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32X

JACQUES CflRTIER.

His Life and Voyages.

JOSEPH POPE.

ill

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4?.53a

Jot

rrirted and bound by A.8.WooPBt,BH.
Ottawa. Ontario.

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KiiUTftI according to Aft of tlie ParliHiuciit of Caimtln, in tlu* year I.SKO, by
JoHKi'H I'oi'K, at tlw l)e|>artiiitMit of Agriculture.

The Honourable Augustk RLm, Angers,
jiiuienant governor of the province of tjueuec
THIS i.rrn.E sketch of ihk

LI FF. AND FORTH NKS
OF THR

DISCOVEKEK OK CANADA,

Bv Kind I'krmission of His Honour,

RESPECTFULLY INSCRIHEI).

' I

COlsTTEnSTTS-

CHAPTKR I.

INTRODUCTORY.

Intrfxluctory.—Early voyiiKes to Amorica.— Scandinavian nr-
counts.— Biaini.— Leif Eriksen.— Helluland.— Maikland.—
Vinland.—Ba8<iue traditions. —Cabota.—OasparCorte- Real.
—Jean Denys — ThoinasAubert— Baron deliery.— Spanish
ComiiiestH.— French interest in n»aritin>e discovery awak-
ened. — Verrazzano. —Doubts as to the aiitlienticity of his
letter. .Iac(|ue8 Cartier.

CHAPTER n.

THE FIRST VOYAOE.

Jacijues Cartier's l)irth. Parentage. -Early life. — Marriage. -
Introiluction to the King. -Preparations for voyage to
America. — Departure from St. Mal(j. —Arrival at Cai)e
Bonavista in Newfoundland. — St. Katherine's harbour. —
Isle of Birds. — Bear story. — Carpunt. — Fji baye den Cliaa-
M»J(/.r. — Course through Strait of Belle Isle. — Port of Brest.
—Evidences of ]nevious visits of Ba.s<iue tishernien to the
Strait. — The Double Cajw. -Course along tlie west ct>ast of
NewfoundKand. -Cape St. John. — Course among the Mag-
dalen Islands. — Description nortli-west Ooast of Prince
Edward Island.— Miraniichi river. — Iai baije de cludeur.—
Meeting with Indians. — Perce. — Oaspe.— More Indians. —
Erection of Cross.- Seizure of two Indians. — Course about
Anticosti. — DeliU-rations. -Resolve to return home. — Le
destroyt Saint Piern-. — Cape Thiennot. — Homeward voy-
age. — Arrival at S(. Malo.

CHAPTER HI.

THE SECOND VOYAGE.

(iracious reception by the King — Cartier coniniissioned afresh.
— Preparations for second voyage. — Im Grande Hermine.
—Tai Petite Hermine. — VEmeriTlon. — Departure from 8t.
Malo.— Rendezvous at Blanc Sablon. — Port St. NicholaH.
— Bay of St. Lawrence. -Diwco very of Anticosti. — Search
for North-Wewt passage.— Arrival at the river Saguenay. —
Isleaux Coudres. — Query, Did priewts accompany theexpe<li-
tion ?— Island of Orleans.— Donnacona.— Welcome to Taig-
noagny and Domagaya. — The harl)our of Holy Cross.—
Selection of the St. Charles as their place of abode.— Stada-
cone. — State visit of Donnacona to the ships. — Interchange
of civilities. — Efforts of the savages to dissuade Cartier
from proceeding farther — Their stratagem. — Its failure. —
Departure for Hochelaga.—Ochelay.— Shallowness of the
water obliges the French to leave their ship near the mouth
of the Richelieu.— Arrival at Hochelaga. —Cordiality of
reception by the Indians — "Visit to the town. — Description
thereof. — Its situation.- Fortifications. — Query, To what
tril)e did these Indians belong ? — Agouhanna. — His meeting
with Cartier.— Sick people brought to be healed.— Cartier's
efforts to impart some knowledge of the Christian Religion.
— Visit to Mount Royal. —The Ottawa river. — Departure
from Hochelaga.— River of Fouez.— Return to the port of
Holy Cross.

CHAPTER IV.

THE SECOND VOYAGE (continue<l).

Visit to Stadacone.— Description thereof.— Trudamans. — Story
of massacre.— The inhabitants of Stadacone. — Their wor-
ship. — Habits and mode of living. — Tobacco described. —
Esurgny. — Marvellous tales of the country of Saguenay. —
Approach of winter. — Frost and snow. — French attacked
by scurvy. —Their miserable condition.— Invocation of the
Divine assistance.— Religious service. — The remedy found
and applied. — Marvellous cure effected. — Approach of
spring.— Preparations for return to France. — Abandonment
of La Petite Hermine. — Suspicious behaviour of the sav-
ages. — Cartier's resolution taken to seize Donnacona and
other Indians. — His action in so doing criticized — Erection

of Cross -Formal posseMHion tuken of the country in t\ui
name of tho Kin»? of France —Seizure of chiefs. -Departuri'
for home. Arrival at St. Malo.

('HA1»TKR V.

THK THIRD VOYA(}E.

Ke|K)rt to the KiiiK— l>«'lav in renewal of Commission. — Pro-
bable cause thereof.— 'fhini voyage cleterniined on. — Rober-
val.— DepartJire of Cartier on third voyage — Arrival at
Stadacone.- Interview with Agona.— Selection of Cap
Rouge as wintering place — Departure of two vessels for
France. — CharleHlM)urg-Royal.— Cartier g<jes u^) to Ho<5he-
laga. -The Lord of Hochelay.—The Saults.— Dissimulation
of the Indians.— Return to Charlesliourg-Royal— Prepara-
tions for its defence. — Abrupt termination of narrative. —
Departure of Rol)erval from R(K'helle, — Meeting with
Cartier in harbour of St. John's. Newfoundland. — Cartier
returns to France. — Prol«ibIe reason.s for so doing. — Query,
As to date of Roberval's .sailing?

CHAI^FR VI.

SUBSEgUKNT KV^'^NTS IN THE LIFE OF
JACQUES CARTIER.

Return from third vovage.— Audit of accounts under Royal
Conmiission.— Evidence of fourth voyage. — Its probable
date. — Cartier 8 private life. —His residence at St. Malo. —
Limoilou. — As to his ennoblement. — Foundation of an
* Obit.' — Cartier's death. — Via character. —Conclusion.

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PREFACE

In ihe early part of last year it was announced in the
public prints that His Honour the Lieutenant Governor of
the Province of Quebec had generously offered, through the
Literary and Historical Committee of the ''Cercle Catholiqite"
of Quebec, a silver and a bronze medal for the best and
second best essays on " Jacques Cartier, his Life and
Voyages." The papers were to be written in either the
French or the English language, and the competition was
open to home and foreign writers. The writer competed,
and on the 25th February last, had the good fortune to re-
ceive an official notification from the President and Secretary
of the Committee, that in the English section his essay had
been awarded the first prize. This paper is now submitted
to the public.

In thus enlarging the number of his judges, the writer
ventures to express the hope that the same kindly criticism
which he has so far met with, may attend him in the wider
field.

Whatever of imperfection there may be in his work, he
can at least honestly say, that bis earnest endeavour has been
to set out in plain and truihful language the facts connected
with the earliest dawn of Canadian history, and to give an
accurate and faithful picture of the central figure in the
scene. To that end the original records have been diligently
studied and compared, and the most trivial statements of
fact, whenever practicable, carefully verified.

The writer takes advantage of the opportunity here af-
forded, to record the sense of obligation under which the
uniform courtesy of the Librarians of Parliament, A. D.
DeCelles, Esq., and M. J. Griffin, Esq., and also of L. P.
Sylvam, Esq., of the Library staff, has placed him. To the
goodness of these gentlemen in placing the resources of the
Library unreservedly at his disposal, and in offering every
facility for their examination, is due not a little of whatever
success may attend this his first venture in the world of
letters.

JOSEPH POPE.

Ottawa, 2^th April, i88g.

Ill;

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

Introductory. — Early voyages to America. — Scandinavian ac-
counts. — Biarni.— Leif Eriksen. — Helluland. — Markland. —
Vinland. — Basque traditions. — Cal)ot8 — Gaspar Corte-Real.
— Jean Denys. — Thomas Aubert. —Baron de Lery. — Spanish
con(iuests. — French interest in maritime discovery awak-
ened. — Verrazzano. — Doubts as to the authenticity of his
letter. — Jaccpies Cartier.

ORD MACAULAY, in his admirable essay on Lord
Clive, expresses his surprise that while the history of
/ _- the Spanish Conquest in America is familiar to al-
most everybody who reads at all, so little should be known
in England, even by educated people, concerning the great
actions of their countrymen in the acquisition of India ; and
he, rightly in our opinion, ascribes this anomaly, in part, to
the difference between the historians of the two great events.
Nobody can read Mr. Prescott's works, without becoming
deeply interested in his narration of the story of Cortes or
Pizarro. The standard historians of the East, on the con-
trary, are somewhat heavy in their style, and in consequence
fail to attract the ordinary reader. Lord Macaulay has
himself done much to remove this obstacle to the spread of
nowledge of Oriental affairs, so much so that we feel justi-
ed in saying that, were the distinguished historian still
iving, we could point out to him a contrast much more
triking than that suggested by the lack of acquaintance
isplayed by the average Englishman of today with matters

relating to India and its people. We refer to the want of
knowledge on the part of the people of Canada, and par-
ticularly of English-speaking Canadians, of all that pertains
to the history of our country prior to the days of Wolfe and
Montcalm.

We cannot help thinking that the Canadian who knows
next to nothing of how and by whom his country was re-
claimed from barbarism and heathendom, has much less
excuse for his ignorance than had the average Er.glishman
of the last generation for not being able to say offhand,
who won the battle of Buxar, or whether Surajah Dowlah
ruled in Oude or in Travancore. For it should not be for-
gotten that before the era of steam and electricity, India
was a far-off land, inhabited by a strange race, of whom
little was known and less understood. Moreover, battles
were fought and kingdoms lost and won in Hindostan,
months before the knowledge of such exploits could reach
England, and to the generality of men, news from six
months to a year old is rarely of a character to excite much
interest. Thus we can readily understand how Englishmen
continued to regard the ' dim orient ' with but languid con-
cern, until aroused by the unspeakable horrors of the Sepoy
Mutiny.

But how shall we account for the indifference of the mass
oi Canadians to the early history of their own country ?
For we have a history — a record of great deeds done and
great things suffered, not thousands of miles across the sea,
but here on the very ground we tread. There is not a day
in which the citizens of Quebec and Montreal, for example,
do not look upon objects and places made for ever memor
able by the piety or valour of their forefathers — places

into which, for some of us, the memory of the illustrious
dead has passed, but which are wholly devoid of interest
to the ordinary passer-by, in whom they awaken no emotion
or tell no story.

Thanks to the untiring efforts of certain literary gentlemen
amongst us, things are better in this respect than they were
a few years ago; but in spite of all that Mr. LeMoine and
others have done to popularize the account of the early set-
tlement of Canada, not to speak of Mr. Francis Parkman,
who has a singular aptitude for investing the recital of
historical facts with a romantic charm, we venture to doubt
whether one person in one hundred, selected at random
in any part of Canada, could tell off-hand the name of the
English Admiral who contended with Champlain for the
possession of Quebec : who founded Montreal : what is
meant by the Conspiracy of Pontiac : or by whom was the
(iospel first preached on the shores of Lake Huron ?

The history of the discovery and occupation of Canada
by the French is, as we have said, an eventful one. If not
so full of brilliant deeds as is that of the Spanish Conquest
in the south, it is still more free from anything analogous to
those horrible tales of cruelty and avarice which have tar-
nished the glory of the Spanish arms. The Spanish Con-
guistadores of the i6th Century (with some honourable
exceptions) were consumed by the lust for gold, and with
them everything was subordinated to that ignoble passion.
In pursuance of that object they were ever ready to sacrifice
all that honourable men hold dear, and their course in the
Western World was too often marked by perfidious cruelty
and scandalous intrigue.

Far otherwise was it with ' The Pioneers of France in the

!ii!

!li

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ll!

New World.' Underlying the natural love of adventure
and the laudable ambition lo extend the dominions of their
Sovereign, which were common to all discoverers of that
age, was ever to be found in them a vehement desire to
carry to the inmost recesses of the western wilds the know-
ledge of the Christian Faith. They longed to impart to the
rude savages with whom they came in contact, those graces
and blessings which are sacramental!; conferred, and to
substitute for the abominations of paganism, the pure wor-
ship of the Catholic Religion.

The fixity of purpose, the patient self-denial, serene cour-
age, and dauntless heroism, displayed by the Jesuit mission-
aries to Canada, in their work of carrying the Gospel to the
heathen savages, are such as to command the admiration of
all who have any knowledge of their career, and we feel
sure that while Canada endures, the names of Isaac Jogues,
Charles Gamier, Jean de Brdbeuf, Gabriel Lalemant, and
their fellow labourers, will be held in veneration, more
especially by those who profess the faith for which these
illustrious servants of God, after years of toil and hardship,
unillumined by any hope of earthly reward, went to a bar
barous and cruel death.

While these devoted men were undoubtedly exponents
of the highest form of the religious spirit, it is not the less
true that the idea of Christianizing the Indians, which was
the ruling passion of their lives, animated the minds and
influenced the conduct of miny of the gallant soldiers and
sailors from France who first approached our shores, and
in scarcely one of them is this spirit more conspicuous
than in the brave adventurer who first explored our mighty
river, and thus opened the door of Canada to the European

adventure
5 of their
s of that
desire to
he know-
,art to the
3se graces
i, and to
pure wor-

irene cour-
it mission-
spel to the
miration of
nd we feel
lac Jogues,
'mant, and
tion, more
/hich these
d hardship,
t to a bar

r exponents
not the less
which was
minds and
soldiers and
shores, and
conspicuous
1 our mighty
le European

world. Need we say that we refer to the intrepid mariner
of St. Malo, whose life and voyages we propose here briefly
to review.

When and by whom was America first made known to
Europeans, are questions which we think still admit of dis-
cussion, though for all practical purposes, the universally
received opinion that it was discovered by Christopher
Columbus, in the year 1492, must be accepted as correct.
I'or certain it is that, prior to that date, there was no general
knowledge oi the tact that across the western ocean lay vast
regions, extending from pole to pole, abounding in natural
riches, possessing every variety of climate, and capable of
sustrning millions upon millions of human beings. There
were, no doubt, traditions, more or less vague, of previous
visits by Europeans to strange lands beyond the sea, tradi-
tions which lead us through various stages of improbability,
back to the fabulous legends of antiquity. Some few of
these, however, are not wii out a basis of fact.

It is known, for example, that Iceland and Greenland
were colonized by Scandinavians centuries before Columbus,
and it is, we think, not unlikely that some of those hardy
navigators should have gone on a little farther and landed
on some portion of the American continent. It is, indeed,
pretty well established thai one Biarni, having set out from
Iceland for Greenlajid, was carried by contrary winds far to
the southward, where he came upon unknown lands. .After
meeting with sundry vicissitudes, he arrived home in safety,

%-S

i^ 'I

I II Pi

and recounted his adventures to his countrymen, amongst
them to Leif, son of Eirek the Red, who, fourteen years
before, had discovered Greenland. Leif was so impressed
with the recital, that he purchased Biarni's vessel, manned
'her with thirty-five men, and started about the year looo to
follow up his discovery. After sailing (it is not said how
long) they came to the land last seen by Biarni, where, un-
like the latter, who never set foot on the new lands, they
landed on a barren, inhospitable region, to which they gave
the name of Helluland (that is, land of broad stones). They
then put to sea again and came to another land, low lying
and covered with woods. This land they called Markland
(that is, land of woods). They then continued on their
course, and impelled by a north-east wind, two days later
reached a more hospitable country, abounding in Indian
corn and grape, vines, from which latter circumstance they
called it Vinland (that is, land of wine). Here they spent
a winter and planted a colony.

Many historians are of opinion that Helluland was New
foundland ; Markland, Nova Scotia, and Vinland somewhere
in the neighbourhood of Rhode Island. Other writers
question the soundness of this deduction, and affirm that
these Vikings never got south of the Strait of Belle Isle.
The question turns largely upon the interpretation of one
Icelandic word. It is stated in the Saga of Eirek the Red,
that on the shortest day at Vinland the sun remained above
the horizon from half-past seven in the morning until half-
past four in the afternoon. The word translated half-past
four is * eyktarstad^ which word is said by some philologists
to have stood tor half-past three in the old Norse lang' age.
If their shortest day was only eight hours long, Vinland

amongst
en years
m pressed

manned
r looo to
said how
fhere, un-
inds, they
they gave
is). They

low lying
Mark/and
[ on their
days later
in Indian
tance they
they spent

I was New
somewhere
ler writers
affirm that
Belle Isle.
ion of one
k the Red,
lined above
until half-
ed half-past
philologists
3e lang' :^ge.
mg, Vinland

could not have been far south of latitude 50, which is that
of the more northerly portions of Newfoundland.'

Coming down to more recent times, we have various ac-
counts of Basque, Norman, and Breton fishermen having
frequented the Banks of Newfoundland at a period anterior
to the date of Columbus' discovery. That they were in
numbers a few years afterwards, not only on the Banks, but
also in the Strait of Belle Isle, and up the St. Lawrence as
far as the Saguenay, is a well authenticated fact, and it is
not easy to determine the dates of their first visits.

Passing over the voyages of Columbus, which do not
come within the scope of our narrative further than as serv-
ing to separate tradition from history, we come to John
Cabot, the first European of whom we have any certain
knowledge to visit the shores of North America.

Cabot was a Venetian merchant resident in Bristol in the
year 1494. The wonderful tales relating to the discovery of
a New World, which were then beginning freely to circulate,
had a strong fascination for him, and he too would fain
search out other lands. Accordingly he applied for creden-
tials to Henry VII., King of England, who granted to him
and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, Letters
Patent,'"' dated the fifth of March, 1496, under which they
were empowered to subdue, occupy, and possess all lands

NoTK 1.— This interesting subject is fully discussed by Mr. Eben Norton Hors-
fonl, in bis " Discovery of America by Northmen," published last year. See also
a \>n\n'r styled " The visit of the Vikings," by Mr. Thomas Wentworth Higginson
in Harper's Magazine for September, 1882.

NoTK 2 —The text of the Commission from Henry VII. to John Cabot and hi>
iions is to be found in the third volume of Haklnyt's collection of voyages. It
runs ; " Dilectis nobis loanni Caboto ciui Venetiarum, Lodouico, Sebastiano, k
Saucio, filiis dicti loannis, & eorum rc cuiuslibet eorum ha>retlibus &deputatis"
Ac. It is dated "Apud Westmona.sterium quinto die Martii anno rcgui nostii
rndecimo,"

If ^ r

in the King's name, but at their own charge, reserving to
him one-fifth of the profits of the enterprise.

Armed with this authority, in the spring of 1497, John
Cabot, accompanied by Sebastian, sailed from Bristol in the
good ship " Afattheiv" bound for the unknown shores.
What became of the other brothers does not appear. Hold-
ing a direction north-west of that taken by Columbus, on
the 24th June, 1497, they came upon land which they called
Prima Vista. In all the older histories this terra primum
visa of Cabot is set down as being on the coast of Labrador,
but if the map of 1544, commonly ascribed to Sebastian
Cabot, be authentic, the first land seen undoubtedly was the
north-eastern extremity of the Island of Cape Breton.''

Near by was a large island (probably some portion of
Newfoundland, which is represented on Cabot's map as
being a cluster of islands). This they named St. John, in
honour of the day. The inhabitants of the island were clad
in beasts' skins, which, we are told " they have in as great
estimation as we have our finest garments." They were
well armed with rude weapons. Fish, especially the kind
called by the savages, Baccalaos^ abounded, as also did birds
of prey. It is worthy of note that this word Baccalaos is
said to have been the old Basque equivalent for codfish, and
the fact (if it be a fact) of Cabot finding it in use by the
natives of Newfoundland would go to show that the Basque
traditions of prior discovery are not wholly unfounded.* It

NoTK 8. -In a letter on ' John Cabot's Laiulfall,' addresserl in 1885 t<» Chief
Justice Daly, President of the American Gcograjihical Society, Mr Kben Norton
Horsford discusses this question, and arrives at the (jonclusion that the site of the
landfall of John Cabot in 1497 is Salem Neck, Massachusetts, in latitude 42". \V1'.
1 he land first seen, Mr, Horsford thinks, may have been Cape Ann, or possibly
the mountain Aganieuticus.

Note 4.— The following quotation from Don Quixote — part 1, chapter 2— is

1, (>hai>ter 2— in

is, however, very questionable whether the statement twice
made in Hakluyt's version of the Cabot voyages, that the
word Baccalaos was employed by the savages of Newfound
land at that early period, be correct. We have seen it stated
that the aborigines of North America called a codfish Apegi,
while Cartier tells us that in ** the land newly discovered "
the word used by the '* wilde men" to designate a codfish is
iiadagoursere.

Cabot returned to England in safety, was knighted by
the king, and commissioned afresh, with larger powers than
originally had been granted to him. About this time, how-
ever, he died, and to his son Sebastian was committed the
command of the second expedition.

Sebastian Cabot made several subsequent voyages in
search of the much talked of passage to China, or Cathay,
as it was then caUed, from one of which he brought back
three men clad in skins " taken in the Newfound Island,
who did eate raw flesh, and spake such speach that no man
could understand ihem." These savages a[)parently were
not slow in adapting themselves to their new surroundings,
for the historian, after describing their "brutish " behaviour
and uncouth aspect, goes on to say that meeting them two
years afterwards, dressed in civilized garments, he scarcely
recognized them ! It is nowhere expressly stated that either
John or Sebastian Cabot landed anywhere on the shores of
the New World, though from the narrative it seems probable
that at all events Sebastian did so on the occasion of his
second voyage.

iiitprestiiife' in this connection hh inilicatinj{tl»at tlie word Baccalaos was eni{>lo]re<i
ill iSpiin in tlit 10th century;

'•Tiie day liappened to Ite a Friday, and in the whole inn tliere was notliing but
soiite pieces of tlie fish wliich tliey call in Castile Ahidejo, and in Andalusia,
lidccalan," iScc, which fartlier on is described as being " ill soaked and worse
••iioked."

il!i|i|

1 ■

About the same lime (in 1500) a Portugese, named
Caspar Corle-Real, coasted along the shores of I.abrador,
whence he brought back to Portugal a ship load of natives
destined to be sold into slavery. Indeed, this appears to
have been the chief object of the voyage, and it has been
conjectured that the name '' Terra da Laborador' was be-
stowed by the Portugese slave merchants, who conceived
the newly found people to be peculiarly adapted to manual
labour. The traffic, however, was never developed. Corte-
Real was lost at sea the following year, and the Portugese,
attracted by the marvellous tales from what were then
known as the Indies, relinquished all claim to a country so
inhospitable as Labrador, and left the way open to a more
generous and humane people. Corte-Real is said to have
discovered the Gulf of St. Lawrence, though we think that
honour belongs equally to Sebastian Cabot, or more pro-
perly still to Jean Denys, a native of Honfleur, who made
a map of the locality in 1506.

In 1508 a Dieppe pilot named Thomas Aubert made
similar explorations, and if we are to believe the Dieppe
chronicles, ascended the St. Lawrence 80 leagues. Some
years later witnessed Baron de Lory's unsuccessful attempt
to establish a colony on Sable Island.

Hitherto the French monarchs had shown towards these
expeditions an apathy which forms a marked contrast to the
zeal whici. characterized their successors in all that pertained
to the New World. The cause of this seeming indifference
is, we think, not far to seek, and to be found in the
absorbing nature of their foreign wars, which left them little
leisure for more peaceful pursuits.

In 15 15 Francis the first ascended the throne of France.

ii!i

named
abrador,
• natives
pears to
las been

was be-
onceived
3 manual
. Corte-
ortugese,
ere then
jLintry so
o a more
i to have
think that
nore pro-
\'\\o made

ert made

le Dieppe

s. Some

il attempt

ards these
rast to the
t pertained
ndifference
nd in the
them little

of France.

A few years later and all Europe rang with the fame of the
exploits of Cortds, and the rich spoils of Mexico, to be
followeci at no long period by the golden trophies of Peru,
began to pour into Spain. Historians tell us that Francis,
fired by these accounts of Spanish successes with a spirit of
emulation, was eager to vie with his great rival in niaritime
discovery as in all other things, and to this end he fitted
out four ships which he placed under the command of one
(liovanni da Verrazzano, a Florentine navigator, who is
said to have accompanied Aubert in one of his voyages to
America in 1508.

Verrazzano left Dieppe in the latter part of the year 1523
with four vessels under his command. Being caught in a
storm off Brittany, which disabled l\ M his ships, he was
( ompellcd to put into port to refit. He then cruised along
the coast of Spain with two vessels (of the fate of the other
two we are not informed) where he captured some valuable
bo Ay from the Spaniards. Shortly afterwards, having
despatched one of his ships back to France, presumably
in charge of the spoil, he set sail in the other for the New
World. The chronicle relates that after sailing for many
days they came upon " a new land, never before scene of
any man either ancient or moderne." This land is said to
have been in latitude 34, which corresponds to the latitude
of Cape Fear in North Carolina. They sailed northwards
along the coast for many leagues, meeting with a variety of
adventures, until they approached the land " that in times
past was discovered by the Britons," which is stated to
have been in latitude 50, where, having taken in wood
and water, they concluded it was time to return to France.

The sole record of this voyage is to be found in a letter

purporting to have been written by Verrazzano, from Dieppe,
to the King of France, dated the 8th July, 1524. The
authenticity of this document, long unquestioned, has of
late years been much impugned. While an examination in-
to the merits of this controversy would be manifestly out of
place here, we may just say that a careful perusal of the let-
ter itself as given in Hakluyt and elsewhere, and a compari-
son of it with the Relations of Jacques Cartier and other
early navigators, do not tend to confirm our belief in its
genuineness. The whole matter is involved in obscurity.
We certainly cannot find any evidence in French history to
show that Francis ever despatched Verrazzano on such a
mission, or that he at any time acknowledged the alleged
discovery, or sought to gain any advantage therefrom.
Moreover, the reasons which kept the French monarchs
from active participation in such enterprises, operated wiih
pecnljar force at the very period in which this discovery is
said to have been made. Our opinion, which, in view of its
being contrary to the generally received notion, we give with
much diffidence, is that it was not until after the return of
Francis from the battle of Pavia and its consequences, that
that monarch began to turn his attention to maritime dis-
covery, incited thereto, it is said, by his old time friend and
companion, Philippe Chabot, Sieur de Prion, whom, on his
return from Spain in 1526, he created Admiral of France —
Chabot in turn receiving his inspiration from Jacques Cartier,
then known as a skilful navigator of the English Channel,
and belonging to the old town of St Malo.

n Dieppe,
24. The
:d, has of
nation in-
stly out of
of the let-
I compari-
and other
slief in its

obscurity.

history to
on such a
[he alleged
therefrom.

monarchs
: rated wlih
liscovery is
: view of its
e give with
e return of
ences, that
iritime dis-

friend and
lom, on his
f France —
ues Cartier,
h Channel,

CHAPTER II.

THE FIRST VOYAGFi.

Jacques (^artier's birth Parentaj^;*'. -Early life. — Marriage.
Intrfxluction to tlie King. -Pre|)arations for voyage to
Aniericu. — Departure from St. Malo. -Arrival at Cape
Bonavista in Newfoundland. — St. Katherine's harbour, —
Isle of Birds. — Bear story. — ('arpunt — La (hii/p <ies CJins-
teanix'. — Course through Strait of Belle Isle. — Port of Brest.
—Evidences of pievious visits of Basque fishermen to the
Strait. — The Double Cape.— Course along tlie west coast of
Newfoundland. -Cape St. John. — Course among the Mag-
dalen Islands. — Description north-west coast of Prince
Edward Island. -Miramichi river. —La hujn> de chaleur. —
Meeting with Indians. — Perce. — (Jaspe. — More Indians. —
Erection of Cross.— Seizure of two Indians. — Course about
Anticosti. — Deliberations. -Kesolve to return home. — Lf
(lesfroi^t Saint Pierre. — Cape Thiennot. — Homeward voy-
age. — Arrival at Si. Malo.

ACQUES CARTIER was born in St. Malo in the year
1 49 1. Owing to the incomplete form in which the
civil registers of that period have come down to
us, no record of his baptism can be found ; we are
therefore unable tc give the precise date. In fact, the
year of his birth is known only by accident. The date
was long supposed to have been the 31st December,
1494, but certain legal documents recently brought to
light in St. Malo inferentially disprove »^his, and assign 149 1
as the correct year. Thus, one record dated the 23rd
December, 1551, has ''/ac Cartier, LX ans,jur6." Another
dated 2nd January, 1548, ^^ Jacques Cartier, LVI ans, juri^'
and in another dated the 6th June, 1556, he is declared to

be sixty-four years of age. 'I hese statements, we think,
justify the inference that he was born somewhere between
the 7th June and the 23rd December in the year 1491/

Here is a specimen of the manner in which baptisms
were sometimes recorded at St Malo in those days :

" 4 Deceinhre, 1458.

"Die (|uarta mensis Jecembris baptizatus extitit Cattiev
(juein levarunt de sacro fonte Steplianus Baudoiu coiiipater
principalis et Petrus Vivien et Catharina Frete minores, (eom-
patrones et comniatrones).

YUOUKS GUERHIER,

fecit."
This is supposed by some writers to be the record of the
baptism of the father of Jacques Cartier, and probably it is,
but how is one to determine from the record itself ? The
register does not give the name bestowed upon the child,
nor even the names of the parents, nor of either of them !
We know, however, from other sources, that one Jean Cartier,
born in St. iV^lo in the year 1428, married in 1457
Guillemette Baudoin, who bore him four sons, Jamet, Jean,
Elienne, and Pierre. Jamet, the eldest, married Geseline
Jansart, and to them was born in the year 1491 our illus-
trious navigator.*

XoTK .5 "Tlifi assiyniiii'iit of tlie Hist Uijcciiiber, 1494, as tlic ilale of Jaccjucs
(Jartici's hirtli, lias, it iiiipcars to us. no ln-ttr reason llinii tin; fact that below tliat.
(late on tin; (Mvil registers of >;t. M,;i'' i.opi'ars the following ;
".Saim-Malo, :il Dfieenibre. 14^4

" //'■ X XX f jour lie Deremhre tnt \M\it'\y.6 un fil" d JumH Quart in r et dcieli'i"
Janiiiirt, sa feninn', et hit nonirr6 par Uiiillaunie Maingart V)riiieiiml Conijidie et
petit eoini;«re liaonlle (Kaoiij) {'.'nlriel "

Tins is the only record of the baptism of a Cartier about that ilatc, and for no
better reason it has been assumed to be that of .Jacques Cartier. It is true that
from Cartier's m:irriage register we know him to be tlie son ol .Jamet Cartier (oi
Qiiartier, as it is sometimes spelled) and Gisi liiie Jansart, but it will be observe'
that this baptismal n^gister does not menuon the natn ; of the child It must,
h.ive been oik^ of .Jacques Oartier's brothers, for Cartier himself, as we have seen,
was born in 14111, Icr which year the baptismal registers of St Malo are wholly
wanting, as indeed they are missing all the way between 1472 a'ld 14W4.

NoTK (5 —We have not the date of the marriage of Cartier's father and mother
His grandpatents were married on the 2iid November, 1457, anil his lather bom
(as is supposed) on the 4th December, 1468.

I i

I think,
between
491/
baptisms

; Cartier
coinpater
res, (corn-

fecit."
rd of the
)ably it is,
.If ? The
the child,
of them '.
an Cavlier,

in 1457
^met, Jean,
Geseline
our illus-

;,te of Jaotjutw
tliat below tli;il

rlirr et deseli'i'-
pal CoiniiA'*' ^''

l;ite, iind for iu>
It is true tluii
unet Cartier (01
will l>e oliservt'
ehil<l It must
s we have seen,
Malo are wholly

her aii'l mother
1 his tuther horu

Of Cartier's early life we know nothing. He was, no
doubt, brought up to the sea, and probably spent his youth
in navigating the English Channel. There is some reason
to believe that at this period he made several voyages to the
banks of Newfoundland with the Breton fishermen whom
we know to have frequented the shores of the new world in
jursuit of their calling, in Cartier's younger days.

In 1519 Cartier married Marie Katherine Des Granches,
daughter of the (Chevalier Honore Des Granches, High
Constable of St. Malo.' The family of Des Granches was
socially above that of Cartier, and it says not a little for the
young " master pilot," for so he is described on the marriage
register, that the haughty old chevalifr should have be-
stowed his daughter's hand upon him. The marriage, so
far as we are ' 'e to judge, proved a prosperous one, and
for thirty-eigh. years the parties thereto lived hapi>ily
together. There was only one drawback — their union was
not fruitful, and Cartier left behind him no direct
descendants.

Scattered throughout the records of Cartier's voyages are

NotkT. — Fn Cartier's will (see appendix K) his wife's father is allutled to as
Jiicqut's lies Granches.

The fiiUowint,' is the record of Cartier's marriage :

" -2 Man, 1519.

KiQincnt la

ti6i 6 ili<'tion nnjitiale Jac'/Mfts (7'(r/«'r maistre i)illote 6s port de H.iini't-Malo, tils
fdi' .laiiH't ('artier et de (Jeseline Jaiisart, et Marie Katerine Des Ora' dies, filUi de
[Messire ll.iii.ir6 Des Oraiiches, (dievalier dii Hoy iiostre Sire et eoniiestible de la
[Tille et eyt6 de Sainct-Malo et tie

It docs n')t s>eni clear that the date '2 M ly, 15Ut' appertains to tliis record. If

jiiot, and th" niuriaj^e was siil>se([uent to it, (as appe.trs j)rohaldc) th^; jioiiit is

p'limiteriai, hut if anteiiedent, it is a (luestion whether tlic year w^is not 1520.

iFcir at St. Mill) in those days, the year was ret^koiii'd from Kister, instead of from

Liie 1st .January as at present. Iii 1510 Kister fell on 'he 24lh Ai>ril. If therefore

the niarria,'e took jilace at any time between the 1st January and the 2;lrd April,

1520, it would be entered as hivin}< oeciured in 151i».

I ill

ill!

to be found indications, faint, it is true, of his having made
a voyage to Brazil in early life.^ This voyage, if made at
all, was probably undertaken between the years 1526 and
1529. The Baptismal register attests his presence in St.
Malo on the 5th April of the first mentioned year, and on the
30th April Oi the last named, but not between these dates.
This register, in fact, furnishes us with the best record we
have of Cartier's life. He seems to have taken a particular
pleasure in being present at baptisms, for we find that ht-
assisted at no less than fifty-tour of them — at twenty-eight
of which he was Godfather. The first occasion was on
the 2 1 St August, 15 10, when he stood Godfather to hh
nephew Etienne, son of Jehan Nouel and Jehanne Cartier
— the last on the 17th November, 1555, when was baptized
Michelle, daughter of Jehan Gorgeu and Vlartine Jalobert.
Upon the Baptismal register, there is an entry which may
have some connection with the supposed Brazilian voyage.
It is the record of the baptism, on the 30th July, 1528, oi
one " Catharine du Brezil," at which Katherine Des
Granches stood Godmother. This may very well have been
an Indian woman or child brought by Cartier from Brazil,
according to the custom of the day. The fact of Katherine
Des Granches' name appearing on the register, would noi
of itself necessarily connect Cartier with the ceremony, for

Note 8.— TJuis on the first vovat,'e at Gasp6 : —

"There groweth likewise a liiiule of Millet as big as Peason, like unto th.it whiili
groweth in Brosil," &c.. — llakluyt.

And on the second voyaK*' at Hochelaga ;—

"Welteafan (o finde goodly and large Heldes, full of such corne as the countii'!
yeeldeth. It fs even as the millet of Bresil," &c.

And at 8t;idacoii6 :—

"On which ground groweth their corne, which they call qfflci ; it is as bigge n
our sniail peason; there is great quantitie of it growing in Bresill." — Haklnyl

"Cedict peuple oil en comwiMulte tie bUiis asgez de la sortc des Brisilds," £c.
Ilrif/ Recit.

in?

lor

ti(

I'V

fll'

l)C

(li>

ing made

made at
[526 and
ce in St.
Lnd on the
lese dates,
record we

particular
id that he
enty-eight
was on
lier to his
ine Cartiei
LS baptized
e Jalobert.
which may
an voyage.

ly, 1528, of

lerine Des
I have been
from Brazil,
f Katherine
, would not
iremony, for

i unto that whicU
e as the countiio |

it is as bigsse u
Tes\l\."—Hakluyt.

s Brisildt," <*<;• 1

there were several persons of that name resident in St. Malo
about that period, but taken in connection with the fact
that the name of the Godfather, " Guyon Jamyn," was that
of a relative of Cartier, we think the association not
unreasonable.

