had long reigned the roost supreme. From Aden to the Ionian isles we must pursue her over wave and through fortress, on one continuous line of blood and fire, until we have swept her Hag from the Roas, and buried her fleets in the ocean. We muat throw down her places of strength; we must despoil even her gardens of "pleasaunce." Yes, till to tliia dreadful extremity must we bring her, before she can acree to concfude the contest upon terms which wouui destroy her most cherished sen- timent of national pride, and probably lead to the destruction of the mightiest empire which, as yet, the world has known. If we are to obtain what gentlemen have promiaed us, such mam bo the war which we are to wage, What, Mr. Chairman, must be the con- sequences of such a war upon ourselves and our in- K.titutiona ? Who can foresee tliese consequences in all their extent, or undertake to measure ihe results? How great would be the danger of a centrali- zation of all power in the federal govern- ment, and of an obliteration of tht lines of State authority? How many hundreds of millions of debt should we entail on ourselves and our posteri- ty? How far shoilld wo fhll into the lower depths of the paper sygtem? To how distant a day in the Greek calends should we postpone those great democratic rcforins which we had fondly hoped wc were about to introduce, and for which we have labored sn long and often with such doubtful suc- ccHH? We should go into the war a free, happy, and moral people, Who can undertake to foretell the extent and nature of the transformations which wc may undergo before wc come out of it, or who can measure the waste of all the elements of hu- man happiness and social order which such a wai' would occasion? Should we be justified in tht eyes of God, or of mankind, for thus perilling the great interests of our country and of numanity for the sake of obtaining possession of Oregon a few years earlier, when we arc sure of acquiring it a little la- ter by honorable and peaceful means? Could wo be justified in exposing the country to sue' ex- tremity if there be even a probable chance of ac- quiring the territory I'y means not only peaceful but compatible with our honor? Or if war and such a wnr be inevitable, ought we not to postpone it un- til we have more men, more means, more resources, and more auspicious circumstances for its com- mencement? But, Mr. Chairman, it may be said that in my view of the probable conseauences of such a war as that must be which shoulu lead -to such a conclusion as is promised, I have virtually admitted that the republican system of policy is practicable only in time of peace. Such is not my opinion. We have not had time as yet to intro- duce or mature our system. The ideas upon whitli tliey rest iu"e not fully possessed by tlie public mind. They require time imd a period of peace for their full development. But if once matured and developed, I believe they would enable our govern- ment and people to stand the shock and pressure of war with far greater ease and buoyancy than under any other course of policy. I, for one, am of the opinion that if wewere now to plunge into war we 8nould fall into some of the worst forms of the paper systciii, owing to the remains of what I believe to be a wrong idea once implanted in the public mind*, and yet I oelieve that the expenses of a war could be far better sdAtained without these abuses of that system than with them. I have long' thought that we suffered almost as much in the last war from such abuses ns from the British troops. But, Mr. Chairnian, I have y«t another answer. Tin- »eniuB of our institutions is pacific — they were not organ- ized for distant and offensive warfare. For deffen- sive war 1 believe they are the strongest in the world, for they bring to its aid the united hearts of our peo- ple. We were not organized for a career of war and conquest, and I thank Qod for it; for then we should have required a fur more despotic form of govern- ment, and we might have stood as fair a chance as any to become the curse of mankind, instead of being irbich, M yet, mre promiaed we are to be the con- fs and our in- equencen in all ! ihc results.' of a ccntrali- eral govcrn- inea of State if millions of our posteri- lower drplhH a day in the e ihosc grent idly