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 THE 
 
 PRESENT STATE 
 
 O F 
 
 NORTH AMERICA. 
 
 Lately prefented to t&e Lords of the 
 Regency of GREAT-BRITAIN. 
 
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 THE 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 •^c^-^c^^-^e^^^^e^-^ygjt^*^^^^ 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 ^HE Difiovsries, Right s^ and Poffeffwns (f Gtc^- 
 Britain. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 The Difcovcner, Rigks,j^PoJ[effim of France. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 ,g^|j^. 
 
 
 
I 
 
 1 
 
 The CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 A\ 
 
 I ; 
 
 ^e Encroachments and Depredations of the French up- 
 on his Majefty's territories in North- America, in 
 T^mes when Peace fuhjified in Eyropc between the 
 'Two Crowns, ^c. ^c. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 the Situation^ Abilities^ temper^ and Difpofttion of his 
 Majefty's Northern Colonies, 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 ^e Situation^ y4hilities. Temper^ and "Difpofition of 
 the French Northern Colonies. 
 
 # 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Conftderations on the prejent Meafures for the Prefer- 
 •vation of his Majefty's juft Rights and Pojfeffions in 
 North-America. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Conftderations on the Plan for a general Concert of his 
 Majefty's Northern Colonies, drawn up by Com- 
 mj/ioners from Seven Provinces, in a late Congrefs at 
 the City of Albany in the Province of New-York. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
The CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 A Mw Plan, humbly fubmitted to the Conftderation of 
 the Public, for extirpating the French and their In- 
 dians out of his Majefty's North-American terri- 
 tories, &c. without any Expence to Great-Britain, 
 except the Regular Troops fhe has in that Country^ 
 and the Men of IVar that are or may be^ employed 
 there. 
 
 THE 
 
THE 
 
 PRESENT STATE 
 
 O F 
 
 NORTH AMERICA, &c. 
 
 A iti iti A iti iti * * * * * *■ ■*■ * * * * * * * ■*■ »****»»***« * ■»- * *- iti iti iti it» ift 
 ^ T V V VWWWT 'V T f T T '!"•' T '• T W T T T 'V T T I '»' T "w T T 11 * '♦' '•' '♦' • » 
 
 I 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 7'/^^ DifcoverieSf Rights and PoJfeJ/ions of Great- 
 Britain. 
 
 THE Cabot s, with other Subjc6ls of the North. j4mf. 
 Crown of England, did in 1496 and I497c7'erefbr 
 difcoverand take poffeflion of, according the £«g/v». 
 g) the Forms ufed in thofe Times, all the 
 Eaftern Coaft of North-America from Cape Florida 
 to the North Polar Circle^ for, and in the Name of, 
 the Crown of England. T .ey had a Grant from 
 the Crown of the Property of all Lands they Ihould 
 difcover and fettle JVeftward of Europe -, but they 
 made no Setdements in confequence of that Grant. 
 This Difcovery of the Continent of North-America 
 . was prior to that of any other Europeans ; for Co- 
 lumbus did not difcover the Iflands in the Gulf of 
 Mexico till 1498, and it was 1504 before the French 
 difcovered any Part of Nortb'America% 
 
 B In 
 
 / 
 
* 
 
 n 
 
 ^'ii 
 
 [ 2 ] 
 
 fcl^'a^'^'r ^^ ^^^^^ ^^y^ Priority of Difcovery, even with- 
 ci2m.''^ out a continued Occupancy or Pofleflioni was 
 deemed a good Claim o It is true, we did not im- 
 mediately make any Settlements there, nor did we 
 fo much as navigate the Coaft for near a Century 
 following, Henry the Vlllth being too much en- 
 gaged in the Difficulties which attended theProgrefs 
 of the Reformation, to be at leifure for foreign 
 Undertakings •, Edward the Vlth being a Minor ; 
 Queen Mary being bent upon the Re-eftablilhment 
 of Popery •, and Queen Elizabeth being conftandy 
 employed in guarding againft the Variety of Dan* 
 gers to which the internal State of her own King* 
 doms, the Power of the Crown of Spain^ and the 
 general State of Europe, expofed her. But, not- 
 withftanding this Inattention to North- America^ and 
 the little Regard England at firfl Ihewed to the Dif- 
 covery of the Cabots, I have fhewed it to have 
 b(fen the earlieft Difcovery made ; nor can it be an- 
 nulled by any fubfequent Difcovery pretended by 
 any other Country, nor by a Neglefl of the Im- 
 provement of it on our own- Part. However, as 
 feveral European Treaties have fince been made, 
 eftablilhing by Stipulation that Right acquired at 
 firfl: by this Difcovery to great Part of North- Ame- 
 rica^ I fhall not dwell upon the Effeft of the Dif- 
 covery, as confirming a Right, but proceed to ftate 
 the feveral European Treaties, fince maije, relative 
 to this Country ; the Conveyances made to Great- 
 Britain of Part of it by the Natives of the Coun- 
 try -, the confequential Grants of the Cr^ww, and the 
 Settlements made by his Majefty\ Subjeds. 
 The Bjjundi J^ confcquencc of the Treaty of Utrecht , Com- 
 ^jv Com-*' miflaries from the Crowns of Great-Britain and 
 panysTer- /^r^^^^^ determined the Boundaries of the Hudson *s- 
 wrtainfVby Bay Company's Terntories, to be all that Coun- 
 Jv"f/**'^ try from the North Pole to a certain Promontory 
 upon the Atlantic Ocean in N. Lat. 56 Degrees 
 
 30 
 
 * 
 
 this 
 
en with- 
 ORi was 
 not im- 
 r did wc 
 Century 
 nuch en- 
 Progrefs 
 ' foreign 
 Minor ; 
 )liihment 
 ;onftantly 
 of Dan- 
 m King' 
 and the 
 But, not- 
 erica, and 
 the Dif- 
 : to have 
 n it be att- 
 ended by 
 the Im- 
 wever, as 
 :en made, 
 :quired at 
 orth-Amt' 
 f the Dil- 
 ed to ftate 
 J, relative 
 to Great" 
 the Coun- 
 , and the 
 :s. 
 
 hty Com- 
 itain and 
 
 IUDS0N*S- 
 
 hat Coun- 
 omontory 
 6 Degrees 
 30 
 
 go M. to run S. W. to Lake Mifiafin^ and from 
 thence continued ftill S. W. to N. Lat. 49 D. and 
 from thence continued ftill S. W. indefinitely ; 
 which S. W. Line takes in Part of Lake Superior^ 
 which is as large as the Cafpian Sea. Though the 
 Sisur'd* Anville has in his Map of America, pub- 
 lifhed in 1750, under the Direftion and Authority 
 of the Government of France^ marked the South 
 Boundary of the above Company's Territories due 
 Weft from the above Promontory, which is fo far 
 injurious. 
 
 The Limits of New-Britain, or Labradcre,'^^^^^^^* 
 are not on the South and Weft Sides afcertained hfHTu!:' 
 any Treaty betjveen Great- Britain and France \ ittrtdorttiox. 
 being with the Remainder of North- America, the Tr«ty,*'^an(! 
 Boundaries whereof were not fettled by the Treaty *»'? Majefiy'. 
 of Utrecht', referred to Commijfaries of the /w^coVt'y.' *' 
 Crowns, who were to fettle all American Difputcs, " 
 concerning Boundaries and the Dominion of the In- * 
 dians, in twelve Months after the Ratifications of 
 that Treaty were exchanged. Commijfaries did ac- 
 cordingly meet at Soijfons and Cambray, but never 
 fettled one Point relative to the Limits of North- 
 u^merica, and the Dominions of the Indians therein, 
 except the Boundary of the Hudfon*s-Eay Company 
 I have juft mentioned *. But if prior Difcovery 
 
 B 2 and 
 
 * Nothing can be more impolitic, when wc arc en- 
 gaged in a Confederacy againft France, than to leave any 
 Point to be determined after the Gonclufion of a Peace : 
 for if we cannot get it conceded while the Confederacy 
 flands and our Force is united, how can we obtain it 
 when we are left alone upon the DifTolution of the Con- 
 federacy ? The French have fo often experienced the Be- 
 nefit of this Imprudence on our fide, that in all their 
 •Treaties they ufe every Artifice in their Power to obtaia 
 [this Advantage, and they feldom mifs it. But when we 
 rccoUeft the weak and traiterous Mifiiftry of this Country, 
 
 whg 
 
 / 
 

 [4] 
 
 and frequent Vifitation of a Country gives Title to 
 ity we have an indubitable one to all that Country 
 called New-Britain or Labradore, extending South- 
 ward from the before-mentioned Promontory inN. 
 Lat. s^ -D. 30 M. to the North Side of the En- 
 trance into the Streights of Belle IJle^ and from 
 thence due Weft till it meet the Southern Boundary 
 of HudfinU Bay Company's Territories. Though 
 the French have been careful to colour the whole o^ 
 this Country upon their Maps for themfelves. Three 
 Years ago a Number of wealthy Merchants of the 
 City of London petitioned for an exclufive Grant of 
 this Country, for a Number of Years, on Terms 
 that would have been very beneficial to the Public, 
 as well as themfelves. Their Petition was referred 
 to the Right Honourable Lords for Trade and Planta- 
 tionSy who reported in favour of the Projeft, and 
 
 proved 
 
 who negociated the infamous Peace of Utrecht, we can- 
 not wonder that the Interefts of America^ &c, fliould be 
 referred to Commiffaries after a Gonclufion of a Peace. 
 This Weaknefs and Treachery in our Managers of the 
 Treaty of Utrecht , when it was in our Power to command eur 
 own 'Terms, has given Being and Support to moft of the 
 Evils that have lince happened in America between us and 
 the French, And one would have hoped the ill Succefs 
 of this Part of the Treaty of Utrecht would have deter- 
 red us from the like impolitic Conduct at t-he Treaty of 
 Ai)i La Chapelle, But no, the Necejpty of our Situation then 
 obliged us tofuhmit to the fame Mi/lake once more, and we now 
 fee and feel the Gonfeqaences of it; For the French rc- 
 fufe to fettle any one Point inDifpute with us, unlefs up- 
 on fuch Terms as are abhorrent to our Honour and Intc- 
 refl: ; they rre conftantly committing Depredations on 
 . our Fellow-Subje61:s, and making Encroachments on us 
 in America, and will not recede from any one of their 
 Encroachments, though his Majefiy'% Claim to moft of 
 the Territories they have invaded is indifputably juft j and 
 they have at l?.ft puftied Affairs to fuch an Extremity, 
 that-a European War with them feems to be inevitable. 
 
ritle to 
 Mountry 
 jSouth- 
 ry inN. 
 the En- 
 id from 
 oundary 
 Though 
 whole o^ 
 I. Three 
 tsof the 
 Grant of 
 m Terms 
 ; Public, 
 J referred 
 d Planta- 
 ijed, and 
 proved 
 
 9 
 
 we caa- 
 ihould be 
 Peace. 
 ers of the 
 ommandour 
 loft of the 
 een us and 
 ill Succefs 
 lavc deter- 
 Treaty of 
 ituation then 
 indwenow 
 
 French re- 
 unlefs up- 
 ir and Inte- 
 dations on 
 ents on us 
 ne of their 
 
 to mod of 
 y jud ; and 
 Extremity, 
 evitable*. 
 
 [5l 
 
 proved his Majefty's Title to the Country ; but for 
 political Reafons it was afterwards dropped. And 
 fince that there have been feveral bolder Attempts 
 than ever of private Traders, Subjedls of his Ma- 
 jefty^ to eftablifli Commerce with the EJkimeauic 
 Indians^ who reftde on and near the Sea Coafl: of 
 this Country, which has from one End to the other 
 been often explored by his Majefty*% Subjefts ; but 
 there never was any Eftabliftiment made in it by 
 any European Nation ; for the Nativies have an in- 
 vincible Antipathy to all Foreigners ; and deftroy 
 all thofe that happen to be wrecked on their Coaft, 
 or attempt to trade with them, whenever it is in 
 their Power. /^j/^/ ;ir/^ 
 
 By the Treaty of Utrecht^ whiclfi in this td^t&nrtwfouna^ 
 h confirmed by thazofJixLaCbapelle, Ne wFouND-^jfjrowl*" 
 LAND was ceded to Great-Britain, referving to the of Great Bru 
 French^ through the good Offices of our iniquitous If ^^jjjj'^f* 
 Adminiftration in 171 2, Liberty to vifit and toutrecbi. 
 cred Huts and Stages for drying Fifli from Cape 
 Banavifta to the Northermoft Point of the Ifiand^ an4 
 from thence down the Wefiern Side to the Point 
 Kiche, contrary to the Treaty of Peace and Neu- 
 trality for America concluded in November 1656, 
 between England and France, wherein it is ftipula- 
 ted, that the Subjefts of each Crown are not to 
 trade, fifh, or harbour (except in Cafes of Diftrefs 
 to repair, wood and water) in one another's Diftrifts. 
 And there is inferted alfo a Claiife, in the 1 5th Ar- 
 ticle of the Treaty of Utrecht with Spain, whereby 
 a Pretence is given to the Spaniards to claim a Right 
 to fifh at Newfoundland, in direct Contradidion to 
 the 7th and 8th Articles of the Treaties made with 
 that Crown in 1667 and 1670, whereby it is agreed 
 that Great Britain Ihall enjoy forever, with plenary 
 Right of Sovereignty, all thofe Lands and Places 
 whatfoever, being or fituate in the Weft-Indies, or 
 in any Part of America, which the Subjefts of Great 
 
 B 3 Britai^ 
 
li \ 
 
 
 
 C( 
 
 [6] 
 
 Britain do at prefent hold or poffefs. And that the 
 Subjefts and Inhabitants, Merchants of the King- 
 doms and Dominions of each Confederate refpec- 
 tively, (hall forbear to fail and trade in the Ports 
 and Havens which have Fortifications, Magazines, 
 or Warehoufes, and in all other Places whatfoever, 
 pofTefled by the other Party in the Weft-Indies^ or 
 in any Part of America. The Board of Trade be- 
 ing confulted on the Spaniards claiming a Right to 
 filh at Newfoundland^ returned the following An- 
 fwer to Lord Dartmouth^ Secretary of State, dated 
 June 13, 1 7 12. *' We have confidered the Ex- 
 *« trad of a Memorial from the Marquis de Monte*- 
 *' lony relating to a Claim of the Inhabitants of 
 Guypufcoa to fifh on the Coaft of Newfoundland \ 
 and thereupon take leave to inform your Lord- 
 ihip, that we have difcourfed with fuch Perfons 
 •' as are able to give Information in that matter; 
 *' and we find that fome Spaniards are come hither 
 ** with Paffes from her Majefty^ and others may 
 «' have filhed there privately ; but never any, that 
 *' we can learn, did do it as of Right belonging to 
 «' them. By the A(5t to encourage the Trade to 
 ««. Newfoundland^ pafled in the Tenth and Eleventh 
 *' of his late Majefty^ when we were in Amity and 
 *' Alliance with Spain^ it is declared and enacted, 
 *' That no Alien or Stranger whatfoever, not re- 
 *' fiding within the Kingdom of England^ Domi- 
 *' nion of Wales ^ or Town of Berwick upon 
 «« Tweedy fhall at any Time hereafter take Bait, or 
 *' ufe any Sort of Trade, or Fifhing whatever, in 
 ** Newfoundland^ or in any of the IJlands adjacent.** 
 *' Purfuant to which Ad, Inftrudions have been 
 *' every Year given to the Commodores of the 
 *' Convoys, to prevent Foreigners coming thither.'* 
 The Secret Committee of the Houfs of Commons^ 
 in 1 7 1 5, confefs in their Report, that they were at 
 a lols to account for the Reafons that prevailed with 
 
 the 
 
 Kirk. 
 
[7] 
 
 :hat the 
 King- 
 refpec- 
 e Ports 
 yazines, 
 tfoever, 
 idies^ or 
 rade be- 
 Light to 
 ing An- 
 
 e, dated 
 the Ex- 
 ? Monte^ 
 itants of 
 mdland \ 
 ir Lord- 
 
 Perfons 
 
 mattei; ; 
 
 ne hither 
 
 lers may 
 
 any, that 
 
 •nging to 
 
 Trade to 
 
 Eleventh 
 
 mity and 
 
 enaded, 
 
 not re- 
 
 f, Domi- 
 ick upon 
 J Bait, or 
 tever, in 
 djacent." 
 ave been 
 es of thie 
 thither.'* 
 Commons^ 
 y were at 
 ailed with 
 
 the 
 
 the Miniftry to admit the Infertion of the above 
 Article into the Treaty of Utrecht^ for the Manage- 
 ment of it was intrufted with an Irijh Papift who 
 was fent to Spain for this Purpofe, and to negociate 
 what was expefted from that Crown relating to the 
 Pretender^ and no Papers concerning it were to be 
 found in the public Offices. Upon the Foundation 
 of the above Article in favour of Spaitty we find " 
 Don UzT ARIZ, formerly Privy Counfellor to the 
 King^ and Secretary in the Council and Chamber of 
 the Indies in Spain^ in his moft excellent ^eory and 
 PraSiice of Commerce^ &c. advifing the King his 
 Matter to avail himfelf of that Right whenever he 
 has Power fufficient to make good his Pretenfions. 
 
 AcADiE, extending from the River of St. ^^'^"i^^^'^^tia' 
 rence to the River Pantagoit or Penobfcot\ was not cedla to ' * 
 only firft difcovercd, but firft fettled by thcEnglifi i^'l^^^^l^* 
 for in 1602 we had, bothi by the Accpunts ot Eng-Ji/mcl^y 
 lijh and French Hiftorians, a Settlement in that 
 Country, which is two Years before ever a French 
 Family fettled in any Part of it, as appears from 
 the fame Authority. In 1620 all that Part of 
 Acadie as far as the 48 D. of N. Latitude, was 
 granted by the Crown to the Council of Plymouth 
 or New-England^ which Company I fhall have fur- 
 ther occafion to fpeak of.* In 1621 the Council of 
 New- England refigned to the Crown all Parts of their 
 Grant to the Northward of the River St. Croix ^ 
 when it was then granted with the reft of Acadie to 
 Sir IVilliam Alexander^ Secretary of State for Scot- 
 latfdj and called Nova Scotia. In 1623 King 
 Charles the Ift, marying a Daughter of the French 
 King, gave all Acadie or Nova Scotia to France^ 
 In 1627 it was taken from the French by Sir David 
 Kirk. In 1632 it was again ceded to France by the 
 Treaty of St. Germain, In 1 654 Cromwell fent and 
 reduced it. ' In 1662 it was again delivered up to i 
 
 thQ French King by Cbr,rles 11. and confirmed to | 
 
 B 4 Franct' 
 
 H 
 
 *. 
 
/ 
 
 V': 
 
 i 
 
 €1 
 
 (8 ) 
 
 France at the Treaty of Breda in 1667, notwith- 
 flanding a Remonftrance againft it from dft^ Par- 
 liament of England and the People of NMo- Eng- 
 land. In 1690 it was taken by 700 New-England 
 Men, at the hxpence of that Country, which was 
 never reimburfed them. In i6^j it was again ceded 
 to France, In 1 7 1 o it was reduced again by Forces 
 from Great Britain and New England^ and confirm- 
 ed by the Treaties of Utrecht and u4ix La Chapelle 
 to the Crown of Great Britain, *' "With its antietit 
 *' Boundaries, as alfo the City of Port^Royal, as 
 
 fully as ever France poffelTed them by Treaty or 
 " other Means." 
 