We have no information as to when or under what
circumstances Cartier came under the notice of the High
Admiral of France , nor when it was that Chabot presented
him to the King as a fit person to be entrusted with the
charge of exploring the wonders of the New World.
Neither has his commission for the first voyage ever been
found.'* Cartier's presentation to the King must have been
j)rior to the 19th of March, 1533, for on that date we find
him invoking the aid of the Court at St. Malo to assist him
in forming his crews. Certain it is, however, that the King
was so impressed with Cartier's representations, that he at
once gave his sanction to the project, and ordered two ships
to be fitted out, giving the conmiand to Cartier, with
instructions to do his utmost endeavour to search out the
long looked for passage to the East Indies. The prepara-
tions lor the voyage were made under the supervision of M.
Charles de Mouy, Sieur de la Milleraye, Vice Admiral of
I'Vance, whom later events show to have been warmly
disposed towards Cartier. In compliance with the royal
behest, he proceeded to St. Malo, and there equipped two
vessels of sixty tons each, carrying between them sixty men,"*
exclusive of Cartier, or sixty one souls in all. Having duly
invested Cartier with the supreme command, the Vice
.Admiral summoned before him the whole company, and

NoTK '.t.- 'I'liis iloeiiment, wo tliink, would probably throw soiiu' light on tlic
itisc'ovtMii's of Verrazzano.

N'orK 10.— Sec appendix A.

■^i^

•caused all present to be solemnly sworn that they would
truly and faithfully serve the King under the i uthority of
their commander."

At length, all being in readiness, Jacques Cartier spread
his sails and, leaving St. Malo on the 20th April, 1534, dir-
ected his course towards the coast of Newfoundland. The
voyage was singularly prosperous, and borne along by fair
winds, on the loth May, they sighted Cape Bonavista,
(Cap de Bonne viste, R. O. ) It was early in the season, and
being prevented by the board ice from entering the bay of
that name, they ran south-east some five leagues, where they
found shelter in a harbour which they named St. Katherine'*
— probably after Cartier's wife. In the course of this nar-
rative we shall find the gallant Breton captain on more than
one occasion thus honouring his wife, and the fact, we think,
gives us an indication of the strong domestic attachnaents of
the man, which are not always a distinguishing character-
istic in those of his profession.

In this port they remained ten days, overhauling their
ships, which, in view of their small size, must have suffered
greatly from contact with the floating ice that yet hung
about the coast. On the 21st May they proceeded on their
way, and sailing north-east, reached the island now known
as Funk Island, in latitude 49°. 46', longitude 53°. 11'.
Cartier named this rock the " Isle of Birds " (Isle des
Ouaiseaulx, R. O.) from the immense number of waterfowl
he found congregated thereon, of which he gives rather a
minute description. He tells us also how, notwithstanding

Note 11. - See appendix B

N TE 12.— T)"' U '"' ly-i ■— " Viig liaure nomine Saincte Katherine." The EA.
ifi9H reads; ■ v 'U- nous noniniasnies de S. CaUierine."

would
rity of

spread

34, dir-
. The

by fair

navista,

on, and

: bay of

ere they

Lherine'*

this nar-

3re than

;e think,

T.ents of

haracter-

ng their
suffered
et hung
on their
known

o /

53- "•
Isle des

^raterfowl

rather a

^standing

!." The Ed.

the fact that the island is fourteen leagues from the main-
land, (in reality it is tl rtyone nautical miles), the bears swim
over in quest of birds, of which they are inordinately fond.
Disdaining mere generalization, the chronicle goes on to
record that Cartier's men, having disturbed one of these
animals in his repast, the bear, which is said to have been
"as great as any cow and as white as any swan," in their
presence leaped into the sea, where some days afterwards they
overtook it wiih their ships — the bear swimming as swiftly
as they could sail. After a struggle ihey succeeded in cap-
turing the animal, which they ate and pronounced its flesh
10 be excellent.''^

Proceeding northwestward, Cartier came to the entrance
of the Strait of Belle Isle, which he found choked with ice.
He put into Quirpon Harbour, called by him Carpunt (in
the R. O. Rapont) where he remained some days, waiting for
fair weather. In this harbour is a small island, marked on
Bayfield's charts "Jacques Cartier Island," and towards the
south-west "Jacques Cartier Road." Point Degrat, so
named by him, is generally supposed to have been Cape
Bauld, the northern extremity of Quirpon Island, but it is,
we think, more likely to have been the cape on the east
side of the island, which is much more prominent than Cape
Bauld, being 500 feet high, while the height of the latter is
nut much over 100 feet.

Entering the Strait of Belle Isle — already known to mari-
ners as '/« baye des Chasteatilx'^^ — we find Cartier again
giving a proof that the image of his home was ever in his

Note la.— We are informed on excellent authotity thai there is nothing ia-
' roiiibk', or even improbable, in this story.

JSoTK 14.— See appendix A.

iiyiiiiiii

thoughts, for again he bestows his wife's name upon an

island in the neighbourhood. Which of the islands north

of Newfoundland was thus named by Cartier, we confess we

are quite unable to determine. Scarcely any portion of his

narrative is more confused than the page in which is recorded

his course from leaving Funk Island until he reaches the

Labrador coast. We have spent more time in endeavouring

to fix upon St. Katherine's Island, than, to be quite candid,

we care to confess. Hakluyt's version is as follows —

" Goinsfrom the ])oint Degrad, and entiing into the sayd bay
toward the West and by North: there is some doubt of two
Islands that are on (lie right side, one of the which is distant
from the sayd point three leagues, and the other seven, either
more or lesse than the first, being a low and j)laine land, and it
seemeth to be part of the maineland. I named it Saint Kather-
ine's Island ; in which, toward the Northeast there is very dry
Hoile: but about a quarter of a league from it, very ill ground,
so that you must go a little about. The sayd Island and the
port of Castles trend toward North North east, and South
South west, and they are about 15 leagues asunder."

The E<i: 1^9^ is substantially the same : But the R. O.

says —

" Partant de lappointe du Degrat et entrant en ladite baye.
faisant I'Ouaist, vug (juart du Norouaist, Ton double deux isles
(pii demeureiit de bal)ort. dont I'vne est a trois lieues de la dite
pointe et I'autre euuiron sept lieues de la premiere, (^ui est," &c.

There are two important discrepancies here. While
Hakluyt says — ^'Tlwre is some doubt of," the R. O. has '■^one
doubles^^ and whereas Hakluyt says the islands were on the
right side, the R. O. says they were on the left.

St. Katherine's Island cannot be Belle Isle, for assuredly
that cannot be styled " a low and plaine land," being 600
feet above the level of the sea ; neither does Belle Isle " seem
to be part of the mainland '' ; nor can it well be Sacred
Island, which is 269 feet high. Immediately west of Cape

8tf

WhiK

I^)auld is Gull Rock, then Verte Island, then Little Sacred
Island, no one of which at all answers the description.
Jacques Cartier Island, mentioned above, is about half a
mile long, and relatively low -138 feet. The truth is that
('artier was in the habit of employing the term 'Island'
in a very loose sense, and we should not be surprised if St.
Katherine's Island were some cape in the vicinity, and not
an island at all — though there are manifest objections to
such an hypothesis.

Crossing over to the Labrador coast, Cartier mentions
the Port of Buttes (A.O.), or 'Gouttes' according to the other
versions, and, " Hable de la Balaine " {Relation Originale)
or the Port of Balances, according to Hakhiyt, The first
named, no doubt, is the Greenish Bay of to-day, and the
second Red Bay.

Proceeding south-westward along the coast, he reached in
due course the harbour of Blanc Sablon, which still retains
its name. South-south-west of this harbour he notes two
islands, one of which was named Wood Island, ( R. O. "■Isle
de Bouays,''' but Brest Island in Ed. 1^98 and Hakluyt),
and the other the Isle of Birds.'* A league further west
they came to the present Bradore Bay, then called " les
Islettes."" This is declared to be a better harbour than Blanc
Sablon. Bradore harbour long afterwards was known as
"A? Baiede Philypcaux^'' where was built the Fort of Pont-
chartrain for the protection of the French fishermen.

It is evident that this coast at the date of Cartier's visit,
was tolerably well known to Europeans, several of the har-
bours being already named. Especially is this the case

.Vote 15.— Wood Island is still known by that niinie. The Isle (if Birds hau
Income Greenly Island.

with regard to the port of Brest — the next harbour they
touched at after leaving Bradore — which, even at that early
date, was an important rendezvous for Basque fishermen
frequenting the coast. Cartier mentions a little farther on
in his narrative how they met a ship belonging to Rochelle
looking for the port of Brest, and he notices this, merely
by the way, and quite as a matter of course.'*

It is stated elsewhere that a fort, built of stone and
mounted with cannon, was erected at Brest in the i6th
century, around which a considerable settlement sprang up.
Some writers afifirm that a thousand people dwelt round
about, and there is authority for still larger figures. To our
njind, however, it is extremely unlikely that at the period of
Cartier's visit, and for some time afterwards, Brest was any-
thing more than a summer resort for the Basque and Breton
fishermen, who, in view of the hostility of the Esquimaux
and other savage tribes, found themselves compelled to
adopt concerted measures for purposes of defence. The
fort was situated at or near the head of what is now known
as Old Fort Bay, which is an inlet of Esquimaux Bay — in
lat. 51° 7.4', long. 57° 48'. The Strait of Belle Isle from
a very early period was renowned as a whaling ground, and
was, as we have seen, much frequented both by French and
Spanish Basques, traces of whom are still witnessed to in
the traditions which linger around those northern shores,
and even far up the great river itself

Nearly opposite Trois Pistoles, in the County of Temis-
couata, lies in the St. Lawrence river a small island, " I'l/f
aux Basques,'' as it is called to-day, where have been un-

NoTE 16.— See ai)pendix C.

earthed large hollow bricks, which to the antiquary bear
clocjucnt testimony. They were used by the Basque fisher-
men for building their furnaces, wherein they melted down
the blubber of the whales, porpoises, Sec, caught in the
neighbouring waters. The bricks were hollow for conveni-
ence of transport, as materially reducing the weight. Traces
of fishing stages used by the Basques tor drying their fish
are still visible at different places in the vicinity, notably on
.1 small island called " Ecluifaud a Basques,'' on the north
shore of the St. Lawrence, some six miles west of the mouth
of the Saguenay. There is reason for believing that these
relics were in use before the days of Cartier. The Basque
Roads, near by, were known under that name in the time of
(^hamplain.

To return to Jacques Cirtier and his companions, whom
we left at the port of Brest, whither they called on the loth
June for wood and water. On the following day, being the
festival of St. Barnabas, they celebrated Divine Service.
^Ve shall have something to say farther on respecting the
nature of this act, and merely allude to it here in order to
call attention to the fact that it is the first recorded instance
of the public worship of God in this country — we say, re-
corded instance, for there is little doubt that the reasons
which induced the pious commander to ordain this service,
must equally have moved him a month before in Catalina
harbour, where they remained ten days (and consequently
over Sunday), and also at other places along the coast.

Leaving their ships in the port of Brest, they coasted
along the western shore in their boats. Entering a good
haven, they named it St. Antoine's Port. This is probably
Rocky Bay. A short distance beyond, they found another

harbour where they set up a cross and named the place St.
Servan's Port. This we take to be the present l.obster
Bay. Beyond St. Servan's they came to " another greater
river in which we took good store of Salmon." In this
river it was that they met the ship of Rochelle which was
out of her course. .According to the R. O. this river was
ten leagues to the westward of St. Servan's — according to
Ed, ijj^S^ and Flaklnyt it was two leagues — a considerable
discrepancy. \{ ten leagues be what is meant, we can make
nothing of it. It may have been Shecatica bay, and the
good harbour, Cumberland harbour, though ten leagues
would carry them considerably beyond these points. If /7tv'
leagues be intended, St. James river was probably Napetepe<
Bay, in which case the harbour a league beyond, which he
takes to be " one of the best in all the world," would be
Mistanoque Bay, the entrance to which is guarded by two
islands, 120 and 150 feet high respectively, and is thus
protected in an exceptional degree. On the whole, and
bearing in mind that they were in their small boats, we are
inclined to think that the shorter distance is the more pro-
bable, and consequently the latter explanation more likely
to be the true one.

In extolling the excellence of the harbours, Cartier re-
grets that he cannot say as much for the land, which he
describes as being barren and rocky — a place fit only for wild
beasts. " To be short," he says, " I believe that this was
the land that (iod allotted to Caine."

Along this coast Cartier observed, from time to tir^ie,
men and women "of an indifferent good stature and big
nesse, but wilde and unruly." They were engaged in fish-
ing, and, we are told, did not belong to the locality, but

)lace St.

Lobster
r greater

In this
hich was
iver was
irding to
siderable
:an make

and thf
I leagues

. If/7t'r'

lapetepei
which he
would be
d by two
I is thus
lole, and
s, we are
nore pro-
ore likely

>rtier re-

which he

ly for wild

It this was

to lime,
and big
ed in fish-
)cality, but

" came out of hotter countreys " to the south. From the
description given of these savages, taken in connection
with Cartier's explicit statement that they came from south-
ern parts, one would have been disposed to think that they
could not have been Escjuimaux, but rather some roving
tribe of the great Algoncjuin family then beginning to invade
ihe eastern portion of America ; I'abb^ Ferland, however,
holds a contrary opinion, and to his judgment we are dis-
posed to attach much weight.

Disheartened by the ever increasing sterility of this inhos-
pitable shore, Cartier determined upon changing his course.
Returning to his ships on Saturday, he remained in port
over Sunday, on wh'ch day he a(.Tain caused Divine Service
to be celebrated. On Monday mo'-nmg, the 15th of June,
they weighed anchor and crossed the strait to the New;
toundland coast (without knowing it to be such), being at-
tracted by the high lands in the background of Cape Rich,
which latter they named the Double Cape. Sailing south-
ward they observed the high hills which fringe this portion
t)f the coast. These they named " les Monts de Gratiches.''
Along here they experienced much bad weather, thick mists
and fogs preventing them from catching sight of land. To-
wards the evening of Wednesday, the fog partially lifted,
and disclosed a cape that " is on the top of it blunt-pointed,
and also toward the Sea it endeth in a point, wherefore wee
named it The pointed Cape, on the north side of which there
is a plaine ilarid." Judging from this description, the
I'ointed Cape was the present Cow Head, a little to the
north of which is Steering Island.

From this point until they reached la bale des Chaleurs^
there is much obscurity in Cartier's narrative. No two

writers agree upon the exact course followed between these
two points. We have given some thought to our interpre-
tation of this portion of the route, and while not pretending
to absolute correctness in a matter upon which so much
diversity of opinion exists, we feel that our explanation con-
flicts with Cartier's account, in a lesser degree than many
which have preceded it. And here we may express the satis-
faction with which we have perused the able and instructive
paper on Jacques Cartier's first voyage, by W. F. Ganong,
Esq., A. M., which is printed in the Transactions of the
Royal Society of Car.ada for 1887. Before meeting with it
we had laid d(jwn the general lines of our interpretation of
this portion of the course, and without being aware that
anyone had anticipated our conclusions, had rejected the
generally accepted theory that the Pviver of Boats and Cape
Orleans were on the New Brunswick chore, and had placed
them in Prince Edward Island. We were, therefore, much
gratified to find our view shared by a gentleman who evi-
dently has a large acquaintance with the subject upon which
he writes. We have to thank him for many valuable hmts,
which have been especially useful to us in tracing the course
through the Magdalen Islands and about Anticosti. We
are constrained, however, to differ somewhat from Mr.
Ganong in his interpretation of the course along that portion
of the Newfoundland coast lying between Cow Head and
Cape Anguille. Perhaps the most satisfactory way of stat-
ing the points of difference between us, would be to give a
short synopsis of Cartier's Relation, then Mr. Ganong's in-
terpretation, and lastly our own view.

Cartier says in effect that after passing the Pointed Cape
they had stormy weather from the north-east. They there-

tore went south-west until the following morning, by which
lime they had traversed about thirty-seven leagues, when
they found themselves opposite a bay full of round islands
like dove cots, which they named les Coiilonbiers. He
continues — "And from the Bay of S. lulian, from the which
to a Cape that lieth South and by West, which wee called
(!ape Roial there are 7 leagues, and toward the West south-
west side of the saide Cape, there is another that beneath
is all craggie and above round. On the North side of which
about halfe a league there lieth a low Hand ; that Cape wee
named The Cape of niilke. Betweene these two Capes
there are certaine low Hands, above which there are also
certairie others that show that there be some rivers. About
two leagues from Cape royall wee sounded and found 20
fathome water."

The next day, in looking for a harbour, they discovered
with their boats that between Cape Royal and the Cape of
Milk, above the low islands, there vvas a " great and very
deepe gulfe," within which were certain islands The gulf
was shut up towards the south. The aforesaid low grounds
were on one side of the entrance to this gulf, and Cape
Royal was on the other. *'The saide low grounds doe stretch
themselves more than halfe a league within the Sea. It is a
plaine countrey, but an ill soile ; and in the middest of
the entrance thereof, there is an Hand. The saide gulfe
is in latitude fourtie-eight degrees and an halfe." We (juote
from Hakluyt. The other versions, though varying slightly,
are substantially the same. W^e may say here that Cartier's
distances and directions, are (as is to be expected) often

maccurate,

NoTF 17.— To uive an idea of tlie almost iiiiifonn inarc.iirai'v of Cartier's

r '1:^11

Mr. Ganong thinks that the bay full of round islands was
Roche harbour, and in this we agree with him. On Bay-
field's chart there is an engraving of Bonne bay with Roche
harbour lying to the north, in which is clearly seen the round
aspect of the rocks which suggested to Cartier the name of
the Dove Houses. He puts the Bay of St, Julien down as
Bonne Bay. He is of opinion that Cape Royal is the
present Cape Gregory ; the Cape of Milk, South Head, and
the islands lying between the two capes, those at the en-
trance of the Bay of Islands.

On a map of the coast of North America between the
Strait of Belle Isle and Cape Cod, published at London by
Imray and Son in 1866, Bonne Bay is named "Gulf of
St Julien or Bonne Bay." Cape Royal is placed a short
distance south of Cape Gregory, and South Head is called
" Milk Cape or South Point," all of which are corroborative
of Mr. Ganong's reading of the course.

Now for our own view. It does not seem to us at all
clear that Cartier meant to imply that the bay in which the
round rocks were was the Bay of St. Julien. Nor does he
say that the latter was entered by hmi. On the contrary,

iiieasnreiiiL'iits, we select a few instances in wliicli there can be no question as
to the identity of the jioints between wliich he meant tlieni to apply

For exansple, lie siiys that Lake St. Peter is 12 leagues long an<l from 6 to •>
broad. In reality it is IS nautical miles long, and 7 wide.

He say.s that the Island of Orleans is from 10 to 12 leagues in length.
In reality it is 18 nautical miles. He says Hare Island is ^ leagues long, and
Isle aux (.'oudres 3 leagues, while the fornun* is oidy 7 nautical miles long, and
the latter only 5. He says the distance between the former Island and tin'
latter is IS leagues, whereas it is only 20 nautical miles.

It is projier to ob.serve that there were si'Vcral distinct measures of leagues in
use in France in the sixteenth century, amongst others, one of tour kilometres, and
another of live kiloni6tres— the latter b ing about equal t > three English niiles-
the distiince which we undersUmd by a league at the }iresent day. it is i)robable
that Cartier reckoned by league of four kilomdtrts -about 2 2 5 English miles— but
even with this qualillcation, his distances are. as a rule, too great.

Chaniplain, on the other hand, must have employed the league of live kiloniAtres,
and he comes very near the mark when he says that Isle d'Urleans and Isle aux
Coudres (ire respectively six leagues and one and a half ieagues in length.

from & to "i

we are inclined to think that the Bay of St. Julien must
have been the Bay of Islands, dimly seen through storm and
fog as the vessels passed down the coast. We think that Cape
Royal is Bear Head, or some point in its vicinity, and the
Cape of Milk, Long Point (which is marked on some maps,
Low Point). The "great and very deepe gulfe," shut up
towards the south, and lying between Cape Royal and the
Cape of Milk, we hold to be Port au Port Bay. We do not
see how the islands lying between these two capes can pos-
sibly be identified with those at the entrance of the Bay of
Islands, nor South Head with the Cape of Milk. Cartier
says that lying north of the latter is a low island. The only
island lying to the north of South Head is 1022 feet high.
He says that between Cape Royal and the Cape of Milk are
cert.iin low islands. There are no low islands anywhere near
the Bay of Islands. On one side of the entrance to this
h.iy is Crabb Point, 1300 feet high, and on the other Lark
Mountain, 1583 feet. The islands at the entrance are,
iweed Island 702 feet. Pearl Island 845 feet, and Guernsey
Island (the one lying north of Long Point) 1022
feet. North of Tweed Island are certain small rocks having
an altitude of from 200 to 500 feet. The lands all around
the bay are immensely high, down almost to the water's
edge — Cape Blow-medown being 2125 feet high. Here is
('artier's literal description of " the great and very deep bay."
We quote from the Relation Originaie.

" Et trouuames que parsurs les basses terres y a vne
grarde baye fort parfonde" (we take this to mean in respect
of its extension into the land) " et isles dedans, laquelle est
< lose deuers le Su desdites basses terres, qui font vng cost(^
de I'antr^e et cap Royal I'autre."

l! i

Now if we identify Cape Royal with Bear Head, and the
Cape of Milk with L.ong Point, the low lands which stretch
themselves into the sea are readily distinguished in the spur
which terminates in Long Point. North of that point there
lies a low ledge of rock, and between Cape Bear and Long
Point are certain low islands — Shag Island &c. , while in
Port au Port Bay are Fox Island, Middle Bank, »!i:c. The
latitude too of " the great and very deepe gulfe" is said to be
48" 30', which is that of the middle of Port au Port Bay.

On the evening of the 18th of June they put out to sea,
" leaving," says Hakluyt^ " the cape toward the West." The
R. O. has it — '' et tynmes pour la nuyt a ; i ner, le cap \
Ouaist." The Ed. i^gS is the clearest — " '\o"s retirasmes
en mer, apres auoir tourne le cap \ I'Ouest," which we take
to be Long Point.

No action of Cartier, we think, bears truer witness to his
stoutness of heart than his course at this particular point.
For five weeks he had traversed the desolate coast of Labra-
dor, meeting with nothing to inspire him with the hope of a
successful issue of his mission. Yet through storm and
darkness he pressed bravely on, and launching out into the
unknown waters, committed his frail vessels to the fury of
the tempest. For a week they were at the mercy of the
winds and waves, enveloped all the while in a thick
mist, which prevented them from taking observations or as-
certaining where they were. At length, on the 24th June,
they caught sight of land which they named Cape St. John
in honour of the day.

Misled by Hakluyt who, following Ramusio, heads this
portion of his narrative, " of the Hand called S. lohn,"
some writers have supposed this cape to have been on

Prince Edward Island, but in the light of what follows,
nothing can be more clear than that Cape St. John is Cape
Anguille in Newfoundland, Cartier tells us that he caught
a glimpse of this 'Hand' through darkness and fog He.
then sailed west-north-west until he found himself seventeen
and a half leagues distant therefrom. (The Ed, isgS and
Hakluyt both say seven leagues and a half, but the sequel
shows that the figures given by the R. (9., from which we
quote, are correct. The two former relations are not infre-
quently astray in their directions and distances about here).
Then the wind turned and they were driven fifteen leagues
to the south-east, where they came upon the Bird Rocks,
two of which Cartier accurately describes, as being "as
steepe and upright as any wall." He named them the Isles
of Margaulx, from the quantity of birds he found thereon.
Five leagues to the westward he came to a small island,
upon which was conferred the name of Brion's Island,
{rule de Bryan, R. O.) after his patron. Admiral Chabot.
This name it still retains, though on many maps it is erron-
eously spelt Byron. They sailed among the Magdalen
Islands, which they found fertile and pleasant — "one of
their fields is more worth than all the New land." They
remarked that these fields had the appearance of having
been cultivated. At Brion's Island they saw numbers of
walruses, of which they appear to have had no previous
knowledge.

At this stage of the voyage, Cartier seems first to have
surmised the fact of Newfoundland being an island, for he
says : " As farre as I could gather and comprehend, I
thinke that there be some passage betweene Newfoundland
and Brions land. If so it were, it would be a great shorf

111

ning, as wel of the time as of the way, if any perfection
could be found in it." The foregoing is from Hakluyt.
The R. O. agrees therewith, except that instead of " Brion's
land," it has * et la terre des Bretons."
_' The " goodly Cape," which they named Cape Daulphin,
was probably Cape North, of the Magdalens. The Ed.
JSgb says of it *' a quatre lieues de ceste Isle (Brion's) est
la terre ferme vers O'lest-Surouest, laquelle semble estre
comme une Isle enuironnee dTslettes de sable noir, Ik y a
vn beau Cap que nous appellasmes le Cap-Daulphin," &c.
From this point until they reach AliezayviQ are in difficul-
ties again. The account is certainly most perplexing. We
have to thank Mr. Ganong for the su^^aieslion that the cape
of red land is a point to the soutii (/ L.itry Island, and also
that the cape four leagues therefrom {R.O.) — the Ed. 15^8
and Hakluyt both say fourteen lea. es- "^ ^n Grindstone
Island. Upon these suppositions, the two small islands
before one comes to the first cape, would probably be the
Andromache rocks, and the view of the low lands would be
between Grindstone and Allright Islands. Al/ezay, de-
scribed as being "very high and pointed," was, we think,
Deadman's Island, which is represented on Bayfield's charts
just as Cartier describes it — a sharp ridge, about 150 feet
high. Mr. De Costa appears to be of opinion that Allezay
was on Prince Edward Island, which only shows that that
gentleman can have bestowed very little attention upon the
subject. Prince Edward Island, as is well known, lies low ;
North Cape and East Point, its two extremities, are neither
of them much over twenty-five feet high, and to speak of
any land on the north shore of that island as " being
high and pointed " is simply absurd.

On Monday, the 2Qth June, they departed from the Mag
dalen Islands, and saiHng westward until Tuesday morning
at sun rising, they discovered a land which seemed to be
two islands, lying west-south west about nine or ten leagues.
The following is from Hakiuyt^ and we make the quotation
at some length, because we give to it an interpretation dif-
ferent from the one it generally bears :—

"Wee sailed Westward untill Tuesday morning at Sunne
rising, l)eing the last of the moneth, without any sight or
knowledge of any lande, except in the evening toward Sunne
set, that wee discovered a lande which seemed to be two
Tlands, that were beyond us West south west, about nine or
tenne leagues. All the next day till the next morning at Sunne
rising wee sailed Westward about fourtie leagues, and by the
way we perceived that tlie land we had scene like Hands,
was ttrme land, Iving South south east, and North north west
to a very good Cape of land called Cape Orleans. Al the said
land is low and plaine, and the f.airest that may possibly be
scene, fidl of goodly medowes and trees. True it is that we
could tinde no bar borough there, because it is all full of shelves
and sands. We with our boats went on shore in many places,
and among the rest wee entreil into a goodly river, yiine belle,
ripuiere, R. O.) but very shallow, which we named the river of
boats, (la ripuiere de B<(rc(/ues, R. O. ) because that there wee
saw boates full of wild men that were crossing the river. We
had no other notice of the said wild men: f(»r the wind came
from the sea, and so beat us against the shore, that wee were
constrained to retire ourselves with our boates toward our ships.
Till the next day morning at Sunne rising, being the first of
July, we sailed North east, in which time there rose great
mistes and stormes, an<l therefore wee strucke our sailes tid
two of the clocke in the afternoone, that the weather becaine
deare, & there we had sight of Cajjc Orleance, and of another
about seven leagues from us, (xie) lying North and by East, and
that we called Wilde men's Cape (le eap dez Sniiuaiges, R.O.)
on the north side of this Cape (yurd-Est, R.O.) about halfe a
league, there is a very dangerous shelve, and banke of stones.
X X X X X X The next day being the second of July vve dis-
covered and had sight of land on the Northerne side toward us,
that did ioyne unto the Innd above said, al compassed about,
and we knew that it had about — (R.O. vignt Hexes) in depth, and
as much athwart, we named it S. Lunarios Bay (R.O. Suinrt

V i

.;t':'';l;

TJniaire) and with our lioats we went to the Cape toward the
North, and found the shore so shallow, that for the space of a
lea*4ue from land there was but a fathotne (of) water. On tho
Northeast side from the said Cape about 7 or 8 leagues there ia
another Cape of land, in the middest whereof there is a Bay
fashioned triangle- wise, very deepe," &c.

The generally accepted account of Cartier's first voyage
makes him cross from the Magdalen Islands over to the
New Brunswick shore : calls Cape Orleans Point Escuminac,
and the River of Boats the Miramichi. We hold, on the
contrary, that the land which first appeared to him like two
islands, was either the higher land in the interior of Prince
Edward Island, which is seen by ships coming down from
the Magdalen Islands a considerable time before the low
lying coast comes into view ; or possibly two of the larger
sandhills lying off Richmond Bay. We judge the River of
Boats to have been Kildare River,'* or it may have been the
Narrows, which at that time probably flowed through the
Sand Hills.

We think 'Wild Men's Cape' must have been North Cape,
off which there is a shoal answering to Cartier's description.
AVe entirely agree with Mr. Ganong in believing that Cariier
could have had no knowledge of the fact of Prince Edward
Island being an island, and that by the bay of St. Lunario
he means Kouchibouguac bay extended indefinitely into the
strait which separates the western portion of Prince Edward
Island from New Brunswick.

It was on the 2nd of July that Cartier crossed to the New

NoTK 18.— Some SO years ago, a number of Indian relics, supitosed to be of
(relatively) great anti(niity, were dug up near the head of Kildare Kiver. They
consisted of stone axes, arrow heads, spear points, and the like. Coming into
possession ot the writer's father, they were by him presented to the tirittah
Mnseuni. or to some kindred institution in London. We have frequently beard,
when a small boy, that this river had long been noted as having been in timea
past a favourite lesort of Indians.

Brunswick shore. The cape first sighted by him on that
day was probably Point Sapin, and the one seven or eight
leagues to the north-east, Cape Escuminac. The bay
■' fashioned triangle-wise, very deep,' (in res|)ect of its exten-
sion into the land) was Miramichi bay. The description
he gives of this bay seems to preclude any doubt U[)on this
])oint. Proceeding northward along the coast, they doubled
))oint Miscou, which ihey called the Cape of Hope, "through
the hope that there we had to finde some passage," and
came on the 3rd of July to the entrance of" ^ la haye de
Chaleu}\^ so named by Cartier on account of the heat ex-
])erienced therem. Crossing to the north side they entered
St. Martin's creek {la couihe sainct Martin, R. O.) now
Port Daniel, where their ships remained from the fourth to
the twelfth of July.'"

Very restful to the eyes of the storm tossed mariners
must have been the view which now opened before them,
rhe wide expanse of water sparkling in the sunshine — the
sloping shores, rich in the beauty of their summer garb —
the uplands clothed in the deep green of the primeval forest,
crowned towards the north and west by the high hills, seem-
ingly placed there by nature as if to shut out the fogs and
storms of the northern coast from which they had just

NotkIO.— The boundary line between the I'rovinee of Qiiebee and Labrador
•passes through HIanc !Sabk)n. To b(^ strietly aceiirate, therefore, it is necessary to
say that it was at the ])art of Brest (now iiiiown under the nini ■ of Old Fort bay)
<in tlielOth June, 15;i4, tliat Ja(^(iues Cartier first touelied Canidian soil ; but leav-
in<; the Labrador coast out of Uie iiuestioii, we have here, at I'o) t Daniel, in the
■<'ounty of Bonaventure, on the 4th July, 15:U, the occasion of his first landing on
tlie shores of what was known in after years as New France, and do'vn to 18()t) as
'('anada. The generally ac('epted notion is that to Gasji^ belongs this lionour, but
Cartier did not arrive at (iasp6 until tlie 14th July, and did not go uj) into the
liasin until tli". Ifitli.

The place within the limits of the Dominion lirst touched at liy him was, In our
opinion, at or near Kildare river'in Prince County, Prince Edward Island, thre**.
•d lys before reaching Port Daniel— namely on the 1st July— by a hapi'y coincidenon
Ihe day on which, 833 years iifterwarda, tbe Dominion of Canada was formed.

emerged — the whole, fresh as it were from the hand of the
Creator, formed, on that beautiful July morning, a scene
which must have filled the voyagers with delight. Nor
have the colours of the picture faded with the lapse of time.
The noble prospect which gratified the St. Malo mariner
and his companions remains to-day a source of delight to
many who, like him, have come from far to dwell upon its
loveliness.

Near the spot where Cartier — having explored the bay in
his boats, and thus satisfied himself of the non-existence of
a passage such as he was in search of — turned his boat's
head in order to go back to his ships, is a tongue of land
on which now stands the Inch Arran Hotel, where, in sum-
mer, are gathered many visitors from " the Countreys of
Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay," who come down periodi-
cally to breathe the fresh air, and bathe in the glorious blue
water which rolls in almost to their feet.

Many are the changes which have taken place in the 354
years that have elapsed since Jacques Cartier first looked
out upon this beautiful bay, ' ut among them, the frequenta-
tion by the Canadian people of it as a summer resort cannot
be enumerated, for its rei)Utation as such was even then
established. True, it may be, that the tourists differed as
regards the objects of their visit from those of the present
day, with whom freedom from the ordinary cares of life is
the chief desideratum. We gather also from the accounts we
have of the sixteenth century visitors that bathing dresses
were then unknown — but let Cartier tell his own story. No
one acquainted with the locality will fail to recognize in the
following description, Tracadifeche inlet, at Carleton,
county of Bonaventure, P. Q.

'* We saw," he relates, "certaine wihle men that st(io(l upon
(lie shore of a hike, that is among the low grounds, who were
making fires and smokes : wee went thither, & found that
there was a chanel of the sea that did enter into the lake, and
setting our boats at one of the hanks of the chanell, tlie wildo
men with one of their boates came unto us, and brought up
pieces of Scales ready sodden, putting themupon piecesof wood:
then retiring themselves, they would make signes unto us.
that they did give them us .... They were more than
three hundred men, women and children : some of the women
which came not over, wee might see stand up to the knees in
water, singing and dancing . . . and in such wise were
wee assured of one another, that we very familiarly began to
trafique for whatsoever they had, til they liad nothing but
tlieir naked bodies; for they gave us all whatsoever they had,
and that was but of small value. We perceived that this
people might very easily be converted to our Religion. They
goe from place to place. They live onely with fishing."

From the last sentence it would apjjear that in addition
to the civilizing influences of 350 years, the main difference
between the Canadian visitors to the baie des Chaleurs of
the sixteenth century and those of to-day, is not unlike that
which existed between the lord of the manor and the
poacher he found one morning trespassing upon his pre-
serves — the one in, quest of an appetite for his breakfast
and the other of a breakfast for his appetite.

Charmed as he must have been with the baie des
Chaleurs, Cartier did not suffer himself to overlook for a
moment the supreme object of his voyage — to find a north-
west passage to the Indies. Being convinced that there
was no outlet to this bay, he hoisted sail and proceeded in
a north-easterly direction along the coast, until he came to
Perce, where, between White Head, called by him le cap
de Pratto (probably after Du Prat, the Chancellor of the
French King) and Bonaventure Island, he cast anchor for
the night. The weather becoming bad again, they sought
shelter in Gaspe Bay, where one of their ships lost an

¥ w

anchor. The storm increasing in violence compelled them
to go farther up the bay into a good harbour which they
had discovered by means of their boats. Here, in Gas|)<^
Basin, they remained ten days.

In this place they met with more Indians — a band of
some two hundred — who were engaged in mackerel fishing.
'I'hey had come from the interior, and differed both in
api)earance and language, so Cartier tells us, from any
Indians he had yet seen — agreeing, however, in two respects
— their lack of this world's goods, and their desire for
commerce with white men.

It is difficult, in view of the readiness with which all the
Indians whom Cartier encountered came to his ships and
mingled with the French, to avoid the conviction that they
had seen and trafficked with white men before. We do not
put much faith in the tradition that, prior to the days of
Cartier, the Spaniards had entered the baie des Chaleurs,
and that finding neither gold nor silver, had exclaimed
in their disappointment — "^m Nada" — ""Nothing here,"
from which expression it is averred the word 'Canada' is
derived. This story may or may not be true. We, however,
have never seen a vestige of proof brought to support it,
and are rather inclined to ascribe it to Spanish jealousy
of French discovery. But we think it not improbable that
these savages had seen and traded with the Basque and
Breton fi.ihermen, whom we know to have frequented North
American waters before the time of Canier.

From the sequel we learn that the Indians met with at
(iasp^ were of the same tribe as those whom the French found,
the following year, at Stadacone. Their extreme poverty
struck Cartier, who says of them — " these men may very

well and truely be called Wilde, because there is no poorer
|)eopIe in the world, for I thinke all that they had together,
besides their boates and nets was not worth five souce."
Crowding around the shijis in their canoes, without evincing
any signs of fear, they eagerly received such trifles as are
ordinarily given upon similar occasions —a present of a
small tin b j each of a bevy of maidens, particularly
delighting the hearts of those dusky belles, who falling upon
(artier, nearly smothered him with their caresses.