hopeil we vhirh we liave doulitful BUC- B free, happy, lake lo foretell nations which of it, or who mcnt« of hu- such a wai" led in tlit eyes lling the great lanity for the )n ii few years pt a little la- ns? Could wo to sue' IX- chance ot ac- only peaceful war and such postpone it un> nore resources, for its com- tnay be said onseauences of shoulu lead -to have virtually m of policy is uch is not my us yet to intro- eaa upon which by ilie public iod of peace for :e matured and blc our govcrn- and pressure of ncy than under one, am of the ige into war we •msofthe paper lat I believe to :hc public mind; of a war could abuses of that ig thought that last war from )ops. Out, Mr. cr. Till- 'eniuB ^ere not organ- re. For defen- cst in the world, jarts of our peo- areer of war and then we should form of govern- fair a chance as inatend of being c5 heir benefacton, oa I maintain we hare been by he exanpie of our inatitutiona and our progresa. Wt have olwaya been proud to believe tnat ours vaa a higher and more glorious destiny; we have Klieved it to be our destiny to achieve our tnumpha n the useful arts of peace, to subdue the difficulties ind master the secrets of nature, to adorn and culti- j ratathecarth, to introduce a new and II higher civili-' uklioii, to develop better foims of social and political ; >rganization, and to minister to the progreKS und the | jniversal peace and happiness of mankind by the | )cneficcnt example of a Tree and happy people, who ivcre wealthy without ra|iine, strong wiihniit crime, i jreat without war, uiiu peaceful without fear. To-: vords thene n;reat anil benficent ends wo have already ■ lone mill Ir. and in doing it we have won move true ' lory lliun if, like Tamerlane, we had leli pyramids I )f human heads us tlii' monuments of victory, or ike Atiilii or Aluri'', the scoiirp; of (icicl and the pest if natioiit), ravaged and desolaled the. earth in the ; itorm of our warfare. Our ihousand of milea of rail- : oads and canals which have thrown down thu bar- , ■iera of nature to iho afliliation of our people, and to he common and kind'y interchange of po much that Tiinisters to the happiness of man, are far nobler ; nonuments to thu genius of a people than the cul- fmn of TiHJan or Uie palace or Blenheim. These j ro the monuments which are worthy our name and ur destiny. . I But, Mr. Chairman, I return to the inquiry which was purging. 1 have endeavored to give gentle- j nen the advantage of their own ouppositinns; and j n whatever way 1 have turned the tapestry for hem, the picture has seemed to be forbidding. But nost so in that aspect which gave us the pictiii-c of var waged to sucn cxlrcmeties ns some gentlemen lavc ))romised. But ia there a rr.al prol)ability that he war would be waged to such extremities by two lations whose powers of mutual annoyance are so ;reat, and whose capacities for mutual benefit are 10 lar!;e? Is is not hkely that both nations would jrc of a contest so destructive and bloody, and itgree o terminate it by an arbitration which, in the univer- lal opinion of the civilized world, is considered a fair md honorable mode of adjusting national ditfcrences? Sir, 1 believe that if there siiould be war, it will nost probably terminate in an arbitration, and thus NG should have an arbitration and war, when we Arc might have had an arbitration without a war. ]ould any man hesitate between such alternatives? iut gentlemen here are against an arbitration. myself wish to avoid it, and I believe this may lusily be done by means which most probably voufd secure us tlie whole territory in peace and lonor. Let us refuse to give the notice; leave ic negotiations to aland where they are; for we lave now done all that it becomes us to do in the ine of negotiation. We have offered a compromise ipon liberal terms which haa been refused, and we lave manifested a proper ieain for peace. Let ua low rely upon &ur ai'porior means of colonization, jrreat Britain haa elected to leave the ultimate \K>r- iession of the territory to depend on our relative ca- )acities for settling it. In this contest, the advan- ages are on our side, and it must end in putting ui> n possession of all that we claim. We thus avoid iie chance of losing the territory altogetlier. There ire gentlemen, I know, who are