 From this Summary of Fafts there cannot be 
 any Doubt of Great Britain's Right to the whole 
 of the Country called /^cadie or Nova Scotia. And 
 as the Sovereignty and Poj[eJlion of it has been fo 
 often changed by Treaty and other Means, one 
 would have imagined it impoflible any Doubt could 
 have arofe about Che Extent of it. But it is certain 
 that France has ever fince the Treaty of Aix La 
 Chapelle infifted on its antient Boundaries to have 
 never extended beyond the South-Eaftern Peninfula, 
 and have accordingly taken PoffefTion of all the 
 Country we claim as Acadie or Nova Scotia, except 
 the above Peninfula, which is not one third of the 
 Country both Crowns always poflefled for Acadie or 
 Nova Scotia before and fince its precife Bounds were 
 afcertained in confequence of the Treaty of Breda, 
 as appears by both Englijh and French Hifi:orians, 
 i^c. tho' no Bounds ^vere exprefled in the Treaties 
 of St. Germain and Breda. However, a Difpute 
 arifing in the Execution of the Treaty of Breda, a 
 Difcufllon of its Limits enfued, and it was then 
 ftipulated by the two Crowns, that St. Lawrence 
 River Jhould he its Northern Boundary, the Gulf of 
 St. Lawrence and Streight of Canfo its Edfiern, Cape 
 Sablelhore its South-Eaftern^ and the River Panta- 
 
 goit 
 
 .^1 
 
lotwith- 
 
 rPar- 
 Eng- 
 
 England 
 lich was 
 in ceded 
 y Forces 
 confirm- 
 Cbapelle 
 cs antietU 
 loyal, as 
 'reaty or 
 
 annot be 
 he whole 
 ia. And 
 
 been fo 
 :ans, one 
 iht could 
 is certain 
 
 Aix La 
 
 to have 
 'eninfula, 
 f all the 
 ?, except 
 rd of the 
 Acadie or 
 inds were 
 )f Breda^ 
 liflorians, 
 ; Treaties 
 
 Difputc 
 Breda, a 
 was then 
 Lawrence 
 7 Gulf of 
 em. Cape 
 er Panta- 
 goit 
 
 / 
 
 1 
 
 [9I _ 
 goit its Wefiern, "Which Limits France always 
 pofTefled as Acadie^ and it ever retained down to 
 the Treaties of Utrecht and Aix La Chapelky when 
 it was confirmed to the Csown of Great Britain with 
 its antient Boundaries^ as fully as ever France pojfejfed 
 it by treaty or other Means, 
 
 Now to proceed regularly and clearly with re- '• 
 fpeft to his Majeftfs further Rights in North AmC' 
 rica, I muft ftate the Procefs of Grants, fc?f . 
 
 Cabot's Grants being dropped. Sir fViaiter Ra-iii*M^f/iy* 
 high did obtain of Queen Elizabeth in 1584 a Pa-fj'lJrf^f 
 tent for exploring and planting Lands in North Ante- country, 
 rica, not aftually polTeffed by any Chrifiian Prince iSS/to^' 
 and when he returned to England the next Year, the^«'/f oce- 
 whole Country from Cape Florida to St. Lawrence*!!,lfl!f^ d1 
 , River, which before went under the general Namean<i45i>« 
 of Florida, was called Virginia, in Honour of the ' .**' 
 Virgin ^een, there being yet no diftind Settlements 
 which gave particular Names to the feveral Places 
 along the Coaft. Upon Sir I^^Z/^r's Attainder, his 
 Patent being forfeited, feveral Adventurers peti- ^ .k- 
 tioned King James I. for Grants, and a Grant was 
 made in 1606 to two Companies (one of London^ 
 the other of Brijiol) in one Charter, of all the 
 Country lying from thirty-four to forty-iive Degrees 
 of Northern Latitude on the Atlantic Ocean, and 
 thelflands within a hundred Miles of the Sea Coaft, 
 and from the faid Coaft inland indefinitely, if not 
 adtually poflefledby any ChriflianFnnce or People. 
 Neither the French nor any other Chrifiian People, 
 but us, had at that Time any Settlements South of 
 St. Lawrence River, but in Acadie^ where the 
 French begun tp fettle two Years before the Date of 
 this Charter, as appears by De Laet of Antwerp, by 
 Pere Charlevoix, and feveral other of their, and by 
 ieveral of our own, Hiftorians.' Nor had the French, 
 as appears from the fame Authority, made any Dif- 
 coveries or Settlements at this Time higher up the 
 
 River 
 
f 
 
 U ■ '1! 
 
 [ 10 ] 
 
 River Sl Lawrence than MontreaL Nor had any 
 European Power, but the Englijhy any Settlements 
 in any Part of this Grant at that Time. The Grant 
 extends upon the Atlantic Ocean from the Cape now 
 called Cape Fear to the Mouth of Pantagoit River, 
 which is the Weftern Boundary of the Country wc 
 claim as Acadie or Nova Scotia, Indeed P. Cbarle- 
 voiif fays, M. Monts entered Kennebecky or Sagada- 
 hoc River, which is within this Grant, in 1604 » t>ut 
 he alfo fays, he and all the Adventurers with him 
 immediately removed to Port Royal in Acadie^ and 
 in 1 606 they all returned to France, 
 
 Both the London and Brijlol Companies began» 
 immediately after their Grant, to make Adventures 
 in Trade and Setdements. The London Company 
 purfuing them to the Southward of the Bay called 
 Cbefapeaky and the Briftol Company to the Eaft- 
 ward, beginning at Sagadahoc River. 
 ?'^'?'^.t-. In i6ao a Difpute arofe between thofe Companies 
 Right three about the former s Right to nih at Cape Cod^ upon 
 Sore*" the^^^^^ ^ "^^ Patent was granted to the latter, and 
 Horthward. fevcral Other Noblemen and Gentlemen, for all the 
 Country lying from 40 D. to 48 D. North Lati- 
 tude, which is three Degrees further to the North-, 
 ward than the former Grant, and takes in the great- 
 eft Part of Acadie or Nova Scotia. The Grant ex- 
 tends due Weft from the Atlantic to the Pacific 
 Ocean, if not then adlually poflefled by any Chri- 
 fiian Prince or People. And this new Company 
 was called the Council of Plymouth or New-England-, 
 which latter Name was given to this Country upon 
 Capt. Smithes prefenting a Plan of it to the Court 
 of England on his Return in 1614, and it retains 
 the Name to this Day from twenty Miles Eaft of 
 the City of New- fork as far as the River St. Croix^ 
 and is now divided into the four Provinces of Maf- 
 fachufefs-Bay^ New-Hampjhire^ Rhode-IJland and 
 ConneSlicut, Capt. Smith furveyed the Coaft well, 
 
 and 
 
ad any 
 cmencs 
 e Grant; 
 5enow 
 River, 
 try wc 
 
 agada- 
 but 
 him 
 and 
 
 h » 
 
 :h 
 
 began, 
 mtures 
 mpany 
 
 called 
 Eaft. 
 
 ipanie* 
 
 upon 
 
 , and 
 
 all the 
 
 1 Lati- 
 
 ^orth-. 
 
 great- 
 
 int ex- 
 
 Pacific 
 
 Cbri' 
 
 npany 
 
 upon 
 Court 
 etains 
 [ft of 
 
 Maf- 
 
 and 
 well, 
 
 and 
 
 
 [ 'J ] 
 
 and gave iSames to many of the Head-lands, Bays 
 and Rivers, which are moftly continued to this 
 Time. 
 
 The North Line of this Grant crofles the North 
 Side of St. Lawrence River a little above Sagueney^ \ 
 and running due Weft ftrikes the North Side of ) 
 Lake Superiour^ to which the South Boundary of / 
 the Hudfon*S'Bay Company's Territories do extend. 
 But as the French were before this fettled at ^ebeck^ ] 
 'Trots RivierSj and fevefal other Places on the Nortl^ / 
 Side of St. Lawrence below Mentreal^ which are ., 
 within this Grant, all that Part of the Grant to the [ 
 Northward of the River St. Lawrence as high a^ ; 
 Montreal is invalid. But as they had not made any / 
 Settlements prior to this Grant higher than Mont' ' 
 realy they have no Right to any part of the Country 
 to the Southward of the River St. Lawrence below 
 Montreal, nor to the Southward of the North 
 Bounds of this Line above Montreal. 
 
 This New-England Company made many Grants 
 of Land, one of which, in particular, in 1620, 
 gives to Sir Ferdinando Gorge and Captain Majon 
 all that Traft of Land lying from the Heads of 
 Merrimak River, and Sagadahoc or Kennebeck River 
 to the Lake Iroquois^ now called by the French 
 Champlainy and the River which empties itfelf from 
 the faid Lake into St. Lawrence River oppofite to 
 St. Peter' s-Eay, to be called Laconia, Part of this 
 Grant was afterwards fold to the Agent of the Maf- 
 fachufet* s-Bay Province, and confirmed by the 
 Crown in 1639. 
 
 The London ^n<X New-England Compzmts^ being 
 difappointed in their Hopes of vaft Wealth from 
 their Projefts, furrendered their Patents to the 
 Crown in 1 6^5. And in the Beginning of Charles I. 
 new Grants were procured : but by reafon of the 
 cnfuing Civil Confufions and Divifions in England 
 the Conditions of thefe new Grants were not com- 
 plied 
 
 
a ,;i 
 
 [ 12 ] 
 
 plied with, and People fct down at pleafurc and at 
 random. Upon the Reftoration of Charles II. thofe 
 Settlers petitioned for peculiar Grants, and had 
 them i but it is not pertinent to my prefent Objcdt 
 to trace Royal and other Giants for Lands to the 
 Northward of 34 D. of Latitude any further. But 
 it is neceflary to mention three other Species of his 
 Majefifs Right to a very large Part of the fame 
 Country, which he derives from European and In- 
 dian Treaties. 
 HisM»jffty'« While the London and Briftol Companies were 
 '^'JlJ^'^jJ^'^ engaged in trading and fettling at the two Extremes 
 v*ince»of of their Grant, tht Swedes, Fins, and Dutch in 1609 
 
 »heheredi- about 38 D. to the Lat. 41 D. N. comprehending 
 '"etedco^.'^^e prefent Provinces of New-Tork, New-Jer/tes^ 
 try of the and fomc Part of Pennfylvania, In 1618 the Go- 
 SlS'^'vernor of Virginia had feveral Bickerings with the 
 Dutch, &c. fettled in, and trading to, this Coun- 
 try, as interfering with his Mafter*s Grant. How- 
 ever this ferved no other Purpqfe than to frighten 
 the Swedes and Fins under the Protedlion of the 
 Dutch, who foon after had a Governor appointed 
 by the States of Holland, and the Country was cal- 
 led New-Notherl^nds. The Court of England 
 complained, but the States difowned it, and faid it 
 was only a private Undertaking of an Amfierdam 
 Weft-India Merchant. Upon which King James I. 
 commiflioned a Governor, and called the Country 
 New- Albion, to which the Dutch fubmitted. But 
 during the Civil Troubles in England in Charles I. 
 Reign, and in the Adminiflration of the Republi- 
 can Party, the Dutch again eftablifhed a Govern- 
 ment there, till it was reduced by England in 1664. 
 In 1667 at the Peace concluded at Breda, between 
 England and the United Provinces, it was ftipulated 
 by the third Article of the Treaty that the Englijh 
 were to remain in PofTefTion of that whole Country, 
 
 in 
 
 called Iro 
 
C«3] 
 
 in Exchange for the Country of Surinam^ which the 
 Dufcb had taken from the Englijh, In 1672 the 
 Vufcb reduced New- Albion^ but the Year following, 
 at the Treaty of Wefiminjler^ it was reftored to Eng- 
 lartdy with whom it has continued ever fince. Nei- 
 ther the Treaty of Breda^ nor that of IVeJlminfter^ 
 fpecifies the Bounds of New-Netherlands^ or New- 
 Albion^ but in general Terms cedes to England all 
 the Rights and PofleiTions of the Dutch in North 
 America. 
 
 The firft Year the Dutch begun to fettle in this 
 Country, they entered into an Alliance with, and 
 by Treaty did acquire the Protedtion and Sovereign- 
 ty of, the Five Nations of Indians then living on the 
 South Side of St. Lawrence River, oppofite to 
 Montreal ; who are known to the Englijh under the 
 Names of Mohawks^ Oneydoes^ Onondagas, Cayu" 
 gas, and Senekas ; and to the French by the general 
 Name of Iroquois. This Alliance and Subjection 
 continued without a Breach on either Side till 1664, 
 when the Englijh upon the taking of New-Nether- 
 lands, which from this time was called New-Tork, 
 immediately entered into a ftrid Friendfhip with 
 thofe Five Nations, which has held without the leaft 
 Breach to this Day. The * Five Nations by this 
 
 Treaty 
 
 * Notwithftanding the Duke of Torkj Proprietor of 
 this Country from the Time it was taken in 1664 to his 
 Acceffion to the Throne, ordered the Governors of 
 New-Tork to give the French Priefts all the Encourage- 
 ment in their Power to fettle among the Five Nations. 
 But Col. Dungan ywho was his Governor when he mount- 
 ed the Throne, though a Reman Catholic f was fo much 
 of an Englijhman that he ever perfuaded the Indians not to 
 receive them, prevailed on them not to make Peace with 
 XhQ French in 1687, and effedually prevented them from 
 becoming the Subjects of the French King. But his Mea- 
 fures were not agreeable to thofe his Mafter had taken 
 
 with 
 
[ «4 ] 
 
 Treaty acknowledged to the Governor of New-Tork 
 at Albany^ *' That they had given their Lands and 
 " fubmitted thcmfelves to the King of England*^ 
 And in a few Years after they defired and had the 
 Duke of Tot'k.. Arms put up at each of their Caftles, 
 as Tokens of their being Subjects and under his 
 Protedion. The above Treaty was made three 
 Years preceding the firft the French ever made with 
 them, for they were conftantly at War with the 
 Five Nations^ as appears by their own, as well as 
 our Hiftorians, from 1603, when they firft fettled 
 ?x Canada, to 1667, when they entered into a 
 Treaty of Friendmip only, which continued till 
 1683, "when the French moft perfidioufly broke it. 
 The above Right of Sovereignty and Property, con- 
 veyed to us, the Five Nations recognized by a 
 Treaty in 1684, and by another at Albany in 1687. 
 And at this laft Treaty, when Col. Dungan^ Go- 
 vernor of New-Torky could not fupport them open- 
 ly, having pofitive Orders from King James II. to 
 procure Peace for the French^ they expreffed them- 
 lelves to the Governor and CommifTioners of New- 
 Tork in thefe Words, " Brethren, you tell us the 
 •' King of England is a very great King, and why 
 *' Ihould not you join with us in a very juft Caufe, 
 *' Avhen the French join with our Enemies in an un- 
 *' jult Caufe ? O Brethren, we fee the Reafon of 
 *' this i for the French would fain kill us all, and 
 *' when that is done they would carry all the Bea- 
 *' ver Trade to Canada^ and tiie King of England 
 *' would lofe the Land likewife \ and therefore, O 
 " gi-eat Sachem, beyond the great Lake, awake- 
 
 " and 
 
 with the French Court, at whofe Requefl; he was foon af- 
 ter removed from his Government, becaufe he had not 
 procured a Peace with the Indians for the French^ and ad- 
 mitted them to fettle and gofpelizc among them, as the 
 King his Mailer ha4 ordered htm. 
 
«( 
 <( 
 
 t>5] 
 
 and ftiffer not thofc poor hidians that have given 
 themfelves and their Lands under your Prole^ion^ 
 •* to be deltroyed by the French without a Caufe." 
 AH which Grants they further confirmed by feveral 
 fubfequent Treaties, and a Deed of Sale of all their 
 hereditary and conquered Cotintry, for a vaJuablc 
 Confideration, in 170 1. Which was alfo renewed 
 1726-, and again, very particularly fo, at a Treaty 
 held at Lancafler in the Province of Pennfylvania in 
 1 744. But as Treaties with the Natives of America 
 by European Powers may not be thought fufficient, 
 or be admitted, in fupport of a Claim to Property 
 and Jurifdidion, in a European national Difcufllon, 
 unlefs confirmed by a European Treaty between con- 
 tending Nations for American Rights, I have not 
 Quoted any, or fhall I, (though there are many 
 liibfifting in almoft every Part of his Majejlfi 
 North- American Dominions, as much to the Pur- 
 pofe of Property and Jurifdidion as thofe of the 
 Five Nations) but thofe that relate to the Iroquois^ 
 becaufe they are fully and amply confirmed by 
 France to Great-Britain in the Treaties of Utreebf 
 and Jix La Chapelle. They are there acknowledged 
 to be Subjects of, and the Dominion over them is 
 ceded to, the Crown of Great -Britain ; and it is 
 ftipulated that neither they, nor any other Indians^ 
 who were Friends to the Engli/h^ fhould be mo- 
 lefted by the French, but that the Subjects of both 
 Crowns fhould enjoy free Liberty of going and 
 coming to the Colonies of either, for the Promotion 
 of Trade as a common Benefit. But as the Trea- 
 ties of Utrecht and yJix La Chapelle refer the Domi- 
 nion of each Crown over all the Indians in North- 
 America, except the Iroquois, to be fettled by Com- 
 miflaries after the Ratifications were exchanged, the 
 Treaties that have from time to time been made by 
 his Majejfy^s Governments in North- Americ. with 
 the Indians^ will be of great Service if ever this 
 
 Affair 
 
ff fii 
 
 I 
 
 [ 16 ] 
 
 Affair Ihould come upon the ^apis. And if our 
 Governors had known the Importance of fuch Trea- 
 ties, they might have improved the Opportunities 
 they have had with more Clearnefs and Precifion 
 than they have dona in fome Inftances, both as to 
 Dominion and Property. 
 
 Thofe Ceflions of the F^ve Nations confirmed by 
 France to Great Britain are of infinite more Impor- 
 tance than they appear to be at firft fight •, for they 
 are further and conclufive Proofs for the utter Ex- 
 clufion of any French Pretenfions to the Five great 
 Lakes^ all the Country between the Lakes^ all the 
 River and Country of the Ohio. And a vaft Ex- 
 tent of territory bejides. But to have a nearer View, 
 and to convey a more adequate Idea of the vaft 
 Importance of thefe Ceflions, we muft afcertain 
 what is the Extent of the Five Nations Hereditary 
 and Concfjered Country. 
 The HeredU The French Hiftorians tell us, that when they 
 tary Country (gt^igcj at Canada in 1603, which is fix Years before 
 //i^' ». '""" the Butch poflefTed themfelves of New-Netherlands^ 
 now called New-Tork, the Iroquois lived in that 
 Part of the Country extending upon the South 
 Banks of the River St. Lawrence from the Mouth 
 of the Iroquois^ or Sorrel, River, as high up St, 
 Lazvrence as to be oppofite to the Weft End of 
 Lake Sacrcr.ient^ and from the Weft End of the 
 faid Lake through that and Lake Iroquois or Champ- 
 lain^ and Iroquois River to its Mouth, which is op- 
 pofite to St. Peter^s-Bay. This being the earlieft 
 Account any Europeans have of them, we may 
 fairly conclude this to be their hereditary or native 
 Country. 
 T,i: con. The fame Audiority acquaints us, that they found 
 il^^'ftSr^^^^ I^H^^ois engaged in a juft and neceflary War 
 2v..;;;.:i. with the Mirondacs or Jlgonkins, a powerful Na- 
 tion of Indians, who then lived where the Utawa- 
 was are now fituated, and forced the Iroquois to 
 
 leave 
 
 
 I 
 
if our 
 1 Trea- 
 cunities 
 recifion 
 h as to 
 
 Tied by 
 Impor- 
 or they 
 ter Ex- 
 
 ve great 
 all the 
 aft EX' 
 r View, 
 the vaft 
 ifcertain 
 reditary 
 
 en they 
 
 before 
 'jerlands, 
 
 in that 
 3 South 
 I Mouth 
 
 up St. 
 End of 
 
 of the 
 Champ- 
 :h is op- 
 
 earliefl 
 yve may 
 )r native 
 
 jy found 
 iry War 
 rful Na- 
 Utawa- 
 quois to 
 leave 
 
 t '7 ] 
 
 leave their own Country and fly to the fijlhks of the 
 Lakes Ontario and Erie ; which, with the Country 
 lying between thofe ^ jikes and Hudfon's River, as 
 low as Albany^ and tl.j Forks of the Rivers Dela- 
 ware, Sufquehanah and Ohio, they have ever (ihce 
 made their chief Refidence, ;»nu uo now continue 
 in the PoffefTion of; except thofe Parts they have 
 fold to the Englijh and made particular Grants of, 
 efpecially upon Mohawks River, upon Lake Onta' 
 rio, where the Englijh Fort Ofwego was built in 
 1727, and thofe Parts about the Forks of the Ri- 
 vers Delaware, Sufquehanah and Ohio in the Pro- 
 , vincc. of Pennfyhania that they have fold to the 
 Proprietors of that Province. Upon their Remo- 
 val to this Part of the Country the Satanas, or Sha- 
 cuonons, who then lived round the Lakes Ontario 
 and Erie, warred againft them \ but the Iroquois 
 foon drove them out of the Country, and they fled 
 as far to the Wefl:ward as the Banks of the Miffif- 
 ftpi. By this Breach with the Satanas the Iroquois 
 improved fo much in the Art of War, and fo far 
 recovered their Spirits, which were before deprefled 
 by the Algonkins, that now they thought themfelves 
 a Match for them : and as Indians never forget an 
 Injury, nor refl: till their Revenge is fatiated, they 
 immediately after their Vidlory over the Satanas re- 
 newed the War with the Algonkins, in which they 
 had fuch Succefs as not only to recover their heredi- 
 tary Dominions, but alfo to drive the Algonkins 
 from their own Country to that where Rebeck now 
 Hands, and never refted till they had dcftroyed the 
 whole Nation, except a few who put themfelves 
 under the Proteftion of the French at §uebeck ; and 
 thofe that have defcended from them that efcapcd 
 the Fury of the Iroquois are jftill in the Neigh- 
 bourhood of Rebeck -, but the Algonkins have never 
 been confidered as of any Confequcnce in either 
 Peace or War, fince their Wars with the Iroquois. 
 