On the 24th July Cartier solemnly took possession of
the country in the name of his royal master, by erecting on
the point at the entrance of the basin, a cross thirty feet high,
on which he hung a shield emblazoned with the Fleun de
/.jVJ and the inscription " Vivk le Rov de France." Then,
in order to inform the Indians of the religious character ol
the sacred emblem, the pious commander, collecting his men
about him, knelt down, and with uplifted hands gave thanks
to Almighty d who had preserved them in all their wan-
derings — pf .g to the heavens and intimating as well as
he could, "how that our salvation dependeth onely on him
which in them dwelleth."

The savages professed great admiration for this ceremony
viewed in its religious aspect, but tuey evidently feared that
it might have a temporal significance as well, for as the ships
were making ready to depart, their chief, clad we are told,
"with an oldBearrskin; with three of his sonnes and a brother
of his with him," rowed out from the shore, and keeping at
a respectful distance, harangued the French from his boat,
expressing in a long oration, read in the light of many signs,
his dissatisfaction at the proceeding, which he evidently in-
terpreted to be an unwarrantable invasion of his domain.

Cartier, undismayed by this exhibition of temper on the
part of the old gentleman, promptly took him prisoner and
carried him on board his ship, where he was soon comforted,
and finally agreed to allow two of his sons to accompany
the French back to their home under promise that they
should return the following year. This agreement having
been amicably come to, and solemnly ratified by a bounteous
repast, the Indians were presented with a few trifles and dis-
missed to their boats in high good humour, signifying that
they would not meddle with the cross.

On the 25th July Cartier departed from his anchorage in
the Basin, and doubling Cape Gaspd caught sight of the
south shore of the Island of Anticosti which, with the Gaspe
coast, seemed as they looked westward to form a land-locked
bay. They therefore sailed east-north-east. On the 27th
ihey touched at a point to which they gave no name, but
which was probably South Point on Anticosti Island. They
then sailed eastward until they came to another cape where
the land began to turn — northward, according to Hakluyt —
the R. O. says "a se rabbattre." This cape they named St.
Lays {R.O.) It was probably Heath Point. Following the
land northward and north-westward, they reached another
cape which they called Cap de Memorancy. About three
leagues from this point Cartier says he sounded and could
not get bottom at 150 fathoms. Judging from this circum-
stance we should say that Cap de Memorancy was Bear
Head.

Sailing westward, on the Saturday following, being the ist
of August, they sighted the Mingan mountains on the north
shore of the St. Lawrence. For five days they kept along
the Anticosti coast, greatly retarded by contrary winds and

currents. On one occasion they nearly grounded. At
length, the tide leaguing iti-elf with these adverse forces,
the ships could make no further progress. Landing ten or
twelve men at North Point, this party made their way along
the shore westward on foot, until finding the coast began to
trend south-west, they returned to their ships, which they
found to have been carried more than four leagues to lee-
ward of the place where they had left them.'*'"

It is very difficult, owing to the ambiguity of this portion
of the narrative, to know whether Cartier had any suspicion
of the fact that he was at the entrance of a great waterway
which extended indefinitely in the direction of his hopes.
He certainly does not seem to have had any idea that he
had almost circumnavigated an island. This much indeed
he did know that, under more favourable conditions of wind
and weather, a western course was still before him.

But the season was advancing. Storms were gathering,
and the question presented itself : should they proceed, or
return to France, wiih the view of following up their discovery
next year. If they pushed on, one thing was most prob-
able — they would have to winter amid snow and ice in a
boundless wilderness. They had been now four months
struggling with the winds and waves, and were ill prepared
to withstand the rigours of a long cold season. Summoning
his officers and men about him, Cartier discussed the situ-
ation with them. After consultation they unanimously

Note 20.— Perhaps no ]H)rtioii of (Jarticr's ti-irrativi' is so iHTidtxiiig as is that
ill wliich lie records his (tourst? about the Islaml of Antit-osti We know that
iifter leaving Gasi>6 he sailed east-noith-east, and we liiid him on his homeward
voyage off Natashquan Point, hut ihe account of his course in the interval in
most obscure. We can only say that we have ^iven what seems to us to be the
least unsatisfactory explanation of it, for which, in a measure, we are under ohli-
iiations to Mr. Ganong.

determined upon going home, to return next year, better
equipped for the prosecution of their enterprise.

Accordingly, they turned their vessels' prows homeward,
first naming that part of the Gulf between the north-
western portion of the Island of Anticosti and the mainland,
*/<? destroyt Saint Pierre^' and i)rofiting by a fair wind, made
rapid progress on their way, stopping at Natashquan Point at
the solicitation of a band of Indians, whose chief, Thiennot,
standing on the summit of the cliff, invited a friendly con-
ference. Cartier, always courteous, complied with his
request, and further, immortalized the chief by giving his
name. to the cape, which it bears on some maps to this day.

These Indians came to the ships as freely, says Cartier,
"as if they had bene Frenchmer." Evidently tliay did not
then see white men for the first time.

Impelled by strong westerly winds the ships were driven
over to the coast of Newfoundland. Thence they crossed
to the Labrador shore, arriving at Blanc Sablon on the 9th
August, where they remained until after the 15th, when,
having duly celebrated the festival of the Assumption of
Our Blessed Lady, they departed for home, experiencing
some rough weather by the way, and entered the port of
St. Malo or the 5th of September.

CHAPTER III.

THE SECOND VOYAGE.

(Gracious reception by the King — Cartier commissioned afresli.
— Preparations for second voyage. — La Grande Herminc
— La Petite Hermine. — L'Enterillon. — Departure from St.
Malo. — Rendezvous at Blanc Sablon. — Port St. Nicholas.
— Bay of St. Lawrence.— Discovery of Anticosti. — Search
for North- West passage. — Arrival at the river Saguenay. —
Isleaux Coudres. — Query, Did priests accomjiany theexpedi-
tion t — Island of Orleans.— Donnacona.— Welcome to Taig-
noagny and Domagaya. — The harbour of Holy Cross. —
Selection of the St. Cliarles as their place of abode. — Stada-
cone. — State visit of Donnacona to the ships. — Interchange
of civilities. — Efforts of the savages to dissuade Cartier
from proceeding farther — Their stratagem. — Its failure. —
Departure for Hochelaga.—Ochelay. -Shallowness of tho
water obliges the French to leave their ship near the mouth
of the Richelieu. -Arrival at Hochelaga.— Coi-diality of
reception by thn Indians — Visit to the town. — Description
thereof. — Its situation.— Fortifications. — Query, To wluit
tribe did these Indians belong? — Agouhanna. — Ilis meeting
with Cartier. —Sick peoi)le brought to be healed. — Cartier's
efforts toiuij)artsome knowledge of the Cluistian Religion.
—Visit to ]\Iou!it Royal.— The Ottawa river.— Departure
from Hochelaga.— River of Fouez. -Return to the port of
Holy Cross.

'HE expedition, while not directly successful as re-
^ gards its primary object, was by no means barren of
•J^v result, and gave promise of better things next year.
Cartier lost no time in laying a full report of his adventures
before the King, who was greatly pleased therewith, as also
were the. high nobles of the Court, particularly the Vicii-
Admiral, Charles de Mouy, at whose humble request Car-
tier was appointed Captain and Pilot General, and invested
with large powers to pursue the discoveries upon which he

5«

had, as yet, barely entered. Francis, who now seems to
have caught the full ardour of maritime adventure, caused
three ships to be armed, equipped and provisioned for
fifteen months. They were : la Grande Hermine, le
Courlteu, whose name was changed on this occasion to that
of la Petite Hermine, by which designation we shall after-
wards know her ; and V Emerillon. By a commission dated
30th October, 1534,*' running in the name of Admiral
Chabot, the King conferred upon Cartier, who is styled
therein "Captain and Master Pilot of St. Malo," full com-
mand of the expedition and clothed him with ample
powers — with the limitation that the voyage was to be one
of fifteen months, he was given carte-blanche^ both as re-
gards the equipment of the vessels and the choice of his
men, and was commanded to follow up and complete the
discoveries of the previous voyage. The date of the com-
mission indicates the favourable impression which Cartier
must have made upon the King, for on its receipt he had
not been home two months from the first voyage.

The preparations were made at St. Malo as before, and
were completed about the middle of May, 1535. On the
i6th of that month, being Whitsunday, each member of the
expedition, by command of the Captain, devoutly confessed
his sins, and having received the Holy Eucharist, entered
the chancel of the cathedral church of St. Malo, and kneel-
ing before the Bishop, Mgr. Franc^ois Bohier,'^* was by him
solemnly blessed and commended to the protection of

Note 21.--St'e appendix D.

Note 22.— L'aljl)6 Faillon in his "Histoire de la Coloniv Franffaine," Vol. 1, p.
12, says that the name of tliis iirelate was Denis Briconnet hut in this he is in
error. Francois Boliier, successor to Denis Briconnet, was Bishop ot St. Mlo in
1585, in wiiich capacity he look an oath of fidelity to Fiancis I. on the 5t.h January
of that year.

Almighty God. This action is eminently characteristic of
Jacques Cartier, the record of whose life is one long witness
to his deeply religious spirit. Whatever he did, he always
prefaced his action by an invocation of the Divine aid.
Whatever of good befel him, he hastened to ascribe to the
'• Giver of all good gifts." In his hours of trial and dififi-
( ulty he ever had recourse to prayer — wherever he went in
the New World, the sacred sign of our redemption was
raised aloft and, so far as he could proclaim it, the sound
of the Gospel went forth.

On the Wednesday following, being the 19th May, the
three vessels weighed anchor and departed on their course."
La Grande Hermine, (from 100 to 120 tons burden) was
commanded by Cartier in person, the second in command
being Thomas Fourmont. La Petite Hermine (60 tons) had
or captain. Mace' Jalobert, of St. Malo, Cartier's brother-in-
law, and for mate, Guillaume le Marid, also of St. Malo.
[JEmeriUon (40 tons) captain, Guillaume le Breton Bastile :
mate, Jacques Maingard, also both of St. Malo. With Cartier
in the Grande Hermine wtre several persons of note — to wit,

Note 23.— The original riarrative of tlii.s voyage is intituled, " Briff Revit. <*
"ucelncte narmtion, dc la vanigufirm faicte fs u^lcn de Canada, llochelage it Saguenay
<(■ aiitres, aver, ■parti cnlieres mcvrs, iangaitv, if cerimonks den hahitans d'icelUa :
fort ddcctahle a veoir."

Only one copy "f the original edition of this \vori< is known to exist. It is in
tlie British Museum The date is 1545. Itanius.o's version in Italian and Hakluyt's
Ml English are evidently translations of this work, an excellent edition of which
was jmblished by M. U'Avezac in 18GH. The version jiubiished by the liiteraiy
;iiid Historical Society of Quebec in 184;{,i8 collated from three manuscript copi(^s
iti the Bibliotli*que Royale, Pari,s, (Nos. 5653-6589-51)44) of an account of Cartier's
second voyage. These manuscripts while appirenfly written \)y the same hand,
'lifter in certain unimjiortant particulars The P/litorof the SocMety's, version ap-
liears to have incorporated with his work, ceitain statements of Lescarbot, wlio
!i 18 mixed up with Cartier's narrative sundry comments of his own, and extracts
fion Cli.implain's writings, in such a manner as to mike it difhcult at times to
distinguish upon whose authority a statement is made.

In this work we liave closely adhered to the Bri^ Recit, which we judge to have
been written by Cartier himself.

Claude de Pontbriand, son of the Seigneur de MontreueiU
and cupbearer to the Dauphin : Charles de la Pommeraye,
Jehan PouUet, and other gentlemen. The roll of seamen, or
a portion of It, is preserved among the archives of St. Malo,
(see appendix E.), On it are stventy-four names. Adding
thereto the names of the three gentlemen we have given
above, also that of Jehan Gouion, who accompanied the ex-
pedition from Stadacone to Hochelaga, also the name of
Philippes Rougemont who, we are told, died of scurvy
during the winter of 1535-6, and the names of the Indian
interpreters, Taignoagny and Domagaya, who played such
an important part in the expedition, we arrive at a total of
eighty-one'^ names known to us of the 1 1 2 persons^'' who
sailed out of St. Malo on the 19th May, 1535.

The weather, favourable at the outset of the voyage, soon
turned bad, and in mid-ocean, the ships, driven by tempes-
tuous gales, lost sight of one another on the 25th June. On
the 7th July, the Grande Hermine which, owing probably
to her superior size, seems to have fared better than t?ie
others, reached Funk Island, where they took on board a
sui^ply of birds. Leaving next day, they proceeded to the

NoTK 24. — We liiivc given only tliose iianics mciitioiifd in the lirief Ilecit. An-
cording to the vi'i'sion of (.Jarticr's voyages, |iiil>lislii'il iiiidt!!' tin- aii.-siiici'.s of ilie
Ij. & \\. S. of Qiu'bt'ir in 184:5. Uw. naiiui of Caiti'T's servant w.is Cliailcs (luyot,
liut neitliiT tiie Ji. 11. nor Hakluyt warrant tills st itLMuent. This jicrson is alluded
to only onee in the liricf Kvr.if. and in tlie following terms : — "' Foi/a/ ce. le capid-
taine eniwya son KcrciteHr iif.cnnipniuiic de lehaii poullet" Ic. Tiie Eli or ol the
Society's jmblieation liHM lollowed l.esearl)ot, who li is inserti'd this name in )iis
version of Cirtier's narrative. (See Le.scarl)ot' s UUtoire de la Nouvdle France,
Vol. «, p. 3(i0.)

Again, the i)aper on Jaciiues Cartier in the Proceedings of the L. k H. 8. of
Quebec for the year 18(52, gives the names of Jean Gamier, Sienr de Cliambeaux r
Oarnier de Chainbeaiix : and de Goyelle, as having aceomjianied the expedition.
None of tliese p'-nsoUs, however, are mentioneil i!i the B. It or in Hakluyt. De
Goyelle is mentioned by Charlevoix. (Shea's Edition Vol. 1, p. I18.>

Note 25.— We say 112 jiersons, because Ca 'tier liiniself tells us that when they
were attacked by scurvy, his company nninbt red 110, and we knosv that did not
include the interpreters who had dest rted to Uonnacona.

harbour of Blanc Sablon, where they had all agreed to meet
on the 15th July, but it was not until the 26th of the month
that the other two ships came into port, arriving to-
gether. They then sailed in company along the coast west-
ward, noting among other places, Meccatina Islands, to
which they gave the name of St. William Islands {les ys/es
Said Gtdllaiime^ B. R.) and Natashquan Point, called by
Cartier, Cape Thiennot, the preceding year.

On the I St August they sought refuge in a haven which
they named St. Nicholas, where they set up a cross and
remained until the 7th of the month. This port was in all
liklihood Pashasheebu Bay, and must not be jonfounded
with the present harbour of St. Nicholas which lies several
hundreds of miles farther on.

Advancing westward, on the loth August they entered
Pillage Bay,^® to which they gave the name of St. Lawrence
Bay {la baye Sainct Laurens^ B. R.) in honour of the saint
whose festival is celebrated on that day ; noted Mount Sie.
(Jenevieve, and spent two days exploring among the Mingart
Islands. Sighting the west point of Anticcsti, they were in-
formed by the two Indians whom they had taken the year
before, and who had evidently learned a little French in the
meantime, that this was the extremity of a great island, to-
the south of which lay the way to Honguedo (Gaspe') ; and
that two days journey from the said cape, began the king-
dom of Saguenay, which extended along the north shore
even to ' Canada.'

NoTK 2t).— Called also \a hah. Sninte Gentviive. M. Plainondon, Missionary to
hdhrador, says :- "j'ai 6t6 frapi>6 de la resHeinbiiinoe de la baie Saintc-GeneviAve
avtn! la baie Saiiit-LatirtMit, d6onte jiar Ja'.'ques Cartier, II n'y a pus jl s'y troiniier.
J'ai re(!onnu is. inontague faite 'oinme nil tas dt; I»I6 ; on la noiinnu auj nrd'hui
'I'ete de la jierdrix. J'ai vu la grande ile vomme un cap de, Urre. qui x'uvana; plus-
hurs que leu uiUres." See foot note Ferlaiid's Conrs d'Histoire du Canada, Vol. 1
J). i.'3.

The day following, being the 15th August, they crossed
over to the south shore in order to view Cap Madeleine and
Mont Louis, first naming the Island, 'The Isle of Assump-
tion" {tysle de r Assumption^ B. R.f in honour of the festi-
val of Our Lady. Recrossing to the north shore, they came
to Trinity Bay and Point des Monts where, according to
the Indians, began the great river of Hochelaga, the high
way to ' Canada' which, the farther it went the narrower it
became, even unto ' Canada,' and that there (at * Canada,')
the fresh water began, which went so far up that they had
never heard of any man who had reached its source.

One should have thought that the French would have
hailed this announcement with joy, and would have lost no
lime in following up the great discovery they had made.
But we see here a remarkable illustration of the tenacity
with which all the navigators of that period clung to the idea
of a north-west passage. The desire to find a water way
north-west to the east, seemed to overshadow everything
else, and this door which was now open to them led south-
west and to fresh water, not north-west and to the sea. So,
strange as it may appear, Cartier resolved upon going no
farther up the river until " he had seene and noted the
other lands. & coast toward the North, which he had omit-
ted to see from S. Lawrence his gulfe, because he would
know, if between the lands toward the North any passage
might be discovered." Accordingly they retraced their
steps, and leaving their ships at the Bay of Seven Islands,
ascended the Moisie river''* in their boats. After a few days

Note 27.— According to Charlevoix, the old Indian name of this Island was
Natincotec. The name ' Anticosti ' seems to have been given by the English. The
Montagnais Indians call it .Vatushkoveh — which signifies 'the place where one
seeks the bear.'

Note 28.— Hakluyt eays: "At the furthest bounds of these lowe lands, that

sj)ent in a fruitless endeavour to find the mythical outlet to
the north-west, they abandoned the attempt, and returned
to their ships at the Bay of Seven Islands where they were
constrained by bad weather to remain until the 24th ot the
month, upon which day they proceeded on their way, cal-
ling at the harbour of Bic, which Cartier declares to be " of
small accompt." He named it hable des Ysleaux Sainct
lehan, B. R., because he entered it on the 29th August,
the day on which the Catholic Church commemorates the
beheading of St. John the Baptist.

On the I St of September they reached the Saguenay and
entered within its gloomy portals. In this river they
met with four boats full of Indians, apparently belonging to
the same tribe as did the interpreters, for the latter having
mtroduced, first themselves and afterwards the Frenchmen
to the savages, explained matters at some length, and pre-
sumably to the satisfaction of all parties.

Emerging from the Saguenay on the following morning,
the little fleet proceeded leisurely on its way, stopping over
night at Hare Island (so named on the return trip.) They
were immensely taken with the white whales they saw dis-
l)orting themselves in the St. Lawrence, of which Cartier
skives rather a minute description, adding that *' the people

(iiutaine about ten leagues, tliereis a riverof fresli watiT, that with such s\vif1;ne8se
runneth into the sea, that for the spaee of one league within it, the water ia as
fresh as any fountriine water."

In a paper entitled "Up the River Moisie," reail before the Literary and Historical
Society of Quebec by Mr. Edward Cayley, B. A., on the 1st April, 1863, the Moisie
is thus described : —

"The river is so swollen at that .season, (June), and I'onies through the niouiitAiin

passes at sr.ch a pace, as to render the as<'ent exceedingly dillicult, &c The

river was still so much swollen as Vi:ry greatly to iuiiiede our progn ss, couipelling
us to cross from side to side to take advantage of every tddy anil ineciuality there

iriight be, so as to avoid the full force of the .stream The rapidity' of the

stream was such that our progress was necessarily slow, often having to emi)loy
»lie pole, and the line when possible, to aid the pole."

of the Countrey call them Adhothuys : they tolde us that
they be very savoury and good to be eaten."

On the 6th inst. they came to Isle aux Coudres, (i'ysU es
Couldres, B. R.) which they so named from the number of
hazel bushes they found growing thereon, laden with nuts,
"somewhat bigger and better in savour than ours." This
island, they were informed, marked the eastern boundary of
* Canada.' The harbour in which Cartier's vessel spent the
night lies on the north side of this island, and is variously
called * Havre de Jacques Cartier ' — its primary name we
should judge — ' la baie de la Prairie,' from the meadow
stretching along the beach — and ' le niouillage des Anglais,'
from the circumstance of the van of the English fl et under
Admiral Durell having moored there on the 23rd June, 1 759.

The next day, being the eve of the festival of the Nativity
of Our Lady,*' they departed on their course up the river,
having first celebrated Divine Service — ^^Apres auoir ouy la
Messe"—B. R.

As this is generally supposed to have been the occasion
of the celebration of the first Mass in Canada of which we
have particular knowledge, it may be well that we should
leave Cartier and his companions for a few moments in
their sail towards the Island of Orleans, whilst we pursue the
interesting enquiry as to when and by whom was the Holy
Sacrifice first offered in our land. Or, to put the same

NoiK 2lt.— This was tlie 7tli Seiiteinber, 15o5— according to the present Kotnan
Calendar, ttie fe^itival of tlie Nativity of tlie IJ.V. M. fallsontlie 8th tSepteniber— Wo
liave followed llakluyt's version of tliis, whosiys : "Tlie seventli of the moueth,
being cur Latlies' even, aftnr service," &c. The Brief Racit has— "Le aeptiei^nie iour
dudivt mays iour nostinhime, tiprcs nnoir ouy la nwsse " (tc. In this connecition we
may quote I'abbe Faillon, who says —"Le savant pape Benoit XIV fait reniarquer
qne la f6te de la Nativite de Marie n'a pas toujours 6te c6161)r6e le 8 de seiitenibre;
&enetret,on la trouve nittrqu6e au 7 decenioisdans plusieurs uneiens niaityrologe»
auxquels on se conformait encore, en IJretagne, du temps de Jacqnes Cartier."
Fitie Fallion " llislolre da la Colonie FranQuUe en Canadu" Vol. 1— p. 18, Note.

\^ i

nil'. !

<luestion in another form — Did any priests accompany
Cartier on his voyages to Canada ? If any did accompany
him, then uncjueslionably the first Mass of which there is
any record, said in that part of Canada which everyone has
in mmd when asking the question, was offered by one of
them at Isle aux Coudres on Tuesday, the yih September,
1535. If we enlarge the meaning of the word Canada to
its present signification, then, always assuming the |)resence
of priefc's, the first Mass said on the mainland was celebrated
at the port of Brest on the i ith June of the preceding year.
Let us now devote ourselves for a short time to an
examination of this interesting question.

The chief reason for thinkmg that priests accompanied
the expedition are— -

1. The narrative expressly states that Mass was said —
*' Aptes auoir ony la messe^^' occurs frequently in the Brief
Recit^ supposed to have been written by Cartier himself,
while Ramusio's version uniformly employs the word
'' Messa'' — ^^ dopo vdita la messa," and again, '^ Et la
domenica facenw dir la mcssa.^' Hakluyt, it is true, renders
"Messa," ''Service,'"*" but Hakluyt was a Protestant minister
who wrote in a time of extreme bigotry, and for som.e
unaccountable reason may have hesitated to make use of
the word — for it is noticeable that his variations from the
Briff Recit occur almost mvariably when distinctively
Catholic expressions are employed in the latter, of which
the rendering of this word is a marked example.

2. On the roll of Jacques Cartier's crew are the follow-

NoTR 80.— Sir llicli ird v/loiigli, writiiij,' from Brussels to Sir Tliomas Gresliani an
a('C((iuit of the obsequies of tlie Euiperor Charles V, ]ierl'(>iincj in that city on the
:2!itli and 30th Deceniher, 1558, speaks of tlie Reciuieni Mass, as ilistinguished from
ot 1 1 er features of the ceremony, in precisely the same words as Haklu>t uses here,
■"« (/ thi service being ilonf, tiiere went a nobleman into the herse, who standing,"
Ar. See Motley's Rine of the Dutch RepubUc. Vol. 1, />, 306.

ing names — " Dom Guillaume le Breton " and " Dom

I)om

in-

Anthoine." It is contended that the jirefix
dicates the priestly character of these men.

3. When the Indians at Stadacone vainly endeavoured to
dissuade Cartier from ascending the river to Hochelaga,
they asked him, in reply to his statement that their god was
a cheat, ' had he ' — Cartier — 'spoken with Jesus' ? To which
he answered * no. but that his Priests had, and that he had
tolde them they should have faire weather.'

These reasons, in the opinion of I'abbe Faillon and
others, render it 'certain' that the expedition was accom-
panied by priests. Without directly affirming the contrary,
we submit that, like most questions, this one has two sides,
and that it is one upon which it is extremely difficult, if not
impossible, to arrive at a definite conclusion — for on the
other hand it may be urged —

]. Cartier inferentially states that there were no priests
with him.

When they had returned in safety from Hochelaga, they
profited by the occasion to point out to the Indians that
their god Cudragny was an impostor, and that when he pro-
phesied the dire calamities which would befall them on the
way to Hochelaga, he evidently knew nothing about it —
and then they went on to explain to them the Christian
doctrine of the one true God, and told them how this great
God had commanded all men to believe on him and be bap-
tised. All of which made such an impression on the savages

"that very earnestly they desired and prayed Our Captain6,"
(mark, our Captain ) "that he would cause them to be bap-
tised, and their Lorde and Taignoagny, Domagaia, and all
the people of the towne came unto us, hoping to be baptised :
but because we did not throughly know their minde, and that
there was nobodie could teach them^ our beliefe and religioiij

we ex('U80(l oiirKolvcs. (U'sirinj^ Taij^Moa^uy it Doiujigaia to
t«'ll tlio ri'.st of tlu'ir coimtrcyiiu'ii, that lie wcmld coinn againo
another time, and hrin^ Priests and clirisonio with uh, t'orwitli-
out them tliev could not I )e baptised ; whicli tliey did easily
Ix'leeve, for Donia>;aia A: Tai;;noa};ny had scene many ehil-
dcn baptised in Britain (Brittany ) whiles they were then(," '•'

2. Beyond the instances we have given, there is no allusion
whatever to any minister of religion in Cartier's voyages,
though the opportunities for mention are very many.
When at (iaspe, on the occasion of the first voyage, they
set up a cross and knelt around it, it was Cartier who ex-
plained to the savages the import of the sacred sign. When
they went up to Hochelaga, Cartier is careful to tell us who
of the gentlemen accompanied him, but he makes no men-
tion of any priest, though we think it in the last degree un-
likely that, had there been priests in the expedition, he
would have departed with half his force on this unknown
and perilous journey, without one of them going with him.
When they reached Hochelaga, it was Cartier who collected
the Indians around him, to listen to the Cospel which he
read. When the ships' crews were attacked by scurvy at
Stadacone and they had recourse to the Divine assistance,
it was ' Our Captain " who caused the statue to be set up
and ordered the procession to be organized.

NoiK HI. —Tile I'.riff l!ci:t vcr.siiiii ol' iliis iimsshj^i' is iis follows : ■' mni.-i pur

CI <ivr ne si'iiiiio.-t Icitr i.iiti'lii'i d n'lirdif/c, <(■ i/it'tl n'li anuit i] !e>ir I'limoKtn'it lit foi/
I'l'W' lors, fensi firius urcnsr ccr.v ziiIjc, Kt iikt d TnUinoinjnii iC Ihimmjuiin, qiCUz
• ar fiihsft imti'iliT. rclnnrni'niiU rnrj auUve voi/itiir, ,{'• ii/iiiorti'ion dis fncatre^ it du
I I'smc, Ivlir ilihuH n niledir jjoiir I'.rrnse, v Inii nr pniU hiiiiti.--er sds li'divt rriKiiip,"

This, it will he ol)scrVL'(l, ii;,'nTS closely with I lie Kii;,flish (iiiotitioii we ;;iv(%
which is from H.'iUliivt, siive th.-il whore IFakluyt- say-). " for wit hoi. t tln'in they
idujilnot be bin'tised " the /.'. R. ri'i\i\>i -" h iir doiidt " entrdrr iioiir crri:,-ie. '} Ion
nr pndt haitlimr <''' ' ' ■ sm/

M. Faillon ii'' i?. tr. faet nf the writer of the IS. II. liiiviiii,' sui'l thit lie

would CO '■ nu .1 and liriii^' |>rie>i ■< and elirisni with liiiii, and then adilin^' iianm-
thetieall- he euidd not l)ai)tise without ehrism, that he did not

nieai er to imderst 1 that he was nii leconiiianied l>y jti'iests. He thinks

that ' I juilged the sa^ s to he not iiro|ierly clisimsed ti) reecMve the Haera

nient iJ.iptisni, .'uid that wiien lie says "there was no one to teaeh theiu our
helicfe ,.M'I religii'ii. he meant that there w.is no ])riest who nndei-.-itood the lan-
guage of th. 1ml .ns suflleiently well to iinpart instruction to them.

i!i,

I •

It seems to us highly improbable that Cartier should have
thus arrogated to himself, upon all occasions, the direction
of these religious offices, if all the while there were among
the company men charged with the spiritual guidance of
the expedition. Nor is it reasonable to suppose that a man
of such deeply religious feelings, as we know to have ani-
mated Cartier, should never once have alluded in the most
distant manner (except to deny their presence) to those
who, if they had been in the company, must have been, in
the dreary winter spent on the St. Charles, almost incessantly
employed in ministering to the sick and dying, and in per-
forming the last sad offices of religion over the bodies of
their comrades. We should surely have heard something
of that heroism which so distinguishes the Catholic priest-
hood on similar occasions — something about the adminis-
tiation of the last Sacraments — something of that solemn
Requiem which the church is wont to sing over the bodies
of those who die in her faith. There is not one syllable to
found of anything of the kind.

"•Sometimes we were constrained tt) bury some of the dead
under the snow, because we were not able to digge any graves
for them the ground was so luud frozen, and we so weake."

That is all that is .said respecting the funeral services.
How different from the subsequent relations of the explorers
of New France, on every page of which does the priesthood
stand forth, ever preaching the gospel, administering the
Sacraments, tending the dying, caring for the dead.

3. Chr.mi)lain distinctly says of the Recollets, who said
Mass at Rivieres des Prairies on the 24th June, 16 15, that
they were the first to celebrate Mass in this country. ^'^

Note 32.— Chaniiilain's words ur" " oar c'estoient lea premiers (lui y out celebr6
la Sainete Messe." Lave nl lire's Chniapiain Ed. 1019, p. 10. At the foot of pagt)

tfiiii

dead
<:;rav('S
ke."

iSt

But, it may be asked, and with some reason, how is this
negative view to be reconciled with the argun^ents brought
for the y 'esence of priests ?

As regards the third in the order we have stated them,
we think it has but Httle force. For it has never before
been maintained that what we may term meteorological gifts
are any part of the attributes of a Christian priest. When
( 'artier informed the savages that the ministers of Jesus had
promised fair weather for the voyage to Hochelaga, we do
not take it to imply that he sought for a moment to bring
the priesthood into comj»etition with the Indian bogey. We
think that in saying what he did, he either meant to silence
the forebodings of the Indians, or had reference to the
solemn benediction bestowed upon his company a short
time before in the Cathedral Church of St. Vlalo.

The presence of the prefix ' Dom ' to two of the names
on Cartier's register is a more serious matter. We under-
stand that this prefix is a distinguishing mark employed to
indicate religious of the Benedictine and Carthusian orders,
and its presence here is, we confess, something ve ctnnot
satisfactorily explain.*''

The main difficulty, however, uncjuestionably is the
statement again and again repej-ted that Mass was said.
l'"or example, nothmg can be [)lainer than this — " Et or-

'11:'

rho said
15, that

3!i

17 i.s the following note — "J. e Mtjinnirc ili's ({('jcollits dc Idii" (Archives de
\'<'i'.'<iiilles) (liti.t'i)iiiiclleiiiciit <|iie, " la inciniriu Mcsse (pii fii!-t jaiiiiiis ilicti' en 'a
Niiuiielh' Fraiiw, fut celehrfie par ciix- i, la riiiiere ilcs Prairies, & la si'conde It
tiuebi'c."

NoTB ;i3. — Tlie position of 1 lie names on the roll rertiiiily iloes ncit lead ont t"
>iililu)se that they were those of the <'haiilaiiis of the exjiedition. Iiistiad of t)einK
|ila(!e(l ainoiij; those of the oflleers, at the. head of t he list, where one would naturally
expeet them to he, we tiiid tiiem far down on the roll —the tifty-fourth and lifty-
tittli on a list of -"enty-tour, l)etween a common seaman and one of ihc ship'*
' (irpenters. (See appci.dix E.)

donna que le dimeche en suyuant Von diroit audict lieu la messe.

La messe dicte ^^ celebree.^^ Brief Recti.

We can only say that this is but a bald statement of the
fact, unaccompanied by any reflections such as would
naturally suggest themselves fo a Christian — reflections
which, it seems to us, would certainly be present to Cartier's
mind on the occasion of his assisting at the first offering of
the Holy Sacrifice m New France. For in Cartier's estima-
tion the Mass was a great action, the greatest action that
could be on earth. That he who was always so careful to
note the most trivial incident in any way associated with
religion — who was diligent in recording the raising of a
wooden cross — in telling us of its size and decorations — in
dwelling upon the attendant ceremonies and the effect
produced on the savages thereby, should have passed over
with the barest mention, the occasion of the first lifting up
in Canada of the Divine Victnii Himself, under the visible
tokens which he has ordained, is a supposition which our
mind finds it difficult to entertain. We had rather believe
that 'Dom' is a misrendering of the word in the original ;
(see appendix E.); or that in this particular case it means
something different from that which it is commonly supposed
to import : (the Christian name of Dominique for ex-
ample): and that by 'Mass' is meant some form of worship
possible to a collection of laymen,''* than to suppose that

Note 84. — Kailloii says tliat such a pnictice was unknown in France unions
Catlioli<^s, yet sve (iml ('artier liiniself, wlioseCatliolictty no one will ([uefction, read-
ing from the Gisjiel anU O'tiee IJook.s of the Chureh, ami ntlering imlilic prayer at
Hochelaj;!!.

Lescarhatr did the same thin:; at Port Royal in 1(106, when the priests of the
expedition had all suecnmlied to the scurvy. It is true that there was a susj>icion
of his orthodo.^y, 'tit his comrades were Catholics and llie expedition was a
Catholic one. Hpeaking witli some reserve we may say that the same thing is \v.A.
unknown to-day in the renioti; aiishesof Lower Canad.i, where Mass cannot lie
said regularly. We confess we cannot see anything uiH'atliolic m the practi<'e, hut
ruther the rev(!r.se.

Gartner should have embarked upon pciious voyages, dwelt
among heathen savages — that his company should have
undergone privation, sickness and death', and that, accom-
panied all the while by ministers of religion, he should have
given us a minute account of all his vicissitudes, without
making any allusion to those who must have been so often
re(|uired to exercise their sacred calling.

That our conclusions are indeterminate we readily admit,
but the fault lies with the historian who tells us in one
breath that Mass was said, and in the next that he was un-
accompanied by those who alone could have said it. We
shall be satisfied if we have succeeded in showing that
lahbe' Faillon and others are not justified in asserting that
the question does not admit of doubt.

To return to our friends — Their devotions being ended,
ihey continued their voyage till they came to the Island of
Orleans, on the north side of which they cast anchor.
On going ashore they were met by many Indians, who at
first fought shy, but upon the inU -preters going forward
and proclaiming themselves to be Taignoagny and Domag-
aya, their fears were quieted, and they began to flock in
numbers about the ships, bringing with them corn and
fruits which must have been very acceptable to the voyagers.
The island is described as being fertile and pleasant,
abounding in vines, from which circumstance they j. -'£ it
the name of Bacchus Island {/'ys/e de Bacchus^ B. R.)

The next day, the Indian chief, whose name was Donna-
< ona, paid a visit of state to the ships, coming with twelve
boats, from one of which, lying out in the stream, he made
a long oration. The interpreters then replied, informing
Donnacona of their adventures — how they had been over

the big water and been well treated by the French. This
seems to have greatly gratified the old chief, who there-
upon went ui\ board the captain's ship, and made his ac-
knowledgments according to the custom of the country.