disposed to smile at iiis; but let me remind them that, in comparing our- lelvea with Great Britain, they must remember that iliere are aome theatrea where we are her superior, liicre are others where we ore her equal, and there are othera, again, upoit which peculiar and sometimea transient circumstancea give her tho su- periority. In a war for Oregon, at this time, she (mssesaes superior advantages in her longeaiablish- ed and sedulously-cultivated influenr^; over the In- dian tribes, in the command of ilie forces of the Fludaon Bay Company which are at hand, and in the facility with which she could transport troops from her various stations on the Par itic. Hut if we wait a few yeai!<, the balance of (Mjwer muse change. Ciir.umstanccs will cast it on our side ua they now do on hei-s; and in n contest — if contest there must be for Oregon — we shall be founil the stronger party in that territory. But it has been said that, if we ri"fu.«io to give this iioiii'e, we Nliall violate (Uir na- tional honor. How? Has our Hensibility on thi.'< jioiiit been just now awakened ? I'^rom 1818 i.i this day we have never felt this Joint oeeupalioii to l)e a Htain upon our national honor, bias it ever been ; pretended until recently that it was a disgrace to : continue the convention < In there anything dishon- , orable in adjourning r dispute, without tlicTeant sur- i-ender of our rights, and upon terms which give uh every clvnce of acquiring peaceably all that wc ; claim ? The other party, with her eycN open, has insisted upon placini; the determination of the coii- j troversy upon tliis issue, in which (he advantages are all on one side. Ik it not a wiser as well as a more I moderate mode of disposfing of the matter to abide j by these terms ? Let things remain, then, ns they are, and let us ]ia«s such measures ua may encour- I age our settlements in the disputed territory without i wMitravening any treaty stipulations. Thousands, or even hundreds of thousands, expended in judi- cious measures for colonization would do far more for our ultimate posiiossion of the territory, and be fur better appropriated than millions lavished on the uncertainties of an unnecessary war. I put it, lir, to considerate western men — to those who desire Oregon more than war — if such a course of policy be not the wisest which we can pursue with reference even to the single end of acquiring the territory which they so much desire. I know that the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. Owen,] has aoid that the Hud- son Bay Company would interpose obstacles to our settlement north of the Columbia river, by buy! 'g out those of our citizens who attempted to plant themselves on that side. He has mentioned one case in which he has known that to be done. Poa- sibly there may have been more; but is not that dis- tinguished gentleman too well aware of the great laws of trade to suppose that they would long keep up that game' Besides, this is a gome at which more than one might play. Docs he, or any other man, l)elievc that if our settlements are once nrmly planted south of the Columbia the crack of our Ameridan rifles, ond the sound of the axe of our western pio- neer will not, in due time, be heard not only north of that river, but north of the 4'Jth parallel? But it is said that England will notallow this, and that if this course of policy be attempted, abe will ere long give notice herself, and declare war up- on ua. Let her if she chooses; let her if she dares. She then would become the aggresaor, and in auch a war we should be sustained not only by our own conviction of right, but by the general sympothiea of mankind. It would unite our people instantly and eifectually; and with one heart and with one mind, they would rally to the reacue of nottonal rights ana national honor with all the advanlofeaof previous preparation, and with the spirit which haa heretofore diatinguiabcd them. But a it probable that ihe would do thitf !