 C Fire 
 
 m 
 
 '1 . 
 
mi: 
 
 i'? 
 
 t 18 ] 
 
 Fin Arms and 7o9ls of Iron and Steel having ne- 
 ver been fecn in this Part of the World *till the 
 French introduced them, the Novelty and Ufeful- 
 nefs of them, together with their alluring *!toys and 
 Tinfelsy and the French Demand for the Indian Furs 
 and Skins, brought all the Indians between Rebeck 
 and the Lakes, except the Iroquois, to the French 
 to trade : but as the French had protected the Al- 
 gonkins and actually affiftcd them agaiiift the Iro- 
 quois, they could not be prevailed upon to have any 
 Commerce with the French, who thereupon com- 
 menced the Allies of all the Indians that came to 
 Rebeck, and prevailed on them to join in a War 
 againft the Iroquois, whom they were now deter- 
 mined to extirpate, never dreaming of much Dif- 
 ficulty to accomplifh it, as they had the Advantage 
 of Fire Arms and a vail Superiority in Numbers of 
 Indians, 
 
 The firfi: Adion after this Coalition happened 
 upon the Banks of Lake Iroquois, and proved to 
 the Difadvantage of the Iroquois ; for the French 
 kept themfelves undifcovered till the Moment they 
 begun to join battle, and their Fire Arms furprized 
 the Iroquois fo much that they were put into Con- 
 fufion. This Vi(5tory and the Fire Arms giving the 
 French Indians new Confidence, they became fierce 
 and infolcnt, defpifing the Commands of their Cap* 
 tains, and on all Occafions ralhly attacked the Ene- 
 my, who were obliged to keep themfelves upon 
 the defenfive, and to make up what they wanted 
 in Force by Stratagem and a (kiliul Management 
 of the War, in which they fucceeded fo well that 
 they deftroyed great Numbers of the Enemy, and 
 loll but very few of their own People. One Stra- 
 tagem they made ufe of in this critical Conjunfture, 
 tvas an Acceptance of an Offer made them by the 
 Governor of Canada to fend fome French Priefts 
 among them -, but as foon as they got them in their 
 
 PoITeffiop 
 
 i 
 
 turned 
 
 of the 
 
 whofe 
 
 diately 
 
 and b) 
 
 all the 
 
 the Ri 
 
 Sides 
 
 they n| 
 
 Itridh 
 
 the Re 
 
 other 
 
 them 
 
 iatiatec 
 
 they afl 
 
ing ne- 
 till the 
 Ufeful- 
 *oys and 
 an Furs 
 §uebeck 
 \ French 
 the jil- 
 the Iro' 
 lave any 
 )n com- 
 came to 
 1 a Wat' 
 w deter- 
 luch Dif- 
 dvantage 
 imbers of 
 
 iappened 
 )roved to 
 le French 
 lent they 
 furprized 
 into Con- 
 giving the 
 me fierce 
 their Cap- 
 
 the Ene- 
 Ives upon 
 ey wanted 
 anagement 
 
 well that 
 lemy, and 
 
 One Stra- , 
 )njunfture, i 
 em by the p 
 tch Priefts 
 ;m in their 
 
 PoITeflion 
 
 Pofleflion, they made no other Ufe of them than 
 as Hortages to oblige the French to ftand ntuter. 
 And being now furniftied with Fire Arms from the 
 t)uUhy they gave full fcope to their Revenge againft 
 their Enemy Indians, The firft they met with were 
 the §uatogbies or Hurdns, as the French call them^ 
 and the Remains of the Algonkiris, whom they- de- 
 feated in a dreadful Battle fought within a few 
 Miles of Rebeck. The French own if the Iroquois 
 had known their Weaknefs at that Time, they 
 might eafily have deftroyed their \yhole Colony. 
 
 This Defeat in Sight of the French Settlements 
 (truck Terror into all their Indian Allies, who at 
 that Time were very numerous, beicaufe of the 
 Trade which fupplied them with many ufeful Con- 
 veniences. The Nipiceriniens who then lived on the 
 North Banks of St. Lawrence River, fled upori 
 this to the Northward as far as Lake Abitibis, The 
 Remainder of the ^atoghies or Hurons^ with the 
 Vtawawas and feveral other Nations, fcariipered off 
 South- Weft ward. But foon after they began to be 
 in want of the European Commodities from the 
 French, and in order to fupply themfelves they re- 
 turned to Rebeck j and by this Means the Places 
 of their Retreat was difcovered to the Iroquo'ts^ 
 whofe Revenge not being yet fatisfied, they imme- 
 diately after attacked them in their new Settlements, 
 and by the Year 1650 entirely extirpated or adopted 
 all the Nations of Indians that refided on both Side* 
 the River St. Lawrence above ^lebeck, and on botli 
 Sides the Lakes Ontario, Erie, and Huron : which 
 they never could have accompliflied had they not 
 Itridiy followed one Maxim formerly in ufe among 
 the Romans^ viz. the encouraging the People of 
 other Nations to incorporate with them. Like 
 them alfo when they have fubdued any People and 
 fatiated their Revenge, by fome cruel Examples, 
 they adopt the reft, who if they behave well enjoy 
 
 G 2 ths 
 
 ' V 
 
 M:: 
 
 ( 'U 
 
 M 
 
 ■ 4i 
 
rr 
 
 i 
 
 ^':! 
 
 \ 
 
 [ 20 ] 
 
 the fapie Rank and Privileges with their own Peo- 
 ple, (o that fome of theii^ Captives have afterwards 
 become their greateft Sachems and Captains. In 
 1672 they conquered and incorporated the Illinois 
 Indians refiding upon the River Illinois, which rifes 
 near Lake Michigan, and difembogues into thcMiJif- 
 ftpi. And they alfo then incorporated the Sat anas 
 that they formerly drove from the Lakes Ontario 
 and Erie. And the Rivers Illinois and Miffiffipi 
 make the Wcftern Bounds of their Conquefts, and 
 of their t)eed of Sale to the Crown of Great- 
 Britain \n 1 70 1. They alfo conquered the New- 
 Tork or Hudfon's- River Indians, the Delaware, 
 Sufquehanab, Ohio, and other Indians in the Pro- 
 vinces of New-Tork, Pennjyhania, Maryland and 
 Virginia by 1673. '^^^ Twightwees, or Miamis^ 
 refiding on the River Oubache or St. Jerom, they 
 conquered in 1685. 
 
 In fliort the neareft Indians, as they were attack- 
 ed, fled to thofe that were further off, where they 
 followed them, and not only entirely fubdued the 
 vanquifhed, but them that received them. And they 
 carried their Arms and Conquefts as far as New^ 
 Englcjnd and the Utawawas River to the Eaftward, 
 to Hiidfon''s-Bay Company's Territories to the 
 Northward, to the Illinois and Mifftffipi Rivers 
 Weil: ward, nnd to Georgia Southward, adopting 
 thofe whom they did not deftroy, and making them 
 their Vaiials and Tributaries. The Tufcaroras, 
 that formerly lived in Carolina, upon their Expul- 
 fion from thence by the People o^ Carolina in 171 1, 
 fled to the Iroquois, and were incorporated with, 
 and to this Day refide among, them. And fincc 
 tliat tliey are generally called the Six Nations. The 
 CoweU:s or Creek Indians that refide in Georgia are 
 in the fame Friendfhip with them. 
 
 I'heic Conquefts of the Five Nations have not 
 pvovcd temporary, or merely nominal, for all the 
 
 Nations 1 
 
 Nati 
 
 fubn 
 
 then 
 
 neith 
 
 excej 
 
 the ii 
 
 Two 
 
 two I 
 
 often 
 
 Auth 
 
 Fo 
 
 theyf 
 
 with 
 
 ferved 
 
 Confi( 
 
 nor t 
 
 Grantj 
 
 valuab 
 
 mand 
 
iPeo- 
 rwards 
 s. In 
 
 Illinois 
 :h rifes 
 
 iMiJ/if' 
 Satanas 
 
 Ontario 
 
 tJUmP 
 Is, and 
 
 Great- 
 
 e New- 
 
 'lawarey 
 
 he Pro- 
 
 md and 
 
 MiamiSf 
 
 m, they 
 
 ; attack- 
 [ere they 
 iued the 
 ^nd they 
 as New- 
 laftward, 
 to the 
 Rivers 
 adopting 
 ing them 
 ufcaroraSy 
 • Expul- 
 in 171 1, 
 ted with, 
 \nd fince 
 ons. The 
 eorgia 
 
 
 >/ 
 
 are 
 
 have not 
 For all the 
 Nations 
 
 [ 21 ] ' 
 
 Nations round them have for many Years entirely 
 lubmitted to them, and pay a yearly Tribute to 
 them in JVampum^ or Indian Money ; they dare 
 neither make War nor Peace without their Confent, 
 except thofe who quit their Nations, and get under 
 the immediate Protection and Support of the French. 
 Two old Men commonly gp about every Year or 
 two to receive this Tribute ; and their Sachems arp 
 often feen iffuing their Orders with as arbitrary an 
 Authority as a i2o/»j« Dictator. j^ 
 
 For further Proof of their Right to the Country^ 
 they have conquered, they have in all their Treaties 
 with his Majejiy*^ Governments refpeding it, re- 
 ferved to themfelves a Right to demand a furthei; 
 Confideration for all unfettled Lands, that they,^' 
 nor their Anceftors, have not made particular. 
 Grants of to diftinft Governments and received \ 
 valuable Confideration for -, and they always do de- 
 mand a Confideration and have it, as our Settle- 
 ments do extend further into their Country, before 
 they -will execute a Deed of Conveyance, infifting 
 that the Country belongs to them in Right of Con- 
 queft, having bought it with their Blood, and taken 
 it from their Enemies in fair War. Thus the 
 Proprietors oi Pennfyhania in 1736 bought of them 
 all the Land on both Sides the Forks of the Suf- 
 quehanah River as far South as the Province ex- 
 tends, and to tlie Northward to thofe called the 
 Endlefs Mountains or Kittochtinny Hills as, far as the 
 Province extends that Way. This Purchafe in- 
 cludes all that Part of the River and Country of 
 the Ohio that lays in this Province, wliich gives us 
 a further Right to fuch Part. The Government of 
 Maryland alio purchafed the Remainder of all their 
 Claims in that Province in 1744. And the Go- 
 vernment o^ Virginia paid them in 1744, two hun^ 
 dred Pounds in Goods at Market Price, and two 
 hundred Pounds in Gold, for a Deed of Sale for 
 
 C 3 the 
 
 1 ):•: 
 
 
 tl 
 
m 
 
 
 ;\! 
 
 1 1,1 
 
 i 
 
 m 
 
 \ 22] 
 
 the Remainder of all the Lands that are, or may 
 be, by the King's Appointment in Virginia •, which 
 is another Proof of the reft of the River and Coun- 
 try of the Obio^ which is in this Province, belong- 
 ing to his Majefty. But they defired a further Con- 
 fideratipn when the Settlements increafed much fur- 
 ther back, which the CommilTioners were at laft 
 obliged to give them Encouragement to hope for. 
 The Particulars of which Grants, and the Indian 
 Manner of negociating about Lands, with a full 
 Account of their Treaties, may be feen in Colden*s 
 judicious Hiftory of the Five Nationr. 
 
 From this Detail of hiftorical Fa<5ts, it is plain 
 that the Five Nations have a fair and indubitable 
 Title to their hereditary and conquered Country, 
 and they have on all Occafions availed themfelves 
 pf the Advantages refulting from it. 
 
 The Extent of their Right by Inheritance and 
 Conqueft is to the Eaftward, on the South Side of 
 St. Lawrence^ the Weftern Bounds »of New- Eng- 
 land, and on the North Side of that River, the 
 Utawawas River and Lake Abitibis. Its South 
 "Weftern Boundary is from Lake Abitibis to the 
 North Eaft End of Lake Michigan, and from thence 
 ijhro' that Lake to the River Illinois, and from 
 thence down that River to the Mi£iffipi. And its 
 Weftern Boundary is from the Confluence of the 
 Rivers Illinois and Miffijfipi as the latter runs South 
 to Georgia. This is a vaft Country, extending 
 about twelve hundred Miles in Length from North 
 to South, and from feven to eight hundred Miles 
 in Breadth, where the Five Nations deftroyed many 
 Nations, pf whom there are now no Accounts 
 among the Englijh. But the French Geographers, 
 lyLtfle, Du Fur, ^c. have ifl their late rvin^js li- 
 mited their Rights Northward, to a South Weft 
 Line they have drawn from Montreal to Lake To- 
 ronto^ where they alfo bound them to the Well 
 
 ■ ' '■ ward. 
 
 
 : 
 
 ward 
 this J 
 out ( 
 menti 
 of lai 
 copy 
 every 
 Dr. I 
 defigr 
 ring u 
 Paper 
 excellc 
 which 
 nance 
 minior 
 Th( 
 their \ 
 his Mi. 
 French 
 fpaded 
 North 
 rio^ un 
 Under 
 Houfes 
 foon CO 
 as the , 
 non anc 
 compla 
 pation, 
 " fider 
 *' hqik 
 " for I 
 " Chan 
 " Plaa 
 " Amm 
 '' the ( 
 '* plant 
 
>r may 
 
 which 
 Coun- 
 )elong- 
 :r Con- 
 ch fur- 
 at laft 
 pc for. 
 
 Indian 
 , a full 
 Colden's 
 
 is plain 
 jbitable 
 onntry, 
 mfelvcs 
 
 nee and 
 Side of 
 iw-Eng- 
 er, the 
 i South 
 
 to the 
 n thence 
 id from 
 And its 
 ; of the 
 IS South 
 xtending 
 [H North 
 ed Miles 
 ed many 
 Accounts 
 yraphers, 
 
 k.^ li- 
 th Weil 
 
 ake To- 
 he Weil • 
 ward . 
 
 1 23T 
 
 ward, and allow them only the Country between 
 this Line and our Settlements. However, to point 
 out the Miftakcs, or rather defigncd Encroach- 
 ments, of the Mdi^soi America publifhed in France j 
 of late Years, by Authority, would be almoft to 
 copy the whole of them. Therefore it muil give 
 every Briton great Pleafure to fee our Countryman 
 Dr. Mitchell F. R. S. deteifting their Wiftakes and 
 defigncd Encroachments, and almoil wholly refto- 
 ring us to our jult Rights and PolTeflions, as far as 
 Paper will admit of it, in his moft elaborate and 
 excellent Map of North- America juit publilhed ; 
 which dcferves the warmeft Thanks and Counte- 
 nance from every good Subjed in his Majefly*s Do- 
 minions. 
 
 The Five Nations never alienated any Part of 
 their hereditary or conquered Country to any but 
 his Majefty and his Subjects, But in 1672 the 
 French^ when at Peace with the Five Nations^ per- 
 fpaded them to allow a Houfe to be built on the 
 North Side of the Eaft Entrance into Lake Onta^ 
 riOf under the Pretence of a Store for Merchandize, 
 Under the fame Pretence they built feveral other 
 Houfes the next Year about the Lakes ; but they 
 foon converted thefe trading Houfes into fuch Forts 
 as the Five Nations could not reduce without Can- 
 non and knowing how to ufe them. However they 
 complained to the Governor of Canada of this Ufur- 
 pation, and told him, " They coula place no Con- 
 fidence in the French^ for u'.ider the Pretence of 
 building Houfes that might be a Rendezvous 
 for Merchants, and that only Beavers and Mer- 
 chandize fhould enter them, they had made them 
 " Places of Retreat for Soldiers^ and for Arms and 
 " Ammunition of War ; whereby they had flopped 
 " the Growth of the Tree of Peace that had been 
 •^^ planted, and prevented its Branches from cover- 
 ** ing their Countries.'* And the Governor of 
 
 C 4 iYf w- 
 
 tc 
 
 
 (( 
 
 '/" 
 
 I 
 
 ?: 
 
 
 fv 
 
 I if 
 

 HIi Maje- 
 ftv's Right 
 fro in 29 D. 
 to 34 D. 
 
 N. 4,at. 
 
 [ 24 1 
 
 New-Tork prbtefted alfo againft thefe Forts as En- 
 croachments upon the King of Great-Britain^ Ter- 
 ritories. But notwithftanding this, in 1684, the 
 Year a Rupture broke out again with the French 
 and Five Nations^ they built another Fort, with 
 fourBaftions, at Naigara Falls in the Streight be- 
 tween Lakes Ontario and Erie-, which was alfo 
 protefted againft by the Governor of New-Tork as 
 P. Charlevoix^ ^c, do confefs. In 1725 they 
 built Crown-Point or St. Frederick's Fort on Lake 
 Iroquois or Champlain, And fince the Peace of 
 Utrecht and that of ^lix La Chapelle they have built 
 feveral other Forts, fo that now they have twenty 
 Forts, befides Block-houfes, or Stockade Trading- 
 houfes, and one Fort they lately took from us on 
 the Ohio River, in the Country of the Five Nations 
 which France ceded to the Crown of Great-Britain 
 at the Treaty of Utrecht^ and confirmed by that of 
 Aix La Chapelle, Which finiflics what I have to 
 remark on his Majefty's Rights and Pofleflions to 
 the Northward of Latitude 34 D ; and now for 
 our Rights to the Southward of that Latitude. 
 
 We not only firft explored the Eaftern Coaft 
 from Cape Florida to the North Polar Circle^ but 
 from Sir IValter Raleigh's Grant in 1584, the Coaft 
 to the Southward of Chefapeak-Bay has been con- 
 ftantly vifited, and moft of our firft Settlements in 
 North America "were to the Southward of that Bay, 
 and in that Part now called North-Carclina ; the 
 Particulars and Succefs of which may be feen at 
 large in moft Colleftions of Voyages to, and Hi- 
 ftories of. North- America. From thefe Settlements 
 the People fpread to the Southward of N. Lat. 34 
 p. and eftablifhed themfcives without any Grant 
 from the Crown, but what had been forfeited or 
 refumed, till 1630, when King Ci?jr/fj I. granted 
 all the Country and th« Iflands on the Sea Coall: 
 of the Atlafitic Ocean ly'in^ between 31 D. and 96 
 
 D.N. 
 