Notwithstanding the positive statement of Cartier that
Stadacone' was the abode of Donnacona " and of our two
men we tooke in our first voyage," Mr. Hawkins in his
" Picture of Quebec," thinks it improbable that these inter-
preters could have been personally known to the inhabi-
tants of Stadacone' on this occasion, and he conjectures
that the names Taignoagny and Domagaya were not proper
to these individuals prior to their mt-eting with Jacques
Cartier at Gaspe, but rather had reference to their subse-
quent adventures, and were intended to indicate a marvellous
event in their lives, such for instance as one who had been
to a foreign land, inhabited by white people, whence he had
returned in safety." He is of opinion that it is not reason-
able to su])pose that the Indians in the Saguenay and at
Stadacone' should have been familiar with the names of two
young savages caught at (iaspc — hundreds of miles distant
— the preceding year ; whereas the communication of intel-
ligence so extraordinary as that which he suggests may have
been conveyed by these names, would be sufficient to
account for its remarkable effect. It is, however, expressly
laid down in Cartier's Relation that the Indians met with at
Gaspe differed in every respect from all those before seen"'^
— and we are informed in so many words that they did not
belong to the locality, but came from inland, and that they
never visited the sea except to fish. Moreover, Donnacona,

NoTF. ;<5. "Ni'itlitT in imtmc iioi- in liinj^uiitic, iloc tlicy (tlic Oas|i6 Indians) any
wliit ayp-e with tiit'in wliicti wcfotiml t\r>>t."—Utiklu!it— First vojiagi'Joc'iua^Cifrtier.

in his account of the massacre of two hundred of his band
by the Trudamans, mentions the fact of their having been
on their way to Honguedo (Gaspe), showing that his tribe
were in the habit of visiting the Lower St. Lawrence during
the fishing season. It is worthy of note too, that the recep-
tion of the interpreters by the Saguenay Indians was not
nearly so cordial as that which awaited them at the Island
of Orleans. On the former occasion, one of the interpre-
ters told the savages his name "and then took acquaintance
of them, whereupon they came to us." We can very well
imagine him saymg — "I am Taignoagny, nephew of Don-
nacona, Lord of Stadacone' — Fear not these palefaces who
are our friends." There is nothing to show that they had
any previous personal knowledge of each other. But the
meeting at the Island of Orleans a few days afterwards was
of a different character, and the demonstrations of joy which
there greeted them, to our mind indicate a previous fellow-
ship. We shall see how, a few days later, Donnacona
presents Cartier with some children, one of whom Taig-
noagny told the captain, after the ceremony, was his own
brother. Of course Taignoagny might have been lying, for
he afterwards developed into a thorough-paced rogue, or as
Hakluyt puts it, 'a craftie knave,' and standing by itself, this
circumstonce would not be entitled to much weight, but
taken in connection with subsequent events in which Taig-
noagny and Domagaya played a leading part, it does seem
to us that these men formerly had their abode at Stadacone,
with whose people and surroundings they seemed perfectly
familiar.

Cartier had not been many hours in this neighbourhood
before he made up his mind that its natural advantages

were such as to render it the most acceptable spot he could
select as the base of his operations. He therefore, after a
short reconnoitre with his boats, determined upon bringing
the ships from the lower end of the Island of Orleans to
what is now the harbour of Quebec, which he named Holy
Ooss, (sainde Croix, B. R.) because he entered it with his
vessels on the 14th September — the feast of the Exaltation
of the Holy Cross. No one who knows the locality can
wonder at the encomiums which Cartier oestowed upon this
*' goodly and pleasant sound," or at his appreciation of the
noble view here presented to his gaze.

On the 1 6th of the month he caused his two largest ships
to go up into the St. Charles, to winch he extended the
name already bestowed upon the basin, leaving I' Emerillon
out in the stream in order to be in readiness to proceed to
Hochelaga. The spot where Cartier moored his vessels
and where the fort was afterwards built, is generally believed
to have been at the confluence of the little river Lairet with
the St. Charles, on the left bank of the former.^* Opposite
them, across the St. Charles, was Stadacone, the residence
of chief Donnacona and his 'Court,' which Cartier describes
as being a place of some size, tolerably well built and
provisioned. The surrounding country is stated to have
been very fertile, and the savages were evidently not
wholly ignorant of the art of cultivation, for while we are
told that " they are men of no great labour,'' we are also
informed that "they digge their grounds with certaine
l)eeces of wood, as bigge as halfe a sword," and again, it is
stated that " they pulled up the trees to till and labour the

KoTK :<0. — Sff iipiJcnilix F.

ground " — later, we learn that most of this tilling was done
by the women.

The exact situation of Stadaconc is not known. It was
<crtainly built on that portion of the site of Quebec which
faces the St. Charles, and was from half a league to a
league distant from the point where the Lairet falls into that
river— M. F'erland thinks it probable that " Stadacone etait
situe dans I'espace compris entre la rue de la Fabrique et
le coteau de Sninte-Genevieve pres de la cote d'Abraham,"
and we have the highest possible opinion of the extent and
accuracy of M. Ferland's knowledge.

The Indians, with the excention of Taignoagny and Dom-
ngaya, the former of whom especially from this time forth
began to keep aloof from the French, manifested a lively
mterest in the bringing up and mooring of the ships, and
on the following day Donnacona, attended by a retinue of
five hundred persons, again visited Cartier, who received
them with his habitual courtesy and presented them with
some trifling gifts. On this occasion the interpreters who,
from the moment of their arrival, had shown a disinclin-
ation to accompany the French up to Hochelaga, informed
Cartier that Donnacona was greatly grieved to hear of this
intention on his part, and that he would not permit either
of them to accompany the ships. To which Cartier replied
that he had been commanded by his King to undertake
this journey, and that nothing should dissuade him from
doing so. . The Indians, greatly chagrined, left the ships,
but returned next day bringing gifts, among which were
included certain Indian children, whom Donnacona pre-
sented to Cartier with much formality — one of these being,
as we have seen, Taignoagny 's brother. The other was a
niece of Donnacona.

At the conclusion of this ceremony, Taignoagny Informed
Cartier that the presents were given to him with the ex-
press purpose of dissuading him from going up to
Hochelaga — while Domagaya told him that they were in
token of good will, and had no reference to Hochelaga, to
which place Donnacona was now willing that he should go.
'['hereupon a warm discussion arose between the two interyjre-
ters, by which the French saw that Taignoagny was traitor-
ously inclined towards them.

It is curious to note the strong disinclination the Indians
showed to Cartier's proceeding farther on his way. The
ostensible reasons which they urged against the journey
were : —

1. That the navigation was bad.

2. That Hochelaga was a place of no importance.

3. That the cold was so great there that, even if the
French did survive the perils of the journey, they could not
endure the climate.

The real reason probably was a fear lest the white men
might prefer the society at Hochelaga to theirs, and might
not return in a hurry. We are strengthened in this opinion
by the fact that their loudest protests against the visit to
Hochelaga always occurred immediately after distribution
of presents, and were no doubt quickened by a fear lest
there might not be enough of these to go round.

On the following day Donnacona came to the ships again
— this time with the request that Cartier would cause his
cannon to be fired, in order that they might have some idea
of what the sound was like, stating that they had never seen
or heard anything of the kind in their lives, and that
Taignoagny and Domagaya had been making "great brags"

to him about it. Cartier complied and at a signal his artil-
lery boomed forth, utterly confounding the affrighted
savages who, thinking that the skies had fallen on them,
led the Frenchmen in turn to fancy by their howlings that
" Hell had broken loose."

The occasion was the first on which the portentous sound
had ever been heard over the broad bosom of the St. Law-
rence. Then for the first time was the fair valley of the St.
Charles darkened by the cloud which so often hung over it
during the succeeding centuries. Well might the Indian, as
the roar of the cannon, thundering against the sides of the
mighty cliff on which his frail habitation stood, and rolling
over the waters, reverberated from the heights of Levis be-
yond — well might he recoil in terror from that sound which
proclaimed in unmistakable tones the approaching end of
his domination.

Cartier was not, however, allowed to depart for Hochelaga
in peace. Their powers of persuasion having failed, Don-
nacona and his friends had recourse to the supernatural,
and by means of a stratagem, or as Hakluyt puts it, " a
prettie sleight or pollicie," endeavoured to produce by fear
that which their arguments could not effect.

On the 1 8th September they caused three of their fellows,
covered with skins, having horns on their heads, and their
faces hideously besmirched to represent emissaries of their
god Cudragny, secretly to put out in a canoe in the middle
of the stream. The rest remained hidden in the wood,
waiting for the rising of the tide, at which time only, boats
could approach the vessels. The hour having arrived, the
Indians emerged from the wood and gathered about the
bank of the river as was their wont to do. Cartier, not sus-

^'W<

pecting anything, called out to Taignoagny, asking if he
wanted to come on board, to which the latter replied that
he would come later. Just then the boat with the 'devils '
emerged from the gloom and approached the ships. As it
was passing them to go towards the shore, uprose the
demons, the middle one of whom, gazing steadfastly before
him, as though reading the future, delivered his message in
sonorous tones, but without making any stop. On the boat
touching the shore, Donnacona and his people made a rush
towards it, but just as they reached the spot, the * devils '
suddenly fell prostrate and lay as dead, whereupon the
Indians carried them into the wood near by, where they
soon revived and again delivered their warning. The
PVich could plainly hear all this commotion from their
ships, but could not divine its purport. As soon as the
noise within the wood had ceased, Taignoagny and Doma-
gaya came rushing out, the former shouting 'Jesu,' 'Jesu,'
'Jesu'; and the latter, as though confou'^ded by some
astounding intelligence — Jesu ! Marie ! Jacques Cartier !
Cartier seeing their excitement, enquired the cause, where-
upon they informed him that their god Cudragny had sent
his messengers to inform the French that there was so much
ice and snow at Hochelaga, that whosoever would be fool-
hardy enough to go up there should freeze to death. At
this the French laughed heartily, telling the discomfited
Indians that Cudragny was " but a foole and a noddie," not
knowing what he said or did — adding with quaint simplicity
*' that Christ would defend them all from colde, if they
would beleeve in him."'" The Indians, seeing the futility of

NoTK ;J7.— Ill an article ui)Oii le Canon de lirome which was found embedded in
the river St. Lawrence opposite the parish of Cliainplain in 1826, M. Aiiiahle

endeavouring to dissuade Cartier from his purpose, desisted
— Donnacona informing him through the interpreters that
he would not allow any of his men to accompany the expe-
dition, unless Cartier would leave a hostage, which the latter
refused to do.

The day following the apparition, being the 19th Sep-
tember, Cartier set sail for Hochelaga in r Emerillun,
which had remained in the main river, as we have seen, in
readiness to proceed. He took with him Mace Jalobert,
captain of la Petite Hennine, Guillaume le Breton Bastile,^
captain of V Emerillon^ Claude de Pontbriand, Charles de
la Pommeraye, Jehan Poullet, Jehan Gouion, and the
other gentlemen of the expedition, and fifty mariners.
Borne along by the rising tide, they passed rapidly up the
river, delighted with the appearance of the country, which
they described as abounding in everything the heart of man
could desire — trees and fruits and^flowers in endless variety.
They landed at several places, wandered amid the trees,,
plucked the grapes which grew almost to the water's edge,
and returned to their ships laden with the rich spoil. They
stayed some little time at a place called Ocheluy,'** which is
described as being twenty-five leagues from 'Canada' — that
is to say from Stadacone. Despite the distance from
Stadacone, which is much too great as given by Cartier, by

Hcitlielot iimft'S.st's to sec in this s,i\a.iii' piuituiiiiiit', cvidciu!!', of the smiiiiosimI
sliipwiiM'k (if ViTiiizziiiii) ill tilt' St. l.jiwTfiK'f. aS"' rrofi:cirniiis LilcrKri/ and His-
loricdl Soilelt/ o/Qiuhef far IS.iO. 'J'licic ilocs not, liowi'Vcr, scciii to he any warrant
lor siicli a supposition, wliich api)an'ntly owt^s its I'xisti'ncc to tin' soniiwliat vivid
imagination of -M. IJcrthclot. Nor is there any nasonalile ^Touml lor ildnlitin^
that Jacques Cartier was tlie lirst European tlie imlians of 8t idaeoiie had ever
seen

Note :i8.- -Ochdaii, liU. : Uochilnn and llochehu. Hakluyt ; Arh<hi.cy, I.esi'arbot
and Chanijiiain: Aclulalu :^t^<\ ^'/c^///.'/- manuscript \ersi()iis, relation second voy-
at;e. Ml', ll.iwkins, in his ' Picture of Quebec,' jilaccs Ochelay at the niouth of the
Hii'helieii, while the Kev. Mr. DeCosta falls intoa still j^reatcrurror of coufoninling
it with Hochelaga. Point au Piaton is 3o nautical miles distant froni Quebec.

Ochelay he in all probablity had reference to Point au
Platon, All the way along they had noticed the habitations
of men, who were evidently fishermen. Ochelay marked
the beginning of a (juasi-independent kingdom. There,
many canoes approached them from the shore, one of
whi<'h bore the chief of the country, who after making the
inevitable discourse, displayed many signs of friendship
gave them certain directions as to their course up the riverj
and finally jjresented Cartier with two children, a girl of
some eight years old, and a boy of two or three, the latter
of whom he returned, on account of his extreme youth.
The maiden he kept, and she it was who acted as his inter-
preter on the occasion of his third voyage.

On the 28th inst they reached "a great wide lake in the
middle of the river."'* On one of the islands at the upper end
of the lake they came upon five Indians who advanced to-
wards them with the greatest familiarity, one of them taking
Cartier in his arms and carrying him from the boat to the
shore. The Frenchmen observed that these Indians had
with them a large supply of " wild rats that live in the
water. '■^" Little did the impatient mariners, ever pressing
onward to the realization of their dreams of gold and silver,
imagine that the " said rats" were to prove in after years
an important source of wealth to New France.

Noii: '!'.'. [-;il<(' St. I'ctcr, to wliii^li Caiticr dois 11 -1 ,i|ipi;ir t.o li.ivc j^ivcii .i
iiaiiii'. It was (•••lUcd in iittcr vcai's tlic Lake ot Atu'(iiil6iiii\ ami it iiitist have been
so (li'sii^iiatcil vn V sluutiy alliT tlic jicridil wliicli \vi- aic now I'diisidfiiiij,', for
Tlicvct in liis Cnsiiuifffiiiilnc U n i nrsellr jmlilislii'il in I.'jT'i. Vol. II p. 1011, siicakinj^
of it says — " Cc lai' |ioitt' Ic iioni 'd'An^'ouii'snic"— "a cause dii lieu dc //*/' nais-saiice,'
iis lie modestly observes elsewhcic, resiieel iny a ceiiain iironiontoiy in New Fruiifi"
which had been similarly lionoiired. Moreover, in Ilakluyt's version cf Cartier's
voyap'S published in 1000, a niarj;inal note at this place has the words " The lake
of An;,'oli;iine."

Cliamplain entered the lake for the first time on the 'J'.ttli .June l()0:i — the festival
of St. Peter and St. I'aul. To this circiimstanee, no doubt, is to bt;. ascribed the
change of name, whii'h dates from this time.

Note 40.— Musk-rats.

TJ»

the

had

n the

ssing

ilver,

years

\ot discovering the main ( hannel between the islands,
they soon fount! themselves under great difficulty of pro-
<eeding, owing to the shallowness of the water. At length
('artier, finding it im[)ossil)le to lloat the ship, determined
upon leasing her near the mouth of the Richelieu, of the
existence of which river they were not then aware. Order-
ing the boats to he got ready he, together with the two
captains, the gentlemen, and twenty-eight sailors, embarked
and pulled up the main river until they g(Jt within a short
distance of Hochelaga, which they reached on the second
of October." The spot where they left their boats has
been a subject of some discussion. On the whole, we are
inclined to think that it was at the foci of St. Mary's cur-
rent.'*" Here they were met by upwards of a thousand per-
sons, inhabitants of the town, who had come down to
receive them, and who greeted them with the most enthusi-
astic demonstrations of welcome.

Nothing in all Cartier's voyages has struck us as being
more singular and less like what one would expect, than the
friendliness with which the natives all along the St. Law-
rence, between Stadacone and Hochelaga, received and
welcomed the French. They had been only a few days in
the country, and it seems scarcely probable that any news
of their arrival could have gone before them up the river.
The subsequent actions of the people of Hochelaga indicate
that they viewed the strangers in the light of supernatural

■ fostiviil
Ibi'd the

NoTK 41.— Til*' Briif Ririt siiy.s •' di.i'irafii'smi'," which is obviously .-i iiist.tkc.

NoTK 42. — M. Failhui thinks tlicy rowcil iiji the "•iiinnl, imsscil tiic site of Mou-
tti-al, and stopju'd at the foot of the l.ai'hini- Hapiils. He says, and witli soiiii'
Iruth, tliat it should not lie a vi'iy iliflicuit task for twcnty-i iglit nn'ii to nnv two
lioats ajiainst the St. Mary's currt'iit. Call ii-i's lanijua^'f is aniliigiious, hul on the
whole wi' do not think that the impatient Indians would allow tjieir KiK'^^ts t) row
s(n-e,ral miles heyoiid the t>wn, and incline to the ojiinioii that the hoats leinuiiKitl
••it the foot of 8t. Mary's current.

beinji;s, but before they could have come to any conclusion
on that score, we find them everywhere welcoming Cartier
and his companions with open arms. They gathered around
the bank of the river, men, women, and children, dancing
and exhibiting every possible extravagance. The first
exuberance of their joy being spent, they bethought them-
selves of the physical requirements of their guests, and
bringing (juantities of fish, and bread (made from Indian
corn), cast them into the boats. Cartier, in order to show
his appreciation of their hospitality, went on shore with
many o^ his companions. Scarcely had they landed, when
the whole band crowded around them, the women holding
out their young children to be touched by the white men.
The P'rench then retired to their boats, but not to rest,
for the Indians, resolving to make a night of it, lighted huge
fires, about v;hich they danced till daybreak.

Early next morning the company made ready to go and
see the town, the captain getting himself up " very gorge-
ously" we are told. Leaving one of the captains and eight
men to look after the boats Cartier, accompanied by the
gentlemen and twenty mariners, set out for Hochelaga,
under the guidance of three Indians specially detailed for
tiie purpose. The road lay through a beautiful bit of well
wooded country; — the large size of the trees especially attract-
ing the notice of the visitors. They remarked, too, that the
ground over which they walked was covered with acorns.
After proceeding about four miles on their way, they were
met by one of the 'chiefest Lords of the citie,' who came to
receive them, attended by ■:■ suitable retinue. Here they halted,
and a large fire having been kmdled, the Indian chief made
one of those interminable harangues which are always con-

h4 o

u
o

X
h

HH <

1
fi

irt

.ii'i'

M'll
I

Mm-
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iri]
III,'

IV|I

niiii
mil

sidered de rigneur on such occasions, formnlly welcoming
the strangers to the town. Thereupon Cartier presented
the orator with two hatchets and a crucifix, the latter of
which he made him kiss and then put it about his neck
greatly to the savage's delight. This interesting ceremony
having been concluded, they resumed their journey and
soon issued from the forest into an open country, devoted
to the raising of Indian corn, then ripe. In the midst of
these cornfields stood the long looked for town of Hoche-
laga. Its site, like that of Stadacone, is not certainly known.
Hakluyt says it was situate a league from the Mountain,
but according to the Brief Recit it was only a quarter of a
league. . ssuming the latter to be correct, we think it not
improbable that the place where the Indian remains were
found in 1860 is the spot where once stood the ancient
Hochelaga. The ■ n which they were dug up, extends

from Mansfield street to a little west of Metcalfe street in
one direction, and in the other from a little south of Hurn-
side Place to within sixty yards of Sherbrooke street --about
two acres in all.^'^

The town was circular in form, surrounded by a triple row
nf palisades, the middle one of which consisted of stout
stakes placed in an upright position, to which the inner

Xdtk 4:!. Ill the (MiNi'liMU N'Mliirilist, for IfiGi) nml isfit tlicic ,iri- two intcicstiii;;
irticli'S oil tlit'si' linliau rniiiiiiis by hoclor (now Sir William) Dawson, to wiioin wc
,irc iiKJflitril fur tin- iiitbriiiatioii wc liavc j,'iv(ii ii'S|"'ct ^ii;; tlu' locality in wliicli llic
iclics were foiiinl.

In Raniiisio lli'crc is an cxcccilingly i|iiaiiit old jijaiiof IIocliclaj.,'a. wliidi, ilcspitj'
itic lack of iicrspcct ivc and ils iiunierous alisuidit ics, illustiali'S Carrier's deseri|i-
lion Very tolerably. The circular wall almiit the town is plainly shown, witli its
iriplerowof palisailes, ami the fialleries with laddi rs leadiiii; up to theiii ; while
ihehettcr to illu>* ate the operatiuli of this system of dcfeiice. the hesie^'eil are
icpreseiited as castinj{ stones down from the hattleinents upon the assailants
I'cneat.h. The coriilii'Ids are represented as lieini; beliiiiil. as well as in rout of the
iimuntain. thus lieariiie out the stateiiieiit that "Mount Koiall " was 'tilled
lotind about. "

and outer rows severally inclined, meeting near the top and
giving to the structure a pyramidical form. The whole was
firmly lashed together, and formed a barricade of great
strength. Placed at intervals on the inside of this fortifica-
tion were galleries, reached by ladders and well stored with
stones to be used for the purposes of defence. The height
of this bulwark was about sixteen (cet (deux lances^ B R.).
The town had only one entrance, and that strongly secured
by bars. Hochelaga consisted of about fifty houses, each
fifty yards long and twelve or fifteen broad. They were
built of wood, covered with bark, divided by partitions, and
sheltered many families. In the midst of each division or
room was the fire, around which the men, women, children,
and dogs huddled in promiscuous confusion. In lofts
overhead was stored their winter provision of corn. They
had abundance of vegetables, such as peas, beans, melons
and " very' great Cowcum.bers." The mention of these gives
rise to a curious speculation, for they are, none of them,
indigenous to the soil of Canada, and must have been
brought from the far south, when and by whom, are ques-
tions more easily asked than answered. They had also
quantities of dried fish packed in cases for winter consump-
tion. At Hochelaga, Cartier specially notes the same
peculiarity which he had observed in the Indians he met at
Gaspe — that they used no salt with their food.

The description which Cartier gives us of the fortifications
of Hochelaga and of the structure of the houses, closely
corresponds with that recorded by the Jesuit missionaries
among the Iroquois a hundred years later, and leaves little
room to doubt that the people he found there belonged to
the Huron-Iroquois family. The method of fortification he

describes was that practised by all the tribes of the Iroquois
race. The Algonquins, on the other hand, did not employ
this means of defence.^'

There are likewise strong grounds for thinking that the
people of Stadacone' were also of Huron-Iroquois lineage.
In the first place, there is every likelihood that they spoke
the same language as did the people of Hochelaga. We
have seen how at (iasi)e Cartier was (juick to notice and
record the difference in habits md in language between the
Indians he met there and those he had before encountered.
Hut at Hochelaga he says nothing which would lead us to
supi)ose that the Indians he there found differed in any
essential particular from those at Stadacone. Tlie evidence
we have is all the other way. For example — the vocabulary
of Indian words appended to the relation of Cartier's second
voyage is styled — " /e ATi^i^i^'t' (it's pays &= Royaubncj de
J-ft>c/ti'/ai^a e^ Canada^ aultrcnioit appellie par nous la nou-
udle Fnifice." Now anyone reading Cartier's narrative will
see that by 'Canada' he means Stadacone' and it? neighbour-
hood/' and this being so, the inference from the foregoing

NoTK 44. -OccasioiuiUy it jiiilisiiiUMl AlgoiKiu'ii tDwii wa'^ met witli in tlic sDUtli,
liiittlii' piilisjidcs Were iisu.iUy of ;i siugli' ruw .iinl iihintt'd ii|)i i,:^lit. Wi li'ivt",
never Iii'iii'il of ,inv such itr.ietii'c aiiioiij; the Noitlierii Algonquins. 8ee liewrleij,
hislitv}! of yir(iiniii.—i\niiU'\ 'ly l'aikni;in.

Kerianil- -r(j((rs (/'//(A7oi/V'— says of the inhabitants of Iloelielaga, that their
inanners ami customs denote their Huron origin, iinil he adds " et ee qui dunui)
plus (ie foree & cette ojiinion, e'est que les nnjt-i delalangue, i'onserv6s par Cartier,
ajipart iennent tons an Huron.' Vol. I, i'. ;U

Yet stningely enough he says the [leople of Sta<iaeon6 were Algonquins, tiiougli
it is equally certain Ihat the words enqiloyi'd liy tiieni, with tln^ iiossilile exeeptioii
f,f tiu' word ' St idaeoue' itself, -.vere of Uii' Huron language, ami eonetu'ning the
latter, Faillon.says (" y/(s^)i>( '/( hi C"liinlo Fi'dii^aise," Vol. 1, p. 5:!:.'.)

" Un niissionnaire, qui a ]i.iss6 prAs ile vingt ansA instuiireiies Algonquins, dont
il po.ssftde ik fond !a laiigue, iV une Algiuiqiiine, fort connue en (.'an.ida, ([ui a appriB
sa langue naturelle d, plus de \ ingt niissionaires. idus out assure I'un iV I'autre
que Ie niol aliKhiriiiie u'aVMit aueune signitieat imi en Algoniiuin. cu'il etair, mdnie
fulidreii.ent 6trangei ft, ei'tte langue, iSr se rai>iuo(diMit ]ilut6t de I'lroiiuois. On u
/jerit, il est vrai, ((ue. dans la liuigue dcs sjiuvages sauteur.s," (Ujihewas— a hraucli
cf the Algonipiin laniily) " 'e mnt sin, ii'Cane signitiait uiie ai7t', iV (jue la pointe do
t^u^bec rassenihlait, ]iar sa forme, it une aile d'oi.seau. "

Note 45. -in Cartier's voealiulaiy it is statecl that the Indians employed tlio

is that the same tongue was spoken at Stadacone and
Hochelaga. Then again, the names in use at the former
place — 'Canada,' ' Donnacona,' ' Taignoagny,' ' Domagaya,'
'Agouhanna,' — are all Huron. It is worthy of note that
this word 'Agouhanna,' which was Donnacona's alternative
title, and which signified ' Lord,' was employed by the
Hochelaga Indians to designate the same office. The cor-
responding Irocjuois word of later years is ''Acouanen^ be-
tween which and Cartier's 4gouhanna there is scarcely any
difference perceptible to the ear. The Algonquin words
are Kijemini and Oki//ia, which, it will be observed, are
radically distinct therefrom. We therefore think it highly
probable that the Indians whom Cartier found at Hochelaga
were of Huron-Iroquois lineage, and also that the people of
Stadacone' were or the same race, while the savages he met
with on the Labrador coast, Prince Edward Island, and the
baie des Chaleurs, belonged to the Algonquin family of
tribes who, advancing at some remote period from the west,
roamed throughout the country which to-day forms the
Eastein States, and Maritime Provinces of Canada. When
Champlain visited Canada, seventy years later, Stadacone
and Hochelaga had disappeared, and the whole country was
occupied by Algonquins.^''

word '('imadn' tn ilcsi^iiMti' a town — •' Ilz ^ijnuiliiii nue vllle Caiindn." He jilso
I ells us that till' country lyiii.L,' aloui; the nvi-r froni Tslf aux Condrcs U) a shoilr
ili.slaiicc west of >; ulacoufi, was callt'd Canada. To the west o' this disti'ict lay
0(diflay. and tlifU canic Hoiliclaj^a, to wliich the other kinjjdoms were tributary;
ivhilc till' country <i! t<a<;uinai' extended from Isle aux Coudres eastward to within
two days, journey of Anticosti. Later, we lind the whole region stretchnij; north,
east, and west of Jaiiada and Hoi'lndaga, in(dudeil in Sagueiiay.

Note 40. — Tlie nieaninj; of tlie word Hochelaga (if indeed it pos-sesses any signili-
catio?) other than the one iiroi)er to it) is not ctutainly known. The Keverenn I.
A. Cuoi], in his " /,ci(V/"'' '''' ''* Lo.ngue Iruquoisi','' delines it to mean "din
rh'iusfic dc-i dastors'—M the Meaver's dam.

A Chief of the Six Nations, living on the Brant Reserve, once told the writer,
that the woril Ho(hclaK:> i'l 'hj Iroquois tongue, siKidlies "On the tire" or rather

Upon entering Hochelaga, Cartier and his companions
were conducted to a large square in the midst of the town,
where they suffered themselves to be stared at and handled
by all the women and children of the place, who crowded
about them, lest in wonder at the novel sight. Presently
the more formal reception took place. The younger por-
tion of the community were first removed by the women,
who shortly afterwards returned, bringing mats which they
spread on the ground and invited the strangers to seat them-
selves thereon. Then, borne on the shoulders of eight or ten
men, entered 'Agouhanna' or their chief, a man of about fifty
years of age, und'siinguishable as regards his attire, save
only by a red fillet cf stained porcupine quills bound about
his head, which denoted his regal dignity. '*' He was
afflicted with the palsy, so that, we are told, his knees
shook together. Placing him on a mat near Cartier, the
attendants silently withdrew. The Indian monarch, having
by signs bid all welcome, turned to Cartier and besought

•coals" — ami tliat it is Ilif wnnl iisi-il in cxiiicss tiic lnoiliii}.' if fit'sli ovtT a slow
liVf, a^ ill till' sacriOi't' nf ttic Wliitr Dug. Tliis wd'ilcl iiMlicatc III, it HuohclaKa was
tlic iila<-(' wlicic tlie rt'lij,'ioiis saciilict s of tlif Froiiudis oiK^e tnuk |)la«'f, >av\ when'
t he licatlicii deity iiiaiiilVstcil liinisi'lt' t > his faitliful ]»• ijilf. Nosv in the imrrat.ivr-
i)f Jacinies Cartier there is a line wlii-ii ceitiiinly leiuls colour to this iiitervreta-
tiou. We have elsewhere related how Doiiiiaeoiia and his peoph soii),'ht todissuade
(Jariier from ))roeeediiiji to Hoeli(daj;a liy an api>eal I > the .siiiieriifituril. The fol-
lowing is Uakluyfs version of Taigiioagny's exjilan.ition of the appar'tion of the
three 'devils ' :

'" Our t^ajitain hearing Iheiii, (Taignoagny and Doniagaya) and seeing their gew-
tures and cerenionies. asked of them what they ayled and what was liappeiied or
I'hancetl anew: they answered that . . their ijoil ('wlruiii'inn had spoken in
Hiii'hcldga, tind that he had sent those three men to show iint ) them, " (fee. The
<piestioii at once arises, ' Wliy sliould Cudragny speak at Hoidieliiga and send hi.s
messengers therefrom to wain )icrsons at St.idaeonS, unless Hoidn laga weie in
some special manner sacied to hiiii? It is not as though his presence was circuni-
scrihed, for in another chaiiter we are t dd that the people of >«tail;ican6 "liidievc
no whit in God, hut in one whom th-y call Cudriiaigni : then say that nftin kr s/i*-!!*'
rth with them, and telktli them what weather sliall follow, Ac.

Note 4T. - We adhere to the somewhat imposing phrsseidogy of ihc oi , narrative,
hccanse while the expressions ■ King ' and " Lord " are whidly in ippli' ilile to the
savage jiolity of the Ameriean Fiidiai;, they mislead iKdiody. ,iiid iiiipttrt . pict.ur-
4'S((ue nuaintness to i-he descriiitioii.

;M'":

him to heal him, showing him his diseased members and
begging him to touch them, which Cartier did, rubbing
them with his hands. This so overcame the poor fellow,
that taking from his head the ' circle of his glory,' he
put it upon Cartier's. Then, as though desirous that all
those of his subjects who laboured under bodily infirmity
should share in the efficacy of the white man's touch, he
commanded all the sick and infirm in his community to
be brought and placed in a row that Cartier might heal
them, being firmly persuaded that these wonderful strangers
were of celestial origin.

To a man of Cartier's habit of mind the scene must have
been an affecting one, suggesting as it did the many similar
occurrences in the Saviour's life upon ecirth ; and in recall-
ing the words of power which upon those occasions ema-
nated from the Divine lips — "I will, be thou clean" —
" Receive thy sight," — " Take up thy bed," he must have
longed for the gift of healing, if only for a few moments.
And as his heart went out in sympathy for this poor people
whose bodily ailments were but a faint type of their spiritual
condition, is it any marvel that he should have sought to
direct them as best he could to the Great Healer of men —
to one who could do for them that which he was powerless
to effect ; and that in the effort to give expression to that
desire, he should have found himself recounting to them in
the very words of the (Jospel, the wondrous story of the
Word Made Flesh ? To us his action seems eminently fit-
ting, and one which should commend itself to every
Christian. Yet, strange to say, it has been a fruitful oc-
casion of contemptuous ridicule on the part of many who
flatter themselves that they hold a purer faith than that

which animated the Breton captain, I at who, we are never-
theless persuaded, would find considerable difficulty in
following his example/*

Hnving recited the first chapter of St. John's (lospel,
Cartier next offered up a prayer to the Almighty that it
might please Him to make Himself known to tliis savage
race. Then taking an Office book in his hand, he read
aloud the whole of the Passion of Christ, the Indians
listening with grave attention. He then distributed some
small presents amongst them, showing a nice discrimination
in their apportionment ; which being done, he ordered his
trumpeters to sound their instruments, greatly to the delight
of the audience. This concluded the ceremony — the

NiiTK 4S. — Ml'. Ki I !;.,'« fori I, in liis I'l.ilioi'utM liistory of CiiiiMilii, imw aniuji tliroiij^li
tlie urcss, alJoKls a iiuirkLil t'x.iur[>li' of lujw this ud of CaitiiT is ('(jiiiiiioiily inis-
icprcsciited.

" Claiticr was ft'<l and tiarcssed, even looked uiioii as ■ Ciod and asked t') perform
niiraeles in lL"alinj^ the sick, ("aitier tells us that he iniiiiihled the ojieuinj,^ words
of St. John's (iiisiiel, as he says; ' In jirinvipin,' dr," h'iiii/.<f(tr'l, lli^tnnj nf
CitHdila, I'lil. I. II //

This is all lu^ iiiis to say of the circunistanee. It is snilieient, howtivei', to eonvey
the iniiircssion that Cai tier essayeil to pass himself oil' as a niiraele-wor kei, and
eniployi tl these words as tin- my.-itic foiinnla ol an incant;ition. Now this is ((uite
oii\)neous, and it is dillicnlt to see how any nnprejiidieed jierson leadinj^ the
(irijiinal account could fall into such an error. The loilowinK is llaklii\ t's literal
de.s(!ri]itiu.! of tlie scene :

" thiit done they hrought liefore him diverse diseased men, some

lilinde, soni ■ eriple, some lame and impot'iit. and siMue so old that tlw liairo of
their eyeliijs came downe and covered their clu ekes, and layd them all alone,' liefore
our Cajitaint', to the end they mi^jht of him lie touched ; for it seenie(l luiio them
that Gud was descended and coined wne from heaven to heale tliem. ( )ur Cap-
tune seeiuj^ the misery and devotion ol' this poore people, ri tiled the (lospel of
.Saint .John, that is to siy, in the l>e;,'inninj,' was the word ; touching everyone that
were diseased, (Jai.-<iiiit Ic ,s/(//if dr In Croix sur ii'S jk/kz/v.s m(tlii</i's) prayiiij; to
Goil that it woulil please him to open the hearts of this iionre people, and to makt;
tlieinknow his holy w<ird, atwl that they might receive IJaptisine and Chi ist ■ndome:
that done, he tookea aervice-lmoke in his haml, ami with a loud voyce read ail tiie
passion of Christ, wont liy word, that all the staiiders liy might heare him ; all
which while this jioore peo)ilekeptsiieiice, and were marvellously attentive, looking
u]> to heaven and imit iting us in i^estures."

While we are aware that with some persons it is a received ofiinion that Catho-
lics always " mumlile" their devotions, we cannot help thinking, in view of the
fact that the original narrative exjilicitiy st iti's that Caitier spoke in a ''loud
voyce" in reading the (iospel " word hy word that all the .^-tmdeis hy might heare
him,' Ml', 'viiigsford would \\:{\v lieen Justilied in excepting the Ureton captiiii
from tlu' general category. This is but a trivial m itt-r, yet it shows Iimw un-
fairly liistory can he written evtii from a 'non-sectarian' point ot view.

iH'

French declining the proffered hospitality of the Indians,
*' because the meates had no savour at all of salt," drew off to
return to their boats. But the resources of Hochelaga were
not exhausted. As Cartier and his men were preparing
to depart, the Indians persuaded him to ascend ' a great
niountaine near to the City that is tilled round about, which
we named Mount Roiall.' Thither the French accom-
panied by their Indian guides repaired, and clambering uj)
its steep sides, beheld that splendid panorama which charms
the eye of every beholder.

Changed indeed the picture is from that eventful day
when Jacques Cartier first beheld it. The waving cornfields
and the rude Indian village have long since disappeared,
and in their place is the fair city of Montreal. But the
broad river, and the smiling valley, and the distant moun-
tains stand forth unchanged, and £eem, as we muse ui)on
the past, to speak to us of a day when Montreal, like
Hochelaga, shall have given place to a new order of things.

People are prone to speak of the view from Mount Royal
as though everything worth seeing lay towards the south.
On reaching the summit, one's first look naturally is over
Montreal, and the prospect is so inviting that, in lingering
on it, one is apt to forget to turn round, thereby losing
much of what is to be seen. For the country lying to the
north and north-west is more diversified in its character,
and presents a somewhat bolder api)earance than does the
southern view.

Cartier, not having the same inducement, made no such
mistake. On reaching the summit his eye swept the St.
Lawrence and quickly discerned the Lachine Rapids. The
Indians informed him that there were three such falls in

-fi,

81»

the river, and that these having been passed, one might sail
westward for three months without meeting with any obstruc-
tion. Then they pointed out to him the Ottawa river,
and told him that, like the St. Lawrence, it came from
the west — "we thought" writes he — " it to be the river
that runneth through the Countrcy of Saguenay," and their
curiosity being aroused, they seem to have spent most of their
time on the mountain top intently regarding the Ottawa,
endeavouring all the while to extract from their guides such
inforuiation respecting it, as the Indians were able or will-
ing to impart. Considering that neither party understood
the language of the other, the conversation must have been
carried on under difficulties.