■ the in a poaition to do il with her own expreiMed vicwa of ine gn>\ind» of her titir? She claimi a right to joint occupiitioii in Or^nnii under the convrniion made in 1818, 'ind in- definitely continued in 1897. Whilst thin conven- tion eonliniie«<, she onjnye the joint o''cupanr.y l>y a title to which we assent. Suppose she were tu put an end to this convention, slu wouM hut reven to her title under that of Nootka Hound, by whicli ■he herself claims only a right of joint ocr.upancy, and under which \\<:r own conmiiasiuncni Imve dis- claimed a liilo to cxclu«ivo sovereignty in iiiiy por- tion of the territory. If the were to give ilie iiulicc to tcrminaio our convention, under thcwe circiim- stances she would situid in the latitude of ulmndon- ing a riglil whir.h she liild liy n titlu to whicii we 'assented, to clmm it ap.-iin by another which we re- fused to acknowledge. She would thus place ht-r- aelf before iho wnrld a« eccking war for wur'o sake, and aisurne the poNJtion rirnii unprovoked und wan- ton aggrcHSor. In thin attitude of ufTuirH, li'>w could ■he hold up her head in the I'ltcc of Chrltiiendoni, or invoke the bleusings of the Qod of battlcH in a con- test which she had so insolently and wantonly (tro- Toked? ISut could nlie have any adetpinte mulive for HO wunlon an outrage? She can liave no in- terest in the permanent pnnsession of ihia north- west coast. Site finds fur more tlit^ililo sites of colonization in New Holland, New /•^aland, the Capo of Good Hope, and in the Canadus. These colonies would contribute to the consolidation und strength of her empire. They lie, too, in tiie path- way of her commerce. She has here territory enough to absorb all her immediate and proHpective means of colonization for a century, perhaps for centuries to come. It may be important to her to bold there for a time certain subordinate right'< of occupation chort of the sovereignty of Ihe country in Oregon. But of what use can it he to her tn set- tle her citizens on the north Pacific coast? It in not in the pathway of her commerce, although it is invaluabln to us for ours. She has no back coun- try to supply through the little strip of settlement wnich sne might attempt upon the coast; but we have, and itu products seek an outlet by our com- merce on the western ocean. But grant that she desires it ever so much; must she not know per- fectly well that Ihe thing is hopeless r She may desire it as the means of keeping us out, but with what proliability of success? The mighty wave of ourponulation is yearly advancing westward at the rate of^ half a degree of longitude on a line of more than three hundred leagues. Could she expect her feeble settlement!) on the western coast to resist the vast, increasing, and resistless pressure, when, with Uie mighty weight of our populationifrom the Atlan- tic to tne Bocky mountains, this wave shall pour down the Pacific slope? Iler statesmen are too wise to expect it; and it is not likely that, for the ■ake of the little ad vantage which she might have in that quarter, she would expose herself to the con- ■tant hazard of a war with us. Our niutual means of annoyance are too great; our mutual interests in a TCciprocal commerce are too vast for her to be wil- Udz to rial: the consequences of a war for an object .ao patty to her, however important it might be to But it has bean aaid by aome^ntlemen that Great Britain posasa^e^ am great facilities for colonization il Oregon ■■ we do; and it has been apprehended tiwt the might give this new direction to the tide of '-■tm emigration. I here no ftan upon this subject. I reason from the past to the future. If she has done it hrrciofore, it is not likely that she will d( hcre«iArr. She can have no atronger inducemi to itnu policy fur the futiiie than she has aire had in the past. Emigrants from the Old W would no more suit Oregon than Oregon would i them. It is only by a people trained like uur we cm pioneers, that this territory can ever be redut tu tlir: permanent use and occupotion of man. superiority of our means for colonization is alrei evinced by the difference in the churacler of the ilenients of the two countries. Our people do not jcontroTff negotiali tain; but le 1 now so ietly, iieuc< ■what we wnr may H in thin wi obtain whu olo of Ore;; would Ree der which i more. Ii if w< to Orenon to hunt and fmh, and take up a tem|>on ^^^,^ ^ ^^^ abode there. They go to settle the countrj ^ ^^^j'^ ^^j. to cultivate and improve the soil — and '^ l , purauing i The honorable chairman has asked me whell||^ |^^ ^f the people of Oregon will set up an independent gi ^.