■> 
 
 as En- 
 's Ter- 
 
 4, the 
 
 French 
 
 with 
 
 ht be- 
 
 vRs alfo 
 
 rork as 
 
 5 they 
 
 Lake 
 
 eace of 
 
 ,ve built 
 
 twenty 
 
 'rading- 
 
 us on 
 
 Nations 
 
 -Britain 
 
 f that of 
 
 have to 
 
 lions to 
 
 now for 
 
 ide. 
 
 rn Coafl 
 
 cle, but 
 
 he Coaft 
 
 sen con- 
 
 nents in 
 
 hat Bay, 
 
 na ; the 
 
 feen at 
 
 and Hi- 
 
 tlements 
 
 Lat. 34 
 
 V Grant 
 
 eited or 
 
 granted 
 
 ?a Coafl 
 
 and 36 
 
 D.N 
 
 D. N. Lat. and from thence due "Weft to the South 
 SeaSy to Sir Robert Heath by the Name of Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 In 1665 King Charles II. granted to feveral No- 
 blemen and Gentlemen all the Country lying on 
 th« Atlantic Ocean between 29 D. and 36 D. 30 M. 
 N. Lat. and from thence due Weft to the Pacific 
 Ocean^ no Chrijiian Prince or People intervening, 
 by the Name ot Carolina. This Grant compre- 
 hends the prefcnt Provinces of North and South 
 Carolina and Georgia^ and all the Province of Lout- 
 ftana^ fince ufurped by the French. In 1698 Col. 
 IVelJh travelled from Charles-Town^ South Carolina, 
 to the MiJJiJftpi River juft below Old Kappa, where 
 Ferdinand Soto, a Spaniard from Florida, firft dif- 
 covered the Mi£ijftpi in 154 1. In 1698 alfo. Sir 
 Daniel Cox intended to revive a dormant Title to 
 the Country granted as above to Sir Robert Heathy 
 hut finding the Eaftern Coaft already planted, he 
 fent two Ships into the Gulf of Mexico, under the 
 Command of Capt. William Bond, to explore the 
 South Coaft of Carolina, and to make a Settlement 
 there. One of the Ships entered the Mijijfipi Ri- 
 ver, and afcended it above one hundred Miles, tak- 
 ing PofTefTion of the Country in the King's Name, 
 leaving in feveral Places the Arms of England for 
 a Memorial thereof. And Capt. Bond took feveral 
 Draughts of the Coaft and River as far as he dif- 
 covered. And it was not till the Year following, 
 when Sir Daniel Cox was folliciting a new Patent in 
 England, that M. D' Iberville on the Part of France 
 hit upon the Mouths of the Miiffijftpi, and built a 
 Fort at one v?r the Entrances, as would have been 
 done the Year before by the Englijh if one of their 
 Ships had not deferted them. From thefe Parti- 
 culars relating to the South Coaft we derive a fur- 
 ther Right to the Country lying between the 29 and 
 
 D. 30 M. N. Lar. And oa the Weftern Side 
 
 of 
 
 :i 
 
 H 
 
 m 
 
 .m 
 
 t::* 
 
 { 
 
 I 
 
 
 'A: 
 
 ii'l 
 
 36 
 
to Florida 
 
 ■{ 26 ] 
 
 of it that is bounded by the Pacific Oceans wc Hi II 
 have a further Right, founded on the Difcoveries of 
 S\v Francis Drake in 1578, who explored the whole 
 Sea Coaft, took formal Poflcffion for Englandy and 
 called the Country New Albion, 
 
 To the great Part of this Country both the 
 French and Spaniards have not only laid claim, but 
 have availed themfelves of ; therefore I fhall now 
 confider the Merits of their Claim. 
 The 5^. During the Inattention of England to Nortb- 
 ^*^\i^x America, from C<?^o/*s Difcovery of it in 1406 to 
 Sir Walter Haletgb s Patent m 1584, the Spaniards 
 got footing in this Territory on the Eaftern Coaft, 
 and in 1565 utterly extirpated the French out of it, 
 who had been endeavouring to eftablilh a Colony 
 there from 1555^ And the Spaniards were in Poi- 
 feffion of a large Part of Carolina under the Name 
 of Florida when the Treaties of 1667 and 1670 
 were concluded between England and Spain, By 
 thofe Treaties both Nations were to hold whatever 
 each then pofTeflfed in America^ whereby Spain has a 
 Right to part of Carolina^ ftill called Fkrida *. In 
 1 702 and 1 703 the Spaniards^ and Indtans of this 
 Country in Alliance with them, were defeated in two 
 memorable Battles, drove to the Southward of Sr, 
 John^s River in South-Carolina^ which is juft to the 
 Southward of the South Boundary of Georgia^ by 
 
 his 
 
 * A'propas, by th^ fame Authority, we have an un- 
 doubted Right to the Bays of Compeache and Hondurai ; 
 for at the Conclufion of thofc Treaties we had Colonies 
 aftually planted by the Govcrnirient of Jamaica at both 
 thofc Bays. Upon which his Majefty's Cl *Jms to both of 
 them, and his Subjcfts* Right to cut Log%uoodf &c. there, 
 is as juftly founded as the Spani/h Claim is to any part of 
 Florida. But notwithftanding the Spaniards have drove us 
 from both, and are effedlually preventing us from reco- 
 vering our footiiig there by fortilying and planting Coloniss. 
 
[ 27 ] 
 
 his Majefty's Subjedls of Carolina^ and would have 
 been utterly extirpated out of Florida^ if Governor 
 Moore had not precipitately raifcd the Siege of Au^ 
 ^uftine at the Appearance of two Spanijh Frigates 
 which could have done him no Injury. And '" 
 1 714 the Creek /«^w«j complcated their Extirpa- 
 tion but of phrida^ the Town of Auguliine only 
 excepted. Therefore ip 173H, when the Court of 
 Spain claimed a v^ft Tradl of Country to the North- 
 ward of this River to prevent our fettling it, as the 
 Colony of Georgia was forming, it was ftipulated 
 between the two Crowns that Great Britain fhould 
 not extend her Settlements to the Southward of the 
 South Branch of St. John's River. But the Char- 
 ter for Georgia granted to the late Truftees^ and the 
 CommiflTion and Inftruftions lately given to the Go- 
 vernor of Georgia, does not extend the South Bounds 
 of this Province beyond the South Branch of the 
 River Altamaha \ fo all the Country to the South- 
 ward of the Altamaha to< the South Branch of St. 
 John^s River continues part of South-Carolina Pro- 
 vince. 
 
 In the late War with Spain the Spaniards ere^ed spjnijb En- 
 feveral Forts and Settlements to the Northward of Jj;°^t^** 
 St. John*s River,which General Oglethorpe demolifh- fince th« 
 cd. But I have Advice from Georgia that fince the ^S^iJ* 
 Peace of Aix La Chapelle they have built feveraK^^H'* 
 Forts to the Northward of St. John\ River, and 
 laft Summer a confiderable Number of Families 
 came from the Havanah to fettle upon the Appala^ 
 tion Fields, the fineft Country in the World per- 
 haps, which are abfolutely to the Northward of the 
 Stipulation in 1 738, and confequently within his Ma- 
 jefty's Territories. This Ufurpation, with their 
 unwarrantable Expulfion of us from the Bay of 
 Honduras^ and the fearching and feizing many of 
 our Ships upon the High Seas, purfuing no other 
 Traffic but from one part of his Majefty*s Domi- 
 nions 
 
 ^4 
 
*} 
 
 [28 ] 
 
 nions to another, fince the Peace of uiix La Cha^ 
 pelUy feems to portend the fame Evils to us that we 
 now experience from French Encroachments and 
 Depredations, if we are not fpeedily reftored to our 
 juft Rights and Poflefllons, and eSc6lually fecured 
 againft future Infults and Encroachments of the like 
 fort. But if on the contrary we tamely fubmit to 
 them, what are we not to expert next ? Docs not 
 pocketing one Affront or Injury always give an In- 
 vitation to another ? Has not fatal Experience con- 
 vinced this Nation of the Truth of this ? 
 The Claim P. Char levotx hys^ in 1555 the French turned 
 cLS &c ^^^^ Thoughts to planting of Colonies in the South 
 * 'irart of North America, and in 1562 Admiral Co- 
 knie undertook a Settlement in Florida, but did not 
 fucceed. In 1562 alfo, M. Rebeaut went to Flori- 
 da, and built a Fort at Port-Royal, and called it 
 Charles-Fort, eftablilhed a Colony there which he 
 afterwards deftroyed, and returned to France in 
 1563. In 1563 M. Laudinea went to Florida and 
 b jiit a Fort which he called Carolini, and went on 
 fetding till 1565, when Don M^w«^^2 deftroyed the 
 whole Eftablilhment, fmce which the French have 
 not had the lealt looting on the Eaftern Coaft of 
 Florida, or more properly fpeaking the Provinces 
 of ^orth and South Carolifja and Georgia, nor do 
 they lay any Claim to any part of this Coaft that I 
 know of. Now let us follow them to the South 
 Coaft of Carolina, where they have ufurped a vaft 
 Territory belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, 
 and planted a powerful Colony, to which they have 
 given the Name of Louifiani. 
 The Origin By M. Joliet*^ Journal of the French Enterprizes 
 *«ffif the ^^ difcover and get footing on the great River Mif- 
 Fitnch D\(' ffffipi, it appears that he in 167? travelled from Ca- 
 "euCnt ^^'^^ O"^^^ liind, and difcovered 10 ne part of the 
 of the Mif- River Mijjijfipi, upon which he returned. The next 
 ^uiifiaTi. French Adventurer was the Sieur D: La Salle, who 
 
 in 
 
[ *9 1 
 
 in the Years 1679, 1680, 1682, and 1683, went 
 from Lake Ontario^ through the Lakes £r/>, Huron^ 
 and Michigan^ and the River Illinois^ to the MiJUiffipi^ 
 and returned to Canada. In i6b4 he went from Ro- 
 cbelle in Old France^ with two hundred Soldiers, in 
 hopes of finding out an Entrance into the Miffiffip 
 in the Gulf of Mexico^ but he miffed it, and tell in 
 with the Bay of St. Bernard, or St. Louis, between 
 28 D. and 29 D. N. Lat. juft to the Southward of 
 the South Line of Carolina Charter granted by 
 Charles II. in 1665. Here he built a Fort, and in 
 travelling by Land in purfuit of the Mouth of the 
 MiJ/iffipi, he was murdered by his own People, who 
 afterwards abandoned the Fort at St. Bernard, and 
 went to Canada, without difcovering the Entrance 
 into the MiJJiJftpi. Thus fell that bold, enterprifing, 
 and valuable Gentleman the Sieur De La Salle, who 
 was an honour to his Country, after which the Mif- 
 Jijfipi was neglefted by the French till the latterEnd of 
 1698, when M. D^IbernAlle made an Attempt to dif- 
 cover its Mouth in the Gulf of Mexico, and in 
 1699 he did difcover an Entrance, und built a Fort 
 near the Mouths. In 170 1 the next Eitablifhment 
 was made at the Mobile River. In 1 702 Ifle Dau- 
 phin begun to be fettled. But all thefe Settlements 
 took no form till 1 708. In 171 2 Louis XIV. grant- 
 ed the Sieur Crozat a Patent for all Lands bounded 
 by New Mexico, and by the Lands of the Englijh ot 
 Carolina, all the Settlements, Ports, Havens, Rivers, 
 and principally the Port and Haven of the Ifle Dau- 
 phin, heretofore called Majfacre -, the River of St. 
 Louis, heretofore called MijUiJfipi, from the Edge of 
 the Sea as far as the Illinois -, together with the Ri- 
 ver of St. P/>i/ip, heretofore caj.ed the Mijfourys -, 
 and of St. Jerom, heretofore called the Oiibache. 
 With all the Countries, Territories, Lakes within 
 Land,^ and the Rivers which falldiredtly or indire(5lly 
 
 ■ St. Lcuis. In the Preamble 
 
 part 
 
 m 
 
 i'».' 
 
 ,, ^ < 
 
 
 // ••.^^.. 
 
 to 
 

 [30] 
 
 to this vague, loofe, and indeteritilnate Grant, the 
 King fets forth no other Title to it than the Sieur 
 Dc La Balk's Voyage in 1683, as the firft Difcovery 
 of the Miffilfipi^ acknowledging alfo that the King 
 did not give Orders for the eftablilhing a Colony 
 till after the Peace of Ryfwick in 1697. And the 
 King alfo exprefly declares the principal Objeft of 
 this Grant to be, that a Communication may be 
 made between Canada and Louijtani by help of the 
 Lakes and Rivers, which of all things we ought to 
 prevent the Continuance of, or adieu to the Peace 
 and Profperity of our Colonies. When this Patent 
 is dated we were at War with both France and 
 Spain, and that we fook no Notice of it at the Treaty 
 of Uirecht is not to be wondered at, when we call to 
 mind the Characters and Abilities of the Negocia- 
 tors on our Part of that Treaty. In 1 7 14 they built 
 2 Fort, which now mounts fourteen Cannon, at Ali- 
 hamous in the Heart of our Subjeds the Upper 
 Creek Indians, and in the Center of that part, to the 
 Eaftward of the MiffiJ/ipi, of the Province we now 
 caJl Georgia, which Spot we adually pofleffed thirty 
 Years before by trading Houies for the Indians, In 
 171 7 the Capital of Louiftani, C2i\kd New Orleam^ 
 was founded. And that Year the Patentee, finding 
 his Enterprife very unprofitable, relinquiflied his 
 Patent to the Regent of France, upon which the fa- 
 mous, or rather infamous Mifftfipi Company, or 
 Bubble, was formed. This failing, to the Ruin of 
 Thoufands, the King took it into his own Hands 
 where it has continued ever fince, and is now vaftly 
 isicreafed in Inhabitants and Fortifications. This is 
 the Account of the Origin and Progrefs of the 
 French Ufurpation of the MiJ/jfftpi that they have 
 been fo obliging as to pubhlh to the World 
 chemlelves. And certainly if there be any fuch 
 rhing us Law or Jv.fticc upon this earthly Ball be- 
 tween 
 
twecn Nation and Nation, the French have juft ds 
 much Right to that Part of Loutfiani to the North- 
 ward of twenty-nine Degrees of North Latitude, as 
 a Frenchman would have to one of the King's Forcfts 
 in this IJland upon coming from France^ walking 
 thro' it, finding only a Notice (luck up at each End 
 that no Perfon muft enter there without a Ticket 
 from the Ranger, and then returning to the Middle 
 and impudently fetting himfelf down. 
 
 As to the Sieur De La Salle's Dilcovery of St. Th« Frentt 
 Bernard, or St. Louis, Bay, to the Southward off^'JJ?;;;,^"*' 
 the South Bounds of Carolina, and the French claim- Mnico » 
 ing it in confequence of that Difcovery, it behoves Jlfih^JJ,. 
 the Spaniards to attend to that, efpecially as it is "•"■'^t «■«* 
 within three hundred Miles of fome of the richeftSe'i*o,J' 
 Mines of New-Mexico, which perhaps they will ex- confe«|uen- 
 perience, before long, the French have as keen an crown of* 
 Appetite for as any Spaniard whatever. And no*'^^'""- 
 Man I believe can treat this as a chimerical Sufpi- 
 cion, when he recollefts the conftant Encroachments 
 the French have made upon the Spaniards in the 
 Ifland of Hifpaniola or St. Domingo ever fince they 
 got footing there, and upon all their Neighbours in ^ 
 
 all Parts of the Globe at all Times. But if they 
 Ihould not further encroach on the Spaniards in New- 
 Mexico, if they fettle St. Bernard^ s-Bay, there can- 
 not be any Doubt but they vdll avail themfelves of 
 the greateft Part of the Trade of New-Mexico ; for 
 by their Settlements at the MiffUftpi, they are come 
 into a pretty handfome Share of it already, as fully 
 appeared by the Capture of the Golden Lyon from 
 the Miffilftpi in the late War, which Ship had an im- 
 menfe feme of Money on Board that Ihe took in at 
 the MiJilftpi' And this could not come from thence 
 if the French had not exchanged their European Ma- 
 nufadures for it with the New-Mexicans. There- 
 fore it is of the utmoft Importance to Spain to de- 
 prive chem of that Part of New-Mcxicc which they 
 
 
 ii 
 
 It 
 
 cl» 
 
 im 
 
I 
 
 ■a 
 
 [ 30 
 
 claim i anJ why they did not oblige France to an- 
 nihilate this Claim at the Treaty of Utrerbt is very 
 cafily accounted for, when we recolleft Louis XIV. 
 had juft put his Grandfon on the Throne of Spain. 
 
 From the Account I have thus coHefted of the 
 Difcoveries, Rights and Poffeflions of the Crown of 
 Great-Britain in Norih-^mericay it is clear that 
 France cannot have any juft Pretenfions to any Part 
 thereof from the North Pole to the twenty-ninth 
 Degree of North Latitude on the Alantic Ocean, 
 I and from thence due Weft to the Souib Seas ; ex- 
 \ cept to Jijh and cure Fifh a.v Newfoundland, to the 
 \ Ifles in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and to Canada or 
 I New-France. And thefe they could never have had 
 any Pretenfions to if North-America had from the 
 original Difcovery of the Cabots been properly at- 
 tended to by England. 
 The Limits By the above State of his Maj(;fty's Rights, Ca- 
 %^^an\^^^^ is pared down to very narrow Limits, com- 
 ■which the" pared with what the French Hiftorians and Map- 
 ^[■JJ^^J"^" makers (under the Authority of Government) deli- 
 ftim of by neate it to be. But there is no Foundation for any 
 ^B^igtnT Pretence to extend this Province to the Northward be- 
 yond the South Bounds of Hudfon's-Bay Company's 
 Territories and New-Britain or Labradore ; to the 
 Wejiward heycnd Lake Abitibis and the Courfe of the 
 Utawawas River that difembogues directly oppojite to 
 Montreal ; to4he Southward beyond the North Side of 
 the River of St. Lawrence *, and to the Eaflward be- 
 yond the Limits of New-Britain ^r Labradore. I fay 
 this is Canada or New-France, and no Authority can 
 be produced for its Extention any way. And this 
 is the only Footing the French are entitled to upon 
 the Continent of Nunh-America. And I do repeat 
 that they never would have had evenfdiis if the 
 Court of England had but attended to its Interefts in 
 North'Auerica. For the Cabots firft explored the 
 (rulf of St, L'.iivrence^ and two Englifh Ships went 
 
 up 
 
 (C T^' 
 
to an- 
 s very 
 
 XIV. 
 ain. 
 of the 
 )wn of 
 r that 
 y fart 
 Miinth 
 Ocean, 
 :; -, ex- 
 
 to the 
 tada or 
 ,ve had 
 >m the 
 ;rly at- 
 
 ts, Ca- 
 ;, com- 
 i Map- 
 ;) deli- 
 for any 
 }ard be- 
 npanfs 
 to the 
 Is of the 
 "iojite to 
 Side of 
 mrd be- 
 I fay 
 •ity can 
 nd this 
 upon 
 repeat 
 if the 
 ^refts in 
 red the 
 3S went 
 up 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 [ 33 ] 
 
 up the River in 1527. ^ Secretary Walfmgham being 
 informed of an Opening South of Newfoundland^ 
 fitted out Sir Humphry Gilbert^ who failed up St. 
 Lawrence River and took PoffelTion for the Crown 
 of England \n 1583. And it was 1603 before the 
 French begun to fettle any where within the Gulf of 
 St. Lawrence^ according to their own Hiftorians. 
 In 1629 Canada was taken from the French by Sir 
 David Kirk, but it was given them by the Treaty of 
 St. Germain in 1632 without any Specification of 
 Limits, which gives them all the Right they have 
 to any Part of it. And Queer ^\ne in 171 1, when 
 Ihe purpofed the Reduflion of it, difperfeda Mani' 
 fefto in the Country, fetting forth, " That Canada 
 " belonged to the Englifh by Priority of Difcovery, 
 " and what the I^rench poffeffed there was by Grants 
 " from the Englifh^ and confequently held it only 
 *« as a Fief, therefore where the PoffefTors turn Ene- 
 " my, it reverts." I am not Lawyer enough to de- 
 termine the Validity of fuch a Claim, but we may 
 be affured nothing but the longejl Sword will ever / 
 fettle the Limits of this Province. 
 
 Thus the Crown of Great-Britain^ Rights and 
 Poffeflions in North-America ftand in Oppofition to 
 thofe of France ; and by the Law of Nations our 
 Claims are certainly valid with Europeans againft 
 Europeans that encroach upon American Claims thus 
 founded. 
 
 But methinlcs I hear the fober and thinking PartHisMa^^v 
 of Mankind fay, " Though our Claims may be ^'jl""'^^* *** 
 
 valid againft France, how came we by thofe ptauds. 
 
 Rights and PoITeflions ? They did not come to us^''"*'' *^ 
 
 1 T 1 • an- r^r j r» Cruelties to 
 
 by Inheritance : Prior Diicovery and Pre-occu-tht /«^wm, 
 pancy gives only a Right to derelift Lands, which JIjJ^jJj'^ ^^ 
 thofe of North- America were not, being full of having n* 
 <« Inhabitants, who undoubtedly had as good ^'^^1^° 
 ** Title to their own Country as the Europeans havef'om ihem, 
 to theirs. Nor could our Right arife from Con- 
 
 D " qucft 
 
 
 <c 
 
 i( 
 
 <( 
 
 (( 
 
 (fc 
 
 C( 
 
 i , i 
 
 'I :■ 
 
 If 
 
 
 
 I : ;: 
 
 i-' 
 
 * I 
 
i 
 
 [ 34 ] 
 
 ** queft, if we did conquer the Natives ; as it is 
 •' hard to conceive how a Conqueft, where there 
 *' was no preceding Injury or Provocation, coul4 
 ** create a Right. Therefore all a European Powef 
 " could give, was an exclufive Grant to particular 
 " Subjecfts for negociating and purchafing from the 
 ** natural Lords and Proprietors, and thereupon a 
 *' Power of Jurifdiiflion. We fear the firft Settlers 
 *« of our Provinces never treated the Savages well, 
 *« but encroached upon their Lands by Degrees till 
 ** they fraudulently or forcibly turned them out of all, 
 « ufing the barbarous Methods, in fome Meafure, 
 ** pradifed by the Spaniards on the Southern Conti- 
 •* nent of j^merica^ which have made them detefta- 
 « ble to the whole Chrijlian World." 
 