Cartier tells us that without any direct enquiry on his
part, one ot the Indians took in his hand the silver chain
of the whistle that was about his neck, and the gilt handle
of a dagger that hung by the side of one of his men, and
l)ointing in the direction of the Ottawa, signified that both
these metals came from that region. Now this could not
have been true. The Indians were either hoaxing the gal
lant captain, or possibly they may have been endeavouring to
tell him of the contrast between the silvery water of the St
Lawrence and the yellowish hue of the Ottawa, which is
clearly seen at the confluence of the two rivers, where the
waters, refusing to commingle, flow side by side for miles.
They also told him of a fierce people — the Agonionda —
dwelling to the north-west who, armed to the teeth and clad
in armour made of osier, engaged habitually in internecine
strife.

Long and intently did Cartier gaze north-westward, the
idea of the passage to the Indies being, we may be sure.

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foremost in his thoughts. We have often wondered if any
prophetic vision passed before his eyes as he looked forth
from the summit of Mount Royal. Perhaps he foresaw
that, in the future, men dwelling where Hochelaga stood,
would solve the problem that occupied his thoughts, and
that a day would ccme when his dream should be realized,
and the wealth of the Indies flow eastward over this very
course — by the Canadian Pacific Railway.

Having exhausted the information of their hosts, Cartier
and his companions retired to their boats, accompanied by
a large crowd who, very loath to see them depart, followed
the retreating boats along the bank of the river for some dis-
tance. The inhabitants of Hochelaga seem to have been a
simple minded people, largely given in a rude way to agri-
cultural pursuits, though the fortification of their town and
the fact that all the tribes along the river, down to and
including "the Canadians" — i.e. the Stadacone' Indians —
were subject to them, indicate that ihey were not wholly de-
ficient in the art of war. We opine too, that the missing
portion of the narrative of Cartier's third voyage would be
found to contain passages not so wholly creditable to their
peaceful or honourable instincts as is the record of this
visit. We can only account foi their extraordinary civility
on this occasion by supposing, as indeed is evident, that
they took the white men for beings of a supernatural order.

Retracing their lonely course down the river, the French
reached their ship in safety on the 4th October where, we
may be sure, they received a warm welcome from their
anxious comrades. That day being spent in the narration
of their adventures, on the 5th they departed for the port of
Holy Cross. Passing through Lake St. Peter, on Thursday

ViX.

the 7th instant they came abreast of St. Maurice river, named
by them the river of Fouez, which, presumably because it
came down from the m)sterious country of ' Saguenay,' they
resolved upon exploring. Planting a cross on the outermost
island at the mouth of the river, they again left their ship,
and with their boats pulled up the St. Maurice a considerable
distance, but finding it getting very shallow, they wisely
abandoned any idea of further search. Returning to the
Emerillon they continued on their way, and reached the
port of Holy Cross on the nth inst., having been absent
twenty-two days.

■n^w

CHAPTER IV.

THE SECOND VOYAGE (continued.)

Visit to Stadacone. — Descrijrtion thereof . —Trudamans. — Story
of massacre. — Tlie inhabitants of Stadacone. — Their wor-
ship. — Habits and mode of living. — Tobacco described. —
Esurgny. — Marvellous tales of the country of Saguenay. —
Approach of winter. — Frost and snow. — French attacked
by scurvy. —Their miserable condition. — Invocation of the
Divine assistance.— Religious service. — The remedy found
Jind applied. — Marvellous cure effected. — Approach of
spring. — Preparations for return to France. — Abandonment
of la Petite Herwiiie. — 8usj)icious behaviour of the sav-
ages. — Cartier's resolution taken to seize Donnacona and
other Indians. — Mis action in so doing criticized. — Erection
of Cross — Formal possession taken of the couHvry in the
name of the King of France.— Seizure of chiefs. — Departure
for home.— Arrival at St. Malo.

i">OHEIR companions had not been idle in the interval,
i(LO having erected along the river's bank a strong forti-
njSp^ fication built with stout timbers and mounted with
cannon. Behind this enclosure, in the little river Lairet,
they moored their ships, and quietly awaited the approach
of winter. When, in 1608, Chaniplain visited the locality,*" he
found certain indications of previous habitation by white men
— the ruins of a chimney, traces of a ditch, some cannon-balls,
and other things, which led him to the conclusion that
Jacques Cartier had wintered there. He says that these
things were found " vne lieue dans la riuiere," meaning, no
doubt, a league from the spot on which his dwelling stood.

Note 4!I. — Hev apiientlix F.

9Ji

no
tood.

The day following the return of the expedition from
Hochelaga, Donnacona and his suite visited Cartier, express-
ing their pleasure at seeing him safely back again. Cartier
taking them at their word regaled them with food, " albeit"
— says the old chronicle — " they had not deserved it."
There is reason for thinking that during Cartier's absence,
the Indians had not displayed towards those of the company
who remained behind, the same cordiality which they mani-
fested m the j)resence of his united force. Cartier, however,
wisely determined upon taking no notice of what had beeri
reported to him concerning their behaviour beyond employ-
ing every precaution against a sudden surprise. .Accordingly,
he accepted Donnacona's invitation " to come and see
Canada," and the next day, accompanied by fifty of his best
men, well armed, he crossed the river and approached
Stadacone. As he drew near the village, the inhabitants
came forth to meet him, and forming in two lines, the men
on one side and the women on the other, escorted him to
their place of abode, having first received at his hands a few
customary presents. Cartier describes the houses as being
tolerably well built, and furnished with provisions for the
ai)proaching winter. He says nothing of fortifications, but
mentions the fact of having been shown five scalps, and of
being informed that they were taken from the ''Toudamani^^
or Tttidamam (B.R.), whom Donnacona described as being
" a people dwelling toward the South who continually doe
warre against them.'" These people were probably the Iro-
(|Uois, whom Champlain found occupying the territory now
known as the western portion of the State of New York.
They were the most ferocious of all the Indian tribes,
and were long a terror to all the rest, especially to their

kindred, the Hurons, against whom they waged a war of
extermination.

The following story, related by Donnacona to Cartier,
and which we know to be true, seems to point to the
identity of these Tnidanwns with the savage warriors of the
Iroquois confederacy. Two years before, a party of Donna-
cona's people, two hundred in number, consisting of men,
women and children, were on their way to '"Gaspe : and
while the whole party were asleep on an island in the great
river, near the mouth of the Saguenay, they were assaulted
by the Trudamans, who set fire to the place wherein they
were, and either burned or butchered the whole number,
except five, who made their escape. Now in the St. Law-
rence, lying off Bic, is an island to-day known [is '''• Isle an
massacre,'^ and on that island is a cave, and in that cave
are quantities of human bones — of men, women, and chil-
dren, which bear their ghastly testimony to the truth oi
Donnacona's story.

During the following month Cartier seems to have om-
jiloyed himself in instructing the Indians as well as he could
concerning the christian idea of God. Their conception of
the Deity seems to have been most meagre, the functions of
their god Cudragny being limited to foretelling the weather,
in which, as we have seen, he was not always successful.
They informed Cartier that when they died, their spirits
entered the stars, and descending in them to the horizon,

NoTK 50. — The narrative says— "As they were going a warfaring in Ilognedo"
(Gas|)6), which must be a inisaiipreliensionon the part of Cartier, for had they been
on tlie war[iath, they wouhl not havn h," n ai'companied by tlieir woirieii and children.
The Uev. Mr. DeCosta's account of this circumstance is very confused and inac-
curate. He says that Cartier was sliown eight scalps (sic), and told by Donnacona
that they had been taken from their enemies, a company of whom, '200 in number,
they had slain sonu>tinie before. What became of the remaining 192 scalps, Mr.
DeCosta does not inform us.

».•)

lognedo"
|iey been
children,
tnd inac-
tniiacona
(miinber,
lips, Mr.

passed thence to the happy hunting grounds of their fathers.
As we already have had occasion to point out, Cartier told
them of the true (lod and how that all men must believe in
Him and be baptized. We have seen also how readily they
accjuiesced in Cartier's view of Cudragny, and how they
accepted the Christian's (iod and asked for ba|)tisn"i, and
the reply which Cartier made them. ' It must be borne in
mind that the interjjreters, Taignoagny and Domagaya, were
present at Cartier's side, and that they understood, in a
measure at all events, the nature of the ceremony having,
we areexjiressly told, seen many children baptized in France.
This precludes the possibility of Cartier having endeavoured
to deceive the Indians by statmg what he did. 'I'he whole
account seems to us inconsistent with the idea that any
priests of the Catholic Church accompanied this expedition.
Cartier tells us of the Indian way of living, and of their
food which consisted largely of maize and the non-indigenous
vegetables used by the people of Ilochelaga. He specially
remarks a plant, with the first mention of which we English
are wont to associate the name of Sir Walter Raleigh, and
yet here is a description of the preparation and use of to-
bacco, written seventeen years before Raleigh was born.

"There groweth also," writes Cartier, " a certaine kind of
herbe wliereof in Somnier they make {jjreat j>r()visi(>n for all the
ycere, making great account of it. and onely num use of it, ami
first tliey cause it to be dried in the suiine, tlien weare it about
their neckeH wrapi)ed in a little beasts skinne made like a little
bagge, with a hollow peece of stone or wood like a pipe : then
when they please they make powder of it, and then put it in
(me of the ends of the said Cornet or pipe, and laying a cole of

Note 51 — Cartior's i)ripsts (if he ii:i(l any) must liavc Iktu of ,i vt-ry difTiTfiit
stiinii from PDUtrinc nut's missioiiiiry at Port Royal in ItilO, who ( wniii;<ly n^)
iloubt) Itaptizi'd 21 Indians without waitin.' for tlii' laitcr to rci-eive that instruc-
tion which the Catholi)' Churt'h ordains shall prect'ilo the adniini.^t ration of thi:*
.Sacrament. Finlion Hist . (tc, Vol. 1, />. 'J'.i.

fire upon it, at ihe other vmle sucke so long, that they till their
bodieK with smoke, till that it coninieth out of their mouth and
nostrils, even as out of the Tonnell of a(!hiuuiey. They say
that this doth keepe them warme and in healtli: they never go<^
without some of it about them. We our selves have tryed the
same smoke, and having put it in our mouthes, it seemeth al-
most as hot as Pepper."

Like the melons and cucumbers, the tobacco plant must
have been imported from the tropics — as also their ''esurgny
(wampum) which, we are told, " is the greatest and most
preciousest riches they have in this world." When at
Hochelaga, the Indians of that place told Carticr an im-
probable story about the way in which they got this
^^esun^fif — how it was found in the wounds of a dead body,
which, after having been specially slashed for the purpose, /
was sunk "in the said river of Cornibotz" for ten or twelve^'
hours, and how, when taken up, the small white shells were
found in the gaping wounds. It is, however, but fair to tjf\e
Hochel; ga Indians to say that this is only Cartier's inter-
pretation of their signs, which may have had some refe/ence
to diving rneiely and been wholly unconnected with ghastly
corpses. Certain it is that the large shells from which the
porcelain ornaments of the Indians were made, are found
only on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and must have
been obtained by barter with the intermediate tribes. Don-
nacona himself supplies ns with some information on this
head, which goes to show that they had intercourse with
southern tribes. Speaking of the place where Cartier had
left the Emerillon on his way up to Hoclaelaga, he told the
French of the existence of the Richelieu river, and how by
following up that river, it would bring them after a month's
sail, to a land where there was no ice or snow, and where
oranges, almonds, nuts and apples abounded. "I take this

the
)und

)on-
this
with
had
the

Inth's

^here

this

place," says Carlier, **to be toward Florida," which word in
his mouth had a very wide application. It is quite probable
that the Indians then inhabiting Canada were acc^uainted
with the water route by way of the Richelieu, Lake Cham-
plain and the Hudson, to the sea, and by it they may have
carried on a certain rude commerce with the southern tribes.
It is, however, when Donnacona comes to speak of the
"countrey of Saguenay" — that mysterious region which
stretched indefinitely north and west — that the old chief
allowed his imagination completely to get the better of him.
Wonderful tales of a white people clad in civilized gar-.
ments, dwelling in towns, abounding in gold ^nd rubies,
were poured into the willing ears of the French. 'I'here
were also, so Donnacona averred, a race of men having only
one leg — others who lived without eating — in short there
seemed to be no end of marvels in that extraordinary
country.

With such conversations the autumn days passed pleas-
antly enough. '• But winter was at hand, and fell upon the
French with a rigour and a mercilessness of which they had
had no previous experience. .Soon the river froze across
and their ships were caught fast in the ice. Then came the
snow, falling, falling, without intermission, and whirling in
great drifts around their little fort, buried it almost out of
sight. The water in their drinking vessels froze, much to
their inconvenience. In the midst of this biting cold, they
were amazed to see the Indians crossing the ice and, wading
through drifts, come to their ships stark naked — " which
thing seemeth incredible to them that have not seen it."

An evil, however, tar worse than ice or snow, was at hand.

Note 62.— Sec ai»i>eiitli.\ G.

B ;

In the first days of December the French noticed that the
visits of the Indians grew less frecjucnt, and they wondered
why. They soon learned. The scurvy hod broken out in
Stadacone and sickness and death were everywhere among
them. Soon it spread to the ships, and man after man of
the French went down before the loathsome disease till, by
the middle of February, out of the hundred and ten persons
composing the company, eight were dead and more than
fifty very ill, while there were not ten of the whole number
entirely free from the scourge. What made the calamity
the more distressing was the fact that it was to the French
an unknown sickness — " a strange and cruell disease," of
which they knew neither the cause nor the remedy. To
such a pitiful condition were they reduced, that they had
not strength even to bury their dead, but hid the bodies
under the snow ; neither was there any one to wait upon
the sick, for almost every man, except the captain, " whom
it pleased God alwayes to keepe in health," Wiis ill.

Could men be placed in a situation more distressing than
that in which these poor fellows now found themselves ?
Thousands of miles from home and friends, in the heart of
a boundless wilderness in which they were the first of Euro-
peans to set foot : fast bound in snow and ice ; surrounded
by savages who had on more than one occasion given
equivocal proofs of friendship : and woise than all, assailed
by a mortal distemper which had already killed twenty-five
of their band, and which threatened the lives of every one
of them — their condition was truly desperate, and such as to
extinguish all hope in the most sanguine breast.

Then it was in their dire extremity that Cartier had re-
course in an especial manner to the Throne of Grace. Or-

• I;

daining that everybody should prepare himself by prayer,
he caused a statue of the IJlessed Virgin" to be placed
against a tree, a stone's throw from the fort, to which a
solemn procession was organized — all who were well enough
taking part therein — chaunting the penitential psalms and
litanies, and imploring the Mother of (lod to intercede with
her Divine Son /or the lives of his servants. "That
day," says the chronicle, '' Philip Rougemont, borne in Am-
boise, died, being 22 yeeres olde," and Mr. Parkman takes
advantage of the record of this circumstance to indulge in
one of those unworthy s eers against the faith and worship
of the Ancient Church which in our judgment are blots upon
the pages of his brilliant works. " The Holy Virgin," says
Mr. Parkman, " deigned no other response." And yet he
goes on in the same page to record how, in a few days, this
whole company of — to use his own words — woebegone meni
** who, haggard, reeling, bloated with their maladies, moved
in procession " to the Virgin's shrine, were marvellously de
livered from their sickness and restored every man
of them to perfect health. It is true that Mr. Parkman
does not make the contrast between the sickness
and the recovery quite so marked as we have written it :
•' the distemper relaxed its hold," is the way in which he
relates the cure. But the Brief Recit, to which he has faith-
fully adhered in his description of the malady, states with
respect to the cure *' Tout incontinent quilz en eurent beu^
ilz eurent faduantage qui se trouua est re vng vray 6^ euident
my lack. Car de toutes maladies dequoy its estoict entachez,
apres en auoir beu deux ou trois foys, recouurerent santd &•
guarison"

NoTK 53. — Haklnyt says, "and iu lemeinbmuce of Christ, caused his Image to b«
set upon a tree," &c.

iW,

10()

To our mind there could not be, without miraculous in-
tervention, a more direct answer to prayer. Let us describe
the manner in which it came about. The service was over.
Humbly kneeling in the snow around the sacred sign, the
little band had, in the burning words of the Psalmist, im
plored the Divine compassion, and devoutly cought the
loving intercession of the great Mother of (Jod. Then
slowly and painfully they wended their way back to the
ships, only to learn the sad news that another of their com-
pany had succumbed to the great enemy of all. Their con-
dition was truly desperate, and most of all to be pitied was
the'.r gillant captain, to whom this period must have been
one of supreme anxiety. For on him fell the charge of all,
and to him they all looked for that relief which, alas, he
was powerless to render. But the (iod whom in health and
strength Cartier ever delighted to honour, had not forgotten
him in his sore need. One day as he paced to and fro on
the ice outside the fort, unwilling, like Hagar of old, to see
his companions die before his eyes, he saw some Indians
from Stadacone approaching, among whom he recognized
Domagaya. Now this man had been very ill with scurvy
a few days before. What then was Cartier's astonishment
to see him in health and strength ! Eagerly did he seek
the cause of this wonderful recovery, which Domagaya in-
formed him was to be found in the leaves and sap of a cer-
tain tree, called by the Indians Ameda, procurable near by.
Cartier asked him if he would direct him to this tree add-
ing, in order to conceal from the Indians the knowledge of
the inroads the disease had made in his company, that he
wanted it to cure one of his men who had imprudently
crossed the river and contracted the disease in 'Canada.'

Pomagaya, who seems all along to have been a good
hearted fellow so long as his companion Taignoagny was not
at his elbow, at once sent two women to bring a supply of
this tree, which was jjrobably the white spruce. I'he French
used it as directed, boiling the bark and leaves together,
drinking copiously of the extract, and using the substance as
a poultice. In five or six days "it wrought so wel, that if
all the physicians of Mountpelier and Louaine had bene
there with all the drugs of Alexandria, they would not have
done so rruch in one yere, as that tree did in six diA>i s, for
it did so prevaile, that as many as used of it, by the
grace of God recovered their health."

This recovery is the more remarkable when wecoisidcr
that the remm^ failed in its efficacy in after years. I .jder
Rober- ^1 at Cap Rouge in 1542, and Champiain at Port
Royal in 1605, numbers died of scurvy, though they must
have been familiar with the story of Cartier's experience,
and have tried his cure in vain. We may be quite sure,
whatever view modern thought may take upon the subject,
that Cartier and his companions were not slow to ascribe
their wonderful recovery to the si)ecial intervention of the
Most High God, and that a few days later witnessed
another procession to the Virgin's shrine, wheie their feelings
of joy and gratitude found vent in that grand hymn of
praise which, from the time of St. Ambrose, has ever been
the supreme expression of public thanksgiving among
Christian peoples. Many a time since then has the TeDcum
ascended from the shores of the great river of Canada.
Often have we ourselves heard the joyous shout not
far from the spot in which we are now interested : but
never we suspect, not even in moments of exultation born

103

of great military triumph, have the sublime words beei>
chaunted with deeper feeling or with greater cause, than on
that winter's day when Cartier's band of gallant Frenchmen,
amid the snow and ice, poured forth their hearts in gratitude
to God for deliverance from a dreadful death.

We have dwelt at some little length upon the religious
aspect of this occurrence, because we are engaged in the
consideration of the life of a man to whom all human affairs
had a religious side, but we must not omit to record that
Cartier, while ever recognizing the over-ruling providence of
God, was equally sensible of the fact that God helps those
who help themselves. Possessed of a strong, practical, com-
mon-sense mind, he was unceasing in his efforts to combat
the disease which was making such havoc in his company.
When Philip Rougemont died he ordered ^ post mortem to
be held, in the hope that he might thereby learn something
of the nature of the malady which baffled all their efiforts.

In the midst of his solicitude for the sick, he never lost
sight of the responsibility for the general safety of the com-
pany which rested upon him. Being fearful lest the Indians
might suspect the true reason for the stillness which reigned
about the ships, and seize upon the opportunity to assault
them, Cartier would direct two or three of the least feeble
of his men to hang about the outside of the fort, giving the
impression that they were idling their time. He would
then suddenly appear, and in a loud voice order them into
the fort, telling them, in the hearing of the Indians^
that there was much to be done inside and it behoved them
not to waste their time. To give an air of probability to
this, he would cause those of his men who were not pros-
trate, to make as much noise as they could inside the fort,

103

with hammers, sticks, &c.. in order to deceive the Indians
into thinking that they were busily engaged, which would
account for their non appearance. All this the brave fellow
did at a time when his men " were so oppressed and
grieved with that sicknesse, that we had lost all hope ever
to see France againe," but in which his own stout heart
never for an instant quailed.

With returning health and strength came welcome indica-
tions that the end of the long winter was at hand, and as
the days grew longer and the sun more powerful, we can
imagine the delight with which the weary prisoners looked
forward to the prospect of seeing sunny France again.

At length the ice and snow gave up the battle, and the
ships, free once more, moved out of their winter quarters—
that is two of them — for the diminution of the company's
numbers compelled the abandonment of ''la Petite Ilermine'^
whose remains, after reposing for 307 years, were dug up in
1843 '^^ approach of s|)ring brought renewed activity to
the inhabitants of Stadacone, whom Cartier continued to
view with increasing distrust. This growing unfriendliness
on their part was heightened by the circumstance of Cartier
having bestowed the dismantled ship upon the people of
Sidatin," a neighboring friendly band who frequented the
company of the French, in order that they might have the
nails out of her, which the savages greatly prized. In this
occurrence we think we see an explanation of the fact of
the remains of la Petite Hermine having been found in the

NoTK 54.-— fill tier ineiitioiis fo'ir ' peopled tDWiics ' on tlic liaiiks nl tlie St. 1,-iw-
rencp, lyiiij; to tlie fitstwaid of iit Kl.icoiit - "Ara.-t" or Ayr.istc, >t iniiit:<ii, Tailla,
whicli stniiilith iiiioii a hill," (jiossilily Ca)' T iiiriiR'iit"' and ".''(•it ului" or ".>i(latin"
—the latter lu'inj: ncari'st ti' .Stulaiom;- ; "nndiM' wliidi towni' t)\vai<l tlic Noith
the river and imit of the holy cross is, where we st lird fi'(Ufi Ij of Sejiteniher, until!
the l(i(,h (ijih ?) M''<.v l'"''*t''i i>"'l 'I'*'''' •""■ shiiis remained diy, as we have said be-
fore." 'Ihe latter sentence is of itseli sultieient to identify their stoi)i>injj; iiluee.

! >1

i i :

I i .

I i

II
II

tiH

104

the ruisseau St. Michel instead of, as one would naturally
suppose, in the little river Lairet/'" The people of Sidatin
were in the habit of mingling freely with the French — '■^alloi-
ent 6^ venoient entour nottsJ^ B.R. — and the latter when pre-
paring to leave, probably found them a great nuisance. In
giving them the old ship, therefore, it is not unlikely Cartier
may have stipulated that they should take her out of the
Lairet and extract the nails elsewhere, and no place would
be more suitable for this purpose than the ruisseau St.
Michel, where she would be stranded at low tide.'''

In the latter part of the winter, Donnacona, accompanied
by Taignoagny and others, set out on a hunt, giving the
French to understand that they would be absent onl ya
fortnight, instead of which they stayed away more than two
months. This aroused the suspicions of Cartier, who inter-
preted their prolonged absence to mean that they were
endeavouring to raise the surrounding country against him.
His fears were partially confirmed by the appearance shortly
afterwards of many strange faces in the Indian town ;
"divers lusty and strong men, such as we were not wont to
see."

No IK 5fi.— S»'e i>i>iiontlix F.

Note rtO-Tlie writer ccnifcsses to some niisgiviiins with rc«i>t'ct to tlit' t;(>imiiie-
iiess of tlie n-niitins I'oniid in tlie ruisseun I'St. Miclu'l. generally supjioseil to he
tliose of the Petiti llerminv In the lirst jiKaee thiy were not found in the s}ic)t
wl.eie Cartier wintered. We have endeavoured to aceount (or this iliscrei)aney,
liut there is a mure serious diflieulty in the way. Cartier, us we have seei>. tells
MS that lie bestowed his dismantled vessel uimiu certain Indians ' in order that the>
might have the old nails out of it,' {pnnr avoir les rici cioud—li. R.) which, to a.
peoiile amongst whom iror up to that period had heen unknown, would possess
great value. We may leasoualily infer therefore that whatever else they might
have left, Uie savages drew every nail and holt from the hulk. Yet in the account
of the discovery ol the remains in the ritissvaii Hi. Mi<'hel, ])r.1ili8hed in the Qvi'hec
GuzeJte of the I'.otli August 1K43, wc read that " The vessel had been built of large
grained oak, which was mostly in a good state of i)reservatn)n, although discoloured,
and the iron npikes and tioits were dill strong."

Tlie writer would be only too glad to see this objection satisfa'storily accounted
for.

105

Cartier being apprized by Domagaya of what was tran-
spiring in Stadacone, thought it expedient to send two of
his company thither, in order to reconnoitre. Accordingly,
he despatched Jehan Poullet, for whom the Indians had
evinced a special regard," and his own servant. These two
entered Stadacone, ostensibly as bearers of certain presents
to Donnacona, but the wary old savage was on his guard
and, feigning illness, declined to receive them. The envoys
thus repulsed, went to Taignoagny's abode, which they weie
surprised to find filled with strangers. Taignoagny, who
seemed disconcerted at their sudden call, showed himself
desirous of getting his visitors back to their ships as soon as
possible, refusing to allow them to enter any of the other
houses. To make sure of them going home direct he ac
companied ihem halfway himself. He took advantage of
the occasion to send a message by them to Cartier, to the
effect that it would be a source of satisfaction to Donnacona
and himself if he would seize and carry into France a
certain chief named Agouna, whom he represented as being
a turbulent spirit and a source of discord in the community
We shall find that this same Agouna succeeded Donnacona
in his kingly office, and we strongly suspect that, in making
the request he did, Taignoagny was speaking largely in his
own interest, evidently regarding Agouna as a rival to the
'Throne to which he himself aspired.

Taignoagny's desire was duly reported to Cartier who,
reflecting on the number of strange Indians, that were every-
where prowling about, and being wholly in the dark as to
their designs, concluded that it was high time to depart on

NoTK 57 - I'Voiii the proiiiinencp givtiii in the narrative to this name, it seenia not
iinlii\ely that .Teliai Poullet may have had Koiiie cuunectiun with tlie uuthorsluit itt
the Rrlef Rerit.

Wmrw

106

the homeward voyage. He had been asked to take an
Indian with him, and the proposal commended itself to
his judgment, but he would choose his man. He and his com-
panions could give testimony before the French court of
immense rivers, of a boundless wilderness, of a rigorous
climate, and a savage people ; but what of the mysterious
country which abounded in gold and rubies and other jjreci
ous stones ? That country where dwelt a white race,
clothed in the garments of civilized n^en — and of weird
regions where nature played oil sorts of tricks with the
human frame — who but the Lord Donnacona, who had
seen all these wonders? and the interpreters — they too
were necessary to his purpose — they too should accompany
him. And so he resolved to anticipate his crafty foes, by
seizing the ringleaders and carrying them off to France.

This "prettie prancke," as old Hakluyt rails it, has been
strongly animadverted upon by certain writers, as leaving a
lasting stain upon Cartier's reputation. Now, our object in
this paper is to depict Cartier just as he was, and to record
his deeds as we find them written down. We have no de
sire to represent him as being on all occasions absolutely
free from blame, and therefore we frankly admit that his
action in kidnapping these Indians, viewed apart from the
age in which he lived, and the special circumstances of the
case, was a cruel and treacherous act. But what right have
we so to judge of any man's actions ? Who in history, we
should like to know, could afford to have his deeds tested
by the rigid a|)plication of an abstract morality ? In con-
sidering questions of this kind, we are surely bound to ta e
into account the very conditions which, in our opinion, have
to be eliminated, in order to acquiesce in a condemnation

107

e an

:lf to

coni-

Lirt of

orous

?rious

preci
race,
weird

Lh the

o had

ey too

mpany

oes, by

:e.

IS been

aving a

bject in
record
no de

Isolutely
hat his
om the
of the
,ht have
|tory, we
s tested
In con-
to ta e
Ion, have
tmnation

of Cartier's action. We have to remember, in the first
place, that in the times of which we write, it was the: om-
mon practice of all discoverjrs, in returning home, to bring
with them specimens of the native inhabitants of the coun-
tries which they visited. We have seen that Cabot brought
three men from America, and there is no reason to think that
he consulted their feelings beforehand in the matter. So also
Aubert brought over a savage, while Corte-Real seized fifty
in order to sell them into slavery. Cartier in taking Don-
nacona and the rest, merely followed the custom of the
period, with this important difference, that whereas most of
the early adventurers treated the natives with much cruelty,
and in many instancies robbed and slaughtered them by
hundreds, Jacques Cartier paid several visits to Canada,
spent D.^ least two winters in ihe country, surrounded by sav-
ages who bore him no goodj will, and yet, during all that
time, we never hear of h'nrj shedding one drop of human
blood, or taking from one solitary Indian anything that be-
longed to him, against his will, except in these two seizures
at Gasp(^ and Quebec, on both of which occasions he is
declared to have treated his captives with much kindness
and consideration.

Let us contrast his conduct in this regard with that of
his contemporaries,^^ say Menendez or Pizarro, o. even our
own Drake or Hawkins, and so fur from condemning the
Breton voyager for cruelty or injustice towards the red man,
we shall stand amazed at the humane and generous course

Note 58 — Even in the cnses itf Cartinr's itniiiciliati' siiccessms, I'mitriiK luirt aiul
(jhiiin]ilain, we tiiul tliiaii si-arct'ly landid ou tlic sliores of tin; Nrw Worlil lieinn;
rngagiiij; with tlic liiilians iu (lt^■l(^ly .strilo It is only fair, liowcviT, Id aild tliat
their conflict, sccnis to liavc liecn undertaken in st'lf defence, and that in tlicir gen-
eral treatment of the savages they closely imitated Cartier's .sidrit of kindness.

108

l| 'I'!

which he adopted towards the Indians with whom he came
in contact, and which honourably distinguished him from
among the explorers of that rude age, in whom as we have
said, consideration for the feelings of the native races had,
in the great majority of instances, absolutely no place.

On the 3rd May, being the feast of the Invention of the
Holy Cross, Cartier "for the solemnitie of the day" caused
to be erected a cross thirty-five feet in height, on which
was hung a shield bearing the lilies of France, and under-
neath tl,e inscription "FRANCISCUS PRIMUS DEI
GRATIA FRANCORUM REX REGNAT."

Nothing now remained but to secure those of the Indians
whom they had resolved to bear away with them. This
was accomplished by means of a stratagem, involving, we are
sorry to say, a certain amount of falsehood. The artifiC'
was successful, and on the evening of ihe day that witnessed
the planting of the cross, Donnacona, Taignoagny, Doma-
gaya and some others^'^ were safely under guard on board
the ships.

The savages, apparently overawed by the boldness of the
action, olTered no resistance; Donnacona allowing himself
to be comforted by certain presents, including two frying
pans of copper, and by the promise made him by Cartier

N()TK5i).— It is not <inite elHar liow many Indians were seized on this occasion.
The account lirst says that Cartier "straight c.oniuianded his men to lay hold on
Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia," (who apjtears to have been privy to the aflair)
" it two more ot the chiefest whom he pointed unto." Then a little later— "Our
Captaine seeing that there was no other remedy, began to call unto them to take
them, at whose crie and voice all his men came forth, and took the sayd Lord with
the otiiers, whom they had aiii)ointed to take.''

Hakluyt, in his opening diajiter of tlie narrative of the third voyage, says the
number of tiie Indians brought over by <"aitier on tt)e secou<l voyage was ten.
Now four of tliese he hud liefore this seizure, for at the outset Donnacona pre-
sented him with two boys and a girl ; and the Ochelay chief with a girl. We have
no account of any further seizures or presentations It would therefore appear
that on tiiis occasion bo captured six jtersons, to wit, Donnacona, Taignoagny,
Domagaya, and three more.

109

that he should return to Stadacone within ten or twelve
moons.

Oil Saturday the 6th May, 1536, the ships weighed
anchor and departed from their winter abode. I'hey lay to
that night a little below Ihe Island of Orleans, on which
Cartier had already bestowed its present name. The news
of the capture had gone before them down the river, but the
scattered bands, dumbfounded at the astounding intelli-
gence, made no attempt at a rescue. Indeea they do not
appear at any time to have been a fighting race, which
makes Cartier's action in seizing their leaders appear the
less excusable. At Isle aux Coudres, which marked the
eastern extremity of his kingdom, Donnacona addressed a
number of 'Canadians' from the deck of the vessel, assur-
ing them that he was kindly treated, and that in twelve
moons he would come again and resume his sway over
them. This announcement greatly relieved his sorrowing
subjects who, as a parting act of homage, presented their
captive monarch with some bundles of skins, and " a great
knife of ed copper that commeth from Saguenay." Then
the sails were spread, and Donnacona looked upon his do-
minions for the last time.

They stopped a while at Isle aux Lievres, {rysle es lieures
H. R.) so named by them from the quantity of hares they
found thereon. Detained by contrary winds, they remained
in the vicinity until the 21st May, when the weather becom-
ing fair, they had a prosperous run, reaching Brion's Island
by way of the strait between Anticosti and Gaspe, " which
passage," says Cartier, " untill that lime had not bene dis-
covered" — though he came very near to discovering it hi.n-
self on the first voyage. Sightmg Cape North, then known

as Cape Lorraine, they spent some days along the Cape
Breton shore. They then crossed to the Newfoundland
coast, touching at the Island of St. Pierre. Here they
met with many French ships engaged in the cod fishery,
and remained a week in their com|)any, entertaining the fish-
ermen, we have no doubt, with the story of their adventures.
On the 1 6th instant they left St, Pierre and proceeded east-
ward to a port then called Rognosco — {Rou^noze^ B. R. )
now, 'I'rcpasses harbour, where they took in wood and water
for the ocean passage, and (strange to say) left one of their
boats. Upon Monday, the 19th June, they left this har-
bour, and arrived safely'at St. Malo on the 6th July, " by
the grace of God," says the quaint old narrative, "to whom
we pray, here ending our Navigation, that of his infinite
mercy he will grant us his grace and favour, and in the end
bring us to the place of everlasting felicitie. Amen."

CHAPTER V.
THE THIRD VOYAGE.

Uf'port to the Kirif^. — Doliiy in renewal of Coniinission. — Pro-
bable cause thereof. — Third v<iya;;(Mletenniue(l on. — Rol)ei-
val. — Departure of Carlier on tliinl voyaji:e. — Arrival at
Stadacone. — Interview with A^^ona.— Selection of Cap
Uon^e as wintering:? pla(;e. — iJt'parture of two vessels for
France. — (Jliarlesltoiirg-Royal. — ( 'ait ier iroes up to lloche-
laga. -The Lord of Ifocheiay. -The Saiilts. — Dissinnilation
of the Indians. —Return to Charlesbourfj^- Royal. — Prepara-
tions for its defence. — Abrupt termination of narrative;. —
Departure of Robervjil from Kochelle. — Meetinj? with
Cartier in harbnur of St. Joiui's. Newfoundland.— Cartier
returns to France. — Probablt^ reasons for so doing. — Query,
Ah to date of Roberval's sailing?

tp^HE King graciously received Cartier and heard from
^ his own lips the story of his adventures, of which he
"^^^v afterwards commanded him to make a written re-
port."" His Majesty also showed much interest in the
captive Indians, with whom he had some converse about
the wonders of Saguenay, specially charging Cartier to see
to their religious instruction.*'

NoTK GO. — See iqipendix U.

N';Tf:6l — Tliat this (Miimriissioi, was fiiitlifiilly exccut'sd, the following excerpt
from tlie fJaiitisiiiiil rt!gist;rs of .St. Malo is i-vidi'iicc :

"(Je jour, Notre Daiiii>, 2fiv. mars il' I'aii 15:18*, furcnt liapt'zes trois sauvages
liomnieH, rtes jjaities ilu Canada, in'iiis audit pays, par honiiestc liomuic .laeques
Caitier, capitaine jiour le Itov iioti'c Sire, fio ir dcscouvi'ir los dit"s t.Trti.s," ike.

*or 15:i!t. See not; 7, \>.-^7. In l.i:i',) IvidiiT fell on the tJtli .Viird.

The baptism of the remainder followed in du'! course. To one ■laccfue.s Cartier
himself stood sponsor, while to Doimaeona was given the name of F'rauci.s— this on
the autliority of Faillon.

Tlievi't— Cos iiioariipkie Uitivi'.rseUi', Vol. If, )i. /O/.}— speaking of Dontiacona,
whom he says he knew, aids -" lecjuel est mort en Prant^e du t -mps dn grand Roy
Fran^oys, parlant assez hien nostru langue, & y ayant demeur6 iiuatre ou cAiiq uns,
deeeda hon chrestien," &a.

Th'S samy writer says of Cartier, ib. p. 1009, that he was " I'vn de mes ineilleur*
amys," and again, that he lived live months with him in his house at St. Malo.