^ ^^ from ernment for themselves. I have no idea that tn ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ will. If this nation shall proceed in its prcs ^^^ under < course, gradually occupying and taking possess ^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ of the entire breadth of the continent, from the J ^^ this as I lontic to Ihe Pacific coast, we ahaU possess a co j ^^.^^^ ^i^, sive strength, from our social organization, and ph ,' \v(,iigt ical and geographical position, which must bind ui Ji^^.g 1^]^^,, an indi.ssoluble union. Instead of forming separ ivnd str und independent communities, our population wo ^i^^^ ^Q f, present to the world the glorious speclacle of a ^j ^^^ ^^^ public, the greatest and the widest thai the ea ^^ which ever saw, with interests different, but not host | \^ ^^^^ with regions distinct, indeed, but not in oppociti ^.j^.g^ f^^ each ancillary to the other, and all contributing |'|| ^^jj ^^^^^ the general strength and proaperity. ^^ certain IVfr. G. J. iNOKRnoLL, speaking across. 1 1^1^ count how, if there should be a black tariff? ^^i^i pfoi,g Mr. H. continued. Let this state of things 01 j^j^ Choi come, and I tell the gentleman that we shall hear ^^ g'l^jj qj more about the "black tariff." Open to us the t j^. If it \ Pacific market in addition to that which we m g^g ^ ^^^0 enjoy on the Atlantic, let the productions of I ^ ought tc country take their natural and unrestricted coui , djspossee to pour thcmst>lves into both, and there will l>c ,,^1 tong^ danger of hostile rivalry, of separation, or of a n f ^orse t'h republic setting up for itself. The ties of uni ,i]jty ^|,i, would strengthen with every hour— mutual benel f^^f g^o* and mutual interests would link us indissolubly (,t purposi gether. There is no darger of disunion. Our gri ,{ if,g ^\^,-J est present danger is from rushing into a warbefi :tremereg we are preparwd for it. ^ giopcs w Mr. Chairman, I again appeal ta all candid a ^^ their wl reflecting men from the West — to those who go 1 — gg,, fr, Oregon, and the whole of Oregon— to those w f Pacific might desire war for Oregon, but who do not des ^^h of Oregon for war — I appeal to these men to say if t ^he sai course of policy which would lead to such a eO ,tii j^ )^f. summation as I have desoiibed, be not the pro| ^Q^^f^ ^^ line to be pursued? If we wonid see thia prospi ,j proper realized certainly, though fnrfaaUy, we rattst mnj„tiin, »al, andl ure. If she hai y that ahe will di rnnger inducem lan ahe haa af from the Old Ora|(on woukl « ained like our we nn ever be redu< lation uf mai) controTf r«7 remain aa it is. Let ua not renew nefotiation; make no more oflera to Great itain; hut let us trust to the proceaa of eulonisn- now BO rapidly in progress, and we ahall ietly, |i«aceably, ar^ certainly obtain the whole •wnui we claim. '. care not how K'nriou" r ! wnr may be, it wojld be belter to avoid it; for ».,.,„•;»» ;» -i^J 1" '" ''i'" w«y aloni that wo muy reasonably hope XrSof^iell'^-'L-'^^^^^^^^^^ lolo of Orf^on." Let thinie:« remain nn llicy ore e impoHsible that Qreut Britiiin ettle the countn '"'''' ''"' "" ""'' '" the Joint occupancy ns long as .v.. . ;i - „i " rc»iw her title on the f^ooika Sound convention, the soil — and , u'i.i.i'-' j i osteritv Tin' U\ *'hi<-h nhc claims joint occupancy, and noth- mnd are temnori > •""'"*'• '" ***" meantime, let lis go on and fill r i,,..',.:,>., n.wi f , ' country, let us puas such measures an, without I h,, 11 ''"•'"? "'« "«="'y. wo"'»l contribute to that end; uriiiHn r<'ii< y|j i,„.„ ,f ^g should fl-i { it necessary ultimately to we can choose our own time for do- ne II be. The fact t \^ H HiMind coMVcniii ^ j. ' How 112 1 o .1"'" ' But my western friends seem disposed to reproach and lookd f ' *^*'"^'' '? '^''' '"a"*'', as if it were ungrateful in to icdicale that n» ' ir'7v,i'.")^nnnl^'" '" ""^sisl that mode of obtaining Oregon which .18 nnd our MO ""^''^ "'"t*"^'" '"''«'»'■«* '« '»>• beM.^Nolhin- could nose then bv am '" "** '""'*' ^^"" '^^'^^ "" '"'P"'"l"J"' T'": South y m liiiowlcdgcs iu obligations to our western friends; ! feel it, feel it deeply and strongly, and would urn. ig ucroae. ii^Wrfcgi giajiy requite it.' 