 Thefe and fuch like Enquiries, Doubts and Fears, 
 I have often met with fince I came to Europe, Nay, 
 this very Week a Pamphlet IVasBeerTpublifhed, call- 
 ed the State of the Britilh and French Colonies^ &c. 
 which accufes his Majejlf% Colonies with commit- 
 ing Frauds, Abufes, Encroachments, Murders, and 
 every Species of Villainy, againft the poor Indians 
 of I^ or tb' America, by which they have been aliena- 
 ted from, and induced to take up Arms with the 
 French againft. Us \ and all the Evils America la- 
 bours under have been thus produced. All thefe 
 Accufations are authorifrd by fome of, what are 
 called, the Hiftories of Neiv-England and other 
 Parts of Ncrth-Americay wrote by Subjefts of his 
 Majejijf. 
 
 Every Perfon that knows any thing of North- 
 Xmv^by*'^'"^^^^^ i" general, or of any one Province in par- 
 hii Majefty'«ticular, muft be fcnfible that the Hiftories or Works 
 /IXf*'*' of Mather^ Cldmixon, Nealy Salmon, &c. who have 
 chiefly copied each other, and of all that have copi- 
 ed after them, relative to North-America^ ipight al- 
 nioft as properly have called their Works Hiftories 
 of Prejler John's^ or the Hottentots^ Country, and 
 
 their 
 
 MoA litfii 
 
 in 
 
 #1 
 
 Pr. 
 
 jm 
 Cam 
 
 L'u 
 
 SI 
 
 ant 
 
[35] 
 
 their Manners and Conduft, as Hiftories of North- 
 America^ or any other TMe they bear. Even Ma-- 
 ther himfclf, faid Oldmixon in liis Britifi) Empire in 
 America, had eighty- fcven Falfhoods in fifty-fix Pa- 
 ges. In fliort, there is not one Work yet publifh- 
 ed to the World in our Language that in any Degree 
 deferves the Title of a Hiftory of Nortb-Anerica^ but 
 Smith's Hiftory of Virginia, and Douglas'j Summaryy 
 liiftorical and Political, of the firft Plantings progref- 
 five Improvements, andprefent State of the^vkiih Set" 
 tlements in North- America, 6ff. publilhed a few 
 Years ago at Bofton in New-England. And this laft 
 is only valuable for being the befi: Colledion of Fa6ls 
 in general, for a future Hifl:orian, that was ever 
 made or publilhed. For of ail the crude indigefted 
 Works that were ever fubmitted to the Public, 1 be- 
 lieve this excels them therein. And with Refpeft 
 to Limits between us and the French in general, and 
 of Nova-Scotia in particular, he is very erroneous. 
 But cipecially as to the Hiftories of the Indians, there 
 is not one publilhed in our Language that deferves 
 the Title, nor any Accounts of them, that I have 
 feen, arc worth reading, but that of Colden, which 
 is jufl:ly called a Hiftory of the Five Nations, and ii 
 a mafterly Performance. Therefore I am very glad 
 the Author of the State of the Britifh and French Co- 
 lonies, has no other Authority to found his Accufa- 
 tion againft the Colonies in general than the explo- 
 ded Hiftorians^ or rather Anti-Hiftorians, of North- 
 America* ^ and fomc particular Inftances, from other 
 
 D 2 Authorities, 
 
 ♦ Mo(f) if not all, our Maps alfo, preceding that hf 
 Pr. Mitchell, are very erroneous and injurious to his Ma- 
 je/ly*s]\jii\ Rights ; and even the Dcflor has not confined 
 Canada, ot New- France, und Spani^- Flaric^a , to their juft 
 I-imits. 
 
 * Such erroneous Books and Maps, upon fuch import- 
 ant Sub)e6ls, ate of worfe Gonfequence than Veople ge- 
 
 nsrally 
 
 :'*'] 
 
 ,i: 
 
 m 
 
Ii6] 
 
 Authorities, of Cruelty and Injullice between pri- 
 vate Perfons and the Indians, from which we ought 
 not to form an Opinion of any People. 
 
 I thought 
 
 generally imagine; for, befides mifleading ourfclvcs, 
 the French quote them againft us, even in National Dif* 
 cuffions, as Authorities. Therefore I am forry to fee the 
 Author of the State of the Britifli and French Colomes, &c. 
 ■who, I am confident, wrote with a View to inform and 
 ferve his Ciountry, attempting to prove the Independency 
 of the Five Nations of Indians ^ who in almoft every Trea- 
 ty they ever mude with his Maje/iyh Governments have 
 acknowledged thmfelves the Subje£ls of Great-Britain, 
 and have yielded their t)ominions to the Sovereignty of 
 this Crown ; though it is true fome of their Great Men, 
 when they have been exafperated on particular Occafions,* 
 have iniifted in Debate that they were born free, and 
 would be fo. And this is the only Authority, with a few 
 of them having gone over to the French^ that can be pro- 
 iluced for their denying their Subjedion, fince it took 
 place in 1664, or of their difpuiing his Majejty^s Right to 
 their Territories fince their Deed of Sale for them in 1 701 
 except when the Conditions of their Deed has not been 
 complied with, which fometimes has happened till a 
 Congrefs could be held by the Provinces with them. 
 This Author has alfo propofed a Plan for fetding the Li- 
 mits of North' America with the French^ whereby he gives 
 the French Two-Thirds (Douglas in his Summary propofes 
 to give them full Seven- Eighths) of the Whole, for the 
 Sake of enjoying the other Third in Peace and Quiet 
 Now can any Man, upon cool Reflection, imagine, that 
 if the French are fuffered to avail themfelvcs of, and fet- 
 tle, Two-Thirds of North- America, we fhall enjoy the 
 other Third in Peace? No; if we fubmit to this, and 
 may judge of the future by what is paft, they will (bon 
 have the other Third alfo. And by making (iich Propo« 
 lals, does it not look as if wc doubted the Validity of 
 our Righ: to the Vv'hole of our Claim? Good God ! why 
 Ihould we give up an Inch of that Territory which is our 
 juft Right, when we are not only able to fecure it to our- 
 felves, but to make the French hold what properly belongs 
 io them by no other Tenure than that of the Mercy of the 
 
 Cnwn 
 
 cr 
 
 than I 
 
 Indit 
 
 wild 
 
 of 
 
 to bi 
 
 per 
 
 of 
 
 Croi 
 cver^ 
 
 jurt 
 
^ 
 
 tMt, 
 
 fa? J 
 
 I thought niyfelf obliged to make this Preface, 
 before I came to wipe off the unworthy Afperfions 
 that have been caft on the firft Settlers of Norths 
 America in dircft Terms, fupported by Evidence. 
 
 Our firft Settlers, far from 5/>^;;j/^ Injuftice and ni» .i%\y7y'« 
 Cruelty, fought to gain the Natives by ftrift Juftice 5?]j£^;;^. 
 in their Dealings with them, as well as by all the "'^a acquit- 
 Endearments of Kindnefs and Humanity. To laycharg/of 
 an early Foundation for a firm and lafting Friend- Frauds, Abu- 
 Ihip, they allured the ^fmeHcans that they did notdJieTtothc" 
 come among them as Invaders but Purchafers, and jj^^'^"> *";' 
 therefore called an Affembly of them together to en-TiW '^to''* 
 quire who had the Right to difpofe of their Lands •, ^"j^'^^^-^^^'- 
 and being told it was their Sachems or Princes, theyfrom^Se'/'- 
 thereupon agreed with them for what Diftrids they;;'',;;'P;;;Y^''j 
 bought, publicly and in open Market. If they didfi 
 not pay a great Price for their Purchafes, yet they 
 paid as much as they were worth. For it muft be 
 confidered that Lands were of little Ufe to the Na- 
 tives, and therefore but of little Value. They lived 
 chiefly on Filh and Fowl and Hunting, becaufc 
 they would not be at the Pains to clear and break 
 up the Ground. And as for their Meadows and 
 Marlhes, they were of no ufe at all, for want of Neat 
 Cattle to feed them, of which there were none in 
 thofe Parts of the World. The Englijh jad no foon- 
 er made fome neceflary Provifion for thcmfelves, 
 than they applied their Cares for the Benefit of the 
 Indians^ by endeavouring to bring them from their 
 wild Manner of Life to the civil and polite Cuftoms 
 of Europe. For this Purpofe they marked out Land 
 to build Indian Towns, lupplied them with all pro- 
 per Utenfils for Building, prefcribed to them Forms 
 of Government, and above all omitted no Pains to 
 
 bring 
 
 n 
 
 i\ 
 
 4.i 'ii 
 
 m 
 
 |] 
 
 Crown of Grect-Britam? Therefore may Perdition feize 
 every Propofal that gives them an Acre of his Majejifi 
 jurt Rights and PoflelTions. . . 
 
bring them acquainted with the Gofpel •, for what- 
 ever the firfV j^uventurers to North-America might be, 
 the firft real Settlers were induftrious, peaceable, con- 
 fcientious Perfons, difltnting from the DifcipUne of 
 the eftablilhed Church, though agreeing with it in 
 JDo5iriney who removed into thofe remote Regions, 
 upon no other View than to enjoy the Liberty of 
 their Confciences without Hazard to thcmfelvcs, or 
 Offence to others; they were not Criminals, nor 
 were they neceffitous *, nor had they, with their 
 Brethren, made any Attempt to overthrow the 
 Church and State at Home, and being difappointcd 
 therein went to America to fecure a Retreat for their 
 Brethren, as the high-flying Mr. Salmon vainly ima- 
 gines, and moft falfely and injurioully afferts they 
 did. And what I fay of them, their uniform pro- 
 per Conduct, and meek Principled of Obedience, 
 on all Occafions, fully prove. After they were ar- 
 rived fome time, and it was found ncceflary, they 
 made Laws to forbid any Perfon purchafing ^nd$ 
 without the Approbation of the Legiflature, to pre- 
 vent the Natives being over-reached, or ill ufed in 
 their private Bargains: And thofe Lands, lying 
 moft convenient for them, have in moft of our Co- 
 lonies been made unalienable, and never to be pur- 
 chafed out of their Hands, than which nothing could 
 jrore demonftrate the Colonies Care and Concern 
 for the Natives. And this their Condu(St to them is 
 fully and conclufively proved by the Laws of al moft 
 every one of our North-American Colonies. Yet 
 nothing could oblige t\vG Indians to Peace and Friend- 
 fhip in fome of our Provinces. They were alarmed 
 with ftrong Jealoufies of the growing Power of the 
 Englijb^ therefore began a War with a Refolution to 
 extirpate them, before they had too well eftablifhed 
 -themfelves, whiqh forced our People to purfue them 
 through all their Receffes, until they obliged them 
 to enter into a folemn Treaty of Peac^e. Such how- 
 ever 
 
^hat- 
 tbe, 
 con- 
 le of 
 it in 
 ions, 
 ty of 
 s, or 
 
 nor 
 their 
 
 the 
 need 
 their 
 ima- 
 they 
 
 I 39 1 
 
 ever was the perfidious Nature of feme of the Ane^ 
 rican Savages, that they foon renewed their Hofti- 
 lities, though to their own fatal Coft. And ever 
 fince the Settlement of the French at Canada^ many 
 Tribes of Indians have almofl: conftantly, both in 
 Peace and War with the Ta' ^towns^ been anima- 
 ted and afTifted by them to war againU fome one or 
 other of our Colonies, and have given them but few 
 Intervals of Peace, and thofe very ihort ones, to 
 this Day. 
 
 But notwithftanding all the wife, juft, and hu- 
 mane Condufl of our Colonies, in a legiftative Cha- 
 rafter, which has alfo been extended to all Dealings 
 and Intercourfe with the Natives, I am fenfible 
 great Frauds and Abufes have been impofed upon 
 the Indians by private People, in Defiance of the fe- 
 %ereft Laws, and the moft punftual Execution of 
 them on Offenders when detedled. But Experience 
 daily convinces us that in tlie vvifeft and beft regu- 
 lated Societies, Laws framed with the greateft Care, 
 n^nd the nicefc Judgment, are eluded and violated ; 
 and therefore no wonder if infant Colonies fliould 
 find the fame Difregard to Laws, which is to be 
 feen uncorrected under Governments of the longcfc 
 Duration and moft improved Policy. Confequent- 
 ly there would be juft as much Propriety in charging 
 the People of Great-Britain with being Sharpers, 
 Thieves, Robbers, and Murderers, becaufe every 
 Month a Dozen or two of Perfons in this Kingdom 
 are convidted of, and punifhed for, thefe Crimes, 
 and many more efcape both ; as it is to charge the 
 Colonies with Frauds, Abufes, Encroachments, and 
 Murders upon the poor Indians of America, becaufe 
 a few among them have been fo hardy and diabolical 
 as to perpetrate fuch Villanics, fome of whom have 
 been punifhed, and fome have efcaped. 
 
 Upon the whole, his Majejiyh Claims in North- 
 America are not only valid in Oppofuion to thole of 
 
 D 4 France^ 
 
 1^; 
 
 
[40] 
 
 franct^ but h© alfo derives a Right from the nativfi 
 proprietors of the Soil, his Subjefis there having pur- 
 chafed Part with their Money, and the reft has been 
 yielded to them by the true Owners, who have put 
 themfelves and their Lands under the Superintend 
 dency and Protection of the Crown of Great-Britain^ 
 that they might be fecured againft the Encroach- 
 ments and Depredations of the French. And the 
 Right refulting from the Purchafes and Cefllons of 
 the Natives, as much as it is decried and underva- 
 lued by fomc People, is in fa(5t the only juft and 
 equitable one. Therefore I am extremely forry to 
 fee any of his Majefty's Subjefls, at this critical 
 Conjundure efpecially, endeavouring to prove thac 
 we derive no Title from the Natives,, and that they 
 are not the Subjefts of the Crown of Great-Britain j 
 for it not only gives France a Handle againft us, but 
 it makes many of his Majejhh fober and tjiinking 
 Subjefts doubt the Juftice of our Caufe, and when 
 this is the Cafe they do not affift in the common 
 Caufe with that Spirit and Ability they otherwife 
 would do, and which was never wanted to be exertt 
 cd to the utmoft, more than at this prefent Time. 
 
 CHAP, 
 
[41 ] 
 
 V 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 The Difcoveriesy Rights, and Pojfejftons of France. 
 
 THE firft French that ever appeared in Nortb-'^^*^:^^^^ 
 America^ according to their own Hiftorians,Se?r"^ 
 were feme Filhcrmen from Normandy, who fifhed!!^**"*' 
 on the Banks of Newfoundland in 1504. In 1 506 »J1£, oSvhi 
 the Sieiir Denis difcovered the Entrance into St. Law-^"^' 
 rence Kivtr. In 1508 Thomas y^iihri cmtrcd the 
 River St. Lawrence, and brought fome Savages 
 from thence to France. !n 1523 Verazani, sl Flo- 
 rentine in the French Kingh Service, coafted along 
 the Eafl: Side of North-America, going afhore in fe- 
 veral Places, and taking Pofleflion for France, ac- 
 cording to the Forms ufed in thofe Times, from 37 
 D. to 50 D. N. Lat. He alfo failed up the River 
 St. Lawrence, and then returned to France without 
 making any Settlement. In ic^'^^ Car tier difcover- 
 ed Newfoundland, Eaye Chaleur in the Gulf of St. 
 Lawrence, cruized along the Coaft of Acadie, and 
 went up the River St. Lawrence as high as Montreal, 
 taking PoffefTion for France, but made no Settle- 
 ment. In 1 540 Roherval built a Fort at Cape Bre- 
 ton, but foon abandoned it. He made no new Dif- 
 coveries, and returned to France. In 1598 the Mar- 
 quis De La Roche difembarked at the IQe of Sable in 
 ' Acadie, but made no Eftablifhment any where. In 
 1602 Chauvin failed up the River St. Lawrence as 
 high as 7rois Rivieres. In 1603 Monts entered 
 Port- Mutton in Acadie, vifited the Ifle of St. Croix^ 
 failed as far as Kennebec River in Ne^v-England, then 
 went to Port-Royal in Acadie, and returned to France 
 in 1606 vvith all his People. In 1603 i\{t French 1 
 firft began to fetde on the River St. Lawrence, on / 
 the North Side near Trcis Rivieres ^ and in 1608 at 
 
 Rebeck, 
 
 
 ! <l 
 
 \ 
 
/ 
 
 It 
 
 / 
 
 [ 42 ] 
 
 ^ebec. They went on fettling on the North Side 
 
 of the River only, between §ueheck and Montreal^ 
 
 until 1629, when Sir D^v/'i A/ri: reduced §uebeck 
 
 and its Dependences, called Canada or New-France^ 
 
 to the Obedience of the Crown of Great-Britain^ 
 
 which was reftored to France by Treaty in 1632, and 
 
 [ they have remained in FoflelTion of it ever fince. 
 
 ' \ Put certainly they derive no Right by this Ccflion to 
 
 'y^ any further Extent of I'crritory than what was ta- 
 
 k^i from them, which was only the Di(bi<n: and 
 
 Settlements between ^icheck and Montreal on the 
 
 North SiJe of the River. This is the Way France 
 
 acquired Canada^ the Limits of which I have ftated 
 
 in Page 39. 
 
 TheRightef. By the Treaty of Utrecht^ fo far confirmed by 
 IheSi'ndtinthat u^ Aix La ChapeUey the If.ands of Cap-Breton, 
 the Gulf of St. John*Sy Anticofta, and all other Idands in the 
 ftindTon'Gulf of St. Lawrence, were ceded to France-, not* 
 ^\J'"f withftanding they were again ours by the Conqueil 
 o^ Jcadie or Nova-Scotia in 1710, which was fur- 
 rendered to her Britannic Majefty with all its Depen- 
 dences exprefled in the Governor's Commiflion, and 
 all the lOands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence were ac- 
 The Limits tually fpecified in his Commiflion, and the Limit'* 
 •f yUcade or o{ Jcadie ot NovaScotta were therein delineated to 
 fpedfi*e/by''t>ewhatl have dated them in Page lo. But yet our 
 M £r* '* ^'^^^"^^^^s Managers of the Treaty of Utrecht had fo 
 ^a/j'»Com. far thrown the Power of ftipulating the Terms of 
 wiflioji. Peace into the Hands of the French, that when the 
 ^ieen of Great-Britain condefcended to fhare, what 
 fhe had a Right to the whole of, Cape-Breton with 
 them, and infifled neither Side Ihould fortify, but 
 the whole remain open for the Conveniency of each 
 \ Nation's Fifhery, the French had fp far got the Af- 
 
 \ cci)dancy as to exclude her from any Part of this 
 
 Ifland, and to obtain the pernicious Liberty to for- 
 tify it. Mr. Moore, one of the Lords for Trade and 
 Plantations, was fo barefacedly corrupt upon the 
 
 Difcufllon 
 
 m 
 
 Fii 
 
 R 
 
 the 
 
 pes 
 
[43 3 
 
 DifcufTion of this Point as to fay, to thofe who ur- 
 ged the Neccflity and Utility of excluding the French 
 from this lOand, ** Muft the French then liave no- 
 « thing?" 
 
 By the Treaty of Utrecht alfo the French have Li-Jf'^J^^^*^ 
 berty to fifh within thirty Leagues of Nova-Scotia tOwiSiinTiii^ 
 the Eaftward, beginning at the Iflc of Sable. And, JgJJ^'^jT 
 
 By the fame Treaty alfo, our corrupt Admini-4bMa^a«i 
 ilration granted to the French Liberty to catch andjj*jj^ 
 cure Ftjb in the moft advantageous Places on that Thtit Right 
 Part of Newfoundland^ from Cape Bonavijla running** "]Sl^ 
 down by the Weftcrn Side to Point Riche, if tnfi u J 
 
 But, thank God, thefe are all the Rights theyf,^**^^^ 
 have any Foundation for in North-America » AndT«^«f 
 by this Dedudlion of Fa6ls it is plain, that v/e are 
 indebted to the conftantly Frenchifyd Royal Stuarts^ 
 (among innumerable other of the fevered Curfes; ..^ 
 for the French Footing on the_!Qontinent pf North- 
 America^ and to our corrupt Frenchified Managers of 
 the Treaty of Utrecht for their Right to the Iflands^ 
 in the Gulf of St. Lawrence^ and to catch and cure " 
 Fifli at Newfoundland', whtch, f fiy,~is all the 
 Rights they have in North-America. But what 
 they have obtained by Encroachments will fully ap- 
 pear in the next Chapter. 
 
 r 
 ■p.t 
 
 y>s 
 
 L 
 
 .^ 
 
 
 11 ,. ^ 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 > <il 
 
 I f I 
 
 r 
 
[ 44] 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 fbe Encroachments and Depredations of the French up- 
 on his Majejifs 'Territories in North-Am erica, in 
 'Times when Peace fubftfled in Europe between the 
 Two Crowns^ &c, &c. 
 