112

Ivli'

Cartier doubtless looked for an immediate renewal of his
commission, but he had arrived home at a time most in-
opportune for obtaining the royal consideration of his plans
for the future. The strife between France and Spain,
which had been steadily augmenting during his absence,
was then at its height, and in the summer of 1536 France,
invaded from opposite quarters by Charles V., became the
battle ground of the contending powers. At such a time,
all peaceful projects were necessarily thrust into the back-
ground, and Cartier's promise to Donnacona that he should
see Canada again in a twelvemonth (which we have no
reason to believe was not made in good faith) remained
unfulfilled. There was another reason not calculated to
stimulate interest on the part of those in authority in New
France. No gold or silver had been found there, and in
those days a foreign country which did not produce the
precious metals was but lightly regarded. Chabol too,
Cartier's patron and friend, was no longer influential at
court. Altogether, these causes seem sufficient to account
for the delay of five years which elapsed between Cartier's
second and third voyages, without ascribing to that naviga-
tor a desire to discourage further expeditions to Canada, by
dwelling on the hardships he had experienced in that
country. This supposition, due to some misapprehension
on the part of Lescarbot, seems to be quite unfounded.

At length, the truce of 1538 gave Francis leisure to be-
stow his attention upon Cartier's discoveries, and to peruse,
perhaps for the first time, the latter's detailed account of the
last voyage He appears to have been impressed with the
relation, and though it is evident that neither king nor
court apprehended the magnitude of the discovery, His

l';< II''
fill ijl{

118

i\[ajesty resolved upon assuming sovereignty over his new
dominions, and to this end determined upon sending thither
Jean Fran^:ois de la Roccjue, Sieur de Robcrval, as his
vicegerent in the new world. By Letters Patent/Jated t-;th
January, 1540, Robervul was constituted Lord of Norcm-
bega, Viceroy and Lieutenant-General in ('anada, Hochcl-
aga, Saguonay, Newfoundland, Belle Isle, (larpunt, Labrador,
the (Ireat Bay, and Baccalaos."-' He was furnished with
43,ouo livres and authorized to collect a sufficient number
of persons suitable for the effective prosecution of the
enterprise. 'I'his latter instruction seems to have proved
somewhat difficult of fulfilment for, on the 7th February fol-
lowing, fresh letters were issued, empowering him to search
the prisons of Paris, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Kouen, and Dijon,
and to draw therefrom such convicts lying under sentence
of death as he might require to complete his crews, exclud-
ing from his choice only such criminals as had been
adjudged guilty of heresy, high treason, and counterfeiting.
Such an expedition recjuired as its guide a man familiar nut
only with the localities to be visited, but also with the means
of reaching them. There was only one person in all France
possessed of these qualifications, and upon Jaccjues Cartier
accordingly the King's choice fell. By Letters Patent dated
the 17th October, 1540,"' Francis, confiding in the loyalty,
capacity, wisdom and experience of his trusty and well be-

>foTB ()2. — Tim Cmnmissioii c»f Roherval was t'lititli' 1 "/^f^^^r/s' P'ltcnte^ ifOnrdeen
d Ji:kiin Frdnffiii/s (Id III Ro'liic. Sr lU I'ohcrral." In it; lio is simply styii^l " not re
Lb'\iUiii(,iit->teii-r(il, Clff DanUnf et iiiiiilaine ik it il. (!/^^r/>rl*^^••• " Tln^ [juttfis
Pat iitaiiil tlie Coiiiirilssiim slmmii to liivu hiuMi sei)ai'at' iiistrunnMit-.

N')rfiml)i',Lj;i, Noi'uiiilie;^!, or AraiiiUm', wis, In Kuiiiisio's imp, tlii- .■')iiiitiy eiii-
brai'.isd witliiti Novi Scotia, soiiMiiTii Vi'w Uniii-wict;, an I a |)ii'tot' Miiiie.

The King si't-ms to have c;ousiik'i'i'<l 'Canada,' 'HochelaHa' and 'da;{Uenay' as \mw^
distinct countries.

NoTB 63.— See aj'pundix I.

114

i ', ^

loved servant, constituted and appointed Cartier Captain
(ieneral and Master Pilot over all the ships destined to take
part in the expedition.

I'^oremost among the objects of the voyage, as set forth in
the document, was the propagation of the Christian religion
among the heathens of the New World, and then rather in-
congruously follows the like authority given to Roberval,
to draw his following from the thieves and murderers who
filled the gaols. The relation in which ('artier and Roberval
stood towards each other on this expedition is somewhat un-
defined, and must, for this reason, have been unsatisfactory
to both, l-'roni the outset their powers seem to have con-
flicted. Career's commission authorized him to ecjuip five
vessels for the voyage. Of the v^5,oo(; /irres furnish'jd to
Roberval to defray the cost of the expedition, Cartier got
^^o.ooo Ingres at the beginning, and Roberval appears to have
paid him at a later stage, r.^^oo livres more. 'I'he King also
gave him the little vessel rEineriUon for the voyage. With
the 30,000 livrcs he had to buy or charter four shiiis and
arm and ecjuip the five. The King earnestly impressed
upon both Roberval and Cartier the inexpediency of delay,
charging them to sail not later than the 15th April following,
if at all possible. 'J'he command was a wise one. Delay
had already militated against the success of the expedition,
which was prejudiced by the deaths of all the Indians
broughc over to France, save one little girl. The change
had been too great for them, and weary of waiting for the
promised return to their own country, they had all died in
exile, having first embraced the Catholic religion, and re-
ceived the Sacrament of Baptism.

That this unfortunate occurrence was regarded in its true

ll.")

take

•th in

li^^ion

er in-
terval,

s who

Ijerval

lat un-

[Actory

e con-
lip fivx'

iTid to

licr got

to have

ing also
With

ips and

pressed
delay,

lUowing,
Delay
ledilion.
Indians
change
ior the
died in
and re-
its true

light by those whom it most concerned, is ..(-parent from

the opening words of HakUiyt's fragmentary account— -the

only record known to exist of Cartier's third voyage.

" And (ilhrit Iiis MiiJ«'s(i«' was advrrti/cd l»y tlu' sayd ('artier
of the dj'atli and (hccasc of all the proplc which wcro
hron^ht ov«'r by him (which were tonne in rninii)cr) savinj^ one
little iiU'lv ahoiit tctnic yccrcs old, i/ct he resolved to send the
say<l ('artier Ins I'ilot thither aniline." Arc.

No one, we fancy, appreciated the importance of the
deaths of these men more fully than diil the ('aptain
(ieneral.

As upon previous occasions, Cartier's preparations were
made at St. Maio. ^J does not ajjpear to have been pos-
sible to meet the Kii..;'s desire by saiHng on the islh April,
but a month later found the five ships riding at anchor in
the harbour of St. Malo in all readiness to depart, saving
that the artillery and certain supplies ordered by Roberval
had not arrived. After waiting some little time for them,
Roberval determined ui)on allowing Cartier to sail in ad-
vance, while he proceeded to Honlleur, whither he thought
his supplies must have gone, and there get ready a shij) or
two with which to follow later in the season.

Meanwhile these preparations created some stir, not
merely in the localities in which they were going forward,
but even beyond the confines of France itself. Men asked
themselves to what end were so many ships being fitted out
at such expense, and an expedition placed under the com-
mand of a person so considerable as ^/c petit roi de Vimeu^
for so Francis was .iccustomed to style Roberval. Reports
of what was transpiring reached Madrid losing, we may be
sure, nothing by the way, and Spanish jealousy taking alarm
at the bare thought of any interference with the monopoly

claimed by that kingdom in the new world, a spy was des-
patched from the court of the most Catholic King, with
orders to visit the French ports and encjuire diligently into
the truth of the strange stories that were everywhere rife.
The report came back to the effect that the I'Vench were
bound for Haccalaos, and the Si)aniards, learning that their
interests were not likely to be imperilled, breathed easy
once more.

On the 23rd May, 1541,''' Cartier departed from the port
of St. Malo on his third voyage to the western world. He
had with him five ships fully equipped and provisioned for
two years, one of which was rEmetil/on, presented to him
for the purpose, as we have seen, by the King. From a
subsequent audit of his accounts we find that another was
called ' r Hennine^ — probably la Grande Iletmine of the
second voyage. We are not informed as to the others, save
that the united tonnage of the five amounted to 400 tons. In-
asmuch as la Grande Herniiue was of 1 20 tons burden,
and PEnierillon was of 40 tons, the other three ships would
average 80 tons each. The voyage was long and stormy,
and it was not until late in June, that the ships, which had
be.in separated by the tempest, arrived at Carpunt in New-
foundland, 'i'heir supply of water ran short on the voyage,
and the cattle which they were bringing over to stock the
new country, suffered severely in consequence.

Cartier seems to have waited for Roberval in the harbour
of Carpunt, which apparently had been appointed the

NoTK <)4. Ilakluyl's version imts tln' iliit ■ of s;uliii,i,' on the 'JBril Muy, 15*0, hut
this is ck'iirly cridiicous. Ci; tier's Letters Piiteiit are dated the ITtli and 2()tli
0.'U)l)er, IfilO, besides wliieli. there are extant ei'itain receipts in eonnection with
tlitM'xpedition. sit,'iied at St iMah) by Kolierval and I'a'tier on ITtli May, 1541.
Further, the ecclesiasti.'al re('()rd^ diow that on tht^ Utli Ajiril, 1.041, Cartier stood
8j)onsor in tlie (.'athedral Chureli of S't Ma!o lor a dau;;hter of Charles I.e llneht;stel
aud Ueiiist; <Il's (Iranches, to whom was given the name .hieiiuette.

117

i5 des-
, with
f into
e vife.
h were
t their
d easy

he port
d. He
med tor
[ to him
From a
ther was
of the
ers, save
tons. In-
burden,
would
stormy,
ich had
in New-
voyage,
tock the

harbour
nted the

MV, luttt, but
[Tth an. I 'JOtli
,ii(.(t,iou with
. May. 1541-
Caiticr stood

rendezvous, some six weeks. At length, impatient of delay,
he determined upon going forward to his destination without
him, which he did, and succeeded in bringing his five ships
safely to anchor in the harbour of Holy Cross on the 23rd
August — three months from the dpy he had left St. Malo.
As of old, boats put out from the shore, filled with In-
dians of all ages and sexes. Demonstrations of welcome
were indulged in, and then came the inevitable enquiry
"Where is Donnacona ?" Cartier jjromptly answered that
Donnacona was dead and that his body rested in the earth
in ['Vance, but, apprehensive of the effect which the whole
truth might have upon his questioners, he added the false,
hood that the rest had married and become great lords and
would not return to their native country. An ominous
silence succeeded Cartier's speech ; all save Agona, ui)on
whom Donnacona's mantle had fallen, evincing profound
grief at hearing of the death of their lord. Agona (or
Agouna), it will be remembered, was the name of the tur-
bulent chief whom 'I'aignoagny had asked Cartier to kidnap
on the preceding voyage. Taignoagny's ap|)rehensions
with regard to Agona's ambition and power had evidently
been realized, for theie is little doubt that the successor of
Donnacona was none other than his ancient enemy, though
Taignoagny, poor fellow, was s[)ared the mortification of be-
holding his rival's triuini)h. Agona received the news of Don-
nacona's death, apparently with great equanimity, for accord-
ing to Hakluyt "The said Agona made no shewe of anger at
all these speeches; and I think he tooke it so well because he
remained Lord and Governour of the countrey by the death
of the said Donacona.'' At the conclusion of the confer-
ence, Agona's demonstrations of friendship became more

118

marked. Taking from his head the wreath of esurgny^
which was the symbol of his dignity, and from his wrists the
bracelets he wore, he put them upon Cartier, with many
signs of amity and good will, which, says the chronicle,
"was all dissimulation, as afterward it wel appeared."*'^

For some reason- -it may have been on account of the
gloomy associations connected with his sojourn on the banks
of the St. Charles — Cartier determined upon mooring his
vessels and establishmg his defences elsewhere. After a
short reconnoisance with his boats above Stadacone, he
selected the entrance to a small river about four leagues
beyond 'Canada,' as being more commodious, and affording
greater advantages than did his former abode. The spot
chosen was in all probability Cap Rouge, the distance from
^tadacone given by Cartier being, as usual, too great.

On the 26th August he caused all his ships to be brought
up to the entrance of this little river, In which he placed
three of them, leaving the remaining two out in the main
river in readiness to return to France with letters to the
King, informing him of their proceedings and of the non-
arrival of Roberval. By the 2nd September they had un-
loaded their supplies, and erected a fortification, mounted
with cannon, for the protection of the three vessels destined
to remain in the country. This being done, the two ships,
the one commanded by Mace Jalobert, Cartier's brother-in-
law, and the other by Etienne Noel, his nephew, departed
for home.*"

NoTK (iri - Tliesf ex]in'Hsi(iiis "as af'torwanl it wel appoart'd " and "as
we uiuUustood afterward " (pa^t^ 1'21) seciii ti» us to afford a tolerably I'lcar
indication of wiiat transpired at Cliailesliourt;-Koyal during tiie suecoeding winter,
the record of which is now no donht niouNlcrin^ in the recesses of some secret
depository of ancient nianus<(ripts in France. We can only hope that, like the
Rtlation Origiimle of the first voyage, It nuiy he nneaithed some day.

N0TK66.— From other sources it ai)pears that .Jalobert and N06I carried with

i.l..^-

119

The next thing was to make an examination of the sur-
rounding country, with the fertility of which they were more
than pleased, the trees being pronounced finer than any-
thing they had before known, though the grape vines, which
grew in rich profusion between them, did not yield a fruit
" so kind as those of France, because the Vines bee not
tilled, and because they grow of their owne accord." "To
bee short," says Cartier, " it is as good a (^ountrey to plow
and mannure as a man should find or desire." Here he set
twenty men to work, w'ho in a day cleared an acre and a
half of ground. This patch they sowed with cabbage, let-
tuce, and turnip seed, which sprang up in a week. On the
summit of the cliff which overhung their ships, Lney built
another fort " to keepe the nether Fort and the shij)s, and
all things that might passe, as well by the great as by this
small river." A flight of steps cut in the rock led up to the
higher fortification, near which flowed a clear spring of
water. On this cliff they picked up shining quartz crystals
supposed by them to be diamonds, and along the shore
glittering scales of mica, "as thicke as a mans nayle," which
they mistook for gold.

Scarcely had the forts been built and things got in order
at Charlesbourg-Royal, for so the establishment was grandly
named after Charles, Duke of Orleans, son of the French
King, than the restless spirit of the commander prompted
him to embark on an expedition to Hochelaga. The stories
of Donnacona had evidently made a profound impression

tlit'iti tho news of the dentil of Thomas Fi(Hiioiit, 'lit dv. la Roiiiilf, wlio was Master
of 1(1 draiuli' lliriiiine on tlie seconil voyajie. He is said to have been Caitier's
right arm. Where, or ntitter what eireuiM>t:in(res, he .net with his death is un-
known, thouyh as he lelt St. .Malo with Caitu r in May, l.')41, and the ships wliicii
bore t!ie sad news sailed from Charlesbourg-KovHl on the 2iid Seiitember, lie pro.
bably died on the voyage over.

eurried with

120

upon him, and he would tain know more of the mysterious
region which stretched north and west. In particular, the
recollection of the "great and swift fall of water" he had
seen from the top of Mount Royal haunted his memory, so
much so that he could not endure to lead a life of inactivity,
watching his turnips grow at Charlesbourg-Royal. His plan
was to go up the river and reconnoitre, returning before the
cold weather set in, and to spend the winter months in
making preparations for an extended exploration during the
following summer. Accordingly, after submitting his i)lans
to a council of his officers, Cartier, accompanied by Martine
de Painpoint and oiher gentlemen, set out on the 7th Sep-
tember, with two hoatS; well manned and appointed, " to
goe as farre as Hochelaga, of purpose to view and under-
stand the fashion of the Saults of water which are to be
passed to goe to Saguenay,' leaving the Vicomte de Beaupre
in command at Charlesbourg-Royal."

On the way he paid a visit to his old acquaintance, the
Lord of Hochelay, who had presented him with vhe little
girl now serving as his interpreter. Here he left two boys
in order that they might learn the language of the country.
He also made the chief's heart glad by the gift of "a cloake
of Paris red, which cloake was set with yealow and white
buttons of Tinne, and small belles, &c., whereat the sayde
Lord seemed highly to rejoyce."

Impelled by fair winds, they reach^u on the nth instant
the foot of the first fall, two leagues distant from which was
the town of Tutonaguy. It is somewhat singular that, after
leaving Charlesbourg-Royal, Cartier does not mention Hoch-
elaga by name, nor could anyone tell from his account of
this expedition that he had ever been in the neighbourhood

121

of the falls before. Yet from his description, they must have
been the Lachine rapids, and the town of Tutonaguy was in
all probability Hochelaga. Nothing more clearly illustrates
the ephemeral cha'acter of these Indian villages, than the
circumstance that the fortified town ot Hochelaga should
have lost its name in the short space of six years.*'

Their attempt to row up against the rai)ids having natur-
ally proved unsuccessful, they went ashore, where they found
a beaten ]:)ath running westward along the bank of the river
in the direction of the second fall. Soon they came to an
Indian village, where they were favourably received, and on
announcing their desire to surmount the rapids, they were
conducted along the river-side by four young men, until
they came to another village, abreast of the second fall.
From the Indians they learned that the third fall was not
far distant Having gathered this information, (w-hich, by
the way, had been given to Cartier by the people of Hoch-
elaga several years before) they returned to their boats,
about which they found assembled a crowd of Indians to
the number of about four hundred. These savages seemed
pacifically inclined. " But," sagely adds the old chronicle,
"a man must not trust them for all their faire ceremonies
and signes of joy, for if they had thought they had bene too
strong for us, then would they have done their best to have
killed us" — and then follow the significant words — ^' as 7t''6'
understood afterivard."'^ A time evidently came when these
people were, to see in white men nothing but flesh and
blood like themselves.

NuTK t)7. — M Fiiilloii t 'Us us in liis Histolre de In Coloaie FraiiQiine, Vol J, p. /(>,
Ihiit the nil) Icrii Iiii(ii(>i9 ii.iiMf 1)1' Montreal is TinfiuLl, t\w sound ot wliicli wotii
is not unlike the Tnt()na;;uy of Caiiier.

Note OS.— See note (io, jiage 118

122

,1'

On their way down the ri\er the French called in at
Hochelay, but found the chief away from home, and no-
body there save one of his sons, who told Cartier that his
father had gone to Maisouna only two days before."' Upon
reaching the fort they found that this was tiot the case, for
the Lord of Hochelay had come down to Stadacone during
their absence, in order to devise with Agona hostile measures
against the French. The Vicomte de Beaupre's report was
to the effect that the Indians no longer came to the fort to
sell their fish as usual, but appeared to be in a great state of
excitement and alarm. Cartier, hearing all this, and seeing
that the Indians were congregating in large numbers (which
action he always associated with danger) saw to the efficiency
of his defences, which were more than ample to withstand
any attack the savages could make upon them, and —

At this point unfortunately, the ancient narrative abruptly
breaks off, and we are left to conjecture as best we may,
how Cartier and his companions spent the long dreary win-
ter which followed. We know from the opening portion of
the account of Roberval's voyage that Cartier was very much
badgered by the Indians, and from indications scattered
here and tnere through the fragmentary narrative we have
been considering, we are inclined to think that the winter
did not pass over without more than one act of treacherous
violence on the part of the savages. We do not learn that
there was any actual bloodshed,'" nor is there any mention

Noi'E tit).— We (Id not at all know wh'-re Maisouna was situate, but fumi tlif
niattur of course way iii .vliii'li it is mentioned lieie, we suspect that the hidden
narrative could tell us souiething at)out it.

<OTK 70. -Thevt t— ii somewhat diml'tful authority— record? that one of Cartier'.-*

I ^(>. i).iving insulted an Indian, tlie enraged savaj^e hurled his tormentor over a.

"f>", a*ul treated a second Ficiichniaii, who caiuu to tlie assistance of his coinerade,

..'' Ub .'nanner. This would not tend to make the relations between the Fort and

'' Ui.n6 any the more pleaMint.

128

Cartier :*
jr over a.
l>,omenul<\
iFort iuid

made of the scurvy, further than that when they first went
over their domain at Cap Rouge, special mention is had of
"one kind of tree above three fathoms about, which they in
the Countrey call Hanneda,'' which hath the most excellent
vertue of all the trees of the world, lohereof 1 ivill make
mention hereof terj'' This is the same tree that furnished the
wonderful cure on the St. Charles, and from the last words
of the quotation, it is not at all unlikely that the lost portion
of the narrative contains an account of circumstances which
rendered necessary a successful re-application of the remedy
during the winter sojourn at Cap Rouge.

We must now return to Roberval, whom we left at St,
Malo with the intention of going down to Honfleur and
there getting ready a vessel in which to follow Carticr.
Meeting with unforeseen delays, it was not until the i6lh
April, 1542, that he sailed from Rochelle with " three tall
ships" and two hundred companions, among whom were
many persons of quality. The fates seemed against the
enterprise, for they had not long left port when the wind
turning contrary, drove them back upon the coast of France,
and even when they did actually get under way, storms
hampered their progress so greatly that it was the 7th June
before they reached the Newfoundland coast. Entering the
harbour of St. John's the next day, they found there seven-
teen fishing vessels, some of which must have been Portu-
gese, for Hakluyt says that Roberval was detained here
nearly all the month of June owing to an altercation between
his men and certain "Portugals."

One morning, some little time after their arrival, as they

;1'

NoiB 71. -The Brief Rexiit has, Anifdit. Hakluyt's narrative of the sefoml voy.igo
has, Ameda or Hanneda.

124

lay at anchor in the bay, they descried three ships enter-
ing port, which to Roberval's amazement turned out to be
Jacques Cartier's expedition of the previous year on the
homeward route. Cartier, whom no contretemps ever seemed
to embarrass, paid his respects to his superior, and explained
that his premature return arose from the fact of his being
unable with his small band longer to cope with the Indians.
He praised the country, which he declared to be rich and
fruitful, and produced certain ' diamonts ' and 'Golde ore '
" which ore" we are told, " the Sunday next ensuing, was
tryed in a Furnace, and found to be good."

Roberval, hearing this favourable account of the country
ordered Cartier to return with him to Canada. The latter,
however, had had enough of it, and quieily slipping off the
following night made all sail for France. Several reasons
may have prompted this course, which at first sight seenis
very unlike Cartier. To begin with, we do not think he
could have been favourably impressed with Roberval's
capacity for the leadership of such an expedition. The
latter's interminable delays had been the priniary cause of
failure so far, and Cartier no doubt felt disinclined to hold
second place under such a man, in a situation where vigour
and determination were peculiarly indispensable, and
where a single error of judgment might prove fatal to the
whole party. And apart from thequestionof Roberval's fitness,
we can sympathize with Cartier in his unwillingnes to serve
in a country where he had so long been supreme — a coun-
try, the very existence of which, but for his intrepidity and
perseverance, would not then have been known to the civi-
lized world — a sorry relurn truly, for all the toil and priva-
tion he had undergone. And so we think we understand

■liii

125

the motives which prompted him to give Roberval the slip
in the manner he did. He probably desired to avoid any
thing like an open rupture, and with that object in view, took
the somewhat inglorious course we have described.

In this recital we have followed Hakluyt's account of
Roberval's voyage, which — and it is only a fragment — is the
sole record that has come down to us. We are aware of
the existence of certain speculations at variance therewith.
Mr. DeCosta, for example, in his article upon Cartier, to
which we have several times alluded in the course of this
essay, states that Roberval sailed from Honfleur on the
22nd August, 1541 — just three months after Cartier had left
St. Malo, and that the ships he met in the harbour of St.
John's were those of Jalobert and Noel, which Cartier had
despatched from Charlesbourg- Royal for France on the 2nd
September of that year. The authorities quoted by that
gentleman in support of this theory are not accessible to us.
Under these circumstances we feel bound to add that we
have not that confidence in the accuracy of Mr. DeCosta's
historical statements which we should like to feel. If his
version be correct, then Cartier and Roberval must have
wintered together in Canada in 154 12. It is true Chamj)-
lain. says that Roberval made Cartier return with him to
Canada, where they built a dwelling on the Island of
Orleans, while Lescarbot says that Roberval and Cartier
together established a fortification in Cape Breton. These
statements,- however, are mere obiter dida, and are (latly
contradicted by the only account of Roberval's voyage ex-
tant, with which probably neither Champlain nor Lescarbot
were acquainted, but which finds acceptance with such high
authorities as Ferland and Faillon, in whose company we

126

are content to abide. There is besides, other evidence to
show that Roberval was in France in the early part of 1542.
Harrisse — ''Notes sur la Nouvelle France^ />. 5, note — says
without qualification : — " Roberval etait encore en France
le I Mars, 1542, puisque h cette date il comparut devant le
Parlement de Rouen afin de rt^clamer certains criminels qui
devaient faire partie de son expe'dition."

Cartier certainly was present in the cathedral church of
St. Malo on the 21st October, 1542, on which date he as-
sisted at the ba|)tism of Catherine, daughter of Rend
Moreau, Sieur de la Feraudiere, and Roze dcs Pallys. Both
these statements fit in with Hakluyt's version of Roberval's
voyage. iMually, M. Joiion dcs Longrais in his work on
Jacques Cartier, published at Paris last year (1888), says
positively that Roberval sailed from Rochelle on the j6th
April, 1542.

% ,1

CHAP'I'KR VI.

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN THE LIFE
OF JACQUES CARTIER.

Rttuiii from thii<l voya^t'.— Audit of accoimts iiihUt RovjiI
('ommission.— P^vidcncf of foiiitli voyii^^e, — Its proliable
date. — (!aiti»'r"s private lifo. His rcHidt'iicc at St. Malo. —
Limoilou. — As to his cnnoltlciiu'iit. — Foiiiidaiioii of an
' 01>it.' — ('aitifi's death— His character. — Coiichjsion.

(^^J ARTIKR, on his return, found himself and his
j ^-^ expedition alike unnotired. The third war between
5^^ the rival monarchs had broken out during his absence
and Francis, immersed in a sanguinary conflict which taxed
the resources of his kingdom to the utmost degree, found
himself unable to bestow a thought upon the man who had
discovered and entered upon for him, a territory as fair and
many times as large as that for which he was wasting the
energies and draining the life-blood of his i)eople.

The next we hear of Cartier is his appearance before a
commission appointed by the King to audit the accounts of
the late voyage. The commission was composed of Robert
Legoupil, " conseiller et lieutenant en I'admiraulte de
France a la table de marbre de nostre palais a Rouan,'" and
four associate commissioners. On the 3rd April, 1544, the
King addressed a letter to Robert Legoupil, commanding
him to summon before him within a week after his ap-
pointment for the purposes of this audit, both Roberval and
Cartier, showing that both had returned to P>ance before

lt»8

that date. The rejiort of the rommission, dated the 21st
June, 1544, fixes the cost of Cartier's third expedition at
3g,i}8S livres 4. 0. In this document is to he found the
only evidence we possess of Cartier's fourth voyage to Can-
ada, which, however, seems to establish the fact of its
having taken place. The following is the (juoiation
Cartier having claimed 4.300 livns (apparently extra) on
account of C HcnniHc and f Enter illon, adds •

*' Et en CO qui est du tier navh'e inuttivH |)()ur <lix Hcpt iiiois
qu'il a eHtc audict voiai^e <hullct ('artier, et pour liuic^t nioi.s
qii'il a este a retourner (pierir ledict Rohertval audict (!anaila
an peril do nauleai^cv- que les autres deux, He seroiit deux mil
cin(| centH livres, et, pojir les autres deux (pii furent audict
voiaige, six mois a cent livres le mois, sont douzecients livres."

The voyage of seventeen months above referred to is,
no doubt, the third one, on which Cartier sailed on the 23rd
May, 1 54 1 We do not know the date of his return. He
left Newfoundland about the end of June, and we find him
present at a baptism at St. Malo on the 21st October follow-
ing. Between May 1541 and October 1542 is just seven-
teen months. 1 weaving Newfoundland about the end of
June he should, however, have reached France long before
October— probably about the middle or end of August.
We fancy, for the purposes of his financial accounts, he
must have reckoned the length of the voyage as between
the periods of engaging and paying off Iiis crews. Supposing
this to have been the case, and allowing lor a long passage,
such for instance as Roberval experieiicjd a few weeks be-
fore, we arrive at the conclusion that the third voyage was
held to be of seventeen months' duration.

All we know of the fourth voyage is that it was under-

Note 72.— See fippeiidix J.

■li

121)

21 St

in at
1 the
Can-
)f its
ion—
u) on

, moiH
t nioifi
ivnuilii
IX mil
luidict
ivreH."

to is,

e 23rd

I. He

■\d him

foUow-

seven-

end of

before

ugust.
nts, he
clween
pposing
passage,
eks be-

ge was

under-

taken to bring back J<oberval, and that it lasted eight
months. Meagre as is the information afforded us, it is
sufficient to justify the estimate of Rolierval's fitness for the
leadership of such an enterprise which we have supposed
Cartier tiD entertain. As to when it occurred — Cartier was
present ct a baptism at St. Malo on the 25th March, 154,^
He was also present in person before the court at St. Malo,
as a witness, on the 17th February, 1544. NT. I'erland's
supposition that Cartier sailed on his fourth voyage in the
autumn of 1543, wintered in Canada, and returned to
France about the beginning of May 1544, cannot therefore
be accepted.

Hakluyt tells us that Roberval left the neighbourhood of
Stadacone for Hochelaga on the 5th June, 1543. He must
therefore have been in Canada sometime after that date,
lioth Roberval and ('artier appeared before the royal com-
mission at Rouen in June 1544. We cannot find any record
of Cartier being in France between March 1543 and Febru-
ary 1544 (saving one doubtful entry in the legal registers,
dated the 3rd July, 1543, on which occasion it is more than
likely he was represented by proxy). We therefore suggest
that he might have sailed on his fourth voyage about the
middle of April 1543, and returned late in the autumn of the
same year. This is strengthened by the probability that
Cartier, having undergone the privations of two winters in
Canada, would be careful to avoid a third experience.

Cartier seems to have spent the years succeeding his
fourth and (so far as we know) his last voyage, in retirement
at St. Malo. His town house was situate on the rug de
BuheHy between the old manor of that name and the St.
Thomas hospital. His country residence was at Limoilou,
a small village situate a few miles east-north-east of St.
9

r i^.i''

130

Malo. The building is still preserved entire. According
to the representations of it which we have seen, it is of sim-
ple construction — in appearance resembling a substantial
farm house, with outbuildings and a court-yard — the whole
surrounded by a stone wall. The old house is approached
through two gates near together, of ancient form. In the
neighbourhood they are known by the name of '"Fortes
Cat tier.'' Over the larger gateway, cut in stone, are the arms
of a Bourgeois., i.e.., without the helmet. It appears that this
property had been for many years previous to the time of
which we write, in possession of the Cartier family. Here,
removed from the strife, political and religious, which raged
fiercely all around him, Cartier, happy we have every reason
to believe, in the companionship of his wife, passed his later
years. We do most sincerely trust that this interesting relic
may long escape the ruthless touch of modern philistinism.
It is stated that Francis I. at last recognized the eminent
services of his faithful follower by granting to him a patent
of nobility. We should like to think this was the case, but
we fear there is no satisfactory evidence to show that either
Francis or Henry, his son and successor, ever did anything
of the kind. L'abbd Faillon is of opinion that the circum-
stance of Cartier being alluded to on the Baptismal register,
under the date 5th February, 1550, as '"'■Noble homme'"'^'^
(which title he says was given only to those of noble rank)
is proof of his elevation to that dignity. Unfortunately we

Note 7:).— .'> F6vrier, lo.5o.

'•Le ,ieu(ly, cirKiuicsiiit' jniir di' fculivricr, fiit hajiiizf' ung <ilz on r6j;lise ciitlifi-
(Irale do Saiiit-Mal", & Jacijucs Xoiiel it & I{iil)iiic IIeiv6 sa fcinme, I'ar iJom
OllivitT Leiiianiue sulistitut Av vin6ial)le it discrAto persdniie Maistic Lancelot
biilfier cliaiioiiic ut vicaire-cuifi ('.c la ilicto I'glisc, it noiniii6 fust jiar iwhU homrm-
Jiifijvcs Curtivr, Ja('([iu's, ct jtetit coiii] Aic Jclian Gii^ridieii, jiou'' coimiiAre i'eri'iue
Uatiltliier. Kii presence de Etit'iMie Nmiel, Mery Houxel ct dti S()iil).sign6 iiotaire,
Ic diet jour ct aij. Sign6 : jAryiKS Caktif.r ct F. Tkeiiolart."

131

find Cartier similarly entitled, on the same register, ten
years before — namely on the 13th November, 1540, yet it
has never been maintained that he was ennobled before his
departure on the third voyage. Again, his name is recorded
in the ecclesiastical and legal records of St. Malo many
times subsecjuently to February 1550,'^ but on none of these
occasions is there any allusion to his being of noble degree.
Finally, M. Jouon des Lofigrais has unearthed a document
dated 9th March, 1557, in which Cartier is specially dis-
tinguished from certain "priseurs nobles" — he being termed
''I'vn des priseurs de ceste viUe."

It is true that in "//// ade duchapitre de Saint-Malo',' dated
the 29th September, 1549, he is styled Sieur de Limoilou^
but it does not necessarily follow therefrom that he was of
noble rank. M. des Longrais says on this point — " Les
plus petits proprietaires s'intitulaient sieurs ou seigneurs de
leur terre (juand il leur plaisait, quoi(iue I'usage en fut un
peu moins general tju' a la fin du meme siecle."' The 'Adc '
above mentioned records the foundation by the Sieur de
I ,imoilou and his wife of an '<?/-// ' in the cathedral church
of St. Malo. This 'ofiiV called for the celebration of three
masses of recjuiem on the i6th October in each year. The
Sieur does not appear to have been blessed with much of
this world's goods, for it seems that in order to establish this
*ol^if,' costing the sum of four livres, he was obliged to mort-
gage his town residence.

Cartier's presence at baptisms and before the legal tri-

No'i'K 74.— For exaiiiiik', uii the "Jiid August, in tlie smiu- ycjir
" Li' salmiedy second jmir il'aoiig.st. an iiredict mil \'c, cinijuniit", i>ar vrnewblc
A'liscrct Mf. Lancoliil lliitller fut l)a|iti.<6 ung tils h Haoulct Grout & Jean no
Chevillo sa IVninie. ; i"i: fut nnininfi Ja('(iues jmr h'inni'.-<tisiiciis JuajMs Cartier, priu-
cii>al coinpcn', I'v I'.oliin Pestci, lu'tit cp. , iV OUivt Lauilieit rii., lesd. jour & an.
<3. Lanpevin,"

lit

133

bunals, where his knowledge and experience were had in
great request,''' continued to occur frequently during the
latter part of his life. We have already referred to his last
attendance at a baptism, which took place on the 1 7th
November, 1555. His last appearance in court was on the
26th June, 1557, when he gave certain evidence in corrobor-
ation of the testimony of one Jehan Daniel.

We come now to the last act of Cartier's life — namely
his death, which occurred on the ist September, 1557, in
the 66th or 67th year of his age.'" Katherine des
Granches survived her husband nearly eighteen years,
dying in the early part of 1575. As we have already stated,
they had no family. Among Cartier's collateral des-
cendants we may mention Jacques Noel, grand nephew
of the celebrated navigator, from whose interesting
letters, written in 1587," it is apparent that he was not igno.
rant of the deeds of his great-uncle. In one of these letters
he states that he had gone over the ground in the neigh-
bourhood of the Saults (Lachine rapids) himself, and in
another he speaks of his sons, Michael and John, who at
the date of his writing were in Canada,

NciTK 75.— Tl'O ]i(>itrnit (if .IiKMHifs I'.iiticr still lianjzs in the Idwii hall "f St.
MmIo. Tlic iiiiinc dt' Mk' jiaiiit'T is uiikiinwii. In \M~ (lir L. iV: II. tS. of QiubiV'
pniciiicd a I ojiy n\ (Iik-s jiaiiitiiij; liy M. Ainiol. a I'.iiisiaii aiti>t. Ti. iiictiiro lui-
fotiiiiati'ly was (lest idvcd in llic liiiniiiit; of the I'ailiaiiiciit ImililiiiKS at Quchec in
Kfliniary \)<M. Man> rcjiroiiiictidiis. Iniwcvcr, aru in exist fncc and tlic bold ami
lesolr.ti' fcatnn-8 ot tiic great navigalur are familiar to us all.

NoTK 7i). — M. des Lnngrais .says tliat lie (liscovered not long since on the niargiii
of on" (if tlieConit I{(«ist -rs at St. Main, alicve the date of 1st Sejiteniber 1557,
the following inenioiandnm :

" tV tlirt mcrcrrdii av miitin I'livira)! ciiiij heurcs dciriln Jacijues Cnrticr."
M. dps Longrais has ajiiiended a fae-simile of this entry. Cartier's death was
probably e.iiised by an eiiideniic which was very fatul at 8t. Malo about that mie.