'This I believe' we may do , .c:V..i «« «,i,-.i pursuing such u course of policy aa presents the UnindeMiidrniei '7 '"'po of ot't«'ning allOregon. whiUt it would e no id^ that ill '^ "" '^'^*"" ''**' dangers and sacrifices of a war for ceed in ita orca "'^'' ^^ "'"*' ""l'"'P8'*'-'li ""'' '"'« which we must il tokinw poBseMl'*^'^ under circumslanceM Icsh propitious thun they But whilst 1 advo- ceed ntinenl from the !l ' ^^^^ ''''*'/ ''^ ^'^ hereafter hall nAu>B« n /■«! '^ thls ds the wisest and most statesmonlike poll- en «\i«n«r.rf nk > ' '^""^ '''"' ">>' western friends will unilcrtitand ^hrSlbinYi ;• ^^'.iUc in tliio matter 1 pursue the path which ,1 nffn-mino. ul.^.. '*^** ^Mtix undur convictK.na of duly quite ns ourpofulalfoX "^J't^Tn^ ."their own, 1 hope they will per- ils spectacle of a ".""^ '° follow it without reproach, so long as I ^uiJt th«i thP M *' "" '■'■p"'oaches m them for choosing a difierenl ent but no host "'*'' *^"^^ ' '■''f''"^'' "^ "^"'^'^ "•"'« P«"'"'J'". "«' )utnotin ocpo,iui ly 'o the great interests of the country, but to our i «ll Lm.r.AK •'""•cafor the ullimale pos.iession of Oreijoii. i 1 allcontribuung n aid them in such measures as I believe would ' 7' I oit certainly enable us to obtain possession of the tariff? ^lo'o country; but I cannot assist in those which ,, - ,. . ould probobly defeat that oliject. Ih .1. I. iiT*" ^'■- Chairman, I um not one of those who have inat we snail near er said or thought that Oregon was not worth n ■n.fZi^.^'jl"^ "■ If't«-"e n barren rock in the ocean, if it mai wnicn we ni ^j^ ^ ^^^^^ jjle ^^^■ ^f geashore sand, the coun- I producliona of l ^ ^,„ght to fight for it sooner than suffer itself to TJfc^ -in*"" dispossessed by violence. To depress the na- »na there will ne „m| tone, to degrade the national spirit, would be luration, or of a ii ^ worse than w.-r itself. I feci the solemn rcspon- . ine uea of unj )i]ity which rests upon us to defeiid by war, even, our— mutual l)enei f war should bo necessary as the only means for K us indisaolubly ^^ purpose,) every inch of American soil, through- aiaunion. ^^^S^* it the whole length of our posee.ssions, from the ing mto • war ocf< u g^ie regions of the frozen north down to the sun- the burning line, through- from the rising to the set- steep Atlantic stream" to. the ~ I. ^ A J' *■-<—•<' -o'v,. But whilst we admit the ut who do not dea ^^j, ^f (i^^^ sentiments, let us remember, uliTto k^ the same time, that war is never justifiable lead to aueb a « j^jj ^ becomes necessary; and before that can be Id "?*. "••?"*! lownwe must first have exhauated all honorable iia see taia P"^ id proper meaaurea to preserve our righia in peace luaiiy, we raiiat majntain, air, that there ore auch meana at ourdia- »&], and by adopting them we may not only avoid the dangers of wac, but probably tha chanoe of lo- sing Omcon. Mr. ChHinnnn, 1 will go farther. If 'rom theaA> tion of this House, or from any other circumatancea, war should occur, althou<;h inere may be noutlicrn men who lielievo that it could havelicen avoided, yet I lake this ocrjtsion to say to the West, that when it becomes cloaily necessary nnd pn;senUi the only remaining mode of obtaining our rights, they will find the South standing; by the country ond by them with heart and hand. Yes, when ihat hour comes — and (iod grunt that there may never be n necessity for it — the mnxim of the gaflont Drcatiir will find one universal ari'ei)iaiii)n nmtiniL;«i the whole Amerirjin people — "our country, right or wronj." Many may l>e found deeply deploring, in- deed, the mismana{;ement, or the necessity, which has ])luiigrd the country into war, but they will not pause Ip settle the question of responsibility until they nave first done all that be- comes them to preserve national rights and honor. I must, however, here declare, in n spirit of entire frankness, that if, by giving this notice, we should ultimately either lose Oregon or be led into nn unne- ceMisury war to obtain it, those who give tliis nr'.ieo will be held responsible, at the proper time, for all its eonwec^uences. It is the undoubted duty of every section ot this eonfcdeiucy, North, South, East, and West, to defend the national soil, and protect the national honor, liut we ov/e it to ourselves, to our posterity, and to the rieal intercBts of humanity, to exhaust all honorublo means of peace before we plunge the nation