 I 
 
 SHALL ftate the French Encroachments and 
 Depredations in each of his Majejlys Provinces 
 of North- America^ as the Continent is now divided 
 by the Authority of the Crown, beginning to the 
 Northward •, whereby we Ihali have a clearer Idea of 
 their Situation and Importance, and of the Proprie- 
 ty of the Meafures hereafter to be humbly propofcd 
 for extirpating the French and their Indians out of 
 his Majeftys Territories. 
 Frtneh En. Sincc the Peace of Aix La Chapelle they have e- 
 wdDTp'rrcfted in Nova-Scotia one Fort at Beaubajfm in the 
 datiooi inhu Cod of thc Bay of Fundy, and on the South Side of 
 pJ'Sc'eof the IJihmtu of the South Eaftern Penir^flila. And 
 Nova scatia. another Fort at Baye Verte on the North Side of this 
 JJihmus, which is not more than twelve Miles wide 
 between thefe two Forts. From hence they have 
 furnilhed the Cape Sable, or Mickmac, and the I/land 
 of St. John^s, Indians, who make about three hun- 
 dred fighting Men, with Arms, Ammunition, Pro- 
 vifions and Cloathing. Upon our Attempt to co- 
 Ionize this Province immediately after the late War 
 with France, they fpirited up thofe Indians to war 
 againft us, by th^ir ample Supplies-, by their giving 
 them a large Bounty for every Englifh Prifoner they 
 brought to them, and a much larger for every Eng- 
 lifh Scalp they could produce -, by their promifmg to 
 proteft them in their Forts ; and by difguifing them- 
 ielves and occafionally joining the Indians in their 
 Enterprizes againft our Settlements. With thefc 
 three hundred Indians they have conftantly harraffed 
 
 our 
 
 witr 
 
 vatii 
 
 two 
 
 jefbs| 
 
 out 
 
 treat! 
 
 theyl 
 
 accol 
 
 in tl 
 
 burr 
 
 went 
 
 chei 
 
war 
 
 i > 
 
 1:45] 
 
 our infant Colony of Nova-Scottay fo that we have 
 made no Settlements but what have been fortified 
 and picketed all round, which has been attended 
 with vaft Expence. Indeed it is hard to conceive 
 what Diftrefs this handful of Indians have reduced 
 this Colony to. They cannot clear and break up 
 the Ground, nor plant nor fow without their Pic- 
 kets, nor go from one Village to another for Relief 
 without imminent Danger, from fkulking Indians,, 
 of being killed and having their Scalps carried away 
 for the French Bounty, or of being taken and either 
 put to Death in the moft cruel Torments that favage 
 Brutality can invent, or of being carried away Cap- 
 tive to the French^ who have afterwards infilled on 
 a Price for their Redemption, equal to the Price 
 black Slaves are fold for in our Colonies, under xh^ 
 fpecious Pretence of their having paid it to the In- 
 dians to fave them from being put to Death. Thus 
 the French have made us pay the very Bounty they 
 gave the Indians for captivating our People. Th^ 
 Indians furprized the Village of Dartmouth one 
 Night, and altho' it had a Guard of Soldiers and 
 was picketed in, they burnt the Houfes, and pur 
 both Men, "Women and Children to Death. And 
 from our firft Attempt to fettle it fince the late War 
 with France^ the Indians have been killing or capti- 
 vating our People whenever Opportunity prelented. 
 The French alfo, as foon as they had built thofe 
 two Forts, threatened to deftroy all the French Sub- 
 jefbs of his Majefly and burn their Settlements with- 
 out their Forts on the Peninfula, if they did not re- 
 treat into the Country within their Forts; therefore 
 they, who have always inclined to the French on 
 account of their Religion, (^c. tho' ever indulged 
 in the free Exercife of that and every thing elfe, 
 burnt their Houfes, deftroyed their Plantations, and 
 went under the Prbte^lion of the French, who afflired 
 them of ample Amends for their Lofles and Suffer- 
 ings, 
 
 Ai 
 
 
 

 --/ 
 
 [46] 
 
 ings. Here they are protcdbed and nourifhed in an 
 Antipathy to his Majefty, his Government, and his 
 People, and prove as good Subjeds to the French 
 King as any he has in America. Thefe People be- 
 came the Subjedts of the Crown of Great-Britain 
 when Nova Scotia was reduced in 1710, wpon Con- 
 dition they did not take up Arms for, nor againft, 
 us. But, contrary to their Oaths of Allegiance, 
 many of them have been detefted in joining the 
 French and Indians both in Peace and War againft 
 his Majefty's Subjefts. There may be in this Pro- 
 vince about ten thoufand of thefe French Neutrals^ as 
 they are called, though fome make them amount^ to 
 fifteen thoufand, and others but to feven thoufand. 
 Thus the French have a powerful Colony in the Heart 
 of this his Majejly*s Province. 
 
 The French have alfo re-built a Fort in this Pro- 
 vince fince the Peace of Aix La Chapellej at the En- 
 trance into the River of St. John's^ on the Weftern 
 Side of the Bay of Fundy oppofite to, and diftant 
 ten Leagues from, Annapolis-Royal \ by which they 
 have the Command of the River St. John\ Indians^ 
 being about an hundred and fifty Bghting Men, 
 whom they occafionally iffue upon the People of the 
 North Eall Parts of New-England. At the En- 
 trance into this River there is a capacious Road for 
 Ships of any Burthen, and on the North Side of the 
 Road is a Streight, not Pidol Shot over, through 
 which there is no pafling but at the Top of the Tide 
 when the Water is upon a Level, for at other times 
 the Fall is fo confiderable, efpccially at low Water, 
 as to make a Defcent of thirty Feet. This Entrance 
 on which the French Fort ftands, is lined on both 
 Sides by a Solid Rock, and has more than forty Fa- 
 thom of Water in its Middle. When you have 
 paffed tills Streight the River fpreads itfclf half a 
 Mile in Width, and with a gentle Current towards 
 its Outlet admits a delightful Navigation for large 
 
 Ships, 
 
 duc£ 
 
 ncv( 
 
 Adi 
 
 Nez 
 
 Rivd 
 
 ther 
 
 upoi| 
 
 one 
 
 j^mt 
 
 Guli 
 
 but 
 
 diftr 
 
_ [ 47 J 
 Ships, fixty Miles into the Country, and much fur- 
 ther for fmaller VelTels; taking its Sdurce from three 
 Parts of St. Lawrence River, one of which is di- 
 rectly oppofite to §uebeck. The French have often 
 conveyed Succours and Merchandize from Old France 
 to ^eheckj both in Peace and War, up this River, 
 to avoid the Difficulty and Rifque of the Navigation 
 of St. Lawrence River. By this River alfo they, as 
 Occafion requires, convey Troops and Stores from 
 Rebeck to the Neutral French, the Indians, and 
 their other Forces in Nova-Scotia. And if they are 
 flifFered to remain in PolTeflion of this River they 
 may always have a Communication between Frame 
 and Canada in Winter, which they cannot have only 
 from May to 05fober by St. Lawrence River, and 
 they will at all times have a much more fafeand eafy 
 Conveyav e to and from Canada than by St. Law- 
 rence, i V hat is more material they will be fur- 
 nifhed w :J.i a, Harbour, more commodioufly fituated 
 for annoying the Britijh Colonies, by Men of War 
 and Privateers in Time of War, than that American 
 Dunkirk Louijbourg itfelf ; and at all times a conve- 
 nient Port near the Ocean for furnilhing Naval Stores 
 to Old France, and their 5«^^r Cotonies with Lumber 
 of all Sorts for the Conftruftion of Dweliing Houfes, 
 Sugar Mills, and Cafk to contain their Iflands Pro- 
 duce, which is what they have long aimed at, bur 
 never could fecure before. In fhort there is not one 
 Advantage we derive from the four Provinces of 
 New-England, that they will not reap from this 
 River when the Country comes to be fully fettled by 
 them. And they are bent upon fecuring a Footing 
 upon or near the Atlantic Ocean, as they have not 
 one Port, or any Territory in their own North- 
 American Colonies near it, but the Iflands in the 
 Gulf of St. Lawrence, which yitid them nothing 
 but a Security for their Finery, and a Situation to 
 diftrefs and annoy our Colonies, and their Trade 
 
 and 
 
 I 
 
 
 ■•-ft. / 
 
 '-A 
 
 
1 1 
 
 i 
 
 French En« 
 croacbments 
 an<l De()r«* 
 dations in hit 
 Majeftf's 
 Province of 
 the Maffa. 
 
 [ 4S ] 
 and Navigation, in Time of War. The French 
 alfo deny our Right to navigate or vifit any part of 
 Nova-Scotia in the Gut of Canfo and Gulf of St, 
 Lawrence^ or to vifit and fettle Canfo^ which we fet- 
 tled foon after the Peace of Utrecht as Part of Nova-- 
 Scotia^ and carried on our principal Fifhery at, till 
 the late War when they took it from us i but Sir 
 William Pepper ell recovered it in his Way to the Siege 
 of Louisbourg. And every Year fince the Peace of 
 Ax La Cbapdle the Governor of Louisbourg^ and 
 the Commanders in Chief of the Men of War that 
 have been ftationed there, have given public Notice 
 that they will feize and confifcate all Englijh Veffels 
 they find at Canfo^ the Gut of Canfo^ or in the Gulf 
 of St. Lawrence, 
 
 By thofe three Forts they have availed themfelves 
 of all the Province of Nova-Scotia^ except the South- 
 Ea^ern Peninfula. And although they do not dis- 
 pute our Right to this, except Canfo and the Har- 
 bours in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, they have not 
 iufFcred us to enjoy it fince the Peace of Aix La 
 Cbapelle, but by their Encroachments and Depreda- 
 tions have fo annoyed and diftrefled us, that we have 
 not been able to do any more towards fettling, even 
 the Peninfula, than to eftablifh four fmall Towns, 
 and build four fmall Forts, which has been accom- 
 plifhed with vaft Expence of Blood and Treafure. 
 I think the Parliament of Great-Britain have granted 
 fince the late War 450,000/. for fettling and fe- 
 cunng Nova-Scotia^ and all we have to fhew for this 
 immcnfe Sum is the above four Towns or Villages, 
 and four Forts. 
 
 Since the Peace of Utrecht the French have fettled 
 feven Villages in the Province of the Majfachufets- 
 Bay on the South Banks of St. Lawrence River be- 
 tween the Ifle oi^ Orleans and the Mouth of Iroquois^ 
 or Sorrel River, Some of thefe Villages are picketed 
 
 in. 
 
 no 
 
 gind 
 
 and! 
 
 Skit 
 
 mo| 
 
 fubj 
 
[49] 
 in, but none of them have any Forts or other 
 Defence. ' ' 
 
 The French have Miflionaries among the Penobfcot 
 or Pantagait Indians^ who do not exceed one hund- 
 red and fifty fighting Men, and generally refide 
 near the Bay of Penobfcot. They have alfo Miflio- 
 naries among the Norridgwaog Indians^ who arc 
 about one hundred and fifty fighting men^ and do 
 refide upon Kennebec River about one hundred and 
 rventy Miles from its Mouth. Thefe Indians have, 
 both in Peace and War with the French^ been pro- 
 voked by them to annoy and diftrefs our young Set- 
 tlements on the Eaftern Frontier of this Province, 
 and they have killed, fcalped, and captivated many 
 of our People, even fince the Peace of Ax La Cha- 
 pelle ; but the Government of the Majfacbufets, by 
 building two Forts laft Year on Kennebec River, and 
 porting one hundred Men in each, keep them in 
 great Awe, and they dare not aft againft us at pre- 
 fent. Thefe Indians have often acknowledged them- 
 felves Subjefts of the Crown of Great-Britain^ and 
 the Government of the Province they refide in has 
 taken the greateft Care to accommodate them with 
 every Thing they require, and to prevent Frauds 
 and Abufes being impofed upon them by private 
 Pcrfons ; for no one is allowed either to trade with 
 them or to purchafe Lands, but by the Government's 
 Appointment. For the Management of Trade 
 with them, a Commiflary General is appointed by 
 the Legiflature, and convenient Store Houfes have 
 been many Years built, where they may at all times 
 be accommodated with every Thing ihey require at 
 no more than Five per Cent, advance upon the ori- 
 ginal Coft at Bo/ion by wholefale for ready Money, 
 and they are allowed the full Price their Furz and 
 Skins will yield at the Bofton Market, which is vaftly 
 more profitable to them than the French can pofllbly 
 fubmit to. . But notwithftanding all thefe wife and 
 
 E juft 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 ff 
 
 /■*' 
 
[5°] 
 juft Regulations, and frequent Subfidies, the Ad- 
 drefs, Ingenqity, and unwearied Pains of the French 
 Priefts, who live among them, and conform to their 
 Manner of Life in every refpeft, by which they are 
 fo difguifed as frequently to be taken for Indians^ has 
 proved fuperior to all our Efforts, and they will do 
 nothing without their Advice and Confent, but when 
 awed by Force -, therefore the Governor of the Maf- 
 fachufets carried one thoufand Soldiers with him laft 
 Year to force them to renew Treaties, and permit 
 the two Forts to be built, and nothing but a fuperior 
 Force will ever be able to rival French Prieftcraft and 
 Ufefulnefs, for moft of thefe Priefts are good Me- 
 chanics, and prove vaftly ferviceablc to the Indians 
 in the common Concerns of Life. 
 French En- Sincc the Peacc of Aix La Chapelle the French 
 croachmcnts have built a Fort at Cowas or Cohajfer on Conneclicut 
 Nations m his Riv^J^ in the Province of New-Hamp/hire^ which is 
 Majeflfi one hundred and forty Miles South of St. Lawrence 
 iv^-ffd;«/>. River, -and as many Miles deep in his Majefty's 
 jhirc. ■ Territories. 
 
 There are no friendly nor enemical Indians in this 
 Province, except a few Straglers, but the French have 
 harraffed his Majefty's Subjects in the Frontier Set- 
 tlements almoft every Year fince the Peace of Aix 
 La Chapelle with the Incurfions of the Indians that 
 refide about Lake Iroquois or Champlain^ belonging 
 to the Province of New-Tork^ who do not exceed 
 fixty fighting Men, and who have killed, fcalped, 
 and captivated many of our People in this Province. 
 French En- As to the Provincc of New-7'ork and the Five 
 "^^'^^'^^^ Nations hereditary and conquered Country, the 
 fiit\om\nh\%French have got Pofleffion of all that Part of it that 
 pfovmJe'of ^^y^ to the Northward of St. Lawrence River and the 
 iWw.nr*. Five great Lakes, and all that Part of it to the 
 Eaftward that lays between our Fort of Ofwego on the 
 Lake Ontario^ and the Mouth of the Iroquois or Sor^ 
 rcl River upon the South Side of the River St 
 
 Laivrencs 
 
 twei 
 fide 
 Fori 
 Pre 
 
 for 
 
 rupl 
 
 Tol 
 
 crej 
 reni 
 
[5' ] 
 
 l^wrence, and as far South from the Banks of this 
 River, as River Iroquois and Lakes Iroquois^ or 
 Champlain^ and Sacrement. They ufurped all this 
 vaft Extent of Territory, 
 
 By one Fort built on the North Side of the £aft 
 Entrance of Lake Ontario in 1672. 
 
 By one Fort fituated at MijfiUmakinac near the 
 Lakes HuroHy Michigan and Superior in 1673. 
 
 By one Fort built on the Streight between Lakes 
 Erie and Huron in iC^^- 
 
 By one Fort ercS.^^ at A. ^ara Fall on the >■ r ight 
 of Lakes Erie and Ontario in 1684, and another 
 Fort on the fame Streight in 1720. 
 
 By one Fort on the Weft Side, and another on 
 the River St. Jofiph on the Eaft Side, of Lake Mi- 
 chigan, another on the Weft Side of Lake Toronto, 
 and three more Forts and a regular fortified Town, 
 with a* Citadel, called St. Frederic or Crown Point, 
 at the Lake and River of Iroquois, or Champlain 
 Lake, and Richlieu oi' Sorrel River, all of which 
 Forts, i^c. were built between the Peace of Utrecht 
 and the Commencement of the late War. 
 
 The French have in this Province alfo, feveral 
 other Towns and Villages between the Mouth of 
 Iroquois River and Montreal on the South Side of St. 
 Lawrence River ; in which, with the feven Villages 
 they have in the Majfachufets Province, there are 
 twenty-eight Parilh Churches. And they have be- 
 fides the Forts already mentioned, many Stockade 
 Forts, or Block-houfes, for Trading Lodges, in this 
 Province. 
 
 Two hundred French Indians, accompanied by 
 fome Canadeans difguifed like Indians, made an Ir- 
 ruption into this Province laft Year, furprized the 
 Town of Houfack, facked and burnt it, and malTa- 
 cred and captivated both Men, Women and Child- 
 ren, except a very few that ran away. 
 
 The French have fince the Peace of y^ix La Cha- 
 
 E ?. fdk 
 
 / 
 
[52 ] 
 felU feized feveral of our Traders in the Country of 
 the Five Nations^ confifcated their EfFefts, and 
 made them pay the Price of Slaves for their Re- 
 demption. 
 
 They have been continually, fince the Peace of 
 ^ix La Cbapelle, ufing every Artiiice, and frequent- 
 ly Force, to draw off the Indians in this Province as 
 well as in all the reft from the Briiijb Intereft. Laft 
 Year they perfuaded one half of the Onondago Indi* 
 ans^ one of the Five Nations^ with feveral from the 
 other Nations, to remove from the Place of their 
 ufual Refidence to a Place called Ofweegachic on the 
 River Cadaraqui, where they have built them a 
 Church and Fort. Many of the Senekas^ the moll 
 numerous Nation of the Five^ appear to be wavering 
 and rather inclined to the French. In Ihort, a great 
 Defection manifefts itfelf among all xh^ Five Nations, 
 for not more than a hundred and fifty of the ieveral 
 Nations attended the Congrefs held at Albany laft 
 Year, though they had Notice that all his Majejlyh 
 Governments would have Commiflloners there with 
 Prefents from moft Provinces as well a$ from the 
 King^ and on all preceding like Occafions there were 
 never lefs than fix or feven hundred. The utmoft 
 that could be obtained of them at this Meeting, was 
 an Agreement to ftand neuter in our Difputes with 
 the French, for they unanimouQy declared, that fo 
 far from ading againft the French they ftiould be o- 
 bliged to make the beft Terms they could with them, 
 in order to preferve themfelves and their Country 
 from being deftroyed by their powerful Arms. The 
 Englijh, they obferved, would not fight for them- 
 felves, and as for them they could not defend their 
 own Country and that of the Englijh too. But if 
 they faw the Englijh aft powerfully, and that their 
 own Country, Wives, and Children were fafe while 
 they went forth to War, they then (hould be glad to 
 meet the Governor of New-Tork and the Commif- 
 
 fionern 
 
 man( 
 Ohio 
 feiTu 
 alfo 
 Indie 
 theirl 
 to a 
 amo^ 
 li 
 
 Jerol 
 ii^ees\ 
 
[ 53 ] 
 
 fioners again, for it was againfl their Inclination to 
 treat with the French^ but Neceflity compelled them. 
 Therefore if fome bold Stroke is not foon made to 
 retrieve our loft Reputation and the wonted Confi- 
 dence and Friendfhip of this brave and faithful 
 People, who upon all other Occafions have been our 
 beft Friends and have it in their Power to be our 
 worft Enemies, fo as to a«5t in our Favour and to in- 
 fluence their Allies and Tributaries, who, together 
 with the Five Nationr^ make feventeen thoufand 
 Men, to do the fame, we fliall not only lofe the Af- 
 fiftance of the whole Indian Intereft of North-Ameri- 
 ca^ but have it turned againft us. For Indians^ like 
 more refined and politer Nations, will not join the 
 Weakeft, efpecially when their own Country is in 
 danger from the Strongeft in the Field ; and it is 
 impoffible for their Sachems to reftrain their young 
 Men, who delight in War more than any thing elfe, 
 when all their Neighbours are engaged, and the 
 Sound of War echoes from Hill to HilJ all around 
 them. 
 