NoTK 77, — See ajiiiendi.x L.

133

In considering the character of Jacques Cartier, if in-
deed our scanty knowledge of the man warrants us in using
so comprehensive a word, two features stand prommently
forth — his deep piety, and his extraordinary physical courage
and endurance. In our attempt to follow his adventurous
course, we have more than once called attention to both
these traits. Concerning the first, we may sum up our ob-
servations by saying that in Cartier dwelt an habitual sense
of the Divine presence, which governed all his actions and
directed all his ways. Devoted to the interests of Holy
Church, he was a strict observer of her sacred ordinances
and her stately forms, while his private life appears ever to
have been regulated by the maxims of the Gospel. In
looking back over the record of his voyages, it is very rarely
one meets with any violation of the moral law — the only
instances we can recall being the kidnapping of the Indians
at Stadacone', and the subsequent deception which that act
entailed. True it is that the accounts in all probability
were written by himself, but they are simple, straightforward
narratives, and bear the impress of truth upon every page.

Of his physical courage and powers of endurance it would
be difificult to speak too highly. When one considers what
the ships of that period were like, it will be admitted that a
voyage to the new found land was in itself no light under-
taking. But this voyage four times repeated, was but a
small portion of Cartier's exploits. Cramped in his wretched
little vessel, buffeted by the winds and waves, he lived for
months at a time in command of men, some of whom at
any rate, judging from their extraction, could not have been
very desirable companions. With them he explored wild
regions on which the foot of a white man had never trod —

134

penetrated a thousand miles into the interior of an unknown
continent — and there, surrounded by savages, alone of civil-
ized men in all that mighty wilderness which stretched from
Mexico to the Pole, he deliberately undertook, with a hand-
ful of followers, to spend a winter. Wv.^ know something of
the unspeakable miseries he endured in the course of that
dreary stay on the banks of the St. Charles, and we have
seen how little they affected his indomitable spirit, in that
on the first opportuni^^y he voluntarily repeated his ex-
perience.

Of Cartier in his domt"'.'c relations we know scarcely
anything. From one or two circumstances we have men-
tioned, we think we are justified in surmising that his
married life was uniformly happy, the one disappointment
being that the blessing of Joseph was withheld from them;
for little as we know of Cartier, this much is clear, that he
possessed that note of a great man— fondness for children.
There is scarcely a year of his life in which we do not hear
of him holding a little one over the baptismal font.

Under happier auspices Cartier's third voyage would pro-
ably have marked the beginning of the permanent settle-
ment of this country, and Canadian history would have had
fifty years added to its page. But Providence ordained
differently, and the work was reserved for other hands.

With Francis I. died all hope of an early settlement of
New France. His successor, burdened with the affairs of a
country attacked from without by foreign foes, and torn by
religious wars within her borders, bestowed no further
thought upon an enterprise which promised no immediate
return. The Basque and Breton fishermen pursued their
calling on the banks of Newfoundland and in the ' Grand

135

Bay ' as of old, and there are not wanting traces of feeble
and intermittent attempts on the part of private indivi
duals to follow in the footsteps o{ Jacques Cartier ; but
with him, to all intents and purposes, Canada disappeared
from the eyes of the civilized world. No longer need the
anxious inhabitant of Stadaconc^ gaze fearfully down the
great river— no more in his generation should bearded
strangers invade the privacy of his domain ; his next danger
lay in the opposite direction, where, far up the Ottawa,
forces were gathering for his overthrow. And as Algonquin
followed Huron at Hochelaga and Stadacone', a savage
power was steadily growing in the south, of whose unparal-
leled ferocity both Huron and Algonquin were soon to have
bitter experience.

Save for these widely scattered bands of savages, all
Canada was a solitude, through which the St. Lawrence
rolled down its lonely course for more than a thousand
miles. And so it continued to be for upwards of sixty years,
until at length the silence was broken by the commanding
voice of Samuel de Champlain.

■'i|

(
i

J
(
1,

ti
h

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A.

In almost every account of Cartier's voyages which we liave
seen, the two ships which sailed on the first voyag'e are said to
have been each of sixty tons burden, and eciuipped with one
hundred and twenty-two men in all. The writers have all been
misled by Hst'iluyt, who says : — " We dejrarted from the Port
of S. Malo with two ships of tln*eescore tun apiece burden, and
61 well appointed men in evh one.''

A comparison of this witli the parallel passages in the other
relations, shows that Hakluyt erred in his enumeration.

The Ed. 1598 has — " Auec deux nauires de charge chacun
d'envii'on soixante tonneaux, et arme de soixante et un
homme." This is not so clear as it might be. Read, however,
in the light of the R. O. it is obvious that the sixty-one men
formed the united crews. ''Auec(pies lesdits deux nauires du
jiort d'enuiron soixante tonneaulx chdincnn, escpiippez leu deu.v
de soixante ung homme." This we take to be conclusive, but
if further evidence be wanting, it is to be found in the legral
document dated the 'iSth March, IH^Ji, to which we have alluded

in the bodj- of this paper, and which has as follows : — '*

Jacques Cartier, capitaine et pilote pour le Roy, ayant charge
de voiaiger et aller aux Terres Neuff ves, passer le destroict (le
la baye des Chasteaulx avec<iues deux navires ('(juqjpez de
aai.vante comjxnguonsjKXir I'aii present, dr.''

We think, therefore, we are justified in stilting that Citrtier
was accompanied on his first voyage by only 60 persons. In
reading the accounts of his voyages, in Hakluyt, for the first
time, it struck us as somewhat singular that he should have
been accompanied by more men on his first than on his secon<l
voyage. The truth is, however, that the pi'oportion between
the tonnage and the men is the same on both voyages : on the
first, 120 tons and 61 men — on the second. 220 tons and 110
men.

138

Mf .■

i4ij. t

APPENDIX B.

Tliere are no less than five versions of tlie narrative of the
first voyaj^e of Cartier.

1. In Italian, by Rainusio : ^^ Prima reJntionn di Jaoqiiea
Carthier della terra )iuou<t, (letta la tinona Fraiiria.'' Vol. III.
First published in Km. Reprinted in 1565, 1606 and 1613.

3. '^Discovrs \\ dv \\ roijaffe \ fait par le cnpi-\\t<tiiie laqves
Cartier \\ an.r rerreN-nenfiies de Canadax, No-\remhe gne,
Hochelaye, Labrador, d' \ jxij/x adiitcens, dite itounelle France,\
auec particidieres vueirrs, larigage et \\ ceremonies (trs hahitans
d'icelle\. —A Roven,(le Vimpri)nerie\de Raphael du Petit
Val, Libraire et Jmpritnenr du Poi/, a VAiaje Rapliael.\\ M. D.
XCVlIf. Avec Pennission.'^

Rei)rinted in 1843 by the L. & H. S. of (Quebec, and in 1865
by M. H. Miclielant. This work, it is stated in the preface, is
i\ translation of one 'escrit en langiie estrangere.'

3. "x4 short and || hriefe narration of the two \\ Navigations
and Discoveries \\ to the North weast partes cidled || Neice
Fravnce: || First translated out of French into Italian by that
famous II learned man (Ho: Bapt: Ramntius, and now tiirned\
into English bj/ John Florio : worth ff the rea-\\dinQ of all Ven-
turers, Trauellers ■' and Disconuerers.W —

^^ Imprinted at Lon\don, bi/ H. Bipuieman dwelling || in
Thames Streate, nt'ere rnto \\ Baipiardes Castdl. \\ Anno
Domini 1580."

4. "Certaine rot/ages containing the Discouerie of the Gidfe
of Sainct Lanrence to the West of Newfoundland, and from
thenee vp the riuer of Canada, to Ho helaga, Saguenay, and
other places: with a description of the temperature of the
climate, the disposition of the people, the nature, commodities,
and riches of the soile, and other matters of speciall moment :
collected by Richard Haklryt Freaclier, and sometimes student
of Christ-Church in O.vford.'" Printed in London in 1600.

5. ^'Voyage de Jacques Cartier,'' 1544.

A manuscript discovered in 1867 in tlie Bibliotheque Im-
periale, Paris, whidi notwitlistanding tlie date, 1544, is held to
be the Relation Originate of the tirst voyage. It was published
at Paris in the year of its disct)very by MM. Michelant and
Rame. All five accounts substantially agree, a close similarity
existing between the first, secoxid and fourth, although here and
there differences occur, of sufficient importance in the Judg-
ment of M. Michelant (a gentleman who has bestowed mucli

139

)f the

tcquea
)1. III.
3.

laqiH'S
le gue,

hitans

I Petit

M. D.

in 1865
face, is

gat ions
\ Neu-e
by that
turnedW
til Ven-

ig II in
II A^mo

le Gulf a

d from
11/ , and
'of the

ludities,
oment :
student

600.

nie Im-
. held to
ublished
ant and
-milarity
here and
lie judg-
d much

study upon the subject) to warrant the oinnion that the Italian,
EngHsh, and Frencli versions come of independent sources.
The fifth differs more frequently from the rest tiian any one
of the latter does from the other thre^e, and in the matter of
distances &c., where one can form an indepen lent opinion, it is
generally found that the Rdation Originale is the most trust-
worthy. Accordingly, where the versions conflict, we as a
rule give it the prefereni^e. We have never had an opportunity
of examining the third (Florio's), which is confessedly a trans-
lation from Ramusio, and therefore cannot be, on M. Miche-
lant's theory, identical witli tlu» one employed by Hakluyt, as
one would lie disposed to think.

APPENDIX C.

Lewis Roberts, in his " Dictionary of Commerce," [)rinted in
London in 1600, says of Brest, that it was the chief town of
New France : that it was the residence of the Governor,
Almoner, and other jmblic officers : that the French drew there-
from large quantities of baccalao, train oil, and valuable furs.
8ee Robertson's paper on the Labrador coast, in the records
of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec for the year
1843.

Unfortunately this ancient dictionary of Roberts is not to be
found in C^anada, nor have we been able to discover it in
Boston. Mr. Robertson, after ([noting Rolierts. says in his
])aper — "As to the truth of Roberts' remarks there can be no
doubt, as may be seen from the ruins and jxn'tions of the build-
ings, whicli were chiefly constructed of wood. I estimate that
at one time it contained 200 houses, besides stores, &c., and per-
haps a thousand inhabitants in winter, which would be trebled
in summer."

The period to which he refers was, however, long after Car-
tier's day. A little farther on Mr. Rol^ertton falls into an error
respecting Brest, which he confounds with Brndore—tes
Islettes of Cartier.

L'lle aux Bas(}ues is in lat. 48 9' long. 69 15'.

Echafaud Island, as laid down in Bayfield's charts, is a mere
rock just off the Basque roads. Cap de Chafaut aux Basqius,
on the mainland near I)t, is about two leagues from Tadousac.
S. E. i S. of ' la pointe aux Allouettes,' otherwise called St.
Matthew, (the cape on the western side of the entrance to the
Saguenay .) Emery de Caen anchored there in 1 639. CJio niphi in
pp. 1096-7, 1245.

140

APPENDIX D.

The following is the text of the Connuismon authorizing the
second voyage.

Phelippes Chabot,—

chevalier de I'ordre, cornpte de Buzan(;oys et de Charny,
baron d'Aspremont, de Paigny et de Mirebeau, seigneur de
Beaumont et de Fontaine frant.'zose admiral de France, Bre-
taigne et Guyenne, gouverneur et lieutenant general pour le
roy en Bourgongne, aussi lieutenant general pour monseigneur
le daulphin ou gouvernement de Normandie, au capi)itaine
et pillote maistre Jaijues Cartier de Sainct Miilo — salut.
Nous VOU8 avons comnus et deppute, conimettons et deputons
du voulloir et commandement du roy i)our conduire, mener et
emploier troys navyres equipptes et udvitaillees chacune pour
qumze moys au parachevement de la navigation des terres par
vous ja commencees a descouvrir oultre les teires neuf ves, et
en icelluy voaige essayer de faire et acomplir ce qu'il a plu
audit seigneur vous commander et ordonner, pour I'equippaige
du(iuel vous a(!hapterez ou freterez a tel pris raisonnable que
adviserez au dire de gens de bien a ce congnoissans, et sellon
que verrez et congnoistrez estre bon pour le bien de ladite
navigation, lesdites troys navires prandrez et louerez le nombre
des pillotes, maistres, et conipaignons marynyers telz qu'il
vous semblera estre recjuis et necessaire pour lacomplissement
d'icelle navig.vtion, descjuelles choses faire equipper, dresser «'t
mettre sus, vous avons donne et donnons povoir, commission
et mandement espicial, avec la totale charge et superintendence
d'iceulx navires, voaige et navigation, tant a laller que ro-
tourner. Mandons et commandons a tons lesdits pillottes,
maistres et com |)agnof^s mariniers et aultres qui seront esdits
navires vous obeyer et suyvre pour le service du roy en ce (jue
dessur, comme ilz feroint a nous mesmes, sans aucune contra-
dition ne reffuz, et ce sur les peines en tel cas acoustumes a
ceulx qui se trouveront desobeTssans et faisans le c(mtraire.
Donne soubz noz seing et seel d'armes, le penultieme jour
d'octobre Tan mil cincj centz trante cjuatre. Ainsi signe Phe-
lippes Chabot, et saelle en plat (juart de cire rouge (in the
margin)— "Collation ne aveccj loriginal."

APPENDIX E.

The following is the list of Jacques Cartier's companions on
the second voyage, to which reference is had on page 58

141

K the

larny,
;ur de
i, Bie-
lour le
ij^neur
|)itaine
-salut.
putons
ener et
le poiu'
res par
fves, et
I a plu
ippaige
ble que
t sellou
e ladite
nonibre
;lz qu'il
isement
esser et
mission
endence
(jue re-
|)illottes,
t esdits
ce (lue
contra-
luiues a
|)ntraire.
_ e jour
;ne Phe-
(in the

lions on
le 58

We have ailopted the Hpcllinfi; employed by M- I'\. Joi'ion den
Longndn in his work "JaocpU'S Cartier DcMiuueuts Nouveaux"
1888. The naujes in italics jire as they are ^iven in .1/. Alfred
Raines "Documents Inedits snr Jacques Cartier." 18(55. It
will be observed that there are several discrei)an(;ies betwcim
the two reii<lerin<;s, aIthoiijj;h botli purport to be transcriptions
from the same roll.

Le niercredij dernier jour de imtrs dpres /'(^sv/M«^*t mil
1''" XXXV a ralxii/e Siiiiivt ■/cIkih

Et a celluy Poulet aparn le rolle tt mimbre des com|)aiKnons
que led. (^artier a prins pour lad. navigation : & a este mis
entre nies mains pour incerer cy (lessons. & a celluy Poulet
proteste de en dymyer du numi)re de XXV a trente & d'en
prendre d'aultres a sonchouaix.

L'incerti(m desd. maisires. compaignons, mariniers & jtillotes
s'ensuyvent —

1. Jacques Cartikr, cappitaine.

2. Thomas Foukmont, Maistre de la net".

(This name is variously spelt Foiu'mont. Frosmond,
Fromont. The Brief Jieeit has Frosmond. Thomas
Fourmont, dit de la Bouille, was one of the few sur-
vivors of the second voyaj^e whom we know to have
followed Cartier in 1541, from which exi)edition he was
fated never to return. See note p. 111).)
:). GuiLLAUME LE BRETON Bastille, capitaine et pilote du
gallon.

4. Jacqi;es MAiN(iARD. maistre du galion.

5. Mace Jalobert, capitaine et pilote du Corlien.

Marc. (He was brother-in-law to Cartier, having mar-
ried Alison desGranges, sister of Katherine.)

0. GuiLLAUME LE Marie, maistre du Courlieu.

7. Lauhent Boulain.

LanreuH,

ESTIENNE NoUEL.

Pierre F^smery diet Talbot.

Pierres.
Michel Herve.

ESTIENNE PoMMEREL.

Prince'vel.

Michel Audiepvre.

13. Briend Sauboscq.

Bertrand Sanibost.

14. Richard Cobaz.

8.
9.

10.
11.

142

;t;'

liichfinl Ia' BuiJ.
15. Lucas Satmuh.

Lucffs FunniiffH.
10. FitANrois (JriTAii.T, upoticuin*.

17. (iK()R(iKT MaHILLK.

IH. GiJiLLAiTMK Skvuaht, charix'utier.

19. Robin f,k Tort.

20. Sanson Riiwn/r, hnrbier.

Sum son.

21. Francois (lUiLLOT.

23. (iuii.LAUMK EsNAULT, oliarpentier.
28. Jkiian Dahin, diurpentier.

24. Jehan Du Nort, cluirpentier.

J<'li(in Dxrcrt.

25. julikn (jolkt.

26. Thomas Boulain.

27. MiCHKI. PlIlMPOT.

Phelipot.

28. Jehan Hamef..

29. Jehan Fleury.

30. (tUillaime CJiilhert.

81. Colas Bar he.

Biirbe.

82 . LORANS (xAILLOT.

Laurens.

88. Gun.LArMK Bochier.

34. Michel Eon.

35. Jehan Anthoine.

36. Michel Mainciard.

37. Jehan Maryen.

38. Bertrand Apvril.

39. Gnj.ES RcFFiN.

Gillex SfulJIin.

40. Geofproy Olivier.

Ollivier.

41. GUILLAUME DE GUERNEZt.

42. Eustache Grossin.

43 . Guillaume Alliecte.

Allierte.

44. Jehan Davy.

Ravy.

14:)

45. IMkurk M.viK^riKK. tioinittrttv
/'tV/vv'.v,

(UJILF-AUME LK (fKNTIFJlOMMK.
RaoUI.LKT MaIN(JAUI).

FitAN'vois DuAi'i/r.
IlKKvf: IIknky.

YVON I.K (i\\..

Anthoink Amix'TK.

Alii'rte.
Jehan C.'olas,

4«.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.

'»'»
^»ii

52.

58. Jacvi^ks PKINSAI'I.T.

J'nhis<nilf.

54. DoM (iiiLLAUMK ^^: Bkkton.
DoM Anthoink.

(In th«' Library of Parliaiiieiit at Ottawa there is a well
executed copy in fac-siinile of the roll of t'artier'a
crews. It bears the inscription *• Linte revue avcc soht.
surle F((c-siinile, pur C. H. Lavenlii^re, pi''^ Ihhliothe-
viiire (le riJnir. de [jiinil, 2)i Novenib. 1859."

fn the inarjijin, opposite each name, is printed the
modern renderinji; tlieroof, which in a few .iistances,
diil'ers sliglitly from either of the versions we give
here. In the interval between tlie names "/>nu Guill''
Le lirefini," and " Philippe Tliomax, (,'harpentier,'*
are certain characters, ccn-responding to the initial
word of the first mentioned name, which paUeograph-
ers tell us stand for the prefix "Dom," followed by a
blank space. At the foot of the page is the following
note :

" Ce iioiii, oiiiis <hins Voru/iiuil,u ete Hupplee par Mr.
Cunat (ithis la lisfe quit a puhliee a St. Alalo le 4
Deeembre 1858.'")

Philippe Thomas, charpentier.

Pli ilipes.
Jacques du Boys.

Duhoy.

JULLIEN PLANCOUET.

Plant irnet.

Jehan Go.

Jehan le Gentilhomme.

Michel Donquan, charpentier.

Doiiquais,

5«.
57.

58.

59.
60.
61.

144

63.
(53.

04,
65,

66,

68,
60,
70,

73,

Jehan Aismkry, Charpentier.
Perrot Mainuard,

Pierre Mahnjdrt.

Lucas Clavier.
GOULIIET KK)r.

Goulset Won.
Jkhan Jac, De Morbiiien.

Jehan J(tc<ii(cn Morbiheii,
Pierre Nyel.

Firrres.

Le Gendre Estienne le Blanc.
Jehan Pieures.
Jehan Coumyn.
Anthoine Des (tranches.

liOT'YS DOUAYREN ,

DoiKiijrer.
Ph<:rres (^oupeavX,

Coiipeaulx'.
Pierre Jonchee.

Pier res.

APPENDIX F.

Tliere seems to be a s'^neral agreement upon tliis point ;
(^hamplaiii, Saj:;ar(l, Lescarbot, all attest to the fact of Cartier
having wintered in the St. ('liarles. Champlain says — Larer-
dierc'fi edition of 1613, p. loC? — " le liens que dans ceste riuiere
(pii est au Nort & vn (piart du Norouest de nostre habitation,
ce fut le lieu on laques C^uartier yuerna, d'autant (pi'il y a
encores a vne lieue dans la riuiere des vestiges comme d'vne
chc-niinee, dont on a tronue le fondement, & apparence d'y
auoir eu des fossez autoiir de leur logement, qui estoit petit.
Nous trouuasmes anssi de grandes pieces de hois escarrees,
vermoidues, & (|uel()ues 3 ou 4 balles de canon. Toutes ces
ch-- ies monstrent enidennnent (]ue c'a este vne habitation, la-
(luelle a este fondee par des (^hrestiens" &c.

Again, speaking of the St. Charles, he says —

Lavcrdich'c's Champlain, ed. 1632, p. 13 — "vne petite riuiere
(jui asseche prescpie de basse nier, (]u il (Cartier) nouima Saincte
(^roix, pour y estre arrine le iour de I'Exaltation de Saincte
Croix : litu qui s"a])pelk .laintenant la riuiere Sainct Charles,

145

sur lacjuelle a present sont logez les Peres Recollets, & les Peres
lesuites, pour y faire vn Seminaire a instruire la ieunesse."

And again, p. 14—

"Cartier qu'il fut contraint (Vhyuorner en la riuiere

Saincte Croix, en vn endroit on niainteiuint les Peres lesuites
ont leur denveure, sur le bord d'vne autre i)etite riuiere qui se
descharge dans celle de Saincte Croix, appellee la riuiere dc
lacques Cartier, comine ses relations font foy."

Sagard, Fo/.S, p. 788, says the Recollets assisted the Jesuits to
erect their dwelling "en un lieu que Ton appelle commnnenient
le fort de J;>C(|ues Cartier, "

It is somewhat singular that Charlevoix, who probably was
acquainted with Cartier's narrative, should have maintained
that Cartier's wintering place was at the mouth of the Jaccjues
Cartier River, five and twenty miles above Quebec. In this he
is clearly in error.

The little river Lairet, and the riu'sHCdU 8t. Michel — a small
stream some two hundred yards farther up — fall into the St.
Charles nearl,y opi)osite Hare Point. They are, each of them,
about .seven feet wide at the mouth, at low ti<le, but as the tide
rises in the St. Charles from twelve to fifteen feet, a vessel of the
sizeofthe Gr((ndeHerniint'couk\enteveith(''ri\thh,r\\ water. We
believe, as we have said, that the mouth of the Lairet was Car-
tier's abiding place during thn winter of loli")-!}, and we mention
the rw'ssejiK St. Michel only for the reason that in it, according
to M. LeMoi'ie's ''J*ictiir('S(ii(r (^iiichec" p. 484, were dug up the
remains of a vessel supposed to be the I'etifc Ilcniiine, portions
of which were presented, as such, to the town of St. Malo,
where they are now jM-eserved.

In Champlain's time, as we have seen, ride supra, the Lairet
was known as the river of Jac(|ues Cartier, but this nmst have
been merely an alternative designation, for in the original grant
from the Duke of Ventadour, Viceroy of New France, to the
Fathers of the Society of Jesus, dated 10th March IG'if), it is
alluded to as "la pccite riviere dite communemcnt Lairet."*
[Vide, Picci'H ct Dociniicnts re/atifti a Id Tenure Seiguenridle.
printed bv order of the "anadian Legislature in 1851, v»»l. 1,
p. 53.)

I riuiere
Saincte
Baincte
Charles,

*N()rK. — i!'" writer is iiulelit'^ti to Dr. N. E. Dioiine o! yiiebcc for t1iin piece of
inform ition whifli Imhis since vorltlcfl in thi; Piiriiauicnt iry Kihrarj- iit Ottiwa.
When tliis t'ssiiy was written ln' w.is uinli'r tlie iiii|irfssion tluit the rontirnia-
tory ("'nnt (»f t'lesft lands, liiti'il I'Jtli .Maj, lil'S, in wliicli nii'iitinn i.s liail of " la
petite riviere de Ldi/ret" cdnt'iinod tlic cirlii-st known n-ffrcni'i' to this river l>y its
present umif, hut Dr. D rjtine's di.-icovi'ry sliows tliat, lifty-two years hifori' tii.'it
period, it was conDiionlycnlled the I.airet.

146

The St Charles was called by the Indians Cabir-Coubat on
account of its sinuous course. It was given its present name
by the Recollets in honour of Charles Des Boues, grand vicar
of Pontoise, who founded the first mission of the Order in
Canada. Tlie Island of Orleans was called by the Indians
* Minigo,' while Donnacona's capital was called Stadacone,
which in the native language signified *wing,' because the
point between the St, Lawrence and the St. Charles on which
it was built, suggested to the Indians tlit^ form of an out-
stretched wing. See Ferland, Cours U Ilistoire. passim.

APPENDIX G.

M . D' A vezac has appended to his repro Juction of the Brief
Eecit, two chapters which, so far as we (;an gather, are not in
the original edition of ir)45. They certainly are not in Ramusio
or Hakluyt. Lesca:bot, however, gives them in their place in
Cartier's narrative, and they are also to be found in the edition
published by the L. & H. S. of Quebec. M. D'A vezac, while
relegating them to the end of his book, appears nevertlieless to
regard them as genuine. We therefore think it not out of
place to give a short resume of them here, merely premising
that they contain nothing inconsistent with the Brief Recit.

The first chapter begins by relating that during the month
following the return of Cartier f ro?n Hochelaga, the Stadacone
Indians came regularly to the ships to exchange their fish for
«mall lieads and other arti(!les of like nature. Matters were
thus procee(l*"ng amicably, when Taignoagny and Domagaya —
** les deux mesciians" — as they are termed, succeeded in per-
suading tlieir comrades that the French were obtaining an un-
due .id vantage in this commerce, and that instead of worthieaH
trinkets, the Indians should demand hatchets and other
articles of greater value and use to them .

About this time Cartier was warned by ' a lord of Hagon-
chenda' that some treachery was in the air, which proved to
be nothing more serious than a scheme to inveigle away from
the ships the three Indian children, whom Donnacona had pre-
sented to the Captain. The plot was so far successful that the
eldest girl effected her escape. A complete suspension of inter-
course between the Fort and Stadacone was the result.

The second chapter opens by relating that the Indians
speedily repented of their course. On the 4tli November, a
deputation from the town, headed by Domagaya, visited the
ships and reported that Donnacona had gone off to scour the
country for the lost damsel. Meanwhile Domagaya informed

147

the Captain that Tai^noaKny was very ill, and })raye«l for the
gift of some salt and a little bread. Cartier with his usual
kindness, complied with the request, sendinj; him word at
the sam» time that 'Jesus was angry with him for his evil
doings,' and that he was to see in liis illness evidence of the
Divine wrath. The admonition was not without its effect, for
in a few days the girl was returned, with the explanation thai
slie had run away because one of the cabin boys ( ptiiijcti ) had
beaten her. A reconciliation followed, to seal which Carr'-'r
entertained the Indians with bread and wine. Harmony tluis
being restored, the French and Indians again lived together
"en aussi grand amour que pardevant."

APPENDIX H.

Indians
[\ber, a
ted the
)ur the
Iformed

AV ROY.

Treachreat ien .

CONSIDERANT, O mou trcs redoiihte prince, les c/rudz hicii tt
don de grace qiCil a plea d Dieu le Create iir /aire a ses crea-
tures : Et entre ten antres de mettre & asseoir le soleil, qui est
la ine & eonguoissdce de tontes icelles, A stnis lequel nut ne
peult fructijier ni qenerer en lieu & place la on il a son nionue-
vient, & declination contraire, cfc non seniblahle es antres pian-
ettes. Par lesqnelz monnemet <t deelinaison, tontes crealnrett
estds stir la terre en (jnelqne lien ci place qn'eiles pnissent est re,
en ont, ou en peuuent auoir en Ian dvdict sole i I, qui est 865
tours et six henres. Antant de vene ocnlaire les vnqs que les
autres, non qn'il soil tant chault & ardant es viiqs lienx. que
es antres par ses raiz & reuerberations, njj la dinision des
iours & nuictz en pareille esgallefe : Mais snffit qn'il ai/t de
telle sorte & tant temperenu't qne tonte la terre est on peult
estre habitee en quelque zone, clrniat, on. partdi'lle ipw ce soit :
Et icelles aueeques les eanes, arbres, herbis, & toufes antres
creatures de qnelques genres on esj)eces qu'elles soient p((r I' in-
fluence d'iceluij soled, donner fruictz d' generations selon leur
nature par le vie <£• nonrriture des creatures huniaines. Et .st
aucun» I'onloient dire It cdtraire de ce que dessus, en aUeguant
ledict des saiges philosoplif'S du tenip'< passe, qui ont escrijit &
faict dinision de la terre par cinq zones, dont ilz dient d" affer-
nient trots inliabitees. (Jest assanoir la zone torride, qui eM
entre les deux tropiqnes ou solstices, qui passe par le zenie des
testes des habitans d'icelle : Et les deux zones arti<pie & entar-
tique pour la grand froideur qui est en icelle, a, cause du j^eu
d'tsleuation qu'ilz ont dudict soleil <& antres raisons : le con-

148

fense qv'Uz out esci ipt de la mam'ere, & croy feiinemet qiiih le
pensent ainfii, & qiCilz le trenuent par aucunes raisons natur-
elles, ou ilz prenoient leurfondement, <& dHcelluy se content oi-
vnt seiderut't .s«/<s (nienturer n'y inectre lenrs personnes es dan-
(jiera, esquelz ilz enssent peu ancheoir a cercher T experience de
leiir dire. Mais ie dictz pour ma replique que le prince d'icevlz
philosopher <t laisse par my ses escriptures vnq mot de grande
coseqiience, qui diet ^/''t'. Experietia est rerum magistra ; par
reii.s<'i(/nemc~t duqiiel Vay ose entreprendre de adresser d la veiie
devostre maqcsteroyalle, cestny propos en manierede prologve,
de ce niyen petit lahenr : Car snyiauit vostre royal commande-
iiient. Les simples niariniers de present non ayans en tant de
vraincte d'etilz meetre a Vadnanture dlcenlx perdz & dangiers
qiCilz ont en, & out desir de vous /aire treshnndtle sendee a
r augmentation de l(( saincte foy ciiresticnne, ont congneu le
contra ire d'icelle opinion des philosophes par vra ye experience.
Ie allegue ce que denant, parce que ie regarde que le soleil qui
chascun iour se liene a Vorient, & se reconce a roccident faict
le tour <fc circuit de la terre, donnant lumiere & chalenr d tout
le monde en ringt quatre heures, qui est vng iour )iaturel, sans
aucune interr}iption de son niouuement & cours naturel. A
Vexeniplc diapiel ie pcn.s-e a won foihle entendement, & sans
(tutre raison y allegner, qu'il plaisi a Dieupar sa diuine honte
que tonics humaines creatures cstans ct haln'tans sotd^z le globe
de la. terre, ainsy qu'elles ont reue. & congnoissance d'icelluy
soleil ayt d' ayent pour la. tonjis aduenir congnoissance cfr
creance de nostre saincte foy: Car premierement icelle nostre
saincte foy a est^ semee & plantee a la terre saincte, qui est en
Asye a l' orient de nostre Europe : Et depuis par succession de
temps apportee & diuulguee ius<pies a nous, d" Jinalement a
roccident de nostredicte Europe a Vexemple du diet soleil po7'-
tant sa chalcur & clarte d'orient en Occident connne diet est.
Et pareillement aussji auons veu icelle nostre saincte foy, par
plusieursfois a roccasion des m.e.'iclKis heretiques & faidz legis-
lateurs, eclipses eii aucu)is lieu.c: it depuis soubdainenu'f
reluyre & monster sa clerte plus appei'tement que auparauant.
Et ma intenant encores a present I'oyons comme les mcfchans
lutheriens apostatz & imitateurs de Mahomet, de iour en autre
s'ejforcent de icelle opprimer. Ajinoblemcnt du tout estaindre,
si Dieu <fc les vrays suppostz d'icelle n'y donncnt ordre par
mortcllc iustice ; ainsy qu'on. reoit faire chascun iour en voz
pays d' royaulme, par le bon ordre d' police quey auezmys.
Pareillement aussi vcoit on, comme an contraire d'iceul.v en-
fans de Sathan, les paoures chrestiens, <fr vrays pilliers de
VEsglise catholique s'cfforcent d'icelle augmcnter ct accroistre,
ainsi que a faict le catholique Roy d' Espaigne, es terres qi

149

j)or son commadath't ont esle deseoKiierfes en roccht'i (h seti
pais & royaulmes. Ics-nnelhs aupavainitit nous e.sti>iri.t incog-
nues, estraiiges, d' hors de nostrefoy: Comnic la nciifue Es-
jmigne, Liscibelle, terre fcrme, & autres //.s7t'.s on on a troune
innumemble j^eiqih', qui a este baptise A' rednivt en nostre
t ressa in cte foy ,

Kt viainteiiant en hi presente nanigation faiete par vostre
royal cominandentent en la descoinietture des ferres oeci-
dentates, estnns sonbz les clinints <f' paralelle de voz pays d'
royaulme, non anparauant a voiis n\i/ a nous eongneuz, pour-
rez veoir d' scanoir l(( bonte d' fertilite d'ice/les. innumerable
quantite des jjeujtles y Itabitcrns. la bonte d' j>aisd)lete d'iceitlx,
Et pareillenient la fecondife da grdf JJenue gne deseend d'
arrose le per my d'ieelles ros ferres, qui est le pins grot sans
comparaison que on saelie ianiais auoir veu. Les ipielles
ehoses donnent a eenlf (pii les out renes, eertaine esperance de
I'augmentation future de nostre diete saincte foy d' de voz
seignevries d' no)n tres ehrestien, ainsi qu'il vous plaira vcoir
jiar eestuy present petit livre : An quel son t amjtlemJt eon-
tenues toutes elioses dignes de memoire, que a nans reues, <l' qui
turns son t aduenues tant en fuisant ladicte nanigidion, que
estans <{^ faisans seiour en vosdieAz pays (fc terres.

APPENDIX T.

The followinp,' is the text of the Letters Patent issued to
Jacc]ues Cartier on the occasion of liis third voyajjje.