into war. Wo to the people amongst whom war becomes a familiar and a household word, and wo to the statesman who ciiltivaies a npirit of violence amongst those whom ho intlucncci, instead of cherish- ing a dispofition to [.eoce. In this connexion, JVIr. Choirman, 1 must be permitted to express the profound regret with which 1 have heard some of ihc i-emarks madu in this debate. There nre ele- ments enOiir;h of strife abroad in the .public mind without eniisiin'^ the passions further in ihe work of havoc and riiin. It was with the deepest regret that 1 heard members upon this Hoor tiuinting the admin- istration, and dftcl-ring the lielief that it would "back out," and ihat it could not be "kicked inton, war." Thetic soundci fell on my ear like the echoea of something of which I had heard before, and which contriuuted to tlie same rcHult upon another occasion — a result for which a necessity then ex- isted, however unlortHnate it might be now. There never was, there never con be, an admin- istration elected by the people of this country, which could refuse a war, if national rights and honor required it. None but a timid administra- tion can be "kicked into a war" by domestic oppo- nents. It requires far more courage to resist a war- cry than to yield to it. It sometimes requires more moral firmness and grealor and higher qunlitiea of mind to withstand the first outburst of tne war feeling, and ralmly to appeal to the sober second thought ' of a reflecting people for ultimate in- structions, than to be the hero of a hundred fields. Mr. Chairman, I will now say, and I desire my words to be noted, that if any gentleman here b^ licves that this notice will lead to war, and yet votea for it under the hope that the President will back nut aooner than face the result, he ia utterly mista- ken. Thia administration will not back out from any poaitioa which it hai taken iu the face of th« 8 world, and before the American pfople. Wltocv- er, therefore, votea for thia meaaurej roreaaciaif ,.l>ut not deairing ila eoneequencea, will be (ar e re» ponaible for ihereault, in a moral point of view, than (he adminiatration which haa acted, >aa I believe, from at. honeat though erronaoua conviction of duty. Mr. Chairman, I will conclude by obaervin((, that I am fully uwarc tliat nulhini; which I rait aoy w.ll influence the action ufthia Houae. I never ex> pected that it would. But 1 have preMnied my viewR upon tliia subject fully and frankly, in order that 1 muy p!iu:e myself fuirly before my conetitu- enta and rrienda, who alone feel en inlereat in .nv courac. My anie aim haa been to vmdicaUs myself witli them. Would to God that 1 had the power to reach the heart of the Ilnuao and the nation! Would to Qod that i coulo persuade them to be- ware, ere they precipitated ihornseives into a war, and exposed themselves to consequences which no eye but ihat above can measure or pursue. 1 would beseech rriy countrymen first to exhaust all the mean'i of prevrvii.^ peace with honor. They owe thia to themselves and their poeteritr, to the efcar< actor of the country, to the hopea of our race, and the freat intereaia of hunumitv. Iftheae rasa«uea should Aut, and war should SecooM inevitable, wa should CO into it a united people, with one heart and with one mind. Wo should g;o into it with those high feelings with which conscious rectitude, and an outraged apirit can alone inspire a man or o people. We should carry with us the sympothiea of Christendoni; and, more than all. we might de« voully invoke the bleMung of theOod of battles in a contest which we had alone nothing to provoke, and we had sought by all honorable means to avert If war should become the only remedy for wound- ed honor and violnted right,ail will rally to the re« cue of the country, and to avenge iu wrongs. Ai. devoted its any in the gloriouM band, I will venture to say, the sons of the South will be found at the post of duty — not standing byj as cold-hearted spectators, or us laggards in the day of trial. No, sir; they will be found True to the biat o( tliclr Mo«(l anil their breath. An4 Ulu! tctt^n iJc«c«ad ta th« harvest of medv for wound II rally to the re«< B iu wrong*. As ind, I will venture 11 be found at ih« yjai cold-hearted giy of trial. No, their breath, iryeft of ilnith. I