 The French have fince the Peace of ^ix La Cha- ^^""'^ ^^' 
 pelle built two Forts on Beef River, which iffues from anTD^r"-* 
 the South Side of Lake Erie in his Majejfy*s Province J^^vJ?' •"**'' 
 of Pennfyhania ; and laft Year they forcibly attacked Province of 
 and took a Fort built by his Majefiyh exprefs Com- J^""-^^"-"" 
 mand at the Confluence of the Rivers Mohongala and 
 Ohio in this Province, which they remained in Pof- 
 fefllon of when the laft Advices came away. They 
 alfo have feized feveral of the Traders among the 
 Indians in this Province, and made them pay for 
 their Redemption, and.confifcated all their Effeds 
 to a very great Value, for one of thefe Confifcations 
 amounted to upwards of 1 8,000 /. 
 
 In 1750 the French built a Fort in his Majefty's FrwcA En. 
 province of Virginia on the River Oubache or St. and'^JJ"'* 
 Jerom, in the Heart of the Country of the Twight-A^^on^^Wn 
 infees, or Miamisy Indians, in ftrift Friendlhip with i^oyf^t of 
 
 E 7 his'^'rc""'. 
 
[54) 
 
 his Majefly •, and laft Year they Tent three hundred 
 French Families to fettle about this Fort. In 1751 
 they built another Fort at Sandojki on the South Side 
 of Lake Erie in this Province. They have alfo one 
 Fort upon the River Illinois^ one at the Confluence 
 of the Rivers Oubache and Ohio^ one at the Jundlion 
 of the Rivers Mijfouri and Miffijppi', one higher up 
 the River Mijfouri^ and one at the Confluence of the 
 Rivers Kajkakins and Miffiffipi, all built in Times of 
 Peace fince the Treaty of Utrecht, and within this 
 his Majefly\ Province. 
 
 Lafl: Year they marched a Body of regular Troops, 
 Militia and Indians into this Province, and attacked 
 and defeated four hundred of his Majejiys Forces at 
 the Great Meadows, They compelled our Com- 
 mander in Chief of thofe four hundred Men to en- 
 ter into Articles of Capitulation and give Hoflages, 
 in as formal a Manner as if War had adlually been 
 proclaimed between the two Crowns. But the very 
 Night they were figned the French broke them, 
 which we have great Reafon to rejoice at, for they 
 were the moft infamous a Britijh Subjed ever put 
 his Hand to. 
 
 The French have for thefe two or three Years paft 
 let their Indians loofe upon the Inhabitants of this 
 Province alfb, and killed, fcalped, and captivated 
 many of them, feized fome of their Eff^e(5ls, and 
 forced thofe that were fettled without the Mountains, 
 together with fome of our friendly Indians, to break 
 up their Settlements and retire within the Moun- 
 tains. And, 
 
 They continue to have, by the lafl: Advices, two 
 thoufand two hundred regular Troops" and Militia, 
 and fix hundred Indian Warriors at their Forts in this 
 Province and Pennjylvania that are near the Ohio, and 
 threatened a further Irruption, for which they were 
 preparing. 
 
 The 
 

 The 
 
 [ 55] 
 
 The Northern Boundary of Qeorgia extending toFttmhEn. 
 the Northernmoft Branch of the River Savannah,':';'^^"''jS[l 
 and from thence due Weft indefinitely, the inland /W* Pro« 
 Frontier of the Carolinas is very narrow, but asnar-]^""^,"^ 
 row as it is the French have mounted two Forts in it^««'A Caro^ 
 on the MiJJilftpi River in Times of Peace, and ""'* 
 fince the Treaty of Utrecht. 
 
 In his Majeftys Province of Georgia the French Frtnch En- 
 have one Fort built at the Mouths of the Mi/Mipi in "7^')'"'="" 
 1690; another Fort and Settlement at the Bay ofdatinnsinhis 
 Mobile begun in 1 70 1 •, another Fort and Settlement fZ\nll of 
 at the IJle Dauphin begun in 1702 ; another FortjCwr^w. 
 with a Settlement round it, at Alibamous^ at the 
 Confluence of the Rivers Mobile and Locufachee in 
 the Heart of our Fellow Subjeds the Upper Creek In- 
 dians Country, which was begun in 1714 under the 
 old Pretence of a Trading Lodge ; the City of Neinf 
 Orleans well fortified on the Milfilftpi River founded 
 in 1717*, another Fort and Settlement at Panfacoh^ 
 on the Gulf of Mexico ; two more Forts on the Mif- 
 fifftpi River, befides many Stockade Forts, or Block- 
 houfes, for trading Lodges among the innumerable 
 Indians in this Country •, and they have feveral other 
 fmall Towns or Villages, befides thofe I have men- 
 tioned, on and near the Miffiffipi River, built in 
 Times of Peace fince the Treaty of Utrecht. 
 
 In 1730 they utterly extirpated the whole Tribe 
 (except a few that efcaped to the Chickafaws) of In- 
 dians called Nautchee^ that refided about the Forks of 
 the River Tafou which rifes in this Province not very 
 far from, and empties itfclf into, the Miffiffipi. 
 The French did this when they were in profound 
 Peace with thefe Indians under the Sandlion of a 
 formal Treaty ; but finding they continued an Inter- 
 courfe and Trade with the Englijh, they fell upon 
 them in the Night, and malTacred Men, Women, 
 and Children, not fparing even thofe they took 
 ^live^ but put them to death in the moft inhuman 
 
 jp 4 ' ^nd 
 
 ,1 
 
t 56 J 
 
 and cruel Torments. This Perfidy and Cruelty of 
 the French being communicated to the Chickafaw In- 
 dians who refidc a little to the Northward of the 
 Nautchees Country, and they fearii\g the like Fate, 
 as they were in the ftrifteft Friendfh ip and conftantly 
 traded with the Englijh^ they declared War againft 
 the French^ and it has not been in the Power of all 
 their own Force and Policy to prevail on them to 
 make Peace to this Day, nor could they ever prevail 
 on any other Indians to join againft them, as they 
 are remarkable for Faith and Bravery, as their War 
 is efteemed juft and neceflary, and as they are highly 
 revered for their Military Atchievements. Thefe 
 Chickafaws have been as fevcre a Scourge to the 
 French Colony of Louiftaniy as any of their Indians 
 have been to any of our Colonies ; but their long 
 and conftant Hoftilities againft the French have re- 
 duced them to four hundred fighting Men only, who 
 continue the War with as much Spirit and Intrepidi- 
 ty as ever. 
 
 The French of Louijiani have entirely alienated 
 the Chau5las from our Intereft, who refide in their 
 Neighbourhood between the Mobile and Miffiffipiy 
 and amount to five thoufand fighting Men. 
 
 And by their Fort at j4libamous they have obtained 
 
 fuch Influence among the Upper Creek Indians, a- 
 
 mounting to one thoufand two hundred Men, that 
 
 they would have broke out againft Carolina and 
 
 Georgia feveral times, if it had not been for the In- 
 
 terpofition of the Lower Creeks, who amount to one 
 
 thoufand three hundred Men, and are our faft 
 
 Friends. 
 
 The Frtntb Ffom this Dcduftion of French Encroachments 
 
 ?"Yd " h- ^^ appears that they have drawn a Line, and have a 
 
 Majefty'* "chain of Forts and Settlements, all along the Back 
 
 w?ihrSti ^'^ ^'■^^ Settlements from the Gulf of St.. Lawrence 
 
 Vc, ' to the Mouths of the Mijftlftpi in the Gulf of Mexico, 
 
 whfreby they have accompli (hed their ancient De- 
 
 fig 
 
 n 
 
[ 57 1 
 fign of furroundlng the Britijh Northern Colonies Set- 
 tlements, of fortifying themlelves on the Back 
 thereof, of taking PoflelTion of the mod impor- 
 tant Paffes of the great Rivers and Lakes, and of 
 drawing off the Indians to their Intereft, who they 
 have more or Icfs conftantly, both in Peace and 
 War, iffued from their Forts on our Frontier Settle- 
 ments, fome of which they have deftroyed, others 
 they have impeded the Progrcfs of, and in mod of 
 our Provinces prevented the projecting or making 
 new Eftablilhments. For there is nothing more 
 terrible than Indian Wars, and wherever they hap- 
 pen the Inhabitants eat their Bread in contim \\ Fear 
 and Trembling ; no Man is fure when out of his 
 FToufe of ever returning to it again j while they 
 labour in the Fields they are under terrible Appre- 
 henfions of being killed and fcalped, or of being 
 feized and carried to the Indian Country, there to. 
 end their Days in cruel Torments, or be turned ovev 
 to the French to be redeemed at the Price of BlacJ^ 
 Slaves. They are many times obliged to negle6t 
 both their Seed Time and Harveft. The Landlord 
 often fees all his Land plundered, his Houfes burnt, 
 and the whole Country ruined, while they can't 
 think their Perfons fafe in their Fortifications. In 
 fhort, all Trade, Bufinefs, and Commerce is at an 
 entire Stand, while Fear, Defpair, and Mifery ap- 
 pear in the Faces of the poor Inhabitants 
 
 I fay, this Condudl of the French U -ji Confe- 
 quence of an ancient Defign or Syftem, and it cer- 
 tainly is fo, for all their Governors and Writers of 
 the Northern Colonies have conftantly recommended 
 it to the Court of France^ who, we are now fatally con- 
 vinced, have carried it fyftematically into Execu- 
 tion. And our Colonies have as conftantly remon- 
 ftrated to the Court of Great-Britain thefe Encroach- 
 ments and Depredations, and the further terrible Con* 
 fequences they had the utmoft Reafon to expedl from 
 
 them. 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
[ 58 ] 
 
 them. But it is now too late in a great meafure, 
 and therefore to little Purpofc, to enquire fur- 
 ther why we neglefled to exert the Power God 
 and Nature put into our Hands to prtvent thefc 
 Evils, or to remove them whenever and where- 
 His^xVA'sCver they appeared. Therefore I Ihall enter into 
 ^rl^n*'"" ^^^^ Enquiry in the Courfe of thefe Sheets no 
 Sge/wjth further than by pointing out fome of the Caufes, 
 ^gicdts, ^hich if removed the Effeds will ceafe, and to ac- 
 quit his Majefty's Colonies of the cruel Accufation, 
 from Perfons of all Ranks almoft in this Country, 
 of having neglefted their own Defence, and, by 
 other criminal Condufl, having invited the Calami- 
 ties they fuffer. This has been very induftrioufly 
 propagated by fome People, who have found it ne- 
 ceflary to blamie the Colonies, the better to excufe 
 themfelves ; and by others who have had Support 
 in their Clamours from a late Pamphlet called, a 
 Brief State of the Province Pennfylvania^ which I 
 fhall fay no more of at prefent than that it is cal- 
 culated for private Purpofes, at the Expence of a 
 very refpeftable Body of People, called fakers, to 
 whom this Country is more obliged than moft Peo- 
 ple at prefent know or can imagine, and who will 
 very foon be acquited, with Honour, of the ex- 
 ceptionable Condudl laid to their Charge. Some 
 People v/ould do well in never lofmg Sight of this, 
 being, of all others, the moft improper time to in- 
 flame the PalTions and alienate the Hearts of even 
 the moft remote and infignificant of his Majefiy^s 
 Subje6ts, and of its being the moft proper and 
 neceflary ^4eafure at this critical Conjuncture to 
 reconcile all jarring Jnterefls, and to pleafe and ob- 
 lige every ( lafs of his Majefly's Subjeds in every. 
 Part of his Dominions, that they may aft with theiV 
 Heads, Hearts, Hands, and Purfes unanimoufly 
 for the Recovery of his juft Rights, and for per- 
 manently fccuring him in the PolTcflionof them. 
 
 It 
 
 ti 
 li 
 
ifurc, 
 fur- 
 God 
 thefc 
 there- 
 into 
 
 
 [59] 
 
 It is Certain not any one of the Colonies are to 
 blame, as will appear when I come fpeak of their 
 Conduft, Temper, and Difpofition, fo it inuft lay 
 elfewhere. 
 
 The Affairs of North- America are become of the J/"^^.^"" 
 laft Importance to his Majefly's Northern Colonies America « 
 in particular, and the Britijh Empire in general, by* ''^JJJJ"^^, 
 the Frer b Enterprizes, and the Succefs of them I fis. 
 have ftaied ; by their having gradually increafed 
 their Troops in Canada and Leuijiani fince the Peace 
 of j^ix La Chapelle down to 1 753, tranfporting them 
 in their Ships of War, which returned to France 
 with a bare Complement of Men, leaving the reft 
 in their Colonies, and by this Means they have been 
 lefs obferved by the Powers of Europe than if they 
 had been fent in Tranfport Ships; by fending two 
 thoufand five hundred regular Troops to Canada^ 
 and three thoufand five hundred to the MiJJiJfipi in 
 1753 •, * and by the vaft Armament that has been 
 fo long preparing at Brejl^ and perhaps now failed, 
 confefTedly for Canada. • 
 
 Let any Man refled on thefc Things, taking into 
 his View at the fame Time the Conduct of the 
 French in refpe^t to the Neutral IJlands in the M^eft- 
 Indies ; -f in refped: to the Bahama Iflands, which 
 
 they 
 
 * This I know to be true from Authority. 
 
 f In 1749 the Courts of Great- Britain and France en- 
 tered into a new Convention refpecling thefe IJlandsy 
 which the French were very bufy in fettling contrary to 
 Treaty. And for the Sake of Peace Great- Br aitain ftill 
 condefcended to let, what fhe has a fole and juft Right to, 
 remain Neuter ; that is neither "We nor France fhould at- 
 tempt the Settlement of either of them, and that France 
 (hould immediately breakup) what Settlements were made 
 there, and her Subjefts fhould immediately evacuate the 
 Iflands. Orders were fent accordingly to the Governor of 
 
 Martinicoj 
 
 II 
 il 
 
[6o] 
 
 they have trumped up a Claim to fmcc the Peace 
 of Jix La Cbapelle, and did two Years ago fet up 
 Croffes upon fome of them, with Copper Plates, 
 containing the French King's Arms, and a Decla- 
 ration that they were to preferve the Rights of 
 Louis XIV. which Rights we never heard of before ; 
 in Refped to our Eaft-lndia Company in AJia *, and 
 in Refpedl to the Coaft of Africa \ and it is im- 
 pofTible for him to doubt the Juftice of our Caufe, 
 or the NecefTity of our going to War, if the French 
 will not immediately relinquifh the whole of their 
 iTie Satif- Encroachments upon his Majefy's Territories, and 
 5bnttr?nd "^^^^ Individuals in particular, and the Nation in 
 jnfiice of the general, ample Satisfaction for the Loffes they have 
 ?uirc?frJm luftained, and the vaft Expence we have been at in 
 the Frtntb. Jfia and America^ and for the Expence of our pre- 
 fent Armaments both by Land and Sea ; which 
 amounts to infinitely more than it will require to 
 drive them out of the New-World. Can the Ho- 
 nour and Juftice of the Nation put up with lefs ? 
 If we do accept of lets, may not the Nation expedl, 
 and won't it deferve, to be ufed by other Nations, 
 as a noted Coward is, bullied and male- treated by 
 every little Fellow ? 
 HhMjjefiyi Put DOtwithftanding the bad Condition of our 
 ^"^**5J'j^'°" Affairs we ought not to defpair ; On the contrary, 
 fens State of thank God, we may now chear up, for behold his 
 
 Aiartinico, but he dying before they reached Martinico^ 
 his SuccefTor faid the Orders were not direfted to him, 
 and he would not execute them. . Upon this new Orders 
 went, and fome of our Men of War faw them executed. 
 Since this they have again fcized upon, and are fettling 
 them with a high Hand. They have already got four 
 thoufand Souls on St. Lucia^ near two thoufand Souls on 
 D»minlcOy and near one thoufand Souls on St. Fincent, and 
 they have fortified ca^ch of thefe Settlements and have 
 lately begun to fettle Tobago ^ another of thefe lilands. 
 
of 
 
 to 
 
 «( 
 
 «c 
 
 C( 
 
 C( 
 
 cc 
 
 
 [6i J 
 
 Majefty glorioufly declaring in his late Speech to 
 Parliament, that *' I never could entertain a 
 Thought of purchafing the Name of Peace, at 
 the Expence of fuffering Encroachments upon, or 
 of yielding up, what is juftly belonging to Greai- 
 5ri/^7», cither by ancient Poflefllon, or by folemn 
 Treaties. Your Vigour and Firmnefs, on this 
 important Occafion,have enabled me to be prepa- 
 red for fuch Contingences as may happen. If 
 " reafonable and honourable Terms of Accomo- 
 *' dation can be agreed upon, I fhall be fatisfied." 
 
 It cannot be imagined that the French will giveNoSaiisf«c- 
 up their Encroachments, by any Man that knows '^'"p^f^^** 
 their infinite Importance to them ; and all that they fr m the 
 have hitherto done, or can be expeded they will do, ^'''"^' 
 is to make Propofal after Propofal, taking care the 
 laft is more favourable than the preceding, know- 
 ing you can't accept the moft favourable they will 
 make, till they have gained further Footing, and 
 Time to be prepared for all Events, and then you 
 may feek Redrefs in the Uncertainties of a War 
 that they are prepared for. For Experience teaches 
 us, that the French always employ Times of Nego- 
 tiation, not in endeavouring to efface the Remem- 
 brance of paft Outrages, but in concerting the O- 
 perations for new ones. However, Great- Britain 
 has been fo long a Sufferer by French Perfidy, and 
 fo often deluded by the treacherous Negotiations of 
 that faithlefs Nation, that it cannot be fuppofed that 
 Ihc will any longer liften to their infidious Propo- 
 fals, than till we are ready at Home and Abroad 
 to give them a decifive Blow -, therefore continuing 
 to negotiate with them, while we are preparing for 
 War, can do us no Jnjury, but may be very poli- 
 tical. Nor can it be fuppofed that Great- Britain 
 will fuffer herfelf to be again deceived by entering 
 into any Treaty of Accommodation with that per- 
 fidious 
 
No Accem- 
 
 moJation 
 with the 
 French tUl 
 we have Sa- 
 tisfaStion^ 
 and Security 
 againft fu- 
 ture En- 
 croachments 
 and Deprc • 
 dations. 
 
 The Necef. 
 fity of going 
 to War with 
 
 Frar.ce. 
 
 [62] 
 
 fidious Power, but what fettles every Point in the 
 Treaty, and does not refer the leaft Particular to 
 Commifraries, that canpoffibly be difputed, in Eu- 
 rope^ Afta^ Africa^ and America \ and not even 
 this till his Majefty is reftored to his juft Rights and 
 PoflelTions, and has accumulated fo much additioii- 
 al Power into his own Hands, as can at all Times 
 compel them to an exact Execution, and punctu- 
 al Obfervation, of the Treaty. For to come to 
 an Accommodation with them on' any other Terms 
 is only purchafing the Name of Peace, and giving 
 Being and Support to new Encroachments and a new 
 War.. But this the haughty and infolent Gallic will ne- 
 ver fubmit to till heartily drubbed into it. And cer- 
 tainly there never was a greaterNeceffity, nor we can- 
 not expe<5t a more proper Conjuncture for this Na- 
 tion's entering upon the Work than the prefent, 
 whether we confider the Nature and Greatnefs or 
 the Objedt we are to contend for, or our Ability, 
 compared with theirs, to carry on a War however 
 remote and difcontiguous. 
 