Franyois par hi grace de Dieii Roy de France, et (ci?) touz
ceux qui ces presentes lettres verront, sahit. ('oinnie pour le
desir d'entendre et avoir congnoissance de phisieurs pays que
on diet inhabitez, et aultres estre pocedez par gens sauvaiges
vivans sans congnoissance de Dieu et sans usaige de raison,
eussions des jtiec/a a grand/ fraiz et luises envoye (h'scou-
vrir esdits pays par phisieurs bons pillottes et aulties noz
subject/, debon entendenient, s(;avoir et ex})erience, qui d'iceux
)a5's nous aurioent aniene divers homines que nous avons par
ong (teuii)s) tenuz en nostre royauiue les faisans instruire en
'amour etcrainte de Dieu. et de sa saincte loy et doctrine
chrestienne, en intention de les faire revenir esciicts pays en
I'ompaignie de bon nonibre de noz subjectz de bonne voionte,
affin de plus facillenient induire les autres peuples (riceux
pays a croire en nostre saincite foy, Et entre autres y
eussions envoye nostre cher et bien anie Jaccjues Cartier, lequel
auroict descouvert grand pays des terres de C'ana<la et Oche-

150

l!«r

laga. faisant un bout de lAzie du coste de I'Occident, lesquelz
pays il a trouvez, ainsi quil nous a rapporte, garniz de plus-
leurs iKMines coininodittez, et les peuples d'iceux bien forinez
de corps et de inembres et bien disposez d'esprit et entendement,
desquelz il nous a senablement aniene aucun nombre que nous
avons par long temps faict vivre et instruire en nostre saincte
toy, avec<] nosdictz subjectz en consideration de quoy et vu
leur bonne inclination, nous avons a<lvise et delibere de ren-
yoier ledict Cartier esdictz i)ay8 de Canada et Ochelaga et
jusqu'en la terre de Saguenay, s'il peult y aborder avec bon
nombi'e de navires et de nosdictz subjectz de bonne volonte et
<le touttes qualitez, artz et Industrie pour plus avant entrer
esdictz pays, converser a^ec lesdictz peuples d'iceux et avecq
eux habiter si besoin est, affin de mieux parvenir a nostre dite
intention, et a faire cbose aggreable a Dieu nostre createur et
redenip!' ur et qui soict a Tauginentation de son saint et sacre
iiom et de nostre mere sainte eglise catholicciue, de laquelle
nous sommes dictz et nommez le premier fils, Pounjuoi, eoict
bcsoiug pour meilleur ordre et expedition de ladicte entreprise
deputer et establir un capitaine general et maistre pillotte des
dictz navires, qui ait regard a la conduitte d'iceux et sur les
gciiK officiers et soldatz y ordonnez et establiz, sgavoir faisons,
que Nous a plain contians de la personne dudict Jacques (^ar-
tier, et de ses sens, suffizance, loyaulte, preudhomie, hardiesse,
grande dilligence et bonne experience, icely pour ces causes et
ciultres, a ce nous mouvans, avons faict et constitue. ordonne
et estably, faisons, constituons, ordonnons, et nstablissons par
(!es presantes Capita' ne general et maistre pillotte de tons les
navires et autres vaisseaux de mer par nous ordonnez estre
nienez pour ladicte entreprise et expedition, pour ledict estat et
charge de capitaine general et maistre pillotte d'iceux navires
et vaisseaux avoir, tenir, et esercer par ledict Jacques Cartier
aux honneurs, prerogatives, preeminances, franchises, libertez,
gaiges et biens faictz tels que par nous luy seront pour ce or-
donnez, tant (lu'il nous plaira, et luy avons donne et donnons
puissance et auclorite de mettre, establir et instituer ausdcitz
navires telz lieutenantz, patrons, piliottes et autres ministres
necessaires pour le faict et conduicte d'iceux, et en tel nombre
qu'il verra et congnoistra estre besoing et necessaire pour le
bien de ladicte expedition. Si donnons en mandement par
cesdictes presentes a nostre admiral ou visadniiral que pris et
roceu dudict Jaccpies Cartier le serment pour ce deu et accous-
tume, iceluy mettent et instituent ou facent mettre et instituer
de par nous en posset'sion et saisine dudict estat de capitaine
general et maistre pi!lotte et d'iceluy ensemble des honneurs,
prerogatives, preeminances, franchises, libertez, gaiges et bien-

I:'1

\\T'£i

151

faicfcz telz que par nous luy aeront pour ce ordonnez, le facent,
souffrent, et laissent jouir et user plainement et paisiblement
et a luy obeyr et entendre de tous, et ainsi (pi'il ap[)artiendra
es choses touchant et concernant le diet estat et charge, et
oultre luy face, souffre et peruiettre prendre le petit (Tallion
appelle rEsmerillon, que de presant il a de nous, lequel est ja
viel et caduc, pour servir a Tadoub de ceux des navires qui en
auront besoign et lequel nous voullons estre pris et appli(pie
par ledict Cartier pour I'effect desusdict, sansce <ju'il soit tenu,
en rendre aucun autre conipte ne relicipia, et (kupiel coiupte
et relicqua nous I'avons descliarge et deschargeons par icelles
presantes par lesquelles nous mendons aussy a noz prevost de
Paris, baillifs de Rouan, de Caen, d'Orleans, de Bloys et de Tours,
sennechaux du Maine, d'AnJou et Guyenne et a tous nos autres
baillifz, sennechaux, prevostz et allouez et autres nos Justiciers
eb officiei's taut de nostre diet Royaunie (pie le nostre pays de
Bretaigne uny a iceluy, par devers lestpielz sont aucuns prison-
niers accusez on prevenus d'aucuns crimes cpielz ipi'ilz soinct,
fors des crimes d'herezie et de leze majeste divine et luimaine
envers nous et de faulx monnayeurs, cpi'ilz ayent incontinent
a delivrer, rendre et bailler es mains dudict Cartier, ou ses
cominis e't deputtez portans cestes presantes ou le duplicata
d'icelles, pour nostre service en ladicte entreprise et expedition,
ceux desdictz prisonniers qu'il congnoistra estres {n'oju'es suf-
fizans et cappables pour servir en icelles ex[)edition jusiju'au
nonibre de cinquante personnes et selon le choix que ledict
Cartier en fera, iceux preniierement jugez et condamiez selon
leur demerittes et la gravite de leurs nietfaictz, si Jugez et con-
damnez ne sont, et satisfaction aussy prealablement ordonnee
aux parties civilles et interessees, si faictes n'avoict este, pour
laquelle toutteffois ne voullons la deliverance de leurs personnes
esdictes mains dudict Cartier s'il les trouve de service, estre re-
tardee ne r^^tenue, mais se prendra laditte sattisfaction sur
leurs biens seullement, et laquelle deliverance desdict prison-
niers, accusez ou prevenuz nous voullons estre faicte esdites
mains dudict Cartier pour I'effect dessus diet, par nos dictz
.lustic ers et ofticiers respectivement, et par chacun d'eux en
leur regard, povoir et juredition, nonobstant opi)ositions ou
appelations quelconccpies faictes ou a faire,i-elevees on a relever,
et sans que par le moyen d'icelles, icelle deliverance en la man-
iere dessus (licte soict aucunement differee, et attin <|ue plus
grand nombre n'en soict tire outre lesdictz cimpiante, nous
vouHons que la deliverance <iue chacun de nosdictz officiers en
fere audict Cartier soict escripte et certifRee en la marge de
cestz presanies, et que neantmoi.as registre en soict par eux
faictz et envoye incontinent par devers notre ame et feal chan-

162

celier pour congnoistre le nonibre et la quallitte de ceux qui
ainsi auront este baillez et delivrez, Car tel estnostre plaisir, en
tesmoin;^ de ce nous avons faict mettre nostra seel a cesdictes
presantf.s. Donne a Sanct Pris le dix septieme jour d Octobre
Ian de grdce mil cin<i centz quarante et denostre vegne le vingt
sixiesme. Ainsi eigne sur le reply : Par le Roy vous Monseig-
neur le ( Jhancelier et autres i)resans, De la Chesnaye, et scellees
sur ledict reply tV simple (pieue de cire Jaulne.

Ausijuelles lettres est attache soubz contre seel autres lettres
pattantes dont la teneur ensuict :

HENRY fils aisne du Roy. Dauphin de Viennois, duo de
Bretaigne, Com])te de Vallentinois, et de Diois, a nos amez et
feaux les gens de noz et chancellerie, senechaux, allouez, lieu-
tenantz, et a tons noz autres justiciers et officiers et nos dictz
pays et duehe salut. Nous vous mendons cjue suyvant le con-
tenu et lettres patantes du Roy nostre tres honore seigneur et
pere, donnees en ce lieu de Sainct Pris, le dix septiesme jour de
ce presant mois, ausipielles ees presantes sont attachees soubz le
contre seel de nostre chancelerie, vous ayez a. incontinent de-
livrer, rendreet bailler entreles mains de nostre cher et bien ame
Jaecpies Cartier, capitaine general et pillotte de tons les na vires
ot autres vaisseaux de mer ([ue le Roy nostre diet seigneur et
jiere en voye es pays de Canada et Ochelaga, et jusque en la terre
de Sagnenay . . . Pour les causes a plain deelai'ees esdictes let-
tres, ou a sps coinmis et deputtez portant lesdictes lettres et ces-
dictes presantes, les {irisonniers estans par devers vous aecusez ou
prevenus d'aueun crime, (juel qu'il soict, forsde crime d'herezie
et leze majeste divine et humaine et faulz monnayeur, que le
diet Cartier eongnoistra estre propres, suffizans et eappables
pour servir audi(!t voiaige et enterprise jus<iu'aii parfaiet du
nombre <le einquante personnes et selon le choix (jue ledict
Cartier en fera, iceux premierement jugez et condamnez selon
leurs demerittes et la gravitte de leurs raeflfaictz, si jugez et
condamnez ne sont, sattisfaetion aussi prealablement faiete aux
parties civilles et interessees, si faiete n'avoict este, sans toutte-
fois pour la dicte sattisfaetion retarder la delivranee de leurs
l)ers()nnes esdictes mains dudict Cartier sil les trouve de ter-
vicy coiiune diet est, niais ordouner ieelle sattisfaetion estre
prise sur leurs biens seuUement et afin qn'il n'en soict tire plus
grand nombre que einquante, chaicun de vous respectivement
regarderez la marge desdictes lettres, eombien il en aura este
delivre au diet Cartier, et ferez escrire et certiifier en ieelle
marge ceux que luy ferez delivrer, et neantmoins en tiendrez
registre que vous envoirez a nostre tres cher et feal le chanee-
lier de Fr \nce et le nostre pour congnoistre le nombre et qualite
(lu'ainsi auront este delivrez, le tout selon et ainsi qu'il est plus

153

au long contenu et declare esdictes lettres du Roy nostre diet
seigneur et pere, et que lodict seigneur le veult et uiando par
icelles. Donne a Sainct Pris le vingtieme jour d'Octobre Tan mil
cinq centz quarante. Aiusi signe, par Monseigneur 1(» Dauphin
et due, Clausse, et sceliees a queue <le cire rouge.

APPENDIX. J.

nance-
[ualite
3t plus

Mr. De Costa translates " peril de nauleige" ( or •' peril de
nauleaige" as it is in the older rendering) ''risk of ship-
wrecfc," but this surely is a gross error. Littre says of ' nau-
lage' that it is a " ternie de marine — synonyuie de fret, dans
la Med iter ranee " and "fret" is defined in the same work to
mean the affreightment of a vessel. "Noliser" in any mod-
ern french dictionary is the word to "charter" a ship —
Bescherelle, Dictionndire National renders "nolis" or " nau-
lage," 'affreightment.' Cartier therefore, we take it, 8imi)ly
meant that in embarking on this fourth voyage, he ran some
risk of incurring additional charges in connection with the
chartering of his vessel .

In taking leave of the Reverend Mr. De Costa it may be well
to tabulate a few of the errors wiiich disfigure that portion of
his imposing article upon "Jacques Cartier and his succes-
sors " in Justin Winsor's History, which we have had occa-
sion to examine.

1. He says that Cartier sailed on his first voyage with two
ships of ' about ' 50 tons each, and 163 chosen men.

2. He says that Cape St. Peter was on Alexay, and that the
latter was probably Prince Edward Island .

3. He confounds the River of Boats with the Bay of St.
Lunario.

4. He says that Cartier reached Gaspe on the 24th July .

5. He says that Cartier sailed on his second voyage three
days after Easter 1535. Easter fell on the 28th March of that
year. That would mean therefore that Cartier sailed on the
31st March.

6. He speaks of St. Mary's current as an ' entering stream."

7. He says that Donnacona showed Cartier eight scalps, and
told him that they had taken them from their enemies, a
company of whom, two hundred in number, they had slain
some time before .

8. He says that Cartier arrived at St. Malo, on his return
from the second voyage, on the 1st July, 1536.

9. He confounds Hochelay with Hochelaya .

154

10. He says that, according to Hakluyt, Koberval Hailed from
Rochelle on the 14th April, 1543.

11. He says that France Royal ( Char lesbourg- Royal ) was
below Quebec .

12. He translates '' peril de nnulmige'" risk of Hhin wreck ."
Now the Ist, 3r(l, 4th, lith, 7th, 8th, 9th. 10th and 11th of

these statements are simple errors of fact, as a refer'^nce to
any of the accounts of Cartier's voyages will show. As for
the 6th — it is scarcely necessary to say that St. Mary's current,
opposite Hochelaga, is iu the St. Lawrence river. The 12th is
obvious. The second alone a Imits of question, and we leave
it to any one acquainted with the locality to say wliether any
part of Prince Edward Island presents a " high and pointed ''
appearance from the sea.

APPENDIX K.
JAcyuES Cartier's Will.

Dated 19th May, 1541, immediately i)rior to his departure on
the third voyage.

Endroict da vent nous notaires jurez & receuz en la court de
Sainct Malo soubz signans & par icelle, furent buy presens &
personnellement establiz Jactpies Cartier, capitaine & maistre
pillote du Roy es terres neutf ves, & CJatheriiie Des (Granges sa
compaigne espouze, sieur & dame de Lymailou, & bourgeoys
en ceste ville & cite de Sainct Malo, d'vne & aultre partz. Icelle
dicte Catherine a sa retpieste suffizamment & qui a ce (pie
ensuist groyer, tenyr & acomi)lir auctorisee tant de sond. mary
<iue de Jacques Des Granges sieur de La Ville-es-gardz, son
pere, sur ce |)r('sent qui de faict luy en donne ses auctoritez
paternelz, an tout du contenu en cestes presentes, a promis &
Jure par son serment & sur bypothetjue generalle de tout son
bien presente & avenyr, d'icelb,' auclorite jamais ne faire revo-
cation ; & Jehanne Cartier, seur dud. Cartier, aussi presente,
n'aller au contraire en aucune maniere. Lesqueulx, & chascun
sur nomraez, respectivement se submetans & se sont submis
avec(j[ues touz cluiincuns leurs biens meubles & immeubles pre-
sens & avenir aux pouvoir, destroit, jurisdiction, seigneurie &
oteissance de nostre d. court, y fournir & obeyr droict quant
au contenu de cestes presentes, se(iuelles & deppendances ; les
quelx & chascun, sans aucune induction ny coaction, mais de
leurs pures & liberalles voluntez & comme mieulx leur a pleu,
firent & font contract ensamble I'vn avecques I'aultre a tiltre

155

ed from

al ) was

wreck . "
nth of
r^nce to
As for
current,
e 12th IS
ve leave
;her any
)ointed ''

irture on.

court »le
►resens &
t niaistre
"auges sa
lourgeoys
tz. Icelle
ce (i[iie
nd. mary
ardz, son
uctoritez
)roinis &
tout son
,ire revo-
)resente,
chascun
it subrais
ibles pre-
neurie &
lict quant
nces; les
mais de
r a pleu,
•e a tiltre

de pure, niutue & esgalle donne, des forme & inanlere qui en-
suyvent ; par la<|uelle ilz & chascun s'entre sent donnez I'vn a
I'aultre acceptans recipro(juenient le tout de I'vsufruict, jouis-
sance & revenu des niaisons, terres, apartenances. heritaiges &
choses lierit<^lles (pielxconques d eulx apartenantes soit par
a(|uest on autrement en quehjue nianiere & sans reservation
aucune au village deLyniailou, vulgairenientappelle laviaiNon
(le LymoiirJlou, situees iK: estantes es ])aroaisses de Pasrann* &
de Sainct Ydeuc & chascune pour en jouir le sourvivant d'elx
sa vie durante seullenient apres le deces avenu dii premier de-
cebde. acijuicter & icelle entretenir en denes & bonnes repara-
tions durant que le sourvivant en jouyra & sans en faire al-
lienation ne dyminution en maniere quelxconcpie. PUis s'entre
sont lesd. mariez donne pour eulx, leurs hoirs & successeurs,
le premier decedant. la somme de cent livres monnoie a estre

t)remierement i)rinse & levee sur les plus riches & principales
jagues & chaisnes d'or de leur communaulle au chouays du
sourvivant Jucciues a la valleur dicelle soinme. Diet & con-
senty entr'eulx, en presence desd. Jacques Des Granges, Jelianne
Cartier, chascun pour eulx, leurs hoirs & subcesseurs, (pie si &
en cas tpie ledict deces dud. Jaccpies Cartier preniierement
aviendroit que de satl. fenune, en iceluy cas durant le vivant
de lad. Catheryne (ju'elle joyra dud. lieu & terres de Lymouel-
lou, celle Jehanne (Jartier on les siens hoirs aura & joyra, durant
led. temps, de IVsufruict jouissance & revenu d'vne petite
maison & jardrin derriere situez & estans en cested. ville de
Sainct Malo jouxte les muraillesd'icelle aux environs de Buhen.
joignante par vne part la rue dud. Buhen, par aultre endroict
& bout a aultre jardrin apartenante a Jehanne Eberard & d"un
coste le manoir de Buhen. Et si le deces de lad. Catheryne

fM'emier avenoyt durant le vivant dud. Cartier (pi'il joyroit dud.
ieu & heritaige de Lymouellon, celuy Jacques Des Granges
pour luy on les siens feia la jouissance. vsufruict & revenu
d'iceulx petite maison & jardrin estans en cested. ville comuie
di<.'t est jucques au temps du dect s dud. Cartier. Et le deces
dud. sourvivant avenu seront tons leurs heritaiges partagez &
<livisez entre les heritiers & subcesseurs d'iceulx mariez &
chascun comme apartiendra par di^oict & coustume. Et, des a
present comme des lors du deces du jn-emier decede, ont voullu
& consanty I'vn a 1' autre que le sourvivant en prenne & apre-
hende la reele, corporelle & actuelle possession & jouissance,
sau"^^ aultre moien ne mestier de justice, & se y entre constituans
I'vn I'aultre pour le survivant vroy possesseur and. tiltre a
viaige seuUement comme dessus. Et de ce s'entre sont promis
bon & deu garantaige sur leursd. biens, neantmoiugz droict &
coustume au contraire disans : donneur n'estre tenu garantyr

111

1S6

la <'h<>se par hiy dunnee. Et les chosos toutes & chaincune vy
(U'HsiiH lesd. partit'H& chaincune surnomtnces, & chaincums pre-
sente pour ce (|ue luy touches ont conj;neu estre vroyes, de la
nianierrc lew ont proniiH & jure tenyr & acomplir, sans pouvoir
allcr nc fairc au (;ontraire, en nianiere quelxconcpio y avoir no
(pierir delaiz aucuns, a <|Uoy iU ont renunc«'\ Et i)artant tl ce
faire les y avonw de leurHConHantenients& re<|ueHteH condemned
ct condenipiions ; donn*' u tesuioing de ce les sceaux estahliz
aux contract/- de nostred. court. Et tut faict & legre prins en
cested. vdle de Sainct Malo en hi maison & demeurance (U^sd.
marie/, U.* dix neuthiesnie jour de may MDXLI. Ainsi siyiii'
Jac Cartikr, (r. Rkhauli>, F. Le Bret.

APPENDIX L.

lit''

h it'

A U'tter written to M. lohn Growte, student in Paris, by
laques Noel, of S. Malo, the nephew of lacjues Cartier, touch-
ing foresaid discouery.

Master (Jrowte, your brother in law Giles Walter shewed me
tins morning a Mappe printed at Paris, dedicated to one M,
Hakluyt an English Gentleman : wherein all the West Indies,
tlie kingdome of New Mexico, and the Countreys of Canada,
Hoclielaga and S.aguenay are contained. I hold tiiat the Riuer
f»f Canada which is described in that Mappe is not marked as it
is in my booke, which is agreeable to the booke of laques Cartier:
and that the sayd Chart doth not marke or set downe the great
Lake, which is aboue the Saults, according as the Sauages have
aduertised vs, which dwell at the sayd Saults, In the fore-
i-ayd Chart which you sent me hitlier, the Great Lake is placed
too much toward the North . The Saults or falles of the Riuer
stand in 44. degrees of latitude : it is not so hard a matter to
passe them, as it is thought: The water falleth not downe from
any high place, it is nothing else but that in the middest of the
Riuer there is bad ground . It were best to build boates above
the Saidts : and it is easie to march or trauell by land to the
end of the three Saults : it is not aboue fine leagues iournev.
I haue bene upon the toppe of a mountaine, which is at the
foot of the Saults, where I haue scene the sayd Riuer beyond
the sayd Saultes, which shewed vnto vs to be broader than it
was where we passed it. The people of the Countrey aduertisc
vs, that there are ten dayes iourney from the Saults vnto
Great Lake. We know not how many leagues they make
dayes iourney. At this present I cannot write vnto you n.
at large, because the messenger can stay no longer. Hert

157

ncune cy
icuno pve-
yes, <lo la
18 pouvoir
' avoir no
tant tl CO
oiuleaniez
X establiz
e prins on
ince (lesd.
insi ftiyin'

present I will ende, saluting vou with niy
tiona, praying <»«><! to^'ve you your lieartu

Paris, by
ier, touch -

ihewed me
to one M.
est Indies,
)f Canada,
t the Riuer
larked as it
lesCartier:
(' the great
lages have
the fore-
e is placed
the Riuer
matter to
wne from
lest of the
tes above
nd to the
iournev .
is at the
ler beyond
,er than it
jaduertisf
vnto
make
lyou ui
ler. Hei»

therefore for the
liearty commendatu

desire. From S. Malo in haste this \\) day of June, 15H7,

Your louin>{ F'riend

Iavvks Noki..

Cosin, I prav you doc me ho much pleasure as to scnti nice a
booke of the (liscouery of New Mexico, and one of th<)s»' new
Mappes of the West Indies dedicated to M. Ilakhiyt the Kui;-
lish Gentleman, which you sent t<» y(»ur lu-olher in law ( Jiles
Walter. I will not fade to infonne niysclfe. if there be any
meane to find out ^hose descriptions which Captaine (^artier
made after his two last voyages into Canada.

(Vn<lerneath the aforesaid vnpersite relation that which
follweth is written in another letter sent to M. lolin (irowte,
student in Paris from huiues Noel of S. Maio. the grand
nei)hew of Ia<]ues Cartier.)

I can write nothing else vnto you of anything that I can re-
couer of the writings of Captaine Ia(|ues ('artier my vncle
disceased, although I haue made search in all places that I
could possibly in this Towne : sauing of a certaine booke made
in manor of a sea Chart, which was drawne by the hand of
mv said vncle, which is in the possession of Master (^remeur :
which booke is passing well marked and drawne for all the
Riuer of Canada, whereof I am well assure<l, because I my selfe
haue knowledge thereof as farre as to the Saults, where I haue
bene ; Tiu' lieight of which Saults is in 44. <legrees. I fomul in
the sayd C'liart beyond the place where the Riuer is diuided in
twaine in the midst of b{>th the branches of the said riuer
Bomewhat neerest that arme which runneth toward the North
west, these words following written in the hand of laipies
Cartier.

By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said. Tliat
here is the land of SiKjiieuuy, which is rich and wealthy in
precious stones.

And about an hundred leagues vnder the same I found
written these two lines following in the saide Carde enclining
toward the Southwest. Here in this Coimtrey are Cinamon
and Clones, which they call in tlieir language iUinodeta.

Touching the etfect of my booke whereof 1 spake vnto you,
if i^ made after, the manor of a sea Chart, which I have
d» 111. red To my two sonnes Michael and lohn, which at tliis
present are in Canada. If at their returne, which will be Coil
A\illii about Magdalene tyde, tliey haue learned any new
thin}., >vorthy the writing, I will not fade to aduertise you
thereof.

Your louing Friend.

1 Ay YES Noel.

IP '?*

■'.ViMOM r

I
I
I

insriDEx:.

€»

Agouhanna . .
AoouioNDA, The . .
Agoun. or Agona...

Algonqlins

ALLEZAY-Dead Man's Island " " " ' '

Ameda or HA>'NEDA-Remedy for scurw ' '
ANGOUL^ME, Lake of-See St Peter S" '
Anthoine, Dom . . . • •

Anticosti, Island of ... '
AuBERT Thomas . .

Baccalaos. . .

Bacchus Island. -See Orleans Island ' ' ' "
Baleine, Hable de la-Red Bay

li:jr~"^"^^^^-'^/-^-^'^«-^ar.er-spr

Bastille, Guillaume le Breto v
Beaupre, Vicomte de

B,';B™E'orM"f "'-'' '"''' <i- Chasteaul..

£>i^KlHELOT, M. i^MABLE

BiARxM, Voyages of

Bic -Isle au massacre . ' " "

Bird Rocks...

Blanc Sablon ....

Boats. River or-Kildare river " " " ' " "

^^^OHiER, FRANgois-Bishop of St. Malo ■...."■■

• ... 84, 85

105, 117, 118

83, 84

.100, 101, 123

64, 143

''53, 53, 59, 60

20, 21

esence at,

... 34

, 35

....57,77,

141

• • . 130.

122

• • . .

• ....11

....

33,

.... 45.

....

160

If,

i:i

Pa OK

Bona VISTA Capr 30

Bordeaux IIH

BOUAYS, ISLK DE 33

BouEs Charles Des 146

Bradore Bay— Les Islettes — La baie de Plielypeaux. ... 33

Brazil— Traces of previous voyage to, by Jacques Cartier 28

Br^beuf, Jean de, S J. ... 16

Brest Island 33

Brest, P(3RT of— In Old Fort Bay— now Esquimaux Bay 34

Breton. Dom Ouillaume le 64, 143

Brion's Island 43

BUTTES, Port of— Greenish Bay 88

Cabir-Coubat— see Holy Cross, river of.

Cabot, John — His commission. 19. Embarks on his
vovage of the discovery of America, 20. Prima
Vtsto 20

Cabot, Sebastian —His voyage to the New World 21

Caen, Emery de 139

Canada — First mentioned, 59. Meaning of word 84

Cannon — First sound of on the St. Lawrence ... 76

Cannon of Bronze ... 76

Cape Breton 20,110,125

Cap Rouoe— See Charlesbourg-Royal

Carpunt 31,116

Cartier, Jacques — His birth, 24. Parentage, 25. Early
life, 27. Marriage. 27. Traces of previous voyage
to Brazil, 28. Preparations for first voyage, 29.
Departure from St. Malo. 30. Arrival at New-
foundland, 30. Course through strait of Belle
Isle, 31-37. Down the west coast of Newfound-
land, 37-42. Through Magdalen Islands, 43-44.
Along north-west coast P.E.I., 45-46. N.B. coast,
46-49. Discovery of baie des Chaleurs, 47. Stay
in Gaspe, 49-51. Planting of Cross, 51. Seizure
of Indians, 52. Course about Anticosti, 52-53. Re-
solve to return home. 54. Departure, 54. Arrival
at St. Malo. 54. Report to the King, 55. Second

161

ler

Paok
30

ii;^

33
146
33
28
16
8B
34
64, 143
43
33

voyage resolved iipciii. 56.

parture from Hi. !*lalo.

Preparations, 56.
Arrival at Blanc

his
ima

20
21
139
84
75
76
, 110, 125

31,116

arly
rage

29.
ew-
Jelle
ind-

44.
)ast,

tay
■zure

Re-
•ival
;ond

De-

Sa-
blon, 58. Voyage along Lalaador coast, 59. Dis-
covery of Antieosti, 59. The river Saguenay, 61.
Isle aux Coiidres, 63. Isle d'Orleans, 6U. Meeting
with Donnacon.i, 69. Selection of stopping place, 72.
Description of the St. Charles, 72. Of Stadacona,
72, 93. Resolve to proceed to Hochelaga, 73-74.
Device of Indians to restrain Cartier from going
farther, 75. Its failure. 76. Departure for Hoche-
laga, 77. Ochelay, 77. Lake St. Peter, 78. Musk-
rats, 78. Arrival at Hochelaga, 79. Description
^ of the town, 81-82. Meeting with inhabitants, 85,
Reading of the Gospel, 87. Ascent of Mount
Royal, 88. Return to boats, 90. Departure from
Hochelaga, 90. River of Fouez, 91. Arrival at
the port of Holy Cross, 91. The Fort, 93. Con-
versations with Indians, 93-95. Their idea of God,

94. Their desire for Baptism, 95. Mode of living,

95. Description of tobacco, 95. Outbreak of
scurvy, 98. Progress of disease, 99-100. Its cure,
100-101. Advent of spring, 103. Resolve to re-
turn home, 105. Seizure of Donn.icona, 106-108.
Departure for home, 109. Isle aux Lievres, 109.
Isle Brion, 109. Cap Lorraine, 110. Isle St. Pierre,
110. Rougenoze, 110. Arrival at St. Malo, 110.
Report, 111. Delay in the renewing of commis-
sion, 112, 1 oberval, 113. His appointment as
Viceroy, 113. Cartier appointed Captain General,
113. Preparations for tlnrd voyage, 115. Depart-
ure, 116. Arrival at Stadacone, 117. Meeting
with Agona, 117. Selection of Cap Rouge, 118.
Charlosbourg-Royal, 119. Resolve to re-visit
Hochelaga, 119. The three Saults, 120. The town
of Tutonaguy, 120. Return to Chaiiesbourg-Royal,
122. Unfriendly attitude of Indians, 123. Abrupt
termination of narrative, 123. ^eting with Rob-
erval in harbour of St. John's, >ic:wfoundland, 124.
Return home, 124. Audit of accounts, 137-128.
Traces of fourth voyage, 128. Its probable date,
129. Private life, 130. Town house, 129. Li-
moilou, 129. Question of ennoblement, 130-131.
Foundati(. .1 of 'Obit,' 131. Presence at Baptisms,

131. Will, 154-156. Death, 132. Character,. .. 133-134

Chabot, Philippe— Sieur de Brion «... 24, 112

Chaleurs, Baie des 47-49

163

Paof

Chambeaux, Garnier DE 58

Chambeaux, SiEUR DE, Jean Garnier 58

Champ/.ain, Samuel de 40, 66, 84, 125, 135, 144

Charlesbourg-Royal . . — 118-119

Charlevoix 58

Corte-Real, Gaspar— His voyage S2

CouDRES, Isle aux. . . 62, 109

COULOMBIERS, LES 39

CUDRAGNY— Indian deity 76, 85, 94

Cumberland Harbour 36

CuoQ, Rev. J. A 84

IK?!

Daulphin Cape— Cape North of the Magdalen Islands. . 44

D'AVEZAC, M 57, 146

Dawson, Sir William 81

DeCosta, Reverend B. F

Degrat, Point ...

Denys, Jean ...

Dieppe ...

Dijon

Dionne, Dr. N. E

Distances — Cai'tier's often exaggerated. .
DOMAGAYA ...

Donnacona

Double Cape, The— Cape Rich.

..44,77,94.125

■ . . • .... Oii

22,28,24

113
145

69, 73, 100, 101, 108

. . .69, 73, 77, 94, 105, 108, 109, 111, 117

Easter ...

Echafaud Island.

Eriksen, Leif

Esquimaux '

Esurgny— Wampum . .

27
35, 139
17
37
96

Page
58
58

135, 144

.118-119
58
22

.62,109
39

6, 85, 94
36
84

57, 146

7,94.125

22, 23, 24

113

. . 145

101, 108

111, 117

27
35, 139
17
37
96

168

^::J^-. ..:-.„/■■ •••• ^^'^^'^3.83,125

FouEz, River OF-St. Maurice River ^m

FouRMONT, Thomas ... -^ "^

Frr«. ■■-.-.■54,55;,n,m;v3;:,3,

.... 30, 58

Ganong W. F., A.M.-His paper on Jacques Cartier's
first voyage discussed.... .... ^ » ^ciruei a

Garnier, Charles, So J _

Garnier, JKAN.-Sieur de Chambeaux

GASPi), 49. Planting of Cross at, 51. Seizure of Indians"

GOSPEL— First reading of— in Canada .

GouiON, Jehan

GoupiL, Robert LE

Goyelle de

38
16

58
52
87
58, 77
127
58

Granches, Katherlxe DES-wife of Jacques Cartier 27 132

Zndland '':'.^.'' ^""^^ ^^«^ ^«^«^ «^ N-'- '

Greenly Island

Gouttes, Port of

GuYOT, Charles

37
33
33
58

Hanneda.— see Ameda.

Hare Island

Harrisse, Henry

Hawkins— ' Picture of Quebec'

Helluland

Hpnry II OF France

Higqinson, T. VV

Hochelaga— Montreal, description of
Hochelay or OcHELAV-Point au Platon.

.61,109
126

. 70, 77
18

. 130
19

. 81, 83

77. 120

164

Paok

Holt Cross— Port and River of, St. Clmrles .... 72, 91, 92

HONFLEUR 115,123

HONGUEDO— Sue Gaspe

Hope, Cape of— Point Miscou 47

HoHSFORD. E. N 19, 20

Huron Indians 83, 84

I. & J.

Indians— Cartier's first sight of, 36— Subsecjncnt meetings

with, along the coast 45,49,50,54,61,69

Iroquois 93, 94, 135

Islands, Bay Oi-^ 41

Jalobert. Mac^; . . 57, (7, 118, 141

Jesus, Fathers of the Society of— Their lie Msni
alhidfcd to, 16. The site of their dwelling Oi. tlie
banks of the St. C;harles 145

Jooi'ES, Isaac, S. J. ... 16

KiLDARE River— River of Boats

KlN(iSK)RD. W . . .

KouciiTBOUGUAC Bay

Labrador

Lachine Rapids

La Grande Hermine. .

Lairet, the River

Lalemant, Gabriel. . .

La Petite Hermine

L'Emerillon . .

Lemoine, J. M

LfeiiY, Baron de

Lescarbot

Li^VRES. Isle aux— see Hai-e Island.
L'Ile aux Basques

... ...

. 45

87
46

22,3?

1-37

....

88,

121

56,

58,

116

....

72,

145

. . . . ...

....56,103,

104

56,

72,

114
15
22

. ..57,

112.

125

...34,

35,

139

165

L'MOi^o^ 129,130

Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, 57, 58, 61, 77, 138

Lobster Bay— see St. Ser van's Port '

LONGRAIS, M. JotJON DES 126 131 132

Lorraine Cape -Cape North, C.B *. . 'no

Louis Mont an

• • • .... .... .... ou

Madeleine Cap

Magdalen Islands

Mainoard, Jacques

Maisouna— Indian village

MARlfe LE, GUILLAUME

. Markland

Mass— said to have been celebrated

Michelant, M. H

Milk, Cape of— Long Point

Minoan Islands

MiRAMicHi Bay

Mistanoque Bay

Moisie River ...

Montmorency, Cap de— Bear Head— Anticosti

Montreal— see Hocheiaga

Mount Royal

Mouy, Charles de— Sieur de la Milleraye . . .
Musk-rats

,44

....57,

141

. .

122

....57,

141

• •

35, 62, 67

,68

. . . 138,

139

. .

• • • ■

• .

• > • •

..'""

• • • ■

• •

Napetepec Bay
Newfoundland . . .
NoiiL, Etienne

Noel, Jacques

Norembega ...
Norse Discoveries

.... ou

18, 20, 37-43, 110

118

...132, 156, 157

. i

17, 18

166

41;

' i

' Obit ' — founded by Jacques Cartier. .

OCHELAY or HOCHELAY

Ojibewas

Orleans Cape— Cape Kildare, P. E. I
Orleans, Isle d'

• • • «

Pace

131

77, 120

45,46

69, 109

Paris .

Parkman, Francis

Pillage Bay — la bale Ste. Genevieve.

Plamondon, M

Point au Platon— see Ochelay

Pointed Cape— Cow Head

Pommeraye, Charles de la

Pontbriand, Claude de

Poutrincourt

Port au Port Bay

Poullet, Jehan

Pratto, Cap de— White Head. (Perce) . . .

Priests— Did any accompany Cartier ?.

Prince Edward Island— Its discovery
Cartier

.... 113

. . . . 15, 83, 99

• . • . oi

.... 58, 77

58, 77

95, 107

58, 77, 105, 141

62-69, 95

Jacques

.... 45, 46

Quebec — see Stadacone

Raleigh, Sir Walter
RamI:, M. Alfred.

RfecOLLETS

Richelieu River. .

Richmond Bay

Roberts, Lewis . . .

138

145

79, 96

45,46

139

Roberval, Jean Francois de la Rocque— Sieur de, 113.
His appointment as Viceroy, 113. His delays, 115.
Sails from Rochelle, 123. Meets Cartier in harbour
of St. John's, Newfoundland 124

Pace
131

77, 120

45,46

69, 109

. 113

), 83, 99

. 58, 77

58, 77

95, 107

105, 141

2-69, 95

\ 45, 46

138

145

79, 96

45,46

139

124

167

Roche Harbour

rochelle

Rocky Bay— St, Antoine's Port. ...
Rouen

ROUGEMONT, PhILIPPES

RouGNOZE. PoRT-TiepasH.'vs Harbour. .
Royal, Cape— Bear Head, Newfoundland. .

Paor

123
35

113
!>9

Saguenay, the River

do. Country of

• •••• •••« ...,

Sauteurs, Les— see Ojihewas

Scurvy— French attacked by

Shecatica Bay ' . . .

SiDATiN, Town of

South Head

Spanish Spy

Stadacone— Quebec

Steering Island

St. Antoine's Port— Rocky Bay

St. Charles River— see Holy Cross

Ste. Genevieve, la Baie-scc St. Lawrence Bay' ' . .

St. James River— see Napetepec Bay.

St. John, CAPE-Cape Anguille

St. John's, Newfoundland .... ....

St. Julian, Bay of— Bay of Islands

St. Katherine's Harbour.

St. Lawrence BAY-Pillage Bay-la bale Ste Genevieve 59

St. Louis, Cap— Heath Point .... 53

St. Lunaire, la Baie ^g

q^'m'"'^''", r.'"- 25,30,54,06,110,115,129

fhS''f^,^f'^wrP«!'.^ Daniel-point where Cartier
rust touched Canadian soil . . .

St. Mary's Current

St. Maurice RivER-see Fouez. river of
St. Michel, RuissEAu.

98-103

; 6

103

115-116

.72,73-93

123

40, 41

47
79

146

168

■. -i

St. Nicholas Harbour— Pushasheebu Bay.

St. Peter. Lake

St. Pierre, le Detroit

St. Pierre, Isle

St. Servan's Port— lobster Bay

St. Wiluam Islands

Paof.

59
78
54
110
36
59

Taignoaqny

Thevet, Andr^

Thiennot— Meeting with— Cape Thiennot

Tobacco described

Toulouse

TRACADifecHE Inlet— Baie des Chaleurs . . ,
TREPASsfes Harbour— See Rougnoze Port

Trudamans, or Toudamini

Tutonaquy, Town of

70, 73,76, 105, 117
78, 110, 122

95, 96

113

93, 94
120, 121

Verrazzano .
Vinland . .

Wild Men's Cape— Cape North. P. E. I.

. . 28, 24

Paoe

78
54
110
86
59

05, 117

10, 123

95, 96

118

110

93, 94

20, 131

. 28, 24
18