 This Nation has often entered into War to re- 
 venge the Infults and Injuries afirefting its Merchants 
 and Seamen •, and often only to defend Foreign 
 Princes, and to fupport the Ballance of Power in 
 Europe, in Confequence of Treaties, when neither 
 its Trade, Navigation, Territories, nor Subjects 
 were affefted,, But the War that is now juft and 
 neceflary we fhould engage in againft France^ is of 
 fuch a Nature as to demand all our Refentment, and 
 aroufe all our Courage. Your Provinces are in- 
 vaded, your Towns are burnt, many of your Plan- 
 tations deftroyed or deferted, your ancient and 
 faithful Indian Allies and Subjedts cut off from all 
 Communication with you ; others of your Fellow 
 Subjeds murdered, fcalped, captivated, and fold at 
 the Price of Black Slaves^ and many of the reft in 
 
 imminent 
 
the 
 Ir to 
 
 ;ven 
 and 
 tioii- 
 limes 
 i6lu- 
 le to 
 lerms 
 iving 
 
 imminent Danger of the hke melancholy Cataftrophej 
 your faireft and belt Revenues endangered. And 
 all thefe Infults, Injuries, and Barbarities committed 
 by the very People we have the Name of Peace 
 with. Your Fathers refented every Infringment 
 upon Britijh Liberty, and fhall the Blood of Bri- 
 tijh Subjeds, fhed in an unjuft and cruel Manner, 
 cry for no Vengeance from you ? 
 
 Befides thefe Commands to war, if we have notThcNatnie 
 reafonable and honourable Terms of Accommo- *"j! ^!*?*" 
 dation fecuredtous by the French forthwith, which ohjcftwc 
 is as vain to expeft as that they will yield us upj^^^'"^^^"" 
 Cape-Breton and Canada voluntarily, we have the 
 vaft Importance of the Northern Colonies ^ upon 
 which alfo depends the very Being of your Sugar 
 Colonies^- that calls for our clofeft Attention and the 
 moft vigorous Efforts of the combined Nerves of 
 the whole Empire. It is from the American Colo- 
 nies our Royal Navy is fupplied in a great Mea- 
 fure with Mafts of all Sizes and other Naval Stores, 
 as well as our Merchant Ships ; it is from them we 
 have our vafl Fleets of Merchant Ships, and con- 
 fequently an Increafe of Seamen ; it is from them 
 our Men of War in the American World are on any 
 Occafion man'd, and our Troops there augmented 
 and recruited -, it is from them we have moft of 
 our Silver and Gold^ either by their 1 rade with ) 
 Foreigners in America^ or by the Way of Spain^ 
 Portugal^ and Italy^ in Payment of their immenfe 
 Quantities of Fi[h^ Rice, tec. it is from them we 
 have all our Tobacco, Rice, Rum, and moft of our 
 SugarSj Dying and other valuable Woods, Cotton- 
 wool, Pimento, Ginger, Indico, Whale and Liver 
 Oil and JVfjale-Bone, Beaver and other Furs, Deer 
 5kins, and innumerable other Articles, and many 
 of them in fjch Abundance as not only to be fuffi 
 cicnt for our own Confuniption, which otherwile 
 
 mult 
 
 f 
 ) 
 1 1 
 
 i 
 I i 
 
[ 64] 
 
 miift have been bought of Foreigners at exceflive 
 Prices in hard Money as formerly, but a great Ex- 
 cefs to export to Foreigners, which increafes the 
 Ballance in our Favour with fome Countries, and 
 leffens the Ballance againft us in otiiers ; it is from 
 them our whole African Trade receives its Support, 
 which Trade requires vaft Quantities of the Pro- 
 duce and Manufaftures of this Country, and Eafi- 
 India Commodities in return for Gold-Duft, Ivory, 
 Gums, and feveral Sorts of Dying IVoods imported 
 into Great-Britain ♦, but were it not for the Colo- 
 nies this could not be done, as the Trade could not 
 be fupported was it not for the vaft Afllftant Pro- 
 fit of Black Slaves for America ; it is from them 
 we fhall receive, as has been proved by Experi- 
 ments, all the Silk, Hemp, Flax, Iron, Pot-Ajhes, 
 Wine, Fruit, Olive Oil, Drugs, and in fhort all the 
 Commodities we are now dependent upon, and have 
 from Foreigners in the fame Parallels of Latitude 
 in Europe, Barbary, and Perfia -, it is from them 
 great Part of the Revenue of thefe Kingdoms is de- 
 rived ; and it is from them great Part of the 
 Wealth we fee, that Credit which circulates, and 
 thofe Payments that are made at the Bank, and the 
 Bankers in London refults -, and they are fo linked in 
 with, and dependent upon, the American Revenues 
 and Remittances, that if they are ruined and ftopt, 
 the whole Syftem of Public Credit in this Country 
 will receive a fatal Shock. But what will your 
 Landholders, Manufacturers, Artificers, Merchants, 
 ^c. fay of the Importance of your Colonies, and 
 the NecefTity of going to War to regain and pre- 
 ferve them entire, if it cannot be done by other 
 Means, when they refledl that if they are loft, they 
 will lofe one Third of their Property and Bufinefs 
 in general ; for it is certain, that full one Third of 
 our whole Export of the Produce and Manufac- 
 ture* 
 
 I 
 
 po 
 
 on 
 
[65] 
 lures of this Country is to our Colonies, and in Pro- 
 portion as this diminifhes or increafes, their Eftates 
 and Bufinefs muft increafe or diminilh -, for as in 
 the Body Natural a Finger can't ach but the Whole 
 feels it, fo in the Body Politic the remotell and moft 
 infignificant of your Colonies can't decay, but the 
 Nation muft fuffer with it. Therefore the Mother 
 Country muft needs rejoice in the Security and Prof- 
 perity of every one of her Colonies, bscaufe it is 
 her own Security and Profperity •, and the Colonies 
 are to her as the Feet are to the Natural Body, the 
 Support of the whole Political Frame. And they 
 have enabled us to make the Figure we do at pre- 
 fent, and have done for upwards of a Century paft, 
 in the Commercial World, from whence we have 
 derived Wealth, Power, and Glory, and the. great- 
 eft Bleflings given Man to know. Confider then, 
 if you ought not to dired the whole of your Coun- 
 fels and Arms to fupport a War, wherein, with the 
 Being of your State, you aflert the Dignity of your 
 Reputation, the Safety of your Friends, the beft 
 Branches of your Revenue, and the Properties of 
 your Fellow Subjefls. 
 
 Thus much for the Neceflity of going to War,our AbUiir 
 and the Nature and Greatnefs of the Obied we ^c^^"7J!Jt 
 to contend for : And now for our Ability to fup- Frj^"*" 
 port a War vigoroufly and efFedually. p«jt«rth«r» 
 
 It is certain that the Excefs of the Sinking Fund, 
 arifing from the Redudion of the Intereft of the 
 National Debt, amounts to 1,300,000/. pr An- 
 num at prefent, which with the Land Tax raifed to 
 four Shillings in the Pound will yield 2,300,000 /. 
 per Annum over and above the ordinary Services of 
 Government. The Proprietors of the National 
 Debt defire no Part of their Capital, but only the 
 Intereft ;. therefore this Sum may be applied to carry 
 on a War, and whatever it falls deficient for the 
 
 F Purpofc 
 
[66 ] 
 
 Purpofe to 1757, may undoubtedly be borrowed 
 at Three per Cent, per Annum. For fuch a lacred 
 Regard has been paid to publick Faith and private 
 Property, on all Occafions, fince the Revolution, 
 that public Credit has gradually extended from that 
 glorious Epocha to the prefent Time, and we were 
 convinced the other Day that it never was fo ex- 
 tenfive as at prefent. But in 1757 the Excefs of 
 the Sinking Fund will be, from the Rcdudlion of 
 Intereft, the Salt Duty which will then be redeemed, 
 and 'the Land Tax at Four Shillings in th ^ t'ound, 
 3,200,000 /. over and above the ordinary Exigen- 
 ces of Government, which is fufficient to carry oa 
 fuch a War as this Country ought, if poflible, to 
 carry on, I mean a Naval War in all Parts of the 
 Globe without borrowing a Shilling. But if it 
 Ihould be found neceflary, as it always has been> 
 to divert the Power of France in Europe from be- 
 ing wholly bent againft this TJlandy which if it vyas 
 you would be obliged to keep great part of your 
 Naval Force at Home for your own Defence, and 
 confequently annoy and diftrefs the Enemy the lefs 
 Abroad, by attacking them in Europe on the Con-' 
 tinent, and you fliould want to borrow a Million or 
 two per yfnnum : Such is the flourilhing State of 
 Public Credit, and muft continue to be, from a 
 Senfe that the extraordinary Expence can be but (em- 
 porary^ and that the Revenue of 2,200,000/. per 
 Annum to pay off in Times of Peace is perpetual^, 
 chat you can never want it. So that, however great 
 a Paradox it may appear at firft Sight, this Coun- 
 try never was, in point of Finances, fo capable to 
 go to War when it did not owe a Shilling, as at 
 this Inftantwhen it owes 72,000,000/. Forwhefk 
 was it that we had a (landing Revenue of 2,200,000 /. 
 befides the occafional Million from the Land Tax 
 raifed to four Shillings in the Pound, and the ordi- 
 nary 
 
[ 67 1 
 
 nary Services of Government ? Or when was Pub- 
 lic Credit fo extenfive tor new Loans as at this 
 prefent Time, tlio' to all Appearance we are at the 
 Eve of a War with the moll formidable Nation in 
 Europe ? And has it not often happened in former 
 Times, when the Nation owed little or nothing, 
 and Government was in the greateft Diftrefs for Sup- 
 plies, that the People could not, or would not, ei- 
 ther pay or lend them ? 
 
 But what a gteat Aid will this Ability receive if 
 the Oeconomy of our America?! Colonies is put up- 
 on a wife and folid Foundation for the mutual In- 
 tereft of Great- Brit aimnd her Colonics ? Then they 
 will require neither Troops nor Money from this 
 Country for their own Defence, or to drive the 
 French out of the New Worlds or any other Af- 
 fiftance, but that of Men of War, and the Main- 
 tenance of the regular Troops that have been or- 
 dered there from hence, let the War be ever fo long 
 or difcontiguous, which will be not only preventing 
 a va(l future Expence, but the faving of the whole 
 of the prefent for all America^ except the regular 
 Troops and Men ot War. 
 
 A Fund more than equal to thefe great and ne- 
 ceflary Services in America may be railed in his 
 Majejiy^s Colonies in fuch a Manner, 
 
 As will free their Trade and Commerce from in- 
 judicious and deftrp6live Imports and Reflridions ; 
 
 As will put a cornpleat and final End to all il- 
 licit Trade in all our Colonies, whereby foreign Pro- 
 duce and Manufadlures, clandeftinely introduced, 
 fhall be utterly excluded, and Britijh Produce and 
 Manufactures fubftituted in lieu of them ; 
 
 As will highly pleafe and oblige the landed and 
 trading Interefts of America in fcveral confiderable 
 Branches and be no more offenfive to them in 
 
 F 2 others 
 
 '1 
 
[68 ] 
 
 Others than any nnodcrate Tax for Self-defence, l^c, 
 is to the bravefl: and mofl loyal People •, 
 
 As will be fo apportioned as to demand no more 
 of each Colony, or each Perfon, than a juft and 
 equal Share, according to their refpe<ftive Abilities, 
 compared with the whole j 
 
 As will fteer clear of all the DifHculties, to the 
 Satisfa6tion oF King and People, jn appropriating 
 and iiluing public Money complained of by the 
 Crown, which has created the greaif ft Uneafinefs in 
 the Colonics j 
 
 As Will not opprefs, plagi:e, and harrafs them 
 jn the Colle<5^ion, or be moftly funk by the Col- 
 lectors i And, 
 
 As will enable Government to apply it in any 
 Part of America^ fo that the Strongeft. ihall fupport 
 the Wcakeft, and the unexpofed the expofed, Co* 
 lony i and all of them (hall aft in Concert againft 
 the common Enemy, without any of the Rifques 
 ind Difadvantages of the Albany Plan of a Union. 
 
 Upon thefe Principles, and with thefc Views,- I 
 ihall humbly propofe a Plan in my laft Chapter, 
 that appears to me to be adequate to thefe impor- 
 tant Objects ; and if it is carried into Execution, or 
 fome other that will produce the like EfFeds, we 
 need not fear driving the Frcrch out of the Ne%v 
 Worlds for in our Northern Colonies we have up- 
 wards of 300,000 efFe(5tive Men, and the French 
 have not 30,000 in all New- France and Louifiani, 
 The State of Now let US tum the Tables and look into the 
 Finances of France ; and here we find from Au- 
 thority that ihey have anticipated, or funk, their 
 whole Revenue till 1761, fo that the King has not 
 a fingle Branch but what is mortgaged down to that 
 Year, at fix or feven per Cent. Intereft, and which 
 even he cannot refume without deftroying the whole 
 Syftem of public Credit in his Kingdom. But by 
 
 renewing 
 
 the Frtntb 
 FiniACCs. 
 
 
•,i 
 
 ' 
 
 [ 69 ] 
 renewing ibme Taxes he took foon after the late 
 War, and levying the twentieth Penny upon the 
 Clergy, he will be enabled to borrow, at exorbitant 
 Intereft, imnienfe Sums till his other Revenues are 
 redeemed. However tliis muft make his People, 
 with the other peculiar Diftreflcs accompanying a 
 War with us, very uneafy ; and his Power muft be 
 greatly enervated to what it would be if his ufual 
 Revenues were unincumbered. And as to his North- 
 American Colonies, he can't raile a Shilling in them 
 for their Defence, which with his payii^^ upwards 1 
 of 1,000,000 /. Sterling* /)fr Annum in Subfidiesto 
 foreign Princes, gives the bed Opportunity we can \ 
 ever exped:, from his Finunces, to attack and re- 
 duce his dangerous Power. 
 
 Our Fleet confifts of more than double the Num-The J^'ij^ 
 ber of Ships and Guns that the French Fleet does. Fi«t«'^om. 
 But if the French go on upon the Plan for reltoringi"'*''* 
 their Navy, that they have purlutd ever fince the 
 Peace of Aix La ChapelUy their Fleet will in 1761 
 confift of a hunJred and twenty Ships of the I,ine, 
 sad it does not exceed lixty-four of that Size now 
 in the Water and building. Therefore nothing but 
 a War can prevent this Branch of their Power from 
 becoming too great. for our Controul, and vlifen- ; 
 ever this fhaU be the Cafe, adieu to all that is dear 
 and valuable in this Country. 
 
 Notwithftanding the DitUh arc funk lower in the SntijhnDi 
 Political World, than ever their Country was in the ^'"'^ ■^"'^ 
 Watery, we have a new and more powerful Ally pared. °"' 
 pf our own creating, than ever they were by Land, 
 jn the Emprefs ^een j to her we are to add the 
 Emprefs of Ruffia^ che King of Poland^ who is a 
 Subfidi^ry Ally of ours, the King Ele^or of H^h- 
 the Prince of Hejfe, the Flexor of Bavaria^ 
 
 nover. 
 
 who is a Subfidiary Ally of ours alfo, and the King 
 pf Sardinia. In Oppoucion to thcfc, France has 
 
 the 
 
 \ 
 
 
[70] 
 
 the Kings of Sweden^ Denmark^ and PrAjiay x^ 
 whom fhe pays annually in Subfidics 725,00;. *. Ster- 
 ling ; and the Elector of Cologne^ who has alfo r^ 
 Subfidy from her, who it is more thun poffible are 
 all the Allies Ihe can depend upon in Caje c f a War 
 with us •; tor Spain^ it is almofl iinpolfibie to ima- 
 gine will interfere as fhc can hive no Intereft in the 
 Qiiarrcl, and it is more eflcntul to her to prefcrve 
 Peace with Great-Britam^ tnan all the other Powers 
 of Europe \ and if fhe does not meddle, it is highly 
 probable neither Parma nor Naples will, as thofc 
 two Courts are greatly fiipported and influenced by 
 Spain. But to admit Spain does join France^ and 
 declare againfl us, her Navy added to that of France^ 
 -will then be no more than equal to that of ours in 
 Ships and Guns, and the Spaniards cannot man their 
 fleet, nor the French vidtual theirs, in Time of 
 War, fo as to a6t with full and combined Force at 
 once. Therefore if this fhould be the Cafe, we 
 :(hall have nothing to fear but upon the Continent 
 of Europe^ where there can be no other Authority 
 at prefcnt than mere Conjedure for what Part our 
 Allies, or thofe of France^ will aft, or how far 
 either Side (hall make it the Interefl of fome of thfe 
 Powers in Alliance to maintain a Neutrality, and 
 others to take the Field. But I believe no Perfon 
 that knows the Intereft and Abilities of the feveral 
 Allies mentioned, will deny, but that we are now not 
 only more able to divert the Force of France from 
 this Ifland, than in the late War, but that we fhall be 
 capable of afting ofFenfively, and perhaps fo effec- 
 tually, as to give us an Opportunity to employ the 
 whole of our Fleet in annoying and diftrefTmg the 
 Enemy at Sea in all Parts, and to be able to retain 
 whatever we recover or conquer in the New-World. 
 But to fuppofe we and our Allies fhould be beat and 
 diftrefTed upon the Continent of Europe^ it is only 
 giving up fome one or other of our Conquefls in 
 
 Amema 
 
 Am 
 
/ 
 
 r 7' ] 
 
 America^ and we may whenever wc plcafe, or the 
 general State of Lurcpe requires it, reconcile jarr- 
 ing Intercfts and purchafe Repolb. This was ex- 
 perienced in the late War by the Keddition of Cape^ 
 Breton. And as this was tlie C^ife by the fingle Con- 
 qiieft of Cape-Breton^ when France was in PofTeiri- 
 on of Madrafs and the Netherlands^ and Holland 
 lay at their Mercy, with an infinitely fuperior Ar- 
 my in the Field to that of the Allies, fluflied with 
 a long Courfe of uninterriiped Vidtories, what Terms 
 cannot you command for yourlelves and your Allies, 
 when you have all their American Colonies in your" 
 PoffelTion •, which, with proper Conduct, and the 
 Blefling of God, that wc are the more intitled to 
 expeft from the Juftice of our Caufe, miift be the 
 Cafe in a few Years after War commences ? TheZ*!! 
 
 To thefe Confiderations it may not be n^zl^-*^,^^ 
 propos to add, that his Majejiy having ever made Maj^fy* 
 the Laws of the Land the Rule of his Anions, andSrE^ 
 exercifed the Prerogatives of the Crown with that"uf3«««°« 
 Mildnefs, Juftice, and Propriety as on all Occa-t'wa"** 
 fions to make them, what they were by our ex- 
 cellent Conftitution of Government intended for, a 
 BlelTing to the People •, and his having employed 
 for a Number of Years that upright, moderate, im- 
 partial, prudent, and wife Minifter, who was lately 
 too fiiddenly fnatched to Glory, the Minds of Men / 
 have been reconciled, and his Majefty, his Fami- ' 
 ly, and his Government are eftabJiflied in the Hearts 
 and Affeclions of his Subjetfts unanimoufly, which 
 is the ftrongell and bcft Bafis a Throne cnn be 
 founded upon. Th^rcTore France^ nor any other 
 Enemy of his Majefty^ his Government, and theft 
 Kingdoms, cannot have the leaft Encouragemciu 
 to hope for a Rebellion in this Country, or the Jeaft 
 Countenance and AfTiftance in invadino; it from a- 
 mongll ouifclvcs. And a War with France muft 
 appear fo juft and aeceiTury to every Man, and ou; 
 
 Abiiitr 
 
[ 72 J 
 Ability to carry it on fo fuperior to whatever it was 
 at any other time, that it is.impoflible but the whole 
 People fliould be unanimous for it, and their whole 
 Thoughts bent upon no other public Enterprize, 
 but revenging the Wrongs and Indignities impofed 
 upon us by France, And this they have given an 
 Earned of, by the unparallelled Spirit and vigor- 
 ous Afliftancc all Ranks, in all Parts, have exhibit- 
 ed on the Profpeft of a War. 
 
 Upon the Whole, fuch is the State of our Af- 
 fairs in every Part of his Majejiyh Dominions, the 
 State of France^ and the general Srate of Europe^ 
 that we never can expc(fl fuch another favourable 
 Coincidence of fuch a Variety of Confiderations for 
 entering into a War with Francty to maintain our 
 Honour and Influence, our Colonies, our Com- 
 merce and Riches, indeed our Lives and Liberties. 
 And it is abfurd to fuppofe we fhall ever be ftronger 
 for a War, in Proportion to the growing Power of 
 FfancCy than we are now. 
 
 7he Eni. of the Third Chapter. 
 
 N, B. T^he Reft of the Work will be puhlijhed 
 with all pojfible Dijpatch, 
 
It was 
 vhole 
 
 prize, 
 pofed 
 in an 
 ^igor- 
 hibit- 
 
 Af. 
 s, the 
 urope^ 
 arable 
 nsfor 
 [1 our 
 Com- 
 erties. 
 onger 
 rer of